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A PLAIN AND SUCCINCT NARRATIVE OF THE LATE RIOTS AND DISTURBANCES IN THE CITIES OF LONDON AND WESTMINSTER, AND BOROUGH OF SOUTHWARK.

CONTAINING, Particulars of the burning of NEWGATE, the KING'S BENCH, the FLEET, and NEW BRIDEWELL Priſons. Alſo, the Houſes of Lord MANSFIELD, Sir JOHN FIELDING, Meſſrs. LANGDALE, RAINSFORTH, COX, HYDE, &c. Romiſh Chapels, Schools, &c. with an Account of the Commitment of LORD GEORGE GORDON TO THE TOWER, AND ANECDOTES OF HIS LIFE.

TO WHICH IS PREFIXED, An Abſtract of the Act lately paſſed in Favour of the Roman Catholics. And an Account of the BILL, as moved for in Parliament by Sir GEORGE [...]AVILE with the Obſervations of Sir GEORGE and Mr. DUNNING on the PAPIST penal Laws.

THE THIRD EDITION CORRECTED: With an APPENDIX.

By WILLIAM VINCENT, of GRAY'S INN.

LONDON: PRINTED FOR FIELDING AND WALKER, PATER NOSTER-ROW.

M. DCC LXXX.

[PRICE ONE SHILLING.] Entered at Stationer's Hall.

ABSTRACT of an ACT paſſed in favour of the ROMAN CATHOLICS, INTITULED, An Act for reieving his Majeſty's Subjects profeſſing the Popiſh Religion, from certain Penalties and Diſabilities impoſed on them by an Act made in the Eleventh and Twelfth Years of the Reign of King William the Third, intituled, An Act for the further preventing the Growth of Popery.

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THE preamble recites, that it is expedient to repeal certain proviſions in the Act of King William; and the clauſes repealed are as follow:

THAT ſo much of the ſaid Act as relates to the apprehending, taking, or proſecuting of Popiſh Biſhops, Prieſts, or Jeſuits; and alſo ſo much of the ſaid Act as ſubjects Popiſh Biſhops, Prieſts or Jeſuits, and Papiſts, or perſons profeſſing the Popiſh religion, and keeping ſchool, or taking upon themſelves the education or government or boarding of youth, within this [2] realm, or the dominions thereto belonging, to perpetual impriſonment; and alſo ſo much of the ſaid Act as diſables perſons educated in the Popiſh religion, or profeſſing the ſame, under the circumſtances therein mentioned, to inherit or take by deſcent, deviſe, or limitation, in poſſeſſion, reverſion, or remainder, any lands tenements, or hereditaments, within the kingdom of England, dominion of Wales, and town of Berwick upon Tweed, and gives to the next of kin, being a Proteſtant, a right to have and enjoy ſuch lands, tenements, and hereditaments; and alſo ſo much of the ſaid Act as diſables Papiſts, or perſons profeſſing the Popiſh religion, to purchaſe any manors, lands, profits out of lands, tenements, rents, terms, or hereditaments, within the kingdom of England, dominion of Wales, or town of Berwick upon Tweed, and makes void all and ſingular eſtates, terms, and other intereſts or profits whatſoever out of lands, to be made, ſuffered, or done, from and after the day therein mentioned, to or for the uſe or behoof of any ſuch perſon or perſons, or upon any truſt or confidence, mediately or immediately, for the relief of any ſuch perſon or perſons; ſhall be, and the ſame, and every clauſe and matter and thing herein before mentioned, is and are hereby repealed.

And be it enacted by the authority aforeſa [...]d, That every perſon and perſons having or claiming [3] any lands, tenements, or hereditaments, under titles not hitherto litigated, though derived from any deſcent, deviſe, limitation, or purchaſe, ſhall have, take, hold, and enjoy the ſame, as if the ſaid Act, or any thing therein contained, had not been made; any thing in the ſaid Act contained to the contrary notwithſtanding.

Provided always, and be it enacted, That nothing herein contained ſhall extend, or be conſtrued to affect any action or ſuit now depending, which ſhall be proſecuted with effect, and without delay.

Provided alſo, That nothing herein contained ſhall extend, or be conſtrued to extend, to any perſon or perſons but ſuch who ſhall, within the ſpace of ſix calendar months after the paſſing of this Act, or of accruing of his, her, or their title, being of the age of twenty-one years, or who, being under the age of twenty-one years, ſhall, within ſix months after he or ſhe ſhall attain the age of twenty-one years, or being of unſound mind, or in priſon, or beyond the ſeas, then within ſix months after ſuch diſability removed, take and ſubſcribe an oath in the words following:

[4]

THE TEST OR OATH This Oath was framed in conſequence of the motion made by Sir George Savile; and that no perſon who is not well affected to Government may enjoy the benefit of the Act..

I A. B. do ſincerely promiſe and ſwear, That I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to his Majeſty King George the Third, and him will defend, to the utmoſt of my power, againſt all conſpiracies and attempts whatever that ſhall be made againſt his perſon, crown, or dignity; and I will do my utmoſt endeavour to diſcloſe and make known to his Majeſty, his heirs and ſucceſſors, all treaſons and traiterous conſpiracies which may be formed againſt him or them; and I do faithfully promiſe to maintain, ſupport, and defend, to the utmoſt of my power, the ſucceſſion of the crown in his Majeſty's family, againſt any perſon or perſons whatſoever; hereby utterly renouncing and abjuring any obedience or allegiance unto the perſon taking upon himſelf the ſtile and title of Prince of Wales, in the lifetime of his father, and who, ſince his death, is ſaid to have aſſumed the ſtile and title of King of Great Britain, by the name of Charles the Third, and to any other perſon claiming or pretending a right to the crown of theſe realms; and I do ſwear, that I do reject and deteſt, as an unchriſtian and impious poſition, That it is lawful [5] to murder or deſtroy any perſon or perſons whatſoever, for or under pretence of their being heretics; and alſo that unchriſtian and impious principle, That no faith is to be kept with heretics: I further declare, that it is no article of my faith, and that I do renounce, reject, and abjure the opinion, That princes excommunicated by the Pope and Council, or by any authority of the See of Rome, or by any authority whatſoever, may be depoſed or murdered by their ſubjects, or any perſon whatſoever: And I do declare, that I do not believe that the Pope of Rome, or any other foreign prince, prelate, ſtate, or potentate, hath, or ought to have, any temporal or civil juriſdiction, power, ſuperiority, or pre-eminence, directly or indirectly, within this realm. And I do ſolemnly, in the preſence of God, profeſs, teſtify, and declare, That I do make this declaration, and every part thereof, in the plain and ordinary ſenſe of the words of this oath; with out any evaſion, equivocation, or mental reſervation whatever, and without any diſpenſation already granted by the Pope, or any authority of the See of Rome, or any perſon whatever; and without thinking that I am or can be acquitted before God or man, or abſolved of this declaration, or any part thereof, although the Pope, or any other perſons or authority whatſoever, ſhall diſpenſe with or annul the ſame, or declare that it was null or void.

[6] It concludes with reciting what courts of judicature the oath is to be taken, ſubſcribed, and regiſtered in; and with an information, that the Act ſhall not be conſtrued to extend to any Popiſh Biſhop, Prieſt, Jeſuit, or Schoolmaſter, who ſhall not have taken and ſubſcribed the above Oath, in the above words, before he ſhall have been apprehended, or any proſecution commenced againſt him.

A PLAIN AND SUCCINCT NARRATIVE OF THE DISTURBANCES.
For Notes referred to in the Text, by Letters A B C, &c. ſee the Appendix.

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THE late riots and popular tumults which have happened in the Metropolis and its environs, ſufficiently at the inſtant of their exiſtence, excited the apprehenſions of all ranks of people, to awaken curioſity and make a clear and ſuccinct narrative worthy the acceptance of the public. To render the whole affair as intelligible as poſſible, it has been judged neceſſary to trace the alledged cauſe of diſcontent, the Act for the relief of the Papiſts, to its ſource. The original motion for the bill, which afterwards paſſed into a law, was made in the Houſe of Commons by Sir George Savile: the object of it was, to repeal an act of the 10th and 11th of William the Third. [8] The eſverity of this act may be gathered from the repealing act, an abſtract of which is prefixed, and from the following obſervations of the members who introduced and ſupported the bill.

Sir George Savile ſtated, that one of his principle views in propoſing this repeal was, to vindicate the honour and aſſert the principles of the Proteſtant religion, to which all perſecution was, or ought to be totally averſe. That this pure religion ought not to have had an exiſtence, if perſecution had been lawful. That it ill became us to practice that with which we reproached others. That he did not meddle with the vaſt body of that penal code, but ſelected that act on which he found moſt of the proſecutions had been formed, and which gave the greateſt ſcope to the baſe views of intereſted relations and unprincipled informers. The act had not, it is true, been regularly put in execution, but ſometimes it had, and he underſtood that ſeveral Papiſts lived in great terror, and ſome under actual contribution. He ſtated the peaceable behaviour of this part of his Majeſty's ſubjects, and mentioned the loyal and excellent addreſs they had lately preſented to the throne, in which, they not only expreſſed their obedience to the Government under which they lived, but their attachment to the conſtitution. As a guard and ſecurity however, he propoſed, that a ſufficient [9] teſt Vide abſtract of the act, page 4.might be formed, by which they ſhould bind themſelves to the ſupport of the Civil Government as by law eſtabliſhed.

The motion was ſeconded by Mr. Dunning, who with great ability entered into a legal diſcuſſion of the principles, the objects, and the paſt operations of the bill, which was moved to be repealed. Some of the ſeverities by him complained of were the following,—for Prieſts or Jeſuits to teach or officiate in the ſervices of their church, were acts of felony in foreigners, and high treaſon in the natives of this kingdom. The forfeiture of eſtates to the next Proteſtant heir, the power given to a ſon or other neareſt relation, to take poſſeſſion during the life of the proprietor, and the depriving of Papiſts from acquiring any legal property by purchaſe, were, he ſaid, exceedingly oppreſſive, particularly the laſt clauſe, which had a far greater latitude than was underſtood, for it applied to all legal property acquired by other means than that of deſcent. He declaimed upon the horrid nature of that law, which deprived a Prieſt of liberty, only for officiating in the duties of his religion, and begged to remind the Houſe, that even when the propoſed repealing act had paſſed, the Prieſts would not be at liberty to exerciſe their functions, but would ſtill, under the reſtriction of former laws, be liable to a year's impriſonment, [10] and the puniſhment of a heavy ſine. He obſerved, that at the inſtigation of the moſt abandoned of mankind, common informers, the magiſterial and judicial powers, were of neceſſity bound to enforce all the ſhameful penalties of the act. Others of theſe penalties, held out the moſt powerful temptations for the commiſſion of acts of depravity, at the very thought of which our nature recoils with horror. They ſeem calculated to looſen all bands of ſociety, to diſſolve all civil, moral, and religious obligations and duties, to poiſon the ſources of domeſtic felicity, and to annihilate every principle of honour. The encouragement given to children, to lay their hands upon the eſtates of their parents, and the reſtitution which debars men from the honeſt acquiſition of property, need, he ſaid, in times like theſe, of philoſophical liberty, only be mentioned to excite the utmoſt indignation of that Houſe. (A)

The motion was received with univerſal approbation, and a bill was accordingly brought in and paſſed without a ſingle negative.

The indulgencies granted by this act to the Papiſts, ſuch as, not only the free exerciſe of their religion in licenſed chapels, equal to the Preſbyterians and all other Diſſenters and Sectaries, but toleration likewiſe to e ect ſchools for the education of youth in the Romiſh tenets, [11] greatly alarmed many people, ſome on religious, and others on political principles. The reſiſtance made to a ſimilar act in favour of the Catholics in Scotland, (B) contributed to ſpread the alarm, and bills were diſperſed, and advertiſements inſerted in the news-papers, inviting thoſe who wiſhed well to the cauſe, to unite under the title of the Proteſtant Aſſociation, and Lord George Gordon, who had been ſo active at the head of the Malcontents in Scotland was choſen preſident. Little notice was taken of theſe ſocieties, and the preſident, whoſe eccentric and deſultory character (C) and ſpeeches in the Houſe of Commons were frequently the ſubjects of ridicule, tended rather, both in and out of Parliament, to place thoſe objects, which, as it has proved, well deſerved the moſt ſerious attention, in a ludicrous than a ſerious point of view. He has the manners and air of a modern Puritan; his figure is meagre, his hair ſtrait and his dreſs plain. The ſtile of the advertiſements publiſhed in the name of the Aſſociating Committee, but which were ſigned only by him, have the appearance of private addreſſes to the public, and are ſuch as might rather have been expected from the famous William Prynne, than from a noble Commoner in this philoſophic age. The following is one of theſe advertiſements, which at the ſame time that it affords a ſpecimen of the ſpirit and ſtile, in which theſe invitations were written, will ſhew [12] by what means the attention of the people was engaged, and their minds were incited to a conſideration of the tendency of the repealing act, and which only became ſerious in the opinion of the liberal, from the encouragement and protection it gave the Papiſts in the erecting of ſchools.

PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION.

THIS is to give notice, That in compliance with a petition addreſſed to the Preſident, the Committee have reſolved that there ſhall be another general meeting of the Proteſtants before the London petition is preſented to the Houſe of Commons.

The Petition will not be preſented this week, but will be kept till towards the cloſe of this ſeſſion of Parliament, to give time for ſimilar petitions from other parts of England, Wales, and Scotland, to be preſented before it.

All the true friends of Great Britain, and of civil and religious liberty, are exhorted to unite in ſupport of the Proteſtant intereſt before it is too late; for unanimity and firmneſs in that glorious cauſe can alone protect us from the dangerous confederacy of Popiſh powers. If we unite, like one man, for the honour of God, and the liberties of the people, we may yet experience the bleſſing of Divine Providence on this [13] kingdom, and love and confidence may again be reſtored amongſt brethren. But if we continue obſtinate in errors, and ſpread idolatry and corruption through the land, we have nothing to expect but diviſion among the people, diſtraction in the Senate, and diſcontent in our camps, with all the other calamities attendant on thoſe nations whom God has delivered over to arbitrary power and deſpotiſm.

G. GORDON, Preſident.

*⁎* Thoſe of London and its environs who wiſh the Repeal of the late Popiſh Bill, are deſired to ſign the Proteſtant Petition, which they may have acceſs to at the Preſident's houſe in Welbeck-ſtreet, every day before four o'clock.

The reader will eaſily perceive what were the leading features in the character of a man who could write the above addreſs. The following one, which was the means of calling that mob together, whoſe depredations are the ſubject of the enſuing pages, may not be thought leſs intereſting, or leſs ſingular.

PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION.

WHEREAS no hall in London can contain forty thouſand men:

[14] Reſolved, That this Aſſociation do meet on Friday next in St. George's Fields, at ten o'clock in the morning, to conſider of the moſt prudent and reſpectful manner of attending their Petition, which will be preſented the ſame day to the Houſe of Commons.

Reſolved, for the ſake of good order and regularity, That this Aſſociation, on coming to the ground, do ſeparate themſelves into four diſtinct diviſions viz. the London Diviſion, the Weſtminſter Diviſion, the Southwark Diviſion, and the Scotch Diviſion.

Reſolved, That the London Diviſion do take place upon the right of the ground towards Southwark, the Weſtminſter Diviſion ſecond, the Southwark Diviſion third, and the Scotch Diviſion upon the left, all wearing blue cockades in their hats, to diſtinguiſh themſelves from the Papiſts, and thoſe who approve of the late act in favour of Popery.

Reſolved, That the Magiſtrates of London, Weſtminſter, and Southwark, are requeſted to attend, that their preſence may overawe and controul any riotous or evil-minded perſons, who may wiſh to diſturb the legal and peaceable deportment of his Majeſty's Proteſtant ſubjects.

By Order of the Aſſociation, G. GORDON, Preſident.

[15] Lord George had frequently ſpoken in terms which ſeemed intended to intimidate the Houſe of Commons; and, in order to ſhew that he was more in earneſt, and had more power than they believed, he took every method to incite the public attention. A report was circulated that he had aſſerted he would not preſent the Petition, unleſs he was attended by forty thouſand Another account ſays 20,000.of the Aſſociators at the leaſt. Every one who wiſhed well to the cauſe, was deſired to appear with a blue cockade in his hat. The Aſſociators ſeparated themſelves into four grand diviſions, as requeſted in the advertiſement; the London, the Weſtminſter, the Southwark, and the Scotch; and flags were provided for each.

Accordingly, on Friday, June the 2d, at ten in the forenoon, an immenſe concourſe aſſembled at the place appointed, ſome with ſerious intentions, ſome with wicked, and others out of curioſity: and, notwithſtanding the intenſe heat, which was, that day, very remarkable, kept parading the fields with their flags, ſinging hymns, marſhalling themſelves in ranks, and waiting for their leader. About eleven o'clock, Lord George arrived among them, and gave directions in what manner he would have them proceed, and about twelve, (that the whole city might be convinced how ſerious the people were in their demands) one numerous party was ordered to go round over London Bridge, another over Blackfriars, [16] and a third to follow him over Weſtminſter. A huge roll of parchment, Or rather ſeveral rolls in one.too, almoſt as much as a man could carry, containing the names of thoſe who had ſigned the Petition, was borne before them. They proceeded with great decorum and decency on their route, and the whole body was aſſembled, about half paſt two, before both Houſes of Parliament, on which occaſion they gave a general ſhout.

But however peaceable and well diſpoſed ſome of them might be it was very evident, from the habit and appearance of numbers amongſt them, that order and regularity were not long to be expected from ſuch an aſſembly; on the contrary, they ſoon began to exerciſe the moſt arbitrary and dictatorial power over both Lords and Commons. They obliged almoſt all the Members to put blue cockades in their hats, and call out, "No Popery!" Some they compelled to take oaths to vote for the repeal of the obnoxious act and others they inſulted in the moſt indecent and violent manner. They took poſſeſſion of all the avenues from the outer door to the very door of the Houſe of Commons, which they twice attempted to force open. The like attempt was made at the Houſe of Lords; but by the exertion of the door-keepers, and the care of Sir Francis Molyneux, it did not ſucceed. The Archbiſhop of York was one of the firſt they attacked. As ſoon as his coach was known coming [17] down Parliament-ſtreet, he was ſaluted with hiſſes, groans, and hootings; and when he got out of his carriage, to avoid greater miſchief, was obliged to ſay (which he did in a pitiable and enfeebled voice) "No Popery, no Popery!" The Lord Preſident of the Council, Lord Bathurſt, they puſhed about in the rudeſt manner, and kicked violently on the legs. Lord Mansfield had the glaſſes of his carriage broken, the pannels beat in, and narrowly eſcaped with life. The Duke of Northumberland was exceedingly ill treated, and had his pocket picked of his watch. The Biſhop of Litchfield had his gown torn. The wheels of the Biſhop of Lincoln's carriage were taken off, and his Lordſhip might be ſaid to eſcape perſonal injury almoſt by miracle. (D)

The Lords Townſhend and Hillſborough came together: the latter, who was known by the mob, was moſt groſly inſulted, and had not ſome of them been partial to Lord Townſhend, would, in all probability, have been much more ſo: as it was, they were both much huſſeled and puſhed about, and ſent into the Houſe without their bags, and with their hair hanging looſe on their ſhoulders. The coach of Lord Stormont was broken to pieces, and himſelf in the hands of the mob for near half an hour, during which time they took the moſt inſolent liberties with him, and pelted him with mud: he was reſcued [18] at laſt by a gentleman who harangued the mob, and prevailed on them to deſiſt. Lords Aſhburnham and Boſton were treated not only with moſt unwarrantable indignity, but with a mercileſs and unmanly ſeverity, particularly Lord Boſton, who was ſo long in their power that it was thought neceſſary by the Peers to go as a body and endeavour, by their preſence, to extricate him, but were prevented by the entrance of his Lordſhip, out of breath and in great diſorder, with his coat all powdered and his hair diſheveled. The front glaſs of Lord Trentham's vis â vis was broken, and himſelf inſulted and detained a conſiderable time. Lord Willough by de Broke, Lord St. John, Lord Dudley, and many others, were perſonally ill treated; and Wellbore Ellis, Eſq was obliged to take refuge in the Guildhall of Weſtminſter, (whither he was purſued) the windows of which were broke, the doors forced, and Juſtice Addington, with all the conſtables, expelled Mr. Ellis eſcaped at the utmoſt hazard, and after exceedingly ſevere and rough treatment.

The behaviour of Lord George Gordon was ſuch as might be expected. He came ſeveral times to the top of the gallery ſtairs, whence he harangued the people, and let them know the bad ſucceſs their Petition was like to meet with. He told them firſt, that it was propoſed to take it into conſideration on Tueſday in a Committee [19] of the Houſe, but that he did not like delays, for the Parliament might be prorogued by that time.

He came once more, and ſaid he ſaw little reaſon to hope redreſs from the deciſions of Parliament—that they ſhould meet again—that they ought not to deſpair, but to put their truſt in Providence.

He came a third time, and ſaid, "Gentlemen, the alarm has gone forth for many miles round the city. You have got a very good Prince, who as ſoon as he ſhall hear the alarm has ſeized ſuch a number of men, will no doubt ſend down private orders to his Miniſters to enforce the prayer of your Petition."

When the mob was raging and roaring in the lobby, General Conway ſat himſelf down by Lord George, and addreſſed him to the following purpoſe: "My Lord, I am a military man, and I ſhall think it my duty to protect the freedom of debate in this Houſe by my ſword; you ſee, my Lord, the Members of this Houſe are this day all in arms. Do not imagine that we will be overpowered or intimidated by a rude, undiſciplined, unprincipled rabble. There is only one entry into the Houſe of Commons, and that is a narrow one. Reflect, that men of honour may defend this paſs;—and that certainly many lives will be loſt [20] before we will ſuffer ourſelves to be overawed by your adherents. I wiſh, in one word, my Lord, to know whether it is your intention to bring thoſe men, whoſe wild uproar now ſtrikes our ears, within the walls of this houſe?" Soon after General Conway had done ſpeaking with Lord George, Colonel Gordon, a near relation of his Lordſhip's, went up to him, and accoſted him in the following manner: "My Lord George, do you intend to bring your raſcally adherents into the Houſe of Commons? If you do,—the firſt man of them that enters, I will plunge my ſword not into his, but into your body."

Lord George, it is ſaid, was very much diſmayed by what had fallen from General Conway, and his kinſman, Colonel Gordon, and it was in conſequence of what they had threatened, that he came to the top of the gallery ſtairs, and deſired the populace to be quiet, and to truſt to the goodneſs of their cauſe, and to his Majeſty's clemency and juſtice.

While his Lordſhip was making his ſecond ſpeech, one of his relations, General Grant, came behind him, and by a gentle violence endeavoured to draw him back into the Houſe, and [...]aid to him, "O Lord George, Lord George! for God's ſake, Lord George! do not lead theſe poor people into any danger."—His Lordſhip, however, made the General no anſwer, but continued [21] his harangue—"You ſee, ſaid he, in this effort to perſuade me from my duty, before your eyes, an inſtance of the difficulties I have to encounter with from ſuch wiſe men of this world as my honourable friend behind my back."

Alderman Sawbridge and others endeavoured to perſuade the people to clear the lobby, but to no purpoſe; and about nine o'clock, different Members conjured them in the moſt earneſt and pathetic manner to diſperſe, informing them at the ſame time of their danger, and of the reſolution that was taken to ſend for the Guards. The young gentleman, the Aſſiſtant to the Chaplain of the Houſe of Commons, addreſſed them, but gained nothing except curſes, and "You be damned! Lord George Gordon forever!" ſoon after this, a party of Horſe and Foot Guards arrived. Juſtice Addington was at the head of the Horſe, and was received with a volley of hiſſes; but on his aſſuring the people that his diſpoſition towards them was perfectly peaceable, and that he would order the ſoldiers away, if they would give their honour to diſperſe, he gained their good will. Accordingly the Cavalry galloped off, and upwards of ſix hundred of the Petitioners, after giving the Magiſtrate three cheers, departed from thence.

The greateſt part of the day the attention of the Houſe of Commons had been taken up in [22] debates concerning the Mob. When they had obtained ſome degree of order, Lord George introduced his buſineſs with informing them, that he had before him a Petition Vide Note F.ſigned by near one hundred and twenty thouſand of his Majeſty's Proteſtant ſubjects, praying "A Repeal of the Act paſſed the laſt Seſſion in favour of the Roman Catholics," and moved to have the ſaid Petition brought up.

Mr. Alderman Bull ſeconded the motion, and leave was accordingly given.

Having brought up the Petition, his Lordſhip then moved to have it taken into immediate conſideration, and was again ſeconded by Mr. Alderman Bull.

After ſome debate, the Houſe divided, and there appeared ſix for the Petition, and one hundred and ninety-two againſt it. Soon after this the Houſe adjourned, and the mob having diſperſed from the avenues of both Houſes, the Guards were ordered home.

But though order and tranquility were re-eſtabliſhed in this part of the town, it was far otherwiſe elſewhere. The Mob had paraded off in different diviſions from Palace Yard, and (whether inſtigated by religious phrenzy or deſigning men, time alone can diſcover) as a prelude to the horrid [23] devaſtations which were to follow, went ſome of them to the Romiſh Chapel in Duke-ſtreet, Lincoln's Inn-fields, and others to that in Warwick-ſtreet, Golden-ſquare, both of which they in a great meaſure demoliſhed. The military were ſent for with the utmoſt expedition to both places, but could not arrive time enough at either to prevent the miſchiefs. Thoſe who had the command of the military were very cautious of proceeding to extremities, much ſcuffling enſued, and ſome few were ſlightly wounded with the bayonets. Thirteen of the rioters were taken, and the mob, for that night, diſperſed without any farther miſchief.

The concluſion of this evening's diſturbance may be ſaid, to be only the beginning of thoſe dreadful ſcenes of deſolation which have ſince enſued; and which when the perpetrators are long ſunk into oblivion, ſhall be recorded as ſome of the moſt unparalleled and daring outrages hiſtory can furniſh.

The riots which were ſo alarming on Friday evening partly ſubſided on the Saturday, and the peaceable part of the inhabitants imagined it was nothing more than the intemperate fury of a few miſguided zealots, aſſiſted by thoſe miſcreants, who always mingle with the mob, whoſe trade is plunder, and who are therefore continually active in all ſcenes where tumult and [24] anarchy prevail. But this was by no means the caſe, for on Sunday in the afternoon, the rioters aſſembled in large bodies, and attacked the chapels and dwelling-houſes of the Catholics in and about Moorfields. They ſtript their houſes of furniture, and their chapels not only of the ornaments and inſignia of religion, but tore up the altars, pulpits, pews, and benches, and made huge fires of them, leaving nothing but the bare walls, and in many places not even them. They publicly avowed their intention to root out Popery, to releaſe thoſe who had been confined in Newgate for their proceedings at the Sardinian and Warwick ſtreet chapels on Friday, to pull down the houſes of the juſtices who committed them, and the perſons who gave evidence againſt them likewiſe.

On Monday the mobs collected again, and became more formidable. They began to put their threats in execution in different quarters of the town. Some paraded with the reliques of havock, which they collected in Moorfields, as far as Lord George Gordon's houſe, in Welbeck-ſtreet, and afterwards burnt them in the adjacent fields. Another party went to Virginialane, Wapping, and a third to N [...]ghtingale-lane, Faſt Smithfield, where they ſeverally deſtroyed the Catholic Chapels, and committed other outrages. They ſeemed to have been marſhalled [25] out, and different bodies diſpatched on theſe infernal errands. Mr. Rainsforth, tallow-chandler, of Stanhope-ſtreet, Clare-market, and Mr. Maberly of Little Queen-ſtreet, Lincoln's Innfields, who had appeared as evidences on the examination of thoſe who had been committed, had each of them their houſes, ſhops, &c. ſtript, or as they wantonly termed it, gutted, and the contents committed to the flames. Sir George Savile's houſe in Leiceſter-fields underwent the ſame fate, his crime was preparing and bringing the bill into Parliament in favour of the Catholics. Happily for Sir George he had prudently removed his plate and ſome of the moſt valuable of his furniture, and other effects, in a private manner.

This day alſo, which was held as the Anniverſary of the King's birth-day, a Proclamation was iſſued, promiſing a reward of five hundred pounds, to thoſe who would make diſcovery of the perſon or perſons concerned in demoliſhing and ſetting fire to the Sardinian and Bavarian Chapels. The perſons formerly apprehended, too, were re-examined, and ſome were diſcharged, while others were ordered to Newgate, whither they were eſcorted by a party of the Guards, whom, on their return, the mob had the inſolence to pelt. One of the ſoldiers who had been hurt by a ſtone, turned and preſented his piece; but the commanding officer [26] humanely ordered him not to fire; and the ſoldiers were obliged to make a haſty retreat.

All ranks of people began to be exceedingly terrified at the lawleſs proceedings of this day; and numbers put blue cockades in their hats, (although it might now be ſaid to be the enſign of rebellion,) on purpoſe to avoid perſonal injury and inſult.

We now come to that period of deſolation and deſtruction, when every man began to tremble, not only for the ſafety of the city, but for the conſtitution, for the kingdom, for property, liberty and life, for every thing that is dear to ſociety, or to Engliſhmen.

On Tueſday all the military in town were ordered on duty at the Tower, both Houſes of Parliament, St. James's, St. George's Fields, &c. during the day. Notwithſtanding every precaution, Lord Sandwich was wounded in attempting to go down to the Parliament Houſe to attend his duty, his carriage demoliſhed, and himſelf reſcued by the military with difficulty. The houſe of Lord North was attacked, and only preſerved by the exertion of a party of Light Horſe, who rode over, and wounded with their ſwords, ſeveral of the aſſailants.

About ſix in the evening one party went to the houſe of Juſtice Hyde, near Leiceſter Fields, [27] which they deſtroyed in leſs than an hour; another, ſhortly after, paraded through Long Acre, down Holborn, &c. till they came to Newgate, and publicly declared they would go and releaſe the onfined Rioters. When they arrived at the doors of the priſon, they demanded of Mr. Akerman the keeper, to have their comrades immediately delivered up to them; and upon his perſiſting to do his duty, by refuſing, they began ſome to break the windows, ſome to batter the doors and entrances into the cells, with pick-axes and ſledge-hammers, others with ladders to climb the vaſt walls, while others collected firebrands, and whatever combuſtibles they could find, and flung into his dwelling houſe. What contributed more than any thing to the ſpreading of the flames, was the great quantity of houſehold furniture belonging to Mr. Akerman, which they threw out of the windows, piled up againſt the doors, and ſet fire to; the force of which preſently communicated to the houſe, from the houſe to the chapel, and from thence by the aſſiſtance of the Mob, all through the priſon. A party of Conſtables, nearly to the amount of a hundred, came to the aſſiſtance of the keeper; theſe the Mob made a lane for, and ſuffered to paſs till they were entirely encircled, when they attacked them with great fury, broke their ſtaffs, and converted them into brands, which they hurled about wherever the fire, which was ſpreading very faſt, had not caught. It is [28] almoſt incredible to think that it were poſſible to deſtroy a building of ſuch amazing ſtrength and extent, with ſo much ſwiftneſs as they accompliſhed this. As ſoon as the flames had deſtroyed Mr. Akerman's houſe, which was part of Newgate, and were communicated to the wards and cells, all the priſoners, to the amount of three hundred, among whom were four under ſentence of death, and ordered for execution on the Thurſday following, were releaſed. The activity of the Mob was in this inſtance, as well as every other, amazing. They dragged out the priſoners, many of them, by the hair of the head, by the legs or arms, or whatever part they could lay hold of: They broke open the doors of the different entrances, as eaſily as if they had all their lives been acquainted with the intricacies of the place, to let the confined eſcape. Great numbers were let out at the door that leads to the Seſſion's Houſe; and ſo well planned were all the manoeuvres of theſe deſperate ruffians, that they had placed centinels at the avenues, to prevent any of the priſoners from being conveyed to other jails. Thus was the ſtrongeſt and moſt durable priſon in England, that had been newly erected, and was not yet finiſhed, and in the building of which the nation had expended immenſe ſums demoliſhed, the bare walls excepted, which were too thick and ſtrong to yield to the force of ſire, in the ſpace of a few hours.

[29] Even this was but a moiety of the miſchief of this terrible night. Not ſatiated with the deſtruction of this great building, a party was ſent among the Catholics in Devonſhire-ſtreet, Red Lion-ſquare; another to the houſe of Juſtice Cox in Great Queen-ſtreet, which was ſoon deſtroyed; a third broke open the doors of the New Priſon, Clerkenwell, and turned out all the confined; a fourth deſtroyed the furniture and effects, writings, &c. of Sir John Fielding; and a fifth deſperate and infernal gang went to the elegant houſe of Lord Mansfield, in Bloomſbury-ſquare, which they, with the moſt unrelenting fury, ſet fire to and conſumed. The loſs here was immenſe, both to Lord Mansfield as an individual, and to the public. A moſt valuable collection of pictures, ſome of the ſcarceſt manuſcripts ſaid to be in the poſſeſſion of any private perſon in the world, with all his Lordſhip's notes on great law caſes, and the conſtitution of England, were all ſacrificed by madmen and villains; and Lord and Lady Mansfield were with difficulty preſerved from their rage, by making their eſcape through a back door, a few minutes before theſe miſcreants broke in and took poſſeſſion of the houſe. The military was ſent for, but arrived too late; they were obliged, however, to fire in their own defence, and ſix men and a woman were killed, and ſeveral wounded. Not contented with the havock and deſtruction they had been guilty of [30] in Bloomſbury, they went from thence to his Lordſhip's country ſeat at Caen Wood, which would certainly have ſhared the ſame fate, had not they been repelled by a party of Horſe which had been ſent thither for the preſervation of this delightful place. The inhabitants were obliged this night to illuminate their windows.

It is impoſſible to give any adequate deſcription of the events of Wedneſday. Notice was ſent round to the public priſons of the King's Bench, Fleet, &c. by the Mob, at what time they would come and burn them down. The ſame kind of infernal humanity was exerciſed towards Mr. Langdale, a diſtiller in Holborn, and ſeveral other Romiſh individuals. Three boys went through the ſtreets, and in particular down Holborn, in the middle of the day, with iron bars, got from the railing before Lord Mansfield's houſe, extorting money at every ſhop huzzaing and ſhouting, "No Popery!" and though numbers were paſſing and repaſſing, the inhabitants durſt not refuſe them money; nor durſt any body attempt to ſecure them, to have them puniſhed. Small parties of the like daring nature were formed in other parts, and the whole city was laid under contribution. One man in particular was mounted on horſeback, and refuſed to take any thing but gold. Two men in the broad day, not contented with the former miſchief, got into Mr. Mabberly's houſe in Queen-ſtreet, and [31] ſtaid for upwards of an hour knocking down the wainſcoting, and every bit of wood work they could, with ſafety to themſelves; and though a great many peaceable well dreſſed people looked on, no one moleſted them. In the afternoon all the ſhops were ſhut, and bits of blue ſilk, by way of flags, hung out at moſt houſes, with the words, "No Popery," chalked on the doors and window ſhutters, by way of deprecating the fury of the inſurgents, from which no perſon thought himſelf ſecure.

As ſoon as the day was drawing towards a cloſe, one of the moſt awful and dreadful ſpectacles this country ever beheld was exhibited. The mob had not only declared their reſolution of firing the priſons, and ſome private houſes, but had avowed their intention to deſtroy the Bank, Gray's Inn, Temple, Lincoln's Inn, the Grand Arſenal at Woolwich, and Royal Palaces. A univerſal ſtupor had ſeized the minds of men: They looked at one another, and waited with a reſigned conſternation for the events which were to follow. Government indeed had exerted itſelf to the utmoſt, as far as their power, under the direction of the civil magiſtrate, would extend. Now, however, it was become neceſſary to make uſe of the royal prerogative, and give diſcretionary powers to the military. Nothing could convey a more awful idea of the miſchief which was dreaded, than the ſtrong guard which [32] was placed in the Royal Exchange for the protection of the Bank, as nothing perhaps could have equalled the national deſolation, had the diabolical purpoſes of the inſurgents upon this place ſucceeded. Beſides this, ſoldiers were diſtributed at Guildhall, in the Inns of Court, in almoſt every place tenable as a fortification, and in ſome private houſes; and the cannon was diſpoſed to the beſt advantage in the Park.

With minds thus prediſpoſed to terror by ſo many objects of devaſtation, and in a city which but a few days before enjoyed the moſt perfect tranquility, let thoſe who were not ſpectators judge what the inhabitants felt when they beheld at the ſame inſtant the flames aſcending and rolling in vaſt and voluminous clouds from the King's Bench and Fleet Priſons, from New Bridewell, from the Toll gates on Blackfriars Bridge, from houſes in every quarter of the town, and particularly from the bottom and middle of Holborn, where the conflagration was horrible beyond deſcription. The houſes that were firſt ſet on fire at this laſt mentioned place, both belonged to Mr. Langdale, an eminent diſtiller, and contained immenſe quantities of ſpirituous liquors. It is eaſy to conceive what fury theſe would add to the flames; but to form an adequate idea of the diſtreſs of the neighbouring inhabitants, or indeed of the inhabitants in every part of the city, is not ſo eaſy. [33] Men, women, and children were running up and down with beds, glaſſes, bundles, or whatever they wiſhed moſt to preſerve. In ſtreets where there were no fires, numbers were removing their goods and effects at midnight. The tremendous roar of the inſatiate and innumerable fiends who were the authors of theſe horrible ſcenes, was heard at one inſtant, and at the next the dreadful report of ſoldiers muſkets, as if firing in platoons, and at various places; in ſhort, every thing which could impreſs the mind with ideas of univerſal anarchy, and approaching deſolation, ſeemed to be accumulating. Sleep and reſt were things not thought of; the ſtreets were ſwarming with people, and uproar, confuſion, and terror reigned in every part.

It is hardly poſſible to collect, in one point of view, the havock of this night; had half the miſchief the Mob had threatened been effected, nothing leſs than national bankruptcy and deſtruction could have enſued: that they were prevented at thoſe places, on the ſafety of which the very exiſtence of the empire might be ſaid to depend, was owing not to their want of will but power, and to the exertion of Government. They made two attempts upon the Bank; but were ſo much intimidated by the ſtrength with which they beheld it guarded, that their attacks were but feebly conducted. They were led on to the firſt by a brewer's ſervant on horſeback, who [34] had decorated his horſe with the chains of Newgate; but were repulſed at the firſt fire from the Military, and their ſecond ſucceeded no better. They made an effort to break into the Pay Office likewiſe, and met the ſame fate. Several of them fell in theſe ſkirmiſhes, and many more were wounded, as the importance of theſe places made it neceſſary to ſhew but little lenity.

The Regulars and Militia had poured in ſo faſt, in conſequence of the expreſſes diſpatched for that purpoſe, that the citizens on Thurſday began to recover from a conſternation in which many of them, eſpecially thoſe whoſe duty it was to have taken the moſt active part poſſible, had been diſgracefully ſtupified. They were, however, ſo thoroughly alarmed, and ſo much affected by the depredations they beheld on every ſide, that the ſhops were univerſally ſhut from Tyburn to Whitechapel, and no buſineſs of any kind, except at the Bank, was tranſacted; and here, the run, inſtead of being greater than ordinary, was near 80,000l. leſs, a proof that the arrival of the troops had quieted their fears.

It is impoſſible to aſcertain the number of unhappy and deluded wretches who loſt their lives on the laſt dreadful night; but it is a conſolation that very few innocent people, or people of credit, a Banker's Clerk excepted, were among the killed. The eſcape of one young lad, though [35] perhaps he might not deſerve ſo good a fate, merits, from its ſingularity, a place in this Narration. While the Fleet Priſon was burning, the Mob had the audacity, notwithſtanding the preſence of the Military, to cut the p [...]pes from, and toſs into the flames, a large engine which had been brought to play upon the contiguous buildings. The ſoldiers were thereupon ordered to diſperſe them. Among others, there were four people ſeated upon the roof of the Market-houſe, who refuſed to obey the Military, and who were therefore ordered to fire. The diſcharge of the muſkets came from three directions, in the front, and at each ſide, ſo that it ſeemed impoſſible for any one to eſcape, and for a conſiderable time they all four lay dead, as was ſuppoſed. At length, however, one of them was obſerved to raiſe his head a little, and inſtantly clap it down and lay ſtill again; he repeated this manoeuvre two or three times, till at laſt he ventured to ſlide down, and ran away with great celerity. He was by far the genteeleſt in appearance of the four. The three were ſhot dead at the inſtant, and two were on one ſide of him, and one on the other. One of the dead was a chimney-ſweeper, about ſixteen years old, and had forty guineas in his pockets.

The toll-gates at Black friars appear to have been burnt for the ſake of the plunder: there were ſome lives loſt there too, and one man who was [36] ſhot, ran thirty or forty yards before he dropped, as appears by the blood which may be traced in plaſhes on the pavement.

But powder and ball do not ſeem to have been ſo fatal to them as their own inordinate appetites. Numbers, it is ſaid, and at various places, died with inebriation, eſpecially at the diſtilleries of the unfortunate Mr. Langdale, from whoſe veſſels the liquor ran down the middle of the ſtreet, was taken up by pailfuls, and held to the mouths of the beſotted multitude; many of whom killed themſelves with drinking non-rectified ſpirits, and were burnt or buried in the ruins. Eight or nine of theſe miſerable wretches have been found and dragged out. (I) The ſame ſcenes of beaſtly drunkenneſs happened in many other places; at Mr. Cox's, at Lord Mansfield's, where an ill-looking fellow, about nineteen, that was wounded, and had his hair clotted with blood, was too drunk, at one o'clock the next day, to be made ſenſible; at Newgate likewiſe many of them had made ſo free with the liquor that they could not get away, and were burnt in the cells. In the ſtreets men were lying upon bulks and ſtalls, and at the doors of empty houſes, drunk to a ſtate of inſenſibility, and to a contempt of danger: boys and women were in the ſame condition, and many of the latter with infants in their arms.

[37] There were ſix and thirty (K) fires all blazing at one time, and all to be ſeen from one ſpot, made from the furniture of the inhabitants, and the wrecks of their houſes in and about the neighbourhood of Queen-ſtreet and little Ruſſel-ſtreet, Bloomſbury. A perſon who ſtood and beheld this ſcene with horror, ſaid to the Officer who was there with a party of ſoldiers, that he thought a deal of the miſchief might be prevented, as the perpetrators appeared chiefly to be boys. This diſcourſe was overheard by another perſon, a well dreſſed decent-looking man, who damned the ſpeaker's blood and bade him get home to bed.

But tho' centinels were poſted at every avenue, and every ſhop was ſhut, tho' the whole city had the appearance of a place that every moment expected to be ſtormed, and was ſo well defended that nothing leſs than a regular army could have endangered it, yet the inhabitants could by no means perſuade themſelves they were entirely ſecure. Not only were their doors all ſcrawled with chalk, intimating that they were no Papiſts, and their windows decorated with blue flags or ribbands, but the very Jews, in Houndſditch and Duke's Place, were ſo terrified that they followed the general example, and, unintentionally, gave an air of ridicule to what they underſtood in a very ſerious light, by writing [38] on their ſhutters, "This houſe is a true Proteſtant."

The Military were exceedingly active all the day, and ſecured great numbers of the diſorderly; fifty were taken in the Cells of Newgate attempting to rekindle the fire in thoſe few parts, which on account of the vaſt extent of the building, had not been totally deſtroyed. It is remarkable that ſeveral of the priſoners who had been releaſed by the mob, had ſo great an affection for thoſe ſcenes to which they had been long accuſtomed, that they could not forbear loitering about the Cells, and coming to view them, and were accordingly retaken. Many others were found ſauntering near their old haunts in Cloth Fair, Black Boy Alley, Gravel Lane, &c. by the thieftakers, and re-committed by the magiſtrates. Every hour brought intelligence of the apprehending of ſome of the inſurgents, as all ſuſpicious perſons were examined, and all hackneycoaches, ſtages, and other vehicles, ſearched. An attack was this day made upon the Marſhalſea Priſon by the Rioters, but they were repelled.

No ſooner were the diſtreſſed citizens relieved in part from one fear, than they were invaded by another. They beheld, as before related, the Royal Exchange, the Bank, the Inns of Court, every place in the poſſeſſion of an armed force. Their lives and property were the [39] moment before at the mercy of a lawleſs and unprincipled rabble. Their rights, their liberties, the conſtitution of England, objects of ſtill greater conſequence, dearer even than life and property, were now at the diſpoſal of the Court. In ſuch colours, however, did the unuſual objects which every where met their eyes paint things to their imaginations They ſaw ſoldiers, without the leaſt ceremony, ſtop whoever they pleaſed, and no one durſt reſiſt: they were ſenſible of the neceſſity and propriety of ſuch meaſures, yet ſighed at that neceſſity, and trembled for their freedom. Thoſe virtuous citizens, who held their country and their laws ſuperior to every thing, who reflected on and rejoiced at the bleſſings of liberty, and groaned at the appearance only of deſpotiſm, had their terrors greatly increaſed at a report, which every where prevailed, that Martial Law was proclaimed. The following was the occaſion of the report.

LONDON. By the KING. A PROCLAMATION.

GEORGE R.

WHEREAS a great number of diſorderly perſons have aſſembled themſelves together in a riotous and tumultuous manner, and have been guilty of many acts of treaſon and rebellion, [40] having made an aſſault on the goal of Newgate, ſet looſe the priſoners confined therein, and ſet fire to and deſtroyed the ſaid priſon: and whereas houſes are now pulling down in ſeveral parts of our cities of London and Weſtminſter, and liberties thereof, and fires kindled for conſuming the materials and furniture of the ſame, whereby it is become abſolutely neceſſary to uſe the moſt effectual means to quiet ſuch diſturbances, to preſerve the lives and properties of individuals, and to reſtore the peace of the country: we therefore, taking the ſame into our moſt ſerious conſideration, have thought fit, by and with the advice of our Privy Council, to iſſue this our royal proclamation, hereby ſtrictly charging and exhorting all our loving ſubjects to preſerve the peace, and to keep themſelves, their ſervants and apprentices, quietly within their reſpective dwellings, to the end that all well diſpoſed perſons may avoid thoſe miſchiefs which the continuance of ſuch riotous proceedings may bring upon the guilty. And as it is neceſſary, from the circumſtances before-mentioned, to employ the military force, with which we are by law intruſted, for the immediate ſuppreſſion of ſuch rebellious and traitorous attempts, now making againſt the peace and dignity of our crown, and the ſafety of the lives and properties of our ſubjects, we have therefore iſſued the moſt direct and effectual orders to all our officers, by an immediate exertion of their [41] utmoſt force to repreſs the ſame, of which all perſons are to take notice.

God ſave the King.

Convinced as they were that it was unavoidable, there was not a word in the latter part of the above Proclamation that did not carry a wound to the heart of every thinking and virtuous Engliſhman. Martial Law was not, it is true, immediately and rigorouſly enforced, they did not hang delinquents in the ſtreets without form or proceſs *, but they had diſcretionary powers to bayonet or ſhoot. No abuſe of theſe aſſumed and delegated powers had been exhibited; but the poſſibility of abuſe, the being but an hour under the controul of a Military Force, was humiliating, derogatory, and alarming. (L)

While an exact ſtate of the fears of all good patriots is related, it is but juſtice to give Government praiſe for the proper uſe they made of the power they were thus obliged to uſurp. No part of their conduct reflects greater honour on [42] them than the publication of the following hand-bill, if it were done by their direction, which was generally underſtood. Numerous copies of them were given away on Thurſday, and the whole tenor of it ſufficiently juſtifies what has been aſſerted, and what moſt aſſuredly was ſeverely felt, and ſeriouſly thought upon, viz. that the Conſtitution was endangered.

"Whereas ſome ill-deſigning and malicious perſons have publiſhed, for the purpoſe of diſquieting the minds of his Majeſty's faithful ſubjects That it is intended to try the priſoners, now in cuſtody, by martial law; Notice is given, by authority, that no ſuch purpoſe or intention has ever been in the contemplation of government; but that the ſaid priſoners will be tried by the due courſe of law, as expeditiouſly as may be."

This account of the public attention to their rights is neceſſarily a part of the Narrative; and is, beſides, due to thoſe who, in times of tumult and diſorder like theſe ſpoken of, had fortitude and virtue enough not to be ſo embarraſſed as to forget that which conſtitutes the greateſt beſſing upon earth. It affords this inſtructive leſſon likewiſe: that it is the duty of good citizens, who have a real, and not merely a verbal love for their country and freedom, to think ſeriouſly of eſtabliſhing that kind of police which ſhall [43] enable them to defend themſelves, without the aid of powers which may, ſometimes, be turned to their deſtruction.

Another very proper hand-bill was circulated, and which it is probable was done by the Proteſtant Aſſociation. The following is a copy.

IT is earneſtly requeſted of all peaceable and well-diſpoſed perſons, (as well Proteſtants aſſociated as others) that they will abſtain from wearing BLUE COCKADES, as theſe enſigns are now aſſumed by a ſet of miſcreants, whoſe purpoſe it is to burn this city, and plunder its inhabitants; and who wiſh, by diſtributing amongſt better-diſpoſed perſons, and prevailing on them to wear theſe marks and diſtinctions, to ſcreen themſelves from the deteſtation and puniſhment due to their enormous crimes.

And it is farther recommended to all tradeſmen and maſters of families, not to employ or retain in their ſervice any perſons who diſtinguiſh themſelves by wearing blue cockades.

It is now time to relate another part of the buſineſs, which has claimed the attention of ſome politicians who pretend to ſee farther into latent cauſes than the bulk of the people.

[44] The miſchief which had been perpetrated, and that which was evidently intended, were of ſo black an aſpect, and involved ſo entirely the deſtruction of the empire, that the moſt diſpaſſionate, and thoſe who were leaſt liable to be perverted by idle conjecture, could not help ſometimes thinking they ſaw a wicked head directing the violent and rude hands of the mob. The univerſal deſtruction of the priſons was a vaſt project; but ſuch a one as was not altogether improbable to be a favourite ſcheme with a lawleſs rabble. Hiſtory furniſhes examples of the like. But no hiſtory can parallel the depth of their ſchemes upon the Bank, the Treaſury, and the demolition of the water-works, thereby to prevent the extinguiſhing any conflagration they had begun; and that theſe ſchemes were not the chimeras of fear, were evident. A ſtrong guard was ſent to the New River head, and continued there on conſtant duty. Excluſive of theſe, the grand Arſenal at Woolwich, the Manſion Houſe, the Inns of Court, and many other places of the greateſt national concern, were devoted, and there was ſcarce a perſon on the Thurſday but was unanimous in ſuppoſing the deſolation of the city and country was intended. Another handbill, beſides thoſe already inſerted, was diſtributed, which perhaps might take its riſe from the general opinion; but which, however, tended to give that opinion ſtrength. It was as follows:

[45]

NO FRENCH RIOTERS.

This is to give notice, that it now appears, that the horrible Riots which have been committed in this city have been promoted by French money, and to call upon all honeſt men to ſtand forth againſt Rioters, who under the cloak of Religion, are wantonly deſtroying our property, and endeavouring to overſet our happy conſtitution. If the French are ſuffered by theſe means to prevail, Popery will certainly be introduced, which we have no reaſon to fear from a Britiſh Parliament.

Still farther to confirm theſe conjectures, the Newſpapers of Friday gave accounts of louiſd'ors being found upon ſome of the Rioters who had been killed or taken; and what at laſt entirely gave it credit, was the apprehending, examination, and commitment of Lord GEORGE GORDON. He was conducted to the Tower on Friday evening, under a remarkably ſtrong guard, ſaid to be far the moſt numerous that ever eſcorted a State Priſoner. A large party of infantry was in the front. His Lordſhip followed in a coach, in which were two officers. Two ſoldiers rode behind the coach, which was immediately followed by General Carpenter's regiment of dragoons. After this, came a Colonel's guard of the Foot Guards; and a ſtrong party of Militia marched on each ſide of the carriage.

[46] This tranſaction rung through London, and ſo entirely was he deemed the original Author, and promoter of the Riots, that few were found to pity him. A thouſand ſurmiſes were circulated, ſuch as, `whether religion, avarice, or ambition, was the motive that had prompted him in the action, whether France, (M) or any foreign powers had been abettors; and others of the like nature, equally, at preſent, vague and indeterminate. This much however, ought in juſtice to Lord George to be obſerved, that it is apparent from what has hitherto tranſpired, that he has been actuated rather by a wrong head, than a wicked heart. No better account of the whole affair for the preſent than the following, which is copied from the public prints, can be procured.

The circumſtance that firſt induced the Members of Adminiſtration to turn their thoughts towards taking the Noble Patron of the Proteſtant Rioters into cuſtody, is ſaid to be this—Lord George, in the heat of his too ſucceſsful enthuſiaſm, wrote a letter, which he ſent for inſertion to the conductor of a Morning Publication, addreſſed to his religious Aſſociates, wherein he recommended them to nouriſh the noble ſpirit that had ſo laudably taken poſſeſſion of them, and told them that he did not in the ſmalleſt degree doubt that an unlimited compliance with all their requiſitions would be the undoubted conſequence of their perſeverance. He at the [47] ſame time indeed annexed a kind of exhortation for the preſervation of peace and good order; but as this concluding ſuggeſtion was too repugnant to the general tenour of the epiſtle, and alſo far too faintly urged to produce an adequate effect, the Printer very judiciouſly deemed it the beſt ſtep he could take for the welfare and quiet of his country, to ſend the Copy of this Letter to Government, which he accordingly did, in a note addreſſed to Lord Hillſborough. His Lordſhip, immediately on the receipt of the Letter, cauſed a Council to be convened, before whom he produced it. The unanimous opinion they held upon it was, that it was of a very inflammatory tendency, and that the Author was undoubtedly amenable to the laws, as the Promoter of a traitorous and unconſtitutional ſedition. As a farther ſanction, however, for the meaſures they intended to adopt towards him an order was immediately iſſued to the Poſt Office, enjoining all letters franked G. Gordon, to whatever quarter they might be addreſſed, to be from that time detained, and tranſmitted to the office of one of the Secretaries of State. In conſequence of this mandate, ſeveral letters, written by the deluded young Nobleman were ſtopped, and afterwards laid before the Cabinet. Moſt of theſe were directed to Scotland, and were replete with obſervations equally ſubverſive of order, religion, and liberty. He gave a faithful narrative of the tranſactions which had taken [48] place in the Metropolis; and inſtead of accompanying the relation with thoſe expreſſions of horror and diſapprobation which muſt have actuated every good and well-diſpoſed citizen, he ſeemed rather to exult in the event, as nothing pervaded theſe epiſtles but rapturous encomiums on the "glorious cauſe," and extravagant panegyrics on the noble ſpirit diſplayed by his Brethren in the defence of it. The uniform tendency of all theſe different letters ſufficiently determined the Cabinet as to the propriety, and indeed neceſſity, of making the Author of them priſoner; and orders were immediately given for that purpoſe. He was firſt brought before the Council aſſembled at St. James's, where he was examined concerning the purport of his various epiſtles, and particularly interrogated as to the nature of his own deſigns and motives in writing them. He diſclaimed all intentions of violating the public peace, and expreſſed the warmeſt attachment for the love of his country, but at the ſame time vindicated his adherence to the cauſe he was concerned in with aſtoniſhing ability and reſolution. To the queſtion, however, which was frequently and forcibly put, by different members of the Cabinet, how he could ſo far forget his dignity, as an immediate deſcendant of one of the firſt families of his country, and alſo a legiſlator of England, as to unite with a ſet of the loweſt men in the kingdom, and to be inſtrumental in producing the ſhocking [49] diſorders and irreparable injuries which had taken place? he only ſeverally replied, "That he had not foreſeen thoſe effects in all the degrees to which they had extended; that he did not mean them; and was ſorry for them." But againſt this i [...] was urged, "Why did he, in all his letters, convey an implied approbation of theſe diſturbances, if ſuch was his diſpoſition of mind as he there repreſented?" His Lordſhip made no good anſwer to this obſervation. After he had undergone an examination of upwards of an hour at St. James's, he was taken to the Horſe Guards, where Lord Amherſt ſat in his capacity of Commander in Chief, and proceeded to a farther ſcrutiny into this dark and diabolical buſineſs. Here more teſtimony appeared; ſeveral perſons were brought who ſwore to certain expreſſions of a moſt inflammatory tendency indeed, which had been uſed by his Lordſhip on the day when the petition was originally preſented to the Houſe of Commons; his haranguing the Mob from the lobby of the Houſe was dwelt upon, and his expreſſions with reſpect to Mr. Burke particularly ſworn to. His preparations for an immediate departure into Scotland, as ſoon as ever the poſſibility of farther miſchief was precluded by the interpoſition of the military, was alſo proved as a collateral corroboration of the nature of his views; and about eight o'clock his examination finally cloſed, with a full conviction on the minds of the auditors, that [50] "his Lordſhip had been principally inſtrumental in convening the riotous multitude, which had for ſix ſeveral days and nights infeſted the ſtreets of the metropolis, and that he had been by his ſpeeches, &c. abetting in producing the great and irreparable miſchief to his Majeſty's loyal and faithful ſubjects, which had ſubſequently ariſen."—What his Lordſhip may have to urge in exculpation of this dreadful charge, on the day of trial, has not yet tranſpired; but it is hoped, for his own ſake, and for the ſake of the Honourable Family he ſprung from, that he will be able to make ſome defence againſt an imputation of ſo black and infamous a dye.

On the Thurſday, previous to the commitment of Lord George, both Houſes of Parliament had adjourned tothe Monday ſe'nnight, alledging that moſt truly conſtitutional reaſon, that it was impoſſible to tranſact Parliamentary buſineſs, while the military power ſuperceded the civil.

It now remains to collect ſuch circumſtances, which either eſcaped notice in the haſte with which this account was obliged to be drawn up, or which could not without injuring the narrative, have been inſerted in any other place, and which may ſerve to corroborate what has been before aſſerted, relative to the audacity and wickedneſs of the rioters. The account ſhall [51] then be cloſed with an abſtract or ſummary of the miſchiefs committed, that is, of the principal of them: a detail of the leſſer outrages, frauds, and impoſitions perpetrated at ſuch a time, and in ſo extenſive a place, is impoſſible to procure, and would be tedious to read, as well as relate.

On Wedneſday evening the Rev. B. Allen was robbed in the ſtreet, oppoſite Mr. Langdale's diſtillery, Holborn-bridge, between eight and nine o'clock by a gang of pick-pockets, ſome of whom forcibly held him whilſt his pockets were picked of a gold French made watch, ſeals, &c. a purſe with two guineas and a half, his keys, and other articles;—his pockets were turned inſide out. A perſon decently dreſſed held his cane, and returned it very civilly when the affair was over.

Three or four ſeveral times during the general conflagration at Mr. Langdale's, &c. a ſingle fellow, with a blue cockade and a bludgeon, demanded money for the gang, threatening thoſe who made the leaſt heſitation, in Bedfordrow, and the adjacent ſtreets; and ſo terrified were the inhabitants, his demands were complied with. But a ſtronger proof ſtill of the infatuation of the mob, who concluded they had effected the total ſubverſion of order, was the following. On Saturday, when every place was guarded, and all things peaceably ſettled in their former channel, a man had the temerity [52] to demand money, in the middle of the day, in Holborn. He, however, was preſently ſecured.

In the beginning of the week, the following inflammatory and execrable hand-bill was given away, at a houſe in Fleet-ſtreet, where a paper, calle The Scourge, of an infamous and libelous tendency, had been publiſhed:

ENGLAND in BLOOD.

On Thurſday morning the 8th inſt. at nine o'clock will be publiſhed, in one ſheet and a half, folio, price only three pence, by C. Thompſon, No. 159, Fleet-ſtreet,

The THUNDERER:

Addreſſed to Lord George Gordon, and the glorious Proteſtant Aſſociation; ſhewing the neceſſity of their perſevering and being united as One Man, againſt the infernal deſigns of the Miniſtry, to overturn the religious and civil liberties of this country in order to introduce Popery and Slavery.—In this paper will be given a full account of the bloody tyrannies, perſecutions, plots, and inhuman butcheries exerciſed on the profeſſors of the Proteſtant religion in England by the ſee of Rome, together with the names of the martyrs, and their ſufferings; highly neceſſary to be read at this important moment by every Engliſhman, who loves his God and his Country.—To which will be added, [53] ſome reaſons why the few miſguided people now in Confinement for deſtroying the R [...]m [...]h Chapels ſhould not ſuffer, and the dreadful conſequences of an attempt to bring them to puniſhment.

And on Saturday Mr. Moore and two boys were apprehended and committee [...]o ſeparate priſons, on ſuſpicion of writing, vending, &c. the bill and the paper adverti [...]ed in it.

The ſame day Mr. Fiſher, Secretary to the Proteſtant Aſſociation was taken to the [...]ower, examined by the Privy Council, and honourably diſmiſſed.

Many families in every part of the metropolis, left town during the inſurrection, at which time five guineas were refuſed for a chaiſe to go ten miles.

It would be wrong to forget the Armed Aſſociations, who turned out on Thurſday, though ſome have accuſed them of being very quiet and peaceable till the danger was all over.

No private man has ſuffered to ſo great an amount as Mr. Langdale, who has been ſo often mentioned, not only his furniture, houſes, and the utenſils of his diſtillery but an immenſe quantity of ſpirits were deſtroyed. His loſs [54] according to the account of one of his head clerks, is upwards of an hundred thouſand pounds. (N)

During the firſt days of the commotion, parties of ſoldiers were continually diſpatched to the aid of the Civil Magiſtrates, but theſe ſeem ſtrangely to have neglected their duty. The officers could not act of themſelves, and the ſoldiers, after being for ſome time tame ſpectators, might be ſaid to become accomplices; inſtead of diſperſing they ſhook hands, drank, and ſhouted with the mob; were aſked if they would fight againſt their countrymen and encourage Popery? to which the poor fellows, with a deal of honeſt ſimplicity, anſwered in the negative.

In conſequence of the complaint made by Lord Viſcount Beauchamp againſt the Lord Mayor, for inactivity during the late riots, and particularly during the time of the fire in Moorfields, the Lord Mayor was ordered to attend a meeting of the Privy Council, on Friday evening. Mr. Foley (Member of Parliament) who happened to be preſent alſo at the ſaid fire, and obſerved the conduct of the Lord Mayor, was ordered to give evidence upon this occaſion. After Lord Beauchamp had again ſtated his complaint, Mr. Foley was aſked whether the Lord Mayor had attempted to quell the riot, [55] diſperſe the rioters, &c.? to which Mr. y Fole anſwered, that, in his opinion, his Lordſhip appeared more like a ſpectator than a magiſtrate. The Lord Mayor, in his defence, ſaid, the rioters were ſo violent, and ſuch was his temerit, he thought death would be his potion. (O)

On Saturday the Court of Aldermen met at Guildhall, when the Lord Mayor gave the Court an account of his examination, before the Privy Council, and ſaid, with much apparent ſatisfaction, that he had got very well off. He ſeemed to have no pain at declaring he thought fear a very ſufficient excuſe for his want of activity.

The following is a ſummary of the Proceedings of the Rioters:

Friday, June 2. The Petition of the Proteſtant Aſſociators delivered, accompanied by upwards of 50,000 perſons.—Lords and Commons inſulted and maltreated, particularly Lord Boſton and the Biſhop of Lincoln.—The Maſs-houſes in Duke-ſtreet, Lincoln's-innfields, and Warwickſtreet, deſtroyed.

Saturday 3. Thirteen perſons taken up for the preceding night's riots, examined, and depoſed to by Meſſrs. Hyde, Rainsforth, Maberley, Clarke, &c. &c.—The Maſs-houſe [56] in Rope-maker's-alley attacked, but preſerved from being deſtroyed by the intervention of the Lord Mayor.

Monday 5. The rioters re-examined, and three committed to Newgate, by a party of ſoldiers, who were much inſulted by the populace in going to and returning from it.—I he above-mentioned Maſs-houſe in Moorfields, with a Catholic School, and ſeveral houſes adjoining (particularly that of a woman who kept a large Broker's ſhop in Wheeler-ſtreet), burnt down.—Another Popiſh School at Hoxton deſtroyed, together with two Maſs-houſes in Wapping and Eaſt Smithfield.—The houſes of Sir George Savile, in Leiceſter-fields, and Meſſrs. Rainsforth, in Stanhope-ſtreet, and Maberley, in Little Queenſtreet, gutted of their furniture, &c. which was burnt.

Tueſday 6. Lords and Commons (particularly Lord Sandwich) again ill-treated, in their way to the Houſes of Parliament, notwithſtanding they were ſurrounded by a large body of military.—Newgate deſtroyed, and all the priſoners releaſed.—The houſes of Lord Mansfield, Sir John Fielding, Juſtice Hyde and Wilmot, Meſſrs. Foſter, Neale, and Bevis, near Little Turnſtile, Holborn, Mr. Molloy, near Moorfields, Mr. Doughty, Devonſhire ſtreet, Red Lion Square, Mr. Cox, brewer, Great Queenſtreet, [2] Mr. Lyon, Bunhill-row, Mr. Charlton, Coleman ſtreet, and a pawnbroker's in Goldenlane, ſtripped of their furniture, and burnt.—The houſes in the City and Weſtminſter illuminated. The priſoners in New Priſon, Clerkenwell, releaſed.

Wedneſday 7. The priſoners in the Fleet employed all day in removing their goods, preparatory to its being burnt in the evening.—King's Bench Priſon burnt, with the houſes adjoining, after being previouſly evacuated by the priſoners, who were allowed to remove their effects.—The New Bridewell in St. George's Fields gutted, and all the materials and furniture deſtroyed.—The Toll-houſes on Blackfriarsbridge and gates burnt.—The houſes of Mr. Langdale the diſtiller, at Holborn-bridge, with eight others adjoining; three houſes belonging to Mr. Langdale with all the materials of his diſtillery nearly oppoſite Leather-lane, Holborn; three houſes in Whitecroſs-ſtreet; a maſs-houſe, and three other adjoining houſes in Eaſt-lane Rotherhithe, burnt. The houſes of Meſſ. Bullock, in Broad-ſtreet; Mollyner in the Poultry, and a houſe in Houndſditch, were all ſtript of their furniture, &c. which was burnt; as were alſo the watch houſes in Kent-ſtreet, and near St. George's church.

[58] Thurſday 8. Some diſturbances happened in the Borough in the forenoon, which were quelled by the military; but we do not hear that any property was deſtroyed; and in the afternoon, by the arrival of a large number of troops, both Horſe and Foot, which were ſtationed in different parts of both cities, the public tranquility was once more happily, and we truſt effectually reſtored.

ANECDOTES of the Life of LORD GEORGE GORDON. In juſtice to the author, it is mentioned that theſe anecdotes are by another perſon.

[59]

LORD George Gordon is third ſon to the late Duke of Gordon. He was born in London, about the year 1747 or 1748, and entered at an early age into the navy. He roſe to the rank of Lieutenant, and there, owing to ſome diſguſt or diſappointment, he gave up his commiſſion. His enemies take occaſion to ſay that he retired becauſe Lord Sandwich would not grant a very imprudent requeſt which he made for a ſhip, on the moment of his having procured a ſeat in the Houſe; they ſay that he threatened the Firſt Lord of the Admiralty, to throw himſelf into the arms of the Oppoſition if he did not comply with his demand, and on his Lordſhip's refuſal, that he actually did take a decided part againſt Miniſters, and by that means quarrelled with the Duke, his brother. His friends give a very different account of this buſineſs. They ſay, that from his earlieſt years he expreſſed a very zealous, if not a violent attachment to the Conſtitution of this country, and though of an amorous complexion, that he paid his court to her as his darling miſtreſs.—Having while a Midſhipman been in America, he had conceived a very particular affection for [60] the inhabitants, and when the ruinous meaſures were purſuing in Parliament, which terminated in the diſmemberment of the empire, he took a decided part againſt Miniſters from conviction, and not from diſappointment. Having done this, and thereby had a temporary diſagreement with the Duke, his brother, he had no reaſon to believe that Lord Sandwich would permit him to riſe in the way of his profeſſion; and he left a ſervice in which, in the preſent day of degeneracy and corruption, men riſe by intereſt, and not by merit.

No man had juſter pretenſions to independance, though few perhaps in the Houſe were poorer than Lord George Gordon. He has preſerved through life the moſt guarded and decent oeconomy, and with an income of between 7 and 800l. a year has maintained his integrity firm and inviolate, notwithſtanding the attacks which Miniſters have from time to time made upon it. One of their practices, his Lordſhip, with indignant ſpirit, publiſhed in the Houſe; Lord North, he ſaid, had been guilty of an infamous attempt to bribe him with a place of a 1000l. a year, to give up his ſeat in Parliament. This charge the Miniſter received with a diſtorted face; he denied that he had been guilty of an infamous attempt, but he never intended to diſprove the charge. This ſtory is differently told. It is ſaid that the Duke, his brother, made [61] application to the Miniſter for his place, and there were ſeveral interviews between them on the ſubject. The place was promiſed to his Lordſhip with the condition of his giving up his ſeat, and on this ground the treaty was broke off.

The part that his Lordſhip has taken in regard to the Proteſtant Aſſociation is too recent in the minds of men to require recapitulation. He did not take an active part in oppoſition to the Bill in favour of the Papiſts, at the time of its paſſing; becauſe, as his Lordſhip ſays, "he had not then become a ſpeaker." We are well aſſured that his Lordſhip had no idea of producing the dreadful conſequences that enſued from aſſembling the Aſſociation. He was well convinced, at the ſame time, that unleſs the Petition of the Proteſtants was ſtrengthened by an Aſſociation, there was no reaſon to apprehend that any regard would be paid to it. The meaſures which he adviſed and adopted, were founded on his knowledge of the venality of Parliament; and his worſt enemies muſt acknowledge that he has acted openly and candidly throughout the whole buſineſs. He gave the Houſe to underſtand that 150,000 men had determined to have the Act repealed; nay, he even proceeded ſo fairly, as to move in his place, that 100,000 ſtand of arms, firelocks, bayonets, and accoutrements might be tranſmitted to Scotland, to enable them to put themſelves in array [62] and accompliſh their purpoſe. The noble Lord has, through life, maintained the character of a facetious companion. He poſſeſſes a great fund of wit, and humour, and his temper is withal ſo ſweetened with the quality of good nature, that he has never been known to ſacrifice it at the ſhrine of ſatire. For the whole of this ſeaſon no man has been more univerſally attended to in the Houſe than his Lordſhip; and he has ſaid ſome of the ſevereſt, and at the ſame time the wittieſt things againſt both ſides of the Houſe, that have been uttered in St. Stephen's ſince the day of the celebrated Charles Townſhend: And ſhould his Lordſhip fall a ſacrifice to his zeal on the preſent occaſion, no man ever received a greater ſhare of public reſpect, than his Lordſhip will no doubt meet with.

Appendix A APPENDIX.

[]

Appendix A.1

Appendix A.1.1 NOTE (A).

MR. Thurloe (the preſent Lord Chancellor) ſpoke to the Bill. The purport of his ſpeech was, that though he did not mean to oppoſe it, he would recommend caution. He deſired they would conſider what principles the act of William and Mary had been formed upon, and thought the repeal of the penalties againſt Popiſh Prieſts exerciſing their function deſerved conſideration.

The Biſhop of Peterborough (in the upper Houſe) obſerved that the Bill ought to have been introduced at an earlier part of the ſeſſion, by which means the diſpoſition of the nation towards it might have been known; and that it was not only worthy their Lordſhips' attention to look into the real ſecurity of the Conſtitution, but to prevent alarms of imaginary danger with which ignorance and malice heretofore had kindled, and might again kindle flames which the authority of the law might find it difficult to extinguiſh.

Appendix A.1.2 NOTE (B).

THOUGH this pamphlet neither does, nor was intended to contain particulars of the Scotch Riots, yet one of the incendiary letters is ſo curious, on account of the art with which it is drawn up, and the ſpecimen of oeconomy it exhibits, that it is thought worthy to be preſented to the reader. It is as follows:

Men and Brethren,

Whoever ſhall find this letter will take it as a warning, to meet at Leith Wynd, on Wedneſday next in the [] evening, to pull down that pillar of Popery A Popiſh chapel.lately erected there.

A PROTESTANT.

P. S. Pleaſe to eaod this carefully, keep it clean, and drop it ſomewheoe elſe. For King and Country. UNITY.

The ſuperſcription on the back was, "To every Proteſtant, into whoſe hands this lette [...] ſhall come, greeting."

Appendix A.1.3 NOTE (C).

IT was this character which gave him a privilege to uſe language in the Houſe of Commons which the moſt violent ſeldom ventured to imitate:—"Will any Gentleman (ſaid he, in oppoſition to the Addreſs of 1778) anſwer that the people ſhall pay more taxes without a revolt at home? I mention the poſſibility of a revolt at home becauſe our Conſtituents have borne much already. They have been patient and long ſuffeing. A Popiſh chapel.They have had a ſucceſsful example in their fellow-ſubjects of America, who have revolted from the expenſive government of England to the protection of a wiſe and virtuous Congreſs. Yet I ſee no proſpect of a real change, for I do not hear that the people are about to chuſe a Congreſs, or to proclaim a Protector. When the people ſhew an inclination to demand redreſs, I will accompany them with the greateſt pleaſure. I am afraid I ſpeak too loud; ſo as to give an appearance of paſſion to what, I aſſure the Houſe, are my moſt deliberate ſentiments."—Vide Parliamentary Debates.

Appendix A.1.4 NOTE (D).

THE Biſhop is brother to the Lord Chancellor. Mr. Atkinſon, an attorney of Weſtminſter, gave him ſhelter in his houſe from the fury of the mob, and he eſcaped, after changing his dreſs, over the tops of houſes. The rage of the Rioters was in this, as in many other inſtances, unaccountable, as Mr. Thurloe was not a biſhop, therefore had no ſeat in Parliament, when tho Act paſſed, and his brother was one of thoſe few who rather diſcouraged than promoted its paſſing.

Appendix A.1.5 NOTE (E).

[]

SOME accounts ſay it was Colonel H [...]lroyd; but it is right to inform the reader, that, as no ſtrangers were admitted into the gallery of the Houſe of Commons on that day, nothing reſpecting ſuch converſations can be aſcertained. Theſe anecdotes have been related, and are not at all improbable.

Appendix A.1.6 NOTE (F).

Appendix A.1.6.1 The PETITION of the PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION.
To the Honourable the Commons of Great-Britain in Parliament aſſembled, The humble Petition of his Majeſty's loyal Proteſtant Subjects of the Cities of London and Weſtminſter.
Sheweth,

THAT your Petitioners, ſenſible of the many bleſſings which, as Proteſtants and Britons, they enjoy, cannot but be alarmed at an Act, paſſed in the 18th year of the reign of his preſent Majeſty, repealing certain penalties and diſabilities impoſed on the Papiſts by a ſtatute enacted in the 11th and 12th years of William III. for further preventing the growth of Popery.

That it is with the deepeſt concern they petition the Houſe againſt a law which has lately received the Royal Aſſent; but as this Act is ſo ſuddenly introduced, and ſo haſtily paſſed, before the ſenſe of the nation at large could be obtained, or any oppoſition formed againſt it, they are encouraged to hope that this application will not prove too late for redreſs.

That, notwithſtanding the late Act might be intended to repeal only detached parts of a ſingle ſtatute, your Petitioners conceive that it is an abſolute repeal of the moſt eſſential clauſes in that ſtatute, and will operate, virtually, to render thoſe Acts againſt the Papiſts that are yet unrepealed of no effect.

That your Petitioners apprehend that the Papiſts conſtrue the late indulgence of Parliament to be a toleration [] of Popery, as appears by the Maſs Houſes and Schools which they are opening throughout the Kingdom; and by their printing Popiſh books, and publicly expoſing them to ſale.

That Popiſh Biſhops, Prieſts, Jeſuits, and Schoolmaſters, now openly exerciſe their functions, whereby the people, eſpecially the riſing generation, are in danger of being led into ſuperſtition, idolatry, and rebellion.

That Papiſts can now purchaſe what lands, tenements, or hereditaments they pleaſe, and inherit the ſame; that they will, thereby, influence our elections in future Parliaments; and that this muſt tend to the deſtruction of our happy conſtitution.

That as Papiſts can now, by legal authority, confeſs the eccleſiaſtical, or ſpiritual juriſdiction of the Pope and See of Rome, which our laws, before the paſſing of the late Act, have conſtantly diſavowed; your Petitioners are very much alarmed, leſt they ſhould be involved in the guilt of perjury, when called to declare upon oath, "That no foreign Prince, Perſon, Prelate, State, or Potentate, hath any juriſdiction or authority, eccleſiaſtical or ſpiritual, in this realm.

That Popery is in i [...]s nature intolerant, in a Proteſtant country ſeditious, and, in this kingdom, diſaffected to the preſent reigning Family; and, therefore, to encourage it, tends to the ſubverſion of the State, to dethrone the King, and to ſet aſide the ſucceſſion of the illuſtrious Houſe of Hanover to the Crown of this Kingdom.

That, as England and Scotland are united, your Petitioners cannot but think it a hardſhip upon the People of England, to have Popery c [...]untenanced among them by law, when their brethren in Scotland have been officially aſſured, that no law ſhall be made to favour Popery in that country; and your Petitioners preſume, that their peaceable deportment, and the conſtitutional ſteps they have taken to obtain redreſs, will m [...]et with the approbation of this honourable Houſe.

That your Petitioners do not deſire to perſecute the Papiſts; but to preſerve themſelves and their poſterity from a repetition of thoſe rebellious and bloody ſ [...]en [...]s, which Popery, under pretence of promoting the intereſt of the Church, has exhibited in theſe Kingdoms.

[] Wherefore, to preſerve the ſucceſſion of the illuſtrious Houſe of Hanover in the Proteſtant line, and to ſecure our civil and religious liberties againſt the encroachments of Popery to the lateſt poſterity, your Petitioners humbly pray that leave may be given to bring in a Bill to repeal the Act lately paſſed in favour of the Papiſts.

And your Petitioners, as in duty bound, ſhall ever pray.

Appendix A.1.7 NOTE (G).

THE following hand-bill was diſtributed on the 6th of June, in Palace Yard, when the mob was aſſembled before the Parliament Houſe. It is ſcarcely neceſſary to obſerve, that at ſuch a time, and in ſuch a place, it was inflammatory and wicked.

Appendix A.1.7.1 TRUE PROTESTANTS NO TURNCOATS, Or SIX PLAIN REASONS given why Proteſtants, of all Denominations, ſhould oppoſe the Growth and Eſtabliſhment of Popery, with the greateſt vigour, and without delay; earneſtly addreſſed to every man in his ſenſes. EZRA ix. 4, 14.

1. BECAUSE one of the principal tenets of Popery, is to deſtroy all Heretics off the face of the earth.

2. Becauſe the Papiſts are taught to believe and eſteem every one a Heretic who does not belong to the church of Rome.

3. Becauſe the doctrines of Popery are inconſiſtent with reaſon and diametrically oppoſite to common ſenſe, witneſs the doctrine of Tranſubſtantiation.

4. Becauſe Popery encourages perſecution, and countenances murder; witneſs the Martyrs in bloody Queen Mary's reign, and the inquiſition in Spain and Portugal in the preſent day.

5. Becauſe the doctrines of Popery are not according to Godlineſs, as they allow pardons for ſins paſt, preſent and to come, to be bought or purchaſed with money, ſo that any one may commit the greateſt crimes with impunity, if he does but pay the Popiſh Prieſt a few guineas for his abſolution.

[] 6. Becauſe Popery in the general leads to the groſſeſt idolatry and ſuperſtition, as it enjoins the worſhipping of angels, relies, &c. and bowing down to and adoration of the Hoſt, a conſecrated wafer; ſomething like what children call, a jack in the box.

How far the foregoing reaſons may be allowed as in [...]pe [...]able objections to the reception or encouragement of Popery, let common ſenſe, reaſon, and true piety determine.

Appendix A.1.7.1 A CAUTION TO THE UNWARY.

IT is well known that ſeveral Popiſh Prieſts, ſince the Repeal of the Act againſt Popery, have made it a practice to travel through the different counties of England and Wales, to m [...]ke proſelytes, eſpecially among the Poor; the method they uſe is, when they meet with any perſons who are in ſuch low circumſtances as to be unable to pay for their children's education abroad, and hardly able to maintain them at home, they readily offer (and frequently with ſucceſs, as it is no ſmall temptation to ſuch perſons and in ſuch circumſtances), to take and clothe and educate their children at their own expence, by which means ſuch children are naturally brought up in the Roman Catholic faith, and the parents themſelves lur'd by pecuniary gifts are too often induced to embrace the ſame, for the ſake of obtaining the mammon of unrighteouſneſs.

Forewarned—Forearmed.

W.

Appendix A.1.8 NOTE (H).

THE total return ſaid to have been given in to Lord Amherſt, on the 16th of June, is as follows:

Killed by Guards and Aſſociation—106
By Light Horſe—101
Died in the hoſpitals—75
 282
Priſoners under cure—173
Total killed and wounded—455

But enquiry has been made, and we are informed that the account was fabricated to ſerve ſome purpoſe: that [] his Lordſhip had received no ſuch account, and that an exact ſtatement, like the above, was hardly poſſible to procure, not to mention that many have died in hoſpitals, and other places, ſince the above was publiſhed.

Appendix A.1.9 NOTE (I).

AND many more ſince the firſt edition of this pamphlet: eleven were diſcovered on one day, one of whom had a gin bottle in his pocket.

Appendix A.1.10 NOTE (K).

A reputable tradeſman, in the neighbourhood cited, gave the Author this intelligence. The fires were made ſmaller and more numerous on account of the narrowneſs of the ſtreets, which would otherwiſe have been totally deſtroyed; but as many, who read the firſt Edition, expreſſed a doubt about the authenticity of the information, enquiry was made on the ſpot, and, it is probable, that the perſon who related it was deceived in the number.

Appendix A.1.11 NOTE (L).

LORD Mansfield has given the doctrine of Military interference an explanation as unexpected as it is new. He has conſidered them, not as ſoldiers, but citizens; amenable to the Civil Magiſtrate for their conduct; and having a right to act, in all caſes of tumult, like paſſengers, or other perſons. The Public ſeem, unhappily, to have acquieſced, and taken his Lordſhip's word for demonſtration. The doctrine is ſpecious, and its novelty, joined to his Lordſhip's reputation, have given it the force of truth: but, if it is conſtitutional, the difference between the Government of England and a Military one is imperceptible. A ſoldier, who is merely paſſing, is in a very different legal ſituation to a ſoldier under arms, called forth to act offenſively and defenſively: it would ſeem ſtrange to hang that man for murder who only obeyed the word of command. If Lord Mansfield's aſſertion is true, all the ſoldier who have been active in ſuppreſſing the Riots are liable to be tried for their lives.

Appendix A.1.12 NOTE (M).

[]

IT has been related with great confidence, that an Officer in the ſervice of Congreſs, who was a priſoner at Charles Town, ſaid, that the Congreſs had much difficulty to perſuade the Americans to continue the war another year, and that they were at laſt only prevailed upon, in conſequence of being aſſured that the Cities of London and Weſtminſter would be burnt and deſtroyed this ſummer. Lord Mansfield, and others ſuppoſed to have the beſt information, have ſaid many things in Parliament too, by which it appears Government is of opinion that ſomething beſides Religion has been the occaſion of the Diſturbances.

Appendix A.1.13 NOTE (N).

VARIOUS accounts have been given of the ſum total of Mr. Langdale's loſs: in Parliament, fifty, ſixty, and ninety thouſand have been ſeverally mentioned. The account, inſerted in the text, was taken as affirmed from the mouth of one of his ſervants.

Appendix A.1.14 NOTE (O).

THIS is a newſpaper anecdote; but what Mr. Burke pleaded in his Lordſhip's behalf, in the Houſe of Commons, was far more ſevere than any thing his enemies have related or invented: that is, ſuppoſing his Lordſhip poſſeſſed of delicacy and feeling; which, however, are things by no means poſitively aſcertained. A daily paper gives Mr. Burke's ſentiments in the following words.

All men, he ſaid, were not made alike. The Lord-Mayor, he ſuppoſed, was of a timid nature, and without natural courage and capacity that ſit ſome men to act a wiſe and decided part in trying ſituations. Neither had he made up, he preſumed, the diſadvantages of his natural infirmity and timidity, by ſtudy and culture. As he never dreamt, in his younger days, of filling ſo important a ſtation as that of Lord-Mayor of the City of London, it was probable he had neglected to acquire thoſe talents that might be requiſite, in certain emergencies, to diſcharge [] the duties of it: for theſe reaſons, he hoped, they would have mercy on the poor Lord-Mayor, in conſideration of his natural weakneſs, and total want of education.

Appendix A.2 [THE Author is exceedingly obliged to the Gentleman who has taken the trouble, in ſo candid a manner, to correct an error into which he had unintentionally fallen. Truth, without prejudice or partiality, has been preſerved, as far as it was poſſible, with the utmoſt aſſiduity, to procure it amidſt that hurry and confuſion, and that variety of reports which, at the moment the Pamphlet was written, prevailed. The London Aſſociation deſerves every acknowledgement, every praiſe, not only that the Author, but that the Kingdom can beſtow. The liberty of printing the following Letter, it is preſumed, the Author of it will forgive, if not approve; and the original miſtake is left as in the firſt Edition, that thoſe who have not read that Edition may perceive the whole affair. As the following Letter does the Writer of it great honour in ſeveral reſpects, his Name and Addreſs ſhould have been inſerted, as on the card he incloſed, but that it was not known whether the inſertion would have been agreeable to his inclinations.]
To WILLIAM VINCENT.

SIR,

IT was not 'till this morning, that a publication, under your name, fell into my hand; "A Narrative of the late Riots;' which is penned with a candor and impartiality that aſſure me, you would be deſirous to correct any aſſertion to the diſadvantage of others, into which you have been miſled either by ignorant or prejudiced miſinformation.

In the 5 [...]d page of your Pamphlet is the following paragraph. ‘It would be wrong to forget the Armed Aſſociations, who turned out on Thurſday, though ſome have accuſed them of being very quiet and peaceable till the danger was all over.’

In the foregoing paragraph it is eaſy to diſtinguiſh between two diſtinct particulars: in the firſt ſentence, [] you ſeem to expreſs ſome favourable ſentiments, of your own, towards the behaviour of the Armed Aſſociations; and, in the ſecond, relate only the remarks which others made on their conduct at the late intereſting criſis.

As a Volunteer in the London Military Aſſociation of Foot, I think it incumbent on me to inform you, that on the Wedneſday afternoon we made a tender of our ſervices to the Lord Mayor of London. Before the hour of ſeven, the ſame evening, we were under arms, and continued ſo all night, in the ſame duty with the Regulars; firſt protecting the Manſion Houſe, then marching to ſuch other parts of the City as were actually attacked. Before four in the morning, we had ſecured the Rioters in the houſe of Mr. Donovan, in Broad ſtreet and ſaved the houſe of his neighbour, Mr. Gorman, from the ruin to which it had been devoted; though not without the painful neceſſity of committing ſome execution on thoſe who were not, by repeated intreaties, to be perſuaded to deſiſt and diſband.

Very little enquiry would fully aſſure you, that the ſervices of the Armed Aſſociations were vigorouſly exerted, and unremittedly continued, from the moment the Civil Magiſtrate could be depended on not to ſuffer them to ſtand the defenceleſs victims of that outrage and abuſe, which they had, with indignation, ſeen the Military expoſed to in the preceding ſtages of the late horrid ſcenes of brutality and confuſion.

The Regulars were not permitted to do any actual ſervice till the Wedneſday evening, and from that very hour, the London Military Aſſociations kept even pace with them, in every endeavour for the preſervation of the deareſt intereſts of the community, from the ruin with which they were threatened.

I am, SIR,
Your humble ſervant, A Volunteer in the London Military Aſſociation of Foot.

I ſend my name and place of addreſs incloſed, that you may if you pleaſe, enquire of my reputation for veracity; as an anonymous contradiction of certain facts, with the aſſertion of others, could not have a juſt claim to attention.

Appendix A.3 ADVERTISEMENT.

[]

GREAT care has been taken relative to the authenticity of facts. Some have unavoidably been ſelected from the public papers, but ſuch as nobody contradicts, ſome the author can atteſt, and others were collected from ſpectators of undoubted veracity.

A ſtrong and laſting impreſſion was fixed upon the mind of the Narra [...]or, by being preſent at many of thoſe ſcenes of horror he has undertaken to deſcribe: an effort has been made to convey them as they were univerſally felt, but that is next to impoſſible.

A perſon who, in the midſt of uproar and diſtraction, compoſes a Narrative, and gives it in the form of a ſmall pamphlet, cannot be ſuppoſed to write for ſame; but he may be ſtrongly affected by private and public diſtreſs: he may ſigh with a weak and ſickly mother, driven from her habitation at midnight, with all her little ones, terrified and crying, around her: he may groan for a mad, miſguided multitude; toſſing the brands of deſtruction on the head of innocence, and expoſing themſelves to preſent, or to future death: he may weep over the ruins of a city, and at the deſolation of its innocent inhabitants.

The ſubject is worthy the talents of the ableſt hiſtorian: the dignity and caſe of one is little expected in this kind of publication.

If the Author has communicated ideas, ſo as to impreſs a faint image of that horror and deteſtation which every good citizen experienced, who was preſent at the perpetration of theſe lawleſs acts, he has effected more than he hoped. Such hope is now only inſpired by the favourable reception the Public gave to the firſt Edition.

FINIS.
Notes
*
Though even this was reported, a man was ſaid to be hanging upon a lamp iron in Cheapſide on Thurſday in the afternoon, and ſix more, the ſame account added, were to ſuffer the following morning at Whitehall.
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TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 3495 A plain and succinct narrative of the late riots and disturbances in the cities of London and Westminster and borough of Southwark Containing an account of the commitment of Lord George Gordon. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-5D70-E