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THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE OF Thomas Ellwood. Or, an Account of his BIRTH, EDUCATION, &c. WITH Divers Obſervations on his Life and Manners when a Youth: And how he came to be Convinced of the Truth; with his many Sufferings and Services for the ſame. Alſo Several Other Remarkable Paſſages and Occurrences.

Written by his own Hand.

To which is added, A SUPPLEMENT By J. W.

Heb. 11. 2. By Faith the Elders obtained a good Report.

The Second Edition.

London: Printed and Sold by the Aſſigns of J. Sowle, in White Hart-Court in Gracious-Street, 1714.

THE PREFACE.

[3]

GAther up the Fragments that remain, that nothing be Loſt, John 6. 12. Was the direction of our Saviour to his Diſciples, after he had fed the Multitude. Which may well and uſefully be applied, to the Collecting and Preſerving the Accounts of the Lives of Good Men: Men who in their Day, have been eminently uſeful in thoſe Stations of Life, wherein God, by his good Providence, hath placed them. And this preſerving, by Publication, is the rather to be done, when themſelves do leave behind them, in Writing, an Account of their Lives, and of the ſignal Mercies of God to them therein: For [4] from ſuch Accounts, may beſt be gathered, by the Reader, the Man's particular State, Exerciſe and Growth in the Work of Reſtoration, out of the Fall and Degeneracy: And, in the Reading thereof, be not only excited to Bleſs the Name of the Lord, on his behalf; but alſo gain ſome direction from the Path, ſo fairly tract out, and ground of Hope; that by being Faithful, they may likewiſe attain to the ſame good Experience.

There is not with me any doubt, but ſomething of this kind may be the Lot of many, into whoſe Hands this Treatiſe may happen to come; for that they will herein meet with variety of Exerciſes, and the Providences of God therein, all related with great ſtrength and plainneſs of Speech: Our Deceaſed Friend Thomas Ellwood, having been a Man whom God had endued with ſingular Abilities, both as a Man, and as a Chriſtian; which is evident, not only from this ſhort Account of his Life, which was written by himſelf, and by the Supplement added hereunto; [5] but more largely from his many uſeful Labours and Services in the many Books which he writ in the Defence of Truth, and the Friends thereof: For which Service he was in a particular manner qualified, by Spiritual Wiſdom and Chriſtian Obedience; to which, in him, was added great ſtrength and depth of Judgment, wherein he could diſcern the Spirits of others, and was very much the Maſter of his own, as did appear to ſuch who knew him, not only by the ſoundneſs of his Reaſoning, and the Seaſonableneſs of his Words; but alſo by his great and exemplary Modeſty, in that he was not haſty to propoſe, nor rudely tenacious to inſiſt on what he had propoſed; if any thing, though not well expreſt, yet well intended, was offered by any one much Weaker; nay, though but by a Babe in Chriſt.

His Countenance was Manly and Chearful; His Deportment Grave, yet Affable and Courteous, even to the meaneſt Perſon; His Converſation Innocent, Pleaſant [6] and Inſtructive, yet ſevere againſt any thing that was beyond the Liberty of Truth. Theſe, with his other Qualifications of Body and Mind, did render him both very Acceptable and very Uſeful, as a Friend, as a Neighbour, and as a Member and Elder in the Church of Chriſt; and the more, for that his Time was chiefly Imployed in being Serviceable in one or other of theſe Capacities.

I might here particularly mention the ſeveral Labours of our Deceaſed Friend, according to their reſpective Times, and the Nature of their ſeveral Subjects; but much of this being already done in the enſuing Pages, I chuſe to remit the Reader thither; by which poſſibly he may be excited to the Peruſal of them, and ſhall only ſay concerning them, that the Judicious Reader will eaſily Obſerve, that his Method and Stile do denote him to have been a Scholar: And yet not farther ſo, than the Simplicity and Purity of the Truth, whereof he made Profeſſion, would permit him.

[7] I was with our Friend Thomas Ellwood, the greater part of his Sickneſs: In which he was alſo very frequently viſited by our Friend George Bowles, who was his Neighbour; to whom therefore I refer, for the Account which he may give of his Sickneſs and Dying Words.

As it was my good Lot to be well acquainted with him (though only in the latter Years of his Life) and know that he did neither uſe nor encourage the beſtowing Elaborate Encomiums upon Perſons Deceaſed: So neither ſhall I add further concerning him, than to ſay with the Apoſtle concerning the Faithful, Heb. 11. 4. That he was Righteous, God Teſtifying of his Gifts; and by it being Dead, yet Speaketh.

J. W.

George Bowles his TESTIMONY Concerning Thomas Ellwood.

[9]
Dear Friends,

It is in my Heart briefly, on this Occaſion, to commemorate the tender Dealings of the Lord with his People in this latter Age of the World, when it hath pleaſed him, in Love to poor loſt Man, graciouſly to appear, by the breaking forth of his Glorious Goſpel Day. And by the ſecret divine Reaches of the Hand of God, which hath been felt and ſeen in the Light of it, many have been drawn in their Spirits to ſeek after the Lord, and to enquire after the Knowledge of the Way of Life and Salvation; and bleſſed be his Holy Name, who was graciouſly pleaſed, by the Inſhinings of this Divine Light in the Hearts of many, to expel the Darkneſs and rend the Vail. And then was the Arm of his mighty Power made bare, for the gathering many Thouſands to the ſaving Knowledge of Himſelf. And in that Day was the Lord pleaſed according to his Promiſe, to pour forth of his Spirit upon Sons and upon Daughters; yea, upon Servants and upon Handmaids, and many were made to Propheſie; and being qualified by the Holy Spirit, which they received, and were baptized by it into his Name, became willing, and were freely given up in Obedience to the Lord, and in Bowels of tender Love to the Souls of Mankind, in his Power, to preach the Goſpel of Life and Salvation to thoſe to whom they were ſent, and many [10] were turned from Darkneſs to Light, and from the Power of Satan unto God, by their Miniſtry: Amongſt whom our dear deceaſed Friend and Brother, THOMAS ELLWOOD, was one, whoſe Conſcience was reached and awakened by the Powerful Miniſtry of dear Edward Burrough, as I have heard him relate (and as by the following Sheets will more plainly appear.) And of that Day and Time, and the worthy Inſtrument by whoſe Miniſtry he was Convinced, and turned unto God, and made ſenſible of the Divine Principle of Life and Light in his own Heart, have I heard him ſpeak with great Regard; and alſo of the Sufferings which did attend him after he received the Truth in his Father's Family, for the Truth's ſake: and how the Lord preſerved him in that time, under the various Exerciſes, which he paſſed through for Truth's Teſtimony; which for Chriſt's ſake he was Conſcientiouſly Concerned to ſtand in, according to that Plainneſs and Simplicity which Truth then led, and ſtill continues to lead the ſincere Diſciples of Chriſt into, by which they were diſtinguiſhed from the World; and, for the ſake thereof, they were deſpiſed of Men, and hated of the World. Such was the Plain Language of Thou to one, and refuſing the Hat-Honour; For which, Dear T. E. ſuffered not a little in that Day, as, by the following Account of his Life more fully appears. And it were well if all, who come up in a Profeſſion of the Bleſſed Truth in this Time, were Faithful in theſe, and in the other Branches of its Teſtimony. And let all conſider, that the neglecting thereof, is, in a Degree, [11] a making void the Sufferings of the Faithful (and ſtrengthening the Hands of Evil Doers) who for the ſake of their Teſtimony, loved not their Lives to the Death; but underwent cruel Mockings, Buffetings, Stonings, Whippings, Stockings, Revilings, Impriſonments, and Spoiling of Goods; Rejoycing in the Lord, that they were counted worthy to Suffer, either leſs or more, for his Name ſake. In reſpect of which, this my dear Friend was a good Example, he being a Man of a ſteady Mind, and very patient in Suffering, as well as Faithful in his Teſtimony for Truth, and took joyfully the Spoiling of his Goods, wherein he was tryed but a few Years before his Death. He was often Concerned in Defence of Truth's Teſtimony, both againſt our Profeſſed Adverſaries, and alſo againſt the Libertine Spirit which appeared in ſome, Profeſſing the ſame Truth with us, who Oppoſed themſelves againſt that good Order and Diſcipline which the Truth led Friends into. All which will abundantly appear from the Books themſelves, which are in Print, which he writ upon Various Occaſions, and upon Divers Subjects; and let not his great Labour and Induſtry be Forgotten, in his writing thoſe Two Hiſtorical Volumes, relating to the Old and New Teſtament: A Work truly Great, and is, and may be of great Uſe and Service. By all which his many Labours, it may be perceived by the wary and inlightned Reader, that the Lord had Endowed him with an excellent Gift, and Qualified him for the Service of Truth, his Church and People; in which he imployed the Talent [12] which the bountiful Lord had given him, to the Honour of the great Giver, and to the Comfort and Edification of the Church of Chriſt: But more eſpecially were his Services known to the Brethren in this County of Bucks; Moſt of which are fallen aſleep, and but few remaining here, who knew him in his beginning, or his firſt Services for the Lord, his Church and People; amongſt whom he was a Zealous Aſſerter of that excellent Diſcipline the Lord had opened in, and led his People to, for the preſerving his Church as a Garden encloſed: for which cauſe how did many of thoſe Libertines ſet themſelves fiercely againſt him, and ſhot their Arrows at him; but the Lord Defended him, and covered his Head in the Day of Battle, and his Bow abode in Strength, and his Bough ſpread over the Wall, and continued freſh and green: But a Blaſt from the Lord came upon their Evil Work; And how have they melted away? And how is their Strength failed, and their Work brought to Naught? But the Bleſſing of the Lord is with his People, even with the Faithful, to this Day, whom he hath preſerved as a peculiar Treaſure to himſelf: Bleſſed be his Holy Name for evermore. And furthermore, it may be truly ſaid of this our dear Friend, that as the Lord fitted him for his Service, ſo was he eminently ſerviceable in his Hand, in the Church of Chriſt; particularly in theſe Parts, of which there are many Living Witneſſes, in this and the adjacent Counties, of his great Labour of Love, having ſerved the Church Freely, with great Diligence and Faithfulneſs: The true ſenſe of which, [13] [...]ucheth me and others, with the deeper ſenſe of the [...]reat Loſs, the Church hath by his Removal; but [...]eing alſo ſenſible through the Lord's Goodneſs, that ur [...] Loſs is his Eternal Gain, I feel in my Heart [...]n humble Submiſſion to the Will of him, who doth [...]hatſoever pleaſeth him, both in Heaven and in Earth; and who ſhall ſay unto him, What doeſt thou? And it is the tender breathing of my Spirit to the God and Father of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, that he would be graciouſly pleaſed, in Pity and Compaſſion to his poor People, to raiſe up, fit and furniſh more faithful Servants for his Work and Service, and make them Zealous for his Name and Truth upon the Earth, that the place of this my Dear Friend, and other Faithful Servants of the Lord and his People, of late removed from amongſt us in theſe Parts, may be ſupplied; and that the Spouſe of Chriſt may, amidſt all her Tribulations, Afflictions and ſore Exerciſes, be made to Praiſe the Lord, and Bleſs his Holy Name, who taketh away one, and raiſeth up another, and Bleſſeth his Children with his Goodneſs; according to his Promiſe made of Old, by the Holy Prophet, Iſa. 44. ver. 3. ſaying, I will pour my Spirit upon thy Seed, and my Bleſſing upon thine Off-ſpring. And thus hath the Lord preſerved Zion from Age to Age: And I doubt not, but am fully perſwaded, that he will ſtill Bleſs his People, and Preſerve Zion, and Deliver her from all her Enemies.

And my Dear Friends, Brethren, and Siſters, although it be matter of Sorrow to us, to part with our Dear Friends; eſpecially ſuch as have been [14] made Serviceable in their Day, and have faithfully ſerved the Lord and his People in their Generation, as it may (I hope without juſt occaſion of Offence to any) be ſaid of dear T. E. that he was a Man who ſerved the Lord in Faithfulneſs, and his People with Chearfulneſs, and his Neighbours with Uprightneſs and Integrity: And therefore both they and we have the greater Loſs; Yet may we not ſorrow unſeaſonably, as thoſe which ſorrow without Hope, but, believing that the Lord hath taken him to himſelf in Mercy (though it may be in Judgment, to ſome who were unworthy) let us all learn Reſignation to his bleſſed Will, and ſay with Holy Job, The Lord giveth and the Lord taketh away: Bleſſed be the Name of the Lord. And dear Friends, I may farther ſignifie unto you, that it being my Lot to be with this our dear Friend (of whom I am ſpeaking) almoſt every day of his laſt Ilneſs, I did obſerve in him, to my great Comfort and Satisfaction, a quiet compoſed Frame of Mind and Spirit, and Reſignation to the Will of God. When I came firſt to him, which was ſoon after I heard of his being taken ill, which was the 24th day of the 2d Month, I found him very much diſabled by the Diſtemper, which was thought to be a Palſie, that had ſeized him, eſpecially on his right Side, ſo that he could not ſtand alone, nor help himſelf, but a little with his left Hand; and his Speech was alſo very much interrupted, inſomuch that it was with great difficulty, for the moſt part, that he expreſſed himſelf ſo as to be Underſtood: Some time after I came to him, there being alſo other [15] [...]iends with him, we ſate down together under a [...]ighty Exerciſe of Spirit, waiting upon the Lord [...] deep Silence, with our Eye to him, it pleaſed the [...]ord eminently to appear amongſt us, and to fill our [...]earts with the refreſhing Streams of his Divine [...]ove, and to open the Mouth of one of us in Prayer [...]nd Supplication; and the Lord was graciouſly Pleaſ [...]d abundantly to repleniſh our Spirits, to our mutu [...] Comfort, in a Living Senſe of Divine Goodneſs; [...]nd this our Dear Friend, expreſſed himſelf in great [...]enderneſs and Brokenneſs of Spirit, on this wiſe, [...] am ſenſibly Comforted and Refreſhed in this Viſit. And that Afternoon, he, fixing his Eyes upon me, with great Earneſtneſs of Spirit, expreſſed, as well as he could at that time, a great Concern that was upon his Mind for Truth, and the Friends of it, in divers Particulars; eſpecially, in Relation to our own Monthly and Quarterly-Meetings, the Writings of both which, had been under his Care for more than Fourty Years: After which, he was much eaſed in his Spirit, and ſo continued to the laſt, ſo far as I perceived; often ſaying, when asked how he did, I am eaſie, I am quiet. And he was often very tender in his Spirit, expreſſing his Reſignation to the Will of God, whether in Life or Death, ſaying, If the Lord hath no more Work for me to do, I am content and reſigned to his Will; and my hearty Farewel to all my Brethren. And at another time, nearer his End, he ſaid to us preſent, in much Brokenneſs of Heart, I am full of Joy and Peace, my Spirit is filled with Joy; or to this Effect: [16] for by reaſon that his Speech was ſo weakned, ſever [...] things could not be ſo well collected, which he at time [...] ſpake, in a tender ſenſe of the Lord's Goodneſs: th [...] ſenſe of which deeply affected ſome of as who were with him. And my Heart is ſorrowfully affected at this time, in a ſenſe of the great Loſs which the Church of Chriſt (in theſe Parts eſpecially) hath by his Removal: But in this I am comforted, in a living ſenſe of the Lord's Mercy and Goodneſs towards him, in carrying him through his Affliction in great Patience and Quietneſs; under which he was ſweetly refreſhed, by the Streams of Divine Love, and his Cup was often made to overflow: And we, who were preſent, being touched with a Senſe thereof, were comforted therein, being in a Travail of Spirit for him, and did in our Meaſures truly ſympathize with him under his Affliction. And I am fully ſatisfied, he laid down his Head in Peace with the Lord, and is gathered to his everlaſting Reſt. He departed this Life the 1ſt of the 3d Month, 1713. about the 2d Hour in the Morning, in the 74th Year of his Age. He received the Truth in the Year 1659, and lived in Fellowſhip with the Friends of it about 53 Years. And I think it may be truly ſaid of him, That as he Lived ſo he Died, the Servant of the LORD and His People, and hath left a ſweet Savour behind him, and his Memory is bleſſed with the Righteous for ever, Amen.

GEORGE BOWLES.

A TESTIMONY from the Monthly-Meeting at Hunger-Hill, the Seventh Day of the Fourth Month, 1713. Concerning our Dear and Well-beloved Friend and Brother in the Truth, Thomas Ellwood, Deceaſed.

[17]

THAT the Dead which Die in the Lord, are Bleſſed of him, we have great Aſſurance of, from John the Divine his writing to the Seven Churches, Rev. 14. ver. 13. Where he tells them, that he Heard a Voice from Heaven, ſaying, Write, Bleſſed are the Dead which die in the Lord, from henceforth: Yea, ſaith the Spirit, that they may Reſt from their Labours; and their Works do follow them. Of which Number, we have no Cauſe to doubt, but this our dear friend is one; who was eminently Serviceable in the Church of Chriſt. A Man to whom the Lord had given a large Capacity beyond many, and furniſhed him with an excellent Gift; whereby he was qualified for thoſe Services in the Church, in the performance of which, he did ſhine as a Star, which received its Luſter and Brightneſs from the Glorious Sun of Righteouſneſs. He was Wiſe, but Humble; Condeſcending to the Weak, and ready to Help, where he ſaw and felt Sincerity; but Sharp to that which he apprehended to be Inſincere and Deceitful; for which Cauſe, he was not acceptable to Hypocrites and Diſorderly Walkers: Yet he was a Man of a very acceptable and agreeable Converſation, as well as Sober and Religious, both in the Church and in the World, being of a free [18] and affable Temper and Diſpoſition, far from Affectation; but of a Courteous Behaviour and Graceful Carriage to all, and very Serviceable to and amongſt [...] Neighbours: He was very Near and Dear to many [...] us, who were moſt intimately Acquainted with him and his Memorial is ſweet to us: His Services in o [...] Meetings, and in the Quarterly Meeting for the County of Bucks, were very Great, and of many Years C [...] tinuance; in which he ſhewed great Diligence, be [...] of a ready Mind, willing to Serve the Church, according to that Ability which the Lord had given him; and his Heart and Houſe was open to his Friends, and the Monthly-Meeting was kept there more than Forty Years, and remains there to this Day. Our Loſs is great by his Removal: But in this we are ſatisfied, that it is his Everlaſting Gain; being gathered, as we have good Cauſe to Believe, to his Eternal Reſt. The knowledge we had of him, and the good Account which we have received of him, in the time of his laſt Ilneſs, by thoſe who were moſt conſtantly with him, and of his quiet and peaceable Departure, doth ſenſibly Engage our Hearts to acquieſce in the Will of the Lord; and therein we have Peace and Comfort. He departed this Life, the Firſt of the Third Month, 1713, and was Honourably Buried in Friends Burying place at New Jourdens, in the Pariſh of Giles Chalfont, in the County of Bucks, the Fourth Day of the ſame Month.

Signed by the Appointment of the Monthly-Meeting, by us,
  • George Bowles,
  • William Grimſdall,
  • James Smith,
  • Daniel Wharley,
  • Daniel Roberts,
  • Abraham Barber,
  • Thomas Olliffe.

A TESTIMONY from the Womens-Meeting, Concerning Thomas Ellwood.

[19]

A Concern is upon our Spirits, to write ſomewhat concerning our dear deceaſed Friend and El [...]r, Thomas Ellwood, who was highly Valued by [...], for that Wiſdom and Counſel were with him; and [...]ing of a free and affable Temper, ready to Aſſiſt [...]oſe which ſtood in need thereof, encouraged many to [...]ply to him for Advice, under the divers Circum [...]nces, and various Exerciſes which this Uncertain [...]orld affords; which we have found to be for our [...]od, as we followed it. He was an early Comer to [...]eetings, ſeldom hindred by Weather (though he Liv [...] Three Miles diſtant) when Bodily Weakneſs did [...] hinder, of late Years, being oft indiſpoſed as to his [...]ealth. The Monthly-Meeting was held at his [...]ouſe about Forty Years, and he always look'd very kind [...]d Courteous on Friends, when they came there, and [...]ok Care and Notice of the Meaneſt, who came in [...]ncerity. He was Zealous for Good Order, and a [...]inſt ſuch, who, being in an Apoſtatized Spirit, Op [...]ſed it; and may well be numbred amongſt the Wor [...]ies, whoſe Names are upon Record for their Valour; [...]is this our Friend worthy to be; who never turned his [...]ck on ſuch who Oppoſed the Truth; but ſtood his [...]round, as his Printed Sheets on ſuch occaſions do [...]w. As alſo his other Works of ſeveral kinds, do [...]nifeſt how great Endowments God had beſtowed on [...], (Yet we, who knew him in his Converſation, are [20] Engaged to ſet forth how Kind and Condeſcending he was to the Weakeſt Capacity, and would help out when they wanted a Word) that Generations to come may learn how good it is to forſake All, and follow Chriſt Jeſus, as this our Friend did, and the Account of his Life, following, ſhews; who not only Gives Wiſdom, but Teacheth Humility alſo.

He was greatly reſpected by his Neighbours, for his Services amongſt them; his Heart and Doors were open to the Poor, both Sick and Lame, who wanted Help, and had it freely, taking Care to provide things uſeful for ſuch Occaſions, (bleſt alſo with good Succeſs) often ſaying, He mattered not what Coſt he was at, to do Good. Such Lament their Loſs; what then may we do, who miſs him in an Higher Station, in his great Service in the Church of Chriſt, but even deſire to be reſigned to the Will of the Lord? who Preſerved him through all his Hardſhips, to a Dominion over Falſe Brethren, and is now out of their Reach, and of Temptation too; on whoſe Head, the Bleſſing, ask'd for Joſeph, reſts; who as a Fruitful Bough his Branch ſpreads over the Wall of Oppoſition, and his Bow abode in Strength; the Hands of whoſe Arms were made Strong, by the help of the Mighty God of Jacob, to whom be the Glory for what he hath wrought in our Day, whoſe own Works Praiſe him for Evermore. And the Tears of Sorrow that we ſhed, for the Loſs of this our Deceaſed Friend, let them be remembred to bow our Spirits each of us, into a Godly Care, that we may com [...] up according to our ſeveral Capacities, to follow th [...] Lord Faithfully, in a Godly Zeal for his Honour [...] and ſo come to lay down our Heads in Joy and Peac [...] as this our Friend expreſſed he did.

This Eminent Servant of Chriſt, was Early Convin [...] ed of the Way of Truth, wherein he continued to th [...] finiſhing of his Days; for the ſake of which, he ſoo [...] [21] became a Sufferer; not only by Impriſonment, for Worſhipping God in the Aſſemblies of his People, but alſo, from his Father, by whom he was made as an Outcaſt, for no other Cauſe, but for his Faithful Teſtimony in taking up the Croſs to the Worlds Behaviour and Language: Whereupon he was Invited by his much valued Friend Iſaac Penington, to his Houſe; where he abode ſeveral Years, until he Married. He was a Bleſſing in, as well as a great Comfort and Help to that Family; and by his wiſe Conduct therein, gained much Eſteem, not only from the Elders, but the Youth, whom he Inſtructed in Learning; and though moſt of them are by Death Removed, yet One ſtill Remains, who from Certain and Experimental Knowledge, can Commemorate his Worth; being engaged thereto, from a Senſe of the Benefit of his Good and Wholſom Advice, given at Sundry Times, and on Divers Occaſions. Which Friendſhip continued firm to the Laſt.

His Natural Capacity was large, and his Underſtanding, in the things of God, very deep; which excellent Qualifications meeting in one, rendred him uſeful beyond many, to his Country, as well as very ſerviceable in the Church; by both which he is, and will be greatly miſſed. But he is gone to his Grave in a full Age, and gathered as a ſhock of Corn in its Seaſon, having done his Days Work Faithfully: So that ſaying may be verified in him, The END Crowns all.

His Sickneſs was ſudden, which ſoon deprived him of the uſe of his Limbs, yet he retained the Faculties of his Inward and Outward Senſes clear all along; and notwithſtanding, at times, his Pains were Great; his Exemplary Patience, and Compoſed Reſignation, was remarkably apparent to thoſe that Viſited and Attended him; ſo that their Sorrow in parting with ſo dear a Friend, was intermixed with Comfort in beholding [22] the Heavenly Frame of Mind wherewith he was Adorned.

Thus after all his Labours, he entred into Everlaſting Reſt, and left many behind Weeping, though not without Hope, that they ſhall again meet at the General Aſſembly of Saints, where the redeemed ſhall ſing Praiſes to their bleſſed Redeemer, whoſe Right it is to Reign for ever.

We have this farther to add, namely, That our Eſteem of him was great, becauſe of that real worth that was in him, through the Operation of the mighty Power of the Lord that ſeparated him from the Love of the World: So that he choſe (with Moſes) rather to ſuffer Affliction with the People of God, than to enjoy the Pleaſures of Sin for a Seaſon, and it pleaſed the Lord to fit him with Wiſdom and Counſel, ſo that he was made able to give Judgment in difficult Caſes, wherein many of us have particularly received Benefit, and therefore have cauſe to lament the loſs we have by his Removal. And Oh! ſay our Souls, That the Lord would raiſe up many more in his Room, to the Praiſe and Honour of the good Huſbandman. And it is our Deſire that we, who are yet behind, may be made able ſo to Steer our Courſe, through this troubleſome World, that when our End comes, we may lay down our Heads in Peace with the Lord, and leave a good Savour behind us, as this our Friend hath done.

This is written in true Love and Reſpect, to the Memory of our Deceaſed Friend, as it pleaſed the Lord, to move upon our Hearts. And being read and approved in our Womens-Meeting at Hungerhill, the 4th of the 11th Month, 1713. was ſubſcribed in behalf of the ſaid Meeting by us,

  • MARY BAKER.
  • MARY WHARLEY.
  • MARY LARCUM.

Concerning our Dear Friend Thomas Ellwood, of Hunger-Hill.

[23]

HE was much eſteemed amongſt good Men: Good Men, in their Day and Station upon the Earth, repreſent him, who made all things good in the beginning, who ſaid, Gen. 1. 3. Let there be Light, and there was Light. And alſo ſaid, ver. 26. Let us make Man in our Image, after our Likeneſs. Oh, high Favour! So God created Man in his own Image, in the Image of God created he him; Male and Female created he them, v. 27. and bleſſed them, and gave them Dominion under himſelf; for he was chief Commander then; and ſo he is witneſſed to be now, where his Heavenly Image is come into again, and Men Live in it, as did this our dear Friend, who did good in his Day and Generation: Counſel was with him, to give to ſuch as needed, and did apply to him: He was of a Tender Spirit, and had Dominion over Paſſion, over Pride, and over Covetouſneſs: So he was Comfortable to, and in his Family. He was Amiable in the Church of Chriſt, and a Doer of Good amongſt his Neighbours. And being an Elder amongſt, and with the Elders; he hath not only obtained a good Report, but alſo the Bleſſing in the Promiſed Seed, which bruiſes the Serpent's Head. He was Valiant in ſuffering for his Teſtimony which he held in the Truth; and may not I ſay, unwearied in his Labours, for the ſetting forth the Fame and Excellency of it: Whereby we ſee what the Truth makes Men to be, who do come under the Conduct and Power of it; even as fixed Stars in the firmament of his Divine Power; who has cauſed the Morning of his Heavenly and Glorious Goſpel-Day to break forth; and as with the Day that ſprings from on High, in tender Mercy, hath he viſited many [24] Souls. And early did this our Worthy deceaſed Friend Embrace it, as it appears by his Teſtimony concerning that Eminent, and Bleſſed Meſſenger, and M [...] niſter of the Goſpel, G. F.

And now, he having endured the Times of Proving [...] and the Days of Tribulation and Suffering; togethe [...] with the Perils and Slights, and Undervaluings of Fal [...] Brethren; againſt whoſe Ungodly Work, he was engaged to ſtand, as a noble Warrior, in the defence of and for the glorious Goſpel of Chriſt: Not admiring Mens Perſons, but the Work of the Goſpel-Power. And altho' he was endowed with Parts and Accompliſhment [...] above many, he was Humble and Grave; not Self-ſeeking, but eſteeming the Power of Truth, tho' it did appear through mean Inſtruments. He was Honourable; and Honoured, for that he ſought not his own Honour [...] but the Honour of Truth; not only by his Sufferings fo [...] it, and Labours in it; but alſo, in ſtanding firmly againſt the looſe Libertine Ones; who would have thruſt in amongſt the Lambs and Flock of Chriſt, i [...] an unclean adulterating Spirit, from the Life of the true Shepherd, and heavenly Husband, Chriſt Jeſus. But to the tender Hearted, and ſincere Minded, he was Strengthening and Comfortable. I knew him when [...] was but Young; and I can truly ſay, my Heart has often been affected, on his behalf, with Thankfulneſs to the Lord, who made him as a ſtrong Pillar, in his ſpiritual Houſe, with many more of his dear Servants and Children; who ſhall no more go out. His Memory is in my Heart eſteemed, beyond what I can Write. Oh ſurely! The Righteous ſhall be had in Everlaſting Remembrance, Pſal. 112. 6. And they that be Wiſe, ſhall ſhine as the brightneſs of the Firmament: And they that turn many to Righteouſneſs, as the Stars for Ever and Ever, Dan. 12. 3.

ELIZ. RICHARDSON.

Richard Vivers his Teſtimony Concerning Thomas Ellwood.

[25]

HE was a Man of great Wiſdom and Underſtanding; and the Lord, the Giver of it, being pleaſed to viſit him in his early Days, made choice of him and by the Sanctification of his Holy Spirit, fitted, and prepared him for his Work and Service, whereunto he was called. And although he did not often appear as a Miniſter; Yet, in thoſe Meetings ſet a-part for the Affairs of Truth; he often appeared in great Wiſdom, having an extraordinary Talent given of the Lord for that Work, more than many other Brethren: And faithful he was in waiting for Inſtruction from God, to improve the ſame to his Glory, and the Churches Advantage; for nothing was more deſirable to him, than to be imployed in the Lord's Service: So it pleaſed the Almighty to furniſh him with Underſtanding and Strength, faithfully to do his Days work. And now he hath taken him to himſelf, where his Soul is at Reſt; and although our Loſs be his Gain, therein I with many more are greatly comforted, for I can truly ſay, I loved him, in the Truth, from the Firſt of my acquaintance with him, and ſo it remained to the End of his Courſe, being near Fourty Years, ſince we knew each other: And when ever we converſed together, our Diſcourſe was chiefly, concerning Heavenly Things, and the Affairs of the Church, and I always thought my Time well ſpent with him; although opportunity would not ſerve for ſo much of it as I deſired, had it been the Will of God.

[26] And this I can ſay, according to my Obſervation, He was a Man True to his Friend, and deliberate in the Choice of his Acquaintance, to whom he ſhewed real Love, and ſincerity of Heart. And he was one of a ſteady and ſound Judgment, as to the things of God; often deſiring, that thoſe who came amongſt us, eſpecially Children of Believing Parents, might not ſettle down only in a Form of Godlineſs, without the Power (at which Door, the Apoſtacy entred) but that they might be raiſed up to walk in that, wherein the Saints Fellowſhip doth ſtand, which is the Light of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, enlightening every Man that cometh into the World: And then the Ancient Teſtimony of Truth will be more and more raiſed up in their Hearts, and they being Preſerved of the Lord in it, it will more be maintained in its ſeveral Branches, as in former Days. Bleſſed be the Name of the Lord, who hath a People in theſe latter Ages of the World, to whom he hath given Power to ſtand for his Truth, whilſt on Earth, and to be Tender of the Honour of his Name; of the Number of whom, this our Deceaſed Friend and Brother was; who, although Dead, yet his Memory Liveth, and will be preſerved amongſt the Righteous, in Generations yet to come.

RICHARD VIVERS.

An INDEX of the Names of Perſons and Places, and ſome particular Things.

[27]
A
  • AChelous, p. 425
  • Aldridge William, p. 342
  • — Robert, ditto
  • Ancram, Earl of, p. 251.
  • A. B. of Cant. p. 289
  • Archdale Matth. p. 138
  • Aris Rich. p. 290, 291, 295, 296
  • Atkinſon Francis, p. 36
  • Auguſtine, p. 152
  • Auſtin Rob. p. 342
  • Ayrs William, p. 328, 329, 330, 335
  • Abbington, p. 459
  • Alesbury, p. 132, 152, 239, 296
  • — Goal, p. 120, 241, 247, 288, 341
  • Amerſham, p. 150, 238, 253, 288, 452, 463.
  • America, p. 333, 405, 411, 442
  • Aſh in Kent, p. 444
B
  • Bache Humph. p. 105
  • Bachelor William, p. 342
  • Baldwin Rich. p. 342
  • Belſon, — p. 102
  • Bennet Ambr. p. 239
  • Birch Nath. p. 241
  • Biſs Thomas, p. 248
  • Blome Rich. p. 447, 449.
  • Bradly Rich. p. 218
  • Broughton Hugh, p. 447, 448
  • Bowyer Sir William, p. 138
  • Brothers Andrew, p. 342
  • Brown Rich. p. 172, 175, 193, 220
  • Bugg Francis, p. 363
  • Burrough Edw. p. 50, 63, 72, 152, 215
  • Butterfield Abra. 452, 453, 455
  • Barnet, p. 36
  • Bail-dock, p. 180
  • Barbadoes, p. 277
  • Barbican, p. 314
  • Beconsfield, p. 146, 289, 292
  • Berkſhire, p. 326, 459.
  • Berrie (Houſe) p. 252
  • Bledlow (Town) p. 102
  • Bottrel's (Houſe) p. 248, 253
  • Brainford, p. 290
  • Bridewell, p. 166, 175, 177, 184, 192, 216
  • Bridgwater, Earl of, p. 334
  • Briſtol, p. 247, 324, 359, 443.
  • Bucks 132, 289, 296, 452, 453.
  • Buckingham, p. 341.
  • Buckinghamſhire, p. 45, 46, 217, 238, 281, 463
  • Bull-and-Mouth Meeting, p. 159
  • Bury (St. Edmond) p. 432
  • Baniſhment-Act, p. 251
  • Baptiſts, p. 176, 281, 287, 311, 312, 313, 321
C
  • Catch William. p. 452, 453, 455
  • Clark, Eſq p. 111, 124, 125, 127.
  • — Sir John, p. 111
  • [28] Clark Conſtable, p. 151
  • Cherry, — p. 95
  • Child Timothy, p. 342.
  • Chriſt (Jeſus) p. 436, 437, 442, 456
  • Clayton, Sir Thomas, p. 240, 291, 294
  • Coale Benj. p. 391, 393
  • Coole Benj. p. 443, 444
  • Comber (Prieſt) p. 346
  • Cowley Abra. p. 461
  • Cradock Sam. p. 458.
  • Criſp Thomas p. 363.
  • Croeſe Gerard, p. 414, 444
  • Curtis Tho. p. 48, 71
  • — Ann (his Wife) p. 71, 72
  • Cauſham Lodge, p. 44
  • Chalfont, p. 44, 93, 133, 145, 171, 248
  • Cheſham, p. 453
  • Chinner, p. 46, 51, 159
  • Coleman-ſtreet, p. 107
  • Cornwall, p. 257
  • Crowell, p. 34, 35, 39, 45, 132, 146, 155, 158, 234
  • Civil Wars, p. 34, 44
  • Conventicle-Act, p. 283
  • Catharine-Catharina, what, p. 290
D
  • David K. of Iſrael, p. 386, 461
  • Dell Thomas, p. 239, 342
  • — John, p. 289
  • — Anne, p. 289
  • Demetrius, p. 347, 349
  • Diotrephes, p. 362, 402, 411
  • Dolbin John, p. 342
  • Dove, — p. 159
  • — Doctor, Ibid
  • Drake Humph. p. 452
  • Duke of York, p. 263, 267
  • Datchet, p. 44
  • Denham, p. 138
  • Devonſhire, p. 257
  • Devonſhire-Houſe, p. 325
  • Dorſetſhire, p. 257
  • Declaration from Breda, p. 108
  • Divine Light, p. 55, &c.
E
  • Ellis Mary, p. 259
  • — John, p. 342
  • Ellwood Walter, p. 34, 150
  • Ellwood Thomas, Convinced, p. 48. taken up by the Watch 92. by a Party of Horſe, p. 109. by the Watch, p. 146. at Bull-and-Mouth Meeting, p. 160. committed to Bridewell, 162. tried at the Old-Baily, 178. committed to Newgate, p. 180. and to Bridewell again, p. 185 taken at a Burial, and committed to Alesbury-Goal, p. 241 and from a Meeting, p. 250 to the Houſe of Correction, ib. on the Act of Baniſhment, 251 Married, 268. Anſwer'd the Prieſts about Tythes, 322, 344, and W. Rogers, 327, 352, Queſtioned for his Caution to Conſtables, 331, &c. Epiſtle to Friends, 367. Anſwers the Separates, J. R. C. H. p. 387, J. H. 389. L. K. 390. J. R. and L. K. 392. G. Keith, 398, 405, 408, 416. the Snake, 425. the Norfolk-Prieſts, 432. A nameleſs Author, 450. ſubpoena'd into the Exchequer, 452. ſequeſtrated, 454. dies 464.
  • Eraſmus, p. 344.
  • Edward the 6th, p. 349.
  • Europe, p. 412, 442
F
  • Faldo John, p. 418, 426
  • Faulkland Lord, p. 107
  • Fotherly Tho. p. 328, 330, 335
  • Forſter (Counſellor) p. 295
  • Fox Geo. 254, 257, 258, 325, 397
  • — the Younger, p. 105
  • [29] Farringdon, p. 459
  • Fleet-ſtreet, p. 161, 192
  • Fifth-Monarchy-Men, p. 107, 112, 137, 138
  • Flattering Titles, p. 56
  • Free Grace, p. 49, &c.
G
  • Galloway, Marſhall, p. 118
  • Gell, Dr. p. 447
  • G— E—, p. 453
  • Gigger John, p. 263, 265, 267
  • Gray Walter, p. 34
  • Greenaway Rich. p. 133, 134, 135
  • Godwin Thomas, p. 447
  • Goodyare Thomas, p. 121.
  • Grimes, call'd Mother, 149, 150
  • Grove John, p. 277
  • Grove (Houſe) p. 48
  • Grange, ditto p. 48, 247
  • Giles-Chalfont, p. 246, 248, 289
  • Grays, by Henly, p. 111
H
  • Hampſon, Sir Dennis, p. 341, 354
  • Harding — p. 291
  • Harris Charles, p. 387, 391
  • Headach — p. 287
  • Henry VIII. p. 349
  • Herſent Anne, p. 247
  • Hicks Thomas, p. 314, 315, 418, 426
  • Hitchcock, Attourney, p. 298
  • Hog John, p. 389
  • Howell, Sir John, p. 179
  • Haddenham, p. 101
  • Hadley, by Barnet, p. 36
  • Hedgerly, p. 248
  • Hertford, p. 238
  • Hertfordſhire, p. 328, 453, 463
  • Hitchinden-Pariſh, p. 289
  • High-wiccomb, p. 52, 281, 294
  • Holton, near Alesbury, p. 391
  • Holland, p. 415
  • Hungerhill, p. 463
  • Hull, p. 389
  • Hat, p. 62, 76, 82, 90, 100
  • Hat-Honour, p. 83
I
  • James Richard, p. 342
  • Jennings John, p. 342
  • — Samuel, p. 397
  • Jeroboam, p. 378
  • Ives Jer. p. 281, 316, 317
  • Julius Caeſar, p. 325
  • Jewen-ſtreet, p. 156
  • Jourdans, p. 289, 464
  • Ireland, p. 44
  • Juſtice-Hall, p. 215
  • Independants, p. 135
K
  • Keith George, p. 397, 404, 407, 409, 414, 419, 427, 429, 433, 440, 442
  • Key Leonard, p. 391
  • King and Parliament, p. 34
  • — and Council, p. 345
  • King Henry the 8th, p. 164
  • — Charles, p. 418
  • — James, p. 342, 386
  • Knowles, Eſq p. 111, 112
  • Kent, p. 263, 271, 275, 276
L
  • Lacy Ralph Informer, p. 289 291, 295, 296
  • Lamburn Sarah, p. 242
  • Leaper Joſhua, p. 452, 454
  • Lilly William, p. 219
  • Love John, p. 444
  • Luff (or Love) John, p. 254
  • Loe Thomas, p. 107, 109, 113, 118, 120, 122
  • — His Wife, p. 118
  • Lancaſhire, p. 218
  • Lincolns-Inn-Fields, p. 35
  • Lincolnſhire, p. 321
  • London, p. 35, 44, 50, 74, 86, 105, 132, 146, 154, 157, 234, 238, 253, 256, 263, 276, 294, 296, 310, 313, 359, 391, 392, 403, 415, 432, 456, 463, 464.
M
  • Maſon William, p. 341
  • Mather C. p. 441
  • Matthew, Mark, Luke and John, p. 458
  • Merrick Anne, p. 166
  • Mew, Doctor, p. 286
  • Milton John, p. 154, 216, 218, 246
  • Morton, Judge, p. 243
  • — Juſtice, p. 286, 288
  • Moor Edward, p. 342
  • — Rebecca, Ibid.
  • Mucklow William, p. 170
  • Maidenhead, p. 92
  • Martins-le-grand, p. 161
  • Meadle, p. 102, 130
  • Merton-Colledge, p. 37
N
  • Naylor James, p. 48, 49, 50
  • Nebuchadnezzar, p. 358
  • Nehemiah, p. 365
  • Neſs Chriſtopher, p. 448
  • Norton Silas, his Wife, p. 118
  • Newgate, p. 161, 180, 187, 188, 191, 215, 216, 220
  • Norfolk, p. 432
  • New and Inward Law, p. 54
O
  • Ovy John, 133, 134, 136, 137, 143
  • Orange, Prince of, p. 386, 460
  • Old Baily, p. 161, 192,
  • Old Bridewell, p. 162, 192
  • Oxford, p. 35, 61, 67, 76, 106, 107, 115, 117, 123, 125, 286, 326
  • Oxford-Caſtle, p. 108, 117, 122
  • Oxfordſhire, p. 34, 36, 108, 133, 139, 141, 145, 154
  • Oath of Allegiance, p. 178
  • Paget, Doctor, p. 154, 155
P
  • Parker Alexander, p. 258
  • — Doctor, p. 248
  • — Judith, p. 248, 250
  • Paul the Apoſtle, p. 459
  • Penn William, p. 281, 313, 314, 330, 333, 388, 397, 428, 433, 435, 437, 442
  • — Gulielma Maria, p. 329, 330, 332, 335
  • Penington, Alderman, p. 35, 90
  • — Iſaac, his Son, p. 35, 44, 48, 51, 67, 70, 73, 89, 92, 120, 132, 134, 136, 138, 142, 152 153, 154, 217, 238, 242, 247 253, 260, 271, 276
  • — Mary, his Wife, p. 89 144, 145, 171, 217, 226, 248, 260, 263, 271, 276
  • — Iſaac, their Son, p. 276
  • — John, ditto p. 217, 452
  • — William, p. 136, 138, 142, 171, 217, 225
  • Pennſylvania, p. 329, 397, 412, 433
  • Pepys — p. 147
  • Philips, Parſon, p. 289
  • — Tongue and Gibs, Plotters, 191
  • Plant Thomas, p. 316
  • Perrot Edward, p. 238, 248
  • — John, p. 254, 257
  • Pewſey Stephen, p. 342
  • Potman Eliz. his Mother, p. 34
  • Poulter John, a Cheat, p. 288, 290
  • Peters-Chalfont, p. 48, 247
  • Philpot-Lane, p. 415
  • Party of Horſe, p. 109, 137, 341
  • Plain Language, p. 57, 75, 85
  • Perſecution, p. 356. at Jourdens, 289. wax'd hot, 327. at Wooborn, 341. in London and Briſtol, 359
  • Praedeſtination, p. 49
  • Presbyterians, p. 334, 340
  • Pride, p. 56
  • Prieſts, p. 103.
  • Puritan Preachers, p. 86
Q
  • Quakers, p. 45, 48, 49, 51, 64, 67, 111, 126, 159, 235, 23 [...], 281, 284, 287, 289, 310, 313, 321, 354, 391, 410, 412, 415, 417, 419, 432, 435, 441
  • [31] Quarter-Seſſions, p. 61, 341
  • Q. Elizabeth, p. 349, 359
R
  • Rabſhakeh, Sanballat and Tobiah, p. 362, 364
  • Raunce John, p. 52, 72, 79, 81, 158, 387, 391, 393, 407
  • — Frances, his Wife, p. 79
  • Red-Head, Informer, p. 288.
  • Reeve John, p. 341
  • Rogers William, p. 324, 352, 361, 363
  • Roſewell, Major, 159, 161.
  • Ruſſel William, p. 289
  • Ryland — his Wife, p. 118
  • Reading, p. 44, 92, 390
  • Richmanſworth, p. 328, 329, 330, 335
  • Risborough, p. 289
  • Rome, p. 254
  • Republican-Governmennt, p. 37
  • Rie-Plot, p. 334
S
  • Salter George, p. 248, 342
  • Sanſom Oliver, p. 459
  • Saunders Thomas, p. 102
  • — Damaris, Ibid.
  • Selden John, p. 346
  • Sewell William, p. 450
  • Sexton Thomas, p. 342
  • — William, Ibid.
  • Shockling John, Prieſt, p. 444
  • Smith John, p. 342
  • Snake in the Graſs, p. 423, 425, 430, 444
  • Snow Robert, p. 1
  • Springett Lady, p. 35, 44
  • — Sir William, p. 35
  • — Gulielma Maria, p. 35, 45, 71, 152, 226, 248, 257, 263, 268, 271
  • — Herbert, p. 263, 268
  • Starkey, Counſellor, p. 295
  • Steevens Jeremiah, p. 72
  • Story John, p. 323
  • Sulpitius Severus, p. 449
  • Salisbury, p. 289
  • Seven-Oaks, p. 263
  • Somerſetſhire, p. 257
  • Spittle-Fields, p. 315
  • Stoken-Church, p. 135
  • Suffolk, p. 432
  • Suſſex, p. 263, 271, 275, 329, 332
  • Salutations, p. 57
T
  • Tanner William, p. 342
  • Thornton Samuel, p. 52
  • Titchborn Sir Benj. p. 328, 335
  • Tournay William, p. 359
  • Travers Ann, p. 166, 170
  • Tremelius and Junius, p. 447
  • Turner Sir William, p. 184
  • Thame, p. 34, 36, 107, 116, 125
  • — School, p. 36, 37, 63
  • — Park, p. 39
  • Taplow, p. 341
  • Topſham, p. 257
  • Tower-ſtreet, p. 105
  • Tunbridge, p. 263, 267
  • Turners-Hall, 415, 420, 425, 433
  • Toleration, p. 359
  • Tythes, p. 322, 344, 346, 347, 452, 453, 455, 459, &c.
V
  • Venner Ralph, p. 108
  • Vivers Anne, p. 166
  • Uncovering the Head, 57, 58, 74
W
  • Watkins Morgan, p. 238, 248, 249, 251, 253
  • Wells, Clerk, p. 294
  • — Henry, p. 241
  • — John, p. 330
  • Wenman, Lord. p. 39, 111
  • Wharley Daniel, p. 218
  • — Mary, his Wife, Ibid.
  • Whately —, p. 109
  • Whately, Town, p. 125
  • White John, p. 102
  • Whitehead John, p. 132
  • — George, p. 136, 139, 142, 145, 313, 361, 427, 431, 437
  • Wilkinſon John, p. 323
  • Woodhouſe William, p. 341, 342
  • Woolſey Cardinal, p. 163
  • Wray, — p, 172
  • [32] Wyeth Joſeph, p. 433
  • Watford, p, 328, 330
  • Watlington, p. 40, 133
  • Weſt-Country, p. 323
  • Weſt-Deerham, p. 432
  • Weſton, by Thame, p. 111, 116, 127
  • Weſt of England, p. 257
  • Weſtminſter, p. 452
  • Weſtmorland, p. 139
  • Weſt-Wiccomb, p. 281
  • Wheeler-ſtreet, p. 315, 321
  • White's Farm, p. 289
  • Whitehall, p. 161, 163
  • Wiccomb, p. 72, 77, 100, 135, 145, 158, 291, 387, 390, 393
  • Winſor, p. 295
  • Wooborn, p. 341, 354
  • Worminghurſt, p. 339
  • Will-Worſhip, p. 60
Y
  • Yearly Meeting, p. 397, 408, 412, 461, 463
Z
  • Zachery Tho. p. 291, 292, 294, 297

PAPERS in this BOOK.

  • 1. A Letter from T. Loe, p. 119
  • 2. A Letter from I. P. 121
  • 3. A Looking-glaſs, &c. 195
  • 4. A Poſt-ſcript, to ditto 206
  • 5. An Hymn to God, 212
  • 6. An Elegy on E. Burro. 221
  • 7. Eſt Vita caduca, 230
  • 8. All is Vanity, 231
  • 9. An Ode on Vertue 233
  • 10. Conformity preſt and repreſt, 235
  • 11. A Cry to the Lord 237
  • 12. An Aenigma, or Riddle 245
  • 13. On his Impriſonment, 252
  • 14. A Congratulation, 270
  • 15. A Song of Praiſe, 273
  • 16. To the holy One, 275
  • 17. Solitary Thoughts, &c. 278
  • 18. Gigantomachia, a Poem 299
  • 19. A Song of the Mereies of the Lord. 305
  • 20. An Epitaph on J. Ives. 318
  • 21. Collaudemus Dominum. 360
  • 22. An Epiſtle to Friends 367
  • 23. On peruſal of B. C's Anſwer to G. K. 443
  • 24. A Copy of Verſes, 462
  • 25. An Anſwer to R. Snow's Objections, (added) 1
  • 26. An Account of Tythes. 17

THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE OF Thomas Ellwood.

[33]

ALTHOUGH my Station, not being ſo Eminent either in the Church of Chriſt, or in the World, as others who have moved in higher Orbs, may not afford ſuch conſiderable Remarks as theirs; yet, inaſmuch as in the Courſe of my Travels through this Vale of Tears, I have paſſed through various, and ſome uncommon Exerciſes, which the Lord hath been graciouſly pleaſed to ſupport me under, and conduct me [...]hrough; I hold it a matter excuſable, at leaſt, [...]f not commendable, to give the World ſome [...]ittle Account of my Life, that in, Recounting [...]he many Deliverances and Preſervations, which the Lord hath vouchſafed to work for [34] me, both I, by a grateful Acknowledgmen [...] thereof, and Return of Thankſgivings unt [...] him therefore, may, in ſome meaſure ſet forth hi [...] abundant Goodneſs to me; and others, whoſ [...] Lot it may be to tread the ſame Path, and fal [...] into the ſame, or like Exerciſes, may be encouraged to perſevere in the way of Holineſ [...] and, with full aſſurance of Mind to truſt in th [...] Lord, whatſoever Trials may befal them.

date 1639 To begin therefore with mine own Beginning. I was Born in the Year of our Lord 1639, about the Beginning of the Eighth Mont [...] (ſo far as I have been able to inform my ſelf [...] for the Pariſh Regiſter, which relates to th [...] time (not of Birth, but) of Baptiſm, (as the [...] call it) is not to be relied on.

The Place of my Birth was a little Countr [...] Town, called Crowell, ſituate in the upper ſid [...] of Oxfordſhire, Three Miles Eaſt-ward fro [...] Thame the neareſt Market-Town.

My Father's Name was Walter Ellwood; an [...] my Mothers Maiden-Name was Elizabeth P [...] man: both well deſcended; but of declinin [...] Families. So that what my Father Poſſeſſe [...] (which was a pretty Eſtate in Lands, and mo [...] as I have heard in Monies) he received (as h [...] had done his Name Walter) from his Grandf [...] ther Walter Gray; whoſe Daughter, and onl [...] Child, was his Mother.

date 1641 In my very Infancy, when I was but abo [...] two Years Old, I was carried to London. F [...] the Civil War, between King and Parliamen [...] breaking then forth; my Father (who favou [...] ed [35] the Parliament-Side, though he took not Arms) not holding himſelf ſafe at his Country Habitation (which lay too near ſome Gariſons of the King's) betook himſelf to London, that City then holding for the Parliament.

There was I bred up (though not without much Difficulty, the City Air not agreeing with my tender Conſtitution) and there continued, until Oxford was ſurrendred, and the War, in Appearance, ended.

In this time, my Parents contracted an Acquaintance, and intimate Friendſhip with the Lady Springett; who being then the Widow of Sir William Springett (who died in the Parliament Service) was afterwards the Wife of Iſaac Penington, Eldeſt Son of Alderman Penington of London. And this Friendſhip devolving from the Parents to the Children, I became an early and Particular Play-fellow to her Daughter Gulielma; being admitted, as ſuch, to ride with her in her little Coach, drawn by her Footman about Lincoln's-Inn-Fields.

I mention this in this Place, becauſe the Continuation of that Acquaintance and Friendſhip having been an Occaſional Means of my being afterwards brought to the Knowledge of the Bleſſed TRUTH, I ſhall have frequent Cauſe, in the Courſe of the following Diſcourſe, to make honourable Mention of that Family, to which I am under ſo many and great Obligations.

date 1646 Soon after the Surrender of Oxford, my Father returned to his Eſtate at Crowell; which [36] by that time he might have need enough to look after, having ſpent (I ſuppoſe) the greateſt Part of the Monies which had been left him by his Grandfather, in maintaining himſel [...] and his Family at an high Rate in London.

My elder Brother (for I had one Brothe [...] and two Siſters, all elder than my ſelf) was [...] while we lived in London, Boarded at a privat [...] School, in the Houſe of one Francis Atkinſon, a [...] a Place called Hadley, near Barnet in Hertfordſhire; where he had made ſome good Proficiency in the Latin and French Tongues. But after we had left the City, and were reſettled i [...] the Country; he was taken from that privat [...] School, and ſent to the Free School at Tham [...] in Oxfordſhire.

Thither alſo was I ſent, as ſoon as my tender Age would permit: for I was indeed bu [...] young when I went, and yet ſeemed younge [...] than I was, by reaſon of my low and little Stature. For it was held, for ſome Years, a doubtful Point, whether I ſhould not have proved a Dwarf. But after I was arrived to the Fifteenth Year of my Age (or thereabouts) I began to ſhoot up, and gave not over growing [...] till I had attained the middle Size and Statu [...] of Men.

At this School (which at that time was i [...] good Reputation) I profited apace; havin [...] then a natural Propenſity to Learning: ſo tha [...] at the firſt reading over of my Leſſon, I commonly made my ſelf Maſter of it: And y [...] (which is ſtrange to think of) few Boys in th [...] [37] [...]chool wore out more Birch than I. For tho' [...] was never (that I remember) whip't upon [...]he Score of not having my Leſſon ready, or of not ſaying it well: yet being a little buſie Boy, full oſ Spirit, of a working Head, and [...]ctive Hand, I could not eaſily conform my ſelf to the grave and ſober Rules, and (as I [...]hen thought) ſevere Orders of the School; but was often playing one waggiſh Prank or other among my Fellow-Scholars, which ſubjected me to Correction, ſo that I have come under the Diſcipline of the Rod twice in a Forenoon. Which yet brake no Bones.

Had I been continued at this School, and in due time preferred to an higher; I might in likelihood have been a Scholar: for I was obſerved to have a Genius apt to learn. But my Father having, ſo ſoon as the Republican-Government began to ſettle, accepted the Office of a Juſtice of the Peace (which was no way Beneficial, but meerly Honorary, and every way Expenſive) and put himſelf into a Port, and Courſe of Living agreeable thereunto; and having alſo removed my Brother from Thame-School to Merton-Colledge in Oxford, and entred him there in the higheſt and moſt chargeable Condition, of a Fellow-Commoner: he found it needful to retrench his Expences elſewhere; the Hurt of which fell upon me. For he thereupon took me from School, to ſave the Charge of Maintaining me there: which was ſomewhat like plucking green Fruit from the Tree, and laying it by, before it was come to its due Ripeneſs; [38] which will thenceforth ſhrink and wither, and loſe that little Juice and Reliſh which it began to have.

Even ſo it fared with me. For being taken home when I was but young, and before I was well ſettled in my Studies, (though I had made a good Progreſs in the Latin Tongue, and was entred in the Greek) being left too much to my ſelf, to ply, or play with my Books, or without them, as I pleaſed: I ſoon ſhook Hands with my Books by ſhaking my Books out of my Hands, and laying them, by degrees, quite aſide; and addicted my ſelf to ſuch youthfu [...] Sports and Pleaſures as the Place afforded, and my Condition could reach unto.

By this Means, in a little time, I began to loſe that little Learning I had acquired at School; and by a continued diſuſe of my Books, became at length ſo utterly a Stranger to Learning, that I could not have read, far leſs have underſtood a Sentence in Latin. Which I was ſo ſenſible of, that I warily avoided reading to others, even in an Engliſh Book, leſt, if I ſhould meet with a Latin Word, I ſhould ſhame my ſelf, by miſpronouncing it.

Thus I went on, taking my Swing in ſuch vain Courſes, as were accounted harmleſs Recreations; entertaining my Companions, and familiar Acquaintance, with pleaſant Diſcourſes in our Converſations, by the meer Force of Mother-Wit and Natural Parts, without the Help of School-Cultivation: and was accounted good Company too.

[39] But I always ſorted my ſelf with Perſons of [...]ngenuity, Temperance and Sobriety: for I [...]athed Scurrilities in Converſation, and had a [...]atural Averſion to Immoderate Drinking. So [...]at in the Time of my greateſt Vanity, I was [...]reſerved from Prophanneſs, and the groſſer E [...]ils of the World: which render'd me accept [...]ble to Perſons of the beſt Note in that Coun [...]ry then. I often waited on the Lord Wenman, [...]t his Houſe Thame-Park (about two Miles [...]rom Crowell, where I lived;) to whoſe Favour held my ſelf intituled in a two-fold Reſpect: [...]oth as my Mother was nearly related to his Lady; and as he had been pleaſed to beſtow his Name upon me, when he made large Promiſes [...]or me at the Font. He was a Perſon of great Honour and Virtue, and always gave me a kind Reception at his Table, how often ſoever I came. And I have cauſe to think, I ſhould have received from this Lord ſome advantageous Preferment in this World, as ſoon as he had found me capable of it (though betwixt him and my Father there was not then ſo good an Underſtanding as might have been wiſh'd) had I not been, in a little time after, called into the Service of the beſt and higheſt Lord: and thereby loſt the Favour of all my Friends, Relations and Acquaintance of this World. To the Account of which moſt happy Exchange I haſten, and therefore willingly paſs over many Particularities of my youthful Life. Yet one Paſſage I am willing to mention, for the Effect it had upon me afterwards: which was thus:

[40] date 1657 My Father being then in the Commiſſion [...] the Peace, and going to a Petty-Seſſions at Wa [...] lington, I waited on him thither. And whe [...] we came near the Town, the Coachman ſeeing a nearer and eaſier Way, than the commo [...] Road, through a Corn Field, and that it wa [...] wide enough for the Wheels to run, withou [...] endammaging the Corn, turned down there [...] Which being obſerved by an Husband-ma [...] who was at Plow not far off, he ran to us; an [...] ſtopping the Coach, poured forth a Mouthfu [...] of Complaints, in none of the beſt Language [...] for driving over the Corn. My Father mildly anſwered him, That if there was an Offenc [...] committed, he muſt rather impute it to hi [...] Servant, than himſelf; ſince he neither directed him to drive that Way, nor knew whic [...] way he drove. Yet added, that he was going to ſuch an Inn at the Town; whither if h [...] came, he would make him full Satisfaction, fo [...] whatſoever Dammage he had ſuſtained thereby. And ſo on we went, the Man venting his Diſcontent, as he went back, in angry Accents. At the Town, upon enquiry, we underſtood that it was a way often uſed, and without Dammage, being broad enough; but that it was not the common Road, which yet lay not far from it, and was alſo good enough: Wherefore my Father bid his Man drive Home that way.

It was late in the Evening when we returned, and very dark; and this quarrelſome Man, who had troubled himſelf and us in the Morning, [41] date 1657 having gotten another luſty Fellow, like [...]mſelf, to aſſiſt him, way-lay'd us in the [...]ight, expecting we would return the ſame [...]ay we came. But when they found we did [...]ot, but took the common Way, they, angry [...]at they were diſappointed, and loth to loſe [...]eir Purpoſe, (which was to put an Abuſe up [...] us) coaſted over to us in the dark, and lay [...]g hold on the Horſes Bridles, ſtopt them from [...]oing on. My Father asking his Man, what [...]e Reaſon was that he went not on, was an [...]wered, That there were two Men at the Horſes [...]eads, who held them back, and would not ſuffer [...]em to go forward. Whereupon my Father, o [...]ening the Boot, ſtep't out, and I followed cloſe [...] his Heels. Going up to the place where [...]e Men ſtood, he demanded of them the [...]eaſon of this Aſſault. They ſaid, We were [...]pon the Corn. We knew, by the Routs, we [...]ere not on the Corn, but in the common way, nd told them ſo. But they told us, They were eſolved they would not let us go on any farther, but [...]ould make us go back again. My Father endea [...]oured, by gentle Reaſoning, to perſwade them [...] forbear, and not run themſelves farther into [...]he Danger of the Law, which they were run [...]oo far into already: but they rather derided [...]im for it. Seeing therefore fair Means would [...]ot work upon them, he ſpake more roughly [...]o them, charging them to deliver their Clubs [...]for each of them had a great Club in his Hand, [...]omewhat like thoſe which are called Quarter [...]taves.) They thereupon, laughing, told him, [42] date 1657 They did not bring them thither for that En [...] Thereupon my Father, turning his Head to m [...] ſaid, Tom, Diſarm them.

I ſtood ready at his Elbow, waiting only fo [...] the Word of Command. For being naturall [...] of a bold Spirit, full then of youthful Hea [...] and that too heightned by the Sence I had, no [...] only of the Abuſe, but inſolent Behaviour o [...] thoſe rude Fellows; my Blood began to boy [...] and my Fingers itch'd (as the Saying is) to b [...] dealing with them. Wherefore, ſtepping boldly forward, to lay hold on the Staff of him tha [...] was neareſt to me, I ſaid, Sirrah, Deliver you [...] Weapon. He thereupon raiſed his Club (whic [...] was big enough to have knock't down an Ox [...] intending (no doubt) to have knock't me dow [...] with it; as probably he would have done, ha [...] I not, in the twinkling of an Eye, whip't o [...] my Rapier, and made a Paſs upon him. [...] could not have failed running of him throug [...] up to the Hilt, had he ſtood his Ground: b [...] the ſuddain and unexpected Sight of my brigh [...] Blade, gliſtering in the dark Night, did ſo amaze, and terrifie the Man, that ſlipping aſid [...] he avoided my Thruſt; and letting his Sta [...] ſink, betook himſelf to his Heels for Safety [...] which his Companion ſeeing, fled alſo. I fo [...] lowed the former as faſt as I could: but Tim [...] addidit Alas, Fear gave him Wings, and mad [...] him ſwiftly fly: ſo that although I was accoun [...] ed very nimble, yet the farther we ran, th [...] more ground he gain'd on me; ſo that I coul [...] not overtake him: which made me think h [...] [43] date 1657 [...]k ſhelter under ſome Buſh; which he knew [...]ere to find, though I did not. Mean while [...]e Coachman (who had ſufficiently the outſide [...]a Man) excus'd himſelf from intermedling, [...]der pretence that he durſt not leave his [...]rſes: and ſo left me to ſhift for my ſelf. [...]d I was gone ſo far beyond my Knowledge, [...]t I underſtood not which way I was to go: [...] by Hollowing, and being Hollowed to a [...]in, I was directed where to find my Company. [...]We had eaſie Means to have found out who [...]ſe Men were (the principal of them having [...]en in the Day time at the Inn, and both [...]arrelled with the Coachman, and threatned [...]be even with him when he went back:) but [...]ce they came off no better in their Attempt, [...]y Father thought it better not to know them, [...]an to oblige himſelf to a Proſecutiou of them. [...]At that time, and for a good while after, I [...]d no regret upon my Mind, for what I had [...]ne, and deſigned to have done, in this Caſe; [...]t went on, in a ſort of Bravery, reſolving to [...]l, if I could, any Man, that ſhould make [...]e like Attempt, or put any Affront upon us: [...]d for that reaſon, ſeldom went afterwards, [...]on thoſe publick Services, without a loaded [...]ſtol in my Pocket. But when it pleaſed the [...]ord, in his infinite Goodneſs, to call me out [...] the Spirit and Ways of the World, and give [...]e the Knowledge of his ſaving Truth; where [...]y the Actions of my fore-paſt Life were ſet in [...]der before me: a ſort of Horror ſeized on me, [...]hen I conſidered how near I had been to the [44] date 1657 ſtaining of my Hands with Human Blood. A [...] whenſoever afterwards I went that way, a [...] indeed as often ſince as the Matter has come i [...] to my remembrance, my Soul has bleſſed t [...] Lord for my Deliverance; and Thankſgivin [...] and Praiſes have ariſen in my Heart (as no [...] at the relating of it, they do) to Him, w [...] preſerved, and with-held me from ſheddi [...] Man's Blood. Which is the Reaſon, for whi [...] I have given this Account of that Action, th [...] others may be warned by it.

date 1658 About this time my dear and Honoured M [...] (who was indeed a Woman of ſingular Wor [...] and Virtue) departed this Life; having a litt [...] before heard of the Death of her eldeſt Son: w [...] (falling under the Diſpleaſure of my Fath [...] for refuſing to reſign his Intereſt in an Eſtat [...] which my Father ſold, and thereupon deſiri [...] that he might have Leave to Travel; in hop [...] that Time and Abſence might work a Recon [...] liation) went into Ireland, with a Perſon po [...] erful there in thoſe Times, by whoſe Means [...] was quickly preferred to a Place of Truſt a [...] Profit, but lived not long to Enjoy it.

I mentioned before, that during my Father [...] Abode in London, in the time of the Civil Wa [...] he contracted a Friendſhip with the Lady Spri [...] gett, then a Widow, and afterwards Marri [...] to Iſaac Penington, Eſq To continue which [...] ſometimes Viſited them at their Country-Lodg [...] ings (as at Datchet, and at Cauſham Lodge nea [...] Reading.) And having heard that they we [...] come to live upon their own Eſtate at Chalfo [...] [45] date 1659 [...] Buckinghamſhire (about Fifteen Miles from [...]well) he went one Day to Viſit them there, [...]d to return at Night; taking me with him.

But very much ſurpized we were, when, [...]ing come thither, we firſt heard, then found, [...]ey were become Quakers; a People we had [...] Knowledge of, and a Name we had, till [...]en, ſcarce heard of.

So great a Change, from a free, debonair [...]d courtly ſort of Behaviour (which we for [...]erly had found them in) to ſo ſtrict a Gra [...]ty as they now received us with, did not a [...]tle amuſe us, and diſappoint our Expectation [...]f ſuch a pleaſant Viſit, as we uſed to have, and [...]ad now promiſed our ſelves. Nor could my [...]ather have any Opportunity, by a private [...]onference with them, to underſtand the Ground or Occaſion of this Change; there be [...]g ſome other Strangers with them (related to [...]ſaac Penington) who came that Morning from [...]ondon to Viſit them alſo.

For my Part, I ſought, and at length found Means to caſt my ſelf into the Company of the Daughter, whom I found gathering ſome Flowers in the Garden, attended by her Maid, who was alſo a Quaker. But when I addreſſed my ſelf to her after my accuſtomed Manner, with Intention to engage her in ſome Diſcourſe, which might introduce Converſation, on the Foot of our former Acquaintance: though ſhe treated me with a Courteous Mein; yet, (as young as ſhe was) the Gravity of her Look and Behaviour ſtruck ſuch an Awe upon me, that [44] [...] [45] [...] [46] date 1659 I found my ſelf not ſo much Maſter of my ſ [...] as to purſue any further Converſe with h [...] Wherefore asking Pardon for my Boldneſs, [...] having intruded my ſelf into her private Wa [...] I withdrew, not without ſome Diſorder (a [...] thought at leaſt) of Mind.

We ſtay'd Dinner, which was very ha [...] ſome; and lacked nothing to recommend it [...] me, but the want of Mirth and pleaſant D [...] courſe: which we could neither have w [...] them, nor, by reaſon of them, with one a [...] ther amongſt our ſelves; the Weightineſs t [...] was upon their Spirits and Countenances, kee [...] ing down the Lightneſs that would have be [...] up in us. We ſtay'd notwithſtanding till t [...] reſt of the Company took leave of them: a [...] then we alſo, doing the ſame, returned, n [...] greatly ſatisfied with our Journey, nor kno [...] ing what in particular to find fault with.

Yet this good Effect that Viſit had upon m [...] Father, who was then in the Commiſſion f [...] the Peace, that it diſpoſed him to a more f [...] vourable Opinion of, and Carriage towards tho [...] People, when they came in his way; as not lo [...] after one of them did. For a young Man, wh [...] lived in Buckinghamſhire, came on a Firſt Day [...] to the Church (ſo called) at a Town calle [...] Chinner (a Mile from Crowell) having, it ſeem [...] a Preſſure on his Mind to ſay ſomething to th [...] Miniſter of that Pariſh. He being an Acquain [...] tance of mine, drew me ſometimes to hea [...] him, as it did then. The young Man ſtood i [...] the Iſle before the Pulpit, all the Time of th [...] [47] date 1659 [...]rmon; not ſpeaking a Word till the Sermon [...]d Prayer after it was ended: and then ſpake [...] few Words to the Prieſt. Of which all that [...] could hear was, That The Prayer of the Wicked [...] Abomination to the Lord; and that God heareth [...]t Sinners.

Somewhat more, I think, he did ſay (which [...] could not diſtinctly hear, for the Noiſe the [...]eople made) and more probably he would [...]ave ſaid, had he not been Interrupted by the [...]fficers, who took him into Cuſtody, and led [...]im out, in order to carry him before my Fa [...]er.

When I underſtood that, I haſtened home, [...]at I might give my Father a fair Account of [...]e Matter, before they came. I told him the [...]oung Man behaved himſelf quietly and peace [...] bly; ſpake not a Word, till the Miniſter had [...]uite done his Service: and that what he then [...]ake was but ſhort; and was delivered with [...]ut Paſſion, or ill Language. This I knew would furniſh my Father with a fair Ground, whereon to diſcharge the Man, if he would.

And accordingly, when they came, and made [...] high Complaint againſt the Man (who ſaid [...]ittle for himſelf;) my Father, having Examined the Officers, who brought him, what the Words that he ſpake were, (which they did not well agree in) and at what time he ſpake them, (which they all agreed to be after the Miniſter had done) and then whether he gave the Miniſter any reviling Language, or endeavoured to raiſe a Tumult among the People [48] date 1659 (which they could not charge him with:) [...] finding that he had broken the Law, he Cou [...] ſelled the young Man to be careful that he d [...] not make, or occaſion any publick Diſturbance [...] and ſo diſmiſſed him. Which I was glad of.

Some time after this, my Father, having go [...] ten ſome further Account of the People calle [...] Quakers; and being deſirous to be informed co [...] cerning their Principles, made another Viſit [...] Iſaac Penington and his Wife, at their Hou [...] called the Grange in Peter's-Chalfont; and to [...] both my Siſters and me with him.

It was in the Tenth Month, in the Year, 165 [...] that we went thither; where we found a ve [...] kind Reception, and tarried ſome Days: o [...] Day, at leaſt, the longer, for that, while w [...] were there, a Meeting was appointed, at [...] Place about a Mile from thence; to which w [...] were invited to go, and willingly went.

It was held in a Farm-Houſe, called T [...] Grove; which, having formerly been a Ge [...] tleman's Seat, had a very large Hall, and th [...] well filled.

To this Meeting came Edward Burrough, b [...] ſides other Preachers, as Thomas Curtis an [...] James Nailor: but none ſpake there, at tha [...] Time, but Edward Burrough. Next to who [...] (as it were under him) it was my Lot to ſit (o [...] a Stool by the Side of a long Table, on whic [...] he ſate;) and I drank in his Words with D [...] ſire: for they not only Anſwered my Underſtanding, but warmed my Heart with a certain [49] date 1659 Heat, which I had not till then felt from [...]he Miniſtry of any Man.

When the Meeting was ended, our Friends [...]ook us home with them again; and after Sup [...]er, the Evenings being long, the Servants of [...]he Family (who were Quakers) were called in, [...]nd we all ſate down in Silence. But long we [...]ad not ſo ſate, before Edward Burrough began [...]o ſpeak among us. And although he ſpake [...]ot long, yet what he ſaid did touch, as I ſup [...]oſe, my Father's (Religious) Copy-hold, as the [...]hraſe is. And he, having been from his [...]outh a Profeſſor (though not join'd in that which is call'd Cloſe Communion with any one Sort;) and valuing himſelf upon the Knowledge [...]e eſteemed himſelf to have, in the various Notions of each Profeſſion: thought he had now a fair Opportunity to diſplay his Knowledge; and thereupon began to make Objections againſt what had been delivered.

The Subject of the Diſcourſe was, The univerſal free Grace of God to all Mankind. To which he oppoſed the Calviniſtical Tenet of Particular and Perſonal Predeſtination. In defence of which indefenſible Notion, he found imſelf more at a Loſs than he expected. Edward Burrough ſaid not much to him upon it, though what he ſaid was cloſe and cogent. But James Nailor interpoſing, handled the Subject with ſo much Perſpicuity, and clear Demonſtration, that his Reaſoning ſeemed to be irreſiſtable; and ſo I ſuppoſemy Father found it, which made him willing to drop the Diſcourſe.

[50] date 1659 As for Edward Burrough, he was a Bri [...] young Man, of a ready Tongue, (and migh [...] have been, for ought I then knew, a Schola [...] which made me the leſs to admire his way o [...] Reaſoning. But what drop't from James Na [...] lor had the greater Force upon me; becauſe h [...] look'd but like a plain ſimple Country-Ma [...] having the Appearance of an Husbandman, o [...] a Shepherd.

As my Father was not able to maintain th [...] Argument on his Side: ſo neither did the [...] ſeem willing to drive it on to an Extremity o [...] their ſide. But treating him in a ſoft an [...] gentle Manner, did, after a while, let fall th [...] Diſcourſe: and then we withdrew to our reſpective Chambers.

The next Morning we prepared to retur [...] Home (that is, my Father, my younger Siſte [...] and my ſelf: for my elder Siſter was gone before, by the Stage Coach, to London.) An [...] when, having taken our Leaves of our Friend [...] we went forth; they, with Edward Burroug [...] accompanying us to the Gate: he there directed his Speech, in a few Words to each of u [...] ſeverally; according to the Senſe he had o [...] our ſeveral Conditions. And when we were gone off, and they gone in again; they asking him what he thought of us: he anſwered them, (as they afterwards told me) to this Effect, As for the Old Man, he is ſettled on his Lees; and the Young Woman is light and airy: but the Young Man is Reach't, and may do well, if he don't loſe it. And ſurely that which he ſaid to me, or [51] date 1659 rather that Spirit in which he ſpake it, took ſuch faſt hold on me; that I felt Sadneſs and Trouble come over me, though I did not diſtinctly underſtand what I was troubled for. I knew not what I ayled, but I knew I ayled ſomething more than ordinary: and my Heart was very heavy.

I found it was not ſo with my Father and Siſter: for as I rode after the Coach, I could hear them talk pleaſantly one to the other, but they could not diſcern how it was with me, becauſe I, riding on Horsback, kept much out of Sight.

By that time we got home it was Night. And the next Day, being the firſt Day of the Week, I went in the Afternoon to hear the Miniſter of Chinner; and this was the laſt time I ever went to hear any of that Function. After the Sermon, I went with him to his Houſe, and in a Freedom of Diſcourſe (which, from a certain Intimacy that was between us, I commonly uſed with him) told him where I had been, what Company I had met with there, and what Obſervations I had made to my ſelf thereupon. He ſeemed to underſtand as little of them, as I had done before: and civilly abſtained from caſting any unhandſome Reflections on them.

I had a Deſire to go to another Meeting of the Quakers; and bid my Father's Man enquire, if there was any in the Country thereabouts. He thereupon told me, he had heard at Iſaac [52] date 1659 Penington's, that there was to be a Meeting at High-Wiccomb on Thurſday next.

Thither therefore I went, though it was Seven Miles from me. And that I might be rather thought to go out a Courſing, than to a Meeting; I let my Gray-Hound run by my Horſe-ſide.

When I came there, and had ſet up my Horſe at an Inn; I was at a Loſs how to find the Houſe where the Meeting was to be. I knew it not: and was aſhamed to ask after it. Wherefore having order'd the Horſtler to take Care of my Dog, I went into the Street, and ſtood at the Inn-Gate; muſing with my ſelf what Courſe to take. But I had not ſtood long, e're I ſaw an Horſe-man riding along the Street; whom I remember'd I had ſeen before at Iſaac Penington's: and he put up his Horſe at the ſame Inn. Him therefore I reſolved to follow, ſuppoſing he was going to the Meeting, as indeed he was.

Being come to the Houſe (which proved to be John Raunce's) I ſaw the People ſitting together, in an outer Room: wherefore I ſtept in, and ſate down on the firſt void Seat, the End of a Bench juſt within the Door; having my Sword by my Side, and Black Cloaths on, which drew ſome Eyes upon me. It was not long e're one ſtood up and ſpake, whom I was afterwards well acquainted with (his Name was Samuel Thornton;) and what he ſpake was very ſuitable, and of good Service to me: for [53] date 1659 it reached Home, as if it had been directed to me.

As ſoon as ever the Meeting was ended, and the People began to riſe, I, being next the Door, ſtep't out quickly; and haſtning to my Inn, took Horſe immediately homewards: and (ſo far as I remember) my having been gone was not taken Notice of by my Father.

This latter Meeting was like the Clinching of a Nail; confirming, and faſtening in my Mind, thoſe good Principles, which had ſunk into me at the former. My Underſtanding began to open, and I felt ſome Stirrings in my Breaſt, tending to the Work of a New Creation in me. The general Trouble, and Confuſion of Mind, which had for ſome Days lain heavy upon me, and preſſed me down, without a diſtinct Diſcovery of the particular Cauſe for which it came, began now to wear off; and ſome Glimmerings of Light began to break forth in me; which let me ſee my Inward State, and Condition towards God. The Light (which before had ſhone in my Darkneſs, and the Darkneſs could not comprehend it) began now to ſhine out of Darkneſs, and in ſome Meaſure diſcovered to me what it was, that had before clouded me, and brought that Sadneſs and Trouble upon me. And now I ſaw, that although I had been, in a great degree, preſerved from the common Immoralities, and groſs Pollutions of the World; yet the Spirit of the World had hitherto ruled in me, and led me into Pride, Flattery, Vanity and Superfluity; [54] date 1659 all which was Naught. I found there were many Plants growing in me, which were not of the Heavenly Father's Planting: and that all theſe (of whatever ſort or kind they were, or how ſpecious ſoever they might appear) muſt be plucked up.

Now was all my former Life ripped up, and my Sins, by Degrees, were ſet in order before me. And though they looked not with ſo black a Hue, and ſo deep a Dye, as thoſe of the lewdeſt Sort of People did: Yet I found that all Sin (even that which had the faireſt or fineſt ſhew, as well as that which was more courſe and foul) brought Guilt, and with and for Guilt, Condemnation on the Soul that ſinned. This I felt: and was greatly bowed down under the Senſe thereof.

Now alſo did I receive a New Law, (an Inward Law ſuperadded to the Outward) The Law of the Spirit of Life in Chriſt Jeſus, which wrought in me againſt all Evil, not only in Deed, and in Word, but even in Thought alſo: ſo that every thing was brought to Judgment, and Judgment paſſed upon all. So that I could not any longer go on, in my former Ways, and Courſe of Life: for when I did, Judgment took hold upon me for it.

Thus the Lord was graciouſly pleaſed to deal with me, in ſomewhat like manner as he had dealt with his People Iſrael of Old (when they had tranſgreſſed his Righteous LAW) whom, by his Prophet, he called back, required to put away the Evil of their Doings: [55] date 1659 bidding them, Firſt, Ceaſe to Do Evil; Then, Learn to Do Well: before He would admit them to Reaſon with Him; and before he would impart to them the Effects of His free Mercy, Iſa. 1. 16, 17.

I was now required, by this Inward and Spiritual LAW (The Law of the Spirit of Life in Chriſt Jeſus) to put away the Evil of my Doings; and to Ceaſe to do Evil. And what, in Particulars, the Evil was, which I was required to to put away, and to ceaſe from: that Meaſure of the Divine LIGHT, which was now manifeſted in me, diſcovered to me: and what the Light made manifeſt to be Evil, Judgment paſſed upon.

So that here began to be a Way caſt up, before me, for me to walk in: A direct and plain Way; ſo plain, that a way-faring-Man, how weak and ſimple ſoever (though a Fool, to the Wiſdom, and in the Judgment of the World) could not Err, while he continued to walk in it: the Error coming in by his going out of it. And this Way, with reſpect to me, I ſaw was that Meaſure of Divine Light, which was manifeſted in me; by which the Evil of my Doings, which I was to put away, and to ceaſe from, was diſcovered to me.

By this Divine Light then I ſaw, that though I had not the Evil of the common Uncleanneſs, [...]bauchery, Prophanneſs, and Pollutions of the [...]rld to put away, becauſe I had, through the [...]at Goodneſs of GOD, and a Civil Educa [...], been preſerved out of thoſe groſſer Evils: [56] date 1659 yet I had many other Evils to put away, and [...] ceaſe from: ſome of which were not, by t [...] World (which lies in Wickedneſs, 1 Joh. 5. 1 [...] accounted Evils: but by the Light of Chr [...] were made manifeſt to me to be Evils, and, [...] ſuch, condemned in me.

As particularly, Thoſe Fruits and Effects [...] PRIDE, that diſcover themſelves in the [...] nity and Superfluity of APPAREL: which I ( far as my Ability would extend to) took, ala [...] too much Delight in. This Evil of my Doi [...] I was required to put away, and ceaſe from: a [...] Judgment lay upon me till I did ſo. Whe [...] fore, in Obedience to the Inward Law (whi [...] agreed with the Outward, 1 Tim. 2. 9. 1 P [...] 3. 3. 1 Tim. 6. 8. Jam. 1. 21.) I took [...] from my Apparel thoſe unneceſſary Trimmin [...] of Lace, Ribbands and uſeleſs Buttons, whi [...] had no real Service: but were ſet on only [...] that, which was, by miſtake, called Orname [...] And I ceaſed to wear Rings.

Again, The giving of flattering Titles to Me [...] between whom and me there was not any R [...] lation, to which ſuch Titles could be preten [...] ed to belong. This was an Evil I had be [...] much addicted to, and was accounted a read [...] Artiſt in: therefore this Evil alſo was I [...] quired to put away, and ceaſe from. So th [...] thenceforward I durſt not ſay, Sir, Maſter, M [...] Lord, Madam (or My Dame) or ſay, Your Se [...] vant, to any one to whom I did not ſtand i [...] the real Relation of a Servant; which I ha [...] never done to any.

[57] date 1659 Again, Reſpect of Perſons, in Uncovering the [...]ead, and Bowing the Knee, or Body in Saluta [...]ns, was a Practice I had been much in the [...]ſe of. And this being one of the Vain Cuſtoms [...] the World, introduced by the Spirit of the World, inſtead of the true Honour, which this [...]a falſe Repreſentation of; and uſed in Deceit, [...] a Token of Reſpect, by Perſons one to another, [...]ho bear no real Reſpect one to another. And [...]eſides, This being a Type, and proper Emblem [...]f that Divine Honour which all ought to pay [...]o Almighty GOD, and which all, of all ſorts [...]who take upon them the Chriſtian Name) ap [...]ear in, when they offer their Prayers to Him; [...]nd therefore ſhould not be given to Men. I [...]ound this to be one of thoſe Evils, which I had [...]een too long doing; therefore I was now re [...]uired to put it away, and ceaſe from it.

Again, The Corrupt and Unſound Form of Speak [...]g in the Plural Number to a Single Perſon (YOU [...]o One, inſtead of THOU;) contrary to the Pure, Plain, and Single Language of TRUTH (THOU to One, and YOU to more than One) which had always been uſed, by GOD to Men, and Men to GOD, as well as one to ano [...]er, from the oldeſt Record of Time, till Cor [...]pt Men, for Corrupt Ends, in later and Corrupt Times, to Flatter, Fawn, and work upon the Corrupt Nature in Men, brought in that falſe and ſenſeleſs Way of Speaking, YOU to One; which hath ſince corrupted the Modern Languages, and hath greatly debaſed the Spirits, and depraved the Manners of Men. This [58] date 1659 Evil Cuſtom I had been as forward in as others [...] and this I was now called out of, and require [...] to ceaſe from.

Theſe, and many more Evil Cuſtoms, whic [...] had ſprang up in the Night of Darkneſs, an [...] general Apoſtacy from the TRUTH, and Tru [...] RELIGION; were now, by the Inſhining o [...] this pure Ray of Divine Light in my Conſcience [...] gradually Diſcovered to me, to be what I ough [...] to ceaſe from, ſhun, and ſtand a Witneſs againſt [...]

But ſo ſubtilly, and withal ſo powerfully [...] did the Enemy work upon the weak Part in me, as to perſwade me, that, in theſe things, I ought to make a Difference between my Father and all other Men: And that therefore, though I did diſuſe theſe Tokens of Reſpect to others, yet I ought ſtill to uſe them towards him, as he was my Father. And ſo far did this Wile of his prevail upon me, through a Fear, leſt I ſhould do amiſs, in withdrawing any ſort of Reſpect, or Honour from my Father, which was due unto him; that being thereby beguiled, I continued for a while to demean my ſelf in the ſame manner towards him, with reſpect both to Language and Geſture, as I had always done before. And ſo long as I did ſo (ſtanding Bare before him, and giving him the accuſtomed Language) he did not expreſs (whatever he thought) any Diſlike of me.

But as to my ſelf, and the Work begun in me; I found it was not enough for me to Ceaſe to do Evil; though that was a good and a great Step. I had another Leſſon before me, which [59] date 1659 To learn to do well: which I could by no [...]ns do, till I had given up, with full Purpoſe [...] Mind, to Ceaſe from doing Evil. And when [...]d done that, the Enemy took Advantage of [...] Weakneſs, to miſlead me again.

[...]or whereas I ought to have waited in the [...]t, for Direction and Guidance into, and [...]e Way of Well-Doing; and not to have mo [...] till the Divine Spirit (a Manifeſtation of [...]ich the Lord hath been pleaſed to give unto [...]e, for me to profit with, or by:) the Enemy, [...]nsforming himſelf into the Appearance of an [...]gel of Light, offered himſelf, in that Ap [...]arance, to be my Guide and Leader into the [...]erformance of Religious Exerciſes. And I, [...]t then knowing the Wiles of Satan, and be [...] eager to be doing ſome acceptable Service to [...]; too readily yielded my ſelf to the Con [...] of my Enemy, inſtead of my Friend.

He thereupon humouring the warmth, and [...] of my Spirit, put me upon Religious Per [...]mances, in my own Will, in my own Time, and [...] my own Strength; which in themſelves were [...]od, and would have been profitable unto me, [...]d acceptable unto the Lord; if they had been [...]ormed in His Will, in His Time, and in the [...]ity which He gives. But being wrought in [...] Will of Man, and at the prompting of the [...]il One; no wonder that it did me Hurt, in [...]d of Good.

Read abundantly in the BIBLE, and [...]ld ſet my ſelf Tasks in Reading; injoying [...] ſelf to Read ſo many Chapters, ſometimes [60] date 1659 an whole Book, or long Epiſtle, at a tim [...] And I thought that time well ſpent, though [...] was not much the wiſer for what I had Rea [...] reading it too curſorily, and without the tr [...] Guide, the Holy Spirit, which alone could op [...] the Underſtanding, and give the true Senſe [...] what was Read.

I Prayed often, and drew out my Prayers [...] a great length: and appointed unto my ſelf ce [...] tain ſet Times to Pray at, and a certain Nu [...] ber of Prayers to ſay in a Day; yet knew no [...] mean while, what true Prayer was. Whi [...] ſtands not in Words (though the Words whi [...] are uttered in the Movings of the Holy Spirit a [...] very available;) but in the breathing of th [...] Soul to the Heavenly Father, through the Ope [...] ation of the Holy Spirit, who maketh Interceſſi [...] ſometimes in Words, and ſometimes with Sig [...] and Groans only, which the Lord vouchſafes [...] hear, and Anſwer.

This Will-Worſhip (which all is, that is pe [...] formed in the Will of Man, and not in th [...] Movings of the Holy Spirit) was a great Hu [...] to me, and Hinderance of my Spiritual Growt [...] in the Way of Truth. But my Heavenly Father, who knew the Sincerity of my Soul t [...] Him, and the hearty Deſire I had to Serve Him [...] had Compaſſion on me; and in due time wa [...] graciouſly pleaſed to Illuminate my Underſtanding farther, and to open in me an Eye to diſcer [...] the Falſe Spirit, and its way of Working, fro [...] the True: and to reject the former, and cleav [...] to the latter.

[61] date 1659 But though the Enemy had, by his Subtilty, [...]in'd ſuch Advantages over me; yet I went on [...]twithſtanding, and firmly perſiſted in my [...]odly Reſolution, of ceaſing from, and deny [...]g thoſe things, which I was now Convinced [...] my Conſcience were Evil. And on this Ac [...]unt a great Trial came quickly on me. For [...]e General Quarter-Seſſions for the Peace com [...]g on, my Father (willing to excuſe himſelf [...]m a dirty Journey) commanded me to get [...] betimes, and go to Oxford, and deliver in [...]e Recognizances he had taken; and bring him [...] Account what Juſtices were on the Bench, [...]d what principal Pleas were before 'em; [...]hich he knew I knew how to do, having often [...]tended him on thoſe Services.

I (who knew how it ſtood with me better [...]an he did) felt a Weight come over me, as [...]n as he had ſpoke the Word. For I preſently [...]y, it would bring a very great Exerciſe upon [...]. But having never reſiſted his Will, in any [...]ng that was lawful, (as this was) I attempt [...] not to make any Excuſe; but, ordering an [...]rſe to be ready for me early in the Morning, [...]ent to Bed, having great Struglings in my [...]eaſt.

For the Enemy came in upon me, like a [...]od, and ſet many Difficulties before me, [...]elling them up to the higheſt Pitch, by repre [...]ting them as Mountains, which I ſhould ne [...] be able to get over; And, alas! that Faith [...]ich could remove ſuch Mountains, and caſt [62] date 1659 them into the Sea, was but very ſmall, an [...] weak in me.

He caſt into my Mind, not only how I ſhoul [...] behave my ſelf in Court, and diſpatch the B [...] ſineſs I was ſent about; but how I ſhould d [...] mean my ſelf towards my Acquaintance ( [...] which I had many in that City) with whom [...] was wont to be Jolly: whereas now I coul [...] not put off my Hat, nor Bow, to any of the [...] nor give them their honorary Titles (as they a [...] called) nor uſe the corrupt Language of You [...] any one of them; but muſt keep to the pla [...] and true Language of Thou and Thee.

Much of this Nature revolved in my Min [...] thrown in by the Enemy to diſcourage, a [...] caſt me down. And I had none to have r [...] courſe to, for Counſel or Help, but the Lor [...] alone. To whom therefore I poured forth m [...] Supplications, with earneſt Cries and Breat [...] ings of Soul, that H E, in whom all Pow [...] was, would enable me to go through this gre [...] Exerciſe, and keep me faithful to Himſelf the [...] in. And after ſome time, he was pleaſed [...] compoſe my Mind to Stilneſs, and I went [...] reſt.

Early next Morning, I got up, and fou [...] my Spirit pretty calm and quiet; yet not wit [...] out a Fear upon me, leſt I ſhould ſlip, and [...] fall the Teſtimony, which I had to bear. And [...] I rode, a frequent Cry ran through me to th [...] Lord, on this wiſe; O my God, Preſerve [...] faithful, whatever befals me! Suffer me not to [...] [63] date 1659 drawn into Evil, how much Scorn and Contempt ſoever may be caſt upon me!

Thus was my Spirit exerciſed on the way almoſt continually. And when I was come within a Mile or two of the City, whom ſhould I meet upon the Way, coming from thence, but Edward Burrough! I rode in a Mountier-Cap (a Dreſs more uſed then, than now) and ſo did he: and becauſe the Weather was exceeding ſharp, we both had drawn our Caps down, to [...]helter our Faces from the Cold; and by that means neither of us knew the other, but paſſed [...]y without taking Notice one of the other, till [...] few Days after meeting again, and obſerving [...]ach others Dreſs, we recollected where we [...]ad ſo lately met. Then thought I with my [...]elf, O! How glad ſhould I have been of a Word [...] Encouragement and Counſel from him, when I [...]as under that weighty Exerciſe of Mind! But the [...]ord ſaw it was not good for me: that my Re [...]ance might be wholly upon him; and not on Man.

When I had ſet up my Horſe, I went directly [...] the Hall, where the Seſſions were held; [...]here I had been but a very little while, before [...] Knot of my old Acquaintances eſpying me, [...]me to me. One of theſe was a Scholar in his [...]own; another a Surgeon of that City (both [...]y School-Fellows, and Fellow-Boarders at [...]ame-School:) and the Third a Country Gentle [...]an, with whom I had long been very Familiar.

When they were come up to me, they all ſa [...]ted me, after the uſual manner, putting off [64] date 1659 their Hats and Bowing; and ſaying, Your Humble Servant, Sir: expecting, no doubt, the like from me. But when they ſaw me ſtand ſtill, not moving my Cap, nor bowing my Knee in way of Congee to them; they were amazed, and looked firſt one upon another, then upon me, and then one upon another again, for a while, without a Word ſpeaking.

At length the Surgeon, (a brisk young Man) who ſtood neareſt to me, clapping his Hand, in a familiar way, upon my Shoulder, and ſmiling on me, ſaid, What! TOM, a Quaker! T [...] which I readily, and cheerfully Anſwered, Ye [...] A Quaker. And as the Words paſſed out of m [...] Mouth, I felt Joy ſpring in my Heart: for [...] rejoyced, that I had not been drawn out b [...] them, into a Compliance with them; and tha [...] I had Strength and Boldneſs given me, to Co [...] feſs my ſelf to be one of that deſpiſed People.

They ſtaid not long with me, nor ſaid an [...] more (that I remember) to me: but lookin [...] ſomewhat confuſedly one upon another, after [...] while took their Leave of me; going off in th [...] ſame ceremonious Manner, as they came on.

After they were gone, I walked a while about the Hall, and went up nearer to the Court to obſerve both what Juſtices were on th [...] Bench, and what Buſineſs they had before them [...] And I went in Fear (not of what they coul [...] or would have done to me, if they ſhould ha [...] taken notice of me, but) leſt I ſhould be ſu [...] prized, and drawn unwarily into that, whi [...] I was to keep out of.

[65] date 1659 It was not long before the Court adjourned, to go to Dinner: And that time I took to go to the Clerk of the Peace, at his Houſe, whom I was well acquainted with. So ſoon as I came into the Room where he was, he came and met me; and ſaluted me after his manner: for he had a great Reſpect for my Father, and a kind Regard for me. And tho' he was at firſt ſomewhat ſtartled at my Carriage and Language: yet he treated me very civilly, without any Reflection, or ſhew of Lightneſs. I delivered him the Recognizances, which my Father had ſent; and having done the Buſineſs I came upon, withdrew: and went to my Inn, to refreſh my ſelf, and then to return home.

But when I was ready to take Horſe, looking out into the Street, I ſaw two or three Juſtices, ſtanding juſt in the Way where I was to ride. This brought a freſh Concern upon me. I knew, if they ſaw me, they would know me: And I concluded, if they knew me, they would ſtop me to enquire after my Father; and I doubted how I ſhould come off with them.

This Doubting brought Weakneſs on me; and that Weakneſs led to Contrivance, how I might avoid this Trial. I knew the City prety well; and remembred there was a back Way, which, though ſomewhat about, would bring me out of Town, without paſſing by [...]oſe Juſtices: Yet loth I was to go that Way. Wherefore I ſtaid a pretty time, in hopes they would have parted Company, or removed to [...]ome other Place, out of my Way. But when [66] date 1659 I had waited till I was uneaſie, for loſing ſo much time; having entred into Reaſonings with Fleſh and Blood, the Weakneſs prevailed over me, and away I went the back Way: which brought Trouble and Grief upon my Spirit, for having ſhunned the Croſs.

But the Lord looked on me with a tender Eye; and ſeeing my Heart was right to him, and that what I had done was meerly through Weakneſs, and Fear of Falling, and that I was ſenſible of my Failing therein, and ſorry for it: he was graciouſly pleaſed to paſs it by, and ſpeak Peace to me again. So that, before I got home, as when I went in the Morning, my Heart was full of Breathing Prayer to the Lord, that he would vouchſafe to be with me, and uphold and carry me through that Days Exerciſe: So now at my Return in the Evening, my Heart was full of thankful Acknowledgments, and Praiſes unto Him, for his great Goodneſs and Favour to me, in having thus far preſerved, and kept me from falling into any thing that might have brought Diſhonour to his Holy Name, which I had now taken on me.

But notwithſtanding that it was thus with me, and that I found Peace and Acceptance with the Lord in ſome good degree, according to my Obedience to the Convictions I had received, by his Holy Spirit in me: yet was not the Vail ſo done away, or fully rent, but that there ſtill remained a Cloud upon my Underſtanding, with reſpect to my Carriage towards my Father. And that Notion, which the Enemy [67] date 1659 had brought into my Mind, That I ought to put ſuch a Difference between him all others, as that, on the Account of Paternal Relation, I ſhould ſtill deport my ſelf towards him, both in Geſture and Language, as I had always heretofore done; did yet prevail with me. So that when I came home, I went to my Father bare headed, as I uſed to do; and gave him a particular Account of the Buſineſs he had given me in Command, in ſuch manner, that he, obſerving no alteration in my Carriage towards him, found no Cauſe to take Offence at me.

I had felt for ſometime before, an earneſt Deſire of Mind to go again to Iſaac Penington's. And I began to queſtion whether, when my Father ſhould come (as I concluded e're long he would) to underſtand I enclined to ſettle among the People called Quakers, he would permit me the Command of his Horſes, as before. Wherefore, in the Morning when I went to Oxford, I gave Direction to a Servant of his, to go that Day to a Gentleman of my Acquaintance (who I knew had a Riding Nag to put off, either by Sale, or to be kept for his Work;) and deſire him, in my Name, to ſend him to me; which he did, and I found him in the Stable, when I came home.

On this Nag I deſigned to ride next Day to Iſaac Penington's: and in order thereunto, aroſe betimes and got my ſelf ready for the Journey. But becauſe I would pay all due Reſpects to my Father, and not go without his Conſent, or Knowledge at the leaſt, I ſent one up to him [68] date 1659 (for he was not yet ſtirring) to acquaint him, that I had a Purpoſe to go to Iſaac Peuington's; and deſired to know if he pleaſed to Command me any Service to them. He ſent me Word, He would ſpeak with me before I went; and would have me come up to him: which I did; and ſtood by his Bed-Side.

Then in a mild and gentle Tone, he ſaid, I underſtand you have a Mind to go to Mr. Penington's. I anſwered, I have ſo. Why, ſaid he, I wonder why you ſhould. You were there, you know, but a few Days ago; and unleſs you had Buſineſs with them, don't you think it will look odly? I ſaid, I I thought not. I doubt, ſaid he, You'll tire them with your Company, and make them think they ſhall be troubled with you. If, replyed I, I find any thing of that, I'll make the ſhorter Stay. But, ſaid he, can you propoſe any ſort of Buſineſs with them, more than a meer Viſit? Yes, ſaid I, I propoſe to my ſelf not only to ſee them; but to have ſome Diſcourſe with them. Why, ſaid he (in a Tone a little Harſher) I hope you don't encline to be of their Way. Truly, anſwered I, I like them, and their Way, very well; ſo far as I yet underſtand it: and I am willing to Go to them, that I may underſtand it better.

Thereupon he began to reckon up a Bead-Roll of Faults againſt the Quakers; Telling me They were a rude unmannerly People, that would not give Civil Reſpect or Honour to their Superiors; no not to Magiſtrates: That they held many dangerous Principles: That they were an immodeſt, ſhameleſs People; and that one of them ſtrip't himſelf [69] date 1659 ſtark-naked, and went in that unſeemly manner about the Streets, at Fairs, and on Market-days in great Towns.

To all the other Charges, I anſwered only, That perhaps they might be either miſreported, or miſunderſtood, as the beſt of People had ſometimes been. But to the laſt Charge, of Going Naked, a particular Anſwer, by way of Inſtance, was juſt then brought into my Mind, and put into my Mouth, which I had not thought of before: and that was the Example of Iſaiah, who went Naked, among the People, for a long time, (Iſai. 20. 4.) Aye, ſaid my Father, but you muſt conſider, that He was a Prophet of the Lord, and had an expreſs Command from God to Go ſo. Yes, Sir, replied I, I do conſider that: but I conſider alſo, that the Jews among whom he lived, did not own him for a Prophet, nor believe that he had ſuch a Command from God. And, added I, how know we but that this Quaker may be a Prophet too, and might be commanded to do as he did, for ſome Reaſon which we underſtand not.

This put my Father to a ſtand; ſo that letting fall his Charges againſt the Quakers, he only ſaid, I would wiſh you not to go ſo ſoon; but take a little time to conſider of it: you may Viſit Mr. Penington hereafter. Nay, Sir, replied I, Pray don't hinder my going now: for I have ſo ſtrong a Deſire to go, that I do not well know how to forbear. And as I ſpake thoſe Words, I withdrew gently to the Chamber-Door; and then haſtning down Stairs, went immediately [70] date 1659 to the Stable: where finding my Horſe ready Bridled, I forthwith mounted, and went off; leſt I ſhould receive a Countermand.

This Diſcourſe with my Father had caſt me ſomewhat back in my Journey, and it being Fifteen long Miles thither, the Ways bad, and my Nag but ſmall: it was in the Afternoon that I got thither. And underſtanding by the Servant that took my Horſe, that there was then a Meeting in the Houſe (as there was Weekly on that Day, which was the Fourth Day of the Week, though I, till then, underſtood it not) I haſtened in; and knowing the Rooms, went directly to the Little Parlour, where I found a few Friends ſitting together in Silence: and I ſate down among them, well ſatisfied, though without Words.

When the Meeting was ended, and thoſe of the Company, who were Strangers, withdrawn, I addreſſed my ſelf to Iſaac Penington and his Wife, who received me courteouſly: but not knowing what Exerciſe I had been in, and yet was under, nor having heard any thing of me, ſince I had been there before, in another Garb, were not forward at firſt to lay ſuddain Hands on me; which I obſerved, and did not diſlike. But as they came to ſee a Change in me, not in Habit only, but in Geſture, Speech and Carriage, and which was more, in Countenance alſo: (for the Exerciſe I had paſſed through, and yet was under, had imprinted a viſible Character of Gravity upon my Face;) they were exceeding kind, and tender towards me.

[71] date 1659 There was then in the Family a Friend, whoſe Name was Anne Curtis (the Wife of Thomas Curtis of Reading) who was come upon a Viſit to them, and particularly to ſee Mary Penington's Daughter Guli: who had been ill of the Small Pox, ſince I had been there before. Betwixt Mary Penington and this Friend, I obſerved ſome private Diſcourſe, and Whiſperings; and I had an Apprehenſion that it was upon ſomething that concerned me. Wherefore I took the freedom to ask Mary Penington, If my coming thither had occaſioned any Inconvenience in the Family? She asked me, If I had had the Small Pox? I told her no. She then told me, Her Daughter had newly had them; and though ſhe was well recovered of them, ſhe had not as yet been down amongst them: but intended [...] have come down, and ſate with them in the Par [...]our that Evening; yet would rather forbear, till [...]nother time, than Endanger me. And that that [...]as the matter they had been diſcourſing of. I aſſu [...]ed her, that I had always been, and then, [...]ore eſpecially, was free from any Apprehen [...]on of Danger in that reſpect: and therefore [...]treated, that her Daughter might come [...]own. And although they were ſomewhat [...]nwilling to yield to it, in regard of me; yet [...]y Importunity prevailed, and after Supper [...]e did come down, and ſit with us: and tho' [...]e Marks of the Diſtemper were freſh upon [...]er; yet they made no Impreſſion upon me; [...]aith keeping out Fear.

[72] date 1659 We ſpent much of the Evening in Retiredneſs of Mind, our Spirits being weightily gathered inward: ſo that not much Diſcourſe paſſed among us; neither they to me, nor I to them, offered any Occaſion. Yet I had good Satisfaction in that Stilneſs; feeling my Spiri [...] drawn near to the Lord, and to them therein.

Before I went to Bed, they let me know [...] that there was to be a Meeting at Wiccomb nex [...] Day; and that ſome of the Family would g [...] to it. I was very glad of it: for I greatly d [...] ſired to go to Meetings; and this fell very ap [...] ly, it being in my way home. Next Mornin [...] Iſaac Penington himſelf went, having Anne Cu [...] tis with him: and I accompanied them.

At Wiccomb we met with Edward Burroug [...] who came from Oxford thither, that Day that [...] going thither, met him on the Way: and h [...] ving both our Mountier-Caps on, we recollecte [...] that we had met, and paſſed by each other [...] the Road unknown.

This was a Monthly Meeting, conſiſting [...] Friends chiefly, who gathered to it from ſever [...] Parts of the Country thereabouts: ſo that [...] was pretty large, and was held in a fair Roo [...] in Jeremiah Steevens's Houſe; the Roo [...] where I had been at a Meeting before, in Jo [...] Raunce's Houſe, being too little to receive us.

A very good Meeting was this, in its ſe [...] and to me. Edward Burrough's Miniſtry ca [...] forth among us in Life and Power; and t [...] Aſſembly was covered therewith. I alſo, a [...] cording to my ſmall Capacity, had a Sha [73] date 1659 therein. For I felt ſome of that Divine Power, working my Spirit into a great Tenderneſs; and not only Confirming me in the Courſe I had already entred, and ſtrengthning me to go on therein: but rending alſo the Vail ſomewhat further, and Clearing my Underſtanding in ſome other things, which I had not ſeen before. For the Lord was pleaſed to make his Diſcoveries to me by degrees; that the Sight of too great a Work, and too many Enemies to encounter with at once, might not diſcourage me, and make me faint.

When the Meeting was ended, the Friends of the Town, taking notice, that I was the Man that had been at their Meeting the Week before, whom they then did not know; ſome of them came, and ſpake lovingly to me, and would have had me ſtaid with them: but Edward Burrough going home with Iſaac Penington. he invited me to go back with him; which I willingly conſented to. For the Love I had more particularly to Edward Burrough, through whoſe Miniſtry I had received the firſt awakning Stroke, drew me to deſire his Company; and ſo away we rode together.

But I was ſomewhat diſappointed of my Expectation: for I hoped he would have given me both Opportunity and Encouragement, to have opened my ſelf to him, and to have poured forth my Complaints, Fears, Doubts and Queſtionings into his Boſom. But he, being ſenſible that I was truly reach'd; and that the Witneſs of GOD was raiſed, and the Work of GOD [74] date 1659 rightly begun in me: choſe to leave me to the Guidance of the good Spirit in my ſelf (the Counſellor that could reſolve all Doubts) that I might not have any Dependence on Man. Wherefore, although he was naturally of an open, and free Temper and Carriage; and was afterwards always very familiar, and affectionately kind to me: yet at this time he kept himſelf ſomewhat reſerved, and ſhewed only common Kindneſs to me.

Next Day we parted. He, for London: I home; under a very great Weight and Exerciſe upon my Spirit. For I now ſaw, in and by the farther Openings of the DIVINE LIGHT in me, that the Enemy, by his falſe Reaſonings, had beguiled and miſled me, with reſpect to my Carriage towards my Father. For I now clearly ſaw, That the Honour due to Parents, did not conſiſt in Uncovering the Head, and Bowing the Body to them; but in a ready Obedience to their Lawful Commands, and in Performing all needful Services unto them. Wherefore, as I was greatly troubled for what I already had done, in that Caſe, though it was through Ignorance: So I plainly felt I could no longer continue therein, without drawing on my ſelf the Guilt of wilful Diſobedience; which I well knew would draw after it Divine Diſpleaſure and Judgment.

Hereupon the Enemy aſſaulted me afreſh; ſetting before me the Danger I ſhould run my ſelf into, of provoking my Father to uſe Severity towards me: and perhaps to the caſting [75] date 1659 [...]e utterly off. But over this Temptation the [...]ord, whom I cried unto, ſupported me; and [...]ave me Faith to believe, that he would bear [...]e through whatever might befal me on that [...]ccount. Wherefore I reſolved, in the Strength [...]hich he ſhould give me, to be faithful to his [...]equirings, whatever might come on it.

Thus labouring under various Exerciſes on [...]e Way, I at length got home; expecting I [...]ould have but a rough Reception from my [...]ather. But when I came home, I underſtood [...]y Father was from home. Wherefore I ſate [...]own, by the Fire, in the Kitchin; keeping [...]y Mind retired to the Lord, with Breathings [...] Spirit to Him, that I might be preſerved [...]om falling.

After ſome time I heard the Coach drive in, [...]hich put me into a little Fear, and a ſort of [...]ivering came over me. But by that time he [...]as alighted and come in, I had pretty well [...]covered my ſelf; and as ſoon as I ſaw him, I [...]oſe up, and advanced a Step or two towards [...]im, with my Head covered, ſaid, Iſaac Pen [...]gton and his Wife remember their Loves to [...]ee.

He made a Stop to hear what I ſaid, and ob [...]erving that I did not ſtand bare, and that I [...]ſed the Word [Thee] to him; He, with a [...]ern Countenance, and Tone that ſpake high Diſpleaſure, only ſaid, I ſhall talk with you, Sir, [...]nother time: and ſo haſtening from me, went [...]to the Parlour; and I ſaw him no more that Night.

[76] date 1659 Though I foreſaw there was a Storm ariſi [...] the Apprehenſion of which was uneaſie to m [...] yet the Peace which I felt in my own Brea [...] raiſed in me a Return of Thankſgivings to t [...] Lord, for his gracious ſupporting Hand; whi [...] had thus far carried me through this Exerciſ [...] with humble Cries in Spirit to Him, that [...] would vouchſafe to ſtand by me in it to t [...] End; and uphold me, that I might not fall.

My Spirit longed to be among Friends, a [...] to be at ſome Meeting with them on the Fi [...] Day, which now drew on; this being the Six [...] Day Night. Wherefore I purpoſed to go [...] Oxford on the Morrow (which was the Seven [...] Day of the Week) having heard there was [...] Meeting there. Accordingly, having order [...] my Horſe to be made ready betimes, I got u [...] in the Morning and made my ſelf ready al [...] Yet before I would go, (that I might be as o [...] ſervant to my Father, as poſſibly I could) I d [...] ſired my Siſter to go up to him in his Chambe [...] and acquaint him, that I had a Mind to g [...] to Oxford; and deſired to know if he pleaſed [...] Command me any Service there. He bid h [...] tell me, He would not have me go, till he ha [...] ſpoken with me. And getting up immediately [...] he haſtened down to me, before he was quit [...] dreſſed.

As ſoon as he ſaw me ſtanding with my Ha [...] on, his Paſſion tranſporting him, he fell upo [...] me with both his Fiſts; and having by tha [...] Means ſomewhat vented his Anger, he plucked off my Hat, and threw it away. Then ſtepping [77] date 1659 haſtily out to the Stable, and ſeeing my [...]rrowed Nag ſtand ready Saddled and Bridled, [...] asked his Man Whence that Horſe came? who [...]ling him he fetch't it from Mr. — ſuch an [...]e's: Then ride him preſently back, ſaid my Fa [...]r, and tell Mr. — I deſire he will never [...]d my Son an Horſe again, unleſs he brings a [...]te from me.

The poor Fellow, who loved me well, would [...] have made Excuſes and Delays; but my [...]ther was poſitive in his Command: and ſo [...]gent, that he would not let him ſtay ſo much [...] to take his Breakfaſt (though he had Five [...]iles to ride;) nor would he himſelf ſtir from [...]e Stable, till he had ſeen the Man mounted, [...]d gone.

Then coming in, he went up into his Cham [...]r, to make himſelf more fully ready; think [...]g he had me ſafe enough, now my Horſe was [...]e: for I took ſo much Delight in Riding, [...]t I ſeldom went on Foot.

But while he was dreſſing himſelf in his [...]amber, I (who underſtood what had been [...]e) changing my Boots for Shoos, took an [...]er Hat; and acquainting my Siſter (who [...]ed me very well, and whom I could confide [...] whither I meant to go, went out privately, [...]d walked away to Wiccomb, having Seven [...]g Miles thither: which yet ſeem'd little and [...]e to me; from the Deſire I had to be among [...]ends.

As thus I travelled all alone, under a Load [...] Grief, from the Senſe I had of the Oppoſition, [78] date 1659 and Hardſhip I was to expect from [...] Father; the Enemy took Advantage to Aſſa [...] me again, caſting a Doubt into my Mind, W [...] ther I had done well, in thus coming away from [...] Father, without his Leave or Knowledge?

I was quiet and peaceable in my Spirit, b [...] fore this Queſtion was darted into me; but a [...] ter that, Diſturbance and Trouble ſeized up [...] me: ſo that I was at a ſtand what to do; wh [...] ther to go forward or backward. Fear of offend [...] inclined me to go back; but Deſire of the Meet [...] and to be with Friends, preſſed me to go forwa [...]

I ſtood ſtill a while, to conſider and weig [...] as well as I could, the Matter. I was ſenſib [...] ſatisfied, that I had not left my Father with a [...] Intention of Undutifulneſs, or Diſreſpect to hi [...] but meerly in Obedience to that Drawing [...] Spirit, which I was perſwaded was of t [...] LORD, to join with His People in Worſhipp [...] Him: and this made me eaſie.

But then the Enemy, to make me uneaſie [...] gain, objected, But how could that Drawing be [...] the LORD, which drew me to diſobey my Fath [...]

I conſidered thereupon the Extent of Pat [...] nal Power; which I found was not wholly A [...] bitrary and Unlimited: but had Bounds ſet u [...] it. So that as in Civil Matters, it was reſtra [...] ed to Things Lawful: ſo in Spiritual and Reli [...] ous Caſes, it had not a compulſory Power over C [...] ſcience: which ought to be Subject to the H [...] venly Father. And therefore though Obedie [...] to Parents, be enjoyned to Children; yet it [...] with this Limitation, [IN THE LORD [79] date 1659 [...]hildren, obey your Parents in the Lord: for this [...] right, 1 Pet. 6. 1.

This turned the Scale for going forward: [...]d ſo on I went. And yet I was not wholly [...]ee from ſome Fluctuations of Mind, from the [...]eſettings of the Enemy. Wherefore, altho' [...] knew that Outward Signs did not properly be [...]g to the Goſpel Diſpenſation: yet for my bet [...]r Aſſurance, I did, in Fear and great Humi [...]y, beſeech the Lord, that He would be pleaſ [...] ſo far to condeſcend to the Weakneſs of his [...]rvant, as to give me a Sign, by which I [...]ight certainly know, whether my Way was [...]ght before Him, or not.

The Sign which I asked was, That if I had [...]e wrong, in Coming as I did, I might be Reject [...] or but coldly received, at the Place I was Going [...] but if this mine Undertaking was right in his [...]ht, he would give me Favour with them I went [...] ſo that they ſhould receive me with hearty Kind [...]s and Demonſtrations of Love. Accordingly, [...]en I came to John Rance's Houſe (which, be [...]g ſo much a Stranger to all, I choſe to go to, [...]auſe I underſtood the Meeting was com [...]nly held there;) they received me with [...]re than ordinary Kindneſs; eſpecially Frances [...]nce (John Rance's then Wife;) who was both [...] Grave and Motherly Woman, and had a [...]rty Love to Truth, and Tenderneſs towards [...] that, in Sincerity, ſought after it. And this [...] kind Reception, confirming me in the Be [...] that my Undertaking was Approved of by [...] LORD, gave great Satisfaction and Eaſe [80] date 1659 to my Mind; and I was thankful to the Lord therefore.

Thus it fared with me there: but at Hom [...] it fared otherwiſe with my Father. He ſuppoſing I had betaken my ſelf to my Chamber [...] when he took my Hat from me, made no Enquiry after me, till Evening came; and the [...] ſitting by the Fire, and conſidering that th [...] Weather was very cold, he ſaid to my Siſter [...] who ſate by him, Go up to your Brother's Chamber, and call him down: it may be he will ſit the [...] elſe, in a ſullen Fit, till he has caught Cold. Alas Sir, ſaid ſhe, He is not in his Chamber, nor i [...] the Houſe neither. At that my Father ſtartling ſaid, Why where is he then? I know not, S [...] ſaid ſhe. where he is: but I know that, when [...] ſaw you had ſent away his Horſe, he put on Shoo [...] and went out on Foot; and I have not ſeen hi [...] ſince. And indeed, Sir, added ſhe, I don't wo [...] der at his going away; conſidering how you uſe [...] him. This put my Father into a great Frigh [...] doubting I was gone quite away: and ſo grea [...] a Paſſion of Grief ſeized on him, that he fo [...] bore not to Weep, and to cry out aloud (ſo tha [...] the Family heard him) Oh! my Son! I ſhall never ſee him more! For he is of ſo bold and refolut [...] a Spirit, that he will run himſelf into Danger, an [...] ſo may be thrown into ſome Goal or other, wher [...] he may lie and die, before I can hear of hi [...] Then bidding her light him up to his Chamber, he went immediately to Bed; where h [...] lay Reſtleſs and Groaning, and often bemoaning himſelf and me, for the greateſt Part o [...] the Night.

[81] date 1659 Next Morning my Siſter ſent a Man (whom, [...]or his Love to me, ſhew knew ſhe could [...]ruſt) to give me this Account: and though [...]y him ſhe ſent me alſo freſh Linnen for my [...]ſe, in caſe I ſhould go farther, or ſtay out [...]nger; yet ſhe deſired me to come home as [...]on as I could.

This Account was very uneaſie to me. I was [...]uch grieved that I had occaſioned ſo much [...]rief to my Father. And I would have re [...]rned that Evening, after the Meeting; but [...]e Friends would not permit it: for the Meet [...]g would in likelihood end late, the Days be [...]g ſhort; and the Way was long, and dirty. [...]nd beſides, John Rance told me, that he had [...]mething on his Mind to ſpeak to my Father; [...]d that, if I would ſtay till the next Day he [...]ould go down with me: hoping perhaps, that [...]ile my Father was under this Sorrow for [...], he might work ſome good upon him. [...]ereupon, concluding to ſtay till the Morrow, [...]iſmiſs't the Man with the things he brought; [...]ding him tell my Siſter, I intended (God [...]ling) to return home to Morrow: and [...]rging him not to let any Body elſe know, [...]t he had ſeen me, or where he had been.

Next Morning John Rance and I ſet out; and [...]en we were come to the End of the Town, [...] agreed, that he ſhould go before, and knock [...] the great Gate; and I would come a little [...]er, and go in by the back Way. He did ſo; [...] when a Servant came to open the Gate, he [...]ing if the Juſtice were at home, ſhe told [82] date 1659 him, Yes: and deſiring him to come in, an [...] ſit down in the Hall; went and acquainted h [...] Maſter, that there was one who deſired to ſpea [...] with him. He, ſuppoſing it was one that ca [...] for Juſtice, went readily into the Hall to hi [...] But he was not a little ſurpized, when he fou [...] it was a Quaker. Yet not knowing on wh [...] account he came, he ſtaid to hear his Buſine [...] But when he found it was about me, he [...] ſomewhat ſharply on him.

In this time I was come, by the back w [...] into the Kitchin; and hearing my Fathe [...] Voice ſo loud, I began to doubt things wroug [...] not well: but I was ſoon aſſured of that. B [...] my Father having quickly enough of a Quak [...] Company, left John Rance in the Hall, a [...] came into the Kitchin; where he was m [...] ſurprized to find me.

The Sight of my Hat upon my Head m [...] him preſently forget, that I was that Son [...] his, whom he had ſo lately lamented as [...] and his Paſſion of Grief turning into An [...] he could not contain himſelf: but running [...] on me, with both his Hands, firſt viole [...] ſnatch't off my Hat, and threw it away. T [...] giving me ſome Buffets on my Head, he [...] Sirrah, Get you up to your Chamber.

I forthwith went; he following me at [...] Heels, and now and then giving me a Whi [...] on the Ear: which (the way to my Cham [...] lying through the Hall, where John Rance [...] he, poor Man, might ſee, and be ſorry for [...] I doubt not but he was) but could not help [...]

[83] date 1659 This was ſure an unaccountable thing, That [...]y Father ſhould, but a Day before, expreſs [...] high a Sorrow for me, as fearing he ſhould [...]ever ſee me any more: and yet now, ſo ſoon [...] he did ſee me, ſhould fly upon me with ſuch [...]iolence, and that only becauſe I did not put [...]f my Hat; which he knew I did not keep on, [...] Diſreſpect to him, but upon a Religious Prin [...]le. But as this Hat-Honour (as it was ac [...]unted) was grown to be a great Idol; in thoſe [...]es more eſpecially: ſo the Lord was pleaſed [...] engage his Servants in a ſteady Teſtimony [...]ainſt it; what ſuffering ſoever was brought [...]on them for it. And though ſome, who have [...]en called in the Lord's Vineyard at latter [...]urs, and ſince the Heat of that Day hath been [...]uch over; may be apt to account this Teſtimo [...] a ſmall thing to ſuffer ſo much upon, as ſome [...]ve done, not only to Beating, but to Fines, [...]d long and hard Impriſonments; yet they who, [...] thoſe Times, were faithfully Exerciſed in and [...]der it, durſt not deſpiſe the Day of ſmall things; [...] knowing that he who ſhould do ſo, would [...]t be thought worthy to be concerned in [...]her Teſtimonies.

I had now loſt one of my Hats, and I had [...]t one more. That therefore I put on; but [...] not keep it long: for the next time my Fa [...]er ſaw it on my Head, he tore it violently [...]m me; and laid it up, with the other, I [...]ew not where. Wherefore I put on my [...]untier-Cap, which was all I had left to wear [...] my Head; and it was but a very little while [84] date 1659 that I had that to wear: for as ſoon as my Father came where I was, I loſt that alſo. And now I was forced to go bear-Headed, wher [...] ever I had Occaſion to go, within Doors an [...] without.

This was in the Eleventh Month (called Jan [...] ary) and the Weather ſharp; ſo that I, wh [...] had been bred up more tenderly, took ſo grea [...] a Cold in my Head, that my Face and Hea [...] were much ſwelled: and my Gums had o [...] them Boyls ſo ſore, that I could neither Che [...] Meat, nor, without Difficulty, ſwallow Liquid [...] It held long, and I underwent much Pain, wit [...] out much Pity, except from my poor Siſte [...] who did what ſhe could to give me Eaſe: a [...] at length, by frequent Applications of Figs, a [...] ſtoned Raiſins, toaſted, and laid to the Boy [...] as hot as I could bear them, they ripened [...] for Lancing; and ſoon after ſunk, then I h [...] Eaſe.

Now was I laid up, as a kind of Priſon [...] for the reſt of this Winter; having no mea [...] to go forth among Friends: nor they Liber [...] to come to me. Wherefore I ſpent the Ti [...] much in my Chamber, in Waiting on t [...] LORD, and in Reading; moſtly in the Bib [...]

But whenever I had occaſion to ſpeak to [...] Father, though I had no Hat now to offe [...] him; yet my Language did as much: fo [...] durſt not ſay [YOU] to him; but THOU, [...] THEE, as the Occaſion required, and th [...] would he be ſure to fall on me with his Fi

[85] date 1659 At one of theſe times, I remember, when [...]e had beaten me in that Manner, he command [...] me (as he commonly did at ſuch times) to [...]o to my Chamber; which I did, and he fol [...]wed me to the Bottom of the Stairs. Being [...]me thither, he gave me a Parting-Blow; and [...] a very angry Tone, ſaid, Sirrah, If ever I [...]ar you ſay Thou or Thee to me again, I'll ſtrike [...]ur Teeth down your Throat. I was greatly [...]ieved to hear him ſay ſo. And feeling a Word [...]e in my Heart unto him; I turned again, [...]d calmly ſaid unto him. Would it not be [...]t, if God ſhould ſerve thee ſo: when thou [...]eſt Thou or Thee to Him? Though his Hand [...]as up, I ſaw it ſink, and his Countenance [...], and he turned away, and left me ſtanding [...]ere. But I notwithſtanding went up into [...]y Chamber, and Cryed unto the Lord, ear [...]ſtly beſeeching Him, that he would be pleaſ [...] to open my Father's Eyes, that he might ſee [...]hom he fought againſt, and for what: and [...]at He would turn his Heart.

After this I had a pretty time of Reſt and [...]iet from theſe Diſturbances: my Father not [...]ing any thing to me, nor giving me Occa [...]n to ſay any thing to him. But I was ſtill [...]der a kind of Confinement; unleſs I would [...]ve run about the Country bare-headed, like [...] Mad-Man: which I did not ſee it was my [...]ace to do. For I found that, although to be [...]road, and at Liberty among my Friends, [...]ould have been more pleaſant to me: yet [...]ome was at preſent my proper Place; a [84] [...] [85] [...] [86] date 1659 School, in which I was to learn with Patience to Bear the Croſs: and I willingly ſubmitted to it.

But after ſome time, a freſh Storm, more fierce and ſharp than any before, aroſe, and fell upon me: the Occaſion whereof was this My Father, having been (in his younger Years more eſpecially while he lived in London) [...] conſtant Hearer of thoſe who are called Puritan-Preachers, had ſtored up a pretty ſtock o [...] Scripture-Knowledge, did ſometimes (not conſtantly, nor very often) cauſe his Family t [...] come together, on a Firſt Day in the Evening [...] and expound a Chapter to them, and Pray [...] His Family now, as well as his Eſtate, wa [...] leſſen'd; for my Mother was dead, my Brother gone, and my elder Siſter at London: an [...] having put off his Husbandry, he had put [...] with it moſt of his Servants; ſo that he ha [...] now but one Man, and one Maid-Servant. [...] ſo fell out, that on a Firſt Day Night, he bi [...] my Siſter (who ſate with him in the Parlou [...] Call in the Servants to Prayer.

Whether this was done as a Trial upon m [...] or no, I know not; but a Trial it proved [...] me: For they (loving me very well, and di [...] liking my Father's Carriage to me) made [...] haſte to go in; but ſtaid a ſecond Summon [...] This ſo offended him, that when at length the [...] did go in, he, inſtead of Going to Prayer, E [...] amined them, Why they came not in when th [...] were firſt Called: and the Anſwer they gave hi [...] being ſuch as rather heightned, than abate [...] [87] date 1659 [...]s Diſpleaſure; he, with an angry Tone, ſaid, [...]ll in that Fellow (meaning me, who was left [...]one in the Kitchin) for he is the Cauſe of all [...]is, They, as they were backward to go in emſelves; ſo were not forward to call me in, aring the Effect of my Father's Diſpleaſure [...]ould fall upon me: as it ſoon did: for I, [...]earing what was ſaid, and not ſtaying for the [...]all, went in of my ſelf. And as ſoon as I [...]as come in, my Father diſcharged his Diſ [...]eaſure on me, in very ſharp and bitter Ex [...]eſſions: which drew from me (in the Grief [...]f my Heart, to ſee him ſo tranſported with [...]aſſion) theſe few Words; They that can Pray [...]ith ſuch a Spirit, let 'em: for my part I cannot. With that my Father flew upon me with both [...]is Fiſts; and not thinking that ſufficient, ſtep't [...]aſtily to the Place where his Cane ſtood: and [...]atching that up, laid me on (I thought) with [...]ll his Strength. And, I being bare-headed, I [...]hought his Blows muſt needs have broken my [...]cull, had I not laid mine Arm over my Head, [...]o defend it.

His Man, ſeeing this, and not able to con [...]ain himſelf, ſtep't in between us; and laying [...]old on the Cane, by Strength of Hand held [...]t ſo faſt, that though he attempted not to take [...]t away, yet he with-held my Father from ſtriking with it: which did but enrage him the more. I diſliked this in the Man; and bid him [...]et go the Cane, and be gone: which he immediately did, and turning to be gone, had a [88] date 1659 Blow on the Shoulders for his Pains; which ye [...] did not much hurt him.

But now my Siſter, fearing leſt my Fathe [...] ſhould fall upon me again; beſought him [...] forbear: adding, Indeed, Sir, if you ſtrike hi [...] any more, I will throw open the Caſement, and C [...] Murther; for I am afraid you will kill my Brothe [...] This ſtop't his Hand; and after ſome Threa [...] ning Speeches, he commanded me to Get to m [...] Chamber: which I did; as I always did whe [...]ever he bid me.

Thither, ſoon after, my Siſter followed m [...] to ſee my Arm, and dreſs it: for it was, indee [...] very much bruiſed and ſwelled, between th [...] Wriſt and the Elbow; and in ſome places th [...] Skin was broken, and beaten off. But thoug [...] it was very ſore; and I felt for ſome time mu [...] Pain in it: yet I had Peace and Quietneſs i [...] my Mind; being more grieved for my Fathe [...] than for my ſelf, who I knew had hurt himſel [...] more than me.

This was (ſo far as I remember) the la [...] time, that ever my Father called his Family t [...] Prayer. And this was alſo the laſt time, tha [...] he ever fell, ſo ſeverely at leaſt, upon me.

Soon after this my Elder Siſter (who, in al [...] the time of theſe Exerciſes of mine, had bee [...] at London) returned home; much troubled t [...] find me a Quaker, a Name of Reproach an [...] great Contempt then: and ſhe, being at London, h [...]d received, I ſuppoſe, the worſt Character of them. Yet, though ſhe diſliked th [...] [89] date 1659 People; her affectionate Regard to me, made her rather Pity, than Deſpiſe me: and the more, when ſhe underſtood what hard Uſage I had met with.

The reſt of this Winter I ſpent in a loneſome ſolitary Life; having none to Converſe with, none to unboſom my ſelf unto, none to ask Counſel of, none to ſeek Relief from, but the LORD alone; who yet was more than All. And yet the Company and Society of Faithful and Judicious Friends, would (I thought) have been very welcome, as well as helpful to me in my Spiritual Travel: in which I thought I made but a ſlow Progreſs; my Soul breathing after further Attainments; The Sence of which drew from me the following Lines:

The Winter Tree
Reſembles me,
Whoſe Sap lies in its Root:
The Spring draws nigh;
As it, ſo I
Shall bud, I hope, and ſhoot.

date 1660 At length it pleaſed the Lord to move Iſaac Penington and his Wife to make a Viſit to my Father, and ſee how it fared with me: And very welcome they were to me; whatever they were to him: to whom I doubt not but they would have been more welcome, had it not been for me.

They tarried with us all Night; and much Diſcourſe they had with my Father, both about [90] date 1660 the Principle of TRUTH in general, and m [...] in particular: which I was not privy to. Bu [...] one thing, I remember, I afterwards heard of [...] which was this.

When my Father and we were at thei [...] Houſe, ſome Months before, Mary Penington [...] in ſome Diſcourſe between them, had told hi [...] how hardly her Husband's Father (Alderma [...] Penington) had dealt with him about his Hat [...] which my Father (little then thinking that i [...] would, and ſo ſoon too, be his own Caſe) di [...] very much Cenſure the Alderman for: wondring that ſo wiſe a Man as he was, ſhoul [...] take Notice of ſuch a trivial Thing, as the Putting off, or keeping on a Hat; and he ſpare [...] not to blame him liberally for it.

This gave her a Handle, to take hold of him by. And having had an ancient Acquaintance with him; and he having always had an high Opinion of, and Reſpect for her: ſhe, who was a Woman of great Wiſdom, of ready Speech, and of a well-reſolved Spirit, did preſ [...] ſo cloſe upon him, with this Home-Argument [...] that he was utterly to ſeek, and at a loſs how to defend himſelf.

After Dinner next Day, when they were ready to take Coach to return home; ſhe deſired my Father that, ſince my Company was ſo little acceptable to him, he would give me leave to Go, and ſpend ſome time with them [...] where I ſhould be ſure to be welcome.

He was very unwilling I ſhould go; and made many Objections againſt it: all which [91] date 1660 ſhe Anſwered, and removed ſo clearly, that not finding what Excuſe further to alledge; he, at length left it to me; and I ſoon turned the Scale for Going.

We were come to the Coach-ſide before this was concluded on, and I was ready to ſtep in; when one of my Siſters privately put my Father in Mind, that I had never a Hat on. That ſomewhat ſtartled him: for he did not think it fit I ſhould go from home (and that ſo far, and to ſtay abroad) without a Hat. Wherefore he whi [...]p [...]red to her, to fetch me a Hat, and he entertained them with ſome Diſcourſe in the mean time. But as ſoon as he ſaw the Hat coming, he would not ſtay till it came, leſt I ſhould put it on before him; but breaking off his Diſcourſe abruptly, took his leave of them, and haſtened in, before the Hat was brought to me.

I had not one Penny of Money about me; nor any, indeed, elſewhere. For my Father, ſo ſoon as he ſaw that I would be a Quaker, took from me both what Money I had, and every thing elſe of Value, or that would have made Money, as ſome Plate Buttons, Rings, &c. pretending that he would keep them for me, till I came to my ſelf again, leſt I, in the mean time ſhould deſtroy them.

But as I had no Money; ſo, being among my Friends, I had no need of any, nor ever honed after it: though once upon a particular Occaſion I had like to have wanted it. The Caſe was thus.

[92] date 1660 I had been at Reading, and ſet out from thence on the Firſt Day of the Week, in the Morning: intending to reach (as, in point of Time, I well might) to Iſaac Penington's; where the Meeting was to be that Day: but when I came to Maidenhead (a thorough-fair Town on the Way) I was ſtop't by the Watch for Riding on that Day.

The Watchman, laying hold on the Bridle, told me, I muſt go with him to the Conſtable [...] and accordingly I, making no Reſiſtance, ſuffered him to lead my Horſe to the Conſtable's Door. When we were come there, the Conſtable told me, I muſt go before the Warden (who was the Chief Officer of that Town) and bid the Watchman bring me on, himſelf walking before.

Being come to the Warden's Door, the Conſtable knock't, and deſired to ſpeak with Mr. Warden. He thereupon quickly coming to the Door, the Conſtable ſaid, Sir, I have brought a Man here to you, whom the Watch took riding through the Town. The Warden was a budge old Man; and I looked ſomewhat big too: having a good Gelding under me, and a good Riding Coat on my Back; both which my Friend Iſaac Penington had kindly accommodated me with for that Journey.

The Warden therefore taking me to be (as the Saying is) Somebody; put off his Hat, and made a low Congee to me: but when he ſaw that I ſate ſtill, and neither bowed to him, nor moved my Hat; he gave a ſtart, and ſaid [93] date 1660 [...]o the Conſtable, You ſaid you had brought a Man, [...]ut he don't behave himſelf like a Man.

I ſate ſtill upon my Horſe, and ſaid not a Word; but kept my Mind retired to the Lord: waiting to ſee what this would come to.

The Warden then began to Examine me, Asking me Whence I came? and Whither I was [...]oing? I told him I came from Reading, and was going to Chalfont. He asked me Why I did Travel on that Day? I told him, I did not know [...]hat it would give any Offence barely to Ride, [...]r Walk on that Day; ſo long as I did not Car [...]y or Drive any Carriage, or Horſes laden with Burthens. Why, ſaid he, if your Buſineſs was ur [...]ent, did you not take a Paſs from the Mayor of Reading? Becauſe, replied I, I did not know, [...]or think I ſhould have needed one. Well, ſaid [...]e, I will not talk with you now, becauſe it is time [...]o Go to Church; but I will Examine you further [...]non: And turning to the Conſtable, Have him, [...]aid he, to an Inn, and bring him before me after Dinner.

The Naming of an Inn put me in Mind, that [...]uch publick Houſes were places of Expence; [...]nd I knew I had no Money to defray it. Wherefore I ſaid to the Warden, Before thou [...]endeſt me to an Inn, which may occaſion ſome Expence; I think it needful to acquaint thee, that I have no Money.

At that the Warden ſtartled again; and turning quick upon me, ſaid, How! No Money! How can that be? You don't look like a Man that has no Money. However I look, ſaid I, I tell [94] date 1660 thee the Truth, that I have no Money: and [...] tell it to forewarn thee, that thou mayſt no [...] bring any Charge upon the Town. I wonder [...] ſaid he, what Art you have got, that you can Travel without Money: you can do more, I aſſure you [...] than I can.

I making no Anſwer, he went on, and ſaid [...] Well, well! but if you have no Money, you have [...] good Horſe under you; and we can Diſtrain hi [...] for the Charge. But, ſaid I, the Horſe is no [...] mine. No! ſaid he, [...]ut you have a good Coa [...] on your Back: and that, I hope, is your own: No [...] ſaid I, but it is not: for I borrowed both th [...] Horſe and the Coat.

With that the Warden, holding up hi [...] Hands, and ſmiling, ſaid, Bleſs me! I neve [...] met with ſuch a Man as you are before! What [...] were you ſet out by the Pariſh? Then turning to the Conſtable, he ſaid, Have him to the Grayhound, and bid the People be civil to him. Accordingly to the Grayhound I was led; my Horſe ſet up, and I put into a large Room [...] and ſome Account, I ſuppoſe, given of me to the People of the Houſe.

This was new Work to me; and what the Iſſue of it would be, I could not foreſee: but being left there alone, I ſate down, and retired in Spirit to the Lord (in whom alone my Strength and Safety was) and beg'd ſupport of Him; even that he would be pleaſed to give me Wiſdom, and Words to Anſwer the Warden, when I ſhould come to be Examined again before him.

[95] date 1660 After ſome time, having Pen, Ink and Paper about me, I ſet my ſelf to write what I thought might be proper, if Occaſion ſerved, to give the Warden. And while I was writing, the Maſter of the Houſe being come home from his Worſhip, ſent the Tapſter to me, to invite me to dine with him. I bid him tell his Maſter, that I had not any Money to pay for my Dinner. He ſent the Man again to tell me, I ſhould be welcome to dine with him, though I had no Money. I deſired him to tell his Maſter, that I was very ſenſible of his Civility and Kindneſs, in ſo courteouſly inviting me to his Table; but I had not freedom to eat of his Meat, unleſs I could have paid for it. So he went on with his Dinner, and I with my Writing.

But before I had finiſhed what was on my Mind to write, the Conſtable came again; bringing with him his Fellow-Conſtable. This was a brisk, genteel young Man, a Shopkeeper in the Town, whoſe Name was Cherry. They ſaluted me Civilly, and told me they were come to have me before the Warden. This put an End to my Writing; which I put into my Pocket, and went along with them.

Being come to the Warden's, He asked me again the ſame Queſtions he had asked me before: To which I gave him the like Anſwers. Then he told me the Penalty I had incurred: which, he ſaid, was either to pay ſo much Money; or lye ſo many Hours in the Stocks: and asked me which I would chuſe. I reply'd, I ſhall not chuſe either. And ſaid I, I have told [96] date 1660 thee already that I have no Money: though i [...] I had, I could not ſo far Acknowledge my ſel [...] an Offender, as to pay any. But as to lying i [...] the Stocks, I am in thy Power, to do unto me [...] what it ſhall pleaſe the Lord to ſuffer thee.

When he heard that, he pauſed awhile; and then told me, He conſidered that I was but a Young Man, and might not, perhaps, underſtand the danger I had brought my ſelf into: and therefore he would not uſe the Severity of the Law upon me; but in hopes that I would be wiſer hereafter, he would paſs by this Offence, and diſcharge me.

Then putting on a Countenance of the greateſt Gravity, he ſaid to me; But, young Man, I would have you know, That you have not only broken the Law of the Land! but the Law of God alſo: and therefore you ought to ask Him Forgiveneſs; for you have highly offended Him. That, ſaid I, I would moſt willingly do; if I were ſenſible that, in this Caſe, I had offended Him, by breaking any Law of His. Why, ſaid he, do you queſtion that? Yes, truly, ſaid I: for I do not know that any Law of God doth forbid me to Ride on this Day.

No! ſaid he, that's ſtrange! Where, I wonder, were you Bred? You can read: Can't you? Yes, ſaid I, that I can. Don't you read then, ſaid he, the Commandment; Remember the Sabbath Day, to keep it holy. Six Days ſhalt thou Labour, and do all thy Work: but the Seventh Day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God; in it thou ſhalt not do any Work. Yes, replyed I, I have both read it often, and remember it very [97] date 1660 well. But that Command was given to the Jews, not to Chriſtians; and this is not that Day: for that was the Seventh Day; but this [...] the Firſt. How! ſaid he, Do you know the Days of the Week no better? you had need then [...]e better taught.

Here the younger Conſtable (whoſe Name was Cherry) interpoſing, ſaid, Mr. Warden, the Gentleman is in the right as to that: for this is the firſt Day of the Week; and not the Seventh.

This the old Warden took in dudgeon; and [...]oking ſeverely on the Conſtable, ſaid, What! [...] you take upon you to teach me! I'll have you [...]now, I will not be taught by you. As you pleaſe [...]r that, Sir, ſaid the Conſtable; but I am ſure [...]u are miſtaken in this Point: for Saturday, I [...]ow, is the Seventh Day; and you know Yeſterday [...]as Saturday.

This made the Warden hot and teſty, and [...]ut him almoſt out of all Patience: ſo that I [...]ar'd it would have come to a downright Quar [...]el betwixt them: for both were confident, and [...]either would yield. And ſo earneſtly were [...]ey engaged in the Conteſt, that there was no [...]oom for me to put in a Word between them.

At length the Old Man, having talk't him [...]lf out of Wind, ſtood ſtill a while, as it were [...]

[...] take Breath; and then bethinking himſelf of [...]e, he turn'd to me, and ſaid, You are diſcharg [...], and may take your Liberty to go about your Occa [...]ns. But, ſaid I, I deſire my Horſe may be [...]iſcharged too, elſe I know not how to go. [...]y, Ay, ſaid he; you ſhall have your Horſe: and [98] date 1660 turning to the other Conſtable, (who had no [...] offended him) he ſaid, Go, ſee that his Horſe b [...] delivered to him.

Away thereupon went I, with that Conſtable; leaving the Old Warden, and the Young Conſtable to compoſe their Difference, as they could. Being come to the Inn, the Conſtable called for my Horſe to be brought out. Which done, I immediately Mounted, and began to ſet forward. But the Hoſtler, not knowing the Condition of my Pocket, ſaid modeſtly [...] me, Sir, Don't you forget to pay for your Horſe [...] ſtanding? No truly, ſaid I, I don't forget it [...] but I have no Money to pay it with: and ſo [...] told the Warden before. Well, hold you yo [...] Tongue, ſaid the Conſtable to the Hoſtler; I [...] ſee you paid. Then opening the Gate, they l [...] me out, the Conſtable wiſhing me a good Jou [...] ney: and through the Town I rode, withou [...] further Moleſtation; though it was as muc [...] Sabbath (I thought) when I went out, as i [...] was when I came in.

A ſecret Joy aroſe in me, as I rode on th [...] Way; for that I had been preſerved from D [...] ing, or Saying any thing, which might gi [...] the Adverſaries of TRUTH Advantage again [...] it, or the Friends of it: and Praiſes ſprang i [...] my thankful Heart to the Lord, my Preſerve [...]

It added alſo not a little to my Joy, that [...] felt the Lord near unto me, by His Witneſs i [...] my Heart, to Check and Warn me; and m [...] Spirit was ſo far ſubjected to Him, as readily [...] [99] date 1660 take Warning, and ſtop at His Check: An Inſtance of both that very Morning I had.

For as I rode between Reading and Mainden [...]ead, I ſaw lying in my way the Scabbard of an [...]anger; which, having loſt its Hook, had ſlipt off, I ſuppoſe, and drop't from the Side of the Wearer: and it had in it a pair of Knives, whoſe Hafts being inlaid with Silver, ſeemed [...]o be of ſome Value. I alighted, and took it [...]p; and clapping it between my Thigh and [...]he Saddle, rode on a little way: but I quickly [...]ound it too heavy for me; and the Reprover [...] me ſoon began to Check. The Word aroſe [...] me, What haſt thou to do with that? Doth it [...]elong to thee? I felt I had done amiſs in Taking [...]: wherefore I turned back to the Place where [...] lay; and laid it down where I found it. And when afterwards I was ſtop't, and ſeized on at Maidenhead; I ſaw there was a Providence in [...]ot bringing it with me: which, if it ſhould [...]ave been found (as it needs muſt) under my [...]oat, when I came to be Unhorſed, might [...]ave raiſed ſome evil Suſpicion, or ſiniſter [...]houghts concerning me.

The Stop I met with at Maidenhead, had [...]ent me ſo much time, that when I came to [...]aac Penington's, the Meeting there was half [...]er: Which gave them Occaſion, after Meet [...]g, to enquire of me, If any thing had befal [...]n me on the Way, which had cauſed me [...] come ſo late. Whereupon I related to them [...]hat Exerciſe I had met with, and how the [...]ord had helped me through it: Which when [100] date 1660 they had heard, they Rejoyced with me, and for my ſake.

Great was the Love, and manifold the Kindneſſes, which I received from theſe my worthy Friends (Iſaac and Mary Penington) while I abode in their Family. They were indeed as affectionate Parents, and tender Nurſes to me, in this time of my Religious Childhood. For beſides their weighty and ſeaſonable Counſels and Exemplary Converſations; they furniſhe [...] me with Means to go to the other Meetings o [...] Friends in that Country, when the Meeting was not in their own Houſe. And indeed, th [...] time I ſtaid with them was ſo well ſpent, tha [...] it not only yielded great Satisfaction to m [...] Mind: but turned, in good Meaſure to my ſp [...] ritual Advantage in the TRUTH.

But that I might not, on the one hand, bea [...] too hard upon my Friends; nor on the othe [...] hand, forget the Houſe of Thraldom: after [...] had ſtaid with them ſome Six or Seven Week [...] (from the Time called Eaſter, to the Tim [...] called Whitſuntide) I took my leave of the [...], to depart home; intending to walk to Wiccom [...] in one Day, and from thence home in another [...]

That Day that I came Home I did not ſee my Father, nor until Noon the next Day; when I went into the Parlour, when he was, to take my uſual Place at Dinner.

As ſoon as I came in, I obſerved, by my Father's Countenance, that my Hat was ſtill an Offence to him: but when I was ſitten down, and before I had eaten any thing, he made me [101] date 1660 [...]nderſtand it more fully, by ſaying to me (but [...] a milder Tone, than he had formerly uſed [...] ſpeak to me in) If you cannot content your ſelf [...] come to Dinner without your Hive on your [...]ead (ſo he called my Hat) pray Riſe, and go [...]ke your Dinner ſomewhere elſe.

Upon thoſe Words I aroſe from the Table, [...]d leaving the Room, went into the Kitchin; [...]here I ſtaid till the Servants went to Dinner, [...]d then ſate down very contentedly with [...]em. Yet I ſuppoſe my Father might intend [...]at I ſhould have gone into ſome other Room, [...]d there have eaten by my ſelf. But I choſe [...]ther to Eat with the Servants; and did ſo, [...]om thenceforward, ſo long as He and I lived [...]gether. And from this time he rather choſe, [...] I thought, to avoid ſeeing me; than to re [...]w the Quarrel about my Hat.

My Siſters, mean while obſerving my Wa [...]eſs in Words and Behaviour, and being ſa [...]fied, I ſuppoſe, that I acted upon a Principle [...] Religion and Conſcience, carried themſelves [...]ry kindly to me; and did what they could to [...]itigate my Father's Diſpleaſure againſt me. [...] that I now enjoyed much more quiet at [...]ome; and took more Liberty to go Abroad [...]mongſt my Friends, than I had done (or could [...]) before. And having informed my ſelf, [...]here any Meetings of Friends were holden, [...]ithin a reaſonable Diſtance from me, I reſort [...]d to them.

At firſt I went to a Town called Haddenham [...] Buckinghamſhire, Five Miles from my Father's; [100] [...] [101] [...] [102] date 1660 where, at the Houſe of one Belſon, [...] few (who were called Quakers) did meet ſom [...] times on a Firſt Day of the Week: but I foun [...] little Satisfaction there. Afterwards, upon fu [...] ther Enquiry, I underſtood there was a ſettle [...] Meeting at a little Village called Meadle (abo [...] Four long Miles from me) in the Houſe of o [...] John White (which is continued there ſtill [...] and to that thenceforward I conſtantly wen [...] while I abode in that Country, and was ab [...] Many a ſore Days Travel have I had thith [...] and back again; being commonly, in the Wi [...] ter time (how fair ſoever the Weather was [...] ver head) wet up to the Ancles at leaſt: y [...] through the Goodneſs of the Lord to me, [...] was preſerved in Health.

A little Meeting alſo there was, on t [...] Fourth Day of the Week, at a Town call [...] Bledlow (two Miles from me) in the Houſe [...] one Thomas Saunders, who Profeſſed the Trut [...] But his Wife, whoſe Name was Damaris, [...] Poſſeſs it (ſhe being a Woman of great Since [...] ty, and lively Senſe:) and to that Meeting a [...] I uſually went.

But though I took this Liberty for the S [...] vice of GOD, that I might Worſhip Him [...] the Aſſemblies of his People; yet did I not [...] it upon other Occaſions: but ſpent my Ti [...] on other Days, for the moſt part in my Cha [...] ber; in Retiredneſs of Mind, waiting on [...] LORD. And the LORD was graciouſly ple [...] ed to viſit me, by his quickening Spirit a [...] Life; ſo that I came to feel the Operation of [...] [103] date 1660 Power in my Heart, working out that which was contrary to his Will, and giving me, in meaſure, Dominion over it.

And as my Spirit was kept in a due Subjecti [...]n to this Divine Power, I grew into a nearer Ac [...]uaintance with the LORD; and the LORD [...]ouchſafed to ſpeak unto me, in the Inward of [...]y Soul, and to open my Underſtanding in his [...]ear, to receive Counſel from Him: ſo that I [...]ot only, at ſometimes, heard his Voice, but [...]ould diſtinguiſh his Voice from the Voice of [...]he Enemy.

As thus I daily waited on the LORD, a weighty and unuſual Exerciſe came upon me; which bowed my Spirit very low before the LORD. I had ſeen, in the Light of the Lord, [...]he horrible Guilt of thoſe deceitful Prieſts, [...]f divers Sorts and Denominations, who made [...] Trade of PREACHING; and for filthy Lucre [...]ake held the People always Learning: yet ſo [...]aught them, as that, by their Teaching and Miniſtry, they were never able to come to the Knowledge (much leſs to the Acknowledgment) [...]f the Truth: For as they themſelves hated the Light, becauſe their own Deeds were Evil: ſo [...]y Reviling, Reproaching, and Blaſpheming the TRUE LIGHT, (wherewith every Man that [...]ometh into the World is Enlightned, John 1. 9.) [...]hey begat in the People a Diſ-eſteem of the Light; and laboured (as much as in them lay) [...]o keep their Hearers in the Darkneſs, that they might not be turned to the Light in themſelves, [...]eſt by the Light they ſhould diſcover the Wickedneſs [104] date 1660 of theſe their Deceitful Teachers; and turn from them.

Againſt this Practice of theſe falſe Teachers, the Zeal of the LORD had flamed in my Breaſt ſor ſome time: And now the Burthen of the Word of the LORD againſt them fell heavy upon me, with Command to proclaim His Controverſie againſt them.

Fain would I have been excuſed from this Service, which I judged too heavy for me [...] Wherefore I beſought the Lord to take this Weight from off me (who was, in every reſpect, but young;) and lay it upon ſome other of his Servants (of whom he had many) who were much more able and fit for it. But the Lord would not be intreated: but continued the Burden upon me, with greater weight [...] requiring Obedience from me, and promiſing to aſſiſt me therein. Whereupon I aroſe from my Bed, and in the Fear and Dread of the Lord, committed to Writing what He, in the Motion of his Divine Spirit, dictated to me to write. When I had done it, though the Sharpneſs of the Meſſage therein delivered, was hard to my Nature to be the Publiſher of: yet I found Acceptance with the Lord, in my Obedience to his Will, and his Peace filled my Heart. As ſoon as I could, I communicated to my Friends what I had written: and it was Printed in the Year 1660. in one Sheet of Paper, under the Title of An Alarm to the PRIESTS; or, A Meſſage from Heaven, to forewarn them, &c.

[105] date 1660 Some time after the Publiſhing of this Paper, [...]aving Occaſion to go to London, I went to viſit George Fox the younger, who (with another [...]riend) was then a Priſoner in a Meſſenger's [...]ands. I had never ſeen him, nor he me be [...]re; yet this Paper lying on the Table before [...]im, he (pointing to it) asked me, If I was [...]e Perſon that writ it? I told him, I was. It's [...]uch (ſaid the other Friend) that they bear it. [...] is (replied he) their Portion: and they muſt [...]ear it.

While I was then in London, I went to a [...]tle Meeting of Friends, which was then held [...] the Houſe of one Humphry Bache a Gold [...]mith, at the Sign of the Snail in Tower-ſtreet. [...] was then a very troubleſome Time, not from [...]e Government, but from the Rabble of Boys [...]d rude People, who upon the Turn of the [...]imes (at the Return of the KING) took Li [...]erty to be very abuſive.

When the Meeting ended, a pretty Number [...] theſe unruly Folk were got together at the [...]oor, ready to receive the Friends as they came [...]th, not only with evil Words, but with [...]ows; which I ſaw they beſtowed freely on [...]me of them that were gone out before me, [...]d expected I ſhould have my Share of, when [...] came amongſt them. But quite contrary to [...]y Expectation, when I came out, they ſaid [...]e to another, Let him alone; Don't meddle [...]th him: he is no Quaker I'll warrant you.

This ſtruck me, and was worſe to me, than [...] they had laid their Fiſts on me, as they did [106] date 1660 on others. I was troubled to think what th [...] Matter was, or what theſe Rude People ſaw i [...] me, that made them not take me for a Quake [...] And upon a cloſe Examination of my ſelf, wit [...] reſpect to my Habit and Deportment, I coul [...] not find any thing to place it on; but that [...] had then on my Head a large Mountier-Cap [...] Black Velvet, the Skirt of which being turne [...] up in Folds, looked (it ſeems) ſomewhat abo [...] the then Common Garb of a Quaker: and th [...] put me out of Conceit with my Cap.

I came, at this time, to London from Iſa [...] Penington's, and thither I went again, in [...] way Home: and while I ſtaid there, among other Friends who came thither, Thomas Loe [...] Oxford was one. A faithful and diligent [...] bourer he was, in the Work of the Lord; a [...] an excellent Miniſterial Gift he had. And [...] in my Zeal for Truth, being very deſirous t [...] my Neighbours might have the Opporunity [...] hearing the Goſpel, the glad Tidings of Salv [...] tion, livingly and powerfully preached amo [...] them; entred into Communication with h [...] about it: offering to procure ſome convenie [...] Place, in the Town where I lived, for a Me [...] ing to be held, and to invite my Neighbo [...] to it; if he could give me any Ground to [...] pect his Company at it. He told me he [...] not at his own Command, but at the Lord's; [...] he knew not how he might diſpoſe of him: [...] wiſh'd me, if I found, when I was come home, t [...] the thing continued with Weight upon my Mi [...] and that I could get a fit Place for a Meeting [...] [107] date 1660 would advertize him of it by a few Lines, directed to him in Oxford (whither he was then going) and he might then let me know how his Freedom ſtood in that Matter.

When therefore I was come home, and had treated with a Neighbour for a Place to have a Meeting in, I wrote to my Friend Thomas Loe, to acquaint him, that I had procured a Place for a Meeting, and would invite Company to it; if he would fix the Time, and give [...]e ſome Ground to hope, that he would be [...]t it.

This Letter I ſent by a Neighbour to Thame, [...]o be given to a Dyer of Oxford, who conſtant [...]y kept Thame-Market; with whom I was pretty well acquainted, having ſometimes formerly uſed him, not only in his way of Trade, [...]ut to carry Letters between my Brother and [...]e, when he was a Student in that Univerſity: [...]r which he was always paid; and had been [...]o careful in the Delivery, that our Letters had [...]lways gone ſafe, until now. But this time Providence ſo ordering, or at leaſt for my Tryal, permitting it) this Letter of mine, in [...]tead of being delivered according to its Dire [...]tion, was ſeized, and carried (as I was told) [...]o the Lord Faulkland, who was then called Lord-Lieutenant of that County.

The Occaſion of this Stopping of Letters at [...]hat time, was that mad Prank, of thoſe in [...]atuated Fifth-Monarchy-Men, who from their Meeting-Houſe in Coleman-Street, London, break [...]ng forth in Arms, (under the Command of [108] date 1660 their Chieftain Venner) made an Inſurrection in the City; on Pretence of ſetting up th [...] Kingdom of Jeſus; who (it is ſaid) they expected would come down from Heaven, to be thei [...] Leader. So little underſtood they the Natur [...] of his Kingdom; though he himſelf had declared it was not of this World.

The KING, a little before his Arrival in England, had, by his Declaration from Breda [...] given Aſſurance of Liberty to Tender Conſcience [...] and that no Man ſhould be diſquieted, or called in Queſtion for Differences of Opinion in Matters of Religion, who do not diſturb the Peace o [...] the Kingdom: Upon this Aſſurance Diſſenters o [...] all ſorts relied, and held themſelves ſecur [...] But now, by this Frantick Action of a few ho [...] brain'd Men, the King was, by ſome, holde [...] Diſcharged from this his ROYAL WORD an [...] PROMISE, in his foregoing Declaration publickly given. And hereupon Letters were intercepted and broken open; for Diſcovery o [...] ſuſpected Plots, and Deſigns againſt the Government: and not only Diſſenters Meetings, o [...] all ſorts, without Diſtinction, were diſturbed [...] but very many were Impriſoned, in moſt Parts throughout the Nation; and great Search the [...] was, in all Countries, for ſuſpected Perſons who, if not found at Meetings, were fetch'd in from their own Houſes.

The Lord Lieutenant (ſo called) of Oxfordſhire had on this Occaſion taken Thomas Loe, and many other of our Friends, at a Meeting; and ſen [...] them Priſoners to Oxford-Caſtle, juſt before my [109] date 1660 Letter was brought to his Hand, wherein I [...]ad invited Thomas Loe to a Meeting: and he, [...]utting the worſt Conſtruction upon it, as if I a poor Simple Lad) had intended a Seditious Meeting, in order to raiſe Rebellion, ordered [...]wo of the Deputy Lieutenants, who lived near [...] to me, to ſend a Party of Horſe to fetch [...]e in.

Accordingly, while I (wholly ignorant of [...]hat had paſſed at Oxford) was in daily Ex [...]ctation of an agreeable Anſwer to my Letter; [...]me a Party of Horſe one Morning to my Fa [...]er's Gate, and asked for me.

It ſo fell out, that my Father was at that [...]e from home (I think in London) whereup [...] he that Commanded the Party alighted, and [...]me in. My eldeſt Siſter, hearing the Noiſe [...] Soldiers, came haſtily up into my Chamber, [...]d told me there were Soldiers below, who [...]quired for me. I forthwith went down to [...]em; and found the Commander was a Bar [...] of Thame, and one who had always been [...] Barber till I was a Quaker. His Name was [...]ately: a bold, brisk Fellow.

I asked him, what his Buſineſs was with me? [...] told me, I muſt go with him. I demand [...] to ſee his Warrant: He laid his Hand on his [...]ord, and ſaid, That was his Warrant. I told [...], Though that was not a legal Warrant; [...] I would not diſpute it: but was ready to [...]r Injuries. He told me, He could not help [...] he was commanded to bring me forthwith be [...] the Deputy Lieutenants: and therefore deſired [110] date 1660 me to order an Horſe to be got ready, becauſe he was in haſte. I let him know, I had no Horſe of my own; and would no [...] meddle with any of my Father's Horſes, in hi [...] Abſence eſpecially: and that therefore, if h [...] would have me with him, he muſt carry me a [...] he could.

He thereupon taking my Siſter aſide, told he [...] he found I was reſolute; and his Orders were pe [...] emptory: wherefore he deſired that ſhe woul [...] give Order for an Horſe to be made ready fo [...] me; for otherwiſe he ſhould be forced to mou [...] me behind a Trooper, which would be ver [...] unſuitable for me, and which he was very u [...] willing to do. She thereupon ordered an Hor [...] to be got ready, upon which, when I had take [...] Leave of my Siſters, I mounted, and went of [...] not knowing whither he intended to carry me.

He had Orders, it ſeems, to take ſome [...] thers alſo, in a Neighbouring Village; who [...] Names he had, but their Houſes he did n [...] know. Wherefore, as we rode, he asked m [...] If I knew ſuch and ſuch Men (whom he na [...] ed) and where they lived: and when he unde [...] ſtood that I knew them, he deſired me to ſhe [...] him their Houſes. No, ſaid I, I ſcorn to [...] an Informer againſt my Neighbours, to bri [...] them into Trouble. He thereupon, riding [...] and fro, found, by Enquiry, moſt of their Ho [...] ſes: but, as it happened, found none of the [...] at Home; at which I was glad.

[111] date 1660 At length he brought me to the Houſe of [...]e called Eſquire Clark of Weſton by Thame; [...]ho being afterwards Knighted, was called [...]r John Clark: a jolly Man, too much addict [...] to Drinking in ſoberer Times; but was now [...]own more Licenſious that way, as the Times [...]d now more favour Debauchery. He and I [...]d known one another for ſome Years; though [...]t very intimately: having met ſometimes at [...]e Lord Wenman's Table.

This Clark was one of the Deputy-Lieute [...]nts, whom I was to be brought before. And [...] had gotten another thither, to joyn with him [...] tendering me the Oaths; whom I knew only [...] Name and Character: he was called Eſquire [...]owls of Grays by Henly; and reputed a Man [...] better Morals, than the other.

I was brought into the Hall, and kept there. [...]d as Quakers were not ſo common then, as [...]ey now are (and indeed even yet, the more [...] the pity, they are not common in that Part [...] the Country:) I was made a Spectacle, and [...]zing-ſtock to the Family; and by divers I [...]s diverſly ſet upon. Some ſpake to me cour [...]ouſly, with Appearance of Compaſſion; O [...]ers ruggedly, with evident Tokens of Wrath [...]d Scorn. But though I gave them the Hear [...]g of what they ſaid (which I could not well [...]id) yet I ſaid little to them: but, keeping [...]y Mind as well retired as I could, I breathed [...] the Lord for Help and Strength from him, [...] bear me up, and carry me through this Try [...] that I might not ſink under it, or be prevailed [112] date 1660 on by any Means, fair or foul, to d [...] any thing that might diſhonour, or diſpleaſe my GOD.

At length came forth the Juſtices themſelve [...] (for ſo they were, as well as Lieutenants) an [...] after they had ſaluted me, they diſcourſed wit [...] me pretty familiarly: and though Clark woul [...] ſometimes be a little jocular and waggiſ [...] (which was ſomewhat natural to him) ye [...] Knowls treated me very civilly; not ſeeming [...] take any Offence at my not ſtanding bare b [...] fore him. And when a young Prieſt (who, [...] I underſtood, was Chaplain in the Famil [...] took upon him pragmatically to reprove me [...] ſtanding with my Hat on before the Mag [...] ſtrates; and ſnatch'd my Cap from of [...] Head: Knowls in a pleaſant Manner correct [...] him, telling him he miſtook himſelf, in taki [...] a Cap for a Hat (for mine was a Mountier-Ca [...] and bid him give it me again; which [...] (though unwillingly) doing, I forthwith p [...] it on my Head again, and thenceforward no [...] meddled with me about it.

Then they began to Examine me, putti [...] divers Queſtions to me, relating to the preſ [...] Diſturbances in the Nation; occaſioned by t [...] late fooliſh Inſurrection, of thoſe frantick Fif [...] Monarchy-Men. To all which I readily A [...] ſwered, according to the Simplicity of [...] Heart, and Innocency of my Hands: for I h [...] neither done, nor thought any Evil agai [...] the Government.

[113] date 1660 But they endeavoured to affright me, with [...]reats of Danger; telling me (with Innuen [...]s) that for all my Pretence of Innocency, [...]ere was high Matter againſt me, which, if would ſtand out, [...] would be brought forth, and [...]at under my own Hand. I knew not what [...]ey meant by this: but I knew my Innocency, [...]d kept to it.

At length, when they ſaw I regarded not [...]eir Threats in general, they asked me, If I [...]ew one Thomas Loe, and had written of late [...] him. I then remembred my Letter, which [...] then I had not thought of, and thereupon [...]nkly told them, That I did both know Tho [...]s Loe, and had lately written to him: but [...]at as I knew I had written no Hurt: ſo I did [...]t fear any Danger from that Letter. They [...]ook their Heads, and ſaid, It was dangerous to [...]rite Letters to appoint Meetings in ſuch trouble [...]e Times.

They added, That by appointing a Meeting, and [...]eavouring to gather a Concourſe of People toge [...]r, in ſuch a Juncture eſpecially as this was, I had [...]dered my ſelf a dangerous Perſon. And there [...]e they could do no leſs, than Tender me the Oaths [...] Allegience and Supremacy: which therefore [...]y required me to take.

I told them, If I could take any Oath at all, [...] would take the Oath of Allegiance: for I owed [...]legiance to the KING. But I durſt not [...]ke any Oath, becauſe my Lord and Maſter [...]SUS CHRIST, had commanded me not [...] Swear at all: and if I brake his Command, [114] date 1660 I ſhould thereby both diſhonour and diſple [...] him.

Hereupon they undertook to reaſon with m [...] and uſed many Words to perſwade me, Th [...] that Command of Chriſt related only to common a [...] prophane Swearing, not to Swearing before a Ma [...] ſtrate. I heard them, and ſaw the Weakn [...] of their Arguings; but did not return the [...] any Anſwer: for I found my preſent Buſin [...] was not to diſpute, but to ſuffer; and that [...] was not ſafe for me (in this my weak and Ch [...] diſh State eſpecially) to enter into Reaſoni [...] with ſharp, quick, witty and learned Me [...] leſt I might thereby hurt both the Cauſe [...] Truth (which I was to bear Witneſs to) a [...] my ſelf: Therefore I choſe rather to be a Fo [...] and let them triumph over me; than by [...] Weakneſs give them Advantage to triumph [...] ver the Truth. And my Spirit being cloſe [...] exerciſed, in a deep travel towards the Lord, [...] earneſtly begged of him, that he would [...] pleaſed to keep me faithful to the Teſtimo [...] he had committed to me; and not ſuffer me [...] be taken in any of the Snares, which the E [...] my laid for me. And, bleſſed be his h [...] Name, He heard my Cries, and preſerved [...] out of them.

When the Juſtices ſaw they could not bo [...] me to their Wills, they told me they muſt ſe [...] me to Priſon. I told them, I was contented [...] ſuffer whatſoever the Lord ſhould ſuffer the [...] to inflict upon me. Whereupon they wit [...] drew into the Parlour, to conſult together wh [...] [115] date 1660 [...]o do with me: leaving me mean while to be gazed on in the Hall.

After a pretty long Stay, they came forth to me again, with great ſhew of Kindneſs; telling me, They were very unwilling to ſend me to Goal; [...]ut would be as favourable to me, as poſſibly they [...]ould: and that, if I would take the Oaths, they would paſs by all the other Matter, which they had [...]gainſt me. I told them, I knew they could not [...]ſtly have any thing againſt me: for I had [...]either done, nor intended any thing, againſt [...]he Government, or againſt them. And as to [...]he Oaths, I aſſured them, that my refuſing [...]hem was meerly Matter of Conſcience to me: [...]nd that I durſt not take any Oath whatſoever, [...] it were to ſave my Life.

When they heard this, they left me again; [...]nd went and ſigned a Mittimus to ſend me to [...]riſon at Oxford, and charged one of the Troo [...]ers that brought me thither (who was one of [...]e newly raiſed Militia-Troop) to convey me [...]fe to Oxford. But before we departed, they [...]lled the Trooper aſide, and gave him private [...]ſtructions, what he ſhould do with me; [...]hich I knew nothing of till I came thither; [...]t expected I ſhould go directly to the Caſtle.

It was almoſt dark when we took Horſe; [...]d we had about Nine or Ten Miles to ride, [...]e Weather thick and cold (for it was about [...]e beginning of the Twelfth Month) and I had [...] Boots; being ſnatch'd away from home on [...] ſuddain: which made me not care to ride [...]ry faſt. And my Guard, who was a Tradeſman [116] date 1660 in Thame, having Confidence in me, that I would not give him the ſlip, jogged on, without heeding how I followed him.

When I was gone about a Mile on the Way, I overtook my Father's Man; who (without my Knowledge) had followed me, at a diſtance, to Weſton; and waited there, abroad in the Stables, till he underſtood, by ſome of the Servants, that I was to go to Oxford; and then ran before, reſolving not to leave me, till he ſaw what they would do with me.

I would have had him return home; but he deſired me not to ſend him back: but let him run on, till I came to Oxford. I conſidered that it was a Token of the Fellows affectionate Kindneſs to me; and that poſſibly I might ſend my Horſe home by him: and thereupon, ſtopping my Horſe, I bid him, if he would go on, Get up behind me. He modeſtly refuſed, telling me, He could run, as faſt as I rid. But when I had told him, If he would not ride, he ſhould not go forward; he, rather than leave me, leap'd up behind me, and on we went.

But he was not willing I ſhould have gone at all. He had a great Cudgel in his Hand, and a ſtrong Arm to uſe it; and being a ſtout Fellow, he had a great Mind to Fight the Trooper, and Reſcue me. Wherefore he deſired me to turn my Horſe, and and ride off. And if the Trooper offered to purſue, leave him to deal with him.

[117] date 1660 I check'd him ſharply for that, and charged him to be quiet, and not think hardly of the poor Trooper; who could do no other, nor leſs than he did: and who, though he had an ill Journey, in going with me, carried himſelf civilly to me. I told him alſo, that I had no need to fly; for I had done nothing that would bring Guilt, or Fear upon me: neither did I go with an ill Will: and this quieted the Man. So on we went; but were ſo far caſt behind the Trooper, that we had loſt both Sight and Hearing of him; and I was fain to mend my Pace, to get up to him again.

We came pretty late into Oxford, on the Seventh Day of the Week, which was the Market Day; and contrary to my Expectation (which was to have been carried to the Caſtle) my Trooper ſtop't in the High-Street; and calling at a Shop, asked for the Maſter of the Houſe: who coming to the Door, he delivered to him the Mittimus, and with it a Letter from the Deputy-Lieutenants (or one of them;) which when he had read, he asked where the Priſoner was. Whereupon the Soldier, pointing to me, he deſired me to alight and come in: which when I did, he received me civilly.

The Trooper, being diſcharged of his Priſoner, marched back: and my Father's Man, ſeeing me ſettled in better Quarters than he expected, mounted my Horſe, and went off with him.

I did not preſently underſtand the Quality of my Keeper: but I found him a genteel, [118] date 1660 courteous Man, by Trade a Linnen-Draper: and (as I afterwards underſtood) he was the City-Marſhall, had a Command in the County Troop, and was a Perſon of good Repute in the Place; his Name was — Galloway.

Whether I was committed to him, out of Regard to my Father; that I might not be thruſt into a Common Goal: or out of a Politick Deſign, to keep me from the Converſation of my Friends, in hopes that I might be draw [...] to abandon this Profeſſion, which I had but lately taken up; I do not know. But this I know, that (though I wanted no civil Treatment, nor kind Accommodations, where I was) yet, after once I underſtood, that many Frien [...] were Priſoners in the Caſtle, and amongſt the reſt, Thomas Loe: I had much rather have been among them there, with all the Inconveniencies they underwent; than where I was, with the beſt Entertainment. But this was my preſent Lot: and therefore with this I endeavoured to be content.

It was quickly known in the City, that a Quaker was brought in Priſoner, and committed to the Marſhall. Whereupon (the Men-Friends being generally Priſoners already in the Caſtle) ſome of the Women-Friends came to enquire after me and to viſit me; as Silas Norton's Wife, and Thomas Loe's Wife (who were Siſters) and another Woman-Friend, who lived in the ſame Street where I was; whoſe Huſband was not a Quaker, but kindly affected towards them: a Baker by Trade, and his Name (as I remember) Ryland.

[119] date 1660 By ſome of theſe an Account was ſoon given [...] the Friends, who were Priſoners in the Caſtle, of my being taken up, and brought Priſoner to the Marſhall's. Whereupon it [...]eaſed the Lord, to move on the Heart of my [...]ear Friend Thomas Loe, to ſalute me with a [...]ery tender and affectionate Letter, in the fol [...]owing Terms.

My Beloved FRIEND,

IN the Truth, and Love of the Lord Jeſus, by which Life and Salvation is revealed in the [...]aints, is my dear Love unto thee, and in much [...]enderneſs do I Salute thee. And dear Heart, a [...]ime of Tryal God hath permitted to come upon us, [...] try our Faith and Love to Him: and this will [...]ork for the good of them, that through Patience [...]dure to the End. And I believe GOD will be [...]orified through our Sufferings, and His Name will [...] exalted in the Patience, and Long-ſuffering of [...]s Choſen. When I heard that thou waſt called [...]to this Tryal, with the Servants of the Moſt High, [...] give thy Teſtimony to the Truth of what we have [...]lieved; it came into my Heart to write unto thee, [...]nd to greet thee with the Embraces of the Power [...]f an Endleſs Life: where our Faith ſtands, and [...]nity is felt with the Saints for ever. Well, my [...]ear Friend, let us live in the pure Counſel of the Lord, and dwell in his Strength; which gives us Power, and Sufficiency to endure all things, for his Name's ſake: and then our Crown and Reward will [120] date 1660 be with the Lord for ever; and the Bleſſings [...] his Heavenly Kingdom will be our Portion. O [...] dear Heart, let us give up all freely into the W [...] of God; that God may be glorified by us, and [...] comforted together in the Lord Jeſus: which [...] the Deſire of my Soul, who am

Thy dear and loving Friend in th [...] Eternal Truth, THOMAS LO [...]

We are more than Fourty here, which ſuffer i [...] nocently, for the Teſtimony of a good Conſ [...] ence; becauſe we cannot Swear, and bre [...] Chriſt's Commands: And we are all well; [...] the Bleſſings, and Preſence of God is with [...] Friends here Salute thee. Farewell.

The Power and the Wiſdom of the Lord God [...] with thee, Amen.

Greatly was my Spirit refreſhed, and [...] Heart gladded, at the Reading of this Conſ [...] lating Letter from my Friend: and my So [...] bleſſed the Lord for his Love, and tender Goo [...] neſs to me, in moving his Servant to wri [...] thus unto me.

But I had Cauſe ſoon after to double, a [...] redouble my thankful Acknowledgment to t [...] Lord my God; who put it into the Heart [...] my dear Friend Iſaac Penington alſo, to vi [...] me with ſome encouraging Lines, from Alesbu [...] Goal, where he was then a Priſoner; and fro [...] whence (having heard that I was carried P [...] ſoner to Oxford) he thus ſaluted me.

[121]
date 1660 Dear THOMAS,

GREAT hath been the Lord's Goodneſs to thee, in Calling thee out of that Path of Vanity and Death, wherein thou waſt running towards Deſtruction: to give thee a living Name, and an Inheritance of Life among his People: which certainly will be the End of thy Faith in Him, and Obedience to Him. And let it not be a light thing in thine Eyes, that He now accounteth thee worthy to ſuffer among his choice Lambs, that He might make thy Crown weightier, and thy Inheritance [...]he fuller. O that that Eye and Heart may be [...]ept open in thee, which knoweth the Value of theſe [...]hings! And that thou mayſt be kept cloſe to the Feeling of the Life, that thou mayſt be freſh in thy Spirit in the midſt of thy Sufferings, and mayſt reap [...]he Benefit of them; finding that pared off thereby, which hindereth the Bubblings of the Everlaſting Springs, and maketh unfit for the breaking forth, [...]nd Enjoyment of the pure Power! This is the [...]rief Salutation of my dear Love to thee, which [...]eſireth thy Strength, and Settlement in the Power; nd the utter weakning of thee as to ſelf. My dear Love is to thee, with dear Thomas Goodyare, [...]nd the reſt of Impriſoned Friends. I remain

Thine in the Truth, to which the Lord my God preſerve me Single and Faithful. I. P.

[122] date 1661 Though theſe Epiſtolary Viſits in the Lov [...] oſ God, were very Comfortable, and Confirming to me; and my Heart was thankful to th [...] Lord for them: yet I honed after perſonal Converſation, with Friends; and it was hard, [...] thought, that there ſhould be ſo many faithfu [...] Servants of God ſo near me: yet I ſhould no [...] be permitted to come at them, to enjoy thei [...] Company, and reap both the Pleaſure and Benefit of their ſweet Society.

For although my Marſhall-Keeper was ve [...] kind to me, and allowed me the Liberty of h [...] Houſe; yet he was not willing I ſhould b [...] ſeen abroad: the rather, perhaps, becauſe h [...] underſtood I had been pretty well known i [...] that City. Yet once the Friendly Baker g [...] him to let me ſtep over to his Houſe; and onc [...] (and but once) I prevailed with him, to let m [...] viſit my Friends in the Caſtle; but it was wit [...] theſe Conditions, That I ſhould not go fort [...] till it was dark; That I would muffle my ſe [...] up in my Cloak; and that I would not ſta [...] out late. All which I punctually obſerved.

When I came thither, though there we [...] many Friends Priſoners, I ſcarce knew one [...] them by Face, except Thomas Loe; whom [...] had once ſeen at Iſaac Penington's: Nor did a [...] of them know me; though they had generall [...] heard, that ſuch a Young Man as I was Co [...] vinced of the Truth, and come among Friend [...]

Our Salutation to each other was very Grav [...] and Solemn; nor did we entertain one anothe [...] with much Talk, or with common Diſcourſe [...] [123] date 1661 [...]ut moſt of the little Time I had with them was ſpent in a ſilent Retiredneſs of Spirit, waiting upon the Lord. Yet, before we part [...]d, we imparted one to another ſome of the Exerciſes we had gone through: and they [...]eming willing to underſtand the Ground, and Manner of my Commitment, I gave them a [...]rief Account thereof; letting Thomas Loe [...]ore particularly know, that I had directed a [...]etter to him, which, having fallen into the [...]and of the Lord Lieutenant, was (ſo far as [...] could learn) the immediate Cauſe of my be [...]g taken up.

Having ſtaid with them as long as my li [...]itted time would permit (which I thought [...]as but very ſhort;) that I might keep Touch [...]ith my Keeper, and come home in due time, [...] took leave of my Friends there, and with [...]utual Embraces parting, returned to my (in [...]me ſenſe more eaſie, but in others leſs eaſie) [...]riſon; where, after this, I ſtaid not long be [...]re I was brought back to my Father's Houſe.

For after my Father was come home (who, [...] I obſerved before, was from home when I [...]as taken) he applied himſelf to thoſe Juſtices [...]at had committed me; and (not having diſ [...]liged them when he was in Office) eaſily [...]tained to have me ſent home: which between [...]m and them was thus contrived.

There was about this time a general Muſter, [...]nd Training of the Militia-Forces at Oxford: whither, on that Occaſion, came the Lord- [...]ieutenant, and the Deputy-Lieutenants of the [124] date 1661 County; of which Number, they who Committed me were two.

When they had been a while together, and the Marſhall with them; he ſtept ſuddainly in, and in haſte told me, I muſt get ready quickly to go out of Town; and that a Soldier would come by and by to go with me. This ſaid, he haſtned to them again; not giving me any Intimation how I was to go, or whither.

I needed not much time to get ready in, but I was uneaſie in thinking what the Friend [...] of the Town would think of this my ſuddai [...] and private Removal: and I feared, leſt a [...] Report ſhould be raiſed, that I had purchaſe [...] my Liberty by an Unfaithful Complian [...] Wherefore I was in care how to ſpeak wi [...] ſome Friend about it; and that friendly Bake [...] whoſe Wife was a Friend, living on the oth [...] ſide of the Street, at a little Diſtance: I we [...] out at a back Door, intending to ſtep over t [...] Way to their Houſe; and return immediatel [...]

It ſo fell out, that ſome of the Lieutenan [...] (of whom Eſq Clark, who Committed me, w [...] one) were ſtanding in a Balcony at a gre [...] Inn or Tavern, juſt over th Place where I w [...] to go by: and he, ſpying me, called out to t [...] Soldiers (who ſtood thick below in the Stree [...] to ſtop me. They, being generally Gent [...] mens Servants, and many of them knowin [...] me, did civilly forbear to lay hold on me, b [...] calling modeſtly after me, ſaid, Stay, Sir, ſta [...] pray come back. I heard, but was not willin [...] to hear; therefore rather mended my Pa [...] [125] date 1661 [...]at I might have got within the Door. But [...] calling earneſtly after me, and charging [...]em to ſtop me; ſome of them were fain to [...], and laying hold on me, before I could o [...] the Door, brought me back to my Place [...]ain.

Being thus diſappointed, I took a Pen and [...]k, and wrote a few Lines; which I ſealed [...], and gave to the Apprentice in the Shop [...]ho had carried himſelf handſomely to me) [...]d deſired him to deliver it to that Friend [...]ho was their Neighbour) which he promiſed [...] do.

By that time I had done this, came the Sol [...]er, that was appointed to conduct me out of [...]wn. I knew the Man; for he lived within [...] Mile of me, being, through Poverty reduced [...] keep an Ale-Houſe: but he had lived in bet [...] Faſhion, having kept an Inn at Thame; [...]d by that means knew how to behave him [...]f civilly, and did ſo to me.

He told me, he was ordered to wait on me [...] Whately; and to tarry there at ſuch an Inn, [...] Eſq Clark came thither: who would then [...]ke me home with him, in his Coach. Ac [...]rdingly to Whately we walked (which is from [...]ford ſome four or five Miles) and long we [...]d not been there, before Clark, and a great [...]mpany of rude Men came in.

He alighted, and ſtay'd a while to eat and [...]ink (though he came but from Oxford,) and [...]vited me to eat with him; but I (though I [...]d need enough) refuſed it; for indeed their [126] date 1661 Converſation was a Burthen to my Life; an [...] made me often think of, and pity good Lot.

He ſeem'd, at that time, to be in a ſort [...] mix't Temper, between Pleaſantneſs and Sou [...] neſs. He would ſometimes Joke (which wa [...] natural to him) and caſt out a jeſting Flurt a [...] me: but he would rail maliciouſly againſt th [...] Quakers. If (ſaid he to me) the King wou [...] authorize me to do it, I would not leave a Quak [...] alive in England, except you. I would make [...] more, added he, to ſet my Piſtol to their Ears, a [...] ſhoot them through the Head, than I would to [...] a Dog. I told him, I was ſorry he had ſo [...] an Opinion of the Quakers: but I was glad [...] had no Cauſe for it; and I hoped he would [...] of a better Mind.

I had in my Hand a little Walking-Sti [...] with a Head on it; which he commended, a [...] took out of my Hand to look on it: but I ſa [...] his Invention was, to ſearch it, whether it h [...] a Tuck in it; for he tryed to have drawn t [...] Head; but when he found it was faſt, he [...] turned it to me.

He told me I ſhould ride with him to his Ho [...] in his Coach; which was nothing pleaſant [...] me: for I had rather have gone on Foot ( [...] bad as the Ways were) that I might have bee [...] out of his Company. Wherefore I took no n [...] tice of any Kindneſs in the Offer: but onl [...] Anſwered, I was at his Diſpoſal; not min [...] own.

But when we were ready to go, the Marſha [...] came to me, and told me, If I pleaſed I ſhou [...] [127] date 1661 [...]ide his Horſe; and he would go in the Coach with Mr. Clark. I was glad of the Offer, and only [...]ld him, he ſhould take out his Piſtols then; [...]r I would not ride with them. He took [...]em out, and laid them in the Coach by him: [...]d away we went.

It was a very fine Beaſt that I was ſet on; [...]y much the beſt in the Company. But tho' [...]e was very tall, yet the Ways being very foul, [...] found it needful, as ſoon as I was out of [...]own, to alight, and take up the Stirrups. [...]ean while, they driving hard on, I was ſo [...]r behind, that being at length miſſed by the [...]ompany, a Soldier was ſent back to look [...]er me.

As ſoon as I had fitted my Stirrups, and was [...]emounted, I gave the Rein to my Mare; [...]hich being Couragious and Nimble (and im [...]tient of Delay) made great Speed to recover [...]e Company. And in a Narrow Paſſage, the [...]ldier (who was my Barber, that had fetch'd [...]e from home) and I met upon ſo brisk a [...]allop; that we had enough to do, on either [...]de, to take up our Horſes, and avoid a Bruſh. When we were come to Weſton, where Eſq [...]ark lived; he took the Marſhall, and ſome [...]hers with him into the Parlour: but I was [...]ft in the Hall, to be expoſed a ſecond time, [...]r the Family to gaze on.

At length himſelf came out to me, leading [...] his Hand a beloved Daughter of his; a [...]oung Woman of about Eighteen Years of [...]ge: who wanted nothing to have made her [128] date 1661 Comely, but Gravity. An airy Piece ſhe was [...] and very merry ſhe made her ſelf at m [...] When ſhe had throughly viewed me, He, pu [...] ting her a little forward towards me, ſaid, Her [...] Tom, will you Kiſs her? I was grieved and aſhamed at this frothy Lightneſs; and I ſuppoſ [...] he perceived it: whereupon he drew neare [...] as if he would have whiſpered; and the [...] ſaid, Will you lie with her? At which I, wi [...] a diſdainful Look, turning away; he ſaid, [...] think it would be better for you, than to be a Qu [...] ker: and ſo little Conſideration, and Rega [...] to Modeſty had ſhe, that ſhe added, I thi [...] ſo too.

This was all by Candle light. And wh [...] they had made themſelves as much Sport wi [...] me as they would, the Marſhall took his lea [...] of them: and mounting me on a Horſe [...] Clark's, had me Home to my Father's th [...] Night.

Next Morning, before the Marſhall we [...] away, my Father and he conſulted togeth [...] how to intangle me. I felt there were Snar [...] laid, but I did not know in what manner, or [...] what End; till the Marſhall was ready to g [...] And then, coming where I was, to take [...] leave of me, he deſired me to take notice, Th [...] although he had brought me home to my Fathe [...] Houſe again; yet I was not diſcharged from [...] Impriſonment, but was his Priſoner still: and t [...] he had committed me to the Care of my Father, [...] ſee me forth-coming, whenever I ſhould be cal [...] for. And therefore he expected I ſhould in all thi [...] [129] date 1661 [...]ſerve my Father's Orders: and not go at any time [...]m the Houſe, without his Leave.

Now I plainly ſaw the Snare, and to what [...]d it was laid. And I asked him if this De [...]e was not contrived, to keep me from going [...] Meetings. He ſaid, I muſt not go to Meetings. [...]ereupon I deſired him to take Notice, That [...] would not own my ſelf a Priſoner to any Man, [...]ile I coninued here. That if he had Power [...]etain me Priſoner, he might take me back [...]in with him, if he would, and I ſhould not [...]ſe to go with him. But I bid him aſſure [...]ſelf, that while I was at home, I would [...]e my Liberty, both to go to Meetings, and [...]iſit Friends. He ſmiled, and ſaid, If I would [...]eſolute, he could not help it; and ſo took his [...]e of me.

By this I perceived that the Plot was of my [...]er's laying, to have brought me under ſuch [...] Engagement, as ſhould have ty'd me from [...]g to Meetings: and thereupon I expected, [...]ould have a new Exerciſe from my Father.

[...] was the conſtant manner of my Father, to [...] all the Keys of the Out-doors of his Houſe [...]ich were Four, and thoſe link't upon a [...]in) brought up into his Chamber every [...]ht, and fetch'd out from thence in the [...]ning: ſo that none could come in, or go [...] in the Night, without his Knowledge.

[...] knowing this, ſuſpected, that if I got not [...] before my Father came down, I ſhould be [...]ed from going out at all that Day. Where [...] (the Paſſage from my Chamber, lying by [128] [...] [129] [...] [130] date 1661 his Chamber-Door;) I went down ſoftly, without my Shoos, and as ſoon as the Maid had opened the Door, I went out (though too early) and walk'd towards the Meeting at Meadle, four long Miles off.

I expected to have been talked with about it, when I came home: but heard nothing of it; my Father reſolving to watch me better next time.

This I was aware of; and therefore on the next Firſt Day I got up early, went down ſoftly, and hid my ſelf in a Back-Room, before the Maid was ſtirring.

When ſhe was up, ſhe went into my Father's Chamber for the Keys: but he bid her leave them till he was up, and he would bring them down himſelf; which he did, and tarried in the Kitchin, through which he expected I would go.

The manner was, That when the commo [...] Doors were opened, the Keys were hung upo [...] a Pin in the Hall. While therefore my Fathe [...] ſtaid in the Kitchin, expecting my Coming; [...] ſtepping gently out of the Room where I wa [...] reached the Keys, and opening another Doo [...] (not often uſed:) ſlipped out, and ſo got away

I thought I had gone off undiſcovered. Bu [...] whether my Father ſaw me through a Window, or by what other means he knew of my going, I know not: but I had gone but a littl [...] Way, before I ſaw him coming after me.

The Sight of him put me to a ſtand in my Mind, whether I ſhould go on, or ſtop. Ha [...] [131] date 1661 been in any other Caſe than that of Going to [...] Meeting, I could not i [...] any wiſe have gone a [...]ep further. But I conſidered, that the intent [...] my Fathers endeavouring to ſtop me, was to [...]der me from obeying the Call of my heaven [...] Father; and to ſtop me from going to wor [...]ip him, in the Aſſembly of his People: upon [...]s I found it my Duty to go on; and obſerv [...]g, that my Father gained Ground upon me, [...]mewhat mended my Pace.

This he obſerving, mended his Pace alſo; [...] at length Ran. Whereupon I ran alſo; [...] a fair Courſe we had, through a large Mea [...]w of his, which lay behind his Houſe and [...] of ſight of the Town. He was not, I ſup [...]e, then above Fifty Years of Age; and be [...] light of Body, and nimble of Foot, he held [...] to it for a while. But afterwards ſlacking [...] Pace to take Breath, and obſerving that I [...] gotten Ground of him; he turned back, [...] went home: and (as I afterwards under [...]d) telling my Siſters how I had ſerved him, [...] ſaid, Nay, if he will take ſo much Pains to Go, [...] him Go, if he will. And from that time for [...]rd he never attempted to ſtop me; but left [...] to my liberty, to Go when and whither I [...]uld: Yet kept me at the uſual Diſtance, a [...]ing the Sight of me, as much as he could; [...]ot able to bear the Sight of my Hat on, nor [...]ing to contend with me again about it.

Nor was it long after this, before I was left, [...] only to my ſelf; but in a manner by my [...] For the Time appointed for the Coronation [132] date 1661 of the KING (which was the 23d of [...] 2d Month, called April) drawing on; my [...]ther, taking my two Siſters with him, went [...] to London ſometime before: that they might [...] there in readineſs, and put themſelves in [...] Condition to ſee that ſo great a Solemni [...] leaving no body in the Houſe, but my ſelf a [...] a couple of Servants. And though this was [...] tended only for a Viſit on that Occaſion: ye [...] proved the Breaking of the Family: for he [...] ſtowed both his Daughters there in Marria [...] and took Lodgings for himſelf; ſo that aft [...] wards they never returned to ſettle at Cr [...]

Being now at Liberty, I walked over to [...] bury, with ſome other Friends, to viſit my [...] Friend Iſaac Penington; who was ſtill a Priſ [...] there. With him I found dear John Whit [...] and between Sixty and Seventy more; be [...] well-nigh all the Men-Friends, that were [...] in the County of Bucks: many of them [...] taken out of their Houſes by Armed Men, [...] ſent to Priſon (as I had been) for refuſing [...] Swear. Moſt of theſe were thruſt into a [...] Room, behind the Goal, which had ancie [...] been a Malt-houſe; but was now ſo deca [...] that it was ſcarce fit for a Dog-houſe. A [...] open it lay, that the Priſoners might have g [...] out at pleaſure. But theſe were purpoſely [...] there, in confidence that they would not [...] out: that there might be Room in the P [...] for others, of other Profeſſions and Na [...] whom the Goaler did not truſt there.

[133] date 1661 While this Impriſonment laſted (which was [...] ſome Months) I went afterwards thither [...]etimes, to viſit my ſuffering Brethren; and [...]auſe it was a pretty long way (ſome eight [...]ine long Miles) too far to be walked forward [...] backward in one Day; I ſometimes ſtaid [...]ay or two there, and lay in the Malt-houſe [...]ong my Friends, with whom I delighted [...]e.

After this Impriſonment was over, I went [...]etimes to Iſaac Penington's Houſe at Chal [...], to viſit that Family, and the Friends there [...]uts. There was then a Meeting, for the [...]ſt part, twice a Week in his Houſe; but one [...]ſt Day in four, there was a more General [...]eting (which was thence called the Monthly [...]eting) to which reſorted moſt of the Friends [...]ther adjacent Meetings: and to that I uſu [...] went; and ſometimes made ſome ſtay [...]re.

Here I came acquainted with a Friend of [...]don, whoſe Name was Richard Greenaway, [...] Trade a Taylor; a very honeſt Man, and one [...]o had received a Gift for the Miniſtry.

He, having been formerly in other Profeſ [...]s of Religion, had then been acquainted [...]th one John Ovy of Watlington in Oxfordſhire [...] Man of ſome Note among the Profeſſors [...]ere:) and underſtanding, upon Enquiry, [...]t I knew him; he had ſome Diſcourſe with [...] about him. The Reſult whereof was, that [...] having an Intention then, ſhortly to viſit [...]e Meetings of Friends in this County, and [134] date 1661 the adjoyning Parts of Oxfordſhire and Berkſh [...] invited me to meet him (upon notice giv [...] and to bear him Company in that Journ [...] and in the way bring him to John Ovy's Ho [...] with whom I was well acquainted; wh [...] I did.

We were kindly received, the Man and [...] Wife being very glad to ſee both their [...] Friend Richard Greenaway, and me alſo; w [...] they had been very well acquainted with [...] merly, but had never ſeen me ſince I w [...] Quaker.

Here we tarried that Night, and in the [...] vening had a little Meeting there, with [...] few of John Ovy's People; amongſt who [...] G. declared the TRUTH: which they a [...] tively heard, and did not oppoſe, which at [...] time of Day, we reckoned was pretty w [...] For many were apt to Cavil.

This Viſit gave John Ovy an Opportunity t [...] [...] quire of me after Iſaac Penington; whoſe Wri [...] (thoſe which he had written before he [...] among Friends) he had Read, and had a [...] Eſteem of: and he expreſs'd a Deſire to ſee [...] that he might have ſome Diſcourſe with [...] if he knew how. Whereupon I told him, [...] if he would take the Pains to go to his Ho [...] I would bear him Company thither, intro [...] him, and Engage he ſhould have a [...] Reception.

This pleas'd him much; and he embra [...] the Offer, I undertook to give him Noti [...] a ſuitable time: Which (after I had gone [...] [135] date 1661 [...]tle Journey with my Friend Richard Greena [...]y, and was retured) I did; making Choice [...] the Monthly Meeting to go to.

We met, by Appointment at Stoken-Church, [...]ith our Staves in our Hands, like a couple of [...]lgrims, intending to walk on Foot: and ha [...]g taken ſome Refreſhment and Reſt at Wic [...]mb, went on cheerfully in the Afternoon, En [...]rtaining each other with Grave and Religi [...]s Diſcourſe, (which made the Walk the ea [...]r) and ſo reached thither in good time, on [...]e Seventh Day of the Week.

I gave my Friends an Account who this Per [...]n was, whom I had brought to viſit them, [...]d the Ground of his Viſit. He had been a [...]ofeſſor of Religion, from his Childhood to [...]s old Age (for he was now both Gray-headed, [...]d Elderly:) and was a Teacher at this time [...]nd had long been ſo) amongſt a People (whe [...]er Independants or Baptiſts, I do not well re [...]ember.) And ſo well thought of he was, for [...]s Zeal and Honeſty, that in thoſe late Pro [...]ſing Times, he was thruſt into the Commiſſion [...] the Peace, and thereby lifted up upon the [...]ench; which neither became him, nor he it. [...]r he wanted indeed moſt of the Qualifica [...]ons, requiſite for a Juſtice of the Peace; an [...]tate to defray the Charge of the Office, and [...] bear him up, in a Courſe of Living above [...]ontempt; A competent Knowledge in the [...]aws; and a Preſence of Mind, or Body, or [...]oth, to keep Offenders in ſome Awe; in all [...]hich he was deficient. For he was but a Fellmonger [136] date 1661 by Trade, accuſtomed to ride upon [...] Pack of Skins; and had very little Eſtate: [...] little Knowledge in the Law; and of but [...] mean Preſence, and Appearance to look [...] But as my Father, I ſuppoſe, was the mea [...] of getting him put into the Commiſſion: ſo [...] I know, did what he could to countenance hi [...] in it, and help him through it at every tur [...] till that turn came (at the King's Retur [...] which turned them both out together.

My Friends received me in affectionate Ki [...] neſs, and my Companion with courteous Ci [...] lity. The Evening was ſpent in common ( [...] grave) Converſation: for it was not a prop [...] Seaſon for Private Diſcourſe; both as we we [...] ſomewhat weary with our Walk, and the [...] were other Companies of Friends come into [...] Family, to be at the Meeting next Day.

But in the Morning I took John Ovy into [...] private Walk, in a pleaſant Grove near t [...] Houſe; whither Iſaac Penington came to [...] and there, in Diſcourſe, both Anſwered all h [...] Queſtions, Objections and Doubts; and ope [...] ed to him the Principles of TRUTH, to [...] both Admiration and preſent Satisfactio [...] Which done, we went in, to take ſome Refreſhment, before the Meeting began.

Of thoſe Friends who were come over Nigh [...] in order to be at the Meeting, there was Iſaac [...] Brother, William Penington, a Merchant London; and [...] with him a Friend (whoſe Nam [...] I have forgotten) a Grocer of Colcheſter in Eſſex [...] and there was alſo our Friend George Whitehead [137] date 1661 whom I had not (that I remember) ſeen [...]efore.

The Nation had been in a Ferment, ever [...]ce that mad Action of the Frantick Fifth- [...]onarchy-Men; and was not yet ſettled: but [...]orms, like Thunder-Showers, flew here and [...]ere by Coaſt; ſo that we could not promiſe [...]r ſelves any Safety, or Quiet in our Meet [...]gs. And though they had eſcaped Diſturb [...]ce for ſome little time before: yet ſo it fell [...]t, that a Party of Horſe were appointed to [...]me, and break up the Meeting that Day; [...]ough we knew nothing of it, till we heard, [...]d ſaw them.

The Meeting was ſcarce fully gathered when [...]ey came. But we that were in the Family, [...]d many others were ſettled in it, in great [...]ace and Stilneſs; when on a ſuddain, the [...]ancing of the Horſes gave Notice that [...]ght'ning was at hand.

We all ſate ſtill in our Places, except my [...]mpanion, John Ovy, who ſate next to me. [...]t he being of a Profeſſion that approved Pe [...]'s Advice to his Lord, To ſave himſelf, ſoon [...]k the Alarm: and with the Nimbleneſs of [...] Stripling, Cutting a Caper over the Form [...]at ſtood before him, ran quickly out at a pri [...]te Door (which he had before obſerved) [...]hich led through the Parlour into the Gardens, [...]d from thence into an Orchard: where he [...]d himſelf, in a Place ſo Obſcure, and withal [...] convenient for his Intelligence by Obſervation [138] date 1661 of what paſſed; that no one of the Famil [...] could ſcarce have found a likelier.

By that time he was got into his Burrow [...] came the Soldiers in; being a Party of th [...] County Troop, commanded by Matthew Ar [...] dale of Wiccomb. He behaved himſelf civill [...] and ſaid, He was commanded to break up t [...] Meeting, and carry the Men before a Juſtice of t [...] Peace: but he ſaid He would not take all; an [...] thereupon began to pick and chuſe, chiefly a [...] his Eye guided him, for I ſuppoſe he knew very few.

He took Iſaac Penington, and his Brothe [...] George Whitehead, and the Friend of Colcheſte [...] and me, with Three or Four more of t [...] Country, who belonged to that Meeting.

He was not fond of the Work, and th [...] made him take no more. But he muſt ta [...] ſome (he ſaid) and bid us provide to go wi [...] him before Sir William Boyer of Denham, w [...] was a Juſtice of the Peace. Iſaac Penington being but weakly, rode: but the reſt of us wa [...] ed thither, it being about four Miles.

When we came there, the Juſtice carrie [...] himſelf civilly to us all; courteouſly to Iſa [...] Penington, as being a Gentleman of his Neighbourhood: and there was nothing charged againſt us, but that we were met together without Word or Deed. Yet this being contrary t [...] a late Proclamation (given forth upon the riſin [...] of the Fifth-Monarchy-Men) whereby all Diſſe [...] ter's Meetings were forbidden, the Juſtice coul [...] do no leſs than take Notice of us.

[139] date 1661 Wherefore he Examined all of us (whom he did not perſonally know) asking our Names, and the places of our Reſpective Habitations. But when he had them, and conſidered from what diſtant Parts of the Nation we came; he was amazed. For G. Whitehead was of Weſtmorland in the North of England; The Grocer was of Eſſex; I was of Oxfordſhire; and W. Penington was of London.

Hereupon he told us, That our Caſe look't Ill, and he was ſorry for it: for how (ſaid he) can it be imagined that ſo many could jump altogether at one Time and Place, from ſuch remote Quarters and Parts of the Kingdom; if it was not by Combination and Appointment.

He was Anſwered, That we were ſo far from coming thither by Agreement, or Appointment; that none of us knew of the others Coming, and for the moſt of us, we had never ſeen one another before: and that therefore he might impute it to Chance, or, if he pleaſed, to Providence.

He urged upon us, That an Inſurrection had been lately made by Armed Men, who pretended to be more Religious than others; that that Inſurrect [...] on had been Plotted and Contrived in their Meeting-Houſe, where they Aſſembled under Colour of Worſhipping GOD; that in their Meeting-Houſe they hid their Arms, and Armed themſelves; and out of their Meeting-Houſe iſſued forth in Arms, and killed many: ſo that the Government could not be ſafe, unleſs ſuch Meetings were ſuppreſt.

[140] date 1661 We reply'd, We hoped he would diſtinguiſh, and make a Difference between the Guilty and the Innocent; and between thoſe who were Principled for Fighting, and thoſe who were Principled againſt it: which we were, and had been always known to be ſo. That our Meetings were publick, our Doors ſtanding open to all Comers, of all Ages, Sexes and Perſwaſions; Men, Women and Children, and thoſe that were not of our Religion, as well as thoſe that were: and that it was next to Madneſs, for People to Plot in ſuch Meetings.

He told us, We muſt find Sureties for our good Behaviour, and to Anſwer our Contempt of the King's Proclamation, at the next General Quarter-Seſſions: or elſe he muſt Commit us.

We told him, that knowing our Innocency, and that we had not miſ-behaved our ſelves, nor did meet in Contempt of the King's Authority; but purely in obedience to the LORD's Requirings, to Worſhip Him, which we held our ſelves in Duty bound to do; we could not conſent to be bound, for that would imply Guilt, which we were free from.

Then, ſaid he, I muſt commit you: And ordered his Clerk to make a Mittimus. And divers Mittimuſſes were made, but none of them would hold: for ſtill, when they came to be read, we found ſuch Flaws in them, as made him through them aſide, and write more.

He had his Eye often upon me: for I was a young Man, and had at that time a Black Suit on. At length he bid me follow him, and [141] date 1661 went into a private Room, and ſhut the Door upon me.

I knew not what he meant by this: but I cryed in Spirit to the Lord, that He would be pleaſed to be a Mouth and Wiſdom to me, and keep me from being Entangled in any Snare.

He asked me many Queſtions, concerning my Birth, my Education, my Acquaintance in Oxfordſhire; particularly what Men of Note I knew there. To all which I gave him brief, but plain and true Anſwers; naming ſeveral Families, of the beſt Rank, in that Part of the Country where I dwelt.

He asked me, How long I had been of this Way, and how I came to be of it: Which when I had given him ſome Account of; he began to perſwade me to leave it, and return to the right Way (the Church, as he called it.) I deſired him to ſpare his Pains in that reſpect, and forbear any Diſcourſe of that kind: for that I was fully ſatisfied, the Way I was in was the right Way; and hoped the Lord would ſo preſerve me in it, that nothing ſhould be able to draw, or drive me out of it. He ſeemed not pleaſed with that; and thereupon went out to the reſt of the Company; and I followed him; glad in my Heart, that I had eſcaped ſo well, and Praiſing God for my Deliverance.

When he had taken his Seat again, at the upper End of a fair Hall, he told us, he was not willing to take the utmoſt Rigour of the Law againſt us; but would be as favourable [142] date 1661 to us as he could. And therefore he would diſcharge, he ſaid, Mr. Penington himſelf, becauſ [...] he was but at Home in his own Houſe. An [...] he would diſcharge Mr. Penington of London [...] becauſe he come but as a Relation, to viſit hi [...] Brother. And he would diſcharge the Groce [...] of Colcheſter, becauſe he came to bear Mr. Penington of London Company; and to be acquainted with Mr. Iſaac Penington, whom he ha [...] never ſeen before. And as for thoſe others o [...] us, who were of this Country, he would diſcharge them, for the preſent at leaſt, becauſe they being his Neighbours, he could ſend for them when he would. But as for you, ſaid he to George Whitehead and me, I can ſee no Buſineſs you had there; and therefore I intend to hold you to it: either to Give Bayl, or Go to Jayl.

We told him we could not give Bayl, Then, ſaid he, You muſt go to Jayl; and thereupon he began to write our Mittimus: which puzzled him again. For he had diſcharged ſo many, that he was at a Loſs what to lay, as the Ground of our Commitment; whoſe Caſe differed nothing in Reality, from theirs whom he had diſcharged.

At length, having made divers Draughts (which ſtill G. W. ſhewed him the Defects of) he ſeemed to be weary of us; and riſing up ſaid unto us, I conſider that it is grown late in the Day, ſo that the Officer cannot carry you to Alesbury to Night; and I ſuppoſe you will be willing to go back with Mr. Penington: therefore if you will promiſe to be forth-coming at his Houſe [143] date 1661 to Morrow Morning, I will diſmiſs you for the preſent; and you ſhall hear from me again to morrow.

We told him, we did intend, if he did not otherwiſe diſpoſe of us, to ſpend that Night with our Friend Iſaac Penington; and would (if the LORD gave us leave) be there in the Morning, ready to Anſwer his Requirings. Whereupon he diſmiſt us all, willing (as we thought) to be rid of us: for he ſeemed not to be of an ill Temper, nor deſirous to put us to Trouble, if he could help it.

Back then we went to Iſaac Penington's. But when we were come thither, O the Work we had with poor John Ovy! He was ſo dejected in Mind, ſo Covered with Shame and Confuſion of Face; for his Cowardlineſs, that we had enough to do to pacifie him towards himſelf.

The Place he had found out to Shelter himſelf in, was ſo commodiouſly contrived, that undiſcovered he could diſcern when the Soldiers went off with us, and underſtand when the Buſſle was over, and the Coaſt clear. Whereupon he adventured to peep out of his Hole; and in a while drew near, by degrees, to the Houſe again: and finding all things quiet and ſtill, he adventured to ſtep within the Doors, and found the Friends, who were left behind, peaceably fettled in the Meeting again.

The Sight of this ſmote him; and made him ſit down among them. And after the Meeting was ended, and the Friends departed to their ſeveral Homes; addreſſing himſelf to [144] date 1661 Mary Penington (as the Miſtreſs of the Houſe) he could not enough magnifie the Bravery and Courage of the Friends: nor ſufficiently debaſe himſelf. He told her how long he had been a Profeſſor, what Pains he had taken, what Hazards he had run, in his Youthful Days, to get to Meetings; how, when the Ways were forelaid, and Paſſages ſtop't, he Swam through Rivers to reach a Meeting: And now, ſai [...] he, that I am grown Old in the Profeſſion of Religion, and have long been an Inſtructor and Encourager of others; that I ſhould thus ſhamefully fall ſhort my ſelf; is matter of Shame and Sorrow to me.

Thus he bewailed himſelf to her. And when we came back, he renewed his Complaints of himſelf to us; with high Aggravations of his own Cowardice. Which gave Occaſion to ſome of the Friends, tenderly to repreſent to him the Difference between Profeſſion and Poſſeſſion, Form and Power.

He was glad, he ſaid, on our Behalfs, that we came off ſo well, and eſcaped Impriſonment.

But when he underſtood that G. Whitehead and I were liable to an After-Reckoning next Morning; he was troubled: and wiſh't the Morning was come, and gone; that we might be gone with it.

We ſpent the Evening in grave Converſation, and in Religious Diſcourſes; attributing the Deliverance me hitherto had to the LORD. And the next Morning when we were up, and had Eaten, we tarried ſome time to ſee what [145] date 1661 [...]he Juſtice would do further with us; and to [...]iſcharge our Engagement to him: the reſt of [...]he Friends, who were before fully diſcharg [...]d, tarrying alſo with us, to ſee the Event.

And when we had ſtaid ſo long, that on all [...]ands it was concluded we might ſafely go; [...]. W. and I left a few Words in Writing (to [...]e ſent to the Juſtice, if he ſent after us) im [...]orting that we had tarried till ſuch an Hour; [...]nd not hearing from him, did now hold our [...]lves free to depart: yet ſo, as that, if he [...]ould have Occaſion to ſend for us again, upon [...]otice thereof, we would Return.

This done, we took our leave of the Family, [...]d one of another; they who were for Lon [...] taking Horſe; and I and my Companion, [...]ting forth on Foot for Oxfordſhire, went to [...]ccomb; where we made a ſhort Stay, to [...]t and refreſh our ſelves, and from thence [...]ched our Reſpective Homes that Night.

After I had ſpent ſome time at Home; [...]ere, as I had no Reſtraint, ſo (my Siſters be [...]g gone) I had now no Society: I walked up [...] Chalfont again; and ſpent a few Days with [...] Friends there.

As ſoon as I came in, I was told, that my [...]ther had been there that Day to ſee J. P. [...]d his Wife: but they being abroad at a [...]eeting, he returned to his Inn in the Town, [...]ere he intended to Lodge that Night. After [...]pper, M. P. told me ſhe had a Mind to go [...]d ſee him at his Inn (the Woman of the [...]uſe being a Friend of ours:) and I went [146] date 1661 with her. He ſeem'd ſomewhat ſurprized to ſee me there, becauſe he thought I had been at home at his Houſe: but he took no notice of my Hat; at leaſt ſhewed no Offence at it [...] for (as I afterwards underſtood) he had no [...] an Intention to ſell his Eſtate, and thought h [...] ſhould need my Concurrence therein; whic [...] made him now hold it neceſſary to admit m [...] again into ſome Degree of Favour. After w [...] had tarried ſome little time with him; [...] riſing up to be gone, he waited on her hom [...] and having ſpent about an Hour with us [...] the Family, I waited on him back to his [...] On the way, he invited me to Come up [...] London, to ſee my Siſters; the younger [...] whom was then newly Married: and direc [...] me where to find 'em; and alſo gave [...] Money to defray my Charges. According [...] I went; yet ſtaid not long there: but retu [...] ed to my Friend J. P's, where I made a lit [...] Stay; and from thence went back to Crowell.

When I was ready to ſet forth, my Frie [...] Iſaac Penington, was ſo kind to ſend a Serva [...] with a Brace of Geldings, to Carry me as [...] as I thought fit to ride, and to bring the Ho [...] back. I, intending to go no farther t [...] Day than to Wiccomb, rode no farther than Beconsfield Towns-End; having then but F [...] Miles to walk. But here a new Exerciſe [...] fel me; the manner of which was thus.

Before I had walked to the middle of [...] Town, I was ſtop't, and taken up by [...] Watch. I asked the Watchman, What A [...] thority [147] date 1661 he had to ſtop me, travelling peaceably on the High-Way. He told me he would ſhew me his Authority; and in order thereunto, had me into an Houſe hard-by, where dwelt a Scrivener, whoſe Name was Pepys. To him he gave the Order which he had received from the Conſtables; which directed him to take up all Rogues, Vagabonds and ſturdy Beggars. I asked him, For which of theſe he ſtopped me: but he could not Anſwer me.

I thereupon informed him, what a Rogue in Law is, viz. One, who for ſome notorious Offence has burnt on the Shoulder: and I told them, they might ſearch me, if they pleaſed, and ſee if I was ſo branded. A Vagabond, I told them, was One that had no Dwelling Houſe, nor certain Place of Abode; but I had, and was going to [...]: and I told them where it was. And for a Beggar; I bid them bring any one that could [...]y, I had begged or asked Relief.

This ſtop't the Fellow's Mouth; yet he would not let me go: but (being both weak [...]eaded, and ſtrong-willed) he left me there [...]ith the Scrivener, and went out to ſeek the [...]onſtable; and having found him, brought [...]im thither. He was a young Man, by [...] Trade Tanner; ſomewhat better Mannered than [...]is Wardſman: but not of much better Judg [...]ent.

He took me with him to his Houſe. And [...]aving ſettled me there, went out; to take Ad [...]ice (as I ſuppoſed) what to do with me: [...]aving no Body in the Houſe, to Guard me, [148] date 1661 but his Wife; who had a young Child in her Arms.

She enquired of me, upon what Account I was taken up; and ſeeming to have ſome Pity for me, endeavoured to perſwade me not to ſtay; but to go my way: offering to ſhew me a back way from their Houſe, which would bring me into the Road again beyond the Town; ſo that none of the Town ſhould ſe [...] me, or know what was become of me. But [...] told her, I could not do ſo.

Then having ſate a while in a muze, ſhe asked me, If there was not a place of Scripture wh [...] ſaid, Peter was at a Tanner's Houſe. I to [...] her there was ſuch a Scripture; and direct [...] her where to find it.

After ſome time, ſhe laid her Child to ſle [...] in the Cradle; and ſtep't out on a ſuddai [...] but came not in again in a pretty while.

I was uneaſie that I was left alone in t [...] Houſe; ſearing leſt, if any thing ſhould be m [...] ſing, I might be ſuſpected to have taken [...] yet I durſt not go out to ſtand in the Stree [...] leſt it ſhould be thought I intended to ſlip [...] way.

But beſides that, I ſoon found Work to i [...] ploy my ſelf in; for the Child quickly waki [...] fell to Crying; and I was fain to Rock [...] Cradle in my own Defence; that I might [...] be annoyed with a Noiſe, to me not more [...] pleaſant than unuſual. At length the Wom [...] came in again; and finding me Nurſing [...] [149] date 1661 Child, gave me many Thanks: and ſeemed well pleaſed with my Company.

When Night came on, the Conſtable him [...]lf came in again, and told me, Some of the [...]hief of the Town were met together, to Conſider [...]hat was fit to do with me; and that I muſt go with [...]m to them. I went, and he brought me to a [...]ttle naſty Hut, which they called a Town [...]ouſe (adjoining to their Market-Houſe) in [...]hich dwelt a poor old Woman, whom they [...]lled Mother Grime: where alſo the Watch uſed [...] turns, to come in, and warm themſelves in [...]e Night.

When I came in among them, they looked [...]ome of them) ſomewhat ſourly on me; and [...]k'd me ſome impertinent Queſtions: to which [...] gave them ſuitable Anſwers.

Then they conſulted one with another, how [...]ey ſhould diſpoſe of me that Night, till they [...]uld have me before ſome Juſtice of Peace, to [...] Examined. Some propoſed, That I ſhould be [...]d to ſome Inn, or other publick Houſe; and a [...]ard ſet on me there. He that ſtarted this was [...]obably an Inn-keeper, and conſulted his own [...]tereſt. Others objected againſt this, That it [...]uld bring a Charge on the Town. To avoid [...]ich, they were for having the Watch take [...]arge of me; and keep me walking about [...]e Streets with them till Morning. Moſt [...]ices ſeemed to go this way; till a Third [...]ſhed them to conſider, Whether they could an [...]er the doing of that, and the Law would bear [...]m out in it: And this put them to a ſtand. [150] date 1661 I heard all their Debates; but let them alone and kept my Mind to the LORD.

While they thus bandied the Matter to and fro, one of the Company asked the reſt, If any of them knew who this young Man was, and whither he was going? Whereupon the Conſtable (to whom I had given both my Name, and the Name of the Town where I dwelt) told them my Name was Ellwood, and that I lived at a Town called Crowell in Oxfordſhire.

Old Mother Grime, ſitting by and hearin [...] this, clap'd her Hand on her Knee, and cry' [...] out, I know Mr. Ellwood of Crowell very we [...] For when I was a Maid I lived with his Gran [...] ther there, when he was a Young Man. A [...] thereupon ſhe gave them ſuch an Account of [...] Father, as made them look more regardful [...] on me: and ſo Mother Grime's Teſtimo [...] turned the Scale; and took me off fr [...] walking the Rounds with the Watch t [...] Night.

The Conſtable hereupon bid them take [...] further Care; I ſhould lie at his Houſe t [...] Night: and accordingly took me home wi [...] him; where I had as good Accommodation [...] the Houſe did afford. Before I went to Be [...] he told me, That there was to be a Viſitation, [...] Spiritual Court (as he called it) holden next D [...] at Amerſham, about four Miles from Beconsfie [...] and that I was to be carried thither.

This was a new Thing to me, and it broug [...] a freſh Exerciſe upon my Mind. But be [...] given up, in the Will of God, to ſuffer w [...] [151] date 1661 [...]e ſhould permit to be laid on me; I endea [...]ured to keep my Mind quiet and ſtill.

In the Morning, as ſoon as I was up, my Spi [...] was Exerciſed towards the Lord, in ſtrong [...]ies to Him; that He would ſtand by me, [...]d preſerve me: and not ſuffer me to be taken [...]the Snare of the Wicked. While I was thus [...]ying to the LORD, the other Conſtable [...]e; and I was called down.

This was a budge Fellow; and talked high. [...] was a Shoo-maker by Trade; and his Name [...]s Clark. He threat'ned me with the Spiri [...]l Court. But when he ſaw I did not re [...]rd it, he ſtop't; and left the Matter to his [...]rtner; who pretended more Kindneſs for [...]e, and therefore went about to perſwade [...]rk, to let me go out at the Back Door; ſo [...] away.

The Plot, I ſuppoſe, was ſo laid, that Clark [...]uld ſeem averſe; but at length yeild, which [...] did: but would have me take it for a Fa [...]r. But I was ſo far from taking it ſo, that [...] would not take it at all: but told them plain [...] That as I came in at the Fore-Door; ſo I [...]uld go out at the Fore Door. When there [...]e they ſaw they could not bow me to their [...]ll, they brought me out at the Fore Door, [...]o the Street, and wiſhed me a good Journey. [...]t before I went, calling ſor the Woman of [...]e Houſe, I paid her for my Supper and Lodg [...]g for I had now getten a little Money in my [...]cket again.

[152] date 1661 After this, I got home (as I thought) very well: but I had not been long at home, before an Ilneſs ſeized on me; which proved to be the Small-Pox. Of which ſo ſoon as Friends had Notice, I had a Nurſe ſent me; and in a while, Iſaac Penington, and his Wife's Daughter, G [...] lielma Maria Springett (to whom I had been Play-Fellow in our Infancy) came to viſit me, bringing with them our dear Friend Edward Burrough, by whoſe Miniſtry I was called [...] the Knowledge of the Truth.

It pleaſed the Lord to deal favourably wi [...] me in this Ilneſs, both Inwardly and Outwa [...] ly. For his Supporting Preſence was with m [...] which kept my Spirit near unto him: a [...] though the Diſtemper was ſtrong upon m [...] yet I was preſerved through it, and my Coutenance was not much altered by it, But aft [...] I was got up again, and while I kept [...] Chamber; wanting ſome Employment, [...] Entertainment ſake, to ſpend the Time wit [...] and there being at hand a pretty good Libra [...] of Books (amongſt which were the Works [...] Auguſtine, and others of thoſe Ancient Write [...] who were by many called the Fathers;) I betook my ſelf to Reading. And theſe Books being Printed in the old Black-Letter, with Abbreviations of the Words, difficult to be re [...] I ſpent too much time therein: and thereb [...] much impaired my Sight, which was n [...] ſtrong before, and was now weaker than uſu [...] by reaſon of the Ilneſs I had ſo newly ha [...] [153] date 1661 which proved an Injury to me afterwards; for which reaſon I here mention it.

After I was well enough to go abroad, with [...]eſpect to my own Health, and the Safety of [...]thers; I went up (in the beginning of the [...]welfth Month, 1661.) to my Friend Iſaac Pen [...]gton's at Chalfont, and abode there ſometime: [...]r the Airing my ſelf more fully; that I might [...]e more fit for Converſation.

date 1662 I mentioned before, that when I was a Boy, [...] had made ſome good Progreſs in Learning; [...]d loſt it all again before I came to be a Man: [...]or was I rightly ſenſible of my Loſs there [...], until I came amongſt the Quakers. But [...]en I both ſaw my Loſs, and lamented it; [...]d applied my ſelf with utmoſt Diligence, at [...]l leiſure Times to recover it: ſo falſe I found [...]at Charge to be, which in thoſe Times was [...]ſt, as a Reproach upon the Quakers, That [...]ey deſpiſed and decried all Humane Learning; [...]ecauſe they denied it to be eſſentially neceſſary [...] a Goſpel-Miniſtry, which was one of the Con [...]overſies of thoſe Times.

But though I toiled hard, and ſpared no [...]ains, to regain what once I had been Maſter [...]f; yet I found it a Matter of ſo great Diffi [...]ulty, that I was ready to ſay as the Noble Eu [...]uch to Philip in another Caſe; How can I, un [...]eſs I had ſome Man to guide me?

This I had formerly complained of to my [...]ſpecial Friend Iſaac Penington; but now more [...]arneſtly: which put him upon Conſidering, [154] date 1662 and Contriving a Means for my Aſſiſtance.

He had an intimate Acquaintance with Dr. Paget, a Phyſician of Note in London; and he with John Milton, a Gentleman of great Note for Learning, throughout the Learned World for the accurate Pieces he had Written, on various Subjects and Occaſions.

This Perſon, having filled a publick Statio [...] in the former Times; lived now a private an [...] retired Life in London: and having wholly l [...] his Sight, kept always a Man to read to hi [...] which uſually was the Son of ſome Gentlem [...] of his Acquaintance, whom, in Kindneſs, [...] took to improve in his Learning.

Thus, by the Mediation of my Friend Iſa Penington with Dr. Paget, and of Dr. Pag [...] with John Milton, was I admitted to come [...] him; not as a Servant to him (which at t [...] time he needed not) nor to be in the Ho [...] with him; but only to have the Liberty [...] Coming to his Houſe, at certain Hours, wh [...] I would, and to read to him what Books [...] ſhould appoint me; which was all the Favo [...] I deſired.

But this being a Matter, which would [...] quire ſome time to bring it about: I, in [...] mean while returned to my Father's Houſe [...] Oxfordſhire.

I had before received Direction, by Lett [...] from my Eldeſt Siſter (written by my Fathe [...] Command) to put off what Cattle he had [...] about his Houſe, and to Diſcharge his Serva [...] [155] date 1662 [...]ich I had done at the time called Michaelmas [...]fore. So that all that Winter, when I was [...] Home, I lived like an Hermit all alone; [...]ing a pretty large Houſe, and no Body in [...]but my ſelf, a Nights eſpecially: but an el [...]rly Woman (whoſe Father had been an old [...]rvant to the Family) came every Morning, [...]d made my Bed; and did what elſe I had [...]aſion for her to do; till I fell Ill of the [...]all Pox, and then I had her with me, and [...] Nurſe. But now, underſtanding by Letter [...]m my Siſter, that my Father did not intend [...] return to ſettle there; I made off thoſe Pro [...]ions which were in the Houſe (that they [...]ght not be ſpoiled when I was gone:) and [...]cauſe they were what I ſhould have ſpent, if [...]ad tarried there, I took the Money made of [...]em to my ſelf, for my ſupport at London, if [...]e Project ſucceeded for my Going thither.

This done, I committed the Care of the [...]uſe to a Tenant of my Father's, who lived [...] the Town; and taking my leave of Crowell, [...]nt up to my ſure Friend Iſaac Penington a [...]in. Where underſtanding that the Media [...]n uſed for my Admittance to John Milton, [...]d ſucceeded ſo well, that I might come when [...] would; I haſtned to London: and in the firſt [...]ace went to wait upon him.

He received me courteouſly; as well for the [...]ke of Dr. Paget, who introduced me: as of [...]aac Penington, who recommended me; to [...]oth whom he bore a good Reſpect. And [...]ving enquired divers things of me, with reſpect [156] date 1662 to my former Progreſſion in Learning; h [...] diſmiſt me, to provide my ſelf of ſuch Accomodations, as might be moſt ſuitable to my futur [...] Studies.

I went therefore and took my ſelf a Lodging [...] as near to his Houſe (which was then in Jewe [...] Street) as conveniently as I could: and fro [...] thenceforward went every Day in the Afternoon (except on the firſt Days of the Wee [...] and ſitting by him in his Dining-Room, re [...] to him in ſuch Books in the Latin Tongue, as [...] pleaſed to hear me read.

At my firſt ſitting to read to him, obſervi [...] that I uſed the Engliſh Pronounciation, he t [...] me, If I would have the Benefit of the Lat [...] Tongue (not only to read and underſtand Latin A [...] thors, but) to Converſe with Foreigners, either [...] broad or at home, I muſt learn the Foreign Pr [...] nounciation. To this I conſenting, he inſtru [...] ed me how to ſound the Vowels; ſo differe [...] from the common Pronounciation uſed by t [...] Engliſh (who ſpeak Anglice their Latin) th [...] (with ſome few other Variations in ſoundi [...] ſome Conſonants, in particular Caſes; as C. before E. or I. like Ch. Sc. before I. like Sh. &c. the Latin thus ſpoken, ſeemed as different from that which was delivered as the Engliſh generally ſpeak it, as if it were another Language.

I had before, during my retired Life at my Father's, by unwearied Diligence and Induſtry ſo far recovered the Rules of Grammar (in which I had once been very ready) that I could both read a Latin Author, and after a ſort hammer [157] date 1662 out his Meaning. But this Change of [...]nounciation proved a New Difficulty to [...]. It was now harder to me to read, than [...] was before to underſtand when read. But

— Labor omnia vincit
Improbus. —

Inceſſant Pains,
The End obtains.

And ſo did I. Which made my Reading the [...]re acceptable to my Maſter. He, on the o [...]r hand, perceiving with what earneſt De [...] I purſued Learning; gave me not only all [...] Encouragement, but all the Help he could. [...], having a curious Ear, he underſtood by [...] Tone, when I underſtood what I read, and [...]en I did not: and accordingly would ſtop [...] Examine me, and open the moſt difficult [...]ſages to me.

Thus went I on, for about Six Weeks time, [...]ding to him in the Afternoons, and Exerci [...]g my ſelf, with my own Books, in my Cham [...], in the Forenoons: I was ſenſible of an [...]provement.

But, alas! I had fixed my Studies in a wrong [...]ce. London and I could never agree for [...]alth: my Lungs (as I ſuppoſe) were too [...]der to bear the Sulphurous Air of that City. [...] that I ſoon began to droop; and in leſs than [...]o Months time, I was fain to leave both my [...]dies and the City; and return into the Country [158] date 1662 to preſerve Life: and much ado I had [...] get thither.

I choſe to go down to Wiccomb; and to Jo [...] Rance's Houſe there: both as he was a Phy [...] cian; and his Wife an honeſt, hearty, diſcre [...] and grave Matron; whom I had a very goo [...] Eſteem of, and who (I knew) had a good R [...] gard for me.

There I lay ill a conſiderable time, and [...] that degree of Weakneſs, that ſcarce any, w [...] ſaw me, expected my Life. But the Lord w [...] both gracious to me in my Ilneſs; and w [...] pleaſed to raiſe me up again, that I might ſer [...] Him in my Generation.

As ſoon as I had recovered ſo much Streng [...] as to be fit to Travel; I obtained of my [...] ther (who was then at his Houſe in Crowel [...] diſpoſe of ſome things he had there, and w [...] in my Ilneſs had come to ſee me) ſo much M [...] ney as would clear all Charges in the Hou [...] for both Phyſick, Food and Attendance: a [...] having fully diſcharged all, I took leave of m [...] Friends in that Family, and in the Town; a [...] returned to my Studies at London.

I was very kindly received by my Maſte [...] who had conceived ſo good an Opinion of m [...] that my Converſation (I found) was acceptab [...] to him: and he ſeem'd heartily glad of my Recovery and Return; and into our old Metho [...] of Study we fell again, I Reading to him, an [...] he Explaining to me, as Occaſion required.

But, as if Learning had been a forbidde [...] Fruit to me, ſcarce was I well ſettled in my [159] date 1662 Work, before I met with another Diverſion, which turned me quite out of my Work.

For a ſuddain Storm ariſing, from I know [...]ot what Surmiſe of a Plot, and thereby Dan [...]er to the Government; and the Meetings of [...]iſſenters (ſuch I mean as could be found, which [...]erhaps were not many beſides the Quakers) were broken up throughout the City: and the [...]riſons moſtly filled with our Friends.

I was that Morning (which was the 26th [...]ay of the 8th Month, 1662.) at the Meeting [...] the Bull-and-Mouth by Alderſgate; when on [...] ſuddain, a Party of Soldiers (of the Trained [...]ands of the City) ruſhed in, with Noiſe and [...]lamour: being led by one who was called Major Roſewell; an Apothecary (if I miſremem [...]er not) and at that time under the ill Name [...]f a Papiſt.

As ſoon as he was come within the Room, [...]aving a File or two of Musketteers at his [...]eels; he commanded his Men to preſent their Muskets at us: which they did; with Intent I ſuppoſe) to ſtrike a Terror into the People. Then he made a Proclamation that all, who were not Quakers might depart if they would.

It ſo happened, that a Young Man, an Ap [...]rentice in London, whoſe Name was — Dove (the Son of Dr. Dove of Chinner, near Crowell, in Oxfordſhire) came that Day in Curioſity, to ſee the Meeting: and Coming early, and finding me there (whom he knew) came and ſate down by me.

[160] date 1662 As ſoon as he heard the Noiſe of Soldiers, he was much ſtartled; and asked me ſoftly, [...] I would not ſhift for my Self, and try to get out. I told him, No; I was in my place; and was willing to ſuffer, if it was my Lot. When he heard the Notice given, that they who were not Quakers might depart; he ſolicited me again to be gone. I told him, I could not do ſo: for that would be to renounce my Profeſſion; which I would by no means do. But as for him, who was not one of us, he might do as he pleaſed. Whereupon, wiſhing me well, he turned away, and with Cap in Hand, went out. And truly I was glad he was gone: for his Maſter was a rigid Presbyterian, who (in all likelihood) would have led him a wretched Life, had he been taken and Impriſoned among the Quakers.

The Soldiers came ſo early, that the Meeting was not fully gathered when they came; and when the mixt Company were gone out, we were ſo few, and ſate ſo thin in that large Room, that they might take a clear view of us all, and ſingle us out, as they pleaſed.

He that Commanded the Party, gave us firſt a general Charge to come out of the Room. But we, who came thither at God's Requirings, to Worſhip Him (like that good Man of Old, who ſaid, We ought to obey God, rather than Men, Acts 5. 29.) ſtirred not; but kept out Places. Whereupon he ſent ſome of his Soldiers among us, with Command to Drag, or Drive us out; which they did, roughly enough.

[161] date 1662 When we came out into the Street, we were [...]ceived there, by other Soldiers, who with [...]eir Pikes, holden length-ways from one ano [...]er, encompaſſed us round, as Sheep in a [...]und: and there we ſtood a pretty time, [...]ile they were picking up more, to add to [...]r Number.

In this Work none ſeemed ſo eager and ac [...]e, as their Leader, Major Roſewell. Which [...]bſerving, ſtept boldly to him, as he was [...]ſing by me; and asked him, If he intended [...] Maſſacre: for of that, in thoſe times, there [...]s a great Apprehenſion and Talk. The ſud [...]nneſs of the Queſtion, from ſuch a young [...]n eſpecially, ſomewhat ſtartled him: but [...]ollecting himſelf, he anſwered, No; but I [...]end to have you all hanged by the wholſome Laws [...] the Land.

When he had gotten as many as he could, or [...]ught fit (which were in Number Thirty [...]; whereof Two were catch'd up in the [...]eet, who had not been at the Meeting) he [...]ered the Pikes to be opened before us: and [...]ing the Word to March, went himſelf at the [...]ad of us; the Soldiers with their Pikes ma [...]g a Lane to keep us from ſcattering.

He led us up Martins; and ſo turned down [...] Newgate; where I expected he would have [...]ged us. But to my Diſappointment, he [...]nt on through Newgate; and turning through [...] Old-Baily, brought us into Fleet-Street. I [...]s then wholly at a Loſs, to conjecture whi [...]r he would lead us; unleſs it were to Whitehall [162] date 1662 (for I knew nothing then of Old-Bridwell; but on a ſuddain he gave a ſhort Turn, a [...] brought us before the Gate of that Priſo [...] where knocking, the Wicket was forthwi [...] opened, and the Maſter, with his Porter, r [...] dy to receive us.

One of thoſe two, who were picked up [...] the Street, being near me, and telling me [...] Caſe; I ſtept to the Major, and told him, Th [...] this Man was not at the Meeting, but was [...] ken up in the Street: and ſhew'd him [...] hard, and unjuſt a thing it would be to [...] him into Priſon.

I had not pleaſed him before, in the Queſti [...] I had put to him about a Maſſacre; and t [...] I ſuppoſe, made this Solicitation leſs accepta [...] to him from me, than it might have been fr [...] ſome other. For looking ſternly on me, [...] ſaid, Who are you! that take ſo much upon [...] Seeing you are ſo buſie, you ſhall be the firſt [...] that ſhall go into Bridewell: and taking me [...] the Shoulders, he thruſt me in.

As ſoon as I was in, the Porter, pointing w [...] his Finger, directed me to a fair Pair of Sta [...] on the further ſide of a large Court; and [...] me Go up thoſe Stairs, and go on till I could go [...] farther.

Accordingly I went up the Stairs; the [...] Flight whereof brought me to a fair Chap [...] on my left hand: which I could look i [...] through the Iron-Grates; but could not h [...] gone into if I would.

[163] date 1662 I knew that was not a Place for me. Where [...]e following my Direction, and the [...] winding the Stairs, I went up a Story higher; which [...]ought me into a Room, which I ſoon perceiv [...] to be a Court-Room or Place of Judicature. [...]ter I had ſtood a while there, and taken a [...]ew of it; obſerving a Door on the further [...]e, I went to it, and opened it, with inten [...] to go in: but I quickly drew back; being [...]oſt affrighted at the Diſmalneſs of the Place. [...]r beſides that the Walls quite round were laid [...]over from Top to Bottom, in Black; there [...]d in the middle of it a great Whipping-Poſt, [...]ich was all the furniture it had.

In one of theſe two Rooms Judgment was [...]en, and in the other it was executed, on [...]ſe ill People: who for their Lewdneſs were [...]t to this Priſon; and there ſentenced to be [...]hip'd. Which was ſo contrived that the urt might not only hear, but ſee (if they [...]aſed) their Sentence Executed.

A Sight ſo unexpected, and withal ſo unpleaſ [...], gave me no Encouragement, either to reſt; [...]ndeed to enter at all there: till looking ear [...]tly, I ſpy'd on the oppoſite ſide a Door; [...]ich giving me Hopes of a further Progreſs, I [...]entured to ſtep haſtily to it, and opened it.

This let me into one of the faireſt Rooms, [...]t (ſo far as I remember) I was ever in; and [...] wonder: for though it was now put to this [...]an Uſe, it had, for many Ages paſt, been [...] Royal Seat, or Palace of the Kings of Eng [...]d; until Cardinal Woolſey Built Whitehall, [164] date 1662 and offered it as a Peace-Offering to King HE [...] RY the Eighth; who until that time had ke [...] his Court in this Houſe, and had this (as t [...] People in the Houſe reported) for his Dini [...] Room, by which Name it then went.

This Room in length (for I lived long [...] nough in it to have time to meaſure it) [...] Threeſcore Foot: and had Breadth proporti [...] able to it. In it, on the Front-Side, were v [...] large Bay-Windows, in which ſtood a la [...] Table. It had other very large Tables [...] with Benches round: and at that time the F [...] was covered with Ruſhes, againſt ſome So [...] Feſtival, which (I heard) it was beſpoken.

Here was my Nil ultra: and here I fou [...] might ſet up my Pillar: for although there [...] a Door out of it, to a Back-Pair of Stairs w [...] led to it; yet that was kept locked. So [...] finding I had now followed my Keeper's [...] rection to the utmoſt Point; beyond whi [...] could not go: I ſate down, and conſidered [...] rhetorical Saying, That the Way to Heave [...] by the Gate of Hell; the Black Room, thr [...] which I paſſed into this, bearing ſome Re [...] blance to the latter, as This comparatively, [...] by way of Alluſion, might in ſome ſor [...] thought to bear to the former.

But I was quickly put out of theſe Thou [...] by the Flocking in of the other Friends, [...] Fellow-Priſoners; amongſt whom yet, [...] all were come together, there was but [...] whom I knew ſo much as by Face; and [...] him I had no Acquaintance. For I having [...] [165] date 1662 a little while in the City, and in that time [...]t cloſe to my Studies; I was, by that Means, [...]wn to very few.

[...]oon after we were all gotten together, came [...] the Maſter of the Houſe after us, and de [...]ded our Names: which we might reaſon [...] have refuſed to give; till we had been [...]lly convened before ſome Civil Magiſtrate, [...] had Power to Examine us, and demand [...] Names. But we, who were neither Guil [...] nor Wilful, ſimply gave him our Names; [...]ch he took down in Writing.

[...] was (as I hinted before) a general Storm [...]ch fell that Day; but it lighted moſt, and [...]t heavy, upon our Meetings; ſo that moſt [...]ur Men-Friends were made Priſoners, and [...] Priſons generally filled. And great Work [...] the Women, to run about from Priſon to [...]on, to find their Husbands, their Fathers, [...]r Brothers, or their Servants; for accord [...]y as they had diſpoſed themſelves to ſeveral [...]etings; ſo were they diſperſed to ſeveral [...]ons. And no leſs Care and Pains had they, [...]n they had found them; to furniſh them [...] Proviſions, and other neceſſary Accom [...]lations.

But an excellent Order, even in thoſe early [...]ys, was practiſed among the Friends of that [...]y; by which there were certain Friends, of [...]er Sex, appointed to have the Overſight of [...] Priſons in every Quarter; and to take Care [...]ll Friends, the Poor eſpecially, that ſhould [...] Committed thither.

[166] date 1662 This Priſon of Bridewell was under the C [...] of two honeſt, grave, diſcreet and mothe [...] Women; whoſe Names were Anne Mer [...] (afterwards Vivers) and Anne Travers: b [...] Widows.

They, ſo ſoon as they underſtood, that t [...] were Friends brought into that Priſon, [...] vided ſome hot Victuals, Meat and Broth, [...] the Weather was cold;) and ordering their [...] vants to bring it them, with Bread, Cheeſe [...] Beer, came themſelves alſo with it: and ha [...] placed it on a Table, gave notice to us, T [...] was provided for all thoſe, that had not othe [...] provide for them; or were not able to prov [...] themſelves. And there wanted not among [...] competent Number of ſuch Gueſts.

As for my part, though I had lived as [...] gally as poſſibly I could, that I might draw [...] the Thread of my little Stock to the ut [...] length: yet had I, by this time, reduced [...] Ten Pence; which was all the Money I h [...] bout me, or any where elſe at my Comman [...]

This was but a ſmall Eſtate, to enter [...] an Impriſonment with: yet was I not [...] diſcouraged at it; nor had I a murm [...] Thought. I had known what it was ( [...] rately) to Abound: and if I ſhould now [...] to ſuffer Want, I knew I ought to be co [...] and through the Grace of GOD I was ſ [...] had lived by Providence before (when [...] long time, I had no Money at all:) and [...] always found the LORD a good Provide [...] made no doubt therefore that He, who ſe [...] [167] date 1662 [...]vens to feed Elijah, and who cloaths the Lil [...], would find ſome means to ſuſtain me, [...]th needful Food and Raiment: and I had [...]rn'd by Experience the Truth of that Say [...]g, Natura paucis contenta; i. e. Nature is cont with few things, or a little.

Although the Sight and Smell of hot Food, [...]s ſufficiently enticing to my empty Stomach [...]r I had Eaten little that Morning, and was [...]gry:) yet conſidering the Terms of the In [...]ation, I queſtioned whether I was included [...]t; and after ſome Reaſonings, at length con [...]ed, That while I had Ten Pence in my [...]cket, I ſhould be but an injurious Intruder to [...]t Meſs, which was provided for ſuch as, [...]haps, had not Two Pence in theirs.

Being come to this Reſolution, I withdrew [...] far from the Table as I could; and ſate [...]wn in a quiet Retirement of Mind, till the [...]paſt was over, which was not long: for [...]re were Hands enough at it, to make light [...]rk of it.

When Evening came, the Porter came up [...] Back-Stairs, and opening the Door, told us, [...] we deſired to have any thing that was to be had [...] the Houſe, he would bring it us: for there was [...] the Houſe a Chandler's-Shop; at which Beer, [...]ead, Butter, Cheeſe, Eggs and Bacon might be [...]d for Money. Upon which many went to [...], and ſpake for what of theſe things, they [...]d a Mind to; giving him Money to pay for [...]em.

[168] date 1662 Among the reſt went I, and (intending [...] ſpin out my Ten Pence, as far as I could) deſired him to bring me a Penny Loaf only [...] When he returned, we all reſorted to him, [...] receive our ſeveral Proviſions; which he de [...] vered: and when he came to me, he told m [...] He could not get a Penny Loaf; but he had broug [...] me two Half-Penny Loaves.

This ſuited me better: wherefore returni [...] to my Place again, I ſate down, and Eat [...] one of my Loaves; reſerving the other for [...] next Day.

This was to me both Dinner and Suppe [...] And ſo well ſatisfied I was with it, that I [...] willingly then have gone to Bed; if I had h [...] one to go to: but that was not to be expect [...] there; nor had any one any Bedding broug [...] in that Night.

Some of the Company had been ſo conſiderate, as to ſend for a Pound of Candles; th [...] we might not ſit all Night in the dark: and h [...] ving lighted divers of them, and placed the [...] in ſeveral Parts of that large Room; we kep [...] walking to keep us warm.

After I had warmed my ſelf pretty throug [...] ly, and the Evening was pretty ſar ſpent; [...] bethought my ſelf of a Lodging; and caſtin [...] mine Eye on the Table, which ſtood in t [...] Bay-Window; the Frame whereof look't, [...] thought, ſomewhat like a Beadſtead. When [...] fore willing to make ſure of that, I gathered [...] a good Armful of the Ruſhes, wherewith t [...] Floor was covered; and ſpreading them und [...] [169] date 1662 [...]at Table, crep't in upon them in my Cloaths: [...]d keeping on my Hat, laid my Head upon [...]e End of the Tables Frame, inſtead of a [...]lſter.

My Example was followed by the reſt, who [...]thering up Ruſhes, as I had done, made [...]emſelves Beds in other Parts of the Room: [...]d ſo to reſt we went.

I, having a quiet, eaſie Mind, was ſoon a [...]ep; and ſlept till about the middle of the [...]ght. And then waking, finding my Legs [...]d Feet very cold, I crep't out of my Cabin, [...]d began to walk about apace.

This waked, and raiſed all the reſt; who find [...]g themſelves cold as well as I, got up and [...]lked about with me, till we had pretty well [...]rmed our ſelves: and then we all lay down [...]ain, and reſted till Morning.

Next Day, all they who had Families, or be [...]g'd to Families, had Bedding brought in, of [...]e Sort or other; which they diſpoſed at the [...]ds, and Sides of the Room, leaving the Mid [...] void to walk in.

But I, who had no Body to look after me, [...]t to my Ruſhy-Pallet under the Table, for [...]r Nights together, in which time I did not [...]t off my Cloths: yet, through the merciful [...]odneſs of GOD unto me, I reſted and ſlept [...]ll, and enjoyed Health, without taking [...]ld.

In this time divers of our Company, through [...]e Solicitations of ſome of their Relations, or [...]quaintance, to Sir Richard Brown (who was [170] date 1662 at that time a great Maſter of Miſ-rule in the City, and over Bridewell more eſpecially) were releaſed: And among theſe, one William Mucklow, who lay in an Hammack. He, having obſerved that I only was unprovided of Lodging came very courteouſly to me, and kindly offered me the Uſe of his Hammack, while I ſhould continue a Priſoner.

This was a Providential Accommodation [...] me; which I received thankfully, both fro [...] the LORD, and from him: and from thenc [...] forth I thought I lay as well as ever I had do [...] in my Life.

Amongſt thoſe that remained, there were ſeveral Young Men, who caſt themſelves into [...] Club; and laying down every one an equ [...] Proportion of Money, put it into the Hand [...] our Friend Anne Travers: deſiring her to lay [...] out for them in Proviſions, and ſend them in [...] very Day a Meſs of hot Meat; and they kin [...] ly invited me to come into their Club wi [...] them. Theſe ſaw my Perſon, and judged [...] me by that; but they ſaw not my Purſe; n [...] underſtood the Lightneſs of my Pocket. B [...] I, who alone underſtood my own Conditio [...] knew I muſt ſit down with lower Commo [...] Wherefore not giving them the true Reaſo [...] I as fairly as I could excuſed my ſelf from e [...] tring, at preſent into their Meſs; and we [...] on, as before, to eat by my ſelf, and that ve [...] ſparingly, as my Stock would bear. A [...] before my Ten Pence was quite ſpent, Prov [...] dence, [171] date 1662 on whom I relied, ſent me in a freſh Supply.

For William Penington (a Brother of Iſaac Pen [...]ngton's) a Friend and Merchant in London (at whoſe Houſe, before I came to live in the Ci [...]y, I was wont to Lodge) having been at his Brothers that Day upon a Viſit, eſcaped this Storm; and ſo was at Liberty: And under [...]tanding when he came back, what had been [...]one, bethought himſelf of me; and upon En [...]uiry hearing where I was, came in Love to [...]ee me.

He, in Diſcourſe, amongſt other things, asked me, How it was with me as to Money? and how well I was furniſhed? I told him, I could not boaſt of much: and yet I could not ſay I had none (Though what I then had was indeed next to none.) Whereupon he put Twenty Shillings into my Hand; and deſired me to accept of that for the preſent. I ſaw a Divine Hand in thus opening his Heart and Hand in this manner to me. And though I would willingly have been excuſed from taking ſo much, and would have returned one half of it: yet he preſſing it all upon me, I received it with a thankful Acknowledgment, as a Token of Love from the Lord, and from him.

On the Seventh Day he went down again (as he uſually did) to his Brother's Houſe at Chalfont: and in Diſcourſe gave them an Account of my Impriſonment. Whereupon, at his Return, on the Second Day of the Week following, my affectionate Friend Mary Penington ſent me, [172] date 1662 by him, Fourty Shillings; which he ſoon after brought me: out of which I would have repaid him the Twenty Shillings he had ſo kindly furniſhed me with; but he would not admit it, telling me, I might have Occaſion for that, and more, before I got my Liberty.

Not many Days after this, I received Twenty Shillings from my Father; who being then at his Houſe in Oxfordſhire, and, by Letter from my Siſter, underſtanding that I was a Priſoner in Bridewell, ſent this Money to me, for my Support there; and withal a Letter to my Siſter, for her to deliver to one called Mr. W [...] (who lived near Bridewell, and was a Servant to Sir Richard Brown, in ſome Wharf of his, requeſting him to interceed with his Maſter (who was one of the Governors of Bridewell for my Deliverance. But that Letter coming to my Hands, I ſuppreſt it; and have it y [...] by me.

Now was my Pocket from the loweſt Ebb [...] riſen to a full Tide. I was at the Brink o [...] Want, next Door to nothing; yet my Confidence did not fail, nor my Faith ſtagger: an [...] now on a ſuddain I had plentiful Supplies, ſhower upon ſhower, ſo that I abounded, yet wa [...] not lifted up; but in Humility could ſay, Thi [...] is the LORD's Doing. And, without defrauding any of the Inſtruments, of the Acknowledgments due unto them; mine Eye looked over and beyond them, to the LORD, who [...] ſaw was the Author thereof, and prime Agen [...] therein; and with a thankful Heart I returned [173] date 1662 Thankſgivings and Praiſes to him. And this [...]reat Goodneſs of the Lord to me, I thus Re [...]ord, to the End that all, into whoſe Hands [...]is may come, may be Encouraged to Truſt [...] the Lord; whoſe Mercy is over all his Works, [...]d who is indeed a God near at hand, to help [...] the needful time.

Now I durſt venture my ſelf into the Club, [...] which I had been invited; and accordingly [...]aving by this Time gained an Acquaintance with them) took an Opportunity to caſt my ſelf [...]mong them: and thenceforward, ſo long as we continued Priſoners there together, I was [...]e of their Meſs.

And now the chief thing I wanted, was Im [...]loyment; which ſcarce any wanted, but my [...]elf: for the reſt of my Company were gene [...]ally Tradeſmen, of ſuch Trades as could ſet [...]hemſelves on work. Of theſe divers were Taylors, ſome Maſters, ſome Journey-men; and with theſe I moſt inclined to ſettle. But be [...]auſe I was too much a Novice in their Art, to [...]e truſted with their Work: leſt I ſhould ſpoil [...]he Garment: I got Work from an Hoſier in Cheap-ſide: which was to make Night-Waiſt coats, of Red and Yellow Flannel, for Women and Children. And with this I entred my ſelf among [...]he Taylors, ſitting Croſs-leg'd as they did; and [...]o ſpent thoſe Leiſure-Hours, with Innocency and Pleaſure, which want of Buſineſs would have made tedious. And indeed, that was, in a manner, the only Advantage I had by it: for my Maſter (though a very wealthy Man, and [174] date 1662 one who profeſſed not only Friendſhip, but particular Kindneſs to me) dealt, I thought, but hardly with me. For (though he knew not what I had to ſubſiſt by) he never offered me a Penny for my Work, till I had done Working for him; and went (after I was releaſed) to give him a Viſit; and then he would not Reckon with me neither, becauſe (as he ſmilingly ſaid) he would not let me ſo far into his Trade, as to acquaint me with the Priſes of the Work; but would be ſure to give me enough. And thereupon he gave me one Crown Piece, and no more; tho' I had wrought long for him, and made him many Dozens of Waſtcoats, and bought the Thread my ſelf: which, I thought. was very poor Pay. But, as Providence had ordered it. I wanted the Work, more than the Wages: and therefore took what he gave me, without Complaining.

About this time (while we were Priſoners in our fair Chamber) a Friend was brought and put in among us; who had been ſent thither by Richard Brown to beat Hemp: whoſe Caſe was thus.

He was a very poor Man, who lived by Mending Shoos; and on a Seventh Day Night late, a Car-Man (or ſome other ſuch labouring Man) brought him a pair of Shoos to mend, deſiring him to mend them that Night, that he might have them in the Morning, for he had no other to wear. The poor Man ſate up at work upon them till after Mid-night; and then finding he could not finiſh them; he went [175] date 1662 [...]o bed; intending to do the reſt in the Morning.

Accordingly he got up betimes; and though [...]e wrought as privately as he could in his Chamber, that he might avoid giving Offence [...]o any: yet could he not do it ſo privately, but [...]hat an ill-natur'd Neighbour perceived it, who went and informed againſt him for working on the Sunday. Whereupon he was had before Richard Brown; who Committed him to Bride [...]ell for a certain time, to be kept to hard Labour, in Beating Hemp: which is Labour hard enough.

It ſo fell out, that at the ſame time were Committed thither (for what Cauſe I do not now remember) two luſty Young Men who were called Baptiſts, to be kept alſo at the ſame Labour.

The Friend was a poor little Man, of a low Condition, and mean Appearance: Whereas [...]heſe two Baptiſts were topping Blades, that [...]ooked high, and ſpake big. They ſcorned to [...]eat Hemp; and made a Piſh at the Whipping-Poſt: but when they had once felt the Smart of it, they ſoon cried Peccavi; and ſubmitting to the Puniſhment, ſet their tender Hands to the Beetles.

The Friend, on the other hand, acting upon a Principle, as knowing he had done no Evil, for which he ſhould undergo that Puniſhment, refuſed to work; and for refuſing was cruelly Whipt; which he bore with wonderful Conſtancy, and Reſolution of Mind.

[176] date 1662 The manner of Whipping there is, To ſtri [...] the Party to the Skin, from the Waſte upwards [...] and having faſtned him to the Whipping-Poſt (ſo that he can neither reſiſt, nor ſhun the Strokes) to laſh the naked Body, with long, but ſlender Twigs of Holly, which will bend almoſt like Thongs, and lap round the Body [...] and theſe having little Knots upon them, tear the Skin and Fleſh, and give extream Pain.

With theſe Rods they tormented the Friend moſt barbarouſly; and the more, for that, having maſtered the Two braving, Baptists, they diſdained to be maſtered by this poor Quaker. Yet were they fain at laſt to yeild, when they ſaw their utmoſt Severity could not make him yield. And then, not willing to be troubled longer with him, they turned him up among us

When we had enquired of him, how it was with him; and he had given us a brief Account of both his Cauſe and Uſage: it came in my Mind, that I had in my Box (which I had ſent for from my Lodging, to keep ſome few Books, and other Neceſſaries in) a little Gallypot with Lucatellu's-Balſam in it.

Wherefore, cauſing a good Fire to be made and ſetting the Friend, within a Blanket, befor [...] the Fire; we ſtripped him to the Waſte (as [...] he had been too be Whipt again:) and foun [...] his Skin ſo Cut, and Torn with the knott [...] Holly-Rods, both Back, Side, Arm and Breaſt [...] that it was a diſmal Sight to look upon. The [...] melting ſome of the Balſam, I with a Feathe [...] anointed all the Sores; and putting a ſofte [...] [177] date 1662 [...]oth between his Skin and his Shirt, help [...] him on with his Cloaths again. This [...]eſſing gave him much Eaſe; and I continu [...] it till he was well. And becauſe he was a [...]ry poor Man, we took him into our Meſs; [...]triving that there ſhould always be enough [...] him, as well as for our ſelves. Thus he [...]ed with us, until the time, he was commit [...]d for, was Expired; and then he was Re [...]ſed.

But we were ſtill continued Priſoners, by an [...]bitrary Power, not being Committed by the [...]vil Authority, nor having ſeen the Face of [...]y Civil Magiſtrate, from the Day we were [...]uſt in here by Soldiers (which was the 26th [...]ay of the Eighth Month) to the 19th of the [...]nth Month following.

On that Day we were had to the Seſſions at [...]e Old Baily. But not being called there, we [...]ere brought back to Bridewell, and continued [...]ere to the 29th of the ſame Month, and then [...]e were carried to the Seſſions again.

I expected I ſhould have been called the firſt, [...]cauſe my Name was firſt taken down: but [...] proved otherwiſe, ſo that I was one of the [...]t that was called; which gave me the Ad [...]ntage of hearing the Pleas of the other [...]riſoners, and diſcovering the Temper of the [...]ourt.

The Priſoners complained of the Illegality of [...]eir Impriſonment, and deſired to know what [...]y had lain ſo long in Priſon for. The Court [...]garded nothing of that; and did not ſtick to [178] date 1662 tell them ſo. For ſaid the Recorder to them If you think you have been wrongfully Impriſ [...] you have your Remedy at Law; and may take [...] if you think it worth your while. The Court (ſa [...] he) may ſend for any Man out of the Street, a [...] tender him the Oath: So we take no Notice [...] you came hither; but finding you here, we te [...] you the Oath of Allegiance: which if you ref [...] to take, we ſhall commit you, and at length P [...] munire you. Accordingly, as every one Refu [...] it, he was ſet aſide, and another called.

By this I ſaw it was in vain for me, to [...] upon Falſe Impriſonment, or ask the Cauſe [...] my Commitment; though I had before [...] niſhed my ſelf with ſome Authorities, and M [...] ims of Law, on that Subject, to have plead [...] if room had been given; and I had the B [...] (out of which I took them) in my Boſom; [...] the Weather being cold, I wore a Gown, g [...] about the middle, and had put the Book wi [...] in it. But I now reſolved to wave all th [...] and inſiſt upon another Plea; which juſt th [...] came into my Mind.

As ſoon therefore as I was called, I ſte [...] nimbly to the Bar, and ſtood up upon the St [...] ping (that I might the better both hear and [...] heard) and laying my Hands upon the B [...] ſtood ready, expecting what they would [...] to me.

I ſuppoſe they took me for a confident you [...] Man: for they looked very earneſtly upon [...] and we faced each other, without Words, [...] a while. At length the Recorder (who was [...] d [179] date 1662 Sir John Howel) asked me, If I would take [...]e Oath of Allegiance.

To which I anſwered, I conceive this Court [...]ath not Power to tender that Oath to me, in [...]e Condition wherein I ſtand.

This ſo unexpected Plea ſeemed to ſtartle [...]em, ſo that they looked one upon another; [...]d ſaid ſomewhat low one to another, What! [...]h he demur to the Juriſdiction of the Court? [...]nd thereupon the Recorder asked me, Do you [...] demur to the Juriſdiction of the Court? Not [...]bſolutely, anſwered I, but Conditionally; [...]th reſpect to my preſent Condition, and the [...]ircumſtances I am now under.

Why, what is your preſent Condition? ſaid the [...]corder. A Priſoner, replied I. And what is [...]t, ſaid he, to your taking, or not taking the [...]th? Enough (ſaid I, as I conceive) to exempt [...]e from the Tender thereof; while I am un [...]r this Condition. Pray, what is your Reaſon [...] that? ſaid he. This, ſaid I; That, if I [...]htly underſtand the Words of the Statute, I [...] required to ſay That I do take this Oath free [...] and without Conſtraint: which I cannot ſay, [...]cauſe I am not a Free Man, but in Bonds, and [...]der Conſtraint. Wherefore I conceive that, [...] you would tender that Oath to me, ye ought [...]t to ſet me free from my preſent Impriſon [...]ent.

But, ſaid the Recorder, will you take the Oath [...] you be ſet free? Thou ſhalt ſee that, ſaid I, [...]en I am ſet free. Therefore ſet me free firſt, [...]d then ask the Queſtion.

[180] date 1662 But, ſaid he again, you know your own M [...] ſure, and can tell now what you would do, if you we [...] at Liberty. Yes, replied I, that I can: but [...] don't hold my ſelf obliged to tell it, until I at at Liberty. Therefore ſet me at Liberty, a [...] ye ſhall ſoon hear it.

Thus we fenced a good while, till I was bo [...] weary of ſuch Trifling; and doubted alſo, [...] ſome of the Standers by ſhould ſuſpect, I wo [...] take it; if I was ſet at Liberty. Wherei [...] when the Recorder put it upon me again, [...] him plainly, No; though I thought they ou [...] not to tender it me, till I had been ſet at [...] berty: yet if I was ſet at Liberty, I could [...] take that, nor any other Oath, becauſe [...] Lord and Maſter, CHRIST JESUS, had [...] preſly Commanded his Diſciples Not to S [...] at all.

As his Command was enough to me: ſo [...] Confeſſion of mine was enough to them. T [...] him away, ſaid they; and away I was tak [...] and thruſt into the Bail-Dock to my oth [...] Friends, who had been called before me. A [...] as ſoon as the reſt of our Company were call [...] and had refuſed to Swear, we were all Co [...] mitted to Newgate: and thruſt into the Co [...] mon Side.

When we came there, we found that Side [...] the Priſon very full of Friends, who were P [...] ſoners there before (as indeed were, at that ti [...] all the other Parts of that Priſon, and moſt of t [...] other Priſons about the Town) and our Addi [...] on cauſed a great Throng on that Side. No [...] withſtanding [181] date 1662 which, we were kindly welcomed [...] our Friends, whom we found there; and [...]ertained by them, as well as their Condition [...]ould admit, until we could get in our own [...]commodations, and provide for our ſelves.

We had the Liberty of the Hall (which is on [...]e firſt ſtory over the Gate, and which, in the [...]y time, is common to all the Priſoners on that [...]de, Felons as well as others, to walk in, and [...] Beg out of:) and we had alſo the Liberty of [...]e other Rooms over that Hall, to walk or [...]rk in, a Days. But in the Night we all [...]dged in one Room, which was large and [...]nd, having in the Middle of it a great Pillar [...]f Oaken Timber; which bore up the Chap [...] that is over it.

To this Pillar we faſtned our Hammacks at [...] one End, and to the oppoſite Wall on the o [...]er End, quite round the Room, and in three [...]grees, or three Stories high, one over the o [...]r: ſo that they who lay in the Upper and [...]ddle Row of Hammacks, were obliged to [...] to Bed firſt, becauſe they were to Climb up [...] the Higher, by getting into the Lower. And [...]er the Lower Rank of Hammacks, by the [...]ll-ſides were laid Beds upon the Floor; in [...]ich the Sick, and ſuch weak Perſons as could [...]t get into the Hammacks, lay. And indeed, [...]ough the Room was large, and pretty airy: [...]t the Breath and Steam that came from ſo [...]ny Bodies, of different Ages, Conditions [...]d Conſtitutions, pack't up ſo cloſe together, [...]s enough to cauſe Sickneſs amongſt us; and [182] date 1662 I believe did ſo. For there were many Sick; and ſome very weak: though we were not long there, yet in that time one of our Fellow Priſoners, who lay in one of thoſe Pallet-Beds, died.

This cauſed ſome Buſtle in the Houſe. For the Body of the Deceaſed, being laid out, and put into a Coffin, was carried down, and ſet in the Room called the Lodge; that the Coroner might enquire into the Cauſe and Manner of his Death. And the manner of their doing it, is thus. As ſoon as the Coroner is come, the Turnkeys run out into the Street under the Gate; and ſeize upon every Man that paſſes by, till they have got enough to make up the Coroner's Inqueſt. And ſo reſolute theſe rude Fellows are, that if any Man reſiſt, or diſpute it with them; they drag him in by main Force, not regarding what Condition he is of. Nay, I have been told, the will not ſtick to ſtop a Coach, and pluck the Men out of it.

It ſo happened, that at this time they lighted on an Ancient Man, a grave Citizen, who was trudging through the Gate in great Haſte; and him they laid hold on, telling him He muſt come in, and ſerve upon the Coroner's Inqueſt. He pleaded hard, beg'd and beſought them to let him go; aſſuring them He was going on very urgent Buſineſs, and that the ſtopping him would be greatly to his Prejudice. But they were deaf to all Intreaties; and hurried him in, the poor Man Chaffing without Remedy.

When they had got their Complement, and were ſhut in together, the reſt of them ſaid to [183] date 1662 this Ancient Man, Come Father, you are the oldeſt Man among us: You ſhall be our Foreman. And when the Coroner had Sworn them on the Jury, the Coffin was uncovered, that they might ;ook upon the Body. But the Old Man, diſturbed in his Mind at the Interruption they had given him; was grown ſomewhat fretful upon it: ſaid to them, To what purpoſe do you ſhew us a dead Body here! You would not have us think, ſure, that this Man died in this Room? How then ſhall we be able to judge how this Man came by his Death, unleſs we ſee the Place wherein he died, and wherein he hath been kept Priſoner before he died? How know we, but that the Incommodiouſneſs of the Place wherein he was kept, may have occaſioned his Death? Therefore ſhew us (ſaid he) the place wherein this Man died.

This much diſpleaſed the Keepers; and they began to banter the Old Man, thinking to have beaten him off it. But he ſtood up titely to them: Come, come, ſaid he, Though you have made a Fool of me, in bringing me in hither; ye ſhall not find a Child of me, now I am here. Miſtake not your ſelves: I underſtand my Place, and your Duty; and I require you to Conduct me, and my Brethren, to the Place where this Man died: Refuſe it at your Peril.

They now wiſhed they had let the Old Man go about his Buſineſs, rather than by troubling him, have brought this Trouble on themſelves. But when they ſaw he perſiſted in his Reſolution, and was peremptory, the Coroner told them, They muſt go ſhew him the Place.

[184] date 1662 It was in the Evening when they began this Work; and by this time it was grown Bed-time with us: ſo that we had taken down our Hammacks (which in the Day were hung up by the Walls) and had made them ready to go into; and were undreſſing our ſelves in Readineſs to go into them. When on a ſuddain we heard a great Noiſe of Tongues, and of Tramplings of Feet, coming up towards us. And by and by One of the Turnkeys, opening our Door, ſaid, Hold, hold, Don't undreſs your ſelves, here's the Coroner's Inqueſt coming to ſee you.

As ſoon as they were come to the Door (for within the Door there was ſcarce room for them to come) the Foreman, who led them, lifting up his Hand, ſaid, Lord bleſs me, what a Sight is here! I did not think there had been ſo much Cruelty in the Hearts of Engliſhmen, to uſe Engliſhmen in this manner! We need not now queſtion (ſaid he to the reſt of the Jury) how this Man came by his Death: We may rather wonder that they are not all dead: for this Place is enough to breed an Infection among them. Well, added he, If it pleaſe God to lengthen my Life till to Morrow, I will find means to let the KING know how his Subjects are dealt with.

Whether he did ſo, or no; I cannot tell; but I am apt to think that he applied himſelf to the Mayor, or the Sheriffs of London. For the next Day, one of the Sheriffs (called Sir William Turner, a Wollen-Draper in Paul's-Yard) came to the Preſs-Yard; and having ordered the Porter of Bridewell to attend him there; ſent up a [185] date 1662 Turnkey amongſt us, to bid all the Bridewell Priſoners come down to him: for they knew us not; but we knew our own Company.

Being come before him, in the Preſs-Yard, he looked kindly on us, and ſpake courteouſly to us. Gentlemen, ſaid he, I underſtand the Priſon is very full; and I am ſorry for it. I wiſh it were in my Power to releaſe you, and the reſt of your Friends that are in it. But ſince I cannot do that, I am willing to do what I can for you. And therefore I am come hither to enquire how it is; and I would have all you, who came from Bridewell, return thither again; which will be a better Accommodation to you: and your Removal will give the more room to thoſe that are left behind; and here is the Porter of Bridewell, your Old Keeper, to attend you thither.

We duly acknowledged the Favour of the Sheriff, to us and our Friends above, in this Removal of us; which would give them more Room, and us a better Air. But before we parted from him, I ſpake particularly to him, on another Occaſion: which was this.

When we came into Newgate, we found a ſhabby Fellow there, among the Friends; who (upon Inquiry) we underſtood had thruſt himſelf among our Friends, when they were taken at a Meeting, on purpoſe to be ſent to Priſon with them; in hopes to be maintained by them. They knew nothing of him, till they found him ſhut in with them in the Priſon: and then took no Notice of him, as not knowing how or why he came thither. But he ſoon gave [186] date 1662 them cauſe to take Notice of him: for whereever he ſaw any Victuals brought forth fo [...] them to Eat; he would be ſure to thruſt in with Knife in hand, and make himſelf his own Carver, And ſo impudent was he, that if he ſaw the Proviſion was ſhort; whoever wanted [...] he would be ſure to take enough.

Thus lived this lazy Drone upon the Labours of the Induſtrious Bees; to his high Content, and their no ſmall Trouble: to whom his Company was as Offenſive, as his Ravening was Oppreſſive: nor could they get any Relief, by their complaining of him to the Keepers.

This Fellow, hearing the Notice which was given, for the Bridewell-Men to go down, in order to be removed to Bridewell again; and hoping (no Doubt) that freſh Quarters would produce freſh Commons, and that he ſhould fare better with us, than where he was: thruſt himſelf amongſt us; and went down into the Preſs Yard with us. Which I knew not of, till I ſaw him ſtanding there, with his Hat on; and looking as demurely as he could, that the Sheriff might take him for a Quaker: at Sight of which, my Spirit was much ſtirred.

Wherefore, as ſoon as the Sheriff had done ſpeaking to us, and we had made our Acknowledgment of his Kindneſs; I ſtept a little nearer to him, and pointing to that Fellow, ſaid, That Man is not only none of our Company, for he is no Quaker: but is an idle diſſolute Fellow, who hath thruſt himſelf in among our Friends, to be ſent to Priſon with them, that he might [187] date 1662 live upon them: therefore I deſire we may not be troubled with him at Bridewell.

At this the Sheriff ſmiled; and calling the Fellow forth, ſaid to him, How came you to be in Priſon? I was taken at a Meeting, ſaid he, But what Buſineſs had you there? ſaid the Sheriff. I went to hear, ſaid he. Aye, you went upon a [...]rſe Deſign, it ſeems, replied the Sheriff; but I' [...] diſappoint you, ſaid he: for I'll change your Company; and ſend you to them that are like your ſelf. Then calling for the Turnkey, he ſaid, Take this Fellow, and put him among the Felons; and be ſure let him not trouble the Quakers any more.

Hitherto this Fellow had ſtood with his Hat on, as willing to have paſſed (if he could) for a Quaker; but as ſoon as he heard this Doom paſſed on him, off went his Hat: and to bowing and ſcraping he fell, with Good your Worſhip have pity upon me, and ſet me at Liberty. No, no, ſaid the Sheriff, I will not ſo far diſappoint you: ſince you had a Mind to be in Priſon, in Priſon you ſhall be for me. Then bidding, the Turnkey take him away; he had him up, and put him among the Felons: and ſo Friends had a good Deliverance from him.

The Sheriff then bidding us Farewel, the Porter of Bridewell came to us, and told us, We know our Way to Bridewell without him; and he could truſt us: therefore he would not ſtay nor go with us; but left us to take our own time; ſo we were in before Bed-time.

Then went we up again to our Friends in Newgate; and gave them an Account of what [188] date 1662 had paſſed: and having taken a ſolemn Leav [...] of them; we made up our Packs to be gone [...] But before I paſs from Newgate, I think it no [...] amiſs, to give the Reader ſome little Accoun [...] of what I Obſerved while I was there.

The common Side of Newgate is generally accounted, as it really is, the Worſt part of that Priſon; not ſo much from the Place, as the People: it being uſually ſtocked with the verieſt Rogues, and meaneſt ſort of Felons, and Pick-Pockets; who not being able to pay Chamber-Rent on the Maſter's Side, are thruſt in there. And if they come in Bad, to be ſure they do not go out better: for here they have an Opportunity to inſtruct one another in their Art; and impart each to other what Improvements they have made therein.

The Common Hall (which is the firſt Room over the Gate) is a good Place to walk in, when the Priſoners are out of it (ſaving the danger of catching ſome Cattle, which they may have left in it:) and there I uſed to walk in a Morning, before they were let up; and ſometimes in the Day time, when they have been there.

They all carried themſelves reſpectfully towards me; which I imputed chiefly to this, That when any of our Women-Friends came there to Viſit the Priſoners, if they had not Relations of their own there, to take care of them: I, (as being a young Man, and more at leiſure than moſt others, for I could not play the Taylor there) was forward to go down with them to [189] date 1662 the Grate, and ſee them ſafe out. And ſometimes they have left Money in my Hands for the Felons (who at ſuch times were very importunate Beggars:) which I forthwith diſtributed among them in Bread; which was to be had in the Place. But ſo troubleſome an Office it was, that I thought one had as good have had a Pack of hungry Hounds about one, as theſe when they knew there was a Dole to be given. Yet this, I think, made them a little the more obſervant to me; for they would diſpoſe themſelves to one ſide of the Room, that they might make way for me to walk on the other. And when I walked there, I had uſually a Book in my Hand; on which I had mine Eye: which made them think I did not heed what they ſaid. By this Means, mine Ear being attentive to them, I heard them relate one to another many of their Roguiſh Pranks.

One Day, as I was thus walking to and fro beſide them, I heard them recounting one to another what feats they had done at Pocket-picking and Shop-lifting. Whereupon, turning ſhort upon them, I asked them, Which of you all will undertake to pick my Pocket? They were not very forward to Anſwer; but viewed me round. I wore a long Gown, which was lap't over before, and tied about the Middle; and had no Pocket-Holes in it. When they had a while conſidered it, and I (having taken another Turn) was come up again to them, One of them ſaid, Why, Maſter, If you will Promiſe not to Proſecute us, we will ſhow you a Piece [190] date 1662 of our Skill. Nay, hold there, ſaid I, I won [...] ſo far encourage you in Evil, as to promiſe no [...] to proſecute: and away I turned again; having mine Eye on my Book; but mine Ear [...] to them. And in a while I heard them contriving how they would have done it. I, ſaid one of them, would give him the Budge; and before he can recover himſelf, you (ſaid he to another of them) having your Penknife ready, ſhould [...] his Gown; and then (ſaid he) let Honeypot alone for the diving Part. This Honeypot was a little Boy (then in Priſon with them for Picking a Pocket) who, by his Stature, did not ſeem to be above Ten, or a Dozen Years old: but for his Dexterity at Pocket-picking, was held to be one of the top of the Trade. As for the Budg [...] I had had it given me often in the Street; but underſtood not the Meaning of it till now; and now I found it was a Joſtle, enough to throw one almoſt upon his Noſe.

I have ſometimes occaſionally been in the Hall in an Evening; and have ſeen the Whores let in unto them (which I take to be a common Practice:) Naſty Sluts indeed they were; and in that reſpect the more ſuitable. And as I have paſſed by them, I have heard the Rogues and they making their Bargains, which and which of them ſhould Company together that Night. Which abominable Wickedneſs muſt be imputed to the Diſhoneſty of the Turnkeys; who, for vile Gain to themſelves, not only ſuffer, but further this Leudneſs.

[191] date 1661 Theſe are ſome of the common Evils, which make the Common Side of Newgate, in meaſure a Type of HELL upon EARTH. But there was, at that time, ſomething of another Nature, more Particular and Accidental, which was very Offenſive to me.

When we came firſt into Newgate, there lay in a little By-place like a Cloſet, near the Room where we were Lodged) the Quartered Bodies of three Men; who had been Executed ſome Days before, for a real or pretended Plot: which was the Ground, or at leaſt Pretext, for that Storm in the City, which had cauſed this Impriſonment. The Names of theſe three Men were Philips, Tongue and Gibs: and the Reaſon why their Quarters lay ſo long there was, The Relations were all that while Petitioning to have leave to bury them: which at length with much ado was obtained for the Quarters; but not for the Heads, which were Ordered to be ſet up in ſome Parts of the City.

I ſaw the Heads, when they were brought [...]p to be Boyled. The Hangman fetch'd them [...]n a dirty Duſt Basket, out of ſome By-Place; [...]nd ſetting them down amongſt the Felons, he [...]nd they made Sport with them. They took [...]hem by the Hair, Flouting, Jeering and Laugh [...]ng at them: and then giving them ſome ill Names, box'd them on the Ears and Cheeks. Which done, the Hangman put them into his Kettle, and parboyl'd them with Bay-Salt and Cummin-Seed: that to keep them from Putrefaction, and this to keep off the Fowls from [192] date 1662 ſeizing on them. The whole Sight (as we [...] that of the Bloody Quarters firſt, as this of th [...] Heads afterwards) was both frightful an loathſom; and begat an Abhorrence in my Nature. Which as it had rendered my Confinement there by much the more uneaſie: ſo [...] made our Removal from thence to Bridewell even in that reſpect, the more welcome. Whither we now go.

For having (as I hinted before) made up our Packs, and taken our Leave of our Friends, whom we were to leave behind; we took our Bundles on our Shoulders, and walked, Two and Two a Breaſt, through the Old Baily into Fleet-Street, and ſo to Old Bridewell. And it being about the middle of the Afternoon, and the Streets pretty full of People; both the Shopkeepers at their Doors, and Paſſengers in the Way, would ſtop us, and ask us what we were, and whither we were going. And when we had told them we were Priſoners, going from one Priſon to another (from Newgate to Bridewell) What, ſaid they, without a Keeper! No [...] ſaid we, for our Word, which we have given [...] is our Keeper. Some thereupon would adviſ [...] us not to go to Priſon, but to go home. Bu [...] we told them, we could not do ſo: we coul [...] ſuffer for our Teſtimony; but could not fl [...] from it. I do not remember we had any Abuſ [...] offered us: but were generally pitied by th [...] People.

When we were come to Bridewell; we wer [...] not put up into the great Room in which we ha [...] [193] date 1662 [...]en before; but into a low Room in another [...]ir Court, which had a Pump in the Middle [...] it. And here we were not ſhut up as be [...]re: but had the Liberty of the Court to walk [...] and of the Pump to waſh or drink at. And [...]deed, we might eaſily have gone quite away [...] we would, there was a Paſſage through the [...]urt into the Street) but we were true and [...]ady Priſoners; and looked upon this Liberty, [...]ſing from their Confidence in us, to be a [...]nd of Paroll upon us; ſo that both Conſcience [...]d Honour ſtood now engaged for our true [...]priſonment.

Adjoyning to this Room, wherein we were, [...]as ſuch another; both newly fitted up for [...]ork-Houſes, and accordingly furniſhed with [...]ry great Blocks, for Beating Hemp upon, [...]d a luſty Whipping-Poſt there was in each. [...]d it was ſaid, That Richard Brown had Or [...]red thoſe Blocks to be provided, for the Qua [...]s to Work on; reſolving to try his Strength [...]ith us in that Caſe: but if that was his Pur [...]ſe, it was over-ruled; for we never had any Work Offered us, nor were we treated after the Manner of thoſe, that are to be ſo Uſed. Yet we ſet our ſelves to Work on them; for, being [...]ery large, they ſerved the Taylors for Shop [...]ards, and others wrought upon them, as [...]ey had Occaſion: and they ſerved us very well for Tables to eat on.

We had alſo beſides this Room, the Uſe of [...]ur former Chamber above, to go into when we thought fit: and thither ſometimes I withdrew, [194] date 1662 when I found a Deſire for Retiremen [...] and Privacy, or had ſomething on my Mind t [...] write, which could not ſo well be done in Company. And indeed, about this time my Spiri [...] was more than ordinarily Exerciſed; though on very different Subjects. For, on the one hand, the Senſe of the Exceeding LOVE and GOODNESS of the LORD to me in his Gracious and Tender Dealings with me did deeply affect my Heart; and cauſed me to break forth in a SONG of THANKSGIVING and PRAISE to Him: And, on the other hand, a Senſe of the Prophaneneſs [...] Debaucheries, Cruelties, and other horr [...] Impieties of the AGE, fell heavy on me and lay as a preſſing Weight upon my Spirit. And this drew from me a cloſe Exp [...] bration; which my mournful Muſe vented i [...] the following Lines: to which I gave for a Title,

date 1662 Speculum SECULI: OR, A LOOKING-GLASS FOR THE TIMES.

[195]

[...]hich began with this Expoſtulatory Preface.

WHY ſhould my Modeſt MUSE forbidden be
To ſpeak of that which but too many ſee?
[...]y ſhould ſhe, by Conniving, ſeem t' uphold
[...]s Wickedneſs; and thereby make them bold
[...]l to perſiſt in't? Why ſhould ſhe be ſhy
[...]call them Beaſts, who want Humanity?
[...]y ſhould ſhe any longer Silence keep,
[...]d lie ſecure, as one that's faſt aſleep?
[...] how indeed can it expected be,
[...]t ſhe ſhould hold her Tongue, and daily ſee
[...]ſe wicked and enormous Crimes committed,
[...]ich ſhe, in Modeſty, has pretermitted?
[196] date 1662 Which but to name would with their Filth defile
Chaſt Ears, and caſt a Blemiſh on her Stile.
Yet, of ſo many, ſhe cannot forbear
To mention ſome, which here detected are.
LOUD were the Cries, which long h [...] pierc'd mine Ear:
Foul the Reports, which I did daily hear.
Unheard of, new-invented Crimes were brough [...]
By Fame unto my Knowledge; which I thoug [...]
Too foul and loathſome to have found a place
In any Heart, though ne'er ſo void of Grace.
This made me take a more obſervant View,
Whether Report ſpake what of Men is true.
But as the celebrated Southern QUEEN,
When ſhe the Court of Solomon had ſeen;
And had, with more than uſual Diligence,
Obſerv'd his Splendor and Magnificence;
Conſider'd well his Pomp, his Port, his State,
The great Retinue that on him did wait:
As one with Admiration fill'd (no doubt
Not able longer to contain) burſt out
Into ſuch Words as theſe; Thrice happy KIN [...]
(Whoſe Fame throughout the Univerſe doth ri [...]
[197] date 1662 [...]ough of thine Acts I thought Report too bold,
[...]t now I ſee one half hath not been told.
[...]ſt ſo did I (though in another kind)
[...]ter I had intently fix'd my Mind
[...]on Mens Actions; and had duly weigh'd
[...]ot only what they did, but what they ſaid
[...]while I ſtood (like one that's ſtruck with Thunder)
[...]l'd with Aſtoniſhment, and ſilent Wonder.
[...]t length my Heart, ſwelling with Indignation,
[...]ented it ſelf in ſuch an Exclamation.
[...] O Helliſh Doings! O Infernal Crew!
[...]f whom, who ſays the worſt he can, ſays true.
[...] Herd of Luſtful Satyrs, Monſters, Brutes!
For ſuch a Name to ſuch a Nature ſutes:)
What Ink is black enough to write! What Pen
[...]it to delineate ſuch Beaſts; not Men!
Words are too ſhallow to expreſs the Rage,
The Fury, Madneſs of this Frantick AGE.
Numbers fall ſhort to reckon up the Crimes,
Which are the Recreations of theſe Times.
Was Sodom ever Guilty of a Sin,
Which England is not now involved in?
[198] date 1662 By Cuſtom, Drunkenneſs ſo common's grown [...]
That moſt Men count it a ſmall Sin, or none.
Ranting and Roaring they affirm to be
The true Characters of Gentility.
Swearing and Curſing is ſo much in Faſhion,
That 'tis eſteem'd a Badge of Reputation.
What dreadful Oaths! What direful Execrati [...]
On others! On themſelves what Imprecations
They tumble out, like roaring Claps of Thund [...]
As if they meant to rend the Clouds a ſunder!
Mockers do ſo abound in ev'ry Place,
That rare it is to meet a ſober Face.
Ambition, Boaſting, Vanity and Pride
(With Numbers numberleſs of Sins beſide)
Are grown, thro' Uſe, ſo common, that Men c [...]
Them Peccadillo's; ſmall, or none at all.
But, Oh! the Luxury, and great Exceſs
Which by this wanton Age is us'd in Dreſs!
What pains do Men and Women take, alas!
To make themſelves for arrand Bedlam's paſs!
The Fool's py'd Coat, which all Wiſe Men dete
Is grown a Garment now in great Requeſt.
More Colours in one Waſtcoat now they wear,
Than in the Rain-bow ever did appear;
[199] date 1662 As if they were ambitious to put on
All Colours that they caſt their Eyes upon:
Thereby outſtripping the Chamaelion quite,
Which cannot change it ſelf to Red or White.
Each Man, like Proteus his Shape doth change,
To whatſoever ſeemeth new or ſtrange:
And he that in a modeſt Garb is Dreſt,
[...]s made the Laughing-ſtock of all the reſt.
For are they with their Baubles ſatisfied:
But Sex-Diſtinctions too are laid aſide.
The Women wear the Trowſies and the Veſt:
While Men in Muffs, Fans, Peticoats are dreſt.
[...]ome Women (Oh, the Shame!) like ramping Rigs,
[...]ide flaunting in their Powder'd Perriwigs:
Aſtride they ſit (and not aſhamed neither)
Dreſt up like Men, in Jacket, Cap and Feather.
All things to Luſt and Wantonneſs are fitted:
Nothing that tends to Vanity omitted.
To give a Touch on every Antick Faſhion
Which hath been worn of late within this Nation,
Might fill a Volume, which would tire, no doubt,
The READER's Patience, if not wear it out.
[200]
date 1662 Come now, ye ranting Gallants of the Times
Who nothing have to boaſt of, but your Crimes
Ye Satan's Hectors, who diſdain to Swear
An Oath beneath God damn me if he dare.
Blaſphemous Wretches! whoſe Impieties,
With rude Aſſaults, have ſtorm'd the very Skie [...]
And dar'd the God of Heaven, a dreadful Strok [...]
Shall yo receive, by which ye ſhall be broke:
And in the fiery Lake thoſe Torments find,
Which for ſuch Deſperado's are aſſign'd.
And ye, who take ſo great delight to Curſ [...]
As that you think your ſelves a deal the worſe
Unleſs unto the higheſt Strain ye ſwell,
And wiſh the Devil make you Bed in Hell:
This know, the long provoked God is come,
From whom ye muſt receive that dreadful Doom
Depart, ye Curſed, and for ever dwell,
Where Beds of Torment are prepar'd, in Hell.
'Twas wonderful to ſee in what a Trice,
This Zealous Nation was o'er-run with Vice.
As when the boyling Gulf, with furious Gales
Puff't up, o'erſlows its Banks, and drowns th [...] Vales;
[201] date 1662 And when again it Ebbs, it leaves (we find)
A loathſom Scum, and noiſom Stink behind
So great was, in a Word, the Wickedneſs
Of that black Day; ſuch the uncurb'd Exceſs;
As if the Fatal Hour had then been come,
For the Deliv'ry of Hells pregnant Womb;
And that the Devil had a Patent got,
To vend whatever Merchandize he brought:
Or that Pandora's Box (which POETS feign
Did all Calamities in it contain)
Had then been newly op'ned; and from thence
Had flutter'd out this raging Peſtilence:
Which ſince, the common Body hath o'erſpread
With ſuch a Lep'rous Scab from Foot to Head;
That 'tis a lamentable Sight to ſee,
How each Sex, old and young, debauched be.
A ſort of Men have over-run this Nation,
Who are a Burthen to the whole Creation:
Men ſhall I call them, or the Viper's Brood?
Lovers of Evil: Haters of all Good.
Theſe, ſwell'd with Envy, in a great Deſpight
To Chriſt, with Fiſt of Wickedneſs do ſmite
(Not their own Fellow-Servants; for they are
The Devil's Slaves, by him bor'd thro' the Ear:
[202] date 1662 But) God's Ambaſſadors, whom he hath ſent
To warn them of their Sins, and cry, Repent;
Or to denounce his Judgments againſt thoſe,
That ſet themſelves his Meſſage to oppoſe.
Theſe Perſecute the Innocent, and ſay,
When they are gone, 'twill be a merry Day.
Theſe grind the Poor; The Needy theſe Oppreſ [...]
Widows devour; Tread on the Fatherleſs.
Far from themſelves they put the Evil Day;
Remove impending Judgments far away:
And yet in vain they ſtrive t'eſcape the Stroke
Of that juſt God whom boldly they provoke.
For they afflict his People; ſlay his Sheep:
Beat thoſe whom he appointed hath to keep
And feed his tender Lambs; rend, tear, devour
Suppreſs God's Worſhip to their utmoſt Pow'r.
A Curſed Generation, who are bent
To ſpare the Wicked; ſlay the Innocent:
Whoſe Blood doth Cry, whoſe Blood doth Cry aloud,
As loud as Abel's, pierceth thro' the Cloud;
Preſents it ſelf before the Judgment-Seat,
And Juſtice doth of the juſt Judge intreat,
[203] date 1662 That ſpeedy Vengence he will take on all,
Who Perſecute his Saints, and them Enthrall.
Nor is He deaf; its Cry with him prevails:
And He hath promiſed (who never fails
In the Performance) that he will ariſe,
And put a Period to their Cruelties:
And that he will, with more than winged Speed,
Send Comfort to his poor afflicted Seed;
Which under Pharaoh's heavy Yoke hath groan'd,
And in Captivity it ſelf bemoan'd.
O Bloody Sin of Perſecution!
'Tis thou that pluckeſt Judgments down upon
The Heads of Kings, Princes, Plebeians, All
That Act thee, and by thee the Saints enthral.
This is that Sin, that Sin which Cries aloud;
Louder than all the reſt, The Guilt of Blood:
Which is the ſtrongeſt Cord the Devil hath
To draw down on Mankind God's heavy Wrath.
Weeping I ſigh, and ſighing weep to ſee
The Rod, which God prepared hath for thee,
O England, who doſt evilly intreat
His Meſſengers; and doſt his Prophets beat.
Ah, England, Ah, poor England, I bewail
Thy ſad Eſtate: O that I might prevail
[204] date 1662 In my Deſires for thee! Then ſhouldſt thou be
As full of Joy, as now of Miſery.
For then ſhould Plenty in thy Fields be found,
And all thy Garners ſhould with Grain abound:
Then Peace, long-laſting Peace ſhould in thee dwell;
For God would all thine Enemies repel:
And he himſelf would take delight in thee;
So Thou the Glory of the World would'ſt be.
But, ah, alaſs! ſmall Hope I have to ſee
Such happy Symptoms of good Health in thee,
No, No, ſad Iſle, my Reaſon it doth tell me,
That all the Croſſes, which have yet befel thee,
Are but an Earneſt of that dreadful Day,
Wherein God will upon thy Head repay
Wrath, Fury, Vengeance and Deſtruction;
The juſt Reward of Perſecution.
The due Conſideration of thy State,
And thine (I fear) inevitable Fate,
Doth move my Heart with Pity and Compaſſion
And leads me to this ſhort Expoſtulation.
Who to the Eye gave Sight? what ſhall not he
The Cruel Sufferings of his People ſee?
[205] date 1662 And ſhall not he that formed hath the Ear,
The mournful Groans of his dear Children hear?
Are Men ſo ſtupid grown, they think GOD's Blind?
Or that he doth not heed? or cannot find
A way, to eaſe the Suff'rings of his Seed?
Whoſe Cry unto him is, Father, with ſpeed
Ariſe, ariſe; Rend thou the Clouds, Deſcend:
Avenge us of our Enemies, Defend
Us from their Cruelties; and let them ſee
Thy Care of us, exceeds our Love to Thee.
Nor are theſe Sighs in vain: for he indeed
Is riſing, yea is ris'n, our Cauſe to plead
In Righteouſneſs; and henceforth us who kicks,
Shall know 'tis hard to kick againſt the Pricks.
Be warned then ye Rulers, and let all
Of whatſoever Rank, both great and ſmall,
Tremble before the Lord; and ceaſe to Rage
Againſt our God's peculiar Heritage.
For, of a Truth, his long-provoked Hand
Is ſtretched out, in Judgment, o'er this Land;
And ye muſt feel it: for he hath decreed,
To vindicate his long oppreſſed Seed.
[206] date 1662 And in his Fury, he will Vengeance take
In our Behalfs, who ſuffer for his ſake.
Then ſhall ye know, That he, who ſits on high,
Regards us as the Apple of his Eye.

To this, occaſionally I ſubjoined a POSTSCRIPT, thus.

SINCE what precedes was written, I have found
An Accuſation form'd, but without Ground,
Againſt me, That with uncontrouled Pen,
I too ſeverely laſh the Faults of Men:
And take upon me, in Satyrick Rhimes,
To paſs a rigid Cenſure on the Times.
This drew me on to add another Line,
To ſhew them that the Fault's their own, not mine.
No Crime can juſtly to my charge be laid:
Unleſs it be a Crime, That Truth be ſaid.
Nor can, without Injuſtice, any blame
My Muſe, for Echoing the Common Fame.
If any ſhould Object, That wiſe Men hold,
That Truth at all times ought not to be told.
[207] date 1662 Nor that whatever comes into ones Head
Should ſtraight, becauſe 'tis true, be publiſhed.
I readily aſſent, becauſe I know
Pearls before Swine we are forbid to through.
Some Truths, I grant, may better be conceal'd,
Than if they out of Seaſon were reveal'd.
Yet would I not that any, through Miſtake,
Should of my Words a Miſconſtruction make.
Than that ſhould happen, I had rather be
Tax't by the Reader for Prolixity.
Thus then, in brief, would I be underſtood.
If what I know, concerns my Brother's good,
For him to know: Ought I not then unfold
It to him, rather than from him with-hold
A Benefit? So on the other ſide,
It is, I think, too plain to be deny'd,
That if I ſee what certainly doth tend
To the Hurt of my Neighbour, or my Friend;
I am oblig'd, by Chriſtian Charity,
To give them warning of the danger nigh:
To ſhew them, that they ſtand upon the brink
Of certain Ruin; and if then they ſink,
[208] date 1662 By wilful Running on, I ſhall be free
From Guilt, their Blood on their own Heads will be.
'Tis plain I think; yet if ye can't believe it
Without a Scripture-Proof, lo, here
Levit. 19. 17. Ezek. 33
I give it.
This is the very Caſe; which, if well weigh'd,
Will fully juſtifie what I have ſaid.
I ſaw Men Running to a Precipice,
At Foot of which was ſuch a vaſt Abyſs
As could have ſwallow'd Nations; ſo immenſe
That 'twas impoſſible to climb out thence.
For if a Man, we ſee, but chance to pitch.
O'er Head and Ears, into ſome miry Ditch;
How quickly is he ſmothered, unleſs
Some Friendly Hand aſſiſt in that diſtreſs!
And if, with ſtrugling, out at length he get
Yet how beſmear'd is he with Dirt, and wet!
But into this deep Pit who falls, in vain
Expects an Hand, to help him out again.
No, 'tis of Grace that Men forewarned are,
And, e'er their Feet are taken, ſhew'd the Snare.
And warned they muſt be. For ſo was I
While roving in their Paths of Vanity:
[209] date 1662 [...]oil'd and bewild'red in a diſmal Night
[...]f thick Egyptian Darkneſs, from the Light.
[...]om whence the Lord hath, by his Love, me drawn,
[...]nd in my Heart hath caus'd his Day to dawn,
[...]is glorious Day, his never-ſetting Sun
[...] Riſe, and darkneſs to Expel begun.
[...]is Love, as it ariſes, warms my Heart,
[...]d fills it with Deſires to impart
[...] others of its Goodneſs; that none may
[...] want of good Direction, miſs their Way.
[...] Know therefore thou, who hitherto haſt ſpent
[...]y Time in Vanity, and wholly bent
[...]y utmoſt Strength, thy Luſts to ſatisfie,
[...]d ſurfeit, with Delights, thy wanton Eye;
[...]e Lord hath in thy Conſcience plac'd a Light,
[...] teach thee how to guide thy Steps aright.
[...]is checks when into Evil thou haſt run:
[...]d gives thee warning, e'er thou haſt begun.
[...]ſt thou not heard, when in thy full Career,
[...]mething within thee ſay, What do I here?
[...]d when thy Mind is cool, another Day,
[...]th it not ſometimes cauſe thee thus to ſay;
[210] date 1662 O that I had not run into Exceſs!
O that I had not done this Wickedneſs!
My Conſcience tells me that I have done ill,
In yielding to my own corrupted Will:
And though no Eye did ſee me, yet my Heart
I feel is full of Torment, Pain and Smart.
Were it to do again, I'd have more Care,
And not run wilfully into the Snare.
Conſider what that is, which thus doth raiſe
A Trouble in thee for thy Evil Ways.
And what that is, which many times doth grieve thee;
And often makes thee Cry out, God forgive me.
When thus it checks thee next, ſtrait call to Mind,
That Word, Thine Ear ſhall hear a Voice behind
Thee, ſaying Hither turn; this is the way,
When to the Right, or Left, thou go'ſt aſtray.
And having heard, Obedience forthwith give
To its Reproof: Hear, and thy Soul ſhall live.
For were Men ſubject to Chriſt's Light within,
It certainly would lead Men out of Sin,
[211] date 1662 [...]d, thro' Believing, bring them into Heav'n:
[...]r that's the End, for which by him 'tis giv'n.
[...] Thus have I faithfully diſcharg'd a Part,
[...]hich long lay as a weight upon my Heart:
[...]gardleſs of what Danger may enſue,
[...]r ſeaſonably ſpeaking what is true.
[...]d if ungrateful Men ſhall ill requite
[...]y ſignal Love, with Enmity and Spight:
[...]t them know, That my undaunted Pen
[...]rns the contracted Brows of angry Men.
[...]par'd I am to ſuffer with Content,
[...]e worſt that canc'red Malice can invent:
[...]ich is no more than to my Lord befel,
[...] Suffer Evil things for Doing well.
Bona agere, & Mala pati, Regium eſt.
[...] ſuffer Evil, for Well-doing, brings
[...]e Sufferer to ſhare Renown with Kings.

After I had, in the foregoing POEM, ſome [...]at eaſed my Spirit of that; which, for ſome [...]e, had lain as a Load upon me: I breathed [...]th the following HYMN to God, in Ac [...]owledgment of his great Goodneſs to me, [...]feſſion of my grateful Love to Him; and [...]plication to Him, for the Continuance of [212] date 1662 his Kindneſs to me, in Preſerving me from t [...] Snares of the Enemy, and keeping me faith [...] unto Himſelf.

THEE, thee alone, O God, I fear
In thee do I confide:
Thy Preſence is to me more dear
Than all things elſe beſide.
Thy Vertue, Power, Life and Light,
Which in my Heart do ſhine;
Above all things are my delight:
O make them always mine!
Thy matchleſs Love conſtrains my Life,
Thy Life conſtrains my Love,
To be to thee as chaſt a Wife,
As is the Turtle-Dove
To her elect, eſpouſed Mate,
Whom ſhe will not forſake:
Nor can be brought to violate
The Bond ſhe once did make.
Juſt ſo my Soul doth cleave to thee,
As to her only Head;
With whom ſhe longs conjoin'd to be
In Bond of Marriage-Bed.
[213] date 1662 But, ah, alas! her little Fort
Is compaſſed about
Her Foes about her thick reſort,
Within, and eke without.
How numerous are they now grown!
How wicked their Intent!
let thy mighty Power be ſhown,
Their Miſchief to prevent!
They make Aſſaults on ev'ry ſide,
But thou ſtand'ſt in the Gap:
Their Batt'ring-Rams make Breaches wide
But ſtill thou mak'ſt them up.
[...]ometimes they ufe alluring Wiles,
To draw into their Pow'r:
[...]nd ſometimes weep, like Crocodiles;
But all is to devour.
Thus they beſet my feeble Heart
With Fraud, Deceit and Guile:
[...]lluring her from thee to ſtart,
And thy pure Reſt defile.
[...]ut oh! the Breathing and the Moan,
The Sighings of the Seed;
[...]he Groanings of the Grieved One,
Do Sorrows in me breed.
[214] date 1662 And that Immortal, Holy Birth,
The Off-ſpring of thy Breath,
(To whom thy Love brings Life and Mirth
As doth thy Abſence, Death:)
That Babe, that Seed, that panting Child
Which cannot thee forſake,
In fear to be again beguil'd,
Doth Supplication make;
O ſuffer not thy Choſen One,
Who puts her Truſt in thee,
And hath made thee her Choice alone,
Enſnar'd again to be.

In this ſort did I ſpend ſome leiſure Ho [...] during my Confinement in Bridewell; eſpeci [...] after our return from Newgate thither; w [...] we had more Liberty, and more Opportu [...] and Room for Retirement and Thought. as the Poet ſaid,

Carmina Scribentes Seceſſum & Otia quaer [...]

They who would write in Mea [...]
Retire, where they may Stilneſs have, and [...]

[215] date 1662 And this Priviledge we enjoyed, by the Indulgence of our Keeper, whoſe Heart God diſpoſed [...]o Favour us. So that both the Maſter and his [...]orter were very civil, and kind to us; and [...]ad been ſo indeed all along. For when we were ſhut up before, the Porter would readily [...]t ſome of us go home in an Evening, and ſtay [...]t Home till next Morning, which was a great Conveniency to Men of Trade and Buſineſs: which I being free from, forbore asking for my [...]elf; that I might not hinder others.

This he obſerved, and asked me when I [...]eant to ask to go out. I told him, I had not [...]uch Occaſion, nor Deſire; yet at ſometime or [...]ther, perhaps, I might have: but when I had, [...] would ask him but once; and if he then de [...]ed me, I would ask him no more.

After we were come back from Newgate, I [...]ad a Deſire to go thither again, to viſit my [...]riends who were Priſoners there; more eſpe [...]ially my dear Friend (and Father in Chriſt) [...]dward Burrough, who was then a Priſoner, [...]ith many Friends more, in that Part of New [...]ate, which was then called Juſtice-Hall. Whereupon the Porter coming in my way, I [...]sked him to let me go out for an Hour or two, [...]o ſee ſome Friends of mine that Evening.

He to enhanſe the Kindneſs, made it a matter [...]f ſome Difficulty; and would have me ſtay [...]ll another Night. I told him, I would be at [...] Word with him: for as I had told him before, [...]hat if he denied me, I would ask him no [...]ore; ſo he ſhould find I would keep to it.

[216] date 1662 He was no ſooner gone out of my Sight, bu [...] I eſpied his Maſter croſſing the Court. Wherefore ſtepping to him, I asked him, If he was willing to let me go out for a little while, to ſee ſome Friends of mine that Evening. Yes, ſaid he, very willing; and thereupon away walked I to Newgate; where having ſpent the Evening among Friends, I returned in good time.

Under this eaſie Reſtraint we lay, till the Court ſate at the Old-Baily again: And then, whether it was that the Heat of the Storm was ſomewhat abated, or by what other means Providence wrought it, I know not; we were called to the Bar, and without further Queſtion, diſcharged.

Whereupon we returned to Bridewell again, and having raiſed ſome Monies among us, and therewith gratified both the Maſter and his Porter, for their Kindneſs to us; we ſpent ſometime in a ſolemn Meeting, to return our thankful Acknowledgement to the LORD, both for His Preſervation of us in Priſon, and Deliverance of us out of it: and then taking a ſolemn Farewel of each other, we departed with Bag and Baggage. And I took care to return my Hammack to the Owner; with due Acknowledgement of his great Kindneſs, in lending it me.

Being now at Liberty, I viſited more generally my Friends that were ſtill in Priſon; and more particularly my Friend and Benefactor, William Penington, at his Houſe: and then went to wait upon my Maſter Milton. With whom [217] date 1662 yet I could not propoſe to enter upon my intermitted Studies, until I had been in Buckinghamſhire, to viſit my worthy Friends Iſaac Penington, and his Virtuous Wife; with other Friends in that Country.

Thither therefore I betook my ſelf, and the Weather being Froſty, and the Ways, by that means, clean and good; I walked it thorow in a Day: and was received by my Friends there, with ſuch Demonſtration of hearty Kindneſs, as made my Journey very eaſie to me.

I had ſpent in my Impriſonment that Twenty Shillings, which I had received of William Penington; and Twenty of the Fourty, which had been ſent me from Mary Penington, and had the Remainder then about me. That therefore I now returned to her, with due Acknowledgement of her Husband's and her great Care of me, and Liberality to me, in the time of my Need. She would have had me kept it. But I beg'd her to accept it from me again; ſince it was the Redundancy of their Kindneſs, and the other Part had anſwered the Occaſion, for which it was ſent: and my Importunity prevailed.

I intended only a Viſit hither, not a Continuance: and therefore purpoſed, after I had ſtaid a few Days, to return to my Lodging, and former Courſe in London: but Providence ordered it otherwiſe.

Iſaac Penington had at that time two Sons and one Daughter (all then very young) of whom the Eldeſt Son (John Penington) and the [218] date 1662 Daughter (Mary, the Wife of Daniel Wharley) are yet living at the writing of this. And being himſelf both Skilful and Curious in Pronounciation; he was very deſirous to have them well grounded in the Rudiments of the Engliſh Tongue: to which End he had ſent for a Man out of Lancaſhire (whom, upon enquiry, he had heard of) who was undoubtedly the moſt accurate Engliſh Teacher, that ever I met with, or have heard of. His Name was Richard Bradley. But as he pretended no higher than the Engliſh Tongue; and had led them, by Grammar Rules, to the higheſt Improvement they were capable of in that: he had then taken his Leave of them, and was gone up to London, to Teach an Engliſh School of Friends Children there.

This put my Friend to a freſh Straight. He had ſought for a New Teacher, to inſtruct his Children in the Latin Tongue, as the Old had done in the Engliſh: but had not yet found one. Wherefore one Evening as we ſate together by the Fire in his Bed-Chamber (which, for want of Health, he kept) He asked me (his Wife being by) If I would be ſo kind to him, as to ſtay a while with him, till he could hear of ſuch a Man as he aimed at; and in the mean time enter his Children in the Rudiments of the Latin Tongue.

This Queſtion was not more unexpected, than ſurprizing to me; and the more, becauſe it ſeemed directly to thwart my former Purpoſe, and Undertaking, of endeavouring to improve my ſelf by following my Studies with my Maſter Milton: which this would give at [219] date 1662 leaſt a preſent Divertion from; and for how long I could not foreſee.

But the Senſe I had of the manifold Obligations I lay under to theſe worthy Friends of mine, ſhut out all Reaſonings; and diſpoſed my Mind to an abſolute Reſignation to their Deſire; that I might teſtifie my Gratitude, by a Willingneſs to do them any friendly Service, that I could be capable of.

And though I queſtioned my Ability to carry on that Work, to its due Height and Proportion; yet as that was not propoſed, but an Initiation only, by Accidence into Grammar: I conſented to the Propoſal, as a preſent Expedient (till a more qualified Perſon ſhould be found;) without further Treaty, or mention of Terms between us, than that of mutual Friendſhip. And to render this Digreſſion from my own Studies the leſs uneaſie to my Mind, I recollected (and often thought of) that Rule in Lilly,

Qui docet indoctos, licet indoctiſſimus eſſet,
Ipſe brevi reliquis doctior eſſe queat.

He that th' Unlearn'd doth teach, may quickly be
More Learn'd than they, though moſt Unlearned He.

With this Conſideration I undertook this Province; and left it not until I Married: which was not till the Year 1669, near Seven [220] date 1662 Years from the time I came thither. In which time, having the Uſe of my Friends Books, as well as of mine own, I ſpent my leaſure Hours much in Reading; not without ſome improvement to my ſelf in my private Studies: which (with the good Succeſs of my Labours beſtowed on the Children, and the Agreeableneſs of Converſation, which I found in the Family;) rendered my Undertaking more Satisfactory, and my Stay there more eaſie to me.

But, alas! not many Days (not to ſay Weeks) had I been there; e're we were almoſt overwhelmed with Sorrow, for the unexpected Loſs of Edward Burrough, who was juſtly very dear to us all.

This not only Good, but Great-good Man, by a long and cloſe Confinement in Newgate, through the Cruel Malice, and Malicious Cruelty of Richard Brown, was taken away by haſty Death, to the unutterable Grief of very many, and unſpeakable Loſs to the CHURCH of CHRIST in general.

The particular Obligation I had to him as the immediate Inſtrument of my Convincement; and high Affection for him, reſulting therefrom, did ſo deeply affect my Mind; that it was ſome pretty time, before my Paſſion could prevail, to expreſs it ſelf in Words: ſo true I found that of the Tragoedian,

Curae leves loqunntur,
Ingentes Stupent.

[221]
date 1662 Light Griefs break forth, and eaſily get vent,
Great Ones are, thro' Amazement, cloſely pent.

At length my MUSE, not bearing to be any longer mute, brake forth in the following ACROSTICK; which ſhe called

A Pathetick ELEGY on the Death of that dear, and faithful Servant of GOD, EDWARD BURROUGH. Who died the 14th of the 12th Month, 1662.

And thus ſhe Introduceth it.

HOW long ſhall Grief lie ſmother'd! Ah, how long
Shall Sorrow's Signet ſeal my ſilent Tongue!
How long ſhall Sighs me ſuffocate! And make
My Lips to quiver, and my Heart to ake!
How long ſhall I, with Pain, ſuppreſs my Cries!
And ſeek for Holes to wipe my wat'ry Eyes!
Why may not I, by Sorrow thus oppreſt,
Pour forth my Grief into another's Breaſt!
[222] date 1662 If that be true which once was ſaid by one,
That
Ille dolet vere, qui ſine Teſte dolet.
He mourns truly, who doth Mourn alone:
Then may I truly ſay, My Grief is true
Since it hath yet been known to very few.
Nor is it now mine Aim to make it known
To thoſe, to whom theſe Verſes may be ſhown:
But to Aſſwage my Sorrow-ſwollen Heart,
Which Silence caus'd to taſte ſo deep of Smart.
This is my End, that ſo I may prevent
The Veſſel's Burſting, by a timely vent.
— Quis talia fando
Temperet à Lacrymis! —
Who can forbear, when ſuch things ſpoke he hears,
His Grave to Water with a Flood of Tears.
E cho ye Woods: Reſound ye hallow Places.
L et Tears and Paleneſs cover all Mens Faces.
L et Groans like Claps of Thunder, pierce the Air
W hile I the Cauſe of my juſt Grief declare.
O that mine Eyes could, like the Streams of Nile,
O 'erflow their watry Banks: and thou, mean while,
D rink in my trick'ling Tears, O thirſty Ground;
S o might'ſt thou henceforth fruitfuller be found.
[223] date 1662 L ament, my Soul, Lament; thy Loſs is deep:
A nd all that Sion love ſit down and weep.
M ourn, O ye Virgins: And let Sorrow be
E ach Damſel's Dowry: And (alas, for me!)
N 'er let my Sobs and Sighings have an End,
T ill I again embrace m' aſcended Friend;
A nd till I feel the Virtue of his Life
T o Conſolate me, and Repreſs my Grief:
I nfuſe into my Heart the Oyl of Gladneſs
O nce more, and by its ſtrength remove that Sadneſs
N ow preſſing down my Spirit, and Reſtore
F ully that Joy I had in him before.
O f whom a Word I fain would ſtammer forth;
R ather to eaſe my Heart, than ſhew his Worth:
H is Worth, my Grief, which words too ſhallow are
I n Demonſtration fully to declare
S ighs, Sobs, my beſt Interpreters now are.
E nvy be gone. Black Momus quit the place.
N 'er more, Zoilus, ſhew thy wrinkled Face.
[224] date 1662 D raw near, ye bleeding Hearts, whoſe Sorrows are
E qual with mine; in him ye had like Share.
A dd all your Loſſes up, and ye ſhall ſee
R emainder will be nought but Woe is me.
E ndeared Lambs, ye that have the white Stone.
D o know full well his Name, It is your own.
E ternitiz'd be that right-worthy Name.
D eath hath but kill'd his Body, not his Fame:
W hich in its Brightneſs ſhall for ever dwell;
A nd, like a Box of Ointment, ſweetly ſmell.
R ighteouſneſs was his Robe; bright Majeſty
D ecked his Brow: His Look was Heavenly.
B old was he in his Maſter's Quarrel, and
U ndaunted; Faithful to his Lord's Command.
R equiting Good for Ill: Directing all
R ight in the Way that leads out of the Fall.
O pen and free to ev'ry thirſty Lamb:
U nſpotted, pure, clean, holy; without Blame.
G lory, Light, Splendor, Luſtre was his Crown.
H appy his Change to him: The Loſs our own.
[225]
date 1662 Unica poſt Cineres Virtus veneranda beatos
Efficit. —
Virtue alone (which Rev'rence ought to have)
Doth make Men happy, e'en beyond the Grave.
While I had thus been breathing forth my Grief,
[...] hopes thereby to get me ſome Relief;
[...] heard, methought, his Voice ſay, Ceaſe to Mourn:
Live. And though the Vail of Fleſh once worn,
[...] now ſtript off, diſſolv'd and laid aſide,
[...] Spirit's with thee; and ſhall ſo abide.
[...]is ſatisfy'd me: Down I threw my Quill:
[...]illing to be reſign'd to GOD's pure Will.

date 1663 Having diſcharged this Duty to the Memory [...] my deceaſed Friend, I went on in my new [...]vince, Inſtructing my little Pupils in the [...]diments of the Latin Tongue; to the mutual [...]tisfaction of both their Parents and my ſelf. As [...]n as I had gotten a little Money in my Poc [...]t (which, as a Premium without Compact I [...]eived from them) I took the firſt Opportu [...]y to return to my Friend William Penington [...] Money which he had ſo kindly furniſhed [...] with in my need, at the time of my Impriſonment [226] date 1663 in Bridewell; with a due Acknowledgement of my Obligation to him for it. He was not at all forward to receive it: ſo that I was fain to preſs it upon him.

While thus I remained in this Family, various Suſpicions aroſe in the Minds of ſome concerning me, with reſpect to Mary Penington's fair Daughter Guli. For ſhe having now arrived to a Marriageable Age; and being in all reſpects a very deſirable Woman (whether regard was had to her outward Perſon, whic [...] wanted nothing to render her compleatly Comely: or to the Endowments of her Mind, whic [...] were every way Extraordinary, and highly Obliging; or to her outward Fortune, whic [...] was fair (and which with ſome hath not th [...] laſt, nor the leaſt place in Conſideration:) ſh [...] was openly, and ſecretly ſought, and ſolicite [...] by many; and ſome of them almoſt of ever [...] Rank and Condition; Good and Bad, Ric [...] and Poor, Friend and Foe. To whom, in the [...] reſpective turns (till he at length came, [...] whom ſhe was reſerved) ſhe carried her ſe [...] with ſo much Evenneſs of Temper, ſuch cou [...] teous Freedom, guarded with the ſtricteſt Modeſty: that as it gave Encouragement, [...] ground of Hopes to none; ſo neither did it a [...] miniſter any matter of Offence, or juſt Cau [...] of Complaint to any.

But ſuch as were thus either engaged [...] themſelves, or deſirous to make themſelves Advocates for others, could not, I obſerved, [...] look upon me with an Eye of Jealouſie a [...] [227] date 1663 Fear; that I would improve the Opportunities I had, by frequent and familiar Converſation with her, to my own Advantage, in working my ſelf into her good Opinion and Favour, to [...]he Ruin of their Pretences.

According therefore to the ſeveral Kinds and Degrees of their Fears of me, they ſuggeſted [...] her Parents their ill Surmiſes againſt me.

Some ſtuck not to queſtion the Sincerity of [...]y Intentions, in Coming at firſt among the [...]uakers; urging, with a why may it not be ſo? [...]hat the Deſire and Hopes of obtaining, by that [...]eans, ſo fair a Fortune, might be the prime and [...]ief Inducement to me, to thruſt my ſelf amongſt [...]at People. But this Surmiſe could find no [...]ace, with thoſe worthy Friends of mine (her [...]ther in Law, and her Mother) who, beſides [...]e clear Senſe, and ſound Judgment they had [...] themſelves, knew very well upon what [...]erms I came among them, how ſtraight and [...]rd the Paſſage was to me, how contrary to [...] worldly Intereſt (which lay fair another [...]ay) how much I had ſuffered from my Fa [...]er for it, and how regardleſs I had been of [...]tempting, or ſeeking any thing of that Na [...]re, in theſe three or four Years that I had [...]en amongſt them.

Some others, meaſuring me by the Propen [...]y of their own Inclinations, concluded I [...]uld Steal her, run away with her, and Mar [...]her. Which they thought I might be the [...]re eaſily induced to do, from the advanta [...]us Opportunities I frequently had, of riding [228] date 1663 and walking abroad with her, by Night as well as by Day, without any other Company than her Maid. For ſo great indeed was the Confidence that her Mother had in me; that ſhe thought her Daughter ſafe, if I was with her, even from the Plots and Deſigns that others had upon her. And ſo Honourable were the Thoughts ſhe entertained concerning me, as would not ſuffer her to admit a Suſpicion, that I could be capable of ſo much Baſeneſs, as to betray the Truſt ſhe, with ſo great Freedom, repoſed in me.

I was not Ignorant of the various Fears which filled the jealous Heads of ſome concerning me, neither was I ſo ſtupid, nor ſo diveſted of all Humanity, as not to be ſenſible of the real and innate Worth, and Vertue, which adorned that excellent Dame; and attracted the Eye and Hearts of ſo many, with the greateſt Importunity to ſeek and ſolicit her: Nor was I [...] devoid of Natural Heat, as not to feel ſom [...] Sparklings of Deſire, as well as others. But th [...] Force of TRUTH, and Senſe of Honour, ſu [...] preſt whatever would have riſen beyond th [...] Bounds of fair and vertuous Friendſhip. Fo [...] eaſily foreſaw, that if I ſhould have attempte [...] any thing, in a diſhonourable way, by For [...] or Fraud, upon her; I ſhould have thereb [...] bought a Wound upon mine own Soul, a fo [...] Scandal upon my Religious Profeſſion, and [...] infamous Stain upon mine Honour: either [...] which was far more dear unto me than my Li [...] Wherefore having obſerved how ſome othe [...] [229] date 1663 had befool'd themſelves, by miſconſtruing her common Kindneſs, (expreſſed in an innocent, open, free and familiar Converſation, ſpringing from the abundant Affability, Courteſy and Sweetneſs of her natural Temper) to be the Effect of a ſingular Regard and peculiar Affection to them: I reſolved to ſhun the Rock, on which I had ſeen ſo many run and ſplit; and remembring that Saying of the POET,

Foelix quem faciunt aliena Pericular cautum.

— Happy's He,
Whom others Dangers wary make to be.

I governed my ſelf, in a free, yet reſpect [...]ul Carriage towards her, that I thereby both [...]reſerved a fair Reputation with my Friends, [...]nd Enjoyed as much of her Favour and Kind [...]eſs, in a virtuous and firm Friendſhip, as was fit for her to ſhew, or for me to ſeek.

Thus leading a quiet and contented Life, I [...]ad Leiſure ſometimes to write a Copy of Ver [...]s, on one Occaſion or another, as the Poetick Vein naturally opened, without taking Pains to [...]oliſh them. Such was this which follows; [...]ccaſioned by the ſuddain Death of ſome luſty People in their full Strength.

[230]date 1663 Eſt VITA caduca.
AS is the fragrant Flower in the Field,
Which in the Spring a pleaſant Smell doth yield,
And lovely Sight; but ſoon is withered:
So's MAN; to Day alive, to Morrow dead.
And as the Silver-dew-beſpangled Graſs,
Which in the Morn bedecks its Mothers Face:
But e're the ſcorching Summer's paſt, looks brown;
Or by the Syth is ſuddainly cut down.
Juſt ſuch is Man, who vaunts himſelf to day,
Decking himſelf in all his beſt Array:
But in the midſt of all his Bravery,
Death rounds him in the Ear, Friend, thou muſt Dye.
Or like a Shadow in a Sunny Day,
Which in a Moment vaniſheth away;
Or like a Smile, or Spark; ſuch is the Span
Of Life, allow'd this Microcoſm, MAN.
[231]
date 1663 Ceaſe then vain Man to boaſt: for this is true,
Thy brighteſt Glory's as the Morning Dew;
Which diſappears when firſt the riſing Sun
Diſplays his Beams above the Horizon.

As the Conſideration of the Uncertainty of HUMANE LIFE drew the foregoing Lines from me: ſo the Senſe I had of the FOLLY of MANKIND, in miſ-ſpending the little Time allow'd them, in Evil Ways, and vain Sports; led me more particularly to trace the ſeveral Courſes, wherein the Generallity of Men run, unprofitably at beſt, if not to their Hurt and Ruin. Which I introduced with that Axiom of the Preacher, Eccleſ. 1. 2.

ALL IS VANITY.
See here the State of MAN as in a Glaſs:
And how the Faſhion of this World doth paſs.
SOME in a Tavern ſpend the longeſt Day:
While others Hawk and Hunt the Time away.
Here one his Miſtreſs Courts; Another Dances:
A Third incites to Luſt by wanton Glances.
[232] date 1663 This waſtes the Day in Dreſſing; Th'other ſeeks
To ſet freſh colours on her with'red Cheeks:
That, when the Sun delines, ſome dapper Spark
May take her to Spring-Garden, or the Park.
Plays ſome frequent, and Balls: Others their Prime
Conſume at Dice; Some Bowl away their Time,
With Cards ſome wholly captivated are:
From Tables others ſcarce an Hour can ſpare.
One to ſoft Muſick mancipates his Ear:
At Shovel-board another ſpends the Year.
The Pall-Mall this accounts the only Sport:
That keeps a Racket in the Tennis-Court.
Some ſtrain their very Eyes and Throats with Singing.
While others ſtrip their Hands and Backs at Ringing.
Another ſort with greedy Eyes are waiting
Either at Cockpit, or ſome great Bull-baiting.
This dotes on Running-Horſes: T'other Fool
Is never well, but in the Fencing-School.
Wreſtling and Football, Ninepins, Priſon-baſe,
Among the rural Clowns find each a place
[233] date 1663 Nay Joan unwaſh'd will leave her Milking-Pail,
To Dance at May-Pole, or a Whitſun-Ale.
Thus wallow moſt in Senſual Delight,
As if their Day ſhould never have a Night:
Till Nature's pale-fac'd Serjeant them ſurprize:
And as the Tree then falls, juſt ſo it lies.
Now look at home, thou who theſe Lines doſt Read;
See which of all theſe Paths thy ſelf doſt tread:
And e're it be too late that Path forſake,
Which, follow'd, will thee Miſerable make.

After I had thus enumerated ſome of the many Vanities, in which the Generality of Men, miſ-ſpent their Time, I ſang the following ODE in Praiſe of VERTUE.

WEALTH, Beauty, Pleaſures, Honours, all adieu:
I value Vertue far, far more than you.
Y'are all but Toys
For Girls and Boys
To play withal; at beſt deceitful Joys.
She lives for ever: ye are tranſitory.
Her Honour is unſtained: but your Glory
[234] date 1663 Is meer Deceit;
A painted Bait,
Hung out for ſuch as ſit at Folly's Gate.
True Peace, Content and Joy on her attend:
You (on the contrary) your Forces bend
To blear Mens Eyes,
With Fopperies;
Which Fools Embrace, but Wiſer Men Deſpiſe

date 1664 About this time my Father, reſolving to ſe [...] his Eſtate, and having reſerved for his own uſ [...] ſuch parts of his Houſhold-Goods, as he though [...] fit; not willing to take upon himſelf the Tro [...] ble of ſelling the Reſt, gave them unto me [...] Whereupon I went down to Crowel, and ha [...] ing before given Notice there, and thereabou [...] that I intended a Publick Sale of them, I So [...] them; and thereby put ſome Money into my Pocket. Yet I Sold ſuch things only as I judged Uſeful; leaving the Pictures and Armour (of which there was ſome ſtore there) unſold.

Not long after this, my Father ſent for me to come to him at London about ſome Buſineſs; which, when I came there, I underſtood was, to joyn with him in the Sale of his Eſtate: Which the Purchaſer required for his own Satisfaction and Safety; I being then the next Heir to it in Law. And although I might probably have made ſome Advantageous Terms for my ſelf by ſtanding off; yet when I was ſatisfied by [235] date 1664 Counſel, that there was no Entail upon it, or Right of Reverſion to me; but that he might [...]awfully diſpoſe of it, as he pleaſed; I readily [...]yned with him in the Sale, without asking, [...]r having the leaſt Gratuity, or Compenſation; [...]o, not ſo much as the Fee I had given to Coun [...]l, to ſecure me from any Danger in doing it.

date 1665 There having been, ſome time before this, a [...]ery ſevere Law made againſt the Quakers by Name; and more particularly, Prohibiting our Meetings under the ſharpeſt Penalties, of Five [...]ounds for the firſt Offence ſo called, Ten Pounds [...]r the Second, and Baniſhment for the Third; [...]nder pain of Felony for Eſcaping, or Returning without Licenſe. Which Law, was looked up [...]n to have been procured by the Biſhops, in or [...]er to bring us to a Conformity to their way of Worſhip: I wrote a few Lines in way of Dialogue [...]etween a Biſhop and a Quaker, which I called,

CONFORMITY Preſt and Repreſt.
B. WHAT! You are one of them that do deny
To yield Obedience by Conformity.
Q. Nay: We deſire Conformable to be.
B. But unto what? Q. The Image of the Son.
Rom. 8. 19.
B. What's that to us! We'll have Conformity
Unto our Form. Q. Then we ſhall ne'er have done.
[236] date 1665 For, if your fickle Minds ſhould alter, w
Should be to ſeek a New Conformity.
Thus who to Day Conform to Prelacy,
To Morrow may Conform to Popery.
But take this for an Anſwer, Biſhop, we
Cannot Conform either to Them, or Thee
For while to Truth your Forms are oppoſite,
Whoe'er Conforms thereto doth not aright
B. We'll make ſuch Knaves as you Conform, or lie
Confin'd in Priſons till ye Rot, and Die.
Q. Well, gentle Biſhop, I may live to ſee,
For all thy Threats, a Check to Cruelty;
And thee, Rewarded, with thy envious Crew,
According as unto your Works is due:
But, in the mean time, I, for my Defence,
Betake me to my Fortreſs, PATIENCE:

No ſooner was this Cruel Law made, but it was put in Execution with great Severity. The ſenſe whereof, working ſtrongly on my Spirit, made me Cry earneſtly to the Lord; that he would Ariſe, and ſet up his Righteous Judgment in the Earth, for the Deliverance of his People from all their Enemies, both Inward and Outward: And in theſe Terms I uttered it

[237]
date 1665 AWake, awake, O Arm o'th' Lord awake;
Thy Sword up take:
Caſt what would thine forgetful of thee make,
Into the Lake.
Awake, I Pray, O mighty Jah, awake;
Make all the World before thy Preſence quake:
Not only Earth, but Heaven alſo ſhake.
Ariſe, ariſe, O Jacob's God, ariſe;
And hear the Cries
Of ev'ry Soul, which in Diſtreſs now lies,
And to thee Flies.
Ariſe, I Pray, O Iſrael's Hope ariſe;
Set free thy Seed, Oppreſt by Enemies.
Why ſhould they over it ſtill Tyrannize!
Make Speed, make Speed, O Iſrael's Help, make Speed;
In time of Need:
For Evil Men have Wickedly decreed
Againſt thy Seed.
Make Speed, I Pray, O mighty God, make Speed;
Let all thy Lambs from Savage Wolves be freed,
That fearleſs on thy Mountain they may Feed.
Ride on, Ride on, thou Valiant Man of Might,
And put to Flight
[238] date 1665 Thoſe Sons of Belial, who do Deſpight
To the Upright.
Ride on, I ſay, Thou Champion; and Smitc
Thine and thy Peoples En'mies with ſuch Might,
That none may dare 'gainſt thee, or thine, to Fight.

Although the Storm, raiſed by the Act fo [...] Baniſhment, fell with the greateſt Weight an [...] Force upon ſome other Parts (as at London [...] Hertford, &c.) Yet we were not, in Buckinghamſhire, wholly exempted therefrom, for a part of that Shower reached us alſo.

For a Friend of Amerſham (whoſe Name was Edward Perot, or Parret) departing this Life and Notice being given, that his Body would be Buried there on ſuch a Day (which was the Firſt Day of the Fifth Month, 1665.) the Friends of the adjacent parts of the Country reſorted pretty generally to the Burial: So that there was a fair Appearance of Friends and Neighbours, the Deceaſed having been well beloved by both.

After we had ſpent ſome time together in the Houſe (Morgan Watkins, who at that time happen'd to be at Iſaac Penington's, being with us) the Body was taken up, and born on Friends Shoulders along the Street, in order to be Carried to the Burying-Ground; which was at the [239] date 1665 Towns End: being part of an Orchard belong [...]ng to the Deceaſed; which he in his Life time, [...]ad appointed for that Service.

It ſo happened, that one Ambroſe Benett, a [...]ariſter at Law, and a Juſtice of the Peace for [...]hat County, Riding through the Town that Morning in his way to Alesbury, was by ſome [...]-diſpoſed Perſon or other, Informed, that [...]here was a Quaker to be Buried there that Day; [...]nd that moſt of the Quakers in the Country were come thither to the Burial.

Upon this he ſet up his Horſes, and ſtaid; [...]nd when we (not knowing any thing of his Deſign againſt us) went Innocently forward, to [...]erform our Chriſtian Duty, for the Interrment [...]f our Friend, He ruſhed out of his Inn upon [...]s, with the Conſtables, and a Rabble of Rude [...]ellows, whom he had gathered together; and [...]aving his drawn Sword in his Hand, Struck [...]ne of the Foremoſt of the Bearers with it, Commanding them to ſet down the Coffin. But the Friend who was ſo ſtricken (whoſe Name was Thomas Dell) being more concerned [...]or the ſafety of the Dead Body, than his own, [...]eſt it ſhould fall from his Shoulder, and any In [...]ecency thereupon follow; held the Coffin faſt: Which the Juſtice obſerving, and being enraged [...]at his Word (how unjuſt ſoever) was not [...]rthwith Obeyed, ſet his Hand to the Coffin, [...]d with a forcible Thruſt threw it off from the [...]earers Shoulders, ſo that it fell to the Ground [...] the midſt of the Street, and there we were [...]rced to leave it.

[240] date 1665 For immediately thereupon, the Juſtice giving Command for the Apprehending us, the Conſtables with the Rabble fell on us, and drew ſome, and drove others into the Inn; giving thereby an Opportunity to the reſt to walk away.

Of thoſe that were thus taken, I was one And being, with many more, put into a Room under a Guard; we were kept there till another Juſtice (called Sir Thomas Clayton, whom Juſtice Benett had ſent for to joyn with him in Committing us) was come. And then, being called forth ſeverally before them, they picked out Ten of us, and Committed us to Alesbury Goal, for what neither we nor they knew: For we were not Convicted of having either done or ſaid any thing, which the Law could take hold of: For they took us up in the open Street (the King's High-way) not doing any Unlawful Act; but peaceably Carrying and Accompanying the Corps of our Deceaſed Friend, to Bury it. Which they would not ſuffer us to do; but cauſed the Body to lie in the open Street, and in the Cart-way; ſo that all the Travellers that paſſed by (whether Horſe-Men, Coaches, Carts, or Waggons) were fain to break out of the Way, to go by it, that they might not drive over it, until it was almoſt Night. And then, having cauſed a Grave to be made in the Unconſecrated part (as it is accounted) of that which is called the Church-Yard, they forcibly took the Body from the Widow (whoſe Right and Property it was) and Buried it there.

[241] date 1665 When the Juſtices had delivered us Priſoners to the Conſtable, it being then late in the Day, which was the Seventh Day of the Week; He (not willing to go ſo far as Alesbury (Nine long Miles) with us that Night, nor to put the Town to the Charge of keeping us there that Night, and the firſt Day and Night following) Diſmiſt us upon our Parole to come to him again [...]t a ſet Hour on the Second Day Morning: Whereupon we all went home to our reſpective Habitations; and coming to him punctually [...]ccording to Promiſe, were by him (without Guard) Conducted to the Priſon.

The Goaler (whoſe Name was Nathaniel [...]irch) had not long before behaved himſelf ve [...]y Wickedly, with great Rudeneſs and Cruel [...]y, to ſome of our Friends of the lower ſide of [...]he County; whom he (Combining with the Clerk of the Peace, whoſe Name was Henry Wells) had contrived to get into his Goal, and [...]fter they were legally Diſcharged in Court, [...]etained them in Priſon, uſing great Violence, [...]nd ſhutting them up cloſe in the Common Goal [...]mong the Felons, becauſe they would not give [...]im his Unrighteous Demand of Fees; which [...]hey were the more ſtraightned in, from his Treacherous Dealing with them. And they [...]aving, through Suffering, maintained their [...]reedom, and obtained their Liberty. We were the more concerned to keep, what they [...]ad ſo hardly gained; and therefore reſolved [...]ot to make any Contract or Terms for either [240] [...] [241] [...] [242] date 1665 Chamber-Rent or Fees, but to Demand a Fre [...] Priſon; which we did.

When we came in, the Goaler was Ridde [...] out, to Wait on the Judges (who came in tha [...] Day to begin the Aſſize;) and his Wife wa [...] ſomewhat at a Loſs how to deal with us: Bu [...] being a cunning Woman, ſhe treated us wit [...] great Appearance of Courteſy, offering us th [...] Choice of all her Rooms; and when we asked [...] upon what Terms, ſhe ſtill refer'd us to he [...] Husband, telling us, ſhe did not doubt but tha [...] he would be very Reaſonable, and Civil to u [...] Thus ſhe endeavoured to have drawn us to tak [...] Poſſeſſion of ſome of lier Chambers at a venture, and truſt to her Husbands kind Uſag [...] But we, who at the Coſt of our Friends, had [...] Proof of his Kindneſs, were too wary to b [...] drawn in by the fair Words of a Woman: an [...] therefore told her, we would not ſettle an [...] where till her Husband came Home; and the [...] would have a Free Priſon, whereſoever he put u [...]

Accordingly, Walking all together into th [...] Court of the Priſon, in which was a Well o [...] very good Water; and having before hand ſen [...] to a Friend in the Town (a Widow Woma [...] whoſe Name was Sarah Lambarn) to bring u [...] ſome Bread and Cheeſe, we ſate down upon th [...] Ground, round about the Well; and when w [...] had Eaten, we Drank of the Water out of th [...] Well.

Our great Concern was for our Friend Iſa [...] Penington, becauſe of the Tenderneſs of h [...] [243] date 1665 Conſtitution: But he was ſo lively in his Spirit, [...]nd ſo cheerfully given up to Suffer, that he ra [...]her encouraged us, than needed any Encou [...]agement from us.

In this Poſture the Goaler, when he came [...]me, found us; and having before he came to [...], conſulted his Wife, and by her underſtood [...] what Terms we ſtood: When he came to [...], he hid his Teeth, and putting on a ſhew of [...]indneſs, ſeemed much troubled that we ſhould [...] there abroad, eſpecially his old Friend, Mr. [...]enington; and thereupon invited us to come in, [...]d take what Rooms in his Houſe we pleaſed; [...]e asked, upon what Terms; letting him know [...]ithal, that we determined to have a Free Priſon. He, like the Sun and Wind in the Fable, that ove which of them ſhould take from the Tra [...]ler his Cloak; having (like the Wind) tried [...]gh, boiſterous, violent Means to our Friends [...]fore, but in vain: reſolved now to imitate [...]e Sun, and ſhine as pleaſantly as he could up [...] us. Wherefore he told us, we ſhould make [...] Terms our ſelves, and be as free as we deſired: [...] we thought fit, when we were Releaſed to give [...] any thing, he would thank us for it; and if [...], he would Demand nothing.

Upon theſe Terms we went in, and diſpoſed [...]r ſelves; ſome in the Dwelling-Houſe, others [...] the Malt-Houſe, where they choſe to be.

During the Aſſize, we were brought before [...]dge Morton (a Sowre Angry Man) who very [...]ely Reviled us, but would not hear either us [244] date 1665 or the Cauſe; but referred the matter to t [...] Two Juſtices who had Committed us.

They, when the Aſſize was ended, ſent for [...] to be brought before them at their Inn; and Fi [...] ed us (as I remember) Six Shillings Eight Pen [...] a piece; which we not conſenting to Pay, th [...] Committed us to Priſon again for one Mon [...] from that time, on the Act for Baniſhment.

When we had lain there that Month, I (wi [...] another) went to the Goaler, to Demand o [...] Liberty: Which he readily granted; telling [...] The Door ſhould be opened, when we pleaſed to go.

This Anſwer of his I reported to the reſt [...] my Friends there, and thereupon we raiſed [...] mong us a ſmall Sum of Money, which th [...] put into my Hand, for the Goaler: Whereup [...] I (taking another with me) went to the Goa [...] with the Money in my Hand; and remindi [...] him of the Terms upon which we accepted t [...] uſe of his Rooms, I told him, That althou [...] we could not pay Chamber-Rent or Fees: Yet [...] aſmuch as he had now been Civil to us, [...] were willing to acknowledge it by a ſmall T [...] ken; and thereupon gave him the Money. [...] putting it into his Pocket, ſaid, I thank you [...] your Friends for it: and to let you ſee I take it [...] Gift, not a Debt, I will not look on it, to ſee [...] much it is.

The Priſon Door being then ſet open for [...] we went out, and departed to our reſpecti [...] Homes.

But before I left the Priſon, conſidering [...] Day with my ſelf the different Kinds of Lib [...] [245] date 1665 and Confinement, Freedom and Bondage, [...]ook my Pen, and wrote the following Aenig [...], or Riddle.

LOE here a Riddle to the Wiſe,
In which a Myſtery there lies:
Read it therefore with that Eye,
Which can diſcern a Myſtery.
The RIDDLE.
[...]ome Men are Free, while they in Priſon Lie:
[...]thers, who ne'r ſaw Priſon, Captives Die.
CAUTION.
He that can receive it, may;
He that cannot, Let him ſtay:
And not be haſty, but ſuſpend
His Judgment, till he ſees the End.
SOLUTION.
He only's free indeed, that's free from Sin:
And he is faſteſt bound, that's bound therein.
CONCLUSION.
This is the Liberty I chiefly Prize:
The other, without this, I can deſpiſe.

[246] date 1665 Some little time before I went to Alesbur [...] Priſon, I was deſired by my quondam Maſte [...] Milton to take an Houſe for him, in the Neig [...] bourhood where I dwelt, that he might go ou [...] of the City, for the Safety of himſelf and hi [...] Family, the Peſtilence then growing hot in Lo [...] don. I took a pretty Box for him in Giles-Cha [...] font, a Mile from me; of which I gave hi [...] notice: and intended to have waited on hi [...] and ſeen him well ſettled in it; but was pr [...] vented by that Impriſonment.

But now being releaſed, and returned Hom [...] I ſoon made a Viſit to him, to welcome him i [...] to the Country.

After ſome common Diſcourſes had paſſed between us, he called for a Manuſcript of his [...] which being brought he delivered to me, bi [...] ding me take it home with me, and read it a [...] my Leiſure. and when I had ſo done, return i [...] to him, with my Judgment thereupon.

When I came home, and had ſet my ſelf t [...] read it, I found it was that Excellent POEM [...] which he entituled PARADISE LOST [...] After I had, with the beſt Attention, read i [...] through, I made him another Viſit, and returned him his Book, with due Acknowledgement of the Favour he had done me, in Communicating it to me. He asked me how I liked it, and what I thought of it; which I modeſtly but freely told him: and after ſome further Diſcourſe about it, I pleaſantly ſaid to him, Thou haſt ſaid much here of Paradiſe Loſt; but what haſt thou to ſay of Paradiſe Found? He made [247] date 1665 me no Anſwer, but ſate ſome time in a Muſe: [...]hen brake off that Diſcourſe, and fell upon a [...]other Subject.

After the Sickneſs was over, and the City well cleanſed and become ſafely habitable again, [...]e returned thither. And when afterwards I went to wait on him there (which I ſeldom fail [...]d of doing, whenever my Occaſions drew me [...]o London) he ſhewed me his Second POEM, [...]alled PARADISE REGAINED; [...]nd in a pleaſant Tone ſaid to me, This is owing [...]o you: for you put it into my Head, by the Queſtion [...]ou put to me at Chalfont; which before I had not [...]hought of. But from this Digreſſion I return [...]o the Family I then lived in.

We had not been long at home (about a Month, perhaps) before Iſaac Penington was taken out of his Houſe in an Arbitrary manner; by Military Force, and carried Priſoner to Aleſ [...]ury Goal again: where he lay Three Quarters of a Year, with great Hazard of his Life; it being the Sickneſs Year; and the Plague being not only in the Town, but in the Goal.

Mean while his Wife and Family were turned out of his Houſe (called the Grange at Peter's-Chalfont) by them who had ſeized upon his Eſtate. And the Family being by that means broken up, ſome went one way, others another. Mary Penington her ſelf (with her younger Children) went down to her Husband at Alesbury. Guli (with her Maid) went to Briſtol, to ſee her former Maid (Anne Herſent) who was Married to a Merchant of that City, [248] date 1665 whoſe Name was Thomas Biſs, I went to Aleſbury, with the Children; but not finding the Place agreeable to my Health, I ſoon left it, and returning to Chalfont, took a Lodging, and was dieted in the Houſe of a Friendly Man; and after ſome time, went to Briſtol, to Conduct Guli home.

Mean while Mary Penington took Lodgings in a Farm-Houſe (called Bottrels) in the Pariſh of Giles-Chalfont; where, when we returned from Briſtol, we found her.

We had been there but a very little time, before I was ſent to Priſon again, upon this Occaſion. There was, in thoſe times, a Meeting once a Month, at the Houſe of George Salter a Friend of Hedgerly; to which we ſometimes went: and Morgan Watkins being with us, He and I, with Guli and her Maid, and one Judith Parker (Wife of Dr. Parker, one of the Colledge of Phyſicians at London) with a Maiden Daughter of theirs (neither of whom were Quakers, but as Acquaintance of Mary Penington were with her on a Viſit) walked over to that Meeting, it being about the Middle of the Firſt Month, and the Weather good.

This Place was about a Mile from the Houſe of Ambroſe Benett, the Juſtice, who the Summer before had ſent me and ſome other Friends to Alesbury Priſon, from the Burial of Edward Parret of Amerſham: And he (by what Means I know not) getting Notice, not only of the Meeting, but (as was ſuppoſed) of our being there, came himſelf to it: and as he came, [249] date 1665 [...]atched up a Stackwood-ſtick, big enough to [...]ave knock't any Man down, and brought it with him, hidden under his Cloak.

Being come to the Houſe, he ſtood for a while without the Door, and out of Sight; liſtning [...]o hear what was ſaid: for Morgan was then ſpeaking in the Meeting. But certainly he heard very imperfectly, if it was true which we heard he ſaid afterwards among his Companions, as an Argument, that Morgan was a Jeſuit, viz. That in his Preaching he trolled over his Latin as fluently as ever he heard any one: whereas Morgan (good Man!) was better Verſed in Welch, than in Latin; which, I ſuppoſe, he had never learned, I am ſure he did not underſtand it.

When this Martial Juſtice (who at Amerſham had with his drawn Sword ſtruck an unarmed Man, who he knew would not ſtrike again) had now ſtood ſome time abroad, on a ſuddain he ruſhed in among us, with the Stackwood-ſtick held up in his Hand, ready to ſtrike; crying out, Make way there: and an Ancient Woman not getting ſoon enough out of his way, he ſtruck her with the Stick, a ſhrewd Blow over the Breaſt. Then preſſing through the Croud to the place where Morgan ſtood, he plucked him from thence; and cauſed ſo great a Diſorder in the Room, that it brake the Meeting up: yet would not the People go away, or diſperſe themſelves; but tarried to ſee what the Iſſue would be.

[250] date 1665 Then taking Pen and Paper, he ſate down at the Table among us; and asked ſeveral of us our Names, which we gave and he ſet down in Writing.

Amongſt others he asked Judith Parker (the Doctor's Wife) what her Name was; which ſhe readily gave: and thence taking Occaſion to diſcourſe him, ſhe ſo over-maſtered him by clear Reaſon, delivered in fine Language; that he, glad to be rid of her, ſtruck out her Name, and Diſmiſt her; yet did not ſhe remove, but kept her place amongſt us.

When he had taken what Number of Names he thought fit, he ſingled out half a Dozen; whereof Morgan was one, I another, One Man more, and three Women: of which the Woman of the Houſe was one, although her Huſband then was (and for divers Years before had been) a Priſoner in the Fleet for Tythes, and had no body to take care of his Family and Buſineſs, but her his Wife.

Us ſix he committed to Alesbury Goal. Which when the Doctor's Wife heard him read to the Conſtable, ſhe attacked him again; and having put him in Mind that it was a ſickly Time, and that the Peſtilence was reported to be in that Place; ſhe, in handſome Terms, deſired him to Conſider in time, how he would Anſwer the Cry of our Blood, if by his ſending us to be ſhut up in an Infected Place, we ſhould loſe our Lives there. This made him alter his Purpoſe, and by a new Mittimus ſent us to the Houſe of Correction at Wiccomb. And although he committed us upon [251] date 1665 the Act for Baniſhment, which limited a certain time for Impriſonment: yet he, in his Mittimus, [...]imitted no time, but ordered us to be kept till we ſhould be delivered by due Courſe of LAW; ſo little regardful was he, though a Lawyer, of keeping to the Letter of the LAW.

date 1666 We were committed on the Thirteenth Day of the Month called March, 1665. and were kept cloſe Priſoners there till the Seventh Day of the Month called June, 1666; which was ſome Days above Twelve Weeks: and much above what the Act required.

Then were we ſent for to the Juſtices Houſe, and the reſt being Releaſed, Morgan Watkins and I were required to find Sureties, for our Appearance at the next Aſſize; which we refuſing to do, were committed a-new to our old Priſon (the Houſe of Correction at Wiccomb) there to lie until the next Aſſizes: Morgan being, in this ſecond Mittimus, repreſented as a Notorious Offender in Preaching; and I, as being upon the ſecond Conviction, in order to Baniſhment. There we ay, till the Five and Twentieth Day of the ſame Month; and then, by the Favour of the Earl of Ancram, being brought before him at his Houſe, we were diſcharged from the Priſon, upon our Promiſe to appear (if at Liberty and in Health) at the Aſſizes. Which we did, and were there diſcharged by Proclamation.

During my Impriſonment in this Priſon, I betook my ſelf, for an Imployment, to making of Nets for Kitchin-Service, to boil Herbs, &c. in; which Trade I learned of Morgan Watkins, [252] date 1666 and Selling ſome, and Giving others, I pretty well ſtocked the Friends of that Country with them.

Though in that Confinement I was not very well ſuited with Company for Converſation; Morgan's natural Temper not being very agreeable to mine: yet we kept a fair and Brotherly Correſpondence, as became Friends, Priſon-fellows and Bed-fellows; which we were. And indeed, it was a good Time, I think to us all; for I found it ſo to me; the Lord being graciouſly pleaſed to viſit my Soul with the refreſhing Dews of his divine Life, whereby my Spirit was more and more quickned to him, and Truth gained ground in me over the Temptations and Snares of the Enemy. Which frequently raiſed in my Heart Thankſgivings and Praiſes unto the LORD. And at one time more eſpecially, the Senſe I had of the Proſperity of Truth, and the ſpreading thereof, filling my Heart with abundant Joy, made my Cup overflow, and the following Lines drop out.

For Truth I ſuffer Bonds, in Truth I live;
And unto Truth this Teſtimony give;
That TRUTH ſhall over all Exalted be,
And in Dominion Reign for evermore:
The Child's already born, that this may ſee;
Honour, Praiſe, Glory be to God therefore.

[253] date 1666 And underneath thus,

Tho' Death and Hell ſhould againſt Truth combine,
It's Glory ſhall through all their Darkneſs ſhine.

This I ſaw with an Eye of Faith, beyond the reach of Humane Senſe. For.

As ſtrong Deſire
Draws Objects nigher
In Apprehenſion, than indeed they are:
I, with an Eye
That pierced high,
Did thus of Truth's Proſperity declare.

After we had been diſcharged at the Aſſizes, I returned to Iſaac Penington's Family at Bottrel's in Chalfont; and (as I remember) Morgan Watkins with me: leaving Iſaac Penington a Priſoner in Alesbury Goal.

The Lodgings we had in this Farm-Houſe (Bottrel's) proving too ſtrait and inconvenient for the Family, I took larger and better Lodgings for them in Berrie-Houſe at Amerſham; whither we went at the time called Michaelmas, having ſpent the Summer at the other Place.

date 1667 Some time after, was that memorable Meeting appointed to be holden at London, through a divine Opening, in the Motion of Life, in that eminent Servant and Prophet of God, [254] date 1667 George Fox; for the Reſtoring, and bringing in again thoſe, who had gone out from Truth, and the Holy Unity of Friends therein, by the Means and Miniſtry of John Perrot.

This Man came pretty early amongſt Friends, and too early took upon him the Miniſterial Office: and being, though little in Perſon, yet great in Opinion of himſelf, nothing leſs would ſerve him than to go and Convert the POPE: In order whereunto, he (having a better Man than himſelf, John Luff, to accompany him) travelled to Rome, where they had not been long, e're they were taken up, and clap't into Priſon; Luff (as I remember) was put in the Inquiſition, and Perrot in their Bedlam, or Hoſpital for Madmen.

Luff died in Priſon (not without well-grounded Suſpicion of being Murthered there) but Perrot lay there ſome time, and now and then ſent over an Epiſtle to be Printed here, written in ſuch an affected and phantaſtick Stile, as might have induced an indifferent Reader to believe, they had ſuited the place of his Confinement to his Condition.

After ſome time, through the Mediation of Friends (who hoped better of him, than he proved) with ſome Perſon of Note and Intereſt there, he was releaſed, and came back for England. And the Report of his great Sufferings there (far greater in Report, than in Reality) joined with a ſingular Shew of Sanctity, ſo far opened the Hearts of many tender and compaſſionate Friends towards him, that it gave [255] date 1667 im the Advantage of inſinuating himſelf in [...]o their Affections and Eſteem, and made way [...]or the more ready Propagation of that peculiar Error of his, of Keeping on the Hat in time of Prayer, as well publick as private, unleſs they had [...] immediate Motion at that time to put if off.

Now although I had not the leaſt Acquaint [...]nce with this Man, not having ever exchanged [...] Word with him (though I knew him by [...]ight;) nor had I any Eſteem of him for either [...]is Natural Parts, or Miniſterial Gift, but ra [...]her a Diſlike of his Aſpect, Preaching and way of Writing; yet this Error of his being [...]roached in the Time of my Infancy, and Weakneſs of Judgment as to Truth (while I [...]ived privately in London, and had little Converſe with Friends.) I, amongſt the many who were catch't in that Snare, was taken with the Notion, as what then ſeemed, to my weak Underſtanding, ſuitable to the Doctrine of a Spiritual Diſpenſation. And the Matter com [...]ng to warm Debates, both in Words and Wri [...]ing, I, in a miſguided Zeal, was ready to have entred the Liſts of Contention about it: not then ſeeing what Spirit it proceeded from, and was managed by; nor forſeeing the Diſorder and Confuſion in Worſhip, which muſt naturally attend it.

But as I had no evil Intention, or ſiniſter End in engaging in it; but was ſimply betrayed by the ſpecious Pretence and Shew of greater Spirituality: the Lord, in tender Compaſſion to my Soul, was graciouſly pleaſed to open my [256] date 1667 Underſtanding, and give me a clear Sight of the Enemies Deſign in this Work, and drew me off from the Practice of it, and to bear Teſtimony againſt it, as Occaſion offered.

But when that ſolemn Meeting was appointed at London, for a Travel in Spirit on behalf of thoſe who had thus gone out, that they might rightly return, and be ſenſibly received into the Unity of the Body again. My Spirit rejoyced, and with Gladneſs of Heart I went to it: as did many more of both City and Country; and with great Simplicity, and Humility of Mind, did honeſtly and openly Acknowledge our Outgoing, and take Condemnation and Shame to our ſelves. And ſome that lived at too remote a Diſtance, in this Nation as well as beyond the Seas, upon Notice given of that Meeting, and the intended Service of it [...] did the like by Writing, in Letters directed to and openly read in the Meeting, which for that Purpoſe was continued many Days.

Thus, in the Motion of Life, were the healing Waters ſtirred; and many through the Virtuous Power thereof, reſtored to Soundneſs [...] and indeed not many loſt. And though moſt of theſe, who thus returned, were ſuch as with my ſelf, had before renounced the Error [...] and forſaken the Practice: yet did we ſenſibly find, that Forſaking without Confeſſing (in Caſe of publick Scandal) was not ſufficient [...] but that an open Acknowledgment (of ope [...] Offences) as well as Forſaking them, was neceſſary to the obtaining compleat Remiſſion.

[257] date 1667 Not long after this, G. F. was moved of the Lord to Travel through the Countries, from County to County, to Adviſe and Encourage Friends to ſet up Monthly and Quarterly Meetings, for the better ordering the Affairs of the Church, in taking Care of the Poor, and Exerciſing a true Goſpel-Diſcipline, for a due Dealing with any that might walk diſorderly under our Name, and to ſee that ſuch as ſhould Marry among us, did act fairly and clearly in [...]hat reſpect.

date 6618 When he came into this County, I was one [...]f the many Friends that were with him, at [...]he Meeting for that Purpoſe. And afterwards [...] travelled with Guli and her Maid, into the Weſt of England to meet him there, and to viſit Friends in thoſe Parts: and we went as [...]ar as Topſham in Devonſhire, before we found [...]im. He had been in Cornwall, and was then [...]eturning: and came in unexpectedly at Top [...]ham, where we then were providing (if he [...]ad not then come thither) to have gone that Day towards Cornwall. But after he was come [...]o us, we turned back with him through De [...]onſhire, Somerſetſhire and Dorſetſhire; having [...]enerally very good Meetings where he was: [...]nd the Work, he was chiefly concerned in, went on very proſperouſly and well, without [...]y Oppoſition or Diſlike: ſave that in the General Meeting of Friends in Dorſetſhire, a [...]uarrelſom Man, who had gone out from [...]riends in John Perrot's Buſineſs, and had not [...]ome rightly in again (but continued in the [258] date 1668 Practice of keeping on his Hat in time of Prayer, to the great Trouble and Offence of Friends) began to Cavil, and raiſe Diſputes, which occaſioned ſome Interruption and Diſturbance.

Not only George, and Alexander Parker (who was with him) but divers of the Ancient Friends of that Country, endeavoured to quiet that troubleſom Man, and make him ſenſible of his Error: but his unruly Spirit would ſtill be Oppoſing what was ſaid unto him, and juſtifying himſelf in that Practice. This brought a great Weight and Exerciſe upon me (who ſate at a Diſtance in the outward Part of the Meeting:) and after I had for ſome time bore the Burthen thereof, I ſtood up in the conſtraining Power of the LORD, and in great Tenderneſs of Spirit, declared unto the Meeting, and to that Perſon more particularly, how it had been with me in that reſpect; how I had been betrayed into that wrong Practice, how ſtrong I had been therein, and how the Lord had been graciouſly pleaſed to ſhew me the Evil thereof, and recover me out of it.

This coming unexpectedly from me, a young Man, a Stranger, and one who had not intermedled with the Buſineſs of the Meeting, had that Effect upon the Caviller, that if it did not ſatisfie him, it did at leaſt ſilence him, and made him for the Preſent ſink down and be ſtill, without giving any further Diſturbance to the Meeting. And the Friends were well pleaſed with this unlooked for Teſtimony from me; [259] date 1668 and I was glad that I had that Opportunity to Confeſs to the Truth, and to Acknowledge once more, in ſo publick a manner, the Mercy and Goodneſs of the Lord to me therein.

date 1669 By the time we came back from this Journey, the Summer was pretty far gone, and the following Winter I ſpent with the Children of the Family as before, without any remarkable Alteration in my Circumſtances, until the next Spring: when I found in my ſelf a Diſpoſition of Mind, to change my Single Life for a Married State.

I had always entertained ſo high a Regard for Marriage, as it was a Divine Inſtitution, that I held it not lawful to make it a ſort of political Trade to riſe in the World by. And therefore as I could not but, in my Judgment, blame ſuch, as I found made it their Buſineſs to Hunt after, and endeavour to gain thoſe who were accounted great Fortunes; not ſo much regarding What ſhe is, as what ſhe has, but making Wealth the chief, if not the only thing they Aimed at: ſo I reſolved to avoid, in my own Practice, that Courſe; and how much ſoever my Condition might have prompted me (as well as others) to ſeek Advantage that way, never to engage on the Account of Riches, nor at all to Marry, till judicious Affection drew me to it, which I now began to feel at Work in my Breaſt.

The Object of this Affection was a Friend (whoſe Name was Mary Ellis) whom for divers Years I had had an Acquaintance with, in the [260] date 1669 way of common Friendſhip only; and in whom I thought I then ſaw thoſe fair Prints of Truth and ſolid Virtue, which I afterwards found in a ſublime Degree, in her: but what her Condition in the World was, as to Eſtate, I was wholly a Stranger to, nor deſired to know.

I had once, a Year or two before, had an Opportunity to do her a ſmall Piece of Service, which ſhe wanted ſome Aſſiſtance in: wherein I acted with all Sincerity, and Freedom of Mind, not expecting, or deſiring any Advantage by her, or Reward from her; being very well ſatisfied in the Act it ſelf, that I had ſerved a Friend, and helped the Helpleſs.

That little Intercourſe of common Kindneſs between us Ended, without the leaſt Though (I am verily perſwaded, on her Part; well-aſſured on my own) of any other or further Relation, than that of free and fair Friendſhip Nor did it, at that time, lead us into any cloſe Converſation, or more intimate Acquaintan [...] one with the other, than had been before.

But ſome time (and that a good while) a [...] ter, I found my Heart ſecretly drawn, and inclining towards her: Yet was I not haſty i [...] propoſing; but waited to feel a ſatisfactory Settlement of Mind therein, before I made an [...] ſtep thereto.

After ſome time, I took an Opportunity [...] open my Mind therein unto my much honou [...] ed Friends, Iſaac and Mary Penington, who th [...] ſtood Parentum loco, in the Place or Stead [...] Parents to me. They having ſolemnly weig [...] [...]d [261] date 1669 the Matter, expreſt their Unity therewith: [...]nd indeed their Approbation thereof was no [...]mall Confirmation to me therein. Yet took I [...]urther Deliberation, often retiring in Spirit to [...]he Lord, and Crying to him for Direction, [...]efore I addreſt my ſelf to her. At length, [...]s I was ſitting all alone, waiting upon the [...]ord for Counſel and Guidance in this (in it [...]lf, and) to me ſo important Affair. I felt [...] Word ſweetly riſe in me, as if I had heard [...] Voice, which ſaid, Go, and Prevail. And [...]ith ſpringing in my Heart with the Word, [...] immediately aroſe and went; nothing doubt [...]g.

When I was come to her Lodgings (which [...]ere about a Mile from me) her Maid told [...]e ſhe was in her Chamber (for having been [...]der ſome Indiſpoſition of Body, which had [...]liged her to keep her Chamber, ſhe had not [...]t left it.) Wherefore I deſired the Maid to [...]quaint her Miſtreſs, that I was come to give [...]r a Viſit: Whereupon I was invited to go [...] to her. And after ſome little time ſpent in [...]mmon Converſation, feeling my Spirit weigh [...]y concerned, I ſolemnly opened my Mind un [...] her, with reſpect to the particular Buſineſs [...]ame about; which I ſoon perceived was a [...]eat Surpriſal to her for ſhe had taken in an [...]pprehenſion (as others alſo had done) that [...]ine Eye had been fixed elſewhere, and nearer [...]ome.

I uſed not many Words to her: but I felt [...] Divine Power went along with the Words, [262] date 1669 and fixed the Matter expreſſed by them ſo faſt in her Breaſt, that (as ſhe afterwards acknowledged to me) ſhe could not ſhut it out.

I made, at that time, but a ſhort Viſit. For having told her, I did not expect an Anſwer from her now; but deſired ſhe would, in the moſt ſolemn Manner, weigh the Propoſal made, and in due time give me ſuch an Anſwer thereunto, as the Lord ſhould give her: I took my leave of her, and departed; leaving the Iſſue to the Lord.

I had a Journey then at hand, which I foreſaw would take me up about two Weeks time. Wherefore, the Day before I was to ſet out, I went to viſit her again; to acquaint her with my Journey, and excuſe my Abſence: not yet preſſing her for an Anſwer; but aſſuring her, that I felt in my ſelf an Increaſe of Affection to her, and hoped to receive a ſuitable Return from her in the Lord's time; to whom, in the mean time, I committed both her, my ſelf and the Concern between us. And indeed, I found at my Return, that I could not have left it in a better Hand: for the Lord had been my Advocate in my Abſence, and had ſo far anſwered all her Objections, that, when I came to her again, ſhe rather acquainted me with them, than urged them.

From that time forwards we Entertained each other with Affectionate Kindneſs in order to Marriage; which yet we did not haſten to, but went on deliberately. Neither did I uſe thoſe vulgar ways of Courtſhip, by making [263] date 1669 [...]requent and rich Preſents: Not only for that my Outward Condition would not comport with the Expence: But becauſe I liked not to [...]btain by ſuch Means; but preferred an un [...]ribed Affection.

While this Affair ſtood thus with me, I had [...]ccaſion to take another Journey into Kent and [...]uſſex: Which yet I would not mention here, [...]ut for a particular Accident, which befel me [...]n the Way.

The Occaſion of this Journey was this. Mary Penington's Daughter Guli intending to go to [...]er Uncle Springett's in Suſſex, and from thence [...]mongſt her Tenants; her Mother deſired me [...]o accompany her, and aſſiſt her in her Buſi [...]eſs with her Tenants.

We tarried at London the firſt Night, and [...]et out next Morning on the Tunbridge-Road; [...]nd Seven-Oak lying in our way, we put in here to Bait: But truly, we had much ado to get either Proviſions or Room for our ſelves, or our Horſes; the Houſe was ſo filled with Gueſts, and thoſe not of the better Sort. For the Duke of York being (as we were told) on the Road that Day for the Wells, divers of his Guards, and the meaner ſort of his Retinue, had near filled all the Inns there.

I left John Gigger (who waited on Guli in this Journey, and was afterwards her menial Servant) to take Care for the Horſes, while I did the like, as well as I could for her. I got a little Room to put her into, and having ſhut her into it, went to ſee what Relief the Kitchin [264] date 1669 would afford us: and with much ado, by Praying hard, and Paying dear, I got a ſmal [...] Joint of Meat from the Spit; which ſerved rather to ſtay, than ſatisfie our Stomachs; for w [...] were all pretty ſharp ſet.

After this ſhort Repaſt, being weary of ou [...] Quarters, we quickly Mounted, and took th [...] Road again; willing to haſten from a Place, where we found nothing but Rudeneſs: fo [...] the Royſters, who at that time ſwarmed there, beſides the Damning Oaths they belched out a [...] one another, looked very ſowerly on us, as i [...] they grudged us both the Horſes we rode, and the Cloaths we wore.

A Knot of theſe ſoon followed us, deſigning (as we afterwards found) to put an Abuſe upon us, and make themſelves Sport with us. We had a ſpot of fine, ſmooth, ſandy Way, whereon the Horſes trod ſo ſoftly that we heard them not, till one of them was upon us. I was then riding a Breaſt with Guli, and diſcourſing with her; when on a ſuddain hearing a little Noiſe, and turning mine Eye that way, I ſaw an Horſeman coming up on the further Side of her Horſe, having his left Arm ſtretched out, juſt ready to take her about the Waſte, and pluck her off backwards from her own Horſe, to lay her before him upon his. I had but juſt time to thruſt forth my Stick, between him and her, and bid him ſtand off: and at the ſame time reigning my Horſe, to let hers go before me, thruſt in between her and him and being better Mounted than he, my Horſe [265] date 1669 run him off. But his Horſe being (tho' weaker than mine, yet) Nimble, he ſlipt by me, and got up to her on the near Side; endeavouring to offer Abuſe to her: To prevent which, I thruſt in upon him again, and in our Joſtling, we drove her Horſe quite out of the Way, and almoſt into the next Hedge.

While we were thus Contending, I heard a Noiſe of loud Laughter behind us; and turning my Head that way, I ſaw three or four Horſe-men more, who could ſcarce ſit their Horſes for Laughing, to ſee the Sport their Companion made with us. From thence I ſaw it was a Plot laid; and that this rude Fel [...]ow was not to be dallied with: Wherefore I beſtirr'd my ſelf the more to keep him off; Admoniſhing him to take Warning in time, and give over his Abuſiveneſs, leſt he Repented too late. He had in his Hand a ſhort thick Truncheon, which he held up at me; on which laying hold with a ſtrong Gripe, I ſuddainly wrenched it out of his Hand, and threw it at as far a Diſtance behind me, as I could.

While he rode back to fetch his Truncheon, I called up honeſt John Gigger; who was indeed a right honeſt Man, and of a Temper ſo throughly Peaceable, that he had not hitherto put in at all. But now I rouzed him, and bid him ride ſo cloſe up to his Miſtreſs's Horſe, on the further Side, that no Horſe might thruſt in between; and I would endeavour to Guard the near Side. But he, good Man, not thinking it, [266] date 1669 perhaps, decent enough for him to Ride ſo nea [...] his Miſtreſs, left room enough for another t [...] Ride between. And indeed, ſo ſoon as ou [...] Brute had recovered his Truncheon, he cam [...] up directly thither; and had thruſt in again [...] had not I, by a nimble turn, chopt in upon him [...] and kept him at a Bay.

I then told him, I had hitherto ſpared him [...] but wiſh'd him not to Provoke me further. This I ſpake with ſuch a Tone, as beſpake an high Reſentment of the Abuſe put upon us and withal preſſed ſo cloſe upon him with my Horſe, that I ſuffered him not to come up any more to Guli.

This his Companions (who kept an equal diſtance behind us) both heard and ſaw; and thereupon Two of them advancing, came up to us. I then thought I might likely have my Hands full; but Providence turn'd it otherwiſe. For they, ſeeing the Conteſt riſe ſo high, and probably fearing it would riſe higher, not knowing where it might ſtop, came in to part us: Which they did, by taking him away; one of them leading his Horſe by the Bridle, and the other driving him on with his Whip, and ſo carried him off.

One of their Campany ſtaid yet behind. And it ſo happening, that a great Shower juſt then fell, we betook our ſelves, for ſhelter, to a thick and well-ſpread Oak, which ſtood hard by. Thither alſo came that other Perſon (who wore the Duke's Livery) and while we put on our defenſive Garments againſt the Weather, which [267] date 1669 [...]en ſet in to be wet, he took the opportunity [...] diſcourſe with me about the Man that had [...]een ſo Rude to us; endeavouring to Excuſe [...]m, by alledging that he had drunk a little too [...]iberally. I let him know, that one Vice would [...]ot Excuſe another; That although but one of [...]em was actually concern'd in the Abuſe, yet [...]oth He, and the reſt of them, were Abettors [...]f it, and Acceſſaries to it; that I was not Ig [...]orant whoſe Livery they wore, and was well [...]ſſured, their Lord would not maintain them in [...]ommitting ſuch Outrages upon Travellers on [...]he Road, to our Injury, and his Diſhonour; That I underſtood the Duke was coming down; [...]nd that they might expect to be called to an Account for this rude Action.

He then begg'd hard that we would paſs by the Offence, and make no Complaint to their Lord: for he knew, he ſaid, the Duke would be very ſevere; and it would be the utter Ruin of the Young Man. When he had ſaid what he could, he went off before us, without any ground given him to expect Favour: And when we had fitted our ſelves for the Weather, we followed after, our own Pace.

When we came to Tunbridge, I ſet John Gigger foremoſt, bidding him lead on briskly, through the Town; and placing Guli in the middle, I came cloſe up after her, that I might both Obſerve, and Interpoſe, if any freſh abuſe ſhould have been offered her. We were expected, I perceived: for, though it Rained very hard, the Street was thronged with Men; who [268] date 1669 looked very earneſtly on us, but did not put [...] ny affront upon us.

We had a good way to Ride beyond Tu [...] bridge, and beyond the Wells, in By-ways, among the Woods; and were the later, for th [...] hinderance we had had on the Way. An [...] when, being come to Harbert Springett's Houſ [...] Guli acquainted her Uncle what Danger an [...] Trouble ſhe had gone through on the way; h [...] reſented it ſo high, that he would have had th [...] Perſons been Proſecuted for it. But, ſince Providence had interpoſed, and ſo well Preſerved an [...] Delivered her, ſhe choſe to paſs by the Offence [...]

When Guli had finiſhed the Buſineſs ſhe wen [...] upon, we returned home, and I delivered he [...] ſafe to her glad Mother. From that time forward, I continued my Viſits to my beſt beloved Friend, untill we Married; which was on the 28th Day of the 8th Month (called October) in the Year 1669. We took each other in a Select Meeting, of the Ancient and Grave Friends of that Country, holden in a Friend's Houſe, where, in thoſe times, not only the Monthly Meeting for Buſineſs, but the Publick Meeting for Worſhip was ſometimes kept. A very Solemn Meeting it was, and in a weighty frame of Spirit we were; in which we ſenſibly felt the Lord with us, and Joyning us: the ſenſe whereof remained with us all our Life time; and was of good Service, and very Comfortable to us on all Occaſions.

My next Care, after Marriage, was to Secure to my Wife what Monies ſhe had, and [269] date 1669 [...]ith her ſelf, beſtowed upon me. For I held it [...]ould be an Abominable Crime in me, and ſa [...]ur of the higheſt Ingratitude, if I (though [...]t through Negligence) ſhould leave room for [...]y Father (in caſe I ſhould be taken away ſud [...]nly) to break in upon her Eſtate; and de [...]ive her of any part of that which had been, [...]d ought to be her own. Wherefore with the [...]ſt opportunity (as I remember, the very next [...]y, and before I knew particularly what ſhe [...]d) I made my Will; and thereby ſecured to [...]r whatever I was Poſſeſſed of, as well all that [...]hich ſhe brought either in Monies, or in [...]oods, as that little which I had before I Mar [...]ed her: Which indeed was but little, yet [...]ore, [by all that Little,] than I had ever gi [...]en her Ground to expect with me.

She had indeed been Adviſed by ſome of her [...]elations, to ſecure before Marriage, ſome part, [...]t leaſt, of what ſhe had, to be at her own [...]iſpoſal. Which (though perhaps not wholly [...]ree from ſome Tincture of Self-Intereſt in the Propoſer) was not, in it ſelf, the worſt of Counſel. But the worthyneſs of her Mind, [...]nd the ſenſe of the Ground on which ſhe re [...]eived me, would not ſuffer her to entertain any [...]uſpicion of me: And this laid on me the greater Obligation, in point of Gratitude, as well as of Juſtice, to Regard and Secure her; which I did.

I omitted in its proper place (becauſe I would not break in upon the Diſcourſe I was then upon) to inſert a few Lines, which I writ as a Congratulation to an Honoured Friend, upon [270] date 1669 his Marriage; and preſented him with the ne [...] Morning, thus.

MY Heart's affected with a weighty Se [...]
Of Yeſterdays Proceedings, and fr [...] thence
Deſire ariſes to CONGRATULATE
My happy Friend in his New Married State.
Not in that ſtrain, wherewith ſome uſe to Cl [...]
Mens Ears with tedious Peals of giving Joy.
But, ſhunning all Extreams, I chuſe to tread
The Middle Path, which doth to Vertue lead
This then my Heart deſires for thee, my Frie [...]
Thy Nuptial Joys may never here have End.
May Happineſs with thee take up her Reſt:
And ſweet Contentment always fill thy Breaſt
May GOD thee bleſs with numerous Increaſe
And may thy utmoſt Off-ſpring reſt in Peace.
Accept this Pledge of Love (tho' but a Pa [...]
Of what is Treaſur'd for thee in my Heart)
From him, who herein hath no other End,
Than to declare himſelf
Thy faithful Friend T. E

[271] date 1669 I had not been long Married, before I was [...]licited, by my dear Friends Iſaac and Mary [...]enington, and her Daughter Guli, to take a [...]ourney into Kent and Suſſex, to Accompt with [...]eir Tenants, and overlook their Eſtates in [...]oſe Countries; which, before I was Married, [...] had had the Care of: and accordingly the [...]ourney I undertook, though in the depth of Winter.

My Travels into thoſe Parts were the more [...]kſome to me, from the Solitarineſs I underwent, and want of ſuitable Society. For my Buſineſs lying among the Tenants, who were a [...]uſtick ſort of People, of various Perſwaſions [...]nd Humours; but not Friends: I had little Op [...]ortunity of Converſing with Friends; though [...] contrived to be with them, as much as I could, [...]ſpecially on the Firſt Day of the Week.

But that which made my preſent Journey more heavy to me, was a ſorrowful Exerciſe, which was newly fallen upon me from my Fa [...]her, harder to be born, than any I had ever met with before.

He had, upon my firſt acquainting him with my Inclination to Marry, and to whom, not only very much approved the Match, and vountarily offered, without my either asking or expecting, to give me a hanſome Portion at preſent, with Aſſurance of an Addition to it hereafter. And he not only made this Offer to me in private; but came down from London into the Country on purpoſe, to be better acquainted with my Friend: and did there make the [272] date 1669 ſame Propoſal to her; offering alſo to give Se [...] rity to any Friend, or Relation of hers, for t [...] Performance. Which Offer ſhe moſt generou [...] declined; leaving him as free as ſhe found hi [...] But after we were Married, notwithſtan [...] ing ſuch his Promiſe, he wholly declined t [...] Performance of it, under Pretence of our n [...] being Married by the Prieſt and Liturgy. Th [...] Uſage, and Evil Treatment of us thereupo [...] was a great Trouble to me: and when I ende [...] voured to Soften him in the matter, he forbi [...] me ſpeaking to him of it any more; and remo [...] ed his Lodging that I might not find him.

The Grief I conceived on this Occaſion, wa [...] not for any Diſappointment to my ſelf, or to m [...] Wife: for neither ſhe nor I had any ſtrict, [...] neceſſary Dependence upon that Promiſe; bu [...] my Grief was partly for the Cauſe aſſigned b [...] him, as the Ground of it: which was, That o [...] Marriage was not by Prieſt or Liturgy; and part [...] for that his lower Circumſtances in the World might probably tempt him to find ſome ſuch though Unwarrantable, Excuſe to avoid performing his Promiſe.

And ſurely hard would it have been for m [...] Spirit to have born up under the weight of thi [...] Exerciſe, had not the LORD been exceedin [...] gracious to me, and ſupported me with the Inflowings of his Love and Life; wherewith h [...] viſited my Soul in my Travel. The Senſ [...] whereof raiſed in my Heart a thankful Remembrance of his manifold Kindneſſes, in his former Dealings with me. And in the Evening [...] [273] date 1669 [...]hen I came to my Inn, while Supper was get [...]ng ready, I took my Pen, and put into Words, [...]hat had in the Day revolved in my Thoughts. [...]nd thus it was.

A Song of PRAISE.
THY Love, dear Father, and thy tender Care,
Have in my Heart begot a ſtrong Deſire,
[...] celebrate thy Name with Praiſes rare;
That others too thy Goodneſs may admire,
And learn to yield to what thou doſt require.
[...]ny have been the Tryals of my Mind,
My Exerciſes great, great my Diſtreſs;
[...]ll oft my Ruin hath my Foe deſign'd:
My Sorrows then my Pen cannot expreſs;
Nor could the beſt of Men afford Redreſs.
[...]en thus beſet, to thee I lift mine Eye,
And with a mournful Heart my Moan did make:
[...]w oft with Eyes o'erflowing, did I cry,
My God, my God, O do me not forſake!
Regard my Tears! Some Pity on me take!
[274] date 1669 And, to the Glory of thy holy Name,
Eternal God, whom I both Love and Fear,
I hereby do declare, I never came
Before thy Throne, and found thee loath to h [...]
But always ready, with an open Ear.
And tho' ſometimes thou ſeem'ſt thy Face to h [...]
As one that had withdrawn thy Love from me
'Tis that my Faith may to the full be try'd,
And that I thereby may the better ſee
How weak I am, when not upheld by thee
For underneath thy holy Arm I feel
Encompaſſing with Strength, as with a W [...]
That, if the Enemy trip up my Heel,
Thou ready art to ſave me from a Fall.
To thee belong Thankſgivings over all.
And for thy tender Love, my God, my King
My Heart ſhall magnifie thee, all my Days
My Tongue of thy Renown ſhall daily ſing:
My Pen ſhall alſo grateful Trophies raiſe,
As Monuments to thy Eternal Praiſe.
T. [...]

[275] date 1669 Having finiſhed my Buſineſs in Kent, I ſtruck [...]f into Suſſex; and finding the Enemy endea [...]uring ſtill more ſtrongly to beſet me: I be [...]ok my ſelf to the Lord for ſafety, in whom I [...]ew all help and Strength was; and thus pour [...] forth my Supplication, directed

To the Holy ONE.
ETERNAL God, Preſerver of all thoſe
(Without reſpect of Perſon, or Degree)
[...]ho in thy Faithfulneſs their Truſt repoſe,
And place their Confidence alone in Thee;
[...] thou my Succour: for thou know'ſt that I
[...] thy Protection, LORD, alone rely.
[...]rround me, Father, with thy mighty Pow'r;
Support me daily by thine Holy Arm:
[...]eſerve me faithful, in the Evil Hour;
Stretch forth thine Hand, to ſave me from all Harm.
[...]e thou my Helmet, Breaſtplate, Sword and Shield:
[...]nd make my Foes before thy Power yield.
[...]each me the Spirit'al Battel ſo to fight,
That when the Enemy ſhall me beſet;
[...]rm'd Cap-a-Pe, with th' Armour of thy Light,
A perfect Conqueſt o'er him I may get:
[276] date 1669 And with thy Battle-Ax may cleave the Head
Of him, who bites that part whereon I tread.
Then being from Domeſtick Foes ſet free,
The Cruelties of Men I ſhall not fear;
But in thy Quarrel, Lord, undaunted be:
And, for thy ſake, the Loſs of all things bea [...]
Yea, tho' in Dungeon lock'd, with Joy will ſin [...]
An ODE of Praiſe to thee, my God, my Kin [...]
T. E

As ſoon as I had diſpatch't the Buſineſs I we [...] about, I returned home without delay; and [...] my great Comfort, found my Wife well, a [...] my ſelf very welcome to her: both which [...] eſteemed as great Favours.

date 1670 Towards the latter part of the Summer fo [...] lowing, I went into Kent again; and in [...] Paſſage through London, received the unwe [...] come News of the Loſs of a very hopeful Yout [...] who had formerly been under my Care for Ed [...] cation. It was Iſaac Penington (the ſecond S [...] of my worthy Friends Iſaac and Mary Peningto [...] a Child of excellent natural Parts; whoſe gre [...] Abilities beſpake him likely to be a great Ma [...] had he lived to be a Man. He was deſigned [...] be bred a Merchant; and before he was thoug [...] ripe enough to be entred thereunto, his Paren [...] atſome-bodies Requeſt, gave leave that [277] date 1670 [...]ght go a Voyage to Barbadoes, only to ſpend [...]ttle time, ſee the Place, and be ſomewhat [...]uainted with the Sea, under the Care and [...]nduct of a choice Friend and Sailor, John [...]ve of London, who was Maſter of a Veſſel, [...] Traded to that Iſland: and a little Venture [...] had with him, made up by divers of his [...]nds; and by me among the reſt. He made [...] Voyage thither very well; found the wat'ry [...]ent agreeable; had his Health there; liked [...] Place; was much pleaſed with his Enter [...]ment there; and was returning home, with [...] little Cargo, in Return for the Goods he car [...]d out; when on a ſuddain, through Unwari [...]s, he drop't over Board; and (the Veſſel be [...] under Sail, with a brisk Gale) was irreco [...]ably loſt, notwithſtanding the utmoſt La [...]r, Care and Diligence of the Maſter, and [...]ors to have ſaved him.

This unhappy Accident took from the afflict [...] Maſter all the Pleaſure of his Voyage; and he [...]urn'd for the Loſs of this Youth, as if it had [...]en his own, yea, only Son: for as he was in [...]ſelf a Man of a worthy Mind; ſo the Boy, by [...]witty and hanſome Behaviour in general, and [...]equious Carriage towards him in particular, [...] very much wrought himſelf into his Favour.

As for me, I thought it one of the ſharpeſt [...]okes I had met with: ſor I both loved the [...]ild very well, and had conceived great hopes [...] general Good from him; and it pierced me [...] deeper to think how deeply it would pierce [...] afflicted Parents.

[278] date 1670 Sorrow for this Diſaſter was my Compani [...] in this Journey, and I travelled the Roads [...] der great Exerciſe of Mind, revolving in [...] Thoughts the manifold Accidents, which [...] LIFE of Man was attended with, and ſub [...] to, and the great Uncertainty of all Hum [...] Things; I could find no Center, no firm B [...] for the Mind of Man to fix upon, but the Div [...] Power and Will of the Almighty. This Conſid [...] ation wrought in my Spirit a ſort of Conte [...] of what ſuppoſed Happineſs or Pleaſure [...] World, or the things that are in and of it, [...] of themſelves yield; and raiſed my Conte [...] plation higher: which, as it ripened, and ca [...] to ſome degree of Digeſtion, I breathed fort [...] mournful Accents, thus.

Solitary THOUGHTS.On the Uncertainty of Humane Thing [...] Occaſioned by the ſuddain Loſs of an HOPEFUL YOUTH.
Tranſibunt citò, quae vos manſura putatis.
Thoſe things ſoon will paſs away,
Which ye think will always ſtay.
WHAT ground, alas, has any Man
To ſet his Heart on things below
Which, when they ſeem moſt like to ſtand,
Fly, like an Arrow from a Bow!
[279] date 1670 [...]hings ſubject to exterior Senſe
[...]re to mutation moſt propence.
[...]ſtately Houſes we Erect,
And therein think to take Delight:
[...] what a ſuddain are we Check't,
And all our Hopes made groundleſs quite!
[...]e little Spark in Aſhes lays
[...]hat we were building half our Days.
[...] on Eſtate an Eye we caſt,
And Pleaſure there expect to find;
[...] ſecret Providential Blaſt
Gives Diſapointment to our Mind.
[...]ho now's on Top, e're long may feel
[...]he circling Motion of the Wheel.
[...] we our tender Babes embrace,
And Comfort hope in them to have:
[...]las, in what a little Space,
Is Hope, with them, laid in the Grave!
Whatever promiſeth Content
[...], in a Moment, from us rent.
This World cannot afford a thing,
Which, to a well-compoſed Mind,
Can any laſting Pleaſure bring;
But in its Womb its Grave will find.
[280] date 1670 All things unto their Center tend:
What had
Ʋnderſtand th [...] of Natural Things.
Beginning will have End.
But is there nothing then that's ſure,
For Man to fix his Heart upon?
Nothing that always will endure;
When all theſe tranſient things are gone;
Sad State! where Man, with Grief oppreſt,
Finds nought whereon his Mind may reſt.
O yes! There is a God above,
Who unto Men is alſo nigh:
On whoſe unalterable Love
We may with Confidence rely.
No Diſappointment can befall
Us, having him that's All in All.
If unto him we Faithful be
It is impoſſible to miſs
Of whatſoever he ſhall ſee
Conducible unto our Bliſs.
What can of Pleaſure him prevent,
Who hath the Fountain of Content?
In Him alone if we delight,
And in his Precepts Pleaſure take;
We ſhall be ſure to do aright,
'Tis not his Nature to forſake.
[281] date 1670 A proper Object's He alone,
For Man to ſet his Heart upon.
— Domino Mens nixa quieta eſt.
The Mind which upon God is ſtay'd,
Shall with no Trouble be diſmay'd.
T. E.

A Copy of the foregoing Lines, incloſed in a Letter of Condoleance, I ſent by the firſt Poſt into Buckinghamſhire, to my dear Friends the afflicted Parents: And upon my Return home, going to viſit them, we ſate down and ſolemnly mixed our Sorrows and Tears together.

About this time (as I remember) it was, that ſome Bickerings happening between ſome Baptiſts, and ſome of the People called Quakers in or about High-Wiccomb in Buckinghamſhire; occaſioned by ſome reflecting Words a Baptist-Preacher had publickly uttered in one of their Meetings there, againſt the Quakers in general, and W. Penn in particular: it came, at length, to this Iſſue, that a Meeting for a publick Diſpute was appointed, to be holden at Weſt-Wiccomb, between Jeremy Ives (who eſpouſed his Brother's Cauſe) and W. Penn.

To this Meeting, it being ſo near me, I went; rather to Countenance the Cauſe, than for any Delight I took in ſuch Work: for indeed, I have rarely found the Advantage, equivolent to the [282] date 1670 Trouble and Danger, ariſing from thoſe Conteſts. For which Cauſe I would not chuſe them, as, being juſtly engaged, I would not refuſe them.

The Iſſue of this proved better than I expected. For Ives having undertaken an Ill Cauſe, to argue againſt the Divine Light, and Univerſal Grace, conferr'd by God on all Men; when he had ſpent his Stock of Arguments, which he brought with him on that Subject: finding his Work go on heavily, and the Auditory not well ſatisfied; ſtept down from his Seat, and departed, with purpoſe to have broken up the Aſſembly. But, except ſome few of his Party, who followed him, the People generally ſtay'd, and were the more attentive to what was afterwards delivered amongſt them. Which Ives underſtanding came in again, and in an angry railing Manner, expreſſing his Diſlike that we went not all away when he did, gave more Diſguſt to the People.

After the Meeting was ended, I ſent to my Friend I. P. (by his Son and Servant, who returned Home, though it was late, that Evening) a ſhort Account of the Buſineſs in the following Diſtich.

Praevaluit VERITAS: Inimici Terga dedêre:
Nos ſumus in tuto; Laus tribuenda Deo.

Which may be thus Engliſhed.

Truth hath prevail'd; the Enemies did fly:
We are in Safety; Praiſe to God on high.

[283] date 1670 But both they and we had quickly other Work found us: It ſoon became a ſtormy time. The Clouds had been long gathering, and threatned a Tempeſt. The Parliament had ſate ſome time before, and hatched that unaccountable Law, which was called The Conventicle Act: (If that may be allowed to be called a Law, by whomſoever made) which was ſo directly contrary to the Fundamental Laws of England, to common Juſtice, Equity and right Reaſon; as this manifeſtly was. For

1ſt, It brake down and overrun the Bounds and Banks, anciently ſet for the Defence and Security of Engliſhmens Lives, Liberties and Properties, viz. Tryal by Juries. Inſtead thereof directing and authorizing Juſtices of the Peace (and that too privately, out of Seſſions) to Convict, Fine, and by their Warrants Diſtrein upon Offendors againſt it; directly contrary to the Great Charter.

2. By that Act, the Informers (who Swear for their own Advantage, as being thereby entituled to a Third Part of the Fines) were many times concealed, driving on an underhand private Trade: ſo that Men might be, and often were Convicted and Fined, without having any Notice or Knowledge of it, till the Officers came and took away their Goods, nor even then could they tell by whoſe Evidence they were convicted. Than which, what could be more oppoſite to common Juſtice? which requires that every Man ſhould be openly charged, and have his Accuſer Face to Face, that he might [284] date 1670 both Anſwer for himſelf before he be convicted, and object to the Validity of the Evidence given againſt him.

3. By that Act, the Innocent were puniſhed for the Offences of the Guilty. If the Wife or Child was convicted of having been at one of thoſe Aſſemblies, which by that Act was adjudged Unlawful; the Fine was levied on the Goods of the Husband or Father of ſuch Wife or Child: though he was neither preſent at ſuch Aſſembly, nor was of the ſame Religious Perſwaſion that they were of; but perhaps an Enemy to it.

4. It was left in the arbitrary Pleaſure of the Juſtices to lay half the Fine for the Houſe or Ground where ſuch Aſſembly was holden, and half the Fine for a pretended unknown Preacher; and the whole Fines of ſuch and ſo many of the Meeters as they ſhould account Poor, upon any other or others of the People, who were preſent at the ſame Meeting (not exceeding a certain limitted Sum;) without any regard to Equity or Reaſon. And yet (ſuch Blindneſs doth the Spirit of Perſecution bring on Men, otherwiſe ſharp ſighted enough) that this Unlawful, Unjuſt, Unequal, Unreaſonable and Unrighteous Law took place in (almoſt) all Places, and was vigorouſly proſecuted againſt the Meetings of Diſſenters in general; though the Brunt of the Storm fell moſt ſharply on the People called Quakers: not that it ſeemed to be more particularly levelled at them: but that they ſtood more fair, ſteady and open, as a But to receive all the [285] date 1670 Shot that came, while ſome others found means, [...]nd freedom to retire to Coverts for Shelter.

No ſooner had the Biſhops obtained this Law, for ſuppreſſing all other Meetings but their own, but ſome of the Clergy of moſt Ranks, and ſome others too, who were over-much bigotted to that Party, beſtirr'd themſelves with might and main, to find out and Encourage the moſt profligate Wretches to turn Informers; and to get ſuch Perſons into Parochial Offices, as would be moſt obſequious to their Commands, and ready at their Beck, to put it into the moſt rigorous Execution. Yet it took not alike in all Places; but ſome were forwarder in the Work than others, according as the Agents intended to be chiefly imployed therein, had been prediſpoſed thereunto.

For in ſome Parts of the Nation care had been timely taken, by ſome not of the loweſt Rank, to chuſe out ſome particular Perſons (Men of ſharp Wit, cloſe Countenances, pliant Tempers and deep Diſſimulation) and ſend them forth among the Sectaries, ſo called; with Inſtructions to thruſt themſelves into all Societies, Conform to all, or any ſort of Religious Profeſſion, Proteous-like change their Shapes, and transform themſelves from one Religious Appearance to another, as occaſion ſhould require. In a word, To be all things to all: not that they might win ſome; but that they might (if poſſible) ruin all, at leaſt many.

The Drift of this Deſign was, That they who imployed them might, by this means, get a full [286] date 1670 Account what Number of Diſſenters Meetings of every ſort, there were in each County; and where kept: what Number of Perſons frequented them, and of what Ranks; who amongſt them were Perſons of Eſtate, and where they lived: that when they ſhould afterwards have troubled the Waters, they might the better know where, with moſt Advantage, to caſt their Nets

He, of theſe Emiſaries, whoſe Poſt was aſſigned him in this County of Bucks, adventured to thruſt himſelf upon a Friend, under the counterfeit Appearance of a Quaker: but being by the Friend ſuſpected, and thereupon diſmiſt unentertain'd, he was forced to betake himſelf to an Inn or Alehouſe for Accommodation. Long he had not been there, e're his unruly Nature (not to be long kept under by the Curb of a feigned Sobriety) broke forth into open Prophanneſs: ſo true is that of the POET,

Naturam expellas furcâ licèt, uſ (que) recurret.

To Fudling now falls he with thoſe whom he found Tippling there before; and who but he amo [...]gſt them! In him was then made good the Proverb, In Vino Veritas: for in his Cups he out with that, which was, no doubt, to have been kept a Secret. 'Twas to his Pot-Companions, that (after his Head was ſomewhat heated with ſtrong Liquors) he diſcovered that he was ſent forth by Dr. Mew, the then Vice-Chancellor of Oxford, on the Deſign before related, and under the Protection of Juſtice Morton, a [287] date 1670 Warrant under whoſe Hand and Seal he there produced.

Senſible of his Error too late (when Sleep had reſtored him to ſome degree of Senſe) and diſcouraged with this ill Succeſs of his Attempt upon the Quakers, he quickly left that Place; and croſſing through the Country, caſt himſelf among the Baptiſts, at a Meeting which they held in a private Place: of which the over-eaſie Credulity of ſome that went among them (whom he had craftily inſinuated himſelf into) had given him Notice. The Entertainment he found amongſt them, deſerved a better Return than he made them. For, having ſmoothly wrought himſelf into their good Opinion, and cunningly drawn ſome of them into an unwary Openneſs, and Freedom of Converſation with him, upon the unpleaſing Subject of the Severity of thoſe Times; he moſt villanouſly impeached one of them (whoſe Name was — Headach, a Man well reputed amongſt his Neighbours) of having ſpoken Treaſonable Words: and thereby brought the Man in danger of loſing both his Eſtate and Life; had not a ſeaſonable Diſcovery of his abominable Practices elſewhere (imprinting Terror, the Effect of Guilt upon him) cauſed him to fly both out of the Court and Country; at that very inſtant of Time, when the honeſt Man ſtood at the Bar, ready to be arraigned upon his falſe Accuſation.

This his falſe Charge againſt that Baptiſt, left him no further room to play the Hypocrite in thoſe Parts. Off therefore go his Cloak and [288] date 1670 Vizor. And now he openly appears, in his proper Colours, to diſturb the Aſſemblies of God's People: which was indeed the very End, for which the Deſign at firſt was laid.

But becauſe the Law provided, That a Conviction muſt be grounded upon the Oaths of two Witneſſes; it was needful for him, in order to the carrying on his intended Miſchief, to find out an Aſſociate, who might be both ſordid enough for ſuch an Imployment, and vicious enough to be his Companion.

This was not an eaſie Task: yet he found out one, who had already given an Experiment of his Readineſs to take other Mens Goods: being not long before releaſed out of Alesbury-Goal, where he very narrowly eſcaped the Gallows, for having Stolen a Cow.

The Names of theſe Fellows being yet unknown, in that Part of the Country where they began their Work; the former, by the general Voice of the Country, was called The Trepan: the latter, The Informer; and, from the Colour of his Hair, Red-head. But in a little time the Trepan called himſelf John Poulter: adding withal, That Judge Morton uſed to call him John for the King; and that the A. B. of Canterbury had given him a Deaconry. That his Name was indeed John Poulter, the reputed Son of one — Poulter, a Butcher in Salisbury; and that he had long ſince been there branded for a Fellow egregiouſly Wicked and Debauched, we were aſſured by the Teſtimony of a young Man, then living in Amerſham, who both was his Countryman, [289] date 1670 and had known him in Salisbury: as well [...]s by a Letter from an Inhabitant of that Place; [...]o whom his Courſe of Life had been well known.

His Comrade, who for ſome time was only [...]alled The Informer, was named Ralph Lacy of Riſborough; and Sirnamed the Cow-ſtealer.

Theſe agreed between themſelves where to [...]ake their firſt Onſet (which was to be, and was, [...]n the Meeting of the People called Quakers, [...]hen holden at the Houſe of William Ruſſell, cal [...]ed Jourden's, in the Pariſh of Giles-Chalfont in [...]he County of Bucks) that which was wanting [...]o their Accommodation, was a Place of Har [...]our, fit for ſuch Beaſts of Prey to lurk in: for Aſſiſtance wherein Recourſe was had to Parſon Philips; none being ſo ready, none ſo willing, [...]one ſo able to help them, as he.

A Friend he had in a Corner, a Widow-Wo [...]an; not long before one of his Pariſhioners. [...]er Name was Anne Dell; and at that time [...]he lived at a Farm called Whites, a By-place in [...]he Pariſh of Beconsfield, whither ſhe removed [...]rom Hitchindon. To her theſe Fellows were [...]ecommended, by her old Friend the Parſon. [...]he, with all readineſs, received them; Her [...]ouſe was at all times open to them: what ſhe [...]ad, was at their Command.

Two Sons ſhe had at home with her, both at Man's Eſtate; to the Eldeſt of which her Maid- [...]ervant, not long before, had laid a Baſtard: which Infamy to ſmother up proved Expenſive [...] them. The younger Son (whoſe Name was [...]ohn Dell) hoping, by the Pillage of his honeſt [290] date 1670 Neighbours, to regain what the Incontinency o [...] his luſtful Brother had miſ-ſpent; liſted himſel [...] in the Service of his Mothers New Gueſts, t [...] attend on them, as their Guide, and to inform them (who were too much Strangers to pretend to know the Names of any of the Perſons there whom they ſhould inform againſt.

Thus conſorted, thus in a triple League confederated, on the 24th Day of the Fifth Mont [...] (commonly called July) in the Year 1670, the [...] appeared openly, and began to Act their i [...] tended Tragoedy upon the Quakers Meeting, a [...] the Place aforeſaid; to which I belonged, an [...] at which I was preſent. Here the chief Acto [...] Poulter, behaved himſelf with ſuch impetuo [...] Violence, and brutiſh Rudeneſs, as gave Occſion for Enquiry who, or what, he was. An [...] being ſoon diſcovered to be the Trepan, ſo Inf [...] mous, and abhor'd by all ſober People; and afte [...] wards daily detected of groſs Impieties, and [...] ven Capital Crimes (ſuch as Chriſt'ning (ſo th [...] common Term is) of a Cat in contempt of th [...] Practice which is uſed by many upon Childre [...] naming it Catharine-Catherina, in deriſion of t [...] then Queen; And the Felonious taking of c [...] tain Goods from one of Brainford; whom a [...] he cheated of Money. Theſe things raiſing [...] Out-cry in the Country upon him, made h [...] conſult his own Safety; and leaving his Part [...] be Acted by others, quitted the Country [...] ſoon as he could.

He being gone, Satan ſoon ſupplied his Pla [...] by ſending one Richard Aris, a broken Ironm [...] er [291] date 1670 of Wiccomb, to join with Lacy in this Service; [...]ompted thereto, in hopes that he might there [...]y repair his broken Fortunes.

Of this New Adventurer this ſingle Charac [...]r may ſerve, whereby the Reader may make [...]dgment of him, as of the Lion by his Paw; [...]at at the Seſſions, holden at Wiccomb in Octo [...]r then laſt paſt, he was openly accuſed of [...]ving enticed one Harding, of the ſame Town, [...] be his Companion and Aſſociate in Robbing [...] the Highway; and Proof offered to be made, [...]at he had made Bullets in order to that Ser [...]e: Which Charge Harding himſelf, whom [...] had endeavoured to draw into that hainous [...]ickedneſs, was ready in Court to prove upon [...]th; had not the Proſecution been diſcounten [...]ced and ſmothered.

Lacy (the Cow-ſtealer) having thus got Aris [...]e intended Highway-man) to be his Com [...]de; they came (on the 21ſt of the Month cal [...] Auguſt, 1670.) to the Meeting of the People [...]led Quakers, where Lacy with Poulter had [...]en a Month before; and taking for granted [...]at the ſame, who had been there before, were [...]ere then, they went to a Juſtice of the Peace [...]led Sir Thomas Clayton, and Swore at all ad [...]nture, againſt one Thomas Zachary and his [...]ife (whom Lacy underſtood to have been there [...]e Month before) that they were then preſent [...] that Meeting: Whereas neither the ſaid Tho [...]s Zachary nor his Wife were at that Meeting; [...]t were both of them at London (above Twen [...] Miles diſtant) all that Day; having been [292] date 1670 there ſometime before and after. Which no [...] withſtanding, upon this falſe Oath of theſe fal [...] Men, the Juſtice laid Fines upon the ſaid Thom [...] Zachary, of 10l. for his own Offence, 10 l. f [...] his Wife's, and 10l. for the Offence of a pr [...]tended Preacher (though indeed there was n [...] any that preached at that Meeting that Day [...] and iſſued forth his Warrant to the Officers [...] Beconsfield (where Thomas Zachary dwelt) for t [...] levying of the ſame upon his Goods.

I mention theſe things thus particularly (t [...] not an immediate Suffering of my own;) [...] cauſe, in the Conſequence thereof, it occaſio [...] no ſmall Trouble and Exerciſe to me.

For when Thomas Zachary, returning H [...] from London, underſtanding what had been [...] againſt him; and adviſing what to do, was [...] formed by a Neighbouring Attorney, that his [...] medy lay in appealing from the Judgmen [...] the Convicting Juſtice, to the General Qu [...] Seſſions of the Peace: he thereupon ordering [...] ſaid Attorney to draw up his Appeal in For [...] Law, went himſelf with it, and tendered [...] the Juſtice. But the Juſtice, being a Man ne [...] well principled, nor well natured; and u [...] that he ſhould loſe the Advantage, both of [...] preſent Conviction, and future Service of [...] (in his Judgment) uſeful Men, as thoſe bold Informers were likely to be: fell ſh [...] upon Thomas Zachary, charging him that h [...] fer'd juſtly; and that his Suffering was [...] a Religious Account.

[293] date 1670 This rough and unjuſt Dealing engaged the [...]od Man to enter into further Diſcourſe with [...]e Juſtice, in defence of his own Innocency. [...]om which Diſcourſe the inſidious Juſtice, tak [...]g offence at ſome Expreſſion of his, charged [...] with ſaying, The Righteous are Oppreſſed, and [...] Wicked go Unpuniſhed. Which the Juſtice in [...]preting to be a Reflection on the Govern [...]nt, and calling it an high Miſdemeanour; re [...]ired Sureties of the good Man to anſwer it at [...]e next Quarter Seſſions, and in the mean time [...] be bound to his good Behaviour, But, he, [...]ll knowing himſelf to be Innocent of having [...]ken any Law, or done in this Matter any E [...] could not anſwer the Juſtices Unjuſt De [...]nd; and therefore was ſent forthwith a Pri [...]er to the County Goal.

By this Severity, it was thought, the Juſtice [...]igned, not only to wreak his Diſpleaſure on [...] good Man; but to prevent the further Pro [...]ution of his Appeal: Whereby he ſhould at [...]e both Oppreſs the Righteous; by the Levy [...] of the Fines unduly impoſed upon him; [...]d ſecure the informers from a Conviction of [...]ful Perjury, and the Puniſhment due there [...]e, that ſo they might go on, without Controul, [...]he wicked Work they were engaged in.

But ſo great Wickedneſs was not to be ſuffer [...] to go unpuniſhed, or at leaſt undiſcovered. [...]herefore, although no way could be found at [...]ſent, to get the good Man releaſed from his [...]uſt Impriſonment: Yet that his Reſtraint [...]ght not hinder the Proſecution of his Appeal, [294] date 1670 on which the Detection of the Informers V [...] lany depended: Conſideration being had the [...] of amongſt ſome Friends, the [...] Management the Proſecution was committed to my Care, w [...] was thought (with reſpect at leaſt to Leiſu [...] and diſengagement from other Buſineſs) moſt [...] to attend it; and very willingly I undertook [...]

Wherefore at the next general Quarter-Seſſi [...] of the Peace, holden at High-Wiccomb in Oct [...] ber following, I took care that Four Subſtant [...] Witneſſes, Citizens of unqueſtionable Cred [...] ſhould come down from London, in a Coa [...] and four Horſes, hired on purpoſe.

Theſe gave ſo punctual and full Eviden [...] that Thomas Zachary and his Wife were in Lond [...] all that Day, whereon the Informers had Sw [...] them to have been at an Unlawful Meeting, a [...] place more than Twenty Miles diſtant fr [...] London, that, notwithſtanding what Endeavo [...] were uſed to the contrary, the Jury found th [...] Not Guilty. Whereupon the Money depoſi [...] for the Fines, at the Entring of the Appe [...] ought to have been returned: and ſo was T [...] Pounds of it; but the reſt of the Money bei [...] in the Hand of the Clerk of the Peace, wh [...] Name was Wells, could never be got out aga [...]

Thomas Zachary himſelf was brought fro [...] Alesbury Goal to Wiccomb, to receive his Trya [...] and though no Evil could be charged upon hi [...] yet Juſtice Clayton, who at firſt committed hi [...] diſpleaſed to ſee the Appeal Proſecuted, and [...] Conviction he had made ſet aſide, by Imp [...] tunity prevailed with the Bench to rema [...] [295] date 1670 [...]im to Priſon again, there to lie until another [...]eſſions.

While this was doing, I got an Indictment [...]rawn up againſt the Informers, Aris and Lacy, [...]or wilful Perjury, and cauſed it to be delivered [...]o the Grand Jury; who found the Bill. And [...]lthough the Court adjourned from the Town Hall to the Chamber at their Inn (in favour, as [...]t was thought, to the Informers, on Suppoſition we would not purſue them thither;) yet thither [...]hey were purſued: and there being two Coun [...]ells preſent from Windſor (the Name of the one was Starkey, and of the other, as I remember, Forſter; the former of which I had before retained upon the Tryal of the Appeal) I now retained them both, and ſent them into Court again, to Proſecute the Informers upon this Indictment, Which they did ſo ſmartly, that the Informers (being preſent, as not ſuſpecting any ſuch ſuddain Danger) were of neceſſity called to the Bar, and Arraigned; and having pleaded Not Guilty, were forced to enter a Traverſe, to avoid a preſent Commitment: All the Favour the Court could ſhew them, being to take them Bail one for the other (though probably both not worth a Groat) elſe they muſt have gone to Goal for want of Bail, which would have put them beſides their Buſineſs, ſpoil'd the Informing Trade, and broke the Deſign; whereas now they were turned looſe again, to do what Miſchief they could, until the next Seſſions.

Accordingly they did what they could, and yet could make little or no Earnings at it: For [296] date 1670 this little ſtep of Proſecution had made them ſo known, and their late apparent Perjury had made them ſo deteſtable; that even the common ſort of bad Men ſhunned them, and would not willingly yield them any Aſſiſtance.

The next Quarter-Seſſions was holden at Aleſbury, whither we were fain to bring down our Witneſſes again from London, in like manner, and at like Charge (at the leaſt) as before. And though I met with great Diſcouragements in the Proſecution, yet I followed it ſo vigorouſly, that I got a Verdict againſt the Informers for wilful Perjury: and had forthwith taken them up, had not they forthwith fled from Juſtice, and hid themſelves. However, I moved by my Attorney for an Order of Court, directed to all Mayors, Bayliffs, High Conſtables, Petty Conſtables, and other Inferiour Officers of the Peace, to Arreſt and take them up, where-ever they ſhould be found within the County of Bucks: and bring them to the County Goal.

The Report of this ſo terrified them, that, of all things dreading the Miſery of lying in a Goa [...] (out of which they could not hope for Deliverance, otherwiſe than by, at leaſt, the Loſs o [...] their Ears) they, hopeleſs now of carrying o [...] their Informing Trade, disjoyned; and one o [...] them (Aris) fled the Country: So that (whatever Gallows caught him) he appeared no mo [...] in this Country. The other (Lacy) lurked privily, for a while, in Woods and By-places, 'ti [...] Hunger and Want forced him out; and the [...] caſting himſelf upon an hazardous Adventu [...] [297] date 1670 which yet was the beſt, and proved to him the [...]eſt Courſe he could have taken) he went di [...]ectly to the Goal (where, he knew, the Inno [...]ent Man ſuffered Impriſonment by his Means, [...]nd for his ſake:) where asking for, and being [...]rought to Thomas Zachary, he caſt himſelf on [...]is Knees, at his Feet; and with appearance of [...]orrow, confeſſing his Fault, did ſo earneſtly beg [...]or Forgiveneſs, that he wrought upon the ten [...]er Nature of that very good Man, not only to [...]ut him in hopes of Mercy, but to be his Advo [...]ate by Letter to me, to mitigate, at leaſt, if [...]ot wholly to remit the Proſecution. To which I ſo far only conſented, as to let him know, I would ſuſpend the Execution of the Warrant upon him, according as he behaved himſelf, or until he gave freſh Provocation. At which Meſſage the Fellow was ſo overjoyed, that, relying with Confidence thereon, he returned openly to his Family and Labour, and applyed himſelf to Buſineſs (as his Neighbours obſerved and reported) with greater Diligence and Induſtry, than he had ever done before.

Thus began, and thus ended, the Informing-Trade, in theſe Parts of the County of Bucks; the ill Succeſs that theſe firſt Informers found, diſcouraging all others, how Vile ſoever, from attempting the like Enterprize there ever after. And though it coſt ſome Money to carry on the Proſecution; and ſome Pains too: Yet, for every Shilling ſo ſpent, a Pound, probably, might be ſaved, of what (in all likelihood) would have been loſt, by the Spoil and Havock that might [298] date 1670 have been made, by Diſtreſſes taken on the [...] Informations.

But ſo Angry was the Convicting Juſti [...] (whatever others, of the ſame Rank were) a [...] this Proſecution, and the loſs thereby of the Se [...] vice of thoſe Honeſt Men, the Perjur'd Informer [...] For as I heard an Attorney (one Hitchcock of Alesbury, who was their Advocate in Court) ſa [...] A great Lord, a Peer of the Realm, called them [...] in a Letter directed to him; whereby he recommended to him the Care and Defence of them and thei [...] Cauſe; that he prevailed to have the Oath o [...] Allegiance tendred in Court to Thomas Zachary [...] which he knew he would not take, becauſe h [...] could not take any Oath at all; by which Sna [...] he was kept in Priſon a long time after; and ( [...] far as I remember) until a general Pardon r [...] leaſed him.

But though it pleaſed the Divine Providenc [...] (which ſometimes vouchſafeth to bring Goo [...] out of Evil) to put a ſtop (in a great Meaſur [...] at leaſt) to the Proſecution here begun: Yet i [...] other Parts, both of the City and Country, [...] was carried on with very great Severity and R [...] gour; the worſt of Men, for the moſt part, b [...] ing ſet up for Informers; the worſt of Mag [...] ſtrates encouraging and abetting them; and th [...] worſt of the Prieſts (who firſt began to blo the Fire) now ſeeing how it took, ſpread an [...] blazed, Clapping their Hands, and Hallowin [...] them on to this Evil Work.

The Senſe whereof, as it deeply affected m [...] Heart with a Sympathizing Pity for the Oppre [...] ſed [299] date 1670 Sufferers: So it raiſed in my Spirit an Holy Diſdain, and Contempt of that Spirit and its Agent; by which this ungodly Work was ſtirred up, and carried on. Which at length brake forth in an Expoſtulatory POEM, under the Title of GIGANTOMACHIA (The Wars of the Giants againſt Heaven.) Not without ſome Alluſion to the Second Pſalm, thus.

WHY do the Heathen in a brutiſh Rage,
Themſelves againſt the Lord of Hoſts Engage!
Why do the frantick People entertain
Their Thoughts upon a thing that is ſo vain!
Why do the Kings themſelves together ſet!
And why do all the Princes them abet!
Why do the Rulers to each other ſpeak
After this fooliſh manner, Let us break
Their Bonds aſunder! Come let us make haſt,
With joint Conſent, their Cords from us caſt.
Why do they thus joyn Hands! and Counſel take
Againſt the Lord's Anointed! This will make
Him, doubtleſs, Laugh; who doth in Heaven Sit:
The Lord will have them in Contempt for it.
His ſore Diſpleaſure on them he will wreak:
And in his Wrath will he unto them Speak.
[300] date 1670 For on his Holy Hill of Sion, He
His King hath ſet to Reign; Scepters muſt be
Caſt down before him: Diadems muſt lie
At foot of him, who ſits in Majeſty
Upon his Throne of Glory; whence he will
Send forth his fiery Miniſters, to Kill
All thoſe his Enemies, who would not be
Subject to his Supream Authority.
Where then will ye appear, who are ſo far
From being Subjects, that ye Rebels are
Againſt his Holy Government; and ſtrive
Others from their Allegiance too to drive;
What Earthly Prince ſuch an Affront wou'd bear
From any of his Subjects, ſhou'd they dare
So to encroach on his Prerogative!
Which of them wou'd permit that Man to live!
What ſhou'd it be adjudg'd but Treaſon? And
Death he muſt ſuffer for it, out of hand.
And ſhall the King of Kings ſuch Treaſon ſee
Acted againſt him, and the Traytors be
Acquitted! No, Vengeance is his: and they
That him Provoke, ſhall know he will repay.
And of a Truth, provoked he hath been,
In an high Manner, by this daring Sin.
[301] date 1670 Of Uſurpation, and of Tyranny
Over Mens Conſciences, which ſhould be free
To Serve the Living God, as he requires,
And as his Holy Spirit them Inſpires.
For Conſcience is an Inward thing, and none,
Can govern that aright, but God alone.
Nor can a well-Informed Conſcience low'r
Her Sails to any Temporary Pow'r;
Or bow to Mens Decrees: For that wou'd be
Treaſon in a Superlative Degree;
For God alone can Laws to Conſcience give,
And that's a Badge of his PREROGATIVE.
This is the Controverſie of this Day,
Between the Holy God, and ſinful Clay.
God hath, throughout the Earth, Proclaim'd, that he
Will over Conſcience hold the Sov'raignty;
That he the Kingdom to himſelf will take,
And in Man's Heart his Reſidence will make:
From whence his Subjects ſhall ſuch Laws receive,
As pleaſe his Royal Majeſty to give.
Man heeds not this: but moſt audaciouſly
Says, Unto me belongs Supremacy:
[302] date 1670 And all Mens Conſciences, within my Land,
Ought to be ſubject unto my Command.
God, by his Holy Spirit, doth direct
His People how to Worſhip: And expect
Obedience from them. Man ſays, I ordain,
That none ſhall Worſhip in that way, on pain
Of Priſon, Confiſcation, Baniſhment;
Or being to the Stake, or Gallows, Sent.
God, out of Babylon, doth People call:
Commands them to forſake her Ways, and all
Her ſev'ral ſorts of Worſhip, to deny
Her whole Religion, as Idolatry.
Will Man thus his uſurped Pow'r forgo,
And loſe his ill-got Government? Oh no:
But out comes his Enacted, be't, That all
Who, when the Organs Play, will not down fall
Before this Golden Image, and adore
What I have caus'd to be ſet up; therefore
Into the fiery Furnace ſhall be caſt:
And be conſumed with a flaming Blaſt.
Or, in the mildeſt Terms, Conform, or Pay
So much a Month, or ſo much ev'ry Day;
Which we will Levy on you, by Diſtreſs,
Sparing nor Widow, nor the Fatherleſs:
[303] date 1670 [...]nd if you have not what will Satisfie,
[...]are like in Priſon, during Life, to lie.
Chriſt ſays, Swear not: but Man ſays, Swear, or lie
[...]n Priſon, praemunir'd, until you Die.
Man's Ways are, in a Word, as Oppoſite
To God's, as Midnight-Darkneſs is to Light.
And yet fond Man doth ſtive with Might and Main
By Penal Laws, God's People to conſtrain
To Worſhip What, When, Where, How he thinks fit;
And to whatever he Injoyns, ſubmit.
What will the Iſſue of this Conteſt be!
Which muſt give place, the Lord's, or Man's Decree!
Will Man be in the Day of Battle, found
Able to keep the Field, maintain his Ground,
Againſt the mighty God! No more than can
The lighteſt Chaff before the Winnowing Fan:
No more than Straw cou'd ſtand before the Flame;
Or ſmalleſt Atoms, when a Whirlwind came.
The LORD (who in Creation, only ſaid,
Let us make Man, and forthwith Man was made)
[304] date 1670 Can, in a Moment, by one Blaſt of Breath,
Strike all Mankind with an Eternal Death.
How ſoon can God all Man's Devices quaſh,
And, with his Iron Rod, in Pieces daſh
Him, like a Potter's Veſſel! None can ſtand
Againſt the Mighty Power of his Hand.
Be therefore wiſe, ye Kings; inſtructed be,
Ye Rulers of the Earth, and henceforth ſee
Ye ſerve the Lord in Fear: and ſtand in aw
Of ſinning any more againſt his Law,
His Royal Law of Liberty; to do
To others as you'd have them do to you.
Oh ſtoop, ye mighty Monarchs, and let none
Reject his Government; but kiſs the Son
While's Wrath is but a little kindled, leſt
His Anger burn, and you that have tranſgreſt
His Law ſo oft; and wou'd not him obey,
Eternally ſhou'd periſh from the Way;
The Way of God's Salvation. where the Juſt
Are bleſs'd, who in the Lord do put their truſt.
Foelix quem faciunt aliena Pericula cautum.
— Happy's He,
Whom others Harms do wary make to be.

[305] date 1671 As the unreaſonable Rage, and furious Vio [...]nce of the Perſecutors had drawn the for [...]er Expoſtulation from me: ſo, in a while after, [...]y Heart being deeply affected with a Senſe of [...]e great Loving-kindneſs, and tender Goodneſs [...]f the LORD to his People, in bearing up their [...]pirits in their greateſt Exerciſes, and preſerv [...]g them through the ſharpeſt Tryals, in a faith [...]l Teſtimony to his bleſſed Truth, and open [...]g, in due time, a Door of Deliverance to [...]em, I could not forbear to celebrate his Praiſes [...] the following Lines, under the Title of

A SONG of the Mercies and Deliverances of the LORD.
HAD not the Lord been on our Side,
May Iſrael now ſay,
We were not able to abide
The Tryals of that Day.
When Men did up againſt us riſe,
With Fury, Rage and Spight;
Hoping to catch us by ſurprize,
Or run us down by Might.
Then had not God for us aroſe,
And ſhewn his mighty Pow'r;
We had been ſwallow'd by our Foes,
Who waited to devour.
[306] date 1671 When the joint-Pow'rs of Death and Hell
Againſt us did combine:
And, with united Forces, fell
Upon us, with deſign
To Root us out: then had not God
Appear'd to take our Part,
And them chaſtized with his Rod,
And made them feel the Smart:
We then had overwhelmed been,
And trodden in the Mire,
Our Enemies on us had ſeen
Their cruel Hearts Deſire.
When Ston'd, when Stock't, when rudely ſtript
Some, to the Waſte, have been,
(Without regard of Sex) and whip't,
Until the Blood did ſpin:
Yea, when their Skins, with Stripes look't black,
Their Fleſh to Jelly beat,
Enough to make their Sinews crack,
The Laſhes were ſo great:
Then had not God been with them, to
Support them, they had dy'd;
His Pow'r it was, that bore them thro',
Nothing cou'd do't beſide.
[307] date 1671 When into Priſons we were throng'd
(Where Peſtilence was rife,)
By bloody-minded Men, that long'd
To take away our Life:
Then had not God been with us, we
Had periſh't there, no doubt;
'Twas He preſerv'd us there, and He
It was that brought us out.
When Sentenced to Baniſhment
Inhumanly we were;
To be from Native Country ſent,
From all that Men call dear:
Then had not God been pleas'd t' appear,
And take our Cauſe in hand;
And ſtruck them with a pannick Fear,
Which put them to a ſtand.
Nay, had he not great Judgments ſent,
And compaſs'd them about;
They were, at that time, fully bent
To root us wholly out.
Had he not gone with them that went,
The Seas had been their Graves:
Or, when they came where they were ſent,
They had been Sold for Slaves.
[308] date 1671 But God was pleaſed ſtill to give
Them Favour where they came;
And in his Truth they yet do live,
To Praiſe his Holy Name.
And now afreſh do Men contrive
Another wicked Way,
Of our Eſtates us to deprive,
And take our Goods away.
But will the Lord (who, to this Day,
Our Part did always take)
Now leave us, to be made a Prey;
And that too for his ſake?
Can any one, who calls to Mind
Deliverances paſt;
Diſcourag'd be at what's behind,
And murmur now at laſt!
O that no unbelieving Heart
Among us may be found,
That from the Lord wou'd now depart;
And, Coward like, give ground.
For, without doubt, the God we ſerve
Will ſtill our Cauſe defend;
If we from him do never ſwerve,
But truſt him to the End.
[309] date 1671 What if our Goods, by Violence,
From us be torn, and we,
Of all things but our Innocence,
Should wholly ſtripped be?
Would this be more than did befal
Good Job? Nay ſure, much leſs:
He loſt Eſtate, Children and all;
Yet he the Lord did bleſs.
But did not God his Stock augment,
Double what 'twas before?
And this was writ to the Intent
That we ſhould hope the more.
View but the Lillies of the Field,
That neither Knit, nor Spin:
Who is it that to them doth yield
The Robes they're decked in?
Doth not the Lord the Ravens feed,
And for the Sparrows care?
And will not He, for his own Seed,
All needful things prepare?
The Lions ſhall ſharp Hunger bear,
And pine for lack of Food:
But who the Lord do truly Fear
Shall nothing want that's good.
[310] date 1671 Oh! which of us can now diffide
That God will us defend,
Who hath been always on our Side,
And will be to the End.
Spes conſiſa Deo nunquam confuſa recedet.
Hope, which on God is firmly grounded,
Will never fail, nor be confounded.

date 1672 Scarce was the before-mentioned Storm [...] outward Perſecution from the Government, blow [...] over; when Satan rais'd another Storm, of a [...] other kind, againſt us on this Occaſion. T [...] foregoing Storm of Perſecution, as it laſted lon [...] ſo, in many Parts of the Nation, and partic [...] larly at London, it fell very ſharp and violen [...] eſpecially on the Quakers. For they having [...] Refuge, but God alone, to fly unto, could n [...] dodge and ſhift to avoid the Suffering; as othe [...] of other Denominations could, and in the [...] worldly Wiſdom and Policy did; altering the [...] Meetings, with reſpect both to Place and Tim [...] and forbearing to meet, when Forbidden, [...] kept out of their Meeting-Houſes. So that of the ſ [...] veral Sorts of Diſſenters, the Quakers only he [...] up a publick Teſtimony, as a Standard or Enſig [...] of Religion, by keeping their Meeting duly a [...] fully, at the accuſtomed Times and Places ( [...] long as they were ſuffered to Enjoy the Uſe [...] their Meeting-Houſes:) and when they we [...] ſhut up, and Friends kept out of them by Forc [...] [311] date 1672 [...]ey aſſembled in the Streets, as near to their Meeting-Houſes as they could.

This bold, and truly Chriſtian Behaviour in [...]e Quakers diſturbed, and not a little diſpleaſ [...] the Perſecutors; who fretting complained, [...]at the Stubborn Quakers brake their Strength, and [...]e off the Blow from thoſe other Diſſenters, whom, [...] they moſt feared, ſo they principally aimed at. [...]r indeed the Quakers they rather deſpiſed, [...]an feared; as being a People, from whoſe [...]aceable both Principles and Practices, they held [...]emſelves ſecure from Danger: whereas hav [...]g ſuffered ſeverely, and that lately too, by [...]d under the other Diſſenters; they thought [...]ey had juſt cauſe to be apprehenſive of danger [...]m them, and good reaſon to ſuppreſs them.

On the other hand, the more Ingenious a [...]ongſt other Diſſenters, of each Denomination, [...]nſible of the Eaſe they enjoyed by our bold [...]d ſteady Suffering (which abated the Heat of [...]e Perſecutors, and blunted the Edge of the [...]word, before it came to them) frankly acknow [...]dged the Benefit received; calling us The Bul [...]ark that kept off the Force of the Stroke from them, [...]nd praying That we might be preſerved, and en [...]bled to break the Strength of the Enemy: nor [...]ould ſome of them forbear (thoſe eſpecially who were called Baptiſts) to expreſs their kind [...]nd favourable Opinion of us, and of the Prin [...]iples we profeſs'd; which emboldened us to go thro' that, which but to hear of was a Ter [...]or to them.

[312] date 1672 This their Good-will rais'd Ill-will in ſome [...] their Teachers againſt us; who, though willi [...] to reap the Advantage of a Shelter, by a R [...] treat behind us, during the time that the Sto [...] laſted: yet, partly through an Evil Emulatio [...] partly through Fear, leſt they ſhould loſe ſo [...] of thoſe Members of their Society, who h [...] diſcovered ſuch favourable Thoughts of o [...] Principles and us; they ſet themſelves, as ſo [...] as the Storm was over, to repreſent us in as ug [...] a Dreſs, and in as frightful Figure to t [...] World; as they could invent, and put upon [...]

date 1673 In order whereunto one Thomas Hicks, [...] Preacher among the Baptiſts at London, took u [...] on him to write ſeveral Pamphlets ſucceſſivel [...] under the Title of A Dialogue between a Chriſtia [...] and a Quaker; which were ſo craftily contrive [...] that the unwary Reader might conclude the [...] to be (not meerly Fictions, but) real Diſcourſe [...] actually held between one of the People called [...] Quaker, and ſome other Perſon. In theſe feig [...] ed Dialogues, Hicks (having no regard to Juſtice, or common Honeſty) had made his Counterfeit Quaker ſay whatſoever he thought woul [...] render him, one while, ſufficiently Erronious [...] another while, Ridiculous enough: forging, i [...] the Quaker's Name, ſome things ſo abominabl [...] Falſe, other Things ſo intolerably Fooliſh; a [...] could not reaſonably be ſuppoſed to have com [...] into the Conceit, much leſs to have droppe [...] from the Lip or Pen of any that went under th [...] Name of a Quaker.

[313] date 1673 Theſe Dialogues (ſhall I call them, or rather [...]iabologues) were anſwered by our Friend W. [...]enn, in two Books; the firſt being entituled, [...]eaſon againſt Railing; the other, The Counter [...]it Chriſtian detected: in which Hicks being [...]harged with manifeſt, as well as manifold For [...]eries, Perverſions, downright Lyes and Slanders [...]gainſt the People called Quakers in general, W. Penn, G. Whitehead, and divers others by Name; Complaint was made, by way of an Appeal, to the Baptiſts in and about London, for [...]uſtice againſt Thomas Hicks.

date 1674 Thoſe Baptiſts (who, it ſeems, were in the Plot with Hicks to defame, at any rate, right or wrong, the People called Quakers) taking the Advantage of the Abſence of W. P. and G. W. [...]who were the Perſons moſt immediately con [...]erned, and who were then gone a long Jour [...]ey, on the ſervice of Truth, to be abſent from the City, in all probability, for a conſiderable time) appointed a publick Meeting, in one of their Meeting-Houſes, under pretence of calling Thomas Hicks to account, and hearing the Charge made good againſt him: but with deſign to give the greater Stroke to the Quakers, when they, who ſhould make good the Charge againſt Hicks, could not be preſent. For upon their ſending Notice to the Lodgings of W. P. and G. W. of their intended Meeting, they were told by ſeveral Friends, that both W. P. and G. W. were from home, travelling in the Countries, uncertain where; and therefore could not be informed of their intended Meeting, [314] date 1674 either by Letter, or Expreſs, within the time by them limitted: for which reaſon they were deſired to deferr the Meeting, till they could have Notice of it, and time to return that they might be at it. But theſe Baptiſts whoſe Deſign was otherwiſe laid, would not be prevailed with to deferr their Meeting: but, glad of the Advantage, gave their brother Hick [...] opportunity to make a colourable Defence where he had his Party to help him; and none to oppoſe him! and having made a mock Shew of Examining him and his Works of Darkneſs they in fine having heard one ſide, Acquitted him

This gave juſt Occaſion for a New Complaint and Demand of Juſtice againſt him and them. For as ſoon as W. P. return'd to London, he in Print exhibited his Complaint of this unfair Dealing, and demanded Juſtice, by a re-hearing of the Matter, in a publick Meeting, to be appointed by joint Agreement. This went hardly down with the Baptiſts, nor could it be obtained from them, without great Importunity, and hard preſſing. At length, after many delays, and Tricks uſed to ſhift it off, conſtrained by Neceſſity, they yielded to have a Meeting at their own Meeting-Houſe, in Barbican, London.

There, amongſt other Friends, was I, and undertook to read our Charge there againſt Thomas Hicks: which, not without much Difficulty, I did; they, inaſmuch as the Houſe was theirs, putting all the Inconveniencies they could upon us.

[315] date 1674 The particular Paſſages, and Management [...]f this Meeting (as alſo of that other, which, [...]ollowed ſoon after, they refuſing to give us any [...]ther publick Meeting, we were fain to ap [...]oint in our own Meeting-Houſe, by Wheeler [...]treet near Spittle-Fields, London, and gave [...]em timely notice of) I forbear here to men [...]on; there being in Print a Narrative of each, [...] which, for particular Information, I refer [...]he Reader.

But to this Meeting Thomas Hicks would not [...]ome; but lodged himſelf at an Ale-houſe hard [...]y: yet ſent his Brother Ives, with ſome others [...]f the Party, by clamorous Noiſes to divert us [...]rom the Proſecution of our Charge againſt [...]im; which they ſo effectually performed, that [...]hey would not ſuffer the Charge to be heard, [...]hough often attempted to be read.

As this rude Behaviour of theirs was a Cauſe of Grief to me; ſo afterwards when I underſtood, that they uſed all evaſive Tricks, to avoid another Meeting with us, and refuſed to do us Right, my Spirit was greatly ſtirred at their Injuſtice: and in the Senſe thereof, willing, if poſſible, to have provoked them to more fair and manly Dealing, I let fly a Broad-ſide at them, in a ſingle Sheet of Paper, under the Title of A Freſh Parſuit. In which, having re-ſtated the Controverſie between them and us, and reinforced our Charge of Forgery, &c. againſt Thomas Hicks and his Abettors: I offered a fair Challenge to them (not only to Thomas Hicks himſelf, but to all thoſe his Compurgators, who [316] date 1674 had before undertaken to acquit him from our Charge, together with their Companion Jer [...] Ives) to give me a fair and publick Meeting [...] in which I would make good our Charge againſt him, as Principal, and all the reſt of them, as Acceſſaries. But nothing could provoke them to come fairly forth.

Yet not long after, finding themſelves galled by the Narrative lately publiſhed of what had paſſed in the laſt Meeting near Wheeler-Street; they, to help themſelves, if they could, ſent forth a Counter Account of that Meeting, and of the former at Barbican, as much to the Advantage of their own Cauſe, as they, upon deliberate Conſideration cou'd contrive it. This was publiſhed by Thomas Plant (a Baptiſt-Teacher, and one of Thomas Hicks his former Compurgators) and bore (but falſly) the Title of A Conteſt for Chriſtianity; or, A faithful Relation of two late Meetings, &c.

To this I quickly writ and publiſhed an Anſwer. And, becauſe I ſaw the Deſign, and whole drift of the Baptiſts was to ſhroud T. Hicks from our Charge of Forgery, under the ſpecious Pretence of his and their ſtanding up, and contending for Chriſtianity; I gave my Book this general Title, Forgery no Chriſtianity: or a brief Examen of a late Book, &c. And having from their own Book, plainly convicted that which they called A faithful Relation to be indeed A falſe Relation; I, in an Expoſtulatory Poſtſcript to the Baptiſts, reinforced our Charge, and my former Challenge: Offering to make it [317] date 1674 [...]ood againſt them, before a publick and free [...]uditory. But they were too wary to appear [...]rther, either in Perſon, or in Print.

This was the End of that Controverſie; which was obſerved to have this Iſſue: That what thoſe Dialogues were written to prevent, was, by the Dialogues, and their unfair, un [...]anly, unchriſtian Carriage, in endeavouring [...] defend them, haſtened and brought to paſs: [...] not a few of the Baptiſt-Members, upon this [...]ccaſion left their Meetings and Society, and [...]me over to the Quakers-Meetings, and were [...]yned in Fellowſhip with them. Thanks be [...] God.

Though many of the moſt eminent among t [...]e Baptiſts, in and about London, engaged [...]hemſelves in this Quarrel: to have defended, [...], at leaſt, to have brought fairly off (if it [...]ad been poſſible) their Brother Hicks: yet the [...]ain Service lay upon Jeremy Ives. Who, having [...]een an unſucceſsful Trader in Cheeſe, and there [...]n failed more than once; had now for ſome [...]ime, given over that Imployment, and (like a Mercenary Switzer) undertook to be the Cham [...]ion for the Baptiſts, and to maintain their Quarrels againſt all Comers.

His Name was up, for a topping Diſputant: but indeed, on the beſt Obſervation I could make of him (both now, and formerly) I could not find him a clean and fair Diſputant. He ſeemed, I confeſs, well read in the Falacies of Logick, and was indeed rather ready, than true and ſound, in framing Syllogiſms. But his [318] date 1674 chief Art lay in Tickling the Humours of rud [...] unlearned and injudicious Hearers; thereby i [...] ſinuating himſelf into their good Opinion: an [...] then Bantering his Opponent.

date 1675 He lived not long after this; but the Impre [...] ſion his crafty falſe and frothy Carriage (as we [...] at this time, as before) had made upon m [...] Mind, drew from me, when I heard of h [...] Death, ſomething like an Epitaph, in a drollin [...] Stile, as himſelf was wont to Uſe. And th [...] it was.

BEneath this Stone depreſt doth lie.
The Mirrour of Hypocriſie,
IVES; whoſe mercenary Tongue
Like a Weather-Cock was hung:
And did this, or that way play,
As Advantage led the way.
If well-hir'd, he wou'd Diſpute;
Otherwiſe he wou'd be mute:
But he'd Baul nigh half a Day,
If he knew, and lik'd his Pay.
For his Perſon, let it paſs.
Only Note, his Face was Braſs:
His Heart was like a Pumice-Stone;
And for Conſcience, he had none.
[319]
date 1675 Of Earth and Air he was compos'd,
With Water round about enclos'd,
But Earth in him had greateſt Share:
For, queſtionleſs his Life lay there;
And thence his cankred Envy ſprung,
Which poyſon'd both his Heart and Tongue.
Air made him frothy, light and vain,
And puff't him up with proud Diſdain;
Flouting and fleering, more like a Stage-Player,
Than an Anabaptiſt Preacher and Prayer:
Fitter to be a Mountebank's Fool,
Than peep into a Divinity-School;
More Tricks he had than Jack Pudding by Half,
To raiſe the rude Multitude into a Laugh.
Into the Water oft he went,
And through the Water many ſent;
That was, ye know, his Element:
The greateſt Odds that did appear,
Was this (for ought that I can hear)
That He in Cold did others dip;
But did himſelf Hot Waters ſip.
Sip! ſaid I? Nay, more than ſo,
Sipping wou'd not ſerve his turn;
[320] date 1675 He did unto Quaffing go
('Twas much his Guts he did not burn:)
For, if Credit may be given
To Report, he'd Fuddle, even
Till he Reeled to and fro;
And his Cauſe he'd never doubt,
If well-ſoak'd o'er Night in Stout.
But, mean while, he muſt not lack
Brandy, or a Draught of Sack.
One Diſpute wou'd ſhrink a Bottle
Of three Pints, if not a Pottle.
One wou'd think he fetch'd from thence,
All his dreaming Eloquence;
And his four-leg'd Syllogiſms,
Proving Breakings are no Schiſms.
Wot ye why? Himſelf Brake twice.
Say no more: the Point is nice.
But let us now bring back the Sot
Unto his Aqua-Vitae-Pot;
And obſerve, with ſome Content,
How he fram'd his Argument.
That his Whiſtle he might wet,
The Bottle to his Mouth he ſet;
[321] date 1675 And, being Maſter of that Art,
Thence he drew the Major part:
But left the Minor ſtill behind,
Good reaſon why: He wanted Wind.
If his Breath wou'd have held out,
He had Concluſion drawn, no doubt.
But to't again he went, and thence
He fetch'd a luſty Conſequence.
Then finding all his Drink was ſpent,
He thus wound up his Argument.
My Sides are not of Iron, neither
Are my Lungs made of Whit-leather.
If therefore you've not, I have done.
Then, Leaping down,
From the Diſpute at Wheeler-Street, London; the 16th of October, 1674.
away he Run.

The Controverſie which had been raiſed by [...]oſe cavilling Baptiſts, had not been long end [...]; before another was raiſed, by an Epiſcopal [...]ieſt in Lincolnſhire: Who, fearing, as it ſeem [...], to loſe ſome of his Hearers, to the Quakers, [...]rote a Book, which he miſcalled, A Friendly [...]nference between a Miniſter and a Pariſhioner of [...] inclining to Quakeriſm. In which, he Miſ [...]ted, and greatly Perverted the Quakers Prin [...]ples, that he might thereby beget in his Pa [...]hioners an Averſion to them: And that he [...]ght Abuſe us the more ſecurely, he concealed [...]ſelf; ſending forth his Book without a Name.

[322] date 1676 This Book coming to my Hand, became m [...] Concern (after I had read it, and conſidere [...] the evil Management, and worſe deſign ther [...] of) to Anſwer it: Which I did in a Treati [...] called Truth Prevailing, and detecting Erro [...] Publiſhed in the Year, 1676.

My Anſwer I divided, according to the ſev [...] ral Subjects handled in the Conference, into d [...] vers diſtinct Chapters; the laſt of which trea [...] ed of TYTHES.

This being the Prieſts Delilah; and th [...] Chapter of mine pinching them (it ſeems) [...] a tender part, the Belly; they laid their Hea [...] together, and with what ſpeed they could, ſe [...] forth a diſtinct Reply to the laſt Chapter Tythes in mine, under the Title of The Right [...] Tythes Aſſerted and Proved. This alſo ca [...] forth without a Name; yet pretended to [...] written by another Hand.

date 1678 Before I had finiſhed my Rejoynder to t [...] came forth another, called A Vindication of [...] Friendly Conference; ſaid to be written by [...] Author of the feigned Conference, who was [...] yet willing to truſt the World with his Na [...] So much of it, as related to the Subject I w [...] then upon, Tythes, I took into my Rejoynde [...] the Right of Tythes; which I Publiſhed, in [...] Year, 1678. with this Title. The Foundat [...] of Tythes Shaken, &c.

date 1680 After this, it was a pretty while befor [...] heard from either of them again. But at len [...] came forth a Reply to my Laſt, ſuppoſed to [...] written by the ſame Hand, who had be [...] [323] date 1680 [...]ritten the Right of Tythes Aſſerted, &c. but [...]ll without a Name. This latter Book had [...]ore of Art, than Argument, in it. It was in [...]ed a Haſh of ill-cook'd Crambe, ſet off with as [...]uch Flouriſh as the Author was Maſter of, [...]d ſwell'd into Bulk by many Quotations: But [...]oſe ſo wretchedly miſgiven, miſapplied or [...]verted; that, to a judicious and impartial [...]ader, I durſt oppoſe my Foundation of Tythes [...]ken, to the utmoſt Force that Book has in it. [...]t, it coming forth at a time when I was pret [...] well at leiſure, I intended a full Refutation [...]ereof; and in order thereunto had written be [...]een Forty and Fifty Sheets: When other Bu [...]eſs, more urgent, intervening, took me off, [...]d detained me from it ſo long, that it was then [...]ged out of Seaſon; and ſo it was laid aſide.

Hitherto the War I had been engag'd in, was [...] a ſort, Foreign; with People of other Reli [...]us Perſwaſions, ſuch as were open and avow [...] Enemies: but now another ſort of War a [...]e, an inteſtine War, raiſed by ſome among [...] ſelves; ſuch as had once been of us, and yet [...]ained the ſame Profeſſion, and would have [...]n thought to be of us ſtill: But having [...]ough ill-grounded Jealouſies, let in Diſcon [...]ts, and thereupon fallen into Jangling, chief [...] about Church-Diſcipline; they at length [...]ke forth into an open Schiſm, headed by two [...]rthern Men of Name and Note, John Wil [...]on and John Story. The latter of which, as [...]ng the moſt active and popular Man, having [...]ed a conſiderable Intereſt in the Weſt, carried [324] date 1680 the Controverſie with him thither, an [...] there ſpreading it, drew many, too many, t [...] abet him therein.

Among thoſe, William Rogers, a Merchant [...] Briſtol, was not the leaſt, nor leaſt accounted [...] (by himſelf and ſome others.) He was a bo [...] and an active Man, moderately Learned, b [...] immoderately Conceited of his own Parts a [...] Abilities; which made him forward to Engag [...] as thinking none would dare to take up t [...] Gauntlet he ſhould caſt down. This high Op [...] nion of himſelf made him rather a Troub [...] ſome, than Formidable Enemy.

That I may here ſtep over the various ſte [...] by which he advanced to open Hoſtility ( [...] what I was not Actually, or Perſonally engag [...] in:) He in a while arrived to that height [...] Folly and Wickedneſs, that he Wrote and Pu [...] liſhed a large Book, in Five Parts, to which [...] Maliciouſly gave for a Title [The Chriſtian Q [...] ker diſtinguiſhed from the Apoſtate and Innovat [...] thereby Arrogating to himſelf, and thoſe w [...] were of his Party, the topping Stile of Chriſt [...] Quaker; and no leſs Impiouſly, than Uncha [...] tably branding, and rejecting all others (e [...] the main Body of Friends) for Apoſtates a [...] Innovators.

date 1681 When this Book came abroad, it was no [...] little (and He, for its ſake) cryed up by his [...] judicious Admirers; whoſe Applauſe ſetting [...] Head aſſoat, he came up to London at the ti [...] of the Yearly-Meeting then following, and at [...] Cloſe thereof, gave notice in writing to this [...] ct, [325] date 1681 viz. That if any were Diſſatisfied with his [...]ok, he was there ready to Maintain and Defend [...]h it and himſelf againſt all Commers.

This daring Challenge was neither dreaded, [...]r ſlighted; but an Anſwer forthwith returned [...] Writing (Signed by a few Friends, amongſt [...]hom I was one) to let him know, that as ma [...] were Diſſatisfied with his Book and him, he [...]ould not fail (God willing) to be met by the [...]xth Hour next Morning, at the Meeting [...]ace at Devonſhire-Houſe.

Accordingly we met, and continued the Meet [...]g till Noon, or after; in which time he (ſur [...]unded with thoſe of his own Party, as might [...]et and aſſiſt him) was ſo fairly foiled and baf [...]d, and ſo fully expoſed, that he was glad to [...]it the Place, and early next Morning the own alſo; leaving, in excuſe for his going ſo [...]bruptly off (and thereby refuſing us another Meeting with him, which we had earneſtly pro [...]oked him to) this ſlight ſhift, that he had be [...]re given Earneſt for his Paſſage in the Stage-Coach home, and was not willing to loſe it.

I had before this gotten a ſight of his Book, [...]nd procured one for my uſe, on this occaſion; [...]ut I had not time to read it through: But a while after, Providence caſt another of them in [...]o my Hands very unexpectedly: For our dear [...]riend, G. Fox, paſſing through this Country a [...]ong Friends, and lying in his Journey at my Houſe, had one of them in his Bags, which he [...]ad made ſome Marginal Notes upon. For that [...]ood Man (like Julius Caeſar) willing to improve [326] date 1681 all parts of his time, did uſually, even i [...] his Travels, dictate to his Amanuenſis, what h [...] would have committed to Writing. I knew not that he had this Book with him (for he ha [...] not ſaid any thing to me of it) till going in th [...] Morning, into his Chamber, while he wa [...] Dreſſing himſelf; I found it lying on the Tabl [...] by him. And underſtanding that he was goin [...] but for a few Weeks, to Viſit Friends in the Meetings hereabouts, and the Neighbouring parts [...] Oxford and Berkſhire, and ſo return through th [...] County again: I made bold to ask him, if [...] would Favour me ſo much, as to leave it wit [...] me till his Return; that I might have the opportunity of reading it thorough. He conſente [...] and as ſoon almoſt as he was gone, I ſet my ſe [...] to read it over. But I had not gone far in i e're, obſerving the many foul Falſhoods, ma [...] lious Slanders, groſs Perverſions and falſe Doctrines, abounding in it; the ſenſe thereof inflamed my Breaſt with a Juſt and Holy Indignation againſt the Work, and that Deviliſh Spi [...] in which it was brought forth. Wherefor [...] finding my Spirit raiſed, and my Underſtandin [...] Divinely opened to Refute it; I began the Boo [...] again, and reading it with Pen in Hand, Anſwered it Paragraphically, as I went. And [...] clear were the Openings I received from th [...] Lord therein, that by the time my Friend cam [...] back, I had gone through the greateſt part of it [...] and was too far engaged in Spirit, to think o [...] giving over the Work: Wherefore, requeſting him to continue the Book a little longer with [327] date 1682 me, I ſoon after finiſhed the Anſwer; which, with Friends Approbation, was Printed, under [...]he Title of An Antidote againſt the Infection of W. Rogers his Book, miſcalled, The Chriſtian Qua [...]er, &c. This was written in the Year, 1682. But no Anſwer was given to it (either by him [...]r any other of his Party; though many others were concerned therein, and ſome by Name) ſo [...]ar as I have ever heard. Perhaps there might [...]e an Hand of Providence over-ruling them [...]herein; to give me leiſure to attend ſome other [...]ervices, which ſoon after fell upon me.

For it being a Stormy time, and Perſecu [...]ion waxing hot, upon the Conventicle-Act, [...]hrough the buſie Boldneſs of Hungry Infor [...]ers, who, for their own Advantage, did not [...]nly themſelves hunt after Religious and Pea [...]eable Meetings; but drove on the Officers [...]not only the more Inferior and Subordinate, [...]ut, in ſome places, even the Juſtices alſo) for [...]ear of Penalties, to Hunt with them and for [...]hem: I found a Preſſure upon my Spirit to write a ſmall Treatiſe, to inform ſuch Officers [...]ow they might ſecure and defend themſelves from being ridden by thoſe Malepert Informers, and made their Drudges.

This Treatiſe I called, A Caution to Conſtables, and other Inferior Officers, concerned in the Execution of the Conventicle-Act. With ſome Obſervations thereupon, humbly offered by way of Advice, to ſuch Well-meaning and Moderate Juſtices of the Peace, as would not willingly Ruin their Peaceable Neighbours, &c.

[328] date 1683 This was thought to have ſome good Service where it came, upon ſuch Sober and Moderate Officers, as well Juſtices, as Conſtables, &c. as acted rather by Conſtraint than Choice; by incouraging them to ſtand their Ground, with more Courage and Reſolution, againſt the Inſults of ſawcy Informers.

But whatever Eaſe it brought to others, it brought me ſome Trouble, and had like to have brought me into more Danger, had not Providence wrought my Deliverance, by an unexpected Way.

For as ſoon as it came forth in Print (which was in the Year, 1683.) one William Ayrs o [...] Watford in Hertfordſhire, a Friend, and an Acquaintance of mine (who was both an Apothecay and Barber) being acquainted with divers of the Gentry in thoſe Parts, and going often to ſom [...] of their Houſes, to Trim them; took one o [...] theſe Books with him, when he went to Tri [...] Sir Benjamin Titchborn of Rickmanſworth, an [...] preſented it to him: ſuppoſing he would have taken it kindly, as in like Caſes he had formerly done. But it fell out otherwiſe. For he lookin [...] it over, after Ayrs was gone; and taking it b [...] the wrong Handle, entertained an evil Opinio [...] of it, and of me for it, though he knew me no [...]

He thereupon communicated both the Book [...] and his Thoughts upon it, to a Neighbouring Juſtice, living in Rickmanſworth, whoſe Nam [...] was Thomas Fotherly; who concurring with hi [...] in Judgment, they concluded that I ſhould b [...] taken up and Proſecuted for it, as a Seditiou [...] [329] date 1683 Book: For a Libel they could not call it, my Name being to it at length.

Wherefore ſending for Ayrs, who had brought the Book, Juſtice Titchborn examined him if he knew me, and where I dwelt. Who telling him, He knew me well, and had been often at my Houſe: He gave him in charge to give me Notice, that I ſhould appear before him and the other Juſtice, at Rickmanſworth on ſuch a Day: Threatning that if I did not appear, he himſelf ſhould be Proſecuted for ſpreading the Book.

This put William Ayrs in a Fright. Over he came in haſte with this Meſſage to me; troubled that he ſhould be a means to bring me into Trouble. But I endeavoured to give him Eaſe, by aſſuring him I would not fail (with God's Leave) to appear at the time and place appointed; and thereby free him from Trouble or Danger.

In the Interim I received Advice, by an Expreſs out of Suſſex, that Guli Penn (with whom I had had an Intimate Acquaintance, and firm Friendſhip from our very Youths) was very dangerouſly Ill (her Husband being then abſent in Pennſylvania) and that ſhe had a great Deſire to ſee and ſpeak with me.

This put me to a great Straight, and brought a ſore Exerciſe on my Mind. I was divided betwixt Honour and Friendſhip. I had engaged my Word to appear before the Juſtices; which to omit, would bring Diſhonour on me and my Profeſſion. To ſtay till that time was come and paſt, might probably prove (if I [330] date 1683 ſhould then be left at Liberty) too late to Anſwer her deſire, and ſatisfie Friendſhip.

After ſome little Deliberation, I reſolv'd (as the beſt Expedient to anſwer both Ends) to go over next Morning to the Juſtices, and lay my Straight before them; and try if I cou'd procure from them a Reſpit of my Appearance before them, until I had been in Suſſex, and paid the Duty of Friendſhip to my Sick Friend. Which I had the more Hopes to obtain, becauſe I knew thoſe Juſtices had a great reſpect for Guli. For when William Penn and ſhe were firſt Married, they lived for ſome Years at Rickmanſworth; in which time they contracted a Neighbourly Friendſhip with both theſe Juſtices and theirs; who ever after retained a kind regard for them both.

Early therefore in the Morning I rode over. But being wholly a Stranger to the Juſtices, I went firſt to Watford, that I might take Ayrs along with me, who ſuppoſed himſelf to have ſome Intereſt in Juſtice Titchborn: And when I came there, underſtanding that another Friend of that Town, whoſe Name was John Wells, was well acquainted with the other Juſtice, Fotherly; having imparted to them the Occaſion of my coming, I took them both with me, and haſted back to Rickmanſworth. Where having put our Horſes up at an Inn, and leaving W. Ayrs (who was a Stranger to Fotherly) there; I went with John Wells to Fotherly's Houſe: and being brought into a fair Hall, I tarried there, while Wells went into the Parlour to him, and having acquainted him that I was there, and deſired [331] date 1683 to ſpeak w [...]th him, brought him to me with Severity in his Countenance.

After he had asked me (in a Tone which ſpake Diſpleaſure) what I had to ſay to him? I told him, I came to wait on him, upon an Intimation given me, that he had ſomething to ſay to me: He thereupon, plucking my Book out of his Pocket, asked me, If I owned my ſelf to be the Author of that Book? I told him If he pleaſed to let me look into it; if it were mine, I would not deny it. He thereupon giving it into my Hand, when I had turned over the Leaves, and look'd it through, finding it to be as it came from the Preſs; I told him, I wrote the Book, and would own it, all but the Errors of the Preſs. Whereupon he, looking ſternly on me, anſwered, Your own Errors you ſhould have ſaid.

Having Innocency on my ſide, I was not at all daunted at either his Speech, or Looks: but feeling the Lord preſent with me, I replied, I know there are Errors of the Preſs in it, and therefore I excepted them: but I do not know there is any Error of mine in it, and therefore cannot except them. But (added I) if thou pleaſeſt to ſhew me any Error of mine in it, I ſhall readily both acknowledge and retract it. And thereupon I deſired him to give me an Inſtance, in any one Paſſage in that Book, wherein he thought I had Erred. He ſaid, he needed not go to particulars: but charge me with the general Contents of the whole Book. I replied, that ſuch a Charge would be too General, for me to give a Particular Anſwer to: but if he would aſſign [332] date 1683 me any particular Paſſage, or Sentence in the Book, wherein he apprehended the ground of Offence to lie; when I ſhould have opened the Terms, and explained my meaning therein, he might perhaps find Cauſe to change his Mind, and entertain a better Opinion, both of the Book and me. And therefore I again intreated him, to let me know what particular Paſſage, or Paſſages had given him an Offence. He told me, I needed not to be in ſo much haste for that; I might have it timely enough, if not too ſoon: But this, ſaid he, is not the Day appointed for your Hearing; and therefore (added he) what, I pray, made you in ſuch haſte to come now? I told him, I hoped he wou'd not take it for an Argument of Guilt, that I came before I was ſent for: and offered my ſelf to my Purgation, before the time appointed. And this I ſpake with ſomewhat a brisker Air: which had ſo much Influence on him, as to bring a ſomewhat ſofter Air over his Countenance.

Then, going on, I told him, I had a particular Occaſion, which induced me to come now; which was, That I received Advice laſt Night, by an Expreſs out of Suſſex, That William Penn's Wife (with whom I had had an intimate Acquaintance, and ſtrict Friendſhip, ab ipſis ferè Incunabilis, at leaſt, à teneris Unguiculis) lay now there very ill; not without great Danger (in the Apprehenſion of thoſe about her) of her Life: and that ſhe had expreſt her deſire that I would come to her, as ſoon as I could; the rather, for that her Huſband [333] date 1683 was abſent in America. That this had brought a great Straight upon me, being divided between Friendſhip and Duty; willing to viſit my Friend in her Ilneſs, which the Nature and Law of Friendſhip required: yet unwilling to omit my Duty, by failing of my Appearance (before him and the other Juſtice) according to their Command and my Promiſe; leſt I ſhould thereby ſubject, not my own Reputation only, but the Reputation of my Religious Profeſſion to the Suſpicion of Guilt, and Cenſure of willingly ſhunning a Tryal. To prevent which I had choſen to anticipate the Time, and come now; to ſee if I could give them Satisfaction, in what they had to object againſt me; and thereupon being diſmiſt, purſue my Journey into Suſſex; or if by them detained, to ſubmit to Providence; and by an Expreſs to acquaint my Friend therewith, both to free her from an Expectation of my Coming, and my ſelf from any Imputation of Neglect.

While I thus delivered my ſelf, I obſerved a ſenſible Alteration in the Juſtice; and when I had done ſpeaking, he firſt ſaid he was very ſorry for Madam Penn's Ilneſs; of whoſe Virtue and Worth he ſpake very highly (yet not more than was her due:) Then he told me, That, for her ſake, he would do what he could to further my Viſit to her, But, ſaid he, I am but one; and of my ſelf can do nothing in it: therefore you muſt go to Sir Benjamin Titchborn, and, if he be at home, ſee if you can prevail with him to meet me, that we may conſider of it.

[334] date 1683 But I can aſſure you, added he, the matter which will be laid to your Charge, concerning your Book, is of greater Importance, than you ſeem to think it. For your Book has been laid before the KING and Council; and the Earl of Bridgwater (who is one of the Council) hath thereupon given us Command to Examine you about it, and ſecure you.

I wiſh, ſaid I, I could ſpeak with the Earl my ſelf: for I make no Doubt but to acquit my ſelf unto him: And, added I, if thou pleaſeſt to give me thy Letter to him; I will wait upon him, with it, forthwith. For although I know, continued I, that he hath no Favour for any of my Perſwaſion; yet knowing my ſelf to be wholly innocent in this matter, I can with Confidence appear before him, or even before the KING in Council.

Well, ſaid he, I ſee you are Confident; but for all that, let me tell you, how good ſoever your Intention was, you timed the publiſhing of your Book very unluckily: for you cannot be ignorant, that there is a very dangerous Plot lately diſcovered, contrived by the Diſſenters, againſt the Government, and His Majeſty's Life. (This was the Rie-Plot, then newly broke forth, and laid upon the Preſbyterians:) And for you, added he, to publiſh a Book, juſt at that Juncture of time, to diſcourage the Magiſtrates, and other Officers, from putting in Execution thoſe Laws, which were made to ſuppreſs their Meetings; looks, I muſt tell you, but with a ſcurvy Countenance upon you.

If (replied I, with ſomewhat a pleaſanter Air) there was any Miſ-timing in the Caſe, it muſt [335] date 1683 lie on the Part of thoſe Plotters, for timing the breaking forth of their Plot while my Book was a Printing: for I can bring very good Proof, that my Book was in the Preſs, and well-nigh wrought off, before any Man talked, or knew of a Plot; but thoſe who were in it.

Here our Diſcourſe ended, and I, taking, for the preſent, my leave of him, went to my Horſe. and, changing my Companion, rode to Juſtice Titchborn's, having with me William Ayrs, who was beſt acquainted with him, and who had caſually brought this Trouble on me.

When he had introduced me to Titchborn, I gave him alike Account of the Occaſion of my coming at that time, as I had before given to the other Juſtice. And both he, and his Lady (who was preſent) expreſt much Concern for Guli Penn's Ilneſs.

I found this Man to be of quite another Temper than Juſtice Fotherly: for this Man was ſmooth, ſoft and oily; whereas the other was rather rough, ſevere and ſharp. Yet at the winding up, I found Fotherly my trueſt Friend.

When I had told Sir B. Titchborn, that I came from Juſtice Fotherly, and requeſted him to give him a Meeting, to conſider of my Buſineſs; he readily, without any Heſitation, told me he would go with me to Rickmanſworth (from which his Houſe was diſtant about a Mile;) and calling for his Horſes, mounted immediately; and to Rickmanſworth we rode.

After they had been a little while together, I was called in before them; and in the firſt place [336] date 1683 they Examined me what was my Intention an [...] Deſign in writing that Book. I told them the I [...] troductory Part of it, gave a plain Account o [...] it (viz.) ‘"That it was to get Eaſe from the Penalties of a Severe Law; often Executed wit [...] too great a Severity, by unskilful Officers [...] who were driven on beyond the Bounds o [...] their Duty, by the impetuous Threats of a ſort of Inſolent Fellows (as needy as greedy) who, for their own Advantage, ſought out Ruin.’ To prevent which was the Deſign, and Drift of that Book; by acquainting ſuch Officers how they might ſafely demean themſelves, in the Execution of their Offices, towards their honeſt and peaceable Neighbours, without ruining either their Neighbours, or themſelves, to enrich ſome of the worſt of Men. And that I humbly conceived It was neither Unlawful, nor Unreaſonable for a Sufferer to do this: ſo long as it was done in a fair, ſober and peaceable Way.

They then put me in Mind of the Plot; told me It was a troubleſome and dangerous Time, and my Book might be Conſtrued to import Sedition, in diſcouraging the Officers from putting the Laws in Execution, as by Law and by their Oath they were bound. And in fine brought it to this Iſſue, That they were directed to ſecure me, by a Commitment to Priſon, until the Aſſize, at which I ſhould receive a further Charge, than they were provided now to give me: but becauſe they were deſirous to forward my Viſit to Madam Penn, they told me they would admit me to Bayl; and therefore if I would enter a Recognizance, with ſufficient Sureties, for [337] date 1683 my Appearance at the next Aſſize, they would leave me at Liberty to go on my Journey.

I told them, I could not do it. They ſaid [...]hey would give me as little Trouble as they could; [...]nd therefore they would not put me to ſeek Bail: but [...]ould accept thoſe two Friends of mine, who were [...]hen preſent, to be bound with me for my Appearance.

I let them know my Straight lay not in the Difficulty of procuring Sureties; for I did ſup [...]oſe my ſelf to have ſufficient Acquaintance, [...]nd Credit in that place, if, on ſuch an Occaſion I could be free to uſe it: but, as I knew my [...]elf to be an innocent Man, I had not Satiſ [...]action in my ſelf, to deſire others to be bound [...]or me, nor to enter my ſelf into a Recogni [...]ance; that carrying in it (to my Apprehenſion) Reflection on my Innocency, and the Repu [...]ation of my Chriſtian Profeſſion.

Here we ſtuck, and ſtrugled about this a pret [...]y while; till at length, finding me fixed in my [...]udgment, and reſolved rather to go to Priſon, [...]han give Bail, they ask'd me If I was againſt Appearing, or only againſt being bound with Sure [...]ies to Appear. I told them I was not againſt Appearing; which as I could not avoid, if I would; ſo I would not, if I might: but was [...]eady and willing to Appear, if required; to [...]nſwer whatſoever ſhould be charged againſt me. But in any Caſe of a Religious Nature, or wherein my Chriſtian Profeſſion was concerned (which I took this Caſe to be) I could not yield [...] give any other, or further Security than my Word, or Promiſe, as a Chriſtian.

[338] date 1683 They, unwilling to commit me, took hold o [...] that; and ask'd, If I would promiſe to appear. [...] anſwered, Yes; with due Limitations. What d [...] [...] you mean by due Limitations, ſaid they. I mea [...] replied I, if I am not diſabled, or prevented by Sickneſs, or Impriſonment. For (added I) a [...] you alledge that it is a troubleſome Time; I perhaps may find it ſo. I may, for ought I know [...] be ſeized and impriſoned elſewhere, on the ſam [...] Account for which I now ſtand here before you [...] and if I ſhould, how then could I appear at th [...] Aſſize in this County? Oh, ſaid they, theſe ar [...] due Limitations indeed! Sickneſs or Impriſonmen [...] are lawful Excuſes; and if either of theſe befal yo [...] we ſhall not expect your Appearance here: but the [...] you muſt Certifie us that you are ſo diſabled by Sickneſ [...] or Reſtraint.

But, ſaid I, how ſhall I know, when and where I ſhall wait upon you again, after my Return from Suſſex? You need not, ſaid they, trouble your ſelf about that: we will take care to giv [...] you Notice of both Time and Place; and till you hea [...] from us, you may diſpoſe your ſelf as you pleaſe.

Well then, ſaid I, I do promiſe you, tha [...] when I ſhall have received from you a freſ [...] Command to Appear before you, I will (if th [...] Lord permit me Life, Health and Liberty) appear when and where you ſhall appoint.

It is enough, ſaid they, we will take your Word [...] And, deſiring me to give their hearty Reſpect [...] and Service to Madam Penn, they diſmiſt m [...] with their good Wiſhes for a good Journey.

[339] date 1683 I was ſenſible, that in this they had dealt ve [...]y favourably and kindly with me: therefore I [...]ould not but acknowledge to them the Senſe I [...]ad thereof. Which done, I took leave of them, [...]nd mounting returned home, with what haſte [...] could, to let my Wife know how I had ſped. [...]nd having given her a ſummary Account of [...]he Buſineſs; I took Horſe again, and went ſo [...]ar that Evening towards Worminghurſt, that I got thither pretty early next Morning: and, to my great Satisfaction, found my Friend in an [...]opeful Way towards a Recovery.

I ſtay'd ſome Days with her; and then find [...]ng her Ilneſs wear daily off, and ſome other [...]riends being come from London to viſit her: I [...]mindful of my Engagement to the Juſtices, [...]nd unwilling, by too long an Abſence, to give [...]hem Occaſion to ſuſpect I was willing to avoid [...]heir Summons) leaving thoſe other Friends to [...]ear her Company longer, took my leave of her [...]nd them, and ſet my Face homewards; car [...]ying with me the welcome Account of my [...]riend's Recovery.

Being returned home, I waited in daily Ex [...]ectation of a Command from the Juſtices, to [...]ppear again before them: but none came. I [...]pake with thoſe Friends, who had been with me when I was before them: and they ſaid, They had heard nothing of it from them, although [...]ey had ſince been in Company with them. At length [...]he Aſſize came; but no Notice was given to me, that I ſhou'd appear there: In fine, they [...]er troubled themſelves, nor me, any further a [...]out it.

[340] date 1683 Thus was a Cloud, that look'd black, an threatned an [...] great Storm, blown gently over, b [...] a providential Breath; which I could not bu [...] with a thankful Mind, acknowledge to the Al [...] great, All-good, All-wiſe Diſpoſer, in whoſ [...] Hand, and at whoſe Command, the Hearts o [...] all Men, even the greateſt, are, and who turn [...] their Counſels, diſappoints their Purpoſes, and defeats their Deſigns and Contrivances, as He pleaſes. For if my dear Friend Guli Penn had not fallen Sick; if I had not thereupon been ſen [...] for to her, I had not prevented the time of my Appearance, but had appeared on the Day appointed: And, as I afterwards underſtood, tha [...] was the Day appointed for the Appearance of a great many Perſons, of the Diſſenting Party in that ſide of the County, who were to be taken up, and ſecured, on the Account of the aforementioned Plot, which had been caſt upon the Preſbyterians. So that if I had then appeared [...] with and amongſt them, I had, in all likelihood [...] been ſent to Goal with them for Company; and that under the Imputation of a Plotter: tha [...] which nothing was more contrary to my Profeſſion and Inclination.

But though I came off ſo eaſie, it fared no [...] ſo well with others: for the Storm increaſing [...] many Friends, in divers Parts, both of City and Country, ſuffered greatly; the Senſe whereo [...] did deeply affect me: and the more, for that I obſerved the Magiſtrates, not thinking the Laws, which had been made againſt us, ſevere enough, perverted the Law, in order to puniſh [341] date 1683 [...]s. For calling our peaceable Meetings Riots which in the Legal Notion of the Word [Riot] [...] a Contradiction in Terms) they indicted our [...]riends as Rioters, for only ſitting in a Meeting, [...]o' nothing was there either ſaid or done by [...]em; and then ſet Fines on them at pleaſure.

This I knew to be not only againſt Right and J [...]ſtice; but even againſt Law: and it troubled [...]e to think that we ſhould be made to ſuffer [...]t only by Laws made directly againſt us; but [...]en by Laws that did not at all concern us. [...]or was it long before I had Occaſion offered [...]ore throughly to conſider this Matter.

For a Juſtice of the Peace in this County (who [...]as called Sir Dennis Hampſon of Taplow) break [...]g in, with a Party of Horſe, upon a little Meet [...]g near Wooburn, in his Neighbourhood, the 1ſt [...] the Fifth Month, 1683. ſent moſt of the Men, [...] the Number of Twenty three, whom he found [...]ere, to Alesbury Priſon, tho' moſt of them were [...]r Men, who lived by their Labour: and not [...]ing himſelf to the next Quarter-Seſſions at [...]ckingham, on the 12th of the ſome Month, ſent [...] Clark, with Direction, That they ſhould be in [...]cted for a Riot. Whither the Priſoners were [...]ried, and indicted accordingly; and being [...]eſſed by the Court to Traverſe and give Bail, [...]y moved to be tryed forthwith; but that was [...]ied them. And they, giving in Writing the [...]aſon of their refuſing Bail and Fees, were re [...]nded to Priſon till next Quarter-Seſſions; but [...]lliam Woodhouſe was again Bailed, (as he had [...]en before) and William Maſon and John Reeve, [342] date 1683 who not being Friends, but caſually taken at that Meeting, entred Recognizance, as the Court deſired; and ſo were releaſed till next Seſſions Before which time Maſon died, and Reeve, being ſick, appeared not, but got himſelf taken off [...] And in the Eighth Month following, the Twenty one Priſoners that remained were brought to Tryal, a Jury was found, who brought in a pr [...] tended Verdict, that they were Guilty of a Rio [...] for only ſitting peaceably together, without Wo [...] or Action, and tho' there was no Proclamatio [...] made, nor they required to depart: but one [...] the Jury-men afterwards did confeſs, he kne [...] not what a Riot was; yet the Priſoners we [...] fined a Noble a Piece, and re-committed to P [...] ſon during Life (a hard Sentence) or the King [...] Pleaſure, or until they ſhould pay the ſaid Fin [...] William Woodhouſe was forthwith diſcharged, [...] his Kinſman's paying the Fine and Fees for hi [...] Thomas Dell and Edward Moor alſo, by other Pe [...] ple of the World, paying their Fines and Fees [...] them; and ſhortly after Stephen Pewſey, by t [...] Town and Pariſh where he lived, for fear [...] Wife and Children ſhould become a Charge u [...] on them. The other Seventeen remained P [...] ſoners, till King JAMES's Proclamation of P [...] don: whoſe Names were Thomas and Willi [...] Sexton, Timothy Child, Robert Moor, Richard Jam [...] William and Robert Aldridge, John Ellis, Geo [...] Salter, John Smith. William Tanner, William B [...] chelor, John Dolbin, Andrew Brothers, Rich [...] Baldwin, John Jennings and Robert Auſtin.

Appendix A A SUPPLEMENT:
Being a Continuation of the History of the Life of THOMAS ELLWOOD; Giving Account in particular of his Books and Writings.

[343]

OUR dear Friend Thomas Ellwood, for whom we cannot but have an honourable Eſteem, for his Service in the Church, [...]aving written an Hiſtorical Account of Part of [...]is Life, well worth the Knowledge of Poſterity, [...] far as it goes; viz. to the Year 1683. and [...]ere left off. Whether he writ any further; [...] whether ever he deſigned it; or for what [...]eaſon he did not proceed, is uncertain: but ſo [...] is, that no more of it can be found at preſent; [...]hich is to be lamented, he being a Man ſo E [...]inent many Ways, that any Part of it ſhould [...]e loſt. In Conſideration whereof, it roſe in my [...]eart to write ſomething in order to ſupply the [...]eficiency thereof: many things occurring to [...]y Mind, which its pity ſhould be omitted. [...]herefore for the Reſpect I bore him, and owe [...] his Memory (being acquainted with him for ore than the laſt Twenty Years of his Life) I [...]all endeavour to make up that Defect as far as [...] am capable of; tho' far ſhort of what himſelf [...]ight have done, by giving an Account of ſome [344] of the moſt material Paſſages of the remaining Part of his Life: and ſuch Memorials of him, and his Works, as came to my Hands: which I ſhall ſet down with as much Brevity and Plainneſs as I can, in Sincerity to him, and the Truth he profeſſed and adorned. Particularly, of his Labours, Writings, Sufferings and End, from the time he left off.

But firſt I muſt look back a little, to give ſome additional Account of ſome Paſſages in relation to his Anſwers to the Prieſts about Tythes for the Readers Information and Satisfaction [...] which every Body may not know, to preven [...] Miſapprehenſions in the Caſe.

In the Year 1676, he anſwered a Namele [...] Book, miſcalled, A Friendly Conference between [...] Miniſter, and a Pariſhioner of his inclining to Quakeriſm; in a Book intituled Truth prevailing a [...] detecting Error: which he divided into Nin [...] Chapters, according to the various Subjects trea [...] ed of (wherein that nameleſs Author had endeavoured to miſrepreſent us) the laſt of whic [...] was of Tythes. ‘'This (to uſe his own Words [...] pinching the Prieſts in a tender Part, the Bel [...] (as Eraſmus wittily ſaid Luther did the Monk [...] made them beſtir themſelves, and lay the [...] Heads together, to conſider what was to b [...] done.Preface to Foundation of Tythes Shaken, Pag. 1. 2. After divers Debates, and much Co [...] ſultation (as he was informed) about it; it wa [...] at laſt reſolved, to Anſwer that firſt: which, th [...] the laſt Chapter in his Book, yet having the fi [...] and chiefeſt Place in the Prieſts Minds and A [...] fections, the Prieſts Delilah; the very Darling a [...] [345] Minion of the Clergy (ſays T. E.) the Oil by which their Lamp is Nouriſhed; the Pay by which their Army is maintained (as the Prieſt confeſſes:) and to take away Tythes, would be to ſtop the Oil that nouriſhes the Lamp, and force them to disband for want of Pay. Introduction. Page 3. Right of Tythes. p. 13. This being I ſay their chiefeſt Concern, and lying neareſt at Heart, obtain'd from them the firſt and chiefeſt Defence: which at length came forth by a nameleſs Author alſo, in a Book, intituled, The Right of Tythes aſſerted and proved. To which T. E. reply'd (in 1678,) in a large Book, intituled, The Foundation of Tythes ſhaken, and the four principal Poſts (of Divine Inſtitution, Primitive Practice, Voluntary Donation and Poſitive Laws) on which the Nameleſs Author of the ſaid Book had ſet his pretended Right to Tythes, removed. Tracing them all along, from the Patriarchs to the time of the Law; ſhewing the Deſign and Uſe of them under it; and how they were aboliſhed by the Coming, and Suffering of Chriſt in the Fleſh: and how they came to be ſet up again in the Declenſion of the Church, by Popiſh Kings and Councils, in the Night of Apoſtacy, for ſuperſticious and Idolatrous Ends and Uſes; contrary to the Goſpel Diſpenſation, and conſequently not Obligatory on Chriſtians, by any Divine Right, to pay in this Goſpel Day; anſwering all the Objections and Pretences, which were brought by that Author for them, from the Four forementioned Topicks.

To this Book of T. E's. there was a pretended Anſwer put forth Two Years after, ſuppoſed by [346] the Author of the former; but Nameleſs ſtill: the Author not daring to own his Work with his Name, (though ſince called Combers) intituled, The Right of Tythes Re-aſſerted: wherein the Proofs from the four former Points are ſaid to be further ſtrengthened and vindicated: eſpecially from the Objections taken out of Mr. Selden's Hiſtory of Tythes: as if it was chiefly deſigned againſt John Selden, T. E.'s Name, or Book, not being ſo much as mentioned in the Title Page, though often in the Book; as if it was however deſigned as an Anſwer to him: which therefore T. E. (though not entituled to it) took in Hand, to rejoin to, and had begun and made ſome conſiderable Progreſs in it; but before he had gone through, or finiſhed it, ſome other Occaſions falling in his way (of which hereafter) it was laid by, and never finiſhed: though he had writ (as he told me) near Sixty Sheets (though I find but Fourty Six among his Papers; but theſe, with his Notes and Quotations will make near Sixty) for he had Collected a vaſt Number of Materials out of Authors, in order thereto, as appears by his Papers, which I have ſince ſeen. For thus it was, That ſome of the Prieſts party, vaunting that this Second Book of the Prieſts was not anſwered, I took occaſion once at London, in the Year 1692, to ſpeak to him about it; and he told me, That the Subſtance of the Prieſts Arguments, in this Second Book, were anſwered in his former (The Foundation of Tythes ſhaken) only ſome New Quotations, which he had brought; and that was what he chiefly deſigned [347] to deal with the Prieſt about, to Examine and Clear, by adding ſome New Ones alſo: but that he never expected to have the laſt Word with the Prieſts about Tythes; which their Intereſt lay ſo much in, that they would never be ſatisfied; but always be Cavilling about, ſome way or other, how little ſoever it was to the Purpoſe: and ſome other Services taking him off (as aforeſaid) he laid it by. Which I mention to ſatisfie any who may Queſtion in their Minds, why it was never anſwered (or at leaſt gone through) and this is the Reaſon why I reſumed this Matter.

‘'In handling the Argument of Tythes (ſays he, in a Paper found among his Manuſcripts, as an Introdnction to his ſaid intended Anſwer) I write with this Diſadvantage, That I encounter a numerous Party and Order of Men, with whom Intereſt is far more prevalent than Truth; whoſe Profit will not permit them to yield to Reaſon; whoſe Advantage will not ſuffer them to acknowledge the plaineſt Demonſtration: their Gain as apparently lying in that which I oppoſe, as Demetrius's, and his Fellow-Craftſmen, the Silverſmiths of Epheſus did in that which the Apoſtle preached againſt, Acts 19. 25, 26. Hence is it that they bend all their Strength, and imploy their utmoſt Force to maintain this Point, by which they are maintained; and like thoſe Shrine-makers of old, they endeavour to carry it by Noiſe and Clamour, inſtead of Truth and Reaſon. Nor do they regard what they ſay, how falſe ſoever; or whom they beſpatter, how undeſervedly [348] ſoever, in order to the upholding their adored Diana, and enjoying their moſt beloved Delilah, TYTHES. My preſent Adverſary is not aſhamed to ſay (p. 1, 2.) That I, and my fellow Quaking Speakers (as he reproachfully calls us) have our Gain by Railing againſt Tythes. A Charge ſo apparently and rediculouſly Falſe, that it needs no more than its own Malice and Folly to detect it. With equal Reaſon might Demetrius have charged St. Paul, that he and his Brethren had their Gain by impugning the Idolatrous Worſhip of Diana.

‘'Sacriledge and Idolatry, the Prieſts ſay, are Sins near of kin: but Covetouſneſs and the Clergy are perhaps nearer. The great Outcry againſt Sacriledge is made for the moſt part by Idolaters and falſe Miniſters; who, as they are moſt greedy and crafty to get, ſo are they moſt ſolicitous and careful to keep, moſt enraged and clamourous, when they come to loſe their unjuſtly acquired Gains. Thus was it with the Popiſh Clergy, after they had gull'd the People by a religious Cheat, of a great part of their Subſtance, they laboured to terrifie them, by the Name of Sacriledge, from attempting to recover that which had been ſo fraudulently gotten from them, and doubtleſs the Engliſh Clergy, as they derive [in chief part] the Maintenance they poſſeſs from their Predeceſſors, the Popiſh Clergy; from whom they received their Prieſthood, have therewith alſo taken up from them their Old Cry of Sacriledge, [349] with which, as a Bugbear, they would ſcare all from attempting to diſcover the Cheat. But the legal Alienation of a great Part of thoſe ſurreptitius Acquiſitions of the Clergy, begun in HENRY the Eighth's Time, carried on in EDWARD the Sixth's, and compleated in Q. ELIZABETH's (of theſe three, the two laſt were Proteſtant Princes) hath abated the Edge of that Clerical Weapon, and ſatisfied the diſ-intreſted Part of the Nation, that the Word [Sacriledge] in this Caſe, is but like a Scare-crow, eſpecially when uſed by the Prieſts for their own Profit; as moſt commonly it is: for though they pretend the Maintenance of God's Worſhip, yet it is their own Maintenance they intend. And herein Demetrius and they moſt patly agree: for he alſo urged (as the moſt ſpecious Pretence, and which was moſt likely to impreſs the People) the Danger, leſt, by Paul's Preaching, the Temple of the great Goddeſs Diana ſhould be deſpiſed, and her Magnificence deſtroyed, Acts 19. 27. Whereas the great Inducement to him for ſtirring, was the danger leſt his Craft ſhould be ſet at nought, and he ſhould thereby loſe the Gains he made by Diana's Temple, ver. 25, 27. Do the Prieſts now cry out againſt Sacriledge? So did Demetrius and his Craftſmen then. Did they cloak their private Intereſt with a ſeeming Regard, and Care for the Temple and Magnificence of their Goddeſs Dinna? So do the Prieſts theirs now, with a pretence of Zeal for the Worſhip of God. [350] Did they in their Fury take no notice of th [...] Magiſtrates nor Laws of their Country? S [...] neither do many of the Prieſts now, who wit [...] out regard to Law or Magiſtrates, run Fur [...] ouſly and Tumultuouſly into their Neighbou [...] Grounds, with their Servants and Teams and Forcibly, and Arbitrarily Take, and carry away their Corn and Hay; when, where and in what Quantity they pleaſe: Will the Prieſts alledge, that, notwithſtanding theſe irregular Practices; yet they have the Law [...] and Magiſtrates on their ſides: So had Demetrius and his Company too, while the good Apoſtle, not backt by Laws, nor countenanced by Magiſtracy; was yet Enabled, by Divine Aſſiſtance, to ſtand the ſhock of a [...] their Rage and Fury, and boldly to Teſtifie againſt that which was Corrupt and Naugh [...] although it had the Favour and Support of [...] Law and Magiſtracy too: And indeed, ſo ap [...] is the Compariſon in moſt Reſpects, betwee [...] thoſe Shrine-Makers, and theſe Tythe-Taker [...] that my Adverſary in vain Labours to Reto [...] it; for even the very particulars he inſtanc [...] to caſt it upon me, fix it the more firmly [...] the Head of himſelf, and his own Party.’

‘'Nor is he leſs put to it, to avoid the force [...] his own unwary Expreſſions of the Oyl for t [...] Lamp, and Pay for the Soldier; whereby [...] hath diſcovered, that he and his Brethren, a [...] meer mercinary Men, whoſe Lamp will bu [...] no longer than it is fed with the Oyl of Tyth [...] This was one of the Arcana Cleri, a Secret [...] [351] ſeems) that ſhould not have been divulged. But Children, and he knows who beſides, are ſaid to tell true. And he having inconſideratly blab'd it out, his chief Care and Art is now how to palliate, extenuate and mince the Matter, and varniſh it over, with ſome kind of flouriſh, that the ground of it may not be ſeen; but this he does ſo weakly, and lays his Colour ſo thin, that even the weakeſt Eye may eaſily ſee through it. The mention I made of theſe Paſſages in my former Book, he calls tedious and nauſeous Repetitions: and tedious no doubt, and nauſeous it is to him and his Brethren, to ſee the falſe Foundation of their Miniſtry ſo openly expoſed: but ſo little do I fear thoſe Repetitions being nauſeous or tedious to the indifferent Reader, that upon this Occaſion I deſire him to peruſe them again, in the 6, 7, 8 and 9 Pages of my former Book.’

‘'From Tythes, being the Oyl to their Lamp, and Pay to their Army, He ſays, I draw (as I imagin) a cutting Conſequence, viz. That their Lamps will not burn without Oyl, nor they Fight without Pay. This Cutting Conſequence (as he calls it) he touches as tenderly, as if he was afraid it would cut his Fingers; though he well knew, that in the Wording of it, he had taken off its Edge as much as he could: For if my Conſequence had been only that their Lamps will not burn without Oyl, it would not then have been ſo Keen. He might then have Replied, Whoſe will? Can any Lamp burn without Oyl? No ſure: Every Lamp muſt have Oyl: [352]But the Oyl ſhould be ſuitable to the Lam [...] an Outward Lamp, ſhould have Outward Oy [...] an Inward Lamp, Inward Oyl. Now they pr [...] tending their Miniſtry to be a Spiritual Lam [...] a Religious Lamp (as the True Miniſtry inde [...] is; and is, and can be, Nouriſhed only by t [...] Spiritual Heavenly Oyl of the Divine Eter [...] Word;) and yet Confeſſing Tythes to be the O [...] that Nouriſhes their Miniſterial Lamp, and wit [...] out which their Lamp will not Burn: This plai [...] ly ſhews, their Lamp is not Spiritual, nor th [...] Miniſtry what they Pretend, &c.

By this we may Judge, Ex pede Herculem, [...] the Prieſts performance; and T. E's Anſw [...] had he gone through and finiſhed it; which y [...] I hope, ſo far as he hath gone, may, one ti [...] or other, ſee the Light, being well worth t [...] Peruſal as it is; and had he finiſhed it, I am [...] tisfied, it would have been a very ſerviceab [...] Piece: No Hand, in my Judgment, being m [...] Capable of ſuch a Performance. But he ha [...] as I ſaid, ſome other Services on his Hands divert him: Of which, his Anſwer to Willi [...] Rogers's great Book aforeſaid, in 1682. Inti [...] led, An Antidote againſt the Infection of Willia [...] Rogers's Book, miſcalled the Chriſtian Quak [...] In Five Parts, ſoon after; no doubt, was o [...] containing above Thirty Sheets: In which [...] Anſwered him, Chapter by Chapter; and [...] moſt Paragraph by Paragraph; in Relation [...] Church Government, and the good Order [...] Truth, Eſtabliſhed amongſt us; and alſo as [...] moſt of the Principles of Truth, which the [...] [353] W. R. in one part of his Work, had endeavour [...]d to Pervert to his own Ends. A Laborious Work it was, and difficult task to go through [...]o evenly as he hath done: And though it is Controverſie, yet pleaſant to Read. As alſo his [...]aution to Conſtables, and other Inferior Officers, [...]ncerning the Execution of the Conventicle-Act. With ſome Obſervations thereupon. Humbly offered, [...] way of Advice, to ſuch Well-meaning and Mode [...]te Juſtices of the Peace, as would not willingly [...]in their Peaceable Neighbours, &c. Which is [...]entioned in his own Account.

date 1683 And now to come to the time, where he [...]eaks off his own Relation, and to carry it on, [...] ſome meaſure; though far ſhort and infe [...]ur, to what his own Hand could have done: [...]r it cannot be expected, that any one can [...]ite another Man's Life like himſelf; there [...]ing many Paſſages, Publick and Private, Out [...]ard and Inward, even as to the frame of his [...]wn Mind and Condition, between God and [...] own Soul; which, as No Man knoweth the [...]ngs of a Man, ſave the Spirit of a Man which is [...]im: So none can Relate but himſelf; or like [...]ſelf: For as the Wiſe Man ſays, The Heart [...]weth his own Bitterneſs, and the Stranger can [...] intermeddle whith his Joy. But what occurs [...]m my own Knowledge, or from his Books [...]d Papers, pertinent to the caſe in Hand, ſhall [...]thfully be Related.

Therefore to reſume the Thread of his Diſ [...]rſe, and begin where he leaves off. He inti [...]tes at the Cloſe of his own Account that the [354] date 1683 Magiſtrates not thinking the Laws made againſt us (viz. the Conventicle-Act, &c.) ſ [...] vere enough, perverted the Law, by makin [...] our Peaceable Meetings Riots; and Indicting o [...] Friends as Rioters, that they might Fine at Pleaſure: Which he knew to be contrary to Law and Juſtice; nor was it long (ſays he) before h [...] had occaſion offered, more throughly to Con [...] der this matter (viz. the breaking up of t [...] Meeting near Wooburn, by Juſtice Hampſo [...] ſending Friends to Priſon, and Indicting the [...] for a Riot;) which ſhews he deſign'd to write [...] Book on that Subject (though he doth not me [...] tion it) and accordingly did this Year (aft [...] the Caution to Conſtables, &c. as aforeſaid.) T [...] he called A Diſcourſe concerning Riots: Occaſion [...] by ſome of the People called Quakers being Indict [...] for a Riot, &c. Of which he gives (by way [...] Preface) this further Account. ‘'The Procee [...] ings of late in City and Country, againſt [...] of the People called Quakers for Riots, for o [...] Meeting Peaceably together to Serve and W [...] ſhip GOD, firſt put me upon enquiring i [...] the Nature of Riots: What, upon inquiry, [...] have found, I here preſent to publick Vie [...] for common Benefit; that none through Ig [...] rance, may be the occaſion of bringing an U [...] juſt Suffering upon an Innocent People, a [...] thereby Guilt on themſelves. I do not prete [...] much Skill in Law (a Study and Profeſſio [...] was never bred to) but having ſpent ſo [...] Hours on this occaſion, in ſearching what [...] Law Books ſay in this Caſe; I hope I [...] [355] date 1683 (without incurring the Cenſure of Preſumption) communicate my Gleaning to ſuch of my well meaning Country Men, as have not Leizure or Opportunity to inform themſelves otherwiſe. I ſolemnly declare, I have no other End, or Aim in this Work, than to do Good, and prevent Evil: Which Conſideration, with Men of Candour and Ingenuity, will be, I hope, a ſufficient Apology, for my ſeeming boldneſs in this Undertaking.’ And ſo he proceeds to ſet forth what Riots are in the Law, and Law Books; of which he cites divers (and Scripture too) to ſhew that our Peaceable Meetitgs (which in thoſe Days they uſed to make Riots; that they might Impriſon and Fine us at Pleaſure) could not be Riots; tho' thro' Ignorance, or Envy, they were often ſo rendred (which ſhewed their Injuſtice) Saying, ‘'How truly I have ſtated the Caſe on the one hand, with reſpect to Riots; the many Quotations in the foregoing Diſcourſe, will ſhew. How true an Account, on the other Hand, I have given of our Meetings, the whole Nation (and all Nations where we have Meetings) may Judge upon the whole. (ſays he) My requeſt is, that all, both Juſtices and Jurors, who have or ſhall be Concerned, in this or the like Caſe, will ſeriouſly weigh the matter; and not ſtrain the Law beyond its due Extent. (adding) To Oppreſs any by colour of Law, is the greateſt abuſe of Law.’ Concluding with a ſerious Re-capitulation, and Application of the whole: That none for the [356] date 1683 future might Err Ignorantly in that Reſpect; and if any would willfully, they might be left without Excuſe.

About the ſame time, or not long after, he writ alſo, A Seaſonable Diſſwaſive from Perſecution: Humbly and Modeſtly, yet with Chriſtian freedom, and plainneſs of Speech, offered to the Conſideration of all concerned therein; on Behalf generally, of all that ſuffer for Conſcience ſake: Particularly the People called Quakers. In the beginning of which, he defines what Perſecution is. ‘'Perſecution (ſays he) is a word of ſo harſh a Sound, and ſo generally Diſtaſtfull to Engliſh Ears, that ſcarce any of thoſe who are moſt forward and active in that Work, are willing to have their Actions called by that Name. That none therefore, who have ſet an Hand to that Work, or whoſe Minds are any whit inclining thereto; may, from the diſlike they have to the Word [Perſecution] Reject this Diſſwaſive, as a thing wherein they are not Concerned: I think it needful here to declare, what it is I mean by Perſecution. By Perſecution then, I intend a Forcing, or Compelling any, by Pains or Penalties, Bodily or Pecuniary, to Relinquiſh or Forſake that Exerciſe of Religion, or way of Worſhip, which they believe to be the Right way of Worſhip; and the true and acceptable Exerciſe of Religion, which God hath required of them. And to Receive, Embrace, Conform to and perform ſome other Exerciſe of Religion, and way of Worſhip; which they who are ſo Compelled are either firmly perſwaded is not the Right; or at [357] date 1683 leaſt, have no belief that it is Right. This (in ſhort) is that which I call Perſecution; and this is that which I Diſſwade from, whatever other Name, the Actors of it may pleaſe themſelves in calling it by.’

I. To begin with the firſt of theſe, viz. the Forcing, or Compelling any to Forſake, and and Leave that Exerciſe of Religion, or way of Worſhip, &c. The Reaſons by which he endeavours to diſſwade all Men from ſuch an undertaking, are theſe. [i. e. the Heads of them] ‘'1. You may, for ought you know, be found Fighting againſt God: You are not, you cannot be, upon your own Principles, infallibly ſure, that that way of Worſhip, which you thus endeavour to force us from, is not the true Worſhip of God.— 2. By endeavouring to force us from that way of Worſhip, which we believe the Lord hath led us into, and requireth of us; you endeavour to force us, to make Shipwrack of Faith.— 3. In endeavouring by Force and Cruelty, to Reſtrain us from Worſhipping God as (we are fully perſwaded) he hath Taught us, and doth Require us: You go out of the Path of the Righteous, and tread in the Steps of the Wicked and Ungodly.— 4. That Exerciſe of Religion which you would force us from; is not ſimply of it ſelf, Condemned and Diſallowed by that Law, by the Severity of which, you would force us from it.— 5. In thus eagerly Purſuing us, and Diſturbing our Peaceable Meetings; you give your ſelves, as well as us, a great deal of needleſs [358] date 1683 Trouble.— Refrain from theſe Men, and let them alone.— 6. And laſtly, Be pleaſed to Conſider, what ſort of Agents and Inſtruments you are fain to make uſe of (and not ſeldom are your ſelves made uſe of by) to carry on this Work. Concluding this part thus: O never give Cauſe for this Epitaph to be written on your Tombs, Here lies a Perſecutor of the People of God.

II. Now for the other Branch of Perſecution, viz. The Forcing, or Compelling of any, by Pains or Penalties,— to Receive, Embrace, Conform to, and Perform ſome Exerciſe of Religion, and way of Worſhip, &c. The Reaſons by which he endeavours to diſſwade all Men from ſuch an Undertaking, are theſe (viz, the Heads.)

‘'1. In thus impoſing your way of Worſhip upon others, you act quite contrary to Chriſt and his Apoſtles.— 2. In thus impoſing your way of Worſhip upon others, you follow the worſt of Patterns, Nebuchadnezzar King of Babylon, &c.— 3. In forcing People to your way of Worſhip, who have no Belief that it is the right, you cauſe them to Sin: for whatſoever is not of Faith is Sin.— 4. In forcing People to your way of Worſhip, who have a firm Perſwaſion and Belief that it is not the right; you make Men Hypocrites and Time-ſervers.— 5. By obtruding and inforcing your Religion upon others, you greatly diſparage and undervalue it, and give Men the more ground to ſuſpect and diſlike it.— 6. You break that great Command, which Chriſt ſays is the Law [359] date 1683 and the Prophets, viz. All things whatſoever ye, would that Men ſhould do to you, do ye even ſo to them, Mat. 7. 12.—’

All theſe Reaſons are illuſtrated and backed with Scripture and Reaſon, concluding with a [...]ery cloſe and ſeaſonable Application to our Per [...]cutors. A ſolid ſerious Diſcourſe it is, if any Arguments had been ſufficient to diſſwade Men [...]om Perſecution (of which there was very great bout this time; particularly in London, Briſtol, [...]nd divers other Places) the whole being well worth Peruſal: and I ſhould have inclined to in [...]ert it at large, but that it hath pleaſed God to [...]cline the Hearts of our Superiours to eaſe us in [...]hat reſpect, by Granting a Toleration to Prote [...]ant Diſſenters: for which we are thankful. Theſe three, viz. the Caution to Conſtables, Diſcourſe of Riots, and Diſſwaſive from Perſecu [...]ion, were all Written, or at leaſt Printed, this Year, 1683.

date 1684 And he acquitted himſelf ſo well on theſe Subjects, that one William Tournay (to him unknown) ſent him a Letter from London, taking Notice of the aforeſaid Tracts, which he was ſo well pleaſed with, that he deſired his Judgment on the 23d, 29th and 35th of Q. ELIZABETH, in Relation to the Proceedings then upon them: to which our Friend T. E. return'd him an Anſwer in a large Letter, which is in his Decades of Letters, among many others, to divers Perſons, and on various Subjects, well worthy the Peruſal, from the Year 1670, down to his latter Times: and if they were publiſhed, [358] [...] [359] [...] [360] date 1684 would help to ſupply the deficiency of his own Account of the latter Part of his Life.

About this time he writ the following POEM or HYMN of Praiſe to the Lord; whic [...] I think well deſerves to be inſerted in thi [...] Place: Intituled,

COLLAUDEMUS DOMINUM.
COME, let us Praiſe the LORD with on Conſent,
All ye, whoſe Hearts to honour him are ben [...]
Come, let us of his gracious Dealings tell:
For with us he hath dealt exceeding well,
When him we did not ſeek, he did us find,
He gave us Sight, when we were dark and blind
He brought us home, when we were run aſtray
And ſet our Feet i'th' new and living way,
When Hunger pin'd he gave us heavenly Bread
And, with the choiceſt Dainties, hath us fed.
He from miſ-leading Guides deliver'd hath,
And led us forward in the Juſt Man's Path,
He hath with Strength and Courage us endu'd
With Zeal for Truth and Chriſtian Fortitude;
He Wiſdom from above doth daily give:
To them that in his Truth ſincerely live.
In Battle he hath us preſerv'd thus far,
And made us Victors in the Holy War.
Our Enemies he greatly hath ſubdu'd.
His Sword in Blood o'th' ſlain hath been imbru'd
He hath preſerved from the Roaring Lion:
And brought a little Remnant ſafe to Sion.
[361] date 1684 Where, in his Preſence, they ſit down and Sing
Eternal Hallelu-jah's to their KING,
Who lives and reigns, and may his Reign extend
Throughout the Univerſe, and have no End.
T. E.

But to proceed:

date 1685 William Rogers, whom our Author Anſwered in the Year 1682, (as aforeſaid) though he did not Reply to it, or ever attempted it that I have heard of, putting forth a Rhiming Scourge for George Whitehead; againſt whom he bent his moſt Inveterate Spleen, and who had alſo Anſwered his great Book, falſly called, The Chriſtian Quaker, in a Book intituled, The Accuſer of the Brethren caſt down, &c. T. E. writ an Anſwer to his Scourge in Verſe, intituled, Rogero-Maſtix, A Rod for William Rogers, in return for his Rhiming Scourge: For which he gives the following Reaſon.

To ſuch as ask why I in Verſe have writ?
This Anſwer I return, I held it fit,
Verſe ſhou'd in Verſe be anſwer'd, Proſe in Proſe.
My Adverſary his own Weapon choſe.
He choſe before in Proſe to write, and then
I anſwer'd him in Proſe. So now agen,
Since he his Stile from Proſe to Verſe hath chang'd,
And in the Muſes Walks hath boldly rang'd,
In his own Method him I choſe to treat,
Leſt he ſhould wiſe be in his own Conceit.
Prov: 26. 5.

And begins thus:

The Preacher tells us, that beneath the Sun
There's no new thing: for, That which ſhall be done,
[362] date 1685 Hath been before; And what is now a doing
Shall acted be again, in Times enſuing.
Let none be ſhaken, therefore, in his Mind,
If he God's People now Reviled find,
Reproach'd with bitter words, and vilify'd,
With filthy Slanders loaded, and bely'd
By wicked Men. Such was the Churches State
Of old, as Sacred Story doth relate.

And having recounted the Oppoſition made by Rabſhaketh, Sanballat and Tobiah, &c. to the Jews, and Diotrephes to the Apoſtles; he proceeds, Page 6.

By theſe Examples, plainly it appears,
How Satan play'd his Pranks in former Years;
What Arts he us'd; how craftily he wrought;
What Inſtruments, whereby to work, he ſought:
One while, profeſſed Enemies, and then
Another while he choſe falſe Brethren.
And though thoſe Agents now are dead and gone,
Satan remains the ſame, the Evil One.
He Miſchief always to the Church intends,
And, Miſchief to effect, his Agents ſends.
Though Rabſhaketh be dead, Tobiah rotten,
Sanballat and Diotrephes forgotten,
The wicked Spirit that in them did ſtrive
Againſt God's Truth and Church, is ſtill alive;
And other Inſtruments doth daily raiſe,
To hinder Truth's fair Progreſs, in theſe Days.
He Agents has, great ſtore, of ev'ry Size
And Sort. How numerous are Truth's Enemies!
Yet bleſt be God! A greater Number's thoſe
That ſtand for Truth, than thoſe that it oppoſe.
[363]
date 1685 I liſt not here a Muſter-Roll to make
Of all who, from without, in hand did take
To Battle againſt Truth, and ſhake their Spears
At Iſrael's Camp within theſe Twenty Years.
Nor do I purpoſe to ennum'rate all,
Who, in that time, themſelves did Quakers call,
That through miſguided Zeal, or Diſcontent,
Their Bows againſt their Brethren have bent.
But ſince ſome few, of late, appear to be
With Rage and Envy fill'd, to that degree,
That with more Bitterneſs than all the reſt,
Their Malice againſt Truth they have expreſt.
My Purpoſe is to ſingle out from theſe
Him, that appears as their Diotrephes.
And that is ROGERS: For tho' Criſp and Bug,
With other ſome, do at the ſame Oar tug,
And Toil hard at it too, with all their Might,
[...]et can they do no more but ſhew their Spight.
And for the reſt, that lie behind the Skreen,
And move the Wheels, but like not to be ſeen;
Although they help to carry on the Work,
take leſs notice of them, while they Lurk.
Them therefore leaving I return again,
To view Will. Rogers his Poetick Strain;
Who having been too often foil'd in Proſe,
To try his Fortune now in Verſe hath choſe;
[...] Verſe, without Offence, that may call'd,
Which is delivered in Rhimes ſo bald,
So flat, ſo dull, ſo rough, ſo void of Grace,
Where Symphony and Cadence have no place;
So full of Chaſmes, ſtuck with Proſie Pegs,
Whereon his tired Muſe might reſt her Legs.
[364] date 1685 (Not having Wings) and take new Breath, that the
She might, with much a do, hop on agen.
His [Words to that Effect,— Why ſo,— How ſo?
Hence I obſerve,— Hence I conclude,—] do ſhow
His Purſy Muſe was often out of Wind,
And glad when ſhe a perching place could find.
What drew thee William, to this Rhiming fit,
Having no more Propenſity to it?
Could'ſt think ſuch hobling, and unequal Rhimes,
That make a Jangling, like diſorder'd Chimes,
Could of a POEM e'er deſerve the Name,
Or e'er be read without the Author's Shame?
What Clouds of Darkneſs in thy Lines appear!
How is thy Stile perplex't! How far from clear!
Thy Muſe is wrapt in thickeſt Fogs of Night,
Which ſhews thou art departed from the Light.
Nor Sun, nor Moon, nor Star throughout thy Boo [...]
Is to be ſeen. No Spring nor Chriſtal Brook
Glides through thy Margin. No, thy Waters ru [...]
Black, like the Streams of Styx, or Phlegeton.

And having gone through, and Anſwered this Adverſaries Book, he ſums it up, and concludes as followeth. Page 29.

William, Thy Work is weigh'd, thy Spirit try'd
And both thy Work and Spirit are deny'd.
Thy Spirit is the ſame that wrought of old
In Sanballat, Tobiah, and the bold
Aſſyrian Railer, Rabſhakeh, who ſought
God's Work and People to have brought to nought,
As thou haſt done: And what the Prophet cry'd
In that Caſe, may to thee be well apply'd.
The Virgin hath deſpis'd thee, Zion's Daughte [...]
Makes thee the Object of her Scorn and Laughte [...]
[365] date 1685 The Daughter of Jeruſalem hath ſhook
At thee her Head (with a diſdainful Look:)
[...]or, whom haſt thou Reproached and Blaſphem'd,
And againſt whom haſt thou ſo loudly ſcream'd,
And lift thine Eyes on high? Thy Spleen doth ſwell
Againſt the Holy One of Iſrael.
To this effect the Prophet did declaim
Againſt the Proud Aſſyrian, from whom came
That curſed Railer, who e'en ſeems to be,
[...] Railing Blaſphemies, a Type of thee.
What Nehemiah to Sanballat ſaid,
When he foul Slanders to his Charge had laid)
That I to thee, of all thy Slanders, Thus,
There are no ſuch things acted, amongſt us,
As thy abuſive Pamphlet doth contain;
But out of thine own Heart thou doſt them feign.
And where thou carp'ſt at what we do aright,
We can for Truth's ſake, in Reproach delight.
The Lord rebuilding is his Holy City,
Which thou and others envy (more's the pity)
And put forth all the Strength and Art you have,
The Work to ſtop, the Workmen to deprave.
But never be ſo vain, to think you can
The Work obſtruct: 'tis not the Work of Man.
The God of Heaven, He will proſper us;
And therefore we his Servants, (ſtrengthned thus)
Will riſe and build, as God ſhall us endue
With Courage, Strength and Counſel for't: But you
No Portion have, who do the Work condemn,
Right nor Memorial in JERUSALEM.
My Soul laments your State, who once have felt
That tend'ring Pow'r, which ſtony Hearts can melt.
[366] date 1685 And have been in ſome meaſure, tend'red by it,
But now ſo hard'ned are as to defie it:
All you I mean, who have in Print appear'd
(With Envious Hearts, and Conſcience doubly ſear'd
To fight againſt the Truth, and to expoſe
God's People to the Fury of their Foes.
And all you too, who do that Work abet,
Although your Names thereto ye have not ſet.
Ah! had ye kept unto the heav'nly Grace,
(Which in your inward Parts the Lord did place
And not, in diſcontented Humour, run
After Lo-heres, Lo-theres, as you have done;
Ye might, in Truth, the Bond of Peace have known
And in the Spirits Unity have grown,
Which is the Churches Girdle, highly priz'd
By all the Faithful, though by you deſpis'd,
Whereas (by letting in firſt falſe Surmiſings
Of others, which e're long produc'd Deſpiſings,
And ſo made way for Prejudice to enter,
Till cancred Malice in your Hearts did center)
Ye now are broke, and into Pieces Shatter'd,
And from the Body and Head are Scatter'd.
Without the Camp ye ſtand (Oh diſmal State!)
Snarling amongſt the Dogs, without the Gate;
Belching forth Slander and Calumniation
'Gainſt thoſe that in the Light have kept their Station.
Oh! may the God of Heaven ſtop your Way
That ye no more the Simple may betray.

I could not but recite thus much, of the Beginning and End of that Book, which is ſo Excellent, both for the Subject and Compoſure, [367] date 1685 that one may ſooner Tranſcribe too little than too much; the whole being well worth the Reading.

date 1686 In the Second Month, 1686, he had a Concern upon his Spirit, in a deep Senſe of the Enemies working, to ſow Diviſions, and endeavouring to lay waſte the Teſtimony of Truth, to write an Epiſtle to Friends, which he did, very ſolidly and weightily; to ſtir up Friends to Faithfulneſs, and to beware of the Enemies Wiles, and avoid that Rending Dividing Spirit, which was then at work, to cauſe Diviſion and Strife among Friends: which being ſo Seaſonable and Excellent, both for Matter and Stile, the whole is thought meet to be here inſerted at large; and is as followeth:

An EPISTLE to FRIENDS.

DEAR Friends, unto whom the gathering Arm of the Lord hath reached, and who have known, in your ſeveral Meaſures, a being gathered thereby into the heavenly Life, and are Witneſſes of the preſerving Power, by which ye have been kept faithful to the Lord, and regardful of his Honour: Unto you, in an eſpecial manner, is the Salutation of my true and tender Love in the Lord; and for you, as for my ſelf, are the Breathings and fervent Deſires [368] date 1686 of my Soul offered up, in the One Spirit, unto Him, who is your God and mine; that both you and I may be for ever kept in the freſh Senſe of his tender Mercies, and great Loving-kindneſs unto us, that therein our Souls may cleave firmly unto Him, and never depart from Him. For Friends, it is a trying Day, a Day of great Difficulty and Danger, wherein the Enemy is at work, and very buſie, ſetting his Snares on every ſide; and ſpreading his Temptations on every hand: And ſome, alas! have entred thereinto, and are caught and held therein, for whom my Soul in ſecret mourns.

And truly Friends, a great weight hath been upon my Spirit for many Days, and my Mind hath been deeply exerciſed, in the ſence I have of the Enemy's prevailing, by one Bait or other, to unſettle the Minds of ſome, whom the Arm of the Lord had reached unto, and in ſome meaſure gathered to a reſting Place: But not abiding in that pure Light, by which they were at firſt viſited, and to which they were at firſt turned, the Underſtanding hath been vailed again; the Eye, which was once in ſome meaſure opened, hath the God of the World inſenſibly Blinded again, and Darkneſs is again come over, to that degree, that they can now contentedly take up again, what in the Day of their Convincement, and in the time of their true Tenderneſs, they caſt off as a Burthen too heavy to be born. O my Friends, this hath been the Enemy's Work: therefore it greatly behoves all to watch againſt him; for it hath been for want [369] date 1686 of Watchfulneſs, that he hath got entrance into any. For when the Mind hath been from off the true Watch, in a ſecure and careleſs State, then hath he ſecretly wrought, and preſented his fair Baits, his Allurements or Enticements by Pleaſure or Profit, to catch the unwary Mind. And hence it hath come to paſs that ſome, who have come out fairly, and begun well, and have ſeemed in good Earneſt to have ſet their Hands to God's Plow, have looked back, and been weary of the Yoke of Chriſt, and have either luſted after the Fleſh-pots of Egypt again, or turned aſide into ſome By-path or crooked way in the Wilderneſs, and thereby have fallen ſhort of the promiſed good Land.

But you, my dear Friends, in whom the Word of Life abides, and who abide in the Vertue and Savour thereof, ye know the Wiles of the Enemy, and the Power which ſubdues him, [...]nd the Rock in which the Preſervation and [...]afety is. So that I write not theſe things unto [...]ou, becauſe ye know them not: But the End [...]f my thus writing is, to ſtir up the pure Mind [...]n all, upon whom the Name of the Lord is cal [...]ed, that we all may be provoked to Watchful [...]eſs againſt the Workings of the wicked One. Therefore, dear Friends, bear, I beſeech you, [...]he Word of Exhortation, though from one [...]hat is little and low (and through Mercy ſenſile of it) and who hath not been accuſtomed [...]o appear after this manner: For the Wind, ye [...]now, bloweth where it liſteth.

[370] date 1686 Friends, Call to Mind the former Times, and remember the Days that are paſt and gone, when the Day of the Lord firſt dawned unto you, and his Power ſeized upon you. Ye know how weighty and retired the Spirits of Friends then were, how grave and ſolid their Deportment and Carriage; how few and ſavoury their Words, tending to edifie the Hearers; how great a Fear and Backwardneſs was in them to enter into Familiarity with the World's People. O Friends, that was a good Day, and tha [...] was a ſafe State; for Fear begets Watchfulneſs [...] and Watchfulneſs is a means to prevent Danger [...] Therefore all Friends, keep in the Holy Fear [...] and therein watch againſt the Enemy, that h [...] entangle you not, nor hurt your Spirits, by a too near Familiarity, and intimate Converſing with the People of the World; for therein I aſſure you, lies a Snare. For though it be bot [...] lawful and neceſſary, and in ſome Caſes al [...] uſeful and ſerviceable to the Truth to Converſ [...] with them that are without: yet if any Frien [...] ſhould adventure in a frank and free Mind, b [...] yond the Limits of the pure Fear, to entertain F [...] miliarity with the World's People, the Spiri [...] of the World in them will ſeek an Entrance, and [...] if not diligently watched againſt, will alſo g [...] an Entrance; and bring a hurt and a loſs upo [...] him or them into whom it ſo gets. For bein [...] once entred, it will inſenſibly work, and diſpoſe the Mind into which it is got, to a Condeſcention to, and Compliance with the People o [...] the World it converſes with, firſt in one thing [...] [371] date 1686 then in another, in Words, in Behaviour, &c. (little things in Appearance, but great in Conſequence) till at length an Indifferency gets up in the Mind, and the Teſtimony of Truth by degrees is let fall. But while the pure Fear is kept to, and dwelt in, the Watch is always ſet, the Spirit is retired and weighty, and an holy Awfulneſs reſts upon the Mind, which renders ſuch Converſe both ſafe to the Friends, and more ſerviceable to them they converſe withal.

And, Friends, not only in your converſing with the World's People, but in all your Converſation and Courſe of Life, watch againſt the Spirit of the World, for it lies near to tempt, and to draw out the mind, and to lead back into the World again. You know, Friends, that at the firſt, when the viſiting Arm of the Lord reached to us, he led us out of the World's Ways, Manners, Cuſtoms and Faſhions, and a cloſe Teſtimony, both in Word and Practice, was born againſt them. But how hath this Teſtimony been kept up, and kept to by all, who have ſince made Profeſſion of the Truth? Ah, how hath the Enemy, for want of Watchfulneſs, ſtole in upon too too many, and led out their Minds, from that which did at firſt Convince them, into a Liberty beyond the Croſs of Chriſt Jeſus; and in that Liberty they have run into the Worlds Faſhions, which the worldly Spirit continually invents to feed the vain and airy Minds withal, that they may not come to Gravity and Solidity?

[372] date 1686 Thence it hath come to paſs, that there is ſcarce a New Faſhion come up, or a Fantaſtick Cut invented, but ſome one or other, that profeſſes Truth, is ready, with the foremoſt, to run into it. Ah, Friends, the World ſees this and ſmiles, and points the Finger at it. And this is both a Hurt to the particular, and a Reproach to the general. Therefore, O let the Lot be caſt, let Search be made by every one, and let every one Examine himſelf, that this Achan, with his Babyloniſh Garment, may be found out and caſt out: for indeed he is a Troubler of Iſrael. And all Friends, who upon true ſearch ſhall find your ſelves concerned in this particular, I warn and exhort you all, Return to that which at firſt Convinced you; to that keep cloſe, in that abide, that therein ye may know, as at the firſt (not only a Bridle to the Tongue, but) a Curb to the roving Mind, a Reſtraint to the wandring Deſire. For aſſuredly, Friends, if Truth be kept to, none will need to learn of the World what to wear, what to put on, or how to ſhape and faſhion their Garments: but Truth will teach all how beſt to anſwer the End of Cloathing, both for uſeful Service and modeſt Decency. And the Croſs of Chriſt will be a Yoke to the unruly Will, and a Reſtraint upon the wanton Mind; and will Crucifie that Nature that delights in Finery and in Bravery of Apparel, in which the true adorning doth not ſtand, but in the hidden Man of the Heart, in that which is not corruptible, even a meek and quiet Spirit, 1 Pet. 3. 4. And the Grace of God, which [373] date 1686 hath appeared to all, and which hath brought Salvation to many, will not only teach to deny all Ungodlineſs and worldly Luſts, and to live ſoberly, righteouſly and godly in this preſent World, Titus 2. 11, 12. but will alſo lead thoſe that obey it out of all Exceſs, and out of all Superfluities and worldly Vanities, and will teach them to order their Converſation aright. Therefore to this heavenly Grace let every Mind be turned, and therein ſtay'd, that thereby all who profeſs the Truth may be kept in the holy Limits of it; that in their whole Converſation and Courſe of Life, in Eating, in Drinking, in putting on Apparel, and in whatſoever elſe we do, or take in hand, that all may be done to the Glory of God, 1 Cor. 10. 31. that our Moderation in all things may appear unto all Men.

And let not any deceive and hurt themſelves with a Falſe Plea, ſaying, I will be left to my Liberty; I have freedom to do, go, or wear ſo and ſo; And Religion ſtands not in Cloths, &c. For that Liberty which the worldly Spirit leads into, is not indeed the true Liberty, but is a falſe and feigned Liberty, which leads into true and real Bondage. And though Religion ſtands not ſimply [...]n Cloths; yet true Religion ſtands in that which [...]ets a Bound and Limit to the Mind with reſpect [...]o Cloths, as well as to other things. So that where there is a running out into Exceſs and Va [...]ity in Apparel, that is a certain Indication and [...]oken that the Mind is got looſe, and hath caſt off [...]he Yoke, and is broke away from its due Sub [...]ction to that Divine Power, in which the true [...]eligion ſtands.

[374] date 1686 Great hath been the Hurt which the Enemy hath done in this Day, by leading into a falſe Freedom, and crying up a wrong Liberty: for under this Pretence have crept in great Diſorders, ſome running out one way, and ſome another; ſome mixing in Marriages with the World's People, and ſome going to the Prieſt to be married. And many looſe and unclean Spirits have ſhrouded themſelves under this plauſible Pretence of being left to their Liberty, unto whom Truth's Order is irkſome and uneaſie; and they kick againſt it, and call it Impoſition, becauſe it checks their licentious Liberty. Therefore all, who join with their Plea, examine and try what Liberty it is ye claim and ſtand for: for the true Liberty is not inconſiſtent with the Croſs of Chriſt, nor repugnant to his Yoke; but agrees with it, and is obtained through it, and maintained by it. And none whom the Son hath made free indeed, will, or can plead or make uſe of that Liberty, in Oppoſition to any Means, which the God of Order hath appointed, or ſet up in his Church for the keeping out Confuſion, Diſorder and Looſneſs. And hereby all may take a right Meaſure, and may certainly know what kind of Liberty that is, which ſome have ſo hotly contended for, in Oppoſition to that neceſſary and commendable Order, which God hath led his People into, and which the Enemy [...] in his Agents, labours ſo hard to lead them ou [...] of. For the Enemy well knows, that the Tendency and Service thereof is to detect and diſcover his ſecret workings, and to bring his Deeds t [...] [375] date 1686 Light and Judgment; and therefore he ſtrives with might and main to overturn it, crying out through his Inſtruments, Away with your Order, Let every one be left to his Liberty. By which ſeemingly fair and ſpecious Plea, not only the looſe, diſorderly, factious Spirits have been let up, and encouraged to greater Boldneſs and Licentiouſneſs: but ſome ſimple and well-meaning Friends alſo, not ſeeing the Deſign of Satan therein, have been miſled thereby, and made uſe of by the Enemy, and the more ſubtle of his Inſtruments, to oppoſe the good order of Truth. Thus hath the Enemy wrought, and ſought to lay waſte the Work of the Lord. But the Lord (magnified be his holy Name) hath not been wanting to his People, who in ſincerity of Heart have diligently waited on him, and truſted in him; for he hath all along raiſed up ſome, whoſe Eye he hath opened to ſee the Deſign and working of the Evil One; and whoſe Spirits he hath engaged to ſtand up in a faithful Teſtimony againſt him, contending for the way of Truth. Which when they, in whom the Enemy wrought, perceived, and found they could not run over the Heads of Friends, and carry things on as themſelves pleaſed, they ſet themſelves, in a heady wilful Spirit, to raiſe Diſturbances in Meetings for Buſineſs, by encouraging and abetting ſuch heady, looſe, contentious and diſorderly Perſons as wou'd join with them; thus hardning themſelves, and provoking the Lord to give them up to Blindneſs and Hardneſs of Heart, till at length the Enemy prevailed ſo far upon them, [376] date 1686 as to work them by degrees, from Diſcontent to Prejudice, then to Enmity, and ſo at length, in divers Places, to an open Defection, Apoſtasy and Separation.

Now although I know, my dear Friends, that ye who have kept your Habitation in the Light of the Lord, and whoſe Eye is ſingle therein, have a clear Sight and Underſtanding, that the Spirit, which hath thus wrought and fought againſt the Truth, is not, nor can be, of God, but is of the wicked One; and although the Fruits it hath brought forth, through the Agents and Inſtruments in and by which it hath wrought, viz. Making Diſturbances in Meetings, to the breaking the Churches Peace; Cauſing Diviſions amongſt Friends; Publiſhing to the World moſt wicked, malicious, railing and ſcandalous Books, againſt Friend [...] (an Effect of the greateſt Enmity) ſhutting an [...] keeping Friends out of their common Meeting-Houſes, in which they have a juſt Right and Property [...] and not ſuffering them to meet therein (which is a part of the Perſecution inflicted on Friends by the World) and at length alſo ſet up ſeparate Meetings, in Oppoſition to the Meetings of God's People [...] Although, I ſay, theſe Fruits are ſufficient o [...] themſelves to diſcover and manifeſt, to an unclouded Mind, what Spirit that is, and muſ [...] needs be, which hath brought them forth; ye [...] inaſmuch as ſome, partly through Weakneſs o [...] Judgment, and partly through perſonal Affectio [...] to ſome of thoſe leading Separatiſts, are yet in danger to be betrayed by their fair Words and feigned Speeches, wherewith they lie in wait to deceive, [...] [377] date 1686 feel a Concern remain upon my Spirit, in the Love of God, to warn all ſuch, that they join not with, nor give Countenance unto that Spirit, that hath thus wrought againſt the Lord, and againſt his People.

For Friends, in the holy Fear of the living God, and in the Openings of the Spring of his pure Life in my Soul, at this time, and from the certain Knowledge, and clear Demonſtration which I have received from him therein; I teſtifie and declare unto you, That this Spirit, which in this Day hath run out, and hath drawn out ſome, into Oppoſition againſt the Way and Work of the Lord, into Diviſion and Separation from the People of the Lord, and from the holy Aſſemblies which the Lord hath gathered, and by his powerful Preſence hath owned, and daily doth own: This Spirit, I ſay, is the ſame with that which hath formerly wrought, in other Appearances, againſt the Truth in our time; and is the ſame with that Spirit, that wrought againſt the Work of the Lord in the Days of the Holy Apoſtles. This Myſtery of Iniquity then wrought, and cauſed many to turn aſide, and to leave the right way of the Lord, and to forſake the Aſſemblies of God's People, Heb. 10. 25. Yea, and to run into Separation too, Jude 19. Upon whom the holy Ghoſt hath ſet his Brand; that they were Senſual, having not the Spirit. And many cloſe and ſharp Teſtimonies did the Lord give forth through his Servants in that Day againſt this Spirit, and againſt thoſe that were joined to it, [378] date 1686 and acted by it, as may be ſeen in the Holy Scriptures.

Yea, Friends, this Spirit that hath led ſome now to ſet up their Separate Meetings, is the ſame that led Jeroboam the Son of Nebat to ſet up his ſeparate Altar at Bethel, of which you may read 1 Kings 12, and 13 Chapters. He was afraid, that if the People ſhould continue to go up to the Houſe of the Lord, to do Sacrifice there, as they had been accuſtomed to do, and as the Lord had required, they would then forſake him, and return to the Lord again. And this Spirit now is afraid, that if they whom he hath ſeduced, and drawn aſide, ſhould ſtill frequent the Aſſemblies of God's People, and continue to meet with Friends as before; that heavenly Power which is eminently manifeſt in the Meetings of God's People, might at one time or other reach unto them, touch their Hearts, open the right Eye in them, and give them to ſee the Miſchief and miſery he is leading them into. And therefore to prevent this, and to keep his Captives cloſe unto him, he hath contrived to ſet up Separate Meetings, in Oppoſition to the Meetings of God's Appointment, as Jeroboam ſet up his Separate Altar, in Oppoſition to the Altar which God hath commanded to be ſet up; and to keep the People from going thereto. And ſo ſubtilly did this Spirit work then, as well as now, that Jeroboam contrived to have his falſe Worſhip bear ſome Reſemblance to the true; that he might the more eaſily beguile the People: For he ordained a [379] date 1686 Feaſt like unto the Feaſt that was in Judah, 1 Kings 12. 32. But it was in the Month which he had deviſed of his own Heart, ver. 33. Mark that, there is a Blot upon it: How fair or ſpecious ſoever the Worſhip he ſet up appeared, or ſeemed to be, yet it was but the Deviſe of his own Heart; it was neither appointed by God, nor accepted of God. For you may read in the 13th Chapter, that the Lord ſent a Prophet, a Man of God, out of Judah to Bethel; and he cryed againſt the Altar in the Word of the Lord, and propheſied the Deſtruction thereof by Joſiah; which was afterwards outwardly fulfilled, as you may read, 2 Kings 23. 15, &c. Now Joſiah ſignifies, The Fire, or Burning of the Lord. And, in the holy Dread of the living Eternal God, I declare, The Fire of the Lord is kindled, and kindling againſt this accurſed ſeparating Spirit, and againſt its Work, and againſt all thoſe that join with it therein. Therefore all Fear before the Mighty God, and ſtand ſtill and conſider your Ways; and let none reſiſt or reject the Warning of the Lord, leſt ſuch be hardned to Deſtruction. For Jeroboam, you may read, ſtood by his ſeparate Altar, verſ. 1. And when he heard the ſaying of the Man of God, which he cryed againſt the Altar in Bethel, he put forth his Hand, ſaying, Lay hold on him. But his Hand which he put forth againſt him, dried up, ſo that he could not pull it in again to him, verſ. 4. O Friends, conſider, How hath Drineſs and Withering come upon many a great and ſtout One in this Day, who have lifted up themſelves againſt [380] date 1686 the Lord; and have ſought, by the Devices of their own Hearts, to eſtabliſh themſelves in their own Way, againſt the Way of the Lord; ſo that the Hand they have put forth in that Work, they could not pull in again. Now mind, I pray you, Friends, and obſerve the way of the working of this Spirit in that Day. Here was the Enmity, the rough Nature of Cain and Eſau, the Spirit of Perſecution, got up firſt in Jeroboam, to diſmay the Man of God: Lay hold of him, ſays he. But when he ſaw that would not do; then the ſubtle Serpent, the crafty Fox, the fair Speeches, the ſmooth Words, the ſeeming Friendſhip and ſhew of Kindneſs to betray him. Come home with me, ſays he to the Man of God, and refreſh thy ſelf, and I will give thee a Reward, verſ. 7. O Friends, ſtand in the Fear and Counſel of the Lord, and in the Dominion of his Power, over this wicked Spirit in all its Twiſtings and Twinings. Let neither the Frowns nor the Fawnings, the Threats nor the Flatteries, the hard Speeches nor the Oyly Words, the Phariſaical Friendſhip, the diſſembling Love, the ſeeming Kindneſs, the familiar Carriage, the free Entertainment, the fine Bit, the Offer of Advantages, &c. have any Influence upon you, to draw you, in the leaſt meaſure, to join or touch with God's Enemy; with him that ſets up a ſeparate Altar, a ſeparate Meeting, in Oppoſition to, and to draw or keep from the right Way of the Lord: Mind well the Anſwer, which the Man of God gave to Jeroboam's tempting Invitation. If [381] date 1686 [...]ſaid he) thou wilt give me half thine Houſe, I [...]ill not go in with thee; neither will I eat Bread, nor [...]rink Water in this Place, ver. 8. (This was where [...]he Separate Altar was ſet up.) And he gives [...] forcible Reaſon for it: For ſo it was charged [...] by the Word of the Lord, Verſ. 9.

Here now you ſee both the Charge of the Lord, and the good Reſolution of the Man of God: I will not go in with thee, who haſt re [...]olted from God; neither will I eat or drink in [...]is Place, where an Enſign of Separation and Oppoſition to the way of God is ſet up. Con [...]der this well, I warn you All, in whom there [...] yet any true Breathings after the living God, [...]ho retain any Tenderneſs, and in whom there [...] any Simplicity left: Conſider this well, I ſay, [...]hen thy pretended Friend, or Friends, in a [...]eat deal of ſeeming Love and Kindneſs, ſhall [...]vite thee to partake with them at their Separ [...]e Altar, to ſit down with them in their Se [...]rate Meeting. Thou canſt not be a Man of [...]od, and go in with them, or eat or drink in [...]at Place. Thou canſt not ſit down there, to [...]ait for the Bread of Life, or the Water of [...]ife to be given thee there: No, the Word of [...]e LORD, if thou giveſt heed unto it, will [...]arge thee otherwiſe. Therefore to that pure [...]ing Word let every Mind be turned, and [...]ereto kept, in a diligent Waiting to receive Wiſdom, Strength and Power from the Lord [...]erein; that none may be betrayed by the [...]btilty of the the Enemy, with whatſoever [...]ir pretences he may come. For remember [382] date 1686 how the Man of God, that was enticed by a [...] other to eat and drink outwardly at Bethel, t [...] place where the ſeparate Altar was ſet up, lo [...] his outward Life therefore, ver. 18. and 2 [...] And if thou ſhalt preſume to go in, to eat o [...] to drink ſpiritually; that is, to join in Worſhi [...] with the Sons of Nebat at this Day, in the ſ [...] parate Meetings, which any of them have ſ [...] up, in Oppoſition to the Aſſemblies of God [...] People, and to the Bleſſed Way and Work [...] the Lord; how knoweſt thou, but thou may [...] for ever loſe thy ſpiritual Life, and never kno [...] a Day of Quickning more.

Therefore all Friends, watch againſt eve [...] Temptation thereunto, as you love your Liv [...] as you regard the Good and Eternal Welfare [...] your Souls; and let not the Name, nor Perſ [...] of any Man have Power over you, to dra [...] you aſide, neither let Numbers ſway with yo [...] in which, I know, theſe Adverſaries of Tru [...] do not a little boaſt (though, bleſſed be G [...] with little Reaſon) But remember that Je [...] boam of Old had Ten Tribes out of Twelve [...] cry up his ſeparate Altar; Notwithſtandi [...] which, he is branded to Poſterity in the H [...] Record with this Brand, Jeroboam the Son [...] Nebat, WHO MADE ISRAEL TO S [...] 2 Kings 14. 24. Therefore let not any foll [...] a Multitude to do Evil, Exod. 23. 2. But [...] follow that which is Good, both among your ſelv [...] and to all Men, 1 Theſſ. 5. 15. For Friends, y [...] know whither the Broad Way leads, and w [...] it is the Wide Gate opens into, which [...] [383] date 1686 MANY go in at: but keep ye to the Straight Gate, and walk ye on in the NARROW Way; for in it is Safety, and at the End of it everlaſting Happineſs.

But Friends, becauſe of the Straightneſs of this Gate, and the Narrowneſs of this Way, ſome that have attempted to walk in it, are grown weary of it, and have ſought out another way, a way which (Jeroboam like) they have deviſed of their own Hearts; wherein they may have more Room, more Scope, more Company, Eaſe in the Fleſh, Liberty to the Fleſh, and all without controul. And this I am ſatisfied, hath not been the leaſt Motive to the Separation in this Day (as it was the greateſt in Days paſt) tho' ſome that have been drawn into it, may not perhaps ſee the Ground upon which it was undertaken. But the Lord hath opened an Eye in many, which ſees the Riſe and Ground, Entrance and End of this libertine Spirit, and its Work. And this Eye will the Lord daily open more and more in all, that diligently and in Sincerity wait upon Him. Therefore all Friends every where, who have not yet a clear Sight, and a thorow Underſtanding of the Nature and Work, Deſign and Drift of this dividing Spirit; wait, I beſeech you, in Simplicity of Heart, and Lowlineſs of Mind, upon the Lord, and keep to the Meaſure of the Grace you have received from him; and ſuffer not your Minds to be ſwayed or byaſſed by any perſonal Kindneſs, natural Affection, Relation, Kindred or Acquaintance; but ſtand ſingle and [384] date 1686 open to the Lord, not joining to, nor any way countenancing that which the Teſtimony of Truth, in the Ariſings of the heavenly Life, and Breakings forth of the divine Power thro' any, goes forth againſt. So will your preſent Standing be ſafe, and you be preſerved out of the Snares of this inſinuating and treacherous Spirit: And the Lord in his appointed time, as ye abide with him, will open your Underſtandings further, and give you a clearer Sight of that, which at preſent you do not fully ſee; and thereby bring you to that Certainty and Aſſurance, which (bleſſed be his Name) he hath brought many unto.

And you, my dear Friends, whoſe Spirits the Lord hath ſtirred up, and whoſe Hearts he hath engaged, in an Holy Zeal, to ſtand up for his Bleſſed Name and Truth, and to bear a faithful Teſtimony againſt this wicked rending Spirit; go on in the Strength and Power of the Lord, in the Might of the God of Jacob; for you are aſſuredly on the Lord's Side, and the Lord Jehovah, the Strength of Iſrael, is on your Side. Therefore, Friends, be encouraged in the Lord, to ſtand ſtedfaſt in your Teſtimony, not giving way to the Enemy, no not for a Moment. And take heed, I beſeech you in the Love of God, how ye enter into any Treaty of Peace, or Terms of Agreement with this Ungodly Treacherous Spirit, which is out of the Truth, and draws out of the Truth, and Fights againſt the Truth: For there is no Peace unto it, ſaith my God. And they who have [385] date 1686 joined themſelves unto it, and have wickedly given themſelves up to be acted by it, and to act for it, muſt paſs through the River of Judgment, if ever they be redeemed from under its Power. Friends, Condemnation muſt firſt be felt and owned, before Reconciliation can be known; and the Fire of the Lord muſt paſs upon the Tranſgreſſor, to conſume the Works of Darkneſs, the ungodly Deeds, the envious reviling Speeches, the wicked malicious ſlanderous Books and Pamphlets, &c. and to burn up the Ground from whence they ſprang. For a flaming Sword hath the Lord God ſet in his Eden, which turneth every Way; and none that are gone out can ever come in again, but they muſt paſs under the flaming Edge thereof. Therefore, my dear Friends, ſtand your Ground, in the Authority of the heavenly Life, and tamper not with God's Enemies: Remember the Word of the Lord to the Prophet, Let them return unto thee, but return not thou unto them, Jer. 15. 19. And then what follows? I will make thee unto this People a fenced brazen Wall, and they ſhall fight againſt thee, but they ſhall not prevail againſt thee; for I am with thee, to ſave thee, and to deliver thee, ſaith the Lord, ver. 20. So the God of Life fill your Hearts daily more and more with a Phineas Zeal for the Honour of his Name; and furniſh you abundantly with Wiſdom and Counſel, with Boldneſs and Courage, with Strength and Power, to encounter and overcome the Enemy: And make every one more watchful againſt the Spirit of the World, to [386] date 1686 withſtand it in all its Allurements to Vanity, of whatſoever kind; that whatſoever would defile the Camp of the Lord, may be purged out, and kept out, that the Lord may more and more delight in his People; and ſhower down his Bleſſings upon them; which is the fervent deſire of,

Your faithful Friend in the Love and Service of the unchangeable Truth, Thomas Ellwood.

date 1688 After this, I do not find he writ any thing (only ſome private Letters in his Decades) but lived Retired till the Year 1688. In wich time of Privacy (as fitteſt for it) he began a Work which he did not finiſh till many Years after; and that was The Life of David King of Iſrael, in Verſe; which he began for his own Diverſion, not thinking then of Printing it, and carried it on to the End of the Third Book. But then the Prince of Orange Landing, and the Revolution following, the Nation being in Arms againſt King James; the Noiſe of Guns, and Sound of Drums, &c. ſo deſturbed his Meditation, and gentle Muſe (which like the Halcion, breeds in Calm Weather) that his Poetical Genius left him for a time, and he thereupon left his Work, for above Twenty Years; of which more hereafter in its Place.

And here he retired again for two Years; ſo that I find nothing to Remark of him, either publick or private, but ſome private Letters, [387] date 1690 till the Year, 1690. When John Raunce and Charles Harris of Wiccomb, in that County, publiſhing A Memorial (as they call'd it) for the preſent Generation; and alſo for that which is to come: Being an Account from Wiccomb, concerning the Difference, &c. This Thomas Ellwood anſwered in a Book intituled, The Account from Wiccomb (lately publiſhed by John Raunce and Charles Harris) examined, and found falſe. And a Warning thereof given, to all ſuch well-meaning Perſona among the People called Quakers, as through Perſonal Affection, want of Conſideration, or Weakneſs of Judgment, have been betrayed, or may be in danger to be betrayed by them, or any other in the ſame dividing Spirit with them; and led aſide from the Way of Truth, into a Separation from the People of God: For whoſe Recovery and Preſervation this is written. Which begins thus.

‘'For your ſakes it is, O ye much pittied Ones; more than for any weight in the Account it ſelf, or worth in the Authors of it, that I have thus taken notice of it. For indeed, as ſoon as I had peruſed it, I felt a compaſſionate Concern ſpring in my Heart on your behalfs, and a direction in Spirit to open ſome Paſſages therein, and relating thereto, to you, that ye might be preſerved from being taken: Or, if in any meaſure taken, might be reſcued and delivered from the Snare, which the Enemy of your Souls, and of all Righteouſneſs, hath made uſe of theſe Men to ſet, to entangle, entrap and catch you by. And to the true Witneſs of the Holy God, in [388] date 1690 every one of your Conſciences, who retain any honeſt Breathings after the Lord, and the Way of Holineſs, do I recommend this my Undertaking, and the Sincerity of my Intention herein.’ Wherein he diſcovered their Deceit, as to their Separation; and that it was not for Conſcience, but from a libertine Spirit, to lay waſte the good Order in the Church, as their Actions manifeſted: Of which he gave ſome Inſtances, not to their Advantage. But their Works have made them manifeſt.

date 1691 The next Book he publiſhed, was in 1691, viz. A Reply to an Anſwer lately publiſhed, to a Book long ſince written by W. Penn: Intituled, A brief Examination and State of Liberty Spiritual; both with reſpect to Perſons in their private Capacity, and in their Church Society and Converſation. Which Book was written, or at leaſt publiſhed by W. Penn, in the Year 1681. To diſtinguiſh between true and falſe Liberty, little underſtood by ſome, and too frequently abuſed by others: Liberty from Sin, not to Sin, to do his (God's) Will, and not our own; as W. P. expreſſes it. Which true ſpiritual Liberty, being abuſed by ſome in the Profeſſion of the Truth (as our Friend T. E. obſerves in his Preface) ‘'Who under pretence of being left to that Liberty in themſelves, and to their own Freedom therein; both took Liberty to do ſuch things as were inconſiſtent with that true Liberty, and with the Principle of Truth which they profeſſed; and deſpiſing thoſe uſeful, good and neceſſary Helps and Means which [389] date 1691 the Lord hath provided, and furniſhed his Church and People with, for the preventing and keeping out ſuch Diſorders, Evils and Scandals, as the unruly Nature of Man, thro' ſuch a Miſtake of true Liberty, might and would bring in: Did reject the Counſel, Admonition or Reproof of their Brethren, with What haſt thou to do with me? Leave me to my own Freedom. To reclaim (if it might be) thoſe who are thus deceived, and prevent others from being ſo: the Author being preſſed in Spirit for Zion's ſake, and for the Peace of Jeruſalem; and having a deep Senſe (as himſelf expreſſes) of the working of the Enemy of Zion's Peace, to rend and divide the Heritage of God, did write the forementioned Treatiſe, for the Eſtabliſhment of the Faithful, Information of the Simple-hearted, and Reproof of the Arrogant and High-minded.’ Which ſtriking at the falſe Liberty and Pre [...]ences of the Separate Party; it ſeems it had [...]ain on their Stomachs undigeſted theſe Ten Years, and then came forth an Anſwer to it by J. H. (ſuppoſed to be John Hog, one of the Se [...]arates about Hull.) This Anſwer our Friend T. Ellwood undertakes, and replies to, in a pretty [...]arge Book; in which he ſhews what is meant [...]y true ſpiritual Liberty, in W. P's own Defi [...]ition, which he defends; ſhews their Abuſe [...]f it, anſwers their Arguments, or rather Ca [...]ils againſt it, in behalf of their falſe libertine [...]pirit and Practices, which too many ran into, [...] their own Hurt, and Separation from the [390] date 1691 Church, the Body of Chriſt, whereof He is Head: ſaying, in the Preface, ‘'The God of Truth knows, I have no other End in this Reply, than to defend Truth, and the Children of it, againſt the ſlanderous Suggeſtions, falſe Charges, and wicked Inſinuation of the Adverſaries; to lay open their deceitful Dealing, and to remove (as the Lord ſhall enable me) the ſtumbling Blocks, which they have laid in the Way of the Weak, whereby they have cauſed ſome to fall into Miſapprehenſions and hard Thoughts of Friends, without Cauſe. And I beſeech the God of Mercy to open the Underſtandings, and clear the Sight of all thoſe, whoſe Simplicity has been betrayed by the others Subtilty, that they may ſee and eſcape the Enemies Snares, and return to the true Fold, from which they have been led aſtray.’ To which I never heard of any Rejoinder; only ſome private Letters paſt between J. H. and T. E. about ſome Paſſages in it.

date 1692 His next were two Broadſides; the firſt (in 1692. viz. T. E's Anſwer to ſo much of Leonard Key's late Printed Sheet as relates to him. Which Paper of L. K's was intended moſtly to excuſe their ſhutting Friends out of their Meeting-Houſe at Reading. But therein taking Occaſion to ſlant at ſome Paſſages in T. E's Anſwer to the Account from Wiccomb; gave our Friend Thomas an Occaſion, not only to open that Matter further; but alſo to lay open their Deceit in Relation to that Affair, as well as L. K's, and his Party at Reading. To which I refer the Reader.

[391] date 1693 The Second was (in 1693.) viz. Deceit diſcovered, and Malice manifeſted, in L. Key's late Paper from Reading. Thomas being then at London, at the Yearly-Meeting, met with B. Coal's Expedients, for a true Reconciliation among the People of God called Quakers: Which L. K. it ſeems promoted. But when T. E. came home, he found a Letter at his Houſe directed to him, from L. K. with a Printed Sheet incloſed, ſo different in Terms and Tendency from the other, ſign'd by B. C. and C. H. (that propoſing Expedients for Peace, this renewing the Difference;) and yet but one Day different in the Dates (this being dated the 3d, the other the 4th of the 4th Month, 1693.) that he could not but admire at it; which therefore he compares, and ſhews the Difference of, and diſcovers their Deceit in; and not only in that, but alſo in Relation to the Difference at Wiccomb, which they were not yet eaſie under, and yet would not confeſs the Truth; but inſtead thereof J. Raunce endeavours to fix a Slander on T. Ellwood about his Father's Burial, pretending he was not Buried in the right Ground, but among Strangers; he and his Party Riding Twenty Miles, or more, about the Country; and J. R. going himſelf to the place where he was Buried at Holton, to pick up a Stone at the Father's Grave, to throw at the Son, above ſeven Years after his Death; enquiring, examining, yea, provoking ſome to pretend as if T. E. had been unkind to his Father, and that they had ſhewed [392] date 1693 him Kindneſs, to bring Thomas under Obligation of Requital, or upbraid him for Ingratitude if he did not. In all which J. R's Malice was manifeſt more than any thing elſe; for as to the Ground he was buried in, T. E. confeſſes, he was not ſo well acquainted with the Grave-Yard, as to know the Difference of Places in it or whether ſome Parts of it be more Holy than others; which he thinks, conſidering their former Principles, they ſhould not have quarrel'd with him about. However the Place was not of his appointing; for he was prevented of being at the Burial, by a Meſſage his Father received in his Sickneſs, that his Siſter (but which of them he doth not ſay) lay then Sick in London, near unto Death. After he had waited on his Father until he had finiſhed his Life, and given Direction for his Interrment, he haſtened up to his Siſter at London, thinking he might be more ſerviceable to the Living than to the Dead, and knew not in what Part of the Ground his Father was buried, till after his Return from London, he went thither to defray the Charges of his Sickneſs and Funeral, as ſome of them knew: and therefore the more ſhame to raiſe ſuch a Story. And as to the other of Unkindneſs, they could prove nothing, but ſhew their Envy againſt him; which we ſhall have Occaſion to take further notice of, e're we have done.

The next and laſt Book he writ in Relation to this Controverſie with the Separates, was, A fair Examination of a foul Paper, called, Obſervations and Reflections, &c. lately publiſhed by John [393] date 1693 Raunce and Leonard Key; who after their ſeparate Bickerings, come now to join their Forces together in this Paper, which ſeems to be Reflections on T. E's laſt mentioned Paper; and which Paper of theirs our Friend anſwers in this Examination, wherein their Envy is rebuked, and their Folly and Falſhood laid open, in endeavouring to excuſe L. K's former Paper of Revival of the Difference, at the ſame time when B. C's Expedient for Reconciliation was for having it all forgotten and buried: which T. E. expoſes in its proper Colours, beginning thus, ‘'We read among the Proverbs of Solomon, that the Way of the Wicked is as Darkneſs, they know not at what they Stumble, Prov. 4. 19. This is verified in J. Raunce and L. Key, and others of their ſeparate Party. Since their turning againſt the Truth, their way is become as Darkneſs; they ſtumble and know not at what. They fall into many idle Abſurdities, many groſs Follies and Errors, and into many hurtful Evils, and labour to draw others (better than themſelves) after them: for whoſe ſake chiefly the following Lines are written, that the Deceit and Hypocriſie of theſe Men, their Falſhood and Envy being further and further laid open, the more Simple and Well-meaning Ones amongſt them, may ſee them as they are, and be no longer beguiled by them.’ So he goes on to Anſwer their Cavils, confirming by Certificate his former Charge of their ſcandalous Practice at Wiccomb; then anſwers their new Slander (the old proving falſe) That he ſuffered [394] date 1693 his Father to want; raking into his Aſh [...] when he had been dead above Ten Years, to ca [...] ſomething at his Son (ſo reſtleſs is Envy) as if h [...] had been ſhort in his Duty to his Father: whic [...] T. E. fairly and clearly wipes off, vindicating himſelf as to his not being at his Father's Burial (which J. R. throws at him) though Thoma [...] in his laſt had fairly related the Occaſion; which was his Siſter's Ilneſs at London (though ſhe recovered;) and which one would think might have ſatisfied any one, not overgrown with Envy; which yet J. R. revives again: and alſo about his Burial, &c. All which appears to be nothing but J. R's Rancor: which ſeeing he has made ſo much a-do about, out of his Inveterate Malice to T. E. under pretence of Friendſhip to his Father, but to be ſure Hatred to the Son; and as T. E. ſays, If this be the Effect of his Friendſhip, he ſhould not deſire to be numbred among his Friends. To ſet which in a clear Light, I ſhall here ſet down his Vindication in his own Words, becauſe it bears ſome Analogy to his Relation of the former part of his Life; viz. Pag. 20. of the Fair Examination. ‘'Tis well known to many, that my Father was poſſeſt of a good Eſtate; and they that knew him well, knew alſo that he had the ſpending of it himſelf. How he ſpent it becomes not me to ſpeak; he was my Father, to whom I ow'd and always paid Reſpect and Honour, while living; and whoſe Frailty, being dead, I deſire to cover. It is enough for me to ſay, I did not help him ſpend his Eſtate, nor was [395] date 1693 I much chargeable to him, after I was capable of ſhifting for my ſelf. And when it pleaſed the Lord to viſit me with the ſaving Knowledge of his Truth, and bring me under the viſible Characters of the Profeſſion thereof (which was about the 20th Year of my Age) my Father expreſſing a diſlike to me on that Account, by degrees withdrew his Care of me, not making any Proviſion for my Maintenance, ſave the giving me ſuch of his Houſhold Goods as he could ſpare, upon his giving over Houſe-Keeping; though he had then a plentiful Eſtate remaining. When afterwards he Sold his Eſtate, I had no part at all of the Money.’—[Though upon his Marriage he promiſed both him and his intended Wife to do ſomething conſiderable for them, yet after they were Married he refuſed to give them any thing (as aforeſaid, p. 272.) and ſo far withdrew himſelf, that he would not let him know where he lodged.—] ‘'Notwithſtanding this (ſays T. E.) he would ſometimes come to my Houſe, which was always open and free to him, to come when he pleaſed, and to tarry as long as he pleaſed; whenever he came he was well Habitted, both for Linnen and Woolen, and made no Appearance of Want, other than ſuch as may befal any Man, to have his Money fall ſhort in a Journey: upon which Occaſion (when he had, as he ſaid, been longer from home than he expected, or when, being here, he had a mind to go further, than at his coming forth he intended) he [396] date 1693 has divers times asked me to lend him Money [...] which I always did, and never asked him fo [...] it again. And, to the beſt of my Remembrance, it was not above two Weeks time before his laſt Sickneſs, that he had been at my Houſe, and had Money of me on that Account [...] As ſoon as I heard of his Ilneſs, I haſtened t [...] him; and took the beſt Care of him I could during his Life; and after his Death defrayed the Charge of his Sickneſs and Burial, and repaid to my Siſter that Money ſhe had ſen [...] him, before I knew of his Ilneſs. I could ſay more on this Subject than I intend, or at preſent think fit: But I forbear, and commit my Innocent Cauſe to the Lord, not doubting but that, as I am clear in his Sight from any Undutifulneſs, or Unkindneſs towards my Father, ſo he will clear mine Innocency in the Hearts of his People, and of all unprejudiced Perſons.’

This I hope will ſatisfie the Reader of T. E's Carriage towards his Father, which we are beholding to J. R. for, or elſe perhaps might never have had this Account, which one would think Envy it ſelf ſhould not be able to cavil at yet after this J. R. being reſtleſs, trumpt up another Story, anſwered by T. E. in his Poſtſcript to that Book; which we ſhall meet with again hereafter, on another Occaſion; and therefore I ſhall ſay no more of it here.

Here ends his Controverſie with the Separates: In which I muſt needs ſay, he acquitted himſelf [397] date 1693 as an Ingenuous Man, a Chriſtian, and a fair Opponent. And now to come to ſomething more pleaſant. Our dear Friend G. Fox dying [...]n the Eleventh Month, 1690. and leaving be [...]ind him an excellent Journal of his Travels [...]nd Sufferings, our Friend T. E. (as no body fit [...]er) about this time was at the Pains of Tran [...]cribing it, and fitting it for the Preſs. (A Labo [...]ious Work.) Which was Printed next Year in [...] large Folio: To which T. E. prefixed a nota [...]le Account concerning him; which is the only [...]ingle Teſtimony Printed with it; except his Wifes M. F's, and an Excellent Preface by W. Penn.

date 1694 But now a new Scene opens: for George Keith, who had known better things than moſt Oppo [...]ers that ever roſe up againſt Truth and Friends, [...]aving been a Quaker, and a Preacher among [...]hem, near Thirty Years, and had writ many Books in Vindication of Truth and Friends: but [...]ow falling out, and differing with ſome of his Brethren in Pennſylvania (whither he went ſome Years before) becauſe he could not have his own way in every thing, came over with ſome of his Party, full fraught with Contention, againſt the Yearly-Meeting, 1694. Which difference coming [...]efore the Meeting, by ſome Letters from be [...]ond Sea, which were read in Courſe in the Meeting: whereupon G. K. deſired to be heard; which, after the other Buſineſs of the Meeting was over, Friends condeſcended to for ſeveral Days, to hear him and his Party; and S. Jen [...]ings, &c. on the other Side; in hopes to have [...]econciled the Difference before it went any further: [398] date 1694 But as the Prophet (Hoſ. 7. 1.) ſaid, Wh [...] I would have healed Iſrael, then the Iniquity of [...] phraim was diſcover'd, &c. which may be applie [...] to him: for the more Endeavours were uſed [...] reconcile him to his Brethren, the more his D [...] ceit appear'd; and the more Tenderneſs an [...] ſhewed towards him, the more perverſe he wa [...] in turning it to a wrong Uſe, and ſtrengt [...] ening himſelf in his Oppoſition. There was [...] holding what would away (as the Proverb is Reſolved he was for a Breach: by oppoſin [...] Friends more and more, till he ran himſelf qui [...] out from among them. Which our Friend T. [...] obſerving the bent and tendency of; not only i [...] the Yearly-Meeting, but after: and how he e [...] deavoured to make Diviſions among Friends, [...] divide the Heritage of God. He took up [...] Pen again, and writ an Excellent Epiſtle [...] Friends: briefly Commemorating the gracious Dea [...] ings of the Lord with them; and warning them [...] beware of that Spirit of Contention and Diviſio [...] which hath appeared of late in George Keith, [...] which he Addreſſes to Friends thus.

‘'Dear Friends, whom the Lord hath calle [...] with an Holy Calling; and who, throug [...] Faithfulneſs to the heavenly Call, are becom [...] the Choſen of the Lord. It is in my Hear [...] in the Openings of the Love of God, to ſe [...] theſe few Lines amongſt you, as a Salutatio [...] of true and hearty Love unto you; and in th [...] tendering Senſe of the Lord's Unſpeakab [...] Goodneſs unto us: which at this time reſt [...] with an affecting Weight, upon my Spiri [...] [399] date 1694 briefly to Commemorate the Gracious Dealings of the Lord with us, ſince we have been a People.’ Which he Commemorates as follows.

‘'Great and manifold have been the Mercies of our God, unto his People, in this his Day, and his Loving Kindneſſes are beyond expreſſing: when we were young and little his fatherly Care was over us, he preſerved us, and nouriſhed us, and cauſed us to grow up before him. How did he carry his Lambs in his Boſom, when the Beaſts of Prey roar'd on every ſide, ſeeking to devour! Who can rehearſe the many Deliverances he hath wrought for his People, in their Paſſage from Spiritual Egypt! How hath he girded their Loins with Strength, and covered their Heads in the Day of Battle! How hath he ſubdued their Enemies before them, and put to flight the Armies of Aliens! How hath he fed them with Bread from Heaven, and made them to ſuck Honey out of the Rock! Yea, he hath cauſed the Rock to give forth Water abundantly, and hath been to his People as a Brook in the way [and the Shadow of a mighty Rock in a weary Land.] So that from a ſencible Experience we can ſay, to his Praiſe, Our Bread hath been ſure, and our Water hath not failed, as we have ſingly relied on him. Oh! his Goodneſs is unutterable, and his Faithfulneſs hath never failed them that have truſted in him: when have we ever been in Priſon for his ſake, and he hath not viſited and comforted us there? What Sufferings have any undergone on his Account, and he [400] date 1694 hath not abundantly recompenced the Loſs [...] Nay, hath he not often ſtopped the Mouths o [...] Lions, and reproved Rulers for the ſake of hi [...] People, ſaying, Touch not mine Anointed, an [...] do my Prophets no harm. In all our Exerciſes h [...] hath been with us, and he hath ſtood by us i [...] our ſoreſt Trials; yea, he hath cauſed his Angel to encamp round about us, ſo that no Weapon formed againſt us hath proſpered; but every Tongue that hath riſen up againſt us, the Lord hath given us Power to condemn: bleſſed be his holy Name, and exalted and magnified be his Glorious Power for ever.’

‘'Theſe things and much more than I can write, I doubt not but ye, my dear Friends, are Witneſſes of; ye eſpecially, my elder Brethren, who were called early in the Morning of this Day, and have ſtood faithful in your Teſtimony for God until now, who from your own both early and late Experiences can ſet your Seals to the Truth hereof; and unto you I do believe this brief Commemoration of the Goodneſs and Loving-Kindneſs of the Lord to his People, will be pleaſing and delightful, as I hope it may prove uſeful and profitable unto us all, in the ſtirring up of the Pure Mind, and putting us in freſh Remembrance of the Lord's manifold Favours towards us, and gracious Dealings with us; which ſhould be as a renewed Engagement upon us to cleave faſt unto the Lord, and in Humility of Heart, to walk cloſely with him, both that we may, as far as in us lies, anſwer his great loving-Kindneſs [401] date 1694 to us-ward, and receive from him ſtill daily Strength and Ability to ſtand, and withſtand the Aſſaults and Temptations of the Enemy, and eſcape his Snares, wherewith he is, at this time, as buſie and Induſtrious to betray, and draw aſide from the Simplicity of the Truth, as ever he was.’

‘'For Friends, ye know we have a reſtleſs Adverſary to watch againſt, and to war with; one that ſometimes walks about, as a Roaring Lion, ſeeking whom he may devour; and ſometimes creeps about, as a ſubtil Serpent, ſeeking whom he may betray; whom, in each Appearance, it is our Duty and Intereſt to reſiſt, ſtedfaſt in the Faith which overcomes. I need not recount unto you, my Friends, the many Winds and Floods, Storms and Tempeſts, of open and cruel Perſecutions, which this roaring Adverſary hath often raiſed, and and cauſed to beat upon us, to have driven us (if poſſible) from off our Foundation; ye cannot have forgotten it, nor that noble Arm of the Lord, which was made bare for our Preſervation, and by preſerving us againſt the moſt furious Shocks, gave Evidence even to the World, that we are that People whoſe Houſe is founded and built upon the immoveable Rock Chriſt Jeſus. At this ſort of Fighting the Enemy hath been foiled; which hath made him ſhift his Hand, and like a cunning Hunter ſpread his Nets, ſet his Snares, lay his Baits, to catch the ſimple and unwary Ones. Thus wrought this ſubtil Enemy in the early [402] date 1694 times of Chriſtianity, ſometimes ſtirring up the Rulers, both Jews and Gentiles, to fall, with violent and bloody Hands, upon the little Flock of Chriſt; and ſometimes in the Intermiſſions of thoſe Storms, covering his Hooks with the taking Baits of Pleaſure, Profit and Preferment, catch ſome (perhaps of thoſe that had withſtood the ſtrongeſt Storm of outward Perſecution) and made them Inſtruments for himſelf to work by, to betray others. Such was Diotrephes of old, whoſe aſpiring Mind, loving and ſeeking Praeeminence, laboured to make a Schiſm in the Church, prating againſt even the Elders thereof with malicious Words, &c. 3. John 9. 10. What Miſchief the wicked One hath wrought in our Day, by ſuch ambitious Spirits, I need not recount; nor is it pleaſing to me to remember, ye know it, to your Grief, as well as I. But this in all ſuch Caſes is obſervable, that ſuch as have made Diſturbances in the Church, and have run into Diviſions and Separations from Friends, have framed to themſelves ſome ſpecious Pretence or other, as the Inducement to their Undertaking, which they have Induſtriouſly ſpread abroad, and varniſhed over with the faireſt Colours they could, to allure and draw others to join with them, &c.

This, with much more to the ſame purpoſe, which might be cited, I thought meet to mention, of the Mercies of the Lord to his People, and Preſervation of them from the Beginning, well worth the Reading. Then recounting the [403] date 1694 Wiles and Workings of the Enemy, in drawing ſome aſide from the Simplicity of the Truth, and ſtirring them up to make Diviſions (on one Pretence or other) to diſturb the Peace of the Church, and hinder the Work of the Lord in the Earth; as lately in the Separates: ſo now being diſappointed in that, he hath formed a new Deſign in G. Keith; yet to ſhew the difference between the former and this (and conſequently the Confuſion of their Pretences) Theirs relating to Diſcipline, This to Doctrine; They alledged That Friends were gone too much from the Inward to the Outward, This That Friends were gone too much from the Outward to the Inward, &c. (for our Adverſaries ſeldom agree in their Charges.) And ſo he goes on to examine and compare his Books (publiſhed beyond Sea, with thoſe he writ here) as to the Ground of the Difference and Separation, which he lays at his Door, manifeſting his deceitful Pretences, Falacies and Self-Contradictions. Anſwering his Cavils, and confuting his Calumnies, that none might be deceived by him. Concluding by way of Application and Warning to Friends, to beware of the Enemies Wiles: which I doubt not had a good Effect as to many, in preſerving them out of the Enemies Snare, who were in danger of being ſtagger'd by him.

When our Friend T. Ellwood had written this Epiſtle he went up to London with it, and preſented it to the Second-Days Morning-Meeting, where ſuch Books and Writings of Friends, as are intended for the Preſs, uſe to be read and [404] date 1694 conſider'd, and read it through in that Meeting, and not one Friend (though the Meeting was pretty full) ſhewed any Diſ-unity therewith; but approved it, and left it to him to publiſh it. And yet G. Keith pretended that it was Printed in great Diſ-unity, and againſt the mind of many Friends, as though it was only approved and promoted by a Party, &c. Which I mention, to ſhew that he ſtuck at nothing to make good his Part.

Againſt this Book of T. E's, G. K. made a heavy Complaint to Friends to have it called in, as very injurious to him (to his Cauſe to be ſure) Poor Man! who had writ ſo many Books againſt Friends, after he had writ ſo many for them, and would not take Friends Advice himſelf; and how then could he expect they ſhould anſwer him? So that his Complaint and Clamour not prevailing to ſtifle it, he takes another way, firſt putting out a Sheet againſt it, called a Loving Epiſtle, but envious enough: In which he charged T. E. with Fifty Pervertions, &c. which he ſaid he had noted in his Book; but left his Proofs behind to come after (The firſt by Poſt, as the Proverb is, the ſecond by Tom Long the Carrier) in another Book which he threatned to Publiſh, if T. E's was not called in and diſowned: which not prevailing neither, ſome Weeks after he ſent forth his threatned Book, miſcalled A Seaſonable Information, &c. but very unſeaſonable for himſelf, as to his Reconciliation with Friends; which he pretended he had rather lay down his natural Life (or have his [405] date 1694 Right Hand cut off) than be diſ-united (or diſjointed) from them. This Book he pretended to be an Anſwer to T. E's Epiſtle, and to contain his Proofs (ſuch as they were) of the Charge he had publiſhed before. To both theſe our Friend T. Ellwood replied this Year (1694.) In a Book intituled A further Diſcovery of that Spirit of Contention and Diviſion, which hath appeared of late in George Keith, &c. wherein his Cavils are Anſwered, his Falſhood is laid open, and the Guilt and Blame of the Breach and Separation in America, &c. are fixed faſter on him: written by way of Epiſtle (as the former was) and recommended as a farther Warning to Friends. Which begins thus:

‘'Dear Friends, who have received the Truth in the Love of it, and have kept your Habitation therein, unto whom the Truth is exceeding precious, and who deſire the Proſperity thereof above all things; unto you is the Salutation of my endeared Love, in this bleſſed Truth, in which the Fellowſhip of the Faithful ſtands. In this it is I deſire to know you, to be known by you, and to have Fellowſhip with you; earneſtly breathing to the God of Truth, the Father of Spirits, that he would be pleaſed to pour forth more abundantly of his Good Spirit into all our Hearts, and fill us with the bleſſed Fruits thereof, that there may be no room for the Enemy to enter, to break this Holy Fellowſhip: But that all, who profeſs to believe in the Light, may ſo walk therein, that a clear Sight they may [406] date 1694 have thereby, and a true Diſcerning between things that differ, and may be able to make a right Judgment what is of God, and what is not; that ſo the deſign of that Spirit (by whatſoever Inſtrument it works) which would break or diſturb the Churches Peace, and caſt Reproach upon the Heritage of God, may be ſo diſcovered and laid open, that all may ſee and ſhun it. As this is the Exerciſe and Travel of my Spirit; ſo it is the Service I have been of late, and am at preſent engaged in. For Friends, 'tis not many Months ſince I ſaluted you with an Epiſtle, wherein my Spirit was drawn forth briefly to Commemorate the gracious Dealings of the Lord with his People; and, as in a general way, to remind you of the many Attempts the Enemy hath made, by Force and Fraud, to hinder the Work of God from going on: ſo more particularly to warn you to beware of that Spirit of Contention and Diviſion, which hath appeared of late in George Keith, and ſome few others that join with him, who have made a Separation from Friends in ſome parts of America. In writing that Epiſtle I did not conſult Fleſh and Blood, neither had I an Eye to my own Eaſe and Quit, as outwardly (for I had no Reaſon to expect Reſt from ſo reſtleſs a Man, nor fair Treatment from One, who in his late Writings and Perſonal Debates hath ſo notoriouſly let looſe his Pen and Tongue, to an unbridled Liberty of Railing and Reviling) But I clear'd my Conſcience, in diſcharging my Duty to God, and to his Church, and [407] date 1694 therein have that Peace, which all his Abuſes cannot diſturb.’

And ſo he proceeds to clear himſelf of the Perverſions, &c. which G. K. charged him with, and anſwers all his Cavils againſt his Book; manifeſting his Deceit, Evaſions and Sophiſtry ſo effectually, that I do not find that G. Keith ever replied to it, being anſwered home, and having his Belly full, I ſuppoſe of the Controverſie with T. Ellwood; for though our Friend Thomas anſwered ſeveral other of G. Keith's Books afterwards (of which hereafter) he never replied to any of them: which ſhews he had enough of it.

At the end of this Book of G. Keith's, J. Raunce came forth again, with a new Slander againſt T. E. (all his old ones being bafled) as if his Father had not been buried decently; which however Falſe. G. K's mean Mind, it ſeems, could not reſiſt J. R's ſlight Offer, to take off an Hundred of his Books; but rather glad of any Help to run down his Opponent, if he could with Slander, which he found he could not do with Arguments: but had G. K. been a Man of any Worthineſs (ſays T. E.) or his Cauſe defenſible, he would not (though an Adverſary) have ſuffer'd J. R. to have clapt on his Abuſive Piece at the end of his Book, to throw Dirt at his Opponent. And had J. R. been a manly Adverſary, he would have ſcorn'd to have crept in at the Tail of another's Book, to renew his Slander, no way relating to the Subject of the Book, when T. E's Fair Examination had lain a Twelve-Month at his Door unanſwered. But to creep behind ſuch [408] date 1694 a mickle Man as G. K. was taken to be, J. R. perhaps might count it no Diſgrace, to repeat his Slander; which T. E. had anſwered in his Poſtſcript to the fair Examination: and for a final Stroke to it, he produces Certificates from thoſe who were concerned about his Father at the time of his Death and Interrment, that he was decently Buried as uſual; which may be ſeen at the End of this Book, in Reply to G. K. And there's an End of all thoſe Lying Stories raiſed concerning the Dead, to aſperſe the Living, to the Shame and Confuſion of all the Inventors and Fomentors of them, the Man was dead, and in his Grave, and there ſhould have reſted without Envy or Detraction; and I am only ſorry he ſeemed to retain his Averſion to his Son for the Truth's ſake, which he received in his early Days. To the Honour of which I attribute it, that he was preſerved, and carried through and over all Oppoſition, and lived in Reputation and Renown to his Dying Day.

His next Book is in 1695, intituled Truth defended, and the Friends thereof cleared from the falſe Charges, foul Reproaches, and envious Cavils caſt upon it and them, by George Keith (an Apoſtate from them) in two Books by him lately publiſhed; one called A true Copy of a Paper delivered into the Yearly-Meeting, &c. The other, The Pretended Yearly-Meeting's nameleſs Bull of Excommunication, &c. In which laſt G. K. gives an Account of his Coming to the Yearly-Meeting (1695.) and of his Entertainment in it (when admitted) as if he had never been there [409] date 1695 before, viz. That he was allowed to ſit at the Great Square Table among the Miniſters and Commiſſioners (as he calls them) that could hold about it, either fully, or near double, to the Number of Twenty four: whether by Alluſion to the Twenty four Seats and Elders, mentioned Rev. 4? but doubling the Number he doth not determin; adding, I think it ſuits not their Crying out ſo much as they were wont againſt chief Seats in the Synagogues, to erect ſuch a ſtately Fabrick in their Meeting-Houſe, at that time, little differing from the manner of a Throne, but that it is low upon the Floor, covered with Green Cloth. All which only ſerves to ſhew his own Pageantry, and which our Friend T. Ellwood corrects him for according to his deſerts. For the Table will hold few more than Twenty four, or Twenty eight at moſt, and only neceſſary to lay Books and Papers on to Write.

In the Beginning of this Book, our Friend T. E. reſumes the Controverſie from the Beginning, ſhews the Riſe of the Difference, and Proceedings thereupon, in relation to George Keith, particularly after his coming into England in the beginning of 1694; and how he came to be diſowned by the Yearly Meeting in 1695, for his rejecting the Advice of the former, and oppoſite Carriage thereunto; which being ſo excellent to the matter in hand, and ſetting the Controverſie in a clear light, I ſhall here inſert it; which begins thus:

‘'It is an old Obſervation, That none prove more angry and implacable Enemies to any Society of People, than thoſe that, for their [410] date 1695 Diſorders and unruly Behaviour, have been diſowned by the Society they once were of; a certain vindictive Enmity uſually getting up in ſuch, and ſtirring them up to load that Society, by which they were denied, with all the Reproach and Infamy they can, thereby both gratifying a revengeful Spirit in themſelves, and thinking alſo, by recriminating others, to extenuate at leaſt their own Crimes. That thus it was in the early Times of Chriſtianity, may be gathered from the Writings of the Apoſtles, particularly 2 Tim. 4. 14. 2 Pet. 2. 1 John 2. 18, &c. 3 John 9, &c. Jude verſ. 4. Among thoſe in this Age, whom Satan hath drawn to this degree of Malice and Madneſs, George Keith a Scotchman, is the lateſt, but not the leaſt; whether with reſpect to his Anger, or his Envy. He, having been bred a Scholar, before he came amongſt the People called Quakers, and having acquired more of School-Learning than moſt (it may be, in his own Opinion, than any) of that People have, hath given, in himſelf, a demonſtrative Proof of the Apoſtle's Propoſition (1 Cor. 8. 1.) Knowledge puffeth up, where Edifying Chais not joined with it. For Humane Knowledge is apt of it ſelf to lift up Mens Minds, that have, or think they have it, in any degree of Eminency; and makes them think better of themſelves, than of others, or than themſelves deſerve: whereas true Charity uſeth Knowledge to inſtruct, and thereby builds up; not to puzzle and confound, and thereby deſtroy [411] date 1695 others: but that Charity this Man not having but being vainly puffed up in his Fleſhly Mind, from a proud Conceit of his own Abilities; and being gotten into America (among a plain People, who better underſtood the plain and ſimple Truth, than the nice Diſtinctions and Subtilties of the Schools) and there advanced to the Office of a School-Maſter, with a ſtanding Sallary (as I have been informed) of an Hundred and Twenty Pounds by the Year, he ſoon began, like Diotrephes of old (3 John 9. 10.) to affect Praeeminence in the Church; and nothing leſs would ſerve his turn, than to rule and over-rule all. And that he might not want Matter to work upon, and ſome Pretence to begin on, he not only found fault with Friends Miniſtry and Diſcipline there; but having, in private Diſcourſes, put ſome captious and enſnaring Queſtions to ſome particular Perſons there, whoſe Simplicity he thought he might moſt eaſily betray, he (by wreſting their Anſwers to a wrong Senſe) took Advantage to complain againſt them, for holding, as he ſaid, groſs and vile Errors; and with impetuous Heat proſecuted his Charge: and not being ſo fully nor ſpeedily anſwered, as he expected, by thoſe Friends to whom he complained, who ſeeing the Innocency of the Accuſed, and his evil Deſign in Accuſing, could not Countenance him therein, he involved them alſo in the like Charge of Cloaking, or Covering groſs and vile Errors, Damnable Hereſies and Doctrines of Devils, [412] date 1695 &c. Nor gave he over, till by continua [...] Clamours and frequent Diſturbances, he ha [...] filled Friends Meetings with Strife and Contention; and at length having leavened a Party to himſelf, made an open Diviſion and Separation from Friends, ſetting up ſeparate Meetings for himſelf and his Party, in Oppoſition to the Meetings of Friends before ſettled there. And having got the Printer to hi [...] Party (and thereby the only Preſs there at hi [...] Command) he maliciouſly put the Difference into Print, and thereby ſpread it not only in thoſe Parts of America, but in theſe of Europ [...] alſo. Theſe things drew Friends there, afte [...] much Patience and long Forbearance, to dea [...] with him in a Church-way, and to give forth at length a Teſtimony againſt him; which proving uneaſie to him, he came over from thence to England, about the beginning of the the Year 1694, of which ſome Friends o [...] Pennſylvania having Notice, came over alſo; and at the Yearly Meeting of the People called Quakers, holden at London in the 4th Mon [...] that Year, the Matters relating to that Difference being fully heard and conſidered, the Sence of that Meeting was, That the Separation lay at G. K's door; and that he had done ill, in Printing and Publiſhing thoſe Differences as he had done. And the Advice of the Meeting to him thereupon was, To call in thoſe Books of his, or publiſh ſomething innocently and effectually to clear the Body of the People called Quakers, and their Miniſters, from thoſe groſs Errors charged on [413] date 1695 ſome few in America; and retract the bitter Language in them, ſo far as he was concerned: and ſincerely to uſe his utmoſt Endeavours with his Friends concerned to remove the Separation, &c. Which Sence and Advice, being drawn up at large in Writing, was then in that Meeting delivered to him, and ſoon after Printed by one of his Party, with very envious Reflections upon it, as may be ſeen in a ſmall Pamphlet, called A True Account, &c. to which I refer. But ſo far was G. K. from regarding the Sence, or following the Advice of that Yearly Meeting, that in ſeveral printed Books by him ſoon after publiſhed, he rejected it, denying it to be the Sence or Advice of the Yearly Meeting, or that to be the Yearly Meeting that gave it. Which Abuſe this laſt Yearly Meeting (in the 3d Month paſt) taking notice of, and upon further dealing with him, finding him, inſtead of being humbled and ſorry for the Evil he had done, more hardned therein, juſtifying himſelf both by Word and Writing, and rejecting the Meetings Advice. That Meeting (after it had heard him patiently, till he of his own accord withdrew) gave forth a Teſtimony againſt him: which he hath ſince Printed, with his Anſwer thereunto. As he hath alſo (in another Pamphlet) a Copy of his Paper which he read in the Meeting; together with a Narrative (of his own making) of the Proceedings of the Meeting with him, and a Liſt of Errors charged by him on ſome particular Perſons. To each [414] date 1695 of theſe I intend to ſpeak, now that I have premiſed this ſhort Introduction; which I thought needful for the Information of any ſuch Reader as had not before heard the Riſ [...] of the Difference, nor the Courſe of Proceedings thereupon.’

This I thought fit to inſert, being ſo materia [...] as to the Ground of the Controverſie with [...] Keith: after which T. E. proceeds to Anſwe [...] all his Cavils in his ſaid two Books or Papers [...] And ſhews that by his diſorderly Practices h [...] had excluded himſelf from our Society, befor [...] Friends diſowned him. So leaving him withou [...] Excuſe, and the weight of his Iniquity upon hi [...] own Head; which he could never get from under, but waxed worſe and worſe, as evil Me [...] and Seducers uſe to do: ſo that Truth was ſe [...] over his Head, and Friends were clear of him [...]

date 1696 But now another Occaſion offer'd, and that was, one Gerard Croeſe a Dutchman, publiſhing A general Hiſtory (ſo called) of the Quakers; containing the Lives, Tenets, Sufferings, Tryals, Speeches and Letters (as pretended) of the moſt eminent of them; Firſt in Latin: which was Tranſlated, and Printed in Engliſh in the Year 1696. Wherein, though he had repreſented ſome things pretty fairly; yet in others, through Inadvertancy or Ignorance (I hope not wilfully) he had miſrepreſented us, and our Principles and Practices: whereupon our Friend T. Ellwood, according to an Advertiſement at the End of the ſaid Hiſtory in Engliſh, that ſome Remarks on it would be publiſhed, he writ ſome Remarks [415] date 1696 on it in Latin (perhaps before the Engliſh came out, which would no doubt have been turn'd into Engliſh) intending, doubtleſs, to publiſh 'em; but in the mean time before they were finiſhed, a Book of the ſame Nature, and to the ſame purpoſe, in Latin, was publiſhed in Holland (by way of Remarks or Obſervations on the ſaid Hiſtory) which ſeemed again to circumvent him in his intended Remarks on it, ſo that he laid 'em by, and never finiſhed them; and ſo the World was deprived of this Piece alſo.

But now G. Keith being gone out from the Fellowſhip of the Faithful, and hardened in his Enmity againſt Friends, he arrived to the Top or Height of Oppoſition, he had been playing ſmall Stakes hitherto; but now came to throw all at once. In order to which he Erected a Stage of Contention at Turners-Hall in Philpot-Lane, London (where he had held Separate Meetings for ſome time before) to oppoſe Friends in general, under pretence of diſcovering divers Errors out of the Quakers Books (that were never in them) and publiſhed an Advertiſement of a Meeting he intended to hold there, in the 4th Month, 1696, to diſcover the Quakers Errors (though he had been one ſo long himſelf, and vindicated them, as to all that any could Object againſt, and yet now came to accuſe them himſelf;) but Friends ſlighted him, not thinking it worth their while to follow him, or Dance after his Pipe to Turners-Hall. Of which contentious Meeting he afterwards publiſhed a Narrative; which our Friend T. E. anſwered, this Year, in [416] date 1696 a Book intituled An Anſwer to George Keith's Narrative of his Proceedings at Turners-Hall, &c. wherein his Charges againſt divers of the People called Quakers (in that and another Book of his, called Groſs Errors, &c.) are fairly conſidered, examined and refuted. And he made his Title good in a cloſe Anſwer, and entire Confutation of all his Cavils againſt our Friends Books: which, becauſe I have given the Preambles or Introductions of his former, to illuſtrate the matter, I ſhall alſo, in like manner, introduce this with his general Account of the Controverſie (by way of Introduction to his Anſwer) being ſo pertinent to the Caſe in hand, for the Readers better Information and Satisfaction, which follows, beginning thus:

‘'It is not ſurely, without good Reaſon, that the Church of Chriſt, here on Earth, is called the Church Militant: For (beſides the Inward and Spiritual Enemies, which her ſeveral Members have to encounter with, in their Pilgrimage through this troubleſome World) ſuch hath been, and is, her Lot and Portion, that ſhe hath rarely been free from outward Enemies of one kind or other, her great Adverſary, Satan, continually raiſing up ſome Evil Inſtruments or other to fall upon her; all aiming at her Ruin, though after divers ways and manners. Sometimes the Civil Powers, under which ſhe hath lived, have been ſtirred up to proclaim, as it were, open War againſt her, and to inflict ſevere and heavy Penalties upon her, for her faithful Adherence [417] date 1696 to her Lord and Maſter, Chriſt Jeſus. When through Faith and Patience, ſhe hath overcome, and the Wrath and Fury of Men hath been aſſwaged, ſo that ſhe hath had ſome reſpit from thoſe outward Snfferings; Then hath her old Adverſary (the common Enemy of Mankind) beſtirr'd himſelf in another way, to raiſe up Perſecution againſt her of another kind, by inſtigating ſome or other (either ſuch as were always avowed Enemies to her, or ſuch as for ſometime appeared to be of her, but by the ſweep of his Tail had been ſtruck off from her) to ſpeak or write againſt her, falſly to accuſe her, and load her with the fouleſt Reproaches, and moſt infamous Slanders and Scandals, that by ſo miſrepreſenting her, they might hinder others from joining to, or favouring her, and ſtir up the Civil Magiſtrate again, to perſecute her afreſh. This hath been the Lot, this the Condition of the Little Flock of Chriſt in former Ages, as Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtories declare. As for the preſent Age, and with reſpect to the People called Quakers (whom God, by an inviſible Arm of Power, hath raiſed up, and held up, and made a peculiar People to himſelf) Experience gives ſufficient Proof, the Matter being yet freſh in Memory. For (not to look back ſo far as that which was called the Commonwealth's Time, wherein many of the Leading Men, in moſt Profeſſions, put forth their utmoſt Strength againſt us, both in Preaching and Printing, raiſing thoſe falſe Reports concerning [418] date 1696 us, and charging many falſe Accuſations upon us, with reſpect both to Doctrine and Practice, which others of our Adverſaries, that followed after, have taken up upon truſt from them) no ſooner was that great Perſecution a little abated (which ſoon after the Reſtoration of K. Charles the Second, through the Fault of ſome Diſſenters, fell upon all, but moſt heavily upon us) and that a little Calm and Quiet enſued; but out came ſeveral Books againſt us, written by ſome of thoſe Profeſſors, who either in ſome meaſure did ſuffer, or (if they had been faithful to their own Principle) ſhould have ſuffered in the ſame Storm with us. By that time the Duſt, which thoſe Books had raiſed, was laid by our Anſwers thereunto, a freſh Perſecution from the Government aroſe, upon the Informing Act, the main weight of which, it is well known, fell upon us; they who before, and afterwards, aſſaulted us in Print, finding ways then to hide, and ſave themſelves from Suffering. But when that Storm was a little over, out they came again, and in divers Books, written by Faldo, Hicks, and others, heaped up many wrong Charges, Defamations, Slanders and falſe Accuſations againſt us; all which were refuted, and wiped off in our Books, Printed in Anſwer thereunto: Nor have thoſe of other Profeſſions been ſo forward to attack us ſince. But now that Liberty of Conſcience, in the free Exerciſe of Religious Worſhip, is by Authority granted, and thereby outward Sufferings, in a great [419] date 1696 meaſure, abated; our old Enemy, envying us ſo great a Benefit (though but in common with others) hath contrived ways and means to raiſe a New War againſt us; by ſtirring up ſome, who have formerly walked with us, and for ſome time profeſſed to be of us (but upon ſome peeviſh Diſcontent or other, have turned aſide and left us) to turn now againſt us, and oppoſe us, and to pour forth Floods of Reproach, Slanders and falſe Accuſations upon us. His chief Agent, at preſent, in this Work, is George Keith a Scotchman, whoſe ambitious Aims not being anſwered, nor his abſurd and fantaſtical Notions received by and amongſt the People called Quakers, he is now become, of a ſeeming Friend, a real Enemy. He having publiſhed many Books againſt us, and in defence of thoſe Books wrangled with us for a while in Print, till he found himſelf too cloſely pinched, to be able to give an Anſwer fit to be ſeen in Print, hath at length bethought himſelf of a Wile to excuſe himſelf from anſwering: which was, To ſet up a kind of Judicial Court, of his own Head, and by his own Authority, in a place at his own Command, on a Day of his own Appointing, there to charge and try divers of us who are called Quakers, whether preſent or abſent, concerning Matters of Faith and Doctrine; and that the rude Multitude might not be wanting to his Aſſiſtance there, he gave publick notice of it ſome time before, by an Advertiſement in Print, and therein a ſort of Summons to ſome of us by Name, to others [420] date 1696 by Deſignation, to be preſent. This Arbitrary Proceeding, and Uſurped Authority, as we judged it unreaſonable in him to impoſe, ſo we did not think fit to ſubmit to, or own, and therefore forbore to appear at the time and place by him appointed. Yet leſt any whom he ſhould draw thither, might miſtake the Cauſe of our not appearing, the Reaſons thereof, drawn up in ſhort Heads, were ſent thither to be Read, and given among the People: which they were. However, according to his before declared Intention, to proceed whether any of us were there or no, he, being Judge in his own Court, over-ruled our Reaſons, and went on to Arraign, and Convict us abſent. The Pageantry of which Days Work, as acted there by himſelf, he hath ſince Publiſhed, with his Name to it, under the Title of An Exact Narrative of the Proceedings at Turners Hall, &c. Together with the Diſputes and Speeches there, between G. Keith, and other Quakers, differing from him in ſome Religious Principles. How Idle is this in him, to pretend in his Title to give an Account of Diſputes and Speeches between him and other Quakers, when as his Narrative it ſelf gives no Account of any Diſpute there, nor any thing like it and of that little that was ſaid by any of thoſe few Quakers, that were preſent, moſt was to the People (tending to ſhew them the Unreaſonableneſs of his Undertaking, and deſiring them to reſerve one Ear for the other ſide) very little of it to him.’

[421] date 1696 Then he goes on to ſhew G. K's. Falſhood [...] in calling it An Exact Narrative; and yet not Inſerting the Reaſons why our Friends did not Appear, which he Confeſſes were Read; and his Falacies in evading them, which therefore T. E. ſets down, Obviates G. K's Quibbles on them: So proceeds to Anſwer his Narrative, Clearing the Quotations he brought out of our Friends Books, from his Perverſions (being either unfairly or falſly Quoted, or perverted in their Senſe, to what they never intended; according to his Carping and Caviling Way.) Vindicating the ſoundneſs of their Doctrine, ſhewing G. K's ſelf-contradictions (in oppoſing what he had ſo often Vindicated as Orthodox; and yet pretending to hold the ſame Doctrines and Principles ſtill) and laying open his Deceit, Falſhood and Prevarications ſo plainly and effectually, that G. K never reply'd to it; and good reaſon why; becauſe he could not to the Purpoſe, being Anſwered home, and defeated in all his Vile Pretences, Envious Cavils, and Falſe Accuſations.

But being Pinch'd and driven to a Nonplus, by Quotations out of his own Books, in favour of what he oppoſed (which he could not Anſwer;) wherein he had Aſſerted or Defended the ſame Doctrines and Principles, in as plain or higher Words, which he now blamed Friends for as Groſs Errors, &c. Which yet he would not allow to be ſo in himſelf, but paliated them under the ſoft Term of Miſtakes: Saying, Narrative p. 15. I know not any fundamental Principle, nor indeed any one Principle of Chriſtian Faith, that [422] date 1696 I have varied from to this Day, ever ſince I came among the Quakers; which is about Thirty Three Years ago.— And in his Preface to his Nar. p. 6. he ſays, The things (he does not call them Errors, nor hardly ever uſes the word Error with reſpect to himſelf, and his own Writings.—) that need Correction in my Books, compared with the vile Errors in theirs, are but as my Motes to their Beams:— Nor are they ſuch things as oppoſe any Chriſtian Principles of Faith: But of an inferior Nature. [and yet they were as full in the Points, as any he could Cite out of ours.] And in The true Copy of a Paper, Printed 1694. where, in p. 17. he faintly intimates a purpoſe, to Publiſh ſome ſhort Explication, &c.— of ſome Words and Paſſages in his former Books. He adds, For upon a Review of my former Books,— I freely Acknowledge, I have found ſome Paſſages and Words, that not only need ſome farther Explanation; but even in ſome part, an Emendation and Correction. How gently doth he Touch himſelf? (ſays T. E.) How ſoftly doth he handle his own Sores? Not a Syllable of Errors or Hereſie there; No, the hardeſt word he can afford to give them, is, his former Miſtakes: And leſt the Reader ſhould extend them too far, he explains it in the next Page, ſaying, Upon the moſt Impartial ſearch I have made, I find not any Cauſe to Correct either my Judgment or Books, as touching any of the great Doctrines and Principles of the Chriſtian Religion; nor do I know that I am of another Faith in any one Principle of Chriſtian Doctrine, contrary to what I believed, ever ſince I went under the Profeſſion of a Quaker, ſo Called. With much more to the ſame purpoſe.

[423] date 1696 Thus Partial was he as to himſelf, notwithſtanding his loud Clamours and outcries of vile Errors againſt the Quakers, for the ſame things he had held himſelf, which yet were no Errors in him; ſuch a Hypocrite was he to Diſſemble with God and Man. So that when he found his Doctrines Compared with what he Accuſed Friends of, and ſaw they were the ſame, or parallel; 'twas to no purpoſe for him to go to Vindicate or Clear himſelf of what was ſo Notorious And therefore procured another, or at leaſt he undertook it for him, under diſguiſe of the Snake in the Graſs: And ſo to ſlide by the Quotatious out of his Books, that lay in his Way; which would have been a ſhame for G. K. to do (a Snake in the Graſs indeed) pretending in his Preface, that it was not meant as a Defence of George Keith, any further than he defended the Truth of the Chriſtian Faith; for which Reaſon (ſays he) I have wholly omitted all the Perſonal Reflections caſt upon him, and the Contradictions which Thomas Ellwood pretends to find in his former Books (while he was a Quaker of their Communion) to the Doctrine he now ſets up in oppoſition to them. And ſo gave the go by to whatever pincht him, which was the deſign, as T. E. obſerves, to help G. Keith off at a dead Lift, from his manifold and manifeſt ſelf Contradictions, which it was impoſſible for him to Reconcile or Defend; and becauſe it had been as abſurd for him to have undertaken a Reply to T. E's Anſwer. and not have attempted to acquit himſelf of thoſe Contradictions charged upon him therein, as it [424] date 1696 would have been impoſſible for him to have Clear'd himſelf of them. Therefore this Contrivance was found out, that another (or perhaps he in a Mask, under the diſguiſe of another, for Satan, though diſrob'd from his Diſguiſe of Light, has many black Robes and dark Diſguiſes to put on) ſhould undertake the Task of Replying (for a Task it ſeems it was) upon ſuch a Foot, and under ſuch Circumſtances, as might give him ſome colourable Pretence to wave the Contradictions, and wholly to omit them, and with them whatſoever elſe he found too hard to meddle with.

So that any one might plainly ſee this was a Contrivance (as our Friend T. E. obſerves) to help G. K. out at a dead Lift. To which Book of the Snake's, T. E. writ an Anſwer, though he did not quite finiſh it, or publiſh it: Of which, and that Controverſie, he gives the following Account.

‘'This Controverſie begun by George Keith (upon a Pick he took againſt the People called Quakers; becauſe they could not Anſwer his Ambitious deſire of Rule, nor receive ſome Wild and Fantaſtical Notions of his) has been carried on by him, in his own Name, 'till he could go no further. The Doctrines he Condemns us for, as Erroneous and Heritical, have been either ſo clearly caſt off by us, as Slanders, or ſo Rivetted on himſelf by undeniable Inſtances and Proofs taken out of his own Books, that (having fore-cloſed his way to a Retractation of them, as ſhall be [425] date 1697 ſhewed anon) he had no way left, but (as his laſt ſhift) to ſhift the Cauſe into anothers Hand; to carry it on under the diſguiſe of a-another Perſon; which brought to my Mind the Fable of Achelous, who being too weak for his Antagoniſt in fair Force, was fain to ſhift from one Shape to another; firſt to that of a Snake, then to that of a Bull; and is thereupon brought in by the Poet: Saying, Inferior Virtute, meas divertor ad Artes Elaborque Viro, Longum formatus in Anguem, &c. Metam. Lib. 9. Fab. 1. In Strength too Weak, I to my Wiles betake, And ſlide from Man, into a Twining Snake. Somewhat a like Crafty Courſe has G. Keith taken; who finding himſelf over preſt the laſt Year with Books, which he knew not how to Anſwer; got (as was ſuppoſed) an Adjutant of his, to Publiſh a Book againſt us under Diſguiſe, without a Name to it, and with the very Title of The Snake in the Graſs: Thereby to have diverted us from purſuing the Controverſie (then, and ſtill in Hand) with him: But when he found that would not do (for the deſign was ſeen) he Roar'd againſt us like a Bull, at Turners-Hall, in the Month called June, 1696. and afterwards in his Narrative thereof: The Anſwer to that (which ſoon followed) has, it ſeems, involv'd him in ſuch difficulties, that he hath not thought fit to appear againſt it in his own Shape; but either aſſuming another [426] date 1697 Perſon, or turning over his broken Forces (with the united Forces of the whole Party) to the Hiſſing Author of the Snake; they have amongſt them, lately thruſt forth another Book, as a Reply to that Anſwer of mine to G. Keith's Narrative: This (without a Name too, and ſaid to be written by the Author of the Snake in the Graſs) is called Satan Diſ-rob'd from his diſguiſe of Light. But the obſervant Reader will find Cauſe enough, I think, to Conclude, that whoever writ it, was fully Inrob'd in Satan's over-Guiſe and proper Dreſs of Darkneſs, from the many bitter and ſcornful Invectives therein uſed againſt the Light.

And for the Controverſie it ſelf, he Remarks.

‘'1. That the matters therein Charged upon us, are generally the ſame that have been charged on us heretofore, by Faldo, Hicks, and other Adverſaries; and always Refuted over and over, both formerly and of late.’

‘'2. That the things they Charge on us, as Errors and Hereſie, are not pretended to be proved by any plain expreſs Poſitions or Aſſertions of ours; but from our Adverſaries own perverſe meanings, and wreſted Conſtructions of our Words; always Denyed and Rejected by us.’

‘'3. That the Words and Paſſages brought by our Adverſaries for Proof of their Charges againſt us, are not taken out of our Doctrinal Treatiſes, or Declarations of Faith and Principles; but (for the moſt part) out of Controverſial Books; wherein, oft times, the ſcope [427] date 1697 and aim of the Author is, not ſo much to Aſſert or Expreſs his own Principles or Doctrines, as to Impugn and Expoſe his Adverſaries, by ſhewing the Contradictions, Abſurdities, and ill Conſequences of his Adverſaries Opinions; from whence, Poſitively to conclude the Authors own Judgment, is neither ſafe nor fair.’

‘'4. That however any of our former Adverſaries, might have been miſled in their Judgments concerning us, G. Keith, who hath now moved this Controverſie againſt us, knows full well, that we do not hold thoſe things either generally as a People, or as particular Perſons, which he has charged on us as Errors. As a People he has clearly acquitted us from them, in his Preface to his Narrative, P. 6. where heſays, I charge them not, either upon the Generality, far leſs upon the Univerſality of all them called Quakers. For particular Perſons, hear what he ſays of George Whitehead, one of the principal Butts he ſhoots at Nar. p. 16. where having charged him with Denying that Chriſt in Heaven has any bodily Exiſtence without us, being conſcious that G. Whitehead did not ſo hold, but that he had therein abuſed him, he immediatly adds, If he (G. W.) has ſaid otherwiſe in any of his late printed Books, I am glad of it. And a Line lower, There is a G. Whitehead Orthodox, and a G. Whitehead not Orthodox. He is— in this and ſome other things Orthodox and not Orthodox: and a little further, I own it, that I have cited divers Paſſages out of his later Books, that are Orthodox, to prove him ſound. [428] date 1697 What can be made of all this, but that G. Whitehead was Orthodox and Sound in his own both Intentions and Expreſſions; not Orthodox in G. Keith's perverſe and falſe Conſtructions? And whereas he harps upon the Word later Books, thereby to inſinuate as if G. W. had of late altered his Judgment: he has cut off that alſo in his Nar. p. 38. where he gives an Account, That in the Year 1678. (which is Eighteen Years ago) ſome (whom he would not Name) Queſtioning him about ſome Principles in a Book of his, both G. Whitehead and W. Penn took part with him againſt them, though thoſe Principles (as he calls them) which he ſays he was then Queſtioned about, were of the ſame Nature with ſome of thoſe he now charges upon them as Errors. From whence it appears, that he found them then, as well as now, Sound and Orthodox in thoſe Principles.’

‘'5. That as this Controverſie lies properly and directly between G. Keith and us, and that he being bafled in it, and driven to a Ne plus ultra on his own Part, hath contrived to carry it on under Diſguiſe, by the Aſſiſtance of another (yet without a Name) who under pretence of Indifferency, and being unconcerned with or for G. Keith, ſhould drop the Quotations I had loaded him with, out of his own Books againſt himſelf, and thereby free him (if he could) from thoſe pinching Dilemma's which lay againſt him, and draw Dun (as the Proverb ſpeaks) out of the mire, he was plung'd into: ſo to obviate and diſappoint the Deſign. [429] date 1697 That I may not ſuffer my ſelf to be bubbled by ſuch Artificial Shams, but that the Controverſie may be kept (as much as may be) upon its firſt Bottom, I have thought fit in this Rejoinder, ſo to order the Matter, as not to let G. Keith ſlip away (which I perceive he would fain do) while I am contending with I know not whom in this Quarrel. Therefore as I paſs through the ſeveral Heads of the Controverſie, I purpoſe not only to Anſwer the moſt material Cavils of the preſent Adverſary, but withal to repeat (ſome at leaſt of) thoſe Paſſages that lay ſo heavy upon G. Keith, and ſettle (not to uſe his own ſmithing Metaphors of Clinching and Rivetting) them faſter on him; to the end that both the Reader may more plainly ſee the true Reaſon why G. Keith did not himſelf reply, in his own Name, to my Anſwer to his Narrative, and G. Keith may know that I expect it from him, and in the mean time look upon him but as a bafled ſhifting Adverſary.’

‘'He begins his Epiſtle with telling his Reader that his Reply is ſhort in Compariſon of the Anſwer. Therein he and I agree, but in Words rather than in Meaning; for he means in Number of Pages, I mean in Truth and fair Dealing, in which I am confident the indifferent Reader will find his Reply ſhort indeed: And even as to Bulk, upon due Conſideration, the Diſproportion is not ſo great as he would repreſent it, for his Book is rather more than half as big as mine, though he replies not to [430] date 1697 the Tenth Part of the Matter contained in mine. He makes nothing of skipping over Ten or Fifteen Pages at a time, ſo nimble heel'd he is.’ [And yet this is the Man that caution'd the Quakers, that if they anſwer'd his Book (Snake, 3d Edit. p. 344.) that they would reply diſtinctly,— and not Anſwer a Book as Rats do, by nibling at ſome Corners of the Leaves, ſtealing through it like Moths, to no other Purpoſe than to deface ſome Words at a venture; who yet could reply thus ſlightly himſelf] ‘'Nay in his firſt Page he throws off no leſs than Twenty Five Pages at once, and barely mentioning, in leſs than Nine Lines, a few Words contained in ſome of them, without a Syllable of Reply thereto, ſets in his Margin Reply to the firſt Twenty three Pages; and yet he hath the Confidence to miſcal his Book, and that even in the ſame Page, A full Reply (he might better have called it a foul and falſe Reply) to T. Ellwood's Anſwer. And in his Epiſtle ſays, he has omitted nothing that is material. I ſuppoſe he means, that he has omitted nothing which he thought might tend to abuſe and defame the Quakers, and me: for that he has omitted the moſt material Parts of my Book, and thruſt in many Paſſages, idle, impertinent, falſe and wholly foreign to the Subject, only that he might miſrepreſent, ridicule and ſlander us, I ſhall have occaſion hereafter, by plenty of Inſtances, to ſhew.’

I might cite a great deal more, to explicate this Controverſie, and ſhew their Diſ-ingenuity [431] date 1697 in it; but by this we may judge what a Reply this of the Snake's was, and by this Taſte (to uſe his own Words at the End of the Snake) the Reader may gueſs what a plentiful Meal we might have had, if T. E. had publiſhed his Rejoinder, but that, as I ſaid, he did not; for what Reaſon I cannot juſtly aſſign: for though our Friend George Whitehead (in his Anſwer to the Snake in the Graſs) writ alſo A brief Examination of ſome Paſſages in the ſaid Book of the Snake's, ſtiled Satan Diſrob'd, &c. as being concerned therein; yet he refer'd to a further Anſwer by T. E. p. 186. judging it ‘'No fair Reply to T. Ellwood's Anſwer; and ſo it appears (ſays he) and I expect will be made further appear, if T. Ellwood deems it worth the while to undertake it:’ Which he did, and writ Twenty ſeven Sheets in order thereto; and why he ſhould be prevented from publiſhing it, by G. Whitehead's Brief Examination, I do not ſee, being much larger and fuller; but perceive he was ſo modeſt, that he was apt to be put by of his Work, if any other put in before him; as will further appear on another Occaſion hereafter. And ſo I ſhall leave it, hoping however one time or other, to ſee this, and ſome other of his Poſthumous Works publiſhed by themſelves, as they well deſerve.

And here our Friend drop'd his Pen, till another Occaſion offer'd.

And that was next (or at leaſt the next he laid hold on) after a Vacancy of two or three Years, on this Occaſion.

[432] date 1698 Some Angry Prieſts in Norfolk, on our Friends having a Meeting near one of them, and Truth ſpreading to their regret, they challenged a Diſpute with ſome of our Friends at Weſt-Deerham in that County, the 8th of the Tenth Month, 1698. where ſome of our Friends appearing, and anſwering them, ſo diſappointed the Prieſts in their envious Deſigns in the ſaid Diſpute, that they afterwards promoted two Petitions againſt our Friends to the Parliament (one from Norfolk, the other from Suffolk) to ſtir up Perſecution againſt them, that what they could not do by Arguments, they might by Force. To which two Petitions our Friend T. Ellwood (having obtained Copies of them) writ A ſober Reply on behalf of the People called Quakers, to two Petitions againſt them (the one out of Norfolk, and the other from Bury in Suffolk) being ſome brief Obſervations upon them, &c. date 1699 Printed 1699, manifeſting their miſchievous Machinations againſt the Truth and Friends; which, with ſome other Diſcouragements, through the Labour and Induſtry of Friends at London, in attending the Parliament, and delivering Printed Papers; particularly, A few Conſiderations humbly offered to the Members of Parliament, to obviate ſome Evil Jealouſies and Deſigns againſt the People called Quakers, ſo quaſhed their malicious Purpoſes, that their Petitions were never delivered to, or receiv'd by the Parliament; but fell, and came to nothing, and their Evil Deſigns were fruſtrated, Friends were preſerved, and Truth proſpered over their Heads.

[433] date 1696 About this time alſo, our Friend William Penn being gone to Pennſylvania (in the 7th Month this Year) and G. Keith continuing his Oppoſition againſt Truth and Friends; ſometimes more general at Turners-Hall, where, as the Courſe of his Dilirious Diſtemper returned (as Joſeph Wyeth obſerves, in his Anſwer to his Advertiſement this Year) he held his Contentious Meetings, once a Year, to pick Paſſages out of our Friends Books to Cavil at (though he could not Anſwer nor Clear himſelf of T. Ellwood's, or others that were writ againſt him) And ſometimes more particularly againſt ſingle Perſons, eſpecially William Penn, againſt whom he choſe to vent his Malice above moſt others; eſpecially now in his Abſence, making him the Butt of his Indignation; and publiſhed two Books againſt him, one called The Deiſm of William Penn and his Brethren, &c. This our Friend T. Ellwood undertook to Anſwer, and made a conſiderable Progreſs in it, in a large Book, of between Thirty and Forty Sheets: which I ſhall cite ſome of, Beginning thus.

‘'We read of one in former Times, who, becauſe he had given up himſelf to do Evil, was ſaid to have ſold himſelf to work Wickedneſs in the Sight of the Lord, 1 Kings 21: 20, and 25. Whether George Keith hath directly ſold himſelf, or only let himſelf out to hire, I will not undertake to determine; but evident it is, that ſince he crept into the Intereſt of that which is called the Church of England, and become a mercenary Hackney to ſome of the [434] date 1699 Clergy, he hath laid out himſelf, with his utmoſt Vigour, to work Wickedneſs, not only in the Sight of the Lord, but in the Sight of the Sun; aſſerting, defending, maintaining and upholding divers both Doctrines and Practices in Religion, which upon a declared full Conviction, and from a profeſſed Aſſurance of Divine Openings, and Immediate Guidance of the Holy Spirit, he had before not only Renounced, but declared and written againſt, as Falſe, Superſtitious (if not Idolatrous) and Antichriſtian; And to fill up his Meaſure of Iniquity, and heap it up, that it might run over, he hath not only (to gratifie his Supporters) ſhot his unadviſed Bolts at the ſeveral other Bodies of Proteſtam Diſſenters, but, in an eſpecial manner (and in a moſt virulent, and to him peculiar Stile) hath evomitted Floods, not of Reproach only and bitter Revilings; but of the moſt malicious Slanders and Falſhoods, that ever, perhaps, were poured from the Pulpit, or ſqueezed through the Preſs againſt the People called Quakers, whom once he owned for his Brethren, and with whom he profeſſed to hold Communion for more than Thirty Years. Herein he hath exceeded good Joſeph of Old in his Liberality, but in another kind: that good Man beſtowed a Fivefold-Meſs of his good Things on his Brother Benjamin, as a Token of his peculiar and abundant Love to him. This bad Man has beſtowed double and treble that proportion of his evil Things on us: The Effect of his peculiar and ſuperabundant Hatred to us, to ſay [435] date 1699 nothing here of his railing Rhetorick and bitter Invectives againſt us, wherewith he hath prophaned the Pulpit (which lie under the juſt Cenſure of the more diſcreet and well-minded of his Auditors) An Inſtance of his Malice and Injuſtice from the Preſs, is a late Book of his (now lying before me) called The Deiſm of William Penn and his Brethren, deſtructive to the Chriſtian Religion, expoſed, &c. The Word [Deiſm] being ſomewhat an uncommon Term, may not, perhaps, be readily underſtood by every Reader. As it has been oppoſed to Atheiſm, it has been taken in a good Senſe; but as it is now uſed it is taken in an ill ſence, as importing an Acknowledgment, or owning of God only, or of the Godhead; but not of Chriſt, with reſpect to his Incarnation, or being manifeſt in the Fleſh, for the Redemption of Man: So that to Charge any one now with Deiſm, is to Charge him with denying that Chriſt is Come, and hath Suffered in the Fleſh. Now herein G. Keith's both Injuſtice and Malice, is the greater, in Charging W. Penn, and his Brethren the Quakers, with Deiſm; in as much as he aſſuredly knows (which ſome other Adverſaries have not had the like opportunity to know, as he hath had) by certain Experience, drawn by ſo many Years intimate Converſation with W. P. and the Quakers, in free and familiar Conferences, and in Reading their Books, that W. P. and the Quakers, both in Word and Writing, Publickly and Privately, have always, and on all [436] date 1699 Occaſions, Confeſt, Acknowledged, Owned as well as Believed, the Incarnation of Chriſt, according to the Holy Scriptures, viz. That the Word was made Fleſh (John 1. 14.) That when the fulneſs of time was come, God ſent forth his Son made of a Woman, made under the Law, to Redeem them that were under the Law (Gal. 4. 4, 5.) That Chriſt Jeſus being in the form of God, and thinking it no Robbery to be equal with God; made himſelf of no Reputation, and took upon him the form of a Servant, and was made in the likeneſs of Men; and being found in faſhion as a Man, he humbled himſelf, and became obedient unto Death, even the Death of the Croſs (Phil. 2. 5, 6, 7, 8.) Chriſt Dyed for our Sins, according to the Scriptures, and that he was Buried, and that he Roſe again the Third Day, according to the Scriptures (1 Cor. 15. 3, 4.) That he was delivered for our Offences, and was raiſed again for our Juſtification (Rom. 4. 25.) That he is the Propitiation for our Sins; and not for ours only, but for the Sins of the whole World. (1 John 2. 2.) That he aſcended up far above all Heavens, that he might fill all things (Epheſ. 4. 10.) That he is the one Mediator between God and Men, (1 Tim. 2. 5.) That he is at the Right Hand of God, and maketh interceſſion for us, (Rom. 8. 34.) And is our Advocate with the Father, (1 John 2. 1.) And that it is he which was ordained of God, to be the Judge of Quick and Dead. (Acts 10. 42.) Theſe things, I ſay, G. Keith certainly knows, have been conſtantly Held, Believed, Profeſſed and Owned by W. Penn [437] date 1699 and his Brethren, the Quakers, in General, both Privately and Publickly, in Word and Writing. Theſe things are ſo often Teſtified of in our Meetings, and have been ſo fully and plainly aſſerted and held forth in our Books, that we might call in almoſt as many Witneſſes thereof, as have frequented our Meetings, or Attentively Read our Books.’

‘'The Book of W. P's. Called A Diſcourſe of the general Rule of Faith and Life. (To which G. K's Deiſm is an Anſwer) G. K. tells us in his Preface, was firſt Printed in the Year, 1673. As an Appendix to W. P's. part of the Chriſtian Quaker. (A Folio Book, in Two Parts; the former written by W. Penn, the latter by G. Whitehead) In that former part of the Chriſtian Quaker, written by W. Penn (though the tendency of it is to Aſſert and Defend the Divinity of Chriſt, and his Spiritual Appearance, by his Divine Light in the Hearts of Men; yet) there it enough ſaid concerning his Manhood, his Outward Appearance, and Sufferings in the Fleſh; to free W. Penn from the Imputation or Suſpicion of Deiſm.— In p. 101. W. P. ſays, Notwithſtanding the ſame Light and Life, with that which afterwards cloathed it ſelf with that Outward Body, did in meaſure, Inwardly appear for the Salvation of the Souls of Men: Yet, as I have often ſaid, never did that Life ſo eminently put forth it ſelf, to that end, as in that Sanctified and prepared Body; ſo that what he then Suffered and did, in that Tranſcendent Manifeſtation, may, by way of [438] date 1699 Eminency, aſſume the whole work unto it ſelf, that he ever did before, or might do afterwards. P. 102. His Righteous Life, with reſpect to its appearance in that Body, was grieved by Sin, and the weight of the Iniquity of the whole World, with the concernment of its Eternal Well-being, lay hard upon him; nor was his Manhood inſencible of it, under the load of this, did he Travel: He alone trod the Wine-preſs, &c.— Not that we would irreverently Rob the Holy Body of whatſoever acknowledgement is juſtly due; nor yet ſeparate what God joined, P. 104.— Chap. 21. A Confeſſion in particular, to Chriſt's Redemption, Remiſſion, Juſtification and Salvation.— Which was actually to the Salvation of ſome, and intentionally of the whole World.— As there was a neceſſity that one ſhould Die for the People; ſo whoever then, or ſince, Believed in him, had, and have a Seal, or Confirmation of the Remiſſion of their Sins, in his Blood.— This grand aſſurance of Remiſſion do all receive, in the Ratifying Blood of Chriſt, who Repenting of their Sins, Believe and Obey the Holy Light, with which he hath Illuminated them.— P. 107. But there is yet a further Benefit that accrueth by the Blood of Chriſt, viz. That Chriſt is a Propitiation and Redemption, to ſuch as have Faith in it: For though I ſtill place the ſtreſs of particular Benefit upon the Light, Life and Spirit Revealed and Witneſſed in every Particular: Yet in that general Appearance, there was a general Benefit, juſtly to be attributed [439] date 1699 to the Blood of that very Body of Chriſt; to wit, that it did Propitiate: For however it might draw ſtupendious Judgments upon the Heads of thoſe who were Authors of that diſmal Tragedy, and died Impenitent; yet doubtleſs, it thus far turned to very great Account, in that it was a moſt precious Offering in the ſight of the Lord, and drew God's Love the more eminently to Mankind; at leaſt, ſuch as ſhould Believe in his Name. P. 108. Doubtleſs it did greatly Influence, to ſome ſingular Tenderneſs and peculiar Regard unto all ſuch, as ſhould Believe in his Name, among other his weighty Performances: For the ſake of that laſt, and greateſt of all his External Acts, the reſiſting unto Blood, for the Spiritual good of the World, thereby offering up his Life upon the Croſs, through the Power of the Eternal Spirit that Remiſſion of Sin, God's Bounty to the World, might be Preached in his Name, and in his very Blood too, as that which was the moſt Ratifying of all his Bodily Sufferings. And indeed, therefore might it ſeem meet to the Holy Ghoſt, that Redemption, Propitiation and Remiſſion ſhould be Declared, and held forth in the Blood of Chriſt, unto all that have a right Faith therein; as ſaith the Apoſtle to the Romans;— becauſe it implies a firm Belief, that Chriſt was come in the Fleſh, and that none could then have him as their Propitiation and Redemption, who withſtood the acknowledgment of, and belief in his Viſible Appearance.— P. 110. Faith in his Blood was requiſite, [440] date 1699 that they might Confeſs him, whoſe Body and Blood it was, to be Chriſt. To Conclude, we confeſs, He who then appeared, was and is the Propitiation, &c. and in him was Redemption obtained by all thoſe, who had ſuch true Faith in his Blood.’

‘'Thus much (and much more which I have omitted) againſt Deiſm, in that very Treatiſe of W. P's. to which, the Book out of which G. K. by his Art of Counterfeit Chymiſtry, would Extract Deiſm, was an Appendix; and yet this was not the direct Subject of that Treatiſe, but only toucht on occaſionally, or by the by: Should I gather up all Quotations on this Argument out of our other Books; ſuch eſpecially as have more directly handled this Subject, I might therewith fill a large Volume: To prevent which, I refer the Reader to my Anſwer to G. Keith's Firſt Narrative of his Proceedings at Turners-Hall. from P. 33. to 63. where he may find this Cavil fully Confuted. Which Anſwer to his firſt Narrative, may ſerve for an Anſwer to his other following Narratives alſo; they for the moſt part, being but the Scraps of his Firſt, heated again, and ſerved up afreſh with ſome new Garniſh.’

‘'It is obſervable that that Book, called A Diſcourſe of the general Rule of Faith and Life, was firſt Printed (as G. K. in his Preface to his Deiſm takes Notice) in the Year 1673. which is 27 Years ago, and about 20 Years before he quite left us; it appears he had Read it in the firſt Impreſſion; for making as if [441] date 1699 when he ſaw the laſt Impreſſion, he did not know but that it was a New Book,— So little had I Read or Conſidered the Contents of it. Both Read it then, it ſeems he had, and Conſidered the Contents of it, and though here he would ſuggeſt he had but ſlightly Read it, yet he would not be taken for an heedleſs Reader, or a ſuperficial Conſiderer of what he Reads. Now ſince he held the ſame Doctrine, with reſpect to the General Rule of Faith and Life, which is laid down by W. Penn in that Diſcourſe, during the time he was amongſt us, and Profeſſed himſelf one of us, as well after the Publiſhing of that Book, in the Year, 1673. as before; and did not only openly Defend and Maintain that Doctrine in publick Diſputations both in England, and in Scotland, after the Year, 1673. But, no longer ago than in the Year, 1692. Nineteen Years after that Book of W. Penn's (Called A Diſcourſe of the General Rule of Faith and Life) was in Print, G. K. in his Serious Appeal, p. 7. ſays, According to the beſt Knowledge I have of the People called Quakers, and thoſe moſt generally owned by them, as Preachers and Publiſhers of their Faith, of unqueſtioned eſteem among them, and worthy of double Honour (as many ſuch there are) I know none that are Guilty of any one ſuch Hereſies and Blaſphemies as thou Accuſeſt them.: And I think I ſhould know, and do know theſe called Quakers, better than C. Mather (againſt whom he then writ) or any of his Brethren; having been Converſant with them, in Publick Meetings as well as [442] date 1699 in Private Diſcourſe, with the moſt Noted and Eſteemed among them, for above 28 Years paſt; and that in many places of the World, in Europe; and for theſe divers Years, in America. I ſay, all this Conſidered, how will G. Keith (upon the Charges he now makes againſt W. P.) acquit himſelf from having been a Profeſt Deiſt, all the while he was among the Quakers? Yet he himſelf well knows, that neither he, nor W. Penn, nor any of the Quakers ever were Deiſts; ever did Deny, Diſown, or Disbelieve the Coming, Incarnation, Sufferings and Death of Chriſt, as Man outwardly in the Fleſh, his Reſurrection, Aſcention and Mediatorſhip; and he himſelf has undeſignedly acquitted W. Penn from his preſent Charge of Deiſm, by a ſtory he told in his firſt Narrative, P. 38. That upon ſome urging him to give an Inſtance of one Engliſh Quaker that he ever heard Pray to Chriſt: W. Penn being preſent, ſaid, I am an Engliſh Man, and a Quaker, and I own I have oft Prayed to Chriſt Jeſus; even him that was Crucified. This, he ſays, was in the Year 1678. Which was Five Years after the Publiſhing of that Book, from which he attempts to prove him a Deiſt; that is, a Denyer of the Man Chriſt Jeſus, who was Crucified. Judge now, Reader, how Rank the Malice of G. Keith muſt needs be againſt W. Penn, and his Brethren the Quakers, who would chooſe to ſubject himſelf with them, to the foul imputation of Deiſm (though in his own Conſcience, he knows the Charge is falſe on them, as well as [443] date 1699 on himſelf) rather then not gratifie his Envy and Revenge upon them: In this reſembling the Envious Man in the Apologue, who deſired that he might looſe one of his Eyes, on Condition his Neighbour might looſe both his.Whence th' Obſervation roſe, a wicked Will Would wound it ſelf, to work another's Ill.

date 1700 But before he had finiſhed this Anſwer (tho' he had gone about two thirds through it) Benjamin Coole of Briſtol, Publiſhed a Book there, Intituled, Honeſty the trueſt Policy, ſhewing the Sophiſtry, Envy and Perverſion of George Keith, in his Three Books, (viz.) His Briſtol QuakeriſmBriſtol Narrative, And his Deiſm. On Peruſal of which, viz. His Anſwer to G. Keith's Deiſm, &c. T. E. writ the following Verſes.

INDEED, Is then the Work by me begun,
And which I labour'd at with ſuch good Will,
Already, by a readier Work-man, done:
Who Nimbleneſs hath added to his Skill!
Well may it thrive, Succeſsful may it prove,
Truth's way to Clear, and Stumbling-Blocks Remove!
I never was Ambitious to appear
In Print, nor to my ſelf Applauſe have ſought;
With ſatisfaction therefore, I can bear
What thon deſign'ſt, another hand hath wrought:
This ſuperceeds my Work. I'm glad to ſee
Such help come in, that there's no need of me.
This is the third Time, I have thus been put
Beſides my Work, which makes me think (my Friend)
[444] date 1700 The Controverſial Door to me is ſhut;
And of my ſcribling Service there's an End.
If ſo, Content, I can with pleaſure ſee
The Work well done; although not done by me.
T. E.

The three Times he was put beſides his Work, of which (he ſays) this was the Third: The other Two (I ſuppoſe) were, his Remarks on Gerrard Croeſe's Hiſtory of the Quakers. And his Anſwer to The Snake in the Graſs, his Book called Satan Diſrob'd. Both before mentioned.

However, this of B. C's. Anticipating his Anſwer to the Deiſm, he laid it by and never finiſhed it; thinking perhaps, the other (tho' far ſhort of his) might ſuffice at preſent for an Anſwer thereto; and ſo we were deprived of his Labour in this reſpect alſo: Which yet I hope, one time or other, may be Publiſhed for the Service of Truth; which its pity the World ſhould be deprived of.

date 1701 His next Service, upon a general Foot, which I find any Footſteps of, was on this Occaſion. One John Shockling a Prieſt, of Aſh, near Sandwich, in Kent, having got ſome of the Snake's Books, ſet up for an Oppoſer, or Diſputant, about Water-Baptiſm, and ſends a Paper to John Love, Called, A Queſtion upon thoſe Words in Mathew 28. 19. Go ye therefore and Teach all Nations, Baptizing them in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghoſt. Whether [445] date 1701 the Apoſtles were not commanded by them to baptize with Water? This Paper and Queſtion our Friend T. E. anſwered in the 4th Month, 1701, very much to the purpoſe. To which the Prieſt being unwilling to take an Anſwer, and let it drop ſo, replying (I might ſay, to little purpoſe) T. E. writ a Rejoinder, in the 4th Month, date 1702 1702. Both which, Anſwer and Rejoinder, being very pertinent to the Purpoſe, and notable on that Subject, I ſhould inſert ſome part of it, but that it was only private, and never publiſhed (that I know of:) And therefore I would not begin to be the firſt Publiſher thereof.

date 1703 But now we come to his great Work, of the Hiſtory of the Old Teſtament: which, at his Leiſure, he had in Hand for ſome Years; and both he and we had this Advantage of his being put by his Work in anſwering Adverſaries; particularly that of the Snake, and G. K's Deiſm (having now ſeem'd to have done with Controverſie) that he had the more Time and Leiſure to proſecute this more excellent Work; which having finiſhed in date 1704 1704, he brought it up to London, to ſhew it to Friends, for their Peruſal and Approbation. Which being done, it was publiſhed in Folio, the next Year, date 1705 1705, under the Title of Sacred Hiſtory; or the Hiſtorical Part of the Holy Scriptures of the Old Teſtament. Gathered out from the other Parts thereof, and digeſted (as near as well could be) into due Method, with reſpect to Order of Time and Place: with ſome Obſervations here and there, tending to illuſtrate ſome Paſſages therein. In his Preface to [446] date 1705 which, having mentioned the Praiſe of Hiſtory out of Cicero, viz. That it is The Witneſs of Times, the Light of Truth, the Life of Memory, &c. which he thinks cannot be ſo well verefied of any particular Hiſtory, as of that which, being written by divinely-inſpired Penmen, is contained in the Books of the Old and New Teſtament. Then ſpeaking of the Motive or Inducement to the Undertaking, Two things (he ſays) more eſpecially led him to it: One, That the Divine Providence, the Wiſdom, Power, Goodneſs and Favour of God, in ordering, diſpoſing, providing for, preſerving, defending, and wonderfully delivering his Servants and People out of the greateſt Straits, Difficulties, Hardſhips, Dangers and Sufferings, being more directly, and in a continued Series and Courſe of Actions ſet before the Readers Eye, he might be thereby the more ſtirred up, and engaged to admire and magnifie, to love, reverence and fear the Lord, and be the more careful not to offend Him. The other Motive was, That all, the Youth eſpecially, of either Sex, under what ſoever Religious Denomination they go, might be furniſhed with ſuch an Entertainment, to ſpend (at leaſt) their Leiſure Hours upon, as might yield them at once both Profit and Delight. After which he proceeds to ſpeak of the Manner of Performance under Eight Heads: The Subſtance of which are,

1. That in digeſting the following Hiſtory, he hath not ſtrictly tied himſelf to the Letter and very Syllables of the Text; but with all [447] date 1705, due Circumſpection and Care to retain the Matter and Senſe, hath ſometimes varied the Expreſſions, &c. 2. Where he hath left the laſt Engliſh Tranſlation of the BIBLE, he hath followed for the moſt part ſome other Engliſh or Latin; or the Judgment of ſome eminently Learned Expoſitors. 3. As to the Chronology (eſpecially with reſpect to the Times of the Judges and Kings of Iſrael and Judah) he found ſo much Incertainty, and ſo little Certainty or Agreement amongſt Interpreters about it, that he had a Mind to have left it out; but at the Deſire of ſome he added it in the Margin; wherein for the moſt part he followed R. Blome's Hiſtory of the Old and New Teſtament. 4. The few Helps (he ſays) he had, were chiefly from Dr. Gell's Eſſay towards an Amendment of the laſt Engliſh Tranſlation of the Bible. Hugh Broughton's Conſent of Scripture, Godwin's Moſes and Aaron. The Annotations of Tremelius and Junius. And for Names of Perſons and Places the Tables of Robert F. Herry. 5. The whole Work is divided into Three Parts, without any particular Regard had to the Seven Periods of Time, into which Chronologers and Hiſtoriographers, out of a Deſire to reduce them to ſome ſort of Proportion with the Six Days Work and Seventh Days Reſt, in the firſt Week of the Creation, have generally divided the Ages of the World, from Adam until now. 6. Of theſe three Parts, the firſt reaches from the Creation to the Death of Moſes, when the Children of Iſrael, being come to the Borders of the Promiſed Land [448] date 1705 (the ſecond Time) were ready to enter in; and contains the Remarkables in the Five Books of Moſes, taking in Job between Geneſis and Exodus. 7. The ſecond Part beginning with the Book of Joſhua, goes through that, and the Book of Judges, with the firſt Book of Samuel, and carries on the Hiſtory from the Death of Moſes to the Death of Saul, and the Account that was brought to David of it. In which are recounted the Tranſactions of chief Note under all the Judges and Saul, the firſt Anointed King of Iſrael. 8. The third Part (by much the largeſt) goes on with the ſecond Book of Samuel, thro' the reſt of the Canonical Scripture, ſets forth the Reigns of the Kings of Iſrael and Judah throughout the Jewiſh Monarchy, with the moſt remarkable Acts and Occurrences therein, from David to the Return of the laſt Babyloniſh Captivity, and Re-building of the Temple, taking in the Prophets, as near as may be, in their ſeveral Times.

Then he gives Account who hath writ on this Subject; particularly a Treatiſe called The General View of the Holy Scriptures, ſuppoſed to be the Learned Broughton's; which T. E. commends as a uſeful Diſcourſe in its kind. And of late Years Chr. Neſs his Hiſtory and Myſtery of the Old and New Teſtament, (in four Volumes) A Book (ſays he) well fraught with Variety of uſeful Matter; but (wittily obſerves) the Myſtery is not only interwoven with the Hiſtory, but hath alſo ſo much overgrowu it, that the Reader who deſires to peruſe the Hiſtory by it [449] date 1705 ſelf, will be at ſome Loſs in that reſpect. And that which promiſes moſt to anſwer his End, he ſays, is, R. Blome's Hiſtory of the Old and New Teſtament. A Work indeed (ſays he) not only inſtructive and delightful, but pompous and magnificent. A Character that may juſtly be apply'd to his own (except the Word pompous.) A Work indeed it is both pleaſant and profitable; ſuch judicious Obſervations, and witty (though grave) Turns on Paſſages and Things, as make it (as well as his other Writings) not only pleaſant to read, but profitable to the Reader. A Work that will remain a Monument of his Worth and Ingenuity to Generations to come.

I would only add, That there is a Book of Sulpitius Severus, intituled Sacred Hiſtory: but as that is in Latin, and far ſhort of this of T. E's; ſo this cannot interfere with that, or be juſtly thought to be in Imitation of it.

About this time we entred into a more particular Correſpondence by Letters on ſeveral Occaſions; which we continued, at times, almoſt 'till his Death. So that I uſually imparted to him the moſt remarkable Occurrences that paſſed here; and often adviſed with him in the moſt important Affairs, as I had Occaſion: and he, in Requital, was always ready to Anſwer me, in a very obliging manner, in any thing I deſired. And I muſt acknowledge, he was very helpful to me, by his Advice, in ſome Controverſies I had with ſome late Adverſaries; which I ſhall not now name, ſome of them being gone [448] [...] [449] [...] [450] date 1705 to their Graves; and his friendly Correſpondence was always very acceptable, and inſtructive as well as grateful to me, in his agreeable Letters: of which I have many by me. Some of which he hath inſerted in his Decades.

date 1706 The next Year, viz. 1706, there followed an Intercourſe of ſome Letters between him and William Sewell of Holland, upon ſome particular Points; which led into a Friendly Correſpondence between them, in ſome other Matters not unpleaſant to read. Several of which Letters of T. E's are in his Decades; with many others to divers Perſons, Friends and others, on various Subjects: Which, if ever it ſhould be thought meet to publiſh them, or any of them, they would, I doubt not, be very inſtructive, as well as diverting.

His next publick Work was on this Occaſion. About this time a Book was publiſhed by a Nameleſs Author, called A Divine Treatiſe, written by way of Eſſay, (pretending) to demonſtrate, according to the Moſaical Philoſophy, Water-Baptiſm, Impoſition of Hands, and the Commemoration of the Death and Paſſion of our ever bleſſed Lord and Saviour under the Species of Bread and Wine, &c. This Treatiſe coming accidentally or providentially to our Friend Thomas Ellwood's Hands (as he ſays in his Preface) he obſerved that the Deſign of the Author therein was, To re-introduce and ſet up again thoſe Typical Repreſentations therein treated of, among thoſe who have been led by the Lord out of the uſe thereof, into a more ſpiritual [451] date 1706 Diſpenſation. And finding his Underſtanding in ſome meaſure Opened, to ſee the Danger and Miſchief of that Undertaking, and his Spirit withal ſtirred in him againſt it, he felt a Concern upon his Mind to publiſh his Obſervations which he had made thereon, that others might the more clearly ſee and readily eſcape the Snare therein laid to entangle them, and draw them into Bondage to outward Ceremonies, and elementary Shadows again. This he did in a Book Printed date 1707 1707, intituled, The glorious Brightneſs of the Goſpel-Day, diſpelling the Shadows of the Legal Diſpenſation, and whatſoever elſe of Humane Invention hath been ſuper-added thereunto. And hoped to make it evident, that they are not of the Nature of the Goſpel Diſpenſation; nor have by any Divine Inſtitution a continued Place or Service in the Church of Chriſt, without taking Notice who or what he was that writ it, ‘'Since the Author of the Treatiſe, (ſays T. E.) under my Obſervation, hath thought fit to conceal his Name, I ſhall not pry behind the Curtain which himſelf hath thereby drawn before him, or concern my ſelf to enquire either who or what, he is, or has been: but without any regard to that, ſhall directly apply my ſelf to give a plain Anſwer to the moſt material Parts of his Treatiſe:’ which he did to the purpoſe, in a cloſe and nervous Anſwer; it being indeed an excellent Treatiſe, well worth the Peruſal of every impartial Reader: To whom therefore I recommend it.

[452] date 1707 And now I muſt ſay ſomething of him under another Conſideration as well as Writing. He had writ ſeveral Books againſt Tythes (as before hinted) to ſhew the Unſuitableneſs of them to the Goſpel Diſpenſation (being Jewiſh in their Original, and Popiſh in their Revival) and that the Obligation of paying them was ceaſed under the Goſpel, as to any Divine Right from Scripture. And now it fell to his Lot to ſuffer alſo in his turn for his Teſtimony againſt the Payment of them (For to him it was given, in the behalf of Chriſt, not only to believe in him (and bear witneſs to his Coming in the Fleſh, and offering up himſelf, to put an End to the Law and Prieſthood, Tythes and Offerings) but alſo to ſuffer for his ſake) being proſecuted (with three Friends more, viz. John Penington, Abraham Butterfield and William Catch) in the Exchequer for Tythes, at the Suit of Joſhua Leaper, Tythe-Farmer of Amerſham in the County of Bucks under Humphry Drake, Clerk, Rector and Parſon (ſo called) of the Rectory and Pariſh-Church of Agmondeſham, alias, Amerſham, aforeſaid. Thomas Ellwood (with the reſt) were Subpoena'd to appear at Weſtminſter in Trinity-Term, 1707. which they did by an Attourney to prevent being in Contempt of the Court, and took a Copy of the Complainants Bill. But for not Anſwering, Attachments were iſſued out in Michaelmas Term, to take them up: on which they were taken into Cuſtody in the Eleventh Month, and afterwards an Habeas Corpus ſent down to the Sheriff of Bucks, to bring them up to the Exchequer-Bar [453] date 1708 Bar in Trinity Term, 1708, on which they came up. And to to prevent the Plantiffs going on to a Sequeſtration by default, they put in their Anſwers; ſetting forth the Value of the Tythes, according to the beſt of their Knowledge. Yet ſo vexatious was the Adverſary, that he would not be ſatisfied with their Anſwer, but got a Commiſſion of Enquiry to Examine Witneſſes in the Country, as to the Value of the Tythes; which they did at Amerſham, in the Tenth Month. The firſt Witneſs they examined, was one E—. G—. of the Pariſh of Cheſham, Aged (as they ſay) Fourty four Years, or thereabouts, who depoſed, That he knew the Complainant and Defendants; and had known the Complainant about Sixty Years (which was about Sixteen Years before he was born.) Whereby we may Judge of the reſt of his Evidence: The Charge of which Commiſſion, and executing it, came to between Thirty and Fourty Pounds, though ſome of it was abated on taxing the Coſt; and yet they proved little, if any thing more than the Defendants had ſet down in their Anſwers; yet went on to a hearing on it, and obtain'd a Decree for the Tythes and Coſt. For not performing which, Attachments were iſſued out a-freſh againſt them, in Trinity-Term date 1709 1709, to the Sheriff of Hartfordſhire (T.E. A.B. and W.C. living in that County) but J.P. living in Bucks, was drop't, becauſe the Attachments to the Sheriff of Hartfordſhire would not reach him) and then a Proclamation; but the Sheriff living remote, did [454] date 1709 not endeavour to take them; and the Proſecutor ſeemed rather to aim at a Sequeſtration on their Goods and Eſtates, than their Bodies: ſo that ſeeing them reſolved to go on, the Defendants, to prevent it, offer'd to ſurrender themſelves to the Sheriff; but he return'd them each, Non eſt Inventus, and they got a Commiſſion of Rebellion antedated, and moved for a Serjeant at Arms, the ſame Day, to run them to a Sequeſtration in all haſte, (Leaper being Sick and bad, like to die) leaſt he ſhould not live till it was accompliſh'd: but being ſo illegal, at leaſt in point of time, for that there ought to be Eight Days, between the Teſt and Return of the Writ, in 30 Miles off London, and 14 beyond, on our appearing againſt it, they could not obtain it till Hillary Term. In which time Leaper recovered; and one might have hoped that he might have repented: but inſtead thereof then got a Sequeſtration againſt them and their Eſtates, both Real and Perſonal, for Tythes of Thomas Ellwood;

which was but00120
And Abraham Butterfield's15156
And William Catch's16074
And Coſt as tax'd by the Deputy71178
In all for Tythes and Coſt104126

For which they ſeized and took from T. E. in Houſhold-Goods, Bedding, Pewter, &c. (throwing out the Meat to take the Diſhes) to the Value of 19l. And a Horſe he uſed to ride on, which he would not have took Five [455] date 1709 Gueneas for.

In all about24100
Which they ſold (working and hobling about the Horſe, till they had almoſt ſpoil'd him) all for about14150
And from Abraham Butterfield, Cattle, Corn, Hay, &c. to the value of which they Sold by their own Account for ſo much.86170
And from William Catch they took, by their Account, Graſs, &c.8148
And a Years Rent of his Houſe, (deducting for Taxes, 11 ſhillings.)2090
Being about 3 l. per Annnm, which they ſeized, and kept till paid; which for Four Years, ſince the time called Michaelmas 1709, when they gave in their Account, came to9160
In all from W. C. about20198
Seized & taken in the whole about132068
For Tythes and Coſt104126
More than demanded027142

And yet, what by Charge of Sequeſtration making out, and ſelling the Corn; Selling underhand, &c. they brought in the Defendants in Debt, and wanted more.

I have been the larger in this Account, to ſhew the Proceeding of the Exchequer, and the Fruit of Tythes, to ruin the QUEEN's Subjects for ſmall Matters, when they might recover [456] date 1709 by Juſtices-Warrants to the value of 10l. with the hundredth part of the Charge.

Now we come to the ſecond Volume of his Great Work, the Hiſtory of the New Teſtament, which he had had in Hand at times, for the moſt Part ſince he finiſhed his former; and when he had finiſhed this, he brought it up to London for Friends Peruſal and Approbation: where it was Read, and afterwards publiſhed this Year 1709, in Folio, under the ſame Title with the former, only as that was of the Old Teſtament, this was of the New, viz. Sacred Hiſtory, or the Hiſtorical Part of the Holy Scriptures of the New Teſtament, &c. (as in the Title of the former) which as I gave ſome Account of, ſo it behoves I ſhould of this. The former Treatiſe (ſays he in his Preface) having found a favourable Reception, he was thence encouraged to reſume his Pen (which at the cloſe of that Volume he had let fall) and proceed to the Methodizing of the Hiſtorical Part of the New Teſtament, in Two Parts. In the firſt Part whereof the Reader will find an Account of the Conception, Birth, Life, Travels, Doctrines, Diſcourſes, Miracles, Sufferings, Death, Burial, Reſurrection and Aſcention of our Bleſſed Lord and Saviour JESUS CHRIST (the Author of the true Chriſtian Religion) plainly, fairly and ſuccinctly given; uſhered in with a brief Account of the Conception, Birth, Manner of Life, Miniſtry and Death of his Forerunner, John, Sirnamed the Baptiſt: And attended (in the Second [457] date 1709 Part) with a like Hiſtorical Account of the Acts and Travels of the Apoſtles of our Lord, in the Propagation of his Bleſſed Goſpel, after the Aſcention of our bleſſed Saviour; ſo far, at leaſt, as the Evangeliſt Luke in the Acts of the Apoſtles hath recorded, or the Clue or Thread of the Holy Text leads him: beyond which (he ſays) he was not willing to adventure, &c.

In this Undertaking, he ſays, he aimed at the ſame End as in the former, viz. That all the Youth eſpecially, of either Sex, under whatſoever religious Denomination they go, might be further furniſhed, with ſuch an Entertainment, to ſpend, at leaſt, their Leiſure Hours upon, as might yield them at once both Profit and Delight; and might be thereby drawn off from miſ-ſpending their precious Time upon other, either hurtful, or (at beſt) unprofitable Subjects. Then he gives Account why he hath, with the Matter of Fact, delivered the Diſcourſes, Speeches, Sermons and Doctrines delivered by our bleſſed Lord to his Diſciples, &c. viz. That the Nature of the Hiſtory required it, and that without it the Diſcourſe would have been leſs profitable and pleaſant to the Reader; and by that means leſs conducive to the End he propoſed, which is to allure him to read the Holy Scriptures with Delight, &c. according to the Poet,

He certainly doth hit the white,
Who mingleth Profit with Delight.

[458] date 1709 After which he gives an Account of his going from Place to Place in the Evangeliſts, to reduce the ſeveral Parts and Paſſages of the Hiſtory (in the firſt Part) to their due and Proper Times and Places, which he endeavoured to do, (tho' difficult) as near as he could. But the Second Part (the Acts) being all written by one Hand, the Method (he ſays) is more regular, and the Courſe of the Hiſtory more clear. Yet the Apoſtolical Epiſtles, being without Date, are hardly, he conceives, to be reduced with indubitable Certainty to exact Order; which yet he hath endeavour'd to place them right, according to the beſt of his Underſtanding. Then owning the Helps he had in Compiling this Hiſtory, had been chiefly from the Criticks, and Cradock's Harmony of the four Evangeliſts, and his Apoſtolical Hiſtory, with a few Words of the Performance; which if not done as it ſhould (nor as he would) yet as well as he could; And therefore, in all Humility, recommending and committing it to the Divine Diſpoſal, he concludes his Preface.

Next to the Preface is an Introduction, concerning the Pen-men of the New Teſtament, and in what Language Originally written, and in what Order of Time; particularly of the four Evangeliſts, Matthew, Mark, Luke and John, what they were, the time of their Writing, and ſome particular Circumſtances concerning them and their Ends; well worth the Readers Peruſal, for the better underſtanding the Hiſtory, both of the Evangeliſts and Apoſtles. So proceeds to [459] date 1709 the Hiſtory; which he deduces from the Promiſed Seed after the Fall, for Man's Reſtoration, which the Prophets foretold the Coming of, and which he pleaſantly draws out at large in Order of Time, and explains with the like judicious Obſervations, as in the former, taking in the Epiſtles of St. Paul, &c. (in the ſecond Part) in their proper Places (as near as could be) and gives an Account of them, the Occaſion why, the manner how, and time when they were written: ending with the Revelations, which he renders as a Revelation unrevealed; with ſome Brief Notes on it. The whole, as I ſaid of the former, being both pleaſant and profitable. Both which will remain a laſting Monument of him in time to come.

date 1710 This Year (1710.) our Friend Oliver Sanſom, formerly of Faringdon, ſince of Abington in Berkſhire (who had long War with the Prieſts about Tythes) dying in the 2d Month, and leaving behind him An Account of ſome Remarkable Paſſages of his Life, which he Communicated (in his Life time) to our Friend T. Ellwood to peruſe, who being always ready to be helpful and ſerviceable to all, eſpecially his Friends, he Tranſcribed the ſame, and fitted it for the Preſs: which was Printed this Year; to which T. E. prefixed a Teſtimony concerning him, pertinent to the Occaſion.

There is one Book more of his, which he publiſhed in his Life-time; which, it ſeems, he had had by him, for the moſt part, a long time, and after he had finiſhed his Sacred Hiſtory of the New [460] date 1710 Teſtament, he took in hand to finiſh, and compleated. And that is The Life of DAVID in Verſe; firſt begun (for his own Diverſion, not then thinking of the Preſs) and carried on, by degrees, to the End of the Third Book, in the Year 1688. (as hinted before in that Year) when the Prince of Orange Landing, and the Nation being in Arms; the Noiſe of Guns, and Sounds of Drums and Trumpets ſo affrighted, and diſturbed his peaceful Muſe (as he ſays in his Preface) that both ſhe, for a while, forſook him, and he thereupon the Work (for above Twenty Years:) ſave that on a Review, obſerving how abruptly David was brought in, he added the firſt Chapter (of the firſt Book) to introduce his Hero from the Beginning of his Story. Where it reſted again, without any Proſpect of its ever going further, until the laſt Winter; date 1711(1711.) When having (as he ſays) leſs Health and more Leiſure, than at ſometimes before, he took it up for an Entertainment, to make ſome uneaſie Hours paſs ſomewhat leſs uneaſily over. And after he had read it through, conſidering that if, after his Death, it ſhould be found among his Papers and committed to the Preſs, it would be but an imperfect Piece; he found an Inclination to carry on the Story to the End of David's Life, (I wiſh he had done ſo by his own) And giving a kind Invitation to his gentle Muſe to return (which by ſome ſhort Viſits on particular Occaſions, in the Interval, had given him ſome Ground to hope, ſhe had not quite forſook him) he entred again upon the Subject, where he had [461] date 1711 left off; and by degrees went through it, till he had brought his warlike Hero to his peaceful Grave.

date 1712 After it was finiſhed, deliberating, whether to publiſh it himſelf, or leave it, as a Poſthume, to be publiſhed by ſome kind Hand after his Death, for ſome Reaſons; particularly, That if any ſhould Carp at it, he might be capable to anſwer for himſelf, he thought beſt to publiſh it in his Life time; and accordingly brought it up with him, when he came to the Yearly-Meeting (1712.) but not having then an Opportunity to have it Read, he came up again with it ſome time after (which I think was the laſt time he was at London) and after Reading, committed it to the Preſs this Year, under the Title of DAVIDEIS. The Life of David King of Iſrael. A Sacred Poem: in five Books, in Octavo. Tho', as he obſerves, Abraham Cowley writ a Poem called Davideis, he had not read it till after he had finiſhed his; and beſides, their different way of Writing, A. C's was but of the Troubles of David in his Youth, and that not half finiſhed. And that he had the ſame Aim in this, as in that of his Sacred Hiſtory aforeſaid. Which Book begins thus.

I Sing the Life of David, Iſrael's King,
Aſſiſt, thou ſacred Pow'r who did'ſt him bring
From the Sheepfold, and ſet him on the Throne,
Thee I invoke, on thee rely alone.
Breath on my Muſe; and fill her ſlender Quill
With thy Refreſhing Dews from Hermon-Hill:
[462] date 1712 That what ſhe Sings may turn unto thy Praiſe,
And to thy Name may laſting Trophies Raiſe.

But I would not Anticipate the Reader, but leave him to Read and Judge for himſelf, as it deſerves

I ſhall Conclude his Works and Writings with a Copy of Verſes he formerly Writ; which, though out of Courſe as to Time, is ſo well worth the Inſerting, that I hope they will make amends for being miſ-placed, viz.

O That mine Eye might cloſed be,
To what becomes me not to ſee!
That Deafneſs might poſſeſs mine Ear,
To what concerns me not to hear!
That Truth my Tongue might always ty,
From ever ſpeaking Fooliſhly!
That no vain Thought might ever reſt,
Or be conceived in my Breaſt!
That, by each Word, each Deed, each Thought,
Glory may to my God be brought!
But what are Wiſhes! Lord, mine Eye
On thee is fixt; to thee I Cry:
O purge out all my Droſs, my Tin:
Make me more white than Snow, within!
Waſh Lord, and purifie my Heart,
And make it clean in every part:
And when 'tis clean, Lord keep it too:
For that is more than I can do.
T. E.

Thus having gone through his Printed Books and Papers, which I have endeavoured to give [463] date 1712 a plain and ſuccinct Account of, and of him out of them, as far as I could, and with as much Brevity as well might be: I ſhall now ſpeak ſomewhat of him in his Private Capacity, and other Services and Station in the Church, with his Death and Character; and ſo Conclude the Whole.

He lived many Years (if not moſt of his Time, eſpecially after he was Married) at Hunger-Hill, in the Pariſh of Agmondeſham, alias, Amerſham, in Buckinghamſhire (though his Houſe ſtood in Hartfordſhtre, as aforeſaid) where the Monthly Meetings of Men and Women were conſtantly kept, for that part of the County of Bucks: Wherein he was very Serviceable, in Writing, Adviſing, and Exhorting to keep all things Well, and in good Order, according to Truth, and the Teſtimony thereof; and had a Peculiar Gift for Government in the Church, and ordering things in Monthly and Quarterly Meetings, and uſed to come up conſtantly to the Yearly-Meeting at London, and was very Serviceable therein; not only by his Grave Counſel and Advice; but alſo, in Reading and Writing on occaſion, eſpecially in difficult Matters. He had a ſingular Talent in Indicting and Compoſing of things, Epiſtles and Papers beyond many; ſo that I muſt needs ſay, he was an Ornament to the Meeting, and will be much miſſed therein, and many other ways. His Wife Died about Five Years before him, being a Solid Weighty Woman, who had a Publick [464] date 1712 Teſtimony for the Lord and his Truth, in Meetings; and therefore the greater Loſs to him and Friends: And for himſelf, he lived a Private Retired Life, not concerning himſelf with much Buſineſs in the World; but gave himſelf much to Reading and Writing, and lived in good Repute among Friends, and all ſorts of People, as far as ever I heard of, to a pretty good Age; but bore his Age very well, being of a Regular Life, and Healthy Conſtitution; only in his latter Years, was ſomewhat troubled at times with an Aſthma: And at laſt he was taken ill of a Palſie, the 23d Day of the 2d Month, date 1713 1713. which he bore with great Patience and Reſignation; an Account of which, and his Dying Words, I leave to them who were with him in the time of his Sickneſs, the 8th day of which, he departed this Life, the 1ſt of the 3d Month, in the 74th Year of his Age: Having ſerved his Generation according to the Will of God, he fell a Sleep; and was Honourably Buried the 2d Day following, being the 4th of the 3d Month, at Jordans: Being accompanied from his own Houſe by a great many Friends and others, to the Meeting-Houſe there (the Meeting he belong'd to) and Interr'd in the Burying-Ground belonging thereto, where was a very large Meeting, and great Appearance of Friends and others, ſeveral Publick Friends being there from London, and other Parts; and divers Living Teſtimonies born, to the Truth he Lived and Died in, in a Living Remembrance of him, and his Services in the Church. A Man of a Comely Aſpect, of a [465] date 1713 Free and Generous Diſpoſition, of a Courteous and Affable Temper, and Pleaſant Converſation; a Gentleman Born and Bred, a Scholar, a True Chriſtian, an Eminent Author, a Good Neighbour, and Kind Friend; whoſe Loſs is much Lamented, and will be much miſſed at Home and Abroad. The Lord (if it be his Will) Raiſe up many more ſuch Pillars, Elders and Overſeers of his Flock and Family (as Watchmen upon Sion's Walls) for his Honour, and the benefit of his Church and People, ſaith my Soul, Amen.

J. W.

Appendix B POSTSCRIPT.

SINCE the Writing of the foregoing Supplement, I have Underſtood, that our Friend Thomas Ellwood, after he had finiſhed and Publiſhed his Davideis, ſignified, That he had but one thing more that lay upon his Mind, and that was, to add ſomething to his Journal, or Account of his Life; which was chiefly to give an Account of his Books and Writings: Which, as it ſhews he had not done it, or finiſhed it before, and 'tis to be doubted he did not after (not Living long after that) and ſo no more to be expected (more's the Pity) from his own Hand. So it ſhews what his deſign was, as to what he [466] intended to have added to it; had he Lived to perform it, or had not Death prevented him. So that the foreſaid Supplement ſeems (in ſome ſort at leaſt) to Anſwer his own Intention (though far ſhort, as was ſaid, of what his own Hand could have done) yet ſo far as it does any way anſwer his Mind, I am therein Glad that I have done any ſervice to his Memory, or the Truth in that reſpect; having endeavoured to repreſent things according to his own Mind, and to ſpeak of him and things as probably he would have done it he had been Living, and hope the Reader will accept it the better. To whom therefore I recommend it; as giving at leaſt, a fair Character of the Books he Writ, and Controverſies he Managed, both Publiſhed and Unpubliſhed; which I hope will be no Diſſervice (but Service) to the Truth, as it is intended in the Fear of God: To whoſe Honour, and the Service of his Truth, I deſire, with great Sincerity, to Dedicate the remainder of my Days, and Reſt,

A Friend to all Men. J. W.

Appendix C A Catalogue of his Printed BOOKS before mentioned.

[]
  • 1. AN Alarm [...] Prieſts, &c. Pr. 1660. 1 Sheet. Page. 104
  • 2. A freſh [...] &c. Broadſide, 1674. 315
  • 3. Forgery [...] [...]iſtianity, againſt T. P. 80. 9 ſh. 316
  • 4. Truth pr [...]ailing and detecting Er. 8o. 1676, 23½. 322, 344
  • 5. The Foundation of Tythes ſhaken. 8o. 1678, 33. 323, 346
  • 6. An Antidote againſt the Infection of W. Rogers's Book. 4to. 1682. 31. Sheets. 327, 352
  • 7. A Caution to Conſtables, &c. 4to. 1683, 2½. 327, 353
  • 8. A Diſcourſe concerning Riots. 4to. dit. 2. 354
  • 9. A ſeaſonable Diſſwaſive from Perſec. 4to. dit. 1½. 356
  • 10. Rogero Maſtix; [...] Rod for W. R. 4to 1685. 4. 361
  • 11. An Epiſtle to Friends. 4to. 1686. is inſerted 367
  • 12. The Acco. from Wiccomb examined. 4to. 1690. 2½. 387
  • 13. A Reply to J. H's Anſw. to W. P. 4to. 1691. 13. 388
  • 14. His Anſwer to Leonard Key's late printed Sheet. Broadſide. 1693. 390
  • 15. Deceit diſcovered, and Malice manifeſted. L. K. ditto 391
  • 16. A fair Examination of a foul Paper. 4to. dit. 3. 392
  • 17. An Epiſtle to Friends; briefly commemorating, &c. 8to. 1694. 5. 398
  • 18. A further diſcovery of the Spirit of Contention. 8o. ditto 8. 405
  • 19. Truth defended, and the Friends thereof cleared, &c. 8o. 1695. 11. 408
  • 20. An Anſwer to G. Keith's Narrat. 8o. 1696. 14½ 416
  • 21. A ſober Reply, &c. 4to. 1699. 2. 432
  • 22. Sacred Hiſtory of the Old Teſtam. fol. 1705, 150. 445
  • 23. The Glorious Brightneſs of the Goſpel-Day. 4to. 1707. 12. 451
  • 24. Sacred Hiſtory of the New Teſta. fol. 1709. 111. 456
  • 25. Davideis. The Life of David. 8o. 1712. 20½ 386, 461 About 464 Sheets.

Appendix D A Liſt of the MANUSCRIPTS he left behind him.

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  • 1. AN Anſwer to a Paper directed to the Members of the Society of Quakers, eſpecially to thoſe that frequent the Town of Feverſham (in Kent) 1672. To which the Prieſt replying, T. Ellwood writ a Rejoinder, very notable, and worth the Publiſhing. The whole about 15 Sheets, in 1672, or 1673.
  • 2. His Reply, or Rejoinder to the Prieſts ſecond Book, called The Right of Tythes Re-aſſerted, 46 Sheets. About 1681.
  • 3. Some Remarks on Gerard Croeſes General Hiſtory of the Quakers, in Latin, 3 or 4 Sheets. About 1695, or 1696.
  • 4. A Rejoinder to the Snake in the Graſs, his Book called Satan diſrob'd, in reply to T. E's Anſwer to G. Keith's Narrative. 27 Sheets. 1696.
  • 5. Some Inſtructions for Children. About 2 Sheets.
  • 6. An Anſwer to G. Keith's Deiſm of W. Penn and his Brethren. 37 Sheets. 1700.
  • 7. An Anſwer to John Shockling Prieſt of Aſh near Sandwich in Kent, concerning Baptiſm, 1701, and a Rejoinder to his Reply, 1702. both about 3 ſh.
  • 8. The Tythe Dialogue improved, for the better explaining the preſent State of Tythes, by the ſame Method of a Dialogue, ſuppoſed to be holden between a Tytheman and a Quaker. 6 Sheets. 1707.
  • 9. A Volume of Miſcellany Poems, about 20 Sheets.
  • 10. Several Decades of Letters to particular Perſons; about 35 Sheets.
  • 11. To Robert Snow, in Anſwer to his Objections.
  • 12. An Account of Tythes in general.

☞ The two laſt mentioned Papers, becauſe we could not fix their Dates, are here added at the End. And are as follow:

Appendix E AN ANSWER To Some OBJECTIONS OF A Moderate ENQUIRER.

[1]
Robert Snow,

WE received a Paper ſubſcribed by thee, and directed to the Church or People of God called Quakers, &c. Which Paper contains ſome Objections, which (thou ſayſt) thou haſt heard ſpoken againſt us, and wherein thou deſireſt to be ſatisfied. To which we ſay, It is no ſtrange Thing to us to be ſpoken againſt by the World's Teachers, that being no more than befel the People of God, in the Firſt breaking forth of Chriſtianity in the World, Of whom it was ſaid, Acts 28. 22. As concerning this Sect, we know that every where it is ſpoken againſt. But we are willing to endeavour thy Satisfaction, by Anſwering the Objections.

The Firſt is, You own no Day, either the Firſt or Laſt, as a Sabbath to the Gentiles.

Anſwer. The Sabbath (which was the ſeventh or laſt Day of the Week) was given to the Jews, Ex. 16. 29. Rom. 9. 4. Not to the Gentiles, Pſal. 147. 19. 20. Rom. 3. 19. and was to laſt (as other typical Ordinances [2] were) untill the time of Reformation, Heb. 9. 10 till the Seed ſhould come, Gal. 3. 19. which was Chriſt. ver. 16. the Lord of the Sabbath, Mat. 12. 8. who, in the Fulneſs of time, did blot out the Hand writing of Ordinances, &c. and took it out of the way, nailing it to his Croſs, Col. 2. 14. From whence the Apoſtle thus infers, Let no man therefore judge you (the Saints and faithful Brethren, Col. 1. 2.) in Meat or in Drink, or in reſpect of an Holy Day, or of the New Moon or of the Sabbath Days, Col. 2. 16. which, ſays he, are a Shadow of things to come, but the Body is of Chriſt. ver. 17. Thus was that Sabbath, which was given by God, to his People the Jews, ended and taken away by Chriſt, before the Gentiles were called to be his People. And as for the Firſt Day of the Week, we do not read in the Holy Scriptures, that it is called the Sabbath-Day, or commanded to be kept and obſerved for a Sabbath, as the Seventh Day had been. But, on the contrary, we find the Apoſtle Paul, writing to the Romans, who were Gentiles (though not without ſome mixture of believing Jews amongſt them, as appears, Acts 18. 2.) ſays, One Man eſteems one Day above another (there was the believing Jew) Another eſteemeth every Day alike (there was the believing Gentile.) Well, what then? Doth he commend the Former of theſe, and condemn the latter? No; but he ſays, Let every Man be fully perſwaded in his own Mind, Rom. 14. 5. And in the 4th, 10th, and 13th verſes diſſwades them from judging one another about the Obſerving, or not obſerving a Day, as well as about the Eating, or not eating of Meats; and ſeems to lay no more Streſs upon the one, than the other. And if the Drift of the Apoſtle's diſcourſe there be heedfully minded, it will appear that, as he ſets him who believed he might eat all Things, with him that eſteemed every Day a like; and him that eſteemed one Day above another, with him that eat Herbs: So he imputes the Weakneſs to the Latter, ver. 2. and ſets himſelf on [3] the other ſide, ſaying, We then that are ſtrong ought to bear the Infirmities of the weak, Chap. 15. 1. And he tells the Galatians (which though a Gentile Church, had alſo Jewiſh Believers in it) I am afraid of you, leſt I have beſtowed upon you Labour in vain, Gal. 4. 11. Why ſo? Ye obſerve Days, and Months, and Times, and Years, ſays he, ver. 10. So Jealous was the Apoſtle, leſt any that had been gathered from outward Obſervations, and from a ſhadowy State, ſhould imbondage themſelves again in Shadows, and fall ſhort of injoying the Subſtance, which is the true Goſpel Reſt that remains to the People of God, Heb. 4. 9. Which in the next Verſe is deſcribed to be, Their Ceaſing from their own Works, as God did from His. Into which Reſt we (ſaith the Apoſtle) that have believed, do enter, ver. 3. And in the 11. Verſe he preſſes others to labour to enter into that Reſt, Now when the Apoſtle ſays, There remains a Reſt, it plainly implies that the former Reſt, the outward Sabbatical Reſt did not remain, but was paſſed away and gone. Nor is it reaſonable to ſuppoſe, that the Reſt here mentioned, which is ſaid to Remain to the People of God, was an outward bodily Reſting, from outward bodily Labour, on whatſoever Day; both, as that would be but to change one Type or Figure for another; And, as the entring into this Reſt is ſet forth in the Text, as a Matter of Labour and Difficulty, ver. 11. as it is indeed, yet bleſſed be the Lord, he hath enabled ſome, that have believed in his Name, and ſubjected to his Power, to enter into this Reſt, in this his Day; and many are preſſing after it, as the true abiding Goſpel-Reſt, which the Legal Sabbath was but a Type or Shadow of.

The 2d Objection is, You deny the Scriptures to be any Rule for Man or Woman to walk by, ſo as to direct them to the ſaving of their Souls.

Anſwer. In this we are miſrepreſented. We ſincerely own, love and regard the Holy Scriptures, believing [4] with the Apoſtle, that they were given by Inſpiration of God, and are profitable for Doctrine, for Reproof, for Correction, for Inſtruction in Righteouſneſs, that the Man of God may be perfect, throughly furniſhed unto all good Works, 2 Tim. 3. 16, 17. and that they are able to make wiſe unto Salvation, through Faith that is in Chriſt Jeſus, ver. 15. And great benefit and delight we find in them, reading them in the openings of that Divine Spirit, by which they were given forth. We are ſo far from denying them to be any Rule, &c. that we acknowledge them to contain many excellent Rules, Precepts, Doctrines and Inſtructions, directing Man and Woman how to walk, that they may obtain the Salvation of their Souls. Yet we do not ſay (as ſome have done) that the Scriptures are the only Rule, or the chief and principal Rule: becauſe we dare not give the Honour and Office of the Holy Spirit unto the Scriptures; For the Scriptures themſelves declare, That it is the Office of the Holy Spirit to guide Believers into all Truth, John. 16. 13. And indeed, the true Meaning and Benefit of the Scriptures themſelves is not attained to in the Reading of them, unleſs the Spirit that gave them forth do open them, and unſeal the Myſteries contained in them. So that the Holy Spirit is greater than the Scriptures, and therefore we cannot but give the chief Place unto him. For he is able to manifeſt himſelf unto Man, and to lead Man into the Way of Salvation, either with and by the Scriptures, or without them, as he pleaſes: But the Scriptures cannot do that without the Operation of the Holy Spirit. Juſtly therefore do we affirm the Spirit of God, to be the Chief Rule, and yet acknowledge the Holy Scriptures to be a true Rule, and proper Inſtrument in the Hand of the Spirit, to direct Men and Women how they ought to walk, to obtain Salvation to their Souls, as the Spirit of the Lord makes uſe of the Scriptures to that End.

[5]The 3d OBJECTION is, You deny the Reſurrection of this mortal Body, that this Mortal ſhall not put on Immortality.

Anſwer. In this alſo we are miſrepreſented: We do not deny, but own the Reſurrection of the Dead; Believing, with the Apoſtle, that This Corruptible ſhall put on Incorruption, and this Mortal ſhall put on Immortality, 1 Cor. 15. 54. And indeed, if we did not believe this, we might well ſay (as he did) If in this Life only we have Hope in Chriſt, we were of all Men moſt miſerable, ver. 19. And, Why ſtand we in jeopardy every Hour, ver. 30. But the Lord knows, and we have openly and ſincerely declared, that we believe and own the Reſurrection of the Dead, according as the Holy Scriptures teſtify concerning it; Which ſay, Thou ſoweſt not that Body that ſhall be, but bare Grain &c. But God giveth it a Body as it hath pleaſed him, and to every Seed his own Body, ver. 37, 38. It is ſown a natural Body; it is raiſed a Spiritual Body, ver. 44. the reaſon of which follows ver. 50. namely, That Fleſh and Blood cannot inherit the Kingdom of God, neither doth Corruption inherit Incorruption. And as we firmly believe this; So we take this to be ſufficient, without being ſo curiouſly inquiſitive as he, who would needs ask, How are the Dead raiſed up? and with what Body do they come? ver. 35. and was called Fool for his Pains, ver. 36.

The 4th OBJECTION is, You ſuffer Women to be your Teachers, that were forbid by the Apoſtle, for he ſays, that they ſhould keep ſilence.

Anſwer. The Jews of old had a ſtrong Perſuaſion (grounded upon ſome miſunderſtood Places of Scripture) that the Salvation of God was confined to them, and belonged not at all to the Gentiles. And this Opinion had prevailed ſo far upon them, that even thoſe of them that received the Goſpel could not eaſily ſhake it off. In ſo much that, after Peter had been with Cornelius the Centurion, and was come [6] back again to Jeruſalem, he was called before the Church for it, they that were of the Circumciſion contending with him, and ſaying, Thou went'ſt in to Men uncircumciſed, and did'ſt eat with them, Act. 11. 2, 3. To whom, having related the Occaſion and Particulars of that Matter, he concludes his Defence thus, For as much then as God gave them the like Gift as he did unto us, who believed on the Lord Jeſus Chriſt, what was I, that I could withſtand God? ver. 17. And in the next verſe it follows, when they heard theſe Things they held their Peace, and glorified God, &c. This Anſwer, which the Apoſtle gave in that Caſe, may be ſuitable (we think) for us to give in this Caſe, to ſuch as (from ſome miſunderſtood Places of Scripture) are offended at us for Suffering Women to ſpeak in our Aſſemblies, viz. For as much as God hath given them the like Gift as he did unto us, who believed on the Lord Jeſus Chriſt, what are we that we ſhould withſtand God? God, by his Servant Joel, in the Time of the Law, had made this Promiſe, with Relation to the Times of the Goſpel, viz. And it ſhall come to paſs afterwards (or in the laſt Days, as Peter repeats it, Act. 2. 17.) that I will pour out my Spirit upon all Fleſh, and your Sons and your Daughters ſhall prophecy, your old Men ſhall dream Dreams, your young Men ſhall ſee Viſions: And alſo upon the Servants and upon the Handmaids in thoſe Days will I pour out my Spirit, Joel 2. 28, 29. (And they ſhall prophecy, adds Peter, Act. 2. 18.) Here was no Diſtinction of Sex made; But this Promiſe of pouring out the Spirit, and of propheſying thereby, is extended as expreſly and fully to the Daughters as to the Sons, to the Handmaids as to the Servants. And this the Apoſtle Peter doth expreſly apply to that great pouring forth of the Spirit upon the Church, at the Pentecoſt immediately after Chriſt's Aſcenſion, ſaying, This is that which was ſpoken by the Prophet Joel, Acts 2. 16. Now at that great and eminent [7] pouring forth of the Spirit it appears the Women were not excluded: For when, after the Aſcention, the Apoſtles and Diſciples were returned from Mount Oliver to Jeruſalem, it is ſaid, Theſe all continued with one accord in Prayer and Supplication with the Women, and Mary the Mother of Jeſus, &c. Acts 1. 14. The Number of the Names together being about an Hundred and Twenty, ver. 15. And when the Day of Pentecoſt was fully come, they were all with one accord in one Place, Chap. 2. 1. And in Ver. 3. it is ſaid, The cloven Tongues ſate upon each of them, and they were all filled with the Holy Ghoſt, and began to ſpeak with other Tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance, ver. 4. Here was no Diſtinction made, no ſhutting out the Women; but all were together, all received the Gift of the Spirit, and began to ſpeake with other Tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance. Nor was it thus only at that time, and upon that extraordinary Occaſion, but continued in the Church afterwards. For we read that Philip the Evangeliſt had four Daughters that did propheſie, Acts 21. 8, 9. Phebe, a Woman, is recommended by the Apoſtle Paul to the Church at Rome, not only as a Siſter, but as a Servant of the Church, Rom. 16. 1. Priſcilla, a Woman, is called by the ſame Apoſtle, My Helper (or Fellow Labourer) in Chriſt Jeſus, ver. 3. Tryphena and Tryphoſa, two Godly Women, are ſaluted by him as Labourers in the Lord. And of the beloved Perſis, another holy Woman, he teſtifies, that ſhe laboured much in the Lord, ver. 12. The ſame Apoſtle, in his Epiſtle to the Philippians, ſays, I entreat thee alſo, true Yoke Fellow, help thoſe Women which laboured with me in the Goſpel, Phil. 4. 3. Which is the Phraſe by which the Apoſtle doth frequently expreſs his own Miniſtry; and which he particularly applies to Timotheus, whom he calls Our Brother and Miniſter of God, and our Fellow Labourer in the Goſpel of Chriſt, 1 Theſ. 3. 2. Which is a clear Evidence [8] that thoſe Women, that had received the Gift of Propheſy, did miniſter therein to the Edification of the Church, as well as the Men. Nay the Apoſtle Paul, in that very Epiſtle, wherein he is thought by ſome to diſcountenance Womens Preaching, doth give Directions for the Manner of their Preaching or Propheſying, viz. That they ſhould do it with their Heads covered. For having firſt ſaid, Every Man praying or propheſying, having his Head covered, diſhonoureth his Head, 1 Cor. 11. 4. He adds, But every Woman that Prayeth or Propheſyeth with her Head uncovered diſhonoureth her Head, ver. 5. This puts it out of doubt, that Womens Praying and Propheſying in the Church, was at that Time both lawful and uſual, as well as Mens.

Now, that by Propheſying here is meant Preaching (not barely foretelling Things to come) may not only be inferred from the uſe of the ſame Word in the verſe foregoing, where, being ſpoken of Men, it is granted on all Hands to intend Preaching (and from thence the general practice of Mens Preaching uncovered is defended) but may alſo fairly be concluded, from the explanation the Apoſtle gives of it, in Chap. 14. ver. 31. where he tells that Church in general, We may all Propheſy one by one that all may learn; Which manifeſts that by Propheſying he intended Preaching or Teaching, that being the proper way or means of Learning. And in the Beginning of that Chapter, where he prefers Propheſying before Speaking whith Tongues, ver. 1. and 5. he ſays, He that Propheſyeth, Speaketh unto Men, to Edification, and Exhortation, and Comfort, ver. 3. And, He that Propheſyeth, Edifieth the Church, ver. 4. which plainly ſhew that by Propheſying he meant Preaching or Teaching, that being the proper means or way of Edifying. And therefore, ſeeing he not only allowed Women to Prophecy, but directed and adviſed them how they ſhould perform it, Chap. 11. 5. and that in [9] this Place Propheſying and Preaching appear to be one and the ſame Thing, it is unreaſonable to ſuppoſe he denied them the Liberty of Preaching, being gifted and called thereunto. As for thoſe Words of his, 1 Cor. 14. 34. Let your Women keep ſilence in the Churches: for it is not permitted unto them to ſpeak; but to be under Obedience, as alſo ſaith the Law. Obſerve firſt, that thoſe Words, [as alſo ſaith the Law] relate only to the Womens being under Obedience, not to their keeping ſilence in the Church: For that was never enjoyned them in the Law, but they were permitted to ſpeak in the Congregation; And both Miriam, who was a Propheteſs, did ſing the Triumphs of the Lord, in the publick Congregation, Ex. 15. 20. 21. And Deborah, who was a Propheteſs, did recount the noble Acts of the Lord, and celebrate his Praiſes in a Triumphant Song, Judges 5. Read alſo what Hanna ſpake in the Houſe of the Lord in Shiloh, 1 Sam. 2. And Anna, who was a Propheteſs, did not only give thanks unto the Lord, but ſpake of Chriſt to all them that looked for Redemption in Jeruſalem, Luke 2. 38. This was direct Preaching, and that in the Temple. So that the Women were not enjoyned ſilence under the Law, but were permitted to Speak. In the next Place, conſider what Speaking it was that was forbidden by the Apoſtle in that Place, 1 Cor. 14. 34. which from his following Words will appear to be, not a Speaking of the Words of Life and Salvation, not a Speaking as the Spirit of God gives utterance; but ſpeaking diſorderly, asking Queſtions unſeaſonably, and out of place; not ſpeaking for the Edification of Others, but ſpeaking for their own Information only: for he immediatly adds, If they will learn any Thing, let them ask their Husbands at home, ver. 35. Theſe Words [learn and ask] plainly ſhew, that the Speaking here condemned was not a Speaking the Doctrines of the Goſpel for the Edification of the [10] Church, but asking Queſtions for their own Satiſfaction, which they might have done at home, but not there: therefore he adds, For it is a Shame for Women to ſpeak in the Church. And ſo indeed it was in ſuch a diſorderly manner as they ſpake, to interrogate or Catechiſe either the Miniſter, or their Huſbands, openly in the Church, to aſk the Meaning of this, or call for an Explanation of that, which might look like a throwing off their Obedience to their Huſbands, and muſt needs occaſion Diſorders and Confuſion in the Aſſembly; which we may perceive was the thing that troubled the Apoſtle, and which he laboured to reform: for he ſaid before, God is not the Author of Confuſion, but of Peace, ver. 33. and he concludes the Chapter with this Admonition Let all things be done decently and in order: So that it was the diſorderly Practice of ſome Women in that Church which he reproves, who, it ſeems, when any Thing was ſpoken which they did not underſtand, would interpoſe, and ask Queſtions for Information ſake, which was uncomely in them, offenſive and troubleſome to the Congregation. This ſort of Speaking was not permitted them, but was a Shame to them, and from which they ought to have kept ſilence in the Church, and if they will learn any thing, ſays he, let them ask their Husbands at home. Of like import are thoſe other Words of the ſame Apoſtle to Timothy, and probably on the ſame Occaſion. Let the Woman, ſays he, learn in ſilence with all Subjection. But I ſuffer not a Woman to teach, nor to uſurp Authority over the Man, but to be in ſilence, 1 Tim. 2. 11, 12. For hence it appears ſtill, that the Occaſion they took of ſpeaking, was under pretence of learning, wherein they took an undue Liberty to ask Queſtions, as if they would catechize or teach their Huſbands. But though the Apoſtle would not ſuffer ſuch ſort of Speaking in the Church, as might give Occaſion to any to think that the Women did caſt off the Obedience [11] they owed, and did uſurp Authority over their Huſbands; nor after ſuch a Manner, as might breed Confuſion in the Congregation, for he was ſo watchful againſt that, that he enjoins the Man to be ſilent in that Caſe, as well as the Woman. If any Man, ſays he, ſpeaks in an unknown Tongue,— let one interpret: But if there be no Interpreter, let him keep ſilence in the Church, 1 Cor. 14. 27, 28. Yet we have before ſhewed, that he allowed of Women Propheſying, and that by Propheſying he meant Preaching. We have alſo given many Inſtances of Women that laboured in the Work of the Goſpel in that Day; and could, from a living and ſure Experience, multiply inſtances of many Women in this Day, whom the Lord hath committed the Word of Life and Reconciliation unto, and who, in the quickning Power and Virtue thereof, have ſounded forth the ſame, to the awakening of many that were aſleep in Sin, and turning of many from darkneſs to Light, and from the Power of Satan to God, who are now become living Seals of their Miniſtry. Neither would this ſeem ſo ſtrange as it doth to ſome, did they duly conſider. That God is no Reſpecter of Perſons. But that, as, in the old Creation, Male and Female were Created in the Image of God: So, in the new Creation, Male and Female are all one in Chriſt Jeſus, Gal. 3. 28. But, as they that contended with Peter, for converſing with the Gentiles, when they had heard his Defence, held their Peace, and glorified God, ſaying, Then hath God alſo to the Gentiles granted Repentance unto Life, Acts 11. 18. So, we hope, they that have taken Offence at us, for ſuffering Women to ſpeak in the Church, when they ſhall have duly and impartially weighed what is herein offered for their Satisfaction, will hold their Peace (as to any Oppoſition thereunto) and Glorifie God, ſaying, Then hath God committed unto Women alſo the Word of Reconciliation.

[12]The fifth Objection is, You are a People that have gained Health to your Immortal Souls, and are ſure of Heaven, when the Scriptures ſay, that the Righteous Man falls ſeven times a Day; and the Apoſtle Paul ſaid that Sin was ſtill actually in him.

Anſwer. We do not deſire to boaſt of any Attainments. Yet we cannot but confeſs, to the Glory of God, and the Praiſe of his Holy Name, that His ſaving Health hath appeared in this his Day, and we (through his Mercy) have taſted of it. Chriſt the Saviour, is manifeſted in Spirit, and we (through Grace) have felt the healing Virtue of his Divine Life and Power. Through the tender Mercy of our God, the Day-ſpring from on high hath viſited us, and hath given Light to us that ſate in Darkneſs and in the Shadow of Death, and hath guided our Feet into the way of Peace, and hath helped us to make our Calling and Election ſure. As for the Scripture thou mentioneſt, we do not find that the Scripture ſaith, The Righteous Man falls ſeven times a Day; but in Prov. 24. 16. we find it thus written, For a Juſt Man falleth ſeven times, and riſeth up again; but the Wicked ſhall fall into Miſchief. And as the Verſe before ſhews the Occaſion of theſe Words, where it is ſaid, Lay not wait, O wicked Man, againſt the Dwelling of the Righteous: ſpoil not his reſting place. So the latter Part of this 16th Verſe [but the wicked ſhall fall into Miſchief] implies, that the juſt Man doth not fall, as the wicked Man does, into Miſchief. And ſeeing all Sin is Miſchief, it ſeems as if the Fall here ſpoken of the juſt Man, were not a falling into Sin, but into ſome outward Calamity or Exerciſe. However the Place ſpeaks nothing of daily or continual falling. Nor do we remember that Paul doth uſe that very Expreſſion concerning himſelf, viz. That Sin was ſtill actually in him; though we know that he doth, in divers places, run through, as it were, and open the various States and Travels [13] of the Soul; in ſome of which he cried out, O wretched Man that I am, who ſhall deliver, &c! But he reſted not there, but quickly breaks forth into a Rejoycing, and cries out, I thank God, through Jeſus Chriſt our Lord, Rom. 7. 24, 25. And then in the next Chapter, having ſaid, There is no Condemnation to them that are in Chriſt Jeſus, who walk not after the Fleſh, but after the Spirit, he ſays expreſly concerning himſelf. For the Law of the Spirit of Life in Chriſt Jeſus, hath made me free from the Law of Sin and Death, ver. 2. And again, Thanks be to God, which giveth us the Victory, through our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, 1 Cor. 15. 57. This Victory we preſs after; this Freedom from the Law of Sin and Death, we labour and travel to attain unto, by a Subjection (through Divine Aſſiſtance) to the Law of the Spirit of Life in Chriſt Jeſus.

The 6th Objection is, Why your Teachers perſwade you, that all other People are in a barren and deſolate Condition, and are out of Chriſt.

Anſwer. Our Teachers do not perſwade us ſo; nor do we Judge ſo of all other People: For we our ſelves were gathered out of various Profeſſions, States and Conditions; and ſome of us, who had been ſeeking after the Lord in other Profeſſions, can remember, that before we were thus gathered to this divine Principle of Light, which the Lord hath ſet up, in this his Day, as an Enſign for the Nations to be gathered unto, and to walk in: we were not wholly barren and deſolate; but had, at Seaſons, ſome touches and taſtes of the Vertue of that hidden Life, which we were then Strangers to; the Lord having regard to the Sincerity of our Hearts, and anſwering, in ſome meaſure, the Breathings of our Souls to him; ſo far, at leaſt, as to cheriſh and keep alive thoſe good Deſires which were begotten in us, and to beget in us a greater Hunger and Thirſt after him. And it is not hard to us to believe, that [14] ſo it may be with others at this Day, who have an Integrity to the Lord, though not acquainted with his Outgoings, and Manifeſtations of himſelf in this Diſpenſation of Light and Life: And both our Prayers to God the Father, in and through his Son Jeſus Chriſt, and our Labour and Endeavours, in the Openings of his Love and Life in our Hearts, are, That all theſe, in whatſoever Profeſſion, may be drawn off from all the dry Hills and barren Mountains, and gathered into the true Sheepfold. For we remember our Saviour ſaid, Other Sheep I have, which are not of this Fold: them alſo I muſt bring, and they ſhall hear my Voice; and there ſhall be one Fold, and one Shepherd, Joh. 10. 16. The Lord grant, that none of theſe may miſtake his Voice, or diſobey it.

The laſt Objection is, You deny all outward Ordinances, as Baptiſm, and the Six Principles, that were taught to the firſt primitive Chriſtians.

Anſwer. The Diſpenſation of the Law was outward, and the Ordinances appertaining to that Diſpenſation were outward alſo: But the Diſpenſation of the Goſpel is ſpiritual and inward, and the Ordinances appertaining to this Diſpenſation are of a ſpiritual Nature. The Baptiſm with Water was John's, and came up under the Diſpenſation of the Law, nor did properly belong to the Goſpel Diſpenſation, though for a time, by Condeſcention, continued; as Circumciſion, and ſome other Legal Rites, were. And this was that Baptiſm which Paul ſays Chriſt ſent him not to baptize with, 1 Cor. 1. 17. But the Baptiſm of Chriſt, the true Goſpel-Baptiſm, that by which the true Believer is baptized into Jeſus Chriſt, Rom. 6. 3. and buried with him into Death, ver. 4. The one Baptiſm, Eph. 4. 5. is the Baptiſm with the Holy Ghoſt and with Fire, and is plainly diſtinguiſhed from the Baptiſm with Water, both by John, to whom the Water-Baptiſm [15] belonged, and by Chriſt, to whom the Spirit-Baptiſm belonged. For John ſaid, I indeed baptize you with water unto Repentance; but he that cometh after me is mightier than I, whoſe Shoos I am not worthy to bear: He ſhall baptize you with the Holy Ghoſt and with Fire, Mat. 3. 11. And Chriſt, as Luke records a little before his Aſcenſion, ſaid, John truly baptized with Water, but ye ſhall be baptized with the Holy Ghoſt not many Days hence, Acts 1. 5. which was the Promiſe of the Father, ver. 4. delivered by Chriſt to his Apoſtles and Diſciples, juſt before his parting from them, Luke 24. 49. Let it therefore be fairly conſidered, 1. That the Diſpenſation of the Goſpel is Spiritual, and therefore the Ordinances belonging to it ſhould be ſo too. 2. That in Mat. 28. 19. (From which place the Commiſſion for Water-Baptiſm is uſually fetched) there is no Mention ef Water. 3. That Baptiſm with Water is no where in Scripture called Chriſt's Baptiſm. 4. That Baptiſm with Water is frequently called John's Baptiſm. 5. That the Baptiſm with the Holy Ghoſt is called Chriſt's Baptiſm. 6. That the Apoſtle Paul acknowledges but One Baptiſm, Eph. 4. 5. which cannot be ſuppoſed to be that with Water, ſince then he muſt exclude the Baptiſm of the Spirit. 7. That the Apoſtle Peter, ſpeaking of the Baptiſm that ſaves, ſays expreſly, It is not the putting away the Filth of the Fleſh, 1 Pet. 3. 21. (which it is the Property of Water to do) as if he had ſaid, The Baptiſm which now ſaves us is not Water-Baptiſm. 8. That Baptiſm with Water is no where expreſly commanded in Scripture, as it would doubtleſs have been, had it been intended by Chriſt for a Goſpel Ordinance. 9. That tho' it was ſometimes uſed after Chriſt's Aſcenſion, yet that cannot authorize the uſe of it now, any more than of Circumciſion, and other Legal Ordinances, which, in Condeſcention to the Weakneſs of Believers in that Day, were alſo uſed [16] after Chriſt's Aſcenſion, yet are confeſt by all not to be in force now. For John, as himſelf ſaid, was to decreaſe, Joh. 3. 30. which related to his Miniſtry or Diſpenſation, not to his Perſon. Now a Decreaſing implies a growing leſs, or wearing away by degrees, not all on a ſuddain; or at once; and therefore no wonder, if his Water-Baptiſm was continued for a time, even after Chriſt's Baptiſm of the Holy Spirit took place. But as Chriſt's Baptiſm was to increaſe, ſo John's was to decreaſe, till Chriſt's came to be all in all, and John's Water Baptiſm wholly to give place. Let theſe things, we ſay, be duly weighed, and we hope we ſhall not be blamed, for leaving the Baptiſm of John, and cleaving to the Baptiſm of Chriſt.

As for the Six Principles thou mentioneſt, ſeeing thou haſt not declared what they are, it cannot be expected we ſhould ſpeak to them at this time. But we recommend to thee that holy divine Principle of Light wherewith Chriſt lighteth every Man that cometh into the World, Joh. 1. 9. In which Light the Nations of them that are ſaved ſhall walk, Rev. 21. 24. And we heartily deſire thou mayſt walk therein.

T. E.

Appendix F AN ACCOUNT OF TYTHES In GENERAL.

[17]

Appendix F.1

THE only Command from God, that we read of in Holy Scripture, for the Payment of Tythes, was given by Moſes, to the People of Iſrael, in the time of the Levitical Law. Then God firſt reſerved to himſelf the Tythe of the Land of Canaan, Lev. 27. 30. Which he did for this reaſon, that, intending to take the Tribe of Levi more peculiarly into his Service (as he did, Numb. 3. 6. in ſtead of, or in exchange for all the Firſt born of Iſrael, ver. 12. 13. and 45. and Chap. 8. ver. 18. Having before reſerved and appropriated the Firſt born to himſelf, Ex. 13. 2.) he might beſtow thoſe Tythes on the Levites, for and towards the Maintenance of that whole Tribe, as a Reward for their Service in the Tabernacle of the Congregation, Numb. 18. 21, 31. and in lieu of, and Compenſation for, their Part or Share of and in the Land of Canaan, which thereupon they were expreſly cut off from, ver. 20, 23, 24.

2. Now although it was grounded on a Principle of Moral Juſtice and Equity, that the Levites, thus engaged in a continual Attendance on a publick Service, and ſhut out from their Share in the Inheritance of the promiſed Land, ſhould receive a ſufficient [18] Maintenance from them for whom they performed that Service, and who enjoyed their Part of the Land: Yet the aſcertaining of the Quot a of that Maintenance to the exact Proportion of a Tenth Part of the Increaſe of the Land, was not grounded on moral Juſtice, but had its Dependence on the Ceremonial Law, adapted and limited to the Polity of that Diſpenſation and People only. And that it might not be extended beyond its appointed Time and Bounds, it pleaſed the Divine Wiſdom, to ſubject it to ſuch Ceremonial Circumſtances, as plainly rank it amongſt thoſe carnal Ordinances (Rites or Ceremonies) which were impoſed but till the Time of Reformation, ſpoken of Heb. 9. 10. For as God appointed the Levites to be offered for a Wave-Offering, by Moſes, in the Name and on the Behalf of the Children of Iſrael, when he ſaid to Moſes, Thou ſhalt bring the Levites to the Tabernacle of the Congregation, and thou ſhalt gather the whole Aſſembly of the Children of Iſrael together; And thou ſhalt bring the Levites before the Lord, and the Children of Iſrael ſhall put their Hands upon the Levites: And Aaron ſhall offer (in the Margin Wave) the Levites before the Lord, for an Offering (in the Margin Wave-Offering) of the Children of Iſrael; that they may execute the Service of the Lord, Numb. 8, 9, 10, 11. So the Tythes, which were aſſigned for the Maintenance of the Levites, were to be firſt offered, by the People, as an Heave-Offering unto the Lord. (The Tythes of the Children of Iſrael, which they offer as an Heave-Offering unto the Lord, I have given to the Levites, &c. Numb. 18. 24.) And even the Tythe of thoſe Tythes, which the Levites were to yield unto the Prieſts, were to be offered, by the Levites, as an Heave-Offering to the Lord, before the Prieſts might have them. Thus ſpeak unto the Levites (ſaid God to Moſes) and ſay unto them, When ye take of the Children of Iſrael the Tythe which I have given you from them for your Inheritance; Then ye ſhall offer up an Heave Offering of it for the Lord, even [19] a Tenth Part of the Tythe. And this your Heave-Offering ſhall be reckoned unto you, as though it were the Corn of the threſhing Floor, &c. Thus ye alſo ſhall offer an Heave-Offering unto the Lord, of all your Tythes, which ye receive of the Children of Iſrael: And ye ſhall give there of the Lord's Heave-Offering to Aaron the Prieſt, ver. 26, 27, 28. This makes it evident, beyond doubting, that the Tythes, which were given by the People to the Levites, and by the Levites to the Prieſts, under the Law, had their Dependence on the Ceremonial Law, as that Prieſthood had; And were to ſtand no longer than that Law and that Prieſthood ſtood: Which was but till Shiloh came, and by the Offering of himſelf once for all, had put an end to all the ſhadowy Offerings under that Law.

3. This the Author of the Epiſtle to the Hebrews did ſo well underſtand, that he poſitively declared that the Levitical Prieſthood being changed, there was made of Neceſſity a Change alſo of the Law, (of that Law, by which that Prieſthood and the Maintenance of it had ſtood) See Heb. 7. 12. And 'tis alſo evident from Scripture and Primitive Antiquity, that neither the Apoſtles themſelves, nor (for ſome ages after them) any of the Chriſtians, did meddle with, or at all concern themſelves about Tythes; But let them totally fall as they did the other abrogated Part, viz. Offerings, &c. and of the Ceremonial Law of Moſes.

4. But after that the Myſtery of Iniquity, which in the Apoſtles time began to work (2 Theſ. 2. 7.) had wrought to that Degree amongſt ſome Chriſtians, and had drawn them ſo far from the Purity and Simplicity of the Goſpel, as to form and model the Church in many things, by and according to the Jewiſh Pattern amongſt other Ceremonial Parts of the Jewiſh Religion, which had been aboliſhed by the Coming and Death of Chriſt, Tythes were preached up again (about the latter end of the fourth Century, and beginning of the fifth) by ſome, at firſt, under the Notion [20] of Alms and Charity (becauſe part of the Tythes under the Levitical Law, were appointed for the Maintenance of the Fatherleſs, the Widow and the Stranger, Deut. 14. 28, 29.) And by others, as then ſtill due by the Moſaic Law, which had required them to be paid to the Levitical Prieſthood. Which Plea afterwards (Corruptions increaſing in the Church, and in thoſe eſpecially who were called the Church-Men, or Clergy) more and more prevailing, the Payment of Tythes was re-introduced, as due by thoſe Levitical Laws, which had been given to the Iſraelites of old. And upon that Bottom, Tythes have ſtood, been claimed and the Claim defended unto this Day.

5. Now, not only he that thus claims, and receives Tythes; but he that conſents to, and complies with ſuch Claim, by paying Tythes thus brought in, and thus claimed, doth thereby implicitly, and vertually (at leaſt) deny that Chriſt has put an End to the Ceremonial Law of Moſes, and conſequently that he is come, and hath ſuffered in his Fleſh for Mankind. And that this may appear as plain as is poſſible, I ſhall draw the Matter into an Argument, thus:

  • To uphold any Thing, as ſtill in force, which was to be taken away, and ceaſe at and by the Death of Chriſt, is to deny that Chriſt is come and hath ſuffered in his Fleſh for Mankind.
  • But to receive, or pay Tythes now, is to uphold a Thing, as ſtill in force, which was to be taken away, and ceaſe at and by the Death of Chriſt
  • Therefore to receive, or pay Tythes now, is to deny that Chriſt is come, and hath ſuffered in his Fleſh for Mankind.

The Major muſt be granted, and the Minor I thus prove.

  • Whatſoever was a part of the Ceremonial Law of Moſes, was to be taken away and ceaſe at and by the Death of Chriſt;
  • [21] But Tythes were a part of the Ceremonial Law of Moſes;
  • Therefore Tythes were to be taken away, and ceaſe at and by the Death of Chriſt:

The Major here again is unexceptionable; And the Minor is thus proved.

  • Every Heave-Offering among the Jews was a Part of the Ceremonial Law of Moſes;
  • But Tythes were an Heave-Offering among the Jews, Num. 18. 24.
  • Therefore Tythes were a Part of the Ceremonial Law of Moſes.

6. By this it appears, that without regard had of the Perſon to whom, or the Uſe for which Tythes are paid, the paying of Tythes (as well as the receiving them) being a Part of the abrogated Ceremonial Law of Moſes, imports a denyal of the Coming, and Death of Chriſt. Hence it is, that Tythes have been, and are commonly called Antichriſtian, or againſt Chriſt. And hence hath riſen that ſaying (often uſed not only by our antient Friends, but by ſome of the Martyrs long before) viz. He that pays Tythes, doth thereby deny that Chriſt is come in the Fleſh. That Concluſion could not have been drawn, from the paying of Tythes to a wrong Miniſtry, or for a wrong uſe only, though ſuch Payment be evil: Nor could any thing juſtify that Inference, but the Conſideration that Tythes, depending on the Ceremonial Law of Moſes, which muſt of Neceſſity and in courſe fall, and ceaſe when Chriſt ſuffered; the paying of Tythes carries in it a ſuppoſal, that that Law is not yet ceaſed, but is ſtill in force: and conſequently that Chriſt, whoſe Death muſt needs have ended it, is not yet come, nor has yet ſuffered in his Fleſh for Mankind.

7. That other Objection, not leſs weighty than common againſt paying Tythes to the Clergy, ſo called, viz. The unlawfulneſs of upholding a falſe Miniſtry, to perform a falſe Worſhip (being it ſelf ſo [22] clear and plain, that it needs no illuſtration) I ſhall, in this Diſcourſe, no further meddle with, than to obſerve in my way, how far it may affect thoſe Tythes alſo, which the Impropriators claim. Wherefore having premiſed what is ſaid before concerning Tythes in general, to what Hand, or for what Uſe ſoever paid, let us now inquire into thoſe Tythes, which are called Impropriate.

Appendix F.2 Of Impropriate TYTHES.

1. THAT theſe Tythes, which are claimed by the Impropriators, are of the ſame Nature, and ſtand originally on the ſame Root and Ground, on which the other Tythes ſtand, which are claimed and exacted by the Prieſts, is evident from hence, that they were all heretofore, theſe as well as thoſe, claimed by, and paid to ſome or other of the Romiſh Clergy, or their Appendices, the Religious Orders (ſo called) and upon the ſame Foot. That is, Theſe Impropriate Tythes were paid to thoſe Religious Orders or Houſes, as being due to God, by vertue of the Levitic Law; as well as the other Tythes were paid to the Pariſh-Prieſts, on the ſame ſuppoſed Right, from the ſame Law. But how theſe Tythes came to thoſe Religious Houſes firſt, and how afterwards from them to the Impropriators, is next to be inquired.

2. Until the Lateran Council (ſo named, becauſe it was holden in the Pope's Palace at Rome, called the Lateran) in the Year 1215. It was in the choice of every Man to give his Tythes to what Church he pleaſed, ſo he gave them to ſome Church. And even after that Council, the Popes, as Heads of that Church, by their diſpencing Power, did give leave to ſuch as would ſue, and pay for it, to give their Tythes from the Pariſh-Prieſt, to ſuch Order of Religious People (whether Monks, Friers, or Nuns) as they were beſt affected to. By which means, the Pariſh-Prieſts (called Seculars,) [23] and thoſe of the ſeveral Religious Orders (called by a general Title, Regulars) being left to ſcramble, as they could, for maintenance, the Regulars (mendicant Fryers, and others) ſwarming in all Places, and pretending, at leaſt, to greater Sanctity, and Auſterity of Life, than the Pariſh-Prieſts, prevailed with the People, either living or dying, to give not only very conſiderable Eſtates in Lands, but alſo the Tythes of other Lands, and of whole Pariſhes, from the Pariſh-Prieſts, to their Religious Houſes or Convents.

3. The Tythes, or Parſonages, ſo given, were then called Appropriations, becauſe they were appropriated to this, that, or the other Religious Houſe or Convent. And I have read, that there were in England about 3845 Parſonages thus appropriated. And as Tythes were then held to be due to God and holy Church; and thoſe Religious Orders were reputed a part of that Church: So the Tythes, as well as the Lands thus given them, were continued to them, and poſſeſſed by them, till that general Storm aroſe, in K. Henry 8. his time, which overturned thoſe Religious Houſes and Orders together. And here, by the way, it may be noted, That while thoſe Religious Houſes ſtood, a great part of the Lands which had been given to them, were, by Papal Authority, exempted from paying Tythes: Whence it is, that many of thoſe Eſtates, which had belonged to thoſe Religious Houſes, remain diſcharged from the Burden of Tythes ſtill.

4. As Tythes were ſet up here on the Authority of the Levitic Law, and in imitation of the Jewiſh Practice, conſonant to that Law: So while thoſe Religious Houſes ſtood, and the Pope's Power prevailed here, not only the Seculars or Pariſh-Prieſts, but all thoſe Regulars who received Tythes, were bound to pay the Tenths out of the Tythes they received to the Head of their Church, the Pope as the Levites, under the Ceremonial Law, were required to do to the Prieſts.

5. But after that K. Hen. 8. (upon a Quarrel between [24] the Pope and him, about his Divorce from his firſt Queen Catharine, which he earneſtly deſired, and the Pope would not grant) fell off from the Pope (though not from Popery: For after that, he retained the moſt pernicious Doctrines of the Romiſh Church, contained in the ſix Articles, and burnt ſome for denying them) he threw off the Pope's Supremacy here, and aſſumed it to himſelf; declaring himſelf, and being declared, firſt by the Clergy in their Convocation, and ſoon after by Lords and Commons in Parliament, The only Supream Head in Earth of the Church of England. This was done by the Statute of 26 Hen. 8. c. 1. And therein it is enacted. ‘'That the King, his Heirs and Succeſſors, Kings of this Realm, ſhall be taken, accepted and reputed the only Supream Head in Earth of the Church of England. And ſhall have and enjoy, annexed and united to the Imperial Crown of this Realm, as well the Title and Stile thereof, as all Honours, Dignities, Praeeminences, Juriſdictions, Privileges, Authorities, Immunities, Profits and Commodities to the ſaid Dignity of Supream Head of the ſame Church belonging and appertaining. And ſhall have full Power and Authority, from time to time, to Viſit, Repreſs, Redreſs, Reform, Order, Correct, Reſtrain and Amend all ſuch Errors, Hereſies, Abuſes, Offences, Contempts and Enormities whatſoever they be, which by any manner of Spiritual Authority and Juriſdiction ought, or may lawfully be reformed, repreſſed, ordered, redreſſed, corrected, reſtrained, or amended,’ &c. By which it is evident, the Intention of the Parliament then was to transfer, confer and ſettle unto and upon King Henry all the Powers, Profits and Privileges, which had been before ſuppoſed to be in, or belong to, or had been enjoyed or exerciſed by the Pope, while he was received as Supream Head of the Church.

6. And therefore, as the Pope, while he retained the [25] Supremacy here, had the firſt Fruits (which are the Profits of every Spiritual or Eccleſiaſtical Living for one Year, upon the advancing of any Eccleſiaſtical Perſon, to ſuch a Living; and alſo the Tenths, that is the tenth Part of all the Tythes: So theſe two Revenues, as appendant to that Supremacy, followed it; being ſettled on the King, in the ſame Seſſion of Parliament, wherein the Supremacy was veſted in him. The Words of the Statute, 26 H. 8. c. 3. relating to the firſt Fruits, are theſe. ‘'That for the more ſurety of Continuance and Augmentation of his Highneſs Royal Eſtate, being not only now recognized (as he always indeed hath heretofore been) the only Supream Head in Earth, next and immediatly under God, of the Church of England, but alſo their moſt aſſured and undoubted natural Soveraign Liege Lord and King, &c. It may therefore be enacted and ordained by, &c. That the King's Highneſs, his Heirs and Succeſſors, Kings of this Realm, ſhall have and enjoy from time to time to endure for ever, of every ſuch Perſon and Perſons, which at any time after the firſt Day of January next ſhall be nominated, elected, perfected, preſented, collated or by any other means appointed to have any Arch-Biſhoprick, Abbacy, Monaſtery, Priory, Colledge, Hoſpital, Archdeaconry, Deanry, Provoſtſhip, Prebend, Parſonage, Vicarage, Chauntry, Free-Chappel, or other Dignity, Benefice, Office, or Promotion Spiritual, within this Realm, or elſwhere within any of the King's Dominions, of what Name, Nature, or Quality ſoever they be, or to whoſe Foundation, Patronage, or Gift ſoever they belong, the Firſt-Fruits, Revenues and Profits for one Year of every ſuch Arch-Biſhoprick, Biſhoprick, Abby, Monaſtery, Priory,— Parſonage, Vicarage,’ &c. Then (after Proviſions made for finding out the value of thoſe Spiritual Livings, and for paying, receiving and recovering thoſe Firſt-Fruits) [26] the Settlement of the Tenths (that other part of the Pope's Revenue) upon the King, follows, in the ſame Statute, in theſe Words.

‘'And over this, be it enacted by Authority aforeſaid, that the Kings Majeſty, his Heirs and Succeſſors, Kings of this Realm, for more Augmentation and Maintenance of the Royal Eſtate of his Imperial Crown and Dignity of Supream Head of the Church of England, ſhall yearly have, take, enjoy and receive, united and knit to his Imperial Crown for ever, one yearly Rent, or Penſion, amounting to the value of the Tenth Part of all the Revenues, Rents, Farms, Tythes, Offerings, Emoluments, and of all other Profits as well called Spiritual as Temporal, now appertaining or belonging, or that hereafter ſhall belong to any Archbiſhoprick, Biſhoprick, Abbacy, Monaſtery, Priory, Archdeaconry, Deanry, Hoſpital, Colledge, Houſe-Collegiate, Prebend, Cathedral Church, Collegiate-Church, Conventual-Church, Parſonage, Vicarage, Chauntry, Free-Chappel, or other Benefice or Promotion Spiritual, of what Name, Nature, or Quality ſoever they be, within any Dioceſs of this Realm, or in Wales,’ &c. And ſo goes on to direct the time, place and manner of Payment of theſe Tenths, with the Penalty for non-payment.

7. Thus were theſe two great Pillars of Papal Supremacy (Firſt Fruits and Tenths) transferr'd from the Pope, (the old Head,) to the King, (the new Head of the Church,) to ſupport and maintain that Headſhip in him, as they had done before in the Pope. Which Eccleſiaſtical Headſhip the King was no ſooner poſſeſſed of, than he began to exerciſe it amongſt thoſe Religious Orders, Suppreſſing (as Herbert, in his Life, p. 379. relates) the Obſervant Fryers at Greenwich, Canterbury, Richmond and other Places, and ſubſtituting the Auguſtines in their [27] Places. ‘'Which he did (ſays Herbert there) for the finding out how his People would take his Deſign of putting down Religious Houſes:’ To which he proceeded the next Year, beginning with the leſſer Sort, and ſuppreſſing all thoſe Monaſteries, Priories and other Religious Houſes of Monks, Canons, and Nuns, which had not in Lands, Tenements, Rents, Tythes, Portions, and other Hereditaments, above the clear yearly Value of two hundred Pounds. By which means 376 of thoſe Religious Houſes being diſſolved, a Revenue of above thirty thouſand Pounds a Year, beſide an hundred thouſand Pounds in Money raiſed by ſale, at low Rates, of the Goods and Chattels, of thoſe Houſes (a Sum not ſmall in that Age) came to the King, for ſupport of his Eccleſiaſtical Supremacy.

8. The Statute, which countenanced this Proceeding, is the 27. of Hen. 8. cap. 28. And a new Court, called the Court of Augmentations, was then erected and ſettled by Parliament, for receiving and ordering theſe new acceſſional Revenues: the Act for which, in our printed Statute Books, is ſet before that for the Suppreſſion of thoſe leſſer Monaſteries. But though that, for Suppreſſing thoſe Monaſteries, be, by an Hyſteroſis, ſet after that for eſtabliſhing the Court of Augmentations; Yet it muſt have been made before it: For it is recited in it.

9. In that Statute, 27 Hen. 8. 28. for ſuppreſſing thoſe ſmaller Monaſteries, mention is made of Monaſteries, Abbies, and Priores, which, within one Year before the making of that Statute, had been given and granted to the King by any Abbot, Prior, Abbeſs or Prioreſs, under their Convent-Seal, or that otherwiſe had been ſuppreſſed, or diſſolved. All which were, by that Statute confirmed to the King, and to all thoſe, unto whom the King either then before had conveyed, or then after ſhould convey any Part or Parts thereof; 'To hold to them in like Manner, [28] Form, and Conditions, as the Abbots, Priors, Abbeſſes, Prioreſſes, and other chief Governors of any religious Houſes, which had the ſame, might or ought to have had if they had not been ſuppreſſed. For upon the King's falling (as was noted before) upon the Obſervant Fryers at Greenwich, and other places, ſome of the more conſiderate of the Abbots, Priors, &c. Seeing the Storm ariſing, which then threatned, and ſoon after brought Deſtruction on thoſe Orders, thought it better Policy to comply with the times, and ſurrender upon Terms, in hopes to ſave ſomething, than hold out to the laſt (as many did) and loſe all.

10. And indeed, the ſuppreſſing of thoſe 376 leſſer Monaſteries, ſtruck ſo great a Fear into the greater, that the Statute made four Years after (31 Hen. 8. cap. 13.) whereby the Reſt of the Religious Houſes were given to the King, recites, ‘'That divers and ſundry Abbots, &c. of their own free and voluntary Mind, ſince the fourth of Feb. in the 27 of his Reign, had by due Order of Law, and by their ſufficient Writings of Record, under their Convent and common Seals, ſeverally given, granted and confirmed to the King his Heirs and Succeſſors for ever, All their ſaid Monaſteries, Abbeys, Priories, &c. and all the Mannors, Lord-ſhips, Lands, Tenements, Tythes, &c. to them belonging; and had voluntarily renounced, left and forſaken the ſame.’ And therefore, in the ſaid Statute it is enacted, ‘'That the King ſhall have, hold, &c. All ſuch late Monaſteries, &c. and all the Sites, Circuits, Manners, Lands, Tenements, &c. thereunto belonging.’ In the ennumeration of the Particulars whereof, (which are many) Tythes, Parſonages, appropriate, and Vicarages are expreſly mentioned. All which (as likewiſe all other Religious Houſes, with the Revenues thereof, which ſhould there after be diſſolved, ſuppreſſed, relinquiſhed, forfeited, or given to the King, and which by that Statute are ſettled on him) he was to hold and enjoy, [29] in as large and ample Manner, and Form, as the late Abbots, &c. had held or of right ought to have held, the ſame, in Right of their ſaid late Monaſteries, &c.

11. From hence this Obſervation ariſes. That ſince thoſe Religious Orders did hold the Tythes which they poſſeſſed, upon the ſuppoſed Right of their being due to God and Holy Church, which they held themſelves, and were by others holden to be a part of; and the King received thoſe Tythes and Parſonages (amongſt the reſt of the Revenues of the Religious Houſes) as well thoſe that were reſigned to him by the Governours of thoſe Houſes themſelves, as the reſt which by Act of Parliament he took, upon the ſame Right on which thoſe Religious Orders had holden them: He alſo muſt hold them upon that ſuppoſed Right of their being due to God and Holy Church; which he then held himſelf, and was holden by all, both Clergy and Laity, to be the only Supream Head of here in England. And as upon that ſuppoſed Right (of their being due to God and Holy Church) on which the Religious Houſes held them, they paſſed them from thoſe Houſes to the King, as ſupream Head of the Church: So on the ſame ſuppoſed Right (of their being due to God and Holy Church) they paſſed from the King, as ſupream Head of the Church, to thoſe (whether Spiritual or Lay Perſons) unto whom the King granted them. For they ſtuck not long in the King's Hand: But he, of his own meer Motion, Liberality and Benignity (as the Statute in the 33d Year of his Reign, cap. 39. relates) had by that time freely given and granted, &c. unto divers and ſundry of the Lords and Nobles, as well Spiritual as Temporal, and unto divers and many other Perſons and Bodies politick, &c. divers and many ſundry Honours, Caſtles, Manors, Lands, Tenements, and among the reſt, Rectories, &c.

12. But great care was taken to retain, and keep up the Character of Spirituality, which had formerly been [30] ſtamped upon thoſe Rectories, Parſonages, and other Revenues by Tythes, into what Hands ſoever they were paſſed. And therefore, by the Statute of 32 Hen. 8. cap. 7. in caſe of with-holding, or denying to pay the Tythes, all Perſons claiming them (Impropriators, as well as Prieſts) are reſtrained from ſuing in the Temporal Courts, and limitted to the Eccleſiaſtical or Spiritual Courts only, for the Recovery of them.

13. And that they might ſtill have Dependence upon the Supremacy, care was taken, from the firſt, by the Statute of 27 Hen. 8. cap. 27. That none of theſe Eſtates, which then had come, or ſhould come, from any of thoſe Religious Houſes to the King, ſhould paſs from him by Grant to any Perſon whatſoever, without an expreſs Reſervation of a Tenth. And in a ſubſequent Statute (33 Hen. 8. cap. 39.) complaint being made that, altho' out of thoſe Grants, which the King had made to ſundry Perſons, of Honours, Caſtles, Mannors, Lands, Tenements, Rectories, &c. (which were under the Survey of the Court of Augmentations) the Tenths had been reſerved; yet the Perſons unto whom ſuch Grants had been made, though they had quietly enjoyed and taken the Iſſues and Profits of thoſe Lands, Rectories, &c. had not paid the reſerved Tenths to the King: Proviſion was made in that Statute, by ſeveral Forfeitures and Nomine-Poenae's to enforce the Payment thereof.

Nor was Care taken of the Eccleſiaſtical Head (the King) only, but of the Eccleſiaſtical Members (the Clergy) alſo: Many, if not moſt, of which had Penſions, or Portions iſſuing out of thoſe Parſonages, Rectories, or other ſpiritual Benefices (as they were counted) which the Religious Orders held: for, beſides that upon the increaſing of thoſe Appropriations, whereby the Pariſh Prieſts were pinch'd, there had been Proviſion made early, in the time of K. Richard the Second, for the Vicars, as well as for the Poor; the Statute of 15 Ric. 2. 6. directing, ‘'That, upon the [31] Appropriation of ſuch Churches, the Diocaeſian of the Place (or Biſhop of the Dioceſs) ſhall ordain, according to the Value of ſuch Churches, a convenient Sum of Money to be paid and diſtributed Yearly, of the Fruits and Profits of the ſame Churches, to the poor Pariſhioners: and alſo, that the Vicar be well and ſufficiently endowed.’ Which Statute (ſo far, at leaſt, as concerned the Vicars) was afterwards confirmed by another Statute of 4 Hen. 4. cap. 12. which expreſly ordains, ‘'That the Statute of Appropriation of Churches, and of the Endowment of Vicars in the ſame, made the 15th Year of K. Ric. the 2d be firmly holden, and put in due Execution:’ I ſay, beſides theſe, the Stat. of 34 and 35 of Hen. 8. cap. 19. takes notice, ‘'That the Arch-Biſhops, Biſhops, Arch-Deacons and other Eccleſiaſtical Perſons, of both Provinces of Canterbury and York, having formerly, in right of their Churches received out of the late Monaſteries, &c. divers Penſions, and other Profits, had after the Diſſolution of thoſe Houſes, been diſturbed, and denyed of the having, receiving and gathering of the ſaid Penſions,’ &c. Whereupon it is, in the ſaid Statute, enacted, ‘'That if any Perſon or Perſons, being Farmer or Occupier of any Manners, Lands, Tenements, Parſonages, Benefices or other Hereditaments of any of the ſaid late Monaſteries, &c. by the King's Gift, Grant, Sale, Exchange, or otherwiſe, out of which any ſuch Penſions, &c. have been heretofore lawfully going, anſwered or Paid to any of the Arch-Biſhops, Biſhops, Arch-Deacons, and other Eccleſiaſtical Perſons aboveſaid, do, at any time after the firſt Day of April next coming, wilfully deny the Payment thereof, Then it ſhall be lawful for the ſaid Arch-Biſhops, Biſhops, Arch-Deacons, or other Eccleſiaſtical Perſons aforeſaid, being ſo denied, to be ſatisfied and paid thereof, &c. to proceed in the Eccleſiaſtical Courts, for the recovery thereof.’

[32] 14. By which Statute, all Penſions payable to Arch-Biſhops, Biſhops, Arch-Deacons, or other Eccleſiaſtical Perſon, that had been poſſeſſed thereof, at or within Ten Years next before the time of the Diſſolution of the Monaſteries, out of the Parſonages, Rectories, or Tythes holden by the ſaid Monaſteries, &c. are confirmed and aſſured to ſuch Arch-Biſhops, Biſhops, Arch-Deacons, and other Eccleſiaſtical Perſons ſtill.

15. So that, upon the whole, beſides what hath been ſaid of Tythes in general, with reſpect to the Judaizing, and denying of Chriſt, by the paying thereof (which extends a like to all Tythes, thoſe claimed by the Impropriator, as well as thoſe claimed by the Prieſt) the Impropriate Tythes being generally charged, either with ſome Payment to the Vicars, for enlarging of their Stipends, or with Penſions to the Arch-Biſhops, Biſhops, Arch-Deacons, and other Eccleſiaſticks: all ſuch of them as are ſo charged, come under the ſame Objection, that is made againſt paying to the Prieſt, viz. The upholding of a falſe Miniſtry, to perform a falſe Worſhip. And if any Impropriation may be ſuppoſed to be free from all thoſe Charges: yet all Impropriators, as well as Prieſts, being bound to pay the reſerved Tenths to the King, as Supream Head of the Church (which were wont before to be paid to the Pope, while he was owned for Head of the Church) the paying of Tythes to an Impropriator, is a Recognizing, and acknowledging of a Man (Bad or Good, Popiſh or Proteſtant, as it happens) to be the only Supream Head on Earth of the Church. Which is to ſet an Human Head to a Spiritual Body: and to diveſt and deprive our Lord Jeſus Chriſt of his undoubted Right, who the Apoſtle ſays expreſly, is the Head of the Body, the Church, Col. 1. 18. And that not of Man's making or appointing; but God (ſaith the Apoſtle) hath given him to be the Head over all things to the Church, which is his Body, Epheſ. 1. 22, 23.

T. E.
FINIS.
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TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 4646 The history of the life of Thomas Ellwood Or an account of his birth education c with divers observations on his life and manners when a youth Also several other remarkable passages and occ. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-58D9-D