Farther THOUGHTS ON TAR-WATER.

AS the many Experiments that are daily made of the Virtues of Tar-Water, furniſh new Diſcoveries and Reflexions, ſome of theſe I have thrown together, and offer to the Public in hopes they may prove uſeful.

It is a frequent Complaint, that Tar-Water is made of bad Tar, being of a reddiſh Colour, ſweetiſh or diſagreeably inſipid. But though the Dregs of Tar are often foul, and make foul Tar-Water, and though Tar already uſed is often made uſe of by un⯑fair Dealers a ſecond, if not a third Time, which produceth a vile Potion, void of the genuine Flavour and Virtue of Tar-Water. Yet I apprehend theſe Defects may ſometimes be aſcribed, rather to the Veſſel wherein the Tar-Water is made, than to the Tar itſelf.

Tar-Water being made in an earthen Veſſel un⯑glazed, or that hath loſt Part of its Glazing, may extract (as it is a ſtrong Menſtruum) from the Clay, a fade Sweetiſhneſs, offenſive to the Palate. It ſhould ſeem therefore that the beſt Way of making Tar-Water is in a Stone Jug, or earthen Veſſel through⯑out [10] well glazed, and, as it will not fail to extract a Tincture from any metallic Veſſel, it ſhould be warmed in a well glazed Pipkin, rather than a Sauce-pan.

By increaſing the Proportion of Tar to the Water, and by ſtirring it longer, Tar-Water may be made ſtrong enough for a Spoonful to impregnate a large Glaſs, a Thing very uſeful on a Road.

Thoſe who in chronical Diſorders, or as a Pre⯑ſervative, have for a long time drunk Tar-Water, muſt in acute Caſes drink the more.

Tar-Water muſt be drunk warm in Agues, Small-pox, Meaſles and Fevers, in Colics and Diſorders of the Bowels, in Gout alſo, and Rheumatiſm, in moſt other Ailments cold or warm, at the Choice of the Patient.

In Fevers the Patient cannot begin too ſoon, or drink too much. By undoubted Experience it is found to cool the hot, and warm the cold, and to be a moſt ſucceſsful Medicine in Fevers, notwithſtand⯑ing its great Virtue in Palſies and Dropſies.

When not long ſince an Inflammation attacked the Throat, Breaſt, and Lungs of Children, and became general in my Neighbourhood, Numbers were recovered by the Uſe of Tar-Water, nor did I hear that any miſcarried who uſed it, though many periſhed who did not.

Nor is it a Medicine leſs proper and efficacious in old Age. At the ſame time that this inflammatory Diſtemper raged among the Children, a Woman in her ſixty-eighth Year, from violent Cold was ſeized at once with Ague, Colic, and Jaundice, of all which Maladies ſhe was cured in a Fortnight, by drinking three Pints of warm Tar-water every Day. Numberleſs ſuch Inſtances daily occur, which ſhew it to be a ſafe and efficacious Medicine both for old and young.

[11] Evacuations by Sweat, which uſually render Pa⯑tients very weak and diſpirited, have not the ſame bad Effects when produced by Tar-Water, which I have frequently known to give high Spirits in all the Stages of a Fever, and under the loweſt Regi⯑men, therefore old People and weak Perſons, who cannot well bear common Evacuations, are beſt cured by Tar-Water, which in ſome Sort ſeemeth to renew thoſe who are worn out with Age and Infirmities.

Tar-Water is of ſingular Uſe in ſtrengthening the Stomach and Bowels, and agrees particularly well with Infants, taken either by themſelves or by the Nurſe, and beſt by both. Though as it throws the ill Humours out into the Surface of the Skin, it may render them for a Time, perhaps, unſeemly with Eruptions, but withal healthy and lively. And I will venture to ſay, that it lays in them the Prin⯑ciples of a good Conſtitution for the reſt of their Lives.

Nor is it only uſeful to the Bodies of Infants, it hath alſo a good Effect on their Minds, as thoſe who drink it are obſerved to be remarkably forward and ſprightly. Even the moſt heavy, lumpiſh, and un⯑promiſing Infants, appear to be much improved by it. A Child there is in my Neighbourhood, of fine Parts, who at firſt ſeemed ſtupid and an Idiot, but, by conſtant Uſe of Tar-Water, grew lively and obſerving, and is now noted for Underſtand⯑ing beyond others of the ſame Age.

Infants are eaſily brought to take it by Spoon, and even grow to a Liking of it, and as their Diſorders ariſe chiefly from Indigeſtion, they receive the great⯑eſt Benefit from a Medicine ſo well calculated to ſtrengthen the Inteſtines, and preſerve them from Fits. In a word, if it were the common Practice to accuſtom Infants from the Beginning to take Tar-Water, [12] this would greatly conduce to the Health both of their Minds and Bodies. There is, I am verily perſuaded, no one Thing in the power of Art or Nature, that would ſo generally and effectually contribute to repair the Conſtitutions of our Gentry and Nobility, by ſtrengthning the Children, and caſting off in their Infancy thoſe Impurities and Taints, which they often bring into the World.

An Infant may take one Quarter of a Pint in the Day, warm, by Spoonfuls; leſs may do good, and there is no fear of Exceſs. When I conſider the private Woe of Families, as well as the public Loſs occaſioned by the Death of ſuch an incredible Number of Infants, under two Years of Age, I cannot but inſiſt on recommending Tar-Water, both as a Remedy and Preſervative in that tender Age, which cannot bear the common Treatment and Methods of Phyſic, or with ſafety take thoſe Drugs which are fitter for grown Perſons.

Another Reaſon which recommends Tar-Water, particularly to Infants and Children, is the great Security it brings againſt the Small-pox, to thoſe that drink it, who are obſerved, either never to take that Diſtemper, or to have it in the gentleſt Manner.

There is no Diſtemper more contagious and de⯑ſtructive than the Small-pox, or more generally dreaded, attended with worſe Symptoms, or that leaves behind it worſe Effects; I obſerve at the ſame time, that Tar-Water is in no other Caſe a more ſafe and ſure Remedy than in this; of which Captain Drape's Certificate, ſworn to before the Mayor of Liverpool, in the preſence of ſeveral principal Perſons of that Town, is a moſt evident Proof.

That one hundred and ſeventy Perſons, ſeized at once with the Small-pox, deprived of all Conve⯑niencies, [13] and in the worſt Circumſtances of a nar⯑row Ship and hot Climate, ſhould all recover by the ſingle Medicine of Tar-Water, except one who would not drink it, is a matter of Fact, ſo plain and convincing, and ſo well atteſted, as to leave no Doubt in Minds free from Prepoſſeſſion, about the Uſefulneſs and Efficacy of Tar-Water in the Small-pox; a Point I had been before ſufficiently convinced of, by many Inſtances in my own Neighbourhood.

It hath been ſurmiſed by ſome celebrated Phy⯑ſicians, that one Day a Specific may be diſcovered for the peculiar Venom of the Small-pox. There ſeems to be ſome Reaſon for thinking that Tar-Water is ſuch a Specific. I ſay this on good Grounds, having by many Experiments obſerved its Virtue in curing, as well as in preventing, that cruel Diſ⯑temper; during the whole Courſe of which, it is to be drank warm; a moderate Glaſs (about Half a Pint) every Hour, in common Caſes, may ſuffice, in bad Caſes more may be given; there is no Fear of Exceſs.

Thoſe who endeavour to diſcredit this cooling Cordial, and ſalutary Medicine, as an Inflamer of the Blood, do very conſiſtently decry its Uſe in the Small-pox; but there can be nothing more clear, full, and ſatisfactory than Captain Drape's Affida⯑vit, to convince reaſonable People of the great and ſurpriſing Efficacy of Tar-Water, in the Cure of the Small-pox; and conſequently of the ground⯑leſneſs of that Report, which aſcribes a heating or inflaming Quality to it. And yet that groundleſs Report hath hindred many from reaping the Benefit they might otherwiſe have done, from the Uſe of this Water, which is of excellent Virtue in all kinds of inflammatory Diſorders, Fevers, Quinſies, Pleu⯑riſies, and ſuch like of the hot and inflamed Kind, [14] whereof the Public as well as myſelf have known a Multitude of Examples.

I ask whether the Fact ſworn before the Magi⯑ſtrates of Liverpool, be not a ſufficient Anſwer to all that is objected, from an inflaming Quality, to Tar-Water. Can any Inſtance be produced in the whole Materia Medica, or Hiſtory of Phyſic, of the Virtue of a Medicine tried on greater Numbers, or under greater Diſadvantages, or with greater Succeſs, or more credibly atteſted. I wiſh for the common Good of Mankind, that the ſame Ex⯑periment was tried in our Hoſpitals. Probably the World would ſoon be relieved from that great and general Terror of the Small-pox.

When I hear of the Devaſtations made by this Diſtemper, in great Cities and populous Towns, how many Lives are loſt, or (as may be ſaid) thrown away, which might have been in all likelihood eaſily preſerved, by the Uſe of a Medicine, ſo cheap and obvious, and in eyery one's power, it ſeems Matter of great Concern and Aſtoniſhment, and leaves one at a loſs to gueſs at the Motives, that govern hu⯑man Actions in Affairs of the greateſt moment. The Experiment may be eaſily made, if an equal Number of poor Patients in the Small-pox, were put into two Hoſpitals at the ſame Time of the Year, and provided with the ſame Neceſſaries of Diet and Lodging, and, for further Care, let the one have a Tub of Tar-Water and an old Woman; the other Hoſpital, what Attendance and Drugs you pleaſe.

In all obſtinate Sores and Ulcers, I very much re⯑commend the drinking of Tar-Water, and waſhing them with a ſtrong Lotion of it, will haſten the Cure.

One of the moſt painful and dangerous Caſes is that of a Woman's fore Breaſt. How many poor [15] Creatures after long languiſhing in Miſery, are obliged to ſuffer the moſt ſevere chirurgical Opera⯑tions, often the cutting off the entire Breaſt? The Uſe of Tar-Water in thoſe Caſes hath been attended with ſuch Succeſs, that I do earneſtly recommend the drinking thereof, both as a Cure and Preſerva⯑tive, as a moſt effectual Medicine to remove the ſhooting Pains that precede a Cancer, and alſo to cure the Cancer itſelf, without Amputation. Can⯑cerous and ſore Breaſts are ſuch cruel Caſes, occa⯑ſioned by ſo many internal Cauſes, as well as out⯑ward Accidents, that it is a neceſſary Piece of Hu⯑manity, to contribute all we can to the Prevention and Cure thereof.

In the King's Evil, Leproſy, and fouleſt Caſes, Tar-Water cannot be too much recommended. The poor Vagabonds of Ireland, are many of them in⯑fected and eaten up with the foul Diſeaſe, which with them paſſeth for a Canker, as they call it. Several Inſtances of extraordinary Cures have been performed on ſuch Perſons, by drinking Tar-Water copiouſly, for ſome Weeks or Months together, without Confinement or other Reſtraint, than that of a regular cool Diet. It is indeed a Specific, both for this and all other Taints and Impurities of the Blood.

An Extract of Siris was made, and Accounts of the Effects of Tar-Water were reprinted in America, in which Continent, as well as in the Iſlands, much Uſe hath been made thereof, particularly by thoſe who poſſeſs great Numbers of Slaves: Of this I have been informed by Letters, and by Word of Mouth, from Perſons belonging to thoſe Parts, who have aſſured me of the extenſive and ſucceſsful Uſe of this Medicine in many Caſes, and more eſpecially in the moſt inveterate Kinds of the ſoul Diſeaſe.

[16] I need not ſay how dearly they purchaſe Health who obtain it by Salivation, and yet long and ſe⯑vere as that Courſe is, it is often unſucceſsful. There are Inſtances of ſuch as having paſſed through it with much Miſery and Patience, have been after⯑wards cured by the ſimple Uſe of Tar-Water.

The King's Evil, ſo lothſom in its Symptoms and Effects, and withal ſo difficult, if at all poſſible, to cure by any other Method, is moſt ſurely and eaſily cured by the Tar-Water, even when the Pa⯑tient is far gone, even when he derives it from his Anceſtors. A Quart per diem for a few Months, I have known to cure the moſt deplorable and abandoned Caſes.

How many wealthy Families, otherwiſe at their Eaſe, are corrupted with this Taint in their Blood? How many want Heirs and Husbands, through this odious Malady? A Specific for this Diſeaſe alone, would be juſtly eſteemed a moſt valuable Secret, and the plenty and cheapneſs of the Medicine ought not in Reaſon to make it leſs eſteemed.

Salivating, Bleeding, and Purging, are attended with great Hardſhips and Inconveniencies (even where the Patient recovers) reducing the Strength and Spirits of thoſe who uſe them, whereas Tar-Water greatly adds to both.

In Fractures and Wounds, a Quart or two drank daily, while the Patient is under Cure, doth very much aſſuage the Pain and promote his Recovery, both as by its balſamic Nature it diſpoſeth the Parts to heal, and alſo as it leſſens if not totally prevents the Fever.

A poor Boy in Cloyne, having fallen from a Tree, broke both Arm and Wriſt. This Accident was concealed or neglected for two or three Weeks; he was then put under the Care of a skilful Bone⯑ſetter, [17] who finding the Bones knit and grown crooked, and that it would be neceſſary to break them again, in order to ſet them right, and withal conſidering the hot Seaſon of the Year (in July) he apprehended his Patient's being thrown into a Fe⯑ver that might prove fatal. But the Boy being made to drink copiouſly of Tar-Water, this pre⯑vented or leſſened the Fever in ſuch ſort, that the Bones were broke and ſet again, and the Cure pro⯑ceded as eaſily and ſpeedily as Could be wiſhed.

I have known ſeveral Inſtances of Bruiſes and Wounds cured by Tar-Water. A Perſon in my Neighbourhood ran over by a Horſe was much bruiſed, and cured only by drinking Tar-Water. Another knocked down with a Mallet, thereupon thrown into a violent Fever, and given for dead; another wounded with an Axe, ſo that his Life was thought in danger, were both recovered by the Uſe of Tar-Water; which, as it is ſovereign againſt Gangrenes and Fevers, hath great Succeſs in all Sorts of Wounds, Contuſions, and Fractures, being taken throughout the whole chirurgical Proceſs, along with whatſoever other Methods or Remedies are applied.

Tar-Water operates variouſly. In Dropſies and Bruiſes it hath been known to work by purging. The ſtronger Kind being uſed as a Waſh, is good againſt ulcerous Eruptions. But in all Caſes where the Lotion is uſed, I believe the drinking of Tar-Water might alone ſuffice, albeit the Sores may be longer withering and drying away.

There is a certain Age or Time of Life, when the female Sex runs no ſmall Risk from the ceaſing of their natural Evacuations. In this Caſe Tar-Water is a good Preſervative, purifying the Blood, and clearing it from that cancerous Tendency, which it is ſometimes ſubject to, about that time. I take it [18] to be a Specific in all cancerous Caſes, even the bleeding Cancer, eſteemed incurable by Phyſicians, hath been cured by Tar-Water.

In Diſeaſes peculiar to Women it is of no ſmall Uſe. Several who had ſuffered much by Accidents in Child-bearing, have found themſelves relieved by Tar-Water. In all Sorts of Tumours, Wens, and praeternatural Excreſcences, it hath been found an excellent Remedy.

Many dangerous Symptoms, and even ſudden Death are often owing to a Polypus, in ſome or other of the Veſſels, through which the Blood cir⯑culates, than which it ſeems there is no inward Cauſe of Death or Diſeaſe more to be dreaded and guard⯑ed againſt; how many drop down dead in our Streets, or at Table, or in the midſt of Buſineſs or Diverſions? how many are found dead in their Beds?

Tremors, Palpitations of the Heart, irregular Pulſes, Apoplexies, ſudden Deaths, often proceed from a ſlow, ſtagnating, interrupted Motion, or ſtoppage of the Blood, in its Circulation through the Body; and there ſeemeth to be no Cauſe ſo cer⯑tainly productive of obſtructed Circulation, as the Polypus, a Caſe, perhaps, much more frequent than is commonly imagined. Morgagni, the cele⯑brated Profeſſor at Padua, and moſt eminent Ana⯑tomiſt, who was ſuppoſed to have diſſected more human Bodies than any Man living, aſſured me, above thirty Years ago, that in the far greater Part of ſuch Bodies, he found Polypuſes, if not in the Ventricles of the Heart or larger Veſſels, yet in ſome other Veſſel or Cavity; to which he attributes many Diſorders, and which he ſuppoſed to be form⯑ed by the obſtructed Motion of the Blood. To prevent this, he diſſuaded from all tight Ligatures, eſpecially in Sleep, unbuttoning the Neck and Wriſt-bands of his Shirt every Night, a Practice he [19] had learned (as he ſaid) from his Maſter, the famous Malpighi.

When the Circulation is once quite ſtopped, no⯑thing can reſtore it, which would be the ſame thing as reſtoring a dead Man to Life, and in Proportion, as the Circulation of the Blood is obſtructed, the Body is diſordered. Total Obſtruction is Death; partial Obſtruction is Diſeaſe. The Polypus there⯑fore is always hurtful, if not mortal. It is, indeed, matter of ſerious Reflexion, that we may probably carry about with us a Principle of Death, always at work within, and of a Nature ſo violent and ſudden in its Effects, ſo hard to come at, and ſo difficult to ſubdue.

It may well be thought at firſt View, a vain Un⯑dertaking, to attempt to diſſolve a fleſhy or mem⯑branous Subſtance, ſo latent and inacceſſible, by common Means or Medicines. But, as Tar-Water hath been undoubtedly known to diſſolve and diſ⯑perſe Wens, and other fleſhy or membranous Tu⯑mours, in the outward Parts of the Body^*, having been drank and circulated with the Blood, it ſhould ſeem by a Parity of Reaſon, that it may alſo diſ⯑ſolve and put an End to thoſe Concretions that are formed in the Ventricles of the Heart or Blood Veſſels, and ſo remove one great Cauſe of Apo⯑plexies and ſudden Death; and what cures may prevent. I have been the longer on this Subject, for the ſake of many who lead ſickly Lives, as well as ſeveral who are ſnatched away by untimely Death.

Univerſally, in all Caſes where other Methods fail, I could wiſh this of Tar-Water was tried. It hath been ſometimes known, that the moſt inve⯑terate Head-aches, and other nervous Diſorders, [20] that would yield to no other Medicine, have been cured by a Courſe of Tar-Water, regularly and con⯑ſtantly purſued.

Whereſoever pure Blood or Plenty of Spirits are wanting, it may be concluded from manifold Ex⯑perience, that Tar-Water is of ſingular Benefit. Several Perſons have acknowledged themſelves to be much fitter to go through Buſineſs or Study from the Uſe of it.

Nor is it only medicinal to human Kind: it is alſo of no ſmall uſe in the Curing of brute Ani⯑mals. It hath been tried on ſeveral Kinds, particu⯑larly with great Succeſs in the late epidemical Diſ⯑temper of our Horſes. And I have been credibly informed, that being drank in plenty, it hath re⯑covered even a glandered Horſe, that was thought incurable.

And as it is of ſuch extenſive uſe, both to Man and Beaſt, it ſhould ſeem, that a Tub of Tar-Wa⯑ter conſtantly ſupplied in a Market-Town, would ſerve, in ſome ſort, for an Hoſpital. Many other Drugs are not eaſily got, this is every where plenty and cheap; many are of a doubtful Nature, this of known Innocence; others ſoon periſh, this laſts for Years, and is not the worſe for keeping. This, in ſhort, is a Medicine for the common People, being a ſafe and cheap Remedy; for ſuch as cannot afford to be long ſick, or to make uſe of coſtly Medicines.

A Patient who drinks Tar-Water, muſt not be alarmed at Puſtules or Eruptions in the Skin; theſe are good Symptoms, and ſhew the Impurities of the Blood to be caſt out. It is alſo not amiſs to obſerve, that, as Tar-Water by its active Qualities, doth ſtir the Humours, entering the minuteſt Capillaries, and diſlodging Obſtructions, it may happen that this working ſhall ſometimes be felt in the Limbs, [21] or diſcharge itſelf in a Fit of the Gout, which, how⯑ever diſagreeable, proves ſalutary.

I am credibly informed of ſeveral ſtrange Con⯑veyances, which Tar-Water hath found out, where⯑by to diſcharge Impurities from the human Con⯑ſtitution. A Perſon who had been in a bad ſtate of Health above twenty Years, upon a Courſe of Tar-Water was thrown into a moſt extraordinary Fit of an Ague, and from that time recovered a good State of Health. An old Gentleman in the County of Cork, who for a long time had been a Valetudinarian, afflicted with many Infirmities, be⯑ing adviſed to drink Tar-Water, found himſelf re⯑lieved, but it produced and ſoon cured a Pthiriaſis or louſy Diſtemper, in which the putrid Humours having diſcharged themſelves, left him quite ſound and healthy.

In a Courſe of Tar-Water, if any Diſorder hap⯑pens from ſome other Cauſe, as from Cold, from the uſe of ſtrong Liquors, from a Surfeit, or ſuch like Accident, it would not be fair to impute it to Tar-Water; and yet this hath been ſometimes done.

The Effects of Vomiting occaſioned by Tar-Water are not to be apprehended. Some are diſ⯑couraged from drinking becauſe their Stomachs cannot bear it. But when it takes a turn towards working upwards, Nature, by that very way, hath been often known to carry on the Cure. A worthy Gentleman, Member of Parliament, came into my Neighbourhood, in the Autumn of the Year 1750; he was cachectic and extremely reduced, ſo that his Friends thought him near his End. Upon his en⯑tering into a Courſe of Tar-Water, it produced a prodigious Vomiting, which weakened him much for the preſent; but perſiſting to continue the Uſe [22] thereof for about two Months, he was reſtored to his Health, Strength and Spirits.

Tar-Water is very diuretic, thereby preventing Stone and Gravel, and carrying off by Urine, thoſe Salts that might otherwiſe occaſion Fevers, Rheu⯑matiſms, Dropſies, Head-aches, and many other Diſorders, if retained in the Blood. Hence, ſome have apprehended a Diabetes, from the continued Uſe thereof, but it is ſo far from cauſing a Diabetes, that it hath been known to cure that Diſorder.

The Conſtitution of a Patient ſometimes requireth during a Courſe of Tar-Water, that he take Water and Honey, alſo roſted Apples, ſtewed Prunes and other Diet of an opening Kind. A Hint of this is ſufficient. If the Reader now and then meets with ſome Remarks, contained in my former Writings on this Subject, he may be pleaſed to conſider, I had rather repeat than forget what I think uſeful to be known.

Some, endeavouring to diſcourage the Uſe of Tar-Water in England, have given out that it may indeed be ſerviceable in Ireland, where People live on ſuch low Diet as ſour Milk and Potatoes, but it cannot be of the ſame Service in England, where Men are accuſtomed to a more liberal and hearty Food; and indeed it muſt be owned, that the Peaſants in this Iſland, live but poorly, but no People in Europe live better (in the Senſe of Ea⯑ting and Drinking) than our Gentry and Citizens; and from theſe the Inſtances of Cures by Tar-Water have been chiefly taken. Thoſe who would con⯑fine its Uſe to the moiſt Air and poor Diet of Ireland, may be aſſured that all over Europe, in France, and Germany, Italy, Portugal, and Holland, Tar-Water works the ſame Effect. In both North and South, in Weſt and Eaſt-Indies, it hath been [23] uſed and continues to be uſed with great Succeſs. It hath reached all our Colonies both on the Con⯑tinent and the Iſlands, and many Barrels of Tar-Water have been ſent from Amſterdam to Batavia; of all which I have had authentic Accounts. But its Uſe is no where more conſpicuous than at Sea, in curing that Plague of ſea-faring Perſons, the Scurvy, as was found in the late Attempt to diſcover a north-weſt Paſſage; and (as I doubt not) will be found as oft as it is tried. Every Ship in his Ma⯑jeſty's Navy ſhould always have a Veſſel of Tar-Water upon Deck, for the Uſe of the Sailors, both in the Scurvy and other Maladies.

It is indeed a Medicine equally calculated for all Climates, for Sea and Land, for rich and poor, high and low Livers; being, as hath been elſe⯑where mentioned, a Cordial which doth not heat; a peculiar Privilege this, and of excellent Uſe. That it is a Cordial, is manifeſt from its cheering and enlivening Quality, and that it is not heating, is as manifeſt, from its ſingular Uſe in all Caſes where the Blood is inflamed. As this Medicine imparts a genial friendly Warmth, ſuited to the human Conſtitution, thoſe who paſs through a Courſe of Tar-Water, would do well not to in⯑creaſe ſuch friendly Warmth to an inflaming Heat, by a wrong Regimen of high-ſeaſoned Food and ſtrong Liquors, which are not wanted by the Drink⯑ers of Tar-Water. There is a certain Degree of Heat neceſſary to the Well-being and Life of Man. More than this will be uneaſy, and this Uneaſineſs indicates a proper Choice of Diet.

I have myſelf drank above a Gallon of Tar-Water in a few Hours, and been cooled and re⯑covered from a Fever by it. So many Inſtances of the ſame Nature I have known, as would make it evident to any unprejudiced Perſon, that Tar-Water [24] is a cooling Medicine; of which Truth I am as thoroughly convinced, as it is poſſible to be of any Theorem in Phyſic or natural Science.

The Unſucceſsfulneſs of other Methods, ſhould rather be an Encouragement than a Bar to the Trial of Tar-Water. A young Lady, Daughter to a worthy Gentleman near Cork, had been long af⯑flicted with a grievous Pain in her Side, and having had the beſt Advice that could be got, was not relieved until ſhe drank Tar-Water, which quite removed her Pain. Some time after ſhe was again ſeized with the ſame Diſorder, but returning to the Uſe of Tar-Water, ſhe grew well and ſtill con⯑tinues ſo.

A Woman turned out of the Infirmary at Cork, as incurable, becauſe ſhe would not ſubmit to the cutting off her Leg, came to, Cloyne, where ſhe continued half a Year drinking Tar-Water, and living upon Bread and Milk, by which Courſe ſhe recovered, and went to Service.

There is at preſent, while I am writing, a moſt remarkable Caſe here at Cloyne, of a poor Soldier in a Dropſy, whoſe Belly was ſwoln to a moſt im⯑moderate Size. He ſaid he had been five Months in an Hoſpital at Dublin, and having tried other Methods in vain, left it to avoid being tapped. It is a Fortnight ſince he came to Cloyne, during which Time he hath drunk two Quarts of Tar-Water every Day. His Belly is now quite reduced: his Appetite and Sleep which were gone are reſtored: he gathers Strength every Moment: and he who was deſpaired of, ſeems to be quite out of Danger, both to himſelf, and to all who ſee him. It is re⯑markable, that upon drinking the Tar-Water, he voided ſeveral Worms of a very extraordinary Size. This Medicine, which is obſerved to make ſome Perſons coſtive, is to hydropic Patients a ſtrong [25] Purge. The preſent is but one of ſeveral Inſtances, wherein the Dropſy hath been cured by Tar-Water; which I never knew to fail in any Species of that Malady.

I am very credibly informed, that an aged Clergyman of Maidſtone in Kent, being reduced to the laſt Extremity by the Gout in his Stomach, after having tried ſtrong Liquors, and the Methods uſual in that Caſe without Succeſs, betook himſelf to drink a vaſt Quantity of warm Tar-Water, ſtill repleniſhing and letting it take its Courſe; by which it pleaſed God to deliver him from the Jaws of Death.

A Gentleman in the County of Clare, near Ennis, had a Fever and Pleuriſy, and Inflammation of the Lungs, being at the laſt Extremity, and given over by two Phyſicians, he was adviſed to drink Tar-Water, which he did, eight Quarts. Next Morn⯑ing one of the Doctors asking at what Hour his Patient died? to his great Surpriſe found he was recovered. This I had from a Parliament-Man his Neighbour.

When the yellow Fever (as it was called) raged in the West-Indies, the Negroes, with a Tub of Tar-Water in their Quarters, did well: but ſome of the better Sort miſcarried, among whom the Phyſician himſelf lay at the Point of Death; but his Brother recovered him by pouring down his Throat in Spoonfuls, ſome of the ſame Liquor that recovered the Negroes. The Fact was related to me by a Gentleman who was then in the Iſland of St. Christopher's, and knew it to be true.

A Phyſician himſelf, not long ſince aſſured me, he had cured an Ulcer in the Bladder, by ordering his Patient to drink Tar-Water, when he had tried all other Methods in vain, and thought the Case incurable

[26] But it would be endleſs to relate the Effects of Tar-Water, in deſperate Caſes. The Recovery of Mrs. Wilſon, Daughter to the late Biſhop of London, from a lingering hopeleſs Diſorder, was a noted Caſe, and atteſted to by his Lordſhip. I have even been informed upon good Authority, of two or three Inſtances, wherein Perſons have been re⯑covered by Tar-Water, after they had Rattles in the Throat.

In certain Caſes, a ſmaller Quantity of Tar-Water hath proved ineffectual, when a larger hath perfected the Cure. A Woman of Cloyne got cold after Child-bearing, which occaſioned a great Pain in her Thigh, Swelling alſo and Redneſs; ſhe con⯑tinued in great Torment above three Weeks. She then began to drink Tar-Water, but not drinking much ſhe did not perceive much good; and when there was not any Hopes of her Life, ſhe was per⯑ſuaded to try what a Gallon a Day might do; upon this ſhe grew better, the Swelling broke and ran; no Dreſſing was uſed but Tar, and no Waſhing but Tar-Water, until ſhe was quite recovered.

In Ailments of an odd and untried Nature, it may be worth while to try Tar-Water. In Proof of this many Inſtances might be given. A Gentle⯑man with a wither'd Arm had it reſtored by drink⯑ing Tar-Water. Another who, by running his Head againſt a Poſt, had a Concuſſion of the Brain attended with very bad Symptoms, recovered by drinking Tar-Water after other Medicines had failed. In my own Neighbourhood, one had loſt the uſe of his Limbs by Poiſon, another had been bitten by a mad Aſs; theſe Perſons drank Tar-Water, and their Cure was attributed to it.

When Tar-Water is copiouſly drank in Fevers, the great Danger to be guarded againſt, is an ex⯑ceſſive Flow of Spirits, which excites the Patient to [27] talk and divert himſelf with Company, which may produce a Relapſe; of this I have known fatal Effects.

If in a Courſe of Tar Water the Patient ſhould find himſelf heated, let him abſtain from or leſſen his Doſe of ſpirituous and fermented Liquors; for Tar-Water alone never heats.

In chronical Diſorders it is not adviſeable, to break off a Courſe of Tar-Water at once, but rather to diminiſh the Quantity by Degrees.

The Acid alone hath not the medicinal Virtues of Tar-Water. This is agreeable to Reaſon and Experience, as well as the Opinion of the ableſt Judges. Doctor Linden juſtly obſerves, ‘"that when the empyreumatic Oil is entirely ſeparated from the Acid, it is not in any Shape ſuperior to any other diſtilled Acids or Vinegars whatſoever."’ Treatiſe on Selter Water, p. 307.

^* That extraordinary Virtues ſhould be contained in Tar-Water, will not ſeem ſtrange, if we conſider that Pitch is nothing elſe but hardened Tar, or Tar [28] drained of its Moiſture; and that an extraordinary Quantity of Light is retained in the Subſtance of Pitch, as appears from certain Electrical Experi⯑ments, which, having been made ſince, ſeem not a little to confirm what had before been ſuggeſted in Siris.

AN ESSAY, &c.

WHETHER the Proſperity that preceded, or the Calamities that ſucceed the South Sea Project have moſt contributed to our undoing, is not ſo clear a Point as it is that we are actually undone, and loſt to all Senſe of our true Intereſt; nothing leſs than this could render it pardonable, to have Recourſe to thoſe old faſhioned trite Maxims concerning Religion, Induſtry, Frugality, and pub⯑lic Spirit, which are now forgotten, but if revived and put in practice, may not only prevent our final Ruin, but alſo render us a more happy and flouriſh⯑ing People than ever.

Religion hath in former Days been cheriſhed and reverenced by wiſe Patriots and Lawgivers, as know⯑ing it to be impoſſible that a Nation ſhould thrive and flouriſh without Virtue, or that Virtue ſhould ſubſiſt: without Conſcience, or Conſcience without Religion: inſomuch that an Atheiſt or Infidel was looked on with Abhorrence, and treated as an Enemy to his Country. But in theſe wiſer Times, a cold Indifference for the national Religion, and indeed for all Matters of Faith and divine Worſhip, is thought good Senſe. It is even become faſhion⯑able to decry Religion; and that little Talent of Ridicule is applied to ſuch wrong Purpoſes, that [32] a good Chriſtian can hardly keep himſelf in Coun⯑tenance.

Liberty is the greateſt human Bleſſing that a virtuous Man can poſſeſs, and is very conſiſtent with the Duties of a good Subject and a good Chriſtian, but the preſent Age aboundeth with in⯑judicious Patrons of Liberty, who not diſtinguiſh⯑ing between that and Licentiouſneſs, take the ſureſt Method to diſcredit what they would ſeem to pro⯑pagate; for, in effect, can there be a greater Affront offered to that juſt Freedom of Thought and Action, which is the Prerogative of a rational Crea⯑ture, or can any Thing recommend it leſs to honeſt Minds than under Colour thereof to obtrude Scur⯑rility and Profaneneſs on the World? But it hath been always obſerved of weak Men, that they know not how to avoid one Extreme without run⯑ning into another.

Too many of this Sort paſs upon vulgar Read⯑ers for great Authors, and Men of profound Thought, not on account of any Superiority either in Senſe or Stile, both which they poſſeſs in a very moderate Degree, nor of any Diſcoveries they have made in Arts and Sciences, which they ſeem to be little acquainted with: but purely becauſe they flatter the Paſſions of corrupt Men, who are pleaſed to have the Clamours of Conſcience ſilenced, and thoſe great Points of the Chriſtian Religion made ſuſ⯑pected, which withheld them from many Vices of Pleaſure and Intereſt, or made them uneaſy in the Commiſſion of them.

In order to promote that laudable Deſign of effacing all Senſe of Religion from among us, they form themſelves into Aſſemblies, and proceed with united Counſels and Endeavours; with what Suc⯑ceſs, and with what Merit towards the Public, the Effect too plainly ſhews; I will not ſay, theſe [33] Gentlemen have formed a direct Deſign to ruin their Country, or that they have the Senſe to ſee half the ill Conſequences, which muſt neceſſarily flow from the ſpreading of their Opinions, but the Nation feels them, and it is high time the Legiſ⯑lature put a ſtop to them.

I am not for placing an invidious Power in the Hands of the Clergy, or complying with the nar⯑rowneſs of any miſtaken Zealots, who ſhould in⯑cline to perſecute Diſſenters: but whatever Conduct, common Senſe, as well as Chriſtian Charity obligeth us to uſe, towards thoſe who differ from us in ſome Points of Religion, yet the public Safety requireth, that the avowed Contemners of all Religion ſhould be ſeverely chaſtiſed, and perhaps it may be no eaſy matter to aſſign a good Reaſon why Blaſphemy againſt God ſhould not be inquired into, and pu⯑niſhed with the ſame Rigour as Treaſon againſt the King.

For though we may attempt to patch up our Affairs, yet it will be to no Purpoſe, the Finger of God will unravel all our vain Projects, and make them Snares to draw us into greater Calamities, if we do not reform that ſcandalous Libertiniſm which (whatever ſome ſhallow Men may think) is our worſt Symptom and the ſureſt Prognoſtic of our Ruin.

Induſtry is the natural ſure Way to Wealth; this is ſo true, that it is impoſſible an induſtrious free People ſhould want the Neceſſaries and Comforts of Life, or an idle enjoy them under any Form of Government. Money is ſo far uſeful to the Public, as it promoteth Induſtry, and Credit having the ſame Effect, is of the ſame Value with Money; but Money or Credit circulating through a Nation from hand to hand without producing Labour and Induſtry in the Inhabitants, is direct Gaming.

[34] It is not impoſſible for cunning Men to make ſuch plauſible Schemes, as may draw thoſe who are leſs skilful into their own and the public Ruin. But ſurely there is no Man of Senſe and Honeſty, but muſt ſee and own, whether he underſtands the Game or not, that it is an evident Folly for any People, inſtead of proſecuting the old honeſt Methods of Induſtry and Frugality, to ſit down to a public Gaming-table, and play off their Money one to another.

The more Methods there are in a State for ac⯑quiring Riches without Induſtry or Merit, the leſs there will be of either in that State; this is as evi⯑dent as the Ruin that attends it. Beſides, when Money is ſhifted from hand to hand in ſuch a blind fortuitous Manner, that ſome Men ſhall from nothing in an inſtant acquire vaſt Eſtates, without the leaſt Deſert; while others are as ſuddenly ſtript of plentiful Fortunes, and left on the Pariſh by their own Avarice and Credulity, what can be hoped for on the one hand, but abandoned Luxury and Wantonneſs, or on the other, but extreme Mad⯑neſs and Deſpair.

In ſhort, all Project for growing rich by ſudden and extraordinary Methods, as they operate violent⯑ly on the Paſſions of Men, and encourage them to deſpiſe the ſlow moderate Gains that are to be made by an honeſt Induſtry, muſt be ruinous to the Public, and even the Winners themſelves will at length be involved in the public Ruin.

It is an eaſy matter to contrive Projects for the Encouragement of Induſtry; I wiſh it were as eaſy to perſuade Men to put them in Practice. There is no Country in Europe where there is ſo much Charity collected for the Poor, and none where it is ſo ill managed. If the Poor-tax was fixed at a Medium in every Pariſh, taken from a Calculation [35] of the laſt ten Years, and raiſed for ſeven Years by Act of Parliament, that Sum (if the common Eſtimate be not very wrong) frugally and pru⯑dently laid out in Work-houſes, would for ever free the Nation from the Care of providing for the Poor, and at the ſame time conſiderably improve our Manufactures. We might by theſe means rid our Streets of Beggars, even the Children, the maimed and the blind, might be put in a way of doing ſomething for their Livelihood. As for the ſmall Number of thoſe, who by Age or Infirmities are utterly incapable of all Employment, they might be maintained by the Labour of others; and the Public would receive no ſmall Advantage from the Induſtry of thoſe, who are now ſo great a Burden and Expence to it.

The ſame Tax, continued three Years longer, might be very uſefully employed in making high Roads, and rendering Rivers navigable, two Things of ſo much Profit and Ornament to a Nation, that we ſeem the only People in Europe Who have neg⯑lected them^*. So that in the ſpace of ten Years the Public may be for ever freed from a heavy Tax, Induſtry encouraged, Commerce facilitated, and the whole Country improved, and all this only by a frugal honeſt Management, without raiſing one Peny extraordinary.

The Number of People is both Means and Mo⯑tives to Induſtry; it ſhould therefore be of great uſe to encourage Propagation, by allowing ſome Reward or Privilege to thoſe who have a certain Number of Children; and on the other hand, en⯑acting that the Public ſhall inherit half the unin⯑tailed Eſtates of all who die unmarried of either Sex.

[36] Beſides the immediate End propoſed by the fore⯑going Methods, they furniſh Taxes upon Paſſen⯑gers, and dead Bachelors, which are in no ſort grievous to the Subject, and may be applied towards clearing the public Debt, which, all Mankind agree, highly concerneth the Nation in general, both Court and Country. Caeſar indeed, mentions it as a Piece of Policy, that he borrowed Money from his Officers to beſtow it on the Soldiers, which fixed both to his Intereſt; and though ſomething like this may paſs for Skill at certain Junctures in civil Govern⯑ment, yet if carried too far, it will prove a dan⯑gerous Experiment.

There is ſtill Room for Invention or Improve⯑ment in moſt Trades and Manufactures, and it is probable, that Praemiums given on that Account to ingenious Artiſts, would ſoon be re-paid an hundred-fold to the Public. No Colour is ſo much wore in Italy, Spain, and Portugal as Black; but our black Cloth is neither ſo laſting, nor of ſo good a Dye as the Dutch, which is the Reaſon of their in⯑groſſing the Profit of that Trade; this is ſo true, that I have known Engliſh Merchants abroad wear black Cloth of Holland themſelves, and ſell and re⯑commend it as better than that of their own Country. It is commonly ſaid the Water of Leyden hath a peculiar Property for colouring Black, but it hath been alſo ſaid and paſſed current, that good Glaſſes may be made no where but at Venice, and there only in the Iſland of Murano: which was at⯑tributed to ſome peculiar Property in the Air; and we may poſſibly find other Opinions of that ſort to be as groundleſs, ſhould the Legiſlature think it worth while to propoſe Praemiums in the foregoing, or in the like Caſes of general Benefit to the Public; but I remember to have ſeen, about ſeven Years ago, a Man pointed at in a Coffee-Houſe, who (they ſaid) [37] had firſt introduced the right ſcarlet Dye among us, by which the Nation in general, as well as many private Perſons, have ſince been great Gainers though he was himſelf a Beggar, who, if this be true, deſerved an honourable Maintenance from the Public.

There are alſo ſeveral Manufactures which we have from abroad, that may be carried on to as great Perfection here as elſewhere. If it be con⯑ſidered that more fine Linen is wore in Great-Britain than in any other Country of Europe, it will be difficult to aſſign a Reaſon why Paper may not be made here as good, and in the ſame Quantity, as in Holland, or France, or Genoa. This is a Manu⯑facture of great Conſumption, and would ſave much to the Public. The like may be ſaid of Tapeſtry, Lace, and other Manufactures, which is ſet on foot in cheap Parts of the Country, would employ many Hands, and ſave Money to the Nation, as well as bring it from abroad. Projects for improving old Manufactures, or ſetting up new ones, ſhould not be deſpiſed in a trading Country, but the making them Pretences for Stockjobbing hath been a fatal Impoſition.

As Induſtry dependeth upon Trade, and this, as well as the public Security, upon our Navigation, it concerneth the Legiſlature to provide, that the Number of our Sailors do not decreaſe, to which it would very much conduce, if a Law were made prohibiting the Payment of Sailors in foreign Parts; for it is uſual with thoſe on board Merchant-Men as ſoon as they ſet foot on Shore to receive their Pay, which is ſoon ſpent in riotous Living; and when they have emptied their Pockets, the Tempta⯑tion of a Piſtole preſent Money, never faileth to draw them into any foreign Service. To this, (if I may credit the Information I have had from ſome [38] Engliſh Factors abroad) it is chiefly owing, that the Venetians, Spaniards, and others, have ſo many Engliſh on board their Ships; ſome Merchants indeed and Maſters of Veſſels may make a Profit in defrauding thoſe poor Wretches when they pay them in ſtrange Coin (which I have been aſſured often amounts to twelve Pence in the Crown) as well as in ridding themſelves of the Charge of keeping them when they ſell their Ships, or ſtay long in Port, but the Public loſe both the Money and the Men; who, if their Arrears were to be cleared at home, would be ſure to return, and ſpend them in their own Country: It is a Shame this Abuſe ſhould not be remedied.

Frugality of Manners is the Nouriſhment and Strength of Bodies politic. It is that by which they grow and ſubſiſt, until they are corrupted by Luxury; the natural Cauſe of their Decay and Ruin. Of this we have Examples in the Perſians, Lace⯑daemonians, and Romans: not to mention many later Governments which have ſprung up, continued a while, and then periſhed by the ſame natural Cauſes. But theſe are, it ſeems, of no uſe to us; and, in ſpite of them, we are in a fair Way of becoming ourſelves, another uſeleſs Example to future Ages.

Men are apt to meaſure national Proſperity by Riches, it would be righter to meaſure it by the Uſe that is made of them. Where they promote an honeſt Commerce among Men, and are Motives to Induſtry and Virtue, they are without doubt of great Advantage; but where they are made (as too often happens) an Inſtrument to Luxury, they enervate and diſpirit the braveſt People. So juſt is that Remark of Machiavel, that there is no Truth in the common Saying, Money is the Nerves of War; and though we may ſubſiſt tolerably for a Time among corrupt Neighbours, yet if ever we [39] have to do with a hardy, temperate, religious Sort of Men, we ſhall find to our Coſt, that all our Riches are but a poor Exchange for that Simplicity of Manners which we deſpiſe in our Anceſtors. This ſole Advantage hath been the main Support of all the Republics that have made a Figure in the World; and perhaps it might be no ill Policy in a Kingdom to form itſelf upon the Manners of a Republic.

Simplicity of Manners may be more eaſily pre⯑ſerved in a Republic than a Monarchy; but if once loſt, may be ſooner recovered in a Monarchy, the Example of a Court being of great Efficacy, either to reform or to corrupt a People; that alone were ſufficient to diſcountenance the wearing of Gold or Silver, either in Cloaths or Equipage, and it the ſame were prohibited by Law, the ſaving ſo much Bullion would be the ſmalleſt Benefit of ſuch an Inſtitution; there being nothing more apt to debaſe the Virtue and good Senſe of our Gentry of both Sexes, than the trifling Vanity of Apparel, which we have learned from France, and which hath had ſuch viſible ill Conſequences on the Genius of that People. Wiſer Nations have made it their Care to ſhut out this Folly by ſevere Laws and Penalties, and its ſpreading among us can forbode no good, if there be any Truth in the Obſervation of one of the Ancients, that the direct Way to ruin a Man is to dreſs him up in fine Cloaths.

It cannot be denied that Luxury of Dreſs giveth a light Behaviour to our Women, which may paſs for a ſmall Offence, becauſe it is a common one, but is in truth the Source of great Corruptions. For this very Offence the Prophet Iſaiah denounced a ſevere Judgment againſt the Ladies of his Time. I ſhall give the Paſſage at length; ‘'Moreover, the LORD ſaith, becauſe the Daughters of Zion are [40] haughty, and walk with ſtretched forth Necks and wanton Eyes, walking and mincing as they go, and making a Tinkling with their Feet; therefore the LORD will ſmite with a Scab the Crown of the Head of the Daughters of Zion, and the LORD will diſcover their ſecret Parts. In that Day the Lord will take away the Bravery of their tinkling Ornaments about their Feet, and their Cauls, and their round Tires like the Moon, the Chains, and the Bracelets, and the Mufflers, the Bonnets, and the Ornaments of the Legs, and the Head-bands, and the Tablets, and the Earrings, the Rings, and Noſe jewels, the change⯑able Suits of Apparel, and the Mantles, and the Wimples, and the criſping Pins, the Glaſſes, and the fine Linen, and the Hoods and the Vails. And it ſhall come to paſs that inſtead of a ſweet Smell there ſhall be a Stink; and inſtead of a Girdle a Rent; and inſtead of well-ſet Hair, Bald⯑neſs; and inſtead of a Stomacher, a Girding of Sackcloth; and Burning inſtead of Beauty:'’ The Scab, the Stench, and the Burning are terrible peſtilential Symptoms, and our Ladies would do well to conſider, they may chance to reſemble thoſe of Zion, in their Puniſhment as well as their Offence.

But Dreſs is not the only Thing to be reformed, ſumptuary Laws are uſeful in many other Points. In former Times the natural Plainneſs and good Senſe of the Engliſh made them leſs neceſſary. But ever ſince the luxurious Reign of King Charles the ſecond, we have been doing violence to our Na⯑tures, and are by this time ſo much altered for the worſe, that it is to be feared, the very ſame Diſpoſitions that make them neceſſary, will for ever hinder them from being enacted or put in Execution.

[41] A private Family in difficult Circumſtances, all Men agree, ought to melt down their Plate, walk on Foot, retrench the Number of their Servants, wear neither Jewels nor rich Cloaths, and deny themſelves expenſive Diverſions; and why not the Public? had any Thing like this been done, our Taxes had been leſs, or which is the ſame thing, we ſhould have felt them leſs. But it is very re⯑markable, that Luxury was never at ſo great a Height, nor ſpread ſo generally through the Na⯑tion, as during the Expence of the late Wars, and the heavy Debt that ſtill lieth upon us.

This Vice draweth after it a Train of Evils which cruelly infeſt the Public; Faction, Ambi⯑tion, Envy, Avarice, and that of the worſt kind, being much more hurtful in its Conſequences, though not ſo infamous as Penury. It was the great Art of Cardinal Richelieu, by encouraging Luxury and Expence to impoveriſh the French No⯑bility, and render them altogether dependent on the Crown, which hath been ſince very ſucceſsfully effected. Theſe and many more Conſiderations ſhew the Neceſſity there is for ſumptuary Laws, nor can any thing be ſaid againſt them in this Iſland, which might not with equal Force be ob⯑jected in other Countries, which have nevertheleſs judged the public Benefit of ſuch Inſtitutions, to be of far greater Importance than the ſhort Sufferings of a few, who ſubſiſt by the Luxury of others.

It is evident, that old Taxes may be better born, as well as new ones raiſed by ſumptuary Laws ju⯑diciouſly framed, not to damage our Trade, but retrench our Luxury. It is evident, that for want of theſe, Luxury (which, like the other Faſhions, never faileth to deſcend) hath infected all Ranks of People, and that this enableth the Dutch and French to underſell us, to the great Prejudice of our [42] Traffic. We cannot but know that in our preſent Circumſtances, it ſhould be our Care, as it is our Intereſt to make Poverty tolerable; in ſhort we have the Experience of many Ages to convince us, that a corrupt luxurious People muſt of themſelves fall into Slavery, although no Attempt be made upon them. Theſe and the like obvious Reflecti⯑ons ſhould, one would think, have forced any People in their Senſes upon frugal Meaſures.

But we are doomed to be undone. Neither the plain Reaſon of the Thing, nor the Experience of paſt Ages, nor the Examples we have before our Eyes, can reſtrain us from imitating, not to ſay ſurpaſſing, the moſt corrupt and ruined People, in thoſe very Points of Luxury that ruined them. Our Gaming, our Operas, our Maskerades, are, in spite of our Debts and Poverty, become the Wonder of our Neighbours. If there be any Man ſo void of all Thought and common Senſe, as not to ſee where this muſt end, let him but com⯑pare what Venice was at the League of Cambray, with what it is at preſent, and he will be convinced, how truly thoſe faſhionable Paſtimes are calculated to depreſs and ruin a Nation.

But neither Venice nor Paris, nor any other Town in any Part of the World, ever knew ſuch an expenſive ruinous Folly as our Maskerade. This alone is ſufficient to inflame and ſatisfy the ſe⯑veral Appetites for Gaming, Dreſſing, Intriguing, luxurious Eating and Drinking. It is a moſt skil⯑ful Abridgment, the very Quinteſſence, the abſtract of all thoſe ſenſeleſs Vanities, that have ever been the Ruin of Fools and Deteſtation of wiſe Men. And all this under the Notion of an elegant Enter⯑tainment, hath been admitted among us; though it be in truth a Contagion of the worſt Kind. The Plague, dreadful as it is, is an Evil of ſhort [43] duration; Cities have often recovered and flouriſh⯑ed after it; but when was it known that a People broken and corrupt by Luxury recovered them⯑ſelves? not to ſay, that general Corruption of Manners never faileth to draw after it ſome heavy Judgment of War, Famine, or Peſtilence. Of this we have a freſh Inſtance in one of the moſt debauched Towns of Europe ^*, and no Body knows how ſoon it may be our own Caſe. This elegant Entertainment is indeed ſuſpended for the preſent, but there remains ſo ſtrong a Propenſion towards it, that, if the Wiſdom of the Legiſlature does not interpoſe, it will ſoon return with the ad⯑ditional Temptation of having been forbid for a Time. It were ſtupid and barbarous to declaim againſt keeping up the Spirit of the People by pro⯑per Diverſions, but then they ſhould be proper, ſuch as poliſh and improve their Mind, or increaſe the Strength and Activity of their Bodies; none of which Ends are anſwered by the Maskerade, no more than by thoſe French and Italian Follies, which, to our Shame, are imported and encourag⯑ed at a Time, when the Nation ought to be too grave for ſuch Trifles.

It is not to be believed, what Influence public Diverſions have on the Spirit and Manners of a Peo⯑ple. The Greeks wiſely ſaw this, and made a very ſerious Affair of their public Sports. For the ſame Reaſon, it will perhaps ſeem worthy the Care of our Legiſlature, to regulate the public Diverſions, by an abſolute Prohibition of thoſe which have a direct Tendency to corrupt our Morals, as well as by a Reformation of the Drama; which, when rightly managed, is ſuch a noble Entertainment, and gave thoſe fine Leſſons of Morality and good [44] Senſe to the Athenians of old, and to our Britiſh Gentry above a Century ago; but for theſe laſt ninety Years, hath entertained us, for the moſt part, with ſuch wretched Things as ſpoil, inſtead of improving the Taſte and Manners of the Audi⯑ence. Thoſe who are attentive to ſuch Propoſi⯑tions only, as may fill their Pockets, will probably ſlight theſe Things as Trifles below the Care of the Legiſlature. But I am ſure, all honeſt think⯑ing Men muſt lament to ſee their Country run headlong into all thoſe luxurious Follies, which, it is evident, have been fatal to other Nations, and will undoubtedly prove fatal to us alſo, if a timely Stop be not put to them.

Public Spirit, that glorious Principle of all that is great and good, is ſo far from being cheriſhed or encouraged, that it is become ridiculous in this enlightened Age, which is taught to laugh at every Thing that is ſerious as well as ſacred. The ſame atheiſtical narrow Spirit, centring all our Cares upon private Intereſt, and contracting all our Hopes within the Enjoyment of this preſent Life, equally produceth a Neglect of what we owe to God and our Country. Tully hath long ſince obſerved, ‘"that it is impoſſible for thoſe, who have no Belief of the Immortality of the Soul or a future State of Rewards and Puniſhments, to ſacrifice their particular Intereſts and Paſſions to the public Good, or have a generous Concern for Poſte⯑rity,"’ and our own Experience confirmeth the Truth of this Obſervation.

In order therefore to recover a Senſe of public Spirit, it is to be wiſhed that Men were firſt affect⯑ed with a true Senſe of Religion; pro aris & focis, having ever been the great Motive to Courage and Perſeverance in a public Cauſe.

[45] It would likewiſe be a very uſeful Policy, and warranted by the Example of the wiſeſt Govern⯑ments, to make the natural Love of Fame and Re⯑putation ſubſervient to promoting that noble Prin⯑ciple. Triumphal Arches, Columns, Statues, In⯑ſcriptions, and the like Monuments of public Ser⯑vices, have in former Times been found great In⯑centives to Virtue and Magnanimity, and would probably have the ſame Effects on Engliſhmen which they have had on Greeks and Romans. And per⯑haps a Pillar of Infamy would be found a proper and exemplary Puniſhment in Caſes of ſignal pub⯑lic Villany, where the Loſs of Fortune, Liberty, or Life, are not proportioned to the Crime; or, where the Skill of the Offender, or the Nature of his Offence, may skreen him from the Letter of the Law.

Several of theſe are to be ſeen at Genoa, Milan, and other Towns of Italy, where it is the Cuſtom to demoliſh the Houſe of a Citizen, who hath con⯑ſpired the Ruin of his Country, or been guilty of any enormous Crime towards the Public, and in place thereof to erect a Monument of the Crime, and Criminal deſcribed, in the blackeſt manner. We have nothing of this ſort, that I know, but that which is commonly called the Monument, which in the laſt Age was erected for an Affair no way more atrocious than the modern unex⯑ampled Attempt^* of Men eaſy in their Fortunes, and unprovoked by Hardſhips of any ſort, in cool Blood, and with open Eyes to ruin their native Country. This Fact will never be forgotten, and it were to be wiſhed that with it the public Deteſ⯑tation thereof may be tranſmitted to Poſterity, which would in ſome meaſure vindicate the Honour [46] of the preſent, and be a uſeful Leſſon to future Ages.

Thoſe noble Arts of Architecture, Sculpture, and Paintings do not only adorn the Public, but have alſo an Influence on the Minds and Manners of Men, filling them with great Ideas, and ſpirit⯑ing them up to an Emulation of worthy Actions. For this Cauſe they were cultivated and encourag⯑ed by the Greek Cities, who vied with each other in building and adorning their Temples, Theatres, Porticos, and the like public Works, at the ſame Time that they diſcouraged private Luxury, the very Reverſe of our Conduct.

To propoſe the building a Parliament Houſe, Courts of Juſtice, Royal Palace, and other public Edifices, ſuitable to the Dignity of the Nation, and adorning them with Paintings and Statues, which may tranſmit memorable Things and Perſons to Poſterity, would probably be laughed at as a vain Affair, of great Expence, and little Uſe to the Public; and it muſt be owned, we have reduced ourſelves to ſuch Straits, that any Propoſition of Expence-ſuiteth ill with our preſent Circumſtances. But how proper ſoever this Propoſal may be for the Times, yet it comes ſo properly into a Diſcourſe of public Spirit, that I could not but ſay ſomething of it. And at another Time it will not ſeem un⯑reaſonable, if we conſider that it is no more than the wiſeſt Nations have done before us, that it would ſpirit up new Arts, employ many Hands, keep the Money circulating at home, and laſtly, that it would be a notable Inſtance of public Spirit, as well as a Motive to it.

The ſame noble Principle may be alſo encou⯑raged by erecting an Academy of ingenious Men, whoſe Employment it would be to compile the Hiſtory of Great-Britain, to make Diſcourſes pro⯑per [47] to inſpire Men with a Zeal for the Public, and celebrate the Memory of thoſe who have been Or⯑naments to the Nation, or done it eminent Service. Not to mention that this would improve our Lan⯑guage, and amuſe ſome buſy Spirits of the Age; which perhaps would be no ill Policy.

This is not without Example; for to ſay nothing of the French Academy, which is proſtituted to meaner Purpoſes, it hath been the Cuſtom of the Venetian Senate to appoint one of their Order to con⯑tinue the Hiſtory of the Republic. This was intro⯑duced in the flouriſhing State of that People, and is ſtill in force. We fall ſhort of other Nations in the Number of good Hiſtorians, though no Nation in Chriſtendom hath produced greater Events, or more worthy to be recorded. The Athenian Senate appointed Orators to commemorate annually, thoſe who died in Defence of their Country, which Solem⯑nity was performed at the Monuments erected in Ho⯑nour of them by the Public; and the Panegyrics, compoſed by Iſocrates and Pericles, as well as many Paſſages in Tully, inform us with what Plea⯑ſure the ancient Orators uſed to expatiate in Praiſe of their Country.

Concord and Union among ourſelves is rather to be hoped for, as an Effect, of public Spirit, than propoſed as a Means to promote it. Candid, ge⯑nerous Men, who are true Lovers of their Coun⯑try, can never be Enemies to one half of their Countrymen, or carry their Reſentment ſo far as to ruin the Public for the ſake of a Party. Now I have fallen upon the mention of our Parties, I ſhall beg leave to inſert a Remark or two, for the Ser⯑vice both of Whig and Tory, without entering into their reſpective Merits. Firſt, it is impoſſible for either Party to ruin the other, without involv⯑ing themſelves and their Poſterity in the ſame Ruin. [48] Secondly, it is very feaſible for either Paty to get the better of the other, if they could firſt get the better of themſelves; and inſtead of indulging the little womaniſh Paſſions of Obſtinacy, Reſentment, and Revenge, ſteadily promote the true Intereſt of their Country, in thoſe great clear Points of Piety, Induſtry, Sobriety of Manners, and an honeſt Re⯑gard for Poſterity; which, all Men of Senſe agree, are eſſential to public Happineſs. There would be ſomething ſo great and good in this Conduct, as muſt neceſſarily overbear all Calumny and Oppo⯑ſition. But that Men ſhould act reaſonably, is ra⯑ther to be wiſhed than hoped.

I am well aware, that to talk of public Spirit, and the Means of retrieving it, muſt to narrow ſor⯑did Minds be matter of Jeſt and Ridicule, how con⯑formable ſoever it be to right Reaſon, and the Maxims of Antiquity. Though one would think, the moſt ſelfiſh Man might ſee it was their Intereſt to encourage a Spirit in others, by which they, to be ſure, muſt be Gainers. Yet ſuch is the Corrup⯑tion and Folly of the preſent Age, that a public Spirit is treated like Ignorance of the World, and want of Senſe; and all the Reſpect is paid to cun⯑ning Men, who bend and wreſt the public Intereſt to their own private Ends, that in other Times hath been thought due to thoſe who were generous enough to ſacrifice their private Intereſt to that of their Country.

Such Practices and ſuch Maxims as theſe muſt neceſſarily ruin a State. But if the contrary ſhould prevail, we may hope to ſee Men in Power prefer the public Wealth and Security to their own, and Men of Money make free Gifts, or lend it without Intereſt to their Country. This, how ſtrange and incredible ſoever it may ſeem to us, hath been often done in other States. And the [49] natural Engliſh Temper conſidered, together with the Force of Example, no one can tell how far a Propoſal for a free Gift may go among the moneyed Men, when ſet on foot by the Legiſlature, and encouraged by the Example of two or three Men of Figure, who have the Spirit to do a generous Thing, and the Underſtanding to ſee it is every private Man's Intereſt to ſupport that of the Public.

If they who have their Fortunes in Money ſhould make a voluntary Gift, the Public would be eaſed, and at the ſame time maintain its Credit. Nor is a generous Love of their Country the only Motive that ſhould induce them to this. Common Equity requires, that all Subjects ſhould equally ſhare the public Burden. And common Senſe ſhews, that thoſe who are foremoſt in the Danger, ſhould not be the moſt backward in contributing to prevent it.

Before I leave this Subject, I cannot but take notice of that moſt infamous Practice of Bribery, than which nothing can be more oppoſite to public Spirit, ſince every one who takes a Bribe plainly owns, that he prefers his private Intereſt to that of his Country. This Corruption is become a national Crime, having infected the loweſt as well as the higheſt among us, and is ſo general and notorious, that, as it cannot be matched in former Ages, ſo it is to be hoped it will not be imitated by Poſterity.

This calls to mind another national Guilt, which we poſſeſs in a very eminent Degree; there being no Nation under the Sun, where ſolemn Perjury is ſo common, or where there are ſuch Temptations to it. The making Men ſwear ſo often in their own Caſes, and where they have an Intereſt to con⯑ceal the Truth, hath gradually wore off that awful Reſpect which was once thought due to an Appeal to Almighty God; inſomuch, that Men now a Days break their Faſt, and a Cuſtom-Houſe Oath [50] with the ſame Peace of Mind. It is a Policy pe⯑culiar to us, the obliging Men to perjure or betray themſelves, and hath had no one good Effect, but many very ill ones. Sure I am, that other Nations, without the hundredth Part of our Swearing, con⯑trive to do their Buſineſs, at leaſt as well as we do. And perhaps our Legiſlature will think it proper to follow their Example. For whatever Meaſures are taken, ſo long as we lie under ſuch a Load of Guilt, as national Perjury and national Bribery, it is im⯑poſſible we can proſper.

This poor Nation hath ſorely ſmarted of late, and to eaſe the preſent Smart, a ſudden Remedy (as is uſual in ſuch Caſes) hath been thought of. But we muſt beware not to miſtake an Anodyne for a Cure. Where the Vitals are touched, and the whole Maſs of Humours vitiated, it is not enough to eaſe the Part pained, we muſt look further, and apply general Correctives; otherwiſe the ill Hu⯑mour may ſoon ſhew itſelf in ſome other Part.

The South-Sea Affair, how ſenſible ſoever, is not the original Evil, or the great Source of our Miſ⯑fortunes, it is but the natural Effect of thoſe Prin⯑ciples, which for many Years have been propagated with great Induſtry. And as a ſharp Diſtemper, by reclaiming a Man from Intemperance, may pro⯑long his Life, ſo it is not impoſſible but this pub⯑lic Calamity that lies ſo heavy on the Nation may prevent its Ruin. It would certainly prove the greateſt of Bleſſings, if it ſhould make all honeſt Men of one Party; if it ſhould put Religion and Virtue in Countenance, reſtore a Senſe of public Spirit, and convince Men it is a dangerous Folly to purſue private Aims in Oppoſition to the Good of their Country, if it ſhould turn our Thoughts from Cozenage and Stock-jobbing, to Induſtry and frugal Methods of Life; in fine, if it ſhould re⯑vive [51] and inflame that native Spark of Britiſh Worth and Honour, which hath too long lain ſmothered and oppreſſed.

With this View I have, among ſo many Projects for remedying the ill State of our Affairs in a par⯑ticular Inſtance, ventured to publiſh the foregoing general Hints, which as they have been thrown to⯑gether from a Zeal for the public Good, ſo I heartily wiſh they may be regarded neither more nor leſs, than as they are fitted to promote that End.

Though it muſt be owned, that little can be hoped if we conſider the corrupt degenerate Age we live in. I know it is an old Folly to make peeviſh Complaints of the Times, and charge the common Failures of human Nature on a particular Age. One may nevertheleſs venture to affirm, that the preſent hath brought forth new and portentous Vil⯑lanies, not to be paralleled in our own or any other Hiſtory. We have been long preparing for ſome great Cataſtrophe. Vice and Villany have by degrees grown reputable among us; our Infidels have paſſed for fine Gentlemen, and our venal Traitors for Men of Senſe, who knew the World. We have made a Jeſt of public Spirit, and cancelled all Reſpect for whatever our Laws and Religion re⯑pute ſacred. The old Engliſh Modeſty is quite worn off, and inſtead of bluſhing for our Crimes, we are aſhamed only of Piety and Virtue. In ſhort, other Nations have been wicked, but we are the firſt who have been wicked upon Principle.

The Truth is, our Symptoms are ſo bad, that notwithſtanding all the Care and Vigilance of the Legiſlature, it is to be feared the final Period of our State approaches. Strong Conſtitutions, whether politic or natural, do not feel light Diſorders. But, when they are ſenſibly affected, the Diſtemper is for the moſt part violent and of an ill Prognoſtic. [52] Free Governments like our own were planted by the Goths in moſt Parts of Europe; and though we all know what they are come to, yet we ſeem diſpoſed rather to follow their Example, than to profit by it.

Whether it be in the Order of Things, that civil States ſhould have, like natural Products, their ſeveral Periods of Growth, Perfection, and Decay; or whether it be an Effect, as ſeems more probable, of human Folly, that as Induſtry produces Wealth, ſo Wealth ſhould produce Vice, and Vice Ruin.

God grant the Time be not near, when Men ſhall ſay, ‘'This Iſland was once inhabited by a religious, brave, ſincere People, of plain uncorrupt Manners, reſpecting inbred Worth rather than Titles and Appearances, Aſſertors of Liberty, Lovers of their Country, jealous of their own Rights, and unwill⯑ing to infringe the Rights of others; Improvers of Learning and uſeful Arts, Enemies to Luxury, tender of other Mens Lives, and prodigal of their own; inferior in nothing to the old Greeks or Ro⯑mans, and ſuperior to each of thoſe People in the Perfections of the other. Such were our Anceſtors during their Riſe and Greatneſs; but they de⯑generated, grew ſervile Flatterers of Men in Power, adopted Epicurean Notions, became venal▪ corrupt, injurious, which drew upon them the Hatred of God and Man, and occaſioned their final Ruin.'’

A DISCOURSE ADDRESSED TO MAGISTRATES, &c.

THE Pretenſions and Diſcourſe of Men, throughout theſe Kingdoms, would, at firſt View, lead one to think the Inhabitants were all Politicians; and yet, perhaps, political Wiſdom hath in no Age, or Country, been more talked of, and leſs underſtood. Licence is taken for the End of Government, and popular Humour for its Origin. No Reverence for the Law, no Attachment to the Conſtitution, little Attention to Matters of Conſe⯑quence, and great Altercation upon Trifles, ſuch idle Projects about Religion and Government, as if the Public had both to chooſe, a general Contempt of all Authority, divine and human, an Indifference about the prevailing Opinions, whether they tend to produce Order or Diſorder, to promote the Empire of God or the Devil: Theſe are the Symptoms that ſtrongly mark the preſent Age; and this could never have been the Caſe, if a Neglect of Religion had not made Way for it.

[56] When the Jews accuſed Paul upon religious Matters and Points of their Law before Gallio, the Roman Magiſtrate; it is ſaid, that GALLIO cared for none of thoſe Things. And, it is to be feared, there are not a few Magiſtrates in this Chriſtian Country who think with the ſame Indifference on the subject of Religion. Herein, nevertheleſs, they judge amiſs, and are much wanting to their Duty. For, although it be admitted, that the Magiſtrate's peculiar Object, is the temporal Wel⯑fare of the State; yet, this will by no Means exclude a proper Care about the prevailing Notions and Opinions of Religion, which influence the Lives and Actions of Men, and have therefore a mighty Effect on the Public. Mens, Behaviour is the Con⯑ſequence on their Principles. Hence it follows, that in order to make a State thrive and flouriſh, Care muſt be taken, that good Principles be propagated in the Minds of thoſe who compoſe it.

It would be vain to depend on the outward Form, the Conſtitution, and Structure of a State; while the Majority are ever governed by their inward Ways of thinking, which at Times will break out and ſhew themſelves paramount to all Laws and In⯑ſtitutions whatſoever. It muſt be great Folly there⯑fore to overlook Notion, as Matters of ſmall Mo⯑ment to the State; while Experience ſhews there is nothing more important; and that a prevailing Diſorder in the Principles and Opinions of its Members, is ever dangerous to Society, and capable of producing the greateſt public Evils.

Man is an Animal, formidable both from his Paſſions and his Reaſon; his Paſſions often urging him to great Evils, and his Reaſon furniſhing Means to atchieve them. To tame this Animal, and make him amenable to Order, to inure him to a Senſe of Juſtice and Virtue, to withhold him [57] from ill Courſes by Fear, and encourage him in his Duty by Hopes; in ſhort, to faſhion and model him for Society, hath been the Aim of civil and religious Inſtitutions, and in all Times, the En⯑deavour of good and wiſe Men. The apteſt Method for attaining this End, hath been always judged a proper Education.

If Mens Actions are an Effect of their Principles, that is, of their Notions, their Belief, their Per⯑ſuaſions; it muſt be admitted, that Principles early ſown in the Mind, are the Seeds which produce Fruit and Harveſt in the ripe State of Manhood. How lightly ſoever ſome Men may ſpeak of No⯑tions; yet, ſo long as the Soul governs the Body, Mens Notions muſt influence their Actions, more or leſs, as they are ſtronger or weaker; and to Good or Evil, as they are better or worſe.

Our Notions and Opinions are a conſtant Check on our Appetites, and Balance to our Paſſions; and, although they may not in every Inſtance con⯑trol and rule, yet they will never fail, ſtrongly to affect both the one and the other. What is it that bridles the impetuous Deſires of Men? That re⯑ſtrains them when they are driven by the moſt vio⯑lent Paſſions? In a word, what is it that renders this World habitable, but the prevailing Notions of Order, Virtue, Duty and Providence? Some, perhaps, may imagine, that the Eye of the Ma⯑giſtrate alone is ſufficient to keep Mankind in Awe, But, if every Man's Heart was ſet to do all the Miſchief his Appetite ſhould prompt him to, as often as Opportunity and Secrecy preſented them⯑ſelves, there could be no Living in the World.

And although too many of thoſe intruſted with civil Power, in theſe our Days, may be ſaid with GALLIO, to care for none of thoſe Things; and many more who would paſs for Men of Judgment [58] and Knowledge, may look on Notions early im⯑bibed, before their Grounds▪ and Reaſons are ap⯑prehended or underſtood, to be but mere Pre⯑judices; yet this will detract nothing from their Truth and Uſefulneſs. To place this Matter in a due Light, I propoſe to ſhew, that a Syſtem of ſalutary Notions, is abſolutely neceſſary to the Sup⯑port of every civil Conſtitution. I ſhall enforce this Point, by the Teſtimony of thoſe who are eſteemed the wiſeſt Men; and I ſhall make ſome Remarks on the modern prevailing Spirit, and the Tendency of the Maxims of our Times.

Order is neceſſary, not only to the Well-Being, but to the very Being of a State. Now, Order and Regularity in the Actions of Men, is not an Effect of Appetite or Paſſion, but of Judgment; and the Judgment is governed by Notions or Opinions. There muſt therefore, of Neceſſity, in every State, be a certain Syſtem of ſalutary Notions, a prevailing Set of Opinions, acquired either by private Reaſon and Reflexion, or taught and in⯑ſtilled by the general Reaſon of the Public, that is, by the Law of the Land. True it is, that where Men either cannot, or will not uſe their own Reaſon, think and examine for themſelves; in ſuch Caſe, the Notions taught or inſtilled into their Minds are embraced rather by the Memory, than the Judgment. Nor will it be any Objection to ſay, that theſe are Prejudices; inaſmuch as they are therefore, neither the leſs uſeful, nor the leſs true, although their Proofs may not be underſtood by all Men.

Prejudices are Notions, or Opinions, which the Mind entertains without knowing the Grounds and Reaſons of them, and which are aſſented to with⯑out Examination. The firſt Notions which take poſſeſſion of the Minds of Men, with regard to [59] Duties ſocial, moral, and civil, may therefore be juſtly ſtiled Prejudices. The Mind of a young Creature cannot remain empty; if you do not put into it that which is good, it will be ſure to receive that which is bad.

Do what you can, there will ſtill be a Bias from Education; and if ſo, is it not better this Bias ſhould lie towards Things laudable and uſeful to Society? This Bias ſtill operates, although it may not always prevail. The Notions firſt inſtilled, have the earlieſt Influence, take the deepeſt Root, and generally are found to give a Colour and Com⯑plexion to the ſubſequent Lives of Men, inaſmuch as they are in Truth, the great Source of human Actions. It is not Gold, or Honour, or Power, that move Men to act, but the Opinions they en⯑tertain of thoſe Things. Hence it follows, that if a Magiſtrate ſhould ſay, No Matter what Notions Men embrace, I will take heed to their Actions; therein he ſhews his Weakneſs; for ſuch as are Mens Notions, ſuch will be their Deeds.

For a Man to do, as he would be done by; to love his Neighbour as himſelf; to honour his Su⯑periors; to believe that God ſcans all his Actions, and will reward or puniſh them; and to think, that he who is guilty of Falſhood, or Injuſtice, hurts himſelf more than any one elſe: Are not theſe ſuch Notions, and Principles, as every wife Gover⯑nor, or Legiſlator, would covet above all Things, to have firmly rooted in the Mind of every Indi⯑vidual under his Care? This is allowed, even by the Enemies of Religion, who would fain have it thought the Offspring of State Policy; honouring its Uſefulneſs at the ſame Time that they diſparage its Truth. What, therefore, cannot be acquired by every Man's Reaſoning, muſt be introduced by Precept, and riveted by Cuſtom; that is to ſay, the [60] Bulk of Mankind muſt in all civilized Societies, have their Minds by timely Inſtruction well ſeaſon⯑ed and furniſhed with proper Notions, which, al⯑though the Grounds or Proofs thereof be unknown to them, will nevertheleſs influence their Conduct, and ſo far render them uſeful Members of the State, But, if you ſtrip Men of theſe their Notions, or, if you will, Prejudices, with regard to Modeſty, Decency, Juſtice, Charity, and the like; you will ſoon find them ſo many Monſters, utterly unfit for human Society.

I deſire it may be conſidered, that moſt Men want Leiſure, Opportunity, or Faculties, to derive Con⯑cluſions from their Principles, and eſtabliſh Morality on a Foundation of human Science. True it is, (as St. Paul obſerves) that The inviſible Things of God from the Creation of the World, are clearly ſeen. ^* And from thence the Duties of natural Religion may be diſcovered. But theſe Things are ſeen and diſcovered by thoſe alone who open their Eyes, and look narrowly for them. Now, if you look through⯑out the World, you ſhall find but few of theſe nar⯑row Inſpectors and Inquirers, very few who make it their Buſineſs to analyſe Opinions and purſue them to their rational Source, to examine whence Truths ſpring, and how they are inferred. In ſhort, you ſhall find all Men full of Opinions, but Knowledge only in a few.

It is impoſſible from the Nature and Circum⯑ſtances of human Kind, that the Multitude ſhould be Philoſophers, or that they ſhould know Things in their Cauſes. We ſee every Day, that the Rules, or Concluſions alone, are ſufficient for the Shop⯑keeper to ſtate his Account, the Sailor to navigate his Ship, or the Carpenter to meaſure his Timber; [61] none of which underſtand the Theory; that is to ſay, the Grounds and Reaſons either of Arithmetic or Geometry. Even ſo in moral, political, and religious Matters, it is manifeſt, that the Rules and Opinions early imbibed at the firſt Dawn of Un⯑derſtanding, and without the leaſt Glimpſe of Science, may yet produce excellent Effects, and be very uſeful to the World: And that in Fact they are ſo, will be very viſible to every one who ſhall obſerve what paſſeth round about him.

It may not be amiſs to inculcate, that the Dif⯑ference between Prejudices and other Opinions doth not conſiſt in this; that the former are falſe, and the latter true; but in this, that the former are taken upon Truſt, and the latter acquired by Reaſoning. He, who hath been taught to believe the Immor⯑tality of the Soul, may be as right in his Notion, as he who hath reaſoned himſelf into that Opinion. It will then by no means follow, that becauſe this or that Notion is a Prejudice, it muſt be therefore falſe. The not diſtinguiſhing between Prejudices and Errors, is a prevailing Overſight among our modern Free-thinkers.

There may be, indeed, certain mere Prejudices or Opinions, which having no Reaſons either aſ⯑ſigned or aſſignable, to ſupport them, are nevertheſs entertained by the Mind, becauſe they intruded be⯑times into it. Such may be ſuppoſed falſe, not be⯑cauſe they were early learned, or learned without their Reaſons; but becauſe there are in truth no Reaſons to be given for them.

Certainly, if a Notion may be concluded falſe, becauſe it was early imbibed, or becauſe it is with moſt Men an Object of Belief rather than of Knowledge, one may by the ſame Reaſoning con⯑clude ſeveral Propoſitions of Euclid to be falſe. A ſimple Apprehenſion of Concluſions as taken in [62] themſelves without the Deductions of Science, is what falls to the Share of Mankind in general. Religious Awe, the Precepts of Parents and Maſters, the Wiſdom of Legiſlators, and the ac⯑cumulated Experience of Ages, ſupply the Place of Proofs and Reaſonings with the Vulgar of all Ranks: I would ſay, that Diſcipline, national Con⯑ſtitution, and Laws human or divine, are ſo many plain Land Marks, which guide them into the Paths wherein it is preſumed they ought to tread.

From what hath been premiſed, it plainly ap⯑pears that in the Bulk of Mankind, there are, and muſt be Prejudices; that is, Opinions taken upon Truſt; or, in other Words, that there are Points of Faith among all Men whatſoever, as well as among Chriſtians.

And, as it is evident, that the unthinking Part of every Age, Sex, and Condition among us, muſt neceſſarily receive Notions with the Submiſſion of Faith; ſo it is very reaſonable, that they ſhould ſubmit their Faith to the greateſt Authorities human and divine, the Law and the Goſpel. But, if once all Reverence for theſe be deſtroyed, our Pretenders to moral Knowledge will have no Authority to imbue the Multitude with ſuch Notions as may control their Appetites. From all which it follows, that the modern Schemes of our Free-thinkers, who pretend to ſeparate Morality from Religion, how rational ſoever they may ſeem to their Admirers, are, in Truth and Effect, moſt irrational and per⯑nicious to civil Society.

Let any one, who thinks at all, conſider the ſavage State of undiſciplined Men, whoſe Minds are nurtured to no Doctrine, broke by no Inſtruction, governed by no Principle. Let him at the ſame Time reflect on a Society of Perſons educated in the Principles of our Church, formed betimes to [63] fear God, to reverence their Superiors, to be grate⯑ful to their Benefactors, forgiving to their Ene⯑mies, juſt and charitable to all Men; and he will then be able to judge of the Merits of thoſe who are ſo active to weed out the Prejudices of Edu⯑cation.

Among the many wild Notions broached in theſe giddy Times, it muſt be owned, that ſome of our Declaimers againſt Prejudice have wrought them⯑ſelves into a Sort of Eſteem for Savages, as a vir⯑tuous and unprejudiced People. In Proof of which, they alledge their being free from many Vices practiſed in civilized Nations. Now, it is very true, among Savages there are few Inſtances to be found of Luxury, Avarice, or Ambition; not that the contrary Virtues take place, but becauſe the Opportunities and Faculties for ſuch Vices, are want⯑ing. For the ſame Reaſon you do not ſee them in Brutes.

What they eſteem and admire in thoſe Creatures, is not Innocence, but Ignorance; it is not Virtue, but Neceſſity. Give them but the Means of tranſ⯑greſſing, and they know no Bounds. For Example: Supply the Water-drinking Savage with ſtrong Liquor, and he ſhall be drunk for ſeveral Days and Nights together. Again; we admit an unedu⯑cated Savage knows not how to ſupplant a Rival with the refined Treachery of a Courtier; yet, if you put his Foe once in his Power, you ſhall ſoon ſee what a horrible Reliſh and Delight the Monſter hath in Cruelty.

Above all others, religious Notions, or if you will, Prejudices, (ſince this, as hath been already obſerved, detracts nothing from their Truth and Uſefulneſs) have the moſt Influence, they are the ſtrongeſt Curb from Vice, and the moſt effectual [64] Spur to worthy Conduct. And indeed, whether we conſider the Reaſon of Things, or the Practice of Men in all Times, we ſhall be ſatisfied, that nothing truly great and good can enter into the Heart of one attached to no Principles of Religion, who believes no Providence, who neither fears Hell, nor hopes for Heaven.

Puniſhments and Rewards have always had, and always will have the greateſt Weight with Men; and the moſt conſiderable of both Kinds are pro⯑poſed by Religion, the Duties whereof fall in with the Views of the civil Magiſtrate; it undeniably follows, that nothing can add more Strength to a good and righteous Government than Religion. Therefore it mainly concerns Governors to keep an attentive Eye on the Religion of their Subjects. And indeed, it is one Leſſon to Magiſtrate and People, Prince and Subject, Keep my Command⯑ments and live, and my Law as the Apple of thine Eye. ^*

Although it is no Conſequence from what hath been ſaid, that Men ſhould be debarred the free Uſe of Reaſon and Inquiry; yet, ſurely it will follow, that without good Reaſon, a Man ſhould not reject thoſe Notions which have been inſtilled by the Laws and Education of his Country. And even they who think they have ſuch Reaſon, have nevertheleſs no Right of dictating^a to others. It is true, divine Authority is ſuperior to all human Prejudices, Inſtitutions and Regards whatſoever. And it is wiſe, although at the Risk of Liberty, or Life, to obey God rather than Man. But our [65] modern Reformers of Prejudice, have nothing to plead^b of that kind.

There is no Magiſtrate ſo ignorant as not to know that Power, phyſical Power, reſides in the People; but Authority is from Opinion, which Authority is neceſſary to reſtrain and direct the People's Power, and therefore Religion is the great Stay and Support of a State. Every Religion that inculcates Virtue, and diſcourageth Vice, is ſo far of public Benefit. The Chriſtian Religion doth noth only this, but further makes every legal Con⯑ſtitution ſacred by commanding our Submiſſion thereto. Let every Soul be ſubject to the higher Powers, ſaith St. PAUL, for the Powers that be, are ordained of God ^*. And, in effect, for ſeveral Years paſt, while the Reverence for our Church and Re⯑ligion hath been decaying and wearing off from the Minds of Men, it may be obſerved, that Loy⯑alty hath in Proportion loſt ground; and now the very Word ſeems quite forgotten. Submiſſion for Conſcience, as well as for Wrath, was once reckoned an uſeful Leſſon; but now, with other good Leſſons, is laid aſide as an obſolete Preju⯑dice.

That Prince or Magiſtrate, however great or powerful, who thinks his own Authority ſuffi⯑cient to make him reſpected and obeyed, lies un⯑der a woful Miſtake, and never fails to feel it ſooner or later. Obedience to all civil Power is rooted in the religious Fear of God; it is propagated, pre⯑ſerved and nouriſhed by Religion. This makes Men obey, not with Eye-Service, but in Sincerity of Heart. Human Regards may reſtrain Men [66] from open and penal Offences; but the Fear of God is a Reſtraint from all Degrees of all Crimes, however circumſtanced. Take away this Stay and Prop of Duty, this Root of civil Authority; and all that was ſuſtained by it, or grew from it, ſhall ſoon languiſh. The Authority, the very Being of the Magiſtrate, will prove a poor and precarious Thing.

An inward Senſe of the ſupreme Majeſty of the King of Kings, is the only Thing that can beget and preſerve a true Reſpect for ſubordinate Maje⯑ſty in all the Degrees of Power, the firſt Link of Authority being fixed at the Throne of God. But in theſe our Days, that Majeſtas imperii, that Sa⯑credneſs of Character, which rooted in a religious Principle, was the great Guard and Security of the State, is through Want thereof become the public Scorn. And indeed, what Hold can the Prince or Magiſtrate have on the Conſcience of thoſe who have no Conſcience? How can he build on the Principles of ſuch as have no Principles? Or how can he hope for Reſpect where God him⯑ſelf is neglected?

It is manifeſt that no Prince upon Earth can hope to govern well, or even to live eaſy and ſe⯑cure, much leſs reſpected by his People, if he do not contribute by his Example and Authority, to keep up in their Minds an awful Senſe of Religion. As for a moral Senſe and moral Fitneſs, or eter⯑nal Relations, how inſufficient thoſe Things are for eſtabliſhing general and juſt Notions of Mora⯑lity, or for keeping Men within due Bounds, is ſo evident from Fact and Experience, that I need not now enter into a particular Diſquiſition about them.^*

[67] It must be owned, that the Claws of Rapine and Violence, may in ſome Degree be pared and blunted by the outward Polity of a State. But ſhould we not rather try, if poſſible, to pull them quite out? The evil Effects of Wickedneſs may be often redreſſed by public Juſtice. But would it not be better to heal the Source, and by an in⯑ward Principle extirpate Wickedneſs from the Heart, rather than depend altogether on human Laws for preventing or redreſſing the bad Effects thereof? ‘'I might (ſaid the Chineſe Doctor Confu⯑cius) hear and decide Controverſies as well as another: but, what I would have, is, that Men ſhould be brought to abſtain from Controverſies, out of an inward Love and Regard for each other.'’ ^†

Too many in this Age of free Remarks and Projects, are delighted with republican Schemes, and imagine they might remedy whatever was amiſs, and render a People great and happy, meerly by a new Plan or Form of Government. This dangerous Way of Thinking and Talking, is grown familiar, through the fooliſh^c Freedom of the Times. But alas! Thoſe Men do not ſeem to have touched either the true Cauſe or Cure of public Evils. Be the Plan ever ſo excellent, or the Ar⯑chitects ever ſo able, yet no Man in his Wits would undertake to build a Palace with meer Mud or Dirt. There muſt be fit Materials; and without a religi⯑ous Principle, Men can never be fit Materials for any Society, much leſs for a Republic. Religion is the Centre, which unites, and the Cement which connects the ſeveral Parts or Members of the poli⯑tical Body. Such it hath been held by all wiſe [68] Men, from the remoteſt Times, down to our inge⯑nious Contemporaries; who, if they are in the Right, it muſt be admitted that all the reſt of the World have been in the Wrong.

From the Knowledge of its being abſolutely ne⯑ceſſary to the Government of a State, that the Hearts and Minds of the People be inwardly imbued with good Principles, Plato ^* tells, that ‘'Jupi⯑ter, to preſerve the Race of Men from periſhing, ſent Mercury with Orders to introduce Modeſty and Juſtice among them, as the firmeſt Ties of human Society; and without which, it could not ſubſiſt."’ And elſewhere, the ſame Author gives it plainly as his Senſe, that^† ‘'Concerning thoſe great Duties which Mens Appetites and Paſſions render difficult, it ſhould ſeem rather the Work of God to provide, than of human Legiſlators, if it were poſſible to hope for a Syſtem of Laws framed and promulgated by God himſelf.'’ You ſee how agreeable the Moſaic and Chriſ⯑tian Inſtitutions are to the Wiſhes of the wiſeſt Heathen.

Moſes, indeed, doth not inſiſt on a future State, the common Baſis of all political Inſtitutions. Nor do other Lawgivers make a particular mention of all Things neceſſary, but ſuppoſe ſome Things as generally known or believed. The Belief of a future State, (which it is manifeſt the Jews were poſſeſſed of, long before the Coming of CHRIST) ſeems to have obtained among the Hebrews from primaeval Tradition; which might render it unneceſſary for Moſes to inſiſt on that Article. But the Sadducee [...] and Epicureans had, in Progreſs of Time, gone ſo far towards rooting out this ancient and origina [...] [69] Sentiment, that it was in Danger of being loſt, had it not been taught and promulgated in a new Light by our bleſſed SAVIOUR.

But many among us, who would paſs for Aſſer⯑tors of Truth and Liberty, are accuſtomed to rail at this, and all other eſtabliſhed Opinions, as Preju⯑dices which People are taught whether they will or no, and before they are able to diſtinguiſh whether they are right or wrong. Theſe Lovers of Truth would do well to conſider, that in political, moral and religious Matters, the Opinions of the Vulgar, whether they go in Coaches, or walk on Foot, are for the moſt part Prejudices; and are ſo like to be whatever Side of the Queſtion they embrace; whe⯑ther they follow the old Maxims of the Religion of their Country, or the modern Inſtructions of their new Maſters. I have already obſerved, that a Point's being uſeful, and inculcated betimes, can be no Argument of its Falſhood, even although it ſhould be a Prejudice; far otherwiſe, Unity and Truth are not to be divided; the general Good of Mankind, being the Rule or Meaſure of moral Truth.^*

I ſhall now add, that it is to be apprehended, many of thoſe who are the moſt forward to baniſh Prejudices, would be the firſt to feel the Want of them. It is even pitiful to think what would be come of certain moderate Declaimers on that Arti⯑cle, were Prejudice really ſet aſide, and were all Men to be weighed in the exact Scale of Merit, and con⯑ſidered in Proportion only to their intrinſic Worth. Some Prejudices are grounded in Truth, Reaſon and Nature. Such are the Reſpects which are paid to Knowledge, Learning, Age, Honeſty and Cou⯑rage, in all civilized Countries. Others are purely [70] the Effect of particular Conſtitutions; ſuch are the Reſpects, Rights and Preeminences aſcribed to ſome Men by their Fellow-Subjects, on account of their Birth and Quality; which, in the great Em⯑pires of Turkey and China, paſs for nothing; and will paſs for nothing elſewhere, as ſoon as Men have got rid of their Prejudices, and learned to deſ⯑piſe the Conſtitutions of their Country. It may behove thoſe who are concerned, to reflect on this betimes.

GOD, comprehending within himſelf the Be⯑ginning, End and Middle of all Things and Times, exerts his Energy throughout the whole Creation. He never ceaſeth to influence by Inſtinct, by the Light of Nature, by his declared Will. And it is the duty of Magiſtrates and Lawgivers, to culti⯑vate and encourage thoſe divine Impreſſions in the Minds of all Men under their Care. We are not to think, it is the Work of God, and therefore not to be ſeconded by human Care. Far otherwiſe, for that very reaſon it claims our utmoſt Care and Di⯑ligence, it being the indiſpenſible Duty of all good Men, throughout the whole Courſe of their Lives, to co-operate with the Deſigns of Providence. In Religion, as in Nature, God doth ſomewhat, and ſomewhat is to be done on the Part of Man. He cauſes the Earth to bring forth Materials for Food and Raiment; but human Induſtry muſt improve, prepare, and properly apply both the one and the other, or Mankind may periſh with Cold and Hun⯑ger. And according to this fame Analogy,^* the Principles of Piety and Religion, the Things that belong to our Salvation, although originally and [71] primarily the Work of God, yet require the Pro⯑tection of human Government, as well as the Fur⯑therance and Aid of all wiſe and good Men.

And if Religion in all Governments be neceſſa⯑ry, yet it ſeems to be ſo more eſpecially in Monar⯑chies: Foraſmuch as the frugal Manners, and more equal Fortunes in Republics, do not ſo much in⯑flame Mens Appetites, or afford ſuch Power or Temptation to Miſchief, as the high Eſtate and great Wealth of Nobles under a King. Therefore al⯑though the Magiſtrate (as was already obſerved) hath for his peculiar Object, the temporal Well-be⯑ing of the State; yet this will by no means exempt him from a due Concern for the Religion of his Country.

What was the Senſe of our Anceſtors on this Point, appears throughout the whole Conſtitution of theſe Kingdoms; and in order to juſtify this Conſtitution, and the Wiſdom of thoſe who framed it, I ſhall crave leave to make uſe of ſome unſuſ⯑pected Teſtimonies, ancient and modern, which will ſhew, that the public Care of a national Religion, hath been always a moſt principal Point in the Eſ⯑teem of wiſe Men, however run down by the pre⯑vailing Licence of our Times.

The firſt Teſtimnny I ſhall produce, is that of Zaleucus, the famous Lawgiver of the Locrians; who, in his Preamble to his Laws,^* begins with Religion, laying it down as the Corner-ſtone, or Foundation of his whole Superſtructure, ‘'That every Inhabitant Subject of the State, ſhould be perſuaded that there is a God and divine Provi⯑dence: That the only Way of becoming dear to God, is by endeavouring above all Things to be good, both in Deed and in Will: That a worthy [72] Citizen is one that prefers Integrity to Wealth.'’ He further admoniſhes thoſe who are difficult to perſuade, ‘'To bethink themſelves of God's Providence, and the Puniſhments that await Evil-doers; and in all their Actions, to be ever mind⯑ful of the laſt Day, as if it were preſent, or in caſe the^* Devil ſhould tempt a Man to Sin, He exhorts ſuch a one to frequent the Temples and Altars, worſhipping and imploring the divine Aſ⯑ſiſtance.'’

Ariſtotle, ^† diſcourſing of the Means to preſerve a Monarchy, admoniſhes the ſupreme Magiſtrate, above all things to ſhew himſelf zealous in reli⯑gious Matters; and this particularly, for two Rea⯑ſons. ‘'1. Becauſe the Subjects will have leſs to fear from one who fears God. 2. Becauſe they will be leſs apt to rebel againſt him, whom they take to be the Favourite of Heaven.'’ And elſewhere, this ſame Philoſopher recommends the Worſhip of the Gods, as the firſt Care of the State.^§

Plato likewiſe begins his Laws with the Care of religious Rites. He even maintains Religion, or di⯑vine Worſhip to be the chief Aim and Scope of human Life.^‡

Hippodamus the Mileſian ^‖ in his Scheme of a Republic, allotted a third Part of the Land for maintaining divine Worſhip^**

The Roman Hiſtorians and Poets do ſo abound with Paſſages aſcribing the Succeſſes of their Govern⯑ment [73] to Religion, and its Declenſion to the Want or Neglect thereof, that it may ſeem impertinent to enter into a Detail of what every School-Boy knows.

To come from ancient to modern Authority, Machiavel himſelf, repreſents Religion as abſolute⯑ly neceſſary to maintain civil Order and Govern⯑ment. He obſerves, that for many Years, there was a moſt awful Senſe of Religion in the old Ro⯑mans; and that this did much facilitate their great Undertakings. He likewiſe obſerves, and ſhews by divers Inſtances, that the Romans were more afraid to break an Oath, than to tranſgreſs the Laws; and that thoſe Things which even the Love of their Country and Conſtitution could not bring them to, they were brought to through a Senſe of Religion. Upon the whole, he concludes, that old Rome was more obliged to Numa, who eſtabliſhed a national Religion, than to Romulus himſelf, the Founder of that State.^†

And here by the by, I ſhall take notice, that ſome may imagine, the various Forms and Inſtitu⯑tions of Religion ought to unſettle Mens Minds, with regard to the Truth and Certainty of any. But this Matter rightly conſidered, will, I think, produce a contrary Effect. It ſheweth, indeed, that Men groping out their Way by the dim Twilight of Nature did only approach, ſome nearer, ſome farther off, while all were ſhort of the Truth. But then ſheweth likewiſe, upon the whole, and in gene⯑ral, that Religion is ſo natural to our Minds, ſo uſeful to Society, and of ſo neceſſary Importance to the World, as might well prove its Truth, and render it worthy of the divine Care to propagate by [74] Prophecies, Miracles, and the Miſſion of the Son of God.

Philip de Comines, ^* a wiſe Stateſman, and ho⯑neſt Writer, who had great Experience in Affairs, declares it to be his Opinion, ‘'That Want of religious Faith, is the only Foundation of all Miſchiefs.'’

And that able Miniſter the famous Monſieur Colbert, ^‖ makes it his Obſervation, ‘'That if once the Eccleſiaſtical Character, as ſuch, is vilified, the civil Magiſtrate, even the Crown itſelf, will in Conſequence thereof loſe all Au⯑thority.’

It would be no hard Matter to produce a Cloud of Teſtimonies in behalf of a national Religion, from the moſt eminent of our own Writers; but I ſhall content myſelf with adding one only, and that from a very unſuſpected Writer, Mr. Harrington, Author of the Oceana, who ſhews that to be juſt and fair, which others have ſhewed to be expedi⯑ent. ‘'^§ A Man (ſaith he) that pleading for Li⯑berty of Conſcience, refuſeth Liberty to the nati⯑onal Conſcience, muſt be moſt abſurd. And again: If the Conviction of a Man's private Conſcience, produce his private Religion; the Conviction of the national Conſcience, muſt pro⯑duce a national Religion.^†'’

All theſe Authorities are taken from thinking Men, and able Politicians, none of which can be ſuppoſed to ſay what he did not really think; and it had been very eaſy to have increased the Num⯑ber. But, I am ſorry, I was obliged to mention any at all, in proof of ſo plain and fundamental a Point as that of a national Religion. It is indeed, a [75] ſhameful Neceſſity we lie under, of proving at this Time of Day the firſt Elements, I will not ſay of Chriſtianity, but even of natural Light, from Rea⯑ſons and from Authorities. The Spirit of the Times hath rendered this unavoidable.

If it ſhould be asked after all, how comes it then to paſs, that the faſhionable and prevailing Maxims among our Betters, in a neighbouring Na⯑tion, ſhould run directly counter to all ſuch Rea⯑ſons and Authorities? I will anſwer this Queſtion, by asking when were our Neighbours known to abound to that Degree in Highwaymen, Murderers, Houſe-breakers, Incendiaries? When did ſuch Num⯑bers lay violent Hands on themſelves? When was there ſuch a general and indecent Contempt of whatever is eſteemed ſacred, in the State as well as the Church? When were there known among them ſuch public Frauds, ſuch open Confederacies in Villany, as the preſent Age hath produced? When were they lower in Eſteem of Mankind, more divided at home, or more inſulted abroad?

We of this Land have a fatal Tendency to over⯑look the good Qualities, and imitate whatever is amiſs in thoſe whom we reſpect. This leads me to make ſome Remarks on the modern Spirit of Re⯑formation, that works ſo ſtrongly in both theſe Kingdoms.

Freedom of Thought is the general Plea and Cry of the Age; and we all grant, that thinking is the Way to know; and the more real Knowledge there is in the Land, the more likely it will be to thrive. We are not therefore againſt Freedom of Thought, but we are againſt thoſe unthinking, overbearing People,^e who, in theſe odd Times, under that Pre⯑tence, [76] ſet up for Reformers, and new Molders of the Conſtitution. We declare againſt thoſe, who would ſeduce ignorant and unexperinced Perſons from the Reverence they owe to the Laws and Re⯑ligion of their Country; and under the Notion of extirpating Prejudices, would eraſe from their Minds all Impreſſions of Piety and Virtue, in order to in⯑troduce Prejudices of another Kind, deſtructive of Society.

We eſteem it a horrible Thing, to laugh at the Apprehenſions of a future State, with the Author of the Charaſterictics ^*; or with him who wrote the Fable of the Bees, to maintain that moral Virtues are the political Offspring which Flattery begot upon Pride ^†; that in Morals there is no greater Certainty, than in Faſhions of Dreſs ^‖; that, indeed, the Doctrine of good Manners teacheth Men to ſpeak well of all Virtues; but requires no more of them in any Age or Country, than the outward Appearance of thoſe in Faſhion. ^§ Two Authors of Infidel Syſtems theſe, who ſetting out upon oppoſite Principles, are calcu⯑lated to draw all Mankind, by flattering either their Vanity or their Paſſions, into one or other Syſ⯑tem. And yet, the People among whom ſuch Books are publiſhed, wonder how it comes to paſs, that the civil Magiſtrate daily loſeth his Au⯑thority, that the Laws are trampled upon, and the Subject in conſtant Fear of being robbed, or murdered, or having his Houſe burnt over his Head?

[77] It may be preſumed, that the Science of finding Fault, which above all others is eaſieſt to learn, ſuits beſt with a modern Education. Too many there are of better Fortunes than Underſtandings, who have made the Inquiry after Truth, a very ſmall Part of their Care: Theſe ſee ſomewhat, but not enough. It were to be wiſhed, they knew either leſs or more. One Thing it is evident they do not know; to wit, that while they rail at Prejudice, they are undoing themſelves: They do not com⯑prehend, (what hath been before hinted) that their whole Figure, their political Exiſtence, is owing to certain vulgar Prejudices, in Favour of Birth, Title, or Fortune, which add nothing of real Worth either to Mind or Body; and yet, cauſe the moſt worthleſs Perſon to be reſpected.

Feedom of Thought is the Prerogative of hu⯑man Kind; it is a Quality inherent in the very Nature of a thinking Being. Nothing is more evident, than that every one can think his own Way, in ſpite of any outward Force or Power whatsoever. It is therefore ridiculous for any Man to declaim in Defence of a Privilege, which can⯑not be denied or taken from him. But this will not infer a boundleſs Freedom of Speech,^f an open Contempt of Laws, and a preſcribing from private Judgment^g againſt public Authority, Things never borne in any well-ordered State; and which make the crying Diſtemper of our Times.

The Conſtitution of theſe Kingdoms, hath been one while over-heated by the indiſcreet Zeal of one Set of Men: Again, it hath been cold and lifeleſs, [78] through the Indifference of another.^h We have alternately felt the furious Effects of Superſtition and Fanaticiſm; and our preſent impending Danger, is from the ſetting up of private Judgment, or an inward Light, in Oppoſition to human and divine Laws. Such an inward conceited Principle always at work, and proceeding gradually and ſteadily, may be ſufficient to diſſolve any human Fabric of Polity or civil Government. To pretend to be wiſer than the Laws, hath never been ſuffered in any wiſe State, ſaith Ariſtotle. ^* And indeed, what wiſe State would encourage or endure a Spirit of Oppoſition,ⁱ publicly to operate againſt its own Decrees? who can ſay to ſuch a Spirit, Thus far ſhalt thou come, and no farther?

The Magiſtrate, perhaps, may not be ſufficiently aware, that thoſe pretended Advocates for private Light and free Thought, are in reality ſeditious Men, who ſet up themſelves againſt national Laws and Conſtitutions. And yet, one would think, all Mankind might ſee, that the Spirit which pre⯑vails againſt the Church and Religion, proceeds from an Oppoſition rather to the Laws of the Land, than to the Goſpel. Men quarrel not ſo vehemently againſt Articles of Faith themſelves, as againſt the eſtabliſhing of ſuch Matters; which is the ſole Effect of Law and the ſupreme Power. It clearly follows, the Freedom pleaded for is not ſo much Freedom of Thought againſt the Doctrines of the Goſpel, as Freedom of Speech and Action againſt [79] the Laws of the Land. It is ſtrange, that thoſe who are not blind in other Matters, ſhould yet not ſee this; or, that ſeeing it, they ſhould not diſcern the Conſequences thereof.

I am ſenſible, that whatever looks like a Re⯑ſtraint on Freedom of Inquiry, muſt be very diſa⯑greeable to all reaſoning and inquiſitive Men. But againſt this, I have ſaid nothing.^k On the con⯑trary, I will freely own, a judicious and impartial Search after Truth, is the moſt valuable Employ⯑ment of the Mind. Thoſe who have the Talents, and will be at the Pains, cannot do better than en⯑gage in that noble Purſuit. But thoſe who are not qualified by Age or Education; thoſe who have neither Diſpoſition nor Leiſure, nor Faculties to dig in the Mine of Truth themſelves, muſt take it as retailed out by others. I ſee no Remedy. GOD who knows the Opportunities of every Man, re⯑quires Impoſſibilities from no Man. And where there is a ſincere Love of Truth and Virtue, the Grace of GOD can eaſily ſupply the Defect of hu⯑man Means.

It hath been before obſerved, and ſhewed at large, that the Bulk of Mankind muſt have their Minds betimes imbued with good and wholſom Notions or Principles, by their Parents, Paſtors, and Tutors, or elſe bad Notions, hurtful to themſelves and others, will undoubtedly take poſſeſſion thereof. Such bad Notions have, for ſeveral Years paſt, been propagated with uncommon Induſtry in theſe Kingdoms: They now bring forth Fruit every Day more and more abundant. It is to be feared, that what hath been long ripening, is now near ripe. Many are the Signs and Tokens. He that runs, may read.

[80] But there cannot be a higher, or more flagrant Symptom of the Madneſs of our Times, than that execrable Fraternity of Blaſphemers, lately ſet up within this City of Dublin. Blaſphemy againſt GOD, is a great Crime againſt the State. But that a Set of Men ſhould, in open Contempt of the Laws, make this very Crime their Profeſſion, diſtinguiſh themſelves by a peculiar Name^*, and form a diſtinct Society, whereof the proper and avowed Buſineſs ſhall be, to ſhock all ſerious Chriſtians by the moſt impious and horrid Blaſ⯑phemies, uttered in the moſt public Manner: This ſurely muſt alarm all thinking Men. It is a new Thing under the Sun reſerved for our worthy Times and Country.

It is no common Blasphemy I ſpeak of: It is not ſimple Curſing and Swearing: It is not the Effect either of Habit or Surpriſe; but a Train of ſtudied deliberate Indignities againſt the divine Majeſty; and thoſe of ſo black and helliſh a Kind, as the Tongues alone which uttered them, can duly characterize and expreſs. This is no ſpeculative Hereſy, no remote or doubtful Inference from an Author's Tenets. It is a direct and open Attack on GOD himſelf. It is ſuch a calm premeditated Inſult upon Religion, Law, and the very Light of Na⯑ture, that there is no Sect or Nation of Men, whether Chriſtians, Jews, Mahometans, or even civilized Heathens, that would not be ſtruck with Horror and Amazement at the Thought of it, and that would not animadvert^l on its Authors with the utmoſt Severity.

[81] Deliberate, atheiſtical Blaſphemy, is of all Crimes moſt dangerous to the Public, inaſmuch as it opens the Door to all other Crimes, and virtually contains them all. A religious Awe and Fear of GOD, be⯑ing (as we have already obſerved) the Centre that unites, and the Cement that connects all human Society. He, who makes it his Buſineſs, to leſſen or root out from the Minds of Men this Principle, doth in effect, endeavour to fill his Country with Highwaymen, Houſebreakers, Murderers, fraudulent Dealers, perjured Witneſſes, and every other Peſt of Society. Therefore, it would be the greateſt Cruelty to our Children, Neighbours, and Country, to con⯑nive at ſuch a Crime; a Crime! which hath no natural Paſſion or Temptation to plead for it, but is the pure Effect of an abandoned Impudence in Wickedneſs; and, perhaps, of a miſtaken Hope, that the Laws and Magiſtrates are aſleep.

The Queſtion is not now, whether Religion ſhall be eſtabliſhed by Law: The Thing is already done, (and done with good Reaſon, as appeareth from the Premiſes) but whether a Reverence^m for the Laws ſhall be preſerved. Religion, conſidered as a Syſtem of ſaving Truths, hath its Sanction from Heaven; its Rewards and Penalties are divine. But Religion, as uſeful and neceſſary to Society, hath been wiſely eſtabliſhed by Law; and ſo eſtabliſhed, and wrought into the very Frame and Principles of our Govern⯑ment, is become a main Part of the civil Conſti⯑tution. Our Laws, are the Laws of a Chriſtian Country: Our Government hath been conſtituted and modelled by Chriſtians; and is ſtill admini⯑ſtered and maintained by Men profeſſing Belief in CHRIST. Can it then be ſuppoſed, that impious [82] Men ſhall with Impunity invent andⁿ publicly utter the moſt horrid Blaſphemies; and at the ſame Time, the whole Conſtitution not be endangered? Or can it be ſuppoſed, that Magiſtrates, or Men inveſted with Power, ſhould look on, and ſee the moſt ſacred Part of our Conſtitution trampled under foot, and yet imagine their own Dignity and Au⯑thority to be ſecure, which reſt intirely thereupon? I will venture to ſay, that whoever is a wiſe Man, and a Lover of his Country, will not only be ſolicitous to preſerve the Honour of GOD ſacred and intire; he will even diſcourage that prevailing Prejudice againſt the Diſpenſers of GOD'S Word, the Teachers of thoſe ſalutary Doctrines, without which the Public cannot thrive or ſubſiſt. He will be no Contemner, not even of thoſe Rites and Ordinances enjoined by Law, as neceſſary to im⯑print and retain a Senſe of Religion in the Minds of Men. He will extend his Care to the Out⯑works, as knowing that when theſe are gone, it may be difficult to preſerve the reſt.

Notwithſtanding the vain Aſſertion of thoſe Men, who would juſtify the preſent, by ſaying All Times are alike, it is moſt evident, that the Ma⯑giſtrates, the Laws, the very Conſtitution of theſe Realms, have loſt no ſmall Share of their Autho⯑rity and Reverence, ſince this great growth and ſpreading of impious Principles. Whatever be the Cauſe, the Effect is apparent. Whether we aſcribe it to the natural Courſe of Things, or to a juſt Judgment upon thoſe, who, having been careleſs [83] to preſerve a due Senſe of the divine Authority, have ſeen and ſhall ſee their own deſpiſed.

Darius, a Heathen Prince, made a Decree, that in every Dominion of his Kingdom, Men ſhould tremble and fear before GOD.^* Nebuchadnezzar likewiſe, another Heathen, made a Decree, that every People, Nation and Language which ſpoke any Thing amiſs againſt GOD, ſhould be cut in Pieces, and their Houſes made a Dunghill.^† And if theſe Things were done in Perſia and Babylon, ſurely it may be expected, that impious Blaſphemers againſt GOD and his Worſhip, ſhould, at leaſt, be diſcouraged and put out of Countenance in theſe Chriſtian Countries. Now, a conſtant Courſe of Disfavour from Men in Authority, would prove a moſt effectual Check to all ſuch Miſcreants. When therefore they are public and bold in their Blaſphemies, this is no ſmall Reflexion on thoſe who might check them if they would.

It is not ſo much the Execution of the Laws, as the Countenance of thoſe in Authority, that is wanting to the Maintenance of Religion. If Men of Rank and Power, who have a Share in diſ⯑tributing Juſtice, and a Voice in the public Councils, ſhall be obſerved to neglect divine Worſhip them⯑ſelves, it muſt needs be a great Temptation for others to do the ſame. But if they, and their Fa⯑milies, ſhould ſet a good Example, it may be pre⯑ſumed that Men of leſs Figure would be diſpoſed to follow it. Faſhions are always obſerved to de⯑ſcend, and People are generally fond of being in the Faſhion: Whence one would be apt to ſuſpect, the prevailing Contempt of GOD'S Word, and Eſtrangement from his Houſe, to a Degree that [84] was never known in any Chriſtian Country, muſt take its Riſe from the Irreligion and bad Example of thoſe who are ſtiled the better Sort.

Offences muſt come, but Woe be to him, by whom the Offence cometh. A Man who is in⯑truſted with Power and Influence in his Country, hath much to anſwer for, if Religion and Virtue ſuffer through Want of his Authority and Coun⯑tenance. But in Caſe he ſhould, by the Vanity of his Diſcourſe, his Favour to wicked Men, or his own apparent Neglect of all religious Duties, countenance what he ought to condemn, and au⯑thorize by his own Example what he ought to puniſh; ſuch a one, whatever he may pretend, is in Fact a bad Patriot, a bad Citizen, and a bad Subject, as well as a bad Chriſtian.

Our Proſpect is very terrible, and the Symptoms grow ſtronger every Day. The Morals of a People are in this, like their Fortunes; when they feel a national Shock, the worſt doth not ſhew itſelf immediately. Things make a Shift to ſubſiſt for a Time, on the Credit of old Notions and dying Opinions. But the Youth born and brought up in wicked Times, without any Bias to Good from early Principle or inſtilled Opinion, when they grow ripe muſt be Monſters indeed. And it is to be feared, that Age of Monſters is not far off.

Whence this Impiety-ſprings, by what means it gains ground among us, and how it may be remedied, are Matters that deſerve the Attention of all thoſe who have the Power and the Will to ſerve their Country. And although many Things look like a Prelude to ſome general Ruin; although it is much to be apprehended, we ſhall be worſe before we are better; yet who knows what may enſue, if all Perſons in Power, from the ſupreme Executor of the Law, down to a petty Conſtable, [85] would, in their ſeveral Stations, behave themſelves like Men, truly conſcious and mindful, that the Authority they are clothed with, is but a derivative Ray from the ſupreme Authority of Heaven? This may not a little contribute to ſtem that Tor⯑rent, which from ſmall Beginnings, and under ſpecious Pretences, hath grown to ſuch a Head, and daily gathers Force more and more to that Degree, as threatens a general Inundation and Deſtruction of theſe Realms.

THE QUERIST.

Qu. 1. WHETHER there ever was, is, or will be, an induſtrious Nation poor, or an idle rich?

2. Whether a People can be called poor, where the common Sort are well fed, clothed and lodged?

3. Whether the Drift and Aim of every wiſe State ſhould not be, to encourage Induſtry in its Members? And, whether thoſe, who employ neither Heads nor Hands for the common Benefit, deſerve not to be expelled like Drones out of a well go⯑verned State?

4. Whether the four Elements, and Man's Labour therein, be not the true Source of Wealth?

5. Whether Money be not only ſo far uſeful, as it ſtirreth up Induſtry, enabling Men mutually to participate the Fruits of each others Labour?

6. Whether any other Means, equally conducing to excite and circulate the Induſtry of Mankind, may not be as uſeful as Money?

7. Whether the real End and Aim of Men be not Power? And whether he who could have every Thing elſe at his Wiſh or Will, would value Money?

[120] 8. Whether the public Aim in every well go⯑verned State be not, that each Member, according to his juſt Pretenſions and Induſtry, ſhould have Power?

9. Whether Power be not referred to Action; and whether Action doth not follow Appetite or Will?

10. Whether Faſhion doth not create Appetites; and whether the prevailing Will of a Nation is not the Faſhion?

11. Whether the Current of Induſtry and Com⯑merce be not determined by this prevailing Will?

12. Whether it be not owing to Cuſtom, that the Faſhions are agreeable?

13. Whether it may not concern the Wiſdom of the Legiſlature to interpoſe in the making of Faſhions; and not leave an Affair of ſo great In⯑fluence, to the Management of Women and Fops, Taylors and Vintners?

14. Whether reaſonable Faſhions are a greater Reſtraint on Freedom than thoſe which are un⯑reaſonable?

15. Whether a general good Taſte in a People would not greatly conduce to their thriving? And whether an uneducated Gentry be not the greateſt of national Evils?

16. Whether Cuſtoms and Faſhions do not ſup⯑ply the Place of Reaſon, in the Vulgar of all Ranks? Whether, therefore, it doth not very much import that they ſhould be wiſely framed?

17. Whether the imitating thoſe Neighbours in our Faſhions, to whom we bear no Likeneſs in our Circumſtances, be not one Cauſe of Diſtreſs to this Nation?

18. Whether frugal Faſhions in the upper Rank, and comfortable Living in the lower, be not the Means to multiply Inhabitants?

[121] 19. Whether the Bulk of our Iriſh Natives are not kept from thriving, by that Cynical Content in Dirt and Beggary, which they poſſeſs to a Degree beyond any other People in Chriſtendom?

20. Whether the creating of Wants be not the likelieſt Way to produce Induſtry in a People? And whether, if our Peaſants were accuſtomed to eat Beef and wear Shoes, they would not be more induſtrious?

21. Whether other Things being given, as Cli⯑mate, Soil, &c. the Wealth be not proportioned to the Induſtry, and this to the Circulation of Credit, be the Credit circulated or transferred by what Marks or Tokens ſoever?

22. Whether, therefore, leſs Money, ſwiftly cir⯑culating, be not, in effect, equivalent to more Money ſlowly circulating? Or, whether, if the Circulation be reciprocally as the Quantity of Coin, the Nation can be a Loſer?

23. Whether Money is to be conſidered as hav⯑ing an intrinſic Value, or as being a Commodity, a Standard, a Meaſure, or a Pledge, as is variouſly ſuggeſted by Writers? And whether the true Idea of Money, as ſuch, be not altogether that of a Ticket or Counter?

24. Whether the Value or Price of Things, be not a compounded Proportion, directly as the De⯑mand, and reciprocally as the Plenty?

25. Whether the Terms Crown, Livre, Pound Sterling, &c. are not to be conſidered as Exponents or Denominations of ſuch Proportion? And whether Gold, Silver and Paper, are not Tickets or Coun⯑ters for Reckoning, Recording, and Transferring thereof?

26. Whether the Denominations being retained, although the Bullion were gone, Things might not nevertheleſs be rated, bought and ſold, Induſtry [122] promoted, and a Circulation of Commerce main⯑tained?

27. Whether an equal raiſing of all Sorts of Gold, Silver, and Copper Coin, can have any Effect in bringing Money into the Kingdom? And whether altering the Proportions between the ſe⯑veral Sorts, can have any other Effect, but multiply⯑ing one Kind and leſſening another, without any Increaſe of the Sum total?

28. Whether arbitrary changing the Denomi⯑nation of Coin, be not a public Cheat?

29. What makes a wealthy People? Whether Mines of Gold and Silver are capable of doing this? And whether the Negroes amidſt the Gold Sands of Afric, are not poor and deſtitute?

30. Whether there be any Virtue in Gold or Silver, other than as they ſet People at Work, or create Induſtry?

31. Whether it be not the Opinion or Will of the People, exciting them to Induſtry, that truly enricheth a Nation? And whether this doth not principally depend on the Means for counting, tranſ⯑ferring, and preſerving Power, that is, Property of all Kinds?

32. Whether if there was no Silver or Gold in the Kingdom, our Trade might not nevertheleſs ſupply Bills of Exchange, ſufficient to anſwer the Demands of Abſentees in England. or elſewhere?

33. Whether current Bank-Notes may not be deemed Money? And whether they are not actually the greater Part of the Money of this Kingdom?

34. Provided the Wheels move, whether it is not the ſame Thing, as to the Effect of the Ma⯑chine, be this done by the Force of Wind, or Water, or Animals?

35. Whether Power to command the Induſtry of others be not real Wealth? And whether Money [123] be not in truth, Tickets or Tokens for convey⯑ing and recording ſuch Power, and whether it be of great Conſequence what Materials the Tickets are made of?

36. Whether Trade, either foreign or domeſtic, be in truth any more than this Commerce of In⯑duſtry?

37. Whether to promote, transfer, and ſecure this Commerce, and this Property in human Labour, or, in other words, this Power, be not the ſole Means of enriching a People, and how far this may be done independently of Gold and Silver?

38. Whether it were not wrong to ſuppoſe Land itſelf to be Wealth? And whether the Induſtry of the People is not firſt to be conſidered, as that which conſtitutes Wealth, which makes even Land and Silver to be Wealth, neither of which would have any Value, but as Means and Motives to In⯑duſtry?

39. Whether in the Waſtes of America, a Man might not poſſeſs twenty Miles ſquare of Land, and yet want his Dinner, or a Coat to his Back?

40. Whether a fertile Land, and the Induſtry of its Inhabitants, would not prove inexhauſtible Funds of real Wealth, be the Counters for convey⯑ing and recording thereof what you will, Paper, Gold, or Silver?

41. Whether a ſingle Hint be ſufficient to over⯑come a Prejudice? And whether even obvious Truths will not ſometimes bear repeating?

42. Whether if human Labour be the true Source of Wealth, it doth not follow that Idleneſs ſhould of all Things be diſcouraged in a wiſe State?

43. Whether even Gold, or Silver, if they ſhould leſſen the Induſtry of its Inhabitants, would not be ruinous to a Country? And whether Spain be not an Inſtance of this?

[124] 44. Whether the Opinion of Men, and their Induſtry conſequent thereupon, be not the true Wealth of Holland, and not the Silver ſuppoſed to be depoſited in the Bank at Amſterdam?

45. Whether there is in truth any ſuch Treaſure lying dead? And whether it be of great Conſe⯑quence to the Public, that it ſhould be real, rather than notional?

46. Whether in order to underſtand the true Nature of Wealth and Commerce, it would not be right to conſider a Ship's Crew caſt upon a de⯑ſert Iſland, and by degrees forming themſelves to Buſineſs and civil Life, while Induſtry begot Credit, and Credit moved to Induſtry?

47. Whether ſuch Men would not all ſet them⯑ſelves to Work? Whether they would not ſubſiſt by the mutual Participation of each other's Induſtry? Whether when one Man had in his Way procured more than he could conſume, he would not ex⯑change his Superfluities to ſupply his Wants? Whether this muſt not produce Credit? Whether to facilitate theſe Conveyances, to record and cir⯑culate this Credit, they would not ſoon agree on certain Tallies, Tokens, Tickets, or Counters?

48. Whether Reflexion in the better Sort might not ſoon remedy our Evils? And whether our real Defect be not in a wrong Way of Thinking?

49. Whether it would not be an unhappy Turn in our Gentlemen, if they ſhould take more Thought to create an Intereſt to themſelves in this or that County, or Borough, than to promote the real In⯑tereſt of their Country?

50. Whether if a Man builds a Houſe he doth not in the firſt Place provide a Plan which governs his Work? And ſhall the Public act without an End, a View, a Plan?

[125] 51. Whether by how much the leſs particular Folk think for themſelves, the Public be not ſo much the more obliged to think for them?

52. Whether ſmall Gains be not the Way to great Profit? And if our Tradeſmen are Beggars, whether they may not thank themſelves for it?

53. Whether ſome Way might not be found for making Criminals uſeful in public Works, inſtead of ſending them either to America, or to the other World?

54. Whether we may not, as well as other Na⯑tions, contrive Employment for them? And whether Servitude, Chains, and hard Labour, for a Term of Years, would not be a more diſcouraging, as well as a more adequate Puniſhment for Felons, than even Death itſelf?

55. Whether there are not ſuch Things in Hol⯑land as bettering Houſes, for bringing young Gen⯑tlemen to Order? And whether ſuch an Inſtitution would be uſeleſs among us?

56. Whether it be true, that the Poor in Hol⯑land have no Reſource but their own Labour, and yet there are no Beggars in their Streets?

57. Whether he whoſe Luxury conſumeth foreign Products, and whoſe Induſtry produceth nothing domeſtic to exchange for them, is not ſo far forth injurious to his Country?

58. Whether Neceſſity is not to be hearkened to before Convenience, and Convenience before Luxury?

59. Whether to provide plentifully for the Poor, be not feeding the Root, the Subſtance whereof will ſhoot upwards into the Branches, and cauſe the Top to flouriſh?

60. Whether there be any Inſtance of a State wherein the People, living neatly and plentifully, did not aſpire to Wealth?

[126] 61. Whether Naſtineſs and Beggary do not, on the contrary, extinguiſh all ſuch Ambition, making Men liſtleſs, hopeleſs, and ſlothful?

62. Whether a Country inhabited by People well fed, clothed and lodged, would not become every Day more populous? And whether a nume⯑rous Stock of People in ſuch Circumſtances would not conſtitute a flouriſhing Nation; and how far the Product of our own Country may ſuffice for the compaſſing of this End?

63. Whether a People, who had provided them⯑ſelves with the Neceſſaries of Life in good Plenty, would not ſoon extend their Induſtry to new Arts and new Branches of Commerce?

64. Whether thoſe ſame Manufactures which England imports from other Countries, may not be admitted from Ireland? And, if ſo, whether Lace, Carpets and Tapeſtry, three conſiderable Articles, of Engliſh Importation, might not find Encourage⯑ment in Ireland? And whether an Academy for Deſign might not greatly conduce to the perfect⯑ing thoſe Manufactures among us?

65. Whether France and Flanders could have drawn ſo much Money from England, for figured Silks, Lice, and Tapeſtry, if they had not had Academies for Deſigning?

66. Whether when a Room was once prepared, and Models in Plaiſter of Paris, the Annual Expence of ſuch an Academy need ſtand the Public in above two hundred Pounds a Year?

67. Whether our Linen-Manufacture would not find the Benefit of this Inſtitution? and whether there be any Thing that makes us fall ſhort of the Dutch, in Damasks, Diapers, and printed Linen but our Ignorance in Deſign?

68. Whether thoſe, who may ſlight this Affair as notional, have ſufficiently conſidered the exten⯑ſive [127] Uſe of the Art of Deſign, and its Influence in moſt Trades and Manufactures, wherein the Forms of Things are often more regarded than the Ma⯑terials^*.

69. Whether there be any Art ſooner learned than that of making Carpets? And whether our Women, with little Time and Pains, may not make more beautiful Carpets than thoſe imported from Turkey? And whether this Branch of the Woollen-Manufacture be not open to us?

70. Whether human Induſtry can produce, from ſuch cheap Materials, a Manufacture of ſo great Value, by any other Art, as by thoſe of Sculpture and Painting?

71. Whether Pictures and Statues are not in Fact ſo much Treaſure? And whether Rome and Florence would not be poor Towns without them?

72. Whether they do not bring ready Money, as well as Jewels? Whether in Italy Debts are not paid, and Children portioned with them, as with Gold and Silver?

73. Whether it would not be more prudent, to ſtrike out, and exert ourſelves in permitted Branches of Trade, than to fold our Hands and repine, that we are not allowed the Woollen?

74. Whether it be true, that two Millions are yearly expended by England by foreign Lace and Linen?

75. Whether immenſe Sums are not drawn yearly into the Northern Countries, for ſupplying the Britiſh Navy with Hempen Manufactures?

76. Whether there be any Thing more profitable than Hemp? And whether there ſhould not be great Praemiums for encouraging our Hempen Trade? [128] What Advantages may not Great-Britain make of a Country where Land and Labour are ſo cheap?

77. Whether Ireland alone might not raiſe Hemp ſufficient for the Britiſh Navy? And whether it would not be vain to expect this from the British Colonies in America, where Hands are ſo ſcarce, and Labour ſo exceſſively dear?

78. Whether if our our own People want Will or Capacity for ſuch an Attempt, it might not be worth while for ſome undertaking Spirits in Eng⯑land to make Settlements, and raiſe Hemp in the Counties of Clare and Limerick, than which, per⯑haps, there is not fitter Land in the World for that Purpoſe? And whether both Nations would not find their Advantage therein?

79. Whether if all the idle Hands in this King⯑dom were employed on Hemp and Flax, we might not find ſufficient Vent for theſe Manufactures?

80. How far it may be in our own Power to better our Affairs, without interfering with our Neighbours?

81. Whether the Prohibition of our Woollen-Trade, ought not naturally to put us on other Me⯑thods, which give no Jealouſy?

82. Whether Paper be not a valuable Article of Commerce? And whether it be not true, that one ſingle Bookſeller in London yearly expended above four thouſand Pounds in that foreign Commodity?

83. How it comes to paſs, that the Venetians and Genoese, who wear ſo much leſs Linen, and ſo much worſe than we do, ſhould yet make very good Paper, and in great Quantity, while we make very little?

84. How long it will be before my Countrymen find out, that it is worth while to ſpend a Peny, in order to get a Groat?

[129] 85. If all the Land were tilled that is fit for Tillage, and all that ſowed with Hemp and Flax that is fit for raiſing them, whether we ſhould have much Sheep-walk beyond what was ſufficient to ſupply the Neceſſities of the Kingdom?

86. Whether other Countries have not flouriſhed without the Woollen-Trade?

87. Whether it be not a ſure Sign, or Effect of a Country's thriving, to ſee it well cultivated and full of Inhabitants? And if ſo, whether a great Quantity of Sheep-walk, be not ruinous to a Coun⯑try, rendering it waſte and thinly inhabited?

88. Whether the employing ſo much of our Land under Sheep, be not in fact an Irish Blunder?

89. Whether our hankering after our Woollen-Trade, be not the true and only Reaſon, which hath created a Jealouſy in England towards Ireland? And whether any Thing can hurt us more than ſuch Jealouſy?

90. Whether it be not the true Intereſt of both Nations, to become one People? And whether either be ſufficiently apprized of this?

91. Whether the upper Part of this People are not truly English, by Blood, Language, Religion, Manners, Inclination and Intereſt?

92. Whether we are not as much Englishmen, as the Children of old Romans born in Britain, were ſtill Romans?

93. Whether it be not our true Intereſt, not to interfere with them; and, in every other Caſe, whether it be not their true intereſt to befriend us?

94. Whether a Mint in Ireland might not be of great Convenience to the Kingdom; and whether it could be attended with any poſſible Inconvenience to Great-Britain? And whether there were not Mints in Naples and in Sicily, when thoſe Kingdoms were Provinces to Spain, or the Houſe of Austria?

[130] 95. Whether any Thing can be more ridiculous, than for the North of Ireland to be jealous of a Linen-Manufacture in the South?

96. Whether the County of Tipperary be not much better Land than the County of Armagh; and yet, whether the latter is not much better im⯑proved and inhabited than the former?

97. Whether every Landlord in the Kingdom doth not know the Cauſe of this? And yet how few are the better for ſuch their Knowledge?

98. Whether large Farms under few Hands, or ſmall ones under many, are likely to be made moſt of? And whether Flax and Tillage do not natu⯑rally multiply Hands, and divide Land into ſmall Holdings, and well-improved?

99. Whether, as our Exports are leſſened, we ought not to leſſen our Imports? And whether theſe will not be leſſened as our Demands, and theſe as our Wants, and theſe as our Cuſtoms or Faſhions? Of how great Conſequence therefore are Faſhions to the Public?

100. Whether it would not be more reaſonable to mend our State than to complain of it; and how far this may be in our own Power?

101. What the Nation gains by thoſe who live in Ireland upon the Produce of foreign Countries?

102. How far the Vanity of our Ladies in dreſ⯑ſing, and of our Gentlemen in drinking, contri⯑butes to the general Miſery of the People?

103. Whether Nations as wife and opulent as ours, have not made ſumptuary Laws; and what hinders us from doing the ſame?

104. Whether thoſe who drink foreign Liquors, and deck themſelves and their Families with foreign Ornaments, are not ſo far forth to be reckoned Abſentees?

[131] 105. Whether as our Trade is limited, we ought not to limit our Expences; and whether this be not the natural and obvious Remedy?

106. Whether the Dirt, and Famine, and Naked⯑neſs of the Bulk of our People, might not be remedied, even although we had no foreign Trade? And whether this ſhould not be our firſt Care; and whether, if this were once provided for, the Con⯑veniencies of the Rich would not ſoon follow?

107. Whether comfortable Living doth not pro⯑duce Wants, and Wants Induſtry, and Induſtry Wealth?

108. Whether there is not a great Difference between Holland and Ireland? And whether foreign Commerce, without which the one could not ſubſiſt, be ſo neceſſary for the other?

109. Might we not put a Hand to the Plough, or the Spade, although we had no foreign Com⯑merce?

110. Whether the Exigencies of Nature are not to be anſwered by Induſtry on our own Soil? And how far the Conveniences and Comforts of Life may be procured, by a domeſtic Commerce between the ſeveral Parts of this Kingdom?

111. Whether the Women may not few, ſpin, weave, embroider, ſufficiently for the Embelliſh⯑ment of their Perſons, and even enough to raiſe Envy in each other, without being beholden to foreign Countries?

112. Suppoſe the Bulk of our Inhabitants had Shoes to their Feet, Clothes to their Backs, and Beef in their Bellies? Might not ſuch a State be eligible for the Public, even though the 'Squires were condemned to drink Ale and Cider?

113. Whether if Drunkenneſs be a neceſſary Evil, Men may not as well drink the Growth of their own Country?

[132] 114. Whether a Nation within itſelf might not have real Wealth, ſufficient to give its Inhabitants Power and Diſtinction, without the Help of Gold and Silver?

115. Whether, if the Arts of Sculpture and Painting were encouraged among us, we might not furniſh our Houſes in a much nobler Manner with our own Manufactures?

116. Whether we have not, or may not have, all the neceſſary Materials for Building at home?

117. Whether Tiles and Plaiſter may not ſupply the Place of Norway Fir, for Flooring and Wainſcot?

118. Whether Plaiſter be not warmer, as well as more ſecure, than Deal? And whether a modern faſhionable Houſe, lined with Fir, daubed over with Oil and Paint, be not like a Fire-ſhip, ready to be lighted up by all Accidents?

119. Whether larger Houſes, better built and furniſhed, a greater Train of Servants, the Diffe⯑rence with regard to Equipage and Table, between finer and coarſer, more and leſs elegant, may not be ſufficient to feed a reaſonable Share of Vanity, or ſupport all proper Diſtinctions? And whether all theſe may not be procured, by domeſtic Induſtry out of the four Elements, without ranſacking the four Quarters of the Globe?

120. Whether any Thing is a nobler Ornament, in the Eye of the World, than an Italian Palace, that is, Stone and Morter skilfully put together, and adorned with Sculpture and Painting; and whether this may not be compaſſed without foreign Trade?

121. Whether an Expence in Gardens and Plan⯑tations would not be an elegant Diſtinction for the Rich, a domeſtic Magnificence, employing many Hands within, and drawing nothing from abroad?

122. Whether the Apology which is made for foreign Luxury in England, to wit, that they could [133] not carry on their Trade without Imports as well as Exports, will hold in Ireland?

123. Whether one may not be allowed to con⯑ceive and ſuppoſe a Society, or Nation of human Creatures, clad in Woollen Cloths and Stuffs, ea⯑ting good Bread, Beef, and Mutton, Poultry and Fiſh in great Plenty, drinking Ale, Mead, and Cider, inhabiting decent Houſes built of brick and Marble, taking their Pleaſure in fair Parks and Gardens, depending on no foreign Imports either for Food or Raiment? And whether ſuch People ought much to be pitied?

124. Whether Ireland be not as well qualified for ſuch a State, as any Nation under the Sun?

125. Whether in ſuch a State the Inhabitants may not contrive to paſs the twenty-four Hours, with tolerable Eaſe and Chearfulneſs? And whether any People upon Earth can do more?

126. Whether they may not eat, drink, play, dreſs, viſit, ſleep in good Beds, fit by good Fires, build, plant, raiſe a Name, make Eſtates, and ſpend them?

127. Whether upon the whole, a domeſtic Trade may not ſuffice in ſuch a Country as Ireland, to nouriſh and clothe its Inhabitants, and provide them with the reaſonable Conveniencies, and even Com⯑forts of Life?

128. Whether a general Habit of living well, would not produce Numbers and Induſtry; and, whether, conſidering the Tendency of human Kind, the Conſequence thereof would not be foreign Trade and Riches, how unneceſſary ſoever?

129. Whether, nevertheleſs, it be a Crime to enquire how far we may do without foreign Trade, and what would follow on ſuch a Suppoſition?

130. Whether the Number and Welfare of the Subjects be not the true Strength of the Crown?

[134] 131. Whether in all public Inſtitutions, there ſhould not be an End propoſed, which is to be the Rule and Limit of the Means? Whether this End ſhould not be the Well-being of the Whole? And whether, in order to this, the firſt Step ſhould not be to clothe and feed our People?

132. Whether there be upon Earth any Chriſtian, or civilized People, ſo beggarly, wretched, and deſtitute, as the common Irish?

133. Whether, nevertheleſs, there is any other People whoſe Wants may be more eaſily ſupplied from home?

134. Whether, if there was a Wall of Braſs a thouſand Cubits high, round this Kingdom, our Natives might not nevertheleſs live cleanly and comfortably, till the Land, and reap the Fruits of it?

135. What ſhould hinder us from exerting our⯑ſelves, uſing our Hands and Brains, doing ſome⯑thing or other, Man, Woman and Child, like the other Inhabitants of God's Earth?

136. Be the reſtraining our Trade well or ill ad⯑viſed in our Neighbours, with reſpect to their own Intereſt, yet whether it be not plainly ours to ac⯑commodate ourſelves to it?

137. Whether it be not vain to think of per⯑ſuading other People to ſee their Intereſt, while we continue blind to our own?

138. Whether there be any other Nation poſ⯑ſeſſed of ſo much good Land, and ſo many able Hands to work it, which yet is beholden for Bread to foreign Countries?

139. Whether it be true, that we import Corn to the Value of two hundred thouſand Pounds in ſome Years?^*

[135] 140. Whether we are not undone by Faſhions made for other People? And whether it be not Madneſs in a poor Nation to imitate a rich one?

141. Whether a Woman of Faſhion ought not to be declared a public Enemy?

142. Whether it be not certain, that from the ſingle Town of Cork were exported, in one Year, no leſs than one hundred and ſeven thouſand one hundred ſixty-one Barrels of Beef; ſeven thouſand three hundred and ſeventy-nine Barrels of Pork; thirteen thouſand four hundred and ſixty-one Casks, and eighty-five thouſand ſeven hundred and twenty-ſeven Firkins of Butter? And what Hands were employed in this Manufacture?

143. Whether a Foreigner could imagine, that one half of the People were ſtarving, in a Country which ſent out ſuch Plenty of Proviſions?

144. Whether an Iriſh Lady, ſet out with French Silks, and Flanders Lace, may not be ſaid to con⯑ſume more Beef and Butter than a hundred of our labouring Peaſants?

145. Whether nine Tenths of our foreign Trade be not carried on ſingly to ſupport the Article of Vanity?

146. Whether it can be hoped, that private Perſons will not indulge this Folly, unleſs restrained by the Public?

147. How Vanity is maintained in other Coun⯑tries? Whether in Hungary for Inſtance, a proud Nobility are not ſubſiſted with ſmall Imports from abroad?

148. Whether there be a prouder People upon Earth than the noble Venetians, although they all wear plain black Clothes?

149. Whether a People are to be pitied, that will not ſacrifice their little particular Vanities to the public Good? And yet, whether each Part would [136] not except their own Foible from this public Sacri⯑fice, the 'Squire his Bottle, the Lady her Lace?

150. Whether Claret be not often drank rather for Vanity than for Health, or Pleaſure?

151. Whether it be true, that Men of nice Palates have been impoſed on, by Elder Wine for French Claret, and by Mead for Palm Sack?

152. Do not Engliſhmen abroad purchaſe Beer and Cider at ten Times the Price of Wine?

153. How many Gentlemen are there in England of a thouſand Pounds per Annum, who never drink Wine in their own Houſes? Whether the ſame may be ſaid of any in Ireland who have even one hundred Pounds per Annum?

154. What Reaſon have our Neighbours in England for diſcouraging French Wines, which may not hold with reſpect to us alſo?

155. How much of the neceſſary Suſtenance of our People is yearly exported for Brandy?

156. Whether, if People muſt poiſon them⯑ſelves, they had not better do it with their own Growth?

157. If we imported neither Claret from France, nor Fir from Norway, what the Nation would ſave by it?

158. When the Root yieldeth inſufficient Nou⯑riſhment, whether Men do not top the Tree to make the lower Branches thrive?

159. Whether, if our Ladies drank Sage or Baum Tea out of Iriſh Ware, it would be an in⯑ſupportable national Calamity?

160. Whether it be really true that ſuch Wine is beſt as moſt encourages drinking, i. e. that muſt be given in the largeſt Doſe to produce its Effect? And whether this holds with regard to any other Medicine?

[137] 161. Whether that Trade ſhould not be ac⯑counted moſt pernicious, wherein the Balance is moſt againſt us? And whether this be not the Trade with France?

162. Whether it be not even Madneſs, to en⯑courage Trade with a Nation that takes nothing of our Manufacture?

163. Whether Ireland can hope to thrive, if the major Part of her Patriots ſhould be found in the French Intereſt?

164. Whether great Plenty and Variety of ex⯑cellent Wines are not to be had on the Coaſts of Italy and Sicily? And whether thoſe Countries would not take our Commodities of Linen, Leather, Butter, &c. in exchange for them?

165. Particularly, whether the Vinum Mamerti⯑num, which grows on the Mountains about Meſ⯑ſina, a red, generous Wine, highly eſteemed (if we may credit Pliny) by the ancient Romans, would not come cheap, and pleaſe the Palates of our Iſlanders?

166. Why, if a Bribe by the Palate or the Purſe be in effect the ſame Thing, they ſhould not be alike infamous?

167. Whether the Vanity and Luxury of a few ought to ſtand in Competition with the Intereſt of a Nation?

168. Whether national Wants ought not to be the Rule of Trade? And whether the moſt preſſing Wants of the Majority ought not to be firſt con⯑ſidered?

169. Whether it is poſſible the Country ſhould be well improved, while our Beef is exported, and our Labourers live upon Potatoes?

170. If it be reſolved that we cannot do without foreign Trade, whether, at leaſt, it may not be worth while to conſider what Branches thereof de⯑ſerve [138] to be entertained, and how far we may be able to carry it on under our preſent Limitations?

171. What foreign Imports may be neceſſary, for clothing and feeding the Families of Perſons not worth above one hundred Pounds a Year? And how many wealthier there are in the King⯑dom, and what Proportion they bear to the other Inhabitants?

172. Whether Trade be not then on a right Foot, when foreign Commodities are imported in Exchange only for domeſtic Superfluities?

173. Whether the Quantities of Beef, Butter, Wooll and Leather, exported from this Iſland, can be reckoned the Superfluities of a Country, where there are ſo many Natives naked and famiſhed?

174. Whether it would not be wiſe ſo to order our Trade, as to export Manufactures rather than Provi⯑ſions, and of thoſe ſuch as employ moſt Hands?

175. Whether ſhe would not be a very vile Ma⯑tron, and juſtly thought either mad or fooliſh, that ſhould give away the Neceſſaries of Life, from her naked and famiſhed Children, in Exchange for Pearls to ſtick in her Hair, and ſweet Meats to pleaſe her own Palate?

176. Whether a Nation might not be conſidered as a Family?

177. Whether the Remark made by a Venetian Ambaſſador to Cardinal Richlieu—That France needed nothing to be rich and eaſy, but to know how to ſpend what ſhe diſſipates—may not be of uſe alſo to other People?

178. Whether hungry Cattle will not leap over Bounds? And, whether moſt Men are not hungry in a Country where expenſive Faſhions obtain?

179. Whether there ſhould not be publiſhed year⯑ly, Schedules of our Trade, containing an Account of the Imports and Exports of the foregoing Year?

[139] 180. Whether other Methods may not be found for ſupplying the Funds, beſides the Cuſtom on Things imported?

181. Whether any Art or Manufacture be ſo difficult as the making of good Laws?

182. Whether our Peers and Gentlemen are born Legiſlators? Or, whether that Faculty be acquired by Study and Reflexion?

183. Whether to comprehend the real Intereſt of a People, and the Means to procure it, doth not imply ſome Fund of Knowledge, historical, moral and political, with a Faculty of Reaſon improved by Learning?

184. Whether every Enemy to Learning be not a Goth? And whether every ſuch Goth among us be not an Enemy to the Country?

185. Whether, therefore, it would not be an Omen of ill Preſage, a dreadful Phaenomenon in the Land, if our great Men ſhould take it in their Heads to deride Learning and Education?

186. Whether on the contrary, it ſhould not ſeem worth while to erect a Mart of Literature in this Kingdom, under wiſer Regulations and better Diſcipline than in any other Part of Europe? And whether this would not be an infallible Means of drawing Men and Money into the Kingdom?

187. Whether the governed be not too nume⯑rous for the governing Part of our College? And whether it might not be expedient to convert thirty Natives-Places into twenty Fellowſhips?

188. Whether if we had two Colleges, there might not ſpring an uſeful Emulation between them? And whether it might not be contrived, ſo to divide the Fellows, Scholars and Revenues between both, as that no Member ſhould be a Loſer thereby?

189. Whether ten thouſand Pounds well laid out, might not build a decent College, fit to contain two [140] hundred Perſons; and whether the Purchaſe-Money of the Chambers, would not go a good Way to⯑wards defraying the Expence?

190. Where this College ſhould be ſituated?

191. Whether in Imitation of the Jeſuits at Paris, who admit Proteſtants to ſtudy in their Col⯑leges, it may not be right for us alſo to admit Ro⯑man-Catholics into our College, without obliging them to attend Chapel-Duties, or Catechiſms, or Divinity-Lectures? And whether this might not keep Money in the Kingdom, and prevent the Pre⯑judices of a foreign Education?

192. Whether it is poſſible a State ſhould not thrive, whereof the lower part were induſtrious, and the upper wiſe?

193. Whether the collected Wiſdom of Ages and Nations be not found in Books?

194. Whether Themiſtocles his Art of making a little City, or a little People, become a great one, be learned any where ſo well as in the Writings of the Ancients?

195. Whether a wiſe State hath any Intereſt nearer Heart than the Education of Youth?

196. Whether the Mind, like Soil, doth not by Diſuſe grow ſtiff; and whether Reaſoning and Stu⯑dy be not like ſtirring and dividing the Glebe?

197. Whether an early Habit of Reflexion, al⯑though obtained by ſpeculative Sciences, may not have its Uſe in practical Affairs?

198. Whether even thoſe Parts of Academical Learning which are quite forgotten, may not have improved and enriched the Soil, like thoſe Vegeta⯑bles which are raiſed, not for themſelves, but plow⯑ed in for a Dreſſing of Land?

199. Whether it was not an Iriſh Profeſſor who firſt opened the public Schools at Oxford? Whe⯑ther [141] this Iſland hath not been anciently famous for Learning? And whether at this Day it hath any better Chance for being conſiderable?

200. Whether we may not with better Grace ſit down and complain, when we have done all that lies in our Power to help ourſelves?

201. Whether the Gentleman of Eſtate hath a right to be idle; and whether he ought not to be the great Promoter and Director of Induſtry, among his Tenants and Neighbours?

202. Whether in the Cantons of Switzerland all under thirty Years of Age are not excluded from their great Councils?

203. Whether Homer's Compendium of Educa⯑tion, ‘ [...] ^*,’ would not be a good Rule for modern Educators of Youth? And whether half the Learning and Study of theſe Kingdoms is not uſeleſs, for want of a proper Delivery and Pronunciation being taught in our Schools and Colleges?

204. Whether in any Order a good Building can be made of bad Materials? Or whether any Form of Government can make a happy State out of bad Individuals?

205. What was it that Solomon compared to a Jewel of Gold in a Swine's Snout?

206. Whether the Public is more concerned in any Thing than in the Procreation of able Citizens?

207. Whether to the Multiplying of Human-Kind, it would not much conduce, if Marriages were made with good-liking?

208. Whether, if Women had no Portions, we ſhould then ſee ſo many unhappy and unfruitful Marriages?

[142] 209. Whether the Laws be not, according to Ariſtotle, a Mind without Appetite or Paſſion? And conſequently without Reſpect of Perſons?

210. Suppoſe a rich Man's Son marries a poor Man's Daughter, ſuppoſe alſo that a poor Man's Daughter is deluded and debauched by the Son of a rich Man; which is moſt to be pitied?

211. Whether the Puniſhment ſhould be placed on the Seduced, or the Seducer?

212. Whether a Promiſe made before God and Man in the moſt ſolemn Manner ought to be violated?

213. Whether it was Plato's Opinion that for the Good of the Community, rich ſhould marry with rich? de Leg. l. 4.

214. Whether as Seed equally ſcattered produ⯑ceth a goodly Harveſt, even ſo an equal Diſtribu⯑tion of Wealth doth not cauſe a Nation to flouriſh?

215. Whence is it that Barbs and Arabs are ſo good Horſes? And whether in thoſe Countries they are not exactly nice in admitting none but Males of a good Kind to their Mares?

216. What Effects would the ſame Care pro⯑duce in Families?

217. Whether the real Foundation for Wealth muſt not be laid in the Numbers, the Frugality and the Induſtry of the People? And whether all Attempts to enrich a Nation by other Means, as raiſing the Coin, Stock-Jobbing and ſuch Arts, are not vain?

218. Whether a Door ought not to be ſhut againſt all other Methods of growing rich, ſave on⯑ly by Induſtry and Merit? And whether Wealth got otherwiſe would not be ruinous to the Public?

219. Whether the Abuſe of Banks and Paper-Money is a juſt Objection againſt the uſe thereof? And whether ſuch Abuſe might not eaſily be pre⯑vented?

[143] 220. Whether national Banks are not found uſe⯑ful in Venice, Holland and Hamburgh? And whe⯑ther it is not poſſible to contrive one that may be uſeful alſo in Ireland?

221. Whether the Banks of Venice and Amſter⯑dam, are not in the Hands of the Public?

222. Whether it may not be worth while to in⯑form ourſelves in the Nature of thoſe Banks? And what Reaſon can be aſſigned, why Ireland ſhould not reap the Benefit of ſuch public Banks, as well as other Countries?

223. Whether a Bank of national Credit, ſup⯑ported by public Funds and ſecured by Parliament, be a Chimera or impoſſible Thing? and if not, what would follow from the Suppoſal of ſuch a Bank?

224. Whether the Currency of a Credit ſo well ſecured would not be of great Advantage to our Trade and Manufactures?

225. Whether the Notes of ſuch public Bank would not have a more general Circulation than thoſe of private Banks, as being leſs ſubject to Frauds and Hazards?

226. Whether it be not agreed that Paper hath in many Reſpects, the Advantage above Coin, as being of more Diſpatch in Payments, more eaſily transferred, preſerved and recovered when loſt?

227. Whether, beſides theſe Advantages, there be not an evident Neceſſity for circulating Credit by Paper, from the Defect of Coin in this King⯑dom?

228. Whether it be rightly remarked by ſome, that, as Banking brings no Treaſure into the King⯑dom like Trade, private Wealth muſt ſink as the Bank riſeth? And whether whatever cauſeth In⯑duſtry to flouriſh and circulate, may not be ſaid to increaſe our Treaſure?

[144] 229 Whether the ruinous Effects of Miſſiſſippi, South-Sea, and ſuch Schemes, were not owing to an abuſe of Paper-Money or Credit, in making it a Means for Idleneſs and Gaming, inſtead of a Mo⯑tive and Help to Induſtry?

230. Whether the Riſe of the Bank of Amſter⯑dam was not purely caſual, for the Security and Diſ⯑patch of Payments? And whether the good Effects thereof, in ſupplying the Place of Coin, and pro⯑moting a ready Circulation of Induſtry and Com⯑merce, may not be a Leſſon to us, to do that by Deſign, which others fell upon by Chance?

231. Whether plenty of ſmall Caſh be not ab⯑ſolutely neceſſary for keeping up a Circulation among the People; that is, whether Copper be not more neceſſary than Gold?

232. Whether that, which increaſeth the Stock of a Nation, be not a Means of increaſing its Trade? And whether that, which increaſeth the current Credit of a Nation, may not be ſaid to in⯑creaſe its Stock?

233. Whether the Credit of the public Funds be not a Mine of Gold to England? And whether any Step that ſhould leſſen this Credit ought not to be dreaded?

234. Whether ſuch Credit be not the principal Advantage that England hath over France? I may add, over every other Country in Europe.

235. Whether by this the Public is not become poſſeſſed of the Wealth of Foreigners as well as Natives? And whether England be not in ſome ſort the Treaſury of Chriſtendom?

236. Whether as our current domeſtic Credit grew, Induſtry would not grow likewiſe? and if Induſtry, our Manufactures; and if theſe, our fo⯑reign Credit?

[145] 237. Whether foreign Demands may not be an⯑ſwered by our Exports without drawing Caſh out of the Kingdom?

238. Whether as Induſtry increaſed, our Manu⯑factures would not flouriſh? and as theſe flouriſhed, whether better Returns would not be made from Eſtates to their Landlords, both within and with⯑out the Kingdom?

239. Whether the ſure Way to ſupply People with Tools and Materials, and to ſet them at Work, be not a free Circulation of Money, whether Silver of Paper?

240. Whether in New England, all Trade and Buſineſs is not as much at a Stand, upon a Scarcity of Paper-Money, as with us from the Want of Specie?

241. Whether it be certain, that the Quantity of Silver in the Bank of Amſterdam be greater now than at firſt? but whether it be not certain that there is a greater Circulation of Induſtry and Ex⯑tent of Trade, more People, Ships, Houſes and Commodities of all Sorts, more Power by Sea and Land?

242. Whether Money, lying dead in the Bank of Amſterdam, would not be as uſeleſs as in the Mine?

243. Whether our viſible Security in Land could be doubted? And whether there be any Thing like this in the Bank of Amſterdam?

244. Whether it be juſt to apprehend Danger from truſting a national Bank with Power to extend its Credit, to circulate Notes which it ſhall be Felo⯑ny to counterfeit, to receive Goods on Loans, to purchaſe Lands, to ſell alſo or alienate them, and to deal in Bills of Exchange; when theſe Powers are no other than have been truſted for many Years [146] with the Bank of England, although in Truth but a private Bank?

245. Whether the Objection from Monopolies and an Over-Growth of Power, which are made againſt private Banks, can poſſibly hold againſt a national one?

246. Whether the evil Effects, which of late Years have attended Paper-Money and Credit in Europe, did not ſpring from Subſcriptions, Shares, Dividends and Stock-Jobbing?

247. Whether the great Evils attending Paper-Money in the Britiſh Plantations of America have not ſprung from the over-rating their Lands, and iſſuing Paper without Diſcretion, and from the Legiſlators breaking their own Rules in Favour of themſelves, thus ſacrificing the Public to their pri⯑vate Benefit? And whether a little Senſe and Ho⯑neſty might not eaſily prevent all ſuch Inconveni⯑encies?

248. Whether the Subject of Free-thinking in Religion be not exhauſted? And whether it be not high Time for our Free-Thinkers to turn their Thoughts to the Improvement of their Country?

249. Whether it muſt not be ruinous for a Na⯑tion to ſit down to game, be it with Silver or with Paper?

250. Whether, therefore, the circulating Paper, in the late ruinous Schemes of France and England, was the true Evil, and not rather the circulating thereof without Induſtry? And whether the Bank of Amſterdam, where Induſtry had been for ſo ma⯑ny Years ſubſiſted and circulated by Transfers on Paper, doth not clearly decide this Point?

251. Whether there are not to be ſeen in Ame⯑rica fair Towns, wherein the People are well lodg⯑ed, fed and clothed, without a Beggar in their [147] Streets, although there be not one Grain of Gold or Silver current among them?

252. Whether theſe People do not exerciſe all Arts and Trades, build Ships and navigate them to all Parts of the World, purchaſe Lands, till and reap the Fruits of them, buy and ſell, educate and provide for their Children? Whether they do not even indulge themſelves in foreign Vanities?

253. Whether, whatever Inconveniencies thoſe People may have incurred, from not obſerving either Rules or Bounds in their Paper-Money, yet it be not certain that they are in a more flouriſhing Condition, have larger and better built Towns, more Plenty, more Induſtry, more Arts and Civi⯑lity, and a more extenſive Commerce, than when they had Gold and Silver current among them?

254. Whether a View of the ruinous Effects of abſurd Schemes and Credit miſmanaged, ſo as to produce Gaming and Madneſs inſtead of Induſtry, can be any juſt Objection againſt a national Bank calculated purely to promote Induſtry?

255. Whether a Scheme for the Welfare of this Nation ſhould not take in the whole Inhabitants? And whether it be not a vain Attempt, to project the flouriſhing of our Proteſtant Gentry, excluſive of the Bulk of the Natives?

256. Whether an Oath, teſtifying Allegiance to the King and diſclaiming the Pope's Authority in Temporals, may not be juſtly required of the Ro⯑man-Catholics? And whether, in common Pru⯑dence or Policy, any Prieſt ſhould be tolerated who refuſeth to take it?

257. Whether there is any ſuch Thing as a Bo⯑dy of Inhabitants, in any Roman-Catholic Coun⯑try under the Sun, that profeſs an abſolute Submiſ⯑ſion to the Pope's Orders in Matters of an indif⯑ferent [148] Nature, or that in ſuch Points do not think it their Duty, to obey the civil Government?

258. Whether ſince the Peace of Utrecht, Maſs was not celebrated, and the Sacraments adminiſtred in divers Dioceſes of Sicily, notwithſtanding the Pope's Interdict?

259. Whether a Sum, which would go but a little Way towards erecting Hoſpitals for maintain⯑ing and educating the Children of the native Iriſh, might not go far in binding them out Apprentices to Proteſtant Maſters, for Husbandry, uſeful Trades, and the Service of Families?

260. Whether there be any Inſtance, of a Peo⯑ple's being converted in a Chriſtian Senſe other⯑wiſe than by preaching to them and inſtructing them in their own Language?

261. Whether Catechiſts in the Iriſh Tongue may not eaſily be procured and ſubſiſted? And whether this would not be the moſt practicable Means for converting the Natives?

262. Whether it be not of great Advantage to the Church of Rome, that ſhe hath Clergy ſuited to all Ranks of Men, in gradual Subordination from Cardinals down to Mendicants?

263. Whether her numerous poor Clergy are not very uſeful in Miſſions, and of much Influence with the People?

264. Whether in Defect of able Miſſionaries, Perſons converſant in low Life, and ſpeaking the Iriſh Tongue, if well inſtructed in the firſt Princi⯑ples of Religion and in the popiſh Controverſy, though for the reſt on a Level with the Pariſh Clerks, or the School-maſters of Charity-Schools, may not be fit to mix with and bring over our poor illiterate Natives to the eſtabliſhed Church? Whe⯑ther it is not to be wiſhed that ſome Parts of our [149] Liturgy and Homilies were publicly read in the Iriſh Language? And whether, in theſe Views, it may not be right to breed up ſome of the better Sort of Children in the Charity-Schools and qualify them for Miſſionaries, Catechiſts and Readers?

265. Whether a 'Squire poſſeſſed of Land to the Value of a thouſand Pounds per Annum, or a Merchant worth twenty thouſand Pounds in Caſh would have moſt Power to do good or evil upon any Emergency? And whether the ſuffering Roman Catholics to purchaſe forfeited Lands, would not be good Policy as tending to unite their Intereſt with that of the Government?

266. Whether the Sea-ports of Galway, Limerick, Cork, and Waterford, are not to be looked on as Keys of this Kingdom? And whether the Mer⯑chants are not poſſeſſed of theſe Keys; and who are the moſt numerous Merchants in thoſe Cities?

267. Whether a Merchant cannot more ſpeedily raiſe a Sum, more eaſily conceal or transfer his Effects, and engage in any deſperate Deſign with more ſafety than a landed Man, whoſe Eſtate is a Pledge for his Behaviour?

268. Whether a wealthy Merchant bears not great Sway among the Populace of a trading City? And whether Power be not ultimately lodged in the People?

269. Whether, as others have ſuppoſed an At⯑lantis, or Eutopia, we alſo may not ſuppoſe an Hy⯑perborean Iſland inhabited by reaſonable Creatures?

270. Whether an indifferent Perſon, who looks into all Hands, may not be a better Judge of the Game than a Party who ſees only his own?

271. Whether there be any Country in Chriſ⯑tendom more capable of Improvement than Ireland?

272. Whether we are not as far before other Nations with reſpect to natural Advantages, as [150] we are behind them with reſpect to Arts and In⯑duſtry?

273. Whether we do not live in a moſt fertile Soil and temperate Climate, and yet whether our People in general do not feel great Want and Miſery?

274. Whether my Countrymen are not readier at finding Excuſes than Remedies?

275. Whether the Wealth and Proſperity of our Country do not hang by a Hair, the Probity of one Banker, the Caution of another, and the Lives of all?

276. Whether we have not been ſufficiently ad⯑moniſhed of this by ſome late Events?

277. Whether a national Bank would not at once ſecure our Properties, put an End to Uſury, facilitate Commerce, ſupply the Want of Coin, and produce ready Payments in all Parts of the Kingdom?

278. Whether the Uſe or Nature of Money, which all Men ſo eagerly purſue, be yet ſufficiently underſtood or conſidered by all?

279. What doth Ariſtotle mean by ſaying— [...]. de Repub. l. ix. 9.

280. Whether Mankind are not governed by Imitation rather than by Reaſon?

281. Whether there be not a Meaſure or Limit within which Gold and Silver are uſeful, and beyond which they may be hurtful?

282. Whether that Meaſure be not the circulat⯑ing of Induſtry?

283. Whether a Diſcovery of the richeſt Gold Mine, that ever was, in the Heart of this Kingdom, would be a real Advantage to us?

284. Whether it would not tempt Foreigners to prey upon us?

285. Whether it would not render us a lazy, proud, and daſtardly People?

[151] 286. Whether every Man who had Money enough, would not be a Gentleman? And whether a Nation of Gentlemen would not be a wretched Nation?

287. Whether all Things would not bear a high Price? And whether Men would not increaſe their Fortunes without being the better for it?

288. Whether the ſame Evils would be appre⯑hended from Paper-Money under an honeſt and thrifty Regulation?

289. Whether, therefore, a national Bank would not be more beneficial than even a Mine of Gold?

290. Whether without private Banks what little Buſineſs and Induſtry there is would not ſtagnate? But whether it be not a mighty Privilege for a pri⯑vate Perſon, to be able to create an hundred Pounds with a Daſh of his Pen?

291. Whether the wiſe State of Venice was not the firſt that conceived the Advantage of a national Bank?

292. Whether the great Exactneſs and Integrity, with which this Bank is managed, be not the chief Support of that Republic?

293. Whether the Bank of Amſterdam was not begun about one hundred and thirty Years ago, and whether at this Day, its Stock be not conceived to amount to three thouſand Tons of Gold, or thirty Millions Sterling?

294. Whether all Payments of Contracts for Goods in groſs and Letters of Exchange, muſt not be made by Transfers in the Bank Books, provided the Sum exceed three hundred Florins?

295. Whether it be not owing to this Bank, that the City of Amſterdam, without the leaſt Con⯑fuſion, Hazard or Trouble, maintains and every Day promotes ſo general and quick a Circulation of Induſtry?

[152] 296. Whether it be not the greateſt Help and Spur to Commerce, that Property can be ſo readily conveyed and ſo well ſecured by a Compte en Banc, that is, by only writing one Man's Name for ano⯑ther's in the Bank-Book?

297. Whether at the beginning of the laſt Cen⯑tury, thoſe who had lent Money to the Public dur⯑ing the War with Spain, were not ſatisfied by the ſole Expedient of placing their Names in a Compte en Banc, with Liberty to transfer their Claims?

298. Whether the Example of thoſe eaſy Tranſ⯑fers in the Compte en Banc, thus caſually erected, did not tempt other Men to become Creditors to the Public, in order to profit by the ſame ſecure and expeditious Method of keeping and transferring their Wealth?

299. Whether this Compte en Banc hath not proved better than a Mine of Gold to Amſterdam?

300. Whether that City may not be ſaid to owe her Greatneſs to the unpromiſing Accident of her having been in Debt more than ſhe was able to pay?

301. Whether it be known that any State from ſuch ſmall Beginnings, in ſo ſhort a time, ever grew to ſo great Wealth and Power, as the Pro⯑vince of Holland hath done; and whether the Bank of Amſterdam hath not been the real Cauſe of ſuch extraordinary Growth?

302. Whether the Succeſs of thoſe public Banks, in Venice, Amſterdam, and Hamburgh, would not naturally produce in other States an Inclination to the ſame Methods?

303. Whether it be poſſible for a national Bank to ſubſiſt and maintain its Credit, under a French Government?

304. Whether our natural Appetites, as well as Powers, are not limited to their reſpective Ends [153] and Uſes? But whether artificial Appetites may not be infinite?

305. Whether the ſimple getting of Money, or paſſing it from Hand to Hand without Induſtry, be an Object worthy of a wiſe Government?

306. Whether, if Money be conſidered as an End, the Appetite thereof be not infinite? But whether the Ends of Money itſelf be not bounded?

307. Whether the total Sum of all other Powers, be it of Enjoyment or Action, which belong to Man, or to all Mankind together, is not in truth a very narrow and limited Quantity? But whether Fancy is not boundleſs?

308. Whether this capricious Tyrant, which uſurps the Place of Reaſon, doth not moſt cruelly torment and delude thoſe poor Men, the Uſurers, Stock-Jobbers and Projectors, of Content to them⯑ſelves from heaping up Riches, that is, from gather⯑ing Counters, from multiplying Figures, from en⯑larging Denominations, without knowing what they would be at, and without having a proper Regard to the Uſe, or End, or Nature of Things?

309. Whether the Ignis-fatuus of Fancy doth not kindle immoderate Deſires, and lead Men into end⯑leſs Purſuits and wild Labyrinths?

310. Whether Counters be not referred to other Things, which ſo long as they keep Pace and Pro⯑portion with the Counters, it muſt be owned the Counters are uſeful, but whether beyond that to value or covet Counters, be not direct Folly?

311. Whether the public Aim ought not to be that Mens Induſtry ſhould ſupply their preſent Wants, and the Overplus be converted into a Stock of Power?

312. Whether the better this Power is ſecured, and the more eaſily it is transferred, Induſtry be not ſo much the more encouraged?

[154] 313. Whether Money, more than is expedient for thoſe Purpoſes, be not upon the whole hurtful, rather than beneficial to a State?

314. Whether the promoting of Induſtry ſhould not be always in View, as the true and ſole End, the Rule and Meaſure of a national Bank? And whether all Deviations from that Object ſhould not be carefully avoided?

315. Whether it may not be uſeful, for ſupply⯑ing Manufactures and Trade with Stock, for regu⯑lating Exchange, for quickening Commerce, for putting Spirit into the People?

316. Whether we are ſufficiently ſenſible, of the peculiar Security there is in having a Bank, that conſiſts of Land and Paper, one of which cannot be exported, and the other is in no Danger of be⯑ing exported?

317. Whether it be not delightful to complain? And whether there be not many who had rather utter their Complaints than redreſs their Evils?

318. Whether, if the Crown of the Wiſe be their Riches ^*, we are not the fooliſheſt People in Chriſ⯑tendom?

319. Whether we have not all the while great civil as well as natural Advantages?

320. Whether there be any People, who have more Leiſure to cultivate the Arts of Peace, and ſtudy the public Weal?

321. Whether other Nations who enjoy any Share of Freedom, and have great Objects in View, be not unavoidably embaraſſed and diſtracted by Factions? But whether we do not divide upon Trifles, and whether our Parties are not a Burlesk upon Politics?

322. Whether it be not an Advantage that we are not embroiled in foreign Affairs, that we hold [155] not the Balance of Europe, that we are protected by other Fleets and Armies, that it is the true In⯑tereſt of a powerful People, from whom we are deſcended, to guard us on all Sides?

323. Whether England doth not really love us and wiſh well to us, as Bone of her Bone, and Fleſh of her Fleſh? And whether it be not our Part, to cultivate this Love and Affection all manner of Ways?

324. What Sea-Ports or foreign Trade have the Swiſſes; and yet how warm are thoſe People and how well provided?

325. Whether there may not be found a People who ſo contrive as to be impoveriſhed by their Trade? And whether we are not that People?

326. Whether it would not be better for this Iſland, if all our fine Folk of both Sexes were ſhipped off, to remain in foreign Countries, rather than that they ſhould ſpend their Eſtates at home in foreign Luxury, and ſpread the Contagion thereof through their native Land?

327. Whether our Gentry underſtand or have a Notion of Magnificence, and whether for Want thereof, they do not affect very wretched Diſ⯑tinctions?

328. Whether there be not an Art or Skill in governing human Pride, ſo as to render it ſubſer⯑vient to the public Aim?

329. Whether the great and general Aim of the Public ſhould not be to employ the People?

330. What right an eldeſt Son hath to the worſt Education?

331. Whether Mens Counſels are not the Reſult of their Knowledge and their Principles?

332. Whether there be not Labour of the Brains as well as of the Hands, and whether the former is beneath a Gentleman?

[156] 333. Whether the Public be more intereſted, to protect the Property acquired by mere Birth, than that which is the immediate Fruit of Learning and Virtue?

334. Whether it would not be a poor and ill-judged Project to attempt to promote the Good of the Community, by invading the Rights of one Part thereof, or of one particular Order of Men?

335. Whether there be a more wretched, and at the ſame time a more unpitied Caſe, than for Men to make Precedents for their own Undoing?

336. Whether to determine about the Rights and Properties of Men by other Rules than the Law, be not dangerous?

337. Whether thoſe Men, who move the Corner-Stones of a Conſtitution, may not pull an old Houſe on their own Heads?

338. Whether there be not two general Methods whereby Men become Sharers in the national Stock of Wealth or Power, Induſtry and Inheritance? And whether it would be wiſe in a civil Society to leſſen that Share which is allotted to Merit and In⯑duſtry?

339. Whether all Ways of ſpending a Fortune be of equal Benefit to the Public, and what Sort of Men are apteſt to run into an improper Expence?

340. If the Revenues allotted for the Encou⯑ragement of Religion and Learning were made he⯑reditary in the Hands of a dozen Lay-Lords and as many overgrown Commoners, whether the Public would be much the better for it?

341. Whether the Church's Patrimony belongs to one Tribe alone; and whether every Man's Son, Brother, or himſelf may not, if he pleaſe, be quali⯑fied to ſhare therein?

342. What is there in the Clergy to create a Jealouſy in the Public? Or what would the Public [157] loſe by it, if every 'Squire in the Land wore a black Coat, ſaid his Prayers, and was obliged to reſide?

343. Whether there be any Thing perfect under the Sun? And whether it be not with the World as with a particular State, and with a State or Body-Politic as with the human Body, which lives and moves under various Indiſpoſitions, perfect Health being ſeldom or never to be found?

344. Whether, nevertheleſs, Men ſhould not in all Things aim at Perfection? And, therefore, whether any wiſe and good Man would be againſt applying Remedies? But whether it is not natural to wiſh for a benevolent Phyſician?

345. Whether the public Happineſs be not pro⯑poſed by the Legiſlature, and whether ſuch Happi⯑neſs doth not contain that of the Individuals?

346. Whether, therefore, a Legiſlator ſhould be content with a vulgar Share of Knowledge? Whether he ſhould not be a Perſon of Reflexion and Thought, who hath made it his Study to un⯑derſtand the true Nature and Intereſt of Mankind, how to guide Mens Humours and Paſſions, how to incite their active Powers, how to make their ſeveral Talents co-operate to the mutual Benefit of each other, and the general Good of the whole?

347. Whether it doth not follow, that above all Things a Gentleman's Care ſhould be to keep his own Faculties ſound and entire?

348. Whether the natural Phlegm of this Iſland needs any additional Stupifier?

349. Whether all ſpirituous Liquors are not, in Truth, Opiates?

350. Whether our Men of Buſineſs are not ge⯑nerally very grave by fifty?

351. Whether all Men have not Faculties of Mind or Body, which may be employed for the public Benefit?

[158] 352. Whether the main Point be not to multiply and employ our People?

353. Whether hearty Food and warm Clothing would not enable and encourage the lower Sort to labour?

354. Whether in ſuch a Soil as ours, if there was Induſtry, there could be Want?

355. Whether the Way to make Men induſtri⯑ous, be not to let them taſte the Fruits of their In⯑duſtry? And whether the labouring Ox ſhould be muzzled?

356. Whether our Landlords are to be told, that Induſtry and Numbers would raiſe the Value of their Lands, or that one Acre about the Tholſel is worth ten thouſand Acres in Conaught?

357. Whether our old native Iriſh are not the moſt indolent and ſupine People in Chriſtendom?

358. Whether they are yet civilized, and whether their Habitations and Furniture are not more ſordid than thoſe of the Savage Americans?

359. Whether it be not a ſad Circumſtance to live among lazy Beggars? And whether, on the other hand, it would not be delightful to live in a Country ſwarming like China, with buſy People?

360. Whether we ſhould not caſt about, by all Manner of Means, to excite Induſtry, and to re⯑move whatever hinders it? And whether every one ſhould not lend an helping Hand?

361. Whether Vanity itſelf ſhould not be engag⯑ed in this good Work? And whether it is not to be wiſhed, that the finding of Employment for themſelves and others, were a faſhionable Diſtinc⯑tion among the Ladies?

362. Whether Idleneſs be the Mother or the Daughter of Spleen?

[159] 363. Whether it may not be worth while to publiſh the Converſation of Iſchomachus and his Wife in Xenophon, for the Uſe of our Ladies?

364. Whether it is true, that there have been, upon a Time, one hundred Millions of People em⯑ployed in China, without the Woollen-Trade, or any foreign Commerce?

365. Whether the natural Inducements to Sloth are not greater in the Mogul's Country than in Ireland, and yet, whether in that ſuffocating and diſpiriting Climate, the Banyans are not all, Men, Women and Children, conſtantly employed?

366. Whether it be not true, that the great Mogul's Subjects might underſell us even in our own Markets, and clothe our People with their Stuffs and Calicoes, if they were imported Duty-free?

367. Whether there can be a greater Reproach on the leading Men and the Patriots of a Country, than that the People ſhould want Employment? And whether Methods may not be found to employ even the Lame and the Blind, the Dumb, the Deaf, and the Maimed, in ſome or other Branch of our Manufactures?

368. Whether much may not be expected from a biennial Conſultation of ſo many wiſe Men about the public Good?

369. Whether a Tax upon Dirt would not be one Way of encouraging Induſtry?

370. Whether it would be a great Hardſhip if every Pariſh were obliged to find Work for their Poor?

371. Whether Children, eſpecially, ſhould not be inured to labour betimes?

372. Whether there ſhould not be erected, in each Province, an Hoſpital for Orphans and Found⯑lings at the Expence of old Bachelors?

[160] 373. Whether it be true, that in the Dutch Work-Houſes, Things are ſo managed, that a Child four Years old, may earn its own Livelihood?

374. What a Folly is it to build fine Houſes, or eſtabliſh lucrative Poſts and large Incomes, under the Notion of providing for the Poor?

375. Whether the poor grown up and in Health need any other Proviſion, but their own Induſtry under public Inſpection?

376. Whether the Poor-Tax in England hath leſſened, or increaſed the Number of the Poor?

377. Whether Work-Houſes ſhould not be made at the leaſt Expence, with Clay-Floors and Walls of rough Stone, without plaiſtering, cieling, or glazing?

378. Whether it be an impoſſible Attempt to ſet our People at work, or whether Induſtry be a Habit which like other Habits, may by Time and Skill be introduced among any People?

379. Whether all manner of Means ſhould not be employed to poſſeſs the Nation in general, with an Averſion and Contempt for Idleneſs and all idle Folk?

380. Whether it would be a Hardſhip on People deſtitute of all Things, if the Public furniſhed them with Neceſſaries which they ſhould be obliged to earn by their Labour?

381. Whether other Nations have not found great Benefit from the Uſe of Slaves in repairing High-Roads, making Rivers navigable, draining Bogs, erecting public Buildings, Bridges, and Ma⯑nufactures?

382. Whether temporary Servitude would not be the beſt Cure for Idleneſs and Beggary?

383. Whether the Public hath not a Right to employ thoſe who cannot, or who will not find Employment for themſelves?

[161] 384. Whether all ſturdy Beggars ſhould not be ſeized and made Slaves to the Public, for a certain Term of Years?

385. Whether he who is chained in a Jail or Dungeon hath not, for the Time, loſt his Liberty? And if ſo, whether temporary Slavery be not al⯑ready admitted among us?

386. Whether a State of Servitude, wherein he ſhould be well worked, fed and clothed, would not be a Preferment to ſuch a Fellow?

387. Whether Criminals in the freeſt Country may not forfeit their Liberty, and repair the Da⯑mage they have done the Public, by hard Labour?

388. What the Word Servant ſignifies in the New-Teſtament?

389. Whether the View of Criminals chained in Pairs and kept at hard Labour, would not be very edifying to the Multitude?

390. Whether the Want of ſuch an Inſtitution be not plainly ſeen in England, where the Disbelief of a future State hardeneth Rogues againſt the Fear of Death, and where, through the great Growth of Robbers and Houſe-breakers it becomes every Day more neceſſary?

391. Whether it be not eaſier to prevent than to remedy, and whether we ſhould not profit by the Example of others?

392. Whether Felons are not often ſpared, and therefore encouraged, by the Compaſſion of thoſe who ſhould proſecute them?

393. Whether many that would not take away the Life of a Thief, may not nevertheleſs be willing to bring him to a more adequate Puniſhment?

394. Whether the moſt indolent would be fond of Idleneſs, if they regarded it as the ſure Road to hard Labour?

[162] 395. Whether the Induſtry of the lower Part of our People doth not much depend on the Expence of the upper?

396. What would be the Conſequence, if our Gentry affected to diſtinguiſh themſelves by fine Houſes rather than fine Clothes?

397. Whether any People in Europe are ſo meanly provided with Houſes and Furniture in proportion to their Incomes, as the Men of Eſtates in Ireland?

398. Whether Building would not peculiarly encourage all other Arts in this Kingdom?

399. Whether Smiths, Maſons, Bricklayers, Plaiſterers, Carpenters, Joiners, Tylers, Plummers, and Glaziers, would not all find Employment if the Humour of Building prevailed?

400. Whether the Ornaments and Furniture of a good Houſe do not employ a Number of all Sorts of Artificers, in Iron, Wood, Marble, Braſs, Pewter, Copper, Wool, Flax, and divers other Materials?

401. Whether in Buildings and Gardens, a great Number of Day-Labourers do not find Em⯑ployment?

402. Whether by theſe Means much of that Suſtenance and Wealth of this Nation which now goes to Foreigners would not be kept at home, and nourish and circulate among our own People?

403. Whether as Induſtry produceth good Liv⯑ing, the Number of Hands and Mouths would not be increaſed; and in proportion thereunto, whether there would not be every Day more occaſion for Agriculture? And whether this Article alone would not employ a World of People?

404. Whether ſuch Management would not equally provide for the Magnificence of the Rich, and the Neceſſities of the Poor?

[163] 405. Whether an Expence in Building and Im⯑provements doth not remain at Home, paſs to the Heir, and adorn the Public? And whether any of thoſe Things can be ſaid of Claret?

406. Whether Fools do not make Faſhions, and wiſe Men follow them?

407. Whether, for one who hurts his Fortune by Improvements, twenty do not ruin themſelves by foreign Luxury?

408. Whether in proportion as Ireland was im⯑proved and beautified by fine Seats, the Number of Abſentees would not decreaſe?

409. Whether he who employs Men in Build⯑ings and Manufactures doth not put Life in the Country, and whether the Neighbourhood round him be not obſerved to thrive?

410. Whether Money circulated on the Land⯑lords own Lands, and among his own Tenants, doth not return into his own Pocket?

411. Whether every 'Squire that made his Do⯑main ſwarm with buſy Hands, like a Bee-Hive or Ant-Hill, would not ſerve his own Intereſt, as well as that of his Country?

412. Whether a Gentleman, who hath ſeen a little of the World and obſerved how Men live elſewhere, can contentedly ſit down in a cold, damp, ſordid Habitation, in the midſt of a bleak Country, inhabited by Thieves and Beggars?

413. Whether on the other hand, a handſom Seat amidſt well-improved Lands, fair Villages, and a thriving Neighbourhood, may not invite a Man to dwell on his own Eſtate, and quit the Life of an inſignificant Santerer about Town, for that of an uſeful Country-Gentleman?

414. Whether it would not be of Uſe and Orna⯑ment, if the Towns throughout this Kingdom were provided with decent Churches, Town-Houſes, [164] Work-Houſes, Market-Places, and paved Streets, with ſome Order taken for Cleanlineſs?

415. Whether if each of theſe Towns were ad⯑dicted to ſome peculiar Manufacture, we ſhould not find, that the employing many Hands together on the ſame Work was the Way to perfect our Work⯑men? And whether all theſe Things might not ſoon be provided by a domeſtic Induſtry, if Money were not wanting?

416. Whether Money could ever be wanting to the Demands of Induſtry, if we had a national Bank?

417. Whether the Fable of Hercules and the Carter, ever ſuited any Nation like this Nation of Ireland?

418. Whether it be not a new Spectacle under the Sun, to behold in ſuch a Climate and ſuch a Soil, and under ſuch a gentle Government, ſo many Roads untroden, Fields untilled, Houſes deſolate, and Hands unemployed?

419. Whether there is any Country in Chriſten⯑dom, either Kingdom or Republic, depending or independent, free or inſlaved, which may not afford us an uſeful Leſſon?

420. Whether the frugal Swiſſes have any other Commodities, but their Butter and Cheeſe and a few Cattle, for Exportation; whether, nevertheleſs, the ſingle Canton of Bern hath not in her public Treaſury two Millions Sterling?

421. Whether that ſmall Town of Bern, with its ſcanty, barren Territory, in a mountainous Corner, without Sea-Ports, without Manufactures, without Mines, be not rich by mere Dint of Fru⯑gality?

422. Whether the Swiſſes in general have not ſumptuary Laws, prohibiting the uſe of Gold, Jewels, Silver, Silk and Lace in their Apparel, and indulg⯑ing [165] the Women only to wear Silk on Feſtivals, Weddings, and public Solemnities?

423. Whether there be not two Ways of grow⯑ing Rich, ſparing and getting? But whether the lazy Spendthrift muſt not be doubly poor?

424. Whether Money circulating be not the Life of Induſtry; and whether the Want thereof doth not render a State gouty and inactive?

425. But, whether if we had a national Bank, and our preſent Caſh (ſmall as it is) were put into the moſt convenient Shape, Men ſhould hear any public Complaints for want of Money?

426. Whether all Circulation be not alike a Cir⯑culation of Credit, whatſoever Medium (Metal or Paper) is employed, and whether Gold be any more than Credit for ſo much Power?

427. Whether the Wealth of the richeſt Nations in Chriſtendom doth not conſiſt in Paper, vaſtly more than in Gold and Silver?

428. Whether Lord Clarendon doth not aver of his own Knowledge, that the Prince of Orange, with the beſt Credit, and the Aſſiſtance of the rich⯑eſt Men in Amſterdam, was above ten Days en⯑deavouring to raiſe twenty thouſand Pounds in Specie, without being able to raiſe half the Sum in all that Time? See Clarendon's Hiſtory, B. 12.

429. Suppoſing there had been hitherto no ſuch Thing as a Bank, and the Queſtion were now firſt propoſed, whether it would be ſafer to circulate un⯑limited Bills in a private Credit, or Bills to a limited Value on the public Credit of the Community, what would Men think?

430. Whether the Maxim, What is every Body's Buſineſs is no Body's, prevails in any Country under the Sun more than in Ireland?

431. Whether the united Stock of a Nation be not the beſt Security? And whether any Thing [166] but the Ruin of the State can produce a national Bankruptcy?

432. Whether the total Sum of the public Trea⯑ſure, Power and Wiſdom, all co-operating, be not moſt likely to eſtabliſh a Bank of Credit, ſufficient to anſwer the Ends, relieve the Wants, and ſatisfy the Scruples of all People?

433. Whether London is not to be conſidered as the Metropolis of Ireland? And whether our Wealth (ſuch as it is) doth not circulate through London, and throughout all England, as freely as that of any Part of his Majeſty's Dominions?

434. Whether therefore it be not evidently the Intereſt of the People of England, to encourage rather than to oppoſe a national Bank in this King⯑dom, as well as every other Means for advancing our Wealth, which ſhall not impair their own?

435. Whether it is not our Intereſt to be uſeful to them rather than rival them; and whether in that Caſe we may not be ſure of their good Offices?

436. Whether we can propoſe to thrive, ſo long as we entertain a wrongheaded Diſtruſt of Eng⯑land?

437. Whether, as a national Bank would in⯑creaſe our Induſtry, and that our Wealth, England may not be a proportionable Gainer; and whether we ſhould not conſider the Gains of our Mother-Country as ſome Acceſſion to our own?

438. Whether there be any Difficulty in com⯑prehending, that the whole Wealth of the Nation is in truth the Stock of a national Bank? And whether any more than the right Comprehenſion of this, be neceſſary to make all Men eaſy with regard to its Credit?

439. Whether the Prejudices about Gold and Silver are not ſtrong, but whether they are not ſtill Prejudices?

[167] 440. Whether Paper doth not by its Stamp and Signature acquire a local Value, and become as precious and as ſcarce as Gold? And whether it be not much fitter to circulate large Sums, and there⯑fore preferable to Gold?

441. Whether it doth not much import to have a right Conception of Money? And whether its true and juſt Idea be not that of a Ticket, intitling to Power, and fitted to record and transfer ſuch Power?

442. Though the Bank of Amſterdam doth very rarely, if at all, pay out Money, yet whether every Man poſſeſſed of Specie be not ready to convert it into Paper, and act as Caſhier to the Bank? And whether, from the ſame Motive, every monied Man throughout this Kingdom, would not be Caſhier to our national Bank?

443. Whether we may not obtain that as Friends, which it is in vain to hope for as Rivals?

444. Whether in every Inſtance by which we prejudice England, we do not in a greater Degree prejudice ourſelves?

445. Whether in the rude Original of Society, the firſt Step was not the exchanging of Commo⯑dities, the next a ſubſtituting of Metals by Weight as the common Medium of Circulation, after this the making uſe of Coin, laſtly a further Refine⯑ment by the uſe of Paper with proper Marks and Signatures? And whether this, as it is the laſt, ſo it be not the greateſt Improvement?

446. Whether we are not in Fact the only People, who may be ſaid to ſtarve in the midſt of Plenty?

447. Whether there can be a worſe Sign than that People ſhould quit their Country for a Live⯑lihood? Though Men often leave their Country for Health, or Pleaſure, or Riches, yet to leave it [168] merely for a Livelihood? Whether this be not ex⯑ceeding bad, and ſheweth ſome peculiar Miſma⯑nagement?

448. Whether in Order to redreſs our Evils, artificial Helps are not moſt wanted, in a Land where Induſiry is moſt againſt the natural Grain of the People?

449. Whether, although the Prepoſſeſſions about Gold and Silver have taken deep Root, yet the Example of our Colonies in America doth not make it as plain as Day-Light, that they are not ſo ne⯑ceſſary to the Wealth of a Natiion, as the Vulgar of all Ranks imagine?

450. Whether it be not evident that we may maintain a much greater inward and outward Com⯑merce, and be five Times richer than we are, nay, and our Bills abroad be of far greater Credit, though we had not one Ounce of Gold or Silver in the whole Iſland?

451. Whether wrongheaded Maxims, Cuſtoms, and Faſhions, are not ſufficient to deſtroy any People which hath ſo few Reſources as the Inha⯑bitants of Ireland?

452. Whether it would not be an horrible Thing, to ſee our Matrons make Dreſs and Play their chief Concern?

453. Whether our Ladies might not as well endow Monaſtries as wear Flanders Lace? And whether it be not true that Popiſh Nuns are main⯑tained by Proteſtant Contributions?

454. Whether England, which hath a free Trade, whatever ſhe remits for foreign Luxury with one hand, doth not with the other receive much more from abroad? Whether, nevertheleſs, this Nation would not be a Gainer, if our Women would content themſelves, with the ſame Moderation in point of Expence, as the Engliſh Ladies?

[169] 455. But whether it be not a notorious Truth, that our Iriſh Ladies are on a Foot, as to dr [...]s, with thoſe of five times their Fortune in England?

456. Whether it be not even certain, that the Matrons of this forlorn Country ſend out a greater Proportion of its Wealth, for fine Apparel, than any other Females on the whole Surface of this terraqueous Globe?

457. Whether the Expence, great as it is, be the greateſt Evil; but whether this Folly may not produce many other Follies, an entire derange⯑ment of domeſtic Life, abſurd Manners, neglect of Duties, bad Mothers, a general Corruption in both Sexes?

458. Whether the firſt beginning of Expedients do not always meet with Prejudices? And whether even the Prejudices of a People ought not to be reſpected?

459. Whether a national Bank be not the true Philoſopher's Stone in a State?

460. Whether all Regulations of Coin ſhould not be made with a View to encourage Induſtry, and a Circulation of Commerce, throughout the Kingdom?

461. Whether to oil the Wheels of Commerce, be not a common Benefit? And whether this be not done by avoiding Fractions and multiplying ſmall Silver?

462. Whether, all Things conſidered, a general raiſing the Value of Gold and Silver be not ſo far from bringing greater Quantities thereof into the Kingdom, that it would produce a direct contrary Effect, inaſmuch as leſs, in that Caſe, would ſerve, and therefore leſs be wanted? And whether Men do not import a Commodity, in Proportion to the Demand or Want of it?

[170] 463. Whether the lowering of our Gold would not create a Fever in the State? And whether a Fever be not ſometimes a Cure, but whether it be not the laſt Cure a Man would chooſe?

464. Whether raiſing the Value of a particular Species will not tend to multiply ſuch Species, and to leſſen others in Proportion thereunto? And whether a much leſt Quantity of Caſh in Silver would not, in reality, enrich the Nation more than a much greater in Gold?

465. Whether, caeteris paribus, it be not true that the Prices of Things increaſe, as the Quantity of Money increaſeth, and are diminiſhed as that is diminiſhed? And whether, by the Quantity of Money, is not to be underſtood the Amount of the Denominations, all Contracts being nominal for Pounds, Shillings and Pence, and not for Weights of Gold or Silver?

466. Whether our Exports do not conſiſt of ſuch Neceſſaries as other Countries cannot well be without?

467. Whether upon the Circulation of a national Bank more Land would not be tilled, more Hands employed, and conſequently more Commodities exported?

468. Whether Silver and ſmall Money be not that which circulates the quickeſt, and paſſeth through all Hands, on the Road, in the Market, at the Shop?

469. Whether, all Things conſidered, it would not be better for a Kingdom that its Caſh conſiſted of half a Million in ſmall Silver, than of five Times that Sum in Gold?

470. Whether there be not every Day five hun⯑dred leſſer Payments made for one that requires Gold?

[171] 471. Whether Spain, where Gold bears the higheſt Value, be not the lazieſt; and China, where it bears the loweſt, be not the moſt induſtrious Country in the known World?

472. Whether it be not evidently the Intereſt of every State, that its Money ſhould rather circulate than ſtagnate?

473. Whether the principal Uſe of Caſh be not its ready paſſing from hand to hand, to anſwer com⯑mon Occaſions of the common People, and whether common Occaſions of all Sorts of People are not ſmall ones?

474. Whether Buſineſs at Fairs and Markets is not often at a Stand and often hindred, even though the Seller hath his Commodities at hand, and the Purchaſer his Gold, yet for Want of Change?

475. As Wealth is really Power, and Coin a Ticket conveying Power, whether thoſe Tickets which are the fitteſt for that Uſe, ought not to be preferred?

476. Whether thoſe Tickets which ſingly tranſ⯑fer ſmall Shares of Power, and being multiplied, large Shares, are not fitter for common Uſe than thoſe which ſingly transfer large Shares?

477. Whether the Public is not more benefited by a Shilling that circulates, than a Pound that lies dead?

478. Whether Six-pence twice paid, be not as good as a Shilling once paid?

479. Whether the ſame Shilling circulating in a Village may not ſupply one Man with Bread, another with Stockings, a third with a Knife, a fourth with Paper, a fifth with Nails, and ſo anſwer many Wants which muſt otherwiſe have remained unſatisfied?

480. Whether facilitating and quickening the Circulation of Power to ſupply Wants, be not the [172] promoting of Wealth and Induſtry among the lower People? And whether upon this the Wealth of the Great doth not depend?

481. Whether, without the proper Means of Cir⯑culation, it be not vain to hope for thriving Ma⯑nufacturers and a buſy People?

482. Whether four Pounds in ſmall Caſh may not circulate and enliven an Iriſh Market, which many Four-pound Pieces would permit to ſtag⯑nate?^*

483. Whether a Man that could move nothing leſs than an hundred Pound Weight would not be much at a loſs to ſupply his Wants; and whether it would not be better for him to be leſs ſtrong and more active?

484. Whether the natural Body can be in a State of Health and Vigour, without a due Circu⯑lation of the Extremities, even in the Fingers and Toes? And whether the political Body, any more than the natural, can thrive without a proportionable Circulation through the minuteſt and moſt incon⯑ſiderable Parts thereof?

485. If we had a Mint for coining only Shil⯑lings, Six-pences, and Copper Money, whether the Nation would not ſoon feel the good Effects thereof?

486 Whether the greater Waſte by wearing of ſmall Coins would not be abundantly overbalanced by their Uſefulneſs?

487. Whether it be not the Induſtry of com⯑mon People that feeds the State, and whether it be poſſible to keep this Induſtry alive without ſmall Money?

[173] 488. Whether the Want of this be not a great Bar to our employing the People in theſe Manufac⯑tures which are open to us, and do not interfere with Great Britain?

489. Whether therefore ſuch Want doth not drive Men into the lazy Way of employing Land under Sheep-Walk?

490. Whether the running of Wooll from Ire⯑land can ſo effectually be prevented, as by encou⯑raging other Buſineſs and Manufactures among our People?

491. Whatever Commodities Great Britain im⯑porteth, which we might ſupply, whether it be not her real Intereſt to import them from us rather than from any other People?

492. Whether the Apprehenſion of many among us (who for that very Reaſon ſtick to their Wooll) that England may hereaſter prohibit, limit, or diſ⯑courage our Linen-Trade, when it hath been once, with great Pains and Expence thoroughly intro⯑duced and ſettled in this Land, be not altogether groundleſs and unjuſt?

493. Whether it is poſſible for this Country, which hath neither Mines of Gold, nor a free Trade, to ſupport, for any time, the ſending out of Specie?

494. Whether in Fact our Payments are not made by Bills? And whether our foreign Credit doth not depend on our domeſtic Induſtry, and our Bills on that Credit?

495. Whether, in order to mend it, we ought not firſt to know the peculiar Wretchedneſs of our State? And whether there be any knowing of this but by Compariſon?

496. Whether there are not ſingle Market-Towns, in England, that turn more Money in buy⯑ing [174] and ſelling, than whole Counties (perhaps Pro⯑vinces) with us?

497. Whether the ſmall Town of Birmingham alone doth not, upon an Average, circulate every Week one Way or other, to the Value of fifty thouſand Pounds? But whether the ſame Crown may not be often paid?

498. Whether any Kingdom in Europe be ſo good a Cuſtomer at Bourdeaux as Ireland?

499. Whether the Police and OEconomy of France be not governed by wiſe Councils? And whether any one from this Country, who ſees their Towns, and Manufactures, and Commerce, will not wonder what our Senators have been doing?

500. What Variety and Number of excellent Manufactures are to be met with throughout the whole Kingdom of France?

501. Whether there are not every where ſome or other Mills for many Uſes, Forges and Furna⯑ces for Iron Work, Looms for Tapeſtry, Glaſs-Houſes and ſo forth?

502. What Quantities of Paper, Stockings, Hats, what Manufactures of Wooll, Silk, Linen, Hemp, Leather, Wax, Earthen-Ware, Braſs, Lead, Tin, &c.

503. Whether the Manufactures and Commerce of the ſingle Town of Lions do not amount to a greater Value, than all the Manufactures and all the Trade of this Kingdom taken together?

504. Whether in the Anniverſary Fair at the ſmall Town of Beaucair upon the Rhone, there be not as much Money laid out as the current Caſh of this Kingdom amounts to?

505. Whether the very Shreds ſhorn from Woollen-Cloth, which are thrown away in Ireland, do not make a beautiful Tapeſtry in France?

[175] 506. Whether there be not French Towns ſub⯑ſiſted merely by making Pins?

507. Whether the coarſe Fingers of thoſe very Women, thoſe ſame Peaſants, who one Part of the Year till the Ground and dreſs the Vineyards, are not another employed in making the fineſt French Point?

508. Whether there is not a great Number of idle Fingers among the Wives and Daughters of our Peaſants?

509. Whether the French do not raiſe a Trade from Saffron, dying Drugs and the like Products, which may do with us as well as with them?

510. Whether we may not have Materials of our own Growth to ſupply all Manufactures, as well as France, except Silk, and whether the Bulk of what Silk, even France manufactures, be not im⯑ported?

511. Whether it be poſſible for this Country to grow rich, ſo long as what is made by domeſtic Induſtry is ſpent in foreign Luxury?

512. Whether our natural Iriſh are not partly Spaniards, and partly Tartars? and whether they do not bear Signatures of their Deſcent from both theſe Nations, which is alſo confirmed by all their Hiſtories?

513. Whether the Tartar Progeny is not nume⯑rous in this Land? And whether there is an idler Occupation under the Sun than to attend Flocks and Herds of Cattle?

514. Whether the Wiſdom of the State ſhould not wreſtle with this hereditary Diſpoſition of our Tartars, and with a high hand introduce Agri⯑culture?

515. Whether once upon a Time France did not, by her Linen alone, draw yearly from Spain about eight Millions of Livres?

[176] 516. Whether the French have not ſuffered in their Linen-Trade with Spain, by not making their Cloth of due Breadth? and whether any other Peo⯑ple have ſuffered, and are ſtill likely to ſuffer through the ſame Prevarication?^*

517. Whether the Spaniards are not rich and lazy, and whether they have not a particular Incli⯑nation and Favour for the Inhabitants of this Iſland? But whether a punctual People do not love punctual Dealers?

518. Whether about fourteen Years ago we had not come into a conſiderable Share of the Linen-Trade with Spain, and what put a Stop to this?

519. Whether if the Linen-Manufacture were carried on in the other Provinces, as well as in the North, the Merchants of Cork, Limerick and Galway would not ſoon find the Way to Spain?

520. Whether the Woollen-Manufacture of Eng⯑land is not divided into ſeveral Parts or Branches, appropriated to particular Places, where they are only, or principally manufactured; fine Cloths in Somerſetſhire, coarſe in Yorkſhire, long Ells at Exeter, Saies at Sudbury, Crapes at Norwich, Linſeys at Ken⯑dal, Blankets at Whitney, and ſo forth?

521. Whether the united Skill, Induſtry and Emulation of many together on the ſame Work, be not the Way to advance it? And whether it had been otherwiſe poſſible for England, to have carried on her Woollen-Manufacture to ſo great Per⯑fection?

522. Whether it would not on many Accounts be right, if we obſerved the ſame Courſe with re⯑ſpect to our Linen-Manufacture; and that Diapers [177] were made in one Town or Diſtrict, Damasks in another, Sheeting in a third, fine wearing Linen in a fourth, coarſe in a fifth, in another Cambricks, in another Thread and Stockings, in others ſtamped Linen, or ſtriped Linen, or Tickings, or dyed Linen, of which laſt Kinds, there is ſo great a Conſumption among the Sea-faring Men of all Nations?

523. Whether it may not be worth while, to in⯑form ourſelves of the different ſorts of Linen, which are in Requeſt among different People?

524. Whether we do not yearly conſume of French Wines about a thouſand Tuns more than either Sweden or Denmark, and yet, whether thoſe Nations pay ready Money as we do?

525. Whether it be not a Cuſtom for ſome thou⯑ſands of Frenchmen to go about the Beginning of March into Spain, and having tilled the Lands and gathered the Harveſt of Spain, to return home with Money in their Pockets, about the End of November?

526. Whether of late Years our Iriſh Labour⯑ers do not carry on the ſame Buſineſs in England, to the great Diſcontent of many there? But whe⯑ther we have not much more Reaſon than the Peo⯑ple of England to be diſpleaſed at this Com⯑merce?

527. Whether, notwithſtanding the Caſh ſup⯑poſed to be brought into it, any Nation is, in truth, a Gainer by ſuch Traffic?

528. Whether the Induſtry of our People em⯑ployed in foreign Lands, while our own are left un⯑cultivated, be not a great Loſs to the Country?

529. Whether it would not be much better for us, if, inſtead of ſending our Men abroad, we could draw Men from the neighbouring Countries to cul⯑tivate our own?

[178] 530. Whether, nevertheleſs, we are not apt to think the Money imported by our Labourers to be ſo much clear Gains to this Country; but whether a little Reflexion and a little political Arithmetic, may not ſhew us our Miſtake?

531. Whether our Prejudices about Gold and Silver are not very apt to infect or miſguide our Judgments and Reaſonings about the public Weal?

532. Whether it be not a good Rule whereby to judge of the Trade of any City, and its Uſeful⯑neſs, to obſerve whether there is a Circulation through the Extremities, and whether the People round about are buſy and warm?

533. Whether we had not, ſome Years ſince, a Manufacture of Hats at Athlone, and of Earthen-Ware at Arklow, and what became of thoſe Manu⯑facures?

534. Why do we not make Tiles of our own, for Flooring and Roofing, rather than bring them from Holland?

535. What Manufactures are there in France and Venice of gilt Leather, how cheap and how ſplen⯑did a Furniture?

536. Whether we may not for the ſame Uſe, manufacture divers Things at home, of more Beau⯑ty and Variety than Wainſcot, which is imported at ſuch Expence from Norway?

537. Whether the Uſe and the Faſhion will not ſoon make a Manufacture?

538. Whether if our Gentry uſed to drink Mead and Cider, we ſhould not ſoon have thoſe Liquors in the utmoſt Perfection and Plenty?

539. Whether it be not wonderful, that with ſuch Paſtures, and ſo many black Cattle, we do not find ourſelves in Cheeſe?

540. Whether great Profits may not be made by Fiſheries? but whether thoſe of our Iriſh who live [179] by that Buſineſs, do not contrive to be drunk and unemployed, one half of the Year?

541. Whether it be not Folly to think, an in⯑ward Commerce cannot enrich a State, becauſe it doth not increaſe its Quantity of Gold and Silver? And whether it is poſſible a Country ſhould not thrive, while Wants are ſupplied, and Buſineſs goes on?

542. Whether Plenty of all the Neceſſaries and Comforts of Life be not real Wealth?

543. Whether Lions by the Advantage of her midland Situation and the Rivers Rhone and Sone, be not a great Magazine, or Mart for inward Com⯑merce? And whether ſhe doth not maintain a con⯑ſtant Trade with moſt Parts of France; with Pro⯑vence for Oils and dried Fruits, for Wines and Cloth I with Languedoc, for Stuffs with Champaign, for Li⯑nen with Picardy, Normandy and Bretagny, for Corn with Burgundy?

544. Whether ſhe doth not receive and utter all thoſe Commodities, and raiſe a Profit from the Diſ⯑tribution thereof, as well as of her own Manufac⯑tures, throughout the Kingdom of France?

545. Whether the Charge of making good Roads and navigable Rivers acroſs the Country, would not be really repaid by an inward Com⯑merce?

546. Whether as our Trade and Manufactures increaſed, Magazines ſhould not be eſtabliſhed in proper Places, fitted by their Situation, near great Roads and navigable Rivers, Lakes or Canals, for the ready Reception and Diſtribution of all Sorts of Commodities, from and to the ſeveral Parts of the Kingdom; and whether the Town of Athlone, for Inſtance, may not be fitly ſituated for ſuch a Ma⯑gazine, or Centre of domeſtic Commerce?

[180] 547. Whether an inward Trade would not cauſe Induſtry to flouriſh, and multiply the Circulation of our Coin, and whether this may not do as well as multiplying the Coin itſelf?

548. Whether the Benefits of a domeſtic Com⯑merce are ſufficiently underſtood and attended to, and whether the Cauſe thereof be not the preju⯑diced and narrow Way of thinking about Gold and Silver?

549. Whether there be any other more eaſy and unenvied Method of increaſing the Wealth of a People?

550. Whether we of this Iſland are not from our peculiar Circumſtances determined to this very Commerce above any other, from the Number of Neceſſaries and good Things that we poſſeſs within ourſelves, from the Extent and Variety of our Soil, from the navigable Rivers and good Roads which we have or may have, at a leſs Expence than any People in Europe, from our great Plenty of Mate⯑rials for Manufactures, and particularly from the Reſtraints we lie under with regard to our foreign Trade?

551. Whether annual Inventories ſhould not be publiſhed of the Fairs throughout the Kingdom, in order to judge of the Growth of its Commerce?

552. Whether there be not every Year more Caſh circulated at the Card-Tables of Dublin, than at all the Fairs of Ireland?

553. Whether the Wealth of a Country will not bear Proportion to the Skill and Induſtry of its Inhabitants?

554. Whether foreign Imports that tend to pro⯑mote Induſtry ſhould not be encouraged, and ſuch as have a Tendency to promote Luxury ſhould not be diſcouraged?

[181] 555. Whether the annual Balance of Trade be⯑tween Italy and Lions be not about four Millions in Favour of the former, and yet, whether Lions be not a Gainer by this Trade?

556. Whether the general Rule, of determining the Profit of a Commerce by its Balance, doth not, like other general Rules, admit of Excep⯑tions?

557. Whether it would not be a monſtrous Fol⯑ly to import nothing but Gold and Silver, ſuppoſing we might do it, from every foreign Part to which we trade? And yet, whether ſome Men may not think this fooliſh Circumſtance a very happy one?

558. But whether we do not all ſee the Ridicule of the Mogul's Subjects, who take from us nothing but our Silver, and bury it under Ground, in order to make ſure thereof againſt the Reſurrection?

559. Whether he muſt not be a wrong-headed Patriot or Politician, whoſe ultimate View was drawing Money into a Country, and keeping it there?

560. Whether it be not evident, that not Gold but Induſtry cauſeth a Country to flouriſh?

561. Whether it would not be a ſilly Project in any Nation, to hope to grow rich by prohibiting the Exportation of Gold and Silver?

562. Whether there can be a greater Miſtake in Politics, than to meaſure the Wealth of the Na⯑tion by its Gold and Silver?

563. Whether Gold and Silver be not a Drug, where they do not promote Induſtry? Whether they be not even the Bane and undoing of an idle People?

564. Whether Gold will not cauſe either Induſ⯑try or Vice to flouriſh? And whether a Country, where it flowed in without Labour, muſt not be [182] wretched and diſſolute like an Iſland inhabited by Buccaneers?

565. Whether Arts and Virtue are not likely to thrive, where Money is made a Means to Induſtry? But whether Money without this would be a Bleſ⯑ſing to any People?

566. Whether keeping Caſh at home, or ſend⯑ing it abroad, juſt as it moſt ſerves to promote In⯑duſtry, be not the real Intereſt of every Nation?

567. Whether Commodities of all Kinds do not naturally flow where there is the greateſt Demand? Whether the greateſt Demand for a Thing be not where it is of moſt Uſe? Whether Money, like other Things, hath not its proper Uſe? Whether this Uſe be not to circulate? Whether therefore there muſt not of courſe be Money where there is a Circulation of Induſtry?

568. Whether it is not a great Point to know what we would be at? And whether whole States, as well as private Perſons, do not often fluctuate for want of this Knowledge?

569. Whether Gold may not be compared to Sejanus's Horſe, if we conſider its Paſſage through the World, and the Fate of thoſe Nations which have been ſucceſſively poſſeſſed thereof?

570. Whether Means are not ſo far uſeful as they anſwer the End? And whether, in different Circumſtances, the ſame Ends are not obtained by different Means?

571. If we are a poor Nation, abounding with very poor People, will it not follow, that a far greater Proportion of our Stock ſhould be in the ſmalleſt and loweſt Species, than would ſuit with England?

572. Whether, therefore, it would not be high⯑ly expedient, if our Money were coined of pecu⯑liar Values, beſt fitted to the Circumſtances and [183] Uſes of our own Country; and whether any other People could take Umbrage at our conſulting our own Convenience, in an Affair entirely domeſtic, and that lies within ourſelves?

573. Whether every Man doth not know, and hath not long known, that the Want of a Mint cauſech many other Wants in this Kingdom?

574. What Harm did England ſuſtain about three Centuries ago, when Silver was coined in this Kingdom?

575. What Harm was it to Spain that her Pro⯑vinces of Naples and Sicily had all along Mints of their own?

576. Whether it may not be preſumed, that our not, haying a Privilege, which every other King⯑dom in the World enjoys, be not owing to our own want of Diligence and Unanimity in ſoliciting for it?

577. Whether it be not the Intereſt of England, that we ſhould cultivate a domeſtic Commerce among ourſelves? And whether it could give them any poſſible Jealouſy, if our ſmall Sum of Caſh was contrived to go a little further, if there was a little more Life in our Markets, a little more buying and ſelling in our Shops, a little better Proviſion for the Backs and Bellies of ſo many forlorn Wretches throughput the Towns and Villages of this Iſland?

578. Whether Great Britain ought not to pro⯑mote the Proſperity of her Colonies, by all Me⯑thods conſiſtent with her own? And whether the Colonies themſelves ought to wiſh or aim at it by others?

579. Whether the remoteſt Parts from the Me⯑tropolis, and the loweſt of the People, are not to be regarded as the Extremities and Capillaries of the political Body?

[184] 580. Whether, although the capillary Veſſels are ſmall, yet Obſtructions in them do not produce great chronical Diſeaſes?

581. Whether Faculties are not enlarged and improved by Exerciſe?

582. Whether the Sum of the Faculties put into Act, or in other Words, the united Action of a whole People doth not conſtitute the Momentum of a State?

583. Whether ſuch Momentum be not the real Stock or Wealth of a State; and whether its Cre⯑dit be not proportionable thereunto?

584. Whether in every wiſe State the Faculties of the Mind are not moſt conſidered?

585. Whether the Momentum of a State doth not imply the whole Exertion of its Faculties, intel⯑lectual and corporeal; and whether the latter with⯑out the former, could act in concert?

586. Whether the divided Force of Men, act⯑ing ſingly, would not be a Rope of Sand?

587. Whether the particular Motions of the Members of a State, in oppoſite Directions, will not deſtroy each other, and leſſen the Momentum of the whole; but whether they muſt not conſpire to produce a great Effect?

588. Whether the ready Means to put Spirit in⯑to this State, to fortify and increaſe its Momentum, would not be a national Bank, and Plenty of ſmall Caſh?

589. Whether that which employs and exerts the Force of a Community, deſerves, not to be well conſidered and well underſtood?

590. Whether the immediate Mover, the Blood and Spirits, be not Money, Paper or Metal, and whether the Soul or Will of the Community, which is the prime Mover that governs and directs the Whole, be not the Legiſlature?

[185] 591. Suppoſing the Inhabitants of a Country quite ſunk in Sloth, or even faſt aſleep, whether upon the gradual Awakening and Exertion, firſt, of the ſenſitive and locomotive Faculties, next of Reaſon and Reflexion, then of Juſtice and Piety, the Momentum of ſuch Country or State, would not, in Proportion thereunto, become ſtill more and more conſiderable?

592. Whether that which in the Growth is laſt attained, and is the finiſhing Perfection of a People, be not the firſt Thing loſt in their Declenſion?

593. Whether Force be not of Conſequence, as it is exerted; and whether great Force without great Wiſdom may not be a Nuſance?

594. Whether the Force of a Child applied with Art, may not produce greater Effects than that of a Giant? And whether a ſmall Stock in the Hands of a wiſe State, may not go further, and produce more conſiderable Effects, than immenſe Sums in the Hands of a fooliſh one?

595. Whoſe Fault is it if poor Ireland ſtill con⯑tinues poor?

A PROPOSAL FOR The better Supplying of Churches in our foreign Plantations, &c.

ALTHOUGH there are ſeveral excellent Perſons of the Church of England, whoſe good Intentions and Endeavours have not been wanting to propagate the Goſpel in foreign Parts, who have even combined into Societies for that very Purpoſe, and given great Encouragement, not only for Engliſh Miſſionaries in the Weſt-Indies, but alſo, for the Reformed of other Nations, led by their Example, to propagate Chriſtianity in the Eaſt: It is nevertheleſs acknowledged, that there is at this Day, but little Senſe of Religion, and a moſt notorious Corruption of Manners, in the Engliſh Colonies ſettled on the Continent of America, and the Iſlands. It is alſo acknowledged, that the Goſpel hath hitherto made but a very inconſiderable Progreſs among the neighbouring Americans, who ſtill continue in much the ſame Ignorance and Bar⯑bariſm, [192] in which we found them above a hundred Years ago.

I ſhall therefore venture to ſubmit my Thoughts upon a Point, that I have long conſidered, to better Judgments, in Hopes that any Expedient will be favourably hearkened to, which is propoſed for the Remedy of theſe Evils. Now, in order to effect this, it ſhould ſeem the natural proper Method, to provide, in the firſt Place, a conſtant Supply of worthy Clergymen for the Engliſh Churches in thoſe Parts; and in the ſecond Place, a like conſtant Supply of zealous Miſſionaries, well fitted for pro⯑pagating Chriſtianity among the Savages.

For though the ſureſt Means to reform the Morals, and ſoften the Behaviour of Men, be, to preach to them the pure uncorrupt Doctrine of the Goſpel, yet it cannot be denied, that the Succeſs of preaching dependeth in good meaſure on the Cha⯑racter and Skill of the Preacher: Foraſmuch as Mankind are more apt to copy Characters than to practiſe Precepts, and foraſmuch as Argument, to attain its full Strength, doth not leſs require the Life of Zeal, than the Weight of Reaſon; and the ſame Doctrine, which maketh great Impreſſion, when delivered with Decency and Addreſs, loſeth very much of its Force by paſſing through aukward or unskilful Hands.

Now the Clergy ſent over to America have proved, too many of them, very meanly qualified both in Learning and Morals for the Diſcharge of their Office. And indeed little can be expected from the Example or Inſtruction of thoſe, who quit their native Country on no other Motive, than that they are not able to procure a Livelihood in it, which is known to be often the Caſe.

To this may be imputed the ſmall Care that hath been taken to convert the Negroes of our Planta⯑tions, [193] who, to the Infamy of England, and Scandal of the World, continue Heathen under Chriſtian Maſters, and in Chriſtian Countries. Which could never be, if our Planters were rightly inſtructed and made ſenſible, that they diſappointed their own Baptiſm by denying it to thoſe who belong to them: That it would be of Advantage to their Affairs, to have Slaves who ſhould obey in all Things their Maſters according to the Fleſh, not with Eye-ſervice as Men-pleaſers, but in Singleneſs of Heart as fear⯑ing God: That Goſpel Liberty conſiſts with temporal Servitude; and that their Slaves would only become better Slaves by being Chriſtians.

And though it be allowed that ſome of the Clergy in our Colonies have approved themſelves Men of Merit, it will at the ſame time be allowed, that the moſt zealous and able Miſſionary from England muſt find himſelf but ill qualified for converting the American Heathen, if we conſider the Difference of Language, their wild Way of Living, and above all, the great Jealouſy and Prejudice which ſavage Nations have towards Foreigners, or Innovations introduced by them.

Theſe Conſiderations make it evident, that a College or Seminary in thoſe Parts is very much wanted; and therefore the providing ſuch a Semi⯑nary, is earneſtly propoſed and recommended to all thoſe, who have it in their Power to contribute to ſo good a Work. By this, two Ends would be obtained.

Firſt, the Youth of our Engliſh Plantations might be themſelves fitted for the Miniſtry; and Men of Merit would be then glad to fill the Churches of their native Country, which are now a Drain for the very Dregs and Refuſe of ours.

At preſent, there are, I am told, many Churches vacant in our Plantations, and many very ill ſup⯑plied; [194] nor can all the Vigilance and Wiſdom of that great Prelate, whoſe peculiar Care it is, pre⯑vent this, ſo long as the aforeſaid Churches are ſupplied from England.

And ſupplied they muſt be, with ſuch as can be picked up in England or Ireland, until a Nurſery of Learning for the Education of the Natives is founded. This indeed might provide a conſtant Succeſſion of learned and exemplary Paſtors; and what Effect this muſt be ſuppoſed to have on their Flocks, I need not ſay.

Secondly, the Children of ſavage Americans, brought up in ſuch a Seminary, and well inſtructed in Religion and Learning, might make the ableſt and propereſt Miſſionaries for ſpreading the Goſpel among their Countrymen; who would be leſs apt to ſuſpect, and readier to embrace a Doctrine re⯑commended by Neighbours or Relations, Men of their own Blood and Language, than if it were pro⯑poſed by Foreigners, who would not improbably be thought to have Deſigns on the Liberty or Property of their Converts.

The young Americans neceſſary for this Purpoſe, may in the Beginning be procured, either by peaceable Methods from thoſe ſavage Nations, which border on our Colonies, and are in Friend⯑ſhip with us, or by taking captive the Children of our Enemies.

It is propoſed to admit into the aforeſaid College only ſuch Savages as are under ten Years of Age, before evil Habits have taken a deep root; and yet not ſo early as to prevent retaining their Mother Tongue, which ſhould be preſerved by Intercourſe among themſelves.

It is further propoſed, to ground theſe young Americans thoroughly in Religion and Morality, and to give them a good Tincture of other Learn⯑ing; [195] particularly of Eloquence, Hiſtory, and prac⯑tical Mathematicks; to which it may not be im⯑proper to add ſome Skill in Phyſic.

If there were a yearly Supply of ten or a dozen ſuch Miſſionaries ſent abroad into their reſpective Countries, after they had received the Degree of Maſter of Arts in the aforeſaid College, and Holy Orders in England, (till ſuch Time as Epiſcopacy be eſtabliſhed in thoſe Parts) it is hardly to be doubt⯑ed, but, in a little time, the World would ſee good and great Effects thereof.

For, to any conſidering Man, the employing American Miſſionaries for the Converſion of America, will, of all others, appear the moſt likely Method to ſucceed; eſpecially if care be taken, that, dur⯑ing the whole Courſe of their Education, an Eye ſhould be had to their Miſſion; that they ſhould be taught betimes to conſider themſelves as trained up in that ſole View, without any other Proſpect of Proviſion, or Employment; that a Zeal for Religion, and Love of their Country, ſhould be early and conſtantly inſtilled into their Minds, by repeated Lectures and Admonitions; that they ſhould not only be incited by the common Topics of Religion and Nature, but farther animated and inflamed by the great Examples in paſt Ages, of public Spirit and Virtue, to reſcue their Country⯑men from their ſavage Manners, to a Life of Ci⯑vility and Religion.

If his Majeſty would graciouſly pleaſe to grant a Charter for a College to be erected in a proper Place for theſe Uſes, it is to be hoped a Fund may be ſoon raiſed, by the Contribution of well diſ⯑poſed Perſons, ſufficient for building and endowing the ſame. For as the neceſſary Expence would be ſmall, ſo there are Men of Religion and Humanity in England, who would be pleaſed to ſee any Deſign [196] ſet forward for the Glory of God and the Good of Mankind.

A ſmall Expence would ſuffice to ſubſiſt and educate the American Miſſionaries in a plain ſimple Manner, ſuch as might make it eaſy for them to return to the coarſe and poor Methods of Life in uſe among their Countrymen; and nothing can contribute more to leſſen this Expence, than a ju⯑dicious Choice of the Situation, where the Seminary is to ſtand.

Many Things ought to be conſidered in the Choice of a Situation. It ſhould be in a good Air; in a Place where Proviſions are cheap and plenty; where an Intercourſe might eaſily be kept up with all Parts of America and the Iſlands; in a Place of Security, not expoſed to the Inſults of Pirates, Savages, or other Enemies; where there is no great Trade, which might tempt the Readers or Fellows of the College to become Merchants, to the Neglect of their proper Buſineſs; where there are neither Riches nor Luxury to divert, or leſſen their Application, or to make them uneaſy and diſſatisfied with a homely frugal Subſiſtence; laſtly, where the Inhabitants, if ſuch a Place may be found, are noted for Innocence and Simplicity of Manners. I need not ſay of how great Importance this Point would be toward forming the Morals of young Students, and what mighty Influence it muſt have on the Miſſion.

It is evident the College long ſince projected in Barbadoes, would be defective in many of theſe Particulars; for though it may have its Uſe among the Inhabitants, yet a Place of ſo high Trade, ſo much Wealth and Luxury, and ſuch diſſolute Morals, (not to mention the great Price and Scarcity of Proviſions;) muſt at firſt Sight ſeem a very im⯑proper Situation for a general Seminary intended [197] for the forming Miſſionaries, and educating Youth in Religion and Sobriety of Manners. The ſame Objections lie againſt the neighbouring Iſlands.

And if we conſider the Accounts given of their Avarice and Licentiouſneſs, their Coldneſs in the Practice of Religion, and their Averſion from propagating it, (which appears in the withholding their Slaves from Baptiſm) it is to be feared, that the Inhabitants in the populous Parts of our Plan⯑tations on the Continent are not much fitter, than thoſe in the Iſlands abovementioned, to influence or aſſiſt ſuch a Deſign. And as to the more remote and leſs frequented Parts, the Difficulty of being ſupplied with Neceſſaries, the Danger of being ex⯑poſed to the Inroads of Savages, and above all, the Want of Intercourſe with other Places, render them improper Situations for a Seminary of Re⯑ligion and Learning.

It will not be amiſs to inſert here an Obſervation I remember to have ſeen in an Abſtract of the Proceedings, &c. annexed to the Dean of Canter⯑bury's Sermon, before the Society for the Propa⯑gation of the Goſpel in foreign Parts; that the ſavage Indians, who live on the Continent, will not ſuffer their Children to learn Engliſh or Dutch, leſt they ſhould be debauched by converſing with their European Neighbours; which is a melancholy but ſtrong Confirmation of the Truth of what hath been now advanced.

A general Intercourſe and Correſpondence with all the Engliſh Colonies, both on the Iſlands and the Continent, and with other Parts of America, hath been before laid down, as a neceſſary Circum⯑ſtance, the Reaſon whereof is very evident. But this Circumſtance is hardly to be found. For on the Continent, where there are neither Inns, nor Carriages, nor Bridges over the Rivers, there is [198] no travelling by Land between diſtant Places. And the Engliſh Settlements are reputed to extend along the Sea-coaſt for the Space of fifteen hun⯑dred Miles. It is therefore plain, there can be no convenient Communication between them, otherwiſe than by Sea; no Advantage therefore, in this Point, can be gained by ſettling on the Continent.

There is another Conſideration which equally regards the Continent and Iſlands, that the general Courſe of Trade and Correſpondence lies from all thoſe Colonies to Great-Britain alone: Whereas, for our preſent Purpoſe, it would be neceſſary to pitch upon a Place, if ſuch could be found, which maintains a conſtant Intercourſe with all the other Colonies, and whoſe Commerce lies chiefly or alto⯑gether (not in Europe, but) in America.

There is but one Spot that I can find, to which this Circumſtance agrees; and that is the Iſles of Bermuda, otherwiſe called The Summer Iſlands. Theſe having no rich Commodity or Manufacture, ſuch as Sugar, Tobacco, or the like, wherewithal to trade to England, are obliged to become Carriers for America, as the Dutch are for Europe. The Ber⯑mudans are excellent Shipwrights and Sailors, and have a great Number of very good Sloops, which are always paſſing and repaſſing from all Parts of America. They drive a conſtant Trade to the Iſlands of Jamaica, Barbadoes, Antego, &c. with Butter, Onions, Cabbages, and other Roots and Vegetables, which they have in great Plenty and Perfection. They have alſo ſome ſmall Manu⯑factures of Joiners Work and Matting, which they export to the Plantations on the Continent. Hence Bermudan Sloops are oftner ſeen in the Ports of America, than any other. And indeed, by the beſt Information I could get, it appears they are the [199] only People of all the Britiſh Plantations, who hold a general Correſpondence with the reſt.

And, as the Commerce of Bermuda renders it a very fit Place, wherein to erect a Seminary, ſo likewiſe doth its Situation, it being placed between our Plantations on the Continent, and thoſe in the Iſles, ſo as equally to reſpect both. To which may be added, that it lies in the Way of Veſſels paſſing from America to Great-Britain; all which makes it plain, that the Youth, to be educated in a Seminary placed in the Summer Iſlands, would have frequent Opportunities of going thither and correſponding with their Friends. It muſt indeed be owned, that ſome will be obliged to go a long Way to any one Place, which we ſuppoſe reſorted to, from all Parts of our Plantations; but if we were to look out a Spot the neareſt approaching to an equal Diſtance from all the reſt, I believe it would be found to be Bermuda. It remains, that we ſee whether it enjoys the other Qualities or Con⯑ditions laid down as well as this.

The Summer Iſlands are ſituated near the Latitude of thirty three Degrees; no Part of the World enjoys a purer Air, or a more temperate Climate, the great Ocean which environs them, at once mo⯑derating the Heat of the South Winds, and the Severity of the North-Weſt. Such a Latitude on the Continent might be thought too hot; but the Air in Bermuda is perpetually fanned and kept cool by Sea-breezes, which render the Weather the moſt healthy and delightful that could be wiſhed, being, (as is affirmed by Perſons who have long lived there) of one equal Tenour almoſt throughout the whole Year, like the latter End of a fine May; inſomuch that it is reſorted to as the Montpellier of America.

Nor are theſe Iſles (if we may believe the Ac⯑counts given of them) leſs remarkable for Plenty [200] than for Health; there being, beſides Beef, Mut⯑ton and Fowl, great Abundance of Fruits, and Garden-ſtuff of all Kinds in Perfection: To this, if we add the great Plenty and Variety of Fiſh, which is every Day taken on their Coaſts, it would ſeem, that a Seminary could no where be ſupplied with better Proviſions, or cheaper than here.

About forty Years ago, upon cutting down many tall Cedars that ſheltered their Orange-trees from the North-Weſt Wind, (which ſometimes blows even there, ſo as to affect that delicate Plant) great Part of their Orange Plantations ſuffered; but other Cedars are ſince grown up, and no doubt, a little Induſtry would again produce as great Plenty of Oranges as ever was there heretofore. I men⯑tion this, becauſe ſome have inferred from the preſent Scarcity of that Fruit, for which Bermuda was once ſo famous, that there hath been a change in the Soil and Climate for the worſe. But this, as hath been obſerved, proceeded from another Cauſe, which is now in great meaſure taken away.

Bermuda is a Cluſter of ſmall Iſlands, which lie in a very narrow Compaſs, containing in all, not quite twenty thouſand Acres. This Groupe of Iſles is (to uſe Mr. Waller's Expreſſion) walled round with Rocks, which render them inacceſſible to Pi⯑rates or Enemies; there being but two narrow Entrances, both well guarded by Forts. It would therefore be impoſſible to find any where, a more ſecure Retreat for Students.

The Trade of Bermuda conſiſts only in Gardenſtuff, and ſome poor Manufactures, principally of Cedar and the Palmetto-leaf. Bermuda Hats are worn by our Ladies: They are made of a Sort of Mat, or (as they call it) Platting made of the Pal⯑metto-leaf, which is the only Commodity that I can find exported from Bermuda to Great-Britain; [201] and as there is no Proſpect; of making a Fortune by this ſmall Trade, ſo it cannot be ſuppoſed to tempt the Fellows of the College to engage in it, to the Neglect of their peculiar Buſineſs, which might poſſibly be the Caſe elſewhere.

Such as their Trade is, ſuch is their Wealth; the Inhabitants being much poorer than the other Colonies, who do not fail to deſpiſe them upon that Account. But if they have leſs Wealth, they have withal leſs Vice and expenſive Folly than their Neighbours. They are repreſented as a con⯑tented, plain, innocent Sort of People, free from Avarice and Luxury, as well as the other Corruptions that attend thoſe Vices.

I am alſo informed, that they are more conſtant Attendants on divine Service, more kind and re⯑ſpectful to their Paſtor (when they have one) and ſhew much more Humanity to their Slaves, and Charity to one another, than is obſerved among the Engliſh in the other Plantations: One Reaſon of this may be, that condemned Criminals, being employed in the Manufactures of Sugar and To⯑bacco, were never tranſported thither. But, what⯑ever be the Cauſe, the Facts are atteſted by a Clergyman of good Credit, who lived long among them.

Among a People of this Character, and in a Situation thus circumſtantiated, it would ſeem that a Seminary of Religion and Learning might very fitly be placed. The Correſpondence with other Parts of America, the Goodneſs of the Air, the Plenty and Security of the Place, the Frugality and Innocence of the Inhabitants, all conſpiring to fa⯑vour ſuch a Deſign. Thus much at leaſt is evident, that young Students would be there leſs liable to be corrupted in their Morals; and the governing Part would be eaſier, and better contented with a [202] ſmall Stipend, and a retired academical Life, in a Corner from whence Avarice and Luxury are ex⯑cluded, than they can be ſuppoſed to be in the midſt of a full Trade and great Riches, attended with all that high Living and Parade which our Planters affect, and which, as well as all faſhionable Vices, ſhould be far removed from the Eyes of the young American Miſſionaries, who are to lead a Life of Poverty and Self-denial among their Countrymen.

After all, it muſt be acknowledged, that though every Thing elſe ſhould concur with our Wiſhes, yet if a Set of good Governors and Teachers be wanting, who are acquainted with the Methods of Education, and have the Zeal and Ability requiſite for carrying on a Deſign of this Nature, it would certainly come to nothing.

An Inſtitution of this Kind ſhould be ſet on Foot by Men of Prudence, Spirit and Zeal, as well as competent Learning, who ſhould be led to it by other Motives than the Neceſſity of picking up a Maintenance. For upon this View, what Man of Merit can be ſuppoſed to quit his native Country, and take up with a poor College Subſiſtence in another Part of the World, where there are ſo many conſiderable Pariſhes actually void, and ſo many others ill ſupplied for want of fitting In⯑cumbents? Is it likely, that Fellowſhips of fifty or ſixty Pounds a Year ſhould tempt abler or wor⯑thier Men, than Benefices of many Times their Value?

And except able and worthy Men do firſt engage in this Affair, with a Reſolution to exert themſelves in forming the Manners of the Youth, and giving them a proper Education, it is evident the Miſſion and the College will be but in a very bad Way. This Inconvenience ſeems the moſt difficult to pro⯑vide [204] againſt, and, if not provided againſt, it will be the moſt likely to obſtruct any Deſign of this Nature. So true it is, that where Ignorance or ill Manners once take place in a Seminary, they are ſure to be handed down in a Succeſſion of illiterate or worthleſs Men.

But this Apprehenſion, which ſeems ſo well grounded, that a College in any Part of America, would either lie unprovided, or be worſe provided than their Churches are, hath no Place in Bermuda; there being at this Time ſeveral Gentlemen, in all Reſpects very well qualified, and in Poſſeſſion of good Preferments, and fair Proſpects at home, who having ſeriouſly conſidered the great Benefit that may ariſe to the Church and to Mankind from ſuch an Undertaking, are ready to engage in it, and to dedicate the Remainder of their Lives to the in⯑ſtructing the Youth of America, and proſecuting their own Studies upon a very moderate Subſiſtence in a Retirement, ſo ſweet and ſo ſecure, and every way ſo well fitted for a Place of Education and Study, as Bermuda.

Thus much the Writer hereof thought himſelf obliged to ſay of his Aſſociates: For himſelf, he can only ſay, that as he values no Preferment upon Earth, ſo much as that of being employed in the Execution of this Deſign; ſo he hopes to make up for other Defects, by the Sincerity of his Endeavours.

In Europe, the Proteſtant Religion hath of late Years conſiderably loſt ground, and America ſeems the likelieſt Place, wherein to make up for what hath been loſt in Europe, provided the proper Methods are taken: Otherwiſe the Spaniſh Miſſi⯑onaries in the South, and the French in the North, are making ſuch a Progreſs, as may one Day ſpread the Religion of Rome, and with it the uſual [202] [...] [204] [...] [204] Hatred to Proteſtants, throughout all the ſavage Nations in America; which would probably end in the utter Extirpation of our Colonies, on the Safety whereof depends ſo much of the Nation's Wealth, and ſo conſiderable a Branch of his Majeſty's Re⯑venue.

But if this Scheme were purſued, it would in all probability have much greater Influence on the Americans, than the utmoſt Endeavours of Popiſh Emiſſaries can poſſibly have; who from the Dif⯑ference of Country, Language and Intereſt, muſt lie under far greater Difficulties and Diſcourage⯑ments than thoſe, whom we ſuppoſe yearly ſent out from Bermuda to preach among their Coun⯑trymen.

It cannot indeed be denied, that the great Num⯑ber of poor Regulars, inured to hard Living, and brought up in an implicit Obedience to their Su⯑periors, hath hitherto given the Church of Rome, in regard to her Miſſions, great Advantage over the Reformed Churches. But from what hath been ſaid, it is, I think, evident, that this Advantage may be over-balanced by our employing American Miſſionaries.

Nor is the Honour of the Crown, Nation, and Church of England unconcerned in this Scheme; which, it is to be hoped, will remove the Reproach, we have ſo long lain under, that we fall as far ſhort of our Neighbours of the Romiſh Communion in Zeal for propagating Religion, as we ſurpaſs them in the Soundneſs and Purity of it. And at the ſame time, that the doing what may be ſo eaſily done, takes away our Reproach; it will caſt no ſmall Luſtre on his Majeſty's Reign, and derive a Bleſſing from Heaven on his Adminiſtration and thoſe who live under the Influence thereof.

[205] Men of narrow Minds have a peculiar Talent at Objection, being never at a loſs for ſomething to ſay againſt whatſoever is not of their own propoſing. And perhaps, it will be ſaid in Oppoſition to this Propoſal, that if we thought ourſelves capable of gaining Converts to the Church, we ought to begin with Infidels, Papiſts, and Diſſenters of all De⯑nominations at home, and to make Proſelytes of theſe before we think of Foreigners; and that there⯑fore our Scheme is againſt Duty. And further, that conſidering the great Oppoſition, which is found on the Part of thoſe who differ from us at home, no Succeſs can be expected among Savages abroad, and that therefore it is againſt Reaſon and Experience.

In anſwer to this I ſay, that Religion like Light is imparted without being diminiſhed. That what⯑ever is done abroad, can be no Hindrance or Lett to the Converſion of Infidels or others at home. That thoſe who engage in this Affair, imagine they will not be miſſed, where there is no want of Schools or Clergy; but that they may be of ſingu⯑lar Service in Countries but thinly ſupplied with either, or altogether deprived of both: That our Colonies being of the ſame Blood, Language and Religion, with ourſelves, are in effect our Country⯑men. But that Chriſtian Charity, not being limited by thoſe Regards, doth extend to all Mankind. And this may ſerve for an Anſwer to the firſt Point, that our Deſign is againſt Duty.

To the ſecond Point I anſwer: That Ignorance is not ſo incurable as Error; that you muſt pull down as well as build, eraſe as well as imprint, in order to make Proſelytes at home: Whereas, the ſavage Americans, if they are in a State purely na⯑tural, and unimproved by Education, they are alſo unincumbred with all that Rubbiſh of Superſtition [206] and Prejudice, which is the Effect of a wrong one. As they are leſs inſtructed, they are withal leſs conceited and more teachable. And not being violently attached to any falſe Syſtem of their own, are ſo much the fitter to receive that which is true. Hence it is evident, that Succeſs abroad ought not to be meaſured by that which we obſerve at home, and that the Inference, which was made from the Difficulty of the one to the Impoſſibility of the other, is altogether groundleſs.

It hath more the Appearance of Reaſon to object (what will poſſibly be objected by ſome) that this Scheme hath been already tried to no Purpoſe, ſe⯑veral Indians having returned to their ſavage Man⯑ners after they had been taught to write and read, and inſtructed in the Chriſtian Religion; a clear Proof that their natural Stupidity is not to be over⯑come by Education.

In anſwer to this, I ſay that the Scheme now propoſed hath never been tried, foraſmuch as a thorough Education in Religion and Morality, in divine and human Learning, doth not appear to have been ever given to any ſavage American: That much is to be hoped from a Man ripe in Years, and well grounded in Religion and uſeful Know⯑ledge, while little or nothing can be expected from a Youth but ſlightly inſtructed in the Elements of either: That from the Miſcarriage or groſs Stu⯑pidity of ſome, a general Incapacity of all Americans cannot be fairly inferred: That they ſhew as much natural Senſe as other uncultivated Nations: That the Empires of Mexico and Peru were evident Proofs of their Capacity, in which there appeared a Reach of Politics, and a Degree of Art and Po⯑liteneſs, which no European People were ever known to have arrived at without the Uſe of Letters or of [207] Iron, and which ſome perhaps have fallen ſhort of with both thoſe Advantages.

To what hath been ſaid, it may not be improper to add, that young Americans, educated in an Iſland at ſome Diſtance from their own Country, will more eaſily be kept under Diſcipline till they have attained a compleat Education, than on the Continent; where they might find Opportunities of running away to their Countrymen, and return⯑ing to their brutal Cuſtoms, before they were thoroughly imbued with good Principles and Habits.

It muſt nevertheleſs be acknowledged a difficult Attempt, to plant Religion among the Americans, ſo long as they continue their wild and roving Life. He who is obliged to hunt for his daily Food, will have little Curioſity or Leiſure to receive In⯑ſtruction. It would ſeem therefore the right Way, to introduce Religion and civil Life at the ſame Time into that Part of the World: either Attempt will aſſiſt and promote the other. Thoſe therefore of the young Savages, who upon Trial are found leſs likely to improve by academical Studies, may be taught Agriculture, or the moſt neceſſary Trades. And when Husbandmen, Weavers, Carpenters, and the like, have planted thoſe uſeful Arts among their ſavage Countrymen, and taught them to live in ſettled Habitations, to canton out their Land and till it, to provide vegetable Food of all Kinds, to preſerve Flocks and Herds of Cattle, to make convenient Houſes, and to clothe themſelves decent⯑ly: This will aſſiſt the ſpreading the Goſpel among them; this will diſpoſe them to ſocial Virtues, and enable them to ſee and to feel the Advantages of a religious and civil Education.

And that this View of propagating the Goſpel and civil Life among the ſavage Nations of America, [208] was a principal Motive which induced the Crown to ſend the firſt Engliſh Colonies thither, doth ap⯑pear from the Charter granted by King James I. to the Adventurers in Virginia. See Purchas's Pil⯑grims, Vol. 4. b. I. c. 9. And it is now but juſt (what might then ſeem charitable) that theſe poor Creatures ſhould receive ſome Advantage with re⯑ſpect to their ſpiritual Intereſts, from thoſe who have ſo much improved their temporal, by ſettling among them.

It is moſt true, notwithſtanding our preſent Corruptions, that there are to be found in no Country under the Sun Men of better Inclinations, or greater Abilities for doing Good, than in Eng⯑land. But it is as true, that Succeſs, in many Caſes, depends not upon Zeal, Induſtry, Wealth, Learning, or the like Faculties, ſo much as on the Method, wherein theſe are applied. We often ſee a ſmall Proportion of Labour and Expence in one Way, bring that about, which in others, a much greater Share of both could never effect. It hath been my Endeavour to diſcover this Way or Method in the preſent Caſe. What hath been done, I ſubmit to the Judgment of all good and reaſonable Men; who, I am perſuaded, will never reject or diſcourage a Propoſal of this Nature, on the Score of ſlight Objections, Surmiſes, or Diffi⯑culties, and thereby render themſelves chargeable with the having prevented thoſe good Effects, which might otherwiſe have been produced by it.

For it is, after all, poſſible, that unforeſeen Difficulties may ariſe in the Proſecution of this Deſign, many Things may retard, and many Things may threaten to obſtruct it; but there is hardly any Enterpriſe or Scheme whatſoever, for the public Good, in which Difficulties are not often ſhewing themſelves, and as often overcome by the [209] Bleſſing of God, upon the Prudence and Reſolution of the Undertakers; though, for ought that ap⯑pears, the preſent Scheme is as likely to ſucceed, and attended with as few Difficulties, as any of this Kind can poſſibly be.

For to any Man, who conſiders the divine Power of Religion, the innate Force of Reaſon and Virtue, and the mighty Effects often wrought by the con⯑ſtant regular Operation even of a weak and ſmall Cauſe; it will ſeem natural and reaſonable to ſup⯑poſe, that Rivulets perpetually iſſuing forth from a Fountain, or Reſervoir, of Learning and Religion, and ſtreaming through all Parts of America, muſt in due time have a great Effect, in purging away the ill Manners and Irreligion of our Colonies, as well as the Blindneſs and Barbarity of the Nations round them: Eſpecially, if the Reſervoir be in a clean and private Place, where its Waters, out of the Way of any Thing that may corrupt them, re⯑main clear and pure; otherwiſe they are more likely to pollute than purify the Places through which they flow.

The Greatneſs of a Benefaction is rather in Pro⯑portion to the Number and Want of the Receivers, than to the Liberality of the Giver. A wiſe and good Man would therefore be frugal in the Manage⯑ment of his Charity; that is, contrive it ſo as that it might extend to the greateſt Wants of the greateſt Number of his Fellow-creatures. Now the greateſt Wants are ſpiritual Wants, and by all Accounts theſe are no where greater than in our weſtern Plan⯑tations, in many Parts whereof divine Service is never performed for want of Clergymen; in others, after ſuch a Manner and by ſuch Hands, as ſcan⯑dalize even the worſt of their own Pariſhioners; where many Engliſh, inſtead of gaining Converts, are themſelves degenerated into Heathens, being [210] Members of no Church, without Morals, with⯑out Faith, without Baptiſm. There can be there⯑fore, in no Part of the Chriſtian World, a great⯑er Want of ſpiritual Things than in our Plan⯑tations.

And, on the other hand, no Part of the Gen⯑tile World are ſo inhuman and barbarous as the ſa⯑vage Americans, whoſe chief Employment and De⯑light conſiſting in Cruelty and Revenge, their Lives muſt of all others, be moſt oppoſite, as well to the Light of Nature, as to the Spirit of the Goſpel. Now to reclaim theſe poor Wretches, to prevent the many Torments and cruel Deaths which they daily inflict on each other, to contribute in any ſort to put a Stop to the numberleſs horrid Crimes which they commit without Remorſe, and inſtead thereof to introduce the Practice of Virtue and Piety, muſt ſurely be a Work in the higheſt Degree becoming every ſincere and charitable Chriſtian.

Thoſe, who wiſh well to Religion and Mankind, will need no other Motive to forward an Under⯑taking calculated for the Service of both: I ſhall, nevertheleſs, beg leave to obſerve, that whoever would be glad to cover a Multitude of Sins by an extenſive and well-judged Charity, or whoever, from an excellent and God-like Temper of Mind, ſeeks Opportunities of doing Good in his Genera⯑tion, will be pleaſed to meet with a Scheme that ſo peculiarly puts it in his Power, with ſmall Trouble or Expence, to procure a great and laſting Benefit to the World.

Ten Pounds a Year, would (if I miſtake not) be ſufficient to defray the Expence of a young Ameri⯑can in the College of Bermuda, as to Diet, Lodg⯑ing, Clothes, Books and Education: And if ſo, the Intereſt of two hundred Pounds may be a per⯑petual [211] Fund for maintaining one Miſſionary at the College, for ever; and in this Succeſſion, many, it is to be hoped, may become powerful Inſtru⯑ments for converting to Chriſtianity and civil Life whole Nations, who now ſit in Darkneſs and the Shadow of Death, and whoſe cruel brutal Manners are a Diſgrace to human Nature.

A Benefaction of this Kind ſeems to enlarge the very Being of a Man, extending it to diſtant Places and to future Times; inaſmuch as unſeen Coun⯑tries and after Ages, may feel the Effects of his Bounty, while he himſelf reaps the Reward in the bleſſed Society of all thoſe, who, having turned many to Righteouſneſs, ſhine as the Stars for ever end ever.

THAT human Kind were not deſigned meer⯑ly to ſojourn a few Days upon this Earth: that a Being of ſuch Excellence as the Soul of Man, ſo capable of a nobler Life, and having ſuch a high Senſe of Things moral and intellectual, was not created in the ſole View of being impriſoned in an earthly Tabernacle, and partaking a few Pains and Pleaſures which checker this mortal Life, with⯑out aſpiring to any Thing either above or beyond it, is a fundamental Doctrine as well of natural Re⯑ligion as of the Chriſtian. It comes at once re⯑commended by the Authority of Philoſophers and Evangeliſts. And that there actually is in the Mind of Man a ſtrong Inſtinct and Deſire, an Ap⯑petite and Tendency towards another and a better State, incomparably ſuperior to the preſent, both in point of Happineſs and Duration, is no more than every one's Experience and inward Feeling may inform him. The Satiety and Diſreliſh at⯑tending ſenſual Enjoyments, the Reliſh for Things of a more pure and ſpiritual Kind, the reſtleſs Mo⯑tion of the Mind, from one terrene Object or Pur⯑ſuit to another, and often a Flight or Endeavour above them all towards ſomething unknown, and perfective of its Nature, are ſo many Signs and Tokens of this better State, which in the Stile of the Goſpel is termed Life Eternal.

[216] And as this is the greateſt Good that can befal us, the very End of our Being, and that alone which can crown and ſatisfy our Wiſhes, and with⯑out which we ſhall be ever reſtleſs and uneaſy; ſo every Man, who knows and acts up to his true In⯑tereſt, muſt make it his principal Care and Study to obtain it: And in order to this, he muſt endea⯑vour to live ſuitably to his Calling, and of conſe⯑quence endeavour to make others obtain it too. For how can a Chriſtian ſhew himſelf worthy of his Calling, otherwiſe than by performing the Du⯑ties of it? And what Chriſtian Duty is more eſ⯑ſentially ſo, than that of Charity? And what Ob⯑ject can be found upon Earth more deſerving our Charity, than the Souls of Men? Or, how is it poſſible for the moſt beneficent Spirit to do them better Service, than by promoting their beſt and moſt laſting Intereſt, that is, by putting them in the Way that leads to eternal Life.

What this eternal Life was, or how to come at it, were Points unknown to the Heathen World. It muſt be owned, the wiſe Men of old, who fol⯑lowed the Light of Nature, ſaw even by that Light, that the Soul of Man was debaſed, and borne down⯑wards, contrary to its natural Bent, by carnal and terrene Objects; and that, on the other hand, it was exalted, purged, and in ſome ſort aſſimulated to the Deity, by the Contemplation of Truth and Practice of Virtue. Thus much in general they ſaw or ſurmiſed. But then about the Way and Means to know the one, or perform the other, they were much at a loſs. They were not agreed con⯑cerning the true End of Mankind; which, as they ſaw, was miſtaken in the vulgar Purſuits of Men; ſo they found it much more eafy to conſute the Er⯑rors of others, than to aſcertain the Truth them⯑ſelves. Hence ſo many Diviſions and Diſputes [217] about a Point which it moſt imported them to know, inſomuch as it was to give the Bias to human Life, and govern the whole Tenor of their Actions and Conduct.

But when Life and Immortality were brought to Light by the Goſpel, there could remain no Diſpute about the chief End and Felicity of Man, no more than there could about the Means of obtaining it, after the expreſs Declaration of our bleſſed Lord in the Words of my Text; This is Life eternal, that they may know thee the only true God, and Jeſus Chriſt whom thou haſt ſent. For the right Under⯑standing of which Words we muſt obſerve, that by the Knowledge of God, is not meant a barren Spe⯑culation, either of Philoſophers or Scholaſtic Di⯑vines, nor any notional Tenets fitted to produce Diſputes and Diſſenſions among Men; but, on the contrary, an holy practical Knowledge, which is the Source, the Root, or Principle of Peace and Union, of Faith, Hope, Charity, and univerſal Obe⯑dience. A Man may frame the moſt accurate No⯑tions, and in one Senſe attain the exacteſt Know⯑ledge of God and Chriſt that human Faculties can reach, and yet, notwithſtanding all this, be far from knowing them in that ſaving Senſe. For St. John tells us, that^* whoſoever ſinneth, hath not ſeen Chriſt, nor known him. And again,^† He that loveth not, knoweth not God. To know God as we ought, we muſt love him; and love him ſo as withal to love our Brethren, his Creatures and his Children. I ſay, that Knowledge of God and Chriſt, which is Life eternal, implies univerſal Charity, with all the Duties ingrafted thereon, or enſuing from thence, that is to ſay, the Love of God and Man. And our Lord expreſly ſaith,^‖ He that hath my Com⯑mandments, [218] and keepeth them, he it is that loveth me. From all which it is evident, that this ſaving Know⯑ledge of God is inſeparable from the Knowledge and Practice of his Will; the explicit Declaration whereof, and of the Means to perform it, are con⯑tained in the Goſpel, that divine Inſtrument of Grace and Mercy to the Sons of Men. The Meta⯑phyſical Knowledge of God, conſidered in his ab⯑ſolute Nature or Eſſence, is one Thing, and to know him as he ſtands related to us as Creator, Re⯑deemer, and Sanctifier, is another. The former Kind of Knowledge (whatever it amounts to) hath been, and may be, in Gentiles as well as Chriſ⯑tians, but not the latter, which is Life eternal.

From what has been ſaid, it is a plain Conſe⯑quence, that whoever is a ſincere Chriſtian cannot be indifferent about bringing over other Men to the Knowledge of God and Chriſt; but that every one of us, who hath any Claim to that Title, is indiſpenſably obliged in Duty to God, and in Cha⯑rity to his Neighbour, to deſire and promote, ſo far as there is Opportunity, the Converſion of Hea⯑thens and Infidels, that ſo they may become Par⯑takers of Life and Immortality. For, this is Life eternal, to know thee the only true God, and Jeſus Chriſt whom thou haſt ſent.

In my preſent Diſcourſe upon which Words; I ſhall,

Firſt, conſider in general the Obligation that Chriſtians lie under, of bringing other Men to the Knowledge of the only true God, and of Jeſus Chriſt. And,

Secondly, I ſhall conſider it in reference to this laudable Society, inſtituted for the Pro⯑pagation of the Goſpel. And under each Head; I propoſe to obviate ſuch Difficulties as may ſeem to retard, and intermix ſuch Re⯑marks [219] as ſhall appear proper to forward ſo good a Work.

Now although it be very evident, that we can really have neither a juſt Zeal for the Glory of God, nor a beneficent Love of Man, without wiſh⯑ing and endeavouring, as occaſion ſerves, to ſpread the glad Tidings of Salvation, and bring thoſe who are benighted in the Shadow of Death, to Life eter⯑nal, by the Knowledge of the only true God, and of Jeſus Chriſt whom he hath ſent. Yet this Duty, plain and undoubted as it ſeems, happens to be too often overlooked, even by thoſe whoſe Attention to other Points would make one think their Neglect of this, not an Effect of lukewarm Indifference, ſo much as of certain miſtaken Noti⯑ons and Suppoſitions. Two principal Conſidera⯑tions occur, which, in this particular, ſeem to have ſlackened the Induſtry of ſome, otherwiſe zealous and ſerious Chriſtians.

One I apprehend to be this, that it is ſurmiſed, the Chriſtian Religion is in a declining State, which by many Symptoms ſeems likely to end either in Po⯑pery, or a general Infidelity. And that of courſe a prudent Perſon has nothing to do, but to make ſure of his own Salvation, and to acquieſce in the general Tendency of Things, without being at any fruitleſs Pains to oppoſe what cannot be prevented, to ſteer againſt the Stream, or reſiſt a Torrent, which as it flows, gathers Strength and Rapidity, and in the End will be ſure to overflow, and carry before it. When a Man of a deſponding and foreboding Spirit hath been led, by his Obſervation of the Ways of the World, and the prevailing Hu⯑mour of our Times, to think after this Manner; he will be inclined to ſtrengthen this his preconceived Opinion, as is uſual in other the like Caſes, by Miſ-application of holy Scripture: For Inſtance, by [220] thoſe Words of our bleſſed Saviour,^* When the Son of Man cometh, ſhall he find Faith on the Earth? which have been applied to this very Pur⯑poſe, as importing that before the final Judgment, Chriſtian Faith ſhould be extinguiſhed upon Earth; although theſe Words do, from the Context, ſeem plainly to refer to the Deſtruction of Jeruſalem, and the obſtinate Blindneſs of the Jews, who even then when they felt the Hand of God, ſhould not ac⯑knowledge it, or believe the Roman Army to be the Inſtrument of divine Vengeance, in the Day of their Viſitation, by him whom they had injuriouſly treated, rejected, and put to Death.

But, granting the former Senſe might be ſup⯑ported by no abſurd Hypotheſis, or no improbable Gueſs; yet ſhall the Endeavours of Chriſtian Men for propagating the Goſpel of Chriſt be foreſtalled by any Suppoſitions or Conjectures whatſoever? Admitting, I ſay, thoſe Words regard the future Advent of Jeſus Chriſt, yet can any one tell how near or how far off that Advent may be? Are not the Times and Seaſons foreknown only to God? And ſhall we neglect a certain Duty to Day, upon an uncertain Surmiſe of what is to come hereafter? This Way of thinking might furniſh as ſtrong Reaſons againſt Preaching at home, as abroad, within, as without the Pale of the Church. It would be as ſpecious an Argument againſt the one as the other, but in reality can conclude againſt neither. For, as we know not when that ſuppoſed Time of general Infidelity is to be, or whether it will be at all; ſo, if it were ever ſo ſure, and ever ſo near, it would nevertheleſs become us to take care, that it may not be an Effect of our own particular Indif⯑ference and Neglect.

[221] But if we take our Notions, not from the uncer⯑tain Interpretation of a particular Text, but from the whole Tenor of the divine Oracles, from the expreſs Promiſe and reiterated Predictions of our bleſſed Lord and his Apoſtles, we ſhall believe, that^* Jeſus Chriſt is highly exalted of God, to the End; that at his Name every Knee ſhall bow, and every Tongue confeſs that he is the Lord, to the Glory of God the Father. That^† he muſt reign till he hath put all Enemies under his Feet. That^‖ he is with us alway, even unto the End of the World. And that, the Church of the living God, the Pillar and Ground of Truth, is ſo far from being deſtroyed by human Means,^‡ that the Gates of Hell (all the infernal Powers) ſhall not prevail againſt it. Let us there⯑fore baniſh all ſuch Conceits as may ſeem to juſtify our Indolence, as may reaſon us out of all Courage and Vigour in the Race that is ſet before us; let us not, I ſay, ſlacken our own Hands, nor enfeeble our own Knees, by preconceived Fancies and Sup⯑poſitions, conſidering that as the Succeſs of all En⯑terpriſes in great meaſure depends on the Spirit of the Undertakers, ſo nothing is more apt to raiſe a Spirit than Hope; nor to depreſs it, than Deſpon⯑dency. We ought therefore to ſhake off every vain Fear in our ſpiritual Warfare. The Number, the Preſumption, and the Abilities of thoſe, who take Counſel together againſt the Lord and againſt his Anointed, ſhould not diſhearten, but rather ex⯑cite and encourage us to ſtand in the Gap.

Another Conſideration, that may poſſibly with⯑hold divers ſincere Believers from contributing their Endeavours for bringing Men to the Knowledge of God and Chriſt, and thereby to eternal Life, is the want of Miracles in the preſent Age. Men natu⯑rally [222] caſt about for Reaſons to countenance the Part they take. And as the Gift of Miracles was of mighty Influence and Help to thoſe, who were commiſſioned to ſpread abroad the Light of the Goſpel in its firſt Promulgation, ſo no Pretence of⯑fers itſelf more naturally to excuſe a Man from exe⯑cuting any Purpoſe, than the Want of Authority, which, in the Opinion of Men, cannot be without a juſt Commiſſion, nor this unleſs diſtinguiſhed by thoſe proper Means and Powers that have been known to attend it. Now, with regard to this Defect of Miracles, I ſhall beg leave to make two Obſervations.

Firſt, It is to be obſerved, that if we have not Miracles, we have other Advantages which make them leſs neceſſary now, than in the firſt ſpreading of the Goſpel: Whole Nations have found the Be⯑nefit of Chriſt's Religion, it is protected by Princes, eſtabliſhed and encouraged by Laws, ſupported by Learning and Arts, recommended by the Experience of many Ages, as well as by the Authority and Example of the wiſeſt it and moſt knowing Men. Certainly, if the greateſt Part of Mankind are Gen⯑tiles or Mahometans, it cannot be denied, that the moſt knowing, moſt learned, and moſt improved Nations, profeſs Chriſtianity; and that even the Mahometans themſelves bear Teſtimony to the di⯑vine Miſſion of Jeſus Chriſt. Whereas therefore, in the Beginning, a few illiterate Wanderers, of the meaneſt of the People, had the Prejudices, the Learning, and the Power of their own, as well as other Nations, in one World, the whole World, to oppoſe and overcome: Thoſe who at this Day engage in the Propagation of the Goſpel, do it up⯑on Terms in many Reſpects far more eaſy and ad⯑vantageous. It is Power againſt Weakneſs, Civili⯑ty againſt Barbariſm, Knowledge againſt Ignorance, [223] ſome or other, if not all theſe Advantages, in the preſent Times, attending the Progreſs of the Chriſ⯑tian Religion, in whatever Part of the World Men ſhall attempt to plant it.

In the ſecond Place we may reflect, that if we have not the Gift of Miracles, this is a good Rea⯑ſon why we ſhould exert more ſtrongly thoſe human Means which God hath put in our Power; and make our ordinary Faculties, whether of the Head, or the Hand, or the Tongue, our Intereſt, our Credit, or our Fortune, ſubſervient to the great Giver of them; and chearfully contribute our humble Mite towards haſtening that Time, wherein^* all Nations whom thou haſt made, ſhall come and worſhip before thee, O Lord, and ſhall glorify thy Name. It is at leaſt a plain Caſe, that the Want of Apoſtolical Gifts ſhould not be pleaded as a Bar to our doing that, which in no Reſpect, either of Difficulty or Danger, equals, or approaches the Apoſtolical Office. What Pretence can this ſupply for Mens being quite uncon⯑cerned about the Spreading of the Goſpel, or the Salvation of Souls? for Mens forgetting that they are Chriſtians, and related to human Kind? How can this juſtify their overlooking Opportunities which lie in their Way, their not contributing a ſmall Part of their Fortune towards forwarding a Deſign, wherein they ſhare neither Pains nor Pe⯑ril; the not beſtowing on it, even the cheap Aſ⯑ſiſtance of their Speech, Attention, Counſel, or Countenance, as Occaſion offers? How unlike is this worldly, ſelfiſh Indifference, to that Account which St. Paul gives of himſelf, that^† he ſought not his own Profit, but the Profit of many, that they may be ſaved. And yet herein he expected the Co⯑rinthians (and the ſame Reaſon will hold for us) [224] ſhould be like him; for he ſubjoins, Be ye Followers of me as I alſo am of Chriſt.

Having conſidered the Duty in general, I come now to treat of it with reference to America, the peculiar Province of this venerable Society; which I ſuppoſe well informed of the State and Progreſs of Religion in that Part of the World, by their Correſpondencies with the Clergy upon their Miſ⯑ſion. It may nevertheleſs be expected that one who had been engaged in a Deſign upon this very View, who hath been upon the Place, and reſided a conſi⯑derable Time in one of our Colonies, ſould have obſerved ſomewhat worth reporting. It is to be hoped, therefore, that one Part of my Audience will pardon, what the other may perhaps expect, while I detain them with the Narrative of a few Things I have obſerved, and ſuch Reflexions as thereupon ſuggeſted themſelves; ſome Part of which may poſ⯑ſibly be found to extend to ether Colonies.

Rhode-Iſland, with a Portion of the adjacent Continent, under the ſame Government, is inha⯑bited by an Engliſh Colony, conſiſting chiefly of Sectaries of many different Denominations, who ſeem to have worn off part of that Prejudice, which they inherited from their Anceſtors, againſt the national Church of this Land; though it muſt be acknow⯑ledged at the ſame Time, that too many of them have worn off a ſerious Senſe of all Religion. Se⯑veral indeed of the better Sort are accuſtomed to aſſemble themſelves regularly on the Lord's Day for the Performance of divine Worſhip. But moſt of thoſe, who are diſperſed throughout this Colony, ſeem to rival ſome well-bred People of other Coun⯑tries, in a thorough Indifference for all that is ſ⯑acred, being equally careleſs of outward Worſhip, and of inward Principles, whether of Faith or Practice. Of the Bulk of them it may certainly [225] be ſaid, that they live without the Sacraments, not being ſo much as baptized: And as for their Morals, I apprehend there is nothing to be found in them that ſhould tempt others to make an Experiment of their Principles, either in Religion or Government. But it muſt be owned; the general Behaviour of the Inhabitants in thoſe Towns where Churches and Meetings have been long ſettled, and regularly at⯑tended, ſeems ſo much better, as ſufficiently to ſhew the Difference, which a ſolemn regular Worſhip of God makes between Perſons of the ſame Blood, Temper, and natural Faculties.

The native Indians, who are ſaid to have been formerly many Thouſands, within the Compaſs of this Colony, do not at preſent amount to one Thouſand, including every Age and Sex. And theſe are either all Servants or Labourers for the Engliſh, who have contributed more to deſtroy their Bodies by the Uſe of ſtrong Liquors, than by any means to improve their Minds, or ſave their Souls. This ſlow Poiſon, jointly operating with the Small-Pox, and their Wars (but much more deſtructive than both) hath conſumed the Indians, not only in our Colonies, but alſo far and wide upon our Conſines. And having made Havock of them, is now doing the ſame thing by thoſe who taught them that odious Vice.

The Negroes in the Government of Rhode-Iſland are about half as many more than the Indians; and both together ſcarce amount to a ſeventh Part of the whole Colony. The Religion of theſe People, as is natural to ſuppoſe, takes after that of their Maſters. Some few are baptized; ſeveral frequent the different Aſſemblies; and far the greater Part none at all. An ancient Antipathy to the Indians, whom it ſeems, our firſt Planters (therein as in cer⯑tain other Particulars affecting to imitate Jews rather [226] than Chriſtians) imagined they had a Right to treat on the Foot of Canaanites or Amalekites, together with an irrational Contempt of the Blacks, as Creatures of another Species, who had no Right to be inſtruced or admitted to the Sacraments, have proved a main Obſtacle to the Converſion of theſe poor People.

To this may be added, an erroneous Notion, that the being baptized, is inconſiſtent with a State of Slavery. To undeceive them in this Particular, which had too much Weight, it ſeemed a proper Step, if the Opinion of his Majeſty's Attorney and Solicitor-General could be procured. This Opi⯑nion they charitably ſent over, ſigned with their own Hands; which was accordingly printed in Rhode-Iſland, and diſperſed throughout the Plan⯑tations. I heartily wiſh it may produce the intend⯑ed Effect. It muſt be owned, our reformed Planters, with reſpect to the Natives and the Slaves, might learn from thoſe of the Church of Rome, how it is their Intereſt and Duty to behave. Both French and Spaniards have intermarried with Indians, to the great Strength, Security and Increaſe of their Colonies. They take care to inſtruct both them and their Negroes, in the Popiſh Religion, to the Reproach of thoſe who profeſs a better. They have alſo Biſhops and Seminaries for Clergy; and it is not found that their Colonies are worſe Sub⯑jects, or depend leſs on their Mother Country, on that Account.

It ſhould ſeem, that the likelieſt Step towards converting the Heathen would be to begin with the Engliſh Planters; whoſe Influence will for ever be an Obſtacle to propagating the Goſpel, till they have a right Senſe of it themſelves, which would ſhew them how much it is their Duty to impart it to others. The Miſſionaries employed by this [227] venerable Society have done, and continue to do, good Service, in bringing thoſe Planters to a ſerious Senſe of Religion, which, it is hoped, will in Time extend to others. I ſpeak it knowingly, that the Miniſters of the Goſpel, in thoſe Provinces which go by the Name of New-England, ſent and ſup⯑ported at the Expence of this Society, have, by their Sobriety of Manners, diſcreet Behaviour, and a competent Degree of uſeful Knowledge, ſhewn themſelves worthy the Choice of thoſe who ſent them; and particularly in living on a more friendly Foot with their Brethren of the Separation; who, on their Part, were alſo very much come off from that Narrowneſs of Spirit, which formerly kept them at ſuch an unamicable Diſtance from us. And as there is Reaſon to apprehend, that Part of Ame⯑rica could not have been thus diſtinguiſhed, and provided with ſuch a Number of proper Perſons, if one half of them had not been ſupplied out of the diſſenting Seminaries of the Country, who, in Proportion as they attain to more liberal Improve⯑ments of Learning, are obſerved to quit their Pre⯑judice towards an epiſcopal Church; ſo I verily think it might increaſe the Number of ſuch uſeful Men, if Proviſion were made to defray their Charges in coming hither to receive Holy Orders; paſſing and repaſſing the Ocean, and tarrying the neceſſary Time in London, requiring an Expence that many are not able to bear. It would alſo be an Encou⯑ragement to the Miſſionaries in general, and pro⯑bably produce good Effects, if the Allowance of certain Miſſionaries were augmented, in proportion to the Services they had done, and the Time they had ſpent in their Million. Theſe Hints I venture to ſuggeſt, as not unuſeful in an Age, wherein all human Encouragements are found more neceſſary, than at the firſt Propagation of the Goſpel. But [228] they are, with all due Deference and Reſpect, ſubmitted to the Judgment of this venerable Au⯑dience.

After all, it is hardly to be expected, that ſo long as Infidelity prevails at home, the Chriſtian Religion ſhould thrive and flouriſh in our Colonies abroad. Mankind, it muſt be owned, left to them⯑ſelves, are ſo much bewildered and benighted, with reſpect to the Origin of that Evil which they feel, and from which they are at a loſs about the Means of being freed; that the Doctrines of the lapſed State of Man, his Reconciliation by Chriſt, and Regeneration by the Spirit, may reaſonably be hoped to find an eaſy Admiſſion, as bringing with them Light and Comfort, into a Mind not hardened by Impenitency, nor fore-cloſed by Pride, nor bi⯑aſed by Prejudice. But ſuch is the Vanity of Man, that no Prejudice operates more powerfully than that in Favour of Faſhion; and no Faſhions are ſo much followed by our Colonies, as thoſe of the Mother Country, which they often adopt in their Modes of living, to their great Inconvenience, without allowing for the Diſparity of Circumſtance or Climate. This ſame Humour hath made Infi⯑delity (as I find it too credibly reported) ſpread in ſome of our wealthy Plantations; uneducated Men being more apt to tread in the Steps of Libertines and Men of Faſhion, than to model themſelves by the Laws and Inſtitutions of their Mother Country, or the Lives and Profeſſions of the virtuous and religious Part of it.

But this is not all: While thoſe abroad are leſs diſpoſed to receive, ſome at home are, perhaps, leſs diſpoſed to propagate the Goſpel, from the ſame Cauſe. It is to be feared, I ſay, that the pre⯑vailing Torrent of Infidelity, which ſtaggers the Faith of ſome, may cool the Zeal and damp the [229] Spirit of others, who, judging from the Event and Succeſs of thoſe who impugn the Church of Chriſt, may poſſibly entertain ſome Scruple or Surmiſe, whether it may not be, for the preſent at leaſt, abandoned by Providence, and that human Care muſt ineffectually interpoſe, till it ſhall pleaſe God, yet once more to ſhake not the Earth only, but alſo the Heavens. This Point hath been touched before, but deſerves farther Conſideration: to the End, that the peculiar Impiety of a profane Age, may not be a Bar to thoſe very Endeavours, which itſelf renders more neceſſary, and calls for more loudly now than ever.

Whatever Men may think, the Arm of the Lord is not ſhortened. In all this Prevalency of Atheiſm and Irreligion, there is no Advantage gained by the Powers of Darkneſs, either againſt God, or godly Men, but only againſt their own wretched Partiſans. The Chriſtian Diſpenſation is a Diſ⯑penſation of Grace and Favour. The Chriſtian Church a Society of Men intitled to this Grace, on performing certain Conditions. If this Society is diminiſhed, as thoſe who remain true Members of it ſuffer no Loſs to themſelves, ſo God loſeth no Right, ſuffereth no Detriment, forgoeth no Good; his Grace reſiſted or unfruitful, being no more loſt to him, than the Light of the Sun ſhining on deſert Places, or among People who ſhut their Eyes.

Beſides, this Exceſs, this unſtemmed Torrent of Profaneneſs, may poſſibly, in the Concluſion, de⯑feat itſelf, confirm what it meant to extirpate, and inſtead of deſtroying, prove a Means of preſerving our Religion; the evil Fruits and Effects thereof being ſo notorious and flagrant, and ſo ſenſibly felt, as in all likelihood to be able to open the Eyes, and rouſe the Attention of thoſe, who may be blind [230] and deaf to every other Argument and Con⯑ſideration. Or, who knows but the Chriſtian Church corrupted by Proſperity, is to be reſtored and purified by Adverſity? which may prove for ought we can tell, as ſalutary in future, as it hath been in paſt Ages. Many inſolent and preſumptu⯑ous Foes have ſet themſelves againſt the Church of God; whole Hook nevertheleſs may be in their Noſtrils, and his Bridle in their Lips, managing and governing, even their Rage and Folly, to the fulfilling of his own wiſe Purpoſes; and who may not fail in the End, to deal by them as he did by the King of Aſſyria, when he had^‡ performed his Work upon Sion and upon Jeruſalem, puniſhing their ſtout Heart and high Looks. This preſumptuous Conqueror was, without knowing it, a Tool or In⯑strument in the Hands of that God whom he blaſ⯑phemed. ^* O Aſſyrian, the Rod of mine Anger! I will ſend him againſt an hypocritical Nation, and againſt the People of my Wrath will I give him a Charge to take the Spoil, and to take the Prey, and to tread them down like the Mire of the Streets. Howbeit he meaneth not ſo, neither doth his Heart think ſo, but it is in his Heart to deſtroy and cut off Nations not a few.

Thus much at leaſt is evident: It is no new Thing, that great Enormities ſhould produce great Humiliations, and theſe again noble Virtues, which have often recovered both ſingle Men, and whole States, even in a natural and civil Senſe. And if the Captivities, Diſtreſſes, and Deſolations of the Jewiſh Church, have occaſioned their Return to God, and reinſtated them in his Favour; nay, if it was actually foretold, whenever they lay under the Curſe of God, at the Mercy of their Enemies, [202] peeled and ſcattered in a foreign Land, that never⯑theleſs upon their calling his Covenant to Mind, and returning to him,^† The Lord their God would turn their Captivity, and have Compaſſion upon them. I ſay, if Things were ſo, why may we not in Reaſon hope for ſomething analogous thereto, in behalf of the Chriſtian Church, It cannot be de⯑nied, that there was a great Analogy between the Jewiſh Inſtitutions, and the Doctrines of the Goſpel; for Inſtance, between the Paſchal Lamb, and the Lamb of God ſlain from the Foundation of the World; between the Egyptian Bondage, and that of Sin; the earthly Canaan, and the heavenly; the fleſhly Circumciſion, and the ſpiritual. In theſe and many other Particulars, the Analogy ſeems ſo plain, that it can hardly be diſputed. To be con⯑vinced that the Law of Moſes and the Jewiſh Oeconomy were Figures and Shadows of the Evan⯑gelical, we need only look into the Epiſtle to the Hebrews. May we not therefore, in purſuance of this ſame Analogy, ſuppoſe a ſimilar Treatment of the Jewiſh and Chriſtian Church?

Let us then ſee, on what Terms the former flood with God, in order to diſcover what the latter may reaſonably expect. The ſolemn Denunciation to the Jews was,^* If thou ſhall hearken diligently unto the Voice of the Lord thy God, to obſerve and to do all his Commandments, which I command thee this Day, that the Lord thy God will ſet thee on high above all the Nations of the Earth. But in caſe of Diſobedience, it is added among many other Threats and Maledictions:^† The Lord ſhall ſmite thee with Blaſting and with Mildew: and thy Heaven that is over thy Head ſhall be Braſs, and the Earth that is under thee ſhall be Iron. And again,^‡ The [232] Lord ſhall ſmite thee with Madneſs, and Blindneſs, and Aſtoniſhment of Heart. Have not the People of this Land drawn down upon it, by more Ways than one, the juſt Judgments of Heaven? Surely we have felt in a Metaphor the firſt of the fore⯑mentioned Judgments; and the laſt hath been literally fulfilled upon us. Is it not viſible that we are leſs knowing, leſs virtuous, leſs reaſonable, in Proportion as we are leſs religious? Are we not grown drunk and giddy with Vice and Vanity and Preſumption, and Free-thinking, and Extravagance of every Kind? to a Degree that we may truly be ſaid to be ſmitten with Madneſs, and Blindneſs, and Aſtoniſhment of Heart.

As anciently moſt unchriſtian Schiſms and Diſ⯑putes, joined with great Corruption of Manners, made way for the Mahometan in the Eaſt, and the Papal Dominion in the Weſt; even ſo here at home in the laſt Century, a weak Reliance upon human Politics and Power on the one hand, and enthuſi⯑aſtic Rage on the other, together with Carnal⯑mindedneſs on both, gave occaſion to introduce Atheiſm and Infidelity. If the temporal State, and outward Form of the Jewiſh Church was, upon their Defection, overturned by Invaders; in like manner, when Chriſtians are no longer governed by the Light of Evangelical Truth, when we reſiſt the Spirit of God, are we not to expect, that the Heaven above will be as Braſs, that the divine Grace will no longer ſhower down on our obdurate Hearts, that our Church and Profeſſion will be blaſted by licentious Scorners, thoſe Madmen, who in Sport ſcatter Firebrands, Arrows, and Death? As all this is no more than we may reaſonably ſuppoſe will enſue upon our Backſliding, ſo we may, with equal Reaſon, hope it will be remedied upon our Return to God.

[233] From what hath been ſaid it follows, that in order to propagate the Goſpel abroad, it is neceſſary we do it at home, and extend our Charity to do⯑meſtic Infidels, if we would convert or prevent foreign ones. So that a View of the declining State of Religion here at home, of thoſe Things that produced this Declenſion, and of the proper Methods to repair it, is naturally connected with the Subject of this Diſcourſe. I ſhall therefore beg your Patience, while I juſt mention a few Remarks or Hints, too obvious, perhaps, in themſelves to be new or unknown to any preſent, but too little viſible in their Effects, to make one think they are, by all, much attended to.

Some, preferring Points notional or ritual to the Love of God and Man, conſider the national Church only as it ſtands oppoſed to other Chriſtian Societies. Theſe generally have a Zeal without Knowledge, and the Effects are ſuitable to the Cauſe; they really hurt what they ſeem to eſpouſe. Others more ſolicitous about the Diſcovery of Truth, than the Practice of Holineſs, employ themſelves, rather to ſpy out Errors in the Church, than enforce its Precepts. Theſe, it is to be feared, poſtpone the great Intereſts of Religion to Points of leſs Concern, in any Eyes but their own. But ſurely they would do well to conſider, that an humble, though confuſed or indiſtinct, Faith in the Bond of Charity, and productive of good Works, is much more Evangelical than any accurate diſput⯑ing and conceited Knowledge.

A Church which contains the Fundamentals, and nothing ſubverſive of thoſe Fundamentals, is not to be ſet at naught by any particular Member; be⯑cauſe it may not, in every Point, perhaps, cor⯑reſpond with his Ideas, no not, though he is ſure of being in the right. Probably there never was, [234] or will be, an eſtabliſhed Church in this World, without viſible Marks of Humanity upon it. Saint Paul ſuppoſeth, that^‖ on the Foundation of Jeſus Chriſt, there will be human Superſtructures of Hay and Stubble, Things light and trivial, wrong or ſuperſtitious, which indeed is a natural Conſequence of the Weakneſs and Ignorance of Man. But where that living Foundation is rightly laid in the Mind, there will not fail to grow and ſpring from thence thoſe Virtues and Graces, which are the ge⯑nuine Effects and Tokens of true Faith, and which are by no means inconſiſtent with every Error in Theory, or every needleſs Rite in Worſhip.

The Chriſtian Religion was calculated for the Bulk of Mankind, and therefore cannot reaſonably be ſuppoſed to conſiſt in ſubtle and nice Notions. From the Time that Divinity was conſidered as a Science, and human Reaſon inthroned in the Sanc⯑tuary of God, the Hearts of its Profeſſors ſeem to have been leſs under the Influence of Grace. From that Time have grown many unchriſtian Diſſen⯑ſions and Controverſies, of Men^‡ knowing nothing, but doting about Queſtions and Strifes of Words, whereof cometh Envy, Strife, Railings, evil Sur⯑miſes, perverſe Diſputings of Men of corrupt Minds and deſtitute of Truth. Doubtleſs, the making Re⯑ligion a notional Thing, hath been of infinite Diſ⯑ſervice. And whereas its holy Myſteries are rather to be received with Humility of Faith, than de⯑fined and meaſured by the Accuracy of human Reaſon; all Attempts of this Kind, however well intended, have viſibly failed in the Event; and inſtead of reconciling Infidels, have, by creating Diſputes and Heats among the Profeſſors of Chriſ⯑tianity, given no ſmall Advantage to its Enemies.

[235] To conclude, if we proportioned our Zeal to the Importance of Things: If we could love Men whoſe Opinions we do not approve: If we knew the World more, and liked it leſs: If we had a due Senſe of the divine Perfection and our own Defects: If our chief Study was the Wiſdom from above, deſcribed by St. Paul: And if, in order to all this, that were done in Places of Education, which cannot ſo well be done out of them: I ſay, if theſe Steps were taken at home, while proper Meaſures are carrying on abroad, the one would very much forward or facilitate the other. As it is not meant, ſo it muſt not be underſtood, that foreign Attempts ſhould wait for domeſtic Succeſs, but only that it is to be wiſhed they may co-operate. Certainly if a juſt and rational, a genuine and ſincere, a warm and vigorous Piety, animated the Mother-Country, the Influence thereof would ſoon reach our foreign Plantations, and extend throughout their Borders. We ſhould ſoon ſee Religion ſhine forth with new Luſtre and Force, to the Converſion of Infidels, both at home and abroad, and to ^† the caſting down Imaginations, and every high Thing that exalteth itſelf againſt the Knowledge of God, and bringing into Captivity every Thought to the Obedience of Chriſt.

To whom with the FATHER, and the HOLY GHOST, be aſcribed all Praiſe, Might, Ma⯑jeſty, and Dominion, now and for ever.

DE MOTU; SIVE De motus principio & natura, & de cauſa communicationis motuum.

1. AD veritatem inveniendam praecipuum eſt caviſſe ne voces malè intellectae nobis offi⯑ciant: quod omnes fere monent philoſophi, pauci obſervant. Quanquam id quidem haud adeo diffi⯑cile videtur, in rebus praeſertim Phyſicis tractandis, ubi locum habent ſenſus, experientia, & ratiocinium geometricum. Sepoſito igitur, quantum licet, omni praejudicio, tam à loquendi conſuetudine, quam à philoſophorum auctoritate nato, ipſa rerum natura diligenter inſpicienda. Neque enim cujuſquam auctoritatem uſque adeo valere oportet, ut verba ejus & voces in pretio ſint, dummodo nihil clari & certi iis ſubeſſe comperiatur.

2. Motus contemplatio mirè torſit veterum phi⯑loſophorum mentes, unde natae ſunt variae opiniones ſupra modum difficiles, ne dicam abſurdae, quae quum jam fere in deſuetudinem abierint, haud me⯑rentur ut iis diſcutiendis nimio ſtudio immoremur. Apud recentiores autem & ſaniores hujus aevi Phi⯑loſophos, ubi de motu agitur, vocabula haud pauca [240] abſtractae nimium & obſcurae ſignificationis oc⯑currunt, cujuſmodi ſunt ſolicitatio gravitatis, conatus, vires mortuae, &c. quae ſcriptis alioqui doctiſſimis tenebras offundunt, ſententiiſque, non minus à vero quam à ſenſu hominum communi abhorrentibus ortum prae [...]ent. Haec vero neceſſe eſt ut, veritatis gratia, non alios refellendi ſtudio, accuratè diſcu⯑tiantur.

3. Solicitatio & niſus ſive conatus rebus ſolum⯑modo animatis revera competunt. Cum aliis rebus tribuuntur, ſenſu metaphorico accipiantur neceſſe eſt. A metaphoris autem abſtinendum philoſopho. Porro ſecluſâ omni tam animae affectione quam corporis motione, nihil clari ac diſtincti iis vocibus ſignificari cuilibet conſtabit, qui modò rem ſeriò perpenderit.

4. Quamdiu corpora gravia à nobis ſuſtinentur, ſentimus in nobiſmet ipſis niſum, fatigationem, & moleſtiam. Percipimus etiam in gravibus cadenti⯑bus motum acceleratum verſus centrum telluris: ope ſenſuum praeterea nihil. Ratione tamen colligitur cauſam eſſe aliquam vel principium horum phaeno⯑menôn, illud autem gravitas vulgò nuncupatur. Quoniam verò cauſa deſcenſus gravium caeca ſit & incognita: gravitas ea acceptione propriè dici nequit qualitas ſenſibilis: eſt igitur qualitas occulta. Sed vix, & ne vix quidem, concipere licet quid ſit qualitas occulta, aut qua ratione qualitas ulla agere aut operari quidquam poſſit. Melius itaque foret, ſi, miſſa qualitate occulta, homines attenderent ſolummodo ad effectus ſenſibiles, vocibuſque ab⯑ſtractis, (quantumvis illae ad diſſerendum utiles ſint) in meditatione omiſſis, mens in particularibus & concretis, hoc eſt in ipſis rebus, defigeretur.

5. Vis ſimiliter corporibus tribuitur; uſurpatur autem vocabulum illud, tanquam ſignificaret qua⯑litatem cognitam, diſtinctamque tam à motu, figura, [241] omnique alia re ſenſibili, quam ab omni animalis affectione, id vero nihil aliud eſſe quàm qualitatem occultam rem acriùs rimanti conſtabit. Niſus ani⯑malis & motus corporeus vulgo ſpectantur tanquam ſymptomata & menſurae hujus qualitatis occultae.

6. Pater igitur gravitatem aut vim fruſtra poni pro principio motus: nunquid enim principium illud clarius cognoſci poteſt ex eo quod dicatur qua⯑litas occulta? Quod ipſum occultum eſt nihil ex⯑plicat. Ut omittamus cauſam agentem incognitam rectius dici poſſe ſubſtantiam quam qualitatem. Porro, vis, gravitas, & iſtiuſmodi voces ſaepius, nec ineptè, in concreto uſurpantur, ita ut connotent corpus motum, difficultatem reſiſtendi, &c. Ubi vero à Philoſophis adhibentur ad ſignificandas naturas quaſdam ab hiſce omnibus praeciſas & ab⯑ſtractas, quae nec ſenſibus ſubjiciuntur nec ulla mentis vi intelligi nec imaginatione effingi poſſunt, tum demùm errores & confuſionem pariunt.

7. Multos autem in errorem ducit, quod voces generales & abſtractas in diſſerendo utiles eſſe vide⯑ant, nec tamen earum vim ſatis capiant. Partim vero à conſuetudine vulgari inventae ſunt illae ad ſermonem abbreviandum, partim, à Philoſophis ad docendum excogitatae: non, quod ad naturas rerum accommodatae ſint, quae quidem ſingulares, & con⯑cretae exiſtunt, ſed quod idoneae ad tradendas diſci⯑plinas, propterea quod faciant notiones vel ſaltem propoſitiones univerſales.

8. Vim corpoream eſſe aliquid conceptu facile plerumque exiſtimamus: ii tamen qui rem accura⯑tiùs inſpexerunt in diverſa ſunt opinione, uti appa⯑ret ex mira verborum obſcuritate qua laborant, ubi illam explicare conantur. Toricellius ait vim & impetum eſſe res quaſdam abſtractas ſubtileſque, & quinteſſentias quae includuntur in ſubſtantia cor⯑porea, [242] tanquam in vaſe magico Circes^*. Leibnitius item in natura vis explicanda haec habet. Vis activa, primitiva, quae eſt [...], animae vel formae ſubſtantiali reſpondet. vid. Acta erudit. Lipſ. Uſque adeo neceſſe eſt ut vel ſummi viri quamdiu abſtractionibus indulgent, voces nulla certa ſigni⯑ficatione praeditas & meras ſcholaſticorum umbras ſectentur. Alia ex neotericorum ſcriptis, nec pauca quidem ea, producere liceret, quibus abunde con⯑ſtaret, metaphyſicas abſtractiones non uſquequaque ceſſiſſe mechanicae & experimentis, ſed nogotium inane philoſophis etiamnum faceſſere.

9. Ex illo fonte derivantur varia abſurda cujus generis eſt illud, vim percuſſionis utcunque exiguae eſſe infinitè magnam. Quod ſane ſupponit, gravitatem eſſe qualitatem quandam realem ab aliis omnibus diverſam: & gravitationem eſſe quaſi actum hujus qualitatis à motu realiter diſtinctum; minima autem percuſſio producit effectum majorem quam maxima gravitatio ſine motu. Illa ſcilicet motum aliquem edit, haec nullum. Unde ſequitur, vim percuſſionis ratione infinita excedere vim gravitationis, hoc eſt eſſe infinitè magnam. Videantur experimenta Galilaei & quae de definita vi percuſſionis ſcripſerunt Torri⯑cellius, Borellus & alii.

10. Veruntamen fatendum eſt vim nullam per ſe immediate ſentiri, neque aliter quam per effec⯑tum cognoſci & menſurari; ſed vis mortuae ſeu gravitationis ſimplicis, in corpore quieſcente ſub⯑jecto nulla facta mutatione, effectus nullus eſt. Per⯑cuſſionis autem, effectus aliquis. Quoniam ergo [243] vires ſunt effectibus proportionales: concludere licet vim mortuam eſſe nullam: neque tamen propterea vim percuſſionis eſſe infinitam: non enim oportet quantitatem ullam poſitivam habere pro infinita, propterea quod ratione infinita ſuperet quantitatem nullam ſive nihil.

11. Vis gravitationis à momento ſecerni nequit, momentum autem ſine celeritate nullum eſt, quum ſit moles in celeritatem ducta, porro celeritas ſine motu intelligi non poteſt, ergo nec vis gravitationis. Deinde, vis nulla niſi per actionem innoteſcit & per eandem menſuratur, actionem autem corporis à motu praeſcindere non poſſumus, ergo, quamdiu corpus grave plumbi ſubjecti vel chordae figuram mutat, tamdiu movetur: ubi vero quieſcit, nihil agit, vel, quod idem eſt, agere prohibetur. Bre⯑viter, voces iſtae vis mortua & gravitatio, etſi per abſtractionem metaphyſicam aliquid ſignificare ſup⯑ponuntur diverſum à movente, moto, motu & quiete, revera tamen id totum nihil eſt.

12. Siquis diceret pondus appenſum vel impoſi⯑tum agere in chordam, quoniam impedit quominus ſe reſtituat vi elaſtica: dico, pari ratione corpus quodvis inferum agere in ſuperius incumbens, quo⯑niam illud deſcendere prohibet: dici vero non poteſt actio corporis, quod prohibeat aliud corpus exiſtere in eo loco quem occupat.

13. Preſſionem corporis gravitantis quandoque ſentimus. Verum ſenſio iſta moleſta oritur ex motu corporis iſtius gravis fibris nerviſque noſtri corporis communicato, & eorundem ſitum immu⯑tante, adeoque percuſſioni accepta referri debet. In hiſce rebus multis & gravibus praejudiciis labo⯑ramus, ſed illa acri atque iteratâ meditatione ſubi⯑genda ſunt, vel potius penitùs averruncanda.

14. Quo probetur, quantitatem ullam eſſe infi⯑nitam, oſtendi oportet partem aliquam finitam ho⯑mogeneam [244] in eâ infinities contineri. Sed vis mortua ſe habet ad vim percuſſionis non ut pars ad totum, ſed ur punctum ad lineam, juxta ipſos vis infinitae percuſſionis auctores. Multa in hanc rem adjicere liceret ſed vereor ne prolixus ſim.

15. Ex principiis praemiſſis lites inſignes ſolvi poſſunt, quae viros doctos multum exercuerunt. Hujus rei exempium ſit controverſia illa de propor⯑tione virium. Una pars dum concedit, momenta, motus, impetus, data mole, eſſe ſimpliciter ut volocitates, affirmat vires eſſe ut quadrata volocita⯑tum. Hanc autem ſententiam ſupponere, vim corporis diſtingui à momento, motu, & impetu, eaque ſuppoſitione ſublata corruere, nemo non videt.

16. Quo clarius adhuc appareat, confuſionem quandam miram per abſtractiones metaphyſicas in doctrinam de motu introductam eſſe, videamus quantum interſit inter notiones virorum celebrium de vi & impetu. Leibnitius impetum cum motu confundit. Juxta Newtonum impetus revera idem eſt cum vi inertiae. Borellus aſſerit impetum non aliud eſſe quam gradum velocitatis. Alii impetum & conatum inter ſe differre, alii non differre vo⯑lunt. Plerique vim motricem motui proporti⯑onalem intelligunt, nonnulli aliam aliquam vim praeter motricem, & diverſimodè menſurandam, utpote per quadrata velocitatum in moles, in⯑telligere prae ſe ferunt. Sed infinitum eſſet haec proſequi.

17. Vis, gravitas, attractio, & hujuſmodi voces utiles ſunt ad ratiocinia, & computationes de motu & corporibus motis: ſed non ad intelligendam ſimplicem ipſius motus naturam, vel ad qualitates totidem diſtinctas deſignandas. Attractionem cer⯑te quod attinet, patet illam ab Newtono adhiberi, non tanquam qualitatem veram & phyſicam, ſed [245] ſolummodo ut hypotheſin mathematicam. Quin & Leibnitius, niſum elementarem ſeu ſolicitationem ab impetu diſtinguens, fatetur illa entia non re ipſa inveniri in rerum natura, ſed abſtractione facienda eſſe.

18. Similis ratio eſt compoſitionis & reſolutio⯑nes virium quarumcunque directarum in quaſcunque obliquas, per diagonalem & latera parallelogram⯑mi. Haec mechanicae & computationi inſerviunt: ſed aliud eſt computationi & demonſtrationibus mathematicis inſervire, aliud, rerum naturam ex⯑hibere.

19. Ex recentioribus multi ſunt in eâ opinione, ut putent motum neque deſtrui nec de novo gigni, ſed eandem ſemper motus quantitatem permanere. Ariſtoteles etiam dubium illud olim propoſuit, utrum motus factus ſit & corruptus, an vero ab aeterno? phyſ. l. 8. Quod vero motus ſenſibilis pereat, patet ſenſibus, illi autem eundem impetum, niſum, aut ſummam virium eandem manere velle videntur. Unde affirmat Borellus, vim in percuſ⯑ſione, non imminui ſed expandi, impetuſ etiam contrarios ſuſcipi & retineri in eodem corpore. Item Leibnitius niſum ubique & ſemper eſſe in ma⯑teria, &, ubi non patet ſenſibus, ratione intelligi contendit. Haec autem nimis abſtracta eſſe & ob⯑ſcura, ejuſdemque ferè generis cum formis ſubſtan⯑tialibus & Entelechiis, fatendum.

20. Quotquot ad explicandam motus cauſam atque originem vel principio Hylarchico, vel natu⯑rae indigentiâ, vel appetitu, aut denique inſtinctu naturali utuntur, dixiſſe aliquid potius quam cogi⯑tâſſe cenſendi ſunt. Neque ab hiſce multùm ab⯑ſunt qui ſuppoſuerint^* partes terrae eſſe ſe moventes, aut etiam ſpiritus iis implantatos ad inſtar formae, ut [246] aſſignent cauſam accelerationis gravium cadentium. Aut qui dixerit^† in corpore praeter ſolidam extenſionem debere etiam poni aliquid unde virium conſideratio oria⯑tur. Siquidem hi omnes vel nihil particulare & determinatum enuntiant: vel, ſi quid ſit, tam diffi⯑cile erit illud explicare, quam id ipſum cujus ex⯑plicandi cauſâ adducitur.

21. Fruſtra ad naturam illuſtrandam adhibentur ea quae nec ſenſibus patent, nec ratione intelligi poſſunt. Videndum ergo quid ſenſus, quid experi⯑entia, quid demùm ratio iis innixa ſuadeat. Duo ſunt ſumma rerum genera, corpus & anima. Rem extenſam, ſolidam, mobilem, figuratam, aliiſque qualitatibus quae ſenſibus occurrunt praeditam, ope ſenſuum, rem vero ſentientem, percipientem, in⯑telligentem, conſcientiâ quâdam internâ cognovi⯑mus. Porro, res iſtas planè inter ſe diverſas eſſe, longèque heterogeneas, cernimus. Loquor autem de rebus cognitis, de incognitis enim differere nil juvat.

22. Totum id quod novimus, cui nomen corpus in⯑didimus, nihil in ſe continet quod motus principium ſeu cauſa efficiens eſſe poſſit; etenim impenetra⯑bilitas, extenſio, figura nullam includunt vel con⯑notant potentiam producendi motum: quimimò è contrario non modo illas verum etiam alias, quot⯑quot ſint, corporis qualitates ſigillatim percurrentes, videbimus omnes eſſe revera paſſivas, nihilque iis activum ineſſe, quod ullo modo intelligi poſſit tanquam fons & principium motus. Gravitatem quod attinet, voce illa nihil cognitum & ab ipſo effectu ſenſibili, cujus cauſa quaeritur, diverſum ſigni⯑ficari jam ante oſtendimus. Et ſanè quando cor⯑pus grave dicimus nihil aliud intelligimus, niſi quod [247] feratur deorſum, de cauſâ hujus effectus ſenſibilis nihil omnino cogitantes.

23. De corpore itaque audacter pronunciare li⯑cet, utpote de re comperta, quod non ſit princi⯑pium motûs. Quod ſi quiſquam, praeter ſolidam extenſionem ejuſque modificationes, vocem corpus qualitatem etiam occultam, virtutem, formam, eſſentiam complecti ſua ſignificatione contendat; licet quidem illi inutili negotio ſine ideis diſputare, & nominibus nihil diſtinctè exprimentibus abuti. Caeterùm ſanior philoſophandi ratio videtur ab no⯑tionibus abſtractis & generalibus (ſi modo notiones dici debent quae intelligi nequeunt) quantum fieri poteſt abſtinuiſſe.

24. Quicquid continetur in idea corporis novi⯑mus: quod vero novimus in corpore id non eſſe principium motûs conſtat. Qui praeterea aliquid incognitum in corpore, cujus ideam nullam habent, comminiſcuntur, quod motûs principium dicant: ii revera nihil aliud quam principium motus eſſe in⯑cognitum dicunt. Sed hujuſmodi ſubtilitatibus diutiùs immorari piget.

25. Praeter res corporeas alterum eſt genus re⯑rum cogitantium, in iis autem potentiam ineſſe corpora movendi, propria experientia didicimus, quandoquidem anima noſtra pro lubitu poſſit ciere & ſiſtere membrorum motus, quacunque tandem ratione id fiat. Hoc certè conſtat, corpora moveri ad nutum animae, eamque proinde haud ineptè dici poſſe principium motus; particulare quidem & ſubordinatum, quodque ipſum dependeat à primo & univerſali principio.

26. Corpora gravia feruntur deorſum, etſi nullo impulſu apparente agitata, non tamen exiſtiman⯑dum propterea in iis contineri principium motus: cujus rei hanc rationem aſſignat Ariſtoteles, gravia & levia, inquit, non moventur à ſeipſis, id enim [248] vitale eſſet, & ſe ſiſtere poſſent. Gravia omnia unâ eâdemque certâ & conſtanti lege centrum telluris petunt, neque in ipſis animadvertitur principium vel facultas ulla motum iſtum ſiſtendi, minuendi vel, niſi pro rata proportione, augendi, aut deni⯑que ullo modo immutandi: habent adeò ſe paſſivè. Porro idem, ſtrictè & accuratè loquendo, dicendum de corporibus percuſſivis. Corpora iſta quamdiu moventur, ut & in ipſo percuſſionis momento, ſe gerunt paſſivè, perinde ſcilicet atque cum quieſcunt. Corpus iners tam agit quam corpus motum, ſi res ad verum exigatur: id quod agnoſcit Newtonus, ubi ait, vim inertiae eſſe eandem cum impetu. Corpus autem iners & quietum nihil agit, ergo nec motum.

27. Revera corpus aequè perſeverat in utrovis ſtatu, vel motûs vel quietis. Iſta vero perſeveran⯑tia non magis dicenda eſt actio corporis, quam exiſtentia ejuſdem actio diceretur. Perſeverantia nihil aliud eſt quam continuatio in eodem modo exiſtendi, quae propriè dici actio non poteſt. Caeterùm reſiſtentiam, quam experimur in ſiſtendo corpore moto, ejus actionem eſſe fingimus vana ſpecie deluſi. Revera enim iſta reſiſtentia quam ſentimus, paſſio eſt in nobis, neque arguit corpus agere, ſed nos pati: conſtat utique nos idem paſ⯑ſuros fuiſſe, ſive corpus illud à ſe moveatur, ſive ab alio principio impellatur.

28. Actio & reactio dicuntur eſſe in corporibus: nee incommodè ad demonſtrationes mechanicas. Sed cavendum, ne propterea ſupponamus virtutem aliquam realem quae motûs cauſa, ſive principium ſit, eſſe in iis. Etenim voces illae eodem modo intelligendae ſunt ac vox attractio, & quemadmo⯑dum haec eſt hypotheſis ſolummodo mathematica non autem qualitas phyſica; idem etiam de illis intelligi debet, & ob eandem rationem. Nam ſi⯑cut [249] veritas & uſus theorematum de mutua corpo⯑rum attractione in philoſophia mechanica ſtabiles manent, utpote unicè fundati in motu corporum, ſive motus iſte cauſari ſupponatur per actionem corporum ſe mutuo attrahentium, ſive per actionem agentis alicujus à corporibus diverſi impellentis & moderantis corpora; pari ratione, quaecunque tradita ſunt de regulis & legibus motuum, ſimul ac theoremata inde deducta, manent inconcuſſa, dum⯑modo concedantur effectus ſenſibiles, & ratiocinia iis innixa; ſive ſupponamus actionem ipſam, aut vim horum effectuum cauſatricem, eſſe in corpore, ſive in agente incorporeo.

29. Auferantur ex idea corporis extenſio, ſoli⯑ditas, figura, remanebit nihil. Sed qualitates iſtae ſunt ad motum indifferentes, nec in ſe quidquam habent, quod motus principium dici poſſit. Hoc ex ipſis ideis noſtris perſpicuum eſt. Si igitur voce corpus ſignificatur, id quod concipimus: planè conſtat inde non peti poſſe principium motus: pars ſcilicet nulla aut attributum illius cauſa efficiens vera eſt, quae motum producat. Vocem autem proferre, & nihil concipere, id demùm indignum eſſet phi⯑loſopho.

30. Datur res cogitans activa quam principium motûs eſſe in nobis experimur. Hanc animam, mentem, ſpiritum dicimus; datur etiam res extenſa, iners, impenetrabilis, mobilis, quae à priori toto coelo differt, novumque genus conſtituit. Quan⯑tum interſit inter res cogitantes & extenſas, pri⯑mus omnium deprehendens Anaxagoras vir longè ſapientiſſimus, aſſerebat mentem nihil habere cum corporibus commune, id quod conſtat ex primo libro Ariſtotelis de anima. Ex neotericis idem optimè animadvertit Carteſius. Ab eo alii rem ſatis claram vocibus obſcuris impeditam ac difficilem reddiderunt.

[250] 31. Ex dictis manifeſtum eſt eos qui vim activam, actionem, motus principium, in corporibus revera ineſſe affirmant, ſententiam nulla experientia fun⯑datam amplecti, eamque terminis obſcuris & ge⯑neralibus adſtruere, nec quid ſibi velint ſatis intel⯑ligere. E contrario, qui mentem eſſe principium motus volunt, ſententiam propria experientia mu⯑nitam proferent, hominumque omni aevo doctiſſi⯑morum ſuffragiis comprobatam.

32. Primus Anaxagoras [...] introduxit, qui motum inerti materiae imprimeret, quam quidem ſententiam probat etiam Ariſtoteles pluribuſque confirmat, apertè pronuncians primum movens eſſe immobile, indiviſibile, & nullam habens magnitudinem. Dicere autem, omne motivum eſſe mobile, rectè animadvertit idem eſſe ac ſiquis diceret, omne aedificativum eſſe aedificabile, phyſic. l. 8. Plato inſuper in Timaeo tradit machinam hanc corpoream, ſeu mundum viſibilem agitari & animari à mente, quae ſenſum omnem fugiat. Quinetiam hodie philoſophi Carteſiani principium motuum naturalium Deum agnoſcunt. Et New⯑tonus paſſim nec obſcurè innuit, non ſolummodo motum ab initio à numine profectum eſſe, verum adhuc ſyſtema mundanum ab eodem actu moveri. Hoc ſacris literis conſonum eſt: hoc ſcholaſticorum calculo comprobatur. Nam etſi peripatetici na⯑turam tradant eſſe principium motûs & quietis, interpretantur tamen naturam naturantem eſſe Deum. Intelligunt nimirum corpora omnia ſyſ⯑tematis hujuſce mundani à mente praepotenti, juxta certam & conſtantem rationem moveri.

33. Caeterùm qui principium vitale corporibus tribuunt, obſcurum aliquid & rebus parùm con⯑veniens fingunt. Quid enim aliud eſt vitali principio praeditum eſſe quam vivere? aut vivere quam ſe movere, ſiſtere, & ſtatum ſuum mutare? Philoſo⯑phi [251] autem hujus ſaeculi doctiſſimi, pro principio in⯑dubitato ponunt, omne corpus perſeverare in ſtatu ſuo, vel quietis vel motûs uniformis in directum, niſi quatenus aliunde cogitur ſtatum illum mutare; è contrario, in anima ſentimus eſſe facultatem tam ſtatum ſuum quam aliarum rerum mutandi; id quod propriè dicitur vitale, animamque à corpori⯑bus longe diſcriminat.

34. Motum & quietem in corporibus recertiores conſiderant velut duos ſtatus exiſtendi, in quorum utrovis corpus omne ſua natura iners permaneret, nulla vi externa urgente. Unde colligere licet, eandem eſſe cauſam motûs & quietis, quae eſt exiſ⯑tentiae corporum. Neque enim quaerenda videtur alia cauſa exiſtentiae corporis ſucceſſivae in diverſis parti⯑bus ſpatii, quam illa unde derivatur exiſtentia ejuſ⯑dem corporis ſucceſſiva in diverſis partibus temporis. De Deo autem optimo maximo rerum omnium conditore & conſervatore tractare: & qua ratione res cunctae à ſummo & vero ente pendeant de⯑monſtrare, quamvis pars ſit ſcientiae humanae praecellentiſſima, ſpectat tamen potius ad philoſo⯑phiam primam ſeu metaphyſicam & theologiam, quam ad philoſophiam naturalem, quae hodie fere omnis continetur in experimentis & mechanicâ. Itaque cognitionem de Deo vel ſupponit philoſophia naturalis, vel mutuatur ab aliqua ſcientia ſuperiori. Quanquam veriſſimum ſit, naturae inveſtigationem ſcientiis altioribus argumenta egregia ad ſapientiam, bonitatem & potentiam Dei illuſtrandam & pro⯑bandam undequaque ſubminiſtrare.

35. Quod haec minus intelligantur, in cauſa eſt, cur nonnulli immerito repudient phyſicae principia mathematica, eo ſcilicet nomine quod illa cauſas rerum efficientes non aſſignant. Quum tamen re⯑vera ad phyſicam aut mechanicam ſpectet regulas ſolummodo, non cauſas efficientes, impulſionum [252] attractionumve &, ut verbo dicam, motuum leges tradere: ex iis vero poſitis phaenomenôn particu⯑larium ſolutionem, non autem, cauſam efficientem aſſignare.

36. Multum intererit conſideraſſe quid propriè ſit principium, & quo ſenſu intelligenda ſit vox illa apud philoſophos. Cauſa quidem vera efficiens, & conſervatrix rerum omnium jure optimo appel⯑latur fons & principium earundem. Principia vero philoſophiae experimentalis propriè dicenda ſunt fundamenta, quibus illa innititur, ſeu fontes unde derivatur, (non dico exiſtentia, ſed) cognitio rerum corporearum, ſenſus utique & experientia. Si⯑militer, in philoſophia mechanica, principia di⯑cenda ſunt, in quibus fundatur & continetur uni⯑verſa diſciplina, leges illae motuum primariae, quae experimentis comprobatae, ratiocinio etiam excultae ſunt & redditae univerſales. Hae motuum leges commodè dicuntur principia, quoniam ab iis tam theoremata mechanica generalia quam particulares [...] explicationes derivantur.

37. Tum nimirum dici poteſt quidpiam expli⯑cari mechanicè, cum reducitur ad iſta principia ſimpliciſſima & univerſaliſſima, & per accuratum ratiocinium, cum iis conſentaneum & connexum eſſe oſtenditur. Nam, inventis ſemel naturae legi⯑bus, deinceps monſtrandum eſt philoſopho, ex conſtanti harum legum obſervatione, hoc eſt, ex iis principiis phaenomena quodvis neceſſario con⯑ſequi: id quod eſt phaenomena explicate & ſolvere, cauſamque, id eſt rationem cur fiant, aſſignare.

38. Mens humana gaudet ſcientiam ſuam ex⯑tendere & dilatare. Ad hoc autem notiones & propoſitiones generales efformandae ſunt, in qui⯑bus quodam modo continentur propoſitiones & cognitiones particulares, quae tum demùm intelligi [...]reduntur. Hoc geometris notiſſimum eſt. In [253] mechanica etiam praemittuntur notiones, hoc eſt definitiones, et enunciationes de motu primae & generales, ex quibus poſtmodùm methodo mathe⯑matica concluſiones magis remotae, & minus ge⯑nerales colliguntur. Et ſicut per applicationem theorematum geometricorum, corporum particu⯑larium magnitudines menſurantur; ita etiam per applicationem theorematum mechanices univerſa⯑lium, ſyſtematis mundani partium quarumvis mo⯑tus, & phaenomena inde pendentia innoteſcunt & determinantur: ad quem ſcopum unicè collinean⯑dum phyſico.

39. Et quemadmodum geometrae diſciplinae cauſa, multa comminiſcuntur, quae nec ipſi deſcri⯑bere poſſunt, nec in rerum natura invenire: ſi⯑mili prorſus ratione mechanicus voces quaſdam abſtractas & generales adhibet, fingitque in cor⯑poribus vim, actionem, attractionem, ſolicitatio⯑nem, &c. quae ad theorias & enunciationes, ut & computationes de motu apprime utiles ſunt, etiamſi in ipsâ rerum veritate & corporibus actu exiſtenti⯑bus fruſtra quaererentur, non minus quàm quae à geometris per abſtractionem mathematicam fin⯑guntur.

40. Revera, ope ſenſuum nihil niſi effectus ſeu qualitates ſenſibiles, & res corporeas omnino paſſi⯑vas, ſive in motu ſint ſive in quiete, percipimus: ratioque & experientia activum nihil praeter men⯑tem aut animam eſſe ſuadet. Quid quid ultra fin⯑gitur, id ejuſdem generis eſſe cum aliis hypotheſi⯑bus & abſtractionibus mathematicis exiſtimandum; quod penitus animo infigere oporter. Hoc ni fiat, facilè in obſcuram ſcholaſticorum ſubtilitatem, quae per tot ſaecula, tanquam dira quaedam peſtis, phi⯑loſophiam corrupit, relabi poſſumus.

41. Principia mechanica legeſque motuum aut naturae univerſales, ſaeculo ultimo feliciter inven⯑tae, [254] & ſubſidio geometriae tractatae & applicatae, miram lucem in philoſophiam intulerunt. Prin⯑cipia vero metaphyſica cauſaeque reales efficientes motus & exiſtentiae corporum attributorumve cor⯑poreorum nullo modo ad mechanicam aut experi⯑menta pertinent, neque eis lucem dare poſſunt, niſi quatenus, velut praecognita inſerviant ad li⯑mites phyſicae praefiniendos, eaque ratione ad tol⯑lendas difficultates quaeſtioneſque peregrinas.

42. Qui à ſpiritibus motus principium petunt, ii vel rem corpoream vel incorpoream voce ſpiri⯑lus intelligunt: ſi rem corpoream, quantumvis tenuem, tamen redit difficultas: ſi incorpoream, quantumvis id verum ſit, attamen ad phyſicam non propriè pertinet. Quod ſi quis philoſophiam na⯑turalem ultra limites experimentorum & mecha⯑nicae extenderit, ita ut rerum etiam incorporearum, & inextenſarum cognitionem complectatur: latior quidem illa vocis acceptio tractationem de anima, mente, ſeu principio vitali admittit. Caeterùm commodius erit, juxta uſum jam ferè receptum, ita diſtinguere inter ſcientias, ut ſingulae propriis circumſcribantur cancellis, & philoſophus natura⯑lis totus ſit in experimentis, legibuſque motuum, & principiis mechanicis, indeque depromptis ra⯑tiociniis; quidquid autem de aliis rebus protulerit id ſuperiori alicui ſcientiae acceptum referat. Ete⯑nim ex cognitis naturae legibus pulcherrimae theo⯑riae, praxes etiam mechanicae ad vitam utiles con⯑ſequuntur. Ex cognitione autem ipſius naturae auctoris conſiderationes, longe praeſtantiſſimae qui⯑dem illae, ſed, metaphyſicae, theologiae, morales oriuntur.

43. De principiis hactenus: nunc dicendum de natura motus, atque is quidem, cum ſenſibus clare percipiatur non tam natura ſua, quam doctis philoſophorum commentis obſcuratus eſt. Motus [255] nunquam in ſenſus noſtros incurrit ſine mole cor⯑porea, ſpatio, & tempore. Sunt tamen qui mo⯑tum, tanquam ideam quandam ſimplicem & ab⯑ſtractam, atque ab omnibus aliis rebus ſejunctam, contemplari ſtudent. Verùm idea illa tenuiſſima & ſubtiliſſima intellectûs aciem eludit: id quod quilibet ſecum meditando experiri poteſt. Hinc naſcuntur magnae difficultates de natura motus, & definitiones, ipſa re quam illuſtrare debent, longe obſcuriores. Hujuſmodi ſunt definitiones illae Ariſtotelis & Scholaſticorum, qui motum dicunt eſſe actum mobilis, quatenus eſt mobile, vel actum en⯑tis in potentia quatenus in potentia. Hujuſmodi etiam eſt illud, viri inter recentiores celebris, qui aſſerit nihil in motu eſſe reale praeter momentaneum illud quod in vi ad mutationem nitente conſtitui debet. Porro, conſtat, horum & ſimilium definitionum auctores in animo habuiſſe abſtractam motus naturam, ſecluſa omni temporis & ſpatii conſideratione, explicare, ſed qua ratione abſtracta illa motus quinteſſentia (ut ita dicam) intelligi poſſit non video.

44. Neque hoc contenti, ulterius pergunt par⯑teſque ipſius motus à ſe invicem dividunt & ſecer⯑nunt, quarum ideas diſtinctas, tanquam entium revera diſtinctorum, efformare conantur. Etenim ſunt qui motionem à motu diſtinguant, illam velut inſtantaneum motus elementum ſpectantes. Ve⯑locitatem inſuper, conatum, vim, impetum toti⯑dem res eſſentia diverſas eſſe volunt, quarum quae⯑que per propriam atque ab aliis omnibus ſegrega⯑tam & abſtractam ideam intellectui objiciatur. Sed in hiſce rebus diſcutiendis, ſtantibus iis quae ſupra diſſeruimus, non eſt cur diutius immoremur.

45. Multi etiam per tranſitum motu deſiniunt, obliti ſcilicet tranſitum ipſum ſine motu intelligi non poſſe, & per motum definiri oportere. Ve⯑riſſimum adeo eſt definitiones, ſicut nonnullis re⯑bus [256] lucem, ita viciſſim aliis tenebras afferre. Et profecto, quaſcumque res ſenſu percipimus, eas clariores aut notiores definiendo efficere vix quiſ⯑quam potuerit. Cujus rei vana ſpe allecti res fa⯑ciles difficillimas reddiderunt philoſophi, menteſque ſuas difficultatibus, quas ut plurmum ipſi peperiſ⯑ſent, implicavere. Ex hocce definiendi, ſimulac abſtrahendi ſtudio, maltae, tam de motu, quam de aliis rebus natae ſubtiliſſimae quaeſtiones, eaedem⯑que nullius utilitatis, hominum ingenia fruſtra tor⯑ſerunt, adeo ut Ariſtoteles ultro & ſaepius fateatur motum eſſe actum quendam cognitu difficilem, & non⯑nulli ex veteribus uſque eo nugis exercitati devenie⯑bant, ut motum omnino eſſe negarent.

46. Sed hujuſmodi minutiis diſtineri piget. Satis ſit fontes ſolutionum indicaſſe: ad quos etiam illud adjungere libet: quod ea quae de infinita diviſione temporis & ſpatii in matheſi traduntur, ob con⯑genitam rerum naturam paradoxa & theorias ſpinoſas (quales ſunt illae omnes in quibus agitur de infinito) in ſpeculationes de motu intulerunt. Quidquid autem hujus generis ſit, id omne motus commune habet cum ſpatio & tempore, vel potius ad ea refert acceptum.

47. Et quemadmodum, ex una parte nimia ab⯑ſtractio ſeu diviſio rerum verè inſeparabilium, ita, ab altera parte, compoſitio ſeu potius confuſio rerum diverſiſſimarum motus naturam perplexam reddidit. Uſitatum enim eſt motum cum cauſa motus efficiente confundere. Unde accidit ut motus ſit quaſi biformis, unam faciem ſenſibus ob⯑viam, alteram caliginoſa nocte obvolutam habens. Inde obſcuritas & confuſio, & varia de motu para⯑doxa originem trahunt, dum effectui perperam tribuitur id quod revera cauſae ſolummodo com⯑petit.

[257] 48. Hinc oritur opinio illa, eandem ſemper mo⯑tus quantitatem conſervari; quod, niſi intelligatur de vi & potentia cauſae, ſive cauſa illa dicatur na⯑tura, ſive [...], vel quodcunque tandem agens ſit, falſum eſſe cuivis facile conſtabit. Ariſtoteles qui⯑dem l 8. phyſicorum, ubi quaerit utrum motus factus ſit & corruptus, an vero ab aeterno tanquam vita immortalis inſit rebus omnibus, vitale principium po [...]ius, quam effectum externum, ſive mutationem loci intellexiſſe videtur.

49. Hinc etiam eſt, quod multi ſuſpicantur mo⯑tum non eſſe meram paſſionem in corporibus, Quod ſi intelligamus id quod, in motu corporis, ſenſibus objicitur, quin omnino paſſivum ſit nemo dubitare poteſt. Ecquid enim in ſe habet ſucceſ⯑ſiva corporis exiſtentia in diverſis locis, quod ac⯑tionem referat, aut aliud ſit quam nudus & iners effectus?

50. Peripatetici, qui dicunt motum eſſe actum unum utriuſque, moventis & moti, non ſatis diſ⯑criminant cauſam ab effectu. Similiter, qui ni⯑ſum aut conatum in motu fingunt, aut idem cor⯑pus ſimul in contrarias partes ferri putant, eâdem idearum confuſione, eâdem vocum ambiguitate ludificari videntur.

51. Juvat multum, ſicut in aliis omnibus, ita in ſcientia de motu accuratam diligentiam adhibere, tam ad aliorum conceptus intelligendos quam ad ſuos enunciandos: in qua re niſi peccatum eſſet, vix credo in diſputationem trahi potuiſſe, utrùm corpus indifferens ſit ad motum & ad quietem necne. Quoniam enim experientia conſtat, eſſe legem naturae primariam, ut corpus perinde per⯑ſeveret in ſtatu motus ac quietis, quamdiu aliunde nihil accidat ad ſtatum iſtum mutandum. Et propterea vim inertiae ſub diverſo reſpectu eſſe vel reſiſten⯑tiam, vel impetum, colligitur. Hoc ſenſu, pro⯑fecto [258] corpus dici poteſt ſua natura indifferens ad motum vel quietem. Nimirum, tam difficile eſt quietem in corpus motum, quam motum in qui⯑eſcens inducere; cum vero corpus pariter conſervet ſtatum utrumvis, quid ni dicatur ad utrumvis ſe habere indifferenter?

52. Peripatetici pro varietate mutationum, quas res aliqua tubire poteſt, varia motus genera diſtin⯑guebant. Hodie de motu agentes intelligunt ſo⯑lummodo motum localem. Motus autem localis intelligi nequit niſi ſimul intelligatur quid ſit locus; is vero à neotericis definitur pars ſpatii quam corpus occupat, unde dividitur in relativum & abſolutum pro ratione ſpatii. Diſtinguunt enim inter ſpa⯑tium abſolutum ſive verum, ac relativum ſive ap⯑parens. Volunt ſcilicet dari ſpatium undequaque immenſum, immobile, inſenſibile, corpora uni⯑verſa permeans & continens, quod vocant ſpatium abſolutum. Spatium, autem, à corporibus com⯑prehenſum, vel definitum, ſenſibuſque adeo ſub⯑jectum, dicitur ſpatium relativum, apparens, vul⯑gare.

53. Fingamus itaque corpora cuncta deſtrui & in nihilum redigi. Quod reliquum eſt vocant ſpa⯑tium abſolutum, omni relatione quae à ſitu & diſ⯑tantiis corporum oriebatur, ſimul cum ipſis corpo⯑ribus, ſublatâ. Porro ſpatium illud eſt infinitum, immobile, indiviſible, inſenſibile, ſine relatione & ſine diſtinctione. Hoc eſt, omnia ejus attribu⯑ta ſunt privativa vel negativa: videtur igitur eſſe merum nihil. Parit ſolummodo difficultatem ali⯑quam quod extenſum ſit. Extenſio autem eſt qualitas poſitiva. Verùm qualis tandem extenſio eſt illa, quae nec dividi poteſt, nec menſurari, cujus nullam partem, nec ſenſu percipere, nec imaginatione depingere poſſumus? Etenim nihil in imaginationem cadit, quod, ex natura rei, non [259] poſſibile eſt ut ſenſu percipiatur, ſiquidem imagi⯑natio nihil aliud eſt quam facultas repreſentatrix rerum ſenſibilium, vel actu exiſtentium, vel ſaltem poſſibilium. Fugit inſuper intellectum purum, quum facultas illa verſetur tantum circa res ſpiri⯑tuales & inextenſas, cujuſmodi ſunt mentes noſtrae, earumque habitus, paſſiones, virtutes & ſimilia. Ex ſpatio igitur abſoluto, auferamus modò voca⯑bula, & nihil remanebit in ſenſu, imaginatione aut intellectu; nihil aliud ergo iis deſignatur, quam pura privatio aut negatio, hoc eſt, merum nihil.

54. Confitendum omnino eſt nos circa hanc rem graviſſimis praejudiciis teneri, à quibus ut li⯑beremur, omnis animi vis exerenda. Etenim multi, tantum abeſt quod ſpatium abſolutum pro nihilo ducant ut rem eſſe ex omnibus (Deo ex⯑cepto) unicam exiſtiment, quae annihilari non poſ⯑ſit: ſtatuantque illud ſuapte natura neceſſariò ex⯑iſtere, aeternumque eſſe & increatum, atque adeo attributorum divinorum particeps. Verum enim⯑vero quum certiſſimum ſit, res omnes, quas no⯑minibus deſignamus, per qualitates aut relationes, vel aliqua ſaltem ex parte, cognoſci, (ineptum enim foret vocabulis uti quibus cogniti nihil, ni⯑hil notionis, ideae vel conceptus ſubjiceretur.) Inquiramus diligenter, utrum formare liceat ideam ullam ſpatii illius puri, realis, abſoluti, poſt om⯑nium corporum annihilationem perſeverantis ex⯑iſtere. Ideam porro talem paulo acrius intuens, reperio ideam eſſe nihili puriſſimam, ſi modo idea appellanda ſit. Hoc ipſe ſumma adhibita diligen⯑tia expertus ſum: hoc alios pari adhibita diligentia experturos reor.

55. Decipere nos nonnunquam ſolet, quod aliis omnibus corporibus imaginatione ſublatis, noſtrum tamen manere ſupponimus. Quo ſuppoſito, mo⯑tum membrorum ab omni parte liberrimum imagi⯑namur. [260] Motus autem ſine ſpatio concipi non po⯑teſt. Nihilominus ſi rem attento animo recola⯑mus, conſtabit primo concipi ſpatium relativum partibus noſtri corporis definitum: 2^o. movendi membra poteſtatem liberrimam nullo obſtaculo retuſam: & praeter haec duo nihil. Falſo tamen credimus tertium aliquod, ſpatium, videlicet, im⯑menſum realiter exiſtere, quod liberam poteſtatem nobis faciat movendi corpus noſtrum: ad hoc enim requiritur abſentia ſolummodo aliorum cor⯑porum. Quam abſentiam, ſive privationem cor⯑porum, nihil eſſe poſitivum fateamur neceſſe eſt.^*

56. Caeterum haſce res niſi quis libero & acri examine perſpexerit, verba & voces parum valent. Meditanti vero, & rationes ſecum reputanti, ni fallor, manifeſtum erit, quaecunque de ſpatio puro & abſoluto praedicantur, ea omnia de nihilo praedi⯑cari poſſe. Qua ratione mens humana facillimè liberatur à magnis difficultatibus, ſimulque ab ea abſurditate tribuendi exiſtentiam neceſſariam ulli rei praeterquam ſoli Deo optimo maximo.

57. In proclivi eſſet ſententiam noſtram argu⯑mentis à poſteriori (ut loquuntur) ductis confirmare, quaeſtiones de ſpatio abſoluto proponendo, exempli gratia, utrum ſit ſubſtantia vel accidens? Utrum creatum vel increatum? & abſurditates ex utravis parte conſequentes demonſtrando. Sed brevitati conſulendum. Illud tamen omitti non debet, quod ſententiam hancce Democritus olim calculo ſuo com⯑probavit, uti auctor eſt Ariſtoteles l. 1. phyſ. ubi haec habet; Democritus ſolidum & inane ponit prin⯑cipia, quarum aliud quidem ut quod eſt, aliud ut quod non eſt eſſe dicit. Scrupulum ſi forte injiciat, quod diſtinctio illa inter ſpatium abſolutum & relativum [261] à magni nominis philoſophis uſurpetur, eique quaſi fundamento inaedificentur multa praeclara theore⯑mata, ſcrupulum iſtum vanum eſſe, ex iis, quae ſecutura ſunt, apparebit.

58 Ex praemiſſis patet, non convenire, ut de⯑finiamus locum verum corporis, eſſe partem ſpatii abſoluti quam occupat corpus, motumque verum ſeu abſolutum eſſe mutationem loci veri & abſoluti. Siquidem omnis locus eſt relativus, ut et omnis motus. Veruntamen ut hoc clarius appareat, animadver⯑tendum eſt, motum nullum intelligi poſſe ſine de⯑terminatione aliqua ſeu directione, quae quidem in⯑telligi nequit, niſi praeter corpus motum, noſtrum etiam corpus, aut aliud aliquod, ſimul intelligatur exiſtere. Nam ſurſum, deorſum, ſiniſtrorſum, dextrorſum omneſque plagae & regiones in relatione aliqua fundantur, &, neceſſario, corpus à moto diverſum connotant & ſupponunt. Adeo ut, ſi reliquis corporibus in nihilum redactis, globus, exempli gratia, unicus exiſtere ſupponatur; in illo motus nullus concipi poſſit; uſque adeo neceſſe eſt, ut detur aliud corpus, cujus ſitu motus determinari intelligatur. Hujus ſententiae veritas clariſſime elu⯑cebit, modo corporum omnium tam noſtri quam aliorum praeter, globum iſtum unicum, annihila⯑tionem recte ſuppoſuerimus.

59. Concipiantur porro [...] globi, & praeterea nil corporeum, exiſtere. Concipiantur deinde vires quomodocunque applicari, quicquid tandem per applicationem virium intelligamus, motus cir⯑cularis duorum globorum circa commune cen⯑trum nequit per imaginationem concipi. Suppo⯑namus deinde coelum fixarum creari: ſubito ex concepto appullu globorum ad diverſas coeli iſtius partes motus concipietur. Scilicet cum motus natura ſua ſit relativus, concipi non potuit priuſ⯑quam darentur corpora correlata. Quemadmo⯑dum [262] nec ulla alia relatio ſine correlatis concipi poteſt.

60. Ad motum circularem quod attinet, putant multi, creſcente motu vero circulari, corpus ne⯑ceſſario magis ſemper magiſque ab axe niti. Hoc antem ex eo provenit, quod, cum motus circu⯑laris ſpectari poſſit tanquam in omni momento à duabus directionibus ortum trahens, una ſecun⯑dum radium, altera ſecundum tangentem; ſi in hac ultima tantùm directione impetus augeatur, tum à centro recedet corpus motum, orbita vero deſinet eſſe circularis. Quod ſi aequaliter augean⯑tur vires in utraque directione, manebit motus circularis, ſed acceleratus conatu, qui non magis arguet vires recedendi ab axe, quam accedendi ad eundem, auctas eſſe. Dicendum igitur, aquam in ſitula circumactam aſcendere ad latera vaſis, propterea quod, applicatis novis viribus in di⯑rectione tangentis ad quamvis particulam aquae, eo⯑dem inſtanti non applicentur novae vires aequales centripetae. Ex quo experimento nullo modo ſe⯑quitur, motum abſolutum circularem per vires re⯑cedendi ab axe motus neceſſariò dignoſci. Porrò, qua ratione intelligendae ſunt voces istae, vires cor⯑porum & conatus, ex praemiſſis ſatis ſuperque inno⯑teſcit.

61. Quo modo curva conſiderari poteſt tanquam conſtans ex rectis infinitis, etiamſi revera ex illis non conſtet, ſed quòd ea hypotheſis ad geome⯑triam utilis ſit, eodem motus circularis ſpectari po⯑teſt, tanquam à directionibus rectilineis infinitis ortum ducens, quae ſuppoſitio utilis eſt in philoſo⯑phia mechanica. Non tamen ideo affirmandum, impoſſibile eſie, ut centrum gravitatis corporis cu⯑juſvis ſucceſſive exiſtat in ſingulis punctis periphe⯑riae circularis, nulla ratione habita directionis ullius rectilineae, ſive in tangente, ſive in radio.

[263] 62. Haud omittendum eſt, motum lapidis in fundâ, aut aquae in ſitulâ circumactâ dici non poſſe motum vere circularem, juxta mentem eorum qui per partes ſpatii abſoluti definiunt loca vera corpo⯑rum; cum ſit mirè compoſitus ex motibus non ſo⯑lum ſitulae vel fundae, ſed etiam telluris diurno cir⯑ca proprium axem, menſtruo circa commune cen⯑trum gravitatis terrae & lunae, & annuo circa ſolem. Et propterea, particula quaevis lapidis vel aquae de⯑ſcribat lineam à circulari longe abhorrentem. Ne⯑que revera eſt, qui creditur, conatus axifugus, quoniam non reſpicit unum aliquem axem ratione ſpatii abſoluti, ſuppoſito quod detur tale ſpatium: proinde non video quomodo appellari poſſit cona⯑tus unicus, cui motus vere circularis tanquam pro⯑prio & adaequato effectui reſpondet.

63. Motus nullus dignoſci poteſt, aut menſurari, niſi per res ſenſibiles. Cum ergo ſpatium abſolutum nullo modo in ſenſus incurrat, neceſſe eſt ut inutile prorlus ſit ad diſtinctionem motuum. Praeterea, determinatio ſive directio motui eſſentialis eſt, ilia vero in relatione conſiſtit. Ergo impoſſibile eſt ut motus abſolutus concipiatur.

64. Poriò, quoniam pro diverſitate loci relativi, varius ſit motus ejuſdem corporis, quinimò, uno reſpectu moveri, altero quieſcere dici quidpiam poſſit: ad determinandum motum verum & quie⯑tem veram, quo ſcilicet tollatur ambiguitas, & conſulatur mechanicae philoſophorum, qui ſyſtema rerum latius contemplantur, ſatis fuerit ſpatium relativum fixarum coelo, tanquam quieſcente ſpecta⯑to, concluſum adhibere, loco ſpatii abſoluti. Mo⯑tus autem & quies tali ſpatio relativo definiti, com⯑modè adhiberi poſſunt loco abſolutorum, qui ab il⯑lis nullo ſymptomate diſcerni poſſunt. Etenim imprimantur utcunque vires: ſint quicunque cona⯑tus: concedamus motum diſtingui per actiones in [264] corpora exercitas; nunquam tamen inde ſequetur, dari ſpatium illud, & locum abſolutum, ejuſque mutationem eſſe locum verum.

65. Leges motuum, effectuſque, & theoremata eorundem proportiones & calculos continentia, pro diverſis viarum figuris, accelerationibus itidem & directionibus diverſis, mediiſque plus minuſve re⯑ſiſtentibus, haec omnia conſtant ſine calculatione motus abſoluti. Uti vel ex eo patet quod, quum ſecundum illorum principia qui motum abſolutum inducunt, nullo ſymptomate ſcire liceat, utrum integra rerum compages quieſcat, an moveatur uniformiter in directum, perſpicuum ſit motum ab⯑ſolutum nullius corporis cognoſci pſſe.

66. Ex dictis patet ad veram motus naturam perſpiciendam ſummopere juvaturum: 1^o. Diſtin⯑guere inter hypotheſes mathematicas & naturas rerum. 2^o. Cavere ab abſtractionibus. 3^o. Con⯑fiderare motum tanquam aliquid ſenſible, vel ſal⯑tem imaginabile: menſuriſque relativis eſſe con⯑tentos. Quae ſi fecerimus, ſimul clariſſima quae⯑que philoſophiae mechanicae theoremata, quibus referantur naturae receſſus, mundique ſyſtema cal⯑culis humanis ſubjicitur, manebunt intemerata: et motus contemplatio à mille minutiis, ſubtilitatibus, ideiſque abſtractis libera evadet. Atque haec de natura motûs dicta ſufficiant.

67. Reſtat, ut diſſeramus de cauſa communica⯑tionis motuum. Eſſe autem vim impreſſam in corpus mobile, cauſam motus in eo plerique exiſti⯑mant. Veruntamen, illos non aſſignare cauſam motus cognitam, & à corpore motuque diſtinctam, ex praemiſſis conſtat. Patet inſuper vim non eſſe rem certam & determinatam, ex eo quod viri ſum⯑mi de illa multùm diverſa, immo contraria, profe⯑rant, ſalva tamen in conſequentiis veritate. Si⯑quidem Newtonus ait vim impreſſam conſiſtere in [265] actione ſola, eſſeque actionem exercitam in corpus ad ſtatum ejus mutandum, nec poſt actionem ma⯑nere. Torricellius cumulum quendam ſive aggre⯑gatum virium impreſſarum per percuſſionem in corpus mobile recipi, ibidemque manere atque im⯑petum conſtituere contendit. Idem fere Borellus aliique praedicant. At vero, tametſi inter ſe pug⯑nare videantur Newtonus & Torricellius, nihilo⯑minus, quum dum ſinguli ſibi conſentanea profe⯑runt, res ſatis commodè ab utriſque explicatur. Quippe vires omnes corporibus attributae, tam ſunt hypotheſes mathematicae quam vires atrtactivae in planetis & ſole. Caeterùm entia mathematica in rerum natura ſtabilem eſſentiam non habent: pen⯑dent autem à notione definientis: unde eadem res diverſimodè explicari poteſt.

68. Statuamus motum novum in corpore per⯑cuſſo conſervari, ſive per vim inſitam, qua corpus quodlibet perſeverat in ſtatu ſuo, vel motus, vel quietis uniformis in directum: ſive per vim im⯑preſſam, durante percuſſione in corpus percuſſum receptam ibidemque permanentem, idem erit quoad rem, differentia exiſtente in nominibus tantùm. Similiter, ubi mobile percutiens perdit, & percuſ⯑ſum acquirit motum, parum refert diſputate, utrum motus acquiſitus ſit idem numero cum motu per⯑dito, ducit enim in minutias metaphyſicas, & prorſus nominales de identitate. Itaque ſive di⯑camus motum tranſire à percutiente in percuſſum, ſive in percuſſo motum de novo generari, deſtrui autem in percutiente, res eodem recidit. Utro⯑bique intelligitur unum corpus motum perdere, al⯑terum acquirere, & praeterea nihil.

69. Mentem, quae agitat & continet univerſam hancce molem corpoream, eſtque cauſa vera effi⯑ciens motus, eandem eſſe, propriè & ſtrictè lo⯑quendo, cauſam communicationis ejuſdem haud [266] negaverim. In philoſophiâ tamen phyſicâ, cauſas & ſolutiones phaenomenôn à principiis mechanicis petere oportet. Phyſicè igitur res explicatur non aſſignando ejus cauſam verè agentem & incorpo⯑ream, ſed demonſtrando ejus connexionem cum principiis mechanicis: cujuſmodi eſt illud, actio⯑nem & reactionem eſſe ſemper contrarias & aequales, à quo, tanquam fonte & principio primario, eruuntur regulae de motuum communicatione, quae à neo⯑tericis, magno ſcientiarum bono, jam ante repertae ſunt & demonſtratae.

70. Nobis ſatis fuerit, ſi innuamus principium illud alio modo declarari potuiſſe. Nam ſi vera rerum natura, potius quam abſtracta matheſis ſpec⯑tetur, videbitur rectius dici, in attractione vel percuſſione paſſionem corporum, quam actionem, eſſe utrobique aequalem. Exempli gratia, lapis fune equo alligatus tantum trahitur verſus equum, quantum equus verſus lapidem: corpus etiam mo⯑tum in aliud quieſcens impactum, patitur eandem mutationem cum corpore quieſcente. Et quoad effectum realem, percutiens eſt item percuſſum, percuſſumque percutiens. Mutatio autem illa eſt utrobique, tam in corpore equi quam in lapide, tam in moto quam in quieſcente, paſſio mera. Eſſe autem vim, virtutem, aut actionem corpoream talium effectuum verè & propriè cauſatricem non conſtat. Corpus motum in quieſcens impingitur, loquimur tamen activè, dicentes illud hoc impel⯑lere: nec abſurdè in mechanicis, ubi ideae mathe⯑maticae potius quam verae rerum naturae ſpectantur.

71. In phyſica, ſenſus & experientia, quae ad effectus apparentes ſolummodo pertingunt, locum habent; in mechanica, notiones abſtractae mathe⯑maticorum admittuntur. In philoſophia prima ſeu metaphyſica agitur de rebus incorporeis, de cauſis, veritate, & exiſtentia rerum. Phyſicus ſeries ſive [267] ſucceſſiones rerum ſenſibilium contemplatur, qui⯑bus legibus connectuntur, & quo ordine, quid praecedit tanquam cauſa, quid ſequitur tanquam effectus animadvertens. Atque hac ratione dici⯑mus corpus motum eſſe cauſam motûs in altero, vel ei motum imprimere, trahere etiam, aut im⯑pellere. Quo ſenſu cauſae ſecundae corporeae in⯑telligi debent, nullâ ratione habità verae ſedis virium, vel potentiarum actricum, aut cauſae realis cui inſunt. Porro, dici poſſunt cauſae vel principia mechanica, ultra corpus, figuram, motum, etiam axiomata ſcientiae mechanicae primaria, tanquam cauſae con⯑ſequentium ſpectata.

72. Cauſae verè activae meditatione tantum, & ratiocinio è tenebris erui quibus involvuntur poſ⯑ſunt, & aliquatenus cognoſci. Spectat autem ad philoſophiam primam, ſeu metaphyſicam, de iis agere. Quod ſi cuique ſcientiae provincia ſua tri⯑buatur, limites aſſignentur, principia & objecta ac⯑curatè diſtinguantur, quae ad ſingulas pertinent, tractare licuerit majore, cum facilitate, tum per⯑ſpicuitate.