1.

MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE and WRITINGS OF Mr. GRAY.

[]

SECTION THE FIRST.

THE lives of men of letters ſeldom abound with incidents; and perhaps no life ever afforded fewer than that which I have undertaken to write. But I am far from mentioning this by way of previous apology, as is the trite cuſtom of biographers. The reſpect which I owe to my deceaſed friend, to the public, (and let me add) to myſelf, prompts me to wave ſo impertinent a ceremonial. A reader of ſenſe and taſte never expects to find in the memoirs of a Philoſopher, or Poet, the ſame ſpecies of entertainment, or information, which he would receive from thoſe of a Stateſman or General: He expects, however, to be either informed or entertained: [2] Nor would he be diſappointed, did the writer take care to dwell principally on ſuch topics as characterize the man, and diſtinguiſh that peculiar part which he acted in the varied Drama of Society. But this rule, ſelf-evidently right as it may ſeem, is ſeldom obſerved. It was ſaid, with almoſt as much truth as wit, of one of theſe writers, that, when he compoſed the life of Lord Verulam, he forgot that he was a Philoſopher; and therefore, it was to be feared, ſhould he finiſh that of the Duke of Marlborough, he would forget that he was a General. I ſhall avoid a like fault. I will promiſe my reader that he ſhall, in the following pages, ſeldom behold Mr. Gray in any other light than that of a Scholar and a Poet: And though I am more ſolicitous to ſhew that he was a virtuous, a friendly, and an amiable man, than either; yet this ſolicitude becomes unneceſſary from the very papers which he has bequeathed me, and which I here arrange for the purpoſe: Since in theſe the qualities of his head and heart ſo conſtantly appear together, and the fertility of his fancy ſo intimately unites with the ſympathetic tenderneſs of his ſoul, that were it in my intention, I ſhould find it impoſſible to disjoin them.

His parents were reputable citizens of London. His grandfather a conſiderable merchant: But his father, Mr. Philip Gray, though he alſo followed buſineſs, was of an indolent and reſerved temper; and therefore rather diminiſhed than increaſed his paternal fortune. He had many children, of whom Thomas, the ſubject of theſe memoirs, was the fifth born. All of them, except him, died in their infancy; and I have been told that he narrowly eſcaped ſuffocation, (owing to too [3] great a fullneſs of blood which deſtroyed the reſt) and would certainly have been cut off as early, had not his mother, with a courage remarkable for one of her ſex, and withal ſo very tender a parent, ventured to open a vein with her own hand, which inſtantly removed the paroxyſm.

He was born in Cornhill, December the 26th, 1716; was educated at Eton ſchool, under the care of Mr. Antrobus, his mother's brother, who was at that time one of the aſſiſtant maſters. From thence he removed to St. Peter's College, Cambridge, where he was admitted a penſioner in the year 1734. While at ſchool, he contracted a friendſhip with Mr. Horace Walpole and Mr. Richard Weſt: The former of theſe appears, at preſent, with too much diſtinction in the literary, as well as faſhionable world, to make it neceſſary I ſhould enlarge upon his ſubject: But as the latter died before he could exert his uncommon abilities, it ſeems requiſite to premiſe ſomewhat concerning him; eſpecially as almoſt every anecdote which I have to produce, concerning the juvenile part of Mr. Gray's life, is included in his correſpondence with this gentleman. A correſpondence which continued, with very little interruption, for the ſpace of about eight years, from the time of their leaving ſchool to the death of the accompliſhed youth in queſtion.

His father was Lord Chancellor of Ireland. His grandfather, by the mother, the famous Biſhop Burnet. He removed from Eton to Oxford, about the ſame time that Mr. Gray left that place for Cambridge. Each of them carried with him the reputation of an excellent claſſic ſcholar; though I have been told [4] that, at the time, Mr. Weſt's genius was reckoned the more brilliant of the two: A judgment which, I conceive, was not well founded; for though Mr. Weſt's part of that correſpondence, which I ſhall ſpeedily give the reader,* will undoubtedly ſhew that he poſſeſt very extraordinary talents, yet, on Mr. Gray's ſide, there ſeems ſuperadded to theſe, ſuch a manly preciſion of taſte, and maturity of judgment, as would induce one to believe Mr. Walpole's phraſe not very hyperbolical, who has often aſſerted to me that, ‘"Gray never was a Boy."’

In April, 1738, Mr. Weſt left Chriſt Church for the Inner Temple, and Mr. Gray removed from Peter-Houſe to [5] Town the latter end of that year; intending alſo to apply himſelf to the ſtudy of the Law in the ſame ſociety: For which purpoſe his father had already either hired or bought him a ſet of chambers. But on an invitation which Mr. Walpole gave him to be his companion in his travels, this intention was laid aſide for the preſent, and never after put in execution.

According to the plan which I have formed for arranging theſe papers, a part of the letters which I have already mentioned will here find their proper place. They will give a much clearer idea both of Mr. Gray and his friend, at this early period, than any narrative of mine. They will include alſo ſeveral ſpecimens of their juvenile compoſitions, and, at the ſame time, mark the progreſs they had made in literature. They will aſcertain, not only the ſcope and turn of their genius, but of their temper. In a word, Mr. Gray will become his own biographer, both in this and the reſt of the ſections into which I divide this work. By which means, and by the aſſiſtance of a few notes which I ſhall occaſionally add, it may be hoped that nothing will be omitted which may tend to give a regular and clear delineation of his life and character.

But as this is the earlieſt part of their correſpondence, and includes only the time which paſſed between Mr. Gray's admiſſion into the univerſity and his going abroad, it may be reaſonably expected that the manner rather than the matter of theſe letters muſt conſtitute their principal merit; they will therefore be chiefly acceptable to ſuch ingenuous youths, who, being about the ſame age, have a reliſh for the ſame ſtudies, and boſoms ſuſceptible of the ſame warmth of friendſhip. To [6] theſe I addreſs them; in the pleaſing hope that they may prompt them to emulate their elegant ſimplicity, and, of courſe, to ſtudy with more care the claſſic models from which it was derived. If they do this, I ſhall not be much concerned if graver readers think them unimportant or even trifling.

LETTER I.

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

YOU uſe me very cruelly: You have ſent me but one letter ſince I have been at Oxford, and that too agreeable not to make me ſenſible how great my loſs is in not having more. Next to ſeeing you is the pleaſure of ſeeing your hand-writing; next to hearing you is the pleaſure of hearing from you. Really and ſincerely I wonder at you, that you thought it not worth while to anſwer my laſt letter. I hope this will have better ſucceſs in behalf of your quondam ſchool-fellow; in behalf of one who has walked hand in hand with you, like the two children in the wood,

Through many a flowery path and ſhelly grot,
Where learning lull'd us in her private* maze.

The very thought, you ſee, tips my pen with poetry, and brings Eton to my view. Conſider me very ſeriouſly here in a ſtrange country, inhabited by things that call themſelves Doctors and [7] Maſters of Arts; a country flowing with ſyllogiſms and ale, where Horace and Virgil are equally unknown; conſider me, I ſay, in this melancholy light, and then think if ſomething be not due to

Your's.

P.S. I deſire you will ſend me ſoon, and truly and poſitively, * a hiſtory of your own time.

*
This expreſſion prettily diſtinguiſhes their ſtudies when out of the public ſchool, which would naturally, at their age, be vague and deſultory.
*
Alluding to his grandfather's hiſtory.

LETTER II.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

PERMIT me again to write to you, though I have ſo long neglected my duty, and forgive my brevity, when I tell you it is occaſioned wholly by the hurry I am in to get to a place where I expect to meet with no other pleaſure than the ſight of you; for I am preparing for London in a few days at furtheſt. I do not wonder in the leaſt at your frequent blaming my indolence, it ought rather to be called ingratitude, and I am obliged to your goodneſs for ſoftening ſo harſh an appellation. When we meet it will, however, be my greateſt of pleaſures to know what you do, what you read, and how you ſpend your time, &c. &c. and to tell you what I do not read, and how I do not, &c. for almoſt all the employment of my hours may be beſt explained by negatives; take my word and experience upon it, doing nothing is a moſt amuſing buſineſs; [8] and yet neither ſomething nor nothing gives me any pleaſure. When you have ſeen one of my days, you have ſeen a whole year of my life; they go round and round like the blind horſe in the mill, only he has the ſatisfaction of fancying he makes a progreſs, and gets ſome ground; my eyes are open enough to ſee the ſame dull proſpect, and to know that having made fourand-twenty ſteps more, I ſhall be juſt where I was; I may, better than moſt people, ſay my life is but a ſpan, were I not afraid leſt you ſhould not believe that a perſon ſo ſhort-lived could write even ſo long a letter as this; in ſhort, I believe I muſt not ſend you the hiſtory of my own time, till I can ſend you that alſo of the reformation.* However, as the moſt undeſerving people in the world muſt ſure have the vanity to wiſh ſomebody had a regard for them, ſo I need not wonder at my own, in being pleaſed that you care about me. You need not doubt, therefore, of having a firſt row in the front box of my little heart, and I believe you are not in danger of being crouded there; it is aſking you to an old play, indeed, but you will be candid enough to excuſe the whole piece for the ſake of a few tolerable lines.

For this little while paſt I have been playing with Statius; we yeſterday had a game at quoits together; you will eaſily forgive me for having broke his head, as you have a little pique to him. I ſend you my tranſlation, which I did not engage [9] in becauſe I liked that part of the Poem, nor do I now ſend it to you becauſe I think it deſerves it, but merely to ſhow you how I miſpend my days.

Third in the labours of the Diſc came on,
With ſturdy ſtep and ſlow, Hippomedon;
Artful and ſtrong he pois'd the well-known weight,
By Phlegyas warn'd, and fir'd by Mneſtheus' fate,
That to avoid, and this to emulate.
His vigorous arm he try'd before he flung,
Brac'd all his nerves, and every ſinew ſtrung;
Then with a tempeſt's whirl and wary eye,
Purſu'd his caſt, and hurl'd the orb on high;
The orb on high tenacious of its courſe,
True to the mighty arm that gave it force,
Far overleaps all bound, and joys to ſee
Its antient lord ſecure of victory.
The theatre's green height and woody wall
Tremble ere it precipitates its fall,
The ponderous maſs ſinks in the cleaving ground,
While vales and woods and echoing hills rebound.
As when from Aetna's ſmoking ſummit broke,
The eyeleſs Cyclops heav'd the craggy rock;
Where Ocean frets beneath the daſhing oar,
And parting ſurges round the veſſel roar;
[10]'Twas there he aim'd the meditated harm,
And ſcarce Ulyſſes ſcap'd his giant arm.
A tyger's pride the victor bore away,
With native ſpots and artful labour gay,
A ſhining border round the margin roll'd,
And calm'd the terrors of his claws in gold.
*
Carrying on the alluſion to the other hiſtory written by Mr. Weſt's grandfather.
This conſiſted of about 110 lines, which were ſent ſeparately, and as I believe it was Mr. Gray's firſt attempt in engliſh verſe, it is a curioſity not to be entirely withheld from the reader; therefore, although it is not my intention to fill theſe memoirs with much either of his or his correſpondent's productions in this way, yet as a few lines will ſhow how much Mr. Gray had imbibed of Dryden's ſpirited manner, at this early period, I inſert at the end of the letter a ſpecimen of the whole.

LETTER III.

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

I Agree with you that you have broke Statius's head, but it is in like manner as Apollo broke Hyacinth's, you have foiled him infinitely at his own weapon; I muſt inſiſt on ſeeing the reſt of your tranſlation, and then I will examine it entire, and compare it with the latin, and be very wiſe and ſevere, and put on an inflexible face, ſuch as becomes the character of a true ſon of Ariſtarchus, of hyper-critical memory. In the mean while,

And calm'd the terrors of his claws in gold,

Is exactly Statius—Summos auro manſueverat ungues. I never knew before that the golden fangs on hammercloths were ſo old a faſhion. Your Hymenêal* I was told was the beſt in [11] the Cambridge Collection before I ſaw it, and, indeed, it is no great compliment to tell you I thought it ſo when I had ſeen it, but ſincerely it pleaſed me beſt. Methinks the college bards have run into a ſtrange taſte on this occaſion. Such ſoft unmeaning ſtuff about Venus and Cupid, and Peleus and Thetis, and Zephyrs and Dryads, was never read. As for my poor little Eclogue it has been condemned and beheaded by our Weſtminſter judges; an exordium of about ſixteen lines abſolutely cut off, and its other limbs quartered in a moſt barbarous manner. I will ſend it you in my next as my true and lawful heir, in excluſion of the pretender, who has the impudence to appear under my name.

As yet I have not looked into Sir Iſaac. Public diſputations I hate; mathematics I reverence; hiſtory, morality, and natural philoſophy have the greateſt charms in my eye; but who can forget poetry? they call it idleneſs, but it is ſurely the moſt enchanting thing in the world, ‘"ac dulce otium & poene omni negotio pulchrius."’

I am, dear Sir, yours while I am R. W.
*
Publiſhed in the Cambridge collection of verſes on the Prince of Wales's marriage. I have not thought it neceſſary to inſert theſe hexameters, as adulatory verſes of this kind, however well written, deſerve not to be tranſmitted to poſterity; and, indeed, are uſually buried, as they ought to be, in the traſh with which they are ſurrounded. Every perſon, who feels himſelf a poet, ought to be above proſtituting his powers on ſuch occaſions, and extreme youth (as was the caſe with Mr. Gray) is the only thing that can apologize for having done it.

The following letter ſeems to require ſome little preface, not ſo much becauſe it expreſſes Mr. Gray's juvenile ſentiments concerning the mode of our academical education, as that theſe ſentiments [12] prevailed with him through life, and that he often declared them, with ſo little reſerve, as to create him many enemies. It is certain that at the time when he was admitted, and for ſome years after, Jacobitiſm, and its concomitant hard drinking, prevailed ſtill at Cambridge, much to the prejudice not only of good manners but of good letters; for, if this ſpirit was then on the decline, it was not extinguiſhed till after the year 1745. But we ſee (as was natural enough in a young man) he laid the blame rather on the mode of education than the mode of the times; and to this error, the uncommon proficiency he had made at Eton in claſſical learning might contribute, as he found himſelf in a ſituation where that ſpecies of merit held not the firſt rank. However this be, it was neceſſary not to omit this feature of his mind, when employed in drawing a general likeneſs of it, and what colours could be found ſo forcible as his own to expreſs its true light and ſhadow? I would further obſerve, that whatever truth there might be in his ſatire at the time it was written, it can by no means affect the preſent ſtate of the univerſity. There is uſually a much greater fluctuation of taſte and manners in an academical, than a national body; occaſioned (to uſe a ſcholaſtic metaphor) by that very quick ſucceſſion of its component parts, which often goes near to deſtroy its perſonal identity. Whatever therefore may be true of ſuch a ſociety at one time, may be, and generally is, ten years after abſolutely falſe.

LETTER IV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

YOU muſt know that I do not take degrees, and, after this term, ſhall have nothing more of college impertinencies to undergo, which I truſt will be ſome pleaſure to you, as it is a [13] great one to me. I have endured lectures daily and hourly ſince I came laſt, ſupported by the hopes of being ſhortly at full liberty to give myſelf up to my friends and claſſical companions, who, poor ſouls! though I ſee them fallen into great contempt with moſt people here, yet I cannot help ſticking to them, and out of a ſpirit of obſtinacy (I think) love them the better for it; and indeed, what can I do elſe? Muſt I plunge into metaphyſics? Alas, I cannot ſee in the dark; nature has not furniſhed me with the optics of a cat. Muſt I pore upon mathematics? Alas, I cannot ſee in too much light; I am no eagle. It is very poſſible that two and two make four, but I would not give four farthings to demonſtrate this ever ſo clearly; and if theſe be the profits of life, give me the amuſements of it. The people I behold all around me, it ſeems, know all this and more, and yet I do not know one of them who inſpires me with any ambition of being like him. Surely it was of this place, now Cambridge, but formerly known by the name of Babylon, that the prophet ſpoke when he ſaid, ‘"the wild beaſts of the deſart ſhall dwell there, and their houſes ſhall be full of doleful creatures, and owls ſhall build there, and ſatyrs ſhall dance there; their forts and towers ſhall be a den for ever, a joy of wild aſſes; there ſhall the great owl make her neſt, and lay and hatch and gather under her ſhadow; it ſhall be a court of dragons; the ſcreech owl alſo ſhall reſt there, and find for herſelf a place of reſt."’ You ſee here is a pretty collection of deſolate animals, which is verified in this town to a tittle, and perhaps it may alſo allude to your habitation, for you know all types may be taken by abundance of handles; however, I defy your owls to match mine.

[14] If the default of your ſpirits and nerves be nothing but the effect of the hyp, I have no more to ſay. We all muſt ſubmit to that wayward Queen, I too in no ſmall degree own her ſway,

I feel her influence while I ſpeak her power.

But if it be a real diſtemper, pray take more care of your health, if not for your own at leaſt for our ſakes, and do not be ſo ſoon weary of this little world: I do not know what * refined friendſhips you may have contracted in the other, but pray do not be in a hurry to ſee your acquaintance above; among your terreſtrial familiars, however, though I ſay it that ſhould not ſay it, there poſitively is not one that has a greater eſteem for you than

Yours moſt ſincerely, &c.
*
This thought is very juvenile, but perhaps he meant to ridicule the affected manner of Mrs. Rowe's letters of the dead to the living; a book which was, I believe, publiſhed about this time.

LETTER V.

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

I Congratulate you on your being about to leave college, and rejoice much you carry no degrees with you. For I would not have had You dignified, and I not, for the world, you would have inſulted me ſo. My eyes, ſuch as they are, like yours, are neither metaphyſical nor mathematical; I have, nevertheleſs, a great [15] reſpect for your connoiſſeurs that way, but am always contented to be their humble admirer. Your collection of deſolate animals pleaſed me much; but Oxford, I can aſſure you, has her owls that match yours, and the prophecy has certainly a ſquint that way. Well, you are leaving this diſmal land of bondage, and which way are you turning your face? Your friends, indeed, may be happy in you, but what will you do with your claſſic companions? An inn of court is as horrid a place as a college, and a moot caſe is as dear to gentle dullneſs as a ſyllogiſm. But wherever you go, let me beg you not to throw poetry ‘"like a nauſeous weed away:"’ Cheriſh its ſweets in your boſom, they will ſerve you now and then to correct the diſguſting ſober follies of the common law, miſce ſtultitiam conſiliis brevem, dulce eſt deſipere in loco; ſo ſaid Horace to Virgil, thoſe two ſons of Anac in poetry, and ſo ſay I to you, in this degenerate land of pigmies,

Mix with your grave deſigns a little pleaſure,
Each day of buſineſs has its hour of leiſure.

In one of theſe hours I hope, dear ſir, you will ſometimes think of me, write to me, and know me yours,

[...]

that is, write freely to me and openly, as I do to you, and to give you a proof of it I have ſent you an elegy* of Tibullus tranſlated. Tibullus, you muſt know, is my favourite elegiac poet; for his language is more elegant and his thoughts more natural than Ovid's. Ovid excells him only in wit, of which no poet had more in my opinion. The reaſon I chooſe [16] ſo melancholy a kind of poeſie, is becauſe my low ſpirits and conſtant ill health (things in me not imaginary, as you ſurmiſe, but too real, alas! and, I fear, conſtitutional) ‘"have tuned my heart to elegies of woe;"’ and this likewiſe is the reaſon why I am the moſt irregular thing alive at college, for you may depend upon it I value my health above what they call diſcipline. As for this poor unlicked thing of an elegy, pray criticiſe it unmercifully, for I ſend it with that intent. Indeed your late tranſlation of Statius might have deterred me, but I know you are not more able to excell others, than you are apt to forgive the want of excellence, eſpecially when it is found in the productions of

Your moſt ſincere friend.
I ſuſpect that Mr. Weſt miſtook his correſpondent; who, in ſaying he did not take degrees, meant only to let his friend know that he ſhould ſoon be releaſed from lectures and diſputations. It is certain that Mr. Gray continued at college near two years after the time he wrote the preceding letter.
*
This I omit for the reaſon given in a preceding note, and for another alſo, becauſe it is not written in alternate but heroic rhyme; which I think is not the ſpecies of engliſh meaſure adapted to elegiac poetry.

LETTER VI.*

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WALPOLE.

YOU can never weary me with the repetition of any thing that makes me ſenſible of your kindneſs; ſince that has been the only idea of any ſocial happineſs that I have almoſt ever received, and which (begging your pardon for [17] thinking ſo differently from you in ſuch caſes) I would by no means have parted with for an exemption from all the uneaſineſſes mixed with it: But it would be unjuſt to imagine my taſte was any rule for yours; for which reaſon my letters are ſhorter and leſs frequent than they would be, had I any materials but myſelf to entertain you with. Love and brown ſugar muſt be a poor regale for one of your gout, and, alas! you know I am by trade a grocer.* Scandal (if I had any) is a merchandize you do not profeſs dealing in; now and then, indeed, and to oblige a friend, you may perhaps ſlip a little out of your pocket, as a decayed gentlewoman would a piece of right mecklin, or a little quantity of run tea, but this only now and then, not to make a practice of it. Monſters appertaining to this climate you have ſeen already, both wet and dry. So you perceive within how narrow bounds my pen is circumſcribed, and the whole contents of my ſhare in our correſpondence may be reduced under the two heads of 1ſt, You, 2dly, I; the firſt is, indeed, a ſubject to expatiate upon, but you might laugh at me for talking about what I do not underſtand; the ſecond is ſo tiny, ſo tireſome, that you ſhall hear no more of it than that it is ever

Yours.
*
Mr. Walpole, on my informing him that it was my intention to publiſh the principal part of Mr. Gray's correſpondence with Mr. Weſt, very obligingly communicated to me the letters which he had alſo received from Mr. Gray at the ſame period. From this collection I have ſelected ſuch as I thought would be moſt likely to pleaſe the generality of readers; omitting, though with regret, many of the more ſprightly and humourous ſort, becauſe either from their perſonality, or ſome other local circumſtance, they did not ſeem ſo well adapted to hit the public taſte. I ſhall ſay more upon this ſubject in a ſubſequent ſection, when I give my idea of Mr. Gray's peculiar vein of humour.
*
i. e. A man who deals only in coarſe and ordinary wares, to theſe he compares the plain ſincerity of his own friendſhip, undiſguiſed by flattery; which, had he choſen to carry on the alluſion, he might have termed the trade of a Confectioner.
[18]

LETTER VII.

Mr. WEST to Mr GRAY.

I Have been very ill, and am ſtill hardly recovered. Do you remember Elegy 5th, Book the 3d, of Tibullus, Vos tenet, &c. and do you remember a letter of Mr. Pope's, in ſickneſs, to Mr. Steele? This melancholy elegy and this melancholy letter I turned into a more melancholy epiſtle of my own, during my ſickneſs, in the way of imitation; and this I ſend to you and my friends at Cambridge not to divert them, for it cannot, but merely to ſhow them how ſincere I was when ſick: I hope my ſending it to them now may convince them I am no leſs ſincere, though perhaps more ſimple, when well.

AD AMICOS.*
Yes, happy youths, on Camus' ſedgy ſide,
You feel each joy that friendſhip can divide;
Each realm of ſcience and of art explore,
And with the antient blend the modern lore.
Studious alone to learn whate'er may tend
To raiſe the genius or the heart to mend;
Now pleas'd along the cloyſter'd walk you rove,
And trace the verdant mazes of the grove,
Where ſocial oft, and oft alone, ye chuſe
To catch the zephyr and to court the muſe.
[19] Mean time at me (while all devoid of art
Theſe lines give back the image of my heart)
At me the pow'r that comes or ſoon or late,
Or aims, or ſeems to aim, the dart of fate;
From you remote, methinks, alone I ſtand
Like ſome ſad exile in a deſert land;
Around no friends their lenient care to join
In mutual warmth, and mix their heart with mine.
Or real pains, or thoſe which fancy raiſe,
For ever blot the ſunſhine of my days;
To ſickneſs ſtill, and ſtill to grief a prey,
Health turns from me her roſy face away.
Juſt heav'n! what ſin, ere life begins to bloom,
Devotes my head untimely to the tomb;
Did e'er this hand againſt a brother's life
Drug the dire bowl or point the murd'rous knife?
Did e'er this tongue the ſlanderer's tale proclaim,
Or madly violate my Maker's name?
Did e'er this heart betray a friend or foe,
Or know a thought but all the world might know?
As yet juſt ſtarted from the liſts of time,
My growing years have ſcarcely told their prime;
Uſeleſs, as yet, through life I've idly run,
No pleaſures taſted, and few duties done.
* Ah, who, e'er autumn's mellowing ſuns appear,
Would pluck the promiſe of the vernal year;
[20] Or, ere the grapes their purple hue betray,
Tear the crude cluſter from the mourning ſpray.
Stern Power of Fate, whoſe ebon ſceptre rules
The Stygian deſerts and Cimmerian pools,
Forbear, nor raſhly ſmite my youthful heart,
A victim yet unworthy of thy dart;
Ah, ſtay till age ſhall blaſt my withering face,
Shake in my head, and falter in my pace;
Then aim the ſhaft, then meditate the blow,
* And to the dead my willing ſhade ſhall go.
How weak is Man to Reaſon's judging eye!
Born in this moment, in the next we die;
Part mortal clay, and part ethereal fire,
Too proud to creep, too humble to aſpire.
In vain our plans of happineſs we raiſe,
Pain is our lot, and patience is our praiſe;
Wealth, lineage, honours, conqueſt, or a throne,
Are what the wiſe would fear to call their own.
Health is at beſt a vain precarious thing,
And fair-fac'd youth is ever on the wing;
'Tis like the ſtream, aſide whoſe wat'ry bed
Some blooming plant exalts his flow'ry head,
[21] Nurs'd by the wave the ſpreading branches riſe,
Shade all the ground and flouriſh to the ſkies;
The waves the while beneath in ſecret flow,
And undermine the hollow bank below;
Wide and more wide the waters urge their way,
Bare all the roots and on their fibres prey.
Too late the plant bewails his fooliſh pride,
And ſinks, untimely, in the whelming tide.
But why repine, does life deſerve my ſigh?
Few will lament my loſs whene'er I die.
* For thoſe the wretches I deſpiſe or hate,
I neither envy nor regard their fate.
For me, whene'er all-conquering Death ſhall ſpread
His wings around my unrepining head,
I care not; though this face be ſeen no more,
The world will paſs as cheerful as before,
[22] Bright as before the day-ſtar will appear,
The fields as verdant, and the ſkies as clear;
Nor ſtorms nor comets will my doom declare,
Nor ſigns on earth, nor portents in the air;
Unknown and ſilent will depart my breath,
Nor Nature e'er take notice of my death.
Yet ſome there are (ere ſpent my vital days)
Within whoſe breaſts my tomb I wiſh to raiſe.
Lov'd in my life, lamented in my end,
Their praiſe would crown me as their precepts mend;
To them may theſe fond lines my name endear,
Not from the Poet but the Friend ſincere.
*
Almoſt all Tibullus's elegy is imitated in this little piece, from whence his tranſition to Mr. Pope's letter is very artfully contrived, and beſpeaks a degree of judgment much beyond Mr. Weſt's years.
*
Quid fraudare juvat vitem creſcentibus uvis?
Et modo nata mala vellere poma manu?
So the original. The paraphraſe ſeems to me infinitely more beautiful. There is a peculiar blemiſh in the ſecond line, ariſing from the ſynonimes mala and poma.
*
Here he quits Tibullus; the ten following verſes have but a remote reference to Mr. Pope's letter.
‘"Youth, at the very beſt, is but the betrayer of human life in a gentler and ſmoother manner than age; 'tis like the ſtream that nouriſhes a plant upon a bank, and cauſes it to flouriſh and bloſſom to the ſight, but at the ſame time is undermining it at the root in-ſecret." Pope's Works, vol. 7, page 254, 1ſt edit. Warburton.—Mr. Weſt, by prolonging his paraphraſe of this ſimile, gives it additional beauty from that very circumſtance, but he ought to have introduced it by Mr. Pope's own thought, ‘"Youth is a betrayer;"’ his couplet preceding the ſimile conveys too general a reflection.
*
‘"I am not at all uneaſy at the thought that many men, whom I never had any eſteem for, are likely to enjoy this world after me." Vide ibid.
‘"The morning after my exit the ſun will riſe as bright as ever, the flowers ſmell as ſweet, the plants ſpring as green;"’ ſo far Mr. Weſt copies his original, but inſtead of the following part of the ſentence ‘"People will laugh as heartily and marry as faſt as they uſed to do,"’ he inſerts a more ſolemn idea,
Nor ſtorms nor comets, &c.
juſtly perceiving that the elegiac turn of his epiſtle would not admit ſo ludicrous a thought, as was in its place in Mr. Pope's familiar letter; ſo that we ſee, young as he was, he had obtained the art of judiciouſly ſelecting, one of the firſt provinces of good taſte.

LETTER VIII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

AFTER a month's expectation of you, and a fortnight's deſpair, at Cambridge, I am come to town, and to better hopes of ſeeing you. If what you ſent me laſt be the product of your melancholy, what may I not expect from your more cheerful hours? For by this time the ill health that you complain of is (I hope) quite departed; though, if I were ſelf-intereſted, [23] I ought to wiſh for the continuance of any thing that could be the occaſion of ſo much pleaſure to me. Low ſpirits are my true and faithful companions; they get up with me, go to bed with me, make journeys and returns as I do; nay, and pay viſits, and will even affect to be jocoſe, and force a feeble laugh with me; but moſt commonly we ſit alone together, and are the prettieſt inſipid company in the world. However, when you come, I believe they muſt undergo the fate of all humble companions, and be diſcarded. Would I could turn them to the ſame uſe that you have done, and make an Apollo of them. If they could write ſuch verſes with me, not hartſhorn, nor ſpirit of amber, nor all that furniſhes the cloſet of an apothecary's widow, ſhould perſuade me to part with them: But, while I write to you, I hear the bad news of Lady Walpole's death on Saturday night laſt. Forgive me if the thought of what my poor Horace muſt feel on that account, obliges me to have done in reminding you that I am

Yours, &c.

LETTER IX.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WALPOLE.

I Was hindered in my laſt, and ſo could not give you all the trouble I would have done. The deſcription of a road, which your coach wheels have ſo often honoured, it would be needleſs to give you; ſuffice it that I arrived ſafe * at my Uncle's, who is a great hunter in imagination; his dogs take up every chair in the houſe, ſo I am forced to ſtand at this [24] preſent writing; and though the gout forbids him galloping after them in the field, yet he continues ſtill to regale his ears and noſe with their comfortable noiſe and ſtink. He holds me mighty cheap, I perceive, for walking when I ſhould ride, and reading when I ſhould hunt. My comfort amidſt all this is, that I have at the diſtance of half a mile, through a green lane, a foreſt (the vulgar call it a common) all my own, at leaſt as good as ſo, for I ſpy no human thing in it but myſelf. It is a little chaos of mountains and precipices; mountains, it is true, that do not aſcend much above the clouds, nor are the declivities quite ſo amazing as Dover cliff; but juſt ſuch hills as people who love their necks as well as I do may venture to climb, and craggs that give the eye as much pleaſure as if they were more dangerous: Both vale and hill are covered with moſt venerable beeches, and other very reverend vegetables, that, like moſt other antient people, are always dreaming out their old ſtories to the winds,

And as they bow their hoary tops relate,
In murm'ring ſounds, the dark decrees of fate;
While viſions, as poetic eyes avow,
Cling to each leaf and ſwarm on every bough.

At the foot of one of theſe ſquats me I, (Il penſeroſo) and there grow to the trunk for a whole morning. The timorous hare and ſportive ſquirrel gambol around me like Adam in Paradiſe, before he had an Eve; but I think he did not uſe to read Virgil, as I commonly do there. In this ſituation I often converſe with my Horace, aloud too, that is talk to you, but I do not remember that I ever heard you anſwer me. I beg pardon for taking all the converſation to myſelf, but it is entirely your own fault. We have old Mr. Southern at a Gentleman's [25] houſe a little way off, who often comes to ſee us; he is now ſeventy-ſeven years old,* and has almoſt wholly loſt his memory; but is as agreeable as an old man can be, at leaſt I perſuade myſelf ſo when I look at him, and think of Iſabella and Oroonoko. I ſhall be in Town in about three weeks. Adieu.

*
At Burnham in Buckinghamſhire.
*
He lived nine years longer, and died at the great age of eighty-ſix. Mr. Gray always thought highly of his pathetic powers, at the ſame time that he blamed his ill taſte for mixing them ſo injudiciouſly with farce, in order to produce that monſtrous ſpecies of compoſition called Tragi-comedy.

LETTER X.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WALPOLE.

I Sympathize with you in the ſufferings which you foreſee are coming upon you. We are both at preſent, I imagine, in no very agreeable ſituation; for my part I am under the miſfortune of having nothing to do, but it is a misfortune which, thank my ſtars, I can pretty well bear. You are in a confuſion of wine, and roaring, and hunting, and tobacco, and, heaven be praiſed, you too can pretty well bear it; while our evils are no more I believe we ſhall not much repine. I imagine, however, you will rather chooſe to converſe with the living dead, that adorn the walls of your apartments, than with the dead living that deck the middles of them; and prefer a picture of ſtill life to the realities of a noiſy one, and, as I gueſs, will imitate what you prefer, and for an hour or two at noon will [26] ſtick yourſelf up as formal as if you had been fixed in your frame for theſe hundred years, with a pink or roſe in one hand, and a great ſeal ring on the other. Your name, I aſſure you, has been propagated in theſe countries by a convert of yours, one **, he has brought over his whole family to you; they were before pretty good Whigs, but now they are abſolute Walpolians. We have hardly any body in the pariſh but knows exactly the dimenſions of the hall and ſaloon at Houghton, and begin to believe that the *lanthorn is not ſo great a conſumer of the fat of the land as diſaffected perſons have ſaid: For your reputation, we keep to ourſelves your not hunting nor drinking hogan, either of which here would be ſufficient to lay your honour in the duſt. To-morrow ſe'nnight I hope to be in Town, and not long after at Cambridge.

I am, &c.
At this time with his father at Houghton. Mr. Gray writes from the ſame place he did before, from his Uncle's houſe in Buckinghamſhire.
*
A favourite object of Tory ſatire at the time.

LETTER XI.

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

RECEIVING no Anſwer to my laſt letter, which I writ above a month ago, I muſt own I am a little uneaſy. The ſlight ſhadow of you which I had in town, has only ſerved to endear you to me the more. The moments I paſt with you made a ſtrong impreſſion upon me. I ſingled you out for a friend, and I would have you know me to be yours, if you deem me worthy.—Alas, Gray, you cannot imagine how miſerably my time paſſes away. My health and nerves and ſpirits [27] are, thank my ſtars, the very worſt, I think, in Oxford. Fourand-twenty hours of pure unalloy'd health together, are as unknown to me as the 400,000 characters in the Chineſe vocabulary. One of my complaints has of late been ſo over-civil as to viſit me regularly once a month—jam certus conviva. This is a painful nervous head-ach, which perhaps you have ſometimes heard me ſpeak of before. Give me leave to ſay, I find no phyſic comparable to your letters. If, as it is ſaid in Eccleſiaſticus, ‘"Friendſhip be the phyſic of the mind,"’ preſcribe to me, dear Gray, as often and as much as you think proper, I ſhall be a moſt obedient patient.

Non ego
Fidis iraſcar medicis, offendar amicis.

I venture here to write you down a Greek epigram,* which I lately turned into Latin, and hope you will excuſe it.

Perſpicui puerum ludentem in margine rivi
Immerſit vitreae limpidus error aquae:
At gelido ut mater moribundum e flumine traxit
Credula, & amplexu funus inane fovet;
Paulatim puer in dilecto pectore, ſomno
Languidus, aeternum lumina compoſuit.

[28] Adieu! I am going to my tutor's lectures on one Puffendorff, a very juriſprudent author as you ſhall read on a ſummer's day.

Believe me yours, &c.
*
Of Poſidippus. Vide Anthologia, H. Stephan. p. 220. Mr. Gray in his MS. notes to this edition of the Anthologia (of which I ſhall give an account in a ſubſequent ſection) inſerts this tranſlation, and adds ‘"Deſcriptio pulcherrima & quae tenuem illum graecorum ſpiritum mirificè ſapit;"’ and in concluſion, ‘"Poſidippus inter principes Anthologiae poetas emicat, Ptolemaei Philadelphi ſeculo vixit."’

LETTER XII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

LITERAS mi Favonî!* abs te demum nudiuſtertiùs, credo, accepi planè mellitas, niſi fortè quà de aegritudine quâdam tuâ dictum: atque hoc ſane mihi habitum eſt non paulò acerbiùs, quod te capitis morbo implicitum eſſe intellexi; oh morbum mihi quam odioſum! qui de induſtria id agit, ut ego in ſingulos menſes, dii boni, quantis jucunditatibus orbarer! quàm ex animo mihi dolendum eſt, quod

Medio de fonte leporum
Surgit amari aliquid.

Salutem mehercule, nolo, tam parvipendas, at (que) amicis tam improbè conſulas: quanquam tute fortaſſis—aeſtuas anguſto limite mundi, viam (que) (ut dicitur) affectas Olympo, nos tamen non eſſe tam ſublimes, utpote qui hiſce in ſordibus & faece diutius paululum verſari volumus, reminiſcendum eſt: illae tuae Muſae, ſi te ament modo, derelinqui pauliſper non nimis aegrè patientur: indulge, amabo te, pluſquam ſoles, corporis exercitationibus: magis te campus habeat, aprico magis te dedas otio, ut ne id [29] ingenium quod tam cultum curas, diligenter nimis dum foves, officioſarum matrum ritu, interimas. Vide quaeſo, quam [...] tecum agimus,

[...]
[...]

ſi de his pharmacis non ſatis liquet; ſunt feſtivitates merae; ſunt facetiae & riſus; quos ego equidem ſi adhibere nequeo, tamen ad praecipiendum (ut medicorum fere mos eſt) certè ſatis ſim; id, quod poeticé ſub finem epiſtolae luſiſti, mihi gratiſſimum quidem accidit; admodum latinè coctum & conditum tetraſticon, graecam tamen illam [...] mirificè ſapit: tu quod reſtat, vide, ſodes, hujuſce hominis ignorantiam; cum, unde hoc tibi ſit depromptum, (ut fatear) prorſus neſcio: ſane ego equidem nihil in capſis reperio quo tibi minimae partis ſolutio fiat. Vale, & me ut ſoles, ama.

*
Mr. Gray in all his latin compoſitions, addreſt to this Gentleman, calls him Favonius, in alluſion to the name of Weſt.

LETTER XIII.*

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

I Ought to anſwer you in Latin, but I feel I dare not enter the liſts with you—cupidum, pater optime, vires deficiunt. Seriouſly you write in that language with a grace and an Auguſtan urbanity that amazes me: Your Greek too is perfect in its kind. And here let me wonder that a man, longè graecorum [30] doctiſſimus, ſhould be at a loſs for the verſe and chapter whence my epigram is taken. I am ſorry I have not my Aldus with me that I might ſatisfy your curioſity; but he with all my other literary folks are left at Oxford, and therefore you muſt ſtill reſt in ſuſpence. I thank you again and again for your medical preſcription. I know very well that thoſe ‘"riſus feſtivitates & facetiae"’ would contribute greatly to my cure, but then you muſt be my apothecary as well as phyſician, and make up the doſe as well as direct it; ſend me, therefore, an electuary of theſe drugs, made up ſecundùm artem, ‘"et eris mihi magnus Apollo,"’ in both his capacities as a god of poets and god of phyſicians. Wiſh me joy of leaving my college, and leave yours as faſt as you can. I ſhall be ſettled at the Temple very ſoon.

*
This was written in French, but as I doubted whether it would ſtand the teſt of polite criticiſm ſo well as the preceding would of learned, I choſe to tranſlate ſo much of it as I thought neceſſary in order to preſerve the chain of correſpondence.

LETTER XIV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

* BARBARAS aedes aditure mecum
Quas Eris ſemper fovet inquieta,
Lis ubi latè ſonat, et togatum
Aeſtuat agmen!
[31]
Dulcius quanto, patulis ſub ulmi
Hoſpitae ramis temerè jacentem
Sic libris horas, tenui (que) inertes
Fallere Muſâ?
Saepe enim curis vagor expeditâ
Mente; dum, blandam meditans Camaenam,
Vix malo rori, meminive ſerae
Cedere nocti;
Et, pedes quò me rapiunt, in omni
Colle Parnaſſum videor videre
Fertilem ſylvae, gelidam (que) in omni
Fonte Aganippen.
Riſit & Ver me, facileſ (que) Nymphae
Nare captantem, nec ineleganti,
Manè quicquid de violis eundo
Surripit aura:
Me reclinatum teneram per herbam;
Quà leves curſus aqua cunque ducit,
Et moras dulci ſtrepitu lapillo
Nectit in omni.
Hae novo noſtrum ferè pectus anno
Simplices curae tenuere, coelum
Quamdiù ſudum explicuit Favonî
Purior hora:
[32]
Otia et campos nec adhuc relinquo,
Nec magis Phoebo Clytie fidelis;
(Ingruant venti licet, et ſeneſcat
Mollior aeſtas.)
Namque, ſeu, laetos hominum labores
Prata (que) & montes recreante curru,
Purpurâ tractus oriens Eoos
Veſtit, et auro;
Sedulus ſervo veneratus orbem
Prodigum ſplendoris: amaeniori
Sive dilectam meditatur igne
Pingere Calpen;
Uſque dum, fulgore magis magis jam
Languido circum, variata nubes
Labitur furtim, viridiſ (que) in umbras
Scena receſſit.
O ego felix, vice ſi (nec unquam
Surgerem rurſus) ſimili cadentem
Parca me lenis ſineret quieto
Fallere Letho!
Multà flagranti radiiſ (que) cincto
Integris ah! quam nihil inviderem,
Cum Dei ardentes medius quadrigas
Sentit Olympus?

[33] Ohe! amicule noſter, et unde, ſodes tu [...] adeò repente evaſiſti? jam te rogitaturum credo. Neſcio hercle, ſic planè habet. Quicquid enim nugarum [...] inter ambulandum in palimpſeſto ſcriptitavi, hiſce te maxumè impertiri viſum eſt, quippe quem probare, quod meum eſt, aut certè ignoſcere ſolitum probè novi: bonâ tuâ veniâ ſit ſi fortè videar in fine ſubtriſtior; nam riſui jamdudum ſalutem dixi; etiam paulò moeſtitiae ſtudioſiorem factum ſcias, promptumque, [...].

O lachrymarum fons, tenero ſacros
Ducentium ortus ex animo; quater
Felix! in imo qui ſcatentem
Pectore te, pia Nympha, ſenſit.

Sed de me ſatis. Cura ut valeas.

*
I chooſe to call this delicate Sapphic Ode the firſt original production of Mr. Gray's Muſe; for verſes impoſed either by ſchoolmaſters or tutors ought not, I think, to be taken into the conſideration. There is ſeldom a verſe that flows well from the pen of a real Poet if it does not flow voluntarily.

LETTER XV.

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

I Return you a thouſand thanks for your elegant ode, and wiſh you every joy you wiſh yourſelf in it. But, take my word for it, you will never ſpend ſo agreeable a day here as you deſcribe; alas! the ſun with us only riſes to ſhew us the way to Weſtminſter-Hall. Nor muſt I forget thanking you for your [34] little Alcaic fragment. The optic Naiads are infinitely obliged to you.

I was laſt week at Richmond Lodge, with Mr. Walpole, for two days, and dined with Cardinal Fleury; as far as my ſhort ſight can go, the character of his great art and penetration is very juſt, he is indeed

Nulli penetrabilis aſtro.

I go to-morrow to Epſom, where I ſhall be for about a month. Excuſe me, I am in haſte*, but believe me always, &c.

Sir Robert Walpole.
*
Mr. Weſt ſeems to have been, indeed, in haſte when he writ this letter; elſe, ſurely, his fine taſte would have led him to have been more profuſe in his praiſe of the Alcaic fragment. He might (I think) have ſaid, without paying too extravagant a compliment to Mr. Gray's genius, that no poet of the Auguſtan age ever produced four more perfect lines, or what would ſooner impoſe upon the beſt critic, as being a genuine antient compoſition.

LETTER XVI.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WALPOLE.

MY dear Sir, I ſhould ſay Mr. Inſpector General of the Exports and Imports; but that appellation would make but an odd figure in conjunction with the three familiar monoſyllables above written, for

Non benè conveniunt nec in unâ ſede morantur
Majeſtas & amor.

[35] Which is, being interpreted, Love does not live at the Cuſtomhouſe; however, by what ſtyle, title, or denomination ſoever you chooſe to be dignified or diſtinguiſhed hereafter, theſe three words will ſtick by you like a burr, and you can no more get quit of theſe and your chriſtian name than St. Anthony could of his pig. My motions at preſent (which you are pleaſed to aſk after) are much like thoſe of a pendulum or(*Dr. Longically ſpeaking) oſcillatory. I ſwing from Chapel or Hall home, and from home to Chapel or Hall. All the ſtrange incidents that happen in my journies and returns I ſhall be ſure to acquaint you with; the moſt wonderful is, that it now rains exceedingly, this has refreſhed the proſpect, as the way for the moſt part lies between green fields on either hand, terminated with buildings at ſome diſtance, caſtles, I preſume, and of great antiquity. The roads are very good, being, as I ſuſpect, the works of Julius Caeſar's army, for they ſtill preſerve, in many places, the appearance of a pavement in pretty good repair, and, if they were not ſo near home, might perhaps be as much admired as the Via Appia; there are at preſent ſeveral rivulets to be croſſed, and which ſerve to enliven the view all around. The country is exceeding fruitful in ravens and ſuch black cattle; but, not to tire you with my travels, I abruptly conclude

Yours, &c.
Mr. Walpole was juſt named to that poſt, which he exchanged ſoon after for that of Uſher of the Exchequer.
*
Dr. Long, the maſter of Pembroke Hall, at this time read lectures in experimental philoſophy.
All that follows is a humorouſly hyperbolic deſcription of the quadrangle of Peter-Houſe.
[36]

LETTER XVII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

I AM coming away all ſo faſt, and leaving behind me, without the leaſt remorſe, all the beauties of Sturbridge Fair. Its white bears may roar, its apes may wring their hands, and crocodiles cry their eyes out, all's one for that; I ſhall not once viſit them, nor ſo much as take my leave. The univerſity has publiſhed a ſevere edict againſt ſchiſmatical congregations, and created half a dozen new little procterlings to ſee its orders executed, being under mighty apprehenſions leſt Henley and his gilt tub ſhould come to the Fair and ſeduce their young ones; but their pains are to ſmall purpoſe, for lo, after all, he is not coming.

I am at this inſtant in the very agonies of leaving college, and would not wiſh the worſt of my enemies a worſe ſituation. If you knew the duſt, the old boxes, the bedſteads, and tutors that are about my ears, you would look upon this letter as a great effort of my reſolution and unconcernedneſs in the midſt of evils. I fill up my paper with a looſe ſort of verſion of that ſcene in Paſtor Fido that begins, Care ſelve beati.*

Orator Henley.
*
This Latin verſion is extremely elegiac, but as it is only a verſion I do not inſert it. Mr. Gray did not begin to learn Italian till about a year and a half before he tranſlated this ſcene; and I find amongſt his papers an engliſh tranſlation of part of the 4th Canto of Taſſo's Geruſalemma Liberata, done previouſly to this, which has great merit. In a letter to Mr. Weſt, dated March, 1737, he ſays, ‘"I learn Italian like any dragon, and in two months am got through the 16th book of Taſſo, whom I hold in great admiration: I want you to learn too, that I may know your opinion of him; nothing can be eaſier than that language to any one who knows Latin and French already, and there are few ſo copious and expreſſive."’ In the ſame letter he tells him, ‘"that his College has ſet him a verſifying on a public occaſion," (viz. thoſe verſes which are called Tripos) "on the theme of Luna eſt habitabilis."’ The poem, I believe, is to be found in the Muſae Etonenſes. I would further obſerve, on this occaſion, that though Mr. Gray had lately read and tranſlated Statius, yet when he attempted compoſition, his judgment immediately directed him to the beſt model of verſification; accordingly his hexameters are, as far as modern ones can be, after the manner of Virgil: They move in the ſucceſſion of his pauſes and cloſe with his eliſions.
[37]

LETTER XVIII.

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

I Thank you again and again for your two laſt moſt agreeable letters. They could not have come more a-propos; I was without any books to divert me, and they ſupplied the want of every thing: I made them my claſſics in the Country, they were my Horace and Tibullus—Non ita loquor aſſentandi causâ ut probè noſti ſi me noris, verum quia ſic mea eſt ſententia. I am but juſt come to Town, and, to ſhew you my eſteem of your favours, I venture to ſend you by the penny poſt, to your Father's, what you will find on the next page; I hope it will reach you ſoon after your arrival, your boxes out of the waggon, yourſelf out of the coach, and tutors out of your memory.

Adieu, we ſhall ſee one another, I hope, to-morrow.

[38]
ELEGIA.
Quod mihi tam gratae miſiſti dona Camaenae,
Qualia Maenalius Pan Deus ipſe velit,
Amplector te, Graie, et toto corde repoſco,
Oh deſiderium jam nimis uſque meum:
Et mihi rura placent, & me quo (que) ſaepe volentem
Duxerunt Dryades per ſua prata Deae;
Sicubi lympha fugit liquido pede, ſive virentem,
Magna decus nemoris, quercus opacat humum:
Illue mane novo vagor, illuc veſpere ſero,
Et, noto ut jacui gramine, nota cano.
Nec noſtrae ignorant divinam Amaryllida ſylvae:
Ah, ſi deſit amor, nil mihi rura placent.
Ille jugis habitat Deus, ille in vallibus imis,
Regnat et in Coelis, regnat & Oceano;
Ille gregem tauroſ (que) domat, ſaevi (que) leonem
Seminis; ille feros, ultus Adonin, apros:
Quin & fervet amore nemus, ramo (que) ſub omni
Concentu tremulo plurima gaudet avis.
Durae etiam in ſylvis agitant connubia plantae,
Dura etiam & fertur ſaxa animaſſe Venus.
Durior & ſaxis, & robore durior ille eſt,
Sincero ſiquis pectore amare vetat:
Non illi in manibus ſanctum deponere pignus,
Non illi arcanum cor aperire velim;
Neſcit amicitias, teneros qui neſcit amores:
Ah! ſi nulla Venus, nil mihi rura placent.
Me licet a patriâ longè in tellure juberent
Externâ poſitum ducere fata dies;
[39] Si vultus modo amatus adeſſet, non ego contra
Plorarem magnos voce querente Deos.
At dulci in gremio curarum oblivia ducens
Nil cuperem praeter poſſe placere meae;
Nec bona fortunae aſpiciens, ne (que) munera regum,
Illa intrà optarem brachia cara mori.

Mr. Gray, on his return to Town, continued at his father's houſe in Cornhill till the March following, in which interval Mr. Walpole being diſinclined to enter ſo early into the buſineſs of Parliament, prevailed on Sir Robert Walpole to permit him to go abroad, and on Mr. Gray (as was ſaid before) to be the companion of his travels. Mr. Weſt ſpent the greateſt part of the winter with his mother and ſiſter at Epſom, during which time a letter or two more paſſed between the two friends. But theſe I think it unneceſſary to inſert, as I have already given ſufficient ſpecimens of the bloſſoms of their Genius. The Reader of taſte and candour will, I truſt, conſider them only as ſuch; yet will be led to think that, as the one produced afterwards ‘"fruits worthy of paradiſe,"’ the other, had he lived longer, would alſo have produced them.

END OF THE FIRST SECTION.

SECTION THE SECOND.

[]

AS I allot this Section entirely to that part of Mr. Gray's life, which he ſpent in travelling through France and Italy, my province will be chiefly that of an Editor; and my only care to ſelect, from a large collection of letters written to his parents and to his friend Mr. Weſt, thoſe parts which, I imagine, will be moſt likely either to inform or amuſe the reader. The multiplicity of accounts, publiſhed, both before and after the time when theſe letters were written, of thoſe very places which Mr. Gray deſcribes, will neceſſarily take from them much of their novelty; yet the elegant eaſe of his epiſtolary ſtyle has a charm in it for all readers of true taſte, that will make every apology of this ſort needleſs. They will perceive, that as theſe letters were written without even the moſt diſtant view of publication, they are eſſentially different in their manner of deſcription from any other that have either preceded or followed them; add to this, that they are interſperſed occaſionally with ſome exquiſitely finiſhed pieces of Latin poetry, which he compoſed on the ſpot for the entertainment of his friend. But not to anticipate any part of the reader's pleaſure, I ſhall only further ſay, to forewarn him of a diſappointment, that this correſpondence is defective towards the end, and includes no deſcription either of Venice or its territory; the laſt places which Mr. Gray viſited. This defect was occaſioned by an unfortunate diſagreement between him and Mr. Walpole, [41] ariſing from the difference of their tempers. The former being, from his earlieſt years, curious, penſive, and philoſophical; the latter gay, lively, and, conſequently, inconſiderate: * this therefore occaſioned their ſeparation at Reggio. Mr. Gray went before him to Venice; and ſtaying there only till he could find means of returning to England, he made the beſt of his way home, repaſſing the Alps, and following almoſt the ſame route through France by which he had before gone to Italy.

LETTER I.

Mr. GRAY to his MOTHER.

AS we made but a very ſhort journey to-day, and came to our inn early, I ſit down to give you ſome account of our expedition. On the 29th (according to the ſtyle here) we left Dover at twelve at noon, and with a pretty briſk gale, which pleaſed every body mighty well, except myſelf who was extremely ſick the whole time; we reached Calais by five: The weather changed, and it began to ſnow hard the minute we came into the harbour, where we took the boat, and ſoon landed. Calais is an exceeding old, but very pretty town, and [42] we hardly ſaw any thing there that was not ſo new and ſo different from England, that it ſurprized us agreeably. We went the next morning to the great Church, and were at high Maſs (it being Eaſter Monday). We ſaw alſo the Convent of the Capuchins, and the Nuns of St. Dominic; with theſe laſt we held much converſation, eſpecially with an Engliſh Nun, a Mrs. Davis, of whoſe work I ſent you, by the return of the Pacquet, a letter-caſe to remember her by. In the afternoon we took a Poſt-chaiſe (it ſtill ſnowing very hard) for Boulogne, which was only eighteen miles further. This chaiſe is a ſtrange ſort of conveyance, of much greater uſe than beauty, reſembling an ill-ſhaped chariot, only with the door opening before inſtead of the ſide; three horſes draw it, one between the ſhafts, and the other two on each ſide, on one of which the poſtillion rides, and drives too:* This vehicle will, upon occaſion, go fourſcore miles a-day, but Mr. Walpole, being in no hurry, chooſes to make eaſy journeys of it, and they are eaſy ones indeed; for the motion is much like that of a ſedan, we go about ſix miles an hour, and commonly change horſes at the end of it: It is true they are no very graceful ſteeds, but they go well, and through roads which they ſay are bad for France, but to me they ſeem gravel walks and bowling-greens; in ſhort it would be the fineſt travelling in the world, were it not for the inns, which are moſtly terrible places indeed. But to deſcribe our progreſs ſomewhat more regularly, we came into Boulogne when it was almoſt dark, and went out pretty early on Tueſday morning; ſo that all I can ſay about it is, that it is a large, old, fortified town, [43] with more Engliſh in it than French. On Tueſday we were to go to Abbéville, ſeventeen leagues, or fifty-one ſhort Engliſh miles; but by the way we dined at Montreuil, much to our hearts' content, on ſtinking mutton cutlets, addle eggs, and ditch water. Madame the hoſteſs made her appearance in long lappets of bone lace and a ſack of linſey-woolſey. We ſupped and lodged pretty well at Abbéville, and had time to ſee a little of it before we came out this morning. There are ſeventeen convents in it, out of which we ſaw the chapels of the Minims and the Carmelite Nuns. We are now come further thirty miles to Amiens, the chief city of the province of Picardy. We have ſeen the cathedral, which is juſt what that of Canterbury muſt have been before the reformation. It is about the ſame ſize, a huge Gothic building, beſet on the outſide with thouſands of ſmall ſtatues, and within adorned with beautiful painted windows, and a vaſt number of chapels dreſſed out in all their finery of altar-pieces, embroidery, gilding, and marble. Over the high altar is preſerved, in a very large wrought ſhrine of maſſy gold, the reliques of St. Firmin, their patron ſaint. We went alſo to the chapels of the Jeſuits and Urſuline Nuns, the latter of which is very richly adorned. Tomorrow we ſhall lie at Clermont, and next day reach Paris. The country we have paſſed through hitherto has been flat, open, but agreeably diverſified with villages, fields well-cultivated, and little rivers. On every hillock is a wind-mill, a crucifix, or a Virgin Mary dreſſed in Flowers, and a ſarcenet robe; one ſees many people or carriages on the road; now and then indeed you meet a ſtrolling friar, a country-man with his great muff, or a woman riding aſtride on a little aſs, with ſhort petticoats, and a great head-dreſs of blue wool. ***

*
This was before the introduction of Poſt-chaiſes here, elſe it would not have appeared a circumſtance worthy notice.
[44]

LETTER II.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

ENFIN donc me voici à Paris. Mr. Walpole is gone out to ſupper at Lord Conway's, and here I remain alone, though invited too. Do not think I make a merit of writing to you preferably to a good ſupper; for theſe three days we have been here, have actually given me an averſion to eating in general. If hunger be the beſt ſauce to meat, the French are certainly the worſt cooks in the world; for what tables we have ſeen have been ſo delicately ſerved, and ſo profuſely, that, after riſing from one of them, one imagines it impoſſible ever to eat again. And now, if I tell you all I have in my head, you will believe me mad, mais n'importe, courage, allons! for if I wait till my head grow clear and ſettle a little, you may ſtay long enough for a letter. Six days have we been coming hither, which other people do in two; they have not been diſagreeable ones; through a fine, open country, admirable roads, and in an eaſy conveyance; the inns not abſolutely intolerable, and images quite unuſual preſenting themſelves on all hands. At Amiens we ſaw the fine cathedral, and eat paté des perdrix; paſſed through the park of Chantilly by the Duke of Bourbon's palace, which we only beheld as we paſſed; broke down at Luſarch; ſtopt at St. Denis, ſaw all the beautiful monuments of the Kings of France, and the vaſt treaſures of the abbey, rubies, and emeralds as big as ſmall eggs, crucifixes, and vows, crowns and reliquaries, of ineſtimable value; but of all their curioſities the thing the moſt to our taſtes, and which they indeed [45] do the juſtice to eſteem the glory of their collection, was a vaſe of an entire onyx, meaſuring at leaſt five inches over, three deep, and of great thickneſs. It is at leaſt two thouſand years old, the beauty of the ſtone and ſculpture upon it (repreſenting the myſteries of Bacchus) beyond expreſſion admirable; we have dreamed of it ever ſince. The jolly old Benedictine, that ſhowed us the treaſures, had in his youth been ten years a ſoldier; he laughed at all the reliques, was very full of ſtories, and mighty obliging. On Saturday Evening we got to Paris, and were driving through the ſtreets a long while before we knew where we were. The minute we came, voila Milors Holderneſſe, Conway, and his brother; all ſtayed ſupper, and till two o'clock in the morning, for here nobody ever ſleeps; it is not the way: Next day go to dine at my Lord Holderneſſe's, there was the Abbé Prevôt, author of the Cleveland, and ſeveral other pieces much eſteemed; the reſt were Engliſh. At night we went to the Pandore; a ſpectácle literally, for it is nothing but a beautiful piece of machinery of three ſcenes. The firſt repreſents the chaos, and by degrees the ſeparation of the elements. The ſecond, the temple of Jupiter, and the giving of the box to Pandora. The third, the opening of the box, and all the miſchiefs that enſued. An abſurd deſign, but executed in the higheſt perfection, and that in one of the fineſt theatres in the world; it is the grande ſale des machines in the Palais des Tuileries. Next day dined at Lord Waldegrave's; then to the opera. Imagine to yourſelf for the drama four acts entirely unconnected with each other, each founded on ſome little hiſtory, ſkilfully taken out of an ancient author, e. g. Ovid's Metamorphoſes, &c. and with great addreſs converted into a French piece of gallantry. For inſtance, that which I [46] ſaw, called the Ballet de la Paix, had its firſt act built upon the ſtory of Nereus. Homer having ſaid he was the handſomeſt man of his time, the poet, imagining ſuch a one could not want a miſtreſs, has given him one. Theſe two come in and ſing ſentiment in lamentable ſtrains, neither air nor recitative; only, to one's great joy, they are every now and then interrupted by a dance, or (to one's great ſorrow) by a chorus that borders the ſtage from one end to the other, and ſcreams, paſt all power of ſimile to repreſent. The ſecond act was Baucis and Philemon. Baucis is a beautiful young ſhepherdeſs, and Philemon her ſwain. Jupiter falls in love with her, but nothing will prevail upon her; ſo it is all mighty well, and the chorus ſing and dance the praiſes of Conſtancy. The two other acts were about Iphis and Ianthe, and the Judgment of Paris. Imagine, I ſay, all this tranſacted by cracked voices, trilling diviſions upon two notes and a half, accompanied by an orcheſtra of humſtrums, and a whole houſe more attentive than if Farinelli ſung, and you will almoſt have formed a juſt notion of the thing.* Our aſtoniſhment at their abſurdity you can never conceive; we had enough to do to expreſs it by ſcreaming an hour louder than the whole dramatis perſonae. We have alſo ſeen twice the Comedie Françoiſe; firſt, the Mahomet Second, a tragedy that has had a great run of late; and the thing itſelf does not want its beauties, but the actors are beyond meaſure delightful. Mademoiſelle Gouſſin (Mr. Voltaire's Zara) has with [47] a charming (though little) perſon the moſt pathetic tone of voice, the fineſt expreſſion in her face, and moſt proper action imaginable. There is alſo a Dufrêne, who did the chief character, a handſome man and a prodigious fine actor. The ſecond we ſaw was the Philoſophe marié, and here they performed as well in comedy; there is a Mademoiſelle Quinault, ſomewhat in Mrs. Clive's way, and a Monſieur Grandval, in the nature of Wilks, who is the genteeleſt thing in the world. There are ſeveral more would be much admired in England, and many (whom we have not ſeen) much celebrated here. Great part of our time is ſpent in ſeeing churches and palaces full of fine pictures, &c. the quarter of which is not yet exhauſted. For my part, I could entertain myſelf this month merely with the common ſtreets and the people in them. ***

*
Our author's ſentiments here ſeem to correſpond entirely with thoſe which J. J. Rouſſeau afterwards publiſhed in his famous Lettre ſur la Muſique Françoîſe. In a french letter alſo, which Mr. Gray writ to his friend ſoon after this, he calls their muſic ‘"des miaulemens & des heurlemens effroyables, melés avec un tintamarre du diable: voilà la muſique Françoiſe en abregé."’

LETTER III.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

AFTER the little particulars aforeſaid I ſhould have proceeded to a journal of our tranſactions for this week paſt, ſhould have carried you poſt from hence to Verſailles, hurried you through the gardens to Trianon, back again to Paris, ſo away to Chantilly. But the fatigue is perhaps more than you can bear, and moreover I think I have reaſon to ſtomach your laſt piece of gravity. Suppoſing you were in your ſobereſt mood, I am ſorry you ſhould think me capable of ever being ſo diſſipé, ſo evaporé, as not to be in a condition of [48] reliſhing any thing you could ſay to me. And now, if you have a mind to make your peace with me, arouſe ye from your megrims and your melancholies, and (for exerciſe is good for you) throw away your night-cap, call for your jack-boots, and ſet out with me, laſt Saturday evening, for Verſailles—and ſo at eight o'clock, paſſing through a road ſpeckled with vines, and villas, and hares, and partridges, we arrive at the great avenue, flanked on either hand with a double row of trees about half a mile long, and with the palace itſelf to terminate the view; facing which, on each ſide of you is placed a ſemicircle of very handſome buildings, which form the ſtables. Theſe we will not enter into, becauſe you know we are no jockies. Well! and is this the great front of Verſailles? What a huge heap of littleneſs! it is compoſed, as it were, of three courts, all open to the eye at once, and gradually diminiſhing till you come to the royal apartments, which on this ſide preſent but half a dozen windows and a balcony. This laſt is all that can be called a front, for the reſt is only great wings. The hue of all this maſs is black, dirty red, and yellow; the firſt proceeding from ſtone changed by age; the ſecond, from a mixture of brick; and the laſt, from a profuſion of tarniſhed gilding. You cannot ſee a more diſagreeable tout-enſemble; and, to finiſh the matter, it is all ſtuck over in many places with ſmall buſts of a tawny hue between every window. We paſs through this to go into the garden, and here the caſe is indeed altered; nothing can be vaſter and more magnificent than the back front; before it a very ſpacious terrace ſpreads itſelf, adorned with two large baſons; theſe are bordered and lined (as moſt of the others) with white marble, with handſome ſtatues of bronze reclined on their edges. From [49] hence you deſcend a huge flight of ſteps into a ſemi-circle formed by woods, that are cut all round into niches, which are filled with beautiful copies of all the famous antique ſtatues in white marble. Juſt in the midſt is the baſon of Latona; ſhe and her children are ſtanding on the top of a rock in the middle, on the ſides of which are the peaſants, ſome half, ſome totally changed into frogs, all which throw out water at her in great plenty. From this place runs on the great alley, which brings you into a complete round, where is the baſon of Apollo, the biggeſt in the gardens. He is riſing in his car out of the water, ſurrounded by nymphs and tritons, all in bronze, and finely executed, and theſe, as they play, raiſe a perfect ſtorm about him; beyond this is the great canal, a prodigious long piece of water, that terminates the whole: All this you have at one coup d'oeil in entering the garden, which is truly great. I cannot ſay as much of the general taſte of the place; every thing you behold ſavours too much of art; all is forced, all is conſtrained about you; ſtatues and vaſes ſowed every where without diſtinction; ſugar-loaves and minced-pies of yew; ſcrawl-work of box, and little ſquirting jets-d'eau, beſides a great ſameneſs in the walks, cannot help ſtriking one at firſt ſight, not to mention the ſillieſt of labyrinths, and all Aeſop's fables in water; ſince theſe were deſigned in uſum Delphini only. Here then we walk by moonlight, and hear the ladies and the nightingales ſing. Next morning, being Whitſunday, make ready to go to the Inſtallation of nine Knights du Saint Eſprit, Cambis is one: high maſs celebrated with muſic, great croud, much incenſe, King, Queen, Dauphin, Meſdames, Cardinals, and Court: Knights arrayed by his majeſty; reverences before the altar, not bows, but [50] curtſies; ſtiff hams; much tittering among the ladies; trumpets, kettle-drums and fifes. My dear Weſt, I am vaſtly delighted with Trianon, all of us with Chantilly; if you would know why, you muſt have patience, for I can hold my pen no longer, except to tell you that I ſaw Britannicus laſt Night; all the characters, particularly Agrippina and Nero, done to perfection; to-morrow Phaedra and Hippolitus. We are making you a little bundle of petites pieces; there is nothing in them, but they are acting at preſent; there are too Crebillon's Letters, and Amuſemens ſur le langage des Bêtes, ſaid to be of one Bougeant, a Jeſuit; they are both eſteemed, and lately come out. This day ſe'nnight we go to Rheims.

LETTER IV.

Mr. GRAY to his MOTHER.

WE have now been ſettled almoſt three weeks in this city, which is more conſiderable upon account of its ſize and antiquity, than from the number of its inhabitants, or any advantages of commerce. There is little in it worth a ſtranger's curioſity, beſides the cathedral church, which is a vaſt Gothick building of a ſurprizing beauty and lightneſs, all covered over with a profuſion of little ſtatues and other ornaments. It is here the Kings of France are crowned by the Archbiſhop of Rheims, who is the firſt Peer, and the Primate of the kingdom: The holy veſſel made uſe of on that occaſion, which contains the oil, is kept in the church of St. Nicaſius [51] hard by, and is believed to have been brought by an angel from heaven at the coronation of Clovis, the firſt chriſtian king. The ſtreets in general have but a melancholy aſpect, the houſes all old; the public walks run along the ſide of a great moat under the ramparts, where one hears a continual croaking of frogs; the country round about is one great plain covered with vines, which at this time of the year afford no very pleaſing proſpect, as being not above a foot high. What pleaſures the place denies to the ſight, it makes up to the palate; ſince you have nothing to drink but the beſt champaigne in the world, and all ſort of proviſions equally good. As to other pleaſures, there is not that freedom of converſation among the people of faſhion here, that one ſees in other parts of France; for though they are not very numerous in this place, and conſequently muſt live a good deal together, yet they never come to any great familiarity with one another. As my Lord Conway had ſpent a good part of his time among them, his brother, and we with him, were ſoon introduced into all their aſſemblies: As ſoon as you enter, the lady of the houſe preſents each of you a card, and offers you a party at quadrille; you ſit down, and play forty deals without intermiſſion, excepting one quarter of an hour, when every body riſes to eat of what they call the gouter, which ſupplies the place of our tea, and is a ſervice of wine, fruits, cream, ſweetmeats, crawfiſh, and cheeſe. People take what they like, and ſit down again to play; after that, they make little parties to go to the walks together, and then all the company retire to their ſeparate habitations. Very ſeldom any ſuppers or dinners are given; and this is the manner they live among one another; not ſo much out of any averſion they have to pleaſure, as out of a ſort of formality they have contracted [52] by not being much frequented by people who have lived at Paris. It is ſure they do not hate gaiety any more than the reſt of their country-people, and can enter into diverſions, that are once propoſed, with a good grace enough; for inſtance, the other evening we happened to be got together in a company of eighteen people, men and women of the beſt faſhion here, at a garden in the town to walk; when one of the ladies bethought herſelf of aſking, Why ſhould not we ſup here? Immediately the cloth was laid by the ſide of a fountain under the trees, and a very elegant ſupper ſerved up; after which another ſaid, Come, let us ſing; and directly began herſelf: From ſinging we inſenſibly fell to dancing, and ſinging in a round; when ſomebody mentioned the violins, and immediately a company of them was ordered: Minuets were begun in the open air, and then came country-dances, which held till four o'Clock next morning; at which hour the gayeſt lady there propoſed, that ſuch as were weary ſhould get into their coaches, and the reſt of them ſhould dance before them with the muſic in the van; and in this manner we paraded through all the principal ſtreets of the city, and waked every body in it. Mr. Walpole had a mind to make a cuſtom of the thing, and would have given a ball in the ſame manner next week, but the women did not come into it; ſo I believe it will drop, and they will return to their dull cards, and uſual formalities. We are not to ſtay above a month longer here, and ſhall then go to Dijon, the chief city of Burgundy, a very ſplendid and a very gay town; at leaſt ſuch is the preſent deſign.

[53]

LETTER V.

Mr. GRAY to his FATHER.

WE have made three ſhort days journey of it from Rheims hither, where we arrived the night before laſt: The road we have paſſed through has been extremely agreeable; it runs through the moſt fertile part of Champaigne by the ſide of the river Marne, with a chain of hills on each hand at ſome diſtance, entirely covered with woods and vineyards, and every now and then the ruins of ſome old caſtle on their tops; we lay at St. Dizier the firſt night, and at Langres the ſecond, and got hither the next evening time enough to have a full view of this city in entering it: It lies in a very extenſive plain covered with vines and corn, and conſequently is plentifully ſupplied with both. I need not tell you that it is the chief city of Burgundy, nor that it is of great antiquity; conſidering which one ſhould imagine it ought to be larger than one finds it. However, what it wants in extent, is made up in beauty and cleanlineſs, and in rich convents and churches, moſt of which we have ſeen. The palace of the States is a magnificent new building, where the Duke of Bourbon is lodged when he comes every three years to hold that Aſſembly, as governour of the Province. A quarter of a mile out of the town is a famous Abbey of Carthuſians, which we are juſt returned from ſeeing. In their chapel are the tombs of the ancient Dukes of Burgundy, that were ſo powerful, till at the death of Charles the Bold, the laſt of them, this part of his dominions was united by Lewis XI. to the crown of France. To-morrow we [54] are to pay a viſit to the Abbot of the Ciſtercians, who lives a few leagues off, and who uſes to receive all ſtrangers with great civility; his Abbey is one of the richeſt in the kingdom; he keeps open houſe always, and lives with great magnificence. We have ſeen enough of this town already, to make us regret the time we ſpent at Rheims; it is full of people of condition, who ſeem to form a much more agreeable ſociety than we found in Champaigne; but as we ſhall ſtay here but two or three days longer, it is not worth while to be introduced into their houſes. On Monday or Tueſday we are to ſet out for Lyons, which is two days journey diſtant, and from thence you ſhall hear again from me.

LETTER VI.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

SCavez vous bien, mon cher ami, que je vous hais, que je vous deteſte? voila des termes un peu fortes; and that will ſave me, upon a juſt computation, a page of paper and ſix drops of ink; which, if I confined myſelf to reproaches of a more moderate nature, I ſhould be obliged to employ in uſing you according to your deſerts. What! to let any body reſide three months at Rheims, and write but once to them? Pleaſe to conſult Tully de Amicit. page 5, line 25, and you will find it ſaid in expreſs terms, ‘"Ad amicum inter Remos relegatum menſe uno quinquies ſcriptum eſto;"’ nothing more plain, or leſs liable to falſe interpretations. Now becauſe, I ſuppoſe, it will [55] give you pain to know we are in being, I take this opportunity to tell you that we are at the ancient and celebrated Lugdunum, a city ſituated upon the confluence of the Rhône and Saône (Arar, I ſhould ſay) two people, who though of tempers extremely unlike, think fit to join hands here, and make a little party to travel to the Mediterranean in company; the lady comes gliding along through the fruitful plains of Burgundy, incredibili lenitate, ita ut oculis in utram partem fluit judicari non poſſit; the gentleman runs all rough and roaring down from the mountains of Switzerland to meet her; and with all her ſoft airs ſhe likes him never the worſe; ſhe goes through the middle of the city in ſtate, and he paſſes incog. without the walls, but waits for her a little below. The houſes here are ſo high, and the ſtreets ſo narrow, as would be ſufficient to render Lyons the diſmalleſt place in the world, but the number of people, and the face of commerce diffuſed about it, are, at leaſt, as ſufficient to make it the livelieſt: Between theſe two ſufficiencies, you will be in doubt what to think of it; ſo we ſhall leave the city, and proceed to its environs, which are beautiful beyond expreſſion; it is ſurrounded with mountains, and thoſe mountains all bedroped and beſpeckled with houſes, gardens, and plantations of the rich Bourgeois, who have from thence a proſpect of the city in the vale below on one hand, on the other the rich plains of the Lyonnois, with the rivers winding among them, and the Alps, with the mountains of Dauphiné, to bound the view. All yeſterday morning we were buſied in climbing up Mount Fourviere, where the ancient city ſtood perched at ſuch a height, that nothing but the hopes of gain could certainly ever perſuade their neighbours to pay them a viſit: Here are the ruins of the [56] Emperor's palaces, that reſided here, that is to ſay, Auguſtus and Severus; they conſiſt in nothing but great maſſes of old wall, that have only their quality to make them reſpected. In a vineyard of the Minims are remains of a theatre; the Fathers, whom they belong to, hold them in no eſteem at all, and would have ſhowed us their ſacriſty and chapel inſtead of them: The Urſuline Nuns have in their garden ſome Roman baths, but we having the misfortune to be men, and heretics, they did not think proper to admit us. Hard by are eight arches of a moſt magnificent aqueduct, ſaid to be erected by Antony, when his legions were quartered here: There are many other parts of it diſperſed up and down the country, for it brought the water from a river many leagues off in La Forez. Here are remains too of Agrippa's ſeven great roads which met at Lyons; in ſome places they lie twelve feet deep in the ground: In ſhort, a thouſand matters that you ſhall not know, till you give me a deſcription of the Païs de Tombridge, and the effect its waters have upon you.

LETTER VII.

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

IF wiſhes could turn to realities, I would fling down my law books, and ſup with you to-night. But, alas, here am I doomed to fix, while you are fluttering from city to city, and enjoying all the pleaſures which a gay climate can afford. It is out of the power of my heart to envy you your good fortune, [57] yet I cannot help indulging a few natural deſires; as for example, to take a walk with you on the banks of the Rhône, and to be climbing up mount Fourviere;

Jam mens praetrepidans avet vagari:
Jam laeti ſtudio pedes vigeſcunt.

However, ſo long as I am not deprived of your correſpondence, ſo long ſhall I always find ſome pleaſure in being at home. And, ſetting all vain curioſity aſide, when the fit is over, and my reaſon begins to come to herſelf, I have ſeveral other powerful motives which might eaſily cure me of my reſtleſs inclinations: Amongſt theſe, my Mother's ill ſtate of health is not the leaſt; which was the reaſon of our going to Tunbridge, ſo that you cannot expect much deſcription or amuſement from thence. Nor indeed is there much room for either; for all diverſions there may be reduced to two articles, gaming and going to church. They were pleaſed to publiſh certain Tunbrigiana this ſeaſon; but ſuch ana! I believe there were never ſo many vile little verſes put together before. So much for Tunbridge: London affords me as little to ſay. What! ſo huge a town as London? Yes, conſider only how I live in that town. I never go into the gay world or high world, and conſequently receive nothing from thence to brighten my imagination. The buſy world I leave to the buſy; and am reſolved never to talk politics till I can act at the ſame time. To tell old ſtories, or prate of old books, ſeems a little muſty; and toujours Chapon bouilli, won't do. However, for want of better fare, take another little mouthful of my poetry.

O meae jucunda comes quietis!
Quae ferè aegrotum ſolita es levare
Pectus, et ſenſim ah! nimis ingruentes
Fallere curas:
[58] Quid canes? quanto Lyra dic furore
Geſties, quando hâc reducem ſodalem
Glauciam* gaudere ſimul videbis
Méque ſub umbrâ?
*
He gives Mr. Gray the name of Glaucias frequently in his Latin verſe, as Mr. Gray calls him Favonius.

LETTER VIII.

Mr. GRAY to his MOTHER.

IT is now almoſt five weeks ſince I left Dijon, one of the gayeſt and moſt agreeable little cities of France, for Lyons, its reverſe in all theſe particulars. It is the ſecond in the kingdom in bigneſs and rank, the ſtreets exceſſively narrow and naſty; the houſes immenſely high and large; (that, for inſtance, where we are lodged, has twenty-five rooms on a floor, and that for five ſtories) it ſwarms with inhabitants like Paris itſelf, but chiefly a mercantile people, too much given up to commerce to think of their own, much leſs of a ſtranger's diverſions. We have no acquaintance in the town, but ſuch Engliſh as happen to be paſſing through here, in their way to Italy and the South, which at preſent happen to be near thirty in number. It is a fortnight ſince we ſet out from hence upon a little excurſion to Geneva. We took the longeſt road, which lies through Savoy, on purpoſe to ſee a famous monaſtery, called the grand Chartreuſe, and had no reaſon to think our time loſt. After having travelled ſeven days very ſlow (for we [59] did not change horſes, it being impoſſible for a chaiſe to go poſt in theſe roads) we arrived at a little village, among the mountains of Savoy, called Echelles; from thence we proceeded on horſes, who are uſed to the way, to the mountain of the Chartreuſe: It is ſix miles to the top; the road runs winding up it, commonly not ſix feet broad; on one hand is the rock, with woods of pine-trees hanging over head; on the other, a monſtrous precipice, almoſt perpendicular, at the bottom of which rolls a torrent, that ſometimes tumbling among the fragments of ſtone that have fallen from on high, and ſometimes precipitating itſelf down vaſt deſcents with a noiſe like thunder, which is ſtill made greater by the echo from the mountains on each ſide, concurs to form one of the moſt ſolemn, the moſt romantic, and the moſt aſtoniſhing ſcenes I ever beheld: Add to this the ſtrange views made by the craggs and cliffs on the other hand; the caſcades that in many places throw themſelves from the very ſummit down into the vale, and the river below; and many other particulars impoſſible to deſcribe; you will conclude we had no occaſion to repent our pains. This place St. Bruno choſe to retire to, and upon its very top founded the aforeſaid Convent, which is the ſuperior of the whole order. When we came there, the two fathers, who are commiſſioned to entertain ſtrangers, (for the reſt muſt neither ſpeak one to another, nor to any one elſe) received us very kindly; and ſet before us a repaſt of dried fiſh, eggs, butter, and fruits, all excellent in their kind, and extremely neat. They preſſed us to ſpend the night there, and to ſtay ſome days with them; but this we could not do, ſo they led us about their houſe, which is, you muſt think, like a little city; for there are 100 fathers, beſides 300 ſervants, that make their clothes, grind their corn, [60] preſs their wine, and do every thing among themſelves: The whole is quite orderly and ſimple; nothing of finery, but the wonderful decency, and the ſtrange ſituation, more than ſupply the place of it. In the evening we deſcended by the ſame way, paſſing through many clouds that were then forming themſelves on the mountain's ſide. Next day we continued our journey by Chamberry, which, though the chief city of the Dutchy, and reſidence of the king of Sardinia, when he comes into this part of his dominions, makes but a very mean and inſignificant appearance; we lay at Aix, once famous for its hot baths, and the next night at Annecy; the day after, by noon, we got to Geneva. I have not time to ſay any thing about it, nor of our ſolitary journey back again. ***

LETTER IX.

Mr. GRAY to his FATHER.

IN my laſt I gave you the particulars of our little journey to Geneva; I have only to add, that we ſtayed about a week, in order to ſee Mr. Conway ſettled there: I do not wonder ſo many Engliſh chooſe it for their reſidence; the city is very ſmall, neat, prettily built, and extremely populous; the Rhône runs through the middle of it, and it is ſurrounded with new fortifications, that give it a military compact air; which, joined to the happy, lively countenances of the inhabitants, and an exact diſcipline always as ſtrictly obſerved as in time of war, makes the little republic appear a match for a much greater [61] power; though perhaps Geneva, and all that belongs to it, are not of equal extent with Windſor and its two parks. To one that has paſſed through Savoy, as we did, nothing can be more ſtriking than the contraſt, as ſoon as he approaches the town. Near the gates of Geneva runs the torrent Arve, which ſeparates it from the King of Sardinia's dominions; on the other ſide of it lies a country naturally, indeed, fine and fertile; but you meet with nothing in it but meager, ragged, bare-footed peaſants, with their children, in extreme miſery and naſtineſs; and even of theſe no great numbers: You no ſooner have croſſed the ſtream I have mentioned, but poverty is no more; not a beggar, hardly a diſcontented face to be ſeen; numerous, and well-dreſſed people ſwarming on the ramparts; drums beating; ſoldiers, well-cloathed and armed, exerciſing; and folks, with buſineſs in their looks, hurrying to and fro; all contribute to make any perſon, who is not blind, ſenſible what a difference there is between the two governments, that are the cauſes of one view and the other. The beautiful lake, at one end of which the town is ſituated; its extent; the ſeveral ſtates that border upon it; and all its pleaſures, are too well known for me to mention them. We ſailed upon it as far as the dominions of Geneva extend, that is, about two leagues and a half on each ſide; and landed at ſeveral of the little houſes of pleaſure, that the inhabitants have built all about it, who received us with much politeneſs. The ſame night we eat part of a trout, taken in the lake, that weighed thirty-ſeven pounds; as great a monſter as it appeared to us, it was eſteemed there nothing extraordinary, and they aſſured us, it was not uncommon to catch them of fifty pounds; they are dreſſed here, and ſent poſt to Paris upon ſome great occaſions; nay, even to Madrid, [62] as we were told. The road we returned through was not the ſame we came by: We croſſed the Rhône at Seyſſel, and paſſed for three days among the mountains of Bugey, without meeting with any thing new: At laſt we came out into the plains of La Breſſe, and ſo to Lyons again. Sir Robert has written to Mr. Walpole, to deſire he would go to Italy; which he has reſolved to do; ſo that all the ſcheme of ſpending the winter in the South of France is laid aſide, and we are to paſs it in a much finer country. You may imagine I am not ſorry to have this opportunity of ſeeing the place in the world that beſt deſerves it: Beſides as the Pope (who is eighty-eight, and has been lately at the point of death) cannot probably laſt a great while, perhaps we may have the fortune to be preſent at the election of a new one, when Rome will be in all its glory. Friday next we certainly begin our journey; in two days we ſhall come to the foot of the Alps, and ſix more we ſhall be in paſſing them. Even here the winter is begun; what then muſt it be among thoſe vaſt ſnowy mountains where it is hardly ever ſummer? We are, however, as well armed as poſſible againſt the cold, with muffs, hoods, and maſks of bever, fur-boots, and bear ſkins. When we arrive at Turin, we ſhall reſt after the fatigues of the journey. ***

[63]

LETTER X.

Mr. GRAY to his MOTHER.

I AM this night arrived here, and have juſt ſet down to reſt me after eight days tireſome journey: For the three firſt we had the ſame road we before paſt through to go to Geneva; the fourth we turned out of it, and for that day and the next travelled rather among than upon the Alps; the way commonly running through a deep valley by the ſide of the river Arc, which works itſelf a paſſage, with great difficulty and a mighty noiſe, among vaſt quantities of rocks, that have rolled down from the mountain tops. The winter was ſo far advanced, as in great meaſure to ſpoil the beauty of the proſpect; however, there was ſtill ſomewhat fine remaining amidſt the ſavageneſs and horrour of the place: The ſixth we began to go up ſeveral of theſe mountains; and as we were paſſing one, met with an odd accident enough: Mr. Walpole had a little fat black ſpaniel, that he was very fond of, which he ſometimes uſed to ſet down, and let it run by the chaiſe ſide. We were at that time in a very rough road, not two yards broad at moſt; on one ſide was a great wood of pines, and on the other a vaſt precipice; it was noon-day, and the ſun ſhone bright, when all of a ſudden, from the wood-ſide, (which was as ſteep upwards, as the other part was downwards) out ruſhed a great wolf, came cloſe to the head of the horſes, ſeized the dog by the throat, and ruſhed up the hill again with him in his mouth. This was done in leſs than a quarter of a minute; we all ſaw it, and yet the ſervants had not time to draw their piſtols, or do any thing to [64] ſave the dog*. If he had not been there, and the creature had thought fit to lay hold of one of the horſes; chaiſe, and we, and all muſt inevitably have tumbled above fifty fathoms perpendicular down the precipice. The ſeventh we came to Lanebourg, the laſt town in Savoy; it lies at the foot of the famous mount Cenis, which is ſo ſituated as to allow no room for any way but over the very top of it. Here the chaiſe was forced to be pulled to pieces, and the baggage and that to be carried by mules: We ourſelves were wrapped up in our furs, and ſeated upon a ſort of matted chair without legs, which is carried upon poles in the manner of a bier, and ſo begun to aſcend by the help of eight men. It was ſix miles to the top, where a plain opens itſelf about as many more in breadth, covered perpetually with very deep ſnow, and in the midſt of that a great lake of unfathomable depth, from whence a river takes its riſe, and tumbles over monſtrous rocks quite down the other ſide of the mountain. The deſcent is ſix miles more, but infinitely more ſteep than the going up; and here the men perfectly fly down with you, ſtepping from ſtone to ſtone with incredible ſwiftneſs in places where none but they could go three paces without falling. The immenſity of the precipices, the roaring of the river and torrents that run into it, the huge craggs covered with ice and ſnow, and the clouds below you and about you, are objects it is impoſſible to conceive without ſeeing them; and though we had heard many ſtrange deſcriptions of the ſcene, none of them at all came up to it. We were but five hours in performing the whole, from which you may judge of the rapidity of the men's motion. We are now [65] got into Piedmont, and ſtopped a little while at La Ferriere, a ſmall village about three quarters of the way down, but ſtill among the clouds, where we began to hear a new language ſpoken round about us; at laſt we got quite down, went through the Pás de Suſe, a narrow road among the Alps, defended by two fortreſſes, and lay at Boſſolens: Next evening thro' a fine avenue of nine miles in length, as ſtraight as a line, we arrived at this city, which, as you know, is the capital of the Principality, and the reſidence of the King of Sardinia.*** We ſhall ſtay here, I believe, a fortnight, and proceed for Genoa, which is three or four days journey to go poſt.

I am, &c.
*
This odd incident might have afforded Mr. Gray a ſubject for an ode, which would have been a good companion to that on the death of a favourite cat.
***
That part of the letter here omitted, contained only a deſcription of the city; which, as Mr. Gray has given it to Mr. Weſt in the following letter, and that in a more lively manner, I thought it unneceſſary to inſert. A liberty I have taken in other parts of this correſpondence, in order to avoid repetitions.

LETTER XI.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

AFTER eight days journey through Greenland, we arrived at Turin. You approach it by a handſome avenue of nine miles long, and quite ſtrait. The entrance is guarded by certain vigilant dragons, called Douäniers, who mumbled us for ſome time. The city is not large, as being a place of ſtrength, and conſequently confined within its fortifications; it has many beauties and ſome faults; among the firſt are ſtreets [66] all laid out by the line, regular uniform buildings, fine walks that ſurround the whole, and in general a good lively clean appearance: But the houſes are of brick plaiſtered, which is apt to want repairing; the windows of oiled paper, which is apt to be torn; and every thing very ſlight, which is apt to tumble down. There is an excellent Opera, but it is only in the Carnival: Balls every night, but only in the Carnival: Maſquerades too, but only in the Carnival. This Carnival laſts only from Chriſtmas to Lent; one half of the remaining part of the year is paſt in remembering the laſt, the other in expecting the future Carnival. We cannot well ſubſiſt upon ſuch ſlender diet, no more than upon an execrable Italian Comedy, and a Puppet-Show, called Rappreſentazione d'un' anima dannata, which, I think, are all the preſent diverſions of the place; except the Marquiſe de Cavaillac's Converſazione, where one goes to ſee people play at Ombre and Taroc, a game with 72 cards all painted with ſuns, and moons, and devils and monks. Mr. Walpole has been at court; the family are at preſent at a country palace, called La Venerie. The palace here in town is the very quinteſſence of gilding and looking-glaſs; inlaid floors, carved pannels, and painting, wherever they could ſtick a bruſh. I own I have not, as yet, any where met with thoſe grand and ſimple works of Art, that are to amaze one, and whoſe ſight one is to be the better for: But thoſe of Nature have aſtoniſhed me beyond expreſſion. In our little journey up to the Grande Chartreuſe, I do not remember to have gone ten paces without an exclamation, that there was no reſtraining: Not a precipice, not a torrent, not a cliff, but is pregnant with religion and poetry. There are certain ſcenes that would awe an atheiſt into belief, without the help of other argument. One need [67] not have a very fantaſtic imagination to ſee ſpirits there at noonday: You have Death perpetually before your eyes, only ſo far removed, as to compoſe the mind without frighting it. I am well perſuaded St. Bruno was a man of no common genius, to chooſe ſuch a ſituation for his retirement; and perhaps ſhould have been a diſciple of his, had I been born in his time. You may believe Abelard and Heloïſe were not forgot upon this occaſion: If I do not miſtake, I ſaw you too every now and then at a diſtance among the trees; il me ſemble, que j'ai vu ce chien de viſage là quelque part. You ſeemed to call to me from the other ſide of the precipice, but the noiſe of the river below was ſo great, that I really could not diſtinguiſh what you ſaid; it ſeemed to have a cadence like verſe. In your next you will be ſo good to let me know what it was. The week we have ſince paſſed among the Alps, has not equalled the ſingle day upon that mountain, becauſe the winter was rather too far advanced, and the weather a little foggy. However, it did not want its beauties; the ſavage rudeneſs of the view is inconceivable without ſeeing it: I reckoned, in one day, thirteen caſcades, the leaſt of which was, I dare ſay, one hundred feet in height. I had Livy in the chaiſe with me, and beheld his ‘"Nives coelo propè immiſtae, tecta informia impoſita rupibus, pecora jumentaque torrida frigore, homines intonſi & inculti, animalia inanimaque omnia rigentia gelu; omnia confragoſa, praeruptaque."’ The creatures that inhabit them are, in all reſpects, below humanity; and moſt of them, eſpecially women, have the tumidum guttur, which they call goſcia. Mont Cenis, I confeſs, carries the permiſſion mountains have of being frightful rather too far; and its horrours were accompanied with too much danger to give one time to reflect [68] upon their beauties. There is a family of the Alpine monſters I have mentioned, upon its very top, that in the middle of winter calmly lay in their ſtock of proviſions and firing, and ſo are buried in their hut for a month or two under the ſnow. When we were down it, and got a little way into Piedmont, we began to find ‘"Apricos quoſdam colles, rivoſque prope ſylvas, et jam humano cultu digniora loca."’ I read Silius Italicus too, for the firſt time; and wiſhed for you, according to cuſtom. We ſet out for Genoa in two days time.

LETTER XII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

HORRIDOS tractus, Boreae (que) linquens
Regna Taurini fera, molliorem
Advehor brumam, Genuae (que) amantes
Litora ſoles.

At leaſt if they do not, they have a very ill taſte; for I never beheld any thing more amiable: Only figure to yourſelf a vaſt ſemicircular baſon, full of fine blue ſea, and veſſels of all ſorts and ſizes, ſome ſailing out, ſome coming in, and others at anchor; and all round it palaces and churches peeping over one another's heads, gardens and marble terraſes full of orange and cypreſs trees, fountains, and trellis-works covered with vines, which all together compoſe the grandeſt of theatres. This is the firſt coup d'oeil, and is almoſt all I am yet able to give [69] you an account of, for we arrived late laſt night. To-day was, luckily, a great feſtival, and in the morning we reſorted to the church of the Madonna delle Vigne, to put up our little oriſons; (I believe I forgot to tell you, that we have been ſometime converts to the holy Catholic church) we found our Lady richly dreſſed out, with a crown of diamonds on her own head, another upon the child's, and a conſtellation of wax lights burning before them: Shortly after came the Doge, in his robes of crimſon damaſk, and a cap of the ſame, followed by the Senate in black. Upon his approach began a fine concert of muſic, and among the reſt two eunuchs' voices, that were a perfect feaſt to ears that had heard nothing but French operas for a year. We liſtened to this, and breathed nothing but incenſe for two hours. The Doge is a very tall, lean, ſtately, old figure, called Coſtantino Balbi; and the Senate ſeem to have been made upon the ſame model. They ſaid their prayers, and heard an abſurd white friar preach, with equal devotion. After this we went to the Annonciata, a church built by the family Lomellini, and belonging to it; which is, indeed, a moſt ſtately ſtructure, the inſide wholly marble of various kinds, except where gold and painting take its place. From hence to the Palazzo Doria. I ſhould make you ſick of marble, if I told you how it was laviſhed here upon the porticoes, the baluſtrades, and terraſes, the loweſt of which extends quite to the ſea. The inſide is by no means anſwerable to the outward magnificence; the furniture ſeems to be as old as the founder of the family. There great imboſſed ſilver tables tell you, in bas-relief, his victories at ſea; how he entertained the Emperor Charles, and how he refuſed the ſovereignty of the Commonwealth when it was offered him; the reſt is old-faſhioned velvet chairs, and [70] gothic tapeſtry. The reſt of the day has been ſpent, much to our hearts' content, in curſing French muſic and architecture, and in ſinging the praiſes of Italy. We find this place ſo very fine, that we are in fear of finding nothing finer. We are fallen in love with the Mediterranean ſea, and hold your lakes and your rivers in vaſt contempt. This is ‘" The happy country where huge lemons grow,"’ as Waller ſays; and I am ſorry to think of leaving it in a week for Parma, although it be‘The happy country where huge cheeſes grow.’

LETTER XIII.

Mr. GRAY to his MOTHER.

OUR journey hither has taken up much leſs time than I expected. We left Genoa (a charming place, and one that deſerved a longer ſtay) the week before laſt; croſſed the mountains, and lay that night at Tortona, the next at St. Giovanni, and the morning after came to Piacenza. That city, (though the capital of a Dutchy) made ſo frippery an appearance, that inſtead of ſpending ſome days there, as had been intended, we only dined, and went on to Parma; ſtayed there all the following day, which was paſſed in viſiting the famous works of Corregio in the Dome, and other churches. The fine gallery of pictures, that once belonged to the Dukes of Parma, is no more here; the King of Naples has carried it all thither, and the city had not merit enough to detain us any longer, ſo we proceeded [71] through Reggio to Modena; this, though the reſidence of its Duke, is an ill-built melancholy place, all of brick, as are moſt of the towns in this part of Lombardy: He himſelf lives in a private manner, with very little appearance of a court about him; he has one of the nobleſt collections of paintings in the world, which entertained us extremely well the reſt of that day and a part of the next; and in the afternoon we came to Bologna: So now you may wiſh us joy of being in the dominions of his Holineſs. This is a populous city, and of great extent: All the ſtreets have porticoes on both ſides, ſuch as ſurround a part of Covent-Garden, a great relief in ſummer-time in ſuch a climate; and from one of the principal gates to a church of the Virgin, [where is a wonder-working picture, at three miles diſtance] runs a corridore of the ſame ſort, lately finiſhed, and, indeed, a moſt extraordinary performance. The churches here are more remarkable for their paintings than architecture, being moſtly old ſtructures of brick; but the palaces are numerous, and fine enough to ſupply us with ſomewhat worth ſeeing from morning till night. The country of Lombardy, hitherto, is one of the moſt beautiful imaginable; the roads broad, and exactly ſtraight, and on either hand vaſt plantations of trees, chiefly mulberries and olives, and not a tree without a vine twining about it and ſpreading among its branches. This ſcene, indeed, which muſt be the moſt lovely in the world during the proper ſeaſon, is at preſent all deformed by the winter, which here is rigorous enough for the time it laſts; but one ſtill ſees the ſkeleton of a charming place, and reaps the benefit of its product, for the fruits and proviſions are admirable; in ſhort you find every thing, that luxury can deſire, in perfection. We have now been here a week, and [72] ſhall ſtay ſome little time longer. We are at the foot of the Apennine mountains; it will take up three days to croſs them, and then we ſhall come to Florence, where we ſhall paſs the Chriſtmas. Till then we muſt remain in a ſtate of ignorance as to what is doing in England, for our letters are to meet us there: If I do not find four or five from you alone, I ſhall wonder.

LETTER XIV.

Mr. GRAY to his MOTHER.

WE ſpent twelve days at Bologna, chiefly (as moſt travellers do) in ſeeing ſights; for as we knew no mortal there, and as it is no eaſy matter to get admiſſion into any Italian houſe, without very particular recommendations, we could ſee no company but in public places; and there are none in that city but the churches. We ſaw, therefore, churches, palaces, and pictures from morning to night; and the 15th of this month ſet out for Florence, and began to croſs the Apennine mountains; we travelled among and upon them all that day, and, as it was but indifferent weather, were commonly in the middle of thick clouds, that utterly deprived us of a ſight of their beauties: For this vaſt chain of hills has its beauties, and all the vallies are cultivated; even the mountains themſelves are many of them ſo within a little of their very tops. They are not ſo horrid as the Alps, though pretty near as high; and the whole road is admirably well kept, and paved throughout, which is a length of fourſcore miles, and more: We left the Pope's dominions, [73] and lay that night in thoſe of the Grand Duke at Fiorenzuola, a paltry little town, at the foot of Mount Giogo, which is the higheſt of them all. Next morning we went up it; the poſthouſe is upon its very top, and uſually involved in clouds, or half-buried in the ſnow. Indeed there was none of the laſt at the time we were there, but it was ſtill a diſmal habitation. The deſcent is moſt exceſſively ſteep, and the turnings very ſhort and frequent; however, we performed it without any danger, and in coming down could dimly diſcover Florence, and the beautiful plain about it, through the miſts; but enough to convince us, it muſt be one of the nobleſt proſpects upon earth in ſummer. That afternoon we got thither; and Mr. Mann*, the reſident, had ſent his ſervant to meet us at the gates, and conduct us to his houſe. He is the beſt and moſt obliging perſon in the world. The next night we were introduced at the Prince of Craon's aſſembly (he has the chief power here in the Grand Duke's abſence). The Princeſs, and he, were extremely civil to the name of Walpole, ſo we were aſked to ſtay ſupper, which is as much as to ſay, you may come and ſup here whenever you pleaſe; for after the firſt invitation this is always underſtood. We have alſo been at the Counteſs Suarez's, a favourite of the late Duke, and one that gives the firſt movement to every thing gay that is going forward here. The news is every day expected from Vienna of the Great Dutcheſs's delivery; if it be a boy, here will be all ſorts of balls, maſquerades, operas, and illuminations; if not, we muſt wait for the Carnival, when all thoſe things come of courſe. In the mean time it is impoſſible to want entertainment; [74] the famous gallery, alone, is an amuſement for months; we commonly paſs two or three hours every morning in it, and one has perfect leiſure to conſider all its beauties. You know it contains many hundred antique ſtatues, ſuch as the whole world cannot match, beſides the vaſt collection of paintings, medals, and precious ſtones, ſuch as no other prince was ever maſter of; in ſhort, all that the rich and powerful houſe of Medicis has in ſo many years got togéther.* And beſides this city abounds with ſo many palaces and churches, that you can hardly place yourſelf any where without having ſome fine one in view, or at leaſt ſome ſtatue or fountain, magnificently adorned; theſe, undoubtedly, are far more numerous than Genoa can pretend to; yet, in its general appearance, I cannot think that Florence equals it in beauty. Mr. Walpole is juſt come from being preſented to the Electreſs Palatine Dowager; ſhe is a ſiſter of the late Great Duke's; a ſtately old lady, that never goes out but to church, and then ſhe has guards, and eight horſes to her coach. She received him with much ceremony, ſtanding under a huge black canopy, and, after a few minutes talking, ſhe aſſured him of her good will, and diſmiſſed him: She never ſees any body but thus in form; and ſo ſhe paſſes her life, poor woman! ***

*
Now Sir Horace Mann, and Envoy Extraordinary at the ſame court.
*
He catalogued and made occaſional ſhort remarks on the pictures, &c. which he ſaw here, as well as at other places, many of which are in my poſſeſſion, but it would have ſwelled this work too much if I had inſerted them.
Perſons of very high rank, and withal very good ſenſe, will only feel the pathos of this exclamation.
[75]

LETTER XV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

I Think I have not yet told you how we left that charming place Genoa: How we croſſed a mountain, all of green marble, called Buchetto: How we came to Tortona, and waded through the mud to come to Caſtel St. Giovanni, and there eat muſtard and ſugar with a diſh of crows gizzards:

Secondly, how we paſſed the famous plains
Quà Trebie glaucas ſalices interſecat undâ,
Arvaque Romanis nobilitata malis.
Viſus adhuc amnis veteri de clade rubere,
Et ſuſpirantes ducere maeſtus aquas;
Maurorumque ala, & nigrae increbreſcere turmae,
Et pulſa Auſonidum ripa ſonare fugâ.

Nor, thirdly, how we paſſed through Piacenza, Parma, Modena, entered the territories of the Pope; ſtayed twelve days at Bologna; croſſed the Apennines, and afterwards arrived at Florence. None of theſe things have I told you, nor do I intend to tell you, till you aſk me ſome queſtions concerning them. No not even of Florence itſelf, except that it is as fine as poſſible, and has every thing in it that can bleſs the eyes. But, before I enter into particulars, you muſt make your peace both with me and the Venus de Medicis, who, let me tell you, is highly and juſtly offended at you for not inquiring, long before this, concerning her ſymmetry and proportions. ***

[76]

LETTER XVI.

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

ELEGIA.*
ERGO deſidiae videor tibi crimine dignus;
Et meritò: victas do tibi ſponte manus.
Arguor & veteres nimium contemnere Muſas,
Irata et nobis eſt Medicaea Venus.
Mene igitur ſtatuas & inania ſaxa vereri!
Stultule! marmoreâ quid mihi cum Venere?
Hic verae, hic vivae Veneres, & mille per urbem,
Quarum nulla queat non placuiſſe Jovi.
Cedite Romanae formoſae et cedite Graiae,
Sintque oblita Helenae nomen et Hermionae!
Et, quaſcunque refert aetas vetus, Heroinae:
Unus honor noſtris jam venit Angliaſin.
Oh quales vultus, Oh quantum numen ocellis!
I nunc & Tuſcas improbe confer opes.
Ne tamen haec obtuſa nimis praecordia credas,
Neu me adeo nullâ Pallade progenitum:
Teſtor Pieridumque umbras & flumina Pindi
Me quoque Calliopes ſemper amaſſe choros;
Et dudum Auſonias urbes, & viſere Graias
Cura eſt, ingenio ſi licet ire meo:
Sive eſt Phidiacum marmor, ſeu Mentoris aera,
Seu paries Coo nobilis e calamo;
[77] Nec minus artificum magna argumenta recentûm
Romanique decus nominis & Veneti:
Quà Furor & Mavors & ſaevo in Marmore vultus,
Quaque et formoſo mollior aere Venus.
Quàque loquax ſpirat fucus, vivique labores,
Et quicquid calamo dulciùs auſa manus:
Hic nemora, & ſola maerens Meliboeus in umbrâ,
Lymphaque muſcoſo proſiliens lapide;
Illic majus opus, facieſque in pariete major
Exurgens, Divûm & numina Coelicolûm;
O vos faelices, quibus haec cognoſcere fas eſt,
Et totâ Italiâ, qua patet uſque, frui!
Nulla dies vobis eat injucunda, nec uſquam
Norîtis quid ſit tempora amara pati.
*
The letter which accompanied this little elegy is not extant. Probably it was only incloſed in one to Mr. Walpole.

LETTER XVII.

Mr. GRAY to his MOTHER.

THE Pope* is at laſt dead, and we are to ſet out for Rome on monday next. The Conclave is ſtill ſitting there, and likely to continue ſo ſome time longer, as the two French Cardinals are but juſt arrived, and the German ones are ſtill expected. It agrees mighty ill with thoſe that remain incloſed: Ottoboni is already dead of an apoplexy; Altieri and ſeveral others are ſaid to be dying, or very bad: Yet it is not expected to break up till after Eaſter. We ſhall lie at Sienna [78] the firſt night, ſpend a day there, and in two more get to Rome. One begins to ſee in this country the firſt promiſes of an Italian ſpring, clear unclouded ſkies, and warm ſuns, ſuch as are not often felt in England; yet, for your ſake, I hope at preſent you have your proportion of them, and that all your froſts, and ſnows, and ſhort-breaths are, by this time, utterly vaniſhed. I have nothing new or particular to inform you of; and, if you ſee things at home go on much in their old courſe, you muſt not imagine them more various abroad. The diverſions of a Florentine Lent are compoſed of a ſermon in the morning, full of hell and the devil; a dinner at noon, full of fiſh and meager diet; and, in the evening, what is called a Converſazione, a ſort of aſſembly at the principal people's houſes, full of I cannot tell what: Beſides this, there is twice a week a very grand concert. ***

*
Clement the twelfth.

LETTER XVIII.

Mr. GRAY to his MOTHER.

THIS is the third day ſince we came to Rome, but the firſt hour I have had to write to you in. The journey from Florence coſt us four days, one of which was ſpent at Sienna, an agreeable, clean, old city, of no great magnificence, or extent; but in a fine ſituation, and good air. What it has moſt conſiderable is its cathedral, a huge pile of marble, black and white laid alternately, and laboured with a gothic niceneſs [79] and delicacy in the old-faſhioned way. Within too are ſome paintings and ſculpture of conſiderable hands. The ſight of this, and ſome collections that were ſhowed us in private houſes, were a ſufficient employment for the little time we were to paſs there; and the next morning we ſet forward on our journey through a country very oddly compoſed; for ſome miles you have a continual ſcene of little mountains cultivated from top to bottom with rows of olive-trees, or elſe elms, each of which has its vine twining about it, and mixing with the branches; and corn ſown between all the ranks. This, diverſified with numerous ſmall houſes and convents, makes the moſt agreeable proſpect in the world: But, all of a ſudden, it alters to black barren hills, as far as the eye can reach, that ſeem never to have been capable of culture, and are as ugly as uſeleſs. Such is the country for ſome time before one comes to Mount Radicofani, a terrible black hill, on the top of which we were to lodge that night. It is very high, and difficult of aſcent; and at the foot of it we were much embarraſſed by the fall of one of the poor horſes that drew us. This accident obliged another chaiſe, which was coming down, to ſtop alſo; and out of it peeped a figure in a red cloak, with a handkerchief tied round its head, which, by its voice and mien, ſeemed a fat old woman; but, upon its getting out, appeared to be Seneſino, who was returning from Naples to Sienna, the place of his birth and reſidence. On the higheſt part of the mountain is an old fortreſs, and near it a houſe built by one of the Grand Dukes for a hunting-ſeat, but now converted into an inn: It is the ſhell of a large fabrick, but ſuch an inſide, ſuch chambers, and accommodations, that your cellar is a palace in compariſon; and your cat ſups and lies much better than we did; [80] for, it being a ſaint's eve, there were nothing but eggs. We devoured our meager fare; and, after ſtopping up the windows with the quilts, were obliged to lie upon the ſtraw beds in our clothes. Such are the conveniences in a road, that is, as it were, the great thoroughfare of all the world. Juſt on the other ſide of this mountain, at Ponte-Centino, one enters the patrimony of the church; a moſt delicious country, but thinly inhabited. That night brought us to Viterbo, a city of a more lively appearance than any we had lately met with; the houſes have glaſs windows, which is not very uſual here, and moſt of the ſtreets are terminated by a handſome fountain. Here we had the pleaſure of breaking our faſt on the leg of an old hare and ſome broiled crows. Next morning, in deſcending Mount Viterbo, we firſt diſcovered (though at near thirty miles diſtance) the cupola of St. Peter's, and a little after began to enter on an old Roman pavement, with now and then a ruined tower, or a ſepulcher on each hand. We now had a clear view of the city, though not to the beſt advantage, as coming along a plain quite upon a level with it; however, it appeared very vaſt, and ſurrounded with magnificent villas and gardens. We ſoon after croſſed the Tiber, a river that ancient Rome made more conſiderable than any merit of its own could have done: However, it is not contemptibly ſmall, but a good handſome ſtream; very deep, yet ſomewhat of a muddy complexion. The firſt entrance of Rome is prodigiouſly ſtriking. It is by a noble gate, deſigned by Michel Angelo, and adorned with ſtatues; this brings you into a large ſquare, in the midſt of which is a vaſt obeliſk of granite, and in front you have at one view two churches of a handſome architecture, and ſo much alike that they are called the twins; with three ſtreets, the middlemoſt [81] of which is one of the longeſt in Rome. As high as my expectation was raiſed, I confeſs, the magnificence of this city infinitely ſurpaſſes it. You cannot paſs along a ſtreet but you have views of ſome palace, or church, or ſquare, or fountain, the moſt pictureſque and noble one can imagine. We have not yet ſet about conſidering its beauties, ancient and modern, with attention; but have already taken a ſlight tranſient view of ſome of the moſt remarkable. St. Peter's I ſaw the day after we arrived, and was ſtruck dumb with wonder. I there ſaw the Cardinal d'Auvergne, one of the French ones, who, upon coming off his journey, immediately repaired hither to offer up his vows at the high altar, and went directly into the Conclave; the doors of which we ſaw opened to him, and all the other immured Cardinals came thither to receive him. Upon his entrance they were cloſed again directly. It is ſuppoſed they will not come to an agreement about a Pope till after Eaſter, though the confinement is very diſagreeable. I have hardly philoſophy enough to ſee the infinity of fine things, that are here daily in the power of any body that has money, without regretting the want of it; but cuſtom has the power of making things eaſy to one. I have not yet ſeen his majeſty of Great-Britain, &c. though I have the two boys in the gardens of the Villa Borgeſe, where they go a-ſhooting almoſt every day; it was at a diſtance, indeed, for we did not chooſe to meet them, as you may imagine. This letter (like all thoſe the Engliſh ſend, or receive) will paſs through the hands of that family, before it comes to thoſe it was intended for. They do it more honour than it deſerves; and all they will learn from thence will be, that I deſire you to give my duty to my father, and wherever elſe it is due, and that I am, &c.

[82]

LETTER XIX.

Mr. GRAY to his MOTHER.

TO-DAY I am juſt come from paying my adoration at St. Peter's to three extraordinary reliques, which are expoſed to public view only on theſe two days in the whole year, at which time all the confraternities in the city come in proceſſion to ſee them. It was ſomething extremely novel to ſee that vaſt church, and the moſt magnificent in the world, undoubtedly, illuminated (for it was night) by thouſands of little cryſtal lamps, diſpoſed in the figure of a huge croſs at the high altar, and ſeeming to hang alone in the air. All the light proceeded from this, and had the moſt ſingular effect imaginable as one entered the great door. Soon after came one after another, I believe, thirty proceſſions, all dreſſed in linen frocks, and girt with a cord, their heads covered with a cowl all over, only two holes to ſee through left. Some of them were all black, others red, others white, others party-coloured; theſe were continually coming and going with their tapers and crucifixes before them; and to each company, as they arrived and knelt before the great altar, were ſhown from a balcony at a great height, the three wonders, which are, you muſt know, the head of the ſpear that wounded Chriſt; St. Veronica's handkerchief, with the miraculous impreſſion of his face upon it; and a piece of the true croſs, on the ſight of which the people thump their breaſts, and kiſs the pavement with vaſt devotion. The tragical part of the ceremony is half a dozen wretched [83] creatures, who with their faces covered, but naked to the waiſt, are in a ſide-chapel diſciplining themſelves with ſcourges full of iron prickles; but really in earneſt, as our eyes can teſtify, which ſaw their backs and arms ſo raw we ſhould have taken it for a red ſattin doublet torn, and ſhewing the ſkin through, had we not been convinced of the contrary by the blood which was plentifully ſprinkled about them. It is late; I give you joy of Porto Bello, and many other things, which I hope are all true. ****

LETTER XX.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

THIS day being in the palace of his Highneſs the Duke of Modena, he laid his moſt ſerene commands upon me to write to Mr. Weſt, and ſaid he thought it for his glory, that I ſhould draw up an inventory of all his moſt ſerene poſſeſſions for the ſaid Weſt's peruſal.—Imprimis, a houſe, being in circumference a quarter of a mile, two feet and an inch; the ſaid houſe containing the following particulars, to wit, a great room. Item, another great room; item, a bigger room; item, another room; item, a vaſt room; item, a ſixth of the ſame; a ſeventh ditto; an eighth as before; a ninth as aboveſaid; a tenth (ſee No. 1); item, ten more ſuch, beſides twenty beſides, which, not to be too particular, we ſhall paſs over. The ſaid rooms contain nine chairs, two tables, five ſtools, and a cricket. From whence we ſhall proceed to the garden, containing two millions [84] of ſuperfine laurel hedges, a clump of cypreſs trees, and half the river Teverone, that piſſes into two thouſand ſeveral chamberpots. Finis.—Dame Nature deſired me to put in a liſt of her little goods and chattels, and, as they were ſmall, to be very minute about them. She has built here three or four little mountains, and laid them out in an irregular ſemi-circle; from certain others behind, at a greater diſtance, ſhe has drawn a canal, into which ſhe has put a little river of her's, called Anio; ſhe has cut a huge cleft between the two innermoſt of her four hills, and there ſhe has left it to its own diſpoſal; which ſhe has no ſooner done, but, like a heedleſs chit, it tumbles headlong down a declivity fifty feet perpendicular, breaks itſelf all to ſhatters, and is converted into a ſhower of rain, where the ſun forms many a bow, red, green, blue and yellow. To get out of our metaphors without any further trouble, it is the moſt noble ſight in the world. The weight of that quantity of waters, and the force they fall with, have worn the rocks they throw themſelves among into a thouſand irregular craggs, and to a vaſt depth. In this channel it goes boiling along with a mighty noiſe till it comes to another ſteep, where you ſee it a ſecond time come roaring down (but firſt you muſt walk two miles farther) a greater height than before, but not with that quantity of waters; for by this time it has divided itſelf, being croſſed and oppoſed by the rocks, into four ſeveral ſtreams, each of which, in emulation of the great one, will tumble down too; and it does tumble down, but not from an equally elevated place; ſo that you have at one view all theſe caſcades intermixed with groves of olive and little woods, the mountains riſing behind them, and on the top of one (that which forms the extremity of one of the half-circle's horns) is ſeated the town itſelf. [85] At the very extremity of that extremity, on the brink of the precipice, ſtands the Sybils' temple, the remains of a little rotunda, ſurrounded with its portico, above half of whoſe beautiful Corinthian pillars are ſtill ſtanding and entire; all this on one hand. On the other, the open Campagna of Rome, here and there a little caſtle on a hillock, and the city itſelf on the very brink of the horizon, indiſtinctly ſeen (being 18 miles off) except the dome of St. Peter's; which, if you look out of your window, wherever you are, I ſuppoſe, you can ſee. I did not tell you that a little below the firſt fall, on the ſide of the rock, and hanging over that torrent, are little ruins which they ſhow you for Horace's houſe, a curious ſituation to obſerve the

" Praeceps Anio, & Tiburni lucus, & uda
" Mobilibus pomaria rivis."

Maecenas did not care for ſuch a noiſe, it ſeems, and built him a houſe (which they alſo carry one to ſee) ſo ſituated that it ſees nothing at all of the matter, and for any thing he knew there might be no ſuch river in the world. Horace had another houſe on the other ſide of the Teverone, oppoſite to Maecenas's; and they told us there was a bridge of communication, by which ‘"andava il detto Signor per traſtullarſi coll iſteſſo Orazio."’ In coming hither we croſſed the Aquae Albulae, a vile little brook that ſtinks like a fury, and they ſay it has ſtunk ſo theſe thouſand years. I forgot the Piſcina of Quintilius Varus, where he uſed to keep certain little fiſhes. This is very entire, and there is a piece of the aqueduct that ſupplied it too; in the garden below is old Rome, built in little, juſt as it was, they ſay. There are ſeven temples in it, and no houſes at all: They ſay there were none.

[86] May 21.

We have had the pleaſure of going twelve miles out of our way to Paleſtrina. It has rained all day as if heaven and us were coming together. See my honeſty, I do not mention a ſyllable of the temple of Fortune, becauſe I really did not ſee it; which, I think, is pretty well for an old traveller. So we returned along the Via Praeneſtina, ſaw the Lacus Gabinus and Regillus, where, you know, Caſtor and Pollux appeared upon a certain occaſion. And many a good old tomb we left on each hand, and many an Aqueduct,

Dumb are whoſe fountains, and their channels dry.

There are, indeed, two whole modern ones, works of Popes, that run about thirty miles a-piece in length; one of them conveys ſtill the famous Aqua Virgo to Rome, and adds vaſt beauty to the proſpect. So we came to Rome again, where waited for us a ſplendidiſſimo regalo of letters; in one of which came You, with your huge characters and wide intervals, ſtaring. I would have you to know, I expect you ſhould take a handſome crow-quill when you write to me, and not leave room for a pin's point in four ſides of a ſheet royal. Do you but find matter, I will find ſpectacles.

I have more time than I thought, and I will employ it in telling you about a Ball that we were at the other evening. Figure to yourſelf a Roman villa; all its little apartments thrown open, and lighted up to the beſt advantage. At the upper end of the gallery, a fine concert, in which La Diamantina, a famous virtuoſa, played on the violin divinely, and ſung angelically; Giovannino and Paſqualini (great names in muſical ſtory) alſo performed miraculouſly. On each ſide were [87] ranged all the ſecular grand monde of Rome, the Ambaſſadors, Princeſſes, and all that. Among the reſt Il Sereniſſimo Pretendente (as the Mantova gazette calls him) diſplayed his rueful length of perſon, with his two young ones, and all his miniſtry around him. ‘"Poi nacque un grazioſo ballo,"’ where the world danced, and I ſat in a corner regaling myſelf with iced fruits, and other pleaſant rinfreſcatives.

LETTER XXI.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

MATER roſarum, cui tenerae vigent
Aurae Favonî, cui Venus it comes
Laſciva, Nympharum choreis
Et volucrum celebrata cantu!
Dic, non inertem fallere quâ diem
Amat ſub umbrâ, ſeu finit aureum
Dormire plectrum, ſeu retentat
Pierio* Zephyrinus antro
Furore dulci plenus, & immemor
Reptantis inter frigora Tuſculi
Umbroſa, vel colles Amici
Palladiae ſuperantis Albae.
[88] Dllecta Fauno, & capripedum choris
Pineta, teſtor vos, Anio minax
Quaecunque per clivos volutus
Praecipiti tremefecit amne,
Illius altum Tibur, & Aeſulae
Audîſſe ſylvas nomen amabiles,
Illius & gratas Latinis
Naiaſin ingeminâſſe rupes:
Nam me Latinae Naiades uvidâ
Vidêre ripâ, quà niveas levi
Tam ſaepe lavit rore plumas
Dulcè canens Venuſinus ales;
Mirum! canenti conticuit nemus,
Sacrique fontes, et retinent adhuc
(Sic Muſa juſſit) ſaxa molles
Docta modos, vetereſque lauri.
Mirare nec tu me citharae rudem
Claudis laborantem numeris: loca
Amaena, jucundumque ver in-
-compoſitum docuere carmen;
Haerent ſub omni nam folio nigri
Phoebea lucî (credite) ſomnia,
Argutiuſque et lympha et aurae
Neſcio quid ſolito loquuntur.

I am to day juſt returned from Alba, a good deal fatigued; for you know the Appian is ſomewhat tireſome.* We dined at [89] Pompey's; he indeed was gone for a few days to his Tuſculan, but, by the care of his Villicus, we made an admirable meal. We had the dugs of a pregnant ſow, a peacock, a diſh of thruſhes, a noble ſcarus juſt freſh from the Tyrrhene, and ſome conchylia of the Lake with garum ſauce: For my part I never eat better at Lucullus's table. We drank half a dozen cyathi a-piece of ancient Alban to Pholoë's health; and, after bathing, and playing an hour at ball, we mounted our eſſedum again, and proceeded up the mount to the temple. The prieſts there entertained us with an account of a wonderful ſhower of birds eggs, that had fallen two days before, which had no ſooner touched the ground, but they were converted into gudgeons; as alſo that the night paſt a dreadful voice had been heard out of the Adytum, which ſpoke Greek during a full half hour, but no body underſtood it. But quitting my Romanities, to your great joy and mine, let me tell you, in plain Engliſh, that we come from Albano. The preſent town lies within the incloſure of Pompey's Villa in ruins. The Appian way runs through it, by the ſide of which, a little farther, is a large old tomb, with five pyramids upon it, which the learned ſuppoſe to be the burying-place of the family, becauſe they do not know whoſe it can be elſe. But the vulgar aſſure you it is the ſepulchre of the Curiatii, and by that name (ſuch is their power) it goes. One drives to Caſtel Gondolfo, a houſe of the Pope's, ſituated on the top of one of the Collinette, that forms a brim to the baſon, commonly called the [90] Alban lake. It is ſeven miles round; and directly oppoſite-to you, on the other ſide, riſes the Mons Albanus, much taller than the reſt, along whoſe ſide are ſtill diſcoverable (not to common eyes) certain little ruins of the old Alba longa. They had need be very little, as having been nothing but ruins ever ſince the days of Tullus Hoſtilius. On its top is a houſe of the Conſtable Collona's, where ſtood the temple of Jupiter Latialis. At the foot of the hill Gondolfo, are the famous outlets of the lake, built with hewn ſtone, a mile and a half under ground. Livy, you know, amply informs us of the fooliſh occaſion of this expence, and gives me this opportunity of diſplaying all my erudition, that I may appear conſiderable in your eyes. This is the proſpect from one window of the palace. From another you have the whole Campagna, the City, Antium, and the Tyrrene ſea (twelve miles diſtant) ſo diſtinguiſhable, that you may ſee the veſſels ſailing upon it. All this is charming. Mr. Walpole ſays, our memory ſees more than our eyes in this country. Which is extremely true; ſince, for realities, Windſor, or Richmond Hill, is infinitely preferable to Albano or Freſcati. I am now at home, and going to the window to tell you it is the moſt beautiful of Italian nights, which, in truth, are but juſt begun (ſo backward has the ſpring been here, and every where elſe, they ſay). There is a moon! there are ſtars for you! Do not you hear the fountain? Do not you ſmell the orange flowers? That building yonder is the Convent of S. Iſidore; and that eminence, with the cypreſs trees and pines upon it, the top of M. Quirinal. This is all true, and yet my proſpect is not two hundred yards in length. We ſend you ſome Roman inſcriptions to entertain [91] you. The firſt two are modern, tranſcribed from the Vatican library by Mr. Walpole.

Pontifices olim quem fundavere priores,
Praecipuâ Sixtus perficit arte tholum;*
Et Sixti tantum ſe gloria tollit in altum,
Quantum ſe Sixti nobile tollit opus:
Magnus honos magni fundamina ponere templi,
Sed finem caeptis ponere major honos.

Saxa agit Amphion, Thebana ut maenia condat:
Sixtus & immenſae pondera molis agit.
Saxa trahunt ambo longè diverſa: ſed arte
Haec trahit Amphion; Sixtus & arte trahit.
At tantum exſuperat Dircaeum Amphiona Sixtus,
Quantum hic exſuperat caetera ſaxa lapis.

Mine is ancient, and I think not leſs curious. It is exactly tranſcribed from a ſepulchral marble at the villa Giuſtiniani. I put ſtops to it, when I underſtand it.

DIs Manibus
Claudiae, Piſtes
Primus Conjugi
Optumae, Sanctae,
Et Piae, Benemeritate.
Non aequos, Parcae, ſtatuiſtis ſtamina vitae.
Tam bene compoſitos potuiſtis ſede tenere.
[92] Amiſſa eſt conjux. cur ego & ipſe moror?
Si · bella · eſſe · mî · iſte · mea · vivere · debuit ·
Triſtia contigerunt qui amiſſâ conjuge vivo.
Nil eſt tam miſerum, quam totam perdere vitam.
Nec vita enaſci dura peregiſtis crudelia penſa, ſorores,
Ruptaque deficiunt in primo munere fuſi.
O nimis injuſtae ter denos dare munus in annos,
Deceptus · grautus · fatum · ſic · preſſit · egeſtas ·
Dum vitam tulero, Primus Piſtes lugea conjugium.
*
He intitled this charming ode ‘"Ad C. Favonium Zephyrinum,"’ and writ it immediately after his journey to Freſcati and the caſcades of Tivoli, which he deſcribes in the preceding letter.
*
However whimſical this humour may appear to ſome readers, I choſe to inſert it, as it gives me an opportunity of remarking that Mr. Gray was extreamly ſkilled in the cuſtoms of the ancient Romans; and has catalogued, in his common place book, their various eatables, wines, perfumes, cloaths, medicines, &c. with great preciſion, referring under every article to paſſages in the Poets and Hiſtorians where their names are mentioned.
*
Sixtus V. built the dome of St. Peter's.
He raiſed the obeliſk in the great area.

LETTER XXII.

Mr. GRAY to his MOTHER.

OUR journey hither was through the moſt beautiful part of the fineſt country in the world; and every ſpot of it, on ſome account or other, famous for theſe three thouſand years paſt*. The ſeaſon has hitherto been juſt as warm as one would wiſh it; no unwholeſome airs, or violent heats, yet heard of: The people call it a backward year, and are in pain about their corn, wine, and oil; but we, who are neither corn, wine, nor oil, [93] find it very agreeable. Our road was through Velletri, Ciſterna, Terracina, Capua, and Averſa, and ſo to Naples. The minute one leaves his Holineſs's dominions, the face of things begins to change from wide uncultivated plains to olive groves and welltilled fields of corn, intermixed with ranks of elms, every one of which has its vine twining about it, and hanging in feſtoons between the rows from one tree to another. The great old figtrees, the oranges in full bloom, and myrtles in every hedge, make one of the delightfulleſt ſcenes you can conceive; beſides that, the roads are wide, well-kept, and full of paſſengers, a ſight I have not beheld this long time. My wonder ſtill increaſed upon entering the city, which I think, for number of people, outdoes both Paris and London. The ſtreets are one continued market, and thronged with populace ſo much that a coach can hardly paſs. The common ſort are a jolly lively kind of animals, more induſtrious than Italians uſually are; they work till evening; then they take their lute or guitar (for they all play) and walk about the city, or upon the ſea-ſhore with it, to enjoy the freſco. One ſees their little brown children jumping about ſtark-naked, and the bigger ones dancing with caſtanets, while others play on the cymbal to them. Your maps will ſhow you the ſituation of Naples; it is on the moſt lovely bay in the world, and one of the calmeſt ſeas: It has many other beauties beſides thoſe of nature. We have ſpent two days in viſiting the remarkable places in the country round it, ſuch as the bay of Baiae, and its remains of antiquity; the lake Avernus, and the Solfatara, Charon's grotto, &c. We have been in the Sybils' cave and many other ſtrange holes underground (I only name them, becauſe you may conſult Sandy's [94] travels); but the ſtrangeſt hole I ever was in, has been to-day at a place called Portici, where his Sicilian Majeſty has a country-ſeat. About a year ago, as they were digging, they diſcovered ſome parts of ancient buildings above thirty feet deep in the ground: Curioſity led them on, and they have been digging ever ſince; the paſſage they have made, with all its turnings and windings, is now more than a mile long. As you walk, you ſee parts of an amphitheatre, many houſes adorned with marble columns, and incruſted with the ſame; the front of a temple, ſeveral arched vaults of rooms painted in freſco. Some pieces of painting have been taken out from hence, finer than any thing of the kind before diſcovered, and with theſe the King has adorned his palace; alſo a number of ſtatues, medals, and gems; and more are dug out every day. This is known to be a Roman town*, that in the Emperor Titus's time was overwhelmed by a furious eruption of Mount Veſuvius, which is hard by. The wood and beams remain ſo perfect that you may ſee the grain; but burnt to a coal, and dropping into duſt upon the leaſt touch. We were to-day at the foot of that mountain, which at preſent only ſmokes a little, where we ſaw the materials that fed the ſtream of fire, which about four years ſince ran down its ſide. We have but a few days longer to ſtay here; too little in conſcience for ſuch a place. ***

*
Mr. Gray writ a minute deſcription of every thing he ſaw in this tour from Rome to Naples; as alſo of the environs of Rome, Florence, &c. But as theſe papers are apparently only memorandums for his own uſe, I do not think it neceſſary to print them, although they abound with many uncommon remarks, and pertinent claſſical quotations. The reader will pleaſe to obſerve throughout this ſection, that it is not my intention to give him Mr. Gray's Travels, but only extracts from the Letters which he writ during his travels.
*
It ſhould ſeem by the omiſſion of its name, that it was not then diſcovered to be Herculaneum.
[95]

LETTER XXIII.

Mr. GRAY to his FATHER.

AT my return to this city, the day before yeſterday, I had the pleaſure of finding yours dated June the 9th. The period of our voyages, at leaſt towards the ſouth, is come, as you wiſh. We have been at Naples, ſpent nine or ten days there, and returned to Rome, where finding no likelihood of a Pope yet theſe three months, and quite wearied with the formal aſſemblies, and little ſociety of that great city, Mr. Walpole determined to return hither to ſpend the ſummer, where he imagines he ſhall paſs his time more agreeably than in the tedious expectation of what, when it happens, will only be a great ſhow. For my own part, I give up the thoughts of all that with but little regret; but the city itſelf I do not part with ſo eaſily, which alone has amuſements for whole years. However, I have paſſed through all that moſt people do, both ancient and modern; what that is you may ſee, better than I can tell you, in a thouſand books. The Conclave we left in greater uncertainty than ever; the more than ordinary liberty they enjoy there, and the unuſual coolneſs of the ſeaſon, makes the confinement leſs diſagreeable to them than common, and, conſequently, maintains them in their irreſolution. There have been very high words, one or two (it is ſaid) have come even to blows; two more are dead within this laſt month, Cenci and Portia; the latter died diſtracted; and we left another (Altieri) at the extremity: Yet nobody dreams of an election till the [96] latter end of September. All this gives great ſcandal to all good catholics, and every body talks very freely on the ſubject. The Pretender (whom you deſire an account of) I have had frequent opportunities of ſeeing at church, at the corſo, and other places; but more particularly, and that for a whole night, at a great ball given by Count Patrizii to the Prince and Princeſs Craon, (who were come to Rome at that time, that he might receive from the hands of the Emperor's miniſter there the order of the golden fleece) at which he and his two ſons were preſent. They are good fine boys, eſpecially the younger, who has the more ſpirit of the two, and both danced inceſſantly all night long. For him, he is a thin ill-made man, extremely tall and aukward, of a moſt unpromiſing countenance, a good deal reſembling King James the Second, and has extremely the air and look of an idiot, particularly when he laughs or prays. The firſt he does not often, the latter continually. He lives private enough with his little court about him, conſiſting of Lord Dunbar, who manages every thing, and two or three of the Preſton Scotch Lords, who would be very glad to make their peace at home.

We happened to be at Naples on Corpus Chriſti Day, the greateſt feaſt in the year, ſo had an opportunity of ſeeing their Sicilian Majeſties to advantage. The King walked in the grand proceſſion, and the Queen (being big with child) ſat in a balcony. He followed the Hoſt to the church of St. Clara, where high maſs was celebrated to a glorious concert of muſic. They are as ugly a little pair as one can ſee: She a pale girl, marked with the ſmall-pox; and he a brown boy with a thin face, a huge noſe, and as ungain as poſſible.

[97] We are ſettled here with Mr. Mann in a charming apartment; the river Arno runs under our windows, which we can fiſh out of. The ſky is ſo ſerene, and the air ſo temperate, that one continues in the open air all night long in a ſlight nightgown without any danger; and the marble bridge is the reſort of every body, where they hear muſic, eat iced fruits, and ſup by moon-light; though as yet (the ſeaſon being extremely backward every where) theſe amuſements are not begun. You ſee we are now coming northward again, though in no great haſte; the Venetian and Milaneſe territories, and either Germany or the South of France, (according to the turn the war may take) are all that remain for us, that we have not yet ſeen; as to Loretto, and that part of Italy, we have given over all thoughts of it.

LETTER XXIV.

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

I Lived at the Temple till I was ſick of it: I have juſt left it, and find myſelf as much a lawyer as I was when I was in it. It is certain, at leaſt, I may ſtudy the law here as well as I could there. My being in chambers did not ſignify to me a pinch of ſnuff. They tell me my father was a lawyer, and, as you know, eminent in the profeſſion; and ſuch a circumſtance muſt be of advantage to me. My uncle too makes ſome figure in Weſtminſter hall; and there's another advantage: Then my [98] grandfather's name would get me many friends. Is it not ſtrange that a young fellow, that might enter the world with ſo many advantages, will not know his own intereſt? &c. &c.—What ſhall I ſay in anſwer to all this? For money, I neither doat upon it nor deſpiſe it; it is a neceſſary ſtuff enough. For ambition, I do not want that neither; but it is not to ſit upon a bench. In ſhort, is it not a diſagreeable thing to force one's inclination, eſpecially when one's young? not to mention that one ought to have the ſtrength of a Hercules to go through our common law; which, I am afraid, I have not. Well! but then, ſay they, if one profeſſion does not ſuit you, you may chooſe another more to your inclination. Now I proteſt I do not yet know my own inclination, and I believe, if that was to be my direction, I ſhould never fix at all: There is no going by a weathercock.—I could ſay much more upon this ſubject; but there is no talking tête-à-tête croſs the Alps. O the folly of young men, that never know their own intereſt! they never grow wiſe till they are ruined! and then nobody pities them, nor helps them. Dear Gray! conſider me in the condition of one that has lived theſe two years without any perſon that he can ſpeak freely to. I know it is very ſeldom that people trouble themſelves with the ſentiments of thoſe they converſe with; ſo they can chat about trifles, they never care whether your heart aches or no. Are you one of theſe? I think not. But what right have I to aſk you this queſtion? Have we known one another enough, that I ſhould expect or demand ſincerity from you? Yes, Gray, I hope we have; and I have not quite ſuch a mean opinion of myſelf, as to think I do not deſerve it.—But, Signor, is it not time for me to aſk ſomething about your further intentions abroad? Where do you [99] propoſe going next? an in Apuliam? nam illò ſi adveneris, tanquam Ulyſſes, cognoſces tuorum neminem. Vale. So Cicero propheſies in the end of one of his letters*—and there I end.

Yours, &c.
*
This letter (written apparently in much agitation of mind, which Mr. Weſt endeavours to conceal by an unuſual careleſſneſs of manner) is chiefly inſerted to introduce the anſwer to it; which appears to me to be replete with delicate feeling, manly ſenſe, and epiſtolary eaſe. If the reader ſhould think as highly of it as I do, let me remind him that the writer was not now quite four and twenty years old.

LETTER XXV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

YOU do yourſelf and me juſtice, in imagining that you merit, and that I am capable of ſincerity. I have not a thought, or even a weakneſs, I deſire to conceal from you; and conſequently on my ſide deſerve to be treated with the ſame openneſs of heart. My vanity perhaps might make me more reſerved towards you, if you were one of the heroic race, ſuperior to all human failings; but as mutual wants are the ties of general ſociety, ſo are mutual weakneſſes of private friendſhips, ſuppoſing them mixt with ſome proportion of good qualities; for where one may not ſometimes blame, one does not much care ever to praiſe. All this has the air of an introduction deſigned to ſoften a very harſh reproof that is to follow; but it is no ſuch matter: I only meant to aſk, Why did [100] you change your lodging? Was the air bad, or the ſituation melancholy? If ſo, you are quite in the right. Only, is it not putting yourſelf a little out of the way of a people, with whom it ſeems neceſſary to keep up ſome ſort of intercourſe and converſation, though but little for your pleaſure or entertainment, (yet there are, I believe, ſuch among them as might give you both) at leaſt for your information in that ſtudy, which, when I left you, you thought of applying to? for that there is a certain ſtudy neceſſary to be followed, if we mean to be of any uſe in the world, I take for granted; diſagreeable enough (as moſt neceſſities are) but, I am afraid, unavoidable. Into how many branches theſe ſtudies are divided in England, every body knows; and between that which you and I had pitched upon, and the other two, it was impoſſible to balance long. Examples ſhew one that it is not abſolutely neceſſary to be a blockhead to ſucceed in this profeſſion. The labour is long, and the elements dry and unentertaining; nor was ever any body (eſpecially thoſe that afterwards made a figure in it) amuſed, or even not diſguſted in the beginning; yet, upon a further acquaintance, there is ſurely matter for curioſity and reflection. It is ſtrange if, among all that huge maſs of words, there be not ſomewhat intermixed for thought. Laws have been the reſult of long deliberation, and that not of dull men, but the contrary; and have ſo cloſe a connexion with hiſtory, nay, with philoſophy itſelf, that they muſt partake a little of what they are related to ſo nearly. Beſides, tell me, Have you ever made the attempt? Was not you frighted merely with the diſtant proſpect? Had the Gothic character and bulkineſs of thoſe volumes (a tenth part of which perhaps it will be no further neceſſary to conſult, than as one does a dictionary) no ill effect [101] upon your eye? Are you ſure, if Coke had been printed by Elzevir, and bound in twenty neat pocket volumes, inſtead of one folio, you ſhould never have taken him up for an hour, as you would a Tully, or drank your tea over him? I know how great an obſtacle ill ſpirits are to reſolution. Do you really think, if you rid ten miles every morning, in a week's time you ſhould not entertain much ſtronger hopes of the Chancellorſhip, and think it a much more probable thing than you do at preſent? The advantages you mention are not nothing; our inclinations are more than we imagine in our own power; reaſon and reſolution determine them, and ſupport under many difficulties. To me there hardly appears to be any medium between a public life and a private one; he who prefers the firſt, muſt put himſelf in a way of being ſerviceable to the reſt of mankind, if he has a mind to be of any conſequence among them: Nay, he muſt not refuſe being in a certain degree even dependent upon ſome men who already are ſo. If he has the good fortune to light on ſuch as will make no ill uſe of his humility, there is no ſhame in this: If not, his ambition ought to give place to a reaſonable pride, and he ſhould apply to the cultivation of his own mind thoſe abilities which he has not been permitted to uſe for others' ſervice. Such a private happineſs (ſuppoſing a ſmall competence of fortune) is almoſt always in one's power, and the proper enjoyment of age, as the other is the employment of youth. You are yet young, have ſome advantages and opportunities, and an undoubted capacity, which you have never yet put to the trial. Set apart a few hours, ſee how the firſt year will agree with you, at the end of it you are ſtill the maſter; if you change your mind, you will only have got the knowledge of a little ſomewhat that can do no hurt, or give you [102] cauſe of repentance. If your inclination be not fixed upon any thing elſe, it is a ſymptom that you are not abſolutely determined againſt this, and warns you not to miſtake mere indolence for inability. I am ſenſible there is nothing ſtronger againſt what I would perſuade you to, than my own practice; which may make you imagine I think not as I ſpeak. Alas! it is not ſo; but I do not act what I think, and I had rather be the object of your pity, than that you ſhould be that of mine; and, be aſſured, the advantage I may receive from it, does not diminiſh my concern in hearing you want ſomebody to converſe with freely, whoſe advice might be of more weight, and always at hand. We have ſome time ſince come to the ſouthern period of our voyages; we ſpent about nine days at Naples. It is the largeſt and moſt populous city, as its environs are the moſt deliciouſly fertile country, of all Italy. We ſailed in the bay of Baiae, ſweated in the Solfatara, and died in the grotto del Cane, as all ſtrangers do; ſaw the Corpus Chriſti proceſſion, and the King and the Queen, and the city underground, (which is a wonder I reſerve to tell you of another time) and ſo returned to Rome for another fortnight; left it (left Rome!) and came hither for the ſummer. You have ſeen *an Epiſtle to Mr. Aſhton, that ſeems to me full of ſpirit and thought, and a good deal of poetic fire. I would know your opinion. Now I talk of verſes, Mr. Walpole and I have frequently wondered you ſhould never mention a certain imitation of Spencer, publiſhed laſt year by a nameſake of yours, with which we are all enraptured and enmarvailed.

*
The reader will find this in Dodſley's Miſcellany and alſo amongſt Mr. Walpole's Fugitive Pieces.
Gilbert Weſt, Eſq This poem ‘"On the Abuſe of Travelling"’ is alſo in Dodſley's Miſcellany.
[103]

LETTER XXVI.

Mr. GRAY to his MOTHER.

IT is ſome time ſince I have had the pleaſure of writing to you, having been upon a little excurſion croſs the mountains to Bologna. We ſet out from hence at ſunſet, paſſed the Apennines by moon-light, travelling inceſſantly till we came to Bologna at four in the afternoon next day. There we ſpent a week agreeably enough, and returned as we came. The day before yeſterday arrived the news of a Pope; and I have the mortification of being within four days journey of Rome, and not ſeeing his coronation, the heats being violent, and the infectious air now at its height. We had an inſtance, the other day, that it is not only fancy. Two country fellows, ſtrong men, and uſed to the country about Rome, having occaſion to come from thence hither, and travelling on foot, as common with them, one died ſuddenly on the road; the other got hither, but extremely weak, and in a manner ſtupid; he was carried to the hoſpital, but died in two days. So, between fear and lazineſs, we remain here, and muſt be ſatisfied with the accounts other people give us of the matter. The new Pope is called Benedict XIV. being created Cardinal by Benedict XIII. the laſt Pope but one. His name is Lambertini, a noble Bologneſe, and Archbiſhop of that city. When I was firſt there, I remember to have ſeen him two or three times; he is a ſhort, fat man, about ſixty-five years of age, of a hearty, merry countenance, and likely to live ſome years. He bears a good character for generoſity, affability, and other virtues; and, [104] they ſay, wants neither knowledge nor capacity. The worſt ſide of him is, that he has a nephew or two; beſides a certain young favourite, called Melara, who is ſaid to have had, for ſome time, the arbitrary diſpoſal of his purſe and family. He is reported to have made a little ſpeech to the Cardinals in the Conclave, while they were undetermined about an election, as follows: ‘"Moſt eminent Lords, here are three Bologneſe of different characters, but all equally proper for the Popedom. If it be your pleaſures, to pitch upon a Saint, there is Cardinal Gotti; if upon a Politician, there is Aldrovandi; if upon a Booby, here am I."’ The Italian is much more expreſſive, and, indeed, not to be tranſlated; wherefore, if you meet with any body that underſtands it, you may ſhew them what he ſaid in the language he ſpoke it. ‘"Eminſſimi. Sigri. Ci ſiamo tré, diverſi si, mà tutti idonei al Papato. Se vi piace un Santo, c' è l'Gotti; ſe volete una teſta ſcaltra, e Politica, c' è l'Aldrovandé; ſe un Coglione, eccomi!"’ Cardinal Coſcia is reſtored to his liberty, and, it is ſaid, will be to all his benefices. Corſini (the late Pope's nephew) as he has had no hand in this election, it is hoped, will be called to account for all his villanous practices. The Pretender, they ſay, has reſigned all his pretenſions to his eldeſt boy, and will accept of the Grand Chancellorſhip, which is thirty thouſand crowns a-year; the penſion he has at preſent is only twenty thouſand. I do not affirm the truth of this laſt article; becauſe, if he does, it is neceſſary he ſhould take the eccleſiaſtical habit, and it will ſound mighty odd to be called his Majeſty the Chancellor.—So ends my Gazette.

[105]

LETTER XXVII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

WHAT I ſend you now, as long as it is, is but a piece of a poem. It has the advantage of all fragments, to need neither introduction nor concluſion: Beſides, if you do not like it, it is but imagining that which went before, and came after, to be infinitely better. Look in Sandy's Travels for the hiſtory of Monte Barbaro, and Monte Nuovo.*

* * * * *
Nec procul infelix ſe tollit in aethera Gaurus,
Proſpiciens vitreum lugenti vertice pontum:
Triſtior ille diu, & veteri deſuetus olivâ
Gaurus, pampineaeque eheu jam neſcius umbrae;
Horrendi tam ſaeva premit vicinia montis,
Attonitumque urget latus, exuritque ferentem.
[106]
Nam fama eſt olim, mediâ dum rura ſilebant
Nocte, Deo victa, & molli perfuſa quiete,
Infremuiſſe aequor ponti, auditamque per omnes
Latè tellurem ſurdùm immugire cavernas:
Quo ſonitu nemora alta tremunt; tremit excita tuto
Parthenopaea ſinu, flammantiſque ora Vefevi.
At ſubitò ſe aperire ſolum, vaſtoſque receſſus
Pandere ſub pedibus, nigrâque voragine fauces;
Tum piceas cinerum glomerare ſub aethere nubes
Vorticibus rapidis, ardentique imbre procellam.
Praecipites fugere ferae, perque avia longè
Sylvarum fugit paſtor, juga per deſerta,
Ah, miſer! increpitans ſaepè altâ voce per umbram
Nequicquam natos, creditque audire ſequentes.
Atque ille excelſo rupis de vertice ſolus
Reſpectans notaſque domos, & dulcia regna,
[107] Nil uſquàm videt infelix praeter mare triſti
Lumine percuſſum, & pallentes ſulphure campos,
Fumumque, flammaſque, rotataque turbine ſaxa.
Quin ubi detonuit fragor, & lux reddita coelo;
Maeſtos confluere agricolas, paſſuque videres
Tandem iterum timido deſerta requirere tecta:
Sperantes, ſi forte oculis, ſi forte darentur
Uxorum cineres, miſerorumve oſſa parentum,
(Tenuia, ſed tanti ſaltem ſolatia luctus)
Unà colligere & juſtâ componere in urnâ.
Uxorum nuſquam cineres, nuſquam oſſa parentum
(Spem miſeram!) aſſuetoſve Lares, aut rura videbunt.
Quippe ubi planities campi diffuſa jacebat;
Mons novus: ille ſupercilium, frontemque favillâ
Incanum oſtentans, ambuſtis cautibus, aequor
Subjectum, ſtragemque ſuam, maeſta arva, minaci
Deſpicit imperio, ſoloque in littore regnat.
Hinc infame loci nomen, multoſque per annos
Immemor antiquae laudis, neſcire labores
Vomeris, & nullo tellus revireſcere cultu.
Non avium colles, non carmine matutino
Paſtorum reſonare; adeò undique dirus habebat
Informes latè horror agros ſaltuſque vacantes.
Saepius et longé detorquens navita proram
Monſtrabat digito littus, ſaevaeque revolvens
Funera narrabat noctis, veteremque ruinam.
Montis adhuc facies manet hirta atque aſpera ſaxis:
Sed furor extinctus jamdudum, & flamma quievit,
[108] Quae naſcenti aderat; ſeu forté bituminis atri
Defluxere olim rivi, atque effoeta lacuna
Pabula ſufficere ardori, vireſque recuſat;
Sive in viſceribus meditans incendia jam nunc
(Horrendùm) arcanis glomerat genti eſſe futurae
Exitio, ſparſos tacituſque recolligit ignes.
Raro per clivos haud ſecius ordine vidi
Caneſcentem oleam: longum poſt tempus amicti
Vite virent tumuli; patriamque reviſere gaudens
Bacchus in aſſuetis tenerum caput exerit arvis
Vix tandem, infidoque audet ſe credere coelo.

There was a certain little ode* ſet out from Rome, in a letter of recommendation to you, but poſſibly fell into the enemies' hands, for I never heard of its arrival. It is a little impertinent to inquire after its welfare; but you, that are a father, will excuſe a parent's fooliſh fondneſs. Laſt poſt I received a very diminutive letter: It made excuſes for its unentertainingneſs, very little to the purpoſe; ſince it aſſured me, very ſtrongly, of your eſteem, which is to me the thing; all the reſt appear but as the petits agrémens, the garniſhing of the diſh. P. Bougeant, in his Langage des Bêtes, fancies that your birds, who continually repeat the ſame note, ſay only in plain terms, ‘"Je vous aime, ma chere; ma chere, je vous aime;"’ and that thoſe of greater genius indeed, with various trills, run diviſions upon the ſubject; but that the fond, from whence it all proceeds, is ‘"toujours je vous aime."’ Now you may, as you find yourſelf dull or in humour, either take me for a [109] chaffinch or nightingale; ſing your plain ſong, or ſhow your ſkill in muſic, but in the bottom let there be, toujours, toujours de l'Amitié.

As to what you call my ſerious letter; be aſſured, that your future ſtate is to me entirely indifferent. Do not be angry, but hear me; I mean with reſpect to myſelf. For whether you be at the top of Fame, or entirely unknown to mankind; at the Council-table, or at Dick's coffee-houſe; ſick and ſimple, or well and wife; whatever alteration mere accident works in you, (ſuppoſing it utterly impoſſible for it to make any change in your ſincerity and honeſty, ſince theſe are conditions ſine quâ non) I do not ſee any likelihood of my not being yours ever.

*
To ſave the reader trouble, I here inſert the paſſage referred to.—‘"Weſt of Cicero's Villa ſtands the eminent Gaurus, a ſtony and deſolate mountain, in which there are diverſe obſcure caverns, choaked almoſt with earth, where many have conſumed much fruitleſs induſtry in ſearching for treaſure. The famous Lucrine Lake extended formerly from Avernus to the aforeſaid Gaurus: But is now no other than a little ſedgy plaſh, choaked up by the horrible and aſtoniſhing eruption of the new mountain; whereof, as oft as I think, I am eaſy to credit whatſoever is wonderful. For who here knows not, or who elſewhere will believe, that a mountain ſhould ariſe, (partly out of a lake and partly out of the ſea) in one day and a night, unto ſuch a height as to contend in altitude with the high mountains adjoining? In the year of our Lord 1538, on the 29th of September, when for certain days foregoing the country hereabout was ſo vexed with perpetual earthquakes, as no one houſe was left ſo entire as not to expect an immediate ruin; after that the ſea had retired two hundred paces from the ſhore, (leaving abundance of fiſh, and ſprings of freſh water riſing in the bottom) this mountain viſibly aſcended, about the ſecond hour of the night, with an hideous roaring, horribly vomiting ſtones and ſuch ſtore of cinders as overwhelmed all the building thereabout, and the ſalubrious baths of Tripergula, for ſo many ages celebrated; conſumed the vines to aſhes, killing birds and beaſts: the fearful inhabitants of Puzzol flying through the dark with their wives and children; naked, defiled, crying out, and deteſting their calamities. Manifold miſchiefs have they ſuffered by the barbarous, yet none like this which Nature inflicted.—This new mountain, when newly raiſed, had a number of iſſues; at ſome of them ſmoking and ſometimes flaming; at others diſgorging rivulets of hot waters; keeping within a terrible rumbling; and many miſerably periſhed that ventured to deſcend into the hollowneſs above. But that hollow on the top is at preſent an orchard, and the mountain throughout is bereft of his terrors." Sandy's Travels, book 4, page 275, 277, and 278.
*
The Alcaic Ode inſerted in Letter XXI.

LETTER XXVIII.

Mr. GRAY to his FATHER.

THE beginning of next ſpring is the time determined for our return at furtheſt; poſſibly it may be before that time. How the interim will be employed, or what route we ſhall take, is not ſo certain. If we remain friends with France, upon leaving this country we ſhall croſs over to Venice, and ſo return through the cities north of the Po to Genoa; from thence take a felucca to Marſeilles, and come back through Paris. If the contrary fall out, which ſeems not unlikely, we muſt make the Milaneſe, and thoſe parts of Italy, in our way to Venice; [110] from thence paſs through the Tirol into Germany, and come home by the Low-Countries. As for Florence, it has been gayer than ordinary for this laſt month, being one round of balls and entertainments, occaſioned by the arrival of a great Milaneſe Lady; for the only thing the Italians ſhine in, is their reception of ſtrangers. At ſuch times every thing is magnificence: The more remarkable, as in their ordinary courſe of life they are parſimonious, even to a degree of naſtineſs. I ſaw in one of the vaſteſt palaces in Rome (that of Prince Pamfilio) the apartment which he himſelf inhabited, a bed that moſt ſervants in England would diſdain to lie in, and furniture much like that of a ſoph at Cambridge, for convenience and neatneſs. This man is worth 30,000 l. ſterling a year. As for eating, there are not two Cardinals in Rome that allow more than ſix paoli, which is three ſhillings a day, for the expence of their table; and you may imagine they are ſtill leſs extravagant here than there. But when they receive a viſit from any friend, their houſes and perſons are ſet out to the greateſt advantage, and appear in all their ſplendour; it is, indeed, from a motive of vanity, and with the hopes of having it repaid them with intereſt, whenever they have occaſion to return the viſit. I call viſits going from one city of Italy to another; for it is not ſo among acquaintance of the ſame place on common occaſions. The new Pope has retrenched the charges of his own table to a ſequin (10 s.) a meal. The applauſe which all he ſays and does meets with, is enough to encourage him really to deſerve fame. They ſay he is an able and honeſt man; he is reckoned a wit too. The other day, when the Senator of Rome came to wait upon him, at the firſt compliments he made him the Pope pulled off his cap: His Maſter of the Ceremonies, who ſtood by his ſide, [111] touched him ſoftly, as to warn him that ſuch a condeſcenſion was too great in him, and out of all manner of rule: Upon which he turned to him and ſaid, ‘"Oh! I cry you mercy, good Maſter, it is true, I am but a Novice of a Pope; I have not yet ſo much as learned ill manners."’ ***

LETTER XXIX.

Mr. GRAY to his FATHER.

WE ſtill continue conſtant at Florence, at preſent one of the dulleſt cities in Italy. Though it is the middle of the Carnival there are no public diverſions; nor is maſquerading permitted as yet. The Emperor's obſequies are to be celebrated publickly the 16th of this month; and after that, it is imagined every thing will go on in its uſual courſe. In the mean time, to employ the minds of the populace, the Government has thought fit to bring into the city in a ſolemn manner, and at a great expence, a famous ſtatue of the Virgin called the Madonna dell'Impruneta, from the place of her reſidence, which is upon a mountain ſeven miles off. It never has been practiſed but at times of public calamity; and was done at preſent to avert the ill effects of a late great inundation, which it was feared might cauſe ſome epidemical diſtemper. It was introduced a [112] fortnight ago in proceſſion, attended by the Council of Regency, the Senate, the Nobility, and all the Religious Orders, on foot and bare-headed, and ſo carried to the great church, where it was frequented by an infinite concourſe of people from all the country round. Among the reſt I paid my devotions almoſt every day, and ſaw numbers of people poſſeſſed with the devil, who were brought to be exorciſed. It was indeed in the evening, and the church-doors were always ſhut before the ceremonies were finiſhed, ſo that I could not be eye-witneſs of the event; but that they were all cured is certain, for one never heard any more of them the next morning. I am to-night juſt returned from ſeeing our Lady make her exit with the ſame ſolemnities ſhe entered. The ſhow had a finer effect than before; for it was dark; and every body (even thoſe of the mob that could afford it) bore a white-wax flambeau. I believe there were at leaſt five thouſand of them, and the march was near three hours in paſſing before the window. The ſubject of all this devotion is ſuppoſed to be a large Tile with a rude figure in bas-relief upon it. I ſay ſuppoſed, becauſe ſince the time it was found (for it was found in the earth in ploughing) only two people have ſeen it; the one was, by good-luck, a ſaint; the other was ſtruck blind for his preſumption. Ever ſince ſhe has been covered with ſeven veils; nevertheleſs, thoſe who approach her tabernacle caſt their eyes down, for fear they ſhould ſpy her through all her veils. Such is the hiſtory, as I had it from the Lady of the houſe where I ſtood to ſee her paſs; with many other circumſtances; all which ſhe firmly believes, and ten thouſand beſide.

[113] We ſhall go to Venice in about ſix weeks, or ſooner. A number of German troops are upon their march into this State, in caſe the King of Naples thinks proper to attack it. It is certain he has aſked the Pope's leave for his troops to paſs through his country. The Tuſcans in general are much diſcontented, and fooliſh enough to wiſh for a Spaniſh government, or any rather than this. ****

*
Between the date of this and the foregoing letter the reader will perceive an interval of full three months: as Mr. Gray ſaw no new places during this period, his letters were chiefly of news and common occurrences, and are therefore omitted.

LETTER XXX.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

I Know not what degree of ſatisfaction it will give you to be told that we ſhall ſet out from hence the 24th of this month, and not ſtop above a fortnight at any place in our way. This I feel, that you are the principal pleaſure I have to hope for in my own country. Try at leaſt to make me imagine myſelf not indifferent to you; for I muſt own I have the vanity of deſiring to be eſteemed by ſomebody, and would chooſe that ſomebody ſhould be one whom I eſteem as much as I do you. As I am recommending myſelf to your love, methinks I ought to ſend you my picture (for I am no more what I was, ſome circumſtances excepted, which I hope I need not particularize to you); you muſt add then, to your former idea, two years of age, a reaſonable quantity of dullneſs, a great deal of ſilence, and ſomething that rather reſembles, than is, thinking; a confuſed notion of many ſtrange and fine things that have ſwum before my eyes for ſome time, a want of love for general ſociety, [114] indeed an inability to it. On the good ſide you may add a ſenſibility for what others feel, and indulgence for their faults or weakneſſes, a love of truth, and deteſtation of every thing elſe. Then you are to deduct a little impertinence, a little laughter, a great deal of pride, and ſome ſpirits. Theſe are all the alterations I know of, you perhaps may find more. Think not that I have been obliged for this reformation of manners to reaſon or reflection, but to a ſeverer ſchool-miſtreſs, Experience. One has little merit in learning her leſſons, for one cannot well help it; but they are more uſeful than others, and imprint themſelves in the very heart. I find I have been haranguing in the ſtyle of the Son of Sirach, ſo ſhall finiſh here, and tell you that our route is ſettled as follows: Firſt to Bologna for a few days, to hear the Viſcontina ſing; next to Reggio, where is a Fair. Now, you muſt know, a Fair here is not a place where one eats gingerbread or rides upon hobbyhorſes; here are no muſical clocks, nor tall Leiceſterſhire women; one has nothing but maſquing, gaming, and ſinging. If you love operas, there will be the moſt ſplendid in Italy, four tip-top voices, a new theatre, the Duke and Dutcheſs in all their pomps and vanities. Does not this ſound magnificent? Yet is the city of Reggio but one ſtep above Old Brentford. Well; next to Venice by the 11th of May, there to ſee the old Doge wed the Adriatic Whore. Then to Verona, ſo to Milan, ſo to Marſeilles, ſo to Lyons, ſo to Paris, ſo to Weſt, &c. in ſaecula ſaeculorum. Amen.

Eleven months, at different times, have I paſſed at Florence; and yet (God help me) know not either people or language. [115] Yet the place and the charming proſpects demand a poetical farewell, and here it is.

** Oh Faeſulae amaena
Frigoribus juga, nec nimiùm ſpirantibus auris!
Alma quibus Tuſci Pallas decus Apennini
Eſſe dedit, glaucâque ſuâ caneſcere ſylvâ!
Non ego vos poſthàc Arni de valle videbo
Porticibus circum, & candenti cincta coronâ
Villarum longè nitido confurgere dorſo,
Antiquamve Aedem, & veteres praeferre Cupreſſus
Mirabor, tectiſque ſuper pendentia tecta.

I will ſend you, too, a pretty little Sonnet of a Sigr. Abbate Buondelmonte, with my imitation of it.

Speſſo Amor ſotto la forma
D'amiſtà ride, e s'aſconde:
Poi ſi miſchia, e ſi confonde
Con lo ſdegno, e col rancor.
In Pietade ei ſi trasforma;
Par traſtullo, e par diſpetto:
Mà nel ſuo diverſo aſpetto
Sempr'egli, è l'iſteſſo Amor.

Luſit amicitiae interdum velatus amictu,
Et benè compoſitâ veſte fefellit Amor.
Mox irae aſſumſit cultus, faciemque minantem,
Inque odium verſus, verſus & in lacrymas:
Ludentem fuge, nec lacrymanti, aut crede furenti;
Idem eſt diſſimili ſemper in ore Deus.

[116] Here comes a letter from you.—I muſt defer giving my opinion of *Pauſanias till I can ſee the whole, and only have ſaid what I did in obedience to your commands. I have ſpoken with ſuch freedom on this head, that it ſeems but juſt you ſhould have your revenge; and therefore I ſend you the beginning not of an Epic Poem, but of a Metaphyſic one. Poems and Metaphyſics (ſay you, with your ſpectacles on) are inconſiſtent things. A metaphyſical poem is a contradiction in terms. It is true, but I will go on. It is Latin too to increaſe the abſurdity. It will, I ſuppoſe, put you in mind of the man who wrote a treatiſe of Canon Law in Hexameters. Pray help me to the deſcription of a mixt mode, and a little Epiſode about Space.

*
Some part of a Tragedy under that title, which Mr. Weſt had begun; but I do not find amongſt Mr. Gray's papers either the ſketch itſelf, or Mr. Gray's free critique upon it, which he here mentions.
The beginning of the firſt book of a didactic Poem, ‘"De Principiis Cogitandi."’ The fragment which he now ſent contained the firſt 53 lines. The reader will find a further account of his deſign, and all that he finiſhed of the Poem, in a ſubſequent ſection.

Mr. Walpole and Mr. Gray ſet out from Florence at the time ſpecified in the foregoing Letter. When Mr. Gray left Venice, which he did the middle of July following, he returned home through Padua, Verona, Milan, Turin, and Lyons. From all which places he writ either to his Father or Mother with great punctuality: But merely to inform them of his health and ſafety; about which (as might be expected) they were now very anxious, as he travelled with only a ‘'Laquais [117] du Voyage.'’ Theſe letters do not even mention that he went out of his way to make a ſecond viſit to the Grande Chartreuſe,* and there wrote in the Album of the Fathers the following Alcaic Ode, with which I conclude this Section.

ODE.
Oh Tu, ſeveri Religio loci,
Quocunque gaudes nomine (non leve
Nativa nam certè fluenta
Numen habet, vetereſque ſylvas;
Praeſentiorem & conſpicimus Deum
Per invias rupes, fera per juga,
Clivoſque praeruptos, ſonantes
Inter aquas, nemorumque noctem;
Quàm ſi repòſtus ſub trabe citreâ
Fulgeret auro, & Phidiacâ manu)
Salve vocanti ritè, feſſo et
Da placidam juveni quietem.
Quod ſi invidendis ſedibus, & frui
Fortuna ſacrâ lege ſilentii
Vetat volentem, me reſorbens
In medios violenta fluctus:
[118]Saltem remoto des, Pater, angulo
Horas ſenectae ducere liberas;
Tutumque vulgari tumultu
Surripias, hominumque curis.
END OF THE SECOND SECTION.

SECTION THE THIRD.

[]

WHEN Mr. Gray returned from abroad, he found his Father's conſtitution almoſt entirely worn out by the very ſevere attacks of the gout, to which he had been for many years ſubject; and indeed the next return of that diſtemper was fatal to him.* This happened about two months after his ſon reached London.

It has been before obſerved, that Mr. Philip Gray was of a reſerved and indolent temper; he was alſo moroſe, unſocial, and obſtinate; defects which, if not inherent in his diſpoſition, might probably ariſe from his bodily complaints. His indolence had led him to neglect the buſineſs of his profeſſion; his obſtinacy, to build a country-houſe at Wanſtead, without acquainting either his wife or ſon with the deſign (to which he knew they would be very averſe) till it was executed. This building, which he undertook late in life, was attended with very conſiderable expence; which might almoſt be called [120] ſo much money thrown away: ſince, after his death, the houſe was obliged to be ſold for two thouſand pounds leſs than its original coſt. Mr. Gray, therefore, at this time found his patrimony ſo ſmall, that it would by no means enable him to proſecute the ſtudy of the law, without his becoming burthenſome to his Mother and Aunt. Theſe two ſiſters had for many years carried on a trade ſeparate from that of Mrs. Gray's huſband; by which having acquired what would ſupport them decently for the reſt of their lives, they left off buſineſs ſoon after his death, and retired to Stoke, near Windſor, to the houſe of their other Siſter, Mrs. Rogers, lately become the widow of a clergyman of that name. Both of them wiſhed Mr. Gray to follow the profeſſion for which he had been originally intended, and would undoubtedly have contributed all in their power to enable him to do it with eaſe and conveniency. He on his part, though he had taken his reſolution of declining it, was too delicate to hurt two perſons for whom he had ſo tender an affection, by peremptorily declaring his real intentions; and therefore changed, or pretended to change, the line of that ſtudy; and, accordingly, the latter end of the ſubſequent year went to Cambridge to take his Bachelor's Degree in Civil Law.

But the narrowneſs of his circumſtances was not the only thing that diſtreſſed him at this period. He had, as we have ſeen, loſt the friendſhip of Mr. Walpole abroad. He had alſo loſt much time in his travels; a loſs which application could not eaſily retrieve, when ſo ſevere and laborious a [121] ſtudy as that of the Common Law was to be the object of it; and he well knew that, whatever improvement he might have made in this interval, either in taſte or ſcience, ſuch improvement would ſtand him in little ſtead with regard to his preſent ſituation and exigencies. This was not all: His other friend, Mr. Weſt, he found, on his return, oppreſſed by ſickneſs and a load of family misfortunes; which, were I fully acquainted with them, it would not be my inclination here to dwell upon. Theſe the ſympathizing heart of Mr. Gray made his own. He did all in his power (for he was now with him in London) to ſoothe the ſorrows of his friend, and to try to alleviate them by every office of the pureſt and moſt perfect affection: But his cares were vain. The diſtreſſes of Mr. Weſt's mind had already too far affected a body, from the firſt, weak and delicate. His health declined daily, and, therefore, he left Town in March 1742, and, for the benefit of the air, went to David Mitchell's, Eſq at Popes, near Hatfield, Hertfordſhire; at whoſe houſe he died the 1ſt of June following.

It is from this place, and from the former date, that this third ſeries of letters commences.

LETTER I.*

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

I Write to make you write, for I have not much to tell you. I have recovered no ſpirits as yet; but, as I am not diſpleaſed [122] with my company, I ſit purring by the fire-ſide in my arm-chair with no ſmall ſatisfaction. I read too ſometimes, and have begun Tacitus, but have not yet read enough to judge of him; only his Pannonian ſedition in the firſt book of his annals, which is juſt as far as I have got, ſeemed to me a little tedious. I have no more to ſay, but to deſire you will write letters of a handſome length, and always anſwer me within a reaſonable ſpace of time, which I leave to your diſcretion.

P.S. The new Dunciad! qu'en penſez vous?

*
This letter is inſerted as introductory only to the anſwer which follows.

LETTER II.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

I Truſt to the country, and that eaſy indolence you ſay you enjoy there, to reſtore you your health and ſpirits; and doubt not but, when the ſun grows warm enough to tempt you from your fire-ſide, you will (like all other things) be the better for his influence. He is my old friend, and an excellent nurſe, I aſſure you. Had it not been for him, life had often been to me intolerable. Pray do not imagine that Tacitus, of all authors in the world, can be tedious. An annaliſt, you know, is by no means maſter of his ſubject; and I think one may venture to ſay, that if thoſe Pannonian affairs are tedious in his hands, in another's they would have been inſupportable. However, fear not, they will ſoon be over, and he will make ample amends. A man, who could join the brilliant of wit and conciſe ſententiouſneſs [123] peculiar to that age, with the truth and gravity of better times, and the deep reflection and good ſenſe of the beſt moderns, cannot chooſe but have ſomething to ſtrike you. Yet what I admire in him above all this, is his deteſtation of tyranny, and the high ſpirit of liberty that every now and then breaks out, as it were, whether he would or no. I remember a ſentence in his Agricola that (conciſe as it is) I always admired for ſaying much in a little compaſs. He ſpeaks of Domitian, who upon ſeeing the laſt will of that General, where he had made him Coheir with his Wife and Daughter, ‘"Satis conſtabat laetatum eum, velut honore, judicioque: tam caeca & corrupta mens aſſiduis adulationibus erat, ut neſciret a bono patre non ſcribi haeredem, niſi malum principem."’

As to the Dunciad it is greatly admired: The Genii of Operas and Schools, with their attendants, the pleas of the Virtuoſos and Floriſts, and the yawn of dullneſs in the end, are as fine as any thing he has written. The Metaphyſicians' part is to me the worſt; and here and there a few ill-expreſſed lines, and ſome hardly intelligible.

I take the liberty of ſending you a long ſpeech of Agrippina; much too long, but I could be glad you would retrench it. Aceronia, you may remember, had been giving quiet counſels. I fancy, if it ever be finiſhed, it will be in the nature of Nat. Lee's Bedlam Tragedy, which had twenty-five acts and ſome odd ſcenes.

[124] The ſpeech herewith ſent to Mr. Weſt was the concluding one of the firſt ſcene of a tragedy, which I believe was begun the preceding winter. The Britannicus of M. Racine, I know was one of Mr. Gray's moſt favourite plays; and the admirable manner in which I have heard him ſay that he ſaw it repreſented at Paris, ſeems to have led him to chooſe the death of Agrippina for this his firſt and only effort in the drama. The execution of it alſo, as far as it goes, is ſo very much in Racine's taſte, that I ſuſpect, if that great poet had been born an Engliſhman, he would have written preciſely in the ſame ſtyle and manner. However, as there is at preſent in this nation a general prejudice againſt declamatory plays, I agree with a learned friend, who peruſed the manuſcript, that this fragment will be little reliſhed by the many; yet the admirable ſtrokes of nature and character with which it abounds, and the majeſty of its diction, prevent me from withholding from the few, who I expect will reliſh it, ſo great a curioſity (to call it nothing more) as part of a tragedy written by Mr. Gray. Theſe perſons well know, that till ſtyle and ſentiment be a little more regarded, mere action and paſſion will never ſecure reputation to the Author, whatever they may do to the Actor. It is the buſineſs of the one ‘"to ſtrut and fret his hour upon the ſtage;"’ and if he frets and ſtruts enough, he is ſure to find his reward in the plaudit of an upper gallery; but the other ought to have ſome regard to the cooler judgment of the cloſet: For I will be bold to ſay, that if Shakeſpear himſelf had not written a multitude of paſſages which pleaſe there as much as they do on the ſtage, his reputation would not ſtand ſo univerſally high as it does at preſent. Many of theſe paſſages, to the ſhame of our theatrical taſte, are omitted conſtantly [125] in the repreſentation: But I ſay not this from conviction that the mode of writing, which Mr. Gray purſued, is the beſt for dramatic purpoſes. I think myſelf, what I have aſſerted elſewhere*, that a medium between the French and Engliſh taſte would be preferable to either; and yet this medium, if hit with the greateſt nicety, would fail of ſucceſs on our theatre, and that for a very obvious reaſon. Actors (I ſpeak of the troop collectively) muſt all learn to ſpeak as well as act, in order to do juſtice to ſuch a drama.

But let me haſten to give the reader what little inſight I can into Mr. Gray's plan, as I find, and ſelect it from two detached papers. The Title and Dramatis Perſonae are as follow:

AGRIPPINA, a TRAGEDY.

DRAMATIS PERSONAE.
  • AGRIPPINA, the Empreſs mother.
  • NERO, the Emperor.
  • POPPAEA, believed to be in love with OTHO.
  • OTHO, a young man of quality, in love with POPPAEA.
  • SENECA, the Emperor's preceptor.
  • ANICETUS, Captain of the guards.
  • DEMETRIUS, the Cynic, friend to SENECA.
  • ACERONIA, Confidant to AGRIPPINA.
SCENE, the Emperor's villa at BAIAE.

[126] The argument drawn out by him, in theſe two papers, under the idea of a plot and under-plot, I ſhall here unite; as it will tend to ſhow that the action itſelf was poſſeſt of ſufficient unity.

The drama opens with the indignation of Agrippina, at receiving her ſon's orders from Anicetus to remove from Baiae, and to have her guard taken from her. At this time Otho having conveyed Poppaea from the houſe of her huſband Rufus Criſpinus, brings her to Baiae, where he means to conceal her among the croud; or, if his fraud is diſcovered, to have recourſe to the Emperor's authority; but, knowing the lawleſs temper of Nero, he determines not to have recourſe to that expedient, but on the utmoſt neceſſity. In the meantime he commits her to the care of Anicetus, whom he takes to be his friend, and in whoſe age he thinks he may ſafely confide. Nero is not yet come to Baiae; but Seneca, whom he ſends before him, informs Agrippina of the accuſation concerning Rubellius Plancus, and deſires her to clear herſelf, which ſhe does briefly; but demands to ſee her ſon, who, on his arrival, acquits her of all ſuſpicion, and reſtores her to her honours In the meanwhile Anicetus, to whoſe care Poppaea had been entruſted by Otho, contrives the following plot to ruin Agrippina: He betrays his truſt to Otho, and brings Nero, as it were by chance, to the ſight of the beautiful Poppaea; the Emperor is immediately ſtruck with her charms, and ſhe, by a feigned reſiſtance, increaſes his paſſion; tho', in reality, ſhe is from the firſt dazzled with the proſpect of empire, and forgets Otho: She therefore joins with Anicetus in his deſign of ruining Agrippina, ſoon perceiving that it will be for her intereſt. Otho hearing that [127] the Emperor had ſeen Poppaea, is much enraged; but not knowing that this interview was obtained thro' the treachery of Anicetus, is readily perſuaded by him to ſee Agrippina in ſecret, and acquaint her with his fears that her ſon Nero would marry Poppaea. Agrippina, to ſupport her own power, and to wean the Emperor from the love of Poppaea, gives Otho encouragement, and promiſes to ſupport him. Anicetus ſecretly introduces Nero to hear their diſcourſe; who reſolves immediately on his mother's death, and, by Anicetus's means, to deſtroy her by drowning. A ſolemn feaſt, in honour of their reconciliation, is to be made; after which ſhe being to go by ſea to Bauli, the ſhip is ſo contrived as to ſink or cruſh her; ſhe eſcapes by accident, and returns to Baiae. In this interval, Otho has an interview with Poppaea; and being duped a ſecond time by Anicetus and her, determines to fly with her into Greece, by means of a veſſel which is to be furniſhed by Anicetus; but he, pretending to remove Poppaea on board in the night, conveys her to Nero's apartment: She there encourages and determines Nero to baniſh Otho, and finiſh the horrid deed he had attempted on his mother. Anicetus undertakes to execute his reſolves; and, under pretence of a plot upon the Emperor's life, is ſent with a guard to murder Agrippina, who is ſtill at Baiae in imminent fear, and irreſolute how to conduct herſelf. The account of her death, and the Emperor's horrour and fruitleſs remorſe, finiſhes the drama.

I refer the reader to the 13th and 14th books of the annals of Tacitus for the facts on which this ſtory is founded: By turning to that author, he will eaſily ſee how far the poet thought it neceſſary to deviate from the truth of hiſtory. I [128] ſhall only further obſerve, that as ſuch a fable could not poſſibly admit of any good character, it is terror only and not pity that could be excited by this tragedy, had it been completed. Yet it was ſurely capable of exciting this paſſion in a ſupreme degree; if, what the critics tell us be true, that crimes, which illuſtrious perſons commit, affect us from the very circumſtance of their rank, becauſe we unite with that our fears for the public weal.

ACT I. SCENE I.
AGRIPPINA, ACERONIA.
AGRIPPINA.
'TIS well, begone! your errand is perform'd:
[Speaks as to Anicetus entering.
The meſſage needs no comment. Tell your maſter,
His mother ſhall obey him. Say you ſaw her
Yielding due reverence to his high command:
Alone, unguarded, and without a Lictor,
As fits the daughter of Germanicus.
Say, ſhe retired to Antium; there to tend
Her houſhold cares, a woman's beſt employment.
What if you add, how ſhe turn'd pale, and trembled;
You think, you ſpied a tear ſtand in her eye,
And would have drop'd, but that her pride reſtrain'd it?
(Go! you can paint it well) 'twill profit you,
And pleaſe the ſtripling. Yet 'twould daſh his joy
To hear the ſpirit of Britannicus
Yet walks on earth; at leaſt there are who know
Without a ſpell to raiſe, and bid it fire
[129] A thouſand haughty hearts, unus'd to ſhake
When a boy frowns, nor to be lur'd with ſmiles
To taſte of hollow kindneſs, or partake
His hoſpitable board: They are aware
Of th' unpledg'd bowl, they love not Aconite.
ACERONIA.
He's gone; and much I hope theſe walls alone,
And the mute air are privy to your paſſion.
Forgive your ſervant's fears, who ſees the danger
Which fierce reſentment cannot fail to raiſe
In haughty youth, and irritated power.
AGRIPPINA.
And doſt thou talk to me, to me, of danger,
Of haughty youth, and irritated power,
To her that gave it being, her that arm'd
This painted Jove, and taught his novice hand
To aim the forked bolt; while he ſtood trembling
Scar'd at the ſound, and dazzled with its brightneſs?
'Tis like, thou haſt forgot, when yet a ſtranger
To adoration, to the grateful ſteam
Of flattery's incenſe, and obſequious vows
From voluntary realms, a puny boy,
Deck'd with no other luſtre, than the blood
Of Agrippina's race, he liv'd unknown
To fame, or fortune; haply eyed at diſtance
Some edileſhip, ambitious of the power
To judge of weights, and meaſures; ſcarcely d ar'd
On expectation's ſtrongeſt wing to ſoar
High as the conſulate, that empty ſhade
Of long-forgotten liberty: When I
[130] Oped his young eye to bear the blaze of greatneſs;
Shew'd him, where empire tower'd, and bad him ſtrike
The noble quarry. Gods! then was the time
To ſhrink from danger; fear might then have worn
The maſk of prudence: but a heart like mine,
A heart that glows with the pure Julian fire,
If bright Ambition from her craggy ſeat
Diſplay the radiant prize, will mount undaunted,
Gain the rough heights, and graſp the dangerous honour.
ACERONIA.
Thro' various life I have purſued your ſteps,
Have ſeen your ſoul, and wonder'd at its daring:
Hence riſe my fears. Nor am I yet to learn
How vaſt the debt of gratitude, which Nero
To ſuch a mother owes; the world, you gave him,
Suffices not to pay the obligation.
I well remember too (for I was preſent)
When in a ſecret and dead hour of night,
Due ſacrifice perform'd with barb'rous rites
Of mutter'd charms, and ſolemn invocation,
You bad the Magi call the dreadful powers,
That read futurity, to know the fate
Impending o'er your ſon: Their anſwer was,
If the ſon reign, the mother periſhes.
Periſh (you cry'd) the mother! reign the ſon!
He reigns, the reſt is heav'n's; who oft has bad,
Ev'n when its will ſeem'd wrote in lines of blood,
Th' unthought event diſcloſe a whiter meaning.
Think too how oft in weak and ſickly minds
The ſweets of kindneſs laviſhly indulg'd
[131] Rankle to gall; and benefits too great
To be repaid, ſit heavy on the ſoul,
As unrequited wrongs. The willing homage
Of proſtrate Rome, the ſenate's joint applauſe,
The riches of the earth, the train of pleaſures,
That wait on youth, and arbitrary ſway;
Theſe were your gift, and with them you beſtow'd
The very power he has to be ungrateful.
AGRIPPINA.
Thus ever grave, and undiſturb'd reflection
Pours its cool dictates in the madding ear
Of rage, and thinks to quench the fire it feels not.
Say'ſt thou I muſt be cautious, muſt be ſilent,
And tremble at the phantom I have rais'd?
Carry to him thy timid counſels. He
Perchance may heed 'em: Tell him too, that one,
Who had ſuch liberal power to give, may ſtill
With equal power reſume that gift, and raiſe
A tempeſt, that ſhall ſhake her own creation
To its original atoms—tell me! ſay
This mighty Emperor, this dreaded Hero,
Has he beheld the glittering front of war?
Knows his ſoft ear the Trumpet's thrilling voice,
And outcry of the battle? Have his limbs
Sweat under iron harneſs? Is he not
The ſilken ſon of dalliance, nurs'd in Eaſe
And Pleaſure's flowery lap?—Rubellius lives,
And Sylla has his friends, tho' ſchool'd by fear
To bow the ſupple knee, and court the times
With ſhows of fair obeiſance; and a call,
[132] Like mine, might ſerve belike to wake pretenſions
Drowſier than theirs, who boaſt the genuine blood
Of our imperial houſe.
ACERONIA.
Did I not wiſh to check this dangerous paſſion,
I might remind my miſtreſs that her nod
Can rouſe eight hardy legions, wont to ſtem
With ſtubborn nerves the tide, and face the rigour
Of bleak Germania's ſnows. Four, not leſs brave,
That in Armenia quell the Parthian force
Under the warlike Corbulo, by you
Mark'd for their leader: Theſe, by ties confirm'd,
Of old reſpect and gratitude, are yours.
Surely the Maſians too, and thoſe of Egypt,
Have not forgot your ſire: The eye of Rome
And the Praetorian camp have long rever'd,
With cuſtom'd awe, the daughter, ſiſter, wife,
And mother of their Caeſars.
AGRIPPINA.
Ha! by Juno,
It bears a noble ſemblance. On this baſe
My great revenge ſhall riſe; or ſay we ſound
The trump of liberty; there will not want,
Even in the ſervile ſenate, ears to own
Her ſpirit-ſtirring voice; Soranus there,
And Caſſius; Vetus too, and Thraſea,
Minds of the antique caſt, rough, ſtubborn ſouls,
That ſtruggle with the yoke. How ſhall the ſpark
Unquenchable, that glows within their breaſts,
Blaze into freedom, when the idle herd
[133] (Slaves from the womb, created but to ſtare,
And bellow in the Circus) yet will ſtart,
And ſhake 'em at the name of liberty,
Stung by a ſenſeleſs word, a vain tradition,
As there were magic in it? wrinkled beldams
Teach it their grandchildren, as ſomewhat rare
That anciently appear'd, but when, extends
Beyond their chronicle—oh! 'tis a cauſe
To arm the hand of childhood, and rebrace
The ſlacken'd ſinews of time-wearied age.
Yes, we may meet, ingrateful boy, we may!
Again the buried genius of old Rome
Shall from the duſt uprear his reverend head,
Rous'd by the ſhout of millions: There before
His high tribunal thou and I appear.
Let majeſty ſit on thy awful brow,
And lighten from thy eye: Around thee call
The gilded ſwarm that wantons in the ſunſhine
Of thy full favour; Seneca be there
In gorgeous phraſe of labour'd eloquence
To dreſs thy plea, and Burrhus ſtrengthen it
With his plain ſoldier's oath, and honeſt ſeeming.
Againſt thee, liberty and Agrippina:
The world, the prize; and fair befall the victors.
But ſoft! why do I waſte the fruitleſs hours
In threats unexecuted? Haſte thee, fly
Theſe hated walls, that ſeem to mock my ſhame,
And caſt me forth in duty to their lord.
ACERONIA.
[134]
'Tis time we go, the ſun is high advanc'd,
And, ere mid-day, Nero will come to Baiae.
AGRIPPINA.
My thought aches at him; not the baſiliſk
More deadly to the ſight, than is to me
The cool injurious eye of frozen kindneſs.
I will not meet its poiſon. Let him feel
Before he ſees me.
ACERONIA.
Why then ſtays my ſovereign,
Where he ſo ſoon may—
AGRIPPINA.
Yes, I will be gone,
But not to Antium—all ſhall be confeſs'd,
Whate'er the frivolous tongue of giddy fame
Has ſpread among the crowd; things, that but whiſper'd
Have arch'd the hearer's brow, and riveted
His eyes in fearful extaſy: No matter
What; ſo't be ſtrange, and dreadful.—Sorceries,
Aſſaſſinations, poiſonings—the deeper
My guilt, the blacker his ingratitude.
And you, ye manes of ambition's victims,
Enſhrined Claudius, with the pitied ghoſts
Of the Syllani, doom'd to early death,
(Ye unavailing horrours, fruitleſs crimes!)
If from the realms of night my voice ye hear,
In lieu of penitence, and vain remorſe,
Accept my vengeance. Tho' by me ye bled,
He was the cauſe. My love, my fears for him
[135] Dried the ſoft ſprings of pity in my heart,
And froze them up with deadly cruelty.
Yet if your injur'd ſhades demand my fate,
If murder cries for murder, blood for blood,
Let me not fall alone; but cruſh his pride,
And ſink the traitor in his mother's ruin.
Exeunt.
SCENE II.
OTHO, POPPAEA.
OTHO.
Thus far we're ſafe. Thanks to the roſy queen
Of amorous thefts: And had her wanton ſon
Lent us his wings, we could not have beguil'd
With more eluſive ſpeed the dazzled ſight
Of wakeful jealouſy. Be gay ſecurely;
Diſpell, my fair, with ſmiles, the tim'rous cloud
That hangs on thy clear brow. So Helen look'd,
So her white neck reclin'd, ſo was ſhe borne
By the young Trojan to his gilded bark
With fond reluctance, yielding modeſty,
And oft reverted eye, as if ſhe knew not
Whether ſhe fear'd, or wiſh'd to be purſued.
[136]

LETTER III.

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

I Own in general I think Agrippina's ſpeech too long*; but how to retrench it, I know not: But I have ſomething elſe to ſay, and that is in relation to the ſtyle, which appears to me too antiquated. Racine was of another opinion; he no where gives you the phraſes of Ronſard: His language is the language of the times, and that of the pureſt ſort; ſo that his French is reckoned a ſtandard. I will not decide what ſtyle is fit for our Engliſh ſtage; but I ſhould rather chooſe one that bordered upon Cato, than upon Shakeſpear. One may imitate (if one can) Shakeſpear's manner, his ſurprizing ſtrokes of true nature, his expreſſive force in painting characters, and all his other beauties; preſerving at the ſame time our own language. Were Shakeſpear alive now, he would write a different ſtyle from what he did. Theſe are my ſentiments upon theſe matters: Perhaps I am wrong, for I am neither a Tarpa, nor am I quite an Ariſtarchus. You ſee I write freely both of you and Shakeſpear; but it is as good as writing not freely, where you know it is acceptable.

I have been tormented within this week with a moſt violent cough; for when once it ſets up its note, it will go on, cough [137] after cough, ſhaking and tearing me for half an hour together; and then it leaves me in a great ſweat, as much fatigued as if I had been labouring at the plough. All this deſcription of my cough in proſe, is only to introduce another deſcription of it in verſe, perhaps not worth your peruſal; but it is very ſhort, and beſides has this remarkable in it, that it was the production of four o'clock in the morning, while I lay in my bed toſſing and coughing, and all unable to ſleep.—

Ante omnes morbos importuniſſima tuſſis,
Quâ durare datur, traxitque ſub ilia vires:
Dura etenim verſans imo ſub pectore regna,
Perpetuo exercet teneras luctamine coſtas,
Oraque diſtorquet, vocemque immutat anhelam:
Nec ceſſare locus: ſed ſaevo concita motu
Molle domat latus, & corpus labor omne fatigat:
Unde moleſta dies, noctemque inſomnia turbant.
Nec Tua, ſi mecum Comes hic jucundus adeſſes,
Verba juvare queant, aut hunc lenire dolorem
Sufficiant tua vox dulcis, nec vultus amatus.

Do not miſtake me, I do not condemn Tacitus: I was then inclined to find him tedious: The German ſedition ſufficiently made up for it; and the ſpeech of Germanicus, by which he reclaims his ſoldiers, is quite maſterly. Your New Dunciad I have no conception of. I ſhall be too late for our dinner if I write any more.

Yours.
*
The Editor has obviated this objection, not by retrenching, but by putting part of it into the mouth of Aceronia, and by breaking it in a few other places. Originally it was one continued ſpeech from the line ‘"Thus ever grave and undiſturbed Reflection"’ to the end of the ſcene; which was undoubtedly too long for the lungs of any Actreſs.
[138]

LETTER IV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

YOU are the firſt who ever made a Muſe of a Cough; to me it ſeems a much more eaſy taſk to verſify in one's ſleep, (that indeed you were of old famous for*) than for want of it. Not the wakeful nightingale (when ſhe had a cough) ever ſung ſo ſweetly. I give you thanks for your warble, and wiſh you could ſing yourſelf to reſt. Theſe wicked remains of your illneſs will ſure give way to warm weather and gentle exerciſe; which I hope you will not omit as the ſeaſon advances. Whatever low ſpirits and indolence, the effect of them, may adviſe to the contrary, I pray you add five ſteps to your walk daily for my ſake; by the help of which, in a month's time, I propoſe to ſet you on horſeback.

I talked of the Dunciad as concluding you had ſeen it; if you have not, do you chooſe I ſhould get and ſend it to you? I have myſelf, upon your recommendation, been reading Joſeph Andrews. The incidents are ill laid and without invention; but the characters have a great deal of nature, which always pleaſes even in her loweſt ſhapes. Parſon Adams is perfectly well; ſo is Mrs. Slipſlop, and the ſtory of Wilſon; and throughout he ſhews himſelf well read in Stage-Coaches, Country Squires, Inns, and Inns of Court. His reflections upon high people and low people, and miſſes and maſters, are very good. However the exaltedneſs of ſome minds (or rather as I [139] ſhrewdly ſuſpect their inſipidity and want of feeling or obſervation) may make them inſenſible to theſe light things, (I mean ſuch as characterize and paint nature) yet ſurely they are as weighty and much more uſeful than your grave diſcourſes upon the mind*, the paſſions, and what not. Now as the paradiſaical pleaſures of the Mahometans conſiſt in playing upon the flute and lying with Houris, be mine to read eternal new romances of Marivaux and Crebillon.

You are very good in giving yourſelf the trouble to read and find fault with my long harangues. Your freedom (as you call it) has ſo little need of apologies, that I ſhould ſcarce excuſe your treating me any otherwiſe; which, whatever compliment it might be to my vanity, would be making a very ill one to my underſtanding. As to matter of ſtile, I have this to ſay: The language of the age is never the language of poetry; except among the French, whoſe verſe, where the thought or image does not ſupport it, differs in nothing from proſe. Our poetry, [140] on the contrary, has a language peculiar to itſelf; to which almoſt every one, that has written, has added ſomething by enriching it with foreign idioms and derivatives: Nay ſometimes words of their own compoſition or invention. Shakeſpear and Milton have been great creators this way; and no one more licentious than Pope or Dryden, who perpetually borrow expreſſions from the former. Let me give you ſome inſtances from Dryden, whom every body reckons a great maſter of our poetical tongue.—Full of muſeful mopeings—unlike the trim of love—a pleaſant beverage—a roundelay of love—ſtood ſilent in his mood—with knots and knares deformed—his ireful mood—in proud array—his boon was granted—and diſarray and ſhameful rout—wayward but wiſe—furbiſhed for the field—the foiled dodderd oaks—diſheritedſmouldring flames—retchleſs of laws—crones old and ugly—the beldam at his ſide—the grandam-hagvillanize his father's fame.—But they are infinite: And our language not being a ſettled thing (like the French) has an undoubted right to words of an hundred years old, provided antiquity have not rendered them unintelligible. In truth, Shakeſpear's language is one of his principal beauties; and he has no leſs advantage over your Addiſons and Rows in this, than in thoſe other great excellencies you mention. Every word in him is a picture. Pray put me the following lines into the tongue of our modern Dramatics:

But I, that am not ſhaped for ſportive tricks,
Nor made to court an amorous looking-glaſs:
I, that am rudely ſtampt, and want love's majeſty
To ſtrut before a wanton ambling nymph:
[141] I, that am curtail'd of this fair proportion,
Cheated of feature by diſſembling nature,
Deform'd, unfiniſh'd, ſent before my time
Into this breathing world, ſcarce half made up—

And what follows. To me they appear untranſlatable; and if this be the caſe, our language is greatly degenerated. However, the affectation of imitating Shakeſpear may doubtleſs be carried too far; and is no ſort of excuſe for ſentiments ill-ſuited, or ſpeeches ill-timed, which I believe is a little the caſe with me. I gueſs the moſt faulty expreſſions may be theſe—ſilken ſon of dalliancedrowſier pretenſions—wrinkled beldamsarched the hearer's brow and riveted his eyes in fearful extaſie. Theſe are eaſily altered or omitted; and indeed if the thoughts be wrong or ſuperfluous, there is nothing eaſier than to leave out the whole. The firſt ten or twelve lines are, I believe, the beſt; and as for the reſt, I was betrayed into a good deal of it by Tacitus; only what he has ſaid in five words, I imagine I have ſaid in fifty lines: Such is the misfortune of imitating the inimitable. Now, if you are of my opinion, una litura may do the buſineſs, better than a dozen; and you need not fear unravelling my web. I am a ſort of ſpider; and have little elſe to do but ſpin it over again, or creep to ſome other place and ſpin there. Alas! for one who has nothing to do but amuſe himſelf, I believe my amuſements are as little amuſing as moſt folks. But no matter; it makes the hours paſs, and is better than [...].

Adieu.

*
I ſuppoſe at Eaton School.
*
He ſeems here to glance at Hutchinſon, the diſciple of Shaftſbury: Of whom he had little better opinion, than of his maſter.
Whimſically put.—But what ſhall we ſay of the preſent taſte of the French, when a writer whom Mr. Gray ſo juſtly eſteemed as M. Marivaux is now held in ſuch contempt, that Marivauder is a faſhionable phraſe amongſt them, and ſignifies neither more nor leſs, than our own faſhionable phraſe of proſing? As to Crebillon, 'twas his ‘"Egaremens du Coeur & d'Eſprit"’ that our author chiefly eſteemed; he had not, I believe, at this time publiſhed his more licentious pieces.
Nothing can be more juſt than this obſervation; and nothing more likely to preſerve our poetry from falling into inſipidity, than purſuing the rules here laid down for ſupporting the diction of it: Particularly with reſpect to the Drama.
The lines which he means here are from—thus ever grave and undiſturb'd reflection—to Rubellius lives. For the part of the ſcene, which he ſent in his former letter, began there.
[142]

LETTER V.

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

TO begin with the concluſion of your letter, which is Greek, I deſire that you will quarrel no more with your manner of paſſing your time. In my opinion it is irreproachable, eſpecially as it produces ſuch excellent fruit; and if I, like a ſaucy bird, muſt be pecking at it, you ought to conſider that it is becauſe I like it. No una litura I beg you, no unravelling of your web, dear Sir! only purſue it a little further, and then one ſhall be able to judge of it a little better. You know the criſis of a play is in the firſt act; its damnation or ſalvation wholly reſts there. But till that firſt act is over, every body ſuſpends his vote; ſo how do you think I can form, as yet, any juſt idea of the ſpeeches in regard to their length or ſhortneſs? The connection and ſymmetry of ſuch little parts with one another muſt naturally eſcape me, as not having the plan of the whole in my head; neither can I decide about the thoughts whether they are wrong or ſuperfluous; they may have ſome future tendency which I perceive not. The ſtyle only was free to me, and there I find we are pretty much of the ſame ſentiment: For you ſay the affectation of imitating Shakeſpear may doubtleſs be carried too far; I ſay as much and no more. For old words we know are old gold, provided they are well choſen. Whatever Ennius was, I do not conſider Shakeſpear as a dunghill in the leaſt: On the contrary, he is a mine of antient ore, where all our great modern poets have found their [143] advantage. I do not know how it is; but his old expreſſions* have more energy in them than ours, and are even more adapted to poetry; certainly, where they are judiciouſly and ſparingly inſerted, they add a certain grace to the compoſition; in the ſame manner as Pouſſin gave a beauty to his pictures by his knowledge in the antient proportions: But ſhould he, or any other painter, carry the imitation too far, and neglect that beſt of models Nature, I am afraid it would prove a very flat performance. To finiſh this long criticiſm: I have this further notion about old words revived, (is not this a pretty way of finiſhing?) I think them of excellent uſe in tales; they add a certain drollery to the comic, and a romantic gravity to the ſerious, which are both charming in their kind; and this way of charming Dryden underſtood very well. One need only read Milton to acknowledge the dignity they give the Epic. But now comes my opinion that they ought to be uſed in Tragedy more ſparingly, than in moſt kinds of poetry. Tragedy is deſigned for public repreſentation, and what is deſigned for that ſhould be certainly moſt intelligible. I believe half the audience that come to Shakeſpear's plays do not underſtand the half of what they hear.—But finiſſons enfin.—Yet one word more.—You think the ten or twelve firſt lines the beſt, now I [144] am for the fourteen laſt*; add, that they contain not one word of antientry.

I rejoice you found amuſement in Joſeph Andrews. But then I think your conceptions of Paradiſe a little upon the Bergerac. Les Lettres du Seraphim R. a Madame la Cherubineſſe de Q. What a piece of extravagance would there be!

And now you muſt know that my body continues weak and enervate. And for my animal ſpirits, they are in perpetual fluctuation: Some whole days I have no reliſh, no attention for any thing; at other times I revive, and am capable of writing a long letter, as you ſee; and though I do not write ſpeeches, yet I tranſlate them. When you underſtand what ſpeech, you will own that it is a bold and perhaps a dull attempt. In three words, it is proſe, it is from Tacitus, it is of Germanicus. Peruſe, perpend, pronounce.

*
Shakeſpear's energy does not ariſe ſo much from theſe old expreſſions, (moſt of which were not old in his time) but from his artificial management of them. This artifice in the great Poet is developed with much exactneſs by Dr. Hurd in his excellent note on this paſſage in Horace's Ep. ad Piſones.
Dixeris egregiè, notum ſi callida verbum
Reddiderit junctura novum.
See Hurd's Horace, vol. 1ſt, Ed. 4th, p. 49.
*
He means the concluſion of the firſt ſcene.—But here and throughout his criticiſm on old words, he is not ſo conſiſtent as his correſpondent; for he here inſiſts that all antientry ſhould be ſtruck out, and in a former paſſage he admits it may be uſed ſparingly.
This ſpeech I omit to print, as I have generally avoided to publiſh mere tranſlations either of Mr. Gray or his friend.
[145]

LETTER VI.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

I Should not have failed to anſwer your Letter immediately, but I went out of town for a little while, which hindered me. Its length (beſides the pleaſure naturally accompanying a long letter from you) affords me a new one, when I think it is a ſymptom of the recovery of your health, and flatter myſelf that your bodily ſtrength returns in proportion. Pray do not forget to mention the progreſs you make continually. As to Agrippina, I begin to be of your opinion; and find myſelf (as women are of their children) leſs enamoured of my productions the older they grow.* She is laid up to ſleep till next ſummer; ſo bid her good night. I think you have tranſlated Tacitus very juſtly, that is, freely; and accommodated his thoughts to the turn and genius of our language; which, though I commend your judgment, is no commendation of the Engliſh [146] tongue, which is too diffuſe, and daily grows more and more enervate. One ſhall never be more ſenſible of this, than in turning an Author like Tacitus. I have been trying it in ſome parts of Thucydides, (who has a little reſemblance of him in his conciſeneſs) and endeavoured to do it cloſely, but found it produced mere nonſenſe. If you have any inclination to ſee what figure Tacitus makes in Italian, I have a Tuſcan tranſlation of Davanzati, much eſteemed in Italy; and will ſend you the ſame ſpeech you ſent me; that is, if you care for it. In the meantime accept of Propertius. ***

*
He never after awakened her; and I believe this was occaſioned by the ſtrictures which his friend had made on his dramatic ſtyle; which (though he did not think them well founded, as they certainly were not) had an effect which Mr. Weſt, we may believe, did not intend them to have. I remember ſome years after I was alſo the innocent cauſe of his delaying to finiſh his fine ode on the progreſs of Poetry. I told him, on reading the part he ſhewed me, that ‘"though I admired it greatly, and thought that it breathed the very ſpirit of Pindar, yet I ſuſpected it would by no means hit the public taſte."’ Finding afterwards that he did not proceed in finiſhing it, I often expoſtulated with him on the ſubject; but he always replied ‘"No, you have thrown cold water upon it."’ I mention this little anecdote, to ſhew how much the opinion of a friend, even when it did not convince his judgment, affected his inclination.
A Tranſlation of the 1ſt elegy of the 2d book in Engliſh rhyme; omitted for the reaſon given in the laſt note but one.

LETTER VII.

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

WITHOUT any preface I come to your verſes, which I read over and over with exceſſive pleaſure, and which are at leaſt as good as Propertius. I am only ſorry you follow the blunders of Broukhuſius, all whoſe inſertions are nonſenſe. I have ſome objections to your antiquated words, and am alſo an enemy to Alexandrines; at leaſt I do not like them in Elegy. But, after all, I admire your tranſlation ſo extremely, that I cannot help repeating I long to ſhew you ſome little errors you are fallen into by following Broukhuſius. *** Were I with [147] you now, and Propertius with your verſes lay upon the table between us, I could diſcuſs this point in a moment; but there is nothing ſo tireſome as ſpinning out a criticiſm in a letter; doubts ariſe, and explanations follow, till there ſwells out at leaſt a volume of undigeſted obſervations: and all becauſe you are not with him whom you want to convince. Read only the Letters between Pope and Cromwell in proof of this; they diſpute without end. Are you aware now that I have an intereſt all this while in baniſhing Criticiſm from our correſpondence? Indeed I have; for I am going to write down a little Ode (if it deſerves the name) for your peruſal, which I am afraid will hardly ſtand that teſt. Nevertheleſs I leave you at your full liberty; ſo here it follows.

ODE.
Dear Gray, that always in my heart
Poſſeſſeſt far the better part,
What mean theſe ſudden blaſts that riſe
And drive the Zephyrs from the ſkies?
O join with mine thy tuneful lay,
And invocate the tardy May.
Come, faireſt Nymph, reſume thy reign!
Bring all the Graces in thy train!
With balmy breath, and flowery tread,
Riſe from thy ſoft ambroſial bed;
Where, in elyſian ſlumber bound,
Embow'ring myrtles veil thee round.
[148]
Awake, in all thy glories dreſt,
Recall the Zephyrs from the weſt;
Reſtore the ſun, revive the ſkies,
At mine, and Nature's call, ariſe!
Great Nature's ſelf upbraids thy ſtay,
And miſſes her accuſtom'd May.
See! all her works demand thy aid;
The labours of Pomona fade:
A plaint is heard from ev'ry tree;
Each budding flow'ret calls for thee;
The Birds forget to love and ſing;
With ſtorms alone the foreſts ring.
Come then, with Pleaſure at thy ſide,
Diffuſe thy vernal ſpirit wide;
Create, where'er thou turn'ſt thy eye,
Peace, Plenty, Love, and Harmony;
Till ev'ry being ſhare its part,
And Heav'n and Earth be glad at heart.
I have omitted here a paragraph or two, in which different lines of the Elegy were quoted, becauſe I had previouſly omitted the tranſlation of it.

LETTER VIII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

I Rejoice to ſee you putting up your prayers to the May: She cannot chooſe but come at ſuch a call. It is as light and genteel as herſelf. You bid me find fault; I am afraid I cannot; [149] however I will try. The firſt ſtanza (if what you ſay to me in it did not make me think it the beſt) I ſhould call the worſt of the five (except the fourth line). The two next are very pictureſque, Miltonic, and muſical; her bed is ſo ſoft and ſo ſnug that I long to lie with her. But thoſe two lines, ‘"Great Nature"’ are my favourites. The exclamation of the flowers is a little ſtep too far. The laſt ſtanza is full as good as the ſecond and third; the laſt line bold, but I think not too bold. Now, as to myſelf and my tranſlation, pray do not call names. I never ſaw Broukhuſius in my life. It is Scaliger who attempted to range Propertius in order; who was, and ſtill is, in ſad condition|***. You ſee, by what I ſent you, that I converſe, as uſual, with none but the dead: They are my old friends, and almoſt make me long to be with them. You will not wonder therefore that I, who live only in times paſt, am able to tell you no news of the preſent. I have finiſhed the Peloponneſian war much to my honour, and a tight conflict it was, I promiſe you. I have drank and ſung with Anacreon for the laſt fortnight, and am now feeding ſheep with Theocritus. Beſides, to quit my figure, (becauſe it is fooliſh) I have run over Pliny's Epiſtles and Martial [...]; not to mention Petrarch, who, by the way, is ſometimes very tender and natural. I muſt needs tell you three lines in Anacreon, where the expreſſion ſeems to me inimitable. He is deſcribing hair as he would have it painted.

[...]
[...]
[...]

[150] Gueſs, too, where this is about a dimple.

Sigilla in mento impreſſa Amoris digitulo
Veſtigio demonſtrant mollitudinem.
|
Here ſome criticiſm on the Elegy is omitted for a former reaſon.

LETTER IX.

Mr. WEST to Mr. GRAY.

YOUR fragment is in Aulus Gellius; and both it and your Greek delicious. But why are you thus melancholy? I am ſo ſorry for it, that you ſee I cannot forbear writing again the very firſt opportunity; though I have little to ſay, except to expoſtulate with you about it. I find you converſe much with the dead, and I do not blame you for that; I converſe with them too, though not indeed with the Greek. But I muſt condemn you for your longing to be with them. What, are there no joys among the living? I could almoſt cry out with Catullus, ‘"Alphene immemor, atque unanimis falſe ſodalibus!"’ But to turn an accuſation thus upon another, is ungenerous; ſo I will take my leave of you for the preſent with a ‘"Vale et vive pauliſper cum vivis."’

[151]

LETTER X.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WEST.

MINE, you are to know, is a white Melancholy, or rather Leucocholy for the moſt part; which though it ſeldom laughs or dances, nor ever amounts to what one calls Joy or Pleaſure, yet is a good eaſy ſort of a ſtate, and ça ne laiſſe que de s'amuſer. The only fault of it is inſipidity; which is apt now and then to give a ſort of Ennui, which makes one form certain little wiſhes that ſignify nothing. But there is another ſort, black indeed, which I have now and then felt, that has ſomewhat in it like Tertullian's rule of faith, Credo quia impoſſibile eſt; for it believes, nay, is ſure of every thing that is unlikely, ſo it be but frightful; and, on the other hand, excludes and ſhuts its eyes to the moſt poſſible hopes, and every thing that is pleaſurable; from this the Lord deliver us! for none but he and ſunſhiny weather can do it. In hopes of enjoying this kind of weather, I am going into the country for a few weeks, but ſhall be never the nearer any ſociety; ſo, if you have any charity, you will continue to write. My life is like Harry the fourth's ſupper of Hens. ‘"Poulets a la broche, Poulets en Ragôut, Poulets en Hâchis, Poulets en Fricaſées."’ Reading here, Reading there; nothing but books with different ſauces. Do not let me loſe my deſert then; for though that be Reading too, yet it has a very different flavour. The May ſeems to be come ſince your invitation; and I propoſe to baſk in her beams and dreſs me in her roſes.

Et Caput in vernâ ſemper habere roſâ.

[152] I ſhall ſee Mr. ** and his Wife, nay, and his Child too, for he has got a Boy. Is it not odd to conſider one's Cotemporaries in the grave light of Huſband and Father? There is my Lords ** and ***, they are Stateſmen: Do not you remember them dirty boys playing at cricket? As for me, I am never a bit the older, nor the bigger, nor the wiſer than I was then: No, not for having been beyond ſea. Pray how are you?

I ſend you an inſcription for a wood joining to a park of mine; (it is on the confines of Mount Cithoeron, on the left hand as you go to Thebes) you know I am no friend to hunters, and hate to be diſturbed by their noiſe.

[...]
[...]
[...]
[...] *

Here follows alſo the beginning of an Heroic Epiſtle; but you muſt give me leave to tell my own ſtory firſt, becauſe Hiſtorians differ. Maſſiniſſa was the ſon of Gala King of the Maſſyli; and, when very young at the head of his father's army, gave a moſt ſignal overthrow to Syphax, King of the Maſaeſylians, then an ally of the Romans. Soon after Aſdrubal, ſon of Giſgo the Carthaginian General, gave the beautiful Sophoniſba, [153] his daughter, in marriage to the young prince. But this marriage was not conſummated on account of Maſſiniſſa's being obliged to haſten into Spain, there to command his father's troops, who were auxiliaries of the Carthaginians. Their affairs at this time began to be in a bad condition; and they thought it might be greatly for their intereſt, if they could bring over Syphax to themſelves. This in time they actually effected; and, to ſtrengthen their new alliance, commanded Aſdrubal to give his daughter to Syphax. (It is probable their ingratitude to Maſſiniſſa aroſe from the great change of affairs, which had happened among the Maſſylians during his abſence; for his father and uncle were dead, and a diſtant relation of the royal family had uſurped the throne.) Sophoniſba was accordingly married to Syphax; and Maſſiniſſa, enraged at the affront, became a friend to the Romans. They drove the Carthaginians before them out of Spain, and carried the war into Africa, defeated Syphax, and took him priſoner; upon which Cirtha (his capital) opened her gates to Laelius and Maſſiniſſa. The reſt of the affair, the marriage, and the ſending of poiſon, every body knows. This is partly taken from Livy, and partly from Appian.

SOPHONISBA MASSINISSAE.EPISTOLA.
Egregium accipio promiſſi Munus amoris,
Inque manu mortem jam fruitura fero:
Atque utinam citius mandaſſes, luce vel unâ;
Tranſieram Stygios non inhoneſta lacus.
[154] Victoris nec paſſa toros, nova nupta, mariti,
Nec fueram faſtus, Roma ſuperba, tuos.
Scilicet haec partem tibi, Maſſiniſſa, triumphi
Detractam, haec pompae jura minora ſuae
Imputat, atque uxor quòd non tua preſſa catenis,
Objecta & ſaevae plauſibus urbis eo:
Quin tu pro tantis cepiſti praemia factis,
Magnum Romanae pignus amicitiae!
Scipiadae excuſes, oro, ſi tardius utar
Munere. Non nimiùm vivere, crede, velim.
Parva mora eſt, breve ſed tempus mea fama requirit:
Detinet haec animam cura ſuprema meam.
Quae patriae prodeſſe meae Regina ferebar,
Inter Eliſaeas gloria prima nurus,
Ne videar flammae nimis indulſiſſe ſecundae,
Vel nimis hoſtiles extimuiſſe manus.
Fortunam atque annos liceat revocare priores,
Gaudiaque heu! quantis noſtra repenſa malis.
Primitiaſne tuas meminiſti atque arma Syphacis
Fuſa, & per Tyrias ducta trophaea vias?
(Laudis at antiquae forſan meminiſſe pigebit,
Quodque decus quondam cauſa ruboris erit.)
Tempus ego certe memini, felicia Paenis
Quo te non puduit ſolvere vota deis;
Maeniaque intrantem vidi: longo agmine duxit
Turba ſalutantum, purpureique patres.
Faeminea ante omnes longe admiratur euntem
Haeret & aſpectu tota caterva tuo.
Jam flexi, regale decus, per colla capilli,
Jam decet ardenti fuſcus in ore color!
[155] Commendat frontis generoſa modeſtia formam,
Seque cupit laudi ſurripuiſſe ſuae.
Prima genas tenui ſignat vix flore juventas,
Et dextrae ſoli credimus eſſe virum.
Dum faciles gradiens oculos per ſingula jactas,
(Seu rexit caſus lumina, five Venus)
In me (vel certè viſum eſt) converſa morari
Senſi; virgineus perculit ora pudor.
Neſcio quid vultum molle ſpirare tuendo,
Credideramque tuos lentius ire pedes.
Quaerebam, juxta aequalis ſi dignior eſſet,
Quae poterat viſus detinuiſſe tuos:
Nulla fuit circum aequalis quae dignior eſſet,
Aſſeruitque decus conſcia forma ſuum.
Pompae finis erat*. Totâ vix nocte quievi:
Sin premat invitae lumina victa ſopor,
Somnus habet pompas, eademque recurſat imago;
Atque iterum heſterno munere victor ades.
*
In the 12th Letter of the firſt Section, Mr. Gray ſays of his friend's tranſlation of an Epigram of Poſidippus, ‘"Graecam illam [...] mirificè ſapit."’ The learned reader, I imagine, will readily give this tetraſtic the ſame character.
*
There is ſo much of nature in the ſentiment, as well as poetry in the deſcription of this triumphal entry of young Maſſiniſſa, that it ſeems much to be regretted the author did not finiſh this poem. But I believe he never proceeded further with it. I had therefore my doubts concerning the printing of ſo ſmall a part; but as I thought it the beſt, becauſe the only original ſpecimen of Mr. Gray's Ovidian verſe, (the reſt of his Hexameters and Pentameters being only tranſlations either from Engliſh or Italian) I was willing to give it to the reader.

Immediately after writing the preceding Letter, Mr. Gray went upon a viſit to his relations at Stoke; where he writ that beautiful little Ode which ſtands firſt in his collection of Poems. [156] He ſent it as ſoon as written to his beloved friend; but he was dead before it reached Hertfordſhire. He died* only twenty days after he had written the letter to Mr. Gray, which concluded with ‘"Vale, & vive pauliſper cum vivis."’ So little was the amiable youth then aware of the ſhort time that he himſelf would be numbered amongſt the living. But this is almoſt conſtantly the caſe with ſuch perſons as die of that moſt remedileſs, yet moſt flattering of all diſtempers, a Conſumption. Shall Humanity be thankful or ſorry that it is ſo? Thankful, ſurely. For as this malady generally attacks the Young and the Innocent, it ſeems the merciful intention of Heaven that, to theſe, death ſhould come unperceived, and as it were by ſtealth; diveſted of one of his ſharpeſt ſtings, the lingering expectation of their diſſolution. As to Mr. Gray, we may aſſure ourſelves that he felt much more than his dying friend, when the letter, which incloſed the Ode, was returned unopened. There ſeems to be a kind of preſentiment in that pathetic piece, which Readers of taſte will feel when they learn this anecdote; and which will make them read it with redoubled pleaſure. It will alſo throw a melancholy grace (to borrow one of his own expreſſions) on the Ode on a diſtant proſpect of Eton, and on that to Adverſity; both of them written [157] the Auguſt following: for as both theſe Poems abound with Pathos, thoſe who have feeling hearts will feel this excellence the more ſtrongly, when they know the cauſe from whence it aroſe; and the unfeeling will, perhaps, learn to reſpect what they cannot taſte, when they are prevented from imputing to a ſplenetic melancholy, what in fact ſprung from the moſt benevolent of all ſenſations. I am inclined to believe that the Elegy in a Country Church-yard was begun, if not concluded, at this time alſo: Though I am aware that, as it ſtands at preſent, the concluſion is of a later date; how that was originally, I ſhall ſhew in my notes on the poem. But the firſt impulſe of his ſorrow for the death of his friend gave birth to a very tender Sonnet in Engliſh, on the Petrarchian model; and alſo to a ſublime Apoſtrophe in Hexameters, written in the Genuine ſtrain of Claſſical majeſty, with which he intended to begin one of his books, ‘"De Principiis Cogitandi."’ This I ſhall ſhortly give the Reader: But the ſonnet, being completed, I reſerve for publication amongſt the reſt of his Poems.

It may ſeem ſomewhat extraordinary, that Mr. Gray never attempted any thing in Engliſh verſe, (except the beginning of Agrippina, and a few tranſlations) before the firſt Ode lately mentioned. Shall we attribute this to his having been educated at Eton, or to what other cauſe? Certain it is, that when I firſt knew him, he ſeemed to ſet a greater value on his Latin poetry, than on that which he had compoſed in his native language; and had almoſt the ſame foible then, which I have ſince known him laugh at in Petrarch, when we read that moſt entertaining of all books, entitled ‘"Memories pour la vie de François Petrarque tirés de ſes oeuvres,"’ &c. I am apt to think that the [158] little popularity which M. de Polignac's Anti-Lucretius acquired, after it had been ſo long and ſo eagerly expected by the learned, induced Mr. Gray to lay aſide his didactic Plan. However this may be, he writ no Latin verſe after this period; except perhaps ſome part of the 1 ſt book of the Poem juſt mentioned. This therefore ſeems the proper place to introduce that fragment; which being the moſt conſiderable in itſelf of all his Latin Compoſitions, and perhaps the moſt laboured of any of his Poems, it were to be wiſhed that I could give the reader more inſight into his deſign, than the few ſcattered papers, which he has left, enable me to do. It is clear, however, from the Exordium itſelf, that he meant to make the ſame uſe of Mr. Locke's Eſſay on the human Underſtanding, which Lucretius did of the Dogmas of Epicurus. And the firſt ſix lines plainly intimate, that his general deſign was to be comprized in four books.

The 1ſt. On the origin of our Ideas.

Unde Animus ſcire incipiat—

The 2d. On the diſtribution of theſe Ideas in the Memory.

—quibus inchoet orſa
Principiis ſeriem rerum, tenuemque catenam
Mnemoſyne—

The 3d. On the Province of Reaſon and its gradual improvement.

—Ratio unde, rudi ſub pectore, tardum
Augeat imperium—

The 4th. On the Cauſe and Effects of the Paſſions.

—& primum mortalibus aegris
Ira, Dolor, Metus, & Curae naſcantur inanes.

[159] But he has not drawn out any of the Arguments of theſe Books, except a part of the firſt; and that only ſo far as he executed of it. This it will be proper here to inſert; and alſo, for the eaſe of the reader, to repeat the ſeveral parts at the bottom of the ſubſequent pages.

General plan of the Poem.—Firſt, Invocation to Mr. Locke. Addreſs to Favonius, ſhewing the uſe and importance of the deſign.—Beginning.—Connection of the ſoul and body; Nerves, the inſtruments of ſenſation.—Touch, the firſt and moſt extenſive ſenſe, deſcribed.—Begins before the birth; Pain, our firſt idea when born.—Seeing, the ſecond ſenſe.—Digreſſive encomium of Light. The gradual opening and improvement of this ſenſe, and that of Hearing, their connection with the higher faculties of the Mind; Senſe of Beauty and Order and Harmony annexed to them. From the latter, our delight in Eloquence, Poetry, and Muſic derived.—Office of the Taſte and Smell.—Internal ſenſe of Reflection, whereby the mind views its own powers and operations, compared to a young Wood-nymph admiring herſelf in ſome fountain.—Admiſſion of Ideas, ſome by a ſingle ſenſe, ſome by two, others by every way of Senſation and Reflection. Inſtance in a Perſon born blind, he has no ideas of Light and Colours; but he has thoſe of Figure, Motion, Extenſion, and Space, (objects both of the ſight and touch.) Third ſort, thoſe which make their entrance into the mind by every channel alike; as Pleaſure, and Pain, Power, Exiſtence, Unity, and Succeſſion. Properties of Bodies, whereby they make themſelves known to us. Primary qualities: Magnitude, Solidity, Mobility, Texture, and Figure. ***

[160]
DE PRINCIPIIS COGITANDI.LIBER PRIMUS.Ad FAVONIUM.
1 UNDE Animus ſcire incipiat: quibus inchoet orſa
Principiis ſeriem rerum, tenuemque catenam
Mnemoſyne: Ratio unde rudi ſub pectore tardum
Augeat imperium; & primum mortalibus aegris
Ira, Dolor, Metus, & Curae naſcantur inanes,
Hinc canere aggredior. 2Nec dedignare canentem,
O decus! Angliacae certe o lux altera gentis!
Si quà primus iter monſtras, veſtigia conor
Signare incertâ, tremulâque inſiſtere plantâ.*
Quin potius duc ipſe (potes namque omnia) ſanctum
Ad limen, (ſi ritè adeo, ſi pectore puro,)
Obſcurae reſerans Naturae ingentia clauſtra.
Tu caecas rerum cauſas, fontemque ſeverum
Pande, Pater; tibi enim, tibi, veri magne Sacerdos,
Corda patent hominum, atque altae penetralia Mentis.
[161]
Tuque aures adhibe vacuas, facileſque, Favonî,
(Quod tibi creſcit opus) 3 ſimplex nec deſpice carmen,
Nec vatem: non illa leves primordia motus,
Quanquam parva, dabunt. Laetum vel amabile quicquid
Uſquam oritur, trahit hinc ortum; nec ſurgit ad auras,
Quin ea conſpirent ſimul, eventuſque ſecundent.
Hinc variae vitaï artes, ac mollior uſus,
Dulce & amicitiae vinclum: Sapientia dia
Hinc roſeum accendit lumen, vultuque ſereno
Humanas aperit mentes, nova gaudia monſtrans,
Deformeſque fugat curas, vanoſque timores:
Scilicet & rerum creſcit pulcherrima Virtus.
Illa etiam, quae te (mirùm) nocteſque dieſque
Aſſiduè fovet inſpirans, linguamque ſequentem
Temperat in numeros, atque horas mulcet inertes;
Aurea non aliâ ſe jactat origine Muſa.
4 Principio, ut magnum faedus Natura creatrix
Firmavit, tardis juſſitque inoleſcere membris
Sublimes animas; tenebroſo in carcere partem
Noluit aetheream longo torpere veterno:
Nec per ſe proprium paſſa exercere vigorem eſt,
Ne ſociae molis conjunctos ſperneret artus,
Ponderis oblita, & coeleſtis conſcia flammae.
Idcircò 5 innumero ductu tremere undique fibras
Nervorum inſtituit: tum toto corpore miſcens
Implicuit latè ramos, & ſenſile textum,
Implevitque humore ſuo (ſeu lympha vocanda,
Sive aura eſt) tenuis certè, atque leviſſima quaedam
[162] Vis verſatur agens, parvoſque infuſa canales.
Perfluit; aſſidué externis quae concita plagis,
Mobilis, incuſſique fidelis nuntia motûs,
Hinc indè accenſâ contage relabitur uſque
Ad ſuperas hominis ſedes, arcemque cerebri.
Namque illic poſuit ſolium, & ſua templa ſacravit
6 Mens animi: hanc circum coëunt, denſoque feruntur
Agmine notitiae, ſimulacraque tenuia rerum:
Ecce autem naturae ingens aperitur imago
Immenſae, variique patent commercia mundi.
Ac uti longinquis deſcendunt montibus amnes
Velivolus Tamiſis, flaventiſque Indus arenae,
Euphrateſque, Taguſque, & opimo flumine Ganges,
Undas quiſque ſuas volvens, curſuque ſonoro
In mare prorumpunt: hos magno acclinis in antro
Excipit Oceanus, natorumque ordine longo
Dona recognoſcit venientûm, ultròque ſerenat
Caeruleam faciem, & diffuſo marmore ridet.
Haud aliter ſpecies properant ſe inſerre novellae
Certatim menti, atque aditus quino agmine complent.
7 Primas tactus agit partes, primuſque minutae
Laxat iter caecum turbae, recipitque ruentem.
Non idem huic modus eſt, qui fratribus: amplius ille
Imperium affectat ſenior, penituſque medullis,
Viſceribuſque habitat totis, pellîſque recentem
Funditur in telam, & latè per ſtamina vivit.
Necdum etiam matris puer eluctatus ab alvo
Multiplices ſolvit tunicas, & vincula rupit;
[163] Sopitus molli ſomno, tepidoque liquore
Circumfuſus adhue: tactus tamen aura laceſſit
Jamdudum levior ſenſus, animamque recluſit.
Idque magis ſimul, ac ſolitum blandumque calorem
Frigore mutavit coeli, quod verberat acri
Impete inaſſuetos artus: tum ſaevior adſtat,
Humanaeque comes vitae Dolor excipit; ille
Cunctantem fruſtrà & tremulo multa ore querentem
Corripit invadens, ferreiſque amplectitur ulnis.
8 Tum ſpecies primùm patefacta eſt candida Lucis
(Uſque vices adeò Natura bonique, malique,
Exaequat, juſtâque manu ſua damna rependit)
Tum primùm, ignotoſque bibunt nova lumina ſoles.
9 Carmine quo, Dea, te dicam, gratiſſima coeli
Progenies, ortumque tuum; gemmantia rore
Ut per prata levi luftras, & floribus halans
Purpureum Veris gremium, ſcenamque virentem
Pingis, & umbriferos colles, & caerula regna?
Gratia te, Veneriſque Lepos, & mille Colorum,
Formarumque chorus ſequitur, Motuſque decentes.
At caput inviſum Stygiis Nox atra tenebris
Abdidit, horrendaeque ſimul Formidinis ora,
Pervigileſque aeſtus Curarum, atque anxius Angor:
Undique Laetitiâ florent mortalia corda,
Purus & arridet largis fulgoribus Aether.
Omnia nec tu ideò invalidae ſe pandere Menti
(Quippe nimis teneros poſſet vis tanta diei
Perturbare, & inexpertos confundere viſus)
Nec capere infantes animos, neu cernere credas
[164] Tam variam molem, & mirae ſpectacula lucis:
10 Neſcio quâ tamen haec oculos dulcedine parvos
Splendida percuſſit novitas, traxitque ſequentes;
Nonne videmus enim, latis inſerta feneſtris
Sicubi ſe Phoebi diſpergant aurea tela,
Sive lucernarum rutilus colluxerit ardor,
Extemplo hùc obverti aciem, quae fixa repertos
Haurit inexpletum radios, fruiturque tuendo.
Altior huic verò ſenſu, majorque videtur
Addita, Judicioque arctè connexa poteſtas,
Quod ſimul atque aetas volventibus auxerit annis,
11 Haec ſimul, aſſiduo depaſcens omnia viſu,
Perſpiciet, vis quanta loci, quid polleat ordo,
Juncturae quis honos, ut res accendere rebus
Lumina conjurant inter ſe, & mutua fulgent.
Nec minor 12 in geminis viget auribus inſita virtus,
Nec tantum in curvis quae pervigil excubet antris
Hinc atque hinc (ubi Vox tremefecerit oſtia pulſu
Aëriis invecta rotis) longèque recurſet:
Scilicet Eloquio haec ſonitus, haec fulminis alas,
Et mulcere dedit dictis & tollere corda,
Verbaque metiri numeris, verſuque ligare
Repperit, & quicquid diſcant Libethrides undae,
Calliope quotiès, quotiès Pater ipſe canendi
Evolvat liquidum carmen, calamove loquenti
Inſpiret dulces animas, digitiſque figuret.
[165]
13 At medias fauces, & linguae humentia templa
Guſtus habet, quà ſe inſinuet jucunda ſaporum
Luxuries, dona Autumni, Bacchique voluptas.
14 Naribus interea conſedit odora hominum vis,
Docta leves captare auras, Panchaïa quales
Vere novo exhalat, Floraeve quod oſcula fragrant
Roſcida, cum Zephyri furtim ſub veſperis horâ
Reſpondet votis, mollemque aſpirat amorem.
15 Tot portas altae capitis circumdedit arci
Alma Parens, ſenſûſque vias per membra recluſit;
Haud ſolas: namque intùs agit vivata facultas,
Quâ ſeſe explorat, contemplatuſque repentè
Ipſe ſuas animus vires, momentaque cernit.
Quid velit, aut poſſit, cupiat, fugiatve, viciſsim
Percipit imperio gaudens; neque corpora fallunt
Morigera ad celeres actus, ac numina mentis.
Qualis Hamadryadum quondam ſi fortè ſororum
Una, novos peragrans ſaltus, & devia rura;
(Atque illam in viridi ſuadet procumbere ripâ
Fontis pura quies, & opaci frigoris umbra)
Dum prona in latices ſpeculi de margine pendet,
Mirata eſt ſubitam venienti occurrere Nympham:
Mox eoſdem, quos ipſa, artus, eadem ora gerentem
Unà inferre gradus, unà ſuccedere ſylvae
Aſpicit alludens; ſeſeque agnoſcit in undis.
Sic ſenſu interno rerum ſimulacra ſuarum
Mens ciet, & proprios obſervat conſcia vultus.
16 Nec verò ſimplex ratio, aut jus omnibus unum
[166] Conſtat imaginibus. Sunt quae bina oſtia nôrunt;
Hae privos ſervant aditus; ſine legibus illae
Paſsim, quà data porta, ruunt, auimoque propinquant.
17 Reſpice, cui a cunis triſtes extinxit ocellos,
Saeva & in aeternas merſit natura tenebras:
Illi ignota dies lucet, vernuſque colorum
Offuſus nitor eſt, & vivae gratia formae.
18 Corporis at filum, & motus, ſpatiumque, locique
Intervalla datur certo dignoſcere tactu:
Quandoquidem his iter ambiguum eſt, & janua duplex,
Excluſaeque oculis ſpecies irrumpere tendunt
Per digitos. Atqui ſolis conceſſa poteſtas
Luminibus blandae eſt radios immittere lucis.
19 Undique proporrò ſociis, quacunque pateſcit
Notitiae campus, miſtae laſciva feruntur
Turba voluptatis comites, formaeque dolorum
Terribiles viſu, & portâ glomerantur in omni.
20 Nec vario minus introïtu magnum ingruit Illud,
Quo facere & fungi, quo res exiſtere circùm
Quamque ſibi proprio cum corpore ſcimus, & ire
Ordine, perpetuoque per aevum flumine labi.
Nunc age quo valeat pacto, quâ ſenſilis arte
21 Affectare viam, atque animi tentare latebras
Materies (dictis aures adverte faventes)
Exſequar. Inprimis ſpatii quam multa per aequor
Millia multigenis pandant ſe corpora ſeclis,
Expende. Haud unum invenies, quod mente licebit
[167] Amplecti, nedum propriùs deprendere ſenſu,
22 Molis egens certae, aut ſolido ſine robore, cujus
Denique mobilitas linquit, texturave partes,
Ulla nec orarum circumcaeſura coercet.
Haec conjuncta adeò totâ compage fatetur
Mundus, & extremo clamant in limine rerum,
(Si rebus datur Extremum) primordia. Firmat
Haec eadem tactus (tactum quis dicere falſum
Audeat?) haec oculi nec lucidus arguit orbis.
Inde poteſtatum enaſci denſiſſima proles;
Nam quodcunque ferit viſum, tangive laborat,
Quicquid nare bibis, vel concava concipit auris,
Quicquid lingua ſapit, credas hoc omne, neceſſe eſt
Ponderibus, textu, diſcurſu, mole, figurâ
Particulas praeſtare leves, & ſemina rerum.
Nunc oculos igitur paſcunt, & luce miniſtrâ
Fulgere cuncta vides, ſpargique coloribus orbem,
Dum de ſole trahunt alias, aliaſque ſupernè
Detorquent, retròque docent ſe vertere flammas.
Nunc trepido inter ſe fervent corpuſcula pulſu,
Ut tremor aethera per magnum, latèque natantes
Aurarum fluctus avidi vibrantia clauſtra
Auditûs queat allabi, ſonitumque propaget.
Cominùs interdum non ullo interprete per ſe
Nervorum invadunt teneras quatientia fibras,
Senſiferumque urgent ultrò per viſcera motum.
[168]
DE PRINCIPIIS COGITANDI.LIBER QUARTUS.
HACTENUS haud ſegnis Naturae arcana retexi
Muſarum interpres, primuſque Britanna per arva
Romano liquidum deduxi flumine rivum.
Cum Tu opere in medio, ſpes tanti & cauſa laboris,
Linquis, & aeternam fati te condis in umbram!
Vidi egomet duro graviter concuſſa dolore
Pectora, in alterius non unquam lenta dolorem;
Et languere oculos vidi, & palleſcere amantem
Vultum, quo nunquam Pietas niſi rara, Fideſque,
Altus amor Veri, & purum ſpirabat Honeſtum.
Viſa tamen tardi demùm inclementia morbi
Ceſſare eſt, reducemque iterum roſeo ore Salutem
Speravi, atque unà tecum, dilecte Favoni!
Credulus heu longos, ut quondàm, fallere Soles:
Heu ſpes nequicquam dulces, atque irrita vota!
Heu maeſtos Soles, ſine te quos ducere flendo
Per deſideria, & queſtus jam cogor inanes!
At Tu, ſancta anima, & noſtri non indiga luctûs,
Stellanti templo, ſincerique aetheris igne,
Unde orta es, fruere; atque o ſi ſecura, nec ultra
Mortalis, notos olim miſerata labores
Reſpectes, tenueſque vacet cognoſcere curas;
Humanam ſi fortè altâ de ſede procellam
Contemplêre, metus, ſtimuloſque cupidinis acres,
Gaudiaque & gemitus, parvoque in corde tumultum
[169] Irarum ingentem, & ſaevos ſub pectore fluctus;
Reſpice & has lacrymas, memori quas ictus amore
Fundo; quod poſſum, juxtà lugere ſepulchrum
Dum juvat, & mutae vana haec jactare favillae.
END OF THE THIRD SECTION.

SECTION THE FOURTH.

[170]

THE three foregoing Sections have carried the Reader through the juvenile part of Mr. Gray's life, and nearly, alas, to half of its duration. Thoſe which remain, though leſs diverſified by incidents, will, notwithſtanding, I flatter myſelf, be equally inſtructive and amuſing, as ſeveral of his moſt intimate friends have very kindly furniſhed me with their collections of his letters; which, added to thoſe I have myſelf preſerved, will enable me to ſelect from them many excellent ſpecimens of his more mature judgment, correct taſte, and extenſive learning, blended at the ſame time with many amiable inſtances of his ſenſibility: they will alſo ſpecify the few remaining anecdotes, which occurred in a life ſo retired and ſedentary as his: for the Reader muſt be here informed that, from the winter of the year 1742 to the day of his death, his principal reſidence was at Cambridge. He indeed, during the lives of his mother and aunts, ſpent his ſummer vacations at Stoke; and, after they died, in making little tours on viſits to his friends in different parts of the country: But he was ſeldom abſent from college any conſiderable time, except between the years 1759 and 1762; when, on the opening of the Britiſh Muſaeum, he took lodgings in Southampton Row, in order to [171] have recourſe to the Harleian and other Manuſcripts there depoſited, from which he made ſeveral curious extracts*.

It may ſeem ſtrange that a perſon who had conceived ſo early a diſlike to Cambridge, and who (as we ſhall ſee preſently) now returned to it with this prejudice rather augmented, ſhould, when he was free to chooſe, make that very place his principal abode for near thirty years: But this I think may be eaſily accounted for from his love of books, (ever his ruling paſſion) and the ſtraitneſs of his circumſtances which prevented the gratification of it. For to a man, who could not conveniently purchaſe even a ſmall library, what ſituation ſo eligible as that which affords free acceſs to a number of large ones? This reaſon alſo accounts for another ſingular fact. We have ſeen that, during his reſidence at Stoke, in the ſpring and ſummer of this ſame year 1742, he writ a conſiderable part of his more finiſhed poems. Hence one would be naturally led to conclude that, on his return to Cambridge, when the ceremony of taking his degree was over, the quiet of the place would have prompted him to continue the cultivation of his poetical talents, and that immediately, as the Muſe ſeems in this year to have peculiarly inſpired him; but this was not the caſe. Reading, he has often told me, was much more agreeable to him than writing: He therefore now laid aſide compoſition almoſt entirely, and applied himſelf with intenſe aſſiduity to the ſtudy of the beſt Greek authors; inſomuch that, in the [172] ſpace of about ſix years, there were hardly any writers of note in that language which he had not only read but digeſted; remarking, by the mode of common-place, their contents, their difficult and corrupt paſſages, and all this with the accuracy of a critic added to the diligence of a ſtudent.

Before I inſert the next ſeries of letters, I muſt take the liberty to mention, that it was not till about the year 1747 that I had the happineſs of being introduced to the acquaintance of Mr. Gray. Some very juvenile imitations of Milton's juvenile poems, which I had written a year or two before, and of which the Monody on Mr. Pope's death was the principal*, he then, at the requeſt of one of my friends, was ſo obliging as to reviſe. The ſame year, on account of a diſpute which had happened between the maſter and fellows of Pembroke Hall, I had the honour of being nominated by the Fellows to fill one of the vacant Fellowſhips. I was at this time ſcholar of St. John's College, and Batchelor of Arts, perſonally unknown to the gentlemen who favoured me ſo highly; therefore that they gave me this mark of diſtinction and preference was greatly owing to Mr. Gray, who was well acquainted with ſeveral of that ſociety, and to Dr. Heberden, whoſe known [173] partiality to every, even the ſmalleſt degree of merit, led him warmly to ſecond his recommendation. The Reader, I hope, will excuſe this ſhort piece of egotiſm, as it is written to expreſs my gratitude, as well to the living as the dead, to declare the ſenſe I ſhall ever retain of the honour which the Fellows of Pembroke Hall then did me, and to particularize the time of an incident which brought me into the neighbourhood of Mr. Gray's College; and ſerved to give that cement to our future intimacy, which is uſually rendered ſtronger by proximity of place.

The Letters, which I ſelect for this Section, are from the date of the year 1742 to that of 1768, when Mr. Gray was made Profeſſor of Modern Hiſtory. This, as it is a conſiderable interval of time, will perhaps require me the more frequently to reſume my narrative; eſpecially as I cannot now produce one continued chain of correſpondence.

LETTER I.

Mr. GRAY to *Dr. WHARTON.

I Ought to have returned you my thanks a long time ago for the pleaſure, I ſhould ſay Prodigy, of your Letter; for ſuch a [174] thing has not happened above twice within this laſt age to mortal man, and no one here can conceive what it may portend. You have heard, I ſuppoſe, how I have been employed a part of the time; how, by my own indefatigable application for theſe ten years paſt, and by the care and vigilance of that worthy magiſtrate the Man in Blue, (who, I aſſure you, has not ſpared his labour, nor could have done more for his own Son) I am got half way to the top of Juriſprudence*, and bid as fair as another body to open a caſe of impotency with all decency and circumſpection. You ſee my ambition. I do not doubt but ſome thirty years hence I ſhall convince the world and you that I am a very pretty young fellow; and may come to ſhine in a profeſſion, perhaps the nobleſt of all except man-midwifery. As for you, if your diſtemper and you can but agree about going to London, I may reaſonably expect in a much ſhorter time to ſee you in your three-cornered villa, doing the honours of a well-furniſhed table with as much dignity, as rich a mien, and as capacious a belly, as Dr. Mead. Methinks I ſee Dr. **, at the lower end of it, loſt in admiration of your goodly perſon and parts, cramming down his Envy (for it will riſe) with the wing of a Pheaſant, and drowning it in neat Burgundy. But not to tempt your Aſthma too much with ſuch a proſpect, I ſhould think you might be almoſt as happy and as great as this even in the country. But you know beſt, and I ſhould be ſorry to ſay any thing that might ſtop you in the career of Glory; far be it from me to hamper the wheels of your gilded chariot. Go on, Sir Thomas; and when you die, (for even Phyſicians muſt die) [175] may the faculty in Warwick-lane erect your ſtatue in the very niche of Sir John Cutler's.

I was going to tell you how ſorry I am for your illneſs, but I hope it is too late now: I can only ſay that I really was very ſorry. May you live a hundred Chriſtmaſſes, and eat as many collars of brawn ſtuck with roſemary. Adieu, &c.

*
Of Old-Park, near Durham. With this Gentleman Mr. Gray contracted an acquaintance very early; and though they were not educated together at Eton, yet afterwards at Cambridge, when the Doctor was Fellow of Pembroke-Hall, they became intimate Friends, and continued ſo to the time of Mr. Gray's death.
A Servant of the Vice-Chancellor's for the time being, uſually known by the name of Blue Coat, whoſe buſineſs it is to attend Acts for Degrees, &c.
*
i. e. Batchelor of Civil Law.

Though I have ſaid that Mr. Gray, on his return to Cambridge, laid aſide Poetry almoſt entirely, yet I find amongſt his papers a ſmall fragment in verſe, which bears internal evidence that it was written about this very time. The foregoing Letter, in which he employs ſo much of his uſual vein of ridicule on the Univerſity, ſeems to be no improper introduction to it: I ſhall therefore inſert it here without making any apology, as I have given one, on a ſimilar occaſion, in the firſt ſection.

It ſeems to have been intended as a Hymn or Addreſs to Ignorance; and I preſume, had he proceeded with it, would have contained much good Satire upon falſe Science and ſcholaſtic Pedantry. What he writ of it is purely introductory; yet many of the lines are ſo ſtrong, and the general caſt of the verſification ſo muſical, that I believe it will give the generality of Readers a higher opinion of his poetical Talents, than many of his Lyrical Productions have done. I ſpeak of the Generality; becauſe it is a certain fact, that their taſte is founded upon the ten-ſyllable couplets of Dryden and Pope, and upon theſe only.

[176]
HAIL, Horrors, hail! ye ever gloomy bowers,
Ye gothic fanes, and antiquated towers,
Where ruſhy Camus' ſlowly-winding flood
Perpetual draws his humid train of mud:
Glad I reviſit thy neglected reign,
Oh take me to thy peaceful ſhade again.
But chiefly thee, whoſe influence breath'd from high
Augments the native darkneſs of the ſky;
Ah Ignorance! ſoft ſalutary Power!
Proſtrate with filial reverence I adore.
Thrice hath Hyperion roll'd his annual race,
Since weeping I forſook thy fond embrace.
Oh ſay, ſucceſsful do'ſt thou ſtill oppoſe
Thy leaden Aegis 'gainſt our antient foes?
Still ſtretch, tenacious of thy right divine,
The maſſy ſceptre o'er thy ſlumb'ring line?
And dews Lethean thro' the land diſpenſe
To ſteep in ſlumbers each benighted ſenſe?
If any ſpark of Wit's deluſive ray
Break out, and flaſh a momentary day,
With damp, cold touch forbid it to aſpire,
And huddle up in fogs the dangerous fire.
Oh ſay—ſhe hears me not, but careleſs grown,
Lethargic nods upon her ebon throne.
Goddeſs! awake, ariſe, alas my fears!
Can powers immortal feel the force of years?
Not thus of old, with enſigns wide unfurl'd,
She rode triumphant o'er the vanquiſh'd world;
Fierce nations own'd her unreſiſted might,
And all was Ignorance, and all was Night.
[177]
Oh ſacred Age! Oh Times for ever loſt!
(The School-man's glory, and the Church-man's boaſt.)
For ever gone—yet ſtill to Fancy new,
Her rapid wings the tranſient ſcene purſue,
And bring the buried ages back to view.
High on her car, behold the Grandam ride
Like old Seſoſtris with barbaric pride;
**** a team of harneſs'd monarchs bend
*****

LETTER II.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

YOU write ſo feelingly to Mr. Brown, and repreſent your abandoned condition in terms ſo touching, that what gratitude could not effect in ſeveral months, compaſſion has brought about in a few days; and broke that ſtrong attachment, or rather allegiance, which I and all here owe to our ſovereign Lady and Miſtreſs, the Preſident of Preſidents and Head of Heads, (if I may be permitted to pronounce her name, that ineffable Octogrammaton) the power of Lazineſs. You muſt know ſhe had been pleaſed to appoint me (in preference to ſo many old ſervants of her's who had ſpent their whole lives in qualifying themſelves for the office) Grand Picker of Straws and Puſh-pin Player to her Supinity (for that is her title). The firſt is much in the nature of Lord Preſident of the Council; and the other, like the Groom-Porter, only without [178] the profit; but as they are both things of very great honour in this country, I conſidered with myſelf the load of Envy attending ſuch great charges; and beſides (between you and me) I found myſelf unable to ſupport the fatigue of keeping up the appearance that perſons of ſuch dignity muſt do, ſo I thought proper to decline it, and excuſed myſelf as well as I could. However, as you ſee ſuch an affair muſt take up a good deal of time, and it has always been the Policy of this court to proceed ſlowly, like the Imperial and that of Spain, in the diſpatch of Buſineſs, you will on this account the eaſier forgive me, if I have not anſwered your Letter before.

You deſire to know, it ſeems, what Character the Poem of your young friend bears here. I wonder that you aſk the opinion of a Nation, where thoſe, who pretend to judge, do not judge at all; and the reſt (the wiſer part) wait to catch the judgment of the world immediately above them; that is, Dick's and the Rainbow Coffee-houſes. Your readier way would be to aſk the Ladies that keep the Bars in thoſe two theatres of Criticiſm. However, to ſhew you that I am a judge, as well as my Countrymen, I will tell you, though I have rather turned it over than read it, (but no matter; no more have they) that it ſeems to me above the middling; and now and then, for a little while, riſes even to the beſt, particularly in deſcription. It is often obſcure, and even unintelligible; [179] and too much infected with the Hutchinſon jargon. In ſhort, its great fault is, that it was publiſhed at leaſt nine years too early. And ſo methinks in a few words, ‘"à là mode du Temple,"’ I have very pertly diſpatched what perhaps may for ſeveral years have employed a very ingenious man worth fifty of myſelf.

You are much in the right to have a taſte for Socrates; he was a divine man. I muſt tell you, by way of news of the place, that the other day a certain new Profeſſor made an Apology for him an hour long in the ſchools; and all the world brought in Socrates guilty, except the people of his own College.

The Muſe is gone, and left me in far worſe company; if ſhe returns, you will hear of her. As to her child* (ſince you are ſo good as to enquire after it) it is but a puling chit yet, not a bit grown to ſpeak of; I believe, poor thing, it has got the worms that will carry it off at laſt. Mr. Trollope and I are in a courſe of Tar-Water; he for his preſent, and I for my future diſtempers. If you think it will kill me, ſend away a man and horſe directly; for I drink like a Fiſh.

Your's, &c.
Pleaſures of the Imagination: from the poſthumous publication of Dr. Akinſide's Poems, it ſhould ſeem that the Author had very much the ſame Opinion afterwards of his own Work, which Mr. Gray here expreſſes: ſince he undertook a reform of it which muſt have given him, had he concluded it, as much trouble as if he had written it entirely new.
*
He here means his Poem ‘"De Principiis Cogitandi."’ See the laſt Section.
[180]

LETTER III.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

I Would make you an excuſe, (as indeed I ought) if they were a ſort of thing I ever gave any credit to myſelf in theſe caſes; but I know they are never true. Nothing ſo ſilly as Indolence when it hopes to diſguiſe itſelf: every one knows it by its ſaunter, as they do his Majeſty (God bleſs him) at a Maſquerade, by the firmneſs of his tread and the elevation of his chin. However, ſomewhat I had to ſay that has a little ſhadow of reaſon in it. I have been in Town (I ſuppoſe you know) flaunting about at all kind of public places with two friends lately returned from abroad. The world itſelf has ſome attractions in it to a ſolitary of ſix years ſtanding; and agreeable well-meaning people of ſenſe (thank Heaven there are ſo few of them) are my peculiar Magnet. It is no wonder then if I felt ſome reluctance at parting with them ſo ſoon; or if my ſpirits, when I returned back to my cell, ſhould ſink for a time, not indeed to ſtorm and tempeſt, but a good deal below changeable. Beſides, Seneca ſays (and my pitch of philoſophy does not pretend to be much above Seneca) ‘"Nunquam mores, quos extuli, refero. Aliquid ex eo quod compoſui, turbatur: aliquid ex his, quae fugavi, redit."’ And it will happen to ſuch [181] as us, mere imps of Science. Well it may, when Wiſdom herſelf is forced often

in ſweet retired Solitude
To plume her feathers, and let grow her wings,
That in the various buſtle of Reſort
Were all too ruffled, and ſometimes impair'd.

It is a fooliſh thing that without Money one cannot either live as one pleaſes, or where and with whom one pleaſes. Swift ſomewhere ſays, that Money is Liberty; and I fear Money is Friendſhip too and Society, and almoſt every external bleſſing. It is a great, though an ill-natured, Comfort, to ſee moſt of thoſe who have it in plenty, without Pleaſure, without Liberty, and without Friends.

I am not altogether of your opinion as to your hiſtorical conſolation in time of trouble: A calm Melancholy it may produce, a ſtiller ſort of deſpair (and that only in ſome circumſtances, and on ſome conſtitutions); but I doubt no real comfort or content can ever ariſe in the human mind, but from Hope.

I take it very ill you ſhould have been in the twentieth year of the War*, and yet ſay nothing of the retreat before Syracuſe: Is it, or is it not, the fineſt thing you ever read in your life? And how does Xenophon or Plutarch agree with you? For my part I read Ariſtotle, his Poetics, Politics, and Morals; though I do not well know which is which. In the firſt place, he is the hardeſt author by far I ever meddled with. Then he has a dry conciſeneſs, that makes one imagine one is peruſing a table of contents rather than a book: it taſtes for all the world [182] like chop'd hay, or rather like chop'd logic; for he has a violent affection to that art, being in ſome ſort his own invention; ſo that he often loſes himſelf in little trifling diſtinctions and verbal niceties; and, what is worſe, leaves you to extricate him as well as you can. Thirdly, he has ſuffered vaſtly from the tranſcribblers, as all authors of great brevity neceſſarily muſt. Fourthly and laſtly, he has abundance of fine uncommon things, which make him well worth the pains he gives one. You ſee what you are to expect from him.

*
Thucydides, L. vii.

LETTER IV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WALPOLE.

I Had been abſent from this place a few days, and at my return found Cibber's book* upon my table: I return you my thanks for it, and have already run over a conſiderable part; for who could reſiſt Mrs. Letitia Pilkington's recommendation? (By the way, is there any ſuch gentlewoman? or has ſomebody put on the ſtyle of a ſcribbling woman's panegyric to deceive and laugh at Colley?) He ſeems to me full as pert and as dull as uſual. There are whole pages of commonplace ſtuff, that for ſtupidity might have been wrote by Dr. Waterland, or any other grave divine, did not the flirting ſaucy phraſe give them at a diſtance an air of youth and gaiety: It is [183] very true, he is often in the right with regard to Tully's weakneſſes; but was there any one that did not ſee them? Thoſe, I imagine, that would find a man after God's own heart, are no more likely to truſt the Doctor's recommendation than the Player's; and as to Reaſon and Truth, would they know their own faces, do you think, if they looked in the glaſs, and ſaw themſelves ſo bedizened in tattered fringe and tarniſhed lace, in French jewels, and dirty furbelows, the frippery of a ſtroller's wardrobe?

Literature, to take it in its moſt comprehenſive ſenſe, and include every thing that requires invention or judgment, or barely application and induſtry, ſeems indeed drawing apace to its diſſolution, and remarkably ſince the beginning of the war. I remember to have read Mr. Spence's pretty book; though (as he then had not been at Rome for the laſt time) it muſt have increaſed greatly ſince that in bulk. If you aſk me what I read, I proteſt I do not recollect one ſyllable; but only in general, that they were the beſt bred ſort of men in the world, juſt the kind of frinds one would wiſh to meet in a fine ſummer's evening, if one wiſhed to meet any at all. The heads and tails of the dialogues, publiſhed ſeparate in 16mo, would make the ſweeteſt reading in natiur for young gentlemen of family and fortune, that are learning to dance*. I rejoice to [184] hear there is ſuch a crowd of dramatical performances coming upon the ſtage. Agrippina can ſtay very well, ſhe thanks you, and be damned at leiſure: I hope in God you have not mentioned, or ſhewed to any body that ſcene (for truſting in its badneſs, I forgot to caution you concerning it); but I heard the other day, that I was writing a Play, and was told the name of it, which nobody here could know, I am ſure. The employment you propoſe to me much better ſuits my inclination; but I much fear our joint-ſtock would hardly compoſe a ſmall volume; what I have is leſs conſiderable than you would imagine, and of that little we ſhould not be willing to publiſh all. ***

This is all I can any where find. You, I imagine, may have a good deal more. I ſhould not care how unwiſe the ordinary run of Readers might think my affection for him, provided thoſe few, that ever loved any body, or judged of any thing rightly, might, from ſuch little remains, be moved to conſider what he would have been; and to wiſh that heaven had granted him a longer life and a mind more at eaſe.

[185] I ſend you a few lines, tho' Latin, which you do not like, for the ſake of the ſubject*; it makes part of a large deſign, and is the beginning of the fourth book, which was intended to treat of the paſſions. Excuſe the three firſt verſes; you know vanity, with the Romans, is a poetical licenſe.

*
Entitled ‘"Obſervations on Cicero's Character,"’ or ſome ſuch thing; for I have not the book by me, and it has been long ſince forgot.
This Lady made herſelf more known ſome time after the date of this letter.
*
This ridicule on the Platonic way of dialogue (as it was aimed to be, tho' nothing leſs reſembles it) is, in my opinion, admirable. Lord Shaftſbury was the firſt who brought it into vogue, and Mr. Spence (if we except a few Scotch writers) the laſt who practiſed it. As it has now been laid aſide ſome years, we may hope, for the ſake of true taſte, that this frippery mode of compoſition will never come into faſhion again; eſpecially ſince Dr. Hurd has pointed out, by example as well as precept, wherein the true beauty of Dialogue-writing conſiſts.
What is here omitted was a ſhort catalogue of Mr. Weſt's Poetry then in Mr. Gray's hands; the reader has ſeen as much of it in the three foregoing ſections as I am perſuaded his friend would have publiſhed, had he proſecuted the taſk which Mr. Walpole recommended to him, that of printing his own and Mr. Weſt's Poems in the ſame volume; and which we alſo perceive from this letter, he was not averſe from doing. This therefore ſeems to vindicate the Editor's plan in arranging theſe papers; as he is enabled by it not only to ſhew what Mr. Weſt would have been, but what Mr. Gray was, I mean not as a Poet, for that the world knew before, but as an univerſal Scholar, and (what is ſtill of more conſequence) as an excellent moral Man.
*
The admirable Apoſtrophe to Mr. Weſt, ſee page 168.

LETTER V.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WALPOLE.

I Have abundance of thanks to return you for the entertainment Mr. Spence's book has given me, which I have almoſt run over already; and I much fear (ſee what it is to make a figure) the breadth of the margin, and the neatneſs of the prints, which are better done than one could expect, have prevailed upon me to like it far better than I did in manuſcript; for I think it is not the very genteel deportment of Polymetis, nor the lively wit of Myſagetes, that have at all corrupted me.

There is one fundamental fault, from whence moſt of the little faults throughout the whole ariſe. He profeſſes to neglect the Greek writers, who could have given him more inſtruction on the very heads he profeſſes to treat, than all the others put together; who does not know, that upon the Latin, the Sabine, and Hetruſcan mythology (which probably might themſelves, at a remoter period of time, owe their origin to Greece too) the Romans ingrafted almoſt the whole religion of Greece to make what is called their own? It would be hard [186] to find any one circumſtance that is properly of their invention. In the ruder days of the republic, the pictureſque part of their religion (which is the province he has choſe, and would be thought to confine himſelf to) was probably borrowed entirely from the Tuſcans, who, as a wealthy and trading people, may be well ſuppoſed, and indeed are known, to have had the arts flouriſhing in a conſiderable degree among them. What could inform him here, but Dio. Halicarnaſſus (who expreſsly treats of thoſe times with great curioſity and induſtry) and the remains of the firſt Roman writers? The former he has neglected as a Greek; and the latter, he ſays, were but little acquainted with the arts, and conſequently are but of ſmall authority. In the better ages, when every temple and public building in Rome was peopled with imported deities and heroes, and when all the artiſts of reputation they made uſe of were Greeks, what wonder, if their eyes grew familiariſed to Grecian forms and habits (eſpecially in a matter of this kind, where ſo much depends upon the imagination); and if thoſe figures introduced with them a belief of ſuch fables, as firſt gave them being, and dreſſed them out in their various attributes, it was natural then, and (I ſhould think) neceſſary, to go to the ſource itſelf, the Greek accounts of their own religion; but, to ſay the truth, I ſuſpect he was little converſant in thoſe books and that language; for he rarely quotes any but Lucian, an author that falls in every body's way, and who lived at the very extremity of that period he has ſet to his enquiries, later than any of the poets he has meddled with, and for that reaſon ought to have been regarded as but an indifferent authority; eſpecially being a Syrian too. His book (as he ſays himſelf) is, I think, rather a beginning than a perfect work; but a beginning at the [187] wrong end: For if any body ſhould finiſh it by enquiring into the Greek mythology, as he propoſes, it will be neceſſary to read it backward.

There are ſeveral little neglects, that one might have told him of, which I noted in reading it haſtily; as page 311, a diſcourſe about orange-trees, occaſioned by Virgil's ‘"inter oderatum lauri nemus,"’ where he fancies the Roman Laurus to be our Laurel; tho' undoubtedly the bay-tree, which is odoratum, and (I believe) ſtill called Lauro, or Alloro, at Rome; and that the ‘"Malum Medicum"’ in the Georgick is the orange; tho' Theophraſtus, whence Virgil borrowed it, or even Pliny whom he himſelf quotes, might convince him it is the cedrato which he has often taſted at Florence. Page 144 is an account of Domenichino's Cardinal Virtues, and a fling at the Jeſuits, neither of which belong to them: The painting is in a church of the Barnabiti, dedicated to St. Carlo Borromeo, whoſe motto is HUMILITAS. Page 151, in a note, he ſays, the old Romans did not regard Fortune as a Deity; tho' Servius Tullius (whom ſhe was ſaid to be in love with; nay, there was actually an affair between them) founded her temple in Foro Boario. By the way, her worſhip was Greek, and this king was educated in the family of Tarquinius Priſcus, whoſe father was a Corinthian; ſo it is eaſy to conceive how early the religion of Rome might be mixed with that of Greece, &c. &c.

Dr. Middleton has ſent me to-day a book on the Roman Senate, the ſubſtance of a diſpute between Lord Hervey and him, tho' it never interrupted their friendſhip, he ſays, and I dare ſay not.

[188]

LETTER VI.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WALPOLE.

AS one ought to be particularly careful to avoid blunders in a compliment of condolence, it would be a ſenſible ſatisfaction to me (before I teſtify my ſorrow, and the ſincere part I take in your misfortune) to know for certain, who it is I lament. I knew Zara and Selima, (Selima, was it? or Fatima) or rather I knew them both together; for I cannot juſtly ſay which was which. Then as to your handſome Cat, the name you diſtinguiſh her by, I am no leſs at a loſs, as well knowing one's handſome cat is always the cat one likes beſt; or, if one be alive and the other dead, it is uſually the latter that is the handſomeſt. Beſides, if the point were never ſo clear, I hope you do not think me ſo ill-bred or ſo imprudent as to forfeit all my intereſt in the ſurviver: Oh no! I would rather ſeem to miſtake, and imagine to be ſure it muſt be the tabby one that had met with this ſad accident. Till this affair is a little better determined, you will excuſe me if I do not begin to cry:

" Tempus inane peto, requiem, ſpatiumque doloris."

Which interval is the more convenient, as it gives time to rejoice with you on your new honors*. This is only a beginning; I reckon next week we ſhall hear you are a Free-Maſon, or a Gormogon at leaſt—Heigh ho! I feel (as you to be ſure have done long ſince) that I have very little to ſay, at leaſt in proſe. Somebody will be the better for it; I do not mean you, but your Cat, feuë Mademoiſelle Selime, whom I am about to immortalize [189] for one week or fortnight, as follows * * * * ***. There's a Poem for you, it is rather too long for an Epitaph.

*
Mr. Walpole was about this time elected a Fellow of the Royal Society.
**
The reader need hardly be told, that the 4th Ode in the Collection of his Poems was inſerted in the place of theſe aſteriſks. This letter (as ſome other ſlight ones have been) is printed chiefly to mark the date of one of his compoſitions.

LETTER VII.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

YOUR friendſhip has intereſted itſelf in my affairs ſo naturally, that I cannot help troubling you a little with a detail of them. ********* And now, my dear Wharton, why muſt I tell you a thing ſo contrary to my own wiſhes and yours? I believe it is impoſſible for me to ſee you in the North, or to enjoy any of thoſe agreeable hours I had flattered myſelf with. This buſineſs will oblige me to be in town ſeveral times during the ſummer, particularly in Auguſt, when half the money is to be paid; beſides the good people here would think me the moſt careleſs and ruinous of mortals, if I ſhould take ſuch a journey at this time. The only ſatiſfaction I can pretend to, is that of hearing from you, and particularly at this time when I was bid to expect the good news of an increaſe of your family. Your opinion of Diodorus is doubtleſs right; but there are things in him very curious, got out of better authorities now loſt. Do you remember the [190] Aegyptian hiſtory, and particularly the account of the gold mines? My own readings have been cruelly interrupted: What I have been highly pleaſed with, is the new Comedy from Paris by Greſſet, called le Mechant; if you have it not, buy his works altogether in two little volumes, they are collected by the Dutch bookſellers, and conſequently contain ſome traſh; but then there are the Ver-vert, the Epiſtle to P. Bougeant, the Chartreuſe, that to his ſiſter, an Ode on his country, and another on Mediocrity, and the Sidnei, another Comedy, all which have great beauties: There is alſo a Poem lately publiſhed by Thompſon, called the Caſtle of Indolence, with ſome good ſtanzas in it. Mr. Maſon is my acquaintance; I liked that Ode* much, but have found no one elſe that did. He has much fancy, little judgment, and a good deal of modeſty; I take him for a good and well-meaning creature; but then he is really in ſimplicity a child, and loves every body he meets with: He reads little or nothing; writes abundance, and that with a deſign to make his fortune by it. My beſt compliments to Mrs. Wharton and your family: Does that name include any body I am not yet acquainted with?

The paragraph here omitted contained an account of Mr. Gray's loſs of a houſe by fire in Cornhill, and the expence he ſhould be at in rebuilding it. Though it was inſured, he could at this time ill bear to lay out the additional ſum neceſſary for the purpoſe.
*
Ode to a Water Nymph, publiſhed about this time in Dodſley's Miſcellany. On reading what follows, many readers, I ſuſpect, will think me as ſimple as ever, in forbearing to expunge the paragraph: But as I publiſh Mr. Gray's ſentiments of authors, as well living as dead, without reſerve, I ſhould do them injuſtice, if I was more ſcrupulous with reſpect to myſelf. My friends, I am ſure, will be much amuſed with this and another paſſage hereafter of a like ſort. My enemies, if they pleaſe, may ſneer at it; and ſay (which they will very truly) that twenty-five years have made a very conſiderable abatement in my general philanthropy. Men of the world will not blame me for writing from ſo prudent a motive, as that of making my fortune by it; and yet the truth, I believe, at the time was, that I was perfectly well ſatisfied, if my publications furniſhed me with a few guineas to ſee a Play or an Opera.
[191]

LETTER VIII.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

I Am glad you have had any pleaſure in Greſſet; he ſeems to me a truly elegant and charming writer; the Mechant is the beſt Comedy I ever read; his Edward I could ſcarce get through; it is puerile; though there are good lines, ſuch as this for example:

" Le jour d'un nouveau regne eſt le jour des ingrats."

But good lines will make any thing rather than a good play: However you are to conſider this is a collection made up by the Dutch bookſellers; many things unfiniſhed, or written in his youth, or deſigned not for the world, but to make his friends laugh, as the Lutrin vivant, &c. There are two noble lines; which, as they are in the middle of an Ode to the King, may perhaps have eſcaped you.

" Le cri d'un peuple heureux eſt la ſeule eloquence,
" Qui ſçait parler des Rois."

Which is very true, and ſhould have been a hint to himſelf not to write Odes to the King at all.

As I have nothing more to ſay at preſent, I fill my paper with the beginning of an Eſſay; what name to give it I know not; but the ſubject is the Alliance of Education and Government: I mean to ſhew that they muſt both concur to produce great and uſeful men. I deſire your judgment upon it before I proceed any further.

[192] The firſt fifty-ſeven verſes of an Ethical Eſſay accompanied this letter, which I ſhall here inſert, with about fifty lines more, all of them finiſhed in his higheſt manner. Had this noble deſign been compleated, I may, with great boldneſs, aſſert that it would have been one of the moſt capital Poems of the kind that ever appeared either in our own, or any language. I am not able to inform the reader how many Eſſays he meant to write upon the ſubject; nor do I believe that he had ever ſo far ſettled his plan as to determine that point: But ſince his theme was as extenſive as human nature, (an obſervation he himſelf makes in a ſubſequent letter on the ‘"Eſprit des Loix"’) it is plain the whole work would have been conſiderable in point of ſize. He was buſily employed in it at the time when M. de Monteſquieu's book was firſt publiſhed: On reading it, he ſaid the Baron had foreſtalled ſome of his beſt thoughts; and yet the reader will find, from the ſmall fragment he has left, that the two writers differ a little in one very material point, viz. the influence of ſoil and climate on national manners.* Some time after he had thoughts of reſuming his plan, and of dedicating it, by an introductory Ode, to M. de Monteſquieu; but that great man's death, which happened in 1755, made him drop his deſign finally.

On carefully reviewing the ſcattered papers in proſe, which he writ, as hints for his own uſe in the proſecution of this work, I think it beſt to form part of them into a kind of commentary at the bottom of the pages; they will ſerve greatly to elucidate (as far as they go) the method of his reaſoning.

[193]
ESSAY I. 38
[...]
[...]
THEOCRITUS.
40AS ſickly Plants betray a niggard earth,
Whoſe barren boſom ſtarves her gen'rous birth,
Nor genial warmth, nor genial juice retains
Their roots to feed, and fill their verdant veins:
And as in climes, where Winter holds his reign,
The ſoil, tho' fertile, will not teem in vain,
Forbids her gems to ſwell, her ſhades to riſe,
Nor truſts her bloſſoms to the churliſh ſkies:
So draw Mankind in vain the vital airs,
Unform'd, unfriended, by thoſe kindly cares,
That health and vigour to the ſoul impart,
Spread the young thought, and warm the opening heart:
[194]So fond Inſtruction on the growing powers
Of nature idly laviſhes her ſtores,
If equal Juſtice with unclouded face
Smile not indulgent on the riſing race,
And ſcatter with a free, tho' frugal hand
Light golden ſhowers of plenty o'er the land:
But Tyranny has fix'd her empire there
To check their tender hopes with chilling fear,
And blaſt the blooming promiſe of the year.
This ſpacious animated ſcene ſurvey,
From where the rolling Orb, that gives the day,
[195] His ſable ſons with nearer courſe ſurrounds
To either pole, and life's remoteſt bounds.
How rude ſoe'er th' exteriour form we find,
Howe'er opinion tinge the varied mind,
Alike, to all the kind, impartial Heav'n
The ſparks of truth and happineſs has giv'n:
With ſenſe to feel, with memory to retain,
They follow pleaſure, and they fly from pain;
Their judgment mends the plan their fancy draws,
Th' event preſages, and explores the cauſe;
The ſoft returns of gratitude they know,
By fraud elude, by force repell the foe;
While mutual wiſhes, mutual woes endear
The ſocial ſmile and ſympathetic tear.
Say, then, thro' ages by what fate confin'd
To different climes ſeem different ſouls aſſign'd?
Here meaſur'd laws and philoſophic eaſe
Fix, and improve the poliſh'd arts of peace.
There induſtry and gain their vigils keep,
Command the winds, and tame th' unwilling deep.
Here force and hardy deeds of blood prevail;
There languid pleaſure ſighs in every gale.
[196] Oft o'er the trembling nations from afar
41Has Scythia breath'd the living cloud of war;
And, where the deluge burſt, with ſweepy ſway
Their arms, their kings, their gods were roll'd away.
As oft have iſſued, hoſt impelling hoſt,
42The blue-eyed myriads from the Baltick coaſt.
[197] The proſtrate South to the Deſtroyer yields
Her boaſted titles, and her golden fields:
43With grim delight the Brood of winter view
A brighter day, and Heav'ns of azure hue,
Scent the new fragrance of the breathing roſe,
And quaff the pendent vintage as it grows.
Proud of the yoke, and pliant to the rod,
Why yet does Aſia dread a monarch's nod,
While European freedom ſtill withſtands
Th' encroaching tide, that drowns her leſſening lands;
[198] And ſees far off with an indignant groan
Her native plains, and Empires once her own.
Can opener ſkies and ſuns of fiercer flame
O'erpower the fire, that animates our frame;
As lamps, that ſhed at eve a chearful ray,
Fade and expire beneath the eye of day?
Need we the influence of the Northern ſtar
To ſtring our nerves and ſteel our hearts to war?
And, where the face of nature laughs around,
Muſt ſick'ning virtue fly the tainted ground?
Unmanly thought! what ſeaſons can controul,
What fancied zone can circumſcribe the ſoul,
Who, conſcious of the ſource from whence ſhe ſprings,
By reaſon's light, on reſolution's wings,
Spite of her frail companion, dauntleſs goes
O'er Lybia's deſerts and thro' Zembla's ſnows?
She bids each ſlumb'ring energy awake,
Another touch, another temper take,
Suſpends th' inferior laws, that rule our clay:
The ſtubborn elements confeſs her ſway;
Their little wants, their low deſires, refine,
And raiſe the mortal to a height divine.
Not but the human fabric from the birth
Imbibes a flavour of its parent earth.
As various tracts enforce a various toil,
The manners ſpeak the idiom of their ſoil.
[199] An iron-race the mountain-cliffs maintain,
Foes to the gentler genius of the plain:
For where unwearied ſinews muſt be found
With ſide-long plough to quell the flinty ground,
To turn the torrent's ſwift-deſcending flood,
To brave the ſavage ruſhing from the wood,
What wonder, if to patient valour train'd
They guard with ſpirit, what by ſtrength they gain'd?
And while their rocky ramparts round they ſee,
The rough abode of want and liberty,
(As lawleſs force from confidence will grow)
Inſult the plenty of the vales below?
What wonder, in the ſultry climes, that ſpread,
Where Nile redundant o'er his ſummer-bed
From his broad boſom life and verdure flings,
44And broods o'er Aegypt with his wat'ry wings,
If with advent'rous oar and ready ſail
The duſky people drive before the gale;
[200] Or on frail floats to neighb'ring cities ride,
45That riſe and glitter o'er the ambient tide.
* * * * * * * * *
[201]

LETTER IX.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

YOU aſk for ſome account of books. The principal I can tell you of is a work of the Preſident Monteſquieu, the labour of twenty years; it is called L'Eſprit des Loix, 2 vol. 4to, printed at Geneva. He lays down the principles on which are founded the three ſorts of government, Deſpotiſm, the limited Monarchy, and the Republican; and ſhews how [202] from theſe are deduced the laws and cuſtoms by which they are guided and maintained; the education proper to each form; the influence of climate, ſituation, religion, &c. on the minds of particular nations and on their policy. The ſubject, you ſee, is as extenſive as mankind; the thoughts perfectly new, generally admirable as they are juſt, ſometimes a little too refined. In ſhort, there are faults, but ſuch as an ordinary man could never have committed. The ſtyle very lively and conciſe (conſequently ſometimes obſcure); it is the gravity of Tacitus, [203] whom he admires, tempered with the gaiety and fire of a Frenchman. The time of night will not ſuffer me to go on; but I will write again in a week.

[204]

LETTER X.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

I Perceive that ſecond parts are as bad to write as they can be to read; for this, which you ought to have had a week after the firſt, has been a full month in coming forth. The ſpirit of lazineſs (the ſpirit of the place) begins to poſſeſs even me, who have ſo long declaimed againſt it; yet has it not ſo prevailed, but that I feel that diſcontent with myſelf, that ennui, that ever accompanies it in its beginnings. Time will ſettle my conſcience; time will reconcile me to this languid companion: We ſhall ſmoke, we ſhall tipple, we ſhall doze together: We ſhall have our little jokes like other people, and our old ſtories: Brandy will finiſh what Port began; and a month after the time you will ſee in ſome corner of a London Evening-Poſt, ‘"Yeſterday died the Reverend Mr. John Gray, Senior Fellow of Clare-Hall, a facetious companion, and well reſpected by all that knew him. His death is ſuppoſed to have been occaſioned by a fit of an apoplexy, being found fallen out of bed with his head in the chamber-pot."’

In the meanwhile, to go on with my account of new books. Monteſquieu's work, which I mentioned before, is now publiſhing anew in 2 vols. octavo. Have you ſeen old Crebillion's Catalina, a Tragedy, which has had a prodigious run at Paris? Hiſtorical truth is too much perverted in it, which is ridiculous in a ſtory ſo generally known; but if you can get over this, the [205] ſentiments and verſification are fine, and moſt of the characters (particularly the principal one) painted with great ſpirit.

Mr. Birch, the indefatigable, has juſt put out a thick octavo of original papers of Queen Elizabeth's time; there are many curious things in it, particularly letters from Sir Robert Cecil (Saliſbury) about his negotiations with Henry IV. of France, the Earl of Monmouth's odd account of Queen Elizabeth's death, ſeveral peculiarities of James I. and Prince Henry, &c. and above all, an excellent account of the ſtate of France, with characters of the king, his court, and miniſtry, by Sir George Carew, ambaſſador there. This, I think, is all new worth mentioning, that I have ſeen or heard of; except a Natural Hiſtory of Peru, in Spaniſh, printed at London, by Don [...] ſomething, a man of learning, ſent thither by that court on purpoſe.

You aſk after my chronology. It was begun, as I told you, almoſt two years ago, when I was in the midſt of Diogenes Laertius and his Philoſophers, as a prooemium to their works. My intention in forming this table was not ſo much for public events, though theſe too have a column aſſigned them, but rather in a literary way to compare the time of all great men, their writings, and their tranſactions. I have brought it from the 30th Olympiad, where it begins, to the 113th; that is, 332 years*. My only modern aſſiſtants were Marſham, Dodwell, and Bentley.

[206] I have ſince that read Pauſanias and Athenaeus all through, and Aeſchylus again. I am now in Pindar and Lyſias; for I take verſe and proſe together like bread and cheeſe.

*
This laborious work was formed much in the manner of the Preſident Henault's ‘"Hiſtorie de France."’ Every page conſiſted of nine columns; one for the Olympiad, the next for the Archons, the third for the public affairs of Greece, the three next for the Philoſophers, and the three laſt for Poets, Hiſtorians, and Orators. I do not find it carried further than the date above-mentioned.

LETTER XI.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

I Promiſed Dr. Keene long ſince to give you an account of our magnificences here; but the news papers and he himſelf in perſon, have got the ſtart of my indolence, ſo that by this time you are well acquainted with all the events that adorned that week of wonders. Thus much I may venture to tell you, becauſe it is probable nobody elſe has done it, that our friend **'s zeal and eloquence ſurpaſſed all power of deſcription. Veſuvio in an eruption was not more violent than his utterance, nor (ſince I am at my mountains) Pelion, with all its pinetrees in a ſtorm of wind, more impetuous than his action; and yet the Senate-Houſe ſtill ſtands, and (I thank God) we are all ſafe and well at your ſervice. I was ready to ſink for him, and ſcarce dared to look about me, when I was ſure it was all over; but ſoon found I might have ſpared my confuſion; all people joined to applaud him. Every thing was quite right; and I dare ſwear, not three people here but think him a model of oratory; for all the Duke's little court came with a reſolution to be pleaſed; and when the tone was once given, the univerſity, who ever wait for the judgment of their betters, ſtruck into it with an admirable harmony: for the reſt of the performances, [207] they were juſt what they uſually are. Every one, while it laſted, was very gay and very buſy in the morning, and very owliſh and very tipſy at night: I make no exceptions from the Chancellor to Blue-coat. Maſon's Ode was the only entertainment that had any tolerable elegance; and, for my own part, I think it (with ſome little abatements) uncommonly well on ſuch an occaſion. Pray let me know your ſentiments; for doubtleſs you have ſeen it. The author of it grows apace into my good graces, as I know him more; he is very ingenious, with great good nature and ſimplicity; a little vain, but in ſo harmleſs and ſo comical a way, that it does not offend one at all; a little ambitious, but withal ſo ignorant in the world and its ways, that this does not hurt him in one's opinion; ſo ſincere and ſo undiſguiſed, that no mind, with a ſpark of generoſity, would ever think of hurting him, he lies ſo open to injury; but ſo indolent, that if he cannot overcome this habit, all his good qualities will ſignify nothing at all. After all, I like him ſo well, I could wiſh you knew him.

The Duke of Newcaſtle's Inſtallation as Chancellor of the Univerſity.

LETTER XII.

Mr. GRAY to his MOTHER.

THE unhappy news I have juſt received from you equally ſurpriſes and afflicts me*. I have loſt a perſon I loved very much, and have been uſed to from my infancy; but [208] am much more concerned for your loſs, the circumſtances of which I forbear to dwell upon, as you muſt be too ſenſible of them yourſelf; and will, I fear, more and more need a conſolation that no one can give, except He who has preſerved her to you ſo many years, and at laſt, when it was his pleaſure, has taken her from us to himſelf: and perhaps, if we reflect upon what ſhe felt in this life, we may look upon this as an inſtance of his goodneſs both to her, and to thoſe that loved her. She might have languiſhed many years before our eyes in a continual increaſe of pain, and totally helpleſs; ſhe might have long wiſhed to end her miſery without being able to attain it; or perhaps even loſt all ſenſe, and yet continued to breathe; a ſad ſpectacle to ſuch as muſt have felt more for her than ſhe could have done for herſelf. However you may deplore your own loſs, yet think that ſhe is at laſt eaſy and happy; and has now more occaſion to pity us than we her. I hope, and beg, you will ſupport yourſelf with that reſignation we owe to him, who gave us our being for our good, and who deprives us of it for the ſame reaſon. I would have come to you directly, but you do not ſay whether you deſire I ſhould or not; if you do, I beg I may know it, for there is nothing to hinder me, and I am in very good health.

*
The death of his aunt, Mrs. Mary Antrobus, who died the 5th of November, and was buried in a vault in Stoke church-yard near the chancel door, in which alſo his mother and himſelf (according to the direction in his will) were afterwards buried.
[209]

LETTER XIII.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

ARISTOTLE ſays (one may write Greek to you without ſcandal) that [...]

[...]

But Ariſtotle may ſay whatever he pleaſes, I do not find myſelf at all the worſe for it. I could indeed wiſh to refreſh my [...] a little at Durham by the ſight of you, but when is there a probability of my being ſo happy? It concerned me greatly when I heard the other day that your aſthma continued at times to afflict you, and that you were often obliged to go into the country to breathe; you cannot oblige me more than by giving me an account both of the ſtate of your body and mind: I hope the latter is able to keep you chearful and eaſy in ſpite of the frailties of its companion. As to my own, it can neither do one nor the other; and I have the mortification to find my ſpiritual part the moſt infirm thing about me. You have doubtleſs heard of the loſs I have had in Dr. Middleton, whoſe houſe was the only eaſy place one could find to converſe in at Cambridge: For my part I find a friend ſo uncommon a thing, that I cannot help regretting even an old acquaintance, which is an indifferent likeneſs of it; and though I do not approve [210] the ſpirit of his books, methinks 'tis pity the world ſhould loſe ſo rare a thing as a good writer*.

My ſtudies cannot furniſh a recommendation of many new books to you. There is a defence ‘"de l'Eſprit des Loix,"’ by Monteſquieu himſelf; it has ſome lively things in it, but is very ſhort, and his adverſary appears to be ſo mean a bigot that he deſerved no anſwer. There are 3 vols. in 4to of ‘"Hiſtoire du Cabinet du Roy, by Meſſrs. Buffons and d'Aubenton;"’ the firſt is a man of character, but I am told has hurt it by this work. It is all a ſort of introduction to natural hiſtory; the weak part of it is a love of ſyſtem which runs through it; the moſt contrary thing in the world to a ſcience entirely grounded upon experiments, and which has nothing to do with vivacity of imagination. However I cannot help commending the general view which he gives of the face of the earth, followed by a particular one of all the known nations, their peculiar figure and manners, which is the beſt epitome of geography I ever met with, and written with ſenſe and elegance; in ſhort, theſe books are well worth turning over. The Memoirs of the Abbé de Mongon, in 5 vols. are highly commended, but I have not ſeen them. He was engaged in ſeveral embaſſies to Germany, England, &c. during the courſe of the late war. The Preſident Henault's ‘"Abregè Chronologique de l'Hiſtoire de France,"’ I believe I have before mentioned to you as a very good book of its kind.

*
Mr. Gray uſed to ſay, that good writing not only required great parts, but the very beſt of thoſe parts.
One cannot therefore help lamenting, that Mr. Gray let his imagination lie dormant ſo frequently, in order to apply himſelf to this very ſcience.

[211] About this time Mr. Gray had put his laſt hand to his celebrated Elegy in the Country Church-yard, and had communicated it to his friend Mr. Walpole, whoſe good taſte was too much charmed with it to ſuffer him to withhold the ſight of it from his acquaintance; accordingly it was ſhewn about for ſome time in manuſcript, (as Mr. Gray intimates in the ſubſequent letter to Dr. Wharton) and received with all the applauſe it ſo juſtly merited. Amongſt the reſt of the faſhionable world, for to theſe only it was at preſent communicated, Lady Cobham, who now lived at the manſion-houſe at Stoke-Pogis, had read and admired it. She wiſhed to be acquainted with the author; accordingly her relation Miſs Speed and Lady Schaub, then at her houſe, undertook to bring this about by making him the firſt viſit. He happened to be from home, when the Ladies arrived at his Aunt's ſolitary manſion; and, when he returned, was ſurprized to find, written on one of his papers in the parlour where he uſually read, the following note: ‘"Lady Schaub's compliments to Mr. Gray; ſhe is ſorry not to have found him at home, to tell him that Lady Brown is very well."’ This neceſſarily obliged him to return the viſit, and ſoon after induced him to compoſe a ludicrous account of this little adventure for the amuſement of the Ladies in queſtion. He wrote it in ballad meaſure, and entitled it a Long Story: when it was handed about in manuſcript, nothing could be more various than the opinions concerning it; by ſome it was thought a maſter-piece of original humour, by others a wild and fantaſtic farrago; and when it was publiſhed, the ſentiments of good judges were equally divided about it. How it came to be printed I ſhall mention hereafter; and alſo [212] inform the reader why Mr. Gray rejected it in the collection which he himſelf made of his Poems: In the meanwhile, as I think it ought to have a place in theſe Memoirs, for reaſons too obvious to inſiſt upon, I ſhall beg leave to preface it with my own idea of the author's peculiar vein of humour; which, with my notes on the piece itſelf, may perhaps account in ſome ſort for the variety of opinions which people of acknowledged taſte have formed concerning it.

Mr. Gray had not (in my opinion) either in his converſation or writing much of what is called pure humour; it was always ſo much blended either with wit, fancy, or his own peculiar character, that it became equivocal, and hence not adapted to pleaſe generally: It had more of the manner of Congreve than Addiſon; and we know where one perſon reliſhes my Lady Wiſhfort, there are thouſands that admire Sir Roger de Coverley: It will not however from hence follow, that Lady Wiſhfort is ill drawn; for my own part I think it one of the moſt entertaining characters that ever was written. I know, however, that it is commonly thought extravagant and unnatural; and I believe it is true, that no woman ever exiſted who had ſo much folly and affectation, and at the ſame ſo much wit and fancy; yet every one ſees that were this fancy and wit taken away, her character would become inſipid, in proportion as it became more natural; ſo that, in this and other inſtances, if Congreve's fools were fools indeed, they would, by being true characters, ceaſe to be entertaining ones. It may be further obſerved on the ſubject of humour, that it may and ought to be divided into ſeveral ſpecies: there is one ſort, that of Terence's, which ſimply pleaſes without forcing a ſmile; another, like [213] Mr. Addiſon's, which not only pleaſes, but makes us ſmile into the bargain. Shakeſpear's, Swift's, Congreve's, and Prior's uſually go further, and make us laugh: I infer not from hence that this latter ſort is the beſt: I only aſſert, that however it may be mixt with other ingredients, it ought alſo to be called Humour. The critic, however, who judges by rule, and who will not be pleaſed unleſs legitimately, will be apt to condemn this ſpecies of mixt humour; and the common reader will not always have either wit or imagination enough to comprehend or taſte it. But I have ſaid Mr. Gray not only mixed wit and fancy with his humour, but alſo his own particular character; and being naturally delicate, and at times even faſtidious, his humour generally took the ſame caſt; and would therefore be only reliſhed by ſuch of his friends, who, conſcious of his ſuperior excellencies, thought this defect not only pardonable but entertaining, which a character of this ſort (being humorous in itſelf) always is, when it is not carried to any offenſive extreme. Yet as this obſervation relates only to his converſation and familiar letters, (for to theſe only it can be applied) I have no occaſion to inſiſt on it further; and ſhall only add, that whatever the generality of readers may think of Mr. Gray's talent in this way, there will always be ſome, and thoſe far from the loweſt claſs, to whom it will appear excellent: for humour may be true, when it ceaſes to be pure or unmixt, if the ingredients which go to its compoſition be true alſo. Falſe wit and a wild fancy would debaſe the beſt humour in the world, as they frequently do in Rabelais and Sterne (without taking more exceptionable matters into conſideration); but when genuine, they ſerve to heighten and embelliſh it.

[214]
A LONG STORY.
IN Britain's iſle, no matter where,
a An antient pile of building ſtands:
The Huntingdons and Hattons there
Employ'd the pow'r of Fairy hands
To raiſe the cieling's fretted height,
Each pannel in achievements cloathing,
Rich windows that exclude the light,
And paſſages, that lead to nothing.
Full oft within the ſpacious walls,
When he had fifty winters o'er him,
b My grave Lord-Keeper led the brawls;
The ſeal and maces danc'd before him.
His buſhy beard, and ſhoe-ſtrings green,
His high-crown'd hat, and ſattin doublet,
Mov'd the ſtout heart of England's Queen,
Though Pope and Spaniard could not trouble it.
What, in the very firſt beginning!
Shame of the verſifying tribe!
Your hiſt'ry whither are you ſpinning!
Can you do nothing but deſcribe?
[215]
A houſe there is (and that's enough)
From whence one fatal morning iſſues
c A brace of warriors, not in buff,
But ruſtling in their ſilks and tiſſues.
The firſt came cap-a-pee from France,
Her conqu'ring deſtiny fulfilling,
Whom meaner beauties eye aſkance,
And vainly ape her art of killing.
The other Amazon kind heav'n
Had arm'd with ſpirit, wit, and ſatire:
But Cobham had the poliſh giv'n,
And tip'd her arrows with good nature.
To celebrate her eyes, her air—
Coarſe panegyrics would but teaze her.
Meliſſa is her Nom de Guerre.
Alas, who would not wiſh to pleaſe her!
With bonnet blue and capuchine,
And aprons long they hid their armour,
And veil'd their weapons bright and keen
In pity to the country farmer.
Fame in the ſhape of dMr. P [...]t
(By this time all the pariſh know it)
Had told, that thereabouts there lurk'd
A wicked Imp they call a Poet:
[216]
Who prowl'd the country far and near,
Bewitch'd the children of the peaſants,
Dried up the cows, and lam'd the deer,
And ſuck'd the eggs, and kill'd the pheaſants.
My Lady heard their joint petition,
Swore by her coronet and ermine,
She'd iſſue out her high commiſſion
To rid the manor of ſuch vermin.
The Heroines undertook the taſk,
Thro' lanes unknown, o'er ſtiles they ventur'd,
Rap'd at the door, nor ſtay'd to aſk,
But bounce into the parlour enter'd.
The trembling family they daunt,
They flirt, they ſing, they laugh, they tattle,
Rummage his Mother, pinch his Aunt,
And up ſtairs in a whirl-wind rattle.
Each hole and cupboard they explore,
Each creek and cranny of his chamber,
Run hurry-ſkurry round the floor,
And o'er the bed and teſter clamber;
Into the drawers and china pry,
Papers and books, a huge imbroglio!
Under a tea-cup he might lie,
Or creaſed, like dogs-ears, in a folio.
On the firſt marching of the troops,
The Muſes, hopeleſs of his pardon,
Convey'd him underneath their hoops
To a ſmall cloſet in the garden.
So Rumor ſays: (Who will, believe.)
But that they left the door a-jar,
[217] Where, ſafe and laughing in his ſleeve,
He heard the diſtant din of war.
Short was his joy. He little knew
The pow'r of Magic was no fable;
Out of the window, whiſk, they flew,
e But left a ſpell upon the table.
The words too eager to unriddle,
The Poet felt a ſtrange diſorder:
Tranſparent bird-lime form'd the middle,
And chains inviſible the border.
[218]
So cunning was the Apparatus,
The powerful pot-hooks did ſo move him,
That, will he, nill he, to the Great-houſe
He went, as if the Devil drove him.
f Yet on his way (no ſign of grace,
For folks in fear are apt to pray)
To Phoebus he prefer'd his caſe,
And beg'd his aid that dreadful day.
The Godhead wou'd have back'd his quarrel,
But with a bluſh on recollection,
Own'd, that his quiver and his laurel
'Gainſt four ſuch eyes were no protection.
The Court was ſate, the Culprit there,
Forth from their gloomy manſions creeping
g The Lady Janes and Joans repair,
And from the gallery ſtand peeping:
Such as in ſilence of the night
Come (ſweep) along ſome winding entry,
h (Styack has often ſeen the ſight)
Or at the chapel-door ſtand centry:
[219]
i In peaked hoods and mantles tarniſh'd,
Sour viſages, enough to ſcare ye,
High dames of honour once, that garniſh'd
The drawing-room of fierce Queen Mary!
The Peereſs comes. The audience ſtare,
And doff their hats with due ſubmiſſion:
She curtſies, as ſhe takes her chair,
To all the people of condition.
The Bard, with many an artful fib,
Had in imagination fenc'd him,
Diſprov'd the arguments of kSquib,
And all that lGroom could urge againſt him.
But ſoon his rhetorick forſook him,
When he the ſolemn hall had ſeen;
A ſudden fit of ague ſhook him,
He ſtood as mute as poor mMacleane.
Yet ſomething he was heard to mutter,
" How in the Park beneath an old tree
" (Without deſign to hurt the butter,
" Or any malice to the poultry,)
" He once or twice had pen'd a ſonnet;
" Yet hop'd, that he might ſave his bacon:
" Numbers would give their oaths upon it,
" He ne'er was for a conj'rer taken."
[220]
The ghoſtly prudes with nhagged face
Already had condemn'd the ſinner.
My Lady roſe, and with a grace—
o She ſmil'd, and bid him come to dinner.
" Jeſu-Maria! Madam Bridget,
" Why, what can the Viſcounteſs mean?
(Cried the ſquare-hoods in woeful fidget)
" The times are alter'd quite and clean!
" Decorum's turn'd to mere civility;
" Her air and all her manners ſhew it.
" Commend me to her affability!
" Speak to a Commoner and Poet!"
[Here 500 Stanzas are loſt.]
And ſo God ſave our noble King,
And guard us from long-winded Lubbers,
That to eternity would ſing,
And keep my Lady from her Rubbers.
[221]

LETTER XIV.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

OF my houſe I cannot ſay much, I wiſh I could; but for my heart it is no leſs yours than it has long been; and the laſt thing in the world that will throw it into tumults is a fine Lady. The verſes, you ſo kindly try to keep in countenance, were written merely to divert Lady Cobham and her family, and ſucceeded accordingly; but being ſhewed about in town are not liked there at all. Mrs. *, a very faſhionable perſonage, told Mr. Walpole that ſhe had ſeen a thing by a friend of his which ſhe did not know what to make of, for it aimed at every thing, and meant nothing; to which he replied, that he had always taken her for a woman of ſenſe, and was very ſorry to be undeceived. On the other hand, the ſtanzas which I now incloſe to you have had the misfortune, by Mr. Walpole's fault, to be made ſtill more public, for which they certainly were never meant; but it is too late to complain. They have been ſo applauded, it is quite a ſhame to repeat it: I mean not to be modeſt; but it is a ſhame for thoſe who have ſaid ſuch ſuperlative things about them, that I cannot repeat them. I ſhould have been glad that you and two or three more people had liked them, which would have ſatisfied my ambition on this head amply. I have been this month in town, not at NewcaſtleHouſe; but diverting myſelf among my gay acquaintance, and return to my cell with ſo much the more pleaſure. I dare not ſpeak of my future excurſion to Durham for fear of a diſapointment, but at preſent it is my full intention.

The houſe he was rebuilding in Cornhill. See Letter VII. of this Section.
Elegy in a Country Church-Yard.
[222]

LETTER XV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WALPOLE.

AS you have brought me into a little ſort of diſtreſs, you muſt aſſiſt me, I believe, to get out of it as well as I can. Yeſterday I had the misfortune of receiving a letter from certain gentlemen (as their bookſeller expreſſes it), who have taken the Magazine of Magazines into their hands: They tell me that an ingenious Poem, called Reflections in a Country Church-Yard, has been communicated to them, which they are printing forthwith; that they are informed that the excellent author of it is I by name, and that they beg not only his indulgence, but the honour of his correſpondence, &c. As I am not at all diſpoſed to be either ſo indulgent, or ſo correſpondent, as they deſire, I have but one bad way left to eſcape the honour they would inflict upon me; and therefore am obliged to deſire you would make Dodſley print it immediately (which may be done in leſs than a week's time) from your copy, but without my name, in what form is moſt convenient for him, but on his beſt paper and character; he muſt correct the preſs himſelf, and print it without any interval between the ſtanzas, becauſe the ſenſe is in ſome places continued beyond them; and the title muſt be,—Elegy, written in a Country Church-Yard. If he would add a line or two to ſay it came into his hands by accident, I ſhould like it better. If you behold the Magazine of Magazines in the light that I do, you will not refuſe to give yourſelf this trouble on my account, which you have taken of your own accord before now. If Dodſley do not do this immediately, he may as well let it alone.

[223]

LETTER XVI.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

HAVE you read Madame de Maintenon's letters? They are undoubtedly genuine; they begin very early in her life, before ſhe married Scarron, and continue after the king's death to within a little while of her own: they bear all the marks of a noble ſpirit (in her adverſity particularly) of virtue and unaffected devotion; inſomuch, that I am almoſt perſuaded ſhe was actually married to Lewis the XIV. and never his Miſtreſs: and this not out of any policy or ambition, but conſcience: for ſhe was what we ſhould call a bigot, yet with great good ſenſe: In ſhort, ſhe was too good for a court. Miſfortunes in the beginning of her life had formed her mind (naturally lively and impatient) to reflection and a habit of piety. She was always miſerable while ſhe had the care of Madame de Monteſpan's children; timid and very cautious of making uſe of that unlimited power ſhe roſe to afterwards, for fear of treſpaſſing on the king's friendſhip for her; and after his death not at all afraid of meeting her own.

I do not know what to ſay to you with regard to Racine; it ſounds to me as if any body ſhould fall upon Shakeſpear, who indeed lies infinitely more open to criticiſm of all kinds; but I ſhould not care to be the perſon that undertook it. If you do not like Athaliah or Britannicus, there is no more to be ſaid, I have done.

[224] Biſhop Hall's ſatires, called Virgidemiae, are lately republiſhed. They are full of ſpirit and poetry; as much of the firſt as Dr. Donne, and far more of the latter: they were written at the univerſity when he was about twenty-three years old, and in Queen Elizabeth's time.

You do not ſay whether you have read the Crito*. I only recommend the dramatic part of the Phaedo to you, not the argumentative. The ſubject of the Eraſtae is good; it treats of that peculiar character and turn of mind which belongs to a true philoſopher, but it is ſhorter than one would wiſh. The Euthyphro I would not read at all.

*
Of Plato.

LETTER XVII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. WALPOLE.

I Am at preſent at Stoke, to which place I came at half an hour's warning upon the news I received of my mother's illneſs, and did not expect to have found her alive; but when I arrived ſhe was much better, and continues ſo. I ſhall therefore be very glad to make you a viſit at Strawberry-Hill, whenever you give me notice of a convenient time. I am ſurprized at the print, which far ſurpaſſes my idea of London [225] graving: The drawing itſelf was ſo finiſhed, that I ſuppoſe it did not require all the art I had imagined to copy it tolerably. My aunts ſeeing me open your letter, took it to be a buryingticket, and aſked whether any body had left me a ring; and ſo they ſtill conceive it to be, even with all their ſpectacles on. Heaven forbid they ſhould ſuſpect it to belong to any verſes of mine, they would burn me for a poet. On my own part I am ſatisfied, if this deſign of yours ſucceed ſo well as you intend it; and yet I know it will be accompanied with ſomething not at all agreeable to me.—While I write this, I receive your ſecond letter.—Sure, you are not out of your wits! This I know, if you ſuffer my head to be printed, you will infallibly put me out of mine. I conjure you immediately to put a ſtop to any ſuch deſign. Who is at the expence of engraving it, I know not; but if it be Dodſley, I will make up the loſs to him. The thing as it was, I know, will make me ridiculous enough; but to appear in proper perſon, at the head of my works, conſiſting of half a dozen ballads in thirty pages, would be worſe than the pillory. I do aſſure you, if I had received ſuch a book, with ſuch a frontiſpiece, without any warning, I believe it would have given me a palſy: Therefore I rejoice to have received this notice, and ſhall not be eaſy till you tell me all thoughts of it are laid aſide. I am extremely in earneſt, and cannot bear even the idea.

[226] I had written to Dodſley if I had not received yours, to tell him how little I liked the title which he meant to prefix; but your letter has put all that out of my head. If you think it neceſſary to print theſe explanations* for the uſe of people that have no eyes, I ſhould be glad they were a little altered. I am, to my ſhame, in your debt for a long letter; but I cannot think of any thing elſe till you have ſet me at eaſe on this matter.

A proof print of the Cul de Lampe which Mr. Bentley deſigned for the Elegy in a country church-yard, and which repreſents a village-funeral; this occaſioned the pleaſant miſtake of his two aunts. The remainder of the letter relates entirely to the projected publication of Mr. Bentley's deſigns, which were printed after by Dodſley this ſame year. The latter part of it, where he ſo vehemently declares againſt having his head prefixt to that work, will appear highly characteriſtical to thoſe readers, who were perſonally acquainted with Mr. Gray. The print, which was taken from an original picture, painted by Echart, in Mr. Walpole's poſſeſſion, was actually more than half engraved; but afterwards on this account ſuppreſſed.
*
See the above-mentioned Deſigns, where the explanations here alluded to are inſerted.

While Mr. Bentley was employed in making the Deſigns mentioned in the preceding letter, Mr. Gray, who greatly admired not only the elegance of his fancy, but alſo the neatneſs as well as facility of his execution, began a complimentary poem to him, which I ſhall now inſert. Many readers will perhaps think the panegyric carried too far; as I own I did when he firſt ſhewed it me. Yet it is but juſtice to declare, that the original drawings, now in Mr. Walpole's poſſeſſion, which I have ſince ſeen, are ſo infinitely ſuperior to the publiſhed engravings of them, that a perſon, who has only ſeen the latter, can by no means judge of the excellencies of the former: Beſides, there is ſo much of groteſque fancy in the Deſigns themſelves, that it can be no great matter of wonder (even if the engravers had done juſtice to them) that they failed to pleaſe univerſally. What I have ſaid in defence of the Long Story might eaſily be applied to theſe productions of the ſiſter art: But not to detain the reader from the peruſal of a fragment, many ſtanzas of which are equal in poetical merit to [227] the beſt in his moſt finiſhed poems, I ſhall here only add that it was for the ſake of the Deſign which Mr. Bentley made for the Long Story, that Mr. Gray permitted it to be printed; yet not without clearly forſeeing that he riſked ſomewhat by the publication of it, as he intimates in the preceding letter: and indeed the event ſhewed his judgment to be true in this particular, as it proved the leaſt popular of all his productions.

STANZAS to Mr. BENTLEY.
IN ſilent gaze the tuneful choir among,
Half pleas'd, half bluſhing let the muſe admire,
While Bentley leads her ſiſter-art along,
And bids the pencil anſwer to the lyre.
See, in their courſe, each tranſitory thought
Fix'd by his touch a laſting eſſence take;
Each dream, in fancy's airy colouring wrought,
To local Symmetry and life awake!
The tardy rhymes that us'd to linger on,
To cenſure cold, and negligent of fame,
In ſwifter meaſures animated run,
And catch a luſtre from his genuine flame.
Ah! could they catch his ſtrength, his eaſy grace,
His quick creation, his unerring line;
The energy of Pope they might efface,
And Dryden's harmony ſubmit to mine.
But not to one in this benighted age
Is that diviner inſpiration giv'n,
That burns in Shakeſpear's or in Milton's page,
The pomp and prodigality of heav'n.
[228] As when conſpiring in the diamond's blaze,
The meaner gems, that ſingly charm the ſight,
Together dart their intermingled rays,
And dazzle with a luxury of light.
* Enough for me, if to ſome feeling breaſt
My lines a ſecret ſympathy impart;
And as their pleaſing influence flows confeſt,
A ſigh of ſoft reflection heave the heart.

In the March following Mr. Gray loſt that Mother for whom, on all occaſions, we have ſeen he ſhewed ſo tender a regard. She was buried in the ſame vault where her ſiſter's remains had been depoſited more than three years before. As the inſcription on the tomb-ſtone (at leaſt the latter part of it) is undoubtedly of Mr. Gray's writing, it here would claim a place, even if it had not a peculiar pathos to recommend it, and, at the ſame time, a true inſcriptive ſimplicity.‘IN THE VAULT BENEATH ARE DEPOSITED,
IN HOPE OF A JOYFUL RESURRECTION,
THE REMAINS OF
MARY ANTROBUS.
SHE DIED, UNMARRIED, NOV. V. MDCCXLIX.
AGED LXVI.’
[229] IN THE SAME PIOUS CONFIDENCE,
BESIDE HER FRIEND AND SISTER,
HERE SLEEP THE REMAINS OF
DOROTHY GRAY,
WIDOW, THE CAREFUL TENDER MOTHER
OF MANY CHILDREN, ONE OF WHOM ALONE
HAD THE MISFORTUNE TO SURVIVE HER.
SHE DIED MARCH XI. MDCCLIII.
AGED LXVII.’

LETTER XVIII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. MASON.

A Little while before I received your melancholy letter, I had been informed by Mr. Charles Aviſon of one of the ſad events you mention*. I know what it is to loſe perſons that one's eyes and heart have long been uſed to; and I never deſire to part with the remembrance of that loſs, nor would wiſh you ſhould. It is ſomething that you had a little time to acquaint yourſelf with the idea before-hand; and that your Father ſuffered but little pain, the only thing that makes death terrible. After I have ſaid this, I cannot help expreſſing my ſurprize at the diſpoſition he has made of his affairs. I muſt (if you will ſuffer me to ſay ſo) call it great weakneſs; and yet perhaps your [230] affliction for him is heightened by that very weakneſs; for I know it is poſſible to feel an additional ſorrow for the faults of thoſe we have loved, even where that fault has been greatly injurious to ourſelves.—Let me deſire you not to expoſe yourſelf to any further danger in the midſt of that ſcene of ſickneſs and death; but withdraw as ſoon as poſſible to ſome place at a little diſtance in the country; for I do not, in the leaſt, like the ſituation you are in. I do not attempt to conſole you on the ſituation your fortune is left in; if it were far worſe, the good opinion I have of you tells me, you will never the ſooner do any thing mean or unworthy of yourſelf; and conſequently I cannot pity you on this account, but I ſincerely do on the new loſs you have had of a good and friendly man, whoſe memory I honour. I have ſeen the ſcene you deſcribe, and know how dreadful it is: I know too I am the better for it. We are all idle and thoughtleſs things, and have no ſenſe, no uſe in the world any longer than that ſad impreſſion laſts; the deeper it is engraved the better.

*
The death of my Father, and of Dr. Marmaduke Pricket, a young Phyſician of my own age, with whom I was brought up from infancy, who died of the ſame infectious fever.

LETTER XIX.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

I Am glad you enter into the ſpirit of Strawberry Caſtle; it has a purity and propriety of Gothiciſm in it (with very few exceptions) that I have not ſeen elſewhere. My Lord Radnor's vagaries I ſee did not keep you from doing juſtice to his ſituation, which far ſurpaſſes every thing near it; and I do [231] not know a more laughing ſcene than that about Twickenham and Richmond. Dr. Akenſide, I perceive, is no conjurer in architecture; eſpecially when he talks of the ruins of Perſepolis, which are no more Gothic than they are Chineſe. The Egyptian ſtyle (ſee Dr. Pococke, not his diſcourſes, but his prints) was apparently the mother of the Greek; and there is ſuch a ſimilitude between the Egyptian and thoſe Perſian ruins, as gave Diodorus room to affirm, that the old buildings of Perſia were certainly performed by Egyptian artiſts: As to the other part of your friend's opinion, that the Gothic manner is the Saracen or Mooriſh, he has a great authority to ſupport him, that of Sir Chriſtopher Wren; and yet I cannot help thinking it undoubtedly wrong. The palaces in Spain I never ſaw but in deſcription, which gives us little or no idea of things; but the Doge's palace at Venice I have ſeen, which is in the Arabeſque manner: And the houſes of Barbary you may ſee in Dr. Shaw's book, not to mention abundance of other Eaſtern buildings in Turkey, Perſia, &c. that we have views of; and they ſeem plainly to be corruptions of the Greek architecture, broke into little parts indeed, and covered with little ornaments, but in a taſte very diſtinguiſhable from that which we call Gothic. There is one thing that runs through the Mooriſh buildings that an imitator would certainly have been firſt ſtruck with, and would have tried to copy; and that is the cupolas which cover every thing, baths, apartments, and even kitchens; yet who ever ſaw a Gothic cupola? It is a thing plainly of Greek original. I do not ſee any thing but the ſlender ſpires that ſerve for ſteeples, which may perhaps be borrowed from the Saracen minarets on their moſques.

[232] I take it ill you ſhould ſay any thing againſt the Mole, it is a reflexion I ſee caſt at the Thames. Do you think that rivers, which have lived in London and its neighbourhood all their days, will run roaring and tumbling about like your tramontane torrents in the North? No, they only glide and whiſper.

LETTER XX.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

I Do not pretend to humble any one's pride; I love my own too well to attempt it. As to mortifying their vanity, it is too eaſy and too mean a taſk for me to delight in. You are very good in ſhewing ſo much ſenſibility on my account; but be aſſured my taſte for praiſe is not like that of children for fruit; if there were nothing but medlars and black-berries in the world, I could be very well content to go without any at all. I dare ſay that Maſon, though ſome years younger than I, was as little elevated with the approbation of Lord * and Lord *, as I am mortified by their ſilence.

With regard to publiſhing, I am not ſo much againſt the thing itſelf, as of publiſhing this Ode alone. I have two or three ideas more in my head; what is to come of them? Muſt they too come out in the ſhape of little ſixpenny flams, dropping one after another till Mr. Dodſley thinks fit to collect them with Mr. This's Song, and Mr. Tother's Epigram, into a pretty volume? I am ſure Maſon muſt be ſenſible of this, and [233] therefore cannot mean what he ſays; neither am I quite of your opinion with regard to ſtrophe and antiſtrophe*; ſetting aſide the difficulty of execution, methinks it has little or no effect on the ear, which ſcarce perceives the regular return of metres at ſo great a diſtance from one another: to make it ſucceed, I am perſuaded the ſtanzas muſt not conſiſt of above nine lines each at the moſt. Pindar has ſeveral ſuch Odes.

His Ode on the progreſs of Poetry.
*
He often made the ſame remark to me in converſation, which led me to form the laſt Ode of Caractacus in ſhorter ſtanzas: But we muſt not imagine that he thought the regular Pindaric method without its uſe; though, as he juſtly ſays, when formed in long ſtanzas, it does not fully ſucceed in point of effect on the ear: For there was nothing which he more diſliked than that chain of irregular ſtanzas which Cowley introduced, and falſely called Pindaric; and which from the extreme facility of execution produced a number of miſerable imitators. Had the regular return of Strophe, Antiſtrophe, and Epode no other merit than that of extreme difficulty, it ought, on this very account, to be valued; becauſe we well know that ‘"Eaſy writing is no eaſy reading."’ It is alſo to be remarked, that Mr. Congreve, who (though without any lyrical powers) firſt introduced the regular Pindaric form into the Engliſh language, made uſe of the ſhort ſtanzas which Mr. Gray here recommends. See his Ode to the Queen: Works, vol. III. p. 438, Ed. Birm.

Mr. Gray intimates, in the foregoing letter, that he had two or three more lyrical ideas in his head: One of theſe was the BARD, the exordium of which was at this time finiſhed; I ſay finiſhed, becauſe his conceptions, as well as his manner of diſpoſing them, were ſo ſingularly exact, that he had ſeldom occaſion to make many, except verbal emendations, after he had firſt committed his lines to paper. It was never his method to ſketch his general deſign in careleſs verſe, he always finiſhed [234] as he proceeded; this, tho' it made his execution ſlow, made his compoſitions more perfect. I think, however, that this method was only calculated to produce ſuch ſhort works as generally employed his poetical pen; and that from purſuing it, he grew tired of his larger deſigns before he had completed them. The fact ſeems to juſtify my opinion. But [235] my principal reaſon for mentioning this at preſent, is to explain the cauſe why I have not been ſcrupulous in publiſhing ſo many of his fragments in the courſe of theſe memoirs. It would have been unpardonable in me to have taken this liberty with a deceaſed friend, had I not found his lines, as far as they went, nearly as high finiſhed as they would have been, when completed: if I am miſtaken in this, I hope the reader will rather impute it to a defect in my own Judgment, than a want of reſpect to Mr. Gray's Memory.

This conſideration, however, emboldens me to print the following fragment of an Ode in this place, which was unqueſtionably another of the ideas, alluded to in the preceding letter: Since I find in his memorandum-book, of the preceding year 1754, a ſketch of his deſign as follows: ‘"Contraſt between the winter paſt and coming ſpring.—Joy owing to that viciſſitude.—Many who never feel that delight.—Sloth.—Envy. Ambition. How much happier the ruſtic who feels it, tho' he knows not how."’ I print this careleſs note, in order that the reader may conceive the intended arrangement of the whole; who, I doubt not, will, on peruſing the following beautiful ſtanzas, lament with me that he left it incomplete; nor will it conſole him for the loſs, if I tell him that I have had the boldneſs to attempt to finiſh it myſelf, making uſe of ſome other lines and broken ſtanzas which he had written: But as my aim in undertaking this difficult taſk was merely to elucidate the Poet's general meaning, I do not think that my additions are worthy to be inſerted in this place; they will find a more fit ſituation if thrown amongſt thoſe notes which I ſhall put at the end of his Poems.

[236]
ODE.
NOW the golden Morn aloft
Waves her dew-beſpangled wing,
With vermil cheek, and whiſper ſoft
She wooes the tardy Spring:
Till April ſtarts, and calls around
The ſleeping fragrance from the ground;
And lightly o'er the living ſcene
Scatters his freſheſt, tendereſt green.
New-born flocks, in ruſtic dance,
Friſking ply their feeble feet;
Forgetful of their wintry trance
The birds his preſence greet:
But chief, the Sky-Lark warbles high
His trembling thrilling extacy;
And, leſſening from the dazzled ſight,
Melts into air and liquid light.
Yeſterday the ſullen year
Saw the ſnowy whirlwind fly;
Mute was the muſic of the air,
The herd ſtood drooping by:
Their raptures now that wildly flow,
No yeſterday, nor morrow know;
'Tis man alone that joy deſcries
With forward, and reverted eyes.
[237]
Smiles on paſt Misfortune's brow,
Soft Reflection's hand can trace;
And o'er the cheek of Sorrow throw
A melancholy grace:
While hope prolongs our happier hour;
Or deepeſt ſhades that dimly lower
And blacken round our weary way,
Gilds with a gleam of diſtant day.
Still, where roſy Pleaſure leads,
See a kindred Grief purſue;
Behind the ſteps that Miſery treads
Approaching Comfort view:
The hues of bliſs more brightly glow,
Chaſtis'd by ſabler tints of woe;
And blended form, with artful ſtrife,
The ſtrength and harmony of life.
See the Wretch, that long has toſt
On the thorny bed of pain,
At length repair his vigour loſt,
And breathe, and walk again:
The meaneſt floweret of the vale,
The ſimpleſt note that ſwells the gale,
The common ſun, the air, the ſkies,
To Him are opening Paradiſe.
* * * *

A third of theſe ideas I find in his common-place book, on the ſame page with his argument for the BARD*. I do not [238] believe that he ever even began to compoſe the Ode itſelf; but the thought is as follows:

"All that men of power can do for men of genius is to leave them at their liberty, compared to birds that, when confined to a cage, do but regret the loſs of their freedom in melancholy ſtrains, and loſe the luſcious wildneſs and happy luxuriance of their notes, which uſed to make the woods reſound."

Thoſe who are converſant in the arrangement of a lyrical compoſition, will eaſily perceive, from this ſhort argument, that the Ode would have opened with the ſimile; which, when adorned with thoſe thoughts that breathe and words that burn, that Mr. Gray's muſe could ſo richly ſupply, would have been at once a fine exordium, and at the ſame time a natural introduction to the truth he meant to impreſs. This, however, could hardly have been done without ſome little aid borrowed from ſatire: For however true his propoſition may be, that ‘"all that men of power can do for men of genius is to leave them at their liberty;"’ or, as I ſhould put it, ‘"that their beſt patronage ſignifies nothing if it abridges them of that liberty;"’ yet the fact is, that neither of the parties are convinced of this truth till they have tried the experiment, and find ſome reaſon or other (no matter whether good or bad) to think they had better never have tried it. Monſ. d'Alembert, who has written an excellent eſſay on this ſubject, which Mr. Gray greatly admired, and which perhaps gave him the firſt idea of this intended Ode, puts one of the more common of theſe reaſons in ſo lively a manner, that it may not be amiſs here to inſert it.

[239] ‘"Parmi les grands Seigneurs les plus affables il en eſt peu qui ſe depouillent avec des Gens de lettres de leur grandeur, vraie ou pretendue, juſqu' au point de l'oublier tout-a-fait. C'eſt ce qu'on apperçoit ſur tout dans les converſations, où l'on n'eſt pas de leur avis. Il ſemble qu'a meſure que l'Homme d'Eſprit s'eclipſe, l'Homme de Qualité ſe montre; et paroiſſe exiger la deference d'ont l'Homme d'Eſprit avoit commencè par diſpenſer. Auſſi le commerce intime des Grands avec les Gens de lettres ne finit que trop ſouvent par quelque rupture eclatante; rupture qui vient preſque toujours de l'oubli des regards reciproques auxquelles on a manquè de part ou d'autre, peut etre même des deux côtés." However, I think a man of letters ought to have other reaſons beſides this for breaking ſuch a connection after it has been once formed.

I have now given the reader the beſt account in my power of what our Author's unfiniſhed lyrical ideas conſiſted: I believe they are all that he in any ſort committed to paper, and probably thoſe which he immediately alluded to in the preceding letter.

[240]

LETTER XXI.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. STONHEWER.*

I Thank you for your intelligence about Herculaneum, which was the firſt news I received of it. I have ſince turned over Monſignor Baiardi's book, where I have learned how many grains of modern wheat the Roman Congius, in the Capitol, holds, and how many thouſandth parts of an inch the Greek foot conſiſted of more (or leſs, for I forget which) than our own. He proves alſo by many affecting examples, that an Antiquary may be miſtaken: That, for any thing any body knows, this place under ground might be ſome other place, and not Herculaneum; but nevertheleſs, that he can ſhew for certain, that it was this place and no other place; that it is hard to ſay which of the ſeveral Hercules's was the founder; therefore (in the third volume) he promiſes to give us the memoirs of them all; and after that, if we do not know what to think of the matter, he will tell us. There is a great deal of wit too, and ſatire and verſes, in the book, which is intended chiefly for the information of the French King, who will be greatly edified without doubt.

[241] I am much obliged to you alſo for Voltaire's performance; it is very unequal, as he is apt to be in all but his dramas, and looks like the work of a man that will admire his retreat and his Leman-Lake no longer than till he finds an opportunity to leave it*: However, though there be many parts which I do not like, yet it is in ſeveral places excellent, and every where above mediocrity. As you have the politeneſs to pretend impatience, and deſire I would communicate, and all that, I annex a piece of the Prophecy; which muſt be true at leaſt, as it was wrote ſo many hundred years after the events.

*
Now Auditor of Exciſe. His friendſhip with Mr. Gray commenced at College, and continued till the death of the latter.
I believe the Book here ridiculed was publiſhed by the Authority of the King of Naples. But afterwards, on finding how ill qualified the Author was to execute the taſk, the buſineſs of deſcribing the Antiquities found at Herculaneum was put into other hands; who have certainly, as far as they have gone, performed it much better.
*
I do not recollect the title of this Poem, but it was a ſmall one which M. de Voltaire wrote when he firſt ſettled at Ferney. By the long reſidence he has ſince made there, it appears either that our Author was miſtaken in his conjecture, or that an opportunity of leaving it had not yet happened.
The ſecond Antiſtrophe and Epode, with a few lines of the third Strophe of his Ode, entitled the Bard, were here inſerted.

LETTER XXII.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

THOUGH I had no reaſonable excuſe for myſelf before I received your laſt Letter, yet ſince that time I have had a pretty good one; having been taken up in quarrelling with Peter-houſe, and in removing myſelf from thence to Pembroke. [242] This may be looked upon as a ſort of aera in a life ſo barren of events as mine; yet I ſhall treat it in Voltaire's manner, and only tell you that I left my Lodgings becauſe the rooms were noiſy, and the people of the houſe uncivil. This is all I would chuſe to have ſaid about it; but if you in private ſhould be curious enough to enter into a particular detail of facts and minute circumſtances, the Bearer, who was witneſs to them, will probably ſatisfy you. All I ſhall ſay more is, that I am for the preſent extremely well lodged here, and as quiet as in the Grand Chartreuſe; and that every body (even Dr. Long himſelf) are as civil as they could be to *Mary of Valens in perſon.

With regard to any advice I can give you about your being Phyſician to the Hoſpital, I frankly own it ought to give way to a much better judge, eſpecially ſo diſintereſted a one as Dr. Heberden. I love refuſals no more than you do. But as to your fears of Effluvia, I maintain that one ſick rich patient has more of peſtilence and putrefaction about him than a whole ward of ſick poor.

The ſimilitude between the Italian Republics and thoſe of Antient Greece has often ſtruck me, as it does you. I do not wonder that Sully's Memoirs have highly entertained you; but [243] cannot agree with you in thinking Him or his Maſter two of the beſt men in the world. The King was indeed one of the beſt-natured men that ever lived; but it is owing only to chance that his intended marriage with Madame d'Eſtreés, or with the Marquiſe de Verneuil, did not involve him and the kingdom in the moſt inextricable confuſion; and his deſign upon the Princeſs of Condé (in his old age) was worſe ſtill. As to the Miniſter, his baſe application to Concini, after the murder of Henry, has quite ruined him in my eſteem, and deſtroyed all the merit of that honeſt ſurly pride for which I honoured him before; yet I own that, as Kings and Miniſters go, they were both extraordinary men. Pray look at the end of Birch's State Papers of Sir J. Edmonds, for the character of the French Court at that time; it is written by Sir George Carew.

You ſhould have received Maſon's Preſent* laſt Saturday. I deſire you to tell me your critical opinion of the New Odes, and alſo whether you have found out two lines which he has inſerted in his third to a friend, which are ſuperlative. We do not expect the world, which is juſt going to be invaded, will beſtow much attention on them; if you hear any thing, you will tell us.

The reaſon of Mr. Gray's changing his College, which is here only glanced at, was in few words this: Two or three young Men of Fortune, who lived in the ſame ſtair-caſe, had for ſome time intentionally diſturbed him with their riots, and carried their ill behaviour ſo far as frequently to awaken him at midnight. After having borne with their inſults longer than might reaſonably have been expected even from a man of leſs warmth of temper, Mr. Gray complained to the Governing part of the Society; and not thinking that his remonſtrance was ſufficiently attended to, quitted the College. The ſlight manner in which he mentions this affair, when writing to one of his moſt intimate friends, certainly does honour to the placability of his diſpoſition.
*
Foundreſs of the College.
*
The four Odes which I had juſt publiſhed ſeparately.

I ſhould leave the Reader to gueſs (if he thought it worth his while) what this Couplet was, which is here commended ſo much beyond its merit, did not the Ode conclude with a Compliment to Mr. Gray, in which part he might probably look for it, as thoſe lines were written with the greater care. To ſecure, therefore, my Friend from any imputation of Vanity, whatever becomes of myſelf, I ſhall here inſert the paſſage.

While thro' the weſt, where ſinks the crimſon Day,
Meek Twilight ſlowly ſails, and waves her banners gray.
[244]

LETTER XXIII.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

THOUGH I allow abundance for your kindneſs and partiality to me, I am yet much pleaſed with the good opinion you ſeem to have of the Bard: I have not, however, done a word more than the little you have ſeen, having been in a very liſtleſs, unpleaſant, and inutile ſtate of mind for this long time, for which I ſhall beg you to preſcribe me ſomewhat ſtrengthening and agglutinant, leſt it turn to a confirmed Pthiſis.

I recommend two little French books to you, one called Memoirs de M. de la Porte; it has all the air of ſimplicity and truth, and contains ſome few very extraordinary facts relating to Anne of Auſtria and Cardinal Mazarine. The other is in two ſmall volumes, ‘"Memoirs de Madame Staal."’ The facts are no great matter, but the manner and vivacity make them intereſting. She was a ſort of Confidante to the late Dutcheſs of Maine, and impriſoned a long time on her account during the regency.

I ought before now to have thanked you for your kind offer, which I mean ſoon to accept, for a reaſon which to be ſure can be none to you and Mrs. Wharton; and therefore I think it my duty to give you notice of it. I have told you already of my mental ailments; and it is a very poſſible thing alſo that I may be bodily ill again in town, which I would not chuſe to [245] be in a dirty inconvenient lodging, where, perhaps, my nurſe might ſtifle me with a pillow; and therefore it is no wonder if I prefer your houſe: but I tell you of this in time, that if either of you are frightened at the thoughts of a ſick body, you may make a handſome excuſe and ſave yourſelves this trouble. You are not however to imagine my illneſs is in eſſe; no, it is only in poſſe; otherwiſe I ſhould be ſcrupulous of bringing it home to you. I think I ſhall be with you in about a fortnight.

LETTER XXIV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. MASON.

I Feel a contrition for my long ſilence; and yet perhaps it is the laſt thing you trouble your head about. Nevertheleſs I will be as ſorry as if you took it ill. I am ſorry too to ſee you ſo punctilious as to ſtand upon anſwers, and never to come near me till I have regularly left my name at your door, like a Mercer's Wife, that imitates people who go a viſiting. I would forgive you this, if you could poſſibly ſuſpect I were doing any thing that I liked better; for then your formality might look like being piqued at my negligence, which has ſomewhat in it like kindneſs: But you know I am at Stoke, hearing, ſeeing, doing abſolutely nothing. Not ſuch a nothing as you do at Tunbridge, chequered and diverſiſied with a ſucceſſion of fleeting [246] colours; but heavy, lifeleſs, without form and void; ſometimes almoſt as black as the moral of Voltaire's Liſbon*, which angers you ſo. I have had no more muſcular inflations, and am only troubled with this depreſſion of mind. You will not expect therefore I ſhould give you any account of my Verve, which is at beſt (you know) of ſo delicate a conſtitution, and has ſuch weak nerves, as not to ſtir out of its chamber above three days in a year. But I ſhall enquire after yours, and why it is off again? It has certainly worſe nerves than mine, if your Reviewers have frighted it. Sure I (not to mention a ſcore of your other Critics) am ſomething a better Judge than all the Man-Midwives and Preſbyterian Parſons that ever were born. Pray give me leave to aſk you, do you find yourſelf tickled with the commendations of ſuch people? (for you have your ſhare of theſe too) I dare ſay not; your Vanity has certainly a better taſte. And can then the cenſure of ſuch critics move you? I own it is an impertinence in theſe gentry to talk of one at all either in good or in bad; but this we muſt all ſwallow: I mean not only we that write, but all the we's that ever did any thing to be talked of.

While I am writing I receive yours, and rejoice to find that the genial influences of this fine ſeaſon, which produce nothing in me, have hatched high and unimaginable fantaſies in you. I ſee, methinks, as I ſit on Snowdon, ſome glimpſe of Mona and [247] her haunted ſhades, and hope we ſhall be very good neighbours. Any Druidical anecdotes that I can meet with, I will be ſure to ſend you when I return to Cambridge; but I cannot pretend to be learned without books, or to know the Druids from modern Biſhops at this diſtance. I can only tell you not to go and take Mona for the Iſle of Man: it is Angleſey, a tract of plain country, very fertile, but pictureſque only from the view it has of Caernarvonſhire, from which it is ſeparated by the Menaï, a narrow arm of the ſea. Forgive me for ſuppoſing in you ſuch a want of erudition.

I congratulate you on our glorious ſucceſſes in the Mediterranean. Shall we go in time, and hire a houſe together in Switzerland? It is a fine poetical country to look at, and no body there will underſtand a word we ſay or write.

*
His Poem ſur la Deſtruction de Liſbon, publiſhed about that time.
The Reviewers, at the time, were ſuppoſed to be of theſe profeſſions.
I had ſent him my firſt idea of Caractacus, drawn out in a ſhort argument.

LETTER XXV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. MASON.

YOU are ſo forgetful of me that I ſhould not forgive it, but that I ſuppoſe Caractacus may be the better for it. Yet I hear nothing from him neither, in ſpite of his promiſes: there is no faith in man, no not in a Welchman; and yet Mr. Parry* has been here, and ſcratched out ſuch raviſhing blind harmony, ſuch tunes of a thouſand years old, with names [248] enough to choak you, as have ſet all this learned Body a dancing, and inſpired them with due reverence for my old Bard his countryman, whenever he ſhall appear. Mr. Parry, you muſt know, has put my Ode in motion again, and has brought it at laſt to a concluſion. 'Tis to him, therefore, that you owe the treat which I ſend you encloſed; namely, the breaſt and merry-thought, and rump too of the chicken which I have been chewing ſo long, that I would give the world for neckbeef or cow-heel.

You will obſerve, in the beginning of this thing, ſome alterations of a few words, partly for improvement, and partly to avoid repetitions of like words and rhymes; yet I have not got rid of them all; the ſix laſt lines of the fifth ſtanza are new, tell me whether they will do. I am well aware of many weakly things towards the concluſion, but I hope the end itſelf will do; give me your full and true opinion, and that not upon deliberation, but forthwith. Mr. Hurd himſelf allows that Lyon port is not too bold for Queen Elizabeth.

I have got the old Scotch Ballad on which Douglas* was founded; it is divine, and as long as from hence to Aſton. [249] Have you never ſeen it? Ariſtotle's beſt rules are obſerved in it, in a manner that ſhews the Author had never read Ariſtotle. It begins in the fifth act of the play: you may read it two thirds through without gueſſing what it is about; and yet, when you come to the end, it is impoſſible not to underſtand the whole ſtory. I ſend you the two firſt ſtanzas.

*
A capital performer on the Welch Harp, and who was either born blind, or had been ſo from his infancy.
*
He had a high opinion of this firſt Drama of Mr. Home. In a letter to another friend, dated Auguſt 10, this year, he ſays, ‘"I am greatly ſtruck with the Tragedy of Douglas, though it has infinite faults: the Author ſeems to me to have retrieved the true Language of the ſtage, which had been loſt for theſe hundred years; and there is one ſcene (between Matilda and the old Peaſant) ſo maſterly, that it ſtrikes me blind to all the defects in the world."’ The Ballad, which he here applauds, is to be found in Mr. Percy's Reliques of antient Poetry, vol. III. p. 89, a work publiſhed after the date of this letter.

LETTER XXVI.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. HURD.

I Do not know why you ſhould thank me for what you had a right and title to*; but attribute it to the exceſs of your politeneſs; and the more ſo, becauſe almoſt no one elſe has made me the ſame compliment. As your acquaintance in the Univerſity (you ſay) do me the honour to admire, it would be ungenerous in me not to give them notice, that they are doing a very unfaſhionable thing; for all People of Condition are agreed not to admire, nor even to underſtand. One very great Man, writing to an acquaintance of his and mine, ſays that he had read them ſeven or eight times; and that now, when he next ſees him, he ſhall not have above thirty queſtions to aſk. Another (a Peer) believes that the laſt Stanza of the ſecond Ode relates to King Charles the Firſt and Oliver Cromwell. Even my friends tell me they do not ſucceed, and write me moving [250] topics of conſolation on that head. In ſhort, I have heard of no body but an Actor and a Doctor of Divinity that profeſs their eſteem for them. Oh yes, a Lady of quality, (a friend of Maſon's) who is a great reader. She knew there was a compliment to Dryden, but never ſuſpected there was any thing ſaid about Shakeſpear or Milton, till it was explained to her; and wiſhes that there had been titles prefixed to tell what they were about.

From this mention of Maſon's name you may think, perhaps, we are great correſpondents. No ſuch thing; I have not heard from him theſe two months. I will be ſure to ſcold in my own name, as well as in yours. I rejoice to hear you are ſo ripe for the preſs, and ſo voluminous; not for my own ſake only, whom you flatter with the hopes of ſeeing your labours both public and private, but for yours too, for to be employed is to be happy. This principle of mine (and I am convinced of its truth) has, as uſual, no influence on my practice. I am alone, and ennuyé to the laſt degree, yet do nothing. Indeed I have one excuſe; my health (which you have ſo kindly enquired after) is not extraordinary, ever ſince I came hither. It is [251] no great malady, but ſeveral little ones, that ſeem brewing no good to me. It will be a particular pleaſure to me to hear whether Content dwells in Leiceſterſhire, and how ſhe entertains herſelf there. Only do not be too happy, nor forget entirely the quiet uglineſs of Cambridge.

*
A preſent of his two Pindaric Odes juſt then publiſhed.
An extract from a letter to Dr. Wharton, dated October 7, 1757, will explain this: ‘"Dr. Warburton is come to town, and I am told likes them extremely; he ſays the world never paſſed ſo juſt an opinion upon any thing as upon them; for that in other things they have affected to like or diſlike: whereas here they own they do not underſtand, which he looks upon to be very true; but yet thinks they underſtand them as well as Milton or Shakeſpear, whom they are obliged, by faſhion, to admire. Mr. Garrick's complimentary verſes to me you have ſeen; I am told they were printed in the Chronicle of laſt Saturday. The Critical Review is in raptures; but miſtakes the Aeolian Lyre for the Harp of Aeolus, and on this pleaſant error founds both a compliment and a criticiſm. This is all I have heard that ſignifies any thing."’

LETTER XXVII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. MASON.

I Have (as I deſired Mr. Stonhewer to tell you) read over Caractacus twice, not with pleaſure only, but with emotion. You may ſay what you will; but the contrivance, the manners, the intereſts, the paſſions, and the expreſſion, go beyond the dramatic part* of your Elfrida, many many leagues. I even ſay (though you will think me a bad judge of this) that the World will like it better. I am ſtruck with the Chorus, who are not [252] there merely to ſing and dance, but bear throughout a principal part in the action; and have (beſide the Coſtume, which is excellent) as much a character of their own, as any other perſon. I am charmed with their prieſtly pride and obſtinacy, when, after all is loſt, they reſolve to confront the Roman General, and ſpit in his face. But now I am going to tell you what touches me moſt from the beginning. The firſt opening is greatly improved: the curioſity of Didius is now a very natural reaſon for dwelling on each particular of the ſcene before him; nor is the deſcription at all too long. I am glad to find the two young men are Cartiſmandua's ſons. They intereſt me far more. I love people of condition. They were men before that no body knew: one could not make them a bow if one had met them at a public place.

I always admired that interruption of the Druids to Evelina, Peace, virgin, peace, &c. and chiefly the abſtract idea perſonified (to uſe the words of a Critic) at the end of it. That of Caractacus, Would ſave my Queen, &c. and ſtill more that, I know it, reverend Fathers; 'tis Heav'n's high will, &c. to I've done, begin the rites! This latter is exemplary for the expreſſion (always the great point with me); I do not mean by expreſſion the mere choice of words, but the whole dreſs, faſhion, and arrangement of a thought. Here, in particular, it is the brokenneſs, the ungrammatical poſition, the total ſubverſion of the period that charms me. All that uſhers in the incantation from Try we yet, what holineſs can do, I am delighted with in quite another way; for this is pure poetry, as it ought to be, forming the proper tranſition, and leading on the mind to that ſtill purer poetry that follows it.

[253] In the beginning of the ſucceeding act I admire the Chorus again, Is it not now the hour, the holy hour, &c. and their evaſion of a lie, Say'ſt thou, proud Boy, &c. and ſleep with the unſun'd ſilver, which is an example of a dramatic ſimile. The ſudden appearance of Caractacus, the pretended reſpect and admiration of Vellinus, and the probability of his ſtory, the diſtruſt of the Druids, and their reaſoning with Caractacus, and particularly that, 'Tis meet thou ſhould'ſt, thou art a King, &c. and Mark me, Prince, the time will come, when Deſtiny, &c. are well, and happily imagined. A-propos of the laſt ſtriking paſſage I have mentioned, I am going to make a digreſſion.

When we treat a ſubject, where the manners are almoſt loſt in antiquity, our ſtock of ideas muſt needs be ſmall; and nothing betrays our poverty more, than the returning to, and harping frequently on, one image. It was therefore I thought you ſhould omit ſome lines before, though good in themſelves, about the ſcythed car, that the paſſage now before us might appear with greater luſtre when it came; and in this I ſee you have complied with me. But there are other ideas here and there ſtill, that occur too often, particularly about the Oaks, ſome of which I would diſcard to make way for the reſt.

But the ſubjects I ſpeak of to compenſate (and more than compenſate) that unavoidable poverty, have one great advantage when they fall into good hands. They leave an unbounded liberty to pure imagination and fiction, (our favourite provinces) where no Critic can moleſt, or Antiquary gainſay us; and yet (to pleaſe me) theſe fictions muſt have ſome affinity, ſome ſeeming connexion, with that little we really know of the [254] character and cuſtoms of the people. For example, I never heard in my days that Midnight and the Moon were Siſters; that they carried rods of ebony and gold, or met to whiſper on the top of a mountain: but now I could lay my life it is all true; and do not doubt it will be found ſo in ſome Pantheon of the Druids, that is to be diſcovered in the Library at Herculaneum. The Car of Deſtiny and Death is a very noble invention of the ſame claſs, and, as far as that goes, is ſo fine, that it makes me more delicate, than perhaps I ſhould be, about the cloſe of it. Andraſte ſailing on the wings of Fame, that ſnatches the wreaths from oblivion to hang them on her loftieſt Amaranth, though a clear and beautiful piece of unknown Mythology, has too Greek an air to give me perfect ſatisfaction.

Now I proceed. The preparation to the Chorus, though ſo much akin to that in the former act, is excellent. The remarks of Evelina and her ſuſpicions of the Brothers, mixed with a ſecret inclination to the younger of them, (though, I think, her part throughout wants retouching) yet pleaſe me much, and the contrivance of the following ſcene much more. Maſters of Wiſdom, no, &c. I always admired; as I do the rocking ſtone, and the diſtreſs of Elidurus. Evelina's examination of his is a well-invented ſcene, and will be, with a little pains, a very touching one: but the introduction of Arviragus is ſuperlative. I am not ſure whether thoſe few lines of his ſhort narrative, My ſtrength repair'd, it boots not, that I tell, &c. do not pleaſe me as much as any thing in the whole Drama. The ſullen bravery of Elidurus, the menaces of the Chorus, that Think not, Religion, &c. the Trumpet of the Druids, that I'll follow him, tho' in my chains, &c. Haſt thou a Brother, no, [255] &c. the placability of the Chorus, when they ſee the motives of Elidurus's obſtinacy, give me great contentment: ſo do the reflections of the Druid on the neceſſity of luſtration, and the reaſons for Vellinus's eaſy eſcape; but I would not have him ſeize on a ſpear, nor iſſue haſty thro' the cavern's mouth. Why ſhould he not ſteal away, unaſked and unmiſſed, till the hurry of paſſions in thoſe, that ſhould have guarded him, was a little abated? But I chiefly admire the two ſpeeches of Elidurus; Ah, Vellinus, is this then, &c. and, Ye do gaze on me, Fathers, &c. the manner in which the Chorus reply to him is very fine; but the image at the end wants a little mending. The next ſcene is highly moving! it is ſo very good, that I muſt have it made yet better.

Now for the laſt act. I do not know what you would have; but to me the deſign and contrivance of it is at leaſt equal to any part of the whole. The ſhort-lived triumph of the Britons, the addreſs of Caractacus to the Roman Victims, Evelina's diſcovery of the ambuſh, the miſtake of the Roman fires for the riſing ſun, the death of Arviragus, the interview between Didius and Caractacus, his mourning over his dead Son, his parting ſpeech, (in which you have made all the uſe of Tacitus that your plan would admit) every thing, in ſhort, but that little diſpute between Didius and him; 'Tis well; and therefore to encreaſe that reverence, &c. down to, Give me a moment (which muſt be omitted, or put in the mouth of the Druids) I approve in the higheſt degree. If I ſhould find any fault with the laſt act, it could only be with trifles and little expreſſions. If you make any alterations, I fear it will never improve it; I mean as to the plan. I ſend you back the two [256] laſt ſheets, becauſe you bid me. I reſerve my nibblings and minutiae for another day.

*
In the manuſcript now before him, Mr. Gray had only the firſt Ode, the others were not then written; and although the dramatic part was brought to a concluſion, yet it was afterwards in many places altered. He was miſtaken with regard to the opinion the world would have about it. That world, which uſually loves to be led in ſuch matters, rather than form an opinion for itſelf, was taught a different ſentiment; and one of its leaders went ſo far as to declare, that he never knew a ſecond work fall ſo much below a firſt from the ſame hand. To oppoſe Mr. Gray's judgment to his, I muſt own gives me ſome ſatisfaction; and to enjoy it I am willing to riſk that imputation of vanity, which may probably fall to my ſhare for having publiſhed this Letter. I muſt add, however, that ſome of my friends adviſed it for the ſake of the more general criticiſms which they thought too valuable to be ſuppreſſed.

LETTER XXVIII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. MASON.

A Life ſpent out of the world has its hours of deſpondence, its inconveniencies, its ſufferings, as numerous and as real, though not quite of the ſame ſort, as a life ſpent in the midſt of it. The power we have, when we will exert it over our own minds, joined to a little ſtrength and conſolation, nay, a little pride we catch from thoſe that ſeem to love us, is our only ſupport in either of theſe conditions. I am ſenſible I cannot return you more of this aſſiſtance than I have received from you; and can only tell you, that one who has far more reaſon than you, I hope, ever will have to look on life with ſomething worſe than indifference, is yet no enemy to it; but can look backward on many bitter moments, partly with ſatisfaction, and partly with patience; and forward too, on a ſcene not very promiſing, with ſome hope, and ſome expectations of a better day. The cauſe, however, which occaſioned your reflection, (though I can judge but very imperfectly of it) does not ſeem, at preſent, to be weighty enough to make you take any ſuch reſolution as you meditate. Uſe it in its ſeaſon, as a relief from what is tireſome to you, but not as if it was in conſequence of any thing you take ill; on the contrary, if ſuch a thing had happened at the time of your tranſmigration, I would defer it merely to avoid that appearance.

[257] As to myſelf, I cannot boaſt, at preſent, either of my ſpirits, my ſituation, my employments, or fertility. The days and the nights paſs, and I am never the nearer to any thing, but that one to which we are all tending; yet I love people that leave ſome traces of their journey behind them, and have ſtrength enough to adviſe you to do ſo while you can. I expect to ſee Caractacus compleated, and therefore I ſend you the books you wanted. I do not know whether they will furniſh you with any new matter; but they are well enough written, and eaſily read. I told you before that (in a time of dearth) I would borrow from the Edda, without entering too minutely on particulars: but, if I did ſo, I would make each image ſo clear, that it might be fully underſtood by itſelf; for in this obſcure mythology we muſt not hint at things, as we do with the Greek fables, that every body is ſuppoſed to know at ſchool. However, on ſecond thoughts, I think it would be ſtill better to graft any wild pictureſque fable, abſolutely of one's own invention, on the Druid-ſtock; I mean on thoſe half dozen of old fancies that are known to be a part of their ſyſtem. This will give you more freedom and latitude, and will leave no hold for the Critics to faſten on.

I ſend you back the Elegy* as you deſired me to do. My advices are always at your ſervice to take or to refuſe, therefore you ſhould not call them ſevere. You know I do not love, much leſs pique myſelf on Criticiſm; and think even a bad verſe as good a thing or better than the beſt obſervation that ever was made upon it. I like greatly the ſpirit and ſentiment of it (much of which you perhaps owe to your preſent train of [258] thinking); the diſpoſition of the whole too is natural and elegiac; as to the expreſſion, I would venture to ſay (did not you forbid me) that it is ſometimes too eaſy. The laſt line I proteſt againſt (this, you will ſay, is worſe than blotting out rhymes); the deſcriptive part is excellent.

Pray, when did I pretend to finiſh, or even inſert paſſages into other people's works, as if it were equally eaſy to pick holes and to mend them? All I can ſay is, that your Elegy muſt not end with the worſt line in it. It is flat; it is proſe; whereas that, above all, ought to ſparkle, or at leaſt to ſhine. If the ſentiment muſt ſtand, twirl it a little into an apothegm; ſtick a flower in it; gild it with a coſtly expreſſion; let it ſtrike the fancy, the ear, or the heart, and I am ſatisfied.

The other particular expreſſions which I object to, I mark on the manuſcript. Now, I deſire you would neither think me ſevere, nor at all regard what I ſay further, than as it coincides with your own judgment; for the child deſerves your partiality; it is a healthy well-made boy with an ingenuous countenance, and promiſes to live long. I would only waſh its face, dreſs it a little, make it walk upright and ſtrong, and keep it from learning paw words.

I hope you couched my refuſal* to Lord John Cavendiſh in as reſpectful terms as poſſible, and with all due acknowledgments [259] to the Duke. If you hear who it is to be given to, pray let me know; for I intereſt myſelf a little in the hiſtory of it, and rather wiſh ſomebody may accept it that will retrieve the credit of the thing, if it be retrievable, or ever had any credit. Rowe was, I think, the laſt man of character that had it; Euſden was a perſon of great hopes in his youth, though at laſt he turned out a drunken parſon; Dryden was as diſgraceful to the office, from his character, as the pooreſt ſcribbler could have been from his verſes.

*
Elegy in the Garden of a Friend.
It was endeavoured to be improved accordingly; how it ſtood when this criticiſm upon it was written, I cannot now recollect.
*
Of being Poet Laureat on the death of Cibber, which place the late Duke of Devonſhire (then Lord Chamberlain) deſired his brother to offer to Mr. Gray; and his Lordſhip had commiſſioned me (then in town) to write to him concerning it.

LETTER XXIX.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

WOULD you know what I am doing? I doubt you have been told already, and hold my employments cheap enough; but every one muſt judge of his own capability, and cut his amuſements according to his diſpoſition. The drift of my preſent ſtudies is to know, wherever I am, what lies within reach that may be worth ſeeing, whether it be building, ruin, park, garden, proſpect, picture, or monument; to whom it does or has belonged, and what has been the characteriſtic and taſte of different ages. You will ſay this is the object of all Antiquaries; but pray what Antiquary ever ſaw theſe objects in the ſame light, or deſired to know them for a like reaſon? In ſhort, ſay what you pleaſe, I am perſuaded [260] whenever my liſt* is finiſhed you will approve it, and think it of no ſmall uſe. My ſpirits are very near the freezing point; and for ſome hours of the day this exerciſe, by its warmth and gentle motion, ſerves to raiſe them a few degrees higher.

I hope the misfortune that has befallen Mrs. Cibber's canary bird will not be the ruin of Agis: it is probable you will have curioſity enough to ſee it, as it is by the Author of Douglas.

*
He wrote it, under its ſeveral diviſions, on the blank pages of a pocket Atlas. I printed lately a few copies of this catalogue for the uſe of ſome friends curious in ſuch matters; and, when I am ſufficiently furniſhed with their obſervations and improvements upon it, ſhall perhaps reprint it and give it to the public, as a ſhorter and more uſeful Pocket Companion to the Engliſh Traveller than has hitherto appeared.

LETTER XXX.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

IT is indeed for want of ſpirits, as you ſuſpect, that my ſtudies lie among the Cathedrals, and the Tombs, and the Ruins. To think, though to little purpoſe, has been the chief amuſement of my days; and when I would not, or cannot think, I dream. At preſent I feel myſelf able to write a Catalogue, or to read the Peerage book, or Miller's Gardening Dictionary, and am thankful that there are ſuch employments and ſuch authors in the world. Some people, who hold me cheap for this, are doing perhaps what is not half ſo well worth [261] while. As to poſterity, I may aſk (with ſomebody whom I have forgot) what has it ever done to oblige me?

To make a tranſition from myſelf to as poor a ſubject, the Tragedy of Agis; I cry to think that it ſhould be by the Author of Douglas: Why, it is all modern Greek; the ſtory is an antique ſtatue painted white and red, frized, and dreſſed in a negligée made by a Yorkſhire mantua-maker. Then here is the Miſcellany (Mr. Dodſley has ſent me the whole ſet gilt and lettered, I thank him). Why, the two laſt volumes are worſe than the four firſt; particularly Dr. Akenſide is in a deplorable way*. What ſignifies Learning and the Antients, (Maſon will ſay triumphantly) why ſhould people read Greek to loſe their imagination, their ear, and their mother tongue? But then there is Mr. Shenſtone, who truſts to nature and ſimple ſentiment, why does he do no better? he goes hopping along his own gravel-walks, and never deviates from the beaten paths for fear of being loſt.

I have read Dr. Swift, and am diſappointed. There is nothing of the negotiations that I have not ſeen better in M. de [262] Torcy before. The manner is careleſs, and has little to diſtinguiſh it from common writers. I meet with nothing to pleaſe me but the ſpiteful characters of the oppoſite party and its leaders. I expected much more ſecret hiſtory.

*
I have been told that this Writer, unqueſtionably a man of great learning and genius, entertained, ſome years before his death, a notion that Poetry was only true eloquence in metre; and, according to this idea, wrote his Ode to the Country Gentlemen of England, and afterwards made conſiderable alterations in that collection of Odes which he had publiſhed in the earlier part of his life. We have ſeen in the ſecond letter of this ſection, that Mr. Gray thought highly of his deſcriptive talents at that time. We are not therefore to impute what he here ſays to any prejudice in the Critic, but to that change of taſte in the Poet, which (if the above anecdote be true) would unavoidably flatten his deſcriptions, and diveſt them of all pictureſque imagery: nay, would ſometimes convert his verſe into mere proſe; or, what is worſe, hard inflated proſe.
His hiſtory of the four laſt years of Queen Anne.

LETTER XXXI.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. STONHEWER.

I Am as ſorry as you ſeem to be, that our acquaintance harped ſo much on the ſubject of materialiſm, when I ſaw him with you in town, becauſe it was plain to which ſide of the long-debated queſtion he inclined. That we are indeed mechanical and dependent beings, I need no other proof than my own feelings; and from the ſame feelings I learn, with equal conviction, that we are not merely ſuch: that there is a power within that ſtruggles againſt the force and biaſs of that mechaniſm, commands its motion, and, by frequent practice, reduces it to that ready obedience which we call Habit; and all this in conformity to a preconceived opinion (no matter whether right or wrong) to that leaſt material of all agents, a Thought. I have known many in his caſe who, while they thought they were conquering an old prejudice, did not perceive they were under the influence of one far more dangerous; one that furniſhes us with a ready apology for all our worſt actions, and opens to us a full licence for doing whatever we pleaſe; and yet theſe very people were not at all the more indulgent to other men (as they naturally ſhould have been), their indignation to [263] ſuch as offended them, their deſire of revenge on any body that hurt them was nothing mitigated: In ſhort, the truth is, they wiſhed to be perſuaded of that opinion for the ſake of its convenience, but were not ſo in their heart; and they would have been glad (as they ought in common prudence) that nobody elſe ſhould think the ſame, for fear of the miſchief that might enſue to themſelves. His French Author I never ſaw, but have read fifty in the ſame ſtrain, and ſhall read no more. I can be wretched enough without them. They put me in mind of the Greek Sophiſt that got immortal honour by diſcourſing ſo feelingly on the miſeries of our condition, that fifty of his audience went home and hanged themſelves; yet he lived himſelf (I ſuppoſe) many years after in very good plight.

You ſay you cannot conceive how Lord Shafteſbury came to be a Philoſopher in vogue; I will tell you: Firſt, he was a Lord; 2dly, he was as vain as any of his readers; 3dly, men are very prone to believe what they do not underſtand; 4thly, they will believe any thing at all, provided they are under no obligation to believe it; 5thly, they love to take a new road, even when that road leads no where; 6thly, he was reckoned a fine writer, and ſeemed always to mean more than he ſaid. Would you have any more reaſons? An interval of above forty years has pretty well deſtroyed the charm. A dead Lord ranks but with Commoners: Vanity is no longer intereſted in the matter, for the new road is become an old one. The mode of freethinking is like that of Ruffs and Farthingales, and has given place to the mode of not thinking at all; once it was reckoned graceful, half to diſcover and half conceal the mind, but now we have been long accuſtomed to ſee it quite naked: primneſs [264] and affectation of ſtyle, like the good breeding of Queen Ann's Court, has turned to hoydening and rude familiarity.

It will, I think, be no improper ſupplement to the foregoing letter to inſert a paper of Mr. Gray's, which contains ſome very pertinent ſtrictures on the writings of a later Lord, who was pleaſed to attack the moral attributes of the Deity; or, what amounted to the ſame thing, endeavoured to prove, ‘"that we have no adequate ideas of his goodneſs and juſtice, as we have of his natural ones, his wiſdom and power."’ This poſition the excellent author of the View of Lord Bolingbroke's Philoſophy, calls the MAIN PILLAR of his ſyſtem; and adds, in another place, that the FATE OF ALL RELIGION is included in this queſtion. On this important point, therefore, that able Writer has dwelt largely, and confuted his Lordſhip effectually. Some ſort of readers, however, who probably would ſlight that confutation, may regard the arguments of a Layman, and even a Poet, more than thoſe which are drawn up by the pen of a Divine and a Biſhop: It is for the uſe of theſe that the paper is publiſhed; who, if they learn nothing elſe from it, will find that Mr. Gray was not of their party, nor ſo great a wit as to diſbelieve the exiſtence of a Deity*.

[265]

"I will allow Lord Bolingbroke, that the moral, as well as phyſical, attributes of God muſt be known to us only à poſteriori, and that this is the only real knowledge we can have either of the one or the other; I will allow too that perhaps it may be an idle diſtinction which we make between them: His moral attributes being as much in his nature and eſſence as thoſe we call his phyſical; but the occaſion of our making ſome diſtinction is plainly this: His eternity, infinity, omniſcience, and almighty power, are not what connect him, if I may ſo ſpeak, with us his creatures. We adore him, not becauſe he always did in every place, and always will, exiſt; but becauſe he gave and ſtill preſerves to us our own exiſtence by an exertion of his goodneſs. We adore him, not becauſe he knows and can do all things, but becauſe he made us capable of knowing and of doing what may conduct us to happineſs: It is therefore his benevolence which we adore, not his greatneſs or power; and if we are made only to bear our part in a ſyſtem, without any regard to our own particular happineſs, we can no longer worſhip him as our all-bounteous parent: There is no meaning in the term. The idea of his malevolence (an impiety I tremble to write) muſt ſucceed. We have nothing left but our fears, and thoſe too vain; for whither can they lead but to deſpair and the ſad deſire of annihilation. ‘"If then juſtice and goodneſs be not the ſame in God as in our ideas, we mean nothing when we ſay that God is neceſſarily juſt and good; and for the ſame reaſon it may as well be ſaid that we know not what we mean when, according to Dr. Clarke, (Evid. 26th) we affirm that he is neceſſarily a wiſe and intelligent Being."’ What then can Lord Bolingbroke mean, when he ſays every thing ſhews the wiſdom of God; [266] and yet adds, every thing does not ſhew in like manner the goodneſs of God conformably to our ideas of this attribute in either? By wiſdom he muſt only mean, that God knows and employs the fitteſt means to a certain end, no matter what that end may be: This indeed is a proof of knowledge and intelligence; but theſe alone do not conſtitute wiſdom; the word implies the application of theſe fitteſt means to the beſt and kindeſt end: Or, who will call it true wiſdom? even amongſt ourſelves, it is not held as ſuch. All the attributes then that he ſeems to think apparent in the conſtitution of things, are his unity, infinity, eternity and intelligence; from no one of which, I boldly affirm, can reſult any duty of gratitude or adoration incumbent on mankind, more than if He and all things round him were produced, as ſome have dared to think, by the neceſſary working of eternal matter in an infinite vacuum. For what does it avail to add intelligence to thoſe other phyſical attributes, unleſs that intelligence be directed, not only to the good of the whole, but alſo to the good of every individual of which that whole is compoſed.

It is therefore no impiety, but the direct contrary, to ſay that human juſtice and the other virtues, which are indeed only various applications of human benevolence, bear ſome reſemblance to the moral attributes of the ſupreme Being: It is only by means of that reſemblance, we conceive them in him, or their effects in his works: It is by the ſame means only, that we comprehend thoſe phyſical attributes which his Lordſhip allows to be demonſtrable: How can we form any notion of his unity, but from that unity of which we ourſelves are conſcious? How of his exiſtence, but from our own conſciouſneſs [267] of exiſting? How of his power, but of that power which we experience in ourſelves? yet neither Lord Bolingbroke nor any other man, that thought on theſe ſubjects, ever believed that theſe our ideas were real and full repreſentations of theſe attributes in the Divinity. They ſay he knows; they do not mean that he compares ideas which he acquired from ſenſation, and draws concluſions from them. They ſay he acts; they do not mean by impulſe, nor as the ſoul acts on an organized body. They ſay he is omnipotent and eternal; yet on what are their ideas founded, but on our own narrow conceptions of ſpace and duration, prolonged beyond the bounds of ſpace and time? Either therefore there is a reſemblance and analogy (however imperfect and diſtant) between the attributes of the Divinity and our conceptions of them, or we cannot have any conceptions of them at all: He allows we ought to reaſon from earth, that we do know, to heaven which we do not know; how can we do ſo but by that affinity which appears between one and the other?

In vain then does my Lord attempt to ridicule the warm but melancholy imagination of Mr. Wollaſton in that fine ſoliloquy: ‘"Muſt I then bid my laſt farewel to theſe walks when I cloſe theſe lids, and yonder blue regions and all this ſcene darken upon me and go out? Muſt I then only ſerve to furniſh duſt to be mingled with the aſhes of theſe herds and plants, or with this dirt under my feet? Have I been ſet ſo far above them in life, only to be levelled with them in death?"* No thinking head, no heart, that has the leaſt ſenſibility, but muſt [268] have made the ſame reflection; or at leaſt muſt feel, not the beauty alone, but the truth of it when he hears it from the mouth of another. Now what reply will Lord Bolingbroke make to theſe queſtions which are put to him, not only by Wollaſton, but by all mankind? He will tell you, that we, that is, the animals, vegetables, ſtones, and other clods of earth, are all connected in one immenſe deſign, that we are all Dramatis Perſonae, in different characters, and that we were not made for ourſelves, but for the action: that it is fooliſh, preſumptuous, impious, and profane to murmur againſt the Almighty Author of this drama, when we feel ourſelves unavoidably unhappy. On the contrary, we ought to reſt our head on the ſoft pillow of reſignation, on the immovable rock of tranquillity ſecure; that if our pains and afflictions grow violent indeed, an immediate end will be put to our miſerable being, and we ſhall be mingled with the dirt under our feet, a thing common to all the animal kind; and of which, he who complains, does not ſeem to have been ſet by his reaſon ſo far above them in life, as to deſerve not to be mingled with them in death. Such is the conſolation his philoſophy gives us, and ſuch the hope on which his tranquillity was founded."*

[269]

LETTER XXXII.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

I Am equally ſenſible of your affliction*, and of your kindneſs, that made you think of me at ſuch a moment; would to God I could leſſen the one, or requite the other with that conſolation which I have often received from you when I moſt wanted it! but your grief is too juſt, and the cauſe of it too freſh, to admit of any ſuch endeavour: What, indeed, is all human conſolation? Can it efface every little amiable word or action of an object we loved, from our memory? Can it convince us, that all the hopes we had entertained, the plans of future ſatisfaction we had formed, were ill-grounded and vain, only becauſe we have loſt them? The only comfort (I am afraid) that belongs to our condition, is to reflect (when time has given us leiſure for reflection) that others have ſuffered worſe; or that we ourſelves might have ſuffered the ſame misfortune at times and in circumſtances that would probably have aggravated our ſorrow. You might have ſeen this poor child arrive at an age to fulfil all your hopes, to attach you more ſtrongly to him by long habit, by eſteem, as well as natural affection, and that towards the decline of your life, when we moſt ſtand in need of ſupport, and when he might chance to have been your only ſupport; and then by ſome unforeſeen and deplorable accident, or ſome painful lingering diſtemper, you might have loſt him. Such has been the fate of many an unhappy father! I know [270] there is a ſort of tenderneſs which infancy and innocence alone produce; but I think you muſt own the other to be a ſtronger and a more overwhelming ſorrow. Let me then beſeech you to try, by every method of avocation and amuſement, whether you cannot, by degrees, get the better of that dejection of ſpirits, which inclines you to ſee every thing in the worſt light poſſible, and throws a ſort of voluntary gloom, not only over your preſent, but future days; as if even your ſituation now were not preferable to that of thouſands round you; and as if your proſpect hereafter might not open as much of happineſs to you as to any perſon you know: the condition of our life perpetually inſtructs us to be rather ſlow to hope, as well as to deſpair; and (I know you will forgive me, if I tell you) you are often a little too haſty in both, perhaps from conſtitution; it is ſure we have great power over our own minds, when we chuſe to exert it; and though it be difficult to reſiſt the mechanic impulſe and bias of our own temper, it is yet poſſible, and ſtill more ſo, to delay thoſe reſolutions it inclines us to take, which we almoſt always have cauſe to repent.

You tell me nothing of Mrs. Wharton's or your own ſtate of health: I will not talk to you more upon this ſubject till I hear you are both well; for that is the grand point, and without it we may as well not think at all. You flatter me in thinking that any thing I can do*, could at all alleviate the juſt concern your loſs has given you; but I cannot flatter myſelf ſo far, and know how little qualified I am at preſent to give any ſatisfaction to myſelf on this head, and in this way, much leſs to you. I by no means pretend to inſpiration; but [271] yet I affirm, that the faculty, in queſtion, is by no means voluntary; it is the reſult (I ſuppoſe) of a certain diſpoſition of mind, which does not depend of one's ſelf, and which I have not felt this long time. You that are a witneſs how ſeldom this ſpirit has moved me in my life, may eaſily give credit to what I ſay.

*
Occaſioned by the death of his eldeſt (and at the time his only) ſon.
*
His friend had requeſted him to write an Epitaph on the child.

LETTER XXXIII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. PALGRAVE.*

I Do not know how to make you amends, having neither rock, ruin, nor precipice near me to ſend you; they do not grow in the ſouth: but only ſay the word, if you would have a compact neat box of red brick with ſaſh windows, or a grotto made of flints and ſhell-work, or a wallnut-tree with three mole-hills under it, ſtuck with honey-ſuckles round a baſon of gold-fiſhes, and you ſhall be ſatisfied; they ſhall come by the Edinburgh coach.

In the mean time I congratulate you on your new acquaintance with the ſavage, the rude, and the tremendous. Pray, tell me, is it any thing like what you had read in your book, or ſeen in two-ſhilling prints? Do not you think a man may be the wiſer (I had almoſt ſaid the better) for going a hundred or two of miles; and that the mind has more room in it than moſt [272] people ſeem to think, if you will but furniſh the apartments? I almoſt envy your laſt month, being in a very inſipid ſituation myſelf; and deſire you would not fail to ſend me ſome furniture for my Gothic apartment, which is very cold at preſent. It will be the eaſier taſk, as you have nothing to do but tranſcribe your little red books, if they are not rubbed out; for I conclude you have not truſted every thing to memory, which is ten times worſe than a lead-pencil: Half a word fixed upon or near the ſpot, is worth a cart-load of recollection. When we truſt to the picture that objects draw of themſelves on our mind, we deceive ourſelves; without accurate and particular obſervation, it is but ill-drawn at firſt, the outlines are ſoon blurred, the colours every day grow fainter; and at laſt, when we would produce it to any body, we are forced to ſupply its defects with a few ſtrokes of our own imagination*. God forgive me, I ſuppoſe I have done ſo myſelf before now, and miſled many a good body that put their truſt in me. Pray, tell me, (but with permiſſion, and without any breach of hoſpitality) is it ſo much warmer on the other ſide of the Swale (as ſome people of honour ſay) than it is here? Has the ſinging of birds, the bleating of ſheep, the lowing of herds, deafened you at Rainton? Did the vaſt old oaks and thick groves in Northumberland keep off the ſun too much from you? I am too civil to extend my enquiries beyond Berwick. Every thing, doubtleſs, muſt improve upon you as you advanced northward. You muſt tell me, though, about Melroſs, Roſslin Chapel, and Arbroath. In ſhort, your Port-feuille muſt be ſo full, that I only deſire a looſe chapter or two, and will wait for the reſt till it comes out.

*
Rector of Palgrave and Thrandeſton in Suffolk. He was making a tour in Scotland when this letter was written to him.
*
Had this letter nothing elſe to recommond it, the advice here given to the curious traveller of making all his memoranda on the ſpot, and the reaſons for it, are ſo well expreſſed, and withal ſo important, that they certainly deſerve our notice.
[273]

LETTER XXXIV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. MASON.

I Should have told you that Caradoc came ſafe to hand; but my critical faculties have been ſo taken up in dividing nothing with an old woman*, that they are not yet compoſed enough for a better and more tranquil employment: ſhortly, however, I will make them obey me. But am I to ſend this copy to Mr. Hurd, or return it to you? Methinks I do not love this travelling to and again of manuſcripts by the poſt. While I am writing, your ſecond packet is juſt arrived. I can only tell you in groſs, that there ſeem to me certain paſſages altered which might as well have been let alone; and that I ſhall not be eaſily reconciled to Mador's own ſong. I muſt not have my fancy raiſed to that agreeable pitch of heatheniſm and wild magical enthuſiaſm, and then have you let me drop into moral philoſophy and cold good ſenſe. I remember you inſulted me when I ſaw you laſt, and affected to call that which delighted my imagination, nonſenſe: Now I inſiſt that ſenſe is nothing in poetry, but according to the dreſs ſhe wears, and the ſcene ſhe appears in. If you ſhould lead me into a ſuperb Gothic building with a thouſand cluſtered pillars, each of them half a mile high, the walls all [274] covered with fretwork, and the windows full of red and blue ſaints that had neither head nor tail; and I ſhould find the Venus of Medici in perſon, perked up in a long niche over the high altar, do you think it would raiſe or damp my devotions? I ſay that Mador muſt be entirely a Briton; and that his pre-eminence among his companions muſt be ſhewn by ſuperior wildneſs, more barbaric fancy, and a more ſtriking and deeper harmony both of words and numbers: if Britiſh antiquity be too narrow, this is the place for invention; and if it be pure invention, ſo much the clearer muſt the expreſſion be, and ſo much the ſtronger and richer the imagery. There's for you now!

A ſecond manuſcript of Caractacus with the Odes inſerted.
*
Mrs. Rogers, died about this time, and left Mr. Gray and Mrs. Olliffe, another of his aunts, her joint executors.
He means here the ſecond Ode, which was afterwards greatly altered.

LETTER XXXV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. PALGRAVE.

I Am now ſettled in my new territories commanding Bedford gardens, and all the fields as far as Highgate and Hampſtead, with ſuch a concourſe of moving pictures as would aſtoniſh you; ſo rus-in-urbe-iſh, that I believe I ſhall ſtay here, except little excurſions and vagaries, for a year to come. What tho' I am ſeparated from the faſhionable world by broad St. Giles's, and many a dirty court and alley, yet here is air, and ſunſhine, and quiet, however, to comfort you: I ſhall confeſs that I am baſking with heat all the ſummer, and I ſuppoſe ſhall be blowed down all the winter, beſides being robbed every night; I truſt, however, that the Muſaeum, with all its manuſcripts [275] and rarities by the cart-load, will make ample amends for all the aforeſaid inconveniencies.

I this day paſt through the jaws of a great leviathan into the den of Dr. Templeman, ſuperintendant of the reading-room, who congratulated himſelf on the ſight of ſo much good company. We were, firſt, a man that writes for Lord Royſton; 2dly, a man that writes for Dr. Burton, of York; 3dly, a man that writes for the Emperor of Germany, or Dr. Pocock, for he ſpeaks the worſt Engliſh I ever heard; 4thly, Dr. Stukely, who writes for himſelf, the very worſt perſon he could write for; and, laſtly, I, who only read to know if there be any thing worth writing, and that not without ſome difficulty. I find that they printed 1000 copies of the Harleian Catalogue, and have ſold only fourſcore; that they have 900l. a year income, and ſpend 1300, and are building apartments for the underkeepers; ſo I expect in winter to ſee the collection advertiſed and ſet to auction.

Have you read Lord Clarendon's Continuation of his Hiſtory? Do you remember Mr. **'s account of it before it came out? How well he recollected all the faults, and how utterly he forgot all the beauties: Surely the groſſeſt taſte is better than ſuch a ſort of delicacy.

[276]

LETTER XXXVI.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

I Am not ſorry to hear you are exceeding buſy, except as it has deprived me of the pleaſure I ſhould have in hearing often from you; and as it has been occaſioned by a little vexation and diſappointment. To find one's ſelf buſineſs, I am perſuaded, is the great art of life; I am never ſo angry, as when I hear my acquaintance wiſhing they had been bred to ſome poking profeſſion, or employed in ſome office of drudgery, as if it were pleaſanter to be at the command of other people than at one's own; and as if they could not go unleſs they were wound up: yet I know and feel what they mean by this complaint; it proves that ſome ſpirit, ſomething of genius (more than common) is required to teach a man how to employ himſelf: I ſay a man; for women, commonly ſpeaking, never feel this diſtemper, they have always ſomething to do; time hangs not on their hands (unleſs they be fine Ladies); a variety of ſmall inventions and occupations fill up the void, and their eyes are never open in vain.

As to myſelf, I have again found reſt for the ſole of my gouty foot in your old dining-room*, and hope that you will find at leaſt an equal ſatisfaction at Old Park; if your bog prove as comfortable as my oven, I ſhall ſee no occaſion to pity you, and only wiſh you may brew no worſe than I bake.

[277] You totally miſtake my talents, when you impute to me any magical ſkill in planting roſes: I know I am no conjurer in theſe things; when they are done I can find fault, and that is all. Now this is the very reverſe of genius, and I feel my own littleneſs. Reaſonable people know themſelves better than is commonly imagined; and therefore (though I never ſaw any inſtance of it) I believe Maſon when he tells me that he underſtands theſe things. The prophetic eye of taſte (as Mr. Pitt called it) ſees all the beauties, that a place is ſuſceptible of, long before they are born; and when it plants a ſeedling, already ſits under the ſhadow of it, and enjoys the effect it will have from every point of view that lies in proſpect. You muſt therefore invoke Caractacus, and he will ſend his ſpirits from the top of Snowdon to Croſs-fell or Warden-law.

I am much obliged to you for your antique news. Froiſſard is a favourite book of mine (though I have not attentively read him, but only dipped here and there); and it is ſtrange to me that people, who would give thouſands for a dozen portraits (originals of that time) to furniſh a gallery, ſhould never caſt an eye on ſo many moving pictures of the life, actions, manners, and thoughts of their anceſtors, done on the ſpot, and in ſtrong, though ſimple colours. In the ſucceeding century Froiſſard, I find, was read with great ſatisfaction by every body that could read; and on the ſame footing with King Arthur, Sir Triſtram, and Archbiſhop Turpin: not becauſe they thought him a fabulous writer, but becauſe they took them all for true and authentic hiſtorians; to ſo little purpoſe was it in that age for a man to be at the pains of writing truth. Pray, are you come to the four Iriſh Kings that went to ſchool to King Richard [278] the Second's Maſter of the Ceremonies, and the man who informed Froiſſard of all he had ſeen in St. Patrick's Purgatory?

The town are reading the King of Pruſſia's Poetry (Le Philoſophe ſans Souci), and I have done like the town; they do not ſeem ſo ſick of it as I am: It is all the ſcum of Voltaire and Lord Bolingbroke, the Crambe-recocta of our worſt Freethinkers, toſſed up in German-French rhyme. Triſtram Shandy is ſtill a greater object of admiration, the man as well as the book; one is invited to dinner, where he dines, a fortnight before: As to the volumes yet publiſhed, there is much good fun in them, and humour ſometimes hit and ſometimes miſſed. Have you read his ſermons, with his own comic figure, from a painting by Reynolds, at the head of them? They are in the ſtyle I think moſt proper for the pulpit*, and ſhew a ſtrong imagination and a ſenſible heart; but you ſee him often tottering on the verge of laughter, and ready to throw his periwig in the face of the audience.

*
The houſe in Southampton-Row, where Mr. Gray lodged, had been tenanted by Dr. Wharton; who, on account of his ill health, left London the year before, and was removed to his paternal eſtate at Old Park, near Durham.
*
Our author was of opinion, that it was the buſineſs of the Preacher rather to perſuade by the power of eloquence to the practice of known duties, than to reaſon with the art of logic on points of controverted doctrine: Hence, therefore, he thought that ſometimes imagination might not be out of its place in a ſermon. But let him ſpeak for himſelf in an extract from one of his letters to me in the following year: ‘"Your quotation from Jeremy Taylor is a fine one, I have long thought of reading him; for I am perſuaded that chopping logic in the pulpit, as our divines have done ever ſince the revolution, is not the thing; but that imagination and warmth of expreſſion, are in their place there, as much as on the ſtage; moderated, however, and chaſtiſed a little by the purity and ſeverity of religion."’
[279]

LETTER XXXVII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. STONHEWER.

THOUGH you have had but a melancholy employment, it is worthy of envy, and (I hope) will have all the ſucceſs it deſerves*. It was the beſt and moſt natural method of cure, and ſuch as could not have been adminiſtered by any but your gentle hand. I thank you for communicating to me what muſt give you ſo much ſatisfaction.

I too was reading M. D'Alembert, and (like you) am totally diſappointed in his Elements. I could only taſte a little of the firſt courſe: it was dry as a ſtick, hard as a ſtone, and cold as a cucumber. But then the Letter to Rouſſeau is like himſelf; and the Diſcourſes on Elocution, and on the Liberty of Muſic, are divine. He has added to his tranſlations from Tacitus; and (what is remarkable) though that Author's manner more nearly reſembles the beſt French Writers of the preſent age, than any thing, he totally fails in the attempt. Is it his fault, or that of the language?

I have received another Scotch packet with a third ſpecimen, inferior in kind, (becauſe it is merely deſcription) but yet [280] full of nature and noble wild imagination. Five Bards paſs the night at the Caſtle of a Chief (himſelf a principal Bard); each goes out in his turn to obſerve the face of things, and returns with an extempore picture of the changes he has ſeen (it is an October night, the harveſt-month of the Highlands). This is the whole plan; yet there is a contrivance, and a preparation of ideas, that you would not expect. The oddeſt thing is, that every one of them ſees Ghoſts (more or leſs). The idea, that ſtruck and ſurpriſed me moſt, is the following. One of them (deſcribing a ſtorm of wind and rain) ſays

Ghoſts ride on the tempeſt to-night:
Sweet is their voice between the guſts of wind;
Their ſongs are of other worlds!

[281] Did you never obſerve (while rocking winds are piping loud) that pauſe, as the guſt is recollecting itſelf, and riſing upon the ear in a ſhrill and plaintive note, like the ſwell of an Aeolian harp? I do aſſure you there is nothing in the world ſo like the voice of a ſpirit. Thomſon had an ear ſometimes: he was not deaf to this; and has deſcribed it gloriouſly, but given it another different turn, and of more horrour. I cannot repeat the lines: it is in his Winter. There is another very fine picture in one of them. It deſcribes the breaking of the clouds after the ſtorm, before it is ſettled into a calm, and when the moon is ſeen by ſhort intervals.

The waves are tumbling on the lake,
And laſh the rocky ſides.
The boat is brim-full in the cove,
The oars on the rocking tide.
Sad ſits a maid beneath a cliff,
And eyes the rolling ſtream:
Her Lover promiſed to come,
She ſaw his boat (when it was evening) on the lake;
Are theſe his groans in the gale?
Is this his broken boat on the ſhore? *
*
Mr. Stonhewer was now at Houghton-le-Spring, in the Biſhoprick of Durham, attending on his ſick father, rector of that pariſh.
Two ſubſequent volumes of his ‘"Melanges de Literature & Philoſophie."’
Of the fragments of Erſe Poetry, many of which Mr. Gray ſaw in manuſcript before they were publiſhed. In a letter to Dr. Wharton, written in the following month, he thus expreſſes himſelf on the ſame ſubject: ‘"If you have ſeen Mr. Stonhewer, he has probably told you of my old Scotch (or rather Iriſh Poetry), I am gone mad about them; they are ſaid to be tranſlations (literal and in proſe) from the Erſe tongue, done by one Macpherſon, a young clergyman in the Highlands: He means to publiſh a collection he has of theſe ſpecimens of antiquity, if it be antiquity; but what perplexes me is, I cannot come at any certainty on that head. I was ſo ſtruck with their beauty, that I writ into Scotland to make a thouſand enquiries; the letters I have in return, are ill wrote, ill reaſoned, unſatisfactory, calculated (one would imagine) to deceive, and yet not cunning enough to do it cleverly. In ſhort, the whole external evidence would make one believe theſe fragments counterfeit; but the internal is ſo ſtrong on the other ſide, that I am reſolved to believe them genuine, ſpite of the Devil and the Kirk: it is impoſſible to conceive that they were written by the ſame man that writes me theſe letters; on the other hand, it is almoſt as hard to ſuppoſe (if they are original) that he ſhould be able to tranſlate them ſo admirably. In ſhort, this man is the very daemon of poetry, or he has lighted on a treaſure hid for ages. The Welch Poets are alſo coming to light; I have ſeen a diſcourſe in manuſcript about them, by one Mr. Evans, a clergyman, with ſpecimens of their writing, this is in Latin; and though it does not approach the other, there are fine ſcraps among it."’
*
The whole of this deſcriptive piece has been ſince publiſhed in a note to a Poem, entitled CROMA, (ſee Oſſian's Poems, vol. 1ſt, p. 350, 8vo.) It is ſomewhat remarkable that the manuſcript in the tranſlator's own hand, which I have in my poſſeſſion, varies conſiderably from the printed copy. Some images are omitted, and others added. I will mention one which is not in the manuſcript, the ſpirit of the mountain ſhrieks. In the tragedy of Douglas, publiſhed at leaſt three years before, I always admired this fine line, the angry ſpirit of the water ſkriek'd. Quere, Did Mr. Home take this ſublime image from Oſſian, or has the tranſlator of Oſſian ſince borrowed it from Mr. Home?
[282]

LETTER XXXVIII.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. CLARKE*.

NOT knowing whether you are yet returned from your ſea-water, I write at random to you. For me, I am come to my reſting-place, and find it very neceſſary, after living for a month in a houſe with three women that laughed from morning to night, and would allow nothing to the ſulkineſs of my diſpoſition. Company and cards at home, parties by land and water abroad, and (what they call) doing ſomething, that is, racketing about from morning to night, are occupations, I find, that wear out my ſpirits; eſpecially in a ſituation where one might ſit ſtill, and be alone with pleaſure; for the place was a hill like Clifden, opening to a very extenſive and diverſified landſcape, with the Thames, which is navigable, running at its foot.

I would wiſh to continue here (in a very different ſcene, it muſt be confeſſed) till Michaelmas; but I fear I muſt come to town much ſooner. Cambridge is a delight of a place, now there is no body in it. I do believe you would like it, if you knew what it was without Inhabitants. It is they, I aſſure you, that get it an ill name and ſpoil all. Our friend Dr. ** (one of its nuiſances) is not expected here again in a hurry. [283] He is gone to his grave with five fine mackarel (large and full of roe) in his belly. He eat them all at one dinner; but his fate was a Turbot on Trinity Sunday, of which he left little for the company beſides bones. He had not been hearty all the week; but after this ſixth fiſh he never held up his head more, and a violent looſeneſs carried him off.—They ſay he made a very good end.

Have you ſeen the Erſe Fragments ſince they were printed? I am more puzzled than ever about their antiquity, though I ſtill incline (againſt every body's opinion) to believe them old. Thoſe you have already ſeen are the beſt; though there are ſome others that are excellent too.

*
Phyſician at Epſom. With this gentleman Mr. Gray commenced an early acquaintance at College.
Near Henley.
Vide Letter XI. of this Section.

LETTER XXXIX.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. MASON.

I Have ſent Muſaeus* back as you deſired me, ſcratched here and there. And with it alſo a bloody Satire, written againſt no leſs perſons than you and I by name. I concluded at firſt it was Mr. ***, becauſe he is your friend and my humble ſervant; but then I thought he knew the world too well to call [284] us the favorite Minions of Taſte and of Faſhion, eſpecially as to Odes. For to them his ridicule is confined; ſo it is not him, but Mr. Colman, nephew to Lady Bath, author of the Connoiſſeur, a member of one of the inns of court, and a particular acquaintance of Mr. Garrick. What have you done to him? for I never heard his name before; he makes very tolerable fun with me where I underſtand him (which is not every where); but ſeems more angry with you. Leſt people ſhould not underſtand the humour of the thing (which indeed to do they muſt have our Lyriciſms at their finger ends) letters come out in Lloyd's Evening-Poſt to tell them who and what it was that he meant, and ſays it is like to produce a great combuſtion in the Literary World. So if you have any mind to combuſtle about it well and good; for me, I am neither ſo literary nor ſo combuſtible*. The Monthly Review, I ſee, juſt now has much ſtuff about us on this occaſion. It ſays one of us at leaſt has always borne his faculties meekly. I leave you to gueſs which of us that is; I think I know. You ſimpleton you! you muſt be meek, muſt you? and ſee what you get by it.

I do not like your improvements at Aſton, it looks ſo like ſettling; if I come I will ſet fire to it. I will never believe the B**s and the C**s are dead, though I ſmelt them; that ſort of people always live to a good old age. I dare ſwear they are only gone to Ireland, and we ſhall ſoon hear they are Biſhops.

[285] The Erſe Fragments have been publiſhed five weeks ago in Scotland, though I had them not (by a miſtake) till the other day. As you tell me new things do not reach you ſoon at Aſton, I incloſe what I can; the reſt ſhall follow, when you tell me whether you have not got the pamphlet already. I ſend the two to Mr. Wood which I had before, becauſe he has not the affectation of not admiring *. I have another from Mr. Macpherſon, which he has not printed; it is mere deſcription, but excellent too in its kind. If you are good and will learn to admire, I will tranſcribe and ſend it.

As to their authenticity, I have made many enquiries, and have lately procured a letter from Mr. David Hume, (the hiſtorian) which is more ſatisfactory than any thing I have yet met with on that ſubject. He ſays,

‘"Certain it is that theſe poems are in every body's mouth in the Highlands, have been handed down from Father to Son, and are of an age beyond all memory and tradition. Adam Smith, the celebrated Profeſſor in Glaſgow, told me, that the Piper of the Argyleſhire Militia repeated to him all thoſe which Mr. Macpherſon had tranſlated, and many more of equal beauty. Major Mackay (Lord Rae's brother) told me that he remembers them perfectly well; as likewiſe did the Laird of Macfarline, (the greateſt Antiquarian we have in [286] this country) and who inſiſts ſtrongly on the hiſtorical truth, as well as the poetical beauty of theſe productions. I could add the Laird and Lady Macleod, with many more, that live in different parts of the Highlands, very remote from each other, and could only be acquainted with what had become (in a manner) national works*. There is a country Surgeon in Lochaber, who has by heart the entire Epic Poem mentioned by Mr. Macpherſon in his preface; and, as he is old, is perhaps the only perſon living that knows it all, and has never committed it to writing, we are in the more haſte to recover a monument, which will certainly be regarded as a curioſity in the Republic of Letters: we have therefore ſet about a ſubſcription of a guinea or two guineas a piece, in order to enable Mr. Macpherſon to undertake a miſſion into the Highlands to recover this poem, and other fragments of antiquity."’ He adds too, that the names of Fingal, Oſſian, Oſcar, &c. are ſtill given in the Highlands to large Maſtiffs, as we give to ours the names of Caeſar, Pompey, Hector, &c.

*
I had deſired Mr. Gray to reviſe my Monody on Mr. Pope's Death, in order that I might correct it for the edition I was then preparing of my Poems.
The Parodies in queſtion, entitled Odes to Obſcurity and Oblivion, were written by Meſſ. Lloyd and Colman, and have been reprinted ſince in Mr. Lloyd's Poems.
*
Had Mr. Pope ſat as eaſy to the ſarcaſms of the many writers that endeavoured to eclipſe his poetical fame, as Mr. Gray here appears to have done, the world would not have been poſſeſſed of a Dunciad; but it would have been impreſſed with a more amiable idea of its Author's temper. It is for the ſake of ſhewing how Mr. Gray felt on ſuch occaſions, that I publiſh this letter.
*
It was rather a want of credulity than admiration that Mr. Gray ſhould have laid to my charge. I ſuſpected that, whether the Fragments were genuine or not, they were by no means literally tranſlated. I ſuſpect ſo ſtill; and a former note gives a ſufficient cauſe for that ſuſpicion. See page 281.
*
All this external evidence and much more has ſince been collected and publiſhed by Dr. Blair (ſee his Appendix to his Critical Diſſertation on the works of Oſſian); and yet notwithſtanding a later Iriſh writer has been hardy enough to aſſert, that the Poems in queſtion abound with the ſtrangeſt anachroniſms: for inſtance, that Cucullin lived in the firſt, and Fingal in the third century; two princes who are ſaid to have made war with the Danes, a nation never heard of in Europe till tee ninth; which war could not poſſibly have happened till 500 years after the death of the ſuppoſed Poet who ſings it. (See O'Halloran's Introduction to the Study of the Hiſtory and Antiquities of Ireland, quarto, 1772.) To whatever ſide of the queſtion truth may lean, it is of little moment to me; my doubts ariſing (as I have ſaid in the former note) from internal evidence only, and a want of proof of the fidelity of the tranſlation.
[287]

LETTER XL.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

I Rejoice to find that you not only grow reconciled to your northern ſcene, but diſcover beauties round you that once were deformities: I am perſuaded the whole matter is to have always ſomething going forward. Happy they that can create a roſe-tree, or erect a honey-ſuckle; that can watch the brood of a hen, or ſee a fleet of their own ducklings launch into the water: It is with a ſentiment of envy I ſpeak it, who never ſhall have even a thatched roof of my own, nor gather a ſtrawberry but in Covent-Garden. I will not, however, believe in the vocality of Old Park till next ſummer, when perhaps I may truſt to my own ears.

The Nouvelle Heloiſe cruelly diſappointed me, but it has its partiſans, amongſt which are Maſon and Mr. Hurd; for me, I admire nothing but Fingal* (I conclude you have ſeen it, if not Stonhewer can lend it you); yet I remain ſtill in doubt about [288] the authenticity of theſe poems, though inclining rather to believe them genuine in ſpite of the world; whether they are the inventions of antiquity, or of a modern Scotchman, either caſe is to me alike unaccountable; je m'y perd.

I ſend you a Swediſh and Engliſh Calendar*; the firſt column is by Berger, a diſciple of Linnaeus; the ſecond by Mr. Stillingfleet; the third (very imperfect indeed) by me. You are to obſerve, as you tend your plantations and take your walks, how the ſpring advances in the north, and whether Old Park moſt reſembles Upſal or Stratton. The latter has on one ſide a barren black heath, on the other a light ſandy loam, all the country about it is a dead flat; you ſee it is neceſſary you ſhould know the ſituation (I do not mean any reflection upon any body's place); and this is the deſcription Mr. Stillingfleet gives of his friend Mr. Marſham's ſeat, to which he retires in the ſummer and botanizes. I have lately made an acquaintance with this Philoſopher, who lives in a garret here in the winter, that he may ſupport ſome near relations who depend upon him; he is always employed, conſequently (according to my old maxim) always happy, always chearful, and ſeems to me a very worthy honeſt man: his preſent ſcheme is to ſend ſome perſons properly qualified to reſide a year or two in Attica, to make themſelves acquainted with the climate, productions, and natural hiſtory of the country, that we may underſtand Ariſtotle, Theophraſtus, &c. who have been Heathen Greek to us for ſo many ages; and this he has got propoſed to Lord Bute, no unlikely perſon to put it into execution, as he is himſelf a botaniſt.

*
In a letter to another friend, informing him that he had ſent Fingal down to him, he ſays, ‘"For my part I will ſtick to my credulity, and if I am cheated, think it is worſe for him (the tranſlator) than for me. The Epic Poem is fooliſhly ſo called, yet there is a ſort of plan and unity in it very ſtrange for a barbarous age; yet what I more admire are ſome of the detached pieces—the reſt I leave to the diſcuſſion of antiquarians and hiſtorians; yet my curioſity is much intereſted in their deciſion."’ No man ſurely ever took more pains with himſelf to believe any thing than Mr. Gray ſeems to have done on this Occaſion.
*
See Stillingfleet's Tracts, p. 261.
[289]

LETTER XLI.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. MASON.

I Cannot pity you; au contraire, I wiſh I had been at Aſton, when I was fooliſh enough to go through the ſix volumes of the Nouvelle Héloiſe. All I can ſay for myſelf is, that I was confined for three weeks at home by a ſevere cold, and had nothing better to do: There is no one event in it that might not happen any day of the week (ſeparately taken) in any private family; yet theſe events are ſo put together, that the ſeries of them is more abſurd and more improbable than Amadis de Gaul. The dramatis perſonae (as the author ſays) are all of them good characters; I am ſorry to hear it: for had they been all hanged at the end of the third volume, nobody (I believe) would have cared. In ſhort, I went on and on, in hopes of finding ſome wonderful denouement that would ſet all right, and bring ſomething like nature and intereſt out of abſurdity and inſipidity: no ſuch thing, it grows worſe and worſe; and (if it be Rouſſeau's, which is not doubted) is the ſtrongeſt inſtance I ever ſaw, that a very extraordinary man may entirely miſtake his own talents. By the motto and preface, it appears to be his own ſtory, or ſomething ſimilar to it.*

[290] The Opera-Houſe is crouded this year like any ordinary Theatre. Eliſi is finer than any thing that has been here in your memory: yet, as I ſuſpect, has been finer than he is: he appears to be near forty, a little pot-bellied and thick-ſhouldered, otherwiſe no bad figure; his action proper, and not ungraceful. We have heard nothing, ſince I remember Operas, but eternal paſſages, diviſions, and flights of execution: of theſe he has abſolutely none; whether merely from judgment, or a little from age, I will not affirm; his point is expreſſion, and to that all the graces and ornaments he inſerts (which are few and ſhort) are evidently directed: He goes higher (they ſay) than Farinelli; but then this celeſtial note you do not hear above once in a whole Opera; and he falls from this altitude at once to the melloweſt, ſofteſt, ſtrongeſt tones (about the middle of his compaſs) that can be heard. The Mattei, I aſſure you, is much improved by his example, and by her great ſucceſs this winter; but then the Burlettas, and the Paganina, I have not been ſo pleaſed with any thing theſe many years: She too is fat, and above forty, yet handſome withal, and has a face that ſpeaks the language of all nations: She has not the invention, the fire, and the variety of action that the Spiletta had; yet ſhe is light, agile, ever in motion, and above all graceful; but then her voice, her ear, her taſte in ſinging: Good God—as Mr. Richardſon the painter ſays. Pray, aſk Lord *; for I think I have ſeen him there once or twice, as much pleaſed as I was.

*
If it be conſidered that Mr. Gray always preferred expreſſion and ſentiment to the arrangement of a ſtory, it may ſeem ſomewhat extraordinary that the many ſtriking beauties of theſe kinds, with which this ſingular work abounds, were not excepted from ſo general a cenſure; for my own part (to uſe a phraſe of his own) ‘"they ſtrike me blind"’ to all the defects which he has here enumerated.
[291]

LETTER XLII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. MASON.

BE aſſured your York Canon never will die; ſo the better the thing is in value, the worſe for you*. The true way to immortality is to get you nominated one's ſucceſſor: Age and Diſeaſes vaniſh at your name; Fevers turn to radical heat, and Fiſtulas to iſſues: it is a judgment that waits on your inſatiable avarice. You could not let the poor old man die at his eaſe, when he was about it; and all his family (I ſuppoſe) are curſing you for it.

I wrote to Lord **** on his recovery; and he anſwers me very chearfully, as if his illneſs had been but ſlight, and the pleuriſy were no more than a hole in one's ſtocking. He got it (he ſays) not by ſcampering, racketing, and riding poſt, as I had ſuppoſed; but by going with Ladies to Vauxhall. He is the picture (and pray ſo tell him, if you ſee him) of an old Alderman that I knew, who, after living forty years on the fat of the land, (not milk and honey, but arrack punch and veniſon) and loſing his great toe with a mortification, ſaid to the laſt, that he owed it to two grapes, which he eat one day after dinner. He felt them lie cold at his ſtomach the minute they were down.

[292] Mr. Montagu (as I gueſs, at your inſtigation) has earneſtly deſired me to write ſome lines to be put on a monument, which he means to erect at Belliſle. It is a taſk I do not love, knowing Sir William Williams ſo ſlightly as I did: but he is ſo friendly a perſon, and his affliction ſeemed to me ſo real, that I could not refuſe him. I have ſent him the following verſes, which I neither like myſelf, nor will he, I doubt: however, I have ſhewed him that I wiſhed to oblige him. Tell me your real opinion.

*
This was written at a time, when, by the favour of Dr. Fountayne, Dean of York, I expected to be made a Reſidentiary in his Cathedral.
See p. 62 of the Poems.

LETTER XLIII.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

I Feel very ungrateful every day that I continue ſilent; and yet now that I take my pen in hand I have only time to tell you, that of all the places which I ſaw in my return from you, Hardwicke pleaſed me the moſt*. One would think that Mary, Queen of Scots, was but juſt walked down into the park with her guard for half an hour; her gallery, her room of [...]dience, her antichamber, with the very canopies, chair of ſtate, footſtool, lit de repos, oratory, carpets, and hangings, juſt as ſhe left them: a little tattered indeed, but the more venerable, and all preſerved with religious care, and papered up in winter.

[293] When I arrived in London I found Profeſſor Turner had been dead above a fortnight; and being cockered and ſpirited up by ſome friends (though it was rather the lateſt) I got my name ſuggeſted to Lord Bute. You may eaſily imagine who undertook it, and indeed he did it with zeal. I received my anſwer very ſoon, which was what you may eaſily imagine, but joined with great profeſſions of his deſire to ſerve me on future occaſions, and many more fine words that I paſs over, not out of modeſty, but for another reaſon: ſo you ſee I have made my fortune like Sir Francis Wronghead. This nothing is a profound ſecret, and no one here ſuſpects it even now. To-day I hear Mr. E. Delaval* has got it, but we are not yet certain; next to myſelf I wiſhed for him.

You ſee we have made a peace. I ſhall be ſilent about it, becauſe if I ſay any thing anti-miniſterial, you will tell me you know the reaſon; and if I approve it, you will think I have my expectations ſtill. All I know is, that the Duke of Newcaſtle and Lord Hardwick both ſay it is an excellent peace, and only Mr. Pitt calls it inglorious and inſidious.

*
A ſeat of the Duke of Devonſhire, in Nottinghamſhire.
Profeſſor of Modern Languages in the Univerſity of Cambridge.
This perſon was the late Sir Henry Erſkine. As this was the only application Mr. Gray ever made to miniſtry, I thought it neceſſary to inſert his own account of it. The place in queſtion was given to the tutor of Sir James Lowther.
*
Fellow of Pembroke-Hall, and of the Royal Society.
[294]

LETTER XLIV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. MASON.

DOctiſſime Domine, anne tibi arrident complimenta? * If ſo, I hope your vanity is tickled with the verghe d'oro of Count Algarotti, and the intended tranſlation of Sigr. Agoſtino Paradiſi: for my part, I am raviſhed (for I too have my ſhare). Are you upon the road to ſee all theſe wonders, and ſnuff up the incenſe of Piſa; or has Mr. Brown abated your ardour by ſending you the originals? I am waiting with impatience for your coming.

I am obliged to you for your Drawing and very learned diſſertation annexed. You have made out your point with a [295] great degree of probability, (for tho' the nimis adhoeſit might ſtartle one, yet the ſale of the tithes and chapel to Webſter ſeems to ſet all right again) and I do believe the building in queſtion was the chapel of St. Sepulchre. But then, that the ruin now ſtanding was the individual chapel as erected by Archbiſhop Roger, I can by no means think: I found myſelf merely on the ſtyle and taſte of architecture. The vaults under the choir are ſtill in being, and were undoubtedly built by this very Archbiſhop: they are truly Saxon; only that the arches are pointed, though very obtuſely. It is the ſouth tranſept (not the north) that is the oldeſt part of the minſter now above ground: it is ſaid to have been begun by Geffrey Plantagenet, who died about thirty years after Roger, and left it unfiniſhed. His ſucceſſor, Walter Grey, compleated it; ſo we do not exactly know to which of theſe two prelates we are to aſcribe any certain part of it. Grey lived a long time, and was Archbiſhop from 1216 to 1255 (39 Henry III.); and in this reign it was, that the beauty of the Gothic architecture began to appear. The chapter-houſe is in all probability his work, and (I ſhould ſuppoſe) built in his latter days; whereas what he did of the ſouth tranſept might be performed ſoon after his acceſſion. It is in the ſecond order of this building, that the round arches appear including a row of pointed ones, (which you mention, and which I alſo obſerved) ſimilar to thoſe in St. Sepulchre's chapel, tho' far inferior in the proportions and neatneſs of workmanſhip. The ſame thing is repeated in the north tranſept; but this is only an imitation of the other, done for the ſake of regularity; for this part of the building is no older than Archbiſhop Romaine, who came to the ſee in 1285, and died 1295.

[296] All the buildings of Henry the Second's time (under whom Roger lived and died, 1185) are of a clumſy and heavy proportion, with a few rude and aukward ornaments; and this ſtyle continues to the beginning of Henry the Third's reign, though with a little improvement, as in the nave of Fountain's abbey, &c. then all at once come in the tall picked arches, the light cluſtered columns, the capitals of curling foliage, the fretted tabernacles and vaultings, and a profuſion of ſtatues, &c. that conſtitute the good Gothic ſtyle; together with decreaſing and flying buttreſſes, and pinnacles, on the outſide. Nor muſt you conclude any thing from Roger's own tomb, which has (I remember) a wide ſurbaſed arch with ſcalloped ornaments, &c. for this can be no older than the nave itſelf, which was built by Archbiſhop Melton after the year 1315, one hundred and thirty years after Roger's death.

I have compared Helvetius and Elfrida, as you deſired me*, and find thirteen parallel paſſages; five of which, at leaſt, are [297] ſo direct and cloſe as to leave no ſhadow of a doubt, and therefore confirm all the reſt. It is a phaenomenon that you will be in the right to inform yourſelf about, and which I long to underſtand. [298] Another phaenomenon is, that I read it without finding it out: all I remember is, that I thought it not at all Engliſh, and did not much like it; and the reaſon is plain, for [299] the lyric flights and choral flowers ſuited not in the leaſt with the circumſtances or character of the ſpeaker, as he had contrived it.

*
William Taylor Howe, Eſq of Ongar in Eſſex, an honorary Fellow of Pembroke-Hall, was now on his travels in Italy, where he had made an acquaintance with the celebrated Count Algarotti, and had recommended to him Mr. Gray's Poems and my Dramas. After the peruſal he received a Letter from the Count, written in that ſtyle of ſuperlative panegyric peculiar to Italians. A copy of this letter Mr. Howe had juſt now ſent to our common friend Mr. Brown, then Preſident of the College; and alſo another of the Count's, addreſſed to Sigr. Paradiſi, a Tuſcan Poet; in which, after explaining the arguments of my two Dramatic Poems, he adviſes him to tranſlate them; but principally Caractacus.—This anecdote not only explains the above paragraph, but the ſubſequent Letter.
This relates to the ruin of a ſmall Gothic chapel near the north-weſt end of the cathedral at York, not noticed by Drake in his Eboracum. When Mr. Gray made me a viſit at that place the ſummer before, he was much ſtruck with the beautiful proportion of the windows in it, which induced me to get Mr. Paul Sandby to make a drawing of it; and alſo to endeavour, in a Letter to Mr. Gray, to explain to what foundation it belonged. As his anſwer contains ſome excellent general remarks on Gothic building, I thought proper to publiſh it, tho' the particular matter which occaſioned them was not of any great conſequence.
*
As the plagiariſm, to which Mr. Gray here alludes, is but little known, and, I think, for its ſingularity, is ſomewhat curious, I ſhall beg the reader's patience while I dilate upon it; tho' I am aware it will ſtretch this note to an unconſcionable length. M. Helvetius, in the third chapter of his third Eſſay de l'Eſprit, which treats of the Extent of Memory, means to prove that this faculty, in the extreme, is not neceſſary to conſtitute a great Genius. For this purpoſe he examines whether the greatneſs of the very different talents of Locke and of Milton ought to be conſidered as the effect of their poſſeſſing this talent in an extraordinary degree. He then proceeds as follows: ‘"As the laſt example of the ſmall extent of memory neceſſary to a fine imagination, I ſhall give in a note the tranſlation of a piece of Engliſh poetry; which, with the preceding, will, I believe, prove to thoſe who would decompoſe the works of illuſtrious men, that a great genius does not neceſſarily ſuppoſe a great memory."’ I now ſet down that note with references to Elfrida underneath it, and I chuſe to give it in the Engliſh tranſlation printed in 1759, that the parallel paſſages may be the more obvious at firſt ſight. ‘"A young Virgin, awaked and guided by Love, goes before the appearance of Aurora to a valley, where ſhe waits for the coming of her Lover, who, at the riſing of the ſun, is to offer a ſacrifice to the Gods. Her ſoul, in the ſoft ſituation in which ſhe is placed by the hopes of approaching happineſs, indulges, while waiting for him, the pleaſure of contemplating the beauties of Nature, and the riſing of that luminary that was to bring the object of her tenderneſs."’ She expreſſes herſelf thus: ‘"Already the Sun gilds the tops of thoſe antique Oaks, and the waves of thoſe falling torrents that roar among the rocks ſhine with his beams; already I perceive the ſummit of thoſe ſhaggy mountains whence ariſe the vaults which, half-concealed in the air, offer a formidable retreat to the Solitary who there retires a. Night folds up her veil. Ye wanton fires, that miſlead the wandering traveller, retire b to the quagmires and marſhy fens; and thou ſun, lord of the heavens, who filleſt the air with reviving heat, who ſoweſt with dewy pearls the flowers of theſe meadows, and giveſt colours to the varied beauties of nature, receive my firſt homage c, and haſten thy courſe. Thy appearance proclaims that of my lover. Freed from the pious cares that detain him ſtill at the foot of the altars, love will ſoon bring him to mine d. Let all around me partake of my joy. Let all bleſs the riſing luminary by which we are enlightened. Ye flowers that incloſe in your boſoms the odours that cool night condenſes there, open your buds, and exhale in the air your balmy vapours. I know not whether the delightful intoxication that poſſeſſes my ſoul, does not embelliſh whatever I behold; but the rivulet, that in pleaſing meanders winds along this valley, enchants me with his murmurs. Zephyrus careſſes me with his breath; the fragrant plants, preſſed under my feet, waft to my ſenſes their perfume. Oh! if Felicity ſometimes condeſcends to viſit the abode of mortals, to theſe places, doubtleſs, ſhe retires e. But with what ſecret trouble am I agitated? Already Impatience mingles its poiſon with the ſweetneſs of my expectation. This valley has already loſt all its beauties. Is Joy then ſo fleeting? It is as eaſy to ſnatch it from us, as for the light down of theſe plants to be blown away by the breath of the Zephyrs f. In vain have I recourſe to flattering Hope. Each moment encreaſes my diſturbance. He will come no more. Who keeps him at a diſtance from me? What duty more ſacred than that of calming the inquietudes of Love! But what do I ſay? Fly jealous ſuſpicions, injurious to his fidelity g, and formed to extinguiſh my tenderneſs. If Jealouſy grows by the ſide of Love, it will ſtifle it, if not pulled up by the roots; it is the Ivy which, by a verdant chain, embraces, but dries up the trunk which ſerves for its ſupport h. I know my Lover too well to doubt of his tenderneſs. He, like me, has, far from the pomp of courts, ſought the tranquil aſylum of the fields. Touched by the ſimplicity of my heart, and by my beauty, my ſenſual rivals call him in vain to their arms. Shall he be ſeduced by the advances of coquetry, which, on the cheek of the young maid, tarniſhes the ſnow of innocence and the carnation of modeſty, and daubs it with the whiteneſs of art and the paint of effrontery i? What do I ſay? his contempt for her is perhaps only a ſnare for me. Can I be ignorant of the partiality of men, and the arts they employ to ſeduce us? Nouriſhed in a contempt for our Sex, it is not Us, it is their pleaſures that they love. Cruel as they are, they have placed in the rank of the virtues the barbarous fury of revenge, and the mad love of their country; but never have they reckoned fidelity among the virtues. Without remorſe they abuſe innocence, and often their vanity contemplates our griefs with delight. But no; fly far from me, ye odious thoughts, my Lover will come! A thouſand times have I experienced it: As ſoon as I perceive him my agitated mind is calm, and I often forget the too juſt cauſe I have for complaint; for near him I can only know happineſs k. Yet if he is treacherous to me; if, in the very moment when my love excuſes him, he conſummates the crime of infidelity in another boſom, may all nature take up arms in revenge! may he periſh! What do I ſay? Ye Elements, be deaf to my cries! Thou Earth, open not thy profound abyſs! let the Monſter walk the time preſcribed him on thy ſplendid ſurface, let him ſtill commit new crimes, and ſtill cauſe the tears of the too credulous maids to flow; and if heaven avenges them and puniſhes him, may it at leaſt be at the prayer of ſome other unfortunate woman l."’
a
How nobly does this venerable wood,
Gilt with the glories of the orient ſun,
Emboſom yon fair manſion!
—On the ſhaggy mound,
Where tumbling torrents roar around;
Where pendent mountains o'er your head
Stretch a formidable ſhade—
Where lull'd in pious Peace the Hermit lies.
b
Away, ye goblins all,
Wont the bewilder'd traveller to daunt—
c
Hail to thy living light
Ambroſial Morn—
That bids each dewy-ſpangled flow'ret riſe,
And dart around its vormel dies—
Unfolds the ſcene of glory to our eye,
Where, thron'd in artleſs majeſty,
The cherub Beauty ſits on Nature's ruſtic ſhrine.—
d
'Twill not be long, ere his unbending mind
Shall loſe in ſweet oblivion every care
Among th' embowering ſhades that veil Elfrida.
e
The ſoft air
Salutes me with moſt cool and temperate breath,
And, as I tread, the flow'r-beſprinkled lawn
Sends up a gale of fragrance. I ſhould gueſs,
If e'er Content deign'd viſit mortal clime,
This was her place of deareſt reſidence.
f
For Safety now ſits wav'ring on your love,
Like the light do n upon the thiſtle's beard,
Which ev'ry breeze may part.
g
Avaunt! ye vain deluſive fears.
h
See, Elfrida;
Ah ſee! how round yon branching Elm the Ivy
Claſps its green chain, and poiſons what ſupports it.
Not leſs injurious to the ſhoots of Love
Is ſickly Jealouſy.
i
—To guard
Your beauties from the blaſt of courtly gales.
The crimſon bluſh of virgin Modeſty,
The delicate ſoft tints of Innocence,
There all fly off, and leave no boaſt behind
But well-rang'd, faded features.
k
—My truant heart
Forgets each leſſon that Reſentment taught,
And in thy ſight knows only to be happy.
In the French it is more literal, ‘"Pres de lui je ne ſcâis qu'etre heureuſe."’
l
Till then, ye Elements, reſt; and thou, firm Earth,
Ope not thy yawning jaws; but let this Monſter
Stalk his due time on thine affrighted ſurface:
Yes, let him ſtill go on, ſtill execute
His ſavage purpoſes, and daily make
More widows weep, as I do.
Here ends this odd inſtance of plagiariſm. When M. Helvetius was in England, a year or two after I had made the diſcovery of it, I took my meaſures (as Mr. Gray adviſed me) to learn how he came by it; and accordingly requeſted two Noblemen, to whom he was introduced, to aſk him ſome queſtions concerning it; but I could gain no ſatisfactory anſwer. I do not, however, by any means, ſuppoſe that the perſon who cooked up the disjointed parts of my Drama into this ſtrange Fricaſee, was M. Helvetius himſelf; I rather imagine (as I did from the firſt) that he was impoſed upon by ſome young Engliſh traveller, who contrived this expedient in order to paſs with him for a Poet. The great Philoſopher, it is true, has in this note been proved to be the receiver of Stolen Goods; but out of reſpect to his numerous faſhionable diſciples, both abroad and at home, whoſe credit might ſuffer with that of their Maſter, I acquit him of what would only be held criminal at the Old Bailey, that he received theſe goods knowing them to be ſtolen.
[300]

LETTER XLV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. BROWN.*

YOU will make my beſt acknowledgments to Mr. Howe; who, not content to rank me in the number of his friends, is ſo polite as to make excuſes for having done me that honour.

[301] I was not born ſo far from the ſun, as to be ignorant of Count Algarotti's name and reputation; nor am I ſo far advanced in years, or in philoſophy, as not to feel the warmth of his approbation. The Odes in queſtion, as their motto ſhews, were meant to be vocal to the intelligent alone. How few they were in my own country, Mr. Howe can teſtify; and yet my ambition was terminated by that ſmall circle. I have good reaſon to be proud, if my voice has reached the ear and apprehenſion of a ſtranger, diſtinguiſhed as one of the beſt judges in Europe.

I am equally pleaſed with the juſt applauſe he beſtows on Mr. Maſon; and particularly on his Caractacus, which is the work of a Man: whereas Elfrida is only that of a Boy, a promiſing boy indeed, and of no common genius: yet this is the popular performance, and the other little known in compariſon.

Neither Count Algarotti nor Mr. Howe (I believe) have heard of Oſſian, the Son of Fingal. If Mr. Howe were not upon the wing, and on his way homewards, I would ſend it to him in Italy. He would there ſee that Imagination dwelt many hundred years ago, in all her pomp, on the cold and barren mountains of Scotland. The truth (I believe) is, that, without any reſpect of climates, ſhe reigns in all naſcent ſocieties of men, where the neceſſities of life force every one to think and act much for himſelf.

*
Now Maſter of Pembroke-Hall.
[302]

LETTER XLVI.

Count ALGAROTTI to Mr. GRAY.

SONO ſtato lungo tempo in dubbio ſe un dilettante quale io ſono, dovea mandare alcune ſue coſerelle a un Profeſſore quale è V. S. Illuſmo, a un arbitro di ogni poetica eleganza. Nè ci volea meno che l'autorità del valoriſſimo Sigr. How per perſuadermi a ciò fare. V. S. Illmo accolga queſte mie coſerelle con quella medeſima bontà con cui ha voluto accogliere quella lettera che dice pur poco delle tante coſe, che fanno ſentire alle anime armoniche di ammirabili ſuoi verſi. Io ſaro per quanto io porrô, Praeco laudum tuarum, e quella mia lettera ſi ſtamperà in un nuovo Giornale, che ſi fa in Venezia, intitolato la Minerva, perche ſappia la Italia che la Inghilterra, ricca di un *Omero, di uno Archimede, di un Demoſtene, non manca del ſuo Pindaro. Al Sigr. How le non ſaprei dire quanti obblighi io abbia, ma ſi maggiore è certamente quello di avermi preſentato alla ſua Muſa, e di avermi procurato la occaſione di poterla aſſicurare della perfetta ed altiſſima ſtima, con cui io ho l'honore di ſotteſcrivermi,

De V. S. Illuſmo Devotiſ. &c. ALGAROTTI.
*
Milton.
Newton.
Mr. Pitt.
[303]

LETTER XLVII.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

YOU may well wonder at my long taciturnity. I wonder too, and know not what cauſe to aſſign; for it is certain I think of you daily. I believe it is owing to the nothingneſs of my hiſtory; for except ſix weeks that I paſſed in Town towards the end of the ſpring, and a little jaunt to Epſom and Box-hill, I have been here time out of mind, in a place where no events grow, tho' we preſerve thoſe of former days, by way of Hortus ſiccus in our libraries.

I doubt you have not yet read Rouſſeau's Emile. Every body that has children ſhould read it more than once: for tho' it abounds with his uſual glorious abſurdity, tho' his general ſcheme of education be an impracticable chimera, yet there are a thouſand lights ſtruck out, a thouſand important truths better expreſſed than ever they were before, that may be of ſervice to the wiſeſt men. Particularly I think he has obſerved children with more attention, and knows their meaning and the working of their little paſſions better than any other writer. As to his religious diſcuſſions, which have alarmed the world, and engaged their thoughts more than any other part of his book, I ſet them all at nought, and wiſh they had been omitted*.

*
That I may put together the reſt of Mr. Gray's ſentiments concerning this ſingular writer, I inſert here an extract from a Letter of later date, written to myſelf. ‘"I have not read the Philoſophic Dictionary. I can now ſtay with great patience for any thing that comes from Voltaire. They tell me it is frippery, and blaſphemy, and wit. I could have forgiven myſelf if I had not read Rouſſeau's Lettres de la Montagne. Always excepting the Contract ſocial, it is the dulleſt performance he ever publiſhed. It is a weak attempt to ſeparate the miracles from the morality of the goſpel. The latter (he would have you think) he believes was ſent from God; and the former he very explicitly takes for an impoſture: this is in order to prove the cruelty and injuſtice of the State of Geneva in burning his Emile. The latter part of his book is to ſhew the abuſes that have crept into the conſtitution of his country, which point (if you are concerned about it) he makes out very well; and his intention in this is plainly to raiſe a tumult in the city, and to be revenged on the Petit Conſeil, who condemned his writings to the flames."’
[304]

LETTER XLVIII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. PALGRAVE.*

MY inſtructions, of which you are ſo deſirous, are twofold: the firſt part relates to what is paſt, and that will be rather diffuſe: the ſecond, to what is to come; and that we ſhall treat more ſuccinctly, and with all due brevity.

Firſt, when you come to Paris you will not fail to viſit the cloiſter of the Chartreuſe, where Le Sueur (in the hiſtory of St. Bruno) has almoſt equalled Raphael. Then your Gothic inclinations will naturally lead you to the Sainte Chapelle built by St. Louis: in the treaſury is preſerved one of the nobleſt gems of the Auguſtan age. When you take a trip into the country, there is a fine old chapel at Vincennes with [305] admirable painted windows; and at Fontainbleau, the remains of Francis the Firſt's magnificence might give you ſome pleaſure. In your way to Lyons you will take notice of the view over the Saone, from about Tournus and Macon. Fail not to walk a few miles along the banks of the Rhone, down the river. I would certainly make a little journey to the Grande Chartreuſe, up the mountains: at your return out of Italy this will have little effect. At Turin you will viſit the Capuchins' convent juſt without the city, and the Superga at no great diſtance, for the ſake of the views. At Genoa obſerve the Terreno of the Palace Brignoli, as a model of an apartment elegantly diſpoſed in a hot climate. At Parma you will adore the great Madonna and St. Jerom, once at St. Antonio Abbate, but now (I am told) in the Ducal Palace. In the Madonna della Steccata obſerve the Moſes breaking the tables, a chiaroſcuro figure of the Parmeggiano at too great a height, and ill lighted, but immenſe. At the Capuchins, the great Pietá of Annib. Caracci; in the Villa Ducale, the room painted by Carlo Cignani; and the laſt works of Agoſtino Caracci at Modena*. I know not what remains now, the flower of the collection [306] is gone to Dreſden. Bologna is too vaſt a ſubject for me to treat: the palaces and churches are open; you have nothing to do but to ſee them all. In coming down the Apennine you will ſee (if the ſun ſhines) all Tuſcany before you. And ſo I [307] have brought you to Florence, where to be ſure there is nothing worth ſeeing. Secondly,

  • 1. Vide, quodcunque videndum eſt.
  • 2. Quodcunque ego non vidi, id tu vide.
  • 3. Quodcunque videris, ſcribe & deſcribe; memoriae ne fide.
  • 4. Scribendo nil admirare; & cum pictor non ſis, verbis omnia depinge.
  • 5. Tritam viatorum compitam calca, & cum poteris, deſere.
  • 6. Eme, quodcunque emendum eſt; I do not mean pictures, [308] medals, gems, drawings, &c. only; but clothes, ſtockings, ſhoes, handkerchiefs, little moveables; every thing you may want all your life long: but have a care of the cuſtom-houſe.

Pray preſent my moſt reſpectful compliments to Mr. Weddell.* I conclude when the winter is over, and you have ſeen Rome and Naples, you will ſtrike out of the beaten path of Engliſh travellers, and ſee a little of the country, throw yourſelves into the boſom of the Appennine, ſurvey the horrid lake of Amſanctus (look in Cluver's Italy), catch the breezes on the coaſt of Taranto and Salerno, expatiate to the very toe of the continent, perhaps ſtrike over the Faro of Meſſina, and having meaſured the gigantic columns of Girgenti, and the tremendous caverns of Syracuſa, refreſh yourſelves amidſt the fragrant vale of Enna. Oh! che bel ripoſo! Addio.

*
Mr. Gray's correſpondent was now making the tour of France and Italy.
*

When our Author was himſelf in Italy, he ſtudied with much attention the different manners of the old maſters. I find a paper written at the time in which he has ſet down ſeveral ſubjects proper for painting, which he had never ſeen executed, and has affixed the names of different maſters to each piece, to ſhew which of their pencils he thought would have been moſt proper to treat it. As I doubt not but this paper will be an acceptable preſent to the Reynolds's and Weſt's of the age, I ſhall here inſert it.

"An Altar-Piece.—Guido.

The top, a Heaven; in the middle, at a diſtance, the Padre-Eterno indiſtinctly ſeen, and loſt, as it were, in glory. On either hand, Angels of all degrees in attitudes of adoration and wonder. A little lower, and next the eye, ſupported on the wings of Seraphs, Chriſt (the principal figure) with an air of calm and ſerene majeſty, his hand extended, as commanding the elements to their ſeveral places: near him an Angel of ſuperior rank bearing the golden compaſſes (that Milton deſcribes); beneath the Chaos, like a dark and turbulent ocean, only illumined by the Spirit, who is brooding over it.

A ſmall Picture.—Correggio.

Eve newly created, admiring her own ſhadow in the lake.

The famous Venus of this maſter, now in the poſſeſſion of Sir William Hamilton, proves how judiciouſly Mr. Gray fixed upon his pencil for the execution of this charming ſubject. M.

Another.—Domenichino.

Medea in a penſive poſture, with revenge and maternal affection ſtriving in her viſage; her two children at play, ſporting with one another before her. On one ſide a buſt of Jaſon, to which they bear ſome reſemblance.

A Statue.—Michael Angelo.

Agave in the moment ſhe returns to her ſenſes; the head of her Son, fallen on the ground from her hand.

Vide Ovid. Met. lib. iii. l. 701, &c. M.

A Picture.—Salvator Roſa.

Aeneas and the Sybil ſacrificing to Pluto by torch-light in the wood, the aſſiſtants in a fright. The Day beginning to break, ſo as dimly to ſhow the mouth of the cavern.

Sigiſmonda with the heart of Guiſcardo before her. I have ſeen a ſmall print on this ſubject, where the expreſſion is admirable, ſaid to be graved from a picture of Correggio.

Afterwards when he had ſeen the original in the poſſeſſion of the late Sir Luke Schaub, he always expreſſed the higheſt admiration of it; tho' we ſee, by his here giving it to Salvator Roſa, he thought the ſubject too horrid to be treated by Coreggio; and indeed I believe it is agreed that the capital picture in queſtion is not of his hand. M.

Another.—Albano, or the Parmeggiano.

Iphigenia aſleep by the fountain-ſide, her maids about her; Cymon gazing and laughing.

This ſubject has been often treated; once indeed very curiouſly by Sir Peter Lely, in the way of portrait, when his ſacred Majeſty Charles the Second repreſented Cymon, and the Dutcheſs of Cleveland and Mrs. Eleanor Gwin (in as indecent attitudes as his royal taſte could preſcribe) were Iphigenia and her attendants. M.

Another.—Domenichino, or the Caracci.

Electra with the urn, in which ſhe imagined were her Brother's aſhes, lamenting over them; Oreſtes ſmothering his concern.

Another.—Correggio.

Ithuriel and Zephon entering the bower of Adam and Eve; they ſleeping. The light to proceed from the Angels.

Another.—Nicolas Pouſſin.

Alceſtis dying; her children weeping, and hanging upon her robe; the youngeſt of them, a little boy, crying too, but appearing rather to do ſo, becauſe the others are afflicted, than from any ſenſe of the reaſon of their ſorrow: her right arm ſhould be round this, her left extended towards the reſt, as recommending them to her Lord's care; he ſainting, and ſupported by the attendants.

Salvator Roſa.

Hannibal paſſing the Alps; the mountaineers rolling down rocks upon his army; elephants tumbling down the precipices.

Another.—Domenichino.

Arria giving Claudius's order to Paetus, and ſtabbing herſelf at the ſame time.

N. Pouſſin, or Le Sueur.

Virginius murdering his daughter; Appius at a diſtance, ſtarting up from his tribunal; the people amazed, but few of them ſeeing the action itſelf."

*
William Weddell, Eſq of Newby in Yorkſhire.

LETTER XLIX.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. BEATTIE.

A Little journey I have been making to Arbroath, has been the cauſe that I did not anſwer your very obliging ſetter ſo ſoon as I ought to have done. A man of merit, that honours me with his eſteem, and has the frankneſs to tell me ſo, doubtleſs can need no excuſes: his apology is made, and we are already acquainted, however diſtant from each other.

[309] I fear I cannot (as I would wiſh) do myſelf the pleaſure of waiting on you at Aberdeen, being under an engagement to go to-morrow to Taymouth, and, if the weather will allow it, to the Blair of Athol: this will take up four or five days, and at my return the approach of winter will ſcarce permit me to think of any farther expeditions northwards. My ſtay here will, however, be a fortnight or three weeks longer; and if in that time any buſineſs or invitation ſhould call you this way, Lord Strathmore gives me commiſſion to ſay, he ſhall be extremely glad to ſee you at Glames; and doubt not it will be a particular ſatisfaction to me to receive and thank you in perſon for the favourable ſentiments you have entertained of me, and the civilities with which you have honoured me.

Profeſſor of Moral Philoſophy and Logic in the Mariſchal College, Aberdeen.

LETTER L.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

I Deferred writing to you till I had ſeen a little more of this country than you yourſelf had ſeen; and now being juſt returned from an excurſion, which I and Major Lyon have been making, into the Highlands, I ſit down to give you an account of it. But firſt I muſt return to my journey hither, on which I ſhall be very ſhort; partly becauſe you know the way as far as Edinburgh, and partly that there was not a great deal worth remarking. The firſt night we paſſed at Tweedmouth (77 miles); the next at Edinburgh (53 miles); where Lord Strathmore left the Major and me, to go to Lenox-Love, (Lord Blantyre's) [310] where his Aunt lives: ſo that afternoon and all next day I had leiſure to viſit the Caſtle, Holyrood-Houſe, Heriot's Hoſpital, Arthur's ſeat, &c. and am not ſorry to have ſeen that moſt pictureſque (at a diſtance), and naſtieſt (when near) of all capital cities. I ſupped with Dr. Robertſon and other literati, and the next morning Lord Strathmore came for us. We croſſed at the Queen's Ferry in a four-oared yawl without a ſail, and were toſſed about rather more than I ſhould wiſh to hazard again; lay at Perth, a large Scotch town with much wood about it, on the banks of the Tay, a very noble river. Next morning ferried over it, and came by dinner-time to Glames; being (from Edinburgh) 67 miles, which makes in all (from Hetton) 197 miles. The caſtle* ſtands in Strathmore (i. e. the Great Valley) which winds about from Stonehaven on the eaſt coaſt of Kincardineſhire, obliquely, as far as Stirling, near 100 miles in length, and from ſeven to ten miles in breadth, cultivated every where to the foot of the hills, on either hand, with oats or bere, a ſpecies of barley, except where the ſoil is mere peat-earth, (black as a coal) or barren ſand covered only with broom and heath, or a ſhort graſs fit for ſheep. Here and there appear, juſt above ground, the huts of the inhabitants, which they call Towns, built of, and covered with, turf; and among them, at great diſtances, the gentlemen's houſes, with incloſures and a few trees round them.

Amidſt theſe the Caſtle of Glames diſtinguiſhes itſelf, the middle part of it riſing proudly out of what ſeems a great and thick wood of tall trees, with a cluſter of hanging towers on the [311] top. You deſcend to it gradually from the ſouth, through a double and triple avenue of Scotch firs 60 or 70 feet high, under three gateways. This approach is a full mile long; and when you have paſſed the ſecond gate, the firs change to limes, and another oblique avenue goes off on either hand towards the offices. Theſe, as well as all the incloſures that ſurround the houſe, are bordered with three or four ranks of ſycamores, aſhes, and white poplars of the nobleſt height, and from 70 to 100 years old. Other alleys there are, that go off at right angles with the long one; ſmall groves, and walled gardens, of Earl Patrick's planting, full of broad-leaved elms, oaks, birch, black cherry-trees, laburnums, &c. all of great ſtature and ſize, which have not till this week begun to ſhew the leaſt ſenſe of morning froſts. The third gate delivers you into a court with a broad pavement, and graſs-plats adorned with ſtatues of the four Stuart Kings, bordered with old ſilver firs and yew-trees, alternately, and opening with an iron paliſade on either ſide to two ſquare oldfaſhioned parterres ſurrounded by ſtone fruit-walls. The houſe, from the height of it, the greatneſs of its maſs, the many towers atop, and the ſpread of its wings, has really a very ſingular and ſtriking appearance, like nothing I ever ſaw. You will comprehend ſomething of its ſhape from the plan of the ſecond floor, which I incloſe. The wings are about 50 feet high; the body (which is the old caſtle, with walls 10 feet thick) is near 100. From the leads I ſee to the ſouth of me (juſt at the end of the avenue) the little town of Glames, the houſes built of ſtone, and ſlated, with a neat kirk and ſmall ſquare tower (a rarity in this region). Juſt beyond it riſes a beautiful round hill, and another ridge of a longer form adjacent to it, both covered with woods of tall fir. Beyond them, [312] peep over the black hills of Sid-law, over which winds the road to Dundee. To the north, within about ſeven miles of me, begin to riſe the Grampians, hill above hill, on whoſe tops three weeks ago I could plainly ſee ſome traces of the ſnow that fell in May laſt. To the eaſt, winds a way to the Strath, ſuch as I have before deſcribed it, among the hills, which ſink lower and lower as they approach the ſea. To the weſt, the ſame valley (not plain, but broken, unequal ground) runs on for above 20 miles in view: there I ſee the crags above Dunkeld; there Beni-Gloe and Beni-More riſe above the clouds; and there is that She-khallian, that ſpires into a cone above them all, and lies at leaſt 45 miles (in a direct line) from this place.

Lord Strathmore, who is the greateſt farmer in this neighbourhood, is from break of day to dark night among his huſbandmen and labourers: he has near 2000 acres of land in his own hands, and is at preſent employed in building a low wall of four miles long, and in widening the bed of the little river Deane, which runs to ſouth and ſouth-eaſt of the houſe, from about twenty to fifty feet wide, both to prevent inundations, and to drain the lake of Forfar. This work will be two years more in compleating, and muſt be three miles in length. All the Highlanders that can be got are employed in it; many of them know no Engliſh, and I hear them ſinging Erſe ſongs all day long. The price of labour is eight pence a day; but to ſuch as will join together, and engage to perform a certain portion in a limited time, two ſhillings.

I muſt ſay that all his labours ſeem to proſper; and my Lord has caſually found in digging ſuch quantities of ſhellmarl, [313] as not only fertilize his own grounds, but are diſpoſed of at a good price to all his neighbours. In his nurſeries are thouſands of oaks, beech, larches, horſe-cheſnuts, ſpruce-firs, &c. thick as they can ſtand, and whoſe only fault is, that they are grown tall and vigorous before he has determined where to plant them out; the moſt advantageous ſpot we have for beauty lies weſt of the houſe, where (when the ſtone-walls of the meadows are taken away) the grounds, naturally unequal, will have a very park-like appearance: they are already full of trees, which need only thinning here and there to break the regularity of their trout-ſtream which joins the river Deane hard by. Purſuing the courſe of this brook upwards, you come to a narrow ſequeſtered valley ſheltered from all winds, thro' which it runs murmuring among great ſtones; on one hand the ground gently riſes into a hill, on the other are the rocky banks of the rivulet almoſt perpendicular, yet covered with ſycamore, aſh, and fir, that (though it ſeems to have no place or ſoil to grow in) yet has riſen to a good height, and forms a thick ſhade: you may continue along this gill, and paſſing by one end of the village and its church for half a mile, it leads to an opening between the two hills covered with fir-woods, that I mentioned above, through which the ſtream makes its way, and forms a caſcade of ten or twelve feet over broken rocks. A very little art is neceſſary to make all this a beautiful ſcene. The weather, till the laſt week, has been in general very fine and warm; we have had no fires till now, and often have ſat with the windows open an hour after ſun-ſet: now and then a ſhower has come, and ſometimes ſudden guſts of wind deſcend from the mountains, that finiſh as ſuddenly as they aroſe; but to-day it blows a hurricane. Upon the whole, I have been exceeding lucky in [314] my weather, and particularly in my Highland expedition of five days.

We ſet out then the 11th of September, and continuing along the Strath to the weſt, paſſed through Megill, (where is the tomb of Queen Wanders, that was riven to dethe by ſtaned horſes for nae gade that ſhe did; ſo the women there told me, I aſſure you) thro' Cowper of Angus: over the river Ila; then over a wide and diſmal heath, fit for an aſſembly of witches, till we came to a ſtring of four ſmall lakes in a valley, whoſe deep blue waters and green margin, with a gentleman's houſe or two ſeated on them in little groves, contraſted with the black deſert in which they were inchaſed. The ground now grew unequal; the hills, more rocky, ſeemed to cloſe in upon us, till the road came to the brow of a ſteep deſcent, and (the ſun then ſetting) between two woods of oak we ſaw far below us the river Tay come ſweeping along at the bottom of a precipice, at leaſt 150 feet deep, clear as glaſs, full to the brim, and very rapid in its courſe; it ſeemed to iſſue out of woods thick and tall, that roſe on either hand, and were over-hung by broken rocky crags of vaſt height; above them, to the weſt, the tops of higher mountains appeared, on which the evening clouds repoſed. Down by the ſide of the river, under the thickeſt ſhades, is ſeated the town of Dunkeld; in the midſt of it ſtands a ruined cathedral, the towers and ſhell of the building ſtill entire: a little beyond it, a large houſe of the Duke of Athol, with its offices and gardens, extends a mile beyond the town; and as his grounds were interrupted by the ſtreets and roads, he has flung arches of communication acroſs them, that add to the ſcenery of the place, which of itſelf is built of good white [315] ſtone, and handſomely ſlated; ſo that no one would take it for a Scotch town till they come into it. Here we paſſed the night; if I told you how, you would bleſs yourſelf.

Next day we ſet forward to Taymouth, 27 miles farther weſt; the road winding through beautiful woods, with the Tay almoſt always in full view to the right, being here from 3 to 400 feet over. The Strath-Tay, from a mile to three miles or more wide, covered with corn, and ſpotted with groups of people, then in the midſt of their harveſt; on either hand a vaſt chain of rocky mountains that changed their face and opened ſomething new every hundred yards, as the way turned, or the clouds paſſed: in ſhort, altogether it was one of the moſt pleaſing days I have paſſed theſe many years, and at every ſtep I wiſhed for you. At the cloſe of day we came to Balloch *, ſo the place was called; but now Taymouth, improperly enough; for here it is that the river iſſues out of Loch-Tay, a glorious lake 15 miles long and one mile and a half broad, ſurrounded with prodigious mountains; there on its north-eaſtern brink, impending over it, is the vaſt hill of Lawers; to the eaſt is that enormous creature, She-khallian (i. e. the maiden's pap) ſpiring above the clouds: directly weſt, beyond the end of the lake, Beni-More, the great mountain riſes to a moſt awful height, and looks down on the tomb of Fingal. Lord Breadalbane's policy (ſo they call here all ſuch ground as is laid out for pleaſure) takes in about 2000 acres, of which his houſe, offices, and a deer-park, about three miles round, occupy the plain or bottom, which is little above a mile in [316] breadth; through it winds the Tay, which, by means of a bridge, I found here to be 156 feet over: his plantations and woods riſe with the ground, on either ſide the vale, to the very ſummit of the enormous crags that over-hang it: along them, on the mountain's ſide, runs a terraſs a mile and a half long, that overlooks the courſe of the river. From ſeveral ſeats and temples perched on particular rocky eminences, you command the lake for many miles in length, which turns like ſome huge river, and loſes itſelf among the mountains that ſurround it; at its eaſtern extremity, where the river iſſues out of it, on a peninſula my Lord has built a neat little town and church with a high ſquare tower; and juſt before it lies a ſmall round iſland in the lake, covered with trees, amongſt which are the ruins of ſome little religious houſe.

Trees, by the way, grow here to great ſize and beauty. I ſaw four old cheſnuts in the road, as you enter the park, of vaſt bulk and height; one beach tree I meaſured that was 16 feet 7 inches in the girth, and, I gueſs, near 80 feet in height. The gardener preſented us with peaches, nectarines, and plums from the ſtone-walls of the kitchen-garden (for there are no brick nor hot walls); the peaches were good, the reſt well taſted, but ſcarce ripe; we had alſo golden pippins from an eſpalier, not ripe, and a melon very well flavoured and fit to cut: of the houſe I have little to ſay; it is a very good nobleman's houſe, handſomely furniſhed and well kept, very comfortable to inhabit, but not worth going far to ſee. Of the Earl's taſte I have not much more to ſay; it is one of thoſe noble ſituations that Man cannot ſpoil: it is however certain, that he has built an inn and a town juſt where his principal walks ſhould [317] have been, and in the moſt wonderful ſpot of ground that perhaps belongs to him. In this inn however we lay; and next day returning down the river four miles, we paſſed it over a fine bridge, built at the expence of the government, and continued our way to Logie-Rait, juſt below which, in a moſt charming ſcene, the Tummel, which is here the larger river of the two, falls into the Tay. We ferried over the Tummel in order to get into Marſhal Wade's road, which leads from Dunkeld to Inverneſs, and continued our way along it toward the north: the road is excellent, but dangerous enough in conſcience; the river often running directly under us at the bottom of a precipice 200 feet deep, ſometimes maſked indeed by wood that finds means to grow where I could not ſtand, but very often quite naked and without any defence; in ſuch places we walked for miles together, partly for fear, and partly to admire the beauty of the country, which the beauty of the weather ſet off to the greateſt advantage: as evening came on, we approached the paſs of Gillikrankie, where, in the year 1745, the Heſſians, with their prince at their head, ſtopped ſhort, and refuſed to march a foot farther.

Veſtibulum ante ipſum, primiſque in faucibus Orci ſtands the ſolitary manſion of Mr. Robertſon, of Faſcley; cloſe by it riſes a hill covered with oak, with groteſque maſſes of rock ſtaring from among their trunks, like the ſullen countenances of Fingal and all his family, frowning on the little mortals of modern days: from between this hill and the adjacent mountains, pent in a narrow channel, comes roaring out the river Tummel, and falls headlong down involved in white foam which riſes into a miſt all round it: but my paper is deficient, and I muſt ſay [318] nothing of the paſs itſelf, the black river Garry, the Blair of Athol, Mount Beni-Gloe, my return by another road to Dunkeld, the Hermitage, the Stra-Bram, and the Rumbling Brig: in ſhort, ſince I ſaw the Alps, I have ſeen nothing ſublime till now. In about a week I ſhall ſet forward, by the Stirling road, on my return all alone. Pray for me till I ſee you, for I dread Edinburgh and the itch, and expect to find very little in my way worth the perils I am to endure.

*
This is ſaid to be the very Caſtle in which Duncan was murdered by Macbeth.
*
Mr. Pennant, in his tour in Scotland, explains this word ‘"the Mouth of the Loch."’

LETTER LI.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. BEATTIE.

I Muſt beg you would preſent my moſt grateful acknowledgments to your ſociety for the public mark of their eſteem, which you ſay they are diſpoſed to confer on me*. I embrace, with ſo deep and juſt a ſenſe of their goodneſs, the ſubſtance of that honour they do me, that I hope it may plead my pardon with them if I do not accept the form. I have been, Sir, for ſeveral years a member of the Univerſity of Cambridge, and formerly (when I had ſome thoughts of the profeſſion) took a Bachelor of Laws' degree there; ſince that time, tho' long qualified by my ſtanding, I have always neglected to finiſh my courſe, and claim my Doctor's degree: Judge, therefore, whether it will not look like a ſlight, and ſome ſort of contempt, [319] if I receive the ſame degree from a Siſter Univerſity. I certainly would avoid giving any offence to a ſet of men, among whom I have paſſed ſo many eaſy, and I may ſay, happy hours of my life; yet ſhall ever retain in my memory the obligations you have laid me under, and be proud of my connection with the Univerſity of Aberdeen.

It is a pleaſure to me to find that you are not offended with the liberties I took when you were at Glames; you took me too literally, if you thought I meant in the leaſt to diſcourage you in your purſuit of poetry: all I intended to ſay was, that if either vanity (that is, a general and undiſtinguiſhing deſire of applauſe), or intereſt, or ambition has any place in the breaſt of a poet, he ſtands a great chance in theſe our days of being ſeverely diſappointed; and yet, after all theſe paſſions are ſuppreſſed, there may remain in the mind of one, ‘"ingenti perculſus amore"’, (and ſuch I take you to be) incitements of a better ſort, ſtrong enough to make him write verſe all his life, both for his own pleaſure and that of all poſterity.

I am ſorry for the trouble you have had to gratify my curioſity and love of ſuperſtition*; yet I heartily thank you. On Monday, Sir, I ſet forward on my way to England; where if I can be of any little uſe to you, or ſhould ever have the good fortune to ſee you, it will be a particular ſatisfaction to me. [320] Lord Strathmore and the family here deſire me to make their compliments to you.

P.S. Remember Dryden, and be blind to all his faults.*

*
The Mariſchal College of Aberdeen had deſired to know whether it would be agreeable to Mr. Gray to receive from them the degree of Doctor of Laws. Mr. Beattie wrote to him on the ſubject, and this is the anſwer.
*
Mr. Gray, when in Scotland, had been very inquiſitive after the popular ſuperſtitions of the country; his correſpondent ſent him two books on this ſubject, fooliſh ones indeed, as might be expected, but the beſt that could be had; a Hiſtory of Second-ſight, and a Hiſtory of Witches.
*
Mr. Beattie, it ſeems, in their late interview, had expreſſed himſelf with leſs admiration of Dryden than Mr. Gray thought his due. He told him in reply, ‘"that if there was any excellence in his own numbers, he had learned it wholly from that great Poet; and preſſed him with great earneſtneſs to ſtudy him, as his choice of words and verſification were ſingularly happy and harmonious."’

LETTER LII.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

I Am amazed at myſelf when I think I have never wrote to you; to be ſure it is the ſin of witchcraft, or ſomething worſe. Had I been married, like Maſon, ſome excuſe might be made for it; who (for the firſt time ſince that great event) has juſt thought fit to tell me that he never paſſed ſo happy a winter as the laſt, and this in ſpite of his anxieties, which he ſays might even make a part of his happineſs; for his wife is by no means in health, ſhe has a conſtant cough: yet he is aſſured her lungs are not affected, and that it is nothing of the conſumptive kind. As to, me I have been neither happy nor miſerable; but in a gentle ſtupefaction of mind, and very tolerable health of body hitherto. If they laſt, I ſhall not much complain. The accounts one has lately had from all parts, make me ſuppoſe you buried in the ſnow like the old Queen of Denmark. As [321] ſoon as you are dug out, I ſhould rejoice to hear your voice from the battlements of Old Park.

Every thing is politics. There are no literary productions worth your notice, at leaſt of our country. The French have finiſhed their great Encyclopedia in 17 volumes; but there are many flimſy articles very haſtily treated, and great incorrectneſs of the preſs. There are now 13 volumes of Buffon's Natural Hiſtory; and he is not come to the monkies yet, who are a numerous people. The Life of Petrarch has entertained me; it is not well written, but very curious, and laid together from his own letters, and the original writings of the fourteenth century: ſo that he takes in much of the hiſtory of thoſe obſcure times, and the characters of many remarkable perſons. There are two volumes quarto; and another, unpubliſhed yet, will compleat it.

Mr. Walpole writes me now and then a long and lively letter from Paris; to which place he went laſt year with the gout upon him, ſometimes in his limbs, often in his ſtomach and head. He has got ſomehow well, (not by means of the climate, one would think) goes to all public places, ſees all the beſt company, and is very much in faſhion. He ſays he ſunk like Queen Eleanor at Charing-Croſs, and has riſen again at Paris. He returns in April. I ſaw the Lady you enquire after, when I was laſt in London, and a prodigious fine one ſhe is. She had a ſtrong ſuſpicion of rouge on her cheeks, a cage of foreign birds and a piping bullfinch at her elbow; two little dogs on a cuſhion in her lap, and a cockatoo on her ſhoulder: they were all exceeding glad to ſee me, and I them.

[322]

LETTER LIII.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

WHatever my pen may do, I am ſure my thoughts expatiate no where oftener, or with more pleaſure, than to Old Park. I hope you have made my peace with the angry little Lady. It is certain, whether her name were in my letter or not, ſhe was as preſent to my memory as the reſt of the whole family; and I deſire you would preſent her with two kiſſes in my name, and one a-piece to all the others; for I ſhall take the liberty to kiſs them all, (great and ſmall) as you are to be my proxy.*

In ſpite of the rain, which I think continued, with very ſhort intervals, till the beginning of this month, and quite effaced the ſummer from the year, I made a ſhift to paſs May and June not diſagreeably in Kent. I was ſurprized at the beauty of the road to Canterbury, which (I know not why) had not ſtruck me before. The whole country is a rich and well-cultivated garden; orchards, cherry-grounds, hop-gardens, intermixed with corn and frequent villages; gentle riſings covered with wood, and every where the Thames and Medway breaking in upon the landſcape with all their navigation. It was indeed owing to the bad weather that the whole ſcene was dreſſed in that tender emerald green, which one uſually ſees only for a fortnight in the opening of the ſpring; and this continued till I [323] left the country. My reſidence was eight miles eaſt of Canterbury, in a little quiet valley on the ſkirts of Barham-Down.* In theſe parts the whole ſoil is chalk, and whenever it holds up, in half an hour it is dry enough to walk out. I took the opportunity of three or four days fine weather to go into the Iſle of Thanet; ſaw Margate, (which is Bartholomew fair by the ſea ſide) Ramſgate, and other places there; and ſo came by Sandwich, Deal, Dover, Folkſtone, and Hithe, back again. The coaſt is not like Hartlepool; there are no rocks, but only chalky cliffs of no great height till you come to Dover; there indeed they are noble and pictureſque, and the oppoſite coaſts of France begin to bound your view, which was left before to range unlimited by any thing but the horizon; yet it is by no means a ſhipleſs ſea, but every where peopled with white ſails, and veſſels of all ſizes in motion: and take notice, (except in the Iſle, which is all corn-fields, and has very little incloſure) there are in all places hedge-rows, and tall trees even within a few yards of the beach. Particularly, Hithe ſtands on an eminence covered with wood. I ſhall confeſs we had fires at night (ay, and at day too) ſeveral times in June; but do not go and take advantage in the north at this, for it was the moſt untoward year that ever I remember.

Have you read the New Bath Guide? It is the only thing in faſhion, and is a new and original kind of humour. Miſs Prue's converſion, I doubt, you will paſte down, as a certain Yorkſhire Baronet did before he carried it to his daughters: yet I remember you all read Crazy Tales without paſting. Buffon's [324] firſt collection of Monkies is come out, (it makes the 14th volume) ſomething, but not much to my edification; for he is pretty well acquainted with their perſons, but not with their manners.

My compliments to Mrs. Wharton and all your family; I will not name them, leſt I ſhould affront any body.

*
Some readers will think this paragraph very trifling; yet many, I hope, will take it, as I give it, for a pleaſing example of the amiableneſs of his domeſtic character.
*
At Denton, where his friend the Rev. William Robinſon, brother to Matthew Robinſon, Eſq late member for Canterbury, then reſided.

LETTER LIV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. MASON.

I Break in upon you at a moment, when we leaſt of all are permitted to diſturb our friends, only to ſay, that you are daily and hourly preſent to my thoughts. If the worſt* be not yet paſt, you will neglect and pardon me: but if the laſt ſtruggle be over; if the poor object of your long anxieties be no longer ſenſible to your kindneſs, or to her own ſufferings, allow me (at leaſt in idea, for what could I do, were I preſent, more than this?) to ſit by you in ſilence, and pity from my heart not her, who is at reſt, but you, who loſe her. May He, who made us, the Maſter of our pleaſures and of our pains, preſerve and ſupport you! Adieu.

I have long underſtood how little you had to hope.

*
As this little Billet (which I received at the Hot-Wells at Briſtol) then breathed, and ſtill ſeems to breathe, the very voice of Friendſhip in its tendereſt and moſt pathetic note, I cannot refrain from publiſhing it in this place. I opened it almoſt at the preciſe moment when it would neceſſarily be the moſt affecting.
[325]

LETTER LV.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. BEATTIE.

I Received from Mr. Williamſon that very obliging mark you were pleaſed to give me of your remembrance: Had I not entertained ſome flight hopes of reviſiting Scotland this ſummer, and conſequently of ſeeing you at Aberdeen, I had ſooner acknowledged, by letter, the favour you have done me. Thoſe hopes are now at an end; but I do not therefore deſpair of ſeeing again a country that has given me ſo much pleaſure; nor of telling you, in perſon, how much I eſteem you and (as you chooſe to call them) your amuſements: the ſpecimen of them, which you were ſo good to ſend me, I think excellent; the ſentiments are ſuch as a melancholy imagination naturally ſuggeſts in ſolitude and ſilence, and that (though light and buſineſs may ſuſpend or baniſh them at times) return with but ſo much the greater force upon a feeling heart: the diction is elegant and unconſtrained; not loaded with epithets and figures, nor flagging into proſe; the verſification is eaſy and harmonious. My only objection is * * * * *

You ſee, Sir, I take the liberty you indulged me in, when I firſt ſaw you; and therefore I make no excuſes for it, but deſire you would take your revenge on me in kind.

[326] I have read over (but too haſtily) Mr. Ferguſon's book. There are uncommon ſtrains of eloquence in it; and I was ſurprized to find not one ſingle idiom of his country (I think) in the whole work. He has not the fault you mention*: his application to the heart is frequent, and often ſucceſsful. His love of Monteſquieu and Tacitus has led him into a manner of writing too ſhort-winded and ſententious; which thoſe great men, had they lived in better times and under a better government, would have avoided.

I know no pretence that I have to the honour Lord Gray is pleaſed to do me: but if his Lordſhip chuſes to own me, it certainly is not my buſineſs to deny it. I ſay not this merely on account of his quality, but becauſe he is a very worthy and accompliſhed perſon. I am truly ſorry for the great loſs he has had ſince I left Scotland. If you ſhould chance to ſee him, I will beg you to preſent my reſpectful humble ſervice to his Lordſhip.

[327] I gave Mr. Williamſon all the information I was able in the ſhort time he ſtaid with me. He ſeemed to anſwer well the character you gave me of him: but what I chiefly envied in him, was his ability of walking all the way from Aberdeen to Cambridge, and back again; which if I poſſeſſed, you would ſoon ſee your obliged, &c.

A paragraph is here omited, as it contained merely a few particular criticiſms; a liberty of the ſame kind I have before taken in ſome of the preceding letters. The Poem in queſtion contained many touching reflections on morality: it is to be hoped Dr. Beattie will one day give it to the public.
*
To explain this, I muſt take the liberty to tranſcribe a paragraph from Mr. Beattie's letter dated March 30, to which the above is an anſwer: ‘"A Profeſſor at Edinburgh has publiſhed an Eſſay on the Hiſtory of Civil Society, but I have not ſeen it. It is a fault common to almoſt all our Scotch authors, that they are too metaphyſical: I wiſh they would learn to ſpeak more to the heart, and leſs to the underſtanding; but alas! this is a talent which heaven only can beſtow: Whereas the philoſophic ſpirit (as we call it) is merely artificial and level to the capacity of every man, who has much patience, a little learning, and no taſte."’ He has ſince dilated on this juſt ſentiment in his admirable Eſſay on the Immutability of Truth.
Lord Gray had ſaid that our Author was related to his family.

LETTER LVI.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. BEATTIE.

SINCE I had the pleaſure of receiving your laſt letter, which did not reach me till I had left the North, and was come to London, I have been confined to my room with a fit of the gout: now I am recovered and in quiet at Cambridge, I take up my pen to thank you for your very friendly offers, which have ſo much the air of frankneſs and real good-meaning, that were my body as tractable and eaſy of conveyance as my mind, you would ſee me to-morrow in the chamber you have ſo hoſpitably laid out for me at Aberdeen. But, alas! I am a ſummer-bird, and can only ſit drooping till the ſun returns: even then too my wings may chance to be clipped, and little in plight for ſo diſtant an excurſion.

The propoſal you make me, about printing at Glaſgow what little I have ever written, does me honour. I leave my reputation in that part of the kingdom to your care; and only deſire you would not let your partiality to me and mine miſlead [328] you. If you perſiſt in your deſign, Mr. Foulis certainly ought to be acquainted with what I am now going to tell you. When I was in London the laſt ſpring, Dodſley, the bookſeller, aſked my leave to reprint, in a ſmaller form, all I ever publiſhed; to which I conſented: and added, that I would ſend him a few explanatory notes; and if he would omit entirely the Long Story, (which was never meant for the public, and only ſuffered to appear in that pompous edition becauſe of Mr. Bentley's deſigns, which were not intelligible without it) I promiſed to ſend him ſomething elſe to print inſtead of it, leſt the bulk of ſo ſmall a volume ſhould be reduced to nothing at all. Now it is very certain that I had rather ſee them printed at Glaſgow (eſpecially as you will condeſcend to reviſe the preſs) than at London; but I know not how to retract my promiſe to Dodſley. By the way, you perhaps may imagine that I have ſome kind of intereſt in this publication; but the truth is, I have none whatever. The expence is his, and ſo is the profit, if there be any. I therefore told him the other day, in general terms, that I heard there would be an edition put out in Scotland by a friend of mine, whom I could not refuſe; and that, if ſo, I would ſend thither a copy of the ſame notes and additions that I had promiſed to ſend to him. This did not ſeem at all to cool his courage; Mr. Foulis muſt therefore judge for himſelf, whether he thinks it worth while to print what is going to be printed alſo at London. If he does, I will ſend him (in a packet to you) the ſame things I ſhall ſend to Dodſley. They are imitations of two pieces of old Norwegian poetry, in which there was a wild ſpirit that ſtruck me: but for my paraphraſes I cannot ſay much; you will judge. The reſt are nothing but a few parallel paſſages, and ſmall notes juſt to [329] explain what people ſaid at the time was wrapped in total darkneſs. You will pleaſe to tell me, as ſoon as you can conveniently, what Mr. Foulis ſays on this head; that (if he drops the deſign) I may ſave myſelf and you the trouble of this packet. I aſk your pardon for talking ſo long about it; a little more, and my letter would be as big as all my works.

I have read, with much pleaſure, an Ode of yours (in which you have done me the honour to adopt a meaſure that I have uſed) on Lord Hay's birth-day. Though I do not love panegyric, I cannot but applaud this, for there is nothing mean in it. The diction is eaſy and noble, the texture of the thoughts lyric, and the verſification harmonious. The few expreſſions I object to are * * * *. Theſe, indeed, are minutiae; but they weigh for ſomething, as half a grain makes a difference in the value of a diamond.

Another paragraph of particular criticiſm is here omitted.

LETTER LVII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. BEATTIE.

I Am almoſt ſorry to have raiſed any degree of impatience in you, becauſe I can by no means ſatisfy it. The ſole reaſon I have to publiſh theſe few additions now, is to make up (in both) for the omiſſion of that Long Story; and as to the notes, I do it out of ſpite, becauſe the public did not underſtand the [330] two Odes (which I have called Pindaric); though the firſt was not very dark, and the ſecond alluded to a few common facts to be found in any ſixpenny hiſtory of England, by way of queſtion and anſwer, for the uſe of children. The parallel paſſages I inſert out of juſtice to thoſe writers from whom I happened to take the hint of any line, as far as I can recollect.

I rejoice to be in the hands of Mr. Foulis, who has the laudable ambition of ſurpaſſing his predeceſſors, the Etiennes and the Elzevirs, as well in literature, as in the proper art of his profeſſion: He ſurpriſes me in mentioning a Lady, after whom I have been enquiring theſe fourteen years in vain. When the two Odes were firſt publiſhed, I ſent them to her; but as I was forced to direct them very much at random, probably they never came to her hands. When the preſent edition comes out, I beg of Mr. Foulis to offer her a copy, in my name, with my reſpects and grateful remembrances; he will ſend another to you, Sir, and a third to Lord Gray, if he will do me the honour of accepting it. Theſe are all the preſents I pretend to make (for I would have it conſidered only as a new edition of an old book); after this if he pleaſes to ſend me one or two, I ſhall think myſelf obliged to him. I cannot adviſe him to print a great number; eſpecially as Dodſley has it in his power to print as many as he pleaſes, though I deſire him not to do ſo.

You are very good to me in taking this trouble upon you: All I can ſay is, that I ſhall be happy to return it in kind, whenever you will give me the opportunity.

[331]

LETTER LVIII.*

Mr. GRAY to the Duke of GRAFTON.

My Lord,

YOUR Grace has dealt nobly with me; and the ſame delicacy of mind that induced you to confer this favour on me, unſolicited and unexpected, may perhaps make you averſe to receive my ſincereſt thanks and grateful acknowledgments. Yet your Grace muſt excuſe me, they will have their way: they are indeed but words; yet I know and feel they come from my heart, and therefore are not wholly unworthy of your Grace's acceptance. I even flatter myſelf (ſuch is my pride) that you have ſome little ſatisfaction in your own work. If I did not deceive myſelf in this, it would compleat the happineſs of,

My Lord,
Your Grace's Moſt obliged and devoted ſervant.
*
The two following Letters explain the occaſion of this addreſs, in a way ſo honourable to his Grace, and are withal ſo authentic a teſtimony of Mr. Gray's gratitude, that they leave me nothing to add on the ſubject.
[332]

LETTER LIX.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. NICHOLLS.*

THAT Mr. Brocket has broken his neck, by a fall from his horſe, you will have ſeen in the News papers; and alſo that I, your humble ſervant, have kiſſed the King's hand for his ſucceſſion: they are both true, but the manner how you know not; only I can aſſure you that I had no hand at all in his fall, and almoſt as little in the ſecond event. He died on the Sunday; on Wedneſday following his Grace the Duke of Grafton wrote me a very polite letter to ſay, that his Majeſty had commanded him to offer me the vacant Profeſſorſhip, not only as a reward of, &c. but as a credit to, &c. with much more too high for me to tranſcribe: So on Thurſday the King ſigned the warrant, and next day, at his levee, I kiſſed his hand; he made me ſeveral gracious ſpeeches, which I ſhall not repeat, becauſe every body, that goes to court, does ſo: beſides, the day was ſo hot, and the ceremony ſo embarraſſing to me, that I hardly knew what he ſaid.

Adieu. I am to periſh here with heat this fortnight yet, and then to Cambridge; to be ſure my dignity is a little the worſe for wear, but mended and waſhed, it will do for me.

*
Rector of Lounde and Bradwell, in Suffolk. His acquaintance with Mr. Gray commenced a few years before the date of this, when he was a ſtudent of Trinity-Hall, Cambridge.
[333]

LETTER LX.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. BEATTIE.

IT is ſome time ſince I received from Mr. Foulis two copies of my poems, one by the hands of Mr. T. Pitt, the other by Mr. Merrill, a bookſeller of this town: it is indeed a moſt beautiful edition, and muſt certainly do credit both to him and to me: but I fear it will be of no other advantage to him, as Dodſley has contrived to glut the town already with two editions beforehand, one of 1500, and the other of 750, both indeed far inferior to that of Glaſgow, but ſold at half the price. I muſt repeat my thanks, Sir, for the trouble you have been pleaſed to give yourſelf on my account; and thro' you I muſt deſire leave to convey my acknowledgments to Mr. Foulis, for the pains and expence he has been at in this publication.

We live at ſo great a diſtance, that, perhaps, you may not yet have learned, what, I flatter myſelf, you will not be diſpleaſed to hear: the middle of laſt ſummer his Majeſty was pleaſed to appoint me Regius Profeſſor of Modern Hiſtory in this Univerſity; it is the beſt thing the Crown has to beſtow (on a layman) here; the ſalary is 400 l. per ann. but what enhances the value of it to me is, that it was beſtowed without being aſked. The perſon, who held it before me, died on the Sunday; and on Wedneſday following the Duke of Grafton wrote me a letter to ſay, that the King offered me this office, [334] with many additional expreſſions of kindneſs on his Grace's part, to whom I am but little known, and whom I have not ſeen either before or ſince he did me this favour. Inſtances of a benefit ſo nobly conferred, I believe, are rare; and therefore I tell you of it as a thing that does honour, not only to me, but to the Miniſter.

As I lived here before from choice, I ſhall now continue to do ſo from obligation: if buſineſs or curioſity ſhould call you ſouthwards, you will find few friends that will ſee you with more cordial ſatisfaction, than, dear Sir, &c.

END OF THE FOURTH SECTION.

SECTION THE FIFTH.

[335]

THE Reader will have gathered, from the preceding ſeries of letters, that the greateſt part of Mr. Gray's life was ſpent in that kind of learned leiſure, which has only ſelf-improvement and ſelf-gratification for its object: He will probably be ſurprized that, with ſo very ſtrait an income, he ſhould never have read with a view of making his reſearches lucrative to himſelf, or uſeful to the public. The truth was, Mr. Gray had ever expunged the word lucrative from his own vocabulary. He may be ſaid to have been one of thoſe very few perſonages in the annals of literature, eſpecially in the poetical claſs, who are devoid of ſelf-intereſt, and at the ſame time attentive to economy; and alſo, among mankind in general, one of thoſe very few economiſts who poſſeſs that talent, untinctured with the ſlighteſt ſtain of avarice. Were it my purpoſe in this place to expatiate on his moral excellencies, I ſhould here add, that when his circumſtances were at the loweſt, he gave away ſuch ſums in private charity as would have done credit to an ampler purſe: But it is rather my leſs-pleaſing province at preſent to acknowledge one of his foibles; and that was a certain degree of pride, which led him, of all other things, to deſpiſe the idea of being thought an author profeſſed. I have been told indeed, that early in life he had an intention of publiſhing an edition of Strabo; and I find amongſt his papers a [336] great number of geographical diſquiſitions, particularly with reſpect to that part of Aſia which comprehends Perſia and India; concerning the antient and modern names and diviſions of which extenſive countries, his notes are very copious. The indefatigable pains which he alſo took with the writings of Plato, and the quantity of critical, as well as explanatory obſervations, which he has left upon almoſt every part of his works, plainly indicate, that no man in Europe was better prepared to republiſh and illuſtrate that Philoſopher than Mr. Gray. Another work, on which he beſtowed uncommon labour, was the ‘'Anthologia.'’ Amongſt the books, which his friendſhip bequeathed to me, is Henry Stevens's edition of that collection of Greek Epigrams, interleaved; in which he has tranſcribed ſeveral additional ones that he ſelected in his extenſive reading, has inſerted a great number of critical notes and emendations, and ſubjoined a copious Index, in which every Epigram is arranged under the name of its reſpective author*. This manuſcript, though written in that exact manner, as if intended for the preſs, I do not know that [337] it was ever Mr. Gray's deſign to make public. The only work, which he meditated upon with this direct view from the beginning, was a Hiſtory of Engliſh Poetry. He has mentioned this himſelf in an advertiſement prefixed to thoſe three fine imitations of Norſe and Welch Poetry, which he gave the world in the laſt edition of his Poems. But the ſlight manner, in which he there ſpeaks of that deſign, may admit here of ſome additional explanation. Several years ago I was indebted to the friendſhip of the preſent learned Biſhop of Glouceſter for *a curious manuſcript paper of Mr. Pope's, which contains the firſt ſketch of a plan for a work of this kind, and which I have ſtill in my poſſeſſion. Mr. Gray was greatly ſtruck with the method which Mr. Pope had traced out in this little ſketch; and on my propoſal of engaging with him in compiling ſuch a hiſtory, he examined the plan more accurately, enlarged it conſiderably, and formed an idea for an introduction to it. In this was to be aſcertained the origin of Rhyme; and ſpecimens given, not only of the Provençal Poetry, (to which alone Mr. Pope ſeemed to have adverted) but of the Scaldic, Britiſh, and Saxon; as, from all theſe different ſources united, Engliſh Poetry had its original: though it could hardly be called by that name till the time of Chaucer, with whoſe ſchool (i. e. the Poets who wrote in his manner) the hiſtory itſelf was intended to commence. The materials which I collected for this purpoſe are too inconſiderable to be mentioned: but Mr. Gray, beſides verſifying thoſe Odes that he publiſhed, made many elaborate diſquiſitions into the origin of Rhyme, and that variety of Metre, to be found in the writings of our antient Poets. He alſo [338] tranſcribed many parts of the voluminous Lidgate, from Manuſcripts which he found in the Univerſity Library and thoſe of private Colleges; remarking, as he went along, the ſeveral beauties and defects of this immediate ſcholar of Chaucer. He however ſoon found that a work of this kind, purſued on ſo very extenſive a plan, would become almoſt endleſs: and hearing at the ſame time that Mr. Thomas Warton, Fellow of TrinityCollege, Oxford, (of whoſe abilities, from his obſervations on Spenſer, we had each of us conceived the higheſt opinion) was engaged in a work of the ſame kind, we by mutual conſent relinquiſhed our undertaking; and ſoon after, on that Gentleman's deſiring a ſight of the plan, Mr. Gray readily ſent him a copy of it.*

At a time when I am enumerating the more conſiderable of Mr. Gray's antiquarian purſuits, I muſt not omit to mention his great knowledge of Gothic Architecture. He had ſeen, and accurately ſtudied in his youth, while abroad, the Roman proportions on the ſpot, both in antient ruins and in the works of Palladio. In his later years he applied himſelf to conſider thoſe ſtupendous ſtructures of more modern date, that adorn our own country; which, if they have not the ſame grace, have undoubtedly equal dignity. He endeavoured to trace this mode of building, from the time it commenced, through its various changes, till it arrived at its perfection in the reign of Henry the Eighth, and ended in that of Elizabeth. For this purpoſe he [339] did not ſo much depend upon written accounts, as that internal evidence which the buildings themſelves give of their reſpective antiquity; ſince they conſtantly furniſh to the well-informed eye, arms, ornaments, and other undubitable marks, by which their ſeveral ages may be aſcertained. On this account he applied himſelf to the ſtudy of Heraldry as a preparatory ſcience, and has left behind him a number of genealogical papers, more than ſufficient to prove him a complete maſter of it. By theſe means he arrived at ſo very extraordinary a pitch of ſagacity, as to be enabled to pronounce, at firſt ſight, on the preciſe time when every particular part of any of our cathedrals was erected. He invented alſo ſeveral terms of art, the better to explain his meaning on this ſubject. I frequently preſſed him to digeſt theſe in a regular order; and offered, under his direction, to adapt a ſet of drawings to them, which might deſcribe every ornament peculiarly in uſe in every different aera. But though he did not diſapprove this hint, he neglected it; and has left no papers that would lead to its proſecution. I therefore mention it in this place, only to induce certain of his friends, to whom I know he communicated more of his thoughts upon this ſubject than to me, to purſue the deſign, if they think it would be attended with utility to the public.

There is an Eloge on M. l'Abbé Le Beuf, publiſhed in the ‘"Hiſtoiredel'Acad. des Inſcriptions & Belles Lettres, vol. 29th,"’ by which it appears that Gentleman had preciſely the ſame idea with Mr. Gray on this ſubject; and, by purſuing it, had arrived at the ſame degree of ſkill. ‘"Les Voyages & les Lectures de M. l'Abbé Le Beuf l'avoient tellement familiariſé avec les monumens, qu'il apercevoit les differences les plus delicates [340] de l'ancienne Architecture: Il demêloit du premier coup-d'oeil, les caracteres de chaque ſiecle; à l'inſpection d'un bâtiment il pouvoit dire, quelquefois à vingt années prés, dans qu'el temps il avoit été conſtruit: les ceintres, les chapiteaux, les moulures portoient à ces yeux la date de leur bâtiſſe: beaucoup des grands edifices ont été l'ouvrage de pluſieurs ſiecles; plus encore ont été repáres en des ſiecles differens; il décompoſoit un meme bâtiment avec une facilite ſingulière, il fixoit l'age des diverſes parties, & ſes deciſions etoient toujours fondées ſur les preuves indubitables; on en trouve une foule d'exemples dans ſon Hiſtoire du Dioceſe de Paris."’ His Panegyriſt alſo informs us, that he was ſolicited by his friend, M. Joly de Fleury, to reduce into a body of ſcience the diſcoveries which he had made, that his ill health prevented him; but that the work is now in the hands of a perſon very capable of perfecting his idea. Yet I queſtion whether a work of this kind, from a French writer, will be of any great importance, ſince I am informed by a very competent judge, that the reſemblance between Gothic Architecture in England and in France is ſurpriſingly ſlight, except in the cathedral at Amiens, and a few other churches, ſuppoſed to be built by the Engliſh while in poſſeſſion of French provinces. The public has much more to hope from Mr. T. Warton's late promiſe to it, as he, of all other living writers, is beſt qualified to give complete ſatisfaction to the curious on this ſubject: in the meanwhile, it may not be amiſs to inform the reader, that Mr. Bentham's Remarks on Saxon Churches, which make a part of an elaborate Introduction to his Hiſtory of Ely Cathedral, lately publiſhed, will convey to him many ſentiments of Mr. Gray; as, amongſt other Antiquaries, he contributed his aſſiſtance to that Gentleman; [341] who, in his preface, has accordingly mentioned the obligation.

But the favourite ſtudy of Mr. Gray, for the laſt ten years of his life, was Natural Hiſtory, which he then rather reſumed than began; as, by the inſtructions of his uncle Antrobus, he was a conſiderable botaniſt at fifteen. He followed it cloſely, and often ſaid that he thought it a ſingular felicity to have engaged in it; as, beſides the conſtant amuſement it gave him in his chamber, it led him more frequently out into the fields; and, by making his life leſs ſedentary, improved the general courſe of his health and ſpirits.

Habituated, as he had long been, to apply only to firſt-rate Authors, as to the fountain-head of that knowledge, which he was at the time ſolicitous to acquire, it is obvious that, when he reſolved to make himſelf maſter of Natural Hiſtory, he would immediately become the diſciple of the great Linnaeus. His firſt buſineſs was to underſtand accurately his ‘"termini artis,"’ which he called juſtly the learning a new original language. He then went regularly through the vegetable, animal, and foſſile kingdoms. The marginal notes which he has left, not only on Linnaeus, but the many other authors which he read on theſe ſubjects, are very numerous: but the moſt conſiderable are on Hudſon's Flora Anglica, and the tenth edition of the Syſtema Naturae; which latter he interleaved, and filled almoſt entirely. While employed on Zoology, he alſo read Ariſtotle's treatiſe on that ſubject with great care, and explained many difficult paſſages of that obſcure Antient, from the lights he had acquired from modern Naturaliſts.

[342] Having now given a general account of that variety of literary purſuits, which, in their turns, principally engaged his attention, and which were either not mentioned, or only glanced at in the preceding letters, let me be permitted to ſay a word or two of his amuſements. The chief, and almoſt the only one of theſe, (if we except the frequent experiments he made on Flowers, in order to mark the mode and progreſs of their vegetation) was Muſic. His taſte in this art was equal to his ſkill in any more important ſcience. It was founded on the beſt models, thoſe great maſters in Italy, who flouriſhed about the ſame time with his favourite Pergoleſi. Of His and of Leo's, Bononcini's, Vinci's, and Haſſe's works, he made a valuable collection while abroad, chiefly of ſuch of their vocal compoſitions as he had himſelf heard and admired; obſerving in his choice of theſe, the ſame judicious rule which he followed in making his collection of Prints; which was not ſo much to get together complete ſets of the works of any maſter, as to ſelect thoſe (the beſt in their kind) which would recall to his memory the capital Pictures, Statues, and Buildings which he had ſeen and ſtudied. By this means, as he acquired in Painting great facility and accuracy in the knowledge of hands, ſo in Muſic he gained ſupreme ſkill in the more refined powers of expreſſion; eſpecially when we conſider that art as an adjunct to poetry: for vocal muſic, and that only, (excepting perhaps the leſſons of the younger Scarlatti) was what he chiefly regarded. His inſtrument was the Harpſicord; on which, though he had little execution, yet, when he ſung to it, he ſo modulated the ſmall powers of his voice*, as [343] to be able to convey to the intelligent hearer no common degree of ſatisfaction. This, however, he could ſeldom be prevailed upon to do, even by his moſt intimate acquaintance.

To conclude this ſlight ſketch of his literary Character, I believe I may with great truth aſſert, that excepting pure Mathematics, and the ſtudies dependent on that ſcience, there was hardly any part of human Learning, in which he had not acquired a competent ſkill: in moſt of them a confummate maſtery.

I proceed now, as I did in the former ſections, to ſelect, for the reader's peruſal, the laſt ſeries of his Letters. They are few in number; yet contain all the incidents that occurred in that very ſhort ſpace of time, during which Providence was pleaſed further to continue him a bleſſing to his friends, and an ornament to his country.

LETTER I.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. NICHOLLS.

I Was abſent from College, and did not receive your melancholy letter till my return hither yeſterday; ſo you muſt not attribute this delay to me but to accident: to ſympathize with you in ſuch a loſs* is an eaſy taſk for me, but to comfort you not ſo eaſy; can I wiſh to ſee you unaffected with the ſad ſcene now before your eyes, or with the loſs of a perſon that, [344] through a great part of your life, has proved himſelf ſo kind a friend to you? He who beſt knows our nature (for he made us what we are) by ſuch afflictions recalls us from our wandering thoughts and idle merriment; from the inſolence of youth and proſperity, to ſerious reflection, to our duty, and to himſelf; nor need we haſten to get rid of theſe impreſſions; time (by appointment of the ſame Power) will cure the ſmart, and in ſome hearts ſoon blot out all the traces of ſorrow: but ſuch as preſerve them longeſt (for it is partly left in our own power) do perhaps beſt acquieſce in the will of the chaſtiſer.

For the conſequences of this ſudden loſs, I ſee them well, and I think, in a like ſituation, could fortify my mind, ſo as to ſupport them with chearfulneſs and good hopes, though not naturally inclined to ſee things in their beſt aſpect. When you have time to turn yourſelf round, you muſt think ſeriouſly of your profeſſion; you know I would have wiſhed to ſee you wear the livery of it long ago: But I will not dwell on this ſubject at preſent. To be obliged to thoſe we love and eſteem is a pleaſure; but to ſerve and oblige them is a ſtill greater; and this, with independance, (no vulgar bleſſing) are what a profeſſion at your age may reaſonably promiſe; without it they are hardly attainable. Remember I ſpeak from experience.

In the mean time while your preſent ſituation laſts, which I hope will not be long, continue your kindneſs and confidence in me, by truſting me with the whole of it; and ſurely you hazard nothing by ſo doing: That ſituation does not appear ſo new to me as it does to you. You well know the tenour of my converſation (urged at times perhaps a little farther than [345] you liked) has been intended to prepare you for this event, and to familiarize your mind with this ſpectre, which you call by its worſt name: but remember that ‘"Honeſta res eſt laeta paupertas."’ I ſee it with reſpect, and ſo will every one, whoſe poverty is not ſeated in their mind*. There is but one real evil in it (take my word who know it well) and that is, that you have leſs the power of aſſiſting others, who have not the ſame reſources to ſupport them. You have youth: you have many kind well-intentioned people belonging to you; many acquaintance of your own, or families that will wiſh to ſerve you. Conſider how many have had the ſame, or greater cauſe for dejection, with none of theſe reſources before their eyes. Adieu. I ſincerely wiſh your happineſs.

P.S. I have juſt heard that a friend of mine is ſtruck with a paralytick diſorder, in which ſtate it is likely he may live incapable of aſſiſting himſelf, in the hands of ſervants or relations that only gape after his ſpoils, perhaps for years to come: think how many things may befal a man far worſe than poverty or death.

*
The death of his uncle Governor Floyer.
*
An excellent thought finely expreſſed.
This Letter was written a year or two before the time when this ſeries of letters ſhould commence; but as it was not communicated to me before the laſt ſection was printed off, and has a connection with that which follows it, I choſe to begin this ſection with it; the date not appearing to be very material, and the pathetic and friendly turn of it ſtrongly pleading for its inſertion.
[346]

LETTER II.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. NICHOLLS.

AND ſo you have a garden of your own*, and you plant and tranſplant, and are dirty and amuſed! Are not you aſhamed of yourſelf? Why, I have no ſuch thing, you monſter, nor ever ſhall be either dirty or amuſed as long as I live. My gardens are in the windows like thoſe of a lodger up three pair of ſtairs in Petticoat-Lane, or Camomile-Street, and they go to bed regularly under the ſame roof that I do. Dear, how charming it muſt be to walk out in one's own garding, and ſit on a bench in the open air, with a fountain and leaden ſtatue, and a rolling ſtone, and an arbour: have a care of ſore throats though, and the agoe.

However, be it known to you, though I have no garden, I have ſold my eſtate and got a thouſand guineas, and fourſcore pounds a year for my old Aunt, and a twenty pound prize [347] in the lottery, and Lord knows what arrears in the treaſury, and am a rich fellow enough, go to; and a fellow that hath had loſſes, and one that hath two gowns, and every thing handſome about him, and in a few days ſhall have new window curtains: Are you avized of that? Ay, and a new mattraſs to lie upon.

My Ode has been rehearſed again and again*, and the ſcholars have got ſcraps by heart: I expect to ſee it torn piece-meal in the North-Briton before it is born. If you will come you ſhall ſee it, and ſing in it amidſt a chorus from Saliſbury and Glouceſter muſic meeting, great names there, and all well verſed in Judas Maccabaeus. I wiſh it were once over; for then I immediately go for a few days to London, and ſo with Mr. Brown to Aſton, though I fear it will rain the whole ſummer, and Skiddaw will be inviſible and inacceſſible to mortals.

I have got De la Landes' Voyage through Italy, in eight volumes; he is a member of the academy of ſciences, and pretty good to read. I have read too an octavo volume of Shenſtone's Letters: Poor man! he was always wiſhing for money, for fame, and other diſtinctions; and his whole philoſophy conſiſted in living againſt his will in retirement, and in a place which his taſte had adorned; but which he only enjoyed when people of note came to ſee and commend it: his correſpondence is about nothing elſe but this place and his own writings, with two or three neighbouring Clergymen who wrote verſes too.

[348] I have juſt found the beginning of a letter, which ſomebody had dropped: I ſhould rather call it firſt-thoughts for the beginning of a letter; for there are many ſcratches and corrections. As I cannot uſe it myſelf, (having got a beginning already of my own) I ſend it for your uſe on ſome great occaſion.

Dear Sir,

"After ſo long ſilence, the hopes of pardon, and proſpect of forgiveneſs might ſeem entirely extinct, or at leaſt very remote, was I not truly ſenſible of your goodneſs and candour, which is the only aſylum that my negligence can fly to, ſince every apology would prove inſufficient to counterbalance it, or alleviate my fault: How then ſhall my deficiency preſume to make ſo bold an attempt, or be able to ſuffer the hardſhips of ſo rough a campaign?" &c. &c. &c.

*
Mr. Nicholls, by having purſued the advice of his correſpondent, we find was now poſſeſſed of that competency which he wiſhed him. Happy, not only in having ſo ſage an adviſer, but in his own good ſenſe which prompted him to follow ſuch advice. The gaiety, whim, and humour of this letter contraſt prettily with the gravity and ſerious reflection of the former.
Conſiſting of houſes on the weſt ſide of Hand-Alley, London: Mrs. Olliffe was the Aunt here mentioned, who had a ſhare in this eſtate, and for whom he procured this annuity. She died in 1771, a few months before her Nephew.
*
Ode for Muſic on the Duke of Grafton's Inſtallation. See Poems, p. 37. His reaſon for writing it is given in the next letter.

LETTER III.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. BEATTIE.

THE late ceremony of the Duke of Grafton's inſtallation has hindered me from acknowledging ſooner the ſatiſfaction your friendly compliment gave me: I thought myſelf bound in gratitude to his Grace, unaſked, to take upon me the taſk of writing thoſe verſes which are uſually ſet to muſic on [349] this occaſion*. I do not think them worth ſending you, becauſe they are by nature doomed to live but a ſingle day; or, if their exiſtence is prolonged beyond that date, it is only by means of news-paper parodies, and witleſs criticiſms. This ſort of abuſe I had reaſon to expect, but did not think it worth while to avoid.

Mr. Foulis is magnificent in his gratitude: I cannot figure to myſelf how it can be worth his while to offer me ſuch a preſent. You can judge better of it than I; and if he does not hurt himſelf by it, I would accept his Homer with many thanks. I have not got or even ſeen it.

I could wiſh to ſubſcribe to his new edition of Milton, and deſire to be ſet down for two copies of the large paper; but you muſt inform me where and when I may pay the money.

[350] You have taught me to long for a ſecond letter, and particularly for what you ſay will make the contents of it*. I have nothing to requite it with but plain and friendly truth, and that you ſhall have, joined to a zeal for your fame, and a pleaſure in your ſucceſs.

I am now ſetting forward on a journey towards the North of England; but it will not reach ſo far as I could wiſh. I muſt return hither before Michaelmas, and ſhall barely have time to viſit a few places, and a few friends.

*
In a ſhort note which he wrote to Mr. Stonhewer, June 12, when, at his requeſt, he ſent him the Ode in manuſcript for his Grace's peruſal, he expreſſes this motive more fully. ‘"I did not intend the Duke ſhould have heard me till he could not help it. You are deſired to make the beſt excuſes you can to his Grace for the liberty I have taken of praiſing him to his face; but as ſomebody was neceſſarily to do this, I did not ſee why Gratitude ſhould ſit ſilent and leave it to Expectation to ſing, who certainly would have ſung, and that à gorge deployée upon ſuch an occaſion."’
When the Glaſgow Edition of Mr. Gray's Poems was ſold off (which it was in a ſhort time) Mr. Foulis finding himſelf a conſiderable gainer, mentioned to Mr. Beattie, that he wiſhed to make Mr. Gray a preſent either of his Homer in 4 vols. folio, or the Greek Hiſtorians, printed likewiſe at his preſs, in 29 vols. duodecimo.
*
His correſpondent had intimated to him his intention of ſending him his firſt book of the Minſtrel. See the ſeventh letter of this ſeries.

LETTER IV.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

I Hope you got ſafe and well home after that troubleſome night. I long to hear you ſay ſo. For me I have continued well, been ſo favoured by the weather, that my walks have never once been hindered till yeſterday (that is a fortnight [351] and three or four days, and a journey of more than 300 miles.) I am now at Aſton for two days. To-morrow I go to Cambridge. Maſon is not here, but Mr. Alderſon receives me. According to my promiſe I ſend you the firſt ſheet of my journal, to be continued without end.

Sept. 30. A mile and a half from Brough, where we parted, on a hill lay a great army encamped: To the left opened a fine valley with green meadows and hedge-rows, a gentleman's houſe peeping forth from a grove of old trees. On a nearer approach appeared myriads of cattle and horſes in the road itſelf, and in all the fields round me, a briſk ſtream hurrying croſs the way, thouſands of clean healthy people in their beſt party-coloured apparel: Farmers and their families, Eſquires and their daughters haſtening up from the dales and down the fells from every quarter, glittering in the ſun, and preſſing forward to join the throng. While the dark hills, on whoſe tops the miſts were yet hanging, ſerved as a contraſt to this gay and moving ſcene, which continued for near two miles [352] more along the road, and the croud (coming towards it) reached on as far as Appleby. On the aſcent of the hill above Appleby the thick hanging wood, and the long reaches of the Eden, clear, rapid, and full as ever, winding below, with views of the caſtle and town, gave much employment to the mirror*; but now the ſun was wanting, and the ſky overcaſt. Oats and barley cut every where, but not carried in. Paſſed Kirbythore, Sir William Dalſton's houſe at Acorn-Bank, Whinfield Park, Harthorn Oaks, Counteſs-Pillar, Brougham-Caſtle, Mr. Brown's large new houſe; croſſed the Eden and the Eimot (pronounce Eeman) with its green vale, and dined at three o'clock with Mrs. Buchanan at Penrith, on trout and partridge. In the afternoon walked up Beacon-hill, a mile to the top, and could ſee Ulſwater through an opening in the boſom of that cluſter of broken mountains, which the Doctor well remembers, Whinfield and Lowther Parks, &c. and the craggy tops of an hundred nameleſs hills: Theſe lie to weſt and ſouth. To the north, a great extent of black and dreary plains. To the eaſt, Croſs-fell, juſt viſible through miſts and vapours hovering round it.

Oct. 1. A grey autumnal day, the air perfectly calm and mild, went to ſee Ulſwater, five miles diſtant; ſoon left the Keſwick-road, and turned to the left through ſhady lanes along the vale of Eeman, which runs rapidly on near the way, ripling [353] over the ſtones; to the right is Delmaine, a large fabrick of pale red ſtone, with nine windows in front and ſeven on the ſide, built by Mr. Haſsle, behind it a fine lawn ſurrounded by woods, and a long rocky eminence riſing over them: a clear and briſk rivulet runs by the houſe to join the Eeman, whoſe courſe is in ſight and at a ſmall diſtance. Farther on appears Hatton St. John, a caſtle-like old manſion of Mr. Huddleſton. Approached Dunmallert, a fine-pointed hill covered with wood, planted by old Mr. Haſsle before-mentioned, who lives always at home, and delights in planting. Walked over a ſpungy meadow or two, and began to mount the hill through a broad ſtraight green alley among the trees, and with ſome toil gained the ſummit. From hence ſaw the lake opening directly at my feet, majeſtic in its calmneſs, clear and ſmooth as a blue mirror, with winding ſhores and low points of land covered with green incloſures, white farm-houſes looking out among the trees, and cattle feeding. The water is almoſt every where bordered with cultivated lands, gently ſloping upwards from a mile to a quarter of a mile in breadth, till they reach the feet of the mountains, which riſe very rude and awful with their broken tops on either hand. Directly in front, at better than three miles diſtance, Place-Fell, one of the braveſt among them, puſhes its bold broad breaſt into the midſt of the lake, and forces it to alter its courſe, forming firſt a large bay to the left, and then bending to the right. I deſcended Dunmallert again by a ſide avenue, that was only not perpendicular, and came to Barton-bridge over the Eeman; then walking through a path in the wood round the bottom of the hill, came forth where the Eeman iſſues out of the lake, and continued my way along its weſtern ſhore cloſe to the water, and generally on a [354] level with it. Saw a cormorant flying over it and fiſhing. The figure of the lake nothing reſembles that laid down in our maps: It is nine miles long; and at wideſt under a mile in breadth. After extending itſelf three miles and a half in a line to ſouthweſt, it turns at the foot of Place-Fell almoſt due weſt, and is here not twice the breadth of the Thames at London. It is ſoon again interrupted by the root of Helvellyn, a lofty and very rugged mountain, and ſpreading again turns off to ſoutheaſt, and is loſt among the deep receſſes of the hills. To this ſecond turning I purſued my way about four miles along its borders beyond a village ſcattered among trees, and called WaterMallock, in a pleaſant grave day, perfectly calm and warm, but without a gleam of ſunſhine; then the ſky ſeeming to thicken, and the valley to grow more deſolate, and evening drawing on, I returned by the way I came to Penrith.

Oct. 2. I ſet out at ten for Keſwick, by the road we went in 1767; ſaw Greyſtock town and caſtle to the right, which lie about three miles from Ulſwater over the fells; paſſed through Penradoch and Threlcot at the foot of Saddleback, whoſe ſurrowed ſides were gilt by the noon-day ſun, whilſt its brow appeared of a ſad purple from the ſhadow of the clouds as they ſailed ſlowly by it. The broad and green valley of Gardies and Lowſide, with a ſwift ſtream glittering among the cottages and meadows lay to the left, and the much finer but narrower valley of St. John's opening into it: Hill-top, the large though low manſion of the Gaſkarths, now a farm-houſe, ſeated on an eminence among woods, under a ſteep fell, was what appeared the moſt conſpicuous, and beſide it a great rock, like ſome ancient tower nodding to its fall. Paſſed by the ſide of Skiddaw and [355] its cub called Latter-rig; and ſaw from an eminence, at two miles diſtance, the vale of Elyſium in all its verdure; the ſun then playing on the boſom of the lake, and lighting up all the mountains with its luſtre. Dined by two o'Clock at the Queen's Head, and then ſtraggled out alone to the Parſonage, where I ſaw the ſun ſet in all its glory.

Oct. 3. A heavenly day; roſe at ſeven and walked out under the conduct of my landlord to Borrowdale; the graſs was covered with a hoar-froſt, which ſoon melted and exhaled in a thin bluiſh ſmoke; croſſed the meadows, obliquely catching a diverſity of views among the hills over the lake and iſlands, and changing proſpect at every ten paces. Left Cockſhut (which we formerly mounted) and Caſtle-hill, a loftier and more rugged hill behind me, and drew near the foot of Wallacrag, whoſe bare and rocky brow cut perpendicularly down above 400 feet (as I gueſs, though the people called it much more) awfully overlooks the way. Our path here tends to the left, and the ground gently riſing and covered with a glade of ſcattering trees and buſhes on the very margin of the water, opens both ways the moſt delicious view that my eyes ever beheld; oppoſite are the thick woods of Lord Egremont and Newland-valley, with green and ſmiling fields emboſomed in the dark cliffs; to the left the jaws of Borrowdale, with that turbulent chaos of mountain behind mountain, rolled in confuſion; beneath you and ſtretching far away to the right, the ſhining purity of the lake reflecting rocks, woods, fields, and inverted tops of hills, juſt ruffled by the breeze, enough to ſhew it is alive, with the white buildings of Keſwick, Croſthwaite church, and Skiddaw for a back ground at a diſtance. Behind [356] you the magnificent heights of Walla-crag: here the glaſs played its part divinely, the place is called Carf-cloſe-reeds; and I choſe to ſet down theſe barbarous names, that any body may enquire on the place, and eaſily find the particular ſtation that I mean. This ſcene continues to Barrow-gate; and a little farther, paſſing a brook called Barrow-beck, we entered Borrowdale: the crags named Lawdoor-banks begin now to impend terribly over your way, and more terribly when you hear that three years ſince an immenſe maſs of rock tumbled at once from the brow, and barred all acceſs to the dale (for this is the only road) till they could work their way through it. Luckily no one was paſſing at the time of this fall; but down the ſide of the mountain, and far into the lake, lie diſperſed the huge fragments of this ruin in all ſhapes and in all directions: ſomething farther we turned aſide into a coppice, aſcending a little in front of Lawdoor water-fall; the height appeared to be about 200 feet, the quantity of water not great, though (theſe three days excepted) it had rained daily in the hills for near two months before: but then the ſtream was nobly broken, leaping from rock to rock, and foaming with fury. On one ſide a towering crag that ſpired up to equal, if not overtop the neighbouring cliffs (this lay all in ſhade and darkneſs): on the other hand a rounder broader projecting hill ſhagged with wood, and illuminated by the ſun, which glanced ſideways on the upper part of the cataract. The force of the water wearing a deep channel in the ground, hurries away to join the lake. We deſcended again and paſſed the ſtream over a rude bridge. Soon after we came under Gowdar-crag, a hill more formidable to the eye, and to the apprehenſion, than that of Lawdoor; the rocks at top deep-cloven perpendicularly, by [357] the rains, hanging looſe and nodding forwards, ſeem juſt ſtarting from their baſe in ſhivers. The whole way down, and the road on both ſides is ſtrewed with piles of the fragments ſtrangely thrown acroſs each other, and of a dreadful bulk; the place reminds me of thoſe paſſes in the Alps, where the guides tell you to move on with ſpeed, and ſay nothing, leſt the agitation of the air ſhould looſen the ſnows above, and bring down a maſs that would overwhelm a caravan. I took their counſel here and haſtened on in ſilence.

Non ragioniam di lor, ma guarda, e paſſa!

The hills here are cloathed all up their ſteep ſides with Oak, Aſh, Birch, Holly, &c. ſome of it has been cut forty years ago, ſome within theſe eight years; yet all is ſprung again, green, flouriſhing, and tall, for its age, in a place where no ſoil appears but the ſtaring rock, and where a man could ſcarce ſtand upright: here we met a civil young farmer overſeeing his reapers (for it is now oat-harveſt) who conducted us to a neat white houſe in the village of Grange, which is built on a riſing ground in the midſt of a valley; round it the mountains form an awful amphitheatre, and through it obliquely runs the Derwent clear as glaſs, and ſhewing under its bridge every trout that paſſes. Beſide the village riſes a round eminence of rock covered intirely with old trees, and over that more proudly towers Caſtle-crag, inveſted alſo with wood on its ſides, and bearing on its naked top ſome traces of a fort ſaid to be Roman. By the ſide of this hill, which almoſt blocks up the way, the valley turns to the left, and contracts its dimenſions till there is hardly any road but the rocky bed of the river. The wood of the mountains increaſes, and their ſummits grow [358] loftier to the eye, and of more fantaſtic forms; among them appear Eagle's-cliff, Dove's-neſt, Whitedale-pike, &c. celebrated names in the annals of Keſwick. The dale opens about four miles higher till you come to Sea-whaite (where lies the way mounting the hills to the right that leads to the Wadd-mines); all farther acceſs is here barred to prying mortals, only there is a little path winding over the fells, and for ſome weeks in the year paſſable to the daleſmen; but the mountains know well that theſe innocent people will not reveal the myſteries of their ancient kingdom, ‘"the reign of Chaos and Old Night:"’ only I learned that this dreadful road, dividing again, leads one branch to Ravenglas, and the other to Hawkſhead.

For me I went no farther than the farmer's (better than four miles from Keſwick) at Grange; his mother and he brought us butter that Siſerah would have jumped at, though not in a lordly diſh, bowls of milk, thin oaten-cakes, and ale; and we had carried a cold tongue thither with us. Our farmer was himſelf the man, that laſt year plundered the eagle's eyrie; all the dale are up in arms on ſuch an occaſion, for they loſe abundance of lambs yearly, not to mention hares, partridges, grouſe, &c. He was let down from the cliff in ropes to the ſhelf of the rock on which the neſt was built, the people above ſhouting and hollowing to fright the old birds, which flew ſcreaming round, but did not dare to attack him. He brought off the eaglet (for there is rarely more than one) and an addle egg. The neſt was roundiſh, and more than a yard over, made of twigs twiſted together. Seldom a year paſſes but they take the brood or eggs, and ſometimes they ſhoot one, ſometimes the other, parent; but the ſurvivor has always found a mate (probably [359] in Ireland) and they breed near the old place. By his deſcription I learn, that this ſpecies is the Erne the Vulture Albicilla of Linnaeus, in his laſt edition, (but in yours Falco Albicilla) ſo conſult him and Pennant about it.

We returned leiſurely home the way we came; but ſaw a new landſcape; the features indeed were the ſame in part, but many new ones were diſcloſed by the mid-day ſun, and the tints were intirely changed; take notice this was the beſt, or perhaps the only day for going up Skiddaw, but I thought it better employed; it was perfectly ſerene, and hot as midſummer.

In the evening I walked alone down to the lake by the ſide of Crow-park after ſunſet, and ſaw the ſolemn colouring of night draw on, the laſt gleam of ſunſhine fading away on the hilltops, the deep ſerene of the waters, and the long ſhadows of the mountains thrown acroſs them, till they nearly touched the hithermoſt ſhore. At a diſtance were heard the murmurs of many water-falls, not audible in the day-time; I wiſhed for the moon, but ſhe was dark to me and ſilent,

Hid in her vacant interlunar cave.

Oct. 4. I walked to Crow-park, now a rough paſture, once a glade of ancient oaks, whoſe large roots ſtill remain on the ground, but nothing has ſprung from them. If one ſingle tree had remained, this would have been an unparallel'd ſpot; and Smith judged right, when he took his print of the lake from hence, for it is a gentle eminence, not too high, on the very margin of the water, and commanding it from end to end, looking full into the gorge of Borrowdale. I prefer it even to [360] Cockſhut-hill which lies beſide it, and to which I walked in the afternoon; it is covered with young trees both ſown and planted, oak, ſpruce, Scotch-fir, &c. all which thrive wonderfully. There is an eaſy aſcent to the top, and the view far preferable to that on Caſtle-hill (which you remember) becauſe this is lower and nearer to the lake: for I find all points, that are much elevated, ſpoil the beauty of the valley, and make its parts, which are not large, look poor and diminutive*. While I was here a little ſhower fell, red clouds came marching up the hills from the eaſt, and part of a bright rainbow ſeemed to riſe along the ſide of Caſtle-hill.

From hence I got to the Parſonage a little before ſunſet, and ſaw in my glaſs a picture, that if I could tranſmit to you, and fix it in all the ſoftneſs of its living colours, would fairly ſell for a thouſand pounds. This is the ſweeteſt ſcene I can yet diſcover in point of paſtoral beauty; the reſt are in a ſublimer ſtyle.

Oct. 5. I walked through the meadows and corn-fields to the Derwent, and croſſing it went up How-hill; it looks along Baſſinthwait-water, and ſees at the ſame time the courſe of the river, and a part of the upper-lake, with a full view of Skiddaw: [361] then I took my way through Portingſkall village to the Park, a hill ſo called, covered entirely with wood; it is all a maſs of crumbling ſlate. Paſſed round its foot between the trees and the edge of the water, and came to a peninſula that juts out into the lake, and looks along it both ways; in front riſes Walla-crag and Caſtle-hill, the town, the road to Penrith, Skiddaw, and Saddleback. Returning, met a briſk and cold north-eaſtern blaſt that ruffled all the ſurface of the lake, and made it riſe in little waves that broke at the foot of the wood. After dinner walked up the Penrith road two miles, or more, and turning into a corn-field to the right, called Caſtle-rig, ſaw a Druid-circle of large ſtones, 108 feet in diameter, the biggeſt not eight feet high, but moſt of them ſtill erect; they are fifty in number*. The valley of St. John's appeared in fight, and the ſummits of Catchidecam (called by Camden, Caſticand) and Helvellyn, ſaid to be as high as Skiddaw, and to riſe from a much higher baſe.

Oct. 6. Went in a chaiſe eight miles along the eaſt-ſide of Baſſingthwaite water to Ouſebridge (pronounced Ews-bridge); the road in ſome part made and very good, the reſt ſlippery and dangerous cart-road, or narrow rugged lanes, but no precipices; it runs directly along the foot of Skiddaw: oppoſite to Widhopebrows, cloathed to the top with wood, a very beautiful view opens down to the lake, which is narrower and longer than that of Keſwick, leſs broken into bays, and without iſlands. At [362] the foot of it, a few paces from the brink, gently ſloping upward, ſtands Armathwate in a thick grove of Scotch firs, commanding a noble view directly up the lake: at a ſmall diſtance behind the houſe is a large extent of wood, and ſtill behind this a ridge of cultivated hills, on which, according to the Keſwick proverb, the ſun always ſhines. The inhabitants here, on the contrary, call the vale of Derwentwater, the Devil's chamber-pot, and pronounce the name of Skiddaw-fell, which terminates here, with a ſort of terror and averſion. Armathwate houſe is a modern fabrick, not large, and built of dark-red ſtone, belonging to Mr. Spedding, whoſe grandfather was ſteward to old Sir James Lowther, and bought this eſtate of the Himers. The ſky was overcaſt and the wind cool; ſo, after dining at a publick-houſe, which ſtands here near the bridge, (that croſſes the Derwent juſt where it iſſues from the lake) and ſauntering a little by the water-ſide, I came home again. The turnpike is finiſhed from Cockermouth hither, five miles, and is carrying on to Penrith: ſeveral little ſhowers to-day. A man came in, who ſaid there was ſnow on Croſs-fell this morning.

Oct. 7. I walked in the morning to Crow-park, and in the evening up Penrith road. The clouds came rolling up the mountains all round very dark, yet the moon ſhone at intervals. It was too damp to go towards the lake. To-morrow I mean to bid farewel to Keſwick.

Botany might be ſtudied here to great advantage at another ſeaſon, becauſe of the great variety of ſoils and elevations, all lying within a ſmall compaſs. I obſerved nothing but ſeveral [363] curious lichens, and plenty of gale or Dutch myrtle perfuming the borders of the lake. This year the Wadd-mine had been opened, which is done once in five years; it is taken out in lumps ſometimes as big as a man's fiſt, and will undergo no preparation by fire, not being fuſible; when it is pure, ſoft, black, and cloſe-grained, it is worth ſometimes thirty ſhillings a pound. There are no charr ever taken in theſe lakes, but plenty in Butter-mere-water, which lies a little way north of Borrowdale, about Martinmas, which are potted here. They ſow chiefly oats and bigg here, which are now cutting and ſtill on the ground; the rains have done much hurt: yet obſerve, the ſoil is ſo thin and light, that no day has paſſed in which I could not walk out with eaſe, and you know I am no lover of dirt. Fell mutton is now in ſeaſon for about ſix weeks; it grows fat on the mountains, and nearly reſembles veniſon. Excellent pike and perch, here called Baſs; trout is out of ſeaſon; partridge in great plenty.

Oct. 8. I left Keſwick and took the Ambleſide road in a gloomy morning; and about two miles from the town mounted an eminence called Caſtle-rigg, and the ſun breaking out, diſcovered the moſt enchanting view I have yet ſeen of the whole valley behind me, the two lakes, the river, the mountains all in their glory; ſo that I had almoſt a mind to have gone back again. The road in ſome few parts is not compleated, yet good country road, through ſound but narrow and ſtony lanes, very ſafe in broad day-light. This is the caſe about Cauſewayfoot, and among Naddle-fells to Lancwaite. The vale you go in has little breadth; the mountains are vaſt and rocky, the fields little and poor, and the inhabitants are now making hay, [364] and ſee not the ſun by two hours in a day ſo long as at Keſwick. Came to the foot of Helvellyn, along which runs an excellent road, looking down from a little height on Lee's-water, (called alſo Thirl-meer, or Wiborn-water) and ſoon deſcending on its margin. The lake looks black from its depth, and from the gloom of the vaſt crags that ſcowl over it, though really clear as glaſs; it is narrow, and about three miles long, reſembling a river in its courſe; little ſhining torrents hurry down the rocks to join it, but not a buſh to overſhadow them, or cover their march; all is rock and looſe ſtones up to the very brow, which lies ſo near your way, that not above half the height of Helvellyn can be ſeen.

Next I paſſed by the little chapel of Wiborn, out of which the Sunday congregation were then iſſuing; ſoon after a beck near Dunmeil-raiſe, when I entered Weſtmoreland a ſecond time; and now began to ſee Holm-crag, diſtinguiſhed from its rugged neighbours, not ſo much by its height as by the ſtrange broken outlines of its top, like ſome gigantick building demoliſhed, and the ſtones that compoſed it flung croſs each other in wild confuſion. Juſt beyond it opens one of the ſweeteſt landſcapes that art ever attempted to imitate. The boſom of the mountains ſpreading here into a broad baſon diſcovers in the midſt Graſmere-water; its margin is hollowed into ſmall bays, with bold eminences; ſome of rock, ſome of ſoft turf, that half-conceal, and vary the figure of the little lake they command: from the ſhore, a low promontory puſhes itſelf far into the water, and on it ſtands a white village with the pariſh church riſing in the midſt of it: hanging incloſures, corn-fields, and meadows green as an emerald, with their trees and hedges, and [365] cattle, fill up the whole ſpace from the edge of the water: and juſt oppoſite to you is a large farm-houſe at the bottom of a ſteep ſmooth lawn, emboſomed in old woods, which climb half-way up the mountain's ſide, and diſcover above them a broken line of crags that crown the ſcene. Not a ſingle red tile, no flaring gentleman's houſe, or garden-walls, break in upon the repoſe of this little unſuſpected paradiſe; but all is peace, ruſticity, and happy poverty in its neateſt moſt becoming attire.

The road winds here over Graſmere-hill, whoſe rocks ſoon conceal the water from your ſight; yet it is continued along behind them, and, contracting itſelf to a river, communicates with Ridale-water, another ſmall lake, but of inferior ſize and beauty; it ſeems ſhallow too, for large patches of reeds appear pretty far within it. Into this vale the road deſcends. On the oppoſite banks large and ancient woods mount up the hills; and juſt to the left of our way ſtands Ridale-hall, the family-ſeat of Sir Michael Fleming, a large old-faſhioned fabrick, ſurrounded with wood. Sir Michael is now on his travels, and all this timber, far and wide, belongs to him. Near the houſe riſes a huge crag, called Ridale-head, which is ſaid to command a full view of Wynander-mere, and I doubt it not; for within a mile that great lake is viſible, even from the road: as to going up the crag, one might as well go up Skiddaw.

I now reached Ambleſide, eighteen miles from Keſwick, meaning to lie there; but, on looking into the beſt bed-chamber, dark and damp as a cellar, grew delicate, gave up Wynander-mere in deſpair, and reſolved I would go on to Kendal [366] directly, fourteen miles farther*. The road in general fine turnpike, but ſome parts (about three miles in all) not made, yet without danger.

For this determination I was unexpectedly well rewarded: for the afternoon was fine, and the road, for the ſpace of full five miles, ran along the ſide of Wynander-mere, with delicious views acroſs it, and almoſt from one end to the other. It is ten miles in length, and at moſt a mile over, reſembling the courſe of ſome vaſt and magnificent river; but no flat marſhy grounds, no oſierbeds, or patches of ſcrubby plantations on its banks: at the head two vallies open among the mountains; one, that by which we came down, the other Langſledale, in which Wry-noſe and Hardknot, two great mountains, riſe above the reſt: from thence the fells viſibly ſink, and ſoften along its ſides; ſometimes they run [367] into it (but with a gentle declivity) in their own dark and natural complexion: oftener they are green and cultivated, with farms interſperſed, and round eminences, on the border covered with trees: towards the ſouth it ſeemed to break into larger bays, with ſeveral iſlands and a wider extent of cultivation. The way riſes continually, till at a place called Orreſt-head it turns ſouth-eaſt, loſing ſight of the water.

Paſſed by Ing's-Chapel and Staveley; but I can ſay no farther, for the duſk of evening coming on, I entered Kendal almoſt in the dark, and could diſtinguiſh only a ſhadow of the caſtle on a hill, and tenter-grounds ſpread far and wide round the town, which I miſtook for houſes. My inn promiſed ſadly, having two wooden galleries, like Scotland, in front of it: it was indeed an old ill-contrived houſe, but kept by civil ſenſible people; ſo I ſtayed two nights with them, and fared and ſlept very comfortably.

Oct. 9. The air mild as ſummer, all corn off the ground, and the ſky-larks ſinging aloud (by the way, I ſaw not one at Keſwick, perhaps, becauſe the place abounds in birds of prey). I went up the caſtle-hill; the town conſiſts chiefly of three nearly parallel ſtreets, almoſt a mile long; except theſe, all the other houſes ſeem as if they had been dancing a country-dance, and were out: there they ſtand back to back, corner to corner, ſome up hill, ſome down, without intent or meaning. Along by their ſide runs a fine briſk ſtream, over which are three ſtonebridges; the buildings (a few comfortable houſes excepted) are mean, of ſtone, and covered with a bad rough caſt. Near the end of the town ſtands a handſome houſe of Col. Wilſon's, and [368] adjoining to it the church, a very large gothick fabrick, with a ſquare tower; it has no particular ornaments but double iſles, and at the eaſt-end four chapels or choirs; one of the Parrs, another of the Stricklands; the third is the proper choir of the church, and the fourth of the Bellinghams, a family now extinct. There is an altar-tomb of one of them dated 1577, with a flat braſs, arms and quarterings; and in the window their arms alone, arg. a hunting-horn, ſab. ſtrung gules. In the Stricklands' chapel ſeveral modern monuments, and another old altar-tomb, not belonging to the family: on the ſide of it a feſs dancetty between ten billets deincourt. In the Parr's chapel is a third altar-tomb in the corner, no figure or inſcription, but on the ſide, cut in ſtone, an eſcutcheon of Roos of Kendal, (three water-budgets) quartering Parr (two bars in a bordure engrailed); 2dly, an eſcutcheon, vaire, a feſs for marmion; 3dly, an eſcutcheon, three chevronels braced, and a chief (which I take for Fitzhugh): at the foot is an eſcutcheon, ſurrounded with the garter, bearing Roos and Parr quarterly, quartering the other two before-mentioned. I have no books to look in, therefore cannot ſay whether this is the Lord Parr of Kendal, Queen Catharine's father, or her brother the Marquis of Northampton: perhaps it is a cenotaph for the latter who was buried at Warwick in 1571. The remains of the caſtle are ſeated on a fine hill on the ſide of the river oppoſite the town; almoſt the whole incloſure of the walls remains, with four towers, two ſquare and two round, but their upper part and embattlements are demoliſhed: it is of rough ſtone and cement, without any ornament or arms, round, incloſing a court of like form, and ſurrounded by a moat; nor ever could it have been larger than it is, for there are no traces of outworks. There is a good view [369] of the town and river, with a fertile open valley through which it winds.

After dinner I went along the Milthrop turnpike, four miles, to ſee the falls, or force, of the river Kent; came to Sizergh, (pronounced Siſer) and turned down a lane to the left. This ſeat of the Stricklands, an old Catholick family, is an ancient hall-houſe, with a very large tower embattled; the reſt of the buildings added to it are of later date, but all is white, and ſeen to advantage on a back ground of old trees; there is a ſmall park alſo well wooded. Oppoſite to this, turning to the left, I ſoon came to the river; it works its way in a narrow and deep rocky channel overhung with trees. The calmneſs and brightneſs of the evening, the roar of the waters, and the thumping of huge hammers at an iron-forge not far diſtant, made it a ſingular walk; but as to the falls (for there are two) they are not four feet high. I went on, down to the forge, and ſaw the demons at work by the light of their own fires: the iron is brought in pigs to Milthrop by ſea from Scotland, &c. and is here beat into bars and plates. Two miles further, at Levens, is the ſeat of Lord Suffolk, where he ſometimes paſſes the ſummer: it was a favourite place of his late Counteſs; but this I did not ſee.

Oct. 10. I proceeded by Burton to Lancaſter, twenty-two miles; very good country, well incloſed and wooded, with ſome common interſperſed. Paſſed at the foot of Farlton-knot, a high fell four miles north of Lancaſter; on a riſing ground called Boulton (pronounced Bouton) we had a full view of Cartmellſands, with here and there a paſſenger riding over them (it [370] being low water); the points of Furneſs ſhooting far into the ſea, and lofty mountains, partly covered with clouds, extending north of them. Lancaſter alſo appeared very conſpicuous and fine; for its moſt diſtinguiſhed features, the caſtle and church, mounted on a green eminence, were all that could be ſeen. Woe is me! when I got thither, it was the ſecond day of their fair; the inn, in the principal ſtreet, was a great old gloomy houſe full of people; but I found tolerable quarters, and even ſlept two nights in peace.

In a fine afternoon I aſcended the caſtle-hill; it takes up the higher top of the eminence on which it ſtands, and is irregularly round, encompaſſed with a deep moat: in front, towards the town, is a magnificent gothic gateway, lofty and huge; the overhanging battlements are ſupported by a triple range of corbels, the intervals pierced through, and ſhewing the day from above. On its top riſe light watch-towers of ſmall height. It opens below with a grand pointed arch; over this is a wrought tabernacle, doubtleſs once containing its founder's figure; on one ſide a ſhield of France ſemy-quartered with England; on the other the ſame, with a label, ermine, for John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaſter. This opens to a court within, which I did not much care to enter, being the county-gaol, and full of priſoners, both criminals and debtors. From this gateway the walls continue and join it to a vaſt ſquare tower of great height, the lower part at leaſt of remote antiquity; for it has ſmall round-headed lights with plain ſhort pillars on each ſide of them: there is a third tower, alſo ſquare and of leſs dimenſions. This is all the caſtle. Near it, and but little lower, ſtands the church, a large and plain gothic fabrick; the high ſquare tower [371] at the weſt-end has been rebuilt of late years, but nearly in the ſame ſtyle: there are no ornaments of arms, &c. any where to be ſeen; within, it is lightſome and ſpacious, but not one monument of antiquity, or piece of painted glaſs is left. From the church-yard there is an extenſive ſea-view, (for now the tide had almoſt covered the ſands, and filled the river) and beſides the greateſt part of Furneſs, I could diſtinguiſh Peel-caſtle on the iſle of Fowdrey, which lies off its ſouthern extremity. The town is built on the ſlope, and at the foot of the caſtle-hill, more than twice the bigneſs of Aukland, with many neat buildings of white ſtone, but a little diſorderly in their poſition, and ‘"ad libitum"’, like Kendal: many alſo extend below on the keys by the river-ſide, where a number of ſhips were moored, ſome of them three-maſted veſſels decked out with their colours in honour of the fair. Here is a good bridge of four arches over the Lune, that runs, when the tide is out, in two ſtreams divided by a bed of gravel, which is not covered but in ſpringtides; below the town it widens to near the breadth of the Thames at London, and meets the ſea at five or ſix miles diſtance to ſouth-weſt.

Oct. 11. I croſſed the river and walked over a peninſula, three miles, to the village of Pooton, which ſtands on the beach. An old fiſherman mending his nets (while I enquired about the danger of paſſing thoſe ſands) told me, in his dialect, a moving ſtory; how a brother of the trade, a Cockler, as he ſtyled him, driving a little cart with two daughters (women grown) in it, and his wife on horſeback following, ſet out one day to paſs the ſeven-mile ſands, as they had frequently been uſed to do; (for nobody in the village knew them better than the old man [372] did) when they were about half-way over, a thick fog roſe, and as they advanced they found the water much deeper than they expected: the old man was puzzled; he ſtopped, and ſaid he would go a little way to find ſome mark he was acquainted with; they ſtaid a while for him; but in vain; they called aloud, but no reply: at laſt the young women preſſed their mother to think where they were, and go on; ſhe would not leave the place; ſhe wandered about forlorn and amazed; ſhe would not quit her horſe and get into the cart with them: they determined, after much time waſted, to turn back, and give themſelves up to the guidance of their horſes. The old woman was ſoon waſhed off, and periſhed; the poor girls clung cloſe to their cart, and the horſe, ſometimes wading and ſometimes ſwimming, brought them back to land alive, but ſenſeleſs with terror and diſtreſs, and unable for many days to give any account of themſelves. The bodies of their parents were found next ebb; that of the father a very few paces diſtant from the ſpot where he had left them.

In the afternoon I wandered about the town, and by the key, till it grew dark.

Oct. 12. I ſet out for Settle by a fine turnpike-road, twentynine miles, through a rich and beautiful incloſed country, diverſified with frequent villages and churches, very unequal ground; and on the left the river Lune winding in a deep valley, its hanging banks cloathed with fine woods, thro' which you catch long reaches of the water, as the road winds about at a conſiderable height above it. In the moſt pictureſque part of the way, I paſſed the park belonging to the Hon. Mr. Clifford, [373] a Catholick. The grounds between him and the river are indeed charming*; the houſe is ordinary, and the park nothing but a rocky fell ſcattered over with ancient hawthorns. Next I came to Hornby, a little town on the river Wanning, over which a handſome bridge is now building; the caſtle, in a lordly ſituation, attracted me, ſo I walked up the hill to it: firſt preſents itſelf a large white ordinary ſaſhed Gentleman's houſe, and behind it riſes the ancient Keep, built by Edward Stanley, Lord Monteagle. He died about 1529, in King Henry the Eighth's time. It is now only a ſhell, the rafters are laid within it as for flooring. I went up a winding ſtone-ſtair-caſe in one corner to the leads, and at the angle is a ſingle hexagon watch-tower, riſing ſome feet higher, fitted up in the taſte of a modern ſummer-houſe, with ſaſh-windows in gilt frames, a ſtucco cupola, and on the top a vaſt gilt eagle, built by Mr. Charteris, the preſent poſſeſſor. He is the ſecond ſon of the Earl of Wemys, brother to the Lord Elcho, and grandſon to Col. Charteris, whoſe name he bears.

From the leads of the tower there is a fine view of the country round, and much wood near the caſtle. Ingleborough, which I had ſeen before diſtinctly at Lancaſter to north-eaſt, [374] was now completely wrapped in clouds, all but its ſummit; which might have been eaſily miſtaken for a long black cloud too, fraught with an approaching ſtorm. Now our road begun gradually to mount towards the Apennine, the trees growing leſs and thinner of leaves, till we came to Ingleton, eighteen miles; it is a pretty village, ſituated very high, and yet in a valley at the foot of that huge monſter of nature, Ingleborough: two torrents croſs it, with great ſtones rolled along their beds inſtead of water; and over them are flung two handſome arches. The nipping air, tho' the afternoon was growing very bright, now taught us we were in Craven, the road was all up and down, though no where very ſteep; to the left were mountaintops, to the right a wide valley, all incloſed ground, and beyond it high hills again. In approaching Settle, the crags on the left drew nearer to our way, till we deſcended Brunton-brow into a chearful valley (though thin of trees) to Giggleſwick, a village with a ſmall piece of water by its ſide, covered over with coots; near it a church, which belongs alſo to Settle; and half a mile farther, having paſſed the Ribble over a bridge, I arrived there; it is a ſmall market-town ſtanding directly under a rocky fell; there are not in it above a dozen goodlooking houſes, the reſt are old and low, with little wooden porticos in front. My inn pleaſed me much, (though ſmall) for the neatneſs and civility of the good woman that kept it; ſo I lay there two nights, and went,

Oct. 13. To viſit Gordale-ſcar, which lay ſix miles from Settle; but that way was directly over a fell, and as the weather was not to be depended on, I went round in a chaiſe, the only way one could get near it in a carriage, which made it full [375] thirteen miles, half of it ſuch a road! but I got ſafe over it, ſo there's an end, and came to Malham, (pronounced Maum) a village in the boſom of the mountains, ſeated in a wild and dreary valley. From thence I was to walk a mile over very rough ground, a torrent rattling along on the left hand; on the cliffs above hung a few goats; one of them danced and ſcratched an ear with its hind foot in a place where I would not have ſtood ſtock-ſtill

For all beneath the moon.

As I advanced, the crags ſeemed to cloſe in, but diſcovered a narrow entrance turning to the left between them: I followed my guide a few paces, and the hills opened again into no large ſpace; and then all farther way is barred by a ſtream that, at the height of about fifty feet, guſhes from a hole in the rock, and ſpreading in large ſheets over its broken front, daſhes from ſteep to ſteep, and then rattles away in a torrent down the valley: the rock on the left riſes perpendicular, with ſtubbed yew-trees and ſhrubs ſtaring from its ſide, to the height of at leaſt 300 feet; but theſe are not the thing: it is the rock to the right, under which you ſtand to ſee the fall, that forms the principal horror of the place. From its very baſe it begins to ſlope forwards over you in one block or ſolid maſs without any crevice in its ſurface, and overſhadows half the area below with its dreadful canopy; when I ſtood at (I believe) four yards diſtance from its foot, the drops, which perpetually diſtil from its brow, fell on my head; and in one part of its top, more expoſed to the weather, there are looſe ſtones that hang in air, and threaten viſibly ſome idle ſpectator with inſtant deſtruction; it is ſafer to ſhelter yourſelf cloſe to its bottom, and truſt to the mercy of that enormous maſs which nothing but an earthquake [376] can ſtir. The gloomy uncomfortable day well ſuited the ſavage aſpect of the place, and made it ſtill more formidable: I ſtayed there, not without ſhuddering, a quarter of an hour, and thought my trouble richly paid; for the impreſſion will laſt for life. At the alehouſe where I dined in Malham, Vivares, the landſcape-painter, had lodged for a week or more; Smith and Bellers had alſo been there, and two prints of Gordale have been engraved by them.

Oct. 14. Leaving my comfortable inn, to which I had returned from Gordale, I ſet out for Skipton, ſixteen miles. From ſeveral parts of the road, and in many places about Settle, I ſaw at once the three famous hills of this country, Ingleborough, Penigent, and Pendle; the firſt is eſteemed the higheſt, and their features not to be deſcribed, but by the pencil.*

[377] Craven, after all, is an unpleaſing country when ſeen from a height; its valleys are chiefly wide, and either marſhy or incloſed paſture, with a few trees. Numbers of black cattle are fatted here, both of the Scotch breed, and a larger ſort of oxen with great horns. There is little cultivated ground, except a few oats.

Skipton, to which I went through Long-Preſton and Gargrave, is a pretty large market-town, in a valley, with one very broad ſtreet gently ſloping downwards from the caſtle, which ſtands at the head of it. This is one of our good Counteſs's buildings*, but on old foundations; it is not very large, but of a handſome antique appearance, with round towers, a grand gateway, bridge, and moat, ſurrounded by many old trees. It is in good repair, and kept up as a habitation of the Earl of Thanet, though he rarely comes thither: what [378] with the ſleet, and a fooliſh diſpute about chaiſes, that delayed me, I did not ſee the inſide of it, but went on, fifteen miles, to Otley; firſt up Shode-bank, the ſteepeſt hill I ever ſaw a road carried over in England, for it mounts in a ſtrait line (without any other repoſe for the horſes than by placing ſtones every now and then behind the wheels) for a full mile; then the road goes on a level along the brow of this high hill over Rumbald-moor, till it gently deſcends into Wharldale, ſo they call the vale of the Wharf, and a beautiful vale it is, well-wooded, well-cultivated, well-inhabited, but with high crags at a diſtance, that border the green country on either hand; thro' the midſt of it, deep, clear, full to the brink, and of no inconſiderable breadth, runs in long windings the river. How it comes to paſs that it ſhould be ſo fine and copious a ſtream here, and at Tadcaſter (ſo much lower) ſhould have nothing but a wide ſtony channel without water, I cannot tell you. I paſſed through LongAddingham, Ilkeley (pronounced Eecly) diſtinguiſhed by a lofty brow of looſe rocks to the right; Burley, a neat and pretty village among trees; on the oppoſite ſide of the river lay Middleton-Lodge, belonging to a catholic gentleman of that name; Weſton, a venerable ſtone fabric, with large offices, of Mr. Vavaſour, the meadows in front gently deſcending to the water, and behind a great and ſhady wood; Farnley (Mr. Fawkes's) a place like the laſt, but larger, and riſing higher on the ſide of the hill. Otley is a large airy town, with clean but low ruſtic buildings, and a bridge over the Wharf; I went into its ſpacious Gothic church, which has been new-roofed, with a flat ſtucco-ceiling; in a corner of it is the monument of Thomas Lord Fairfax, and Helen Aſke, his Lady, deſcended from the Cliffords and Latimers, as her epitaph ſays; the figures, not [379] ill-cut (particularly his in armour, but bare-headed) lie on the tomb. I take them to be the parents of the famous Sir Thomas Fairfax.

Dr. Wharton, who had intended to accompany Mr. Gray to Keſwick, was ſeized at Brough with a violent fit of his aſthma, which obliged him to return home. This was the reaſon that Mr. Gray undertook to write the following journal of his tour for his friend's amuſement. He ſent it under different covers. I give it here in continuation. It may not be amiſs, however, to hint to the reader, that if he expects to find elaborate and nicely-turned periods in this narration, he will be greatly diſappointed. When Mr. Gray deſcribed places, he aimed only to be exact, clear, and intelligible; to convey peculiar, not general ideas, and to paint by the eye, not the fancy. There have been many accounts of the Weſtmoreland and Cumberland lakes, both before and ſince this was written, and all of them better calculated to pleaſe readers, who are fond of what they call fine writing: Yet thoſe who can content themſelves with an elegant ſimplicity of narrative, will, I flatter myſelf, find this to their taſte; they will perceive it was written with a view, rather to inform than ſurprize; and, if they make it their companion when they take the ſame tour, it will inhance their opinion of its intrinſic excellence; in this way I tried it myſelf before I reſolved to print it.
There is a great fair for cattle kept on the hill near Brough on this day and the preceding.
*
Mr. Gray carried uſually with him on theſe tours a Plano-convex Mirror of about four inches diameter on a black foil, and bound up like a pocket-book. A glaſs of this ſort is perhaps the beſt and moſt convenient ſubſtitute for a Camera Obſcura, of any thing that has hitherto been invented, and may be had of any optician.
*
The Pictureſque Point is always thus low in all proſpects: A truth, which though the Landſcape Painter knows, he cannot always obſerve; ſince the Patron who employs him to take a view of his piace, uſually carries him to ſome elevation for that purpoſe, in order, I ſuppoſe, that he may have more of him for his money. Yet when I ſay this, I would not be thought to mean that a drawing ſhould be made from the loweſt point poſſible; as for inſtance, in this very view, from the lake itſelf, for then a foreground would be wanting. On this account, when I failed on Derwentwater, I did not receive ſo much pleaſure from the ſuperb amphitheatre of mountains around me, as when, like Mr. Gray, I traverſed its margin; and I therefore think he did not loſe much by not taking boat.
*
See this piece of antiquity more fully deſcribed, with a plate annexed, by Mr. Pennant in his Second Tour to Scotland in 1772, p. 38.
It is ſomewhat extraordinary that Mr. Gray omitted to mention the iſlands on Derwentwater; one of which, I think they call it Vicars' Iſland, makes a principal object in the ſcene. See Smith's View of Derwentwater.
*
By not ſtaying a little at Ambleſide, Mr. Gray loſt the ſight of two moſt magnificent caſcades; the one not above half a mile behind the inn, the other down Ridale-crag, where Sir Michael Fleming is now making a path-way to the top of it. Theſe, when I ſaw them, were in full torrent, whereas Lawdoor water-fall, which I viſited in the evening of the very ſame day, was almoſt without a ſtream. Hence I conclude that this diſtinguiſhed feature in the vale of Keſwick, is, like moſt northern rivers, only in high beauty during bad weather. But his greateſt loſs was in not ſeeing a ſmall water-fall viſible only through the window of a ruined ſummer-houſe in Sir Michael's orchard. Here Nature has performed every thing in little that ſhe uſually executes on her largeſt ſcale; and on that account, like the miniature painter, ſeems to have finiſhed every part of it in a ſtudied manner; not a little fragment of rock thrown into the baſon, not a ſingle ſtem of bruſhwood that ſtarts from its craggy ſides but has its pictureſque meaning; and the little central ſtream daſhing down a cleft of the darkeſtcoloured ſtone, produces an effect of light and ſhadow beautiful beyond deſcription. This little theatrical ſcene might be painted as large as the original, on a canvaſs not bigger than thoſe which are uſually dropped in the Opera-houſe.
*
This ſcene opens juſt three miles from Lancaſter, on what is called the Queen's Road. To ſee the view in perfection, you muſt go into a field on the left. Here Ingleborough, behind a variety of leſſer mountains, makes the background of the proſpect: on each hand of the middle diſtance, riſe two ſloping hills; the left cloathed with thick woods, the right with variegated rock and herbage: between them, in the richeſt of vallies, the Lune ſerpentizes for many a mile, and comes forth ample and clear, through a well-wooded and richly paſtured fore-ground. Every feature, which conſtitutes a perfect landſcape of the extenſive ſort, is here not only boldly marked, but alſo in its beſt poſition.
*
Without the pencil nothing indeed is to be deſcribed with preciſion; and even then that pencil ought to be in the very hand of the writer, ready to ſupply with outlines every thing that his pen cannot expreſs by words. As far as language can deſcribe, Mr. Gray has, I think, puſhed its powers: For rejecting, as I before hinted, every general unmeaning and hyperbolical phraſe, he has ſelected (both in this journal, and on other ſimilar occaſions) the plaineſt, ſimpleſt, and moſt direct terms: yet notwithſtanding his judicious care, in the uſe of theſe, I muſt own I feel them defective. They preſent me, it is true, with a picture of the ſame ſpecies, but not with the identical picture: my imagination receives clear and diſtinct, but not true and exact images. It may be aſked then, why am I entertained by well-written deſcriptions? I anſwer, becauſe they amuſe rather than inform me; and becauſe, after I have ſeen the places deſcribed, they ſerve to recal to my memory the original ſcene, almoſt as well as the trueſt drawing or picture. In the meanwhile, my mind is flattered by thinking it has acquired ſome conception of the place, and reſts contented in an innocent error, which nothing but ocular proof can detect, and which, when detected, does not diminiſh the pleaſure I had before received, but augments it by ſuperadding the charms of compariſon and verification; and herein I would place the real and only merit of verbal proſe deſcription. To ſpeak of poetical, would lead me beyond the limits as well as the purpoſe of this note. I cannot, however, help adding, that I have ſeen one piece of verbal deſcription which compleatly ſatisfies me, becauſe it is throughout aſſiſted by maſterly delineation. It is compoſed by the Rev. Mr. Gilpin, of Cheam in Surry; and contains, amongſt other places, an account of the very ſcenes which, in this tour, our author viſited. This Gentleman, poſſeſſing the conjoined talent of a writer and a deſigner, has employed them in this manuſcript to every purpoſe of pictureſque beauty, in the deſcription of which a correct eye, a practiſed pencil, and an eloquent pen could aſſiſt him. He has, conſequently, produced a work unique in its kind at once. But I have ſaid it is in manuſcript, and, I am afraid, likely to continue ſo; for would his modeſty permit him to print it, the great expence of plates would make its publication almoſt impracticable.
*
Anne Counteſs of Pembroke and Montgomery.

LETTER V.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

I Have utterly forgot where my Journal left off, but I think it was after the account of Gordale near Settle; if ſo, there was little more worth your notice: the principal things were Wharldale, in the way from Skipton to Otley, and Kirſtall abbey, three miles from Leeds ****. Kirſtall is a noble ruin in the Semi-ſaxon ſtyle of building, as old as King Stephen, towards the end of his reign, 1152. The whole church is ſtill ſtanding, the roof excepted, ſeated in a delicious quiet valley, on the banks of the river Aire, and preſerved with religious reverence by the Duke of Montagu. Adjoining to the church, between that and the river, are variety of chapels and remnants of the abbey, ſhattered by the encroachments of the ivy, and ſurrounded by many a ſturdy tree, whoſe twiſted roots break thro' the fret of the vaulting, and hang ſtreaming from the roofs. The gloom of theſe antient cells, the ſhade and verdure of the landſcape, the glittering and murmur of the ſtream, the lofty towers and long perſpectives of the church, in the midſt of a clear bright day, detained me for many hours; and were the [380] trueſt objects for my glaſs I have yet met with any where. As I lay at that ſmoky, ugly, buſy town of Leeds, I dropped all further thoughts of my Journal; and after paſſing two days at Maſon's (tho' he was abſent) purſued my way by Nottingham, Leiceſter, Harborough, Kettering, Thrapſton, and Huntingdon to Cambridge, where I arrived on the 22d of October, having met with no rain to ſignify till this laſt day of my journey. There's luck for you!

I do think of ſeeing Wales this ſummer, having never found my ſpirits lower than at preſent, and feeling that motion and change of the ſcene is abſolutely neceſſary to me; I will make Aſton in my way to Cheſter, and ſhall rejoice to meet you there the laſt week in May. Maſon writes me word that he wiſhes it; and though his old houſe is down, and his new one not up, propoſes to receive us like Princes in grain.

Here a paragraph, deſcribing Wharldale in the foregoing Journal, was repeated.

LETTER VI.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. NICHOLLS.*

I Received your letter at Southampton; and as I would wiſh to treat every body, according to their own rule and meaſure of good breeding, have, againſt my inclination, waited till now before I anſwered it, purely out of fear and reſpect, and an ingenuous diffidence of my own abilities. If you will [381] not take this as an excuſe, accept it at leaſt as a well-turned period, which is always my principal concern.

So I proceed to tell you that my health is much improved by the ſea, not that I drank it, or bathed in it, as the common people do: no! I only walked by it and looked upon it. The climate is remarkably mild, even in October and November; no ſnow has been ſeen to lie there for theſe thirty years paſt; the myrtles grow in the ground againſt the houſes, and Guernſey lilies bloom in every window: the town, clean and well built, ſurrounded by its old ſtone walls, with their towers and gateways, ſtands at the point of a peninſula, and opens full ſouth to an arm of the ſea, which, having formed two beautiful bays on each hand of it, ſtretches away in direct view, till it joins the Britiſh Channel; it is ſkirted on either ſide with gently-riſing grounds, cloathed with thick wood, and directly croſs its mouth riſe the high lands of the Iſle of Wight at diſtance, but diſtinctly ſeen. In the boſom of the woods (concealed from prophane eyes) lie hid the ruins of Nettely abbey; there may be richer and greater houſes of religion, but the Abbot is content with his ſituation. See there, at the top of that hanging meadow, under the ſhade of thoſe old trees that bend into a half circle about it, he is walking ſlowly (good man!) and bidding his beads for the ſouls of his benefactors, interred in that venerable pile that lies beneath him. Beyond it (the meadow ſtill deſcending) nods a thicket of oaks that maſk the building, and have excluded a view too gariſh and luxuriant for a holy eye; only on either hand they leave an opening to the blue glittering ſea. Did you not obſerve how, as that white ſail ſhot by and was loſt, he turned and croſſed himſelf to drive the tempter from [382] him that had thrown that diſtraction in his way? I ſhould tell you that the ferryman who rowed me, a luſty young fellow, told me that he would not for all the world paſs a night at the abbey (there were ſuch things ſeen near it) though there was a power of money hid there. From thence I went to Saliſbury, Wilton, and Stonhenge: But of theſe things I ſay no more, they will be publiſhed at the Univerſity preſs.

P.S. I muſt not cloſe my letter without giving you one principal event of my hiſtory; which was, that (in the courſe of my late tour) I ſet out one morning before five o'clock, the moon ſhining through a dark and miſty autumnal air, and got to the ſea-coaſt time enough to be at the Sun's Levee. I ſaw the clouds and dark vapours open gradually to right and left, rolling over one another in great ſmoky wreathes, and the tide (as it flowed gently in upon the ſands) firſt whitening, then ſlightly tinged with gold and blue; and all at once a little line of inſufferable brightneſs that (before I can write theſe five words) was grown to half an orb, and now to a whole one, too glorious to be diſtinctly ſeen*. It is very odd it makes no figure on paper; yet I ſhall remember it as long as the ſun, or at leaſt as long as I endure. I wonder whether any body ever ſaw it before? I hardly believe it.

*
This letter was written the 19th of November, 1764; but as it delineates another abbey, in a different manner, it ſeems to make no improper companion to that which precedes it.
*
This puts me in mind of a ſimilar deſcription written by Dr. Jeremy Taylor, which I ſhall here beg leave to preſent to the reader, who will find by it that the old Divine had occaſionally as much power of deſcription as even our modern Poet. ‘"As when the ſun approaches towards the gates of the morning, he firſt opens a little eye of heaven, and ſends away the ſpirits of darkneſs; gives light to the cock, and calls up the lark to mattins; and by and by gilds the fringes of a cloud, and peeps over the eaſtern hills, thruſting out his golden horns ***; and ſtill (while a man tells the ſtory) the ſun gets up higher till he ſhews a fair face and a full light." J. Taylor's Holy Dying, p. 17.
[383]

LETTER VII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. BEATTIE.

I Rejoice to hear that you are reſtored to better ſtate of health, to your books, and to your muſe once again. That forced diſſipation and exerciſe we are obliged to fly to as a remedy, when this frail machine goes wrong, is often almoſt as bad as the diſtemper we would cure; yet I too have been conſtrained of late to purſue a like regimen, on account of certain pains in the head, (a ſenſation unknown to me before) and of great dejection of ſpirits. This, Sir, is the only excuſe I have to make you for my long ſilence, and not (as perhaps you may have figured to yourſelf) any ſecret reluctance I had to tell you my mind concerning the ſpecimen you ſo kindly ſent me of your new Poem*: On the contrary, if I had ſeen any thing of importance to diſapprove, I ſhould have haſtened to inform you, and never doubted of being forgiven. The truth is, I greatly like all I have ſeen, and wiſh to ſee more. The deſign is ſimple, and pregnant with poetical ideas of various kinds, yet ſeems ſomehow imperfect at the end. Why may not young Edwin, when neceſſity has driven him to take up the harp, and aſſume the profeſſion of a Minſtrel, do ſome great and ſingular ſervice to his country? (what ſervice I muſt leave to your invention) ſuch as no General, no Stateſman, no Moraliſt could do without [384] the aid of muſic, inſpiration, and poetry. This will not appear an improbability in thoſe early times, and in a character then held ſacred, and reſpected by all nations: Beſides, it will be a full anſwer to all the Hermit has ſaid, when he diſſuaded him from cultivating theſe pleaſing arts; it will ſhew their uſe, and make the beſt panegyrick of our favourite and celeſtial ſcience. And laſtly, (what weighs moſt with me) it will throw more of action, pathos, and intereſt into your deſign, which already abounds in reflection and ſentiment. As to deſcription, I have always thought that it made the moſt graceful ornament of poetry, but never ought to make the ſubject. Your ideas are new, and borrowed from a mountainous country, the only one that can furniſh truly pictureſque ſcenery. Some trifles in the language or verſification you will permit me to remark.***

I will not enter at preſent into the merits of your Eſſay on Truth, becauſe I have not yet given it all the attention it deſerves, tho' I have read it thro' with pleaſure; beſides, I am partial; for I have always thought David Hume a pernicious writer, and believe he has done as much miſchief here as he has in his own country. A turbid and ſhallow ſtream often appears to our apprehenſions very deep. A profeſſed ſceptic can be guided by nothing but his preſent paſſions (if he has any) and intereſts; and to be maſters of his philoſophy we need not his books or advice, for every child is capable of the ſame thing, without any ſtudy at all. Is not that naivetè and good humour, which his admirers celebrate in him, owing to this, that he has continued [385] all his days an infant, but one that unhappily has been taught to read and write? That childiſh nation, the French, have given him vogue and faſhion, and we, as uſual, have learned from them to admire him at ſecond hand.

*
This letter was written in anſwer to one that incloſed only a part of the firſt book of the Minſtrel in manuſcript, and I believe a ſketch of Mr. Beattie's plan for the whole.
***
A few paragraphs of particular criticiſm are here omitted.
On a ſimilar ſubject Mr. Gray expreſſes himſelf thus in a letter to Mr. Walpole, dated March 17, 1771: ‘"He muſt have a very good ſtomach that can digeſt the Crambe recocta of Voltaire. Atheiſm is a vile diſh, tho' all the cooks of France combine to make new ſauces to it. As to the Soul, perhaps, they may have none on the Continent; but I do think we have ſuch things in England. Shakeſpear, for example, I believe had ſeveral to his own ſhare. As to the Jews (tho' they do not eat pork) I like them becauſe they are better Chriſtians than Voltaire."’ This was written only three months before his death; and I inſert it to ſhew how conſtant and uniform he was in his contempt of infidel writers. Dr. Beattie received only one letter more from his correſpondent, dated March 8, 1771. It related to the firſt book of the Minſtrel, now ſent to him in print, and contained criticiſms on particular paſſages, and commendations of particular ſtanzas. Thoſe criticiſms the author attended to in a future edition, becauſe his good taſte found that they deſerved his attention; the paſſages therefore being altered, the ſtrictures die of courſe. As to the notes of commendation, the Poem itſelf abounds with ſo many ſtriking beauties, that they need not even the hand of Mr. Gray to point them out to a reader of any feeling: all therefore that I ſhall print of that letter, is the concluding paragraph relating to his Eſſay on the Immutability of Truth. ‘"I am happy to hear of your ſucceſs in another way, becauſe I think you are ſerving the cauſe of human nature, and the true intereſts of mankind; your book is read here too, and with juſt applauſe."’
[386]

LETTER VIII.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. HOW.*

I Ought long ſince to have made you my acknowledgements for the obliging teſtimonies of your eſteem that you have conferred upon me; but Count Algarotti's books did not come to my hands till the end of July, and ſince that time I have been prevented by illneſs from doing any of my duties. I have read them more than once, with increaſing ſatisfaction; and ſhould wiſh mankind had eyes to deſcry the genuine ſources of their own pleaſures, and judgment to know the extent that nature has preſcribed to them: If this were the caſe, it would be their intereſt to appoint Count Algarotti their ‘"Arbiter Elegantiarum."’ He is highly civil to our nation; but there is one point in which he does not do us juſtice; I am the more ſolicitous about it, becauſe it relates to the only taſte we can call our own; the only proof of our original talent in matter of pleaſure, I mean our ſkill in gardening, or rather laying out grounds: and this is no ſmall honour to us, ſince neither Italy [387] nor France have ever had the leaſt notion of it, nor yet do at all comprehend it when they ſee it. That the Chineſe have this beautiful art in high perfection, ſeems very probable from the Jeſuits' Letters, and more from Chambers's little diſcourſe, publiſhed ſome years ago*; but it is very certain we copied nothing from them, nor had any thing but nature for our model. It is not forty years ſince the art was born among us; and it is ſure that there was nothing in Europe like it; and as ſure, we then had no information on this head from China at all.

I ſhall rejoice to ſee you in England, and talk over theſe and many other matters with you at leiſure. Do not deſpair of your health, becauſe you have not found all the effects you had promiſed yourſelf from a finer climate. I have known people who have experienced the ſame thing, and yet, at their return, have loſt all their complaints as by miracle.

P.S. I have anſwered Count Algarotti's letter, and his to Mr. Maſon I conveyed to him; but whether he has received his books, I have not yet heard.

*
This letter and the following, if received earlier, would have found their place, according to their dates, in the fourth Section; but I chuſe rather to print them here, out of place, than to reſerve them for another edition, that the purchaſers of this may not have hereafter cauſe to complain that the book was incomplete.
Three ſmall treatiſes on Painting, the Opera, and the French Academy for Painters in Italy; they have been ſince collected in the Leghorn edition of his works.
*
The author has ſince enlarged, and publiſhed it under the title of a Diſſertation on Oriental Gardening; in which he has put it out of all doubt, that the Chineſe and Engliſh taſtes are totally diſſimilar.
See Mr. Walpole's hiſtory of this art at the end of the laſt volume of his Anecdotes of Painters, when he favours the world with its publication.
I queſtion whether this be not ſaying too much. Sir William Temple's account of the Chineſe gardens was publiſhed ſome years before this period; and it is probable that might have promoted our endeavours, not indeed of imitating them, but of imitating (what he ſaid was their archetype) Nature.

[388] Mr. How, on receiving the foregoing letter, communicated the objection which it contained to the Count; who, admitting the juſtneſs of it, altered the paſſage, as appears from the following extract of the anſwer which he ſent to that Gentleman.

"Mi ſpiace ſolamente che quella critica concernente i Giardini Ingleſi non la abbia fatta á me medeſimo; quaſi egli doveſſe credermi piu amico della mia opinione che della veritá. Ecco, come ho cangiato qual luogo. Dopo le parole nel teſſer la favola di un poema. ‘"Simili ai Giardini della Cina ſono quelli che piantano gl' Ingleſi dietro al medeſimo modello della Natura."’ Quanto ella ha di vago, é di vario, boſchetti, collinette, acque vive, praterie con dei tempietti, degli obeliſchi, ed anche di belle rovine che ſpuntano quá e lá, ſi trova quivi reunito dal guſto dei Kent, e dei Chambers*, che hanno di tanto ſorpaſſato il le Nautre, tenuto giá il maeſtro dell' Architettura, diro coſi, dé Giardini. Dalle Ville d'Inghilterra é ſbandita la ſimmetria Franceſe, i più bei ſiti pajono naturali, il culto é miſto col negletto, é il diſordine che vi regna é l'effetto dell' arte la meglio ordinata."

It is ſeldom that an author of a reputation ſo eſtabliſhed (as Mr. How truly remarked, when he ſent this extract to Mr. Gray) ſo eaſily, readily, and explicitly gives up his own opinion to that of another, or even to conviction itſelf; nor perhaps would Count Algarotti have done ſo, had he not been thoroughly apprized to whoſe correction he ſubmitted.

[389]

LETTER IX.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. HOW.

I Was willing to go through the eight volumes of Count Algarotti's works, which you lately preſented to the library of this College, before I returned you an anſwer: this muſt be my excuſe to you for my ſilence. Firſt I condole with you, that ſo neat an edition ſhould ſwarm in almoſt every page with errors of the preſs, not only in notes and citations from Greek, Engliſh, and French authors, but in the Italian text itſelf, greatly to the diſreputation of the Leghorn publiſhers. This is the only reaſon, I think, that could make an edition in England neceſſary; but, I doubt, you would not find the matter much mended here; our preſſes, as they improve in beauty, declining daily in accuracy; beſides, you would find the expence very conſiderable, and the ſale in no proportion to it, as, in reality, it is but few people in England that read currently and with pleaſure the Italian tongue, and the fine old editions of their capital writers are ſold at London for a lower price than they bear in Italy. An Engliſh tranſlation I can by no means adviſe; the juſtneſs of thought and good ſenſe might remain, but the graces of elocution (which make a great part of Algarotti's merit) would be entirely loſt, and that merely from the very different genius and complexion of the two languages.

Doubtleſs there can be no impropriety in your making the ſame preſent to the Univerſity that you have done to your own [390] College. You need not at all to fear for the reputation of your friend, he has merit enough to recommend him in any country. A tincture of various ſorts of knowledge, an acquaintance with all the beautiful arts, an eaſy command, a preciſion, warmth, and richneſs of expreſſion, and a judgment that is rarely miſtaken on any ſubject to which he applies it. I had read the Congreſſo di Citéra before, and was exceſſively pleaſed with it, in ſpite of prejudice; for I am naturally no friend to allegory, nor to poetical proſe. ‘"The Giudicio d'Amore"’ is an addition rather inferior to it. What gives me the leaſt pleaſure of any of his writings is the Newtonianiſm; it is ſo direct an imitation of Fontenelle, a writer not eaſy to imitate, and leaſt of all in the Italian tongue, whoſe character and graces are of a higher ſtyle, and never adapt themſelves eaſily to the elegant badinage and legereté of converſation that ſit ſo well on the French. The eſſays and letters (many of them entirely new to me) on the Arts, are curious and entertaining: Thoſe on other ſubjects, (even where the thoughts are not new, but borrowed from his various reading and converſation) often better put, and better expreſſed than in the originals. I rejoice when I ſee Machiavel defended or illuſtrated, who to me appears one of the wiſeſt men that any nation in any age has produced. Moſt of the other diſcourſes, military or political, are well worth reading, though that on Kouli-Khan was a mere jeu d'eſprit, a ſort of hiſtorical exerciſe. The letters from Ruſſia I had read before with pleaſure, particularly the narrative of Munick and Laſcy's campaigns. The detached thoughts are often new and juſt; but there ſhould have been a reviſal of them, as they are frequently to be found in his letters repeated in the very ſame words. Some too of the familiar letters might have been ſpared. [391] The verſes are not equal to the proſe, but they are above mediocrity.

LETTER X.*

Mr. GRAY to Mr. NICHOLLS.

IT is long ſince that I heard you were gone in haſte into Yorkſhire on account of your mother's illneſs, and the ſame letter informed me that ſhe was recovered, otherwiſe I had then wrote to you only to beg you would take care of her, and to inform you that I had diſcovered a thing very little known, which is, that in one's whole life one never can have any more than a ſingle mother. You may think this is obvious, and (what you call) a trite obſervation. You are a green goſling! I was at the ſame age (very near) as wiſe as you, and yet I never diſcovered this (with full evidence and conviction I mean) till it was too late. It is thirteen years ago, and ſeems but as yeſterday, and every day I live it ſinks deeper into my heart. Many a corollary could I draw from this axiom for your uſe, (not for my own) but I will leave you the merit of doing it for yourſelf. Pray tell me how your health is: I conclude it perfect, as I hear [392] you offered yourſelf as a guide to Mr. Palgrave into the SierraMorena of Yorkſhire. For me, I paſſed the end of May and all June in Kent, not diſagreeably. In the weſt part of it, from every eminence, the eye catches ſome long reach of the Thames or Medway, with all their ſhipping: in the eaſt the ſea breaks in upon you, and mixes its white tranſient ſails and glittering blue expanſe with the deeper and brighter greens of the woods and corn. This ſentence is ſo fine I am quite aſhamed; but no matter! You muſt tranſlate it into proſe. Palgrave, if he heard it, would cover his face with his pudding ſleeve. I do not tell you of the great and ſmall beaſts, and creeping things innumerable, that I met with, becauſe you do not ſuſpect that this world is inhabited by any thing but men, and women, and clergy, and ſuch two-legged cattle. Now I am here again very diſconſolate, and all alone, for Mr. Brown is gone, and the cares of this world are coming thick upon me: you, I hope, are better off, riding and walking in the woods of Studley, &c. &c. I muſt not wiſh for you here; beſides I am going to Town at Michaelmas, by no means for amuſement.

*
This letter was written ſome years before, and would have been inſerted after Letter LIII. of the fourth Section, if received in time.
He ſeldom mentioned his Mother without a ſigh. After his death, her gowns and wearing apparel were found in a trunk in his apartments juſt as ſhe had left them; it ſeemed as if he could never take the reſolution to open it, in order to diſtribute them to his female relations, to whom, by his will, he bequeathed them.

LETTER XI.

Mr. GRAY to Mr. NICHOLLS.

I Rejoice you have met with Froiſſart, he is the Herodotus of a barbarous age; had he but had the luck of writing in as good a language, he might have been immortal! His locomotive diſpoſition (for then there was no other way of learning [393] things); his ſimple curioſity, his religious credulity were much like thoſe of the old Grecian*. When you have tant chevauché, as to get to the end of him, there is Monſtrelet waits to take you up, and will ſet you down at Philip de Comines; but previous to all theſe, you ſhould have read Villehardouin and Joinville. I do not think myſelf bound to defend the character of even the beſt of Kings: pray ſlaſh them all and ſpare not.

It would be ſtrange too if I ſhould blame your Greek ſtudies, or find fault with you for reading Iſocrates; I did ſo myſelf twenty years ago, and in an edition at leaſt as bad as yours. The Panegyric, the de Pace, Areopagitic, and Advice to Philip, are by far the nobleſt remains we have of this writer, and equal to moſt things extant in the Greek tongue; but it depends on your judgment to diſtinguiſh between his real and occaſional opinion of things, as he directly contradicts in one place what he has advanced in another: for example, in the Panathenaic, and the de Pace, &c. on the naval power of Athens; the latter of the two is undoubtedly his own undiſguiſed ſentiment.

I would by all means wiſh you to comply with your friend's requeſt, and write the letter he deſires. I truſt to the cauſe and to the warmth of your own kindneſs for inſpiration. Write eloquently, that is from your heart, in ſuch expreſſions as that [394] will furniſh*. Men ſometimes catch that feeling from a ſtranger which ſhould have originally ſprung from their own heart.

*
See more of his opinion of this author, Sect. iv. Letter xxxvi.
I ſuppoſe his correſpondent had made ſome ſtrictures on the character of Henry IV. of France. See Sect. iv. Letter xxii.
*
This ſhort ſentence contains a complete definition of natural eloquence; when it becomes an art it requires one more prolix, and our Author ſeems to have begun to ſketch it on a detached paper. ‘"Its province (ſays he) is to reign over minds of ſlow perception and little imagination, to ſet things in lights they never ſaw them in; to engage their attention by details and circumſtances gradually unfolded, to adorn and heighten them with images and colours unknown to them, and to raiſe and engage their rude paſſions to the point to which the ſpeaker wiſhes to bring them."’ ***

LETTER XII.

Mr. GRAY to Dr. WHARTON.

MY laſt ſummer's tour was through Worceſterſhire, Glouceſterſhire, Monmouthſhire, Herefordſhire, and Shropſhire, five of the moſt beautiful counties in the kingdom. The very principal light and capital feature of my journey was the river Wye, which I deſcended in a boat for near forty miles from Roſs to Chepſtow. Its banks are a ſucceſſion of nameleſs beauties; one out of many you may ſee not ill deſcribed by Mr. Whately, in his Obſervations on Gardening, under the name of the New-Weir: he has alſo touched upon two others, Tinterne Abbey and Persfield, both of them famous ſcenes, and both on the Wye. Monmouth, a town I never heard mentioned, lies on the ſame river, in a vale that is the delight of my eyes, and the very ſeat of pleaſure. The vale of Abergavenny, [395] Ragland, and Chepſtow caſtles; Ludlow, Malvernhills, Hampton-Court, near Lemſter; the Leaſows, Hagley, the three cities and their cathedrals; and laſtly Oxford (where I paſſed two days on my return with great ſatisfaction) were the reſt of my acquiſitions, and no bad harveſt in my opinion; but I made no journal myſelf, elſe you ſhould have had it: I have indeed a ſhort one written by the companion of my travels*, that ſerves to recal and fix the fleeting images of theſe things.

I have had a cough upon me theſe three months, which is incurable. The approaching ſummer I have ſometimes had thoughts of ſpending on the Continent; but I have now dropped that intention, and believe my expeditions will terminate in Old Park: but I make no promiſe, and can anſwer for nothing; my own employment ſo ſticks in my ſtomach, and troubles my conſcience: and yet travel I muſt, or ceaſe to exiſt. Till this year I hardly knew what (mechanical) low ſpirits were, but now I even tremble at an eaſt wind.

*
Mr. Nicholls.

This is the laſt Letter which I have ſelected for this Section; and I inſert it chiefly for the occaſion which it affords me of commenting on the latter part of it, where he ſpeaks of his own employment as Profeſſor of Modern Hiſtory; an office which he had now held nearly three years, and had not begun to execute the duties of it. His health, which was all the time gradually on the decline, and his ſpirits only ſupported by the frequent ſummer excurſions, during this period, might, to the candid reader, be a ſufficient apology for this omiſſion, or rather procraſtination: but there is more to be ſaid in his excuſe; and [396] I ſhould ill execute the office I have undertaken of arranging theſe papers, with a view of doing honour to his memory, if I did not endeavour to remove every exception that might, with a ſhow of reaſon, be taken to his conduct in this inſtance.

His buſineſs, as Profeſſor, conſiſted of two parts; one, the teaching of modern Languages; the other, the reading of lectures on Modern Hiſtory. The patent which created the office, authorized him to execute the former of theſe by deputies; the latter, the ſame patent preſcribed to him, to commence by reading a public lecture in the ſchools, and to continue to do ſo once at leaſt in every term. As this patent did not aſcertain the language in which the lecture was to be read, he was at liberty to do it either in Latin or Engliſh; he choſe the former, and I think rather injudiciouſly; becauſe, tho' no man, in the earlier part of his life, was more ready in Latin compoſition, he had now loſt the habit, and might therefore well have excuſed himſelf, by the nature of his ſubject, from any ſuperadded difficulty of language. However, immediately on his appointment, he ſketched out an admirable plan for his inauguration ſpeech; in which, after enumerating the preparatory and auxiliary ſtudies requiſite, ſuch as Antient Hiſtory, Georgraphy, Chronology, &c.* he deſcended to the authentic ſources of the ſcience, ſuch as Public Treaties—State Records—Private Correſpondence of Ambaſſadors, &c. He alſo wrote the Exordium of this Theſis; [397] not indeed in a manner correct enough to be here given by way of Fragment: but ſo ſpirited, in point of ſentiment, as leaves it much to be lamented, that he did not proceed to its completion. At the ſame time he drew up, and laid before the Duke of Grafton, juſt then choſen Chancellor of the Univerſity, three different ſchemes for regulating the method of chooſing pupils privately to be inſtructed by him: one of theſe was ſo much approved as to be ſent to Oxford, in order to be obſerved by the new Profeſſor then appointed in that place: and the ſame plan, or ſomething very ſimilar to it, regulates the private lectures which Mr. Gray's ſucceſſor now reads at Cambridge; but the public ones, I believe, are ſtill omitted in both Univerſities: and yet I conceive, that on theſe (had Mr. Gray been appointed earlier in life to the office) he would have choſen chiefly to exert his uncommon abilities. Indeed, if we conſider the nature of the ſtudy itſelf, Modern Hiſtory, ſo far as it is a detail of facts, (and ſo far only, a boy juſt come from ſchool can be ſuppoſed to be taught it) may be as compleatly learned from private reading as from the mouth of any lecturer whatever. What can his lecture conſiſt of, if it aims to teach what it ought, but a chain of well-authenticated events, judiciouſly ſelected from the numerous writers on the ſubject? What can it then be more than an abridgment added to the innumerable ones with which our libraries are already crouded? I know of no difficult propoſitions which this ſtudy contains, to the proof of which the pupil muſt be led ſtep after ſtep by the ſlow hand of demonſtration; or that require to be elucidated by the conviction of a mechanical experiment. On this ſubject carefully to read, is compleatly to underſtand; it is the exerciſe of memory, not of reaſon. But a public Lecturer, reading to an audience well [398] inſtructed in theſe facts, has a wider and nobler field. It is his province to trace every important event to its political ſpring; to develope the cauſe, and thence deduce the conſequence. In the courſe of ſuch diſquiſitions, the rational faculties of his auditors are employed in weighing the force of his arguments, and their judgments finally convinced by the deciſive ſtrength of them. What would be an idle diſplay of either logic or rhetoric, where youths are only to be initiated into the knowledge of facts, becomes before this circle of mature hearers, a neceſſary exertion of erudition and genius. From ſuch lectures, afterwards collected into a volume, not only the Univerſity but the nation itſelf, nay all other nations might reap their advantage; and receive from this, the benefit they have received from other ſimilar inſtitutions: For though Mr. Gray, in one of the plans lately mentioned, obſerves, that ‘"Lectures read in public are generally things of more oſtentation than uſe; yet" (he adds) "if indeed they ſhould gradually ſwell into a book, and the Author ſhould find reaſon to hope they might deſerve the attention of the publick, it is poſſible they might become of general ſervice; of this we have already ſome inſtances, as Judge Blackſtone's Lectures on the Common Law, and the Biſhop of Oxford's on Hebrew Poetry."’

But theſe reflections lead me beyond my purpoſe, which was only to remove from my deceaſed friend any imputation which, on this account, might reſt on his memory. Certain it is, that notwithſtanding his ill health, he conſtantly intended to read lectures; and I remember the laſt time he viſited me at Aſton, in the ſummer of the year 1770, he expreſſed much chagrin on this ſubject, and even declared it to be his ſtedfaſt reſolution [399] to reſign his Profeſſorſhip, if he found himſelf unable to do real ſervice in it. What I ſaid to diſſuade him from this, tho' I urged, as may be ſuppoſed, every argument I could think of, had, I found, ſo little weight with him, that I am almoſt perſuaded he would very ſoon have put this intention into execution. But death prevented the trial; the particulars of which it is now my melancholy office to relate.

The Gout, which he always believed hereditary in his conſtitution, (for both his parents died of that diſtemper) had for ſeveral years attacked him in a weakly and unfixed manner; and the great temperance which he obſerved, particularly in regard to his drinking, ſerved, perhaps, to prevent any ſevere paroxiſm, but by no means eradicated the conſtitutional malady. In the latter end of May, 1771, juſt about the time he wrote the laſt letter, he removed to London, where he became feveriſh, and his dejection of ſpirits increaſed: the weather being then very ſultry, our common friend, Dr. Giſborne*, adviſed him, for an opener and freer air, to remove from his lodgings in Jermynſtreet to Kenſington, where he frequently attended him, and where Mr. Gray ſo far got the better of his diſorder, as to be able to return to Cambridge; meaning from thence to ſet out very ſoon for Old Park, in hopes that travelling, from which he uſually received ſo much benefit, would compleat his cure: but on the 24th of July, while at dinner in the College Hall, he felt a ſudden nauſea, which obliged him to riſe from table and retire to his chamber. This continued to increaſe, and nothing ſtaying on his ſtomach, he ſent for his friend Dr. Glynn, who finding it to be the gout in that part, thought his caſe dangerous, [400] and called in Dr. Plumptree, the Phyſical Profeſſor: they preſcribed to him the uſual cordials given in that diſtemper, but without any good effect; for on the 29th he was ſeized with a ſtrong convulſion fit, which, on the 30th, returned with increaſed violence, and on the next evening he expired. He was ſenſible at times almoſt to the laſt, and from the firſt aware of his extreme danger; but expreſſed no viſible concern at the thoughts of his approaching diſſolution.

This account I draw up from the letters which Dr. Brown, then on the ſpot, wrote to me during his ſhort illneſs; and as I felt ſtrongly at the time what Tacitus has ſo well expreſſed on a ſimilar occaſion, I may, with propriety, uſe his words: ‘"Mihi, praeter acerbitatem amici erepti, auget maeſtitiam, quod adſidere valetudini, fovere deficientem, ſatiari vultu, complexu, non contigit*."’ I was then on the eaſtern ſide of Yorkſhire, at a diſtance from the direct poſt, and therefore did not receive the melancholy intelligence ſoon enough to be able to reach Cambridge before his corpſe had been carried to the place he had, by will, appointed for its interment. To ſee the laſt rites duly performed, therefore, fell to the lot of Dr. Brown; I had only to join him, on his return from the funeral, in executing the other truſts which his friendſhip had authorized us jointly to perform.

The method in which I have arranged the foregoing pages, has, I truſt, one degree of merit, that it makes the reader ſo well acquainted with the man himſelf, as to render it totally unneceſſary to conclude the whole with his character. If I am miſtaken in this point, I have been a compiler to little [401] purpoſe; and I choſe to be this rather than a biographer, that I might do the more juſtice to the virtues and genius of my friend. I might have written his life in the common form, perhaps with more reputation to myſelf; but, ſurely, not with equal information to the reader; for whoſe ſake I have never related a ſingle circumſtance of Mr. Gray's life in my own words, when I could employ his for the purpoſe. Fortunately I had more materials for this uſe, than commonly fall to the lot of an Editor; and I certainly have not been ſparing in the uſe of them: whether I have been too laviſh, muſt be left to the deciſion of the public.

With reſpect to the Latin Poems, which I have printed in the three firſt Sections of theſe Memoirs, I muſt beg leave to add one word here, though a little out of place. A learned and ingenious perſon, to whom I communicated them, after they were printed off, was of opinion, that they contain ſome few expreſſions not warranted by any good authority; and that there are one or two falſe quantities to be found in them. I once had an intention to cancel the pages, and correct the paſſages objected to, according to my friend's criticiſms; but, on ſecond thoughts, I deemed it beſt to let them ſtand exactly as I found them in the manuſcripts. The accurate claſſical reader will perhaps be beſt pleaſed with finding out the faulty paſſages himſelf; and his candour will eaſily make the proper allowances for any little miſtakes in verſes, which he will conſider never had the author's laſt hand.

I might here lay down my pen, yet if any reader ſhould ſtill want his character, I will give him one which was publiſhed very [402] ſoon after Mr. Gray's deceaſe*. It appears to be well written; and, as it comes from an anonymous pen, I chuſe the rather to inſert it, as it will, on that account, be leſs ſuſpected of partiality.

"Perhaps he was the moſt learned man in Europe. He was equally acquainted with the elegant and profound parts of ſcience, and that not ſuperficially but thoroughly. He knew every branch of hiſtory, both natural and civil; had read all the original hiſtorians of England, France, and Italy; and was a great antiquarian. Criticiſm, metaphyſics, morals, politics made a principal part of his plan of ſtudy; voyages [403] and travels of all ſorts were his favourite amuſement: and he had a fine taſte in painting, prints, architecture, and gardening§. With ſuch a fund of knowledge, his converſation muſt have been equally inſtructing and entertaining; but he was alſo a good man, a well-bred man, a man of virtue and humanity. There is no character without ſome ſpeck, ſome imperfection; and I think the greateſt defect in his was an affectation in delicacy, or rather effeminacy*, and a viſible faſtidiouſneſs, or contempt and diſdain of his inferiors in ſcience. He alſo had in ſome degree that weakneſs which diſguſted Voltaire ſo much in Mr. Congreve: though he ſeemed to value others, chiefly according to the progreſs they had made in knowledge; yet he could not bear to be conſidered himſelf [404] merely as a man of letters; and though without birth; or fortune, or ſtation, his deſire was to be looked upon as a private independent Gentleman, who read for his amuſement. Perhaps it may be ſaid, What ſignifies ſo much knowledge, when it produced ſo little? Is it worth taking ſo much pains to leave no memorial, but a few poems? But let it be conſidered, that Mr. Gray was to others, at leaſt innocently employed; to himſelf, certainly beneficially. His time paſſed agreeably; he was every day making ſome new acquiſition in ſcience; his mind was enlarged, his heart ſoftened, his virtue ſtrengthened; the world and mankind were ſhewn to him without a maſk; and he was taught to conſider every thing as trifling, and unworthy of the attention of a wiſe man, except the purſuit of knowledge, and the practice of virtue, in that ſtate wherein God hath placed us."

THE END OF THE MEMOIRS.

Appendix A CONTENTS OF THE MEMOIRS.

[]
SECTION I.
  • INTRODUCTION.—Mr. GRAY's birth.—Education at Eton, where he commences a friendſhip with the Honble. Horace Walpole, and Mr. Richard Weſt.—Account of the latter, with whom and with Mr. Walpole a correſpondence begins on their leaving ſchool, and going to the univerſity. Page 1 to 6
  • LETTER 1. From Mr. WEST.—Complains of his friend's ſilence. Page 6
  • 2. To Mr. WEST.—Anſwer to the former.—A tranſlation of ſome lines from Statius. Page 7
  • 3. From Mr. WEST.—Approbation of the verſion.—Ridicule on the Cambridge Collection of Verſes on the marriage of the Prince of Wales. Page 10
  • Preface of the Editor to the ſubſequent letter. Page 11
  • 4. To Mr. WEST.—On the little encouragement which he finds given to claſſical learning at Cambridge.—His averſion to metaphyſical and mathematical ſtudies. Page 12
  • 5. From Mr. WEST.—Anſwer to the former, adviſes his correſpondent not to give up Poetry when he applies himſelf to the Law. Page 14
  • 6. To Mr. WALPOLE.—Excuſe for not writing to him, &c. Page 16
  • [406] LETTER 7. From Mr. WEST.—A poetical epiſtle addreſſed to his Cambridge friends, taken in part from Tibullus and a proſe letter of Mr. Pope. Page 18
  • 8. To Mr. WEST.—Thanks him for his poetical epiſtle. Complains of low ſpirits.—Lady Walpole's death, and his concern for Mr. H. Walpole. Page 22
  • 9. To Mr. WALPOLE.—How he ſpends his own time in the country.—Meets with Mr. Southern, the dramatic poet. Page 23
  • 10. To Mr. WALPOLE.—Suppoſed manner in which Mr. Walpole ſpends his time in the country. Page 25
  • 11. From Mr. WEST.—Sends him a tranſlation into Latin of a Greek epigram. Page 26
  • 12. To Mr. WEST.—A Latin epiſtle in anſwer to the foregoing. Page 28
  • 13. From Mr. WEST, on leaving the Univerſity, and removing to the Temple. Page 29
  • 14. To Mr. WEST.—A Sapphic Ode, occaſioned by the preceding letter, with a Latin poſtſcript, concluding with ân Alcaic fragment. Page 30
  • 15. From Mr. WEST.—Thanks for his Ode, &c.—His idea of Sir Robert Walpole. Page 33
  • 16. To Mr. WALPOLE.—Congratulates him on his new place. Whimſical deſcription of the quadrangle of Peter-Houſe. Page 34
  • 17. To Mr. WEST.—On his own leaving the Univerſity. Page 36
  • 18. From Mr. WEST.—Sends him a Latin Elegy in ànſwer to Mr. Gray's Sapphic Ode. Page 37
  • Short Narrative, concluding the Section. Page 39
SECTION II.
  • Connecting Narrative.—Mr. Gray goes abroad with Mr. Walpole. Correſponds, during his tour, with his parents and Mr. Weſt. Page 40
  • LETTER 1. To his MOTHER.—His voyage from Dover.—Deſcription of Calais.—Abbeville.—Amiens.—Face of the country, and dreſs of the people. Page 41
  • 2. To Mr. WEST.—Monuments of the Kings of France at St. Denis, &c.—French Opera and Muſic.—Actors, &c. Page 44
  • [407] LETTER 3. To Mr. WEST.—Palace of Verſailles.—Its gardens and waterworks.—Inſtallation of the Knights du S. Eſprit. Page 47
  • 4. To his MOTHER.—Rheims.—Its cathedral.—Diſpoſition and amuſements of its inhabitants. Page 50
  • 5. To his FATHER.—Face of the country between Rheims and Dijon.—Deſcription of the latter—Monaſtery of the Carthuſians and Ciſtertians. Page 53
  • 6. To Mr. WEST.—Lyons.—Beauty of its environs.—Roman Antiquities. Page 54
  • 7. From Mr. WEST.—His wiſhes to accompany his friend.—His retired life in London.—Addreſs to his Lyre, in Latin Sapphics, on the proſpect of Mr. Gray's return. Page 56
  • 8. To his MOTHER.—Lyons.—Excurſion to the Grande Chartreuſe.—Solemn and romantic approach to it.—His reception there, and commendation of the monaſtery. Page 58
  • 9. To his FATHER.—Geneva.—Advantage of a free government exhibited in the very look of the people.—Beauty of the lake, and plenty of its fiſh. Page 60
  • 10. To his MOTHER.—Journey over the Alps to Turin.—Singular accident in paſſing them.—Method of travelling over mount Cenis. Page 63
  • 11. To Mr. WEST.—Turin.—Its Carnival.—More of the views and ſcenery on the road to the Grande Chartreuſe.—Wild and ſavage proſpects amongſt the Alps agreeable to Livy's deſcription. Page 65
  • 12. To Mr. WEST.—Genoa.—Muſic.—The Doge.—Churches and the Palazzo Doria. Page 68
  • 13. To his MOTHER.—Paintings at Modena.—Bologna.—Beauty and richneſs of Lombardy. Page 70
  • 14. To his MOTHER.—The Appennines.—Florence and its Gallery. Page 72
  • 15. To Mr. WEST.—Journey from Genoa to Florence.—Elegiac verſes occaſioned by the ſight of the plains where the battle of Trebiae was fought. Page 75
  • 16. From Mr. WEST.—Latin Elegy, expreſſing his wiſhes to ſee Italy and Greece. Page 76
  • [408] LETTER 17. To his MOTHER.—Death of the Pope.—Intended departure for Rome.—Firſt and pleaſing appearance of an Italian ſpring. Page 77
  • 18. To his MOTHER.—Cathedral of Sienna.—Viterbo.—Diſtant ſight of Rome.—The Tiber.—Entrance into the city.—St. Peter's.—Introduction of the Cardinal d'Auvergne into the Conclave. Page 78
  • 19. To his MOTHER.—Illumination of St. Peter's on Good-Friday, &c. Page 82
  • 20. To Mr. WEST.—Comic account of the palace of the Duke of Modena at Tivoli.—The Anio.—Its caſcade.—Situation of the town.—Villas of Horace and Mecaenas, and other remains of antiquity.—Modern aqueducts.—A grand Roman Ball. Page 83
  • 21. To Mr. WEST.—An Alcaic Ode.—Ludicrous alluſion to antient Roman cuſtoms.—Albano and its lake, CaſtleGondolfo.—Proſpect from the palace; an obſervation of Mr. Walpole's on the views in that part of Italy.—Latin inſcriptions, antient and modern. Page 87
  • 22. To his MOTHER.—Road to Naples.—Beautiful ſituation of that city.—Its bay.—Of Baiae, and ſeveral other antiquities.—Some account of the firſt diſcovery of an antient town, now known to be Herculaneum. Page 92
  • 23. To his FATHER.—Departure from Rome and return to Florence.—No likelihood of the Conclave's riſing.—Some of the Cardinals dead.—Deſcription of the Pretender, his ſons, and court.—Proceſſion at Naples.—Sight of the King and Queen.—Mildneſs of the air at Florence. Page 95
  • 24. From Mr. WEST.—On his quitting the Temple, and reaſon for it. Page 97
  • 25. To Mr. WEST.—Anſwer to the foregoing letter.—Some account of Naples and its environs, and of Mr. Walpole's and his return to Florence. Page 99
  • 26. To his MOTHER.—Excurſion to Bologna.—Election of a Pope; deſcription of his perſon, with an odd ſpeech which he made to the Cardinals in the Conclave. Page 103
  • 27. To Mr. WEST.—Deſcription in Latin Hexameters of the ſudden riſing of Monte Nuovo near Puzzoli, and of the deſtruction which attended it. Page 105
  • [409] LETTER 28. To his FATHER.—Uncertainty of the route he ſhall take in his return to England.—Magnificence of the Italians in their reception of ſtrangers, and perſimony when alone. The great applauſe which the new Pope meets with.—One of his Bons mots. Page 109
  • 29. To his FATHER.—Total want of amuſement at Florence, occaſioned by the late Emperor's funeral not being public. A proceſſion to avert the ill effects of a late inundation.—Intention of going to Venice.—An invaſion from the Neapolitans apprehended.—The inhabitants of Tuſcany diſſatisfied with the government. Page 111
  • 30. To Mr. WEST.—The time of his departure from Florence determined.—Alteration in his temper and ſpirits.—Difference between an Italian Fair and an Engliſh one.—A farewell to Florence and its proſpects in Latin Hexameters.—Imitation, in the ſame language, of an Italian Sonnet. Page 113
  • Account of Mr. Gray's return home, and of his ſecond viſit to the Grande Chartreuſe, where he wrote an Alcaic Ode, which concludes the Section. Page 116
SECTION III.
  • Prefatory narrative.—Mr. Gray's father dies, and the year after he returns to Cambridge, and takes a degree in Civil Law; during that interval he correſponds with Mr. Weſt. Page 119
  • LETTER 1. From Mr. WEST.—His ſpirits not as yet improved by country air.—Has begun to read Tacitus, but does not reliſh him. Page 121
  • 2. To Mr. WEST.—Earneſt hopes for his friend's better health, as the warm weather comes on.—Defence of Tacitus, and his character.—Of the new Dunciad.—Sends him a ſpeech from the firſt ſcene of his Agrippina. Page 122
  • [410] The Plan, Dramatis Perſonae, and all the ſpeeches which Mr. Gray wrote of that Tragedy inſerted. Page 124
  • LETTER 3. From Mr. WEST.—Criticiſm on his friend's tragic ſtyle.—Latin Hexameters on his own cough. Page 136
  • 4. To Mr. WEST.—Thanks for his verſes.—On Joſeph Andrews.—Defence of old words in Tragedy. Page 138
  • 5. From Mr. WEST.—Anſwer to the former, on the ſubject of antiquated expreſſions. Page 142
  • 6. To Mr. WEST.—Has laid aſide his Tragedy.—Difficulty of tranſlating Tacitus. Page 145
  • 7. From Mr. WEST.—With an Engliſh Ode on the approach of May. Page 146
  • 8. To Mr. WEST.—Criticiſes his Ode.—Of his own claſſical ſtudies. Page 148
  • 9. From Mr. WEST.—Anſwer to the foregoing. Page 150
  • 10. To Mr. WEST.—Of his own peculiar ſpecies of melancholy.—Inſcription for a wood in Greek Hexameters.—Argument and exordium of a Latin Heroic Epiſtle from Sophoniſba to Maſſiniſſa. Page 151
  • Account of Mr. WEST's death.—Of Mr. Gray's Engliſh Poetry, written about this time, with the general plan, argument of the firſt book, and all the parts which the Author finiſhed of a Latin Didactic Poem ‘"De Principiis Cogitandi."’ Page 155 to 170
SECTION IV.
  • Prefatory narrative.—Mr. Gray takes his degree in Civil Law, and makes Cambridge his principal reſidence for the reſt of his life.—The Editor of theſe Memoirs becomes acquainted with him in the year 1747—He correſponds with Dr. Wharton and ſeveral other perſons till the year 1768, when he is appointed Profeſſor of Modern Hiſtory. Page 170
  • LETTER 1. To Dr. WHARTON, on taking his degree of Batchelor of Civil Law. Page 173
  • [411] Fragment of an Hymn to Ignorance. Page176
  • LETTER 2. To Dr. WHARTON.—Ridicule on Univerſity lazineſs.—Of Dr. Akenſide's Poem on the Pleaſures of Imagination. Page 177
  • 3. To Dr. WHARTON.—His amuſements in town.—Reflections on riches.—Character of Ariſtotle. Page 180
  • 4. To Mr. WALPOLE.—Ridicule on Cibber's Obſervations on Cicero.—On the modern Platonic Dialogue.—Account of his own and Mr. Weſt's poetical compoſitions. Page 182
  • 5. To Mr. WALPOLE.—Criticiſms on Mr. Spence's Polymetis. Page 185
  • 6. To Mr. WALPOLE.—Ludicrous compliment of condolence on the death of his favourite Cat, incloſing his Ode on that ſubject. Page 188
  • 7. To Dr. WHARTON.—Loſs by fire of a houſe in Cornhill. On Diodorus Siculus.—M. Greſſet's Poems.—Thomſon's Caſtle of Indolence.—Ode to a Water-Nymph, with a character of its Author. Page 189
  • 8. To Dr. WHARTON.—More on M. Greſſet.—Account of his own projected Poem on the alliance between government and education. Page 191
  • Fragment of that Poem, with a commentary, notes, and detached ſentiments relative to it. Page 193 to 201
  • 9. To Dr. WHARTON.—Character of M. de Monteſquieu's L'Eſprit des Loix. Page 201
  • 10. To Dr. WHARTON.—Account of books continued.—Crebillion's Catalina.—Birch's State Papers.—Of his own ſtudies, and a table of Greek Chronology, which he was then forming. Page 204
  • 11. To Dr. WHARTON.—Ludicrous account of the Duke of Newcaſtle's Inſtallation at Cambridge.—On the Ode then performed, and more concerning the Author of it. Page 206
  • 12. To his MOTHER.—Conſolatory on the death of her ſiſter. Page 207
  • [412] LETTER 13. To Dr. WHARTON.—Wiſhes to be able to pay him a viſit at Durham.—On Dr. Middleton's death.—Some account of the firſt volumes of Buffon's Hiſtoire Naturelle. Page 209
  • Narrative of the incident which led Mr. Gray to write his Long Story. That Poem inſerted, with notes by the Editor, and prefaced with his idea of Mr. Gray's peculiar vein of humour. Page 211 to 221
  • LETTER 14. To Dr. WHARTON.—On the ill reception which the foregoing Poem met with in town when handed about in manuſcript, and how much his Elegy in a Country ChurchYard was applauded. Page 221
  • 15. To Mr. WALPOLE.—Deſires him to give his Elegy to Mr. Dodſley to be printed immediately, in order to prevent its publication in a magazine. Page 222
  • 16. To Dr. WHARTON.—Of Madame Maintenon's Character and Letters.—His high opinion of M. Racine.—Of Biſhop Hall's Satires, and of a few of Plato's Dialogues. Page 223
  • 17. To Mr. WALPOLE.—Concerning the intention of publiſhing Mr. Bentley's deſigns for his Poems.—Refuſes to have his own portrait prefixed to that work. Page 224
  • Farther account of thoſe deſigns, with ſtanzas which Mr. Gray wrote to Mr. Bentley on that occaſion. Page 226
  • Epitaph on Mr. Gray's Aunt and Mother in the church-yard of StokePogis. Page 228
  • LETTER 18. To Mr. MASON.—On the death of his Father. Page 229
  • 19. To Dr. WHARTON.—On Strawberry-Hill.—Occaſional remarks on Gothic Architecture. Page 230
  • 20. To Dr. WHARTON.—Objection to publiſhing his Ode on the Progreſs of Poetry ſingly.—Hint of his having other lyrical ideas by him unfiniſhed. Page 232
  • Explanation of that hint, and a fragment of one of thoſe lyrical pieces inſerted. Page 233 to 240
  • [413] LETTER 21. To Mr. STONHEWER.—Of Monſignor Baiardi's book concerning Herculaneum.—A Poem of Voltaire.—Incloſes a part of his Ode entitled the Bard. Page 240
  • 22. To Dr. WHARTON.—On his removing from Peter-Houſe to Pembroke-Hall.—His notion of a London Hoſpital.—Of Sully's Memoirs.—Maſon's four Odes. Page 241
  • 23. To Dr. WHARTON.—Of his own indolence.—Memoirs of M. de la Porte and of Madame Staal.—Intention of coming to town. Page 244
  • 24. To Mr. MASON.—Of his Reviewers.—Offers to ſend him Druidical anecdotes for his projected drama of Caractacus. Page 245
  • 25. To Mr. MASON.—On hearing Parry play on the Welch Harp, and finiſhing his Ode after it.—Account of the Old Ballad on which the Tragedy of Douglas was founded. Page 247
  • 26. To Mr. HURD.—On the ill reception his two Pindaric Odes met with on their publication. Page 249
  • 27. To Mr. MASON.—His opinion of the dramatic part of Caractacus. Page 251
  • 28. To Mr. MASON.—Diſſuading him from retirement.—Advice concerning Caractacus.—Criticiſms on his Elegy written in the garden of a friend.—Refuſal of the Office of Poet Laureat. Page 256
  • 29. To Dr. WHARTON.—Account of his preſent employment in making out a liſt of places in England worth ſeeing. Page 259
  • 30. To Dr. WHARTON.—On the forementioned liſt.—Tragedy of Agis.—Various authors in the laſt volumes of Dodſley's Miſcellany.—Dr. Swift's four laſt years of Queen Ann. Page 260
  • 31. To Mr. STONHEWER.—On infidel writers and Lord Shaftſbury. Page 262
  • A paper of Mr. Gray inſerted, relating to an impious poſition of Lord Bolinbroke. Page 264
  • 32. To Dr. WHARTON.—On the death of his ſon, and an excuſe for not writing an epitaph. Page 269
  • 33. To Mr. PALGRAVE.—Deſiring him to communicate the remarks he ſhould make in his tour through the North of England. Page 271
  • [414] LETTER 34. To Mr. MASON.—Some remarks on a ſecond manuſcript copy of Caractacus. Page 273
  • 35. To Mr. PALGRAVE.—Deſcription of Mr. Gray's preſent ſituation in town, and of his reading in the Britiſh Muſaeum. Page 274
  • 36. To Dr. WHARTON.—On employment.—Gardening.—Character of Froiſſart.—King of Pruſſia's Poems.—Triſtram Shandy. Page 276
  • 37. To Mr. STONHEWER.—On the latter volumes of M. d'Alembert and the Erſe Fragments. Page 279
  • 38. To Dr. Clarke.—His amuſements with a party on the banks of the Thames.—Death of a Cambridge Doctor.—More of the Erſe Fragments. Page 282
  • 39. To Mr. MASON.—On two Parodies of Mr. Gray's and Mr. Maſon's Odes.—Extract of a letter from Mr. David Hume, concerning the authenticity of the Erſe Poetry. Page 283
  • 40. To Dr. WHARTON.—On his employments in the country. Nouvelle Eloiſe.—Fingal.—Character of Mr. Stillingfleet. Page 287
  • 41. To Mr. MASON.—More concerning the Nouvelle Eloiſe.—Of Signor Eliſi, and other Opera ſingers. Page 289
  • 42. To Mr. MASON.—On his expectation of being made a Reſidentiary of York.—Recovery of Lord * from a dangerous illneſs.—Reaſon for writing the Epitaph on Sir William Williams. Page 291
  • 43. To Dr. WHARTON.—Deſcription of Hardwick.—Profeſſor Turner's death.—And of the Peace. Page 292
  • 44. To Mr. MASON.—On Count Algarotti's approbation of his and Mr. Maſon's Poetry.—Gothic Architecture.—Plagiary in Helvetius, from Elfrida. Page 294
  • 45. To Mr. BROWN.—Sending him a meſſage to write to a Gentleman abroad relating to Count Algarotti, and recommending the Erſe Poems. Page 300
  • 46. Count ALGAROTTI to Mr. Gray.—Complimentary, and ſending him ſome diſſertations of his own. Page 302
  • 47. To Dr. WHARTON.—On Rouſſeau's Emile. Page 303
  • 48. To Mr. PALGRAVE.—What he particularly adviſes him to ſee when abroad. Page 304
  • [415] LETTER 49. To Mr. BEATTIE.—Thanks for a letter received from him, and an invitation from Lord Strathmore to Glamis. Page 308
  • 50. To Dr. WHARTON.—Deſcription of the old caſtle of Glamis, and part of the Highlands. Page 309
  • 51. To Mr. BEATTIE.—Apology for not accepting the degree of Doctor offered him by the Univerſity of Aberdeen. Page 318
  • 52. To Dr. WHARTON.—Buffon's Natural Hiſtory.—Memoirs of Petrarch.—Mr. Walpole at Paris.—Deſcription of a fine Lady. Page 320
  • 53. To Dr. WHARTON.—Tour into Kent.—New Bath Guide. Another volume of Buffon. Page 322
  • 54. To Mr. MASON.—On his Wife's death. Page 324
  • 55. To Mr. BEATTIE.—Thanks for a manuſcript poem.—Mr. Adam Ferguſon's Eſſay on Civil Society.—A compliment to Lord Gray. Page 325
  • 56. To Mr. BEATTIE.—On the projected edition of our Author's Poems in England and Scotland.—Commendation of Mr. Beattie's Ode on Lord Hay's birth-day. Page 327
  • 57. To Mr. BEATTIE.—More concerning the Glaſgow edition of his Poems. Page 329
  • 58. To the Duke of GRAFTON.—Thanking him for his Profeſſorſhip. Page 331
  • 59. To Mr. NICHOLLS.—Account of Mr. Brocket's death, and of his being made his ſucceſſor in the Profeſſorſhip. Page 332
  • 60. To Mr. BEATTIE.—On the ſame ſubject. Page 333
SECTION V.
  • Enumeration of ſuch other literary purſuits of Mr. Gray as were not ſufficiently dilated upon in the preceding letters. Page 335
  • LETTER 1. To Mr. NICHOLLS.—On the death of his Uncle, Governor Floyer, and adviſing him to take orders. Page 343
  • 2. To Mr. NICHOLLS.—Congratulating him upon his ſituation, and mentioning his own Ode on the Inſtallation of the new Chancellor. Page 346
  • 3. To Mr. BEATTIE.—His reaſon for writing that Ode. Page 348
  • [416] LETTER 4. To Dr. WHARTON.—A journal of his tour through Weſtmoreland, Cumberland, and a part of Yorkſhire. Page 350
  • 5. To Dr. WHARTON.—Deſcription of Kirkſtall-Abbey, and ſome other places in Yorkſhire. Page 379
  • 6. To Mr. NICHOLLS.—Of Nettley-Abbey and Southampton. Page 380
  • 7. To Mr. BEATTIE.—On the firſt part of his Minſtrel, and his Eſſay on the Immutability of Truth.—Stricture on Mr. D. Hume. Page 383
  • 8. To Mr. How.—On receiving three of Count Algarotti's Treatiſes, and hinting an error which that author had fallen into, with regard to the Engliſh taſte of gardening. Page 386
  • The manner in which the Count rectified his miſtake. Page 388
  • 9. To Mr. How.—After peruſing the whole of Count Algarotti's works in the Leghorn edition, and his ſentiments concerning them. Page 389
  • 10. To Mr. NICHOLLS.—On the affection due to a Mother.—Deſcription of that part of Kent from whence the letter was written. Page 391
  • 11. To Mr. NICHOLLS.—Character of Froiſſart and other old French Hiſtorians.—And of Iſocrates. Page 392
  • 12. To Dr. WHARTON.—Of his tour taken the year before to Monmouth, &c.—Intention of coming to Old Park.—And of his ill ſtate of health. Page 394
  • Concluſion, with the particulars of Mr. Gray's death.—His character by another hand, and ſome annotations on it by the Editor. Page 395

2. THE POEMS OF Mr. GRAY.

[]THE POEMS OF Mr. GRAY.

‘MULTUM ET VERAE GLORIAE, QUAMVIS UNO LIBRO, MERUIT. QUINCTILIAN:

ODE I.
ON THE SPRING.

[]
LO! where the roſy-boſom'd Hours,
Fair VENUS' train appear,
Diſcloſe the long-expecting flowers,
And wake the purple year!
The Attic warbler pours her throat,
Reſponſive to the cuckow's note,
The untaught harmony of ſpring:
While whiſp'ring pleaſure as they fly,
Cool Zephyrs thro' the clear blue ſky
Their gather'd fragrance fling.
Where'er the oak's thick branches ſtretch
A broader browner ſhade;
Where'er the rude and moſs-grown beech
O'er-canopies the glade,
[4] Beſide ſome water's ruſhy brink
With me the Muſe ſhall ſit, and think
(At eaſe reclin'd in ruſtic ſtate)
How vain the ardour of the Crowd,
How low, how little are the Proud,
How indigent the Great!
Still is the toiling hand of Care:
The panting herds repoſe:
Yet hark, how thro' the peopled air
The buſy murmur glows!
The inſect youth are on the wing,
Eager to taſte the honied ſpring,
And float amid the liquid noon:
Some lightly o'er the current ſkim,
Some ſhew their gayly-gilded trim
Quick-glancing to the ſun.
To Contemplation's ſober eye
Such is the race of Man:
And they that creep, and they that fly,
Shall end where they began.
[5] Alike the Buſy and the Gay
But flutter thro' life's little day,
In fortune's varying colours dreſt:
Bruſh'd by the hand of rough Miſchance,
Or chill'd by age, their airy dance
They leave, in duſt to reſt.
Methinks I hear in accents low
The ſportive kind reply:
Poor moraliſt! and what art thou?
A ſolitary fly!
Thy joys no glittering female meets,
No hive haſt thou of hoarded ſweets,
No painted plumage to diſplay:
On haſty wings thy youth is flown;
Thy ſun is ſet, thy ſpring is gone—
We frolick, while 'tis May.

ODE II.
ON THE DEATH OF A FAVOURITE CAT, Drowned in a Tub of Gold Fiſhes.

[]
'TWAS on a lofty vaſe's ſide,
Where China's gayeſt art had dy'd
The azure flowers, that blow;
Demureſt of the tabby kind,
The penſive Selima reclin'd,
Gazed on the lake below.
Her conſcious tail her joy declar'd;
The fair round face, the ſnowy beard,
The velvet of her paws,
[7] Her coat, that with the tortoiſe vies,
Her ears of jet, and emerald eyes,
She ſaw; and purr'd applauſe.
Still had ſhe gaz'd; but 'midſt the tide
Two angel forms were ſeen to glide,
The Genii of the ſtream:
Their ſcaly armour's Tyrian hue
Thro' richeſt purple to the view
Betray'd a golden gleam.
The hapleſs Nymph with wonder ſaw:
A whiſker firſt and then a claw,
With many an ardent wiſh,
She ſtretch'd in vain to reach the prize.
What female heart can gold deſpiſe?
What Cat's averſe to fiſh?
Preſumptuous Maid! with looks intent
Again ſhe ſtretch'd, again ſhe bent,
Nor knew the gulf between.
[8] (Malignant Fate ſat by, and ſmil'd)
The ſlipp'ry verge her feet beguil'd,
She tumbled headlong in.
Eight times emerging from the flood
She mew'd to ev'ry wat'ry God,
Some ſpeedy aid to ſend.
No Dolphin came, no Nereid ſtirr'd:
Nor cruel Tom, nor Suſan heard.
A Fav'rite has no friend!
From hence, ye Beauties, undeceiv'd,
Know, one falſe ſtep is ne'er retriev'd,
And be with caution bold.
Not all that tempts your wand'ring eyes
And heedleſs hearts, is lawful prize;
Nor all, that gliſters, gold.

ODE III.
ON A DISTANT PROSPECT OF ETON COLLEGE.

[]
[...]
MENANDER.
YE diſtant ſpires, ye antique towers,
That crown the wat'ry glade,
Where grateful Science ſtill adores
Her HENRY's* holy Shade;
And ye, that from the ſtately brow
Of WINDSOR's heights th' expanſe below
Of grove, of lawn, of mead ſurvey,
Whoſe turf, whoſe ſhade, whoſe flowers among
Wanders the hoary Thames along
His ſilver-winding way.
[10]
Ah happy hills, ah pleaſing ſhade,
Ah fields belov'd in vain,
Where once my careleſs childhood ſtray'd,
A ſtranger yet to pain!
I feel the gales, that from ye blow,
A momentary bliſs beſtow,
As waving freſh their gladſome wing,
My weary ſoul they ſeem to ſooth,
And, redolent of joy and youth,
To breathe a ſecond ſpring.
Say, Father THAMES, for thou haſt ſeen
Full many a ſprightly race
Diſporting on thy margent green
The paths of pleaſure trace,
Who foremoſt now delight to cleave
With pliant arm thy glaſſy wave?
The captive linnet which enthrall?
What idle progeny ſucceed
To chaſe the rolling circle's ſpeed,
Or urge the flying ball?
[11]
While ſome on earneſt buſineſs bent
Their murm'ring labours ply
'Gainſt graver hours, that bring conſtraint
To ſweeten liberty:
Some bold adventurers diſdain
The limits of their little reign,
And unknown regions dare deſcry:
Still as they run they look behind,
They hear a voice in every wind,
And ſnatch a fearful joy.
Gay hope is theirs by fancy fed,
Leſs pleaſing when poſſeſt;
The tear forgot as ſoon as ſhed,
The ſunſhine of the breaſt:
Theirs buxom health of roſy hue,
Wild wit, invention ever-new,
And lively chear of vigour born;
The thoughtleſs day, the eaſy night,
The ſpirits pure, the ſlumbers light,
That fly th' approach of morn.
[12]
Alas, regardleſs of their doom,
The little victims play!
No ſenſe have they of ills to come,
Nor care beyond to-day:
Yet ſee how all around 'em wait
The Miniſters of human fate,
And black Misfortune's baleful train!
Ah, ſhew them where in ambuſh ſtand
To ſeize their prey the murth'rous band!
Ah, tell them, they are men!
Theſe ſhall the fury Paſſions tear,
The vultures of the mind;
Diſdainful Anger, pallid Fear,
And Shame that ſculks behind;
Or pineing Love ſhall waſte their youth,
Or Jealouſy with rankling tooth,
That inly gnaws the ſecret heart,
And Envy wan, and faded Care,
Grim-viſag'd comfortleſs Deſpair,
And Sorrow's piercing dart.
[13]
Ambition this ſhall tempt to riſe,
Then whirl the wretch from high,
To bitter Scorn a ſacrifice,
And grinning Infamy.
The ſtings of Falſhood thoſe ſhall try,
And hard Unkindneſs' alter'd eye,
That mocks the tear it forc'd to flow;
And keen Remorſe with blood defil'd,
And moody Madneſs laughing wild
Amid ſevereſt woe.
Lo, in the vale of years beneath
A grieſly troop are ſeen,
The painful family of Death,
More hideous than their Queen:
This racks the joints, this fires the veins,
That every labouring ſinew ſtrains,
Thoſe in the deeper vitals rage:
Lo, Poverty, to fill the band,
That numbs the ſoul with icy hand,
And ſlow-conſuming Age.
[14]
To each his ſuff'rings: all are men,
Condemn'd alike to groan;
The tender for another's pain,
Th' unfeeling for his own.
Yet ah! why ſhould they know their fate?
Since ſorrow never comes too late,
And happineſs too ſwiftly flies.
Thought would deſtroy their paradiſe.
No more; where ignorance is bliſs,
'Tis folly to be wiſe.

ODE IV.
TO ADVERSITY.

[]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
AESCHYLUS, in Agamemnone.
DAUGHTER of JOVE, relentleſs Power,
Thou Tamer of the human breaſt,
Whoſe iron ſcourge and tort'ring hour,
The Bad affright, afflict the Beſt!
Bound in thy adamantine chain
The Proud are taught to taſte of pain,
And purple Tyrants vainly groan
With pangs unfelt before, unpitied and alone.
[16]
When firſt thy Sire to ſend on earth
Virtue, his darling Child, deſign'd,
To thee he gave the heav'nly Birth,
And bad to form her infant mind.
Stern rugged Nurſe! thy rigid lore
With patience many a year ſhe bore:
What ſorrow was, thou bad'ſt her know,
And from her own ſhe learn'd to melt at others' woe.
Scared at thy frown terrific, fly
Self-pleaſing Folly's idle brood,
Wild Laughter, Noiſe, and thoughtleſs Joy,
And leave us leiſure to be good.
Light they diſperſe, and with them go
The ſummer Friend, the flatt'ring Foe;
By vain Proſperity receiv'd,
To her they vow their truth, and are again believ'd.
Wiſdom in ſable garb array'd
Immers'd in rapt'rous thought profound,
And Melancholy, ſilent maid
With leaden eye, that loves the ground,
[17] Still on thy ſolemn ſteps attend:
Warm Charity, the general Friend,
With Juſtice to herſelf ſevere,
And Pity, dropping ſoft the ſadly-pleaſing tear.
Oh, gently on thy Suppliant's head,
Dread Goddeſs, lay thy chaſt'ning hand!
Not in thy Gorgon terrors clad,
Nor circled with the vengeful Band
(As by the Impious thou art ſeen)
With thund'ring voice, and threat'ning mien,
With ſcreaming Horror's funeral cry,
Deſpair, and fell Diſeaſe, and ghaſtly Poverty.
Thy form benign, oh Goddeſs, wear,
Thy milder influence impart,
Thy philoſophic Train be there
To ſoften, not to wound my heart.
The generous ſpark extinct revive,
Teach me to love and to forgive,
Exact my own defects to ſcan,
What others are to feel, and know myſelf a Man.

ODE V.
THE PROGRESS of POESY.
PINDARICa.

[]
[...]
[...]
PINDAR, Olymp. II.
I. 1.
AWAKE, Aeolian lyre, awake,
And give to rapture all thy trembling ſtrings.
b From Helicon's harmonious ſprings
A thouſand rills their mazy progreſs take:
[19] The laughing flowers, that round them blow,
Drink life and fragrance as they flow.
Now the rich ſtream of muſic winds along
Deep, majeſtic, ſmooth, and ſtrong,
Thro' verdant vales, and Ceres' golden reign:
Now rowling down the ſteep amain,
Headlong, impetuous, ſee it pour:
The rocks, and nodding groves rebellow to the roar.
I. 2.
c Oh! Sovereign of the willing ſoul,
Parent of ſweet and ſolemn-breathing airs,
Enchanting ſhell! the ſullen Cares,
And frantic Paſſions hear thy ſoft controul.
On Thracia's hills the Lord of War
Has curb'd the fury of his car,
And drop'd his thirſty lance at thy command.
Perching on the ſcept'red hand
Of Jove, thy magic lulls the feather'd king
With ruffled plumes, and flagging wing:
[20] Quench'd in dark clouds of ſlumber lie
The terror of his beak, and light'nings of his eye.
I. 3.
d Thee the voice, the dance, obey,
Temper'd to thy warbled lay.
O'er Idalia's velvet-green
The roſy-crowned Loves are ſeen
On Cytherea's day
With antic ſports, and blue-eyed Pleaſures,
Friſking light in frolic meaſures;
Now purſuing, now retreating,
Now in circling troops they meet:
To briſk notes in cadence beating
Glance their many-twinkling feet.
Slow melting ſtrains their Queen's approach declare:
Where'er ſhe turns the Graces homage pay.
With arms ſublime, that float upon the air,
In gliding ſtate ſhe wins her eaſy way:
O'er her warm cheek, and riſing boſom, move
The bloom of young Deſire, and purple light of Love.
[21]II. 1.
e Man's feeble race what Ills await,
Labour, and Penury, the racks of Pain,
Diſeaſe, and Sorrow's weeping train,
And Death, ſad refuge from the ſtorms of Fate!
The fond complaint, my Song, diſprove,
And juſtify the laws of Jove.
Say, has he giv'n in vain the heav'nly Muſe?
Night, and all her ſickly dews,
Her Spectres wan, and Birds of boding cry,
He gives to range the dreary ſky:
Till down the eaſtern cliffs afar
Hyperion's march they ſpy, and glitt'ring ſhafts of war.
II. 2.
f In climes beyond the ſolar road,
Where ſhaggy forms o'er ice-built mountains roam,
[22] The Muſe has broke the twilight-gloom
To chear the ſhivering Native's dull abode.
And oft, beneath the od'rous ſhade
Of Chili's boundleſs foreſts laid,
She deigns to hear the ſavage Youth repeat
In looſe numbers wildly ſweet
Their feather-cinctur'd Chiefs, and duſky Loves.
Her track, where'er the Goddeſs roves,
Glory purſue, and generous Shame,
Th' unconquerable Mind, and Freedom's holy flame.
II. 3.
g Woods, that wave o'er Delphi's ſteep,
Iſles, that crown th' Aegean deep,
Fields, that cool Iliſſus laves,
Or where Maeander's amber waves
In lingering Lab'rinths creep,
[23] How do your tuneful Echoes languiſh,
Mute, but to the voice of Anguiſh?
Where each old poetic Mountain
Inſpiration breath'd around;
Ev'ry ſhade and hallow'd Fountain
Murmur'd deep a ſolemn ſound:
Till the ſad Nine in Greece's evil hour
Left their Parnaſſus for the Latian plains.
Alike they ſcorn the pomp of tyrant-Power,
And coward Vice, that revels in her chains.
When Latium had her lofty ſpirit loſt,
They ſought, oh Albion! next thy ſea-encircled coaſt.
III. 1.
Far from the ſun and ſummer-gale,
In thy green lap was Nature's h Darling laid,
What time, where lucid Avon ſtray'd,
To him the mighty Mother did unveil
Her awful face: The dauntleſs Child
Stretch'd forth his little arms, and ſmil'd.
This pencil take (ſhe ſaid) whoſe colours clear
Richly paint the vernal year:
[24] Thine too theſe golden keys, immortal Boy!
This can unlock the gates of Joy;
Of Horror that, and thrilling Fears,
Or ope the ſacred ſource of ſympathetic Tears.
III. 2.
Nor ſecond Hei, that rode ſublime
Upon the ſeraph-wings of Extaſy,
The ſecrets of th' Abyſs to ſpy.
He paſs'd the flaming bounds of Place and Time:
The living Throne, the ſaphire-blaze,
Where Angels tremble, while they gaze,
He ſaw; but blaſted with exceſs of light,
Clos'd his eyes in endleſs night.
Behold, where Dryden's leſs preſumptuous car,
Wide o'er the fields of Glory bear
Two Courſers of ethereal race,
With necks in thunder cloath'd, and long-reſounding pace.
[25]III. 3.
Hark, his hands the lyre explore!
Bright-eyed Fancy hovering o'er
Scatters from her pictur'd urn
Thoughts, that breathe, and words, that burn.
k But ah! 'tis heard no more—
Oh! Lyre divine, what daring Spirit
Wakes thee now? tho' he inherit
Nor the pride, nor ample pinion,
l That the Theban Eagle bear
Sailing with ſupreme dominion
Thro' the azure deep of air:
Yet oft before his infant eyes would run
Such forms, as glitter in the Muſe's ray
With orient hues, unborrow'd of the Sun:
Yet ſhall he mount, and keep his diſtant way
Beyond the limits of a vulgar fate,
Beneath the Good how far—but far above the Great.

ODE VI.
THE BARD.
PINDARICm.

[]
I. 1.
' RUIN ſeize thee, ruthleſs King!
' Confuſion on thy banners wait,
' Tho' fann'd by Conqueſt's crimſon wing
' They mock the air with idle ſtate.
' Helm, nor nHauberk's twiſted mail,
' Nor e'en thy virtues, Tyrant, ſhall avail
' To ſave thy ſecret ſoul from nightly fears,
' From Cambria's curſe, from Cambria's tears!'
[27] Such were the ſounds, that o'er the creſted pride
Of the firſt Edward ſcatter'd wild diſmay,
As down the ſteep of oSnowdon's ſhaggy ſide
He wound with toilſome march his long array.
Stout pGlo'ſter ſtood aghaſt in ſpeechleſs trance:
To arms! cried qMortimer, and couch'd his quiv'ring lance.
I. 2.
On a rock, whoſe haughty brow
Frowns o'er old Conway's foaming flood,
Robed in the ſable garb of woe,
With haggard eyes the Poet ſtood;
[28] (Looſe his beard, and hoary hair
Stream'd, like a meteor, to the troubled air)
And with a Maſter's hand, and Prophet's fire,
Struck the deep ſorrows of his lyre.
' Hark, how each giant-oak, and deſert cave,
' Sighs to the torrent's aweful voice beneath!
' O'er thee, oh King! their hundred arms they wave,
' Revenge on thee in hoarſer murmurs breathe;
' Vocal no more, ſince Cambria's fatal day,
' To high-born Hoel's harp, or ſoft Llewellyn's lay.
I. 3.
' Cold is Cadwallo's tongue,
' That huſh'd the ſtormy main:
' Brave Urien ſleeps upon his craggy bed:
' Mountains, ye mourn in vain
' Modred, whoſe magic ſong
' Made huge Plinlimmon bow his cloud-top'd head.
' r On dreary Arvon's ſhore they lie,
' Smear'd with gore, and ghaſtly pale:
[29] ' Far, far aloof th' affrighted ravens ſail;
' The famiſh'd sEagle ſcreams, and paſſes by.
' Dear loſt companions of my tuneful art,
' Dear, as the light that viſits theſe ſad eyes,
' Dear, as the ruddy drops that warm my heart,
' Ye died amidſt your dying country's cries—
' No more I weep. They do not ſleep.
' On yonder cliffs, a grieſly band,
' I ſee them ſit, they linger yet,
' Avengers of their native land:
' With me in dreadful harmony tthey join,
' And tweave with bloody hands the tiſſue of thy line.'
II. 1.
" Weave the warp, and weave the woof,
" The winding-ſheet of Edward's race.
[30] " Give ample room, and verge enough
" The characters of hell to trace.
" Mark the year, and mark the night,
" u When Severn ſhall re-echo with affright
" The ſhrieks of death, thro' Berkley's roofs that ring,
" Shrieks of an agonizing King!
" w She-Wolf of France, with unrelenting fangs,
" That tear'ſt the bowels of thy mangled Mate,
" x From thee be born, who o'er thy country hangs
" The ſcourge of Heav'n. What Terrors round him wait!
" Amazement in his van, with Flight combin'd,
" And Sorrow's faded form, and Solitude behind.
II. 2.
" Mighty Victor, mighty Lord,
" y Low on his funeral couch he lies!
[31] " No pitying heart, no eye, afford
" A tear to grace his obſequies.
" Is the ſablez Warrior fled?
" Thy ſon is gone. He reſts among the Dead.
" The Swarm, that in thy noon-tide beam were born?
" Gone to ſalute the riſing Morn.
" Fair a laughs the Morn, and ſoft the Zephyr blows,
" While proudly riding o'er the azure realm
" In gallant trim the gilded Veſſel goes;
" Youth on the prow, and Pleaſure at the helm;
" Regardleſs of the ſweeping Whirlwind's ſway,
" That, huſh'd in grim repoſe, expects his eveningprey.
II. 3.
" b Fill high the ſparkling bowl,
" The rich repaſt prepare,
[32] " Reft of a crown, he yet may ſhare the feaſt:
" Cloſe by the regal chair
" Fell Thirſt and Famine ſcowl
" A baleful ſmile upon their baffled Gueſt.
" Heard ye the din of cbattle bray,
" Lance to lance, and horſe to horſe?
" Long Years of havock urge their deſtin'd courſe,
" And thro' the kindred ſquadrons mow their way.
" Ye Towers of Juliusd, London's laſting ſhame,
" With many a foul and midnight murder fed,
" Revere his eConſort's faith, his Father'sf fame,
" And ſpare the meek gUſurper's holy head.
" Above, below, the hroſe of ſnow,
" Twin'd with her bluſhing foe, we ſpread:
[33] " The briſtled iBoar in infant-gore
" Wallows beneath the thorny ſhade.
" Now, Brothers, bending o'er th' accurſed loom,
" Stamp we our vengeance deep, and ratify his doom.
III. 1.
" Edward, lo! to ſudden fate
" (Weave we the woof. The thread is ſpun.)
" k Half of thy heart we conſecrate.
" (The web is wove. The work is done.")
' Stay, oh ſtay! nor thus forlorn
' Leave me unbleſs'd, unpitied, here to mourn:
' In yon bright track, that fires the weſtern ſkies,
' They melt, they vaniſh from my eyes.
' But oh! what ſolemn ſcenes on Snowdon's height
' Deſcending ſlow their glittering ſkirts unroll?
' Viſions of glory, ſpare my aching ſight,
' Ye unborn Ages, crowd not on my ſoul!
[34] ' No more our long-loſt l Arthur we bewail.
' All-hail, m ye genuine Kings, Britannia's Iſſue, hail!
III. 2.
' Girt with many a Baron bold
' Sublime their ſtarry fronts they rear;
' And gorgeous Dames, and Stateſmen old
' In bearded majeſty, appear.
' In the midſt a Form divine!
' Her eye proclaims her of the Briton-Line;
' Her lyon-portn, her awe-commanding face,
' Attemper'd ſweet to virgin-grace.
' What ſtrings ſymphonious tremble in the air,
' What ſtrains of vocal tranſport round her play!
[35] ' Hear from the grave, great Talieſſino, hear;
' They breathe a ſoul to animate thy clay.
' Bright Rapture calls, and ſoaring, as ſhe ſings,
' Waves in the eye of Heav'n her many-colour'd wings.
III. 3.
' The verſe adorn again
' Fierce War, and faithful Love,
' And Truth ſevere, by fairy Fiction dreſt.
' In pbuſkin'd meaſures move
' Pale Grief, and pleaſing Pain,
' With Horror, Tyrant of the throbbing breaſt.
' A qVoice, as of the Cherub-Choir,
' Gales from blooming Eden bear;
' r And diſtant warblings leſſen on my ear,
' That loſt in long futurity expire.
' Fond impious Man, think'ſt thou, yon ſanguine cloud,
' Rais'd by thy breath, has quench'd the Orb of day?
[36] ' To-morrow he repairs the golden flood,
' And warms the nations with redoubled ray.
' Enough for me: With joy I ſee
' The different doom our Fates aſſign.
' Be thine Deſpair, and ſcept'red Care,
' To triumph, and to die, are mine.'
He ſpoke, and headlong from the mountain's height
Deep in the roaring tide he plung'd to endleſs night.

ODE VII.
FOR MUSIC.*
IRREGULAR.

[]
I.
" HENCE, avaunt, ('tis holy ground)
" Comus, and his midnight-crew,
" And Ignorance with looks profound,
" And dreaming Sloth of pallid hue,
" Mad Sedition's cry profane,
" Servitude that hugs her chain,
" Nor in theſe conſecrated bowers
" Let painted Flatt'ry hide her ſerpent-train in flowers.
[38] " Nor Envy baſe, nor creeping Gain
" Dare the Muſe's walk to ſtain,
" While bright-eyed Science watches round:
" Hence, away, 'tis holy Ground!
II.
From yonder realms of empyrean day
Burſts on my ear th' indignant lay:
There ſit the ſainted Sage, the Bard divine,
The Few, whom Genius gave to ſhine
Through every unborn age, and undiſcover'd clime.
Rapt in celeſtial tranſport they,
Yet hither oft a glance from high
They ſend of tender ſympathy
To bleſs the place, where on their opening ſoul
Firſt the genuine ardor ſtole.
'Twas Milton ſtruck the deep-ton'd ſhell,
And, as the choral warblings round him ſwell,
Meek Newton's ſelf bends from his ſtate ſublime,
And nods his hoary head, and liſtens to the rhyme.
[39]III.
" Ye brown o'er-arching Groves,
" That Contemplation loves,
" Where willowy Camus lingers with delight!
" Oft at the bluſh of dawn
" I trod your level lawn,
" Oft woo'd the gleam of Cynthia ſilver-bright
" In cloiſters dim, far from the haunts of Folly,
" With Freedom by my Side, and ſoft-ey'd Melancholy.
IV.
But hark! the portals ſound, and pacing forth
With ſolemn ſteps and ſlow,
High Potentates, and Dames of royal birth,
And mitred Fathers in long order go:
Great aEdward, with the lillies on his brow
From haughty Gallia torn,
And bſad Chatillon, on her bridal morn
[40] That wept her bleeding Love, and princely cClare,
And dAnjou's Heroine, and ethe paler Roſe,
The rival of her crown, and of her woes,
And feither Henry there,
The murder'd Saint, and the majeſtic Lord,
That broke the bonds of Rome.
(Their tears, their little triumphs o'er,
Their human paſſions now no more,
Save Charity, that glows beyond the tomb)
All that on Granta's fruitful plain
Rich ſtreams of regal bounty pour'd,
[41] And bad theſe awful fanes and turrets riſe,
To hail their Fitzroy's feſtal morning come;
And thus they ſpeak in ſoft accord
The liquid language of the ſkies.
V.
" What is Grandeur, what is Power?
" Heavier toil, ſuperior pain.
" What the bright reward we gain?
" The grateful memory of the Good.
" Sweet is the breath of vernal ſhower,
" The bee's collected treaſures ſweet,
" Sweet muſic's melting fall, but ſweeter yet
" The ſtill ſmall voice of Gratitude.
VI.
Foremoſt and leaning from her golden cloud
The gvenerable Marg'ret ſee!
" Welcome, my noble Son, (ſhe cries aloud)
" To this, thy kindred train, and me:
[42] " Pleas'd in thy lineaments we trace
" h A Tudor's fire, a Beaufort's grace.
" Thy liberal heart, thy judging eye,
" The flower unheeded ſhall deſcry,
" And bid it round heav'n's altars ſhed
" The fragrance of its bluſhing head:
" Shall raiſe from earth the latent gem
" To glitter on the diadem.
VII.
" Lo, Granta waits to lead her blooming band,
" Not obvious, not obtruſive, She
" No vulgar praiſe, no venal incenſe flings;
" Nor dares with courtly tongue refin'd
" Profane thy inborn royalty of mind:
" She reveres herſelf and thee.
" With modeſt pride to grace thy youthful brow
" The laureate wreath, i that Cecil wore, ſhe brings,
[43] " And to thy juſt, thy gentle hand
" Submits the Faſces of her ſway,
" While Spirits bleſt above and Men below
" Join with glad voice the loud ſymphonious lay.
VIII.
" Thro' the wild waves as they roar
" With watchful eye and dauntleſs mien
" Thy ſteady courſe of honor keep,
" Nor fear the rocks, nor ſeek the ſhore:
" The Star of Brunſwick ſmiles ſerene,
" And gilds the horrors of the deep.

ODE VIII.
THE FATAL SISTERS.
FROM THE NORSE TONGUEa.

[]
NOW the Storm begins to lower,
(Haſte, the loom of Hell prepare,)
Iron-ſleet of arrowy ſhower
Hurtles in the darken'd air.
[45]
Glitt'ring lances are the loom,
Where the duſky warp we ſtrain,
Weaving many a Soldier's doom,
Orkney's woe, and Randver's bane.
See the grieſly texture grow,
('Tis of human entrails made,)
And the weights, that play below,
Each a gaſping Warrior's head.
Shafts for ſhuttles, dipt in gore,
Shoot the trembling cords along.
[46] Sword, that once a Monarch bore,
Keep the tiſſue cloſe and ſtrong.
Miſta black, terrific Maid,
Sangrida, and Hilda ſee,
Join the wayward work to aid:
'Tis the woof of victory.
Ere the ruddy ſun be ſet,
Pikes muſt ſhiver, javelins ſing,
Blade with clattering buckler meet,
Hauberk craſh, and helmet ring.
(Weave the crimſon web of war)
Let us go, and let us fly,
Where our Friends the conflict ſhare,
Where they triumph, where they die.
As the paths of fate we tread,
Wading thro' th' enſanguin'd field:
Gondula, and Geira, ſpread
O'er the youthful King your ſhield.
[47]
We the reins to ſlaughter give,
Ours to kill, and ours to ſpare:
Spite of danger he ſhall live.
(Weave the crimſon web of war.)
They, whom once the deſert-beach
Pent within its bleak domain,
Soon their ample ſway ſhall ſtretch
O'er the plenty of the plain.
Low the dauntleſs Earl is laid,
Gor'd with many a gaping wound:
Fate demands a nobler head;
Soon a King ſhall bite the ground.
Long his loſs ſhall Eirin weep,
Ne'er again his likeneſs ſee;
Long her ſtrains in ſorrow ſteep,
Strains of Immortality!
Horror covers all the heath,
Clouds of carnage blot the ſun.
[48] Siſters, weave the web of death;
Siſters, ceaſe; the work is done.
Hail the taſk, and hail the hands!
Songs of joy and triumph ſing!
Joy to the victorious bands;
Triumph to the younger King.
Mortal, thou that hear'ſt the tale,
Learn the tenour of our ſong.
Scotland, thro' each winding vale
Far and wide the notes prolong.
Siſters, hence with ſpurs of ſpeed:
Each her thundering faulchion wield;
Each beſtride her ſable ſteed.
Hurry, hurry to the field.

ODE IX.
THE DESCENT OF ODINa.
FROM THE NORSE-TONGUE.

[]
UProſe the King of Men with ſpeed,
And ſaddled ſtrait his coal-black ſteed;
Down the yawning ſteep he rode,
That leads to bHELA's drear abode.
Him the Dog of Darkneſs ſpied,
His ſhaggy throat he open'd wide,
While from his jaws, with carnage fill'd,
Foam and human gore diſtill'd:
[50] Hoarſe he bays with hideous din,
Eyes that glow, and fangs that grin;
And long purſues, with fruitleſs yell,
The Father of the powerful ſpell.
Onward ſtill his way he takes,
(The groaning earth beneath him ſhakes,)
Till full before his fearleſs eyes
The portals nine of hell ariſe.
Right againſt the eaſtern gate,
By the moſs-grown pile he ſate;
Where long of yore to ſleep was laid
The duſt of the prophetic Maid.
Facing to the northern clime,
Thrice he trac'd the Runic rhyme;
Thrice pronounc'd in accents dread,
The thrilling verſe that wakes the Dead;
Till from out the hollow ground
Slowly breath'd a ſullen ſound.
PR.
What call unknown, what charms preſume
To break the quiet of the tomb?
[51] Who thus afflicts my troubled ſprite,
And drags me from the realms of night?
Long on theſe mould'ring bones have beat
The winter's ſnow, the ſummer's heat,
The drenching dews, and driving rain!
Let me, let me ſleep again.
Who is he, with voice unbleſt,
That calls me from the bed of reſt?
O.
A Traveller, to thee unknown,
Is he that calls, a Warrior's Son.
Thou the deeds of light ſhalt know;
Tell me what is done below,
For whom yon glitt'ring board is ſpread,
Dreſt for whom yon golden bed.
PR.
Mantling in the goblet ſee
The pure bev'rage of the bee;
O'er it hangs the ſhield of gold;
'Tis the drink of Balder bold:
Balder's head to death is giv'n.
Pain can reach the Sons of Heav'n!
[52] Unwilling I my lips uncloſe:
Leave me, leave me to repoſe.
O.
Once again my call obey.
Propheteſs, ariſe, and ſay,
What dangers Odin's Child await,
Who the Author of his fate.
PR.
In Hoder's hand the Hero's doom:
His Brother ſends him to the tomb.
Now my weary lips I cloſe:
Leave me, leave me to repoſe.
O.
Propheteſs, my ſpell obey,
Once again ariſe, and ſay,
Who th' Avenger of his guilt,
By whom ſhall Hoder's blood be ſpilt.
PR.
In the caverns of the weſt,
By Odin's fierce embrace compreſt,
A wond'rous Boy ſhall Rinda bear,
Who ne'er ſhall comb his raven-hair,
[53] Nor waſh his viſage in the ſtream,
Nor ſee the ſun's departing beam;
Till he on Hoder's corſe ſhall ſmile
Flaming on the fun'ral pile.
Now my weary lips I cloſe:
Leave me, leave me to repoſe.
O.
Yet awhile my call obey.
Propheteſs, awake, and ſay,
What Virgins theſe, in ſpeechleſs woe,
That bend to earth their ſolemn brow,
That their flaxen treſſes tear,
And ſnowy veils, that float in air.
Tell me whence their ſorrows roſe:
Then I leave thee to repoſe.
PR.
Ha! no Traveller art thou,
King of Men, I know thee now,
Mightieſt of a mighty line—
O.
No boding Maid of ſkill divine
Art thou, nor Propheteſs of good;
But mother of the giant-brood!
PR.
[54]
Hie thee hence, and boaſt at home,
That never ſhall Enquirer come
To break my iron-ſleep again;
Till cLOK has burſt his tenfold chain.
Never, till ſubſtantial Night
Has reaſſum'd her ancient right;
Till wrap'd in flames, in ruin hurl'd,
Sinks the fabric of the world.

ODE X.
THE TRIUMPHS OF OWENa.
FROM THE WELCH.

[]
OWEN's praiſe demands my ſong,
Owen ſwift, and Owen ſtrong;
Faireſt flower of Roderic's ſtem,
bGwyneth's ſhield, and Britain's gem.
He nor heaps his brooded ſtores,
Nor on all profuſely pours;
Lord of every regal art,
Liberal hand, and open heart.
[56]
Big with hoſts of mighty name,
Squadrons three againſt him came;
This the force of Eirin hiding,
Side by ſide as proudly riding,
On her ſhadow long and gay
cLochlin plows the wat'ry way;
There the Norman ſails afar
Catch the winds, and join the war:
Black and huge along they ſweep,
Burthens of the angry deep.
Dauntleſs on his native ſands
dThe Dragon-Son of Mona ſtands;
In glitt'ring arms and glory dreſt,
High he rears his ruby creſt.
There the thund'ring ſtrokes begin,
There the preſs, and there the din;
Talymalfra's rocky ſhore
Echoing to the battle's roar.
[57]
eCheck'd by the torrent-tide of blood
Backward Meinai rolls his flood;
While, heap'd his maſter's feet around,
Proſtrate Warriors gnaw the ground.
Where his glowing eye-balls turn,
Thouſand Banners round him burn.
Where he points his purple ſpear,
Haſty, haſty Rout is there,
Marking with indignant eye
Fear to ſtop, and ſhame to fly.
There Confuſion, Terror's child,
Conflict fierce, and Ruin wild,
Agony, that pants for breath,
Deſpair and honourable Death.

ODE XI.
THE DEATH OF HOEL.
FROM THE WELCHf.

[58]
HAD I but the torrent's might,
With headlong rage and wild affright
Upon Deïra's ſquadrons hurl'd,
To ruſh, and ſweep them from the world!
Too, too ſecure in youthful pride
By them my friend, my Hoel, died,
Great Cian's Son: of Madoc old
He aſk'd no heaps of hoarded gold;
Alone in Nature's wealth array'd,
He aſk'd, and had the lovely Maid.
[59]
To Cattraeth's vale in glitt'ring row
Twice two hundred Warriors go;
Every Warrior's manly neck
Chains of regal honour deck,
Wreath'd in many a golden link:
From the golden cup they drink
Nectar, that the bees produce,
Or the grape's extatic juice.
Fluſh'd with mirth, and hope they burn:
But none from Cattraeth's vale return,
Save Aëron brave, and Conan ſtrong,
(Burſting thro' the bloody throng)
And I, the meaneſt of them all,
That live to weep, and ſing their fall.

SONNET*
ON THE DEATH OF MR. RICHARD WEST.

[60]
IN vain to me the ſmiling Mornings ſhine,
And redd'ning Phoebus lifts his golden fire:
The birds in vain their amorous deſcant join;
Or chearful fields reſume their green attire:
Theſe ears, alas! for other notes repine,
A different object do theſe eyes require.
My lonely anguiſh melts no heart but mine;
And in my breaſt the imperfect joys expire.
Yet Morning ſmiles the buſy race to chear,
And new-born pleaſure brings to happier men:
The fields to all their wonted tribute bear:
To warm their little loves the birds complain:
I fruitleſs mourn to him, that cannot hear,
And weep the more, becauſe I weep in vain.

EPITAPH I.
ON gMRS. CLARKE.

[61]
LO! where this ſilent Marble weeps,
A Friend, a Wife, a Mother ſleeps:
A Heart, within whoſe ſacred cell
The peaceful Virtues lov'd to dwell.
Affection warm, and faith ſincere,
And ſoft humanity were there.
In agony, in death reſign'd,
She felt the Wound ſhe left behind.
Her infant Image, here below,
Sits ſmiling on a Father's woe:
Whom what awaits, while yet he ſtrays
Along the lonely vale of days?
A Pang, to ſecret ſorrow dear;
A Sigh; an unavailing Tear;
'Till Time ſhall ev'ry grief remove,
With Life, with Memory, and with Love.

EPITAPH II.
ON SIR WILLIAM WILLIAMS.66

[62]
HERE, foremoſt in the dangerous paths of fame,
Young Williams fought for England's fair renown;
His mind each muſe, each grace adorn'd his frame,
Nor Envy dar'd to view him with a frown.
At Aix his voluntary ſword he drew,
There firſt in blood his infant honor ſeal'd;
From fortune, pleaſure, ſcience, love he flew,
And ſcorn'd repoſe when Britain took the field.
With eyes of flame, and cool undaunted breaſt
Victor he ſtood on Belliſle's rocky ſteeps—
Ah! gallant youth! this marble tells the reſt,
Where melancholy Friendſhip bends, and weeps.

ELEGY
WRITTEN IN A COUNTRY CHURCH-YARD.

[63]
THE Curfew tolls the knell of parting day,
The lowing herd wind ſlowly o'er the lea,
The plowman homeward plods his weary way,
And leaves the world to darkneſs and to me.
Now fades the glimmering landſcape on the ſight,
And all the air a ſolemn ſtillneſs holds,
Save where the beetle wheels his droning flight,
And drowſy tinklings lull the diſtant folds;
Save that from yonder ivy-mantled tower,
The mopeing owl does to the moon complain
Of ſuch, as wand'ring near her ſecret bower,
Moleſt her ancient ſolitary reign.
[64]
Beneath thoſe rugged elms, that yew-tree's ſhade,
Where heaves the turf in many a mould'ring heap,
Each in his narrow cell for ever laid,
The rude Forefathers of the hamlet ſleep.
The breezy call of incenſe-breathing Morn,
The ſwallow twitt'ring from the ſtraw-built ſhed,
The cock's ſhrill clarion, or the echoing horn,
No more ſhall rouſe them from their lowly bed.
For them no more the blazing hearth ſhall burn,
Or buſy houſewife ply her evening care:
No children run to liſp their ſire's return,
Or climb his knees the envied kiſs to ſhare.
Oft did the harveſt to their ſickle yield,
Their furrow oft the ſtubborn glebe has broke;
How jocund did they drive their team afield!
How bow'd the woods beneath their ſturdy ſtroke!
[65]
Let not Ambition mock their uſeful toil,
Their homely joys, and deſtiny obſcure;
Nor Grandeur hear with a diſdainful ſmile,
The ſhort and ſimple annals of the poor.
The boaſt of heraldry, the pomp of pow'r,
And all that beauty, all that wealth e'er gave,
Await alike th' inevitable hour.
The paths of glory lead but to the grave.
Nor you, ye Proud, impute to Theſe the fault,
If Memory o'er their tomb no trophies raiſe,
Where thro' the long-drawn iſle and fretted vault
The pealing anthem ſwells the note of praiſe.
Can ſtoried urn or animated buſt
Back to its manſion call the fleeting breath?
Can Honour's voice provoke the ſilent duſt,
Or Flatt'ry ſooth the dull cold ear of Death?
[66]
Perhaps in this neglected ſpot is laid
Some heart once pregnant with celeſtial fire;
Hands, that the rod of empire might have ſway'd,
Or wak'd to extaſy the living lyre.
But Knowledge to their eyes her ample page
Rich with the ſpoils of time did ne'er unroll;
Chill Penury repreſs'd their noble rage,
And froze the genial current of the ſoul.
Full many a gem of pureſt ray ſerene,
The dark unfathom'd caves of ocean bear:
Full many a flower is born to bluſh unſeen,
And waſte its ſweetneſs on the deſert air.
Some village-Hampden, that with dauntleſs breaſt
The little Tyrant of his fields withſtood;
Some mute inglorious Milton here may reſt,
Some Cromwell guiltleſs of his country's blood.
[67]
Th' applauſe of liſt'ning ſenates to command,
The threats of pain and ruin to deſpiſe,
To ſcatter plenty o'er a ſmiling land,
And read their hiſt'ry in a nation's eyes,
Their lot forbad: nor circumſcrib'd alone
Their growing virtues, but their crimes confin'd;
Forbad to wade through ſlaughter to a throne,
And ſhut the gates of mercy on mankind,
The ſtruggling pangs of conſcious truth to hide,
To quench the bluſhes of ingenuous ſhame,
Or heap the ſhrine of Luxury and Pride
With incenſe kindled at the Muſe's flame.
Far from the madding crowd's ignoble ſtrife,
Their ſober wiſhes never learn'd to ſtray;
Along the cool ſequeſter'd vale of life
They kept the noiſeleſs tenor of their way.
[68]
Yet ev'n theſe bones from inſult to protect
Some frail memorial ſtill erected nigh,
With uncouth rhimes and ſhapeleſs ſculpture deck'd,
Implores the paſſing tribute of a ſigh.
Their name, their years, ſpelt by th' unletter'd muſe,
The place of fame and elegy ſupply:
And many a holy text around ſhe ſtrews,
That teach the ruſtic moraliſt to die.
For who to dumb Forgetfulneſs a prey,
This pleaſing anxious being e'er reſign'd,
Left the warm precincts of the chearful day,
Nor caſt one longing ling'ring look behind?
On ſome fond breaſt the parting ſoul relies,
Some pious drops the cloſing eye requires;
Ev'n from the tomb the voice of Nature cries,
Ev'n in our Aſhes live their wonted Fires.
[69]
For thee, who mindful of th' unhonour'd Dead
Doſt in theſe lines their artleſs tale relate;
If chance, by lonely Contemplation led,
Some kindred Spirit ſhall inquire thy fate,
Haply ſome hoary-headed Swain may ſay,
' Oft have we ſeen him at the peep of dawn
' Bruſhing with haſty ſteps the dews away
' To meet the ſun upon the upland lawn.
' There at the foot of yonder nodding beech
' That wreathes its old fantaſtic roots ſo high,
' His liſtleſs length at noontide would he ſtretch,
' And pore upon the brook that babbles by.
' Hard by yon wood, now ſmiling as in ſcorn,
' Mutt'ring his wayward fancies he would rove;
' Now drooping, woeful wan, like one forlorn,
' Or craz'd with care, or croſs'd in hopeleſs love.
[70]
' One morn I miſs'd him on the cuſtom'd hill,
' Along the heath and near his fav'rite tree;
' Another came; nor yet beſide the rill,
' Nor up the lawn, nor at the wood was he;
' The next with dirges due in ſad array
' Slow thro' the church-way path we ſaw him born.
' Approach and read (for thou can'ſt read) the lay,
' Grav'd on the ſtone beneath yon aged thorn.
THE EPITAPH.
HERE reſts his head upon the lap of Earth
A Youth to Fortune and to Fame unknown:
Fair Science frown'd not on his humble birth,
And Melancholy mark'd him for her own.
Large was his bounty, and his ſoul ſincere,
Heav'n did a recompence as largely ſend:
He gave to Mis'ry all he had, a tear,
He gain'd from Heav'n ('twas all he wiſh'd) a friend.
[71]
No farther ſeek his merits to diſcloſe,
Or draw his frailties from their dread abode,
(There they alike in trembling hope repoſe,)
The boſom of his Father and his God.
END OF THE POEMS.

Appendix A IMITATIONS, VARIATIONS, AND ADDITIONAL NOTES.

[]

Appendix A.1 ADVERTISEMENT.

[]

IN the foregoing Edition the text of all thoſe pieces, which the Author publiſhed in his life-time, is given exactly as he left it in the London and Glaſgow editions; and the few added pieces are printed verbatim from his corrected manuſcripts. I have alſo inſerted all his explanatory notes at the bottom of their reſpective pages; but thoſe which only pointed out imitative expreſſions have been reſerved for theſe concluding pages, becauſe many of them appeared to me not very material, and therefore would have crouded the text as unneceſſarily as my own annotations.

Appendix A.2 NOTES, &c.

[]
Appendix A.2.1 ODE I.
Appendix A.2.1.1

The original manuſcript title, which Mr. Gray gave to this Ode, was NOONTIDE; probably he then meant to write two more, deſcriptive of Morning and Evening. His unfiniſhed Ode (vide p. 236 of the Memoirs) opens with a fine deſcription of the former: and his Elegy with as beautiful a picture of the latter, which perhaps he might, at that time, have meditated upon for the exordium of an Ode; but this is only conjecture. It may, however, be remarked, that theſe three capital deſcriptions abound with ideas which affect the ear more than the eye; and therefore go beyond the powers of pictureſque imitation.

Appendix A.2.1.2

1.

O'er-canopies the glade.
Stanza 2. l. 4.
Appendix A.2.1.2.1 IMITATION.
—a bank
O'er-canopied with luſcious woodbine. G.
Shakeſ. Midſ. Night's Dream.
Appendix A.2.1.3

2.

How low, how little are the Proud;
How indigent the Great.
Stanza 2. l. 9 and 10.
Appendix A.2.1.3.1 VARIATION.
How low, how indigent the Proud;
How little are the Great.

Thus it ſtood in Dodſley's Miſcellany, where it was firſt publiſhed. The author corrected it on account of the point of little and great. It certainly had too much the appearance of a Concetto, tho' it expreſſed his meaning better than the preſent reading.

Appendix A.2.1.4
[76]

3.

And float amid the liquid noon.
Stanza 3. l. 7.
Appendix A.2.1.4.1 IMITATION.
Nare per aeſtatem liquidam.
Virgil. Georg. lib. iv.
Appendix A.2.1.5

4.

Quick-glancing to the ſun.
Stanza 3. l. 10.
Appendix A.2.1.5.1 IMITATION.
—ſporting with quick glance,
Shew to the ſun their wav'd coats dropt with gold.
Milton's Par. Loſt, b. vii.
G.
Appendix A.2.1.6

5.

To Contemplation's ſober eye.
Stanza 4. l. 1.
Appendix A.2.1.6.1 IMITATION.
While inſects from the threſhold preach, &c.
M. GREEN in the Grotto.
Dodſley's Miſc. vol. v. p. 161.
G.
Appendix A.2.2 ODE II.
Appendix A.2.2.1

1. This little piece, in which comic humour is ſo happily blended with lyrical fancy, was written in point of time ſome years later than the firſt, third, and fourth Odes. See Memoirs, p. 188; but as the author had printed it here in his own edition, I have not changed it. Mr. Walpole, ſince the death of Mr. Gray, has placed the China vaſe in queſtion on a pedeſtal at Strawberry-Hill, with the firſt four lines of the Ode for its inſcription.

'Twas on this Vaſe's lofty ſide, &c.
Appendix A.2.2.2

2.

Two angel forms were ſeen to glide.
Stanza 3. l. 2.
Appendix A.2.2.2.1 VARIATION.
Two Beauteous forms.
Firſt edition in Dodſley's Miſc.
Appendix A.2.3 ODE III.
[77]
Appendix A.2.3.1

1. This was the firſt Engliſh production of Mr. Gray which appeared in print. It was publiſhed in folio by Dodſley in 1747; about the ſame time, at Mr. Walpole's requeſt, Mr. Gray ſat for his picture to Echart, in which, on a paper which he held in his hand, Mr. Walpole wrote the title of this Ode, and to intimate his own high and juſt opinion of it, as a firſt production, added this line of Lucan by way of motto.

Nec licuit populis parvum te, Nile, videre.
Pharſ. lib. x. l. 296.
Appendix A.2.3.2

2.

And redolent of Joy and Youth.
Stanza. 2. l. 9.
Appendix A.2.3.2.1 IMITATION.
And bees their honey redolent of ſpring.
Dryden's Fable on the Pythag. Syſtem.
G.
Appendix A.2.3.3

3.

And hard unkindneſs' alter'd eye.
Stanza 8. l. 6.

The eliſion here is ungraceful and hurts this otherwiſe beautiful line: One of the ſame kind in the ſecond line of the firſt Ode makes the ſame blemiſh; but I think they are the only two to be found in this correct writer; and I mention them here that ſucceeding Poets may not look upon them as authorities. The judicious reader will not ſuppoſe that I would condemn all eliſions of the genitive caſe, by this ſtricture on thoſe which are terminated by rough conſonants. Many there are which the ear readily admits, and which uſe has made familiar to it.

Appendix A.2.3.4

4.

And moody Madneſs laughing wild.
Stanza 8. l. 9.
Appendix A.2.3.4.1 IMITATION.
—Madneſs laughing in her ireful mood.
Dryden's Palamon and Arcite.
G.
Appendix A.2.4 ODE IV.
Appendix A.2.4.1

1. This Ode was firſt publiſhed, with the three foregoing, in Dodſley's Miſcellany, under the title of an Hymn to Adverſity, which title is here dropped for the ſake of uniformity in the page. It is unqueſtionably as truly lyrical as any of his other Odes.

Appendix A.2.4.2
[78]

2.

Exact my own defects to ſcan.
Stanza 6. l. 7.

The many hard conſonants, which occur in this line, hurt the ear; Mr. Gray perceived it himſelf, but did not alter it, as the words themſelves were thoſe which beſt conveyed his idea, and therefore he did not chuſe to ſacrifice ſenſe to ſound.

Appendix A.2.5

Had Mr. Gray compleated the fine lyrical fragment, which I have inſerted in the fourth ſection of the Memoirs, I ſhould have introduced it into the text of his Poems, as the fifth and laſt of his monoſtrophic Odes. In order to fulfil the promiſe which I made to my reader, (ſee p. 235) I ſhall now reprint the piece with my own additions to it. I have already made my apology for the attempt; and therefore ſhall only add, that although (as is uſually done on ſuch occaſions) I print my ſupplemental lines in the italic character, yet I am well aware that their inferiority would but too eaſily diſtinguiſh them without any typographical aſſiſtance.

ODEOn the Pleaſure ariſing from Viciſſitude.
NOW the golden Morn aloft
Waves her dew-beſpangled wing,
With vermil cheek, and whiſper ſoft
She wooes the tardy Spring:
Till April ſtarts, and calls around
The ſleeping fragrance from the ground;
And lightly o'er the living ſcene
Scatters his freſheſt, tendereſt green.
New-born flocks, in ruſtic dance,
Friſking ply their feeble feet;
Forgetful of their wintry trance
The birds his preſence greet:
But chief, the Sky-Lark warbles high
His trembling thrilling extacy;
And, leſſening from the dazzled ſight,
Melts into air and liquid light.
[79] Riſe, my Soul! on wings of fire,
Riſe the rapt'rous Choir among;
Hark! 'tis Nature ſtrikes the Lyre,
And leads the general ſong:
Warm let the lyric tranſport flow,
Warm, as the ray that bids it glow;
And animates the vernal grove
With health, with harmony, and love.
Yeſterday the ſullen year
Saw the ſnowy whirlwind fly;
Mute was the muſic of the air,
The herd ſtood drooping by:
Their raptures now that wildly flow,
No yeſterday, nor morrow know;
'Tis Man alone that joy deſcries
With forward, and reverted eyes.
Smiles on paſt Misfortune's brow
Soft Reflection's hand can trace;
And o'er the cheek of Sorrow throw
A melancholy grace;
While Hope prolongs our happier hour,
Or deepeſt ſhades, that dimly lower
And blacken round our weary way,
Gilds with a gleam of diſtant day.
Still, where roſy Pleaſure leads,
See a kindred Grief purſue;
Behind the ſteps that Miſery treads
Approaching Comfort view:
[80] The hues of bliſs more brightly glow,
Chaſtis'd by ſabler tints of woe;
And blended form, with artful ſtrife,
The ſtrength and harmony of life.
See the Wretch, that long has toſt
On the thorny bed of pain,
At length repair his vigour loſt,
And breathe, and walk again:
The meaneſt floweret of the vale,
The ſimpleſt note that ſwells the gale,
The common ſun, the air, the ſkies,
To Him are opening Paradiſe.
Humble Quiet builds her cell,
Near the ſource whence Pleaſure flows;
She eyes the clear *cryſtalline well,
And taſtes it as it goes.
While far below the madding Croud
Ruſh headlong to the dangerous flood,
Where broad and turbulent it ſweeps,
And periſh in the boundleſs deeps.
Mark where Indolence, and Pride,
Sooth'd by Flattery's tinkling ſound,
Go, ſoftly rolling, ſide by ſide,
Their dull, but daily round:
[81] To theſe, if Hebe's ſelf ſhould bring
The pureſt cup from Pleaſure's ſpring,
Say, can they taſte the flavour high
Of ſober, ſimple, genuine Joy?
Mark Ambition's march ſublime
Up to Power's meridian height;
While pale-ey'd Envy ſees him climb,
And ſickens at the ſight.
Phantoms of Danger, Death, and Dread,
Float hourly round Ambition's head;
While Spleen, within his rival's breaſt,
Sits brooding on her ſcorpion neſt.
Happier he, the Peaſant, far,
From the pangs of Paſſion free,
That breathes the keen yet wholeſome air
Of rugged Penury.
He, when his morning taſk is done,
Can ſlumber in the noontide ſun;
And hie him home, at evening's cloſe,
To ſweet repaſt, and calm repoſe.
He, unconſcious whence the bliſs,
Feels, and owns in carols rude,
That all the circling joys are his,
Of dear Viciſſitude.
From toil he wins his ſpirits light,
From buſy day, the peaceful night;
Rich, from the very want of wealth,
In Heav'n's beſt treaſures, Peace and Health.

[82] I have heard Mr. Gray ſay, that M. Greſſet's ‘"Epitre a ma Soeur"’ (ſee his works in the Amſterdam edition, 1748, p. 180) gave him the firſt idea of this Ode: and whoever compares it with the French Poem, will find ſome ſlight traits of reſemblance, but chiefly in our Author's ſeventh ſtanza.

Appendix A.2.6

We come now to Mr. Gray's Pindaric Odes. And I think myſelf happy, through the favour of Mr. How (whoſe acquaintance with Count Algarotti has been mentioned, p. 302 of the Memoirs) to be permitted to preface my annotations on them, with a letter which that celebrated foreigner wrote to him on their ſubject. It does honour at once to the Writer, the Poet, and their common Friend.

Al Signor GUGLIELMO TAYLOR HOW.

DEI moltiſſimi obblighi, che io ho alla tanta fua gentilezza, non è certo il minore quello dello avermi ella novellamente introdotto in uno dè più ripoſti Laureti del Parnaſo Ingleſe, avendomi fatto parte di alcune Liriche poeſie del Signor Gray. Io non ſaprei quale Oda non dirò del celebre Rouſſeau, ma del Guidi, del Lazzarini, ed anche del Chiabrera, che ſcriſsèr o in una lingua più poetica che la Franceſe non è, paragonar ſi poteſſe all'Oda ſopra l'Armonia, o a quella contro ad Odoardo Primo del loro novello Pindaro, ed Alceo.

La Poeſia dei popoli ſettentrionali pare a me, che, generalmènte parlando, conſiſta più di penſieri, che d'immagini, ſi compiaccia delle rifleſſioni equalmente che dei ſentimenti, non ſia cosi particolareggiata, e pittoreſca come è la noſtra. Virgilio a cagione d'eſempio rapprèſentando Didone quando eſce alla caccia fa una tal dèſcrizione del ſuo veſtimento, che tutti i ritrattiſti, leggendo quel paſſo, la veſtirebbono a un modo:

[83]
Tandem progreditur, magnâ ſtipante catervâ,
Sidoniam picto chlamydem circumdata limbo:
Cui pharetra ex auro, crines nodantur in aurum,
Aurea purpuream ſubnectit fibula veſtem.

Non coſi il Miltono quando deſcrive la nuda bellezza di Eva;

Grace was in all her ſteps, heav'n in her eye,
In ev'ry geſture, dignity and love.

Con quella parole generali, e aſtratte idee di grazia, cielo, amore, e maeſtà non pare a lei che ognuno ſi formi in mente una Eva a poſta ſua? Talchè dietro a quei verſi Rubens l'avrèbbe dipinta come una groſſa Bàlia Fiamminga, Raſſaello come la Venere dâ Medici, quale appunto, il Miltono l'avrèbbe dovuta deſcrivere.

Envy itſelf is dumb, in wonder loſt,
And factions ſtrive, who ſhall applaud him moſt.

Dice un loro famoſo poeta ſe ben mi ricordo. Ed ecco come un poeta Italiano, quel medeſimo Lazzarini che ho nominato da principio, ha pittoreſcaménte atteggiato la medeſima Invidia.

Bello il veder dall 'una parte vinta
L'Invidia, e cinta
Di ſerpi contro a lei ſola rivolte,
Meditar molte
Menzogne in vano, e poi reſtarle in gola
L'empia parola.

Coteſta maggior doſe di pittura dirò cosi ch'entra nella noſtra poeſia è forſe uno effetto anch'eſſa della dilicatezza, ed irritabilita dèlla fibra delle nazioni poſte ſotto climi caldi. Onde ſentono, ed immaginano più vivamente dèlle nazioni ſettentrionali, più atte per avventura, che noi non ſiamo, a penſare con pazienza, [84] ad analizzare, a penetrare ſino al fondo delle coſe*. In fatti, ſe fu dato alla Grecia di produrre un Omero che è il principe dè poeti, fu dato all' Inghilterra il produrre un Neutono padre e ſovrano della filoſofica famiglia. Comunque ſia di ciò l'una di queſte Poeſie chiamare ſi potrebbe logica, grafica l'altra. In queſto ſecondo genere io porrei la poeſia del Signor Gray, il quale benché nato verſo il Polo, uguaglia i più caldi poeti, che ſorſero più vicini al ſole. Il verbum ardens di Cicerone, words that burn, che egli nella prima Oda adatta à Dryden, bene ſi può appropriare, per la vivacità della eſpreſſione, a lui medéſimo: E coſi ancora quei, thoughts that breathe; del che egli è corteſe all'iſteſſo poeta.

From Helicon's harmonious ſprings
A thouſand rills their mazy progreſs take:
The laughing flowers, that round them blow,
Drink life and fragrance as they flow.

Quel bera dei fiori vita e fragranza dalle acque di Elicona, ſpira talè ſoavita, che uno crede reſpirar veramente la dolce aria dello Elicona medeſimo. Viviſſima è la pittura del pargoletto Shakeſpear, che tende le tenerelle mani e ſorride alla Natura che gli ſvela il reverendo ſuo ſembiante, e dipoi gli fa dono di quelle auree chiavi, che hanno virtù di ſchiudere le porte del riſo, e la ſacra fonte dèl ſimpatico pianto. Non può eſſere più [85] poetica la ragione ch'egli fabbrica della cecità del Miltono, il quale; oltrepaſſati i fiammanti confine dello ſpazio e del tempo, ebbe ardire di fiſſare lo ſguardo colà dove gli angioli ſteſſi paventano di rimirare; e gli occhi ſuoi affuocati in quel pelago di lucé ſi chiuſero toſto in una notte ſempiterna. Con qual bravura non ha egli imitato la grandioſa immagine di Pindaro nella prima delle Pitiche, quando dipinge il Re degli Augelli, l'Aquila miniſtra del fulmine di Giove vinta anch'eſſa dalla forza dell'armonia? E non ſi vedon eglino in quel bel verſo,

Where'er ſhe turns the Graces homage pay—

eſpreſſi quei due di Tibullo?

Illam quidquid agat, quoquo veſtigia flectat,
Componit furtim, ſubſequiturque decor.

Pieno degli ſpiriti dé più nobili antichi autori, non mette già egli il piede nelle loro pedate; ma francamente cammina col garbo, e con la diſinvoltura di quelli. Superiore di gran lunga al concettoſo Cowley, il quale nella Lirica avea tenuto ſinora il campo, ben egli dovea vendicar la cauſa della poeſia contro alla ferità di quell'Odoardo, che, ſoggiogata la Wallia, vi ſpenſe il gentil ſeme dei poeti, i quali animando i loro compatrioti a belle impreſe, erano i ſucceſſori, ſi può dire, degli antichi Druidi, e gli anteceſſori del medeſimo Gray. Con qual forza con quale ardore nol fa egli acceſo della ſacra fiamma dell'eſtro e della libertà? Troppo lungo io ſarei ſe eſprimer le voleſſi il piacere di che mi è ſtata cagione la varietà grandiſſima d'immagini ch'egli ha ſaputo fare entrare nel vaticinio che contro alla razza di Odoardo fulmina il Poeta Walleſe. La dirò bene all'orecchio che quel vaticinio mi ſembra di gran lunga ſuperiore al vaticinio di Nereo ſopra lo eccidio di Troia. Dico all'orecchio, perché non vorrei avere contro di me la plebe dè letterati. Troppo [86] èlla ſi ſcandalizzerebbe all'udire che a una fattura di dieciotto ſecoli fa ſe ne voglia preferire una de' noſtri giorni, che non ha avuto il tempo di far la patina che hanno fatto le coſe dei Greci e dei Latini. Aeolio carmine nobilis il Signor Gray ſi può chiamare a ragione Britannae fidicen Lyrae: ed io mi rallegro ſommamente con eſſo lei, che la patria ſua vanti preſentemente, e in uno de' ſuoi amici, un poeta, che non la cede a niuno di quegli antichi,

Che le Muſe lattar più ch'altri mai.
*
All this comparative criticiſm ſeems rather ingenious than true. The Count might have found, in another part of the Paradiſe Loſt, a deſcription of this very Eve more particularized and pictureſque; and two allegorical figures of Sin and Death, full as ſtrongly featured as the Envy of Lazzarini. Spenſer would, in almoſt every page of his Fairy Queen, have produced him pictures as boldly imagined and peculiarly marked, as are to be met with in the writings of any more Southern Poet.
Appendix A.2.7 ODE V.
Appendix A.2.7.1

1. This highly-finiſhed Ode, which Mr. Gray entitled the Progreſs of Poetry, deſcribes its power and influence as well as progreſs, which his explanatory notes at the bottom of the page point out, and this with all the accuracy of metaphyſical preciſion, diſguiſed under the appearance of Pindaric digreſſion. On the firſt line of it he gave, in his edition, the following note.—‘"Pindar ſtyles his own poetry, with its muſical accompanyments, [...]: Aeolian ſong, Aeolian ſtrings, the breath of the Aeolian flute."’ It will ſeem ſtrange to the learned reader, that he thought ſuch explanation neceſſary, and he will be apt to look on it as the mere parade of Greek quotation; but his reaſon for it was, that the Critical Reviewers had miſtaken his meaning, (ſee note, p. 250 of the Memoirs) and ſuppoſed the Ode addreſſed to the Harp of Aeolus; which they ſaid ‘"was altogether uncertain and irregular, and therefore muſt be very ill adapted to the Dance."’ See Epode i. l. 1. This ridiculous blunder, which he did not think proper openly to advert on, led him to produce his Greek quotations, that they might chew on them at their leiſure; but he would hardly have done this, had not the reception his Ode met with made him abate, not only of reſpect to his critics, but to his readers in general. See his own note.

Appendix A.2.7.2

2.

Awake, Aeolian lyre, awake,
Stanza 1. l. 1.
Appendix A.2.7.2.1 IMITATION.
Awake, my glory: awake, lute and harp.
David's Pſ.
G.
Appendix A.2.7.2.2 VARIATION.
[87]

In his manuſcript it originally ſtood,

Awake, my lyre: my glory, wake.

And it would have been lucky for the above-mentioned critics, if it had been thus printed.

Appendix A.2.7.3

3.

Perching on the ſcepter'd hand.
Antiſt. i. l. 8.

This deſcription of the Bird of Jupiter, Mr. Gray, in his own edition, modeſtly calls ‘"a weak imitation of ſome incomparable lines in the firſt Pythian of Pindar;"’ but if they are compared with Mr. Gilbert Weſt's tranſlation of the above lines, (though far from a bad one) their ſuperior energy to his verſion will appear very conſpicuous.

Perch'd on the ſceptre of th' Olympian King,
The thrilling darts of harmony he feels;
And indolently hangs his rapid wing,
While gentle ſleep his cloſing eyelid ſeals,
And o'er his heaving limbs in looſe array,
To every balmy gale the ruffling feathers play.

Here, if we except the ſecond line, we find no imagery or expreſſion of the Iyrical caſt. The reſt are loaded with unneceſſary epithets, and would better ſuit the tamer tones of Elegy. Weſt's Pindar, vol. I. p. 85.

Appendix A.2.7.4

4.

Glance their many twinkling feet.
Ep. 1. l. 11.
Appendix A.2.7.4.1 IMITATION.
[...]
Homer. Od. Θ.
G.
Appendix A.2.7.5

5.

Slow melting airs their Queen's approach declare.

This and the five flowing lines which follow are ſweetly introduced by the ſhort and unequal meaſures that precede them: the whole ſtanza is indeed a maſter-piece of rhythm, and charms the ear by its well-varied cadence, as much as the imagery which it contains raviſhes the fancy. ‘"There is (ſays our author in one of his manuſcript papers) "a toute enſemble of ſound, as well as of ſenſe, in poetical compoſition always neceſſary to its perfection. What is gone before ſtill dwells upon the ear, and inſenſibly harmonizes with the preſent line, as in that ſucceſſion of fleeting notes which is called Melody."’ Nothing can better exemplify the truth of this fine obſervation than his own poetry.

Appendix A.2.7.6
[88]

6.

The bloom of young deſire and purple light of love.
Ep. i. l. 17.
Appendix A.2.7.6.1 IMITATION.
[...]
[...]
Phrynichus apud Athenaeum.
G.
Appendix A.2.7.7

7.

Till down the eaſtern cliffs afar
Hyperion's march they ſpy, and glittering ſhafts of war.
Stanza 2. l. 11 and 12.
Appendix A.2.7.7.1 IMITATION.
Or ſeen the morning's well-appointed ſtar,
Come marching up the eaſtern hills afar.
Cowley.
G.
Appendix A.2.7.8

8.

In climes beyond the ſolar road.
Antiſt ii. l. 1.
Appendix A.2.7.8.1 IMITATION.
Extra anni ſoliſque vias—
Virgil.
Tutta lontana dal camin del ſole.
Petrarch Canzon ii.
G.
Appendix A.2.7.9

9.

Far from the ſun and ſummer-gale.
Stanza 3. l. 1.

An ingenious perſon, who ſent Mr. Gray his remarks anonymouſly on this and the following Ode ſoon after they were publiſhed, gives this ſtanza and the following a very juſt and well-expreſſed eulogy: ‘"A Poet is perhaps never more conciliating than when he praiſes favourite predeceſſors in his art. Milton is not more the pride than Shakeſpear the love of their country: It is therefore equally judicious to diffuſe a tenderneſs and a grace through the praiſe of Shakeſpear, as to extol in a ſtrain more elevated and ſonorous the boundleſs ſoarings of Milton's epic imagination."’ The critic has here well noted the beauty of contraſt which reſults from the two deſcriptions; yet it is further to be obſerved, to the honor of our Poet's judgment, that the tenderneſs and grace in the former does not prevent it from ſtrongly characterizing the three capital perfections of Shakeſpear's genius; and when he deſcribes his power of exciting terror (a ſpecies of the ſublime) he ceaſes to be diffuſe, and becomes, as he ought to be, conciſe and energetical.

Appendix A.2.7.10
[89]

10.

He paſs'd the flaming bounds of place and time.
Antiſt. iii. l. 4.
Appendix A.2.7.10.1 IMITATION.
—Flammantia maenia mundi.
Lucretius.
G.
Appendix A.2.7.11

11.

The living throne, the ſapphire blaze.
Antiſt. iii. l. 5.
Appendix A.2.7.11.1 IMITATION.
For the ſpirit of the living creature was in the wheels, and above the firmament that was over their heads, was the likeneſs of a throne, as the appearance of a ſapphire ſtone—this was the appearance of the glory of the Lord. Ezekiel i. 20, 26, 28. G.
Appendix A.2.7.12

12.

Clos'd his eyes in endleſs night.
Antiſt. iii. l. 8.
Appendix A.2.7.12.1 IMITATION.
[...]
Homer. Od.
G.

This has been condemned as a falſe thought, and more worthy of an Italian Poet than of Mr. Gray. Count Algarotti, we have found in his letter to Mr. How, praiſes it highly; but as he was an Italian Critic, his judgment, in this point, will not, perhaps by many, be thought to overbalance the objection. The truth is, that this fiction of the cauſe of Milton's blindneſs is not beyond the bounds of poetical credibility, any more than the fiction which precedes it concerning the birth of Shakeſpear; and therefore would be equally admiſſable, had it not the peculiar misfortune to encounter a fact too well known: on this account the judgment revolts againſt it. Milton himſelf has told us, in a ſtrain of heart-felt exultation, (ſee his Sonnet Cyriac Skynner) that he loſt his eye-ſight

—overply'd
IN LIBERTY'S DEFENCE, his noble taſk;
Whereof all Europe rings from ſide to ſide;

And, when we know this to have been the true cauſe, we cannot admit a fictitious one, however ſublimely conceived, or happily expreſſed. If therefore [90] ſo lofty and unrivalled a deſcription will not atone for this acknowledged defect, in relation to matter of fact, all that the impartial critic can do, is to point out the reaſon, and to apologize for the Poet, who was neceſſitated by his ſubject to conſider Milton only in his poetical capacity.

Appendix A.2.7.13

13.

With necks in thunder cloath'd, and long-reſounding pace.
Antiſt. iii. l. 12.
Appendix A.2.7.13.1 IMITATION.
Haſt thou cloathed his neck with thunder?
Job.

This verſe, and the foregoing, are meant to expreſs the ſtately march and ſounding energy of Dryden's Rhymes. G.

Appendix A.2.7.14

14.

Thoughts that breathe, and words that burn.
Ep. iii. l. 4.
Appendix A.2.7.14.1 IMITATION.
Words that weep, and tears that ſpeak.
Cowley.
G.
Appendix A.2.7.15

15.

That the Theban Eagle bear.
Ep. iii. l. 9.
[...]
Olymp. ii.

Pindar compares himſelf to that bird, and his enemies to ravens that croak and clamour in vain below, while it purſues its flight, regardleſs of their noiſe. G.

Appendix A.2.7.16

16. The Critic, above quoted, concludes his remarks on this Ode, which he had written after his obſervations on the Bard, in a manner which accounts, in my opinion, for the ſuperior pleaſure that it has given to him, and alſo to the generality of readers. ‘"I quit, ſays he, this Ode with the ſtrongeſt conviction of its abundant merit; though I took it up, (for this laſt attentive peruſal) perſuaded that it was not a little inferior to the other. They are not the treaſures of imagination only that have ſo copiouſly enriched it: It ſpeaks, but ſurely leſs feelingly than the Bard, (ſtill my favourite) to the heart. Can we in truth be equally intereſted, for the fabulous exploded Gods of other nations (celebrated in the firſt half [91] of this Ode) as by the ſtory of our own Edwards and Henrys, or alluſions to it? Can a deſcription, the moſt perfect language ever attained to, of tyranny expelling the muſes from Parnaſſus, ſeize the mind equally with the horrors of Berkley Caſtle, with the apoſtrophe to the tower? And ſpare the meek Uſurper's holy head!I do not mean, however, wholly to decry fabulous ſubjects or alluſions, nor more than to ſuggeſt the preference due to hiſtorical ones, where happily the Poet's fertile imagination ſupplies him with a plentiful choice of both kinds, and he finds himſelf capable of treating both, according to their reſpective natures, with equal advantage."’

Appendix A.2.8 ODE VI.
Appendix A.2.8.1

1. I promiſed the reader, in the 237th page of the Memoirs, to give him, in this place, the original argument of this capital Ode, as its author had ſet it down on one of the pages of his common-place book. It is as follows: ‘"The army of Edward I. as they march through a deep valley, are ſuddenly ſtopped by the appearance of a venerable figure ſeated on the ſummit of an inacceſſible rock, who, with a voice more than human, reproaches the King with all the miſery and deſolation which he had brought on his country; foretells the misfortunes of the Norman race, and with prophetic ſpirit declares, that all his cruelty ſhall never extinguiſh the noble ardour of poetic genius in this iſland; and that men ſhall never be wanting to celebrate true virtue and valour in immortal ſtrains, to expoſe vice and infamous pleaſure, and boldly cenſure tyranny and oppreſſion. His ſong ended, he precipitates himſelf from the mountain, and is ſwallowed up by the river that rolls at its foot."’ Fine as the concluſion of this Ode is at preſent, I think it would have been ſtill finer, if he could have executed it according to this plan; but unhappily for his purpoſe, inſtances of Engliſh Poets were wanting. Spenſer had that enchanting flow of verſe which was peculiarly calculated to celebrate Virtue and Valour; but he choſe to celebrate them, not literally, but in allegory. Shakeſpear, who had talents for every thing, was undoubtedly capable of expoſing Vice and infamous Pleaſure; and the drama was a proper vehicle for his ſatire: but we do not ever find that he profeſſedly made this his object; nay, we know that, in one inimitable character, he has ſo contrived as to make vices of the worſt kind, ſuch as cowardice, drunkenneſs, diſhoneſty, and lewdneſs, not only laughable, but almoſt amiable; for with all theſe ſins on his head, who can help liking [92] Falſtaffe? Milton, of all our great Poets, was the only one who boldly cenſured Tyranny and Oppreſſion: but he choſe to deliver this cenſure, not in poetry, but in proſe. Dryden was a mere court paraſite to the moſt infamous of all courts. Pope, with all his laudable deteſtation of corruption and bribery, was a Tory; and Addiſon, though a Whig and a fine writer, was unluckily not enough of a Poet for his purpoſe. On theſe conſiderations Mr. Gray was neceſſitated to change his plan towards the concluſion: Hence we perceive, that in the laſt epode he praiſes Spenſer only for his allegory, Shakeſpear for his powers of moving the paſſions, and Milton for his epic excellence. I remember the Ode lay unfiniſhed by him for a year or two on this very account; and I hardly believe that it would ever have had his laſt hand but for the circumſtance of his hearing Parry play on the Welch Harp at a concert at Cambridge, (ſee Letter xxv. ſect. iv.) which he often declared inſpired him with the concluſion.

Appendix A.2.8.2

2. Mr. Smith, the Muſical Compoſer and worthy pupil of Mr. Handel, had once an idea of ſetting this Ode, and of having it performed by way of ſerenata or oratorio. A common friend of his and Mr. Gray's intereſted himſelf much in this deſign, and drew out a clear analyſis of the Ode, that Mr. Smith might more perfectly underſtand the Poet's meaning. He converſed alſo with Mr. Gray on the ſubject, who gave him an idea for the overture, and marked alſo ſome paſſages in the Ode in order to aſcertain which ſhould be recitative, which air, what kind of air, and how accompanied. The deſign was, however, not executed; and therefore I ſhall only (in order to give the reader a taſte of Mr. Gray's muſical feelings) inſert in this place what his ſentiments were concerning the overture. ‘"It ſhould be ſo contrived as to be a proper introduction to the Ode; it might conſiſt of two movements, the firſt deſcriptive of the horror and confuſion of battle, the laſt a march grave and majeſtic, but expreſſing the exultation and inſolent ſecurity of conqueſt. This movement ſhould be compoſed entirely of wind inſtruments, except the kettle-drum heard at intervals. The da capo of it muſt be ſuddenly broke in upon, and put to ſilence by the clang of the harp in a tumultuous rapid movement, joined with the voice, all at once, and not uſhered in by any ſymphony. The harmony may be ſtrengthened by any other ſtringed inſtrument; but the harp ſhould every where prevail, and form the continued running accompanyment, ſubmitting itſelf to nothing but the voice."’

Appendix A.2.8.3
[93]

3.

Ruin ſeize thee, ruthleſs King.
Strophe 1. l. 1.

On this noble exordium the anonymous Critic, before-mentioned, thus eloquently expreſſes his admiration: ‘"This abrupt execration plunges the reader into that ſudden fearful perplexity which is deſigned to predominate through the whole. The irreſiſtible violence of the prophet's paſſions bears him away, who, as he is unprepared by a formal uſhering in of the ſpeaker, is unfortified againſt the impreſſions of his poetical phrenzy and overpowered by them, as ſudden thunders ſtrike the deepeſt."’ All readers of taſte, I fancy, have felt this effect from the paſſage; they will be pleaſed however to ſee their own feelings ſo well expreſſed as they are in this note.

Appendix A.2.8.4

4.

They mock the air with idle ſtate.
Strophe 1. l. 4.
Appendix A.2.8.4.1 IMITATION.
Mocking the air with colours idly ſpread.
Shakeſ. King John.
G.
Appendix A.2.8.5

5.

Such were the ſounds, that o'er the creſted pride.
Strophe 1. l. 9.
Appendix A.2.8.5.1 IMITATION.
The creſted adder's pride.
Dryden's Indian Queen.
G.
Appendix A.2.8.6

6.

Looſe his beard, &c.
Antiſt. i. l. 5.

The image was taken from a well-known picture of Raphael, repreſenting the Supreme Being in the viſion of Ezekiel: there are two of theſe paintings, both believed to be originals, one at Florence, the other in the Duke of Orleans's collection at Paris. G.

Mr. Gray never ſaw the large Cartoon, done by the ſame divine hand, in the poſſeſſion of the Duke of Montagu, at his ſeat at Boughton in Northamptonſhire, elſe I am perſuaded he would have mentioned it in this note. The two finiſhed pictures abroad (which I believe are cloſet-pieces) can hardly have ſo much ſpirit in them as this wonderful drawing; it gave me the ſublimeſt idea I ever received from painting. Moſes breaking the tables of the law, by Parmegiano, was a figure which Mr. Gray uſed to ſay came ſtill nearer to his meaning than the picture of Raphael.

[92]
[...]
[93]
[...]
Appendix A.2.8.7
[94]

7.

Dear, as the light that viſits theſe ſad eyes,
Dear, as the ruddy drops that warm my heart,
Ep. i. l. 12 and 13.
Appendix A.2.8.7.1 IMITATION.
As dear to me as are the ruddy drops,
That viſit my ſad heart.
Shakeſ. Julius Caeſar.
G.
Appendix A.2.8.8

8.

No more I weep. &c.
Ep. i. l. 15.

Here, ſays the anonymous Critic, a viſion of triumphant revenge is judiciouſly made to enſue, after the pathetic lamentation which precedes it. Breaks—double rhymes—an appropriated cadence—and an exalted ferocity of language forcibly picture to us the uncontroulable tumultuous workings of the prophet's ſtimulated boſom.

Appendix A.2.8.9

9.

Weave the warp, &c.
Strophe 2. l. 1.

‘Can there be an image more juſt, appoſite, and nobly imagined than this tremendous tragical winding-ſheet? In the reſt of this ſtanza the wildneſs of thought, expreſſion, and cadence are admirably adapted to the character and ſituation of the ſpeaker, and of the bloody ſpectres his aſſiſtants. It is not indeed peculiar to it alone, but a beauty that runs throughout the whole compoſition, that the hiſtorical events are briefly ſketched out by a few ſtriking circumſtances, in which the Poet's office of rather exciting and directing, than ſatisfying the reader's imagination, is perfectly obſerved. Such abrupt hints, reſembling the ſeveral fragments of a vaſt ruin, ſuffer not the mind to be raiſed to the utmoſt pitch, by one image of horror, but that inſtantaneouſly a ſecond and a third are preſented to it, and the affection is ſtill uniformly ſupported. Anon. Critic.

Appendix A.2.8.10

10.

Fair laughs the morn, &c.

It is always entertaining, and ſometimes uſeful, to be informed how a writer frequently improves on his original thoughts; on this account I have occaſionally ſet down the few variations which Mr. Gray made in his lyrical compoſitions. The ſix lines before us convey, perhaps, the moſt beautiful piece of imagery in the whole Ode, and were a wonderful improvement on thoſe which he firſt wrote; which, though they would appear fine in an inferior Poet, are infinitely below thoſe which ſupplanted them. I find them in one of his corrected manuſcripts as follow.

Appendix A.2.8.10.1 VARIATION.
[95]
Mirrors of Saxon truth and loyalty,
Your helpleſs old expiring Maſter view!
They hear not: ſcarce Religion dares ſupply
Her mutter'd Requiems, and her holy dew.
Yet thou, proud boy, from Pomfret's walls ſhall ſend
A ſigh, and envy oft thy happy grandſire's end.
Appendix A.2.8.11

11.

Fill high the ſparkling bowl.
Epode ii. l. 1. &c.

This Stanza (as an ingenious friend remarks) has exceeding merit. It breathes in a leſſer compaſs, what the Ode breathes at large, the high ſpirit of lyric Enthuſiaſm. The Tranſitions are ſudden, and impetuous; the Language full of fire and force; and the Imagery carried, without impropriety, to the moſt daring height. The manner of Richard's death by Famine exhibits ſuch beauties of Perſonification, as only the richeſt and moſt vivid Imagination could ſupply. From thence we are hurried, with the wildeſt rapidity, into the midſt of Battle; and the epithet kindred places at once before our eyes all the peculiar horrours of civil War. Immediately, by a tranſition moſt ſtriking and unexpected, the Poet falls into a tender and pathetic Addreſs; which, from the ſentiments and alſo from the numbers, has all the melancholy flow, and breathes all the plaintive ſoftneſs, of Elegy. Again the Scene changes; again the Bard riſes into an allegorical deſcription of Carnage, to which the metre is admirably adapted: and the concluding Sentence of perſonal puniſhment on Edward is denounced with a Solemnity, that chills and terrifies.

Appendix A.2.8.12

12.

No more our long-loſt Arthur we bewail.
All hail, ye genuine Kings, Britannia's Iſſue hail!
Strophe 3. l. 13 and 14.
Appendix A.2.8.12.1 VARIATION. MS.
From Cambria's thouſand hills a thouſand ſtrains
Triumphant tell aloud, another Arthur reigns.
Appendix A.2.8.13

13.

Girt with many a Baron bold,
Sublime their ſtarry fronts they rear.
Ant. iii. l. 1, 2.
Appendix A.2.8.13.1 VARIATION. MS.
[96]
Youthful Knights, and Barons bold,
With dazzling helm, and horrent ſpear.
Appendix A.2.8.14

14.

Fierce War, and faithful Love.
Ep. iii. l. 2.
Appendix A.2.8.14.1 IMITATION.
Fierce wars and faithful loves ſhall moralize my ſong.
Spenſer's Proëme to the Fairy Queen.
G.
Appendix A.2.8.15

15. I cannot quit this and the preceding Ode, without ſaying a word or two of my own concerning the obſcurity which has been imputed to them, and the preference which, in conſequence, has been given to his Elegy. It ſeems as if the perſons, who hold this opinion, ſuppoſe that every ſpecies of Poetry ought to be equally clear and intelligible: than which poſition nothing can be more repugnant to the ſeveral ſpecific natures of compoſition, and to the practice of antient art. Not to take Pindar and his Odes for an example, (though what I am here defending were written profeſſedly in imitation of him) I would aſk, Are all the writings of Horace, his Epiſtles, Satires, and Odes equally perſpicuous? Amongſt his Odes, ſeparately conſidered, are there not remarkable differences of this very kind? Is the ſpirit and meaning of that which begins, ‘"Deſcende coelo, & dic, age, tibiâ", Ode 4. lib. 3. ſo readily comprehended as ‘"Perſicos odi, puer, apparatus," Ode 38. l. 1. And is the latter a finer piece of lyrical compoſition on that account? Is ‘"Integer vitae, ſceleriſ (que) purus," Ode 22. l. 1. ſuperior to ‘"Pindarum quiſquis ſtudet aemulari," Ode 2. l. 4. becauſe it may be underſtood at the firſt reading, and the latter not without much ſtudy and reflection? Now between theſe Odes, thus compared, there is ſurely equal difference in point of perſpicuity, as between the Progreſs of Poeſy, and the Proſpect of Eton; the Ode on the Spring, and the Bard: But, ſay theſe objectors, ‘"The end of Poetry is univerſally to pleaſe. Obſcurity, by taking off from our pleaſure, deſtroys that end."’ I will grant that, if the obſcurity be great, conſtant, and unſurmountable, this is certainly true; but if it be only found in particular paſſages, proceeding from the nature of the ſubject and the very genius of the compoſition, it does not rob us of our pleaſure, but ſuperadds a new one which ariſes from conquering a difficulty; [97] and the pleaſure which accrues from a difficult paſſage when well underſtood, provided the paſſage itſelf be a fine one, is always more permanent than that which we diſcover at the firſt glance. The lyric Muſe, like other fine Ladies, requires to be courted, and retains her admirers the longer for not having yielded too readily to their ſolicitations. This argument ending as it does in a ſort of ſimile will, I am perſuaded, not only have its force with the intelligent readers (the ΣΥΝΕΤΟΙ), but alſo with the men of faſhion; as to critics of a lower claſs, it may be ſufficient to tranſcribe, for their improvement, an unfiniſhed remark, or rather maxim, which I found amongſt our Author's papers; and which he probably wrote on occaſion of the common preference given to his Elegy. ‘"The Gout de Comparaiſon (as Bruyere ſtyles it) is the only taſte of ordinary minds. They do not know the ſpecific excellency either of an author or a compoſition: for inſtance, they do not know that Tibullus ſpoke the language of Nature and Love; that Horace ſaw the vanities and follies of mankind with the moſt penetrating eye, and touched them to the quick; that Virgil ennobled even the moſt common images by the graces of a glowing, melodious, and well-adapted expreſſion; but they do know that Virgil was a better poet than Horace; and that Horace's Epiſtles do not run ſo well as the Elegies of Tibullus."’

Appendix A.2.9 ODE VII.

This Ode, to which, on the title, I have given the epithet of IRREGULAR, is the only one of the kind which Mr. Gray ever wrote; and its being written occaſionally, and for muſic, is a ſufficient apology for the defect. Excluſive of this, (for a defect it certainly is) it appears to me, in point of lyrical arrangement and expreſſion, to be equal to moſt of his other Odes. It is remarkable that, amongſt the many irregular Odes which have been written in our own language, Dryden's and Pope's, on St. Cecilia's Day, are the only ones that may properly be ſaid to have lived. The reaſon is (as I have hinted in a note, p. 233 of the Memoirs) that this mode of compoſition is ſo extremely eaſy, that it gives the writer an opening to every kind of poetical licentiouſneſs: whereas the regularly repeated ſtanza, and ſtill more the regular ſucceſſion of ſtrophe, antiſtrophe, and epode, put ſo ſtrong a curb on the wayward imagination, that when ſhe has once paced in it, [98] ſhe ſeldom chooſes to ſubmit to it a ſecond time. 'Tis therefore greatly to be wiſhed, in order to ſtifle in their birth a quantity of compoſitions, which are at the ſame time wild and jejune, that regular Odes, and theſe only, ſhould be deemed legitimate amongſt us.

The Cambridge edition (publiſhed at the expence of the Univerſity) is here followed; but I have added at the bottom of the page a number of explanatory notes, which this Ode ſeemed to want, ſtill more than that which preceded it, eſpecially when given not to the Univerſity only, but the Public in general, who may be reaſonably ſuppoſed to know little of the particular founders of different Colleges and their hiſtory here alluded to. For the ſake of uniformity in the page, I have divided the Ode into ſtanzas, and diſcarded the muſical diviſions of Recitative, Air, and Chorus; but ſhall here inſert them in their order, according as the different ſtanzas were ſet by Dr. Randal, Profeſſor of Muſic.

  • Stanza 1. The firſt eight lines "Air," the four laſt "Chorus."
  • Stanza 2. "Recitative" throughout, but accompanied at the ſixth line.
  • Stanza 3. "Air."

    This ſtanza, being ſuppoſed to be ſung by Milton, is very judiciouſly written in the metre which he fixed upon for the ſtanza of his Chriſtmas-hymn.‘'Twas in the winter wild, &c.’

  • Stanza 4. "Recitative" throughout, the laſt nine lines accompanied.
  • Stanza 5. "Air Quartetto." The muſical reader will eaſily ſee and admire how well this ſtanza is ſuited to that ſpecies of muſic.
  • Stanza 6. Firſt ſix lines "Recitative;" the reſt of the ſtanza, beginning at ‘"thy liberal heart,"’ "Air."
  • Stanza 7. "Recitative" throughout.
  • Stanza 8. "Grand Chorus," and well ſuited for that purpoſe.
Appendix A.2.10 ODE VIII.
Appendix A.2.10.1

1. The occaſion of Mr. Gray's writing (for it may be rather called ſo than verſifying this and the three following Odes, however cloſely he has done them) has been given in the beginning of the 5th ſection of the Memoirs, and his reaſon for firſt publiſhing them in the 57th letter of the 4th. Their beſt comment, ſince it is the beſt illuſtration of their excellency, will be to inſert here the Latin verſions of the originals from whence they were taken; as it is probable that many readers, who have hitherto admired them as compoſitions, have not compared them with thoſe literal verſions for want of having the books (which are not common ones) at hand.

Appendix A.2.10.2
[99]

2. Ex Orcadibus Thormodi Torfaei. Hafniae, 1697.

LATE diffunditur
Ante ſtragem futuram
Sagittarum nubes:
Depluit ſanguis:
Jam haſtis applicatur
Cineracea
Tela virorum,
Quam amicae texunt
Rubro ſubtegmine
Randveri mortis.
Texitur haec Tela
Inteſtinis humanis,
Staminique ſtrictè alligantur
Capita humana,
Sunt ſanguine roratae
Haſtae pro Inſilibus,
Textoria Inſtrumenta ferrea,
Ac Sagittae pro Radiis:
Denſabimus Gladiis
Hanc Victoriae Telam.
Prodeunt ad texendum Hilda,
Et Hiorthrimula,
Sangrida, & Swipula;
Cum ſtrictis Gladiis;
Haſtile frangetur,
Scutum diffindetur,
Enſiſque
Clypeo illidetur.
Texamus, texamus
Telam Darradar!
Hunc (Gladium) Rex Juvenis
Prius poſſidebat.
Prodeamus,
Et Cohortes intremus,
Ubi noſtri Amici
Armis dimicant!
Texamus, texamus
Telam *Darradi;
Et Regi deinde
Deinde adhaereamus!
Ibi videbant
Sanguine rorata Scuta
Gunna & Gondula,
Quae Regem tutabantur.
Texamus, texamus
Telam Darradi!
Ubi Arma concrepant
Bellacium Virorum,
Non ſinamus eum
Vitâ privari:
Habent Valkyriae
Caedis poteſtatem.
Illi Populi terras regent,
Qui deſerta Promontoria
Anteà incolebant.
Dico potenti Regi
Mortem imminere.
Jam Sagittis occubuit Comes;
Et Hibernis
Dolor accidet,
Qui nunquam
Apud Viros delebitur.
Jam Tela texta eſt.
Campus verò (Sanguine) roratus;
[100] Terras percurret
Conflictus Militum.
Nunc horrendum eſt
Circumſpicere,
Cum Sanguinea Nubes
Per Aëra volitet:
Tingetur Aer
Sanguine Virorum,
Antequam Vaticinia noſtra
Omnia corruant.
Benè canimus
De Rege juvene,
Victoriae Carmina multa:
Benè ſit nobis canentibus.
Diſcat autem ille,
Qui auſcultat,
Bellica Carmina multa,
Et Viris referat.
Equitemus in Equis,
Quoniam efferimus gladios ſtrictos
Ex hoc loco.

In the argument of this Ode, printed at the bottom of the page in this edition, it is ſaid that the battle was fought on Chriſtmas-day; on which Mr. Gray, in his manuſcript, remarks, that ‘"the people of the Orkney iſlands were Chriſtians, yet did not become ſo till after A. D. 966, probably it happened in 995; but though they, and the other Gothic nations, no longer worſhiped their old divinities, yet they never doubted of their exiſtence, or forgot their antient mythology, as appears from the hiſtory of Olaus Tryggueſon."’ See Bartholinus, lib. viii. c. i. p. 615.

Appendix A.2.10.3

3.

Iron ſleet of arrowy ſhower.
L. 3.
Appendix A.2.10.3.1 IMITATION.
How quick they wheel'd; and flying, behind them ſhot
Sharp ſleet of arrowy ſhower.
Mil. Par. Regained.
G.
Appendix A.2.10.4

4.

Hurtles in the darken'd air.
L. 4.
Appendix A.2.10.4.1 IMITATION.
The noiſe of battle hurtled in the air.
Shakeſ. Jul. Caeſ.
Appendix A.2.11 ODE IX.
[101]
Appendix A.2.11.1

1. The Vegtams Kvitha, from Bartholinus, lib. iii. c. ii. p. 632.

SUrgebat Odinus,
Virorum ſummus
Et *Sleipnerum
Ephippio ſtravit.
Equitabat deorſum
Niflhelam verſus.
Obviàm habuit Catellum
Ab Helae Habitaculis venientem;
Huic ſanguine aſperſa erant
Pectus anterius,
Rictus, mordendi avidus,
Et maxillarum infima:
Allatrabat ille,
Et Rictum diduxit
Magiae Patri,
Et diu latrabat.
Equitavit Odinus
(Terra ſubtus tremuit)
Donec ad altum veniret
Helae Habitaculum.
Tum equitavit Odinus
Ad orientale oſtii Latus,
Ubi Fatidicae
Tumulum eſſe novit.
Sapienti Carmina
Mortuos excitantia cecinit,
Boream inſpexit,
Literas (Tumulo) impoſuit,
Sermones proferre caepit,
Reſponſa popoſcit,
Donec invita ſurgeret,
Et mortuorum ſermonem proferret.
FATIDICA. Quiſnam Hominum
Mihi ignotorum
Mihi facere praeſumit
Triſtem Animum?
Nive eram, &
Nimbo aſperſa,
Pluviâque rorata:
Mortua diu jacui.
ODINUS. Viator nominor,
Bellatoris Filius ſum.
Enarra mihi, quae apud Helam geruntur:
Ego tibi quae in mundo.
Cuinam ſedes Auro ſtratae ſunt,
Lecti pulchri
Auro ornati?
F. Hic Baldero Medo
Paratus extat,
Purus Potus,
Scuto ſuperinjecto:
Divina verò ſoboles
Dolore afficietur.
Invita haec dixi,
Jamque ſilebo.
[102]
O. Noli, Fatidica, tacere.
Te interrogare volo,
Donec omnia novero.
Adhuc ſcire volo,
Quiſnam Baldero
Necem inferet,
Ac Odini Filium
Vitâ privabit?
F. Hodus excelſum fert
Honoratum Fratrem illùc.
Is Baldero
Necem inferet,
Et Odini Filium
Vitâ privabit.
Invita haec dixi,
Jamque tacebo.
O. Noli tacere, Fatidica,
Adhuc te interrogare volo,
Donec omnia novero.
Adhuc ſcire volo,
Quiſnam Hodo
Odium rependet,
Aut Balderi Interfectorem
Occidendo rogo adaptet?
F. Rinda Filium pariet
In Habitaculis occidentalibus:
Hic Odini Filius,
Unam noctem natus, armis utetur;
Manum non lavabit,
Nec Caput pectet,
Antequam Rogo imponet
Balderi inimicum.
Invita haec dixi,
Jamque tacebo.
O. Noli tacere, Fatidica,
Adhuc te interrogare volo.
Quaenam ſint Virgines,
Quae prae Cogitationibus lachrymantur,
Et in Coelum jaciunt
Cervicum pepla?
Hoc ſolum mihi dicas,
Nam prius non dormies.
F. Non tu Viator es,
Ut antea credidi;
Sed potiùs Odinus,
Virorum ſummus.
O. Tu non es Fatidica,
Nec ſapiens Foemina,
Sed potius trium
Gigantum Mater.
F. Equita domum, Odine,
Ac in his gloriare:
Nemo tali modo veniet
Ad ſciſcitandum,
Uſque dum Lokus
Vinculis ſolvatur,
Et Deorum Crepuſculum
Diſſolventes aderint.
Appendix A.2.11.2

2.

Hela's drear abode.
L. 4.

Hela, in the Edda, is deſcribed with a dreadful countenance, and her body half fleſh-colour and half blue. G.

Appendix A.2.11.3
[103]

3.

Him the Dog of Darkneſs ſpied.
L. 5.

The Edda gives this dog the name of Managarmar; he fed upon the lives of thoſe that were to die.

Appendix A.2.11.4

4.

The thrilling verſe that wakes the Dead.
L. 24.

The original word is Vallgaldr; from Valr mortuus, & Galdr incantatio. G.

Thrilling is ſurely in this place a peculiarly-fine epithet.

Appendix A.2.11.5

5.

Tell me what is done below.
L. 40.

Odin, we find both from this Ode and the Edda, was ſolicitous about the fate of his ſon Balder, who had dreamed he was ſoon to die. The Edda mentions the manner of his death when killed by Odin's other ſon Hoder; and alſo that Hoder was himſelf ſlain afterwards by Vali the ſon of Odin and Rinda, conſonant with this prophecy.

Appendix A.2.11.6

6.

Once again my call obey.
Propheteſs, &c.
L. 51.

Women were looked upon by the Gothic nations as having a peculiar inſight into futurity; and ſome there were that made profeſſion of magic arts and divination. Theſe travelled round the country, and were received in every houſe with great reſpect and honour. Such a woman bore the name of Volva Seidkona or Spakona. The dreſs of Thorbiorga, one of theſe propheteſſes, is deſcribed at large in Eirick's Rauda Sogu, (apud Bartholin. lib. i. cap. iv. p. 688.) She had on a blue veſt ſpangled all over with ſtones, a necklace of glaſs beads, and a cap made of the ſkin of a black lamb lined with white cat-ſkin. She leaned on a ſtaff adorned with braſs, with a round head ſet with ſtones; and was girt with a Hunlandiſh belt, at which hung her pouch full of magical inſtruments. Her buſkins were of rough calf-ſkin, bound on with thongs ſtudded with knobs of braſs, and her gloves of white cat-ſkin, the fur turned inwards, &c. G.

They were alſo called Fiolkyngi, or Fiol-kunnug; i. e. Multi-ſcia: and Viſindakona; i. e. Oraculorum Mulier, Nornir; i. e. Parcae. G.

Appendix A.2.11.7
[104]

7.

What Virgins theſe.
L. 75.

Theſe were probably the Nornir or Parcae, juſt now mentioned: their names were Urda, Verdandi, and Skulda; they were the diſpenſers of good deſtinies. As their names ſignify Time paſt, preſent, and future, it is probable they were always inviſible to mortals: therefore when Odin aſks this queſtion on ſeeing them, he betrays himſelf to be a God; which elucidates the next ſpeech of the Propheteſs.

Appendix A.2.11.8

8.

Mother of the giant-brood.
L. 86.

In the Latin ‘"Mater trium Gigantum."’ He means, therefore, probably Angerbode, who, from her name, ſeems to be ‘"no Propheteſs of good,"’ and who bore to Loke, as the Edda ſays, three children; the Wolf Fenris, the great Serpent of Midgard, and Hela, all of them called Giants in that wild but curious ſyſtem of mythology; with which, if the reader wiſhes to be acquainted, he had better conſult the tranſlation of M. Mallet's Introduction to the Hiſtory of Denmark, than the original itſelf, as ſome miſtakes of conſequence are corrected by the tranſlator. The book is entitled ‘"Northern Antiquities."’ Printed for Carnan, 1770, 2 vols. 8vo.

Appendix A.2.12 ODE X.

Mr. Gray entitles this Ode, in his own edition, a FRAGMENT; but from the proſe verſion of Mr. Evans, which I ſhall here inſert, it will appear that nothing is omitted, except a ſingle hyperbole at the end, which I print in italics.

Panegyric upon Owain Gwynedd, Prince of North-Wales, by Gwalchmai, the ſon of Melir, in the year 1157.*

Appendix A.2.12.1

1. I will extol the generous Hero, deſcended from the race of Roderic, the bulwark of his country; a prince eminent for his good qualities, the glory of Britain, Owen the brave and expert in arms, a Prince that neither hoardeth nor coveteth riches.

Appendix A.2.12.2
[105]

2. Three fleets arrived, veſſels of the main; three powerful fleets of the firſt rate, furiouſly to attack him on the ſudden: one from Jwerddon*, the other full of well-armed Lochlynians, making a grand appearance on the floods, the third from the tranſmarine Normans, which was attended with an immenſe, though ſucceſsleſs toil.

Appendix A.2.12.3

3. The Dragon of Mona's Sons was ſo brave in action, that there was a great tumult on their furious attack; and before the Prince himſelf there was vaſt confuſion, havoc, conflict, honourable death, bloody battle, horrible conſternation, and upon Tal Malvre a thouſand banners; there was an outrageous carnage, and the rage of ſpears and haſty ſigns of violent indignation. Blood raiſed the tide of the Menäi, and the crimſon of human gore ſtained the brine. There were glittering cuiraſſes, and the agony of gaſhing wounds, and the mangled warriors proſtrate before the chief, diſtinguiſhed by his crimſon lance. Lloegria was put into confuſion; the conteſt and confuſion was great; and the glory of our Prince's wide-waſting ſword ſhall be celebrated in an hundred languages to give him his merited praiſe.

Appendix A.2.13 ODE XI.

From the extract of the Gododin, which Mr. Evans has given us in his ‘"Diſſertatio de Bardis"’ in the forementioned book, I ſhall here tranſcribe thoſe particular paſſages which Mr. Gray ſelected for imitation in this Ode.

Appendix A.2.13.1
1.
Si mihi liceret vindictam in Déirorum populum ferre,
Aequè ac diluvium omnes unâ ſtrage proſtrarem.
Appendix A.2.13.2
2.
Amicum enim amiſi incautus,
Qui in reſiſtendo firmus erat.
Non petiit magnanimus dotem a ſocero
Filius CIANI ex ſtrenuo Gwyngwn ortus.
Appendix A.2.13.3
3.
Viri ibant ad Cattraeth, & fuêre inſignes,
Vinum & mulſum ex aureis poculis erat eorum potus.
[106]Trecenti & ſexaginta tres aureis torquibus inſigniti erant;
Ex iis autem, qui nimio potu madidi ad bellum properabant,
Non evaſêre niſi tres, qui ſibi gladiis viam muniebant;
Scilicet bellator de Acron, & Conanus Dacarawd,
Et egomet ipſe (ſcilicet Bardus Aneurinus) ſanguine rubens:
Aliter ad hoc Carmen compingendum non ſuperſtes fuiſſem.

Whoever compares Mr. Gray's poetical verſions of theſe four lyrical pieces, with the literal tranſlations which I have here inſerted, will, I am perſuaded, be convinced that nothing of the kind was ever executed with more fire, and at the ſame time, more judgment. He keeps up through them all the wild romantic ſpirit of his originals; elevates them by ſome well-choſen epithet or image where they flag, yet in ſuch a manner as is perfectly congruous with the general idea of the poems; and if he either varies or omits any of the original thoughts, they are only of that kind which, according to our modern ſentiments, would appear vulgar or ludicrous: two inſtances of this kind occur in the latter part of this laſt Ode. How well has he turned the idea of the fourth line: ‘"Ex iis qui nimio potu madidi?"’ and the concluſion, ‘"Aliter ad hoc Carmen compingendum, &c."’ The former of which is ridiculous; the latter inſipid.

Appendix A.2.13.4

4. I find amongſt Mr. Gray's papers, a few more lines taken from other parts of the Gododin, which I ſhall here add with their reſpective Latin verſions. They may ſerve to ſhew ſucceeding Poets the manner in which the ſpirit of theſe their antient predeceſſors in the Art may beſt be transfuſed into a modern imitation of them.

Have ye ſeen the tuſky Boar,
Or the Bull, with ſullen roar,
On ſurrounding Foes advance?
So Carádoc bore his lance.
Quando ad Bellum properabat Caradocus,
Filius apri ſilveſtris qui truncando mutilavit Hoſtes,
Taurus aciei in pugnae conflictu,
Is lignum (i. e. haſtam) ex manu contorſit,
Conan's name, my lay, rehearſe,
Build to him the lofty verſe,
Sacred tribute of the Bard,
Verſe, the Hero's ſole reward.
[107] As the flame's devouring force;
As the whirlwind in its courſe;
As the thunder's fiery ſtroke,
Glancing on the ſhiver'd oak;
Did the ſword of Conan mow
The crimſon harveſt of the foe.
Debitus eſt tibi cantus qui honorem aſſecutus es maximum,
Qui eras inſtar ignis, tonitrui, et tempeſtatis,
Viribus eximie, eques bellicoſe, Rhudd Fedel, bellum meditaris.
Appendix A.2.14 SONNET.
Appendix A.2.14.1

1. If what Boileau ſays be true in his ‘"Art Poetique,"’ that ‘Un Sonnet ſans defauts vaut ſeul un long Poeme—’the merit of this little Poem is decided. It is written in ſtrict obſervance of thoſe ſtrict rules, which the Poet there lays down. Vide ‘"Art Poetique, Chant ii. l. 82."’ Milton, I believe, was the firſt of our Engliſh Poets, who exactly followed the Italian model: Our Author varies from him only in making the rhymes in the two firſt Quartetts alternate, which is more agreeable to the Engliſh ear, than the other method of arranging them.

Appendix A.2.15 EPITAPH I.
Appendix A.2.15.1 VARIATION. MS.

1. After line 6, in the place of the four next—

To hide her cares her only art,
Her pleaſure, pleaſures to impart.
In ling'ring pain, in death reſign'd,
Her lateſt agony of mind
Was felt for him, who could not ſave
His All from an untimely grave:
Appendix A.2.15.2

2.

Whom what awaits, &c.
L. 11.

The conſtruction here is a little hard, and creates obſcurity, which is always leaſt to be pardoned in an Epitaph.

Appendix A.2.16 EPITAPH II.
[108]

This is as perfect in its kind as the foregoing Sonnet. Sir William Williams, in the expedition to Aix, was on board the Magnanime with Lord Howe, and was deputed to receive the capitulation.

Appendix A.2.17 ELEGY, written in a Country Church-yard.
Appendix A.2.17.1

1. The moſt popular of all our Author's publications; it ran through eleven editions in a very ſhort ſpace of time; was finely tranſlated into Latin by Meſſrs. Anſty and Roberts; and in the ſame year another, though I think inferior, verſion of it was publiſhed by Mr. Lloyd. The reader has been informed, in the Memoirs, of the time and manner of its firſt publication. He originally gave it only the ſimple title of ‘"Stanzas written in a Country Church-yard."’ I perſuaded him firſt to call it an ELEGY, becauſe the ſubject authorized him ſo to do; and the alternate meaſure, in which it was written, ſeemed peculiarly fit for that ſpecies of compoſition. I imagined too that ſo capital a Poem, written in this meaſure, would as it were appropriate it in future to writings of this ſort; and the number of imitations which have ſince been made of it (even to ſatiety) ſeem to prove that my notion was well founded. In the firſt manuſcript copy of this exquiſite Poem, I find the concluſion different from that which he afterwards compoſed; and tho' his after-thought was unqueſtionably the beſt, yet there is a pathetic melancholy in the four rejected ſtanzas, which highly claims preſervation. I ſhall therefore give them as a variation in their proper place.

Appendix A.2.17.2

2.

The knell of parting day.
L. 1.
Appendix A.2.17.2.1 IMITATION.
—ſquilla di lontano
Che paia 'l giorno pianger, che ſi muore.
Dante. Purg. l. 8.
G.
Appendix A.2.17.3

3.

Far from the madding crowd's ignoble ſtrife.
L. 73.
Appendix A.2.17.3.1 VARIATION.
[109]
The thoughtleſs world to Majeſty may bow,
Exalt the brave, and idolize ſucceſs;
But more to innocence their ſafety owe,
Than Pow'r, or Genius, e'er conſpir'd to bleſs.
And thou, who mindful of th' unhonour'd Dead,
Doſt in theſe notes their artleſs tale relate,
By night and lonely contemplation led
To wander in the gloomy walks of fate:
Hark! how the ſacred Calm, that breathes around,
Bids every fierce tumultuous paſſion ceaſe;
In ſtill ſmall accents whiſpering from the ground,
A grateful earneſt of eternal peace.
No more, with reaſon and thyſelf at ſtrife,
Give anxious cares and endleſs wiſhes room;
But through the cool ſequeſter'd vale of life
Purſue the ſilent tenor of thy doom.

And here the Poem was originally intended to conclude, before the happy idea of the hoary-headed Swain, &c. ſuggeſted itſelf to him. I cannot help hinting to the reader, that I think the third of theſe rejected ſtanzas equal to any in the whole Elegy.

Appendix A.2.17.4

4.

Ev'n in our aſhes live their wonted fires.
L. 92.
Appendix A.2.17.4.1 IMITATION.
Ch'i veggio nel penſier, dolce mio fuoco,
Fredda una lingua, & due begli occhi chiuſi
Rimaner doppo noi pien di faville.
Petrarch. Son. 169.
G.
Appendix A.2.17.4.2 VARIATION.
[110]
Awake and faithful to her wonted fires.

Thus it ſtood in the firſt and ſome following editions, and I think rather better; for the authority of Petrarch does not deſtroy the appearance of quaintneſs in the other: the thought however is rather obſcurely expreſſed in both readings. He means to ſay, in plain proſe, that we wiſh to be remembered by our friends after our death, in the ſame manner as when alive we wiſhed to be remembered by them in our abſence: this would be expreſſed clearer, if the metaphorical term fires was rejected, and the line ran thus:

Awake and faithful to her firſt deſires.

I do not put this alteration down for the idle vanity of aiming to amend the paſſage, but purely to explain it.

Appendix A.2.17.5

5.

To meet the ſun upon the upland lawn.
L. 100.
Appendix A.2.17.5.1 VARIATION.
On the high brow of yonder hanging lawn.

After which, in his firſt manuſcript, followed this ſtanza;

Him have we ſeen the greenwood ſide along,
While o'er the heath we hied our labour done,
Oft as the woodlark pip'd her farewell ſong,
With wiſtful eyes purſue the ſetting ſun.

I rather wonder that he rejected this ſtanza, as it not only has the ſame ſort of Doric delicacy, which charms us peculiarly in this part of the Poem, but alſo compleats the account of his whole day: whereas, this Evening ſeene being omitted, we have only his Morning walk, and his Noon-tide repoſe.

Appendix A.2.17.6

6.

Grav'd on the ſtone beneath yon aged thorn.
L. 116.

Between this line and the Epitaph, Mr. Gray originally inſerted a very beautiful ſtanza, which was printed in ſome of the firſt editions, but afterwards [111] omitted; becauſe he thought (and in my own opinion very juſtly) that it was too long a parentheſis in this place. The lines however are, in themſelves, exquiſitely fine, and demand preſervation.

There ſcatter'd oft, the earlieſt of the year,
By hands unſeen are ſhow'rs of violets found;
The redbreaſt loves to build and warble there,
And little footſteps lightly print the ground.
Appendix A.2.17.7

7.

There they alike in trembling hope repoſe.
L. 127.
Appendix A.2.17.7.1 IMITATION.
—paventoſa ſpeme.
Petrarch. Son. 114.
G.
END OF THE NOTES, &c.

Appendix B CONTENTS of the POEMS.

[]
  • ODE I. On the Spring Page 3
  • ODE II. On the Death of a favourite Cat Page 6
  • ODE III. On a diſtant Proſpect of Eton College Page 9
  • ODE IV. To Adverſity Page 15
  • ODE V. The Progreſs of Poeſy Page 18
  • ODE VI. The Bard Page 26
  • ODE VII. For Muſic Page 37
  • ODE VIII. The Fatal Siſters Page 44
  • ODE IX. The Deſcent of Odin Page 49
  • ODE X. The Triumphs of Owen Page 55
  • ODE XI. The Death of Hoel Page 58
  • SONNET on the Death of Mr. Weſt Page 60
  • EPITAPH I. On Mrs. Clarke Page 61
  • EPITAPH II. On Sir William Williams Page 62
  • ELEGY written in a Country Church-Yard Page 63
  • IMITATIONS, VARIATIONS, and ADDITIONAL NOTES Page 75
FINIS.

Appendix A

[]
ERRATA.
  • Page 29. for [...], read [...].
  • P. 43. for one ſees many people, read one ſees not many people.
  • P. 120. for a Clergyman, read a Gentleman of the Law.
  • P. 267. for ſpace and time, read place and time.
  • P. 268. Tranquillity ſecure, add a ſemicolon after tranquillity, and put a comma after ſecure.
  • P. 325. in the note, for morality, read mortality.
  • P. 336. for gentle manly, read gentlemanly.
  • P. 40. in the Poems, note d, for Henry the Fifth, read Henry the Sixth.
Notes
*

I am well aware that I am here going to do a thing which the cautious and courtly Dr. Sprat (were he now alive) would highly cenſure. He had, it ſeems, a large collection of his friend Mr. Cowley's letters, ‘"a way of writing in which he peculiarly excelled, as in theſe he always expreſt the native tenderneſs and innocent gaiety of his heart; yet the Doctor was of opinion that nothing of this nature ſhould be publiſhed, and that the letters that paſs between particular friends (if they are written as they ought to be) can ſcarce ever be fit to ſee the light."’ What! not when they expreſs the native tenderneſs and innocent gaiety of a heart like Mr. Cowley's? No, by no means, ‘"for in ſuch letters the ſouls of men appear undreſt, and in that negligent habit they may be fit to be ſeen by one or two in a chamber, but not to go abroad in the ſtreet."’ See Life of Cowley, page 38, Hurd's Edition.

Such readers as believe it incumbent on every well-bred ſoul never to appear but in full dreſs, will think that Dr. Sprat has reaſon on his ſide; but I ſuſpect that the generality will, notwithſtanding, wiſh he had been leſs ſcrupulouſly delicate, and lament that the letters in queſtion are not now extant. Of one thing I am fully confident that, had this been the caſe, the judicious Dr. Hurd would have found his critical labour much leſſened, when, in pure charity to this amiable writer, he lately employed himſelf in ſeparating

His pleaſing moral from his pointed wit.

*
In juſtice to the memory of ſo reſpectable a friend, Mr. Walpole enjoins me to charge him with the chief blame in their quarrel; confeſſing that more attention, complaiſance, and deference to a warm friendſhip, and ſuperior judgment and prudence, might have prevented a rupture that gave much uneaſineſs to them both, and a laſting concern to the ſurvivor; though in the Year 1744 a reconciliation was effected between them, by a Lady who wiſhed well to both parties.
*
He was at Turin the 15th of Auguſt, and began to croſs the Alps the next day. On the 25th he reached Lyons; therefore it muſt have been between theſe two dates that he made this viſit.
We ſaw in the 8th and 11th letters how much Mr. Gray was ſtruck with the awful ſcenery which ſurrounds the Chartreuſe, at a time his mind muſt have been in a far more tranquil ſtate than when he wrote this excellent Ode. It is marked, I think, with all the fineſt touches of his melancholy Muſe, and flows with ſuch an originality of expreſſion, that one can hardly lament he did not honour his own language by making it the vehicle of this noble imagery and pathetic ſentiment.
*
He came to Town about the 1ſt of September, 1741. His Father died the 6th of November following, at the age of ſixty-five.
His buſineſs was that which at the time was called a Money-Scrivener; and it may not be amiſs to mention, for the ſingularity of the thing, that Milton's father was of the ſame profeſſion: But he alſo had ‘"Muſic in his ſoul,"’ and was eſteemed a conſiderable maſter in that ſcience. Some of his compoſitions are extant in Old Wilby's Set of Airs, and in Ravenſcroft's Pſalms. The great Poet alludes finely both to the muſical genius and the trade of his father in thoſe beautiful hexameters, ‘"Ad Patrem,"’ which are inſerted amongſt his Latin Poems.
They kept a kind of India warehouſe on Cornhill under the joint names of Gray and Antrobus.
*
See Letters prefixt to Elfrida, particularly Letter II.
This ſingular anecdote is founded on a marginal note in his common-place book, where that Ode is tranſcribed, and the following memorandum annexed: ‘"Written at Stoke the beginning of June 1742, and ſent to Mr. Weſt, not knowing he was then dead."’
*
He was buried at Hatfield (the Houſe called Popes being in that pariſh.) On a grave-ſtone in the chancel is the following plain inſcription: ‘"Here lieth the body of Richard Weſt, Eſq only ſon to the Right Honourable Richard Weſt, Eſq late Lord Chancellor of Ireland, who died the 1ſt of June, 1742, in the 26th year of his age."’
1.
Plan of the Poem.
2.
Invocation to Mr. Locke.
*
It has been already obſerved in the Note on Letter 17. p. 36. that Mr. Gray's Hexameters, beſides having the variety of Virgil's Pauſes, cloſed alſo with his Eliſions. For Virgil, as an attentive reader will immediately perceive, generally introduces one Eliſion, and not unfrequently more, into thoſe Lines which terminate the Senſe. This gives to his Verſification its laſt and moſt exquiſite grace, and leaves the ear fully ſatisfied. Mr. Gray could not fail to obſerve, and of courſe to aim at this happy effect of Eliſions in a concluding Line: of which the preſent Poem, in particular, affords indubitable and abundant proofs.
3.
Uſe and Extent of the Subject.
4.
Union of the Soul and Body.
5.
Office of the nervous Syſtem.
6.
Senſation, the Origin of our Ideas.
7.
The Touch, our firſt and moſt extenſive Senſe.
8.
Sight, our ſecond Senſe.
9.
Digreſſion on Light.
10.
Sight, imperfect at firſt, gradually improves.
11.
Ideas of Beauty, Proportion, and Order.
12.
Hearing, alſo improvable by the Judgment.
13.
Taſte.
14.
Smell.
15.
Reflection, the other Source of our Ideas.
16.
Ideas approach the Soul, ſome by ſingle Avenues, ſome by two, others by every Senſe.
17.
Illuſtration.—Light, an Example of the firſt.
18.
Figure, Motion, Extenſion, of the ſecond.
19.
Pleaſure, Pain, of the third.
20.
Alſo Power, Exiſtence, Unity, Succeſſion, Duration.
21.
Primary Qualities of Bodies.
22.
Magnitude, Solidity, Mobility, Texture, Figure.
*
Theſe, amounting in all to a tolerably-ſized folio, are at preſent in Mr. Walpole's hands. He has already printed the ſpeech of Sir Thomas Wyat from them in the ſecond number of his Miſcellaneous Antiquities. The Public muſt impute it to their own want of curioſity if more of them do not appear in print.
*
The other two were in imitation of ‘"l'Allegro & il Penſeroſo,"’ and intitled ‘"Il Bellicoſo & il Pacifico."’ The latter of theſe I was perſuaded to reviſe and publiſh in the Cambridge Collection of Verſes on the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1748. The former has ſince got into a Miſcellany, printed by G. Pearch, from the indiſcretion, I ſuppoſe, of ſome acquaintance who had a copy of it.
Tho' nominated in 1747, I was not elected Fellow till February, 1749. The Maſter having refuſed his aſſent, claiming a negative, the affair was therefore not compromiſed till after an ineffectual litigation of two years.
*
See L'Eſprit des Loix, Liv. 14. chap. 2, &c.
38
COMMENTARY.
The Author's ſubject being (as we have ſeen) THE NECESSARY ALLIANCE BETWEEN A GOOD FORM OF GOVERNMENT AND A GOOD MODE OF EDUCATION, IN ORDER TO PRODUCE THE HAPPINESS OF MANKIND, the Poem opens with two ſimiles; an uncommon kind of exordium: but which I ſuppoſe the Poet intentionally choſe, to intimate the analogical method he meant to purſue in his ſubſequent reaſonings. 1ſt, He aſſerts thàt men without education are like ſickly plants in a cold or barren ſoil, (line 1 to 5, and 8 to 12;) and, 2dly, he compares them, when unbleſt with a juſt and well regulated government, to plants that will not bloſſom or bear fruit in an unkindly and inclement air (l. 5 to 9, and l. 13 to 22). Having thus laid down the two propoſitions he means to prove, he begins by examining into the characteriſtics which (taking a general view of mankind) all men have in common one with another (l. 22 to 39); they covet pleaſure and avoid pain (l. 31); they feel gratitude for benefits (l. 34); they deſire to avenge wrongs, which they effect either by force or cunning (l. 35); they are linked to each other by their common feelings, and participate in ſorrow and in joy (l. 36, 37). If then all the human ſpecies agree in ſo many moral particulars, whence ariſes the diverſity of national characters? This queſtion the Poet puts at line 38, and dilates upon to l. 64. Why, ſays he, have ſome nations ſhewn a propenſity to commerce and induſtry; others to war and rapine; others to eaſe and pleaſure? (l. 42 to 46) Why have the Northern people overſpread, in all ages, and prevailed over the Southern? (l. 46 to 58) Why has Aſia been, time out of mind, the ſeat of deſpotiſm, and Europe that of freedom? (l. 59 to 64.) Are we from theſe inſtances to imagine men neceſſarily enſlaved to the inconveniences of the climate where they were born? (l. 64 to 72) Or are we not rather to ſuppoſe there is a natural ſtrength in the human mind, that is able to vanquiſh and break through them? (l. 72 to 84) It is confeſt, however, that men receive an early tincture from the ſituation they are placed in, and the climate which produces them (l. 84 to 88). Thus the inhabitants of the mountains, inured to labour and patience, are naturally trained to war (l. 88 to 96); while thoſe of the plain are more open to any attack, and ſoftened by eaſe and plenty (l. 96 to 99). Again, the Aegyptians, from the nature of their ſituation, might be the inventors of home-navigation, from a neceſſity of keeping up an intercourſe between their towns during the inundation of the Nile (l. 99 to ****). Thoſe perſons would naturally have the firſt turn to commerce, who inhabited a barren coaſt like the Tyrians, and were perſecuted by ſome neighbouring tyrant; or were drove to take refuge on ſome ſhoals, like the Venetian and Hollander; their diſcovery of ſome rich iſland, in the infancy of the world, deſcribed. The Tartar hardened to war by his rigorous climate and paſtoral life, and by his diſputes for water and herbage in a country without land-marks, as alſo by ſkirmiſhes between his rival clans, was conſequently fitted to conquer his rich Southern neighbours, whom eaſe and luxury had enervated: Yet this is no proof that liberty and valour may not exiſt in Southern climes, ſince the Syrians and Carthaginians gave noble inſtances of both; and the Arabians carried their conqueſts as far as the Tartars. Rome alſo (for many centuries) repulſed thoſe very nations, which, when ſhe grew weak, at length demoliſhed * her extenſive Empire. ****
*
The Reader will perceive that the Commentary goes further than the Text. The reaſon for which is, that the Editor found it ſo on the paper from which he formed that comment; and as the thoughts ſeemed to be thoſe which Mr. Gray would have next graced with the harmony of his numbers, he held it beſt to give them in continuation. There are other maxims on different papers, all apparently relating to the ſame ſubject, which are too excellent to be loſt; theſe therefore (as the place in which he meant to employ them cannot be aſcertained) I ſhall ſubjoin to this note, under the title of detached Sentiments.
"Man is a creature not capable of cultivating his mind but in ſociety, and in that only where he is not a ſlave to the neceſſities of life.
Want is the mother of the inferior arts, but eaſe that of the finer; as eloquence, policy, morality, poetry, ſculpture, painting, architecture, which are the improvements of the former.
The climate inclines ſome nations to contemplation and pleaſure; others to hardſhip, action, and war; but not ſo as to incapacitate the former for courage and diſcipline, or the latter for civility, politeneſs, and works of genius.
It is the proper work of education and government united to redreſs the faults that ariſe from the ſoil and air.
The principal drift of education ſhould be to make men think in the Northern climates, and act in the Southern.
The different ſteps and degrees of education may be compared to the artificer's operations upon marble; it is one thing to dig it out of the quarry, and another to ſquare it; to give it gloſs and luſtre, call forth every beautiful ſpot and vein, ſhape it into a column, or animate it into a ſtatue.
To a native of free and happy governments his country is alway dear:
" He loves his old hereditary trees."
COWLEY.
While the ſubject of a tyrant has no country; he is therefore ſelfiſh and baſeminded; he has no family, no poſterity, no deſire of fame; or, if he has, of one that turns not on its proper object.
Any nation that wants public ſpirit, neglects education, ridicules the deſire of fame, and even of virtue and reaſon, muſt be ill governed.
Commerce changes intirely the fate and genius of nations, by communicating arts and opinions, circulating money, and introducing the materials of luxury; ſhe firſt opens and poliſhes the mind, then corrupts and enervates both that and the body.
Thoſe invaſions of effeminate Southern nations by the warlike Northern people, ſeem (in ſpite of all the terror, miſchief, and ignorance which they brought with them) to be neceſſary evils; in order to revive the ſpirit of mankind, ſoftened and broken by the arts of commerce, to reſtore them to their native liberty and equality, and to give them again the power of ſupporting danger and hardſhip; ſo a comet, with all the horrors that attend it as it paſſes through our ſyſtem, brings a ſupply of warmth and light to the ſun, and of moiſture to the air.
The doctrine of Epicurus is ever ruinous to ſociety: It had its riſe when Greece was declining, and perhaps haſtened its diſſolution, as alſo that of Rome; it is now propagated in France and in England, and ſeems likely to produce the ſame effect in both.
One principal characteriſtic of vice in the preſent age is the contempt of fame.
Many are the uſes of good fame to a generous mind: it extends our exiſtence and example into future ages; continues and propagates virtue, which otherwiſe would be as ſhort-lived as our frame; and prevents the prevalence of vice in a generation more corrupt even than our own. It is impoſſible to conquer that natural deſire we have of being remembered; even criminal ambition and avarice, the moſt ſelfiſh of all paſſions, would wiſh to leave a name behind them."
I find alſo among theſe papers a ſingle couplet much too beautiful to be loſt, though the place where he meant to introduce it cannot be aſcertained; it muſt, however, have made a part of ſome deſcription of the effect which the reformation had on our national manners:
When Love could teach a monarch to be wiſe,
And Goſpel-light firſt dawn'd from BULLEN's Eyes.
Thus, with all the attention that a connoiſſeur in painting employs in collecting every ſlight outline as well as finiſhed drawing which led to the completion of ſome capital picture, I have endeavoured to preſerve every fragment of this great poetical deſign. It ſurely deſerved this care, as it was one of the nobleſt which Mr. Gray ever attempted; and alſo, as far as he carried it into execution, the moſt exquiſitely finiſhed. That he carried it no further is, and muſt ever be, a moſt ſenſible loſs to the republic of letters.
40
[As ſickly Plants, &c. l. 1.] If any copies of this Eſſay would have authorized me to have made an alteration in the diſpoſition of the lines, I would, for the ſake of perſpicuity, have printed the firſt twelve in the following manner; becauſe I think the poetry would not have been in the leaſt hurt by ſuch a tranſpoſition, and the Poet's meaning would have been much more readily perceived. I put them down here for that purpoſe.
As ſickly Plants betray a niggard earth,
Whoſe barren boſom ſtarves her gen'rous birth,
Nor genial warmth, nor genial juice retains
Their roots to feed, and fill their verdant veins:
So draw Mankind in vain the vital airs,
Unform'd, unfriended by thoſe kindly cares,
That health and vigour to the ſoul impart,
Spread the young thought, and warm the opening heart.
And as in climes, where Winter holds his reign,
The ſoil, tho' fertile, will not teem in vain,
Forbids her gems to ſwell, her ſhades to riſe,
Nor truſts her bloſſoms to the churliſh ſkies:
So fond Inſtruction, &c.
41
[Has Scythia breath'd, &c. l. 47.] The moſt celebrated of the early irruptions of the Scythians into the neighbouring countries is that under the conduct of Madyes, about the year of the creation 3350, when they broke into Aſia, during the reign of Cyaxares, king of the Medes, and conqueror of the Aſſyrians, plundered it at diſcretion, and kept poſſeſſion of it during twenty-eight years. Many ſucceſſive incurſions, attended with every kind of deſolation, are enumerated by hiſtorians; particularly thoſe, in A. D. 252, during the reign of Gallus and Voluſianus, and in 261, under that of Gallienus. Under the Greek emperors alſo, to mention only the years 1053 and 1191, it appears that the Scythians ſtill continued their accuſtomed ravages. In later times, the like ſpirit of ſudden and deſtructive invaſion has conſtantly prevailed; and theſe ſame Scythians, under their modern name of Tartars, have at different periods, over-run Aſia, and even ſome parts of Europe: it is ſufficient, on this point, to recall to the reader's memory the names of Gingis-Chan, Octaï, and Tamerlane.
42
[The blue-eyed myriads, &c. l. 51.] The different nations of Germans, who inhabited or bordered on this coaſt, have been always diſtinguiſhed by their various emigrations in ſearch of a better ſoil and climate, and of a more commodious ſettlement. The reader will readily recollect the expedition of the Teutones, who joined the Cimbri, when they invaded the Roman territories to the united amount, it is ſaid, of 300,000 fighting men; the many inroads of the Germans into Gaul, under the conduct of Arioviſtus; and the numerous irruptions, into the Roman empire, of the Suevi, the Goths, the Vandals, and laſtly of the Lombards; moſt of which nations came originally from the coaſts here mentioned. The epithet ‘"blue-eyed"’ exhibits a diſtinguiſhing feature of the antient Germans; and is particularly remarked by Tacitus and Juvenal. ‘"Truces et caerulei oculi,"’ obſerves the former, ‘"de Popul: German: cap: 4."’ and the latter, ‘"Caerula quis ſtupuit Germani lumina?"’ ‘"Sat. 13. ver. 164."’
43
[With grim delight, &c. l. 54.] It may not be improper here, after admiring the noble vein of poetical expreſſion and imagery which adorns this deſcription, to relate an incident in itſelf curious, which ſhews the propriety of it. The Normans, who came originally from Norway and Scandinavia, having, after a century of ravages, ſettled themſelves in Neuſtria (ſince called Normandy) in 1912, were invited into the ſouthern parts of Italy, in the year 1018, by Gaimar prince of Salerno. The Ambaſſadors, by his particular direction, carried with them a quantity of Citrons, and of other rare fruits, as the moſt alluring proof of the mildneſs of the climate. He thought (and the event ſhowed he was right in thinking ſo) that this ‘"Brood of winter,"’ delighted with the taſte and fragrance of theſe delicacies, would the more readily conſent to his propoſal. [See Leo Oſtienſis in his ‘"Chron: Caſſin:"’ and Petavius, ‘"Rationarium Temp: pars: prim: lib: viii."]’ Mr. Gray's judgment, in what remains to us of this eſſay, is very remarkable. He borrows from poetry his imagery, his ſimiles, and his expreſſions; but his thoughts are taken, as the nature of the Poem requires, from hiſtory and obſervation.
44
[And broods o'er Aegypt, &c. l. 103.] The image ſeems to be taken from the figure of Jupiter Pluvius, as repreſented on the Antonine Pillar: But the whole paſſage riſes to a height beyond the powers either of ſculpture or painting to aſcend. The critic would, with difficulty, find any deſcription in antiquity, which exceeds this in point of true ſublimity.
45
[That riſe and glitter o'er the ambient tide, l. 107.] The foregoing account of the river Nile, while it is embelliſhed with all the graces of deſcription, is given at the ſame time in exact conformity to truth and reality; as the reader will obſerve from the following citation.—‘"Le Nil portoit par tout la fécondité avec ſes eaux ſalutaires, uniſſoit les villes entre elles, et la grande mer avec la mer rouge, entretenoit le commerce au dedans et au dehors du Royaume, et le fortifioit contre l'ennemi: de ſorte qù il étoit tout enſemble et le nourricier, et le defenſeur de l'Egypte. On lui abandonnoit la campagne: mais les villes, rehauſſées avec des travaux immenſes, et s' élevant comme des Iles au milieu des eaux, regardoient avec joye de cette hauteur toute la plaine inondée et tout enſemble fertiliſée par le Nil." Boſſuet, Diſc: ſur l'Hiſt: trois: part:
a
The manſion-houſe at Stoke-Pogis, then in the poſſeſſion of Viſcounteſs Cobham. The ſtyle of building, which we now call Queen Elizabeth's, is here admirably deſcribed, both with regard to its beauties and defects; and the third and fourth ſtanzas delineate the fantaſtic manners of her time with equal truth and humour. The houſe formerly belonged to the Earls of Huntingdon and the family of Hatton.
b
Sir Chriſtopher Hatton, promoted by Queen Elizabeth for his graceful perſon and fine dancing. G.—Brawls were a ſort of figure-dance, then in vogue, and probably deemed as elegant as our modern Cotillions, or ſtill more modern Quadrilles.
c
The reader is already apprized who theſe Ladies were; the two deſcriptions are prettily contraſted; and nothing can be more happily turned than the compliment to Lady Cobham in the eighth ſtanza.
d
I have been told that this Gentleman, a neighbour and acquaintance of Mr. Gray's in the country, was much diſpleaſed at the liberty here taken with his name; yet, ſurely, without any great reaſon.
e
Fancy is here ſo much blended with the humour, that I believe the two ſtanzas, which ſucceed this line, are amongſt thoſe which are the leaſt reliſhed by the generality. The deſcription of the ſpell, I know, has appeared to many perſons abſolutely unintelligible; yet if the reader adverts to that peculiar idea which runs through the whole, I imagine the obſcurity complained of will be removed. An incident, we ſee, ſo ſlight as the ſimple matter of fact, required ſomething like machinery to enliven it: Accordingly the author choſe, with propriety enough, to employ for that purpoſe thoſe notions of witchcraft, ghoſts, and enchantment, which prevailed at the time when the manſion-houſe was built. He deſcribes himſelf as a daemon of the loweſt claſs, a wicked imp who lamed the deer, &c. againſt whoſe malevolent power Lady Cobham (the Gloriana of the piece) employs two ſuperior enchantreſſes. Congruity of imagery, therefore, required the card they left upon the table to be converted into a ſpell. Now all the old writers, on theſe ſubjects, are very minute in deſcribing the materials of ſuch taliſmans. Hence, therefore, his groteſque idea of a compoſition of tranſparent bird-lime, edged with inviſible chains in order to catch and draw him to the tribunal. Without going further for examples of this kind of imagery than the Poet's own works, let me inſtance two paſſages of the ſerious kind, ſimilar to this ludicrous one. In his Ode, entitled the Bard,
" Above, below, the roſe of ſnow, &c."
And, again, in the Fatal Siſters,
" See the grieſly texture grow."
It muſt, however, be allowed, that no perſon can fully reliſh this burleſque, who is not much converſant with the old romance-writers, and with the Poets who formed themſelves on their model.
f
The humour of this and the following ſtanza is more pure, and conſequently more obvious. It might have been written by Prior, and the wit at the end is much in his beſt manner.
g
Here Fancy is again uppermoſt, and ſoars as high on her comic, as on another occaſion ſhe does on her lyric wing: For now a Chorus of ghoſtly old women of quality come to give ſentence on the culprit Poet, juſt as the ſpirits of Cadwallo, Urien, and Hoel join the Bard in dreadful ſymphony to denounce vengeance on Edward I. The route of Fancy, we ſee, is the ſame both on the humorous and ſublime occaſion. No wonder, therefore, if either of them ſhould fail of being generally taſted.
h
The Houſe-Keeper. G.
i
The deſcription is here excellent, and I ſhould think would pleaſe univerſally.
k
Groom of the Chamber. G.
l
The Steward. G.
m
A famous Highwayman hanged the week before. G.—This ſtanza is of the ſort where wit rather than fancy prevails, conſequently much in Prior's manner.
n
Hagged, i. e. the face of a witch or Hag; the epithet Hagard has been ſometimes miſtaken, as conveying the ſame idea; but it means a very different thing, viz. wild and farouche, and is taken from an unreclaimed Hawk, called an Hagard; in which its proper ſenſe the Poet uſes it finely on a ſublime occaſion:
Cloath'd in the ſable garb of woe,
With hagard eyes the Poet ſtood.
Vid. Ode 6th.
o
Here the ſtory finiſhes; the exclamation of the Ghoſts which follows is characteriſtic of the Spaniſh manners of the age, when they are ſuppoſed to have lived; and the 500 ſtanzas, ſaid to be loſt, may be imagined to contain the remainder of their long-winded expoſtulation.
*
A corner of the only manuſcript copy, which Mr. Gray left of this fragment, is unfortunately torn; and though I have endeavoured to ſupply the chaſm, I am not quite ſatisfied with the words which I have inſerted in the third line. I print my additions in italics, and ſhall be much pleaſed if any reader finds a better ſupplement to this imperfect ſtanza.
I have many of his critical letters by me on my own compoſitions: Letters which, though they would not much amuſe the public in general, contain excellent leſſons for young poets, from one of theſe I extract the following paſſage, which ſeems to explain this matter more fully: ‘"Extreme conciſeneſs of expreſſion, yet pure, perſpicuous, and muſical, is one of the grand beauties of lyric poetry: This I have always aimed at, and never could attain. The neceſſity of rhyming is one great obſtacle to it: Another, and perhaps a ſtronger, is that way you have choſen, of caſting down your firſt thoughts careleſsly and at large, and then clipping them here and there at leiſure. This method, after all poſſible pains, will leave behind it a laxity, a diffuſeneſs. The frame of a thought (otherwiſe well-invented, well-turned, and well-placed) is often weakened by it. Do I talk nonſenſe? Or do you underſtand me? I am perſuaded what I ſay is true in my head, whatever it may be in proſe; for I do not pretend to write proſe."’ Nothing can be more juſt than this remark: Yet, as I ſay above, it is a mode of writing which is only calculated for ſmaller compoſitions: But Mr. Gray, though he applied it here to an Ode, was apt to think it a general rule. Now if an epic or dramatic poet was to reſolve to finiſh every part of his work as highly as we have ſeen Mr. Gray laboured his firſt ſcene of Agrippina, I am apt to think he would tire of it as ſoon as he did; for in the courſe of ſo multifarious a work, he would find himſelf obliged to expunge ſome of the beſt written parts, in order to preſerve the unity of the whole. I know only one way to prevent this, and that was the method which Racine followed; who (as his ſon tells us, in that amuſing life, though much zeſted with bigotry, which he has given us of his father) when he began a drama, diſpoſed every part of it accurately in proſe; and when he had connected all the ſcenes together, uſed to ſay, ‘"Ma Tragedie eſt faite."’ (See La vie de Jean Racine, p. 117. See alſo his ſon's other works, tom. 2d, for a ſpecimen in a firſt act of the Iphigenia in Tauris.) M. Racine, it ſeems, was an eaſy verſifier in a language in which, they ſay, it is more difficult than in ours to verſify. It certainly is ſo with regard to dramatic compoſitions. I am on this account perſuaded, that if the great Poet had written in Engliſh, he would have drawn out his firſt ſketches, not in proſe, but in careleſs blank verſe; yet this I give as mere matter of opinion.
*
I ſhall inſert this, with ſome remarks upon it, in my additional notes to his Poems.
Eſſai ſur la Societé des Grands, avec les Gens de Lettres; "Melanges de Litterature & Philoſophie," tom. 2d, p. 134.
*

In one of his pocket-books I find a ſlight ſketch in verſe of his own character, which may, on account of one line in it, come into a note here with ſufcient propriety. It was written in 1761.

Too poor for a bribe, and too proud to importune;
He had not the method of making a fortune:
Could love, and could hate, ſo was thought ſomewhat odd;
NO VERY GREAT WIT, HE BELIEV'D IN A GOD.
A Poſt or a Penſion he did not deſire,
But left Church and State to Charles Townſhend and Squire.

This laſt line needs no comment for readers of the preſent time, and it ſurely is not worth while to write one on this occaſion for poſterity.

*
Religion of Nature delineated, ſect. 9, p. 209, quarto.
*
The reader, who would chuſe to ſee the argument, as Lord Bolingbroke puts it, will find it in the 4th volume of his Philoſophical Works, ſect. 40, 41. His ridicule on Wollaſton is in the 50th ſection of the ſame volume.
*
It ſhould ſeem that Mr. Gray's pains were, on this occaſion, very ill employed; for the late Lord Cheſterfield, writing to his ſon, ſays, ‘"I hope you are got out of the worſt company in the world, the Greek Epigrams. Martial has wit, and is worth looking into ſometimes; but I recommend the Greek Epigrams to your ſupreme contempt."’ See Lord Cheſterfield's Letters, Lett. 73. However, if what Mr. Gray ſays be true, p. 233, ſupra, that ‘"a dead Lord ranks only with Commoners,"’ there may come a time when Lord Cheſterfield's dictum, in matters of taſte, may not be held more infallible than that of his own and other dead Lords, in points of religion and morality: Nay, when his own plan of gentle manly education may be thought leſs capable of furniſhing his country with uſeful members of ſociety, than the plain old-faſhioned one which he wrote to explode. If this day does not quickly come, one may, without pretending to a gift of prophecy, pronounce that England will neither be, nor deſerve to be, any thing better than a Province of France.
*
A tranſcript of this paper is to be found printed in the Life of Mr. Pope, written by Mr. Ruffhead.
*
This Gentleman has juſt now politely acknowledged the favour in his preface to his firſt volume on this ſubject. A work which, as he proceeds in it thro' more enlightened periods, will undoubtedly give the world as high an idea of his critical taſte, as the preſent ſpecimen does of his indefatigable reſearches into antiquity.
*
He was much admired for his ſinging in his youth; yet he was ſo ſhy in exerciſing this talent, that Mr. Walpole tells me he never could but once prevail on him to give a proof of it; and then it was with ſo much pain to himſelf, that it gave him no manner of pleaſure.
*
As he had written on the ſubject, this miſtake was natural enough in Count Algarotti.
*
Amongſt theſe auxiliaries, he has ſet down Memoria Tecnica; an art in which he had much exerciſed himſelf when young. I find many memorial verſes among his ſcattered papers: and I ſuſpect he found good account in the practice; for few men were more ready and accurate in their dates of events than our Author.
*
Phyſician to his Majeſty's Houſhold.
*
Vita Agricolae, cap. xlv.
*
It appeared in the London Magazine a month or two after his deceaſe, and was prefaced with an Eulogy on his poetical merit, which I did not think neceſſary to reprint in a work where that merit ſo very fully ſpeaks for itſelf.
I have given, in the beginning of this Section, an account of the great pains which Mr. Gray beſtowed on Natural Hiſtory. I have ſince been favoured with a Letter from a Gentleman, well ſkilled in that ſcience, who after carefully peruſing his interleaved Syſtema Naturae of Linnaeus, gives me this character of it: ‘"In the claſs of animals (the Mammalia) he has concentrated (if I may uſe the expreſſion) what the old writers and the diffuſe Buffon have ſaid upon the ſubject; he was univerſally adapted the conciſe language of Linnaeus, and has given it an elegance which the Swede had no idea of; but there is little of his own in this claſs, and it ſerved him only as a common-place; but it is ſuch a common-place that few men but Mr. Gray could form. In the birds and fiſhes he has moſt accurately deſcribed all that he had an opportunity of examining: but the volume of inſects is the moſt perfect; on the Engliſh inſects there is certainly nothing ſo perfect. In regard to the plants, there is little elſe than the Engliſh names and their native ſoils extracted from the Species Plantarum of Linnaeus. I ſuppoſe no man was ſo complete a maſter of his ſyſtem; he has ſelected the diſtinguiſhing marks of each animal, &c. with the greateſt judgment, and, what no man elſe probably could have done, he has made the German Latin of Linnaeus purely claſſical."’
§
He has diſclaimed any ſkill in this art in the xxxvith Letter of the fourth Section, and uſually held it in leſs eſtimation than I think it deſerves, declaring himſelf to be only charmed with the bolder features of unadorned nature.
*
This is rightly put; it was rather an affectation in delicacy and effeminacy than the things themſelves; and he choſe to put on this appearance chiefly before perſons whom he did not wiſh to pleaſe.
I have often thought that Mr. Congreve might very well be vindicated on this head. It ſeldom happens that the vanity of authorſhip continues to the end of a man's days, it uſually ſoon leaves him where it found him; and if he has not ſomething better to build his ſelf-approbation upon than that of being a popular writer, he generally finds himſelf ill at eaſe, if reſpected only on that account. Mr. Congreve was much advanced in years when the young French Poet paid him this viſit; and, though a man of the world, he might now feel that indifference to literary fame which Mr. Gray, who always led a more retired and philoſophic life, certainly felt much earlier. Both of them therefore might reaſonably, at times, expreſs ſome diſguſt, if their quiet was intruded upon by perſons who thought they flattered them by ſuch intruſion.
It was not on account of their knowledge that he valued mankind. He contemned indeed all pretenders to literature, but he did not ſelect his friends from the literary claſs, merely becauſe they were literate. To be his friend it was always either neceſſary that a man ſhould have ſomething better than an improved underſtanding, or at leaſt that Mr. Gray ſhould believe he had.
*
King HENRY the Sixth, Founder of the College.
a
When the Author firſt publiſhed this and the following Ode, he was adviſed, even by his Friends, to ſubjoin ſome few explanatory Notes; but had too much reſpect for the underſtanding of his Readers to take that liberty.
b
The ſubject and ſimile, as uſual with Pindar, are united. The various ſources of poetry, which gives life and luſtre to all it touches, are here deſcribed; its quiet majeſtic progreſs enriching every ſubject (otherwiſe dry and barren) with a pomp of diction and luxuriant harmony of numbers; and its more rapid and irreſiſtible courſe, when ſwoln and hurried away by the conflict of tumultuous paſſions.
c
Power of harmony to calm the turbulent ſallies of the ſoul. The thoughts are borrowed from the firſt Pythian of Pindar.
d
Power of harmony to produce all the graces of motion in the body.
e
To compenſate the real and imaginary ills of life, the Muſe was given to Mankind by the ſame Providence that ſends the Day by its chearful preſence to diſpel the gloom and terrors of the Night.
f
Extenſive influence of poetic Genius over the remoteſt and moſt uncivilized nations: its connection with liberty, and the virtues that naturally attend on it. [See the Erſe, Norwegian, and Welch Fragments, the Lapland and American ſongs.]
g
Progreſs of Poetry from Greece to Italy, and from Italy to England. Chaucer was not unacquainted with the writings of Dante or of Petrarch. The Earl of Surrey and Sir Tho. Wyatt had travelled in Italy, and formed their taſte there; Spenſer imitated the Italian writers; Milton improved on them: but this School expired ſoon after the Reſtoration, and a new one aroſe on the French model, which has ſubſiſted ever ſince.
h
Shakeſpear.
i
Milton.
k
We have had in our language no other odes of the ſublime kind, than that of Dryden on St. Cecilia's day: for Cowley (who had his merit) yet wanted judgment, ſtyle, and harmony, for ſuch a taſk. That of Pope is not worthy of ſo great a man. Mr. Maſon indeed of late days has touched the true chords, and with a maſterly hand, in ſome of his Choruſes,—above all in the laſt of Caractacus,
Hark! heard ye not yon footſtep dread? &c.
l
Pindar.
m
This Ode is founded on a Tradition current in Wales, that Edward the 1ſt, when he compleated the conqueſt of that country, ordered all the Bards that fell into his hands, to be put to death.
n
The Hauberk was a texture of ſteel ringlets, or rings interwoven, forming a coat of mail, that ſate cloſe to the body, and adapted itſelf to every motion.
o
Snowdon was a name given by the Saxons to that mountainous tract, which the Welch themſelves call Craigian-eryri: it included all the highlands of Caernarvonſhire and Merionethſhire, as far eaſt as the river Conway. R. Hygden ſpeaking of the caſtle of Conway built by King Edward the firſt, ſays, ‘"Ad ortum amnis Conway ad clivum montis Erery;"’ and Matthew of Weſtminſter, (ad ann. 1283,) ‘"Apud Aberconway ad pedes montis Snowdoniae fecit erigi caſtrum forte."’
p
Gilbert de Clare, ſurnamed the Red, Earl of Glouccſter and Hertford, ſonin-law to King Edward.
q

Edmond de Mortimer, Lord of Wigmore.

They both were Lords-Marchers, whoſe lands lay on the borders of Wales, and probably accompanied the King in this expedition.

r
The ſhores of Caernarvonſhire oppoſite to the iſle of Angleſey.
s
Cambden and others obſerve, that eagles uſed annually to build their aerie among the rocks of Snowdon, which from thence (as ſome think) were named by the Welch Craigian-eryri, or the crags of the eagles. At this day (I am told) the higheſt point of Snowdon is called the eagle's neſt. That bird is certainly no ſtranger to this iſland, as the Scots, and the people of Cumberland, Weſtmoreland, &c. can teſtify: it even has built its neſt in the Peak of Derbyſhire. [See Willoughby's Ornithol. publiſhed by Ray.]
t
See the Norwegian Ode, that follows.
t
See the Norwegian Ode, that follows.
u
Edward the Second, cruelly butchered in Berkley-Caſtle.
w
Iſabel of France, Edward the Second's adulterous Queen.
x
Triumphs of Edward the Third in France.
y
Death of that King, abandoned by his Children, and even robbed in his laſt moments by his Courtiers and his Miſtreſs.
z
Edward, the Black Prince, dead ſometime before his Father.
a
Magnificence of Richard the Second's reign. See Froiſſard, and other contemporary Writers.
b
Richard the Second, (as we are told by Archbiſhop Scroop and the confederate Lords in their manifeſto, by Thomas of Walſingham, and all the older Writers) was ſtarved to death. The ſtory of his aſſaſſination by Sir Piers of Exon, is of much later date.
c
Ruinous civil wars of York and Lancaſter.
d
Henry the Sixth, George Duke of Clarence, Edward the Fifth, Richard Duke of York, &c. believed to be murdered ſecretly in the Tower of London. The oldeſt part of that ſtructure is vulgarly attributed to Julius Caeſar.
e
Margaret of Anjou, a woman of heroic ſpirit, who ſtruggled hard to ſave her Huſband and her Crown.
f
Henry the Fifth.
g
Henry the Sixth very near being canonized. The line of Lancaſter had no right of inheritance to the Crown.
h
The white and red roſes, devices of York and Lancaſter.
i
The ſilver Boar was the badge of Richard the Third; whence he was uſually known in his own time by the name of the Boar.
k
Eleanor of Caſtile died a few years after the conqueſt of Wales. The heroic proof ſhe gave of her affection for her Lord is well known. The monuments of his regret, and ſorrow for the loſs of her, are ſtill to be ſeen at Northampton, Geddington, Waltham, and other places.
l
It was the common belief of the Welch nation, that King Arthur was ſtill alive in Fairy-Land, and ſhould return again to reign over Britain.
m
Both Merlin and Talieſſin had propheſied, that the Welch ſhould regain their ſovereignty over this iſland; which ſeemed to be accompliſhed in the Houſe of Tudor.
n
Speed relating an audience given by Queen Elizabeth to Paul Dzialinſki, Ambaſſador of Poland, ſays, ‘"And thus ſhe, lion-like riſing, daunted the malapert Orator no leſs with her ſtately port and majeſtical deporture, than with the tartneſſe of her princelie checkes."’
o
Talieſſin, Chief of the Bards, flouriſhed in the VIth Century. His works are ſtill preſerved, and his memory held in high veneration among his Countrymen.
p
Shakeſpear.
q
Milton.
r
The ſucceſſion of Poets after Milton's time.
*
This Ode was performed in the Senate-Houſe at Cambridge, July 1, 1769, at the Inſtallation of his Grace Auguſtus-Henry Fitzroy, Duke of Grafton, Chancellor of the Univerſity.
a
Edward the Third; who added the fleur de lys of France to the arms of England. He founded Trinity College.
b
Mary de Valentia, Counteſs of Pembroke, daughter of Guy de Chatillon Comte de St. Paul in France; of whom tradition ſays, that her huſband Audemar de Valentia, Earl of Pembroke, was ſlain at a Tournament on the day of his nuptials. She was the Foundreſs of Pembroke College or Hall, under the name of Aula Mariae de Valentia.
c
Elizabeth de Burg, Counteſs of Clare, was Wife of John de Burg, ſon and heir of the Earl of Ulſter, and daughter of Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Glouceſter, by Joan of Acres, daughter of Edward the Firſt. Hence the Poet gives her the epithet of ‘'Princely.'’ She founded Clare Hall.
d
Margaret of Anjou, wife of Henry the Fifth, foundreſs of Queen's College. The Poet has celebrated her conjugal fidelity in the former Ode: V: Epode 2d, Line 13th.
e
Elizabeth Widville, wife of Edward the Fourth (hence called the paler roſe, as being of the Houſe of York.) She added to the foundation of Margaret of Anjou.
f
Henry the Sixth and Eighth. The former the founder of King's, the latter the greateſt benefactor to Trinity College.
g
Counteſs of Richmond and Derby; the Mother of Henry the Seventh, foundreſs of St. John's and Chriſt's Colleges.
h
The Counteſs was a Beaufort, and married to a Tudor: hence the application of this line to the Duke of Grafton, who claims deſcent from both theſe families.
i
Lord Treaſurer Burleigh was Chancellor of the Univerſity, in the reign of Q. Elizabeth.
a
To be found in the ORCADES of THORMODUS TORFAEUS; HAFNIAE, 1697, Folio: and alſo in BARTHOLINUS.
VITT ER ORPIT FYRIR VALFALLI, &c.
The deſign of Mr. Gray in writing this and the three following imitative Odes is given in the Memoirs of his Life. For the better underſtanding the firſt of theſe, the reader is to be informed that in the Eleventh Century Sigurd, Earl of the Orkney-Iſlands, went with a fleet of ſhips and a conſiderable body of troops into Ireland, to the aſſiſtance of Sictryg with the ſilken beard, who was then making war on his father-in-law Brian, King of Dublin: the Earl and all his forces were cut to pieces, and Sictryg was in danger of a total defeat; but the enemy had a greater loſs by the Death of Brian, their King, who fell in the action. On Chriſtmas-day, (the day of the battle,) a Native of Caithneſs in Scotland ſaw at a diſtance a number of perſons on horſeback riding full ſpeed towards a hill, and ſeeming to enter into it. Curioſity led him to follow them, till looking through an opening in the rocks he ſaw twelve gigantic figures reſembling women: they were all employed about a loom; and as they wove, they ſung the following dreadful Song; which, when they had finiſhed, they tore the web into twelve pieces, and (each taking her portion) galloped Six to the North and as many to the South. Theſe were the Valkyriur, female Divinities, Servants of Odin (or Woden) in the Gothic mythology. Their name ſignifies Chuſers of the ſlain. They were mounted on ſwift horſes, with drawn ſwords in their hands; and in the throng of battle ſelected ſuch as were deſtined to ſlaughter, and conducted them to Valkalla, the hall of Odin, or paradiſe of the Brave; where they attended the banquet, and ſerved the departed Heroes with horns of mead and ale.
a
The original is to be found in BARTHOLINUS, de cauſis contemnendae mortis; HAFNIAE, 1689, Quarto.
UPREIS ODINN ALLDA GAUTR, &c.
b
Niflheimr, the hell of the Gothic nations, conſiſted of nine worlds, to which were devoted all ſuch as died of ſickneſs, old-age, or by any other means than in battle: Over it preſided HELA, the Goddeſs of Death.
c
Lok is the evil Being, who continues in chains till the Twilight of the Gods approaches, when he ſhall break his bonds; the human race, the ſtars, and ſun, ſhall diſappear; the earth ſink in the ſeas, and fire conſume the ſkies: even Odin himſelf and his kindred-deities ſhall periſh. For a farther explanation of this mythology, ſee ‘"Introduction à l'Hiſtoire de Dannemarc, par Monſ. Mallet,"’ 1755, Quarto; or rather a tranſlation of it publiſhed in 1770, and entitled ‘"Northern Antiquities,"’ in which ſome miſtakes in the Original are judiciouſly corrected.
a
From Mr. EVANS's ſpecimens of the Welch Poetry; London, 1764, Quarto. Owen ſucceeded his Father Griffin in the principality of North Wales, A. D. 1120. This battle was fought near forty years afterwards.
b
North Wales.
c
Denmark.
d
The red Dragon is the device of Cadwallader, which all his deſcendants bore on their banners.
e
This and the three following lines are not in the former Editions, but are now added from the Author's MS.
f
Of Aneurim, ſtyled the Monarch of the Bards. He flouriſhed about the time of Talieſſin, A. D. 570. This Ode is extracted from the Gododin, (See Mr. Evans's Specimens, p. 71 and 73) and now firſt publiſhed.
*
Now firſt publiſhed. See Memoirs, Sect. 8, p. 157.
g
This Lady, the Wife of Dr. Clarke, Phyſician at Epſom, died April 27, 1757; and is buried in the Church of Beckenham, Kent.
66
This Epitaph (hitherto unpubliſhed) was written at the requeſt of Mr. Frederick Montagu, who intended to have inſcribed it on a Monument at Belliſle, at the ſiege of which this accompliſhed youth was killed, 1761; but from ſome difficulty attending the erection of it, this deſign was not executed.
*
So Milton accents the word:
On the cryſtalline ſky, in ſapphire thron'd.
P. L. Book vi. v. 772.
*
So Thormodus interprets it, as though Darradar were the name of the perſon who ſaw this viſion; but in reality it ſignifies a Range of Spears, from Daur Haſta, & Radir Ordo. [...].
*
Sleipner was the horſe of Odin which had eight legs. Vide Edda.
*
See Evan's Specimen of Welch Poetry, p. 25, and for the original Welch, p. 127.
*
Ireland.
Danes and Normans.
Distributed by the University of Oxford under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License

Zitationsvorschlag für dieses Objekt
TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 4890 The poems of Mr Gray To which are prefixed Memoirs of his life and writings by W Mason M A. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-5FEC-1