[] THE LIFE, &c.

CHAPTER I.

I BELIEVE it is difficult for thoſe who publiſh their own memoirs to eſcape the imputation of vanity; nor is this [2] the only diſadvantage under which they labour: it is alſo their misfortune, that what is uncommon is rarely, if ever, believed, and what is obvious we are apt to turn from with diſguſt, and to charge the writer with impertinence. People generally think thoſe memoirs only worthy to be read or remembered which abound in great or ſtriking events; thoſe, in ſhort, which in a high degree excite either admiration or pity: all others they conſign to con⯑tempt and oblivion. It is therefore, I confeſs, not a little hazardous in a private and obſcure individual, and a ſtranger too, thus to ſolicit the indul⯑gent attention of the public; eſpecially when I own I offer here the hiſtory of neither a ſaint, a hero, nor a tyrant. I believe there are a few events in my life, which have not happened to many: it is true the incidents of it are numerous; and, did I conſider myſelf an European, [3] I might ſay my ſufferings were great: but when I compare my lot with that of moſt of my countrymen, I regard myſelf as a particular favourite of Hea⯑ven, and acknowledge the mereies of Providence in every occurrence of my life. If then the following narrative does not appear ſufficiently intereſting to engage general attention, let my motive be ſome excuſe for its publica⯑tion. I am not ſo ſooliſhly vain as to expect from it either immortality or literary reputation. If it affords any ſatisſaction to my numerous friends, at whoſe requeſt it has been written, or in the ſmalleſt degree promotes the intereſts of humanity, the ends for which it was undertaken will be fully attained, and every wiſh of my heart gratiſied. Let it therefore be remem⯑bered, that, in wiſhing to avoid cenſure, I do not aſpire to praiſe.

[4] That part of Africa, known by the name of Guinea, to which the trade for ſlaves is carried on, extends along the coaſt above 3400 miles, from Se⯑negal to Angola, and includes a vari⯑ety of kingdoms. Of theſe the moſt conſiderable is the kingdom of Benin, both as to extent and wealth, the richneſs and cultivation of the ſoil, the power of its king, and the number and warlike diſpoſition of the inhabi⯑tants. It is ſituated nearly under the line, and extends along the coaſt about 170 miles, but runs back into the in⯑tertior part of Africa to a diſtance hi⯑therto I believe unexplored by any traveller; and ſeems only terminated at length by the empire of Abyſſinia, near 1500 miles from its beginning. This kingdom is divided into many provinces or diſtricts: in one of the moſt remote and fertile of which, [5] I was born, in the year 1745, ſitu⯑ated in a charming fruitful vale, named Eſſaka. The diſtance of this province from the capital of Benin and the ſea coaſt muſt be very conſiderable; for I had never heard of white men or Europeans, nor of the ſea; and our ſubjection to the king of Benin was little more than nominal; for every tranſaction of the government, as far as my ſlender obſervation extended, was conducted by the chiefs or elders of the place. The manners and govern⯑ment of a people who have little com⯑merce with other countries are gene⯑rally very ſimple; and the hiſtory of what paſſes in one family or village, may ſerve as a ſpecimen of the whole nation. My father was one of thoſe elders or chiefs I have ſpoken of, and was ſtyled Embrenché; a term, as I remember, importing the higheſt diſtinction, and [6] ſignifying in our language a mark of grandeur. This mark is conferred on the perſon entitled to it, by cutting the ſkin acroſs at the top of the forehead, and drawing it down to the eye-brows; and while it is in this ſituation apply⯑ing a warm hand, and rubbing it until it ſhrinks up into a thick weal acroſs the lower part of the forehead. Moſt of the judges and ſenators were thus marked; my father had long borne it: I had ſeen it conferred on one of my brothers, and I alſo was deſtined to receive it by my parents. Thoſe Em⯑brenché or chief men, decided diſputes and puniſhed crimes; for which pur⯑poſe they always aſſembled together. The proceedings were generally ſhort; and in moſt caſes the law of retaliation prevailed. I remember a man was brought before my father, and the other judges, for kidnapping a boy; [7] and, although he was the ſon of a chief or ſenator, he was condemned to make recompenſe by a man or woman ſlave. Adultery, however, was ſometimes pu⯑niſhed with ſlavery or death; a puniſh⯑ment which I believe is inflicted on it throughout moſt of the nations of Africa^*: ſo ſacred among them is the honour of the marriage bed, and ſo jealous are they of the fidelity of their wives. Of this I recollect an inſtance—a woman was convicted before the judges of adultery, and delivered over, as the cuſtom was, to her huſband to be puniſhed. Accordingly he deter⯑mined to put her to death: but it being found, juſt before her execution, that ſhe had an infant at her breaſt; and no woman being prevailed on to perform the part of a nurſe, ſhe was ſpared on [8] account of the child. The men, how⯑ever, do not preſerve the ſame con⯑ſtancy to their wives, which they ex⯑pect from them; for they indulge in a plurality, though ſeldom in more than two. Their mode of marriage is thus:—both parties are uſually be⯑trothed when young by their parents, (though I have known the males to betroth themſelves). On this occaſion a feaſt is prepared, and the bride and bridegroom ſtand up in the midſt of all their friends, who are aſſembled for the purpoſe, while he declares ſhe is thenceforth to be looked upon as his wife, and that no other perſon is to pay any addreſſes to her. This is alſo immediately proclaimed in the vici⯑nity, on which the bride retires from the aſſembly. Some time after ſhe is brought home to her huſband, and then another feaſt is made, to which [9] the relations of both parties are in⯑vited: her parents then deliver her to the bridegroom, accompanied with a number of bleſſings, and at the ſame time they tie round her waiſt a cotton ſtring of the thickneſs of a gooſe-quill, which none but married women are permitted to wear: ſhe is now conſi⯑dered as completely his wife; and at this time the dowry is given to the new married pair, which generally conſiſts of portions of land, ſlaves, and cattle, houſehold goods, and imple⯑ments of huſbandry. Theſe are of⯑fered by the friends of both parties; beſides which the parents of the bride⯑groom preſent gifts to thoſe of the bride, whoſe property ſhe is looked upon before marriage; but after it ſhe is eſteemed the ſole property of her huſband. The ceremony being now ended the feſtival begins, which is [10] celebrated with bonefires, and loud acclamations of joy, accompanied with muſic and dancing.

We are almoſt a nation of dancers, muſicians, and poets. Thus every great event, ſuch as a triumphant return from battle, or other cauſe of public rejoicing is celebrated in public dances which are accompanied with ſongs and muſic ſuited to the occaſion. The aſ⯑ſembly is ſeperated into four diviſions, which dance either apart or in ſuc⯑ceſſion, and each with a character pe⯑culiar to itſelf. The firſt diviſion contains the married men, who in their dances frequently exhibit feats of arms, and the repreſentation of a battle. To theſe ſucceed the married women, who dance in the ſecond di⯑viſion. The young men accupy the third: and the maidens the fourth. Each repreſents ſome intereſting ſcene [11] of real life, ſuch as a great achievement, domeſtic employment, a pathetic ſtory, or ſome rural ſport; and as the ſubject is generally founded on ſome recent event, it is therefore ever new. This gives our dances a ſpirit and variety which I have ſcarcely ſeen elſewhere^*. We have many muſical inſtruments, particularly drums of different kinds, a piece of muſic which reſembles a guitar, and another much like a ſtickado. Theſe laſt are chiefly uſed by betrothed virgins, who play on them on all grand feſtivals.

As our manners are ſimple, our luxuries are few. The dreſs of both ſexes is nearly the ſame. It generally conſiſts of a long piece of calico, or muſlin, wrapped looſely round the body, ſomewhat in the form of a [12] highland plaid. This is uſually dyed blue, which is our favorite colour. It is extracted from a berry, and is brighter and richer than any I have ſeen in Europe. Beſides this, our wo⯑men of diſtinction wear golden orna⯑ments, which they diſpoſe with ſome profuſion on their arms and legs. When our women are not employed with the men in tillage, their uſual occupation is ſpinning and weaving cotton, which they afterwards dye, and make into garments. They alſo manufacture earthen veſſels, of which we have many kinds. Among the reſt tobacco pipes, made after the ſame faſhion, and uſed in the ſame manner, as thoſe in Turkey^*.

Our manner of living is entirely plain; for as yet the natives are unac⯑quainted [13] with thoſe refinements in cookery which debauch the taſte: bul⯑locks, goats, and poultry, ſupply the greateſt part of their food. Theſe conſtitute likewiſe the principal wealth of the country, and the chief articles of its commerce. The fleſh is uſually ſtewed in a pan; to make it ſavoury we ſometimes uſe alſo pepper, and other ſpices, and we have ſalt made of wood aſhes. Our vegetables are moſtly plan⯑tains, eadas, yams, beans, and Indian corn. The head of the family uſually eats alone; his wives and ſlaves have alſo their ſeparate tables. Before we taſte food we always waſh our hands: indeed our cleanlineſs on all occaſions is extreme; but on this it is an indiſ⯑penſible ceremony. After waſhing, libation is made, by pouring out a ſmall portion of the drink on the floor, and toſſing a ſmall quantity of the food [14] in a certain place, for the ſpirits of departed relations, which the natives ſuppoſe to preſide over their conduct, and guard them from evil. They are totally unacquainted with ſtrong or ſpirituous liquors; and their principal beverage is palm wine. This is got from a tree of that name, by tap⯑ping it at the top, and faſtening a large gourd to it; and ſometimes one tree will yield three or four gallons in a night. When juſt drawn it is of a moſt delicious ſweetneſs; but in a few days it acquires a tartiſh and more ſpirituous flavour: though I never ſaw any one intoxicated by it. The ſame tree alſo produces nuts and oil. Our principal luxury is in perfumes; one ſort of theſe is an odoriferous wood of delicious fragrance: the other a kind of earth; a ſmall portion of which thrown [15] into the fire diffuſes a moſt powerful odour^*. We beat this wood into powder, and mix it with palm oil; with which both men and women per⯑fume themſelves.

In our buildings we ſtudy conve⯑nience rather than ornament. Each maſter of a family has a large ſquare piece of ground, ſurrounded with a moat or fence, or encloſed with a wall made of red earth tempered: which, when dry, is as hard as brick. Within this are his houſes to accommodate his family and ſlaves; which, if numer⯑ous, frequently preſent the appearance of a village. In the middle ſtands the principal building, appropriated to the ſole uſe of the maſter, and conſiſting [16] of two apartments; in one of which he ſits in the day with his family, the other is left apart for the reception of his friends. He has beſides theſe a diſtinct apartment in which he ſleeps, together with his male children. On each ſide are the apartments of his wives, who have alſo their ſeparate day and night houſes. The habitations of the ſlaves and their families are diſ⯑tributed throughout the reſt of the en⯑cloſure. Theſe houſes never exceed one ſtory in height: they are always built of wood, or ſtakes driven into the ground, croſſed with wattles, and neatly plaſtered within and without. The roof is thatched with reeds. Our day⯑houſes are left open at the ſides; but thoſe in which we ſleep are always co⯑vered, and plaſtered in the inſide, with a compoſition mixed with cow⯑dung, to keep off the different inſects, [17] which annoy us during the night. The walls and floors alſo of theſe are generally covered with mats. Our beds conſiſt of a platform, raiſed three or four feet from the ground, on which are laid ſkins, and different parts of a ſpungy tree called plantain. Our covering is calico or muſlin, the ſame as our dreſs. The uſual ſeats are a few logs of wood; but we have benches, which are generally perfumed, to ac⯑commodate ſtrangers: theſe compoſe the greater part of our houſehold furniture. Houſes ſo conſtructed and furniſhed require but little ſkill to erect them. Every man is a ſuſſicient architect for the purpoſe. The whole neighbourhood afford their unanimous aſſiſtance in building them, and in return receive, and expect no other recompenſe than a feaſt.

As we live in a country where nature [18] is prodigal of her favours, our wants are few and eaſily ſupplied; of courſe we have few manufactures. They con⯑ſiſt for the moſt part of calicoes, earthen ware, ornaments, and inſtru⯑ments of war and huſbandry. But theſe make no part of our commerce, the principal articles of which, as I have obſerved, are proviſions. In ſuch a ſtate, money is of little uſe; however we have ſome ſmall pieces of coin, if I may call them ſuch. They are made ſomething like an anchor; but I do not remember either their value or denomination. We have alſo markets, at which I have been frequently with my mother. Theſe are ſometimes vi⯑ſited by ſtout mahogany-coloured men from the ſouth weſt of us: we call them Oye-Eboe, which term ſignifies red men living at a diſtance. They gene⯑rally bring us fire-arms, gunpowder, [19] hats, beads, and dried fiſh. The laſt we eſteemed a great rarity, as our waters were only brooks and ſprings. Theſe articles they barter with us for odoriferous woods and earth, and our ſalt of wood aſhes. They always carry ſlaves through our land; but the ſtrict⯑eſt account is exacted of their manner of procuring them before they are ſuffered to paſs. Sometimes indeed we ſold ſlaves to them, but they were only priſoners of war, or ſuch among us as had been convicted of kidnapping, or adultery, and ſome other crimes, which we eſteemed heinous. This practice of kidnapping induces me to think, that, notwithſtanding all our ſtrictneſs, their principal buſineſs among us was to trepan our people. I remember too they carried great ſacks along with them, which not long after I had an [20] opportunity of fatally ſeeing applied to that infamous purpoſe.

Our land is uncommonly rich and fruitful, and produces all kinds of vege⯑tables in great abundance. We have plenty of Indian corn, and vaſt quan⯑tities of cotton and tobacco. Our pine apples grow without culture; they are about the ſize of the largeſt ſugar-loaf, and ſinely flavoured. We have alſo ſpices of different kinds, particularly pepper; and a variety of delicious fruits which I have never ſeen in Europe; together with gums of various kinds, and honey in abundance. All our in⯑duſtry is exerted to improve thoſe bleſſings of nature. Agriculture is our chief employment; and every one, even the children and women, are engaged in it. Thus we are all habituated to labour from our earlieſt years. Every one contributes ſomething to the com⯑mon [21] ſtock; and as we are unacquainted with idleneſs, we have no beggars. The benefits of ſuch a mode of living are obvious. The Weſt India planters prefer the ſlaves of Benin or Eboe, to thoſe of any other part of Guinea, for their hardineſs, intelligence, integrity, and zeal. Thoſe benefits are felt by us in the general healthineſs of the people, and in their vigour and acti⯑vity; I might have added too in their comelineſs. Deformity is indeed un⯑known amongſt us, I mean that of ſhape. Numbers of the natives of Eboe now in London, might be brought in ſupport of this aſſertion: for, in regard to complexion, ideas of beauty are wholly relative. I remember while in Africa to have ſeen three negro chil⯑dren, who were tawny, and another quite white, who were univerſally re⯑garded by myſelf, and the natives in [22] general, as far as related to their com⯑plexions, as deformed. Our women too were in my eyes at leaſt uncommonly graceful, alert, and modeſt to a degree of baſhfulneſs; nor do I remember to have ever heard of an inſtance of inconti⯑nence amongſt them before marriage. They are alſo remarkably cheerful. Indeed cheerfulneſs and affability are two of the leading characteriſtics of our nation.

Our tillage is exerciſed in a large plain or common, ſome hours walk from our dwellings, and all the neigh⯑bours reſort thither in a body. They uſe no beaſts of huſbandry; and their only inſtruments are hoes, axes, ſhovels, and beaks, or pointed iron to dig with. Sometimes we are viſited by locuſts, which come in large clouds, ſo as to darken the air, and deſtroy our harveſt. This however happens rarely, but when [23] it does, a famine is produced by it. I remember an inſtance or two where⯑in this happened. This common is often the theatre of war; and therefore when our people go out to till their land, they not only go in a body, but generally take their arms with them for fear of a ſurpriſe; and when they apprehend an invaſion, they guard the avenues to their dwellings, by driving ſticks into the ground, which are ſo ſharp at one end as to pierce the foot, and are generally dipt in poiſon. From what I can recollect of theſe battles, they appear to have been irrup⯑tions of one little ſtate or diſtrict on the other, to obtain priſoners or booty. Perhaps they were incited to this by thoſe traders who brought the Euro⯑pean goods I mentioned amongſt us. Such a mode of obtaining ſlaves in Africa is common; and I believe more [24] are procured this way, and by kidnap⯑ing, than any other^*. When a trader wants ſlaves, he applies to a chief for them, and tempts him with his wares. It is not extraordinary, if on this occa⯑ſion he yields to the temptation with as little firmneſs, and accepts the price of his fellow creatures liberty with as little reluctance as the enlightened merchant. Accordingly he falls on his neighbours, and a deſperate battle enſues. If he prevails and takes priſoners, he gratifies his avarice by ſelling them; but, if his party be vanquiſhed, and he falls into the hands of the enemy, he is put to death: for, as he has been known to foment their quarrels, it is thought dangerous to let him ſurvive, and no ranſom can ſave him, though all other priſoners may be redeemed. We have fire⯑arms, bows and arrows, broad two⯑edged [25] ſwords and javelins: we have ſhields alſo which cover a man from head to foot. All are taught the uſe of theſe weapons; even our women are warriors, and march boldly out to fight along with the men. Our whole diſ⯑trict is a kind of militia: on a certain ſignal given, ſuch as the firing of a gun at night, they all riſe in arms and ruſh upon their enemy. It is perhaps ſome⯑thing remarkable, that when our people march to the field a red flag or banner is borne before them. I was once a witneſs to a battle in our common. We had been all at work in it one day as uſual, when our people were ſud⯑denly attacked. I climbed a tree at ſome diſtance, from which I beheld the ſight. There were many wo⯑men as well as men on both ſides; among others my mother was there, and armed with a broad ſword. After [26] fighting for a conſiderable time with great fury, and many had been kil⯑led, our people obtained the victory, and took their enemy's Chief priſoner. He was carried off in great triumph, and, though he offered a large ranſom for his life, he was put to death. A virgin of note among our enemies had been ſlain in the battle, and her arm was expoſed in our market-place, where our trophies were always exhibited. The ſpoils were divided according to the merit of the warriors. Thoſe priſoners which were not ſold or re⯑deemed we kept as ſlaves: but how different was their condition from that of the ſlaves in the Weſt Indies! With us they do no more work than other members of the community, even their maſter; their food, clothing and lodging were nearly the ſame as theirs, (except that they were not permitted [27] to eat with thoſe who were free-born); and there was ſcarce any other differ⯑ence between them, than a ſuperior degree of importance which the head of a family poſſeſſes in our ſtate, and that authority which, as ſuch, he ex⯑erciſes over every part of his houſehold. Some of theſe ſlaves have even ſlaves under them as their own property, and for their own uſe.

As to religion, the natives believe that there is one Creator of all things, and that he lives in the ſun, and is girted round with a belt that he may never eat or drink; but, according to ſome, he ſmokes a pipe, which is our own favourite luxury. They believe he governs events, eſpecially our deaths or captivity; but, as for the doctrine of eternity, I do not remember to have ever heard of it: ſome however be⯑lieve in the tranſmigration of ſouls in [28] a certain degree. Thoſe ſpirits, which are not tranſmigrated, ſuch as their dear friends or relations, they believe al⯑ways attend them, and guard them from the bad ſpirits or their foes. For this reaſon they always before eating, as I have obſerved, put ſome ſmall portion of the meat, and pour ſome of their drink, on the ground for them; and they often make oblations of the blood of beaſts or fowls at their graves. I was very fond of my mother, and al⯑moſt conſtantly with her. When ſhe went to make theſe oblations at her mother's tomb, which was a kind of ſmall ſolitary thatched houſe, I ſome⯑times attended her. There ſhe made her libations, and ſpent moſt of the night in cries and lamentations. I have been often extremely terrified on theſe oc⯑caſions. The lonelineſs of the place, the darkneſs of the night, and the cere⯑mony [29] of libation, naturally awful and gloomy, were heightened by my mo⯑ther's lamentations; and theſe concur⯑ring with the doleful cries of birds, by which theſe places were frequented, gave an inexpreſſible terror to the ſcene.

We compute the year from the day on which the ſun croſſes the line, and on its ſetting that evening, there is a general ſhout throughout the land; at leaſt I can ſpeak from my own know⯑ledge, throughout our vicinity. The people at the ſame time make a great noiſe with rattles, not unlike the baſket rattles uſed by children here, though much larger, and hold up their hands to heaven for a bleſſing. It is then the greateſt offerings are made; and thoſe children whom our wiſe men foretel will be fortunate are then pre⯑ſented to different people. I remember [30] many uſed to come to ſee me, and I was carried about to others for that purpoſe. They have many offerings, particularly at full moons; generally two at harveſt before the fruits are taken out of the ground: and when any young animals are killed, ſome⯑times they offer up part of them as a ſacrifice. Theſe offerings, when made by one of the heads of a family, ſerve for the whole. I remember we often had them at my father's and my uncle's, and their families have been preſent. Some of our offerings are eaten with bitter herbs. We had a ſaying among us to any one of a croſs temper, ‘'That if they were to be eaten, they ſhould be eaten with bitter herbs.'’

We practiſed circumciſion like the Jews, and made offerings and feaſts on that occaſion in the ſame manner as they did. Like them alſo, our [31] children were named from ſome event, ſome circumſtance, or fancied forebod⯑ing at the time of their birth. I was named Olaudah, which, in our language, ſignifies viciſſitude, or fortunate alſo; one favoured, and having a loud voice and well ſpoken. I remember we never polluted the name of the object of our adoration; on the contrary, it was always mentioned with the greateſt re⯑verence; and we were totally unac⯑quainted with ſwearing, and all thoſe terms of abuſe and reproach which find their way ſo readily and copiouſly into the language of more civilized people. The only expreſſions of that kind I remember were, ‘'May you rot, or may you ſwell, or may a beaſt take you.'’

I have before remarked that the natives of this part of Africa are ex⯑tremely cleanly. This neceſſary habit [32] of decency was with us a part of reli⯑gion, and therefore we had many puri⯑fications and waſhings; indeed almoſt as many, and uſed on the ſame occa⯑ſions, if my recollection does not fail me, as the Jews. Thoſe that touched the dead at any time were obliged to waſh and purify themſelves before they could enter a dwelling-houſe. Every wo⯑man too, at certain times, was forbidden to come into a dwelling-houſe, or touch any perſon, or any thing we eat. I was ſo fond of my mother I could not keep from her, or avoid touching her at ſome of thoſe periods, in conſequence of which I was obliged to be kept out with her, in a little houſe made for that purpoſe, till offering was made, and then we were purified.

Though we had no places of pub⯑lic worſhip, we had prieſts and magi⯑cians, or wiſe men. I do not remem⯑ber [33] whether they had different offices, or whether they were united in the ſame perſons, but they were held in great reverence by the people. They calculated our time, and foretold events, as their name imported, for we called them Ah-affoe-way-cah, which ſignifies calculators or yearly men, our year being called Ah-affoe. They wore their beards, and when they died they were ſuceeded by their ſons. Moſt of their implements and things of value were interred along with them. Pipes and tobacco were alſo put into the grave with the corpſe, which was al⯑ways perfumed and ornamented, and animals were offered in ſacrifice to them. None accompanied their fune⯑rals but thoſe of the ſame profeſſion or tribe. Theſe buried them after ſunſet, and always returned from the grave by [34] a different way from that which they went.

Theſe magicians were alſo our doc⯑tors or phyſicians. They practiſed bleed⯑ing by cupping; and were very ſucceſſ⯑ful in healing wounds and expelling poiſons. They had likewiſe ſome ex⯑traordinary method of diſcovering jea⯑louſy, theft, and poiſoning; the ſucceſs of which no doubt they derived from the unbounded influence over the credulity and ſuperſtition of the people. I do not remember what thoſe methods were, except that as to poiſoning: I recollect an inſtance or two, which I hope it will not be deemed impertinen [...] here to inſert, as it may ſerve as a kind of ſpecimen of the reſt, and is ſtil [...] uſed by the negroes in the Weſt Indies▪ A young woman had been poiſoned, bu [...] it was not known by whom: the doctor ordered the corpſe to be taken up b [...] [35] ſome perſons, and carried to the grave. As ſoon as the bearers had raiſed it on their ſhoulders, they ſeemed ſeized with ſome ^* ſudden impulſe, and ran to and fro unable to ſtop themſelves. At laſt, after having paſſed through a number of thorns and prickly buſhes unhurt, the corpſe fell from them cloſe to a houſe, and defaced it in the fall; and the owner being taken up, he immediately confeſſed the poiſoning^†.

[36] The natives are extremely cautions about poiſon. When they buy any eatable the ſeller kiſſes it all round before the buyer, to ſhew him it is not poiſoned; and the ſame is done when any meat or drink is preſented, parti⯑cularly to a ſtranger. We have ſer⯑pents of different kinds, ſome of which are eſteemed ominous when they ap⯑pear in our houſes, and theſe we never moleſt. I remember two of thoſe ominous ſnakes, each of which was as thick as the calf of a man's leg, and in colour reſembling a dolphin in the water, crept at different times into my [37] mother's night-houſe, where I always lay with her, and coiled themſelves into folds, and each time they crowed like a cock. I was deſired by ſome of our wiſe men to touch theſe, that I might be intereſted in the good omens, which I did, for they were quite harm⯑leſs, and would tamely ſuffer them⯑ſelves to be handled; and then they were put into a large open earthen pan, and ſet on one ſide of the high⯑way. Some of our ſnakes, however, were poiſonous: one of them croſſed the road one day as I was ſtanding on it, and paſſed between my feet without offering to touch me, to the great ſurpriſe of many who ſaw it; and theſe incidents were accounted by the wiſe men, and likewiſe by my mother and the reſt of the people, as remark⯑able omens in my favour.

Such is the imperfect ſketch my [38] memory has furniſhed me with of the manners and cuſtoms of a people among whom I firſt drew my breath. And here I cannot forbear ſuggeſting what has long ſtruck me very forcibly, namely, the ſtrong analogy which even by this ſketch, imperfect as it is, appears to prevail in the manners and cuſtoms of my countrymen and thoſe of the Jews, before they reached the Land of Promiſe, and particularly the patriarchs while they were yet in that paſtoral ſtate which is deſcribed in Geneſis—an ana⯑logy, which alone would induce me to think that the one people had ſprung from the other. Indeed this is the opinion of Dr. Gill, who, in his commentary on Geneſis, very ably de⯑duces the pedigree of the Africans from Afer and Afra, the deſcendants of Abraham by Keturah his wife and concubine (for both theſe titles are [39] applied to her). It is alſo conformable to the ſentiments of Dr. John Clarke, formerly Dean of Sarum, in his Truth of the Chriſtian Religion: both theſe authors concur in aſcribing to us this original. The reaſonings of thoſe gen⯑tlemen are ſtill further confirmed by the ſcripture chronology; and if any further corroboration were required, this reſemblance in ſo many reſpects is a ſtrong evidence in ſupport of the opinion. Like the Iſraelites in their primitive ſtate, our government was conducted by our chiefs or judges, our wiſe men and elders; and the head of a family with us enjoyed a ſimilar authority over his houſehold with that which is aſcribed to Abraham and the other patriarchs. The law of retalia⯑tion obtained almoſt univerſally with us as with them: and even their religion appeared to have ſhed upon us a ray of [40] its glory, though broken and ſpent in its paſſage, or eclipſed by the cloud with which time, tradition, and igno⯑rance might have enveloped it; for we had our circumciſion (a rule I believe peculiar to that people:) we had alſo our ſacrifices and burnt-offer⯑ings, our waſhings and purifications, on the ſame occaſions as they had.

As to the difference of colour be⯑tween the Eboan Africans and the mo⯑dern Jews, I ſhall not preſume to ac⯑count for it. It is a ſubject which has engaged the pens of men of both genius and learning, and is far above my ſtrength. The moſt able and Re⯑verend Mr. T. Clarkſon, however, in his much admired Eſſay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, has aſcertained the cauſe in a manner that at once ſolves every objection on that account, and, on my mind at leaſt, [41] has produced the fulleſt conviction. I ſhall therefore refer to that perform⯑ance for the theory^*, contenting my⯑ſelf with extricating a fact as related by Dr. Mitchel^†. ‘"The Spaniards, who have inhabited America, under the torrid zone, for any time, are become as dark coloured as our na⯑tive Indians of Virginia; of which I myſelf have been a witneſs."’ There is alſo another inſtance^‡ of a Portugueſe ſettlement at Mitomba, a river in Sierra Leona; where the inhabitants are bred from a mixture of the firſt Portugueſe diſcoverers with the natives, and are now become in their complexion, and in the woolly quality of their [42] hair, perfect negroes, retaining how⯑ever a ſmattering of the Portugueſe language.

Theſe inſtances, and a great many more which might be adduced, while they ſhew how the complexions of the ſame perſons vary in different climates it is hoped may tend alſo to remove the prejudice that ſome conceive againſt the natives of Africa on account of their colour. Surely the minds of the Spaniards did not change with their complexions! Are there not cauſes enough to which the apparent infe⯑riority of an African may be aſcribed without limiting the goodneſs of God and ſuppoſing he forbore to ſtamp un⯑derſtanding on certainly his own image becauſe ‘"carved in ebony."’ Might it not naturally be aſcribed to their ſituation? When they come among Europeans, they are ignorant of their [43] language, religion, manners, and cuſ⯑toms. Are any pains taken to teach them theſe? Are they treated as men? Does not ſlavery itſelf depreſs the mind, and extinguiſh all its fire and every noble ſentiment? But, above all, what advantages do not a refined people poſſeſs over thoſe who are rude and uncultivated. Let the poliſhed and haughty European recollect that his anceſtors were once, like the Afri⯑cans, uncivilized, and even barbarous. Did Nature make them inferior to their ſons? and ſhould they too have been made ſlaves? Every rational mind anſwers, No. Let ſuch reflections as theſe melt the pride of their ſuperiority into ſympathy for the wants and mi⯑ſeries of their ſable brethren, and com⯑pel them to acknowledge, that under⯑ſtanding is not confined to feature or colour. If, when they look round the [44] world, they feel exultation, let it be tempered with benevolence to others, and gratitude to God, ‘"who hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earthActs xvii. 26.; and whoſe wiſdom is not our wiſdom, neither are our ways his ways."’

CHAP. II.

I HOPE the reader will not think I have treſpaſſed on his patience in introducing myſelf to him with ſome account of the manners and cuſtoms of my country. They had been im⯑planted [46] in me with great care, and made an impreſſion on my mind, which time could not eraſe, and which all the adverſity and variety of fortune I have ſince experienced, ſerved only to rivet and record; for, whether the love of one's country be real or imagi⯑nary, or a leſſon of reaſon, or an inſtinct of nature, I ſtill look back with plea⯑ſure on the firſt ſcenes of my life, though that pleaſure has been for the moſt part mingled with ſorrow.

I have already acquainted the reader with the time and place of my birth. My father, beſides many ſlaves, had a numerous family, of which ſeven lived to grow up, including myſelf and a ſiſter; who was the only daughter. As I was the youngeſt of the ſons, I be⯑came, of courſe, the greateſt favourite with my mother, and was always with her; and ſhe uſed to take particular [47] pains to form my mind. I was trained up from my earlieſt years in the art of war: my daily exerciſe was ſhooting and throwing javelins; and my mother adorned me with emblems, after the manner of our greateſt warriors. In this way I grew up till I was turned the age of eleven, when an end was put to my happineſs in the following manner:—Generally when the grown people in the neighbourhood were gone far in the fields to labour the children aſſembled together in ſome of the neighbours' premiſes to play; and commonly ſome of us uſed to get up a tree to look out for any aſſailant, or kidnapper, that might come upon us; for they ſome⯑times took thoſe opportunities of our parents abſence to attack and carry off as many as they could ſeize. One day, as I was watching at the top of a tree in our yard, I ſaw one of thoſe people [48] come into the yard of our next neigh⯑bour but one, to kidnap, there being many ſtout young people in it. Imme⯑diately on this I gave the alarm of the rogue, and he was ſurrounded by the ſtouteſt of them, who entangled him with cords, ſo that he could not eſcape till ſome of the grown people came and ſecured him. But alas! ere long it was my fate to be thus attacked, and to be carried off, when none of the grown people were nigh. One day, when all our people were gone out to their works as uſual, and only I and my dear ſiſter were left to mind the houſe, two men and a woman got over our walls, and in a moment ſeized us both, and, without giving us time to cry out, or make reſiſtance, they ſtopped our mouths, and ran off with us, into the neareſt wood. Here they tied our hands, and continued to carry us as [49] far as they could, till night came on, when we reached a ſmall houſe, where the robbers halted for refreſhment and ſpent the night. We were then unbound, but were unable to take any food; and, being quite overpowered by fatigue and grief, our only relief was ſome ſleep, which allayed our misfortune for a ſhort time. The next morning we left the houſe, and con⯑tinued travelling all the day. For a long time we had kept the woods, but at laſt we came into a road which I believed I knew. I had now ſome hopes of being delivered; for we had advanced but a little way before I diſ⯑covered ſome people at a diſtance, on which I began to cry out for their aſ⯑ſiſtance; but my cries had no other effect than to make them tie me faſter and ſtop my mouth, and then they put me into a large ſack. They alſo [50] ſtopped my ſiſter's mouth, and tied her hands; and in this manner we proceeded till we were out of the ſight of theſe people. When we went to reſt the following night they offered us ſome victuals; but we refuſed it; and the only comfort we had was in being in one another's arms all that night, and bathing each other with our tears. But alas! we were ſoon de⯑prived of even the ſmall comfort of weeping together. The next day proved a day of greater ſorrow than I had yet experienced; for my ſiſter and I were then ſeparated, while we lay claſped in each others arms. It was in vain that we beſought them not to part us; ſhe was torn from me, and immediately carried away, while I was left in a ſtate of diſtraction not to be deſcribed. I cried and grieved con⯑tinually; and for ſeveral days, did not [51] eat any thing but what they forced into my mouth. At length, after many days travelling, during which I had often changed maſters, I got into the hands of a chieftain, in a very pleaſant country. This man had two wives and ſome children, and they all uſed me extremely well, and did all they could to comfort me; particu⯑larly the firſt wife, who was ſomething like my mother. Although I was a great many days journey from my father's houſe, yet theſe people ſpoke exactly the ſame language with us. This firſt maſter of mine, as I may call him, was a ſmith, and my prin⯑cipal employment was working his bellows, which were the ſame kind as I had ſeen in my vicinity. They were in ſome reſpects not unlike the ſtoves here in gentlemen's kitchens; and were covered over with leather; and in the [52] middle of that leather a ſtick was fixed, and a perſon ſtood up, and worked it, in the ſame manner as is done to pump water out of a caſk with a hand pump. I believe it was gold he worked, for it was of a lovely bright yellow colour, and was worn by the women on their wriſts and ancles. I was there I ſuppoſe about a month, and they at laſt uſed to truſt me ſome little diſtance from the houſe. This liberty I uſed in embracing every opportunity to inquire the way to my own home: and I alſo ſometimes, for the ſame purpoſe, went with the maidens, in the cool of the evenings, to bring pitchers of water from the ſprings for the uſe of the houſe. I had alſo re⯑marked where the ſun roſe in the morn⯑ing, and ſet in the evening, as I had travelled along; and I had obſerved that [...] father's houſe was towards the [53] riſing of the ſun. I therefore deter⯑mined to ſeize the firſt opportunity of making my eſcape, and to ſhape my courſe for that quarter; for I was quite oppreſſed and weighed down by grief after my mother and friends; and my love of liberty, ever great, was ſtrengthened by the mortifying cir⯑cumſtance of not daring to eat with the free-born children, although I was moſtly their companion. While I was projecting my eſcape, one day an un⯑lucky event happened, which quite diſconcerted my plan, and put an end to my hopes. I uſed to be ſometimes employed in aſſiſting an elderly woman ſlave, to cook and take care of the poultry: and one morning, while I was feeding ſome chickens, I happened to toſs a ſmall pebble at one of them, which hit it on the middle, and direct⯑ly killed it. The old ſlave, having [54] ſoon after miſſed the chicken, inquired after it; and on my relating the acci⯑dent (for I told her the truth, becauſe my mother would never ſuffer me to tell a lie) ſhe flew into a violent paſ⯑ſion, threatened that I ſhould ſuffer for it; and, my maſter being out, ſhe immediately went and told her miſtreſs what I had done. This alarm⯑ed me very much, and I expected an inſtant flogging, which to me was uncommonly dreadful; for I had ſel⯑dom been beaten at home. I therefore reſolved to fly; and accordingly I ran into a thicket that was hard by, and hid myſelf in the buſhes. Soon af⯑terwards my miſtreſs and the ſlave returned, and, not ſeeing me, they ſearched all the houſe, but not finding me, and I not making anſwer when they called to me, they thought I ad run away, and the whole neigh⯑bourhood [55] was raiſed in the purſuit of me. In that part of the country (as in ours) the houſes and villages were ſkirted with woods, or ſhrubberies, and the buſhes were ſo thick that a man could readily conceal himſelf in them, ſo as to elude the ſtricteſt ſearch. The neighbours continued the whole day looking for me, and ſeveral times many of them came within a few yards of the place where I lay hid. I ex⯑pected every moment, when I heard a ruſtling among the trees, to be found out, and puniſhed by my maſter: but they never diſcovered me, though they were often ſo near that I even heard their conjectures as they were looking about for me; and I now learned from them, that any attempt to return home would be hopeleſs. Moſt of them ſuppoſed I had fled towards home; [56] but the diſtance was ſo great, and the way ſo intricate, that they thought I could never reach it, and that I ſhould be loſt in the woods. When I heard this I was ſeized with a violent panie, and abandoned myſelf to deſpair. Night too began to approach, and ag⯑gravated all my fears. I had before entertained hopes of getting home; and had determined when it ſhould be dark to make the attempt; but I was now convinced it was fruitleſs, and began to conſider that, if poſſibly I could eſcape all other animals, I could not thoſe of the human kind; and that, not knowing the way, I muſt periſh in the woods. Thus was I like the hunted deer:

I heard frequent ruſtlings among the leaves; and being pretty ſure they were [57] ſnakes, I expected every inſtant to be ſtung by them. This increaſed my anguiſh, and the horror of my ſituation became now quite inſupportable. I at length quitted the thicket, very ſaint and hungry, for I had not eaten or drank any thing all the day; and crept to my maſter's kitchen, from whence I ſet out at firſt, and which was an open ſhed, and laid myſelf down in the aſhes with an anxious wiſh for death to relieve me from all my pains. I was ſcarcely awake in the morning, when the old woman ſlave, who was the firſt up, came to light the fire, and ſaw me in the fire place. She was very much ſurpriſed to ſee me, and could ſcarcely believe her own eyes. She now promiſed to intercede for me, and went for her maſter, who ſoon after came, and, having ſlightly reprimanded [58] me, ordered me to be taken care of, and not ill treated.

Soon after this my maſter's only daughter, and child by his firſt wife, ſickened and died, which affected him ſo much that for ſome time he was almoſt frantic, and really would have killed himſelf, had he not been watch⯑ed and prevented. However, in a ſmall time afterwards he recovered, and I was again ſold. I was now carried to the left of the ſun's riſing, through many dreary waſtes and diſmal woods, amidſt the hideous roarings of wild beaſts. The people I was ſold to uſed to carry me very often, when I was tired, either on their ſhoulders or on their backs. I ſaw many convenient well-built ſheds along the road, at proper diſtances, to accom⯑modate the merchants and travellers, who lay in thoſe buildings along with [59] their wives, who often accompany them; and they always go well armed.

From the time I left my own nation I always found ſomebody that under⯑ſtood me till I came to the ſea coaſt. The languages of different nations did not totally differ, nor were they ſo co⯑pious as thoſe of the Europeans, par⯑ticularly the Engliſh. They were therefore eaſily learned; and, while I was journeying thus through Africa, I acquired two or three different tongues. In this manner I had been travelling for a conſiderable time, when one evening to my great ſur⯑priſe, whom ſhould I ſee brought to the houſe where I was but my dear ſiſter! As ſoon as ſhe ſaw me ſhe gave a loud ſhriek, and ran into my arms—I was quite overpowered: neither of us could ſpeak; but, for a conſiderable time, [60] clung to each other in mutual embraces, unable to do any thing but weep. Our meeting affected all who ſaw us; and indeed I muſt acknowledge, in honour of thoſe ſable deſtroyers of human rights, that I never met with any ill treatment, or ſaw any offered to their ſlaves, except tying them, when ne⯑ceſſary, to keep them from running away. When theſe people knew we were brother and ſiſter, they indulged us to be together; and the man, to whom I ſuppoſed we belonged, lay with us, he in the middle, while ſhe and I held one another by the hands acroſs his breaſt all night; and thus for a while we forgot our misfortunes in the joy of being together: but even this ſmall comfort was ſcon to have an end; for ſcarcely had the fatal morning appear⯑ed, when ſhe was again torn from me for ever! I was now more miſerable, [61] if poſſible, than before. The ſmall relief which her preſence gave me from pain was gone, and the wretchedneſs of my ſituation was redoubled by my anxiety after her fate, and my appre⯑henſions leſt her ſufferings ſhould be greater than mine, when I could not be with her to alleviate them. Yes, thou dear partner of all my childiſh ſports! thou ſharer of my joys and ſorrows! happy ſhould I have ever eſteemed myſelf to encounter every miſery for you, and to procure your freedom by the ſacrifice of my own. Though you were early forced from my arms, your image has been always rivetted in my heart, from which neither time nor fortune have been able to re⯑move it; ſo that, while the thoughts of your ſufferings have damped my proſperity, they have mingled with adverſity and increaſed its bitterneſs. [62] To that Heaven which protects the weak from the ſtrong, I commit the care of your innocence and virtues, if they have not already received their full reward, and if your youth and delicacy have not long ſince fallen vic⯑tims to the violence of the African trader, the peſtilential ſtench of a Guinea ſhip, the ſeaſoning in the Euro⯑pean colonies, or the laſh and luſt of a brutal and unrelenting overſeer.

I did not long remain after my ſiſter. I was again ſold, and carried through a number of places, till, after travelling a conſiderable time, I came to a town called Tinmah, in the moſt beautiful country I had yet ſeen in Africa. It was extremely rich, and there were many rivulets which flowed through it, and ſupplied a large pond in the centre of the town, where the people waſhed. Here I firſt ſaw and taſted cocoa nuts, [63] which I thought ſuperior to any nuts I had ever taſted before; and the trees, which were loaded, were alſo interſperſ⯑ed amongſt the houſes, which had com⯑modious ſhades adjoining, and were in the ſame manner as ours, the inſides being neatly plaſtered and whitewaſhed, Here I alſo ſaw and taſted for the firſt time ſugar-cane. Their money conſiſted of little white ſhells, the ſize of the fin⯑ger nail. I was ſold here for one hundred and ſeventy-two of them by a merchant who lived and brought me there. I had been about two or three days at his houſe, when a wealthy widow, a neighbour of his, came there one even⯑ing, and brought with her an only ſon, a young gentleman about my own age and ſize. Here they ſaw me; and, having taken a fancy to me, I was bought of the merchant, and went home with them. Her houſe and [64] premiſes were ſituated cloſe to one of thoſe rivulets I have mentioned, and were the fineſt I ever ſaw in Africa: they were very extenſive, and ſhe had a number of ſlaves to attend her. The next day I was waſhed and perfumed, and when meal-time came, I was led into the preſence of my miſtreſs, and eat and drank before her with her ſon. This filled me with aſtoniſhment; and I could ſcarce help expreſſing my ſur⯑priſe that the young gentleman ſhould ſuffer me, who was bound, to eat with him who was free; and not only ſo, but that he would not at any time either eat or drink till I had taken firſt, be⯑cauſe. I was the eldeſt, which was agreeable to our cuſtom. Indeed every thing here, and all their treatment of me, made me forget that I was a ſlave. The language of theſe people reſem⯑bled ours ſo nearly, that we underſtood [65] each other perfectly. They had alſo the very ſame cuſtoms as we. There were likewiſe ſlaves daily to attend us, while my young maſter and I with other boys ſported with our darts and bows and arrows, as I had been uſed to do at home. In this reſemblance to my former happy ſtate, I paſſed about two months; and I now began to think I was to be adopted into the family, and was beginning to be re⯑conciled to my ſituation, and to for⯑get by degrees my misfortunes, when all at once the deluſion vaniſhed; for, without the leaſt previous knowledge, one morning early, while my dear maſter and companion was ſtill aſleep, I was awakened out of my reverie to freſh ſorrow, and hurried away even amongſt the uncircumciſed.

Thus, at the very moment I dreamed of the greateſt happineſs, I found my⯑ſelf [66] moſt miſerable; and it ſeemed as if fortune wiſhed to give me this taſte of joy, only to render the reverſe more poignant. The change I now expe⯑rienced was as painful as it was ſudden and unexpected. It was a change in⯑deed from a ſtate of bliſs to a ſcene which is inexpreſſible by me, as it diſcovered to me an element I had never before beheld, and till then had no idea of, and wherein ſuch inſtances of hardſhip and cruelty continually oc⯑curred as I can never reflect on but with horror.

All the nations and people I had hitherto paſſed through reſembled our own in their manners, cuſtoms, and language: but I came at length to a country, the inhabitants of which differed from us in all thoſe particulars. I was very much ſtruck with this dif⯑ference, eſpecially when I came among [67] a people who did not circumciſe, and eat without waſhing their hands. They cooked alſo in iron pots, and had Euro⯑pean cutlaſſes and croſs bows, which were unknown to us, and fought with their fiſts amongſt themſelves. Their women were not ſo modeſt as ours, for they eat, and drank, and ſlept, with their men. But above all, I was amazed to ſee no ſacrifices or offerings among them. In ſome of thoſe places the people ornamented themſelves with ſcars, and likewiſe filed their teeth very ſharp. They wanted ſometimes to ornament me in the ſame manner, but I would not ſuffer them; hoping that I might ſome time be among a people who did not thus disfigure them⯑ſelves, as I thought they did. At laſt I came to the banks of a large river, which was covered with canoes, in which the people appeared to live [68] with their houſehold utenſils and pro⯑viſions of all kinds. I was beyond meaſure aſtoniſhed at this, as I had never before ſeen any water larger than a pond or a rivulet: and my ſurpriſe was mingled with no ſmall fear when I was put into one of theſe canoes, and we began to paddle and move along the river. We continued going on thus till night; and when we came to land, and made fires on the banks, each family by themſelves, ſome dragged their canoes on ſhore, others ſtayed and cooked in theirs, and laid in them all night. Thoſe on the land had mats, of which they made tents, ſome in the ſhape of little houſes: in theſe we ſlept: and after the morning meal, we em⯑barked again and proceeded as before. I was often very much aſtoniſhed to ſee ſome of the women, as well as the men, jump into the water, dive to the [69] bottom, come up again, and ſwim about. Thus I continued to travel, ſometimes by land, ſometimes by water, through different countries and various nations, till, at the end of ſix or ſeven months after I had been kidnapped, I arrived at the ſea coaſt. It would be tedious and unintereſting to relate all the incidents which befell me dur⯑ing this journey, and which I have not yet forgotten; of the various hands I paſſed through, and the manners and cuſtoms of all the different people among whom I lived: I ſhall there⯑fore only obſerve, that in all the places where I was, the ſoil was exceedingly rich; the pomkins, aedas, plantains, yams, &c. &c. were in great abund⯑ance, and of incredible ſize. There were alſo vaſt quantities of different gums, though not uſed for any pur⯑poſe; and every where a great deal of [70] tobacco. The cotton even grew quite wild; and there was plenty of red-wood. I ſaw no mechanics whatever in all the way, except ſuch as I have men⯑tioned. The chief employment in all theſe countries was agriculture, and both the males and females, as with us, were brought up to it, and trained in the arts of war.

The firſt object which ſaluted my eyes when I arrived on the coaſt was the ſea, and a ſlave ſhip, which was then riding at anchor, and waiting for its cargo. Theſe filled me with aſto⯑niſhment, which was ſoon converted into terror when I was carried on board. I was immediately handled, and toſſed up to ſee if I were ſound, by ſome of the crew; and I was now per⯑ſuaded that I had gotten into a world of bad ſpirits, and that they were going to kill me. Their complexions too [71] differing ſo much from ours, their long hair, and the language they ſpoke, (which was very different from any I had ever heard) united to confirm me in this belief. Indeed ſuch were the horrors of my views and fears at the moment, that, if ten thouſand world, had been my own, I would have freely parted with them all to have exchanged my condition with that of the meaneſt ſlave in my own country. When I look⯑ed round the ſhip too and ſaw a large furnace or copper boiling, and a mul⯑titude of black people of every deſcrip⯑tion chained together, every one of their countenances expreſſing dejection and ſorrow, I no longer doubted of my fate; and, quite overpowered with horror and anguiſh, I fell motionleſs on the deck and fainted. When I recovered a little I found ſome black people about me, who I believed were [72] ſome of thoſe who brought me on board, and had been receiving their pay; they talked to me in order to cheer me, but all in vain. I aſked them if we were not to be eaten by thoſe white men with horrible looks, red faces, and long hair. They told me I was not: and one of the crew brought me a ſmall portion of ſpiritu⯑ous liquor in a wine glaſs; but, being afraid of him, I would not take it out of his hand. One of the blacks there⯑fore took it from him and gave it to me, and I took a little down my palate, which, inſtead of reviving me, as they thought it would, threw me into the greateſt conſternation at the ſtrange feeling it produced, having never taſted any ſuch liquor before. Soon after this the blacks who brought me on board went off, and left me abandoned to deſpair. I now ſaw myſelf deprived [73] of all chance of returning to my native country, or even the leaſt glimpſe of hope of gaining the ſhore, which I now conſidered as friendly; and I even wiſhed for my former ſlavery in pre⯑ference to my preſent ſituation, which was filled with horrors of every kind, ſtill heightened by my ignorance of what I was to undergo. I was not long ſuffered to indulge my grief; I was ſoon put down under the decks, and there I received ſuch a ſalutation in my noſtrils as I had never expe⯑rienced in my life: ſo that, with the loathſomeneſs of the ſtench, and crying together, I became ſo ſick and low that I was not able to eat, nor had I the leaſt deſire to taſte any thing. I now wiſhed for the laſt friend, death, to relieve me; but ſoon, to my grief, two of the white men offered me eat⯑ables; and, on my refuſing to eat, [74] one of them held me faſt by the hands, and laid me acroſs, I think the windlaſs, and tied my feet, while the other flogged me ſeverely. I had never experienced any thing of this kind before; and al⯑though not being uſed to the water, I naturally feared that element the firſt time I ſaw it, yet nevertheleſs, could I have got over the nettings, I would have jumped over the ſide, but I could not; and, beſides, the crew uſed to watch us very cloſely who were not chained down to the decks, leſt we ſhould leap into the water: and I have ſeen ſome of theſe poor African pri⯑ſoners moſt ſeverely cut for attempting to do ſo, and hourly whipped for not eating. This indeed was often the caſe with myſelf. In a little time after, amongſt the poor chained men, I found ſome of my own nation, which in a ſmall degree gave eaſe to my mind. I [75] inquired of theſe what was to be done with us? they gave me to underſtand we were to be carried to theſe white people's country to work for them. I then was a little revived, and thought, if it were no worſe than working, my ſituation was not ſo deſperate: but ſtill I feared I ſhould be put to death, the white people looked and acted, as I thought, in ſo ſavage a manner; for I had never ſeen among any people ſuch inſtances of brutal cruelty; and this not only ſhewn towards us blacks, but alſo to ſome of the whites them⯑ſelves. One white man in particular I ſaw, when we were permitted to be on deck, flogged ſo unmercifully with a large rope near the foremaſt, that he died in conſequence of it; and they toſſed him over the ſide as they would have done a brute. This made me fear theſe people the more; and I ex⯑pected [76] nothing leſs than to be treated in the ſame manner. I could not help expreſſing my fears and apprehenſions to ſome of my countrymen: I aſked them if theſe people had no country, but lived in this hollow place (the ſhip)? they told me they did not, but came from a diſtant one. ‘'Then,'’ ſaid I, ‘'how comes it in all our country we never heard of them?'’ They told me becauſe they lived ſo very far off. I then aſked where were their women? had they any like themſelves? I was told they had: ‘'And why,'’ ſaid I, ‘'do we not ſee them?'’ they anſwered, becauſe they were left behind. I aſked how the veſſel could go? they told me they could not tell; but that there were cloth put upon the maſts by the help of the ropes I ſaw, and then the veſſel went on; and the white men had ſome ſpell or magic they put in the water [77] when they liked in order to ſtop the veſſel. I was exceedingly amazed at this account, and really thought they were ſpirits. I therefore wiſhed much to be from amongſt them, for I ex⯑pected they would ſacrifice me: but my wiſhes were vain; for we were ſo quartered that it was impoſſible for any of us to make our eſcape. While we ſtayed on the coaſt I was moſtly on deck; and one day, to my great aſto⯑niſhment, I ſaw one of theſe veſſels coming in with the ſails up. As ſoon as the whites ſaw it, they gave a great ſhout, at which we were amazed; and the more ſo as the veſſel appeared larger by approaching nearer. At laſt ſhe came to an anchor in my ſight, and when the anchor was let go I and my countrymen who ſaw it were loſt in aſtoniſhment to obſerve the veſſel ſtop; and were now convinced it was [78] done by magic. Soon after this the other ſhip got her boats out, and they came on board of us, and the people of both ſhips ſeemed very glad to ſee each other. Several of the ſtrangers alſo ſhook hands with us black people, and made motions with their hands, ſignifying I ſuppoſe, we were to go to their country; but we did not underſtand them. At laſt, when the ſhip we were in, had got in all her cargo, they made ready with many fearful noiſes, and we were all put under deck, ſo that we could not ſee how they managed the veſſel. But this diſappointment was the leaſt of my ſorrow. The ſtench of the hold while we were on the coaſt was ſo in⯑tolerably loathſome, that it was dan⯑gerous to remain there for any time, and ſome of us had been permitted to ſtay on the deck for the freſh air; but now that the whole ſhip's cargo were [79] confined together, it became abſolutely peſtilential. The cloſeneſs of the place, and the heat of the climate, added to the number in the ſhip, which was ſo crowded that each had ſcarcely room to turn himſelf, almoſt ſuffocated us. This produced copious perſpirations, ſo that the air ſoon became unfit for reſpiration, from a variety of loath⯑ſome ſmells, and brought on a ſickneſs among the ſlaves, of which many died, thus falling victims to the improvident avarice, as I may call it, of their pur⯑chaſers. This wretched ſituation was again aggravated by the galling of the chains, now become inſupportable; and the filth of the neceſſary tubs, into which the children often fell, and were almoſt ſuffocated. The ſhrieks of the women, and the groans of the dying, rendered the whole a ſcene of horror almoſt inconceivable. Happily perhaps [80] for myſelf I was ſoon reduced ſo low here that it was thought neceſſary to keep me almoſt always on-deck; and from my extreme youth I was not put in fetters. In this ſituation I expected every hour to ſhare the fate of my companions, ſome of whom were al⯑moſt daily brought upon deck at the point of death, which I began to hope would ſoon put an end to my miſeries. Often did I think many of the inhabi⯑tants of the deep much more happy than myſelf, I envied them the freedom they enjoyed, and as often wiſhed I could change my condition for theirs. Every circumſtance I met with ſerved only to render my ſtate more painful, and heighten my apprehenſions, and my opinion of the cruelty of the whites. One day they had taken a number of fiſhes; and when they had killed and ſatisfied themſelves with as many as [81] they thought fit, to our aſtoniſhment who were on the deck, rather than give any of them to us to eat, as we expected, they toſſed the remaining fiſh into the ſea again, although we begged and prayed for ſome as well as we could, but in vain; and ſome of my countrymen, being preſſed by hun⯑ger, took an opportunity, when they thought no one ſaw them, of trying to get a little privately; but they were diſ⯑covered, and the attempt procured them ſome very ſevere floggings. One day, when we had a ſmooth ſea and mode⯑rate wind, two of my wearied country⯑men who were chained together (I was near them at the time), preferring death to ſuch a life of miſery, ſomehow made through the nettings and jumped into the ſea: immediately another quite de⯑jected fellow, who on account of his illneſs, was ſuffered to be out of irons, [82] alſo followed their example; and I be⯑lieve many more would very ſoon have done the ſame if they had not been pre⯑vented by the ſhip's crew, who were inſtantly alarmed. Thoſe of us that were the moſt active were in a moment put down under the deck, and there was ſuch a noiſe and confuſion amongſt the people of the ſhip as I never heard before, to ſtop her, and get the boat out to go after the ſlaves. However two of the wretches were drowned, but they got the other, and afterwards flogged him unmercifully, for thus at⯑tempting to prefer death to ſlavery. In this manner we continued to under⯑go more hardſhips than I can now relate, hardſhips which are inſeparable from this accurſed trade. Many a time we were near ſuffocation from the want of freſh air, which we were often without for whole days together. This, [83] and the ſtench of the neceſſary tubs, carried off many. During our paſſage I firſt ſaw flying fiſhes, which ſurpriſed me very much: they uſed frequently to fly acroſs the ſhip, and many of them fell on the deck. I alſo now firſt ſaw the uſe of the quadrant; I had often with aſtoniſhment ſeen the mari⯑ners make obſervations with it, and I could not think what it meant. They at laſt took notice of my ſurpriſe: and one of them, willing to increaſe it, as well as to gratify my curioſity, made me one day look through it. The clouds appeared to me to be land, which diſ⯑appeared as they paſſed along. This heightened my wonder; and I was now more perſuaded than ever that I was in another world, and that every thing about me was magic. At laſt we came in ſight of the iſland of Barbadoes, at which the whites on board gave a great [84] ſhout, and made many ſigns of joy to us. We did not know what to think of this; but as the veſſel drew nearer we plainly ſaw the harbour, and other ſhips of different kinds and ſizes; and we ſoon anchored amongſt them off Bridge Town. Many merchants and planters now came on board, though it was in the evening. They put us in ſeparate parcels, and examined us attentively. They alſo made us jump, and pointed to the land, ſignifying we were to go there. We thought by this we ſhould be eaten by theſe ugly men, as they ap⯑peared to us; and, when ſoon after we were all put down under the deck again, there was much dread and trem⯑bling among us, and nothing but bitter cries to be heard all the night from theſe apprehenſions, inſomuch that at laſt the white people got ſome old ſlaves from the land to pacify us. They [85] told us we were not to be eaten, but to work, and were ſoon to go on land, where we ſhould ſee many of our country people. This report eaſed us much; and ſure enough, ſoon after we were landed, there came to us Africans of all languages. We were conducted immediately to the mer⯑chant's yard, where we were all pent up together like ſo many ſheep in a fold, without regard to ſex or age. As every object was new to me every thing I ſaw filled me with ſurpriſe. What ſtruck me firſt was that the houſes were built with bricks and ſtories, and in every other reſpect different from thoſe I had ſeen in Africa: but I was ſtill more aſ⯑toniſhed on ſeeing people on horſeback. I did not know what this could mean; and indeed I thought theſe people were full of nothing but magical arts. While I was in this aſtoniſhment one of my [86] fellow priſoners ſpoke to a countryman of his about the horſes, who ſaid they were the ſame kind they had in their country. I underſtood them, though they were from a diſtant part of Africa, and I thought it odd I had not ſeen any horſes there; but afterwards, when I came to converſe with different Afri⯑cans, I found they had many horſes amongſt them, and much larger than thoſe I then ſaw. We were not many days in the merchant's cuſtody before we were ſold after their uſual manner, which is this:—On a ſignal given, (as the beat of a drum) the buyers ruſh at once into the yard where the ſlaves are confined, and make choice of that parcel they like beſt. The noiſe and clamour with which this is attended, and the eagerneſs viſible in the coun⯑tenances of the buyers, ſerve not a little to increaſe the apprehenſion of the [87] terrified Africans, who may well be ſuppoſed to conſider them as the mini⯑ſters of that deſtruction to which they think themſelves devoted. In this manner, without ſcruple, are relations and friends ſeparated, moſt of them never to ſee each other again. I re⯑member in the veſſel in which I was brought over, in the men's apartment, there were ſeveral brothers, who, in the ſale, were ſold in different lots; and it was very moving on this occaſion to ſee and hear their cries at parting. O, ye nominal Chriſtians! might not an African aſk you, learned you this from your God, who ſays unto you, Do unto all men as you would men ſhould do unto you? Is it not enough that we are torn from our country and friends, to toil for your luxury and luſt of gain? Muſt every tender feeling be likewiſe ſacrificed to your avarice? [88] Are the deareſt friends and relations, now rendered more dear by their ſepa⯑ration from their kindred, ſtill to be parted from each other, and thus pre⯑vented from cheering the gloom of ſlavery with the ſmall comſort of being together and mingling their ſufferings and ſorrows? Why are parents to loſe their children, brothers their ſiſters, or huſbands their wives? Surely this is a new refinement in cruelty, which, while it has no advantage to atone for it, thus aggravates diſtreſs, and adds freſh horrors even to the wretchedneſs of ſlavery.

CHAP. III.

I NOW totally loſt the ſmall remains of comfort I had enjoyed in con⯑verſing with my countrymen; the wo⯑men too, who uſed to waſh and take care of me, were all gone different [90] ways, and I never ſaw one of them afterwards.

I ſtayed in this iſland for a few days; I believe it could not be above a fort⯑night; when I and ſome few more ſlaves, that were not ſaleable amongſt the reſt, from very much fretting, were ſhipped off in a ſloop for North America. On the paſſage we were better treated than when we were com⯑ing from Africa, and we had plenty of rice and fat pork. We were landed up a river a good way from the ſea, about Virginia county, where we ſaw few or none of our native Africans, and not one ſoul who could talk to me. I was a few weeks weeding graſs, and gathering ſtones in a plantation; and at laſt all my companions were diſtri⯑buted different ways, and only myſelf was left. I was now exceedingly mi⯑ſerable, and thought myſelf worſe off [91] than any of the reſt of my companions; for they could talk to each other, but I had no perſon to ſpeak to that I could underſtand. In this ſtate I was conſtantly grieving and pining, and wiſhing for death rather than any thing elſe. While I was in this plantation the gentleman, to whom I ſuppoſe the eſtate belonged, being unwell, I was one day ſent for to his dwelling houſe to fan him; when I came into the room where he was I was very much affrighted at ſome things I ſaw, and the more ſo as I had ſeen a black woman ſlave as I came through the houſe, who was cooking the dinner, and the poor crea⯑ture was cruelly loaded with various kinds of iron machines; ſhe had one particularly on her head, which locked her mouth ſo faſt that ſhe could ſcarcely ſpeak; and could not eat nor drink. I was much aſtoniſhed and ſhocked at [92] this contrivance, which I afterwards learned was called the iron muzzle. Soon after I had a fan put into my hand, to fan the gentleman while he ſlept; and ſo I did indeed with great fear. While he was faſt aſleep I in⯑dulged myſelf a great deal in looking about the room, which to me appeared very fine and curious. The firſt object that engaged my attention was a watch which hung on the chimney, and was going. I was quite ſurpriſed at the noiſe it made, and was afraid it would tell the gentleman any thing I might do amiſs: and when I immediately after obſerved a picture hanging in the room, which appeared conſtantly to look at me, I was ſtill more affrighted, having never ſeen ſuch things as theſe before. At one time I thought it was ſomething relative to magic; and not ſeeing it move I thought it might be ſome way [93] the whites had to keep their great men when they died, and offer them liba⯑tions as we uſed to do to our friendly ſpirits. In this ſtate of anxiety I re⯑mained till my maſter awoke, when I was diſmiſſed out of the room, to my no ſmall ſatisfaction and relief; for I thought that theſe people were all made up of wonders. In this place I was called Jacob; but on board the African ſnow I was called Michael. I had been ſome time in this miſerable, forlorn, and much dejected ſtate, without having any one to talk to, which made my life a burden, when the kind and unknown hand of the Creator (who in very deed leads the blind in a way they know not) now began to appear, to my comfort; for one day the captain of a merchant ſhip, called the Induſtrious Bee, came on ſome buſineſs to my maſter's houſe. This gentleman, whoſe name was Mi⯑chael [94] Henry Paſcal, was a lieutenant in the royal navy, but now commanded this trading ſhip, which was ſome⯑where in the confines of the county many miles off. While he was at my maſter's houſe it happened that he ſaw me, and like me ſo well that he made a purchaſe of me. I think I have often heard him ſay he gave thirty or forty pounds ſterling for me; but I do not now remember which. However, he meant me for a preſent to ſome of his friends in England: and I was ſent accordingly from the houſe of my then maſter, (one Mr. Campbell) to the place where the ſhip lay; I was con⯑ducted on horſeback by an elderly black man, (a mode of travelling which appeared very odd to me). When I arrived I was carried on board a fine large ſhip, loaded with tobacco, &c. and juſt ready to ſail for England. [95] I now thought my condition much mended; I had ſails to lie on, and plenty of good victuals to eat; and every body on board uſed me very kindly, quite contrary to what I had ſeen of any white people before; I therefore began to think that they were not all of the ſame diſpoſition. A few days after I was on board we ſailed for England. I was ſtill at a loſs to conjecture my deſtiny. By this time, however, I could ſmatter a little im⯑perfect Engliſh; and I wanted to know as well as I could where we were going. Some of the people of the ſhip uſed to tell me they were go⯑ing to carry me back to my own coun⯑try, and this made me very happy. I was qui e rejoiced at the idea of going back; and thought if I ſhould get home what wonders I ſhould have to tell. But I was reſerved for another [96] fate, and was ſoon undeceived, when we came within ſight of the Engliſh coaſt. While I was on board this ſhip, my captain and maſter named me Guſtavus Vaſa. I at that time began to underſtand him a little, and refuſed to be called ſo, and told him as well as I could that I would be called Jacob; but he ſaid I ſhould not, and ſtill called me Guſtavus: and when I re⯑ſuſed to anſwer to my new name, which at firſt I did, it gained me many a cuff; ſo at length I ſubmitted, and by which I have been known ever ſince. The ſhip had a very long paſ⯑ſage; and on that account we had very ſhort allowance of proviſions. Towards the laſt we had only one pound and a half of bread per week, and about the ſame quantity of meat, and one quart of water a-day. We ſpoke with only one veſſel the whole time we were [97] at ſea, and but once we caught a few fiſhes. In our extremities the captain and people told me in jeſt they would kill and eat me; but I thought them in earneſt, and was depreſſed beyond meaſure, expecting every moment to be my laſt. While I was in this ſitu⯑ation one evening they caught, with a good deal of trouble, a large ſhark, and got it on board. This glad⯑dened my poor heart exceedingly, as I thought it would ſerve the people to eat inſtead of their eating me; but very ſoon, to my aſtoniſhment, they cut off a ſmall part of the tail, and toſſed the reſt over the ſide. This renewed my conſternation; and I did not know what to think of theſe white people, though I very much feared they would kill and eat me. There was on board the ſhip a young lad who had never been at ſea before, about [98] four or five years older than myſelf; his name was Richard Baker. He was a native of America, had received an ex⯑cellent education, and was of a moſt amiable temper. Soon after I went on board he ſhewed me a great deal of partiality and attention, and in return I grew extremely fond of him. We at length became inſeparable; and, for the ſpace of two years, he was of very great uſe to me, and was my conſtant companion and inſtructor. Although this dear youth had many ſlaves of his own, yet he and I have gone through many ſufferings together on ſhipboard; and we have many nights lain in each other's boſoms when we were in great diſtreſs. Thus ſuch a friendſhip was cemented between us as we cheriſhed till his death, which to my very great ſorrow, happened in the year 1759, when he was up the [99] Archipelago, on board his majeſty's ſhip the Preſton: an event which I have never ceaſed to regret, as I loſt at once a kind interpreter, an agreeable companion, and a faithful friend; who, at the age of fifteen, diſcovered a mind ſuperior to prejudice; and who was not aſhamed to notice, to aſſociate with, and to be the friend and inſtructor of one who was ignorant, a ſtranger, of a different complexion, and a ſlave! My maſter had lodged in his mother's houſe in America: he reſpected him very much, and made him always eat with him in the cabin. He uſed often to tell him jocularly that he would kill and eat me. Sometimes he would ſay to me—the black people were not good to eat, and would aſk me if we did not eat people in my country. I ſaid, No: then he ſaid he would kill Dick (as he always called him) firſt, [100] and afterwards me. Though this hear⯑ing relieved my mind a little as to myſelf, I was alarmed for Dick, and whenever he was called I uſed to be very much afraid he was to be killed; and I would peep and watch to ſee if they were going to kill him: nor was I free from this conſternation till we made the land. One night we loſt a man overboard; and the cries and noiſe were ſo great and confuſed, in ſtopping the ſhip, that I, who did not know what was the matter, began, as uſual, to be very much afraid, and to think they were going to make an of⯑fering with me, and perform ſome magic; which I ſtill believed they dealt in. As the waves were very high I thought the Ruler of the ſeas was an⯑gry, and I expected to be offered up to appeaſe him. This filled my mind with agony, and I could not any more [101] that night cloſe my eyes again to reſt. However, when daylight appeared was a little eaſed in my mind; but ſtill every time I was called I uſed to think it was to be killed. Some time after this we ſaw ſome very large fiſh, which I afterwards found were called grampuſſes. They looked to me ex⯑tremely terrible, and made their ap⯑pearance juſt at duſk; and were ſo near as to blow the water on the ſhip's deck. I believed them to be the rulers of the ſea; and as the white people did not make any offerings at any time, I thought they were angry with them: and, at laſt, what con⯑firmed my belief was, the wind juſt then died away, and a calm enſued, and in conſequence of it the ſhip ſtopped going. I ſuppoſed that the fiſh had per⯑formed this, and I hid myſelf in the fore part of the ſhip, through fear of be⯑ing [102] offered up to appeaſe them, every minute peeping and quaking: but my good friend Dick came ſhortly towards me, and I took an opportunity to aſk him, as well as I could, what theſe fiſh were. Not being able to talk much Engliſh, I could but juſt make him underſtand my queſtion; and not at all, when I aſked him if any offer⯑ings were to be made to them: how⯑ever, he told me theſe fiſh would ſwallow any body; which ſufficiently alarmed me. Here he was called away by the captain, who was leaning over the quarter-deck railing and looking at the fiſh; and moſt of the people were buſied in getting a barrel of pitch to light, for them to play with. The captain now called me to him, having learned ſome of my apprehenſions from Dick; and having diverted himſelf and others for ſome time with my fears [103] which appeared ludicrous enough in my crying and trembling, he diſmiſſed me. The barrel of pitch was now lighted and put over the ſide into the water: by this time it was juſt dark, and the fiſh went after it; and, to my great joy, I ſaw them no more.

However, all my alarms began to ſubſide when we got ſight of land; and at laſt the ſhip arrived at Falmouth, af⯑ter a paſſage of thirteen weeks. Every heart on board ſeemed gladdened on our reaching the ſhore, and none more than mine. The captain immediately went on ſhore, and ſent on board ſome freſh proviſions, which we wanted very much: we made good uſe of them, and our ſamine was ſoon turned into feaſt⯑ing, almoſt without ending. It was about the beginning of the ſpring 1757, when I arrived in England, and I was near twelve years of age at that [104] time. I was very much ſtruck with the buildings and the pavement of the ſtreets in Falmouth; and, indeed, every object I ſaw filled me with new ſur⯑priſe. One morning, when I got upon deck, I ſaw it covered all over with the ſnow that fell over-night: as I had never ſeen any thing of the kind before, I thought it was ſalt; ſo I immediately ran down to the mate and deſired him, as well as I could, to come and ſee how ſomebody in the night had thrown ſalt all over the deck. He, knowing what it was, deſired me to bring ſome of it down to him: accordingly I took up a handful of it, which I found very cold indeed; and when I brought it to him he deſired me to taſte it. I did ſo, and I was ſurpriſed beyond mea⯑ſure. I then aſked him what it was; he told me it was ſnow: but I could not in anywiſe underſtand him. He [105] aſked me if we had no ſuch thing in my country; and I told him, No. I then aſked him the uſe of it, and who made it; he told me a great man in the heavens, called God: but here again I was to all intents and purpoſes at a loſs to underſtand him; and the more ſo, when a little after I ſaw the air filled with it, in a heavy ſhower, which fell down on the ſame day. After this I went to church; and having never been at ſuch a place before, I was again amazed at ſeeing and hearing the ſervice. I aſked all I could about it; and they gave me to underſtand it was worſhipping God, who made us and all things. I was ſtill at a great loſs, and ſoon got into an endleſs field of inquiries, as well as I was able to ſpeak and aſk about things. However, my little friend Dick uſed to [106] be my beſt interpreter; for I could make free with him, and he always in⯑ſtructed me with pleaſure: and from what I could underſtand by him of this God, and in ſeeing theſe white people did not ſell one another as we did, I was much pleaſed; and in this I thought they were much happier than we Afri⯑cans. I was aſtoniſhed at the wiſdom of the white people in all things I ſaw; but was amazed at their not ſacrificing, or making any offerings, and eating with unwaſhed hands, and touching the dead. I likewiſe could not help re⯑marking the particular ſlenderneſs of their women, which I did not at firſt like; and I thought they were not ſo modeſt and ſhamefaced as the African women.

I had often ſeen my maſter and Dick employed in reading; and I had a great curioſity to talk to the books, as [107] I thought they did; and ſo to learn how all things had a beginning: for that purpoſe I have often taken up a book, and have talked to it, and then put my ears to it, when alone, in hopes it would anſwer me; and I have been very much concerned when I found it remained ſilent.

My maſter lodged at the houſe of a gentleman in Falmouth, who had a fine little daughter about ſix or ſeven years of age, and ſhe grew prodigiouſly fond of me; inſomuch that we uſed to eat together, and had ſervants to wait on us. I was ſo much careſſed by this family that it often reminded me of the treatment I had received from my little noble African maſter. After I had been here a few days, I was ſent on board of the ſhip; but the child cried ſo much aſter me that nothing could pacify her till I was ſent for again. [108] It is ludicrous enough, that I began to fear I ſhould be betrothed to this young lady; and when my maſter aſked me if I would ſtay there with her behind him, as he was going away with the ſhip, which had taken in the tobacco again, I cried immediately, and ſaid I would not leave him. At laſt, by ſtealth, one night I was ſent on board the ſhip again; and in a little time we ſailed for Guernſey, where ſhe was in part owned by a merchant, one Nicholas Doberry. As I was now amongſt a people who had not their faces ſcarred, like ſome of the African nations where I had been, I was very glad I did not let them ornament me in that manner when I was with them. When we arrived at Guernſey, my maſter placed me to board and lodge with one of his mates, who had a wife and family there; and ſome months after⯑wards [109] he went to England, and left me in care of this mate, together with my friend Dick: This mate had a little daughter, aged about five or ſix years, with whom I uſed to be much de⯑lighted. I had often obſerved that when her mother waſhed her face it looked very roſy; but when ſhe waſhed mine it did not look ſo: I therefore tried oftentimes myſelf if I could not by waſhing make my face of the ſame co⯑lour as my little play-mate (Mary), but it was all in vain; and I now began to be mortified at the difference in our com⯑plexions. This woman behaved to me with great kindneſs and attention; and taught me every thing in the ſame manner as ſhe did her own child, and indeed in every reſpect treated me as ſuch. I remained here till the ſum⯑mer of the year 1757; when my maſter, being appointed firſt lieu⯑tenant [110] of his majeſty's ſhip the Roe⯑buck, ſent for Dick and me, and his old mate: on this we all left Guernſey, and ſet out for England in a ſloop bound for London. As we were coming up towards the Nore, where the Roebuck lay, a man of war's boat came alongſide to preſs our peo⯑ple; on which each man ran to hide himſelf. I was very much frightened at this, though I did not know what it meant, or what to think or do. How⯑ever I went and hid myſelf alſo under a hencoop. Immediately afterwards the preſs-gang came on board with their ſwords drawn, and ſearched all about, pulled the people out by force, and put them into the boat. At laſt I was found out alſo; the man that found me held me up by the heels while they all made their ſport of me, I roaring and crying out all the time moſt luſtily; but at [111] laſt the mate, who was my conductor, ſeeing this, came to my aſſiſtance, and did all he could to pacify me; but all to very little purpoſe, till I had ſeen the boat go off. Soon afterwards we came to the Nore, where the Roebuck lay; and, to our great joy, my maſter came on board to us, and brought us to the ſhip. When I went on board this large ſhip, I was amazed indeed to ſee the quantity of men and the guns. However my ſurpriſe began to diminiſh as my knowledge increaſed; and I ceaſed to feel thoſe apprehenſions and alarms which had taken ſuch ſtrong poſſeſſion of me when I firſt came among the Europeans, and for ſome time after. I began now to paſs to an op⯑poſite extreme; I was ſo far from being afraid of any thing new which I ſaw, that, after I had been ſome time in this ſhip, I even began to long for an engagement. [112] My griefs too, which in young minds are not perpetual, were now wearing away; and I ſoon enjoyed myſelf pretty well, and felt tolerably eaſy in my pre⯑ſent ſituation. There was a number of boys on board, which ſtill made it more agreeable; for we were always together, and a great part of our time was ſpent in play. I remained in this ſhip a conſiderable time, during which we made ſeveral cruiſes, and viſited a variety of places: among others we were twice in Holland, and brought over ſeveral perſons of diſtinction from it, whoſe names I do not now remem⯑ber. On the paſſage, one day, for the diverſion of thoſe gentlemen, all the boys were called on the quarter deck, and were paired proportionably, and then made to fight; after which the gentlemen gave the combatants from five to nine ſhillings each. This was [113] the firſt time I ever fought with a white boy; and I never knew what it was to have a bloody noſe before. This made me fight moſt deſperately; I ſuppoſe conſiderably more than an hour: and at laſt, both of us being weary, we were parted. I had a great deal of this kind of ſport afterwards, in which the captain and the ſhip's company uſed very much to encourage me. Some⯑time afterwards the ſhip went to Leith in Scotland, and from thence to the Ork⯑neys, where I was ſurpriſed in ſeeing ſcarcely any night: and from thence we ſailed with a great fleet, full of ſoldiers, for England. All this time we had never come to an engagement, though we were frequently cruiſing off the coaſt of France: during which we chaſed many veſſels, and took in all ſeventeen prizes. I had been learning many of the manoeuvres of the ſhip [114] during our cruiſe; and I was ſeveral times made to fire the guns. One even⯑ing, off Havre de Grace, juſt as it was growing dark, we were ſtanding off ſhore, and met with a fine large French-built frigate. We got all things immediately ready for fighting; and I now expected I ſhould be gratified in ſeeing an engagement, which I had ſo long wiſhed for in vain. But the very moment the word of command was given to fire, we heard thoſe on board the other ſhip cry ‘'Haul down the jib;'’ and in that inſtant ſhe hoiſted Engliſh colours. There was inſtantly with us an amazing cry of—‘'Avaſt!'’ or ſtop firing; and I think one or two guns had been let off, but happily they did no miſ⯑chief. We had hailed them ſeveral times; but they not hearing, we re⯑ceived no anſwer, which was the cauſe of our firing. The boat was then ſent [115] on board of her, and ſhe proved to be the Ambuſcade man of war, to my no⯑ſmall diſappointment. We returned to Portſmouth, without having been in any action, juſt at the trial of Admiral Byng (whom I ſaw ſeveral times dur⯑ing it): and my maſter having left the ſhip, and gone to London for promo⯑tion, Dick and I were put on board the Savage ſloop of war, and we went in her to aſſiſt in bringing off the St. George man of war, that had ran aſhore ſomewhere on the coaſt. After ſtaying a few weeks on board the Savage, Dick and I were ſent on ſhore at Deal, where we remained ſome ſhort time, till my maſter ſent for us to London, the place I had long deſired exceedingly to ſee. We therefore both with great pleaſure got into a waggon, and came to Lon⯑don, where we were received by a Mr. Guerin, a relation of my maſter. This [116] gentleman had two ſiſters, very ami⯑able ladies, who took much notice and great care of me. Though I had de⯑ſired ſo much to ſee London, when I arrived in it I was unfortunately unable to gratify my curioſity; for I had at this time the chilblains to ſuch a de⯑gree that I could not ſtand for ſeveral months, and I was obliged to be ſent to St. George's Hoſpital. There I grew ſo ill, that the doctors wanted to cut my left leg off at different times, apprehending a mortification; but I always ſaid I would rather die than ſuf⯑fer it; and happily (I thank God) I recovered without the operation. After being there ſeveral weeks, and juſt as I had recovered, the ſmall pox broke out on me, ſo that I was again confined; and I thought myſelf now particularly unfortunate. However I ſoon reco⯑vered again; and by this time my [117] maſter having been promoted to be firſt lieutenant of the Preſton man of war of fifty guns, then new at Deptford, Dick and I were ſent on board her, and ſoon after we went to Holland to bring over the late Duke of — to England.—While I was in this ſhip an incident happened, which, though trifling, I beg leave to relate, as I could not help taking particular notice of it, and conſidering it then as a judgment of God. One morning a young man was looking up to the fore-top, and in a wicked tone, common on ſhipboard, d—d his eyes about ſomething. Juſt at the moment ſome ſmall particles of dirt fell into his left eye, and by the evening it was very much inflamed. The next day it grew worſe; and within ſix or ſeven days he loſt it. From this ſhip, my maſter was appointed a lieutenant on board the Royal George. [118] When he was going he wiſhed me to ſtay on board the Preſton, to learn the French horn; but the ſhip being or⯑dered for Turkey I could not think of leaving my maſter, to whom I was very warmly attached; and I told him if he left me behind it would break my heart. This prevailed on him to take me with him; but he left Dick on board the Preſton, whom I embraced at parting for the laſt time. The Royal George was the largeſt ſhip I had ever ſeen; ſo that when I came on board of her I was ſurpriſed at the number of people, men, women, and children, of every denomination; and the largeneſs of the guns, many of them alſo of braſs, which I had never ſeen before. Here were alſo ſhops or ſtalls of every kind of goods, and people crying their dif⯑ferent commodities about the ſhip as in a town. To me it appeared a little [119] world, into which I was again caſt with out a friend, for I had no longer my dear companion Dick. We did not ſtay long here. My maſter was not many weeks on board before he got an appointment to be ſixth lieutenant of the Namur, which was then at Spit⯑head, fitting up for Vice-admiral Boſca⯑wen, who was going with a large fleet on an expedition againſt Louiſburgh. The crew of the Royal George were turned over to her, and the flag of that gallant admiral was hoiſted on board, the blue at the maintop gallant maſt head. There was a very great fleet of men of war of every deſcrip⯑tion aſſembled together for this expe⯑dition, and I was in hopes ſoon to have an opportunity of being gratified with a ſea-fight. All things being now in readineſs, this mighty fleet (for there was alſo Admiral Corniſh's fleet in com⯑pany, [120] deſtined for the Eaſt Indies) at laſt weighed anchor, and failed. The two fleets continued in company for ſeveral days, and then parted; Admiral Corniſh, in the Lenox, having firſt ſa⯑luted our admiral in the Namur, which he returned. We then ſteered for America; but, by contrary winds, we were driven to Teneriffe, where I was ſtruck with its noted peak. Its prodi⯑gious height, and its form, reſembling a ſugar loaf, filled me with wonder. We remained in ſight of this iſland ſome days, and then proceeded for America, which we ſoon made, and got into a very commodious harbour called St. George, in Halifax, where we had fiſh in great plenty, and all other freſh proviſions. We were here joined by different men of war and tranſport ſhips with ſoldiers; after which, our fleet being increaſed to a [121] prodigious number of ſhips of all kinds, we ſailed for Cape Breton in Nova Scotia. We had the good and gallant General Wolfe on board our ſhip, whoſe affability made him highly eſteemed and beloved by all the men. He often honoured me, as well as other boys, with marks of his notice; and ſaved me once a flogging for fighting with a young gentleman. We arrived at Cape Breton in the ſummer of 1758: and here the ſoldiers were to be landed, in order to make an attack upon Louiſ⯑bourgh. My maſter had ſome part in ſuperintending the landing; and here I was in a ſmall meaſure gratified in ſee⯑ing an encounter between our men and the enemy. The French were poſted on the ſhore to receive us, and diſputed our landing for a long time: but at laſt they were driven from their trenches, and a complete landing was effected. Our [122] troops purſued them as far as the town of Louiſbourgh. In this action many were killed on both ſides. One thing remarkable I ſaw this day▪—A lieute⯑nant of the Princeſs Amelia, [...]ho, as well as my maſter, ſuperintended [...] landing, was giving the word of command, and while his mouth was oper a muſquet ball went through it, and paſſed out at his check. I had that day in my hand the ſcalp of an indian king, who was killed in the engagement: the ſcalp had been taken off by an Highlander. I ſaw this king's ornaments too, which were very curious, and made of fea⯑thers.

Our land forces laid ſiege to the town of Louiſbourgh, while the French men of war were blocked up in the harbour by the fleet, the batteries at the ſame time playing upon them from the land. This they did with ſuch effect, that one [123] day I ſaw ſome of the ſhips ſet on fire by the ſhells from the batteries, and I believe two or three of them were quite burnt. At another time, about fifty boats belonging to the Engliſh men of war, commaded by Captain George Belfour of the Aetna fire ſhip, and Mr. Laforey another junior captain, attack⯑ed and boarded the only two remaining French men of war in the harbour. They alſo ſet fire to a ſeventy-gun ſhip, but a ſixty-four, called the Bienfaiſant, they brought off. During my ſtay here I had often an opportunity of being near cap⯑tain Belfour, who was pleaſed to notice me, and liked me ſo much that he often aſked my maſter to let him have me, but he would not part with me; and no conſideration could have induced me to leave him. At laſt Louiſbourgh was taken, and the Eng⯑liſh men of war came into the harbour [124] before it, to my very great joy; for I had now more liberty of indulging my⯑ſelf, and I went often on ſhore. When the ſhips were in the harbour we had the moſt beautiful proceſſion on the water I ever ſaw. All the admirals and captains of the men of war, full dreſſed, and in their barges, well ornamented with pendants, came alongſide of the Namur. The vice-admiral then went on ſhore in his barge, followed by the other officers in order of ſeniority, to take poſſeſſion, as I ſuppoſe, of the town and fort. Some time after this the French governor and his lady, and other perſons of note, came on board our ſhip to dine. On this occaſion our ſhips were dreſſed with colours of all kinds, from the topgallant-maſt head to the deck; and this, with the firing of guns, formed a moſt grand and magnificent ſpectacle.

[125] As ſoon as every thing here was ſettled, Admiral Boſcawen ſailed with part of the fleet for England, leaving ſome ſhips behind with Rear admirals Sir Charles Hardy and Durell. It was now winter; and one evening, during our paſſage home, about duſk, when we were in the channel, or near ſound⯑ings, and were beginning to look for land, we deſcried ſeven ſail of large men of war, which ſtood off ſhore. Several people on board of our ſhip ſaid, as the two fleets were (in forty minutes from the firſt ſight) within hail of each other, that they were Engliſh men of war; and ſome of our people even began to name ſome of the ſhips. By this time both fleets began to min⯑gle, and our admiral ordered his flag to be hoiſted. At that inſtant the other fleet, which were French, hoiſted their enſigns, and gave us a broadſide as they [126] paſſed by. Nothing could create greater ſurpriſe and confuſion among us than this: the wind was high, the ſea rough, and we had our lower and middle deck guns houſed in, ſo that not a ſingle gun on board was ready te be fired at any of the French ſhips. However, the Royal William and the Somerſet, being our ſternmoſt ſhips, became a little pre⯑pared, and each gave the French ſhips a broadſide as they paſſed by. I after⯑wards heard this was a French ſqua⯑dron, commanded by Monſ. Conflans; and certainly had the Frenchmen known our condition, and had a mind to fight us, they might have done us great miſchief. But we were not long before we were prepared for an engagement. Immediately many things were toſſed overboard; the ſhips were made ready for fighting as ſoon as poſſible; and about ten at night we had bent a new [127] main ſail, the old one being ſplit. Be⯑ing now in readineſs for fighting, we wore ſhip, and ſtood after the French fleet, who were one or two ſhips in number more than we. However we gave them chaſe, and continued purſu⯑ing them all night; and at day-light we ſaw ſix of them, all large ſhips of the line, and an Engliſh Eaſt Indiaman, a prize they had taken. We chaſed them all day till between three and four o'clock in the evening, when we came up with, and paſſed within a muſquet ſhot of one ſeventy-four gun ſhip, and the Indiaman alſo, who now hoiſted her colours, but immediately hauled them down again. On this we made a ſig⯑nal for the other ſhips to take poſſeſſion of her; and, ſuppoſing the man of war would likewiſe ſtrike, we cheered, but ſhe did not; though if we had fired into her, from being ſo near, we muſt have taken her. To my utter ſurpriſe, [128] the Somerſet, who was the next ſhip a-ſtern of the Namur, made way like⯑wiſe; and, thinking they were ſure of this French ſhip, they cheered in the ſame manner, but ſtill continued to follow us. The French Commodore was about a gun-ſhot ahead of all, run⯑ning from us with all ſpeed; and about four o'clock he carried his foretop⯑maſt overboard. This cauſed another loud cheer with us; and a little after the topmaſt came cloſe by us; but, to our great ſurpriſe, inſtead of coming up with her, we found ſhe went as faſt as ever, if not faſter. The ſea grew now much ſmoother; and the wind lulling, the ſeventy-four gun ſhip we had paſſed came again by us in the very ſame direction, and ſo near, that we heard her people talk as ſhe went by; yet not a ſhot was fired on either ſide; and about five or ſix o'clock, juſt as it grew dark, ſhe joined her [129] commodore. We chaſed all night; but the next day we were out of ſight, ſo that we ſaw no more of them; and we only had the old Indiaman (called Carnarvon I think) for our trouble. After this we ſtood in for the channel, and ſoon made the land; and, about the cloſe of the year 1758-9, we got ſafe to St. Helen's. Here the Namur ran aground; and alſo another large ſhip aſtern of us; but, by ſtarting our water, and toſſing many things overboard to lighten her, we got the ſhips off without any damage. We ſtayed for a ſhort time at Spithead, and then went into Portſmouth harbour to refit: from whence the admiral went to London; and my maſter and I ſoon followed, with a preſs-gang, as we wanted ſome hands to complete our complement.

CHAP. IV.

IT was now between two and three years ſince I firſt came to England, a great part of which I had ſpent at ſea; ſo that I became inured to that ſervice, and began to conſider myſelf as happily ſituated; for my maſter treated me al⯑ways extremely well; and my attach⯑ment and gratitude to him were very great. From the various ſcenes I had [132] beheld on ſhip-board, I ſoon grew a ſtranger to terror of every kind, and was, in that reſpect at leaſt, almoſt an Engliſhman. I have often reflected with ſurpriſe that I never felt half the alarm at any of the numerous dangers I have been in, that I was ſilled with at the firſt ſight of the Europeans, and at every act of theirs, even the moſt trifling, when I firſt came among them, and for ſome time afterwards. That fear, however, which was the effect of my ignorance, wore away as I began to know them. I could now ſpeak Engliſh tolerably well, and I perfectly underſtood every thing that was ſaid. I not only felt myſelf quite eaſy with theſe new countrymen, but reliſhed their ſociety and manners. I no longer looked upon them as ſpirits, but as men ſuperior to us; and there⯑fore I had the ſtronger deſire to re⯑ſemble [133] them; to imbibe their ſpirit, and imitate their manners; I therefore embraced every occaſion of improve⯑ment; and every new thing that I ob⯑ſerved I treaſured up in my memory. I had long wiſhed to be able to read and write; and for this purpoſe I took every opportunity to gain inſtruction, but had made as yet very little pro⯑greſs. However, when I went to London with my maſter, I had ſoon an opportunity of improving myſelf, which I gladly embraced. Shortly after my arrival, he ſent me to wait upon the Miſs Guerins, who had treated me with much kindneſs when I was there before; and they ſent me to ſchool.

While I was attending theſe ladies, their ſervants told me I could not go to Heaven, unleſs I was baptized. This made me very uneaſy; for I had now ſome faint idea of a future ſtate: [134] accordingly I communicated my anxiety to the eldeſt Miſs Guerin, with whom I was become a favourite, and preſſed her to have me baptized; when to my great joy, ſhe told me I ſhould. She had formerly aſked my maſter to let me be baptized, but he had refuſed; however ſhe now inſiſted on it; and he being under ſome obligation to her brother complied with her requeſt; ſo I was baptized in St. Margaret's church, Weſtminſter, in February 1759, by my preſent name. The clergyman at the ſame time, gave me a book, called a Guide to the Indians, written by the Biſhop of Sodor and Man. On this occaſion, Miſs Guerin did me the ho⯑nour to ſtand as godmother, and after⯑wards gave me a treat. I uſed to at⯑tend theſe ladies about the town, in which ſervice I was extremely happy; as I had thus many opportunities of [135] ſeeing London, which I deſired of all things. I was ſometimes, however, with my maſter at his rendezvous-houſe, which was at the foot of Weſt⯑minſter-bridge. Here I uſed to enjoy myſelf in playing about the bridge ſtairs, and often in the watermen's wherries, with other boys. On one of theſe occaſions there was another boy with me in a wherry, and we went out into the current of the river: while we were there, two more ſtout boys came to us in another wherry, and, abuſing us for taking the boat, deſired me to get into the other wherry-boat. Accord⯑ingly I went to get out of the wherry I was in; but juſt as I had got one of my feet into the other boat, the boys ſhoved it off, ſo that I fell into the Thames; and, not being able to ſwim, I ſhould unavoidably have been drowned, but for the aſſiſtance of ſome [136] watermen who providentially came to my relief.

The Namur being again got ready for ſea, my maſter, with his gang, was ordered on board; and, to my no ſmall grief, I was obliged to leave my ſchool⯑maſter, whom I liked very much, and always attended while I ſtayed in Lon⯑don, to repair on board with my maſter. Nor did I leave my kind pa⯑troneſſes, the Miſs Guerins, without uneaſineſs and regret. They often uſed to teach me to read, and took great pains to inſtruct me in the prin⯑ciples of religion and the knowledge of God. I therefore parted from thoſe amiable ladies with reluctance: after receiving from them many friendly cautions how to conduct myſelf, and ſome valuable preſents.

When I came to Spithead, I found we were deſtined for the Mediterra⯑nean, [137] with a large fleet, which was now ready to put to ſea. We only waited for the arrival of the admiral, who ſoon came on board; and about the begin⯑ning of the ſpring 1759, having weigh⯑ed anchor, and got under way, ſailed for the Mediterranean; and in eleven days, from the Land's End, we got to Gibraltar. While we were here I uſed to be often on ſhore, and got various fruits in great plenty, and very cheap.

I had frequently told ſeveral people, in my excurſions on ſhore, the ſtory of my being kidnapped with my ſiſter, and of our being ſeparated, as I have related before; and I had as often expreſſed my anxiety for her fate, and my ſorrow at having never met her again. One day, when I was on ſhore, and men⯑tioning theſe circumſtances to ſome perſons, one of them told me he knew [138] where my ſiſter was, and, if I would accompany him, he would bring me to her. Improbable as this ſtory was, I believed it immediately, and agreed to go with him, while my heart leaped for joy; and, indeed, he conducted me to a black young woman, who was ſo like my ſiſter, that at firſt ſight, I really thought it was her: but I was quickly undeceived; and, on talking to her, I found her to be of another nation.

While we lay here the Preſton came in from the Levant. As ſoon as ſhe arrived, my maſter told me I ſhould now ſee my old companion, Dick, who was gone in her when ſhe ſailed for Turkey. I was much rejoiced at this news, and expected every minute to embrace him; and when the cap⯑tain came on board of our ſhip, which he did immediately after, I ran to in⯑quire after my friend; but, with inex⯑preſſible [139] ſorrow, I learned from the boat's crew that the dear youth was dead! and that they had brought his cheſt, and all his other things, to my maſter: theſe he afterwards gave to me, and I regarded them as a memorial of my friend, whom I loved, and grieved for, as a brother.

While we were at Gibralter, I ſaw a ſoldier hanging by the heels, at one of the moles^*: I thought this a ſtrange ſight, as I had ſeen a man hanged in London by his neck. At another time I ſaw the maſter of a frigate towed to ſhore on a grating, by ſeveral of the men of war's boats, and diſcharged the fleet, which I underſtood was a mark of diſ⯑grace for cowardice. On board the ſame ſhip there was alſo a ſailor hung up at the yard-arm.

After lying at Gibralter for ſome [140] time, we ſailed up the Mediterranean a conſiderable way above the Gulf of Eyons; where we were one night overtaken with a terrible gale of wind, much greater than any I had ever yet experienced. The ſea ran ſo high that, though all the guns were well houſed, there was great reaſon to fear their getting looſe, the ſhip rolled ſo much; and if they had it muſt have proved our deſtruction. After we had cruiſed here for a ſhort time, we came to Bar⯑celona, a Spaniſh ſea-port, remarkable for its ſilk manufactures. Here the ſhips were all to be watered; and my maſter, who ſpoke different languages, and uſed often to interpret for the ad⯑miral, ſuperintended the watering of ours. For that purpoſe he and the officers of the other ſhips, who were on the ſame ſervice, had tents pitched in the bay; and the Spaniſh ſoldiers were ſtationed along the ſhore, I ſup⯑poſe [141] to ſee that no depredations were committed by our men.

I uſed conſtantly to attend my maſ⯑ter; and I was charmed with this place. All the time we ſtayed it was like a fair with the natives, who brought us fruits of all kinds, and ſold them to us much cheaper than I got them in England. They uſed alſo to bring wine down to us in hog and ſheep ſkins, which diverted me very much. The Spaniſh officers here treated our officers with great politeneſs and atten⯑tion; and ſome of them, in particular, uſed to come often to my maſter's tent to viſit him; where they would ſome⯑times divert themſelves by mounting me on the horſes or mules, ſo that I could not fall, and ſetting them off at full gal⯑lop; my imperfect ſkill in horſemanſhip all the while affording them no ſmall entertainment. After the ſhips were [142] watered, we returned to our old ſta⯑tion of cruizing off Toulon, for the purpoſe of intercepting a fleet of French men of war that lay there. One Sun⯑day, in our cruiſe, we came off a place where there were two ſmall French fri⯑gates lying in ſhore; and our admiral, thinking to take or deſtroy them, ſent two ſhips in after them—the Culloden and the Conqueror. They ſoon came up to the Frenchmen; and I ſaw a ſmart fight here, both by ſea and land: for the frigates were covered by bat⯑teries, and they played upon our ſhips moſt furiouſly, which they as furiouſly returned, and for a long time a con⯑ſtant firing was kept up on all ſides at an amazing rate. At laſt one frigate ſunk; but the people eſcaped, though not without much difficulty: and a little after ſome of the people left the other frigate alſo, which was a mere [143] wreck. However, our ſhips did not venture to bring her away, they were ſo much annoyed from the batteries, which raked them both in going and coming: their topmaſts were ſhot a⯑way, and they were otherwiſe ſo much ſhattered, that the admiral was obliged to ſend in many boats to tow them back to the fleet. I afterwards ſailed with a man who fought in one of the French batteries during the engage⯑ment, and he told me our ſhips had done conſiderable miſchief that day on ſhore and in the batteries.

After this we ſailed for Gibraltar, and arrived there about Auguſt 1759. Here we remained with all our ſails un⯑bent, while the fleet was watering and doing other neceſſary things. While we were in this ſituation, one day the admiral, with moſt of the principal of⯑ficers, and many people of all ſtations, [144] being on ſhore, about ſeven o'clock in the evening we were alarmed by ſignals from the frigates ſtationed for that purpoſe; and in an inſtant there was a general cry that the French fleet was out, and juſt paſſing through the ſtreights. The admiral immediately came on board with ſome other of⯑ficers; and it is impoſſible to deſcribe the noiſe, hurry and confuſion through⯑out the whole fleet, in bending their ſails and ſlipping their cables; many people and ſhips' boats were left on ſhore in the buſtle. We had two captains on board of our ſhip who came away in the hurry and left their ſhips to follow. We ſhewed lights from the gun-wales to the main top maſt-head; and all our lieutenants were employed amongſt the fleet to tell the ſhips not to wait for ther captains, but to put the ſails to the yards, ſlip their cables [145] and follow us; and in this confuſion of making ready for fighting, we ſet out for ſea in the dark after the French fleet. Here I could have exclaimed with Ajax,

They had got the ſtart of us ſo far that we were not able to come up with them during the night; but at day-light we ſaw ſeven ſail of the line of battle ſome miles ahead. We immediately chaſed them till about four o'clock in the evening, when our ſhips came up with them; and, though we were about fifteen large ſhips, our gallant admiral only fought them with his own diviſion, which conſiſted of ſeven; ſo that we were juſt ſhip for ſhip. We paſſed by the whole of the enemy's fleet in order to come at their com⯑mander, [146] Monſ. La Clue, who was in the Ocean, an eighty-four gun ſhip. as we paſſed they all fired on us; and at one time three of them fired together, continuing to do ſo for ſome time. Notwithſtanding which our ad⯑miral would not ſuffer a gun to be fired at any of them, to my aſtoniſhment; but made us lie on our bellies on the deck till we came quite cloſe to the Ocean, who was ahead of them all; when we had orders to pour the whole three tiers into her at once.

The engagement now commenced with great fury on both ſides: the Ocean immediately returned our fire, and we continued engaged with each other for ſome time; during which I was fre⯑quently ſtunned with the thundering of the great guns, whoſe dreadful con⯑tents hurried many of my companions into awful eternity. At laſt the French [147] line was entirely broken, and we obtain⯑ed the victory, which was immediately proclaimed with loud huzzas and ac⯑clamations. We took three prizes, La Modeſte, of ſixty-four guns, and Le Temeraire and Centaur, of ſeventy-four guns each. The reſt of the French ſhips took to flight with all the ſail they could crowd. Our ſhip being very much damaged, and quite diſabled from pur⯑ſuing the enemy, the admiral imme⯑diately quitted her, and went in the broken and only boat we had left on board the Newark, with which, and ſome other ſhips, he went after the French. The Ocean, and another large French ſhip, called the Redoubt⯑able, endeavouring to eſcape, ran aſhore at Cape Logas, on the coaſt of Portugal; and the French admiral and ſome of the crew got aſhore; but we, finding it impoſſible to get the ſhips [148] off, ſet fire to them both. About midnight I ſaw the Ocean blow up, with a moſt dreadful exploſion. I never beheld a more awful ſcene. In leſs than a minute, the midnight for a certain ſpace ſeemed turned into day by the blaze, which was attended with a noiſe louder and more terrible than thunder, that ſeemed to rend every element around us.

My ſtation during the engagement was on the middle-deck, where I was quartered with another boy, to bring powder to the aftermoſt gun; and here I was a witneſs of the dreadful fate of many of my companions, who, in the twinkling of an eye, were daſhed in pieces, and launched into eternity. Happily I eſcaped unhurt, though the ſhot and ſplinters flew thick about me during the whole fight. Towards the latter part of it my maſter was wound⯑ed, [149] and I ſaw him carried down to the ſurgeon; but though I was much alarmed for him and wiſhed to aſſiſt him I dared not leave my poſt. At this ſtation my gun-mate (a partner in bringing powder for the ſame gun) and I ran a very great riſk for more than half an hour of blowing up the ſhip. For, when we had taken the car⯑tridges out of the boxes, the bottoms of many of them proving rotten, the powder ran all about the deck, near the match tub: we ſcarcely had water enough at the laſt to throw on it. We were alſo, from our employment, very much expoſed to the enemy's ſhots; for we had to go through nearly the whole length of the ſhip to bring the powder. I expected therefore every minute to be my laſt; eſpecially when I ſaw our men fall ſo thick about me; but, wiſhing to guard as much againſt [150] the dangers as poſſible, at firſt I thought it would be ſafeſt not to go for the powder till the Frenchmen had fired th [...] roadſide; and then, while they were charging, I could go and come wit [...] powder: but immediately after⯑wards I thought this caution was fruit⯑leſs; and, cheering myſelf with the re⯑flection that there was a time allotted for [...]to die as well as to be born, I inſtantly caſt off all fear or thought whatever of death, and went through the whole of my duty with alacrity; pleaſing myſelf with the hope, if I ſur⯑vived the battle, of relating it and the dangers I had eſcaped to the Miſs Guerins, and others, when I ſhould re⯑turn to London.

Our ſhip ſuffered very much in this engagement; for, beſides the number of our killed and wounded, ſhe was al⯑moſt torn to pieces, and our rigging ſo [151] much ſhattered, that our mizen-maſt, main-yard, &c. hung over the ſide of the ſhip; ſo that we were obliged to get many carpenters, and others from ſome of the ſhips of the fleet, to aſſiſt in ſetting us in ſome tolerable or⯑der; and, notwithſtanding which, it took us ſome time before we were complete⯑ly refitted; after which we leſt Admi⯑ral Broderick to command, and we, with the prizes ſteered for England. On the paſſage, and as ſoon as my maſter was ſomething recovered of his wounds, the admiral appointed him captain of the Aetna fire-ſhip, on which he and I left the Namur, and went on board of her at ſea. I liked this little ſhip very much. I now became the captain's ſteward, in which ſituation I was very happy: for I was ex⯑tremely well treated by all on board; and I had leiſure to improve myſelf in [152] reading and [...]ing. The latter I had learned a little of before I left the Na⯑mur, as there was a ſchool on board. When we arrived at Spithead, the Aetna went into Portſmouth harbour to refit, which being done, we returned to Spichead and joined a large fleet that was thought to be intended againſt the Havannah; but about that time the king died; whether that prevented the expedition I know not; but it cauſed our ſhip to be ſtationed at Cowes, in the iſle of Wight, till the beginning of the year ſixty-one. Here I ſpent my time very pleaſantly; I was much on ſhore all about this delightful iſland, and found the inhabitants very civil.

While I was here, I met with a trifling incident, which ſurpriſed me agreeably. I was one day in a field belonging to a gentleman who had a black boy about my own ſize; this boy [153] having obſerved me from his maſter's houſe, was tranſported at the ſight of one of his own countrymen, and ran to meet me with the utmoſt haſte. I not knowing what he was about, turned a little out of his way at firſt, but to no purpoſe: he ſoon came cloſe to me and caught hold of me in his arms as if I had been his brother, though we had never ſeen each other before. Af⯑ter we had talked together for ſome time he took me to his maſter's houſe, where I was treated very kindly. This benevolent boy and I were very happy in frequently ſeeing each other till about the month of March 1761, when our ſhip had orders to fit out again for another expedition. When we got ready, we joined a very large fleet at Spithead, commanded by Commodore Keppel, which was deſtined againſt Belle-Iſle, and with a number of tranſ⯑port [154] ſhips with troops on board to make a deſcent on the place, we ſailed once more in queſt of fame. I longed to engage in new adventures and ſee freſh wonders.

I had a mind on which every thing uncommon made its full impreſſion, and every event which I conſidered as marvellous. Every extraordinary eſcape, or ſignal deliverance, either of myſelf or others, I looked upon to be effected by the interpoſition of Provi⯑dence. We had not been above ten days at ſea before an incident of this kind happened; which, whatever cre⯑dit it may obtain from the reader, made no ſmall impreſſion on my mind.

We had on board a gunner, whoſe name was John Mondle; a man of very indifferent morals. This man's cabin was between the decks, exactly over where I lay, abreaſt of the quarter-deck [155] ladder. One night, the 5th of April, being terrified with a dream, he awoke in ſo great a fright that he could not reſt in his bed any longer, nor even remain in his cabin; and he went upon deck about four o'clock in the morning extremely agitated. He immediately told thoſe on the deck of the agonies of his mind, and the dream which occaſioned it; in which he ſaid he had ſeen many things very awful, and had been warned by St. Peter to repent, who told him time was ſhort. This he ſaid had greatly alarmed him, and he was determined to alter his life. People generally mock the fears of others when they are themſelves in ſafety; and ſome of his ſhipmates who heard him only laughed at him. However, he made a vow that he never would drink ſtrong liquors again; and he immediately got a light, and gave away his ſea-ſtores [156] of liquor. After which, his agitation ſtill continuing, he began to read the Scriptures, hoping to find ſome relief; and ſoon afterwards he laid himſelf down again on his bed, and endeavoured to compoſe himſelf to ſleep, but to no purpoſe; his mind ſtill continuing in a ſtate of agony. By this time it was exactly half after ſeven in the morn⯑ing: I was then under the half-deck at the great cabin door; and all at once I heard the people in the waiſt cry out, moſt fearfully—‘'The Lord have mercy upon us! We are all loſt! The Lord have mercy upon us!'’ Mr. Mondle hearing the cries, immediately ran out of his cabin; and we were in⯑ſtantly ſtruck by the Lynne, a forty⯑gun ſhip, Captain Clark, which nearly ran us down. This ſhip had juſt put about, and was by the wind, but had not got full headway, or we muſt all [157] have periſhed; for the wind was briſk. However, before Mr Mondle had got four ſteps from his cabin door, ſhe ſtruck our ſhip with her cutwater right in the middle of his bed and cabin, and ran it up to the combings of the quarter deck hatchway, and above three feet below water, and in a minute there was not a bit of wood to be ſeen where Mr. Mondle's cabin ſtood; and he was ſo near being killed that ſome of the ſplinters tore his face. As Mr. Mon⯑dle muſt inevitably have periſhed from this accident had he not been alarmed in the very extraordinary way I have related, I could not help regarding this as an awful interpoſition of Providence for his preſervation. The two ſhips for ſome time ſwinged alongſide of each other; for ours being a fireſhip, our grappling-irons caught the Lynne every way, and the yards and rigging [158] went at an aſtoniſhing rate. Our ſhip was in ſuch a ſhocking condition that we all thought ſhe would inſtantly go down, and every one ran for their lives, and got as well as they could on board the Lynne; but our lieutenant being the aggreſſor, he never quitted the ſhip. However, when we found ſhe did not ſink immediately, the captain came on board again, and encouraged our people to return and try to ſave her. Many on this came back, but ſome would not venture. Some of the ſhips in the fleet, ſeeing our ſituation; immediately ſent their boats to our aſ⯑ſiſtance; but it took us the whole day to ſave the ſhip with all their help. And by uſing every poſſible means, particularly frapping her together with many hawſers, and putting a great quantity of tallow below water where ſhe was damaged, ſhe was kept to⯑gether: [159] but it was well we did not meet with any gales of wind, or we muſt have gone to pieces; for we were in ſuch a crazy condition that we had ſhips to attend us till we arrived at Belle-Iſle, the place of our deſtination; and then we had all things taken out of the ſhip, and ſhe was properly re⯑paired. This eſcape of Mr. Mon⯑dle, which he, as well as myſelf, always conſidered as a ſingular act of Provi⯑dence, I believe had a great influence on his life and conduct ever afterwards.

Now that I am on this ſubject I beg leave to relate another inſtance or two which ſtrongly raiſed my belief of the particular interpoſition of Heaven, and which might not otherways have found a place here, from their inſignificance. I belonged for a few days in the year 1758, to the Jaſon, of fifty-four guns, at Plymouth; and one night, when I [160] was on board, a woman, with a child at her breaſt, fell from the upper-deck down into the hold, near the keel. Every one thought that the mother and child muſt be both daſhed to pieces; but, to our great ſurpriſe, neither of them was hurt. I myſelf one day fell headlong from the upper-deck of the Aetna down the after-hold, when the ballaſt was out; and all who ſaw me fall cried out I was killed: but I re⯑ceived not the leaſt injury. And in the ſame ſhip a man fell from the maſt⯑head on the deck without being hurt. In theſe, and in many more inſtances, I thought I could plainly trace the hand of God, without whoſe permiſ⯑ſion a ſparrow cannot fall. I began to raiſe my fear from man to him alone, and to call daily on his holy name with fear and reverence: and I truſt he heard my ſupplications, and graciouſly [161] condeſcended to anſwer me according to his holy word, and to implant the ſeeds of piety in me, even one of the meaneſt of his creatures.

When we had refitted our ſhip, and all things were in readineſs for attack⯑ing the place, the troops on board the tranſports were ordered to diſembark; and my maſter as a junior captain, had a ſhare in the command of the landing. This was on the 12th of April. The French were drawn up on the ſhore, and had made every diſpo⯑ſition to oppoſe the landing of our men, only a ſmall part of them this day being able to effect it; moſt of them, after fighting with great bravery, were cut off; and General Crawford, with a number of others, were taken priſon⯑ers. In this day's engagement we had alſo our lieutenant killed.

On the 21ſt of April we renewed our [162] efforts to land the men, while all the men of war were ſtationed along the ſhore to cover it, and fired at the French batteries and breaſt works from early in the morning till about four o'clock in the evening, when our ſol⯑diers effected a ſafe landing. They immediately attacked the French; and, after a ſharp encounter, forced them from the batteries. Before the enemy retreated they blew up ſeveral of them, leſt they ſhould fall into our hands. Our men now proceeded to beſiege the citadel, and my maſter was ordered on ſhore to ſuperintend the landing of all the materials neceſſary for carrying on the ſiege; in which ſervice I moſtly at⯑tended him. While I was there I went about to different parts of the iſland; and one day, particularly, my curioſity almoſt coſt me my life. I wanted very much to ſee the mode of charging the [163] mortars and letting off the ſhells, and for that purpoſe I went to an Engliſh battery that was but a very few yards from the walls of the citadel. There, in⯑deed, I had an opportunity of completely gratifying myſelf in ſeeing the whole operation, and that not without run⯑ning a very great riſk, both from the Engliſh ſhells that burſt while I was there, but likewiſe from thoſe of the French. One of the largeſt of their ſhells burſted within nine or ten yards of me: there was a ſingle rock cloſe by, about the ſize of a butt; and I got inſtant ſhelter under it in time to avoid the fury of the ſhell. Where it burſt the earth was torn in ſuch a manner that two or three butts might eaſily have gone into the hole it made, and it threw great quantities of ſtones and dirt to a conſiderable diſtance. Three ſhot were alſo fired at me and another [164] boy who was along with me, one of them in particular ſeemed

for with a moſt dreadfull ſound it hiſſed cloſe by me, and ſtruck a rock at a little diſtance, which it ſhattered to pieces. When I ſaw what perilous circumſtances I was in, I attempted to return the neareſt way I could find, and thereby I got between the Engliſh and the French centinels. An Engliſh ſerjeant, who commanded the outpoſts, ſeeing me, and ſurpriſed how I came there, (which was by ſtealth along the ſeaſhore), reprimanded me very ſeverely for it, and inſtantly took the centinel off his poſt into cuſtody, for his ne⯑gligence in ſuffering me to paſs the lines. While I was in this ſituation I obſerved at a little diſtance a French horſe, belonging to ſome iſlanders, which I thought I would now mount, [165] for the greater expedition of getting off Accordingly I took ſome cord which I had about me, and making a kind of bridle of it, I put it round the horſe's head, and the tame beaſt very quietly ſuffered me to tie him thus and mount him. As ſoon as I was on the horſe's back I began to kick and beat him, and try every means to make him go quick, but all to very little purpoſe: I could not drive him out of a ſlow pace. While I was creeping along, ſtill within reach of the enemy's ſhot, I met with a ſer⯑vant well mounted on an Engliſh horſe, I immediately ſtopped; and, crying, told him my caſe; and begged of him to help me, and this he effectually did; for, having a fine large whip, he be⯑gan to laſh my horſe with it ſo ſe⯑verely, that he ſet off full ſpeed with me towards the ſea, while I was quite unable to hold or manage him. In [166] this manner I went along till I came to a craggy precipice. I now could not ſtop my horſe; and my mind was filled with apprehenſions of my deplor⯑able fate ſhould he go down the pre⯑cipice, which he appeared fully diſ⯑poſed to do: I therefore thought I had better throw myſelf off him at once, which I did immediately with a great deal of dexterity, and fortunately eſcap⯑ed unhurt. As ſoon as I found my⯑ſelf at liberty I made the beſt of my way for the ſhip, determined I would not be ſo fool-hardy again in a hurry.

We continued to beſiege the citadel till June, when it ſurrendered. During the ſiege I have counted above ſixty ſhells and carcaſes in the air at once. When this place was taken I went through the citadel, and in the bomb⯑proofs under it, which were cut in the ſolid rock; and I thought it a ſurpriſing [167] place, both for ſtrength and building: notwithſtanding which our ſhots and ſhells had made amazing devaſtation, and ruinous heaps all around it.

After the taking of this iſland, our ſhips with ſome others commanded by commodore Stanhope in the Swift⯑ſure, went to Baſſe-road, where we blocked up a French fleet. Our ſhips were there from June till February fol⯑lowing; and in that time I ſaw a great many ſcenes of war, and ſtratagems on both ſides to deſtroy each others fleet. Sometimes we would attack the French with ſome ſhips of the line; at other times with boats; and frequently we made prizes. Once or twice the French attacked us by throwing ſhells with their bomb-veſſels; and one day as a French veſſel was throwing ſhells at our ſhips ſhe broke from her ſprings, behind the iſle of I de Re: the tide be⯑ing [168] complicated, ſhe came within a gun ſhot of the Naſſau; but the Naſſau could not bring a gun to bear upon her, and thereby the Frenchman got off. We were twice attacked by their fire floats, which they chained together, and then let them float down with the tide; but each time we ſent boats with graplings, and towed them ſafe out of the fleet.

We had different commanders while we were at this place, Commodores Stanhope, Dennis, Lord Howe, &c. From hence, before the Spaniſh war began, our ſhip and the Waſp ſloop were ſent to St. Sebaſtian in Spain, by Commodore Stanhope; and Commo⯑dore Dennis afterwards ſent our ſhip as a cartel to Bayonne in France^*, after [169] which ^† we went in February in 1762, to Belle-Iſle, and there ſtayed till the ſummer, when we leſt it, and returned to Portſmouth.

After our ſhip was fitted out again for ſervice, in September ſhe went to Guernſey, where I was very glad to ſee [170] my old hoſteſs, who was now a widow, and my former little charming com⯑panion, her daughter. I ſpent ſome time here very happily with them, till October, when we had orders to re⯑pair to Portſmouth. We parted from each other with a great deal of affec⯑tion; and I promiſed to return ſoon, and ſee them again; not knowing what all-powerful fate had determined for me. Our ſhip having arrived at Portſ⯑mouth, we went into the harbour, and remained there till the latter end of November, when we heard great talk about a peace; and, to our very great joy, in the beginning of December we had orders to go up to London with our ſhip to be paid off. We re⯑ceived this news with loud huzzas, and every other demonſtration of glad⯑neſs; and nothing but mirth was to be ſeen throughout every part of the [171] ſhip. I too was not without my ſhare of the general joy on this occa⯑ſion. I thought now of nothing but being freed, and working for myſelf, and thereby getting money to enable me to get a good education; for I al⯑ways had a great deſire to be able at leaſt to read and write; and while I was on ſhip-board I had endeavoured to improve myſelf in both. While I was in the Aetna particularly, the cap⯑tain's clerk taught me to write, and gave me a ſmattering of arithmetic as far as the rule of three. There was alſo one Daniel Queen, about forty years of age, a man very well educat⯑ed, who meſſed with me on board this ſhip, and he likewiſe dreſſed and at⯑tended the captain. Fortunately this man ſoon became very much attached to me, and took very great pains to in⯑ſtruct me in many things. He taught [172] me to ſhave and dreſs hair a little, and alſo to read in the Bible, explaining many paſſages to me, which I did not comprehend. I was wonderfully ſur⯑priſed to ſee the laws and rules of my own country written almoſt exactly here; a circumſtance which I believe tended to impreſs our manners and cuſtoms more deeply on my memory. I uſed to tell him of this reſemblance; and many a time we have ſat up the whole night together at this employment. In ſhort, he was like a father to me; and ſome even uſed to call me after his name; they alſo ſtyled me the black Chriſtian. Indeed I almoſt lov⯑ed him with the affection of a ſon. Many things I have denied myſelf that he might have them; and when I uſed to play at marbles or any other game, and won a few halfpence, or got any little money, which I ſome⯑times [173] did, for ſhaving any one, I uſed to buy him a little ſugar or tobacco, as far as my ſtock of money would go. He uſed to ſay, that he and I never ſhould part; and that when our ſhip was paid off, as I was as free as him⯑ſelf or any other man on board, he would inſtruct me in his buſineſs, by which I might gain a good livelihood. This gave me new life and ſpirits; and my heart burned within me, while I thought the time long till I obtained my freedom. For though my maſter had not promiſed it to me, yet, beſides the aſſurances I had received that he had no right to detain me, he always treated me with the greateſt kindneſs, and repoſed in me an unbounded con⯑fidence; he even paid attention to my morals; and would never ſuffer me to deceive him, or tell lies, of which he uſed to tell me the conſequences; and [174] that if I did ſo God would not love me; ſo that from all this tenderneſs, I had never once ſuppoſed, in all my dreams of freedom, that he would think of detaining me any longer than I wiſhed.

In purſuance of our orders we ſailed from Portſmouth for the Thames, and arrived at Deptford the 10th of De⯑cember, where we caſt anchor juſt as it was high water. The ſhip was up about half an hour, when my maſter ordered the barge to be manned; and all in an inſtant, without having before given me the leaſt reaſon to ſuſpect any thing of the matter, he forced me into the barge; ſaying, I was going to leave him, but he would take care I ſhould not. I was ſo ſtruck with the unex⯑pectedneſs of this proceeding, that for ſome time I did not make a reply, only I made an offer to go for my [175] books and cheſt of clothes, but he ſwore I ſhould not move out of his ſight; and if I did he would cut my throat, at the ſame time taking his hanger. I began, however, to collect myſelf; and, plucking up courage, I told him I was free, and he could not by law ſerve me ſo. But this only enraged him the more; and he con⯑tinued to ſwear, and ſaid he would ſoon let me know whether he would or not, and at that inſtant ſprung him⯑ſelf into the barge from the ſhip, to the aſtoniſhment and ſorrow of all on board. The tide, rather unluckily for me, had juſt turned downward, ſo that we quickly fell down the river along with it, till we came among ſome out⯑ward-bound Weſt Indiamen; for he was reſolved to put me on board the firſt veſſel he could get to receive me. The boat's crew, who pulled againſt [176] their will, became quite faint diſſerent times, and would have gone aſhore; but he would not let them. Some of them ſtrove then to cheer me, and told me he could not ſell me, and that they would ſtand by me, which revived me a little; and I ſtill entertained hopes; for as they pulled along he aſked ſome veſſels to receive me, but they would not. But, juſt as we had got a little below Graveſend, we came alongſide of a ſhip which was going away the next tide for the Weſt Indies; her name was the Charming Sally, Captain James Doran; and my maſter went on board and agreed with him for me; and in a little time I was ſent ſor into the cabin. When I came there Cap⯑tain Doran aſked me if I knew him: I anſwered that I did not; ‘'Then,'’ ſaid he, ‘'you are now my ſlave.'’ I told him my maſter could not ſell me [177] to him, nor to any one elſe. ‘'Why,'’ ſaid he, ‘'did not your maſter buy you?'’ I confeſſed he did. ‘'But I have ſerved him,'’ ſaid I, ‘'many years, and he has taken all my wages and prize-money, for I only got one ſixpence during the war; beſides this I have been bap⯑tized; and by the laws of the land no man has a right to ſell me:'’ And I added, that I had heard a lawyer and others at different times tell my maſter ſo. They both then ſaid that thoſe people who told me ſo were not my friends; but I replied—‘'It was very extraordinary that other people did not know the law as well as they.'’ Upon this Captain Doran ſaid I talk⯑ed too much Engliſh; and if I did not behave myſelf well, and be quiet, he had a method on board to make me. I was too well convinced of his power over me to doubt what he ſaid; [178] and my former ſufferings in the ſlave⯑ſhip preſenting themſelves to my mind, the recollection of them made me ſhudder. However, before I retired I told them that as I could not get any right among men here I hoped I ſhould hereafter in Heaven; and I im⯑mediately left the cabin, filled with re⯑ſentment and ſorrow. The only coat I had with me my maſter took away with him, and ſaid, ‘"If your prize-money had been 10,000l. I had a right to it all, and would have taken it.'’ I had about nine guineas, which, during my long ſea-faring life, I had ſcraped to⯑gether from trifling perquiſites and little ventures; and I hid it that inſtant, leſt my maſter ſhould take that from me likewiſe, ſtill hoping that by ſome means or other I ſhould make my eſcape to the ſnore; and indeed ſome of my old ſnipmates told me not to [179] deſpair, for they would get me back again; and that, as ſoon as they could get their pay, they would imme⯑diately come to Portſmouth to me, where this ſhip was going: but, alas! all my hopes were baffled, and the hour of my deliverance was as yet far off. My maſter, having ſoon concluded his bargain with the captain, came out of the cabin, and he and his people got into the boat and put off; I followed them with aching eyes as long as I could, and when they were out of ſight I threw myſelf on the deck, with a heart ready to burſt with ſer⯑row and anguiſh.

CHAP. V.

THUS, at the moment I expected all my toils to end, was I plunged, as I ſuppoſed, in a new ſlavery; in compa⯑riſon of which all my ſervice hitherto [181] had been perfect freedom; and whoſe horrors, always preſent to my mind, now ruſhed on it with tenfold aggra⯑vation. I wept very bitterly for ſome time: and began to think that I muſt have done ſomething to diſpleaſe the Lord, that he thus puniſhed me ſo ſe⯑verely. This filled me with painful reflections on my paſt conduct; I re⯑collected that on the morning of our arrival at Deptford I had raſhly ſworn that as ſoon as we reached London I would ſpend the day in rambling and ſport. My conſcience ſmote me for this unguarded expreſſion: I felt that the Lord was able to diſappoint me in all things, and immediately conſider⯑ed my preſent ſituation as a judgment of Heaven on account of my preſump⯑tion in ſwearing: I therefore, with con⯑trition of heart, acknowledged my tranſgreſſion to God, and poured out [182] my ſoul before him with unfeigned re⯑pentance, and with earneſt ſupplica⯑tions I beſought him not to abandon me in my diſtreſs, nor caſt me from his mercy for ever. In a little time my grief, ſpent with its own violence, began to ſubſide; and after the firſt confuſion of my thoughts was over I reflected with more calmneſs on my preſent condition: I conſidered that trials and diſappointments are ſome⯑times for our good, and I thought God might perhaps have permitted this in order to teach me wiſdom and reſigna⯑tion; for he had hitherto ſhadowed me with the wings of his mercy, and by his inviſible but powerful hand brought me the way I knew not. Theſe re⯑flections gave me a little comfort, and I roſe at laſt from the deck with de⯑jection and ſorrow in my countenance, yet mixed with ſome faint hope that [183] the Lord would appear for my deli⯑verance.

Soon afterwards, as my new maſter was going on ſhore, he called me to him, and told me to behave myſelf well, and do the buſineſs of the ſhip the ſame as any of the reſt of the boys, and that I ſhould ſare the better for it; but I made him no anſwer. I was then aſked If I could ſwim, and I ſaid, No, How⯑ever I was made to go under the deck, and was well watched. The next tide the ſhip got under way, and ſoon after arrived at the Mother Bank, Portſmouth; where ſhe waited a few days for ſome of the Weſt India convoy. While I was here I tried every means I could deviſe amongſt the people of the ſhip to get me a boat from the ſhore, as there was none ſuf⯑fered to come alongſide of the ſhip; and their own, whenever it was uſed, [184] was hoiſted in again immediately. A ſailor on board took a guinea from me on pretence of getting me a boat; and promiſed me, time after time, that it was hourly to come off. When he had the watch upon deck I watched alſo; and looked long enough, but all in vain; I could never ſee either the boat or my guinea again. And what I thought was ſtill the worſt of all, the fellow gave information, as I after⯑wards found, all the while to the mates, of my intention to go off, if I could in any way do it; but, rogue like, he never told them he had got a guinea from me to procure my eſ [...]e. However, after we had ſailed, and his trick was made known to the ſhip's crew, I had ſome ſatisfacti [...] in ſeeing him deteſted and deſp [...] by them all for his behaviour to me. I was ſtill in hopes that my old ſhipmates would [185] not forget heir promiſe to come for me to Portſmouth: and, indeed, at laſt, but not till the day before we ſailed, ſome of them did come there, and ſent me off ſome oranges, and other tokens of their regard. They alſo ſent me word they would come off to me themſelves the next day or the day after; and a lady alſo, who lived in Goſport, wrote to me that ſhe would come and take me out of the ſhip at the ſame time. This lady had been once very intimate with my former maſter: I uſed to ſell and take care of a great deal of property for her, in dif⯑ferent ſhips; and in return ſhe always ſhewed great friendſhip for me, and uſed to tell my maſter that ſhe would take me away to live with her: but, un⯑fortunately for me, a diſagreement ſoon afterwards took place between them; and ſhe was ſucceeded in my maſter's [186] good graces by another lady, who ap⯑peared ſole miſtreſs of the Aetna, and moſtly lodged on board. I was not ſo great a favourite with this lady as with the former; ſhe had conceived a pique againſt me on ſome occaſion when ſhe was on board, and ſhe did not fail to inſtigate my maſter to treat me in the manner he did^*.

However, the next morning, the 30th of December, the wind being briſk and eaſterly, the Aeolus frigate, which was to eſcort the convoy, made a ſignal for failing. All the ſhips [187] then got up their anchors; and, be⯑fore any of my friends had an oppor⯑tunity to come off to my relief, to my inexpreſſible anguiſh our ſhip had got under way. What tumultuous emotions agitated my ſoul when the convoy got under ſail, and I a priſoner on board, now without hope! I kept my ſwimming eyes upon the land in a ſtate of unutterable grief; not know⯑ing what to do, and deſpairing how to help myſelf. While my mind was in this ſituation the fleet ſailed on, and in one day's time I loſt ſight of the wiſhed-for land. In the firſt expreſ⯑ſions of my grief I reproached my fate, and wiſhed I had never been born. I was ready to curſe the tide that bore us, the gale that waſted my priſon, and even the ſhip that conducted us; and I called on death to relieve me from the horrors I felt and dreaded, [188] that I might be in that place

[189] The turbulence of my emotions how⯑ever naturally gave way to calmer thoughts, and I ſoon perceived what fate had decreed no mortal on earth could prevent. The convoy ſailed on without any accident, with a pleaſant gale and ſmooth ſea, for ſix weeks, till February, when one morning the Aeolus ran down a brig, one of the convoy, and ſhe inſtantly went down and was ingulfed in the dark receſſes of the ocean. The convoy was immediately thrown into great confuſion till it was day-light; and the Aeolus was illu⯑mined with lights to prevent any far⯑ther miſchief. On the 13th of Febru⯑ary 1763, from the maſt head, we deſ⯑cried our deſtined iſland Montſerrat: and ſoon after I beheld thoſe

[190] At the ſight of this land of bondage, a freſh horror ran through all my [...]ame, and chilled me to the heart. My for⯑mer ſlavery now roſe in dreadful re⯑view to my mind, and diſplayed no⯑thing but miſery, ſtripes, and chains; and, in the firſt paroxyſm of my grief, I called upon God's thunder, and his avenging power, to direct the ſtroke of death to me, rather than permit me to become a ſlave, and be ſold from lord to lord.

In this ſtate of my mind our ſhip came to an anchor, and ſoon after diſ⯑charged her cargo. I now knew what it was to work hard; I was made to help to unload and load the ſhip. And, to comfort me in my diſtreſs in that time, two of the ſailors robbed me of all my money, and ran away from the ſhip. I had been ſo long uſed to an European climate, that at [191] firſt I felt the ſcorching Weſt India ſun very painful, while the daſhing ſurf would toſs the boat and the peo⯑ple in it frequently above high water mark. Sometimes our limbs were broken with this, or even attended with inſtant death, and I was day by day mangled and torn.

About the middle of May, when the ſhip was got ready to ſail for England, I all the time believing that Fate's blackeſt clouds were gathering over my head, and expecting their burſting would mix me with the dead, Cap⯑tain Doran ſent for me aſhore one morning, and I was told by the meſ⯑ſenger that my fate was then deter⯑mined. With trembling ſteps and fluttering heart I came to the captain, and found with him one Mr. Robert King, a quaker, and the firſt merchant in the place. The captain then told [192] me my former maſter had ſent me there to be ſold; but that he had de⯑ſired him to get me the beſt maſter he could, as he told him I was a very de⯑ſerving boy, which Captain Doran ſaid he found to be true; and if he were to ſtay in the Weſt Indies he would be glad to keep me himſelf; but he could not venture to take me to Lon⯑don, for he was very ſure that when I came there I would leave him. I at that inſtant burſt out a crying, and begged much of him to take me to England with him, but all to no pur⯑poſe. He told me he had got me the very beſt maſter in the whole iſland, with whom I ſhould be as happy as if I were in England, and for that reaſon he choſe to let him have me, though he could ſell me to his own brother-in-law for a great deal more money than what he got from this gentleman. [193] Mr. King, my new maſter, then made a reply, and ſaid the reaſon he had bought me was on account of my good character; and, as he had not the leaſt doubt of my good behaviour, I ſhould be very well off with him. He alſo told me he did not live in the Weſt Indies, but at Philadelphia, where he was going ſoon; and, as I underſtood ſomething of the rules of arithmetic, when we got there he would put me to ſchool, and fit me for a clerk. This converſation relieved my mind a little, and I left thoſe gentlemen conſiderably more at eaſe in myſelf than when I came to them; and I was very thank⯑ful to Captain Doran, and even to my old maſter, for the character they had given me; a character which I after⯑wards found of infinite ſervice to me. I went on board again, and took leave of all my ſhipmates; and the next day [194] the ſhip ſailed. When ſhe weighed anchor I went to the waterſide and looked at her with a very wiſhful and aching heart, and followed her with my eyes until ſhe was totally out of ſight. I was ſo bowed down with grief that I could not hold up my head for many months; and if my new maſter had not been kind to me I be⯑lieve I ſhould have died under it at laſt. And indeed I ſoon found that he fully deſerved the good character which Cap⯑tain Doran had given me of him; for he poſſeſſed a moſt amiable diſpoſi⯑tion and temper, and was very chari⯑table and humane. If any of his ſlaves behaved amiſs he did not beat or uſe them ill, but parted with them. This made them afraid of diſobliging him; and as he treated his ſlaves better than any other man on the iſland, ſo he was better and more faithfully ſerved [195] by them in return. By this kind treat⯑ment I did at laſt endeavour to com⯑poſe myſelf; and with fortitude, though moneyleſs, determined to face what⯑ever fate had decreed for me. Mr. King ſoon aſked me what I could do; and at the ſame time ſaid he did not mean to treat me as a common ſlave. I told him I knew ſomething of ſea⯑manſhip, and could ſhave and dreſs hair pretty well; and I could refine wines, which I had learned on ſhip⯑board, where I had often done it; and that I could write, and underſtood arithmetic tolerably well as far as the Rule of Three. He then aſked me if I knew any thing of gauging; and, on my anſwering that I did not, he ſaid one of his clerks ſhould teach me to guage.

Mr. King dealt in all manner of merchandize, and kept from one to [196] ſix clerks. He loaded many veſſels in a year; particularly to Philadelphia, where he was born, and was connected with a great mercantile houſe in that city. He had beſides many veſſels and droggers, of different ſizes, which uſed to go about the iſland; and others to collect rum, ſugar, and other goods. I underſtood pulling and managing thoſe boats very well; and this hard work, which was the firſt that he ſet me to, in the ſugar ſeaſons uſed to be my conſtant employment. I have rowed the boat, and ſlaved at the oars, from one hour to ſixteen in the twenty-four; during which I had fif⯑teen pence ſterling per day to live on, though ſometimes only ten pence. However this was conſiderably more than was allowed to other ſlaves that uſed to work often with me, and be⯑longed to other gentlemen on the [197] iſland: thoſe poor ſouls had never more than nine-pence per day, and ſeldom more than ſix-pence, from their maſters or owners, though they earned them three or four piſterines^*: for it is a common practice in the Weſt Indies for men to purchaſe ſlaves though they have not plantations them⯑ſelves, in order to let them out to planters and merchants at ſo much a piece by the day, and they give what allowance they chuſe out of this pro⯑duce of their daily work to their ſlaves for ſubſiſtence; this allowance is often very ſcanty. My maſter often gave the owners of theſe ſlaves two and a half of theſe pieces per day, and found the poor fellows in victuals himſelf, be⯑cauſe he thought their owners did not feed them well enough according to the [198] work they did. The ſlaves uſed to like this very well; and, as they knew my maſter to be a man of feeling, they were always glad to work for him in preference to any other gentleman; ſome of whom after they had been paid for theſe poor people's labours, would not give them their allowance out of it. Many times have I even ſeen theſe unfortunate wretches beaten for aſking for their pay; and often ſeverely flogged by their owners if they did not bring them their daily or weekly money exactly to the time; though the poor creatures were obliged to wait on the gentlemen they had worked for ſometimes for more than half the day before they could get their pay; and this generally on Sun⯑days, when they wanted the time for themſelves. In particular, I knew a countryman of mine who once did not [199] bring the weekly money directly that it was earned; and though he brought it the ſame day to his maſter, yet he was ſtaked to the ground for his pre⯑tended negligence, and was juſt going to receive a hundred laſhes, but for a gentleman who begged him off fifty. This poor man was very induſtrious; and, by his frugality, had ſaved ſo much money by working on ſhipboard, that he had got a white man to buy him a boat, unknown to his maſter. Some time after he had this little eſtate, the governor wanted a boat to bring his ſugar from different parts of the iſland; and, knowing this to be a negro-man's boat, he ſeized upon it for himſelf, and would not pay the owner a farthing. The man on this went to his maſter, and complained to him of this act of the governor; but the only ſatisfaction he received [200] was to be damned very heartily by his maſter, who aſked him how dare [...] any of his negroes to have a boat. If the juſtly-merited ruin of the go⯑vernor's fortune could be any grati⯑fication to the poor man he had thus robbed, he was not without conſola⯑tion. Extortion and rapine are poor providers; and ſome time after this the governor died in the King's Bench in England, as I was told, in great poverty. The laſt war favoured this poor negro-man, and he found ſome means to eſcape from his Chriſtian maſter: he came to England; where I ſaw him afterwards ſeveral times. Such treatment as this often drives theſe miſerable wretches to deſpair, and they run away from their maſters at the hazard of their lives. Many of them, in this place, unable to get their pay when they have earned it, and fear⯑ing [201] to be flogged, as uſual, if they return home without it, run away where they can for ſhelter, and a re⯑ward is often offered to bring them in dead or alive. My maſter uſed ſome⯑times, in theſe caſes, to agree with their owners, and to ſettle with them him⯑ſelf; and thereby he ſaved many of them a flogging.

Once, for a few days, I was let out to fit a veſſel, and I had no victuals allowed me by either party; at laſt I told my maſter of this treatment, and he took me away from it. In many of the eſtates, on the different iſlands where I uſed to be ſent for rum or ſugar, they would not deliver it to me, or any other negro; he was therefore obliged to ſend a white man along with me to thoſe places; and then he uſed to pay him from ſix to ten piſ⯑terines a day. From being thus em⯑ployed, [202] during the time I ſerved Mr. King, in going about the different eſtates on the iſland, I had all the op⯑portunity I could wiſh for to ſee the dreadful uſage of the poor men; uſage that reconciled me to my ſituation, and made me bleſs God for the hands into which I had fallen.

I had the good fortune to pleaſe my maſter in every department in which he employed me; and there was ſcarcely any part of his buſineſs, or houſhold affairs, in which I was not occaſionally engaged. I often ſup⯑plied the place of a clerk, in receiving and delivering cargoes to the ſhips, in tending ſtores, and delivering goods: and, beſides this, I uſed to ſhave and dreſs my maſter when convenient, and take care of his horſe; and when it was neceſſary, which was very often, I worked likewiſe on board of different [203] veſſels of his. By theſe means I be⯑came very uſeful to my maſter; and ſaved him, as he uſed to acknowledge, above a hundred pounds a year. Nor did he ſcruple to ſay I was of more ad⯑vantage to him than any of his clerks; though their uſual wages in the Weſt Indies are from ſixty to a hundred pounds current a year.

I have ſometimes heard it aſſerted that a negro cannot earn his maſter the firſt coſt; but nothing can be fur⯑ther from the truth. I ſuppoſe nine tenths of the mechanics throughout the Weſt Indies are negro ſlaves; and I well know the coopers among them earn two dollars a day; the carpenters the ſame, and oftentimes more; as alſo the maſons, ſmiths, and fiſher⯑men, &c. and I have known many ſlaves whoſe maſters would not take a thouſand pounds current for them. [204] But ſurely this aſſertion refutes itſelf; for, if it be true, why do the planters and merchants pay ſuch a price for ſlaves? And, above all, why do thoſe who make this aſſertion exclaim the moſt loudly againſt the abolition of the ſlave trade? So much are men blinded, and to ſuch inconſiſtent arguments are they driven by miſtaken intereſt! I grant, indeed, that ſlaves are ſome times, by half-feeding, half-clothing, over-working and ſtripes, reduced ſo low, that they are turned out as unfit for ſervice, and left to periſh in the woods, or expire on a dunghill.

My maſter was ſeveral times offered by different gentlemen one hundred guineas for me; but he always told them he would not ſell me, to my great joy: and I uſed to double my di⯑ligence and care for fear of getting into the hands of thoſe men who did not [205] allow a valuable ſlave the common ſupport of life. Many of them even uſed to find fault with my maſter for feeding his ſlaves ſo well as he did; although I often went hungry, and an Engliſhman might think my fare very indifferent; but he uſed to tell them he always would do it, becauſe the ſlaves thereby looked better and did more work.

While I was thus employed by my maſter I was often a witneſs to cruelties of every kind, which were exerciſed on my unhappy fellow ſlaves. I uſed frequently to have different cargoes of new negroes in my care for ſale; and it was almoſt a conſtant practice with our clerks, and other whites, to commit violent depredations on the chaſtity of the female ſlaves; and theſe I was, though with reluctance, obliged to ſubmit to at all times, being unable to [206] help them. When we have had ſome of theſe ſlaves on board my maſter's veſſels to carry them to other iſlands, or to America, I have known our mates to commit theſe acts moſt ſhamefully, to the diſgrace, not of Chriſtians only, but of men. I have even known them gratify their brutal paſſion with females not ten years old; and theſe abomi⯑nations ſome of them practiſed to ſuch ſcandalous exceſs, that one of our cap⯑tains diſcharged the mate and others on that account. And yet in Mont⯑ſerrat I have ſeen a negro man ſtaked to the ground, and cut moſt ſhock⯑ingly, and then his ears cut off bit by bit, becauſe he had been connected with a white woman who was a com⯑mon proſtitute: as if it were no crime in the whites to rob an innocent Afri⯑can girl of her virtue; but moſt hein⯑ous in a black man only to gratify a [207] paſſion of nature, where the tempta⯑tion was offered by one of a different colour, though the moſt abandoned woman of her ſpecies.

One Mr. D— told me that he had ſold 41000 negroes, and that he once cut off a negro-man's leg for running away—I aſked him if the man had died in the operation, how he as a chriſtian could anſwer for the horrid act before God? and he told me, anſwering was a thing of ano⯑ther world; what he thought and did were policy. I told him that the chriſtian doctrine taught us to do unto others as we would that others ſhould do unto us. He then ſaid that his ſcheme had the deſired effect—it cur⯑ed that man and ſome others of run⯑ning away.

Another negro-man was half hanged, and then burnt, for attempting to poi⯑ſon [208] a cruel overſeer. Thus by re⯑peated cruelties are the wretched firſt urged to deſpair, and then murdered, becauſe they ſtill retain ſo much of hu⯑man nature about them as to wiſh to put an end to their miſery, and retali⯑ate on their tyrants! Theſe overſeers are indeed for the moſt part perſons of the worſt character of any denomina⯑tion of men in the Weſt Indies. Un⯑fortunately, many humane gentlemen, by not reſiding on their eſtates, are obliged to leave the management of them in the hands of theſe human butchers, who cut and mangle the ſlaves in a ſhocking manner on the moſt trifling occaſions, and altogether treat them in every reſpect like brutes. They pay no regard to the ſituation of pregnant women, nor the leaſt atten⯑tion to the lodging of the field negroes. Their huts, which ought to be well co⯑vered, and the place dry where they [209] take their little repoſe, are often open ſheds, built in damp places; ſo that, when the poor creatures return tired from the toils of the field, they con⯑tract many diſorders, from being ex⯑poſed to the damp air in this uncom⯑fortable ſtate, while they are heated, and their pores are open. This neg⯑lect certainly conſpires with many others to cauſe a decreaſe in the births as well as in the lives of the grown negroes. I can quote many inſtances of gentlemen who reſide on their eſtates in the weſt Indies, and then the ſcene is quite changed; the ne⯑groes are treated with lenity and pro⯑per care, by which their lives are pro⯑longed, and their maſters profited. To the honour of humanity, I knew ſeveral gentlemen who managed their eſtates in this manner; and they found that benevolence was their true inte⯑reſt. [210] And, among many I could men⯑tion in ſeveral of the iſlands, I knew one in Montſerrat^* whoſe ſlaves look⯑ed remarkably well, and never needed any freſh ſupplies of negroes; and there are many other eſtates, eſpecially in Barbadoes, which, from ſuch judicious treatment, need no freſh ſtock of ne⯑groes at any time. I have the honour of knowing a moſt worthy and hu⯑mane gentleman, who is a native of Barbadoes, and has eſtates there^†. This gentlem [...] has w [...] a treatiſe on the uſage of his ow [...] [...]es. He allows them two hours fo [...] [...]reſhment at mid-day; and many other indul⯑gencies and comforts, particularly in their lying; and, beſides this, he raiſes more proviſions on his eſtate than they can deſtroy; ſo that by theſe attentions [211] he ſaves the lives of his negroes, and keeps them healthy, and as happy as the condition of ſlavery can admit. I myſelf, as ſhall appear in the ſequel, managed an eſtate, where, by thoſe at⯑tentions, the negroes were uncommon⯑ly cheerful and healthy, and did more work by half than by the common mode of treatment they uſually do. For want, therefore, of ſuch care and atten⯑tion to the poor negroes, and otherwiſe oppreſſed as they are, it is no wonder that the decreaſe ſhould require 20,000 new negroes annually to fill up the vacant places of the dead.

Even in Barbadoes, notwithſtanding thoſe humane exceptions which I have mentioned, and others I am acquaint⯑ed with, which juſtly make it quoted as a place where ſlaves meet with the beſt treatment, and need feweſt recruits of any in the Weſt Indies, yet this [212] iſland requires 1000 negroes annually to keep up the original ſtock, which is only 80,000. So that the whole term of a negro's life may be ſaid to be there but ſixteen years^*? And yet the cli⯑mate here is in every reſpect the ſame as that from which they are taken, ex⯑cept in being more wholeſome. Do the Britiſh colonies decreaſe in this manner? And yet what a prodigious difference is there between an Engliſh and Weſt India climate?

While I was in Montſerrat I knew a negro man, named Emanuel Sankey, who endeavoured to eſcape from his miſerable bondage, by concealing him⯑ſelf on board of a London ſhip: but fate did not favour the poor oppreſſed man; for, being diſcovered when the veſſel was under ſail, he was delivered up again to his maſter. This Chriſtian [213] maſter immediately pinned the wretch down to the ground at each wriſt and ancle, and then took ſome ſticks of ſeal⯑ing wax, and lighted them, and drop⯑ed it all over his back. There was an⯑other maſter who was noted for cruelty; and I believe he had not a ſlave but what had been cut, and had pieces fairly taken out of the fleſh: and after they had been puniſhed thus, he uſed to make them get into a long wooden box or caſe he had for that purpoſe, in which he ſhut them up during pleaſure. It was juſt about the height and breadth of a man; and the poor wretches had no room, when in the caſe to move.

It was very common in ſeveral of the iſlands, particularly in St. Kitt's, for the ſlaves to be branded with the initial letters of their maſter's name; and a load of heavy iron hooks hung about their necks. Indeed on the moſt [214] trifling occaſions they were loaded with chains; and often inſtruments of tor⯑ture were added. The iron muzzle, thumb-ſcrews, &c. are ſo well known, as not to need a deſcription, and were ſometimes applied for the ſlighteſt faults. I have ſeen a negro beaten till ſome of his bones were broken, for only letting a pot boil over. Is it ſur⯑priſing that uſage like this ſhould drive the poor creatures to deſpair, and make them ſeek a refuge in death from thoſe evils which render their lives intoler⯑able—while,

This they frequently do. A ne⯑gro-man on board a veſſel of my maſter, while I belonged to her, hav⯑ing been put in irons for ſome trifling miſdemeanor, and kept in that ſtate [215] for ſome days, being weary of life, took an opportunity of jumping over⯑board into the ſea; however, he was picked up without being drowned. Another, whoſe life was alſo a burden to him, reſolved to ſtarve himſelf to death, and refuſed to eat any victuals: this procured him a ſevere flogging: and he alſo, on the firſt occaſion which offered, jumped overboard at Charles Town, but was ſaved.

Nor is there any greater regard ſhewn to the little property than there is to the perſons and lives of the negroes. I have already related an inſtance or two of particular oppreſſion out of many which I have witneſſed; but the following is frequent in all the iſlands. The wretched field-ſlaves, after toil⯑ing all the day for an unfeeling owner, who gives them but little victuals, ſteal ſometimes a few moments from [216] reſt or refreſhment to gather ſome ſmall portion of graſs, according as their time will admit. This they com⯑monly tie up in a parcel; either a bit's worth (ſix-pence) or half a bit's worth; and bring it to town, or to the market, to ſell. Nothing is more common than for the white people on this oc⯑caſion to take the graſs from them without paying for it; and not only ſo, but too often alſo, to my know⯑ledge, our clerks, and many others, at the ſame time have committed acts of violence on the poor, wretched, and helpleſs females; whom I have ſeen for hours ſtand crying to no purpoſe, and get no redreſs or pay of any kind. Is not this one common and crying ſin enough to bring down God's judg⯑ment on the iſlands? He tells us the oppreſſor and the oppreſſed are both in his hands; and if theſe are not the [217] poor, the broken-hearted, the blind, the captive, the bruiſed, which our Sa⯑viour ſpeaks of, who are they? One of theſe depredators once, in St. Eu⯑ſtatia, came on board of our veſſel, and bought ſome fowls and pigs of me; and a whole day after his departure with the things, he returned again and wanted his money back: I refuſed to give it; and, not ſeeing my captain on board, he began the common pranks with me; and ſwore he would even break open my cheſt and take my mo⯑ney. I therefore expected, as my cap⯑tain was abſent, that he would be as good as his word: and he was juſt pro⯑ceeding to ſtrike me, when fortunately a Britiſh ſeaman on board, whoſe heart had not been debauched by a Weſt India climate, interpoſed and prevent⯑ed him. But had the cruel man ſtruck me I certainly ſhould have defended [218] myſelf at the hazard of my life; for what is life to a man thus oppreſſed? He went away, however, ſwearing; and threatened that whenever he caught me on ſhore he would ſhoot me, and pay for me afterwards.

The ſmall account in which the life of a negro is held in the Weſt Indies, is ſo univerſally known, that it might ſeem impertinent to quote the follow⯑ing extract, if ſome people had not been hardy enough of late to aſſert that negroes are on the ſame footing in that reſpect as Europeans. By the 329th Act, page 125, of the Aſſembly of Barbadoes, it is enacted ‘'That if any negro, or other ſlave, under pu⯑niſhment by his maſter, or his order, for running away, or any other crime or miſdemeanor towards his ſaid maſter, unfortunately ſhall ſuffer in life or member, no perſon what⯑ſoever [219] ſhall be liable to a fine; but if any man ſhall out of wantonneſs, or only of bloody-mindedneſs, or cruel iniention, wilfully kill a negro, or other ſlave, of his own, he ſhall pay into the public treaſury fifteen pounds ſterling.'’ And it is the ſame in moſt, if not all, of the Weſt India iſlands. Is not this one of the many acts of the iſlands which call loudly for redreſs? And do not the Aſſembly which enacted it deſerve the appellation of ſavages and brutes rather than of chriſtians and men? It is an act at once unmerciful, unjuſt, and unwiſe; which for cruelty would diſgrace an aſſembly of thoſe who are called barbarians; and for its injuſtice and inſanity would ſhock the morality and common ſenſe of a Sa⯑m [...]de or Hottentot.

Shocking as this and many more acts of the bloody Weſt India code at firſt [220] view appear, how is the iniquity of it heightened when we conſider to whom it may be extended! Mr. James Tobin, a zealous labourer in the vineyard of ſlavery gives an account of a French planter of his acquaintance, in the iſland of Martinico, who ſhewed him many mulattoes working in the fields like beaſts of burden; and he told Mr. Tobin theſe were all the produce of his own loins! And I myſelf have known ſimilar inſtances. Pray, reader, are theſe ſons and daughters of the French planter leſs his children by being be⯑gotten on black women? And what muſt be the virtue of thoſe legiſlators, and the feelings of thoſe fathers, who eſtimate the lives of their ſons, how⯑ever begotten, at no more than fif⯑teen pounds; though they ſhould be murdered, as the act ſays, out of wan⯑tonneſs and bloody-mindedneſs! But is [221] not the ſlave trade entirely a war with the heart of man? And ſurely that which is begun by breaking down the barriers of virtue involves in its conti⯑nuance deſtruction to every principle, and buries all ſentiments in ruin!

I have often ſeen ſlaves, particularly thoſe who were meagre, in different iſlands, put into ſcales and weighed; and then ſold from three pence to ſix pence or nine pence a pound. My maſter, however, whoſe humanity was ſhocked at this mode, uſed to ſell ſuch by the lump. And at or after a ſale it was not uncommon to ſee negroes taken from their wives, wives taken from their huſbands, and children from their parents, and ſent off to other iſlands, and wherever elſe their mer⯑cileſs lords chooſe; and probably ne⯑ver more during life ſee each other! Oftentimes my heart has bled at theſe [222] partings; when the friends of the de⯑parted have been at the water ſide, and, with ſighs and tears, have kept their eyes fixed on the veſſel, till it went out of ſight.

A poor Creole negro I knew well, who, after having been often thus tranſported from iſland to iſland, at laſt reſided in Montſerrat. This man uſed to tell me many melancholy tales of himſelf. Generally, after he had done working for his maſter, he uſed to employ his few leiſure moments to go a fiſhing. When he had caught any fiſh, his maſter would frequently take them from him without paying him; and at other times ſome other white people would ſerve him in the ſame manner. One day he ſaid to me, very movingly, ‘'Sometimes when a white man take away my fiſh I go to my maſer, and he get me my right; [223] and when my maſer by ſtrength take away my fiſhes, what me muſt do? I can't go to any body to be righted; then,'’ ſaid the poor man, looking up above, ‘'I muſt look up to God Mighty in the top for right.'’ This artleſs tale moved me much, and I could not help feeling the juſt cauſe Moſes had in redreſſing his brother againſt the Egyptian. I exhorted the man to look up ſtill to the God on the top, ſince there was no redreſs below. Though I little thought then that I myſelf ſhould more than once experience ſuch impo⯑ſition, and need the ſame exhortation hereafter, in my own tranſactions in the iſlands; and that even this poor man and I ſhould ſome time after ſuffer together in the ſame manner, as ſhall be related hereafter.

Nor was ſuch uſage as this confined to particular places or individuals; for, [224] in all the different iſlands in which I have been (and I have viſited no leſs than fifteen) the treatment of the ſlave, was nearly the ſame; ſo nearly indeed, that the hiſtory of an iſland, or even a plantation, with a few ſuch exceptions as I have mentioned, might ſerve for a hiſtory of the whole. Such a ten⯑dency has the ſlave-trade to debauch men's minds, and harden them to every feeling of humanity! For I will not ſuppoſe that the dealers in ſlaves are born worſe than other men—No; it is the fatality of this miſtaken avarice, that it corrupts the milk of human kindneſs and turns it into gall. And, had the purſuits of thoſe men been different, they might have been as generous, as tender-hearted and juſt, as they are unfeeling, rapacious and cruel. Surely this traffic cannot be good, which ſpreads like a peſtilence, and taints what it touches! which [225] violates that firſt natural right of man⯑kind, equality and independency, and gives one man a dominion over his fellows which God could never intend! For it raiſes the owner to a ſtate as far above man as it depreſſes the ſlave be⯑low it; and, with all the preſumption of human pride, ſets a diſtinction be⯑tween them, immeaſurable in extent, and endleſs in duration! Yet how miſ⯑taken is the avarice even of the planters. Are ſlaves more uſeful by being thus humbled to the condition of brutes, than they would be if ſuffered to enjoy the pri⯑vileges of men? The freedom which diffuſes health and proſperity through out Britain anſwers you—No. When you make men ſlaves you deprive them of half their virtue, you ſet them in your own conduct an example of fraud, rapine, and cruelty, and compel them to live with you in a ſtate of war; and [226] yet you complain that they are not ho⯑neſt or faithful! You ſtupify them with ſtripes, and think it neceſſary to keep them in a ſtate of ignorance; and yet you aſſert that they are incapable of learning; that their minds are ſuch a barren ſoil or moor, that culture would be loſt on them; and that they come from a climate, where nature, though prodigal of her bounties in a degree unknown to yourſelves, has left man alone ſcant and unfiniſhed; and incapable of enjoying the treaſures ſhe has poured out for him!—An aſ⯑ſertion at once impious and abſurd. Why do you uſe thoſe inſtruments of torture? Are they fit to be applied by one rational being to another? And are ye not ſtruck with ſhame and mor⯑tification, to ſee the partakers of your nature reduced ſo low? But, above all, are there no dangers attending this [227] mode of treatment? Are you not hourly in dread of an inſurrection? Nor would it be ſurpriſing: for when

But by changing your conduct, and treating your ſlaves as men, every cauſe of fear would be baniſhed. They would be faithful, honeſt, intelligent and vigorous; and peace, proſperity, and happineſs, would attend you.

CHAP. VI.

IN the precedeing chapter I have ſet before the reader a few of thoſe many inſtances of oppreſſion, extortion, and cruelty, which I have been a witneſs [229] to in the Weſt Indies: but, were I to enumerate them all, the catalogue would be tedious and diſguſting. The puniſh⯑ments of the ſlaves on every trifling oc⯑caſion are ſo frequent, and ſo well known together with the different inſtruments with which they are tortured, that it cannot any longer afford novelty to recite them; and they are too ſhock⯑ing to yield delight either to the writer or the reader. I ſhall therefore here⯑after only mention ſuch as incidentally befell myſelf in the courſe of my ad⯑ventures.

In the variety of departments in which I was employed by my maſter, I had an opportunity of ſeeing many cu⯑rious ſcenes in different iſlands; but, above all, I was ſtruck with a celebrated curioſity called Brimſtone-Hill, which is a high and ſteep mountain, ſome few miles from the town of Plymouth in Montſerrat. I had often heard of ſome [230] [...] this [...] white [...]. When we [...] under different [...] of brimſtone, occa⯑ [...] [...] ſteams of various little [...] were then boiling natu⯑rally in the earth. Some of theſe ponds were as white as milk, ſome quite blue, and many others of different co⯑lours. I had taken ſome potatoes with me, and I put them into different ponds, and in a few minutes they were well boiled. I taſted ſome of them, but they were very ſulphurous; and the ſilver ſhoe buckles, and all the other things of that metal we had among us, were, in a little time turned as black as lead.

Some time in the year 1763, kind Pro⯑vidence ſeemed to appear rather more favourable to me. One of my maſter's veſſels, a Bermudas ſloop, about ſixty tons burthen was commanded by one [231] Captain Thomas Farmer, an Engliſh⯑man, a very alert and active man, who gained my maſter a great deal of mo⯑ney by his good mangement in carry⯑ing paſſengers from one iſland to ano⯑ther; but very often his ſailors uſed to get drunk and run away from the veſſel, which hindered him in his buſineſs very much. This man had taken a liking to me; and many different times begged of my maſter to let me go a trip with him as a ſailor; but he would tell him he could not ſpare me, though the veſ⯑ſel ſometimes could not go for want of hands, for ſailors were generally very ſcarce in the iſland. However, at laſt, from neceſſity or force, my maſter was prevailed on, though very reluctantly, to let me go with this captain; but he gave him great charge to take care that I did not run away, for if I did he would make him pay for me. This being the caſe, the captain had for [232] ſome time a ſharp eye upon me when⯑ever the veſſel anchored; and as ſoon as ſhe returned I was ſent for on ſhore again. Thus was I ſlaving as it were for life, ſometimes at one thing, and ſometimes at another; ſo that the cap⯑tain and I were nearly the moſt uſeful men in my maſter's employment. I alſo became ſo uſeful to the captain on ſhipboard, that many times, when he uſed to aſk for me to go with him, though it ſhould be but for twenty⯑four hours, to ſome of the iſlands near us, my maſter would anſwer he could not ſpare me, at which the captain would ſwear, and would no go the trip; and tell my maſter I was better to him on board than any three white men he had; for they uſed to behave ill in many reſpects, particularly in getting drunk; and then they frequently got the boat ſtove, ſo as to hinder the veſ⯑ſel from coming back as ſoon as ſhe [233] might have done. This my maſter knew very well; and at laſt, by the captain's conſtant entreaties, after I had been ſeveral times with him, one day to my great joy, told me the captain would not let him reſt, and aſked whether I would go aboard as a ſailor, or ſtay on ſhore and mind the ſtores, for he could not bear any longer to be plagued in this manner. I was very happy at this propoſal, for I immediately thought I might in time ſtand ſome chance by being on board to get a little money, or poſſibly make my eſcape if I ſhould be uſed ill: I alſo expected to get better food, and in greater abundance; for I had oftentimes felt much hunger, though my maſter treated his ſlaves, as I have obſerved, uncommonly well. I therefore, with⯑out heſitation, anſwered him, that I would go and be a ſailor if he pleaſed. Accordingly I was ordered on board [234] directly. Nevertheleſs, between the veſſel and the ſhore, when ſhe was in port, I had little or no reſt, as my maſter always wiſhed to have me along with him. Indeed he was a very plea⯑ſant gentleman, and but for my expec⯑tations on ſhipboard I ſhould not have thought of leaving him. But the cap⯑tain liked me alſo very much, and I was entirely his right-hand man. I did all I could to deſerve his favour, and in return I received better treatment from him than any other I believe ever met with in the Weſt Indies in my ſituation.

After I had been ſailing for ſome time with this captain, at length I endea⯑voured to try my luck and commence merchant. I had but a very ſmall ca⯑pital to begin with; for one ſingle half bit, which is equal to three-pence in England, made up my whole ſtock. However I truſted to the Lord to be [235] with me; and at one of our trips to St. Euſtatia, a Dutch iſland, I bought a glaſs tumbler with my half bit, and when I came to Montſerrat I ſold it for a bit, or ſix-pence. Luckily we made ſeveral ſucceſſive trips to St. Euſtatia (which was a general mart for the Weſt Indies, about twenty leagues from Montſerrat) and in our next, finding my tumbler ſo profitable, with this one bit I bought two tumblers more; and when I came back I ſold them for two bits equal to a ſhilling ſterling. When we went again I bought with theſe two bits four more of theſe glaſſes, which I ſold for fout bits on our return to Montſerrat: and in our next voyage to St. Euſtatia, I bought two glaſſes with one bit, and with the other three I bought a jug of Geneva, nearly about three pints in meaſure. When we came to Montſerrat, I ſold the gin for eight bits, and the tumblers for two, ſo that [236] my capital now amounted in all to a dollar, well huſbanded and acquired in the ſpace of a month or ſix weeks, when I bleſſed the Lord that I was ſo rich. As we ſailed to different iſlands, I laid this money out in various things occaſionally, and it uſed to turn to very good account, eſpecially when we went to Guadaloupe, Grenada, and the reſt of the French iſlands. Thus was I going all about the iſlands upwards of four years, and ever trading as I went, during which I experienced many inſtances of ill uſage, and have ſeen many injuries done to other negroes in our dealings with whites: and, amidſt our recreations, when we have been dancing and merry-making, they, without cauſe, have moleſted and in⯑ſulted us. Indeed I was more than once obliged to look up to God on high, as I had adviſed the poor fiſher⯑man ſome time before. And I had not [237] been long trading for myſelf in the manner I have related above, when I experienced the like trial in company with him as follows: This man being uſed to the water, was upon an emer⯑gency put on board of us by his maſter to work as another hand, on a voyage to Santa Cruz; and at our ſailing he had brought his little all for a venture which conſiſted of ſix bits' worth of limes and oranges in a bag; I had alſo my whole ſtock, which was about twelve bits' worth of the ſame kind of goods, ſeparate in two bags; for we had heard theſe fruits ſold well in that iſland. When we came there, in ſome little convenient time he and I went aſhore with our fruits to ſell them; but we had ſcarcely landed when we were met by two white men, who preſently took our three bags from us. We could not at firſt gueſs what they meant to do; and for ſome time we thought [238] they were jeſting with us; but they too ſoon let us know otherwiſe, for they took our ventures immediately to a houſe hard by, and adjoining the fort, while we followed all the way begging of them to give us our fruits, but in vain. They not only refuſed to return them but ſwore at us, and threatened if we did not immediately depart they would flog us well. We told them theſe three bags were all we were worth in the world, and that we brought them with us to ſell when we came from Mont⯑ſerrat, and ſhewed them the veſſel. But this was rather againſt us, as they now ſaw we were ſtrangers as well as ſlaves. They ſtill therefore ſwore, and deſired us to be gone, and even took ſticks to beat us; while we, ſeeing they meant what they ſaid, went off in the greateſt confuſion and deſpair. Thus, in the very minute of gaining more by three times than I ever did [239] by any venture in my life before, was I deprived of every farthing I was worth. An inſupportable misfortune! but how to help ourſelves we knew not. In our conſternation we went to the commanding officer of the fort, and told him how we had been ſerved by ſome of his people; but we obtained not the leaſt redreſs: he anſwered our complaints only by a volley of impre⯑cations againſt us, and immediately took a horſe-whip, in order to chaſtiſe us, ſo that we were obliged to turn out much faſter than we came in. I now, in the agony of diſtreſs and indig⯑nation, wiſhed that the ire of God in his forked lightning might transſix theſe cruel oppreſſors among the dead. Still however we perſevered; went back again to the houſe, and begged and be⯑ſought them again and again for our fruits, till at laſt ſome other people that were in the houſe aſked if we would be [240] contented if they kept one bag and gave us the other two. We, ſeeing no remedy whatever, conſented to this; and they, obſerving one bag to have both kinds of fruit in it, which be⯑longed to my companion, kept that; and the other two, which were mine they gave us back. As ſoon as I got them, I ran as faſt as I could, and got the firſt negro man I could to help me off; my companion, however, ſtay⯑ed a little longer to plead; he told them the bag they had was his, and likewiſe all that he was worth in the world; but this was of no avail, and he was obliged to return without it. The poor old man wringing his hands, cri⯑ed bitterly for his loſs; and, indeed, he then did look up to God on high, which ſo moved me with pity for him, that I gave him nearly one third of my fruits. We then proceeded to the markets to ſell them; and Providence [241] was more favourable to us than we could have expected, for we ſold our fruits uncommonly well; I got for mine about thirty-ſeven bits. Such a ſur⯑priſing reverſe of fortune in ſo ſhort a ſpace of time ſeemed like a dream, and proved no ſmall encouragement for me to truſt the Lord in any ſitua⯑tion. My captain afterwards fre⯑quently uſed to take my part, and get me my right, when I have been plun⯑dered or uſed ill by theſe tender Chriſ⯑tian depredators; among whom I have ſhuddered to obſerve the unceaſing blaſphemous execrations which are wan⯑t only thrown out by perſons of all ages and conditions, not only without oc⯑caſion, but even as if they were indul⯑gences and pleaſure.

At one of our trips to St. Kitt's, I had eleven bits of my own; and my friendly captain lent me five more, [242] with which I bought a Bible. I was very glad to get this book, which I fcarcely could meet with any where. I think there was none ſold in Mont⯑ſerrat; and, much to my grief, from being forced out of the Aetna in the manner I have related, my Bible, and the Guide to the Indians, the two books I loved above all others, were left behind.

While I was in this place, St. Kitt's, a very curious impoſition on human nature took place:—A white man wanted to marry in the church a free black woman that had land and ſlaves in Montſerrat: but the clergyman told him it was againſt the law of the place to marry a white and a black in the church. The man then aſked to be married on the water, to which the parſon conſented, and the two lovers went in one boat, and the parſon and [243] clerk in another, and thus the cere⯑mony was performed. After this the loving pair came on board our veſſel, and my captain treated them extreme⯑ly well, and brought them ſafe to Montſerrat.

The reader cannot but judge of the irkſomeneſs of this ſituation to a mind like mine, in being daily expoſed to new hardſhips and impoſitions, after having ſeen many better days, and been as it were, in a ſtate of free⯑dom and plenty; added to which, every part of the world I had hitherto been in, ſeemed to me a paradiſe in compariſon of the Weſt Indies. My mind was therefore hourly replete with inventions and thoughts of being freed, and, if poſſible, by honeſt and honour⯑able means; for I always remembered the old adage; and I truſt it has ever been my ruling principle, that ‘"Ho⯑neſty [244] is the beſt policy;"’ and likewiſe that other golden precept—‘"To do unto all men as I would they ſhould do unto me."’ However, as I was from early years a predeſtinarian, I thought whatever fate had determined muſt ever come to paſs; and there⯑fore, if ever it were my lot to be freed nothing could prevent me, although I ſhould at preſent ſee no means or hope to obtain my freedom; on the other hand, if it were my fate not to be freed I never ſhould be ſo, and all my en⯑deavours for that purpoſe would be fruitleſs. In the midſt of theſe thoughts I therefore looked up with prayers anxiouſly to God for my liberty; and at the ſame time uſed every honeſt means, and did all that was poſſible on my part to obtain it. In proceſs [...] time I became maſter of a few pound [...] and in a [...] way of making more, whi [...] [245] my friendly captain knew very well; this occaſioned him ſometimes to take liberties with me; but whenever he treated me waſpiſhly I uſed plainly to tell him my mind, and that I would die before I would be impoſed upon as other negroes were, and that to me life had loſt its reliſh when liberty was gone. This I ſaid although I foreſaw my then well-being or future hopes of freedom (humanly ſpeaking) depended on this man. However, as he could not bear the thoughts of my not failing with him, he always became mild on my threats. I therefore continued with him; and, from my great attention to his orders and his buſineſs, I gained him credit, and through his kindneſs to me I at laſt procured my liberty. While I thus went on, filled with the thoughts of freedom, and reſiſting oppreſſion as well as I was able, my life hung daily [246] in ſuſpence, particularly in the ſurfs I have formerly mentioned, as I could not ſwim. Theſe are extremely violent throughout the Weſt Indies, and I was ever expoſed to their howling rage and devouring fury in all the iſlands. I have ſeen them ſtrike and toſs a boat right up an end, and maim ſeveral on board. Once in the Grenada iſlands, when I and about eight others were pulling a large boat with two pun⯑cheons of water in it, a ſurf ſtruck us, and drove the boat and all in it about half a ſtone's throw, among ſome trees, and above the high water mark. We were obliged to get all the aſſiſtance we could from the neareſt eſtate to mend the boat, and launch it into the water again. At Montſerrat one night, in preſſing hard to get off the ſhore on board, the punt was overſet with us four times; the firſt time I was very near being drowned; [247] however the jacket I had on kept me up above water a little ſpace of time, while I called on a man near me who was a good ſwimmer, and told him I could not ſwim; he then made haſte to me, and, juſt as I was ſinking, he caught hold of me, and brought me to ſounding, and then he went and brought the punt alſo. As ſoon as we had turned the water out of her, leſt we ſhould be uſed ill for being abſent, we attempted again three times more, and as often the horrid ſurfs ſerved us as at firſt; but at laſt, the fifth time we attempted, we gained our point, at the eminent hazard of our lives. One day alſo, at Old Road in Mont⯑ſerrat, our captain, and three men be⯑ſides myſelf, were going in a large canoe in queſt of rum and ſugar, when a ſingle ſurf toſſed the canoe an amazing diſtance from the water, [248] and ſome of us, near a ſtone's throw from each other: moſt of us were very much bruiſed; ſo that I and many more often ſaid, and really thought, that there was not ſuch another place under the heavens as this. I longed therefore much to leave it, and daily wiſhed to ſee my maſter's promiſe per⯑formed of going to Philadelphia.

While we lay in this place a very cruel thing happened on board of our ſloop which filled me with horror; though I found afterwards ſuch practices were frequent. There was a very clever and decent free young mulatto-man who ſailed a long time with us: he had a free woman for his wife, by whom he had a child; and ſhe was then living on ſhore, and all very happy. Our captain and mate, and other people on board, and ſeveral elſewhere, even the natives of Bermudas, all knew this [249] young man from a child that he was always free, and no one had ever claimed him as their property: how⯑ever, as might too often overcomes right in theſe parts, it happened that a Bermudas captain, whoſe veſſel lay there for a few days in the road, came on board of us, and ſeeing the mulatto⯑man, whoſe name was Joſeph Clipſon, he told him he was not free, and that he had orders from his maſter to bring him to Bermudas. The poor man could not believe the captain to be in earneſt; but he was very ſoon unde⯑ceived, his men laying violent hands on him; and although he ſhewed a [...] ⯑ficate of his being born [...] Kitt's, and moſt people on [...] that he ſerved his time [...] [...] ⯑ing, and always paſſed [...] yet he was forcibly taken [...] veſſel. He then aſked to [...] [250] aſhore before the ſecretary or magiſ⯑trates, and theſe infernal invaders of human rights promiſed him he ſhould; but, inſtead of that, they carried him on board of the other veſſel: and the next day, without giving the poor man any hearing on ſhore, or ſuffering him even to ſee his wife or child, he was earried away, and probably doomed never more in this world to ſee them again. Nor was this the only inſtance of this kind of barbarity I was a wit⯑neſs to. I have ſince often ſeen in Jamaica and other iſlands, free men, whom I have known in America, thus villainouſly trepanned and held in bon⯑dage. I have heard of two ſimilar prac⯑tices even in Philadelphia: and were it not for the benevolence of the quak⯑ers in that city, many of the ſable race, who now breathe the air of liberty, would, I believe, be groaning indeed [251] under ſome planter's chains. Theſe things opened my mind to a new ſeene of horror to which I had been before a ſtranger. Hitherto I had thought only ſlavery dreadful; but the ſtate of a free negro appeared to me now equally ſo at leaſt, and in ſome reſpects even worſe, for they live in conſtant alarm for their liberty; which is but nomi⯑nal, for they are univerſally inſult⯑ed and plundered without the poſſibi⯑lity of redreſs; for ſuch is the equity of the Weſt Indian laws, that no ſree negro's evidence will be admitted in their courts of juſtice. In this ſituation is it ſurpriſing that ſlaves, when mildly treated, ſhould prefer even the miſery of ſlavery to ſuch a mockery of ſree⯑dom? I was now completely diſguſted with the Weſt Indies, and thought I never ſhould be entirely free until I had left them.

I determined to make every exertion to obtain my freedom, and to return to Old England. For this purpoſe I thought a knowledge of navigation might be of uſe to me; for, though I did not intend to run away unleſs I ſhould be ill uſed; yet, in ſuch a caſe, if I underſtood navigation, I might attempt my eſcape in our ſloop, which was one of the ſwifteſt ſailing veſſels in the Weſt Indies, and I could be at no loſs for hands to join me: and if I ſhould make this attempt, I had in⯑tended to have gone for England; but this, as I ſaid, was only to be in the event of my meeting with any ill uſage. I [253] therefore employed the mate of our veſ⯑ſel to teach me navigation, for which I agreed to give him twenty-four dollars, and actually paid him part of the money down; though when the captain, ſome time after, came to know that the mate was to have ſuch a ſum for teaching me, he rebuked him, and ſaid it was a ſhame for him to take any money from me. However, my progreſs in this uſeful art was much retarded by the conſtancy of our work. Had I wiſhed to run away I did not want op⯑portunities, which frequently preſented themſelves; and particularly at one time, ſoon after this. When we were at the iſland of Gaurdeloupe there was a large fleet of merchantmen bound for Old France; and, ſeamen then be⯑ing very ſcarce, they gave from fifteen to twenty pounds a man for the run. Our mate, and all the white ſailors, [254] left our veſſel on this account, and went on board of the French ſhips. They would have had me alſo to go with them, for they regarded me; and ſwore to protect me, if I would go: and, as the fleet was to ſail the next day, I really believe I could have got ſafe to Europe at that time. How⯑ever, as my maſter was kind, I would not attempt to leave him; ſtill re⯑membering the old maxim, that ‘'ho⯑neſty is the beſt policy,'’ I ſuffered them to go without me. Indeed my captain was much afraid of my leaving him and the veſſel at that time, as I had ſo fair an opportunity: but, I thank God, this fidelity of mine turned out much to my advantage hereafter, when I did not in the leaſt think of it; and made me ſo much in favour with the captain, that he uſed now and then to teach me ſome parts of navigation [255] himſelf; but ſome of our paſſengers, and others, ſeeing this, found much fault with him for it, ſaying it was a very dangerous thing to let a negro know navigation; thus I was hindered again in my purſuits. About the lat⯑ter end of the year 1764, my maſter bought a larger ſloop, called the Pru⯑dence, about ſeventy or eighty tons, of which my captain had the com⯑mand. I went with him into this veſ⯑ſel, and we took a load of new ſlaves for Georgia and Charles Town. My maſter now left me entirely to the captain, though he ſtill wiſhed for me to be with him; but I, who always much wiſhed to loſe ſight of the Weſt Indies, was not a little rejoiced at the thoughts of ſeeing any other country. Therefore, relying on the goodneſs of my captain, I got ready all the little venture I could; and, when the veſſel [256] was ready, we ſailed to my great joy. When we got to our deſtined places, Georgia and Charles Town, I expect⯑ed I ſhould have an opportunity of ſelling my little property to advantage: but here, particularly in Charles Town, I met with buyers, white men, who impoſed on me as in other places. Notwithſtanding, I was reſolved to have fortitude; thinking no lot or trial too hard when kind Heaven is the rewarder.

We ſoon got loaded again, and returned to Montſerrat; and there, amongſt the reſt of the iſlands, I ſold my goods well; and in this manner I continued trading during the year 1764; meeting with various ſcenes of impo⯑ſition, as uſual. After this, my maſter fitted out his veſſel for Philadelphia, in the year 1765; and during the time we were loading her, and getting [257] ready for the voyage, I worked with redoubled alacrity, from the hope of getting money enough by theſe voyages to buy my freedom, in time, if it ſhould pleaſe God; and alſo to ſee the town of Philadelphia, which I had heard a great deal about for ſome years paſt; beſides which, I had always longed to prove my maſter's promiſe the firſt day I came to him. In the midſt of theſe elevated ideas, and while I was about getting my little merchandize in readineſs, one Sunday my maſter ſent for me to his houſe. When I came there I found him and the cap⯑tain together; and, on my going in, I was ſtruck with aſtoniſhment at his telling me he heard that I meant to run away from him when I got to Phila⯑delphia: ‘'And therefore,'’ ſaid he, ‘'I muſt ſell you again: you coſt me a great deal of money, no leſs than [258] forty pounds ſterling; and it will not do to loſe ſo much. You are a valuable fellow,'’ continued he; ‘'and I can get any day for you one hun⯑dred guineas, from many gentlemen in this iſland.'’ And then he told me of Captain Doran's brother-in-law, a ſevere maſter, who ever wanted to buy me to make me his overſeer. My captain alſo ſaid he could get much more than a hundred guineas for me in Carolina. This I knew to be a fact; for the gentleman that wanted to buy me came off ſeveral times on board of us, and ſpoke to me to live with him, and ſaid he would uſe me well. When I aſked what work he would put me to, he ſaid, as I was a ſailor, he would make me a captain of one of his rice veſſels. But I refuſed: and fearing at the ſame time, by a ſudden turn I ſaw in the captain's temper, he might [259] mean to ſell me, I told the gentleman I would not live with him on any con⯑dition, and that I certainly would run away with his veſſel: but he ſaid he did not fear that, as he would catch him again; and then he told me how cruelly he would ſerve me if I ſhould do ſo. My captain, however, gave him to underſtand that I knew ſome⯑thing of navigation: ſo he thought better of it; and, to my great joy, he went away. I now told my maſter I did not ſay I would run away in Phi⯑ladelphia; neither did I mean it, as he did not uſe me ill, nor yet the captain: for if they did I certainly would have made ſome attempts before now; but as I thought that if it were God's will I ever ſhould be freed it would be ſo, and, on the contrary, if it was not his will it would not happen; ſo I hoped if ever I were freed, whilſt I was uſed [260] well, it ſhould be by honeſt means; but as I could not help myſelf, he muſt do as he pleaſed; I could only hope and truſt to the God of Heaven; and at that inſtant my mind was big with inventions and full of ſchemes to eſcape. I then appealed to the cap⯑tain whether he ever ſaw any ſign of my making the leaſt attempt to run away; and aſked him if I did not al⯑ways come on board according to the time for which he gave me liberty; and, more particularly, when all our men left us at Gaurdeloupe and went on board of the French fleet, and ad⯑viſed me to go with them, whether I might not, and that he could not have got me again. To my no ſmall ſur⯑priſe, and very great joy, the captain confirmed every ſyllable that I had ſaid: and even more: for he ſaid he had tried different times to ſee if I [261] would make any attempt of this kind, both at St. Euſtatia and in America, and he never found that I made the ſmalleſt; but on the contrary, I al⯑ways came on board according to his orders; and he did really believe, if I ever meant to run away, that, as I could never have had a better opportu⯑nity, I would have done it the night the mate and all the people left our veſſel at Gaurdeloupe. The captain then inſormed my maſter, who had been thus impoſed on by our mate, (though I did not know who was my ememy,) the reaſon the mate had for impoſing this lie upon him; which was, becauſe I had acquainted the cap⯑tain of the proviſions the mate had given away or taken out of the veſſel. This ſpeech of the captain was like life to the dead to me, and inſtantly my ſoul glorified God; and ſtill more ſo [262] on hearing my maſter immediately ſay that I was a ſenſible fellow, and he ne⯑ver did intend to uſe me as a common ſlave; and that but for the entreaties of the captain, and his character of me, he would not have let me go from the ſtores about as I had done: that alſo, in ſo doing, he thought by carrying one little thing or other to different places to ſell I might make money. That he alſo intended to encourage me in this, by crediting me with half a puncheon of rum and half a hogſhead of ſugar at a time; ſo that, from being careful, I might have money enough, in ſome time, to purchaſe my freedom; and, when that was the caſe, I might depend upon it he would let me have it for forty pounds ſterling money, which was only the ſame price he gave for me. This ſound gladdened my poor heart beyond meaſure; though [263] indeed it was no more than the very idea I had formed in my mind of my maſter long before, and I immediately made him this reply: ‘'Sir, I always had that very thought of you, indeed I had, and that made me ſo diligent in ſerving you.'’ He then gave me a large piece of ſilver coin, ſuch as I never had ſeen or had before, and told me to get ready for the voyage, and he would credit me with a tierce of ſugar, and another of rum; he alſo ſaid that he had two amiable ſiſters in Philadelphia, from whom I might get ſome neceſſary things. Upon this my noble captain deſired me to go aboard; and, knowing the African metal, he charged me not to ſay any thing of this matter to any body; and he pro⯑miſed that the lying mate ſhould not go with him any more. This was a change indeed; in the ſame hour to [264] feel the moſt exquiſite pain, and in the turn of a moment the fulleſt joy. It cauſed in me ſuch ſenſations as I was only able to expreſs in my looks; my heart was ſo overpowered with gra⯑titude that I could have kiſſed both of their feet. When I left the room I im⯑mediately went, or rather flew, to the veſſel, which being loaded, my maſter, as good as his word, truſted me with a tierce of rum, and another of ſugar, when we ſailed, and arrived ſafe at the elegant town of Philadelphia. I ſoon ſold my goods here pretty well; and in this charming place I found every thing plentiful and cheap.

While I was in this place a very extraordinary occurrence befell me. I had been told one evening of a wiſe woman, a Mrs. Davis, who revealed ſe⯑crets, foretold events, &c. I put littie faith in this ſtory at firſt, as I could [265] not conceive that any mortal could foreſee the future diſpoſals of Pro⯑vidence, nor did I believe in any other revelation than that of the Holy Scrip⯑tures; however, I was greatly aſtoniſh⯑ed at ſeeing this woman in a dream that night, though a perſon I never before beheld in my life; this made ſuch an impreſſion on me, that I could not get the idea the next day out of my mind, and I then became as anxious to ſee her as I was before indifferent; ac⯑cordingly in the evening, after we left off working, I inquired where ſhe lived, and being directed to her, to my inexpreſſible ſurpriſe, beheld the very woman in the very ſame dreſs ſhe ap⯑peared to me to wear in the viſion. She immediately told me I had dream⯑ed of her the preceding night; related to me many things that had happened [266] with a correctneſs that aſtoniſhed me; and finally told me I ſhould not be long a ſlave: this was the more agree⯑able news, as I believed it the more readily from her having ſo faithfully related the paſt incidents of my life. She ſaid I ſhould be twice in very great danger of my life within eigh⯑teen months, which, if I eſcaped, I ſhould afterwards go on well; ſo giv⯑ing me her bleſſing, we parted. After ſtaying here ſome time till our veſſel was loaded, and I had bought in my little traffic, we ſailed from this agree⯑able ſpot for Montſerrat, once more to encounter the raging ſurfs.

We arrived ſafe at Montſerrat, where we diſcharged our cargo; and ſoon after that we took ſlaves on board for St. Euſtatia, and from thence to Georgia. I had always exerted myſelf and did double work, in order to [267] make our voyages as ſhort as poſſible; and from thus overworking myſelf while we were at Georgia I caught a fever and ague. I was very ill for eleven days and near dying; eternity was now exceedingly impreſſed on my mind, and I feared very much that awful event. I prayed the Lord there⯑fore to ſpare me; and I made a pro⯑miſe in my mind to God, that I would be good if ever I ſhould recover. At length, from having an eminent doc⯑tor to attend me, I was reſtored again to health; and ſoon after we got the veſſel loaded, and ſet off for Mont⯑ſerrat. During the paſſage, as I was perfectly reſtored, and had much bu⯑ſineſs of the veſſel to mind, all my en⯑deavours to keep up my integrity, and perform my promiſe to God, began to fail; and, in ſpite of all I could do, as we drew nearer and nearer to the [268] iſlands, my reſolutions more and more declined, as if the very air of that country or climate ſeemed fatal to piety. When we were ſafe arrived at Montſerrat, and I had got aſhore, I for⯑got my former reſolutions.—Alas! how prone is the heart to leave that God it wiſhes to love! and how ſtrongly do the things of this world ſtrike the ſenſes and captivate the ſoul!—After our veſ⯑ſel was diſcharged, we ſoon got her rea⯑dy, and took in, as uſual, ſome of the poor oppreſſed natives of Africa, and other negroes; we then ſet off again for Georgia and Charleſtown. We arriv⯑ed at Georgia, and, having landed part of our cargo, proceeded to Charleſ⯑town with the remainder. While we were there I ſaw the town illuminated; the guns were fired, and bonfires and other demonſtrations of joy ſhewn, on account of the repeal of the ſtamp [269] act. Here I diſpoſed of ſome goods on my own account; the white men buying them with ſmooth promiſes and fair words, giving me, however, but very indifferent payment. There was one gentleman particularly who bought a puncheon of rum of me, which gave me a great deal of trouble; and, although I uſed the intereſt of my friendly captain, I could not obtain any thing for it; for, being a negro man, I could not oblige him to pay me. This vexed me much, not knowing how to act; and I loſt ſome time in ſeeking after this Chriſtian; and though, when the Sabbath came (which the negroes uſually make their holiday) I was much inclined to go to public worſhip, I was obliged to hire ſome black men to help to pull a boat acroſs the water to go in queſt of this gentleman. When I found him, after much entreaty, both [270] from myſelf and my worthy captain, he at laſt paid me in dollars; ſome of them, however, were copper, and of conſequence of no value; but he took advantage of my being a negro man, and obliged me to put up with thoſe or none, although I objected to them. Immediately after, as I was trying to paſs them in the market, amongſt other white men, I was abuſed for of⯑fering to paſs bad coin; and, though I ſhewed them the man I got them from, I was within one minute of being tied up and flogged without either judge or jury; however, by the help of a good pair of heels, I ran off, and ſo eſcaped the baſtinadoes I ſhould have received. I got on board as faſt as I could, but ſtill continued in fear of them until we ſailed, which I thanked God we did not long after; and I have never been amongſt them ſince.

[271] We ſoon came to Georgia, where we were to complete our lading; and here worſe fate than ever attended me: for one Sunday night, as I was with ſome negroes in their maſter's yard in the town of Savannah, it happened that their maſter, one Doctor Perkins, who was a very ſevere and cruel man, came in drunk; and not liking to ſee any ſtrange negroes in his yard, he and a ruffian of a white man, he had in his ſervice, beſet me in an inſtant, and both of them ſtruck me with the firſt wea⯑pons they could get hold of. I cried out as long as I could for help and mercy; but, though I gave a good account of myſelf, and he knew my captain, who lodged hard by him, it was to no purpoſe. They beat and mangled me in a ſhameful manner, leaving me near dead. I loſt ſo much blood from the wounds I received, [272] that I lay quite motionleſs, and was ſo benumbed that I could not feel any thing for many hours. Early in the morning they took me away to the jail. As I did not return to the ſhip all night, my captain, not knowing where I was, and being uneaſy that I did not then make my appearance, he made inquiry after me; and, having found where I was, immediately came to me. As ſoon as the good man ſaw me ſo cut and mangled, he could not forbear weeping; he ſoon got me out of jail to his lodgings, and immedi⯑ately ſent for the beſt doctors in the place, who at firſt declared it as their opinion that I could not recover. My captain on this went to all the lawyers in the town for their advice, but they told him they could do nothing for me as I was a negro. He then went to Doctor Perkins, the hero who had van⯑quiſhed [273] me, and menaced him, ſwear⯑ing he would be revenged of him, and challenged him to fight.—But cowardice is ever the companion of cruelty—and the Doctor refuſed. How⯑ever, by the ſkilfulneſs of one Doctor Brady of that place, I began at laſt to amend; but, although I was ſo ſore and bad with the wounds I had all over me that I could not reſt in any poſture, yet I was in more pain on account of the captain's uneaſineſs about me than I otherwiſe ſhould have been. The worthy man nurſed and watched me all the hours of the night; and I was, through his attention and that of the doctor, able to get out of bed in about ſixteen or eighteen days. All this time I was very much wanted on board, as I uſed frequently to go up and down the river for rafts, and other parts of our cargo, and ſtow them, [274] when the mate was ſick or abſent. In about four weeks I was able to go on duty; and in a fortnight after, having got in all our lading, our veſſel ſet ſail for Montſerrat; and in leſs than three weeks we arrived there ſafe towards the end of the year. This ended my adventures in 1764; for I did not leave Montſerrat again till the beginning of the following year.