[]THE HISTORY OF THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.

CHAP. 1. The Extent and Military Force of the Empire in the Age of the Antonines.

IN the ſecond century of the Chriſtian Aera, the empire of Rome comprehended the fair⯑eſt part of the earth, and the moſt civilized Introduc⯑tion. portion of mankind. The frontiers of that ex⯑tenſive monarchy were guarded by ancient re⯑nown and diſciplined valour. The gentle, but powerful influence of laws and manners had gra⯑dually cemented the union of the provinces. Their peaceful inhabitants enjoyed and abuſed the advantages of wealth and luxury. The image of a free conſtitution was preſerved with decent reverence: The Roman ſenate appeared to poſ⯑ſeſs the ſovereign authority, and devolved on the emperors all the executive powers of govern⯑ment. During a happy period of more than A. D. 98,—180. [2] fourſcore years, the public adminiſtration was conducted by the virtue and abilities of Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the two Antonines. It is the deſign of this, and of the two ſucceeding chapters, to deſcribe the proſperous condition of their empire; and afterwards, from the death of Marcus Antoninus, to deduce the moſt im⯑portant circumſtances of its decline and fall; a revolution which will ever be remembered, and is ſtill felt by the nations of the earth.

The principal conqueſts of the Romans were Modera⯑tion of Auguſtus. atchieved under the republic; and the empe⯑rors, for the moſt part, were ſatisfied with pre⯑ſerving thoſe dominions which had been acquir⯑ed by the policy of the ſenate, the active emula⯑tion of the conſuls, and the martial enthuſiaſm of the people. The ſeven firſt centuries were filled with a rapid ſucceſſion of triumphs; but it was reſerved for Auguſtus, to relinquiſh the ambi⯑tious deſign of ſubduing the whole earth, and to introduce a ſpirit of moderation into the pub⯑lic councils. Inclined to peace by his temper and ſituation, it was eaſy for him to diſcover, that Rome, in her preſent exalted ſituation, had much l [...]ſs to hope than to fear from the chance of arms; and that, in the proſecution of remote wars, the undertaking became every day more difficult, the event more doubtful, and the poſ⯑ſeſſion more precarious, and leſs beneficial. The experience of Auguſtus added weight to theſe ſa⯑lutary reflections, and effectually convinced him, that, by the prudent vigour of his counſels, it [3] would be eaſy to ſecure every conceſſion, which the ſafety or the dignity of Rome might require from the moſt formidable Barbarians. Inſtead of expoſing his perſon and his legions to the ar⯑rows of the Parthians, he obtained, by an ho⯑nourable treaty, the reſtitution of the ſtandards and priſoners which had been taken in the defeat of Craſſus ¹.

His generals, in the early part of his reign, attempted the reduction of Aethiopia and Ara⯑bia Felix. They marched near a thouſand miles to the ſouth of the tropic; but the heat of the climate ſoon repelled the invaders, and protected the unwarlike natives of thoſe ſequeſtered regi⯑ons ². The northern countries of Europe ſcarcely deſerved the expence and labour of conqueſt. The foreſts and moraſſes of Germany were filled with a hardy race of barbarians, who deſpiſed life when it was ſeparated from freedom; and though, on the firſt attack, they ſeemed to yield to the weight of the Roman power, they ſoon, by a ſig⯑nal act of deſpair, regained their independence, and reminded Auguſtus of the viciſſitude of for⯑tune ³. [4] On the death of that emperor, his teſta⯑ment was publicly read in the ſenate. He be⯑queathed, as a valuable legacy to his ſucceſſors, the advice of confining the empire within thoſe limits, which Nature ſeemed to have placed as its permanent bulwarks and boundaries; on the weſt the Atlantic ocean; the Rhine and Danube on the north; the Euphrates on the eaſt; and towards the ſouth, the ſandy deſarts of Arabia and Africa ⁴.

Happily for the repoſe of mankind, the mo⯑derate Imitated by his ſuc⯑ceſſors. ſyſtem recommended by the wiſdom of Auguſtus, was adopted by the fears and vices of his immediate ſucceſſors. Engaged in the pur⯑ſuit of pleaſure, or in the exerciſe of tyranny, the firſt Caeſars ſeldom ſhewed themſelves to the armies, or to the provinces; nor were they diſ⯑poſed to ſuffer, that thoſe triumphs which their indolence neglected, ſhould be uſurped by the conduct and valour of their lieutenants. The military fame of a ſubject was conſidered as an inſolent invaſion of the Imperial prerogative; and it became the duty, as well as intereſt, of every Roman general, to guard the frontiers intruſted to his care, without aſpiring to conqueſts which [5] might have proved no leſs fatal to himſelf than to the vanquiſhed barbarians ⁵.

The only acceſſion which the Roman empire Conqueſt of Britain was the firſt excep⯑tion to it. received, during the firſt century of the Chriſtian Aera, was the province of Britain. In this ſin⯑gle inſtance the ſucceſſors of Caeſar and Auguſtus were perſuaded to follow the example of the for⯑mer, rather than the precept of the latter. The proximity of its ſituation to the coaſt of Gaul ſeemed to invite their arms; the pleaſing, though doubtful intelligence of a pearl fiſhery, attracted their avarice ⁶; and as Britain was viewed in the light of a diſtinct and inſulated world, the con⯑queſt ſcarcely formed any exception to the gene⯑ral ſyſtem of continental meaſures After a war of about forty years, undertaken by the moſt ſtupid ⁷, maintained by the moſt diſſolute, and terminated by the moſt timid of all the emperors, the far greater part of the iſland ſubmitted to [6] the Roman yoke ⁸. The various tribes of Bri⯑tons poſſeſſed valour without conduct, and the love of freedom without the ſpirit of union. They took up arms with ſavage fierceneſs; they laid them down, or turned them againſt each other with wild inconſtancy; and while they fought ſingly, they were ſucceſſively ſubdued. Neither the fortitude of Caractacus, nor the deſpair of Boadicea, nor the fanaticiſm of the Druids, could avert the ſlavery of their country, or reſiſt the ſteady progreſs of the Imperial generals, who maintained the national glory, when the throne was diſgraced by the weakeſt, or the moſt vicious of mankind. At the very time when Domi⯑tian, confined to his palace, felt the terrors which he inſpired; his legions, under the com⯑mand of the virtuous Agricola, defeated the col⯑lected force of the Caledonians at the foot of the Grampian hills; and his fleets, venturing to ex⯑plore an unknown and dangerous navigation, diſ⯑played the Roman arms round every part of the iſland. The conqueſt of Britain was conſidered as already atchieved; and it was the deſign of Agricola to complete and enſure his ſucceſs by the eaſy reduction of Ireland, for which, in his opinion, one legion and a few auxiliaries were ſufficient ⁹. The weſtern iſle might be improved into a valuable poſſeſſion, and the Britons would [7] wear their chains with the leſs reluctance, if the proſpect and example of freedom was on every ſide removed from before their eyes.

But the ſuperior merit of Agricola ſoon occa⯑ſioned his removal from the government of Bri⯑tain; and for ever diſappointed this rational, though extenſive ſcheme of conqueſt. Before his departure, the prudent general had provided for ſecurity as well as for dominion. He had obſerv⯑ed, that the iſland is almoſt divided into two unequal parts by the oppoſite gulfs, or, as they are now called, the Friths of Scotland. Acroſs the narrow interval of about forty miles, he had drawn a line of military ſtations, which was after⯑wards fortified in the reign of Antoninus Pius, by a turf rampart erected on foundations of ſtone ¹⁰. This wall of Antoninus, at a ſmall diſ⯑tance beyond the modern cities of Edinburgh and Glaſgow, was fixed as the limit of the Roman province. The native Caledonians preſerved in the northern extremity of the iſland their wild independence, for which they were not leſs in⯑debted to their poverty than to their valour. Their incurſions were frequently repelled and chaſtiſed; but their country was never ſubdued ¹¹. The maſters of the faireſt and moſt wealthy cli⯑mates of the globe, turned with contempt from [8] gloomy hills aſſailed by the winter tempeſt, from lakes concealed in a blue miſt, and from cold and lonely heaths, over which the deer of the foreſt were chaſed by a troop of naked barbarians ¹².

Such was the ſtate of the Roman frontiers, and Conqueſt of Dacia; the ſecond exception. ſuch the maxims of Imperial policy from the death of Auguſtus to the acceſſion of Trajan. That virtuous and active prince had received the education of a ſoldier, and poſſeſſed the talents of a general ¹³. The peaceful ſyſtem of his pre⯑deceſſors was interrupted by ſcenes of war and conqueſt; and the legions, after a long interval, beheld a military emperor at their head. The firſt exploits of Trajan were againſt the Dacians, the moſt warlike of men, who dwelt beyond the Danube, and who, during the reign of Domitian, had inſulted with impunity the Majeſty of Rome ¹⁴. To the ſtrength and fierceneſs of bar⯑barians, they added a contempt for life, which was derived from a warm perſuaſion of the im⯑mortality and tranſmigration of the ſoul ¹⁵. De⯑cebalus, the Dacian King, approved himſelf a rival not unworthy of Trajan; nor did he de⯑ſpair of his own and the public fortune, till, by the confeſſion of his enemies, he had exhauſted every reſource both of valour and policy ¹⁶. This [9] memorable war, with a very ſhort ſuſpenſion of hoſtilities, laſted five years; and as the emperor could exert, without controul, the whole force of the ſtate, it was terminated by an abſolute ſubmiſſion of the barbarians ¹⁷. The new pro⯑vince of Dacia, which formed a ſecond exception to the precept of Auguſtus, was about thirteen hundred miles in circumference. Its natural boundaries were the Nieſter, the Teyſs, or Tibiſ⯑cus, the Lower Danube, and the Euxine Sea. The veſtiges of a military road may ſtill be traced from the banks of the Danube to the neigh⯑bourhood of Bender, a place famous in modern hiſtory, and the actual frontier of the Turkiſh and Ruſſian empires ¹⁸.

Trajan was ambitious of fame; and as long as Conqueſts of Trajan in the eaſt, mankind ſhall continue to beſtow more liberal applauſe on their deſtroyers than on their bene⯑factors, the thirſt of military glory will ever be the vice of the moſt exalted characters. The praiſes of Alexander, tranſmitted by a ſucceſſion of poets and hiſtorians, had kindled a dangerous emulation in the mind of Trajan. Like him the Roman emperor undertook an expedition againſt the nations of the eaſt, but he lamented with a ſigh, that his advanced age ſcarcely left him any hopes of equalling the renown of the ſon of Phi⯑lip ¹⁹. Yet the ſucceſs of Trajan, however tran⯑ſient, [10] was rapid and ſpecious. The degenerate Parthians, broken by inteſtine diſcord, fled be⯑fore his arms. He deſcended the river Tigris in triumph, from the mountains of Armenia to the Perſian gulph. He enjoyed the honour of being the firſt, as he was the laſt, of the Roman generals, who ever navigated that remote ſea. His fleets ravaged the coaſts of Arabia; and Trajan vainly flattered himſelf that he was ap⯑proaching towards the confines of India ²⁰. Every day the aſtoniſhed ſenate received the intelligence of new names and new nations, that acknow⯑ledged his ſway. They were informed that the kings of Boſphorus, Colchos, Iberia, Albania, Oſrhoene, and even the Parthian monarch him⯑ſelf, had accepted their diadems from the hands of the emperor; that the independent tribes of the Median and Carduchian hills had implored his protection; and that the rich countries of Armenia, Meſopotamia, and Aſſyria, were reduced into the ſtate of provinces ²¹. But the death of Trajan ſoon clouded the ſplendid proſpect; and it was juſtly to be dreaded, that ſo many diſtant nations would throw off the unaccuſtom⯑ed yoke, when they were no longer reſtrained by the powerful hand which had impoſed it.

It was an ancient tradition, that when the Ca⯑pitol Reſigned by his ſuc⯑ceſſor A⯑drian. was founded by one of the Roman kings, the god Terminus (who preſided over bounda⯑ries, [11] and was repreſented according to the faſhion of that age by a large ſtone) alone, among all the inferior deities, refuſed to yield his place to Jupiter himſelf. A favourable inference was drawn from his obſtinacy, which was interpret⯑ed by the augurs, as a ſure preſage that the boundaries of the Roman power would never recede ²². During many ages, the prediction, as it is uſual, contributed to its own accompliſh⯑ment. But though Terminus had reſiſted the majeſty of Jupiter, he ſubmitted to the autho⯑rity of the emperor Hadrian ²³. The reſignation of all the eaſtern conqueſts of Trajan was the firſt meaſure of his reign. He reſtored to the Par⯑thians the election of an independent Sovereign, withdrew the Roman garriſons from the pro⯑vinces of Armenia, Meſopotamia, and Aſſyria, and, in compliance with the precept of Auguſtus, once more eſtabliſhed the Euphrates as the fron⯑tier of the empire ²⁴. Cenſure, which arraigns the public actions and the private motives of princes, has aſcribed to envy, a conduct, which might be attributed to the prudence and moderation of Hadrian. The various character of that emperor, capable, by turns, of the meaneſt and the moſt generous ſentiments, may afford ſome colour to [12] the ſuſpicion. It was, however, ſcarcely in his power to place the ſuperiority of his predeceſſor in a more conſpicuous light, than by thus con⯑feſſing himſelf unequal to the taſk of defending the conqueſts of Trajan.

The martial and ambitious ſpirit of Trajan, Contraſt of Hadrian and Anto⯑ninus Pi⯑us. formed a very ſingular contraſt with the modera⯑tion of his ſucceſſor. The reſtleſs activity of Hadrian was not leſs remarkable, when compa⯑red with the gentle repoſe of Antoninus Pius. The life of the former was almoſt a perpetual journey; and as he poſſeſſed the various talents of the ſoldier, the ſtateſman, and the ſcholar, he gratified his curioſity in the diſcharge of his duty. Careleſs of the difference of ſeaſons and of cli⯑mates, he marched on foot, and bare-headed, over the ſnows of Caledonia, and the ſultry plains of the Upper Egypt; nor was there a province of the empire, which, in the courſe of his reign, was not honoured with the preſence of the mo⯑narch ²⁵. But the tranquil life of Antoninus Pius was ſpent in the boſom of Italy; and, during the twenty-three years that he directed the public adminiſtration, the longeſt journies of that ami⯑able prince extended no farther than from his palace in Rome, to the retirement of his Lanu⯑vian Villa ²⁶.

Notwithſtanding this difference in their per⯑ſonal Pacific ſyſ⯑tem of Hadrian and the two Anto⯑nines. conduct, the general ſyſtem of Auguſtus [13] was equally adopted and uniformly purſued by Hadrian and by the two Antonines. They per⯑ſiſted in the deſign of maintaining the dignity of the empire, without attempting to enlarge its limits. By every honourable expedient they in⯑vited the friendſhip of the barbarians; and en⯑deavoured to convince mankind, that the Roman power, raiſed above the temptation of conqueſt, was actuated only by the love of order and juſ⯑tice. During a long period of forty-three years their virtuous labours were crowned with ſucceſs; and if we except a few ſlight hoſtilities that ſerv⯑ed to exerciſe the legions of the frontier, the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius offer the fair proſpect of univerſal peace ²⁷. The Roman name was revered among the moſt remote na⯑tions of the earth. The fierceſt barbarians fre⯑quently ſubmitted their differences to the arbi⯑tration of the emperor; and we are informed by a cotemporary hiſtorian, that he had ſeen am⯑baſſadors who were refuſed the honour which they came to ſolicit, of being admitted into the rank of ſubjects ²⁸.

The terror of the Roman arms added weight Defenſive wars of Marcus Antoni⯑nus. and dignity to the moderation of the emperors. [14] They preſerved peace by a conſtant preparation for war; and while juſtice regulated their con⯑duct, they announced to the nations on their con⯑fines, that they were as little diſpoſed to endure, as to offer an injury. The military ſtrength, which it had been ſufficient for Hadrian and the elder Antoninus to diſplay, was exerted againſt the Parthians and the Germans by the emperor Marcus. The hoſtilities of the barbarians pro⯑voked the reſentment of that philoſophic mo⯑narch, and, in the proſecution of a juſt defence, Marcus and his generals obtained many ſignal victories, both on the Euphrates, and on the Danube ²⁹. The military eſtabliſhment of the Roman empire, which thus aſſured either its tranquillity or ſucceſs, will now become the pro⯑per and important object of our attention.

In the purer ages of the commonwealth, the Military eſtabliſh⯑ment of the Roman emperors. uſe of arms was reſerved for thoſe ranks of citi⯑zens who had a country to love, a property to defend, and ſome ſhare in enacting thoſe laws, which it was their intereſt, as well as duty, to maintain. But in proportion as the public free⯑dom was loſt in extent of conqueſt, war was gra⯑dually improved into an art, and degraded into a trade ³⁰. The legions themſelves, even at the [15] time when they were recruited in the moſt diſ⯑tant provinces, were ſuppoſed to conſiſt of Ro⯑man citizens. That diſtinction was generally conſidered, either as a legal qualification, or as a proper recompence for the ſoldier; but a more ſerious regard was paid to the eſſential merit of age, ſtrength, and military ſtature ³¹. In all le⯑vies, a juſt preference was given to the climates of the North over thoſe of the South: the race of men born to the exerciſe of arms, was ſought for in the country rather than in cities; and it was very reaſonably preſumed, that the hardy oc⯑cupations of ſmiths, carpenters, and huntſmen, would ſupply more vigour and reſolution, than the ſedentary trades which are employed in the ſervice of luxury ³². After every qualification of property had been laid aſide, the armies of the Roman emperors were ſtill commanded, for the moſt part, by officers of a liberal birth and edu⯑cation; but the common ſoldiers, like the mer⯑cenary troops of modern Europe, were drawn from the meaneſt, and very frequently from the moſt profligate, of mankind.

That public virtue which among the ancients Diſcipline. was denominated patriotiſm, is derived from a ſtrong ſenſe of our own intereſt in the preſerva⯑tion and proſperity of the free government of [16] which we are members. Such a ſentiment, which had rendered the legions of the republic almoſt invincible, could make but a very feeble impreſſion on the mercenary ſervants of a de⯑ſpotic prince; and it became neceſſary to ſupply that defect by other motives, of a different, but not leſs forcible nature; honour and religion. The peaſant, or mechanic, imbibed the uſeful prejudice that he was advanced to the more dig⯑nified profeſſion of arms, in which his rank and reputation would depend on his own valour: and that, although the proweſs of a private ſol⯑dier muſt often eſcape the notice of fame, his own behaviour might ſometimes confer glory or diſgrace on the company, the legion, or even the army, to whoſe honours he was aſſociated. On his firſt entrance into the ſervice, an oath was adminiſtered to him, with every circumſtance of ſolemnity. He promiſed never to deſert his ſtan⯑dard, to ſubmit his own will to the commands of his leaders, and to ſacrifice his life for the ſafety of the emperor and the empire ³³. The attachment of the Roman troops to their ſtan⯑dards, was inſpired by the united influence of religion and of honour. The golden eagle, which glittered in the front of the legion, was the object of their fondeſt devotion; nor was it eſteemed leſs impious, than it was ignominious, to abandon that ſacred enſign in the hour of dan⯑ger ³⁴. Theſe motives, which derived their [17] ſtrength from the imagination, were enforced by fears and hopes of a more ſubſtantial kind. Regular pay, occaſional donatives, and a ſtated recompence, after the appointed time of ſervice, alleviated the hardſhips of the military life ³⁵, whilſt, on the other hand, it was impoſſible for cowardice or diſobedience to eſcape the ſevereſt puniſhment. The centurions were authorized to chaſtiſe with blows, the generals had a right to puniſh with death; and it was an inflexible maxim of Roman diſcipline, that a good ſoldier ſhould dread his officers far more than the ene⯑my. From ſuch laudable arts did the valour of the Imperial troops receive a degree of firm⯑neſs and docility, unattainable by the impetuous and irregular paſſions of barbarians.

And yet ſo ſenſible were the Romans of the Exerciſes. imperfection of valour without ſkill and practice, that, in their language, the name of an army was borrowed from the word which ſignified ex⯑erciſe ³⁶. Military exerciſes were the important [18] and unremitted object of their diſcipline. The recruits and young ſoldiers were conſtantly train⯑ed both in the morning and in the evening, nor was age or knowledge allowed to excuſe the ve⯑terans from the daily repetition of what they had completely learnt. Large ſheds were erected in the winter-quarters of the troops, that their uſe⯑ful labours might not receive any interruption from the moſt tempeſtuous weather; and it was carefully obſerved, that the arms deſtined to this imitation of war, ſhould be of double the weight which was required in real action ³⁷. It is not the purpoſe of this work to enter into any minute deſcription of the Roman exerciſes. We ſhall only remark, that they comprehended whatever could add ſtrength to the body, activity to the limbs, or grace to the motions. The ſoldiers were diligently inſtructed to march, to run, to leap, to ſwim, to carry heavy burdens, to handle every ſpecies of arms that was uſed either for offence or for defence, either in diſtant engage⯑ment or in a cloſer onſet; to form a variety of evolutions; and to move to the ſound of flutes, in the Pyrrhic or martial dance ³⁸. In the midſt of peace, the Roman troops familiariſed them⯑ſelves with the practice of war; and it is prettily remarked by an ancient hiſtorian who had fought againſt them, that the effuſion of blood was the [19] only circumſtance which diſtinguiſhed a field of battle from a field of exerciſe ³⁹. It was the po⯑licy of the ableſt generals, and even of the em⯑perors themſelves, to encourage theſe military ſtudies by their preſence and example; and we are informed that Hadrian, as well as Trajan, frequently condeſcended to inſtruct the unex⯑perienced ſoldiers, to reward the diligent, and ſometimes to diſpute with them the prize of ſu⯑perior ſtrength or dexterity ⁴⁰. Under the reigns of thoſe princes, the ſcience of tactics was cul⯑tivated with ſucceſs; and as long as the empire retained any vigour, their military inſtructions were reſpected as the moſt perfect model of Ro⯑man diſcipline.

Nine centuries of war had gradually introdu⯑ced The legi⯑ons under the empe⯑rors. into the ſervice many alterations and im⯑provements. The legions, as they are deſcribed by Polybius ⁴¹, in the time of the Punic wars, differed very materially from thoſe which at⯑chieved the victories of Caeſar, or defended the monarchy of Hadrian and the Antonines. The conſtitution of the Imperial legion may be de⯑ſcribed in a few words ⁴². The heavy-armed in⯑fantry, [20] which compoſed its principal ſtrength ⁴³, was divided into ten cohorts, and fifty-five com⯑panies, under the orders of a correſpondent num⯑ber of tribunes and centurions. The firſt co⯑hort, which always claimed the poſt of honour and the cuſtody of the eagle, was formed of eleven hundred and five ſoldiers, the moſt ap⯑proved for valour and fidelity. The remaining nine cohorts conſiſted each of five hundred and fifty-five; and the whole body of legionary in⯑fantry amounted to ſix thouſand one hundred men. Their arms were uniform, and admirably Arms. adapted to the nature of their ſervice: an open helmet, with a lofty creſt; a breaſt-plate, or coat of mail; greaves on their legs, and an ample buckler on their left arm. The buckler was of an oblong and concave figure, four feet in length, and two and an half in breadth, framed of a light wood, covered with a bull's hide, and ſtrongly guarded with plates of braſs. Beſides a lighter ſpear, the legionary ſoldier graſped in his right hand the formidable pilum, a ponderous javelin, whoſe utmoſt length was about ſix feet, and which was terminated by a maſſy triangular point of ſteel of eighteen inches ⁴⁴. This inſtrument was indeed much inferior to our modern fire⯑arms; [21] ſince it was exhauſted by a ſingle diſ⯑charge, at the diſtance of only ten or twelve paces. Yet when it was launched by a firm and ſkilful hand, there was not any cavalry that durſt venture within its reach, nor any ſhield or corſlet that could ſuſtain the impetuoſity of its weight. As ſoon as the Roman had darted his pilum, he drew his ſword, and ruſhed forwards to cloſe with the enemy. His ſword was a ſhort well⯑tempered Spaniſh blade, that carried a double edge, and was alike ſuited to the purpoſe of ſtrik⯑ing or of puſhing; but the ſoldier was always inſtructed to prefer the latter uſe of his weapon, as his own body remained leſs expoſed, whilſt he inflicted a more dangerous wound on his ad⯑verſary ⁴⁵. The legion was uſually drawn up eight deep; and the regular diſtance of three feet was left between the files as well as ranks ⁴⁶. A body of troops, habituated to preſerve this open order, in a long front and a rapid charge, found themſelves prepared to execute every diſ⯑poſition which the circumſtances of war, or the ſkill of their leader, might ſuggeſt. The ſol⯑dier poſſeſſed a free ſpace for his arms and mo⯑tions, and ſufficient intervals were allowed, through which ſeaſonable reinforcements might be introduced to the relief of the exhauſted com⯑batants ⁴⁷. The tactics of the Greeks and Ma⯑cedonians [22] were formed on very different prin⯑ciples. The ſtrength of the phalanx depended on ſixteen ranks of long pikes, wedged together in the cloſeſt array ⁴⁸. But it was ſoon diſcover⯑ed by reflection, as well as by the event, that the ſtrength of the phalanx was unable to contend with the activity of the legion ⁴⁹.

The cavalry, without which the force of the Cavalry. legion would have remained imperfect, was di⯑vided into ten troops or ſquadrons; the firſt, as the companion of the firſt cohort, conſiſted of an hundred and thirty-two men; whilſt each of the other nine amounted only to ſixty-ſix. The entire eſtabliſhment formed a regiment, if we may uſe the modern expreſſion, of ſeven hundred and twenty-ſix horſe, naturally connected with its reſpective legion, but occaſionally ſeparated to act in the line, and to compoſe a part of the wings of the army ⁵⁰. The cavalry of the em⯑perors was no longer compoſed, like that of the ancient republic, of the nobleſt youths of Rome and Italy, who, by performing their military ſer⯑vice on horſeback, prepared themſelves for the offices of ſenator and conſul; and ſolicited, by deeds of valour, the future ſuffrages of their countrymen ⁵¹. Since the alteration of manners [23] and government, the moſt wealthy of the equeſ⯑trian order were engaged in the adminiſtration of juſtice, and of the revenue ⁵²; and whenever they embraced the profeſſion of arms, they were immediately intruſted with a troop of horſe, or a cohort of foot ⁵³. Trajan and Hadrian formed their cavalry from the ſame provinces, and the ſame claſs of their ſubjects, which recruited the ranks of the legion. The horſes were bred, for the moſt part, in Spain or Cappadocia. The Roman troopers deſpiſed the complete armour with which the cavalry of the Eaſt was encum⯑bered. Their more uſeful arms conſiſted in a hel⯑met, an oblong ſhield, light boots, and a coat of mail. A javelin, and a long broad ſword, were their principal weapons of offence. The uſe of lances and of iron maces they ſeem to have borrowed from the barbarians ⁵⁴.

The ſafety and honour of the empire was prin⯑cipally Auxilia⯑ries. intruſted to the legions, but the policy of Rome condeſcended to adopt every uſeful inſtru⯑ment of war. Conſiderable levies were regularly made among the provincials, who had not yet deſerved the honourable diſtinction of Romans, Many dependant princes and communities, diſ⯑perſed round the frontiers, were permitted, for a while, to hold their freedom and ſecurity by the [24] tenure of military ſervice ⁵⁵. Even ſelect troops of hoſtile barbarians were frequently compelled or perſuaded to conſume their dangerous valour in remote climates, and for the benefit of the ſtate ⁵⁶. All theſe were included under the ge⯑neral name of auxiliaries; and howſoever they might vary according to the difference of times and circumſtances, their numbers were ſeldom much inferior to thoſe of the legions them⯑ſelves ⁵⁷. Among the auxiliaries, the braveſt and moſt faithful bands were placed under the com⯑mand of praefects and centurions, and ſeverely trained in the arts of Roman diſcipline; but the far greater part retained thoſe arms, to which the nature of their country, or their early habits of life, more peculiarly adapted them. By this in⯑ſtitution each legion, to whom a certain propor⯑tion of auxiliaries was allotted, contained within itſelf every ſpecies of lighter troops, and of miſ⯑ſile weapons; and was capable of encountering every nation, with the advantages of its reſpec⯑tive arms and diſcipline ⁵⁸. Nor was the legion Artillery. deſtitute of what, in modern language, would be ſtyled a train of artillery. It conſiſted in ten military engines of the largeſt, and fifty-five of [25] a ſmaller ſize; but all of which, either in an oblique or horizontal manner, diſcharged ſtones and darts with irreſiſtible violence ⁵⁹.

The camp of a Roman legion preſented the Encamp⯑ment. appearance of a fortified city ⁶⁰. As ſoon as the ſpace was marked out, the pioneers carefully le⯑velled the ground, and removed every impedi⯑ment that might interrupt its perfect regularity. Its form was an exact quadrangle; and we may calculate, that a ſquare of about ſeven hundred yards was ſufficient for the encampment of twen⯑ty thouſand Romans; though a ſimilar number of our own troops would expoſe to the enemy a front of more than treble that extent. In the midſt of the camp, the praetorium, or general's quarters, roſe above the others; the cavalry, the infantry, and the auxiliaries occupied their re⯑ſpective ſtations; the ſtreets were broad, and per⯑fectly ſtraight, and a vacant ſpace of two hundred feet was left on all ſides, between the tents and the rampart. The rampart itſelf was uſually twelve feet high, armed with a line of ſtrong and [26] intricate paliſades, and defended by a ditch of twelve feet in depth as well as in breadth. This important labour was performed by the hands of the legionaries themſelves; to whom the uſe of the ſpade and the pick-axe was no leſs familiar than that of the ſword or pilum. Active valour may often be the preſent of nature; but ſuch pa⯑tient diligence can be the fruit only of habit and diſcipline ⁶¹.

Whenever the trumpet gave the ſignal of de⯑parture, March. the camp was almoſt inſtantly broke up, and the troops fell into their ranks without delay or confuſion. Beſides their arms, which the le⯑gionaries ſcarcely conſidered as an encumbrance, they were laden with their kitchen furniture, the inſtruments of fortification, and the proviſion of many days ⁶². Under this weight, which would oppreſs the delicacy of a modern ſoldier, they were trained by a regular ſtep to advance, in about ſix hours, near twenty miles ⁶³. On the appearance of an enemy, they threw aſide their baggage, and by eaſy and rapid evolutions con⯑verted the column of march into an order of bat⯑tle ⁶⁴. The ſlingers and archers ſkirmiſhed in the front; the auxiliaries formed the firſt line, and were ſeconded or ſuſtained by the ſtrength of the [27] legions: the cavalry covered the flanks, and the military engines were placed in the rear.

Such were the arts of war, by which the Ro⯑man Number and diſ⯑poſition of the legi⯑ons. emperors defended their extenſive conqueſts, and preſerved a military ſpirit, at a time when every other virtue was oppreſſed by luxury and deſpotiſm. If, in the conſideration of their ar⯑mies, we paſs from their diſcipline to their num⯑bers, we ſhall not find it eaſy to define them with any tolerable accuracy. We may compute, how⯑ever, that the legion, which was itſelf a body of ſix thouſand eight hundred and thirty-one Romans, might, with its attendant auxiliaries, amount to about twelve thouſand five hundred men. The peace eſtabliſhment of Hadrian and his ſucceſſors was compoſed of no leſs than thirty of theſe for⯑midable brigades; and moſt probably formed a ſtanding force of three hundred and ſeventy-five thouſand men. Inſtead of being confined within the walls of fortified cities, which the Romans conſidered as the refuge of weakneſs or puſillani⯑mity, the legions were encamped on the banks of the great rivers, and along the frontiers of the barbarians. As their ſtations, for the moſt part, remained fixed and permanent, we may venture to deſcribe the diſtribution of the troops. Three legions were ſufficient for Britain. The principal ſtrength lay upon the Rhine and Danube, and conſiſted of ſixteen legions, in the following pro⯑portions: two in the Lower, and three in the Upper Germany; one in Rhaetia, one in Nori⯑cum, four in Pannonia, three in Maeſia, and two in Dacia. The defence of the Euphrates was [28] entruſted to eight legions, ſix of whom were planted in Syria, and the other two in Cappa⯑docia. With regard to Egypt, Africa, and Spain, as they were far removed from any im⯑portant ſcene of war, a ſingle legion maintained the domeſtic tranquillity of each of thoſe great provinces. Even Italy was not left deſtitute of a military force. Above twenty thouſand choſen ſoldiers, diſtinguiſhed by the titles of City Co⯑horts and Praetorian Guards, watched over the ſafety of the monarch and the capital. As the authors of almoſt every revolution that diſtracted the empire, the Praetorians will, very ſoon, and very loudly, demand our attention; but in their arms and inſtitutions, we cannot find any circum⯑ſtance which diſcriminated them from the legions, unleſs it were a more ſplendid appearance, and a leſs rigid diſcipline ⁶⁵.

The navy maintained by the emperors might ſeem inadequate to their greatneſs; but it was Navy. fully ſufficient for every uſeful purpoſe of govern⯑ment. The ambition of the Romans was con⯑fined to the land; nor was that warlike people ever actuated by the enterpriſing ſpirit which had prompted the navigators of Tyre, of Carthage, and even of Marſeilles, to enlarge the bounds of the world, and to explore the moſt remote coaſts of the ocean. To the Romans the ocean remain⯑ed [29] an object of terror rather than of curioſity ⁶⁶; the whole extent of the Mediterranean, after the deſtruction of Carthage, and the extirpation of the pirates, was included within their provinces. The policy of the emperors was directed only to preſerve the peaceful dominion of that ſea, and to protect the commerce of their ſubjects. With theſe moderate views, Auguſtus ſtationed two permanent fleets in the moſt convenient ports of Italy, the one at Ravenna, on the Adriatic, the other at Miſenum, in the bay of Naples. Ex⯑perience ſeems at length to have convinced the ancients, that as ſoon as their gallies exceeded two, or at the moſt three ranks of oars, they were ſuited rather for vain pomp than for real ſervice. Auguſtus himſelf, in the victory of Actium, had ſeen the ſuperiority of his own light frigates (they were called Liburnians) over the lofty but un⯑wieldy caſtles of his rival ⁶⁷. Of theſe Libur⯑nians he compoſed the two fleets of Ravenna and Miſenum, deſtined to command, the one the eaſ⯑tern, the other the weſtern diviſion of the Medi⯑terranean; and to each of the ſquadrons he at⯑tached a body of ſeveral thouſand marines. Be⯑ſides theſe two ports, which may be conſidered as the principal ſeats of the Roman navy, a very conſiderable force was ſtationed at Frejus, on the coaſt of Provence, and the Euxine was guarded [30] by forty ſhips, and three thouſand ſoldiers. To all theſe we add the fleet which preſerved the communication between Gaul and Britain, and a great number of veſſels conſtantly maintained on the Rhine and Danube, to haraſs the country, or to intercept the paſſage of the barbarians ⁶⁸. If we review this general ſtate of the Imperial forces; of the cavalry as well as infantry; of the legions, the auxiliaries, the guards, and the navy; the moſt liberal computation will not allow us to fix the entire eſtabliſhment by ſea and by land at more than four hundred and fifty thouſand Amount of the whole eſta⯑bliſhment. men: a military power, which, however formi⯑dable it may ſeem, was equalled by a monarch of the laſt century, whoſe kingdom was confined within a ſingle province of the Roman empire ⁶⁹.

We have attempted to explain the ſpirit which View of the pro⯑vinces of the Ro⯑man em⯑pire. moderated, and the ſtrength which ſupported, the power of Hadrian and the Antonines. We ſhall now endeavour, with clearneſs and preci⯑ſion, to deſcribe the provinces once united un⯑der their ſway, but, at preſent, divided into ſo many independent and hoſtile ſtates.

Spain, the weſtern extremity of the empire, Spain. of Europe, and of the ancient world, has, in every age, invariably preſerved the ſame natural limits; the Pyrenaean mountains, the Mediter⯑ranean, and the Atlantic Ocean. That great peninſula, at preſent ſo unequally divided be⯑tween [31] two ſovereigns, was diſtributed by Au⯑guſtus into three provinces, Luſitania, Baetica, and Tarraconenſis. The kingdom of Portugal now fills the place of the warlike country of the Luſitanians; and the loſs ſuſtained by the for⯑mer, on the ſide of the Eaſt, is compenſated by an acceſſion of territory towards the North. The confines of Grenada and Andaluſia correſpond with thoſe of ancient Baetica. The remainder of Spain, Gallicia and the Aſturias, Biſcay and Navarre, Leon and the two Caſtilles, Murcia, Valencia, Catalonia, and Arragon, all contri⯑buted to form the third and moſt conſiderable of the Roman governments, which, from the name of its capital, was ſtyled the province of Tar⯑ragona ⁷⁰. Of the native barbarians, the Celti⯑berians were the moſt powerful, as the Canta⯑brians and Aſturians proved the moſt obſtinate. Confident in the ſtrength of their mountains, they were the laſt who ſubmitted to the arms of Rome, and the firſt who threw off the yoke of the Arabs.

Ancient Gaul, as it contained the whole coun⯑try Gaul. between the Pyrenees, the Alps, the Rhine, and the Ocean, was of greater extent than mo⯑dern France. To the dominions of that power⯑ful monarchy, with its recent acquiſitions of Al⯑ſace and Lorraine, we muſt add the dutchy of [32] Savoy, the cantons of Switzerland, the four elec⯑torates of the Rhine, and the territories of Liege, Luxemburgh, Hainault, Flanders, and Brabant. When Auguſtus gave laws to the conqueſts of his father, he introduced a diviſion of Gaul equally adapted to the progreſs of the legions, to the courſe of the rivers, and to the principal national diſtinctions, which had comprehended above an hundred independent ſtates ⁷¹. The ſea-coaſt of the Mediterranean, Languedoc, Pro⯑vence, and Dauphiné, received their provincial appellation from the colony of Narbonne. The government of Aquitaine was extended from the Pyrenees to the Loire. The country between the Loire and the Seine was ſtyled the Celtic Gaul, and ſoon borrowed a new denomination from the celebrated colony of Lugdunum, or Lyons. The Belgic lay beyond the Seine, and in more ancient times had been bounded only by the Rhine; but a little before the age of Cae⯑ſar, the Germans, abuſing their ſuperiority of valour, had occupied a conſiderable portion of the Belgic territory. The Roman conquerors very eagerly embraced ſo flattering a circum⯑ſtance, and the Gallic frontier of the Rhine, from Baſil to Leyden, received the pompous names of the Upper and the Lower Germany ⁷². Such, under the reign of the Antonines, were the ſix [33] provinces of Gaul; the Narbonneſe, Aquitaine, the Celtic, or Lyonneſe, the Belgic, and the two Germanies.

We have already had occaſion to mention the Britain. conqueſt of Britain, and to fix the boundary of the Roman province in this iſland. It compre⯑hended all England, Wáles, and the Lowlands of Scotland, as far as the Friths of Dunbarton and Edinburgh. Before Britain loſt her freedom, the country was irregularly divided between thirty tribes of barbarians, of whom the moſt conſider⯑able were the Belgae in the Weſt, the Brigantes in the North, the Silures in South Wales, and the Iceni in Norfolk and Suffolk ⁷³. As far as we can either trace or credit the reſemblance of manners and language, Spain, Gaul, and Britain were peopled by the ſame hardy race of ſavages. Before they yielded to the Roman arms, they often diſputed the field, and often renewed the conteſt. After their ſubmiſſion they conſtituted the weſtern diviſion of the European provinces, which extended from the columns of Hercules to the wall of Antoninus, and from the mouth of the Tagus to the ſources of the Rhine and Da⯑nube.

Before the Roman conqueſt, the country which Italy. is now called Lombardy, was not conſidered as a part of Italy. It had been occupied by a pow⯑erful colony of Gauls, who ſettling themſelves along the banks of the Po, from Piedmont to Romagna, carried their arms and diffuſed their name from the Alps to the Apennine. The [34] Ligurians dwelt on the rocky coaſt, which now forms the republic of Genoa. Venice was yet unborn; but the territories of that ſtate, which lie to the eaſt of the Adige, were inhabited by the Venetians ⁷⁴. The middle part of the pen⯑inſula that now compoſes the dutchy of Tuſcany and the eccleſiaſtical ſtate, was the ancient ſeat of the Etruſcans and Umbrians; to the former of whom Italy was indebted for the firſt rudi⯑ments of civilized life ⁷⁵. The Tyber rolled at the foot of the ſeven hills of Rome, and the country of the Sabines, the Latins, and the Vol⯑ſci, from that river to the frontiers of Naples, was the theatre of her infant victories. On that celebrated ground the firſt conſuls deſerved tri⯑umphs; their ſucceſſors adorned villas, and their poſterity have erected convents ⁷⁶. Capua and Campania poſſeſſed the immediate territory of Naples; the reſt of the kingdom was inhabited by many warlike nations, the Marſi, the Sam⯑nites, the Apulians, and the Lucanians; and the ſea-coaſts had been covered by the flouriſhing colonies of the Greeks. We may remark, that when Auguſtus divided Italy into eleven regions, the little province of Iſtria was annexed to that ſeat of Roman ſovereignty ⁷⁷.

[35] The European provinces of Rome were pro⯑tected by the courſe of the Rhine and the Da⯑nube. The latter of thoſe mighty ſtreams, The Da⯑nube and Illyrian frontier. which riſes at the diſtance of only thirty miles from the former, flows above thirteen hundred miles, for the moſt part, to the ſouth-eaſt, col⯑lects the tribute of ſixty navigable rivers, and is, at length, through ſix mouths, received into the Euxine, which appears ſcarcely equal to ſuch an acceſſion of waters ⁷⁸. The provinces of the Danube ſoon acquired the general appellation of Illyricum, or the Illyrian frontier ⁷⁹, and were eſteemed the moſt warlike of the empire; but they deſerve to be more particularly conſidered under the names of Rhaetia, Noricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Dacia, Maeſia, Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece.

The province of Rhaetia, which ſoon extin⯑guiſhed Rhaetia. the name of the Vindelicians, extended from the ſummit of the Alps to the banks of the Danube; from its ſource, as far as its conflux with the Inn. The greateſt part of the flat country is ſubject to the elector of Bavaria; the city of Augſburg is protected by the conſtitution of the German empire; the Griſons are ſafe in their mountains, and the country of Tirol is ranked among the numerous provinces of the houſe of Auſtria.

[36] The wide extent of territory, which is includ⯑ed between the Inn, the Danube, and the Save; Auſtria, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, the Lower Noricum and Pan⯑nonia. Hungary and Sclavonia, was known to the an⯑cients under the names of Noricum and Panno⯑nia. In their original ſtate of independence, their fierce inhabitants were intimately connect⯑ed. Under the Roman government they were frequently united, and they ſtill remain the pa⯑trimony of a ſingle family. They now contain the reſidence of a German prince, who ſtiles him⯑ſelf Emperor of the Romans, and form the cen⯑ter, as well as ſtrength, of the Auſtrian power. It may not be improper to obſerve, that if we except Bohemia, Moravia, the northern ſkirts of Auſtria, and a part of Hungary, between the Teyſs and the Danube, all the other dominions of the Houſe of Auſtria were compriſed within the limits of the Roman empire.

Dalmatia, to which the name of Illyricum Dalmatia. more properly belonged, was a long, but narrow tract, between the Save and the Adriatic. The beſt part of the ſea-coaſt, which ſtill retains its ancient appellation, is a province of the Vene⯑tian ſtate, and the ſeat of the little republic of Raguſa. The inland parts have aſſumed the Sclavonian names of Croatia and Boſnia; the for⯑mer obeys an Auſtrian governor, the latter a Turkiſh paſha; but the whole country is ſtill in⯑feſted by tribes of barbarians, whoſe ſavage in⯑dependence irregularly marks the doubtful limit of the Chriſtian and Mahometan power ⁸⁰.

[37] After the Danube had received the waters of the Teyſs and the Save, it acquired, at leaſt, among the Greeks, the name of Iſter ⁸¹. It for⯑merly Maeſia and Dacia. divided Maeſia and Dacia, the latter of which, as we have already ſeen, was a conqueſt of Trajan, and the only province beyond the river. If we inquire into the preſent ſtate of thoſe countries, we ſhall find that, on the left hand of the Danube, Temeſwar and Tranſylvania have been annexed, after many revolutions, to the crown of Hungary; whilſt the principalities of Moldavia and Walachia acknowledge the ſu⯑premacy of the Ottoman Porte. On the right hand of the Danube, Maeſia, which, during the middle ages, was broken into the barbarian kingdoms of Servia and Bulgaria, is again united in Turkiſh ſlavery.

The appellation of Roumelia, which is ſtill Thrace, Macedo⯑nia, and Greece. beſtowed by the Turks on the extenſive countries of Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece, preſerves the memory of their ancient ſtate under the Roman empire. In the time of the Antonines, the mar⯑tial regions of Thrace, from the mountains of Haemus and Rhodope, to the Boſphorus and the Helleſpont, had aſſumed the form of a province. Notwithſtanding the change of maſters and of religion, the new city of Rome, founded by Conſtantine on the banks of the Boſphorus, has ever ſince remained the capital of a great mo⯑narchy. The kingdom of Macedonia, which, [38] under the reign of Alexander, gave laws to Aſia, derived more ſolid advantages from the policy of the two Philips; and with its dependencies of Epirus and Theſſaly, extended from the Aegean to the Ionian ſea. When we reflect on the fame of Thebes and Argos, of Sparta and Athens, we can ſcarcely perſuade ourſelves, that ſo many immortal republics of antient Greece were loſt in a ſingle province of the Roman empire, which, from the ſuperior influence of the Achaean league, was uſually denominated the province of Achaia.

Such was the ſtate of Europe under the Roman Aſia Mi⯑nor. emperors. The provinces of Aſia, without ex⯑cepting the tranſient conqueſts of Trajan, are all comprehended within the limits of the Turkiſh power. But, inſtead of following the arbitrary diviſions of deſpotiſm and ignorance, it will be ſafer for us, as well as more agreeable, to obſerve the indelible characters of nature. The name of Aſia Minor is attributed with ſome propriety to the peninſula, which, confined between the Eux⯑ine and the Mediterranean, advances from the Euphrates towards Europe. The moſt extenſive and flouriſhing diſtrict, weſtward of mount Tau⯑rus and the river Halys, was dignified by the Romans with the excluſive title of Aſia. The juriſdiction of that province extended over the ancient monarchies of Troy, Lydia, and Phrygia, the maritime countries of the Pamphylians, Ly⯑cians, and Carians, and the Grecian colonies of Ionia, which equalled in arts, though not in arms, the glory of their parent. The kingdoms of Bithynia and Pontus poſſeſſed the northern ſide [39] of the peninſula from Conſtantinople to Trebi⯑zond. On the oppoſite ſide, the province of Cilicia was terminated by the mountains of Syria: the inland country, ſeparated from the Roman Aſia by the river Halys, and from Armenia by the Euphrates, had once formed the independent kingdom of Cappadocia. In this place we may obſerve, that the northern ſhores of the Euxine, beyond Trebizond in Aſia, and beyond the Da⯑nube in Europe, acknowledged the ſovereignty of the emperors, and received at their hands, either tributary princes or Roman garriſons. Budzak, Crim Tartary, Circaſſia, and Mingrelia, are the modern appellations of thoſe ſavage coun⯑tries ⁸².

Under the ſucceſſors of Alexander, Syria was Syria, Phoenicia, and Paleſ⯑tine. the ſeat of the Seleucidae, who reigned over Up⯑per Aſia, till the ſucceſsful revolt of the Par⯑thians confined their dominions between the Euphrates and the Mediterranean. When Syria became ſubject to the Romans, it formed the eaſtern frontier of their empire; nor did that province, in its utmoſt latitude, know any other bounds than the mountains of Cappadocia to the north, and towards the ſouth, the confines of Egypt, and the Red Sea. Phoenicia and Paleſ⯑tine were ſometimes annexed to, and ſometimes ſeparated from, the juriſdiction of Syria. The former of theſe was a narrow and rocky coaſt; the latter was a territory ſcarcely ſuperior to [40] Wales, either in fertility or extent. Yet Phoe⯑nicia and Paleſtine will for ever live in the me⯑mory of mankind; ſince America, as well as Europe, has received letters from the one, and religion from the other ⁸³. A ſandy deſert alike deſtitute of wood and water ſkirts along the doubtful confine of Syria, from the Euphrates to the Red Sea. The wandering life of the Arabs was inſeparably connected with their independ⯑ence; and wherever, on ſome ſpots leſs barren than the reſt, they ventured to form any ſettled habitations, they ſoon became ſubjects to the Roman empire ⁸⁴.

The geographers of antiquity have frequently Egypt. heſitated to what portion of the globe they ſhould aſcribe Egypt ⁸⁵. By its ſituation that celebrated kingdom is included within the immenſe pen⯑inſula of Africa; but it is acceſſible only on the ſide of Aſia, whoſe revolutions, in almoſt every period of hiſtory, Egypt has humbly obeyed. A Roman praefect was ſeated on the ſplendid throne of the Ptolemies; and the iron ſceptre of the [41] Mamalukes is now in the hands of a Turkiſh paſha. The Nile flows down the country, above five hundred miles from the tropic of Cancer to the Mediterranean, and marks, on either ſide, the extent of fertility by the meaſure of its inunda⯑tions, Cyrene, ſituate towards the weſt, and along the ſea-coaſt, was firſt a Greek colony, afterwards a province of Egypt, and is now loſt in the deſert of Barca.

From Cyrene to the ocean, the coaſt of Africa Africa. extends above fifteen hundred miles; yet ſo cloſely is it preſſed between the Mediterranean and the Sahara, or ſandy deſert, that its breadth ſeldom exceeds fourſcore or an hundred miles. The eaſtern diviſion was conſidered by the Ro⯑mans as the more peculiar and proper province of Africa. Till the arrival of the Phoenician colonies, that fertile country was inhabited by the Libyans, the moſt ſavage of mankind. Un⯑der the immediate juriſdiction of Carthage, it became the center of commerce and empire; but the republic of Carthage is now degenerated into the feeble and diſorderly ſtates of Tripoli and Tunis. The military government of Algiers oppreſſes the wide extent of Numidia, as it was once united under Maſſiniſſa and Jugurtha: but in the time of Auguſtus, the limits of Numidia were contracted; and, at leaſt, two thirds of the country acquieſced in the name of Mauritania, with the epithet of Caeſarienſis. The genu⯑ine Mauritania, or country of the Moors, which, from the ancient city of Tingi, or Tan⯑gier, [42] was diſtinguiſhed by the appellation of Tingitana, is repreſented by the modern king⯑dom of Fez. Sallè, on the Ocean, ſo infamous at preſent for its piratical depredations, was no⯑ticed by the Romans, as the extreme object of their power, and almoſt of their geography. A city of their foundation may ſtill be diſcovered near Mequinez, the reſidence of the barbarian whom we condeſcend to ſtyle the Emperor of Morocco; but it does not appear, that his more ſouthern dominions, Morocco itſelf, and Segel⯑meſſa, were ever comprehended within the Ro⯑man province. The weſtern parts of Africa are interſected by the branches of mount Atlas, a name ſo idly celebrated by the fancy of poets ⁸⁶; but which is now diffuſed over the immenſe ocean that rolls between the ancient and the new continent ⁸⁷.

Having now finiſhed the circuit of the Roman empire, we may obſerve, that Africa is divided The Me⯑diterrane⯑an with its iſlands. from Spain by a narrow ſtrait of about twelve miles, through which the Atlantic flows into the Mediterranean. The columns of Hercules, ſo famous among the ancients, were two mountains [43] which ſeemed to have been torn aſunder by ſome convulſion of the elements; and at the foot of the European mountain, the fortreſs of Gibral⯑tar is now ſeated. The whole extent of the Me⯑diterranean Sea, its coaſts, and its iſlands, were compriſed within the Roman dominion. Of the larger iſlands, the two Baleares, which derive their name of Majorca and Minorca from their reſpective ſize, are ſubject at preſent, the former to Spain, the latter to Great Britain. It is eaſier to deplore the fate, than to deſcribe the actual condition of Corſica. Two Italian ſovereigns aſſume a regal title from Sardinia and Sicily. Crete, or Candia, with Cyprus, and moſt of the ſmaller iſlands of Greece and Aſia, have been ſubdued by the Turkiſh arms; whilſt the little rock of Malta defies their power, and has emerg⯑ed, under the government of its military Order, into fame and opulence.

This long enumeration of provinces, whoſe General idea of the Roman empire. broken fragments have formed ſo many power⯑ful kingdoms, might almoſt induce us to forgive the vanity or ignorance of the ancients. Daz⯑zled with the extenſive ſway, the irreſiſtible ſtrength, and the real or affected moderation of the emperors, they permitted themſelves to deſ⯑piſe, and ſometimes to forget, the outlying coun⯑tries which had been left in the enjoyment of a barbarous independence; and they gradually uſurped the licence of confounding the Roman monarchy with the globe of the earth ⁸⁸ But the [44] temper, as well as knowledge, of a modern hiſtorian, require a more ſober and accurate language. He may impreſs a juſter image of the greatneſs of Rome, by obſerving that the em⯑pire was above two thouſand miles in breadth, from the wall of Antoninus and the northern limits of Dacia, to mount Atlas and the tropic of Cancer; that it extended, in length, more than three thouſand miles from the Weſtern Ocean to the Euphrates; that it was ſituated in the fineſt part of the Temperate Zone, between the twenty⯑fourth and fifty-ſixth degrees of northern lati⯑tude; and that it was ſuppoſed to contain above ſixteen hundred thouſand ſquare miles, for the moſt part of fertile and well cultivated land ⁸⁹.

CHAP. II. Of the Union and internal Proſperity of the Roman Empire, in the Age of the Antonines.

IT is not alone by the rapidity, or extent of conqueſt, that we ſhould eſtimate the great⯑neſs of Rome. The ſovereign of the Ruſſian Principles of govern⯑ment. deſerts commands a larger portion of the globe. In the ſeventh ſummer after his paſſage of the Helleſpont, Alexander erected the Macedonian trophies on the banks of the Hyphaſis ¹. Within leſs than a century, the irreſiſtible Zingis, and the Mogul princes of his race, ſpread their cruel devaſtations and tranſient empire, from the ſea of China, to the confines of Egypt and Germany ². But the firm edifice of Roman power was raiſed and preſerved by the wiſdom of ages. The obe⯑dient provinces of Trajan and the Antonines were united by laws, and adorned by arts. They might occaſionally ſuffer from the partial abuſe of delegated authority; but the general principle of government was wiſe, ſimple, and beneficent. They enjoyed the religion of their anceſtors, whilſt in civil honours and advantages they were exalted, by juſt degrees, to an equality with their conquerors.

[46] I. The policy of the emperors and the ſenate, as far as it concerned religion, was happily ſe⯑conded by the reflections of the enlightened, and Univerſal ſpirit of toleration. by the habits of the ſuperſtitious, part of their ſubjects. The various modes of worſhip, which prevailed in the Roman world, were all con⯑ſidered by the people, as equally true; by the philoſopher, as equally falſe; and by the ma⯑giſtrate, as equally uſeful. And thus toleration produced not only mutual indulgence, but even religious concord.

The ſuperſtition of the people was not embit⯑tered Of the people. by any mixture of theological rancour; nor was it confined by the chains of any ſpecula⯑tive ſyſtem. The devout polytheiſt, though fondly attached to his national rites, admitted with implicit faith the different religions of the earth ³. Fear, gratitude, and curioſity, a dream or an omen, a ſingular diſorder, or a diſtant journey, perpetually diſpoſed him to multiply the articles of his belief, and to enlarge the liſt of his protectors. The thin texture of the Pa⯑gan mythology was interwoven with various, but not diſcordant materials. As ſoon as it was al⯑lowed that ſages and heroes, who had lived, or [47] who had died for the benefit of their country, were exalted to a ſtate of power and immortality, it was univerſally confeſſed, that they deſerved, if not the adoration, at leaſt the reverence, of all mankind. The deities of a thouſand groves and a thouſand ſtreams poſſeſſed, in peace, their local and reſpective influence; nor could the Roman who deprecated the wrath of the Tiber, deride the Egyptian who preſented his offering to the beneficent genius of the Nile. The viſi⯑ble powers of Nature, the planets, and the ele⯑ments, were the ſame throughout the univerſe. The inviſible governors of the moral world were inevitably caſt in a ſimilar mould of fiction and allegory. Every virtue, and even vice, acquir⯑ed its divine repreſentative; every art and pro⯑feſſion its patron, whoſe attributes, in the moſt diſtant ages and countries, were uniformly de⯑rived from the character of their peculiar vota⯑ries. A republic of gods of ſuch oppoſite tem⯑pers and intereſt required, in every ſyſtem, the moderating hand of a ſupreme magiſtrate, who, by the progreſs of knowledge and flattery, was gradually inveſted with the ſublime perfections of an Eternal Parent, and an Omnipotent Monarch ⁴. Such was the mild ſpirit of antiquity, that the nations were leſs attentive to the difference, than to the reſemblance, of their religious worſhip. The Greek, the Roman, and the Barbarian, as [48] they met before their reſpective altars, eaſily per⯑ſuaded themſelves, that under various names; and with various ceremonies, they adored the ſame deities. The elegant mythology of Homer gave a beautiful, and almoſt a regular form, to the polytheiſm of the ancient world ⁵.

The philoſophers of Greece deduced their mo⯑rals Of philo⯑ſophers. from the nature of man, rather than from that of God. They meditated, however, on the Divine Nature, as a very curious and important ſpeculation; and in the profound inquiry, they diſplayed the ſtrength and weakneſs of the human underſtanding ⁶. Of the four moſt celebrated ſchools, the Stoics and the Platoniſts endeavour⯑ed to reconcile the jarring intereſts of reaſon and piety. They have left us the moſt ſublime proofs of the exiſtence and perfections of the firſt cauſe; but, as it was impoſſible for them to conceive the creation of matter, the workman in the Stoic philoſophy was not ſufficiently diſtinguiſhed from the work; whilſt, on the contrary, the ſpiritual God of Plato and his diſciples, reſembled an idea, rather than a ſubſtance. The opinions of the Academics and Epicureans were of a leſs religi⯑ous caſt; but whilſt the modeſt ſcience of the former induced them to doubt, the poſitive ig⯑norance [49] of the latter urged them to deny, the providence of a Supreme Ruler. The ſpirit of inquiry, prompted by emulation, and ſupported by freedom, had divided the public teachers of philoſophy into a variety of contending ſects; but the ingenuous youth, who, from every part, re⯑ſorted to Athens, and the other ſeats of learning in the Roman empire, were alike inſtructed in every ſchool to reject and to deſpiſe the religion of the multitude. How, indeed, was it poſſible, that a philoſopher ſhould accept, as divine truths, the idle tales of the poets, and the incoherent traditions of antiquity; or, that he ſhould adore, as gods, thoſe imperfect beings whom he muſt have deſpiſed, as men! Againſt ſuch unworthy adverſaries, Cicero condeſcended to employ the arms of reaſon and eloquence; but the ſatire of Lucian was a much more adequate, as well as more efficacious weapon. We may be well aſ⯑ſured, that a writer, converſant with the world, would never have ventured to expoſe the gods of his country to public ridicule, had they not already been the objects of ſecret contempt among the poliſhed and enlightened orders of ſociety ⁷.

Notwithſtanding the faſhionable irreligion which prevailed in the age of the Antonines, both the intereſts of the prieſts and the credulity of the people were ſufficiently reſpected. In their writings and converſation, the philoſophers of [50] antiquity aſſerted the independent dignity of rea⯑ſon; but they reſigned their actions to the com⯑mands of law and of cuſtom. Viewing, with a ſmile of pity and indulgence, the various errors of the vulgar, they diligently practiſed the cere⯑monies of their fathers, devoutly frequented the temples of the gods; and ſometimes condeſcend⯑ing to act a part on the theatre of ſuperſtition, they concealed the ſentiments of an Atheiſt un⯑der the ſacerdotal robes. Reaſoners of ſuch a temper were ſcarcely inclined to wrangle about their reſpective modes of faith, or of worſhip. It was indifferent to them what ſhape the folly of the multitude might chuſe to aſſume; and they approached, with the ſame inward contempt, and the ſame external reverence, the altars of the Lybian, the Olympian, or the Capitoline Jupi⯑ter ⁸.

It is not eaſy to conceive from what motives a Of the ma⯑giſtrate. ſpirit of perſecution could introduce itſelf into the Roman councils. The magiſtrates could not be actuated by a blind, though honeſt bigotry, ſince the magiſtrates were themſelves philoſo⯑phers; and the ſchools of Athens had given laws to the ſenate. They could not be impelled by ambition or avarice, as the temporal and eccle⯑ſiaſtical powers were united in the ſame hands. The pontiffs were choſen among the moſt illuſ⯑trious of the ſenators; and the office of Supreme [51] Pontiff was conſtantly exerciſed by the emperors themſelves. They knew and valued the advan⯑tages of religion, as it is connected with civil go⯑vernment. They encouraged the public feſtivals which humanize the manners of the people. They managed the arts of divination, as a con⯑venient inſtrument of policy; and they reſpected as the firmeſt bond of ſociety, the uſeful perſua⯑ſion, that, either in this or in a future life, the crime of perjury is moſt aſſuredly puniſhed by the avenging gods ⁹. But whilſt they acknow⯑ledged the general advantages of religion, they were convinced, that the various modes of wor⯑ſhip contributed alike to the ſame ſalutary pur⯑poſes; and that, in every country, the form of ſuperſtition, which had received the ſanction of time and experience, was the beſt adapted to the climate, and to its inhabitants. Avarice and In the pro⯑vinces; taſte very frequently deſpoiled the vanquiſhed nations of the elegant ſtatues of their gods, and the rich ornaments of their temples ¹⁰: but, in the exerciſe of the religion which they derived from their anceſtors, they uniformly experienced the indulgence, and even protection, of the Ro⯑man conquerors. The province of Gaul ſeems, and indeed only ſeems, an exception to this uni⯑verſal toleration. Under the ſpecious pretext of aboliſhing human ſacrifices, the emperors Tibe⯑rius [52] and Claudius ſuppreſſed the dangerous pow⯑er of the Druids ¹¹: but the prieſts themſelves, their gods and their altars, ſubſiſted in peaceful obſcurity till the final deſtruction of Paganiſm ¹².

Rome, the capital of a great monarchy, was at Rome. inceſſantly filled with ſubjects and ſtrangers from every part of the world ¹³, who all introduced and enjoyed the favourite ſuperſtitions of their native country ¹⁴. Every city in the empire was juſtified in maintaining the purity of its ancient ceremonies; and the Roman ſenate, uſing the common privilege, ſometimes interpoſed, to check this inundation of foreign rites. The Egyp⯑tian ſuperſtition, of all the moſt contemptible and abject, was frequently prohibited; the tem⯑ples of Serapis and Iſis demoliſhed, and their worſhippers baniſhed from Rome and Italy ¹⁵. But the zeal of fanaticiſm prevailed over the cold and feeble efforts of policy. The exiles return⯑ed, the proſelytes multiplied, the temples were reſtored with increaſing ſplendor, and Iſis and [53] Serapis at length aſſumed their place among the Roman deities ¹⁶. Nor was this indulgence a departure from the old maxims of government. In the pureſt ages of the commonwealth, Cybele and Aeſculapius had been invited by ſolemn em⯑baſſies ¹⁷; and it was cuſtomary to tempt the protectors of beſieged cities, by the promiſe of more diſtinguiſhed honours than they poſſeſſed in their native country ¹⁸. Rome gradually became the common temple of her ſubjects; and the free⯑dom of the city was beſtowed on all the gods of mankind ¹⁹.

II. The narrow policy of preſerving, without Freedom of Rome. any foreign mixture, the pure blood of the an⯑cient citizens, had checked the fortune, and haſ⯑tened the ruin, of Athens and Sparta. The aſ⯑piring genius of Rome ſacrificed vanity to am⯑bition, and deemed it more prudent, as well as honourable, to adopt virtue and merit for her own whereſoever they were found, among ſlaves or ſtrangers, enemies or barbarians ²⁰. During the moſt flouriſhing aera of the Athenian com⯑monwealth, the number of citizens gradually de⯑creaſed from about thirty ²¹ to twenty-one thou⯑ſand ²². [54] If, on the contrary, we ſtudy the growth of the Roman republic, we may diſcover, that, notwithſtanding the inceſſant demands of wars and colonies, the citizens, who, in the firſt cen⯑ſus of Servius Tullius, amounted to no more than eighty-three thouſand, were multiplied, before the commencement of the ſocial war, to the number of four hundred and ſixty-three thou⯑ſand men, able to bear arms in the ſervice of their country ²³. When the allies of Rome claim⯑ed an equal ſhare of honours and privileges, the ſenate indeed preferred the chance of arms to an ignominious conceſſion. The Samnites and the Lucanians paid the ſevere penalty of their raſh⯑neſs; but the reſt of the Italian ſtates, as they ſucceſſively returned to their duty, were admit⯑ted into the boſom of the republic ²⁴, and ſoon contributed to the ruin of public freedom. Un⯑der a democratical government, the citizens ex⯑erciſe the powers of ſovereignty; and thoſe pow⯑ers will be firſt abuſed, and afterwards loſt, if they are committed to an unwieldy multitude. But when the popular aſſemblies had been ſup⯑preſſed by the adminiſtration of the emperors, the conquerors were diſtinguiſhed from the vanquiſh⯑ed nations, only as the firſt and moſt honourable order of ſubjects; and their increaſe, however rapid, was no longer expoſed to the ſame dangers. [55] Yet the wiſeſt princes, who adopted the maxims of Auguſtus, guarded with the ſtricteſt care the dignity of the Roman name, and diffuſed the freedom of the city with a prudent liberality ²⁵.

Till the privileges of Romans had been pro⯑greſſively Italy. extended to all the inhabitants of the empire, an important diſtinction was preſerved between Italy and the provinces. The former was eſteemed the centre of public unity, and the firm baſis of the conſtitution. Italy claimed the birth, or at leaſt the reſidence, of the emperors and the ſenate ²⁶. The eſtates of the Italians were exempt from taxes, their perſons from the arbitrary juriſdiction of governors. Their mu⯑nicipal corporations, formed after the perfect model of the capital, were intruſted, under the immediate eye of the ſupreme power, with the execution of the laws. From the foot of the Alps to the extremity of Calabria, all the natives of Italy were born citizens of Rome. Their partial diſtinctions were obliterated, and they in⯑ſenſibly coaleſced into one great nation, united by language, manners, and civil inſtitutions, and equal to the weight of a powerful empire. The republic gloried in her generous policy, and was frequently rewarded by the merit and ſervices of [56] her adopted ſons. Had ſhe always confined the diſtinction of Romans to the ancient families within the walls of the city, that immortal name would have been deprived of ſome of its nobleſt ornaments. Virgil was a native of Mantua; Ho⯑race was inclined to doubt whether he ſhould call himſelf an Apulian or a Lucanian: it was in Padua that an hiſtorian was found worthy to re⯑cord the majeſtic ſeries of Roman victories. The patriot family of the Catos emerged from Tuſ⯑culum; and the little town of Arpinum claimed the double honour of producing Marius and Ci⯑cero, the former of whom deſerved, after Ro⯑mulus and Camillus, to be ſtyled the Third Founder of Rome; and the latter, after ſaving his country from the deſigns of Catiline, enabled her to contend with Athens for the palm of elo⯑quence ²⁷.

The provinces of the empire (as they have The pro⯑vinces. been deſcribed in the preceding chapter) were deſtitute of any public force, or conſtitutional freedom. In Etruria, in Greece ²⁸, and in Gaul ²⁹, it was the firſt care of the ſenate to diſſolve thoſe dangerous conſederacies, which taught mankind, that, as the Roman arms prevailed by diviſion, [57] they might be reſiſted by union. Thoſe princes, whom the oſtentation of gratitude or generoſity permitted for a while to hold a precarious ſcep⯑tre, were diſmiſſed from their thrones, as ſoon as they had performed their appointed taſk of fa⯑ſhioning to the yoke the vanquiſhed nations. The free ſtates and cities which had embraced the cauſe of Rome, were rewarded with a nomi⯑nal alliance, and inſenſibly ſunk into real ſervi⯑tude. The public authority was every where exerciſed by the miniſters of the ſenate and of the emperors, and that authority was abſolute, and without control. But the ſame ſalutary maxims of government, which had ſecured the peace and obedience of Italy, were extended to the moſt diſtant conqueſts. A nation of Romans was gradually formed in the provinces, by the double expedient of introducing colonies, and of admitting the moſt faithful and deſerving of the provincials to the freedom of Rome.

‘Whereſoever the Roman conquers, he in⯑habits,’ Colonies and muni⯑cipal towns. is a very juſt obſervation of Seneca ³⁰, confirmed by hiſtory and experience. The na⯑tives of Italy, allured by pleaſure or by intereſt, haſtened to enjoy the advantages of victory; and we may remark, that, about forty years after the reduction of Aſia, eighty thouſand Romans were maſſacred in one day, by the cruel orders of Mithridates ³¹. Theſe voluntary exiles were en⯑gaged, [58] for the moſt part, in the occupations of commerce, agriculture, and the farm of the re⯑venue. But after the legions were rendered per⯑manent by the emperors, the provinces were peopled by a race of ſoldiers; and the veterans, whether they received the reward of their ſervice in land or in money, uſually ſettled with their families in the country, where they had honour⯑ably ſpent their youth. Throughout the empire, but more particularly in the weſtern parts, the moſt fertile diſtricts, and the moſt convenient ſituations, were reſerved for the eſtabliſhment of colonies; ſome of which were of a civil, and others of a military nature. In their manners and internal policy, the colonies formed a per⯑fect repreſentation of their great parent; and they were ſoon endeared to the natives by the ties of friendſhip and alliance, they effectually diffuſed a reverence for the Roman name, and a deſire, which was ſeldom diſappointed, of ſharing, in due time, its honours and advantages ³². The municipal cities inſenſibly equalled the rank and ſplendour of the colonies; and in the reign of Hadrian, it was diſputed which was the prefer⯑able condition, of thoſe ſocieties which had iſſu⯑ed from, or thoſe which had been received into, the boſom of Rome ³³. The right of Latium, [59] as it was called, conferred on the cities to which it had been granted, a more partial favour. The magiſtrates only, at the expiration of their office, aſſumed the quality of Roman citizens; but as thoſe offices were annual, in a few years they cir⯑culated round the principal families ³⁴. Thoſe of the provincials who were permitted to bear arms in the legions ³⁵; thoſe who exerciſed any civil employment; all, in a word, who perform⯑ed any public ſervice, or diſplayed any perſonal talents, were rewarded with a preſent, whoſe value was continually diminiſhed by the increaſ⯑ing liberality of the emperors. Yet even, in the age of the Antonines, when the freedom of the city had been beſtowed on the greater number of their ſubjects, it was ſtill accompanied with very ſolid advantages. The bulk of the people acquired, with that title, the benefit of the Ro⯑man laws, particularly in the intereſting articles of marriage, teſtaments, and inheritances; and the road of fortune was open to thoſe whoſe pre⯑tenſions were ſeconded by favour or merit. The grandſons of the Gauls, who had beſieged Julius Caeſar in Aleſia, commanded legions, go⯑verned provinces, and were admitted into the ſenate of Rome ³⁶. Their ambition, inſtead of diſturbing the tranquillity of the ſtate, was in⯑timately connected with its ſafety and greatneſs.

[60] So ſenſible were the Romans of the influence of language over national manners, that it was their moſt ſerious care to extend, with the pro⯑greſs Diviſion of the Latin and the Greek provinces. of their arms, the uſe of the Latin tongue ³⁷. The ancient dialects of Italy, the Sabine, the Etruſcan, and the Venetian, ſunk into oblivion; but in the provinces, the eaſt was leſs docile than the weſt, to the voice of its victorious pre⯑ceptors. This obvious difference marked the two portions of the empire with a diſtinction of colours, which, though it was in ſome degree concealed during the meridian ſplendor of proſ⯑perity, became gradually more viſible, as the ſhades of night deſcended upon the Roman world. The weſtern countries were civilized by the ſame hands which ſubdued them. As ſoon as the barbarians were reconciled to obedience, their minds were opened to any new impreſſions of know⯑ledge and politeneſs. The language of Virgil and Cicero, though with ſome inevitable mix⯑ture of corruption, was ſo univerſally adopted in Africa, Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Pannonia ³⁸, that the faint traces of the Punic or Celtic idi⯑oms were preſerved only in the mountains, or among the peaſants ³⁹. Education and ſtudy in⯑ſenſibly [61] inſpired the natives of thoſe countries with the ſentiments of Romans; and Italy gave faſhions, as well as laws, to her Latin provin⯑cials. They ſolicited with more ardour, and obtained with more facility, the freedom and honours of the ſtate; ſupported the national dig⯑nity in letters ⁴⁰ and in arms; and, at length, in the perſon of Trajan, produced an emperor whom the Scipios would not have diſowned for their countryman. The ſituation of the Greeks was very different from that of the barbarians. The former had been long ſince civilized and corrupted. They had too much taſte to relin⯑quiſh their language, and too much vanity to adopt any foreign inſtitutions. Still preſerving the prejudices, after they had loſt the virtues, of their anceſtors, they affected to deſpiſe the unpoliſhed manners of the Roman conquerors, whilſt they were compelled to reſpect their ſu⯑perior wiſdom and power ⁴¹. Nor was the influ⯑ence of the Grecian language and ſentiments con⯑fined to the narrow limits of that once celebrated country. Their empire, by the progreſs of co⯑lonies and conqueſt, had been diffuſed from the Hadriatic to the Euphrates and the Nile. Aſia [62] was covered with Greek cities, and the long reign of the Macedonian kings had introduced a ſilent revolution into Syria and Egypt. In their pom⯑pous courts thoſe princes united the elegance of Athens with the luxury of the Eaſt, and the ex⯑ample of the court was imitated, at an humble diſtance, by the higher ranks of their ſubjects. Such was the general diviſion of the Roman em⯑pire into the Latin and Greek languages. To theſe we may add a third diſtinction for the body of the natives in Syria, and eſpecially in Egypt. The uſe of their ancient dialects, by ſecluding them from the commerce of mankind, checked the improvements of thoſe barbarians ⁴². The ſlothful effeminacy of the former, expoſed them to the contempt; the ſullen ferociouſneſs of the latter, excited the averſion of the conquerors ⁴³. Thoſe nations had ſubmitted to the Roman pow⯑er, but they ſeldom deſired or deſerved the free⯑dom of the city; and it was remarked, that more than two hundred and thirty years elapſed after the ruin of the Ptolemies, before an Egyptian was admitted into the ſenate of Rome ⁴⁴.

It is a juſt though trite obſervation, that vic⯑torious Rome was herſelf ſubdued by the arts of General uſe of both languages. Greece. Thoſe immortal writers who ſtill com⯑mand the admiration of modern Europe, ſoon became the favourite object of ſtudy and imita⯑tion [63] in Italy and the weſtern provinces. But the elegant amuſements of the Romans were not ſuf⯑fered to interfere with their ſound maxims of po⯑licy. Whilſt they acknowledged the charms of the Greek, they aſſerted the dignity of the Latin tongue, and the excluſive uſe of the latter was inflexibly maintained in the adminiſtration of ci⯑vil as well as military government ⁴⁵. The two languages exerciſed at the ſame time their ſepa⯑rate juriſdiction throughout the empire: the for⯑mer, as the natural idiom of ſcience; the lat⯑ter, as the legal dialect of public tranſactions. Thoſe who united letters with buſineſs, were equally converſant with both; and it was almoſt impoſſible, in any province, to find a Roman ſubject, of a liberal education, who was at once a ſtranger to the Greek and to the Latin lan⯑guage.

It was by ſuch inſtitutions that the nations of Slaves. the empire inſenſibly melted away into the Ro⯑man name and people. But there ſtill remained, in the centre of every province and of every fa⯑mily, an unhappy condition of men who endured the weight, without ſharing the benefits, of ſo⯑ciety. In the free ſtates of antiquity, the do⯑meſtic ſlaves were expoſed to the wanton rigour of deſpotiſm. The perfect ſettlement of the Their treatment. Roman empire was preceded by ages of violence and rapine. The ſlaves conſiſted, for the moſt part, of barbarian captives, taken in thouſands [64] by the chance of war, purchaſed at a vile price ⁴⁶, accuſtomed to a life of independence, and im⯑patient to break and to revenge their fetters. Againſt ſuch internal enemies, whoſe deſperate inſurrections had more than once reduced the republic to the brink of deſtruction ⁴⁷, the moſt ſevere regulations ⁴⁸, and the moſt cruel treat⯑ment, ſeemed almoſt juſtified by the great law of ſelf-preſervation. But when the principal na⯑tions of Europe, Aſia, and Africa, were united under the laws of one ſovereign, the ſource of foreign ſupplies flowed with much leſs abundance, and the Romans were reduced to the milder but more tedious method of propagation. In their numerous families, and particularly in their country eſtates, they encouraged the marriage of their ſlaves. The ſentiments of nature, the ha⯑bits of education, and the poſſeſſion of a depen⯑dent ſpecies of property, contributed to alleviate the hardſhips of ſervitude ⁴⁹. The exiſtence of a ſlave became an object of greater value, and though his happineſs ſtill depended on the tem⯑per and circumſtances of the maſter, the huma⯑nity of the latter, inſtead of being reſtrained by [65] fear, was encouraged by the ſenſe of his own in⯑tereſt. The progreſs of manners was accelerat⯑ed by the virtue or policy of the emperors; and by the edicts of Hadrian and the Antonines, the protection of the laws was extended to the moſt abject part of mankind. The juriſdiction of life and death over the ſlaves, a power long exerciſed and often abuſed, was taken out of private hands, and reſerved to the magiſtrates alone. The ſub⯑terraneous priſons were aboliſhed; and, upon a juſt complaint of intolerable treatment, the in⯑jured ſlave obtained either his deliverance, or a leſs cruel maſter ⁵⁰.

Hope, the beſt comfort of our imperfect con⯑dition, Enfran⯑chiſement. was not denied to the Roman ſlave; and if he had any opportunity of rendering himſelf either uſeful or agreeable, he might very naturally expect that the diligence and fidelity of a few years would be rewarded with the ineſtimable gift of freedom. The benevolence of the maſter was ſo frequently prompted by the meaner ſug⯑geſtions of vanity and avarice, that the laws found it more neceſſary to reſtrain than to encourage a profuſe and undiſtinguiſhing liberality, which might degenerate into a very dangerous abuſe ⁵¹. It was a maxim of antient juriſprudence, that a ſlave had not any country of his own, he acquir⯑ed with his liberty an admiſſion into the political [66] ſociety of which his patron was a member. The conſequences of this maxim would have proſti⯑tuted the privileges of the Roman city to a mean and promiſcuous multitude. Some ſeaſonable exceptions were therefore provided; and the honourable diſtinction was confined to ſuch ſlaves only, as for juſt cauſes, and with the approba⯑tion of the magiſtrate, ſhould receive a ſolemn and legal manumiſſion. Even theſe choſen freed⯑men obtained no more than the private rights of citizens, and were rigorouſly excluded from civil or military honours. Whatever might be the merit or fortune of their ſons, they likewiſe were eſteemed unworthy of a ſeat in the ſenate; nor were the traces of a ſervile origin allowed to be completely obliterated till the third or fourth ge⯑neration ⁵². Without deſtroying the diſtinction of ranks, a diſtant proſpect of freedom and ho⯑nours was preſented, even to thoſe whom pride and prejudice almoſt diſdained to number among the human ſpecies.

It was once propoſed to diſcriminate the ſlaves Numbers. by a peculiar habit; but it was juſtly apprehend⯑ed that there might be ſome danger in acquaint⯑ing them with their own numbers ⁵³. Without interpreting, in their utmoſt ſtrictneſs, the libe⯑ral appellations of legions and myriads ⁵⁴; we [67] may venture to pronounce, that the proportion of ſlaves, who were valued as property, was more conſiderable than that of ſervants, who can be computed only as an expence ⁵⁵. The youths of a promiſing genius were inſtructed in the arts and ſciences, and their price was aſcertained by the degree of their ſkill and talents ⁵⁶. Almoſt every profeſſion, either liberal ⁵⁷ or mechanical, might be found in the houſehold of an opulent ſenator. The miniſters of pomp and ſenſuality were multiplied beyond the conception of mo⯑dern luxury ⁵⁸. It was more for the intereſt of the merchant or manufacturer to purchaſe, than to hire his workmen; and in the country, ſlaves were employed as the cheapeſt and moſt labori⯑ous inſtruments of agriculture. To confirm the general obſervation, and to diſplay the multitude of ſlaves, we might allege a variety of particu⯑lar inſtances. It was diſcovered, on a very me⯑lancholy occaſion, that four hundred ſlaves were maintained in a ſingle palace of Rome ⁵⁹. The ſame number of four hundred belonged to an eſtate which an African widow, of a very private [68] condition, reſigned to her ſon, whilſt ſhe reſerved for herſelf a much larger ſhare of her property ⁶⁰. A freedman, under the reign of Auguſtus, though his fortune had ſuffered great loſſes in the civil wars, left behind him three thouſand ſix hundred yoke of oxen, two hundred and fifty thouſand head of ſmaller cattle, and, what was almoſt in⯑cluded in the deſcription of cattle, four thouſand one hundred and ſixteen ſlaves ⁶¹.

The number of ſubjects who acknowledged the Populouſ⯑neſs of the Roman empire. laws of Rome, of citizens, of provincials, and of ſlaves, cannot now be fixed with ſuch a de⯑gree of accuracy, as the importance of the object would deſerve. We are informed, that when the emperor Claudius exerciſed the office of cenſor, he took an account of ſix millions nine hundred and forty-five thouſand Roman citizens, who, with the proportion of women and children, muſt have amounted to about twenty mil⯑lions of ſouls. The multitude of ſubjects of an inferior rank, was uncertain and fluctuating. But, after weighing with attention every circum⯑ſtance which could influence the balance, it ſeems probable, that there exiſted, in the time of Claudius, about twice as many provincials as there were citizens, of either ſex, and of every age; and that the ſlaves were at leaſt equal in number to the free inhabitants of the Roman world. The total amount of this imperfect cal⯑culation would riſe to about one hundred and twenty millions of perſons: a degree of popu⯑lation [69] which poſſibly exceeds that of modern Europe ⁶², and forms the moſt numerous ſociety that has ever been united under the ſame ſyſtem of government.

Domeſtic peace and union were the natural Obedience and union. conſequences of the moderate and comprehenſive policy embraced by the Romans. If we turn our eyes towards the monarchies of Aſia, we ſhall behold deſpotiſm in the center, and weakneſs in the extremities; the collection of the revenue, or the adminiſtration of juſtice, enforced by the preſence of an army; hoſtile barbarians eſtabliſh⯑ed in the heart of the country, hereditary ſatraps uſurping the dominion of the provinces, and ſub⯑jects inclined to rebellion, though incapable of freedom. But the obedience of the Roman world was uniform, voluntary, and permanent. The vanquiſhed nations, blended into one great peo⯑ple, reſigned the hope, nay even the wiſh, of reſuming their independence, and ſcarcely con⯑ſidered their own exiſtence as diſtinct from the exiſtence of Rome. The eſtabliſhed authority of the emperors pervaded without an effort the wide extent of their dominions, and was exerciſed with the ſame facility on the banks of the Thames, or of the Nile, as on thoſe of the Tyber. The [70] legions were deſtined to ſerve againſt the public enemy, and the civil magiſtrate ſeldom required the aid of a military force ⁶³. In this ſtate of general ſecurity, the leiſure as well as opulence both of the prince and people, were devoted to improve and to adorn the Roman empire.

Among the innumerable monuments of archi⯑tecture Roman monu⯑ments. conſtructed by the Romans, how many have eſcaped the notice of hiſtory, how few have reſiſted the ravages of time and barbariſm! And yet even the majeſtic ruins that are ſtill ſcattered over Italy and the provinces, would be ſufficient to prove, that thoſe countries were once the ſeat of a polite and powerful empire. Their greatneſs alone, or their beauty, might deſerve our atten⯑tion; but they are rendered more intereſting, by two important circumſtances, which connect the agreeable hiſtory of the arts, with the more uſe⯑ful hiſtory of human manners. Many of thoſe works were erected at private expence, and al⯑moſt all were intended for public benefit.

It is natural to ſuppoſe that the greateſt num⯑ber, Many of them e⯑rected at private ex⯑pence. as well as the moſt conſiderable of the Ro⯑man edifices, were raiſed by the emperors, who poſſeſſed ſo unbounded a command both of men and money. Auguſtus was accuſtomed to boaſt that he had found his capital of brick, and that he had left it of marble ⁶⁴. The ſtrict oeconomy [71] of Veſpaſian was the ſource of his magnificence. The works of Trajan bear the ſtamp of his ge⯑nius. The public monuments with which Ha⯑drian adorned every province of the empire, were executed not only by his orders, but under his immediate inſpection. He was himſelf an artiſt; and he loved the arts, as they conduced to the glory of the monarch. They were encouraged by the Antonines, as they contributed to the hap⯑pineſs of the people. But if the emperors were the firſt, they were not the only architects of their dominions. Their example was univerſally imi⯑tated by their principal ſubjects, who were not afraid of declaring to the world that they had ſpirit to conceive, and wealth to accompliſh, the nobleſt undertakings. Scarcely had the proud ſtructure of the Coliſeum been dedicated at Rome, before the edifices of a ſmaller ſcale indeed, but of the ſame deſign and materials, were erected for the uſe, and at the expence, of the cities of Capua and Verona ⁶⁵. The inſcription of the ſtupendous bridge of Alcantara, atteſts that it was thrown over the Tagus by the contribution of a few Luſitanian communities. When Pliny was intruſted with the government of Bithynia and Pontus, provinces by no means the richeſt or moſt conſiderable of the empire, he found the cities within his juriſdiction ſtriving with each [72] other in every uſeful and ornamental work, that might deſerve the curioſity of ſtrangers, or the gratitude of their citizens. It was the duty of the Proconſul to ſupply their deficiencies, to direct their taſte, and ſometimes to moderate their emulation ⁶⁶. The opulent ſenators of Rome and the provinces eſteemed it an honour, and almoſt an obligation, to adorn the ſplendour of their age and country; and the influence of faſhion very frequently ſupplied the want of taſte or gene⯑roſity. Among a crowd of theſe private bene⯑factors, we may ſelect Herodes Atticus, an Athe⯑nian citizen, who lived in the age of the Anto⯑nines. Whatever might be the motive of his conduct, his magnificence would have been wor⯑thy of the greateſt kings.

The family of Herod, at leaſt after it had been Example of Herodes Atticus. favoured by fortune, was lineally deſcended from Cimon and Miltiades, Theſeus and Cecrops, Aeacus and Jupiter. But the poſterity of ſo many gods and heroes was fallen into the moſt abject ſtate. His grandfather had ſuffered by the hands of juſtice, and Julius Atticus, his father, muſt have ended his life in poverty and contempt, had he not diſcovered an immenſe treaſure buried under an old houſe, the laſt remains of his pa⯑trimony. According to the rigour of law, the emperor might have aſſerted his claim, and the [73] prudent Atticus prevented, by a frank confeſſion, the officiouſneſs of informers. But the equitable Nerva, who then filled the throne, refuſed to accept any part of it, and commanded him to uſe, without ſcruple, the preſent of fortune. The cautious Athenian ſtill inſiſted, that the treaſure was too conſiderable for a ſubject, and that he knew not how to uſe it. Abuſe it, then, replied the monarch, with a good-natured pee⯑viſhneſs; for it is your own ⁶⁷. Many will be of opinion, that Atticus literally obeyed the em⯑peror's laſt inſtructions; ſince he expended the greateſt part of his fortune, which was much in⯑creaſed by an advantageous marriage, in the ſer⯑vice of the Public. He had obtained for his ſon Herod, the prefecture of the free cities of Aſia; and the young magiſtrate, obſerving that the town of Troas was indifferently ſupplied with water, obtained from the munificence of Hadrian, three hundred myriads of drachms (about a hun⯑dred thouſand pounds) for the conſtruction of a new aqueduct. But in the execution of the work the charge amounted to more than double the eſtimate, and the officers of the revenue began to murmur, till the generous Atticus ſilenced their complaints, by requeſting that he might be per⯑mitted to take upon himſelf the whole additional expence ⁶⁸.

[74] The ableſt preceptors of Greece and Aſia had been invited by liberal rewards to direct the edu⯑cation of young Herod. Their pupil ſoon be⯑came His repu⯑tation. a celebrated orator according to the uſeleſs rhetoric of that age, which, confining itſelf to the ſchools, diſdained to viſit either the Forum or the Senate. He was honoured with the con⯑ſulſhip at Rome; but the greateſt part of his life was ſpent in a philoſophic retirement at Athens, and his adjacent villas; perpetually ſurrounded by ſophiſts, who acknowledged, without reluc⯑tance, the ſuperiority of a rich and generous rival ⁶⁹. The monuments of his genius have periſhed; ſome conſiderable ruins ſtill preſerve the ſame of his taſte and munificence: modern travellers have meaſured the remains of the ſta⯑dium which he conſtructed at Athens. It was ſix hundred feet in length, built entirely of white marble, capable of admitting the whole body of the people, and finiſhed in four years, whilſt Herod was preſident of the Athenian games. To the memory of his wife Regilla, he dedicated a theatre, ſcarcely to be paralleled in the empire: no wood except cedar, very curi⯑ouſly carved, was employed in any part of the building. The Odeum, deſigned by Pericles for muſical performances, and the rehearſal of new tragedies, had been a trophy of the victory of the arts over Barbaric greatneſs; as the timbers employed in the conſtruction conſiſted chiefly of the maſts of the Perſian veſſels. Notwithſtand⯑ing [75] the repairs beſtowed on that ancient edifice by a king of Cappadocia, it was again fallen to decay. Herod reſtored its ancient beauty and magnificence. Nor was the liberality of that illuſtrious citizen confined to the walls of Athens. The moſt ſplendid ornaments beſtowed on the temple of Neptune in the Iſthmus, a theatre at Corinth, a ſtadium at Delphi, a bath at Ther⯑mopylae, and an aqueduct at Canuſium in Italy, were inſufficient to exhauſt his treaſures. The people of Epirus, Theſſaly, Euboea, Boeotia, and Peloponneſus, experienced his favours; and many inſcriptions of the cities of Greece and Aſia grate⯑fully ſtyle Herodes Atticus their patron and be⯑nefactor ⁷⁰.

In the commonwealths of Athens and Rome, Moſt of the Ro⯑man mo⯑numents for pub⯑lic uſe; temples, theatres, aqueducts, &c. the modeſt ſimplicity of private houſes announced the equal condition of freedom; whilſt the ſo⯑vereignty of the people was repreſented in the majeſtic edifices deſtined to the public uſe ⁷¹; nor was this republican ſpirit totally extinguiſhed by the introduction of wealth and monarchy. It was in works of national honour and benefit, that the moſt virtuous of the emperors affected to diſ⯑play their magnificence. The golden palace of Nero excited a juſt indignation, but the vaſt ex⯑tent of ground which had been uſurped by his ſelfiſh luxury, was more nobly filled under the [76] ſucceeding reigns by the Coliſeum, the baths of Titus, the Claudian portico, and the temples dedicated to the goddeſs of Peace, and to the genius of Rome ⁷². Theſe monuments of archi⯑tecture, the property of the Roman people, were adorned with the moſt beautiful productions of Grecian painting and ſculpture; and in the tem⯑ple of Peace, a very curious library was open to the curioſity of the learned. At a ſmall diſtance from thence was ſituated the Forum of Trajan. It was ſurrounded with a lofty portico, in the form of a quadrangle, into which four triumphal arches opened a noble and ſpacious entrance: in the centre aroſe a column of marble, whoſe height, of one hundred and ten feet, denoted the elevation of the hill that had been cut away. This column, which ſtill ſubſiſts in its ancient beauty, exhibited an exact repreſentation of the Dacian victories of its founder. The veteran ſoldier contemplated the ſtory of his own campaigns, and by an eaſy illuſion of national vanity, the peaceful citizen aſſociated himſelf to the honours of the triumph. All the other quar⯑ters of the capital, and all the provinces of the empire, were embelliſhed by the ſame liberal ſpirit of public magnificence, and were filled with amphitheatres, theatres, temples, porticos, tri⯑umphal [77] arches, baths, and aqueducts, all variouſly conducive to the health, the devotion, and the pleaſures of the meaneſt citizen. The laſt men⯑tioned of thoſe edifices deſerve our peculiar at⯑tention. The boldneſs of the enterpriſe, the ſolidity of the execution, and the uſes to which they were ſubſervient, rank the aqueducts among the nobleſt monuments of Roman genius and power. The aqueducts of the capital claim a juſt pre-eminence; but the curious traveller, who, without the light of hiſtory, ſhould examine thoſe of Spoleto, of Metz, or of Segovia, would very naturally conclude, that thoſe provincial towns had formerly been the reſidence of ſome potent monarch. The ſolitudes of Aſia and Africa were once covered with flouriſhing cities, whoſe populouſneſs, and even whoſe exiſtence, was derived from ſuch artificial ſupplies of a pe⯑rennial ſtream of freſh water ⁷³.

We have computed the inhabitants, and con⯑templated Number and great⯑neſs of the cities of the empire. the public works, of the Roman em⯑pire. The obſervation of the number and great⯑neſs of its cities will ſerve to confirm the former, and to multiply the latter. It may not be un⯑pleaſing to collect a few ſcattered inſtances rela⯑tive to that ſubject, without forgetting, however, that from the vanity of nations and the poverty of language, the vague appellation of city has been indifferently beſtowed on Rome and upon Laurentum. Ancient Italy is ſaid to have con⯑tained In Italy. [78] eleven hundred and ninety-ſeven cities; and for whatſoever aera of antiquity the expreſ⯑ſion might be intended ⁷⁴, there is not any reaſon to believe the country leſs populous in the age of the Antonines, than in that of Romulus. The petty ſtates of Latium were contained within the metropolis of the empire, by whoſe ſuperior in⯑fluence they had been attracted. Thoſe parts of Italy which have ſo long languiſhed under the lazy tyranny of prieſts and viceroys, had been afflicted only by the more tolerable calamities of war; and the firſt ſymptoms of decay, which they experienced, were amply compenſated by the rapid improvements of the Ciſalpine Gaul. The ſplendor of Verona may be traced in its remains: yet Verona was leſs celebrated than Aquileia or Padua, Milan or Ravenna. II. The ſpirit of Gaul and Spain. improvement had paſſed the Alps, and been felt even in the woods of Britain, which were gra⯑dually cleared away to open a free ſpace for con⯑venient and elegant habitations. York was the ſeat of government; London was already enrich⯑ed by commerce; and Bath was celebrated for the ſalutary effects of its medicinal waters. Gaul could boaſt of her twelve hundred cities ⁷⁵; and though, in the northern parts, many of them, without excepting Paris itſelf, were little more than the rude and imperfect townſhips of a riſing people; the ſouthern provinces imitated the [79] wealth and elegance of Italy ⁷⁶. Many were the cities of Gaul, Marſeilles, Arles, Niſmes, Nar⯑bonne, Thoulouſe, Bourdeaux, Autun, Vienna, Lyons, Langres, and Treves, whoſe ancient con⯑dition might ſuſtain an equal, and perhaps ad⯑vantageous compariſon with their preſent ſtate. With regard to Spain, that country flouriſhed as a province, and has declined as a kingdom. Exhauſted by the abuſe of her ſtrength, by America, and by ſuperſtition, her pride might poſſibly be confounded, if we required ſuch a liſt of three hundred and ſixty cities, as Pliny has exhibited under the reign of Veſpaſian ⁷⁷. Africa. III. Three hundred African cities had once ac⯑knowledged the authority of Carthage ⁷⁸, nor is it likely that their numbers diminiſhed under the adminiſtration of the emperors: Carthage itſelf roſe with new ſplendor from its aſhes; and that capital, as well as Capua and Corinth, ſoon reco⯑vered all the advantages which can be ſeparated from independent ſovereignty. IV. The pro⯑vinces Aſia. of the eaſt preſent the contraſt of Roman magnificence with Turkiſh barbariſm. The ruins of antiquity ſcattered over uncultivated fields, and aſcribed, by ignorance, to the power of magic, ſcarcely afford a ſhelter to the op⯑preſſed peaſant or wandering Arab. Under the reign of the Caeſars, the proper Aſia alone con⯑tained [80] five hundred populous cities ⁷⁹, enriched with all the gifts of nature, and adorned with all the refinements of art. Eleven cities of Aſia had once diſputed the honour of dedicating a temple to Tiberius, and their reſpective merits were examined by the ſenate ⁸⁹. Four of them were immediately rejected as unequal to the burden; and among theſe was Laodicea, whoſe ſplendor is ſtill diſplayed in its ruins ⁸¹. Laodicea collected a very conſiderable revenue from its flocks of ſheep, celebrated for the fineneſs of their wool, and had received, a little before the conteſt, a legacy of above four hundred thouſand pounds by the teſtament of a generous citizen ⁸². If ſuch was the poverty of Laodicea, what muſt have been the wealth of thoſe cities, whoſe claim ap⯑peared preferable, and particularly of Pergamus, of Smyrna, and of Epheſus, who ſo long diſ⯑puted with each other the titular primacy of [81] Aſia ⁸³? The capitals of Syria and Egypt held a ſtill ſuperior rank in the empire: Antioch and Alexandria looked down with diſdain on a crowd of dependent cities ⁸⁴, and yielded, with reluc⯑tance, to the majeſty of Rome itſelf.

All theſe cities were connected with each other, Roman Roads. and with the capital, by the public highways, which iſſuing from the Forum of Rome, traverſed Italy, pervaded the provinces, and were termi⯑nated only by the frontiers of the empire. If we carefully trace the diſtance from the wall of An⯑toninus to Rome, and from thence to Jeruſalem, it will be found that the great chain of commu⯑nication, from the north-weſt to the ſouth-eaſt point of the empire, was drawn out to the length of four thouſand and eighty Roman miles ⁸⁵. The public roads were accurately divided by mile-ſtones, and ran in a direct line from one [82] city to another, with very little reſpect for the obſtacles either of nature or private property. Mountains were perforated, and bold arches thrown over the broadeſt and moſt rapid ſtreams ⁸⁶. The middle part of the road was raiſed into a terrace which commanded the adjacent country, conſiſted of ſeveral ſtrata of ſand, gravel, and cement, and was paved with large ſtones, or in ſome places, near the capital, with granite ⁸⁷. Such was the ſolid conſtruction of the Roman highways, whoſe firmneſs has not entirely yielded to the effort of fifteen centuries. They united the ſubjects of the moſt diſtant provinces by an eaſy and familiar intercourſe; but their pri⯑mary object had been to facilitate the marches of the legions; nor was any country conſidered as completely ſubdued, till it had been rendered, in all its parts, pervious to the arms and autho⯑rity of the conqueror. The advantage of receiv⯑ing the earlieſt intelligence, and of conveying Poſts. their orders with celerity, induced the emperors to eſtabliſh, throughout their extenſive domini⯑ons, the regular inſtitution of poſts ⁸⁸. Houſes were every where erected at the diſtance only of five or ſix miles; each of them was conſtantly provided with forty horſes, and by the help of theſe relays, it was eaſy to travel an hundred [83] miles in a day along the Roman roads ⁸⁹. The uſe of the poſts was allowed to thoſe who claimed it by an Imperial mandate; but though ori⯑ginally intended for the public ſervice, it was ſometimes indulged to the buſineſs or conveni⯑ency of private citizens ⁹⁰. Nor was the com⯑munication Navigati⯑on. of the Roman empire leſs free and open by ſea than it was by land. The provinces ſurrounded and incloſed the Mediterranean; and Italy, in the ſhape of an immenſe promontory, advanced into the midſt of that great lake. The coaſts of Italy are, in general, deſtitute of ſafe harbours; but human induſtry had corrected the deficiencies of nature; and the artificial port of Oſtia, in particular, ſituate at the mouth of the Tyber, and formed by the emperor Claudius, was an uſeful monument of Roman greatneſs ⁹¹. From this port, which was only ſixteen miles from the capital, a favourable breeze frequently carried veſſels in ſeven days to the columns of Hercules, and in nine or ten, to Alexandria in Egypt ⁹².

Whatever evils either reaſon or declamation Improve⯑ment of agriculture have imputed to extenſive empire, the power of [84] Rome was attended with ſome beneficial conſe⯑quences to mankind; and the ſame freedom of intercourſe which extended the vices, diffuſed in the we⯑ſtern coun⯑tries of the empire. likewiſe the improvements, of ſocial life. In the more remote ages of antiquity, the world was unequally divided. The eaſt was in the imme⯑morial poſſeſſion of arts and luxury; whilſt the weſt was inhabited by rude and warlike barba⯑rians, who either diſdained agriculture, or to whom it was totally unknown. Under the pro⯑tection of an eſtabliſhed government, the pro⯑ductions of happier climates, and the induſtry of more civilized nations, were gradually introduced into the weſtern countries of Europe; and the natives were encouraged, by an open and pro⯑fitable commerce, to multiply the former, as well as to improve the latter. It would be almoſt impoſſible to enumerate all the articles, either of the animal or the vegetable reign, which were ſucceſſively imported into Europe, from Aſia and Egypt ⁹³; but it will not be unworthy of the dignity, and much leſs of the utility, of an hiſ⯑torical work, ſlightly to touch on a few of the principal heads. 1. Almoſt all the flowers, the Introduc⯑tion of fruits, &c. herbs, and the fruits, that grow in our European gardens, are of foreign extraction, which, in many caſes, is betrayed even by their names: the apple was a native of Italy, and when the Romans had taſted the richer flavour of the apricot, the peach, the pomegranate, the citron, and the orange, [85] they contented themſelves with applying to all theſe new fruits the common denomination of apple, diſcriminating them from each other by the additional epithet of their country. 2. In The vine. the time of Homer, the vine grew wild in the iſland of Sicily, and moſt probably in the adja⯑cent continent; but it was not improved by the ſkill, nor did it afford a liquor grateful to the taſte, of the ſavage inhabitants ⁹⁴. A thouſand years afterwards, Italy could boaſt, that of the fourſcore moſt generous and celebrated wines, more than two-thirds were produced from her ſoil ⁹⁵. The bleſſing was ſoon communicated to the Narbonneſe province of Gaul; but ſo intenſe was the cold to the north of the Cevennes, that, in the time of Strabo, it was thought impoſſible to ripen the grapes in thoſe parts of Gaul ⁹⁶. This difficulty, however, was gradually vanquiſh⯑ed; and there is ſome reaſon to believe, that the vineyards of Burgundy are as old as the age of the Antonines ⁹⁷. 3. The olive, in the weſtern The olive. world, followed the progreſs of peace, of which it was conſidered as the ſymbol. Two centuries after the foundation of Rome, both Italy and Africa were ſtrangers to that uſeful plant; it was [86] naturalized in thoſe countries; and at length car⯑ried into the heart of Spain and Gaul. The timid errors of the ancients, that it required a certain degree of heat, and could only flouriſh in the neighbourhood of the ſea, were inſenſibly ex⯑ploded by induſtry and experience ⁹⁸. 4. The cultivation of flax was tranſported from Egypt to Flax. Gaul, and enriched the whole country, however it might impoveriſh the particular lands on which it was ſown ⁹⁹. 5. The uſe of artificial graſſes Artificial graſs. became familiar to the farmers both of Italy and the provinces, particularly the Lucerne, which derived its name and origin from Media ¹⁰⁰. The aſſured ſupply of wholeſome and plentiful food for the cattle during winter, multiplied the num⯑ber of the flocks and herds, which in their turn contributed to the fertility of the ſoil. To all theſe improvements may be added an aſſiduous attention to mines and fiſheries, which, by em⯑ploying a multitude of laborious hands, ſerve to increaſe the pleaſures of the rich, and the ſub⯑ſiſtence of the poor. The elegant treatiſe of Co⯑lumella General plenty. deſcribes the advanced ſtate of the Spa⯑niſh huſbandry, under the reign of Tiberius; and it may be obſerved, that thoſe famines which ſo frequently afflicted the infant republic, were ſeldom or never experienced by the extenſive empire of Rome. The accidental ſcarcity, in any ſingle province, was immediately relieved by the plenty of its more fortunate neighbours.

[87] Agriculture is the foundation of manufactures; ſince the productions of nature are the materials of art. Under the Roman empire, the labour of Arts of luxury. an induſtrious and ingenious people was variouſly, but inceſſantly employed, in the ſervice of the rich. In their dreſs, their table, their houſes, and their furniture, the favourites of fortune united every refinement of convenience, of ele⯑gance, and of ſplendour; whatever could ſooth their pride, or gratify their ſenſuality. Such refinements, under the odious name of luxury, have been ſeverely arraigned by the moraliſts of every age; and it might perhaps be more con⯑ducive to the virtue, as well as happineſs, of mankind, if all poſſeſſed the neceſſaries, and none the ſuperfluities, of life. But in the preſent im⯑perfect condition of ſociety, luxury, though it may proceed from vice or folly, ſeems to be the only means that can correct the unequal diſtribution of property. The diligent mechanic, and the ſkilful artiſt, who have obtained no ſhare in the diviſion of the earth, receive a voluntary tax from the poſſeſſors of land; and the latter are prompt⯑ed, by a ſenſe of intereſt, to improve thoſe eſtates, with whoſe produce they may purchaſe additional pleaſures. This operation, the par⯑ticular effects of which are felt in every ſociety, acted with much more diffuſive energy in the Roman world. The provinces would ſoon have been exhauſted of their wealth, if the manufac⯑tures and commerce of luxury had not inſenſibly reſtored to the induſtrious ſubjects, the ſums which [88] were exacted from them by the arms and autho⯑rity of Rome. As long as the circulation was confined within the bounds of the empire, it im⯑preſſed the political machine with a new degree of activity, and its conſequences, ſometimes be⯑neficial, could never become pernicious.

But it is no eaſy taſk to confine luxury within Foreign trade. the limits of an empire. The moſt remote countries of the ancient world were ranſacked to ſupply the pomp and delicacy of Rome. The foreſt of Scythia afforded ſome valuable furs. Amber was brought over land from the ſhores of the Baltic to the Danube; and the barbarians were aſtoniſhed at the price which they received in exchange for ſo uſeleſs a commodity ¹⁰¹. There was a conſiderable demand for Babylonian carpets, and other manufactures of the Eaſt; but the moſt important and unpopular branch of fo⯑reign trade was carried on with Arabia and In⯑dia. Every year, about the time of the ſum⯑mer ſolſtice, a fleet of an hundred and twenty veſſels ſailed from Myos-hormos, a port of Egypt, on the Red Sea. By the periodical aſſiſtance of the Monſoons, they traverſed the ocean in about forty days. The coaſt of Malabar, or the iſland of Ceylon ¹⁰², was the uſual term of their navi⯑gation, and it was in thoſe markets that the [89] merchants from the more remote countries of Aſia expected their arrival. The return of the fleet of Egypt was fixed to the months of De⯑cember or January; and as ſoon as their rich cargo had been tranſported on the backs of ca⯑mels, from the Red Sea to the Nile, and had de⯑ſcended that river as far as Alexandria, it was poured, without delay, into the capital of the empire ¹⁰³. The objects of oriental traffic were ſplendid and trifling: ſilk, a pound of which was eſteemed not inferior in value to a pound of gold ¹⁰⁴; precious ſtones, among which the pearl claimed the firſt rank after the diamond ¹⁰⁵; and a variety of aromatics, that were conſumed in religious worſhip and the pomp of funerals. The labour and riſk of the voyage was rewarded with almoſt incredible profit; but the profit was made upon Roman ſubjects, and a few indivi⯑duals were enriched at the expence of the Pub⯑lic. As the natives of Arabia and India were Gold and ſilver. contented with the productions and manufactures of their own country, ſilver, on the ſide of the Romans, was the principal, if not the only in⯑ſtrument of commerce. It was a complaint wor⯑thy of the gravity of the ſenate, that, in the pur⯑chaſe of female ornaments, the wealth of the ſtate [90] was irrecoverably given away to foreign and hoſ⯑tile nations ¹⁰⁶. The annual loſs is computed, by a writer of an inquiſitive but cenſorious tem⯑per, at upwards of eight hundred thouſand pounds ſterling ¹⁰⁷. Such was the ſtyle of diſ⯑content, brooding over the dark proſpect of ap⯑proaching poverty. And yet, if we compare the proportion between gold and ſilver, as it ſtood in the time of Pliny, and as it was fixed in the reign of Conſtantine, we ſhall diſcover within that pe⯑riod a very conſiderable increaſe ¹⁰⁸. There is not the leaſt reaſon to ſuppoſe that gold was be⯑come more ſcarce; it is therefore evident that ſilver was grown more common; that whatever might be the amount of the Indian and Arabian exports, they were far from exhauſting the wealth of the Roman world; and that the produce of the mines abundantly ſupplied the demands of commerce.

Notwithſtanding the propenſity of mankind to exalt the paſt, and to depreciate the preſent, the tranquil and proſperous ſtate of the empire was warmly felt, and honeſtly confeſſed, by the provincials as well as Romans. ‘They acknow⯑ledged General felicity. that the true principles of ſocial life, laws, agriculture, and ſcience, which had been firſt invented by the wiſdom of Athens, were now firmly eſtabliſhed by the power of Rome, [91] under whoſe auſpicious influence, the fierceſt barbarians were united by an equal govern⯑ment and common language. They affirm, that with the improvement of arts, the human ſpecies was viſibly multiplied. They cele⯑brate the increaſing ſplendour of the cities, the beautiful face of the country, cultivated and adorned like an immenſe garden; and the long feſtival of peace, which was enjoyed by ſo many nations, forgetful of their ancient animoſities, and delivered from the apprehen⯑ſion of future danger ¹⁰⁹.’ Whatever ſuſ⯑picions may be ſuggeſted by the air of rhetoric and declamation, which ſeems to prevail in theſe paſſages, the ſubſtance of them is perfectly agree⯑able to hiſtoric truth.

It was ſcarcely poſſible that the eyes of contem⯑poraries Decline of courage; ſhould diſcover in the public felicity the latent cauſes of decay and corruption. This long peace, and the uniform government of the Ro⯑mans, introduced a ſlow and ſecret poiſon into the vitals of the empire. The minds of men were gradually reduced to the ſame level, the fire of genius was extinguiſhed, and even the military ſpirit evaporated. The natives of Eu⯑rope were brave and robuſt, Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Illyricum, ſupplied the legions with ex⯑cellent ſoldiers, and conſtituted the real ſtrength of the monarchy. Their perſonal valour remain⯑ed, but they no longer poſſeſſed that public cou⯑rage which is nouriſhed by the love of indepen⯑dence, [92] the ſenſe of national honour, the preſence of danger, and the habit of command. They received laws and governors from the will of their ſovereign, and truſted for their defence to a mer⯑cenary army. The poſterity of their boldeſt leaders was contented with the rank of citizens and ſubjects. The moſt aſpiring ſpirits reſorted to the court or ſtandard of the emperors; and the deſerted provinces, deprived of political ſtrength or union, inſenſibly ſunk into the lan⯑guid indifference of private life.

The love of letters, almoſt inſeparable from of genius. peace and refinement, was faſhionable among the ſubjects of Hadrian and the Antonines, who were themſelves men of learning and curioſity. It was diffuſed over the whole extent of their empire; the moſt northern tribes of Britons had acquired a taſte for rhetoric; Homer as well as Virgil were tranſcribed and ſtudied on the banks of the Rhine and Danube; and the moſt liberal rewards ſought out the fainteſt glimmerings of literar merit ¹¹⁰ The ſciences of phyſic and aſtronomy [93] were ſucceſsfully cultivated by the Greeks; the obſervations of Ptolemy and the writings of Ga⯑len are ſtudied by thoſe who have improved their diſcoveries and corrected their errors; but if we except the inimitable Lucian, this age of indo⯑lence paſſed away without having produced a ſin⯑gle writer of original genius, or who excelled in the arts of elegant compoſition. The authority of Plato and Ariſtotle, of Zerno and Epicurus, ſtill reigned in the ſchools; and their ſyſtems, tranſmitted with blind deference from one gene⯑ration of diſciples to another, precluded every generous attempt to exerciſe the powers, or en⯑large the limits, of the human mind. The beau⯑ties of the poets and orators, inſtead of kindling a fire like their own, inſpired only cold and ſer⯑vile imitations: or if any ventured to deviate from thoſe models, they deviated at the ſame time from good ſenſe and propriety. On the revival of letters, the youthful vigour of the ima⯑gination, after a long repoſe, national emulation, a new religion, new languages, and a new world, called forth the genius of Europe. But the pro⯑vincials of Rome, trained by a uniform artificial foreign education, were engaged in a very un⯑equal competition with thoſe bold ancients, who, by expreſſing their genuine feelings in their na⯑tive tongue, had already occupied every place of honour. The name of Poet was almoſt forgot⯑ten; that of Orator was uſurped by the ſophiſts. A cloud of critics, of compilers, of commenta⯑tors, darkened the face of learning, and the de⯑cline of genius was ſoon followed by the corrup⯑tion of taſte.

[94] The ſublime Longinus, who in ſomewhat a later period, and in the court of a Syrian queen, preſerved the ſpirit of ancient Athens, obſerves Degenera⯑cy. and laments this degeneracy of his contempora⯑ries, which debaſed their ſentiments, enervated their courage, and depreſſed their talents. ‘In the ſame manner, ſays he, as ſome children always remain pigmies, whoſe infant limbs have been too cloſely confined; thus our ten⯑der minds, fettered by the prejudices and ha⯑bits of a juſt ſervitude, are unable to expand themſelves, or to attain that well-proportioned greatneſs which we admire in the ancients; who living under a popular government, wrote with the ſame freedom as they acted ¹¹¹.’ This diminutive ſtature of mankind, if we pur⯑ſue the metaphor, was daily ſinking below the old ſtandard, and the Roman world was indeed peopled by a race of pygmies; when the fierce giants of the north broke in, and mended the puny breed. They reſtored a manly ſpirit of freedom; and after the revolution of ten centu⯑ries, freedom became the happy parent of taſte and ſcience.

CHAP. III. Of the Conſtitution of the Roman Empire, in the Age of the Antonines.

THE obvious definition of a monarchy ſeems to be that of a ſtate, in which a ſingle per⯑ſon, by whatſoever name he may be diſtinguiſh⯑ed, Idea of a monarchy. is intruſted with the execution of the laws, the management of the revenue, and the command of the army. But, unleſs public liberty is protected by intrepid and vigilant guardians, the authority of ſo formidable a magiſtrate will ſoon degenerate into deſpotiſm. The influence of the clergy, in an age of ſuperſtition, might be uſefully employ⯑ed to aſſert the rights of mankind; but ſo inti⯑mate is the connexion between the throne and the altar, that the banner of the church has very ſeldom been ſeen on the ſide of the people. A martial nobility and ſtubborn commons, poſſeſſed of arms, tenacious of property, and collected into conſtitutional aſſemblies, form the only balance capable of preſerving a free conſtitution againſt enterpriſes of an aſpiring prince.

Every barrier of the Roman conſtitution had Situation of Auguſ⯑tus. been levelled by the vaſt ambition of the dic⯑tator; every fence had been extirpated by the cruel hand of the Triumvir. After the victory of Actium, the fate of the Roman world de⯑pended on the will of Octavianus, ſurnamed Cae⯑ſar, by his uncle's adoption, and afterwards Au⯑guſtus, [96] by the flattery of the ſenate. The con⯑queror was at the head of forty-four veteran le⯑gions ¹, conſcious of their own ſtrength, and of the weakneſs of the conſtitution, habituated, during twenty years civil war, to every act of blood and violence, and paſſionately devoted to the houſe of Caeſar, from whence alone they had received, and expected, the moſt laviſh rewards. The provinces, long oppreſſed by the miniſters of the republic, ſighed for the government of a ſingle perſon, who would be the maſter, not the accomplice, of thoſe petty tyrants. The people of Rome, viewing, with a ſecret pleaſure, the humiliation of the ariſtocracy, demanded only bread and public ſhows; and were ſupplied with both by the liberal hand of Auguſtus. The rich and polite Italians, who had almoſt univerſally embraced the philoſophy of Epicurus, enjoyed the preſent bleſſings of eaſe and tranquillity, and ſuffered not the pleaſing dream to be interrupted by the memory of their old tumultuous freedom. With its power, the ſenate had loſt its dignity; many of the moſt noble families were extinct. The republicans of ſpirit and ability had periſh⯑ed in the field of battle, or in the proſcription. The door of the aſſembly had been deſignedly left open, for a mixed multitude of more than a thouſand perſons, who reflected diſgrace upon their rank, inſtead of deriving honour from it ².

[97] The reformation of the ſenate, was one of the firſt ſteps in which Auguſtus laid aſide the ty⯑rant, and profeſſed himſelf the father of his He re⯑forms the ſenate. country. He was elected cenſor; and, in con⯑cert with his faithful Agrippa, he examined the liſt of the ſenators, expelled a few members, whoſe vices or whoſe obſtinacy required a pub⯑lic example, perſuaded near two hundred to pre⯑vent the ſhame of an expulſion by a voluntary retreat, raiſed the qualification of a ſenator to about ten thouſand pounds, created a ſufficient number of Patrician families, and accepted for himſelf, the honourable title of Prince of the Senate, which had always been beſtowed, by the cenſors, on the citizen the moſt eminent for his honours and ſervices ³. But whilſt he thus re⯑ſtored the dignity, he deſtroyed the independence of the ſenate. The principles of a free conſti⯑tution are irrecoverably loſt, when the legiſlative power is nominated by the executive.

Before an aſſembly thus modelled and pre⯑pared, Reſigns his uſurp⯑ed power. Auguſtus pronounced a ſtudied oration, which diſplayed his patriotiſm, and diſguiſed his ambition. ‘He lamented, yet excuſed, his paſt conduct. Filial piety had required at his hands the revenge of his father's murder; the humanity of his own nature had ſometimes given way to the ſtern laws of neceſſity, and to a forced connexion with two unworthy col⯑leagues: as long as Antony lived, the repub⯑lic [98] forbad him to abandon her to a degenerate Roman, and a barbarian queen. He was now at liberty to ſatisfy his duty and his inclina⯑tion. He ſolemnly reſtored the ſenate and people to all their ancient rights; and wiſhed only to mingle with the crowd of his fellow-citizens, and to ſhare the bleſſings which he had obtained for his country ⁴.’

It would require the pen of Tacitus (if Tacitus Is prevail⯑ed upon to reſume it under the title of Emperor or Gene⯑ral. had aſſiſted at this aſſembly) to deſcribe the va⯑rious emotions of the ſenate; thoſe that were ſuppreſſed, and thoſe that were affected. It was dangerous to truſt the ſincerity of Auguſtus; to ſeem to diſtruſt it, was ſtill more dangerous. The reſpective advantages of monarchy and a republic have often divided ſpeculative inquirers; the preſent greatneſs of the Roman ſtate, the corruption of manners, and the licence of the ſoldiers, ſupplied new arguments to the advo⯑cates of monarchy; and theſe general views of government were again warped by the hopes and fears of each individual. Amidſt this confuſion of ſentiments, the anſwer of the ſenate was una⯑nimous and deciſive. They refuſed to accept the reſignation of Auguſtus; they conjured him not to deſert the republic, which he had ſaved. After a decent reſiſtance, the crafty tyrant ſub⯑mitted to the orders of the ſenate; and conſent⯑ed to receive the government of the provinces, [99] and the general command of the Roman armies, under the well-known names of PROCONSUL and IMPERATOR ⁵. But he would receive them only for ten years. Even before the expiration of that period, he hoped that the wounds of civil diſ⯑cord would be completely healed, and that the republic, reſtored to its priſtine health and vi⯑gour, would no longer require the dangerous interpoſition of ſo extraordinary a magiſtrate. The memory of this comedy, repeated ſeveral times during the life of Auguſtus, was preſerved to the laſt ages of the empire, by the peculiar pomp with which the perpetual monarchs of Rome always ſolemnized the tenth years of their reign ⁶.

Without any violation of the principles of the Power of the Roman generals: conſtitution, the general of the Roman armies might receive and exerciſe an authority almoſt deſpotic over the ſoldiers, the enemies, and the ſubjects of the republic. With regard to the ſoldiers, the jealouſy of freedom had, even from the earlieſt ages of Rome, given way to the hopes of conqueſt, and a juſt ſenſe of military diſcipline. The dictator, or conſul, had a right to command the ſervice of the Roman youth; and to puniſh an obſtinate or cowardly diſobe⯑dience by the moſt ſevere and ignominious pe⯑nalties, [100] by ſtriking the offender out of the liſt of citizens, by confiſcating his property, and by ſelling his perſon into ſlavery ⁷. The moſt ſacred rights of freedom, confirmed by the Porcian and Sempronian laws, were ſuſpended by the mili⯑tary engagement. In his camp the general ex⯑erciſed an abſolute power of life and death; his juriſdiction was not confined by any forms of trial, or rules of proceeding, and the execution of the ſentence was immediate and without ap⯑peal ⁸. The choice of the enemies of Rome was regularly decided by the legiſlative authority. The moſt important reſolutions of peace and war were ſeriouſly debated in the ſenate, and ſolemnly ratified by the people. But when the arms of the legions were carried to a great diſtance from Italy, the generals aſſumed the liberty of direct⯑ing them againſt whatever people, and in what⯑ever manner, they judged moſt advantageous for the public ſervice. It was from the ſucceſs, not from the juſtice, of their enterpriſes, that they expected the honours of a triumph. In the uſe of victory, eſpecially after they were no longer controlled by the commiſſioners of the ſenate, they exerciſed the moſt unbounded deſpotiſm. When Pompey commanded in the eaſt, he re⯑warded his ſoldiers and allies, dethroned princes, [101] divided kingdoms, founded colonies, and diſtri⯑buted the treaſures of Mithridates. On his re⯑turn to Rome, he obtained, by a ſingle act of the ſenate and people, the univerſal ratification of all his proceedings ⁹. Such was the power over the ſoldiers, and over the enemies of Rome, which was either granted to, or aſſumed by, the generals of the republic. They were, at the ſame time, the governors, or rather monarchs, of the conquered provinces, united the civil with the military character, adminiſtered juſtice as well as the finances, and exerciſed both the executive and legiſlative power of the ſtate.

From what has been already obſerved in the Lieute⯑nants of the empe⯑ror. firſt chapter of this work, ſome notion may be formed of the armies and provinces thus intruſt⯑ed to the ruling hand of Auguſtus. But as it was impoſſible that he could perſonally command the legions of ſo many diſtant frontiers, he was indulged by the ſenate, as Pompey had already been, in the permiſſion of devolving the execu⯑tion of his great office on a ſufficient number of lieutenants. In rank and authority theſe officers ſeemed not inferior to the ancient proconſuls; but their ſtation was dependent and precarious. They received and held their commiſſions at [102] the will of a ſuperior, to whoſe auſpicious influ⯑ence the merit of their action was legally attri⯑buted ¹⁰. They were the repreſentatives of the emperor. The emperor alone was the general of the republic, and his juriſdiction, civil as well as military, extended over all the conqueſts of Rome. It was ſome ſatisfaction, however, to the ſenate, that he always delegated his power to the members of their body. The Imperial lieute⯑nants were of conſular or praetorian dignity; the legions were commanded by ſenators, and the praefecture of Egypt was the only important truſt committed to a Roman knight.

Within ſix days after Auguſtus had been com⯑pelled Diviſion of the pro⯑vinces be⯑tween the emperor and the ſe⯑nate. to accept ſo very liberal a grant, he re⯑ſolved to gratify the pride of the ſenate by an eaſy ſacrifice. He repreſented to them, that they had enlarged his powers, even beyond that degree which might be required by the melancholy con⯑dition of the times. They had not permitted him to refuſe the laborious command of the ar⯑mies and the frontiers; but he muſt inſiſt on being allowed to reſtore the more peaceful and ſecure provinces, to the mild adminiſtration of the civil magiſtrate. In the diviſion of the pro⯑vinces, Auguſtus provided for his own power, [103] and for the dignity of the republic. The pro⯑conſuls of the ſenate, particularly thoſe of Aſia, Greece, and Africa, enjoyed a more honourable character than the lieutenants of the emperor, who commanded in Gaul or Syria. The former were attended by lictors, the latter by ſoldiers. A law was paſſed, that wherever the emperor was preſent, his extraordinary commiſſion ſhould ſuperſede the ordinary juriſdiction of the go⯑vernor; a cuſtom was introduced, that the new conqueſts belonged to the Imperial portion; and it was ſoon diſcovered, that the authority of the Prince, the favourite epithet of Auguſtus, was the ſame in every part of the empire.

In return for this imaginary conceſſion, Au⯑guſtus The for⯑mer pre⯑ſerves his military command, and guards in Rome itſelf. obtained an important privilege, which rendered him maſter of Rome and Italy. By a dangerous exception to the ancient maxims, he was authorized to preſerve his military command, ſupported by a numerous body of guards, even in time of peace, and in the heart of the capital. His command, indeed, was confined to thoſe citizens who were engaged in the ſervice by the military oath; but ſuch was the propenſity of the Romans to ſervitude, that the oath was volun⯑tarily taken by the magiſtrates, the ſenators, and the equeſtrian order, till the homage of flattery was inſenſibly converted into an annual and ſo⯑lemn proteſtation of fidelity.

Although Auguſtus conſidered a military force Conſular and tribu⯑nitian powers. as the firmeſt foundation, he wiſely rejected it, as a very odious inſtrument of government. It was more agreeable to his temper, as well as to his [104] policy, to reign under the venerable names of ancient magiſtracy, and artfully to collect, in his own perſon, all the ſcattered rays of civil juriſ⯑diction. With this view, he permitted the ſenate to confer upon him, for his life, the powers of the conſular ¹¹ and tribunitian offices ¹², which were, in the ſame manner, continued to all his ſucceſſors. The conſuls had ſucceeded to the kings of Rome, and repreſented the dignity of the ſtate. They ſuperintended the ceremonies of religion, levied and commanded the legions, gave audience to foreign ambaſſadors, and pre⯑ſided in the aſſemblies both of the ſenate and people. The general control of the finances was intruſted to their care; and though they ſeldom had leiſure to adminiſter juſtice in perſon, they were conſidered as the ſupreme guardians of law, equity, and the public peace. Such was their ordinary juriſdiction; but whenever the ſenate empowered the firſt magiſtrate to conſult the ſafety of the commonwealth, he was raiſed by that degree above the laws, and exerciſed, in the defence of liberty, a temporary deſpotiſm ¹³. [105] The character of the tribunes was, in every re⯑ſpect, different from that of the conſuls. The appearance of the former was modeſt and hum⯑ble; but their perſons were ſacred and inviolable. Their force was ſuited rather for oppoſition than for action. They were inſtituted to defend the oppreſſed, to pardon offences, to arraign the enemies of the people, and, when they judged it neceſſary, to ſtop, by a ſingle word, the whole machine of government. As long as the repub⯑lic ſubſiſted, the dangerous influence, which ei⯑ther the conſul or the tribune might derive from their reſpective juriſdiction, was diminiſhed by ſeveral important reſtrictions. Their authority expired with the year in which they were elected; the former office was divided between two, the latter among ten perſons; and, as both in their private and public intereſt they were averſe to each other, their mutual conflicts contributed, for the moſt part, to ſtrengthen rather than to deſtroy the balance of the conſtitution. But when the conſular and tribunitian powers were united, when they were veſted for life in a ſingle perſon, when the general of the army was, at the ſame time, the miniſter of the ſenate and the repreſentative of the Roman people, it was im⯑poſſible to reſiſt the exerciſe, nor was it eaſy to define the limits, of his Imperial prerogative.

[106] To theſe accumulated honours, the policy of Auguſtus ſoon added the ſplendid as well as im⯑portant dignities of ſupreme pontiff, and of cen⯑ſor. Imperial preroga⯑tives. By the former he acquired the management of the religion, and by the latter a legal inſpec⯑tion over the manners and fortunes of the Ro⯑man people. If ſo many diſtinct and independ⯑ent powers did not exactly unite with each other, the complaiſance of the ſenate was pre⯑pared to ſupply every deficiency by the moſt ample and extraordinary conceſſions. The em⯑perors, as the firſt miniſters of the republic, were exempted from the obligation and penalty of many inconvenient laws: they were authori⯑zed to convoke the ſenate, to make ſeveral mo⯑tions in the ſame day, to recommend candidates for the honours of the ſtate, to enlarge the bounds of the city, to employ the revenue at their diſ⯑cretion, to declare peace and war, to ratify trea⯑ties; and by a moſt comprehenſive clauſe, they were empowered to execute whatſoever they ſhould judge advantageous to the empire, and agreeable to the majeſty of things private or pub⯑lic, human or divine ¹⁴.

When all the various powers of executive go⯑vernment The ma⯑giſtrates. were committed to the Imperial magi⯑ſtrate, the ordinary magiſtrates of the common⯑wealth languiſhed in obſcurity, without vigour, and almoſt without buſineſs. The names and [107] forms of the ancient adminiſtration were preſerv⯑ed by Auguſtus with the moſt anxious care. The uſual number of conſuls, praetors, and tri⯑bunes ¹⁵, were annually inveſted with their re⯑ſpective enſigns of office, and continued to diſ⯑charge ſome of their leaſt important functions. Thoſe honours ſtill attracted the vain ambition of the Romans; and the emperors themſelves, though inveſted for life with the powers of the conſulſhip, frequently aſpired to the title of that annual dignity, which they condeſcended to ſhare with the moſt illuſtrious of their fellow⯑citizens ¹⁶. In the election of theſe magiſtrates, the people, during the reign of Auguſtus, were permitted to expoſe all the inconveniences of a wild democracy. That artful prince, inſtead of diſcovering the leaſt ſymptom of impatience, humbly ſolicited their ſuffrages for himſelf or his friends, and ſcrupulouſly practiſed all the duties [108] of an ordinary candidate ¹⁷. But we may ven⯑ture to aſcribe to his councils, the firſt meaſure of the ſucceeding reign, by which the elections were transferred to the ſenate ¹⁸. The aſſemblies of the people were for ever aboliſhed, and the emperors were delivered from a dangerous mul⯑titude, who, without reſtoring liberty, might have diſturbed, and perhaps endangered, the eſtabliſhed government.

By declaring themſelves the protectors of the The ſe⯑nate. people, Marius and Caeſar had ſubverted the conſtitution of their country. But as ſoon as the ſenate had been humbled and diſarmed, ſuch an aſſembly, conſiſting of five or ſix hundred per⯑ſons, was found a much more tractable and uſe⯑ful inſtrument of dominion. It was on the dig⯑nity of the ſenate, that Auguſtus and his ſuc⯑ceſſors founded their new empire; and they af⯑fected, on every occaſion, to adopt the language and principles of Patricians. In the adminiſtra⯑tion of their own powers, they frequently con⯑ſulted the great national council, and ſeemed to refer to its deciſion the moſt important concerns of peace and war. Rome, Italy, and the inter⯑nal provinces were ſubject to the immediate juriſ⯑diction of the ſenate. With regard to civil ob⯑jects, [109] it was the ſupreme court of appeal; with regard to criminal matters, a tribunal, conſtituted for the trial of all offences that were committed by men in any public ſtation, or that affected the peace and majeſty of the Roman people. The exerciſe of the judicial power became the moſt frequent and ſerious occupation of the ſenate; and the important cauſes that were pleaded be⯑fore them, afforded a laſt refuge to the ſpirit of ancient eloquence. As a council of ſtate, and as a court of juſtice, the ſenate poſſeſſed very con⯑ſiderable prerogatives; but in its legiſlative ca⯑pacity, in which it was ſuppoſed virtually to repreſent the people, the rights of ſovereignty were acknowledged to reſide in that aſſembly. Every power was derived from their authority, every law was ratified by their ſanction. Their regular meetings were held on three ſtated days in every month, the Calends, the Nones, and the Ides. The debates were conducted with decent freedom; and the emperors themſelves, who gloried in the name of ſenators, ſat, voted, and divided with their equals.

To reſume, in a few words, the ſyſtem of the General idea of the Imperial ſyſtem. Imperial government; as it was inſtituted by Auguſtus, and maintained by thoſe princes who underſtood their own intereſt and that of the people, it may be defined an abſolute monarchy diſguiſed by the forms of a commonwealth. The maſters of the Roman world ſurrounded their throne with darkneſs, concealed their irre⯑ſiſtible ſtrength, and humbly proſeſſed themſelves [110] the accountable miniſters of the ſenate, whoſe ſupreme decrees they dictated and obeyed ¹⁹.

The face of the court correſponded with the Court of the empe⯑rors. forms of the adminiſtration. The emperors, if we except thoſe tyrants whoſe capricious folly violated every law of nature and decency, dif⯑dained that pomp and ceremony which might offend their countrymen, but could add nothing to their real power. In all the offices of life, they affected to confound themſelves with their ſubjects, and maintained with them an equal in⯑tercourſe of viſits and entertainments. Their habit, their palace, their table, were ſuited only to the rank of an opulent ſenator. Their family, however numerous or ſplendid, was compoſed entirely of their domeſtic ſlaves and freedmen ²⁰. Auguſtus or Trajan would have bluſhed at em⯑ploying the meaneſt of the Romans in thoſe me⯑nial offices, which, in the houſehold and bed⯑chamber of a limited monarch, are ſo eagerly ſolicited by the proudeſt nobles of Britain.

[111] The deification of the emperors ²¹ is the only inſtance in which they departed from their accuſ⯑tomed prudence and modeſty. The Aſiatic Deifica⯑tion. Greeks were the firſt inventors, the ſucceſſors of Alexander the firſt objects, of this ſervile and impious mode of adulation. It was eaſily tranſ⯑ferred from the kings to the governors of Aſia; and the Roman magiſtrates very frequently were adored as provincial deities, with the pomp of altars and temples, of feſtivals and ſacrifices ²². It was natural that the emperors ſhould not re⯑fuſe what the proconſuls had accepted; and the divine honours which both the one and the other received from the provinces, atteſted rather the deſpotiſm than the ſervitude of Rome. But the conquerors ſoon imitated the vanquiſhed nations in the arts of flattery; and the imperious ſpirit of the firſt Caeſar too eaſily conſented to aſſume, during his life-time, a place among the tutelar deities of Rome. The milder temper of his ſuc⯑ceſſor declined ſo dangerous an ambition, which was never afterwards revived, except by the madneſs of Caligula and Domitian. Auguſtus permitted indeed ſome of the provincial cities to erect temples to his honour, on condition that they ſhould aſſociate the worſhip of Rome with that of the ſovereign; he tolerated private ſuper⯑ſtition, [112] of which he might be the object ²³; but he contented himſelf with being revered by the ſenate and people in his human character, and wiſely left to his ſucceſſor, the care of his public deification. A regular cuſtom was introduced, that on the deceaſe of every emperor who had neither lived nor died like a tyrant, the ſenate by a ſolemn decree ſhould place him in the number of the gods: and the ceremonies of his Apo⯑theoſis were blended with thoſe of his funeral. This legal, and, as it ſhould ſeem, injudicious profanation, ſo abhorrent to our ſtricter prin⯑ciples, was received with a very faint murmur ²⁴, by the eaſy nature of Polytheiſm; but it was received as an inſtitution, not of religion but of policy. We ſhould diſgrace the virtues of the Antonines, by comparing them with the vices of Hercules or Jupiter. Even the character of Caeſar or Auguſtus were far ſuperior to thoſe of the popular deities. But it was the misfor⯑tune of the former to live in an enlightened age, and their actions were too faithfully recorded to admit of ſuch a mixture of fable and myſtery, as the devotion of the vulgar requires. As ſoon as their divinity was eſtabliſhed by law, it ſunk into oblivion, without contributing either to their own fame, or to the dignity of ſucceeding princes.

[113] In the conſideration of the Imperial govern⯑ment, we have frequently mentioned the artful founder, under his well-known title of Auguſtus, Titles of Auguſtus and Caeſar. which was not however conferred upon him, till the edifice was almoſt completed. The obſcure name of Octavianus, he derived from a mean family, in the little town of Aricia. It was ſtain⯑ed with the blood of the proſcription; and he was deſirous, had it been poſſible, to eraſe all memory of his former life. The illuſtrious ſur⯑name of Caeſar, he had aſſumed, as the adopted ſon of the dictator; but he had too much good ſenſe, either to hope to be confounded, or to wiſh to be compared, with that extraordinary man. It was propoſed in the ſenate, to dignify their miniſter with a new appellation: and after a very ſerious diſcuſſion, that of Auguſtus was choſen, among ſeveral others, as being the moſt expreſſive of the character of peace and ſanctity, which he uniformly affected ²⁵. Auguſtus was therefore a perſonal, Caeſar a family diſtinction. The former ſhould naturally have expired with the prince on whom it was beſtowed; and how⯑ever the latter was diffuſed by adoption and fe⯑male alliance, Nero was the laſt prince who could allege any hereditary claim to the honours of the Julian line. But, at the time of his death, the practice of a century had inſeparably connected thoſe appellations with the Imperial dignity, and they have been preſerved by a long ſucceſſion of [114] emperors, Romans, Greeks, Franks, and Ger⯑mans, from the fall of the republic to the pre⯑ſent time. A diſtinction was, however, ſoon introduced. The ſacred title of Auguſtus was always reſerved for the monarch, whilſt the name of Caeſar was more freely communicated to his relations; and, from the reign of Hadrian, at leaſt, was appropriated to the ſecond perſon in the ſtate, who was conſidered as the preſumptive heir of the empire.

The tender reſpect of Auguſtus for a free con⯑ſtitution Character and policy of Auguſ⯑tus. which he had deſtroyed, can only be explained by an attentive conſideration of the character of that ſubtle tyrant. A cool head, an unfeeling heart, and a cowardly diſpoſition, prompted him, at the age of nineteen, to aſſume the maſk of hypocriſy, which he never afterwards laid aſide. With the ſame hand, and probably with the ſame temper, he ſigned the proſcription of Cicero, and the pardon of Cinna. His vir⯑tues, and even his vices, were artificial; and according to the various dictates of his intereſt, he was at firſt the enemy, and at laſt the father, of the Roman world ²⁶. When he framed the artful ſyſtem of the Imperial authority, his mo⯑deration was inſpired by his fears. He wiſhed to [115] deceive the people by an image of civil liberty, and the armies by an image of civil govern⯑ment.

I. The death of Caeſar was ever before his Image of liberty for the people. eyes. He had laviſhed wealth and honours on his adherents; but the moſt favoured friends of his uncle were in the number of the conſpirators. The fidelity of the legions might defend his authority againſt open rebellion; but their vigi⯑lance could not ſecure his perſon from the dag⯑ger of a determined republican; and the Romans, who revered the memory of Brutus ²⁷, would ap⯑plaud the imitation of his virtue. Caeſar had provoked his fate, as much by the oſtentation of his power, as by his power itſelf. The conſul or the tribune might have reigned in peace. The title of king had armed the Romans againſt his life. Auguſtus was ſenſible that mankind is governed by names; nor was he deceived in his expectation, that the ſenate and people would ſubmit to ſlavery, provided they were reſpectfully aſſured, that they ſtill enjoyed their ancient free⯑dom. A feeble ſenate and enervated people cheer⯑fully acquieſced in the pleaſing illuſion, as long as it was ſupported by the virtue, or even by the pru⯑dence, of the ſucceſſors of Auguſtus. It was a motive of ſelf-preſervation, not a principle of liberty, that animated the conſpirators againſt Caligula, Nero, and Domitian. They attacked [116] the perſon of the tyrant, without aiming their blow at the authority of the emperor.

There appears, indeed, one memorable occa⯑ſion, Attempt of the ſe⯑nate after the death of Caligu⯑la. in which the ſenate, after ſeventy years of patience, made an ineffectual attempt to reaſſume its long forgotten rights. When the throne was vacant by the murder of Caligula, the conſuls convoked that aſſembly in the Capitol, condemn⯑ed the memory of the Caeſars, gave the watch⯑word liberty to the few cohorts who faintly ad⯑hered to their ſtandard, and during eight and forty hours acted as the independent chiefs of a free commonwealth. But while they deliberated, the Praetorian guards had reſolved. The ſtupid Claudius, brother of Germanicus, was already in their camp, inveſted with the Imperial purple, and prepared to ſupport his election by arms. The dream of liberty was at an end; and the ſenate awoke to all the horrors of inevitable ſer⯑vitude. Deſerted by the people, and threatened by a military force, that feeble aſſembly was compelled to ratify the choice of the Praetorians, and to embrace the benefit of an amneſty, which Claudius had the prudence to offer, and the ge⯑neroſity to obſerve ²⁸.

II. The inſolence of the armies inſpired Au⯑guſtus Image of govern⯑ment for the armies. with fears of a ſtill more alarming nature. The deſpair of the citizens could only attempt, what the power of the ſoldiers was, at any time, [117] able to execute. How precarious was his own authority over men whom he had taught to vio⯑late every ſocial duty! He had heard their ſe⯑ditious clamours; he dreaded their calmer mo⯑ments of reflection. One revolution had been purchaſed by immenſe rewards; but a ſecond revolution might double thoſe rewards. The troops profeſſed the fondeſt attachment to the houſe of Caeſar; but the attachments of the mul⯑titude are capricious and inconſtant. Auguſtus ſummoned to his aid, whatever remained in thoſe fierce minds, of Roman prejudices; enforced the rigour of diſcipline by the ſanction of law; and interpoſing the majeſty of the ſenate, between the emperor and the army, boldly claimed their alle⯑giance, as the firſt magiſtrate of the republic ²⁹.

During a long period of two hundred and Their obe⯑dience. twenty years, from the eſtabliſhment of this art⯑ful ſyſtem to the death of Commodus, the dan⯑gers inherent to a military government were, in a great meaſure, ſuſpended. The ſoldiers were ſeldom rouſed to that fatal ſenſe of their own ſtrength, and of the weakneſs of the civil autho⯑rity, which was, before and afterwards, produc⯑tive of ſuch dreadful calamities. Caligula and Domitian were aſſaſſinated in their palace by their own domeſtics: the convulſions which agitated Rome on the death of the former, were confined to the walls of the city. But Nero involved the [118] whole empire in his ruin. In the ſpace of eigh⯑teen months, four princes periſhed by the ſword; and the Roman world was ſhaken by the fury of the contending armies. Excepting only this ſhort, though violent, eruption of military li⯑cence, the two centuries from Auguſtus to Com⯑modus paſſed away unſtained with civil blood, and undiſturbed by revolutions. The emperor was elected by the authority of the ſenate, and the conſent of the ſoldiers ³⁰. The legions reſpected their oath of fidelity; and it requires a minute inſpection of the Roman annals to diſcover three inconſiderable rebellions, which were all ſup⯑preſſed in a few months, and without even the hazard of a battle ³¹.

In elective monarchies, the vacancy of the Deſigna⯑tion of a ſucceſſor. throne is a moment big with danger and miſchief. The Roman emperors, deſirous to ſpare the le⯑gions that interval of ſuſpenſe, and the tempt⯑ation of an irregular choice, inveſted their de⯑ſigned ſucceſſor with ſo large a ſhare of preſent power, as ſhould enable him, after their deceaſe, to aſſume the remainder, without ſuffering the empire to perceive the change of maſters. Thus [119] Auguſtus, after all his fairer proſpects had been ſnatched from him by untimely deaths, reſted his laſt hopes on Tiberius, obtained for his adopted Of Tibe⯑rius. ſon the cenſorial and tribunitian powers, and dictated a law, by which the future prince was inveſted with an authority equal to his own, over the provinces and the armies ³². Thus Veſpa⯑ſian Of Titus. ſubdued the generous mind of his eldeſt ſon. Titus was adored by the eaſtern legions, which, under his command, had recently atchieved the conqueſt of Judaea. His power was dreaded, and, as his virtues were clouded by the intem⯑perance of youth, his deſigns were ſuſpected. Inſtead of liſtening to ſuch unworthy ſuſpicions, the prudent monarch aſſociated Titus to the full powers of the Imperial dignity; and the grate⯑ful ſon ever approved himſelf the humble and faithful miniſter of ſo indulgent a father ³³.

The good ſenſe of Veſpaſian engaged him in⯑deed The race of the Cae⯑ſars and the Flavi⯑an family. to embrace every meaſure that might con⯑firm his recent and precarious elevation. The military oath, and the fidelity of the troops, had been conſecrated, by the habits of an hundred years, to the name and family of the Caeſars: and although that family had been continued only by the fictitious rite of adoption, the Ro⯑mans ſtill revered, in the perſon of Nero, the grandſon of Germanicus, and the lineal ſucceſſor of Auguſtus. It was not without reluctance and remorſe, that the Praetorian guards had been [120] perſuaded to abandon the cauſe of the tyrant ³⁴. The rapid downfal of Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, taught the armies to conſider the emperors as the creatures of their will, and the inſtruments of their licence. The birth of Veſpaſian was mean; his grandfather had been a private ſoldier, his father a petty officer of the revenue ³⁵; his own merit had raiſed him, in an advanced age, to the empire; but his merit was rather uſeful than ſhining, and his virtues were diſgraced by a ſtrict and even forbid parſimony. Such a prince con⯑ſulted his true intereſt by the aſſociation of a ſon, whoſe more ſplendid and amiable character might turn the public attention, from the obſcure ori⯑gin, to the future glories of the Flavian houſe. Under the mild adminiſtration of Titus, the Roman world enjoyed a tranſient felicity, and his beloved memory ſerved to protect, above fifteen years, the vices of his brother Domitian.

Nerva had ſcarcely accepted the purple from A. D. 96. the aſſaſſins of Domitian, before he diſcovered Adoption and cha⯑racter of Trajan. that his feeble age was unable to ſtem the tor⯑rent of public diſorders, which had multiplied under the long tyranny of his predeceſſor. His mild diſpoſition was reſpected by the good; but the degenerate Romans required a more vigorous character, whoſe juſtice ſhould ſtrike terror into the guilty. Though he had ſeveral relations, he [121] fixed his choice on a ſtranger. He adopted Tra⯑jan, then about forty years of age, and who com⯑manded a powerful army in the Lower Germany; and immediately, by a decree of the ſenate, de⯑clared him his colleague and ſucceſſor in the empire ³⁶. It is ſincerely to be lamented, that A. D. 98. whilſt we are fatigued with the diſguſtful relation of Nero's crimes and follies, we are reduced to collect the actions of Trajan from the glimmer⯑ings of an abridgment, or the doubtful light of a panegyric. There remains, however, one pa⯑negyric far removed beyond the ſuſpicion of flat⯑tery. Above two hundred and fifty years after the death of Trajan, the ſenate, in pouring out the cuſtomary acclamations on the acceſſion of a new emperor, wiſhed that he might ſurpaſs the felicity of Auguſtus, and the virtue of Tra⯑jan ³⁷.

We may readily believe, that the father of his A. D. 117. country heſitated whether he ought to intruſt the Of Hadri⯑an. various and doubtful character of his kinſman Hadrian with ſovereign power. In his laſt mo⯑ments, the arts of the empreſs Plotina either fixed the irreſolution of Trajan, or boldly ſup⯑poſed a fictitious adoption ³⁸; the truth of which could not be ſafely diſputed, and Hadrian was [122] peaceably acknowledged as his lawful ſucceſſor. Under his reign, as has been already mentioned, the empire flouriſhed in peace and proſperity. He encouraged the arts, reformed the laws, aſ⯑ſerted military diſcipline, and viſited all his provinces in perſon. His vaſt and active genius was equally ſuited to the moſt enlarged views, and the minute details of civil policy. But the ruling paſſions of his ſoul were curioſity and va⯑nity. As they prevailed, and as they were at⯑tracted by different objects, Hadrian was, by turns, an excellent prince, a ridiculous ſophiſt, and a jealous tyrant. The general tenor of his conduct deſerved praiſe for its equity and mode⯑ration. Yet in the firſt days of his reign, he put to death four conſular ſenators, his perſonal ene⯑mies, and men who had been judged worthy of empire; and the tediouſneſs of a painful illneſs rendered him, at laſt, peeviſh and cruel. The ſenate doubted whether they ſhould pronounce him a god or a tyrant; and the honours decreed to his memory were granted to the prayers of the pious Antoninus ³⁹.

The caprice of Hadrian influenced his choice Adoption of the el⯑der and younger Verus. of a ſucceſſor. After revolving in his mind ſe⯑veral men of diſtinguiſhed merit, whom he eſteemed and hated, he adopted Aelius Verus, a gay and voluptuous nobleman, recommended by uncommon beauty to the lover of Antinous ⁴⁰. [123] But while Hadrian was delighting himſelf with his own applauſe, and the acclamations of the ſoldiers, whoſe conſent had been ſecured by an immenſe donative, the new Caeſar ⁴¹ was raviſhed from his embraces by an untimely death. He left only one ſon. Hadrian commended the boy to the gratitude of the Antonines. He was adopted by Pius; and, on the acceſſion of Mar⯑cus, was inveſted with an equal ſhare of ſove⯑reign power. Among the many vices of this younger Verus, he poſſeſſed one virtue; a duti⯑ful reverence for his wiſer colleague, to whom he willingly abandoned the ruder cares of em⯑pire. The philoſophic emperor diſſembled his follies, lamented his early death, and caſt a de⯑cent veil over his memory.

As ſoon as Hadrian's paſſion was either grati⯑fied Adoption of the two Anto⯑nines. or diſappointed, he reſolved to deſerve the thanks of poſterity, by placing the moſt exalted merit on the Roman throne. His diſcerning eye eaſily diſcovered a ſenator about fifty years of age, blameleſs in all the offices of life, and a youth of about ſeventeen, whoſe riper years opened the fair proſpect of every virtue: the elder of theſe was declared the ſon and ſucceſſor of Hadrian, on condition, however, that he him⯑ſelf ſhould immediately adopt the younger. The two Antonines (for it is of them that we are now ſpeaking) governed the Roman world forty-two A. D. 138.—180. [124] years, with the ſame invariable ſpirit of wiſdom and virtue. Although Pius had two ſons ⁴², he preferred the welfare of Rome to the intereſt of his family, gave his daughter Fauſtina in mar⯑riage to young Marcus, obtained from the ſe⯑nate the tribunitian and proconſular powers, and with a noble diſdain, or rather ignorance of jea⯑louſy, aſſociated him to all the labours of go⯑vernment. Marcus, on the other hand, revered the character of his benefactor, loved him as a parent, obeyed him as his ſovereign ⁴³, and, af⯑ter he was no more, regulated his own admini⯑ſtration by the example and maxims of his pre⯑deceſſor. Their united reigns are poſſibly the only period of hiſtory in which the happineſs of a great people was the ſole object of govern⯑ment.

Titus Antoninus Pius has been juſtly deno⯑minated Character and reign of Pius. a ſecond Numa. The ſame love of re⯑ligion, juſtice, and peace, was the diſtinguiſhing characteriſtic of both princes. But the ſituation of the latter opened a much larger field for the exerciſe of thoſe virtues. Numa could only prevent a few neighbouring villages from plun⯑dering each other's harveſts. Antoninus diffuſed order and tranquillity over the greateſt part of the earth. His reign is marked by the rare ad⯑vantage of furniſhing very few materials for hiſ⯑tory; which is, indeed, little more than the [125] regiſter of the crimes, follies, and misfortunes of mankind. In private life, he was an amia⯑ble, as well as a good man. The native ſim⯑plicity of his virtue was a ſtranger to vanity or affectation. He enjoyed with moderation, the conveniencies of his fortune, and the innocent pleaſures of ſociety ⁴⁴; and the benevolence of his ſoul diſplayed itſelf in a cheerful ſerenity of tem⯑per.

The virtue of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus was Of Mar⯑cus. of a ſeverer and more laborious kind ⁴⁵. It was the well-earned harveſt of many a learned con⯑ference, of many a patient lecture, and many a midnight lucubration. At the age of twelve years he embraced the rigid ſyſtem of the Stoicks, which taught him to ſubmit his body to his mind, his paſſions to his reaſon; to conſider vir⯑tue as the only good, vice as the only evil, all things external, as things indifferent ⁴⁶. His [126] meditations, compoſed in the tumult of a camp, are ſtill extant; and he even condeſcended to give leſſons of philoſophy, in a more public manner, than was perhaps conſiſtent with the modeſty of a ſage, or the dignity of an empe⯑ror ⁴⁷. But his life was the nobleſt commentary on the precepts of Zeno. He was ſevere to him⯑ſelf, indulgent to the imperfection of others, juſt and beneficent to all mankind. He regret⯑ted that Avidius Caſſius, who excited a rebellion in Syria, had diſappointed him, by a voluntary death, of the pleaſure of converting an enemy into a friend; and he juſtified the ſincerity of that ſentiment, by moderating the zeal of the ſenate againſt the adherents of the traitor ⁴⁸. War he deteſted, as the diſgrace and calamity of human nature; but when the neceſſity of a juſt defence called upon him to take up arms, he readily expoſed his perſon to eight winter campaigns, on the frozen banks of the Danube, the ſeverity of which was at laſt fatal to the weakneſs of his con⯑ſtitution. His memory was revered by a grate⯑ful poſterity, and above a century after his death, many perſons preſerved the image of Marcus Antoninus, among thoſe of their houſehold gods ⁴⁹.

If a man were called to fix the period in the Happineſs of the Ro⯑mans. hiſtory of the world, during which the condition of the human race was moſt happy and proſper⯑rous, [127] he would, without heſitation, name that which elapſed from the death of Domitian to the acceſſion of Commodus. The vaſt extent of the Roman empire was governed by abſolute power, under the guidance of virtue and wiſdom. The armies were reſtrained by the firm but gen⯑tle hand of four ſucceſſive emperors, whoſe cha⯑racters and authority commanded involuntary reſpect. The forms of the civil adminiſtration were carefully preſerved by Nerva, Trajan, Ha⯑drian, and the Antonines, who delighted in the image of liberty, and were pleaſed with conſider⯑ing themſelves as the accountable miniſters of the laws. Such princes deſerved the honour of re⯑ſtoring the republic, had the Romans of their days been capable of enjoying a rational free⯑dom.

The labours of theſe monarchs were overpaid Its preca⯑rious na⯑ture. by the immenſe reward that inſeparably waited on their ſucceſs; by the honeſt pride of virtue, and by the exquiſite delight of beholding the general happineſs of which they were the authors. A juſt, but melancholy reflection embittered, however, the nobleſt of human enjoyments. They muſt often have recollected the inſtability of a happineſs which depended on the character of a ſingle man. The fatal moment was perhaps approaching, when ſome licentious youth, or ſome jealous tyrant, would abuſe, to the deſtruc⯑tion, that abſolute power, which they had ex⯑erted for the benefit of their people. The ideal reſtraints of the ſenate and the laws might ſerve [128] to diſplay the virtues, but could never correct the vices, of the emperor. The military force was a blind and irreſiſtible inſtrument of oppreſ⯑ſion; and the corruption of Roman manners would always ſupply flatteres eager to applaud, and miniſters prepared to ſerve, the fear or the avarice, the luſt or the cruelty, of their maſters.

Theſe gloomy apprehenſions had been already Memory of Tiberi⯑us, Cali⯑gula, Ne⯑ro, and Domitian. juſtified by the experience of the Romans. The annals of the emperors exhibit a ſtrong and various picture of human nature, which we ſhould vainly ſeek among the mixed and doubtful characters of modern hiſtory. In the conduct of thoſe monarchs we may trace the utmoſt lines of vice and virtue; the moſt exalted perfection, and the meaneſt degeneracy of our own ſpecies. The golden age of Trajan and the Antonines had been preceded by an age of iron. It is almoſt ſuper⯑fluous to enumerate the unworthy ſucceſſors of Auguſtus. Their unparalleled vices, and the ſplendid theatre on which they were acted, have ſaved them from oblivion. The dark unrelent⯑ing Tiberius, the furious Caligula, the feeble Claudius, the profligate and cruel Nero, the beaſtly Vitellius ⁵⁰, and the timid inhuman Do⯑mitian, are condemned to everlaſting infamy. [129] During fourſcore years (excepting only the ſhort and doubtful reſpite of Veſpaſian's reign ⁵¹) Rome groaned beneath an unremitting tyranny, which exterminated the ancient families of the repub⯑lic, and was fatal to almoſt every virtue, and every talent, that aroſe in that unhappy period.

Under the reign of theſe monſters, the ſlavery Peculiar miſery of the Ro⯑mans un⯑der their tyrants. of the Romans was accompanied with two pecu⯑liar circumſtances, the one occaſioned by their former liberty, the other by their extenſive con⯑queſts, which rendered their condition more com⯑pletely wretched than that of the victims of ty⯑ranny in any other age or country. From theſe cauſes were derived, 1. The exquiſite ſenſibility of the ſufferers; and, 2. the impoſſibility of eſcaping from the hand of the oppreſſor.

I. When Perſia was governed by the deſcend⯑ants Inſenſibi⯑lity of the Orientals. of Sefi, a race of princes, whoſe wanton cru⯑elty often ſtained their divan; their table, and their bed, with the blood of their favourites, there is a ſaying recorded of a young nobleman, That he never departed from the ſultan's pre⯑ſence, without ſatisfying himſelf whether his head was ſtill on his ſhoulders. The experience of every day might almoſt juſtify the ſcepticiſm of Ruſtan ⁵². Yet the fatal ſword, ſuſpended above him by a ſingle thread, ſeems not to have diſturbed the ſlumbers, or interrupted the tran⯑quillity, of the Perſian. The monarch's frown, he well knew, could level him with the duſt; [130] but the ſtroke of lightning or apoplexy might be equally fatal; and it was the part of a wiſe man, to forget the inevitable calamities of human life in the enjoyment of the fleeting hour. He was dignified with the appellation of the king's ſlave; had, perhaps, been purchaſed from obſcure pa⯑rents, in a country which he had never known; and was trained up from his infancy in the ſevere diſcipline of the ſeraglio ⁵³. His name, his wealth, his honours, were the gift of a maſter, who might, without injuſtice, reſume what he had beſtowed. Ruſtan's knowledge, if he poſſeſſed any, could only ſerve to confirm his habits by prejudices. His language afforded not words for any form of government, except abſolute monarchy. The hiſtory of the eaſt informed him, that ſuch had ever been the condition of mankind ⁵⁴. The Koran, and the interpreters of that divine book, inculcated to him, that the ſultan was the de⯑ſcendant of the prophet, and the vicegerent of heaven; that patience was the firſt virtue of a Muſſulman, and unlimited obedience the great duty of a ſubject.

The minds of the Romans were very differ⯑ently Know⯑ledge and free ſpirit of the Ro⯑mans. prepared for ſlavery. Oppreſſed beneath the weight of their own corruption and of mili⯑tary violence, they for a long while preſerved the [131] ſentiments, or at leaſt the ideas, of their free⯑born anceſtors. The education of Helvidius and Thraſea, of Tacitus and Pliny, was the ſame as that of Cato and Cicero. From Grecian phi⯑loſophy, they had imbibed the juſteſt and moſt liberal notions of the dignity of human nature, and the origin of civil ſociety. The hiſtory of their own country had taught them to revere a free, a virtuous, and a victorious commonwealth; to abhor the ſucceſsful crimes of Caeſar and Au⯑guſtus; and inwardly to deſpiſe thoſe tyrants whom they adored with the moſt abject flattery. As magiſtrates and ſenators, they were admitted into the great council, which had once dictated laws to the earth, whoſe name ſtill gave a ſanc⯑tion to the acts of the monarch, and whoſe au⯑thority was ſo often proſtituted to the vileſt pur⯑poſes of tyranny. Tiberius, and thoſe emperors who adopted his maxims, attempted to diſguiſe their murders by the formalities of juſtice, and perhaps enjoyed a ſecret pleaſure in rendering the ſenate their accomplice as well as their victim. By this aſſembly, the laſt of the Romans were condemned for imaginary crimes and real vir⯑tues. Their infamous accuſers aſſumed the lan⯑guage of independent patriots, who arraigned a dangerous citizen before the tribunal of his coun⯑try; and the public ſervice was rewarded by riches and honours ⁵⁵. The ſervile judges pro⯑feſſed [132] to aſſert the majeſty of the commonwealth, violated in the perſon of its firſt magiſtrate ⁵⁶, whoſe clemency they moſt applauded when they trembled the moſt at his inexorable and impend⯑ing cruelty ⁵⁷. The tyrant beheld their baſeneſs with juſt contempt, and encountered their ſecret ſentiments of deteſtation with ſincere and avowed hatred for the whole body of the ſenate.

II. The diviſion of Europe into a number of Extent of their em⯑pire left them no place of refuge. independent ſtates, connected, however, with each other, by the general reſemblance of religion, language, and manners, is productive of the moſt beneficial conſequences to the liberty of mankind. A modern tyrant, who ſhould find no reſiſtance either in his own breaſt, or in his people, would ſoon experience a gentle reſtraint from the example of his equals, the dread of preſent cenſure, the advice of his allies, and the apprehenſion of his enemies. The object of his diſpleaſure, eſcaping from the narrow limits of [133] his dominions, would eaſily obtain, in a happier climate, a ſecure refuge, a new fortune adequate to his merit, the freedom of complaint, and per⯑haps the means of revenge. But the empire of the Romans filled the world, and when that empire fell into the hands of a ſingle perſon, the world became a ſafe and dreary priſon for his enemies. The ſlave of Imperial deſpotiſm, whe⯑ther he was condemned to drag his gilded chain in Rome and the ſenate, or to wear out a life of exile on the barren rock of Seriphus, or the fro⯑zen banks of the Danube, expected his fate in ſilent deſpair ⁵⁸. To reſiſt was fatal, and it was impoſſible to fly. On every ſide he was encom⯑paſſed with a vaſt extent of ſea and land, which he could never hope to traverſe without being diſcovered, ſeized, and reſtored to his irritated maſter. Beyond the frontiers, his anxious view could diſcover nothing, except the ocean, in⯑hoſpitable deſerts, hoſtile tribes of barbarians, of fierce manners and unknown language, or de⯑pendent kings, who would gladly purchaſe the emperor's protection by the ſacrifice of an ob⯑noxious fugitive ⁵⁹. ‘Wherever you are, ſaid [134] Cicero to the exiled Marcellus, remember that you are equally within the power of the con⯑queror ⁶⁰.’

CHAP. IV. The cruelty, follies, and murder of Commodus.—Election of Pertinax—his attempts to reform the State—his aſſaſſination by the Praetorian Guards.

THE mildneſs of Marcus, which the rigid diſcipline of the Stoics was unable to era⯑dicate, formed, at the ſame time, the moſt ami⯑able, Indul⯑gence of Marcus. and the only defective, part of his charac⯑ter. His excellent underſtanding was often de⯑ceived by the unſuſpecting goodneſs of his heart. Artful men, who ſtudy the paſſions of princes, and conceal their own, approached his perſon in the diſguiſe of philoſophic ſanctity, and acquired riches and honours by affecting to deſpiſe them ¹. His exceſſive indulgence to his brother, his wife, and his ſon, exceeded the bounds of private vir⯑tue, and became a public injury, by the example and conſequences of their vices.

Fauſtina, the daughter of Pius and the wife to his wife Fauſtina; of Marcus, has been as much celebrated for her gallantries as for her beauty. The grave ſim⯑plicity of the philoſopher was ill calculated to engage her wanton levity, or to fix that un⯑bounded paſſion for variety, which often diſco⯑vered perſonal merit in the meaneſt of man⯑kind ². [136] The Cupid of the ancients was, in ge⯑neral, a very ſenſual deity; and the amours of an empreſs, as they exact on her ſide the plaineſt advances, are ſeldom ſuſceptible of much ſenti⯑mental delicacy. Marcus was the only man in the empire who ſeemed ignorant or inſenſible of the irregularities of Fauſtina; which, according to the prejudices of every age, reflected ſome diſgrace on the injured huſband. He promoted ſeveral of her lovers to poſts of honour and pro⯑fit ³, and during a connexion of thirty years, in⯑variably gave her proofs of the moſt tender con⯑fidence, and of a reſpect which ended not with her life. In his Meditations, he thanks the gods, who had beſtowed on him a wife, ſo faithful, ſo gentle, and of ſuch a wonderful ſimplicity of manners ⁴. The obſequious ſenate, at his ear⯑neſt requeſt, declared her a goddeſs. She was repreſented in her temples, with the attributes of Juno, Venus, and Ceres; and it was decreed, that, on the day of their nuptials, the youth of either ſex ſhould pay their vows before the altar of their chaſte patroneſs ⁵.

[137] The monſtrous vices of the ſon have caſt a ſhade on the purity of the father's virtues. It has been objected to Marcus, that he ſacrificed to his ſon Commo⯑dus. the happineſs of millions to a fond partiality for a worthleſs boy; and that he choſe a ſucceſſor in his own family, rather than in the republic. Nothing, however, was neglected by the anxious father, and by the men of virtue and learning whom he ſummoned to his aſſiſtance, to expand the narrow mind of young Commodus, to cor⯑rect his growing vices, and to render him wor⯑thy of the throne, for which he was deſigned. But the power of inſtruction is ſeldom of much efficacy, except in thoſe happy diſpoſitions where it is almoſt ſuperfluous. The diſtaſteful leſſon of a grave philoſopher was, in a moment, obli⯑terated by the whiſper of a profligate favourite; and Marcus himſelf blaſted the fruits of this laboured education, by admitting his ſon, at the age of fourteen or fifteen, to a full participation of the Imperial power. He lived but four years afterwards; but he lived long enough to repent a raſh meaſure, which raiſed the impetuous youth above the reſtraint of reaſon and authority.

Moſt of the crimes which diſturb the internal Acceſſion of the em⯑peror Commo⯑dus. peace of ſociety, are produced by the reſtraints which the neceſſary, but unequal laws of pro⯑perty, have impoſed on the appetites of man⯑kind, by confining to a few the poſſeſſion of thoſe objects that are coveted by many. Of all our paſſions and appetites, the love of power is of the moſt imperious and unſociable nature, ſince the pride of one man requires the ſubmiſſion of [138] the multitude. In the tumult of civil diſcord, the laws of ſociety loſe their force, and their place is ſeldom ſupplied by thoſe of humanity. The ardor of contention, the pride of victory, the deſpair of ſucceſs, the memory of paſt injuries, and the fear of future dangers, all contribute to inflame the mind, and to ſilence the voice of pity. From ſuch motives almoſt every page of hiſtory has been ſtained with civil blood; but theſe motives will not account for the unprovok⯑ed cruelties of Commodus, who had nothing to wiſh, and every thing to enjoy. The beloved ſon of Marcus ſucceeded to his father, amidſt A. D. 180. the acclamations of the ſenate and armies ⁶, and when he aſcended the throne, the happy youth ſaw round him neither competitor to remove, nor enemies to puniſh. In this calm elevated ſtation, it was ſurely natural, that he ſhould prefer the love of mankind to their deteſtation, the mild glories of his five predeceſſors, to the ignomi⯑nious fate of Nero, and Domitian.

Yet Commodus was not, as he has been repre⯑ſented, Character of Com⯑modus. a tiger born with an inſatiate thirſt of human blood, and capable, from his infancy, of the moſt inhuman actions ⁷. Nature had formed him of a weak, rather than a wicked diſpoſition. His ſimplicity and timidity rendered him the ſlave of his attendants, who gradually corrupted his [139] mind. His cruelty, which at firſt obeyed the dictates of others, degenerated into habit, and at length became the ruling paſſion of his ſoul ⁸.

Upon the death of his father, Commodus He returns to Rome. found himſelf embarraſſed with the command of a great army, and the conduct of a difficult war againſt the Quadi and Marcomanni ⁹. The ſervile and profligate youths whom Marcus had baniſhed, ſoon regained their ſtation and influ⯑ence about the new emperor. They exaggerated the hardſhips and dangers of a campaign in the wild countries beyond the Danube; and they aſſured the indolent prince, that the terror of his name and the arms of his lieutenants would be ſufficient to complete the conqueſt of the diſmay⯑ed barbarians; or to impoſe ſuch conditions, as were more advantageous than any conqueſt. By a dextrous application to his ſenſual appetites, they compared the tranquillity, the ſplendour, the refined pleaſures of Rome, with the tumult of a Pannonian camp, which afforded neither leiſure nor materials for luxury ¹⁰. Commodus liſtened to the pleaſing advice; but whilſt he heſitated between his own inclination, and the awe which he ſtill retained for his father's counſellors, the ſummer inſenſibly elapſed, and his triumphal entry into the capital was deferred till the autumn. His graceful perſon ¹¹, popular addreſs, and imagined [140] virtues, attracted the public favour; the honour⯑able peace which he had recently granted to the barbarians, diffuſed an univerſal joy ¹²; his im⯑patience to reviſit Rome was fondly aſcribed to the love of his country; and his diſſolute courſe of amuſements was faintly condemned in a prince of nineteen years of age.

During the three firſt years of his reign, the forms, and even the ſpirit of the old adminiſtra⯑tion were maintained by thoſe faithful counſel⯑lors, to whom Marcus had recommended his ſon, and for whoſe wiſdom and integrity Com⯑modus ſtill entertained a reluctant eſteem. The young prince and his profligate favourites revel⯑led in all the licence of ſovereign power; but his hands were yet unſtained with blood; and he had even diſplayed a generoſity of ſentiment, which might perhaps have ripened into ſolid virtue ¹³. A fatal incident decided his fluctuating character.

One evening, as the emperor was returning to Is wound⯑ed by an aſſaſſin. the palace through a dark and narrow portico in the amphitheatre ¹⁴, an aſſaſſin, who waited his A. D. 183. paſſage, ruſhed upon him with a drawn ſword, loudly exclaiming, ‘"The ſenate ſends you this."’ The menace prevented the deed; the aſſaſſin was ſeized by the guards, and immediately revealed the authors of the conſpiracy. It had been form⯑ed, [141] not in the ſtate, but within the walls of the palace. Lucilla, the emperor's ſiſter, and widow of Lucius Verus, impatient of the ſecond rank, and jealous of the reigning empreſs, had armed the murderer againſt her brother's life. She had not ventured to communicate the black deſign to her ſecond huſband Claudius Pompeianus, a ſe⯑nator of diſtinguiſhed merit and unſhaken loy⯑alty; but among the crowd of her lovers (for ſhe imitated the manners of Fauſtina) ſhe found men of deſperate fortunes and wild ambition, who were prepared to ſerve her more violent, as well as her tender paſſions. The conſpirators experienced the rigor of juſtice, and the abandoned princeſs was puniſhed, firſt with exile, and afterwards with death ¹⁵.

But the words of the aſſaſſin ſunk deep into the Hatred and cruelty of Commo⯑dus to⯑wards the ſenate. mind of Commodus, and left an indelible im⯑preſſion of fear and hatred againſt the whole body of the ſenate. Thoſe whom he had dreaded as importunate miniſters, he now ſuſpected as ſecret enemies. The Delators, a race of men diſcou⯑raged, and almoſt extinguiſhed, under the for⯑mer reigns; again became formidable, as ſoon as they diſcovered that the emperor was deſirous of finding diſaffection and treaſon in the ſenate. That aſſembly, whom Marcus had ever conſidered as the great council of the nation, was compoſed of the moſt diſtinguiſhed of the Romans; and diſtinction of every kind ſoon became criminal. [142] The poſſeſſion of wealth ſtimulated the diligence of the informers; rigid virtue implied a tacit cenſure of the irregularities of Commodus; im⯑portant ſervices implied a dangerous ſuperiority of merit; and the friendſhip of the father always enſured the averſion of the ſon. Suſpicion was equivalent to proof. Trial to condemnation. The execution of a conſiderable ſenator was at⯑tended with the death of all who might lament or revenge his fate; and when Commodus had once taſted human blood, he became incapable of pity or remorſe.

Of theſe innocent victims of tyranny, none The Quin⯑tilian bro⯑thers. died more lamented than the two brothers of the Quintilian family, Maximus and Condianus; whoſe fraternal love has ſaved their names from oblivion, and endeared their memory to poſte⯑rity. Their ſtudies and their occupations, their purſuits and their pleaſures, were ſtill the ſame. In the enjoyment of a great eſtate, they never admitted the idea of a ſeparate intereſt; ſome fragments are now extant of a treatiſe which they compoſed in common; and in every action of life it was obſerved, that their two bodies were animated by one ſoul. The Antonines, who valued their virtues, and delighted in their uni⯑on, raiſed them, in the ſame year, to the con⯑ſulſhip: and Marcus afterwards intruſted to their joint care, the civil adminiſtration of Greece, and a great military command, in which they obtained a ſignal victory over the Germans. The [143] kind cruelty of Commodus united them in death ¹⁶.

The tyrant's rage, after having ſhed the nobleſt The mi⯑niſter Per⯑ennis. blood of the ſenate, at length recoiled on the principal inſtrument of his cruelty. Whilſt Com⯑modus was immerſed in blood and luxury, he devolved the detail of the public buſineſs on Per⯑ennis; a ſervile and ambitious miniſter, who had obtained his poſt by the murder of his pre⯑deceſſor, but who poſſeſſed a conſiderable ſhare of vigour and ability. By acts of extortion, and the forfeited eſtates of the nobles ſacrificed to his avarice, he had accumulated an immenſe trea⯑ſure. The Praetorian guards were under his im⯑mediate command; and his ſon, who already diſcovered a military genius, was at the head of the Illyrian legions. Perennis aſpired to the empire; or what, in the eyes of Commodus, amounted to the ſame crime, he was capable of aſpiring to it, had he not been prevented, ſur⯑priſed, and put to death. The fall of a miniſter A. D. 186. is a very trifling incident in the general hiſtory of the empire; but it was haſtened by an extra⯑ordinary circumſtance, which proved how much the nerves of diſcipline were already relaxed. The legions of Britain, diſcontented with the adminiſtration of Perennis, formed a deputation of fifteen hundred ſelect men, with inſtructions to march to Rome, and lay their complaints before the emperor. Theſe military petitioners, [144] by their own determined behaviour, by inflaming the diviſions of the guards, by exaggerating the ſtrength of the Britiſh army, and by alarming the fears of Commodus, exacted and obtained the miniſter's death, as the only redreſs of their grievances ¹⁷. This preſumption of a diſtant army, and their diſcovery of the weakneſs of government, was a ſure preſage of the moſt dreadful convulſions.

The negligence of the public adminiſtration Revolt of Maternus. was betrayed ſoon afterwards, by a new diſorder which aroſe from the ſmalleſt beginnings. A ſpirit of deſertion began to prevail among the troops; and the deſerters, inſtead of ſeeking their ſafety in flight or concealment, infeſted the highways. Maternus, a private ſoldier, of a daring boldneſs above his ſtation, collected theſe bands of robbers into a little army, ſet open the priſons, invited the ſlaves to aſſert their freedom, and plundered with impunity the rich and de⯑fenceleſs cities of Gaul and Spain. The gover⯑nors of the provinces, who had long been the ſpectators, and perhaps the partners, of his de⯑predations, were, at length, rouſed from their ſupine indolence by the threatening commands of the emperor. Maternus found that he was en⯑compaſſed, and foreſaw that he muſt be over⯑powered. A great effort of deſpair was his laſt reſource. He ordered his followers to diſperſe, [145] to paſs the Alps in ſmall parties and various diſ⯑guiſes, and to aſſemble at Rome, during the licentious tumult of the feſtival of Cybele ¹⁸. To murder Commodus, and to aſcend the vacant throne, was the ambition of no vulgar robber. His meaſures were ſo ably concerted, that his concealed troops already filled the ſtreets of Rome. The envy of an accomplice diſcovered and ruined this ſingular enterpriſe, in the mo⯑ment when it was ripe for execution ¹⁹.

Suſpicious princes often promote the laſt of The mini⯑ſter Clean⯑der. mankind from a vain perſuaſion, that thoſe who have no dependence, except on their favour, will have no attachment, except to the perſon of their benefactor. Cleander, the ſucceſſor of Perennis, was a Phrygian by birth; of a nation, over whoſe ſtubborn, but ſervile temper, blows only could prevail ²⁰. He had been ſent from his na⯑tive country to Rome, in the capacity of a ſlave. As a ſlave he entered the Imperial palace, ren⯑dered himſelf uſeful to his maſter's paſſions, and rapidly aſcended to the moſt exalted ſtation which a ſubject could enjoy. His influence over the mind of Commodus was much greater than that of his predeceſſor; for Cleander was devoid of [146] any ability or virtue which could inſpire the em⯑peror with envy or diſtruſt. Avarice was the reigning paſſion of his ſoul, and the great prin⯑ciple His ava⯑rice and cruelty. of his adminiſtration. The rank of Con⯑ſul, of Patrician, of Senator, was expoſed to public ſale; and it would have been conſidered as diſaffection, if any one had refuſed to pur⯑chaſe theſe empty and diſgraceful honours with the greateſt part of his fortune ²¹. In the lucra⯑tive provincial employments, the miniſter ſhared with the governor the ſpoils of the people. The execution of the laws was venal and arbi⯑trary. A wealthy criminal might obtain, not only the reverſal of the ſentence by which he was juſtly condemned; but might likewiſe inflict what⯑ever puniſhment he pleaſed on the accuſer, the witneſſes, and the judge.

By theſe means, Cleander, in the ſpace of three years, had accumulated more wealth than had ever yet been poſſeſſed by any freedman ²². Commodus was perfectly ſatisfied with the mag⯑nificent preſents which the artful courtier laid at his feet in the moſt ſeaſonable moments. To divert the public envy, Cleander, under the em⯑peror's name, erected baths, porticos, and places of exerciſe, for the uſe of the people ²³. He [147] flattered himſelf that the Romans, dazzled and amuſed by this apparent liberality, would be leſs affected by the bloody ſcenes which were daily exhibited; that they would forget the death of Byrrhus, a ſenator to whoſe ſuperior merit the late emperor had granted one of his daughters; and that they would forgive the execution of Arrius Antoninus, the laſt repreſentative of the name and virtues of the Antonines. The for⯑mer, with more integrity than prudence, had attempted to diſcloſe, to his brother-in-law, the true character of Cleander. An equitable ſen⯑tence pronounced by the latter, when Proconſul of Aſia, againſt a worthleſs creature of the fa⯑vourite, proved fatal to him ²⁴. After the fall of Perennis, the terrors of Commodus had, for a ſhort time, aſſumed the appearance of a return to virtue. He repealed the moſt odious of his acts, loaded his memory with the public execra⯑tion, and aſcribed to the pernicious counſels of that wicked miniſter, all the errors of his inex⯑perienced youth. But his repentance laſted only thirty days; and, under Cleander's tyranny, the adminiſtration of Perennis was often regretted.

Peſtilence and famine contributed to fill up the Sedition and death of Clean⯑der. meaſure of the calamities of Rome ²⁵. The firſt could be only imputed to the juſt indignation of the gods; but a monopoly of corn, ſupported by A. D. 189. the riches and power of the miniſter, was con⯑ſidered [148] as the immediate cauſe of the ſecond. The popular diſcontent, after it had long cir⯑culated in whiſpers, broke out in the aſſembled circus. The people quitted their favourite amuſe⯑ments, for the more delicious pleaſure of revenge, ruſhed in crowds towards a palace in the ſuburbs, one of the emperor's retirements, and demanded, with angry clamours, the head of the public ene⯑my. Cleander, who commanded the Praetorian guards ²⁶, ordered a body of cavalry to ſally forth, and diſperſe the ſeditious multitude. The mul⯑titude fled with precipitation towards the city; ſeveral were ſlain, and many more were trampled to death: but when the cavalry entered the ſtreets, their purſuit was checked by a ſhower of ſtones and darts from the roofs and windows of the houſes. The foot guards ²⁷, who had been long jealous of the prerogatives and inſolence of the Praetorian cavalry, embraced the party of the people. The tumult became a regular en⯑gagement, and threatened a general maſſacre. The Praetorians, at length, gave way, oppreſſed with numbers; and the tide of popular fury re⯑turned [149] with redoubled violence againſt the gates of the palace, where Commodus lay, diſſolved in luxury, and alone unconſcious of the civil war. It was death to approach his perſon with the un⯑welcome news. He would have periſhed in this ſupine ſecurity, had not two women, his elder ſiſter Fadilla, and Marcia, the moſt favoured of his concubines, ventured to break into his pre⯑ſence. Bathed in tears, and with diſhevelled hair, they threw themſelves at his feet; and with all the preſſing eloquence of fear, diſcovered to the affrighted emperor, the crimes of the miniſter, the rage of the people, and the impending ruin, which, in a few minutes, would burſt over his palace and perſon. Commodus ſtarted from his dream of pleaſure, and commanded that the head of Cleander ſhould be thrown out to the people. The deſired ſpectacle inſtantly appeaſed the tu⯑mult; and the ſon of Marcus might even yet have regained the affection and confidence of his ſubjects ²⁸.

But every ſentiment of virtue and humanity Diſſolute pleaſures of Com⯑modus. was extinct in the mind of Commodus. Whilſt he thus abandoned the reins of empire to theſe unworthy favourites, he valued nothing in ſove⯑reign power, except the unbounded licence of indulging his ſenſual appetites. His hours were ſpent in a ſeraglio of three hundred beautiful women, and as many boys, of every rank, and of every province; and, wherever the arts of ſeduction proved ineffectual, the brutal lover had [150] recourſe to violence. The ancient hiſtorians ²⁹ have expatiated on theſe abandoned ſcenes of proſtitution, which ſcorned every reſtraint of nature or modeſty; but it would not be eaſy to tranſlate their too faithful deſcriptions into the decency of modern language. The intervals of luſt were filled up with the baſeſt amuſements. The influence of a polite age, and the labour of His igno⯑rance and low ſports. an attentive education, had never been able to infuſe into his rude and brutiſh mind, the leaſt tincture of learning; and he was the firſt of the Roman emperors totally devoid of taſte for the pleaſures of the underſtanding. Nero himſelf excelled, or affected to excel, in the elegant arts of muſic and poetry; nor ſhould we deſpiſe his purſuits, had he not converted the pleaſing relax⯑ation of a leiſure hour into the ſerious buſineſs and ambition of his life. But Commodus, from his earlieſt infancy, diſcovered an averſion to what⯑ever was rational or liberal, and a fond attach⯑ment to the amuſements of the populace; the ſports of the circus and amphitheatre, the com⯑bats of gladiators, and the hunting of wild beaſts. The maſters in every branch of learning, whom Marcus provided for his ſon, were heard with inattention and diſguſt; whilſt the Moors and Parthians, who taught him to dart the javelin and to ſhoot with the bow, found a diſciple who delighted in his application, and ſoon equalled [151] the moſt ſkilful of his inſtructors, in the ſteadi⯑neſs of the eye, and the dexterity of the hand.

The ſervile crowd, whoſe fortune depended on Hunting of wild beaſts. their maſter's vices, applauded theſe ignoble pur⯑ſuits. The perfidious voice of flattery reminded him, that by exploits of the ſame nature, by the defeat of the Nemaean lion, and the ſlaughter of the wild boar of Erymanthus, the Grecian Her⯑cules had acquired a place among the gods, and an immortal memory among men. They only forgot to obſerve, that, in the firſt ages of ſo⯑ciety, when the fiercer animals often diſpute with man the poſſeſſion of an unſettled country, a ſucceſsful war againſt thoſe ſavages is one of the moſt innocent and beneficial labours of heroiſm. In the civilized ſtate of the Roman empire, the wild beaſts had long ſince retired from the face of man, and the neighbourhood of populous cities. To ſurpriſe them in their ſolitary haunts, and to tranſport them to Rome, that they might be ſlain in pomp by the hand of an emperor, was an en⯑terpriſe equally ridiculous for the prince, and oppreſſive for the people ³⁰. Ignorant of theſe diſtinctions, Commodus eagerly embraced the glorious reſemblance, and ſtiled himſelf (as we [152] ſtill read on his medals ³¹) the Roman Hercules. The club and the lion's hide were placed by the ſide of the throne, amongſt the enſigns of ſove⯑reignty; and ſtatues were erected, in which Commodus was repreſented in the character, and with the attributes, of the god, whoſe valour and dexterity he endeavoured to emulate in the daily courſe of his ferocious amuſements ³².

Elated with theſe praiſes, which gradually Commo⯑dus diſ⯑plays his ſkill in the amphithe⯑atre. extinguiſhed the innate ſenſe of ſhame, Com⯑modus reſolved to exhibit, before the eyes of the Roman people, thoſe exerciſes, which till then he had decently confined within the walls of his palace, and to the preſence of a few favourites. On the appointed day, the various motives of flattery, fear, and curioſity, attracted to the am⯑phitheatre an innumerable multitude of ſpectators; and ſome degree of applauſe was deſervedly be⯑ſtowed on the uncommon ſkill of the Imperial performer. Whether he aimed at the head or heart of the animal, the wound was alike cer⯑tain and mortal. With arrows, whoſe point was ſhaped into the form of a creſcent, Commodus often intercepted the rapid career, and cut aſun⯑der the long bony neck of the oſtrich ³³. A pan⯑ther was let looſe; and the archer waited till he had leaped upon a trembling malefactor. In the ſame inſtant the ſhaft flew, the beaſt dropt dead, and the man remained unhurt. The dens of the [153] amphitheatre diſgorged at once a hundred lions; a hundred darts from the unerring hand of Com⯑modus laid them dead as they ran raging round the Arena. Neither the huge bulk of the ele⯑phant, nor the ſcaly hide of the rhinoceros, could defend them from his ſtroke. Aethiopia and India yielded their moſt extraordinary produc⯑tions; and ſeveral animals were ſlain in the am⯑phitheatre, which had been ſeen only in the repreſentations of art, or perhaps of fancy ³⁴. In all theſe exhibitions, the ſecureſt precautions were uſed to protect the perſon of the Roman Hercules from the deſperate ſpring of any ſavage; who might poſſibly diſregard the dignity of the emperor, and the ſanctity of the god ³⁵.

But the meaneſt of the populace were affected Acts as a gladiator. with ſhame and indignation when they beheld their ſovereign enter the liſts as a gladiator, and glory in a profeſſion which the laws and manners of the Romans had branded with the juſteſt note of infamy ³⁶. He choſe the habit and arms of [154] the Secutor, whoſe combat with the Retiarius formed one of the moſt lively ſcenes in the bloody ſports of the amphitheatre. The Secutor was armed with an helmet, ſword, and buckler; his naked antagoniſt had only a large net and a trident; with the one he endeavoured to entan⯑gle, with the other to diſpatch, his enemy. If he miſſed the firſt throw, he was obliged to fly from the purſuit of the Secutor, till he had pre⯑pared his net for a ſecond caſt ³⁷. The emperor fought in this character ſeven hundred and thirty⯑five ſeveral times. Theſe glorious atchievements were carefully recorded in the public acts of the empire; and that he might omit no circumſtance of infamy, he received from the common fund of gladiators, a ſtipend ſo exorbitant, that it became a new and moſt ignominious tax upon the Roman people ³⁸. It may be eaſily ſuppoſed, that in theſe engagements the maſter of the world was always ſucceſsful: in the amphitheatre his victories were not often ſanguinary; but when he exerciſed his ſkill in the ſchool of gladiators, or his own palace, his wretched antagoniſts were frequently honoured with a mortal wound from the hand of Commodus, and obliged to ſeal their flattery with their blood ³⁹. He now diſdained His infa⯑my and extrava⯑gance. the appellation of Hercules. The name of Pau⯑lus, a celebrated Secutor, was the only one which [155] delighted his ear. It was inſcribed on his coloſſal ſtatues, and repeated in the redoubled acclama⯑tions ⁴⁰ of the mournful and applauding ſenate ⁴¹. Claudius Pompeianus, the virtuous huſband of Lucilla, was the only ſenator who aſſerted the honour of his rank. As a father, he permitted his ſons to conſult their ſafety by attending the amphitheatre. As a Roman, he declared, that his own life was in the emperor's hands, but that he would never behold the ſon of Marcus pro⯑ſtituting his perſon and dignity. Notwithſtand⯑ing his manly reſolution, Pompeianus eſcaped the reſentment of the tyrant, and, with his ho⯑nour, had the good fortune to preſerve his life ⁴².

Commodus had now attained the ſummit of vice and infamy. Amidſt the acclamations of a flattering court, he was unable to diſguiſe, from himſelf, that he had deſerved the contempt and hatred of every man of ſenſe and virtue in his empire. His ferocious ſpirit was irritated by the conſciouſneſs of that hatred, by the envy of every kind of merit, by the juſt apprehenſion of danger, and by the habit of ſlaughter, which he contracted in his daily amuſements. Hiſtory [156] has preſerved a long liſt of conſular ſenators ſa⯑crificed to his wanton ſuſpicion, which ſought out, with peculiar anxiety, thoſe unfortunate per⯑ſons Conſpira⯑cy of his domeſ⯑tics. connected, however remotely, with the fa⯑mily of the Antonines, without ſparing even the miniſters of his crimes or pleaſures ⁴³. His cruelty proved at laſt fatal to himſelf. He had ſhed with impunity the nobleſt blood of Rome: he periſhed as ſoon as he was dreaded by his own domeſtics. Marcia, his favourite concubine, Eclectus his chamberlain, and Laetus his Praetorian praefect, alarmed by the fate of their companions and predeceſſors, reſolved to prevent the deſtruction which every hour hung over their heads, either from the mad caprice of the tyrant, or the ſud⯑den indignation of the people. Marcia ſeized the occaſion of preſenting a draught of wine to her lover, after he had fatigued himſelf with hunting ſome wild beaſts. Commodus retired to ſleep; but whilſt he was labouring with the Death of Commo⯑dus. effects of poiſon and drunkenneſs, a robuſt youth, A. D. 192. 31ſt De⯑cember. by profeſſion a wreſtler, entered his chamber, and ſtrangled him without reſiſtance. The body was ſecretly conveyed out of the palace, before the leaſt ſuſpicion was entertained in the city, or even in the court, of the emperor's death. Such was the fate of the ſon of Marcus, and ſo eaſy was it to deſtroy a hated tyrant, who, by the arti⯑ficial powers of government, had oppreſſed, dur⯑ing thirteen years, ſo many millions of ſubjects, [157] each of whom was equal to their maſter in per⯑ſonal ſtrength and perſonal abilities ⁴⁴.

The meaſures of the conſpirators were con⯑ducted Choice of Pertinax for empe⯑ror. with the deliberate coolneſs and celerity which the greatneſs of the occaſion required. They reſolved inſtantly to fill the vacant throne with an emperor, whoſe character would juſtify and maintain the action that had been com⯑mitted. They fixed on Pertinax, praefect of the city, an ancient ſenator of conſular rank, whoſe conſpicuous merit had broke through the obſcu⯑rity of his birth, and raiſed him to the firſt ho⯑nours of the ſtate. He had ſucceſſively governed moſt of the provinces of the empire; and in all his great employments, military as well as civil, he had uniformly diſtinguiſhed himſelf by the firmneſs, the prudence, and the integrity of his conduct ⁴⁵ He now remained almoſt alone of [158] the friends and miniſters of Marcus; and when, at a late hour of the night, he was awakened with the news, that the chamberlain and the prae⯑fect were at his door, he received them with intrepid reſignation, and deſired they would exe⯑cute their maſter's orders. Inſtead of death, they offered him the throne of the Roman world. During ſome moments he diſtruſted their inten⯑tions and aſſurances. Convinced at length of the death of Commodus, he accepted the purple with a ſincere reluctance, the natural effect of his knowledge both of the duties and of the dan⯑gers of the ſupreme rank ⁴⁶.

Laetus conducted without delay his new em⯑peror He is ac⯑knowledge⯑ed by the Praetorian guards; to the camp of the Praetorians, diffuſing at the ſame time through the city a ſeaſonable re⯑port that Commodus died ſuddenly of an apo⯑plexty; and that the virtuous Pertinax had already ſucceeded to the throne. The guards were rather ſurpriſed than pleaſed with the ſuſpicious death of a prince, whoſe indulgence and liberality they alone had experienced; but the emergency of the occaſion, the authority of their praefect, the re⯑putation of Pertinax, and the clamours of the people, obliged them to ſtifle their ſecret diſcon⯑tents, to accept the donative promiſed of the new emperor, to ſwear allegiance to him, and with joyful acclamations and laurels in their hands to [159] conduct him to the ſenate-houſe, that the military conſent might be ratified by the civil authority.

This important night was now far ſpent; with and by the ſenate. the dawn of day, and the commencement of the A. D. 193. 1ſt Janu⯑ary. new year, the ſenators expected a ſummons to attend an ignominious ceremony. In ſpite of all remonſtrances, even of thoſe of his creatures, who yet preſerved any regard for prudence or decency, Commodus had reſolved to paſs the night in the gladiator's ſchool, and from thence to take poſſeſſion of the conſulſhip, in the habit and with the attendance of that infamous crew. On a ſudden, before the break of day, the ſenate was called together in the temple of Concord, to meet the guards, and to ratify the election of a new emperor. For a few minutes they ſat in ſilent ſuſpence, doubtful of their unexpected deliver⯑ance, and ſuſpicious of the cruel artifices of Com⯑modus; but when at length they were aſſured that the tyrant was no more, they reſigned them⯑ſelves to all the tranſports of joy and indignation. Pertinax, who modeſtly repreſented the mean⯑neſs of his extraction, and pointed out ſeveral noble ſenators more deſerving than himſelf of the empire, was conſtrained by their dutiful violence to aſcend the throne, and received all the titles of Imperial power, confirmed by the moſt ſin⯑cere vows of fidelity. The memory of Com⯑modus The me⯑mory of Commo⯑dus decla⯑red infa⯑mous. was branded with eternal infamy. The names of tyrant, of gladiator, of public enemy, reſounded in every corner of the houſe. They decreed in tumultuous votes, that his honours [160] ſhould be reverſed, his titles eraſed from the public monuments, his ſtatues thrown down, his body dragged with a hook into the ſtripping⯑room of the gladiators, to ſatiate the public fury; and they expreſſed ſome indignation againſt thoſe officious ſervants who had already preſumed to ſcreen his remains from the juſtice of the ſenate. But Pertinax could not refuſe thoſe laſt rites to the memory of Marcus, and the tears of his firſt protector Claudius Pompeianus, who lamented the cruel fate of his brother-in-law, and lamented ſtill more that he had deſerved it ⁴⁷.

Theſe effuſions of impotent rage againſt a dead Legal ju⯑riſdiction of the ſe⯑nate over the empe⯑rors. emperor, whom the ſenate had flattered when alive with the moſt abject ſervility, betrayed a juſt but ungenerous ſpirit of revenge. The le⯑gality of theſe decrees was however ſupported by the principles of the Imperial conſtitution. To cenſure, to depoſe, or to puniſh with death, the firſt magiſtrate of the republic, who had abuſed his delegated truſt, was the ancient and undoubt⯑ed prerogative of the Roman ſenate ⁴⁸; but that feeble aſſembly was obliged to content itſelf with inflicting on a fallen tyrant that public juſtice, from which, during his life and reign, he had been ſhielded by the ſtrong arm of military deſ⯑potiſm.

[161] Pertinax found a nobler way of condemning his predeceſſor's memory; by the contraſt of his own virtues, with the vices of Commodus. On Virtues of Pertinax. the day of his acceſſion, he reſigned over to his wife and ſon his whole private fortune; that they might have no pretence to ſolicit favours at the expence of the ſtate. He refuſed to flatter the vanity of the former with the title of Auguſta; or to corrupt the inexperienced youth of the lat⯑ter by the rank of Caeſar. Accurately diſtin⯑guiſhing between the duties of a parent and thoſe of a ſovereign, he educated his ſon with a ſevere ſimplicity, which, while it gave him no aſſured proſpect of the throne, might in time have rendered him worthy of it. In public, the behaviour of Pertinax was grave and affable. He lived with the virtuous part of the ſenate (and in a private ſtation, he had been acquainted with the true character of each individual), with⯑out either pride or jealouſy; conſidered them as friends and companions, with whom he had ſhar⯑ed the dangers of the tyranny, and with whom he wiſhed to enjoy the ſecurity of the preſent time. He very frequently invited them to familiar entertainments, the frugality of which was ridiculed by thoſe, who remembered and regretted the luxurious prodigality of Com⯑modus ⁴⁹.

[162] To heal, as far as it was poſſible, the wounds inflicted by the hand of tyranny, was the pleaſ⯑ing, but melancholy, taſk of Pertinax. The He endea⯑vours to reform the ſtate. innocent victims, who yet ſurvived, were recalled from exile, releaſed from priſon, and reſtored to the full poſſeſſion of their honours and fortunes. The unburied bodies of murdered ſenators (for the cruelty of Commodus endeavoured to extend itſelf beyond death) were depoſited in the ſepul⯑chres of their anceſtors; their memory was juſti⯑fied; and every conſolation was beſtowed on their ruined and afflicted families. Among theſe conſolations, one of the moſt grateful was the puniſhment of the Delators; the common ene⯑mies of their maſter, of virtue, and of their country. Yet even in the inquiſition of theſe legal aſſaſſins, Pertinax proceeded with a ſteady temper, which gave every thing to juſtice, and nothing to popular prejudice and reſentment.

The finances of the ſtate demanded the moſt His regu⯑lations, vigilant care of the emperor. Though every meaſure of injuſtice and extortion had been adopted, which could collect the property of the ſubject into the coffers of the prince; the rapa⯑ciouſneſs of Commodus had been ſo very inade⯑quate to his extravagance, that, upon his death, no more than eight thouſand pounds were found in the exhauſted treaſury ⁵⁰, to defray the cur⯑rent expences of government, and to diſcharge the preſſing demand of a liberal donative, which [163] the new emperor had been obliged to promiſe to the Praetorian guards. Yet under theſe diſ⯑treſſed circumſtances, Pertinax had the generous firmneſs to remit all the oppreſſive taxes invented by Commodus, and to cancel all the unjuſt claims of the treaſury; declaring, in a decree of the ſenate, ‘that he was better ſatisfied to adminiſter a poor republic with innocence, than to ac⯑quire riches by the ways of tyranny and diſ⯑honour.’ Oeconomy and induſtry he con⯑ſidered as the pure and genuine ſources of wealth; and from them he ſoon derived a copious ſupply for the public neceſſities. The expence of the houſehold was immediately reduced to one half. All the inſtruments of luxury, Pertinax expoſed to public auction ⁵¹, gold and ſilver plate, cha⯑riots of a ſingular conſtruction, a ſuperfluous wardrobe of ſilk and embroidery, and a great number of beautiful ſlaves of both ſexes; except⯑ing only, with attentive humanity, thoſe who were born in a ſtate of freedom, and had been raviſhed from the arms of their weeping parents. At the ſame time that he obliged the worthleſs favourites of the tyrant to reſign a part of their ill-gotten wealth, he ſatisfied the juſt creditors of the ſtate, and unexpectedly diſcharged the long arrears of honeſt ſervices. He removed the op⯑preſſive reſtrictions which had been laid upon commerce, and granted all the uncultivated [164] lands in Italy and the provinces, to thoſe who would improve them; with an exemption from tribute, during the term of ten years ⁵².

Such an uniform conduct had already ſecured and popu⯑larity. to Pertinax the nobleſt reward of a ſovereign, the love and eſteem of his people. Thoſe who remembered the virtues of Marcus were happy to contemplate in their new emperor the fea⯑tures of that bright original; and flattered them⯑ſelves, that they ſhould long enjoy the benign influence of his adminiſtration. A haſty zeal to reform the corrupted ſtate, accompanied with leſs prudence than might have been expected from the years and experience of Pertinax, proved fatal to himſelf and to his country. His honeſt indiſcretion united againſt him the ſervile crowd, who found their private benefit in the public diſ⯑orders, and who preferred the favour of a tyrant to the inexorable equality of the laws ⁵³.

Amidſt the general joy, the ſullen and angry Diſcontent of the Prae⯑torians. countenance of the Praetorian guards betrayed their inward diſſatisfaction. They had reluc⯑tantly ſubmitted to Pertinax; they dreaded the ſtrictneſs of the ancient diſcipline, which he was preparing to reſtore; and they regretted the licence of the former reign. Their diſcontents were ſecretly ſomented by Laetus their praefect, who found, when it was too late, that his new emperor would reward a ſervant, but would not [165] be ruled by a favourite. On the third day of his reign the ſoldiers ſeized on a noble ſenator, with a deſign to carry him to the camp, and to inveſt him with the Imperial purple. Inſtead of being dazzled by the dangerous honour, the affrighted victim eſcaped from their violence, and took re⯑fuge at the feet of Pertinax. A ſhort time after⯑wards A conſpi⯑racy pre⯑vented. Soſius Falco, one of the conſuls of the year, a raſh youth ⁵⁴, but of an ancient and opu⯑lent family, liſtened to the voice of ambition; and a conſpiracy was formed during a ſhort ab⯑ſence of Pertinax, which was cruſhed by his ſud⯑den return to Rome, and his reſolute behaviour. Falco was on the point of being juſtly condemned to death as a public enemy, had he not been ſaved by the earneſt and ſincere entreaties of the injured emperor; who conjured the ſenate, that the purity of his reign might not be ſtained by the blood even of a guilty ſenator.

Theſe diſappointments ſerved only to irritate Murder of Pertinax by the Praetori⯑ans. the rage of the Praetorian guards. On the twenty-eighth of March, eighty-ſix days only after the death of Commodus, a general ſedition A. D. 193. March 28th. broke out in the camp, which the officers wanted either power or inclination to ſuppreſs. Two or three hundred of the moſt deſperate ſoldiers march⯑ed at noon-day, with arms in their hands and fury in their looks, towards the Imperial palace. The gates were thrown open by their companions upon [166] guard; and by the domeſtics of the old court, who had already formed a ſecret conſpiracy againſt the life of the too virtuous emperor. On the news of their approach, Pertinax, diſdaining either flight or concealment, advanced to meet his aſſaſſins; and recalled to their minds his own innocence, and the ſanctity of their recent oath. For a few moments they ſtood in ſilent ſuſpenſe, aſhamed of their atrocious deſign, and awed by the venerable aſpect and majeſtic firmneſs of their ſovereign, till at length the deſpair of pardon reviving their fury, a barbarian of the country of Tongres ⁵⁵ levelled the firſt blow againſt Per⯑tinax, who was inſtantly diſpatched with a multitude of wounds. His head ſeparated from his body, and placed on a lance, was carried in tri⯑umph to the Praetorian camp, in the ſight of a mournful and indignant people, who lamented the unworthy fate of that excellent prince, and the tranſient bleſſings of a reign, the memory of which could ſerve only to aggravate their ap⯑proaching misfortunes ⁵⁶.

CHAP. V. Public Sale of the Empire to Didius Julianus by the Praetorian Guards.—Clodius Albinus in Britain, Peſcennius Niger in Syria, and Septimius Severus in Pannonia, declare againſt the Murderers of Pertinax.—Civil Wars and Victory of Severus over his three Rivals.—Relaxation of Diſcipline.—New Maxims of Government.

THE power of the ſword is more ſenſibly felt in an extenſive monarchy, than in a ſmall community. It has been calculated by the Proportion of the mi⯑litary force, to the num⯑ber of the people. ableſt politicians, that no ſtate, without being ſoon exhauſted, can maintain above the hun⯑dredth part of its members in arms and idleneſs. But although this relative proportion may be uniform, the influence of the army over the reſt of the ſociety will vary according to the degree of its poſitive ſtrength. The advantages of mi⯑litary ſcience and diſcipline cannot be exerted, unleſs a proper number of ſoldiers are united into one body, and actuated by one ſoul. With a handful of men, ſuch an union would be ineffec⯑tual; with an unwieldy hoſt, it would be im⯑practicable; and the powers of the machine would be alike deſtroyed by the extreme mi⯑nuteneſs, or the exceſſive weight, of its ſprings. To illuſtrate this obſervation we need only reflect, that there is no ſuperiority of natural ſtrength, artificial weapons, or acquired ſkill, which could [168] enable one man to keep in conſtant ſubjection one hundred of his fellow-creatures: the tyrant of a ſingle town, or a ſmall diſtrict, would ſoon diſcover that an hundred armed followers were a weak defence againſt ten thouſand peaſants or citi⯑zens; but an hundred thouſand well-diſciplined ſoldiers will command, with deſpotic ſway, ten millions of ſubjects; and a body of ten or fifteen thouſand guards will ſtrike terror into the moſt numerous populace that ever crowded the ſtreets of an immenſe capital.

The Praetorian bands, whoſe licentious fury The Praetorian guards. was the firſt ſymptom and cauſe of the decline of the Roman empire, ſcarcely amounted to the laſt mentioned number ¹. They derived their inſti⯑tution Their in⯑ſtitution. from Auguſtus. That crafty tyrant, ſen⯑ſible that laws might colour, but that arms alone could maintain, his uſurped dominion, had gradually formed this powerful body of guards in conſtant readineſs to protect his perſon, to awe the ſenate, and either to prevent or to cruſh the firſt motions of rebellion. He diſtinguiſhed theſe favoured troops by a double pay, and ſu⯑perior privileges; but, as their formidable aſpect would at once have alarmed and irritated the Roman people, three cohorts only were ſtationed in the capital; whilſt the remainder was diſ⯑perſed [169] in the adjacent towns of Italy ². But after fifty years of peace and ſervitude, Tiberius ventured on a deciſive meaſure, which for ever Their camp. rivetted the fetters of his country. Under the fair pretences of relieving Italy from the heavy burthen of military quarters, and of introdu⯑cing a ſtricter diſcipline among the guards, he aſſembled them at Rome, in a permanent camp ³, which was fortified with ſkilful care ⁴, and placed on a commanding ſituation ⁵.

Such formidable ſervants are always neceſſary, Their ſtrength and con⯑fidence. but often fatal to the throne of deſpotiſm. By thus introducing the Praetorian guards as it were into the palace and the ſenate, the emperors taught them to perceive their own ſtrength, and the weakneſs of the civil government; to view the vices of their maſters with familiar contempt, and to lay aſide that reverential awe, which diſ⯑tance only, and myſtery, can preſerve, towards an imaginary power. In the luxurious idleneſs of an opulent city, their pride was nouriſhed by the ſenſe of their irreſiſtible weight; nor was it poſſible to conceal from them, that the perſon of the ſovereign, the authority of the ſenate, the public treaſure, and the ſeat of empire, were all [170] in their hands. To divert the Praetorian bands from theſe dangerous reflections, the firmeſt and beſt eſtabliſhed princes were obliged to mix blan⯑diſhments with commands, rewards with puniſh⯑ments, to flatter their pride, indulge their plea⯑ſures, connive at their irregularities, and to pur⯑chaſe their precarious faith by a liberal donative; which, ſince the elevation of Claudius, was ex⯑acted as a legal claim, on the acceſſion of every new emperor ⁶.

The advocates of the guards endeavoured to Their ſpe⯑cious claims. juſtify by arguments, the power which they aſ⯑ſerted by arms; and to maintain that, accord⯑ing to the pureſt principles of the conſtitution, their conſent was eſſentially neceſſary in the ap⯑pointment of an emperor. The election of con⯑ſuls, of generals, and of magiſtrates, however it had been recently uſurped by the ſenate, was the ancient and undoubted right of the Roman peo⯑ple ⁷. But where was the Roman people to be found? Not ſurely amongſt the mixed multitude of ſlaves and ſtrangers that filled the ſtreets of Rome; a ſervile populace, as devoit of ſpirit as deſtitute of property. The defenders of the ſtate, [171] ſelected from the flower of the Italian youth ⁸, and trained in the exerciſe of arms and virtue, were the genuine repreſentatives of the people, and the beſt entitled to elect the military chief of the republic. Theſe aſſertions, however defec⯑tive in reaſon, became unanſwerable, when the fierce Praetorians increaſed their weight, by throwing, like the barbarian conqueror of Rome, their ſwords into the ſcale ⁹.

The Praetorians had violated the ſanctity of They offer the empire to ſale. the throne, by the atrocious murder of Pertinax; they diſhonoured the majeſty of it, by their ſub⯑ſequent conduct. The camp was without a leader, for even the praefect Laetus, who had excited the tempeſt, prudently declined the public indigna⯑tion. Amidſt the wild diſorder Sulpicianus, the emperor's father-in-law, and governor of the city, who had been ſent to the camp on the firſt alarm of mutiny, was endeavouring to calm the fury of the multitude, when he was ſilenced by the clamorous return of the murderers, bearing on a lance the head of Pertinax. Though hiſ⯑tory has accuſtomed us to obſerve every principle and every paſſion yielding to the imperious dic⯑tates of ambition, it is ſcarcely credible that, in theſe moments of horror, Sulpicianus ſhould have aſpired to aſcend a throne polluted with the [172] recent blood of ſo near a relation, and ſo excel⯑lent a prince. He had already begun to uſe the only effectual argument, and to treat for the Imperial dignity; but the more prudent of the Praetorians, apprehenſive that, in this private contract, they ſhould not obtain a juſt price for ſo valuable a commodity, ran out upon the ram⯑parts; and, with a loud voice, proclaimed that the Roman world was to be diſpoſed of to the beſt bidder by public auction ¹⁰.

This infamous offer, the moſt inſolent exceſs It is pur⯑chaſed by Julian, of military licence, diffuſed an univerſal grief, ſhame, and indignation throughout the city. It A. D. 193. March 28th. reached at length the ears of Didius Julianus, a wealthy ſenator, who, regardleſs of the public calamities, was indulging himſelf in the luxury of the table ¹¹. His wife and his daughter, his freedmen and his paraſites, eaſily convinced him that he deſerved the throne, and earneſtly con⯑jured him to embrace ſo fortunate an oppor⯑tunity. The vain old man haſtened to the Prae⯑torian camp, where Sulpicianus was ſtill in treaty with the guards; and began to bid againſt him from the foot of the rampart. The unworthy negociation was tranſacted by faithful emiſſaries, who paſſed alternately from one candidate to the other, and acquainted each of them with the [173] offers of his rival. Sulpicianus had already pro⯑miſed a donative of five thouſand drachms (above one hundred and ſixty pounds) to each ſoldier; when Julian, eager for the prize, roſe at once to the ſum of ſix thouſand two hundred and fifty drachms, or upwards of two hundred pounds ſterling. The gates of the camp were inſtantly thrown open to the purchaſer; he was declared emperor, and received an oath of allegiance from the ſoldiers, who retained humanity enough to ſtipulate that he ſhould pardon and forget the competition of Sulpicianus.

It was now incumbent on the Praetorians to Julian is acknow⯑ledged by the ſenate. fulfil the conditions of the ſale. They placed their new ſovereign, whom they ſerved and de⯑ſpiſed, in the centre of their ranks, ſurrounded him on every ſide with their ſhields, and con⯑ducted him in cloſe order of battle through the deſerted ſtreets of the city. The ſenate was com⯑manded to aſſemble; and thoſe who had been the diſtinguiſhed friends of Pertinax, or the per⯑ſonal enemies of Julian, found it neceſſary to affect a more than common ſhare of ſatisfaction at this happy revolution ¹². After Julian had filled the ſenate-houſe with armed ſoldiers, he expatiated on the freedom of his election, his own eminent virtues, and his full aſſurance of the affections of the ſenate. The obſequious aſſem⯑bly congratulated their own and the public feli⯑city; engaged their allegiance, and conferred on him all the ſeveral branches of the Imperial [174] power ¹³. From the ſenate Julian was conducted, by the ſame military proceſſion, to take poſſeſ⯑ſion of the palace. The firſt objects that ſtruck Takes poſ⯑ſeſſion of the palace. his eyes, were the abandoned trunk of Pertinax, and the frugal entertainment prepared for his ſupper. The one he viewed with indifference; the other with contempt. A magnificent feaſt was prepared by his order, and he amuſed him⯑ſelf till a very late hour, with dice, and the per⯑formances of Pylades, a celebrated dancer. Yet it was obſerved, that after the crowd of flatterers diſperſed, and left him to darkneſs, ſolitude, and terrible reflection, he paſſed a ſleepleſs night; revolving moſt probably in his mind his own raſh folly, the fate of his virtuous predeceſſor, and the doubtful and dangerous tenure of an empire, which had not been acquired by merit, but purchaſed by money ¹⁴.

He had reaſon to tremble. On the throne of The pub⯑lic diſcon⯑tent. the world he found himſelf without a friend, and even without an adherent. The guards them⯑ſelves were aſhamed of the prince whom their avarice had perſuaded them to accept; nor was there a citizen who did not conſider his elevation with horror, as the laſt inſult on the Roman name. The nobility, whoſe conſpicuous ſtation and ample poſſeſſions exacted the ſtricteſt caution, diſſembled their ſentiments, and met the affect⯑ed [175] civility of the emperor with ſmiles of com⯑placency, and profeſſions of duty. But the peo⯑ple, ſecure in their numbers and obſcurity, gave a free vent to their paſſions. The ſtreets and public places of Rome reſounded with clamours and imprecations. The enraged multitude af⯑fronted the perſon of Julian, rejected his libera⯑lity, and conſcious of the impotence of their own reſentment, they called aloud on the legions of the frontiers to aſſert the violated majeſty of the Roman empire.

The public diſcontent was ſoon diffuſed from The ar⯑mies of Britain, Syria, and Pannonia declare a⯑gainſt Ju⯑lian. the centre to the frontiers of the empire. The armies of Britain, of Syria, and of Illyricum, lamented the death of Pertinax, in whoſe com⯑pany, or under whoſe command, they had ſo often fought and conquered. They received with ſurpriſe, with indignation, and perhaps with envy, the extraordinary intelligence, that the Praetorians had diſpoſed of the empire by public auction; and they ſternly refuſed to ratify the ignominious bargain. Their immediate and una⯑nimous revolt was fatal to Julian, but it was fatal at the ſame time to the public peace; as the generals of the reſpective armies, Clodius Albinus, Peſcennius Niger, and Septimius Se⯑verus, were ſtill more anxious to ſucceed than to revenge the murdered Pertinax. Their forces were exactly balanced. Each of them was at the head of three legions ¹⁵, with a numerous train of auxiliaries; and however different in their [176] characters, they were all ſoldiers of experience and capacity.

Clodius Albinus, governor of Britain, ſur⯑paſſed Clodius Albinus in Britain. both his competitors in the nobility of his extraction, which he derived from ſome of the moſt illuſtrious names of the old republic ¹⁶. But the branch from whence he claimed his deſcent, was ſunk into mean circumſtances, and tranſplanted into a remote province. It is dif⯑ficult to form a juſt idea of his true character. Under the philoſophic cloak of auſterity, he ſtands accuſed of concealing moſt of the vices which degrade human nature ¹⁷. But his accuſers are thoſe venal writers who adored the fortune of Severus, and trampled on the aſhes of an un⯑ſucceſsful rival. Virtue, or the appearances of virtue, recommended Albinus to the confidence and good opinion of Marcus; and his preſerving with the ſon the ſame intereſt which he had ac⯑quired with the father, is a proof at leaſt that he was poſſeſſed of a very flexible diſpoſition. The favour of a tyrant does not always ſuppoſe a want of merit in the object of it; he may, without intending it, reward a man of worth and ability, or he may find ſuch a man uſeful to his own ſervice. It does not appear that Albinus ſerved the ſon of Marcus, either as the miniſter of his cruelties, or even as the aſſociate of his pleaſures. [177] He was employed in a diſtant honourable com⯑mand, when he received a confidential letter from the emperor, acquainting him of the trea⯑ſonable deſigns of ſome diſcontented generals, and authorizing him to declare himſelf the guar⯑dian and ſucceſſor of the throne, by aſſuming the title and enſigns of Caeſar ¹⁸. The governor of Britain wiſely declined the dangerous honour, which would have marked him for the jealouſy, or involved him in the approaching ruin, of Commodus. He courted power by nobler, or, at leaſt, by more ſpecious arts. On a premature report of the death of the emperor, he aſſembled his troops; and, in an eloquent diſcourſe, de⯑plored the inevitable miſchiefs of deſpotiſm, deſcribed the happineſs and glory which their anceſtors had enjoyed under the conſular govern⯑ment, and declared his firm reſolution to rein⯑ſtate the ſenate and people in their legal autho⯑rity. This popular harangue was anſwered by the loud acclamations of the Britiſh legions, and received at Rome with a ſecret murmur of ap⯑plauſe. Safe in the poſſeſſion of this little world, and in the command of an army leſs diſtinguiſh⯑ed indeed for diſcipline than for numbers and valour ¹⁹, Albinus braved the menaces of Com⯑modus, maintained towards Pertinax a ſtately ambiguous reſerve, and inſtantly declared againſt [178] the uſurpation of Julian. The convulſions of the capital added new weight to his ſentiments, or rather to his profeſſions of patriotiſm. A regard to decency induced him to decline the lofty titles of Auguſtus and Emperor; and he imitated per⯑haps the example of Galba, who, on a ſimilar occaſion, had ſtyled himſelf the Lieutenant of the ſenate and people ²⁰.

Perſonal merit alone had raiſed Peſcennius Peſcennius Niger in Syria. Niger from an obſcure birth and ſtation, to the government of Syria; a lucrative and important command, which in times of civil confuſion gave him a near proſpect of the throne. Yet his parts ſeem to have been better ſuited to the ſe⯑cond than to the firſt rank; he was an unequal rival, though he might have approved himſelf an excellent lieutenant, to Severus, who afterwards diſplayed the greatneſs of his mind by adopting ſeveral uſeful inſtitutions from a vanquiſhed ene⯑my ²¹. In his government, Niger acquired the eſteem of the ſoldiers, and the love of the pro⯑vincials. His rigid diſcipline fortified the valour and confirmed the obedience of the former, whilſt the voluptuous Syrians were leſs delighted with the mild firmneſs of his adminiſtration, than with the affability of his manners, and the apparent pleaſure with which he attended their frequent and pompous feſtivals ²². As ſoon as the intel⯑ligence [179] of the atrocious murder of Pertinax had reached Antioch, the wiſhes of Aſia invited Ni⯑ger to aſſume the Imperial purple and revenge his death. The legions of the eaſtern frontier embraced his cauſe; the opulent but unarmed provinces from the frontiers of Aethiopia ²³ to the Hadriatic, cheerfully ſubmitted to his power; and the kings beyond the Tigris and the Eu⯑phrates congratulated his election, and offered him their homage and ſervices. The mind of Niger was not capable of receiving this ſudden tide of fortune; he flattered himſelf that his ac⯑ceſſion would be undiſturbed by competition, and unſtained by civil blood; and whilſt he enjoyed the vain pomp of triumph, he neglected to ſecure the means of victory. Inſtead of entering into an effectual negociation with the powerful armies of the weſt, whoſe reſolution might decide, or at leaſt muſt balance, the mighty conteſt; in⯑ſtead of advancing without delay towards Rome and Italy, where his preſence was impatiently expected ²⁴, Niger trifled away in the luxury of Antioch thoſe irretrievable moments which were diligently improved by the deciſive activity of Severus ²⁵.

[180] The country of Pannonia and Dalmatia, which occupied the ſpace between the Danube and the Hadriatic, was one of the laſt and moſt difficult Pannonia and Dal⯑matia. conqueſts of the Romans. In the defence of na⯑tional freedom, two hundred thouſand of theſe barbarians had once appeared in the field, alarm⯑ed the declining age of Auguſtus, and exerciſed the vigilant prudence of Tiberius at the head of the collected force of the empire ²⁶. The Pan⯑nonians yielded at length to the arms and inſti⯑tutions of Rome. Their recent ſubjection, how⯑ever, the neighbourhood, and even the mixture, of the unconquered tribes, and perhaps the cli⯑mate, adapted, as it has been obſerved, to the production of great bodies and ſlow minds ²⁷, all contributed to preſerve ſome remains of their original ferocity, and under the tame and uniform countenance of Roman provincials, the hardy features of the natives were ſtill to be diſcerned. Their warlike youth afforded an inexhauſtible ſupply of recruits to the legions ſtationed on the banks of the Danube, and which, from a per⯑petual warfare againſt the Germans and Sarma⯑tians, were deſervedly eſteemed the beſt troops in the ſervice.

The Pannonian army was at this time com⯑manded Septimius Severus by Septimius Severus, a native of Africa, who, in the gradual aſcent of private honours, had concealed his daring ambition, which was [181] never diverted from its ſteady courſe by the al⯑lurements of pleaſure, the apprehenſion of dan⯑ger, or the feelings of humanity ²⁸. On the firſt news of the murder of Pertinax, he aſſembled his troops, painted in the moſt lively colours the crime, the inſolence, and the weakneſs of the Praetorian guards, and animated the legions to arms and to revenge. He concluded (and the peroration was thought extremely eloquent) with promiſing every ſoldier about four hundred pounds; an honourable donative, double in value to the infamous bribe with which Julian had purchaſed the empire ²⁹. The acclamations of declared emperor by the Pan⯑nonian le⯑gions. the army immediately ſaluted Severus with the names of Auguſtus; Pertinax, and Emperor; and he thus attained the lofty ſtation to which A. D. 193. April 13th. he was invited, by conſcious merit and a long train of dreams and omens, the fruitful offspring either of his ſuperſtition or policy ³⁰.

The new candidate for empire ſaw and im⯑proved the peculiar advantage of his ſituation. His province extended to the Julian Alps, which [182] gave an eaſy acceſs into Italy; and he remem⯑bered the ſaying of Auguſtus, That a Pannonian army might in ten days appear in ſight of Rome ³¹. By a celerity proportioned to the greatneſs of Marches into Italy. the occaſion, he might reaſonably hope to re⯑venge Pertinax, puniſh Julian, and receive the homage of the ſenate and people, as their law⯑ful emperor, before his competitors, ſeparated from Italy by an immenſe tract of ſea and land, were apprized of his ſucceſs, or even of his elec⯑tion. During the whole expedition he ſcarcely allowed himſelf any moments for ſleep or food; marching on foot, and in complete armour, at the head of his columns, he inſinuated himſelf into the confidence and affection of his troops, preſſed their diligence, revived their ſpirits, ani⯑mated their hopes, and was well ſatisfied to ſhare the hardſhips of the meaneſt ſoldier, whilſt he kept in view the infinite ſuperiority of his reward.

The wretched Julian had expected, and thought Advances towards Rome. himſelf prepared, to diſpute the empire with the governor of Syria; but in the invincible and rapid approach of the Pannonian legions, he ſaw his inevitable ruin. The haſty arrival of every meſ⯑ſenger increaſed his juſt apprehenſions. He was ſucceſſively informed, that Severus had paſſed the Alps; that the Italian cities, unwilling or unable to oppoſe his progreſs, had received him with the warmeſt profeſſions of joy and duty; that the [183] important place of Ravenna had ſurrendered without reſiſtance, and that the Hadriatic fleet was in the hands of the conqueror. The enemy was now within two hundred and fifty miles of Rome; and every moment diminiſhed the nar⯑row ſpan of life and empire allotted to Julian.

He attempted, however, to prevent, or at leaſt Diſtreſs of Julian. to protract, his ruin. He implored the venal faith of the Praetorians, filled the city with una⯑vailing preparations for war, drew lines round the ſuburbs, and even ſtrengthened the fortifica⯑tions of the palace; as if thoſe laſt intrenchments could be defended without hope of relief againſt a victorious invader. Fear and ſhame prevented the guards from deſerting his ſtandard; but they trembled at the name of the Pannonian legions, commanded by an experienced general, and ac⯑cuſtomed to vanquiſh the barbarians on the frozen Danube ³². They quitted, with a ſigh, the plea⯑ſures of the baths and theatres, to put on arms, whoſe uſe they had almoſt forgotten, and beneath the weight of which they were oppreſſed. The unpractiſed elephants, whoſe uncouth appearance, it was hoped, would ſtrike terror into the army of the north, threw their unſkilful riders; and the awkward evolutions of the marines, drawn from the fleet of Miſenum, were an object of ri⯑dicule to the populace; whilſt the ſenate enjoyed, [184] with ſecret pleaſure, the diſtreſs and weakneſs of the uſurper ³³.

Every motion of Julian betrayed his trembling His uncer⯑tain con⯑duct. perplexity. He inſiſted that Severus ſhould be declared a public enemy by the ſenate. He in⯑treated that the Pannonian general might be aſ⯑ſociated to the empire. He ſent public ambaſſa⯑dors of conſular rank to negociate with his rival; he diſpatched private aſſaſſins to take away his life. He deſigned that the Veſtal virgins, and all the colleges of prieſts, in their ſacerdotal ha⯑bits, and bearing before them the ſacred pledges of the Roman religion, ſhould advance, in ſolemn proceſſion, to meet the Pannonian legions; and, at the ſame time, he vainly tried to interrogate, or to appeaſe, the fates, by magic ceremonies, and unlawful ſacrifices ³⁴.

Severus, who dreaded neither his arms nor his Is deſerted by the Prae⯑torians. enchantments, guarded himſelf from the only danger of ſecret conſpiracy, by the faithful at⯑tendance of ſix hundred choſen men, who never quitted his perſon or their cuiraſſes, either by night or by day, during the whole march. Ad⯑vancing with a ſteady and rapid courſe, he paſſed, without difficulty, the defiles of the Appennine, received into his party the troops and ambaſſa⯑dors ſent to retard his progreſs, and made a ſhort halt at Interamnia, about ſeventy miles from [185] Rome. His victory was already ſecure; but the deſpair of the Praetorians might have rendered it bloody; and Severus had the laudable ambition of aſcending the throne without drawing the ſword ³⁵. His emiſſaries, diſperſed in the capital, aſſured the guards, that provided they would abandon their worthleſs prince, and the perpe⯑trators of the murder of Pertinax, to the juſtice of the conqueror, he would no longer conſider that melancholy event as the act of the whole body. The faithleſs Praetorians, whoſe reſiſtance was ſupported only by ſullen obſtinacy, gladly complied with the eaſy conditions, ſeized the greateſt part of the aſſaſſins, and ſignified to the ſenate, that they no longer defended the cauſe of Julian. That aſſembly, convoked by the conſul, unanimouſly acknowledged Severus as lawful emperor, decreed divine honours to Pertinax, and pronounced a ſentence of depoſition and and con⯑demned and exe⯑cuted by order of the ſenate, death againſt his unfortunate ſucceſſor. Julian was conducted into a private apartment of the baths of the palace, and beheaded as a common criminal, after having purchaſed, with an im⯑menſe A. D. 193. June 2. treaſure, an anxious and precarious reign of only ſixty-ſix days ³⁶. The almoſt incredible expedition of Severus, who, in ſo ſhort a ſpace of time, conducted a numerous army from the banks of the Danube to thoſe of the Tyber, [186] proves at once the plenty of proviſions produced by agriculture and commerce, the goodneſs of the roads, the diſcipline of the legions, and the indolent ſubdued temper of the provinces ³⁷.

The firſt cares of Severus were beſtowed on Diſgrace of the Prae⯑torian guards. two meaſures, the one dictated by policy, the other by decency; the revenge, and the honours, due to the memory of Pertinax. Before the new emperor entered Rome, he iſſued his commands to the Praetorian guards, directing them to wait his arrival on a large plain near the city, without arms, but in the habits of ceremony, in which they were accuſtomed to attend their ſovereign. He was obeyed by thoſe haughty troops, whoſe contrition was the effect of their juſt terrors. A choſen part, of the Illyrian army encompaſſed them with levelled ſpears. Incapable of flight or reſiſtance, they expected their fate in ſilent conſternation. Severus mounted the tribunal, ſternly reproached them with perfidy and cowar⯑dice, diſmiſſed them with ignominy from the truſt which they had betrayed, deſpoiled them of their ſplendid ornaments, and baniſhed them, on pain of death, to the diſtance of an hundred miles from the capital. During the tranſaction, an⯑other [187] detachment had been ſent to ſeize their arms, occupy their camp, and prevent the haſty conſequences of their deſpair ³⁸.

The funeral and conſecration of Pertinax was Funeral and apo⯑theoſis of Pertinax. next ſolemnized with every circumſtances of ſad magnificence ³⁹. The ſenate, with a melancholy pleaſure, performed the laſt rites to that excellent prince, whom they had loved, and ſtill regretted. The concern of his ſucceſſor was probably leſs ſincere. He eſteemed the virtues of Pertinax, but thoſe virtues would for ever have confined his ambition to a private ſtation. Severus pro⯑nounced his funeral oration with ſtudied elo⯑quence, inward ſatisfaction, and well-acted ſor⯑row; and by this pious regard to his memory, convinced the credulous multitude that he alone was worthy to ſupply his place. Senſible, how⯑ever, that arms, not ceremonies, muſt aſſert his claim to the empire, he left Rome at the end of thirty days, and, without ſuffering himſelf to be elated by this eaſy victory, prepared to encounter his more formidable rivals.

The uncommon abilities and fortune of Se⯑verus Succeſs of Severus againſt Ni⯑ger, and againſt Albinus. have induced an elegant hiſtorian to com⯑pare him with the firſt and greateſt of the Caeſars ⁴⁰. The parallel is, at leaſt, imperfect. Where ſhall we find, in the character of Severus, the commanding ſuperiority of ſoul, the generous clemency, and the various genius, which could [188] reconcile and unite the love of pleaſure, the thirſt of knowledge, and the fire of ambition ⁴¹? In one inſtance only, they may be compared, with ſome degree of propriety, in the celerity of their motions, and their civil victories. In leſs than four years ⁴², Severus ſubdued the riches of the eaſt, and the valour of the weſt. He vanquiſhed A. D. 193—197. two competitors of reputation and ability, and defeated numerous armies, provided with wea⯑pons and diſcipline equal to his own. In that age, the art of fortification, and the principles of tactics, were well underſtood by all the Roman generals; and the conſtant ſuperiority of Severus was that of an artiſt, who uſes the ſame inſtru⯑ments with more ſkill and induſtry than his rivals. I ſhall not, however, enter into a minute narra⯑tive of theſe military operations; but as the two civil wars againſt Niger and againſt Albinus, were almoſt the ſame in their conduct, event, and conſequences, I ſhall collect into one point of view, the moſt ſtriking circumſtances, tending to develope the character of the conqueror, and the ſtate of the empire.

Falſehood and inſincerity, unſuitable as they ſeem to the dignity of public tranſactions, offend Conduct of the two civil wars. [189] us with a leſs degrading idea of meanneſs, than when they are found in the intercourſe of private life. In the latter, they diſcover a want of cou⯑rage; in the other, only a defect of power: and, as it is impoſſible for the moſt able ſtateſman to ſubdue millions of followers and enemies by their own perſonal ſtrength, the world, under the name of policy, ſeems to have granted them a very li⯑beral indulgence of craft and diſſimulation. Yet Arts of Severus the arts of Severus cannot be juſtified by the moſt ample privileges of ſtate reaſon. He promiſed only to betray, he flattered only to ruin; and however he might occaſionally bind himſelf by oaths and treaties, his conſcience, obſequious to his intereſt, always releaſed him from the incon⯑venient obligation ⁴³.

If his two competitors, reconciled by their towards Niger; common danger, had advanced upon him with⯑out delay, perhaps Severus would have ſunk un⯑der their united effort. Had they even attacked him, at the ſame time, with ſeparate views and ſeparate armies, the conteſt might have been long and doubtful. But they fell, ſingly and ſucceſ⯑ſively, an eaſy prey to the arts as well as arms of their ſubtle enemy, lulled into ſecurity by the moderation of his profeſſions, and overwhelmed by the rapidity of his action. He firſt marched againſt Niger, whoſe reputation and power he the moſt dreaded: but he declined any hoſtile declarations, ſuppreſſed the name of his antago⯑niſt, and only ſignified to the ſenate and people, [190] his intention of regulating the eaſtern provinces. In private he ſpoke of Niger, his old friend and intended ſucceſſor ⁴⁴, with the moſt affectionate regard, and highly applauded his generous deſign of revenging the murder of Pertinax. To puniſh the vile uſurper of the throne, was the duty of every Roman general. To perſevere in arms, and to reſiſt a lawful emperor, acknowledged by the ſenate, would alone render him criminal ⁴⁵. The ſons of Niger had fallen into his hands among the children of the provincial governors, detained at Rome as pledges for the loyalty of their parents ⁴⁶. As long as the power of Niger inſpired terror, or even reſpect, they were edu⯑cated with the moſt tender care, with the chil⯑dren of Severus himſelf; but they were ſoon in⯑volved in their father's ruin, and removed, firſt by exile, and afterwards by death, from the eye of public compaſſion ⁴⁷.

Whilſt Severus was engaged in his eaſtern war, towards Albinus. he had reaſon to apprehend that the governor of Britain might paſs the ſea and the Alps, occupy the vacant ſeat of empire, and oppoſe his return [191] with the authority of the ſenate and the forces of the weſt. The ambiguous conduct of Albinus, in not aſſuming the Imperial title, left room for negotiation. Forgetting, at once, his profeſſions of patriotiſm, and the jealouſy of ſovereign power, he accepted the precarious rank of Caeſar, as a reward for his fatal neutrality. Till the firſt conteſt was decided, Severus treated the man, whom he had doomed to deſtruction, with every mark of eſteem and regard. Even in the letter, in which he announced his victory over Niger, he ſtyles Albinus the brother of his ſoul and em⯑pire, ſends him the affectionate ſalutations of his wife Julia, and his young family, and intreats him to preſerve the armies and the republic faith⯑ful to their common intereſt. The meſſengers charged with this letter, were inſtructed to accoſt the Caeſar with reſpect, to deſire a private audi⯑ence, and to plunge their daggers into his heart ⁴⁸. The conſpiracy was diſcovered, and the too cre⯑dulous Albinus, at length, paſſed over to the continent, and prepared for an unequal conteſt with his rival, who ruſhed upon him at the head of a veteran and victorious army.

The military labours of Severus ſeem inade⯑quate Event of the civil wars, to the importance of his conqueſts. Two engagements, the one near the Helleſpont, the other in the narrow defiles of Cilicia, decided the fate of his Syrian competitor; and the troops of Europe aſſerted their uſual aſcendant over the ef⯑feminate [192] natives of Aſia ⁴⁹. The battle of Lyons, where one hundred and fifty thouſand ⁵⁰ Romans were engaged, was equally fatal to Albinus. The valour of the Britiſh army maintained, in⯑deed, a ſharp and doubtful conteſt, with the hardy diſcipline of the Illyrian legions. The fame and perſon of Severus appeared, during a few moments, irrecoverably loſt, till that war-like prince rallied his fainting troops, and led them on to a deciſive victory ⁵¹. The war was finiſhed by that memorable day.

The civil wars of modern Europe have been decided by one or two battles. diſtinguiſhed, not only by the fierce animoſity, but likewiſe by the obſtinate perſeverance, of the contending factions. They have generally been juſtified by ſome principle, or, at leaſt, coloured by ſome pretext, of religion, freedom, or loyalty. The leaders were nobles of independent property and hereditary influence. The troops fought like men intereſted in the deciſion of the quarrel; and as military ſpirit and party zeal were ſtrongly diffuſed throughout the whole community, a van⯑quiſhed chief was immediately ſupplied with new adherents, eager to ſhed their blood in the ſame cauſe. But the Romans, after the fall of the republic, combated only for the choice of maſters. [193] Under the ſtandard of a popular candidate for empire, a few enliſted from affection, ſome from fear, many from intereſt, none from principle. The legions, uninflamed by party zeal, were al⯑lured into civil war by liberal donatives, and ſtill more liberal promiſes. A defeat, by diſabling the chief from the performance of his engage⯑ments, diſſolved the mercenary allegiance of his followers; and left them to conſult their own ſafety, by a timely deſertion of an unſucceſsful cauſe. It was of little moment to the provinces, under whoſe name they were oppreſſed or go⯑verned; they were driven by the impulſion of the preſent power, and as ſoon as that power yielded to a ſuperior force, they haſtened to im⯑plore the clemency of the conqueror, who, as he had an immenſe debt to diſcharge, was obliged to ſacrifice the moſt guilty countries to the ava⯑rice of his ſoldiers. In the vaſt extent of the Roman empire, there were few fortified cities ca⯑pable of protecting a routed army; nor was there any perſon, or family, or order of men, whoſe natural intereſt, unſupported by the powers of government, was capable of reſtoring the cauſe of a ſinking party ⁵².

Yet, in the conteſt between Niger and Seve⯑rus, Siege of Byzan⯑tium. a ſingle city deſerves an honourable excep⯑tion. As Byzantium was one of the greateſt paſſages from Europe into Aſia, it had been pro⯑vided with a ſtrong garriſon, and a fleet of five [194] hundred veſſels was anchored in the harbour ⁵³. The impetuoſity of Severus diſappointed this prudent ſcheme of defence; he left to his gene⯑rals the ſiege of Byzantium, forced the leſs guarded paſſage of the Helleſpont, and, impa⯑tient of a meaner enemy, preſſed forward to en⯑counter his rival. Byzantium, attacked by a nu⯑merous and increaſing army, and afterwards by the whole naval power of the empire, ſuſtained a ſiege of three years, and remained faithful to the name and memory of Niger. The citizens and ſoldiers (we know not from what cauſe) were ani⯑mated with equal fury; ſeveral of the principal officers of Niger, who deſpaired of, or who diſ⯑dained, a pardon, had thrown themſelves into this laſt refuge: the fortifications were eſteemed impregnable, and, in the defence of the place, a celebrated engineer diſplayed all the mechanic powers known to the ancients ⁵⁴. Byzantium, at length, ſurrendered to famine. The magiſtrates and ſoldiers were put to the ſword, the walls de⯑moliſhed, the privileges ſuppreſſed, and the deſ⯑tined capital of the eaſt ſubſiſted only as an open village, ſubject to the inſulting juriſdiction of Perinthus. The hiſtorian Dion, who had ad⯑mired the flouriſhing, and lamented the deſolate, [195] ſtate of Byzantium, accuſed the revenge of Se⯑verus, for depriving the Roman people of the ſtrongeſt bulwark againſt the barbarians of Pontus and Aſia ⁵⁵. The truth of this obſervation was but too well juſtified in the ſucceeding age, when the Gothic fleets covered the Euxine, and paſſed through the undefended Boſphorus into the centre of the Mediterranean.

Both Niger and Albinus were diſcovered and Deaths of Niger and Albinus. put to death in their flight from the field of bat⯑tle. Their fate excited neither ſurpriſe nor com⯑paſſion. Cruel con⯑ſequences of the civil wars. They had ſtaked their lives againſt the chance of empire, and ſuffered what they would have inflicted; nor did Severus claim the arro⯑gant ſuperiority of ſuffering his rivals to live in a private ſtation. But his unforgiving temper, ſtimulated by avarice, indulged a ſpirit of re⯑venge, where there was no room for apprehen⯑ſion. The moſt conſiderable of the provincials, who, without any diſlike to the fortunate candi⯑date, had obeyed the governor under whoſe au⯑thority they were accidentally placed, were pu⯑niſhed by death, exile, and eſpecially by the confiſcation of their eſtates. Many cities of the eaſt were ſtript of their ancient honours, and obliged to pay, into the treaſury of Severus, four times the amount of the ſums contributed by them for the ſervice of Niger ⁵⁶.

[196] Till the final deciſion of the war, the cruelty of Severus was, in ſome meaſure, reſtrained by the uncertainty of the event, and his pretended Animoſity of Severus againſt the ſenate. reverence for the ſenate. The head of Albinus, accompanied with a menacing letter, announced to the Romans, that he was reſolved to ſpare none of the adherents of his unfortunate compe⯑titors. He was irritated by the juſt ſuſpicion, that he had never poſſeſſed the affections of the ſenate, and he concealed his old malevolence under the recent diſcovery of ſome treaſonable correſpondences. Thirty-five ſenators, however, accuſed of having favoured the party of Albinus, he freely pardoned; and, by his ſubſequent be⯑haviour, endeavoured to convince them, that he had forgotten, as well as forgiven, their ſuppoſed offences. But, at the ſame time, he condemned forty-one ⁵⁷ other ſenators, whoſe names hiſtory has recorded; their wives, children, and clients, attended them in death, and the nobleſt provin⯑cials of Spain and Gaul were involved in the ſame ruin. Such rigid juſtice, for ſo he termed it, was, in the opinion of Severus, the only conduct capable of enſuring peace to the people, or ſtabi⯑lity to the prince; and he condeſcended ſlightly to lament, that, to be mild, it was neceſſary that he ſhould firſt be cruel ⁵⁸.

[197] The true intereſt of an abſolute monarch ge⯑nerally coincides with that of his people. Their numbers, their wealth, their order, and their ſe⯑curity, The wiſ⯑dom and juſtice of his go⯑vernment. are the beſt and only foundations of his real greatneſs; and were he totally devoid of virtue, prudence might ſupply its place, and would dictate the ſame rule of conduct. Severus conſidered the Roman empire as his property, and had no ſooner ſecured the poſſeſſion, than he beſtowed his care on the cultivation and im⯑provement of ſo valuable an acquiſition. Salu⯑tary laws, executed with inflexible firmneſs, ſoon corrected moſt of the abuſes with which, ſince the death of Marcus, every part of the govern⯑ment had been infected. In the adminiſtration of juſtice, the judgments of the emperor were characterized by attention, diſcernment, and im⯑partiality; and whenever he deviated from the ſtrict line of equity, it was generally in favour of the poor and oppreſſed; not ſo much indeed from any ſenſe of humanity, as from the natural propenſity of a deſpot, to humble the pride of greatneſs, and to ſink all his ſubjects to the ſame common level of abſolute dependence. His ex⯑penſive taſte for building, magnificent ſhows, and above all a conſtant and liberal diſtribution of corn and proviſions, were the ſureſt means of captivating the affection of the Roman people ⁵⁹. [198] The misfortunes of civil diſcord were obliterated. The calm of peace and proſperity was once more experienced in the provinces; and many cities, General peace and proſperity. reſtored by the munificence of Severus, aſſumed the title of his colonies, and atteſted by public monuments their gratitude and felicity ⁶⁰. The fame of the Roman arms was revived by that warlike and ſucceſsful emperor ⁶¹, and he boaſted with a juſt pride, that, having received the em⯑pire oppreſſed with foreign and domeſtic wars, he left it eſtabliſhed in profound, univerſal, and honourable peace ⁶².

Although the wounds of civil war appeared Relaxation of military diſcipline. completely healed, its mortal poiſon ſtill lurked in the vitals of the conſtitution. Severus poſ⯑ſeſſed a conſiderable ſhare of vigour and ability; but the daring ſoul of the firſt Caeſar, or the deep policy of Auguſtus, were ſcarcely equal to the taſk of curbing the inſolence of the victorious legions. By gratitude; by miſguided policy, by ſeeming neceſſity, Severus was induced to relax the nerves of diſcipline ⁶³. The vanity of his [199] ſoldiers was flattered with the honour of wearing gold rings; their eaſe was indulged in the per⯑miſſion of living with their wives in the idleneſs of quarters. He increaſed their pay beyond the example of former times, and taught them to ex⯑pect, and ſoon to claim, extraordinary donatives on every public occaſion of danger or feſtivity. Elated by ſucceſs, enervated by luxury, and raiſed above the level of ſubjects by their dangerous privileges ⁶⁴, they ſoon became incapable of mi⯑litary fatigue, oppreſſive to the country, and im⯑patient of a juſt ſubordination. Their officers aſſerted the ſuperiority of rank by a more profuſe and elegant luxury. There is ſtill extant a letter of Severus, lamenting the licentious ſtate of the army, and exhorting one of his generals to begin the neceſſary reformation from the tribunes them⯑ſelves; ſince, as he juſtly obſerves, the officer who has forfeited the eſteem, will never com⯑mand the obedience, of his ſoldiers ⁶⁵. Had the emperor purſued the train of reflection, he would have diſcovered, that the primary cauſe of this general corruption might be aſcribed, not indeed to the example, but to the pernicious indulgence, however, of the commander in chief.

The Praetorians, who murdered their emperor New eſta⯑bliſhment of the Praetorian guards. and ſold the empire, had received the juſt pu⯑niſhment of their treaſon; but the neceſſary, [200] though dangerous, inſtitution of guards, was ſoon reſtored on a new model by Severus, and in⯑creaſed to four times the ancient number ⁶⁶. Formerly theſe troops had been recruited in Italy; and as the adjacent provinces gradually imbibed the ſofter manners of Rome, the levies were ex⯑tended to Macedonia, Noricum, and Spain. In the room of theſe elegant troops, better adapted to the pomp of courts than to the uſes of war, it was eſtabliſhed by Severus, that from all the le⯑gions of the frontiers, the ſoldiers moſt diſtin⯑guiſhed for ſtrength, valour, and fidelity, ſhould be occaſionally draughted; and promoted, as an honour and reward, into the more eligible ſervice of the guards ⁶⁷. By this new inſtitution, the Italian youth were diverted from the exerciſe of arms, and the capital was terrified by the ſtrange aſpect and manners of a multitude of barbarians. But Severus flattered himſelf, that the legions would conſider theſe choſen Praetorians as the re⯑preſentatives of the whole military order; and that the preſent aid of fifty thouſand men, ſupe⯑rior in arms and appointments to any force that could be brought into the field againſt them, would for ever cruſh the hopes of rebellion, and ſecure the empire to himſelf and his poſterity.

The command of theſe favoured and formi⯑dable The office of Praeto⯑rian Prae⯑fect. troops ſoon became the firſt office of the empire. As the government degenerated into military deſpotiſm, the Praetorian Praefect, who [201] in his origin had been a ſimple captain of the guards, was placed, not only at the head of the army, but of the finances, and even of the law. In every department of adminiſtration, he repre⯑ſented the perſon, and exerciſed the authority, of the emperor. The firſt Praefect who enjoyed and abuſed this immenſe power was Plautianus, the favourjte miniſter of Severus. His reign laſted above ten years, till the marriage of his daughter with the eldeſt ſon of the emperor, which ſeemed to aſſure his fortune, proved the occaſion of his ruin ⁶⁸. The animoſities of the palace, by irri⯑tating the ambition and alarming the fears of Plautianus, threatened to produce a revolution, and obliged the emperor, who ſtill loved him, to conſent with reluctance to his death ⁶⁹. After the fall of Plautianus, an eminent lawyer, the cele⯑brated Papinian, was appointed to execute the motley office of Praetorian Praefect.

Till the reign of Severus, the virtue and even The ſenate oppreſſed by military deſpotiſm. the good ſenſe of the emperors had been diſtin⯑guiſhed by their zeal or affected reverence for the ſenate, and by a tender regard to the nice frame of civil policy inſtituted by Auguſtus. But the youth of Severus had been trained in the implicit obedience of camps, and his riper years ſpent in [202] the deſpotiſm of military command. His haughty and inflexible ſpirit could not diſcover, or would not acknowledge, the advantage of preſerving an intermediate power, however imaginary, between the emperor and the army. He diſdained to profeſs himſelf the ſervant of an aſſembly that deteſted his perſon and trembled at his frown; he iſſued his commands, where his requeſt would have proved as effectual; aſſumed the conduct and ſtyle of a ſovereign and a conqueror, and ex⯑erciſed, without diſguiſe, the whole legiſlative as well as the executive power.

The victory over the ſenate was eaſy and in⯑glorious. New max⯑ims of the Imperial preroga⯑tive. Every eye and every paſſion were di⯑rected to the ſupreme magiſtrate, who poſſeſſed the arms and treaſure of the ſtate; whilſt the ſe⯑nate, neither elected by the people, nor guarded by military force, nor animated by public ſpirit, reſted its declining authority on the frail and crumbling baſis of ancient opinion. The fine theory of a republic inſenſibly vaniſhed, and made way for the more natural and ſubſtantial feelings of monarchy. As the freedom and honours of Rome were ſucceſſively communicated to the provinces, in which the old government had been either unknown, or was remembered with abhor⯑rence, the tradition of republican maxims was gradually obliterated. The Greek hiſtorians of the age of the Antonines ⁷⁰ obſerve, with a ma⯑licious pleaſure, that although the ſovereign of Rome, in compliance with an obſolete prejudice, abſtained from the name of king, he poſſeſſed the [203] full meaſure of regal power. In the reign of Se⯑verus, the ſenate was filled with poliſhed and elo⯑quent ſlaves from the eaſtern provinces, who juſ⯑tified perſonal flattery by ſpeculative principles of ſervitude. Theſe new advocates of prerogative were heard with pleaſure by the court, and with patience by the people, when they inculcated the duty of paſſive obedience, and deſcanted on the inevitable miſchiefs of freedom. The lawyers and the hiſtorians concurred in teaching, that the Imperial authority was held, not by the delegated commiſſion, but by the irrevocable reſignation of the ſenate; that the emperor was freed from the reſtraint of civil laws, could command by his ar⯑bitrary will the lives and fortunes of his ſubjects, and might diſpoſe of the empire as of his private patrimony ⁷¹. The moſt eminent of the civil lawyers, and particularly Papinian, Paulus, and Ulpian, flouriſhed under the houſe of Severus; and the Roman juriſprudence having cloſely united itſelf with the ſyſtem of monarchy, was ſuppoſed to have attained its full maturity and perfection.

The contemporaries of Severus, in the enjoy⯑ment of the peace and glory of his reign, forgave the cruelties by which it had been introduced. Poſterity, who experienced the fatal effects of his maxims and example, juſtly conſidered him as the principal author of the decline of the Roman empire.

CHAP. VI. The Death of Serverus.—Tyranny of Caracalla.—Uſurpation of Macrinus.—Follies of Elagabalus.—Virtues of Alexander Severus.—Licentiouſneſs of the Army.—General State of the Roman Fi⯑nances.

THE aſcent to greatneſs, however ſteep and dangerous, may entertain an active ſpirit with the conſciouſneſs and exerciſe of its own Greatneſs and diſ⯑content of Severus. powers; but the poſſeſſion of a throne could never yet afford a laſting ſatisfaction to an am⯑bitious mind. This melancholy truth was felt and acknowledged by Severus. Fortune and merit had, from an humble ſtation, elevated him to the firſt place among mankind. ‘He had been all things, as he ſaid himſelf, and all was of little value ¹.’ Diſtracted with the care, not of acquiring, but of preſerving an empire, oppreſſed with age and infirmities, care⯑leſs of fame ², and ſatiated with power, all his proſpects of life were cloſed. The deſire of per⯑petuating the greatneſs of his family, was the only remaining wiſh of his ambition and paternal tenderneſs.

Like moſt of the Africans, Severus was paſ⯑ſionately His wife the em⯑preſs Ju⯑lia. addicted to the vain ſtudies of magic and divination, deeply verſed in the interpreta⯑tion [205] of dreams and omens, and perfectly acquaint⯑ed with the ſcience of judicial aſtrology; which, in almoſt every age, except the preſent, has maintained its dominion over the mind of man. He had loſt his firſt wife, whilſt he was gover⯑nor of the Lionneſe Gaul ³. In the choice of a ſecond, he ſought only to connect himſelf with ſome favourite of fortune; and as ſoon as he had diſcovered that a young lady of Emeſa in Syria had a royal nativity, he ſolicited, and obtained her hand ⁴. Julia Domna (for that was her name) deſerved all that the ſtars could promiſe her. She poſſeſſed, even in an advanced age, the at⯑tractions of beauty ⁵, and united to a lively ima⯑gination, a firmneſs of mind, and ſtrength of judgment, ſeldom beſtowed on her ſex. Her amiable qualities never made any deep impreſſion on the dark and jealous temper of her huſband; but in her ſon's reign, ſhe adminiſtered the prin⯑cipal affairs of the empire, with a prudence, that ſupported his authority; and with a moderation, that ſometimes corrected his wild extravagancies ⁶. Julia applied herſelf to letters and philoſophy, with ſome ſucceſs, and with the moſt ſplendid [206] reputation. She was the patroneſs of every art, and the friend of every man of genius ⁷. The grateful flattery of the learned has celebrated her virtues; but, if we may credit the ſcandal of ancient hiſtory, chaſtity was very far from being the moſt conſpicuous virtue of the empreſs Julia ⁸.

Two ſons, Caracalla ⁹ and Geta, were the fruit Their two ſons, Ca⯑racalla and Geta. of this marriage, and the deſtined heirs of the empire. The fond hopes of the father, and of the Roman world, were ſoon diſappointed by theſe vain youths, who diſplayed the indolent ſecurity of hereditary princes; and a preſumption that fortune would ſupply the place of merit and application. Without any emulation of virtue or talents, they diſcovered, almoſt from their in⯑fancy, a fixed and implacable antipathy for each other. Their averſion, confirmed by years, and Their mu⯑tual aver⯑ſion to each other. fomented by the arts of their intereſted favour⯑ites, broke out in childiſh, and gradually in more ſerious, competitions; and at length di⯑vided the theatre, the circus, and the court, into two factions; actuated by the hopes and fears of their reſpective leaders. The prudent emperor endeavoured, by every expedient of advice and [207] authority, to allay this growing animoſity. The unhappy diſcord of his ſons clouded all his pro⯑ſpects, and threatened to overturn a throne raiſed with ſo much labour, cemented with ſo much blood, and guarded with every defence of arms and treaſure. With an impartial hand he main⯑tained between them an exact balance of favour, conferred on both the rank of Auguſtus, with the revered name of Antoninus; and for the firſt time the Roman world beheld three emperors ¹⁰. Three em⯑perors. Yet even this equal conduct ſerved only to in⯑flame the conteſt, whilſt the fierce Caracalla aſſerted the right of primogeniture, and the milder Geta courted the affections of the people and the ſoldiers. In the anguiſh of a diſappointed father, Severus foretold, that the weaker of his ſons would fall a ſacrifice to the ſtronger; who, in his turn, would be ruined by his own vices ¹¹.

In theſe circumſtances the intelligence of a war The Cale⯑donian war. in Britain, and of an invaſion of the province by the barbarians of the North, was received A. D. 208. with pleaſure by Severus. Though the vigilance of his lieutenants might have been ſufficient to repel the diſtant enemy, he reſolved to embrace the honourable pretext of withdrawing his ſons from the luxury of Rome, which enervated their minds and irritated their paſſions; and of inur⯑ing their youth to the toils of war and govern⯑ment. Notwithſtanding his advanced age (for [208] he was above three-ſcore), and his gout, which obliged him to be carried in a litter, he tranſ⯑ported himſelf in perſon into that remote iſland, attended by his two ſons, his whole court, and a formidable army. He immediately paſſed the walls of Hadrian and Antoninus, and entered the enemy's country, with a deſign of completing the long attempted conqueſt of Britain. He penetrated to the northern extremity of the iſland, without meeting an enemy. But the concealed ambuſcades of the Caledonians, who hung un⯑ſeen on the rear and flanks of his army, the coldneſs of the climate, and the ſeverity of a winter march acroſs the hills and moraſſes of Scotland, are reported to have coſt the Romans above fifty thouſand men. The Caledonians at length yielded to the powerful and obſtinate at⯑tack, ſued for peace, and ſurrendered a part of their arms, and a large tract of territory. But their apparent ſubmiſſion laſted no longer than the preſent terror. As ſoon as the Roman legi⯑ons had retired, they reſumed their hoſtile inde⯑pendence. Their reſtleſs ſpirit provoked Severus to ſend a new army into Caledonia, with the moſt bloody orders, not to ſubdue but to extir⯑pate the natives. They were ſaved by the death of their haughty enemy ¹².

This Caledonian war, neither marked by deci⯑ſive Fingal and his heroes. events, nor attended with any important conſequences, would ill deſerve our attention; but it is ſuppoſed, not without a conſiderable [209] degree of probability, that the invaſion of Seve⯑rus is connected with the moſt ſhining period of the Britiſh hiſtory or fable. Fingal, whoſe fame, with that of his heroes and bards, has been re⯑vived in our language by a recent publication, is ſaid to have commanded the Caledonians in that memorable juncture, to have eluded the power of Severus, and to have obtained a ſignal victory on the banks of the Carun, in which the ſon of the King of the World, Caracul, fled from his arms along the fields of his pride ¹³. Some⯑thing of a doubtful miſt ſtill hangs over theſe High⯑land traditions; nor can it be entirely diſpelled by the moſt ingenious reſearches of modern cri⯑ticiſm ¹⁴: but if we could, with ſafety, indulge Contraſt of the Cale⯑donians and the Romans. the pleaſing ſuppoſition, that Fingal lived, and that Oſſian ſung, the ſtriking contraſt of the ſituation and manners of the contending nations might amuſe a philoſophic mind. The parallel would be little to the advantage of the more ci⯑vilized people, if we compared the unrelenting revenge of Severus with the generous clemency of Fingal; the timid and brutal cruelty of Cara⯑calla, [210] with the bravery, the tenderneſs, the ele⯑gant genius of Oſſian; the mercenary chiefs who, from motives of fear or intereſt, ſerved under the Imperial ſtandard, with the freeborn warriors who ſtarted to arms at the voice of the king of Morven; if, in a word, we contemplated the untutored Caledonians, glowing with the warm virtues of nature, and the degenerate Romans, polluted with the mean vices of wealth and ſla⯑very.

The declining health and laſt illneſs of Severus Ambition of Cara⯑calla. inflamed the wild ambition and black paſſions of Caracalla's ſoul. Impatient of any delay or di⯑viſion of empire, he attempted, more than once, to ſhorten the ſmall remainder of his father's days, and endeavoured, but without ſucceſs, to excite a mutiny among the troops ¹⁵. The old emperor had often cenſured the miſguided lenity of Marcus, who, by a ſingle act of juſtice, might have ſaved the Romans from the tyranny of his worthleſs ſon. Placed in the ſame ſituation, he experienced how eaſily the rigour of a judge diſ⯑ſolves away in the tenderneſs of a parent. He deliberated, he threatened, but he could not pu⯑niſh; and this laſt and only inſtance of mercy, was more fatal to the empire than a long ſeries of cruelty ¹⁶. The diſorder of his mind Death of Severus, and acceſ⯑ſion of his two ſons. irritated the pains of his body; he wiſhed im⯑patiently for death, and haſtened the inſtant of it by his impatience. He expired at York in A. D. 4th Febru⯑ary. [211] the ſixty-fifth year of his life, and in the eigh⯑teenth of a glorious and ſucceſsful reign. In his laſt moments he recommended concord to his ſons, and his ſons to the army. The ſalutary advice never reached the heart, or even the un⯑derſtanding, of the impetuous youths; but the more obedient troops, mindful of their oath of allegiance, and of the authority of their deceaſed maſter, reſiſted the ſolicitations of Caracalla, and proclaimed both brothers emperors of Rome. The new princes ſoon left the Caledonians in peace, returned to the capital, celebrated their father's funeral with divine honours, and were cheerfully acknowledged as lawful ſovereigns, by the ſenate, the people, and the provinces. Some pre-eminence of rank ſeems to have been allowed to the elder brother; but they both ad⯑miniſtered the empire with equal and independ⯑ent power ¹⁷.

Such a divided form of government would have Jealouſy and hatred of the two emperors. proved a ſource of diſcord between the moſt affectionate brothers. It was impoſſible that it could long ſubſiſt between two implacable ene⯑mies, who neither deſired nor could truſt a re⯑conciliation. It was viſible that one only could reign, and that the other muſt fall; and each of them judging of his rival's deſigns by his own, guarded his life with the moſt jealous vigilance from the repeated attacks of poiſon or the ſword. Their rapid journey through Gaul and Italy, [212] during which they never eat at the ſame table, or ſlept in the ſame houſe, diſplayed to the pro⯑vinces the odious ſpectacle of fraternal diſcord. On their arrival at Rome, they immediately di⯑vided the vaſt extent of the Imperial palace ¹⁸. No communication was allowed between their apartments; the doors and paſſages were dili⯑gently fortified, and guards poſted and relieved with the ſame ſtrictneſs as in a beſieged place. The emperors met only in public, in the pre⯑ſence of their afflicted mother; and each ſur⯑rounded by a numerous train of armed followers. Even on theſe occaſions of ceremony, the diſſi⯑mulation of courts could ill diſguiſe the rancour of their hearts ¹⁹.

This latent civil war already diſtracted the Fruitleſs negocia⯑tion for di⯑viding the empire be⯑tween them. whole government, when a ſcheme was ſuggeſted that ſeemed of mutual benefit to the hoſtile bro⯑thers. [213] It was propoſed, that ſince it was im⯑poſſible to reconcile their minds, they ſhould ſeparate their intereſt, and divide the empire between them. The conditions of the treaty were already drawn with ſome accuracy. It was agreed, that Caracalla, as the elder brother, ſhould remain in poſſeſſion of Europe and the weſtern Africa; and that he ſhould relinquiſh the ſovereignty of Aſia and Egypt to Geta, who might fix his reſidence at Alexandria or Antioch, cities little inferior to Rome itſelf in wealth and greatneſs; that numerous armies ſhould be con⯑ſtantly encamped on either ſide of the Thracian Boſphorus, to guard the frontiers of the rival monarchies; and that the ſenators of European extraction ſhould acknowledge the ſovereign of Rome, whilſt the natives of Aſia followed the emperor of the Eaſt. The tears of the empreſs Julia interrupted the negociation, the firſt idea of which had filled every Roman breaſt with ſur⯑priſe and indignation. The mighty maſs of con⯑queſt was ſo intimately united by the hand of time and policy, that it required the moſt for⯑cible violence to rend it aſunder. The Romans had reaſon to dread, that the disjointed members would ſoon be reduced by a civil war under the dominion of one maſter; but if the ſeparation was permanent, the diviſion of the provinces muſt terminate in the diſſolution of an empire whoſe unity had hitherto remained inviolate ²⁰.

[214] Had the treaty been carried into execution, the ſovereign of Europe might ſoon have been the conqueror of Aſia; but Caracalla obtained an Murder of Geta. eaſier though a more guilty victory. He artfully A. D. 212. 27th Fe⯑bruary. liſtened to his mother's entreaties, and conſented to meet his brother in her apartment, on terms of peace and reconciliation. In the midſt of their converſation, ſome centurions, who had con⯑trived to conceal themſelves, ruſhed with drawn ſwords upon the unfortunate Geta. His diſtract⯑ed mother ſtrove to protect him in her arms; but, in the unavailing ſtruggle, ſhe was wounded in the hand, and covered with the blood of her younger ſon, while ſhe ſaw the elder animating and aſſiſting ²¹ the fury of the aſſaſſins. As ſoon as the deed was perpetrated, Caracalla, with haſty ſteps, and horror in his countenance, ran towards the Praetorian camp as his only refuge, and threw himſelf on the ground before the ſtatues of the tutelar deities ²². The ſoldiers attempted to raiſe and comfort him. In broken and diſ⯑ordered words he informed them of his imminent danger and fortunate eſcape; inſinuating that he had prevented the deſigns of his enemy, and de⯑clared his reſolution to live and die with his faith⯑ful [215] troops. Geta had been the favourite of the ſoldiers; but complaint was uſeleſs, revenge was dangerous, and they ſtill reverenced the ſon of Severus. Their diſcontent died away in idle murmurs, and Caracalla ſoon convinced them of the juſtice of his cauſe, by diſtributing in one laviſh donative the accumulated treaſures of his father's reign ²³. The real ſentiments of the ſol⯑diers alone were of importance to his power or ſafety. Their declaration in his favour, com⯑manded the dutiful profeſſions of the ſenate. The obſequious aſſembly was always prepared to ratify the deciſion of fortune; but as Caracalla wiſhed to aſſuage the firſt emotions of public indigna⯑tion, the name of Geta was mentioned with de⯑cency, and he received the funeral honours of a Roman emperor ²⁴. Poſterity, in pity to his mis⯑fortune, has caſt a veil over his vices. We con⯑ſider that young prince as the innocent victim of his brother's ambition, without recollecting that he himſelf wanted power, rather than inclination, to conſummate the ſame attempts of revenge and murder.

The crime went not unpuniſhed. Neither Remorſe and cruel⯑ty of Cara⯑calla. buſineſs, nor pleaſure, nor flattery, could defend Caracalla from the ſtings of a guilty conſcience; and he confeſſed, in the anguiſh of a tortured mind, that his diſordered fancy often beheld the angry forms of his father and his brother riſing [216] into life, to threaten and upbraid him ²⁵. The conſciouſneſs of his crime ſhould have induced him to convince mankind, by the virtues of his reign, that the bloody deed had been the invo⯑luntary effect of fatal neceſſity. But the repent⯑ance of Caracalla only prompted him to remove from the world whatever could remind him of his guilt, or recal the memory of his murdered brother. On his return from the ſenate to the palace, he found his mother in the company of ſeveral noble matrons, weeping over the untimely fate of her younger ſon. The jealous emperor threatened them with inſtant death; the ſentence was executed againſt Fadilla, the laſt remaining daughter of the emperor Marcus; and even the afflicted Julia was obliged to ſilence her lament⯑ations, to ſuppreſs her ſighs, and to receive the aſſaſſin with ſmiles of joy and approbation. It was computed that, under the vague appellation of the friends of Geta, above twenty thouſand perſons of both ſexes ſuffered death. His guards and freedmen, the miniſters of his ſerious buſi⯑neſs, and the companions of his looſer hours, thoſe who by his intereſt had been promoted to any commands in the army or provinces, with the long-connected chain of their dependents, were included in the proſcription; which endeavoured to reach every one who had maintained the ſmall⯑eſt correſpondence with Geta, who lamented his death, or who even mentioned his name ²⁶. [217] Helvius Pertinax, ſon to the prince of that name, loſt his life by an unſeaſonable witticiſm ²⁷. It was a ſufficient crime of Thraſea Priſcus, to be deſcended from a family in which the love of liberty ſeemed an hereditary quality ²⁸. The particular cauſes of calumny and ſuſpicion were at length exhauſted; and when a ſenator was accuſed of being a ſecret enemy to the govern⯑ment, the emperor was ſatisfied with the general proof that he was a man of property and virtue. From this well-grounded principle he frequently drew the moſt bloody inferences.

The execution of ſo many innocent citizens Death of Papinian, was bewailed by the ſecret tears of their friends and families. The death of Papinian, the Prae⯑torian praefect, was lamented as a public cala⯑mity. During the laſt ſeven years of Severus, he had exerciſed the moſt important offices of the ſtate, and, by his ſalutary influence, guided the emperor's ſteps in the paths of juſtice and moderation. In full aſſurance of his virtues and abilities, Severus, on his death-bed, had con⯑jured him to watch over the proſperity and union [218] of the Imperial family ²⁹. The honeſt labours of Papinian ſerved only to inflame the hatred which Caracalla had already conceived againſt his fa⯑ther's miniſter. After the murder of Geta, the Praefect was commanded to exert the powers of his ſkill and eloquence in a ſtudied apology for that atrocious deed. The philoſophic Seneca had condeſcended to compoſe a ſimilar epiſtle to the ſenate, in the name of the ſon and aſſaſſin of Agrippina ³⁰; ‘That it was eaſier to commit than to juſtify a parricide,’ was the glorious reply of Papinian ³¹, who did not heſitate be⯑tween the loſs of life and that of honour. Such intrepid virtue, which had eſcaped pure and un⯑ſullied from the intrigues of courts, the habits of buſineſs, and the arts of his profeſſion, reflects more luſtre on the memory of Papinian, than all his great employments, his numerous writings, and the ſuperior reputation as a lawyer, which he has preſerved through every age of the Roman juriſprudence ³².

It had hitherto been the peculiar felicity of the Romans, and in the worſt of times their con⯑ſolation, His tyran⯑ny extend⯑ed over the whole em⯑pire. that the virtue of the emperors was active, and their vice indolent. Auguſtus, Tra⯑jan, Hadrian, and Marcus, viſited their exten⯑ſive dominions in perſon, and their progreſs was marked by acts of wiſdom and beneficence. [219] The tyranny of Tiberius, Nero, and Domitian, who reſided almoſt conſtantly at Rome, or in the adjacent villas, was confined to the ſenatorial and equeſtrian orders ³³. But Caracalla was the common enemy of mankind. He left the capi⯑tal (and he never returned to it) about a year A. D. 213. after the murder of Geta. The reſt of his reign was ſpent in the ſeveral provinces of the empire, particularly thoſe of the Eaſt, and every province was by turns the ſcene of his rapine and cruelty. The ſenators, compelled by fear to attend his capricious motions, were obliged to provide daily entertainments at an immenſe expence, which he abandoned with con⯑tempt to his guards; and to erect, in every city, magnificent palaces and theatres, which he either diſdained to viſit, or ordered to be immediately thrown down. The moſt wealthy families were ruined by partial fines and conſiſcations, and the great body of his ſubjects oppreſſed by ingenious and aggravated taxes ³⁴. In the midſt of peace, and upon the ſlighteſt provocation, he iſſued his commands, at Alexandria in Egypt, for a gene⯑ral maſſacre. From a ſecure poſt in the temple of Serapis, he viewed and directed the ſlaughter of many thouſand citizens, as well as ſtrangers, without diſtinguiſhing either the number or the crime of the ſufferers; ſince, as he coolly inform⯑ed [220] the ſenate, all the Alexandrians, thoſe who had periſhed and thoſe who had eſcaped, were alike guilty ³⁵.

The wiſe inſtructions of Severus never made Relaxation of diſci⯑pline. any laſting impreſſion on the mind of his ſon, who, although not deſtitute of imagination and eloquence, was equally devoid of judgment and humanity ³⁶. One dangerous maxim, worthy of a tyrant, was remembered and abuſed by Cara⯑calla, ‘To ſecure the affections of the army, and to eſteem the reſt of his ſubjects as of lit⯑tle moment ³⁷.’ But the liberality of the father had been reſtrained by prudence, and his indulgence to the troops was tempered by firm⯑neſs and authority. The careleſs profuſion of the ſon was the policy of one reign, and the in⯑evitable ruin both of the army and of the em⯑pire. The vigour of the ſoldiers, inſtead of be⯑ing confirmed by the ſevere diſcipline of camps, melted away in the luxury of cities. The exceſ⯑ſive increaſe of their pay and donatives ³⁸ exhauſt⯑guards [221] ed the ſtate to enrich the military order, whoſe modeſty in peace, and ſervice in war, is beſt ſecured by an honourable poverty. The demean⯑or of Caracalla was haughty and full of pride; but with the troops he forgot even the proper dignity of his rank, encouraged their inſolent familiarity, and, neglecting the eſſential duties of a general, affected to imitate the dreſs and manners of a common ſoldier.

It was impoſſible that ſuch a character, and Murder of Caracalla. A. D. 217. 8th March. ſuch a conduct as that of Caracalla, could inſpire either love or eſteem; but as long as his vices were beneficial to the armies, he was ſecure from the danger of rebellion. A ſecret conſpiracy, provoked by his own jealouſy, was fatal to the tyrant. The Praetorian praefecture was divided between two miniſters. The military depart⯑ment was intruſted to Adventus, an experienced rather than an able ſoldier; and the civil affairs were tranſacted by Opilius Macrinus, who, by his dexterity in buſineſs, had raiſed himſelf, with a fair character, to that high office. But his favour varied with the caprice of the emperor, and his life might depend on the ſlighteſt ſuſ⯑picion, or the moſt caſual circumſtance. Malice or fanaticiſm had ſuggeſted to an African, deeply [222] ſkilled in the knowledge of futurity, a very dan⯑gerous prediction, that Macrinus and his ſon were deſtined to reign over the empire. The report was ſoon diffuſed through the province; and when the man was ſent in chains to Rome, he ſtill aſſerted, in the preſence of the Praefect of the city, the faith of his prophecy. That ma⯑giſtrate, who had received the moſt preſſing in⯑ſtructions to inform himſelf of the ſucceſſors of Caracalla, immediately communicated the exa⯑mination of the African to the Imperial court, which at that time reſided in Syria. But, not⯑withſtanding the diligence of the public meſſen⯑gers, a friend of Macrinus found means to apprize him of the approaching danger. The emperor received the letters from Rome; and as he was then engaged in the conduct of a chariot race, he delivered them unopened to the Praetorian Praefect, directing him to diſpatch the ordinary affairs, and to report the more important buſi⯑neſs that might be contained in them. Macrinus read his fate, and reſolved to prevent it. He inflamed the diſcontents of ſome inferior officers, and employed the hand of Martialis, a deſperate ſoldier, who had been refuſed the rank of cen⯑turion. The devotion of Caracalla prompted him to make a pilgrimage from Edeſſa to the celebrated temple of the Moon at Carrhae. He was attended by a body of cavalry; but having ſtopped on the road for ſome neceſſary occaſion, his guards preſerved a reſpectful diſtance, and Martialis approaching his perſon under a pretence of duty, ſtabbed him with a dagger. The bold [223] aſſaſſin was inſtantly killed by a Scythian archer of the Imperial guard. Such was the end of a monſter whoſe life diſgraced human nature, and whoſe reign accuſed the patience of the Ro⯑mans ³⁹. The grateful ſoldiers forgot his vices, remembered only his partial liberality, and oblig⯑ed the ſenate to proſtitute their own dignity and that of religion by granting him a place among the gods. Whilſt he was upon earth, Alexan⯑der Imitation of Alex⯑ander. the Great was the only hero whom this god deemed worthy his admiration. He aſſumed the name and enſigns of Alexander, formed a Mace⯑donian phalanx of guards, perſecuted the diſ⯑ciples of Ariſtotle, and diſplayed with a puerile enthuſiaſm the only ſentiment by which he diſ⯑covered any regard for virtue or glory. We can eaſily conceive, that after the battle of Narva, and the conqueſt of Poland, Charles the Twelfth (though he ſtill wanted the more elegant accom⯑pliſhments of the ſon of Philip) might boaſt of having rivalled his valour and magnanimity: but in no one action of his life did Caracalla expreſs the fainteſt reſemblance of the Macedonian hero, except in the murder of a great number of his own and of his father's friends ⁴⁰.

After the extinction of the houſe of Severus, Election and cha⯑racter of Macrinus. the Roman world remained three days without a [224] maſter. The choice of the army (for the autho⯑rity of a diſtant and feeble ſenate was little regarded) hung in an anxious ſuſpenſe; as no candidate preſented himſelf whoſe diſtinguiſhed birth and merit could engage their attachment and unite their ſuffrages. The deciſive weight of the Praetorian guards elevated the hopes of their praefects, and theſe powerful miniſters be⯑gan to aſſert their legal claim to fill the vacancy of the Imperial throne. Adventus, however, the ſenior praefect, conſcious of his age and infirmi⯑ties, of his ſmall reputation, and his ſmaller abilities, reſigned the dangerous honour to the crafty ambition of his colleague Macrinus, whoſe well-diſſembled grief removed all ſuſpicion of his being acceſſary to his maſter's death ⁴¹. The troops neither loved nor eſteemed his character. They caſt their eyes around in ſearch of a com⯑petitor and at laſt yielded with reluctance to his promiſes of unbounded liberality and indulgence. A ſhort time after his acceſſion, he conferred on A. D. 217. March 11. his ſon Diadumenianus, at the age of only ten years, the Imperial title and the popular name of Antoninus. The beautiful figure of the youth, aſſiſted by an additional donative, for which the ceremony furniſhed a pretext, might attract, it was hoped, the favour of the army, and ſecure the doubtful throne of Macrinus.

The authority of the new ſovereign had been Diſcontent of the ſe⯑nate, ratified by the cheerful ſubmiſſion of the ſenate and provinces. They exulted in their unexpect⯑ed [225] deliverance from a hated tyrant, and it ſeemed of little conſequence to examine into the virtues of the ſucceſſor of Caracalla. But as ſoon as the firſt tranſports of joy and ſurpriſe had ſubſided, they began to ſcrutinize the merits of Macrinus with a critical ſeverity, and to arraign the haſty choice of the army. It had hitherto been con⯑ſidered as a fundamental maxim of the conſtitu⯑tion, that the emperor muſt be always choſen in the ſenate, and the ſovereign power, no longer exerciſed by the whole body, was always dele⯑gated to one of its members. But Macrinus was not a ſenator ⁴². The ſudden elevation of the Praetorian praeſects betrayed the meanneſs of their origin; and the equeſtrian order was ſtill in poſſeſſion of that great office, which commanded with arbitrary ſway the lives and fortunes of the ſenate. A murmur of indignation was heard, that a man whoſe obſcure ⁴³ extraction had never been illuſtrated by any ſignal ſervice, ſhould dare to inveſt himſelf with the purple, inſtead of be⯑ſtowing it on ſome diſtinguiſhed ſenator, equal [226] in birth and dignity to the ſplendour of the Im⯑perial ſtation. As ſoon as the character of Ma⯑crinus was ſurveyed by the ſharp eye of diſcon⯑tent, ſome vices, and many defects, were eaſily diſcovered. The choice of his miniſters was in many inſtances juſtly cenſured, and the diſſatis⯑fied people, with their uſual candour, accuſed at once his indolent tameneſs and his exceſſive ſeve⯑rity ⁴⁴.

His raſh ambition had climbed a height where it was difficult to ſtand with firmneſs, and im⯑poſſible and the ar⯑my. to fall without inſtant deſtruction. Train⯑ed in the arts of courts and the forms of civil buſineſs, he trembled in the preſence of the fierce and undiſciplined multitude, over whom he had aſſumed the command; his military talents were deſpiſed, and his perſonal courage ſuſpected; a whiſper that circulated in the camp, diſcloſed the fatal ſecret of the conſpiracy againſt the late em⯑peror, aggravated the guilt of murder by the baſeneſs of hypocriſy, and heightened contempt by deteſtation. To alienate the ſoldiers, and to provoke inevitable ruin, the character of a re⯑former was only wanting: and ſuch was the pe⯑culiar hardſhip of his fate, that Macrinus was compelled to exerciſe that invidious office. The prodigality of Caracalla had left behind it a long train of ruin and diſorder; and if that worthleſs [227] tyrant had been capable of reflecting on the ſure conſequences of his own conduct, he would per⯑haps have enjoyed the dark proſpect of the diſtreſs and calamities which he bequeathed to his ſuc⯑ceſſors.

In the management of this neceſſary reforma⯑tion, Macrinus attempts a reforma⯑tion of the army. Macrinus proceeded with a cautious pru⯑dence, which would have reſtored health and vigour to the Roman army, in an eaſy and almoſt imperceptible manner. To the ſoldiers already engaged in the ſervice, he was conſtrained to leave the dangerous privileges and extravagant pay given by Caracalla; but the new recruits were received on the more moderate though liberal eſtabliſhment of Severus, and gradually formed to modeſty and obedience ⁴⁵. One fatal error deſtroyed the ſalutary effects of this judi⯑cious plan. The numerous army, aſſembled in the Eaſt by the late emperor, inſtead of being immediately diſperſed by Macrinus through the ſeveral provinces, was ſuffered to remain united in Syria, during the winter that followed his elevation. In the luxurious idleneſs of their quar⯑ters, the troops viewed their ſtrength and num⯑bers, communicated their complaints, and re⯑volved in their minds the advantages of another revolution. The veterans, inſtead of being flat⯑tered by the advantageous diſtinction, were alarm⯑ed by the firſt ſteps of the emperor, which they [228] conſidered as the preſage of his future intentions. The recruits, with ſullen reluctance, entered on a ſervice, whoſe labours were increaſed while its rewards were diminiſhed by a covetous and un⯑warlike ſovereign. The murmurs of the army ſwelled with impunity into ſeditious clamours; and the partial mutinies betrayed a ſpirit of diſ⯑content and diſaffection, that waited only for the ſlighteſt occaſion to break out on every ſide into a general rebellion. To minds thus diſpoſed, the occaſion ſoon preſented itſelf.

The empreſs Julia had experienced all the vi⯑ciſſitudes Death of the em⯑preſs Julia. Education, pretenſi⯑ons, and revolt of Elagaba⯑lus, called at firſt Baſ⯑ſianus and Antoni⯑nus. of fortune. From an humble ſtation ſhe had been raiſed to greatneſs, only to taſte the ſuperior bitterneſs of an exalted rank. She was doomed to weep over the death of one of her ſons, and over the life of the other. The cruel fate of Caracalla, though her good ſenſe muſt have long taught her to expect it, awakened the feelings of a mother and of an empreſs. Not⯑withſtanding the reſpectful civility expreſſed by the uſurper towards the widow of Severus, ſhe deſcended with a painful ſtruggle into the con⯑dition of a ſubject, and ſoon withdrew herſelf by a voluntary death from the anxious and humiliat⯑ing dependence ⁴⁶. Julia Maeſa, her ſiſter, was ordered to leave the court and Antioch. She retired to Emeſa with an immenſe fortune, the fruit of twenty years favour, accompanied by her two daughters, Soaemias and Mamaea, each of [229] whom was a widow, and each had an only ſon. Baſſianus, for that was the name of the ſon of Soaemias, was conſecrated to the honourable mi⯑niſtry of high prieſt of the Sun; and this holy vocation, embraced either from prudence or ſu⯑perſtition, contributed to raiſe the Syrian youth to the empire of Rome. A numerous body of troops was ſtationed at Emeſa; and, as the ſe⯑vere diſcipline of Macrinus had conſtrained them to paſs the winter encamped, they were eager to revenge the cruelty of ſuch unaccuſtomed hard⯑ſhips. The ſoldiers, who reſorted in crowds to the temple of the Sun, beheld with veneration and delight the elegant dreſs and figure of a young pontiff: they recogniſed, or they thought that they recogniſed, the features of Caracalla, whoſe memory they now adored. The artful Maeſa ſaw and cheriſhed their riſing partiality, and readily ſacrificing her daughter's reputation to the fortune of her grandſon, ſhe inſinuated that Baſſianus was the natural ſon of their murdered ſovereign. The ſums diſtributed by her emiſ⯑ſaries with a laviſh hand, ſilenced every objection, and the profuſion ſufficiently proved the affinity, or at leaſt the reſemblance, of Baſſianus with the great original. The young Antoninus (for he had aſſumed and polluted that reſpectable name) A. D. 218. May 16. was declared emperor by the troops of Emeſa, aſſerted his hereditary right, and called aloud on the armies to follow the ſtandard of a young and liberal prince, who had taken up arms to revenge [230] his father's death and the oppreſſion of the mili⯑tary order ⁴⁷.

Whilſt a conſpiracy of women and eunuchs was Defeat and death of Macrinus. concerted with prudence, and conducted with rapid vigour, Macrinus, who, by a deciſive mo⯑tion, might have cruſhed his infant enemy, floated between the oppoſite extremes of terror and ſecurity, which alike fixed him inactive at Antioch. A ſpirit of rebellion diffuſed itſelf through all the camps and garriſons of Syria, ſucceſſive detachments murdered their officers ⁴⁸, and joined the party of the rebels; and the tardy reſtitution of military pay and privileges was im⯑puted to the acknowledged weakneſs of Macri⯑nus. At length he marched out of Antioch, to meet the increaſing and zealous army of the young pretender. His own troops ſeemed to take the field with faintneſs and reluctance; but, in the heat of the battle ⁴⁹, the Praetorian guards, A. D. 218. 7th June. almoſt by an involuntary impulſe, aſſerted the [231] ſuperiority of their valour and diſcipline. The rebel ranks were broken; when the mother and grandmother of the Syrian prince, who, accord⯑ing to their eaſtern cuſtom, had attended the army, threw themſelves from their covered cha⯑riots, and, by exciting the compaſſion of the ſoldiers, endeavoured to animate their drooping courage. Antoninus himſelf, who, in the reſt of his life, never acted like a man, in this important criſis of his fate approved himſelf a hero, mounted his horſe, and, at the head of his rallied troops, charged ſword in hand among the thickeſt of the enemy; whilſt the eunuch Gannys, whoſe occu⯑pations had been confined to female cares and the ſoft luxury of Aſia, diſplayed the talents of an able and experienced general. The battle ſtill raged with doubtful violence, and Macrinus might have obtained the victory, had he not be⯑trayed his own cauſe by a ſhameful and precipi⯑tate flight. His cowardice ſerved only to pro⯑tract his life a few days, and to ſtamp deſerved ignominy on his misfortunes. It is ſcarcely ne⯑ceſſary to add, that his ſon Diadumenianus was involved in the ſame fate. As ſoon as the ſtub⯑born Praetorians could be convinced that they fought for a prince who had baſely deſerted them, they ſurrendered to the conqueror; the contend⯑ing parties of the Roman army mingling tears of joy and tenderneſs, united under the banners of the imagined ſon of Caracalla, and the Eaſt ac⯑knowledged with pleaſure the firſt emperor of Aſiatic extraction.

[232] The letters of Macrinus had condeſcended to inform the ſenate of the ſlight diſturbance occa⯑ſioned by an impoſtor in Syria, and a decree im⯑mediately Elagaba⯑lus writes to the ſe⯑nate. paſſed, declaring the rebel and his fa⯑mily public enemies; with a promiſe of pardon, however, to ſuch of his deluded adherents as ſhould merit it by an immediate return to their duty. During the twenty days that elapſed from the declaration to the victory of Antoninus (for in ſo ſhort an interval was the fate of the Roman world decided), the capital and the provinces, more eſpecially thoſe of the Eaſt, were diſtracted with hopes and fears, agitated with tumult, and ſtained with a uſeleſs effuſion of civil blood, ſince whoſoever of the rivals prevailed in Syria, muſt reign over the empire. The ſpecious letters in which the young conqueror announced his victory to the obedient ſenate, were filled with profeſ⯑ſions of virtue and moderation; the ſhining ex⯑amples of Marcus and Auguſtus, he ſhould ever conſider as the great rule of his adminiſtration; and he affected to dwell with pride on the ſtrik⯑ing reſemblance of his own age and fortunes with thoſe of Auguſtus, who in the earlieſt youth had revenged by a ſucceſsful war the murder of his father. By adopting the ſtyle of Marcus Aure⯑lius Antoninus, ſon of Antoninus and grandſon of Severus, he tacitly aſſerted his hereditary claim to the empire; but, by aſſuming the tribunitian and proconſular powers before they had been conferred on him by a decree of the ſenate, he offended the delicacy of Roman prejudice. This new and injudicious violation of the conſtitution [233] was probably dictated either by the ignorance of his Syrian courtiers, or the fierce diſdain of his military followers ⁵⁰.

As the attention of the new emperor was di⯑verted Picture of Elagaba⯑lus. A. D. 219. by the moſt trifling amuſements, he waſted many months in his luxurious progreſs from Syria to Italy, paſſed at Nicomedia his firſt winter after his victory, and deferred till the enſuing ſummer his triumphal entry into the capital. A faithful picture, however, which preceded his arrival, and was placed by his immediate order over the altar of Victory in the ſenate-houſe, conveyed to the Romans the juſt but unworthy reſemblance of his perſon and manners. He was drawn in his ſa⯑cerdotal robes of ſilk and gold, after the looſe flowing faſhion of the Medes and Phoenicians; his head was covered with a lofty tiara, his nu⯑merous collars and bracelets were adorned with gems of an ineſtimable value. His eyebrows were tinged with black, and his cheeks painted with an artificial red and white ⁵¹. The grave ſenators confeſſed with a ſigh, that, after having long experienced the ſtern tyranny of their own countrymen, Rome was at length humbled be⯑neath the effeminate luxury of Oriental de⯑ſpotiſm.

The Sun was worſhipped at Emeſa, under the His ſuper⯑ſtition. name of Elagabalus ⁵², and under the form of a [234] black conical ſtone, which, as it was univerſally believed, had fallen from heaven on that ſacred place. To this protecting deity, Antoninus, not without ſome reaſon, aſcribed his elevation to the throne. The diſplay of ſuperſtitious grati⯑tude, was the only ſerious buſineſs of his reign. The triumph of the god of Emeſa over all the religions of the earth, was the great object of his zeal and vanity: and the appellation of Elagaba⯑lus (for he preſumed as pontiff and favourite to adopt that ſacred name) was dearer to him than all the titles of Imperial greatneſs. In a ſolemn pro⯑ceſſion through the ſtreets of Rome, the way was ſtrewed with gold duſt; the black ſtone, ſet in precious gems, was placed on a chariot drawn by ſix milk-white horſes richly capariſoned. The pious emperor held the reins, and, ſupported by his miniſters, moved ſlowly backwards, that he might perpetually enjoy the felicity of the divine preſence. In a magnificent temple raiſed on the Palatine Mount, the ſacrifices of the god Elaga⯑balus were celebrated with every circumſtance of coſt and ſolemnity. The richeſt wines, the moſt extraordinary victims, and the rareſt aromatics, were profuſely conſumed on his altar. Around the altar a chorus of Syrian damſels performed their laſcivious dances to the ſound of barbarian muſic, whilſt the graveſt perſonages of the ſtate and army, clothed in long Phoenician tunics, of⯑ficiated in the meaneſt functions, with affected zeal and ſecret indignation ⁵³.

[235] To this temple, as to the common centre of religious worſhip, the Imperial fanatic attempted to remove the Ancilia, the Palladium ⁵⁴, and all the ſacred pledges of the faith of Numa. A crowd of inferior deities attended in various ſta⯑tions the majeſty of the god of Emeſa; but his court was ſtill imperfect, till a female of diſtin⯑guiſhed rank was admitted to his bed. Pallas had been firſt choſen for his conſort; but as it was dreaded leſt her warlike terrors might affright the ſoft delicacy of a Syrian deity, the Moon, adored by the Africans under the name of Aſtarte, was deemed a more ſuitable companion for the Sun. Her image, with the rich offerings of her temple as a marriage portion, was tranſported with ſolemn pomp from Carthage to Rome, and the day of theſe myſtic nuptials was a general feſtival in the capital and throughout the em⯑pire ⁵⁵.

A rational voluptuary adheres with invariable His profli⯑gate and effeminate luxury. reſpect to the temperate dictates of nature, and improves the gratifications of ſenſe by ſocial in⯑tercourſe, endearing connections, and the ſoft colouring of taſte and the imagination. But Ela⯑gabalus (I ſpeak of the emperor of that name), [236] corrupted by his youth, his country, and his for⯑tune, abandoned himſelf to the groſſeſt pleaſures with ungoverned fury, and ſoon found diſguſt and ſatiety in the midſt of his enjoyments. The inflammatory powers of art were ſummoned to his aid: the confuſed multitude of women, of wines, and of diſhes, and the ſtudied variety of attitudes and ſauces, ſerved to revive his languid appetites. New terms and new inventions in theſe ſciences, the only ones cultivated and pa⯑troniſed by the monarch ⁵⁶, ſignalized his reign, and tranſmitted his infamy to ſucceeding times: A capricious prodigality ſupplied the want of taſte and elegance; and whilſt Elagabalus la⯑viſhed away the treaſures of his people in the wildeſt extravagance, his own voice and that of his flatterers applauded a ſpirit and magnificence unknown to the tameneſs of his predeceſſors. To confound the order of ſeaſons and climates ⁵⁷, to ſport with the paſſions and prejudices of his ſubjects, and to ſubvert every law of nature and decency, were in the number of his moſt deli⯑cious amuſements. A long train of concubines, and a rapid ſucceſſion of wives, among whom was a veſtal virgin, raviſhed by force from her [237] ſacred aſylum ⁵⁸, were inſufficient to ſatisfy the impotence of his paſſions. The maſter of the Roman world affected to copy the dreſs and manners of the female ſex, preferred the diſtaff to the ſceptre, and diſhonoured the principal dig⯑nities of the empire by diſtributing them among his numerous lovers; one of whom was publicly inveſted with the title and authority of the em⯑peror's, or, as he more properly ſtyled himſelf, of the empreſs's huſband ⁵⁹.

It may ſeem probable, the vices and follies of Contempt of decency which diſ⯑tinguiſhed the Roman tyrants. Elagabalus have been adorned by fancy, and blackened by prejudice ⁶⁰. Yet confining our⯑ſelves to the public ſcenes diſplayed before the Roman people, and atteſted by grave and con⯑temporary hiſtorians, their inexpreſſible infamy ſurpaſſes that of any other age or country. The licence of an eaſtern monarch is ſecluded from the eye of curioſity by the inacceſſible walls of his ſeraglio. The ſentiments of honour and gal⯑lantry have introduced a refinement of pleaſure, a regard for decency, and a reſpect for the public opinion, into the modern courts of Europe; but [238] the corrupt and opulent nobles of Rome gratified every vice that could be collected from the mighty conflux of nations and manners. Secure of impunity, careleſs of cenſure, they lived with⯑out reſtraint in the patient and humble ſociety of their ſlaves and paraſites. The emperor, in his turn, viewing every rank of his ſubjects with the ſame contemptuous indifference, aſſerted without control his ſovereign privilege of luſt and luxury.

The moſt worthleſs of mankind are not afraid Diſcon⯑tents of the army. to condemn in others the ſame diſorders which they allow in themſelves; and can readily diſco⯑ver ſome nice difference of age, character, or ſtation, to juſtify the partial diſtinction. The li⯑centious ſoldiers, who had raiſed to the throne the diſſolute ſon of Caracalla, bluſhed at their ignominious choice, and turned with diſguſt from that monſter, to contemplate with pleaſure the opening virtues of his couſin Alexander the ſon of Mamaea. The crafty Maeſa, ſenſible that her grandſon Elagabalus muſt inevitably deſtroy him⯑ſelf by his own vices, had provided another and ſurer ſupport of her family. Embracing a fa⯑vourable moment of fondneſs and devotion, ſhe had perſuaded the young emperor to adopt Alex⯑ander, Alexander Severus declared Caeſar. A. D. 221. and to inveſt him with the title of Caeſar, that his own divine occupations might be no longer interrupted by the care of the earth. In the ſecond rank that amiable prince ſoon acquired the affections of the public, and excited the ty⯑rant's jealouſy, who reſolved to terminate the dangerous competition, either by corrupting the manners, or by taking away the life, of his rival. [239] His arts proved unſucceſsful; his vain deſigns were conſtantly diſcovered by his own loquacious folly, and diſappointed by thoſe virtuous and faithful ſervants whom the prudence of Mamaea had placed about the perſon of her ſon. In a haſty ſally of paſſion, Elagabalus reſolved to exe⯑cute by force what he had been unable to compaſs by fraud, and by a deſpotic ſentence degraded his couſin from the rank and honours of Caeſar. The meſſage was received in the ſenate with ſilence, and in the camp with fury. The Prae⯑torian guards ſwore to protect Alexander, and to revenge the diſhonoured majeſty of the throne. The tears and promiſes of the trembling Elaga⯑balus, who only begged them to ſpare his life, and to leave him in the poſſeſſion of his beloved Hierocles, diverted their juſt indignation; and they contented themſelves with empowering their praefects to watch over the ſafety of Alexander, and the conduct of the emperor ⁶¹.

It was impoſſible that ſuch a reconciliation ſhould laſt, or that even the mean ſoul of Elaga⯑balus Sedition of the guards, and mur⯑der of Ela⯑gabalus. A. D. 222. 10 March. could hold an empire on ſuch humiliating terms of dependence. He ſoon attempted, by a dangerous experiment, to try the temper of the ſoldiers. The report of the death of Alexander, and the natural ſuſpicion that he had been mur⯑dered, inflamed their paſſions into fury, and the tempeſt of the camp could only be appeaſed by [240] the preſence and authority of the popular youth. Provoked at this new inſtance of their affection for his couſin, and their contempt for his perſon, the emperor ventured to puniſh ſome of the leaders of the mutiny. His unſeaſonable ſeverity proved inſtantly fatal to his minions, his mother, and himſelf. Elagabalus was maſſacred by the in⯑dignant Praetorians, his mutilated corpſe dragged through the ſtreets of the city, and thrown into the Tyber. His memory was branded with eter⯑nal infamy by the ſenate; the juſtice of whoſe decree has been ratified by poſterity ⁶².

In the room of Elagabalus, his couſin Alexan⯑der Acceſſion of Alex⯑ander Se⯑verus. was raiſed to the throne by the Praetorian guards. His relation to the family of Severus, whoſe name he aſſumed, was the ſame as that of his predeceſſor; his virtue and his danger had already endeared him to the Romans, and the eager liberality of the ſenate conferred upon him, in one day, the various titles and powers of the [241] Imperial dignity ⁶³. But as Alexander was a modeſt and dutiful youth, of only ſeventeen years of age, the reins of government were in the hands of two women, of his mother Mamaea, and of Maeſa, his grandmother. After the death of the latter, who ſurvived but a ſhort time the eleva⯑tion of Alexander, Mamaea remained the ſole re⯑gent of her ſon and of the empire.

In every age and country, the wiſer, or at leaſt Power of his mother Mamaea. the ſtronger, of the two ſexes, has uſurped the powers of the ſtate, and confined the other to the cares and pleaſures of domeſtic life. In he⯑reditary monarchies, however, and eſpecially in thoſe of modern Europe, the gallant ſpirit of chivalry, and the law of ſucceſſion, have accuſ⯑tomed us to allow a ſingular exception; and a woman is often acknowledged the abſolute ſove⯑reign of a great kingdom, in which ſhe would be deemed incapable of exerciſing the ſmalleſt em⯑ployment, civil or military. But as the Roman emperors were ſtill conſidered as the generals and magiſtrates of the republic, their wives and mo⯑thers, although diſtinguiſhed by the name of Au⯑guſta, were never aſſociated to their perſonal ho⯑nours; and a female reign would have appeared an inexpiable prodigy in the eyes of thoſe primi⯑tive Romans, who married without love, or loved without delicacy and reſpect ⁶⁴. The haughty [242] Agrippina aſpired, indeed, to ſhare the honours of the empire, which ſhe had conferred on her ſon; but her mad ambition, deteſted by every citizen who felt for the dignity of Rome, was diſappointed by the artful firmneſs of Seneca and Burrhus ⁶⁵. The good ſenſe, or the indifference, of ſucceeding princes, reſtrained them from of⯑fending the prejudices of their ſubjects; and it was reſerved for the profligate Elagabalus, to diſcharge the acts of the ſenate, with the name of his mother Soaemias, who was placed by the ſide of the conſuls, and ſubſcribed, as a regular member, the decrees of the legiſlative aſſembly. Her more prudent ſiſter, Mamaea, declined the uſeleſs and odious prerogative, and a ſolemn law was enacted, excluding women for ever from the ſenate, and devoting to the infernal gods, the head of the wretch by whom this ſanction ſhould be violated ⁶⁶. The ſubſtance, not the pageantry, of power was the object of Mamaea's manly am⯑bition. She maintained an abſolute and laſting empire over the mind of her ſon, and in his af⯑fection the mother could not brook a rival. Alexander, with her conſent, married the daugh⯑ter of a Patrician; but his reſpect for his father⯑in-law, and love for the empreſs, were incon⯑ſiſtent with the tenderneſs or intereſt of Mamaea. The Patrician was executed on the ready accu⯑ſation [243] of treaſon, and the wife of Alexander driven with ignominy from the palace, and baniſhed into Africa ⁶⁷.

Notwithſtanding this act of jealous cruelty, as Wiſe and moderate admini⯑ſtration. well as ſome inſtances of avarice, with which Mamaea is charged; the general tenour of her adminiſtration was equally for the benefit of her ſon and of the empire. With the approbation of the ſenate, ſhe choſe ſixteen of the wiſeſt and moſt virtuous ſenators, as a perpetual council of ſtate, before whom every public buſineſs of mo⯑ment was debated and determined. The cele⯑brated Ulpian, equally diſtinguiſhed by his know⯑ledge of, and his reſpect for, the laws of Rome, was at their head; and the prudent firmneſs of this ariſtocracy reſtored order and authority to the government. As ſoon as they had purged the city from foreign ſuperſtition and luxury, the remains of the capricious tyranny of Elagabalus, they applied themſelves to remove his worthleſs creatures from every department of public admi⯑niſtration, and to ſupply their places with men of virtue and ability. Learning, and the love of juſtice, became the only recommendations for civil offices. Valour, and the love of diſcipline, [244] the only qualifications for military employ⯑ments ⁶⁸.

But the moſt important care of Mamaea and Education and virtu⯑ous temper of Alex⯑ander. her wiſe counſellors, was to form the character of the young emperor, on whoſe perſonal qualities the happineſs or miſery of the Roman world muſt ultimately depend. The fortunate ſoil aſſiſted, and even prevented, the hand of cultivation. An excellent underſtanding ſoon convinced A⯑lexander of the advantages of virtue, the plea⯑ſure of knowledge, and the neceſſity of labour. A natural mildneſs and moderation of temper preſerved him from the aſſaults of paſſion and the allurements of vice. His unalterable regard for his mother, and his eſteem for the wiſe Ulpian, guarded his unexperienced youth from the poiſon of flattery.

The ſimple journal of his ordinary occupations Journal of his ordi⯑nary life. exhibits a pleaſing picture of an accompliſhed emperor ⁶⁹, and with ſome allowance for the dif⯑ference of manners, might well deſerve the imi⯑tation of modern princes. Alexander roſe early: the firſt moments of the day were conſecrated to private devotion, and his domeſtic chapel was filled with the images of thoſe heroes, who, by improving or reforming human life, had deſerved the grateful reverence of poſterity. But, as he [245] deemed the ſervice of mankind the moſt accept⯑able worſhip of the gods, the greateſt part of his morning hours was employed in his council, where he diſcuſſed public affairs, and determined private cauſes, with a patience and diſcretion above his years. The dryneſs of buſineſs was relieved by the charms of literature: and a por⯑tion of time was always ſet apart for his favourite ſtudies of poetry, hiſtory, and philoſophy. The works of Virgil and Horace, the republics of Plato and Cicero, formed his taſte, enlarged his underſtanding, and gave him the nobleſt ideas of man and government. The exerciſes of the body ſucceeded to thoſe of the mind; and Alex⯑ander, who was tall, active, and robuſt, ſur⯑paſſed moſt of his equals in the gymnaſtic arts. Refreſhed by the uſe of the bath and a ſlight din⯑ner, he reſumed, with new vigour, the buſineſs of the day; and, till the hour of ſupper, the principal meal of the Romans, he was attended by his ſecretaries, with whom he read and an⯑ſwered the multitude of letters, memorials, and petitions, that muſt have been addreſſed to the maſter of the greateſt part of the world. His table was ſerved with the moſt frugal ſimplicity; and whenever he was at liberty to conſult his own inclination, the company conſiſted of a few ſelect friends, men of learning and virtue, amongſt whom Ulpian was conſtantly invited. Their converſation was familiar and inſtructive; and the pauſes were occaſionally enlivened by the recital of ſome pleaſing compoſition, which ſupplied the place of the dancers, comedians, and even gla⯑diators, [246] ſo frequently ſummoned to the tables of the rich and luxurious Romans ⁷⁰. The dreſs of Alexander was plain and modeſt, his demeanor courteous and affable: at the proper hours his palace was open to all his ſubjects, but the voice of a crier was heard, as in the Eleuſinian myſ⯑teries, pronouncing the ſame ſalutary admoni⯑tion; ‘Let none enter thoſe holy walls, unleſs he is conſcious of a pure and innocent mind ⁷¹.’

Such an uniform tenour of life, which left General happineſs of the Roman world. A. D. 222—235. not a moment for vice or folly, is a better proof of the wiſdom and juſtice of Alexander's govern⯑ment, than all the trifling details preſerved in the compilation of Lampridius. Since the ac⯑ceſſion of Commodus, the Roman world had ex⯑perienced, during a term of forty years, the ſucceſſive and various vices of four tyrants. From the death of Elagabalus, it enjoyed an auſpicious calm of thirteen years. The pro⯑vinces, relieved from the oppreſſive taxes in⯑vented by Caracalla and his pretended ſon, flou⯑riſhed in peace and proſperity, under the admi⯑niſtration of magiſtrates, who were convinced by experience, that to deſerve the love of the ſub⯑jects, was their beſt and only method of obtain⯑ing the favour of their ſovereign. While ſome gentle reſtraints were impoſed on the innocent luxury of the Roman people, the price of pro⯑viſions, and the intereſt of money, were reduced, [247] by the paternal care of Alexander, whoſe prudent liberality, without diſtreſſing the induſtrious, ſupplied the wants and amuſements of the popu⯑lace. The dignity, the freedom, the authority of the ſenate were reſtored; and every virtuous ſenator might approach the perſon of the empe⯑ror, without fear, and without a bluſh.

The name of Antoninus, ennobled by the vir⯑tues Alexander refuſes the name of Antoni⯑nus. of Pius and Marcus, had been communi⯑cated by adoption to the diſſolute Verus, and by deſcent to the cruel Commodus. It became the honourable appellation of the ſons of Severus, was beſtowed on young Diadumenianus, and at length proſtituted to the infamy of the high prieſt of Emeſa. Alexander, though preſſed by the ſtudied, and perhaps ſincere importunity of the ſenate, nobly refuſed the borrowed luſtre of a name; whilſt in his whole conduct he laboured to reſtore the glories and felicity of the age of the genuine Antonines ⁷².

In the civil adminiſtration of Alexander, wiſ⯑dom He at⯑tempts to reform the army. was enforced by power, and the people, ſenſible of the public felicity, repaid their bene⯑factor with their love and gratitude. There ſtill remained a greater, a more neceſſary, but a more difficult enterpriſe; the reformation of the military order, whoſe intereſt and temper, con⯑firmed [248] by long impunity, rendered them impa⯑tient of the reſtraints of diſcipline, and careleſs of the bleſſings of public tranquility. In the execution of his deſign the emperor affected to diſplay his love, and to conceal his fear, of the army. The moſt rigid oeconomy in every other branch of the adminiſtration, ſupplied a fund of gold and ſilver for the ordinary pay and the ex⯑traordinary rewards of the troops. In their marches he relaxed the ſevere obligation of car⯑rying ſeventeen days proviſion on their ſhoulders. Ample magazines were formed along the public roads, and as ſoon as they entered the enemy's country, a numerous train of mules and camels waited on their haughty lazineſs. As Alexander deſpaired of correcting the luxury of his ſoldiers, he attempted, at leaſt, to direct it to objects of martial pomp and ornament, fine horſes, ſplen⯑did armour, and ſhield enriched with ſilver and gold. He ſhared whatever fatigues he was obliged to impoſe, viſited, in perſon, the ſick and wounded, preſerved an exact regiſter of their ſervices and his own gratitude, and expreſſed, on every occaſion, the warmeſt regard for a body of men, whoſe welfare, as he affected to declare, was ſo cloſely connected with that of the ſtate ⁷³. By the moſt gentle arts he laboured to inſpire the fierce multitude with a ſenſe of duty, and to reſtore at leaſt a faint image of that diſcipline to which the Romans owed their empire over ſo [249] many other nations, as warlike and more power⯑ful than themſelves. But his prudence was vain, his courage fatal, and the attempt towards a re⯑formation ſerved only to inflame the ills it was meant to cure.

The Praetorian guards were attached to the Seditions of the Prae⯑torian guards, and mur⯑der of Ul⯑pian. youth of Alexander. They loved him as a ten⯑der pupil, whom they had ſaved from a tyrant's fury, and placed on the Imperial throne. That amiable prince was ſenſible of the obligation; but as his gratitude was reſtrained within the limits of reaſon and juſtice, they ſoon were more diſſatisfied with the virtues of Alexander, than they had ever been with the vices of Elagabalus. Their praefect, the wiſe Ulpian, was the friend of the laws and of the people; he was con⯑ſidered as the enemy of the ſoldiers, and to his pernicious counſels every ſcheme of reformation was imputed. Some trifling accident blew up their diſcontent into a furious mutiny; and a civil war raged, during three days, in Rome, whilſt the life of that excellent miniſter was de⯑fended by the grateful people. Terrified, at length, by the ſight of ſome houſes in flames, and by the threats of a general conflagration, the people yielded with a ſigh, and left the virtuous, but unfortunate, Ulpian to his fate. He was purſued into the Imperial palace, and maſſacred at the feet of his maſter, who vainly ſtrove to cover him with the purple, and to obtain his pardon from the inexorable ſoldiers. Such was the deplorable weakneſs of government, that the emperor was unable to revenge his murdered [250] friend and his inſulted dignity, without ſtooping to the arts of patience and diſſimulation. Epa⯑gathus, the principal leader of the mutiny, was removed from Rome, by the honourable employ⯑ment of praefect of Egypt; from that high rank he was gently degraded to the government of Crete; and when, at length, his popularity among the guards was effaced by time and ab⯑ſence, Alexander ventured to inflict the tardy, but deſerved puniſhment of his crimes ⁷⁴. Under the reign of a juſt and virtuous prince, the tyran⯑ny of the army threatened with inſtant death his moſt faithful miniſters, who were ſuſpected of an intention to correct their intolerable diſorders. The hiſtorian Dion Caſſius had commanded the Danger of Dion Caſ⯑ſius. Pannonian legions with the ſpirit of ancient diſ⯑cipline. Their brethren of Rome, embracing the common cauſe of military licence, demanded the head of the reformer. Alexander, however, inſtead of yielding to their ſeditious clamours, ſhewed a juſt ſenſe of his merit and ſervices, by appointing him his colleague in the conſulſhip, and defraying from his own treaſury the expence of that vain dignity: but as it was juſtly appre⯑hended, that if the ſoldiers beheld him with the enſigns of his office, they would revenge the in⯑ſult in his blood, the nominal firſt magiſtrate of the ſtate retired, by the emperor's advice, from [251] the city, and ſpent the greateſt part of his con⯑fulſhip at his villas in Campania ⁷⁵.

The lenity of the emperor confirmed the in⯑ſolence Tumults of the le⯑gions. of the troops; the legions imitated the example of the guards, and defended their pre⯑rogative of licentiouſneſs with the ſame furious obſtinacy. The adminiſtration of Alexander was an unavailing ſtruggle againſt the corruption of his age. In Illyricum, in Mauritania, in Ar⯑menia, in Meſopotamia, in Germany, freſh mu⯑tinies perpetually broke out; his officers were murdered, his authority was inſulted, and his life at laſt ſacrificed to the fierce diſcontents of the army ⁷⁶. One particular fact well deſerves to Firmneſs of the em⯑peror. be recorded, as it illuſtrates the manners of the troops, and exhibits a ſingular inſtance of their return to a ſenſe of duty and obedience. Whilſt the emperor lay at Antioch, in his Perſian expe⯑dition, the particulars of which we ſhall here⯑after relate, the puniſhment of ſome ſoldiers, who had been diſcovered in the baths of women, ex⯑cited a ſedition in the legion to which they be⯑longed. Alexander aſcended his tribunal, and with a modeſt firmneſs repreſented to the armed multitude, the abſolute neceſſity as well as his inflexible reſolution of correcting the vices intro⯑duced by his impure predeceſſor, and of main⯑taining the diſcipline, which could not be relaxed without the ruin of the Roman name and em⯑pire. Their clamours interrupted his mild ex⯑poſtulation. [252] ‘Reſerve your ſhouts, ſaid the undaunted emperor, till you take the field againſt the Perſians, the Germans, and the Sarmatians. Be ſilent in the preſence of your ſovereign and benefactor, who beſtows upon you the corn, the clothing, and the money of the provinces. Be ſilent, or I ſhall no longer ſtyle you ſoldiers, but citizens ⁷⁷, if thoſe in⯑deed who diſclaim the laws of Rome deſerve to be ranked among the meaneſt of the peo⯑ple.’ His menaces inflamed the fury of the legion, and their brandiſhed arms already threat⯑ened his perſon. ‘Your courage, reſumed the intrepid Alexander, would be more nobly diſ⯑played in the field of battle; me you may de⯑ſtroy, you cannot intimidate; and the ſevere juſtice of the republic would puniſh your crime, and revenge my death.’ The legion ſtill per⯑ſiſted in clamorous ſedition, when the emperor pronounced, with a loud voice, the deciſive ſen⯑tence, ‘Citizens! lay down your arms, and de⯑part in peace to your reſpective habitations.’ The tempeſt was inſtantly appeaſed; the ſoldiers, filled with grief and ſhame, ſilently confeſſed the juſtice of their puniſhment and the power of diſ⯑cipline, yielded up their arms and military en⯑ſigns, and retired in confuſion, not to their camp, but to the ſeveral inns of the city. Alexander enjoyed, during thirty days, the edifying ſpec⯑tacle [253] of their repentance; nor did he reſtore them to their former rank in the army, till he had puniſhed with death thoſe tribunes whoſe connivance had occaſioned the mutiny. The grateful legion ſerved the emperor, whilſt living, and revenged him when dead ⁷⁸.

The reſolutions of the multitude generally de⯑pend Defects of his reign and cha⯑racter. on a moment; and the caprice of paſſion might equally determine the ſeditious legion to lay down their arms at the emperor's feet, or to plunge them into his breaſt. Perhaps, if the ſingular tranſaction had been inveſtigated by the penetration of a philoſopher, we ſhould diſcover the ſecret cauſes which on that occaſion autho⯑rized the boldneſs of the prince, and command⯑ed the obedience of the troops; and perhaps, if it had been related by a judicious hiſtorian, we ſhould find this action, worthy of Caeſar himſelf, reduced nearer to the level of probability and the common ſtandard of the character of Alexander Severus. The abilities of that amiable prince ſeem to have been inadequate to the difficulties of his ſituation, the firmneſs of his conduct in⯑ferior to the purity of his intentions. His vir⯑tues, as well as the vices of Elagabalus, con⯑tracted a tincture of weakneſs and effeminacy from the ſoft climate of Syria, of which he was a native; though he bluſhed at his foreign ori⯑gin, and liſtened with a vain complacency to the flattering genealogiſts, who derived his race from [254] the ancient ſtock of Roman nobility ⁷⁹. The pride and avarice of his mother caſt a ſhade on the glories of his reign; and by exacting from his riper years the ſame dutiful obedience which ſhe had juſtly claimed from his unexperienced youth, Mamaea expoſed to public ridicule both her ſon's character and her own ⁸⁰. The fatigues of the Perſian war irritated the military diſcon⯑tent; the unſucceſsful event degraded the repu⯑tation of the emperor as a general, and even as a ſoldier. Every cauſe prepared, and every cir⯑cumſtance haſtened, a revolution, which diſtract⯑ed the Roman empire with a long ſeries of in⯑teſtine calamities.

The diſſolute tyranny of Commodus, the civil wars occaſioned by his death, and the new max⯑ims Digreſſion on the fi⯑nances of the empire. of policy introduced by the houſe of Severus, had all contributed to increaſe the dangerous power of the army, and to obliterate the faint image of laws and liberty that was ſtill impreſſed [255] on the minds of the Romans. This internal change, which undermined the foundations of the empire, we have endeavoured to explain with ſome degree of order and perſpicuity. The perſonal characters of the emperors, their vic⯑tories, laws, follies, and fortunes, can intereſt us no farther than as they are connected with the general hiſtory of the Decline and Fall of the monarchy. Our conſtant attention to that great object, will not ſuffer us to overlook a moſt im⯑portant edict of Antoninus Caracalla, which com⯑municated to all the free inhabitants of the em⯑pire the name and privileges of Roman citizens. His unbounded liberality flowed not, however, from the ſentiments of a generous mind; it was the forbid reſult of avarice, and will naturally be illuſtrated by ſome obſervations on the finances of that ſtate, from the victorious ages of the com⯑monwealth to the reign of Alexander Severus.

The ſiege of Veii in Tuſcany, the firſt con⯑ſiderable Eſtabliſh⯑ment enterpriſe of the Romans, was protracted to the tenth year, much leſs by the ſtrength of the place than by the unſkilfulneſs of the be⯑ſiegers. The unaccuſtomed hardſhips of ſo many winter campaigns, at the diſtance of near twenty miles from home ⁸¹, required more than common encouragements; and the ſenate wiſely prevented [256] the clamours of the people, by the inſtitution of a regular pay for the ſoldiers, which was levied by a general tribute, aſſeſſed according to an equitable proportion on the property of the citi⯑zens ⁸². During more than two hundred years after the conqueſt of Veii, the victories of the republic added leſs to the wealth than to the power of Rome. The ſtates of Italy paid their tribute in military ſervice only, and the vaſt force both by ſea and land, which was exerted in the Punic wars, was maintained at the expence of the Romans themſelves. That high-ſpirited peo⯑ple (ſuch is often the generous enthuſiaſm of freedom) cheerfully ſubmitted to the moſt exceſ⯑ſive but voluntary burdens, in the juſt confidence that they ſhould ſpeedily enjoy the rich harveſt of their labours. Their expectations were not diſappointed. In the courſe of a few years, the riches of Syracuſe, of Carthage, of Macedonia, and of Aſia, were brought in triumph to Rome. The treaſures of Perſeus alone amounted to near and aboli⯑tion of the tribute on Roman ci⯑tizens. two millions ſterling, and the Roman people, the ſovereign of ſo many nations, was for ever delivered from the weight of taxes ⁸³. The in⯑creaſing revenue of the provinces was found ſuffi⯑cient to defray the ordinary eſtabliſhment of war and government, and the ſuperfluous maſs of gold and ſilver was depoſited in the temple of [257] Saturn, and reſerved for any unforeſeen emer⯑gency of the ſtate ⁸⁴.

Hiſtory has never perhaps ſuffered a greater or Tributes of the pro⯑vinces more irreparable injury, than in the loſs of the curious regiſter bequeathed by Auguſtus to the ſenate, in which that experienced prince ſo ac⯑curately balanced the revenues and expences of the Roman empire ⁸⁵. Deprived of this clear and comprehenſive eſtimate, we are reduced to collect a few imperfect hints from ſuch of the an⯑cients as have accidentally turned aſide from the ſplendid to the more uſeful parts of hiſtory. We are informed that, by the conqueſts of Pom⯑pey, the tributes of Aſia were raiſed from fifty to of Aſia, one hundred and thirty-five millions of drachms; or about four millions and a half ſterling ⁸⁶. of Egypt, Under the laſt and moſt indolent of the Ptole⯑mies, the revenue of Egypt is ſaid to have amounted to twelve thouſand five hundred ta⯑lents; a ſum equivalent to more than two mil⯑lions and a half of our money, but which was afterwards conſiderably improved by the more exact oeconomy of the Romans, and the increaſe of the trade of Aethiopia and India ⁸⁷. Gaul of Gaul, was enriched by rapine, as Egypt was by com⯑merce, and the tributes of thoſe two great pro⯑vinces have been compared as nearly equal to [258] each other in value ⁸⁸. The ten thouſand Eu⯑boic or Phoenician talents, about four millions ſterling ⁸⁹, which vanquiſhed Carthage was con⯑demned of Africa, to pay within the term of fifty years, were a ſlight acknowledgment of the ſuperiority of Rome ⁹⁰, and cannot bear the leaſt proportion with the taxes afterwards raiſed both on the lands and on the perſons of the inhabitants, when the fertile coaſt of Africa was reduced into a pro⯑vince ⁹¹.

Spain, by a very ſingular fatality, was the Peru of Spain, and Mexico of the old world. The diſcovery of the rich weſtern continent by the Phoenicians, and the oppreſſion of the ſimple natives, who were compelled to labour in their own mines for the benefit of ſtrangers, form an exact type of the more recent hiſtory of Spaniſh America ⁹². The Phoenicians were acquainted only with the ſea-coaſt of Spain; avarice, as well as ambition, carried the arms of Rome and Carthage into the heart of the country, and almoſt every part of the ſoil was found pregnant with copper, ſilver, and gold. Mention is made of a mine near Car⯑thagena which yielded every day twenty-five [259] thouſand drachms of ſilver, or about three hun⯑dred thouſand pounds a year ⁹³. Twenty thou⯑ſand pound weight of gold was annually received from the provinces of Aſturia, Gallicia, and Luſitania ⁹⁴.

We want both leiſure and materials to purſue of the iſle of Gyarus. this curious inquiry through the many potent ſtates that were annihilated in the Roman empire. Some notion, however, may be formed of the revenue of the provinces where conſiderable wealth had been depoſited by nature, or collected by man, if we obſerve the ſevere attention that was directed to the abodes of ſolitude and ſte⯑rility. Auguſtus once received a petition from the inhabitants of Gyarus, humbly praying that they might be relieved from one-third of their exceſſive impoſitions. Their whole tax amount⯑ed indeed to no more than one hundred and fifty drachms, or about five pounds: but Gyarus was a little iſland, or rather a rock, of the Aegean ſea, deſtitute of freſh water and every neceſſary of life, and inhabited only by a few wretched fiſhermen ⁹⁵.

From the ſaint glimmerings of ſuch doubtful Amount of the re⯑venue. and ſcattered lights, we ſhould be inclined to believe, 1ſt, That (with every fair allowance for [260] the difference of times and circumſtances) the general income of the Roman provinces could ſeldom amount to leſs than fifteen or twenty millions of our money ⁹⁶; and, 2dly, That ſo ample a revenue muſt have been fully adequate to all the expences of the moderate government inſtituted by Auguſtus, whoſe court was the mo⯑deſt family of a private ſenator, and whoſe mili⯑tary eſtabliſhment was calculated for the defence of the frontiers, without any aſpiring views of conqueſt, or any ſerious apprehenſion of a foreign invaſion.

Notwithſtanding the ſeeming probability of Taxes on Roman ci⯑tizens in⯑ſtituted by Auguſtus. both theſe concluſions, the latter of them at leaſt is poſitively diſowned by the language and con⯑duct of Auguſtus. It is not eaſy to determine whether, on this occaſion, he acted as the com⯑mon father of the Roman world, or as the op⯑preſſor of liberty; whether he wiſhed to relieve the provinces, or to impoveriſh the ſenate and the equeſtrian order. But no ſooner had he aſſumed the reins of government, than he fre⯑quently intimated the inſufficiency of the tri⯑butes, and the neceſſity of throwing an equitable proportion of the public burden upon Rome and Italy. In the proſecution of this unpopular de⯑ſign, he advanced, however, by cautious and well-weighed ſteps. The introduction of cuſtoms was followed by the eſtabliſhment of an exciſe, [261] and the ſcheme of taxation was completed by an artful aſſeſſment on the real and perſonal pro⯑perty of the Roman citizens, who had been ex⯑empted from any kind of contribution above a century and a half.

I. In a great empire like that of Rome, a The cuſ⯑toms. natural balance of money muſt have gradually eſtabliſhed itſelf. It has been already obſerved, that as the wealth of the provinces was attracted to the capital by the ſtrong hand of conqueſt and power; ſo a conſiderable part of it was reſtored to the induſtrious provinces by the gentle influ⯑ence of commerce and arts. In the reign of Auguſtus and his ſucceſſors, duties were im⯑poſed on every kind of merchandiſe, which through a thouſand channels flowed to the great centre of opulence and luxury; and in what⯑ſoever manner the law was expreſſed, it was the Roman purchaſer, and not the provincial mer⯑chant, who paid the tax ⁹⁷. The rate of the cuſtoms varied from the eighth to the fortieth part of the value of the commodity; and we have a right to ſuppoſe that the variation was directed by the unalterable maxims of policy: that a higher duty was fixed on the articles of luxury than on thoſe of neceſſity, and that the produc⯑tions raiſed or manufactured by the labour of the ſubjects of the empire, were treated with more indulgence than was ſhewn to the pernicious, or at leaſt the unpopular commerce of Arabia and [262] India ⁹⁸. There is ſtill extant a long but im⯑perfect catalogue of eaſtern commodities, which about the time of Alexander Severus were ſubject to the payment of duties; cinnamon, myrrh, pepper, ginger, and the whole tribe of aromatics, a great variety of precious ſtones, among which the diamond was the moſt remarkable for its price, and the emerald for its beauty ⁹⁹: Parthian and Babylonian leather, cottons, ſilks, both raw and manufactured, ebony, ivory, and eunuchs ¹⁰⁰. We may obſerve that the uſe and value of thoſe effeminate ſlaves gradually roſe with the decline of the empire.

II. The exciſe, introduced by Auguſtus after the civil wars, was extremely moderate, but it The ex⯑ciſe. was general. It ſeldom exceeded one per cent.; but it comprehended whatever was ſold in the markets or by public auction, from the moſt con⯑ſiderable purchaſes of lands and houſes, to thoſe minute objects which can only derive a value from their infinite multitude and daily conſump⯑tion. Such a tax, as it affects the body of the people, has ever been the occaſion of clamour and diſcontent. An emperor well acquainted [263] with the wants and reſources of the ſtate, was obliged to declare by a public edict, that the ſupport of the army depended in a great meaſure on the produce of the exciſe ¹⁰¹.

III. When Auguſtus reſolved to eſtabliſh a Tax on le⯑gacies and inherit⯑ances. permanent military force for the defence of his government againſt foreign and domeſtic ene⯑mies, he inſtituted a peculiar treaſury for the pay of the ſoldiers, the rewards of the veterans, and the extraordinary expences of war. The ample revenue of the exciſe, though peculiarly appro⯑priated to thoſe uſes, was found inadequate. To ſupply the deficiency, the emperor ſuggeſted a new tax of five per cent. on all legacies and inheritances. But the nobles of Rome were more tenacious of property than of freedom. Their indignant murmurs were received by Au⯑guſtus with his uſual temper. He candidly re⯑ferred the whole buſineſs to the ſenate, and ex⯑horted them to provide for the public ſervice by ſome other expedient of a leſs odious nature. They were divided and perplexed. He inſinu⯑ated to them, that their obſtinacy would oblige him to propoſe a general land-tax and capitation. They acquieſced in ſilence ¹⁰². The new impo⯑ſition on legacies and inheritances was however mitigated by ſome reſtrictions. It did not take place unleſs the object was of a certain value, [264] moſt probably of fifty or an hundred pieces of gold ¹⁰³; nor could it be exacted from the neareſt of kin on the father's ſide ¹⁰⁴. When the rights of nature and poverty were thus ſecured, it ſeemed reaſonable, that a ſtranger, or a diſtant relation, who acquired an unexpected acceſſion of fortune, ſhould cheerfully reſign a twentieth part of it, for the benefit of the ſtate ¹⁰⁵.

Such a tax, plentiful as it muſt prove in every Suited to the laws and man⯑ners. wealthy community, was moſt happily ſuited to the ſituation of the Romans, who could frame their arbitrary wills, according to the dictates of reaſon or caprice, without any reſtraint from the modern fetters of entails and ſettlements. From various cauſes the partiality of paternal affection often loſt its influence over the ſtern patriots of the commonwealth, and the diſſolute nobles of the empire; and if the father bequeathed to his ſon the fourth part of his eſtate, he removed all ground of legal complaint ¹⁰⁶. But a rich child⯑leſs old man was a domeſtic tyrant, and his power increaſed with his years and infirmities. A ſer⯑vile crowd, in which he frequently reckoned praetors and conſuls, courted his ſmiles, pam⯑pered his avarice, applauded his follies, ſerved his paſſions, and waited with impatience for his [265] death. The arts of attendance and flattery were formed into a moſt lucrative ſcience; thoſe who profeſſed it acquired a peculiar appellation; and the whole city, according to the lively deſcrip⯑tions of ſatire, was divided between two parties, the hunters and their game ¹⁰⁷. Yet, while ſo many unjuſt and extravagant wills were every day dictated by cunning, and ſubſcribed by folly, a few were the reſult of rational eſteem and vir⯑tuous gratitude. Cicero, who had ſo often de⯑fended the lives and fortunes of his fellow-citi⯑zens, was rewarded with legacies to the amount of an hundred and ſeventy thouſand pounds ¹⁰⁸; nor do the friends of the younger Pliny ſeem to have been leſs generous to that amiable orator ¹⁰⁹. Whatever was the motive of the teſtator, the treaſury claimed, without diſtinction, the twen⯑tieth part of his eſtate; and in the courſe of two or three generations, the whole property of the ſubject muſt have gradually paſſed through the coffers of the ſtate.

In the firſt and golden years of the reign of Nero, Regulati⯑ons of the emperors. that prince, from a deſire of popularity, and perhaps from a blind impulſe of benevolence, conceived a wiſh of aboliſhing the oppreſſion of the cuſtoms and exciſe. The wiſeſt ſenators ap⯑plauded his magnanimity; but they diverted him [266] from the execution of a deſign, which would have diſſolved the ſtrength and reſources of the republic ¹¹⁰. Had it indeed been poſſible to realize this dream of fancy, ſuch princes as Tra⯑jan and the Antonines would ſurely have em⯑braced with ardour the glorious opportunity of conferring ſo ſignal an obligation on mankind. Satisfied, however, with alleviating the public burden, they attempted not to remove it. The mildneſs and preciſion of their laws aſcertained the rule and meaſure of taxation, and protected the ſubject of every rank againſt arbitrary inter⯑pretations, antiquated claims, and the inſolent vexation of the farmers of the revenue ¹¹¹. For it is ſomewhat ſingular, that, in every age, the beſt and wiſeſt of the Roman governors per⯑ſevered in this pernicious method of collecting the principal branches at leaſt of the exciſe and cuſtoms ¹¹².

The ſentiments, and, indeed, the ſituation of Edict of Caracalla. Caracalla, were very different from thoſe of the Antonines. Inattentive, or rather averſe to the welfare of his people, he found himſelf under the neceſſity of gratifying the inſatiate avarice, which he had excited in the army. Of the ſeveral im⯑poſitions introduced by Auguſtus, the twentieth on inheritances and legacies was the moſt fruit⯑ful, as well as the moſt comprehenſive. As its [267] influence was not confined to Rome or Italy, the produce continually increaſed with the gradual extenſion of the ROMAN CITY. The new citi⯑zens, though charged, on equal terms ¹¹³, with the payment of new taxes, which had not affect⯑ed them as ſubjects, derived an ample compenſa⯑tion from the rank they obtained, the privileges they acquired, and the fair proſpect of honours and fortune that was thrown open to their ambi⯑tion. But the favour, which implied a diſtinc⯑tion, The free⯑dom of the city given to all the provinci⯑als, for the purpoſe of taxation. was loſt in the prodigality of Caracalla, and the reluctant provincials were compelled to aſſume the vain title, and the real obligations, of Roman citizens. Nor was the rapacious ſon of Severus contented with ſuch a meaſure of taxation, as had appeared ſufficient to his moderate predeceſſors. Inſtead of a twentieth, he exacted a tenth of all legacies and inheritances; and during his reign (for the ancient proportion was reſtored after his death) he cruſhed alike every part of the empire under the weight of his iron ſceptre ¹¹⁴.

When all the provincials became liable to the Tempora⯑ry reduc⯑tion of the tribute. peculiar impoſitions of Roman citizens, they ſeemed to acquire a legal exemption from the tributes which they had paid in their former condition of ſubjects. Such were not the maxims of government adopted by Caracalla and his pre⯑tended ſon. The old as well as the new taxes were, at the ſame time, levied in the provinces. [268] It was reſerved for the virtue of Alexander to relieve them in a great meaſure from this into⯑lerable grievance, by reducing the tributes to a thirtieth part of the ſum exacted at the time of his acceſſion ¹¹⁵. It is impoſſible to conjecture the motive that engaged him to ſpare ſo trifling a remnant of the public evil; but the noxious weed, which had not been totally eradicated, again ſprang up with the moſt luxuriant growth, and in the ſucceeding age darkened the Roman world with its deadly ſhade. In the courſe of this hiſ⯑tory, we ſhall be too often ſummoned to explain the land-tax, the capitation, and the heavy con⯑tributions of corn, wine, oil, and meat, which were exacted from the provinces for the uſe of the court, the army, and the capital.

As long as Rome and Italy were reſpected as Conſe⯑quences of the univer⯑ſal free⯑dom of Rome. the centre of government, a national ſpirit was preſerved by the ancient, and inſenſibly imbibed by the adopted, citizens. The principal com⯑mands of the army were filled by men who had received a liberal education, were well inſtructed in the advantages of laws and letters, and who had riſen, by equal ſteps, through the regular ſucceſſion of civil and military honours ¹¹⁶. To their influence and example we may partly aſcribe the modeſt obedience of the legions during the two firſt centuries of the Imperial hiſtory.

[269] But when the laſt encloſure of the Roman conſtitution was trampled down by Caracalla, the ſeparation of profeſſions gradually ſucceeded to the diſtinction of ranks. The more poliſhed citizens of the internal provinces were alone qua⯑lified to act as lawyers and magiſtrates. The rougher trade of arms was abandoned to the pea⯑ſants and barbarians of the frontiers, who knew no country but their camp, no ſcience but that of war, no civil laws, and ſcarcely thoſe of mili⯑tary diſcipline. With bloody hands, ſavage manners, and deſperate reſolutions, they ſome⯑times guarded, but much oftener ſubverted, the throne of the emperors.

CHAP. VII. The Elevation and Tyranny of Maximin.—Rebellion in Africa and Italy, under the Authority of the Senate.—Civil Wars and Seditions.—Violent Deaths of Maximin and his Son, of Maximus and Balbinus, and of the three Gordians.—Uſurpation and ſecular Games of Philip.

OF the various forms of government, which have prevailed in the world, an hereditary monarchy ſeems to preſent the faireſt ſcope for ridicule. Is it poſſible to relate, without an in⯑dignant The appa⯑rent ridi⯑cule ſmile, that, on the father's deceaſe, the property of a nation, like that of a drove of oxen, deſcends to his infant ſon, as yet unknown to mankind and to himſelf; and that the braveſt warriors and the wiſeſt ſtateſmen, relinquiſhing their natural right to empire, approach the royal cradle with bended knees and proteſtations of in⯑violable fidelity? Satire and declamation may paint theſe obvious topics in the moſt dazzling colours, but our more ſerious thoughts will re⯑ſpect a uſeful prejudice, that eſtabliſhes a rule of ſucceſſion, independent of the paſſions of man⯑kind; and we ſhall cheerfully acquieſce in any expedient which deprives the multitude of the dangerous, and indeed the ideal, power of giving themſelves a maſter.

In the cool ſhade of retirement, we may eaſily and ſolid advantages of heredi⯑tary ſuc⯑ceſſion. deviſe imaginary forms of government, in which [271] the ſceptre ſhall be conſtantly beſtowed on the moſt worthy, by the free and incorrupt ſuffrage of the whole community. Experience overturns theſe airy fabrics, and teaches us, that, in a large ſociety, the election of a monarch can never de⯑volve to the wiſeſt, or to the moſt numerous, part of the people. The army is the only order of men ſufficiently united to concur in the ſame ſen⯑timents, and powerful enough to impoſe them on the reſt of their fellow-citizens: but the tem⯑per of ſoldiers, habituated at once to violence and to ſlavery, renders them very unfit guardians of a legal, or even a civil conſtitution. Juſtice, humanity, or political wiſdom, are qualities they are too little acquainted with in themſelves, to appreciate them in others. Valour will acquire their eſteem, and liberality will purchaſe their ſuffrage; but the firſt of theſe merits is often lodged in the moſt ſavage breaſts; the latter can only exert itſelf at the expence of the public; and both may be turned againſt the poſſeſſor of the throne, by the ambition of a daring rival.

The ſuperior prerogative of birth, when it has Want of it in the Ro⯑man em⯑pire pro⯑ductive of the greateſt calamities. obtained the ſanction of time and popular opi⯑nion, is the plaineſt and leaſt invidious of all diſtinctions among mankind. The acknowledged right extinguiſhes the hopes of faction, and the conſcious ſecurity diſarms the cruelty of the mo⯑narch. To the firm eſtabliſhment of this idea, we owe the peaceful ſucceſſion, and mild admi⯑niſtration, of European monarchies. To the de⯑fect of it, we muſt attribute the frequent civil [272] wars, through which an Aſiatic Deſpot is obliged to cut his way to the throne of his fathers. Yet, even in the Eaſt, the ſphere of contention is uſually limited to the princes of the reigning houſe, and as ſoon as the more fortunate compe⯑titor has removed his brethren, by the ſword and the bow-ſtring, he no longer entertains any jea⯑louſy of his meaner ſubjects. But the Roman empire, after the authority of the ſenate had ſunk into contempt, was a vaſt ſcene of confuſion. The royal, and even noble, families of the pro⯑vinces, had long ſince been led in triumph before the car of the haughty republicans. The ancient families of Rome had ſucceſſively fallen beneath the tyranny of the Caeſars; and whilſt thoſe princes were ſhackled by the forms of a common⯑wealth, and diſappointed by the repeated failure of their poſterity ¹, it was impoſſible that any idea of hereditary ſucceſſion ſhould have taken root in the minds of their ſubjects. The right to the throne, which none could claim from birth, every one aſſumed from merit. The daring hopes of ambition were ſet looſe from the ſalutary reſtraints of law and prejudice; and the meaneſt of mankind might, without folly, entertain a hope of being raiſed by valour and fortune to a rank in the army, in which a ſingle crime would enable him to wreſt the ſceptre of the world from his feeble and unpopular maſter. After the mur⯑der [273] of Alexander Severus, and the elevation of Maximin, no emperor could think himſelf ſafe upon the throne, and every barbarian peaſant of the frontier might aſpire to that auguſt, but dan⯑gerous ſtation.

About thirty-two years before that event, the Birth and fortunes of Maximin. emperor Severus, returning from an eaſtern ex⯑pedition, halted in Thrace, to celebrate, with military games, the birth-day of his younger ſon, Geta. The country flocked in crowds to behold their ſovereign, and a young barbarian of gigantic ſtature earneſtly ſolicited, in his rude dialect, that he might be allowed to contend for the prize of wreſtling. As the pride of diſcipline would have been diſgraced in the overthrow of a Roman ſoldier by a Thracian peaſant, he was matched with the ſtouteſt followers of the camp, ſixteen of whom he ſucceſſively laid on the ground. His victory was rewarded by ſome trifling gifts, and a permiſſion to inliſt in the troops. The next day, the happy barbarian was diſtinguiſhed above a crowd of recruits, dancing and exulting after the faſhion of his country. As ſoon as he perceived that he had attracted the emperor's notice, he inſtantly ran up to his horſe, and fol⯑lowed him on foot, without the leaſt appearance of fatigue, in a long and rapid career. ‘Thra⯑cian, ſaid Severus, with aſtoniſhment, art thou diſpoſed to wreſtle after thy race?’ Moſt willingly, Sir, replied the unwearied youth, and, almoſt in a breath, overthrew ſeven of the ſtrongeſt ſoldiers in the army. A gold collar was [274] the prize of his matchleſs vigour and activity, and he was immediately appointed to ſerve in the horſe-guards who always attended on the perſon of the ſovereign ².

Maximin, for that was his name, though born on the territories of the empire, deſcended from His mili⯑tary ſervice and ho⯑nours. a mixed race of barbarians. His father was a Goth, and his mother, of the nation of the Alani. He diſplayed, on every occaſion, a valour equal to his ſtrength; and his native fierceneſs was ſoon tempered or diſguiſed by the knowledge of the world. Under the reign of Severus and his ſon, he obtained the rank of centurion, with the favour and eſteem of both thoſe princes, the for⯑mer of whom was an excellent judge of merit. Gratitude forbade Maximin to ſerve under the aſſaſſin of Caracalla. Honour taught him to decline the effeminate inſults of Elagabalus. On the acceſſion of Alexander he returned to court, and was placed by that prince in a ſtation uſeful to the ſervice, and honourable to himſelf. The fourth legion, to which he was appointed tribune, ſoon became, under his care, the beſt diſciplined of the whole army. With the general applauſe of the ſoldiers, who beſtowed on their favourite hero the names of Ajax and Hercules, he was ſucceſſively promoted to the firſt military com⯑mand ³; and had not he ſtill retained too much [275] of his ſavage origin, the emperor might perhaps have given his own ſiſter in marriage to the ſon of Maximin ⁴.

Inſtead of ſecuring his fidelity, theſe favours Conſpi⯑racy of Maximin. ſerved only to inflame the ambition of the Thra⯑cian peaſant, who deemed his fortune inadequate to his merit, as long as he was conſtrained to acknowledge a ſuperior. Though a ſtranger to real wiſdom, he was not devoid of a ſelfiſh cun⯑ning, which ſhewed him, that the emperor had loſt the affection of the army, and taught him to improve their diſcontent to his own advantage. It is eaſy for faction and calumny to ſhed their poiſon on the adminiſtration of the beſt of princes, and to accuſe even their virtues, by artfully con⯑founding them with thoſe vices to which they bear the neareſt affinity. The troops liſtened with pleaſure to the emiſſaries of Maximin. They bluſhed at their own ignominious patience, which, during thirteen years, had ſupported the vexatious diſcipline impoſed by an effeminate Sy⯑rian, the timid ſlave of his mother and of the ſenate. It was time, they cried, to caſt away that uſeleſs phantom of the civil power, and to elect for their prince and general a real ſoldier, educated in camps, exerciſed in war, who would aſſert the glory, and diſtribute among his com⯑panions the treaſures of the empire. A great [276] army was at that time aſſembled on the banks of the Rhine, under the command of the emperor himſelf, who, almoſt immediately after his return from the Perſian war, had been obliged to march againſt the barbarians of Germany. The im⯑portant care of training and reviewing the new levies was intruſted to Maximin. One day, as he entered the field of exerciſe, the troops, either from a ſudden impulſe or a formed conſpi⯑racy, ſaluted him emperor, ſilenced by their loud acclamations his obſtinate refuſal, and haſtened to conſummate their rebellion by the murder of A. D. 235. March 19. Alexander Severus.

The circumſtances of his death are variouſly Murder of Alexander Severus. related. The writers, who ſuppoſe that he died in ignorance of the ingratitude and ambition of Maximin, affirm, that, after taking a frugal re⯑paſt in the ſight of the army, he retired to ſleep, and that, about the ſeventh hour of the day, a part of his own guards broke into the Imperial tent, and, with many wounds, aſſaſſinated their virtuous and unſuſpecting prince ⁵. If we credit another, and indeed a more probable account, Maximin was inveſted with the purple by a nu⯑merous detachment, at the diſtance of ſeveral miles from the head-quarters; and he truſted for ſucceſs rather to the ſecret wiſhes than to the [277] public declarations of the great army. Alexan⯑der had ſufficient time to awaken a faint ſenſe of loyalty among his troops; but their reluctant profeſſions of fidelity quickly vaniſhed on the ap⯑pearance of Maximin, who declared himſelf the friend and advocate of the military order, and was unanimouſly acknowledged emperor of the Romans by the applauding legions. The ſon of Mamaea, betrayed and deſerted, withdrew into his tent, deſirous at leaſt to conceal his approach⯑ing fate from the inſults of the multitude. He was ſoon followed by a tribune and ſome centu⯑rions, the miniſters of death; but, inſtead of re⯑ceiving with manly reſolution the inevitable ſtroke, his unavailing cries and entreaties diſ⯑graced the laſt moments of his life, and con⯑verted into contempt ſome portion of the juſt pity which his innocence and misfortunes muſt inſpire. His mother Mamaea, whoſe pride and avarice he loudly accuſed as the cauſe of his ruin, periſhed with her ſon. The moſt faithful of his friends were ſacrificed to the firſt fury of the ſoldiers. Others were reſerved for the more deliberate cruelty of the uſurper; and thoſe who experi⯑enced the mildeſt treatment, were ſtripped of their employments, and ignominiouſly driven from the court and army ⁶.

The former tyrants, Caligula and Nero, Com⯑modus Tyranny of Maxi⯑min. and Caracalla, were all diſſolute and un⯑experienced youths ⁷, educated in the purple, and [278] corrupted by the pride of empire, the luxury of Rome, and the perfidious voice of flattery. The cruelty of Maximin was derived from a different ſource, the fear of contempt. Though he de⯑pended on the attachment of the ſoldiers, who loved him for virtues like their own, he was con⯑ſcious that his mean and barbarian origin, his ſa⯑vage appearance, and his total ignorance of the arts and inſtitutions of civil life ⁸, formed a very unfavourable contraſt with the amiable manners of the unhappy Alexander. He remembered, that, in his humbler fortune, he had often waited before the door of the haughty nobles of Rome, and had been denied admittance by the inſolence of their ſlaves. He recollected too the friendſhip of a few who had relieved his poverty, and aſſiſted his riſing hopes. But thoſe who had ſpurned, and thoſe who had protected the Thracian, were guilty of the ſame crime, the knowledge of his original obſcurity. For this crime many were put to death; and by the execution of ſeveral of his benefactors, Maximin publiſhed, in charac⯑ters of blood, the indelible hiſtory of his baſeneſs and ingratitude ⁹.

The dark and ſanguinary ſoul of the tyrant, was open to every ſuſpicion againſt thoſe among his ſubjects who were the moſt diſtinguiſhed by their birth or merit. Whenever he was alarmed [279] with the ſound of treaſon, his cruelty was un⯑bounded and unrelenting. A conſpiracy againſt his life was either diſcovered or imagined, and Magnus, a conſular ſenator, was named as the principal author of it. Without a witneſs, with⯑out a trial, and without an opportunity of de⯑fence, Magnus, with four thouſand of his ſup⯑poſed accomplices, were put to death. Italy and the whole empire were infeſted with innumerable ſpies and informers. On the ſlighteſt accuſation, the firſt of the Roman nobles, who had governed provinces, commanded armies, and been adorned with the conſular and triumphal ornaments, were chained on the public carriages, and hurried away to the emperor's preſence. Confiſcation, exile, or ſimple death, were eſteemed uncommon inſtances of his lenity. Some of the unfortunate ſufferers he ordered to be ſewed up in the hides of ſlaughtered animals, others to be expoſed to wild beaſts, others again to be beaten to death with clubs. During the three years of his reign, he diſdained to viſit either Rome or Italy. His camp, occaſionally, removed from the banks of the Rhine to thoſe of the Danube, was the ſeat of his ſtern deſpotiſm, which trampled on every principle of law and juſtice, and was ſupported by the avowed power of the ſword ¹⁰. No man [280] of noble birth, elegant accompliſhments, or knowledge of civil buſineſs, was ſuffered near his perſon; and the court of a Roman emperor re⯑vived the idea of thoſe ancient chiefs of ſlaves and gladiators, whoſe ſavage power had left a deep impreſſion of terror and deteſtation ¹¹.

As long as the cruelty of Maximin was con⯑fined Oppreſſion of the pro⯑vinces. to the illuſtrious ſenators, or even to the bold adventurers, who in the court or army ex⯑poſe themſelves to the caprice of fortune, the body of the people viewed their ſufferings with indifference, or perhaps with pleaſure. But the tyrant's avarice, ſtimulated by the inſatiate deſires of the ſoldiers, at length attacked the public pro⯑perty. Every city of the empire was poſſeſſed of an independent revenue, deſtined to purchaſe corn for the multitude, and to ſupply the ex⯑pences of the games and entertainments. By a ſingle act of authority, the whole maſs of wealth was at once confiſcated for the uſe of the Impe⯑rial treaſury. The temples were ſtripped of their moſt valuable offerings of gold and ſilver, and the ſtatues of gods, heroes, and emperors were melted down and coined into money. Theſe im⯑pious orders could not be executed without tu⯑mults and maſſacres, as in many places the people choſe rather to die in the defence of their altars, than to behold in the midſt of peace their cities expoſed to the rapine and cruelty of war. The ſoldiers themſelves, among whom this ſacrile⯑gious plunder was diſtributed, received it with a [281] bluſh; and, hardened as they were in acts of violence, they dreaded the juſt reproaches of their friends and relations. Throughout the Roman world a general cry of indignation was heard, imploring vengeance on the common enemy of human kind; and at length, by an act of private oppreſſion, a peaceful and unarmed province was driven into rebellion againſt him ¹².

The procurator of Africa was a ſervant worthy Revolt in Africa. A. D. 237. April. of ſuch a maſter, who conſidered the fines and confiſcations of the rich as one of the moſt fruit⯑ful branches of the Imperial revenue. An ini⯑quitous ſentence had been pronounced againſt ſome opulent youths of that country, the execu⯑tion of which would have ſtripped them of far the greater part of their patrimony. In this ex⯑tremity, a reſolution that muſt either complete or prevent their ruin, was dictated by deſpair. A reſpite of three days, obtained with difficulty from the rapacious treaſurer, was employed in collecting from their eſtates a great number of ſlaves and peaſants, blindly devoted to the com⯑mands of their lords, and armed with the ruſtic weapons of clubs and axes. The leaders of the conſpiracy, as they were admitted to the audience of the procurator, ſtabbed him with the daggers concealed under their garments, and, by the aſ⯑ſiſtance of their tumultuary train, ſeized on the little town of Thyſdrus ¹³, and erected the ſtand⯑ard [282] of rebellion againſt the ſovereign of the Ro⯑man empire. They reſted their hopes on the hatred of mankind againſt Maximin, and they judiciouſly reſolved to oppoſe to that deteſted tyrant, an emperor whoſe mild virtues had al⯑ready acquired the love and eſteem of the Ro⯑mans, and whoſe authority over the province would give weight and ſtability to the enterpriſe. Gordianus, their proconſul, and the object of their choice, refuſed, with unfeigned reluctance, the dangerous honour, and begged with tears that they would ſuffer him to terminate in peace a long and innocent life, without ſtaining his feeble age with civil blood. Their menaces compelled him to accept the Imperial purple, his only refuge indeed againſt the jealous cruelty of Maximin; ſince, according to the reaſoning of tyrants, thoſe who have been eſteemed worthy of the throne deſerve death, and thoſe who deli⯑berate have already rebelled ¹⁴.

The family of Gordianus was one of the moſt Character and eleva⯑tion of the two Gor⯑dians. illuſtrious of the Roman ſenate. On the father's ſide, he was deſcended from the Gracchi; on his mother's, from the emperor Trajan. A great eſtate enabled him to ſupport the dignity of his birth, and, in the enjoyment of it, he diſplayed an elegant taſte, and beneficent diſ⯑poſition. The palace in Rome, formerly inha⯑bited by the great Pompey, had been, during [283] ſeveral generations, in the poſſeſſion of Gordian's family ¹⁵. It was diſtinguiſhed by ancient tro⯑phies of naval victories, and decorated with the works of modern painting. His villa on the road to Praeneſte, was celebrated for baths of ſingular beauty and extent, for three ſtately rooms of an hundred feet in length, and for a magnificent portico, ſupported by two hundred columns of the four moſt curious and coſtly ſorts of mar⯑ble ¹⁶. The public ſhows exhibited at his ex⯑pence, and in which the people were entertained with many hundreds of wild beaſts and gladia⯑tors ¹⁷, ſeem to ſurpaſs the fortune of a ſubject; and whilſt the liberality of other magiſtrates was confined to a few ſolemn feſtivals in Rome, the magnificence of Gordian was repeated, when he was aedile, every month in the year, and ex⯑tended, during his conſulſhip, to the principal [284] cities of Italy. He was twice elevated to the laſt mentioned dignity, by Caracalla and by Alex⯑ander; for he poſſeſſed the uncommon talent of acquiring the eſteem of virtuous princes, with⯑out alarming the jealouſy of tyrants. His long life was innocently ſpent in the ſtudy of letters and the peaceful honours of Rome; and, till he was named proconſul of Africa by the voice of the ſenate and the approbation of Alexander ¹⁸, he appears prudently to have declined the com⯑mand of armies and the government of provinces. As long as that emperor lived, Africa was happy under the adminiſtration of his worthy repre⯑ſentative; after the barbarous Maximin had uſurped the throne, Gordianus alleviated the miſeries which he was unable to prevent. When he reluctantly accepted the purple, he was above fourſcore years old; a laſt and valuable remains of the happy age of the Antonines, whoſe virtues he revived in his own conduct, and celebrated in an elegant poem of thirty books. With the ve⯑nerable proconſul, his ſon, who had accompanied him into Africa as his lieutenant, was likewiſe declared emperor. His manners were leſs pure, but his character was equally amiable with that of his father. Twenty-two acknowledged con⯑cubines, and a library of ſixty-two thouſand vo⯑lumes, atteſted the variety of his inclinations; and from the productions which he left behind [285] him, it appears that the former as well as the latter were deſigned for uſe rather than for oſten⯑tation ¹⁹. The Roman people acknowledged in the features of the younger Gordian the reſem⯑blance of Scipio Africanus, recollected with plea⯑ſure that his mother was the grand-daughter of Antoninus Pius, and reſted the public hope on thoſe latent virtues which had hitherto, as they fondly imagined, lain concealed in the luxurious indolence of a private life.

As ſoon as the Gordians had appeaſed the firſt They ſoli⯑cit the con⯑firmation of their au⯑thority. tumult of a popular election, they removed their court to Carthage. They were received with the acclamations of the Africans, who honoured their virtues, and who, ſince the viſit of Hadrian, had never beheld the majeſty of a Roman em⯑peror. But theſe vain acclamations neither ſtrengthened nor confirmed the title of the Gor⯑dians. They were induced by principle, as well as intereſt, to ſolicit the approbation of the ſenate; and a deputation of the nobleſt provin⯑cials was ſent, without delay, to Rome, to relate and juſtify the conduct of their countrymen, who, having long ſuffered with patience, were at length reſolved to act with vigour. The letters of the new princes were modeſt and reſpectful, excuſing the neceſſity which had obliged them to accept the Imperial title; but ſubmitting their election [286] and their fate to the ſupreme judgment of the ſenate ²⁰.

The inclinations of the ſenate were neither The ſenate ratifies their elec⯑tion of the Gordians; doubtful nor divided. The birth and noble alli⯑ances of the Gordians had intimately connected them with the moſt illuſtrious houſes of Rome. Their fortune had created many dependants in that aſſembly, their merit had acquired many friends. Their mild adminiſtration opened the flattering proſpect of the reſtoration, not only of the civil but even of the republican government. The terror of military violence, which had firſt obliged the ſenate to forget the murder of Alex⯑ander, and to ratify the election of a barbarian peaſant ²¹, now produced a contrary effect, and provoked them to aſſert the injured rights of freedom and humanity. The hatred of Maximin towards the ſenate was declared and implacable; the tameſt ſubmiſſion had not appeaſed his fury, the moſt cautious innocence would not remove his ſuſpicions; and even the care of their own ſafety urged them to ſhare the fortune of an en⯑terpriſe, of which (if unſucceſsful) they were ſure to be the firſt victims. Theſe conſiderations, and perhaps others of a more private nature, were debated in a previous conference of the conſuls and the magiſtrates. As ſoon as their reſolution was decided, they convoked in the temple of Caſtor the whole body of the ſenate, [287] according to an ancient form of ſecrecy ²², cal⯑culated to awaken their attention, and to conceal their decrees. ‘Conſcript fathers, ſaid the conſul Syllanus, the two Gordians, both of conſular dignity, the one your proconſul, the other your lieutenant, have been declared em⯑perors by the general conſent of Africa. Let us return thanks, he boldly continued, to the youth of Thyſdrus; let us return thanks to the faithful people of Carthage, our gene⯑rous deliverers from an horrid monſter—Why do you hear me thus coolly, thus timidly? Why do you caſt thoſe anxious looks on each other? why heſitate? Maximin is a public enemy! may his enmity ſoon expire with him, and may we long enjoy the prudence and feli⯑city of Gordian the father, the valour and conſtancy of Gordian the ſon ²³!’ The noble ardour of the conſul revived the languid ſpirit of the ſenate. By an unanimous decree the elec⯑tion and de⯑clares Maximin a public ene⯑my. of the Gordians was ratified, Maximin, his ſon, and his adherents, were pronounced enemies of their country, and liberal rewards were offered to whoſoever had the courage and good fortune to deſtroy them.

During the emperor's abſence, a detachment Aſſumes the com⯑mand of Rome and Italy, of the Praetorian guards remained at Rome, to [288] protect, or rather to command the capital. The Praefect Vitalianus had ſignalized his fidelity to Maximin, by the alacrity with which he had obeyed, and even prevented, the cruel mandates of the tyrant. His death alone could reſcue the authority of the ſenate and the lives of the ſe⯑nators, from a ſtate of danger and ſuſpence. Before their reſolves had tranſpired, a quaeſtor and ſome tribunes were commiſſioned to take his devoted life. They executed the order with equal boldneſs and ſucceſs; and, with their bloody daggers in their hands, ran through the ſtreets, proclaiming to the people and the ſoldiers, the news of the happy revolution. The enthuſiaſm of liberty was ſeconded by the promiſe of a large donative, in lands and money; the ſtatues of Maximin were thrown down; the capital of the empire acknowledged, with tranſport, the autho⯑rity of the two Gordians and the ſenate ²⁴; and the example of Rome was followed by the reſt of Italy.

A new ſpirit had ariſen in that aſſembly, whoſe and pre⯑pares for a civil war. long patience had been inſulted by wanton deſ⯑potiſm and military licence. The ſenate aſſumed the reins of government, and, with a calm intre⯑pidity, prepared to vindicate by arms the cauſe of freedom. Among the conſular ſenators re⯑commended by their merit and ſervices to the favour of the emperor Alexander, it was eaſy to ſelect twenty, not unequal to the command of an army, and the conduct of a war. To theſe [289] was the defence of Italy intruſted. Each was appointed to act in his reſpective department, authorized to enrol and diſcipline the Italian youth; and inſtructed to fortify the ports and highways, againſt the impending invaſion of Maximin. A number of deputies, choſen from the moſt illuſtrious of the ſenatorian and equeſ⯑trian orders, were diſpatched at the ſame time to the governors of the ſeveral provinces, earneſtly conjuring them to fly to the aſſiſtance of their country, and to remind the nations of their an⯑cient ties of friendſhip with the Roman ſenate and people. The general reſpect with which theſe deputies were received, and the zeal of Italy and the provinces in favour of the ſenate, ſufficiently prove that the ſubjects of Maximin were reduced to that uncommon diſtreſs, in which the body of the people has more to fear from oppreſſion than from reſiſtance. The con⯑ſciouſneſs of that melancholy truth, inſpires a degree of perſevering fury, ſeldom to be found in thoſe civil wars which are artificially ſupported for the benefit of a few factious and deſigning leaders ²⁵.

For while the cauſe of the Gordians was em⯑braced Defeat and death of the two Gordians. A. D. 237. 3d July. with ſuch diffuſive ardour, the Gordians themſelves were no more. The feeble court of Carthage was alarmed with the rapid approach of Capelianus, governor of Mauritania, who, with a ſmall band of veterans, and a fierce hoſt of bar⯑barians, [290] attacked a faithful, but unwarlike pro⯑vince. The younger Gordian ſallied out to meet the enemy at the head of a few guards, and a numerous undiſciplined multitude, educated in the peaceful luxury of Carthage. His uſeleſs valour ſerved only to procure him an honourable death, in the field of battle. His aged father, whoſe reign had not exceeded thirty-ſix days, put an end to his life on the firſt news of the defeat. Carthage, deſtitute of defence, opened her gates to the conqueror, and Africa was ex⯑poſed to the rapacious cruelty of a ſlave, obliged to ſatisfy his unrelenting maſter with a large ac⯑count of blood and treaſure ²⁶.

The fate of the Gordians filled Rome with juſt, Election of Maximus and Balbi⯑nus by the ſenate. 9th July. but unexpected terror. The ſenate convoked in the temple of Concord, affected to tranſact the common buſineſs of the day; and ſeemed to de⯑cline, with trembling anxiety, the conſideration of their own, and the public danger. A ſilent conſternation prevailed on the aſſembly, till a ſenator, of the name and family of Trajan, awak⯑ened his brethren from their fatal lethargy. He repreſented to them, that the choice of cautious dilatory meaſures had been long ſince out of their power; that Maximin, implacable by nature, [291] and exaſperated by injuries, was advancing to⯑wards Italy, at the head of the military force of the empire; and that their only remaining alter⯑native, was either to meet him bravely in the field, or tamely to expect the tortures and igno⯑minious death reſerved for unſucceſsful rebellion. ‘We have loſt, continued he, two excellent princes; but unleſs we deſert ourſelves, the hopes of the republic have not periſhed with the Gordians. Many are the ſenators, whoſe virtues have deſerved, and whoſe abilities would ſuſtain, the Imperial dignity. Let us elect two emperors, one of whom may con⯑duct the war againſt the public enemy, whilſt his colleague remains at Rome to direct the civil adminiſtration. I cheerfully expoſe my⯑ſelf to the danger and envy of the nomination, and give my vote in favour of Maximus and Balbinus. Ratify my choice, conſcript fathers, or appoint, in their place, others more worthy of the empire.’ The general apprehenſion ſilenced the whiſpers of jealouſy; the merit of the candidates was univerſally acknowledged; and the houſe reſounded with the ſincere acclama⯑tions, of ‘long life and victory to the emperors Maximus and Balbinus. You are happy in the judgment of the ſenate; may the republic be happy under your adminiſtration ²⁷!’

[292] The virtues and the reputation of the new em⯑perors juſtified the moſt ſanguine hopes of the Their cha⯑racters. Romans. The various nature of their talents ſeemed to appropriate to each his peculiar de⯑partment of peace and war, without leaving room for jealous emulation. Balbinus was an admired orator, a poet of diſtinguiſhed fame, and a wiſe magiſtrate, who had exerciſed with innocence and applauſe the civil juriſdiction in almoſt all the interior provinces of the empire. His birth was noble ²⁸, his fortune affluent, his manners liberal and affable. In him, the love of pleaſure was corrected by a ſenſe of dignity, nor had the habits of eaſe deprived him of a capacity for buſineſs. The mind of Maximus was formed in a rougher mould. By his valour and abilities he had raiſed himſelf from the meaneſt origin to the firſt em⯑ployments of the ſtate and army. His victories over the Sarmatians and the Germans, the auſ⯑terity of his life, and the rigid impartiality of his juſtice, whilſt he was Praefect of the city, com⯑manded the eſteem of a people, whoſe affections were engaged in favour of the more amiable Balbinus. The two colleagues had both been [293] conſuls (Balbinus had twice enjoyed that ho⯑nourable office), both had been named among the twenty lieutenants of the ſenate; and ſince the one was ſixty and the other ſeventy-four years old ²⁹, they had both attained the full maturity of age and experience.

After the ſenate had conferred on Maximus Tumult at Rome. The youn⯑ger Gordi⯑an is de⯑clared Cae⯑ſar. and Balbinus an equal portion of the conſular and tribunitian powers, the title of Fathers of their country, and the joint office of Supreme Pontiff, they aſcended to the Capitol, to return thanks to the gods, protectors of Rome ³⁰. The ſolemn rites of ſacrifice were diſturbed by a ſe⯑dition of the people. The licentious multitude neither loved the rigid Maximus, nor did they ſufficiently fear the mild and humane Balbinus. Their increaſing numbers ſurrounded the temple of Jupiter; with obſtinate clamours they aſſerted their inherent right of conſenting to the election of their ſovereign; and demanded, with an ap⯑parent moderation, that, beſides the two empe⯑rors choſen by the ſenate, a third ſhould be add⯑ed of the family of the Gordians, as a juſt return of gratitude to thoſe princes who had ſacrificed their lives for the republic. At the head of the city-guards, and the youth of the equeſtrian order, Maximus and Balbinus attempted to cut [294] their way through the ſeditious multitude. The multitude, armed with ſticks and ſtones, drove them back into the Capitol. It is prudent to yield when the conteſt, whatever may be the iſſue of it, muſt be fatal to both parties. A boy, only thirteen years of age, the grandſon of the elder, and nephew of the younger, Gordian, was produced to the people, inveſted with the orna⯑ments and title of Caeſar. The tumult was ap⯑peaſed by this eaſy condeſcenſion; and the two emperors, as ſoon as they had been peaceably acknowledged in Rome, prepared to defend Italy againſt the common enemy.

Whilſt in Rome and Africa revolutions ſuc⯑ceeded Maximin prepares to attack the ſenate and their em⯑perors. each other with ſuch amazing rapidity, the mind of Maximin was agitated by the moſt furious paſſions. He is ſaid to have received the news of the rebellion of the Gordians, and of the decree of the ſenate againſt him, not with the temper of a man, but the rage of a wild beaſt; which, as it could not diſcharge itſelf on the diſ⯑tant ſenate, threatened the life of his ſon, of his friends, and of all who ventured to approach his perſon. The grateful intelligence of the death of the Gordians, was quickly followed by the aſſurance that the ſenate, laying aſide all hopes of pardon or accommodation, had ſubſtituted in their room two emperors, with whoſe merit he could not be unacquainted. Revenge was the only conſolation left to Maximin, and revenge could only be obtained by arms. The ſtrength of the legions had been aſſembled by Alexander [295] from all parts of the empire. Three ſucceſsful campaigns againſt the Germans and the Sarma⯑tians, had raiſed their fame, confirmed their diſcipline, and even increaſed their numbers, by filling the ranks with the flower of the barbarian youth. The life of Maximin had been ſpent in war, and the candid ſeverity of hiſtory cannot refuſe him the valour of a ſoldier, or even the abilities of an experienced general ³¹. It might naturally be expected, that a prince of ſuch a character, inſtead of ſuffering the rebellion to gain ſtability by delay, ſhould immediately have marched from the banks of the Danube to thoſe of the Tyber, and that his victorious army, in⯑ſtigated by contempt for the ſenate, and eager to gather the ſpoils of Italy, ſhould have burned with impatience to finiſh the eaſy and lucrative conqueſt. Yet as far as we can truſt to the ob⯑ſcure chronology of that period ³², it appears that [296] the operations of ſome foreign war deferred the Italian expedition till the enſuing ſpring. From the prudent conduct of Maximin, we may learn that the ſavage features of his character have been exaggerated by the pencil of party, that his paſ⯑ſions, however impetuous, ſubmitted to the force of reaſon, and that the barbarian poſſeſſed ſome⯑thing of the generous ſpirit of Sylla, who ſub⯑dued the enemies of Rome, before he ſuffered himſelf to revenge his private injuries ³³.

When the troops of Maximin, advancing in Marches into Italy. A. D. 238. February. excellent order, arrived at the foot of the Julian Alps, they were terrified by the ſilence and deſo⯑lation that reigned on the frontiers of Italy. The villages and open towns had been abandoned on their approach by the inhabitants, the cattle was driven away, the proviſions removed, or deſtroy⯑ed, the bridges broke down, nor was any thing left which could afford either ſhelter or ſub⯑ſiſtence to an invader. Such had been the wiſe orders of the generals of the ſenate; whoſe de⯑ſign was to protract the war, to ruin the army of Maximin by the ſlow operation of famine, and to conſume his ſtrength in the ſieges of the prin⯑cipal cities of Italy, which they had plentifully ſtored with men and proviſions from the deſerted country. Aquileia received and withſtood the Siege of Aquileia. firſt ſhock of the invaſion. The ſtreams that iſſue from the head of the Hadriatic gulf, ſwelled [297] by the melting of the winter ſnows ³⁴, oppoſed an unexpected obſtacle to the arms of Maximin. At length, on a ſingular bridge, conſtructed with art and difficulty, of large hogſheads, he tranſ⯑ported his army to the oppoſite bank, rooted up the beautiful vineyards in the neighbourhood of Aquileia, demoliſhed the ſuburbs, and employed the timber of the buildings in the engines and towers, with which on every ſide he attacked the city. The walls, fallen to decay during the ſecurity of a long peace, had been haſtily repair⯑ed on this ſudden emergency; but the firmeſt defence of Aquileia conſiſted in the conſtancy of the citizens; all ranks of whom, inſtead of being diſmayed, were animated by the extreme dan⯑ger, and their knowledge of the tyrant's unrelent⯑ing temper. Their courage was ſupported and directed by Criſpinus and Menophilus, two of the twenty lieutenants of the ſenate, who, with a ſmall body of regular troops, had thrown themſelves into the beſieged place. The army of Maximin was repulſed on repeated attacks, his machines [298] deſtroyed by ſhowers of artificial fire; and the generous enthuſiaſm of the Aquileians was exalt⯑ed into a confidence of ſucceſs, by the opinion, that Belenus, their tutelar deity, combated in perſon in the defence of his diſtreſſed worſhip⯑pers ³⁵.

The emperor Maximus, who had advanced as Conduct of Maximus. far as Ravenna, to ſecure that important place, and to haſten the military preparations, beheld the event of the war in the more faithful mirror of reaſon and policy. He was too ſenſible, that a ſingle town could not reſiſt the perſevering efforts of a great army; and he dreaded, leſt the enemy, tired with the obſtinate reſiſtance of Aquileia, ſhould on a ſudden relinquiſh the fruitleſs ſiege, and march directly towards Rome. The fate of the empire and the cauſe of freedom muſt then be committed to the chance of a bat⯑tle; and what arms could he oppoſe to the vete⯑ran legions of the Rhine and Danube? Some troops newly levied among the generous but enervated youth of Italy; and a body of German auxiliaries, on whoſe firmneſs, in the hour of trial, it was dangerous to depend. In the midſt of theſe juſt alarms, the ſtroke of domeſtic con⯑ſpiracy puniſhed the crimes of Maximin, and delivered Rome and the ſenate from the cala⯑mities that would ſurely have attended the vic⯑tory of an enraged barbarian.

[299] The people of Aquileia had ſcarcely expe⯑rienced any of the common miſeries of a ſiege, their magazines were plentifully ſupplied, and Murder of Maximin and his ſon. A. D. 238 April. ſeveral fountains within the walls aſſured them of an inexhauſtible reſource of freſh water. The ſoldiers of Maximin were, on the contrary, ex⯑poſed to the inclemency of the ſeaſon, the con⯑tagion of diſeaſe, and the horrors of famine. The open country was ruined, the rivers filled with the ſlain, and polluted with blood. A ſpi⯑rit of deſpair and diſaffection began to diffuſe itſelf among the troops; and as they were cut off from all intelligence, they eaſily believed that the whole empire had embraced the cauſe of the ſenate, and that they were left as devoted vic⯑tims to periſh under the impregnable walls of Aquileia. The fierce temper of the tyrant was exaſperated by diſappointments, which he imput⯑ed to the cowardice of his army; and his wan⯑ton and ill-timed cruelty, inſtead of ſtriking terror, inſpired hatred and a juſt deſire of re⯑venge. A party of Praetorian guards, who trem⯑bled for their wives and children in the camp of Alba, near Rome, executed the ſentence of the ſenate. Maximin, abandoned by his guards, was ſlain in his tent, with his ſon (whom he had aſſociated to the honours of the purple), Anuli⯑nus the praefect, and the principal miniſters of his tyranny ³⁶. The ſight of their heads, borne [300] on the point of ſpears, convinced the citizens of Aquileia, that the ſiege was at an end; the gates of the city were thrown open, a liberal market was provided for the hungry troops of Maximin, and the whole army joined in ſolemn proteſta⯑tions of fidelity to the ſenate and the people of Rome, and to their lawful emperors Maximus and Balbinus. Such was the deſerved fate of His por⯑trait. a brutal ſavage, deſtitute, as he has generally been repreſented, of every ſentiment that diſtin⯑guiſhes a civilized, or even a human being. The body was ſuited to the ſoul. The ſtature of Maximin exceeded the meaſure of eight feet, and circumſtances almoſt incredible are related of his matchleſs ſtrength and appetite ³⁷. Had he lived in a leſs enlightened age, tradition and poetry might well have deſcribed him as one of thoſe monſtrous giants, whoſe ſupernatural power was conſtantly exerted for the deſtruction of man⯑kind.

It is eaſier to conceive than to deſcribe the Joy of the Roman world. univerſal joy of the Roman world on the fall of the tyrant, the news of which is ſaid to have been carried in four days from Aquileia to Rome. The return of Maximus was a triumphal proceſ⯑ſion, [301] his colleague and young Gordian went out to meet him, and the three princes made their entry into the capital, attended by the ambaſſa⯑dors of almoſt all the cities of Italy, ſaluted with the ſplendid offerings of gratitude and ſuperſti⯑tion, and received with the unfeigned acclama⯑tions of the ſenate and people, who perſuaded themſelves that a golden age would ſucceed to an age of iron ³⁸. The conduct of the two empe⯑rors correſponded with theſe expectations. They adminiſtered juſtice in perſon; and the rigour of the one was tempered by the other's clemency. The oppreſſive taxes with which Maximin had loaded the rights of inheritance and ſucceſſion, were repealed, or at leaſt moderated. Diſcipline was revived, and with the advice of the ſenate many wiſe laws were enacted by their imperial miniſters, who endeavoured to reſtore a civil conſtitution on the ruins of military tyranny. ‘What reward may we expect for delivering Rome from a monſter?’ was the queſtion aſked by Maximus, in a moment of freedom and confidence. Balbinus anſwered it without heſi⯑tation, ‘The love of the ſenate, of the people, and of all mankind.’ ‘Alas! replied his more penetrating colleague, Alas! I dread the hatred of the ſoldiers, and the fatal effects of their reſentment ³⁹.’ His apprehenſions were but too well juſtified by the event.

[302] Whilſt Maximus was preparing to defend Italy againſt the common foe, Balbinus, who remain⯑ed Sedition at Rome. at Rome, had been engaged in ſcenes of blood and inteſtine diſcord. Diſtruſt and jealouſy reigned in the ſenate; and even in the temples where they aſſembled, every ſenator carried either open or concealed arms. In the midſt of their deliberations, two veterans of the guards, actu⯑ated either by curioſity or a ſiniſter motive, auda⯑ciouſly thruſt themſelves into the houſe, and ad⯑vanced by degrees beyond the altar of Victory. Gallicanus, a conſular, and Maecenas, a Praeto⯑rian ſenator, viewed with indignation their inſo⯑lent intruſion: drawing their daggers, they laid the ſpies, for ſuch they deemed them, dead at the foot of the altar, and then advancing to the door of the ſenate, imprudently exhorted the multitude to maſſacre the Praetorians, as the ſecret adherents of the tyrant. Thoſe who eſ⯑caped the firſt fury of the tumult took refuge in the camp, which they defended with ſuperior advantage againſt the reiterated attacks of the people, aſſiſted by the numerous bands of gla⯑diators, the property of opulent nobles. The civil war laſted many days, with infinite loſs and confuſion on both ſides. When the pipes were broken that ſupplied the camp with water, the Praetorians were reduced to intolerable diſtreſs; but in their turn they made deſperate ſallies into the city, ſet fire to a great number of houſes, and filled the ſtreets with the blood of the inha⯑bitants. The emperor Balbinus attempted, by ineffectual edicts and precarious truces, to recon⯑cile [303] the factions at Rome. But their animoſity, though ſmothered for a while, burnt with re⯑doubled violence. The ſoldiers, deteſting the ſenate and the people, deſpiſed the weakneſs of a prince who wanted either the ſpirit or the power to command the obedience of his ſubjects ⁴⁰.

After the tyrant's death, his formidable army Diſcontent of the Prae⯑torian guards. had acknowledged, from neceſſity rather than from choice, the authority of Maximus, who tranſported himſelf without delay to the camp before Aquileia. As ſoon as he had received their oath of fidelity, he addreſſed them in terms full of mildneſs and moderation; lamented, ra⯑ther than arraigned, the wild diſorders of the times, and aſſured the ſoldiers, that of all their paſt conduct, the ſenate would remember only their generous deſertion of the tyrant, and their voluntary return to their duty. Maximus en⯑forced his exhortations by a liberal donative, purified the camp by a ſolemn ſacrifice of expia⯑tion, and then diſmiſſed the legions to their ſeve⯑ral provinces, impreſſed, as he hoped, with a lively ſenſe of gratitude and obedience ⁴¹. But nothing could reconcile the haughty ſpirit of the Praetorians. They attended the emperors on the memorable day of their public entry into Rome; but amidſt the general acclamations, the ſullen dejected countenance of the guards, ſufficiently declared that they conſidered themſelves as the object, rather than the partners, of the triumph. When the whole body was united in their camp, thoſe who had ſerved under Maximin, and thoſe [304] who had remained at Rome, inſenſibly commu⯑nicated to each other their complaints and appre⯑henſions. The emperors choſen by the army had periſhed with ignominy; thoſe elected by the ſe⯑nate were ſeated on the throne ⁴². The long diſ⯑cord between the civil and military powers was decided by a war, in which the former had ob⯑tained a complete victory. The ſoldiers muſt now learn a new doctrine of ſubmiſſion to the ſe⯑nate; and whatever clemency was affected by that politic aſſembly, they dreaded a ſlow revenge, coloured by the name of diſcipline, and juſtified by fair pretences of the public good. But their fate was ſtill in their own hands; and if they had courage to deſpiſe the vain terrors of an impotent republic, it was eaſy to convince the world, that thoſe who were maſters of the arms, were maſters of the authority, of the ſtate.

When the ſenate elected two princes, it is Maſſacre of Maximus and Balbi⯑nus. probable that, beſides the declared reaſon of pro⯑viding for the various emergencies of peace and war, they were actuated by the ſecret deſire of weakening by diviſion the deſpotiſm of the ſu⯑preme magiſtrate. Their policy was effectual, but it proved fatal both to their emperors and to themſelves. The jealouſy of power was ſoon exaſperated by the difference of character. Max⯑imus deſpiſed Balbinus as a luxurious noble, and was in his turn diſdained by his colleague as an [305] obſcure ſoldier. Their ſilent diſcord was under⯑ſtood rather than ſeen ⁴³; but the mutual con⯑ſciouſneſs prevented them from uniting in any vigorous meaſures of defence againſt their com⯑mon enemies of the Praetorian camp. The whole city was employed in the Capitoline games, and the emperors were left almoſt alone in the palace. On a ſudden they were alarmed A. D. 238. July 15. by the approach of a troop of deſperate aſſaſ⯑ſins. Ignorant of each other's ſituation or de⯑ſigns, for they already occupied very diſtant apartments, afraid to give or to receive aſſiſtance, they waſted the important moments in idle debates and fruitleſs recriminations. The ar⯑rival of the guards put an end to the vain ſtrife. They ſeized on theſe emperors of the ſenate, for ſuch they called them with mali⯑cious contempt, ſtripped them of their gar⯑ments, and dragged them in inſolent triumph through the ſtreets of Rome, with a deſign of inflicting a ſlow and cruel death on theſe un⯑fortunate princes. The fear of a reſcue from the faithful Germans of the Imperial guards, ſhortened their tortures; and their bodies, man⯑gled with a thouſand wounds, were left ex⯑poſed to the inſults or to the pity of the popu⯑lace ⁴⁴.

[306] In the ſpace of a few months, ſix princes had been cut off by the ſword. Gordian, who had already received the title of Caeſar, was the only The third Gordian remains ſole em⯑peror. perſon that occurred to the ſoldiers as proper to fill the vacant throne ⁴⁵. They carried him to the camp, and unanimouſly ſaluted him Auguſtus and Emperor. His name was dear to the ſenate and people; his tender age promiſed a long im⯑punity of military licence; and the ſubmiſſion of Rome and the provinces to the choice of the Praetorian guards, ſaved the republic, at the ex⯑pence indeed of its freedom and dignity, from the horrors of a new civil war in the heart of the capital ⁴⁶.

As the third Gordian was only nineteen years Innocence and virtues of Gor⯑dian. of age at the time of his death, the hiſtory of his life, were it known to us with greater accuracy than it really is, would contain little more than the account of his education, and the conduct of the miniſters, who by turns abuſed or guided the ſimplicity of his unexperienced youth. Immedi⯑ately after his acceſſion, he fell into the hands of [307] his mother's eunuchs, that pernicious vermin of the Eaſt, who, ſince the days of Elagabalus, had infeſted the Roman palace. By the artful conſpi⯑racy of theſe wretches, an impenetrable veil was drawn between an innocent prince and his op⯑preſſed ſubjects, the virtuous diſpoſition of Gor⯑dian was deceived, and the honours of the empire ſold without his knowledge, though in a very public manner, to the moſt worthleſs of man⯑kind. We are ignorant by what fortunate acci⯑dent the emperor eſcaped from this ignominious ſlavery, and devolved his confidence on a mi⯑niſter, whoſe wiſe counſels had no object except the glory of his ſovereign, and the happineſs of the people. It ſhould ſeem that love and learn⯑ing A. D. 240. Admini⯑ſtration of Miſitheus. introduced Miſitheus to the favour of Gor⯑dian. The young prince married the daughter of his maſter of rhetoric, and promoted his fa⯑ther-in-law to the firſt offices of the empire. Two admirable letters that paſſed between them, are ſtill extant. The miniſter, with the conſcious dignity of virtue, congratulates Gordian that he is delivered from the tyranny of the eunuchs ⁴⁷, and ſtill more that he is ſenſible of his deliver⯑ance. The emperor acknowledges, with an amiable confuſion, the errors of his paſt conduct; and laments, with ſingular propriety, the misfor⯑tune of a monarch, from whom a venal tribe of [308] courtiers perpetually labour to conceal the truth ⁴⁸.

The life of Miſitheus had been ſpent in the The Per⯑ſian war. A. D. 242. profeſſion of letters, not of arms; yet ſuch was the verſatile genius of that great man, that, when he was appointed Praetorian Praefect, he diſ⯑charged the military duties of his place with vi⯑gour and ability. The Perſians had invaded Meſopotamia, and threatened Antioch. By the perſuaſion of his father-in-law, the young em⯑peror quitted the luxury of Rome, opened, for the laſt time recorded in hiſtory, the temple of Janus, and marched in perſon into the Eaſt. On his approach with a great army, the Perſians withdrew their garriſons from the cities which they had already taken, and retired from the Eu⯑phrates to the Tigris. Gordian enjoyed the plea⯑ſure of announcing to the ſenate the firſt ſucceſs of his arms, which he aſcribed with a becoming modeſty and gratitude to the wiſdom of his fa⯑ther and Praefect. During the whole expedition, Miſitheus watched over the ſafety and diſcipline of the army; whilſt he prevented their dangerous murmurs by maintaining a regular plenty in the camp, and by eſtabliſhing ample magazines of vinegar, bacon, ſtraw, barley, and wheat, in all the cities of the frontier ⁴⁹. But the proſperity [309] of Gordian expired with Miſitheus, who died of a flux, not without very ſtrong ſuſpicions of poi⯑ſon. Philip, his ſucceſſor in the praefecture, was A. D. 243. Arts of Philip. an Arab by birth, and conſequently, in the earlier part of his life, a robber by profeſſion. His riſe from ſo obſcure a ſtation to the firſt dignities of the empire, ſeems to prove that he was a bold and able leader. But his boldneſs prompted him to aſpire to the throne, and his abilities were em⯑ployed to ſupplant, not to ſerve, his indulgent maſter. The minds of the ſoldiers were irritated by an artificial ſcarcity, created by his contriv⯑ance in the camp; and the diſtreſs of the army was attributed to the youth and incapacity of the prince. It is not in our power to trace the ſuc⯑ceſſive ſteps of the ſecret conſpiracy and open ſedition, which were at length fatal to Gordian. A ſepulchral monument was erected to his me⯑mory Murder of Gordian. A. D. 244. March. on the ſpot ⁵⁰ where he was killed, near the conflux of the Euphrates with the little river Aboras ⁵¹. The fortunate Philip, raiſed to the empire by the votes of the ſoldiers, found a ready obedience from the ſenate and the provinces ⁵².

We cannot forbear tranſcribing the ingenious, Form of a military republic. though ſomewhat fanciful deſcription, which a [310] celebrated writer of our own times has traced of the military government of the Roman empire. ‘What in that age was called the Roman em⯑pire, was only an irregular republic, not unlike the Ariſtocracy ⁵³ of Algiers ⁵⁴, where the mi⯑litia, poſſeſſed of the ſovereignty, creates and depoſes a magiſtrate, who is ſtyled a Dey. Perhaps, indeed, it may be laid down as a general rule, that a military government is, in ſome reſpects, more republican than monar⯑chical. Nor can it be ſaid that the ſoldiers only partook of the government by their diſo⯑bedience and rebellions. The ſpeeches made to them by the emperors, were they not at length of the ſame nature as thoſe formerly pronounced to the people by the conſuls and the tribunes? And although the armies had no regular place or forms of aſſembly; though their debates were ſhort, their action ſudden, and their reſolves ſeldom the reſult of cool re⯑flection, did they not diſpoſe, with abſolute ſway, of the public fortune? What was the emperor, except the miniſter of a violent go⯑vernment elected for the private benefit of the ſoldiers?’

‘When the army had elected Philip, who was Praetorian praefect to the third Gordian; the [311] latter demanded, that he might remain ſole emperor; he was unable to obtain it. He re⯑queſted, that the power might be equally di⯑vided between them; the army would not liſten to his ſpeech. He conſented to be degraded to the rank of Caeſar; the favour was refuſed him. He deſired, at leaſt, he might be ap⯑pointed Praetorian praefect; his prayer was re⯑jected. Finally, he pleaded for his life. The army, in theſe ſeveral judgments, exerciſed the ſupreme magiſtracy.’ According to the hiſ⯑torian, whoſe doubtful narrative the preſident De Monteſquieu has adopted, Philip, who, during the whole tranſaction, had preſerved a ſullen ſilence, was inclined to ſpare the innocent life of his benefactor; till, recollecting that his inno⯑cence might excite a dangerous compaſſion in the Roman world; he commanded, without regard to his ſuppliant cries, that he ſhould be ſeized, ſtript, and led away to inſtant death. After a moment's pauſe the inhuman ſentence was exe⯑cuted ⁵⁵.

On his return from the eaſt to Rome, Philip, Reign of Philip. deſirous of obliterating the memory of his crimes, and of captivating the affections of the people, [312] ſolemnized the ſecular games with infinite pomp and magnificence. Since their inſtitution or re⯑vival by Auguſtus ⁵⁶, they had been celebrated by Claudius, by Domitian, and by Severus, and were now renewed the fifth time, on the accom⯑pliſhment of the full period of a thouſand years from the foundation of Rome. Every circum⯑ſtance Secular games. A. D. 248. April 21. of the ſecular games was ſkilfully adapted to inſpire the ſuperſtitious mind with deep and ſolemn reverence. The long interval between them ⁵⁷ exceeded the term of human life; and as none of the ſpectators had already ſeen them, none could flatter themſelves with the expectation of beholding them a ſecond time. The myſtic ſacrifices were performed, during three nights, on the banks of the Tyber; and the Campus Martius reſounded with muſic and dances, and was illuminated with innumerable lamps and torches. Slaves and ſtrangers were excluded from any participation in theſe national cere⯑monies. A chorus of twenty-ſeven youths, and as many virgins, of noble families, and whoſe parents were both alive, implored the propitious gods in favour of the preſent, and for the hope [313] of the riſing generation; requeſting, in religious hymns, that, according to the faith of their an⯑cient oracles, they would ſtill maintain the virtue, the felicity, and the empire of the Roman peo⯑ple ⁵⁸. The magnificence of Philip's ſhows and entertainments dazzled the eyes of the multitude. The devout were employed in the rites of ſuper⯑ſtition, whilſt the reflecting few revolved in their anxious minds the paſt hiſtory and the future fate of the empire.

Since Romulus, with a ſmall band of ſhepherds Decline of the Roman empire. and outlaws, fortified himſelf on the hills near the Tiber, ten centuries had already elapſed ⁵⁹. During the four firſt ages, the Romans, in the laborious ſchool of poverty, had acquired the virtues of war and government: By the vigorous exertion of thoſe virtues, and by the aſſiſtance of fortune, they had obtained, in the courſe of the three ſucceeding centuries, an abſolute empire over many countries of Europe, Aſia, and Africa. The laſt three hundred years had been conſumed in apparent proſperity and internal decline. The nation of ſoldiers, magiſtrates, and legiſlators, who compoſed the thrity-five tribes of the Roman people, was diſſolved into the common maſs of mankind, and confounded with the millions of ſervile provincials, who had received the name, [314] without adopting the ſpirit of Romans. A mer⯑cenary army, levied among the ſubjects and bar⯑barians of the frontier, was the only order of men who preſerved and abuſed their independ⯑ence. By their tumultuary election, a Syrian, a Goth, or an Arab, was exalted to the throne of Rome, and inveſted with deſpotic power over the conqueſts and over the country of the Scipios.

The limits of the Roman empire ſtill extended from the Weſtern Ocean to the Tigris, and from Mount Atlas to the Rhine and the Danube. To the undiſcerning eye of the vulgar, Philip ap⯑peared a monarch no leſs powerful than Hadrian or Auguſtus had formerly been. The form was ſtill the ſame, but the animating health and vi⯑gour were fled. The induſtry of the people was diſcouraged and exhauſted by a long ſeries of op⯑preſſion. The diſcipline of the legions, which alone, after the extinction of every other virtue, had propped the greatneſs of the ſtate, was cor⯑rupted by the ambition, or relaxed by the weak⯑neſs, of the emperors. The ſtrength of the fron⯑tiers, which had always conſiſted in arms rather than in fortifications, was inſenſibly undermined; and the faireſt provinces were left expoſed to the rapaciouſneſs or ambition of the barbarians, who ſoon diſcovered the decline of the Roman empire.

CHAP. VIII. Of the State of Perſia after the Reſtoration of the Monarchy by Artaxerxes.

WHENEVER Tacitus indulges himſelf in thoſe beautiful epiſodes, in which he relates ſome domeſtic tranſaction of the Germans The bar⯑barians of the Eaſt and of the North. or of the Parthians, his principal object is to re⯑lieve the attention of the reader from a uniform ſcene of vice and miſery. From the reign of Au⯑guſtus to the time of Alexander Severus, the enemies of Rome were in her boſom; the tyrants, and the ſoldiers; and her proſperity had a very diſtant and feeble intereſt in the revolutions that might happen beyond the Rhine and the Eu⯑phrates. But when the military order had le⯑velled, in wild anarchy, the power of the prince, the laws of the ſenate, and even the diſcipline of the camp, the barbarians of the north and of the eaſt, who had long hovered on the frontier, boldly attacked the provinces of a declining mo⯑narchy. Their vexatious inroads were changed into formidable irruptions, and, after a long vi⯑ciſſitude of mutual calamities, many tribes of the victorious invaders eſtabliſhed themſelves in the provinces of the Roman empire. To obtain a clearer knowledge of theſe great events, we ſhall endeavour to form a previous idea of the cha⯑racter, forces, and deſigns of thoſe nations who avenged the cauſe of Hannibal and Mithridates.

[316] In the more early ages of the world, whilſt the foreſt that covered Europe afforded a retreat to a few wandering ſavages, the inhabitants of Aſia Revolu⯑tions of Aſia. were already collected into populous cities, and reduced under extenſive empires, the ſeat of the arts, of luxury, and of deſpotiſm. The Aſſyrians reigned over the eaſt ¹, till the ſceptre of Ninus and Semiramis dropt from the hands of their enervated ſucceſſors. The Medes and the Baby⯑lonians divided their power, and were themſelves ſwallowed up in the monarchy of the Perſians, whoſe arms could not be confined within the nar⯑row limits of Aſia. Followed, as it is ſaid, by two millions of men, Xerxes, the deſcendant of Cyrus, invaded Greece. Thirty thouſand ſoldiers, under the command of Alexander, the ſon of Philip, who was intruſted by the Greeks with their glory and revenge, were ſufficient to ſubdue Perſia. The princes of the houſe of Seleucus uſurped and loſt the Macedonian command over the Eaſt. About the ſame time, that, by an ig⯑nominious treaty, they reſigned to the Romans the country on this ſide Mount Taurus, they were driven by the Parthians, an obſcure horde of Scythian origin, from all the provinces of Upper Aſia. The formidable power of the Par⯑thians, [317] which ſpread from India to the frontiers of Syria, was in its turn ſubverted by Ardſhir, or Artaxerxes; the founder of a new dynaſty, which, under the name of Saſſanides, governed Perſia till the invaſion of the Arabs. This great revolu⯑tion, whoſe fatal influence was ſoon experienced by the Romans, happened in the fourth year of Alexander Severus, two hundred and twenty-ſix years after the Chriſtian aera ².

Artaxerxes had ſerved with great reputation in The Per⯑ſian mo⯑narchy re⯑ſtored by Arta⯑xerxes. the armies of Artaban, the laſt king of the Par⯑thians, and it appears that he was driven into exile and rebellion by royal ingratitude, the cuſ⯑tomary reward for ſuperior merit. His birth was obſcure, and the obſcurity equally gave room to the aſperſions of his enemies, and the flattery of his adherents. If we credit the ſcandal of the former, Artaxerxes ſprang from the illegitimate commerce of a tanner's wife with a common ſol⯑dier ³. The latter repreſent him, as deſcended from a branch of the ancient kings of Perſia, though time and misfortune had gradually re⯑duced his anceſtors to the humble ſtation of pri⯑vate [318] citizens ⁴. As the lineal heir of the monar⯑chy, he aſſerted his right to the throne, and chal⯑lenged the noble taſk of delivering the Perſians from the oppreſſion under which they groaned above five centuries ſince the death of Darius. The Parthians were defeated in three great bat⯑tles. In the laſt of theſe their king Artaban was ſlain, and the ſpirit of the nation was for ever broken ⁵. The authority of Artaxerxes was ſo⯑lemnly acknowledged in a great aſſembly held at Balch in Khoraſan. Two younger branches of the royal houſe of Arſaces were confounded among the proſtrate ſatraps. A third, more mindful of ancient grandeur than of preſent ne⯑ceſſity, attempted to retire, with a numerous train of vaſſals, towards their kinſman, the king of Armenia; but this little army of deſerters was intercepted, and cut off, by the vigilance of the conqueror ⁶, who boldly aſſumed the double dia⯑dem, and the title of King of Kings, which had been enjoyed by his predeceſſor. But theſe pom⯑pous titles, inſtead of gratifying the vanity of the Perſian, ſerved only to admoniſh him of his duty, and to inflame in his ſoul the ambition of reſtor⯑ing, in their full ſplendour, the religion and em⯑pire of Cyrus.

I. During the long ſervitude of Perſia under Reforma⯑tion of the Magian religion. the Macedonian and the Parthian yoke, the na⯑tions of Europe and Aſia had mutually adopted [319] and corrupted each other's ſuperſtitions. The Arſacides, indeed, practiſed the worſhip of the Magi; but they diſgraced and polluted it with a various mixture of foreign idolatry. The me⯑mory of Zoroaſter, the ancient prophet and phi⯑loſopher of the Perſians ⁷, was ſtill revered in the Eaſt; but the obſolete and myſterious language, in which the Zendaveſta was compoſed ⁸, opened a field of diſpute to ſeventy ſects, who variouſly explained the fundamental doctrines of their reli⯑gion, and were all indifferently derided by a crowd of infidels, who rejected the divine miſſion and miracles of the prophet. To ſuppreſs the idolaters, reunite the ſchiſmatics, and confute the unbelievers, by the infallible deciſion of a general council, the pious Artaxerxes ſummoned the Magi from all parts of his dominions. Theſe prieſts, who had ſo long ſighed in contempt and obſcurity, obeyed the welcome ſummons; and on the appointed day appeared, to the number of about eighty thouſand. But as the debates of [320] ſo tumultuous an aſſembly could not have been directed by the authority of reaſon, or influenced by the art of policy, the Perſian ſynod was re⯑duced, by ſucceſſive operations, to forty thou⯑ſand, to four thouſand, to four hundred, to forty, and at laſt to ſeven Magi, the moſt reſpected for their learning and piety. One of theſe, Erdavi⯑raph, a young but holy prelate, received from the hands of his brethren three cups of ſopori⯑ferous wine. He drank them off, and inſtantly fell into a long and profound ſleep. As ſoon as he waked, he related to the king and to the be⯑lieving multitude, his journey to Heaven, and his intimate conferences with the Deity. Every doubt was ſilenced by this ſupernatural evidence; and the articles of the faith of Zoroaſter were fixed with equal authority and preciſion ⁹. A ſhort delineation of that celebrated ſyſtem will be found uſeful, not only to diſplay the character of the Perſian nation, but to illuſtrate many of their moſt important tranſactions, both in peace and war, with the Roman empire ¹⁰.

The great and fundamental article of the ſyſ⯑tem, Perſian theology; two prin⯑ciples. was the celebrated doctrine of the two prin⯑ciples; a bold and injudicious attempt of Eaſtern philoſophy to reconcile the exiſtence of moral [321] and phyſical evil, with the attributes of a benefi⯑cent Creator and Governor of the world. The firſt and original Being, in whom, or by whom, the univerſe exiſts, is denominated in the writings of Zoroaſter, Time without bounds; but it muſt be confeſſed, that this infinite ſubſtance ſeems rather a metaphyſical abſtraction of the mind, than a real object endowed with ſelf-conſciouſneſs, or poſſeſſed of moral perfections. From either the blind, or the intelligent operation of this in⯑finite Time, which bears but too near an affinity with the chaos of the Greeks, the two ſecondary but active principles of the univerſe, were from all eternity produced, Ormuſd and Ahriman, each of them poſſeſſed of the powers of creation, but each diſpoſed, by his invariable nature, to exerciſe them with different deſigns. The prin⯑ciple of good is eternally abſorbed in light; the principle of evil eternally buried in darkneſs. The wiſe benevolence of Ormuſd formed man capable of virtue, and abundantly provided his fair habitation with the materials of happineſs. By his vigilant providence, the motion of the planets, the order of the ſeaſons, and the tem⯑perate mixture of the elements, are preſerved. But the malice of Ahriman has long ſince pierced Ormuſd's egg; or, in other words, has violated the harmony of his works. Since that fatal ir⯑ruption, the moſt minute articles of good and evil are intimately intermingled and agitated to⯑gether; the rankeſt poiſons ſpring up amidſt the moſt ſalutary plants; deluges, earthquakes, and [322] conflagrations, atteſt the conflict of Nature, and the little world of man is perpetually ſhaken by vice and misfortune. Whilſt the reſt of human kind are led away captives in the chains of their infernal enemy, the faithful Perſian alone reſerves his religious adoration for his friend and protector Ormuſd, and fights under his banner of light, in the full confidence that he ſhall, in the laſt day, ſhare the glory of his triumph. At that deciſive period, the enlightened wiſdom of goodneſs will render the power of Ormuſd ſuperior to the fu⯑rious malice of his rival. Ahriman and his fol⯑lowers, diſarmed and ſubdued, will ſink into their native darkneſs; and virtue will maintain the eternal peace and harmony of the univerſe ¹¹.

The theology of Zoroaſter was darkly compre⯑hended Religious worſhip. by foreigners, and even by the far greater number of his diſciples; but the moſt careleſs obſervers were ſtruck with the philoſophic ſim⯑plicity of the Perſian worſhip. ‘That people, ſays Herodotus ¹², rejects the uſe of temples, of altars, and of ſtatues, and ſmiles at the folly of thoſe nations, who imagine that the gods are ſprung from, or bear any affinity with, the human nature. The tops of the higheſt moun⯑tains [323] are the places choſen for ſacrifices. Hymns and prayers are the principal worſhip; the Supreme God who fills the wide circle of Hea⯑ven, is the object to whom they are addreſſed.’ Yet, at the ſame time, in the true ſpirit of a polytheiſt, he accuſes them of adoring Earth, Water, Fire, the Winds, and the Sun and Moon. But the Perſians of every age have denied the charge, and explained the equivocal conduct, which might appear to give a colour to it. The elements, and more particularly Fire, Light, and the Sun, whom they called Mithra, were the ob⯑jects of their religious reverence, becauſe they conſidered them as the pureſt ſymbols, the nobleſt productions, and the moſt powerful agents of the Divine Power and Nature ¹³.

Every mode of religion, to make a deep and laſting impreſſion on the human mind, muſt ex⯑erciſe Ceremo⯑nies and moral pre⯑cepts. our obedience, by enjoining practices of devotion, for which we can aſſign no reaſon; and muſt acquire our eſteem, by inculcating moral duties analogous to the dictates of our own hearts. The religion of Zoroaſter was abundantly pro⯑vided with the former, and poſſeſſed a ſufficient portion of the latter. At the age of puberty, the faithful Perſian was inveſted with a myſteri⯑ous girdle, the badge of the divine protection; and from that moment, all the actions of his life, even the moſt indifferent, or the moſt neceſſary, [324] were ſanctified by their peculiar prayers, ejacu⯑lations, or genuflexions; the omiſſion of which, under any circumſtances, was a grievous ſin, not inferior in guilt to the violation of the moral duties. The moral duties, however, of juſtice, mercy, liberality, &c. were in their turn requir⯑ed of the diſciple of Zoroaſter, who wiſhed to eſcape the perſecution of Ahriman, and to live with Ormuſd in a bliſsful eternity, where the de⯑gree of felicity will be exactly proportioned to the degree of virtue and piety ¹⁴.

But there are ſome remarkable inſtances, in Encou⯑ragement of agricul⯑ture. which Zoroaſter lays aſide the prophet, aſſumes the legiſlator, and diſcovers a liberal concern for private and public happineſs, ſeldom to be found among the groveling or viſionary ſchemes of ſuperſtition. Faſting and celibacy, the com⯑mon means of purchaſing the Divine favour, he condemns with abhorrence, as a criminal re⯑jection of the beſt gifts of Providence. The ſaint, in the Magian religion, is obliged to be⯑get children, to plant uſeful trees, to deſtroy noxious animals, to convey water to the dry lands of Perſia, and to work out his ſalvation by purſuing all the labours of agriculture. We may quote from the Zendaveſta a wiſe and be⯑nevolent maxim, which compenſates for many an abſurdity. ‘He who ſows the ground with [325] care and diligence, acquires a greater ſtock of religious merit, than he could gain by the repetition of ten thouſand prayers ¹⁵.’ In the ſpring of every year a feſtival was celebrated, deſ⯑tined to repreſent the primitive equality, and the preſent connexion, of mankind. The ſtately kings of Perſia, exchanging their vain pomp for more genuine greatneſs, freely mingled with the humbleſt but moſt uſeful of their ſubjects. On that day the huſbandmen were admitted, with⯑out diſtinction, to the table of the king and his ſatraps. The monarch accepted their petitions, inquired into their grievances, and converſed with them on the moſt equal terms. ‘From your labours, was he accuſtomed to ſay (and to ſay with truth, if not with ſincerity), from your labours, we receive our ſubſiſtence; you derive your tranquility from our vigilance; ſince, therefore, we are mutually neceſſary to each other, let us live together like brothers in concord and love ¹⁶.’ Such a feſtival muſt indeed have degenerated, in a wealthy and deſ⯑potic empire, into a theatrical repreſentation; but it was at leaſt a comedy well worthy of a royal audience, and which might ſometimes im⯑print a ſalutary leſſon on the mind of a young prince.

Had Zoroaſter, in all his inſtitutions, invaria⯑bly Power of the Magi. ſupported this exalted character, his name would deſerve a place with thoſe of Numa and [326] Confucius, and his ſyſtem would be juſtly enti⯑tled to all the applauſe, which it has pleaſed ſome of our Divines, and even ſome of our philoſo⯑phers, to beſtow on it. But in that motley com⯑poſition, dictated by reaſon and paſſion, by en⯑thuſiaſm and by ſelfiſh motives, ſome uſeful and ſublime truths were diſgraced by a mixture of the moſt abject and dangerous ſuperſtition. The Magi, or ſacerdotal order, were extremely nu⯑merous, ſince, as we have already ſeen, fourſcore thouſand of them were convened in a general council. Their forces were multiplied by diſci⯑pline. A regular hierarchy was diffuſed through all the provinces of Perſia; and the Archima⯑gus, who reſided at Balch, was reſpected as the viſible head of the church, and the lawful ſuc⯑ceſſor of Zoroaſter ¹⁷. The property of the Magi was very conſiderable. Beſides the leſs invidious poſſeſſion of a large tract of the moſt fertile lands of Media ¹⁸, they levied a general tax on the fortunes and the induſtry of the Perſians ¹⁹. ‘Though your good works, ſays the intereſted prophet, exceed in number the leaves of the [327] trees, the drops of rain, the ſtars in the hea⯑ven, or the ſands on the ſea-ſhore, they will all be unprofitable to you, unleſs they are accepted by the deſtour, or prieſt. To obtain the acceptation of this guide to ſalvation, you muſt faithfully pay him tythes of all you poſ⯑ſeſs, of your goods, of your lands, and of your money. If the deſtour be ſatisfied, your ſoul will eſcape hell tortures; you will ſecure praiſe in this world, and happineſs in the next. For the deſtours are the teachers of religion; they know all things, and they deliver all men ²⁰.’

Theſe convenient maxims of reverence and implicit faith were doubtleſs imprinted with care on the tender minds of youth; ſince the Magi were the maſters of education in Perſia, and to their hands the children even of the royal family were intruſted ²¹. The Perſian prieſts, who were of a ſpeculative genius, preſerved and inveſtigated the ſecrets of Oriental philoſophy; and acquired, either by ſuperior knowledge or ſuperior art, the reputation of being well verſed in ſome occult ſciences, which have derived their appellation from the Magi ²². Thoſe of more active diſpoſitions mixed with the world in courts and cities; and it is obſerved, that the admini⯑ſtration of Artaxerxes was in a great meaſure directed by the counſels of the ſacerdotal order, whoſe dignity, either from policy or devotion, that prince reſtored to its ancient ſplendour ²³.

[328] The firſt counſel of the Magi was agreeable to the unſociable genius of their faith ²⁴, to the practice of ancient kings ²⁵, and even to the ex⯑ample Spirit of perſecuti⯑on. of their legiſlator, who had fallen a victim to a religious war, excited by his own intolerant zeal ²⁶. By an edict of Artaxerxes, the exerciſe of every worſhip, except that of Zoroaſter, was ſeverely prohibited. The temples of the Par⯑thians, and the ſtatues of their deified monarchs, were thrown down with ignominy ²⁷. The ſword of Ariſtotle (ſuch was the name given by the Orientals to the polytheiſm and philoſophy of the Greeks) was eaſily broken ²⁸; the flames of perſecution ſoon reached the more ſtubborn Jews and Chriſtians ²⁹; nor did they ſpare the heretics of their own nation and religion. The majeſty of Ormuſd, who was jealous of a rival, was ſe⯑conded by the deſpotiſm of Artaxerxes, who could not ſuffer a rebel; and the ſchiſmatics within his vaſt empire were ſoon reduced to the inconſider⯑able number of eighty thouſand ³⁰. This ſpirit [329] of perſecution reflects diſhonour on the religion of Zoroaſter; but as it was not productive of any civil commotion, it ſerved to ſtrengthen the new monarchy, by uniting all the various inhabitants of Perſia in the bands of religious zeal.

II. Artaxerxes, by his valour and conduct, Eſtabliſh⯑ment of the royal au⯑thority in the pro⯑vinces. had wreſted the ſceptre of the Eaſt from the an⯑cient royal family of Parthia. There ſtill remain⯑ed the more difficult taſk of eſtabliſhing, through⯑out the vaſt extent of Perſia, a uniform and vigorous adminiſtration. The weak indulgence of the Arſacides, had reſigned to their ſons and brothers the principal provinces, and the greateſt offices of the kingdom, in the nature of here⯑ditary poſſeſſions. The vitaxae, or eighteen moſt powerful ſatraps, were permitted to aſſume the regal title; and the vain pride of the monarch was delighted with a nominal dominion over ſo many vaſſal kings. Even tribes of barbarians in their mountains, and the Greek cities of Upper Aſia ³¹, within their walls, ſcarcely acknowledg⯑ed, or ſeldom obeyed, any ſuperior; and the Parthian empire exhibited, under other names, a lively image of the feudal ſyſtem ³² which has ſince prevailed in Europe. But the active vic⯑tor, [330] at the head of a numerous and diſciplined army, viſited in perſon every province of Perſia. The defeat of the boldeſt rebels, and the reduc⯑tion of the ſtrongeſt fortifications ³³, diffuſed the terror of his arms, and prepared the way for the peaceful reception of his authority. An obſtinate reſiſtance was fatal to the chiefs; but their fol⯑lowers were treated with lenity ³⁴. A cheerful ſubmiſſion was rewarded with honours and riches; but the prudent Artaxerxes, ſuffering no perſon except himſelf to aſſume the title of king, abo⯑liſhed every intermediate power between the throne and the people. His kingdom, nearly Extent and population of Perſia. equal in extent to modern Perſia, was, on every ſide, bounded by the ſea or by great rivers; by the Euphrates, the Tigris, the Araxes, the Oxus, and the Indus, by the Caſpian Sea, and the Gulph of Perſia ³⁵. That country was computed [331] to contain, in the laſt century, five hundred and fifty-four cities, ſixty thouſand villages, and about forty millions of ſouls ³⁶. If we compare the adminiſtration of the houſe of Saſſan with that of the houſe of Sefi, the political influence of the Magian with that of the Mahometan religion, we ſhall probably infer, that the kingdom of Artaxerxes contained at leaſt as great a number of cities, villages, and inhabitants. But it muſt likewiſe be confeſſed, that in every age the want of harbours on the ſea-coaſt, and the ſcarcity of freſh water in the inland provinces, have been very unfavourable to the commerce and agri⯑culture of the Perſians; who, in the calculation of their numbers, ſeem to have indulged one of the meaneſt, though moſt common, articles of national vanity.

As ſoon as the ambitious mind of Artaxerxes Recapitu⯑lation of the war be⯑tween the Parthian and Ro⯑man em⯑pire. had triumphed over the reſiſtance of his vaſſals, he began to threaten the neighbouring ſtates, who, during the long ſlumber of his predeceſſors, had inſulted Perſia with impunity. He obtained ſome eaſy victories over the wild Scythians and the effeminate Indians; but the Romans were an enemy, who, by their paſt injuries and preſent power, deſerved the utmoſt efforts of his arms. A forty years tranquillity the fruit of valour and [332] moderation, had ſucceeded the victories of Tra⯑jan. During the period that elapſed from the acceſſion of Marcus to the reign of Alexander, the Roman and the Parthian empires were twice engaged in war; and although the whole ſtrength of the Arſacides contended with a part only of the forces of Rome, the event was moſt com⯑monly in favour of the latter. Macrinus, in⯑deed, prompted by his precarious ſituation, and puſillanimous temper, purchaſed a peace at the expence of near two millions of our money ³⁷; but the generals of Marcus, the emperor Seve⯑rus, and his ſon, erected many trophies in Ar⯑menia, Meſopotamia, and Aſſyria. Among their exploits, the imperfect relation of which would have unſeaſonably interrupted the more import⯑ant ſeries of domeſtic revolutions, we ſhall only mention the repeated calamities of the two great cities of Seleucia and Cteſiphon.

Seleucia, on the weſtern bank of the Tigris, Cities of Seleucia and Cteſi⯑phon. about forty-five miles to the north of ancient Babylon, was the capital of the Macedonian con⯑queſts in Upper Aſia ³⁸. Many ages after the fall of their empire, Seleucia retained the genuine characters of a Grecian colony, arts, military virtue, and the love of freedom. The inde⯑pendent republic was governed by a ſenate of three hundred nobles; the people conſiſted of [333] ſix hundred thouſand citizens; the walls were ſtrong, and as long as concord prevailed among the ſeveral orders of the ſtate, they viewed with contempt the power of the Parthian: but the madneſs of faction was ſometimes provoked to implore the dangerous aid of the common ene⯑my, who was poſted almoſt at the gates of the colony ³⁹. The Parthian monarchs, like the Mogul ſovereigns of Hindoſtan, delighted in the paſtoral life of their Scythian anceſtors; and the Imperial camp was frequently pitched in the plain of Cteſiphon, on the eaſtern bank of the Tigris, at the diſtance of only three miles from Seleucia ⁴⁰. The innumerable attendants on luxury and deſpotiſm reſorted to the court, and the little village of Cteſiphon inſenſibly ſwelled into a great city ⁴¹. Under the reign of Marcus, the Roman generals penetrated as far as Cteſi⯑phon and Seleucia. They were received as friends A. D. 165. by the Greek colony; they attacked as enemies the ſeat of the Parthian kings; yet both cities experienced the ſame treatment. The ſack and conflagration of Seleucia, with the maſſacre of three hundred thouſand of the inhabitants, tar⯑niſhed [334] the glory of the Roman triumph ⁴². Se⯑leucia, already exhauſted by the neighbourhood of a too powerful rival, ſunk under the fatal blow; but Cteſiphon, in about thirty-three years, A. D. 198. had ſufficiently recovered its ſtrength to maintain an obſtinate ſiege againſt the emperor Seve⯑rus. The city was, however, taken by aſſault; the king, who defended it in perſon, eſcaped with precipitation; an hundred thouſand captives, and a rich booty, rewarded the fatigues of the Roman ſoldiers ⁴³. Notwithſtanding theſe mis⯑fortunes, Cteſiphon ſucceeded to Babylon and to Seleucia, as one of the great capitals of the Eaſt. In ſummer, the monarch of Perſia enjoyed at Ecbatana the cool breezes of the mountains of Media; but the mildneſs of the climate engaged him to prefer Cteſiphon for his winter-reſidence.

From theſe ſucceſsful inroads, the Romans de⯑rived Conqueſt of Oſrho⯑ene by the Romans. no real or laſting benefit; nor did they attempt to preſerve ſuch diſtant conqueſts, ſepa⯑rated from the provinces of the empire by a large tract of intermediate deſert. The reduction of the kingdom of Oſrhoene, was an acquiſition of leſs ſplendour indeed, but of a far more ſolid advantage. That little ſtate occupied the north⯑ern and moſt fertile part of Meſopotamia, be⯑tween the Euphrates and the Tigris. Edeſſa, [335] its capital, was ſituated about twenty miles be⯑yond the former of thoſe rivers; and the inha⯑bitants, ſince the time of Alexander, were a mix⯑ed race of Greeks, Arabs, Syrians, and Arme⯑nians ⁴⁴. The feeble ſovereigns of Oſrhoene, placed on the dangerous verge of two contending empires, were attached from inclination to the Parthian cauſe; but the ſuperior power of Rome exacted from them a reluctant homage, which is ſtill atteſted by their medals. After the con⯑cluſion of the Parthian war under Marcus, it was judged prudent to ſecure ſome ſubſtantial pledges of their doubtful fidelity. Forts were conſtruct⯑ed in ſeveral parts of the country, and a Roman garriſon was fixed in the ſtrong town of Niſibis. During the troubles that followed the death of Commodus, the princes of Oſrhoene attempted to ſhake off the yoke: but the ſtern policy of Severus confirmed their dependance ⁴⁵, and the perfidy of Caracalla completed the eaſy conqueſt. Abgarus, the laſt king of Edeſſa, was ſent in A. D. 216. chains to Rome, his dominions reduced into a province, and his capital dignified with the rank of colony; and thus the Romans, about ten years before the fall of the Parthian monarchy, ob⯑tained [336] a firm and permanent eſtabliſhment beyond the Euphrates ⁴⁶.

Prudence as well as glory might have juſtified Artaxer⯑xes claims the pro⯑vinces of Aſia, and declares war againſt the Ro⯑mans. A. D. 230. a war on the ſide of Artaxerxes, had his views been confined to the defence or the acquiſition of a uſeful frontier. But the ambitious Perſian openly avowed a far more extenſive deſign of conqueſt; and he thought himſelf able to ſup⯑port his lofty pretenſions by the arms of reaſon as well as by thoſe of power. Cyrus, he alleged, had firſt ſubdued, and his ſucceſſors had for a long time poſſeſſed, the whole extent of Aſia, as far as the Propontis and the Aegaean Sea; the provinces of Caria and Ionia, under their empire, had been governed by Perſian ſatraps, and all Egypt, to the confines of Aethiopia, had acknow⯑ledged their ſovereignty ⁴⁷. Their rights had been ſuſpended, but not deſtroyed, by a long uſurpation; and as ſoon as he received the Per⯑ſian diadem, which birth and ſucceſsful valour had placed upon his head, the firſt great duty of his ſtation called upon him to reſtore the ancient limits and ſplendour of the monarchy. The Great King, therefore (ſuch was the haughty ſtyle of his embaſſies to the emperor Alexander), commanded the Romans inſtantly to depart from [337] all the provinces of his anceſtors, and, yielding to the Perſians the empire of Aſia, to content themſelves with the undiſturbed poſſeſſion of Europe. This haughty mandate was delivered by four hundred of the talleſt and moſt beautiful of the Perſians; who, by their fine horſes, ſplen⯑did arms, and rich apparel, diſplayed the pride and greatneſs of their maſter ⁴⁸. Such an em⯑baſſy was much leſs an offer of negociation than a declaration of war. Both Alexander Severus and Artaxerxes, collecting the military force of the Roman and Perſian monarchies, reſolved in this important conteſt to lead their armies in per⯑ſon.

If we credit what ſhould ſeem the moſt authen⯑tic Pretended victory of Alexander Severus. A. D. 233. of all records, an oration, ſtill extant, and delivered by the emperor himſelf to the ſenate, we muſt allow that the victory of Alexander Severus was not inferior to any of thoſe formerly obtained over the Perſians by the ſon of Philip. The army of the Great King conſiſted of one hundred and twenty thouſand horſe, clothed in complete armour of ſteel; of ſeven hundred ele⯑phants, with towers filled with archers on their backs, and of eighteen hundred chariots, armed with ſcythes. This formidable hoſt, the like of which is not to be found in eaſtern hiſtory, and has ſcarcely been imagined in eaſtern romance ⁴⁹, [338] was diſcomfited in a great battle, in which the Roman Alexander approved himſelf an intrepid ſoldier and a ſkilful general. The Great King fled before his valour; an immenſe booty, and the conqueſt of Meſopotamia, were the imme⯑diate fruits of this ſignal victory. Such are the circumſtances of this oſtentatious and impro⯑bable relation, dictated, as it too plainly appears, by the vanity of the monarch, adorned by the unbluſhing ſervility of his flatterers, and received without contradiction by a diſtant and obſequi⯑ous ſenate ⁵⁰. Far from being inclined to believe that the arms of Alexander obtained any memo⯑rable advantage over the Perſians, we are in⯑duced to ſuſpect, that all this blaze of imaginary glory was deſigned to conceal ſome real diſ⯑grace.

[339] Our ſuſpicions are confirmed by the authority of a contemporary hiſtorian, who mentions the virtues of Alexander with reſpect, and his faults More pro⯑bable ac⯑count of the war. with candour. He deſcribes the judicious plan which had been formed for the conduct of the war. Three Roman armies were deſtined to invade Perſia at the ſame time, and by different roads. But the operations of the campaign, though wiſely concerted, were not executed either with ability or ſucceſs. The firſt of theſe ar⯑mies, as ſoon as it had entered the marſhy plains of Babylon, towards the artificial conflux of the Euphrates and the Tigris ⁵¹, was encompaſſed by the ſuperior numbers, and deſtroyed by the ar⯑rows, of the enemy. The alliance of Choſroes king of Armenia ⁵², and the long tract of moun⯑tainous country, in which the Perſian cavalry was of little ſervice, opened a ſecure entrance into the heart of Media, to the ſecond of the Roman armies. Theſe brave troops laid waſte the adja⯑cent provinces, and by ſeveral ſucceſsful actions againſt Artaxerxes, gave a faint colour to the emperor's vanity. But the retreat of this victo⯑rious army was imprudent, or at leaſt unfortunate. In repaſſing the mountains, great numbers of ſoldiers periſhed by the badneſs of the roads, and [340] the ſeverity of the winter ſeaſon. It had been reſolved, that whilſt theſe two great detachments penetrated into the oppoſite extremes of the Per⯑ſian dominions, the main body, under the com⯑mand of Alexander himſelf, ſhould ſupport their attack, by invading the centre of the kingdom. But the unexperienced youth, influenced by his mother's counſels, and perhaps by his own fears, deſerted the braveſt troops and the faireſt pro⯑ſpect of victory; and after conſuming in Meſo⯑potamia an inactive and inglorious ſummer, he led back to Antioch an army diminiſhed by ſick⯑neſs, and provoked by diſappointment. The behaviour of Artaxerxes had been very different. Flying with rapidity from the hills of Media to the marſhes of the Euphrates, he had every where oppoſed the invaders in perſon; and in either fortune, had united with the ableſt conduct the moſt undaunted reſolution. But in ſeveral ob⯑ſtinate engagements againſt the veteran legions of Rome, the Perſian monarch had loſt the flower of his troops. Even his victories had weakened his power. The favourable opportunities of the abſence of Alexander, and of the confuſions that followed that emperor's death, preſented them⯑ſelves in vain to his ambition. Inſtead of ex⯑pelling the Romans, as he pretended, from the continent of Aſia, he found himſelf unable to wreſt from their hands the little province of Me⯑ſopotamia ⁵³.

[341] The reign of Artaxerxes, which from the laſt defeat of the Parthians laſted only fourteen years, forms a memorable aera in the hiſtory of the Eaſt, Character and max⯑ims of Ar⯑taxerxes. A. D. 240. and even in that of Rome. His character ſeems to have been marked by thoſe bold and com⯑manding features, that generally diſtinguiſh the princes who conquer, from thoſe who inherit, an empire. Till the laſt period of the Perſian mo⯑narchy, his code of laws was reſpected as the ground-work of their civil and religious policy ⁵⁴. Several of his ſayings are preſerved. One of them in particular diſcovers a deep inſight into the conſtitution of government. ‘The autho⯑rity of the prince,ſaid Artaxerxes, muſt be defended by a military force; that force can only be maintained by taxes; all taxes muſt, at laſt, fall upon agriculture; and agri⯑culture can never flouriſh except under the protection of juſtice and moderation ⁵⁵.’ Ar⯑taxerxes bequeathed his new empire, and his ambitious deſigns againſt the Romans, to Sapor, a ſon not unworthy of his great father; but thoſe deſigns were too extenſive for the power of Per⯑ſia, and ſerved only to involve both nations in a long ſeries of deſtructive wars and reciprocal ca⯑lamities.

[342] The Perſians, long ſince civilized and corrupt⯑ed, were very far from poſſeſſing the martial in⯑dependence, and the intrepid hardineſs, both of Military power of the Per⯑ſians. mind and body, which have rendered the north⯑ern barbarians maſters of the world. The ſci⯑ence of war, that conſtituted the more rational force of Greece and Rome, as it now does of Europe, never made any conſiderable progreſs in the Eaſt. Thoſe diſciplined evolutions which harmonize and animate a confuſed multitude, were unknown to the Perſians. They were equal⯑ly unſkilled in the arts of conſtructing, beſieg⯑ing, or defending regular fortifications. They truſted more to their numbers than to their cou⯑rage; more to their courage than to their diſ⯑cipline. The infantry was a half-armed ſpirit⯑leſs crowd of peaſants, levied in haſte by the Their in⯑fantry con⯑temptible. allurements of plunder, and as eaſily diſperſed by a victory as by a defeat. The monarch and his nobles tranſported into the camp the pride and luxury of the ſeraglio. Their military ope⯑rations were impeded by a uſeleſs train of women, eunuchs, horſes, and camels, and in the midſt of a ſucceſsful campaign, the Perſian hoſt was often ſeparated or deſtroyed by an unexpected fa⯑mine ⁵⁶.

But the nobles of Perſia, in the boſom of lux⯑ury Their ca⯑valry ex⯑cellent. and deſpotiſm, preſerved a ſtrong ſenſe of perſonal gallantry and national honour. From [343] the age of ſeven years they were taught to ſpeak truth, to ſhoot with the bow, and to ride; and it was univerſally confeſſed, that in the two laſt of theſe arts, they had made a more than common proficiency ⁵⁷. The moſt diſtinguiſhed youth were educated under the monarch's eye, practiſed their exerciſes in the gate of his palace, and were ſeverely trained up to the habits of temperance and obedience, in their long and laborious par⯑ties of hunting. In every province, the ſatrap maintained a like ſchool of military virtue. The Perſian nobles (ſo natural is the idea of feudal tenures) received from the king's bounty lands and houſes, on the condition of their ſervice in war. They were ready on the firſt ſummons to mount on horſeback, with a martial and ſplendid train of followers, and to join the numerous bo⯑dies of guards, who were carefully ſelected from amongſt the moſt robuſt ſlaves, and the braveſt ad⯑venturers of Aſia. Theſe armies, both of light and of heavy cavalry, equally formidable by the impetuoſity of their charge, and the rapidity of their motions, threatened, as an impending cloud, the eaſtern provinces of the declining empire of Rome ⁵⁸.

CHAP. IX. The State of Germany till the Invaſion of the Bar⯑barians, in the Time of the Emperor Decius.

THE government and religion of Perſia have deſerved ſome notice from their connexion with the decline and fall of the Roman empire. We ſhall occaſionally mention the Scythian, or Sarmatian tribes, which, with their arms and horſes, their flocks and herds, their wives and families, wandered over the immenſe plains which ſpread themſelves from the Caſpian Sea to the Viſtula, from the confines of Perſia to thoſe of Germany. But the warlike Germans, who firſt reſiſted, then invaded, and at length overturned, the weſtern monarchy of Rome, will occupy a much more important place in this hiſtory, and poſſeſs a ſtronger, and, if we may uſe the expreſ⯑ſion, a more domeſtic, claim to our attention and regard. The moſt civilized nations of mo⯑dern Europe iſſued from the woods of Germany, and in the rude inſtitutions of thoſe barbarians we may ſtill diſtinguiſh the original principles of our preſent laws and manners. In their primi⯑tive ſtate of ſimplicity and independence, the Germans were ſurveyed by the diſcerning eye, and delineated by the maſterly pencil, of Tacitus, the firſt of hiſtorians who applied the ſcience of philoſophy to the ſtudy of facts. The expreſſive conciſeneſs of his deſcriptions has deſerved to ex⯑erciſe [345] the diligence of innumerable antiquarians, and to excite the genius and penetration of the philoſophic hiſtorians of our own times. The ſubject, however various and important, has al⯑ready been ſo frequently, ſo ably, and ſo ſucceſs⯑fully diſcuſſed, that it is now grown familiar to the reader, and difficult to the writer. We ſhall therefore content ourſelves with obſerving, and indeed with repeating, ſome of the moſt impor⯑tant circumſtances of climate, of manners, and of inſtitutions, which rendered the wild barba⯑rians of Germany ſuch formidable enemies to the Roman power.

Ancient Germany, excluding from its inde⯑pendent Extent of Germany. limits the province weſtward of the Rhine, which had ſubmitted to the Roman yoke, extended itſelf over a third part of Europe. Al⯑moſt the whole of modern Germany, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Livonia, Pruſſia, and the greater part of Poland, were peopled by the various tribes of one great nation, whoſe com⯑plexion, manners, and language denoted a com⯑mon origin, and preſerved a ſtriking reſemblance. On the weſt, ancient Germany was divided by the Rhine from the Gallic, and on the ſouth, by the Danube, from the Illyrian provinces of the empire. A ridge of hills, riſing from the Da⯑nube, and called the Carpathian Mountains, co⯑vered Germany on the ſide of Dacia or Hungary. The eaſtern frontier was faintly marked by the mutual fears of the Germans and the Sarmatians, and was often confounded by the mixture of war⯑ring and confederating tribes of the two nations. [346] In the remote darkneſs of the north, the ancients imperfectly deſcried a frozen ocean that lay be⯑yond the Baltic Sea, and beyond the Peninſula, or iſlands ¹ of Scandinavia.

Some ingenious writers ² have ſuſpected that Europe was much colder formerly than it is at Climate. preſent; and the moſt ancient deſcriptions of the climate of Germany tend exceedingly to confirm their theory. The general complaints of intenſe froſt, and eternal winter, are perhaps little to be regarded, ſince we have no method of reducing to the accurate ſtandard of the thermometer, the feelings, or the expreſſions of an orator, born in the happier regions of Greece or Aſia. But I ſhall ſelect two remarkable circumſtances of a leſs equivocal nature. 1. The great rivers which co⯑vered the Roman provinces, the Rhine and the Danube, were frequently frozen over, and ca⯑pable of ſupporting the moſt enormous weights. The barbarians, who often choſe that ſevere ſea⯑ſon for their inroads, tranſported, without appre⯑henſion or danger, their numerous armies, their [347] cavalry, and their heavy waggons, over a vaſt and ſolid bridge of ice ³. Modern ages have not preſented an inſtance of a like phaenomenon. 2. The rein deer, that uſeful animal, from whom the ſavage of the North derives the beſt comforts of his dreary life, is of a conſtitution that ſup⯑ports, and even requires, the moſt intenſe cold. He is found on the rock of Spitzberg, within ten degrees of the Pole; he ſeems to delight in the ſnows of Lapland and Siberia; but at preſent he cannot ſubſiſt, much leſs multiply, in any country to the ſouth of the Baltic ⁴. In the time of Caeſar, the rein deer, as well as the elk, and the wild bull, was a native of the Hercynian foreſt, which then overſhadowed a great part of Germany and Poland ⁵. The modern improvements ſufficiently explain the cauſes of the diminution of the cold. Theſe immenſe woods have been gradually cleared, which intercepted from the earth the rays of the ſun ⁶. The moraſſes have been drained, and, in proportion as the ſoil has been cultivated, the air has become more temperate. Canada, at this [348] day, is an exact picture of ancient Germany. Although ſituated in the ſame parallel with the fineſt provinces of France and England, that country experiences the moſt rigorous cold. The rein deer are very numerous, the ground is co⯑vered with deep and laſting ſnow, and the great river of St Lawrence is regularly frozen, in a ſea⯑ſon when the waters of the Seine and the Thames are uſually free from ice ⁷.

It is difficult to aſcertain, and eaſy to exagge⯑rate, the influence of the climate of ancient Ger⯑many Its effects on the na⯑tives. over the minds and bodies of the natives. Many writers have ſuppoſed, and moſt have al⯑lowed, though, as it ſhould ſeem, without any adequate proof, that the rigorous cold of the North was favourable to long life and generative vigour, that the women were more fruitful, and the human ſpecies more prolific, than in warmer or more temperate climates ⁸. We may aſſert, with greater confidence, that the keen air of Ger⯑many formed the large and maſculine limbs of the natives, who were, in general, of a more lofty ſtature than the people of the South ⁹, gave them a kind of ſtrength better adapted to violent exer⯑tions than to patient labour, and inſpired them with conſtitutional bravery, which is the reſult of nerves and ſpirits. The ſeverity of a winter cam⯑paign, [349] that chilled the courage of the Roman troops, was ſcarcely felt by theſe hardy children of the North ¹⁰, who, in their turn, were unable to reſiſt the ſummer heats, and diſſolved away in languor and ſickneſs under the beams of an Ita⯑lian ſun ¹¹.

There is not any where upon the globe, a large Origin of the Ger⯑mans. tract of country, which we have diſcovered deſti⯑tute of inhabitants, or whoſe firſt population can be fixed with any degree of hiſtorical certainty. And yet, as the moſt philoſophic minds can ſel⯑dom refrain from inveſtigating the infancy of great nations, our curioſity conſumes itſelf in toil⯑ſome and diſappointed efforts. When Tacitus conſidered the purity of the German blood, and the forbidding aſpect of the country, he was diſ⯑poſed to pronounce thoſe barbarians Indigenae, or natives of the ſoil. We may allow with ſafety, and perhaps with truth, that ancient Germany was not originally peopled by any foreign co⯑lonies, already formed into a political ſociety ¹²; but that the name and nation received their ex⯑iſtence from the gradual union of ſome wandering [350] ſavages of the Hercynian woods. To aſſert thoſe ſavages to have been the ſpontaneous production of the earth which they inhabited, would be a raſh inference, condemned by religion, and un⯑warranted by reaſon.

Such rational doubt is but ill-ſuited with the Fables and conjec⯑tures. genius of popular vanity. Among the nations who have adopted the Moſaic hiſtory of the world, the ark of Noah has been of the ſame uſe, as was formerly to the Greeks and Romans the ſiege of Troy. On a narrow baſis of acknowledged truth, an immenſe but rude ſuperſtructure of fable has been erected; and the wild Iriſhman ¹³, as well as the wild Tartar ¹⁴, could point out the indivi⯑dual ſon of Japhet, from whoſe loins his anceſtors were lineally deſcended. The laſt century abound⯑ed with antiquarians of profound learning and eaſy faith, who, by the dim light of legends and traditions, of conjectures and etymologies, con⯑ducted the great grandchildren of Noah from the Tower of Babel to the extremities of the globe. Of theſe judicious critics, one of the moſt enter⯑taining [351] was Olaus Rudbeck, profeſſor in the uni⯑verſity of Upſal ¹⁵. Whatever is celebrated either in hiſtory or fable, this zealous patriot aſcribes to his country. From Sweden (which formed ſo conſiderable a part of ancient Germany) the Greeks themſelves derived their alphabetical cha⯑racters, their aſtronomy, and their religion. Of that delightful region (for ſuch it appeared to the eyes of a native) the Atlantis of Plato, the coun⯑try of the Hyperboreans, the gardens of the Heſ⯑perides, the Fortunate Iſlands, and even the Ely⯑ſian Fields, were all but faint and imperfect tran⯑ſcripts. A clime ſo profuſely favoured by Nature, could not long remain deſert after the flood. The learned Rudbeck allows the family of Noah a few years to multiply from eight to about twenty thouſand perſons. He then diſperſes them into ſmall colonies to repleniſh the earth, and to propagate the human ſpecies. The German or Swediſh detachment (which marched, if I am not miſtaken, under the command of Aſkenaz the ſon of Gomer, the ſon of Japhet) diſtinguiſhed itſelf by a more than common diligence in the proſe⯑cution of this great work. The northern hive caſt its ſwarms over the greateſt part of Europe, Africa, and Aſia; and (to uſe the author's meta⯑phor) the blood circulated from the extremities to the heart.

But all this well-laboured ſyſtem of German antiquities is annihilated by a ſingle fact, too well The Ger⯑mans ig⯑norant of letters; [352] atteſted to admit of any doubt, and of too deci⯑ſive a nature to leave room for any reply. The Germans, in the age of Tacitus, were unac⯑quainted with the uſe of letters ¹⁶; and the uſe of letters is the principal circumſtance that diſtin⯑guiſhes a civilized people from a herd of ſavages incapable of knowledge or reflection. Without that artificial help, the human memory ſoon diſſi⯑pates or corrupts the ideas intruſted to her charge; and the nobler faculties of the mind, no longer ſupplied with models or with materials, gradually forget their powers; the judgment becomes feeble and lethargic, the imagination languid or irregular. Fully to apprehend this important truth, let us attempt, in an improved ſociety, to calculate the immenſe diſtance between the man of learning and the illiterate peaſant. The for⯑mer, by reading and reflection, multiplies his own experience, and lives in diſtant ages and re⯑mote countries; whilſt the latter, rooted to a ſingle ſpot, and confined to a few years of exiſt⯑ence, ſurpaſſes, but very little, his fellow-la⯑bourer [353] the ox in the exerciſe of his mental fa⯑culties. The ſame, and even a greater, differ⯑ence will be found between nations than between individuals; and we may ſafely pronounce, that without ſome ſpecies of writing, no people has ever preſerved the faithful annals of their hiſtory, ever made any conſiderable progreſs in the ab⯑ſtract ſciences, or ever poſſeſſed, in any tolerable degree of perfection, the uſeful and agreeable arts of life.

Of theſe arts, the ancient Germans were wretch⯑edly of arts and agricul⯑ture; deſtitute. They paſſed their lives in a ſtate of ignorance and poverty, which it has pleaſed ſome declaimers to dignify with the appellation of virtuous ſimplicity. Modern Germany is ſaid to contain about two thouſand three hundred walled towns ¹⁷. In a much wider extent of coun⯑try, the geographer Ptolemy could diſcover no more than ninety places, which he decorates with the name of cities ¹⁸; though, according to our ideas, they would but ill deſerve that ſplendid title. We can only ſuppoſe them to have been rude fortifications, conſtructed in the centre of the woods, and deſigned to ſecure the women, children, and cattle, whilſt the warriors of the tribe marched out to repel a ſudden invaſion ¹⁹. [354] But Tacitus aſſerts, as a well-known fact, that the Germans, in his time, had no cities ²⁰; and that they affected to deſpiſe the works of Roman induſtry, as places of confinement rather than of ſecurity ²¹. Their edifices were not even conti⯑guous, or formed into regular villas ²²; each bar⯑barian fixed his independent dwelling on the ſpot to which a plain, a wood, or a ſtream of freſh water, had induced him to give the preference. Neither ſtone, nor brick, nor tiles, were em⯑ployed in theſe ſlight habitations ²³. They were indeed no more than low huts of a circular figure, built of rough timber, thatched with ſtraw, and pierced at the top to leave a free paſſage for the ſmoke. In the moſt inclement winter, the hardy German was ſatisfied with a ſcanty garment made of the ſkin of ſome animal. The nations who dwelt towards the North, clothed themſelves in furs; and the women manufactured for their own uſe a coarſe kind of linen ²⁴. The game of various ſorts, with which the foreſts of Germany were plentifully ſtocked, ſupplied its inhabitants [355] with food and exerciſe ²⁵. Their monſtrous herds of cattle, leſs remarkable indeed for their beauty than for their utility ²⁶, formed the principal ob⯑ject of their wealth. A ſmall quantity of corn was the only produce exacted from the earth: the uſe of orchards or artificial meadows was un⯑known to the Germans; nor can we expect any improvements in agriculture from a people, whoſe property every year experienced a general change by a new diviſion of the arable lands, and who, in that ſtrange operation, avoided diſputes, by ſuffering a great part of their territory to lie waſte and without tillage ²⁷.

Gold, ſilver, and iron, were extremely ſcarce in Germany. Its barbarous inhabitants wanted and of the uſe of me⯑tals. both ſkill and patience to inveſtigate thoſe rich veins of ſilver, which have ſo liberally rewarded the attention of the princes of Brunſwick and Saxony. Sweden, which now ſupplies Europe with iron, was equally ignorant of its own riches; and the appearance of the arms of the Germans furniſhed a ſufficient proof how little iron they were able to beſtow on what they muſt have deemed the nobleſt uſe of that metal. The va⯑rious tranſactions of peace and war had intro⯑duced ſome Roman coins (chiefly ſilver) among the borderers of the Rhine and Danube; but the more diſtant tribes were abſolutely unacquainted with the uſe of money, carried on their confined traffic by the exchange of commodities, and [356] prized their rude earthen veſſels as of equal value with the ſilver vaſes, the preſents of Rome to their princes and ambaſſadors ²⁸. To a mind ca⯑pable of reflection, ſuch leading facts convey more inſtruction, than a tedious detail of ſubor⯑dinate circumſtances. The value of money has been ſettled by general conſent to expreſs our wants and our property; as letters were invented to expreſs our ideas; and both theſe inſtitutions, by giving a more active energy to the powers and paſſions of human nature, have contributed to multiply the objects they were deſigned to re⯑preſent. The uſe of gold and ſilver is in a great meaſure factitious; but it would be impoſſible to enumerate the important and various ſervices which agriculture, and all the arts, have received from iron, when tempered and faſhioned by the operation of fire, and the dexterous hand of man. Money, in a word, is the moſt univerſal incite⯑ment, iron the moſt powerful inſtrument, of hu⯑man induſtry; and it is very difficult to conceive by what means a people, neither actuated by the one, nor ſeconded by the other, could emerge from the groſſeſt barbariſm ²⁹.

If we contemplate a ſavage nation in any part Their in⯑dolence. of the globe, a ſupine indolence and a careleſſneſs of futurity will be found to conſtitute their gene⯑ral character. In a civilized ſtate, every faculty [357] of man is expanded and exerciſed; and the great chain of mutual dependence connects and em⯑braces the ſeveral members of ſociety. The moſt numerous portion of it is employed in conſtant and uſeful labour. The ſelect few, placed by fortune above that neceſſity, can, however, fill up their time by the purſuits of intereſt or glory, by the improvement of their eſtate or of their un⯑derſtanding, by the duties, the pleaſures, and even the follies of ſocial life. The Germans were not poſſeſſed of theſe varied reſources. The care of the houſe and family, the management of the land and cattle, were delegated to the old and the infirm, to women and ſlaves. The lazy war⯑rior, deſtitute of every art that might employ his leiſure hours, conſumed his days and nights in the animal gratifications of ſleep and food. And yet, by a wonderful diverſity of Nature (accord⯑ing to the remark of a writer who had pierced into its darkeſt receſſes), the ſame barbarians are by turns the moſt indolent and the moſt reſtleſs of mankind. They delight in ſloth, they deteſt tranquillity ³⁰. The languid ſoul, oppreſſed with its own weight, anxiouſly required ſome new and powerful ſenſation; and war and danger were the only amuſements adequate to its fierce temper. The ſound that ſummoned the German to arms was grateful to his ear. It rouſed him from his uncomfortable lethargy, gave him an active pur⯑ſuit, and, by ſtrong exerciſe of the body, and violent emotions of the mind, reſtored him to a [358] more lively ſenſe of his exiſtence. In the dull intervals of peace, theſe barbarians were immo⯑derately addicted to deep gaming and exceſſive drinking; both of which, by different means, the one by inflaming their paſſions, the other by extinguiſhing their reaſon, alike relieved them from the pain of thinking. They gloried in paſſ⯑ing whole days and nights at table; and the blood of friends and relations often ſtained their numerous and drunken aſſemblies ³¹. Their debts of honour (for in that light they have tranſmitted to us thoſe of play) they diſcharged with the moſt romantic fidelity. The deſperate gameſter, who had ſtaked his perſon and liberty on a laſt throw of the dice, patiently ſubmitted to the deciſion of fortune, and ſuffered himſelf to be bound, chaſtiſed, and ſold into remote ſlavery, by his weaker but more lucky antagoniſt ³².

Strong beer, a liquor extracted with very little art from wheat or barley, and corrupted (as it is Their taſte for ſtrong liquors. ſtrongly expreſſed by Tacitus) into a certain ſem⯑blance of wine, was ſufficient for the groſs pur⯑poſes of German debauchery. But thoſe who had taſted the rich wines of Italy, and afterwards of Gaul, ſighed for that more delicious ſpecies of intoxication. They attempted not, however (as has ſince been executed with ſo much ſucceſs), to naturalize the vine on the banks of the Rhine and Danube; nor did they endeavour to procure [359] by induſtry the materials of an advantageous commerce. To ſolicit by labour what might be raviſhed by arms, was eſteemed unworthy of the German ſpirit ³³. The intemperate thirſt of ſtrong liquors often urged the barbarians to invade the provinces on which art or nature had beſtowed thoſe much envied preſents. The Tuſcan who betrayed his country to the Celtic nations, at⯑tracted them into Italy by the proſpect of the rich fruits and delicious wines, the productions of a happier climate ³⁴. And in the ſame manner the German auxiliaries, invited into France during the civil wars of the ſixteenth century, were al⯑lured by the promiſe of plenteous quarters in the the provinces of Champaigne and Burgundy ³⁵. Drunkenneſs, the moſt illiberal, but not the moſt dangerous of our vices, was ſometimes capable, in a leſs civilized ſtate of mankind, of occaſioning a battle, a war, or a revolution.

The climate of ancient Germany has been mol⯑lified, State of popula⯑tion. and the ſoil fertilized, by the labour of ten centuries from the time of Charlemagne. The ſame extent of ground which at preſent main⯑tains, in eaſe and plenty, a million of huſband-men and artificers, was unable to ſupply an hun⯑dred thouſand lazy warriors with the ſimple ne⯑ceſſaries of life ³⁶. The Germans abandoned their [360] immenſe foreſts to the exerciſe of hunting, em⯑ployed in paſturage the moſt conſiderable part of their lands, beſtowed on the ſmall remainder a rude and careleſs cultivation, and then accuſed the ſcantineſs and ſterility of a country that re⯑fuſed to maintain the multitude of its inhabitants. When the return of famine ſeverely admoniſhed them of the importance of the arts, the national diſtreſs was ſometimes alleviated by the emigra⯑tion of a third, perhaps, or a fourth part of their youth ³⁷. The poſſeſſion and the enjoyment of property are the pledges which bind a civilized people to an improved country. But the Ger⯑mans, who carried with them what they moſt valued, their arms, their cattle, and their women, cheerfully abandoned the vaſt ſilence of their woods for the unbounded hopes of plunder and conqueſt. The innumerable ſwarms that iſſued, or ſeemed to iſſue, from the great ſtorehouſe of nations, were multiplied by the fears of the van⯑quiſhed, and by the credulity of ſucceeding ages. And from facts thus exaggerated, an opinion was gradually eſtabliſhed, and has been ſupported by writers of diſtinguiſhed reputation, that, in the age of Caeſar and Tacitus, the inhabitants of the North were far more numerous than they are in [361] our days ³⁸. A more ſerious inquiry into the cauſes of population, ſeems to have convinced modern philoſophers of the falſehood, and indeed the impoſſibility, of the ſuppoſition. To the names of Mariana and of Machiavel ³⁹, we can oppoſe the equal names of Robertſon and Hume ⁴⁰.

A warlike nation like the Germans, without German freedom. either cities, letters, arts, or money, found ſome compenſation for this ſavage ſtate in the enjoy⯑ment of liberty. Their poverty ſecured their freedom, ſince our deſires and our poſſeſſions are the ſtrongeſt fetters of deſpotiſm. ‘Among the Suiones (ſays Tacitus), riches are held in honour. They are therefore ſubject to an ab⯑ſolute monarch, who, inſtead of intruſting his people with the free uſe of arms, as is practiſed in the reſt of Germany, commits them to the ſafe cuſtody not of a citizen, or even of a freedman, but of a ſlave. The neighbours of the Suiones, the Sitones, are ſunk even below ſervitude; they obey a woman ⁴¹.’ In the mention of theſe exceptions, the great hiſtorian ſufficiently acknowledges the general theory of government. We are only at a loſs to conceive [362] by what means riches and deſpotiſm could pene⯑trate into a remote corner of the North, and extinguiſh the generous flame that blazed with ſuch fierceneſs on the frontier of the Roman provinces: or how the anceſtors of thoſe Danes and Norwegians, ſo diſtinguiſhed in latter ages by their unconquered ſpirit, could thus tamely re⯑ſign the great character of German liberty ⁴². Some tribes, however, on the coaſt of the Baltic, acknow⯑ledged the authority of kings, though without relinquiſhing the rights of men ⁴³; but in the far greater part of Germany, the form of govern⯑ment was a democracy, tempered indeed, and controlled, not ſo much by general and poſitive laws, as by the occaſional aſcendant of birth or valour, of eloquence or ſuperſtition ⁴⁴.

Civil governments, in their firſt inſtitutions, are Aſſemblies of the peo⯑ple. voluntary aſſociations for mutual defence. To obtain the deſired end, it is abſolutely neceſſary, that each individual ſhould conceive himſelf obliged to ſubmit his private opinion and ac⯑tions, to the judgment of the greater number of his aſſociates. The German tribes were content⯑ed with this rude but liberal outline of political ſociety. As ſoon as a youth, born of free pa⯑rents, had attained the age of manhood, he was [363] introduced into the general council of his coun⯑trymen, ſolemnly inveſted with a ſhield and ſpear, and adopted as an equal and worthy member of the military commonwealth. The aſſembly of the warriors of the tribe was convened at ſtated ſeaſons, or on ſudden emergencies. The trial of public offences, the election of magiſtrates, and the great buſineſs of peace and war, were determined by its independent voice. Some⯑times, indeed, theſe important queſtions were previouſly conſidered, and prepared in a more ſelect council of the principal chieftains ⁴⁵. The magiſtrates might deliberate and perſuade, the people only could reſolve and execute; and the reſolutions of the Germans were for the moſt part haſty and violent. Barbarians accuſtomed to place their freedom in gratifying the preſent paſſion, and their courage in overlooking all future conſequences, turned away with indig⯑nant contempt from the remonſtrances of juſtice and policy, and it was the practice to ſignify by a hollow murmur, their diſlike of ſuch timid counſels. But whenever a more popular orator propoſed to vindicate the meaneſt citizen from either foreign or domeſtic injury, whenever he called upon his fellow-countrymen to aſſert the national honour, or to purſue ſome enterpriſe full of danger and glory, a loud claſhing of ſhields and ſpears expreſſed the eager applauſe of the aſſembly. For the Germans always met [364] in arms, and it was conſtantly to be dreaded; leſt an irregular multitude, inflamed with faction and ſtrong liquors, ſhould uſe thoſe arms to en⯑force, as well as to declare, their furious reſolves. We may recollect how often the diets of Poland have been polluted with blood, and the more numerous party has been compelled to yield to the more violent and ſeditious ⁴⁶.

A general of the tribe was elected on occaſions Authority of the princes and magiſtrates of danger; and, if the danger was preſſing and extenſive, ſeveral tribes concurred in the choice of the ſame general. The braveſt warrior was named to lead his countrymen into the field, by his example rather than by his commands. But this power, however limited, was ſtill invi⯑dious. It expired with the war, and in time of peace the German tribes acknowledged not any ſupreme chief ⁴⁷. Princes were, however, ap⯑pointed, in the general aſſembly, to adminiſter juſtice, or rather to compoſe differences ⁴⁸, in their reſpective diſtricts. In the choice of theſe magiſtrates, as much regard was ſhewn to birth as to merit ⁴⁹. To each was aſſigned, by the public, a guard, and a council of an hundred perſons; and the firſt of the princes appears to have enjoyed a pre-eminence of rank and honour [365] which ſometimes tempted the Romans to com⯑pliment him with the regal title ⁵⁰.

The comparative view of the powers of the more abſo⯑lute over the proper⯑ty than o⯑ver the per⯑ſons of the Germans. magiſtrates, in two remarkable inſtances, is alone ſufficient to repreſent the whole ſyſtem of Ger⯑man manners. The diſpoſal of the landed pro⯑perty within their diſtrict, was abſolutely veſted in their hands, and they diſtributed it every year according to a new diviſion ⁵¹. At the ſame time they were not authorized to puniſh with death, to impriſon, or even to ſtrike, a private citizen ⁵². A people thus jealous of their per⯑ſons, and careleſs of their poſſeſſions, muſt have been totally deſtitute of induſtry and the arts, but animated with a high ſenſe of honour and independence.

The Germans reſpected only thoſe duties which Voluntary engage⯑ments. they impoſed on themſelves. The moſt obſcure ſoldier reſiſted with diſdain the authority of the magiſtrates. ‘The nobleſt youths bluſhed not to be numbered among the faithful compa⯑nions of ſome renowned chief, to whom they devoted their arms and ſervice. A noble emulation prevailed among the companions to obtain the firſt place in the eſteem of their chief; amongſt the chiefs to acquire the great⯑eſt number of valiant companions. To be ever ſurrounded by a band of ſelect youths, was the pride and ſtrength of the chiefs, their ornament in peace, their defence in war. The [366] glory of ſuch diſtinguiſhed heroes diffuſed itſelf beyond the narrow limits of their own tribe. Preſents and embaſſies ſolicited their friend⯑ſhip, and the fame of their arms often enſur⯑ed victory to the party which they eſpouſed. In the hour of danger it was ſhameful for the chief to be ſurpaſſed in valour by his com⯑panions; ſhameful for the companions not to equal the valour of their chief. To ſurvive his fall in battle, was indelible infamy. To protect his perſon, and to adorn his glory with the trophies of their own exploits, were the moſt ſacred of their duties. The chiefs combated for victory, the companions for the chief. The nobleſt warriors, whenever their native country was ſunk in the lazineſs of peace, maintained their numerous bands in ſome diſtant ſcene of action, to exerciſe their reſtleſs ſpirit, and to acquire renown by vo⯑luntary dangers. Gifts worthy of ſoldiers, the warlike ſteed, the bloody and ever victorious lance, were the rewards which the companions claimed from the liberality of their chief. The rude plenty of his hoſpitable board was the only pay that he could beſtow, or they would accept. War, rapine, and the free⯑will offerings of his friends, ſupplied the ma⯑terials of this munificence ⁵³.’ This inſtitu⯑tion, however it might accidentally weaken the ſeveral republics, invigorated the general cha⯑racter of the Germans, and even ripened amongſt [367] them all the virtues of which barbarians are ſuſ⯑ceptible; the faith and valour, the hoſpitality and the courteſy, ſo conſpicuous long afterwards in the ages of chivalry. The honourable gifts, beſtowed by the chief on his brave companions, have been ſuppoſed, by an ingenious writer, to contain the firſt rudiments of the fiefs, diſtri⯑buted, after the conqueſt of the Roman pro⯑vinces, by the barbarian lords among their vaſ⯑ſals, with a ſimilar duty of homage and military ſervice ⁵⁴. Theſe conditions are, however, very repugnant to the maxims of the ancient Germans, who delighted in mutual preſents; but without either impoſing, or accepting, the weight of obligations ⁵⁵.

‘In the days of chivalry, or more properly of German chaſtity. romance, all the men were brave, and all the women were chaſte;’ and notwithſtanding the latter of theſe virtues is acquired and pre⯑ſerved with much more difficulty than the for⯑mer, it is aſcribed, almoſt without exception, to the wives of the ancient Germans. Polygamy was not in uſe, except among the princes, and among them only for the ſake of multiplying their alliances. Divorces were prohibited by manners rather than by laws. Adulteries were puniſhed as rare and inexpiable crimes; nor was [368] ſeduction juſtified by example and faſhion ⁵⁶. We may eaſily diſcover, that Tacitus indulges an honeſt pleaſure in the contraſt of barbarian virtue, with the diſſolute conduct of the Roman ladies: yet there are ſome ſtriking circumſtances that give an air of truth, or at leaſt of proba⯑bility, to the conjugal faith and chaſtity of the Germans.

Although the progreſs of civilization has un⯑doubtedly Its proba⯑ble cauſes. contributed to aſſuage the fiercer paſ⯑ſions of human nature, it ſeems to have been leſs favourable to the virtue of chaſtity, whoſe moſt dangerous enemy is the ſoftneſs of the mind. The refinements of life corrupt while they poliſh the intercourſe of the ſexes. The groſs appetite of love becomes moſt dangerous when it is ele⯑vated, or rather, indeed, diſguiſed by ſentimental paſſion. The elegance of dreſs, of motion, and of manners, gives a luſtre to beauty, and inflames the ſenſes through the imagination. Luxurious entertainments, midnight dances, and licentious ſpectacles, preſent at once temptation and op⯑portunity to female frailty ⁵⁷. From ſuch dan⯑gers the unpoliſhed wives of the barbarians were ſecured, by poverty, ſolitude, and the painful cares of a domeſtic life. The German huts, open, on every ſide, to the eye of indiſcretion or [369] jealouſy, were a better ſafeguard of conjugal fidelity, than the walls, the bolts, and the eunuchs of a Perſian haram. To this reaſon, another may be added of a more honourable nature. The Germans treated their women with eſteem and confidence, conſulted them on every occaſion of importance, and fondly believed, that in their breaſts reſided a ſanctity and wiſdom, more than human. Some of theſe interpreters of fate, ſuch as Velleda, in the Batavian war, governed in the name of the deity, the fierceſt nations of Ger⯑many ⁵⁸. The reſt of the ſex, without being adored as goddeſſes, were reſpected as the free and equal companions of ſoldiers; aſſociated even by the marriage ceremony to a life of toil, of danger, and of glory ⁵⁹. In their great inva⯑ſions, the camps of the barbarians were filled with a multitude of women, who remained firm and undaunted amidſt the ſound of arms, the various forms of deſtruction, and the honourable wounds of their ſons and huſbands ⁶⁰. Fainting armies of Germans have more than once been driven back upon the enemy, by the generous deſpair of the women, who dreaded death much leſs than ſervitude. If the day was irrecoverably loſt, they well knew how to deliver themſelves and their children, with their own hands, from [370] an inſulting victor ⁶¹. Heroines of ſuch a caſt may claim our admiration; but they were moſt aſſuredly neither lovely, nor very ſuſceptible of love. Whilſt they affected to emulate the ſtern virtues of man, they muſt have reſigned that at⯑tractive ſoftneſs in which principally conſiſt the charm and weakneſs of woman. Conſcious pride taught the German females to ſuppreſs every tender emotion that ſtood in competition with honour, and the firſt honour of the ſex has ever been that of chaſtity. The ſentiments and con⯑duct of theſe high-ſpirited matrons may, at once, be conſidered as a cauſe, as an effect, and as a proof of the general character of the nation. Female courage, however it may be raiſed by fanaticiſm, or confirmed by habit, can be only a faint and imperfect imitation of the manly va⯑lour that diſtinguiſhes the age or country in which it may be found.

The religious ſyſtem of the Germans (if the Religion. wild opinions of ſavages can deſerve that name) was dictated by their wants, their fears, and their ignorance ⁶². They adored the great viſible objects and agents of Nature, the Sun and the [371] Moon, the Fire and the Earth; together with thoſe imaginary deities, who were ſuppoſed to preſide over the moſt important occupations of human life. They were perſuaded, that, by ſome ridiculous arts of divination, they could diſcover the will of the ſuperior beings, and that human ſacrifices were the moſt precious and acceptable offering to their altars. Some ap⯑plauſe has been haſtily beſtowed on the ſublime notion, entertained by that people, of the Deity, whom they neither confined within the walls of a temple, nor repreſented by any human figure; but when we recollect, that the Germans were unſkilled in architecture, and totally unacquaint⯑ed with the art of ſculpture, we ſhall readily aſſign the true reaſon of a ſcruple, which aroſe not ſo much from a ſuperiority of reaſon, as from a want of ingenuity. The only temples in Ger⯑many were dark and ancient groves, conſecrated by the reverence of ſucceeding generations. Their ſecret gloom, the imagined reſidence of an in⯑viſible power, by preſenting no diſtinct object of fear or worſhip, impreſſed the mind with a ſtill deeper ſenſe of religious horror ⁶³; and the prieſts, rude and illiterate as they were, had been taught by experience the uſe of every artifice that could preſerve and fortify impreſſions ſo well ſuited to their own intereſt.

[372] The ſame ignorance, which renders barbarians incapable of conceiving or embracing the uſeful reſtraints of laws, expoſes them naked and un⯑armed Its effects in peace, to the blind terrors of ſuperſtition. The German prieſts, improving this favourable tem⯑per of their countrymen, had aſſumed a juriſ⯑diction, even in temporal concerns, which the magiſtrate could not venture to exerciſe; and the haughty warrior patiently ſubmitted to the laſh of correction, when it was inflicted, not by any human power, but by the immediate order of the god of war ⁶⁴. The defects of civil policy were ſometimes ſupplied by the interpoſition of eccleſiaſtical authority. The latter was con⯑ſtantly exerted to maintain ſilence and decency in the popular aſſemblies; and was ſometimes ex⯑tended to a more enlarged concern for the na⯑tional welfare. A ſolemn proceſſion was occa⯑ſionally celebrated in the preſent countries of Mecklenburg and Pomerania. The unknown ſymbol of the Earth, covered with a thick veil, was placed on a carriage drawn by cows; and in this manner the goddeſs, whoſe common reſi⯑dence was in the iſle of Rugen, viſited ſeveral adjacent tribes of her worſhippers. During her progreſs, the ſound of war was huſhed, quarrels were ſuſpended, arms laid aſide, and the reſtleſs Germans had an opportunity of taſting the bleſ⯑ſings of peace and harmony ⁶⁵. The truce of God, ſo often and ſo ineffectually proclaimed by the [373] clergy of the eleventh century, was an obvious imitation of this ancient cuſtom ⁶⁶.

But the influence of religion was far more in war. powerful to inflame, than to moderate, the fierce paſſions of the Germans. Intereſt and fanaticiſm often prompted its miniſters to ſanctify the moſt daring and the moſt unjuſt enterpriſes, by the approbation of Heaven, and full aſſurances of ſucceſs. The conſecrated ſtandards, long rever⯑ed in the groves of ſuperſtition, were placed in the front of the battle ⁶⁷; and the hoſtile army was devoted with dire execrations to the gods of war and of thunder ⁶⁸. In the faith of ſoldiers (and ſuch were the Germans) cowardice is the moſt unpardonable of ſins. A brave man was the worthy favourite of their martial deities; the wretch, who had loſt his ſhield, was alike baniſhed from the religious and the civil aſſem⯑blies of his countrymen. Some tribes of the north ſeem to have embraced the doctrine of tranſmigration ⁶⁹, others imagined a groſs para⯑diſe of immortal drunkenneſs ⁷⁰. All agreed, that a life ſpent in arms, and a glorious death in battle, were the beſt preparations for a happy futurity, either in this or in another world.

[374] The immortality ſo vainly promiſed by the prieſts, was, in ſome degree conferred by the bards. That ſingular order of men has moſt The bards. deſervedly attracted the notice of all who have attempted to inveſtigate the antiquities of the Celts, the Scandinavians, and the Germans. Their genius and character, as well as the reve⯑rence paid to that important office, have been ſufficiently illuſtrated. But we cannot ſo eaſily expreſs, or even conceive, the enthuſiaſm of arms and glory, which they kindled in the breaſt of their audience. Among a poliſhed people, a taſte for poetry is rather an amuſement of the fancy, than a paſſion of the ſoul. And yet, when in calm retirement we peruſe the combats deſcribed by Homer or Taſſo, we are inſenſibly ſeduced by the fiction, and feel a momentary glow of martial ardour. But how faint, how cold is the ſenſation which a peaceful mind can receive from ſolitary ſtudy! It was in the hour of battle, or in the feaſt of victory, that the bards celebrated the glory of heroes of ancient days, the anceſtors of thoſe warlike chieftains, who liſtened with tranſport to their artleſs but animated ſtrains. The view of arms and of danger heightened the effect of the military ſong; and the paſſions which it tended to excite, the deſire of fame, and the contempt of death, were the habitual ſentiments of a German mind ⁷¹.

[375] Such was the ſituation, and ſuch were the manners, of the ancient Germans. Their cli⯑mate, their want of learning, of arts, and of Cauſes which checked the pro⯑greſs of the Ger⯑mans. laws, their notions of honour, of gallantry, and of religion, their ſenſe of freedom, impatience of peace, and thirſt of enterpriſe, all contributed to form a people of military heroes. And yet we find, that, during more than two hundred and fifty years that elapſed from the defeat of Varus to the reign of Decius, theſe formidable barba⯑rians made few conſiderable attempts, and not any material impreſſion on the luxurious and enſlaved provinces of the empire. Their pro⯑greſs was checked by their want of arms and diſ⯑cipline, and their fury was diverted by the in⯑teſtine diviſions of ancient Germany.

I. It has been obſerved, with ingenuity, and Want of arms not without truth, that the command of iron ſoon gives a nation the command of gold. But the rude tribes of Germany, alike deſtitute of both thoſe valuable metals, were reduced ſlowly to acquire, by their unaſſiſted ſtrength, the poſ⯑ſeſſion of the one as well as the other. The face of a German army diſplayed their poverty of iron. Swords, and the longer kind of lances, they could ſeldom uſe. Their frameae (as they called them in their own language) were long ſpears headed with a ſharp but narrow iron point, [376] and which, as occaſion required, they either dart⯑ed from a diſtance or puſhed in cloſe onſet. With this ſpear, and with a ſhield, their cavalry was contented. A multitude of darts, ſcatter⯑ed ⁷² with incredible force, were an additional reſource of the infantry. Their military dreſs, when they wore any, was nothing more than a looſe mantle. A variety of colours was the only ornament of their wooden or oſier ſhields. Few of the chiefs were diſtinguiſhed by cuiraſſes, ſcarce any by helmets. Though the horſes of Germany were neither beautiful, ſwift, nor prac⯑tiſed in the ſkilful evolutions of the Roman ma⯑nage, ſeveral of the nations obtained renown by their cavalry; but, in general, the principal ſtrength of the Germans conſiſted in their infan⯑try ⁷³, which was drawn up in ſeveral deep co⯑lumns, according to the diſtinction of tribes and families. Impatient of fatigue or delay, theſe and of diſ⯑cipline. half-armed warriors ruſhed to battle with diſ⯑ſonant ſhouts and diſordered ranks; and ſome⯑times, by the effort of native valour, prevailed over the conſtrained and more artificial bravery of the Roman mercenaries. But as the barba⯑rians poured forth their whole ſouls on the firſt onſet, they knew not how to rally or to retire. A repulſe was a ſure defeat; and a defeat was moſt commonly total deſtruction. When we [377] recollect the complete armour of the Roman ſoldiers, their diſcipline, exerciſes, evolutions, fortified camps, and military engines, it appears a juſt matter of ſurpriſe how the naked and unaſſiſted valour of the barbarians could dare to encounter in the field, the ſtrength of the legions, and the various troops of the auxiliaries, which ſeconded their operations. The conteſt was too unequal, till the introduction of luxury had ener⯑vated the vigour, and a ſpirit of diſobedience and ſedition had relaxed the diſcipline, of the Roman armies. The introduction of barbarian auxiliaries into thoſe armies, was a meaſure at⯑tended with very obvious dangers, as it might gradually inſtruct the Germans in the arts of war and of policy. Although they were admitted in ſmall numbers and with the ſtricteſt precaution, the example of Civilis was proper to convince the Romans, that the danger was not imaginary, and that their precautions were not always ſuffi⯑cient ⁷⁴. During the civil wars that followed the death of Nero, that artful and intrepid Batavian, whom his enemies condeſcended to compare with Hannibal and Sertorius ⁷⁵, formed a great deſign of freedom and ambition. Eight Batavian cohorts, renowned in the wars of Britain and Italy, repaired to his ſtandard. He introdu⯑ced an army of Germans into Gaul, prevailed [378] on the powerful cities of Treves and Langres to embrace his cauſe, defeated the legions, deſtroyed their fortified camps, and employed againſt the Romans the military knowledge which he had acquired in their ſervice. When at length, after an obſtinate ſtruggle, he yielded to the power of the empire, Civilis ſecured himſelf and his coun⯑try by an honourable treaty. The Batavians ſtill continued to occupy the iſlands of the Rhine ⁷⁶, the allies not the ſervants of the Roman mo⯑narchy.

II. The ſtrength of ancient Germany appears Civil diſ⯑ſentions of Germany formidable, when we conſider the effects that might have been produced by its united effort. The wide extent of country might very poſſibly contain a million of warriors, as all who were of age to bear arms were of a temper to uſe them. But this fierce multitude, incapable of concert⯑ing or executing any plan of national greatneſs, was agitated by various and often hoſtile inten⯑tions. Germany was divided into more than forty independent ſtates; and even in each ſtate the union of the ſeveral tribes was extremely looſe and precarious. The barbarians were eaſily provoked; they knew not how to forgive an in⯑jury, much leſs an inſult; their reſentments were bloody and implacable. The caſual diſputes that ſo frequently happened in their tumultuous par⯑ties of hunting or drinking, were ſufficient to [379] inflame the minds of whole nations; the private feud of any conſiderable chieftains diffuſed itſelf among their followers and allies. To chaſtiſe the inſolent, or to plunder the defenceleſs, were alike cauſes of war. The moſt formidable ſtates of Germany affected to encompaſs their territo⯑ries with a wide frontier of ſolitude and devaſta⯑tion. The awful diſtance preſerved by their neighbours, atteſted the terror of their arms, and in ſome meaſure defended them from the danger of unexpected incurſions ⁷⁷.

‘The Bructeri (it is Tacitus who now ſpeaks) fomented by the po⯑licy of Rome. were totally exterminated by the neighbouring tribes ⁷⁸, provoked by their inſolence, allured by the hopes of ſpoil, and perhaps inſpired by the tutelar deities of the empire. Above ſixty thouſand barbarians were deſtroyed; not by the Roman arms, but in our ſight, and for our entertainment. May the nations, enemies of Rome, ever preſerve this enmity to each other! We have now attained the utmoſt verge of proſperity ⁷⁹, and have nothing left to demand of Fortune, except the diſcord of theſe barbarians ⁸⁰.’ Theſe ſentiments, leſs [380] worthy of the humanity than of the patriotiſm of Tacitus, expreſs the invariable maxims of the policy of his countrymen. They deemed it a much ſafer expedient to divide than to combat the barbarians, from whoſe defeat they could derive neither honour nor advantage. The money and negociations of Rome inſinuated themſelves into the heart of Germany; and every art of ſeduction was uſed with dignity, to con⯑ciliate thoſe nations whom their proximity to the Rhine or Danube might render the moſt uſeful friends, as well as the moſt troubleſome enemies. Chiefs of renown and power were flattered by the moſt trifling preſents, which they received either as marks of diſtinction, or as the inſtruments of luxury. In civil diſſentions, the weaker faction endeavoured to ſtrengthen its intereſt by entering into ſecret connexions with the governors of the frontier provinces. Every quarrel among the Germans was fomented by the intrigues of Rome; and every plan of union and public good was defeated by the ſtronger bias of private jealouſy and intereſt ⁸¹.

The general conſpiracy which terrified the Tranſient union a⯑gainſt Marcus Antoni⯑nus. Romans under the reign of Marcus Antoninus, comprehended almoſt all the nations of Germany, and even Sarmatia, from the mouth of the Rhine [381] to that of the Danube ⁸². It is impoſſible for us to determine whether this haſty confederation was formed by neceſſity, by reaſon, or by paſ⯑ſion; but we may reſt aſſured, that the barba⯑rians were neither allured by the indolence, or provoked by the ambition, of the Roman mo⯑narch. This dangerous invaſion required all the firmneſs and vigilance of Marcus. He fixed generals of ability in the ſeveral ſtations of at⯑tack, and aſſumed in perſon the conduct of the moſt important province on the Upper Danube. After a long and doubtful conflict, the ſpirit of the barbarians was ſubdued. The Quadi and the Marcomanni ⁸³, who had taken the lead in the war, were the moſt ſeverely puniſhed in its cataſtrophe. They were commanded to retire five miles ⁸⁴ from their own banks of the Da⯑nube, and to deliver up the flower of the youth, who were immediately ſent into Britain, a remote iſland, where they might be ſecure as hoſtages, and uſeful as ſoldiers ⁸⁵. On the frequent rebel⯑lions of the Quadi and Marcomanni, the irri⯑tated emperor reſolved to reduce their country [382] into the form of a province. His deſigns were diſappointed by death. This formidable league, however, the only one that appears in the two firſt centuries of the Imperial hiſtory, was en⯑tirely diſſipated, without leaving any traces be⯑hind in Germany.

In the courſe of this introductory chapter, we Diſtinction of the Ger⯑man tribes. have confined ourſelves to the general outlines of the manners of Germany, without attempting to deſcribe or to diſtinguiſh the various tribes which filled that great country in the time of Caeſar, of Tacitus, or of Ptolemy. As the ancient, or as new tribes ſucceſſively preſent themſelves in the ſeries of this hiſtory, we ſhall conciſely men⯑tion their origin, their ſituation, and their par⯑ticular character. Modern nations are fixed and permanent ſocieties, connected among themſelves by laws and government, bound to their native ſoil by arts and agriculture. The German tribes were voluntary and fluctuating aſſociations of ſoldiers, almoſt of ſavages. The ſame territory often changed its inhabitants in the tide of con⯑queſt and emigration. The ſame communities, uniting in a plan of defence or invaſion, beſtowed a new title on their new confederacy. The diſ⯑ſolution of an ancient confederacy reſtored to the independent tribes their peculiar but long for⯑gotten appellation. A victorious ſtate often communicated its own name to a vanquiſhed people. Sometimes crowds of volunteers flock⯑ed from all parts to the ſtandard of a favourite leader; his camp became their country, and ſome circumſtance of the enterpriſe ſoon gave a com⯑mon [383] denomination to the mixed multitude. The diſtinctions of the ferocious invaders were perpe⯑tually varied by themſelves, and confounded by the aſtoniſhed ſubjects of the Roman empire ⁸⁶.

Wars, and the adminiſtration of public affairs, Numbers. are the principal ſubjects of hiſtory; but the number of perſons intereſted in theſe buſy ſcenes, is very different, according to the different con⯑dition of mankind. In great monarchies, mil⯑lions of obedient ſubjects purſue their uſeful oc⯑cupations in peace and obſcurity. The attention of the Writer, as well as of the Reader, is ſolely confined to a court, a capital, a regular army, and the diſtricts which happen to be the occa⯑ſional ſcene of military operations. But a ſtate of freedom and barbariſm, the ſeaſon of civil commotions, or the ſituation of petty republics ⁸⁷, raiſes almoſt every member of the community into action, and conſequently into notice. The irregular diviſions, and the reſtleſs motions, of the people of Germany, dazzle our imagination, and ſeem to multiply their numbers. The pro⯑fuſe enumeration of kings and warriors, of armies and nations, inclines us to forget that the ſame objects are continually repeated under a variety of appellations, and that the moſt ſplendid ap⯑pellations have been frequently laviſhed on the moſt inconſiderable objects.

CHAP. X. The Emperors Decius, Gallus, Aemilianus, Valerian, and Gallienus.—The general Irruption of the Bar⯑barians.—The thirty Tyrants.

FROM the great ſecular games celebrated by Philip, to the death of the emperor Gallie⯑nus, there elapſed twenty years of ſhame and The nature of the ſub⯑ject. A. D. 248—268. misfortune. During that calamitous period, every inſtant of time was marked, every province of the Roman world was afflicted, by barbarous in⯑vaders and military tyrants, and the ruined em⯑pire ſeemed to approach the laſt and fatal mo⯑ment of its diſſolution. The confuſion of the times, and the ſcarcity of authentic memorials, oppoſe equal difficulties to the hiſtorian, who at⯑tempts to preſerve a clear and unbroken thread of narration. Surrounded with imperfect frag⯑ments, always conciſe, often obſcure, and ſome⯑times contradictory, he is reduced to collect, to compare, and to conjecture: and though he ought never to place his conjectures in the rank of facts, yet the knowledge of human nature, and of the ſure operation of its fierce and unre⯑ſtrained paſſions, might, on ſome occaſions, ſup⯑ply the want of hiſtorical materials.

There is not, for inſtance, any difficulty in conceiving, that the ſucceſſive murders of ſo The empe⯑ror Philip. many emperors had looſened all the ties of alle⯑giance between the prince and people; that all [385] the generals of Philip were diſpoſed to imitate the example of their maſter; and that the caprice of armies, long ſince habituated to frequent and violent revolutions, might every day raiſe to the throne the moſt obſcure of their fellow-ſoldiers. Hiſtory can only add, that the rebellion againſt the emperor Philip broke out in the ſummer of the year two hundred and forty-nine, among the legions of Maeſia; and that a ſubaltern officer ¹, named Marinus, was the object of their ſeditious choice. Philip was alarmed. He dreaded leſt the treaſon of the Maeſian army ſhould prove the firſt ſpark of a general conflagration. Diſtracted with the conſciouſneſs of his guilt and of his dan⯑ger, he communicated the intelligence to the ſe⯑nate. A gloomy ſilence prevailed, the effect of fear, and perhaps of diſaffection: till at length Services, revolt, vic⯑tory, and reign of the empe⯑ror Decius. A. D. 249. Decius, one of the aſſembly, aſſuming a ſpirit worthy of his noble extraction, ventured to diſ⯑cover more intrepidity than the emperor ſeemed to poſſeſs. He treated the whole buſineſs with contempt, as a haſty and inconſiderate tumult, and Philip's rival as a phantom of royalty, who in a very few days would be deſtroyed by the ſame inconſtancy that had created him. The ſpeedy completion of the prophecy inſpired Phi⯑lip with a juſt eſteem for ſo able a counſellor; and Decius appeared to him the only perſon ca⯑pable of reſtoring peace and diſcipline to an army, whoſe tumultuous ſpirit did not immedi⯑ately [386] ſubſide after the murder of Marinus. De⯑cius, who long reſiſted his own nomination, ſeems to have inſinuated the danger of preſenting a leader of merit, to the angry and apprehenſive minds of the ſoldiers; and his prediction was again confirmed by the event. The legions of Maeſia forced their judge to become their accom⯑plice. They left him only the alternative of death or the purple. His ſubſequent conduct, after that deciſive meaſure, was unavoidable. He conducted, or followed, his army to the con⯑fines of Italy, whither Philip, collecting all his force to repel the formidable competitor whom he had raiſed up, advanced to meet him. The Imperial troops were ſuperior in number ²; but the rebels formed an army of veterans, com⯑manded by an able and experienced leader. Philip was either killed in the battle, or put to death a few days afterwards at Verona. His ſon and aſſociate in the empire was maſſacred at Rome by the Praetorian guards; and the victo⯑rious Decius, with more favourable circumſtances than the ambition of that age can uſually plead, was univerſally acknowledged by the ſenate and provinces. It is reported, that, immediately after his reluctant acceptance of the title of Au⯑guſtus, [387] he had aſſured Philip by a private meſ⯑ſage, of his innocence and loyalty, ſolemnly pro⯑teſting, that, on his arrival in Italy, he would reſign the Imperial ornaments, and return to the condition of an obedient ſubject. His profeſſions might be ſincere. But in the ſituation where fortune had placed him, it was ſcarcely poſſible that he could either forgive or be forgiven ³.

The emperor Decius had employed a few He march⯑es againſt the Goths. A. D. 250. months in the works of peace and the adminiſtra⯑tion of juſtice, when he was ſummoned to the banks of the Danube by the invaſion of the GOTHS. This is the firſt conſiderable occaſion in which hiſtory mentions that great people, who afterwards broke the Roman power, ſacked the Capitol, and reigned in Gaul, Spain, and Italy. So memorable was the part which they acted in the ſubverſion of the Weſtern empire, that the name of GOTHS is frequently but improperly uſed as a general appellation of rude and warlike bar⯑bariſm.

In the beginning of the ſixth century, and after Origin of the Goths from Scan⯑dinavia. the conqueſt of Italy, the Goths, in poſſeſſion of preſent greatneſs, very naturally indulged them⯑ſelves in the proſpect of paſt and of future glory. They wiſhed to preſerve the memory of their an⯑ceſtors, and to tranſmit to poſterity their own at⯑chievements. The principal miniſter of the court of Ravenna, the learned Caſſiodorus, gratified the inclination of the conquerors in a Gothic hiſtory, which conſiſted of twelve books, now reduced to [388] the imperfect abridgment of Jornandes ⁴. Theſe writers paſſed with the moſt artful conciſeneſs over the misfortunes of the nation, celebrated its ſucceſsful valour, and adorned the triumph with many Aſiatic trophies, that more properly be⯑longed to the people of Scythia. On the faith of ancient ſongs, the uncertain, but the only, me⯑morials of barbarians, they deduced the firſt origin of the Goths, from the vaſt iſland, or pe⯑ninſula, of Scandinavia ⁵. That extreme country of the North was not unknown to the conquerors of Italy; the ties of ancient conſanguinity had been ſtrengthened by recent offices of friendſhip; and a Scandinavian king had cheerfully abdicated his ſavage greatneſs, that he might paſs the re⯑mainder of his days in the peaceful and poliſhed court of Ravenna ⁶. Many veſtiges, which can⯑not be aſcribed to the arts of popular vanity, at⯑teſt the ancient reſidence of the Goths in the countries beyond the Baltic. From the time of the geographer Ptolemy, the ſouthern part of Sweden ſeems to have continued in the poſſeſſion of the leſs enterpriſing remnant of the nation, and a large territory is even at preſent divided into eaſt and weſt Gothland. During the middle ages (from the ninth to the twelfth century) whilſt Chriſtianity was advancing with a ſlow progreſs into the north, the Goths and the Swedes com⯑poſed [389] two diſtinct and ſometimes hoſtile mem⯑bers of the ſame monarchy ⁷. The latter of theſe two names has prevailed without extinguiſhing the former. The Swedes, who might well be ſatisfied with their own fame in arms, have, in every age, claimed the kindred glory of the Goths. In a moment of diſcontent againſt the court of Rome, Charles the Twelfth inſinuated, that his victorious troops were not degenerated from their brave anceſtors, who had already ſubdued the miſtreſs of the world ⁸.

Till the end of the eleventh century, a cele⯑brated Religion of the Goths. temple ſubſiſted at Upſal, the moſt conſi⯑derable town of the Swedes and Goths. It was enriched with the gold which the Scandinavians had acquired in their piratical adventures, and ſanctified by the uncouth repreſentations of the three principal deities, the god of war, the god⯑deſs of generation, and the god of thunder. In the general feſtival, that was ſolemnized every ninth year, nine animals of every ſpecies (with⯑out excepting the human) were ſacrificed, and their bleeding bodies ſuſpended in the ſacred grove adjacent to the temple ⁹. The only traces [390] that now ſubſiſt of this barbaric ſuperſtition are contained in the Edda, a ſyſtem of mythology, compiled in Iceland about the thirteenth century, and ſtudied by the learned of Denmark and Swe⯑den, as the moſt valuable remains of their an⯑cient traditions.

Notwithſtanding the myſterious obſcurity of Inſtitu⯑tions and death of Odin. the Edda, we can eaſily diſtinguiſh two perſons confounded under the name of Odin; the god of war, and the great legiſlator of Scandinavia. The latter, the Mahomet of the north, inſtituted a religion adapted to the climate and to the people. Numerous tribes on either ſide of the Baltic were ſubdued by the invincible valour of Odin, by his perſuaſive eloquence, and by the fame, which he acquired, of a moſt ſkilful ma⯑gician. The faith that he had propagated; dur⯑ing a long and proſperous life, he confirmed by a voluntary death. Apprehenſive of the igno⯑minious approach of diſeaſe and infirmity, he re⯑ſolved to expire as became a warrior. In a ſo⯑lemn aſſembly of the Swedes and Goths, he wounded himſelf in nine mortal places, haſtening away (as he aſſerted with his dying voice) to pre⯑pare the feaſt of heroes in the palace of the god of war ¹⁰.

The native and proper habitation of Odin is Agreeable but uncer⯑tain hypo⯑theſis con⯑cerning Odin. diſtinguiſhed by the appellation of As-gard. The happy reſemblance of that name with As-burg, [391] or As-of ¹¹, words of a ſimilar ſignification, has given riſe to an hiſtorical ſyſtem of ſo pleaſing a contexture, that we could almoſt wiſh to perſuade ourſelves of its truth. It is ſuppoſed that Odin was the chief of a tribe of barbarians which dwelt on the banks of the lake Maeotis, till the fall of Mithridates and the arms of Pompey menaced the north with ſervitude. That Odin, yielding with indignant fury to a power which he was un⯑able to reſiſt, conducted his tribe from the fron⯑tiers of the Aſiatic Sarmatia into Sweden, with the great deſign of forming, in that inacceſſible retreat of freedom, a religion and a people, which, in ſome remote age, might be ſubſervient to his immortal revenge; when his invincible Goths, armed with martial fanaticiſm, ſhould iſſue in numerous ſwarms from the neighbourhood of the Polar circle, to chaſtiſe the oppreſſors of man⯑kind ¹².

If ſo many ſucceſſive generations of Goths were Emigra⯑tion of the Goths from Scan⯑dinavia into Pruſ⯑ſia. capable of preſerving a faint tradition of their Scandinavian origin, we muſt not expect, from [392] ſuch unlettered barbarians, any diſtinct account of the time and circumſtances of their emigra⯑tion. To croſs the Baltic was an eaſy and na⯑tural attempt. The inhabitants of Sweden were maſters of a ſufficient number of large veſſels, with oars ¹³, and the diſtance is little more than one hundred miles from Carlſcroon to the neareſt ports of Pomerania and Pruſſia. Here, at length, we land on firm and hiſtoric ground. At leaſt as early as the Chriſtian aera ¹⁴, and as late as the age of the Antonines ¹⁵, the Goths were eſtabliſh⯑ed towards the mouth of the Viſtula, and in that fertile province where the commercial cities of Thorn, Elbing, Koningſberg, and Dantzick were long afterwards founded ¹⁶. Weſtward of the Goths, the numerous tribes of the Vandals were ſpread along the banks of the Oder, and the ſea-coaſt of Pomerania and Mecklenburgh. A ſtriking reſemblance of manners, complexion, re⯑ligion, and language, ſeemed to indicate that the Vandals and the Goths were originally one great people ¹⁷. The latter appear to have been ſub⯑divided [393] into Oſtrogoths, Viſigoths, and Gepidae ¹⁸. The diſtinction among the Vandals was more ſtrongly marked by the independent names of Heruli, Burgundians, Lombards, and a variety of other petty ſtates, many of which, in a future age, expanded themſelves into powerful monar⯑chies.

In the age of the Antonines, the Goths were From Pruſſia to the Uk⯑raine. ſtill ſeated in Pruſſia. About the reign of Alex⯑ander Severus, the Roman province of Dacia had already experienced their proximity by frequent and deſtructive inroads ¹⁹. In this interval, there⯑fore, of about ſeventy years, we muſt place the ſecond migration of the Goths from the Baltic to the Euxine; but the cauſe that produced it lies concealed among the various motives which ac⯑tuate the conduct of unſettled barbarians. Ei⯑ther a peſtilence, or a famine, a victory, or a de⯑feat, an oracle of the Gods, or the eloquence of a daring leader, were ſufficient to impel the Go⯑thic arms on the milder climates of the ſouth. Beſides the influence of a martial religion, the numbers and ſpirit of the Goths were equal to [394] the moſt dangerous adventures. The uſe of round bucklers and ſhort ſwords rendered them formid⯑able in a cloſe engagement; the manly obedi⯑ence which they yielded to hereditary kings, gave uncommon union and ſtability to their councils ²⁰; and the renowned Amala, the hero of that age, and the tenth anceſtor of Theodoric, king of Italy, enforced, by the aſcendant of perſonal me⯑rit, the prerogative of his birth, which he derived from the Anſes, or demigods of the Gothic na⯑tion ²¹.

The fame of a great enterpriſe excited the The Go⯑thic nation increaſes in its march. braveſt warriors from all the Vandalic ſtates of Germany, many of whom are ſeen a few years afterwards combating under the common ſtand⯑ard of the Goths ²². The firſt motions of the emigrants carried them to the banks of the Pry⯑pec, a river univerſally conceived by the ancients to be the ſouthern branch of the Boryſthenes ²³. The windings of that great ſtream through the plains of Poland and Ruſſia gave a direction to their line of march, and a conſtant ſupply of freſh water and paſturage to their numerous herds of [395] cattle. They followed the unknown courſe of the river, confident in their valour, and careleſs of whatever power might oppoſe their progreſs. The Baſtarnae and the Venedi were the firſt who preſented themſelves; and the flower of their youth, either from choice or compulſion, in⯑creaſed the Gothic army. The Baſtarnae dwelt on the northern ſide of the Carpathian mountains; the immenſe tract of land that ſeparated the Ba⯑ſtarnae from the ſavages of Finland, was poſſeſſed, or rather waſted, by the Venedi ²⁴: we have ſome reaſon to believe that the firſt of theſe nations, which diſtinguiſhed itſelf in the Macedonian war ²⁵, and was afterwards divided into the for⯑midable tribes of the Peucini, the Borani, the Carpi, &c. derived its origin from the Germans. With better authority, a Sarmatian extraction may be aſſigned to the Venedi, who rendered themſelves ſo famous in the middle ages ²⁶. But Diſtinction of Ger⯑mans and Sarma⯑tians. the confuſion of blood and manners on that doubtful frontier often perplexed the moſt accu⯑rate obſervers ²⁷. As the Goths advanced near the Euxine ſea, they encountered a purer race of Sarmatians, the Jazyges, the Alani, and the Roxolani; and they were probably the firſt Ger⯑mans who ſaw the mouths of the Boryſthenes, and of the Tanais. If we inquire into the cha⯑racteriſtic [396] marks of the people of Germany and of Sarmatia, we ſhall diſcover that thoſe two great portions of human kind were principally diſtin⯑guiſhed by fixed huts or moveable tents, by a cloſe dreſs, or flowing garments, by the marriage of one or of ſeveral wives, by a military force, conſiſting, for the moſt part, either of infantry or cavalry; and above all by the uſe of the Teuto⯑nic, or of the Sclavonian language; the laſt of which has been diffuſed by conqueſt, from the confines of Italy to the neighbourhood of Japan.

The Goths were now in poſſeſſion of the Uk⯑raine, Deſcrip⯑tion of the Ukraine. a country of conſiderable extent and un⯑common fertility, interſected with navigable ri⯑vers, which, from either ſide, diſcharge them⯑ſelves into the Boryſthenes; and interſperſed with large and lofty foreſts of oaks. The plenty of game and fiſh, the innumerable bee-hives, depo⯑ſited in the hollow of old trees, and in the ca⯑vities of rocks, and forming, even in that rude age, a valuable branch of commerce, the ſize of the cattle, the temperature of the air, the aptneſs of the ſoil for every ſpecies of grain, and the lux⯑uriancy of the vegetation, all diſplayed the libe⯑rality of Nature, and tempted the induſtry of man ²⁸. But the Goths withſtood all theſe tempt⯑ations, and ſtill adhered to a life of idleneſs, of poverty, and of rapine.

[397] The Scythian hords, which, towards the eaſt, bordered on the new ſettlements of the Goths, preſented nothing to their arms, except the doubt⯑ful The Goths invade the Roman provinces. chance of an unprofitable victory. But the proſpect of the Roman territories was far more alluring; and the fields of Dacia were covered with rich harveſts, ſown by the hands of an in⯑duſtrious, and expoſed to be gathered by thoſe of a warlike, people. It is probable, that the conqueſts of Trajan, maintained by his ſucceſſors, leſs for any real advantage, than for ideal dignity, had contributed to weaken the empire on that ſide. The new and unſettled province of Dacia was neither ſtrong enough to reſiſt, nor rich enough to ſatiate, the rapaciouſneſs of the barba⯑rians. As long as the remote banks of the Nieſter were conſidered as the boundary of the Roman power, the fortifications of the Lower Danube were more careleſsly guarded, and the inhabitants of Maeſia lived in ſupine ſecurity, fondly conceiving themſelves at an inacceſſible diſtance from any barbarian invaders. The ir⯑ruptions of the Goths, under the reign of Philip, fatally convinced them of their miſtake. The king, or leader of that ſierce nation, traverſed with contempt the province of Dacia, and paſſed both the Nieſter and the Danube without encoun⯑tering any oppoſition capable of retarding his progreſs. The relaxed diſcipline of the Roman troops betrayed the moſt important poſts, where they were ſtationed, and the fear of deſerved pu⯑niſhment induced great numbers of them to inliſt [398] under the Gothic ſtandard. The various multi⯑tude of barbarians appeared, at length, under the walls of Marcianopolis, a city built by Trajan in honour of his ſiſter, and at that time the capital of the ſecond Maeſia ²⁹. The inhabitants con⯑ſented to ranſom their lives and property, by the payment of a large ſum of money, and the in⯑vaders retreated back into their deſerts, animated, rather than ſatisfied, with the firſt ſucceſs of their arms againſt an opulent but feeble country. Intelligence was ſoon tranſmitted to the empe⯑ror Decius, that Cniva, king of the Goths, had paſſed the Danube a ſecond time, with more conſiderable forces; that his numerous detach⯑ments ſcattered devaſtation over the province of Maeſia, whilſt the main body of the army, con⯑ſiſting of ſeventy thouſand Germans and Sarma⯑tians, a force equal to the moſt daring atchieve⯑ments, required the preſence of the Roman mo⯑narch, and the exertion of his military power.

Decius found the Goths engaged before Ni⯑copolis, Various events of the Gothic war. A. D. 250. on the Jatrus, one of the many monu⯑ments of Trajan's victories ³⁰. On his approach they raiſed the ſiege, but with a deſign only of marching away to a conqueſt of greater import⯑ance, [399] the ſiege of Philippopolis, a city of Thrace, founded by the father of Alexander, near the foot of mount Haemus ³¹. Decius followed them through a difficult country, and by forced marches; but when he imagined himſelf at a conſiderable diſ⯑tance from the rear of the Goths, Cniva turned with rapid fury on his purſuers. The camp of the Romans was ſurpriſed and pillaged, and, for the firſt time, their emperor fled in diſorder be⯑fore a troop of half-armed barbarians. After a long reſiſtance, Philippopolis, deſtitute of ſuc⯑cour, was taken by ſtorm. A hundred thouſand perſons are reported to have been maſſacred in the ſack of that great city ³². Many priſoners of conſequence became a valuable acceſſion to the ſpoil; and Priſcus, a brother of the late empe⯑ror Philip, bluſhed not to aſſume the purple un⯑der the protection of the barbarous enemies of Rome ³³. The time, however, conſumed in that tedious ſiege, enabled Decius to revive the courage, reſtore the diſcipline, and recruit the numbers of his troops. He intercepted ſeveral parties of Carpi, and other Germans, who were haſtening to ſhare the victory of their country⯑men ³⁴, intruſted the paſſes of the mountains to officers of approved valour and fidelity ³⁵, repair⯑ed [400] and ſtrengthened the fortifications of the Da⯑nube, and exerted his utmoſt vigilance to oppoſe either the progreſs or the retreat of the Goths. Encouraged by the return of fortune, he anxiouſly waited for an opportunity to retrieve, by a great and deciſive blow, his own glory, and that of the Roman arms ³⁶.

At the ſame time when Decius was ſtrug⯑gling Decius re⯑vives the office of cenſor in the perſon of Valeri⯑an. with the violence of the tempeſt, his mind, calm and deliberate amidſt the tumult of war, inveſtigated the more general cauſes, that, ſince the age of the Antonines, had ſo impetuouſly urged the decline of the Roman greatneſs. He ſoon diſcovered that it was im⯑poſſible to replace that greatneſs on a permanent baſis, without reſtoring public virtue, ancient principles and manners, and the oppreſſed ma⯑jeſty of the laws. To execute this noble but arduous deſign, he firſt reſolved to revive the obſolete office of cenſor; an office, which, as long as it had ſubſiſted in its priſtine integrity, had ſo much contributed to the perpetuity of the ſtate ³⁷, till it was uſurped and gradually neglect⯑ed [401] by the Caeſars ³⁸. Conſcious that the favour of the ſovereign may confer power, but that the eſteem of the people can alone beſtow authority, he ſubmitted the choice of the cenſor to the un⯑biaſſed voice of the ſenate. By their unanimous A. D. 251. 27th Octo⯑ber. votes, or rather acclamations, Valerian, who was afterwards emperor, and who then ſerved with diſtinction in the army of Decius, was de⯑clared the moſt worthy of that exalted honour. As ſoon as the decree of the ſenate was tranſ⯑mitted to the emperor, he aſſembled a great council in his camp, and, before the inveſtiture of the cenſor elect, he apprized him of the dif⯑ficulty and importance of his great office. ‘Happy Valerian, ſaid the prince, to his diſ⯑tinguiſhed ſubject, happy in the general appro⯑bation of the ſenate and of the Roman repub⯑lic! Accept the cenſorſhip of mankind; and judge of our manners. You will ſelect thoſe who deſerve to continue members of the ſe⯑nate; you will reſtore the equeſtrian order to its ancient ſplendour; you will improve the revenue, yet moderate the public burdens. You will diſtinguiſh into regular claſſes the various and infinite multitude of citizens, and accurately review the military ſtrength, the wealth, the virtue, and the reſources of Rome. Your deciſions ſhall obtain the force of laws. The army, the palace, the miniſters of juſtice, [402] and the great officers of the empire, are all ſubject to your tribunal. None are exempt⯑ed, excepting only the ordinary conſuls ³⁹, the prefect of the city, the king of the ſacrifices, and (as long as ſhe preſerves her chaſtity in⯑violate) the eldeſt of the veſtal virgins. Even theſe few, who may not dread the ſeverity, will anxiouſly ſolicit the eſteem, of the Roman cenſor’ ⁴⁰.

A magiſtrate, inveſted with ſuch extenſive The deſign impracti⯑cable and without effect. powers, would have appeared not ſo much the miniſter as the colleague of his ſovereign ⁴¹. Valerian juſtly dreaded an elevation ſo full of envy and of ſuſpicion. He modeſtly urged the alarming greatneſs of the truſt, his own inſuſ⯑ficiency, and the incurable corruption of the times. He artfully inſinuated, that the office of cenſor was inſeparable from the Imperial dignity, and that the feebel hands of a ſubject were un⯑equal to the ſupport of ſuch an immenſe weight of cares and of power ⁴². The approaching event of war ſoon put an end to the proſecution of a project ſo ſpecious but ſo impracticable; and whilſt it preſerved Valerian from the danger, ſaved the emperor Decius from the diſappoint⯑ment, which would moſt probably have attended [403] it. A cenſor may maintain, he can never reſtore, the morals of a ſtate. It is impoſſible for ſuch a magiſtrate to exert his authority with benefit, or even with effect, unleſs he is ſupported by a quick ſenſe of honour and virtue in the minds of the people; by a decent reverence for the public opinion, and by a train of uſeful prejudices com⯑bating on the ſide of national manners. In a period when theſe principles are annihilated, the cenſorial juriſdiction muſt either ſink into empty pageantry, or be converted into a partial inſtru⯑ment of vexatious oppreſſion ⁴³. It was eaſier to vanquiſh the Goths, than to eradicate the public vices; yet even in the firſt of theſe enterpriſes, Decius loſt his army and his life.

The Goths were now, on every ſide, ſurround⯑ed Defeat and death of Decius and his ſon. and purſued by the Roman arms. The flower of their troops had periſhed in the long ſiege of Philippopolis, and the exhauſted country could no longer afford ſubſiſtence for the remaining multitude of licentious barbarians. Reduced to this extremity, the Goths would gladly have purchaſed, by the ſurrender of all their booty and priſoners, the permiſſion of an undiſturbed retreat. But the emperor, confident of victory, and reſolving, by the chaſtiſement of theſe in⯑vaders, to ſtrike a ſalutary terror into the na⯑tions of the North, refuſed to liſten to any terms of accommodation. The high-ſpirited barba⯑rians preferred death to ſlavery. An obſcure [404] town of Maeſia, called Forum Terebronii ⁴⁴, was the ſcene of the battle. The Gothic army was drawn up in three lines, and, either from choice or accident, the front of the third line was co⯑vered by a moraſs. In the beginning of the action, the ſon of Decius, a youth of the faireſt hopes, and already aſſociated to the honours of the purple, was ſlain by an arrow, in the ſight of his afflicted father; who ſummoning all his fortitude, admoniſhed the diſmayed troops, that the loſs of a ſingle ſoldier was of little import⯑ance to the republic ⁴⁵. The conflict was ter⯑rible; it was the combat of deſpair againſt grief and rage. The firſt line of the Goths at length gave way in diſorder; the ſecond, advancing to ſuſtain it, ſhared its fate; and the third only remained entire, prepared to diſpute the paſſage of the moraſs, which was imprudently attempted by the preſumption of the enemy. ‘Here the fortune of the day turned, and all things be⯑came adverſe to the Romans: the place deep with ooze, ſinking under thoſe who ſtood, ſlip⯑pery to ſuch as advanced; their armour heavy, the waters deep; nor could they wield, in that uneaſy ſituation, their weighty javelins. The barbarians, on the contrary, were enured to encounters in the bogs, their perſons tall, their ſpears long, ſuch as could wound at a [450] diſtance ⁴⁶.’ In this moraſs the Roman army, after an ineffectual ſtruggle, was irrecoverably loſt; nor could the body of the emperor ever be found ⁴⁷. Such was the fate of Decius, in the fiftieth year of his age; an accompliſhed prince, active in war, and affable in peace ⁴⁸; who, to⯑gether with his ſon, has deſerved to be compared, both in life and death, with the brighteſt exam⯑ples of ancient virtue ⁴⁹.

This fatal blow humbled, for a very little time, Election of Gallus. A. D. 251. December., the inſolence of the legions. They appear to have patiently expected, and ſubmiſſively obey⯑ed, the decree of the ſenate, which regulated the ſucceſſion to the throne. From a juſt re⯑gard for the memory of Decius, the Imperial title was conferred on Hoſtilianus, his only ſur⯑viving ſon; but an equal rank, with more ef⯑fectual power, was granted to Gallus, whoſe experience and ability ſeemed equal to the great truſt of guardian to the young prince and the diſtreſſed empire ⁵⁰. The firſt care of the new emperor was to deliver the Illyrian provinces [406] from the intolerable weight of the victorious Goths. He conſented to leave in their hands the rich fruits of their invaſion, an immenſe A. D. 252. booty, and, what was ſtill more diſgraceful, a great number of priſoners of the higheſt merit and quality. He plentifully ſupplied their camp Retreat of the Goths. with every conveniency that could aſſuage their angry ſpirits, or facilitate their ſo much wiſhed⯑for departure; and he even promiſed to pay them annually a large ſum of gold, on condition they ſhould never afterwards infeſt the Roman terri⯑tories by their incurſions ⁵¹.

In the age of the Scipios, the moſt opulent Gallus purchaſes peace by the pay⯑ment of an annual tri⯑bute. kings of the earth, who courted the protection of the victorious commonwealth, were gratified with ſuch trifling preſents as could only derive a value from the hand that beſtowed them; an ivory chair, a coarſe garment of purple, an in⯑conſiderable piece of plate, or a quantity of cop⯑per coin ⁵². After the wealth of nations had cen⯑tred in Rome, the emperors diſplayed their great⯑neſs, and even their policy, by the regular exer⯑ciſe of a ſteady and moderate liberality towards the allies of the ſtate. They relieved the poverty of the barbarians, honoured their merit, and recompenſed their fidelity. Theſe voluntary marks of bounty were underſtood to flow not from the fears, but merely from the generoſity [407] or the gratitude of the Romans; and whilſt pre⯑ſents and ſubſidies were liberally diſtributed among friends and ſuppliants, they were ſternly refuſed to ſuch as claimed them as a debt ⁵³. But this ſtipulation of an annual payment to a Popular diſcontent. victorious enemy, appeared without diſguiſe in the light of an ignominious tribute; the minds of the Romans were not yet accuſtomed to ac⯑cept ſuch unequal laws from a tribe of barba⯑rians; and the prince, who by a neceſſary con⯑ceſſion had probably ſaved his country, became the object of the general contempt and averſion. The death of Hoſtilianus, though it happened in the midſt of a raging peſtilence, was inter⯑preted as the perſonal crime of Gallus ⁵⁴; and even the defeat of the late emperor was aſcribed by the voice of ſuſpicion to the perfidious coun⯑ſels of his hated ſucceſſor ⁵⁵. The tranquillity which the empire enjoyed during the firſt year of his adminiſtration ⁵⁶, ſerved rather to inflame than to appeaſe the public diſcontent; and, as ſoon as the apprehenſions of war were removed, the infamy of the peace was more deeply and more ſenſibly felt.

[408] But the Romans were irritated to a ſtill higher degree, when they diſcovered that they had not even ſecured their repoſe, though at the expence Victory and revolt of Aemili⯑anus. of their honour. The dangerous ſecret of the wealth and weakneſs of the empire, had been revealed to the world. New ſwarms of barba⯑rians, A. D. 253. encouraged by the ſucceſs, and not con⯑ceiving themſelves bound by the obligation, of their brethren, ſpread devaſtation through the Illyrian provinces, and terror as far as the gates of Rome. The defence of the monarchy, which ſeemed abandoned by the puſillanimous empe⯑ror, was aſſumed by Aemilianus, governor of Pannonia and Maeſia; who rallied the ſcattered forces, and revived the fainting ſpirits of the troops. The barbarians were unexpectedly at⯑tacked, routed, chaſed, and purſued beyond the Danube. The victorious leader diſtributed as a donative the money collected for the tribute, and the acclamations of the ſoldiers proclaimed him emperor on the field of battle ⁵⁷. Gallus, who, careleſs of the general welfare, indulged himſelf in the pleaſures of Italy, was almoſt in the ſame inſtant informed of the ſucceſs, of the revolt, and of the rapid approach, of his aſpiring lieutenant. He advanced to meet him as far as the plains of Spoleto. When the armies came in ſight of each other, the ſoldiers of Gallus compared the ig⯑nominious conduct of their ſovereign with the glory of his rival. They admired the valour of Aemilianus; they were attracted by his liberality, [409] for he offered a conſiderable increaſe of pay to all deſerters ⁵⁸. The murder of Gallus, and of his ſon Voluſianus, put an end to the civil war; Gallus a⯑bandoned and ſlain. and the ſenate gave a legal ſanction to the rights of conqueſt. The letters of Aemilianus to that A. D. 253, May. aſſembly, diſplayed a mixture of moderation and vanity. He aſſured them, that he ſhould reſign to their wiſdom the civil adminiſtration; and, contenting himſelf with the quality of their ge⯑neral, would in a ſhort time aſſert the glory of Rome, and deliver the empire from all the bar⯑barians both of the North and of the Eaſt ⁵⁹. His pride was flattered by the applauſe of the ſenate; and medals are ſtill extant, repreſenting him with the name and attributes of Hercules the Victor, and of Mars the Avenger ⁶⁰.

If the new monarch poſſeſſed the abilities, he Valerian revenges the death of Gallus, and is ac⯑knowledg⯑ed empe⯑ror. wanted the time, neceſſary to fulfil theſe ſplendid promiſes. Leſs than four months intervened between his victory and his fall ⁶¹. He had van⯑quiſhed Gallus: he ſunk under the weight of a competitor more formidable than Gallus. That unfortunate prince had ſent Valerian, already diſ⯑tinguiſhed by the honourable title of cenſor, to bring the legions of Gaul and Germany ⁶² to his aid. Valerian executed that commiſſion with zeal and fidelity; and as he arrived too late to [410] ſave his ſovereign, he reſolved to revenge him. The troops of Aemilianus, who ſtill lay encamped in the plains of Spoleto, were awed by the ſanc⯑tity of his character, but much more by the ſu⯑perior ſtrength of his army; and as they were now become as incapable of perſonal attachment as they had always been of conſtitutional prin⯑ciple, they readily imbrued their hands in the A. D. 253. Auguſt. blood of a prince who ſo lately had been the ob⯑ject of their partial choice. The guilt was theirs, but the advantage of it was Valerian's; who obtained the poſſeſſion of the throne by the means indeed of a civil war, but with a degree of inno⯑cence ſingular in that age of revolutions; ſince he owed neither gratitude nor allegiance to his predeceſſor, whom he dethroned.

Valerian was about ſixty years of age ⁶³ when Character of Vale⯑rian. he was inveſted with the purple, not by the ca⯑price of the populace, or the clamours of the army, but by the unanimous voice of the Ro⯑man world. In his gradual aſcent through the honours of the ſtate, he had deſerved the favour of virtuous princes, and had declared himſelf the enemy of tyrants ⁶⁴. His noble birth, his mild but unblemiſhed manners, his learning, pru⯑dence, and experience, were revered by the ſe⯑nate and people; and if mankind (according to the obſervation of an ancient writer) had been [411] left at liberty to chuſe a maſter, their choice would moſt aſſuredly have fallen on Valerian ⁶⁵. Perhaps the merit of this emperor was inade⯑quate to his reputation; perhaps his abilities, or at leaſt his ſpirit, were affected by the languor and coldneſs of old age. The conſciouſneſs of General misfor⯑tunes of the reigns of Valerian and Galli⯑enus. his decline engaged him to ſhare the throne with a younger and more active aſſociate ⁶⁶: the emergency of the times demanded a general no leſs than a prince; and the experience of the Roman cenſor might have directed him where A. D. 253—268. to beſtow the Imperial purple, as the reward of military merit. But inſtead of making a judi⯑cious choice, which would have confirmed his reign and endeared his memory, Valerian, con⯑ſulting only the dictates of affection or vanity, immediately inveſted with the ſupreme honours his ſon Gallienus, a youth whoſe effeminate vices had been hitherto concealed by the obſcurity of a private ſtation. The joint government of the father and the ſon ſubſiſted about ſeven, and the ſole adminiſtration of Gallienus continued about eight, years. But the whole period was one un⯑interrupted ſeries of confuſion and calamity. As the Roman empire was at the ſame time, and on every ſide, attacked by the blind fury of foreign invaders, and the wild ambition of do⯑meſtic [412] uſurpers, we ſhall conſult order and per⯑ſpicuity, by purſuing, not ſo much the doubt⯑ful arrangement of dates, as the more natural diſtribution of ſubjects. The moſt dangerous enemies of Rome, during the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, were, 1. The Franks. 2. The Inroads of the barba⯑rians. Alemanni. 3. The Goths; and, 4. The Per⯑ſians. Under theſe general appellations, we may comprehend the adventures of leſs conſiderable tribes, whoſe obſcure and uncouth names would only ſerve to oppreſs the memory and perplex the attention of the reader.

1. As the poſterity of the Franks compoſe one Origin and confedera⯑cy of the Franks. of the greateſt and moſt enlightened nations of Europe, the powers of learning and ingenuity have been exhauſted in the diſcovery of their unlettered anceſtors. To the tales of credulity, have ſucceeded the ſyſtems of fancy. Every paſſage has been ſifted, every ſpot has been ſur⯑veyed, that might poſſibly reveal ſome faint traces of their origin. It has been ſuppoſed, that Pannonia ⁶⁷, that Gaul, that the northern parts of Germany ⁶⁸, gave birth to that cele⯑brated colony of warriors. At length the moſt rational critics, rejecting the fictitious emigra⯑tions of ideal conquerors, have acquieſced in a ſentiment whoſe ſimplicity perſuades us of its [413] truth ⁶⁹. They ſuppoſe, that about the year two hundred and forty ⁷⁰, a new confederacy was formed under the name of Franks, by the old inhabitants of the Lower Rhine and the Weſer. The preſent circle of Weſtphalia, the Land⯑graviate of Heſſe, and the duchies of Brunſwick and Luneburg, were the ancient ſeat of the Chauci, who, in their inacceſſible moraſſes, de⯑fied the Roman arms ⁷¹; of the Cheruſci, proud of the fame of Arminius; of the Catti, formid⯑able by their firm and intrepid infantry; and of ſeveral other tribes of inferior power and re⯑nown ⁷². The love of liberty was the ruling paſſion of theſe Germans; the enjoyment of it their beſt treaſure; the word that expreſſed that enjoyment, the moſt pleaſing to their ear. They deſerved, they aſſumed, they maintained the honourable epithet of Franks or Freemen; which concealed, though it did not extinguiſh, the peculiar names of the ſeveral ſtates of the con⯑federacy ⁷³. Tacit conſent, and mutual advan⯑tage, dictated the firſt laws of the union; it was gradually cemented by habit and experience. [414] The league of the Franks may admit of ſome compariſon with the Helvetic body; in which every canton, retaining its independent ſove⯑reignty, conſults with its brethren in the com⯑mon cauſe, without acknowledging the autho⯑rity of any ſupreme head, or repreſentative aſſem⯑bly ⁷⁴. But the principle of the two confedera⯑cies was extremely different. A peace of two hundred years has rewarded the wiſe and honeſt policy of the Swiſs. An inconſtant ſpirit, the thirſt of rapine, and a diſregard to the moſt ſolemn treaties, diſgraced the character of the Franks.

The Romans had long experienced the daring They in⯑vade Gaul, valour of the people of Lower Germany. The union of their ſtrength threatened Gaul with a more formidable invaſion, and required the pre⯑ſence of Gallienus, the heir and colleague of Imperial power ⁷⁵. Whilſt that prince, and his infant ſon Salonius, diſplayed, in the court of Treves, the majeſty of the empire, its armies were ably conducted by their general Poſthumus, who, though he afterwards betrayed the family of Valerian, was ever faithful to the great inte⯑reſt of the monarchy. The treacherous lan⯑guage of panegyrics and medals darkly announces a long ſeries of victories. Trophies and titles atteſt (if ſuch evidence can atteſt) the fame of Poſthumus, who is repeatedly ſtyled The conquer⯑or of the Germans, and the ſaviour of Gaul ⁷⁶.

[415] But a ſingle fact, the only one indeed of which we have any diſtinct knowledge, eraſes, in a great meaſure, theſe monuments of vanity and adula⯑tion. ravage Spain. The Rhine, though dignified with the title of Safeguard of the provinces, was an imperfect barrier againſt the daring ſpirit of enterpriſe with which the Franks were actuated. Their rapid devaſtations ſtretched from the river to the foot of the Pyrenees: nor were they ſtopped by thoſe mountains. Spain, which had never dreaded, was unable to reſiſt, the inroads of the Germans. During twelve years, the greateſt part of the reign of Gallienus, that opulent country was the theatre of unequal and deſtructive hoſtilities. Tarragona, the flouriſhing capital of a peaceful province, was ſacked and almoſt deſtroyed ⁷⁷; and ſo late as the days of Oroſius, who wrote in the fifth century, wretched cottages, ſcattered amidſt the ruins of magnificent cities, ſtill re⯑corded the rage of the barbarians ⁷⁸. When the exhauſted country no longer ſupplied a variety of plunder, the Franks ſeized on ſome veſſels in the ports of Spain ⁷⁹, and tranſported themſelves into Mauritania. The diſtant province was aſtoniſhed and paſs over into Africa. with the fury of theſe barbarians, who ſeemed to [416] fall from a new world, as their name, manners, and complexion, were equally unknown on the coaſt of Africa ⁸⁰.

II. In that part of Upper Saxony beyond the Origin and renown of the Suevi. Elbe, which is at preſent called the Marquiſate of Luſace, there exiſted, in ancient times, a ſacred wood, the awful ſeat of the ſuperſtition of the Suevi. None were permitted to enter the holy precincts, without confeſſing, by their ſervile bonds and ſuppliant poſture, the immediate pre⯑ſence of the ſovereign Deity ⁸¹. Patriotiſm con⯑tributed as well as devotion to conſecrate the Sonnenwald, or wood of the Semnones ⁸². It was univerſally believed, that the nation had re⯑ceived its firſt exiſtence on that ſacred ſpot. At ſtated periods, the numerous tribes who gloried in the Suevic blood, reſorted thither by their am⯑baſſadors; and the memory of their common ex⯑traction was perpetuated by barbaric rites and human ſacrifices. The wide extended name of Suevi filled the interior countries of Germany, from the banks of the Oder to thoſe of the Da⯑nube. They were diſtinguiſhed from the other Germans by their peculiar mode of dreſſing their long hair, which they gathered into a rude knot on the crown of the head; and they delighted in an ornament that ſhewed their ranks more lofty and terrible in the eyes of the enemy ⁸³. Jealous, as the Germans were, of military renown, they [417] all confeſſed the ſuperior valour of the Suevi; and the tribes of the Uſipetes and Tencteri, who, with a vaſt army, encountered the dictator Caeſar, declared that they eſteemed it not a diſgrace to have fled before a people, to whoſe arms the im⯑mortal gods themſelves were unequal ⁸⁴.

In the reign of the emperor Caracalla, an in⯑numerable A mixed body of Suevi aſ⯑ſume the name of Alemanni, ſwarm of Suevi appeared on the banks of the Mein, and in the neighbourhood of the Roman provinces, in queſt either of food, of plunder, or of glory ⁸⁵. The haſty army of vo⯑lunteers gradually coaleſced into a great and permanent nation, and, as it was compoſed from ſo many different tribes, aſſumed the name of Allemanni, or All-men; to denote at once their various lineage, and their common bravery ⁸⁶. The latter was ſoon felt by the Romans in many a hoſtile inroad. The Alemanni fought chiefly on horſeback; but their cavalry was rendered ſtill more formidable by a mixture of light infantry, ſelected from the braveſt and moſt active of the youth, whom frequent exerciſe had enured to ac⯑company the horſeman in the longeſt march, the moſt rapid charge, or the moſt precipitate re⯑treat ⁸⁷.

[418] This warlike people of Germans had been aſto⯑niſhed by the immenſe preparations of Alexander Severus, they were diſmayed by the arms of his invade Gaul and Italy, ſucceſſor, a barbarian equal in valour and fierce⯑neſs to themſelves. But ſtill hovering on the frontiers of the empire, they increaſed the general diſorder that enſued after the death of Decius. They inflicted ſevere wounds on the rich provinces of Gaul: they were the firſt who removed the veil that covered the feeble majeſty of Italy. A nu⯑merous body of the Alemanni penetrated acroſs the Danube, and through the Rhaetian Alps, into the plains of Lombardy, advanced as far as Ra⯑venna, and diſplayed the victorious banners of barbarians almoſt in ſight of Rome ⁸⁸. The in⯑ſult and the danger rekindled in the ſenate ſome ſparks of their ancient virtue. Both the empe⯑rors are repulſ⯑ed from Rome by the ſenate and peo⯑ple. were engaged in far diſtant wars, Valerian in the eaſt, and Gallienus on the Rhine. All the hopes and reſources of the Romans were in them⯑ſelves. In this emergency, the ſenators reſumed the defence of the republic, drew out the Praeto⯑rian guards, who had been left to garriſon the capital, and filled up their numbers, by inliſting into the public ſervice the ſtouteſt and moſt wil⯑ling of the Plebeians. The Alemanni, aſtoniſhed with the ſudden appearance of an army more nu⯑merous than their own, retired into Germany, laden with ſpoil; and their retreat was eſteemed as a victory by the unwarlike Romans ⁸⁹.

[419] When Gallienus received the intelligence that his capital was delivered from the barbarians, he was much leſs delighted, than alarmed, with the The ſena⯑tors ex⯑cluded by Gallienus from the military ſervice. courage of the ſenate, ſince it might one day prompt them to reſcue the public from domeſtic tyranny, as well as from foreign invaſion. His timid ingratitude was publiſhed to his ſubjects, in an edict which prohibited the ſenators from ex⯑erciſing any military employment, and even from approaching the camps of the legions. But his fears were groundleſs. The rich and luxurious nobles, ſinking into their natural character, ac⯑cepted, as a favour, this diſgraceful exemption from military ſervice; and as long as they were indulged in the enjoyment of their baths, their theatres, and their villas, they cheerfully reſigned the more dangerous cares of empire, to the rough hands of peaſants and ſoldiers ⁹⁰.

Another invaſion of the Alemanni, of a more Gallienus contracts an alliance with the Alemanni. formidable aſpect, but more glorious event, is mentioned by a writer of the lower empire. Three hundred thouſand of that warlike people are ſaid to have been vanquiſhed, in a battle near Milan, by Gallienus in perſon, at the head of only ten thouſand Romans ⁹¹. We may however, with great probability, aſcribe this incredible vic⯑tory, either to the credulity of the hiſtorian, or to ſome exaggerated exploits of one of the em⯑peror's lieutenants. It was by arms of a very [420] different nature, that Gallienus endeavoured to protect Italy from the fury of the Germans. He eſpouſed Pipa the daughter of a king of the Mar⯑comanni, a Suevic tribe, which was often con⯑founded with the Alemanni in their wars and conqueſts ⁹². To the father, as the price of his alliance, he granted an ample ſettlement in Pan⯑nonia. The native charms of unpoliſhed beauty ſeem to have fixed the daughter in the affections of the inconſtant emperor, and the bands of po⯑licy were more firmly connected by thoſe of love. But the haughty prejudice of Rome ſtill refuſed the name of marriage, to the profane mixture of a citizen and a barbarian; and has ſtigmatized the German princeſs with the opprobrious title of concubine of Gallienus ⁹³.

III. We have already traced the emigration of Inroads of the Goths. the Goths from Scandinavia, or at leaſt from Pruſſia, to the mouth of the Boryſthenes, and have followed their victorious arms from the Bo⯑ryſthenes to the Danube. Under the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, the frontier of the laſt mentioned river was perpetually infeſted by the inroads of Germans and Sarmatians; but it was defended by the Romans with more than uſual firmneſs and ſucceſs. The provinces that were the ſeat of war, recruited the armies of Rome with an inexhauſtible ſupply of hardy ſoldiers; and more than one of theſe Illyrian peaſants at⯑tained [421] the ſtation, and diſplayed the abilities, of a general. Though flying parties of the barba⯑rians, who inceſſantly hovered on the banks of the Danube, penetrated ſometimes to the confines of Italy and Macedonia; their progreſs was com⯑monly checked, or their return intercepted, by the Imperial lieutenants ⁹⁴. But the great ſtream of the Gothic hoſtilities was diverted into a very different channel. The Goths, in their new ſet⯑tlement of the Ukraine, ſoon became maſters of the northern coaſt of the Euxine: to the ſouth of that inland ſea, were ſituated the ſoft and wealthy provinces of Aſia Minor, which poſſeſſed all that could attract, and nothing that could reſiſt, a barbarian conqueror.

The banks of the Boryſthenes are only ſixty Conqueſt of the Boſ⯑phorus by the Goths, miles diſtant from the narrow entrance ⁹⁵ of the peninſula of Crim Tartary, known to the ancients under the name of Cherſoneſus Taurica ⁹⁶. On that inhoſpitable ſhore, Euripides, embelliſhing with exquiſite art the tales of antiquity, has placed the ſcene of one of his moſt affecting tra⯑gedies ⁹⁷. The bloody ſacrifices of Diana, the arrival of Oreſtes and Pylades, and the triumph of virtue and religion over ſavage fierceneſs, ſerve to repreſent an hiſtorical truth, that the Tauri, [422] the original inhabitants of the peninſula, were, in ſome degree, reclaimed from their brutal man⯑ners, by a gradual intercourſe with the Grecian colonies, which ſettled along the maritime coaſt. The little kingdom of Boſphorus, whoſe capital was ſituated on the Straits, through which the Maeotis communicates itſelf to the Euxine, was compoſed of degenerate Greeks, and half-civil⯑ized barbarians. It ſubſiſted, as an independent ſtate, from the time of the Peloponneſian war ⁹⁸, was at laſt ſwallowed up by the ambition of Mi⯑thridates ⁹⁹, and, with the reſt of his dominions, ſunk under the weight of the Roman arms. From the reign of Auguſtus ¹⁰⁰, the kings of Boſphorus were the humble, but not uſeleſs, allies of the empire. By preſents, by arms, and by a ſlight fortification drawn acroſs the Iſthmus, they ef⯑fectually guarded againſt the roving plunderers of Sarmatia, the acceſs of a country, which, from its peculiar ſituation and convenient harbours, commanded the Euxine ſea and Aſia Minor ¹⁰¹. As long as the ſceptre was poſſeſſed by a lineal ſucceſſion of kings, they acquitted themſelves of their important charge with vigilance and ſucceſs. Domeſtic factions, and the fears, or private in⯑tereſt, [423] of obſcure uſurpers, who ſeized on the vacant throne, admitted the Goths into the heart of Boſphorus. With the acquiſition of a ſuper⯑fluous waſte of fertile ſoil, the conquerors ob⯑tained the command of a naval force, ſufficient to tranſport their armies to the coaſt of Aſia ¹⁰². The ſhips uſed in the navigation of the Euxine were of a very ſingular conſtruction. They were who ac⯑quire a na⯑val force. ſlight flat-bottomed barks framed of timber only, without the leaſt mixture of iron, and occaſion⯑ally covered with a ſhelving roof, on the appear⯑ance of a tempeſt ¹⁰³. In theſe floating houſes, the Goths careleſsly truſted themſelves to the mercy of an unknown ſea, under the conduct of ſailors preſſed into the ſervice, and whoſe ſkill and fidelity were equally ſuſpicious. But the hopes of plunder had baniſhed every idea of dan⯑ger, and a natural fearleſſneſs of temper ſupplied in their minds the more rational confidence, which is the juſt reſult of knowledge and experi⯑ence. Warriors of ſuch a daring ſpirit muſt have often murmured againſt the cowardice of their guides, who required the ſtrongeſt aſſurances of a ſettled calm before they would venture to em⯑bark; and would ſcarcely ever be tempted to loſe ſight of the land. Such, at leaſt, is the practice of the modern Turks ¹⁰⁴; and they are probably not inferior, in the art of navigation, to the an⯑cient inhabitants of Boſphorus.

[424] The fleet of the Goths, leaving the coaſt of Circaſſia on the left hand, firſt appeared before Pityus ¹⁰⁵, the utmoſt limits of the Roman pro⯑vinces; Firſt naval expedition of the Goths.; a city provided with a convenient port and fortified with a ſtrong wall. Here they met with a reſiſtance more obſtinate than they had reaſon to expect from the feeble garriſon of a diſtant fortreſs. They were repulſed; and their diſappointment ſeemed to diminiſh the terror of the Gothic name. As long as Succeſſianus, an officer of ſuperior rank and merit, defended that frontier, all their efforts were ineffectual; but as ſoon as he was removed by Valerian to a more honourable but leſs important ſtation, they re⯑ſumed the attack of Pityus; and, by the deſtruc⯑tion of that city, obliterated the memory of their former diſgrace ¹⁰⁶.

Circling round the eaſtern extremity of the The Goths beſiege and take Tre⯑bizond. Euxine ſea, the navigation from Pityus to Trebi⯑zond is about three hundred miles ¹⁰⁷. The courſe of the Goths carried them in ſight of the country of Colchis, ſo famous by the expedition of the Argonauts; and they even attempted, though without ſucceſs, to pillage a rich temple at the mouth of the river Phaſis. Trebizond, celebrated in the retreat of the ten thouſand as an ancient colony of Greeks ¹⁰⁸, derived its wealth [425] and ſplendour from the munificence of the em⯑peror Hadrian, who had conſtructed an artificial port on a coaſt left deſtitute by nature of ſecure harbours ¹⁰⁹. The city was large and populous; a double encloſure of walls ſeemed to defy the fury of the Goths, and the uſual garriſon had been ſtrengthened by a reinforcement of ten thou⯑ſand men. But there are not any advantages ca⯑pable of ſupplying the abſence of diſcipline and vigilance. The numerous garriſon of Trebizond, diſſolved in riot and luxury, diſdained to guard their impregnable fortifications. The Goths ſoon diſcovered the ſupine negligence of the beſieged, erected a lofty pile of faſcines, aſcended the walls in the ſilence of the night, and entered the de⯑fenceleſs city, ſword in hand. A general maſ⯑ſacre of the people enſued, whilſt the affrighted ſoldiers eſcaped through the oppoſite gates of the town. The moſt holy temples, and the moſt ſplendid edifices, were involved in a common de⯑ſtruction. The booty that fell into the hands of the Goths was immenſe: the wealth of the adja⯑cent countries had been depoſited in Trebizond, as in a ſecure place of refuge. The number of captives was incredible, as the victorious barba⯑rians ranged without oppoſition through the ex⯑tenſive province of Pontus ¹¹⁰. The rich ſpoils of Trebizond filled a great fleet of ſhips that had been found in the port. The robuſt youth of the [426] ſea-coaſt were chained to the oar; and the Goths, ſatisfied with the ſucceſs of their firſt naval expe⯑dition, returned in triumph to their new eſta⯑bliſhments in the kingdom of Boſphorus ¹¹¹.

The ſecond expedition of the Goths was un⯑dertaken The ſe⯑cond expe⯑dition of the Goths. with greater powers of men and ſhips; but they ſteered a different courſe, and, diſdain⯑ing the exhauſted provinces of Pontus, followed the weſtern coaſt of the Euxine, paſſed before the wide mouths of the Boryſthenes, the Nieſter, and the Danube, and increaſing their fleet by the cap⯑ture of a great number of fiſhing barks, they ap⯑proached the narrow outlet through which the Euxine ſea pours its waters into the Mediterra⯑nean, and divides the continents of Europe and Aſia. The garriſon of Chalcedon was encamped near the temple of Jupiter Urius, on a promon⯑tory that commanded the entrance of the Strait; and ſo inconſiderable were the dreaded invaſions of the barbarians, that this body of troops ſur⯑paſſed in number the Gothic army. But it was They plunder the cities of Bithy⯑nia. in numbers alone that they ſurpaſſed it. They deſerted with precipitation their advantageous poſt, and abandoned the town of Chalcedon, moſt plentifully ſtored with arms and money, to the diſcretion of the conquerors. Whilſt they heſi⯑tated whether they ſhould prefer the ſea or land, Europe or Aſia, for the ſcene of their hoſtilities, a perfidious fugitive pointed out Nicomedia, once the capital of the kings of Bithynia, as a rich and eaſy conqueſt. He guided the march, which [427] was only ſixty miles from the camp of Chalce⯑don ¹¹², directed the reſiſtleſs attack, and partook of the booty; for the Goths had learned ſufficient policy to reward the traitor, whom they deteſted. Nice, Pruſa, Apaemaea, Cius, cities that had ſometimes rivalled, or imitated, the ſplendour of Nicomedia, were involved in the ſame calamity, which, in a few weeks, raged without controul through the whole province of Bithynia. Three hundred years of peace, enjoyed by the ſoft in⯑habitants of Aſia, had aboliſhed the exerciſe of arms, and removed the apprehenſion of danger. The ancient walls were ſuffered to moulder away, and all the revenue of the moſt opulent cities was reſerved for the conſtruction of baths, temples, and theatres ¹¹³.

When the city of Cyzicus withſtood the ut⯑moſt Retreat of the Goths. effort of Mithridates ¹¹⁴, it was diſtinguiſhed by wiſe laws, a naval power of two hundred gal⯑lies, and three arſenals; of arms, of military en⯑gines, and of corn ¹¹⁵. It was ſtill the ſeat of wealth and luxury; but of its ancient ſtrength, nothing remained except the ſituation, in a little iſland of the Propontis, connected with the con⯑tinent of Aſia only by two bridges. From the recent ſack of Pruſa, the Goths advanced within eighteen miles ¹¹⁶ of the city, which they had de⯑voted [428] to deſtruction; but the ruin of Cyzicus was delayed by a fortunate accident. The ſeaſon was rainy, and the lake Apolloniates, the reſervoir of all the ſprings of Mount Olympus, roſe to an un⯑common height. The little river of Rhyndacus, which iſſues from the lake, ſwelled into a broad and rapid ſtream, and ſtopped the progreſs of the Goths. Their retreat to the maritime city of Heraclea, where the fleet had probably been ſta⯑tioned, was attended by a long train of waggons, laden with the ſpoils of Bithynia, and was marked by the flames of Nice and Nicodemia, which they wantonly burnt ¹¹⁷. Some obſcure hints are men⯑tioned of a doubtful combat that ſecured their retreat ¹¹⁸. But even a complete victory would have been of little moment, as the approach of the autumnal equinox ſummoned them to haſten their return. To navigate the Euxine before the month of May, or after that of September, is eſteemed by the modern Turks the moſt unqueſ⯑tionable inſtance of raſhneſs and folly ¹¹⁹.

When we are informed that the third fleet, Third na⯑val expe⯑dition of the Goths. equipped by the Goths in the ports of Boſphorus, conſiſted of five hundred ſail of ſhips ¹²⁰, our ready imagination inſtantly computes and multiplies the formidable armament; but, as we are aſſured [429] by the judicious Strabo ¹²¹, that the piratical veſ⯑ſels uſed by the barbarians of Pontus and the Leſſer Scythia, were not capable of containing more than twenty-five or thirty men, we may ſafely affirm, that fifteen thouſand warriors, at the moſt, embarked in this great expedition. Impatient of the limits of the Euxine, they ſteered their deſtructive courſe from the Cimmerian to the Thracian Boſphorus. When they had almoſt gained the middle of the Straits, they were ſud⯑denly driven back to the entrance of them; till They paſs the Boſ⯑phorus and the Helle⯑ſpont, a favourable wind ſpringing up the next day, carried them in a few hours into the placid ſea, or rather lake of the Propontis. Their landing on the little iſland of Cyzicus, was attended with the ruin of that ancient and noble city. From thence iſſuing again through the narrow paſſage of the Helleſpont, they purſued their winding navigation amidſt the numerous iſlands ſcattered over the Archipelago, or the Aegean Sea. The aſſiſtance of captives and deſerters muſt have been very neceſſary to pilot their veſſels, and to direct their various incurſions, as well on the coaſt of Greece as on that of Aſia. At length the Gothic fleet anchored in the port of Piraeus, five miles diſtant from Athens ¹²², which had attempted to make ſome preparations for a vigorous defence. Cleodamus, one of the engineers employed by the emperor's orders to fortify the maritime cities againſt the Goths, had already begun to repair the ancient walls fallen to decay ſince the time of [430] Sylla. The efforts of his ſkill were ineffectual, and the barbarians became maſters of the native ſeat of the muſes and the arts. But while the conquerors abandoned themſelves to the licenſe of plunder and intemperance, their fleet, that lay with a ſlender guard in the harbour of Piraeus, was unexpectedly attacked by the brave Dexip⯑pus, who, flying with the engineer Cleodamus from the ſack of Athens, collected a haſty band of volunteers, peaſants as well as ſoldiers, and in ſome meaſure avenged the calamities of his coun⯑try ¹²³.

But this exploit, whatever luſtre it might ſhed on the declining age of Athens, ſerved rather to ravage Greece, and threat⯑en Italy. irritate than to ſubdue the undaunted ſpirit of the northern invaders. A general conflagration blazed out at the ſame time in every diſtrict of Greece. Thebes and Argos, Corinth and Sparta, which had formerly waged ſuch memorable wars againſt each other, were now unable to bring an army into the field, or even to defend their ruin⯑ed fortifications. The rage of war, both by land and by ſea, ſpread from the eaſtern point of Sunium to the weſtern coaſt of Epirus. The Goths had already advanced within ſight of Italy, when the approach of ſuch imminent danger awakened the indolent Gallienus from his dream of pleaſure. The emperor appeared in arms; [431] and his preſence ſeems to have checked the ar⯑dour, and to have divided the ſtrength, of the enemy. Naulobatus, a chief of the Heruli, ac⯑cepted Their di⯑viſions and retreat. an honourable capitulation, entered with a large body of his countrymen into the ſervice of Rome, and was inveſted with the ornaments of the conſular dignity, which had never before been profaned by the hands of a barbarian ¹²⁴. Great numbers of the Goths, diſguſted with the perils and hardſhips of a tedious voyage, broke into Maeſia, with a deſign of forcing their way over the Danube to their ſettlements in the Ukraine. The wild attempt would have proved inevitable deſtruction, if the diſcord of the Roman generals had not opened to the barbarians the means of an eſcape ¹²⁵. The ſmall remainder of this deſtroying hoſt returned on board their veſ⯑ſels; and meaſuring back their way through the Helleſpont and the Boſphorus, ravaged in their paſſage the ſhores of Troy, whoſe fame, immor⯑talized by Homer, will probably ſurvive the me⯑mory of the Gothic conqueſts. As ſoon as they found themſelves in ſafety within the baſon of the Euxine, they landed at Anchialus in Thrace, near the foot of Mount Haemus; and, after all their toils, indulged themſelves in the uſe of thoſe pleaſant and ſalutary hot baths. What remained [432] of the voyage was a ſhort and eaſy navigation ¹²⁶. Such was the various fate of this third and greateſt of their naval enterpriſes. It may ſeem difficult to conceive, how the original body of fifteen thouſand warriors could ſuſtain the loſſes and di⯑viſions of ſo bold an adventure. But as their numbers were gradually waſted by the ſword, by ſhipwrecks, and by the influence of a warm cli⯑mate, they were pepetually renewed by troops of banditti and deſerters, who flocked to the ſtand⯑ard of plunder, and by a crowd of fugitive ſlaves, often of German or Sarmatian extraction, who eagerly ſeized the glorious opportunity of free⯑dom and revenge. In theſe expeditions, the Go⯑thic nation claimed a ſuperior ſhare of honour and danger; but the tribes that fought under the Gothic banners, are ſometimes diſtinguiſhed and ſometimes confounded in the imperfect hiſtories of that age; and as the barbarian fleets ſeemed to iſſue from the mouth of the Tanais, the vague but familiar appellation of Scythians was fre⯑quently beſtowed on the mixt multitude ¹²⁷.

In the general calamities of mankind, the death Ruin of the temple of Ephe⯑ſus. of an individual, however exalted, the ruin of an edifice, however famous, are paſſed over with careleſs inattention. Yet we cannot forget that the temple of Diana at Epheſus, after having riſen with increaſing ſplendour from ſeven re⯑peated [433] misfortunes ¹²⁸, was finally burnt by the Goths in their third naval invaſion. The arts of Greece, and the wealth of Aſia, had conſpired to erect that ſacred and magnificent ſtructure. It was ſupported by an hundred and twenty-ſeven marble columns of the Ionic order. They were the gifts of devout monarchs, and each was ſixty feet high. The altar was adorned with the maſ⯑terly ſculptures of Praxiteles, who had, perhaps, ſelected from the favourite legends of the place the birth of the divine children of Latona, the concealment of Apollo after the ſlaughter of the Cyclops, and the clemency of Bacchus to the vanquiſhed Amazons ¹²⁹. Yet the length of the temple of Epheſus was only four hundred and twenty-five feet, about two-thirds of the meaſure of the church of St. Peter's at Rome ¹³⁰. In the other dimenſions, it was ſtill more inferior to that ſublime production of modern architecture. The ſpreading arms of a Chriſtian croſs require a much greater breadth than the oblong temples of the Pagans; and the boldeſt artiſts of anti⯑quity would have been ſtartled at the propoſal of raiſing in the air a dome of the ſize and propor⯑tions of the pantheon. The temple of Diana was, however, admired as one of the wonders of the world. Succeſſive empires, the Perſian, the [434] Macedonian, and the Roman, had revered its ſanctity, and enriched its ſplendour ¹³¹. But the rude ſavages of the Baltic were deſtitute of a taſte for the elegant arts, and they deſpiſed the ideal terrors of a foreign ſuperſtition ¹³².

Another circumſtance is related of theſe inva⯑ſions, Conduct of the Goths at Athens. which might deſerve our notice, were it not juſtly to be ſuſpected as the fanciful conceit of a recent ſophiſt. We are told, that in the ſack of Athens the Goths had collected all the libraries, and were on the point of ſetting fire to this funeral pile of Grecian learning, had not one of their chiefs, of more refined policy than his brethren, diſſuaded them from the deſign; by the profound obſervation, that as long as the Greeks were addicted to the ſtudy of books, they would never apply themſelves to the exer⯑ciſe of arms ¹³³. The ſagacious counſellor (ſhould the truth of the fact be admitted) reaſoned like an ignorant barbarian. In the moſt polite and powerful nations, genius of every kind has diſ⯑played itſelf about the ſame period; and the age of ſcience has generally been the age of military virtue and ſucceſs.

[435] IV. The new ſovereigns of Perſia, Artaxerxes and his ſon Sapor, had triumphed (as we have already ſeen) over the houſe of Arſaces. Of the Conqueſt of Arme⯑nia by the Perſians. many princes of that ancient race, Choſroes, king of Armenia, had alone preſerved both his life and his independence. He defended him⯑ſelf by the natural ſtrength of his country; by the perpetual reſort of fugitives and malecon⯑tents; by the alliance of the Romans, and, above all, by his own courage. Invincible in arms, during a thirty years war, he was at length aſſaſ⯑ſinated by the emiſſaries of Sapor king of Perſia. The patriotic ſatraps of Armenia, who aſſerted the freedom and dignity of the crown, implored the protection of Rome in favour of Tiridates the lawful heir. But the ſon of Choſroes was an infant, the allies were at a diſtance, and the Per⯑ſian monarch advanced towards the frontier at the head of an irreſiſtible force. Young Tiri⯑dates, the future hope of his country, was ſaved by the fidelity of a ſervant, and Armenia con⯑tinued above twenty-ſeven years a reluctant pro⯑vince of the great monarchy of Perſia ¹³⁴. Elat⯑ed with this eaſy conqueſt, and preſuming on the diſtreſſes or the degeneracy of the Romans, Sapor obliged the ſtrong garriſons of Carrhae and Niſibis to ſurrender, and ſpread devaſtation and terror on either ſide of the Euphrates.

[436] The loſs of an important frontier, the ruin of a faithful and natural ally, and the rapid ſucceſs of Sapor's ambition, affected Rome with a deep Valerian marches into the Eaſt. ſenſe of the inſult as well as of the danger. Va⯑lerian flattered himſelf, that the vigilance of his lieutenants would ſufficiently provide for the ſafety of the Rhine and of the Danube; but he reſolved, notwithſtanding his advanced age, to march in perſon to the defence of the Euphrates. During his progreſs through Aſia Minor, the naval enterpriſes of the Goths were ſuſpended, and the afflicted province enjoyed a tranſient and fallacious calm. He paſſed the Euphrates, en⯑countered the Perſian monarch near the walls of Edeſſa, was vanquiſhed and taken priſoner by Sapor. The particulars of this great event are Is defeat⯑ed and taken pri⯑ſoner by Sapor king of Perſia. A. D. 260. darkly and imperfectly repreſented; yet, by the glimmering light which is afforded us, we may diſcover a long ſeries of imprudence, of error, and of deſerved misfortunes on the ſide of the Roman emperor. He repoſed an implicit con⯑fidence in Macrianus, his Praetorian praefect ¹³⁵. That worthleſs miniſter rendered his maſter for⯑midable only to the oppreſſed ſubjects, and con⯑temptible to the enemies of Rome ¹³⁶. By his weak or wicked counſels, the Imperial army was betrayed into a ſituation, where valour and mili⯑tary ſkill were equally unavailing ¹³⁷. The vi⯑gorous attempt of the Romans to cut their way through the Perſian hoſt was repulſed with great [437] ſlaughter ¹³⁸; and Sapor, who encompaſſed the camp with ſuperior numbers, patiently waited till the increaſing rage of famine and peſtilence had enſured his victory. The licentious mur⯑murs of the legions ſoon accuſed Valerian as the cauſe of their calamities; their ſeditious clamours demanded an inſtant capitulation. An immenſe ſum of gold was offered to purchaſe the permiſ⯑ſion of a diſgraceful retreat. But the Perſian, conſcious of his ſuperiority, refuſed the money with diſdain; and detaining the deputies, ad⯑vanced in order of battle to the foot of the Ro⯑man rampart, and inſiſted on a perſonal confer⯑ence with the emperor. Valerian was reduced to the neceſſity of intruſting his life and dignity to the faith of an enemy. The interview ended as it was natural to expect. The emperor was made a priſoner, and his aſtoniſhed troops laid down their arms ¹³⁹. In ſuch a moment of tri⯑umph, the pride and policy of Sapor prompted him to fill the vacant throne with a ſucceſſor entirely dependent on his pleaſure. Cyriades, an obſcure fugitive of Antioch, ſtained with every vice, was choſen to diſhonour the Roman purple; and the will of the Perſian victor could not fail of being ratified by the acclamations, however reluctant, of the captive army ¹⁴⁰.

[438] The imperial ſlave was eager to ſecure the favour of his maſter, by an act of treaſon to his native country. He conducted Sapor over the Sapor overruns Syria, Ci⯑licia, and Cappado⯑cia. Euphrates, and by the way of Chalcis to the metropolis of the Eaſt. So rapid were the mo⯑tions of the Perſian cavalry, that, if we may credit a very judicious hiſtorian ¹⁴¹, the city of Antioch was ſurpriſed when the idle multitude was fondly gazing on the amuſements of the theatre. The ſplendid buildings of Antioch, private as well as public, were either pillaged or deſtroyed; and the numerous inhabitants were put to the ſword, or led away into captivity ¹⁴². The tide of devaſtation was ſtopped for a moment by the reſolution of the high prieſt of Emeſa. Arrayed in his ſacerdotal robes, he appeared at the head of a great body of fanatic peaſants, armed only with ſlings, and defended his god and his property from the ſacrilegious hands of the followers of Zoroaſter ¹⁴³. But the ruin of Tar⯑ſus, and of many other cities, furniſhes a melan⯑choly proof that, except in this ſingular inſtance, the conqueſt of Syria and Cilicia ſcarcely inter⯑rupted the progreſs of the Perſian arms. The advantages of the narrow paſſes of mount Tau⯑rus were abandoned, in which an invader, whoſe principal force conſiſted in his cavalry, would have been engaged in a very unequal combat: [439] and Sapor was permitted to form the ſie geof Caeſarea, the capital of Cappadocia; a city, though of the ſecond rank, which was ſuppoſed to contain four hundred thouſand inhabitants. Demoſthenes commanded in the place, not ſo much by the commiſſion of the emperor, as in the voluntary defence of his country. For a long time he deferred its fate; and, when at laſt Caeſarea was betrayed by the perfidy of a phy⯑ſician, he cut his way through the Perſians, who had been ordered to exert their utmoſt diligence to take him alive. This heroic chief eſcaped the power of a foe, who might either have ho⯑noured or puniſhed his obſtinate valour; but many thouſands of his fellow-citizens were in⯑volved in a general maſſacre, and Sapor is accuſed of treating his priſoners with wanton and unrelent⯑ing cruelty ¹⁴⁴. Much ſhould undoubtedly be allowed for national animoſity, much for hum⯑bled pride and impotent revenge; yet, upon the whole, it is certain, that the ſame prince, who, in Armenia, had diſplayed the mild aſpect of a legiſlator, ſhewed himſelf to the Romans under the ſtern features of a conqueror. He deſpaired of making any permanent eſtabliſhment in the empire, and ſought only to leave behind him a waſted deſert, whilſt he tranſported into Perſia the people and the treaſures of the provinces ¹⁴⁵.

[440] At the time when the Eaſt trembled at the name of Sapor, he received a preſent not unwor⯑thy of the greateſt kings; a long train of camels Boldneſs and ſucceſs of Odena⯑thus a⯑gainſt Sa⯑por. laden with the moſt rare and valuable merchan⯑diſes. The rich offering was accompanied with an epiſtle, reſpectful but not ſervile, from Ode⯑nathus, one of the nobleſt and moſt opulent ſenators of Palmyra. ‘Who is this Odenathus (ſaid the haughty Victor, and he commanded that the preſents ſhould be caſt into the Eu⯑phrates), that he thus inſolently preſumes to write to his lord? If he entertains a hope of mitigating his puniſhment, let him fall pro⯑ſtrate before the foot of our throne with his hands bound behind his back. Should he heſitate, ſwift deſtruction ſhall be poured on his head, on his whole race, and on his coun⯑try ¹⁴⁶.’ The deſperate extremity to which the Palmyrenian was reduced, called into action all the latent powers of his ſoul. He met Sapor; but he met him in arms. Infuſing his own ſpi⯑rit into a little army collected from the villages of Syria ¹⁴⁷, and the tents of the deſert ¹⁴⁸, he hovered round the Perſian hoſt, haraſſed their retreat, carried off part of the treaſure, and, what was dearer than any treaſure, ſeveral of the [441] women of the Great King; who was at laſt obliged to repaſs the Euphrates with ſome marks of haſte and confuſion ¹⁴⁹. By this exploit, Ode⯑nathus laid the foundations of his future fame and fortunes. The majeſty of Rome, oppreſſed by a Perſian, was protected by a Syrian or Arab of Palmyra.

The voice of hiſtory, which is often little Treatment of Valeri⯑an. more than the organ of hatred or flattery, re⯑proaches Sapor with a proud abuſe of the rights of conqueſt. We are told that Valerian, in chains, but inveſted with the Imperial purple, was expoſed to the multitude, a conſtant ſpectacle of fallen greatneſs; and that whenever the Per⯑ſian monarch mounted on horſeback, he placed his foot on the neck of a Roman emperor. Notwithſtanding all the remonſtrances of his al⯑lies, who repeatedly adviſed him to remember the viciſſitude of fortune, to dread the returning power of Rome, and to make his illuſtrious cap⯑tive the pledge of peace, not the object of inſult, Sapor ſtill remained inflexible. When Valerian ſunk under the weight of ſhame and grief, his ſkin, ſtuffed with ſtraw, and formed into the likeneſs of a human figure, was preſerved for ages in the moſt celebrated temple of Perſia; a more real monument of triumph, than the fan⯑cied trophies of braſs and marble ſo often erected by Roman vanity ¹⁵⁰. The tale is moral and [442] pathetic, but the truth of it may very fairly be called in queſtion. The letters ſtill extant from the princes of the Eaſt to Sapor, are manifeſt forgeries ¹⁵¹; nor is it natural to ſuppoſe that a jealous monarch ſhould, even in the perſon of a rival, thus publicly degrade the majeſty of kings. Whatever treatment the unfortunate Valerian might experience in Perſia, it is at leaſt certain, that the only emperor of Rome who had ever fallen into the hands of the enemy, languiſhed away his life in hopeleſs captivity.

The emperor Gallienus, who had long ſup⯑ported Character and admi⯑niſtration of Gal⯑lienus. with impatience the cenſorial ſeverity of his father and colleague, received the intelligence of his misfortunes with ſecret pleaſure and avow⯑ed indifference. ‘I knew that my father was a mortal, ſaid he, and ſince he has acted as becomes a brave man, I am ſatisfied.’ Whilſt Rome lamented the fate of her ſovereign, the ſavage coldneſs of his ſon was extolled by the ſervile courtiers, as the perfect firmneſs of a hero and a ſtoic ¹⁵². It is difficult to paint the light, the various, the inconſtant character of Gallienus, which he diſplayed without conſtraint, as ſoon as he became ſole poſſeſſor of the empire. In every art that he attempted, his lively genius [443] enabled him to ſucceed; and as his genius was deſtitute of judgment, he attempted every art, except the important ones of war and govern⯑ment. He was a maſter of ſeveral curious but uſeleſs ſciences, a ready orator, and elegant poet ¹⁵³, a ſkilful gardener, an excellent cook, and moſt contemptible prince. When the great emergencies of the ſtate required his preſence and attention, he was engaged in converſation with the philoſopher Plotinus ¹⁵⁴, waſting his time in trifling or licentious pleaſures, preparing his initiation to the Grecian myſteries, or ſoliciting a place in the Areopagus of Athens. His pro⯑fuſe magnificence inſulted the general poverty; the ſolemn ridicule of his triumphs impreſſed a deeper ſenſe of the public diſgrace ¹⁵⁵. The [444] repeated intelligence of invaſions, defeats, and rebellions, he received with a careleſs ſmile; and ſingling out, with affected contempt, ſome particular production of the loſt province, he careleſsly aſked, whether Rome muſt be ruined, unleſs it was ſupplied with linen from Egypt, and Arras cloth from Gaul? There were, how⯑ever, a few ſhort moments in the life of Gallienus, when, exaſperated by ſome recent injury, he ſuddenly appeared the intrepid ſoldier, and the cruel tyrant; till ſatiated with blood, or fatigued by reſiſtance, he inſenſibly ſunk into the natural mildneſs and indolence of his character ¹⁵⁶.

At a time when the reins of government were The thirty tyrants. held with ſo looſe a hand, it is not ſurpriſing, that a crowd of uſurpers ſhould ſtart up in every province of the empire againſt the ſon of Vale⯑rian. It was probably ſome ingenious fancy, of comparing the thirty tyrants of Rome with the thirty tyrants of Athens, that induced the wri⯑ters of the Auguſtan hiſtory to ſelect that cele⯑brated number, which has been gradually receiv⯑ed into a popular appellation ¹⁵⁷. But in every light the parallel is idle and defective. What reſemblance can we diſcover between a council [445] of thirty perſons, the united oppreſſors of a ſin⯑gle city, and an uncertain liſt of independent rivals, who roſe and fell in irregular ſucceſſion through the extent of a vaſt empire? Nor can the number of thirty be completed, unleſs we include in the account the women and children who were honoured with the Imperial title. The reign of Gallienus, diſtracted as it was, produced only nineteen pretenders to the throne; Cyriades Their real number was no more than nineteen., Macrianus, Baliſta, Odenathus, and Zenobia in the eaſt; in Gaul, and the weſtern provinces, Poſthumus, Lollianus, Victorinus and his mo⯑ther Victoria, Marius, and Tetricus. In Illyricum and the confines of the Danube, Ingenuus, Re⯑gillianus, and Aureolus; in Pontus ¹⁵⁸, Satur⯑ninus; in Iſauria, Trebellianus; Piſo in Theſ⯑ſaly; Valens in Achaia; Aemilianus in Egypt; and Celſus in Africa. To illuſtrate the obſcure monuments of the life and death of each indi⯑vidual, would prove a laborious taſk, alike bar⯑ren of inſtruction and of amuſement. We may content ourſelves with inveſtigating ſome general characters, that moſt ſtrongly mark the condition of the times, and the manners of the men, their pretenſions, their motives, their fate, and the deſtructive conſequences of their uſurpation ¹⁵⁹.

It is ſufficiently known, that the odious appel⯑lation Character and merit of the ty⯑rants. of Tyrant was often employed by the an⯑cients to expreſs the illegal ſeizure of ſupreme [446] power, without any reference to the abuſe of it. Several of the pretenders, who raiſed the ſtand⯑ard of rebellion againſt the emperor Gallienus, were ſhining models of virtue, and almoſt all poſſeſſed a conſiderable ſhare of vigour and abi⯑lity. Their merit had recommended them to the favour of Valerian, and gradually promoted them to the moſt important commands of the empire. The generals, who aſſumed the title of Auguſtus, were either reſpected by their troops for their able conduct and ſevere diſcipline, or admired for valour and ſucceſs in war, or beloved for frankneſs and generoſity. The field of victory was often the ſcene of their election; and even the armourer Marius, the moſt contemptible of all the candidates for the purple, was diſtinguiſh⯑ed however by intrepid courage, matchleſs ſtrength, and blunt honeſty ¹⁶⁰. His mean and recent trade caſt indeed an air of ridicule on his elevation; but his birth could not be more ob⯑ſcure Their ob⯑ſcure birth. than was that of the greater part of his rivals, who were born of peaſants, and inliſted in the army as private ſoldiers. In times of confuſion, every active genius finds the place aſſigned him by Nature: in a general ſtate of war, military merit is the road to glory and to greatneſs. Of the nineteen tyrants, Tetricus only was a ſenator; Piſo alone was a noble. The blood of Numa, through twenty-eight ſuc⯑ceſſive generations, ran in the veins of Calphur⯑nius [447] Piſo ¹⁶¹, who, by female alliances, claimed a right of exhibiting, in his houſe, the images of Craſſus and of the great Pompey ¹⁶². His an⯑ceſtors had been repeatedly dignified with all the honours which the commonwealth could beſtow; and of all the ancient families of Rome, the Cal⯑phurnian alone had ſurvived the tyranny of the Caeſars. The perſonal qualities of Piſo added new luſtre to his race. The uſurper Valens, by whoſe order he was killed, confeſſed, with deep remorſe, that even an enemy ought to have reſpected the ſanctity of Piſo; and although he died in arms againſt Gallienus, the ſenate, with the em⯑peror's generous permiſſion, decreed the tri⯑umphal ornaments to the memory of ſo virtuous a rebel ¹⁶³.

The lieutenants of Valerian were grateful to The cauſes of their rebellion. the father, whom they eſteemed. They diſ⯑dained to ſerve the luxurious indolence of his unworthy ſon. The throne of the Roman world was unſupported by any principle of loyalty; and treaſon, againſt ſuch a prince, might eaſily be conſidered as patriotiſm to the ſtate. Yet if we examine with candour the conduct of theſe [448] uſurpers, it will appear, that they were much oftener driven into rebellion by their fears, than urged to it by their ambition. They dreaded the cruel ſuſpicions of Gallienus; they equally dreaded the capricious violence of their troops. If the dangerous favour of the army had im⯑prudently declared them deſerving of the purple, they were marked for ſure deſtruction; and even prudence would counſel them, to ſecure a ſhort enjoyment of empire, and rather to try the for⯑tune of war, than to expect the hand of an exe⯑cutioner. When the clamour of the ſoldiers in⯑veſted the reluctant victims with the enſigns of ſovereign authority, they ſometimes mourned in ſecret their approaching fate. ‘You have loſt, ſaid Saturninus, on the day of his elevation, you have loſt a uſeful commander, and you have made a very wretched emperor ¹⁶⁴.’

The apprehenſions of Saturninus were juſtified Their vio⯑lent deaths. by the repeated experience of revolutions. Of the nineteen tyrants who ſtarted up under the reign of Gallienus, there was not one who en⯑joyed a life of peace, or a natural death. As ſoon as they were inveſted with the bloody pur⯑ple, they inſpired their adherents with the ſame fears and ambition which had occaſioned their own revolt. Encompaſſed with domeſtic con⯑ſpiracy, military ſedition, and civil war, they trembled on the edge of precipices, in which, after a longer or ſhorter term of anxiety, they were inevitably loſt. Theſe precarious monarchs [449] received, however, ſuch honours, as the flattery of their reſpective armies and provinces could beſtow; but their claim, founded on rebellion, could never obtain the ſanction of law or hiſtory. Italy, Rome, and the ſenate, conſtantly adhered to the cauſe of Gallienus, and he alone was con⯑ſidered as the ſovereign of the empire. That prince condeſcended indeed to acknowledge the victorious arms of Odenathus, who deſerved the honourable diſtinction, by the reſpectful conduct which he always maintained towards the ſon of Valerian. With the general applauſe of the Ro⯑mans, and the conſent of Gallienus, the ſenate conferred the title of Auguſtus on the brave Palmyrenian; and ſeemed to intruſt him with the government of the Eaſt, which he already poſ⯑ſeſſed, in ſo independent a manner, that, like a private ſucceſſion, he bequeathed it to his illuſ⯑trious widow Zenobia ¹⁶⁵.

The rapid and perpetual tranſitions from the Fatal con⯑ſequences of theſe u⯑ſurpations. cottage to the throne, and from the throne to the grave, might have amuſed an indifferent philoſopher; were it poſſible for a philoſopher to remain indifferent amidſt the general cala⯑mities of human kind. The election of theſe precarious emperors, their power and their death, were equally deſtructive to their ſubjects and ad⯑herents. The price of their fatal elevation was inſtantly diſcharged to the troops, by an immenſe donative, drawn from the bowels of the exhauſted [450] people. However virtuous was their character however pure their intentions, they found them⯑ſelves reduced to the hard neceſſity of ſupporting their uſurpation by frequent acts of rapine and cruelty. When they fell, they involved armies and provinces in their fall. There is ſtill extant a moſt ſavage mandate from Gallienus to one of his miniſters, after the ſuppreſſion of Ingenuus, who had aſſumed the purple in Illyricum. ‘It is not enough, ſays that ſoft but inhuman prince, that you exterminate ſuch as have ap⯑peared in arms: the chance of battle might have ſerved me as effectually. The male ſex of every age muſt be extirpated; provided that, in the execution of the children and old men, you can contrive means to ſave our reputation. Let every one die who has dropt an expreſſion, who has entertained a thought againſt me, againſt me, the ſon of Valerian, the father and brother of ſo many princes ¹⁶⁶. Remember that Ingenuus was made emperor: tear, kill, hew in pieces. I write to you with my own hand, and would inſpire you with my own feelings ¹⁶⁷.’ Whilſt the public forces of the ſtate were diſſipated in private quarrels, [451] the defenceleſs provinces lay expoſed to every invader. The braveſt uſurpers were compelled, by the perplexity of their ſituation, to conclude ignominious treaties with the common enemy, to purchaſe with oppreſſive tributes the neutrality or ſervices of the barbarians, and to introduce hoſtile and independent nations into the heart of the Roman monarchy ¹⁶⁸.

Such were the barbarians, and ſuch the tyrants, who, under the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, diſmembered the provinces, and reduced the empire to the loweſt pitch of diſgrace and ruin, from whence it ſeemed impoſſible that it ſhould ever emerge. As far as the barrenneſs of mate⯑rials would permit, we have attempted to trace, with order and perſpicuity, the general events of that calamitous period. There ſtill remain ſome particular facts; I. The diſorders of Sicily; II. The tumults of Alexandria; and, III. The rebellion of the Iſaurians, which may ſerve to reflect a ſtrong light on the horrid picture.

I. Whenever numerous troops of banditti, Diſorders of Sicily. multiplied by ſucceſs and impunity, publicly defy, inſtead of eluding the juſtice of their country, we may ſafely infer, that the exceſſive weakneſs of the government is felt and abuſed by the loweſt ranks of the community. The ſituation of Sicily preſerved it from the barba⯑rians; nor could the diſarmed province have ſupported an uſurper. The ſufferings of that [452] once flouriſhing and ſtill fertile iſland, were in⯑flicted by baſer hands. A licentious crowd of ſlaves and peaſants reigned for a while over the plundered country, and renewed the memory of the ſervile wars of more ancient times ¹⁶⁹. De⯑vaſtations, of which the huſbandman was either the victim or the accomplice, muſt have ruined the agriculture of Sicily; and as the principal eſtates were the property of the opulent ſenators of Rome, who often encloſed within a farm the territory of an old republic, it is not improbable, that this private injury might affect the capital more deeply, than all the conqueſts of the Goths or the Perſians.

II. The foundation of Alexandria was a noble Tumults of Alex⯑andria. deſign, at once conceived and executed by the ſon of Philip. The beautiful and regular form of that great city, ſecond only to Rome itſelf, comprehended a circumference of fifteen miles ¹⁷⁰; it was peopled by three hundred thouſand free inhabitants, beſides at leaſt an equal number of ſlaves ¹⁷¹. The lucrative trade of Arabia and India flowed through the port of Alexandria to the capital and provinces of the empire. Idleneſs was unknown. Some were employed in blowing of glaſs, others in weaving of linen, others again manufacturing the papyrus. Either ſex, and every age, was engaged in the purſuits of induſ⯑try, nor did even the blind or the lame want [453] occupations ſuited to their condition ¹⁷². But the people of Alexandria, a various mixture of na⯑tions, united the vanity and inconſtancy of the Greeks, with the ſuperſtition and obſtinacy of the Egyptians. The moſt trifling occaſion, a tran⯑ſient ſcarcity of fleſh or lentils, the neglect of an accuſtomed ſalutation, a miſtake of precedency in the public baths, or even a religious diſpute ¹⁷³, were at any time ſufficient to kindle a ſedition among that vaſt multitude, whoſe reſentments were furious and implacable ¹⁷⁴. After the cap⯑tivity of Valerian and the inſolence of his ſon had relaxed the authority of the laws, the Alexan⯑drians abandoned themſelves to the ungoverned rage of their paſſions, and their unhappy country was the theatre of a civil war, which continued (with a few ſhort and ſuſpicious truces) above twelve years ¹⁷⁵. All intercourſe was cut off be⯑tween the ſeveral quarters of the afflicted city, every ſtreet was polluted with blood, every build⯑ing of ſtrength converted into a citadel; nor did the tumults ſubſide, till a conſiderable part of Alexandria was irretrievably ruined. The ſpa⯑cious and magnificent diſtrict of Bruchion, with its palaces and muſaeum, the reſidence of the [454] kings and philoſophers of Egypt, is deſcribed above a century afterwards, as already reduced to its preſent ſtate of dreary ſolitude ¹⁷⁶.

III. The obſcure rebellion of Trebellianus, Rebellion of the Iſaurians. who aſſumed the purple in Iſauria, a petty pro⯑vince of Aſia Minor, was attended with ſtrange and memorable conſequences. The pageant of royalty was ſoon deſtroyed by an officer of Gal⯑lienus; but his followers; deſpairing of mercy, reſolved to ſhake off their allegiance, not only to the emperor, but to the empire, and ſuddenly returned to the ſavage manners, from which they had never perfectly been reclaimed. Their crag⯑gy rocks, a branch of the wide-extended Taurus, protected their inacceſſible retreat. The tillage of ſome fertile vallies ¹⁷⁷ ſupplied them with neceſſaries, and a habit of rapine with the luxu⯑ries of life. In the heart of the Roman mo⯑narchy, the Iſaurians long continued a nation of wild barbarians. Succeeding princes, unable to reduce them to obedience either by arms or po⯑licy, were compelled to acknowledge their weak⯑neſs, by ſurrounding the hoſtile and indepen⯑dent ſpot, with a ſtrong chain of fortifications ¹⁷⁸, which often proved inſufficient to reſtrain the incurſions of theſe domeſtic foes. The Iſau⯑rians, gradually extending their territory to the ſea-coaſt, ſubdued the weſtern and mountainous part of Cilicia, formerly the neſt of thoſe daring [455] pirates, againſt whom the republic had once been obliged to exert its utmoſt force, under the conduct of the great Pompey ¹⁷⁹.

Our habits of thinking ſo fondly connect the Famine and peſti⯑lence. order of the univerſe with the fate of man, that this gloomy period of hiſtory has been decorated with inundations, earthquakes, uncommon me⯑teors, preternatural darkneſs, and a crowd of prodigies fictitious or exaggerated ¹⁸⁰. But a long and general famine was a calamity of a more ſerious kind. It was the inevitable conſequence of rapine and oppreſſion, which extirpated the produce of the preſent, and the hope of future harveſts. Famine is almoſt always followed by epidemical diſeaſes, the effect of ſcanty and un⯑wholeſome food. Other cauſes muſt however have contributed to the furious plague, which, from the year two hundred and fifty, to the year two hundred and ſixty-five, raged without inter⯑ruption in every province, every city, and almoſt every family, of the Roman empire. During ſome time five thouſand perſons died daily in Rome; and many towns, that had eſcaped the hands of the barbarians, were entirely depopu⯑lated ¹⁸¹.

We have the knowledge of a very curious cir⯑cumſtance, Diminu⯑tion of the human ſpecies. of ſome uſe perhaps in the melan⯑choly [456] calculation of human calamities. An ex⯑act regiſter was kept at Alexandria, of all the citizens entitled to receive the diſtribution of corn. It was found, that the ancient number of thoſe compriſed between the ages of forty and ſeventy, had been equal to the whole ſum of claimants, from fourteen to fourſcore years of age, who remained alive after the reign of Gal⯑lienus ¹⁸². Applying this authentic fact to the moſt correct tables of mortality, it evidently proves, that above half the people of Alexan⯑dria had periſhed; and could we venture to ex⯑tend the analogy to the other provinces, we might ſuſpect, that war, peſtilence, and famine, had conſumed, in a few years, the moiety of the human ſpecies ¹⁸³.