CONSIDERATIONS Upon the Augmentation of the ARMY on the ESTABLISHMENT of IRELAND.

AS the Scheme for augmenting the Army on the Eſtabliſh⯑ment of Ireland with three Thou⯑ſand two Hundred and thirty-five Men, excites a good deal of Curio⯑ſity at preſent, it may not be un⯑acceptable to the Public, to know what are the Sentiments of a ſincere Well-wiſher to his Country, unin⯑fluenced by Paſſion, Prejudice, or private Intereſt, upon this very im⯑portant Subject.

[4]THE Objections which have been yet urged againſt this Meaſure, even with any Degree of Plauſibility, may be fairly reduced within a very narrow Compaſs.

THE extraordinary Expence to be incurr'd the firſt Year, of near ſeventy Thouſand Pounds, and the annual Expence afterwards, of a⯑bout thirty-five Thouſand, for the Support of this increaſed Eſtabliſh⯑ment. The Probability that twelve thouſand Men will not remain in Ireland for the Defence of the Country: And the Inexpediency of increaſing our military Force in a Time of Peace, and apparent Security.

IT were to be wiſhed, that this, and every other Scheme of public [5] Utility, could be carried into Exe⯑cution, without laying the ſmalleſt Burthen upon the People: But as this in the Beginning, has ſeldom been found practicable in any Age, or Country; let us examine the Weight of the firſt Objection, upon the fair Footing of a Compariſon between the ſlight Inconvenience of raiſing the Sums requiſite for this Purpoſe, and the great Advantages derived to this Kingdom from ſo prudent and neceſſary an Applica⯑tion of them. A ſlight Inconvenience it may well be called, for by the equitable Tax of four Shillings in the Pound impoſed upon Abſentees this Seſſion of Parliament, and by the contingent Produce of the al⯑tered Duty upon Teas, a new Fund will be added to the Revenue nearly equal (according to the beſt Calcu⯑lations) [6] to the whole annual Charge of the propoſed Augmentation: And this too without any Oppreſſion to the landed or mercantile Intereſt of the Country.

IT appears then, that for a mo⯑derate Sum, not exceeding what may, perhaps, be ſpent in vicious Hoſpi⯑tality, at two or three conteſted County Elections, a reſpectable Body of Forces may be maintained in this Country, to protect us from Inſur⯑rections at Home, and againſt Inva⯑ſions from Abroad; the Reliefs which Ireland is to furniſh to Garriſons, and Settlements, will be compleat. and regular; and our Army no longer ſubject to that pernicious, (though hitherto unavoidable) Practice of Draughting, which like a ſlow Diſ⯑temper, has conſumed the Vigor of our ſtouteſt Corps.

[7]BUT it will be ſaid, what Pledge is given us, that twelve Thouſand Men will continue in Ireland, to de⯑fend the Country that ſupports them? Superadded to the Faith of the Royal Declaration, to this Ef⯑fect, we have the Security of an Act of the Britiſh Legiſlature, which, while it enables his Majeſty to aug⯑ment his Army, ſpecifies at the ſame Time, the Place and Purpoſe of their Service: And in the Ballance of Candor and Juſtice, ſuch Aſſu⯑rances will certainly preponderate a⯑gainſt the vague Conjectures of un⯑inform'd Writers, or the jealous Aſ⯑ſertions of a peeviſh and turbulent Incendiary. It requires no very com⯑prehenſive Memory to regiſter En⯑gagements from the Throne, which have been entered into ſince his pre⯑ſent [8] Majeſty's Acceſſion, and till ſome Violation of them is charged and proved, we may, I think ſafely rely upon the Honour of our Sove⯑reign, that he will give no Reaſon to miſtruſt his want of a Principle, which among the loweſt Orders of his Subjects, is ſcarcely dignified with the Name of a Virtue, but is rather conſidered as an indiſpenſable Rule of Morality, which Men muſt not depart from, while they expect to live with ordinary Credit in So⯑ciety, and to reap the Benefits, which, Truth, the great Bond of it, intitles them to.

IN Time of Peace, to be pre⯑pared for War, is a Maxim of ſound Policy in every Country: To none can it be more applicable than to [9] ours, no where ſhould it be more frequently inculcated, and no where does it ſeem leſs underſtood.

The Fertility of our Iſland invites, and its Acceſſability expoſes us to Invaſion. We muſt ſtill conſider the two great Monarchies of the Con⯑tinent as inſeparably united by Com⯑pact, by joint Intereſt, and join Am⯑bition. France, which has long in⯑fluenced the Councils, and ſo lately guided the Arms of Spain, is averſe to Great Britain, from Commercial Emulation, from the recent Diſ⯑honour of her Arms, and from long Habits of Hoſtility. The compli⯑cated Intereſts of the Britiſh Colo⯑nies, her numerous Dependancies, and enterpriſing Spirit, may eaſily furniſh a Pretence to theſe two [10] Powers for a Rupture with her, when they are again in a Condi⯑tion to buſtle for Dominion, and the next War may probably begin, where the laſt pretty nearly conclu⯑ded, with another Attempt to invade us. Expelled, as France is, from the Continent of North America, her Efforts will be exerted ſlowly, if ever, to regain a Footing in that Quarter. Her Fleets can't cope with thoſe of England in the Weſt-Indies, and the Leeward Iſlands; the Settlements in Aſia are too re⯑mote and well eſtabliſhed: And the Garriſons of Minorca and Gibralter, are now rendered almoſt impregna⯑ble.—What Object then remains ſo inviting? What enterprize ſo practi⯑cable as a Deſcent upon Ireland? Abounding with Harbours, Bays and [11] landing Places; unfurniſhed with Forts and Soldiers: Where too, the unhappy Prevalence of the Religion of our Enemies, which keeps much the greateſt Number of our Coun⯑trymen in a diſcontented and fearful Subjection to the Government they live under, renders their Loyalty ſuſpicious; and in this Reſpect, Po⯑pulation, one great Means of Safe⯑ty in other States, ſuggeſts nothing to us, but the Idea of Danger. A little Attention to the internal Con⯑dition of this Kingdom, will be ſuf⯑ficient to convince every impartial Perſon, that this Deſcription is not overloaded, and it would be well no Doubt, if ſuch a State of Imbecility could not be aggravated.—The haſty Charts of Geographers who ſeldom viſit the Countries the pre⯑tend [12] to delineate, but deliver to the World Errors taken upon the Credit of thoſe who went before them: The Intelligence of Merchants, or more inaccurate Deſcriptions of ſuch as travel from Curioſity, or for Amuſement, are the Means by which Countries are generally known to each other, and many hoſtile Pro⯑jects have been formed, upon ſuch fallible Authorities, and many have miſcarried becauſe they were ſo form⯑ed.—In reſpect to Ireland, an Ene⯑my has peculiar Advantages. Men born and educated in every Province, in every Town, in every Corner and Spot of this Iſland, are to be found in the Dominions and under the Al⯑legiance of France and Spain. They have our Natives to fill their Levies, and our Mariners to Pilot their Veſ⯑ſels. [13] The very Indigence of theſe Fugitives renders them formidable, as it drives them to embrace a Pro⯑feſſion in theſe martial Governments, which furniſhes an immediate Sub⯑ſiſtence; and finding it impoſſible to be any Thing at home, they be⯑come Soldiers from Neceſſity abroad. Let us not deſpiſe their rude Educa⯑tion and uncultivated Talents, they have Science enough to be uſeful to our Enemies, and dangerous to us. Ireland they ſtill conſider as their natural Inheritance, and the Claim of original Poſſeſſion is tranſmitted amongſt them from Generation to Generation. To reviſit the Land of their Fore-fathers, and to enjoy again the Property they have forfeit⯑ed, is the favourite Topic of their Diſcourſes, and the Object ever pre⯑ſent [14] to their Hopes. Bold and rea⯑dy for Battle upon any Pretence, and in every Quarrel, they are ani⯑mated with no common Ardor when this Enterprize is ſtarted. Innova⯑tors and Robbers are the Characters we are deſcribed under; and, as ſuch, ſhould the fatal Opportunity happen, we muſt expect to be treat⯑ed. It is a fact too notorious to be conteſted, and too recent to be for⯑gotten, how we were once preſerved from the worſt of all Calamities which hung over us; and had not the ſuperintending Vigilance of our Mother Country interpoſed at that Juncture, we might now perhaps in Poverty, in Baniſhment, or in Pri⯑ſons deplore the Conſequences of an Event, which, whether we may be again expoſed to it, or not, we at [15] preſent only diſcuſs the Probability of.

To thoſe who are candid enough to acknowledge what indeed can ſcarcely be conteſted, that the Con⯑queſt of Ireland, at leaſt the De⯑vaſtation of it, will be a likely Ob⯑ject of our Enemies Policy; but who argue that even a greater Number than our propoſed Eſ⯑tabliſhment would be inſufficient to defend it; the Anſwer is obvious. Twelve Thouſand Men are a better Defence than a third Part of the Number, and three times as much may reaſonably be expected from them. Open the above Argument a little more, place it in a fairer Light, and then examine what is the Force of it. Our Iſland is ex⯑tenſive, [16] and expoſed every where; then how is it poſſible for a handful of Soldiers, though never ſo brave, alert, and well diſciplined, to be preſent at the ſame Inſtant in many Places? The Attack may be made at once in different Quarters, and while we March to ſuſtain one Poſt, we leave another open to the Inva⯑dor? Beſides, a watchful Eye muſt be kept upon the People who ſur⯑round us, leſt their Riſing ſhould be as fatal as the landing of an Ene⯑my.

Under ſuch Circumſtances it muſt be admitted, that an Army would have much to do, and all Lovers of their Country much more to fear. At ſuch a Criſis, the thrif⯑tieſt Stewards of the public Purſe, [17] the moſt watchful Dragons of the Exchequer, might probably wiſh in vain to make one common Maſs of public and private Property; and to exchange it all for what is ſtill more precious, ſecurity of Life, and Li⯑berty to enjoy it. Yet from twelve thouſand brave Soldiers, every Thing may be expected but Impoſſibilities: nor can it be ſtrictly ſaid, that we need defend equally the whole of our extenſive Coaſts, ſince 'tis pro⯑bable the Northern Parts of them will not be attempted. The Reli⯑gion of the Inhabitants, their Wealth and Numbers, are well known to the two Maritime Powers from whence we have any Thing to apprehend: nor ſhould it be ſuppo⯑ſed they will endeavour to make an [18] Impreſſion in the Quarter, where they muſt expect to meet the moſt vigorous Reſiſtance. The landing of Flobert and Thurot near Carrick⯑fergus, in the Year 1760, was the Effect of Accident and not Deſign. The Deſtination of that little Squa⯑dron ('tis well known) was for the South, though by Diſtreſs, and con⯑trary Winds, they were reduced to the Neceſſity of Anchoring in the North; where it was not at firſt in⯑tended. 'Tis then reaſonable to conclude, that the Southern, and South-Weſt Parts, are to be princi⯑pally attended to; as the ſame Rea⯑ſons which endangered them before, exiſt in full Force at this Inſtant. Here then we muſt be prepared to expect an Enemy, and 'tis ſomething at leaſt in our Favour, to know [19] where Preparation is neceſſary. Let it be conſidered beſides, that no Armament can Approach the Coaſt, without giving Notice of it by their Appearance: And that Diſembarka⯑tions are more ſubject to Delay, Confuſion and Accident, than any other Military Operations.

The Strength and Spirit of the Soldiery, upon ſuch Services, is en⯑feebled by the unwholeſome Con⯑finement in the Veſſels that tranſ⯑port them, and by the Effects of an Element to which they are not ac⯑cuſtomed. If they meet with no Oppoſition, but can Diſembark, Form and March forwards with as little Reſiſtance, and in as good Order, as if they came to relieve a Garriſon, or to take quiet Poſſeſſi⯑on [20] of an undiſputed Territory, the Caſe is very different; if ſo indeed, I know not what we have to reſort to, except Supplications, and their Mercy; but in my poor Opinion, the Appearance of a ſingle Regi⯑ment or Company of our own Sol⯑diers, would be a much ſafer, and more honourable Reſource in ſuch a Calamity. Peaſants, Children and Women have hurled ſtones, and brandiſhed Clubs, have done ſome⯑thing, in ſuch Cauſes; and ſhall we now be told, that twelve thouſand brave Soldiers, ſuch as by their excellent Diſcipline and unexampled Courage, have raiſed the Reputati⯑on of theſe Nations above all others this Day in Europe: Shall we be told, I ſay, that they can do no⯑thing? And will it ſtill be urged [21] that except their Numbers are en⯑creaſed beyond what 'tis poſſible to encreaſe them, they are a Burthen and not a Bulwark.

Much illiberal Induſtry 'tis true has been of late exerted to raiſe un⯑favourable Impreſſions of the Soldi⯑ery in the Minds of their Country⯑men, and impotent Malice has ex⯑hauſted all her pitiful Expedients, to ſow the Seeds of Diviſion and Jealouſy, between the Civil and Military Powers. Invidious Inſinu⯑ations, invented Anecdotes, ridicu⯑lous Calculations, falſe Facts, falſe Arguments, and bold Calumnies have been obtruded upon the Pub⯑lic, for Reaſons to Prejudice their Senſe of a Meaſure, which is ſhort⯑ly [22] to be decided by their Repreſen⯑tatives in Parliament. There no doubt, the Merit of this Queſtion will be determined properly upon the Information which is before them: They will not prefer an in⯑conſiderable Saving to a great Se⯑curity, nor ſuſpect a lurking Miſ⯑chief under a fair Propoſition, be⯑cauſe they have not themſelves ſug⯑geſted it. As the Crown advances in Condeſcenſion, they will not recede in Confidence, nor while the Neceſ⯑ſity of an additional Defence to their Country, is on all Sides admitted; poſtpone an expeditious and practi⯑cable Mode of defending it, to one which is viſionary, or at beſt precari⯑ous. In examining the Scheme be⯑fore them, they will conſider all the [23] Relations of their Country, and re⯑ſpect the Means propoſed; as they regard one great End, its Security and Preſervation.