The Hiſtory of the CHURCH of SCOTLAND.

THE church-government in Scotland was epiſ⯑copal, from the time of their converſion to the Chriſtian religion, which was begun by Palladius a⯑bout the year 430 ^* after the birth of our Saviour; or rather, from the firſt eſtabliſhment of Chriſtian churches in that kingdom, in the fifth and ſixth centuries, and ſo continued till the reformation took place, in the reigns of Mary, mother of James I. and of Mary I. of Eng⯑land; but the Preſbyterian diſcipline was not finally eſtabliſhed therein until the reign of King William and Mary, A. D. 1689, when epiſcopacy was totally aboliſhed.

[35]Mr. John Knox, a native of Scotland, and a bold and courageous divine, was the inſtrument, in the hands of Providence, to bring about the work of re⯑formation in that kingdom, for which he was well qualified by his undaunted ſpirit, his learning, and his eloquence, which were extraordinary for thoſe times. He had been a public preacher, in King Edward VI.'s reign, in England; was, in the next, an exile at Franckfort, and afterwards one of the Paſtors of the Engliſh congregation at Geneva: from thence he came to Edinburgh, May 2, 1559, being then 54 years of age. He ſettled at Perth; but was unwearied in his travels and labours over the whole kingdom ^†. He had the boldneſs to maintain this poſition, "That if Kings and Princes refuſed to reform religion, inferior magiſtrates and the people, being directed and inſtruct⯑ed in the truth by their preachers, may lawfully reform within their own bounds themſelves; and if all, or the far greater part, be enlightened by the truth, they may make a public reformation."

Upon this principle Knox and his brethren petition⯑ed the Queen-mother, who was Regent for her daugh⯑ter Queen Mary, then in France, for liberty to aſſem⯑ble publickly or privately, for the performance of re⯑ligious duties and offices in the vulgar tongue, and for adminiſtring the ſacrament of the Lord's ſupper in both kinds, according to the inſtitution of Jeſus Chriſt. Their petition, tho' ſo reaſonable, not being admitted, an aſſociation was formed by a conſiderable number of the nobility, who reſolved to riſk their lives and for⯑tunes in behalf of the indulgence they had requeſted. They encouraged the curates of the pariſhes within their reſpective diſtricts to read the prayers and leſſons in Engliſh; but not to expound the ſcriptures till li⯑berty was obtained from the Queen. This being practiſed, with ſucceſs, at Perth and ſome neighbour⯑ing [36]places, and no diſturbance enſuing, the aſſociation was entered into by greater numbers, and even at Edinburgh, the capital, many ſigned it

Having made ſuch a multitude of proſelytes, they again petitioned the Queen-Regent, and repreſented to her the unreaſonableneſs of the r [...]gour ſhe exerciſed a⯑gainſt the Proteſtants, conſidering their numbers: but the Regent continued deaf to their remonſtrances, and rejected every moderate meaſure to which ſhe was ad⯑viſed.

When the parliament met, the congregation, or chiefs of the aſſociation, preſented a ſet of articles to the Regent, relative to liberty of conſcience, to be laid before the houſe; but ſhe would not admit them to be debated; whereupon they drew up the following pro⯑teſtation, and deſired it might be recorded: "That ſince they could not procure a reformation, agreeable to the word of God, from the government, that it might be lawful for them to follow the dictates of their own conſciences: that none that joined them in the profeſſion of the true faith ſhould be liable to any civil penalties, or incur any damages for ſo doing. If any tumults ariſe on the ſcore of religion, they proteſt the imputation ought not to lie upon them, who now humbly entreat for a regular remedy; and that in all other things they will be moſt loyal ſubjects."

The Regent having acquainted the court of France with the ſituation of affairs, received orders to ſuffer no other religion but the Roman Catholic. and a pro⯑miſe to ſupply her with forces to back her proceedings. Hereupon ſhe ſummoned the inhabitants of Perth, and the reformed miniſters, to appear before her at Stir⯑ling; and they accordingly attended, followed by multitudes of people, well armed, and determined to defend them, if any violence were offered to their per⯑ſons. This ſight filled the Regent with apprehenſions for her ſafety, and ſhe prayed the multitude might re⯑tire, giving her word that nothing ſhould be decreed [37]againſt the miniſters. However, as ſoon as they had yielded to her perſuaſions, and were retired quietly home, ſhe condemned them for non-appearance.

The falſification of her promiſe no [...]ooner reached Perth, than the burghers, encouraged by the neigh⯑bouring nobility and gentry, formed an army of 7000 men, which was put under the command of the Earl of Glencairn, for the defence of their miniſters againſt the Regent, who marched againſt them with an army compoſed of French and Scotch, in order to drive them out of their country. Seeing the burghers had made preparations to give her a warm reception, ſhe was willing to conſent to a treaty, by which it was agreed ſhe ſhould be received into the city with all due honour, and ſuffered to reſide there ſome days, provided ſhe promiſed to make no alteration in religion, but refer⯑red what related thereto to the parliament, and the Scotch forces, on both ſides, to be diſmiſſed. But the wily Regent had no ſooner entered the city, and the reformed had diſmiſſed their troops, than ſhe broke the articles, ſet up the maſs, and left a French garri⯑ſon in the town, with a reſolution to make it a place of arms. She alſo declared that "promiſes were not to be kept with hereticks;" whereupon the congrega⯑tions of Fife, Perth, Dundee, Angus, Merns, and Montroſe, raiſed a body of men, and engaged to ſtand by one another, in maintenance of the reformation, with their lives and fortunes. Mr. Knox inſpirited them by his prea [...]hing, and the common people, warm with reſentment, pulled down altars and images, de⯑ſtroyed the Popiſh ornaments in churches, and plun⯑dered many monaſteries. The Regent marched againſt them at the head of 2000 French, and 2000 Scotch, in French pay; but not being inclined to hazard a bat⯑tle, ſhe retired to Dunbar, and the reformers made themſelves maſters of Perth, Scoon, Stirling, and Linlithgow, which ſoon produced a truce, and the re⯑formed miniſters had liberty to preach in the pulpits [38]at Edinburgh, for the preſent. But the ſcene was ſoon changed, and upon receiving the recruits and money from France, the Regent took poſſeſſion of Leith, fortified it, and ſtored it with every thing ne⯑ceſſary for its defence. The confederates complained of this breach of the truce, and beſought her to de⯑moliſh the works; but ſhe commanded them not to violate their allegiance, and to lay down their arms. To inforce her commands, ſhe marched ſuddenly to Edinburgh, and obliged them to deſert that capital and retire to Stirling; but the French troops following them cloſe at the heels, they were diſperſed into the mountains. The ſpirit which actuated them was far from being abated in this diſtreſs, and they even pub⯑liſhed a proclamation, wherein they deprived the Re⯑gent of her authority, and threatened to treat all thoſe as enemies who obeyed her orders. Theſe ſort of acts, tho' they were tokens of their fortitude, yet could not enable them to face the Regent's forces, whereupon they reſolved to put themſelves under the protection of Queen Elizabeth. That wiſe Princeſs weighing the nature of the caſe, and perceiving the danger that would ariſe to her own crown, as well as the Proteſtant religion, if Scotland became entirely attached to Popery, under the government of a Popiſh Queen, who was alſo Queen of France, and claimed the crown of Eng⯑land, entered into an alliance with the confederate re⯑formers, to ſupport them in their religious and civil liberties; and the treaty was ſigned at Berwick, Fe⯑bruary 27, 1560. By this treaty the Queen engaged to ſend forces into Scotland, to continue there till Scotland was reſtored to its liberties and privileges, and the French driven out of the kingdom. Eliza⯑beth purſuant thereto ſent a body of forces, conſiſting of 7000 foot and 1200 horſe, which joined an army of the ſame force, raiſed by the confederates. This combined army was, ſometime afterwards, reinforced from the northern marches, by a large detachment, [39]commanded by the Duke of Norfolk; and upon this junction they reduced Leith, and obliged the Regent to ſhut herſelf up in the caſtle of Edinburgh, where ſhe deceaſed June 10, 1560.

The French alarmed at this progreſs would have reſtored Calais, provided Elizabeth would recall her forces from Scotland; but this ſhe abſolutely refuſed. But the troubles in France laid the French, ſoon after, under a neceſſity of ſending for their troops home, for which purpoſe they diſpatched plenipotentiaries into Scotland to treat with thoſe of Elizabeth about the method of withdrawing them, and the reſtoration of the Scotch to their parliamentary government.

At the beginning of the month of Auguſt ^* a treaty was concluded, by which a general amneſty was granted; the Engliſh and French troops were to with⯑draw in two months; and a parliament was to be aſ⯑ſembled with all convenient ſpeed to ſettle the affairs of religion and the kingdom. Though Francis and Mary refuſed to ratify this treaty, the parliament aſ⯑ſembled in Auguſt 1560, by virtue thereof, without any direct authority from the crown for that purpoſe. Francis indeed died before they met, and left his wife, Queen Mary, a young, and not very prudent widow, being entirely and zealouſly attached to Po⯑pery, and under the management of her French re⯑lations.

The barons and gentlemen petitioned the parliament to ſuppreſs the doctrines of the church of Rome, in certain exceptionable points; to revive the ancient church-diſcipline, and to aboliſh the Pope's uſurped authority.

All this received their approbation, and the miniſters were deſired to draw up a confeſſion of faith: this they performed, in twenty-ſix articles, following there⯑in the ſentiments of Calvin and the foreign reformers. [40]This confeſſion being read, was carried in the parlia⯑ment, only three voices diſſenting therefrom, and the Popiſh prelates offering no arguments in defence of the old religion

By another act they aboliſhed the authority of the Pope, and reading maſs was to be puniſhed; for the firſt offence with loſs of goods; for the ſecond, with baniſhment; and for the third, with death. This laſt puniſhment was certainly not to be defended in theſe reformers: difference of ſentiment may ariſe from want of underſtanding, or from the prejudices of education; and no man, as a good writer has ob⯑ſerved, ſhould be deſtroyed for his ſincerity, unleſs his opinions tend to mutiny and treaſon, and ſap the foun⯑dations of civil ſociety.

When the parliament broke up, a commiſſion di⯑rected to Mr. Knox, Mr. Willock, Mr. Spotſwood, and ſome other divines, to draw up a ſcheme of diſ⯑cipline for the church, was executed by them nearly upon the plan of the church at Geneva; ſave that they admitted ſuperintendants in the name of Biſhops, and, in the ordination of miniſters, rejected the impo⯑ſition of hands; their reaſon for the latter omiſſion was, that they apprehended miracles formerly accom⯑panied that ceremony, which they now imagined had ceaſed. They appointed ſuperintendants, to the num⯑ber of ten or twelve, to plant and erect kirks, and to appoint miniſters where there were none already. "But," ſay they, "theſe men muſt not live like idle Biſhops, but muſt preach themſelves twice or thrice a week, and viſit their diſtricts every three or four months, to inſpect the lives and behaviour of the parochial miniſters, to redreſs grievances, or bring them before an aſſembly of the kirk." Theſe ſuper⯑intendants were to be elected by the miniſters and elders of the ſeveral provinces, and to be deprived by them for miſbehaviour. The aſſemblies of the kirk [41]were to be claſſical, provincial and national, in which laſt the ſupreme kirk juriſdiction was repoſed.

The reformers warmly expected that when this plan of diſcipline was laid before the eſtates, it would meet with a parliamentary ſanction; but inſtead there⯑of it was referred to future conſideration. Upon which, after the receſs of parliament, many of the nobles, barons and chief men of the nation, met to⯑gether, at the inſtance of Mr. Knox, and ſigned the plan, reſolving to abide by the new diſcipline, till it ſhould be confirmed or altered by parliament: thus, in effect, without the authority of an act of parlia⯑ment, the hierarchical government was laid aſide, and the kirk of Scotland eſtabliſhed, though, as will be ſeen, it had the ſanction of no law, till ſome years after.

It may not be improper, before we proceed, to ex⯑plain the motives of the firſt reformers for making ſo great a difference in the new model of church-government, from that which had been ſo long eſta⯑bliſhed, and to reflect a little upon the proceedings already related.

^* As the vices of the clergy had at firſt excited the indignation of mankind, and rouſed that ſpirit of enquiry which proved ſo fatal to the whole Popiſh ſyſtem: as this diſguſt at the vices of eccleſiaſtics was ſoon tranferred to their perſons, and ſhifting from them, by no violent tranſition, ſettled at laſt on the offices they enjoyed; the effects of the reformation would naturally have extended not only to the doc⯑trine, but to the government of the Popiſh church, and the ſame ſpirit which aboliſhed the former would have overturned the latter. But in Germany, Eng⯑land, and the Northern kingdoms, its operations were checked by the power and policy of their Princes, and the ancient epiſcopal juriſdiction, under a few limita⯑tions, [42]was ſtill continued in thoſe churches. The epiſ⯑copal hierarchy appears to be more conformable to the practice of the church, ſince Chriſtianity be⯑came the eſtabliſhed religion of the Roman empire. The eccleſiaſtical government was, at that time, plainly copied from the civil; the firſt not only borrowed its form, but derived its authority from the latter, and the dioceſes and juriſdiction of Patriarchs, Archbiſhops and Biſhops, correſponded with the diviſion and con⯑ſtitution of the empire. In Switzerland and the Low Countries, the nature of the government allowing full ſcope to the genius of the reformation, all pre-emi⯑nence of order in the church was deſtroyed, and an equality eſtabliſhed more ſuitable to the ſpirit of re⯑publican policy. The ſituation of the primitive church ſuggeſted the idea, and furniſhed the model of the latter ſyſtem, which has ſince been called Preſbyterian. The firſt Chriſtians, oppreſſed by continual perſecu⯑tions, and obliged to hold their religious aſſemblies by ſtealth and in corners, were contented with a form of government extremely ſimple. The influence of re⯑ligion concurred with the ſenſe of danger, in extin⯑guiſhing among them the ſpirit of ambition, and in preſerving a parity of rank, the effects of their ſuffer⯑ings, and the cauſe of many of their virtues — Calvin ^*, whoſe deciſions were received among the Proteſtants of that age, with incredible ſubmiſſion, was the patron and reſtorer of this ſcheme of eccle⯑ſiaſtical policy. The church of Geneva, formed under his eye, and by his direction, was eſteemed the moſt perfect model of this government, and Knox, who during his reſidence in that city had ſtudied and ad⯑mired it, warmly recommended it to the imitation of his countrymen.

Among the Scotch nobles ſome hated the perſons, others coveted the wealth of the dignified clergy, [43]and, by aboliſhing that order of men, the former in⯑dulged their reſentment, and the latter hoped to gra⯑tify their avarice. The people, inflamed with the moſt violent averſion to Popery, and approving every ſcheme that departed fartheſt from the practice of the Romiſh church, were delighted with a ſyſtem ſo admirably ſuited to their predominant paſſion; while the friends of civil liberty beheld, with pleaſure, the Proteſtant clergy putting down-with their own hands, that fabric of eccleſiaſtical power, which their predeceſſors had reared with ſo much art and induſtry, and flattered themſelves, that, by lending their aid to ſtrip church⯑men of their dignity and wealth, they might entirely deliver the nation from their exorbitant and oppreſſive juriſdiction. The new mode of government eaſily made its way among men thus prepared by their various intereſts and paſſions for its reception.

But, on the firſt introduction of his ſyſtem, Knox did not deem it expedient to depart altogether from the ancient form ^*; inſtead of Biſhops, he propoſed to eſtabliſh ten or twelve ſuperintendants in different parts of the kingdom: theſe, as the name implies, were impowered to inſpect the life and doctrine of the other clergy, as before obſerved; they preſided in the inferior judicatories of the church, and performed ſeveral other parts of the epiſcopal functions: their juriſdic⯑tions however extended to ſacred things only, they claimed no feat in parliament, and pretended no rights to the dignity or revenues of the former Biſhops.

The number of inferior clergy, to whom the care of parochial duty could be committed, was ſtill extremely ſmall. They had embraced the principles of the re⯑formation at different times, and from various mo⯑tives: during the public commotions, they were ſcat⯑tered, merely by chance, over the different provinces of the kingdom, and in a few places only were formed [44]into regular claſſes or ſocieties. The firſt general aſ⯑ſembly of the church which was held, December 20, 1560, bears all the marks of an infant, unformed church or ſociety; the members were but few in num⯑ber, and of no conſiderable rank; no uniform or con⯑ſiſtent rule ſeems to have been obſerved in electing them. From a great part of the kingdom no repreſen⯑tatives appeared; in the name of ſome counties only one perſon was preſent, while other ſingle towns de⯑puted ſeveral. A convention ſo feeble and irregular could poſſeſs no great authority; and, conſcious of their weakneſs the members put an end to their de⯑bates, without venturing upon any deciſion of much importance ^*.

Knox, as already obſerved, with the aſſiſtance of his brethren, in order to give greater ſtrength and con⯑ſiſtency to the Preſbyterian plan, compoſed the firſt book of diſcipline, which contains the model or plat⯑form of the intended policy. They preſented it to a convention of the eſtates in 1561; and whatever re⯑gulations were propoſed with regard to eccleſiaſtic diſ⯑cipline and juriſdiction, would have eaſily obtained the ſanction of that aſſembly; but a deſign to recover the patrimony of the church, which was therein inſinuated, met with a very different reception ^†.

In vain did the clergy diſplay the advantages which would accrue to the public by a proper application of eccleſiaſtical revenues; in vain did they propoſe, by an impartial diſtribution of this fund, to promote true religion, to encourage learning, and to ſupport the poor; in vain did they even intermingle threat⯑nings of the divine diſpleaſure, againſt the unjuſt de⯑tainers of what was appropriated to a ſacred uſe. The nobles treated this as a project altogether viſio⯑nary, and, ſo far attached to their intended reforma⯑tion, they would admit of no pleas to retard it.

[45]But to return to the thread of our hiſtory: Mary, Queen of Scots, returned to Scotland in Auguſt 1561, and might have had a ſafe-conduct through England, if ſhe had conſented to ratify the treaty of Aug 1560; but rather than comply, ſhe choſe to r [...]n all riſks, and, to her great mortification, found her people in general, with very few exceptions, converted to Proteſtantiſm. She herſelf was, by the aſſembly in 1565, confined to have maſs only in her private chapel, and unaccom⯑panied with that pomp and oſtentation which perhaps alone rendered it the favourite ſervice of the votaries of the church of Rome. The Queen, bred up in a reverence for that church, would certainly have me⯑rited a gentler treatment than ſhe received; but the reformed did not, in her caſe, conſider the prejudices of education: the general aſſembly petitioned her to ratify the acts of parliament for aboliſhing the maſs, and for obliging all her ſubjects to frequent the re⯑formed worſhip. She replied, that ſhe ſaw no impiety in the maſs, and was determined not to quit the reli⯑gion in which ſhe was bred, being ſatisfied it was founded in the word of God, and that her change would alſo be prejudicial to her temporal intereſt. Without any ſtretch of Chriſtian charity, theſe were certainly her ſentiments; and the return of the gene⯑ral aſſembly was very coarſe, and very little to the purpoſe, viz. "That Turciſm ſtood upon as good ground as Popery." What followed, in their replica⯑tion, was more worthy of the venerable aſſembly, when they required her, "in the name of the eternal God, to inform herſelf better, by frequenting ſermons, and conferring with learned men." However, the Queen was not to be moved, and continued, with a blind zeal, to perſiſt in the errors ſhe had embraced.

In 1567, the Pope's authority in matters eccleſi⯑aſtical was again aboliſhed in the parliament and aſ⯑ſembly at Edinburgh; and the act of 1560, for re⯑nouncing the juriſdiction of the court of Rome, was [46]confirmed, and all acts paſſed in former reigns, for the ſupport of Popiſh idolatry, were annulled; the new confeſſion of faith was ratified, and the Proteſtant miniſters, and thoſe of their communion, declared to be the true and only church within the realm. The examination and admiſſion of miniſters was declared to be only in the power and diſpoſition of the church, with a ſaving clauſe for lay patrons. By another act, the future Kings, at their coronation, were to take an oath to maintain the reformed religion, as then pro⯑feſſed; and by a third act, none but thoſe who pro⯑feſſed the reformed religion, as then eſtabliſhed, were to be capable of being judges or proctors, or of prac⯑tiſing in any of the courts of juſtice, excepting the right of offices hereditary, or for life.

The general aſſembly declared their approbation of the diſcipline of the reformed churches of Geneva and Switzerland, and of a parity among miniſters, in op⯑poſition to the ſuperior claim of Biſhops. However, as theſe acts of aſſembly were not confirmed by parlia⯑ment, epiſcopal government could not be ſaid to be legally aboliſhed, though it was tacitly ſuſpended till the King came of age, and all church-affairs managed by preſbyteries and general aſſemblies. But the gene⯑ral aſſembly aſſerted their power of the keys at this pe⯑riod, by depoſing the Biſhop of Orkney, for marrying the Queen to the Earl of Bothwell, and by making the Counteſs of Argyle do penance for aſſiſting at the marriage.

Eccleſiaſtical affairs, after this, lay dormant for a conſiderable time, while the civil government under⯑went many extraordinary revolutions; though the church was under many uneaſy apprehenſions from the conſequences that might reſult from them, in regard to the peace and happineſs of the eccleſiaſtical body. Two things chiefly ingroſſed the attention of the cler⯑gy. The one was, the forming a ſyſtem of diſcipline or eccleſiaſtical polity, which, with much difficulty, [47]was in ſome meaſure effected; the other was, the abo⯑lition of the epiſcopal order. This was in the year 1581. And in the year 1582. another general aſſem⯑bly of the preſbytery met at Glaſgow, wherein, with much warmth, the dignities, honours, emolum [...]nts, and the very function of Biſhops, were attacked. The nobles viewed their power with jealouſy; the common people conſidered their lives as profane, and wiſhed their downfal with equal ardour; and at length an act was paſſed, declaring the office of Biſhop, as it was then exerciſed within the realm, to have neither foundation nor warrant in the word of God; and re⯑quired, under pain of excommunication, all who now poſſeſſed that office, inſtantly to reſign it, and to ab⯑ſtain from preaching or adminiſtering the ſacrament, till they ſhould receive permiſſion from the aſſembly. Some of the proceedings of the aſſembly were laid be⯑fore the court, and the decree which followed there⯑upon; but the court did not acquieſce therein: and very warm repreſentations enſued, both from the Epiſ⯑copalian and Preſbyterian parties ^*.

However, an attention to civil affairs prevented any thing conſiderable to be done; inſomuch that many of the nobles, and many others of the people, who pro⯑feſſed to be actuated by a religious zeal, and provoked by the injuries offered to the church, determined to protect the Proteſtant religion by force of arms: they therefore conjured the King not to diſappoint their hopes and wiſhes, nor to refuſe the ſuffering church that aid which ſhe ſo much needed: but ſo little ſuc⯑ceſs attended their meaſures, that the King called a convention of eſtates on June 5, 1597, who humbled the power of the church, and abridged the privileges of the city of Edinburgh. The city was declared to have forfeited its privileges as a corporation; the ca⯑pital of the kingdom was deprived of magiſtrates, at [48]leaſt not allowed to elect their own magiſtrates, nor their own miniſters; many new burdens were impoſed on them, and a great ſum of money was exacted by way of peace-offering.

King James having thus far ſucceeded in his mea⯑ſures, he was now very aſſiduous in forming and exe⯑cuting other ſchemes to complete his deſign: and in order, if poſſible, to gain the clergy, whom he had in vain attempted to ſubdue, popular agents were ſet to work all over the kingdom; promiſes, flattery, and threats were employed; the uſurpations of the bre⯑thren, near the capital, were aggravated; the jealouſy of their power, which was growing in the diſtant pro⯑vinces, was augmented, and two different general aſ⯑ſembles were held, in both which, notwithſtanding the zeal and boldneſs wherewith a few leading clergymen defended the privileges of the church, a majority de⯑clared in favour of thoſe meaſures which were agree⯑able to the King. Many practices, which had con⯑tinued ſince the reformation, were condemned; many points of diſcipline, which had hitherto been reckoned ſacred and uncontroverted, were given up: the licence with which miniſters diſcourſed of political things was reſtrained, the freedom with which they inveighed againſt particular perſons cenſured, the convoking a general aſſembly without the King's permiſſion pro⯑hibited, and the right of nominating miniſters in the principal towns veſted in the crown. Thus, the clergy themſelves ſurrendered privileges which it would have been dangerous to invade by force, and ſubjected themſelves and ſucceſſors to an intolerable yoke, which leſſened the popular topic of the encroachments of the King, and turned the general out-cry of the people on the corruptions of their own order ^*.

[49]The King however found it no eaſy matter to carry his point, though he was ſo intent upon new-mo⯑delling the church as to neglect other objects of go⯑vernment. Towards the end of the year 1598, a parliament was held in order to confer certain privi⯑leges and honours upon the Biſhops; and an act was paſſed, by which thoſe miniſters on whom the King ſhould confer the vacant biſhoprics, ſhould be intitled to vote in parliament; and that the clergy might con⯑ceive no jealouſy of any encroachments on their privi⯑leges, it was remitted to the general aſſembly to de⯑termine what ſpiritual juriſdiction or authority in the government of the church, theſe perſons ſhould poſ⯑ſeſs: but though the clergy perceived it would be an acceſſion of honour to be admitted into the ſupreme council of the nation, their abhorrence of epiſcopacy was extreme; and to this they ſacrificed every conſide⯑ration of intereſt or ambition. All the King's profeſ⯑ſions of regard for the preſent conſtitution of the church did not convince them of his ſincerity; their own experience had taught them with what inſinuating progreſs the hierarchy advances, and though admitted at firſt with moderate authority, and under ſpecious pretences, how rapidly it extends its dominion. "Var⯑niſh over this ſcheme," ſaid one of the clergymen, "with what colours you pleaſe; deck the intruder with the utmoſt art; under all this diſguiſe, I ſee the horns of his mitre." The ſame ſentiments prevailed among many of his brethren, and induced them to re⯑ject power and honours, with as much zeal as ever thoſe of their order courted them. Many, however, were allured by hopes of preferment. The King him⯑ſelf and his miniſters employed the ſame arts which they had tried ſo ſucceſsfully laſt year; and after long debates and much oppoſition the general aſſembly de⯑clared, that it was lawful for miniſters to accept of a ſeat in parliament; that it would be highly beneficial to the church to have its repreſentatives in that ſupreme [50]court; and that fifty-one perſons, a number nearly equal to that of the eccleſiaſtics who were antiently called to parliament, ſhould be choſen from among the clergy for that purpoſe; but the manner of their election, together with the power with which they ſhould be inveſted, were left undecided for the preſent, and furniſhed matter for future deliberation ^*.

The queſtions with regard to the election and power of the repreſentatives of the church were finally deter⯑mined in the year 1600, by the general aſſembly, which met at Montroſe; and it was there agreed, that the general aſſembly ſhould recommend ſix perſons to every vacant benefice, which gave a title to a ſeat in parliament, out of whom the King ſhould nominate one: that the perſon ſo elected ſhould neither pro⯑poſe nor conſent to any thing there, that may affect the intereſt of the church, without ſpecial inſtructions for that purpoſe: that he ſhall ſubmit to its cenſure without appeal: that he ſhall diſcharge the duty of a paſtor in a particular congregation: that he ſhall not uſurp any eccleſiaſtical juriſdiction ſuperior to that of his other brethren: that he ſhould annually reſign his commiſſion to the general aſſembly, which may be re⯑ſtored to him or not, as the aſſembly, with the King's approbation, ſhall judge moſt expedient for the good of the church ^†.

In the year 1617, James (who aſcended the Engliſh throne on the twenty-third of March 1603, and ſoon after went to reſide in England) to advance the epiſ⯑copal cauſe, made a progreſs into Scotland, and his chapel at Edinburgh was adorned with ſtatues and pictures. Two acts were paſſed, one relative to the choice of Archbiſhops and Biſhops, and the ſecond for the reſtitution of chapters; and the miniſters pro⯑teſting againſt them, many of them were ſuſpended, and ſome baniſhed.

[51]In 1618, in a convention held at Perth, the court and Biſhops, with ſome difficulty, made a ſhift to carry five articles, importing, that the holy ſacrament ſhould be received kneeling; that miniſters ſhould be enabled to adminiſter the ſacrament in private houſes to the ſick; that they ſhould baptize children privately at home, if requeſted ſo to do; that they ſhould con⯑firm ſuch children as can ſay their catechiſm, and re⯑peat the Lord's prayer, creed, and ten command⯑ments; and that the feſtivals of Chriſtmas, Eaſter, Whitſuntide, and aſcenſion of our Saviour, ſhould for the future be commemorated in the kirk of Scotland. Theſe articles were ordered to be publiſhed at the market-croſſes, and to be read by the miniſters in the pulpits; but the greateſt number of them refuſed, as there was no penalty incurred by the omiſſion, ſave the King's diſpleaſure. Notwithſtanding the oppoſi⯑tion of the miniſters, the court got theſe articles ratified by the parliament in 1621, contrary to the ſenſe of the kirk and nation. This raiſed ſo much ill blood, that a new perſecution was carried on throughout the kingdom; numbers of the Preſbyterian miniſters were fined, impriſoned, and baniſhed by the high com⯑miſſion; and this they ſuffered, though from their in⯑tereſt with the people they could have turned their oppreſſors out of the kingdom.

Things remained much in the ſame ſtate till the reign of King Charles the Firſt. That unhappy Monarch, preſſed on by Laud, made a progreſs into Scotland, in the year 1633, with a view to advance the epiſcopacy; for notwithſtanding Biſhops had exiſted in Scotland for ſome years, they had little more than the name, being ſubject to an aſſembly that was purely Preſbyterian. To advance their juriſdiction, he had renewed the high commiſſion, and forbid all general aſſemblies of the kirk. He was crowned at Edinburgh, June 18, and on the 20th the parliament met, and very complaiſantly gave him a large ſum of money; but in the matter of [52]the acts concerning his royal prerogative, and the apparel of kirkmen, and for the ratification of former acts touching religion, he behaved to his parliament with ſuch arbi⯑trary, overbearing haughtineſs, and carried them through with ſuch barefaced craft, that he diſguſted all ranks and orders of people; which, together with the contempt he poured upon the Scots clergy, and the high hand with which he attempted to introduce the ceremonies of the church of England, alienated the affections of the generality of his Scotch ſubjects: nor did Laud's behaviour there do him the leaſt credit, or redound at all to his maſter's intereſt. The mouths of the Scots clergy were opened; and they inveighed bitterly againſt the hierarchy of England. To widen the breach, in 1635, a book of canons for Scotland was drawn up by the new Biſhops of that kingdom, and reviſed by Laud, Juxon and Wren, which was confirmed by the King under his great ſeal, May 23, though ſubverſive of the whole conſtitution of Scotland, in kirk and ſtate. The Scots Preſbytery declared peremptorily againſt it.

In the year 1637, a new liturgy, in ſubſtance the ſame with the Engliſh, was ſent into Scotland, ac⯑companied with a royal proclamation, dated Dec 12, 1636, commanding all the King's loving ſubjects of that kingdom to receive it with reverence, as the only form his Majeſty thinks fit to be uſed in that kirk, with⯑out ſo much as laying it before a ſynod, convocation, general aſſembly, or parliament of that nation; ſo precipitant and imprudent was this head-ſtrong ill-ad⯑viſed Prince, in all the meaſures he purſued relative to that kingdom, the genius of whoſe inhabitants he ſeemed totally unacquainted with. The reading it in the pulpits was oppoſed by the people in a moſt vio⯑lent and tumultuous manner; and notwithſtanding the repreſentation of the conſequences likely to enſue, from the Lords of the privy-council to the court, they were peremptorily ordered to go on with their work. [53]The oppoſers publiſhed their reaſons; two petitions were preſented againſt it to the Lord Chancellor and Council, one from all the men, women, children and ſervants of Edinburgh, another in the names of the noblemen, barons, gentry, miniſters and burgeſſes, which were tranſmitted to the King, who, inſtead of re⯑turning a ſoft anſwer, iſſued a proclamation againſt the late tumults, forbidding all aſſemblies or convocations of people to frame or ſign petitions, upon pain of high treaſon, and ordering the term or ſeſſion to be moved from Linlithgow to Stirling, twenty-four miles from Edinburgh, with a ſtrict injunction that no ſtranger ſhould reſort thither without ſpecial licence. Upon the publication of this proclamation, ſundry noble⯑men, miniſters and others, ſigned a proteſt; four TABLES, as they were called, were erected at Edin⯑burgh, one of the nobility, another of the gentry, a third of the burroughs, and a fourth of the miniſters. Theſe prepared matters for the general Table, formed of commiſſioners from the other ſour, where the laſt and binding reſolutions were taken. One of the firſt things tranſacted by theſe tables, was the renewing their confeſſion of faith and ſolemn league and covenant, which had been ſubſcribed by King James, March 2, 1580-1, and by the whole Scots nation in the year 1590. To this covenant was now added, a narrative of ſundry acts of parliament, by which the religion of the reformed had been ratified ſince that time, with an admonition, wherein the late innovations were re⯑nounced, and a band of defence for adhering to each other in the preſent cauſe. This ſolemn league and covenant, in ſupport of their religious and civil liber⯑ties, and in oppoſition to Popery, tyranny and oppreſ⯑ſion, was ſworn to and ſubſcribed with great ſeriouſneſs and devotion, firſt at Edinburgh, in Feb. 1637-8, and afterwards in all places of the kingdom, where it was received by the common people as a ſacred oracle, [54]and ſubſcribed by all who had any zeal for the Pro⯑teſtant religion and their country.

Hereupon the King ſent the Marquis of Hamilton as his high commiſſioner into Scotland, one part of his commiſſion being to induce them to give up the covenant, upon which he was to conſent to the calling a general aſſembly or parliament; but the covenanters declared they would ſooner renounce their baptiſm than their covenant. Finding them full of this reſolution, and nothing to be done but by force of arms, he re⯑turned to England: but was ſoon ſent back again, and inſtructed, if neceſſity required, to revoke the liturgy, canons, the high commiſſion, and the five ar⯑ticles of Perth. He might call a general aſſembly and parliament within a competent time, but was to endeavour to exclude the laity from the aſſembly.

On Nov. 21, 1638, the Marquis publiſhed a pro⯑clamation for a general aſſembly, to meet at Glaſgow. The covenanters carried their elections every where, a ſilenced miniſter, Mr. Henderſon, was choſen mo⯑derator; and though the Biſhops preſented a Declinator, declaring the aſſembly to be unlawful, &c. &c. and the Marquis, finding them not of a proper temper for the court, diſſolved them, after having preſided ſeven days, forbidding them to continue their ſeſſions upon pain of high treaſon, the aſſembly continued ſitting, and next day publiſhed a juſtification of their proceed⯑ings. They ſat for ſome weeks, till they had paſſed ſeveral acts, viz. An act for diſannulling ſix late aſſem⯑blies, viz. thoſe of 1606, 8, 10, 16, 17, 18, with the reaſons: An act for abjuring and aboliſhing epiſcopacy: An act for condemning the five articles of Perth: An act for condemning the ſervice book, book of canons, book of ordination, and the high commiſſion: An act for condemn⯑ing Archdeacons, Chapters, and preaching Deacons: An act for reſtoring Presbyteries, provincial and national aſſem⯑blies, to their conſtitution of miniſters and elders, and to their power and juriſdiction contained in the book of policy; [55]with many others of like nature. They afterwards pro⯑nounced ſentence of depoſition againſt the Biſhops; eight of whom were excommunicated, four excluded from the miniſterial function, and two only allowed to officiate as paſtors or preſbyters. At the cloſe of the ſeſſion the aſſembly drew up a letter to the King, complaining of the Marquis of Hamilton, who had proclaimed them traitors, and forbid the people to pay any regard to their acts; and praying him ſtill to look upon them as good and faithful ſubjects. They pub⯑liſhed alſo an addreſs to the good people of England, in their own vindication, which the King ſuppreſſed, and iſſued a proclamation againſt the covenanters.

Thus matters between the King and his Scottiſh ſub⯑jects were brought to ſuch a criſis as could not but end in a war. Charles fitted out a fleet of ſixteen ſhips, and raiſed an army of 21,000 horſe and foot. On the other hand, the covenanters ſecured the caſtles of Edin⯑burgh. Dumbritton and Frith, raiſed an army, and ſent for their old General Leſley, from Germany, who brought with him many experienced officers. On the the 27th of March 1639, the King marched north⯑wards, and was met, upon the borders by the Scots army; but after facing each other, for ſome time, the King perceiving his Engliſh Proteſtant nobility and ſoldiers not hearty in the cauſe, came to a pacification with the covenanters, June 17, by which all points of difference were referred to a general aſſembly, to be held at Edinburgh, Auguſt 12 enſuing, and to a par⯑liament which was to meet a fortnight after. Both armies, in the interim, were to be diſbanded; the tables broke up, and no meetings held, but ſuch as were warranted by act of parliament. The King ac⯑cordingly diſmiſſed his army, ſcarcely affording thanks to them for their affection and loyalty. The Scots delivered up the King's caſtles and forts, and diſbanded their troops; but cautiouſly kept their officers in pay.

[56]The general aſſembly met according to the treaty, at Edinburgh; but being conſtituted as the laſt, the King having given up the point of the lay-elders, the Biſhops, who preſented another Declinator, were ex⯑cuſed attendance by the King. The aſſembly then, without any oppoſition, confirmed the proceedings of that of Glaſgow, appointed the covenant to be taken throughout the kingdom, voted away the new ſervice⯑book, &c. &c. and, nemine contradicente, determined that dioceſan epiſcopacy was unlawful, and not to be al⯑lowed in their kirk.

The parliament met Aug 31, and confirmed all the acts of the general aſſembly; but having mentioned epiſcopacy as unlawful, the King forbid the Earl of Traquair, his commiſſioner, to conſent to the word, leſt it ſhould be interpreted abſolutely; whereupon he firſt prorogued the parliament for fourteen days, and then, by the King's expreſs command, for nine months, without ratifying any of their acts.

The pacification between the King and the Scots was not of long duration; for, puſhed on by Laud and Strafford, he reſolved to humble his northern ſubjects, who had dared to diſpute his prerogative. The Scots dreading the impending ſtorm, were, many of them, for ſeeking ſuccour from France; and accordingly wrote a letter to the King of France, which however was not ſent. The majority of the Scots nation caſt their eye towards the Engliſh parliament, which was called together to aid in their deſtruction, and met April 13, 1640, and, upon application to their friends at London, were aſſured, by a letter written by Lord Saville, "That the hearts of the people of England were with them; that they were convinced the liberties of both nations were at ſtake, and there⯑fore they might depend upon their aſſiſtance, as ſoon as a fair opportunity offered." Upon this aſſurance the Scots reſolved to raiſe another army, and to march into England. Mean time Charles, not meeting [57]with a behaviour he expected, diſſolved the parlia⯑ment, and, to carry on the war againſt the Scots, ſet every engine of arbitrary power at work, ſuch as loans, benevolences, ſhip-money, &c. &c. by which he got an army together compoſed of Papiſts and preſſed men, who had no affection for the ſervice. However, with this army the King met the Scots upon the borders; but ſoon found that the Engliſh nobility were not for conquering them. After a ſmall ſkirmiſh the Scots army paſſed the Tweed, Aug. 21, and on the 30th took poſſeſſion of Newcaſtle, whilſt the King retreated before them as far as York, leaving them maſters of Northumberland, Cumberland, and Durham, from which counties they ſubſiſted their army, and levied what contributions they pleaſed. When they entered Newcaſtle, they ſent an expreſs to aſſure the city of Lon⯑don, that they would not interrupt the trade between it and that town, but would cultivate all manner of friend⯑ſhip and brotherly correſpondence. They alſo diſ⯑patched meſſengers to the King, petitioning his Majeſty "to confirm their late acts of parliament, reſtore their ſhips and merchandiſe, recal his proclamation which ſtiles them rebels, and call an Engliſh parliament, to ſettle the peace between both kingdoms." This petition was backed by others from ſeveral of the Engliſh no⯑bility and the city of London. The King finding he muſt come to terms, appointed commiſſioners to treat with the Scots at Rippon, who agreed to a ceſſation of arms for three months, from Oct. 26; the Scots to have 850l. per diem, for the maintenance of the army, and the treaty to be adjourned to London, where a free parliament was to be immediately called. This famous long parliament was opened Nov. 3, in which the late commiſſioners exhibited articles againſt Archbiſhop Laud, and, by co-operating with them in their oppoſition to the King's meaſures and miniſters, contributed greatly to their future ſucceſs againſt mo⯑narchy and epiſcopacy.

[58]In the year 1641, when King Charles was greatly diſtreſſed by the vigorous proceedings of the parlia⯑ment of England againſt the Biſhops, and other grie⯑vances, knowing they were greatly encouraged therein by their confederacy with the Scots, whoſe army in the north was entirely in their intereſt, it was reſolved in council, if poſſible, to diſunite that nation from the parliament, and bring them over to the King, by granting them all their deſires; and for that purpoſe he reſolved upon a progreſs into Scotland. Aug. 10 the King ſet out poſt, and arrived there in three or four days; but the Engliſh parliament, aware of his deſign, appointed one lord and two commoners to follow his Majeſty, in order to keep up a good correſpondence with the parliament of that nation. Aug. 19, he opened the parliament there with a very conciliating ſpeech, and agreeable thereto he allowed of their late oppoſition to the liturgy, and their erecting Tables; he confirmed the acts of the aſſembly at Glaſgow; he followed their manner of worſhip, conferred titles upon many of their gentry; and, when he left the kingdom, all parties ſeemed contented. But, from all accounts, the King ſoon repented of his com⯑pliances, and as to the Scots, they ſtill thought them⯑ſelves obliged to cultivate a good underſtanding: with the Engliſh parliament.

The Scots, now eaſy at home, and in full poſſeſ⯑ſion of their religious and civil rights, yet did not look with indifference upon affairs in England, and dread⯑ed the ruin of the Engliſh parliament, as well through gratitude for the favours they had received from them, as for their future ſafety; and therefore the Scots commiſſioners at London offered their mediation be⯑tween the King and the two houſes, telling his Majeſty, in their petition, "That the liberties of England and Scotland muſt ſtand and fall together," and beſeeching him "to have recourſe to the faithful advices of both houſes of parliament, which will not only quiet the minds of his Engliſh ſubjects, but remove the jealou⯑ſies [59]and fears that may poſſeſs the hearts of his ſubjects in his other kingdoms." In their addreſs to the Eng⯑liſh parliament they acknowledge their obligations to them, and beſeech the two houſes "to conſider of the faireſt and moſt likely methods to compoſe the diffe⯑rences in church and ſtate." Biſhop Burnet ſays, their deſign was to get Epiſcopacy brought down, and Preſbytery ſet up; to the "firſt of which moſt of the members were willing to conſent, but few were cordial for the latter."

The King was much diſpleaſed with the Scots medi⯑ation, and commanded them not to tranſact between him and his parliament, without firſt communicating their propoſitions to him, in private; and in Scotland he uſed methods to keep that kingdom neutral. On the other hand, the parliament threw themſelves into the arms of the Scots, they thanked the commiſſioners for their kind and ſeaſonable interpoſing, and prayed them to continue their endeavours to remove the pre⯑ſent diſtractions, and to preſerve the union between the two kingdoms. They writ to Scotland alſo to the ſame purpoſe. In May 1642, they again renewed their offers of a mediation, which the King rejected as be⯑fore; but the parliament accepted of it, and ſeemed to come heartily into their ſcheme of church-government, ſo that a perfect union took place between the two king⯑doms. The King alarmed hereat, ſent a warm re⯑monſtrance to the council of Scotland, Auguſt 26, wherein he very juſtly obſerves, that "the parliament no more believed the divine inſtitution of Preſbytery, than the others did of dioceſan Prelacy; for though they were content, in order to ſecure the aſſiſtance of the Scots nation, to vote away the hierarchy of Arch⯑biſhops and Biſhops, yet when they had conquered the King, and had nothing to fear from their neighbours, they could not be prevailed with to eſtabliſh the Scots Preſbytery, without a reſerve of the power of the keys to themſelves."

[60]It is foreign to my purpoſe to enter too deeply into the civil and military hiſtory of this unfortunate reign, further than to elucidate the hiſtory of the kirk of Scotland; and therefore I ſhall next take notice, that, in the year 1643, the general aſſembly of Scotland agreed to aſſiſt the Engliſh for the recovery of their civil and religious liberties, and appointed delegates to the aſſem⯑bly of divines at Weſtminſter. On Sept. 25, the Eng⯑liſh houſe of Commons and the aſſembly of divines, to ſecure the aſſiſtance of the Scots, took the ſolemn league and covenant, after many debates in relation to the renunciation of Epiſcopacy, and ſome other points, by ſubſcribing their names thereto, the houſe of Com⯑mons in one parchment-roll, and the aſſembly in an⯑other, in St. Margaret's church, Weſtminſter. On the Sunday following it was tendered to all perſons within the bills of mortality, after being read in the ſeveral churches. October 15, it was likewiſe taken by the houſe of Lords. In Scotland it was inforced, all over the kingdom, under the ſevereſt penalties. February 1644, it was ordered to be taken through⯑out the kingdom of England, by all perſons above the age of eighteen years, an exhortation from the Weſt⯑minſter aſſembly of divines being drawn up and pub⯑liſhed for that purpoſe. The greateſt number were zealous for the covenant on a religious account, and others in obedience to the parliament, being con⯑vinced of the diſtreſſed circumſtances of their affairs, and that the aſſiſtance of the Scots was to be obtained upon no other terms. The impoſing it as a teſt, however, was far from being juſtifiable, for ſeveral evident reaſons. The King publiſhed a declaration againſt it in England, and ſent one, to the ſame pur⯑poſe, into Scotland, which had no other effect than to produce the reaſons for their conduct, and advice to his Majeſty to take the covenant himſelf.

January 19, 1643-4 [...] the Scots army entered England, under the command of General Leven: the [61]two houſes ſent a committee to meet them, which be⯑ing joined by another of that nation, was called the Committee of both kingdoms, and this committee directed the army's motions. Soon after it was joined by an Engliſh army, under Lord Fairfax, the Earl of Man⯑cheſter, and Cromwell; and the combined a [...]y laid ſiege to York, which brought on the battle of Marſton⯑moor, wherein the royal army, under Prince Rupert, was defeated, with great loſs. Afterwards the com⯑bined army reduced all the northern garriſons, which concluded the war in thoſe parts.

The King's affairs becoming deſperate, on the 27th of April 1646, he eſcaped from Oxford, and threw himſelf into the hands of the Scots army, then lying before Newark. Little or nothing occurred relative to the kirk during the nine months the King continued with the Scots, but altercations between them and the Engliſh parliament and aſſembly, relative to the eſta⯑bliſhment of Preſbytery and toleration of Separatiſts in England, which the Preſbyterians now as much in⯑veighed againſt, as ever the Papiſts, or church of Eng⯑land had done in Queen Elizabeth's days. "We are perſuaded, ſays the parliament of Scotland, that the piety and wiſdom of the honourable houſes will never admit toleration of any ſects or ſchiſms, contrary to our ſolemn league and covenant."

The King, determining not to aboliſh Epiſcopacy, and withſtanding the ſolicitations and prayers of his friends, nay even the advice of his Queen, all attempts at an accommodation with his parliament proved abor⯑tive; therefore, as the clergy of Scotland would not ſuffer him to come into that kingdom, unleſs he took the ſolemn league and covenant, and did all they de⯑ſired, and their parliament reſolved the kingdom ſhould be ſecured without him, and that they ſhould leave the King in England to his two houſes of parliament, upon their agreeing to pay the Scots army their arrears, and 200,000l. one moiety thereof on the delivering up the King into the hands of the Engliſh parliament's com⯑miſſioners, [62]he was delivered up, and conducted to Holmby houſe, in Northamptonſhire.

The further tranſactions of this reign have very little relation to the affairs of the kirk of Scotland, who were entirely averſe to the ſecret treaty with the King, in purſuance of which Duke Hamilton marched into England with an army, and was defeated at Preſton by Cromwell, after which he marched triumphantly to Edinburgh, Auguſt 17, 1648. They indeed, by their commiſſioners, declared and proteſted againſt putting the King to death, as abſolutely inconſiſtent with their ſolemn league and covenant.

In June 1650, the Commonwealth of England having departed from the ſolemn league and covenant, the Scots, who at the King's death proclaimed the Prince of Wales, entered into a treaty with the exiled King at Breda, ſubjecting him thereby to the following very mortifying conditions: That all perſons excom⯑municated by the kirk, ſhould be forbid the court: that the King, by his ſolemn oath, and under his hand and ſeal, declare his allowance of the covenant: that he confirm thoſe acts of parliament which enjoin the covenant: that he eſtabliſh the Preſbyterian worſhip and diſcipline, and ſwear never to oppoſe or endeavour to alter them: that all civil matters be determined by parliament; and all eccleſiaſtical affairs by the kirk: that his Majeſty ratify all that has been done in the parliament of Scotland, in ſome late ſeſſions, and ſign the covenant upon his arrival in that kingdom, if the kirk deſired it. He arrived June 16, but was obliged to ſign both the covenants before he ſet his feet on ſhore. The Covenanters raiſed an army of 16,000 foot and 6000 horſe for his ſervice; whereupon the Engliſh parliament ſent General Cromwell againſt them, who entered Scotland, at the latter end of July, with an army of 11,000 foot and 5000 horſe. After various marches and counter-marches, and ſome alter⯑cations between the Engliſh aſſembly and Cromwell, [63]he was obliged, not being able to bring the Scots to action, to retire to Dunbar, for want of proviſions, with a weak and ſickly army, and an enemy hovering over them 27,000 ſtrong; but, however, he totally routed this great hoſt, in the battle of Dunbar, fought September 13, killing 4000 in the battle and purſuit, and taking 10,000 priſoners, with great quantities of arms, ammunition, &c. &c. and with the loſs to the Engliſh of ſcarce 300 men ^†. Cromwell, immedi⯑ately after the battle, took poſſeſſion of Edinburgh and Leith, and ſent to the miniſters, who had fled to the caſtle, to reſume their functions in the churches; but this they refuſed to do, whereupon Cromwell ap⯑pointed Engliſh miniſters to officiate in their places.

The Scots committees of the kirk and eſtates having fled to Stirling, and being joined by thoſe who had eſca⯑ped from Dunbar, endeavoured to aſſemble another body of forces; but they were ſo divided amongſt them⯑ſelves that little was done to the purpoſe. The ruling party was for the King and kirk; the Reſolutioners were ſo called from their adhering to the reſolution of the kirk and ſtates, "that thoſe who had been too back⯑ward, ought to be admitted to make profeſſion of their repentance, and afterwards, in the preſent extremity, might be admitted to defend and ſerve their country:" The Proteſters proteſted againſt this reſolution: the Remonſtrators, in the weſtern counties, formed an aſ⯑ſociation apart, as well againſt the King and the defec⯑tion in the kirk party, as againſt the army of ſectaries. Whilſt theſe debated and wrangled, Cromwell reduced Darlington houſe, Roſlan caſtle, and obtained a victory over the Remonſtrators, at Hamilton. Soon after he reduced the maiden caſtle of Edinburgh.

January 1, 1650-1, the Covenanters crowned the King at Scoone, who ſet up his ſtandard at Aberdeen, whilſt the Engliſh reduced Hume and Tantallon caſtles. [64]The King having got together an army of 20,000 men, encamped at Torwood near Stirling, and afterwards at Kelſyth, from which ſituations all Cromwell's generalſhip could not draw him to an engagement; hereupon he reduced Calendar houſe in ſight of their army, and af⯑terwards a detachment of his army croſſing to Fife, de⯑feated a ſtrong body of Scots with great ſlaughter. This overthrow threw the Scots army into much con⯑ſternation, which decamped and marched into Stirling park, whilſt detachments from the Engliſh army made themſelves maſters of Bruntiſland and St. Johnſtown, by which it hindered any ſupply of men and proviſions being ſent from the Highlands to the King's army. The King thus diſtreſſed, a reſolution was taken to make an irruption into England, and, on the laſt of July 1651, he began his march from Stirling for that purpoſe, and on the 6th of Auguſt entered this kingdom by the way of Carliſle, which cauſed great conſternation to the powers at Weſtminſter. The in⯑defatigable Cromwell was ſoon, however, at his heels, and finally defeated him, at Worceſter, on September 3, with the loſs of almoſt all the Scots army killed or taken priſoners.

Major-General Monk, whom Cromwell had left to command in Scotland, ſoon finiſhed the reduction of that kingdom, after which, for eight years, it enjoyed a ſtate of calm, under the uſurpation; a ſtrong Eng⯑liſh army was kept there under good pay and good diſcipline, a ſort of union of the three kingdoms took place, in one parliament, to which the Scots ſent their repreſentatives, and thoſe eight years were reckon⯑ed a time of peace and proſperity to Scotland, as Biſhop Burnet obſerves. As to the power of the kirk, it was reduced into a narrow compaſs ^*; "for though they had the liberty to excommunicate offenders, or debar them the communion, they might not ſeize their [65]eſtates, or deprive them of their civil rights and pri⯑vileges. No oaths or covenants were to be impoſed but by direction from Weſtminſter; and as all fitting encouragement was to be given to the miniſters of the eſtabliſhed kirk, ſo others, not ſatisfied with their form of church-government, had liberty to ſerve God after their own manner; and thoſe who would live peaceably, and yield obedience to the commonwealth, were protected in their ſeveral perſuaſions. This oc⯑caſioned a great commotion among the clergy, who complained "of the loſs of their covenant and church⯑diſcipline, and exclaimed againſt the toleration, as opening a door to all kinds of error and hereſy." The parliament of England ſending Independent commiſ⯑ſioners to viſit the Scots univerſities, and to ſettle li⯑berty of conſcience, the aſſembly at Edinburgh pub⯑liſhed a Teſtimony againſt the preſent incroachments of the civil power upon the eccleſiaſtical juriſdiction. When the general aſſembly met again at Edinburgh, and were juſt entering upon buſineſs, Colonel Cotterel told them, that no eccleſiaſtical judicatories were to ſit there but by authority of the parliament of England; and without giving them leave to reply, he commanded them to retire, conducted them out of the weſt-gate of the city, with a troop of horſe, and a company of foot, and having taken away the commiſſions from the ſeve⯑ral claſſes, injoined them not to aſſemble any more above three in a company.

In 1654, Oliver Cromwell Protector, the kingdom of Scotland was, by his ordinance, incorporated with England into one-commonwealth, and proviſion made, that in every parliament thirty members ſhould be call⯑ed from thence to ſerve for Scotland.

Upon the reſtoration of Charles II. a parliament be⯑ing choſen according to the mind of the court, all went againſt the Covenanters; Epiſcopacy was reſtored, and Deacons, Prieſts, and Biſhops, ordained and conſecrated, according to the rites of the church of England. All [66]this was performed by the ſole virtue of the King's pre⯑rogative (for it was not till the next year that a parlia⯑ment decided the matter) in breach of the ſolemn league and covenant, which he had, indeed, been forced to take. Several of the Scots miniſters preach⯑ed boldly againſt theſe meaſures; for which Mr. James Guthrie, miniſter of Stirling, was convicted of ſedition and treaſon, and executed June 14, 1661, dying with all the holy confidence of a Chriſtian, and the fortitude of a martyr. A young officer who ſuffered with him, in the ſame cauſe, made uſe of theſe expreſſions: "I bear witneſs with my blood, to the perſecuted govern⯑ment of this church, by ſynods and preſbyteries; I bear witneſs to the ſolemn league and covenant, and ſeal it with my blood. I likewiſe teſtify againſt all Popery, Prelacy, Idolatry, Superſtition, and the Service Book, which is no better than a relick of Popiſh idolatry." Soon afterwards the rights of patronages were reſtored, and all the Preſbyterian miniſters ſilenced, though the court had not a ſupply of men of any ſort to fill the vacancies occaſioned thereby. The ſilenced clergy had been moſt exemplary in their lives and converſations, conſtant preachers, and expounders, indefatigable in the diſcharge of their functions, and almoſt adored by the people, though they kept up a very ſevere diſci⯑pline in the church: but their ſucceſſors the Biſhops and clergy were of a quite different ſtamp; moſt of them very mean divines, vicious in their morals, idle and negligent of their cures; ſo that they became ob⯑noxious to the whole nation, and could hardly, even with the aſſiſtance of the civil power, ſupport their au⯑thority. The people, generally of the Preſbyterian perſuaſion, ſtood firm by one another, forſook the churches, and many of them were thrown into priſon, and ill uſed, ſome were fined, and the younger ſort whipped about the ſtreets; ſo that great numbers tranſ⯑ported themſelves to Ulſter in Ireland, where they [67]were well received, and where their poſterity flouriſh to this day.

In 1666, Sir James Turner being ſent into the Weſt, to levy fines at diſcretion, the people roſe in arms, and took him and all his ſoldiers priſoners; but were ſoon diſperſed by the King's forces, forty of them killed, and 130 taken priſoners, many of whom were hanged before their own doors. Their miniſter was put to the torture, and died with great firmneſs, crying out, "Farewel ſun, moon, and ſtars; farewel kindred and friends, world and time, and this weak and frail body; and welcome eternity, welcome angels and ſaints, welcome Saviour of the world, and God the judge of all!" Conventicles abounded in all parts; the Preſ⯑byterian miniſters preached in their own houſes to the people, who ſtood without doors to hear them; and when diſperſed by the magiſtrates, they went out into the fields, to hear the word, carrying arms with them for their defence. A ſevere act was publiſhed againſt houſe and field conventicles; but the people ſtill met together in defiance of the law: and many, who were called Cameronians, from Cameron their preacher, were outlawed, and therefore left their habitations, and travelled about the country: at length, collecting themſelves into a body, they were routed by the Duke of Monmouth, at Bothwell-bridge, 400 of them killed, and 1200 taken priſoners. Two of their miniſters were hanged, and 200 baniſhed to the plantations, who were all loſt at ſea. In ſhort, a perſecution ſpread thro' the iſland, during the greateſt part of this reign, almoſt as cruelly and oppreſſively carried on as the Romiſh inquiſition.

The parliament that met at Edinburgh, upon the ac⯑ceſſion of James II. in 1685, very compliantly de⯑clared their abhorrence of all principles derogatory of the King's abſolute power, and offered their lives and fortunes to ſupport it, againſt all oppoſers. They de⯑clared it high treaſon to give or take the national cove⯑nant, [68]or even to write in defence of it; and paſſed an act, whereby it was made death to reſort to any field or houſe conventicles. They likewiſe obliged the ſubjects of Scotland to take an oath, when ſo re⯑quired to do, to maintain the King's abſolute power, on pain of baniſhment. Popery began now to lift up its head in that kingdom, and ſeveral perſons of diſtinction changed to that religion, and accommodated them⯑ſelves to the times for the ſake of private intereſt. The populace, on the other hand, were very tumultuous; they broke into the Earl of Perth's private chapel for maſs, and defaced and deſtroyed all they could lay their hands on, for which one of them was taken and hanged. When the King diſpenſed with the penal laws and teſts, the Scots parliament agreed to a ſuſ⯑penſion of them for the King's life; but James inſiſt⯑ing upon an entire repeal, which they had firmneſs to oppoſe, he diſſolved them, with tokens of reſentment. The Epiſcopal clergy, who were obſequious ſlaves to the court, were ſunk into ſuch miſerable ſloth and ig⯑norance, as to render their hearers, particularly the common people, quite indifferent to the affairs of re⯑ligion: but the Preſbyterians, on the other hand, ſeemed to have gained new ſtrength from perſecution, and though, by the King's diſpenſing power, freed, in 1687, from the ſeverities under which they had for ſo many years ſuffered, it did not cool their zeal againſt Popery; their averſion to that corrupt church was more and more apparent: their oppoſition, at length, rouſed the whole nation from the lethargy into which it was apparently ſunk. Their behaviour at this critical time, when it was natural to ſuppoſe, after they had fared ſo ill, that they would with joy and without reſerve have fallen in with the meaſures of the King, which gave them preſent relief from their burdens, will ever redound to the honour of the church of Scotland, and evince that the principles of religion, firmly fixed and rooted in the heart, are eſſentially dif⯑ferent [69]from mere profeſſions, which generally change with the times, and give no ſtability or firmneſs to thoſe who embrace them. The Scots perceived, that the King's view in taking off the penal laws and teſts was only to ſerve the Papiſts; and therefore, when preſſed by him to concur in that meaſure, they very wiſely anſwered in cold and general terms.

At length, the perſecuted, the ſuffering church of Scotland, was redeemed from its perils by the Revolu⯑tion, which had reſtored liberty and religion in its ſiſter kingdom. On the 11th of April 1689 a convention, like that in England, for ſettling the government, was called in Scotland, which paſſed judgment of forfeiture on King James, and voted King William and Queen Mary, King and Queen of Scotland. One article of the claim of rights they drew up, was, that "the refor⯑mation in Scotland having been begun by a parity a⯑mong the clergy, prelacy in the church was a great and inſupportable grievance to the kingdom." As the Biſhops and Epiſcopalians left the convention, becauſe not ſummoned by the abdicated King, and continued to adhere to him, the Preſbyterians carried all before them. The malecontents ſent for King James to come into Scotland, and the Earl of Dundee got together a conſiderable army of Highlanders; but was routed by General Mackay, at Killicrankey, and the Earl himſelf ſlain. Thus, with King James, Epiſcopacy was baniſhed from Scotland, and the kirk-diſcipline and worſhip reſtored; without a toleration, however, to Diſſenters from that church.

By the act of union, for uniting the two kingdoms into one, anno 1707, the filth year of Queen Anne, by the name of Great Britain, it was enacted, that the Preſbyterian church-government is to remain eſtabliſh⯑ed in Scotland; but by the 10th of Anne, cap. 7, that it ſhall be lawful for thoſe of the Epiſcopal communion in Scotland, to aſſemble for divine worſhip, to be per⯑formed by paſtors ordained by Proteſtant Biſhops, [70]without diſturbance, except in pariſh-churches: ſuch paſtors of the epiſcopal perſuaſion to exhibit their orders at the quarter-ſeſſions of the peace, and the ſame to be regiſtered, paying one ſhilling One hundred pounds penalty to be levied on any diſturber of their congre⯑gations: their paſtors to baptize and marry, provided the chriſtenings be regiſtered, and banns three times publiſhed in the Epiſcopal congregation. No pain or forfeiture to be incurred by any perſon, on any excom⯑munication by the church-judicatories in Scotland. Miniſters are to pray for the royal family. By cap. 12. patrons of churches, &c. are reſtored to their right of preſentation. By act 5 Geo. I. cap. 29, proviſion was made for rendering more effectual the laws ap⯑pointing the oaths for the ſecurity of the government to be taken by miniſters and preachers in churches and meeting houſes in Scotland: and by act 9 Geo. I. cap. 24, Papiſts and Nonjurors are obliged to regiſter their eſtates. Theſe are the principal proviſions made ſince the union, relative to religious affairs in Scotland, where, under the mild and auſpicious ſway of the illu⯑ſtrious houſe of Hanover, the church has long enjoy⯑ed that repoſe it in vain ſought and ſtruggled for un⯑der many of their predeceſſors, and all perſecution for conſcience ſake is laid aſide. With religious and civil liberty, learning, arts, and ſciences flouriſh, politeneſs and civility every where reign, and her clergy and u⯑niverſities have abounded with elegant and fine writers, in every branch of literature, who have done credit to humanity, and ſpread the reputation of their country to the remoteſt parts of the world.

It muſt be obſerved, that ſome internal differences and diviſions have happened in the church of Scotland, from the eſtabliſhed judicatories of which a Seceſſion has taken place; the hiſtory of which, and the ſchiſms in that ſeceſſion, I ſhall now give (before I enter upon my account of the doctrine and diſcipline of that church) excellently drawn up by a reverend divine of [71]Haddington, who has therein preſerved a Chriſtian temper, and a laudable moderation.

The Seceſſion from the eſtabliſhed judicatories of the church of Scotland took place, in conſequence of a continued courſe of offences to the ſtrict party therein. Theſe, like their anceſtors, zealouſly adhered to the Weſtminſter confeſſion of faith, catechiſm and form of Preſbyterian church-government; they maintaining the binding obligation of the Scots covenant, and of the ſolemn league and covenant of the three nations; they allowed the civil magiſtrate a ſovereignty over all church-members in all civil cauſes, but refuſed that he had any ſpiritual headſhip over her doctrine, worſhip, diſcipline or government; hence they conceived no ſmall diſguſt at their clergy for ſo tamely yielding to the diſſolution or prorogation of their general aſſembly by King William and Queen Anne; they were exceedingly grieved with the Scots parliament for conſenting that the perpetual eſtabliſhment of prelacy in England ſhould be an eſſential condition of the union between the two kingdoms, and afterwards with the Britiſh for reſtoring the power of patrons in the ſettlement of miniſters; the former accounted a moſt ſinful burying of the ſolemn league, whereby the Scots not only ſwore againſt prelacy themſelves, but alſo to endeavour the reformation of England from it; the latter they deteſted, as annexing the ſpiritual privileges of the church to civil rights, as if Chriſt's kingdom were of this world; as tending to place the management of the church in the hands of Chriſt's enemies; as open⯑ing a door for ſimoniacal pactions between the patron and preſentee, and for filling the church with an in⯑dolent, naughty and erroneous miniſtry: but as the Preſbyterian clergy remonſtrated againſt this procedure of the parliament, together with their act for tolera⯑tion of all ſorts of opinions except popery and blaſ⯑phemy, the people could not take offence at them on theſe accounts. It was otherwiſe in the affair of the act [72]impoſing the abjuration oath upon the clergy: the ſtrict Preſbyterians, whether miniſters or people, heartily deteſted Popery and the Pretender for its ſake; but obſerving that this oath was extended to Preſbyterian miniſters by Jacobitiſh influence, that it was originally calculated for the maintenance of the Engliſh church as well as ſtate; that it referred to two Engliſh acts of parliament, requiring the ſovereign to be of the epiſ⯑copal communion; that it implied an approbation of the union ſettlement, and conſequently of the above⯑mentioned ſinful term thereof; that ſome of its ex⯑preſſions were ambiguous and hard to be underſtood; that though it was ſuſpected few miniſters would have taken it but for fear of the penalty, yet they were obliged therein to ſwear they took it heartily and will⯑ingly. For theſe and the like reaſons, many truly loyal, ſenſible, and godly miniſters declined taking it; and not a few as loyal people declined hearing thoſe who took it eſpecially where they had acceſs to hear ſuch as did not. Scarce was this woful re [...]ding of the church commenced, when Mr. John Simſon, Profeſſor of Divinty at Glaſgow, being by Mr. James Webſter, miniſter at Edinburgh, proceſſed for error before the general aſſembly, did in his defence and other papers maintain, that Heathens have an implicit diſcovery of redemption through Chriſt; that if they or others do with natural ſeriouſneſs uſe the means of happineſs God hath given them, they ſhall certainly obtain ſaving grace and laſting felicity; that all infants are formed as holy and free of ſin as Adam was, and dying in non⯑age ſhall probably be ſaved; that no proper covenant of works was made with Adam as the repreſentative of his poſterity; that our own happineſs ought to be our chief end and motive in glorifying God; that there is no immediate divine pre-courſe with the actions of ra⯑tional creatures; and that there will be no ſinning in hell after the laſt judgment.

[73]After tedious altercations at that and ſome former meetings, the aſſembly of 1717 found theſe notions no more than opinions not neceſſary to be taught in divi⯑nity, opinions not evidently founded upon ſcripture, and ſome of them tending to attribute too much to natural reaſon and the power of corrupt nature; and prohi⯑bited him and all others to uſe ſuch expreſſions, or teach ſuch poſitions for the future. But the very ſame day they declared the following poſition, viz "It is unſound to teach that we muſt forſake our ſin in order to come to Chriſt, and inſtating us in covenant with God," moſt unſound and deteſtable; and thus indirectly declared, that we ought and are able to forſake and ſave ourſelves from the reign and practice of our ſin, before we come to Jeſus, the alone Saviour from it. To ſtop the cur⯑rent of this and other legal doctrines, a new edition of that truly valuable Engliſh book, intitled, The marrow of modern divinity, was publiſhed, with a recommen⯑datory preface, by Mr. James Hog, one of the holieſt miniſters in the kingdom. This book, after it had paſſed for about eighty years with conſiderable reputation and eſteem among moſt of the truly ſerious perſons who read it, was attacked with great warmth by the general aſſembly of 1720; and though it is ſhrewdly ſuſpected the greater part of the members had never peruſed it, an act was made, charging all miniſters in connection with them to warn their people againſt reading it.— In their attack upon this book, the aſſembly plainly condemned the offering of Chriſt as a Saviour to ſin⯑ners as ſuch, and the aſſerting that believers are wholly delivered from the law as a covenant of works: they maintained that holineſs is a federal or conditional means of obtaining eternal happineſs; and that ſlaviſh fear of endleſs miſery, and legal hope of future felicity, ought to influence the ſaints in their ſtudy of goſpel holineſs: theſe almoſt entirely ſcriptural expreſſions, "That believers are not under the law, do not com⯑mit ſin; that the Lord can ſee no ſin in them, nor be [74]angry with them for ſin," they declared Antinomian paradoxes; and condemned, the diſtinguiſhing between the law as a covenant of works, and as a binding rule of obedience in the hand of a Mediator, in order to explain them: Meſſ. Thomas Boſton, Ebenezer and Ralph Erſkines, with nine others, remonſtrated againſt this conduct: theſe twelve repreſenters had their own ſhare of trouble from the judicatories; the commiſſion poſed them with twelve queſtions relative to the affair in diſpute, in the anſwers to which they ſet ſeveral goſpel truths in a very clear light. The aſſembly of 1722 took the matter into further conſideration, and made an act explaining and confirming the acts of 1720: this the repreſenters proteſted againſt as ſtill injurious to the truths of the goſpel, though it muſt be owned it was not near ſo groſs as thoſe of the aſſem⯑bly of 1720. To avoid even the moſt diſtant approaches towards favouring the condemned ſentiments or ex⯑preſſions of the marrow, many of the Scots clergy ſeemed now to become more legal in their doctrine than ever, which tempted multitudes of ſerious Chriſ⯑tians to crowd to hear the repreſenters, who, notwith⯑ſtanding diſtinguiſhed holineſs in practice, and a zealous warmth in recommending it to their hearers, were exceedingly reproached as Antinomian encoura⯑gers of a licentious life.—It is probable theſe twelve miniſters harraſſment and reproach had been more laſting, had not a rumour ſpread, in the end of 1725, that Mr. John Simſon above-mentioned had not only continued to teach his former errors contrary to the prohibition of the aſſembly, but had taught that Jeſus Chriſt is not neceſſarily exiſtent; that the perſons of the Godhead are not the very ſame in ſubſtance; that neceſſary exiſtence, ſupreme deity and being the only true God, may be taken for the perſonal property of the Father, and ſo not belonging to the Son and Holy Ghoſt. The teaching of his former errors was fully proved, but nothing was done to him upon that account: his teaching the above Arian tenets was alſo ſufficiently [75]manifeſted; but he, giving in declarations of his ſenti⯑ments on theſe heads in orthodox language, and after much tergiverſation, profeſſing ſorrow for ſome of the offenſive expreſſions proved againſt him; the aſſembly of 1728 ſuſpended him from the exerciſe of all eccleſiaſtic power and function till another general aſſembly ſhould think fit to take off this ſentence. The aſſembly of 1729 further declared that it was not fit to intruſt him any more with training up of young men for the holy miniſtry: multitudes were offended he was ſo ſlightly cenſured. During this proceſs paſtors began to be violently obtruded upon reclaiming congregations; and the aſſembly of 1730 enacted, that no proteſts nor diſſents ſhould be recorded in their minutes; againſt which, and other corruptions, about forty miniſters, and four⯑teen hundred elders and private Chriſtians, gave in a warm remonſtrance, and craved the aſſembly would aſſert the truth, in direct oppoſition to Mr. Simſon's errors. The aſſembly of 1732 refuſed to hear theſe re⯑preſentations, and, contrary to inſtructions from the far greater part of the Preſbyteries who ſent any, enacted, that Proteſtant heritors, whether prelatic Jacobites or not, and elders, ſhould be the only voters in the elec⯑tion of goſpel miniſters: the aſſembly of 1733 diſ⯑charged the Preſbytery of Dunfermline, under pain of the higheſt cenſure, to adminiſter ſealing ordi⯑nances to thoſe whoſe conſciences could not ſubmit to the miniſtry of paſtors violently impoſed upon them. Mean while Mr. Ebenezer Erſkine above⯑mentioned, having, in his ſermon before the ſynod at Perth, October 1732, teſtified againſt the act of the laſt aſſembly relative to the choice of miniſters, and having decried patronage and ſome other prevalent corruptions, the ſynod, after three days diſpute, appointed him to be rebuked at their bar, for the matter and manner of his conduct: twelve miniſters and two elders diſſented: himſelf appealed to the aſſembly in 1733, but received no redreſs: that ſupreme judica⯑tory ordered him to be rebuked at the bar. Conceiving [76]that the truths of God he had in his ſermon ſupported, were hereby injured, he proteſted that he could not, without violating his conſcience, ſubmit to this ſen⯑tence. Meſſ. William Wilſon, Alexander Moncrief, and James Fiſher, for the exoneration of their con⯑ſciences, proteſted againſt the prevailing courſe of defection. Without allowing theſe four brethren to attempt a defence of their conduct, the aſſembly ap⯑pointed their commiſſion to proceed againſt them by ſuſpenſion, and higher cenſure, if they ſhould not re⯑tract their proteſt, and profeſs their ſorrow for taking it. When the commiſſion met in Auguſt, the pro⯑teſting brethren were hardly allowed to declare their mind; and becauſe they continued adhering to their proteſt, they were ſuſpended from the exerciſe of their miniſtry. The next meeting of the commiſſion, in No⯑vember, by their Moderator's caſting vote, ſuſpended them alſo from their miniſtration in their reſpective congregations. Hereupon theſe brethren declared a ſeceſſion, not from the conſtitution of the Scots church, but from the prevailing party in her judica⯑tories; and, that they might regularly adhere to their principles, and afford relief to thoſe people that were oppreſſed with intruſion of paſtors, they conſtituted themſelves into an eccleſiaſtic court, which they called the Aſſociate Preſbytery. Their minutes ſhew, that, quickly after their erection, Meſſ. Wilſon and Mon⯑crief drew up a paper, intitled, "A teſtimony to the doctrine, worſhip, diſcipline, and government of the church of Scotland" This paper was judicially con⯑ſidered and approved in their meetings at Colfargy and Dunfermline, and in it they exhibit their reaſons of ſe⯑ceſſion from the prevailing party in the judicatories of the eſtabliſhed church, viz. 1. That that party were breaking down the Preſbyterian conſtitution of church⯑government, by their trampling upon and making deciſions quite contrary to the barrier acts and rules which had been enacted by the Scots church in her [77]pureſt times, for aſcertaining due deliberation in the framing of ſtanding laws and general rules; by their exerciſing a lordly tyranny over men's conſciences, in impowering heritors and elders to impoſe upon Chriſ⯑tians what ſpiritual guides they pleaſed; by their pro⯑moting violent intruſion of miniſters as opportunity permitted; by their cenſuring and ejecting miniſters from their congregations, merely for proteſting againſt a ſinful act of aſſembly; by threatening the higheſt cen⯑ſures to ſuch as ſhould adminiſter baptiſm or the Lord's ſupper to thoſe who could not in conſcience ſubmit to the miniſtry of intruders, and allowing the commiſſion to take the Preſbytery's power in ſettlement of miniſters, if theſe Preſbyteries refuſed to promote the violent im⯑poſition of miniſters upon reclaiming congregations. 2. That they were purſuing ſuch methods as tended to corrupt the doctrine contained in their confeſſion of faith, in ſo eaſily diſmiſſing Profeſſor Simſon's proceſs, and refuſing to aſſert the truth, in oppoſition to his various errors: in careſſing Mr. Campbell, Profeſſor of Church Hiſtory at St. Andrew's, notwithſtanding his ridiculing practical goodneſs as enthuſiaſm, and his declaring that ſelf-love is the chief motive and ſtandard of all virtuous and religious actions; that the being of God and immortality of the ſoul cannot be known by the mere light of nature; and yet the laws of na⯑ture are a certain and ſufficient rule to direct rational minds to happineſs, and our obſerving them the great means of our real and laſting felicity: and finally, in their permitting or encouraging preachers to entertain their hearers with dry harangues of almoſt mere Heathen morality, inſtead of the goſpel of Chriſt. 3. That they were impoſing upon miniſters, as a term of com⯑munion, the ſinful breaking of their ordination-vows, by neglecting all proper oppoſition to the prevailing courſe of apoſtacy from the doctrine, worſhip, govern⯑ment and diſcipline of the Scots church. 4. That they [78]were continuing obſtinate in their evil ways, notwith⯑ſtanding of all ordinary means uſed to recal them.

Moreover, in this teſtimony, theſe four brethren de⯑clared their adherence to their ordination-vows, and to the ſtandards of the mother church; and that they intended to hold eccleſiaſtic communion with all ſuch of her miniſters and members as oppoſed the above⯑mentioned courſe of backſliding, as they ſhould have opportunity.

The ſtrict party of the Scots church having vigo⯑rouſly exerted themſelves in the choice of members, the aſſembly of 1734 was very different from ſeveral of the preceding: ſundry corrupt courſes were checked; the ſeceding brethren were appointed to be reponed to their charges; but as the act of aſſembly repreſented this as done without condemning the act of aſſembly of 1733, or the conduct of their commiſſion, theſe bre⯑thren reckoned the truths that ſuffered along with them not duly vindicated, and therefore declined joining the eſtabliſhed judicatories on that footing, and publiſhed the reaſons of their conduct: however, they waited about two years and a half, looking and wiſhing for an opportunity of returning to the judicatories, during which time they kept their meetings of Preſbytery for almoſt nothing but prayer and conference: at length, obſerving the eſtabliſhed judicatories faſt returning to, or proceeding in their fore-mentioned corruptions, in⯑truſions promoted, Profeſſor Campbell diſmiſſed with⯑out cenſure, and his error concerning ſelf-love inad⯑vertently approved by the general aſſembly: her own excellent act againſt violent ſettlements, and another for orthodox preaching, generally diſregarded, they began to preach to thoſe oppreſſed Chriſtians who peti⯑tioned for it, and appointed Mr. Wilſon, one of their number, to train up ſtudents for the holy miniſtry.

Mean while, in the beginning of 1737, Meſſ. Ralph Erſkine and Thomas Mair joined them, declaring, that they joined them not as different from, but as a [79]part of the church of Scotland, witneſſing againſt the corruption of the prevailing party in her eſtabliſhed judicatories; that they intended no withdrawment from ſuch godly miniſters as were groaning under and wreſt⯑ling againſt the then courſe of backſliding; and that they propoſed to return to the eſtabliſhed judicatories whenever they ſhould return to their duty.

About the ſame time the Aſſociate Preſbytery publiſh⯑ed a ſecond teſtimony, calculated not to enumerate the cauſes of Seceſſion, but to repreſent the grounds of the Lord's anger againſt the generation; to approve former reformations, to condemn the ſteps of defection from it, and the moſt prevalent errors of the times, and aſ⯑ſert the truth in oppoſition thereto. In this paper they particularly rehearſed and condemned the principal de⯑fections of church and ſtate between 1650 and 1737: they expreſsly condemned the errors of Meſſ. Simſon and Campbell, and ſhewed them to be contrary to the word of God, and to the Weſtminſter confeſſion of faith and catechiſms: they ſolemnly aſſerted, that the Old and New Teſtament are not only a ſufficient and principal, but the ONLY rule to direct us how to glorify and enjoy God: that Jeſus Chriſt is the ſupreme, only true, and neceſſarily exiſtent God, of the ſame ſub⯑ſtance with his eternal Father: that God from eternity decreed all things merely according to the counſel of his will, and elected his people to everlaſting life, without any regard to their good works as the motive or con⯑dition of his choice: that God entered into a covenant of works with Adam as the repreſentative of all his na⯑tural ſeed: that, in conſequence of the breach of this covenant, all men are conceived and born in ſin, are by nature children of wrath, and can do nothing ſpiritually good: that tho' there be no neceſſary connexion between natural ſeriouſneſs and our obtaining of ſaving grace; yet it is the duty of all unregenerate perſons ſeriouſly to attend goſpel ordinances, whether public, private or ſecret, as the means whereby God conveys his con⯑verting [80]influence: that the light of nature is not ſuffi⯑cient to guide fallen men to true or laſting happineſs: that Chriſt aſſumed our nature, is very God and very man in two diſtinct natures, and one perſon for ever: that he, as our ſurety, undertook for all the elect, and gave to the law and juſtice of God whatever obedience and ſatisfaction they could require of us: that his righteouſneſs imputed to us; is the ONLY foundation of our pardon, acceptance with God, and title to eter⯑nal life, and not any thing wrought in or done by us: that want of conformity to God's law, in heart or life, is truly and properly ſin: that ſinning and ſuffering will be the miſery of the damned in hell thro' eternity: that all believers in Chriſt are fully delivered from the moral law as a covenant of works, ſo as to be thereby neither juſtified nor condemned, but are for ever under it as a binding rule of obedience given by Jehovah the Creator and Redeemer of men: that God needs no⯑thing from, nor can be profited by any creature, and therefore rewards their good actions entirely of his own free will and abſolutely gracious bounty: that not ſelf-intereſt or pleaſure, but the holy law of God, is the ſupreme and only ſtandard of all religious and virtu⯑ous actions: that not ſelf-love, but a view of the glo⯑rious excellencies of God, as revealed in Chriſt, and a regard to his authority, is the leading motive of our love and obedience to him: that no believer can ever totally fall from a ſtate of grace, nor did Chriſt's diſ⯑ciples, while he lay in the grave, look upon him as a downright impoſtor: that Chriſt alone is King and [...]ead of his church; to him alone it belongs to give her laws, ordinances, and officers; to him alone her offi⯑cers are ſubject in their ſpiritual adminiſtrations: that he hath warranted them to hold general aſſemblies, and other church judicatories, as often as neceſſary: that he hath appointed the Preſbyterian form of go⯑vernment, and no other, to continue in his church till the end of time: that Chriſt having in his word pre⯑ſcribed [81]a government in his church, diſtinct from, and not ſubordinate to the civil magiſtrate, he hath in⯑truſted it not to all church-members, but only to her office-bearers, whoſe power is entirely ſubordinate to the laws declared in his word: that theſe officers ought to be ſet over congregations by the call and conſent of the majority of ſuch therein as are admitted to full communion with the church in all her ſealing ordi⯑nances, no perſon's vote being preferred upon any ſe⯑cular account. Along with theſe aſſertory declarations of their belief, they condemned and profeſſed their de⯑teſtation of the contrary errors; and finally declared their hearty adherence to the Weſtminſter confeſſion of faith, catechiſms, directory for worſhip, and form of church-government, and to the national covenant of Scotland, as explained to abjure Prelacy and the arti⯑cles of Perth, and to the ſolemn league and covenant of the three kingdoms, and to all acts of aſſem⯑bly, or other teſtimonies, tending to promote or ſup⯑port their anceſtors covenanted work of reformation; and particularly to their own repreſentations to the commiſſion of the general aſſembly in 1733, their firſt teſtimony, and their reaſons of not acceding to the judicatories of the eſtabliſhed church.

Though this teſtimony was not intended for a new ſtandard, but as an open appearance in favour of thoſe that had been long acknowledged by the nation; yet perſons at their acceſſion to, or joining with the Sece⯑ding miniſters, did commonly profeſs their approba⯑tion of it, as far as they underſtood it: but that the preſbytery did not tyrannically require ſuch as joined them to believe the certainty of the various narratives of fact contained therein, is fully evident; Mr. Wil⯑ſon, the principal defender of the Seceding cauſe, boldly avers, that Mr. Currie his antagoniſt, in charging it with twenty-four miſtakes reſpecting hiſtorical facts, did not affect its proper ſubſtance, but merely wran⯑gled about circumſtances; and that the plain meaning [82]of acceders approving this teſtimony, was their ſigni⯑fying their conjunction with the Aſſociate Preſbytery, in the ſame confeſſion of the truths of God held forth from his word in our received ſtandards of doctrine, worſhip, diſcipline, and government.

Now nothing can be more certain, that neither the word of God, nor ſtandards of the Scots church, but acts of parliament, acts of aſſembly, and other like fallible vouchers, hold forth the hiſtorical aſſertions of that paper.

Not long had this teſtimony been publiſhed, when multitudes of private Chriſtians, a good number of elders, and two more miniſters, being offended with the growth of apoſtacy above-mentioned, and anew grieved with a great part of the eſtabliſhed clergy, for publickly rea [...]ing on the Sabbath, and thus ſolemnly acquieſcing in an act relative to the murderers of Cap⯑tain Porteous, in which the parliament claimed a ſpiri⯑tual headſhip over the church, conſt [...]uting themſelves judges of miniſters fitneſs to ſit in her courts, and threatening eccleſiaſtic penalties for diſobedience to their civil authority, did join the Aſſociate Preſbytery upon the footing of it. Now many from different corners of the land petitioned this preſbytery for ſer⯑mons; their requeſts were deliberately granted: the Seceding miniſters preached, and eſpecially held faſts, in moſt corners of the ſouth part of the country.

The plainneſs of this ſecond teſtimony, and the crowding of the common people after the authors of it, mightily provoked the managers in the eſtabliſhed judicatories: the Seceding miniſters were libelled, and cited before the aſſembly of 1739. When they ap⯑peared, the aſſembly declared their willingneſs to drop the libel, overlook every thing foregoing, and receive them with open arms into all manner of church-fel⯑lowſhip: but theſe aſſociate brethren, conſidering that the aſſembly conſiſted chiefly of intruders, and others deeply guilty of the growing defection, declined her [83]authority, as a not rightly conſtituted court of Chriſt. This daring attack, added to the former provocation, mightily chagrined the managers; wherefore the aſſem⯑bly, in 1740, without pretending to find theſe miniſters guilty of error in doctrine, or immorality in practice, depoſed them from being miniſters of the church of Scotland. This ſentence occaſioned a mighty run of the common people after the Seceding brethren; but as their followers increaſed, ſo did their trials. Sundry, if not moſt of theſe miniſters, had ere now believed, that a magiſtrate has only power to appoint faſts and thankſgivings, with the diets and cauſes thereof, in extraordinary caſes, and where he has not acceſs to conſult with a church that he judges rightly conſti⯑tuted: but ſome of their people, who had acceded to them, now prompted them to determine, Whether it was lawful for them to obſerve a faſt on the day ap⯑pointed by the King for that effect? In a pro re nata meeting of preſbytery, deſigned for other buſineſs, and while 14 out of 22 members were abſent, this queſtion was irregularly hawled in by Meſſ. Alexander Moncrief, Thomas Nairn, and Thomas Mair; and becauſe they judged the eſtabliſhed church had practically given up their power of appointing faſts and thankſgivings into the hand of the Sovereign, they carried it by, I think, one vote, that the Seceders obſerving faſts on theſe oc⯑caſions, was a ſinful connivance at the King's exerciſing a ſpiritual headſhip over the church. The deep ſilence, concerning this matter, in their after confeſſion of ſins, prefixed to their covenant-bond, indeed plainly demon⯑ſtrates, that this deciſion was never generally approved by the Seceding clergy: but their people being once, many of them, tinctured with the above notion, they ſeldom found it for edification to obſerve faſts or thankſgivings on the days appointed for that end by the civil magiſtrate: nevertheleſs, on theſe occaſions, they uſed to recommend private faſting, or to forbear giving offence with public labour; ſo that except a few [84]forward and leſs judicious perſons, it may be juſtly averred, that the Seceders gave as little open offence to the government on that head as moſt in the nation, who pretended to be zealous obſervers of the Sove⯑reign's faſts.

By Mr. Whitfield's miſſives to Mr Ralph Erſkine, and other like circumſtances, ſeveral of the Seceding brethren had conceived a very favourable opinion of him; but finding, upon converſe with him, that he decried all particular forms of church government as a mere human device, and being exceedingly offended with his printed enthuſiaſtic account of God's dealing with his ſoul, they turned their favour into warm op⯑poſition. In 1742, and ſome following years, a ſur⯑priſing commotion in the ſouls and bodies of men, while they attended ſermon, happened at Cambuſlang, near Glaſgow, and other places: this Mr. Whitfield's admirers extolled as a wonderful work of the Spirit of God; but the Seceders, tho' they could not deny that the lives of many were, for the preſent, thereby re⯑formed, and that ſome divine influence might attend the truths there delivered; yet, becauſe of the bodily con⯑vulſions, diſorderly noiſe, imaginary views of Chriſt, averſion at a covenanted work of reformation, nauſeous boaſting, and other irregularities attending it, they decried it as in a great meaſure deluſive. In the warm contention upon ſo critical a topic, no doubt both parties ſometimes run into extremes, and became ſtumbling blocks to one another: however, the return of multitudes of the ſubjects of the ſurpriſing influence to their wonted courſes, mightily confirmed the Sece⯑ders in their ſentiment.

Mean while the Seceding body had another trial from among themſelves: it was their earneſt deſire and prayer to God, to make our Sovereign King George, and every ſubordinate magiſtrate, zealous friends to a covenanted work of reformation; but they were firmly perſuaded, that difference in religion deprives [85]no civil ruler of his juſt power and authority; they openly teſtified againſt Mr. M'Milian's party, and others that thought otherwiſe: not a few of them bore arms againſt the Pretender; not one of them can be charged with appearing on his ſide: their miniſters often debarred from the Lord's table ſuch as denied the lawful authority of our preſent government, in all things civil; and they formally excommunicated ſome few of their followers that preſumed to do ſo.

In 1742, Mr. Thomas Nairn, a perſon too volatile for a witneſſing miniſter, took it into his head to main⯑tain, that none but a Preſbyterian and covenanted per⯑ſon could be rightful Sovereign of this realm: his aſ⯑ſociated brethren quickly oppoſed him with great vigour; proceeded to cenſure him; publiſhed a judi⯑cial declaration, wherein they ſhewed, from the word of God, our ſtandards and covenants, that it is the duty of the whole nation to obey the preſent civil go⯑vernment, in all things lawful, for conſcience ſake

After about ſeven years deliberation, the Aſſociate Preſbytery agreed upon the form of a bond of public covenanting with God; and, in December 1743, themſelves began to enter into it. Next year their act on this head was publiſhed, together with another, vindicating the doctrine of God's free grace from the injury done it by the general aſſemblies of 1720 and 1722 above-mentioned. The form of the Seceders co⯑venant had been ſhort, and moſtly plain, had it not reduplicated upon a long confeſſion of ſins, that it is to be feared few of their people could fully know the import and certainty of: not a few, therefore, con⯑demned the preſbytery's act, declaring, that the ſwear⯑ing of this bond ſhould be the term of miniſterial and Chriſtian communion with them. It was thought very unreaſonable, that a perſon of an eminently holy life, and zealouſly attached to all the truths of God, to the Scots ſtandards and covenants, ſhould be excluded from the ſeals of God's covenant, merely becauſe he could [86]not underſtand the meaning or certainty of ſome things in this bond, and the acknowledgment of ſins prefixed to it; or would not ſwear to what he underſtood not. Many of the Seceding clergy were afterwards ſenſible that this act was ſinful; nor do I know that ever the moſt zealous acted up to the tenor of it, with reſpect to their people.

About the beginning of the year 1745, the Aſſociate Preſbytery was ſo far increaſed, that they divided themſelves into three preſbyteries, under one ſynod. Soon after which, the Lord, to puniſh their manage⯑ment of his cauſe, gave them up to angry contentions, and an unprecedented breach. Tho' in many of their public papers they had ſolemnly declared their adherence to the ordination-vows uſed, and conſequently to the religion profeſſed in the eſtabliſhed church; tho' in their principles concerning magiſtracy, publiſhed in the year 1743, p. 50, they had judicially declared their thank⯑fulneſs to God that their own religion had ſuch ſecu⯑rity by the preſent civil government, as no nation on earth enjoyed the like: yet at the very firſt meeting of their Aſſociate Synod, they began warmly to debate, whether it was lawful for Seceders to ſwear that clauſe in ſome Scots burgeſs-oaths, viz. I profeſs and allow with my heart the true religion preſently profeſſed within this realm, and authoriſed by the laws thereof; I ſhall abide at and defend the ſame to my life's end, renouncing the Roman re⯑ligion called Papiſtry. Meſſ. Ebenezer and Ralph Er⯑ſkines, James Fiſher, and others, maintained, that ſince it was the true, the divine religion itſelf, profeſſed and ſettled in Scotland, and not the human and faulty man⯑ner of profeſſing or ſettling it, that was ſworn to in theſe oaths: that ſince, in their ſeceſſion, they had ne⯑ver pretended to ſet up a new religion, but to cleave more cloſely to that whereinto they had been baptiſed: that ſince in their teſtimonies they had eſpouſed the very ſame ſtandards with the eſtabliſhed church, had frequently and ſolemnly declared their adherence to the [87]ordination-vows, ſundry of them had taken therein, and whereby they were engaged to the religion, doc⯑trine, worſhip, diſcipline and government profeſſed and ſettled in the land: that ſince, tho' in their public pa⯑pers they had quarrelled with the manner in which the true religion is preſently profeſſed and ſettled in the realm, and teſtified againſt the various corruptions of church and ſtate; yet they had been ſo far from quar⯑relling with the true religion profeſſed and ſettled, that no more than two years before they had judicially de⯑clared the religion ſecured by the preſent civil govern⯑ment to be their own; and therefore could not, with⯑out the moſt glaring ſelf contradiction, prohibit the ſwear⯑ing of the above clauſe, as in itſelf ſinful, for thoſe of their way. Meſſ. Alexander M [...]ncrief, Thomas Mair, Adam Gib, and others, comended, that Seceders ſwearing of this clauſe was exceeding ſinful, and a giv⯑ing up the whole of their teſtimony; becauſe, ſaid they, ſwearing to the true religion preſently profeſſed and authoriſed in this realm, imports a ſwearing to it as preſently profeſſed and ſettled, and ſo an approving by oath of all the corrupt acts of church and ſtate. After much hot contention, thoſe who defended the burgeſs-oath, and who now began to be called Burgh⯑ers, offered, for the ſake of peace, to agree to an act forbidding Seceders to ſwear the ſaid clauſe, as inex⯑pedient in the preſent circumſtances. This peaceful pro⯑poſal the Antiburghers refuſed, as altogether inſuffi⯑cient; and, in a pretty thin meeting of ſyned, Apr. 9, 1746, puſhed and carried a vote, condemning the pre⯑ſent ſwearing of the above religious clauſe by Seceders, as ſinful, and inconſiſtent with their teſtimony and bond for renewing the covenants. Part of the Burgher miniſters and elders proteſted againſt this ſentence; but the Antiburghers anſwers to their reaſons of proteſt, not being ready, as they ought, againſt next meeting of ſynod, and ſome of the more zealous having in the mean time publickly debarred the defenders of the bur⯑geſs-oath [88]from the Lord's table, a new queſtion was introduced, Whether the above ſentence relative to the religious clauſe of ſome burgeſs-oaths ſhould be a term of miniſterial and Chriſtian communion? After much warm altercation at two meetings, and a diſſent and proteſtation of the Antiburghers againſt putting this queſtion, it was voted, and carried, that the ſaid ſentence ſhould not be a term of miniſterial or Chriſtian com⯑munion, at leaſt till the affair ſhould be deliberately conſidered in preſbyteries and ſeſſions, their mind ob⯑tained, and further means uſed, by prayer and confe⯑rence, for ſeeing eye to eye in the truth. No ſooner was this ſentence carried, than Mr. Thomas Mair, a zealous Antiburgher, declared and proteſted, that thereby his oppoſers had forfeited all ſynodical power, and that the lawful authority of the Aſſociate Synod was devolved upon a conſtituted meeting of his party, and of ſuch as ſhould cleave to them; all whom he called to meet next day in Mr. Gib's houſe for that effect; and then, with twenty-two others, and with⯑out either moderator or clerk, withdrew from thirty-two or thirty-three of their brethren, conſtituted in Chriſt's name, and with their moderator and clerk attending them. The day following, the Burghers aſſembled and conſtituted ſynod in the ordinary place: but the Anti⯑burghers conſtituted themſelves into another ſynod in Mr. Gib's houſe, and aſſerted themſelves ſole judges of their own anſwers, diſſents and proteſts; enacted, that the Burgher miniſters had forfeited all power per⯑taining to their office; and that no Seceding preſbytery or ſeſſion, not conſtituted in ſubordination to their pre⯑ſent meeting, could be a lawful court of Chriſt. This act was the baſis of their next meetings of preſbytery; hence the Antiburghers of the preſbytery of Edin⯑burgh deſerted their appointed place of next meeting, and took another [...] thoſe of the preſbytery of Perth re⯑fuſed their brethren a ſeat with them, and they univer⯑ſally refuſed to ſit in ſeſſion with thoſe elders that would [89]not ſubmit to their above conſtitution of ſynod. Mourn⯑ful was the ſtumbling and alienation of affection that enſued among the people; multitudes were perplexed how to ſide themſelves; and no doubt many did it en⯑tirely by gueſs. To remedy this awful confuſion, the Burgher clergy wrote twice to their brethren that de⯑ſerted them, earneſtly begging a meeting for prayer and conference, in order to their uniting in the Lord's cauſe. The Antiburghers, whether from unwilling⯑neſs to convince the Burghers of the ſins they laid to their charge, or from conſciouſneſs that they had not ſufficient arguments for that end, or from ſome diffe⯑rent view; returned no other anſwer, than that they could not, conſiſtently with their teſtimony, comply with any ſuch propoſal; and that their brethren's only way for peace was to preſent themſelves penitent pan⯑nels at their bar. The Burghers could not in conſcience ſubmit to their brethren's conſtitution of ſynod. None of them therefore appeared at their bar, except Mr. Hutton, who did it for no other purpoſe than to read a formidable attack upon the conſtitution of their court, which to this moment has received no proper refutation. The Burghers continued exerciſing their miniſtry, and holding their judicatories as formerly: they even made an act, declaring the Antiburgher con⯑ſtitution in Mr. Gib's houſe void and null, everſive of preſbytery, and contrary to ſcripture and reaſon: For theſe, and other above-mentioned inſtances of oppoſi⯑tion, the Antiburghers depoſed, excommunicated, and delivered them over to Satan. Theſe ſentences had no effect: the Meſſ. Erſkines, and other Burghers, lived as holily, preached as edifyingly, and died as com⯑fortably, as any of their oppoſers. The Antiburghers having proceeded two years in thus cenſuring their brethren, were obliged to confeſs, that all along them⯑ſelves had been lying under ſcandal with reſpect to partaking with their brethren in their ſin; and, at a meeting of ſynod, purged one another from it by ju⯑dicial [90]rebukes and adm [...]ons. [...]ow ſcandalous per⯑ſons were fit to cenſure others, or to purge one ano⯑ther, was not underſtood by m [...]ny. However, this was ſcarce well finiſhed, when M [...]. Patrick Mathew, an Antiburgher, deſerted to the B [...]rghers, and was cenſured as they had been.—Not long after Mr. Tho⯑mas Mair, the founder of the conſtitution in Mr. Gib's houſe, for maintaining that Chriſt in ſome ſenſe died for all mankind, was proſecuted, a [...]d cenſured by his brethren as guilty of Arminian error. Nothing tranſ⯑acted ſince, on either ſide, deſerves a place in a general hiſtory of religion: it remains briefly to repreſent the preſent agreement and difference of the two parties. Since their rupture in 1747, both have retained their reſpective ſynod, preſbyteries and ſeſſions: both have ſupplied the male [...]ontents in their oppoſers congrega⯑tions with preaching: the congregations belonging to both amount to about [...], in ſundry whereof are ſome thouſand examinable perſons; but the greater part much below that number. Which party have the greateſt number of followers, I know not; but the Antiburghers having the teacher of philoſophy and profeſſor of divinity on their ſide at the breach, then carried off almoſt all the ſtudents, and to this day have the greateſt number of miniſters; tho' even here the Burghers ſeem to gain ground. Both parties agree in public profeſſion of acherence to the ſcriptures, as the only rule of ſaith and practice; and to the confeſſion of faith, catechiſms, form of church-government, and public covenants, of their Preſbyterian anceſtors. Both, I hope, preach the goſpel of Chriſt in purity, and en⯑deavour to commit the miniſtry to faithful men. I heir form of worſhip is much the ſame with that of their mother-church: with both, miniſters endeavour pub⯑lickly to catechiſe, and privately to viſit, their congre⯑gations once a-year, without reſpect of perſons; both deteſt and avoid private b [...]ptiſm; both uſe to admini⯑ſter the Lord's ſupper in their congregation once a-year, [91]and ſundry of the Burghers do it twice. Neither party allow themſelves to admit to the ſacraments any but ſuch as have ſome viſible appearance of ſaintſhip: Groſs ignorance of the Chriſtian ſaith, neglect of the worſhip of God in ſecret or in families, drunkenneſs, ſwearing in ordinary converſation, even tho' it be in a paſſion, idleneſs, or unneceſſary travelling or labouring on the Sabbath, playing at cards and dice, ſmuggling of goods, lying, reviling, apparent hatred of others, diſhoneſty, obſcene language, fornication, and the like, are with both reckoned ſcandalous, and ſufficient reaſon for ſuſpending a perſon from the ſacraments. With reſpect to difference, none can be admitted to the ſacraments by the Antiburghers, except he at leaſt in⯑directly declare his perſuaſion that it is very ſinful for Seceders to ſwear the above-mentioned clauſe of ſome burgeſs-oaths: they contend, that the conſtitution of the Scots revolution church is Eraſtian, and could ne⯑ver be lawfully joined with: they aver that their reli⯑gion is different from that of the eſtabliſhed church, but have not hitherto declared what divine truth they hold that is not comprehended in her public ſtandards: they ſeem to equal, if not ſometimes prefer, the ſecond teſtimony above-mentioned, to the confeſſion of faith, and other ſtandards of their mother church, and mean⯑while renounce the ordination-vows, together with ſuch parts of the firſt teſtimony and repreſentations adhered to in it, as approve of the religion at preſent profeſſed in the realm. Tho', in their preſent form of ordina⯑tion-vows, they plainly approve of that declaration of principles concerning the civil magiſtrate, in which it is declared that their own religion has unmatched ſecu⯑rity by the preſent civil government; yet they ſepa⯑rated from their brethren, becauſe they would not al⯑low that every one ſhould be excluded from miniſte⯑rial and Chriſtian communion with them, who believed it lawful to ſwear to profeſs and abide in the religion at preſent authoriſed by the civil government: they ſepa⯑rated [92]without pretending to make any ſchiſm; and tho', at the breach, no more than about two-fifths of the ſynod, they met in a different place, and aſſumed the whole power of it; and tho' confeſſedly under ſcan⯑dal themſelves, proceeded as above to cenſure their brethren, who never once acknowledged their autho⯑rity; and frequently they faſt and pray, that God may bleſs the cenſures they have paſſed upon them: they reckon public covenanting a very diſtinguiſhing ar⯑ticle of their religion, and hence puſh their people into it; but, it is ſhrewdly alledged, with [...]ut due pains to inſtruct them in the knowledge of the bond, and con⯑feſſion of ſins, to which they ſwear, or due care to re⯑ſtrain ſuch as do not underſtand that oath; in conſe⯑quence whereof, it is hard to find many whoſe practice is a whit bettered by their covenanting work. — On the other hand, the Burghers, though they generally conceive the religious clauſe of the burgeſs-oath to be lawful, require none either directly or indirectly to be of their mind in that matter: with them, one that thinks it ſinful may be as readily admitted to the ſacra⯑ment, or even to the miniſtry, as if he thought it lawful; their maxim being, "Him that is weak in the faith, re⯑ceive ye, but not to doubtful diſputations:" they con⯑tend, that though the glory of the revolution-church is indeed inferior to that between 1638 and 1650, her conſtitution is nevertheleſs ſcriptural, and was lawfully joined with; and declare their intention to join with the eſtabliſhed judicatories, whenever they ſhall earneſtly reform from the various defections introduced ſince the revolution: they maintain, that though the human appearances for religion, the manner of profeſſing and ſettling it, be different, yet the religion of the revolu⯑tion-church is the very ſame with that profeſſed be⯑tween 1638 and 1650; and generally contend, that what themſelves profeſs is the very ſame religion pro⯑feſſed in the eſtabliſhed church, ſince their ſtandards of doctrine, worſhip, diſcipline and government are [93]the ſame; though their method of profeſſing and adhering to them be more ſtrict: they eſteem the ſe⯑cond teſtimony as no ſtandard, but as an appearance in favour of their ſtandards: they acknowledge that in the hiſtorical parts of it there are a few miſtakes, or ill-guarded expreſſions; but cleave to the ſubſtantial part of it without exception: when their brethren ſeparated from them, they purſued after peace and union, even while it fled from them; being the majority at the breach, they kept poſſeſſion of their ſeat in judicato⯑ries. Though they declared the Antiburghers conſtitu⯑tion in Mr. Gib's houſe null and void, and maintained their brethren's above-mentioned cenſuring of them, and their frequent faſting and prayer for God's ratifi⯑cation thereof, an almoſt unmatched profanation of the name of Chriſt; yet they could not ſee it warrant⯑able from ſcripture to proceed to cenſure their brethren, while there was no appearance of its tending to the general edification. They heartily approve of publickly covenanting, when ſeaſonable, and done in truth, judg⯑ment and righteouſneſs: they conſtantly maintain the continued obligation of their anceſtors covenants; and at ordinations, and on other occaſions, ſolemnly declare their adherence to them: but finding from ſcripture that public covenanting is not a ſtanding but occaſional duty; that it neither took place in the reign of David nor Solomon, thoſe religious Kings, who together reigned eighty years over Iſrael, nor appears to have been ever recommended by the Apoſtles as a preſent duty for their hearers; that it is only to be done with knowledge and underſtanding; and that it is better not to vow, than to vow and not pay by a tender and holy practice; and fearing that the preſent broken ſtate of the church, when the godly are ſo divided, may not be altogether proper for it; finding that, be⯑ſides ſome inadvertent miſtakes, the confeſſion of ſins, publiſhed in 1744, and now uſed by the Antiburghers, is ſuch as they could not hope to make the twentieth [94]part of their hearers to underſtand; and being deter⯑mined never to allow perſons to ſwear it ignorantly; and finally, being exceedingly ſtumbled at the raſh, ig⯑norant, proud, party-like and fruitleſs covenanting, they think they obſerve among their brethren Antiburghers, they have never yet proceeded to ſuch work; and on that account are repreſented by the Antiburghers as moſt wicked and wilful apoſtates from the cauſe of Chriſt.

The Hiſtory of the PRESBYTERIANS.

THIS denomination of Proteſtant Diſſenters have been called by different names at different pe⯑riods of time. In their firſt attempts for a further refor⯑mation of the church, they were, by way of reproach, termed Puritans, a name derived from the Cathari or Puritani of the third century after Chriſt. The ungenerous and cruel perſecutions they ſuffered for conſcience ſake, in the reigns of Elizabeth, James I. and Charles I. will ever reflect diſgrace upon the memory of thoſe Princes.

I might ſay that Wickliffe, the firſt Engliſh re⯑former, maintained many of thoſe points, by which the Puritans were afterwards diſtinguiſhed, or trace them from the reign of Edward VI. when many ex⯑cellent [115]divines were endeavouring a further reforma⯑tion from the ceremonies and fopperies of the church of Rome, particularly with regard to the Popiſh veſt⯑ments. But I ſhall obſerve that the reformed exiles, who were driven to Franckfort, to avoid the cruelties of Mary I. (and who being outed from thence by thoſe reformers, who ſtickled for King Edward's liturgy in 1556, which the others ſcrupled the uſe of) and who afterwards ſet up congregations at Baſil and Geneva, and there followed the Geneva diſcipline, were firſt called Puritans, as their opponents obtained the name of Conformiſts. The hiſtory of the church of England, foregoing, has particularly recited their various ſuffer⯑ings, for their oppoſition to the habits ^*, and their ſcruples in regard to the act of uniformity, with their ſeparation from the church thereon. But they had other objections againſt the hierarchy, beſides thoſe for which they were deprived, which they laboured inceſſantly throughout the reign of Elizabeth to re⯑move; ^† they complained of the Biſhops affecting to be thought a ſuperior order to Preſbyters, and claiming the ſole right of ordination, and the uſe of the keys. They diſliked the temporal dignities and lordſhips an⯑nexed to their offices, and their engaging in ſecular employments, and truſts, &c. as tending to exalt them too much above their brethren, and not ſo agreeable to their characters, as miniſters of Chriſt, nor con⯑ſiſtent with the due diſcharge of their ſpiritual func⯑tion.—They excepted to the titles and offices of Arch⯑deacons, Deans, Chapters, and other officials belonging to cathedrals, as having no foundation in ſcripture, or primitive antiquity, but intrenching upon the privileges of the preſbyters of the ſeveral dioceſes. They com⯑plained of the exorbitant power and juriſdiction of the Biſhops and their Chancellors in their ſpiritual courts, as derived from the canon law of the Pope, and not [116]from the word of God, or the ſtatute law of the land: of their fining, impriſoning, depriving, and putting men to exceſſive charges for ſmall offences; and that the higheſt cenſures, ſuch as excommunication and ab⯑ſolution, were in the hands of laymen, and not in the ſpiritual officers of the church.—They lamented the want of a godly diſcipline, and were uneaſy at the promiſcuous and general acceſs of all perſons to the Lord's table. The church being deſcribed in her ar⯑ticles as a congregation of faithful perſons, they thought it neceſſary that a power ſhould be lodged ſomewhere, to inquire into the qualifications of ſuch as deſired to be of her communion.—Though they did not diſpute the lawfulneſs of ſet forms of prayer, provided a due liberty was allowed for prayers of their own com⯑poſure, before and after ſermon; yet they diſliked ſome things in the public liturgy, eſtabliſhed by law; as the frequent repetition of the Lord's prayer, the re⯑ſponſes, ſome paſſages in the offices of marriage, burial, &c. ſuch as, with my body I thee worſhip; i [...] ſure and certain hope of the reſurrection to eternal life, to be pronounced over the worſt of men, if not excom⯑municated, &c.—They diſliked the reading of the apo⯑cryphal books in the churches, whilſt ſome parts of the canonical books were omitted; dumb miniſters, plura⯑liſts, and non-reſidents, and that preſentations to bene⯑fices were in the hands of the Queen, Biſhops, or ſome lay patron, which ought to ariſe from the election of the people.—They diſapproved of the approbation of ſundry of the church feſtivals, or holidays, as having no foundation in ſcripture, or primitive antiquity; ſuch as ſaints days, faſting on Friday, &c. in Lent, &c.— They diſallowed of the cathedral mode of worſhip; of ſinging their prayers, and of the Antiphone, o [...] chanting of the pſalms, by turns, trumpets, organs, &c. which were not in uſe in the church, for above 1200 years after Chriſt.—They ſcrupled confor⯑mity to certain rites and ceremonies, which were in⯑joined [117]by the rubrick, or the Queen's injunctions; viz. To the ſign of the croſs in baptiſm; baptiſm by mid⯑wives; the manner of churching women; the uſe of god⯑fathers and godmothers, to the excluſion of the parents from being ſureties for the education of their own child⯑ren, &c. &c. the cuſtom of confirming children, as ſoon as they could repeat the Lord's prayer and catechiſm, by which they had a right to come to the ſacrament without any other qualification; this might be done by children of five or ſix years old; kneeling at the ſacrament of the Lord's ſupper; bowing to the name of Jeſus; the ring in marriage; to the wearing of the ſurplice and other veſtments to be uſed in divine ſervice. There was no difference in points of doctrine; ſo that one article more, and my readers have the chief heads of controverſy between the church of England and the Proteſtant Diſſenters at this time, viz. "The natural right that every man has to judge for himſelf, and make profeſſion of that religion he apprehends moſt agreeable to truth, as far as it does not affect the peace and ſafety of the government he lives under, without being de⯑termined by the prejudices of education, the laws of the civil magiſtrate, or the decrees of councils, churches or ſynods."

In the maintenance of their conſcientious ſepara⯑tion, they ſeemed inſpired with all the courage and fortitude of the primitive confeſſors and martyrs; in point of argument they had much the better of their adverſaries; but had no protection againſt the pains, penalties, impriſonments and fines impoſed by the governing powers; under which however they in general behaved with Chriſtian meekneſs and unex⯑ampled patience.

The firſt Preſbyterian church in England was erected at Wandſworth, a village near London, and, on the 20th of November 1572, eleven elders were choſen, and their offices deſcribed, in a regiſter, in⯑titled the order of Wandſworth. Other churches, notwith⯑ſtanding [118]proclamations for uniformity, &c. were ſoon erected in other counties, though with the utmoſt pri⯑vacy and ſecreſy. Under James the Firſt's perſecution, numbers of Puritan miniſters and others left the king⯑dom, and retired to Amſterdam, Rotterdam, the Hague, Leyden, Utrecht, &c. &c. and erected churches in thoſe places after the Preſbyterian model; thoſe churches were maintained by the ſtates, according to treaty with Queen Elizabeth, as the French and Dutch churches were in England.

The Puritans were far from finding any relaxation, of the ſeverities exerciſed againſt them, in the reign of the unfortunate Charles I. who following the violent advice of Archbiſhop Laud, reduced them to the neceſſity of quitting the kingdom in ſtill greater numbers, by his eſpouſing Arminianiſm, and oppoſing the old Calviniſtical doctrines. Arminianiſm and Popery may be ſaid to have been prevalent in his court; but were warmly oppoſed by the Calviniſts. Laud introduced Popiſh ornaments into the churches, turned the communion-tables into altars, puniſhing thoſe that oppoſed him with the utmoſt ſeverity, and with a total diſregard to the laws of the land. The oppoſers to theſe and other innovations were ſtiled doc⯑trinal Puritans, and the patroniſers doctrinal Papiſts. Indeed it ſeemed to be Laud's favourite ſcheme to bring about a union of the churches of England and Rome, to which he ſacrificed the intereſts of the king⯑dom, of his maſter, and finally his own life. By his own arbitrary will he made many alterations in the book of Common Prayer, by which he rendered it ſtill more exceptionable to the Puritans; numbers of worthy clergymen were deprived, and ſuffered the ut⯑moſt rigours for not reading and inforcing the decla⯑ration for the allowance of revels, may-games, &c. &c. on the Sabbath-day; and, in ſhort, the Puritan divines and others, on theſe accounts, underwent as cruel a perſecution as could be carried on by an inqui⯑ſition. [119]If ſome of theſe conſcientious people were too ſtrict and preciſe in their oppoſition, they could not be much blamed, as there ſeemed ſuch a viſible deſign to defeat the bleſſed effects of the reformation, by coun⯑tenancing and adopting all the ceremonies and fopperies of the Romiſh church. Theſe perſecutions occaſioned the ſettlement of the colonies of New England, where many learned and pious miniſters, eminent merchants, and ſome thouſands of families, tranſported themſelves to avoid the rage of their enemies. Heylin obſerves, "the ſevere preſſing of the ceremonies made the people in many trading towns tremble at a viſitation; but when they found their ſtriving in vain, and that they had loſt the comfort of their lecturers ^*, who were turned out for not reading the ſecond ſervice at the communion-table in their hoods and ſurplices, and for uſing other prayers beſides that of the fifty-fifth canon, it was no hard matter for thoſe miniſters to perſuade them to tranſport themſelves into foreign parts. The ſun (ſaid they) ſhines as comfortably in other places, and the ſun of righteouſneſs much brighter; 'tis better to go and dwell in Goſhen, find it where we can, than tarry in the midſt of ſuch Egyptian bondage as is among us; the ſinful corruptions of the church are now grown ſo gene⯑ral, that there is no place free from the contagion; there⯑fore go out of her, my people, and be not partaker of her ſins.

[120]The body of the Puritans were, however, not now Preſbyterians; in the reigns of Elizabeth and James I. they were for the moſt part of that opinion, though even then there were many Epiſcopalians among them; but from the time that Arminianiſm prevailed in the church, and the whole body of Calviniſts were to be diſtinguiſhed by the name of Doctrinal Puritans, both parties ſeemed to unite in a moderate Epiſcopacy; for there was little or no mention of the old book of diſ⯑cipline, for twenty years before the beginning of the civil war, all the controverſy being upon points of Cal⯑viniſm; upon a reduction of the exorbitant power of the Biſhops, and upon innovations (as they were called) and ceremonies; there were few, either among the clergy or laity, that had a zeal for Preſbytery, or deſired any more than to be rid of their oppreſſions.

Many of the ceremonies and innovations complain⯑ed of by the Puritans were removed, by the long par⯑liament, in 1641, and lectures again eſtabliſhed. They voted away the hierarchy of the church of England; but ſtill, at the beginning of the civil war, no other diſcipline was erected in its room; nor, as Mr. Neale obſerves, was the name, ſtile, and dignity of Arch⯑biſhops and Biſhops taken away by ordinance of parli⯑ament, till September 5, 1646, i. e. till the war was over, and the King their priſoner. In this interval there was properly no eſtabliſhed form of church-go⯑vernment, the clergy being permitted to read more or leſs of the liturgy as they pleaſed, and to govern their pariſhes according to their diſcretion. The veſtments were left indifferent, ſome wearing them, and others, in imitation of the foreign Proteſtants, making uſe of a cloak. In the place of that profaneneſs and con⯑tempt of religion viſible before the civil war, all orders of men in the city, army, and country, became devout and pious. "The generality of thoſe people ^*, through⯑out [121]out England, who went by the name of Puritans, Pre⯑ciſians, Preſbyterians, who followed ſermons, prayed in their families, read books of devotion, and were ſtrict obſervers of the Sabbath, being avowed enemies to ſwearing, drunkenneſs, and all kinds of profaneneſs, adhered to the parliament."—"Of the clergy, thoſe who were of the ſentiments of Calvin, who were con⯑ſtant preachers of the word of God themſelves, and en⯑couragers of it in others, who were zealous againſt Po⯑pery, and wiſhed for a reformation of the diſcipline of the church, were on the parliament's ſide. Among thoſe were ſome of the elder clergy, who were pre⯑ferred before the riſe of Archbiſhop Laud; all the de⯑prived and ſilenced miniſters, with the whole body of lecturers and warm popular preachers, both in town and country; theſe drew after them great numbers of the more ſerious and devout people, who were not ca⯑pable of judging between the King and parliament, but followed their ſpiritual guides, from a veneration they had for their integrity and piety." No wonder with ſuch inſtruments the parliament did ſuch great things; for even the ſober men who were againſt the parliament, uſed to ſay, "The King had the better cauſe, but the parliament had the better men."

On June 12, 1643, both houſes of parliament joint⯑ly publiſhed an ordinance for the calling an aſſembly of divines, for ſettling the government and liturgy of the church of England, to meet July 1, in Henry VII.'s chapel in Weſtminſter abbey, hence called the Weſt⯑minſter aſſembly. This famous aſſembly drew up the well known confeſſion of faith, a larger and ſhorter catechiſm, and a form of church-government after the Preſbyterian mode, being principally urged thereto by the low ſtate of the parliament, and the indiſpenſible ne⯑ceſſity there was for the aſſiſtance of the Scots, whoſe commiſſioners were ſent to join with them (as obſerved p. 60, before going) they admitted of the ſolemn [122]league and covenant. Our commiſſioners, as Burnet obſerves, preſſed for a civil league, but the Scots would have a religious one; to which the Engliſh were obliged to yield, but took care, at the ſame time, to leave a door open for the latitude of interpretation. "The Engliſh in foreign parts were not exempted from this teſt. December 20, 1643, it was ordered by the Lords and Commons, that no perſon ſhould be ca⯑pable of being elected a common council-man of the city of London, or ſo much as have a voice in ſuch elections, who has not taken the covenant. January 29, 1644, it was ordered by the Commons, that the ſolemn league and covenant be, upon every day of faſting and public humiliation, publickly read in eve⯑ry church and congregation within the kingdom; and every congregation is obliged to have one, fairly print⯑ed in a large letter, in a table fitted to be hung up in a public place of the church or congregation, to be read by the people. All young miniſters were required to take the covenant at their ordination; none of the laity were continued in any office of truſt, civil or mili⯑tary, who refuſed it. Thus the very perſons who had oppoſed teſts and ſubſcriptions under Epiſcopacy, now were forward to impoſe them, in the ſevereſt manner, upon their fellow ſubjects and fellow Chriſtians. In⯑deed the aſſembly, though compoſed in general of men of learning and excellent divines, yet had a perſecuting zeal, and hurt themſelves by running into heats upon the divine right of Preſbyterian government, which loſt them, together with their enmity to toleration, the hearts and ſupport of the parliament and their beſt friends. The Epiſcopal party had no concern in the government of the church from the time of the taking the covenant to the reſtoration, though the hierarchy was not yet ſet aſide by an ordinance of parliament. There were no more eccleſiaſtical courts, no wearing the habits, no regard paid to the canons or ceremonies, [123]nor even to the common prayer itſelf. Whilſt the aſſembly of divines ſat, all church-buſineſs went thro' their hands; the pariſhes choſe their miniſters, the aſſembly examined and approved, and the parliament confirmed them in their benefices, without any regard to the Archbiſhop or his Vicar. In the diſtant counties the miniſters were put in by the parliament Generals, as appears by an ordinance of February 27, 1643, giving authority to Lord Fairfax to ſupply the churches in the North, the preamble to which recites, that "the houſes being credibly informed that many mi⯑niſters, in the county of York, were not only of a ſcandalous life, but having left their churches and cures, had withdrawn themſelves wilfully from the ſame, and joined ſuch forces as had been raiſed againſt the parliament, and aſſiſted them with men, money, horſes and arms; therefore it is ordained, that Lord Fairfax be authoriſed to fill up their places with ſuch learned and godly divines as he ſhall think fit, with advice of the aſſembly." In 1644 the univerſities were purged, and many of the officers deprived, with above 200 graduates and ſcholars, whoſe places were ſupplied by the aſſembly of divines, principally with Calviniſt mi⯑niſters, &c. &c. and the livings from which the hier⯑archical clergy were ejected, were alſo ſupplied by Preſbyterian divines; ſo that preſbytery was now the reigning religion; and it muſt be confeſſed, the Preſby⯑terians were as determined againſt toleration as ever the church of England had lately been. But it muſt be ſaid they brought religion to be the reigning faſhion, the Lord's day was ſtrictly obſerved, all profaneneſs and immorality were diſcouraged, and the care and pains of the new governors of the church was abundantly viſible in the lives and behaviour of all ranks of peo⯑ple throughout the kingdom.

After many and long debates in the Weſtminſter aſſembly and the parliament, on the divine right of [124]preſbytery, the power of the keys, &c. the Preſ⯑byterian form of church-government became the national eſtabliſhment, in 1645, by way of proba⯑tion, as far as an ordinance of parliament could make it; for the preamble ſets forth, "That if upon trial it was not found acceptable, it ſhould be reverſed or amended: that the two houſes found it very diffi⯑cult to make the new ſettlement agree with the laws and government of the kingdom: that therefore it could not be expected that a preſent rule, in every particular, ſhould be ſettled at once; but that there will be need of ſupplements and additions, and per⯑haps alterations, as experience ſhall bring to light the neceſſity thereof."—"The parliament apprehended ^* they had now eſtabliſhed the fundamentals of the Preſ⯑byterian diſcipline, tho' it proved not to the ſatisfac⯑tion of any one party of Chriſtians; ſo hard it is to make a good ſettlement when men dig up old founda⯑tions all at once. The Preſbyterian government was as narrow as the prelatical; and as it did not allow a liberty of conſcience, but claimed a civil, as well as eccleſiaſtical authority, over men's perſons and proper⯑ties, was equally, if not more, inſufferable."—"The ſettling preſbytery ^† was ſupported by the fear and love of the Scots army; and when theſe were gone home, it was better managed by the Engliſh army, who were for Independency, and a better principle of toleration; but as things ſtood, no-body was pleaſed; the Epiſcopalians and Independants were excluded; and becauſe the parliament would not give the ſeveral preſbyteries an abſolute power over their communi⯑cants, but reſerved the laſt appeal to themſelves, nei⯑ther the Scots nor Engliſh Preſbyterians would accept of the ordinance."

The aſſembly petitioned the houſes of parliament, aſſerting the divine right of the Preſbyterian govern⯑ment, [125]and complaining of a clauſe in the late ordi⯑nance, which eſtabliſhed an appeal from the cenſures of the church to a committee of parliament. Here⯑upon they voted the aſſembly guilty of a praemunire; and whereas they inſiſted ſo peremptorily on the jus divinum of the Preſbyterian government, the commit⯑tee of parliament drew up certain queries, which they ſent to the aſſembly by three of their members, and deſired they would reſolve to their ſatisfaction. The three members alſo ſet before them their raſh and im⯑prudent conduct, and ſhewed wherein they had ex⯑ceeded their province, which was "to adviſe the houſes in ſuch points as they ſhould lay before them, but not to dictate to thoſe to whom they owed their being an aſſembly." The aſſembly, terrified at what they heard, appointed a ſolemn faſt; and the next year, 1646, the Independants having left them, and the Eraſtians dividing them in the committee appointed to conſider the queſtions, and entering their diſſent, when the anſwer was laid before them, it was not called the anſwer of the committee, but of ſome brethren of the committee; and when the queſtion was put, the Eraſti⯑ans withdrew from the aſſembly, and left the high Preſ⯑byterians to themſelves, who agreed with but one diſ⯑ſenting voice, that "Jeſus Chriſt, as King of the church, hath himſelf appointed a church-government diſtinct from the civil magiſtrate." After more ſquab⯑blings with the parliament, the Preſbyterian miniſters complied to put the Preſbyterial government in prac⯑tice, according to the preſent eſtabliſhment, with a re⯑ſerve of certain conſiderations and cautions, which they drew up.

Hereupon the kingdom, inſtead of ſo many dioceſes, was divided into a certain number of provinces, made up of repreſentatives from the ſeveral claſſes within their boundaries. Every pariſh had a congregational or parochial preſbytery for the affairs of the pariſh; [126]the parochial preſbyteries were combined into claſſes: theſe choſe repreſentatives for the provincial aſſemblies, as the provincial did for the national. "Thus the Preſbyterian church-government began to riſe and ap⯑pear in its proper form; but new obſtructions being raiſed by the miniſters to the choice of repreſentatives, the provincial aſſembly of London did not meet till the year 1647, nor did it ever obtain but in London and Lancaſhire. The parliament never came heartily into it; however, the Preſbyterian miniſters had their vo⯑luntary aſſociations for church-affairs in moſt counties, tho' without any authoritative juriſdiction."

It ſhould have been obſerved, that the Preſbyterians had refuſed to come to a toleration of their brethren the Independants, in 1645, after much altercation and many papers had paſſed relative thereto, in a committee of accommodation, as it was ſtiled, conſiſting of a com⯑mittee of Lords and Commons appointed to treat with the Scots commiſſioners and the committee of divines, to endeavour a union, if poſſible, or to find out "how far tender conſciences, who cannot in all things ſubmit to the ſame rule, may be borne with, according to the word of God, and conſiſtent with the public peace. "Little did the Preſbyterian divines think, ſays Neale, that in leſs than twenty years all their artillery would be turned againſt themſelves; that they ſhould be ex⯑cluded the eſtabliſhment by an act of prelatical unifor⯑mity; that they ſhould be reduced to the neceſſity of pleading for that indulgence, which they now denied their brethren; and think it their duty to gather churches for ſeparate worſhip, out of others which they allowed to be true ones. If the leading Preſbyterians in the aſſembly and city had come to a temper with the Independants, on the foot of a limited toleration, they had, in all likelihood, prevented the diſputes between the army and parliament, which were the ruin of both; they might then have ſaved the conſtitution, and made [127]their own terms with the King, who was now their priſoner; but they were enchanted with the beauties of covenant uniformity, and the divine right of their preſ⯑bytery, which after all the parliament would not ad⯑mit in its full extent."

From the year 1647 to the death of Charles I. matters with regard to the Preſbyterians continued much upon the ſame footing; yet tho' they filled moſt of the livings, and had the city and great part of the parliament at their devotion, they met with many mortifications from the Independants and army, who were moſtly of that ſect; but principally for their rigid and intolerant ſpirit, which diſguſted all the other ſects: they had done all they could while the army was marched againſt the Scots, in 1648, to bring about a peace with the King; but the unhappy Prince obſti⯑nately refuſed to comply with their terms, nor would the Preſbyterians relax in them, ſo that the army had an opportunity given them to break all their meaſures.

It is my opinion, after carefully conſulting every ac⯑count pro and con, that the Preſbyterians are cleared from any ſhare in the guilt of putting the King to death; nay, the London miniſters publiſhed a ſerious and faithful repreſentation, againſt doing any violence to the perſon of the King, addreſſed to the general and his council of officers, Jan. 18, 1648. To wipe away the calumnies thrown out againſt them on that account, they publiſhed a paper alſo, intitled, a vindication of the London miniſters from the unjuſt aſperſions caſt upon their former actings for the par⯑liament, as if they had promoted the bringing the King to capital puniſhment. In this vindication, after de⯑claring over again their diſlike of the proceedings againſt the King, they conclude in words to this effect: "Therefore, according to our covenant, we do, in the name of the great God, warn and exhort all that belong to our reſpective charges, or to whom we have adminiſtered the ſaid covenant, to abide by their vow, and not to ſuffer themſelves to be perſuaded [128]to ſubſcribe the ^* agreement of the people, which is ſubverſive of the preſent conſtitution, and makes way for the toleration of all hereſies and blaſphemies, and will effectually divide the two kingdoms of England and Scotland. We earneſtly beſeech them to mourn for the ſins of the parliament and city, and for the miſcarriages of the King himſelf, in his government, which have caſt him down from his excellency, into an horrid pit of miſery almoſt beyond example; and to pray, that God would give him effectual repentance, and to ſanctify the bitter cup of divine diſpleaſure, which divine providence has put into his hands; and that God would reſtrain the violence of men, that they may not dare to draw upon themſelves and the kingdom the blood of their ſovereign." In ſhort, they ſhewed themſelves, in the ſecond civil war, almoſt unanimous for accommodating matters with the King; but, as before obſerved, the ſtiffneſs of both parties rendered their deſigns abortive, and brought on a ca⯑taſtrophe to which they were utterly averſe, and uſed every means in their power to prevent.

That the reader may ſee the principles of the Preſby⯑terians of thoſe days, I ſhall firſt make an extract from a teſtimony of the truth of Jeſus Chriſt, and to our ſolemn league and covenant; as alſo againſt the errors, here⯑ſies, and blaſphemies of theſe times, and the toleration of them; to which is added a catalogue of the ſaid errors, &c. publiſhed by the London clergy, and dated from Sion college, Dec. 14, 1647. It was ſubſcribed by 58 of the moſt eminent paſtors in London, 17 of whom were of the aſſembly of divines, to which 64 of the miniſters of Glouceſterſhire, 84 of Lancaſhire, 83 of Devon⯑ſhire, and 71 of Somerſetſhire, ſubſcribed their con⯑currence. [129]Touching errors and hereſies, they declare their deteſtation and abhorrence of the following, inter alia: "1. That the holy ſcriptures are not of divine authority, and the only rule of faith. 2. That God hath a bodily ſhape; that God is the name of a perſon; and, that God is the author of ſin, having a greater hand in it than men themſelves. 3. That there is not a Trinity of perſons in the Godhead; that the Son is not co-equal with the Father; and, that the Holy Ghoſt is only a miniſtering Spirit. 4. That God has not elected ſome to ſalvation, from eternity; and re⯑jected or reprobated others; and, that no man ſhall periſh in hell for Adam's ſin. 5. That Chriſt died for the ſins of all mankind; that the benefits of his death were intended for all; and that natural men may do ſuch things as whereunto God has by way of promiſe annexed grace and acceptation. 6. That man hath a free-will and power in himſelf to repent, to be⯑lieve, to obey the goſpel, and to do every thing that God requires to ſalvation. 7. That faith is not a ſupernatural grace, and that faithful actions are the only things by which a man is juſtified. 8. That the moral law is not the rule of life; that believers are as clean from ſin as Chriſt himſelf; that ſuch have no occaſion to pray for pardon for ſin; that God ſees no ſin in his people, nor does he ever chaſtiſe them for it. 9. That there is no church nor ſacraments, nor Sab⯑bath; the opinion of the Seekers (now called Quakers). 10. That the children of believers ought not to be baptized, nor baptiſm continued amongſt Chriſtians; that the meaning of the third commandment is, Thou ſhalt not forſwear thyſelf. 11. That perſons of the next kindred may marry; and that indiſpoſition, unfitneſs, or contrariety of mind, ariſing from natural cauſes, are a juſt reaſon of divorce. 12. That the ſoul of man is mortal; that it ſleeps with the body; and that there is neither heaven or hell till the day of judgment." They alſo witneſſed againſt the error of toleration, pa⯑tronizing [130]and promoting all other errors, hereſies, and blaſphemies whatſoever, under the groſsly abuſed notion of liberty of conſcience. Herein they complain, as a very great grievance, "that men ſhould not have liberty to worſhip God, in the way and manner as ſhall appear to them moſt agreeable to the word of God, and no man be puniſhed or diſcountenanced by autho⯑rity for the ſame; and that an inforced uniformity of religion throughout a nation or ſtate confounds the civil and religious, and denies the very principles of Chriſtianity and civility." They then bear their teſti⯑mony to the covenant, and to the divine right of Preſby⯑tery. They lament the imperfect ſettlement of their diſcipline by the parliament, and lay the foundation of all their calamities in the countenancing a public and general toleration: and conclude, "Upon all theſe conſiderations, we, the miniſters of Jeſus Chriſt, do hereby teſtify to our flocks, to all the kingdom, and to the reformed world, our great diſlike of Prelacy, Eraſtianiſm, Browniſm, and Independency; and our ut⯑ter abhorrence of Anti-ſcripturiſm, Popery, Ariamſm, Socinianiſm, Arminianiſm, Antinomianiſm, Anabaptiſm, Libertiniſm, and Familiſm; and that we deteſt the fore⯑mentioned toleration, ſo much purſued and endeavour⯑ed in this kingdom, accounting it unlawful and perni⯑cious."

Secondly, An extract from the ordinance againſt blaſphemy and hereſy, by the parliament; to which, when the army marched from London towards Scot⯑land, the deprived Preſbyterian members had returned, and, having the ſuperiority, took occaſion to diſcover their principles and ſpirit. It will hardly be credited, that perſons who had themſelves experienced all the horrors of perſecution and penal ſtatutes, ſhould diſ⯑play ſo perſecuting, ſo unchriſtian a diſpoſition. The ordinance was dated May 2, 1648, and ordains, "That all perſons who ſhall willingly maintain, publiſh, or defend, by preaching or writing, the following hereſies [131]with obſtinacy, ſhall, upon complaint or proof, by the oaths of two witneſſes, before two juſtices of the peace, or confeſſion of the party, be committed to priſon, without bail or mainprize, till the next goal-delivery; and in caſe the indictment ſhall then be found, and the party upon his trial ſhall not abjure the ſaid error, and his defence and maintenance of the ſame, he ſhall ſuffer the pains of death, as in caſe of felony, without benefit of clergy; and if he recant or abjure, he ſhall remain in priſon till he find ſureties that he will not maintain the ſaid hereſies or errors any more; but if he relapſe, and is convicted a ſecond time, he ſhall ſuffer death as before." The hereſies are as follow: "1. That there is no God. 2. That God is not omnipreſent, omniſcient, almighty, eter⯑nal, and perfectly holy. 3. That the Father is not God, that the Son is not God, that the Holy Ghoſt is not God, or that theſe three are not one eternal God; or, that Chriſt is not God equal with the Father. 4. The denial of the manhood of Chriſt, or that the god⯑head or manhood are diſtinct natures; or that the humanity of Chriſt is pure and unſpotted of all ſin. 5. The maintaining that Chriſt did not die, nor riſe again, nor aſcend into heaven bodily. 6. The denying that the death of Chriſt is meritorious on the behalf of believers; or that Jeſus Chriſt is the Son of God. 7. The deny⯑ing that the holy ſcriptures of the Old and New Teſ⯑tament are the word of God. 8. The denying of the reſurrection of the dead, and a future judgment." Some other errors of leſs demerit are then mentioned, as, "1. That all men ſhall be ſaved. 2. That man, by nature, hath free-will to turn to God. 3. That God may be worſhipped in or by pictures or images. 4. That the ſoul dies with the body, or, after death, goes neither to heaven or hell, but to purgatory. 5. That the ſoul of man ſleeps, when the body is dead. 6. That the revelations or workings of the Spirit are a rule of faith and Chriſtian life, tho' diverſe [132]from, or contrary to the written word of God. 7. That man is bound to believe no more than by his reaſon he can comprehend. 8. That the moral law contained in the Ten Commandments, is no rule of Chriſtian life. 9. That a believer need not repent, or pray for pardon of ſin. 10. That the two ſacra⯑ments of baptiſm and the Lord's ſupper are not or⯑dinances commanded by the word of God. 11. That the baptiſm of infants is unlawful and void; and that ſuch perſons ought to be baptiſed again. 12. That the obſervation of the Lord's day, as injoined by the ordinances and laws of the realm, is not according, or is contrary to the word of God. 13. That it is not lawful to join in public or family prayer, or to teach children to pray. 14. That the churches (Preſbyterian) of England are no true churches, nor their miniſters and ordinances true miniſters and ordinances; or, that the church-government by Preſbyters is antichriſtian or unlawful. 15. That magiſtracy, or the power of the civil magiſtrate, by law eſtabliſhed in England, is unlawful. 16. That all uſe of arms, though for the public defence, and be the cauſe never ſo juſt, is un⯑lawful." Theſe hereſies and errors were taken from the ſpeeches and writings of the Papiſts, Arminians, Antinomians, Arians, Papiſts, Quakers, &c. of thoſe times. "Whoſoever ſhall maintain or defend theſe laſt errors, ſhall, upon application, &c. and conviction, by the oath of two witneſſes, or by his own confeſſion, &c. be ordered to renounce his ſaid error or errors in the public congregation of the pariſh from whence the complaint comes, or where the offence was committed; and, in caſe of refuſal, he ſhall be committed to priſon till he find ſureties, that he ſhall not publiſh or main⯑tain the ſaid errors any more."

How different the principles of the Preſbyterians of the preſent times, the reader will preſently ſee. The Preſbyterians, under the various uſurpations, till the reſtoration of Charles II. acted in concert with the [133]Scots, for reſtoring the King upon the foot of the co⯑venant; ſeveral of their miniſters carried on a correſ⯑pondence privately with the chiefs of that nation; and inſtead of taking the engagement to the preſent powers, called them uſurpers, and declined praying for them in their churches; they alſo declared againſt a general to⯑leration, which the army and parliament contended for; and, to widen the breach, the latter took away all the penal ſtatutes for religion, Sept. 20, 1650, by an or⯑dinance.

While the Scots were raiſing forces for the King's ſervice, a private correſpondence was carried on be⯑tween the Preſbyterians in England and the Scots: large ſums of money were collected privately to for⯑ward an expedition into England; but the common⯑wealth ſoon defeated their deſigns, ſeveral miniſters and others were taken into cuſtody, and Mr. Love, one of them, and Mr. Gibbons, were tried and executed.

Under Oliver Cromwell's uſurpation, though their diſcipline was diſarmed of its co-ercive power, he ſtill left them all that was ſufficient for religious purpoſes; they had their monthly or quarterly claſſical preſbyte⯑ries in every county, for the ordination of miniſters, by impoſition of hands, according to the directory. In the diſtant counties they entered into friendly aſſo⯑ciations for brotherly counſel and advice, and were ſtill retained in the public miniſtry; but as the Protec⯑tor was for the liberty of conſcience, their church-cen⯑ſures were now of no force, and the churches were indiſcriminately beſtowed on miniſters of the Inde⯑pendants and other perſuaſions.

Upon Richard Cromwell's reſigning the protecto⯑rate, the Preſbyterians ſeeing no probability of re⯑ſtoring the covenant, or coming into power by the rump parliament, which was principally made up of enthuſiaſts and declared enemies to monarchy, they entered into a ſort of confederacy with the royaliſts to reſtore the King and the old conſtitution; and ſe⯑veral [134]of their miniſters appeared in the inſurrection of Sir George Booth, a Preſbyterian, in Cheſhire, whoſe party however was defeated by General Lambert.

General Monk having reſtored the ſecluded mem⯑bers of 1648, to their ſeats in the houſe, who were of the Preſbyterian party, they then carried all before them, and the city-miniſters petitioned the parliament to take a more effectual courſe againſt Papiſts; to prohibit the Quakers opening their ſhops on the Sabbath-day, and that the public miniſters may not be diſturbed in their public ſervices. They alſo beſought them to eſtabliſh the aſſembly's confeſſion, directory and catechiſms, &c. &c. All or moſt of theſe things the houſe complied with, and they ordered the ſolemn league and cove⯑vant to be reprinted, and ſet up in every church in England, and read publickly by the miniſter, once every year: the preſbytery was reſtored to all its powers, and the miniſters of that perſuaſion were put in full poſſeſſion of all the livings in England. By their credulity, and the artifices of General Monk, they were made to believe that preſbytery was to be the eſtabliſhed government of the church of England, alſo, under King Charles II. in whoſe reſtoration they heartily concurred, and in fact brought it about, which they were capable of doing, as they were at that time in poſſeſſion of the whole power of England; the council of ſtate, the chief officers of the army and navy, and the governors of the chief forts and garri⯑ſons, were theirs; and their clergy were in poſſeſſion not only of the livings, but of both univerſities. In ſhort, they brought in the King without any ſtipulation or conceſſion on his part. Strange infatuation, which they ſoon after had reaſon to repent! For they might be ſure that the old conſtitution muſt return with the King; that dioceſan Epiſcopacy was the only legal eſtabliſhment; and that all that had been done in fa⯑vour of preſbytery, not having had the royal aſſent, was void in law: therefore they and their friends who had [135]not Epiſcopal ordination and induction into their livings, muſt be looked upon as intruders, and not legal mi⯑niſters of the church of England. The King, to carry on the farce, as it was really on his ſide, when the miniſters waited upon him in Holland, gave them ſuch encouraging promiſes as raiſed in ſome of them high expectations. When he came to Whitehall, he made ten of them his chaplains ^*, at the inſtance of the Earl of Mancheſter; but before the expiration of the year 1660, many of the parochial clergy were proſecuted for not uſing the book of Common Prayer; the juſ⯑tices and others inſiſting, that the laws returned with the King, and that they ought not to be diſpenſed with in the neglect of them. The ſequeſtered clergy came out of their hiding places, and took poſſeſſion of their former livings, by which ſome hundreds of the preſbyterian clergy were at once diſpoſſeſſed. The two univerſities were reſtored to their old diſcipline and government, and the heads of colleges, &c. &c. ejected in 1648, were put in again. New creations were made in both univerſities, in favour of any, almoſt, who would declare their averſion to Preſ⯑bytery, and hearty affection of Epiſcopal government. Deans and Chapters were alſo again reſtored, and Bi⯑ſhops were promoted to the vacant ſees; and thus the church of England was reſtored to its former power, except only the peerage of the Biſhops ^†.

[136]The King and the Duke of York were for a general toleration, in order to include the Papiſts; and the Biſhops, and Lord Clarendon at their head, were a⯑gainſt any comprehenſion for, or conceſſions to the Pre⯑ſbyterians. The reaſons of the Biſhops angry beha⯑viour were, "their high notions of the Epiſcopal form of government, as eſſentially neceſſary to the very eſ⯑ſence of a Chriſtian church: The reſentments that re⯑mained in their breaſts againſt all who had engaged with the long parliament, and had been the cauſe of their ſufferings: The Preſbyterians being legally poſſeſſed of moſt of the benefices in church and ſtate, it was thought neceſſary to diſpoſſeſs them; and, if there muſt be a ſchiſm, rather to have it out of the church than within it." For it had been obſerved, that the [137]half-conformity of the Puritans before the war, had in moſt cities and corporations occaſioned a faction be⯑tween the main body and the lecturers, which latter had endeavoured to make themſelves popular at the expence of the hierarchy of the church. Beſides, the Preſbyterians had too much credit in the elections of parliament-men: therefore they reſolved (ſays Burnet) to ſeek the moſt effectual means to caſt them out of the church.

The well meaning Preſbyterians were, therefore, ſtriving againſt the ſtream, and making intereſt with a ſet of men, who were now laughing in their ſleeves at the abject condition to which the folly of their adver⯑ſaries had reduced them. "They offered Archbiſhop Uſher's model of primitive Epiſcopacy, as a plan of accommodation; that the ſurplice, the croſs in baptiſm, and kneeling at the communion, ſhould be left indifferent; they were content to ſet aſide the aſſembly's confeſſion, and let the articles of the church of England take place, with ſome amendments." His Majeſty deſired a number of their miniſters, who were introduced to him by the Earl of Mancheſter, to crave his interpo⯑ſition for reconciling the differences of the church, to draw up ſuch propoſals as they thought meet, for an agreement about church-government, and to ſet down the moſt they could yield. Accordingly the city-mini⯑ſters, with ſome of their country brethren, met at Si⯑on college, and after two or three weeks deliberation agreed upon a paper, which, together with Archbiſhop Uſher's reduction of Epiſcopacy, they offered to the King with a proper addreſs. To this paper the Biſhops publiſhed a reply; upon which the Preſbyterians ſent a warm remonſtrance to the Biſhops, and a defence of their propoſals; which concludes thus, "We perceive your counſels againſt peace are not likely to be fruſtrated. Your deſires concerning us are likely to be accom⯑pliſhed. You are like to be gratified with our ſilence and ejection; and yet we will believe, that bleſſed are [138]the peace-makers; and though we are prevented by you in our purſuits of peace, and are never like, thus publickly, to ſeek it more, yet are we reſolved, as much as poſſible, to live peaceably with all men."

Their eyes now began to open, and they perceived, with regret, their credulity in expecting an agreement with the Biſhops, who appeared to be exaſperated, and determined to bind them over to the old eſtabliſhment. The former ſeverities were already revived, and the laws to be put in execution againſt ſuch as did not make uſe of the old liturgy. Many were ſuſpended and turned out of their livings on this account. Upon application for redreſs to the King, he told them he would put what he thought fit to grant them into the form of a declaration, which they ſhould peruſe before it was made public. A copy was accordingly delivered to them, with liberty to make exceptions: they peti⯑tioned for ſome further amendments and alterations; upon which the King appointed a day to hear what could be ſaid on both ſides, and came to Chancellor Hyde's houſe, October 22, 1660, attended by the Dukes of Albemarle and Ormond, the Earls of Man⯑cheſter and Angleſea, and Lord Hollis, for that pur⯑poſe ^*. As the Chancellor read over the declaration, each party were to make their exceptions, and the King to determine. The chief debates were on the high powers of the Biſhops, and the neceſſity of re-ordination. Upon hearing the whole, the King told them what he thought proper ſhould ſtand in the declaration; and appointed Biſhops Morley and Henchman, Dr. Rey⯑nolds, and Mr. Calamy, to determine upon proper words, and, if they diſagreed, the Earl of Angleſea and Lord [139]Hollis were to decide. If this declaration did not pleaſe all the miniſters, the greateſt number in London and the country were content; but as it went upon the plan of dioceſan Epiſcopacy, which they had cove⯑nanted againſt, others were not ſatisfied. Some of them ventured upon a ſecond addreſs to the King, re⯑newing their requeſts for Archbiſhop Uſher's plan, &c. However, the Preſbyterians about London were ſo much pleaſed, that they drew up a warm addreſs of thanks to the King, which was preſented November 16 ^*.

When the parliament read the King's declaration, they agreed to wait upon him in a body, and return him thanks; notwithſtanding which, the bill, to paſs into a law, was rejected by the Houſe of Commons after the firſt reading ^†.

The doctrines of paſſive obedience and non-reſiſtance were now revived, men obnoxious and inveterate to the Preſbyterians were preferred to biſhoprics, and were compenſated for their late ſufferings, by the large ſums [140]they raiſed by renewing leaſes, which were almoſt all expired ^†.

From this time perſecution againſt the Preſbyterians commenced. One Mr. Zach. Crofton was impriſoned and turned out of his living, for writing in favour of the covenant, tho' he had a wife and ſeven children, and had been remarkably zealous for the reſtoration. Another (Mr. Parſons, rector of Wem, in Shropſhire) was taken from his wife by ſoldiers, for ſeditious preaching and non-conformity to the ceremonies, and fined two hundred pounds, with impriſonment till paid. "Spies (ſays Mr. Neale) were ſent into all the congre⯑gations of Preſbyterians throughout England, to ob⯑ſerve and report their behaviour to the biſhops; and if a miniſter lamented the degeneracy of the times, or expreſſed his concern for the ark of God; if he preach⯑ed againſt perfidiouſneſs, or glanced at the vices of the court, he was marked for an enemy of the King and government. Many eminent and loyal Preſbyterians were ſent to priſon upon ſuch informations, and when they came to their trials, the court was guarded with ſoldiers, and their friends not ſuffered to attend them. Many were ſequeſtered from their livings, and cited into the eccleſiaſtical courts, for not uſing the ſurplice and other ceremonies, whilſt the diſcipline of the church was under a kind of ſuſpenſion. So eager were the ſpiritual courts to revive the exerciſe of their power; and ſo ſtrongly did the tide run againſt the unhappy Preſbyterians!" By the act for reſtoring the old ſe⯑queſtered clergy, ſome hundreds of the non-conformiſt [141]miniſters were diſpoſſeſed of their livings, before the act of uniformity was formed. "Here was no diſ⯑tinction between good and bad; but if the perſon had been epiſcopally ordained, and in poſſeſſion, he muſt be reſtored, tho' he had been ejected upon the ſtrong⯑eſt evidence of immorality or ſcandal." The miniſ⯑try ſoon after did every thing in their power to throw the odium of plots and conſpiracies upon the Preſby⯑terians, for which many were taken into cuſtody, but releaſed afterwards, without proſecution; by theſe de⯑vices they facilitated the paſſing the penal ſtatutes that were coming upon the carpet. They could not, conſiſtent with the declaration from Breda, or with de⯑cency, attack the Preſbyterians purely upon account of their religion; they were therefore to be accuſed, right or wrong, of raiſing diſturbances in the ſtate. By the act for the well-governing and regulating corpora⯑tions, all non-conformiſts were turned out of every branch of magiſtracy at once, and could not ſerve their country, even in the meaneſt offices of a common⯑council man, or a burgeſs or bailiff of a corporation. Commiſſioners appointed hereupon were ſent to viſit the ſeveral corporations, who executed their commiſſion ſo rigorouſly, that every member of them was turned out who was not entirely devoted to the King and church.

The Savoy conference ended without any good ef⯑fect, and the act of uniformity received the royal aſ⯑ſent, May 19, 1662, by which the terms of confor⯑mity were higher than before the civil wars, and the common-prayer book rendered more exceptionable. By inforcing this act ^*, the calamities of the ejected mi⯑niſters were very terrible. "Many hundreds of them (ſays Baxter) with their wives and children, had neither houſe nor bread; the people thus left were not able to relieve them, nor durſt they if they had been able, be⯑cauſe [142]it would have been called maintenance of ſchiſm and faction. Many of the miniſters being afraid to lay down their miniſtry after they had been ordained to it, preached to ſuch as would hear them, in fields and private houſes, till they were apprehended and caſt into gaols, where many of them periſhed.—The people were no leſs divided, ſome conformed, and others were driven to a greater diſtance from the church, and reſolved to abide by their faithful paſtors at all events. They murmured at the government, and called the Biſhops and conforming clergy, cruel per⯑ſecutors; for which, and frequenting of the private aſſemblies of their miniſters, they were fined and im⯑priſoned, till many families left their native country, and ſettled in the plantations."—"The Preſbyterian miniſters, tho' men of gravity (ſays Neale) and far ad⯑vanced in years, were rallied in the pulpits under the opprobrious names of ſchiſmatics and fanatics; they were expoſed in the play-houſe, and inſulted by the mob, inſomuch that they were obliged to lay aſide their habits, and walk in diſguiſe ^†."

[143]Various were the hardſhips and perſecutions of the Preſbyterians before the fire of London, the parlia⯑ment and miniſtry diſcovering on every occaſion an un⯑relenting animoſity to them; and if the King ſhewed any compaſſion, it was purely owing to his deſire of eaſing the Papiſts from their difficulties, by a general toleration. Even that awful viſitation the great plague gave them no reſpite; but regardleſs of the diſplea⯑ſure of Heaven, the miniſtry and biſhops purſued them with the more malignant barbarity. After the fire of London they were ſomewhat connived at, they built wooden tabernacles to preach in, and their places of worſhip were crowded with penitent and devout au⯑ditors. The diſgrace of their bitter enemy the Earl of Clarendon was likewiſe favourable to them; but after a ſhort reſpite, and ſeveral attempts for a tolera⯑tion and comprehenſion had failed, the perſecution was revived in the year 1668, and their private meetings were broken up again, Mr. Baxter and other learned and pious preachers impriſoned, and they were abuſed in many hot writings, particularly by Dr. Patrick and Dr. Parker, (afterwards Biſhops) but the latter was wit⯑tily and farcaſtically anſwered by the famous Andrew Marvel. In 1670, the conventicle-act was revived, which the court forwarded with a view of reducing the Preſbyterians to the neceſſity of petitioning for a ge⯑neral toleration, by which a door would be opened for the introduction of popery ^*. The act was ſo ſeverely executed, that there was ſoon not a conventicle to be heard of all over England. Great numbers were pro⯑ſecuted on it, and many induſtrious families reduced to poverty. Many miniſters were confined in goals and [144]cloſe priſons; and warrants were iſſued out againſt them and their hearers, and diſtraints made, to the amount of a great ſum of money. Informers were every where at work, and having crept into religious aſſemblies, in diſguiſe, levied great ſums upon mini⯑ſters and people. Soldiers broke into the houſes of ho⯑neſt farmers, under pretence of ſearching for conven⯑ticles, and where ready money was wanting, they plundered their goods, drove away their cattle, and ſold them for half price; even the ſick had their beds taken from under them, and themſelves laid upon the floor. During the time that Charles's declaration of indulgence ^* continued in force, the Preſbyterians and Independants ſet up the merchants lecture at Pinners hall, to ſhew their agreement among themſelves, as well as to ſupport the doctrines of the reformation a⯑gainſt the prevailing errors of Popery, &c. ſupported by the contributions of the principal merchants and tradeſmen of their perſuaſions in the city. They con⯑tinued united till 1695, when the Preſbyterians removed to Salters hall, and the Independants continued their lec⯑ture at Pinners hall, both which have continued ever ſince. The teſt-act of 1673 was the laſt penal ſtatute againſt the non-conformiſts in this reign ^†; and as the Diſſenters in general had, with great generoſity, ſupported that meaſure againſt the court, through their dread of the increaſe of Popery, the court next year let looſe again all their engines of cruelty upon them, and the fines, impriſonments and other ſeverities exerciſed were exceſſive. Thence to the year 1681, various at⯑tempts were made, by the ſucceſſive parliaments, for a toleration of Diſſenters, and putting the laws in exe⯑cution againſt Popiſh recuſants, and many books and pamphlets were publiſhed in their defence, which un⯑anſwerably vindicated their principles. But in that year, and to the end of this reign, ſham plots were [145]contrived, to render them odious, and ſet on by the court and the Papiſts, they felt all the rage of the high church-party, who diſplayed their hatred by encouraging infamous informers, and inflicting exorbitant fines and cruel impriſonments, under which many pious and learned divines found a refuge in death from all their troubles.

I have now gone as comprehenſively as I could thro' this gloomy reign, in which ſo many thouſands of pious and good perſons were ruined for conſcience ſake; but it muſt be remembered, that the public liberty was ruined with them, and that the whole conſtitution, at the time of Charles's death, was in a manner brought to its diſſolution. Yet, when the nation was groaning under every oppreſſion, when every vice ſtalked abroad in open day light, and corruption of manners, and proſtitution of heart and tongue, were even faſhion⯑able, remember, readers, and bluſh for your country, there were wretches abandoned enough to addreſs this voluptuous Monarch, in ſtrains that were impious, and could with propriety be only aſcribed to God himſelf.

James II. at the beginning of his ſhort reign, re⯑vived the perſecution againſt the Proteſtant Diſſenters, the majority of whom were Preſbyterians; which was carried on with the moſt barbarous rigour, and even exceeded thoſe in his brother's reign; but the favou⯑rite ſcheme, which had proved abortive under that Prince, was ſedulouſly purſued by James, of making the Preſbyterians and other Diſſenters tools to obtain a general toleration, by which the Papiſts were to be re⯑lieved from the penal laws and teſts. As he imagined it impracticable to obtain his deſire legally, he deter⯑mined to attempt it by his diſpenſing power, and began to careſs the Non-conformiſts, and to ſhow them great favour; their miniſters were encouraged to ſet up their conventicles, which had been diſcontinued or held very ſecretly for ſome years; and the King had it in⯑timated [146]timated every where, that he would not have their meetings diſturbed. But the Diſſenters ſeeing the King's drift, now joined with their perſecutors of the Church of England, generouſly giving up their pri⯑vate reſentments, however juſt, to their fears of Po⯑pery and ſlavery, which were making large ſtrides to⯑wards the deſtruction of religious and civil liberty, of which the diſpenſing power, and the declaration for liber⯑ty of conſcience, were to be the principal engines ^*. This wiſe conduct of the Diſſenters certainly ſaved the church and ſtate.

Thus, however, an end was put to the proſecution of the Proteſtant Diſſenters by the penal laws, though the laws themſelves were not legally repealed or ſuſpend⯑ed till after the revolution ^†.

Tho' in purſuance of the declarations for liberty of conſcience, &c. the Diſſenters were not only at their liberty to worſhip in their ſeveral ways, and were ad⯑mitted to ſerve in all offices of profit and truſt, they could not be brought to acknowledge diſpenſing power; tho' many to them addreſſed the King with thanks for the freedom they now enjoyed from perſecution; a meaſure, however, that was not approved by their elders and more cautious miniſters. In ſhort, they were now courted both by King and church; by the [147]latter of which they were promiſed, in caſe they now ſtood firm to the common intereſt, they would in better time come into a comprehenſion of ſuch as could be brought into a conjunction with the church, and to a toleration of the reſt.

The Preſbyterians concurred heartily in the Revo⯑lution; and when the Prince of Orange came to St. James's, December 18, 1688, ſeveral of their miniſters attended him, with the Biſhop of London, and many of the clergy, to congratulate him upon his ſucceſs. January 2, about ninety of the Non-conformiſt mini⯑ſters waited upon the Prince with a ſeparate addreſs, to which they received a moſt cordial anſwer. When King William and Queen Mary were ſettled on the throne, the Diſſenting miniſters waited on their Ma⯑jeſties with addreſſes of congratulation, which were delivered by Dr. Bates: and though many generous attempts made by the King for a comprehenſion were rendered abortive by the oppoſition of the Jacobites and Tories; yet the memorable bill for toleration of Proteſtant Diſſenters, which is the baſis of their preſent liberty, was paſſed in their favour ^*. Every body re⯑members the gratitude of their new friends, in the reign of Queen Anne ^†.

Little elſe has occurred ſince that happy aera, of the revolution, but fruitleſs attempts for a repeal of the corporation and teſt acts, which have been conſtantly oppoſed by the church of England: but it is to be hoped ſome future time will reſtore the Diſſenters to that entire liberty which is the birth-right of every Eng⯑liſhman, and that they may have the privilege of ſer⯑ving their country indiſcriminately with their fellow⯑ſubjects of the eſtabliſhed church, which they can ne⯑ver, upon their preſent principles, wiſh overturned; though they may deſire that the ſtumbling blocks to their union therewith were removed.

[148]I now come to give ſome account of the religious principles of the Preſbyterians, who continue to be the moſt numerous ſect of Proteſtant Diſſenters in Eng⯑land, and have almoſt entirely forſaken the rigid and ſevere maxims of their fore-fathers.

Preſbyterians are ſo called, from their aſſertion, that the government of the church, as appointed in the New Teſtament, is by preſbyters, i. e. miniſters and ruling elders, aſſociated for government and diſcipline; they maintain that there is no order in the church ſu⯑perior to that of preſbyter; that all miniſters being ambaſſadors of Chriſt, are equal by commiſſion; and that elder, preſbyter, and biſhop, tho' different in name, are the ſame in office.

The Preſbyterians acknowledge Jeſus Chriſt alone ſupreme head in his church; and that in matters pure⯑ly ſpiritual, they are under no human authority and juriſdiction ^*. For this reaſon they diſſent from the 20th article, viz. That the church hath power to de⯑cree rites and ceremonies, and authority, in matters of faith ^†: and, for the ſame reaſon, in ſubſcribing to articles which are appointed, or required of them to qualify them for the miniſtry, this, among others, is left out. And with reſpect to the 8th article (the au⯑thority of the three creeds) one of thoſe to which a ſubſcription was required, the Diſſenters were firſt ad⯑mitted to give their ſenſe of them, and excluded ſuch part as they could not conſcientiouſly ſubſcribe. Ac⯑cordingly Dr. Calamy ſays, "The Diſſenting miniſters about the the city, in a body, gave in their ſenſe of the articles when they ſubſcribed them, and among the reſt, of this 8th article, in the gloſs upon which the damnatory clauſes of the Athanaſian creed are expreſs⯑ly excluded the ſubſcription. ^‖ They ſay none in the [149]Chriſtian church have a right to make new articles of faith: none have a right to impoſe their particular ſenſe of, or authoritatively, explain thoſe articles of faith: that none have any lawful power to adjudge or con⯑demn thoſe who do not ſubmit to their interpreta⯑tion ^*.

The principal articles of Faith profeſſed by the Preſ⯑byterians in England, in which their agreement with the Preſbytery of Scotland, and their real ſentiments in former and latter times, are generally repre⯑ſented.

The Hiſtory of the INDEPENDANTS.

THE original of the Independants may be dedu⯑ced from a ſet of religious and conſcientious people, called Browniſts, ſo ſtiled from Mr. Robert Brown, a Puritan preacher in the dioceſe of Norwich ^*, [175]whoſe followers were ſo prejudiced by the ſeverities ex⯑erciſed upon the Puritans, that, about the year 1580, they totally ſeparated from the church of England, and would not allow her to be a true church, nor her miniſters true miniſters, renouncing all communion with her, not only in ceremonies, but in hearing the word, and in the ſacraments ^*.

The Browniſts held the ſame articles of faith with the church of England; but were very rigid in mat⯑ters of diſcipline, and maintained that of the church of England to be Popiſh and antichriſtian. They ap⯑prehended every church ought to be confined within the limits of a ſingle congregation, and that the go⯑vernment ſhould be democratical ^†.

[176]Theſe people ſuffered much, with the reſt of the Puritans, during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and many of them died with remarkable conſtancy for the principles they profeſſed; and in 1592 they were be⯑come ſo numerous, that Sir Walter Raleigh declared in the parliament-houſe, that they were not leſs than 20,000, divided into ſeveral congregations, in Nor⯑folk, Eſſex, and the parts about London: many learn⯑ed men were then at their head, as Meſſ. Smith, Ja⯑cob, the learned Mr. Ainſworth, &c. &c. ^‡ In that year they laid their caſe before the Lords of the Coun⯑cil, wherein they ſet forth their very grievous ſuffer⯑ings; but the council did not chuſe to move [...]n the af⯑fair, as it lay before the high commiſſion. Hereupon they petitioned the Lord Treaſurer, ſetting forth their hardſhips; which petition was ſigned by fifty-nine of them, then priſoners in the Gatehouſe, Fleet, New⯑gate, Bridewell, Clink, White Lion, and the Comp⯑ters. But this and other of their petitions were reject⯑ed; and "thus," as Mr. Neale obſerves, "theſe pious and conſcientious perſons, after a long and ille⯑gal impriſonment, were abandoned to the ſeverity of [177]an unrighteous law (the ſtatute againſt recuſants); ſome of them being publickly executed as felons, and others proſcribed and ſent into baniſhment." Theſe perſecutions obliged many of them to fly into Hol⯑land ^*, where their chiefs, Meſſ. Johnſon, Smith, Ainſ⯑worth, Robinſon, Jacob, &c. were before gone, and were ſetting up churches at Amſterdam, Arnheim, Middleburgh, Leyden, &c. &c. That at Amſterdam flouriſhed for more than one hundred years. In the reign of James I. ſtill greater numbers were compelled to leave their native country; and though there hap⯑pened many differences and ſchiſms in their churches in Holland, they continued to increaſe every year by the acceſſion of more of their perſecuted brethren. Mr. Henry Jacob ^†, one of the former exiles, having con⯑ferred with Mr. Robinſon ^‡, paſtor of the church at Leyden, embraced his ſentiments of church-diſcipline, now known by the name of Independancy. About the year 1610, he returned to his native country; and having called ſeveral of his friends together, and ob⯑tained their conſent to unite in church-fellowſhip, for the enjoying the ordinances of Chriſt in the pureſt manner, he laid the foundation of the firſt Indepen⯑dant or congregational church in England ^‖, in the [178]year 1616. Mr. Jacob was ſucceeded in his paſtoral charge by Mr. Lathorp; but the little ſociety being diſcovered by the Biſhop's purſuivant, April 29, 1632, at a houſe in Blackfriars, forty-two of them were ap⯑prehended, only eighteen eſcaping. Some of thoſe that were made priſoners were confined in the Clink, others in New Priſon and the Gatehouſe, and conti⯑nued there two years or more, and were then ſuffered to be bailed out. But no favour could be obtained for their paſtor; upon which he petitioned the King for liberty to depart the kingdom, which was granted; and, in 1634, he, with about thirty of his followers, went and ſettled in New England. Mr. Canne ^*, who was choſen in his room, for a year or two preached to them in private houſes, and then was driven, by the rage of perſecution, into Holland, where he became paſtor of the Browniſt congregation at Amſterdam. Mr. Samuel Howe was their next paſtor, who was thrown into priſon, where he died. Mr. Stephen More, a layman, ſucceeded him; and now, 1640-41, the times being more favourable, after ſhifting about from place to place for ſo many years, they ventured to meet in public, in Deadman's place, Southwark, on the 18th of January. They were ſoon, however, on a [179]Lord's day, ſurpriſed by the marſhal of the King's Be [...]ch, and committed to priſon. Next day they were carried before the houſe of Lords, and accuſed of de⯑nying the King's ſupremacy in eccleſiaſtical matters, and with preaching, contrary to the ſtatute of Eliz. 35. ^* The houſe, however, ſo much the times were changed, inſtead of referring them to the eccleſiaſtical courts, diſmiſſed them with a gentle reprimand; and the next Lord's-day, ſome of the members came out of curio⯑ſity to their aſſembly, to hear their preaching, and to ſee their adminiſtration of the ſacrament, and were ſo much pleaſed as to contribute to their collection for the poor.

Many of their miniſters, now returned from exile, ſat in the famous Weſtminſter aſſembly of divines, and made a bold ſtand againſt the proceedings of the high Preſbyterians; they had increaſed prodigiouſly by this time; and preſented an apologetical narration to the houſe of Commons, to remove all the cenſures and ill-natured ſuggeſtions againſt them ^†. Of the Com⯑mittee to bring about a comprehenſion of the Inde⯑pendants within the eſtabliſhment of preſbytery, the [180]reader has ſeen the iſſue ^‡; but it ſhould be remarked, that as the preſbyterial form of church-government was eſtabliſhed, the Independants mildly moved only for an indulgence or toleration, which was refuſed them. They ſeemed, in fact, not only concerned for themſelves, but for tender conſciences of all per⯑ſuaſions. At this time the Independants were courted by the King; but, though they were enemies to the Preſbyterian diſcipline, they dared not truſt a Mo⯑narch whoſe profeſſions ſeemed directed by nothing but his own intereſt.

When the Preſbyterians, in 1646, petitioned the houſe againſt the toleration of ſectaries, which was ſe⯑conded by the Scots; the Independants procured a counter petition from the city, with a great number of hands, "applauding the labours and ſucceſſes of the parliament in the cauſe of liberty, and praying them to go on with managing the affairs of the king⯑dom, according to their wiſdoms, and not ſuffer the free-born people of England to be inſlaved on any pretence whatſoever; nor to ſuffer any ſet of people to preſcribe to them in matters of government or conſcience, and the petitioners will ſtand by them with their lives and fortunes." The Preſbyterians were hereupon preſ⯑ſed, by the wiſe parliament, who only wanted to gain time, to anſwer, in the aſſembly, their queſtions re⯑lating to the jus divinum of preſbytery. Accordingly the aſſembly went to work for that purpoſe; but the [181]Independants took the opportunity to leave them, re⯑fuſing abſolutely to be concerned in the affair. The King, who was in the Scots army, when the treaty with the parliament was broken off, attempted to bring the Scots nation over to his intereſt by playing the Independants againſt them, but to little purpoſe, though he told them the beſt way to deſtroy the ſecta⯑rians was to join with the Epiſcopalians, and admit of the eſtabliſhment of both religions; "that they could not imagine there was any hopes of ſilencing the Independant party, which undoubtedly will get a toleration in religion from the parliament of England, unleſs you join with me, in that way that I have pro⯑poſed for the eſtabliſhing of my crown."

The army, at this time, was compoſed of Indepen⯑dants, with a mixture of Anabaptiſts and other ſecta⯑ries, who, when they found the Preſbyterians, even in their treaty with the King, of 1648, inſiſting upon Preſbyterian uniformity, without making the leaſt proviſion for that liberty of conſcience they had been contending for, grew outrageous, and at length buried King, Parliament, and Preſbytery, in the ruins of the conſtitution ^*. However, they are not ſo chargeable with the death of Charles I. as their adverſaries gene⯑rally imagine; for though it was not poſſible for the few Independant miniſters in London to join the Preſ⯑byterians in their addreſſes againſt that meaſure ^†, be⯑cauſe they were not poſſeſſed of parochial livings, nor members of the provinicial aſſembly of London, nor admitted to their weekly conſultations at Sion college, but were a ſort of Diſſenters from the public eſtabliſh⯑ment, and for other reaſons as concluſive, yet none of their miniſters but Hugh Peters and John Goodwin declared their approbation of the proceedings of the council of officers in the trial of the King: nay, ſome of the Independant miniſters in the country joined the [182]Preſbyterians in proteſting againſt it. There were, no doubt, among them, as well as amongſt other par⯑ties, men of Republican principles, who had a large ſhare in the guilt of the fatal day, that, for ſo many years, deprived the nation of Monarchy.

As Oliver Cromwell was averſe to church-power, and a friend to univerſal toleration, they were one of his chief ſupports during his protectorſhip. They petitioned him for liberty to hold a ſynod, in order to publiſh to the world a uniform confeſſion of their faith; for they were become a conſiderable body, their churches were increaſed both in city and country, and many rich and ſubſtantial perſons had joined them; but they were not agreed upon any ſtandard of faith or diſcipline; tho' their brethren in New England had done it ten years before ^*. The Protector yielded to their importunity, but did not live to ſee the fruits of it. It met at the Savoy, Oct. 12, 1658, and con⯑ſiſted of miniſters and meſſengers from above 100 con⯑gregational churches; of which the majority were lay⯑men, the reſt paſtors of churches. They opened their ſynod with a day of faſting and prayer, and appointed a committee ^† to draw up a new confeſſion, which was ſoon after publiſhed, in quarto, under the title of A declaration of the faith and order owned and practiſed in the congregational churches in England, agreed upon and conſented unto by their elders and meſſengers in their meeting at the Savoy, Oct. 12, 1658. It conſiſts of thirty-three chapters, in which are almoſt two hundred diſ⯑tinct [183]articles of faith and diſcipline; though the whole time of the ſynod's ſeſſions was not above eleven or twelve days. "In moſt places this confeſſion runs in the very words of the aſſembly's confeſſion; and the difference (ſays Neale) between the two confeſſions, in points of doctrine, are ſo very ſmall, that the modern Independants have, in a manner, laid aſide the uſe of it in their families, and agreed with the Preſbyterians in the uſe of the aſſembly's catechiſm." At the end of the confeſſion there is a chapter of diſcipline, in which they aſſert, "that every particular ſociety of viſible profeſſors agreeing to walk together in the ſaith and order of the goſpel is a complete church, and has full power within itſelf to elect and ordain all church-officers, to exclude all offenders, and to do all other acts relating to the edification and well-being of the church. That the way of ordaining officers, that is, paſtors, teachers, or elders, is, after their election, by the ſuffrage of the church, to ſet them apart with faſting and prayer, and impoſition of the hands of the elderſhip of the church, tho' if there be no impoſition of hands, they are nevertheleſs rightly conſtituted mi⯑niſters of Chriſt; but they do not allow that ordinati⯑on to the work of the miniſtry, tho' it be by perſons rightly ordained, does convey any office-power, with⯑out a previous election of the church. That no per⯑ſons may adminiſter the ſacrament but ſuch as are or⯑dained and appointed thereunto. Nor are the paſtors of one church obliged to adminiſter the ſacraments to any other, than to the members of that church to whom they ſtand related in that capacity. Nor may any perſon be added to the church, as a private mem⯑ber, but by the conſent of the church, after a confeſ⯑ſion of his faith, declared by himſelf, or otherwiſe manifeſted. They diſallow the power of all ſtated ſy⯑nods, preſbyteries, convocations, and aſſemblies of di⯑vines, over particular churches; but admit that in caſes of difficulty, or difference relating to doctrine or [184]order, churches may meet together by their meſſengers in ſynods or councils, to conſider and give advice, but without exerciſing any juriſdiction. Laſtly, They agree that churches conſiſting of perſons ſound in the faith, and of good converſation, ought not to refuſe com⯑munion with each other, tho' they walk not in all things according to the ſame rule of church order; and if they judge other churches to be true churches, tho' leſs pure, they may receive to occaſional communi⯑on ſuch members of thoſe churches as are credibly teſ⯑tified to be godly, and to live without offence. Theſe opinions, they add, "may appear new to a great many people, becauſe they have not been openly and publickly profeſſed in the Engliſh nation; but we are able to trace the footſteps of an Independant congre⯑gational way in the ancienteſt practice of the church, and in the writings of the ſoundeſt proteſtant divines. That their principles do not, in the leaſt, interfere with the authority of the civil magiſtrate, nor do they con⯑cern themſelves upon any occaſions with him, any further than to implore his protection, for the preſer⯑vation of the peace and liberty of their churches." They glory in this, that ever ſince they appeared in the world, they have diſtinguiſhed themſelves in the cauſe of Chriſtian liberty. "We have always maintained (ſay they) this principle, That among all Chriſtian ſtates and churches there ought to be a forbearance and mu⯑tual indulgence to Chriſtians of all perſuaſions, that keep to, and hold faſt, the neceſſary foundations of faith. This principle we have maintained for the ſake of others, when we ourſelves had no need of it." They conclude with thankfulneſs to their preſent governors, for per⯑mitting thoſe who could not comply with the Preſby⯑terian eſtabliſhment, to enjoy the liberty of their con⯑ſciences, and equal encouragement and protection with others; and that this liberty is eſtabliſhed by a law, as long as they diſturb not the public peace. "This ſhould engage us (they conclude) to promote the honour and [185]proſperity of ſuch a government; to be peaceably diſ⯑poſed one towards another, and to love as brethren, foraſmuch as the differences between Preſbyterians and Independants, are differences between fellow-ſer⯑vants, and that neither of them have authority from God or man, to impoſe their opinions upon one ano⯑ther." The reader will join with me in thinking this a moſt rational and Chriſtian concluſion, and that it does great credit to the ſynod.

When General Monk cloſed with the Preſbyterians, tho' before he had inclined to the Independants, and kept an Independant chaplain about him; when every thing went in their way, and the parliament lay at their mercy, the Independants offered to ſtand by their friends in the houſe, to raiſe four new regiments from among themſelves, to force Monk back into Scotland, and to raiſe 100,000l. for the uſe of the army, pro⯑vided they would protect them in their religious liber⯑ties, which they apprehended Monk and the Presbyte⯑rians deſigned to ſubvert; but it was too late for ſuch propoſals to be accepted; the old regiments were diſ⯑lodged, and Monk in poſſeſſion of the city. And thus ended the power of the army and the Independants.

When the King and the hierarchy were reſtored, the Independants and Anabaptiſts petitioned for a tolera⯑tion, but during the whole reign of Charles II. they were ſubject to the ſame perſecutions and ſeverities with the reſt of the Diſſenters, and ſuffered very ſeverely on many occaſions. Upon the mad attempt of Ven⯑ner and his followers in 1660 ^‖, which gave the court a handle to renew their ſeverities againſt the Diſſenters, the Independants thought fit publickly to diſown and re⯑nounce that inſurrection. They in their declaration diſ⯑owned the principles of a fifth monarchy, or, the perſonal reign of King Jeſus on earth, as diſhonourable to him and prejudicial to his church; and abhor the propagating this, [186]or any other opinion, by force or blood, &c. &c. &c. ^§.

When James the Second publiſhed his declaration for liberty of conſcience, the Independants, at leaſt ſome of them, addreſſed the King for the indulgence therein ſhewn them, tho' they were far from approv⯑ing the diſpenſing power which produced it. With the other denominations of Diſſenters (for from this time the hiſtory of one includes all) they ſincerely join⯑ed in the revolution with great zeal, and were finally bleſſed with peace and reſt from all their ſufferings by the equitable and wiſe act of toleration.

The Independants, though characteriſed and diſtin⯑guiſhed by the forementioned conſtitution of their churches, are, in theſe days, like ſome other denomi⯑nations of Chriſtians, greatly divided in their ſenti⯑ments. The far greateſt part of them are what is called orthodox, with reſpect to the equality of the three perſons in the Trinity, and of ſtrict Calviniſtical principles in the points of predeſtination, final perſe⯑verance, juſtification by faith, &c. and are extremely ſolicitious to preſerve and propagate theſe ſentiments, as tho' they were fundamental and eſſential to ſalva⯑tion; nay, the greateſt part of them will not ſcruple to aſſert it, of which many of their writings are my vouchers ^†.

The Independants, of this denomination, have a fund for the ſupport of an academy, for the training up and educating perſons for the miniſtry; tho' they do not aſſert ſuch an education is eſſentially neceſſary for that office, yet they deem it a proper expedient. The ſtudents admitted, are firſt taught the rudiments of Grammar, Latin, and Greek, and are then initiated [187]by the more immediate inſtruction of the maſter or principal tutor of the academy, who muſt be approved of by the committee of the ſaid fund, for that purpoſe. The pupils are not only recommended, but carefully examined upon their admiſſion, touching their firm belief and reſolution to be ſtedfaſt in maintaining (what they call, the orthodox ſaith; and at frequent opportunities, their ſentiments are ſcrutinized, and eſpe⯑cially upon any ſuſpicion of their deviating from it. Towards the expiration of the time of their continuance of the more common preparatory exerciſes, and when any are deemed properly qualified, to give public ſpe⯑cimens or their abilities for the miniſtry, a ſubject is pitched upon by the maſter, or principal tutor, on which they are publickly to exhibit an oration, ſome⯑times before ſome perſons ſelected by the committee; and if, from the ambiguity of their expreſſions, or any particular explanation of texts of ſcripture, they are ſuſpected of entertaining any heterodox opinions, it is uſual for a perſon appointed, to lay before them a ſet of articles, a creed, or ſummary of the Chriſtian faith, concerning which they are interrogated, touch⯑ing their belief; to which, if they anſwer in the affir⯑mative, and ſatisfactorily, they are permitted to con⯑tinue in the academy, and receive the conſequent bene⯑fits of it, as long as may be thought neceſſary: but if it ſo happens, as is ſometimes the caſe, that, from their impartial inquiry, they indulge a more free way of thinking, and will not, cannot, bona fide, declare their belief of thoſe articles, and are found privately to call them in queſtion, let their mental qualifications, and their moral characters, be ever ſo valuable and recom⯑mendatory to eſteem, they are diſcarded the academy, deprived of any farther benefit from the fund, leſt not only unprovided for, and treated as aliens from the faith, but ſcarcely with Chriſtian charity. This was the caſe of ſome not long ago, who are now miniſters in other ſocieties of Chriſtians, whoſe diſtinguiſhing [188]abilities, and amiable lives, are an honour to their character and office.

But there are other Independant ſocieties, who diſ⯑claim any pretenſions to dictate to their miniſters, or to impoſe on them particular creeds and articles of faith, or making ſuch the boundaries of communion. They have not learned to place religion in unintelligible myſteries, nor in the Calviniſtical tenets of predeſtina⯑tion, juſtification by faith, effectual calling, final perſeverance, &c. They admit and encourage a much greater latitude of thinking, and ſeem to center Chriſ⯑tianity in this grand article of the Chriſtian religion, that Jeſus Chriſt is the Son of God, and that moral virtue is the great cement of Chriſtian ſocieties.

One of the miniſters of a reſpectable body of this de⯑nomination at Pinner's hall was, ſome years ago, the Rev. Dr. JAMES FOSTER, who, tho' a General Baptiſt, embraced and defended catholic communion, and like⯑wiſe accepted, at the ſame time, an invitation to preach an evening-lecture at the Old Jewry, where his mini⯑ſterial capacity was ſo much diſcovered, and evidenced by the univerſal applauſe of the vaſt numbers who at⯑tended his lectures.

Nor can I forget a laudable example in another mi⯑niſter of that ſociety, who ſucceeded Dr. Foſter, I mean the Rev. Mr. Caleb Fleming. When he was called to accept the paſtoral care of this congregation, at the time of his ordination, in oppoſition to orthodox creeds, of mere human invention, taking the Greek Teſtament in his hand, he ſaid, This I believe to be the word of God, the rule of faith and practice to Chriſtians: as ſuch, I ſhall endeavour to underſtand the true ſenſe of it, to inculcate the genuine truths and duties of it, and to live according to it. This declaration, as to the ſubſtance of it, has been the only profeſſion of faith made, alſo, by ſome of the Preſbyterian and General Baptiſt miniſters ſince, at the time of their ordination. [189]However, I have thought proper to give the ſubſtance of a ‘CONFESSION of FAITH, at the public Ordination of Mr. Thomas Bradbury, London, July 10, 1707, which perhaps is moſt agreeable to the principles of the majo⯑rity of the Independants.’

FORASMUCH as, upon theſe occaſions, many have taken in hand to ſet forth, in order, a declaration of thoſe things which are moſt ſurely believed amongſt us: I deſire to make the ſame good profeſſion before many witneſſes, and according to my meaſure of the gift of Chriſt, give a reaſon of the hope that is in me, with meekneſs and fear, and eſpecially at this time, when, by faſting and prayer, and laying on of hands, I am to be ſeparated for the work whereunto the Lord hath called me; tho' I be leſs than the leaſt of all ſaints, and not worthy of this grace, to preach the unſearch⯑able riches of Chriſt.

Article I. I therefore declare my belief, that the books of the Old and New Teſtament, which are com⯑monly received amongſt us, came not by the will of man, but the holy men of God ſpake as they were moved by the Holy Ghoſt, and are profitable for doc⯑trine, for reproof, for correction, and inſtruction in righteouſneſs.

Art. II. This, thro' grace, I will always adhere to, as the great rule of my faith and miniſtry—to this law and teſtimony I profeſs to bring every opinion—this I promiſe, in a dependance upon him who has the reſidue of the ſpirit—I apply to theſe ſcriptures as the beſt diſ⯑covery God hath made of himſelf in this life—I here learn what God is, and what he doth. This includes both his nature and glorious perfections: it includes both his eternal unity and a trinity of perſons.

Art. III. I believe that the Lord our God is one Lord, there is none beſides him.

[190] Art. IV. I believe there are three that bear record in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghoſt, and that theſe three are one. This I would avow as a truth, and humbly adore as a myſtery.

Art. V. I believe that this one God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghoſt, is a ſpirit. The King eternal, im⯑mortal, inviſible, from everlaſting to everlaſting— merciful and gracious, long ſuffering, and abundant in goodneſs and truth, but who will take vengeance on his adverſaries, and not at all acq [...]it the wicked.

Art. VI. I believe that he created all thin [...]s, and for his pleaſure they are, and were created—that his go⯑vernment reaches over the whole creation, that his pro⯑vidence extends to all creatures and their actions, and that the foreknowledge of God over rules the corrup⯑tions of men.

Art. VII. I believe that God made a covenant with our firſt parents, as the common root of all their poſte⯑rity, and gave them a righteous law, with this eſta⯑bliſhment, that he that does theſe things ſhall live by them; but in the day that he offended he ſhould ſurely die.

Art. VIII. I believe that by one man's diſobedience our natures are not only guilty but impure, and that we lie dead in treſpaſſes and ſins.

Art. IX. I believe that God reſolved to glorify him⯑ſelf by redeeming ſome of the loſt race:—that he did, from all eternity, predeſtinate ſome to the adoption of children, whoſe names are written in heaven:—that this election was free, and it will have a certain iſſue: —that the remnant are ſaved, according to the election of grace, not for the works which they ſhould afterwards do; but according to his own purpoſe and grace before the world began.

Art. X. I believe that this deſign will be effectual to the happineſs of all thoſe.

Art. XI. I believe that the only method of obtain⯑ing this happineſs was by appointing one mediator be⯑tween God and man; the man Chriſt Jeſus; giving a certain number to him, and ſetting him forth to be a [191]propitiation, thro' faith in his blood, for the remiſſion of ſins, that God might be juſt, and yet the elect be ſaved.

Art. XII. I believe the divinity of our great Lord Redeemer; that he is over all, God bleſſed for ever⯑more; that he thought it no robbery to be equal with God, but receives a divine homage.—I believe this word was made fleſh, and dwelt among us:—this is the myſtery of godlineſs, great without controverſy, that God was manifeſt in the fleſh.—I believe him to be a teacher come from God:—that he was made a prieſt for ever:—that he is the King of ſaints, of whoſe kingdom there ſhall be no end.—In all theſe capa⯑cities he is head of the church, and the Saviour of the body—appointed to be the heir of all things; but more eſpecially lord over them who are given to him.

Art. XIII. I believe he went about doing good, delighting to do the will of him that ſent him, by the which will we are ſanctified:—that he was made a curſe for us, ſuffering in both the parts of his human nature: that he was the Meſſiah, who ſhould be cut off to fi⯑niſh tranſgreſſion, and make an end of ſin: that there is no other name given under heaven whereby men can be ſaved.

Art. XIV. I believe when he had by himſelf purg⯑ed our ſins, he was buried, and lay part of three days and three nights in the belly of the earth.

Art. XV. I believe that God raiſed him to heaven, looſed the pains of death, becauſe it was not poſſible he ſhould be holden of it. I believe he aſcended up on high, is ſeated on the right hand of God, as the advo⯑cate of his people and the judge of the world.

Art. XVI. I believe that whom he predeſtinated, them the alſo called, and whom he has called, them he alſo juſtifies freely by his grace. The bleſſedneſs of this conſiſts in God's imputing righteouſneſs without works.—I believe that we lay hold on this mercy by faith, and that not of ourſelves, but of the gift of God: —that the people of God receive the adoption of [192]ſons, and there is a change in the diſpoſition of thoſe who are heirs of the grace of life, owing to free love and to almighty power.—I believe that the ranſomed of the Lord grow in grace, and that he who has be⯑gun a good work in them, will perform it unto the day of Jeſus Chriſt. No man ſhall be able to pluck them out of his hands.

Art. XVII. I believe he is to be worſhipped with reverence and godly fear.—I believe that we are to own this Lord in ſocieties, and that there is a commu⯑nion with all that in every place call upon the name of the Lord Jeſus Chriſt, both theirs and ours, and that Jeſus Chriſt will be with them to the end of the world.

Art. XVIII. I believe he hath given us ſeveral com⯑mands and inſtitutions, which we, as Chriſtians, are obliged to perform; one of which is baptiſm in water, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghoſt—taught us all things whatſoever he has commanded—admoniſhing one another in Pſalms, Hymns, and ſpiritual Songs.—And by eating bread and drinking wine, in remembrance of him, we are to continue ſtedfaſt in doctrine and fellowſhip, and in breaking of bread and in prayer.

Art. XIX. I believe, that in all theſe parts of wor⯑ſhip, one is our Maſter, even Chriſt; no man having dominion over our faith and liberty.

Art. XX. I believe that the Chriſtian, at his death, enters upon two bleſſings, a complete purity and ſatiſ⯑fying enjoyment, that the ſpirits of juſt men are made perfect—ſee Chriſt and know him, as themſelves are known; that more perfect felicity which will follow the reſurrection and univerſal judgment. For,

Art. XXI. I believe there ſhall be a reſurrection of the dead, both of the juſt and unjuſt:—that Chriſt hath authority to execute judgment, becauſe he is the Son of Man: that the angels, who ſinned, are deliver⯑ed into chains of darkneſs; both they and the wicked, [193]who know not God, nor obey the goſpel of his dear Son, ſhall go into everlaſting puniſhment; but the righteous into life eternal.

The Hiſtory of the BAPTISTS, commonly called ANA⯑BAPTISTS.

THE BAPTISTS (or Anabaptiſts) were ſo ſtiled from their practice of baptiſing believers, think⯑ing them the only proper ſubjects of that inſtitution, and that the mode of baptiſm ſhould be performed by immerſion, the method made uſe of by the primitive Chriſtians for the three firſt centuries after the promul⯑gation of the goſpel ^*: thus they claim an immediate deſcent from the Apoſtles, and aſſert that the conſti⯑tuion of their churches is from the authority of Jeſus Chriſt himſelf, and his immediate ſucceſſors.

Some Hiſtorians, indeed, deduce their origin, as a ſect, from much later times, and affirm they firſt ſprang up in Germany, and ſeparated themſelves from the Lutherans, becauſe the doctrine of theſe reformers was imperfect, or not brought to the primitive ſtandard; as the proper mode and ſubject of baptiſm was not al⯑lowed by them to be neceſſary in the performance of the rite ^†. Therefore they re-baptiſed their followers, condemning infant-baptiſm as unſcriptural and of no effect, whence they acquired the reproachful name Anabaptiſts. They inſiſted on ſtrict morality, morti⯑fication, faſting, and ſimplicity of dreſs. They not only exclaimed againſt the authority and tyranny of the church of Rome, but againſt every authority that op⯑poſed the rights of conſcience.

[194]The antiquity of baptiſm by immerſion is fixed, however, upon too firm a baſis to be removed, as may be ſhewn from the conſent and teſtimony of the moſt approved antient ^* and modern writers, and even ſome of their greateſt oppoſers acknowledge the riſe of the Baptiſts, as a ſect, to be at leaſt five hundred years ^† before the confuſions at Munſter. In Germany, Italy, Switzerland, France, &c. their opinions had multi⯑tudes of abettors, numbers of whom were martyred for their adherence thereto, in the the 15th and 16th cen⯑turies, by thoſe who had the civil and religious go⯑vernment in their hands. The martyrology ^‡ of the foreign Anabaptiſts is a large book in folio; and the account it gives of the number of their martyrs and confeſſors, as well as of the cruelties that were uſed to⯑wards them, very much exceeds any thing that has been done in England. However, according to their num⯑ber in this land, and the degree to which perſecution has at any time ariſen, they have always had their full ſhare of it.

It is pretty clear, from the conſent of many learned authors, that Wickliffe, the firſt Engliſh reformer, denied infant-baptiſm to be lawful; for one of his tenets was, "That thoſe are fools and preſumptuous, which affirm ſuch infants not to be ſaved, which die without baptiſm; and he denied, that all ſins are abo⯑liſhed in baptiſm ^§." As it was the opinion that bap⯑tiſm waſhed away original ſin, and by a ſecret virtue regenerated the perſon, and that the infant dying without it, was in danger of damnation, that opinion began, and eſtabliſhed the practice of infant-baptiſm; therefore, this foundation being removed, that practice [195]falls of courſe ^*. Some of his followers maintained, "That the children of believers are not to be ſacra⯑mentally baptiſed; and that it was unprofitable to give children eccleſiaſtical baptiſm, ſaying, they were ſufficiently clean and holy, becauſe they were born of holy and Chriſtian parents ^†." But to commence my hiſtory:

Though ſeveral Anabaptiſts were put to death, and baniſhed, for their opinions, in the reign of Henry VIII. yet I ſhall begin their hiſtory with the words of Biſhop Burnet ^‖, and which I look upon to be proper for my purpoſe. "At this time, 1547, there were many Anabaptiſts in ſeveral parts of England; they were generally Germans, whom the revolutions there had forced to change their ſeats. Upon Luther's firſt preaching in Germany, there aroſe many, who, build⯑ing on ſome of his principles, carried things much fur⯑ther than he did. The chief foundation he laid down was, that the ſcripture was to be the only rule of Chriſtians. Upon this many argued, that the myſte⯑ries of the Trinity, and Chriſt's incarnation and ſuffer⯑rings, of the fall of man, and the aids of grace, were indeed philoſophical ſubtilities, and only pretended to be deduced from ſcripture, as almoſt all opinions of re⯑ligion were, and therefore they rejected them. A⯑mongſt theſe the baptiſm of infants was one. They held that to be no baptiſm, and ſo were rebaptiſed. But from this, which was moſt taken notice of, as be⯑ing a viſible thing, they carried all the general name of Anabaptiſts. On the 12th of April there was a com⯑plaint brought to the council, that with the ſtrangers that were come into England, ſome of that perſuaſion had come over, and were diſſeminating their errors, and making proſelytes: ſo a commiſſion was ordered [196]for the Archbiſhop of Canterbury, the Biſhops of Ely, Worceſter, Weſtminſter, Chicheſter, Lincoln, and Rocheſter, Sir William Petre, Sir Thomas Smith, Dr. Cox, Dr. May, and ſome others, three of them being a quorum, to examine and ſearch after all Ana⯑baptiſts, heretics, or contemners of the Common-prayer. They were to endeavour to reclaim them, to enjoin them penance, and give them abſolution, or, if they were obſtinate, to excommunicate and impriſon them, and to deliver them over to the ſecular power, to be further proceeded againſt. Some tradeſmen in London were brought before theſe commiſſioners in May, and were perſuaded to abjure their former opinions, one of which was, that the baptiſm of infants was not profitable. One of thoſe, who thus abjured, was commanded to carry a faggot, next Sunday, at St. Paul's, where there ſhould be a ſermon, ſetting forth his hereſy. But there was another of theſe extreme obſtinate, Joan Bocher, commonly called Joan of Kent. She denied that Chriſt was truly incarnate of the Virgin, whoſe fleſh being ſin⯑ful, he could take none of it; but the word, by the conſent of the inward man in the Virgin, took fleſh of her; theſe were her words. They took much pains about her, and had many conferences with her; but ſhe was ſo extravagantly conceited of her own notions, that ſhe rejected all they ſaid with ſcorn. Whereupon ſhe was adjudged an obſtinate heretic, and ſo left to the ſecular power ^*." In 1550, the Anabaptiſts were excepted out of a general pardon. Theſe Anabaptiſts were cer⯑tainly of an untractable and obſtinate temper; "but (ſays Burnet) for the other ſort of the Anabaptiſts, who only denied infant-baptiſm ^†, I find no ſeverities uſed to them, but ſeveral books were written againſt them, to which they wrote ſome anſwers. In the reign of Queen Elizabeth the Baptiſts greatly increaſed, and [197]were ſubjected to impriſonment and baniſhment ^*. Some few indeed recanted their errors, as Fuller obſerves; but two were burnt in Smithfield. In the reign of James I. among the perſecuted exiles that fled to Hol⯑land were ſeveral Anabaptiſts, who ſet up a church un⯑der the paſtorſhip of Mr. John Smith, who had been a miniſter of the eſtabliſhed church; but they were vio⯑lently oppoſed by the other Puritan exiles, from whom they received much abuſe in books written againſt their opinions. In this reign Edward Wightman, a Bap⯑tiſt, of Burton upon Trent, was burnt at Litchfield. He was the laſt martyr that ſuffered by this cruel kind of death in England; and it may be remarked, that William Sawtre, the firſt that ſuffered in that manner, for his religious opinions, was ſuppoſed to have denied infant-baptiſm: ſo that this ſect ^† had the honour both of leading the way, and bringing up the rear of all the martyrs, who were burnt alive in England, as well as that a great number of thoſe who ſuffered this death for their religion, in the 200 years between, were of this denomination. In 1620, ſeveral Anabaptiſts tranſported themſelves into New England, where for a time they met with but hard meaſure from their con⯑gregational brethren, who, tho' they had fled from per⯑ſecution themſelves, yet could give no great latitude to the tender conſciences of the Baptiſts and Quakers. Dr. Mather, in his eccleſiaſtical hiſtory, has indeed acknowledged many of the Baptiſts to be worthy and honeſt men; and that Mr. Williams, one of their preach⯑ers, being baniſhed from Salem, ſettled at a place called Providence, where he gathered a church together, and was very inſtrumental in obtaining a charter for the government of Rhode Iſland, of which he was ſome⯑times choſen governor, and that he did all in his power to convert the Indians in his neighbourhood; of the man⯑ners, [198]language and tempers of whom, he publiſhed a relation. When they were reſtored to a peaceable ſtate, the Baptiſts ſpread greatly in the colonies of New England, increaſed much in Penſilvania, where they had, in 1714, nine churches, and there are now Bap⯑tiſt churches in many other colonies in the Britiſh A⯑merica. But to return home:

In 1616, the more moderate Baptiſts publiſhed a ſmall treatiſe, wherein they endeavoured to juſtify their ſeparation from the church of England, and to prove that every man has a right to judge for himſelf in mat⯑ters of religion; and that to perſecute any on that ac⯑count, is illegal and antichriſtian, contrary to the laws of God, as well as to ſeveral declarations of the King's Majeſty. They alſo aſſert their opinion concerning baptiſm, and ſhew the invalidity of the baptiſm which was adminiſtered, either in the eſtabliſhed church, or among the other Diſſenters; and clear themſelves of ſeveral errors unjuſtly caſt upon them. It appears to be written, or approved of, by the whole body of Bap⯑tiſts who then remained in England. They ſubſcribe themſelves Chriſt's unworthy miniſters, and his Ma⯑jeſty's faithful ſubjects, commonly called Anabap⯑tiſts.

I ſhall, from this treatiſe, inform my readers what were, in general, the opinions of this denomination at this period. They acknowledge magiſtracy to be God's ordinance; and that Kings, and ſuch as are in autho⯑rity, ought to be obeyed in all civil matters, not only for fear, but alſo for conſcience ſake. They allow the ta⯑king of an oath to be lawful; and declare that all their profeſſion were willing, in faithfulneſs and truth, to ſubſcribe the oath of allegiance. They proteſt againſt the doctrine of the Papiſts, that princes excommuni⯑cated by the Pope may be depoſed or murdered by their ſubjects: calling it a damnable and accurſed doctrine, which their ſouls abhor; and alſo againſt the errors of the Familiſts, who, to avoid perſecution, can comply with [199]any external form of religion. They confeſs that Chriſt took his fleſh of the virgin Mary; and, for their or⯑thodoxy in theſe and other points, refer the reader to their confeſſion of faith, publiſhed in 1611. They ac⯑knowledged that many called Anabaptiſts held ſeveral ſtrange opinions contrary to them; but lament it, and clear themſelves from deſerving any cenſure upon that account, by ſhewing that it was ſo in the primitive church, and yet Chriſt did not condemn all for the er⯑rors of ſome. But that which they chiefly inveigh a⯑gainſt, is the pride, luxury, and oppreſſion of the Lords Biſhops, or pretended ſpiritual power, whereby they were expoſed to great hardſhips and cruel perſecutions. Having in their preface mentioned that text, The Kings of the earth ſhall give their power unto the beaſt; "If it be granted (ſay they) that the Kings of this nation formerly have given their power to the Romiſh beaſt, it ſhall evidently appear that our Lord the King, and all magiſtrates under him, do give their power unto the ſame beaſt, tho' the beaſt be in another ſhape."—"Our moſt humble deſire of our Lord the King is, that he would not give his power to force his faithful-ſubjects to diſſemble, to believe as he believes, in the leaſt meaſure of perſecution; tho' it is no ſmall perſecution to lie many years in filthy priſons, in hunger, cold, idleneſs, divided from wiſe, family, calling, left in continual miſeries and temptations, ſo as death would be to many leſs perſecution." Again, ſhewing how near the pre⯑latical power and uſurpation came to the bloody ſpiri⯑tual power of the Roman Catholics, they ſay, "How many, only for ſeeking reformation, have been put to death by your power, in the days of Queen Eliza⯑beth? and how many, both then and ſince, have been conſumed to death, in priſons? Yea, ſince that ſpi⯑ritual power hath been ſet up, hath not hanging, burn⯑ing, exile, impriſonments, and all manner of contempts, been uſed, and all for religion, altho' ſome, for grie⯑vous errors, and yet you ſee not this to be a bloody [200]rellgion!" — "Let (they ſay in another place) Mr. Fox, or any others who have deſcribed the ſpiritual power of Rome, let but their deſcription thereof be compared with the ſpiritual power, in all their laws, courts, titles, pomp, pride, and cruelty, and you ſhall ſee them very little differ, except in their cruelties, which, glory be to God, the King's Majeſty, who thirſteth not after blood, hath ſomewhat reſtrained. Altho' it is moſt grievous cruelty to lie divers years in moſt noiſome and filthy priſons, and continual tempta⯑tions of want, their eſtates overthrown, and never co⯑ming out, many of them, till death; let it be well weighed, and it is little inferior to the cruel ſudden death in times of the Romiſh power in this nation." After all, they conclude with an hearty prayer for their enemies, "That the Lord would give them repentance; that their ſins may not be laid to their charge, even for Chriſt's ſake."

Notwithſtanding this declaration, their ſufferings were rather increaſed than leſſened. They were not on⯑ly harraſſed in the ſpiritual courts, but the temporal ſword was uſed againſt them; their goods ſeized, their perſons confined, for many years, in ſtinking goals, where they were deprived of their wives, children and friends, till God was pleaſed to releaſe numbers of them by death.

Many other attempts they made in the reign of James, to obtain a toleration, but without effect; yet they daily gained ground. In that of Charles the Firſt, they ſuffered with the reſt of the Puritans ſtill great⯑er perſecutions; and in the year 1633, the Baptiſts be⯑gan to ſeparate themſelves from the Puritans, and to form ſocieties diſtinct and apart of thoſe of their own perſuaſion. In 1642, was a diſpute between the fa⯑mous Dr. Featley and four Anabaptiſts, in Southwark; an account of which the Doctor publiſhed, tho' a very doubtful and partial one; in the dedication to which he ſays, that "he could hardly dip his pen in any thing [201]but gall;" a ſure proof of his unrighteous ſpirit. It was publiſhed with the following title, "The dippers dipped, or the Anabaptiſts dipped and plunged over head and ears, in a diſputation lately held in Southwark, &c. &c."

What greatly contributed to the increaſe of Antipoe⯑dobaptiſm in theſe times was, that ſome of the great⯑eſt writers for reformation ſpoke favourably of that opinion, and the reaſonableneſs of granting liberty to thoſe who held it; ſuch were Robert Lord Brooke, Mr. Daniel Rogers, Biſhop Taylor, and Dr. Ham⯑mond. In 1043, the Baptiſts publiſhed their confeſ⯑ſion of faith, of which ſeveral editions were printed in 1644 and 1646, one of which was licenſed by autho⯑rity, and dedicated to the parliament. Their very ad⯑verſaries were obliged to own this confeſſion was, in general, orthodox, and could object very little againſt it, except the denial of infant-baptiſm, and making immerſion neceſſary to the right adminiſtration of that ordinance. However, they were now perſecuted by the intolerant Preſbyterians, as they had before been by the rigid Epiſcopalians: but, in March 1647, a declaration of the Lords and Commons was publiſhed in their favour, induced thereto by the great numbers of them then in the army, and in moſt corporations of England. It had the following words:

"The name of Anabaptiſm hath, indeed, con⯑tracted much odium, by reaſon of the extravagant principles and practices of ſome of that name in Ger⯑many, tending to the diſturbance of the government and peace of all ſtates; which opinions and practices we abhor and deteſt: but for their opinion againſt the baptiſm of infants, it is only a difference about a cir⯑cumſtance of time in the adminiſtration of an ordi⯑nance, wherein, in former ages, as well as this, learn⯑ed men have differed both in opinion and practice. And though we could wiſh that all men would ſatisfy themſelves, and join with us in our judgment and prac⯑tice [202]in this point; yet herein we hold it fit that men ſhould be convinced by the word of God, with great gentleneſs and reaſon, and not beaten out of it with force and violence, &c." It ſhould ſeem, however, this Chriſtian temper in the parliament was but of ſhort duration; for, in 1648, they publiſhed a cruel ordi⯑nance for the puniſhing of blaſphemies and hereſies, by which every ſect but the rigid Preſbyterians were con⯑demned: and upon this ordinance ſeveral Baptiſts were proſecuted for denying the validity of infant-baptiſm.

The ſhort reſt they enjoyed towards the cloſe of the uſurped government had a period by the reſtoration of King Charles II. in which they concurred with ſince⯑rity, from whom (or rather his miniſters and clergy) they ſoon experienced equal hardſhips with other Diſ⯑ſenters, and were perſecuted in all parts of the king⯑dom, with impriſonment, loſs of goods, &c. &c. Upon Venner's inſurrection, they publiſhed two apo⯑logies, wherein they proteſted againſt the principles and practices of him and his adherents; and it is cer⯑tain there were no Baptiſts amongſt them. Neverthe⯑leſs, the perſecution of them was not ceaſed, and, if poſſible, they ſtill met with harder meaſure than be⯑ſore, ſo that, in about eighteen weeks only, many, up⯑on account of that inſurrection, were kept cloſe pri⯑ſoners. Above four hundred were crowded into New⯑gate, beſides what were in other priſons; but at the coronation an act of indemnity being granted to all of⯑fenders, ſave murderers, they were all ſet at liberty. Yet in vain were all their petitions and remonſtrances, in vain the many ſenſible vindications they publiſhed of their principles and practices: they were every where, in this reign, loaded with fines, hardſhips, re⯑proach, and abuſe. About the year 1676, the Bap⯑tiſts had ſeveral diſputes with the Quakers, which ended to their advantage. In 1677, they publiſhed "A confeſſion of their faith, put forth by the elders and brethren of many congregations of Chriſtians bap⯑tiſed [203]upon profeſſion of their faith, in London and the country."

To ſurvey the ſufferings of the pious and worthy perſons who encountered all perils for the ſake of a good conſcience, amongſt the Baptiſts, though it would draw tears from the ſympathetic eye, yet muſt, at the ſame time, inſpire the reader with the ſame holy confidence and reſolution they in general exerted, un⯑der their perſecutions and bonds; and I muſt think their fortitude proceeded from the ſecret influence of a ſuperior and unſeen power, which ſtrengthened them in the day of trial.

The Baptiſts ſuffered ſeverely in the reign of James II. till his declaration for liberty of conſcience relieved them and their perſecuted brethren of the other deno⯑minations of Diſſenters. At length the glorious Re⯑volution, and the conſequent toleration of Proteſtant Diſſenters, reſtored them to the public profeſſion of their principles. "The face of things being thus changed, it preſently appeared how ineffectual thoſe cruel and barbarous methods, fines, impriſonments, &c. were to ſtop the growth and increaſe of the Eng⯑liſh Baptiſts: for, ſoon after, it appeared by the nar⯑rative of the proceedings of a general aſſembly, there were more than one hundred congregations of them aſſembled together, to conſult of proper ways and means to advance the glory of God, and the well being of their churches. A general faſt was ordered by this aſſembly to be kept by all the congregations, and the cauſes and reaſons thereof ſent to all the churches." "At this general aſſembly, which was every day o⯑pened and concluded with ſolemn prayer, were preſent upwards of one hundred and fifty perſons; and ſo united were their hearts in the ſpirit of love and ſweet concord, that, in their debates, conſultations, and re⯑ſolves, they ſay, ſcarcely one brother diſſented from the aſſembly in the ſentiments of his mind, in any one thing pro⯑poſed to their ſerious conſideration. This general aſſem⯑bly, [204]Sept. 5. conſidered and concluded that a public fund or ſtock was neceſſary towards maintaining and ſupporting a regular miniſtry, and came to a reſolu⯑tion how to raiſe it; and unanimouſly concluded that it ſhould be raiſed by a free-will offering; that every perſon ſhould communicate according to his ability, and as the Lord ſhall make him willing, and enlarge his heart; and that the churches ſeverally among them⯑ſelves do order the collection of it with all convenient ſpeed, that the ends propoſed may be put into preſent practice.

The uſes to which this fund was to be applied were, 1. To communicate thereof to thoſe churches that are not able to maintain their own miniſtry; and that their miniſters may be encouraged wholly to devote them⯑ſelves to the great work of preaching the goſpel. 2. To ſend miniſters that are ordained, or at leaſt ſolemnly called, to preach both in city and country, where the goſpel hath or hath not been preached, and to viſit the churches; and theſe to be choſen out of the churches in London, or the country; which miniſters are to be approved of, and ſent forth by two churches at the leaſt; but more, if it may be. 3. To aſſiſt thoſe members that ſhall be found in any of the aforeſaid churches that are diſpoſed for ſtudy, have an inviting gift, and are ſound in fundamentals, in attaining to the knowledge and underſtanding of the languages, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew."

The Baptiſts hiſtory from this happy aera of the act of toleration is not ſuch as to come within the compaſs of my propoſed plan. I have brought them to the ſafe enjoyment of their religious liberties: ſince that was afforded to them, by the wiſdom of the legiſlature, their hiſtory, to the preſent day, can conſiſt of little but acts of internal diſcipline, the meetings and acts of their aſſemblies, and a few controverſies which have agitated them relating to the doctrine of the Trinity, pſalm⯑ſinging, &c. &c. They have dutifully, with the other [205]denominations, addreſſed the throne upon all intereſt⯑ing public occaſions, and have been concerned with them in the ſeveral applications for the repeal of the corporation and teſt acts.

As the Baptiſts are divided into two bodies, called general and particular, before I lay before my readers their ſentiments in point of doctrine, I ſhall give an ac⯑count of their method of performing the rite of bap⯑tiſm, in which they are all agreed, with very little va⯑riation; particularly as it is that peculiar practice by which they are diſtinguiſhed.

It will be proper to premiſe, that the perſon to be baptiſed is previouſly inſtructed in the principles of the Chriſtian religion, of the nature of baptiſm, the de⯑ſign, pre-requiſite qualifications, the manner in which it ought to be adminiſtered, and the advantages re⯑ſulting from it; that from a perſuaſion of its being then his duty, he may voluntarily offer and deſire to be baptiſed. The miniſter then, with ſome of that ſociety, converſe with him or her; after which, at the time and place appointed, which is uſually the next Sabbath-day, ſometimes after the morning-ſervice, at other times after the afternoon-ſervice, and at other times on ſome other day of the week, the rite is per⯑formed, when there is uſually a ſermon ſuitable to that occaſion; and the miniſter uſes a ſhort addreſs to the perſon to be baptiſed, to the following purpoſe.

[206]Then the miniſter enlarges on the grounds and au⯑thority of Chriſt's inſtituting the ordinance of baptiſm: unleſs a ſermon is preached on the ſubject.

The miniſter proceeds to explain what is properly to be underſtood by being baptiſed into the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoſt —He likewiſe enlarges on the moral uſe and influence of baptiſm,—on the qualifications demanded in ſcripture, of all perſons to whom Chriſtian baptiſm is to be adminiſtered, as that which can juſtify a miniſter therein, and in vindication of this mode of baptiſm.

Then the miniſter, addreſſing himſelf to the perſon, aſks him theſe queſtions:

Miniſter. Will you declare in the church and preſence of God, who cannot be deceived, and will not be mocked, that you believe that Jeſus Chriſt is the Son of God?

Anſwer. I believe that Jeſus Chriſt is the Son of God.

Miniſ. Is it your affectionate reverence for the autho⯑rity and inſtitution of Jeſus Chriſt, that induces you at this time to offer yourſelf to be baptiſed into the profeſ⯑ſion of his holy name and religion?

Anſ. Yes.

Miniſ. Are you reſolved to renounce every known and preſumptuous ſin, to obey the precepts, and follow the example of your Lord and Saviour Jeſus Chriſt, and in an humble dependance upon God, to adorn the pro⯑feſſion of Chriſtianity you this day put on, by main⯑taining to the end of your life a converſation becoming the goſpel?

Anſ. Yes.

Then, in ſome congregations, they ſing a pſalm or hymn adapted to the occaſion, and then pray; at others they proceed to prayer without ſinging; the matter and form of which, as recommended in Harriſon's Of⯑fice of Baptiſm, printed in 1759, and given as a ſpe⯑cimen, [207]appears to be well adapted; but I muſt refer the curious to the book itſelf.

The miniſter then withdraws to dreſs himſelf for the adminiſtration, as do the perſons to be baptiſed; for they have proper dreſſes for men and women, and dif⯑ferent apartments, with proper attendants on each. In the time of intermiſſion another miniſter or deacon ge⯑nerally reads Pſ. xxvi. cxviii. 1 Peter iii. Acts viii. Romans vi. or ſome other parts of ſcripture.

Upon the miniſter's, &c. return to the baptiſtry (which at Barbican ^* is admirably commodious), the miniſter addreſſing himſelf to the perſon to be baptiſed, ſays, "In conſequence of your voluntary, public, and ſolemn profeſſion of your Chriſtian faith, penitence, and holy reſolutions, it becomes my duty to baptiſe you:" then, taking the perſon by the hand, they go down together into the water, uſing theſe or ſuch like phraſes: They went down into the water, Philip with the eunuch, and he baptiſed him.—Who ſhall forbid wa⯑ter that theſe ſhould not be baptiſed, who have made a good profeſſion before many witneſſes?

Sometimes, where the former addreſs to the perſon has been omitted, the miniſter ſays, immediately before the baptiſm, "As thou haſt profeſſed thy faith in Je⯑ſus Chriſt, and deſireſt to be baptiſed, I baptiſe thee in his name." At other times only the ſcripture form is uſed, I baptiſe thee, in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghoſt. At coming up out of the water, ſome ſignificant phraſe is uſually made uſe of, as—We are buried with him by baptiſm.—Thus it becometh us to fulfil all righteouſneſs, &c.

Then the miniſter and the baptiſed retire, and ſome other miniſter generally concludes with ſinging a pſalm or hymn, and then prayer. The perſon thus baptiſed is deemed a member of the ſociety, and conſequently has a right to partake of the Lord's ſupper, in that church, or any other of the ſame denomination.

[208]But here, in many congregations, it muſt be ac⯑knowledged, they practiſe laying on of hands of the miniſter on the party baptiſed, with prayer, before their admiſſion to communion. This is ſometimes conſidered as a primitive practice, which was always at leaſt generally performed ſoon after baptiſm, and mentioned Heb. vi. &c.—Others aſſert, that the im⯑poſition of hands by the Apoſtles and firſt miniſters of the Chriſtian church was generally attended with ex⯑traordinary effects, as evidences of their miſſion. But as no mention is made of this in the hiſtory of our Sa⯑viour's life, and theſe effects ceaſed with the Apoſtles, it is thought by many, who ſubmit to baptiſm, of no ſtanding obligation in the Chriſtian church, and is conſequently diſpenſed with by miniſters of ſeveral con⯑gregations, where there is not a perſuaſion of its law⯑fulneſs and expedience.

The two parties of Baptiſts in England, which have ſubſiſted ever ſince their firſt appearance as a ſect, are, the particular Baptiſts, viz. thoſe that have followed the doctrines of Calvin, and from the princi⯑pal point thereof, perſonal election, are ſo called ^*; the general Baptiſts, who profeſs the Arminian or remon⯑ſtrant tenets, and have, from the chief of thoſe doc⯑trines, univerſal redemption ^†, been ſo denominated. Theſe laſt have alſo their general aſſembly annually held at London, in the Whitſun-week.

The chief heads of belief and doctrine of the parti⯑cular Baptiſts I muſt draw from the various confeſſions of their faith which have appeared in the world, from time to time, which vary little from each other, no⯑ting afterwards in what ſome of the preſent particular Baptiſts differ. This I ſhall be obliged to do as brief⯑ly as poſſible.

They believe in one God, whoſe ſubſiſtence is in himſelf, whoſe eſſence cannot be comprehended by any [209]but himſelf; who only hath immortality, dwelling in the light, which no man can approach unto; who is in himſelf moſt holy, every way infinite, in greatneſs, power, wiſdom, love; merciful and gracious, long⯑ſuffering, and abundant in goodneſs and truth; who giveth being, moving, and preſervation to all crea⯑tures: that in God there is the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit; yet one God: that God hath decreed concerning all things, before the world was created, whether neceſſary, accidental, or voluntary; yet with⯑out being the author of ſin: that he hath pre-ordained ſome men to eternal life, through Jeſus Chriſt, to the praiſe and glory of his grace; leaving the reſt in their ſin, to their juſt condemnation, to the praiſe of his juſtice: that God made all things good; but, by A⯑dam's tranſgreſſion, death came upon all his poſterity, who now are conceived in ſin, and by nature the chil⯑dren of wrath, the ſubject of death, and every miſery in this world, and for ever, unleſs Chriſt ſet them free: that neither good or evil befal any by chance, or with⯑out God's Providence; and that whatſoever befals the elect is by his appointment, for his glory and their good: that all the elect are redeemed, not by them⯑ſelves, nor their own works, but only by the free grace and mercy of God, through Jeſus Chriſt: that the ſcriptures are the only rule for holineſs and obedience: that Jeſus Chriſt is the Son of God, by whom he made and upholdeth the world; that he was begat by the Holy Ghoſt, born of the Virgin Mary, was tempted as we are, yet without ſin: that Jeſus Chriſt is the Mediator, and Prophet, Prieſt, and King of the church of God, for ever: that he was appointed by God unto this office from everlaſting; and in reſpect of his man⯑hood, from the womb called, ſeparated, and anoint⯑ed, moſt fully and abundantly with all gifts neceſſary, God having without meaſure poured out his ſpirit up⯑on him: that he is, by the ſpecial promiſe of God, ordained to the office of Mediator; which promiſe is, [210]that Chriſt ſhould be made a ſacrifice for ſin, &c. all of mere free and abſolute grace towards God's elect, and without any condition foreſeen in them to procure it: that the office of Mediator, that is, to be Pro⯑phet, Prieſt, and King of the church of God, cannot be transferred from Chriſt to any other: that he might be a prophet every way complete, it was neceſſary he ſhould be God, and alſo that he ſhould be man; for unleſs he had been God, he never could perfectly have underſtood the will of God; and unleſs he had been man, he could not ſuitably have unfolded it in his own perſon to men: that, by the ſacrifice of Chriſt for ſin, he hath finally finiſhed and ſuffered all things required for the ſalvation of God's elect, &c. that Jeſus Chriſt, by his death, did purchaſe ſalvation to the elect that God gave unto him: that theſe only have intereſt in him, and fellowſhip with him, for whom he makes interceſſion with his father in their behalf, and to them alone doth God, by his ſpirit, apply this redemption; as alſo the free gift of eternal life is given to them, and none elſe: that faith is the gift of God, wrought in the hearts of the elect by the Spirit of God: that all thoſe who have that precious faith wrought in them by the Spirit can never finally nor totally fall away; ſee⯑ing the gifts of God are without repentance, and the names of the elect have been written in the book of life from all eternity: that faith is ordinarily begotten by the preaching of the goſpel or word of Chriſt, without any power or agency in the creature; but it being wholly paſſive, and dead in treſpaſſes and ſins, doth believe and is converted by no leſs power than that which raiſed Chriſt from the dead: that all believers are by Chriſt united to God; that they are the ſons of God, and joint heirs with Chriſt, to whom belong all the promiſes of this life, and that which is to come: that they are juſtified from all their ſins by the blood of Chriſt: that ſanctification is a ſpiritual grace: that all believers, in the time of this life, are [211]in a continual warfare and combat againſt ſin, ſelf, the world, and the devil, being predeſtinated and appoint⯑ed thereunto; and whatſoever the ſaints enjoy or poſ⯑ſeſs of God ſpiritually, is by faith; and outward and temporal things are lawfully enjoyed, by a civil right, by them who have no faith: that Jeſus Chriſt hath here on earth a ſpiritual kingdom, which is his church, whom he hath purchaſed and redeemed to himſelf as a peculiar inheritance; which church is a company of viſible ſaints, called and ſeparated from the world, by the word and Spirit of God, to the viſible profeſſion of the faith of the goſpel, being baptiſed into that faith, and joined to the Lord, and each to other, by mutual agreement, in the practical enjoyment of the ordinances commanded by Chriſt, their Head and King: that to this church he hath made his promiſes, and giveth the ſigns of his covenant, preſence, accep⯑tation, love, bleſſing, and protection: that being thus joined, every church hath power given them from Chriſt, for their well-being, to chuſe among them⯑ſelves meet perſons for elders and deacons: that the miniſters lawfully called, as aforeſaid, ought carefully to feed the flock of Chriſt committed to them, not for filthy lucre, but of a ready mind: that the miniſters of Chriſt ought to have whatſoever they ſhall need, ſupplied freely by the church, that, according to Chriſt's ordinance, they that preach the goſpel ſhould live of the goſpel, by the law of Chriſt: that baptiſm is an ordinance of the New Teſtament, given by Chriſt to be diſpenſed upon perſons profeſſing faith, or that are made diſciples; who, upon profeſſion of faith, ought to be baptiſed, and after to partake of the Lord's ſupper: that the way and manner of diſpenſing this ordinance is dipping or plunging the body under wa⯑ter, that it being a ſign, muſt anſwer the things ſigni⯑fied, which is, that intereſt the ſaints have in the death, burial, and reſurrection of Chriſt; and that as certainly as the body is buried under water, and riſen again, ſo [212]certainly ſhall the bodies of the faints be raiſed by the power of Chriſt, in the day of the reſu [...]rection, to reign with him: that the perſon deſigned by Chriſt to diſ⯑penſe baptiſm, the ſcripture declares ſhould be a diſci⯑ple; it being no where tied to a particular church-of⯑ficer, or perſon extraordinarily ſent, the commiſſion enjoining the adminiſtration, being given to them as conſidered diſciples, being men able to preach the goſ⯑pel: that Chriſt hath given power to his church to re⯑ceive in and caſt out any member that deſerves it; and this power is given to every congregation, and not to one particular perſon, either member or officer, but in relation to the whole body, in reference to their faith and fellowſhip: that every member of each church is ſubject to this cenſure and judgment; and that the church ought not, without great care and tender⯑neſs, and due advice, but by the rule of faith, to pro⯑ceed againſt her members: that, for the keeping of this church in holy and orderly communion, he placeth ſome ſpecial men over the church, who by their office are to govern, overſee, viſit, watch; ſo likewiſe for the better keeping thereof, in all places by the members, he hath given authority, and laid duty upon all to watch over one another: that ſuch to whom God hath given gifts in the church, may and ought to propheſy, ac⯑cording to the proportion of faith, and ſo to teach publickly the word of God, for the edification, exhor⯑tation, and comfort of the church: that this being rightly gathered, and continuing in obedience to the goſpel of Chriſt, none are to ſeparate faults and cor⯑ruptions (for as long as the church conſiſts of men ſub⯑ject to failings, there will be no difference in the true conſtituted church) until they have in due order and tenderneſs ſought redreſs thereof: that although the particular congregations be diſtinct, and ſeveral bo⯑dies, yet are they all to walk by one rule of truth; are to have the counſel, and help one another, if neceſſity require it, as members of one body, in the common [213]faith, under Chriſt their head: that all due ſubjection be yielded to the civil magiſtrate, and ſupplication and prayers be made for Kings, and all that are in autho⯑rity, that under them we may live a quiet and peace⯑able life, in all godlineſs and honeſty: that we are to witneſs to the truth of the ſcriptures unto death, if re⯑quired, in the midſt of all trials and afflictions, as his ſaints of old have done; not accounting our goods, lands, wives, children, &c. &c. yea and our own lives, dear unto us, ſo we may finiſh our courſe with joy; remembering always, that we ought to obey God, rather than men, who will, when we have finiſh⯑ed our courſe, and kept the faith, give us a crown of righteouſneſs; to whom we muſt give an account of all our actions, and no man being able to diſcharge us thereof: that it is lawful for a Chriſtian to be a magi⯑ſtrate or civil officer, to take an oath for confirmation of truth: that there ſhall be a reſurrection of the dead, both of the juſt and unjuſt, and every one ſhall give an account of himſelf to God, that every one may re⯑ceive the things done in his body, according to what he has done, whether it be good or bad.

Some of the particular Baptiſts differ from the ma⯑jority in the following particulars, viz. 1. They deny that the ſecond perſon in God is either begotten or ſet up; applying all thoſe ſcriptures that ſpeak of Chriſt's being brought forth, ſet up, &c. to the human na⯑ture; ſo maintaining a perfect equality among the per⯑ſons in the Godhead ^*. 2. They deny an abſolute predeſtination of whatſoever ſhould come to paſs; be⯑lieving only that God predeſtinated a certain number of men to the adoption of children by Jeſus Chriſt to himſelf: in ſubſerviency whereunto all other things in heaven and earth were created (2 Cor. iv. 15.), and are govern⯑ed ^†. Of conſequence they believe, that God could [214]accompliſh this without obliging man to be a ſinner ^*. And then naturally, 3. They deny that God is the au⯑thor of ſin, as ſome have aſſerted ^†.

They alſo differ from the others concerning what faith is, and concerning redemption; for an account of which ſee Evangelical Truths, &c. chap. 2. and The Election of God undiſguiſed, p. 23—36.

A Brief CONFESSION of FAITH of the General Baptiſts, printed firſt in 1660, and afterwards reprinted, with the addition of more ſubſcribers, in 1691.

I. WE believe, and are very confident, that there is but one God the Father, of whom are all things, from everlaſting to everlaſting, glorious and unwordable in all his attributes. 1 Cor. viii. 6. Iſa. xl. 28.

II. That God in the beginning made man upright, and put him into a ſtate and condition of glory, with⯑out the leaſt mixture of miſery; from which he, by tranſgreſſion, fell, and ſo came into a miſerable and mortal eſtate, ſubject unto the firſt death. Gen. i. 31. Eccleſ. vii. 29. Gen. ii. 17. and iii. 17, 18, 19.

III. That there is one Lord Jeſus Chriſt, by whom are all things, who is the only begotten Son of God, born of the Virgin Mary; yet as truly David's lord, and David's root, as David's ſon and David's off-ſpring; whom God freely ſent into the world, becauſe of his great love unto the world; who as freely gave himſelf a ranſom for all; taſting death for every man; a propiti⯑ation for our ſins; and not for ours only, but alſo for the ſins of the whole world. Luke xx. 24. Rev. xxii. 16. 1 Tim. ii. 5, 6. 1 John ii. 2. Heb. ii. 9.

IV. That God is not willing that any ſhould periſh, but that all ſhould come to repentance, 2 Pet. iii. 9. and the [215]knowledge of the truth, that they might be ſaved, 1 Tim. ii. 4. For which end Chriſt hath commanded that the goſpel (to wit, the glad tidings of remiſſion of ſins) ſhould be preached to every creature, Mark xvi. 15. So that no man ſhall eternally ſuffer in hell (that is, the ſecond death) for want of a Chriſt that died for them; but, as the ſcripture ſaith, for denying the Lord that bought them, 2 Pet. ii. 1. or becauſe they believe not in the name of the only begotten Son of God, John iii. 18. Unbelief therefore being the cauſe why the juſt and righteous God will condemn the children of men; it follows, againſt all contradiction, that all men, at one time or other, are put into ſuch capacity, as that (thro' the grace of God) they may be eternally ſaved. John i. 7. Acts xvii. 30. Mark vi. 6. Heb. iii. 10, 18, 19. 1 John v. 10. John iii. 17.

V. That ſuch who firſt orderly come into, and are brought up in the ſchool of Chriſt's church, and wait⯑ing there, come to degrees of Chriſtianity, rightly qualified, and conſiderably gifted by God's Spirit, ought to exerciſe their gifts, not only in the church, but alſo (as occaſion ſerves) to preach to the world (they being approved of by the church ſo to do) Acts xi. 22, 23, 24. ch. xi. 19, 20. and that among ſuch ſome are to be choſen by the church, and ordained by faſting, prayer, and laying on of hands, for the work of the miniſtry. Acts xiii. 2, 3. and i. 23. Such ſo or⯑dained (and abiding faithful in their works) we own as miniſters of the goſpel; but all ſuch who come not firſt to repent of their ſins, believe on the Lord Jeſus, and ſo are baptiſed in his name for the remiſſion of ſins, but are only brought up in the ſchools of human learning, to the attaining human arts, and variety of languages, with many vain curioſities of ſpeech, 1 Cor. i. 19, 21. 2 Cor. ii. 1, 4, 5, ſeeking rather the gain of large re⯑venues, than the gain of ſouls to God: Such (we ſay) we utterly deny, being ſuch as have need rather to be [216]taught themſelves, than fit to teach others. Rom. ii. 21.

VI. That the way ſet forth by God for men to be juſt fied in, is by faith in Chriſt, Rom. v. 1. That is to ſay, when men ſhall aſſent to the truth of the goſpel, believing, with all their hearts, that there is remiſſion of ſins, and eternal life to be had in Chriſt. And that Chriſt therefore is moſt worthy their conſtant affec⯑tions, and ſubjection to all his commandments; and therefore reſolve, with purpoſe of heart, ſo to ſubject unto him in all things, and no longer unto themſelves. 2 Cor. v. 15. And ſo ſhall (with all godly ſorrow for the ſins paſt) commit themſelves to his grace, conſi⯑dently depending upon him, for that which they be⯑lieve is to be had in him: Such ſo believing are juſti⯑fied from all their ſins, their faith ſhall be accounted unto them for righteouſneſs. Rom. iv. 22, 23, 24. and iii. 25, 26.

VII. That there is one only holy Spirit, the preci⯑ous gift of God, ſreely given to ſuch as obey him, Eph. iv. 4. Acts v. 32. that thereby they may be thorough⯑ly ſanctified, and made able (without which they are altogether unable) to abide ſtedfaſt in the faith, and to honour the Father, and his Son Chriſt, the author and finiſher of their faith. 1 Cor. vi. 11. There are three that bear record in heaven; the Father, the Word, the Holy Spirit, and theſe three are one, 1 John v. 7. which ſpirit of promiſe ſuch have not yet received (though they ſpeak much of him) that are ſo far out of love, peace, long-ſuffering, gentleneſs, goodneſs, meekneſs, and temperance (the fruits of the Spirit, Gal. v. 22, 23.) as that they breathe out much cruelty, and great envy againſt the liberties, and peaceable living of ſuch as are not of their judgment, though holy as to their con⯑verſations.

VIII. That God hath, even before the foundation of the world, choſen (or elected) to eternal life, ſuch as be⯑lieve, and ſo are in Chriſt, John iii. 16. Eph. i. 4. [217]2 Theſſ. ii. 13. yet confident we are, that the purpoſe of God, according to election, was not in the leaſt ariſing from foreſeen faith in, or works of righteouſ⯑neſs done by the creature, but only from the mercy, goodneſs, and compaſſion dwelling in God, and ſo it is of him that calleth, Rom. ix. 11. whoſe purity and un⯑wordable holineſs cannot admit of any unclean perſon (or thing) to be in his preſence; therefore his decree of mercy reaches only the godly man, whom (ſaith David) God hath ſet apart for himſelf, Pſal. iv. 3.

IX. That men not conſidered ſimply as men, but ungodly men, were of old ordained to condemnation, con⯑ſidered as ſuch, who turn the grace of God into wan⯑tonneſs, and deny the only Lord God, and our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, Jude 4. God indeed ſends a ſtrong delu⯑lion to men, that they might be damned, but we ob⯑ſerve that they are ſuch (as ſaith the Apoſtle) that re⯑ceived not the love of the truth, that they might be ſaved, 2 Theſſ. ii. 10, 11, 12, and ſo the indignation and wrath of God, is upon every ſoul of man, that doth evil, living and dying therein, for there is no reſpect of perſons with God, Rom. ii. 9, 10, 11.

X. That all children dying in infancy, having not actually tranſgreſſed againſt the law of God in their own perſons, are only ſubject to the firſt death, which comes upon them by the ſin of the firſt Adam, from whence they ſhall be all raiſed by the ſecond Adam; and not that any one of them (dying in that eſtate) ſhall ſuffer for Adam's ſin, eternal puniſhment in hell (which is the ſecond death) for to ſuch belongs the kingdom of heaven, 1 Cor. xv. 22. Matt. xix. 14. not daring to conclude with that uncharitable opinion of others, who though they plead much for the bringing of children into the viſible church here on earth by baptiſm; yet nevertheleſs, by their doctrine, that Chriſt died but for ſome, ſhut a great part of them out of the king⯑dom of heaven for ever.

[218]XI. That the right and only way of gathering churches (according to Chriſt's appointment, Matt. xxviii. 19, 20.) is firſt to teach, or preach the goſpel, Mark xvi. 16. to the ſons and daughters of men; and then to baptiſe (that is, in Engliſh, to dip) in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, or in the name of the Lord Jeſus Chriſt, ſuch only of them as profeſs repentance towards God, and faith towards our Lord Jeſus Chriſt. Acts ii. 38. ch. viii. 12. ch. xviii. 8. And as for all ſuch who preach not this doctrine, but inſtead thereof, that ſcriptureleſs thing of ſprinkling of infants (falſely called baptiſm) whereby the pure word of God is made of no effect, and the New Teſtament way of bring⯑ing in members into the church by regeneration, caſt out; when as the bond woman and her ſon, that is to ſay, the Old Teſtament way of bringing in children into the church by generation is caſt out, as ſaith the ſcripture, Gal. iv. 22, 23, 24, 30. Matt. iii. 8, 9. All ſuch we utterly deny; foraſmuch as we are command⯑ed to have no fellowſhip with the unfruitful works of dark⯑neſs, but rather to reprove them, Eph. v. 11.

XII. That it is the duty of all ſuch who are be⯑lievers baptiſed, to draw nigh unto God in ſubmiſſion to that principle of Chriſt's doctrine, to wit, prayer, and laying on of hands, that they may receive the pro⯑miſe of the Holy Spirit, Heb. vi. 1, 2. Acts viii. 12, 15, 17. ch. xix. 6. 2 Tim. i. 6. Whereby they may mortify the deeds of the body, Rom. viii. 13. and live in all things anſwerable to their profeſſed intentions and deſires, even to the honour of him, who hath called them out of darkneſs into his marvellous light.

XIII. That it is the duty of ſuch, who are conſti⯑tuted as aforeſaid, to continue ſtedfaſtly in Chriſt's and the Apoſtle's doctrine, and aſſembling together, in fellowſhip, in breaking of bread and prayers, Acts ii. 42.

XIV. That although we thus declare for the primi⯑tive way and order of conſtituting churches; yet we [219]verily believe, and alſo declare, that unleſs men ſo profeſſing and practiſing the form and order of Chriſt's doctrine, ſhall alſo beautify the ſame with a holy and wiſe converſation, in all godlineſs and honeſty; the profeſſion of the viſible form will be rendered to them of no effect; for without holineſs no man ſhall ſee the Lord, Heb. xii. 14. Iſa. i. 11, 12, 15, 16.

XV. That the elders or paſtors which God hath ap⯑pointed to overſee, and feed his church (conſtituted as aforeſaid) are ſuch, who firſt being of the number of diſciples, ſhall, in time, appear to be vigilant, ſober, of good behaviour, given to hoſpitality, apt to teach, &c. not greedy of filthy lucre (as too many national miniſters are) but patient, not a brawler, not covetous, &c. and as ſuch choſe, and ordained to office (according to the order of ſcripture, Acts xiv. 23.) who are to feed the flock with meat in due ſeaſon, and in much love to rule over them with all care, ſeeking after ſuch as go aſtray: but as for all ſuch who labour to feed themſelves with the fat, more than to feed the flock, Ezek. xxxiv. 2, 3. ſeeking more after theirs than them, expreſsly contrary to the practice of the miniſters of old, who ſaid, we ſeek not yours but you, 2 Cor. xii. 14. All ſuch we utterly deny, and hereby bear our continued teſtimony againſt them, as ſuch whom the prophets of old bore teſtimony againſt. Ezek. xxxiv.

XVI. That the miniſters of Chriſt that have freely received from God, ought freely to miniſter to others, 1 Cor. ix. 17. and that ſuch who have ſpiritual things freely miniſtered to them, ought freely to communi⯑cate neceſſary things to the miniſters (upon the account of their charge) 1 Cor. ix. 11. Gal. vi. 6. and as for tithes, or any forced maintenance, we utterly deny to be the maintenance of goſpel miniſters.

XVII. That the true church of Chriſt ought, after the firſt and ſecond admonition, to reject all heretics, Tit. iii. 10, 11. and in the name of the Lord to with⯑draw from all ſuch as profeſs the way of the Lord, but [220]walks diſorderly in their converſations, 2 Theſſ. iii. 6. or any ways cauſes diviſions or offences, contrary to the doctrine (of Chriſt) which they have learned, Rom. xvi. 17.

XVIII. That ſuch who are true believers, even branches in Chriſt the Vine (and that in his account, whom he exhorts to abide in him, John xv. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.) or ſuch who have charity out of a pure heart, and of a good conſcience, and of faith unfeigned, 1 Tim. i. 5. may nevertheleſs, for want of watchfulneſs, ſwerve and turn aſide from the ſame, ver. 6, 7. and became as withered branches, caſt into the fire and burned, John xv. 6 But ſuch who add unto their faith virtue, and un⯑to virtue knowledge, and unto knowledge temperance, &c. 2 Pet. i. 5, 6, 7. ſuch ſhall never fall, ver. 8, 9, 10. it is impoſſible for all the falſe chriſts and falſe prophets that are, and are to come, to deceive ſuch; for they are kept by the power of God, through faith unto ſalvation. 1 Pet. i. 5.

XIX. That the poor ſaints belonging to the church of Chriſt, are to be ſufficiently provided for by the churches, that they neither want food or raiment; and this by a free and voluntary contribution, and not of neceſſity, or by the conſtraint or power of the magiſtrate, 2 Cor. ix. 7. 1 Cor. viii. 11, 12. and this through the free and voluntary help of the deacons (called overſeers of the poor) being faithful men; choſen by the church, and ordained by prayer and laying on of hands to that work, Acts vi. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. So that there is no need in the church of Chriſt of a magiſterial com⯑pulſion in this caſe, as there is among others, who be⯑ing conſtituted in a fleſhly and generational way, are neceſſitated to make uſe of a carnal ſword, to compel even a ſmall, mean, and ſhort maintenance for their poor; when as many other members of their churches can and do part with great large ſums of money to maintain their vain faſhions, gold, pearls, and coſtly array; [221]which is expreſsly contrary to the word of God, 1 Tim. ii. 9, 10. 1 Pet. iii. 3. Alas! What will ſuch do when God riſeth up? and when he viſiteth, what will they an⯑ſwer him? Job xxxi. 14.

XX. That there ſhall be (through Chriſt, who was dead, but is alive again from the dead) a reſurrection of all men from the graves of the earth, Iſa. xxvi 19. both the juſt and unjuſt, Acts xxiv. 15. that is, the fleſhly bodies of men, ſown into the graves of the earth, corruptible, diſhonourable, weak, natural (which ſo conſidered, cannot inherit the kingdom of God) ſhall be raiſed again, incorruptible, in glory, in power, ſpiritual; and ſo conſidered, the bodies of the ſaints (united again to their ſpirits) which here ſuffer for Chriſt, ſhall inherit the kingdom, reigning together with Chriſt. 1 Cor. xv. 21, 22, 42, 43, 44, 49.

XXI. That there ſhall be after the reſurrection from the graves of the earth, an eternal judgment, at the ap⯑pearing of Chriſt and his kingdom, 2 Tim. iv. 1. Heb. ix. 27. at which time of judgment, which is unaltera⯑ble and irrevocable, every man ſhall receive according to the things done in his body, 2 Cor. v. 10.

XXII. That the ſame Lord Jeſus who ſhewed him⯑ſelf alive after his paſſion, by many infallible proofs, Acts i. 3. which was taken up from the diſciples, and carried up into heaven, Luke xxiv. 51. ſhall ſo come in like manner as he was ſeen go into heaven, Acts i. 9, 10, 11. And when Chriſt, who is our life, ſhall appear, we ſhall alſo appear with him in glory, Col. iii. 4. For then ſhall he be King of kings, and Lord of lords, Rev. xix. 16. For the kingdom is his, and he is the governor among the nations, Pſal. xxii. 28. and king over all the earth, Zech. xiv. and we ſhall reign with him on the earth, Rev. v. 10. The kingdoms of this world (which men ſo migh⯑tily ſtrive after here to enjoy) ſhall become the king⯑doms of our Lord, and his Chriſt, Rev. xi. 15. For all is yours (O ye that overcome this world) for ye are Chriſt's, and Chriſt is God's, 1 Cor. iii. 22, 23. For [222]unto the ſaints ſhall be given the kingdom, and the great⯑neſs of the kingdom under (mark that) the whole heaven, Dan. vii. 27. Though (alas) now many men be ſcarce content that the ſaints ſhould have ſo much as a being among them; but when Chriſt ſhall appear, then ſhall be their day, then ſhall be given unto them power over the nations, to rule them with a rod of iron, Rev. ii. 26, 27. Then ſhall they receive a crown of life, which no man ſhall take from them, nor they by any means turned, or overturned from it; for the oppreſſor ſhall be broken in pieces, Pſal. lxxii. 4. and their now vain rejoicings turned into mourning and bitter lamentations; as it is written, Job xx. 5, 6, 7. The triumphing of the wicked is ſhort, and the joy of the hypocrite but for a mo⯑ment: though his excellency mount up to the heavens, and his head reach unto the clouds, yet ſhall he periſh for ever, like his own dung; they which have ſeen him ſhall ſay, Where is he?

XXIII. That the holy ſcripture is the rule whereby ſaints, both in matters of faith and converſation, are to be regulated; they being able to make men wiſe unto ſalvation, through faith in Chriſt Jeſus; profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for inſtruction in righteouſneſs, that the man of God may be perfect, thoroughly furniſhed unto all good works, 2 Tim. iii. 15, 16, 17. John xx. 31. Iſa. viii. 20.

XXIV. That it is the will and mind of God (in theſe goſpel times) that all men ſhould have the free liberty of their own conſciences in matters of religion or worſhip, without the leaſt oppreſſion or perſecution, as ſimply upon that account; and that for any in autho⯑rity otherwiſe to act, we confidently believe is expreſsly contrary to the mind of Chriſt; who requires, that whatſoever men would that others ſhould do unto them, they ſhould even ſo do unto others, Matt. vii. 12. and that the tares and the wheat ſhould grow together in the field (which is the world) until the harveſt (which is the end of the world) Matt. xiii. 29, 30, 38, 39.

[223]XXV. We believe, That there ought to be civil magiſtrates in all nations, for the puniſhment of evil doers, and for the praiſe of them that do well, 1 Pet. ii. 14. and that all wicked lewdneſs and fleſhly filthineſs, contrary to juſt and wholſome (civil) laws, ought to be puniſh⯑ed according to the nature of the offences; and this without reſpect of any perſons, religion, or profeſſion whatſoever; and that we, and all men are obliged by goſpel rules, to be ſubject to the higher powers, to obey magiſtrates, Tit. iii. 1. and to ſubmit to every ordinance of man for the Lord's ſake, as ſaith Pet. ii. 13. But in caſe the civil power do, or ſhall at any time impoſe things about matters of religion, which we, through conſcience to God, cannot actually obey; then we, with Peter alſo, do ſay, That we ought in ſuch caſes to obey God rather than men, Acts v. 29. and according⯑ly do hereby declare our whole and holy intent and purpoſe, That through the help of grace we will not yield, nor in ſuch caſe in the leaſt actually obey them; yet humbly purpoſing, in the Lord's ſtrength, patient⯑ly to ſuffer whatſoever ſhall be inflicted upon us for our conſcionable forbearance.

Theſe things, O ye ſons and daughters of men, we verily believe to be the Lord's will and mind, and there⯑fore cannot but ſpeak! And if herein we differ from many, yea, from multitudes, from the learned, the wiſe and prudent of this world, we, with Peter and John, do herein make our ſolemn and ſerious appeal; namely, Whether it be right in the ſight of God to hearken unto men (of a contrary perſuaſion) more than unto God. O let the judicious judge righteous judgment, Acts iv. 19, 20. And in the belief and practice of theſe things, it being the good old apoſtolical way, our ſouls have found that reſt and ſoul-peace which the world knows not, and which they cannot take from us. Of whom then ſhall we be afraid? God is become our ſtrength, our light, our ſalvation; therefore are we reſolved, through [224]grace, to ſeal the truth of theſe things, in a way of ſuf⯑fering perſecution; not only to the loſs of our goods, freedoms, or liberties, but with our lives alſo, if called thereunto.

Moreover, we do utterly, and from our very hearts, in the Lord's fear, declare againſt all thoſe wicked and deviliſh reports and reproaches, falſely caſt upon us, as though ſome of us (in and about the city of London) had lately gotten knives, hooked knives, and the like, and great ſtore of arms beſides what was given forth by order of parliament, intending to cut the throats of ſuch as were contrary-minded to us in matters of reli⯑gion; and that many ſuch knives and arms, for the carrying on ſome ſecret deſign, hath been found in ſome of our houſes by ſearch: we ſay, from truth of heart, in the Lord's fear, that we do utterly abhor and abominate the thoughts thereof, and much more the actions; and do hereby challenge both city and country (in our innocency herein) as being not able to prove the things whereof they accuſe us; and do for evermore declare the inventors of ſuch reports, to be liars, and wicked deviſers of miſchief, and corrupt de⯑ſigns. God that is above all will juſtify our innocency herein, who well knows our integrity in what we here declare, the Lord lay it not to their charge. In the time of building the decayed houſe of God, Sanballat and Tobiah (wicked counſellors) hired Shemaiah to make good Nehemiah afraid; and laboured againſt him, that they might have matter for an evil report; that they might reproach him, and hinder the building of the houſe of God, Neh. vi. 12. For I have heard, ſaith the prophet, the defaming of many; Report, ſay they, and we will report it, Jer. xx. 10.

Subſcribed by certain elders, deacons and brethren, met at London, in the firſt month called March, 1660, in the behalf of themſelves, and many others unto whom [225]they belong in London, and in ſeveral counties of this nation who are of the ſame faith with us,

• Joſeph Wright,
• William Jeffery,
• Thomas Monk,
• John Hartnol,
• Benjamin Morley,
• Francis Stanley,
• George Hammon,
• William Smart,
• John Reeve,
• Thomas Parrot,
• John Wood,
• Francis Smith,
• Edward Jones,
• Humphry Jones,
• Matthew Caffen,
• Samuel Loveday,
• John Parſons, ſen.
• Thomas Stacey,
• Edward Stanley,
• Jonathan Jennings,
• John Hammerſly,
• William Ruſſell,
• Joſeph Keech,
• Nicholas Newbery,
• Samuel Lover,
• George Wright,
• John Parſons, jun.
• Thomas Grantham,
• John Claton,
• Thomas Steele,
• Michael Whitticar,
• Giles Brown,
• John Wells,
• Stephen Torie,
• Thomas Lathwel,
• William Chadwel,
• William Raph,
• Henry Browne,
• William Paine,
• Richard Bowin,
• Thomas Smith.

Owned and approved by more than twenty thouſand.

Many of the Baptiſts believe the Millennium, or the ſaints living and reigning with Chriſt upon earth 1000 years, for which there have not been wanting many judicious advocates; others, that it is a duty to ab⯑ſtain from blood, and things ſtrangled, Acts xv. 19. that there is an intermediate ſtate, or hades. Several congregations are Sabbatarians, or obſervers of the Saturday, or ſeventh-day Sabbath; others practiſe praying over the ſick, and anointing them with the ho⯑ly oil, of the bleſſings on which practice proofs are not wanting. Others think the impoſition or laying on of [226]hands (confirmation) not neceſſary. But if the reader deſires to ſee the reaſons for theſe opinions, he is ad⯑viſed to conſult Mr. Grantham Killingworth's judicious account of the principles and practices of the General Baptiſts, in his letter to the Rev. Mr. William Whiſ⯑ton, before quoted; the Appendix to his fifth edition of the Supplement to the ſermons preached againſt Popery at Salter's hall, 1735, with his other tracts.

Method of ordaining Paſtors and Deacons amongſt the Baptiſts, exemplified in the ordination of the Rev. Mr. Joſeph Burroughs, Paſtor, and Meſſ. Matthew Shelſwell and George Reynolds, Deacons, of the church at Barbican, in London, May 1, 1717 ^*.

The church ſent meſſengers to thoſe miniſters whom they particularly deſired to act in this affair, and gave a general invitation to all the reſt to honour them with their preſence on this occaſion.

The aſſembly being come together, at the meeting⯑houſe in Barbican, on the day appointed, Mr. Fox⯑well went firſt up into the pulpit, and read the third and fourth chapters of the firſt epiſtle to Timothy; after which he prayed for that church, for the perſons called to offices in it, for the preſence of God, and the aſſiſtance of his grace in the duties to be that day per⯑formed. Next Mr. Benj. Stinton went up, and preach⯑ed a ſermon from Phil. i. 1. from whence, according to the province aſſigned him, he endeavoured to ex⯑plain the office and duties both of an elder and dea⯑cons. Then followed Mr. Nathaniel Hodges, who choſe for his text, Tit. i. 5. from whence he took oc⯑caſion, among other things, to explain and vindicate the form of ordination. After this, the miniſters, and thoſe who were to be ordained, being together in the middle of the meeting-place, where the communion⯑table [227]uſed to ſtand, Mr. Stinton, according to ap⯑pointment, ſtood up and ſaid, "It is deſired that all thoſe who are members of the church which uſually meets in this place, would draw together in the mid⯑dle of the meeting-houſe, and that the reſt of the aſ⯑ſembly would ſeparate themſelves, either by going in⯑to the galleries, or the remote parts of the place." Then, directing his ſpeech particularly to the church, he ſaid, "We have been informed by meſſengers from you, that you have choſen our honoured and beloved brother, Mr. Joſeph Burroughs ^*, to be your elder or overſeer, in the Lord, and have accordingly deſired him to take that office upon him; it will, however, be proper, that you ſhould now, in a more public manner, and before this aſſembly, declare and confirm your ſaid choice. All you, therefore, who do approve of, and confirm the choice you have made of Mr. Jo⯑ſeph Burroughs to be your paſtor, and deſire that he ſhould now be ordained to that office, be pleaſed to ſignify it by the lifting up of your hands." When they had ſo done, the negative was put, but no hand lifted up againſt it. Then he turned to Mr. Joſeph Burroughs, and ſaid, "Brother Joſeph Burroughs, as this church has unanimouſly choſen and called you to be their paſtor, and do earneſtly deſire that you would take upon you that honourable, though diffi⯑cult office; ſo we deſire you to ſignify unto us, whe⯑ther you do accept of their call, and are willing, for the ſake of Chriſt, and the good of this community, to be put into this office?" Hereupon Mr. Burroughs ſignified, that it had been his deſire, for many years paſt, to be uſeful to the ſouls of men in the work of the miniſtry; and that this continued to be the free choice of his mind, in preference to any other employ⯑ment; [228]that, in purſuance of this deſire, he had ap⯑plied himſelf to the ſtudy of the holy ſcriptures, and to other exerciſes that might prepare him for public uſefulneſs; that he wiſhed he had made better im⯑provement of his time, and was deeply ſenſible of his inſufficiency for diſcharging the work to which he was called, ſuitably to its great importance; but was will⯑ing to uſe his beſt endeavours, and placed his hope in the goodneſs of God, who, he was aſſured, was able to make him ſucceſsful; that the unanimity which this church had ſhewn, in chuſing him for their paſtor, gave him an encouraging proſpect of doing good a⯑mongſt them: and therefore he declared, that he took the overſight of this flock, not by conſtraint, but wil⯑lingly, and ſhould reckon himſelf obliged, by his ac⯑ceptance of this people's call to be their paſtor, and by being ſolemnly ſet apart for the office, to be their re⯑membrancer in the doctrines and precepts of the Chriſ⯑tian religion, and to watch for their ſouls, as one that muſt hereafter give an account; and that he was de⯑termined, in every part of his proceeding, to make the holy ſcripture his only rule and ſtandard. Then, after a ſhort prayer ſuitable to the occaſion, the mini⯑ſters preſent laid their right hands upon his head, and Mr. Stinton, in the name of the whole, pronounced the words of ordination, as followeth:

"Brother Joſeph Burroughs, we do, in the name of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, and with the conſent of this church, ordain thee to be an elder, biſhop, or over⯑ſeer of this church of Jeſus Chriſt." And their hands continuing on his head, Mr. Stinton put up a ſhort prayer to God for him and the congregation ^*.

[229]After the ordination of Mr. Burroughs, they pro⯑ceeded to the ordination of two deacons, which was af⯑ter this manner: Mr. Stinton ſtood up and ſaid, "We muſt now addreſs ourſelves again to you, the members of the congregation, that ſtatedly worſhip God in this place. We were informed by your meſſengers afore⯑ſaid, that you have choſen two perſons from amongſt yourſelves unto the office of deacons, in this church of Chriſt, viz. brother Matthew Shelſwell, and brother George Reynolds: it will therefore be neceſſary that you ſhould in this, as you have in the other caſe, de⯑clare and confirm your election. All you, therefore, that do approve and confirm your former choice of brother Matthew Shelſwell to be a deacon in this church, and deſire that he may now be ordained to that ſervice, be pleaſed to ſignify it by the lifting up of your hands." And then the negative was put. After this the ſame queſtion was put, both in the affirmative and negative, with reſpect unto the other; and it ap⯑peared they were both unanimouſly choſen: and up⯑on being aſked; whether they accepted the church's call to this work, and were willing to take this office upon them? they anſwered, they were. Then the deacons elect kneeled down, and the miniſters, laying their right hands upon their heads, ordained them, Mr. Mulliner putting up a prayer to God, ſuitable to this part of the ſolemnity; and then he went up into the pulpit, and preached from 1 Theſſ. v. 12, 13. in which, according to the province aſſigned him, he treated of the duties of the members of a Chriſtian church to their officers, both elders and deacons; af⯑ter [230]which he prayed, then a pſalm of thankſgiving was ſung, at the concluſion of which the aſſembly was diſ⯑miſſed with one of the apoſtolical benedictions.

The Hiſtory of the QUAKERS.

THE hiſtory of this ſect or brotherhood ſhould be drawn with a very impartial pen: they have, from their differing not only in the fundamentals, but in dreſs and form of ſpeech, from other Chriſtians (if I may be permitted to call them ſo), been ſubject to the moſt low and illiberal abuſe. The writers of o⯑ther ſentiments have ſtored up ſo many calumnies and falſehoods, when they have had occaſion to mention them, that it is a difficult taſk to ſeparate fiction from fact. Therefore, as my intent is to afford impartial juſtice to my ſubject, I think I cannot better do ſo than by recurring to their own writers, not only for their hiſtory, but for an account of their doctrine and diſ⯑cipline.

The appellative QUAKERS was beſtowed upon them as a name of reproach and contempt, taken from the ſtrugglings and agitations viſible in their ſpeakers or preachers, when under thoſe influences they eſteemed divine. They modeſtly acquieſce in making uſe of this term when they addreſs the throne, and in their common tranſactions with the world: but the name they uſe amongſt themſelves is that of friends ^*, which they borrow from primitive example, viz. The friends ſalute thee.—Greet the friends, &c. &c. John iii. Eph. xiv. Acts xxvii. 3, &c.

However agreeable to the goſpel the ſentiments of theſe people may be found (for from different ſenſes [231]and interpretations of ſcripture moſt of the ſects a⯑mongſt us derive themſelves), it is certain the firſt lead⯑er of this ſect, as a ſeparate body, was George Fox, born in Leiceſterſhire, about the year 1624 ^*. He was deſcended of honeſt and ſufficient parents, who brought him up in the national religion ^†: but from a child he appeared religious, ſtill, ſolid, and obſerving, beyond his years, and uncommonly knowing in di⯑vine things. He was brought up to huſbandry, and other country-buſineſs, and was particularly inclined to the ſolitary occupation of a ſhepherd; "an employ⯑ment," ſays my author, "that very well ſuited his mind in ſeveral reſpects, both for its innocency and ſo⯑litude; and was a juſt emblem of his after miniſtry and ſervice." In the year 1646, he entirely forſook the national church, in whoſe tenets he had been brought up, as before obſerved; and in 1647 he tra⯑velled into Derbyſhire and Nottinghamſhire, without any ſet purpoſe of viſiting particular places, but in a ſolitary manner he walked through ſeveral towns and villages, which way ſoever his mind turned. "He faſted much," ſays Sewell, "and walked often in re⯑tired places, with no other companion but his Bible." "He viſited the moſt retired and religious people in thoſe parts," ſays Penn; "and ſome there were, ſhort of few, if any, in this nation, who waited for the con⯑ſolation of Iſrael night and day; as Zacharias, Anna, and Simeon, did of old time. To theſe he was ſent, and theſe he ſought out in the neighbouring counties, and among them he ſojourned till his more ample mi⯑niſtry came upon him. At this time he taught, and was an example of ſilence, endeavouring to bring them from ſelf-performances; teſtifying of, and turning them to the light of Chriſt within them, and encoura⯑ging them to wait in patience, and to feel the power of [232]it to ſtir in their hearts, that their knowledge and worſhip of God might ſtand in the power of an endleſs life, which was to be found in the Light, as it was obeyed in the manifeſtation of it in man: for in the word was life, and that life is the light of men. Life in the word, light in men; and life in men too, as the light is obeyed; the children of the light living by the life of the word, by which the word begets them again to God, which is the regeneration and new birth, with⯑out which there is no coming into the kingdom of God, and to which whoever comes is greater than John; that is, than John's diſpenſation, which was not that of the kingdom, but the conſummation of the legal, and fore running of the goſpel-times, the time of the kingdom. Accordingly ſeveral meetings were gather⯑ed in thoſe parts; and thus his time was employed for ſome years."

In the year 1652, "he had a viſitation of the great work of God in the earth, and of the way that he was to go forth, in a public miniſtry, to begin it." He directed his courſe northward, "and in every place where he came, if not before he came to it, he had his particular exerciſe and ſervice ſhewn to him, ſo that the Lord was his leader indeed." He made great num⯑bers of converts to his opinions, and many pious and good men joined him in his miniſtry ^*. Theſe were drawn forth eſpecially to viſit the public aſſemblies, to reprove, reform, and exhort them; ſometimes in markets, fairs, ſtreets, and by the highway-ſide, "calling people to repentance, and to return to the Lord, with their hearts as well as their mouths; di⯑recting them to the light of Chriſt within them, to ſee, examine, and conſider their ways by, and to eſchew the evil, and do the good and acceptable will of God."

[233]They were not without oppoſition in the work they imagined themſelves called to, being often ſet in the ſtocks, ſtoned, beaten, whipped and impriſoned, tho', as my author obſerves, honeſt men, of good report, that had left wives, children, houſes and lands, to vi⯑ſit them with a living call to repentance. But theſe co⯑ercive methods rather forwarded than abated their zeal, and in thoſe parts they brought over many proſelytes, and amongſt them ſeveral magiſtrates, and others of the better ſort. They apprehended the Lord had for⯑bid them to pull off their hats to any one, high or low, and required them to ſpeak to the people, with⯑out diſtinction, in the language of thou and thee. They ſcrupled bidding people good-morrow, or good-night; nor might they bend the knee to any one, even in ſu⯑preme authority. Both men and women went in a plain and ſimple dreſs, different from the faſhion of the times. They neither gave nor accepted any titles of reſpect or honour, nor would they call any man maſter, on earth. Several texts of ſcripture they quo⯑ted in defence of theſe ſingularities; ſuch as, Swear not at all.—How can ye believe who receive honour one of another, and ſeek not the honour which comes from God only? &c. &c. They placed the baſis of religion in an inward light, and an extraordinary impulſe of the Holy Spirit.

In 1654, their firſt ſeparate meeting in London was held in the houſe of Robert Dring, in Watling ſtreet, (for by that time they had ſpread themſelves into all parts of the kingdom, and had in many places ſet up meetings or aſſemblies, particularly in Lancaſhire and the adjacent parts) but they were ſtill expoſed to great perſecutions and trials of every kind. One of them, in a letter to the Protector, Oliver Cromwell, repreſents, "That tho' there are no penal laws in force obliging men to comply with the eſtabliſhed religion, yet the Quakers are expoſed upon other accounts; they are fined and impriſoned for refuſing to take an oath; for [234]not paying their tithes; for diſturbing the public aſſem⯑blies, and meeting in the ſtreets, and places of public reſort; ſome of them have been whipped for vaga⯑bonds, and for their plain ſpeeches to the magiſtrate."

Under favour of the then toleration they opened their meeting at the Bull and Mouth inn, in Alderſgate ſtreet, where women as well as men were moved to ſpeak. Their zeal tranſported them to ſome extra⯑vagances, which laid them ſtill more open to the laſh of their enemies, who exerciſed various ſeverities upon them throughout the next reign. Upon the ſup⯑preſſion of Venner's mad inſurrection ^*, the govern⯑ment having publiſhed a proclamation, forbidding the Anabaptiſts, Quakers, and Fifth-monarchy men, "to aſſemble or meet together under pretence of worſhip⯑ping God, except it be in ſome parochial church, cha⯑pel, or in private houſes, by the perſons there inhabi⯑ting," all meetings in other places being declared to be unlawful and riotous, &c. &c. &c. the Quakers thought it expedient to addreſs the King thereon, which they did in the following words:

[235]On the 28th of the ſame month they publiſhed the declaration referred to in their addreſs, intitled, A de⯑claration from the harmleſs and innocent people of God call⯑ed Quakers, againſt all ſedition, plotters and fighters in the world, for removing the ground of jealouſy and ſuſpicion, from both magiſtrates and people in the kingdom, concerning wars and fightings. It was preſented to the King the 21ſt day of the eleventh month, 1660, and he pro⯑miſed them upon his royal word, that they ſhould not ſuffer for their opinions, as long as they lived peacea⯑bly; but his promiſes were very little regarded after⯑wards.

In 1661, they aſſumed courage to petition the houſe of Lords for a toleration of their religion, and for a diſpenſation from taking the oaths, which they held unlawful, not from any diſaffection to the govern⯑ment, or a belief that they were leſs obliged by an af⯑firmation, but from a perſuaſion that all oaths were un⯑lawful; and that ſwearing upon the moſt ſolemn occa⯑ſions was forbidden in the New Teſtament. Their petition was rejected, and inſtead of granting them relief, an act was paſſed againſt them, the preamble to which ſet forth, "That whereas ſeveral perſons have taken up an opinion, that an oath, even before a magiſtrate, is un⯑lawful, and contrary to the word of God; and where⯑as, under pretence of religious worſhip, the ſaid perſons do aſſemble in great numbers in ſeveral parts of the kingdom, ſeparating themſelves from the reſt of his Majeſty's ſubjects, and the public congregations and uſual places of divine worſhip:" be it therefore en⯑acted, That if any ſuch perſons, after the 24th of March 1661-2, ſhall refuſe to take an oath when law⯑fully tendered, or perſuade others to do it, or main⯑tain in writing, or otherwiſe, the unlawfulneſs of taking an oath; or if they ſhall aſſemble for religious worſhip to the number of five or more, of the age of fifteen, they ſhall for the firſt offence forfeit five pounds; for the ſecond, ten pounds; and for the third ſhall abjure [236]the realm, or be tranſported to the plantations: and the juſtices of peace at their open ſeſſions may hear and finally determine in the affair."

This act had a moſt dreadful effect upon the Qua⯑kers, tho' it was well known and notorious theſe con⯑ſcientious perſons were far from ſedition or diſaffection to the government. George Fox, in his addreſs to the King, acquaints him, that three thouſand and ſixty⯑eight of their friends had been impriſoned ſince his Majeſty's reſtoration; that their meetings were daily broken up by men with clubs and arms, and their friends thrown into the water, and trampled under foot, till the blood guſhed out, which gave riſe to their meeting in the open ſtreets. A relation was printed, ſigned by twelve witneſſes, which ſays, that more than four thouſand two hundred Quakers were impriſoned; and of them five hundred were in and about London, and the ſuburbs; ſeveral of whom were dead in the goals.

However, they even gloried in their ſufferings, which increaſed every day; ſo that in 1665, and the inter⯑mediate years, they were harraſſed without example. As they perſiſted reſolutely to aſſemble, openly, at the Bull and Mouth, before-mentioned, the ſoldiers, and other officers, dragged them from thence to priſon, till Newgate was filled with them, and multitudes died of cloſe confinement, in that and other goals.

Six hundred of them, ſays an account publiſhed at this time, were in priſon, merely for religion-ſake, of whom ſeveral were baniſhed to the plantations. "In ſhort (ſays Mr. Neale) the Quakers gave ſuch full em⯑ployment to the informers, that they had leſs leiſure to attend the meetings of other Diſſenters."

Yet, under all theſe calamities, they behaved with patience and modeſty towards the government, and upon occaſion of the Rye-houſe plot ^* in 1682, thought [237]proper to declare their innocence of that ſham plot, in an addreſs to the King, wherein, appealing to the ſearcher of all hearts, they ſay, " ^* Their principles do not allow them to take up defenſive arms, much leſs to avenge themſelves for the injuries they receive from others: that they continually pray for the King's ſafety and preſervation; and therefore take this occa⯑ſion humbly to beſeech his Majeſty to compaſſionate their ſuffering friends, with whom the goals are ſo fill⯑ed, that they want air, to the apparent hazard of their lives, and to the endangering an infection in divers places. Beſides, many houſes, ſhops, barns, and fields, are ranſacked, and the goods, corn, and cat⯑tle, ſwept away, to the diſcouraging of trade and huſ⯑bandry, and impoveriſhing great numbers of quiet and induſtrious people; and this for no other cauſe, but for the exerciſe of a tender conſcience in the worſhip of Almighty God, who is ſovereign Lord and King in men's conſciences —."

On the acceſſion of James II. they addreſſed that monarch honeſtly and plainly, telling him, " ^† We are come to teſtify our ſorrow for the death of our good ^‡ friend Charles, and our joy for thy being made our governor. We are told thou art not of the per⯑ſuaſion of the church of England, no more than we; therefore we hope thou wilt grant us the ſame liberty which thou alloweſt thyſelf; which doing, we wiſh thee all manner of happineſs."

When James, by his diſpenſing power, granted li⯑berty to the Diſſenters, they began to enjoy ſome reſt from their troubles; and indeed it was high time, for they were ſwelled to an enormous amount. They, the year before this (to them glad releaſe), in a peti⯑tion to James for a ceſſation of their ſufferings, ſet [239]forth, " ^* That of late above one thouſand five hun⯑dred of their friends, both men and women, were in priſon, and that now there remain one thouſand three hundred and eighty-three; of which two hun⯑dred are women, many under ſentence of praemunire; and more than three hundred near it, for refuſing the oath of allegiance, becauſe they could not ſwear. Three hundred and fifty have died in priſon ſince the year 1680; in London, the goal of Newgate has been crowded, within this two years, ſometimes with near twenty in a room, whereby ſeveral have been ſuffoca⯑ted, and others, who have been taken out ſick, have died of malignant fevers within a few days. Great violences, outrageous diſtreſſes, and woeful havock and ſpoil, have been made upon people's goods and eſtates, by a company of idle, extravagant, and mercileſs in⯑formers, by perſecutions on the conventicle-act, and others ^†; alſo on qui tam writs, and on other pro⯑ceſſes, for twenty pounds a-month, and two thirds of their eſtates ſeized for the King. Some had not a bed left to reſt on; others had no cattle to till the ground, nor corn for ſeed or bread, nor tools to work with; the ſaid informers and bailiffs in ſome places breaking into houſes, and making great waſte and ſpoil, under pretence of ſerving the King and the church. Our religious aſſemblies have been charged [238]at common law with being riotous routs and diſtur⯑bances of the peace, whereby great numbers have been confined in priſons, without regard to age or ſex, and many in holes and dungeons. The ſeizures for twen⯑ty pounds a-month have amounted to ſeveral thouſand pounds; ſometimes they have ſeized for eleven months at once, and made ſale of all goods and chattles, both within doors and without, for payment. Several, who have employed ſome hundreds of poor families in ma⯑nufacture, are by thoſe writs and ſeizures diſabled, as well as by long impriſonment; one, in particular, who employed two hundred people in the woollen manu⯑facture. Many informers, eſpecially imprudent wo⯑men, whoſe huſbands are in priſon, ſwear for their ſhare of the profits of the ſeizures. The fines upon one juſtice's warrant have amounted to many hundred pounds; frequently ten pounds a warrant, and five warrants together for fifty pounds to one man; and for non-payment, all his goods carried away by cart⯑loads. They ſpare neither widow nor fatherleſs, nor poor families, nor leave them ſo much as a bed to lie upon. Thus the informers are both witneſſes and par⯑ties, to the ruin of great numbers of ſober families; and juſtices of peace have been threatened with the for⯑feiture of one hundred pounds, if they do not iſſue out warrants upon their informations." With this peti⯑tion they preſented a liſt of their friends in priſon in the ſeveral counties, amounting to 1460.

Upon the declaration of King James for liberty of conſcience (and as before the King had ſent an order to the Lord Mayor of London to diſpenſe with the Quakers not ſwearing, or, at leaſt, not to fine them if they refuſed to ſerve) they addreſſed the King thus▪

They partook, with the other Diſſenters from the le⯑gal eſtabliſhment of religion, of that invaluable bleſ⯑ſing, liberty of conſcience, at the revolution; and the reader is already acquainted with the fate of their pe⯑tition to have theſe words, "in the preſence of Al⯑mighty God," omitted in their ſolemn affirmation ^*. And, ſince that, they have made an attempt to get them⯑ſelves eaſed of the burden of tithes, which they could not conſcientiouſly pay, and for refuſal of which they have ſo greatly ſuffered; but it did not ſucceed.

The ſettlement of Penſilvania, where the Quakers, the firſt ſettlers, are the majority of the inhabitants, and the hiſtory of that colony, the moſt flouriſhing of North America, do not come within the compaſs of my plan; and as to the affairs of their ſeveral aſſem⯑blies ſince the revolution, what is neceſſary to men⯑tion thereof, will properly occur under the head of their diſcipline, &c. &c.

They are in the preſent days a very praiſe-worthy and inoffenſive ſet of people, and, by their wiſe regula⯑tions, do honour to themſelves, and are of infinite ſer⯑vice in the community.

Account of the NON-JURORS.

THE NON-JURORS differ in little or nothing from the eſtabliſhed church of England in their ec⯑cleſiaſtical doctrine or diſcipline ^*. Their riſe and ſe⯑paration from her was at the Revolution, and they were ſo denominated on account of their refuſing to take the oaths to King William and Queen Mary, as they have refuſed to do to the ſucceeding monarchs of this kingdom, de facto.

They maintain, that the doctrines of paſſive obedience and non-reſiſtance, and of the hereditary indefeaſible right of ^† Sovereigns, were the diſtinguiſhing principles of [264]the church of England, in her political character; and that theſe doctrines were confirmed by every ſanction derived from the laws of God and man. By the ſecond canon of the church of England ^*, they af⯑firm, the King therein mentioned is to be underſtood of that perſon who is poſſeſſed of the throne, according to the civil inſtitution of the hereditary Engliſh monar⯑chy; and that whoever diſowns his authority, &c. in⯑curs the ſentence of excommunication ipſo facto, ac⯑cording to that canon. They inſiſt, that if King James II. had a right, the compliers with the Revolu⯑tion were by this canon excommunicated; as in de⯑priving their rightful Sovereign, they diſavowed his authority, &c. King James had a right, they ſay, which he continued to claim till the day of his death; and that his ſon (whoſe right as a ſon they declare to be as unqueſtionable as his father's) has always kept up and aſſerted his claim. So much for their political creed.

With regard to their eccleſiaſtical tenets, they main⯑tain the neceſſity of an uninterrupted ſucceſſion, from the Apoſtles, of thoſe who adminiſter Chriſt's ordinan⯑ces: that the deprivation of Biſhops by lay-authority is invalid of itſelf, and ſhould not be acknowledged: that the interpoſition of lay-power has interrupted the ſucceſſion, as to all who ſubmit to, or own their inter⯑poſition: that the authority of the church of England, and of conſequence the church of England itſelf, was reſident in the deprived Biſhops and clergy, and re⯑mains in the Non-Jurors, their ſucceſſors, who have immutably adhered to her true conſtitutions and prin⯑ciples: [265]and that all who depart from them are at leaſt in a ſtate of ſchiſm. To ſupport theſe tenets, they advance, that the canonical metropolitan Arch⯑biſhop Sancroft was not only diſplaced, but Dr. Tillotſon, a ſubject preſbyter of his, placed in his room; and when God had removed him, another, Dr. Tenniſon, was ſet up in his place as head of the ſchiſm: that under the Biſhops, who actually did this, or thoſe who approve of ſuch doings, by joining in communion with them, in oppoſition to the true canonical Biſhops, have all the parochial clergy acted, and joined with them againſt the canonical deprived Prelates, and their ſucceſſors; and being thus joined with them, they be⯑come ſchiſmatics; and that thoſe, tho' canonically or⯑dained and placed over a flock, yet by cloſing with ſchiſmatics, have forfeited all the privileges of their function, and cannot diſpenſe the ordinances of reli⯑gion, with any benefit.

The Non-Jurors of Scotland maintain the ſame prin⯑ciples with thoſe of England; they both make uſe of the book of Common Prayer in their worſhip; tho' the Scots generally officiate by the communion ſervice in the prayer-book, compoſed for their country in the reign of King Charles I.

Dr. Hicks, Dr. Kettlewell, the Rev. Mr. John Lind⯑ſay, and others their champions, have written learned treatiſes, in defence of their principles; and the Non-Jurors aver that the above, with Dr. Charles Leſlie ^*, have publiſhed more in their behalf, than all their ad⯑verſaries (and even the late Dr. Benjamin Hoadley ^†, the learned Biſhop of Wincheſter) have been able to refute. [See more, to make this hiſtory complete, pages 2 and 5 of this volume, and note p. 24.]

[266]The Non-Jurors are dwindling away inſenſibly; the zeal which actuated the firſt adherents to their principles, does not ſeem to operate ſo forcibly upon their children and deſcendants, and, perhaps, in half a century, there may be none ſuch in being. As conſcientious perſons they certainly merit the indulgence of the government, whilſt they behave with that reſpect and inoffenſiveneſs it has a right to expect from them, and which are cul⯑tivated by the ſenſible perſons of their perſuaſion.

The Hiſtory of the LUTHERANS.

SO much has been already neceſſarily ſaid of Luther, the progreſs and eſtabliſhment of his opinions, and the doctrines of the Lutheran church, in vol. ii. of this work, p. 115—122, and p. 128—130, as to ren⯑der any thing further on that head ſuperfluous, and therefore I content myſelf with referring my readers to that volume.

The Hiſtory of the METHODISTS.

COntrary to my uſual method, I think proper to be⯑gin with the principles of this popular ſect, be⯑fore I give an account of their riſe and progreſs; and, firſt, I ſhall lay before my readers the character of a Me⯑thodiſt, as drawn by the Rev. Mr. John Weſley, who, tho' he may differ in a few points from the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield, the founder of Methodiſm, yet ſpeaks, in moſt things, the ſenſe of the whole body ^†.

The Hiſtory of the ANTINOMIANS.

THIS ſect is ſo named from Antinomy, a word formed of the Greek [...], contra, and [...], lex; ſignifying a contradiction between two laws, and between two articles of the ſame law.

They have never been a very numerous body at any time; but in the late civil war they were moſt ſo, as great numbers of them were in the parliament army. At preſent, by what I can learn, they are but a few, meeting at two or three places of worſhip in London. They took their origin from John Agricola, who lived about the year 1335, and who taught "That the law is no way neceſſary under the goſpel: that good works do not promote our ſalvation, nor ill ones hinder it: that repentance is not to be preached from the deca⯑logue, but only from the goſpel ^*."

They met with hard meaſure, not only from the government, but from the other ſects, in the ſeveral reigns of the Stuarts, and under the uſurpation. They were written againſt by Luther, Rutherford, Sedgwick, Gataker, and Bull; and their opinions were as warmly [330]defended by Criſp ^*, Richardſon, Eaton, Saltmarſh ^†, and Williams, from which defenders writings the committee of the Weſtminſter general aſſembly of divines (appointed to peruſe their writings) drew out ſome of the moſt dangerous poſitions, which when re⯑ported to the aſſembly in 1643, they were not only condemned, but confuted in their public writings and ſermons.

[331]This is as much as is neceſſary to premiſe of the biſtory of a ſect that, as ſuch, has made no great noiſe in the world; and now I ſhall give ſome account of their principles, juſt informing my readers, that the learned Wigandus publiſhed a compariſon between ancient and modern Antinomianiſm.

They believe that the whole work of man's ſalva⯑tion was accompliſhed by Jeſus Chriſt, on the croſs. —That Chriſt's blood and our ſins went away toge⯑ther:—That then all our ſins were taken away by Chriſt, and blotted out for ever:—That nothing elſe beſide faith is required in order to juſtification and ſalvation: —That there is but one duty, which is that of be⯑lieving; one muſt do nothing, but quietly attend the voice of the Lord. The gates of heaven are ſhut upon workers and open to believers. If we do nothing for heaven, we do as much as God requires. To believe certainly that Chriſt ſuffered death for us, is enough; we want no more. We are juſtified by our ſubmitting in our judgments to the truth of God's grace in Chriſt Jeſus. It is not neceſſary that a man do any works that he may be juſtified and ſaved. God doth not re⯑quire thee to do any thing that thou mayeſt be ſaved or juſtified. The law ſets thee to work; but the goſpel binds thee to do nothing at all. Nay, the works are not only not required, but forbidden. God forbids us to work for juſtification: and when the Apoſtle Paul preſſeth men to believe, it is as much as if he had bid them not to work.—That the moral law is nothing to man. From any demand of the law, no man is obliged to go one ſtep, to give away one farthing, to eat, or omit one morſel. For what did our Lord do with the law? He aboliſhed it ^*.—That a ſpiritual man beholdeth juſtifying grace in believing, without his obedience to commands for external worſhip and good works, Col. [332]ii. 20.—That outward things do nothing avail to ſal⯑vation. If love to God, and love to our neighbour, and relieving the poor, be altogether unprofitable and unavoidable, either to juſtification or ſalvation; then theſe outward works, in ſubmitting to outward ordinances (viz. the ordinances of Chriſt) are much leſs available. —Thoſe perſons bring in the moſt dangerous kind of Popery, and pervert the goſpel of Chriſt, who perſuade men, that if they do not ſubmit to the ordinances of the Lord Jeſus, he will not confeſs them before his Fa⯑ther. It is better not to practiſe outward ordinances at all, than to practiſe them on theſe goſpel-deſtroying principles, to the ruining of our ſouls.—A believer has no inherent righteouſneſs: God will ſave us to the ut⯑moſt without any righteouſneſs or holineſs of our own. To look for inherent righteouſneſs is to deny the ſpirit, and trample under foot the blood of the covenant. But believers have not any inherent righteouſneſs in them. Our righteouſneſs is nothing but the imputation of the righteouſneſs of Chriſt. A believer has no holi⯑neſs in himſelf, but in Chriſt only. The trials of the ſpirit (commonly called ſanctification) ſuch as love, gentleneſs, long-ſuffering, goodneſs, meekneſs, tem⯑perance, neither make us holy before God, nor in our own conſciences, i. e. we are not made good or holy by any inward qualities or diſpoſitions; but being made pure and holy in our conſciences, by believing in Chriſt, we bear forth inwardly and outwardly the fruits of holineſs. A believer does not increaſe in holineſs as he increaſes in the love of God and man. The very moment he is juſtified, he is wholly ſanctified, and he is neither more nor leſs holy from that hour to the day of his death. Entire juſtification, and entire ſanctifica⯑tion, are in the ſame inſtant, and neither of them is, thenceforth, capable of increaſe or decreaſe. We are to grow in grace, but not in holineſs. The moment we are juſtified, we are as pure in heart as ever we ſhall [333]be. A new born babe is as pure in heart as a father in Chriſt; there is no difference.

In addition to this collective detail of the principles of the Antinomians, I ſhall give my readers the ſub⯑ſtance of a letter received from one of them, which, perhaps, is a more perfect view of the principles of the ſect, and of many popular preachers, who yet do not ſeparate from the church, or the ſects with which they are united, on that account.

Perhaps perſons acquainted with the principles of the modern Antinomians will be ſurpriſed at ſome things in this letter, and the vein of Chriſtian charity that is viſible in it. In ſhort, the writer ſeems not to be willing to be called by that name.

One quotation more, and I conclude my account of the Antinomians.

A remarkable DIALOGUE, publiſhed in the London Gazetteer of July 17, 1761 (introduced by a ſerious and affecting letter to the miniſter and members of the ſociety, meeting for what they call the worſhip of God, in Coachmakers Hall, Noble-ſtreet) be⯑tween J. N. of Broadſtreet, and one of the cham⯑pions of the Antinomian faith.

Queſ. 1. Did our Lord Jeſus Chriſt die for all, or only a part of mankind?

Anſ. He died for all.

Queſ. 2. If for all, why then are not all ſaved?

Anſ. All are and will be ſaved: he being an offering for ſin, none of Adam's race can periſh or be loſt; for could that be the caſe, then Chriſt died in vain.

Queſ. 3. Is faith neceſſary to ſalvation?

Anſ. Nor faith, nor works in man, can avail any thing; man of himſelf can do nothing; but faith is the ſum and ſubſtance of faith imputed to us as ours.

Queſ. 4. Then (contrary to ſcripture) without holi⯑neſs men may ſee the Lord?

Anſ. The Lord is our holineſs; therefore holineſs is not required in man, nor can avail, otherwiſe than as the holineſs of Chriſt imputed to him.

Queſ. 5. Is prayer for the pardon of ſin neceſſary?

[337] Anſ. If man prays to eternity, it will avail nothing, becauſe the prayers of Chriſt have reached heaven for all the race of Adam.

Queſ. 6. Is repentance for ſin neceſſary?

Anſ. No, not in man, becauſe Chriſt hath repented for us, and his obedience is ſufficient.

Queſ. 7. Did Chriſt come to reform the world, or to ſave the world unreformed?

Anſ. The reformation of man can avail nothing, Chriſt having reformed the world in himſelf.

Queſ. 8. Suppoſe then a man continues in notorious ſins through the whole of life, unrepented of, can any faith in Chriſt ſave him, whoſe works from firſt to laſt denied him?

Anſ. Yes; becauſe Chriſt being his holineſs, he lived for him, believed for him, and was obedient for him; therefore God wanted nothing of fallen man.

Queſ. 9. How then can it be ſaid, with any proprie⯑ty, that man will be judged hereafter, according to the deeds done in the body?

Anſ. There will be no judgment after this life; for judgment is already paſt; Chriſt having juſtified us be⯑fore God, hath made us a free people.

Queſ. 10. If no judgment to come, will there be any reſurrection of the dead?

Anſ. This body of fleſh will riſe no more; but our ſpirits will exiſt in Chriſt; we being the members of his body, ſhall live in him as our all in all.

Queſ. 11. Will there be any future puniſhment of any kind?

Anſ. No; Chriſt having overcome him that had the power of death and hell, hath brought in everlaſting righteouſneſs.

Queſ. 12. If no place of puniſhment, the devil being overcome by the death of Chriſt, is he annihilated, or reſtored to mercy?

Anſ. The latter; by the ſacrifice of Chriſt, who by his ſpirit went to preach to them that were in priſon.

The Hiſtory of the MORAVIANS.

IN giving my readers the hiſtory of this brother⯑hood, I am under ſome difficulty. They them⯑ſelves have publiſhed little to the purpoſe, and are a ſet of people not very communicative. What can be done in this caſe? All that can be done is to take it, as well as the account of their principles, &c. from thoſe who have wrote profeſſedly againſt them, and who having been initiated into their myſteries, afterwards forſook their ſociety; in which I am alſo juſtified, by the Mo⯑ravians having never returned any proper anſwer to theſe writers, ſo that their veracity remains at preſent un⯑impeached. I ſhould have been better pleaſed to have received the proper intelligence from themſelves and their writings; but after much patience exerciſed upon the occaſion, found myſelf diſappointed. The charac⯑ter of Mr. Henry Rimius is ſo well eſtabliſhed for ho⯑nour and veracity, that I ſhall venture to give their hiſtory and diſcipline in his own words.

^* "Nicholas Lewis, Count of Zinzendorf, is the author of Herrnhutiſm, and it is to him that the progreſs this ſect has hitherto made, is to be aſcribed. According to the account he gives of himſelf, he formed from the tenth year of his age a deſign to gather together a little ſociety of believers, amongſt whom he might live, and who ſhould entirely employ themſelves in exer⯑ciſes of devotion, under his direction. When he became of age, which was in the year 1721, his thoughts were wholly bent on executing his project, and being joined by ſome perſons, that were of his way of thinking, he ſettled at Bertholſdorf in Upper Luſatia, an eſtate which he had purchaſed, giving the curacy of that [339]village, then vacant, to a ſtudent, in whom he had perceived ſentiments analogous to his own.

Bertholſdorf ſoon came to be known for this ſort of piety. News thereof was brought to Moravi [...] by a carpenter, named Chriſtian David, who, according to Le Long, had been before in that country, and there inſtilled into the minds of ſeveral people a diſtaſte to the ſuperſtition of the Romiſh church, and an inclination to the Proteſtant religion. Having engaged two or three of theſe proſelytes to leave that country with their families, Count Zinzendorf received them with gladneſs at Bertholſdorf. They were directed to build an houſe in a wood, about half a league from that village, which ſoon was finiſhed, ſo that on St. Martin's day, 1722, theſe people held their firſt meeting there. It is ſaid, that they foreſaw that God would kindle a light in this place that ſhould enlighten all the country. Chriſtian David was ſo ſure of the future growth of this ſettlement, that he already divided the ſpot of ground round it into quarters, and marked out in what direc⯑tions the ſtreets were to run. The event has not con⯑tradicted this prognoſtication. A good many people from Moravia and elſewhere, to ſhelter themſelves un⯑der the protection of Count Zinzendorf, flocked to this new ſettlement, and built houſes; and the Count him⯑ſelf fixed his reſidence there. In a few years it became a conſiderable village, having an orphan-houſe and o⯑ther public buildings. Thirty-four houſes were already built there in 1728; and in 1732 the number of in⯑habitants amounted to ſix hundred. An adjacent hill called the Huth-Berg, gave occaſion to theſe coloniſts to call their dwelling-place Huth des Herrn, and af⯑terwards Herrnhuth; which may be interpreted the guard or protection of the Lord; and from this the whole ſect has taken its name.

The Herrnhuters ſoon eſtabliſhed among themſelves a ſort of diſcipline, which cloſely unites them to one another, divides them into different claſſes, puts them [340]under an entire dependance on their ſuperiors, and con⯑fines them to certain exerciſes of devotion, and to the obſerving of different little rules. One may call it a monaſtic inſtitution.

The difference of age, ſex, and the ſituation their members are in with reſpect to matrimony, conſtitute theſe different claſſes. There are claſſes of married men, married women, widowers, widows, maids, ba⯑chelors, children. Each has its director, choſen by its members. The ſame employments the men have a⯑mong themſelves, are among the women, which are exerciſed by perſons of their own ſex. Every member is daily viſited by one of his claſs, who gives him ex⯑hortations, and takes notice of the actual ſtate of his ſoul, whereof he makes a report to the elders. Fre⯑quent particular aſſemblies are held in each claſs, and general ones by the whole ſociety. The overſeers or leaders have alſo their private meetings to inſtruct one another in matters concerning the guidance of ſouls. The members of each claſs are ſubdivided into people that are dead, awaked, ignorant, willing diſciples, diſciples that have made a progreſs. Proper aſſiſtance is given to each of theſe ſubdiviſions; but above all, great care is taken of thoſe that are ſpiritually dead.

They pay an uncommon attention to the inſtruction of youth. Beſides thoſe that have the care of or⯑phans, there are others that are intruſted with that of all the other children. Count Zinzendorf's zeal has ſometimes carried him ſo far, as to take children to his own home to inſtruct them, to the number of twenty, whereof nine or ten ſlept in his bed-chamber. There are aſſemblies held of little children that are not yet in a condition to walk. They are carried thither. Hymns are ſung in theſe meetings, and prayers made; even ſermons are preached to them ſuitable to the capa⯑city of theſe infant-hearers.

The elder, co-elder, the vice-elder, ſuperintend all the claſſes. There are likewiſe informers by office, ſome of them known, ſome kept ſecret, beſides a great [341]many other employments and titles, the detail of which would be too long and too tedious here.

A great part of their worſhip conſiſts in ſinging. They pretend that children in particular are inſtructed in their religion by hymns. Count Zinzendorf relates a very extraordinary thing in his Natural Reflexions, viz. "that the chanters of the ſociety muſt have re⯑ceived a particular and almoſt inimitable gift of God: for when they are obliged to ſing at the head of the congregation, their ſongs are always a connected re⯑petition of thoſe matters that had been preached juſt be⯑fore."

At all hours, whether day or night, ſome perſons, of both ſexes, are appointed by rotation to pray for the ſociety. And what is moſt remarkable, theſe people, without call, clock or watch, are acquainted, by an in⯑ward feeling, when their hour comes in which they are to perform their duty.

When the brethren perceive that the zeal of the ſo⯑ciety is declining, their devotion is revived, by cele⯑brating Agapes or love-feaſts.

The caſting of lots is much practiſed among them. They make uſe of it to learn the will of the Lord.

The elders have the ſole right of making matches. No promiſe of marriage is of any validity without their conſent. The maids devote themſelves to the Saviour, not that their intent is never to marry, but to marry only ſuch a perſon, with reſpect to whom God ſhall have made known to them with certainty, that he is regenerated, inſtructed in the importance of the con⯑jugal ſtate, and appointed by the divine director to en⯑ter into that ſtate.

All is extraordinary at Herrnhut. The moſt ſtub⯑born diſeaſes vaniſh there without help: very rarely one dies there of a violent fever. But it is common to die there of a cold, defluxion, or ſuch like other ſlight indiſpoſition. Theſe are at leaſt things Count Zinzen⯑dorf affirms in a writing, dated January 24, 1732, [342]and preſented to the miniſtry of the court of Dreſ⯑den.

I do not find that the Herrnhuters to the year 1729, pretended to be any thing more than members of the Lutheran church at Bertholſdorf. Indeed, they were all of them either born among Lutherans, or converted from Popery to the faith of the Augſburg confeſſion; and if ſome amongſt them entertained ideas of Calvin⯑iſm, Count Zinzendorf took care to cure them of it. But from this time the Herrnhuters, undoubtedly with a view to ſet their ſociety off to better advantage, would paſs for a ſprig of thoſe Bohemian and Moravian brethren, who, a long time before Luther, lived ſe⯑parated from the Romiſh church, and who in the time of the reformation entered into brotherly corre⯑ſpondence with the two great Proteſtant ſocieties, but without uniting with either of them. And Count Zinzendorf has ſince that time ever talked in this ſtrain. He pretends that theſe brethren originally were of the Greek church, and in proceſs of time had united with the Waldenſes, who derived their original from the Latin Church. He beſtows the greateſt encomiums on this Moravian church, ſo much renowned in for⯑mer times, eclipſed and forgot afterwards, and at length, if credit may be given him, revived under his auſpices at Herrnhut. He gives her the moſt pompous titles; as, the church of the Croſs,—the church of the Lamb,—the church of the Blood and Wounds,—the Theo⯑cracy, —a people whereunto never was ſeen the like,— they are the hundred forty four thouſand ſervants of God marked on their foreheads—whereof St. John makes mention in his Revelation.

This deſcent would, without doubt, do honour to Herrnhutiſm, but there is a neceſſity of proving it firſt. Let us examine whether it ever has yet been proved? So far from it, that even ſetting aſide the doctrine of the Herrnhuters, which openly contradicts this vain⯑glorious pretenſion, it has been acknowledged and proved by one of their own Biſhops, that the ancient [343]Moravian brethren mixed with the reformed in Poland, and that not one of thoſe that profeſſed their doctrine remained in Bohemia and Moravia, where it has been entirely extirpated ever ſince the year 1620. The Mo⯑ravians, who retired to Herrnhut, and who are the moſt inconſiderable part of the inhabitants of that vil⯑lage, have nothing common with the ancient Bohemi⯑an and Moravian brethren. They are Roman Catho⯑licks converted to the Proteſtant religion, as the Herrn⯑huters themſelves acknowledge.

As the Herrnhut ſociety was begun upon the eſtate of Count Zinzendorf, under his protection, by his care and benefactions, and according to his ideas and views; it was but natural he ſhould have a very great authority over it. And ſo it happens; he has always been the ſoul, the oracle, and the primum mobile of it. He tells us himſelf that he has always been at the head of his ſect, both in temporals and ſpirituals, and his diſciples ſay the ſame. Though titles could add no⯑thing to his authority, yet he has not diſdained them. He has even made alterations in them at different times. From the year 1726, he was called the truſtee or guardian of the brethren, which happened in a ſingular manner, as he tells us himſelf. Chriſtian David, the carpenter, of whom mention has been made, being once in the Count's apartment to talk with him, all on a ſudden gave him this title; which afterwards was confirmed by the unanimous conſent of the ſociety. In the month of March 1730, he reſigned this dignity. In September 1732, the ſociety preſſed him to take it upon him, delivering to him an appointment or call for that purpoſe, in form of an act, ſigned by the bre⯑thren and ſiſters that were of the privy council of the ſociety. At that time he refuſed to comply, but grant⯑ed their requeſt ſome months after, upon a new appoint⯑ment, dated January 26, 1733. In 1737 Count Zinzendorf, who, from the age of ſeventeen, had believed he had a call from Providence to an eccleſiaſti⯑cal [344]ſtate or condition of life, and who had already publickly preached in ſome of the Lutheran churches, got himſelf conſecrated Biſhop of his ſect. From that time, according to the cuſtom of Biſhops, he made uſe of his Chriſtian name, and of that of his ſee, viz. Ludovicus Moravienſis. The Prelate of this new⯑faſhioned creation, nevertheleſs did not ſuffer himſelf to be dazzled by the luſtre of his mitre. He tells us him⯑ſelf, that he had very little forwardneſs to make a fi⯑gure as a Biſhop; and in the third general ſynod of Herrnhutiſm, held at Gotha in 1740, he laid down his epiſcopal dignity; which however had made no change with reſpect to his office of truſtee or guardian of the brethren. It appears at leaſt, that he was ſtill veſted with it in 1743, becauſe at that time the brethren diſ⯑charged him from it. But this was only done with a view to give him a much more honourable title, viz. that of miniſter plenipotentiary and oeconomiſt, with power to nominate a ſucceſſor, and an expreſs clauſe, that nothing of importance ſhould be done or conclud⯑ed without his conſent. He did not accept this new promotion till towards the cloſe of the following year. Lately we ſee him ſtile himſelf Lord Advocate of the Unitas Fratrum.

Count Zinzendorf has very early been about extend⯑ing his ſect. He has ſent his fellow-labourers through⯑out the world. He himſelf has been over all Europe, and at leaſt twice in America. From the year 1733, a new Herrnhut has been ſet up in Groenland; and before the end of the preceding year the miſſionaries of Herrnhutiſm had already paſſed the line. The ſociety poſſeſſes Bethlehem in Penſylvania: it has a ſettlement amongſt the Hottentots. China is entered into its plan. But it has no where made better conqueſts than in the Britiſh European dominions, in the United Pro⯑vinces, and in Wetteravia; in the laſt province, how⯑ever, where their views were diſcovered, they have a⯑gain loſt ground. They have alſo been turned out of [345]the Daniſh dominions, where they had made a ſettle⯑ment.

A diſcipline ſo much overburdened as that of Herrn⯑hutiſm, could not very well take place but in a ſmall ſociety; and we find, that in proportion as this ſect came to ſpread abroad, it was thought neceſſary to forego, in ſome meaſure, the rigour of its rule, in order to accommodate the inſtitution to the taſte, hu⯑mour, and ideas of the new proſelytes. This gave riſe to the modifications, forms, and different uſages now in being among theſe ſectaries. Count Zinzendorf calls them Tropes, Types, and at this very time there are three of them, viz. the Moravian Trope or Type, which is the moſt ancient; the Lutheran, which ap⯑pears to him to be the moſt ſalutary to the children of God; and the Reformed or Calviniſt Trope, for which he alſo has a great regard, and whereof Mr. de Wat⯑teville, his ſon-in-law, was elected Biſhop in 1743. I cannot exactly ſay wherein the above three modifica⯑tions differ from each other: theſe are ſecrets proba⯑bly known by the adepts alone. Thus much they have thought fit to acquaint the public with, that the Bohemian confeſſion is received by the firſt trope, the confeſſion of Augſburg by the ſecond, and that of the reformed churches in the United Provinces by the third. Indeed, from the year 1748, Count Zinzen⯑dorf has made all the tropes receive the Augſburg confeſſion; however, it is pretended, that this has made no confuſion among theſe ſeveral modifications.

Condeſcenſion being what has given riſe to theſe tropes, Count Zinzendorf, from the ſame motive, ſhews a general inclination to all Chriſtian commu⯑nions. He would have wrote to the Pope, had he known what title to give him. He has even been perſecuted for having maintained, that the Pope was not the Antichriſt. He has ſent a deputation to the Patriarch of Conſtantinople, which has been very well received. He ſhews a great attachment to Lutheran⯑iſm, [346]whereof he conſtantly pretends himſelf to be a member. He boaſts of being a miniſter of that church, and affirms, in ſpite of all that can be ſaid to the con⯑trary, that he and his brethren have no other doctrine than what is taught by that communion▪ He is of late become more favourable to Calviniſm, than he was in the beginning▪ It was in his power, ſays he, to have rooted it out from among the brethren; he however declined it. Although, according to him, the taking of oaths is not prohibited; yet the ſociety, wherever it ſettles, is known to be averſe to them, and that pro⯑bably out of complaiſance to the Mennoniſts or Ana⯑baptiſts. He declares in general, that whoever em⯑braces Herrnhutiſm need not change his religion. Such advances as theſe cannot but infinitely facilitate the propagation of the ſect, which already boaſts of decimating all nations, and pretends it has a right to all the children of God of whatever perſuaſion they be.

Though Count Zinzendorf tells us, that he has ſome⯑times met with reſiſtance from the brethren, and that they have contradicted him; yet it appears in general, that they have ſhewed great docility both for him and thoſe he has been pleaſed to make partakers of his au⯑thority. Submiſſion to the will of the ſuperiors of the ſociety, is a very eſſential article of his ſyſtem. He teaches, in his ſermons to the ſynod of Zeiſt, that God obeys the voice of his ſervants (that is to ſay, of the brethren); but that it is required, that firſt of all they agree with their friend, that they act in concert with their chief. The tractableneſs which he preſcribes them muſt go ſo far as to ſuffer themſelves to be led ſtep for ſtep, like little children, by men whom he calls miniſters of the Holy Ghoſt, and of the church, re⯑preſenting them as being ſo many living images of our bleſſed Saviour. The irkſomeneſs of thus obeying with⯑out reſerve is great, it muſt be owned; but then it is much alleviated by the notion that is inſtilled into them, that their ſuperiors receive from Chriſt himſelf [347]the orders that are given. This the Count inculcates among his flock with equal care and aſſiduity. Every thing is done by the Saviour's injunction; "Jeſus will have it ſo, the Lamb commands it:" this is the ſtile of the miniſters of the ſociety. According to them, the Saviour gives his orders on the very moment they are to be executed. He will not ſuffer that thoſe who are to obey them have time to conſider. "Thus bu⯑ſineſs is done quickly, all at once; and, as it were, in poſt-haſte." Theſe are the Count's own expreſſions, who looks upon this method of the Saviour, as a con⯑deſcenſion he has for his children, with whoſe weak⯑neſs he is not unacquainted. He knows, adds he, for inſtance, how it is with a maid, when ſhe is appriſed ſhe is to marry: therefore he doth not willingly let perſons know their deſtination much beforehand.

The ſending of miſſionaries, according to this ſect, is a buſineſs in which the Saviour is particularly con⯑cerned. Count Zinzendorf informs us minutely what the Saviour preſcribes in this matter. For inſtance, ſome of the ſociety earneſtly deſiring, that thoſe of their brethren, who had been pitched upon to be ſent away, ſhould be diſpatched a day ſooner than the Saviour had appointed: the Count oppoſed this motion with ſo much ſteadineſs, that it was dropped. It was to no purpoſe they objected, that the Captains, who were to take them on board at Rotterdam, would pay no re⯑gard to the day appointed by the Saviour: he reſolute⯑ly anſwered, "They will do it; or if not, our miſſi⯑onaries will come, in another manner, to the place for which they are deſtined." This example of the Count's faith will appear leſs aſtoniſhing, when we attend to what he tells us further, viz. that he has found by expe⯑rience, that the brethren, when the Saviour directed them in their travels, have performed amazing things, things which no art, no human precaution ever could attain to. He himſelf has once, without human aſſiſtance, made a voyage in eleven weeks, which an⯑other [348]Herrnhuter could not compaſs in leſs than ſixty-ſix, becauſe he was in the hands of men. "The Sa⯑viour (continues this great apoſtle, in a prophetical ſtrain, in his 33d ſermon, preached at Zeiſt) pro⯑tects his people in a quite wonderful manner. My wiſhes and deſires are, that I could bri [...]g it to paſs, that we could have a couple of ſhips, no matter of what bulk, that belonged ſolely to the ſociety, and which the maritime powers might not ſuſpect of carrying on a trade, or being employed in ſmuggling; which may be poſſible to obtain, and depends only on a favoura⯑ble moment: then we ſhould ſee wonders. For, at preſent, our affairs are too much blended with the bu⯑ſineſs of men, with their intereſt and views; this makes a great alteration, and cannot but have, ſome way or other, an influence over the brethren. But were it once to become the Saviour's buſineſs alone, then he would let us ſee wonders on the ſea. He would not only cauſe us to make voyages with great ſwiftneſs, but to land where never any body landed. A tempeſt would be ſufficient to bring us to the intended place. In caſe leave was denied us to enter a port, we ſhould be conveyed into ſome inacceſſible bay, at ſome miles diſtance from the port, where we might land, and no body could find fault with it, becauſe it would ap⯑pear, that we were arrived there by ſtreſs of weather. This would coſt nothing to the Saviour, it would be a play to his angels."

Count Zinzendorf tells us himſelf, that the com⯑miſſion of the ſociety was never calculated for a gene⯑ral converſion of the Heathen; that the time of this great event is not as yet come; but that the ſociety being an [...] (an election, a choſen people), it muſt have an [...] (the firſtlings or firſt-fruits) here and there among the Heathen. The little number the brethren have hitherto converted to the Chriſtian faith, is but a comfort, which the Saviour has granted them to make them amends for their labours, and they be⯑lieve [349]themſelves well rewarded for their toil, if in two hundred voyages they make but one hundred converts. He alſo tells us, that the Herrnhuters, in order to ac⯑quire the firſtlings of Paganiſm, chuſe to look out for them amongſt thoſe Heathen, that have had the leaſt or no communication at all with the pretenders to Chriſtianity, rather than among the laſt.

As the brethren have always a great number of la⯑bourers on the roads, oftentimes among theſe their chief himſelf with his family and retinue; and as, be⯑ſides, their undertakings, and the acquiſitions they make, require conſiderable expence, it is neceſſary they ſhould have what is called the ſinew of all great ſchemes, money. Thus we find they have betimes eſtabliſhed a fund called by them the Lamb's or the Saviour's cheſt, which is become very conſiderable by the con⯑tributions and donations of the proſelytes of Herrnhu⯑tiſm and its favourers. From the beginning, two brethren were truſted with it; of whom, one kept the cheſt, and the other the key; but Count Zinzendorf has always had the principal direction over it. This addi⯑tion of temporal concerns muſt infallibly have cruſhed him under its weight, he being already ſo much taken up with the ſpiritual ones of the ſociety, had he not found in the Counteſs, his ſpouſe, a proper aſſiſtant to ſhare his fatigues with him. In a manuſcript hiſtory of the ſociety, whereof the Count gives us ſome ab⯑ſtracts in the appendix of his Natural Reflections, it is ſaid, that this Lady, during a time of twenty-ſix years, has ſo well huſbanded the ſcanty funds of the ſociety, that nothing was ever wanting, either in his family, or amongſt the brotherhood, though there had been a neceſſity of furniſhing from thence above one million of crowns for ſundry undertakings. Upon the whole, it is well known, that whoever deſires to be received as a brother, is not welcome among them, unleſs he con⯑tributes to the cheſt. The Count ſays himſelf, "That the oeconomiſts of the ſociety may ſay to a young rich [350]man, Either give us all thou haſt, or get thee gone; give us all thou haſt, or thou canſt not be with us."

I have already hinted at the rapid progreſs made by Herrnhutiſm. Here follows another curious detail, which Count Zinzendorf himſelf gives us in his Natu⯑ral Reflections, &c. wrote in the years 1748 and 1749. This will ſhew (if credit may be given to what he ſays) what ſituation the ſect was in at that time. The ſociety, ſays he, had almoſt a thouſand labourers diſ⯑perſed all over the world. This number, however, was not yet ſufficient; for, in proportion as they work⯑ed, the harveſt increaſed. Twenty-four nations had been awakened from their ſpiritual drowſineſs, by the care of theſe apoſtles. "We preach, ſays he, to an innumerable number of ſouls in fourteen languages, amongſt whom, without reckoning thoſe that do not belong to the Proteſtant religion, nor the Jews and Heathens, there are at leaſt twenty thouſand people that were not born Lutherans, whom we nevertheleſs bring to the Augſburg confeſſion, and indeed we can⯑not recommend to them a better conſtitution, than the church of the brethren. We have, adds he, ninety-eight eſtabliſhments, amongſt which are caſtles that have 20, 50, or 90 apartments." The miſſionaries of the Herrnhuters do not go and preach in every place, where their miniſtry is required. On the 28th of Fe⯑bruary 1748, they had received above one hundred and ſeventy invitations, only from Eaſter of the fore⯑going year, with regard to which they had not as yet taken any reſolution. In the mean while they are not idle; in the year 1740, they had already made two hundred voyages by ſea. As to the progreſs the ſect has made abroad for theſe three years paſt, I ſhall not venture to ſpeak of, as I have not ſufficient mate⯑rials for the purpoſe; but as for the ſucceſs they have met with in theſe kingdoms, and are daily making, every body is an eye-witneſs of. It is to be ſuppoſed, [351]that their ſucceſs from the year 1749 muſt ſurpaſs that of the two years above-mentioned."

Since the publication of the above account, the Moravians have not, perhaps, increaſed, as the writ⯑ings of Mr. Ri [...]ius, and the narrative of Andrew Frey, have done them great diſſervice with the ſober part of mankind. They were eſtabliſhed here, in England, by an act paſſed many years ſince ^*, and are in conſiderable numbers in this kingdom and its plantations, as well as in Ireland and Scotland. The publick has yet felt no inconveniency from their admiſſion and toleration, nor are likely to feel any, as they are, in general, an induſtrious ſet of people.

The Holy Ghoſt is called by the Herr [...]huters, the eternal wife of God, the mother of Chriſt, the mother of the faithful, the mother of the church. Count Zin⯑zendorf, in the ſixth part of his Natural Reflections, gives a long detail to juſtify this change he makes in the common theology. He looks upon it as important and neceſſary; complaining much, that, ſince the re⯑formation, people are in groſs ignorance concerning the perſon of the Holy Ghoſt, and that the divines in this article commit a very palpable omiſſion. He adds, that ſuch as cannot comprehend the myſtery of the Trinity in the manner he explains it, want undoubred⯑ly uprightneſs of heart more than underſtanding.

Thus it appears, that the Son is chiefly the object of the Herrnhuters worſhip. Though Count Zinzendorf in plain words calls him the Carpenter Jeſus, having [355]taken along with him, into his glory, the poor figure he made in this world, yet the moſt tender names are given him. He is called their Lamb, their little Lamb, their little Jeſus. They make this name of the femi⯑nine gender, calling him their mother, their Mamma Jeſua. The creation, redemption, and ſanctification is the work of Chriſt, but the Father and Holy Ghoſt miniſter to him in all of them, which is the identical word they uſe in expreſſing themſelves on this head. "Whoever believes in Chriſt, tho' he knows nothing more of the Godhead, will be ſaved. The Apoſtles, to avoid idolatry, had not baptiſed in the name of the Fa⯑ther, the Son and Holy Ghoſt, but in Chriſt's name on⯑ly. God had darted his Son as a flaſh of lightning, and the Son by his incarnation had made a parentheſis in the Godhead. What in common life is called a grandfather, a father-in-law, ſuch was the Father of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt. The Son had taken it as a favour, that he was allowed to become man and go out of the Godhead. Chriſt had not conquered as God, but as a man, with the ſame ſtrength we conquer. God had aſſiſted him, and he aſſiſts us alſo. Chriſt had not had the leaſt power more than we have. He had laid aſide his Godhead, and wrought miracles as men are able to do."

They have a great devotion for the five red wounds of the crucifixion, but that which Chriſt received in his ſide is extolled above all the reſt. This is "their favourite wound, the very dear little holy opening, the precious and thouſand times pretty little ſide." They kiſs this wound, they kiſs the ſpear that made it, and would kiſs the ſoldier whoſe hand conducted the ſpear; they thank him for it. It is in this opening that the faithful repoſes himſelf; there he breathes, there he ſports, there he lays down, ſometimes length-wiſe, ſometimes croſs-wiſe: there is his country, his houſe, his hall, his little bed, his little table: there he eats, there he drinks, there he lives, there he praiſes the dear little Lamb.

[356]The Herrnhuters have this diſtinguiſhing character of fanaticiſm, that they reject reaſon, reaſoning and philoſophy. The children of God do not inſtruct them⯑ſelves out of books. To demonſtrate religion, to make it as evident as four times four are ſixteen, is an uſeleſs and ſuperfluous labour. Faith does not require the leaſt demonſtration. It is brought forth in the heart by the Holy Ghoſt. The children of God be⯑lieve, becauſe they find pleaſure in believing. Ne⯑vertheleſs this faith, produced without reaſoning, ſerves them inſtead of all other things. No other command⯑ment ſhould be preached to men, than that of belie⯑ving. This is Count Zinzendorf's doctrine.

Regeneration comes of itſelf, without our being re⯑quired to do any thing towards it. It is a capital truth, ſays our Moravian Biſhop, that ſuch as have not received grace, that are not yet children of God, that have not yet a feeling of their reconciliation, that do not know yet upon what terms they are with their Creator and Saviour, ought not to be engaged to pre⯑pare themſelves for it by any action, good works, good reſolutions ^*. They muſt be told, that all that has been believed hitherto to be a preparation for coming to God, is rather an hindrance to their ſalvation. Re⯑generation is brought about ſuddenly, all at once. One moment is ſufficient to make us free to receive grace, to be transformed to the image of the little Lamb.

A perſon regenerated enjoys great liberty. He doth what the Saviour gives him an inclination to do, and what he has no in [...]ination for, he is not obliged to do. He doth what the Saviour makes him do, for he is the maſter, in whoſe power it is to make laws and to repeal them; who at all times can change the oeconomy of ſalvation; make criminal what was virtuous, and vir⯑tuous what was criminal.

It is wrong to ſay, that a regenerated perſon doth [357]any thing: properly ſpeaking they do nothing. It is the Saviour that acts for them. He is with reſpect to the Saviour as a child, whoſe hand one guides, yet who believes it is himſelf that writes, and rejoices at it.

On the great day of judgment, the Herrnhuters will not be placed on the Saviour's left-hand among thoſe that are goats; this is to be underſtood of courſe. Nor will they be amongſt thoſe called the ſheep on the right⯑hand of the judgment ſeat, a place of honour they look upon too mean to be aſſigned them. Count Zin⯑zendorf tells us, that the words, Holy angels, coming with the Saviour in his glory, denote the ſaints coming along with him, and that the Herrnhuters will be thoſe ſaints that accompany him. He adds, that ſuch as do not die Herrnhuters, will have mercy on that day, provided they think favourably upon their dying bed of thoſe belonging to that ſect.

The circumciſion of the Saviour has, according to them, ſerved to ſhew of what ſex he was. It has like⯑wiſe reſtored to honour that part of the human body, which, as a conſequence of Adam's fall, was become a diſgrace to it; inſomuch, that it is at preſent the moſt noble, and the moſt reſpectable part of a man's body. The ſiſters are exhorted never to think of it, but with ſentiments of the moſt profound veneration. They are even thought to make a ſcruple of reſpecting men for any other reaſon. The organ of generation of the other ſex is no leſs honourable. It has been ſanctified by the birth of the Saviour. I abate of the ſtrength of my author's expreſſions whilſt I abridge him, for fear of offending the modeſty of my readers.

All the ſouls are of the feminine ſex. There are only animae, and no animi, ſays the Moravian Biſhop with great elegance. To think that there are male-ſouls would be, according to this profound divine, the greateſt folly, a chimera, which ought not to enter the thoughts of a Chriſtian, were he even in the midſt [358]of an high fever. All that is of the male quality, and was adapted to our body, is detached from it as ſoon as it is interred. It belongs not to its natural and pri⯑mitive ſtate: it is an addition made to it afterwards: it is the ſeal of the office, which the male ſex is in⯑truſted with. For, our ſex is an employment, an office. Jeſus is the ſpouſe of all the ſiſters, and the huſbands, in the moſt proper ſenſe, are his procurators, his agents, in every reſpect like thoſe ambaſſadors in ancient times, who, on marrying a Princeſs in the name of their maſter, put a booted leg in the wedding-bed. A huſ⯑band is alſo properly no more than a chamberlain of his wife; his office is but for a time, and ad interim. However, the titles which the Count gives him are not leſs glorious: he is Vice-Chriſt, Vice-God. The ſiſters are conducted to Jeſus by the miniſtry of their huſbands, who thus are their ſaviours in this world. When therefore a marriage is made, what is the rea⯑ſon of it? Becauſe there was a ſiſter, who ſhould be brought to the true ſpouſe by the mediation of ſuch a procurator. Count Zinzendorf, in a conference on this ſubject, held at Oly with the Seventh-day men, made uſe of the following expreſſions, which, to avoid ſcandal as much as poſſible, I chuſe to give in Latin, viz. In ipſo actu conjugali moriturus, poſſem dice [...]e Salva⯑tori: veni de iſto actu, h. e. quem nomine tuo peregi.

From what has been ſaid, two conſequences natu⯑rally reſult, which have not eſcaped the Count. The one is, that whoever knows himſelf to be a man, ought to acknowledge the dignity that is in him, and honour the choice that has been made of his perſon. The other, that marriage is the moſt precious depoſi⯑tum the Saviour has intruſted with his church; that is to ſay, without doubt, to the ſociety of Herrnhuters, and the moſt important myſtery to which he has given them the key. Conſidering this, we cannot at all be ſurpriſed at being told, that they look upon all that are married out of their ſociety to live in fornication and adultery.

[359]The male ſex conſiſts of married men, unmarried ones, and widowers. According to the primitive plan of the Saviour, all that had paſſed the twentieth or twenty-firſt year ſhould be married. After theſe years, the ſtate of unmarried people is a brutiſh ſtate, a ſtate of madneſs, where one doth not know one's ſelf. Be⯑ſides this diviſion of men into three claſſes, there is another more general one, by which they are diſtin⯑guiſhed into two choirs. One includes the married people of both ſexes, and the other the unmarried ones. Count Zinzendorf is not entirely pleaſed with either of the choirs, and much leſs with the firſt than the ſe⯑cond. He rebukes the huſbands, and upbraids them with I do not know what abſtraction or remiſſneſs. In another ſermon he obſerves, that when the children of God will not experience phyſically certain things ſuit⯑able to a certain age, it is caſting off human nature, they become unhappy; they forge to themſelves chi⯑meras; they ſay, I don't feel the ſame thing as other people. This appears a little obſcure, but could per⯑haps be explained by what the ſublime Doctor elſe⯑where relates of a I do not know what mortification, cauſed by I do not know what non-uſe.

I would here recommend to my readers a peruſal of the diſpaſſionate and well-written Expoſtulatory Letter, addreſſed to Nicholas Lewis, Count Zinzendorf, and Lord Advocate of the Unitas Fratrum, by George Whitefield, A. B. &c. publiſhed in 1753, which will ſtill more elu⯑cidate what has been ſaid above, relative to the diſci⯑pline and tenets of this ſociety.

The following account of their belief is ſomewhat more methodical.

They believe and teach ^*, that Chriſt has done all which was neceſſary for the ſalvation of all mankind; that, conſequently, we are to do nothing, as neceſſary to ſalvation, but ſimply to believe in him; that there is but one duty now, but one command, viz. to be⯑lieve [360]in Chriſt; that Chriſt has taken away all other commands and duties, having wholly aboliſhed the law; that a believer is therefore free from the law, is not obliged thereby to do or omit any thing; it being inconſiſtent with his liberty to do any thing as com⯑manded; that there is no ſuch thing as degrees in faith, or weak faith, ſince he has no faith who has any doubt or fear; that we are ſanctified wholly the moment we are juſtified, and are neither more nor leſs holy to the day of our death; entire ſanctification, and entire juſ⯑tification, being in one and the ſame inſtant: that a believer is never ſanctified or holy in himſelf, but in Chriſt only; he has no holineſs in himſelf at all, all his holineſs being imputed, not inherent: that a man may feel peace which paſſeth all underſtanding, may rejoice with joy full of glory, and have the love of God and of all mankind, with dominion over all ſin; and yet all this may be only nature, animal ſpirits, or the force of imagination: that if a man regards prayer or ſearching the ſcriptures, or communicating, as mat⯑ter of duty; if he judges himſelf obliged to do theſe things, or is troubled when he does them not, he is in bondage, he has no faith at all, but is ſeeking ſalva⯑tion by the works of the law: that therefore, till we believe, we ought to be ſtill, i. e. not to pray, ſearch the ſcriptures, or communicate.

Thus I have given the beſt account I can collect of the principles of this very myſterious ſect, for whom (in the words of Mrs. Le Fevre) I pity and pray.

I have been acquainted with ſome of them, and have found them modeſt and inoffenſive in their beha⯑viour, and much reſigned to the ways of Providence. But it is plain they make an idol of Jeſus Chriſt, and transfer the love and worſhip due to the ſupreme God and Father of all, to the Son, as fully appears from the preceding account. In ſhort, I may ſay with Mr. Oſwald Edwards, when ſpeaking of another ſect, I hate their notions, but love the men.