CHAP. V. Of the People, their Cuſtoms and Manners.

ONE of thoſe things, that have been thought moſt incredible and contradictory, by Europeans, is the prodigious population of China. Amiot, who has been at great pains to inveſtigate this point, ſays, it contains, at preſent, two hundred millions of inhabitants. This enormous population, may appear aſtoniſhing, but were we to weigh the proofs, and follow the reaſoning of this [13] miſſionary, we ſhould find his account no way ex⯑agerated.

And as it is proved, by facts, that the population of Chi⯑na, for a long time paſt, has been progreſſively increaſ⯑ing, and 28 years has elapſed ſince the laſt numeration, may we not ſuppoſe that this empire contains, at preſent, not leſs than 200,000,000? Of courſe, it muſt be allow⯑ed, that no ſovereign in the univerſe, commands ſo many people, united in the ſame ſociety, and governed by the ſame laws. And what can ſuch an inexhauſtable increaſe of people, in that remote corner of Aſia, be owing to? No preciſe anſwer can be given to this queſtion; but the following, are the moſt apparent cauſes. The vaſt extent of cultivation, is one great phyſical cauſe; and this is ſeconded, and aſſiſted by the influence of the fol⯑lowing, moral and political inſtitutions. 1. The ſtrict ob⯑ſervance of filial duty, and the privileges of a father, which makes a ſon his beſt and ſafeſt property. 2. The infamy attached to the memory of thoſe who die with⯑out poſterity. 3. That univerſal cuſtom that makes the marriage of children the principal concern of parents. [14] 4. The honours beſtowed, by government, on thoſe wi⯑dows that do not enter a ſecond time into the ſtate of matrimony. 5. Frequent adoptions, which prevent the extinction of families. 6. The return of wealth to its original ſtock, by diſinheriting of daughters. 7. The re⯑tirement of wives, which renders them more attentive to their huſbands, ſaves them from a number of accidents when with child, and conſtrains them to employ them⯑ſelves in the care of their children. 8. The marriage of the ſoldiers. 9. The fixed rate of taxes, which being always laid on lands, never fall but indirectly on the trader and mechanic. 10. The ſmall number of ſailors and travellers. To theſe may be added, the great num⯑ber of people who reſide in China, only by intervals; the profound peace the empire enjoys; the frugal and labo⯑rious manner in which the opulent live; the little atten⯑tion that is paid to the vain and ridiculous prejudice of not marrying below one's rank; the ancient policy of diſtinction to men, not to families, by attaching nobility only to employments and talents, without ſuffering it to become hereditary; and, laſtly, decency of public man⯑ners, and a total ignorance of ſcandalous intrigues, and ruinous gallantry.

In ſo large a country, it cannot be expected, but that the complexions and features, if not the ſtature of the diſtant inhabitants, muſt vary. If it is not difficult to diſtinguiſh a north from a ſouth Briton, or an Engliſh⯑man from a Frenchman; how much more diſtinguiſha⯑ble [15] muſt the people of the North of China be, from thoſe of the South, who are 30 degrees of latitude diſtant from each other? Therefore, when ſome authors ſay they are fair, and others tawny, they may both ſpeak truth, but ſpeak of different provinces. However, it ſeems to be admitted by moſt writers, that the major part of the Chineſe (for the Tartars we have already deſcribed) are ſquat, well-ſet men, with broad faces, black hair, ſmall, dark eyes, ſhort noſes and thin beards, which they wear long, on the bottom of the chin and upper lips, but pull it from their cheeks with tweezers. The gentry and the literati, ſuffer the nails of their left-hand to grow two or three inches longer than their fingers, to diſtinguiſh them from mechanics.

The Chineſe admire one that is tall and fat, a little above the common ſize; and if he has a broad forehead, little eyes, a ſhort noſe, great ears, a little mouth, and a long beard, he is conſidered as a complete beauty. Their ears are univerſally long, broad, dangling, thick, open, and ſoft, with little or no border, and of a ſubſtance ra⯑ther fleſhy than cartilaginous. A loud voice, eſpecially in a magiſtrate; is alſo, with them, a fine accompliſh⯑ment. The women, who are kept up, and not expoſed to the ſun, are fair enough, and, excepting their little eyes, and ſhort noſes, may view hour Europ [...]n beau⯑ties, and their exceſſive modeſty adds much to their charms; their fore-heads are large, their eye-brows ſmall and well arched, their eyes black, but almoſt hid with [16] the lid; their mouths little, with plump, vermilion lips; their cheeks and chin of a fine ſymmetry, the neck ſmall, arms long and ſlender, and pretty, ſmall hands; the nails of their fingers are never pared, but kept very clean, ſo that they are more than two inches long, to ſhew that they are not employed in ſervile work. But what is moſt remarkable, is their little feet, in which their principal beauty is thought to lie. And to give and preſerve their beauty, great pains is taken to keep them as ſmall as when they firſt came into the world. Scarcely is a girl born, but the nurſe binds up her feet ſo right, that they cannot grow; and this torture muſt be endured, until the feet has naturally done growing. Owing to this, a Chi⯑neſe woman rather drags herſelf along, than walks,; but a ſmall foot is, to her, ſo great an ornament, that ſhe thinks ſhe cannot pay too dear for it; and her feet, of courſe, are no larger than thoſe of a child of three years old. Some attribute this cuſtom to jealouſy, whilſt others conſider it as a political expedient to keep them at home, and in a ſtate of dependence. Indeed, a Chineſe woman is condemned to an almoſt, perpetual impriſon⯑ment in her apartment, and to be viſible to none but her huſband, and a few domeſtics; and yet ſhe will employ as much time every day, as an Engliſh beauty who wiſhes to ſhine at a ball or an opera.

In cities, the dreſs of the Chineſe, is agreeable to the gravity they affect, and almoſt the ſame among people of both claſſes (for there are but two, gentry and people in [17] trade), and both ſexes: but certain, acceſſary ornaments diſtinguiſh the rank of th [...]ſe that wear them, and thoſe inſignia being regulated by government, ſevere chaſtiſe⯑ment would be the conſequence, to any one who ſhould preſume to put on a dreſs not authoriſed.

The general dreſs conſiſts of a long veſt, which folds over the breaſt, and reaches to the ground. It is faſtened on the right ſ [...]de, by four or five, gold or ſilver buttons; the ſleeves are wide at the ſhoulders, growing narrower to the wriſt, where they terminate in form of a horſe⯑ſhoe, covering the whole hand, and leaving the ends of the fingers only to be ſeen. The veſt is tied round the waiſt, with a ſi [...]k ſaſh, the ends of which reach to the knees. From this girdle, hangs a knife in a ſheath, with a pair of chopſticks, which they uſe as forks. In ſum⯑mer, their necks are bare, but in winter, and cold wea⯑ther, they cover them with a ſatin cape, ſewed to their veſt, and edged with fur; and the veſt itſelf is alſo trim⯑med with ſheepſkin, or quilted with ſilk and cotton. People of rank line theirs with ſable, or the fineſt fox-ſkins trimmed with ſable, and, in ſpring, with ermine. Over this veſt, they wear alſo a kind of ſurtout, that reaches to the waiſt, with wide, ſhort ſleeves, ending at the elbow. This is alſo, in cold weather, lined with fur.

Under this veſt, both men and women wear wide, ſhort ſhirts, of different kinds of cloth, according to the ſeaſon, rather made like a waiſtcoat that folds over the [18] boſom, and with cloſe, narrow ſleeves, faſtened at the wriſt: they wear alſo, a pair of drawers of the ſame; over theſe, a pair of trowſers, made of linen, ſilk, or ſatin, and lined occaſionally with furs, as they can afford. Under the ſhirt, ſome wear a ſilk net, to prevent it ſticking to the ſkin. People of condition, never go out but in boots, generally made of quilted ſatin, ſilk, or cotton, but always dyed of ſome colour. Theſe boots have neither heel nor top, they are made to fit the foot with great exactneſs,, and ſlippers worn over them. When they ride, theſe boots are made of leather, but ſoft and pliable. Under their boots, they wear boot-ſtockings, of quilted ſtuff, lined with cotton, reaching above the top of the boot, and ornamented with a vel⯑ver or ſilk border. In ſummer, theſe ſtockings are made of cooler materials. The foot of the boot is like the leg; of courſe, ſlippers muſt be neceſſary, which have good ſubſtantial ſoles.

The dreſs of a villager differs from that worn by thoſe who live in towns, in the ſame proportion as in other countries. It conſiſts of a coarſe, linen frock, over which is thrown a cotton veſt, that reaches to the middle of the thigh. He has a pair of large drawers, that reach to his ancle. His wooden ſhoes terminate, at the toe, in a ſharp point, and are turned backwards.

Le Comte ſays, Perſons of condition will often, at home, and among their friends, uſe a freedom not com⯑mendable, that is ſtripping themſelves quite naked, ex⯑cept a pair of thin, tranſparent drawers; and that this is the more ſurpriſing, as they condemn all nakedneſs in pictures. Nay, he ſays, the vulgar, in the ſouthern pro⯑vinces, will tranſgreſs all bounds of modeſty in this re⯑ſpect, and watermen and workmen will go abroad, in the public ſtreets, without either cap, ſtockings, or ſhirt; by which they are much tanned and ſwarthy.

In thoſe paintings which we have of the Chineſe, they appear to be bald; they are not ſo naturally. That ſmall portion of hair, which they preſerve on the tops of their heads, or behind, is all that is allowed by cuſtom: it is generally very long, and plaited into a tail. In ſummer, they cover their heads with a cap, formed like an inverted [20] funnel, or a bell, which does not reach to their ears. Theſe are made with rattan, or cane, very prettily wrought, and lined with ſatin, with a tuft of deep red hair, on the point, at top, which ſpreads over it, and covers it to the brim. This hair is that which grows between the legs of a certain ſpecies of cow, very fine, and takes any colour readily. Any one may wear this. Some will have, on the top of this cap, a button of amber, or glaſs, which glitters, and the hair-fringe, flowing in the wind, has a pretty effect. In winter, theſe caps are made of pluſh, turned up with fur; and being very ſhallow, are tied under the chin, with a ſtring. The winter-caps of the gentry, will, from the value of the fur, coſt, ſome⯑times ten or twelve pounds ſterling. When they ride, in bad weather, their ſurtouts, caps, and veſts, are made of green, oiled ſkin.

There is another cap, which mandarins, and the lite⯑rati have only a right to wear, made in the form above, but lined with red ſatin, and covered with white; with red, ſilk fringe flowing from the top, inſtead of hair.

When they viſit any perſon of quality, or go abroad, they wear a long ſilk, gown, generally blue; over which they have a black, or violet-coloured cloak, that almoſt touches their knees, made very wide, with wide and ſhort ſleeves.

[21]The colour of their mourning is white, among all claſſes; the whole dreſs white. In the firſt months of mourning for parentss, their habit is a kind of linen bag, of a bright red, and as coarſe as packing-cloth; the girdle of cord, and the cap of hempen cloth; but this is ſucceeded by the uniform, white dreſs.

A ſon has no right to wear mourning whilſt his father and mother lives; but, when he mourns for them, it muſt continue three years: and after this triennial mourn⯑ing is out, his dreſs, ever after, muſt be of one colour. Silks and furs are forbidden to children, and the firſt cap they wear, is preſented them by law, as to time of wear⯑ing, and is placed on their heads by the maſter of the ceremonies, who addreſſes them in the following words. ‘Conſider that you now receive the dreſs of thoſe who have attained to maturity, and that you ceaſe to be children: renounce, therefore, all childiſh thoughts and inclinations, aſſume a grave and ſerious deport⯑ment, apply yourſelf cloſely to the ſtudy of virtue and wiſdom, and endeavour to merit a long and happy life.’ The Chineſe give a kind of importance to every thing that can inſpire youth with a taſte for morality, and a love of good order. It might be uſeful to ſociety to re⯑mind men, at certain epochs of their lives, of the new duties impoſed on them by each ſucceſſive change: but by uniting the ſolemnity of a public ceremony to this in⯑ſtruction, is certainly the way to make a greater im⯑preſſion, and imprint it longer on the memory.

[22]In ſhort, the law has regulated every thing, with re⯑ſpect to dreſs, and even fixed the colours that diſtinguiſh the different ranks. Emperors and princes of the blood alone, wear yellow. Certain mandarins are entitled to wear red ſatin, on days of ceremony; but, at other times, they are cloathed in black, blue, or violet. Pea⯑cock's feather, in their caps, are alſo badges of diſtinc⯑tion; but none wear more than one, except the Empe⯑ror, and ſame few grandees, who wear two. The com⯑mon people are confined to blue, or black, and the dreſs is compoſed always of plain, cotton cloth.

I ſhall not enlarge ſo much on the female dreſs, which ſeems, in ſhape and form, to have been dictated by mo⯑deſty, and ſeconded by jealouſy. Their robes are cloſe at top, reach to the chin, and ſo long, as to cover their toes; in ſhape like a powdering gown. The ſlevees, if not held up, would hang down to the ground; of courſe, their hands are ſeldom ſeen. A Chineſe woman con⯑ceals every thing but her face. As to colour of dreſs, this is arbitrary. Women in advanced life generally wear black, or violet-coloured.

Young women ſeem to be acquainted with paint, at leaſt ſuch paint as gives a bloom to their cheeks, and ſets off the delicacy of their complexions. It is not like Eu⯑ropean paint, except making the face ſoon appear wrinkled.

[23]There general head-dreſs conſiſts in the arrangement of their hair, forming it into a variety of curls, inter⯑ſperſed with ſmall tufts of gold or ſilver flowers. Some make part of it up into a roll, faſten it with ſilver bod⯑kins, and let the reſt flow down the neck in ringlets. In cold weather, in Peking, they wrap it round with a kind of black hood. Du Halde ſays, ſome ornament their heads with the figure of a fabulous bird, of which antiqui⯑ty has related many wonderful things. This bird is made of copper, or ſilver, gilt, according to the rank of thoſe who wear it; its wings extended, lie pretty cloſe to their head-dreſs before, embracing the upper part of their temples, while its long, ſpreading tail forms a kind of plume on the top of the head. Its body is di⯑rectly over the forehead, and the neck and tail hang down; but the former, being joined to the body by an inviſible ſwivel, plays freely about, and moves with the leaſt motion of the head. The whole bird adheres to the head by its claws, which are fixed in the hair. Ladies of the firſt rank, ſometimes wear an ornament compoſed of ſeveral of theſe birds, united together, form⯑ing a kind of crown. The workmanſhip alone of this or⯑nament is very expenſive. (See the Plate of Chineſe Muſic.)

Young ladies wear alſo, a kind of crown, made of paſteboard, covered with fine ſtuff, or ſilk; the fore-part of which riſes in a point above the forehead, and is co⯑vered with pearls, diamonds and other coſtly ornaments. The reſt of the head is decorated with flowers, either na⯑tural [24] or artificial, among which are interſper [...]d, ſmall, d [...]d [...].

[...] l [...]dies wrap their heads round with a piece of fine ſilk, [...] Engliſh ladies do theirs with broad ribband, for a [...] head-dreſs.

The Tartar Ladies dreſs ſomewhat different from the Chineſe. Their robes are equally long, and cloſe at the neck; [...] one does not reach ſo low as totally to [...]. They wear on their breaſts, a kind of very large [...], and on their head, a hat, much like thoſe [...] l [...]die [...], but l [...]ſs ornamented, and put on more behind. They are often ſeen with a long pipe in their hands, with the uſe of which they are well ac⯑quainted.

The Chin [...]ſe are far from being whimſical or ſuperſtitious in their d [...]; they not only eat all kinds of fleſh, fiſh, and f [...], as Europeans do; but horſe-fleſh is in great eſteem [...] dog, cats, ſnakes, frogs, or [...] of vermin, refuſed; but rice, roots, [...], and [...] a [...] the common food; fleſh and [...], with rice mixed. Salt and pepper are never brought to table, all meat being ſeaſoned in the dreſſing. They eat their fleſh boiled, fried, and broiled; but before it is ſerved up, it is cut into little, ſquare pieces, like d [...]. They uſe neither cloth, napkins, knives, ſpoon, or fork, but two, little, round, ebony ſticks, called [25] chop-ſticks; ſometimes tipped at the ends with ſilver, with which they take up their meat very dextrouſly; and, for their rice and broth, they hold the cup to their mouths, and lade it in with their chop-ſticks. Contrary to all eaſtern cuſtoms, where perſons ſit croſs-legged on the floor at meals, they uſe high chairs and tables. Al⯑moſt every one has a ſmall, lacquered table to himſelf, at an entertainment, on which he ſets his meat and rice, in little, china diſhes or ſaucers, and ſometimes in plates.

Tea is their principal liquor; wine they have none, though the country abounds in fine grapes; neither do they brew beer from barley, but diſtill ſtrong liquors from rice and wheat. Cold water they never drink, their water being generally bad, and not fit to be drank, until boiled and corrected, by the infuſion of herbs, or mixed with ſpirits.

The two principal ſtrong liquors our ſeamen mention, who go that voyage, are Hockſhue and Samſhue. The firſt is of the colour of brown beer, but very clear and ſtrong; ſaid to be an infuſion of wheat, in ſcalding hot water, and taſtes more like mum than beer. Samſhue is a ſpirit diſtilled from rice, a kind of arrack, and either of a pale or reddiſh colour, and is what ſome travellers have called wine. As to their tea, it is a beverage our ſailors leave to the natives, which they drink without ſu⯑gar. In the morning, a large, tin veſſel is made full of it, to ſerve the family for that day. This tin veſſel is [26] covered very cloſe, and put into another veſſel of wood, which keeps the tea warm all day, and is drawn off into cups by a cock. When company is in the houſe, every perſon has a cup, with a cloſe cover, ſet before him, and tea of ſuch kind or quantity as the perſon pleaſes, is put into it; after which, a perſon attends with a ſaucepan of boiling water to pour into each cup.

Theſe people generally eat their meat cold, but drink their liquor hot; and ſo much ceremony is uſed at their entertainments, that it muſt very much leſſen the plea⯑ſure of eating and drinking; and the ceremonial of the invitation is no leſs complex and troubleſome, than that of the entertainment. An invitation is not ſup⯑poſed to be given with ſincerity, until it has been re⯑newed three or four times in writing. A card is ſent on the evening before, another in the morning of the ap⯑pointed day, and a third when every thing is prepared, and nothing to be done but to ſit down to table. The maſter of the houſe always introduces his gueſts into the hall, where he ſalutes them, one after another. He then orders wine made from rice to be brought to him, in a ſmall cup made of ſilver, porcelain, or ſome precious wood, and placed on a ſmall, varniſhed ſalver. He takes this in both hands, makes a bow to all the ſurrounding com⯑pany, advances towards the fore-part of the hall, which generally looks into a large court, and raiſing his eyes and the cup towards heaven, pours out the wine on [27] the ground, in imitation of the well-known libations of antiquity.

This done, he pours freſh wine into his cup, makes a bow to the moſt conſiderable perſon preſent, and places [...] the table ſet apart for that gueſt, who, in re⯑ [...]n, [...] for a cup of wine, and advances to place it on the [...] for the maſter of the feaſt, who en⯑deavours to prevent him, and makes a thouſand apolo⯑gies, according to the rules of Chineſe politeneſs. At theſe feaſts, each perſon has a table for himſelf, and the maſter's table is below all the reſt.

A ſuperior domeſtic, or maitre d'hotel, conducts the chief gueſt to an elbow chair, covered with rich, flowered ſilk, who, after ſome apologies for taking the firſt ſeat, ſits down. The reſt of the company follow his example, and ſit without aſking, in order to abridge the ceremony. The principal place is always given to perſons of greateſt age and dignity, and to a ſtranger before all others, though younger, and of an inferior rank.

The tables are ranged in two lines, with a large ſpace left between them. Scarcely are the company ſeated, but four or five comedians, richly dreſſed (I am ſpeaking of great entertainments), enter the hall; who all bow to⯑gether, ſo low, that their heads touch the ground four times: after this, one of them preſents to the principal gueſt, a lift of the pieces they are able to perform extem⯑pore. [28] The liſt is handed round, and again returned to him, and he then [...] on the piece. The repreſenta⯑tion begins with the [...] of [...], covered with buffa⯑lo's hide, and the ſound of flutes, fifes, trumpets, and ſome other inſtruments, uſed by the Chineſe only, and which would, perhaps, little pleaſe a European.

The hall-floor ſerves the comedians for a ſtage, which, on theſe occaſion, diſcovered with a carpet. The actors, about to perform, are placed in ſome of the adjoining apartments, from which they come forth, when they are to ſpeak; and the gueſts preſent are the only ſpectators. But it is uſual for the maſter of the houſe to admit a cer⯑tain number of people into the court, to be partakers of the amuſement: even women are indulged with a ſight alſo, through a ſmall wi [...]ket, made of interwoven bam⯑boos, covered with a ſilk net, through which they can ſee without being ſeen. The ſubject of the plays are generally the hiſtory of ſome ſaint or hero.

The Chineſe begin theſe repaſts with drinking, and it muſt be always pure wine, ſuch as I have before men⯑tioned, and the Maitre d'hotel, falling down on one knee, invites the gueſts to take a cup. Each then lays hold, with both hands, of that which is placed before him, lifts it as high as his forehead, then lowers it below the table, and afterwards put, it to his mouth. They all drink to⯑gether very ſlowly, and at three or four draughts; the maſter inducing them to drink the whole, by ſhewing [29] them the bottom of his cup, that he has done ſo. If any one don't care to drink, it is neceſſary that he ſhould go through all the motions, and hold his cup to his head, as long as the reſt.

It is whilſt they are drinking, always, that the domeſ⯑tics remove the diſhes from the table, and bring in others. Every perſon has 24 diſhes, in ſucceſſion, ſerved up to him, all of which are fat, and in the form of ra⯑gouts. They never begin to eat, until the maſter leads the way, and ſo through every freſh diſh. When the maſter of the feaſt gives the ſignal, their two chopſticks are taken up, and flouriſhed; they then ſtrike the diſh with them, and carry them to their mouths, all in regular, uniform motion, as if they were exerciſing. They are to take as much care as poſſible, that their mouths all move toge⯑ther; for to be before-hand, or make the reſt wait, is a piece of rudeneſs. When they have thus taken two or three mouthfuls of a diſh, the ſignal is given by the maſ⯑ter, and they all lay down their arms. After this they drink as before.

During this buſineſs, ſays Le Comte, they never ſpeak and will be ſilent at table three or four hours, for they continue eating till tea is introduced; after which they riſe, take a turn or two in the garden or houſe, and then return to the dining-room, where they find a deſert of ſweetmeats. This deſert, like the dinner, conſiſts of 24 different things; preſerved fruits, hams and ſallad, ducks [30] dried in the ſun, with ſheil and other kinds of ſmall fiſh. The ſame ceremonies are again attended to, but the larger cups of wine are brought; no perſon is, however, urged to drink more than he likes, provided all the mo⯑tions are gone through. Theſe entertainments begin at the cloſe of the day, and never end till midnight. As it was cuſtomary in England to give money to ſervants, ſo it is here; the quality of the entertainer date mines the ſum, and this little contribution is always carried to the maſter, who diſtributes it among his ſervants: but mo⯑ney is only given when the entertainment has been ac⯑companied with a comedy.

Each returns home in a chair, preceded by ſeveral perſons, who carry large lanth [...]rns of oiled paper, on which the quality, and ſome times the name of their maſter is inſcribed in large characters. Whoever ven⯑tures to go abroad, at ſuch an hour, without ſuch an at⯑tendance, would be ſtopped by the guard. The next day a card of thanks is returned to the officer of the watch.

The Chineſe have the ſecret of ſalting large quanti⯑ties of their fleſh in ſuch a manner, that it loſes nothing of its original flavour, they alſo ſalt their eggs, by co⯑vering them with a coat of clay, mixed with ſalt: and ſo ſalted they will keep for years. Were they ſteeped in brine, it would not penetrate through the pores of the ſhell; but obſervation has taught the Chineſe that clay [31] alone, impregnated with ſalt has this property. Theſe ſalted eggs are very wholeſome, and even ſick perſons are permitted to eat them.

We have already ſaid, that all their diſhes are in the form of ragouts, but all very different in taſte, highly ſeaſoned, and much leſs expenſive than ours. French cooks, ſays Du Halde, who have refined upon every thing that can awaken and excite the appetite, would be much ſurpriſed to ſee that the Chineſe have carried the powers of invention, with reſpect to ragouts, much far⯑ther than they, and at a much ſmaller expence. Spices and ſtrong herbs, combined in different proportions, pro⯑duce this variety.

Of all the diſhes ſerved up at the entertainments of the great, none are more eſteemed than ſtag's ſinews, and the neſts of a particular ſpecies of birds. The former they dry in the ſun, afterwards cover them with nutmeg and pepper, and ſhut them in a cloſe veſſel for uſe. When they dreſs them, they ſteep them in rice-water, to ſoften them, ſtew them in kid-broth, and ſeaſon them with a variety of ſpices.

The neſts are procured from the rocks, and are made by a bird ſomething like our ſwallows, and in the ſame way; not with clay, but ſmall fiſhes, which they have the art of cementing together with a kind of ſcum, that is found floating on the ſurface of the ſea. Theſe neſts [32] are torn from the rocks as ſoon as the young ones have taken flight; whole barks are loaded with them, and they become a very profitable branch of commerce, for the in⯑habitants of thoſe places. The property of this food, is to give an agreeable reliſh to whatever is mixed with it.

The inhabitants of the ſouthern provinces feed more on rice than wheat, though there is abundance of the lat⯑ter in the country: they make it into ſmall loaves, and bake them in leſs than a quarter of an hour, by holding them over the ſteam of boiling water; which makes them exceedingly ſoft and tender. They alſo make thin cakes of wheat, mixed with herbs, that is very pleaſant to the taſte.

Their wine has no reſemblance to ours, as to taſte or quality. It is made from rice, by ſleeping and boiling it: and they diſtil a ſpirit from the fleſh of ſheep. The Chineſe are naturally ſober. Citizens in eaſy circum⯑ſtances, live chiefly upon pork, eating it every day; but this meat is eaſier of digeſtion, and more agreeable to the taſte than ours. Chineſe hams are in great eſtimation.

The ceremonies of the Chineſe are part of their con⯑ſ [...]itution. Every man is obliged to obſerve them. Even tradeſmen, ſervants, ſeamen, and huſbandmen have their reſpective forms aſſigned them, which the ſtate conceives tend much to their civilization; and that the frequent uſe of the many, outward condeſcenſions and mild ex⯑preſſions [33] enjoined by government, and the ſeeming af⯑fection they are taught to expreſs for one another, tends to promote peace and order, and produce mutual good-will; and that the forbearance of ſcurrilous and provok⯑ing language, prevents many quarrels. Oaths and ob⯑ſcene diſcourſe are never heard among them.

But the ceremonies of the Chineſe depend more upon poſitive laws than cuſtom. The law has regulated every thing on this head. Every one, from the higheſt man⯑darin, to the humbleſt individual, is perfectly acquainted with the titles he muſt give to others, and what is due to himſelf; the honours and compliments he can accept, and thoſe which he ought to pay. In China there are no diſputes about rank or precedency. Every one knows his ſituation, and, as among our people of quality, take the lead according to their rank.

A viſit in China, is a buſineſs of great ſolemnity, re⯑quiring formal preliminaries, which Europeans are un⯑acquainted with. Familiar friends viſit without much ceremony, but for all others there is a form preſcribed. Viſits from the inhabitants of any city to a governor, are always attended with preſents. As ſoon as the viſitors reach the hall where the governor gives audience, they all range themſelves in a line, make a profound reve⯑rence on his coming in, throw themſelves on their knees, and bend their heads even to the earth, unleſs raiſed up by the governor, which is generally done. Sometimes [34] the moſt conſiderable among them takes a cup of wine, in both hands, and preſents it to the governor, pronounc⯑ing aloud, by way of prayer, To-ſiou! that is, Behold the wine which brings happineſs! or Cheou-tſiou! Behold the wine that brings length of days! After him, another advances with ſweetmeats, preſenting them with, "Be⯑hold the ſugar of long-life!" Others repeat the ſame ceremonies three times, with the ſame wiſhes. When a governor has any way diſtinguiſhed himſelf, the literati of his diſtrict, cauſe a dreſs to be made for him, com⯑poſed of ſquare pieces of different coloured ſatin, and preſent to him on his birth-day, amidſt the ſound of ſe⯑veral muſical inſtruments, and puts it over him. This veſtment is worn but once, but preſerved in his family as a badge of diſtinction, and is made up of ſo many dif⯑ferent colours, to repreſent different nations, and to in⯑form the mandarin he is worthy of ruling them all.

A viſit to a ſuperior is always made before dinner, be⯑fore the viſitor has taſted wine; the ſmell of ſuch a thing would be a groſs affront; but if a viſit is returned the ſame day, it may be after dinner. No perſon can pay a viſit without previouſly ſending a card to the porter of the perſon the viſit is to be made to. This card is of red paper, ornamented with flowers and folded like a ſcreen, the viſitor's name is written in one of the folds, and many reſpectful expreſſions in the other. If the viſit is to an intimate friend, or perſon of ordinary rank, the Tie tſée, or viſiting-card, is only a leaf of plain paper; [35] if the perſon ſent to is in mourning, a leaf of black paper. Sometimes theſe viſits, as in England, are made and re⯑turned, by merely ſending the card.

When the viſitor arrives at the houſe of a ſuperior, he is introduced into the hall by a couple of ſervants, who hold an umbrella and their maſter's fan, inclined to each other, ſo as to form a ſcreen, behind which the vi⯑ſitor ſtands, concealed likewiſe behind a large fan, which an attendant of his own holds up before him, and theſe barriers are not removed until the viſitor has advanced near enough to the maſter if the houſe to ſalute him, who never moves from his chair. If the perſon viſited be much the inferior, he goes out into the ſtreet to conduct the ſtranger in, they bow low to each other as ſoon as they meet, and a ſet of ſhort compliments are preſcribed; one knows what he is to ſay, the other what to anſwer: at every door, they halt and bow, and diſpute who ſhall enter firſt. But few expreſſions are uſed on this occa⯑ſion: one ſays Tſin, which is, Pray walk in; the other, Pau can, It muſt not be. This being repeated four or five times, the ſtranger ſuffers himſelf to be overcome, and goes to the next room-door, where the ſame ceremo⯑ny is repeated.

When the viſitor, or viſitors are all entered, then com⯑mence all thoſe formalities, which are ſo minutely pointed out in the Chineſe book of ceremonies. This book de⯑termines the number of ſalutations to be made, by bend⯑ing [36] the head towards the breaſt, the complimentary ex⯑preſſions that muſt be uſed, the reciprocal bendings of the knee that each muſt make, the ſteps to be taken to the right or left, and the manner of preſenting the right hand. All this gone through, they bow to the chairs, duſt them with their great ſleeves, and, after a quarter of an hour's grimace, ſeat themſelves oppoſite to each other. They are obliged to ſit upright, without leaning, with down-caſt looks, their hands ſtretched out on their knees and their feet even: they are to look grave and compoſed, and not be too talkative. ſometimes not a word is ſaid but the preſcribed compliments, which are ſpoken with all imaginary ſubmiſſion, and always in the third perſon; as, "The favour your lordſhip has done one ſo much beneath him, lays his ſervant under the higheſt obligations." "Permit the ſervant to offer his lord this curioſity, which his poor country affords." They never ſay I or you, but your ſervant, or your ſcholar, and the Doctor, or my Lord, ſaid this; not you ſaid it, you did it. Such familiar expreſſions would be rude and vul⯑gar. They ſeldom fatigue themſelves with talking: in⯑deed, they affect ſo much gravity, and ſay ſo little in com⯑pany, that they reſemble ſtatues, or figures placed in chairs, for ornament. One miſſionary avers, that a man⯑darin paid him a viſit, and did not open his mouth the whole time he was with him. But to return:

A little time after, as many cups of tea are brought in, as there are perſons preſent; and the manner of taking [37] up the cup, conveying it to the mouth, and returning it to the ſervant, form ſo many articles of this book of ce⯑remonies, and are always performed with the moſt rigid minuteneſs and punctuality. Ambaſſadors are allowed maſters of the ceremonies, to inſtruct them 40 days be⯑fore they are admitted to an audience, that they may not commit blunders; and many of the Chineſe will be of⯑fended, even with ſtrangers, if they omit to fawn and cringe, according to the rules preſcribed.

The ceremonies at departure are equally formal. The maſter of the ceremonies conducts you to your chair, waits till you are taken up, and bids you adieu. In ſalut⯑ing each other, they never uncover their heads. To be bare-headed, they conſider as indecent; and in con⯑formity to this national cuſtom, the Pope thought fit to diſpenſe with the converts appearing, in the chriſtian churches in China, bare-headed. The uſe of pearls is forbidden in China, and if any preſents are ſent, and not accepted, as is often the caſe, they are always returned, with a note of thanks, and Pi-fie, that is, "Theſe are pearls; I dare not touch them." Or, if ſome are kept, and others returned, it is with Yu-pi, or, "With regard to the reſt, they are valuable pearls."

When a ſtranger is about to take horſe, after a viſit, and return home, this cannot be effected without great ceremony, for he will not be ſo rude as to mount before the maſter of the houſe; who, on the contrary, urges [38] him to it. The ſtranger then proteſts, that the world ſhall be turned upſide down, before he will be ſo rude. The maſter rather ſuffers this, retires out of ſight, and, when his viſitor is ſeated in his ſaddle, returns, and bids him adieu. And when the ſtranger is gone a little way, a ſervant is diſpatched after him, to wiſh him a good journey.

Epiſtolary correſpondence, even among private friends, is always attended with eſtabliſhed ceremonies, which are more complicated. If a letter is written to a perſon of rank, it is then neceſſary to uſe a piece of white paper, with ten or twelve folds; the letter muſt begin in the ſe⯑cond, and the ſignature be written in the laſt. Even the characters uſed, differ according to circumſtances. The ſmaller they are, the more reſpectful. The ſtyle, the words uſed, and the diſtance uſed between the lines, are alſo to be ſuited to the rank of the perſon wrote to. Two ſeals muſt be affixed to the letter, one over the ſignature, and the other over the beginning. When written, ſuch letter is folded in a cover, ornamented with flowers, as is now adopted in France. In this is written, Nay-han, "The letter is within;" and this put into another cover, directed, cloſed, and ſealed at both ends, with the words Hou fong, "ſecured and ſealed."

The form of ſalutation in China, even among perſons of moderate rank, is much leſs expeditious than ours. A common ſalute conſiſts in joining both hands together [39] before the breaſt, moving them in an affectionate man⯑ner, bending the head a little, and ſaying, reciprocally, Tſin-Tſin, pronounced Chin-chin, a complimentary word, ſomething like your humble ſervant, but which means no humility. When a perſon meets one of ſuperior rank, he joins his hands by locking the fingers together, raiſes them above the forehead, and afterwards, brings them down towards the earth, making a profound bow with the whole body. When two friends meet, after a long ab⯑ſence, they both fall on their knees oppoſite to each other, bend their bodies to the earth, then raiſe them up, and repeat the ſame two or three times. At an ordinary in⯑terview, the common phraſe is, "How d'ye do? And the anſwer is, Cao-lao-ye-hung-fo, "Well; thanks to your abundant felicity." When they ſee a man in good health, the firſt addreſs is, Yung-fo, that is, "Proſperity is painted in your looks;" or, "You have a happy coun⯑tenance."

When two mandarins of royal rank meet in the ſtreet, in their chairs, each joins his hands as before, lowers them down, and then raiſes them to his forehead, and repeats this till they are out of each other's ſight. But if one of the two be of higher rank than the other, the latter orders his chair to ſtop; or, if he is on horſeback he diſmounts, and makes a profound bow to his ſupe⯑rior. I have ſeen this with gentlemen in England, and the ſame compliment paid by a gentleman to a lady. In a word, politeneſs in China is as general in villages as in [40] towns, and being eſtabliſhed by law, is attended with as little ſincerity [...]n one as the other. When a perſon pays his obedience to the Emperor, he falls on his knees, and then throws himſelf proſtrate on the ground, after the Aſiatic manner, as is repreſented in the plate of the Chineſe ſepulchre.

CHAP. VI. Their Cuſtoms and Manners continued.

I WILL now ſpeak of their amuſements. As the Chineſe generally employ their hours in the duties of ſociety, they have little inclination or time for amuſe⯑ments. Being naturally a grave people, they ſeldom aſ⯑ſume an air of gaiety, but in conformity to cuſtom. They have no public theatres. Their comedians and tragedi⯑ans are merely ſtrollers, that go about from houſe to houſe, performing for thoſe who are able to pay them.

But plays are ſometimes performed in the public ſtreets, on open ſcaffolds, and in half a dozen ſtreets at a time. Theſe actors are richly dreſſed, have a large ward⯑robe, and great variety. On each ſide of the ſtages are ſcreens, but they have no painted ſcenes. When they act in the ſtreets, they are paid by the inhabitants of that ſtreet; when they act in temples, as ſometimes they do, [41] they are paid by the members of that temple. No wo⯑men appearing on the ſtage, female parts are performed by boys, or young men of an effeminate caſt. Some companies of players conſiſt of young men from 20 to 40 years of age: theſe the Chineſe eſteem moſt; but Europeans admire thoſe between 12 and 18. Their tra⯑gic actors ſeem to act with great propriety, ſo as to af⯑fect the paſſions of a European ſpectator, though he is ignorant of th [...] language. It is the plea of inculcating virtue and ridiculing vice, that induces the ſtate to ſuffer them to perform.

The whole ſtreets are ſo filled on theſe occaſions, with a pleaſed and an attentive crowd, that there is no paſſing. When an actor plays his part well, he is always encored. Plays are generally concluded with tumbling, fighting, or combating with giants or wild beaſts, or elſe with ſome humourous poſtures, antic feats and expreſſions, which create a laugh.

Gaming, and every diverſion that tends to promote or encourage idleneſs, is abſolutely forbidden to young people; but there are inſtances of grown perſons who have followed it ſo immoderately, that they have played away their eſtates, wives, and children; any of which they will ſometimes hazard on a card, or the ſingle caſt of a die; but, in general, they are ignorant of all games at China.

[42]The Chineſe call cheſs the game of the elephant, and ſay, they had it from the Indians, about 537. Young maidens are here taught cheſs, and it is reckoned a part of their education, holding the ſame place as dancing does with us.

Cock-fighting is a favourite diverſion, and hunting, which the gentry of England endeavour to confine to themſelves, is free to every one in China. Such perſons as wiſh to enjoy the diverſion alone, ſhut up a quantity of game in parks for the purpoſe.

When the Emperor goes a hunting, he ſelects 30,000 of his life-guards, who are armed with darts and javelins. Theſe he diſpoſes in ſuch a manner, that they quite ſur⯑round a very large extent of ground, upon the mountains. The guards thus poſted, form a large circle, marching nearer to each other with an equal pace, taking care not to quit their ranks; the circle is thus reduced to a much ſmaller one, and the beaſts incloſed by the great circle, are taken in the ſmaller one, as in a net; for now, the guards alighting from their horſes, keep ſo very cloſe to each other, that not the ſmalleſt out-let is left for any wild-beaſt to eſcape. The animals, in this ſmall circle, are hunted ſo cloſe, that the poor creatures, quite ſpent, come and fall down at the feet of the hunters, and are thus taken with eaſe. Sometimes they will thus take two or 300 hares, and a prodigious number of wolves and foxes.

[43]Once a year the Emperor goes into Tartary to hunt, and, at theſe times, often meets with tygers, which are the fierceſt animals they have; but, fierce as they are, when they find themſelves encloſed by a circle of hunters, they ſeem to be ſtruck with a kind of terror, at the ſight of ſuch a number of enemies, all ready to direct the points of their lances againſt them. Far from imitating the ſtag and other animals, which ſo hemmed in, run up and down without ceaſing, and try every means to eſcape, the tyger ſquats down, and endures for a long time, with⯑out moving, the barking of the dogs, which are let looſe upon him; but afterwards, excited, either by exceſs of rage, or the neceſſity of defending himſelf, he darts for⯑ward with prodigious leaps, and incredible rapidity, to ſome particular part, which he has fixed on, and attacks the hunters on that part; but they receive him with the points of their lances, and plunge them into his belly, at the moment he is preparing to ſeize ſome one of them.

Strangers are aſtoniſhed to ſee the boldneſs and intre⯑pidity ſhewn by the Tartar horſes, when they meet with any of theſe tygers. They, at firſt, appear frighted at the horrid cries of thoſe terrible animals, but become inſenſibly accuſtomed to hear and ſee them, and their maſters take great pains to inure them to this kind of hunting. The metal of ſuch a horſe, I have already de⯑ſcribed at a bear-chace. See the Plate, vol. 4, p. 186.

[44]Fiſhery is conſidered rather as an object of commerce than amuſement. But the ſoldiers have a method of fiſhing with a bow and arrow. The arrow being fixed to the bow by a ſtring, is ſhot: if they hit their mark, the ſtring enables them to draw the fiſh to them; if not, it prevents the arrow from being loſt.

The Chineſe can enjoy no amuſements but thoſe au⯑thoriſed by law reſpecting ceremonies. Their annual, pub⯑lic entertainments are eſtabliſhed by cuſtom, in every city of the third claſs, and the law has determined what degree of people ſhall be admitted to them. They muſt be either graduate doctors of unſpotted reputation, man⯑darins of law or arms, who have retired from public life; aged heads of families, or citizens diſtinguiſhed for pro⯑bity and virtue.. This inſtitution is principally intended to preſerve that mutual regard and friendſhip which is too often forgot in other countries. Theſe entertainments conſiſt of eating and drinking and muſic, and are a kind of love-feaſts, regulated in the minuteſt manner, by a mandarin, acording to an eſtabliſhed ceremony. At theſe aſſemblies, ſome articles of the law are read, and the preſident adds, in the name, and by order of the Emperor, words to this effect. ‘If we have been aſ⯑ſembled here to this ſolemn feſtival, it is not ſo much for the pleaſure of eating and drinking, as to encou⯑rage us to ſhew fidelity to our prince, piety to our parents, affection to our brothers and ſiſters, eſteem for our elders, reſpect for our relations, an attachment [45] our friends, and a deſire to promote peace and concord among our fellow-citizens and neighbours.’ And the airs which are ſung, and the muſic which accompanies them, all tend to the ſame end; to harmonize and con⯑ciliate univerſal benevolence and affection. Such a ban⯑quet may be truly called, a feaſt of love, an aſſembly of inſtruction!

We have already ſeen in what manner the Emperor of China celebrates the vernal feſtival. This is cele⯑brated on the ſame day, throughout the empire, in a way ſomewhat different, but tending to the ſame end; name⯑ly, the encouragement of moral labour and induſtry. In the morning, the governor of every city, comes forth from his palace, crowned with a chaplet of flowers, and enters his chair, in which he is carried, preceded by muſic, and a number of ſtandard-bearers, lighted flam⯑beaux, &c. ſurrounded and followed by ſeveral litters, covered with ſilk carpets, on which are effigies of ſome illuſtrious perſons who have encouraged huſbandry; or ſome hiſtorical painting, on the ſame ſubject. The houſes are hung with carpeting; triumphal arches are erected at certain diſtances; lantherns every where diſplay⯑ed, and all the houſes illuminated. A figure, made of baked earth, repreſenting a cow, richly cloathed, with gilt horns, is alſo carried in proceſſion; and, ſo large, that 40 men ſometimes can ſcarce ſupport it. A child, with one foot naked, and the other ſhod, called, the "Spirit of labour and diligence," follows, driving on the image [46] with a rod. Labourers, with all the implements of huſbandry, march behind; and a troop of comedians, and people maſked, whoſe groteſque appearance and at⯑titudes afford much entertainment to the populace, bring up the rear.

The governor thus advances to the eaſtern gate, as if he intended to meet the ſpring; and then returns to his palace, in the ſame order. After this, the cow is ſtrip⯑ped of her ornaments, and a great number of earthen calves are taken from her belly, which are diſtributed among the crowd. The cow herſelf is broken into pieces, and diſtributed in like manner; and the whole is concluded with a ſpeech from the governor, in praiſe of agriculture, and an exhortation to the people, not to neg⯑lect ſo uſeful and valuable an art.

They have two other feſtivals, celebrated at a pro⯑digious expence: one at the commencement of the year, which they call, "Taking leave of the old year; and, the other, on the 15th of the firſt month, called, "The feaſt of lantherns." At theſe times all buſineſs is ſtop⯑ped, and the tribunals are ſhut up throughout the em⯑pire. At the concluſion of the old year alſo, all buſineſs, whether private or public, is ſuſpended; preſents are given and received; inferior mandarins go and pay their reſpects to their ſuperiors; children to their parents, and ſervants to their maſters; all dreſſed in their beſt attire: ſomething ſimilar to the viſits paid in France, on new-year's [47] day. All the family aſſemble in the evening, and partake of a grand repaſt; but no ſtranger is admitted, not one of their neareſt relations, from a ſuperſtitious opinion, that they may rob the family of that good for⯑tune which deſcends on the houſe, with the firſt moment of the new year: but, on the next and following days, they give lively demonſtrations of extraordinary joy. Every ſhop is ſhut; feaſting and carouſing is univerſal; every one appears in his beſt dreſs; viſits are made to re⯑lations and friends; plays are acted; the whole empire is is in motion, and nothing goes forward but mirth and rejoicing.

On the feaſt of lantherns, every place throughout the empire is ſo illuminated, that if one could take a view of it from ſome high place, all the country would ſeem in a blaze. The feſtival begins on the 13th in the even⯑ing, and is continued to the 17th. Every perſon, both in city and country, on the ſea-coaſt, and on the rivers, light up painted lantherns, of ſeveral faſhions and ſizes; even the pooreſt families hang them up in their court⯑yards, and at their windows. The wealthy will expend 10 or 15£. Engliſh, on this occaſion; and the chief mandarins, the viceroys, and Emperor, will ſpend two or three hundred.

It is a ſpectacle to all the cities; people flock there from all parts, and the gates of the city are left open every evening to receive them.

[48]Theſe lantherns are very large, ſome ſquare, ſome ſexagon, and ſome octagon; the frame wood, and co⯑vered with tranſparent ſilk, on which is painted flowers, animals and human figures; others are round, and made of a blue, tranſparent kind of horn. Many lamps, and wax candles, are put into theſe lantherns; to the corner of each are fixed ſtreamers of ſatin and ſilk, of different colours, and a curious piece of carved work is placed over its top.

Some of the large lantherns exhibit moving figures, in imitation of the Ombres Chinoiſes, or Chineſe ſhades, that have been ſhewn in London. People, who lie con⯑cealed, by means of imperceptible threads, put the figures in motion; and we ſee horſes galloping, ſhips ſailing, ar⯑mies marching, groupes dancing, and a variety of ſpec⯑tacles that amuſe and divert the people. Some accom⯑pany theſe moving figures with droll expreſſions, that ſeem to proceed from the ſhades on the lanthern: others, carry about ſerpents and dragons, 60 or 80 feet long, illuminated within from the head to the tail, and have the art of making them twiſt themſelves in different forms, like real ſerpents.

But that which adds new and additional ſplendor to this feſtival, are the various fire-works the Chineſe are cele⯑brated for. Magailens ſays, that he was ſurpriſed at one of theſe exhibitions, where an arbor of vines, with red grapes, was repreſented, and the arbor burnt without being [49] conſumed. The red grapes, the green leaves, and the colour of the wood, was ſo naturally repreſented, that any perſon might have taken them for real. But their excel⯑lence in this art may be better judged, from a deſcription of one that was exhibited by the late Emperor, Chang-hi, for the diverſion of the court. The fire-works began with half-a-dozen large cylinders planted in the ground, which formed in the air, ſo many ſtreams of flames, riſing to the height of 12 feet, and falling in ſhowers of golden fire. This was followed by a covered box, ſup⯑ported by two pillars, which threw up a ſhower of fire; with ſeveral lantherns, and ſentences written in large cha⯑racters of burning ſulphur, and afterwards, ſix branched candleſticks, forming pillars, with different tiers of ſilver-coloured lights, ranged in circles, ſo brilliant, as to convert night into day. At laſt, the Emperor ſet fire himſelf to one of the works, that was inſtantly communicated to all ſides of the place, which was 80 feet long and 50 broad. The fire reached ſeveral poles and painted figures, from whence proceeded a prodigious multitude of ſky-rockets, and at the ſame time, a num⯑ber of lantherns and branched candleſticks were lighted in every place. The Engliſh artiſts, in artificial fire, have reached this excellence; and will light many thouſand lamps, almoſt at one and the ſame time, by means of quick-match, which is a ſtring of cotton, loaded with gun⯑powder, and encloſed in paper pipes, communicating with every lamp.

[50]The Chineſe endeavour to render every public cere⯑mony as grand and ſtriking as poſſible. A viceroy never quits his palace, or travels, but with a pomp truly royal. His common ſuite conſiſts of 100 men: he is then dreſſed in his official robes, and carried in a ſumptuous, gilt chair, on the ſhoulders of eight domeſtics, preceded by guards, and two drummers, beating on copper baſons. Eight others carry ſtandards of varniſhed wood, on which are inſcribed, in large characters, all his titles of honour. Theſe are followed with 14 flags, ſymbols of his office; ſix officers, bearing boards, with inſcriptions of gold, de⯑claring the good qualities of the viceroy; and two, carry⯑ing a triple umbrella, of yellow ſilk, and its cover. Two archers, on horſeback, precede the firſt body of guards; the latter are followed by others, armed. Behind theſe, are two other parties of ſoldiers; ſome carrying large maces, ſome iron ſpikes, and others huge hammers; and others again, behind them, bearing battle-axes, of different kinds. After theſe, proceed another party of ſoldiers, differently armed, with triple-pointed ſpears, bows and ar⯑rows, and followed by two men, bearing the viceroy's ſeal, in a kind of box. Then come two other drummers, announcing his approach, followed by two officers, with plumes of feathers, and two others, bearing maces of gilt dragons; next, a number of magiſtrates and officers of juſtice, in ſilk ſcarfs, with whips, chains, and hangers. Two ſtandard-bearers command this party, which imme⯑diately precedes the governor. Pages and footmen ſur⯑round his chair; and an officer attends him, carrying a [51] large fan, in form of a ſcreen; and a number of guards, officers, and domeſtics, bearing various neceſſaries for his uſe, bring up the rear.

If he marches in the night, large, beautiful lantherns are carried before him; on the tranſparent part of which, his quality, titles, &c. are written in large characters, to tell the public who is coming; that paſſengers may ſtop, and ſuch as are ſitting, riſe up with reſpect. Whoever omits this obeiſance, is ſure to be baſtinadoed.

But, when the Emperor goes forth on any public oc⯑caſion, the following is the proceſſion.

Twenty-four drummers, two and two.

Twenty-four trumpeters, two and two; their trumpets three feet long, and eight inches diameter, at the lower end; made of the wood Ou-tong-chu, and ornamented with rings of gold: their ſhape is ſomething like a bell.

Twenty-four men bearing ſticks, varniſhed green, ſe⯑ven feet long, and decorated with gilt foliage.

One hundred ſoldiers, armed with halberts, the points of which terminate in a creſcent.

One hundred mace-bearers, with lances varniſhed red, interſperſed with flowers, and gilt at the ends.

Four hundred large beautiful lantherns of elegant workmanſhip, borne by as many men, and containing each a flambeaux, made of a wood which burns long, and gives a great light.

[52]Two hundred men, ſome carrying lances, ornamented with tufts of different coloured ſilks, and others tails of foxes, panthers, and other animals.

Twenty-four banners, on which are painted the ſigns of the zodiac, which the Chineſe divide into 24 parts.

Fifty-ſix other banners, repreſenting different cluſters of ſtars, according to their arrangement in the heavens.

Two hundred fans, ſupported by long, gilded poles, with the figures of different animals painted on them.

The Emperor, ſuperbly dreſſed, on a beautiful horſe, richly capariſoned; and a ſuperb umbrella, of a prodigious ſize, held over him, that covers both him and his horſe, and ſhelters them from the ſun: 100 lance-bearers; pages of the bed-chamber, and 10 valets each, with a led horſe, ſurround the monarch, the bridles and ſaddles or⯑namented with gold and precious ſtones.

All the princes of the blood, nobility, chief mandarins, and ſtate-officers, two and two, in their habits of ce⯑remony.

Five hundred young gentlemen belonging to the pa⯑lace, richly dreſſed.

A thouſand footmen, in red robes, interſperſed with flowers and ſtars, embroidered in gold and ſilver.

An open chair, carried by 36 men, and guarded by 50.

A large chair, but ſhut, carried by 120 men, and guarded by 50.

Five large chariots, one after the other, drawn by ele⯑phants, and guarded by 50 men.

[53]Two ditto drawn by horſes, richly capariſoned; alike guarded.

Two thouſand mandarins of letters.

Two thouſand mandarins of arms.

European ſovereigns have been attended by many thou⯑ſands of perſons, but never by 2000 literati among the number.

Chineſe horſes are not only beautiful, but their harneſs is magnificent; the bits and the ſtirrups being either ſilver, or gilt. The ſaddle is very rich, and the reins are made of ſtitched ſatin, two fingers broad. From the upper part of the cheſt, hang two large tufts of fine, red hair, ſuch as their caps are covered with, and theſe tufts are ſuſpended by iron rings, gilt or ſilvered. When the grandees ride out, they are always preceded and followed by a great number of horſemen, who form their retinue, without reckoning their domeſtics, and who, according to the quality of their maſters, are cloathed in black ſatin, or dyed callico.

Their chairs are a kind of ſedan, like ours, made of bamboo, but have no glaſs. Thoſe in which the ladies are carried, are always provided with a lattice, or blind. to prevent their ſeeing, or being ſeen. A piece of wood is placed a-croſs, from the end of one pole to the other, which the chairmen lay upon their ſhoulders. Their carriages are ſomething like our jocky-carts, drawn by two, [54] or more horſes, a-breaſt, and conducted by a driver on foot, except when they travel expeditiouſly; in which caſe, the driver rides in the carriage, and conducts the horſes with reins, the carriage being wide enough to hold two. Theſe carriages have only two wheels, ſome but one in the center underneath, are open, with an um⯑brella fixed behind; but thoſe in which ladies are car⯑ried, are covered and cloſe ſhut, with lattice-doors in front, and a curtain to drop down before them, when they pleaſe. [See the plate, Chineſe.]

If a mandarine travels by water, they are furniſhed with barks, at the Emperor's expence. Theſe are equal, in ſize, to a third-rate man of war, and beautiful in the ex⯑treme, being painted and gilt, and japanned within and without. Barks, moſt in uſe, are about 16 feet broad, 24 long, and nine in depth, from the neck.

Beſides the maſter's cabin, who has his family with him, a kitchen, two large rooms, one before and the other behind, there is a hall, about ſix or ſeven feet high, and eleven broad; alſo, an anti-chamber, and two or three other rooms, for the mandarin; all on the ſame deck. The inſide is japanned red and white, with plenty of carved work, paintings and gildings on the cieling and ſides. The tables and chairs are japanned, red and black. The deck is ſurrounded with galleries, ſo that the ſailors can paſs and repaſs, without incommoding the paſſengers. This apartment is covered with a platform, or terrace, [55] open on all ſides, ſet apart for muſic. Underneath is the hold, for the baggage, ſails, &c.

The bark that carries the chief mandarin, is always followed by others, among which is one laden with pro⯑viſions: this carries the kitchen, the eatables, and the cooks: another is full of ſoldiers; and a third, lighter than the reſt, is diſpatched before, to clear the way, and pre⯑pare things where they are to ſtop. Theſe barks have a certain number of rowers, relieved by others; at the diſtance of every league, are from five to ten centinels placed, ſo that, if there is occaſion, ſignals can be given from one to another, by fires, or pieces of artillery. Theſe ſoldiers ſtand all of a row on the bank, as the mandarin paſſes; one of them bears an enſign diſplayed, the others are under arms.

Every time they caſt anchor, as they do in the even⯑ing, or when they leave it in the morning, the corps de garde ſalutes the mandarin with a diſcharge of great guns, to which the trumpets reply with ſeveral flouriſhes. At night, lantherns are lighted at the head and ſtern, and the maſt is ſtrung with them. When theſe are lighted, the captain of the guard on ſhore, ſtands with his company oppoſite the bark; and having ſaluted the mandarin, retires leaving a centinel, who rattles a pair of bamboo caſtinets all night, to declare he is ſtill on the watch. This cen⯑tinel is relieved hourly.

CHAP. VII. Their Way of Travelling.

HAVING ſpoken of their travelling by canals, it remains only to ſpeak of their roads, &c.

The ſecurity of travellers, and an eaſy mode of con⯑veyance for paſſengers and merchandiſe, are objects to which the Chineſe have paid particular attention; and, the manner in which the public roads are managed, greatly contribute to the former.

Like the Romans heretofore, they throw up highways, from one end of the kingdom to the other. Through the low grounds, they raiſe cauſe-ways to a great heighth, and, in ſome places, pave them; cut paſſages through rocks and mountains, to make the ways as level as poſ⯑ſible, and ſhorten the diſtance. The high road cut out acroſs the mountains, to Si-ngan-fou, the capital of Chen-ſi, is the moſt remarkable thing in this country. The road was made by an army, in the courſe of a mi⯑litary expedition. Mountains are levelled, and bridges conſtructed, reaching from one mountain to another; and, where the vallies are very wide, large pillars are erected, to ſupport theſe bridges, which, in ſome places, are ſo exceedingly high, that a traveller cannot look down from them without terror. They are wide enough [57] for four horſemen to ride a-breaſt, and are railed in on each ſide. Villages and inns, for the accommodation of paſſengers, have been built, at certain diſtances, on the road.

On the ſide of ſome mountains, which are perpendi⯑cular, and have no ſhelving, they have fixed large beams in them, and, on theſe beams, have made a ſort of bal⯑cony, without rails. Thoſe who are not uſed to them, travel over them with great fear; but, the people of the place, paſs them without concern.

The roads, in general, are very broad (25 or 26 yards), and, in all the ſouthern provinces, paved; but, on the paved ways, no horſe or carriage paſſes. They are, for the moſt part, bordered with very lofty trees; and ſome⯑times with walls, eight or ten feet high, to keep people out of the grounds. On all the great roads, covered ſeats are erected, at proper intervals, where a traveller may ſhelter himſelf from the inclemency of the weather, and exceſſive heat or cold. Temples and pagodas are alſo frequently to be met with, to which admittance is always granted in the day-time. Mandarins may continue in them as long as they pleaſe; are there received with marks of diſtinction, ſerved with attention, and are lodged, they and their whole retinue. Upon the road, ſays Mr. Bell, from the city of Siang-fou, are many turrets, called poſt-houſes, erected at certain diſtances, with a flag-ſtaff on each, on which is hoiſted the Imperial pendant. [58] Theſe places are guarded by ſoldiers, who run from poſt to poſt, with letters that concern the Emperor, with great ſpeed. As theſe turrets are within ſight of each other, any intelligence may be ſpeedily conveyed. It is thus the court is quickly apprized of any diſturbance in the re⯑moteſt places. Theſe turrets or towers, are ſquare, brick buildings, about 12 feet high, on the tops of which are watch-boxes and centinels. On the roads that conduct to court (for they are general on all roads) they are provided with large caſt-iron bells. The ſtated diſtance by law, between tower and tower, is half a French league, ſo that the roads are well guarded from robbers.

Every man who goes by armed, is obliged to give an account whence he came, where he is going, on what buſineſs, and muſt ſhew his paſs.

Adminiſtration have been at great pains to publiſh an itinerary of the whole Chineſe empire. This book, which is a directory for all travellers, takes in every road and canal, from the city of Peking to the remoteſt ex⯑tremities of China.

Poſt-houſes have been here eſtabliſhed, but they are not public; the couriers of the empire only have a right to uſe them, and officers diſpatched by the court, who are always attended by a guard; but, excepting regular poſts, travellers find no difficulty of getting their baggage tranſported from one place to another. In every city [59] there are a great number of porters aſſociated under a common chief, who regulates their prices and all their agreements; he receives their pay, and is reſponſible for all they carry. When porters are wanted (and porters carry every thing) he furniſhes as many as are neceſſary, gives the ſame number of tickets to the traveller, who returns one to each porter when he has delivered his load, and the porter, with this ticket, receives his pay of his chief, who has the money in advance.

This eſtabliſhment is ſettled by the general police of the empire. On all the great roads the traveller finds, in every city from which he is ſetting out, ſeveral offices of this kind, who have a correſpondence with the next he is to paſs. Before his departure, he carries to one of theſe offices, a liſt of ſuch things as he wiſhes to be conveyed, which is immediately entered in a book, and if he has occaſion for two or three hundred, he is immediately fur⯑niſhed. Every thing is weighed by their chief, and their price is five pence Engliſh for one day's carriage. An exact regiſter is kept in the office. The traveller pays the money in advance, and on his arrival at the next office, he finds his baggage carefully delivered.

Every mile and a half, wooden buildings, like tri⯑umphal arches, about 30 feet high, with three doors, over which is wrote, upon a large frize, in characters ſo large as may be read at a quarter of a mile diſtant, how [60] far it is from the town you left, and how far to the town you are going to, ſo that there is no need of guides.

It is the police alſo which regulates the cuſtom-houſes, for every thing here is on the Emperor's account. Chi⯑neſe cuſtom-houſe-officers are perhaps the civileſt in the world. They have no concern but with merchants, whom they do not oppreſs by rigorous exactions. Tra⯑vellers are not ſtoped here, as in other countries, till their baggage is examined, though the officers are authoriſed ſo to do, nor is the ſmalleſt ſee required.

As to the conveyance of letters, the royal poſt-maſter, for a little money, will favor the public, and carry letters from private perſons, at as little expence, and with as much expedition as in Europe.

As it is a matter of importance that the Emperor's orders be quickly tranſmitted, ſo is it great part of a mandarin's care to ſee that the roads be good; and the Emperor, who often travels about the country to keep the mandarins to this duty, ſpreading a report, that he means ſhortly to viſit this or that province; the gover⯑nors of thoſe provinces knowing this, ſpare neither charge nor pains to repair the roads; as not only their fortunes, but ſometimes their lives are at ſtake upon the ſtate of them.

[61]A governor once hanged himſelf through deſpair, leſt he ſhould not have time enough to repair the roads, through which he expected the Emperor to paſs to the capital city. Yet the Emperor never went the journey. But all their care will not keep them in very good order; the ſoil is ſo light, and being much beaten by travellers, the ſurface of them is ground ſo fine, that they are blown away by briſk winds, and the traveller is often obliged to wear a maſk before his eyes; through clouds of duſt he is frequently compelled to make his way, and ſwallow the ſand inſtead of air: ſo that in hot weather, and the wind in his face, ſcarce any but a native can withſtand it.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Genius and Temper of the People.

THE Chineſe have ever conſidered themſelves as ſomething ſuperior to the reſt of mankind, till the Europeans arrived among them, and to this day, though their ignorance is ſo notorious in the ſpeculative ſciences, and even in ſome mechanical arts, as for inſtance, in clock-work, architecture, and ſome others, they will have it, that they have one eye more than us.

But excluſive of their own overweening opinion of themſelves, they are poſſeſſed generally of a great many [62] good qualities, though they have ſome bad ones. They are a mild and affable people, polite even to exceſs; circumſpect in all their actions, weighing the conſe⯑quences of things before they attempt to carry them into execution: but more careful not to expoſe their prudence, than to preſerve their reputation.

Politeneſs is with them a principle of morality, and no ſort of men are excuſed from it; tradeſmen, ſervants, even countrymen, nay, footmen, will take their leave of each other on their knees; and farmers in their enter⯑tainments, uſe more compliments than we do. Even ſeamen, who, from their manner of living, and from the air they breathe, draw in a natural roughneſs, treat one another like brothers, and pay each other that deference, that one would think them united in the ſtricteſt bonds of friendſhip.

Very much propoſſeſſed with an opinion of their own importance, they are not ſenſible of their defects; and, from entertaining too high ideas of their own knowledge, they ſhut their eyes and run againſt inſtructions from others. Though ſuſpicious of ſtrangers, they are eager to take advantage of them, and notwithſtanding their boaſted politeneſs, and the equitable rules they pretend to be governed by; injuſtice is too often found in their courts, and much of the time, both of princes and people, taken up, as in Europe, with amorous intrigues; but they uſe ſuch caution to conceal their vices, that a ſtran⯑ger [63] would be apt to ſuppoſe every thing was well re⯑gulated.

Though the Chineſe are ſo jealous as not to ſuffer their wives to ſpeak in private, even to their own brothers, much leſs indulge them with the enjoyment of that free⯑dom, and thoſe public amuſements which, in Europe, is conſidered as gallantry and innocent pleaſure, yet there are huſbands who will be ſo complaiſant as to let their wives freely commit adultery: and which permiſſion, ſome women make a condition in their marriage-articles. Thoſe who, according to ſuch agreement, ſubmit to this practice (as there are a certain ſort of people that do), have no power to hinder debauchees from frequenting their houſes, and from making an ill uſe of the eaſineſs, or unruly paſſions of their wives. But ſuch families are abhorred by the Chineſe, who think ſo ill of them, that their children, though never ſo deſerving or intelligent, can never obtain any degree, or be employed in any honourable office.

They continually apply themſelves to diſcover the in⯑clinations, humours, and tempers, of thoſe they have any commerce with, and keep up a fair correſpondence, even with their greateſt enemies. When they have an intereſt to manage, no people know better how to in⯑ſinuate themſelves into the good opinion of others, or improve an opportunity when it offers to greater advan⯑tage; nor will they decline the moſt hazardous under⯑taking, [64] when they have any gain in view. Trade and commerce, ſays Le Compte, ſeem to be the ſoul of this people, and the ſpring of all their actions; nor do they much ſcruple impoſing on thoſe they deal with, of which many of them are ſo far from being aſhamed, that they will laugh at him whom they have bubbled. A fo⯑reigner is in great danger of being cheated, if he truſts to his own judgment; and if he employs a Chineſe factor, as is uſual, both factor and merchant will combine to de⯑ceive him. If the Chineſe would accompany labour and natural induſtry, with a little more honeſty, they would be complete merchants, but they ſeldom fail to cheat whenever it is in their power, and falſify almoſt every thing they ſell. Hogs are ſold alive by weight, and prior to their being weighed, they will make holes in their hide, beneath their bellies, and thruſt in flat pieces of lead to encreaſe their weight; and they counterfeit gam⯑mons of bacon ſo artfully, that people are often taken in; and when they have boiled them a long time, ſhall find nothing, when they ſit down to eat, but a piece of wood under a hog's ſkin.

Their ſubtlety in deception is ſtill more extraordinary in their thieves and robbers, who will break through the thickeſt walls, burn gates, and make great holes in them, by means of a certain engine, that fires the wood without any flame. Thus will they penetrate into the moſt pri⯑vate receſſes, and having with them a certain drug, the fume of which ſtupefies the ſenſes, and caſts perſons into a [65] deep ſleep, will enter the very bed-chambers unperceived, and, when the people awake in the morning, they are ſur⯑priſed to find their bed without curtains, their chamber unfurniſhed, and the tables, cabinets, coffers, and every thing removed, without any traces of the thieves, but the hole in the wall through which they entered, and carried off the effects.

But with all their diſhoneſty, there do not want in⯑ſtances of fair-dealing, and open, generous uſage, with a fidelity not to be corrupted.

Among their ill qualities, they are naturally litigious; and in China, as well as in ſome other countries, a man may, if he pleaſes, ruin himſelf by going to law. Great crimes are very uncommon among the Chineſe, but vices frequent; and the misfortune is this, the law neither ſearches after, nor puniſhes them, but when they offend againſt and violate public decency.

A Chineſe is vindictive, but he ſtudies to ſeek re⯑venge, not by violent means, or by duelling, which is prohibited; but by craftineſs, or ſtratagem, and conſe⯑quently, with impunity. Their revenge is ſecretly taken; and they will not only diſſemble their malice, but ſeem pa⯑tient, even to inſenſibility, till they have a favourable op⯑portunity to ſtrike home. For, however the Chineſe may excell in cunning, their courage is not very re⯑markable.

[66]But the Tartars, who, ſince their conqueſt of China have mixed with the Chineſe, and are of a very different ſtamp; though they adopted its cuſtoms, they have ſtill retained their original character; are obligingly liberal, an enemy to every kind of diſſimulation, and more deſirous of enjoying their fortune than encreaſing it. In all bu⯑ſineſs of the ſtate, a Tartar diſcovers a penetration, that leſſens the difficulty of what he undertakes; and, in af⯑fairs of ſmaller moment, he diſplays that expeditious ac⯑tivity, which may be juſtly called, the ſoul of buſineſs. In ſhort, they are ſuperior to the Chineſe, in almoſt every thing.

In giving this general character of the Chineſe, we have had an eye principally to the inhabitants of towns. In rural life, there is far more openneſs of temper, benevo⯑lence and friendſhip. A Chineſe peaſant often diſcovers moral qualities, which would add luſtre to the character of more exalted rank. However, it muſt, on the whole, he admitted, that China has produced great men of every kind, and taken from all claſſes. Altogether, the people, as at preſent, are, to every other nation on earth, the moſt curious monument that has been handed down to us, from the remoteſt antiquity.

There is one virtue, however, peculiar to this coun⯑try, in its univerſality and height to which it is carried, that muſt not be omitted, when we are ſpeaking of their natural diſpoſition; I mean their piety to their parents: [67] and it is a ſubject that muſt give every rational reader ſome pleaſure to dwell on, and almoſt atones for every other defect. It is inconceivable to what a degree of perfection this firſt principle of nature is here improved. There is no ſubmiſſion, no point of obedience, which a parent cannot command, or which a child can refuſe. They have ſuch a love, ſuch an obedience, ſuch a vene⯑ration for their parents, that neither the ſeverity of their treatment, the impertinence of old-age, or the meanneſs of their ſituation, even when their children have met with preferment, can ever efface.

Filial piety is ſo much honoured and reſpected in Chi⯑na, that no inſtance is known of a legiſlator's having been under the neceſſity of enforcing it by law. It is not only conſidered as a natural duty, but a point of religion; and a point that is obſerved with the greateſt ſtrictneſs and attention. This duty ſeems to be the main-ſpring and principal cauſe of the exiſtence of Chineſe govern⯑ment, as the amor patriae, or love of one's country was the baſis of the ancient republics; filial piety, in this em⯑pire is underſtood in a more extenſive ſenſe, than it gene⯑rally is in Europe. It's chief object here, is that ſubjects ſhould behave to their ſovereign as children; and the ſo⯑vereign protect his ſubject, as the common father of the nation.

[68]They have a kind of written code, reſpecting the duty of a child, the precepts of which have acquired the force of laws. I will ſelect ſome few paſſages from it.

"A ſon muſt honour his parents without any regard to their bad qualities; he muſt hide their faults, and con⯑ceal even his own knowledge of their defects; he is at li⯑berty, however, to remonſtrate with them on their con⯑duct three times, if he thinks it neceſſary; but if his ad⯑monitions are rejected, or not attended, he is to remain ſilent, venting his grief only in ſilence, and is to continue to ſerve them with the ſame reſpect and attention as before."

"A ſon muſt never quarrel with his father, or an old friend."

"He never ſpeaks of infirmities or old age in the pre⯑ſence of the authors of his exiſtence."

"He never goes abroad without acquainting his father, nor ever enters the houſe without going to ſalute him."

"He quits every engagement, and, without the leaſt delay, obeys the voice of his father when he calls."

"An ingenious youth equally avoids whatever may conceal or expoſe his talents, becauſe his reputation is not his own, but belongs to his parents."

"A ſon poſſeſſes no property of his own, during the life of his parents: he cannot even expoſe his life to ſave that of a friend."

"A ſon ought not to ſit any where on the ſame ſeat with his father; and when with his parents, liſtens always [69] to them when they addreſs him, and ſees them without being in their preſence."

"A well-diſpoſed youth, never viſits the friend of his father, but when invited; never retires, till he obtains per⯑miſſion, and ſpeaks only when he is ſpoken to."

"When a parent meets with any cauſe of diſcontent or ſorrow, a ſon neither pays nor receives viſits. Is either of them ſick, his concern appears in the negligence of his dreſs, the ſadneſs of his looks, and his embarraſſ⯑ment in ſpeaking."

"A ſon, who has loſt his father and mother, ever after renounces brilliancy of dreſs, and abſtains from wearing gaudy colours: his mourning is long and rigid, and part of it conſiſts in faſting."

The Emperor, on the death of his father, mourns three years, and never takes the helm of government in his hands, till the expiration of that time. Public buſi⯑neſs is conducted by a regency. The obſervance of this virtue is ſtrongly inculcated in all the public ſchools, and is that part of education firſt taught. The laws have al⯑ſo regulated, with the greateſt preciſion, the relative obli⯑gations between children and parents, huſbands and wives, uncles and nephews, &c. reſtraining on the one hand, by gentle chaſtiſement, and encouraging on the other, by flat⯑tering rewards. The father has the merit of every good action, which the ſon performs; and the Emperor grants, only to fathers, whether living or dead, thoſe marks of diſtinction which their ſons have merited.

[70]Nothing being more ſtrictly enjoined by the laws, than ſubmiſſion and obedience to parents; if a father charges his ſon with any crime before a magiſtrate, the ſon is ſup⯑poſed to be guilty: and if the offence is capital, ſhall loſe his life without any other evidence. Their reaſon⯑ing upon this matter is as follows. Who is better ac⯑quainted with a ſon's merits or demerits than his father, who has brought him up, and, for a long time, obſerved all his actions? Can any perſon have a greater love, or a more ſincere affection for him? If, therefore, he who knows his caſe exactly, and loves him tenderly, condemns him; how can a judge pronounce him innocent and guilt⯑leſs? And when it has been objected to them that ſome perſons have an in-bred diſlike to others; and that fa⯑thers, who are men an well as fathers, are capable of ſuch antipathies againſt their children; they anſwer, that men are not more unnatural than ſavage beaſts, the cruelleſt of which never deſtroy their young, through caprice. But, even ſuppoſing there were ſuch monſters among men, it is the part of children, by their modeſt deportment and ſweetneſs of temper, to tame and to ſoften them. In ſhort, ſay they, the love of their children is ſo deeply im⯑printed in the hearts of parents, that antipathy or diſlike can never eraſe it; unleſs provoked and enflamed by un⯑dutifulneſs, ſtubbornneſs, ingratitude and diſorderly con⯑ [...] of their children, in which caſe they are not fit to live.

If a ſon ſhall preſume to lay violent hands on a parent, [...] them, the whole country is alarmed, [71] and the judgment reſerved for the Emperor himſelf, The magiſtrates of the place are turned out of office, and all the neighbourhood threatened, as having given counte⯑nance to ſo infernal a temper; as a man could never have arrived, they think, at ſuch a degree of wretchedneſs at once; but muſt have diſcovered his diſpoſition on other occaſions, which they ſhould have taken care to correct. The criminal, in theſe caſes, is ſentenced to be cut into 10,000 pieces, and afterwards burnt; his houſes and lands deſtroyed, and even the houſes that ſtood near to his are eraſed, to remain as monuments of ſo deteſtable a crime.

Even the Emperors themſelves cannot reject the au⯑thority of their parents, without running the riſk of ſuf⯑fering for it. And their hiſtory relates a ſtory which will always make the affection which the Chineſe have for this duty, appear amiable. One of their Emperors had a mother who carried on a private intrigue with a nobleman of his court, and the public notice that was taken of it, obliged him, both for her own honour, and that of the empire, to ſhew his reſentment of it, ſo that he baniſhed her into a far, diſtant province; and becauſe he knew that his conduct, in ſo doing, would not be very acceptable to his princes and mandarins, he forbad them all, on pain of death, to give him any advice upon the ſubject. They were all ſilent for ſome time, hoping that he would, of himſelf, ſee his own error, and re-call her; [72] but not doing it, rather than ſuffer ſo pernicious a prece⯑dent, they reſolved to interfere in it.

The firſt who had the courage to put up a requeſt to the Emperor in this affair, was inſtantly put to death on the ſpot. This did not check the mandarins proceed⯑ings, for a day or two after, another made a ſecond at⯑tempt, and to ſhew the world that he was willing to ſa⯑crifice his life for the public good, ordered his hearſe to ſtand at the palace-gate. The Emperor, rather than af⯑fected at this noble action, was the more provoked: he not only ſentenced this man to die, but, to terrify all others from following his example, ordered him to be put to the torture. One would not ſurely have thought it prudent to hold out any longer; but the Chineſe were of another way of thinking, for they reſolved to fall one after another, rather than baſely paſs over in ſilence ſo bad an action.

A third, therefore, ſtood forth and devoted himſelf, He, like the ſecond, ordered his coffin to be ſet at the palace-gate, and proteſted to the Emperor, that he could not any longer ſee him perſiſt in his crime without re⯑monſtrating. ‘What ſhall we loſe by our death, ſays he, but the ſight of a prince, on whom we cannot look without amazement and horror? Since you will not hear us, we will go and ſeek out your anceſtors and thoſe of the Empreſs your mother, they will hear our complaints; and, perhaps in the darkneſs and ſilence [73] of the night, you may hear our ghoſts and theirs, re⯑proach you for your injuſtice.’

The Emperor, more enraged than ever, at this inſo⯑lence, as he called it, of his ſubjects, inflicted on this laſt man, the ſevereſt torments he could deviſe. Many others, encouraged by theſe examples, expoſed them⯑ſelves to torment, and did, in effect, die martyrs to filial duty. At laſt, this heroic conſtancy wearied out the Emperor's cruelty; and, whether he was afraid of more dangerous conſequences, or ſtood ſelf-condemned, as the father of his people, he repented of having put any of his children to death; and, as the ſon of the Empreſs, was troubled that he had ſo long miſuſed his mother. He, therefore, recalled her, reſtored her to her former dig⯑nities; and after this, the more he honoured her, the more was he himſelf honoured by his ſubjects.

Filial duty commences in families, and riſes, ſtep by ſtep, to the ſovereign, the common father, who ſurpaſſes even the meaneſt of his ſubjects, either in that kind of reverence which is due to anceſtors, or in his conduct to the Empreſs-mother, if ſhe ſurvives her huſband. No mother living, of whatever rank, is ſo highly honoured, and ſo publicly reſpected by a ſon.

On the firſt day of every year, acknowledgments of duty and reſpect are renewed in every family, and alſo in the Emperor's. As ſoon as the ſun riſes, all the manda⯑rins [74] of the different tribunals repair to the palace, dreſſed in their official robes; and the royal family and houſhold, with diſtinguiſhed badges, appear in their places. The Emperor, thus ſituated and accompanied, leaves his chamber to pay his reſpects to his mother, in an adjoin⯑ing apartment. He is carried there in his chair of ſtate, but quits it at the entrance of his mother's veſtibule, pre⯑ceded by a mandarin, the preſident of the tribunal of ceremonies, who, on entering her hall of audience, throws himſelf on his knees, and preſents a petition from the Emperor, requeſting her Imperial majeſty to receive on her throne, the humble marks of duty and affection which he is about to pay her. The mandarin-eunuch carries it to the Empreſs, in her inward apartment, and ſhe comes forth dreſſed in a habit of ceremony, followed by her whole court, and aſcends her throne. The Em⯑peror and his ſuite then approach, to the ſound of ſoft and tender muſic, and a mandarin cries out, kneel. Im⯑mediately the Emperor, princes, and all the mandarins, fall on their knees; and, on the mandarin's crying out, proſtrate yourſelves, throw themſelves on their faces. Af⯑ter nine proſtrations, all by word of command; the man⯑darin cries, riſe up, and they all riſe and ſtand erect. This done, a petition is preſented to the Emperor, from his mother, requeſting him to return to his own apart⯑ments. The muſic again plays, and the Emperor de⯑parts in the ſame manner he came. He is then followed in this ceremony, by the reigning Empreſs, and all the princeſſes and ladies of the imperial family, who proſtrate [75] themſelves before the Empreſs-mother, as he has done. The Emperor, on his return to his own hall of audience, receives the compliments of the nobility.

Beſides this public ceremony on new-year's day, the Emperor is obliged to viſit his mother every five days, all his life. And an Emperor newly proclaimed, cannot receive the homage of his grandees at court, till he has firſt paid his reſpects to his mother. He never takes a wife without her conſent, never beſtows any principalities on her children, or grants any favours to his people, with⯑out firſt conſulting her. In ſhort it is held, that the filial piety of the prince, doubles all the virtues of his ſubjects; that all villainy begins by diſobedience to parents; that every virtue is in danger when filial piety is attacked; that to praiſe a ſon is to boaſt; to blame a parent, is to throw a ſtain upon one's ſelf: and every thing which tends to promote filial piety, is a pillar to the ſtate; and every thing that wounds it, a public calamity.

CHAP. IX. Of their Marriages, Education, and Funerals.

THOUGH the Chineſe, in ſome particulars, bear an affinity with other nations, yet, in their man⯑ners and cuſtoms, they differ from every known coun⯑try in Europe. If mutual conſent is neceſſary to con⯑ſtitute a marriage, there is no ſuch thing as marriage in China. The parties never ſee each other till the bargain is concluded by the parents, and that is commonly when they are children; nor is the woman's conſent even de⯑manded afterwards. Girls may well be reckoned part of their father's treaſure, ſince the pooreſt man muſt purchaſe his wife, and no fortune is given with her.

When the Tartars, in the late war, took Nanking, there happened a circumſtance, which diverted the Chi⯑neſe, notwithſtanding all their misfortunes. Among the diſorders which the victors committed in that province, they endeavoured to ſeize on all the women they could, to make money of; and, when they took the chief city of that province, they carried all the women there, and ſhut them up together in the magazines, with other goods. But, as there were ſome of all ages and degrees of beauty, they reſolved to put them into ſacks, and carry them to market, and ſo ſell them to any one at a venture, ugly or handſome. There was the ſame price ſet upon [77] every one; and, for 16 or 18 ſhillings, take which you would, without opening it. After this manner the ſol⯑diers, who were ever inſolent in proſperity, ſhewed them⯑ſelves more barbarous, in the moſt polite city in the world, than they had been in the deſarts of Tartary.

On the day of ſale, there came buyers enough. Some came to recover, if haply they could, their wives or children, who were among theſe women; others were led there, through hopes that good luck would put a for⯑tune into their hands. In ſhort, the novelty of the thing, brought a great concourſe from the adjacent places. An ordinary fellow, who had but 12s. in the world, gave it, choſe a ſack, as did the reſt, and carried it off. When he was out of the crowd, whether through curioſity, or a deſire to relieve the perſon in the ſack, who complained, he could not forbear opening it. In it he found an old woman, whom age, grief, and ill-treatment, had de⯑formed to the higheſt degree. He was ſo confoundedly mad at it, that, to gratify his paſſion and rage, he was going to throw the old woman and ſack, together, into the river; when the good old gentlewoman ſaid to him, ‘Son, your lot is not ſo bad as you imagine; be of good cheer; you have made your fortune: take care only of my life, and I will make yours happier than ever it has been yet.’ Theſe words ſomewhat paci⯑fied him, and he carried her to a houſe hard by, where ſhe made him acquainted with her quality, and her eſtate. She belonged to a mandarin of note in the [78] neighbourhood, to whom ſhe immmediately wrote. He ſent her an equipage agreeable to her quality, and carried her deliverer along with her, and afterwards was ſo good a friend to him, that he had never reaſon to complain of the loſs of the two crowns he had laid out in the purchaſe of her.

The ſame matrons that negotiate a marriage, deter⯑mine the ſum that is to be paid for the bride: and if ſuch negotiators deceive the bridegroom in their accounts, re⯑ſpecting the figure and perſonal qualities of the lady, he is at liberty to refuſe her, on loſing the purchaſe-mo⯑ney, or paying a ſecond ſum equal to it.

The calendar is always conſulted for a lucky day to ſo⯑lemnize the nuptials; and, in the intermediate time, let⯑ters paſs between the young couple, preſents are ſent to and from the two families, and the bridegroom purchaſes ſome jewels for his bride; but the parties never ſee each other. On the day of marriage, the bride is locked in a cloſe ſedan, or cloſe palanquin, which laſt is a kind of couch, covered with cuſhions and a teſter, and car⯑ried by poles on men's ſhoulders: if, in a ſedan, the key is commited to the care of a truſty domeſtic, who is to deliver it to the bridegroom, and ſhe is carried to his houſe, preceded by a troop of muſicians, with fifes, drums, and hautboys, and followed by her family. Every thing that compoſes her portion is borne before and behind her, by different perſons of both ſexes, whilſt [79] others ſurround her, carrying lighted torches and flam⯑beaux. The bridegroom, richly dreſſed, waits her ar⯑rival at his gate, the key is given him, and, as ſoon as ſhe approaches, he eagerly opens the chair. If he is pleaſed with his bargain he receives her with great joy. If not, he ſometimes ſuddenly ſhuts to the chair, and returns her to her parents. The poor woman has no alternative, whether ſhe likes her huſband or not; if he likes her, ſhe muſt continue with him; if not, muſt go back: but if the bridegroom once receives her, the marriage is irre⯑vocable.

On quitting her chair, and entering the houſe, ſhe is followed by both their relations, and the new-married couple ſalute the god Tien in the hall, four times; and afterwards the parents of the bridegroom. The bride is then introduced to the women invited to the wedding, and, with them, partakes of an entertain⯑ment that ends only with the day. The men are alike entertained by the huſband; for in all Chineſe feaſts, men and women never eat and drink together, but the one ſex always apart from the other.

The proceſſion and entertainments are always in pro⯑portion to the rank of the parties; ſome are attended with more pomp than others, but all make the beſt ap⯑pearance they can.

[80]A Chineſe can only have one lawful wife, and this wife muſt be nearly of his own rank and age; but he may purchaſe as many concubines as he pleaſes, and receive them into his houſe, provided he enters into a contract to treat their daughters well. Theſe concubines, or wives of ſecond rank, are totally dependant on the lawful ſpouſe, and are expected to be always obedient to her orders. Their children are conſidered as hers, and they addreſs her only as mother: indeed, ſhe is given to underſtand, that her huſband hiring concubines, is merely to procure her a number of women to attend her, agreeable to the nations of antiquity, who eſtabliſhed this cuſtom in fa⯑vour of population. Some huſbands, deſirous of male iſſue, which perhaps they have not by their wives, will take a concubine from this motive only, and diſmiſs her when their wiſhes are accompliſhed, giving this concubine a permiſſion to marry, and often procuring a huſband for her themſelves.

When Le Compte obſerved to them the jealouſy and uneaſineſs a plurality of wives muſt needs occaſion, they replied, there was nothing but what had ſome inconve⯑niencies attending it, and they did not know but a man might have more vexation with one than with many: where there are ſeveral, ſome of them might probably be in humour, when others were out of temper; but where a man is confined to one, there is no relief, if ſhe proves ſullen or noiſy.

[81]On the death of the lawful wife, the concubines and their children mourn for her three years, and the huſband will then raiſe his favourite of theſe women, to the rank of lawful wife; on which occaſions, age and rank is diſ⯑penſed with, and all the ceremony I have before men⯑mentioned. The children of concubines have, however, a right to ſhare with the children of the lawful wife, in their paternal ſucceſſion.

Theſe concubines are almoſt all procured from the cities of Yang-tcheou and Sou-tcheou, where girls receive the firſt of educations, and are taught ſinging, dancing, muſic, and every other accompliſhment that can render them pleaſing and agreeable. Many are here purchaſed to be again diſpoſed of. Indeed this is the chief trade car⯑ried on in theſe two cities. The law of China permitted no perſon to keep concubines but the Emperor, the princes of the blood, and the mandarins: the monarch being allowed two, and each of the others one; but cuſ⯑tom has broken through this law. The Emperor has a ſeraglio of more than 500, many of the nobles have nu⯑merous collections of women, and every other man, as many as he pleaſes, or can afford.

As wives there are obtained only by purchaſe, men of the lower claſs, and not in opulent circumſtances are forced to content themſelves with one; and in this re⯑ſpect, the poor women in China have much the advan⯑tage of the rich. What would a lady give to exchange [82] condition with a cottager, and have a whole man to her⯑ſelf? For men of fortune will have a ſeraglio of an hun⯑dred, if their circumſtances will admit of it, where theſe wretched creatures are perpetually confined, and ſcarcely allowed to breathe the freſh air. They never ſee any other man than their keeper, or are ſeen by any; while poor women, the wives of cottagers, range about at liberty, and enjoy the uſe of their feet in a double ſenſe, not being made cripples from their cradles, as their bet⯑ters have the honour to be, by bandages.

In all ſeraglios, ſhe who is brought to bed firſt, has the preference of the reſt, and, till a woman has had a child, ſhe is not ſuffered to ſit down at the table with the reſt of the family, but muſt wait upon them. Next to being barren, the greateſt ſcandal is to bring females into the world; and if a woman happens to have three or four girls together, without a boy, ſhe will expoſe, or ſtrangle them with her own hands. And whenever the parents are poor and unfortunate, they conſider it as an act of piety to remove an infant from a miſerable ex⯑iſtence. This is the reaſon ſo many children are expoſed in the ſtreets and highways, whoſe parents poſſibly have ſo much tenderneſs remaining, that, notwithſtanding a prevailing cuſtom, they cannot ſee them die, much leſs butcher them with their own hands.

A widower or a widow, may marry a ſecond time, when neither age or rank are neceſſary conditions; but a widow of rank, with children, being abſolute miſtreſs [83] of herſelf, ſeldom marries again: thoſe of ordinary rank do; but thoſe of the poorer ſort are generally ſold for the benefit of their huſband's parents; and, as ſoon as the bar⯑gain is concluded, a couple of cowlies or porters bring a chair, which is locked up, and guarded by a number of truſty people, and the widow is thus conducted to the houſe of her new huſband. Widows with child, and the mothers of a ſon, thoſe whom their own friends will maintain, and who will become prieſteſſes, are exempt from this compulſion.

Marriage is here held in ſuch eſteem, that a poor man, who cannot afford to purchaſe a wife, will ſell himſelf for a ſlave, on condition that he ſhall be permitted to marry a female ſlave in the family. Moſt men marry by the time they are twenty years of age. An old batchelor is looked on with contempt, and the Chineſe in general, conſider it as an unfortunate ſituation to leave no chil⯑dren to mourn over their graves. There is ſcarce a ſin⯑gle man to be found in the country, and the women be⯑ing exceedingly prolific, it is no wonder the country is ſo populous, eſpecially, as few of them travel out of it, and there is ſeldom war or peſtilence to take them off.

It may be matter of wonder, that in a country where every man marries, and the rich have many women, ten or a dozen each, how a ſufficient number of females are found for them, conſidering it is admitted that as many are born of the one ſex as the other. But when it is con⯑ſidered [84] that the poor, who make up the bulk of the na⯑tion, have but one wife each, and that as the men live ſingle till twenty, and the women are marriageable at twelve; all the females, between twelve and twenty, are ſupernumeraries, and may ſerve to fill the ſeraglios of the great. They make it a rule never to marry one of the ſame name, but degrees of kindred are not much at⯑tended to, on the mother's ſide: two brothers, however, cannot marry two ſiſters, as with us, nor can the chil⯑dren of a widow and a widower marry together, nor a man any of his own relations, however diſtant; nor can young folks marry, whilſt in mourning for their parents, nor can the daughter of a free man marry her ſlave.

As in all other ancient nations, divorces are granted in China, but with leſs facility: they are only admitted here in caſes of adultery, mutual diſlike, incompatibility of tempers and diſpoſitions, indiſcretion, jealouſy, abſolute diſobedience, barrenneſs, or hereditary and infectious diſ⯑eaſes. No huſband can repudiate a wife till a divorce is legally obtained. If a wife elopes from her huſband, he can ſue out a proceſs, and obtain a ſentence to ſell the fugitive, who then ceaſes to be his wife and becomes his ſlave. The law alſo protects wives deſerted by their huſbands. If he abſents himſelf for three years, ſhe then lays her caſe before a tribunal, and will be authoriſed to marry again; but ſhe would be puniſhed, if ſhe acted ſo without the authority of a court.

[85]Perſons of quality generally give their daughters two or three female ſlaves, when they marry, to attend her home to her huſband,; and ſo ſacred is the wife's apart⯑ment, that even her huſband's father is never permitted to enter it: and, if the father would puniſh the ſon for any offence, as he is at liberty to do, even after marriage; ſhould he get into his wife's apartment, he is as ſafe as in a ſanctuary.

Every father of a family is reſponſible for the conduct of his children and his ſervants; all thoſe faults being im⯑puted to him, which it was his duty to prevent. A law full of wiſdom, in a country where fathers and maſters exerciſe ſo great an authority over their children and ſlaves.

No mother in China can make a will. Adoption of children is authoriſed by law, and the adopted child aſ⯑ſumes the father's name, and enjoys all the rights of a legal ſon. Every father has a right to ſell his ſon, if the ſon has a right to ſell himſelf; as a ſon in China is not allowed to have more power over his own perſon than his father has. But a father cannot ſell his ſon to a comedian, whoſe profeſſion is held contemptible. In ſhort, a ſon, during the life of his father, is always a minor: and a ſon is liable to pay his father's debts, if not incurred by gaming.

[86]Fathers, fearful of not being able to provide for their ſons, will ſometimes make them eunuchs, and this ren⯑ders them capable of ſerving in the ſeraglios: they are called gelubden, and no other are ſuffered to approach the women.

Slavery is authoriſed in China, but the maſter has no power to debauch the wife of a ſlave; he would be puniſhed with death if he did. Though ſlaves are ſo for life, it frequently happens that they gain their liberty; and ſome have the command of what they earn, and at liberty to earn it where they pleaſe, on paying their maſters, annually, a certain ſum. If ſome of them grow rich, by their induſtry, the maſter will not ſtrip them of their pro⯑perty, but, be ſatisfied with large preſents. He will not, however, conſent to their redemption at any price.

Maſters are anxious to promote marriage among their ſlaves, as children born in ſlavery are the property of ſuch maſters, and conſtitute a freſh tye, that attach their pa⯑rents to their ſervice.

Chineſe women, even of the greateſt rank, ſeldom quit their apartments, which are generally ſituated in the moſt retired part of the houſe; and here they are ſecluded from all ſociety but their domeſtics, employ themſelves in painting and needle-work (but never meddle with trade) and have birds, dogs, and other animals to divert them. If daughters are not married in their father's life⯑time, [87] brothers are obliged to ſupport them. "A wife," ſays the book of ceremonies, "is not miſtreſs of herſelf; ſhe has nothing at her own diſpoſal; ſhe can give no or⯑ders but in her own apartment, and here all her autho⯑rity is confined."

Every man has three names; a ſir-name, common to the family; a proper name, and a name he receives on entering any new employ; which is called his great-name. If he ſhould enter any new ſect, the doctor who intro⯑duces him, beſtows a fourth name upon him. As for daughters, they retain their father's ſir-name only, and are diſtinguiſhed according to the order of their birth, as firſt, ſecond, third, &c. and do not change their names on marriage.

In the education of their children, they begin very early. The wealthy never appoint any woman to be a nurſe, that is not modeſt in her deportment and manner, that does not adhere ſtrictly to truth, that talks much, that has not a mild temper, and does not behave with affa⯑bility to her equals, and reſpect to her ſuperiors. The manner of education of the Chineſe make ſuch nurſes not uncommon.

As ſoon as a child can put its hand to its mouth, it is weaned, and taught to uſe its right hand. At ſix years of age, if a boy, he is made acquainted with numbers, and the names of moſt places in the world; at ſeven, ſeparated [88] from his ſiſters and taken out of the nurſery; at eight, he is inſtructed in the rules of politeneſs, and learns the calen⯑dar; at nine, ſent to ſchool; at ten, to learn reading, writing, and accounts; from thirteen to fifteen, he is taught muſic, and all his ſongs are moral precepts; at fifteen they learn to ride and uſe the bow; at twenty they receive the cap of manhood, and are permitted to wear ſilk and fur; whereas, before this time, they could wear only cottons.

Europeans can ſcarcely conceive how far the ſovereigns of China have carried their attention, in order to promote and encourage letters. In every city, in every town, and in almoſt every village, there are ſchool-maſters, in order to teach the ſciences as far as they are able. Opulent pa⯑rents provide preceptors for their children, to teach them virtue, politeneſs, hiſtory, and a knowledge of their laws. Many of theſe preceptors are, for their knowledge, after⯑wards ennobled; and a pupil is not aſtoniſhed to ſee his preceptor become his viceroy.

When boys are brought forward in learning, they per⯑form public exerciſes, and have public examinations, in noble buildings erected for the purpoſe, where every thing is conducted without the leaſt force, as in our univerſities, and thoſe that have made a ſufficient progreſs, have ho⯑norary rewards. The mandarins of letters will condeſcend to examine them, and the governors of cities will beſtow prizes on thoſe who beſt deſerve them.

[89]We ſhall ſay very little of the education of girls: they are accuſtomed to modeſty and ſilence, and to a taſte for ſolitude. If their parents are rich, they are taught every female accompliſhment. The duties, however, of wo⯑men in China, as in other Aſiatic countries, are of the paſſive kind.

The funeral rites of the Chineſe are conſidered as the moſt important of all their ceremonies, and perſons re⯑ceive more honour and homage on the day of their deaths, than ever they did whilſt alive. Perſons of any diſtinction, cauſe their coffins to be made in their life-time; and thoſe of the higher rank, cauſe their tombs to be built; each family, as with us, having a particular burying-place. Thoſe of the common people are in cemeteries, without the city, there being none allowed within the walls. Theſe coffins are commonly varniſhed, and ſometimes carved and gilt; are made of durable wood, and upwards of ſix inches thick.

Rich people frequently lay out a thouſand crowns on a coffin of precious wood, inlaid and ornamented with dif⯑ferent colours. Thoſe who are not worth above twenty crowns, will often expend the greateſt part of it this way. In caſes of poverty, and when all other means fail, a ſon will often ſell himſelf, and become a ſlave to purchaſe his father a coffin, which, perhaps, ſhall remain 30 years uſeleſs in the family, but is conſidered by the head of it, as the moſt valuable piece of furniture in his poſſeſſion.

[90]When a man of fortune dies, his neareſt relation in⯑forms his friends of it: they aſſemble, waſh and perfume the corpſe, and dreſs it in the beſt cloaths he uſed to wear. Then placing the dead body in a chair, the wives firſt, then the children, and afterwards the relations and friends of the deceaſed, proſtrate themſelves before the corps, and paſſionately bewail their loſs. The third day the body is put into the coffin, laid on a layer of lime, laid over with cotton, covered with a piece of ſilk, and placed in the middle of the hall, hung with white linen, with ſome pieces of black or violet-colour interſperſed; having a table ſet before it with a picture or effigy of the deceaſed upon it. The relations are then again introduced, and with wax-lights burning and incenſe, pay their homage to the coffin, and accompany their reſpects with lamenta⯑tions. In the mean time, all the ſons of the deceaſed, cloathed in linen and girt with a cord, ſtand on one ſide of the coffin, in a mournful poſture, whilſt the mother and daughters ſtand on the other ſide, behind a curtain, lamenting in ſuch ſtrains as cuſtom requires; the atten⯑dant gueſts, all the time chanting mournful ſongs. Dur⯑ing the days that the corpſe is thus kept, there are tables well covered every morning, with ſweetmeats and tea: the prieſt is the butler; the perſons who come to pay their reſpects to the deceaſed, are uſhered in and out by a re⯑lation appointed for the purpoſe; a large ſheet of paper is hung over the gate, expreſſing the name and quality of the deceaſed, and giving a ſhort detail of his life and great actions. The corpſe is ſometimes kept in this ſtate for [91] months, and all the ſons of the deceaſed ſleep on mats or places round about his coffin. They taſte neither fleſh nor ſtrong drink, nor come near their wives all this time. All the viſits made to the deceaſed, are afterwards re⯑turned by the eldeſt ſon. The cuſtom is, not to be at home when he calls, and cards are left.

On the day of burial, the relations are again aſſembled, and moſt of them attend and follow the corpſe to the grave; and the proceſſion is as follows. A number of men, one before the other, march in file, carrying ima⯑ges of men and women, ſlaves, elephants, lions, and other animals, painted on paſteboard, in order to be burnt at the grave. Next proceed figures of triumphal chariots, caſtles, flags, and cenſors filled with perfumes, ſupported by men, two and two, followed by tables of ſweetmeats, &c. after which follow the prieſts in their robes, with drums, muſic and bells, playing plaintive and melancholly airs. Immediately after the muſic, follows the coffin, carried by 20 or 30 men, under a canopy formed like a dome, compoſed of violet-coloured ſilk; its four corners ornamented with tufts of white ſilk, neatly embroidered, and covered with network. Next walks the eldeſt ſon, cloathed in a canvas frock, with his body bent and leaning on a ſtaff: behind him his brother, two and two, leaning on crutches, as if not able to ſupport themſelves, and the whole proceſſion cloſed, with the mothers and daughters, carried in cloſe chairs, covered with white ſilk or linen, and all the relations and friends of the deceaſed in mourn⯑ing, [92] who, with the ladies ſhut up, deafen the air with their continual howlings; to which are added, often, a number of women on foot, hired purpoſely to howl.

At the burying-place, they find ſeveral temporary halls erected, and lined with tables covered with proviſions, and ſerved up with great ſplendor, as a regale for the mourners and attendants. If the deceaſed is a grandee of the empire, his relations never leave the tomb for a month or two, but reſide in apartments purpoſely prepared for them, and renew their marks of homage daily. Theſe funerals are more and more pompous in proportion to the rank and wealth of the deceaſed. In the proceſſion of the Emperor's elder brother, there were more than 16000 people, all of whom had particular offices aſſigned them in the ceremony.

Some of the Chineſe have carried their filial attach⯑ment ſo far, as to preſerve in their houſes, the bodies of their deceaſed fathers, for three or four years; and they have all, in general, ſuch a veneration for the burying-places of their anceſtors, that neither curioſity, nor the love of gain, can allure them to travel into remote parts of the world. They have a bad opinion of foreigners on this very account; and even deſpiſe their own country⯑men, who, from neceſſity, or for the ſake of trade, go to Sunda or other iſlands, to reſide; becauſe they ima⯑gine they muſt leave their bones in unhallowed ground. It is little wonder, therefore, that the Chineſe are ſo ſel⯑dom to be met with in very diſtant nations.

Each family of diſtinction has a large building, called the hall of anceſtors, erected on ſome part of their eſtates, common for all the branches of the family, and deſtined [94] for the following purpoſe. In this hall, a long table is ſet againſt the wall, on which is painted, or the effigy fixed up of, one of their anceſtors, who has filled ſome office under government, with honour to himſelf, or ren⯑dered himſelf illuſtrious by his talents. Sometimes it contains only the names of men, women, and children, belonging to the family, with their ages, day of their deaths, and dignities, inſcribed upon tablets, ranged in two rows, on ſteps about a foot high.

In ſpring, the relations aſſemble in this hall, the two wealthieſt of which prepare, at their own expence, an entertainment for the reſt. This entertainment, like the feaſts at Tartar graves, were originally deſigned for the dead; for they never touch a bit of any thing till an of⯑fering has been made to them. But their annual feſtivals at this hall, does not free the Chineſe from the obligation of viſiting the real graves, or tombs of their anceſtors, once or twice a year. When they repair to theſe places, they begin by plucking up the weeds and buſhes that ſur⯑round the ſepulchre, and conclude by placing wine and proviſions upon the tomb, which ſerve to dine their aſſiſtants. The poor, who have no hall to honour the manes of their anceſtors, are ſatisfied with placing up the names of their deceaſed relations in the moſt open parts of their houſes. If the Emperor happens to meet a funeral proceſſion, when he goes abroad, he never fails to ſend ſome of his attendants to condole with the relations of the deceaſed. Such are the marks of honour [95] which the Chineſe pay their anceſtors; perhaps the ſimple dictates of nature, ſupported by cuſtom, but now eſtab⯑liſhed into a law, which cannot be broken with impunity.

CHAP. X. Of their Trade and Manufactures.

THE commerce carried on within the country of China is ſo great, that the trade of all Europe is not equal to it; the provinces are like ſo many kingdoms trading with each other, ſo that plenty reigns throughout the whole. One furniſhes rice, another ſilk, another imports ink, and curious works of all kinds; another iron, copper, and other metals, horſes, mules, furs, &. another ſugars, and the beſt teas; another plants, me⯑dicinal herbs, rhubarb, &c. and ſo of the reſt: for it would be endleſs to run through, minutely, the parti⯑cular riches of each province.

The great number of canals and rivers by which China is interſected, tend greatly to facilitate the conveyance of every kind of merchandize; and its prodigious population, occaſions a rapid conſumption. A ſingle merchant ſhall often tranſport, to one city, 6,000 caps, proper for the ſeaſon; and they ſhall all be ſold, in three or four days. In a word, the moſt frequented fairs of Europe, is but a faint picture of that immenſe number of buyers and ſel⯑lers, with which the large cities of China are continually crowded.

[96]There are none but the pooreſt families that cannot, with a little contrivance, find means to ſubſiſt very eaſily by their trade; many, whoſe whole ſtock ſhall not ex⯑ceed a crown, and yet the father and mother, with two or three children, are maintained by the little trade they carry on, get ſilk garments, and, in a few years, enlarge their commerce to ſomething conſiderable.

This may be difficult to comprehend, and yet it happens daily. For inſtance, one of theſe ſmall traders, poſſeſs⯑ing about 2s. ſhall buy ſugar, meal and rice, and make ſmall cakes, which he has baked, an hour or two before day, to warm, as they expreſs it, the heart of travellers; and his ſhop ſhall be ſcarcely opened, before his mer⯑chandize is carried off, by country people who crowd the cities every morning, by workmen, porters, and chil⯑dren of the diſtrict. This little trade produces, in a few hours, 1s. 6d. more than the principal, the half of which is ſufficient to maintain the whole family; ſo that, by thus ſaving daily a little money, they are enabled to deal to a larger extent, and, at the end of a few years, it is not un⯑common to ſee a petty ſhop converted into a ware-houſe.

Trade being ſo extenſive in all the interior parts of China, no wonder the inhabitants are ſo little deſirous of foreign trade, eſpecially as they hold all foreigners in a very contemptible light. Indeed, they are not at all cal⯑culated for maritime commerce: ſeldom do any of their [97] ſhips go beyond the ſtraits of Sunda, to Achen, Batavia, and Japan. At Japan, the articles which they barter, and which they fetch from Camboya and Siam, produce them cent. per cent. From China immediately to Japan, they export drugs, ſugar, hides, ſilks, ſatins, ſilken ſtrings for inſtruments, ſandal wood, European cloth and cam⯑blets. In theſe laſt they have a quick ſale; but, as they are imported by the Dutch, the Chineſe never carry them, unleſs they can ſell them at the ſame price; and yet they affirm, they gain 50 per cent. which ſhews what a profit the Dutch made by their trade. If one could depend on the honeſty of a Chineſe, it would be eaſy for the Euro⯑peans to have commerce with Japan, by their means; but this is not to be done, unleſs we were to bear them com⯑pany; be maſters of the cargo, and had a ſufficient force to prevent inſults. By ſugar they gain, ſometimes, 1000 per cent.; for ſilk, what coſts in China but ſix taels, will ſell, at Japan, for fifteen.

The merchandize which Chineſe traders bring back from Japan, are fine pearls, by which they gain 1000 per cent. red copper in bars, which they buy for three or four tael, and ſell, in China, for ten or twelve; wrought copper ſabre-blades, which produce 1000 per cent.; ſmooth flowered paper, of which the Chineſe make fans; por⯑celain; japanned works, which are not equalled in any other part of the world, by which their profits are im⯑menſe; gold, which is very fine; and a metal called, [98] Tombac, by which they gain 50 or 60 per cent. at Batavia.

Their trade with the Manillas is much leſs profitable, exporting a great deal of ſilk, ſatins, embroidery, carpets, cuſhions, night-gowns, ſilk ſtockings, tea, china-ware, and japanned work, by which they gain 50 per cent.: and bringing nothing back, but pieces of eight.

To Batavia their trade is more regular, eaſy and pro⯑fitable; exporting tea, china-ware, leaf-gold, and gold thread, tuta-neg, or Toutenack, a metal between tin and iron, which gains 150 per cent. drugs, and copper uten⯑ſils; and bringing back ſilver in pieces of eight, ſpices, tortoiſe-ſhell, of which the Chineſe make ſundry toys, combs, boxes, cups, pipes, and ſnuff-boxes, like thoſe in Europe, and which coſt but five pence; ſandal wood, Brazil wood for dying, red and black wood; agate ſtones, ready cut, which the Chineſe uſe as ornaments in dreſs; yellow amber, in lumps; and European cloths, by which they gain as much as when they ſell them at Japan.

Such is the greateſt trade that the Chineſe carry on, out of their own country. They go to Achen, in November and December, when the ſhips of Bengal and Surat are on the coaſt; and ſometimes to Malacca, Cochin-China, &c. but they ſeldom import any thing from this country, but ſpices, thoſe bird's-neſts I have deſcribed, eſteemed ſo delicious a dainty, rice, camphire, rattan, which is a [99] kind of long cane, and which they weave together like ſmall ſtrings, and torches made of the leaves of certain trees, that burn like pitch.

Their commerce with the Ruſſians, which is very con⯑ſiderable, and carried on at Kiachta, the frontier-town between Chineſe and Ruſſian Tartary, I have already largely dwelt on, when I ſpoke of that country, to which I muſt refer my reader; it only remains to ſpeak of their trade with Europeans, by ſea.

The gains of the Engliſh in a voyage to China, ariſe from the goods brought back from thence, and not from what are carried thither. We buy the moſt part of their goods with ſilver. Lead is almoſt the only commodity for which the India Company get more than prime coſt. We carry alſo ſcarlet, blue, black, green and yellow broad-cloth. But the remnants, or ſmall pieces, which are bought up cheap in England, turn to better account than whole pieces. Of theſe ſmall pieces, the Chineſe make long purſes, which hang by their ſide, tied by ſilken ſtrings to their girdle.

The following articles turn alſo to pretty good account, if they can be ſmuggled a-ſhore; otherwiſe, the charge and trouble will be equal to the profit. Large looking-glaſſes, coral-branches, flint-ware, ordinary horſe-piſtols with gilt barrels, old wearing-apparel of ſcarlet or blue cloth, ſword-blades about 14s. a dozen, horn-ſpectacles [100] about 8s. 6d. per dozen, clocks and watches of ſmall price, ſmall braſs tweezer-caſes, and any new toy, not imported.

Goods brought back are, teas, china-ware, quickſilver, vermilion and other fine colours, china-root, raw and wrought ſilks, copper in ſmall bars the ſize of ſticks of ſeal⯑ing-wax, camphire, ſugar-candy, fans, lacquered ware, ſoy, borax, lapis-lazuli, galingal, rhubarb, coloured ſtones, tuta-neg, gold, and mother-of-pearl toys. Though the exportation of gold is prohibited, the mandarins themſelves ſell it, in a concealed way. Ten tael weight of gold, touch 92, bought at touch for touch (the moſt govern⯑ing price), amounts to 111 oz. 8 dwt. 5 grs. current ſilver, at 5s. 6d. per oz. value 30l. 12s. 8d. for which you have 12 oz. 2 dwt. 4 grs. of gold, worth 4l. an oz. in London, value 48l. 8s. 8d. yielding a profit of 58 per cent. But gold is a commodity not often bought there, but by thoſe who have more money to lay out than they have either room, or privilege in the ſhip, which ſeldom happens. There are a great many ſorts of goods that, if got on ſhore in London, without paying duty, and ſold to proper hands, would make 5 or 600 per cent.

A great deal depends on a perſon's knowledge of what things are likely to take in England, and at what price they are commonly ſold. If a private trader would im⯑prove ſuch a voyage to advantage, he ſhould conſult with [101] the hard-ware, china, or toy-merchants, in London, and ſhould carry with him muſters, or patterns, by which things may be made and painted, in China, for the Chi⯑neſe workmen, of all profeſſions, are ſo ingenious, that they will imitate any thing that is ſhewn to them, to the greateſt perfection and exactneſs.

• Note, One cattie is 20 ounces avoirdupoiſe.
• Sixteen tael is equal to one cattie.
• One pecul (Chineſe), is equal to 133 lb. ¼ Engliſh.
• One tael of ſilver is equal to 6s. 3d. Engliſh, which is divided into 10 maces, equal to 7d.½ ſterling each. An Engliſh crown paſſes for 10 mace, or 1 tael.
• Their foot is nearly the length of ours, not above one hundredth part ſhorter.
• Lead, per pecul, from 3 tael to 3 tael 6 mace.
• Scarlet cloth, per cattie, from 3 to 4 tael.
• Slips of ditto, from 3 tael to 3 tael 5 mace.
• Looking-glaſſes, per ſquare foot, from 1 tael 5 mace to 2 tael.

[102]

So that the beſt Hyſon tea is bought there for about 2s. a pound, the beſt Souchong at 2s. 6d. and others in pro⯑portion.

Opium is an advantageous commodity, when carried to China; but muſt be ſmuggled into the country, the importation being prohibited.

The porcelain, or china-ware, is ſo various in quality and faſhion, that it is impoſſible to fix a price. Exqui⯑ſitely fine enamel-work, in cups and veſſels, is there made, and would bring more profit than either teas or por⯑celain, but are liable to be damaged in the voyage, and [103] would take up much room, and, as the duty on the ex⯑portation of all metals, is as much as the prime coſt, ſuch things muſt be ſmuggled out of Canton. The prices, of late years, may be collected from the prices of China goods ſold at Kiachta, which will be found in Pallas's Tour.

The India-Company trade is thus conducted at Canton. As ſoon as the ſhips come to an anchor at Wampoo, a couple of Cuſtom-houſe boats, called Happo, are placed on each ſide of them, to ſee that nothing is ſmuggled in or out of the ſhips: and all boats that go up to the fac⯑tory with goods, or paſſengers, muſt have a Chop, or permit, from a Cuſtom-houſe officer. There are three cuſtom-houſes by the river-ſide, diſtinguiſhed by the Emperor's yellow colours, on a long pole, before the door; at each of which, theſe boats muſt call and be ex⯑amined.

When the ſupercargoes have agreed with the Happo, or Cuſtom-houſe, with regard to the duty, and with the merchants about the prices of goods on board, and what kind of Chineſe goods are wanted to load with, the Cuſtom-houſe retinue come on board, meaſure the ſhip, and weigh and take an account of all the goods, which are im⯑mediately ſent to the factor's, or the merchant's houſe who buys them, in a large ſampan. To prevent embezzle⯑ment, there are two or three of the ſhip's company, well armed, ſent with the goods, and a Chineſe cuſtom-houſe [104] officer. After they arrive, and the ſampan is unloaded, the merchant weighs them over again, and the ſuper⯑cargoes after them, in Engliſh ſcales, for reaſons which will be mentioned.

The Chineſe merchants having agreed to provide ſuch goods as are wanted, in particular quantities, at a fixed price, and to have all ready againſt a certain time; the ſu⯑percargoes attend, view and taſte the goods, and order every cheſt to be packed, tarred, weighed and marked; after which, they are carried from the Chineſe merchant's warehouſe to the factory.

Theſe warehouſes are commonly large, full of teas, ſtanding in baſkets, as they are brought from the field (only the coarſer teas are here m [...]nt); fine Hyſon is packed in cheſts, lined with ſheet lead, to keep it from damps, which would entirely ſpoil it. Two hundred cow⯑lies, or porters, all naked to the middle, are often ſeen packing and treading the tea in cheſts. Two of them get into a cheſt together, and tread it down as it is filled. If ſome nice Britiſh ladies were to ſee ſome of theſe fel⯑lows, with their naſty feet and legs, perform this office, they would be apt to loſe conceit of their beloved plant.

The Chineſe warehouſes are generally very ſpacious, and contain large quantities of porcelain, of all ſizes and ſorts, fit for the European market. The ſupercargoes [105] attend packing this alſo, for if a ſtrict eye is not kept on them, they will ſometimes put up china cracked, broken, or of inferior quality. They have even gone ſo far as to fill up cheſts with ſtones or bricks, inſtead of the fineſt commodities, which have not been diſcovered till they have been opened in England.

If the cheſts are not immediately ſent to the factory, or to the ſhip, it is abſolutely neceſſary to leave a man or two to watch them, in the merchant's warehouſe; other⯑wiſe they may be ſubject to great abuſe; and there muſt be a guard on them all the way to the ſhips. It requires a great deal of patience and cunning to trade with the Chineſe. An even temper and a ſmooth tongue, are qualifications abſolutely neceſſary for a ſupercargo; for they muſt be dealt with in the ſame crafty manner, that they deal with others.

Every thing is ſold by weight in China; fleſh, fowls, fruits, rice, &c. and even liquids; and to encreaſe the weight, they will cram their poultry with ſtones and gra⯑vel. They will not ſcruple exchanging a live hog for a dead one, if the latter is a little larger; and they like them as well when they die of a diſtemper, as when killed by a butcher. For this purpoſe they will ſometimes give ſuch hogs as the Engliſh purchaſe alive, a doſe to kill them ſoon after they are brought on board; and when we are obliged to throw them away, will take them up and ſell them again to their own people.

[106]Every perſon dealing with the Chineſe, muſt inſpect their goods, and be careful of their weights and meaſures, if they would not be cheated. Their machines for weigh⯑ing are ſo contrived, that they can eaſily encreaſe or di⯑miniſh the weight, by imperceptibly altering the beam. The Engliſh, therefore, always uſe their own ſcales. Thoſe alſo, who have confided on their package, have been no leſs deceived. They have found cheſts, boxes, tubs, and canniſters, ſo exactly imitated and marked, with damaged goods, or things of little value, and put in the place of freſh goods; that the cheſt has not been diſ⯑covered, till brought, as I have before obſerved, to England.

"I myſelf," ſays the author of this account, who was was frequently at China, ‘once bought a piece of ſtuff, for waiſtcoats and breeches, without looking over the whole of it, preſuming it was all alike; and ſent it to the taylor, but was much ſurpriſed on his bringing them home, to find my waiſtcoat of different colours and different ſubſtances. A gentleman of my ac⯑quaintance, went into a goldſmith's ſhop, to buy a gold head for his cane. The goldſmith having none of the pattern he wanted but ſilver-ones, told him, he would make him one: he did, but this head afterwards turned out to be a ſilve-rone gilt; and was probably one of thoſe he had ſeen in the ſhop. When I have been in the ſhops, I have had frequently my handkerchief, fan, or cane ſtolen from me; and, on demanding them [107] again, have only been laughed at: to have uſed vio⯑lence, would have been only making a bad cauſe worſe. I knew a poor ſailor, who pulled out his purſe to count a few dollars, which he got from the purſer at 40 per cent. in order to buy a little tea, &c. for his homeward paſſage, and a Chineſe obſerving him, ſnatched the purſe out of his hand, ran off and the ſailor after him; and though ſeveral Chineſe ſaw the robbery, yet not one of them offered to ſtop the thief, but, on the contrary, laughed at the Engliſh⯑man's ſimplicity in attempting to recover it. At laſt, the Chineſe finding he was near overtaken, threw the purſe from him, which the poor tar went and took up, but, to his great grief and mortification, found only one dollar left. Had he overtaken the thief, it is more than probable, the mob would have reſcued the villain, and ſent the poor ſailor home to the factory half dead with blows: for the mob are often ſo inſolent to fo⯑reigners, as if their was neither law or government in the country; excepting when a mandarin paſſes, and then they are all huſh and ſtand aſide, with their eyes fixed on the ground.’

There is no one to complain to in ſuch caſes, but the Engliſh linguiſt, who always pretends, that he cannot find the aggreſſor; or, if he be found, that he denies the charge. Du Halde gives a ſtriking example of the diſho⯑neſty and unconcern of a Chineſe merchant. The Cap⯑tain of an Engliſh veſſel, bargained with a Chineſe mer⯑chant [108] at Canton, for ſeveral bales of ſilk, which the latter was to provide againſt a certain time. When they were ready, the captain went with his interpreter, to the houſe of the Chineſe merchant, to examine whether they were ſound and in good condition. On opening the firſt bale, all was right, but the reſt were damaged and good for no⯑thing. The captain, on this, fell in a paſſion, and re⯑proached the Chineſe merchant in the ſevereſt terms, for his diſhoneſty. The Chineſe, after having heard him for ſome time, with great coolneſs, replied, ‘Blame, Sir, your knave of an interpreter; he aſſured me, that you would not inſpect the bales.’

The Chineſe have but two ſorts of money, ſilver and copper; their ſilver pieces have no proper figure, but their value is regulated by their weight. The copper money is not above nine tenths of an inch in diameter, has a ſquare hole in the middle, and is ſtamped with two Chineſe words on the one ſide, and two Tartar words on the other: numbers of them are ſtrung like beads, and are counted by ſtrings, not by pieces. An ounce of ſilver is ſometimes equivalent to 1000 pieces of copper coin, and ſometimes only to 800. It is the intrinſic value of the metal, that ſtamps the value of the coin. Their ſilver money is caſt in large and ſmall plates, merely for the ſake of trade; and for want of ſmall pieces, a Chineſe carries always about him, beſides his ſcales and weights, a pair of ſciſſars, with which he cuts the ſilver money in pieces, and either gives or receives ſuch pieces in buy⯑ing [109] goods. When a Chineſe wants to cut a piece of ſilver, he puts it between his ſciſſars and knocks them againſt a ſtone, till the piece drops off.

The commerce of China is under the inſpection of the tribunal of finances; and the only commerce they conſi⯑der as of any advantage to them, is that which they keep up with Tartary and Ruſſia; as it furniſhes them, by barter, with thoſe furs which are ſo neceſſary, and ſo much uſed in all the northern provinces. The trade they carry on with the Engliſh and other Europeans at Can⯑ton, they conſider as prejudicial to the Empire. "They take from us," ſay they, ‘our ſilks, our teas, and our porcelain; the price of theſe articles is, con⯑ſequently, raiſed throughout the country: ſuch a trade, therefore, cannot be advantageous. The mo⯑ney brought us by Europeans, and the high-priced baubles which accompany it, are mere ſuperfluities to ſuch a ſtate as ours. We have no occaſion for more bullion, than what is neceſſary to anſwer the exigencies of government, and to ſupply the relative wants of in⯑dividuals.’

Through the Royal canal, all barks from the ſouth of China, bound to Peking, muſt paſs; and their number is ſo conſiderable, and they tranſport ſuch quantities of mer⯑chandiſe and proviſions, that the duties collected on this canal alone, amount annually to 450,000l. ſterling.

[110]The porcelain manufactory employs more workmen, and contributes more to the good of commerce, than any other. As China abounds with potters earth, of various kinds, and of all colours, there is a great difference be⯑tween the porcelain of one province and that of another, both in ſhape, ſize, and quality. In ſome places, vaſes are made four or five feet in diameter, and three feet deep; in others, ſome are manufactured four or five feet high, with a proportionable circumference. Theſe are uſed by the rich, as baſons to hold gold-fiſh, flowers, aquatic plants, &c.; and by the middling claſs, as reſer⯑voirs for water, or for containing pulſe, ſeeds, and fruits. They have alſo vaſes made of a kind of earth that has the property of ſweetening and cooling water; theſe are prefered to gold, chryſtal, or the fineſt porcelain, and are uſed by the poor as well as rich.

The fineſt China is made in the village King-te-tching, in the province of Kiang-ſi, in which are collected the beſt workmen. It is reckoned to contain above a million of inhabitants, who conſume daily more than 10,000 loads of rice, and is as populous as the largeſt city in China. It extends a league and a half along the banks of a beauti⯑ful river, and is not a collection of ſtraggling houſes, in⯑termixed with gardens, or ſpots of uncovered ground, but the people complain of its being too crowded, and that the ſtreets are too narrow; thoſe who paſs through them, conceive themſelves tranſported into the midſt of a fair, where nothing is heard but porters calling out to [111] make way. Proviſions are here dear, being brought from very remote places, and even the wood for the fur⯑naces is brought from the diſtance of 100 leagues; but, notwithſtanding the high price of proviſions, it is an aſy⯑lum for a great number of poor families, who could not ſubſiſt in any other place. Children and invalids find em⯑ployment here; and even the blind, by pounding of colours. The origin of the China-ware is not known; but this is known from their words, that in the year 442 of our era, the workmen of this village have always furniſhed the Emperor with porcelain, and that one or two manda⯑rins were ſent from court to inſpect their labours. The word porcelain is of European derivation, none of the ſyllables which compoſe it, can be pronounced, or writ⯑ten by the Chineſe. Porcellana, in Portugueſe, implies a cup or diſh; but porcelain in China, is called Tſé-ki.

The fine porcelain is ſo celebrated, that we cannot here omit giving ſome account of the manner of prepar⯑ing the paſte. This ſubſtance is produced by the mix⯑ture of two ſorts of earth, one purely white, and fine to the touch; and one intermixed with ſmall, ſhining parti⯑cles. Theſe firſt materials are carried to the manufacto⯑ries, in ſhape of bricks. The white, fine earth, is the fragments of rock from certain quarries, reduced to pow⯑der, which is waſhed and ſcummed, and the fine ſedi⯑ment only uſed; which being formed into cakes by moulds, are ſold by the hundred. Of the ſhining earth, their are large mines; and it is from this the fine porce⯑lain [112] derives all its ſtrength; for the white earth will ac⯑quire no firmneſs, without it. But of late years, the Chineſe have diſcovered a ſpecies of chalk, which, when mixed with the white earth, inſtead of the rock-ſtone, gives it a much finer grain, but renders the China dearer, the one being three times more expenſive in the procuring and preparing than the other.

To give a detail of the manner of making porcelain, would be only ſwelling this account unneceſſarily, China being made in England and other countries; I will only ſhew that ſeveral cauſes concur in rendering the beſt china very dear in Europe. Beſides the great profit to the importers, and that gained from them by the Chineſe factors; it ſeldom happens that a burning or baking ſuc⯑ceeds as it ſhould. It ſometimes miſcarries entirely, and when the furnace is opened, the porcelain, together with the caſes, are found melted into a ſhapeleſs maſs, as hard as flint. The Chineſe have greateſt ſucceſs in making different kinds of animals. They have the art of making ducks and tortoiſes that will float in water. Entrecolles ſpeaks of a porcelain cat, an excellent imitation of nature, in the head of which a lamp was fixed, the flame forming its two eyes, and the effect of this figure was ſuch, that the rats in the night-time were afraid to approach it. The Chineſe ſet ſome value upon Dreſden china, and ſtill more ſo on the manufactures of Seve.

[113]The uſe of glaſs is very ancient in China, ſo early as the beginning of the third century; and the remembrance of a glaſs jar preſented to the Emperor Tai-tſou, who mounted the throne in 627, is ſtill preſerved. This vaſe or jar was ſo large that a mule might have entered it with as much eaſe, as a gnat might have entered a pitcher, and it was neceſſary in order to convey it to the palace, to ſuſpend it in a net, the corners of which were fixed to four carriages.

China appears to have been the natural and original country of the ſilk-work, and the art of making ſilk from ſilk-worms, has been in that empire from the remoteſt antiquity.

China indeed may be called a country of ſilk, for it ap⯑pears to be inexhauſtible, furniſhing ſeveral nations in Eu⯑rope and Aſia; and all the numerous inhabitants of China, except the princes, are clothed in damaſk and ſatin; and they eſteem that ſilk to be beſt, which is fine, ſoft, and white. They ever prefer the uſeful to the agreeable, and confine themſelves chiefly to the making of plain ſilks. If they were certain of a market, they would make as rich ſilks as any in Europe. They make cloth of gold, but do not make the gold into ſmall wire, and cover thread with it, as in Europe; but gild a long ſheet of paper, which they cut into ſhreds, and cover threads of ſilk with it; of courſe this does not laſt long, and ſoon tarniſhes with the damp.

[114]A manufacture of ſtockings, ribbands, and ſilk-but⯑tons, has been ſome time ſet up at Canton, all which are made very good. The largeſt buttons may be bought for ten pence a dozen, and ſilk ſtockings for a tael.

The materials of Chineſe paper, and the way of pre⯑paring it, being different from thoſe of Europe, it is ne⯑ceſſary to give an account of this, among other curious manufactures of the country. Chineſe paper is of vari⯑ous kinds; ſome is made of the rind, or bark of the bamboo and cotton-tree; but, in fact, every province has its peculiar kind of paper: ſome is made of hemp, ſome of wheat or rice-ſtraw, ſome of the ſkins found in the balls of ſilk-worms, ſome of ſoft bamboo, and ſome of the mulberry-tree bark, of which it is the ſecond coat, or ſkin, white and ſoft. Being firſt beat in wa⯑ter to a pulp, it is made into ſheets 10 or 12 feet long, and afterwards dipped in alum-water to glaze it, and an⯑ſwer the purpoſe of ſize: even the wood of the bamboo and cotton-ſhrub, may be, and is, converted into paper. The young branches ſtripped of their outward bark, are cut into ſlips and ſuffered to lie in water till they rot, then boiled and beat into a pulp with, heavy hammers. After this it is mixed with an unctious juice extracted from a plant, till it is reduced to thick, clammy water, the ſur⯑face of which is taken up in moulds, as we do the pulp of linen rags, and forms paper. After which it under⯑goes a proceſs like ſizing, to make it bear the ink.

[115]This account of their paper leads me to deſcribe their ink. The Chineſe, or Indian ink (as we call it) is not fluid like ours, but ſolid like our mineral colours, though much lighter. It is made of lamp-black of ſeveral kinds, but the beſt is that obtained by hog's-greaſe, to which they mix a ſort of oil, to make it ſmoother, and ſome odorous ingredients to take off the rancid ſmell. When mixed into a paſte, it is formed in moulds into ſmall ſticks as we receive it in England; but their printing ink, is a liquid made of lamp-black well beaten, ſifted through a ſieve and expoſed to the ſun, and afterwards tempered with aqua-vitae, till it is of the thickneſs of paſte: after this it is thinned for uſe. They print only on one ſide of their paper; hence it is that every leaf of their books is folded, the fold being at the edge of the book, and the opening at the back, where they are ſewn together, ſo that their books are cut at the back, whereas ours are cut at the edges. Their ordinary books are covered with paſte-board, but the better ſort are bound in fine ſatin or flowered taffety.

The art of printing, ſo recent in Europe, has exiſted in China from the remoteſt antiquity; but it differs very much from ours. They do not print from types, but engrave the page on wood, ſo as to be a fac ſimile of the copy, imitating it exactly: and, to print from this en⯑graving, the printer uſes two bruſhes; one puts on the ink on the engraved wood, and the other, when the wood is covered with a ſheet of paper, is drawn dry over it, [116] and this makes it receive the impreſſion. One man is able to throw off 10,000 copies in a day, and bookſellers in China, have no occaſion to print more than they can vend.

The Chineſe do not write with pens like Europeans, but with a rabbit-hair pencil, holding it perpendicular, and writing from top to bottom; but, like the Hebrews, from right to left, ſo that the end of our book is the be⯑ginning of theirs.

They have a pretty method of ſilvering paper (if we may ſo call it) at a ſmall expence, and without uſing any ſilver. In order to this, they take two ſcruples of a ſize or glue made of leather, one of allum, and half a pint of clear water. Theſe they ſimmer over a gentle fire, till the water is evaporated, that is, till no more ſteam ariſes, and, with a pencil ſpread two or three layers of this glue over paper laid ſmooth on a table. Then through a fine ſieve, ſift over the paper, a powder made of talc and allum, which, having been boiled in water, is dried in in the ſun and pounded. This done, the ſheets are hung up in the ſhade to dry; and, when quite dry, are again laid on a table and rubbed gently with clean cotton, to take off the ſuperfluous powder, which is uſed again.

They diſtil a ſpirit called arrack from rice, in great quantities. Proclamations prohibiting this diſtillery, are often publiſhed, and officers are appointed to viſit the ſtill-houſes, [117] and deſtroy the furnaces; but if the owner ſlips a few pieces of ſilver into his hand, the buſineſs is winked at. The mandarin ſometimes goes round himſelf, and the workmen if caught, are ſeized and whipped; the maſters then conceal themſelves for a ſhort time, change their habitations, and begin again: for, as the ſale of arrack is not prohibited, numbers of carts loaded with this liquor enter Peking daily. The duty is paid at the gate, and it is ſold publickly in more than a thouſand ſhops throughout the city and ſuburbs.

I muſt not omit mentioning the pearl-fiſhery, and I cannot do it better than in this place. Pearls being fiſhed up in ſome of the rivers which empty into the Sagha-lien-oula, and theſe rivers being very ſhallow, the divers plunge boldly to the bottom of the water, and having col⯑lected whatever oyſters they can, as chance directs, re⯑turn to the bank with their load. This fiſhery belongs to the Emperor; but the greater part of the pearls are ſmall, and not of a fine water. A much more beautiful kind is found in greater abundance in other rivers in Tartary, which flow into the eaſtern ſea.

The Emperor ſends every year to this fiſhery, a cer⯑tain number of men, choſen from the eight Tartar bands. The firſt three bands, which are moſt celebrated and nu⯑merous, furniſh 33 companies; the other five furniſh 36. Each company has a captain and a ſerjeant: three ſu⯑perior officers command the whole, and a certain num⯑ber [118] of merchants, well acquainted with the nature of pearls, accompany them. All theſe companies, for their permiſſion to fiſh, muſt every year give the Emperor 1140 pearls, pure and without blemiſh. When theſe fiſhers return, the pearls they bring are examined: if they are few in number, the officers are mulcted in their pay, or caſhiered for negligence.

CHAP. XI. Of their Government, Laws, Policy, and Revenue.

THE Chineſe government is built on the ancient patriarchal. Whatever authority the patriarchs had over their families, the Emperor of China has over his ſubjects. No potentate on earth poſſeſſes ſo un⯑limited a power as the Sovereign of this numerous peo⯑ple. He is ſtiled, Holy Son of Heaven; Sole Governor of the Earth; Great Father of his People, &c. He is the undiſputed maſter of the lives of his ſub⯑jects; though he ſeldom exerts this prerogative but to promote their happineſs. No ſentence of death pro⯑nounced by any of the tribunals, no verdict in civil caſes, no determination of any moment, can be enforced, till it has been confirmed by him. On the other hand, whatever ſentence he paſſes is immediately executed. All edicts from the throne are as much reſpected as if they proceeded from a divinity. He has the diſpoſal of [119] all offices of ſtate, and the appointment of vice-roys and governors. No employment is here purchaſed; merit, for the moſt part, raiſing to place; and place exalting to rank. Family is no recommendation, and even titles are not hereditary; but in the family of Confucius, their an⯑cient law-giver. The Emperor has a right of nominating two ſucceſſors, whether from his own family, or from any of his ſubjects; and as he can ennoble, ſo can he de⯑grade. A plebeian to-day, may be a nobleman to-mor⯑row; and a nobleman one day, may rank with a plebeian the next.

There are only two ranks of men in China, viz. the nobility and the people. The firſt is compoſed of man⯑darins of letters and of war, and theſe enjoy every valua⯑able privilege; in caſes of neceſſity, may remonſtrate with the Emperor, either individually, or in a body; and their remonſtrances are never ill received. But the Emperor acts as he pleaſes notwithſtanding.

The literati are highly honoured in China; but go⯑vernment checks their pride and encourages their labours. To attain the eminence of a mandarin of letters, a man muſt be firſt batchelor; ſecondly, licentiate; and laſtly, doctor. When ſeveral places become vacant, the Em⯑peror invites to court, a like number of the literati, whoſe names are inſerted in a liſt, and theſe chooſe the vacant governments by lot.

[120]There are eight orders of mandarins of letters. In the firſt are miniſters of ſtate, preſidents of ſupreme tribunals, and all the ſuperior officers of the militia. The chief of this liſt is preſident of the Emperor's councils, and great confidence is repoſed in him. The ſecond men are the vice-roys and preſidents of the ſupreme councils of the different provinces. Of the third order are the ſecreta⯑ries to the Emperor. The fourth order, if not governors, are to repair the harbours, royal lodging-houſes, and the barks. The fifth order, has the inſpection of the troops; the ſixth, the care of the highways; the ſeventh, the ſuperintendance of rivers; and the eighth, that for ſea-coaſts. Theſe are all mandarins of letters, and to them is intruſted the adminiſtration of the Chineſe Empire. From among them are choſen the governors of provinces; of cities of the firſt, ſecond and third claſs; and the pre⯑ſidents and members of all the tribunals. Honours are laviſhed on them, and every privilege and mark of diſ⯑tinction reſerved for them alone. The homage paid by the people to every mandarin in office, is almoſt equal to that of the Emperor himſelf. They amount in number to more than 41000, and yet the veneration the people entertain for them is always the ſame.

When any mandarin quits his office, if he has acted in it to the ſatisfaction of the people, they load him with ſuch marks of honour as would engage the moſt ſtupid to be in love with virtue and juſtice. When he is taking his leave, in order to relinquiſh his office, almoſt all the [121] inhabitants go into the highways, to entertain him, and place themſelves, ſome here, ſome there, for almoſt 14 or 15 miles together; ſo that every where in the road are ſeen tables handſomely painted, with ſatin table-cloths, covered with ſweetmeats, tea, and other liquors.

Every one almoſt conſtrains him to ſtay, to ſit down and eat or drink ſomething. He no ſooner leaves one than another ſtops him, and thus he ſtands the whole day amidſt the applauſes and acclamations of his people. And what is more, every one deſires to have ſomething belonging to him. Some take his boots, others his cap, others his great-coat; giving him, at the ſame time, another of the ſame ſort; and before he is quit of this multitude, it ſometimes happens he has changed his boots thirty times. Theſe boots, which perhaps have only been on and off, are conſidered as valuable ornaments. Thoſe which are firſt taken off, are ſuſpended in a cage, over the gate by which he quitted the city: the reſt are preſerved by his friends, with the ſame care as a French warrior would preſerve the ſword of a Turenne or a Bayard.

Public honours are diſpenſed with a more ſparing hand, on the mandarins of arms. Theſe never have the ſmalleſt ſhare in the public adminiſtration, not even the inſpection of the troops. But, to be a mandarin of arms, a man muſt paſs through gradations of military ſcience, ſuch as batchelor, licentiate, and doctor of arms. Theſe [122] hold tribunals, the members of which are ſelected from among their chiefs. Among theſe they reckon princes, dukes, and counts. All theſe dignities, or others equi⯑valent, are found in China. The preſident of this tribu⯑nal is one of the great lords of the empire, whoſe autho⯑rity extends over all the army, and correſponds with our commander in chief. This preſident has, for his aſſeſſor or aſſiſtant, a mandarin of letters, who is the ſuperinten⯑dant of arms.

The chief of the mandarins of arms, is a general by birth, and has a certain number of mandarins who act as lieutenant-generals, colonels, captains, lieutenants, and enſigns under him. The number of mandarins of arms are between 18 and 20,000.

There are ſix tribunals eſtabliſhed at Peking, and the preſidents of theſe are the Emperor's grand council, which conſiſts of all the miniſters of ſtate, and the aſſeſſors of the ſix ſovereign courts or tribunals, of which I am go⯑ing to ſpeak.

The firſt tribunal watches over the conduct of the ſeveral provinces, keeps a journal of their good and bad tranſactions, reports them to the Emperor, who puniſhes or rewards them according to its report, and is a kind of civil inquiſition. The ſecond has the ſuperintendance of the finances of the ſtate, as the coins, money; collects the duties, directs the public magazines, and keeps an exact [123] regiſter of all the families that compoſe this vaſt empire. The third is that of ceremonies, regulates them and en⯑forces their obſervance, repairs all temples, arranges the annual ſacrifices, receives and entertains ambaſſadors, has the inſpection of arts and ſciences, and preſerves tranquili⯑ty among the different religious ſects here tolerated. The fourth is the tribunal of arms, has the war-department and controul of the army, and is compoſed of mandarins of letters only. The fifth is the criminal bench. And the ſixth has the care and charge of all the public works, palaces, buildings, tombs, monuments, bridges, ſtreets, rivers, highways, barks, and every thing relating to in⯑land and foreign navigation.

The members which compoſe theſe different tribunals, are half Chineſe and half Tartars; and one of the two preſidents of each tribunal is always a Tartar born. Each tribunal has alſo ſeveral ſubordinate ones, among whom the offices in its department are divided. Theſe ſuperior tribunals are none of them abſolute, but are checked by the interference of others: and, leſt a combination of the whole ſhould act contrary to the intereſt of the Sovereign, a cenſor is appointed over each, who watches their con⯑duct, reviſes their acts, and reports to the Emperor. Theſe men hold their offices for life, and therefore are emboldened to ſpeak out, when they ſee reaſon for it. Their accuſation ſets an enquiry on foot, and the accuſed is diſcharged from his office, were he even one of the firſt men in the empire. An example of this kind was once made [124] of three mandarins, who were found to have taken money clandeſtinely for ſome ſervices done by them in the exe⯑cution of their office. The Emperor not only degraded them from their office, but ordered them to retire into the claſs of common men; and one of them, who had been a great while a magiſtrate, and was much eſteemed for his underſtanding, and reſpected for his age, was con⯑demned to attend one of the palace-gates with other com⯑mon ſoldiers, among whom he was inliſted; but when on duty as a centinel, the people would bow to him, ſtill re⯑ſpecting him on the ſlender remains of that honour, he juſt before poſſeſſed.

The cenſors of theſe ſix tribunals, form alſo, a tribu⯑nal of themſelves, which has the inſpection of the whole empire, placed, as it were, between the throne and the mandarins. The Sovereign is maſter of their lives; but many of them, having a power to remonſtrate to the crown, have patiently ſuffered death, rather than betray the cauſe of truth, or wink at abuſes; as we have ſeen in the inſtance of the Emperor baniſhing his mother.

Over this tribunal, there is a ſupreme one, that of princes, no where known but in China, compoſed of of princes only. Some of the ordinary mandarins belong to it, as ſubaltern officers, to draw caſes and prepare writings, but this is all. All the children of the Imperial family, are entered among them as ſoon as born, and to theſe are alſo conſigned the dignities and titles which the [125] Emperor confers on them. This tribunal is the only court where they can be tried; and, in caſes of accu⯑ſation, it abſolves or puniſhes them, according to its pleaſure.

An extract from Chineſe hiſtory, relates a circumſtance which happened, in a late war, with one of the kings of Tartary. The Emperor ſent a mighty army, under his brother's command, to puniſh the vanity and raſhneſs of that puny king who had dared to make inroads on the Emperor's allies. The Tartar, whoſe warlike troops waited only for an opportunity of ſignalizing themſelves, advanced to the Imperial army, attacked them, and routed them, notwithſtanding he was far inferior in number.

The Emperor's father-in-law, an old Tartar, well verſed in the trade of war, commanded the artillery, and played his part ſo well, that he was killed at the head of a few, yet brave, ſoldiers, whom he encouraged, as well by his example as his words; but the general was accuſed of flying firſt, and drawing, by his flight, the reſt of the army after him. The Emperor, who was himſelf a man of courage, being leſs troubled at the loſs of a battle, than he was at that of his brother's honour, ſent for him to court, and tried him before a council of the blood-royal and the princes. The royal general, who was, on all other accounts, a man of ſingular merit, ſurrendered himſelf with the ſame humility and ſubmiſſion, as any inferior [126] officer would have done, and without waiting till ſentence was pronounced, condemned himſelf, and owned that he deſerved death. "You deſerve it," ſaid the Emperor, ‘but you ought, to recover your loſt honour, to ſeek your death in the midſt of the enemy's troops, and not here amongſt us, in the midſt of Peking, where it can only increaſe your diſgrace.’ At laſt the Emperor was diſpoſed to pardon him; but the princes, who thought themſelves diſgraced by this action, earneſtly begged of the Emperor to uſe the utmoſt of his power to puniſh him; and his uncle, who aſſiſted at the council, treated him with ſo much ſcorn and contempt, that, with us, ſuch uſage to a gentleman, would be worſe than death.

There is a tribunal inferior to all the reſt, called, the Tribunal of Hiſtory; compoſed of the greateſt geniuſſes of the empire, and men of the moſt profound erudition. To them is entruſted the education of the heir-apparent to the throne; and the compilation and arranging the general hiſtory of the nation. From this body are gene⯑rally choſen the mandarins of the firſt claſs, and the pre⯑ſidents of the ſupreme tribunals. This is a court formi⯑dable even to the Emperor himſelf, it being proof againſt ſeduction; for, was the Sovereign to attempt it, it would be conſigned to hiſtory, in ſpite of all his efforts to ſup⯑preſs it.

It is the duty of each of theſe perſons who compoſe this tribunal, by himſelf, and without communication with the [127] reſt, as things fall out, to ſet them down on a looſe piece of paper, and put theſe papers, through a chink, into an office, ſet apart for this purpoſe. In theſe papers, both the Emperor's virtues and faults, are conſtantly recorded, with the ſame liberty and impartiality. "Such a day," ſay they, ‘the prince's behaviour was unſeaſonable and intemperate; he ſpoke in a manner unbecoming his dignity. The puniſhment he inflicted on ſuch an of⯑ficer, was rather the effect of paſſion, than the reſult of juſtice. In ſuch an affair, he ſtopped the ſword of juſtice, and partially abrogated the ſentence paſſed by the magiſtrates.’ Or elſe, ‘He entered wiſely into a war, for the defence of his people, and the honour of his empire. At ſuch a time he made an honourable peace. He gave ſuch and ſuch marks of love to his people,’ and ſo on. And, that neither fear on one ſide, nor hope on the other, may bias theſe men to par⯑tiality, this office is never opened during that prince's life, or whilſt any of his family ſit on the throne. When the crown goes into another line, which often happens, all theſe looſe memoirs are gathered up, and after being com⯑pared, to come at the certain knowledge of the truth, they, from them, compoſe the hiſtory of that Emperor, to propoſe him as an example to poſterity, if he acted wiſe⯑ly; or to expoſe him to the common odium of the peo⯑ple, if he has acted otherwiſe. When, therefore, a prince, who loves honour and glory, and hopes hereafter, to live in the dutiful memory of his ſubjects, and ſees that it is not in the power of flattery and impoſture to perſwade the [128] people to give it to him, he will be circumſpect and cau⯑tious how he behaves himſelf, during his whole reign.

No fees are paid for the adminiſtration of juſtice; ſo that every poor man can proſecute his own rights, and is freed from being oppreſſed by the opulence of his adver⯑ſary; and there being no barriſters in China, a bad cauſe is never gloſſed over, nor the judge's mind perverted by fallacious and ſophiſtical reaſoning. The goodneſs of a cauſe is its beſt advocate; and, if ſentence is given againſt a man in one court, he can appeal to a higher; and the definitive ſentence is always given by the Emperor.

With them, as I have obſerved, nobility is never he⯑reditary; nor is there any diſtinction of rank, except what office gives; ſo that, independent of the family of Con⯑fucius, who are looked upon with reverence, who is con⯑ſidered as the legiſlator, and of whom I ſhall ſpeak here⯑after, the whole kingdom is divided into magiſtracy and commonalty. There are no lands but what are held by ſoccage-tenure; not even temple-lands, or thoſe deſtined for the prieſts: ſo that their gods, as well as men, are ſubject to the ſtate; and, by taxes and contributions, ob⯑liged to acknowledge the Emperor's ſupremacy. When a viceroy, or governor, dies, his children, as well as thoſe of other men, have their fortunes to make; and, if they inherit not their father's virtue and ingenuity, his name, which they bear, be it ever ſo renowned, will en⯑title [129] them to no rank or precedence. By this ſtate-maxim, trade riſes in eſtimation, and the Emperor's re⯑venues increaſe, as no eſtates are tax-free, and family-influence never gains ſuch an aſcendancy, as to inconve⯑nience the prince; and it is, laſtly, a received opinion among the Chineſe, that if an Emperor would be obliged, he ſhould lay his commands on his ſubjects, and not on little kings.

All mandarins are obliged, every three years, to give in an exact account, in writing, of the faults they have committed in the diſcharge of their office. This kind of confeſſion is examined at court, and the Emperor makes private enquiry into the truth of them, and whether ſuch mandarins have done their duty; if they have, they are rewarded, if not, they are tried, diſgraced, diſmiſſed, and puniſhed. And every three years, the viceroy, or go⯑vernor of each province, makes his report to the Emperor of the conduct of the mandarins in his diſtrict. The principal mandarins are ſometimes broke, and diſmiſſed from all employments; at other times, are only removed a few degrees lower, and appointed to ſome inferior office. And, a ſingular regulation, which exiſts only in China, is, that every mandarin degraded to an inferior office, is, in the execution of that office, obliged, at the head of all the warrants, or precepts, he iſſues, to men⯑tion the number of ſteps he has loſt. Thus, for example, he will ſay—‘I, ſuch a mandarin, degraded three, four, or ſix ſteps (according as the caſe may be), order and [130] command, &c’ And the inſpector of a province, has an unlimited authority over ſuch mandarins, and can, by his own power, deprive them of their employment, never conſulting the court, but in caſes where immediate pu⯑niſhment is not neceſſary.

And, that the mandarins may be more in the Em⯑peror's power, the offices about court, are given to the ſons of mandarins; by which means, theſe ſons remain as hoſtages for their father's good conduct.

The Emperors of the Chineſe have ſeldom appeared in public; but the preſent Tartar-family ſhew themſelves to the people, about four times a month. When he viſits the frontiers of Tartary, as he does almoſt every year, 30 or 40 Tartar princes attend, to do him homage; but he viſits the provinces, riding poſt, with only a few of his officers, guards being planted along the roads, for his ſecurity.

An unbounded authority which the laws give the Em⯑peror, and a neceſſity which the ſame laws lay on him to uſe that authority with moderation and diſcretion, are the two props which have, for 4000 years, ſupported this great fabric of the Chineſe monarchy. He never preſumes to enact a law, but with the concurrence of the great coun⯑cil; or ever ſuſpend, or alter one, but with their appro⯑bation. But he is ſo abſolute, that the grave itſelf cannot put an end to his power over his ſubjects; for, when he [131] has a mind to diſgrace, or honour families, he will confer titles, or infamy, even on the dead.

The women are excluded from having any ſhare in their government or councils; and, by way of deriſion, having learned that women are ſometimes veſted with ſovereign power in this part of the world, they call Europe, ‘The Ladies Empire.’

Their civil laws are almoſt all taken from their canon⯑ical books of morality, and filial piety is their baſis. Ju⯑riſprudence is taught in China, in the ſame manner as the principles, rules and myſteries of religion, are in other countries; all their laws being maxims of civil and ſocial duty. Many of them I have already ſet forth, under their manners and cuſtoms. But no laws can be more ſevere than their penal laws; and theſe laws are ſo combined, that no fault eſcapes puniſhment, and the correction never exceeds the crime committed. Every perſon accuſed is examined by five tribunals; each examines the proceſs, and their enquiries are directed not only againſt the ac⯑cuſed, but the proſecutor, and his witneſſes. The cul⯑prit remains, 'tis true, in priſon, during all this ſlow pro⯑ceſs; but priſons here are not dungeons, they are ſpacious and convenient. It is the duty of a mandarin to inſpect them frequently, to ſee the priſoners properly treated, to ſend for phyſicians when they need it, he being reſpon⯑ſible for the ſick. If any man dies in priſon, the Emperor is informed of it, and another mandarin is diſpatched to [132] examine into circumſtances, and ſee if the inſpecting man⯑darin has done his duty.

Priſons, in great cities, are ſo large, that they conſiſt of ſeveral ſtreets, with market-places, walks, gardens, canals, &c. like the palaces. In Canton alone, 'tis ſaid, there are not leſs than 15,000 priſoners. The offenders are allowed to work, in the day-time, for their living, the Emperor's allowance being but ſmall; and the Chi⯑neſe not being very charitably diſpoſed.

The ſlighteſt of all their puniſhments is the baſtinado. It is a mere paternal correction, which has no infamy an⯑nexed to it. The Emperor even orders it on ſome of his courtiers, but they are as reſpectable as before; and a mandarin, without ordering, will, if he meets any one abroad deſerving of it, inflict it immediately, his officers of juſtice being always with him. The number of blows is in proportion to the crime, but never leſs than 20. The infliction is with a cudgel on the breech, by throwing the offender on the ground. The offender afterwards, if he is able, falls down to the mandarin, and thanks him for his kind correction; though one blow is enough to lame him, if the officer is not bribed.

The baton, or Pan-tſée, a piece of bamboo, a little flatted, is an inſtrument of puniſhment which every man⯑darin may uſe at pleaſure, either when any one forgets to ſalute him, or when he adminiſters public juſtice. On [133] theſe occaſions, he ſits gravely behind a table, on which is placed a bag of ſmall ſticks; his officers furniſhed with ſome of theſe Pan-tſées, and waiting only his ſignal, to uſe them. When he means to puniſh any one, he takes one of theſe ſmall ſticks from the bag, and throws it into the hall of audience; the culprit is then ſeized, laid down on the ground, his breeches pulled down to his heels, and a ſtrong domeſtic gives him five blows of his Pan-tſée, and another ſucceeds, and gives him five more, if the mandarin draws another ſtick from the bag; and ſo on, as long as the mandarin thinks proper. After this, the criminal is to throw himſelf on his knees, and thank his judge, for the attention he has been pleaſed to beſtow on him.

The puniſhment of the wooden collar is alſo uſed in China. This is compoſed of two pieces of wood, like the yoke by which men carry pails, which, put together, incloſe the head, and fit the ſhoulders. They are ſo large, that the criminal can neither ſee his feet, nor put his hand to his mouth; ſo that he cannot eat, without being fed. It generally weighs from 50 to 60 lb. weight, though ſome weigh 200lb. for greater offences; and the offender is obliged to carry this about with him, day and night. The time for a robbery, diſturbing the peace of a family, or being a notorious gambler, is three months. He is not at liberty to take ſhelter in his own houſe, but ſtationed, for a certain time, in ſome public ſquare, at the gate of a city, or at the tribunal where he was condemned. [134] When the term of his puniſhment is expired, he is brought before the mandarin, receives an admonition from him, and is diſcharged, after having received 20 ſound blows.

Other crimes, leſs than homicide, are puniſhed by ba⯑niſhment for life, to tug the royal barks for three years, or be branded in the cheeks.

Theft from relations is more ſeverely puniſhed than theft from ſtrangers. Whoever informs againſt his pa⯑rents, grand-father or grand-mother, uncle, or eldeſt bro⯑ther, is condemned to receive 100 blows of the Pan-tſée, and be baniſhed for three years, though the accuſation may be juſt; and, if falſe, the accuſer is ſtrangled. All inceſt is puniſhable, according to the offence. A grand⯑ſon, deficient in duty to his parents, grand-father or grand-mother, receives 100 blows of the Pan-tſée; if he gives them abuſive language, he is ſtrangled; if he lifts his hand againſt them, he is beheaded; and, if he wounds, or maims them, his fleſh is torn from his bones with red-hot pincers, and he is cut into 10,000 pieces. If a younger brother abuſes his elder, he receives 100 blows of the Pan-tſée; and, if he dares to ſtrike him, he is baniſhed.

Homicide is puniſhed with death. The man who kills another, even in an accidental quarrel, is ſtrangled with⯑out remiſſion; a rope of about ſix or ſeven feet long, with a [135] running nooſe, is thrown over the criminal's head, a cou⯑ple of domeſtics belonging to the tribunal pull it ſtrongly, in different directions, then, on a ſudden quit it. A few moments after, they give it a ſecond pull, which ge⯑nerally does the buſineſs; and a third is ſeldom ne⯑neſſary.

The cutting in 10,000 pieces, is a kind of puniſhment never known but in China, and too horrid to be related. This torture is alſo too ſevere for a feeling mind to bear any deſcription of, of courſe, I truſt my readers will excuſe it. But to ſoften their ſeverity, theſe cruel inflictions are never exerciſed but in caſes of high treaſon, and other extra-of⯑fences; and no ſentence of death is put into execution, till it has been approved and confirmed by the Emperor, after a careful examination into the whole of the trial: nor does he ſign the death-warrant, till he has prepared himſelf, by faſting.

Le Comte aſſures us, that it is a common thing for men to let themſelves out to be baſtinadoed, in the room of the criminal; and the near relation of an accuſed per⯑ſon, acknowledged to be guilty, is permitted to put him⯑ſelf in his place, and ſuffer the infliction of the law for his friend, if the puniſhment be a light one. A Chineſe condemned to baniſhment, may take his family with him; and the relations of all perſons accuſed, are encou⯑raged to adminiſter to their wants and comforts in priſon. And ſuch is their national humanity, that the ability of a [136] judge, who has been able to detect a criminal among all his ſubterfuges to elude juſtice, is leſs eſteemed than one whoſe penetration has ſaved an innocent man, when con⯑ſpiracy and malevolence have combined to ruin him.

The Emperor himſelf is treated little leſs than a divi⯑nity. If he is dangerouſly ill, the palace is full of manda⯑rins of every order, who ſpend night and day in a large court, in habits proper for the occaſion, to expreſs their own grief, and aſk of Heaven their prince's cure. Rain, ſnow, cold, or any other inconvenience, never excuſe them from this duty; and, as long as the Emperor is in pain, or in danger, any one that ſaw the people, would think, that they feared nothing but the loſs of him.

Though the prince can nominate his ſucceſſor, he never changes the ſucceſſion, but ſuffers the Crown to be here⯑ditary, unleſs the next heir has forfeited his claim, by the commiſſion of ſome crime. Such princes of the blood as have merit to recommend them, are always titled, and protected; but, ſuch as are un-titled, are ſubject to the ſame police as every other citizen; and, if they commit a crime, and are tried before any tribunal, are treated with the utmoſt rigour, and no ſum of money, however great, can exempt them from puniſhment.

No kind of ſervice, rendered to the ſtate, is either for⯑gotten, or goes unrewarded; and nothing is neglected, in China, that has any relation to government, Even the [137] Gazette, printed daily at Peking, and circulated through⯑out the empire, is made ſubſervient to the conſtitution. The writers of theſe papers never dare to inſult the na⯑tion with the abilities or ſucceſs of a buffoon, with the deſcription of a new dance, or with the graces and figure of a comedian; but, in this Gazette, may be ſeen, the names of thoſe mandarins who are deprived of their offi⯑ces, the cauſe of their diſgrace, and the names of thoſe whoſe merit has raiſed them to a poſt of eminence. It takes the earlieſt opportunity of publiſhing the name of the moſt obſcure ſoldier, who has diſplayed courage and intrepidity in battle; announces to the whole empire, an act of filial piety, or an example of female modeſty, even in the humbleſt ruſtic; mentions the crimes of all thoſe delinquents puniſhed with death; acquaints the peo⯑ple with every ſtep government takes; and contains, even the remonſtrances, which ſuperior tribunals take the liberty of preſenting to the Sovereign. Nothing, how⯑ever, is inſerted till the Emperor has ſeen it; death would be the conſequence to the authors, or the printer, if it was.

The Emperor's revenue amounts to above 41 millions ſterling, and he might eaſily encreaſe it by new impoſi⯑tions, but ſeldom exerciſes this privilege, for he can levy what taxes he pleaſes, for the exigencies of government. The common tax is about a tenth part of the profits of all profeſſions, which is ſeldom exceeded; and the Em⯑peror, every year, exempts ſome one or more of the [138] provinces from paying any, eſpecially if they have been viſited by any epidemic ſickneſs, unfavourable weather, or any other calamity.

An account of every man's family, eſtate, and ſub⯑ſtance, with the taxes due to the crown, is taken every year and enrolled; a copy of which is hung up at the door of every man's houſe, and the maſter is obliged to carry in the Emperor's duties to the mandarins, without being called on, on pain of impriſonment and the baſti⯑nado till done; ſo that all the charges of collectors and receivers is ſaved, and the mandarins pay in theirs to the treaſury of the province, who tranſmits the ſurplus to Peking, after he has paid the governors, officers, and ſoldiers of the province, and other neceſſary charges of government are defrayed.

The greateſt part of the taxes are paid in kind, and the officers of government, are all furniſhed with every ne⯑ceſſary both for food and cloathing, ſo that the commodi⯑ties paid in taxes, are almoſt all conſumed in thoſe pro⯑vinces in which they are levied; what remains is ſold for the Emperor. Thoſe taxes paid in money, ariſe from the cuſtoms and the ſale of ſalt, which belongs ſolely to the Emperor, and other imports; the trader ſcarcely con⯑tributes any thing▪ all ſeems to fall upon the huſband⯑man.

[139]The annual expences of government are immenſe, but they are ſo regulated, that great ſavings are yearly made, and theſe ſavings ſupport a war, or defray other contin⯑gent expences. In ſhort, there is ſo little want of mo⯑ney, that though China, as I have obſerved, contains many mines of gold and ſilver, they are not ſuffered to be opened.

Their money having been ſpoken of, I have only to obſerve; they keep up a balance in the value of copper, of which their ſmall coin is made; never ſuffering it to be ſo low in value, as to tempt men to coin; nor ſo high in value, as to induce them to convert the coin to other purpoſes.

CHAP. XII. Of their Army.

HAVING treated of their navy, when giving an ac⯑count of their rivers and ports, I ſhall here only ſpeak of their army.

The conduct and buſineſs is, as I have already no⯑ticed, under the controul of the mandarins of letters; but the field-officers are all mandarins of arms, the preſident of whoſe tribunal is commander-in-chief. It is computed that there are between 18 or 20,000 mandarins of war. The troops of the empire amount to more than 800,000, and yet they are maintained with five millions ſterling; whereas, only 100,000 of Engliſh foot, coſt our govern⯑ment two millions, rating the maintenance of a ſoldier at fifteen pounds per year; yet no army is better cloathed than the Chineſe, better paid, or better armed. This numerous army reminds us of thoſe of Xerxes and Darius; but if we conſider the extent of the empire and its great population, it is not ſo extraordinary.

The Emperor frequently reviews his army, at which time, he is ſeated upon a carpet ſpread for him in the field, and attended, on the right, by the commander in chief, and by his chief mandarins on the left [See the plate], where the officers of the guards, after the evolu⯑tions are gone through, are preſented to him; the guards at a diſtance on their bended knee. At every review their arms are carefully inſpected. Thoſe of a horſeman, conſiſt of a helmet, a cuiraſs, a lance, and a large ſabre. Foot-ſoldiers are armed with a pike and ſabre; ſome of them with fuzees, others with bows and arrows. If any of theſe are found in bad condition, or in any reſpect ruſted, the neglect is immediately puniſhed: if the of⯑fender is a Chineſe, by 30 or 40 blows with a ſtick; if a Tartar, with as many laſhes.

The horſe-guards of Peking, are above 160,000, di⯑vided into eight battallions, each of which has a banner, diſtinguiſhed by the colours, viz. yellow, white, red and blue; or by the border, viz. yellow, with a red border, white with ditto, red with a white border, and blue with a red border. Green is the colour of the Chineſe banner. Each batallion has a general, and under him, ſeveral lieu⯑tenant-generals. Each batallion has 100 companies, well officered, and the men are pretty well diſciplined. They are rather tumultuous in their march, but want neither ſkill nor ability in performing their different evolutions. [142] The horſe form themſelves into ſquadrons, make an at⯑tack, engage and rally, without the leaſt difficulty, by the ſound of a trumpet or a horn. They ride with ſhort ſtirrups, their knees up to the ſaddle, which enables them to riſe on their ſtirrups and give a heavier blow; indeed, all perſons in China, ride in this manner. The Chineſe ſoldiers, in general, handle a ſabre well, and they ſhew much dexterity in ſhooting with bows and arrows; but notwithſtanding this, they are eaſily routed; owing to an effeminate education that boys receive, and the little uſe they have to make uſe of their weapons. To ſee them reviewed, one would think them ſufficient to awe all Aſia, but the weſtern Tartars think nothing of their numbers, and frequently ſay, in deriſion, that the neigh⯑ing of a Tartar horſe, is enough to rout all the Chineſe cavalry: yet they take all poſſible care to have good ſol⯑diers, for they take no officers into the guards, till they have made trial of their ſtoutneſs, dexterity and ſkill, in military knowledge.

The ſoldiers look very ſmart, are neatly dreſſed in blue Nanking ſtuff, their gowns ſhort and narrow, with ratan caps on their heads, and a bunch of red hair fixed on the top of them; which, when they perform any quick motion, or are agitated by the wind, make a grand ap⯑pearance, eſpecially when four or five hundred of them are marching in a body. Their boots are of ſilk lined with cotton. Their principal arms are the ſword and bow; the former is very large, heavy, and broad; they [143] wear them on the left ſide, but with the handle behind, and the point hanging down forward. When they draw them, they, with the left hand, take hold of the lower end of the ſcabbard, and lift up the ſword behind them ſo high, that the handle may reach above the ſhoulder behind; ſo that, at the drawing the ſword, with the right hand over the left ſhoulder, they can give a quick and a heavy ſtroke; and, aukward as this may appear to thoſe who are unuſed to it, it is certain they do it with great caſe and agility; the effect of conſtant practice.

Their bows are very large and ſtrong, and are carried in a caſe on the left ſide, with a quiver of arrows on their back. On the right thumb, they wear a broad and thick ivory or agate ring, on which they place the ſtring of the bow when they draw it, and have another ring on the left thumb, for the arrow to run upon, when they ſhoot.

The officers, in ſun-ſhine, make a ſplendid appear⯑ance, their dreſs being embroidered with gold and ſilver on the back and breaſt, where their badges of diſtinction are fixed, and which make a glittering ſhew. They all wear whiſkers, as do the common men, and have a fierce look. The common Tartar-ſoldiers, though brought from the north, have tawny complexions, and their fierce countenances ſufficiently diſtinguiſh them from the natives of China, who are more effeminate and ſoft-featured.

[144]There is a large plain below Canton, where the cavalry quartered in that city, are frequently exerciſed, and is a kind of large horſe-courſe, with poſts fixed at ſmall diſ⯑tances. In this broad path, the ſoldiers will ride one after another with incredible ſwiftneſs, ſhooting their ar⯑rows at theſe poſts: they will diſmount from their horſes in full gallop, take up their arms, preſent and ſhoot again; and, what is ſtill more ſurpriſing, will mount and diſmount, in their career, for the ſame arrow, making uſe of one only, all the way round: but this laſt ope⯑ration is performed only by the more experienced ſoldiers.

Though there is reaſon to believe that the uſe of ar⯑tillery is very ancient in China, it appears to have been totally loſt about the beginning of the laſt century. But father Verbieſt, a jeſuit-miſſionary, revived it, and, by or⯑der of the Emperor, put them in the way to caſt a new ſet: and he raiſed the Chineſe artillery to the number of 320 pieces. The ſame jeſuit taught them the method of fortifying towns, and of conſtructing fortreſſes; for the jeſuits in Europe were not contented with ſending zealous miſſionaries to China, but thought it neceſſary that their zeal ſhould be united with other uſeful talents. This wiſe precaution procured them admiſſion to the center of the Empire, which, till then, had been ſhut up againſt every ſtranger.

[145]It is now computed that there are more than 2000 places of arms in China, and 3000 towers, or caſtles, diſperſed throughout the whole empire; all of which are garri⯑ſoned. The fortreſſes, beſides the principal ſtrength de⯑rived from their ſituation, are defended by a rampart, a brick-wall, towers, and a ditch, filled with water. A cer⯑tain city of antiquity ſtood once a ſiege of ten years, but the neighbours of the Chineſe, have long ſince loſt the true art of attack.

Nature itſelf, however, has ſufficiently fortified this country. The ſea, with a very ſhallow ſhore, borders ſix of the provinces, ſo that large veſſels cannot come near them; inacceſſible mountains cover them on the weſt, and the remaining part is defended by the great wall.

They depend chiefly upon the Tartars for their ſafety, for ſince a Tartar-prince has been upon the throne, every Tartar is enrolled a ſoldier from his cradle; as ſoon as he is of ſufficient age to carry arms, he is diſciplined, and muſt be ready to take the field upon the ſhorteſt notice.

When they take the field, their banners are carried in chariots of war, which are little elſe than large boxes without covers, that will hold three, fixed upon two low wheels, and drawn by four horſes, conducted by reins, and capariſoned with armour. They have a kind of ſteel petticoat, that ſurrounds their legs, like Bayes's troop, in [146] the Rehearſal, and a frontlet of ſteel put on their faces, with holes to ſee through. On one ſide of the chariot, is the banner, fixed upright; and on the other ſide, are ſe⯑veral pikes, lances, and halberts, ſet up in the ſame man⯑ner. The general rides in a chariot alone, guiding his horſes himſelf, with two pikes fixed up before him; the horſes of which are better cloathed and armed, having pieces of armour over their necks and tails; and when ſo equipped, have very much the appearance of rhinoce⯑roſes. Even their very tails are cloathed.

Though no kind of ſervice rendered to the ſtate, is either neglected or forgotten, military ſervices are much leſs ſo than others. Government, in time of war, be⯑ſtows diſtinctions and rewards with a laviſh hand; it ex⯑tends its favours even to the loweſt. If a common horſe or foot-ſoldier falls in battle, his hair, his bow, or his ſa⯑bre, is tranſmitted to his family, to be interred in the ſe⯑pulchre of his anceſtors, inſtead of his body: an eulo⯑gium, ſuited to his atchievement, is ſent to be engraven on his tomb. If an officer falls a ſacrifice to his coun⯑try's cauſe, either his whole armour, his aſhes, his bones, or his whole body, if it can be found, is conveyed to his relations; and according to their reſpective ranks, cer⯑tain ceremonies are performed in commemoration of ſome, and certain monuments erected to others. The body of an officer, or the hair, &c. of a ſoldier, will be tranſported, on ſuch occaſions, to the diſtance of 1000 or 1500 leagues, if his family is ſo far diſtant. The ſoldier, [147] as well as the officer, is mentioned in the gazette; and his name thus paſſes before the eyes of the public, and thence into the general hiſtory of the empire. But no ſooner ſhall the war be at an end, and peace reſtored, than the appearance of this vaſt army is almoſt loſt. No ſoldier is permitted to wear arms in public, except when at a re⯑view, when he mounts guard, or accompanies any man⯑darin; all return to the ſtate of, and appear like, plain and humble citizens, and purſue their reſpective trades.

The greater part of the Tartar-ſoldiers at Peking, with their families, are lodged, either in immenſe barracks, erected in the ſuburbs, or in the adjacent country; and every common man is allowed a complete and ſeparate apartment for the uſe of his family. The officers have houſes; and, in the midſt, are public ſchools for the edu⯑cation of the Tartar-youth.

In order to ſecure the throne in the preſent Tartar-fa⯑mily, the principal, military offices are given to Tartars. A campaign is generally reckoned to be two years ſervice. An exact journal is kept of every military tranſaction, and thoſe who have given proofs of valour or ſuperior ſkill, are there mentioned with honour. Promotion is the con⯑ſequence of merit, if an officer ſurvives; if not, his re⯑wards are conferred on his widow, children, or bro⯑thers. Neither the father of a great family, an only ſon, nor the ſon of an aged widow, is obliged to ſerve as a ſol⯑dier; unleſs the ſtate be in great danger, or in caſes of [148] the moſt urgent neceſſity, and then government advances money to thoſe who enliſt, and gives them double pay whilſt they ſerve; one for themſelves, and one for their families. In ſhort, rewards are always ready for thoſe who have done their duty, and puniſhment is not ſlow in reaching thoſe who neglect it.

CHAP. XIII. Of their Religion.

FATHER Amiot, an impartial and competent judge of the literature, hiſtory, and antiquities of China, gives the reſult of his laborious reſearches, reſpecting the primitive religion of that country, in the following words. ‘The Chineſe are a diſtinct people, who have ſtill pre⯑ſerved the characteriſtic marks of their firſt origin; a people whoſe primitive doctrine will be found, by thoſe who take the trouble of examining it thoroughly, to agree, in its eſſential parts, with the doctrines of the choſen people, before Moſes explained it in the ſacred records; a people whoſe traditional knowledge, when freed from the ignorance and ſuperſtition of latter ages may be traced back without interruption, for the ſpace of more than 4000 years, even to the renewal of the human race, by the grandſons of Noah.’

[149]There is every hiſtorical probability to ſupport the be⯑lief, that the colony which firſt peopled China, were compoſed of the immediate deſcendants of Noah. The king, or canonical books of the Chineſe, every where con⯑firm the idea of a Supreme Being, the creator and pre⯑ſerver of all things, the rewarder of good actions, and the puniſher of evil ones; and, myſterious as it may ſeem, ſerve to favour the doctrine of a Trinity; and the doctrine of the exiſtence and attributes of the Supreme Being, and of the worſhip and homage due to him, has ſubſiſted in China, pure and without change, during a long ſeries of ages.

Peking contains, at preſent, two principal temples, the Tien-tan and the Ti-tan; in the conſtruction of which, the Chineſe have diſplayed all the elegance and magnifi⯑cence of their architecture. They are both dedicated to the Chang-ti or Supreme Lord. The ceremonies with which modern ſacrifices are attended, are greatly multi⯑plied, and nothing can equal the ſplendor and magnifi⯑cence, with which the Emperor is ſurrounded, when he performs this ſolemn and ſacred duty. He alone, in quality of the father of the nation, has a right to offer up ſacrifice: and, from the manner, on the one hand, in which he prepares himſelf by faſting, for this high ſo⯑lemnity; the innumerable crowd of princes, lords, and officers that ſurround him in his proceſſion to the tem⯑ple; the magnificence of the veſtments, utenſils, &c. all in gold: and, on the other hand, from the manner in [150] which he performs his proſtrations, rolls in the duſt, and ſpeaks of himſelf to the Chang-ti, in terms of the moſt ab⯑ject ſubmiſſion, it may eaſily be perceived, that he aſ⯑ſumes ſo much pomp and ſplendor, only for the purpoſe of declaring, in a more ſenſible and ſtriking manner, the infinite diſtance between the Supreme Being and man.

The ceremony of plowing and opening the earth, has ſacrifice previous to it, prepared by faſting and prayer; and the grain, grown from what he ſows, being afterwards preſerved for future ſacrifices, are convincing proofs that there is more than policy in the encouragement of agri⯑culture in the ceremony. In ſhort, it is a religious cere⯑mony, and has been continued in China, from the re⯑moteſt antiquity.

The religion of this country is, however, after all, but idolatry. But, of all idolaters on the face of the earth, Nieuhoff obſerves, that the Chineſe have fallen into the feweſt abſurdities. There are three ſects here tolerated, that of the Learned, who follow the doctrine of the ancient book, and look upon Confucius as their maſter; that of the Diſciples of Lao-kien, which is nothing but a web of ex⯑travagance and impiety; and that of the Idolaters, who worſhip a divinity called Fo, whoſe opinions were intro⯑duced from India, about 32 years after our Saviour's crucifixion.

[151]Of the firſt of theſe ſects, are they who profeſs regu⯑larly to ſtudy it, in order to advance themſelves by the degrees and dignities of the empire; the ſecond has de⯑generated into magic and enchantment, and the third is nothing but a heap of fables and ſuperſtitions. To give ſome idea of theſe different ſects, I ſhall follow the order of time, in which they took their riſe.

Of the firſt, I have ſaid, it has the Supreme God for its object, revived by Confucius, the Chineſe philoſopher, who is called in China Coum-tſe, and who was cotempo⯑rary with Pythagoras, a little before Socrates; having been born 483 years before the birth of Chriſt. This man was beloved by kings, and the people reverenced him as a ſaint; and even at this day, they acknowledge no true, hereditary nobility but in his family. He made upwards of 3000 proſelytes, and ſent 600 of his diſciples into dif⯑ferent parts of the Chineſe empire, to reform the man⯑ners of the people, and died in the 73d year of his age. His gravity (ſay hiſtorians), and ſobriety, his rigorous abſtinence, his contempt of riches and what are common⯑ly called the goods of this life, his continual attention and watchfulneſs over his actions; and, above all, that mo⯑deſty and humility, which are not to be found among the Grecian ſages: all theſe would tempt us to believe that he was not a mere philoſopher, formed by reaſon only, but a man inſpired by God, for the reformation of the world, and to check that torrent of idolatry and ſuper⯑ſtition, which was going to overſpread that particular [152] part of it. He left ſeveral books of his own compoſing, full of fine principles of morality; which he ingenuouſly owned, were collected from thoſe wiſe legiſlators Yao and Chun, the firſt Emperors of China; and who lived 500 years before him. Thoſe books are held, at preſent, in the higheſt eſteem and veneration, as containing all he could collect of the ancient laws, which are looked upon as the moſt perfect rule of government.

The ſect of Tao-ſſé, was founded by a philoſopher, named Lao-kiun or Lao-tſé, who was born in 603 of the chriſtian aera; he was librarian to one of the Emperors, and left a collection of 5000 ſentences. His morality bears a great reſemblance to the doctrines of Epicurus, and conſiſts chiefly in baniſhing all vehement deſires and ſuppreſſing impetuous paſſions. His diſciples afterwards changed his doctrines, and ſaid it was poſſible to diſcover a liquor, that would make the drinker of it immortal. This fooliſh idea, led them to the ſtudy of chemiſtry; afterwards to ſearch for the philoſopher's ſtone; till, at laſt, they were loſt in all the wild extravagancies of ma⯑gic; and the weakneſs of preceeding Emperors too much encouraged it.

The Tao-ſsé, at preſent, offer up three different vic⯑tims to the ſpirit they invoke, a hog, a fiſh, and a bird, and follow up their incantations with grimaces and horrible cries. Some of them in China, pretend to be fortune-tellers; and ridiculouſly as they act, their chief is inveſted [153] by government, with the dignity of grand mandarin, which his ſucceſſors enjoy, and he reſides in a ſumptu⯑ous palace in the province of Kiang-ſi. The ſuperſtitious confidence repoſed in him, attracts a crowd of followers, who flock there for cures, from all parts of the empire, and to know their fortune. And this mandarin diſtri⯑butes ſmall pieces of paper, filled with magic characters, to all around him, who depart ſatisfied, and without regretting the fatigue or expence of theſe pious pil⯑grimages.

This ſect, ſtill more pernicious, and much wider dif⯑fuſed throughout China, than the preceding, came ori⯑ginally from India: it was introduced by the Emperor Ming-ti, from a dream. He happened to dream, one night, ſays hiſtory, and a ſentence which Confucius often repeated, occurred to his mind, viz. "That the Moſt Holy was to be found in the weſt." On this he ſent am⯑baſſadors into the Indies, to diſcover who this ſaint was, and there, ſuppoſing they had diſcovered him among the worſhippers of the idol Fo, brought the idol into China, and with it the fables, wherewith the Indian books were filled. This was in the 65th year of the Chriſtian aera.

The prieſts attached to the worſhip of Fo, are called, by the Siameſe, Talapoins; by the Tartars, Lamas; by the Chineſe, Ho-chang; and by the Japaneſe, Bonzes; by which latter name, they are better known in Europe.

[154]One of the principal doctrines of this ſect, is tranſmi⯑gration, of which Fo appears to have been the inventor, as he lived 500 years before Pythagoras; and as we know that this Grecian philoſopher travelled through Egypt and ſeveral parts of India, there can ſcarcely be a doubt of his having borrowed this notion from ſome of Fo's diſciples. Another part of their doctrine, is the worſhip of anceſtors. Every Chineſe keeps in his houſe, a table whereon is written the names of his father, grand-father, and great grand-father; before which they frequently burn incenſe and proſtrate themſelves; and when the fa⯑ther of a family dies, the name of the great grand-father is eraſed, and that of the deceaſed added, to make up the number.

I ſhall not here attempt to examine all the errors of the doctine of Fo; its folly and abſurdity will ſufficiently appear, if the ideas on which it is founded be only men⯑tioned. ‘Nothing, (ſay they) is the beginning and end of all that exiſts. From nothing our firſt parents ſprung, and to nothing ſhall we all return. All beings are, in fact, the ſame, their only difference conſiſts in their qualities and figure; the univerſal principle of which they conſiſt, is ſo ſubtle, ſimple and pure, as to be, in reality, nothing; and to be in a ſtate of reſt, and obtain happineſs, we muſt endeavour, by conſtant meditation, and frequent conqueſt over ourſelves, to acquire a likeneſs to this principle, and to obtain this end, we muſt accuſtom ourſelves to do nothing, will [155] nothing, feel nothing, and wiſh for nothing; and when we have acquired this ſtate of happy inſenſibility, vir⯑tue and vice, rewards and puniſhments, providence and immortality are out of the queſtion. The nearer a man approaches to the nature of a ſtone or a log, the nearer he is to perfection: all holineſs conſiſting in ceaſing to exiſt, and being annihilated.’

Can any one believe that a philoſophy ſo abſurd would have found partiſans in China? But ſo it did; and the following are the tenets preached by the Bonzes, who profeſs this doctrine. They admit of diſtinction be⯑tween good and evil, and the doctrine of future rewards and puniſhments. They ſay, as Chriſtians do of their Saviour, that Fo came upon earth to ſerve mankind, and to redeem ſinners; that by him all ſins are expiated, and that, through him alone they are to have a happy regeneration in the life to come. They have five pre⯑cepts which they enjoin a ſtrict obſervance of. 1. Not to kill any living creature. 2. Not to take away the goods of another. 3. Not to pollute themſelves by un⯑cleanneſs. 4. Not to lie. And, 5. Not to drink wine. But above all, they recommend acts of mercy, to treat their Bonzes well, to erect temples and monaſteries for them, and ſupply them with every neceſſary, that they may be enabled, by their prayers, to merit forgiveneſs for them, and a remiſſion of their ſins. ‘At the funeral of your parents (ſay they), burn paper gilt with gold and ſilver, gold and ſilver-ſtuffs; theſe ſubſtances will [156] be changed into real gold and ſilver, (and ſo it is for them) in the other world, and all theſe riches will be tranſmitted to your fathers. Wo unto you, if you obey not theſe precepts! Your ſouls will be delivered over, after death, to the ſevereſt torments, and be ſub⯑jected to the moſt diſguſting changes: you ſhall live again in the form of dogs, rats, ſerpents, horſes, and mules, and ſhall be for ever expoſed to the moſt diſmal and wretched tranſmigrations.’

Le Comte tells us of one whom the Bonzes had perſuaded, that his ſoul was to go into one of the Empe⯑ror's poſt-horſes, that conveys his diſpatches; and they had adviſed him to eat little and endure it patiently, and God might be induced, the next remove, to let him paſs into ſome perſon of quality. But the man was under ſuch horror at being a poſt-horſe, that his being a man of figure afterwards, gave him but little ſatisfaction: he could not ſleep, day or night; his imaginations led him to think he was already in harneſs, and ſtarting at the ſmack of the poſtilion's whip. ‘I awake (would he ſay) all in a ſweat, half frantic,’ not knowing whether he was ſtill a man, or metamorphoſed into a horſe. He flew, therefore, to Le Comte, and begged of him to baptiſe him and make him a chriſtian, that he might not undergo, when he died, ſo diſagreeable a change.

Although each family is particularly ſollicitous to pay the utmoſt honour to the idols they think proper to [157] adopt, it does not appear that they have any ſincere re⯑ſpect for them. In caſes, where they have often prayed for ſucceſs, the patience of their votaries is wearied out, and they will make their offerings to other deities. Others, leſs moderate, will treat them roughly, kick them about and load them with abuſive language. ‘Thou dog of a ſpirit (will they cry), have we not lodged thee in a commodious temple? Art thou not well gilt, well fed, and well incenſed? Yet, notwith⯑ſtanding all our care and reſpect, thou art ungrateful enough to refuſe us, even things that are neceſſary.’ And with this will tie the idol with cords, drag it through the kennels, and beſpatter it with filth and dirt, to puniſh it, for all the perfume they have before laviſhed on it: but, if, during this ſcene of frantic folly, they ſhould chance to obtain what they pray for, they will waſh, clean, and carry back the image with great com⯑poſure, to its niche, proſtrate themſelves before it, make the humbleſt apologies for their raſhneſs and pre⯑ſumption, and beg of it forgiveneſs.

Le Comte entertains us with a ſtory which happened while he reſided at Nanking. A certain man whoſe only daughter lay dangerouſly ill, having tried all the art of the phyſicians, without effect, thought proper to implore the aſſiſtance of the gods. Humbly did he proſtrate himſelf before his idol, and offer, not only prayers, but alms and ſacrifice, for the recovery of his child. The Bonzes, who benefited by this, promiſed a cure, on the [158] part and faith of the idol, but promiſed in vain. The girl died, and the father, to be revenged, proſecuted the god in form, by laying his caſe in writing before the judge. After having repreſented, in the livelieſt terms, the deceitful conduct of the unjuſt divinity, he prayed that exemplary puniſhment might be inflicted on it for its breach of ſaith. ‘If the ſpirit,’ ſaid he, ‘had power to cure my daughter, it was guilty of fraud, in taking my money, and ſuffering her to die. If it had not power, it was equally as bad to pretend to it. By what right then, does it aſſume the character of a god? Is it for nothing that we adore it, and that all the province offers it ſacrifice?’ In ſhort, he con⯑cluded, that whether it was want of power, or malice in the idol, its temple ought to be raſed, its miniſters baniſhed with diſgrace, and itſelf puniſhed in its own perſon.

This affair being, by the judge, conſidered as impor⯑tant, was referred, by him, to the governor; who, un⯑willing to have any thing to do with the gods, begged the viceroy to enquire into it: he did, and finding the Bonzes much alarmed, adviſed the complainant to drop the ſuit; telling him, it was injudicious to quarrel with this kind of ſpirits, who were naturally revengeful. ‘I am afraid (continued he) that if you carry this matter too far, they will play you ſome, bad trick. Believe me, you had much better accommodate the matter with the Bonzes. They have aſſured me, that the idol will [159] hearken to reaſon, provided you do not provoke it to the contrary.’

The man, oppreſſed with grief for the loſs of his child, perſiſted in his reſolution, and declared he would rather die, than relax in his requeſt. ‘I am determined, my lord,’ ſaid he. ‘The idol may conceive, he may commit injuſtice with impunity, becauſe no one will have the courage to attack him; but he ſhall find him⯑ſelf miſtaken, and we ſhall ſoon ſee which of the two is the moſt obſtinate and malicious.’

The viceroy, finding he could not prevail on the man to give up his point, ordered the trial to be brought on. The idol, not wanting partizans, thoſe to whom the Bonzes gave money to defend it, found its right incon⯑teſtible, and pleaded ſo ſtrongly for the god, that he could not have ſpoke better for himſelf. But the oppo⯑nent was a man of much greater penetration and ſhrewd⯑neſs, and had, on his part, not been ſparing of his mo⯑ney; of courſe, purchaſed as many proofs as were requi⯑ſite, convinced that the devil would be very cunning if he withſtood golden arguments: and the conſequence was, a decree was given in his favour. The idol was con⯑demned to perpetual baniſhment, as uſeleſs in the em⯑pire, its temple was demoliſhed, and the Bonzes, who repreſented its perſon, were puniſhed in an exemplary manner.

[160]Theſe Bonzes, or prieſts, are generally men of little or no character, and, being brought up in idleneſs, de⯑vote themſelves to this kind of life, merely for a main⯑tenance. There is no artifice they do not uſe to extort money from the credulous, and the tricks practiſed by theſe pious ſharpers, often furniſh ſubjects for converſa⯑tion in China. The following, extracted from The new Memoirs reſpecting the preſent Sate of China, will divert our readers.

Two of theſe Bonzes perceiving one day, in the court-yard of a rich peaſant, two large ducks ſitting before the door, began to ſigh and weep bitterly. The good wo⯑man of the houſe, who perceived them from her cham⯑ber, enquired the cauſe of their grief. "We know," replied they, ‘that the ſouls of our fathers have paſſed into the bodies of thoſe ducks, and the apprehenſion of your killing them will kill us.’ ‘Very true, (ſaid the woman), we meant to kill them, but ſince you tell me they are your fathers, we will preſerve them.’ This was not what the Bonzes wanted; they wanted the ducks.—‘Alas! (returned they), your huſband may not have that charity, and, be aſſured, that ſhould any ac⯑cident happen to them, it will prove fatal to us.’ In a word, the woman was ſo affected with their pretended tears, that ſhe gave the ducks into their own care, which they very reſpectfully took charge of, after twenty proſ⯑trations; but, the ſame evening, put their feathered fa⯑thers on the ſpit, and made a hearty meal of them.

[161]There is ſcarce a ſource of hypocriſy which theſe fel⯑lows are not up to. With a deſign to appear very deſerv⯑ing among the vulgar, and to excite a compaſſion, which produces them preſents, they will affect to put them⯑ſelves under ſevere penances, and thus expoſe themſelves publicly in the ſtreets. Some will faſten thick chains, 30 feet long, about their neck and feet, and drag them along the ſtreet, ſeemingly in great pain, and ſtop at every houſe, and ſay, ‘See, good folks, what we ſuffer for the expiation of your crimes: cannot you afford us a trifling alms?’ Others will cut their heads with flints, and go about all bloody, on the ſame pretence. But, among all the pretended penances related, none exceeds that told by Le Comte, the miſſionary, in his Memoires, of which he himſelf was an eye-witneſs, and which he relates in the following words.

‘I met one day, in the middle of the village, a young, briſk Bonze, whoſe mildneſs and modeſty in aſking cha⯑rity, was very likely to enſure him ſucceſs. He was ſtanding erect in a kind of narrow, cloſe chair, ſtuck full, in the inſide, with nails, the ſharp points of which projected ſo far, and left him ſo little room, that, move which way he would, they were ſure to prick him. Two men, hired for the purpoſe, carried him, very gently, from houſe to houſe; and, when he was ſet down, he begged compaſſion.’

[162] ‘I have,’ ſaid he, ‘ſhut myſelf up in this place of little eaſe, for the good of your ſouls; and am re⯑ſolved never to quit it, until you have purchaſed all the nails (and their number was about 2,000). Each nail is worth ſix-pence; but there is none of them, but will prove a ſource of bleſſings to you and yours. If you buy but one, it will purchaſe a happineſs, and be an act of heroic virtue; and the alms you thus beſtow, will not be given to the Bonzes, to whom you may otherwiſe beſtow your charity, but to the god Fo, in honour of whom we are building a temple.’

‘At that time I was paſſing by: the Bonze ſaw me, and addreſſed me as he did the reſt. I told him, he was much in the wrong, to torment himſelf ſo uſeleſsly in this world; and adviſed him to leave his priſon, to go to the temple of the true god, be there inſtructed in heavenly truths, and ſubmit to a penance leſs ſevere, and more ſalutary.’

‘He thanked me very mildly and calmly for my ad⯑vice, but told me, he ſhould be much more obliged to me, if I would buy a dozen of his nails, which would certainly procure me a ſafe and pleaſant jour⯑ney. Here, ſaid he, turning himſelf on one ſide, take theſe, upon the faith of a Bonze, they are the beſt in my chair, becauſe they give me moſt pain; but they are all of the ſame price. He uttered theſe words, with an air and action, that, at another time, would [163] have made me laugh; but at this, it excited my com⯑paſſion, to ſee this wretched captive of the devil, ſuf⯑fering more to deſtroy his ſoul, than a chriſtian is ob⯑liged to endure to be ſaved.’

All Bonzes, indeed, are not ſo induſtrious, for many will renounce theſe painful means of getting alms; but, to attain the ſame end, will ſometimes go to the extre⯑mity of committing murder. Some years ago, ſays Le Comte, the governor of a city, paſſing along the highway, with his cuſtomary train, ſaw a large crowd aſſembled, and found, on enquiry, that the Bonzes were celebrating a feſtival. They had conſtructed, on a large ſcaffold, or theatre, a very high machine, at the top of which a young man put forth his head, above a ſmall balluſtrade that ſurrounded it. Nothing could be ſeen but his head; and of this, only his eyes ſeemed at liberty, which he rolled about with an apparent phrenzy. A little lower, on this ſcaffolding, an old Bonze was explaining to the crowd, the ſacrifice which the young man, above, was going to make of his life, by throwing himſelf into a deep ſtream, which ran by the highway-ſide. "He will not die," ſaid this Bonze, ‘becauſe he muſt be received at the bottom of the waters, by the charitable ſpirits, who will haſten to protect him; in a word, it will be the greateſt hap⯑pineſs that can befal him. A hundred other perſons have offered to ſupply his place; but his zeal, piety and virtues, have given him the preference.’ The mandarin having heard this tale, ſaid, the young man [164] ſhewed wonderful courage; he ſhould like to talk with him; and begged he might be brought down to him. The old Bonze, frightened at this requeſt, immediately oppoſed it, proteſting, that all would be loſt, if the victim only opened his mouth; and that he could not anſwer for the miſchief that might thence ariſe to the province. ‘The evil you fear,’ ſaid the mandarin, ‘I will take upon myſelf: bring him down.’ The young man, hearing this, made a noiſe, and rolled his eyes about. "See," ſaid the Bonze, ‘his agitation and his looks! Your honour will drive him to deſpair, and he will expire with grief.’ The mandarin, firm to his reſolves, ordered his attend⯑ants to mount the ſcaffold, and bring him down by force. They immediately obeyed, and found him bound and gagged. As ſoon as he was releaſed, and able to ſpeak, he cried, ‘Ah! my lord, grant me vengeance on theſe aſſaſſins, who intended to drown me. I am a bachelor going to court, to attend the cuſtomary examinations, and theſe Bonzes ſeized me yeſterday, and this morning bound me to this machine, in the manner you found me, before break of day, determining to throw me into the water in the evening, and to perform their abominable myſteries, at the expence of my life.’— As ſoon as he began to ſpeak, the Bonzes fled; but the officers of juſtice, who always make part of a governor's train, ſoon overtook ſome of them. Their chief was im⯑mediately thrown into the river and drowned; and the reſt were conducted to priſon, and afterwards puniſhed a [...] they deſerved.

[165]A letter of Father Laureati, an Italian jeſuit, gives us a ſtory of a different kind, but equally deſcriptive of the villainy of theſe men. Near the city of Fou-tcheou, there was formerly a famous pagod, inhabited by the moſt diſtinguiſhed Bonzes of the province. The daughter of a Chineſe doctor, who was going in a covered chair, ac⯑companied by two, female attendants, to her father's country-houſe, had the curioſity to ſee this temple, and ſent to beg of the Bonzes that they would retire, until ſhe had ſaid her prayers. The chief Bonze, deſirous of ſee⯑ing this young lady, ſecreted himſelf behind the altar; he had no ſooner beheld her, than he was ſmitten with her charms, and became ſo deſperately enamoured, that all thoughts of danger vaniſhed, and he conceived, it would be very eaſy to carry off a feeble woman, ſo badly at⯑tended. Accordingly, he ordered ſome other Bonzes, his confidants, to lay hold of her attendants, whilſt he forced the young lady to ſatisfy his brutal deſires, in ſpite of all her cries and tears.

The father did not long remain ignorant of the cauſe of his daughter's abſence. He knew ſhe had entered the pagoda, and had then diſappeared, and required, that ſhe ſhould be reſtored. And, on the Bonzes declaring, that ſhe left the temple as ſoon as ſhe had ſaid her prayers, the father applied to the Tartar-general of the province, and demanded juſtice againſt the raviſhers of his daughter. The Bonzes, relying on the credulity of the father and the governor, informed them, that the god Fo, having fallen [166] in love with her, had carried her off; and the delinquent took pains to perſwade the father, that he and his fa⯑mily were highly honoured, by this diſtinguiſhed mark of the god's reſpect. But the Tartar-general had too much ſenſe to be amuſed with ſuch fables; he reſolved to ſearch the pagoda; and, whilſt he was prying into every receſs, heard ſome confuſed cries, which ſeemed to pro⯑ceed from the bottom of a rock: he immediately ad⯑vanced towards the place, and perceived an iron-gate, ſhut, leading to a grotto. Having ordered it to be broke open, he deſcended into a ſubterranean apartment, where he found the young lady, and above 20 other females, who had been confined in that diſmal abode. The go⯑vernor, after having relieved them, ſet fire to the four corners of the edifice, and deſtroyed, in the ſame flames, the temple, altars and gods, with their infamous mi⯑niſters.

Notwithſtanding the infatuation of the people, in favour of popular ſuperſtition, the Bonzes are held in contempt; for, ſpringing from the very refuſe of the people, they are, in general, but fanatical impoſtors. To perpetuate this ſect, they purchaſe young children, and bring them up to their own mind, and, after all, are ignorant even of their faith. Though they are under no regular hierarchy, they have ſuperiors among them: ſome collect alms; and ſome acquiring literary knowledge, are commiſſioned to viſit the literati, and the houſes of the great; and old [167] men, rendered venerable by years, intermix with the women, and preſide at their religious aſſemblies.

Theſe aſſemblies, or clubs, conſiſt of from 15 to 30 ladies of rank, when widows, or advanced in life. One of them is elected ſuperior for a year; and at her houſe theſe meetings are held, where they have a kind of chapel. On common-days, when theſe female devotees are aſſembled, ſuch an aged Bonze enters, and ſings ſe⯑veral anthems to the god Fo; and, after repeatedly ſing⯑ing, O-mi-to Fo! and dinging on the bottom of ſeveral ſmall kettles, which they beat, they place themſelves at tables, and finiſh their noiſy devotion with mirth, and a good repaſt.

But, on days of greater ſolemnity, their place of worſhip is ornamented with a number of idols (one of which is the idol of Immortality, and repreſented by a very fat man, ſitting croſs-legged, with a great, naked belly, ſuch as we have often ſeen in china-ware in England), and a variety of paintings, under a hundred, different forms, ex⯑hibiting the various puniſhments inflicted on the wicked in hell. A grand, or ſuperior Bonze, is at this time in⯑vited, who attends with a whole train of miniſters, and the prayer and feaſting continues for ſeven days. One of the great buſineſſes of this day, is to prepare and conſecrate treaſures for the other world. To this purpoſe, they erect a ſmall edifice, with paper, painted and gilt, reſembling a houſe, and being finiſhed with great care and accuracy, [168] they ſupply it with every piece of uſeful furniture found in the houſes of the opulent; and fill it with a great num⯑ber of boxes, in which they depoſit pieces of gilt paper, as ingots of gold and ſilver. A hundred of theſe ſmall boxes, are deſigned to redeem thoſe ſinners from the dreadful puniſhments of the Infernal King, who have nothing to give; twenty are alſo put aſide, to bribe the officers of the tribunal of this King of ſhadows: the houſe is for lodging and boarding, in the other world, where they each hope to buy ſome office, or public eſtabliſhment. The whole of theſe imaginary riches being put into their reſpective boxes, are ſecured by a paper lock; the houſe, or palace-door, is then ſecured. When the perſon who has fitted up this toy, happens to die, the paper-houſe, and it, contents, are burnt at the grave, with great forma⯑lity; in order that the ſoul of the deceaſed may take out the treaſure, which they conceive, will be then converted into realities, and enable it to make its peace with the King of Terrors. At theſe times, the prieſts who think differently, are not ſatisfied with paper-money, but expect to be ſee'd with that which is more ſubſtantial.

Thus is China become a prey to all ſorts of ridiculous and extravagant opinions; and though ſome of the learn⯑ed oppoſe theſe ſects, treat them as hereſies, and have ſometimes inclined the court to exterminate them throughout the empire, yet ſuch inclinations have been attended with no effect; either, through a fear of excit⯑ing commotions among the people, or, becauſe they [169] have had ſecret favourers and protectors among the learn⯑ed themſelves.

The learned, of modern times, have eſtabliſhed a ſect of their own. Theſe give the firſt principle of all things the name of Tai-ki, which they ſay is impoſſible to be explained, being diſtinct from matter; and, of courſe, they have no terms to explain it by. However, they compare it to the ridge of a houſe, that unites the roof; to the root of a tree; to the axle-tree of a chariot; to a kingdom in which all things live; and affirm it to be the baſis of every thing. They hold it to be eternal, infinite, perfect, and the eſſence of all other beings, But, ſome of the miſſionaries, have been perſwaded, that all the learned in the empire are atheiſts; and, there is ſcarce an individual, but what forms imaginary deities of his own. Every city of China is filled with fortune-tellers, who are generally blind people, that play on a lute, and go about, from houſe to houſe, to tell fortunes, for a ſmall piece of money. There are other people who conſult oracles, reſpecting tranſactions they are about to perform; and theſe oracles, or kind of magic, are managed by the prieſts: and there are others, as extravagant in opinion as the human mind is capable of inventing. Theſe are called Fong-choui, which ſignifies wind and water; or the lucky, and unlucky, ſituation of a houſe, or other building. If cloſe to the houſe of one of theſe men, a neighbour has built another, but on a different plan; ſhould the angle formed by its roof, ſtand in a particular [170] direction, it is enough to occaſion utter ruin and deſtruc⯑tion; and the proprietor of the firſt houſe lives ever after in terror, conceiving, that he and his poſterity, will be continually expoſed to the malign influence of this un⯑lucky angle. The erection of the new building becomes the epoch of univerſal hatred, between the two families, and perhaps ends in a law-ſuit; and, when a judicial proceſs can give no relief, the only alternative left, is, for the pro⯑prietor of the firſt houſe, to place the figure of a devour⯑ing dragon on his roof, with his mouth directed to the hated angle, and form an opinion, that this dragon will, from time to time, devour its malignity; his apprehen⯑ſions of ill luck will begin to ſubſide, and tranquility be, in ſome meaſure, reſtored to the family.

The governor of Kien-tchang took this wiſe method to ſecure himſelf from the Jeſuit's church, which, having been built on an eminence, overlooked his palace. He did not, however, depend entirely on the protection of this tutelary dragon, but altered the poſition of his principal apartments, raiſing, at the diſtance of 200 paces from the church, a kind of large facade, three ſtories high, the better to break the influence of the Tien-tchu-tang or Temple of the Lord of Heaven. It unluckily happened, that the death of the governor's ſucceſſor was attributed to this facade. The mandarin was attacked by an aſtmatic complaint; he ſpit up a phlegm of a white colour, which was owing, they ſaid, to the walls of the facade being painted white; they were, therefore, daubed over with black, in hopes of [171] producing a contrary effect: but in vain, he died; and it was concluded, that the painting of the walls black, was not done ſoon enough.

I ſhould never have done, was I to relate all the ſto⯑ries that are told of this kind. There are ſome men who follow no other profeſſion than pointing out mountains, hills, and other places, that have an aſpect favourable for burying-places: aad, when a Chineſe is perſwaded of the truth of ſuch information, there is no ſum that he would not ſacrifice to purchaſe it; from a conviction, in his own mind, that all the happineſs of his life will depend upon it. Such is their infatuation, and ſuch their ſuperſtition; that if this, or that perſon, is endowed with a greater ſhare of genius, if he is fortunate in life, riſes rapidly to the degree of Doctor, is promoted to the rank of ſupe⯑rior mandarin, bleſſed with a numerous family, has leſs ſickneſs than others, and is more ſucceſsful in trade, it is not owing to knowledge, activity or honeſty, but only to a lucky Fong-choui; becauſe his houſes, and the burying-places of his anceſtors, are happily ſituated.

The ſtudy of letters being the high road to dignities, and it being open to perſons of all degrees, there muſt needs be many of mean extraction brought up in idolatry, and, when they become mandarins, either through the prejudice of their education, or a public complaiſance to the people, and to maintain the public tranquility, ſeem to adopt the opinions of every different ſect, and the [172] rather, becauſe the Chineſe, of all ranks, ſeldom look any further than the preſent life. The mandarins, who are living deities of the country, have ſeldom any god but their fortune; and this being liable to ſeveral, troubleſome viciſſitudes, their principal care is to avoid misfortunes, and keep themſelves ſafe in their poſts. The ſtudents, who may be conſidered as the leſſer nobility, have nothing at heart but a certain honour, which conſiſts in ſucceeding in their examinations, and in raiſing themſelves to the higheſt degree. Merchants think of nothing, from morning to night, but their buſineſs; and the reſt of the people are entirely taken up in procuring a livelihood, which conſiſts in a ſmall quantity of rice and pulſe. In this manner is all the time of the Chineſe taken up; reli⯑gion, with them, being only a ſecondary thought.

The Emperor, being a Tartar, follows the idolatry of his own nation, which does not differ much from that of the Chineſe; except it be, that they worſhip a living man, whom they ſtile Lama; which, Le Comte ſays, is the ſame with the god Fo, only worſhipped under a ſen⯑ſible figure. I have dwelt a good deal upon this reli⯑gion, when I was ſpeaking of the Tartars throughout Siberia. This Lama receives here, the title of Eternal Father; and all the Eaſtern Tartars have the higheſt ve⯑neration for him. He is ſhewn in a dark place, in his pa⯑lace, illuminated with lamps. He ſits croſs-legged, on a cuſhion, raiſed above the ground, dreſſed in the richeſt robes; and all that approach him, fall proſtrate, and kiſs [173] his feet. He is of ſuch authority, that no king is crown⯑ed, till he has made rich preſents to this pretended deity, and implored his bleſſing. His reſidence is at Baran⯑tola, where he holds a court like a king, but does not meddle with ſecular government, and may properly be ſtiled, the Tartar's Pope.

Since a Tartar-prince has been ſeated on the throne of China, the prieſts of this great Lama, who are alſo called Lamas, ſerve as chaplains to the Tartar-nobility living at Peking. The Emperor himſelf, for reaſons of ſtate, ſhews both Lamas and Bonzes a particular reſpect; but the jeſuits obſerve, that he is no ſlave to their faith, that he ſees through the folly of it, and laughs, in private, at their extravagant fables. But 'tis acknowledged, that the Emperor ſtill pays thoſe honours to Confucius that others do, and ſacrifices in the heathen temples; and, though the jeſuits would have us believe, that he adores only the Supreme Lord of the Univerſe, and that nothing but reaſons of ſtate prevent his embracing chriſtianity, yet they acknowledge, at other times, that he aſſures them, ‘he cannot believe the chriſtian religion; that whatever difficulties there are in it, if he was convinced of the truth of it, he would not delay a moment to embrace it; and that if he became a chriſtian, the whole empire would ſoon follow his example.’

Through the favour of the late Emperor, the chriſtian religion gained ſuch ground, that they had 200 churches [174] and chapels, very well filled with converts, but theſe are of the poorer ſort, chriſtianity making but ſlow progreſs amongſt the wealthy. They had alſo, when Le Comte was there, three biſhops, appointed by the king of Por⯑tugal, who claims a right to the churches in the eaſt; one of theſe biſhops was at Peking, one at Nanking, and one at Macoa. The better ſort of people are not only of⯑fended at the doctrine of the Trinity and Incarnation, but the magiſtrates, and opulent, are ſo univerſally given up to cheating and extortion, by which they acquire eſtates, that the Roman catholic doctrine of reſtitution does not agree with them. Parting with their women is another great objection to their embracing the chriſtian faith; and to preach to the women to live with one man, when their huſbands have an abſolute power over them, and can ſell and transfer them from one to another, as often as they pleaſe, ſeems to very little purpoſe: however, the miſ⯑ſionaries aſſure us, that they converted above 50,000, in the ſpace of a very few years. Were Proteſtant preach⯑ers to be ſent amongſt them, in all likelihood they would better ſucceed; for, though the jeſuits have been very complaiſant to the Chineſe in many inſtances, and winked at their worſhip to Confucius, and their deceaſed parents, yet they rigorouſly exact their putting away all their wives and concubines but one, as a neceſſary qualification to their admittance into the chriſtian faith; which is with them ſuch a difficulty, that they cannot get over it, it being contrary to the laws and cuſtoms of the country to put away a wife, but for ſome miſdemeanour; and the rela⯑tions [175] of the woman would demand juſtice upon ſuch an occaſion; but it would alſo be hard to ſeparate children from their ſeveral mothers, which muſt be done in this caſe, or the father muſt part with the children too, and commit the education of them to ſtrangers.

As for the women, it is not conceivable what effect this doctrine has upon them. One who had no other objection to chriſtianity, very well replied to a certain father on this occaſion:—‘Sir, I belong to a mandarin who bought me; if I leave him, he has a right to follow me, bring me back again, and make a ſlave of me. But, ſup⯑poſing I could avoid his purſuit, where could I fly? My relations, who ſold me, dare not harbour me; and I ſhould infallibly fall into the hands of ſome other perſon, who would keep me in the ſtate I ſeek to avoid. I muſt, therefore, remain in the houſe where I am: and how ſhall I be able to reſiſt a brutiſh fellow, who conſults only his luſt, and will be juſtified by the laws and example of the whole empire? It will be to no purpoſe to lay before him the holineſs of chriſtianity, which I deſire to embrace; neither my tears nor my entreaties, nor even the moſt obſtinate reſiſtance I can make, will be able to hinder him.’—So that the miſ⯑ſionaries themſelves, check the increaſe of that faith they wiſh to propagate, by propoſing impoſſibilities, which ſurely the Divine goodneſs cannot countenance; nor can it enter into the heart of man to believe, that our Saviour [176] himſelf, would have refuſed ſuch a proſelyte, who, in all other inſtances, was ſincere.

But as all the great men in the empire will certainly remain averſe to chriſtianity, if nothing leſs than parting with their women will ſatisfy the jeſuits; ſo, on the other hand, the women will infallibly promote it, to the utmoſt of their power, that every one may have her man to her⯑ſelf, and be a little more on a level with our ſex. Were the intereſt of the ladies as good in that part of the world, as it is here, the jeſuits would need no ſupernatural aſſiſtance, to carry their point. It is very unfortunate for the jeſuits, that that they can ſcarce have any opportunity of approaching the fair-ſex; whatever purity, or ſelf-de⯑nial, they may preach, or practiſe, the Chineſe under⯑ſtand human nature too well, to ſuffer the moſt mortified of them to converſe, tete a tete, with their wives; for theſe ſurly men will not truſt their women even in a church with the men.

Such was the ſtate of chriſtianity when Le Comte was there; but we underſtand ſince, that the Emperor, diſlik⯑ing the conduct of the miſſionaries, has baniſhed them all, and overthrown their churches; ſo the chriſtian religion is loſing ground daily.

Among the many religions in China, there are not wanting Jews; and the diſcovery of a ſynagogue in an empire ſo remote, is a circumſtance too intereſting to [177] be here omitted. This Jewiſh colony appeared in China, in the year 206 before Chriſt, and has continued ever ſince; though at preſent it is reduced to a ſmall number of families, eſtabliſhed at Cai-fong, the capital of the pro⯑vince of Honan. As we are indebted to F. Gozani, a Jeſuit miſſionary, for the firſt knowledge of theſe Chineſe Jews, we ſhall give the account from him.

Theſe Jews conſiſted, when Gozani was there, of only ſeven families. He paid them a viſit, hoping to find the Old Teſtament among them. They have a ſynagogue, and a variety of religious books. ‘I compared my bi⯑ble,’ ſays Gozani, ‘with theirs, and found the moſt exact conformity between both.’ Theſe Jews here are called Tiao-kin-kiao; and ſtill preſerve ſeveral of the ceremonies mentioned in the Old Teſtament: ſuch as circumciſion, which, they ſay, originated from Abraham; the feaſt of unleavened bread; that of the Paſcal lamb, in commemoration of their departure from Egypt, and of their paſſage through the Red Sea, and the Sabbath; and other feſtivals, preſcribed by the ancient law.

Theſe families form alliances with each other, and never mix with the Hoei-hoei, or Mahomedans, to whom they bear no reſemblance, either in their books, or religious ceremonies. Their ſynagogue is ſomething like our Eu⯑ropean churches, being divided into three aiſles; that in the middle, like the choir, is occupied by the table of incenſe, the chair of Moſes, and the 13 tabernacles, con⯑ſtructed [178] in the form of an arch, containing 13 copies of the Pentateuch; the two other aiſles are ſet apart as places of prayer: within the building is a paſſage, which runs quite round it. Theſe Jews render homage to Confucius, as the literati do; and aſſiſt them in the ſolemn cere⯑monies, performed in halls dedicated to their great men: and, in ſpring and autumn, practiſe certain rites, in honour of their anceſtors, as do the Chineſe; but do not preſent them with the fleſh of hogs, having, in their hall of anceſtors, neither tables, nor images.

They told Gozani, that their anceſtors came from a kingdom of the weſt, called, the kingdom of Judah, which Joſhua conquered, after they had left Egypt, had croſſed the Red Sea, and traverſed the de⯑ſert; and that the number of Jews, who departed from Egypt, amounted to 600,000 men. They ſpoke to him of the book of Judges, and of David, Solomon, and Ezekiel, who raiſed up dry bones; and of Jonas, who was three days and three nights in the whale's belly, &c. which plainly ſhews that they have, beſides the Pentateuch, ſeveral other parts of the ſacred writings. They informed him, that their alphabet was compoſed of 27 letters, but that they generally uſed only 22; which agrees with St. Jerome's account; who ſays, that the Hebrews have 22 letters, five of which are double.

Theſe Jews neither kindle fire, nor dreſs any victuals, on Saturday; but prepare their Saturday's food on Friday. [179] When they read the bible in their ſynagogue, they cover their faces with a tranſparent veil, in remembrance of Moſes, who came down from the mountain covered, and, in that manner publiſhed the decalogue.

When Gozani ſpoke to them of the Meſſiah, promiſed in the holy ſcripture, they appeared much ſurpriſed; but, when he told them, that the Meſſiah was called Jeſus, they replied, that mention was made in their bible of a holy man named Jeſus, the ſon of Sirach, but they were wholly unacquainted with the new Jeſus, of whom he ſpoke.

The Mahomedans have multiplied much more in China, than the Jews. It is above 600 years ſince they firſt entered this country, in which they have formed different eſtabliſhments. For a great number of years, they were preſerved only by marriages, and by alliances which they made; but, for ſome time paſt, they have en⯑creaſed their number, by purchaſing a great number of pagan children, and bringing them up in the principles of their religion. During a famine in Chang-tong, when parents of families were diſtreſſed for food, they bought more than 10,000 children, for whom, when grown up, they procured wives, and built houſes, ſo that they form⯑ed whole villages of them. Theſe inſenſibly increaſed; and are now become ſo numerous, that they entirely ex⯑clude from thoſe places where they reſide, every inhabitant who does not believe in their prophet, and frequent a moſque.

CHAP. XIV. Of their Language.

THE Chineſe language is not only one of the moſt ancient in the world, but has the advantage of being ſtill a living one; and there is every probability to believe, that this language has, for 4,000 years, and up⯑wards, remained always and invariably the ſame: China never having changed its inhabitants, never borrowed any thing from foreign nations, and it being univerſally ad⯑mitted, that the firſt chapters of their canonical book called Chou-king, were written in the reign of Yao, 2,300 years before the chriſtian aera; or, at the lateſt, under that of Yu. Several ſpeeches of the firſt Emperors are there related verbatim; which agree with the language now ſpoken; and Chineſe players act dramatic pieces, written 1,000 years ago. Two ſongs have been preſerved, which were compoſed in the reign of Yao; one of which, for the antiquity's ſake, I will lay before my readers.

‘When the ſun begins its courſe, I betake myſelf to work; and when he ſinks below the horizon, I fall into the arms of ſleep. I ſlake my thirſt with water from my own well; and feed on the fruits of my own fields.—What, therefore, can I gain, or loſe, by the power of the Emperor?’

[181]The Chineſe tongue has no relation whatever with any known language; and, is ſuch, that no laws of analogy can comprehend it. It has no alphabet; every word that compoſes it is a monoſyllable, and expreſſed by a ſingle character: and, rich as this language is in expreſſion, it has but 330 radical or primary words; but we ſhall have a different notion of it, when we find that the ſenſe of theſe primary words, may be multiplied, almoſt without end, by the variety of accents, inflections, aſpirations, and points, uſed like the Hebrew, and by other changes of the voice. Theſe accents, ſo fugitive, are, however, very ſenſible to the ear of a Chineſe, who catches them very readily; as a Frenchman does l'eau, l'os, lots, which ſtrike the ears of an Engliſhman, or a German, with the ſame ſound.

The union and combination of the Chineſe monoſyllables is another cauſe of their great multiplication. By ſuch a combination, a Chineſe can expreſs every thing. Mou, for example, ſignifies a tree, or wood; but, when joined to other words, acquires a new ſenſe. Thus, mou-leao, implies, wood prepared for building; mou-lan, wooden bars; mou-hia, a box; mou-ſiang, a preſs; mou-tſiang, a carpenter; mou-eul, a muſhroom; mou-nu, a kind of ſmall orange; mou-ſing, the planet Jupiter; mou-mien, cotton, &c.

Gai, implies love; je-gai, ardent love; tſe-gai, pa⯑rental love; king-gai, reſpectful love; ki-gai, blind love, [182] &c. in ſhort, there are more than 100 different modifi⯑cations of this ſingle word gai. By this combination of words, the Chineſe have names for every thing that exiſts, words that expreſs every circumſtance, or quality of a thing, and point out the ſmalleſt difference in that thing. Thus, inſtead of theſe ſix words, calf, heifer, ſteer, cow, bull, ox, in Chineſe, they have not only theſe, but a multitude of others, which expreſs the dif⯑ferent years of their ages, their diſtinction, and the different varieties in colour, figure, and fruitfulneſs of theſe animals, and ſo on.

This is quite ſufficient to give an idea of their lan⯑guage; to enter further into it, would require a ſeparate work. As to the characters uſed to expreſs the ſeveral words, there are more than eighty thouſand of them; and, the greater part of the literati, ſpend their whole lives in learning them.

CHAP. XV. Of their Literature.

WHEN we view the immenſe number of libraries in China, elegantly built, beautifully adorned, and furniſhed with a valuable collection of books; when we conſider the prodigious number of graduates, and colleges eſtabliſhed in every city throughout the empire; and when we further conſider, that men are there never preferred, but in proportion to their literary talents; that the moſt exalted ſituations are acquired only by ſtudy; that none have been governors of cities and provinces, or have enjoyed offices about the court, but the learned, and that for upwards of 4,000 years: one would naturally imagine, that China muſt be ſuperior to every other country, in literature and learning.

This, however, is by no means the caſe; for, though the Chineſe are allowed to have a great deal of know⯑ledge, that knowledge is not very intuitive, penetrating, or inventive; nor have any of the ſpeculative ſciences been brought to any perfection amongſt them.

Logic, which in Europe is much refined, is void of all rules among the Chineſe. Their rhetoric is merely natural and imitative, having no method or art of embel⯑liſhing diſcourſe. Their eloquence does not conſiſt in an [184] arrangement of periods, or an harmonious flow of words, but entirely in expreſſions, bold metaphors, and a happy application of the maxims and ſentences of their ancient ſages, who expreſs a variety of thoughts in a very few words. They never addreſs the Emperor, but in peti⯑tions, memorials, and remonſtrances, which are void of every ſuperfluous ornament, every uſeleſs expreſſion, every weak argument, every ambiguous quotation, and every equivocal proof. "Study, day and night," ſays one of their beſt authors, ‘to write ten characters of a remon⯑ſtrance, and of theſe eraſe ſix. The thunderbolts of the throne fly in every direction; a ſingle ſyllable is ſuffi⯑cient to rouſe them; and they may carry death and deſtruction to the remoteſt corner of the empire.’

But, on particular occaſions, ſuch as academical diſ⯑courſes, written for degrees, &c. they will vary their ge⯑neral mode, and ſometimes, to ſhew their abilities, will diſplay high-ſounding words, without meaning; thoughts which have more brilliancy than truth, embelliſhed with all the tinſel of Chineſe fancy; but ſuch writers are diſtin⯑guiſhed by the names of kiu-keou, mou-ché, golden mouths, and wooden tongues.

Chineſe rhetoricians reckon a great number of different kinds of eloquence; ſo many, as to leave us aſtoniſhed, at their having been able to eſtabliſh ſuch a variety of ſhades in the art of perſuading. For the information [185] of my readers, I will enumerate ſome few of the prin⯑cipal.

The force and ornament of truth, they call, the elo⯑quence of things.

The emanation, or effuſion of the orator's ſoul, the eloquence of ſentiment and conviction.

The eloquence of candour and innocence, with them, is that which baniſhes doubt and ſuſpicion.

The eloquence of connexion and combination, is, the fruit of long ſtudy and meditation.

The eloquence of boldneſs, ſpares nothing, and conceals nothing.

The eloquence of wonder, ſubdues reaſon by the powers of imagination.

The eloquence of ſingularity and aſtoniſhment, contradicts received truths, and ſeduces, by leading to diſcoveries.

The eloquence of illuſion and artifice, effects a change, by diverting the attention; overpowers the heart, by a melting pathos.

The eloquence of metaphyſics and ſubtleties, is wrapt up in obſcurities, and impoſes on the weak, by confounding them with things paſt comprehenſion.

The eloquence of the old language, affects to imitate the tone of the ancients, and derives force from their au⯑thority.

The eloquence of grandeur and majeſty, riſes, by the ſtrength of genius, to the ſublimity of the king ^*.

[186] The eloquence of images pleaſes, like the flowers.

The eloquence of abundance and rapidity lays open rea⯑ſons, accumulates proofs, and multiplies authorities.

The eloquence of ſoftneſs and inſinuation is to the mind, what the light of the moon is to the eyes.

The eloquence of depth is that which produces reflec⯑tion, by the extent, importance, and majeſty of the truths, to the diſcovery of which it appears only to conduct.

The eloquence of myſtery exhibits things partially, and engages, and pleaſes, by awakening the curioſity; and

Superficial eloquence ſhines, without enlightening, &c.

In ſhort, the Chineſe have a ſtill greater variety; and have as many kinds of ſtyle as of eloquence: but yet they ſeem not fond of animated declamation, and, in their ora⯑tory, never uſe thoſe expreſſive geſtures, and that pow⯑erful modulation of voice, that captivates the eye and ear, and ſo often contributes to the ſucceſs of our public diſ⯑courſes. They think, like the ſavage Illinois, who were firmly perſwaded that their miſſionary had fallen into a paſſion, becauſe he concluded his ſermon with a few pa⯑thetic ſentences, delivered after the European manner. They labour to convince, by addreſſing the underſtanding only. In ſhort, a Chineſe orator, deſirous of making any impreſſion on his hearers, endeavours to affect, little by little; and this is beſt brought about, by appearing to be really affected himſelf. "It is not by its cries," ſays a Chineſe writer, ‘it is by its flight, that the wild duck [187] makes the reſt depart, and guides them through the air.’

The knowledge of aſtronomy may be traced back, in China, even to the foundation of the empire. In the time of Yao, whoſe reign began 2,357 years before the chriſ⯑tian aera, they had mathematicians in China, who formed a calendar, by the Emperor's orders. They were then acquainted with the motion of the ſun, moon, and planets; and their almanacks told the ſame things then, as ours do now. Their aſtronomical year began on the 21ſt of De⯑cember, which is the winter ſolſtice; but their civil year, reſted on the determination of the Emperor. Thoſe al⯑manacks, at preſent, made and publiſhed for the uſe of the people, are filled with ſuperſtitious predictions, and all the nonſenſical dreams of judicial aſtrology.

At Peking there is eſtabliſhed a tribunal of aſtronomy, one of the moſt important offices of which is, the obſer⯑vation of eclipſes. They are to acquaint the Emperor of all the particulars, reſpecting theſe phenomena, ſome months before they happen; notice of which is tranſmitted, by him, into all the provinces of the empire. The ancient opinion of the Chineſe was, that during the time of an eclipſe of the ſun or moon, they were attacked by a ce⯑leſtial dragon, as I have had occaſion to mention before; and though the learned, and people of diſtinction, are now quite free from this ancient prejudice, and are perſwaded that eclipſes are owing to natural cauſes, yet cuſtom has [188] ſuch a prevalence over them, that they will not leave off their ancient ceremonies, which are general throughout the empire.

On the day of the eclipſes, therefore, the mandarins of all the different orders, receive notice to appear in their proper dreſſes, and with all the badges of their dignity, in the court of the tribunal of aſtronomy, and there to wait till the eclipſe takes place. Each of them carries, in his hand, a ſheet of the paper, which contains a figure of the eclipſe, and every circumſtance attending it. As ſoon as they perceive the ſun or moon begins to be darkened, they all throw themſelves on their knees, and knock their foreheads againſt the earth. A frightful noiſe of drums and cymbals immediately ſucceeds throughout the city; this being the remains of an ancient opinion, that, by ſuch horrid din, they aſſiſted the ſuffering luminary, and pre⯑vented its being devoured by the dragon.

At Peking there is a very fine obſervatory, with noble inſtruments and apparatus, fit for the obſervatory of a prince. The celeſtial globe is ſix feet in diameter, and though it weighs 2,000lb. is ſo well hung, that any child may turn it.

They have no clocks, or watches, in China, but what are brought from Europe; but they have ſun-dials, and reckon their time almoſt as we do. The hours of the day and night, in towns, are ſounded by bells, on which perſons are ſtationed to ſtrike.

[189]The calendar, or almanack, when made and publiſhed, is firſt preſented to the Emperor. It is, by his order, then diſtributed to the princes, lords, and great officers in every province, and by them to all ſubordinate officers. This done, it is re-printed for the people; no other than this approved calendar can be printed, under pain of death. This preſenting of the calendar to the Emperor, is annually made, with a great deal of ceremony. All the mandarins of Peking, appear early in the morning, at the palace, in their proper habits; and the calendars intended for the Emperor and Empreſs, are on large paper, covered with yellow ſatin, and encloſed in cloth of gold. They are placed on a large gilded machine, in the form of a pyramid, and carried by 40 footmen, in yellow liveries. This is followed by 12 other ſimilar ma⯑chines, of a ſmaller ſize, ſurrounded with red curtains, on which are placed the calendars for the princes of the blood; theſe are bound in red ſatin, and encloſed in cloth of ſilver. Immediately after follow ſeveral tables, covered with red carpets, on which are carried the calendars of the grandees, the generals of the army, and other officers of the crown, covered with yellow cloth.

The porters, who quit their loads at the laſt gate of the great hall, and place the tables on each ſide of the paſ⯑ſage, leave nothing in the middle, but the machine that comes with the Imperial calendars, from which the man⯑darins take the calendars, and place them on a table, co⯑vered with yellow brocade, within the hall, proſtrating [190] themſelves three times, and then delivering them to the intendants of the palace, for the Emperor.

Each prince ſends his chief officer to the Imperial pa⯑lace, where he receives, on his knees, the calendar for his Royal maſter, and thoſe for the mandarins of his houſe⯑hold, which amount to 12 or 1300 for the court of every prince. Afterwards, the lords, and generals of the army, and the mandarins of all the tribunals, appear, and re⯑ceive, on their knees, a calendar each, from the aſtrono⯑mical mandarins.

After this diſtribution, every one returns, in his rank, to the hall, and turning himſelf towards the moſt inward part of the palace, at a ſignal given, falls on his knees, and bows three times to the ground. After three genu⯑flexions, and nine, profound reverences with the head, he returns to his own houſe.

Following the example of the court, the governors, and mandarins of the ſeveral provinces, receive the calendar in the ſame manner, in each capital city, according to their ranks. As for the people, there are none of them ſo poor, but they will buy a calendar every year; ſuch pur⯑chaſe being a declaration of loyalty to their Sovereign. A non-purchaſe would be looked on as an act of diſ⯑affection.

[191]Though they are not ignorant of arithmetic, they add and ſubtract by means of an inſtrument called Souan-Pan, which conſiſts of a ſmall board, croſſed from the top to the bottom, having 10 or 12 parallel wires, with a ſepa⯑ration in the middle. Little ivory balls are ſtrung on theſe wires, on which they ſlip up and down; the two on the upper wire ſtand each for five units, and the five be⯑low for ſingle units.

They reckon much in the ſame manner, in joining and ſeparating the balls, as we do with counters; but with ſo much facility and quickneſs, that they can keep pace with a man, who is reading a book of accounts; and can caſt up the moſt conſiderable ſums, in leſs time than Europeans, with the uſe of figures.

[193]As we have ſpoken of their theatric repreſentations, it is natural to ſuppoſe they are acquainted with the drama. But they have no rules for dramatic compoſition; nor do they make any diſtinction between tragedy and comedy. Each performer, when he enters, begins by telling his name, and the character he is going to ſupport; and the ſame actor often performs ſeveral parts in one piece. Female parts are performed by boys.

Chineſe tragedies are interſperſed with ſeveral pieces of ſinging. In thoſe parts, where the performer is ſuppoſed to be agitated moſt, he breaks off his declamation, and begins to ſing, accompanied with inſtruments.

Voltaire borrowed the ſubject of his tragedy, which Murphy has ſince tranſlated, under the name of, The Or⯑phan of China, from a Chineſe tragedy, called, The Orphan of Tchao, which was tranſlated from the Chineſe by the miſſionary Premare, and which was among a hundred of the beſt theatrical pieces, compoſed in the fourteenth century. But the Chineſe literati ſeldom employ their talents in this ſpecies of compoſition.

Neither do they turn their thoughts to poetry; this ſtudy being ſeldom purſued but from taſte, or to fill up a vacant hour. When a Chineſe, ſpeaking of a man of letters, ſays, he has a talent of making good verſes, he means, to ſpeak of him as we would of a captain of dra⯑goons, by ſaying, he is an excellent performer on the [194] violin. A taſte for poetry is, however, pretty general in China; and their art in this polite literature, differs very little from the manner of Horace and Boileau. But as a Chineſe poet has not the ſame reſources as Europeans, in the attracting fictions of ancient mythology, they ſupply the deficiency, by bold and ingenious metaphors, and uſing the names of ſeveral animals in an allegorical ſenſe; thus ſupplying the place of Jupiter, Mars, Mercury, &c. The eagle they call—the hoſt of the clouds; the jackdaw, the bird of ſpeech; the head, the ſanctuary of reaſon; the eyes, the ſtars of the forehead; and ſo on. But, to give a clearer idea of their poetry, I will tranſcribe part of a poem, written by the Emperor Kien-long, who had been 50 years on the throne of China, and was one of the moſt accompliſhed ſcholars, and beſt poets of the age. It was tranſlated into French by a miſſionary, in 1770; and, in Engliſh, is as follows:

After delineating all the natural beauties which diſtin⯑guiſh the country of his anceſtors, and deſcribing the proſpect which the ſea exhibits in the gulph of Lea-tong, he proceeds to celebrate the mountains that ſurround the city of Monkden. Thus —

‘Mountains! by you I begin—Mountain of iron, embroidered mountain, to direct the paths of the tra⯑veller, doſt thou preſent thyſelf, at ſo remote a diſtance— To ſuſpend his fatigue, and cheer his ſight, doſt thou exhibit a form and colours ſo ſingular—Thou art a [195] certain mark to point out the route he ought to pur⯑ſue, in order to reach, without interruption, the goal of his repoſe.—Shall I exhibit thee in that point of view, wherein thou appeareſt majeſtically beautiful and inchanting; or, in that, wherein thou inſpireſt ſadneſs, mingled with terror?—No; to name thee only is ſufficient to make thee known.—In vain ſhould I at⯑tempt to deſcribe thoſe amphitheatres, covered with delightful verdure, with which your ſides are eternally crowned; thoſe charming views that form, at a diſ⯑tance, an almoſt inſenſible declivity, over which the ra⯑viſhed eye wanders with endleſs delight; thoſe cluſtered mounts, which, from ſpace to ſpace, give birth to each other; thoſe cryſtal ſtreams, which pouring down in an infinity of caſcades, haſten, through different chan⯑nels, to unite their waters in the plain, and thence to form rivers, rivulets, and a thouſand rills. In vain ſhould I attempt to deſcribe thoſe lofty and thick ridges, which, at a diſtance, hide the light of the ſun, during day, and the brightneſs of the moon, during night: thoſe proud ſummits, which, after having pierced the clouds, ſtill ſtretch towards the wide ex⯑panſe of heaven.—My attempt would be equally vain, did I endeavour to delineate thoſe gloomy ca⯑verns, thoſe enormous fiſſures, thoſe pointed rocks, thoſe hideous precipices, which cannot be approached without awe, thoſe dangerous clefts, which create ter⯑ror, and thoſe profound gulphs, which the eye cannot behold, but with horror. What language, however [196] expreſſive—what pencil, however bold—can ſketch out—can even pourtray—a part of thy ſoft, enchant⯑ing beauties; equally awful, and alike ſublime!— They are beyond expreſſion.—It is by viewing them only, that we can form an idea of them.—If the beauties which diſtinguiſh thee, are contraſted by ob⯑jects, which ſeem, in our ſight, to degrade thee, it is, becauſe thou art not wholly deſtined for the uſe of man. —The wild animals, which preſs the earth with their feet; the reptiles, that creep; the fowls, that cleave the air; in thee, find nouriſhment and ſhelter. Chil⯑dren of nature, of that benevolent mother who watches over all, they claim an equal right to her protection.— Open then, O mountains! Open for them your boſoms; let your caverns and precipices afford a retreat to the moſt ferocious among them; let your hollow and ſteep rocks, be a concealment for others; be an aſylum to all. Multiply your productions, to nouriſh them; and let your limpid ſtreams diſtill, to quench their thirſt. Man is not jealous; he will admire you the more!’

Were we to credit the Chineſe, they were the firſt in⯑ventors of muſic, and who formerly brought it to the greateſt perfection. If this be true, they are greatly de⯑generated; for with them it is, at preſent, ſo imperfect, that it is unworthy the name. They ſeem, however, to regret the loſs of their ancient harmony, as we do that of the Greeks and Egyptians, which has been ſo much ex⯑tolled [197] by antiquity, and of which ſo many wonderful things have been related. If Egypt had a Hermes, who by the ſoftneſs and charms of his voice, humanized mankind— if Greece had an Amphion, at the harmony of whoſe voice, cities roſe into being; or an Orpheus, who, by the ſound of his lyre, could ſuſpend the courſe of rivers, and make the rocks to follow him—China boaſts of a Lyag⯑lun, a Kouei, and a Pin-mou-kia, who, by a touch of their kin, and their ché, produced ſounds that ſoftened the hearts of men, and tamed the moſt ferocious of animals.

Father Amiot applyed himſelf, with the utmoſt ſtudy, to learn the muſical ſyſtem of the ancient Chineſe, and diſcovered that, before Pythagoras, or even Mercury him⯑ſelf, the diviſion of the octave into 12 ſemitones, was known in China; and that, from the remoteſt ages of antiquity, they had, in their ſcale, only five tones, cor⯑reſponding to our fa, ſol, la, ut, re; and two others, anſwering to our mi and do; and he is of opinion that the Greeks, and Pythagoras himſelf, did nothing but apply that theory to ſtrings, which the Chineſe had before form⯑ed, and applied to pipes. But whether or not the Chi⯑neſe have the honour of being the firſt inventors, as I have ſaid, they are now very much, in this ſcience, below other nations. They are ignorant of muſical notes, and have no ſigns to deſcribe the diverſity of tones, the riſing or falling of the voice, and the reſt of thoſe variations that conſtitute harmony. The airs which they ſing, or play, [198] are only got by rote, and are learnt by the ear; notwithſtanding which, they frequently compoſe new ones.

Muſic, with them, is ſeldom heard, but at plays, feaſts, weddings, and ſuch like occaſions. Their concerts have no dependance on the variety of tones, or difference of parts. They all ſing the ſame air, as is practiſed throughout the other parts of Aſia. They have invented eight kinds of muſical inſtruments, which they think have the neareſt reſemblance to a human voice: ſome are of ſtone, others of metal, like our bells, and one amongſt the reſt, is not unlike our trumpet. They have alſo others, made of ſkins, like our drums. They likewiſe make uſe of ſtringed inſtruments, but the ſtrings are of ſilk; theſe are the cymbals that blind people play on: as alſo their violins, each of which has but three ſtrings. They have alſo wind-inſtruments of two or three kinds, reſembling our flutes; and a ſmall ſpecies of organ, the ſound of which is not diſagreeable. But they are the only nation who have had the ingenuity to apply ſtones to the making of muſical inſtruments. I have already mention⯑ed their ſonorous ſtones, and the inſtrument conſtructed of them is called a king, which conſiſts of an aſſortment of 16 ſtones, formed like our carpenter's ſquare, and ſuſpended by the angles, as we now ſuſpend our muſical bells; which ſtones they ſtrike in the ſame manner.

[199]Their wind-inſtruments are made with the bamboo, in a variety of forms, compoſed of pipes, joined together, or ſeparate, and pierced with holes, more or leſs. The principal wind-inſtrument they have, is formed of a gourd, and a number of bamboo-pipes. The neck of the gourd being cut off, it is covered with a piece of wood, in which ſeveral holes, of different diameters, are bored; into each of theſe holes a bamboo-pipe, ſhorter or longer, is fixed, in order to vary the tones; and another pipe is, like the handle of a pipkin, introduced into the ſide, below the wood-cover; which, when applied to the mouth, conveys the air to all the pipes it contains. Father Pereira, who was a tolerable muſician, as the Emperor played an air, pricked it down in European notes, and immediately played it himſelf; which ſo ſtruck the Emperor with aſtoniſhment, that he could ſcarce believe his eyes and ears; not comprehending how a ſtranger could learn a piece of muſic ſo quickly, that had coſt ſo much time and labour to his muſicians to learn.

Having mentioned their muſic, I will ſay a few words of their painting, though not immediately connected with their literature; yet, if it be conſidered, that paint⯑ing ſpeaks to the eye as oratory paints to the ear, there is a great analogy between writing and painting.

Chineſe painting has long been decried in Europe;— but why? Becauſe we have ſeen none of their beſt per⯑formances. [200] They pretend to have had their Le Brun, their Le Sueur, and their Mignard; and, at preſent, have painters among them, who are held in high eſtimation. Their works are never carried to Canton, and of courſe never fall into the hands of Europeans, who are fond only of naked figures, of licentious and indecent ſubjects, and who prevail on the daubers of Canton, to execute pieces for them, the obſcenity of which may gratify the taſte, and tickle the fancy, of a European voluptuary.— Had my readers ſeen the paintings from which the en⯑gravings in this volume are copied, they would have a better opinion of Chineſe painting, than they have hi⯑therto had.

They excell chiefly in plants and flowers, and are ſo accurate in deſcribing them, that they will not fail to ex⯑preſs the different ſhades of the leaves growing on two ſtems, having the ſame flowers, when the one ſhall be full-blown, and the other only breaking through the bud; and no perſon is aſtoniſhed in China, to hear a painter aſk his pupil, how many ſcales there are between the head of a carp and it's tail.

Painting, however, makes but little progreſs in China; it is reckoned among the frivolous arts; but the Emperor's cabinets and galleries are filled with European paintings; and he has, in his park, a European village, painted in freſco, which produces the moſt agreeable deception. The [201] remaining part of the wall repreſents a landſcape, and little hills, which are ſo happily blended with the diſtant moun⯑tains behind, that it is almoſt impoſſible to conceive any compoſition more ingeniouſly imagined, or better exe⯑cuted. This beautiful work is the production of Chineſe painters, from deſigns ſketched out for them. Indeed, freſco painting was known in China long before the chriſtian aera.

Engraving, in a variety of colours, is very ancient among the Chineſe; but their ſtatuary is nothing to ſpeak of. There is not a ſtatue in all the ſquares, or public edifices, of Peking; nor in the Emperor's palace: what few ſtatues there are, ornament the avenues to the tombs of princes.

With reſpect to their architecture, indifferent as it is, it is not without its principles, its rules, and proportions; and, though it has no relation whatever to Eutopean ar⯑chitecture, nor has borrowed any thing from the Greeks, has a certain beauty peculiar to itſelf The manſions of the Emperor are real palaces; and, by the immenſity, ſymmetry, height, regularity and magnificence, of the numberleſs buildings which compoſe them, announce, in a ſtriking manner, the majeſty and greatneſs of the maſter who inhabits them. The Louvre at Paris would occupy but a very ſmall ſpace, in one of the numerous courts of the Imperial palace at Peking.

[202]All the houſes and buildings of China are of wood; not owing to a ſcarcity of ſtone or marble, for they have ſuch abundance of the latter, that many cities are paved with marble, of all colours; nor to the difficulty of tranſporting it, for all the Emperor's gardens are interſperſed with enormous, artificial rocks; the foundations of all his pa⯑laces, conſiſt of immenſe blocks both of marble and ala⯑baſter, and the ſteps of all the ſtairs, however high, or broad, are all of one piece. It is the dread of earthquakes that prevents their building with marble; and the great heat in the ſouthern provinces, and extreme cold in the northern ones, making ſuch marble ſweat, would render houſes built with it unwholeſome, and almoſt uninhabit⯑able. During winter, at Peking, the cold is ſo exceed⯑ingly ſharp and ſevere, that no window fronting the north can be opened, and water continues conſtantly frozen to the depth of 18 inches, for more than three months together.

The ſame reaſons operate againſt their building houſes with more than one ſtory; as a ſecond, or third ſtory, would not be habitable in ſuch cold weather, or during the great heats in ſummer. For, though Peking is ſituated more to the north, than the reſt of the empire, the heat there, during the dog-days, is ſo intolerably ſcorch⯑ing, that the police obliges tradeſmen and ſhop-keepers to ſleep in the piazzas of their houſes, leſt they ſhould be ſtifled in the interior apartments.

[203]When the court reſided in the ſouthern provinces, the greater part of theſe palaces, which former Emperors erected in their gardens, were built with different ſtories; and their taſte for this manner of building, was carried to that length, that edifices were erected from 150 to 200 feet in height, and the pavilions at their extremities were ſometimes 300 feet; but the Emperors became diſ⯑guſted at this aërial architecture, and lowered their pa⯑laces, even before the court was removed to Peking: however, to preſerve the remembrance of it, there are ſome few buildings, belonging to the Emperor, ſtill ſtanding, ſeveral ſtories high.

The only thing that remains to be ſpoken of, is their practice of phyſic, the ſtudy of which is coeval with their empire. Their phyſicians were never ſkilful anatomiſts, or profound philoſophers; but they are, and always have been, ſuch able practitioners, as to aſtoniſh the moſt ſkilful in Europe.

Vital heat, and radical moiſture, are, with them, the two natural principles of life; the blood and ſpirits being only conſidered as their vehicles. Theſe two principles, ſay they, are ſeated in all parts of the body, in which they perceive life and vigour; and that between all parts of the human body, there is a certain influence in the one kind, and a ſympathy on the other; and theſe form the baſis of their phyſic. They found their moſt infallible prog⯑noſtics, [204] on a knowledge of the pulſe, the theory of which is very extenſive. An ancient Chineſe phyſician, has left a complete treatiſe on this ſubject, written 200 years before the chriſtian aera; by which it appears, that the Chineſe were acquainted with the circulation of the blood, long before any European nation; but, not to take the merit from our countryman Mr. Harvey, this circulation, in its full round, might not have been diſcovered before he found it out.

When a Chineſe phyſician is ſent for, he places the patient's arm upon a pillow, applies his four fingers along the artery, ſometimes touching it gently, and ſometimes more forcibly, and after examining it for a conſiderable time, without aſking any queſtions, he will tell the pa⯑tient where he feels pain, what parts are attacked, and what are moſt expoſed to danger; he will alſo tell him in what manner, and in what time, his diſorder will ter⯑minate.

Their phyſic, however, is almoſt quackery. They have the greateſt confidence in their ſimples, with which, and a few fruits, they compoſe the greater part of all their cordials. Ginſeng, of which I have ſpoken, is conſidered, with them, as a plant of the firſt claſs; and, to diſtinguiſh it from all others, is called, The plant. It is prepared 77 different ways; which form as many different preſcrip⯑tions. It is a ſcarce root, was formerly ſold for its weight [205] in ſilver; and, at preſent, coſts almoſt its weight in gold. They alllow tea to be a great and powerful medicine; but they recommend it to be uſed moderately, never to be drank hotter than warm, and by no means on an empty ſtomach.

I will conclude this chapter, with the method the Chineſe tribunals take, to diſcover whether a perſon has died a natural death, or in conſequence of ſome violence; and even after the body has began to putrify.

The body, being firſt taken from the earth, is waſhed in vinegar. After this, a large fire is kindled, in a pit dug on purpoſe, ſix feet long, three wide, and three deep; and this fire is continually augmented, till the ſurrounding earth is as hot as an oven. The remaining fire is then taken from the pit, a large quantity of wine poured into it, and it is covered with a hurdle, made of oſier twigs, on which the body is ſtretched at full length. A cloth is thrown over both, in the form of an arch, in order that the ſteam of the wine may act upon it in every direction. At the end of two hours, this cloth is taken off, and, if any blows has been given, they will appear upon the body, in whatever ſtate it may be. The ſame experiment is even extended to bones, ſtripped of their fleſh. The Chineſe aſſure us, that if the blows given, have been ſo ſevere as to occaſion death, this experiment makes the marks appear upon the bones, though none of them may be broken, or injured.

[206]We muſt here remark, that the wine mentioned, is a kind of beer, made from rice and honey.—A neceſſary obſervation, ſhould any one in Europe make an attempt to prove the truth of the expedient, which deſerves ſo much to be verified; as, in certain criminal caſes, it may tend to clear up doubts, and exculpate innocence.

Of other Nations ſubject to the CHINESE. From Dampier, Tavernier, &c.
CHAP. XVI. Of the Kingdom of Tonquin.

BESIDES the Tartars in the north, and bordering upon the Ruſſian territories, whom I have already deſcribed; they have ſome mountaineers on the back, or weſtern provinces of China, ſubjects to the empire: theſe are the Si-fans, the Lo-los, and the Miao-tſe. The firſt inhabit the provinces of Chen-ſi and Se-tchuen; the ſecond, are diſperſed throughout the province of Yun-nan; and the latter, the mountains throughout the pro⯑vinces of Se-tchuen, Koei-tcheou, Hou-quang, Quang-ſi, and on the frontiers of the province of Quang-tong.

The Si-fans live together, in ſmall bodies, ſubject to families; the oldeſt of which becomes a Lama, who has [208] the power of trying cauſes, and puniſhing criminals. The greater part live in tents, forming ſmall hamlets, of five or ſix families each. They keep large flocks, and are in want of none of the neceſſaries of life. They are of a proud and independent ſpirit, and ſubmit to the Chineſe with reluctance. When ſummoned by the mandarins, they rarely appear, but government winks at their con⯑tempt, for political reaſons, and endeavours to keep them in ſubjection, by mildneſs and moderation. Indeed, it would be difficult to reduce them, as their wild and frightful mountains, covered with ſnow, even in July, would afford them ſhelter, from which they could not be driven.

The Lo-los were formerly governed by their own ſo⯑vereigns, but ſubmitted to the Emperor of China, on condition of enjoying for ever, the honours of Chineſe mandarins. Theſe have a language of their own; their princes are abſolute maſters of their ſubjects, and can puniſh with death; and have an army, of horſe and foot.

The Miao-tſe are alſo under the government of princes, no leſs abſolute than thoſe of the Lo-los, and have a re⯑gular militia, maintained by feudatory lords. Their arms are, bows and half-pikes; and their horſes, wonderfully expert and active. When officers are choſen among them, the candidates are obliged to ride, full ſpeed, down the ſteepeſt declivities, and to clear, at one leap, very wide [209] ditches, in which large fires are kindled. Theſe horſes are much valued in China, are very ſcarce, and fetch a very great price.

The Miao-tſe are collected into villages, and live in great harmony. They employ themſelves in huſbandry, weave a coarſe, muſlin cloth, and a kind of carpets. Their dreſs is a pair of drawers, and a jacket, which laps over the breaſt, but they go bare-footed. The head-dreſs of their women is whimſical. They place, upon their heads, horizontally, a piece of board, about a foot long, and ſix inches broad; over which they ſpread their hair, and fix it to the wood, with wax. The Miao-tſe ladies conſider this as elegant, not perceiving the reſtraint to which it ſubjects the wearer; for they cannot lie down, without ſomething to ſupport their necks; and cannot make their way through their buſhy country, but by turning their heads every moment. When they comb their hair, which they do three or four times a year, they are obliged to re⯑main ſome hours before a large fire, to melt the wax, and make it run off; but, after they have combed it, they dreſs it again, in the ſame way.

The Chineſe entertain the moſt ſovereign contempt for this nation; and they, in their turn, deſpiſe the Chineſe: however, at the loſs of a great number of men, the Chineſe made a complete conqueſt of them, in 1776.

[210]There are alſo two or three large ſtates, tributary to China, that I muſt mention. Korea, Tonquin, and Cochin-China. I will ſpeak of each in their turn.

Korea, which the Chineſe call Kao-li, is a large penin⯑ſula, extending between China and Japan; 200 leagues long, from north to ſouth, and 100 broad, from eaſt to weſt. It's diſtance, from Japan, is only 25 leagues. This kingdom is governed by a ſovereign, who, though tributary to China, exerciſes abſolute authority over his ſubjects. He is maſter of all their wealth, and inherits it, after their death; and, every ſeventh year, all the freemen of the different provinces, are obliged to go to court, in rotation, and keep guard round the monarch, for two months; ſo that, during this year, all Korea is in mo⯑tion, and under arms.

They differ ſo little from the Chineſe, in their perſons, cuſtoms and manners, that it is not neceſſary to dwell upon the ſubject. Their women, indeed, are leſs confined; and, in matrimony, young folks chooſe for themſelves.

Tonquin, and Cochin-China, formerly compoſed one of the moſt extenſive provinces in China. Three hund⯑red years before the chriſtian aera, they were inhabited by ſavages; but, being conquered by China, 214 before Chriſt, the Emperor ſent here 500,000 perſons, from different parts of the Empire, filled theſe two kingdoms with Chineſe families, and cauſed two brazen pillars to be [211] erected on the boundaries, between Tonquin and the pro⯑vince of Quang-ſi, which are ſtanding to this day. Theſe columns have the following inſcription: ‘When theſe pillars ſhall be deſtroyed, Tonquin ſhall periſh.’ The Tonquineſe, at preſent, conſider this inſcription as a pro⯑phecy, and theſe columns as monuments, on which the fate of their kingdom hangs; of courſe, take great care to preſerve them, by ſheltering them from the weather.

Tonquin extends between the 17th and 23d degrees of N. latitude, bounded on the north, by the Chineſe pro⯑vinces of Yun-nan and Quang-ſi; on the eaſt, by the province of Canton, and the ſea; on the ſouth, by the ſea, and Cochin-China; and, on the weſt, by the coun⯑try of Laos. The capital city is Cachao. Tonquin has a king of its own, tributary to China, and is divided into eight provinces, under as many governors. The king's guards conſiſt of 2,000 ſoldiers; and about 20,000 more are ſtationed on the frontiers. On all the rivers of the kingdom, where it is probable an enemy might invade, are kept 100 large gallies, and a great number of galiots, in which the ſailors row, ſtanding. This country is health⯑ful and pleaſant in dry ſeaſons; but, from April to Auguſt, the wet ſeaſon holds, and the lands are annually flooded, as in all countries between the tropics, at this time of the year. This is the cauſe of the Nile's overflowing in Egypt. Between the beginning of Auguſt, and the latter end of October, happen thoſe violent ſtorms, called Tuffoons, [212] or Typhones, which are ſo furious, that the Chineſe dare not ſtir from their harbours.

In the woody, mountainous part of this country, are found elephants of an extraordinary ſize. Five hundred of them are kept for the king's uſe in war. Horſes they have not many, but cows and buffaloes in plenty; with the laſt, they plow their land. They have neither lions, aſſes, nor ſheep, except ſome few of the laſt, kept by the king; but they have abundance of ſtags, bears, tygers, and rhi⯑noceroſes. Apes here are remarkable for their ſize and boldneſs. They will enter a plantation in troops, of two or three hundred together, eat what they can, afterwards roll large wiſps of ſtraw round their waiſts, fill thoſe wiſps with rice, and march off in ſight of the peaſants, who dare not attack them. Their dogs will catch rats and mice; and their vigilant ones, will watch all night for them, like our cats. They have great plenty of fowls, both wild and tame, but very few, ſmall birds.

Among the latter, however, they have a ſpecies of goldfinch, which ſings ſo melodiouſly, that they call it the celeſtial bird. Its eyes ſparkle, like the moſt bril⯑liant ruby; it has a round, ſharp bill, an azure ring round its neck, and a ſmall tuft of parti-coloured feathers on its head. When perched, its wings appear variegated with beautiful ſhades of blue, green, and yellow; but, when it flies, they loſe all their colours. In wet weather, it con⯑ceals itſelf in the thickeſt woods; but it comes forth when [213] the ſun ſhines, as the harbinger of fair weather. This bird is ſaid to be an enemy to another ſingular bird of this country, found in marſhes, and called Ho-kien, which it no ſooner ſees, than it appears ſtruck with terror, mixed with fury. It's neck-feathers ſtand erect, it extends and agitates its wings, opens its bill, hiſſes like a ſerpent, and its attitude is that of a bird ready to dart on its prey, with⯑out offering to attack. It contents itſelf with looking on it's enemy with a fixed and diſordered eye, as if it felt an inferiority of ſtrength.

The wings, back and tail, of the Ho-kien, are of a dazzling white; it's head is covered with a reddiſh down, and its belly is a bright yellow, ſpeckled with grey and black: it is about the ſize of a quail, and breeds only once a year. They have alſo a ſort of locuſts, about as big as a man's finger, which breed in ditches and the banks of rivers, and are eſteemed good food by the na⯑tives. There are here great ſwarms of gnats and ants; the latter of which are ſo miſchievous, that, Tavernier ſays, they will eat through a bale of ſilk in 24 hours, and it will look, as if it had been ſawn aſunder.

They have gold and ſilver mines in this country, but never open them. The ſoil, in general, is fertile; they grow a great quantity of rice, and cultivate it in the ſame manner as on the coaſt of Coromandel, flowing their land with water, and, when the plants are five or ſix inches high, tranſplanting them into other grounds. Their [214] next important object of cultivation, is the ſugar-cane, of which they have two kinds; and its proceſs of culture, is as follows.

Having turned up the earth, to the depth of two feet, they plant two or three cane-ſhoots, a little inclined, and almoſt in the ſame manner as vines are planted in Italy, ſinking theſe ſlips 18 inches in the earth, and planting them checquer-wiſe, at the diſtance of ſix feet: this is done at the end of the rainy ſeaſon. Twelve or fifteen months after, it is fit to be cut; when the juice is preſſed out, and boiled for ſeveral hours, to evaporate part of its water. In this ſtate, it is carried to market, and looks like pure water. The merchants who purchaſe it, boil it again, with ſome alkaline ſubſtance, ſuch as aſhes of Muſa leaves, or calcined ſhells, which produce a great froth. This is ſkimmed off, and, by force of boiling, the alkali ſeparates the ſugar from the water, and the juice is reduced to the conſiſtency of ſyrup, which, when it begins to granulate, is poured into a large veſſel, and left to cool. This ſyrup is ſoon covered with a thin, yel⯑low, ſoft cruſt, and is then poured into veſſels, like funnels. After it has ſtood, and acquired the appearance of ſalt, it is bleached and finiſhed in the ſame manner as in our Weſt-Indian iſlands.

The Tonquineſe have but few, good fruits, and no ſweet-ſcented garden-flowers. Their beſt fruits are, pine-ap⯑ples, oranges, a kind of red fig, and a fig like thoſe of [215] Provence in taſte and figure, that does not grow on the branches of the tree, but ſprings from its root, and, in ſuch quantities, that 20 men may ſatisfy their hunger with them. They cultivate the mulberry and varniſh-tree, cotton, tea, indigo, ſaffron, and pepper, but neglect the vine; and they have a large tree, that bears neither leaves nor fruit. They have another curious tree, the branches of which bend naturally down, ſtrike root, and ſpring up again into other trees, whoſe branches do the ſame; ſo that one of theſe trees will, in courſe of time, extend it⯑ſelf a great way round. In their gardens they have yams, potatoes, and onions; and the betel leaf, which is ſo much valued over all India, is very common in this country.

Having a very large ſea-coaſt, and many fine rivers, well ſtocked with fiſh; their fiſheries employ a great number of hands; and many of them live, with their whole families, upon the water. Sea-turtles are very plentiful on their ſhores.

The bay of Tonquin, by which Europeans approach this kingdom, is about 30 leagues wide, in the broadeſt place, has about 46 fathom water, and a good anchorage every where. European ſhips paſs up the river Domea to Cachao, where the Engliſh and Dutch Eaſt-India com⯑panies have each of them a factory. This city lies about 100 miles up the river, and 80 from the places where their ſhips anchor. There is a delightful proſpect all the [216] way up the river, of a large, level, fruitful country, con⯑ſiſting of paſture and rice-grounds, but no trees, ex⯑cept about their villages, which are ſurrounded with them.

Cachao ſtands on the river Domea, on a riſing ground, but without either bank, wall, or ditch to defend it. It conſiſts of about 20,000 low-built houſes, with mud-walls and thatched roofs, except the Engliſh and Dutch facto⯑ries, which are ordinary, low, brick houſes. The chief ſtreets are very wide, but ill paved, and are dirty, in wet weather; and there are ſeveral ponds and ditches full of black mud, which, in dry ſeaſons, are very offenſive, but yet the town is healthy. Every family has, in their back yard, an arched, brick building, like an oven, about ſix feet high, to ſecure his beſt goods, in caſe of fire, to which thatched buildings are very liable; but government, by way of prevention, obliges every man to keep a great jar of water on the top of his houſe, with buckets; and, if the fire cannot be extinguiſhed this way, the thatch is ſo contrived, in large pieces, or frames, of ſeven or eight feet ſquare, to be thrown off at once; and they keep hooks, like our firemen, to pull down the buildings that are in flames.

There are three palaces in Cachao, in the chief of which the Boua, or king, reſides. It is three leagues in cir⯑cumference, and has a wall about 15 feet high, faced on both ſides with brick; and within the palace, beſides the [217] buildings and apartments, there are parks, gardens, and canals, as in the royal palaces of China. In one of the other palaces, the general reſides: before this is a parade, where the ſoldiers are exerciſed. Oppoſite to this is an⯑other, low building, where the artillery is kept, which conſiſts of about 50 or 60 iron guns, two or three whole culverins, and ſome iron mortars; but the carriages are generally out of repair. Near this palace, is a ſtable for 200 elephants, kept for war.

There are but few cities in Tonquin, beſides Cachao. Hean is one of the principal, which has about 2,000 houſes. Market-towns they have none; but every five or ſix villages take it by turns to have the market held in one of them. Theſe ſtand very thick all over the country, in flat ſpots, and conſiſt of 30 or 40 houſes, always ſur⯑rounded by groves of trees, and encompaſſed by large moats and banks, thrown up beyond the groves, to pre⯑vent the houſes and gardens being overflown in the rainy ſeaſon, for all the land about them lies there two or three feet deep in water, and they are forced either to wade through it, from one village to another, or go in boats.

The partitions, in their houſes, are made with ſplit cane; and their rooms have no other light, than what they receive from a little, ſquare hole. Their furniture conſiſts of tables, ſtools, and an ordinary bed or two, in their innermoſt rooms. Every houſe has a little altar, [218] with an image or two, and incenſe put upon it. They dreſs their meat uſually in their yards, in fair weather; and within doors, in wet; but the rooms having no chimnies, they are, at ſuch times, almoſt ſuffocated with ſmoke.

The Tonquineſe are neither ſo flat-noſed, nor ſo broad-viſaged, as the Chineſe. Their complexion is olive; they are clean-made, ſtrong-limbed, and of a middle ſtature; have long, black, lank hair, which grows very thick, and hangs down over their ſhoulders. They ſuffer their nails to grow, as do the Chineſe; and, when they are about 12 or 13 years of age, dye their teeth black, which operation takes up three or four days; dur⯑ing which, the compoſition being ſo nauſeous, they ſcarce take any nouriſhment. They are ingenious, and, in diſ⯑poſition, free and open; though cheating, among them, when done with addreſs, is conſidered as a piece of pru⯑dence and ſkill. They are generous, but their gene⯑roſity being regulated only by their intereſt, they never give, where there is no expectation of a return; of courſe, leſt they ſhould be importuned, take great care to conceal their wealth; and yet are laviſh in their public expences, eſpecially in feaſts, marriages, and funerals. They hate the Europeans, and take great pleaſure in over⯑reaching them.

The different ſexes are not diſtinguiſhable by their dreſs. The outward habit is a long gown, tied round the [219] waiſt with a ſaſh. Perſons of diſtinction wear ſilk; but they never think themſelves finer, than when cloathed in red, or green, Engliſh broad-cloth; and wear caps of the ſame ſtuff with their gowns. Inferior people, and ſol⯑diers, wear cotton cloth, dyed of a dark colour; and a ſoldier's upper-garment reaches no lower than his knees: but they have drawers, or trowſers, that come down to the middle of the leg. The very poor ſcarce wear any thing but a doublet, and a pair of drawers, without either ſhirt, ſhoes, or ſtockings; and ſit croſs-legged on benches, raiſed about a foot high, and covered with mats, all round the rooms where they make their entertainments, after the manner of the Aſiaticks. But they place a cuſhion for their friends to ſit on, another at their backs, and place a kind of umbrella, or alcove, over their heads.

From a barbarous perſwaſion, that they have a power of diſpoſing of their own lives, and thoſe that belong to them, the Tonquineſe, ſays the Reverend Mr. Ovington, in his Voyage to Surat, poiſon, each year, one of the fruits of the Araguer, and give it to a child to eat, conceiving, that by the death of an innocent child, they ſhall thrive the better the ſucceeding year.

One part of the year all the people are ſlaves; for, ex⯑cept the citizens of the capital, all the tradeſmen, joiners, ſmiths, maſons, carpenters, &c. are obliged to work three months in the palace, and two or three for the man⯑darins [220] and great lords: the reſt of the year they act as they pleaſe. They have alſo particularities in their food. They eat buffaloes, dogs, cats, locuſts, horſe-fleſh, which they eſteem equal to beef, and the fleſh of the elephants that die a natural death. The trunk is often made a pre⯑ſent of to ſome great mandarin, as a delicacy. Frogs are another great diſh with them. Bullocks they ſinge like bacon-hogs; and having ſteeped ſlices of raw beef in vi⯑negar for three or four hours, will eat it with a particular guſt. Small fiſh and ſhrimps they throw into a jar of ſalted water, made very weak, which, after ſome little time, is reduced to a pulp. They uſe this as we do foy, and think it equally good, and often eat it with rice; but people of quality are ſeldom without fleſh, fiſh and fowl, at their tables every day. Their meat is ſerved up in ſmall plates of lacquered wood, and being cut into little, ſquare pieces, they eat it, as do the Chineſe, with chopſticks. They alſo ſalt their eggs, in the manner I have mentioned; and putting them in an earthen pot, cloſe ſtopped, they will keep for years.

Their uſual liquor is tea, ſold by women in the mar⯑ket-places; and they have alſo arrack, but of the worſt kind, in which they infuſe ſnakes and ſcorpions, and con⯑ſider it thus, as an antidote againſt poiſon.

Father Horta gives us ſome very intereſting details, reſ⯑pecting the ceremonies the Tonquineſe uſe, in their viſits [...] entertainments. The perſon who pays the viſit, ſtops [221] at the gate, and gives the porter a few, looſe leaves of paper, containing about eight or ten pages, on which are written, in large characters, his name and titles, together with the intention of his viſit. Theſe leaves are white, covered with red paper; but they have them of different colours, according to the rank of the perſon whom they viſit. If the maſter is out, the paper is left, and the viſit paid; if he is at home, the viſit is conducted as I have deſcribed in China, with all their ceremonies and cuſtoms, not omitting the comedies. Their cards of invitation run thus, the following being one that Horta copied:— ‘Chao-ting has prepared a repaſt of ſome herbs, clean⯑ed his glaſſes, and arranged his houſe, in order that Se-tong may come, and entertain him, with the charms of his converſation, and the eloquence of his learning; he therefore begs he will not refuſe him that divine pleaſure.’—But the firſt thing they entertain with, is betel and arak. They wrap up ſeveral ſlices of the arak-nut in a betel-leaf, and daub it over with mortar, made of lime; and ſtrangers, on a viſit, are offered ſome of this to chew, the perſon giving it with the right hand from a box which every man, like a ſnuff-box, carries about him. I particularly mentioned the right-hand, as the left is only uſed for the worſt of offices; nor can a man be more unfortunate, than to be found left-handed among this people, or, indeed, in any part of India. The betel and arak, which they eat is a kind of opiate, which lulls peo⯑ple that uſe it into a pleaſing dream, and it gives a red colour to the lips. It makes the chewer ſpit; but the [222] better ſort of people in India, have a ſervant whoſe ſole buſineſs it is, to carry a pot after them to ſpit in.

Having a number of rivers, there is good travel⯑ing by water; and their highways and bridges are kept in good order; and tho' they have no public inns, yet, a traveller is ſure to meet, by the way-ſide, with fire, water and other conveniences to dreſs his food, and refreſh himſelf. The baggage in time of war, is carried by elephants; and, in the upland countries, they probably uſe porters, as does the Chineſe, for they have but few beaſts of burden.

The favourite diverſions of the Tonquineſe are co⯑medies; which they generally act at night, and accom⯑pany with abundance of machinery and decorations. They excel particularly in the repreſentation of torrents, rivers, ſeas, tempeſts and naval-battles.

[224]There are no common burial-places in Tonquin; every one is buried in his own ground; and within a month afterwards, a great feaſt is made at his grave, at which the prieſt, by his office, aſſiſts. Over the graves of the opulent a tower of wood is built, ſeven or eight feet ſquare, and above five and twenty feet high, which the prieſt aſcends, and makes a ſpeech from the top, then comes down, and the building in ſet on fire, which being ſlightly built with painted boards, is ſoon conſumed; after which the people proceed to rejoicing and are very merry. On the death of a monarch, Tavernier ſays, the mandarins wear mourning for three years, thoſe of the houſhold for nine months, the nobility ſix, and the common people three months; but, there are no public amuſements for three years, except at the coronation of the ſucceeding king.

This government is one of the ſtrangeſt we have heard of. The rightful prince enjoys little more than the empty title of king; the general or prime miniſ⯑ter being maſter of all the treaſure and forces of the kingdom, and to whom all men pay their court. This is a uſurped power of the general's, which he keeps up, having near 100,000 men at his command; and keeps the real king, as it were, a priſoner in his own palace. Soldiers are here taught to make their own gunpowder in little hand-mills. Every one has a [...]touch box, their guns have matchlocks, and no people [...] and fire quicker. They keep their arms [225] very bright, and cover them with lacquered cane in bad weather. They pick their men by their appe⯑tites, and the general's guard conſiſts of the beſt eaters: the greateſt part of their forces are kept on the fron⯑tiers of Cochin-China, and between the outguards of each kingdom, they have frequent ſkirmiſhes, but theſe ſeldom come to a general engagement. The army never takes the field, or encamps, but in the dry ſea⯑ſon. When it marches, the guards and principal officers are mounted upon elephants, in little wooden apart⯑ments. They carry no artillery with them, but ſome long guns, which they reſt on forks to fire, and which they uſe, to clear a paſs, or fire acroſs a river. Their naval force is but ſmall; conſiſting only of gallies 60 or 70 feet long, and very narrow; the head and ſtern raiſed 10 or 12 feet above the water, but in the middle not more than two. The captain ſits in the ſtern, which is finely painted and gilded; and the ſol⯑diers, who are always the rowers, have an awning over them to keep them dry. They puſh their oars from them and plunge them all into the water, at once, according to a ſignal given. Theſe veſſels do not draw above two feet and a half water, and cannot be uſed at ſea, but in calm weather. They employ their ſoldiers to prevent ſmuggling, and theſe alſo keep watch in the towns at night, but are then only armed with long ſtaves, yet yet are inſolent and troubleſome to all that paſs them, and their officers to whom only they are accountable, are not very ready to receive complaints.

[226]There are no courts of judicature, but any ſingle magiſtrate can puniſh, agreeable to the laws, and with⯑out appeal; ſentence being executed immediately. Murder and capital offences are puniſhed by beheading before the offender's own door, or where the fact was committed. The criminal is ſet on the ground, and his head is taken off at one blow, by a back-ſword. Theft is puniſhed by mutilation, or cutting off the the joint of a finger, a whole finger, or the whole hand, according to the degree of offence. Adultery, as I obſerved before, by throwing the adultereſs to an Elephant. For leſſer offences, the wooden collar, and bamboo are uſed, as in China. And for debt, the debtor is condemned, to become a priſoner to his creditor, and work for him, till the debt is paid.

Moſt of their magiſtrates are eunuchs. Each governor is abſolute in his province; and when a eunuch-manda⯑rin dies, his effects are the property of government; on which account, their extortions are winked at. The mandarins, tho' eunuchs, will keep young wenches to play with, and will often recommend their girls to Europeans who trade there, and take their acceptance of them kindly.

Once a year, an oath of fidelity is adminiſtered, to all the ſubjects, in every province; and on this occaſion, every one drinks a cup of ſome fowl's blood, mixed with arrack. They have no coin, but Spaniſh [227] rials, of courſe make their payments in little pieces of ſilver, as do the Chineſe.

This country produces great quantities of ſilk, ſuch as pelongs, ſooſees, hawkins, peniaſcoes and gauſe, the two latter are ſometimes plain, and ſometimes flowered. The lacquered ware is another great ma⯑nufacture in this kingdom, and, next to that of Japan, eſteemed the beſt in the world. The excellence does not ſo much conſiſt in the paint and varniſh, as in the wood, which is a kind of fir. The different coats of varniſh, are laid on, in fine weather, one after another, as they dry; and after the outer coat is dry, it is poliſhed by rubbing. This country is famous alſo for Lignum Aloes. Tavernier tells us, there is ſo great a difference in the goodneſs of this wood, that it may be had, from three crowns to a thouſand. If it be cloſe and oily, a piece, the ſize of a pea, thrown into the fire, will perfume a room; as much as a dry piece, as large as a man's fiſt.

The Tonquineſe make no long voyages, nor export any merchandize in their own bottoms, except fiſh and rice, to ſome neighbouring countries. They deal much fairer than the Chineſe, and perform their contracts punctually: only that the merchant is forced to wait ſeveral months for the making of his goods. They are pretty, good mechanicks, and have almoſt all kinds of handicrafts among them. Money chang⯑ing [228] is here a great profeſſion, and managed by the women, who are ſo dextrous at it, that they will raiſe and lower the price of caſh, as artfully, as our ſtock-jobbers do the ſtocks.

Learning in Tonquin, is on a par with that of China; the Tonquineſe apply to letters from emula⯑tions, as they open the way to honour, and they cannot be promoted to offices of dignity, but in proportion to their abilities. Degrees in literature are conferred by the monarch, after a public examination in the palace court-yard, before the king and all the grandees of the ſtate. Their language is a kind of guttural Chineſe.

Their phyſicians ſtudy little but the nature of ſimples, and the doctrine of the pulſe; by which like the Chineſe, they pretend to diſcern the cauſe and ſeat of every diſorder. The purple fever, a diſorder very dangerous in Europe, is here thought little of; they treat it as follows. Taking the pith of a certain reed, they dip it in oil, and apply it to all the purple ſpots, on the body, one after another: the fleſh then burſts, with a report as loud as a piſtol, and after the corrupted blood has been ſqueezed out, they compleat the cure, by rubbing the wounds with ginger. This remedy muſt be painful, but we are aſſured that its efficacy is certain.

[229]Perſons are often bit here by ſerpents; but the cure is at hand. They have a ſmall ſtone much reſembling a cheſnut, the virtue of which is almoſt miraculous. It is called the Serpent-ſtone. When any one has been bit by a venemous reptile, the blood is preſſed out, and this healing ſtone applied to the wound, where it adheres, and gradually ſucks out the poiſon. When impregnated with the poiſon it drops off, like a leech when full. It is then care⯑fully waſhed with milk and water, in which lime has been diluted, and applied to the wound a ſecond time where it ſticks, till it has exhaled all the virus. In leſs than an hour, the patient finds himſelf without fever, or any kind of pain.

Bleeding is the phyſician's laſt reſource; but to purify the blood, they uſe the powder of a crab, found on the ſhores here, often in a ſtate of petrifac⯑tion; and which they reduce to powder, and adminiſter it internally, in water, wine or oil.

Their religion is a mixture of the Chineſe worſhip and other ſuperſtitions. They admit of the doctrine of tranſmigration, believe the world to be eternal; imagine the air to be full of ſpirits; but acknowledge one Supreme Being. Men of learning follow the doctrine of Confucius to whom they often ſacrifice. They ſtudy aſtrology, and conſult the pretenders in this art, on every occaſion. The chriſtian religion [230] had made a conſiderable progreſs in this kingdom ſome few years back. The Jeſuit-miſſionaries had built ſeveral churches, and made many thouſand con⯑vents; but as the King and court were averſe to it, it is impoſſible to ſay what may be the caſe now.

CHAP. XVII. Of Cochin-China, Thibet, Hami, and the Iſland of Formoſa, &c.

COCHIN-China is a kingdom that extends from the eighth degree of north latitude, to the 17th; is upwards of 400 miles long, and about 150 broad. It is bounded on the North by Tonquin; by the Chineſe ſea on the Eaſt; the Indian ocean on the South; and the kingdom of Camboya, on the Weſt. It is divided into five provinces. The King keeps his court in that of Sinuva, which lies contiguous unto Tonquin.

This ſtate is tributary to China, whilſt the Kings of Tſiampa and Camboya are tributary to Cochin-China. The iſlands of Pulo and Condore, which lie in eight degrees 40 min. north latitude, are alſo ſubject to [231] it. Theſe iſlands are but ſmall, and only one, the largeſt, is inhabited, being between four and five leagues long, and three broad. The inhabitants are Chochin-Chineſe, and ſpeak the Malayan language. The Engliſh had a ſettlement here in 1705, conſiſting of 45 Europeans, whom the natives maſſacred in their beds, on the ſecond of March that year, and ſet fire to the factory. They have wild cocks and hens here, about the ſize of crows.

The natives of Cochin-China have a common origin with the Tonquineſe; and differ ſo little in their manner of living, laws and cuſtoms, which they have borrowed, in great part, from the Chineſe, that it is not neceſſary to deſcribe them. It is from four ſmall iſlands, ſituated on this coaſt, that thoſe celebrated birds-neſts are found, ſo much ſought after, for ſeaſoning ragouts, and which give ſo exquiſite a taſte to ſauces; and where thoſe turtles are found, in ſuch prodigious number, the fleſh of which is ſo delicate, that the Tonquineſe, and people of Cochin-China, often fight deſperate battles, in order to take them from one another.