OBSERVATIONS, &c.

APPROACHING towards the cloſe of a long period of publick ſervice, it is natural I ſhould be deſirous to ſtand well (I hope I do ſtand tolerably well) with that public, which, with whatever fortune, I have endeavoured faithfully and zealouſly, to ſerve.

I am alſo not a little anxious for ſome place in the eſtimation of the two perſons to whom I addreſs this paper. I have always acted with them, and with thoſe whom they repreſent. To my knowledge I have not deviated, no not in the minuteſt point, from their opinions and principles. Of late, without any alter⯑ation in their ſentiments, or in mine, a dif⯑ference of a very unuſual nature, and which, [10] under the circumſtances, it is not eaſy to de⯑ſcribe, has ariſen between us.

In my journey with them through life, I met Mr. Fox in my road; and I travelled with him very chearfully as long as he ap⯑peared to me to purſue the ſame direction with thoſe in whoſe company I ſet out. In the latter ſtage of our progreſs, a new ſcheme of liberty and equality was produced in the world, which either dazzled his imagination, or was ſuited to ſome new walks of ambition, which were then opened to his view. The whole frame and faſhion of his politics appear to have ſuffered about that time a very ma⯑terial alteration. It is about three years ſince, in conſequence of that extraordinary change, that, after a pretty long preceding period of diſtance, coolneſs, and want of confidence, if not total alienation on his part, a compleat public ſeparation has been made between that gentleman and me. Until lately the breach between us appeared reparable. I truſted that time and reflexion, and a deciſive experience of the miſchieſs which have flowed from the proceedings and the ſyſtem of France, on which our difference had ariſen, as well as the [11] known ſentiments of the beſt and wiſeſt of our common friends upon that ſubject, would have brought him to a ſafer way of thinking. Several of his friends ſaw no ſecurity for keep⯑ing things in a proper train after this excurſion of his, but in the reunion of the party on its old grounds, under the Duke of Portland. Mr. Fox, if he pleaſed, might have been com⯑prehended in that ſyſtem, with the rank and conſideration to which his great talents entitle him, and indeed muſt ſecure to him in any party arrangement that could be made. The Duke of Portland knows how much I wiſhed for, and how earneſtly I laboured that re-union, and upon terms that might every way be honourable and advantageous to Mr. Fox.—His conduct in the laſt ſeſſion has extinguiſhed theſe hopes for ever.

Mr. Fox has lately publiſhed in print, a defence of his conduct. On taking into con⯑ſideration that defence, a ſociety of gentle⯑men, called the Whig Club, thought proper to come to the following reſolution—‘"That their confidence in Mr. Fox is confirmed, ſtrengthened, and increaſed, by the calumnies againſt him."’

[12] To that reſolution my two noble friends, the Duke of Portland and Lord Fitzwilliam, have given their concurrence.

The calumnies ſuppoſed in that reſolution, can be nothing elſe than the objections taken to Mr. Fox's conduct in this ſeſſion of Par⯑liament; for to them, and to them alone, the reſolution refers. I am one of thoſe who have publickly and ſtrongly urged thoſe objections. I hope I ſhall be thought only to do what is neceſſary to my juſtification, thus publickly, ſolemnly, and heavily cenſured by thoſe whom I moſt value and eſteem, when I firmly con⯑tend, that the objections which I, with many others of the friends to the Duke of Portland, have made to Mr. Fox's conduct, are not ca⯑lumnies, but founded on truth; that they are not few, but many; and that they are not light and trivial, but in a very high degree, ſerious and important.

That I may avoid the imputation of throw⯑ing out, even privately, any looſe random imputations againſt the public conduct of a gentleman, for whom I once entertained a very warm affection, and whoſe abilities I [13] regard with the greateſt admiration, I will put down diſtinctly and articulately, ſome of the matters of objection which I feel to his late doctrines and proceedings, truſting that I ſhall be able to demonſtrate to the friends, whoſe good opinion I would ſtill cultivate, that not levity, nor caprice, nor leſs defenſible motives, but that very grave reaſons influence my judgment. I think that the ſpirit of his late proceedings is wholly alien to our national policy, and to the peace, to the proſperity, and to the legal liberties of this nation, ac⯑cording to our ancient domeſtic and appropriated mode of holding them.

Viewing things in that light, my confi⯑dence in him is not encreaſed, but totally deſtroyed by thoſe proceedings. I cannot conceive it a matter of honour or duty (but the direct contrary) in any member of par⯑liament, to continue ſyſtematick oppoſition for the purpoſe of putting Government under dif⯑ficulties, until Mr. Fox (with all his preſent ideas) ſhall have the principal direction of af⯑fairs placed in his hands; and until the pre⯑ſent body of adminiſtration (with their ideas [14] and meaſures) is of courſe overturned and diſſolved.

To come to particulars:

1. The Laws and Conſtitution of the King⯑dom, entruſt the ſole and excluſive right of treating with foreign potentates, to the King. This is an undiſputed part of the legal pre⯑rogative of the Crown. However, notwith⯑ſtanding this, Mr. Fox, without the know⯑ledge or participation of any one perſon in the Houſe of Commons, with whom he was bound by every party principle, in matters of deli⯑cacy and importance, confidentially to com⯑municate, thought proper to ſend Mr. Adair, as his repreſentative, and with his cypher, to St. Peterſburgh, there to fruſtrate the objects for which the Miniſter from the Crown was authorized to treat. He ſucceeded in this his deſign, and did actually fruſtrate the King's Miniſter in ſome of the objects of his nego⯑ciation.

This proceeding of Mr. Fox does not (as I conceive) amount to abſolute high treaſon; Ruſſia, though on bad terms, not having [15] been then declaredly at war with this king⯑dom. But ſuch a proceeding is, in law, not very remote from that offence, and is un⯑doubtedly a moſt unconſtitutional act, and an high treaſonable miſdemeanor.

The legitimate and ſure mode of commu⯑nication between this nation and foreign powers, is rendered uncertain, precarious, and treacherous, by being divided into two channels, one with the Government, one with the head of a party in Oppoſition to that Go⯑vernment; by which means the foreign powers can never be aſſured of the real au⯑thority or validity of any public tranſaction whatſoever.

On the other hand, the advantage taken of the diſcontent which at that time prevailed in parliament and in the nation, to give to an individual an influence directly againſt the Government of his country, in a foreign court, has made a highway into England for the intrigues of foreign courts in our affairs. This is a ſore evil; an evil from which, before this time, England was more free than any other nation. Nothing can [16] preſerve us from that evil—which connects cabinet factions abroad with popular factions here,—but the keeping ſacred the Crown, as the only channel of communication with every other nation.

This proceeding of Mr. Fox has given a ſtrong countenance and an encouraging ex⯑ample to the doctrines and practices of the Revolution and Conſtitutional Societies, and of other miſchievous ſocieties of that de⯑ſcription, who, without any legal authority, and even without any corporate capacity, are in the habit of propoſing, and to the beſt of their power, of forming leagues and alliances with France.

This proceeding, which ought to be re⯑probated on all the general principles of go⯑vernment, is, in a more narrow view of things, not leſs reprehenſible. It tends to the prejudice of the whole of the Duke of Portland's late party, by diſcrediting the principles upon which they ſupported Mr. Fox in the Ruſſian buſineſs, as if they, of that party alſo, had proceeded in their parlia⯑mentary oppoſition, on the ſame miſchievous [17] principles which actuated Mr. Fox in ſend⯑ing Mr. Adair on his embaſſy.

2. Very ſoon after his ſending this em⯑baſſy to Ruſſia, that is, in the Spring of 1792, a covenanting club or aſſociation was formed in London, calling itſelf by the am⯑bitious and invidious title of "The Friends of the People." It was compoſed of many of Mr. Fox's own moſt intimate, perſonal, and party friends, joined to a very conſiderable part of the members of thoſe miſchievous aſſociations called the Revolution Society, and the Conſtitutional Society. Mr. Fox muſt have been well apprized of the progreſs of that ſociety, in every one of its ſteps; if not of the very origin of it. I certainly was informed of both, who had no connexion with the deſign, directly or indirectly. His influence over the perſons who compoſed the leading part in that aſſociation, was, and is unbounded. I hear, that he expreſſed ſome diſapprobation of this club in one caſe, (that of Mr. St. John) where his conſent was formally aſked; yet he never attempted ſeriouſly to put a ſtop to the aſſociation, or to diſavow it, or to controul, check, or modify [18] it in any way whatſoever. If he had pleaſed, without difficulty, he might have ſuppreſſed it in its beginning. However, he did not only not ſuppreſs it in its beginning, but encou⯑raged it in every part of its progreſs, at that particular time, when Jacobin Clubs (under the very ſame, or ſimilar titles) were making ſuch dreadful havock in a country not thirty miles from the coaſt of England, and when every motive of moral prudence called for the diſcouragement of ſocieties formed for the encreaſe of popular pretenſions to power and direction.

3. When the proceedings of this ſociety of the Friends of the People, as well as others acting in the ſame ſpirit, had cauſed a very ſerious alarm in the mind of the Duke of Portland, and of many good patriots, he publickly, in the Houſe of Commons, treated their apprehenſions and conduct with the greateſt aſperity and ridicule. He condemned and vilified, in the moſt inſulting and out⯑rageous terms, the proclamation iſſued by Go⯑vernment on that occaſion—though he well knew, that it had paſſed through the Duke of Portland's hands, that it had received his [19] fulleſt approbation, and that it was the re⯑ſult of an actual interview between that noble Duke and Mr. Pitt. During the diſcuſſion of its merits in the Houſe of Commons, Mr. Fox countenanced and juſtified the chief promoters of that aſſociation; and he re⯑ceived in return, a publick aſſurance from them of an inviolable adherence to him, ſingly and perſonally. On account of this proceeding, a very great number (I preſume to ſay, not the leaſt grave and wiſe part) of the Duke of Portland's friends in Parliament, and many out of Parliament, who are of the ſame deſcription, have become ſeparated from that time to this from Mr. Fox's particular Cabal; very few of which Cabal are, or ever have, ſo much as pretended to be attached to the Duke of Portland, or to pay any reſpect to him or his opinions.

4. At the beginning of this ſeſſion, when the ſober part of the nation was a ſecond time generally and juſtly alarmed at the pro⯑greſs of the French arms on the Continent, and at the ſpreading of their horrid princi⯑ples and cabals in England, Mr. Fox did not (as had been uſual in caſes of far leſs [20] moment) call together any meeting of the Duke of Portland's friends in the Houſe of Commons, for the purpoſe of taking their opinion on the conduct to be purſued in Par⯑liament at that critical Juncture. He con⯑certed his meaſures (if with any perſons at all) with the friends of Lord Lanſdowne, and thoſe calling themſelves Friends of the People, and others not in the ſmalleſt de⯑gree attached to the Duke of Portland; by which conduct he wilfully gave up (in my opinion) all pretenſions to be conſidered as of that party, and much more to be con⯑ſidered as the Leader and Mouth of it in the Houſe of Commons. This could not give much encouragement to thoſe who had been ſeparated from Mr. Fox, on account of his conduct on the firſt proclamation, to rejoin that party.

5. Not having conſulted any of the Duke of Portlands party in the Houſe of Commons; and not having conſulted them, becauſe he had reaſon to know, that the courſe he had reſolved to purſue would be highly diſagreeable to them, he repreſented the alarm, which was a ſecond time given and taken, in ſtill more invidious [21] colours than thoſe in which he painted the alarms of the former year. He deſcribed thoſe alarms in this manner, although the cauſe of them was then grown far leſs equi⯑vocal, and far more urgent. He even went ſo far as to treat the ſuppoſition of the growth of a Jacobin ſpirit in England as a libel on the nation. As to the danger from abroad, on the firſt day of the ſeſſion, he ſaid little or nothing upon the ſubject. He contented himſelf with defending the ruling factions in France, and with accuſing the publick Councils of this kingdom of every ſort of evil deſign on the liberties of the people; declaring diſtinctly, ſtrongly, and preciſely, that the whole danger of the nation was from the growth of the Power of the Crown. The policy of this de⯑claration was obvious. It was in ſubſervience to the general plan of diſabling us from taking any ſteps againſt France. To counteract the alarm given by the progreſs of Jacobin arms and principles, he endeavoured to excite an oppoſite alarm concerning the growth of the Power of the Crown. If that alarm ſhould prevail, he knew that the nation never would be brought by arms to oppoſe the growth of the Jacobin empire; becauſe it is obvious that [22] war does, in its very nature, neceſſitate the Commons conſiderably to ſtrengthen the hands of Government; and if that ſtrength ſhould itſelf be the object of terrour, we could have no war.

6. In the extraordinary and violent ſpeeches of that day, he attributed all the evils which the publick had ſuffered, to the Proclamation of the preceding ſummer; though he ſpoke in preſence of the Duke of Portland's own ſon, the Marquis of Titchfield, who had ſeconded the Addreſs on that Proclamation; and in preſence of the Duke of Portland's brother, Lord Edward Bentinck, and ſe⯑veral others of his beſt friends and neareſt relations.

7. On that day, that is, on the 13th of December, 1792, he propoſed an amendment to the Addreſs, which ſtands on the Journals of the Houſe, and which is, perhaps, the moſt extraordinary record which ever did ſtand upon them. To introduce this amendment, he not only ſtruck out the part of the propoſed Addreſs which alluded to inſurrections, upon the ground of the objections which he took [23] to the legality of calling together Parlia⯑ment, (objections which I muſt ever think litigious and ſophiſtical) but he likewiſe ſtruck out that part which related to the Cabals and Conſpiracies of the French Faction in England, although their practices and correſpondences were of public notoriety. Mr. Cooper and Mr. Watt had been deputed from Mancheſter to the Jacobins. Theſe ambaſſadors were re⯑ceived by them as Britiſh Repreſentatives. Other deputations of Engliſh had been re⯑ceived at the bar of the National Aſſembly. They had gone the length of giving ſupplies to the Jacobin armies; and they in return had received promiſes of military aſſiſtance to for⯑ward their deſigns in England. A regular correſpondence for fraternizing the two na⯑tions had alſo been carried on by ſocieties in London with a great number of the Jacobin ſocieties in France. This correſpondence had alſo for its object the pretended improvement of the Britiſh Conſtitution.—What is the moſt remarkable, and by much the more miſchiev⯑ous part of his proceedings that day, Mr. Fox likewiſe ſtruck out every thing in the Addreſs which related to the lokens of Ambilion given by France, her aggreſſions upon our allies, and the [24] ſudden and dangerous growth of her power upon every ſide; and inſtead of all thoſe weighty, and at that time, neceſſary matters, by which the Houſe of Commons was (in a criſis, ſuch as perhaps Europe never ſtood) to give aſſu⯑rances to our allies, ſtrength to our Govern⯑ment, and a check to the common enemy of Europe, he ſubſtituted nothing but a criminal charge on the conduct of the Britiſh Govern⯑ment for calling Parliament together, and an engagement to enquire into that conduct.

8. If it had pleaſed God to ſuffer him to ſucceed in this his project, for the amendment to the Addreſs, he would for ever have ruined this nation, along with the reſt of Europe. At home all the Jacobin ſocieties, formed for the utter deſtruction of our Conſtitution, would have lifted up their heads, which had been beaten down by the two Proclamations. Thoſe ſocieties would have been infinitely ſtrengthened and multiplied in every quarter; their dangerous foreign communications would have been left broad and open; the Crown would not have been authorized to take any meaſure whatever for our immediate defence by ſea or land. The cloſeſt, the moſt natural, [25] the neareſt, and, at the ſame time, from many internal as well as external circumſtances, the weakeſt of our allies, Holland, would have been given up, bound hand and foot, to France, juſt on the point of invading that republick. A general conſternation would have ſeized upon all Europe; and all alliance with every other power, except France, would have been for ever rendered impracticable to us. I think it impoſſible for any man, who regards the dignity and ſafety of his country, or indeed the common ſafety of mankind, ever to forget Mr. Fox's proceedings in that tremendous criſis of all human affairs.

9. Mr. Fox very ſoon had reaſon to be appriſed of the general diſlike of the Duke of Portland's friends to this conduct. Some of thoſe who had even voted with him, the day after their vote expreſſed their abhor⯑rence of his amendment, their ſenſe of its inevitable tendency, and their total aliena⯑tion from the principles and maxims upon which it was made; yet, the very next day, that is, on Friday, the 14th of December, he brought on what in effect was the very ſame [26] buſineſs, and on the ſame principles, a ſe⯑cond time.

10. Although the Houſe does not uſually fit on Saturday, he a third time brought on another propoſition, in the ſame ſpirit, and purſued it with ſo much heat and perſeverance as to ſit into Sunday; a thing not known in Parliament for many years.

11. In all theſe motions and debates he wholly departed from all the political prin⯑ciples relative to France, (conſidered merely as a ſtate, and independent of its Jacobin form of government) which had hitherto been held fundamental in this country, and which he had himſelf held more ſtrongly than any man in Parliament. He at that time ſtudiouſly ſeparated himſelf from thoſe to whoſe ſentiments he uſed to profeſs no ſmall regard, although thoſe ſentiments were pub⯑lickly declared. I had then no concern in the party, having been for ſome time, with all outrage, excluded from it; but, on ge⯑neral principles, I muſt ſay, that a perſon who aſſumes to be leader of a party com⯑poſed of freemen and of gentlemen, ought to [27] pay ſome degree of deference to their feel⯑ings, and even to their prejudices. He ought to have ſome degree of management for their credit and influence in their country. He ſhewed ſo very little of this delicacy, that he compared the alarm raiſed in the minds of the Duke of Portland's party, (which was his own) an alarm in which they ſym⯑pathized with the greater part of the nation, to the panick produced by the pretended Popiſh plot in the reign of Charles the Second—deſcribing it to be, as that was, a contriv⯑ance of knaves, and believed only by well⯑meaning dupes and madmen.

12. The Monday following, (the 17th of December) he purſued the ſame conduct. The means uſed in England to co-operate with the Jacobin army in politicks, agreed with their modes of proceeding; I allude to the miſchievous writings circulated with much induſtry and ſucceſs, as well as the ſe⯑ditious clubs, which at that time, added not a little to the alarm taken by obſerving and well-informed men. The writings and the clubs were two evils which marched together. Mr. Fox diſcovered the greateſt poſſible diſ⯑poſition [28] to favour and countenance the one as well as the other of theſe two grand inſtru⯑ments of the French ſyſtem. He would hardly conſider any political writing whatſoever, as a libel, or as a fit object of proſecution. At a time in which the preſs has been the grand inſtrument of the ſubverſion of order, of mo⯑rals, of religion, and I may ſay of human ſo⯑ciety itſelf, to carry the doctrines of its liberty higher than ever it has been known by its moſt extravagant aſſertors even in France, gave oc⯑caſion to very ſerious reflections. Mr. Fox treated the aſſociations for proſecuting theſe libels, as tending to prevent the improvement of the human mind, and as a mobbiſh tyranny. He thought proper to compare them with the riotous aſſemblies of Lord George Gordon in 1780, declaring that he had adviſed his friends in Weſtminſter, to ſign the aſſociations whe⯑ther they agreed to them or not, in order that they might avoid deſtruction to their perſons or their houſes, or a deſertion of their ſhops. This inſidious advice tended to confound thoſe who wiſhed well to the object of the aſſocia⯑tion, with the ſeditious, againſt whom the aſſociation was directed. By this ſtratagem, the confederacy intended for preſerving the [29] Britiſh conſtitution, and the public peace, would be wholly defeated. The magiſtrates, utterly incapable of diſtinguiſhing the friends from the enemies of order, would in vain look for ſupport when they ſtood in the greateſt need of it.

13. Mr. Fox's whole conduct, on this oc⯑caſion, was without example. The very morn⯑ing after theſe violent declamations in the Houſe of Commons againſt the aſſociation, (that is on Tueſday the 18th) he went himſelf to a meeting of St. George's pariſh, and there ſigned an aſſociation of the nature and ten⯑dency of thoſe he had the night before ſo ve⯑hemently condemned; and ſeveral of his par⯑ticular and moſt intimate friends, inhabitants of that pariſh, attended and ſigned along with him.

14. Immediately after this extraordinary ſtep, and in order perfectly to defeat the ends of that aſſociation againſt Jacobin publica⯑tions, (which, contrary to his opinions, he had promoted and ſigned) a miſchievous ſo⯑ciety was formed under his auſpices, called, the Friends of the Liberty of the Preſs. Their [30] title groundleſsly inſinuated, that the freedom of the preſs had lately ſuffered, or was now threatened with ſome violation. This ſociety was only, in reality, another modification of the ſociety calling itſelf the Friends of the People, which, in the preceding ſummer had cauſed ſo much uneaſineſs in the Duke of Portland's mind, and in the minds of ſeveral of his friends. This new ſociety was com⯑poſed of many, if not moſt of the members of the club of the Friends of the People, with the addition of a vaſt multitude of others (ſuch as Mr. Horne Tooke) of the worſt and moſt ſeditious diſpoſitions that could be found in the whole kingdom. In the firſt meeting of this club, Mr. Erſkine took the lead, and di⯑rectly (without any diſavowal ever ſince on Mr. Fox's part) made uſe of his name and au⯑thority in favour of its formation and purpoſes. In the ſame meeting Mr. Erſkine had thanks for his defence of Paine, which amounted to a complete avowal of that Jacobin incendiary; elſe it is impoſſible to know how Mr. Erſkine ſhould have deſerved ſuch marked applauſes for acting merely as a lawyer for his fee, in the ordinary courſe of his profeſſion.

[31] 15. Indeed Mr. Fox appeared the general patron of all ſuch perſons and proceedings. When Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and other perſons, for practices of the moſt dangerous kind, in Paris and in London, were removed from the King's Guards, Mr. Fox took occa⯑ſion, in the Houſe of Commons, heavily to cenſure that act as unjuſt and oppreſſive, and tending to make officers bad citizens. There were few, however, who did not call for ſome ſuch meaſures on the part of Government, as of abſolute neceſſity for the King's perſonal ſafety, as well as that of the publick; and no⯑thing but the miſtaken lenity (with which ſuch practices were rather diſcountenanced than puniſhed) could poſſibly deſerve repre⯑henſion in what was done with regard to thoſe gentlemen.

16. Mr. Fox, regularly and ſyſtematically, and with a diligence long unuſual to him, did every thing he could to countenance the ſame principle of fraternity and connexion with the Jacobins abroad, and the National Con⯑vention of France, for which theſe officers had been removed from the Guards. For when a bill (feeble and lax indeed, and far ſhort of [32] the vigour required by the conjuncture) was brought in for removing out of the kingdom the emiſſaries of France, Mr. Fox oppoſed it with all his might. He purſued a vehement and detailed oppoſition to it through all its ſtages, deſcribing it as a meaſure contrary to the exiſting treaties between Great Britain and France; as a violation of the law of nations, and as an outrage on the great charter itſelf.

17. In the ſame manner, and with the ſame heat, he oppoſed a bill, which, (though aukward and inartificial in its conſtruction) was right and wiſe in its principle, and was precedented in the beſt times, and abſolutely neceſſary at that juncture,—I mean the Trai⯑torous Correſpondence Bill. By theſe means the enemy, rendered infinitely dangerous by the links of real faction and pretended com⯑merce, would have been (had Mr. Fox ſuc⯑ceeded) enabled to carry on the war againſt us by our own reſources. For this purpoſe that enemy would have had his agents and trai⯑tors in the midſt of us.

18. When at length war was actually de⯑clared, by the uſurpers in France, againſt this [33] kingdom, and declared whilſt they were pre⯑tending a negociation through Dumourier with Lord Auckland, Mr. Fox ſtill continued, through the whole of the proceedings, to diſ⯑credit the national honour and juſtice, and to throw the entire blame of the war on Parlia⯑ment, and on his own country, as acting with violence, haughtineſs, and want of equity. He frequently aſſerted, both at the time and ever ſince, that the war, though declared by France, was provoked by us, and that it was wholly un⯑neceſſary, and fundamentally unjuſt.

19. He has loſt no opportunity of railing, in the moſt virulent manner, and in the moſt unmeaſured language, at every foreign power with whom we could now, or at any time, con⯑tract any uſeful or effectual alliance againſt France, declaring that he hoped no alliance with thoſe powers was made, or was in a train of being made^*. He always expreſſed himſelf with the utmoſt horror concerning ſuch alliances, ſo did all his phalanx. Mr. Sheridan, in particular, after one of his invectives againſt thoſe powers, [34] fitting by him, ſaid, with manifeſt marks of his approbation, that if we muſt go to war, he had rather go to war alone than with ſuch allies.

20. Immediately after the French declaration of war againſt us, Parliament addreſſed the King in ſupport of the war againſt them, as juſt and neceſſary, and provoked as well as formally declared againſt Great Britain. He did not divide the Houſe upon this meaſure; yet he immediately followed this our ſolemn Parlia⯑mentary engagement to the King, with a motion propoſing a ſet of reſolutions, the effect of which was, that the two Houſes were to load themſelves with every kind of reproach for having made the addreſs, which they had juſt carried to the Throne. He commenced this long ſtring of criminatory reſolutions againſt his country, (if King, Lords and Commons of Great Britain, and a decided majority without doors are his country) with a declaration againſt intermeddling in the interior concerns of France. The purport of this reſolution of non-interference, is a thing unexampled in the hiſtory of the world, when one nation has been actually at war with another. The beſt writers on the law of nations, give no [35] ſort of countenance to his doctrine of non-inter⯑ference, in the extent and manner in which he uſed it, even when there is no war. When the war exiſts, not one authority is againſt it in all its latitude. His doctrine is equally contrary to the enemy's uniform practice, who, whether in peace or in war, makes it his great aim, not only to change the Government, but to make an entire revolution in the whole of the ſocial order in every country.

The object of the laſt of this extraordinary ſtring of reſolutions moved by Mr. Fox, was to adviſe the Crown not to enter into ſuch an engagement with any foreign power, ſo as to hinder us from making a ſeparate peace with France, or which might tend to enable any of thoſe powers to introduce a government in that country, other than ſuch as thoſe perſons whom he calls the people of France, ſhall chooſe to eſtabliſh. In ſhort, the whole of theſe reſolu⯑tions appeared to have but one drift—namely, the ſacrifice of our own domeſtick dignity and ſafety, and the independency of Europe, to the ſupport of this ſtrange mixture of anarchy and tyranny which prevails in France, and which Mr. Fox and his party were pleaſed to call a [36] Government. The immediate conſequences of theſe meaſures was (by an example, the ill effects of which, on the whole world, are not to be calculated) to ſecure the robbers of the inno⯑cent nobility, gentry, and eccleſiaſticks of France, in the enjoyment of the ſpoil they have made of the eſtates, houſes, and goods of their fellow⯑citizens.

21. Not ſatisfied with moving theſe reſolu⯑tions, tending to confirm this horrible tyranny and robbery, and with actually dividing the Houſe on the firſt of the long ſtring which they compoſed, in a few days afterwards he encou⯑raged and ſupported Mr. Grey in producing the very ſame ſtrings in a new form, and in moving, under the ſhape of an addreſs of Parliament to the Crown, another virulent libel on all its own proceedings in this ſeſſion, in which not only all the ground of the reſolutions was again travelled over, but much new inflammatory matter was introduced. In particular, a charge was made, that Great Britain had not interpoſed to prevent the laſt partition of Poland. On this head the party dwelt very largely, and very vehemently. Mr. Fox's intention, in the choice of this ex⯑traordinary topic, was evident enough. He [37] well knows two things; firſt, that no wiſe or honeſt man can approve of that partition, or can contemplate it without prognoſticating great miſ⯑chief from it to all countries at ſome future time. Secondly, he knows quite as well, that, let our opinions on that partition be what they will, Eng⯑land, by itſelf, is not in a ſituation to afford to Poland any aſſiſtance whatſoever. The purpoſe of the introduction of Poliſh politics into this diſ⯑cuſſion, was not for the ſake of Poland; it was to throw an odium upon thoſe who are obliged to de⯑cline the cauſe of juſtice from their impoſſibility of ſupporting a cauſe which they approve; as if we, who think more ſtrongly on this ſubject than he does, were of a party againſt Poland, becauſe we are obliged to act with ſome of the authors of that injuſtice, againſt our common enemy, France. But the great and leading purpoſe of this introduction of Poland into the debates on the French war, was to divert the public atten⯑tion from what was in our power, that is, from a ſteady co-operation againſt France, to a quarrel with the Allies for the ſake of a Poliſh war, which, for any uſeful purpoſe to Poland, he knew it was out of our power to make. If England can touch Poland ever ſo remotely, it muſt be through the medium of alliances. [38] But by attacking all the combined powers toge⯑ther for their ſuppoſed unjuſt aggreſſion upon France, he bound them by a new common inte⯑reſt, not ſeparately to join England for the reſ⯑cue of Poland. The propoſition could only mean to do what all the writers of his party in the Morning Chronicle have aimed at perſuading the public to, through the whole of the laſt au⯑tumn and winter, and to this hour; that is, to an alliance with the Jacobins of France, for the pretended purpoſe of ſuccouring Poland. This curious project would leave to Great Britain no other Ally in all Europe, except its old ene⯑my, France.

22. Mr. Fox, after the firſt day's diſcuſſion on the queſtion for the addreſs, was at length driven to admit—(to admit rather than to urge, and that very faintly) that France had diſcovered ambitious views, which none of his partizans, that I recollect, (Mr. Sheridan excepted) did, however, either urge or admit. What is re⯑markable enough, all the points admitted againſt the Jacobins, were brought to bear in their favour as much as thoſe in which they were defended. For when Mr. Fox admitted that the conduct of the Jacobins did diſcover ambi⯑tion, [39] he always ended his admiſſion of their am⯑bitious views by an apology for them, inſiſting, that the univerſally hoſtile diſpoſition ſhewn to them, rendered their ambition a ſort of defen⯑ſive policy. Thus, on whatever roads he tra⯑velled, they all terminated in recommending a recognition of their pretended Republic, and in the plan of ſending an ambaſſador to it. This was the burthen of all his ſong—‘"Every thing which we could reaſonably hope from war, would be obtained from treaty."’ It is to be obſerved, however, that in all theſe debates, Mr. Fox never once ſtated to the Houſe upon what ground it was he conceived, that all the objects of the French ſyſtem of united fanaticiſm and ambition would inſtantly be given up when⯑ever England ſhould think fit to propoſe a treaty. On propoſing ſo ſtrange a recognition, and ſo humiliating an embaſſy as he moved, he was bound to produce his authority, if any au⯑thority he had. He ought to have done this the rather, becauſe Le Brun, in his firſt propo⯑ſitions, and in his anſwers to Lord Grenville, defended, on principle, not on temporary conveni⯑ence, every thing which was objected to France, and ſhewed not the ſmalleſt diſpoſition to give up any one of the points in diſcuſſion. Mr. [40] Fox muſt alſo have known, that the Convention had paſſed to the order of the day, on a propo⯑ſition to give ſome ſort of explanation or modi⯑fication to the hoſtile decree of the 19th of November, for exciting inſurrections in all countries; a decree known to be peculiarly pointed at Great Britain. The whole proceeding of the French adminiſtration was the moſt re⯑mote that could be imagined from furniſhing any indication of a pacific diſpoſition: for at the very time in which it was pretended that the Jacobins entertained thoſe boaſted pacific inten⯑tions, at the very time in which Mr. Fox was urging a treaty with them, not content with re⯑fuſing a modification of the decree for inſur⯑rections, they publiſhed their ever memorable decree of the 15th of December, 1792, for diſorganizing every country in Europe, into which they ſhould on any occaſion ſet their foot; and on the 25th and the 30th of the ſame month, they ſolemnly, and on the laſt of theſe days, practically confirmed that de⯑cree.

23. But Mr. Fox had himſelf taken good care in the negociation he propoſed, that France ſhould not be obliged to make any [41] very great conceſſions to her preſumed mo⯑deration—for he had laid down one general comprehenſive rule, with him (as he ſaid) conſtant and inviolable. This rule, in fact, would not only have left to the faction in France, all the property and power they had uſurped at home, but moſt, if not all, of the conqueſts which by their atrocious perfidy and violence, they had made abroad. The principle laid down by Mr. Fox, is this, ‘"That every ſtate, in the concluſion of a war, has a right to avail itſelf of its conqueſts to⯑wards an indemnification."’ This principle (true or falſe) is totally contrary to the policy which this country has purſued with France, at various periods, particularly at the treaty of Ryſwick, in the laſt century, and at the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, in this. Whatever the merits of his rule may be, in the eyes of neutral judges, it is a rule, which no ſtateſman before him ever laid down in favour of the adverſe power with whom he was to negotiate. The adverſe party himſelf, may ſafely be truſted to take care of his own aggrandizement. But (as if the black boxes of theſeveral parties had been exchanged) Mr. Fox's Engliſh ambaſſador, by ſome odd miſtake, would find himſelf [42] cahrged with the concerns of France. If we were to leave France as ſhe ſtood at the time when Mr. Fox propoſed to treat with her, that formidable power muſt have been infinitely ſtrengthened, and almoſt every other power in Europe as much weakened, by the extra⯑ordinary baſis which he laid for a treaty. For Avignon muſt go from the Pope; Savoy (at leaſt) from the King of Sardinia, if not Nice. Liege, Mentz, Salm, Deux Ponts, and Bâle, muſt be ſeparated from Germany. On this ſide of the Rhine, Liege, at leaſt, muſt be loſt to the empire, and added to France. Mr. Fox's general principal fully covered all this. How much of theſe territories came within his rule, he never attempted to define. He kept a profound ſilence as to Germany. As to the Netherlands he was ſomething more explicit. He ſaid, (if I recollect right) that France, on that ſide, might expect ſome⯑thing towards ſtrengthening her frontier. As to the remaining parts of the Netherlands, which he ſuppoſed France might conſent to ſurrender, he went ſo far as to declare that England ought not to permit the Emperor to be repoſſeſſed of the remainder of the ten Provinces, but that the People ſhould chooſe [43] ſuch a form of independent Government as they liked. This propoſition of Mr. Fox was juſt the arrangement which the uſurpa⯑tion in France had all along propoſed to make. As the circumſtances were at that time, and have been ever ſince, his propoſition fully indicated what Gevernment the Flem⯑mings muſt have in the ſtated extent of what was left to them. A Government ſo ſet up in the Netherlands, whether compulſory, or by the choice of the Sans-Culottes, (who he well knew were to be the real electors, and the ſole electors) in whatever name it was to exiſt, muſt evidently depend for its exiſt⯑ence, as it had done for its original forma⯑tion, on France. In reality, it muſt have ended in that point, to which, piece by piece, the French were then actually bring⯑ing all the Netherlands; that is, an incor⯑poration with France, as a body of new departments, juſt as Savoy and Liege, and the reſt of their pretended independent po⯑pular ſovereignties, have been united to their republic. Such an arrangement muſt have deſtroyed Auſtria; it muſt have left Holland always at the mercy of France; it muſt totally and for ever cut off all political [44] communication between England and the Continent. Such muſt have been the ſitua⯑tion of Europe, according to Mr. Fox's ſyſtem of politicks, however laudable his per⯑ſonal motives may have been in propoſing ſo complete a change in the whole ſyſtem of Great Britain, with regard to all the Conti⯑nental powers.

24. After it had been generally ſuppoſed that all publick buſineſs was over for the ſeſ⯑ſion, and that Mr. Fox had exhauſted all the modes of preſſing this French ſcheme, he thought proper to take a ſtep beyond every expectation, and which demonſtrated his wonderful eagerneſs and perſeverance in his cauſe, as well as the nature and true character of the cauſe itſelf. This ſtep was taken by Mr. Fox immediately after his giv⯑ing his aſſent to the Grant of Supply voted to him by Mr. Serjeant Adair and a Com⯑mittee of Gentlemen, who aſſumed to them⯑ſelves to act in the name of the publick. In the inſtrument of his acceptance of this Grant, Mr. Fox took occaſion to aſſure them, that he would always perſevere in the ſame conduct which had procured to him ſo honour⯑able [45] a mark of the public approbation. He was as good as his word.

25. It was not long before an opportunity was found, or made, for proving the ſincerity of his profeſſions, and demonſtrating his gra⯑titude to thoſe who had given publick and un⯑equivocal marks of their approbation of his late conduct. One of the moſt virulent of the Jacobin Faction, Mr. Gurney, a banker at Norwich, had all along diſtinguiſhed him⯑ſelf by his French politicks. By the means of this Gentleman, and of his aſſociates of the ſame deſcription, one of the moſt inſidious and dangerous hand-bills that ever was ſeen, had been circulated at Norwich againſt the war, drawn up in an hypocritical tone of compaſſion for the Poor. This Addreſs to the Populace of Norwich was to play in concert with an Addreſs to Mr. Fox; it was ſigned by Mr. Gurney and the higher part of the French Fraternity in that town. In this paper Mr. Fox is applauded for his Conduct throughout the ſeſſion; and requeſted, before the prorogation, to make a motion for an im⯑mediate Peace with France.

[46] 26. Mr. Fox did not revoke to this ſuit: he readily and thankfully undertook the taſk aſſigned to him. Not content, however, with merely falling in with their wiſhes, he propoſed a taſk on his part to the Gentle⯑men of Norwich, which was, that they ſhould move the people without doors to petition againſt the War. He ſaid, that without ſuch aſſiſt⯑ance, little good could be expected from any thing he might attempt within the walls of the Houſe of Commons. In the mean time, to animate his Norwich friends in their en⯑deavours to beſiege Parliament, he ſnatched the firſt opportunity to give notice of a motion, which he very ſoon after made, namely, to addreſs the Crown to make Peace with France. The Addreſs was ſo worded as to co-operate with the hand-bill in bringing for⯑ward matter calculated to inflame the manu⯑facturers throughout the kingdom.

27. In ſupport of his motion, he declaimed in the moſt virulent ſtrain, even beyond any of his former invectives, againſt every power with whom we were then, and are now, acting againſt France. In the moral forum, ſome of theſe powers certainly deſerve all the ill he [47] ſaid of them; but the political effect aimed at, evidently was to turn our indignation from France, with whom we were at war, upon Ruſſia, or Pruſſia, or Auſtria, or Sardinia, or all of them together. In conſequence of his knowledge that we could not effectually do without them, and his reſolution that we ſhould not act with them, he propoſed, that having, as he aſſerted, ‘"obtained the only avowed object of the War (the evacuation off Holland), we ought to conclude an inſtant Peace."’

28. Mr. Fox could not be ignorant of the miſtaken baſis upon which his motion was grounded. He was not ignorant, that, though the attempt of Dumourier on Hol⯑land (ſo very near ſucceeding), and the na⯑vigation of the Scheld (a part of the ſame piece), were among the immediate cauſes, they were by no means the only cauſes alledged for Parliament's taking that offence at the proceedings of France, for which the Jacobins were ſo prompt in declaring war upon this kingdom. Other full as weighty cauſes had been alledged: They were, 1. The general overbearing and deſperate am⯑bition [48] of that Faction. 2. Their actual at⯑tacks on every nation in Europe. 3. Their uſurpation of territories in the empire with the governments of which they had no pre⯑tence of quarrel. 4. Their perpetual and irrevocable conſolidation with their own do⯑minions of every territory of the Nether⯑lands, of Germany, and of Italy, of which they got a temporary poſſeſſion. 5. The miſchiefs attending the prevalence of their ſyſtem, which would make the ſucceſs of their ambitious deſigns a new and peculiar ſpecies of calamity in the world. 6. Their formal publick decrees; particularly thoſe of the 19th of November, and 15th and 25th of December. 7. Their notorious attempts to undermine the Conſtitution of this coun⯑try. 8. Their public reception of deputa⯑tions of traitors for that direct purpoſe. 9. Their murder of their Sovereign, declared by moſt of the members of the Convention, who ſpoke with their vote (without a diſ⯑avowal from any) to be perpetrated, as an example to all Kings, and a precedent for all ſubjects to follow. All theſe, and not the Scheld alone, or the invaſion of Holland, were urged by the Miniſter, and by Mr. [49] Windham, by myſelf, and by others who ſpoke in thoſe debates, as cauſes for bring⯑ing France to a ſenſe of her wrong in the war which ſhe declared againſt us. Mr. Fox well knew, that not one man argued for the neceſſity of a vigorous reſiſtance to France, who did not ſtate the war as being for the very exiſtence of the ſocial order here, and every part of Europe; who did not ſtate his opinion, that this war was not at all a foreign War of Empire, but as much for our Liberties, Properties, Laws, and Religion; and even more ſo than any we had ever been engaged in. This was the war, which, according to Mr. Fox and Mr. Gurney, we were to abandon before the enemy had felt, in the ſlighteſt degree, the impreſſion of our arms.

29. Had Mr. Fox's diſgraceful propoſal been complied with, this kingdom would have been ſtained with a blot of perfidy hi⯑therto without an example in our hiſtory, and with far leſs excuſe than any act of per⯑fidy which we find in the hiſtory of any other nation. The moment, when by the incredible exertions of Auſtria (very little [50] through our's) the temporary deliverance of Holland (in effect our own deliverance) had been atchieved, he adviſed the Houſe in⯑ſtantly to abandon her to that very enemy, from whoſe arms ſhe had freed ourſelves, and the cloſeſt of our allies.

30. But we are not to be impoſed on by forms of language. We muſt act on the ſub⯑ſtance of Things. To abandon Auſtria in this manner, was to abandon Holland itſelf. For ſuppoſe France, encouraged and ſtrengthened as ſhe muſt have been by our treacherous de⯑ſertion, ſuppoſe France, I ſay, to ſucceed againſt Auſtria, (as ſhe had ſucceeded the very year before) England would, after its diſ⯑armament, have nothing in the world but the inviolable faith of Jacobiniſm, and the ſteady politics of anarchy to depend upon, againſt France's renewing the very ſame attempts upon Holland, and renewing them (conſider⯑ing what Holland was and is) with much bet⯑ter proſpects of ſucceſs. Mr. Fox muſt have been well aware, that if we were to break with the greater Continental Powers, and par⯑ticularly to come to a rupture with them, in the violent and intemperate mode in which [51] he would have made the breach, the defence of Holland againſt a foreign enemy, and a ſtrong domeſtick faction, muſt hereafter reſt ſolely upon England, without the chance of a ſingle Ally, either on that or on any other occaſion. So far as to the pretended ſole ob⯑ject of the war, which Mr. Fox ſuppoſed to be ſo completely obtained, (but which then was not at all, and at this day is not com⯑pletely obtained,) as to leave us nothing elſe to do than to cultivate a peaceful, quiet cor⯑reſpondence with thoſe quiet, peaceable and moderate people, the Jacobins of France.

31. To induce us to this, Mr. Fox labour⯑ed hard to make it appear, that the powers with whom we acted, were full as ambitious and as perfidious as the French. This might be true as to other nations. They had not, however, been ſo to Us or to Holland. He produced no proof of active ambition and ill faith againſt Auſtria. But ſuppoſing the com⯑bined Powers had been all thus faithleſs, and had been all alike ſo, there was one circum⯑ſtance which made an eſſential difference be⯑tween them and France. I need not therefore be at the trouble of conteſting this point, which, [52] however, in this latitude, and as at all affecting Great Britain and Holland, I deny utterly: Be it ſo. But the great Monarchies have it in their power to keep their faith if they pleaſe, becauſe they are Governments of eſtabliſhed and recognized authority at home and abroad. France had, in reality, no Government. The very factions who exerciſed power, had no ſtability. The French Convention had no powers of peace or war. Suppoſing the Con⯑vention to be free (moſt aſſuredly it was not) they had ſhewn no diſpoſition to abandon their projects. Though long driven out of Liege, it was not many days before Mr. Fox's mo⯑tion, that they ſtill continued to claim it as a country, which their principles of fraternity bound them to protect, that is, to ſubdue and to regulate at their pleaſure. That party which Mr. Fox inclined moſt to favour and truſt, and from which he muſt have received his aſſurances (if any he did receive) that is, the Briſſotins, were then either priſoners or fugitives. The Party which prevailed over them (that of Danton and Marat) was itſelf in a tottering condition, and was diſowned by a very great part of France. To ſay nothing of the Royal Party who were powerful and [53] growing, and who had full as good a right to claim to be the legitimate Government as any of the Pariſian Factions with whom he pro⯑poſed to treat—or rather (as it ſeemed to me) to ſurrender at diſcretion.

32. But when Mr. Fox began to come from his general hopes of the moderation of the Jacobins, to particulars, he put the caſe, that they might not perhaps be willing to ſurren⯑der Savoy. He certainly was not willing to conteſt that point with them; but plainly and explicitly (as I underſtood him) propoſed to let them keep it; though he knew (or he was much worſe informed than he would be thought) that England had, at the very time, agreed on the terms of a Treaty with the King of Sardinia, of which the recovery of Savoy was the Caſus Federis. In the teeth of this Treaty, Mr. Fox propoſed a direct and moſt ſcandalous breach of our faith, for⯑mally and recently given. But to ſurrender Savoy, was to ſurrender a great deal more than ſo many ſquare acres of land, or ſo much revenue. In its conſequences, the ſurrender of Savoy, was to make a ſurrender to France of Switzerland and Italy, of both which [54] countries, Savoy is the key—as it is known to ordinary ſpeculators in politicks, though it may not be known to the Weavers in Nor⯑wich, who, it ſeems are, by Mr. Fox, called to be the judges in this matter.

33. A ſure way indeed, to encourage France not to make a ſurrender of this key of Italy and Switzerland, or of Mayence, the key of Germany, or of any other object whatſoever which ſhe holds, is to let her ſee, that the People of England raiſe a clamour againſt the War before terms are ſo much as propoſed on any ſide. From that moment, the Jacobins would be maſters of the terms.—They would know, that Parliament, at all hazards, would force the King to a ſeparate Peace. The Crown could not, in that caſe, have any uſe of its judgment. Parliament could not poſſeſs more judgment than the Crown, when beſieged (as Mr. Fox propoſed to Mr. Gurney) by the cries of the Manufac⯑turers. This deſcription of men, Mr. Fox endeavoured in his ſpeech, by every method, to irritate and inflame. In effect, his two ſpeeches were, through the whole, nothing more than an amplification of the Norwich [55] Hand-bill. He reſted the greateſt part of his argument on the diſtreſs of Trade, which he attributed to the war; though it was obvious, to any tolerably good obſervation, and much more muſt have been clear to ſuch an obſer⯑vation as his, that the then difficulties of the Trade and Manufacture could have no ſort of connection with our ſhare in it. The war had hardly begun. We had ſuffered neither by ſpoil, nor by defeat, nor by diſgrace of any kind. Public credit was ſo little impaired, that inſtead of being ſupported by any extra⯑ordinary aids from individuals, it advanced a credit to individuals to the amount of five millions, for the ſupport of Trade and Manu⯑factures, under their temporary difficulties, a thing before never heard of;—a thing of which I do not commend the policy—but only ſtate it, to ſhew, that Mr. Fox's ideas of the effects of war were without any trace of foun⯑dation.

33. It is impoſſible not to correct the ar⯑guments and proceedings of a Party with that of its leader—eſpecially when not diſavowed or controlled by him. Mr. Fox's partizans declaim againſt all the powers of Europe, ex⯑cept [56] the Jacobins, juſt as he does; but not having the ſame reaſons for management and caution which he has, they ſpeak out. He ſatisfies himſelf merely with making his in⯑vectives, and leaves others to draw the con⯑cluſion. But they produce their Poliſh inter⯑poſition, for the expreſs purpoſe of leading to a French alliance. They urge their French Peace, in order to make a junction with the Jacobins to oppoſe the powers, whom, in their language, they call Deſpots, and their leagues, a combination of Deſpots. Indeed, no man can look on the preſent poſture of Europe with the leaſt degree of diſcernment, who will not be thoroughly convinced, that England muſt be the faſt friend or the determined enemy of France. There is no medium; and I do not think Mr. Fox to be ſo dull as not to obſerve this. His Peace would have involved us inſtantly in the moſt extenſive and moſt ruinous wars; at the ſame time that it would have made a broad highway (acroſs which no human wiſdom could put an effectual barrier) for a mutual intercourſe with the fraternizing Jacobins on both ſides. The conſequences of which, thoſe will certainly not provide againſt, who do not dread or diſlike them.

[57] 34. It is not amiſs in this place to enter a little more fully into the ſpirit of the principal arguments on which Mr. Fox thought proper to reſt this his grand and concluding motion, particularly ſuch as were drawn from the in⯑ternal ſtate of our affairs. Under a ſpecious appearance (not uncommonly put on by men of unſcrupulous ambition) that of tenderneſs and compaſſion to the Poor; he did his beſt to appeal to the judgments of the meaneſt and moſt ignorant of the people on the merits of the War. He had before done ſomething of the ſame dangerous kind in his printed Letter. The ground of a political War is of all things that which the poor labourer and manufacturer are the leaſt capable of conceiving. This ſort of people know in general that they muſt ſuffer by War. It is a matter to which they are ſufficiently competent, becauſe it is a matter of feeling. The cauſes of a war are not matters of feeling, but of reaſon and foreſight, and often of remote conſiderations, and of a very great combination of circumſtances, which they are utterly incapable of comprehending; and, indeed, it is not every man in the higheſt claſſes who is altogether equal to it. Nothing, in a general ſenſe, appears to me leſs fair and [58] juſtifiable, (even if no attempt were made to inflame the paſſions) than to ſubmit a matter on diſcuſſion to a Tribunal incapable of judg⯑ing of more than one ſide of the queſtion. It is at leaſt as unjuſtifiable to inflame the paſ⯑ſions of ſuch Judges againſt that ſide, in favor of which they cannot ſo much as comprehend the arguments. Before the prevalence of the French Syſtem (which as far as it has gone has extinguiſhed the ſalutary prejudice called our Country) nobody was more ſenſible of this important truth than Mr. Fox; and nothing was more proper and pertinent, or was more felt at the time, than his reprimand to Mr. Wilberforce for an inconſiderate expreſſion which tended to call in the judgment of the poor, to eſtimate the policy of war upon the ſtandard of the taxes they may be obliged to pay towards its ſupport.

35. It is fatally known, that the great Ob⯑ject of the Jacobin Syſtem is to excite the loweſt deſcription of the People to range themſelves under ambitious men, for the pil⯑lage and deſtruction of the more eminent orders and claſſes of the community. The thing, therefore, that a man not fanatically at⯑tached [59] to that dreadful project, would moſt ſtudiouſly avoid, is, to act a part with the French Propagandiſts, in attributing (as they conſtantly do) all Wars and all the conſe⯑quences of Wars, to the pride of thoſe orders, and to their contempt of the weak and indi⯑gent part of the ſociety. The ruling Jaco⯑bins inſiſt upon it, that even the Wars which they carry on with ſo much obſtinacy againſt all Nations, are made to prevent the Poor from any longer being the inſtruments and victims of Kings, Nobles, and the Ariſto⯑cracy of Burghers and Rich Men. They pre⯑tend that the deſtruction of Kings, Nobles, and the Ariſtocracy of Burghers and Rich Men, is the only means of eſtabliſhing an univerſal and perpetual Peace. This is the great drift of all their writings from the time of the meeting of the States of France, in 1789, to the publication of the laſt Morning Chro⯑nicle. They inſiſt that even the War which, with ſo much boldneſs, they have declared againſt all Nations, is to prevent the poor from becoming the Inſtruments and Victims of theſe perſons and deſcriptions. It is but too eaſy, if you once teach poor labourers and mechanics to deſy their prejudices, and as this [60] has been done with an induſtry ſcarcely cre⯑dible, to ſubſtitute the principles of frater⯑nity in the room of that ſalutary prejudice called our Country; it is, I ſay, but too eaſy to purſuade them agreeably to what Mr. Fox hints in his public Letter, that this War is, and that the other Wars have been, the Wars of Kings; it is eaſy to perſuade them that the terrors even of a foreign conqueſt are not terrors for them—It is eaſy to perſuade them that, for their part, they have nothing to loſe; and that their condition is not likely to be altered for the worſe, whatever party may happen to prevail in the War. Under any circumſtances this doctrine is highly danger⯑ous, as it tends to make ſeparate parties of the higher and lower orders, and to put their intereſts on a different bottom. But if the enemy you have to deal with ſhould appear, as France now appears, under the very name and title of the deliverer of the poor, and the chaſtiſer of the rich, the former claſs would readily become, not an indifferent ſpectator of the War, but would be ready to enliſt in the faction of the enemy; which they would conſider, though under a foreign name, to be more connected with them than an adverſe [61] deſcription in the ſame land. All the props of Society would be drawn from us by theſe doctrines, and the very foundations of the publick defence would give way in an inſtant.

36. There is no point which the Faction of Fraternity in England have laboured more than to excite in the Poor the horror of any War with France upon any occaſion. When they found that their open attacks upon our Conſtitution in favor of a French Republick were for the preſent repelled—they put that matter out of ſight, and have taken up the more plauſible and popular ground of general peace, upon merely general principles, al⯑though theſe very men, in the correſpondence of their clubs with thoſe of France, had re⯑probated the neutrality which now they ſo earneſtly preſs. But, in reality, their maxim was and is ‘"Peace and Alliance with France, and War with the reſt of the World."’

37. This laſt motion of Mr. Fox bound up the whole of his politics during the ſeſſion. This motion had many circumſtances, parti⯑cularly in the Norwich Correſpondence, by which the miſchief of all the others, was ag⯑gravated [62] beyond meaſure. Yet, this laſt mo⯑tion, far the worſt of Mr. Fox's proceedings, was the beſt ſupported of any of them, except his amendment to the Addreſs. The Duke of Portland had directly engaged to ſupport the War—Here was a motion as directly made to force the Crown to put an end to it before a blow had been ſtruck. The efforts of the Faction have ſo prevailed that ſome of his Grace's neareſt friends have actually voted for that motion: ſome, after ſhewing themſelves, went away, others did not appear at all. So it muſt be where a man is for any time ſup⯑ported from perſonal conſiderations, without reference to his public conduct. Through the whole of this buſineſs, the ſpirit of fra⯑ternity appears to me to have been the go⯑verning principle. It might be ſhameful for any man, above the vulgar, to ſhew ſo blind a partiality even to his own Country, as Mr. Fox appears, on all occaſions, this Seſſion, to have ſhewn to France. Had Mr. Fox been a Miniſter, and proceeded on the principles laid down by him, I believe there is little doubt he would have been conſidered as the moſt criminal Stateſman that ever lived in this Country. I do not know why a Stateſ⯑man [63] out of place is not to be judged in the ſame manner, unleſs we can excuſe him by pleading in his favor a total indifference to principle; and that he would act and think in quite a different way if he were in office. This I will not ſuppoſe. One may think better of him; and that in caſe of his power he might change his mind. But ſuppoſing, that from better or from worſe motives, he might change his mind on his acquiſition of the favor of the Crown, I ſeriouſly fear that if the King ſhould to-morrow put power into his hands, and that his good genius would in⯑ſpire him with maxims very different from thoſe he has promulgated, he would not be able to get the better of the ill temper, and the ill doctrines he has been the means of ex⯑citing and propagating throughout the king⯑dom. From the very beginning of their inhu⯑man and unprovoked rebellion and tyrannick uſurpation, he has covered the predominant Faction in France, and their adherents here, with the moſt exaggerated panegyricks; neither has he miſſed a ſingle opportunity of abuſing and vilifying thoſe, who in uniform concur⯑rence with the Duke of Portland's and Lord Fitzwilliam's opinion, have maintained the [64] true grounds of the Revolution Settlement in 1688. He lamented all the defeats of the French; he rejoiced in all their victories; even when theſe victories threatened to over⯑whelm the Continent of Europe, and by faci⯑litating their means of penetrating into Hol⯑land, to bring this moſt dreadful of all evils with irreſiſtible force to the very doors, if not into the very heart, of our Country. To this hour he always ſpeaks of every thought of overturning the French Jacobiniſm by force, on the part of any Power whatſoever, as an attempt unjuſt and cruel, and which he re⯑probates with horror. If any of the French Jacobin leaders are ſpoken of with hatred or ſcorn, he falls upon thoſe who take that li⯑berty, with all the zeal and warmth with which men of honour defend their particular and bo⯑ſom friends, when attacked. He always re⯑preſents their cauſe as a cauſe of Liberty; and all who oppoſe it as partizans of deſpotiſm. He obſtinately continues to conſider the great and growing vices, crimes and diſorders of that country, as only evils of paſſage, which are to produce a permanently happy ſtate of order and freedom. He repreſents theſe diſ⯑orders exactly in the ſame way, and with the [65] ſame limitations which are uſed by one of the two great Jacobin Factions, I mean that of PETION and BRISSOT. Like them he ſtudiouſly confines his horror and reprobation only to the maſſacres of the ſecond of September, and paſſes by thoſe of the 10th of Auguſt, as well as the impriſonment and depoſition of the King, which were the conſequences of that day, as indeed were the maſſacres themſelves to which he confines his cenſure, though they were not actually perpetrated till early in Sep⯑tember. Like that Faction, he condemns, not the depoſition, or the propoſed exile, or perpetual impriſonment, but only the murder of the King. Mr. Sheridan, on every occa⯑ſion, palliates all their maſſacres committed in every part of France, as the effects of a natural indignation at the exorbitances of deſpotiſm, and of the dread of the people of returning under that yoke—He has thus taken occaſion to load, not the actors in this wicked⯑neſs, but the Government of a mild, merciful, beneficent and patriotick Prince, and his ſuf⯑fering, faithful ſubjects, with all the crimes of the new anarchical tyranny, under which the one has been murdered, and the others are oppreſſed. Thoſe continual either praifes or [66] palliating apologies of every thing done in France, and thoſe invectives as uniformly vo⯑mited out upon all thoſe who venture to ex⯑preſs their diſapprobation of ſuch proceedings, coming from a man of Mr. Fox's fame and authority, and one who is conſidered as the perſon to whom a great party of the wealthieſt men of the Kingdom look up, have been the cauſe why the principle of French fraternity formerly gained the ground which at one time it had obtained in this Country. It will infallibly recover itſelf again, and in ten times a greater degree, if the kind of Peace, in the manner which he preaches, ever ſhall be eſtabliſhed with the reigning faction in France.

038. So far as to the French practices with regard to France, and the other Powers of Eu⯑rope—as to their principles and doctrines, with regard to the Conſtitution of States, Mr. Fox ſtudiouſly, on all occaſions, and indeed when no occaſion calls for it, (as on the Debate of the petition for Reform) brings forward and aſſerts their fundamental and fatal principle, pregnant with every miſchief and every crime, namely, that ‘"in every Country the People is the legiti⯑mate Sovereign;"’ exactly conformable to the [67] Declaration of the French Clubs and Legiſlators,—‘"La Souveraineté eſt une, indiviſible, inalienable, et impreſcriptible:—Elle appartient a la Na⯑tion:—Aucune Section du peuple, ni aucun Individu ne peut s'en attribuer l'exerciſe."’ This confounds, in a manner equally miſchievous and ſtupid, the origin of a Government from the people with its continuance in their hands. I believe, that no ſuch doctrine has ever been heard of in any publick act of any Government whatſoever, until it was adopted (I think from the writings of Rouſſeau) by the French Aſſem⯑blies, who have made it the baſis of their Con⯑ſtitution at home, and of the matter of their apoſtolate in every country. Theſe, and other wild declarations of abſtract principle, Mr. Fox ſays, are in themſelves perfectly right and true; though in ſome caſes he allows the French draw abſurd conſequences from them. But I con⯑ceive he is miſtaken. The conſequences are moſt logically, though moſt miſchievouſly drawn from the premiſes and principles by that wicked and ungracious faction. The fault is in the foundation.

39. Before ſociety, in a multitude of men, it is obvious, that ſovereignty and ſubjection are [68] ideas which cannot exiſt. It is the compact on which ſociety is formed that makes both. But to ſuppoſe the people, contrary to their com⯑pacts, both to give away and retain the ſame thing, is altogether abſurd. It is worſe, for it ſuppoſes in any ſtrong combination of men a power and right of always diſſolving the ſocial union; which power, however, if it exiſts, ren⯑ders them again as little ſovereigns as ſubjects, but a mere unconnected multitude. It is not eaſy to ſtate for what good end, at a time like this, when the foundations of all antient and preſcriptive Governments, ſuch as ours (to which people ſubmit, not becauſe they have choſen them, but becauſe they are born to them) are undermined by perilous theories, that Mr. Fox ſhould be ſo fond of referring to thoſe theories, upon all occaſions, even though ſpeculatively they might be true, which God forbid they ſhould! Particularly I do not ſee the reaſon why he ſhould be ſo fond of declaring, that the prin⯑ciples of the Revolution have made the Crown of Great Britain elective; why he thinks it ſea⯑ſonable to preach up with ſo much earneſtneſs, for now three years together, the doctrine of reſiſtance and Revolution at all; or to aſſert that our laſt Revolution of 1688 ſtands on the [69] ſame or ſimilar principles with that of France. We are not called upon to bring forward theſe doctrines, which are hardly ever reſorted to but in caſes of extremity, and where they are fol⯑lowed by correſpondent actions. We are not called upon by any circumſtance, that I know of, which can juſtify a revolt, or which demands a Revolution, or can make an election of a ſucceſſor to the Crown neceſſary, whatever la⯑tent right may be ſuppoſed to exiſt for effectu⯑ating any of theſe purpoſes.

40. Not the leaſt alarming of the proceedings of Mr. Fox and his friends in this Seſſion, eſpe⯑cially taken in concurrence with their whole proceedings, with regard to France and its principles, is their eagerneſs at this Seaſon, un⯑der pretence of Parliamentary Reforms (a pro⯑ject which had been for ſome time rather dor⯑mant) to diſcredit and diſgrace the Houſe of Commons. For this purpoſe theſe Gentlemen had found a way to inſult the Houſe by ſeveral atrocious libels in the form of petitions. In particular they brought up a libel, or rather a complete digeſt of libellous matter, from the Club called the Friends of the People. It is indeed at once the moſt audacious and the moſt [70] inſidious of all the performances of that kind which have yet appeared. It is ſaid to be the penmanſhip of Mr. Tierney, to bring whom into Parliament the Duke of Portland formerly had taken a good deal of pains, and expended, as I hear, a conſiderable ſum of money.

41. Among the circumſtances of danger from that piece, and from its precedent, it is obſervable that this is the firſt petition (if I re⯑member right) coming from a Club or Aſſociation, ſigned by Individuals, denoting neither local reſi⯑dence, nor corporate capacity. This mode of pe⯑tition not being ſtrictly illegal or informal, though in its ſpirit in the higheſt degree miſ⯑chievous, may and will lead to other things of that nature, tending to bring theſe Clubs and Aſſociations to the French model, and to make them in the end anſwer French purpoſes: I mean, that without legal names, theſe Clubs will be led to aſſume political capacities; that they may debate the forms of Conſtitution; and that from their Meetings they may inſolently dictate their will to the regular authorities of the Kingdom, in the manner in which the Jacobin Clubs iſſue their mandates to the National Aſ⯑ſembly, or the National Convention. The au⯑dacious [71] remonſtrance, I obſerve, is ſigned by all of that Aſſociation (the Friends of the Peo⯑ple) who are not in Parliament, and it was ſup⯑ported moſt ſtrenuouſly by all the Aſſociators who are Members, with Mr. Fox at their head. He and they contended for referring this libel to a committee. Upon the queſtion of that reference, they grounded all their debate for a change in the Conſtitution of Parliament. The pretended Petition is, in fact, a regular charge or impeachment of the Houſe of Commons, digeſted into a number of Articles. This plan of reform is not a criminal Impeachment, but a matter of prudence, to be ſubmitted to the pub⯑lick wiſdom, which muſt be as well appriſed of the facts as petitioners can be. But thoſe accu⯑ſers of the Houſe of Commons have proceeded upon the principles of a criminal proceſs; and have had the effrontery to offer proof on each Article.

42. This charge, the party of Mr. Fox maintained article by article, beginning with the firſt; namely, the interference of Peers at Elec⯑tions, and their nominating in effect ſeveral of the Members of the Houſe of Commons. In the printed liſt of grievances which they made [72] out on the occaſion, and in ſupport of their charge, is found the Borough, for which, under Lord Fitzwilliams' influence, I now ſit. By this Remonſtrance, and its object, they hope to defeat the operation of property in Elections, and in reality to diſſolve the connexion and communication of intereſts which makes the Houſes of Parliament a mutual ſupport to each other. Mr. Fox and the Friends of the People are not ſo ignorant as not to know, that Peers do not interfere in Elections as Peers, but as men of property—They well know that the Houſe of Lords is by itſelf the feebleſt part of the Conſtitution; they know that the Houſe of Lords is ſupported only by its connexions with the Crown, and with the Houſe of Commons; and that without this double connexion the Lords could not exiſt a ſingle year. They know, that all theſe parts of our Conſtitution, whilſt they are balanced as oppoſing intereſts, are alſo connected as friends; otherwiſe nothing but confuſion could be the reſult of ſuch a com⯑plex Conſtitution. It is natural, therefore, that they who wiſh the common deſtruction of the whole, and of all its parts, ſhould contend for their total ſeparation. But as the Houſe of Commons is that link which connects both the [73] other parts of the Conſtitution (the Crown and the Lords) with the Maſs of the People, it is to that link (as it is natural enough) that their inceſſant attacks are directed. That artificial repreſentation of the people being once diſcredited and overturned, all goes to pieces, and nothing but a plain French democracy or arbitrary monarchy can poſſibly exiſt.

43. Some of theſe gentlemen who have attacked the Houſe of Commons, lean to a repreſentation of the people by the head, that is, to individual repreſentation. None of them that I recollect, except Mr. Fox, directly rejected it. It is remarkable, how⯑ever, that he only rejected it by ſimply de⯑claring an opinion. He let all the argument go againſt his opinion. All the proceedings and arguments of his reforming friends lead to individual repreſentation and to nothing elſe. It deſerves to be attentively obſerved, that this individual repreſentation is the only plan of their reform, which has been explicitly propoſed. In the mean time, the conduct of Mr. Fox appears to be far more inexplicable, on any good ground, than theirs, who pro⯑poſe [74] the individual repreſentation; for he neither propoſes any thing, nor even ſuggeſts that he has any thing to propoſe, in lieu of the preſent mode of conſtituting the Houſe of Commons. On the contrary, he declares againſt all the plans which have yet been ſuggeſted, either from himſelf or others: yet, thus unprovided with any plan whatſoever, he preſſed forward this unknown reform with all poſſible warmth; and for that purpoſe, in a ſpeech of ſeveral hours, he urged the referring to a committee, the libellous im⯑peachment of the Houſe of Commons by the aſſociation of the Friends of the People. But for Mr. Fox to diſcredit Parliament as it ſtands, to countenance leagues, cove⯑nants, and aſſociations for its further diſ⯑credit, to render it perfectly odious and contemptible, and at the ſame time to pro⯑poſe nothing at all in place of what he diſ⯑graces, is worſe, if poſſible, than to contend for perſonal individual repreſentation, and is little leſs than demanding, in plain terms, to bring on plain anarchy.

44. Mr. Fox and theſe gentlemen have, for the preſent, been defeated; but they are [75] neither converted nor diſheartened. They have ſolemnly declared, that they will per⯑ſevere until they ſhall have obtained their ends; perſiſting to aſſert, that the Houſe of Com⯑mons not only is not the true repreſentative of the people, but that it does not anſwer the purpoſe of ſuch repreſentation; moſt of them inſiſt that all the debts, the taxes, and the burthens of all kinds on the people, with every other evil and inconvenience, which we have ſuffered ſince the Revolution, have been owing ſolely to an Houſe of Com⯑mons which does not ſpeak the ſenſe of the people.

45. It is alſo not to be forgotten, that Mr. Fox, and all who hold with him, on this, as on all other occaſions of pretended Reform, moſt bitterly reproach Mr. Pitt with treachery, in declining to ſupport the ſcandalous charges and indefinite projects of this infamous libel from the Friends of the People. By the animoſity with which they perſecute all thoſe who grow cold in this cauſe of pretended Reform, they hope, that if through levity, inexperience, or ambi⯑tion, any young perſon (like Mr. Pitt, for [76] inſtance) happens to be once embarked in their deſign, they ſhall, by a falſe ſhame, keep him faſt in it for ever. Many they have ſo hampered.

46. I know it is uſual, when the peril and alarm of the hour appears to be a little over⯑blown, to think no more of the matter. But for my part, I look back with horror on what we have eſcaped; and am full of anxiety with regard to the dangers, which, in my opinion, are ſtill to be apprehended both at home and abroad. This buſineſs has caſt deep roots. Whether it is neceſſarily con⯑nected in theory with Jacobiniſm is not worth a diſpute: The two things are con⯑nected in fact. The partizans of the one are the partizans of the other. I know it is common with thoſe who are favourable to the Gentlemen of Mr. Fox's party, and to their leader, though not at all devoted to all their reforming projects, or their Gallican politics, to argue in palliation of their con⯑duct, that it is not in their power to do all the harm which their actions evidently tend to. It is ſaid, that as the people will not ſup⯑port them, they may ſafely be indulged in [77] thoſe eccentric fancies of Reform, and thoſe theories which lead to nothing. This apo⯑logy is not very much to the honour of thoſe politicians, whoſe intereſts are to be adhered to in defiance of their conduct. I cannot flat⯑ter myſelf that theſe inceſſant attacks on the Conſtitution of Parliament are ſafe. It is not in my power to deſpiſe the unceaſing ef⯑forts of a Confederacy of about fifty per⯑ſons of eminence; men, for the far greater part, of very ample fortunes either in poſſeſſion or in expectancy; men of decided characters and vehement paſſions, men of very great talents of all kinds; of much boldneſs, and of the greateſt poſſible ſpirit of artifice, intrigue, adventure, and enter⯑prize, all operating with unwearied activity and perſeverance. Theſe gentlemen, are much ſtronger too without doors than ſome calculate. They have the more active part of the diſſenters with them; and the whole clan of ſpeculators of all denominations—a large and growing ſpecies. They have that floating multitude which goes with events and which ſuffers the loſs or gain of a battle, to decide it's opinions of right and wrong. As long as by every art this party keeps [78] alive a ſpirit of diſaffection againſt the very Conſtitution of the kingdom, and attributes, as lately it has been in the habit of doing, all the public misfortunes to that Conſtitution, it is abſolutely impoſſible, but that ſome mo⯑ment muſt arrive, in which they will be enabled to produce a pretended Reform and a real Revolution. If ever the body of this compound Conſtitution of ours is ſubverted either in favour of unlimited Monarchy, or of wild Democracy, that ruin will moſt certainly be the reſult of this very ſort of machinations againſt the Houſe of Commons. It is not from a confidence in the views or intentions of any Stateſman, that I think he is to be indulged in theſe perilous amuſe⯑ments.

47. Before it is made the great object of any man's political life to raiſe another to power, it is right to conſider what are the real diſpoſitions of the perſon to be ſo elevated. We are not to form our judg⯑ment on theſe diſpoſitions from the rules and principles of a court of Juſtice, but from thoſe of private diſcretion; not looking for what would ſerve to criminate another, but [79] what is ſufficient to direct ourſelves. By a compariſon of a ſeries of the diſcourſes and actions of certain men, for a reaſonable length of time, it is impoſſible not to obtain ſufficient indication of the general tendency of their views and principles. There is no other rational mode of proceeding. It is true, that in ſome one or two, perhaps not well-weighed expreſſions, or ſome one or two unconnected and doubtful affairs, we may and ought to judge of the actions or words by our previous good or ill opinion of the man. But this allowance has its bounds. It does not extend to any regular courſe of ſyſtematick action, or of conſtant and repeated diſcourſe. It is againſt every principle of common ſenſe and of juſtice to oneſelf, and to the public, to judge of a ſeries of ſpeeches and actions from the man, and not of the man from the whole tenor of his language and conduct. I have ſtated the above matters, not as inferring a cri⯑minal charge of evil intention. If I had meant to do ſo, perhaps they are ſtated with tolerable exactneſs—But I have no ſuch view. The intentions of theſe Gentlemen may be very pure. I do not diſpute it. [80] But I think they are in ſome great errour. If theſe things are done by Mr. Fox and his friends, with good intentions, they are not done leſs dangerouſly; for it ſhews theſe good intentions are not under the direction of ſafe maxims and principles.

48. Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, and the Gen⯑tlemen who call themſelves the phalanx, have not been ſo very indulgent to others. They have thought proper to aſcribe to thoſe Mem⯑bers of the Houſe of Commons, who, in ex⯑act agreement with the Duke of Portland and Lord Fitzwilliam, abhor and oppoſe the French ſyſtem, the baſeſt and moſt unworthy motives for their conduct;—as if none could oppoſe that atheiſtick, immoral, and impolitick project ſet up in France, ſo diſgraceful and deſtructive, as I conceive, to human nature itſelf, but with ſome ſiniſter intentions. They treat thoſe Members on all occaſions with a ſort of lordly inſolence, though they are perſons that (whatever homage they may pay to the eloquence of the Gentlemen who chuſe to look down upon them with ſcorn), are not their inferiors in any particular which calls for and obtains juſt conſideration from the [81] public; not their inferiors in knowledge of public law, or of the Conſtitution of the king⯑dom; not their inferiors in their acquaintance with its foreign and domeſtic intereſts; not their inferiors in experience or practice of bu⯑ſineſs; not their inferiors in moral character; not their inferiors in the proofs they have given of zeal and induſtry in the ſervice of their country. Without denying to theſe Gentlemen, the reſpect and conſideration which, it is allowed, juſtly belongs to them, we ſee no reaſon why they ſhould not as well be obliged to defer ſomething to our opinions, as that we ſhould be bound blindly and ſer⯑vilely to follow thoſe of Mr. Fox, Mr. She⯑ridan, Mr. Grey, Mr. Courtney, Mr. Lamb⯑ton, Mr. Whitbread, Mr. Francis, Mr. Tay⯑lor, and others. We are Members of Parlia⯑ment and their equals. We never conſider ourſelves as their followers. Theſe Gentle⯑men (ſome of them hardly born, when ſome of us came into Parliament) have thought proper to treat us as deſerters, as if we had been liſted into their phalanx like ſoldiers, and had ſworn to live and die in their French principles. This inſolent claim of ſuperiority on their part, and of a ſort of vaſſalage to them [82] on that of other Members, is what no liberal mind will ſubmit to bear.

49. The Society of the Liberty of the Preſs, the Whig Club, and the Society for Conſti⯑tutional Information, and (I believe) the Friends of the People, as well as ſome Clubs in Scotland, have indeed declared, ‘"That their confidence in and attachment to Mr. Fox, has lately been confirmed, ſtrength⯑ened, and encreaſed by the calumnies (as they are called) againſt him."’ It is true, Mr. Fox and his friends have thoſe teſtimonies in their favour, againſt certain old friends of the Duke of Portland. Yet on a full, ſerious, and I think diſpaſſionate conſideration of the whole of what Mr. Fox and Mr. Sheridan and their friends have acted, ſaid and written, in this Seſſion, inſtead of doing any thing which might tend to procure power, or any ſhare of it whatſoever, to them or to their phalanx (as they call it) or to encreaſe their credit, influence, or popularity in the nation, I think it one of my moſt ſerious and impor⯑tant public duties, in whatſoever ſtation I may be placed for the ſhort time I have to live, effectually to employ my beſt endeavours, by [83] every prudent and every lawful means, to traverſe all their deſigns. I have only to la⯑ment, that my abilities are not greater, and that my probability of life is not better, for the more effectual purſuit of that object. But I truſt that neither the principles nor exertions will die with me. I am the rather confirmed in this my reſolution, and in this my wiſh of tranſmitting it, becauſe every ray of hope concerning a poſſible controul or mitigation of the enormous miſchiefs which the principles of theſe Gentlemen, and which their con⯑nexions full as dangerous as their principles, might receive from the influence of the Duke of Portland and Lord Fitzwilliam, on be⯑coming their colleagues in office, is now en⯑tirely baniſhed from the mind of every one living.—It is apparent, even to the world at large, that ſo far from having a power to di⯑rect or to guide Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Grey, and the reſt, in any important matter, they have not, through this Seſſion, been able to prevail on them to forbear or to delay, or mitigate, or ſoften any one act, or any one expreſſion upon ſubjects on which they eſſen⯑tially differed.

[84] 50. Even if this hope of a poſſible con⯑troul did exiſt, yet the declared opinions and the uniform line of conduct conformable to thoſe opinions, purſued by Mr. Fox, muſt become a matter of ſerious alarm if he ſhould obtain a power either at Court or in Parlia⯑ment, or in the nation at large; and for this plain reaſon—He muſt be the moſt active and efficient member in any Adminiſtration of which he ſhall form a part. That a man, or ſet of men, are guided by ſuch not dubious, but delivered and avowed principles and max⯑ims of policy as to need a watch and check on them, in the exerciſe of the higheſt power, ought, in my opinion, to make every man, who is not of the ſame principles, and guided by the ſame maxims, a little cautious how he makes himſelf one of the traverſes of a ladder, to help ſuch a man or ſuch a ſet of men, to climb up to the higheſt authority. A miniſter of this country is to be controulled by the Houſe of Commons. He is to be truſted, not controulled, by his colleagues in of⯑fice; if he were to be controulled, Government, which ought to be the ſource of order, would it⯑ſelf become a ſcene of anarchy. Beſides, Mr. Fox is a man of an aſpiring and commanding [85] mind, made rather to controul, than to be con⯑troulled, and he never will be, nor can be, in any Adminiſtration, in which he will be guided by any of thoſe whom I have been accuſtomed to confide in. It is abſurd to think that he would or could. If his own opinions do not controul him, nothing can. When we conſider of an adherence to a man which leads to his power, we muſt not only ſee what the man is, but how he ſtands related. It is not to be forgotten that Mr. Fox acts in cloſe and inſeparable connection with another Gentleman of exactly the ſame deſcription as himſelf, and who, perhaps, of the two is the leader. The reſt of the body are not a great deal more tractable; and over them if Mr. Fox and Mr. Sheridan have authority, moſt aſſuredly the Duke of Portland has not the ſmalleſt degree of in⯑fluence.

51. One muſt take care, that a blind par⯑tiality to ſome perſons, and as blind an hatred to others, may not enter into our minds under a colour of inflexible publick principle. We hear, as a reaſon for cling⯑ing to Mr. Fox at preſent, that nine years [86] ago Mr. Pitt got into power by miſchievous intrigues with the Court, with the Diſſenters, and with other factious people out of Par⯑liament, to the diſcredit and weakening of the power of the Houſe of Commons. His conduct nine years ago I ſtill hold to be very culpable. There are, however, many things very culpable that I do not know how to puniſh. My opinion, on ſuch matters, I muſt ſubmit to the good of the ſtate, as I have done on other occaſions; and particu⯑larly with regard to the authors and ma⯑nagers of the American war, with whom I have acted, both in office and in oppoſition, with great confidence and cordiality, though I thought many of their acts criminal and impeachable. Whilſt the miſconduct of Mr. Pitt and his aſſociates was yet recent, it was not poſſible to get Mr. Fox of him⯑ſelf to take a ſingle ſtep, or even to counte⯑nance others in taking any ſtep upon the ground of that miſconduct and falſe policy, though if the matters had been then taken up and purſued, ſuch a ſtep could not have ap⯑peared ſo evidently deſperate as now it is.—So far from purſuing Mr. Pitt, I know that then, and for ſome time after, ſome of Mr. [87] Fox's friends were actually, and with no ſmall earneſtneſs, looking out to a coalition with that gentleman. For years I never heard this circumſtance of Mr. Pitt's miſ⯑conduct on that occaſion mentioned by Mr. Fox, either in publick or in private, as a ground for oppoſition to that miniſter. All oppoſition, from that period to this very Seſſion, has proceeded upon the ſeparate meaſures as they ſeparately aroſe, without any vindictive retroſpect to Mr. Pitt's con⯑duct in 1784. My memory, however, may fail me. I muſt appeal to the printed de⯑bates, which, (ſo far as Mr. Fox is concerned) are unuſually accurate.

52. Whatever might have been in our power, at an early period, at this day I ſee no remedy for what was done in 1784. I had no great hopes even at the time. I was therefore very eager to record a remonſtrance on the journals of the Houſe of Commons, as a caution againſt ſuch a popular deluſion in times to come; and this I then feared, and now am certain, is all that could be done. I know of no way of animadverting on the Crown. I know of no mode of calling [88] to account the Houſe of Lords, who threw out the India Bill, in a way not much to their credit. As little, or rather leſs, am I able to coerce the people at large, who be⯑haved very unwiſely and intemperately on that occaſion. Mr. Pitt was then accuſed, by me as well as others, of attempting to be Miniſter, without enjoying the confi⯑dence of the Houſe of Commons, though he did enjoy the confidence of the Crown. That Houſe of Commons, whoſe confidence he did not enjoy, unfortunately did not it⯑ſelf enjoy the confidence, (though we well deſerved it) either of the Crown or of the public. For want of that confidence, the then Houſe of Commons did not ſurvive the conteſt. Since that period Mr. Pitt has en⯑joyed the confidence of the Crown, and of the Lords, and of the Houſe of Commons, through two ſucceſſive Parliaments; and I ſuſpect that he has ever ſince, and that he does ſtill, enjoy as large a portion, at leaſt, of the confidence of the people without doors, as his great rival. Before whom, then, is Mr. Pitt to be impeached, and by whom? The more I conſider the matter, the more firmly I am convinced, that the [89] idea of proſcribing Mr. Pitt indirectly, when you cannot directly puniſh him, is as chime⯑rical a project, and as unjuſtifiable, as it would be to have proſcribed Lord North. For ſuppoſing, that by indirect ways of op⯑poſition, by oppoſition upon meaſures which do not relate to the buſineſs of 1784, but which on other grounds might prove unpo⯑pular, you were to drive him from his ſeat, this would be no example whatever of pu⯑niſhment for the matters we charge as of⯑fences in 1784. On a cool and diſpaſſion⯑ate view of the affairs of this time and country, it appears obvious to me, that one or the other of thoſe two great men, that is, Mr. Pitt or Mr. Fox, muſt be Miniſter. They are, I am ſorry for it, irreconcileable. Mr. Fox's conduct in this Seſſion has rendered the idea of his power a matter of ſerious alarm to many people, who were very little pleaſed with the proceedings of Mr. Pitt in the beginning of his adminiſtration. They like neither the conduct of Mr. Pitt, in 1784, nor that of Mr. Fox, in 1793; but they eſtimate, which of the evils is moſt preſſing at the time, and what is likely to be the conſequence of a change. If Mr. Fox [90] be wedded, they muſt be ſenſible, that his opinions and principles, on the now exiſting ſtate of things at home and abroad, muſt be taken as his portion. In his train muſt alſo be taken the whole body of gentlemen, who are pledged to him and to each other, and to their common politicks and principles.—I believe no King of Great Britain ever will adopt for his confidential ſervants, that body of gentlemen, holding that body of principles. Even if the preſent King or his ſucceſſor ſhould think fit to take that ſtep, I apprehend a general diſcontent of thoſe, who wiſh that this nation and that Europe ſhould continue in their preſent ſtate, would enſue; a diſcontent, which, combined with the principles and progreſs of the new men in power, would ſhake this kingdom to its foundations. I do not believe any one po⯑litical conjecture can be more certain than this.

53. Without at all defending or palliating Mr. Pitt's conduct in 1784, I muſt obſerve, that the criſis of 1793, with regard to every thing at home and abroad, is full as im⯑portant as that of 1784 ever was; and, if [91] for no other reaſon, by being preſent is much more important. It is not to nine years ago we are to look for the danger of Mr. Fox's and Mr. Sheridan's conduct, and that of the Gentlemen who act with them. It is at this very time, and in this very ſeſſion, that, if they had not been ſtrenuouſly re⯑ſiſted, they would not only merely have diſ⯑credited the Houſe of Commons (as Mr. Pitt did in 1784, when he perſuaded the King to reject their advice, and to appeal from them to the people), but, in my opi⯑nion, would have been the means of wholly ſubverting the Houſe of Commons and the Houſe of Peers, and the whole Conſtitution actual and virtual, together with the ſafety and independence of this nation, and the peace and ſettlement of every State in the now Chriſtian world. It is to our opinion of the nature of Jacobiniſm, and of the probability by corruption, faction, and force, of its gaining ground every where, that the queſtion whom and what you are to ſupport is to be determined. For my part, without doubt or heſitation, I look upon Jacobiniſm, as the moſt dreadful, and the moſt ſhame⯑ful evil, which ever afflicted mankind, a [92] thing which goes beyond the power of all calculation in its miſchief; and that if it is ſuffered to exiſt in France, we muſt in England, and ſpeedily too, fall into that calamity.

54. I figure to myſelf the purpoſe of theſe Gentlemen accompliſhed, and this Miniſtry deſtroyed. I ſee that the perſons who in that caſe muſt rule, can be no other than Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Grey, the Marquis of Lanſ⯑downe, Lord Thurlow, Lord Lauderdale, and the Duke of Norfolk, with the other Chiefs of the Friends of the People, the Parliamentary Reformers, and the Admirers of the French Revolution. The principal of theſe are all formally pledged to their projects. If the Duke of Portland and Lord Fitzwilliam ſhould be admitted into that ſyſtem (as they might and probably would be), it is quite certain they could not have the ſmalleſt weight in it; leſs, indeed, than what they now poſſeſs, if leſs were poſſible: becauſe they would be leſs wanted than they now are; and becauſe all thoſe who wiſhed to join them, and to act under them, have been rejected by the Duke of Portland and Lord Fitzwilliam themſelves; [93] and Mr. Fox, finding them thus by them⯑ſelves diſarmed, has built quite a new fabric, upon quite a new foundation. There is no trifling on this ſubject. We ſee very diſtinctly before us the Miniſtry that would be formed, and the plan that would be purſued. If we like the plan, we muſt wiſh the power of thoſe who are to carry it into execution; but to purſue the political exaltation of thoſe whoſe political meaſures we diſapprove, and whoſe principles we diſſent from, is a ſpecies of modern politicks not eaſily comprehenſible, and which muſt end in the ruin of the coun⯑try, if it ſhould continue and ſpread. Mr. Pitt may be the worſt of men, and Mr. Fox may be the beſt; but, at preſent, the former is in the intereſt of his country, and of the order of things long eſtabliſhed in Europe: Mr. Fox is not. I have, for one, been born in this order of things, and would fain die in it. I am ſure it is ſufficient to make men as virtuous, as happy, and as knowing as any thing which Mr. Fox, and his friends abroad or at home, would ſubſtitute in its place; and I ſhould be ſorry that any ſet of politicians ſhould obtain power in England, whoſe principles or ſchemes ſhould lead them to countenance per⯑ſons [94] or factions whoſe object is to introduce ſome new deviſed order of things into England, or to ſupport that order where it is already introduced, in France; a place, in which if it can be fixed, in my mind, it muſt have a certain and decided influence in and upon this kingdom. This is my account of my con⯑duct to my private friends. I have already ſaid all I wiſh to ſay, or nearly ſo, to the publick. I write this with pain, and with an heart full of grief!