A COMPENDIOUS HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

WHO firſt publiſhed the goſpel of Chriſt in North Britain, we know not. But, from our anceſtors zealous attachment to obſerve their Eaſter upon the 14th day of the moon, we are tempt⯑ed to think, that ſome of their firſt preachers had come from the Leſſer Aſia, after that ſuperſtition had become faſhionable there. It is ſaid, that about A. D. 203, King Donald I. and his queen, with ſe⯑veral of his nobles, embraced the Chriſtian religion; and that Cratilinth, about ſeventy years after, more fully eſtabliſhed it, and aboliſhed heatheniſm.—Pro⯑bably the terrible perſecution raiſed by Diocletian, the Roman emperor, about A. D. 302, obliged both preachers and other Chriſtians, in the ſouth parts of the iſland, to flee northward, where his power could not reach them.—Palladius, coming from Rome, in the 5th century, to aſſiſt out preachers in their op⯑poſition to the Pelagian hereſy, is ſaid to have intro⯑duced dioceſan prelacy; and to have ſent St. Patrick from near Glaſgow to Ireland, in order to chriſtia⯑nize the inhabitants, or to introduce biſhops among them. But ſo inconſiderable was the power of theſe [6] primary biſhops, that it was not till about ſix hun⯑dred years afterward, that they had any fixed dio⯑ceſes in Scotland. About this time, Hildebert, Se⯑dulius, Columba, and other learned men, flouriſhed here, and were encouraged by Congall out king. And in this, or the next century, Kintogern, Bal⯑dred, Conval, Mornan, Cormack, Hebred, Duſtan, Jonas, Gabrian, Gall, and Columban, were famed preachers. The two laſt travelled into France and Switzerland, if not alſo into part of Italy.

About A. D. 520, the Saturnalian feſtivals of the heathens, which had in other places been before tranſ⯑ferred to the pretended honour of Jeſus Chriſt, were introduced into Scotland, and ſtill continue to be ob⯑ſerved in our revels of Chriſtmaſs and the new year, under pretence of honouring the birth and circum⯑ciſion of our Saviours. In the 7th century, Thomian, Columban, Chroman, Bathan, Herman, Lauſtran, Stellan, Sergan, Corman, Aidan, Finan, Colman, A⯑daman, Chilian, Wiro, Plechelm, Samſon, and Cle⯑mens, made a reſpectable figure in the clerical order. But moſt of them were terribly harraſſed by Auguſtin, Wilfrid, Boniface, and other Pontifical miſſionaries from Rome, becauſe they refuſed to ſubject their con⯑ſciences or country to his Papal Majeſty, and oppoſed the obſervation of Eaſter on the day appointed at Rome, as well as the impoſition of celibacy on the clergy, and of their ſhaving of their heads in the form of a croſs, to mark their miſſion from Chriſt. In the 8th cen⯑tury, we find a conſiderable number of learned men, of whom John of Air, Alcuin, Clemens, and Raban, favourites of Charles the Great of Germany and France, appear to have been the chief; but whether they were all natives of Scotland, I know not.

About A. D. 860, a Synod held at Scoon enacted, That all clergymen ſhould reſide at their charges; inſtruct their people by their example, as well as by their doctrine; that they ſhould keep no hawks or hounds for hunting; that they ſhould neither carry warlike weapons, nor plead any civil cauſes. Con⯑ſtantine, [7] the king, alſo enacted, That drunkenneſs ſhould be puniſhed with death; and that none ſhould take above one meal a-day, or accuſtom themſelves to ly on ſoft beds. About A. D. 904, King Grego⯑ry, in a convention of ſtates at Forfar, is ſaid to have exempted the clergy from all taxes, ſervice in war, or ſubjection to civil courts;—and to have given them power to draw tithes, enact eccleſiaſtical ca⯑nons, and judge of matrimonial and teſtamentary cauſes. It was moreover enacted, that every king, at his coronation, ſhould ſwear to maintain all the clerical privileges. About A. D. 977, Beornel, or Bernet, a Scotch biſhop, and others, were ſummon⯑ed to England, to have their heretical principle of the lawfulneſs of prieſts marriage diſproved and con⯑demned. Dunſtan, biſhop of Canterbury, their prin⯑cipal opponent, by cauſing the beams of the floor, on which they ſat, to be ſecretly cut, that it might ſink under every one but himſelf, pretended, that their fall, while he remained ſafe, plainly marked the deciſion of heaven in his favours. About the beginning of the eleventh century, King Malcolm fix⯑ed the biſhops to particular dioceſes, and erected the biſhoprics of St. Andrews, Glaſgow, Murray, Caith⯑neſs, Murthlack, and Aberdeen. Turgot was the firſt biſhop of St. Andrews. In this century, Ma⯑rian, Patern, Amichad, Sigebert, and Elias, Scotch, preachers, made a reſpectable figure in Germany. Kings began to be anointed at their inſtalment. A⯑bout A. D. 1198, King Alexander, ſuſpecting the intruſive ambition of Thurſtan, archbiſhop of York, deſired Radolf of Canterbury to provide a biſhop for St. Andrews: and notwithſtanding all that Thurſtan could do to oppoſe it, one Eadmer was ſent. But he, refuſing to profeſs his ſubjection to the Canter⯑burian ſee, was ſoon obliged to return to England.

In the 12th century, kings and others appeared madly intent on promoting Monkiſh devotion. The abbeys of Scoon, St. Columbe, Jedburgh, Kelſo, Melroſs, Newbottle, Holyroodhouſe, Kinloſs, Cam⯑buſkenneth, [8] Dundrennan, Holm and Coultram, and two convents at Newcaſtle; and one at Berwick, and another at Carliſle for Nuns, were built, and endowed with revenues moſtly by King David, who alſo erected the biſhoprics of Roſs, Brichen, Dun⯑keld, and Dunblain, and was rewarded with the ho⯑nour of a Papal Saint. His ſucceſſors founded the abbies of Cowpar, Angus, Sawtry, Aberbrothick, Balmerino, and the convent of Maxwel. The prior of St. Andrews, Richard a canon, and David a preſ⯑byter, were the moſt noted for learning. The Scotch clergy, being cited to a council at Northampton, boldly refuſed all ſubjection to the archbiſhop of York. Gilbert, a young canon, was their principal diſputant. The convent of St. Andrews' election of an Engliſhman to that ſee, occaſioned a furious con⯑teſt between King William and the Pope, who had laid the whole kingdom under an Interdict of all reli⯑gious ſervice, had not Scot, the elected biſhop, by his earneſt ſupplications, prevented it.

In the 13th century, the Franciſcan and Domini⯑can monks ſpread themſelves into Scotland. King Alexander II. having aſſiſted the French againſt K. John of England, now an abſolute ſlave and deputy of the Pope, his Holineſs laid his whole kingdom un⯑der an Interdict. When his Legate afterward came to declare the nation abſolved from this dreadful curſe, he ſo terribly oppreſſed them, that they were forced to complain of his conduct at Rome. An⯑other Legate quickly followed, to raiſe contributions for carrying on the holy war in Canaan. Having ſpent what he got in debauchery, as he returned, he pretended, that he had been robbed of it. Another Legate was ſent from Rome to demand new contri⯑butions: but king Alexander prohibited him, or any other, on any ſuch errand, to enter his kingdom. —Not long after, Ottobon, and afterward Ruſtani, were ſent to require payment of the Pontifical dues. But as king Alexander III. prohibited the raiſing of money in his kingdom, without his ſpecial allowance, [9] they dared not to enter the country. In this centu⯑ry were founded the monaſteries of Pluſcardy, Beau⯑ly, and Archattan, the nunneries of Haddington and North Berwick, the abbey of Culroſs, and another in Galloway, and the famed croſs of Peebles. Gil⯑bert, earl of Strathearn, beſtowed one third of his eſtate on the ſee of Dunblain, and another on the abbey of Inchaffray.—From the death of Alexan⯑der, in A. D. 1285, to the end of the next century, the furious contentions between the BRUCES and BALIOLS for the royal dignity, and the treacherous invaſions and oppreſſions of the Engliſh, thereby oc⯑caſioned, diverted the Scots from their mad ſuper⯑ſtition, and almoſt deſolated the country. Neither party regarded the Papal mandates of peace, but as they tended to their own intereſts.

In A. D. 1407, Reſby, an Engliſhman, and in 1431, Paul Craw, a Bohemian, were burnt as here⯑tics, by order of Henry Wardlaw, biſhop of St. An⯑drews, who founded an univerſity there, about 1412. Biſhop Kennedy, his ſucceſſor, built the college of St. Salvator. Patrick Graham, who ſucceeded him in 1466, got himſelf declared an archbiſhop, to whom all the other dioceſans were required to be ſubject. But their oppoſition, and the ſtrugglings of Shevez for the office of archdeacon, made him delirious. Shevez, by the Pope's aſſiſtance, obtained the ſee. He and Blackater, who was made archbiſhop of Glaſgow about 1480, ſpent their ſtrength in fierce contentions about pre-eminence. Meanwhile, ſome Waldenſes or Wickliffites had taught in the counties of Kyle and Cuningham, That no images ought to be made or worſhipped; nor relicks of ſaints adored; that it is not lawful to propagate the Chriſtian religion by force; that Chriſt gave the power of binding and looſing to Peter, but not to the biſhops of Rome as his ſucceſſors: that Chriſt appointed no clerical conſecrations; that the bread and wine in the Lord's ſupper retain their origi⯑nal ſubſtance after their conſecration; that no tithes ought to be paid to the clergy; that every believer in [10] Chriſt is a prieſt; that the Pope is not the ſucceſſor of Peter, unleſs in his Satanical hinderance of Chriſt's work; that he deceives the people with his Bulls and Indulgences; that maſſes are of no uſe to ſouls in Purgatory: that clerical benedictions are of no value; that the Pope ſets himſelf above and againſt God; that he cannot remit the pains of Purgatory; that clerical excommunications are not to be feared; that it is never lawful for Chriſtians to ſwear: that true Chriſtians every day feed upon the body of Chriſt: For ſpreading of theſe opinions, perhaps partly miſrepreſented by their enemies, about thirty perſons were ſummoned before the privy council. But they anſwered with ſuch confidence and ſtrength of reaſoning, that it was thought ſafeſt to diſmiſs them.

While king James IV's brother, and baſtard ſon were archbiſhops of St. Andrews, things went on pretty quietly. But after the death of the laſt, a furious contention for that wealthy ſee, between Douglas of Dunkeld, Forman of Murray, and Hep⯑burn prior of St. Andrews, took place. At laſt, Douglas yielded, and Forman obtained it, on con⯑dition of his paying a life rent of 3000 crowns to Hepburn. Meanwhile, or afterward, the learned doctors of the univerſity were buſied in diſputing, Whether the Lord's prayer might be addreſſed to the ſaints! Pretended relicks being in great repute, a Romiſh pedlar, who had a large ſtock of them, o⯑pened his pack near Haddington. Among other ra⯑rities, he preſented a bell which had a rent in it, ſaid to have been occaſioned by a falſe oath; and pretend⯑ed, that ſuch was its ſacred ſenſibility, that if any perſon with his hand on it, dared to ſwear falſhood, it would rend, and the ſwearer's hand cleave to it; but, if nothing but truth was ſworn, it would not rend, or the ſwearer's hand ſtick to it. One Fermor, a ſenſible man, bent upon expoſing this pretence, begged allowance to ſwear with his hand on this bell; and holding it up to the multitude, that they might ſee in what condition it and his hand were, he laid [11] his hand upon it, and ſolemnly ſwore, That the Pope was Antichriſt, and his cardinals, archbiſhops, biſhops, prieſts, and monks, locuſts come from hell to delude men from God, and that they would return to hell. Liſting his hand freely from the bell, he held it up to the multi⯑tude, that they might ſee that no change had been made upon it; and that, according to its owner, he had ſworn nothing but the truth. The pedlar ſlipt off aſhamed, nor did any more of his ſort trouble the nation.

Meanwhile, about A. D. 1528, Patrick Hamilton, abbot of Ferm, having in Germany drunk in conſi⯑derable knowledge of the truth from Luther, Me⯑lancthon, Lambert, and others, he, on his return, communicated it to his friends. He was accuſed of maintaining That men's ſinful corruption of nature re⯑mained after their baptiſm; that no man can, by the power of his own free will, perform any thing ſpiritu⯑ally good; that no man is without ſin in this life; that every true Chriſtian may know himſelf to be ſuch; that men are not juſtified by good works, but by faith only; that good works do not make a man good, but a man be⯑ing made good by God's Spirit, performs good works; that evil works repented of do not make a man bad; that faith, hope, and charity are inſeparably connected; that without the aſſiſtance of God's gracious influence we can do nothing but ſin: that it is deviliſh doctrine to aſſert, that men's actual penance can purchaſe God's pardon of their ſin; that auricular confeſſion of ſin is not neceſſary to ſalvation; that there is no Purgatory; that the Old Teſtament ſaints were in heaven before Chriſt's death; that the Pope is Antichriſt, and hath no more power than any ordinary prieſt. He maintained before their court, that the firſt ſeven of theſe aſſertions were certainly true, and that he could not condemn the ſeven laſt, till he ſaw better reaſon than ever he had done. He was therefore condemned to be burnt. While he was in the flames, Friar Campbel and ſome others plagued him with intreaties to recant. He ſolemnly ſummoned Campbel ſpeedily to anſwer at [12] God's tribunal for his conduct ſo contrary to his own conſcience. Campbel ſoon after died miſerably, frantic and deſperate. Mr. Hamilton's brother James and his ſiſter Katharine, were alſo proſecuted for he⯑retics: but king James ſecretly conveyed them out of the way.

While Boethius, principal of the college of Aber⯑deen, and Mair, profeſſor of divinity, and afterward provoſt of that of St. Andrews, by their Latin hiſto⯑ries of their nations encouraged others to the ſtudy of learning, the burning of Hamilton rouſed multi⯑tudes to examine whether his principles were truth or error, and found them ſupported by ſcripture. Friar Seaton taught, That the law of God is the only rule of righteouſneſs; that no man can ſatisfy for his own ſin; that pardon of it is only obtained by true faith in the merits of Chriſt and an unfeigned repentance; that the ſcripture requires biſhops to preach the goſpel. Being perſecuted by his ſuperiors, he fled into Eng⯑land. Gavin Loggy and William Airth began to perceive the truth, and in their ſermons to expoſe the wickedneſs of the clergy. Henry Forreſt of Lin⯑lithgow, a ſimple prieſt, who uſed an Engliſh New Teſtament, having been decoyed by his Confeſſor to acknowledge, that he thought Mr. Hamilton a good man, and his articles defenſible, he was treacherouſ⯑ly diſcovered, impriſoned, and burnt. Several were proſecuted for hereſy, but recanted. David Straiton, who had been converted from a moſt furious and turbulent profligate, and Norman Gourlay, were condemned to the flames for their denial of Purga⯑tory, and of the Pope's juriſdiction in Scotland. Aleſſe, Fife, M'Dougal, and M'Bee compeared not, but fled into England. After the death of lord Cromwel, the firſt three retired thence into Saxony; and at laſt Fife returned to Scotland. M'Bee retired to Denmark, and was remarkably uſeful in promot⯑ing the reformation of that country. In 1538, Kil⯑lore, Belfrage, friars, Simſon, a prieſt, Forrat, a ca⯑non, [13] and R. Forreſter, were burnt for heretics. The biſhop of Dunkeld had warned Forrat, that his preaching every Sabbath rendered him ſuſpected of hereſy, and adviſed him never to preach on the e⯑piſtle or goſpel of the day, but when it was a good one; and thanked his Maker, that he had lived well many years, without knowing either Old or New Teſtament. Ruſſel, a gray friar, and Kennedy, a young man of 18 years of age, ſubmitted to the flames with great piety and chearfulneſs, for the ſake of the truth.

James Beaton, archbiſhop of St. Andrews, dying, his nephew, the Cardinal, ſucceeded him. He im⯑mediately commenced a proſecution againſt Sir John Borthwick for holding, That the Pope had no greater authority than other biſhops; that his indulgences and remiſſions but deceived the people; that clergymen might lawfully marry; that the reformed principles, worſhip, and government embraced in England, were commen⯑dable; that clergymen ought not to poſſeſs temporalities, but kings ſhould convert eceleſiaſtical revenues to other pious uſes; that the canon law can be of no force, becauſe it is contrary to the law of God; that the friars and monks ought to be aboliſhed; that the Pope was guilty of ſimony, in his ſelling of ſpiritual things:—as alſo for refuſing to acknowledge the Pope's authority, and for reading and diſtributing copies of the Engliſh New Teſtament, and other heretical books. But to ſave himſelf from the frames, Sir John eſcaped in⯑to England.

King Henry VIII. of England, having ſent to his nephew, king James V. ſome books of the Eng⯑liſh Reformers for his illumination, and ſolicited a friendly meeting with him at York, in order to ad⯑viſe him to a ſimilar reformation of religion in Scot⯑land, the Scotch clergy, dreading the moſt fatal con⯑ſequences to themſelves, warmly remonſtrated to James, how inoffenſive ſuch an interview with his heretical uncle, would be to his Holineſs and all good men; and how dangerous to himſelf. They pro⯑miſed [14] him an yearly compliment of 50,000 crowns, and inſiſted, that, by confiſcating the eſtates of ſuch noblemen, as were guilty of herefy and rebellion, he might raiſe 100,000 more. Perſuaded by their ſoli⯑citations, he declared war againſt his uncle. Some terrible viſions, and the death of his two ſons in one day, were thought to be warnings from God againſt proceeding in this war.—He had no ſooner heard of the defeat and ſhameful rout of his army of 10,000, who, under Oliver Sinclair, had marched into Eng⯑land, by about four or five hundred undiſciplined peaſants, than he died of grief, A. D. 1542. Not long after, the Committee of Eſtates allowed the na⯑tion to read the Engliſh bible, till the biſhops ſhould publiſh a better. But cardinal Beaton, having got a teſtament forged for the late king, which declared himſelf the principal Regent of the kingdom, for Mary the royal infant; and having got out of pri⯑ſon, and even decoyed Hamilton, earl of Arran, in⯑to his views, he commenced a furious perſecution of the Proteſtant heretics, particularly in Perth. Some were executed, others baniſhed, and lord Ruthven deprived of his provoſtſhip. In Angus many were proſecuted for reading the New Teſtament, which was pretended to have been forged by Luther. Some were executed for refuſing to pray to the Virgin Ma⯑ry; and five, on ſuſpicion that they had eaten a gooſe on Friday.

In 1544, George Wiſhart, a native of Mearns, began to preach the goſpel, eſpecially at Montroſe and Dundee. Beaton drove him from the latter, but not till he had warned the inhabitants, that God would ſpeedily puniſh their contempt of the goſpel. To the inexpreſſible vexation of the archbiſhop of Glaſgow, Wiſhart, with great zeal, and no inconſi⯑derable ſucceſs, retired to the weſt of Scotland, and there preached the glad tidings of ſalvation. Being informed there, that on the 4th day after he had left Dundee, the plague had broken out among the inhabitants, he haſtened back to them with the of⯑fers [15] of mercy, in the midſt of their diſtreſs. He ſoon afterward preached at Haddington, and obſerv⯑ing, that though thouſands attended a ſtage play, yet ſcarce an hundred attended his ſermons, he de⯑nounced the vengeance of God againſt the inhabi⯑tants; which ſoon after overtook them by means of the French and Engliſh in the fiege and defence of the place. After ſeveral narrow eſcapes, he was ap⯑prehended at Ormiſton in Eaſt Lothian. Contrary to the ſolemn promiſe of Bothwel his apprehender, he was at laſt delivered up to Cardinal Beaton, carri⯑ed to St. Andrews, and there condemned to be burnt. After he had received the Lord's ſupper in his priſon, together with the captain of the caſtle, he chearfully ſuffered, foretelling the unhappy death of the Car⯑dinal, who, from his window, pleaſed himſelf with the view of his torments;—as he had formerly done the remarkable illumination of the kingdom with the goſpel of Chriſt.

To the great ſatisfaction of the Popiſh clergy, Bea⯑ton had appointed, that none ſhould pray for the ſoul of the heretical Wiſhart, under the higheſt pains. But not long after, two Leſlies, William Kirkaldy, James Melvil, and a few others, ſurpriſed the Car⯑dinal in his caſtle, and having killed him, ſhewed him to the mob from that very window, from which he had glutted his cruel eyes with the burning of Wiſh⯑art. In killing him, James Melvil ſolemnly proteſted to him, that he bore him no private grudge, but la⯑boured to avenge his treacherous and horrid murder of that man of God. The conſpirators and their friends, to the number of about 140, defended themſelves in the caſtle, till they obtained a capitulation. John Rough, an Engliſhman, was their preacher in the caſtle, and afterward John Knox, a native of Eaſt Lothian, came and aſſiſted him. They were accuſ⯑ed of preaching in the caſtle and town, That no mor⯑tal man can be head of the church; that the Pope is Antichriſt, and not ſo much as a member of Chriſt's myſtical body; that every man is bound to receive the [16] religion received from God; that the ſacraments ought to be adminiſtered in the manner preſcribed by Chriſt, and exemplified by his apoſtles; that the Maſs is abo⯑minable idolatry, and a blaſphemous reproach of our Sa⯑viour's death; that ſuch biſhops as do not preach are not true ones; that the law of God doth not neceſſarily ap⯑propriate the tithes to the clergy. But as Mair, the provoſt of the univerſity and prior of the abbey, fa⯑voured their tenets, they eſcaped with an admoniti⯑on. Rough returned to England, and there, by Bonner's influence, died a martyr in 1557.

Notwithſtanding their capitulation, the beſieged, judging the Pontifical remiſſion obtained for them in⯑ſufficient, refuſed to ſurrender the caſtle, and were therefore anew beſieged, and at laſt obliged to ſur⯑render on the ſole condition of having their lives ſpared. In 1550, Knox, and others of them, who had been put into gallies or priſons, were liberated in conſequence of the remarkable victory of the Eng⯑liſh at Muſſelburgh. But no ſooner had the Scotch managers obtained peace from the Engliſh, than they renewed their perſecution of the Proteſtants. Adam Wallace, a ſimple man, being apprehended at Win⯑ton in Eaſt Lothian, was condemned and burnt for teaching his neighbours, and for baptizing his own child for want of a faithful miniſter; and for de⯑nial of Purgatory; and for maintaining that pray⯑ers for the dead were ſuperſtitious, the Maſs an ido⯑latrous ſervice, and the bread and Wine in the Lord's ſupper not turned into the body and blood of Chriſt. Notwithſtanding their hard work in determining how the Lord's prayer ſhould be directed to God, and how to the ſaints, the clergy found time to publiſh a moſt pitiful explication of it, and of the ten command⯑ments, which, from its price, was called the Two-penny faith.

RETURNING from England, on account of the Marian perſecution, there begun, John Willock, and John Knox, along with Harlow an Engliſhman, [17] preached the goſpel, and declaimed againſt the abo⯑minations of Popery. The clergy quickly com⯑menced a proceſs againſt Knox, and ſoon after a⯑gainſt the other preachers. But ſo many of their friends attended them at their trial, and even in the Regent's preſence threatened to avenge the injury done them on their proſecutors, as quite diſpirited them, and made them glad to deſert the diet. At the requeſt of his old congregation there, Knox re⯑tired to Geneva, and thence directed his Appeal to the Nobles, Gentry, and Commons of Scotland, from the biſhops, who had raiſed a new proceſs againſt him in his abſence, and burnt him in effigy. Much about the ſame time, he directed his Appeal to a free General Council, and to the Queen Regent and her ſubjects.

Dury, biſhop of Galloway, and Panther of Roſs, two principal perſecutors, dying as brutes, the burghs of Dundee, Perth, Montroſe, Cowpar, St. Andrews, Edinburgh, Stirling, and others;—not a few of the nobility, the duke of Caſtlerault, now Hamilton, the earls of Argyle, Glencairn, Arran, Monteith, Rothes, Marſhal, and Morton; Lord James Stewart, after⯑ward earl of Murray; the lords Lorn, Ruthven, Lindſay, Ochiltree, Boyd, Gray, Yeſter, and San⯑quhar; Sir David Lindſay, Sir James Sandilands, and other gentry, with multitudes of the commons of Cuningham, Kyle, Carrick, Angus, Murray, Lo⯑thian, Fife, and Strathern, inſtructed by Knox and other preachers, and by reading the ſcripture and Chriſtian conference, began to deteſt the clerical ty⯑ranny, and to doubt of the lawfulneſs of attending Maſs, or offering their children to Popiſh baptiſm, or of aſſiſting Government in their maintenance of popiſh idolatry, or perſecuting men for their adhe⯑rence to truth; or even of quietly permitting their fellow ſubjects to be murdered for the ſake of religi⯑on. They quickly perceived it to be their duty, to make an open confeſſion of their faith, and to at⯑tempt a reformation from theſe evils, of which they [18] had ſecretly complained. Being convinced of their obligation to exert themſelves to their utmoſt for the aboliſhment of idolatry, ſuperſtition, and tyranny, and to promote the pure adminiſtration of goſpel doctrines and worſhip, they reſolved to examine their own ſtrength. For this purpoſe, while they agreed to hold ſocial meetings at ſet times for prayer and reading of the ſcriptures, till they could be pro⯑vided with preachers, and Argyle and others took preachers into their families,—they employed ſome of their moſt proper hands, eſpecially in Fife and Angus, to travel through the kingdom and ſolicit the nobility, gentlemen, and burghers, to make an open confeſſion of the truth, and to aſſiſt one ano⯑ther in the defence of it. Theſe agents appear to have carried about with them forms of an aſſociation, to be ſubſcribed by ſuch as inclined. Soon after, they elected ruling elders among them, to whom they promiſed ſubjection in the Lord. From their frequent meetings, they began to be called the CON⯑GREGATION. Laying their account with perſecu⯑tion from the Popiſh clergy and their ſupporters, ſeveral noblemen and others, in A. D. 1557, enter⯑ed into a ſolemn covenant to promote the reformati⯑on of religion, and to defend each other in ſo doing; which was ſubſcribed by the earls of Argyle, Glen⯑cairn, and Morton; lord Lorn, John Erſkine of Dun, &c.

Finding, by the return of their copies of aſſocia⯑tion, which they had ſent through the kingdom, that their reforming intentions were approven by the moſt of the nation, they appointed Sir James Sandilands to preſent their requeſts to the queen Regent, and to inſiſt, that public prayers, and the adminiſtration of the ſacraments, ſhould be in their own language; that miniſters ſhould be elected by their people; that the life and doctrine of candi⯑dates for the holy miniſtry ſhould be carefully tried, and all miniſters ignorant or ſcandalous, depoſed, and others, that were ſit, ſubſtituted in their ſtead. [19] They repreſented to her, the reaſonableneſs of their open confeſſion of their principles, and of their pro⯑tecting one another againſt the cruelty of the Popiſh prieſts. In order to procure their conſent to the ſettlement of the crown upon the dauphin of France, who had lately married her daughter Mary, the heir of it, the Queen Regent pretended to allow them their public worſhip in their own language, providing, that it ſhould be performed without any tumults,—and that their preachers ſhould not offi⯑ciate publicly in Edinburgh or Leith.

But, the Earl of Argyle, after much faithful re⯑ſiſtance of the Archbiſhops ſolicitations, having died, witneſſing to the truth, and other well affect⯑ed noblemen, being removed, probably by poiſon, in France,—the Popiſh clergy, provoked by the a⯑bove conceſſions, and ſecretly countenanced by the Queen Regent, reſumed their courage in 1558, and fell upon Walter Mill an aged prieſt. Firmly ad⯑hering to the truth, he was condemned to the flames, which he endured with remarkable chearfulneſs. His ſpeech at the ſtake left a very deep impreſſion on the minds of ſpectators. They alſo procured a ſentence of outlawry and baniſhment againſt Paul Methven, who had preached about Dundee and o⯑ther places of Angus. But, notwithſtanding all their malice, the people attended his ſermons, and afforded him neceſſary ſupport. At firſt, the Popiſh doctors offered a public diſputation on the points of difference. But, as the Reformed inſiſted, that the ſcriptures, not the canon law, ſhould be the ſtandard of judgment, and that their baniſhed brethren ſhould be allowed to aſſiſt at it, they refuſed to comply with their terms.

In conſequence of Knox's publiſhed appeal from the clerical deciſion againſt him, the Lords, and o⯑ther principal men of the congregation, inſiſted, that the laws impowering the biſhops to proceed a⯑gainſt heretics, ſhould be repealed; that nothing ſhould be reckoned hereſy, but what was contrary [20] to the fundamental doctrines of God's word; and that ſuch as were proſecuted for it before civil judg⯑es, ſhould be allowed to except againſt the witneſſes, and propoſe their own defences, as well as other cri⯑minals. The Queen Regent kept their petition in her pocket, pretending, that it was not expedient to have it read in parliament, as the clerical members would oppoſe her deſigns; and that it would be more proper, firſt to procure the favour of the convocati⯑on. The Lords yielded, for the time: but, before the parliament was diſſolved, they ſolemnly proteſt⯑ed, That, ſince they could not obtain a juſt refor⯑mation according to the word of God, it ſhould be lawful for them to believe and act in matters of re⯑ligion, as they could anſwer to God and their own conſcience, till once the Popiſh clergy ſhould prove themſelves true miniſters of Chriſt, and purge them⯑ſelves of ſuch crimes, as they were ready to lay to their charge; that no Proteſtant ſhould incur any danger, for non-obſervance of the laws and rites of the Popiſh church; that as they deſired nothing but an orderly reformation of religion, no tumults, occaſioned by the diverſity of religions, or violent reformation of abuſes, ſhould be imputed to them. But, by her fair promiſes to remember theſe points, and to rectify matters to their ſatisfaction, the Queen Regent prevented the marking of their proteſt in the minutes of Parliament.

It was eaſily foreſeen, that all application for re⯑dreſs to the Convocation, in which the principal corrupters of religion, and whoſe carnal intereſt was cloſely connected with the corruptions complain⯑ed of, had the fole ſway, could be to no purpoſe. The Queen Regent, having got her point, relative to the ſettlement of the crown on Francis her ſon-in-law and countryman, ſettled, and being offended with the freedom of ſome of the Reformed, gave plain hints of her intention to cruſh them, and make examples of ſome of their chiefs, in order to terrify the reſt. Accordingly, in next ſpring, 1559, [21] [...]he iſſued a proclamation, requiring all her ſubjects [...]o obſerve the feſtival of Eaſter, in the wonted Po⯑poiſh manner. Such miniſters as refuſed compliance, were ſummoned before her privy council at Stirling, on the tenth of May. The Reformers ſent the earl of Glencairn and Sir Hugh Campbel to ſolicit her favour to their miniſters, and to put her in mind of her promiſes. But ſhe told them in a fury, that in deſpite of all their ſupporters, theſe miniſters ſhould be baniſhed from the kingdom, and that the promi⯑ſes of princes were not to be urged upon them any further, than conſiſtent with their own convenience. The commiſſioners replied, that if ſhe renounced her promiſes to them, they would renounce their ſubjection to her; and deſired her ſeriouſly to pon⯑der the conſequences. Finding that vaſt multitudes, chiefly from Angus and Mearns, were on their way to attend the miniſters at their trial, and to make an open confeſſion of their faith, and being advanced to Perth, had ſent John Erſkine of Dun to aſſure her of their peaceable approach, ſhe, by flattery, and ſolemnly declaring, that the diet of council againſt the miniſters ſhould be deſerted, and nothing done to their prejudice, engaged him to perſuade his con⯑ſtituents to ſtop, and diſperſe themſelves home⯑ward. But no ſooner had ſhe heard of their return, than ſhe held the meeting of council, and outlawed the miniſters in their abſence. Highly offended with her Guiſian treachery, and ſome other attempts to ruin her Proteſtant ſubjects, Erſkine poſted to P [...]rth, excuſed his former advice relative to their diſperſion, informed them of the Regent's proce⯑dure againſt their miniſters, and warned them to prepare for the worſt.

A multitude of the Reformed quickly reaſſembled at Perth; and Knox, having juſt returned from Ge⯑neva, preached a warm diſcourſe againſt the Popiſh idolatry. He had ſcarce finiſhed it, when a pre⯑ſumptuous prieſt began to celebrate high maſs, and ſtruck a boy, who exclaimed againſt his unſufferable [22] impudence. A tumult immediately enſued, and e⯑very monument of idolatry in that church was de⯑ſtroyed. The mob, aſſembling, fell on the mona⯑ſteries, deſtroyed all the monuments of idolatry they could find, and levelled the buildings almoſt with the ground; but permitted the monks to carry off the ſpoil. Not one of the Proteſtants took for his own uſe the value of a groat. The inhabitants of Cowpar in Fife and other places, ſerved the monu⯑ments of idolatry in much the ſame manner. In⯑formed of theſe things, the Regent vowed to de⯑ſtroy every inhabitant of Perth, man, woman, and child, and to burn the town to an heap of aſhes and ſow the place with ſalt. She repreſented the Proteſtants, as intending nothing but rebellion. To refute her calumnies, the principal Reformers made her a ſolemn offer of wonted obedience, providing they could have the word of God truly preached to them, and the ſacraments rightly adminiſtered. They certified her, that if ſhe did not put a ſtop to her cruelty, they would defend their brethren, take arms againſt their enemies, and manifeſt their inno⯑cence to Francis and Mary their ſovereigns, and to other Chriſtian princes. They warned her French troops, that if they attacked them, it ſhould be at their peril. They intreated the Popiſh Lords to re⯑frain their fury till their cauſe ſhould be tried, and they have opportunity to manifeſt the abominable practices of the Romiſh prieſts, and the falſeneſs of their religion. They warned the Proteſtants, that if any of them ſhould take arms againſt their bre⯑thren, they ſhould be held traitors to God, and ex⯑communicated from their ſociety. They boldly de⯑clared, that with God's aſſiſtance, they would de⯑fend themſelves and their brethren againſt their e⯑nemies, though ten times their number. Theſe re⯑ſolute declarations of the maſter of Lindſay, laird [...] of Balvaird and Lundy, and ſome other barons of Angus and Fife, made a deep impreſſion on ſome o [...] the Regent's adherents. They began to doubt o [...] [23] the lawfulneſs of perſecuting men, who offered all due obedience to civil authority, and required no⯑thing but liberty of conſcience, and to have their religion tried by the word of God. As the prelates and their clerical agents, to their utmoſt, ſuppreſſed the ſpread of their petitions, and inflamed their fel⯑low ſubjects againſt them, the Reformers publiſhed a declaration, bearing, That if they perſevered in ſuch conduct, and did not mitigate thoſe whom they had inflamed, they would apprehend them, where⯑ever they could find them, and treat them as open enemies to God and man; and that they would make no peace with them, till they ſhould deſiſt from their public idolatry and cruel perſecution of God's children.

Informed, that multitudes were marching from the ſouth weſt parts of the kingdom to join this re⯑ſolute body,—and finding, that lord James Stewart prior of St. Andrews, the baſtard brother of Queen Mary, and the earl of Argyle, who had married her baſtard ſiſter, her commiſſioners to the congregation at Perth, were convinced that their Proteſtant bre⯑thren had been falſely charged with rebellious inten⯑tions, the Regent and D' Oſelle her French general reſolved to ſtrike up an agreement with them upon as hard terms as poſſible. But the earl of Glencairn, with 2500 of his friends, having, with almoſt in⯑credible expedition, marched over the mountains weſtward of Stirling, came up before it was finiſhed, and obliged her to grant more advantageous terms, viz. That none of the towns, ſhould be challenged for deſtroying the monuments of idolatry; that the profeſſion and practice of the Proteſtant religion ſhould be freely allowed through the whole king⯑dom; that no French ſoldiers ſhould come within three miles of Perth; and that all other matters ſhould be left to the determination of the Parlia⯑ment. But, the Reformers returning to their own homes, the Regent was ſcarcely admitted into Perth, when ſhe changed the magiſtrates, fined and baniſh⯑ed [24] many of the inhabitants, and left behind her a guard of Scotch ſoldiers in French pay.

Before their departure from Perth, the Reformers had ſolemnly covenanted jointly to promote the refor⯑mation of religion in the nation, and to defend one another in ſo doing. The earls of Argyle and Glen⯑cairn, lord James Stewart, Boyd, Ochiltree, &c. ſub⯑ſcribed it. Argyle, and lord James Stewart, who had mediated in order to obtain the late treaty, lord Ruthven, the earl of Monteith, and the laird of Tul⯑libarden, finding that it had been ſo ſhamefully vio⯑lated, deſerted the Regent; and the two firſt, with their aſſiſtants, deſtroyed the monuments of idolatry at St. Andrews, Stirling, Linlithgow, and Edinburgh, and ſet up the reformed worſhip; and reſtored it at Perth. She thought to have cut them off at St. Andrews: but being informed of her deſign, they offered battle to her troops at Cowpar moor. She fled to Dunbar, though her forces were ten to one of their opponents: but being informed, that ma⯑ny of the Reformers had gone home, ſhe in vain attempted to ſurpriſe the Proteſtant lords at Edin⯑burgh. Nevertheleſs, as ſhe had the caſtle, and the French troops on her ſide, they entered into a new treaty with her, bearing, That no Proteſtants ſhould be moleſted for what innovations they had made, till the parliament ſhould ſettle theſe matters, and none of their miniſters be hindered from preaching; that the Popiſh idolatry ſhould not be reſtored, where it had been ſuppreſſed; and that no ſoldiers ſhould be quartered in Edinburgh. The Reformers would not admit the maſs to be celebrated in that city; but the Regent reſtored it at Leith and Holy⯑rood houſe. The duke of Chatelerault having re⯑turned to them, and his ſon the earl of Arran hav⯑ing joined them, the Proteſtant lords again covenant⯑ed to aſſiſt and defend one another in the mainten⯑ance of their religion. But the Regent, receiving a reinforcement of French troops, reſolved to force them back to the Romiſh deluſions. After ſome [25] miſſives had been exchanged, the war began. The Regent's troops were ſtationed at Leith, and thoſe of the Lords at Edinburgh. The Lords declared her ſuſpended from her regency, on account of her habitual diſregard of the welfare of her ſub⯑jects, and her oppreſſion of them by French troops. But the neceſſity of their affairs, and the deſer⯑tion of ſome of their party to her, obliged them to retreat to Stirling, in no ſmall perplexity. Here Knox, in a ſermon, ſharply reproved them, for put⯑ting their truſt in the duke of Chatelerault and his ſon, rather than in God, who had formerly enabled them to perform what appeared far beyond their a⯑bility; and he encouraged them to pray and hope, that he would further interpoſe in their favour. They applied to Queen Elizabeth of England for ſome aſ⯑ſiſtance in men and money. A ſum of money was ſent them; but Bothwel, a friend of the Regent, took it by the way. About eighth thouſand Engilſh alſo came to their aid. The Lords having renewed their mutual covenant, ſolemnly engaged to concur with them, in expelling the French, whom they be⯑ſieged in Leith, with conſiderable loſs on both ſides. The French troops, having repulſed the allies, and ſlain a conſiderable number of them, piled up their naked bodies, along the ſide of the wall. The Re⯑gent, from the caſtle of Edinburgh, beholding the horrid ſpetacle, was tranſported with joy, and cried, That it was the fineſt tapeſtry ever ſhe had ſeen; and wiſhed, that all the fields between Leith and the caſtle were adorned in like manner. Not long after, ſhe died of a ſhameful and lothſome diſtemper, lamenting the miſery which ſhe had brought on her ſubjects, by employing French troops againſt them, and pro⯑feſſing that ſhe expected ſalvation only through the blood of Chriſt. As ſhe could not obtain Popiſh funeral in Scotland, her corpſe, after about five months, was tranſported to France.

After a ſhort truce, a treaty of peace was finiſhed in July 1560, between Queen Elizabeth of England, [26] and Francis and Mary of Scotland, in which the intereſts of our Reformers were included; and the articles of which were, That Francis and Mary ſhould never more claim the ſovereignty of England or Ireland, and ſhould eraſe the royal arms of theſe kingdoms from all their eſcutcheons and houſhold furniture; that the tranſactions of the preceeding year ſhould be buried in oblivion, on both ſides; that both French and Engliſh forces ſhould return home with all convenient ſpeed; that Francis and Mary ſhould make no war without the advice of their privy council and eſtates of Parliament; nor any of the Scotch nobility aſſemble ſoldiers, in any caſe not allowed by the laws and cuſtoms of the country, without conſent of their Sovereign and his council; that no foreigners ſhould be put into places of power or truſt; and that a free parliament ſhould meet in Auguſt next, for ſettling the religion and liberties of the kingdom.

After obſerving a ſolemn thankſgiving to God for their remarkable deliverance, the Reformers diſpoſ⯑ed of their twelve principal preachers to the beſt ad⯑vantage, John Knox to Edinburgh; Chriſtopher Goodman to St. Andrews; Adam Herriot to Aber⯑deen; John Row to Perth; William Chriſtiſon to Dundee; David Ferguſon to Dunfermline; and Paul Methven to Jedburgh; John Spotſwood was appointed ſuperintendent of Lothian and Merſe; John Winram of Fife; John Erſkine of Dun of Angus and Mearns; John Willock of Clydſdale and Air, and places adjacent; and John Carſwel of Argyle ſhire and the Weſtern iſles.

The eſtates of Parliament aſſembled Auguſt 1560; but as Francis and Mary had not fulfilled their pro⯑miſe, in ſending up a commiſſioner to repreſent them in it, there was ſome diſpute, whether its meeting was lawful and valid. But it was at laſt reſolved in the affirmative. The Proteſtant nobility, gentry, burgeſſes, and others, preſented a petition, craving, That the corruptions of the Popiſh church might be [27] condemned and aboliſhed, and the worſhip of the primitive church reſtored; that the authority of the Pope ſhould be renounced and prohibited; and the patrimony of the church applied to ſupport mini⯑ſters, teachers, and the poor. All theſe demands were readily granted, except the laſt; the nobles, who had ſeized upon the eccleſiaſtical revenues for themſelves, being very loth to loſe their prey.—The miniſters were appointed to draw up a confeſſion of that faith, the civil eſtabliſhment of which they re⯑queſted: for hitherto the Reformers had uſed the Confeſſion of Geneva, as their eccleſiaſtical ſtandard. Being exhibited to the parliament on the fourth day after, it was approved, without the leaſt alteration, and without a contrary vote, except of Athole, Sommervil and Borthwick, who ſaid, They were reſolved to believe as their fathers had done. The ten Popiſh clergymen preſent, whoſe intereſt tempt⯑ed them to oppoſe it, were perfectly ſilent, which made the earl of Marſhal inſultingly to ſay, that certainly it contained the very truth of God.—The parliament alſo aboliſhed the Pope's juriſdiction in this realm, reſcinded all acts in favours of idolatry, and appointed, that ſuch as ſaid or heard MASS ſhould be impriſoned for the firſt fault, baniſhed for the ſecond, and hanged for the third. But whether this or a ſubſequent meeting appointed the Proteſtant clergy to meet in a General Aſſembly, twice every year, I know not. Sir James Sandilands, a knight of Malta, who had behaved himſelf very neutrally in the late broils, was ſent over to France with the above mentioned acts, to get them ratified by Francis and Mary: but his meſſage was treated with the ut⯑moſt contempt. Nevertheleſs, the Reformers the leſs regreted the want of their ratification, as they had ſo ſolemn a warrant for the holding of parlia⯑ment. Francis' death prevented the execution of Mary's reſentment, as well as the maſſacre of the Proteſtants at Orleans,—for which her Guiſian uncles had got every thing prepared. Both Papiſts and [28] Proteſtants immediately diſpatched their commiſſion⯑ers to invite Mary home to her native country; and the contempt ſhe ſuffered in France, after her huſ⯑band's death, cauſed her gladly to accept the invi⯑tation, and haſten her return.

Meanwhile, the twelve miniſters above-mentioned, with thirty two ruling elders of note, met in their firſt General Aſſembly, December 20th, 1560, and approved of the diſpoſal of the miniſters, and preſent⯑ed a form and order for the election of ſuperintend⯑ents, miniſters, elders, and deacons. As, in their Confeſſion of Faith, they had ſcarcely touched upon church government and diſcipline, and did not fully agree with the Order of Geneva reſpecting funeral ſermons and ſet forms of prayer, they appointed Meſſrs. Knox, Willock, Winram, Spotſwood, Row, and Douglas, to draw up a Form of church govern⯑ment and diſcipline. They finiſhed it in a few weeks, and preſented it to the privy council about the middle of January 1561, for their ratification. But ſome of the members, perceiving that their behaviour was to be more ſtrictly watched, and that it inferred a recovering of the eccleſiaſtical revenues, which they had ſeized, and required an application of them to pious uſes, it could not obtain a judicial ratificati⯑on. But, inſtigated by Knox, the duke of Chatel⯑rault, the earls of Argyle, Arran, Glencairn, Mar⯑ſhal, Morton, and Rothes, and the lords James Stewart, Yeſter, Boyd, Ochiltree, Herreis, and Lind⯑ſay, the maſters of Maxwel and Lindſay, George Gordon, biſhop of Galloway, Alexander Campbel, dean of Murray, and others, barons, or burgeſſes, ſubſcribed an extrajudicial approbation of it.

This firſt book of diſcipline required the aboliſh⯑ment of ſuperſtitious days, vows, meats, prayers, and of idolatry and all monuments thereof. It preſcribed the manner of adminiſtring and receiv⯑ing baptiſm and the Lord's ſupper, and other ordi⯑nances of public worſhip; the form of inſtalling miniſters, ruling elders, deacons, ſuperintendents, [29] and readers of the ſcripture, in the church, and their work; the form of cenſuring ſcandalous per⯑ſons; the order of the weekly meetings of miniſters for the joint exerciſe of their preaching gifts; the form of celebrating marriages and managing burials; and rules for towns, pariſhes, univerſities, church revenues, and reparations of kirks. Our Reformers conſidered their ſuperintendents as a mere temporary expedient for promoting the welfare of their infant church, widely different from dioceſan biſhops. They were to be elected by all the kirks within the bounds of their viſitation,—to be examined, and admitted by the miniſters and neighbouring ſuperintendents. They were obliged to preach thrice every week, and as much oftener as poſſible, and to viſit the ſeveral congregations in their bounds thrice a year, and put every thing to rights. They had no ſole power of excommunication or ordination allowed them; but were themſelves ſubjected to the cenſures of the miniſters of their province or ſynod, and eſpecially to thoſe of the General Aſſembly, to which they were bound, twice every year, to give an account of their conduct. In the book of diſcipline, ten or twelve of them were propoſed: but, I ſuppoſe, through want of neceſſary ſalaries to bear their expences, their number never exceeded five. Public readers of the ſcriptures were neceſſary in that infant ſtate of the church, in which not one of an hundred was capable of reading them. Their work was to read ſome chapters of the Engliſh bible to the peo⯑ple, eſpecially when, as was often the caſe, they had none to preach to them.

Notwithſtanding the convention of eſtates had no inclination to ratify the book of diſcipline, they ap⯑pointed the Popiſh cloiſters and monaſteries to be demoliſhed; in conſequence of which, many coſtly buildings, much eccleſiaſtical furniture, and even many valuable regiſters and libraries, were deſtroy⯑ed. But the Popiſh biſhops, abbots, and priors, being allowed to retain much of their wonted re⯑venues, [30] they diſpoſed of what had been reckoned the property of the church as civil property, to their baſ⯑tards or otherwiſe. After the news of king Francis' death, the Popiſh clergy and mob of Edinburgh, made ſome attempts againſt the Proteſtant religion, to which the care and courage of the Reformers gave a timely check, ſo as, for ſome months, ſcarce⯑ly any durſt celebrate maſs, or manifeſt themſelves Papiſts by their manner of worſhip. But, no ſooner had Queen Mary returned, in Auguſt 1561, than ſhe reſtored the maſs in her own abbey chapel. High⯑ly offended, many of the Proteſtants declared, that they could not be unconcerned ſpectators of ſuch groſs corruption of the worſhip of God, nor would ſuffer the land again to be defiled therewith in their preſence. To deter them, Mary iſſued forth a pro⯑clamation for protecting her domeſtics in their idola⯑trous devotion. The earl of Arran proteſted, That notwithſtanding this proclamation, it ſhould be held as lawful to puniſh her ſervants for ſaying or partak⯑ing of maſs or other idolatrous practices, as if they were murderers. Knox, in his ſermons, and other⯑wiſe, boldly declaimed againſt the Proteſtant cour⯑tiers, who, contrary to their ſolemn oath, ſuffered the idolatry of the maſs to be committed; and add⯑ed, that one tolerated maſs was more terrible to him than ten thouſand armed forces invading the king⯑dom, as it would provoke God to give them up to ruin. To Mary's face, he boldly averred, That the maſs was an idolatrous worſhip; and that Papiſts betook themſelves to fire and ſword, becauſe they could not ſupport their cauſe by ſcripture or reaſon. He vindicated his own conduct, and maintained, that if princes furiouſly oppreſs and murder their ſubjects, they may be reſtrained and impriſoned. Not long after, the town council of Edinburgh enac⯑ted, That no obſtinate Papiſt, maſs-prieſt, drunk⯑ard, fornicator, or adulterer, ſhould be received in⯑to their city. In revenge hereof, Mary impriſoned the provoſt, declared the city free to all her ſubjects, [31] appointed the council to elect a new provoſt, and cauſed her own maſs to be more publicly and pom⯑pouſly celebrated.

The ſecond General Aſſembly, meeting in De⯑cember, Lethington, one of Mary's zealous Prote⯑ſtant ſupporters, gave them ſome trouble relative to the lawfulneſs of their convention without her allowance, and in oppoſing their ſupplication of her to procure them a civil ratification of their book of diſcipline. The Aſſembly ſuſtained themſelves im⯑powered by Jeſus Chriſt as head of his church; nor, for twenty years after, had any commiſſioner from the ſovereign any place in their meetings. In February 1562, the privy council, by an act, aſſign⯑ed two parties of the remaining revenues of the church to the Popiſh clergy, and the other third to the Popiſh queen, out of which ſhe was to pay ſti⯑pends to the Proteſtant miniſters, ſome of whom had 100, others 200, and ſome 300 marks, aſ⯑ſigned them; which were of the ſame value as ten or twelve times as much at preſent. Knox obſerv⯑ed, That it boded ill to the church, when the devil had the two firſt parts of her revenues firmly ſecur⯑ed to him, and God had but a poor chance for the laſt third.

In their General Aſſembly, which met in June 1562, the Reformers agreed upon an uniformity in the adminiſtration of the ſacraments, according to the Genevan book of common order; and that the life, doctrine, diligence, and faithfulneſs of the ſuperintendents, ſhould be tried in every aſſembly. They earneſtly petitioned her majeſty to remove the idolatrous maſs out of her family and kingdom, and take care, That adulterers, fornicators, blaſphem⯑ers, and open contemners of God, and his ſabbaths and ſacraments, ſhould be condignly puniſhed; that miniſters and poor ſhould be properly provided for, and kirks duly repaired. Meſſrs. Knox and Hay were appointed as occaſional ſuperintendents to viſit the counties of Galloway, Kyle, Carrick, and Cun⯑ningham. [32] In his travels, Knox ſo effectually re⯑preſented the danger of the Proteſtant religion from the then prevalence of the Popiſh courtiers and their friends, that a great part of the barons and gentry in the three laſt mentioned places, entered into a fifth ſolemn engagement to promote the true Proteſtant religion, ſupport their miniſters, and protect each other; which was ſubſcribed by the earl of Glen⯑cairn, the lords Boyd, Cathcart, Ochiltree, and about 170, or 180 others. At the next General Aſſembly, in December, Winram ſuperintendent of Fife, was accuſed of ſlackneſs in his viſitations; and of being addicted to worldly buſineſs, negligent of preaching, raſh in his excommunications, and rigid in his exaction of tithes. Erſkine of Angus was ac⯑cuſed of admitting men to be miniſters, and exhort⯑ers or probationers, without any due trial; and Po⯑piſh prieſts, and other wicked or ignorant perſons, to be Readers; and ſcandalous perſons to be ruling elders; and of conniving at miniſters not reſiding at their charges, and not duly attending the weekly exerciſes of propheſying or mutual improvement. Methven of Jedburgh was accuſed, depoſed, and excommunicated for uncleanneſs with his ſervant maid. No doubt, theſe blemiſhes in three of the twelve reforming miniſters, did, in the awful provi⯑dence of God, much hurt their cauſe.

In June 1563, the aſſembly finding, that the ſu⯑perintendents had not been duly laborious and faith⯑ful, or had too much work on their hands, appoint⯑ed Knox and ſome others, whom they accounted moſt learned and faithful, to viſit particular diſtricts, plant churches, promote the deſtruction of idola⯑trous monuments, ſuſpend, depoſe, and tranſplant miniſters, as the ſuperintendents did, and with the ſame aſſiſtance from congregations, ſynods, meet⯑ings for exerciſe, or learned men. Such as found themſelves injured by their miniſters, elders, or deacons, were allowed to appeal to the ſuperinten⯑dents and their ſynod, and from theſe to the General [33] Aſſembly, which, for about 22 years, met once in ſix months. They alſo appointed the earl of Mar⯑ſhal, lord Ruthven, Lethington, and the celebrated George Buchanan, to reviſe their book of diſcipline, in order to procure a parliamentary ratification of it. But they do not appear to have fulfilled their taſk. Lord James Stewart having been advanced to be earl of Murray, became much more negligent of the eſtabliſhment of religion, and of puniſhing maſs prieſts, which occaſioned a difference between him and Knox. In a ſet diſpute with the time ſerving Lethington, Knox and Row boldly maintained, That it was lawful for ſubjects to reſiſt tyrannical princes, and to refuſe her majeſty the uſe of her idolatrous maſs. Knox was proſecuted before the privy council for writing ſome letters calculated to conveen his Proteſtant brethren for conſultation, when he apprehended their religion and liberties were in danger; but, notwithſtanding all the efforts of Mary and her courtiers to ruin him, he was ac⯑quitted.

A narrative of Mary's refuſal to ratify the treaty of 1560, with her couſin Elizabeth of England; of Huntley's influence at court, and hindering Ma⯑ry's conference with Elizabeth, for fear of heretical infection; his intrigues to ruin or murder the earl of Murray, and the remarkable defeat of him and his rebellious aſſociates in the battle of Corrichy 1562: or of the duke of Lenox's return from Eng⯑land; and the amours and marriage of Henry his ſon with the queen, notwithſtanding all that Mur⯑ray and his friends could do to the contrary; of Mary's flattering the Proteſtant lords, in order to obtain their conſent to her marriage with Henry, and conſequent contempt of them, and refuſing to grant them ſecurity for their religion; her advance⯑ment of Rizio the Italian muſician, and ſhameful intimacy with him, and the nobles ſlaughter of him by her huſband's direction, when ſhe intended to make him chancellor, in order to attaint the earl of [34] Murray and his party, who had fled into England; and of Mary and Bothwel's murder of Henry, in order to their marriage; and the proſecution of Mr. Craig for publicly intimating his deteſtation of that marriage, when he was required to publiſh the bann [...] of it; of the nobles proſecution of Bothwel, till he fled the country; and depoſition of Mary from her royal power, as a ſubverter of their religion and li⯑berties; and impriſonment of her in the caſtle of Lochlevin; and of her eſcape from thence and flight into England; and of the nobles production of the proofs of her whoredom with Bothwel, and being his accomplice in the murder of Henry her huſ⯑band; and of her plots againſt Elizabeth during her twenty years impriſonment in England; and her vi⯑olent death by the baſe and villanous influence of Elizabeth;—or of the civil war carried on for ſeven years, with terrible barbarity, between her partizans and thoſe of James her ſon, who was crowned, an infant, in 1567, would ſcarcely anſwer our purpoſe.

Mary's intentions to extirpate the Proteſtant reli⯑gion, daily became more and more evident. In 1565, Hamilton, baſtard brother of the earl of Arran, was reſtored to his dignity and revenues of Archbiſhop of St. Andrews. Her pretended kind⯑neſs and flatteries gained many of the Proteſtant chiefs to her intereſt. The earl of Murray and ſome others were highly offended with Knox and his faithful brethren, for their pulpit declamations a⯑gainſt her Popiſh idolatry. In order to obtain their conſent to her marriage with Henry her Popiſh cou⯑ſin, ſhw fawned upon the Proteſtants, and ſeemed almoſt ready to concur with their articles for the a⯑boliſhment of Popery, and for proviſion to their miniſters, ſchools and colleges; and for the puniſh⯑ment of horrible crimes. But ſhe had no ſooner gained her own purpoſe, than ſhe peremptorily told them, That ſhe would never part with her maſs; and abſolutely refuſed to concur with any laws a⯑gainſt Popery or profaneneſs, or to allow the eccle⯑ſiaſtical [35] revenues with which her council had in⯑ [...]ruſted her, to go for the ſupport of their clergy. The deſtruction of Rizio, her Italian darling, in her [...]rms, by Ruthven, Morton, and others, who ab⯑ [...]orred his advancement, provoked her to pretend great kindneſs to Murray, her baſtard brother and his companions, who had juſt returned from their exile in England, in order that ſhe might bend all her fury againſt the deſtroyers of her paramour.— Nevertheleſs, ſhe abſolutely refuſed to have James, her child, for whom the Proteſtants were ſo liberal of their thankſgivings to God, baptized in their ſcrip⯑tural form.

Meanwhile, the General Aſſembly had enacted, That no ſuperintendents ſhould depoſe any miniſter, exhorter, or reader, without the advice of the near⯑eſt diſcreet miniſters, and no longer than till the fol⯑lowing Aſſembly, which might reſtore, or further cenſure, the offenders, as they thought proper; and that they ſhould excommunicate no delinquents, in places where there were no reformed congregations, without the advice of ſuch as were neareſt. They appointed Meſſrs. Knox and Craig to draw up Rules for the right obſervation of public faſts. They preſent⯑ed to the privy council a ſolemn Remonſtrance againſt the reſtoration of the Popiſh archbiſhop of St. An⯑drews to his antient, and now enlarged, juriſdiction. They wrote a letter to the Engliſh biſhops, in favours of their Puritan brethren, that were perſecuted for their non-compliance with the ſurplice, cornered cap, and other remains of Popiſh ſuperſtition; and alſo approved the lateſt Helvetian confeſſion of faith, except as to the obſervation of holy days.

In conſequence of a preceding agreement, many noblemen and barons met in the Aſſembly 1567, between the depoſition of Mary and the coronation of James her ſon; and agreed, That the acts of 1560, for eſtabliſhing of the Proteſtant religion, and giving the miniſters a third part of the antient be⯑nefices, ought to be duly executed; and that, in the [36] enſuing parliament, they ſhould exert themſelves to their utmoſt to have the Proteſtant religion eſtabliſh⯑ed upon a ſure footing, and to have every future king bound by his coronation oath to maintain and practiſe it, as a condition of his ſubjects allegiance to him;—and to have the Maſs and other relicks of idolatry aboliſhed, and the Proteſtant religion intro⯑duced into every part of the realm; and to have the horrid crimes of adultery, whoredom, blaſphemy, and the like, duly puniſhed.

After the Parliament, which met that year, had confirmed the election of the Earl of Murray to be Regent for James his infant nephew and king, they ratified the Confeſſion of Faith compiled in 1560, and declared, That all, who ſhould oppoſe it, or refuſe to receive the ſacraments in the Proteſtant manner, ſhould be held as no members of this church. They enacted, That all kings, princes, and magiſ⯑trates, at their inſtalment, ſhould ſwear to maintain the true Proteſtant religion now eſtabliſhed, and a⯑boliſh every thing contrary to it,—and root out all heretics and enemies to the true worſhip of God, when duly convicted: They appointed the thirds of eccleſiaſtical benefices to be paid to the reformed mi⯑niſters, till the church ſhould obtain full poſſeſſion of the tithes as her proper patrimony; and that, though Patrons may appeal from ſuperintendents and provincial Synods, the General Aſſembly ſhall have the final deciſion relative to all preſentations, from which none may appeal. They ordained, that no eccleſiaſtical juriſdiction be acknowledged within this realm, but what is eſtabliſhed in, and proceeds from this reformed kirk, concerning the preaching of God's word, adminiſtration of ſacraments, and cor⯑rection of manners: They appointed Meſſrs. Knox, Craig, Erſkine, and Spotſwood, to mark out what properly belonged to eccleſiaſtical juriſdiction, and report to next meeting of Parliament.

Next year, the General Aſſembly appointed Meſſ. Craig, Row, Pont, Chriſtiſon, Lindſay, and Wil⯑lock, [37] to reviſe the Order of excommunication draw [...] up by Knox, and report their judgment. It was a⯑greed to, and printed before their Pſalm book, and plainly ſhews, That they reckoned their ſuperinten⯑dents as merely occaſional officers, that had no ſole power of any kind. They alſo appointed an order of electing commiſſioners to their General Aſſem⯑blies, bearing, That ſuperintendents and commiſſio⯑ners for viſitation of kirks ſhould all have power of voting in them; that miniſters and commiſſioners of ſhires ſhould be choſen by Synods; that commiſſio⯑ners from burghs ſhould be choſen by the council and kirk-ſeſſion of the place; and that miniſters ſhould be choſen by turns. After the erection of Preſbyte⯑ries, miniſters were elected by them.

The murder of the Regent, earl of Murray, by Hamilton of Bothwel haugh, occaſioned no ſmall contention about the choice of his ſucceſſor. And the earls of Lennox and Mar filled his place but a⯑bout two years between them. During the regency of Murray and Lennox, religion proſpered, eccleſi⯑aſtical courts enjoyed full freedom in planting of churches and cenſuring of offenders, and other parts of their work. In 1570, the General Aſſembly e⯑ſtabliſhed regulations of their meetings, that (1.) After a ſermon by the Moderator of the laſt Aſſem⯑bly, a new Moderator ſhould be choſen. (2.) The conduct of ſuperintendents and commiſſioners for viſitation of kirks ſhould be tried. (3.) Penitents and ſcandalous perſons ſhall have their caſes conſide⯑red. (4.) Matters referred by the preceding Aſſem⯑bly, or Lords of Seſſion, ſhall be conſidered. (5.) The conduct and accounts of eccleſiaſtical collectors ſhall be examined. (6.) Petitions from ſuperinten⯑dents, and appeals from Synods, ſhall be heard. (7.) Queſtions propoſed on the firſt or ſecond days of the meeting, ſhall be conſidered. (8.) And laſtly, Bills and complaints ſhall be judged. The Aſſembly alſo enacted, That every candidate for the miniſtry [38] ſhould, at his admiſſion, ſolemnly engage never to deſert his office under pain of infamy and perjury.

In 1571, the Aſſembly ordained, That all adulte⯑rers, murderers, inceſtuous perſons, and other more heinous offenders, ſhould be proſecuted before the provincial ſynods, which met twice every year; and that all queſtions ſhould be firſt propoſed to Synods, and only ſuch as were too hard for them ſhould be laid before every Aſſembly. Meſſrs. Knox, Erſkine, Winram, Pont, and Row, having drawn up articles concerning the proper object of eccleſiaſtical juriſdicti⯑on, bearing, That it belonged to the church to judge of true and falſe religion, doctrine, hereſy, and eve⯑ry thing annexed to the preaching of the word, and adminiſtration of ſacraments;—to elect, examine, admit, ſuſpend, or depoſe all ſuch as have charge of ſouls, or enjoy eccleſiaſtical benefices;—to admoniſh, rebuke, and excommunicate the ſcandalous, and re⯑ceive to repentance, and abſolve the penitents;—to judge of eccleſiaſtical pleas between church officers, and of cauſes relative to marriage and divorce. They approved theſe articles, and preſented them to the Parliament for their ratification, along with a petiti⯑on, That eccleſiaſtical benefices ſhould only be con⯑ferred on ſuch as the church ſhould find qualified for the charge. But the earl of Morton, who now managed that court, and ſome other lords, abuſed the commiſſioners from the Aſſembly with inſolent language. Morton even obliged John Douglas, whom he had juſt before preſented to the archbiſho⯑prick of St. Andrews, in the room of Hamilton, who had been hanged for a traitor,—to vote in the Par⯑liament as a biſhop, under pain of treaſon; though the ſuperintendent had prohibited him to vote, un⯑der pain of excommunication.

In preferring Douglas to the archbiſhoprick, Mor⯑ton had ſecured moſt of the revenues for himſelf, and left Douglas little more than a high ſounding character, and a chance of ſome Antichriſtian power. The gain, which Morton made by this infamous bar⯑gain, [39] tempted him and Mar the Regent, a great part of whoſe eſtate conſiſted of church property, to en⯑large their incomes in the ſame ſcandalous manner, by preferring to biſhopricks, ſuch pitiful wretches, as could be content with epiſcopal titles and ſhadows of power, and allow their promoters the moſt of the revenues claimed by their ſees. Theſe the people called tulchan biſhops, in alluſion to calves ſkins, ſtuff⯑ed with ſtraw, and placed before cows, to make them give their milk —An occasional meeting of miniſters and others, that uſed to be members of the General Aſſembly, pretended to have the power of it, and marked their ſtrong inclination to comply with that of the two infamous earls. Pont was allowed to be a Lord of Seſſion, providing that he continued his miniſterial work. Encouraged by their compliances, Mar and his privy council appointed Morton the chancellor, Ruthven the treaſurer, Adam nominal biſhop of Orkney, and Robert commendator of Dun⯑fermline, ſecretary, and four others, to meet with the ſuperintendents or their commiſſioners, and a⯑long with them to conclude a Form of church policy, and method of ſupporting miniſters and the royal dignity,—which might be binding till his Majeſty ſhould be of full age, or at leaſt till the Eſtates of Parliament ſhould aboliſh it.

This convention was quickly held at Leith. But it doth not appear, that any miniſters, but Erſkine, Winram, Hay, Lindſay, Pont, and Craig, were pre⯑ſent. They agreed, That the titles of archbiſhops, biſhops, deans, and the forms of dioceſes, ſhould be retained as before the Reformation; that a chapter of learned miniſters ſhould be annexed to every epiſ⯑copal ſee; that in caſe of a vacancy the dean or pre⯑ſident of this chapter ſhould exerciſe the epiſcopal power; that biſhops ſhould have no more power than the ſuperintendents, till it ſhould be agreed on; that they ſhould be ſubject to the General Aſſembly in every ſpiritual affair; that they ſhould admit none to the miniſtry without the advice of ſix of their [40] chapter:—they agreed on the manner of the creation of ſuch as ſhould be preſented by the king to biſho⯑pricks; and that every one admitted to eccleſiaſtical functions or livings, ſhould ſwear an adherence to the Confeſſion of Faith, and an allegiance to his ma⯑jeſty. They alſo made ſome rules concerning abbots, priors, or commendators, That they ſhould be men of learning, and might be Lords of Seſſion or mem⯑bers of Parliament, repreſenting the church. They further agreed, That no miniſter ſhould leave his charge forty days in the year, without expreſs licence from the king or his biſhop; that Readers might adminiſter baptiſm, or celebrate marriage, if it had been duly intimated. They alſo enacted ſome regu⯑lations of eccleſiaſtical benefices, and of the orders and offices in colleges. The moſt of their agree⯑ments marked an Antichriſtian and carnal mind. Morton took care, that nothing ſhould be ſecured to the clergy, but their tithes, which he knew not how to take from them, unleſs in donative penſions to noblemen's ſervants, or by cauſing them to diſpone them in fee to their maſters. Mar, being epiſcopal⯑ly inclined, highly approved the above regulations. To the great grief of Knox and others, John Dou⯑glas, who was remarkable for nothing but compli⯑ance with the covetous humour of Morton, was ſo⯑lemnly admitted archbiſhop of St. Andrews. Knox, not only refuſed to conſecrate him, but alſo publicly denounced a curſe upon the giver and the receiver of that office. Informed of theſe proceedings, Beza of Geneva, begged of Knox and his brethren, to be⯑ware of re-introducing the plague of Prelacy, which they had thruſt out in their reformation. Neverthe⯑leſs, James Boyd was made archbiſhop of Glaſgow, John Paton biſhop of Dunkeld, and A. Graham of Dunblain. Soon after, we find G. Douglas biſhop of Murray, and ſome others,—of Caithneſs, Brichen, Iſles, Galloway, &c.

In the end of this year 1571, died John Knox, our principal Reformer, in a truly humble and Chriſ⯑tian [41] manner. His zeal for, and truſt in his God, made him fearleſs of every thing but ſin. Morton, who hated him, after his death, atteſted, that he ne⯑ver feared the face of man. The majeſty of his maſ⯑ter Chriſt, appearing in him, made his enemies ſtand in awe of him. Q. Mary, notwithſtanding all her levity and wickedneſs, owned, that ſhe was more a⯑fraid of his prayers, than of ten thouſand armed men. He foretold a multitude of unlikely events, which were exactly fulfilled, particularly, That the thick walls of the caſtle of St. Andrews ſhould prove as egg ſhells in defence of the conſpirators againſt car⯑dinal Beaton; that the Engliſh would not deliver them, but they would fall into the hand of their e⯑nemies, and be carried into a foreign country; that notwithſtanding manifold repulſes, God would per⯑fect the reformation of religion in Scotland; that Queen Mary would be compelled to hear the word of God; that ſince Henry her huſband had burnt the Pſalm book to pleaſe her, God ſhould ſtrike them both head and tail; and ſince he went to Maſs to pleaſe her, God ſhould make her the inſtrument of his deſtruction; that the caſtle of Edinburgh ſhould fpue Sir William Kirkaldy over its walls, and he ſhould be hanged for his obſtinate adherence to the wicked Queen; and that its St. David's tower ſhould run down like a ſand glaſs; that, if Morton did not ſtudy to promote the welfare of the church and nati⯑on, his regency ſhould have an ignominious end; that Thomas Maitland ſhould die miſerably among ſtrangers, and Lethington unhappily at home, as the puniſhment of their treacherous oppoſition to the cauſe of Chriſt.

Alarmed by the articles of the convention at Leith, the faithful miniſters, notwithſtanding all the power and influence of Morton, now Regent, ſet them⯑ſelves to oppoſe them. The General Aſſembly 1573, declared it impoſſible for any man faithfully to fulfil the work of a miniſter, and of a civil judge; and prohibited every miniſter, after Pont, to accept of a [42] place in the court of ſeſſion. The complaints againſt Pont for his neglect of viſiting the county of Mur⯑ray, as he had been appointed, juſtified their con⯑duct. They likewiſe appointed every meeting of the clergy for exerciſe of their gifts to have a copy of the acts of aſſembly; and that every province ſhould have copies of the orders given to ſuperintendents that they right obſerve, whether they did faithful⯑ly execute them or not. After the General Aſſem⯑blies had, for eight years, laboured in limiting the power of the new biſhops, and in cenſuring them for exceeding their bounds, and for their admiſſion of ignorant and ſcandalous perſons into eccleſiaſtical offices, and for their perſonal negligence and immo⯑ralities, they, notwithſtanding much oppoſition from Morton, and even from the young king, put them down altogether, as dregs of Popery. And, with much deliberation, formed the ſecond book of diſcip⯑line, and declared, That the office of Readers, Ex⯑horters, and Viſiters of the church, being but tem⯑porary, ſhould now ceaſe. Some of the corruptions complained of, in the eleventh chapter of that book, were ſoon after aboliſhed.

The French zealots and Spaniards had formed a ſacred league to extirpate the Proteſtant religion, and their Popiſh brethren in Britain were diſpoſed to join them; diſpenſations had been ſent them from Rome, allowing them to enter into any engagement by oath or otherwiſe, in favour of the Proteſtant religion, providing they continued firm adherents to the Pope and his religion in their heart. King James, now about 14 years of age, under one of his religious fits, or prompted by ſome church-men, or by his favourites, Stewart of Aubigne his father's couſin, now made earl of Lennox, and Stewart of Ochiltree, now made earl of Arran, who, about this time, for different ends, profeſſed great zeal for the Proteſtant religion,—required John Craig his miniſter, to form a COVENANT or oath, ſo expreſly pointed againſt Popery, that no Papiſt, whoſe con⯑ſcience [43] was not utterly debauched, might be capable [...]o ſwear it. Craig drew up what hath ſince been ordinarily called the national covenant, which was ſubſcribed by James and his privy council, the earls of Argyle, Lennox, Bothwel, Ruthven, and the [...]ords Ogilvy, Cathcart, James Stewart, &c. in the beginning of 1581. James alſo appeared extremely [...]ealous for eſtabliſhing order in the church, and making proviſion for her clergy. He propoſed, that [...]he 924 pariſhes in the kingdom ſhould be reduced [...]o 600, and theſe claſſed into fifty Preſbyteries; and that of theſe 600 miniſters, 100 ſhould have 500 marks; 200 of them 300 marks; other 200 of them [...]ut 200 marks; and the other 100 about 100 marks Scots, for their yearly ſtipend; the leaſt of which being then an equivalent of 80 bolls of oat-meal, [...]heſe ſalaries were not ſo deſpicable as we are apt to [...]magine, had they not been miſerably paid.

Glad to find the court in ſuch a temper, the Aſ⯑ſembly quickly formed theſe preſbyteries, and ſup⯑plicated his majeſty and council, that there might be a Judge appointed at Edinburgh, to judge of wrongs done to miniſters, and an act of Parliament declaring the particular grounds of the depoſition of clergymen; and that vacant benefices ſhould be beſtowed upon ſuch as miniſter in the church, not upon laymen. They cited the Popiſh abbots, com⯑mendators, priors, prioreſſes, and biſhops, who ſtill enjoyed the eccleſiaſtical revenues, and were baſely dilapidating them, to compear before next Aſſem⯑bly, to anſwer for their conduct. Upon his majeſ⯑ty's demanding how the third eſtate of Parliament was to be now ſupplied, when biſhops were put down, they agreed, That commiſſioners from the Aſſembly ſhould fill their place. But I do not find, that they intended that theſe commiſſioners ſhould [...]he clergymen.—They alſo appointed the Covenant, which had been lately ſubſcribed by James and his council, to be ſubſcribed by all ranks in the kingdom, and that ſuch ſhould be cenſured, who refuſed to do [44] ſo. They prohibited all private celebration of bap⯑tiſm or marriage, under pain of depoſition to mini⯑ſters.

No ſooner had Lennox, lately converted from Popery, got rid of Morton his rival, than he laid aſide his religious appearances, and preſented Mont⯑gomery, miniſter of Stirling, to the archbiſhoprick of Glaſgow in the room of Boyd, and got him ad⯑mitted by force; but ſecured for himſelf a great part of the epiſcopal revenues. He, and Adamſon of St. Andrews, by their ſcandalous behaviour, and by their fraudulent and violent oppoſition to reforming meaſures, gave their brethren no ſmall trouble, in their aſſemblies. Montgomery was excommunicated; but Lennox ſupported him. Balcanquel, A. Melvin, Dury, and no doubt other faithful miniſters, thun⯑dered forth their declamations againſt the court's en⯑croachments upon the ſpiritual power of the church. Balcanquel and Melvin were proſecuted, and Dury was baniſhed on that account.

In conſequence of their trouble with Montgomery, the Aſſembly 1582, under pain of excommunication, prohibited all indirect methods of entering into ec⯑cleſiaſtical offices; all aſking of preſentations from magiſtrates or patrons; and all attempts to free themſelves from the juriſdiction and diſcipline of the church by appeals to great men, or courting their favour.—They declared all deprivation from eccleſiaſtical offices, as well as examination and ad⯑miſſion to them, to belong to the governors of the church; and that deprivation is from office, as well as from the ſalary. They declared hereſy, Popery, common ſwearing, blaſphemy, perjury, adultery, inceſt, fornication, man-ſlaughter, theft, common oppreſſion, common drunkenneſs, taking of immo⯑derate uſury, non-reſidence at their charges, unne⯑ceſſary abſence from them, or neglect of the duties thereof for forty days in a year, without very rele⯑vant grounds, or their holding of more benefices than one at the ſame time, or their dilapidation of [45] the church-rents, or their ſimony, to he ſufficient grounds of depoſing miniſters. They remonſtrated to king James, That, by the advice of his counſel⯑lors, he had, to the diſhonour of Chriſt, aſſumed a ſpiritual headſhip over the church, ſomewhat ſimilar to that of the Pope; that eccleſiaſtical benefices were beſtowed upon men that were violently intrud⯑ed into the miniſterial office; that preſbyteries, ſy⯑nods, and General Aſſemblies were, by letters of horning, hindered from cenſuring the ſcandalous; that while Dury was ſuſpended and baniſhed for his faithfulneſs, Montgomery, though ſcandalous and excommunicated, was entertained and required to preach; that the privy council had by an act preten⯑ded to annul his excommunication; that ſuch as a⯑buſed, hurt, or murdered miniſters or others, con⯑cerned in the proſecution of Montgomery, and other ſcandalous perſons, were not puniſhed, but favour⯑ed; that, contrary to his promiſe, Lennox had ne⯑ver reformed his family from Popery or Papiſts; and that the laws, which had been made for the mainte⯑nance of the true religion, and for puniſhment of its open enemies, were not executed;—and in⯑ſiſted for the redreſs of theſe grievances. Lennox and Arran thought to intimidate and proſecute the preſenters of this remonſtrance. But when they ſaw how boldly A. Melvin ſubſcribed it, before their face, they diſmiſſed them in ſafety, ſuſpecting that they were ſupported by ſome ſecret influence.

While James, and Lennox, and Arran his direc⯑tors, continued oppreſſing the church, the nominal biſhops, fearleſs of cenſure, abandoned themſelves to their wonted enormities. But the nobles having reſcued James out of their hands, and taken Arran priſoner, and charged Lennox to return home to France, the General Aſſembly appointed particular Preſbyteries to proſecute the biſhops of Murray, Aberdeen, Brechin, Dunkeld, St. Andrews, and Dunblain, for neglecting their miniſterial work, and for their familiarity with excommunicated per⯑ſons, [46] waſting of the church's patrimony, and other perſonal ſcandals. They ſupplicated his majeſty and Eſtates, That the acts of Parliament relative to the liberties and juriſdiction of the church, be ſo ex⯑plained and enlarged, as that ſhe may have the ſole power of the admiſſion or deprivation of miniſters, trial of their doctrine, and ſtopping of, or looſing from, cenſure; that preſbyteries of paſtors and rul⯑ing elders be legally authoriſed, and an adequate puniſhment denounced againſt ſuch as oppoſe their meetings; that Synodical and General Aſſemblies be authoriſed to meet as often they find neceſſary for the good of the church, and have full power to ap⯑point their own time and place of meeting; that no league be made with the Papiſts abroad, and that ſuch as have, contrary to their oath, apoſtatized to Popery, be puniſhed with baniſhment or otherwiſe, as traitors to God; that proper methods be taken to recover the patrimony of the church, and pro⯑vide for her miniſters; that all preſentations be di⯑rected to Preſbyteries; that miniſters diſabled for their work by age or trouble enjoy their ſalaries for life. They alſo declared all baptiſm of infants by laicks to be void and null.

For ten months, while the Lords had the directi⯑on of James, miniſters had full liberty to execute their office; Papiſts, excommunicated and licentious perſons, either left the country, or aſſumed an ap⯑pearance of Proteſtant religion and ſober converſa⯑tion: the friendſhip between Scotland and England revived. James himſelf, in a multitude of forms,— the convention of Eſtates, and the General Aſſem⯑bly, had all declared the nobles taking him out of the hands of Lennox and Arran his evil counſellors, to be a lawful, honeſt, and good ſervice, to him and the nation,—for which they ſhould never be purſu⯑ed. But James' new tutors being more intent to inſtruct him in the methods of virtue and lawful go⯑vernment, than to flatter his pride and other pre⯑dominant luſts, he ſoon wearied of them, and made [47] his eſcape from them, in June 1583. And, not⯑withſtanding all the remonſtrances of the General Aſſembly, Papiſts were as highly favoured by him as ever. Archbiſhop Adamſon, a drunken glutton, under pretence of drinking ſpaw water, repaired to England, to contrive with the managers there, the proper methods of effectually introducing Epiſcopacy into Scotland.—Though ſcarcely ſeventeen years of age, James returned to his former work of perſe⯑cuting ſuch as faithfully teſtified againſt the proceed⯑ings of him and his favourites. Dury was charged to remove from Edinburgh, and remain at Montroſe. A. Melvin was cited before the privy council for ſome ſpeeches he was ſaid to have uttered at a public faſt. The univerſity of St. Andrews preſented a ſolemn atteſtation of his innocence, ſubſcribed by 30 of the principal perſons in the college and place. But James and his courtiers diſregarded every thing that was in favours of ſuch miniſters as were faith⯑ful and zealous; it was only pitiful and ſcandalous wretches, that they inclined to protect. Melvin compeared, and after proteſting, that it belonged to eccleſiaſtical courts to judge of his doctrine, he re⯑peated and vindicated his words. While James and his council raged, he laid down his Hebrew bible be⯑fore them, and told them, that there were his in⯑ſtructions for preaching. After admitting his ene⯑mies to be witneſſes, they could find nothing in his words to make an handle of; and therefore reſolv⯑ed to impriſon him in the caſtle of Blackneſs, on ac⯑count of his refuſing them to be proper judges of his doctrine. But he retired into England. All theſe that had been principally concerned in reſcuing James from his wicked directors, were charged to leave the country, and never to return to Britain or Ireland, without his expreſs licence; and all their ſervants were prohibited to come within ten miles of his reſidence.

But few of the miniſters dared to meet in the Aſſembly 1584. Nor durſt even theſe tranſact any [48] buſineſs. Faithful miniſters were every where per⯑ſecuted. Spies were employed to watch their ſer⯑mons, and inform the court, if they uttered any words, on which they might be proſecuted. Pat⯑rick Galloway ſuffered no ſmall trouble for denounc⯑ing the juſt judgments of God againſt thoſe that ſubverted the Proteſtant religion, and abuſed his ma⯑jeſty and his authority. Davidſon, Carmichael, Pol⯑wart, and others, were obliged to flee into England. After Adamſon had laboured to render our faithful miniſters as odious as poſſible, and concerted how to conform the Scotch church to the Engliſh, he returned home. A Parliament was ſoon after held in May, with ſuch ſecreſy and diſpatch, that it was almoſt ended, before it was heard of. Adamſon and Montgomery repreſented the Eſtate of biſhops in it A lord of the articles having informed ſome miniſ⯑ters of Edinburgh of it, they, in vain, attempted to get acceſs to it. This Parliament enacted, That his majeſty had the ſupreme authority in all cauſes eccleſiaſtical as well as civil; that all refuſing to ac⯑knowledge the privy council as judges in any matter, or pretending that things merely eccleſiaſtical did not belong to the civil juriſdiction, or attempting to di⯑miniſh the power and privileges of biſhops, that were the 3d eſtate in Parliament, ſhould be held and puniſhed as high treaſon; that all holding of aſſem⯑blies, eccleſiaſtical or civil, without his majeſty's ſpecial permiſſion or appointment, or the uttering of any falſe or reproachful ſpeeches againſt him or his anceſtors or miniſters, from pulpits or otherwiſe, ſhould be capitally puniſhed. When theſe acts were proclaimed, Balcanquel and Pont proteſted againſt them. James, having ordered the magiſtrates of Edinburgh to impriſon all ſuch as dared, from the pulpit, to utter one word againſt theſe acts, Balcan⯑quel and Lawſon fled into England, and remitted a faithful warning to their people; to which James ob⯑liged the town council to return a moſt abuſive an⯑ſwer. The miniſters replied in a diſcreet vindication [49] of themſelves. Another Parliament, that year, e⯑nacted, That every miniſter, reader, and maſter of a college, ſhould within forty days ſubſcribe the above acts of Parliament, and ſolemnly engage to obſerve them, and to ſubmit themſelves to biſhops as their ordinaries, under pain of loſing their ſtipends.— Craig, and too many others, complied; but moſt of the more faithful miniſters fled into England.

In 1585, Elizabeth having taken offence at the ſlaughter of ſome of her ſubjects by the Scotch bor⯑derers, the fugitive lords returned; and a peſtilence prevailing in Edinburgh and places about, they got James into their management, and reduced Arran to his original meanneſs. But they manifeſted more zeal for the recovery of their own civil property, power, and dignity, than for the redreſs of eccleſi⯑aſtical grievances. When the Parliament met at Lin⯑lithgow, the commiſſioners from the church preſent⯑ed to his Majeſty, a remonſtrance againſt the Eraſtian acts of the preceding year, to which he gave a ſoft, but not very important, reply. They were thank⯑ful, that it was not worſe, and inſiſted, that he would confer with ſome of their moſt judicious and godly miniſters concerning the diſcipline of the church, in order to have it diſtinctly eſtabliſhed by the Parlia⯑ment. Not long after, a conference was held between ſome of the privy counſellors and ſome clergymen, who, from their allowance of power to biſhops and their chapters, appear to have been none of the ſtricteſt.

In 1586, the Synod of Fife excommunicated arch⯑biſhop Adamſon, for his wicked intruſion of himſelf into that Antichriſtian office, and his wicked and contemptuous behaviour in it: But he appealed from them to his Majeſty, Eſtates of Parliament, and Privy Council; and drawing up a form of excommu⯑nication againſt James and Andrew Melvins, and o⯑thers of the more faithful members of the Synod, he cauſed his boy, attended by one or two of his jack⯑men, to read it in the church; and notwithſtanding [50] his own excommunication, and a preceding ſuſpen⯑ſion, he would preach.—In conſequence of his ſham ſubmiſſion, corroborated by James' ſolicitation, the next Aſſembly took off, or rather declared null, his Synodical excommunication; againſt which Andrew Melvin and Thomas Buchanan entered their ſolemn proteſt. From the declarations of the Synods of Merſe, Teviotdale, and Tweed ale, it appears, that the miniſters were far enough from unanimity of ſen⯑timent concerning the ſubſcription of the Eraſtian acts of 1584. But it is ſtill more plain, that, to ſe⯑cure reſt for archbiſhop Adamſon, the privy council appointed A. Melvin, profeſſor of divinity at St. An⯑drews, to traverſe the counties of Angus, Perth, and Mearns, for confuting and converting the trafficking Jeſuits; and Adamſon to ſupply his place, by teach⯑ing two leſſons of divinity every week. But as this change was like to have ruined the college by the de⯑parture of all the foreign and other ſtudents of divi⯑nity, king James, at the univerſity's requeſt, per⯑mitted A. Melvin to return to his work. But his perſecution of Gibſon and Cowper, manifeſts, that James ſtill hated all thoſe that dared to teſtify againſt his conduct from the pulpit. He at once baniſhed all the miniſters of Edinburgh, becauſe they would not pray for his mother's life, before they had pro⯑per evidence of the injuſtice of her condemnation. He ſupported Montgomery and Adamſon, whoſe con⯑duct was baſe, and their conſciences alway at his nod. Pont was preſented to the biſhoprick of Caithneſs; but it ſeems, he refuſed to accept of it. Leſly, a ſtanch Papiſt, who had ſo zealouſly ſupported Mary in England, was reſtored to his biſhoprick of Roſs.

In conſequence of a remonſtrance from the mini⯑ſters, the Parliament, 1587, enacted, That Jeſuits and trafficking prieſts, hearers of maſs, and apoſtates to Popery, ſhould be duly proſecuted and puniſhed. The preceding laws relative to the Proteſtant religion were renewed and confirmed, by a general act.— And, from regard to the king's purſe, the epiſcopal [51] [...]evenues were annexed to the crown; which was a [...]tab to the heart of the prelatical intereſt. In 1588, [...]ames and his Eſtates made another act againſt Je⯑ [...]uits, trafficking prieſts, hearers of maſs, and re⯑ [...]olters to Popery. They alſo entered into a new [...]ond or covenant to maintain the Proteſtant religion, [...]nd defend his Majeſty's perſon and authority againſt [...]he holy leaguers or others, and to bring Papiſts and excommunicated perſons to condign puniſhment; [...]nd, for the more harmonious promotion of theſe ends, to ſubmit all differences among themſelves to [...]he arbitration of ſome friends. About the ſame [...]ime, the General Aſſembly prohibited archbiſhop Adamſon to marry the Popiſh earl of Huntly; and alſo obſerved two faſts, the one upon Thurſday, and [...]he other on the Lord's day;—and agreed, that there⯑after, the firſt day of every General Aſſembly, ſhould be employed in faſting and humiliation. Another ſo⯑lemn faſt was obſerved about the end of October, on three ſeveral Sabbaths,—with which they connected the adminiſtration of the Lord's ſupper.

Notwithſtanding the remarkable defeat of the pon⯑tifically bleſſed Spaniſh Armada in 1588, the earls of Huntly, Errol, Crawfurd, and others, maintained a correſpondence with Philip of Spain, and with the Duke of Parma, in order to promote a Spaniſh inva⯑ſion. The diſcovery of their treachery procured pompous, but ſcarce ever executed, laws againſt the Papiſts. Upon a ſupplication from the Aſſembly, the Bond for religion was again ratified in council. Orders were iſſued for about ninety-ſix miniſters, in the different parts of the nation, to conveen the god⯑ly and well affected of all ranks, and adminiſter to them the national covenant, and take their ſubſcrip⯑tions to it, and to the late bond for maintenance of religion and his Majeſty's authority. To prevent tu⯑mults by Papiſts, about 130 of the nobility and gen⯑try were appointed to attend and ſupport them, in this work. The zeal of the Preſbyterian clergy for James' ſafety, manifeſted in this and other matters of [52] that critical juncture, and their keeping of his king⯑dom in ſuch order, while he took his romantic voyage to bring home his new queen from Denmark, ſo in⯑gratiated them, that, taking one of his religious fits, he preſented himſelf in their General Aſſembly, and extolled their conſtitution, as highly preferable to that of any other church upon earth. Archbiſhop Adamſon's dying recantation,—his profeſſion of his ſin in marrying Huntly in oppoſition to the authority of the church, and in oppoſing his Preſbytery, and ſlanderouſly defending the Eraſtian acts of the Parlia⯑ment 1584,—and of his ſorrow for the ſame, and his earneſt ſolicitation to be abſolved from the excom⯑munication pronounced againſt him by the Synod of Fife, alſo encouraged the faithful part of the clergy.

For the confirmation of their Preſbyterian govern⯑ment, the Aſſembly had required all miniſters and intrants to ſubſcribe their ſecond Book of diſcipline. James, who had rendered himſelf odious to many of his ſubjects, by his continued favour to the Popiſh lords, and by neglecting to avenge the murder of the late earl of Murray, upon Huntly, one of them, was become fond of their favour. At their requeſt, and perhaps by means of Maitland his chancellor, who needed to wipe off ſuſpicions of his having a hand in that murder, he held a conference with ſome of the principal of them,—in conſequence of which an act was made by the Parliament, June 1592, ratify⯑ing Preſbyterian government, and appointing the regu⯑lar meeting of Aſſemblies, and aſſigning to Synods, Preſ⯑byteries, and Seſſions, their reſpective work: and an⯑nulling all former acts in the time of Popery, con⯑trary hereto, and declaring, that the acts of 1584, ſhould not hinder the church to exerciſe her own in⯑trinſic power in judging eccleſiaſtical cauſes,—and an⯑nulling the act which granted commiſſions to biſhops, and appointing all preſentations to eccleſiaſtical char⯑ges to be directed to Preſbyteries,—and appointing them to accept of candidates preſented by his Majeſ⯑ty or other patrons, if duly qualified. This Parlia⯑ment [53] further enacted, That if patrons did not time⯑ouſly preſent a qualified candidate, the right of pre⯑ſentation ſhould devolve on the Preſbytery.—And they prohibited all markets on the Lord's day, or erection of church lands or tithes into temporal lord⯑ſhips.

Notwithſtanding this favourable act, it appears, from the reaſons of their faſt on two Sabbaths of December, That a conſiderable part of the nation continued periſhing in ignorance for want of teach⯑ers; that many of all ranks, eſpecially of the nobility, were inclined to Popery and Atheiſm; that Jeſuits, and other Popiſh prieſts, ſwarmed without controul; that blaſphemy of God's name, contempt of his word, and of civil magiſtrates,—treaſon, murder, a⯑dultery, witchcraft, and other like abominations, mightily prevailed. The Aſſembly appointed Meſſ. John Davidſon, Robert Bruce, Walter Balcanquel, David Lindſay, and four others, as a ſtanding com⯑mittee, to eſpy the dangers of the church; and ap⯑pointed brethren in the different parts of the nation to give them proper information concerning Papiſts and immoralities.

By letters intercepted in the end of this year, it was found, that the earls of Huntly, Errol, and An⯑gus, and others of inferior rank, had continued their treaſonable correſpondence with Philip of Spain, and that it was intended, that 30,000 Spaniards ſhould invade the kingdom, either at Kirkudbright in Gal⯑loway, or at the mouth of the Clyde, weſtward of Glaſgow. Hereupon, James emitted a proclamation againſt the guilty, and called his ſubjects to make a reſolute ſtand for the defence of their country; and he, and a conſiderable number of his nobles, barons, and others, entered into a ſolemn aſſociation or co⯑venant, to exert themſelves to their utmoſt in defence of the Proteſtant religion, and in puniſhing the trai⯑tors. But notwithſtanding all this parade, James took care to protect his Papal friends, who ſought his life, and the Parliament 1593, as good as abſolv⯑ed [54] them, under pretence, that no proper proof could be had againſt them. This rendered them and their brethren more and more inſolent. The Synod of Fife made this a ground of faſting; and, to James' great vexation, delivered up unto Satan, Huntly, Errol, Angus, and Home, and their principal aſſiſt⯑ants, as apoſtates to Popery; and Huntly and the laird of Auchindown, as alſo murderers of the earl of Murray. The General Aſſembly, not only form⯑ed 48 particular Preſbyteries, appointed rules for the viſitation of them, and prohibited miniſters to pub⯑liſh any ſlander againſt his Majeſty, but alſo inſiſted with him to bring the excommunicated lords to their trial. Chancellor Maitland got that matter referred to the convention of Eſtates, in which, upon a ſham ſubmiſſion, ſent up in writ, theſe traitors were ab⯑ſolved from all paſt treaſons, providing they be good ſubjects and Proteſtants, for the future, and pay a certain fine. This abſurd indulgence of the obſti⯑nate enemies of the religion and liberties of the nati⯑on, highly provoked the zealous Proteſtants, eſpe⯑cially when they obſerved them, regardleſs of the terms of their abſolution, proceeding in their wonted courſes. The Aſſembly 1594 confirmed the ſen⯑tence of excommunication inflicted by the Synod of Fife, and inſiſted with James for their condign pu⯑niſhment; and that proper methods ſhould be taken to ſtop the increaſe of Popery. He returned them ſoft words, which, it is probable, he never intend⯑ed to regard. Lord Home got himſelf reconciled to the church. The reſt, to whom Bothwel, who had for a time terribly diſturbed the nation with his vio⯑lences, joined himſelf, were declared outlaws, and their eſtates forfeited. In 1595, we find little more than the Aſſembly's appointment of commiſſioners to viſit colleges, plant vacant churches, and try perſons that enjoyed eccleſiaſtical benefices.

Chancellor Maitland, perhaps chiefly to ſupport himſelf in oppoſition to Bothwel, had for ſome time paſt favoured the church. After his death, the manage⯑ment [55] of matters chiefly depended on the EIGHT commiſſioners for the now ſuper-expended royal re⯑venues,—ſome of which were reckoned concealed Papiſts. In the beginning of 1596, James emitted a proclamation, requiring all his ſubjects to withſtand the Spaniards and all their agents; but he took care not to mention the Popiſh lords as any of them. Nay, while, in his beggared condition, he was ſoli⯑citing the General Aſſembly for a public contribution in all their congregations to aſſiſt him againſt the Spaniards, he allowed the wives and friends of the outlawed Papiſts to enjoy the whole of their re⯑venues.

The General Aſſembly, conſiſting of about 400 miniſters, having met in March, applied themſelves to ſearch out the cauſes of the Lord's controverſy with the nation, and to appoint meaſures for the better preſervation of their religion and liberties. They began with an enquiry into the ſins of the mi⯑niſtry; and, for remedies of the corruptions which they found among them, they appointed, That all candidates, at their admiſſion, ſhould be carefully tried concerning their knowledge, prudence, and ſpiritual experience; that they ſhould be ſolemnly interrogated, what had moved them to accept of the charge; that none who ingyred themſelves, or ſoli⯑cited admiſſion to a place or charge, ſhould be admit⯑ted, nor any of the Preſbytery, who had ſolicited for one, be allowed to act in his election or admiſſion; that none ſhould aſk a preſentation, without advice of the Preſbytery, in whoſe bounds the charge lay; that ſuch miniſters as ſhould not be given to prayer and diligent ſtudy, particularly of the ſcriptures,— or, who ſhould not ſtudy to be ſpiritual and power⯑ful in their miniſtrations, and to apply their doctrine in oppoſition to the prevalent corruptions of the place and time; or, who ſhould preach in a dry, ſcholaſtic, and obſcure manner; or who ſhould be careleſs about promoting religion, negligent in viſit⯑ing the ſick, or in taking care of the poor; or, who [56] ſhould connive at the ſins of their hearers, eſpecially perſons of high rank; or ſhould be ſlothful in the adminiſtration of the ſacraments, or admit to them perſons ignorant, profane, or ſcandalous,—or upon little or no trial,—ſhould be REBUKED for the firſt offence, and be DEPOSED, if thereafter they conti⯑nue in their evil courſe;—that all admitters of per⯑ſons to ſacraments for money or worldly gain, be directly depoſed;—that every miniſter have a ſeſſion, compoſed of the fitteſt perſons in his congregation, to aſſiſt him in governing his charge;—that their diſcipline ſtrike not only againſt whoredom, murder, and the like, but againſt curſing, profane ſwearing, profanation of Sabbath, diſobedience to parents, idle⯑neſs, and want of a lawful calling, drunkenneſs, want of God's worſhip and good order in families, neglect of the religious education of children, lying, ſlander, backbiting, and breach of promiſe,—and that all mi⯑niſters that perſevere in the neglect hereof, be DE⯑POSED:—That none, that fall into ſcandal, be re⯑admitted to fellowſhip in ſealing ordinances, without proper evidence of repentance: That ſuch miniſters as dilapidate benefices, or demit them for favour or money, or exchange or ſet tacks of them, or that tranſplant themſelves without advice of the church, be cenſured: That all miniſters, that are light or wanton in their behaviour, apparel, ſpeech, or com⯑pany, or that ſport themſelves with dancing, cards, or dice; or that keep inns, take immoderate intereſt for money, bear worldly offices in families of great men, deal in merchandiſe, foreſtalling of corn, or other worldly occupations, tending to diſcredit their office, or divert them from their work,—or that are liars, revilers, backbiters, flatterers, breakers of pro⯑miſe, brawlers, or quarrelers,—be DEPOSED, if they do not reform, when duly admoniſhed: That no miniſter wait upon the court, or commence a law⯑ſuit of importance, without the allowance of his church: That ſuch as, notwithſtanding admonition, [57] take no care to cauſe their family behave in a ſober and religious manner, ſhall be judged unfit to govern the church of God: That ſuch as do not ſtudy to be every where edifying and ſpiritual in their converſa⯑tion, be rebuked: And that none take part with ſcandalous perſons, who are under proceſs by their brethren.—In order to impreſs theſe matters more deeply on their conſciences, Mr. John Davidſon of Preſton pans, after he had read and briefly explained the 3d and 33d chapters of Ezekiel relative to the duty of Watchmen, laid home their ſins to them, with ſuch faithfulneſs and power, as iſſued in much deep contrition of heart, and ſolemn confeſſion of ſin, renovation of their national covenant with God, and engagement to walk more warily and labour more diligently in their charges. Not a few of the clergy being abſent, the Aſſembly appointed, that there ſhould be like humiliation and covenanting with God in their ſynodical meetings; and in Preſbyteries, for the ſake of ſuch as could not attend at Synods.— The covenant was alſo renewed in many congregati⯑ons; and where it was not, the ſubſequent defection quickly appeared.

The Aſſembly further repreſented to all ranks in the nation their abounding wickedneſs,—in the de⯑cay of zeal for the cauſe of God,—the prevailing ig⯑norance and contempt of God's ordinances,—the ne⯑glect of his worſhip in families, or maſters turning over the performance of it upon their cooks, or other ſervants,—the neglect of ſpiritual converſe, and pre⯑valence of that which is carnal and profane,—the countenancing of idolatry and ſuperſtition,—the ob⯑ſervation of Popiſh feſtivals, bonefires, pilgrimages, ſinging of carols at Chriſtmaſs, —blaſphemy of God's name, or curſing in common diſcourſe; pro⯑fanation of the Sabbath, by the labours of ſeed time and harveſt, and by journies and tryſts about civil buſineſs, or by carnal ſports and recreations, dancing, drinking, or keeping of markets;—neglect of rela⯑tive duties, and of the religious education of chil⯑dren [58] and ſervants,—or children commencing law⯑ſuits againſt their parents, or giving themſelves i [...] marriage without regarding their conſent;—murders or countenancing of murderers;—adulteries, for⯑nications, inceſts, unlawful marriages and divorces legitimation of adulterous or other baſtard children drunkenneſs, gluttony, gorgeous and vain apparel filthy or bloody ſpeeches;—ſacrilegious ſeizing of the church's property, to the hindrance of the ſpread o [...] the goſpel; oppreſſion of tenants with racked rents ſlaviſh ſervices, or unſeaſonable tithing,—oppreſſion of the poor by uſury, foreſtalling of markets, or with⯑holding of corns from ſale,—ſtrolling about of pipers, fidlers, ſongſters, ſorners, ſturdy beggars, or like unlawful callings, and all countenancing of them.

They repreſented to the courts of civil judicature, their great wickedneſs, in their almoſt univerſal ne⯑glect of doing juſtice between man and man; their remiſſions or reprives in caſes of murder, inceſt, o [...] adultery; the advancement of weak and wicked men into the office of judges; the neglect of puniſhing Papiſts, particularly the Popiſh lords, and their ad⯑herents, but allowing the rents of their forfeited e⯑ſtates to their wives and friends, who ſupported them; the allowing of pretended biſhops, abbots, or priors to vote in parliament, in name of the church; buying of pleas; delaying or wreſting of juſtice for the ſake of bribes; and ſuffering about four hundred pariſhes to continue without any ſixed goſ⯑pel miniſtrations, for want of proviſion to miniſters.

They no leſs faithfully repreſented to the king himſelf, the ſins of his family, that ſometimes fami⯑ly worſhip, and even the reverent aſking of God's bleſſing upon meals, or giving thanks for them, were neglected; that they made no conſcience of attend⯑ing the ſermons on week days; that he and his fa⯑vourites ſometimes converſed in time of ſermon; that he and his courtiers were guilty of profane cur⯑ſing and ſwearing; that murderers, Papiſts, and ex⯑communicated perſons, were countenanced in his [59] family, or allowed to be in his company; that his queen and her ladies were not duly delicate in their company, but indulged themſelves in night-wakes, balls, and ſinful abſenting from the worſhip of God. —They alſo repreſented to him ſome methods of redreſſing the more public grievances.—And they a⯑greed to appoint a committee to attend his court, in order to promote the planting of churches, and pro⯑curing of ſtipends; and that, if patrons did not pre⯑ſent candidates before ſix months from the death of the former incumbent, the Preſbytery ſhould imme⯑diately preſent one.

IN the end of 1596, the Popiſh lords, finding their foreign quarters not to their wiſh, reſolved to return home, and make their peace with their coun⯑try, on the eaſieſt terms. As it was ſuſpected, that James encouraged, if he did not formally invite them to return, the miniſters took the alarm, and the Aſ⯑ſembly and their commiſſioners remonſtrated againſt their continuance in the country, as they were noto⯑rious enemies to its religion and liberties,—and a⯑gainſt James' allowing the Popiſh counteſs of Hunt⯑ly to be preſent at the baptiſm of his daughter Eli⯑zabeth, and his intruſting that princeſs to the care of the Popiſh lady of Livingſton, who was upon the point of being excommunicated by the church. An⯑drew Melvin, in his bold and zealous manner, faith⯑fully repreſented to him his and his council's wick⯑edneſs, in labouring to bear down the faithful mini⯑ſters of Chriſt, and to aſſume authority in ſpiritual cauſes, and to protect the Popiſh lords. James gave them no ſatisfaction, but told them, That he and they would never agree, till the limits of their reſpec⯑tive juriſdictions ſhould be diſtinctly fixed; and par⯑ticularly, till it ſhould be enacted, that no miniſter ſhould, from the pulpit, meddle with his and his council's procedure;—that no General Aſſembly ſhould meet without his ſpecial command, nor any deed of it be of any force, before it was ratified by [60] him or his commiſſioner; and that no church judi⯑catory ſhould meddle with any cauſes againſt which the civil laws do ſtrike.

Not long after, James ſummoned Mr. David Black in St. Andrews, to appear before his privy council, to anſwer for ſome words, which he was ſaid to have uttered from the pulpit, againſt the behaviour of himſelf, his queen and council. Black proteſted, that the church was the proper judge of his doctrine at firſt inſtance, and declined the authority of the council, as incompetent to be primary judge in this matter. Solemn atteſtations of his innocence of that which was laid to his charge, from a great number of his moſt reſpectable hearers, in the magiſtracy and univerſity, were produced before the council; but theſe were altogether diſregarded, and the depo⯑ſition of his enemies, however malicious, and of o⯑thers groſly ignorant, were ſuſtained againſt him as proof: and he was baniſhed to the north ſide of Tay. About three or four hundred miniſters ſigned an ad⯑vice to Mr. Black, to decline the council. None was more active in procuring ſubſcriptions than Spotſ⯑wood, afterward archbiſhop of St. Andrews, who, at the ſame time, treacherouſly informed James of all their procedure. The faithful miniſters earneſtly remonſtrated againſt his majeſty and council's judg⯑ing and puniſhing their brother, Mr. Black. But all was in vain. He was determined to humble them.

Highly offended with the commiſſioners, whom the church had appointed to watch againſt her dan⯑gers, on account of their faithful information of Preſ⯑byteries, and for their remonſtrances againſt the fa⯑vour ſhewn to the Popiſh lords, or the like, James charged every one of them to depart from Edin⯑burgh; and then ſtretched every nerve, to decoy thoſe that remained, into his Eraſtian meaſures. He promiſed his utmoſt efforts to procure better ſti⯑pends to the clergy, if they would demonſtrate their loyalty, by ſubſcribing a BOND, which he had or in⯑tended to form. Fearing that ſome, by their pover⯑ty, [61] might be induced to comply, the baniſhed com⯑miſſioners tranſmitted a warning to the ſeveral Preſ⯑byteries, to be on their guard. The bond, which James prepared for their ſubſcription, contained in it a promiſe of allegiance, and of ſubmitting their doctrine relative to things, which might be reckon⯑ed to concern the king and his council, to them as proper judges of it, and never to decline their juriſ⯑diction as incompetent. Againſt the ſubſcription of this Bond, the miniſters pled, That it was ſuperflu⯑ous to bind themſelves to allegiance, ſince they had done that ſufficiently in the national covenant, which had been lately renewed; that their doing it, in the manner required in this bond, ſuppoſed them to have been formerly diſloyal; that this bond, proceeding from the church's enemies, was to be ſuſpected as a ſnare; that the infamy of thoſe that ſubſcribed a like bond, by the inſtigation of archbiſhop Adam⯑ſon in 1584, was a warning to forbear ſubſcribing at preſent; that this bond reſtrained faithful reproof, and means of repentance, and made the king head of the church as well as of the ſtate, and was contra⯑ry to the word of God, and to the laws made for the liberties of this church.

Robert Bruce, and other miniſters of Edinburgh, declined to confer with James, till he ſhould recal the commiſſioners of the church, whom he had ba⯑niſhed from the city. Some courtiers, who hated the EIGHT managers of the royal revenues, by deal⯑ing with both parties, laboured to kindle ſtrife be⯑tween them and the church. To free himſelf of four hundred pounds Scots of debt, one Robert Stewart a macer, gave up to the king a liſt of ſuch burgers in Edinburgh, as were moſt careful for the ſafety of faithful miniſters; in conſequence of which, 24 of them were charged to depart from the city. Alarmed herewith, Meſſrs. Balcanquel and Bruce repreſented the dangerous ſituation of the church to ſuch as were well affected to her. They, after mu⯑tual conſultation, appointed the lords Lindſay and [62] Forbes, Mr. Bruce and ſome others, to repreſent to his majeſty his duty to interpoſe his authority for the prevention of impending dangers: But he refuſed to regard their requeſt. Some agents of the court, by raiſing a report, that he had given an unfavour⯑able anſwer; and that the inhabitants were in arms; —and by crying at the doors of the churches, in which they were aſſembled, Save yourſelves, and in the ſtreets, To arms, raiſed a conſiderable mob,— ſome of which thought the king had been in danger, and others, that their miniſters had been murdered. Notwithſtanding his ſickneſs, the provoſt roſe, got out, and quelled the uproar.

Affrighted for the conſequences, James ſent for their petition that ſame night, and promiſed to con⯑tent the miniſters, and their ſupporters. They in⯑ſiſted, that he ſhould remove from his council, Sea⯑ton, Elphingſton, and Hamilton, three of the OC⯑TAVIANS formerly mentioned, whom they judged troublers of the church, and ſupporters of the ex⯑communicated Popiſh lords; and that theſe lords ſhould be baniſhed the country, till they ſhould offer proper ſatisfaction to the church and nation;—and that the commiſſioners of the church ſhould, by a royal proclamation, be invited back to Edinburgh, whence they had been driven. But his fright being over, he refuſed their agents acceſs to preſent theſe requeſts to him: and at laſt, pretending to be pro⯑voked with the late tumults, he fled off to Linlith⯑gow, appointed all ſtrangers to depart from Edin⯑burgh, and prohibited the judges to hold any more courts in it. Meſſrs. Bruce, Balcanquel, Balfour, and Watſon, miniſters of Edinburgh, and Cranſton of —, were ſummoned to appear before the privy council at Linlithgow, and anſwer as required; and warrants were iſſued to apprehend five of the princi⯑pal burgers, that favoured their courſes. Expecting no juſtice, the miniſters fled, but the burgers com⯑peared, and were caſt into priſon. The miniſters and other friends of the church, were exceedingly griev⯑ed [63] on accout of the tumult, as they perceived, how it would be improved to the reproach of the work of God in their hands. On the Sabbath after, Mr. Bruce publicly declared his deteſtation of it, and of the neutrality of too many miniſters, and of the coun⯑tenance given to the Popiſh lords. After their flight, he, and Balfour, and Watſon, remitted large vindi⯑cations of themſelves and brethren, from all ſhare in the tumult.

Bent to have the Scotch church conformed to the Engliſh, in order that his ſucceſſion to Q. Elizabeth of England might be the eaſier, James had already formed a liſt of his intended biſhops; but as things were not yet quite ripe for eſtabliſhing them in their ſees, he publiſhed 55 queſtions, which he required the General Aſſembly to anſwer, viz. Whether mat⯑ters relating to the external government of the church might not be diſputed? What power the king and clergy have in the making of eccleſiaſtical laws? When it is lawful for miniſters to leave their flocks? Whether miniſters may apply their doctrine to ſuch as are not of their congregation? Whether miniſters may, from the pulpit, point out particular tranſgreſ⯑ſors? For what enormities they may publicly blame magiſtrates? Whether ſuch public declarations from the pulpit againſt the faults of particular perſons, ought to proceed on full certainty, or upon mere re⯑port and ſuſpicion? Whether preachers may wander from their text in declaiming againſt vices? Whe⯑ther a miniſter may exerciſe juriſdiction without the conſent of the greater part of his ſeſſion? Whether the ſeſſion be judges of their miniſter's doctrine? Whether ruling elders may ever moderate in ſeſſions? Whether the miniſter alone hath power to chooſe the members of ſeſſion? Why ruling elders and dea⯑cons are not choſen for life? How many Preſbyte⯑ries ought to be in a county? and how many paſtors in each? Whether only paſtors, or alſo all ruling el⯑ders and deacons, ought to have votes in Preſbyte⯑ries? What ought to be handled in Preſbyteries, [64] which may not be tranſacted in ſeſſions? What form of proceſs ought to be uſed before ſeſſions and Preſ⯑byteries? What ought to be decided in Synods, which may not in Preſbyteries? What power of judg⯑ment have governors and profeſſors of colleges in Preſbyteries, Synods, and Aſſemblies? Whether a⯑ny but the ſupreme magiſtrate, when he is Chriſtian and pious, hath lawful power to conveen General Aſſemblies? Whether ſhould the meetings of Ge⯑neral Aſſemblies be ordinary or extraordinary? Who have right to vote in Aſſemblies: Whether all men of religion and learning in the church, or only all paſtors, or only commiſſioners? How many mem⯑bers are neceſſary to form a General Aſſembly? How many of theſe ought to be miniſters? and how ma⯑ny not? Who have the power of chooſing commiſ⯑ſioners to ſit in General Aſſemblies? Whether an act of the General Aſſembly be valid without the king's conſent? Whether two thirds of the votes be neceſſary to render an act authoritative? Whether inferior judicatories can judge perſons that do not re⯑ſide within their bounds? What judicatory ſhall ad⯑miniſter diſcipline to the king's houſhold and coun⯑cil? Ought every perſon required to attend church judicatories, to have a formal citation aſſigning its own grounds? Can an inferior court ſummon per⯑ſons to a ſuperior one? Muſt private admonitions, with reaſonable intervals, take place before all cita⯑tions? What interval is neceſſary between different admonitions, or between admonition and citation, and between citation and compearance? Of how ma⯑ny citations doth the neglect infer contumacy? Whether ſimple contumacy, without a particular crime, or a particular crime without any contumacy, be a ſufficient ground of excommunication? What different church cenſures are there? What ſcandals may Preſbyteries judge of, and what not? May mur⯑derers, uſurers, and ſuch as do not pay their juſt debts, be excommunicated? If ſo, why ſhould not [65] all the thieves of the highlands and borders, and merchants, be excommunicated? May an appeal be made from an inferior to a ſuperior judicatory? Is the ſentence ſuſpended, during an appeal to an high⯑er court? Ought all proceſſes to be extracted for the behoof of parties? Is ſummary excommunication, without any citation, lawful? May any but paſtors vote in a ſentence of excommunication? Hath every church judicatory equal power to excommunicate of⯑fenders? May Papiſts, who were never members of our church, be excommunicated? May Chriſtian kings annul notoriouſly unjuſt excommunications? May a whole council and univerſity be excommuni⯑cated? And for what? By whom? And in what manner? If the clergy neglect their duty, may Chriſ⯑tian kings rectify their diſorders? May faſts for gene⯑ral cauſes be appointed by Chriſtian princes? May church courts require perſons to give an oath of pur⯑gation? May points relative to civil rights be judged in church courts? Theſe queſtions had anſwers re⯑turned to them by order of the Synod of Fife, and by Patrick Galloway, and by another miniſter of a more zealous caſt.

Soon after, James called an aſſembly at Perth, and took care to have an hitherto unparalleled number of north country clergymen to be members of it. Af⯑ter no ſmall diſputing, the majority voted it to have the power of a General Aſſembly. Dropping a num⯑ber of his above mentioned queſtions, James requir⯑ed them to declare, That it ſhould be lawful for ei⯑ther the prince, or any paſtor, to move their doubts, and crave information concerning any part of their government, which is not expreſly appointed in the word of God; that no miniſter ſhould publicly med⯑dle with affairs of ſtate, or with any of his Majeſty's laws and ordinances; but if they think them wrong, privately complain to himſelf and his council; that no miniſter ſhall publicly point out any tranſgreſſors, except fugitives and excommunicated perſons, ſo as the hearers may know them; that none ſhall med⯑dle [66] with any point not pertinent to his own congre⯑gation; that every Preſbytery ſhall take care of theſe in their bounds behaving regularly in theſe matters; that three different citations, with eight days of in⯑terval, ſhall precede every excommunication; tha [...] no preſbytery or ſynod ſhall cenſure any perſon, who doth not reſide in their bounds; that all citations ſhall contain the cauſe and crime, for which the per⯑ſons cited are to anſwer; that except their ordinary meetings of Seſſion, Preſbytery, or Synod, miniſter ſhall hold no convention without his majeſty's con⯑ſent; that in principal towns, no miniſter ſhall be choſen without the conſent of their particular flocks, and of his majeſty; that ſome diſcreet miniſters ſhall be appointed at a proper time to reaſon upon the reſt of his queſtions; and that till that be done, none ſhall touch upon them either in pulpits or judicato⯑ries; and that ſome of the northern clergy ſhall be appointed to abſolve the earl of Huntly from his ex⯑communication, providing he give them full ſatisfac⯑tion.—The conſciences of this pliant Aſſembly could not come up to the whole of James' demands: but they did what they could to gratify him. They fixed as terms of ſatisfaction for Huntly, that he ſhould renounce the Popiſh religion, ſubſcribe the national covenant, join in communion with the church; and in the kirk of Aberdeen profeſs his ſorrow for his apoſtacy and murder,—and that, as an evidence of his ſincerity, he ſhould reconcile him⯑ſelf to thoſe that had promoted his proſecution, and ſhould provide ſufficient ſtipends for the kirks on his lands. At the requeſt of Angus' counteſs, and of Errol himſelf, miniſters were appointed to deal with them, and to abſolve them on the ſame terms as Huntly, except in that which related to the murder of the earl of Murray, in which Angus and Errol had no hand.—Meanwhile, to pleaſe the faithful party, this Aſſembly ſupplicated James to publiſh a declara⯑tion of his real intentions to maintain the true Pro⯑teſtant religion and diſcipline preſently profeſſed, and [67] [...]o baniſh from his kingdom all obſtinate Papiſts, Je⯑ [...]uits and excommunicated perſons, and apprehend [...]nd impriſon them, if they ſhould return;—and to [...]elax his outlawry againſt the miniſters of Edinburgh [...]nd others, and allow Meſſrs. Black, Howiſon, and Welſh, to return to their flocks;—to deal favour⯑ [...]bly with the city of Edinburgh, notwithſtanding [...]he late mob, or other provocations;—to promote [...]he due puniſhment of ſuch as had, or ſhould aſ⯑ [...]ault, hurt, or mutilate miniſters; and to provide [...]ufficient ſtipends where they were wanting. He pretended, that he was ready to grant all their de⯑ſires, except what related to the outlaws and baniſhed.

Few beſides the commiſſioners from Fife came up to the ordinary meeting of the General Aſſembly in April 1597. After confeſſion of their ſins, they took a ſolemn proteſtation for the liberties of the church.—In May, K. James' ſecond Aſſembly met at Dundee. As he had called them together, his will was their rule, and to pleaſe him, and his coun⯑cil, was their great end. Upon information from the Preſbyteries of Murray, Aberdeen, and Angus, concerning the excommunicated lords, theſe Preſby⯑teries were appointed further to deal with them, and to receive them upon terms much the ſame as above mentioned. They added ſome explications to the declarations, which had been required or given at Perth. They anſwered the reſt of James' enſnar⯑ing queſtions, as much to his content as they could. They appointed a commiſſion of their number to confer with his majeſty for promoting of perfect har⯑mony with him and his council, and to execute the articles which had been paſſed. Thus, I think began the Commiſſions of the General Aſſemblies, which have often tranſacted more public work, than the Aſſembly itſelf.—Theſe commiſſioners, now appoint⯑ed, together with James and his agents, dreſſed up matters to their pleaſure; and the Aſſemblies as their tools turned their will into the form of acts. To prevent the faithful miniſters from counteracting [68] their deſigns, the principal of them were put out of the way. Black and Wallace were removed from St. Andrews. A. Melvin had been put from his rectorſhip, and expelled the univerſity, had not the clamour of the people and of the foreign ſtudents obliged them to let him alone. But, to prevent his interfering with the government of the church, James and his eccleſiaſtical commiſſioners enacted, That no maſters or profeſſors in univerſities ſhould vote in any church courts upon matters of diſcipline.

The Popiſh lords being reſtored to the fellowſhip of the church, the Parliament, which met in De⯑cember, reſtored them to all their civil privileges and honours.—Some years before, mention had been made of eccleſiaſtical commiſſioners to ſit in Parliament, as the 3d eſtate, inſtead of the dignita⯑ries of the Popiſh church; but without any hint, whether they ſhould be clergymen or not. Now the eccleſiaſtical commiſſion inſiſted, that ſome miniſters ſhould have vote in Parliament in order to ſecure the intereſts of the church. The abbots, priors, and lords of ſeſſion, oppoſed it, as derogatory to their power. But James got it carried; and the more ea⯑ſily, as the other eſtates of Parliament thought that no Preſbyterian miniſter would accept the Popiſh title of biſhop, abbot, or prior, in order to enjoy ſuch promotion. Having carried this point, James and his eccleſiaſtical commiſſion appointed next General Aſſembly to meet at Dundee, two months ſooner than had been intended. After it had met, and a⯑greed to bury ſome grievances, and appointed another commiſſion, and James had allowed the baniſhed mi⯑niſters to return to their charges in Edinburgh, &c. —he, in a ſolemn harangue, repreſented to the Aſ⯑ſembly the neceſſity of ſome miniſters voting in Par⯑liament, and proteſted, that he had no intention to introduce any Popiſh or Engliſh biſhops, but was merely concerned for the welfare of the church. The ſpeeches of thoſe eccleſiaſtical commiſſioners, that thirſted for epiſcopal ſees, were but an echo to [69] his. After much warm debate, it carried, that a⯑bout fifty one miniſters ſhould have a vote in Parlia⯑ment as commiſſioners from the church, but under ſtrict limitations, in order to prevent their aſſuming any power over their brethren. Mr. Davidſon of Preſton-pans entered a ſolemn proteſtation againſt this act, but it was not allowed to be marked. The terror of his majeſty's preſence kept many of his brethren from adhering to his proteſt. But he had no ſooner croſſed the Tay in his way home, than a⯑bout three or fourſcore ſubſcribed it, though it was afterward thought prudent to cut off their names. This Aſſembly further enacted, That the minutes of Synods be brought up to every Aſſembly in order to be examined; that none be married till they be thrice lawfully proclaimed; that ſuch miniſters as celebrate clandeſtine marriages be depoſed; and that the par⯑ties ſatisfy the church by public repentance; that no images be carried about at burials; that preſbyteries meet every week; and that a propoſition of divinity be handled in their meeting once a month; that e⯑very miniſter have a weekly examination of part of his congregation; that every Preſbytery ſend up commiſſioners to the Aſſembly, not above three in their own name, and a ruling elder in name of the barons, and two ruling elders from Edinburgh, and one in the name of every other burgh.

About the beginning of 1599, James appears to have been ſeized with a fit of zeal for the Romiſh a⯑bominations. Beaton, the old Popiſh archbiſhop of Glaſgow, was reſtored to his dignity, and appointed ambaſſador to the court of France. James tranſmit⯑ted an affectionate miſſive to his Holineſs, and re⯑queſted that the biſhop of Vaiſon, a Scotchman, might be created a cardinal, and empowered to act in the correſpondence betwixt them. Edward Drummond was inſtructed by James to negotiate with the Pope and his cardinals for promoting this deſign. This affair happening afterward to be divul⯑ged, ſecretary Elphingſton, who had been made earl [70] of Balmerino, took the blame upon himſelf, and had a ſham proceſs directed againſt him, on that ac⯑count. But few that conſider James' conſtant regard to the Popiſh party, and the mean ſhifts, with which he ordinarily attempted to cover his baſe deſigns, will doubt of his being the real author of that let⯑ter. In his Baſilicon doron, publiſhed that year, he declares, That parity among miniſters is inconſiſtent with monarchy; that without biſhops, the three eſtates of Parliament cannot be eſtabliſhed; that Preſbyterian zealots ſeek to eſtabliſh a democracy in the ſtate; that kings ought to hate none more than proud Puritans, and ought never to ſuffer their chiefs in any kingdom.

To make voting of miniſters in Parliament go down the more quietly with the nation, ſeveral con⯑ferences were held concerning it. Theſe of Falk⯑land, where the CAVEATS were conſidered, and of Holyroodhouſe, were the moſt noted. In the laſt, after reading the act of Aſſembly at Dundee, con⯑cerning theſe commiſſioners from the church to vote in Parliament, and the caveats for limiting their power, the miniſters entered on the diſpute, but could nei⯑ther agree upon the lawfulneſs of their voting, or the title that ſhould be given them. Highly pro⯑voked with the bold ſpeeches and unanſwerable rea⯑ſonings of Andrew Melvin and his friends, James threatened, that if they would not fill up the 3d e⯑ſtate of Parliament with their eccleſiaſtical commiſſi⯑oners, he would fill it up as he pleaſed. His majeſ⯑ty ſtill needing the aſſiſtance of the complaiſant clergy of the north, the Aſſembly 1600 met at Mon⯑troſe. This affair was introduced by a conference be⯑tween four on each ſide. Patrick Sharp, James Melvin, Patrick Simpſon, and David Barclay on the one hand maintained, That the acts of Parliament, and Aſſembly, appointing miniſters to vote in Par⯑liament, are directly contrary to the word of God,— as all eccleſiaſtical prelacy and carnal dignity are, Luke xxii. 25, 26. Matth. xx. 26. 1 Tim. iii. Tit. i. [71] 1 Pet. v. 1,—3.—as it makes men, who are ſeparat⯑ed to the ſervice of God, turn back to the world and the offices of it, Num. iii. 44, 45. and xviii. 6. Deut. x. 8. and xviii. 12. Acts xiii. 1.2, 3. Rom. i. 1. —as it hinders miniſters from their proper work, Luke ix. 59, 60. Deut. xxxiii. 8. Acts vi. 2. hinders them from preaching the word in ſeaſon and out of ſeaſon, 1 Chron. ix. 33. 2 Tim. iv. 2. John xxi. 15, 16, 17. Acts xx. 20, 28.—as it repreſents the mini⯑ſterial charge to be light and inconſiderable, contrary to Ezek. iii; xxxiii. Zech. xi. 17. Acts xx. 20, 28, 31. 1 Pet. v. 2. 2 Cor. ii. 15,—17. Heb. xiii. 17.— as it confounds offices and juriſdictions, which God hath diſtinguiſhed, Num. xviii, 4, 7. 2 Chron. xvii; xix. Matth. xxii. 21. Deut. xxii. 9,—11.—as it makes miniſters to meddle with things not pertain⯑ing to their office, 1 Pet. iv. 15. John xvi. 15. and xviii. 36. Luke xii. 13, 14. John viii. 11;—as it en⯑tangles Chriſt's ſoldiers in the affairs of this life, Num. iv. 3. 2 Tim. ii. 4;—as it hath no example in the Chriſtian church for almoſt 800 years after Chriſt;—as the offices of magiſtrates and miniſters are ſo different in their ſubjects, matter, manner, and end of adminiſtration;—and as this church hath expreſly prohibited miniſters to be notaries, farmers, inn-keepers, &c.

So ſtrong was the reaſoning, and ſo firm the oppo⯑ſition, that James, by all his authority and craft, could not obtain that theſe commiſſioners ſhould be continued till death, or till ſome fault ſhould render them unworthy of their power, but merely, that they ſhould be choſen every year. But he and his party got the act ſo marked in the minutes, as to import no more, than that they ſhould, every year, give an account of their conduct, and lay down their commiſſion at the feet of the Aſſembly. The CA⯑VEATS, formerly agreed upon in the conference at Falkland, were ingroſſed into this act, and imported, That the Aſſembly with advice of Preſbyteries and Synods ſhould nominate ſix out every diſtrict, from [72] whom his majeſty ſhould chooſe one; That theſe commiſſioners ſhould never propoſe any thing in name of the church, without ſpecial direction from her, or ſuch things as they can anſwer for to her; that, under pain of depoſition, they ſhould never forbear to oppoſe what was prejudicial to the liberty of the church; that, under pain of infamy and ex⯑communication, they ſhould give account of their conduct to every Aſſembly, and obtain a ratification of it; that they ſhould reſt contented with whatever benefice the king allows them, without attempting to hurt the ſalary of any other miniſter; that they ſhould neither directly nor indirectly dilapidate their benefices, nor grant any diſpoſition or leaſe of it, without content of his majeſty and the General Aſ⯑ſembly; that they ſhould continue to execute the office of paſtor to their congregation in all points, and be ſubject to the trial of Preſbytery and Synod, as other brethren; that, under pain of deprivation, and of the nullity of every thing afterward tranſac⯑ted by them, they ſhould never claim any power a⯑bove their brethren in the exerciſe of church govern⯑ment; that in Preſbyteries, Synods, and General Aſſemblies, they ſhould in all things behave as other miniſters; that before their admiſſion to their com⯑miſſionerſhip, they ſhould ſwear to obſerve the above limitations exactly; and that upon their depoſition from the miniſtry, they ſhould loſe their benefice and ſeat in Parliament.—It was further ordained, That they ſhould have no vote in General Aſſemblies, unleſs by virtue of a commiſſion from their preſbyteries; and that their ambitus or uſing of any means to ob⯑tain preferment, ſhould be ſuſtained a ſufficient cauſe of deprivation.—This Aſſembly appointed a com⯑miſſion to finiſh their work, any nine of whom, with his majeſty and his agent, made a quorum o [...] number ſufficient for acting.

Convinced, that James' veracity was little to be depended upon, Meſſrs. Bruce, Balcanquel, Balfour, Watſon, and Hall, miniſters of Edinburgh, heſi⯑tated [73] to publiſh his repreſentation of his danger and his deliverance from a conſpiracy of the earl of Gowry and his brother at Perth, in the way of public thankſ⯑giving to God. He therefore prohibited them to preach in his dominions, under pain of death. As the citizens would accept of no other in their ſtead, he was obliged to permit them all to return, except Mr. Bruce, who therefore retired to France. Nor did James reſt, till he had got Balcanquel, Balfour, and Watſon, tranſported, and ſome of his own crea⯑tures put in their place.

To prevent the faithful miniſters attendance, or ready oppoſition of his meaſures, James cauſed the General Aſſembly to meet at Burntiſland, in May 1601, ten weeks ſooner than had been appointed. Nevertheleſs, Meſſrs. Davidſon of Preſton pans, and James Melvin of Anſtruther tranſmitted their moni⯑tory letters, obteſting all the members to be faithful to the cauſe of Chriſt, in oppoſition to the manifold corruptions then creeping in. To deceive the ho⯑neſt party, James and his complaiſant dupes joined them in aſſignation of the cauſes of the decay of re⯑ [...]igion, and of proper remedies thereof: viz. the wrath of God on account of the contempt of the goſpel; the ſloth of miniſters, and their neglect to diſcover apoſtates from the Proteſtant religion; the want of able miniſters, eſpecially where the Popiſh [...]ords and other nobles reſide; the raſh admiſſion of candidates into the miniſterial office; the untender converſation of miniſters, and their ſuiting of them⯑ſelves to the humours of their people; the deſolation of the churches of Edinburgh; the advancement of [...]ll affected perſons into places of power and truſt; the education of his majeſty's children in the compa⯑ny of Papiſts, and of the young nobility by ſuſpected maſters; the decay of ſchools; the overlooking of the reſtored lords non-performance of the terms of their reconcilement. They, however, took care to make no mention of their own attempts to overturn the reformation which had been attained, and to [74] render the church dependent on the mere will of the civil magiſtrate.—Not long after, Mr. Bruce wa [...] permitted to return home; but it was required o [...] him to imitate his other heſitating brethren, and i [...] ⯑different places to intimate from the pulpit his belie [...] of James' account of the perhaps altogether pretend⯑ed conſpiracy. He abhorred ſuch ſinful and ſneak⯑ing compliances, and ſo continued under the roya [...] frowns.

The next General Aſſembly was appointed to mee [...] at St. Andrews, in the end of July 1602: but James, to mark his ſpiritual ſupremacy, transferred it to Ho⯑lyroodhouſe, on the 10th of November following. At the entry, James Mevin proteſted againſt the change of the day. The miniſters, who had been appointed to deal with Huntly, Errol, Angus, Home, and Herreis, reported their conduct: but, except that of thoſe who had attended Errol, it was little to the purpoſe. Notwithſtanding their former ne⯑gligence, young Spotſwood and the reſt were ap⯑pointed to deal further with them, and with the o⯑ther Popiſh lords, Maxwel and Semple. A nume⯑rous committee was appointed to viſit the church, and enquire into the conduct of miniſters, congre⯑gations, and Preſbyteries; and Rules of viſitation were preſcribed. But the leading men in it were too intent on prelatical dignities to execute this work to any good purpoſe.

The Synod of Fife preſented a number of grievan⯑ces; That General Aſſemblies were not regularly held according to the laws of God and the land, or the neceſſity of the church, but the diets of meeting altered without the knowledge or conſent of either Preſbytery or Synod; that miniſters were ſummoned before the privy council at firſt inſtance, to anſwer for their doctrine, or manner of diſcipline; that ap⯑plications in Preſbyterial exerciſes were condemned; that the government of the church was put into the hand of a few commiſſioners, to the injury of Preſby⯑teries and Synods; that the doctors of univerſities [75] [...]ere debarred from General Aſſemblies; that the [...]bſervation of the CAVEATS, by the church's com⯑miſſioners to vote in Parliament, is not inquired in⯑ [...]o; that the alteration of the miniſters at Edinburgh [...]ath much hurt the cauſe of religion, and encouraged [...]s enemies; that laws for church government have [...]een made, contrary to the judgment of almoſt the [...]alf of the miniſtry; that the land is defiled, and [...]he church hurt, by indulging the French ambaſſa⯑ [...]or in the free and public uſe of his idolatrous maſs; [...]hat excommunicated Papiſts are allowed to continue [...]n the country; that the abſolved nobles give no e⯑ [...]idence of their profeſſing any thing but Popery; [...]hat pains are taken to conceal the danger of the church from faithful miniſters or profeſſors; that church diſcipline is not duly executed againſt inceſt, murder, adultery, or the like: To this heavy com⯑plaint, ſcarce any other anſwer than a mere ſhift was returned.

But with much more pleaſure, the Aſſembly con⯑ſidered a plan for the enlargement of their ſtipends; —and, at James' deſire, allowed of the celebration of marriage on the Lord's day; and ordered, that all who made profeſſion of the Proteſtant faith ſhould have their children baptized. Young Spotſwood was accuſed of attending maſs in France: but James and his complaiſant clergy got this matter huſhed. —This Aſſembly was far from being FREE. Meſſ. R. Bruce, J. Davidſon, and A. Melvin, were ex⯑preſly prohibited to come near it. Such as faithful⯑ly ſpoke their mind were upbraided and mocked by the king or the moderator, and commanded to be ſilent.—Not long after, ſome further pains were taken with Mr. Bruce to make him approve James' account of Gowry's conſpiracy. But, finding, that no condeſcenſion would procure his reſtoration to his flock at Edinburgh, he would make none, and re⯑preſented his reaſons to the town council. The Commiſſion of the Aſſembly declared his kirk va⯑cant, and at the ſame diet, approved a marriage be⯑tween [76] two adulterers, both of whoſe former yoke⯑fellows were ſtill living, and abſolved them from the excommunication inflicted on them by the miniſters of the ſouth.

When James ſet off for London to receive the Engliſh crown in A. D. 1603, all the impriſoned malefactors were liberated. But A. Melvin and J. Davidſon had their confinement continued, and R. Bruce continued ſecluded from his charge. Appre⯑hending, that James' communion with the Engliſh church would lead him to attempt a reducing of the Scotch to the ſame forms of worſhip and govern⯑ment, the Synod of Fife in 1604, appointed ſome of their number to preſent their faithful advice to the Aſſembly's commiſſion, begging them to inſiſt for a Parliamentary ratification of all former laws made in favours of the church, and to proteſt, that any thing enacted contrary to the religion preſently eſtabliſhed by either commiſſion, or otherwiſe, ſhould be held null and void; and to inſiſt, that none ſhould vote in parliament, in the name of the church, but ſuch as bear office in her, and are appointed by her; and that ſuch commiſſioners ſhall not, under pain of de⯑poſition, propoſe any thing in Parliament in the name of the church, without expreſs direction from her; nor keep ſilence, when any thing detrimental to her intereſts is propoſed; and that care be taken, that no prejudice be done to her doctrine, worſhip, diſcipline, or government, by the intended UNION of Scotland with England.

Spotſwood, now made archbiſhop of Glaſgow, in⯑ſtead of Beaton the Romiſh prieſt, Gladſtones biſh⯑op of Galloway, and Lindſay biſhop of Roſs, being appointed commiſſioners for regulating the terms of that UNION, marked an abſolute unconcern about every thing religious. But the earl of Morton in⯑ſiſted for a clauſe in their commiſſion, bearing, That the ſtate of religion in doctrine and diſcipline ſhould be preſerved in Scotland. In vain, he alſo begged the commiſſion of the Aſſembly to aſſiſt in ſecuring [77] that point, though, with difficulty enough, he pro⯑cured an act or clauſe, bearing, that the religion preſently eſtabliſhed in Scotland ſhall not be in the leaſt prejudiced by the intended union of the two kingdoms;—which his opponents took care to keep out of their records.—Meanwhile, under deep ap⯑prehenſions of their danger, the Preſbytery of St. Andrews and Synod of Lothian renewed their ſub⯑ſcription of the national covenant, and Spotſwood no⯑minal archbiſhop of Glaſgow, and John Law his ſuc⯑ceſſor ſubſcribed among them.

With K. James' own conſent, the Aſſembly at Ho⯑lyroodhouſe had appointed their next meeting at A⯑berdeen, in July 1604. But the eccleſiaſtical com⯑miſſioners to ſit in Parliament, fearing to give ac⯑count of their conduct, procured a delay. James re⯑quired, that the meeting ſhould be deferred till the union of the two kingdoms ſhould be deliberately conſidered, and a new warrant for holding it emit⯑ted. Nevertheleſs, the Preſbytery of St. Andrews, zealous for the liberties of the church, appointed Meſſrs. James Melvin, William Erſkine, and Willi⯑am Murray, their commiſſioners to attend it. Upon the day appointed, they repaired to the place of meet⯑ing in Aberdeen, and ſolemnly proteſted, That the hurt that ſhould happen to Chriſt's church, by the neglect of this meeting, ſhould not be imputed to them, or their conſtituents. Inſtigated by ſome nor⯑thern miniſters, the Preſbytery of St. Andrews, by their miſſives and otherwiſe, procured ſuch a num⯑ber of correſpondents from other parts of the king⯑dom to attend at next Synod of Fife, that Lauriſton, the king's commiſſioner for eccleſiaſtical affairs, fear⯑ing that it would turn out a General Aſſembly, pro⯑cured an order from the privy council to hinder their meeting. But finding, that they only claimed the powers of a Synod, he forbore. Heavy complaints were made, that the church's commiſſioners to vote in Parliament did not obſerve the CAVEATS; and that ſome, who had been nominated to biſhopricks, [78] voted without any commiſſion.—The Synod agreed to petition his Majeſty, That General Aſſemblies might be regularly held, according to the act of Par⯑liament, and the former cuſtom of this church; that Papiſts and contemners of church diſcipline might be proſecuted by the civil judges; that he himſelf would interpoſe for the protection of the perſecuted Engliſh Puritans, and for the redreſs of ſuch mi⯑niſters as had their ſalaries injured by the laſt modi⯑fication of ſtipends.

James had appointed the meeting of the General Aſſembly at Aberdeen, July 2, 1605, unleſs he ſhould conveen it ſooner. The fearful abounding of ſcandal, Popery, and almoſt every thing horrid, made Preſbyteries and Synods to ſupplicate for the haſten⯑ing of this meeting. But Spotſwood, Hall, Glad⯑ſtones, and Galloway, their commiſſioners to his Majeſty, betrayed them, and chiefly courted his fa⯑vour and prelatical preferments.—When the time of meeting drew near, James tranſmitted orders not to hold it. And to confound commiſſioners, ſome co⯑pies of this order repreſented the 2d, and others the 5th of July, as the day formerly appointed. No more than nineteen members met on the 2d day. When Lauriſton ſaw them determined to proceed regularly to buſineſs, he left them. Mr. John For⯑bes being choſen Moderator, they read the order of the privy council requiring them to diſſolve, and to appoint no new diet of meeting: they agreed to pro⯑ceed to no further buſineſs at preſent; but appoint⯑ed their next meeting at Aberdeen, upon the laſt Wedneſday of September next, and appointed the ſeveral Preſbyteries to direct their commiſſioners to it. As they were about to diſmiſs, Lauriſton return⯑ed, and proteſted, That from the beginning he did not acknowledge them a lawful Aſſembly. Upon the 5th of July, Mr. John Welſh and other ſeven com⯑miſſioners from the ſouth and weſt came up, and finding the meeting diſſolved, proteſted that the [...] came up to keep it, and that they approved of wha [...] [] had been done. Returning to the privy council▪ Lauriſton affirmed, That upon Monday the firſt of July, he had, by a public proclamation at the croſs of Aberdeen, prohibited the meeting of Aſſembly in his majeſty's name. But though multitudes were on the ſpot the whole day, not one could teſtify, that he heard this public proclamation. To corroborate Lauriſton's falſe affirmation, it is ſaid, that the clerk antedated the indorſement of the charge.

The miniſters, who had kept this meeting of the Aſſembly were immediately proſecuted before the privy council. The magiſtrates of Aberdeen were charged to prevent the meeting in September; and Preſbyteries and Synods prohibited to own the vali⯑dity of the late meeting. The eccleſiaſtical commiſ⯑ſion readily declared it void and null to all intents. After three months impriſonment in Blackneſs caſtle, —and vindication of their own conduct, and de⯑clining of the privy council as incompetent judges, Meſſrs. John Forbes, John Welſh, Robert Dury, Andrew Duncan, Alexander Strachan, and John Sharp, were condemned to perpetual baniſhment from the kingdom, as guilty of high treaſon; and had probably been hanged, had not the terrible fer⯑ment of the nation intimidated James and his coun⯑cil. Meſſrs. Charles Fairholm, John Monro, Nath. Inglis, James Greig, William Forbes, John Roſs, and Robert Youngſon, after lying in different pri⯑ſons, were baniſhed to remote parts of the king⯑dom. All miniſters were prohibited publicly to pray for, or make honourable mention of their condem⯑ned brethren.

Neither the terrible peſtilence, of which about 70,000 are ſaid to have died in or about London, and not a few about Edinburgh, St. Andrews, &c. nor his own and his Engliſh Parliament's remarkable deliverance from immediate deſtruction by the Popiſh gun powder plot, diverted James from his beloved work of perſecuting the faithful miniſters of Chriſt, and introducing the Engliſh Epiſcopacy into Scot⯑land. [] Upon ſome new revival of Mr. Bruce's heſi⯑tation to believe his account of Gowry's conſpiracy, he was confined to Inverneſs. A. and J. Melvins, James Balfour, William Scot, John Carmichael, Robert Wallace, Adam Coult, and William Watſon, were called out of the way to London, under pretence of conferring with them concerning the lawfulneſs of the meeting at Aberdeen, and the proper method of holding General Aſſemblies, &c. James Melvin died in his return home. After three years impri⯑ſonment, on account of a ſhort Latin ſatyre on the Engliſh worſhip in his Majeſty's chapel, Andrew was permitted to retire to France, where he died.

Meanwhile, James having called a Parliament at Perth, in 1606, which ſolemnly acknowledged his ſupremacy in ALL cauſes; and appointed an oath of the ſame import to be ſworn upon the goſpels. They alſo reſtored the eſtate of biſhops to all their antient honours, rights, and revenues; and erected chap⯑ters for their reſpective ſees. Againſt this deed, the two Melvins, juſt before they ſet off for London, with about forty others, of whom Ballantyne, Aber⯑nethy, and Cooper, were afterward biſhops, enter⯑ed a ſolemn proteſtation, bearing, That it was con⯑trary to the word of God, their national covenant, the conſtitutions of this church, and the laws, peace, and honour, of the kingdom. Their reaſons were more largely explained in a tract then publiſhed un⯑der the title of The courſe of conformity. An Aſſem⯑bly was ſoon after held at Linlithgow, which conſiſt⯑ed of ſuch ſtateſmen, and of ſuch clergymen, as James called up, without any regard to commiſſions from their reſpective Preſbyteries. Under pretence of zeal againſt Popery, they appointed a miniſter in every Preſbytery, who ſhould inform the privy coun⯑cil againſt Papiſts, and who ſhould have a yearly ſa⯑lary of an hundred pound Scots for his pains, and alſo the honour of conſtantly moderating in his Preſ⯑bytery, till proper courſe ſhould be taken with the Papiſts, and the peace of the church ſettled. They [81] ſupplicated his Majeſty in favours of ſuch of the ba⯑niſhed miniſters as ſhould confeſs their faults to him. The nominated biſhops proteſted, That they intend⯑ed to uſurp no pre-eminence over their brethren. Some CAUTIONS were propoſed for limitation of the power of the conſtant moderators. Nevertheleſs, the managers, within about ſix months, had the mi⯑nute ſo formed, as to bear, that the conſtant mode⯑rators of Preſbyteries ſhould be conſtant members of General Aſſemblies, and the biſhops or their vicars conſtant moderators in Synods. Fully perſuaded, that his innovations would meet with warm oppoſi⯑tion, James, by a proclamation, ſolemnly charged all the NOMINEES to accept of their new honours, and all Preſbyteries and Synods, under pain of re⯑bellion, to accept of their conſtant moderators. Ne⯑vertheleſs, ſeveral of the miniſters nominated to be conſtant moderators of Preſbyteries refuſed that pro⯑motion. Many Preſbyteries, and all the Synods, except that of Angus, abſolutely refuſed their con⯑ſtant moderators. Some Preſbyteries admitted them only, when compelled to it under pain of rebellion, and upon condition that the matter ſhould be can⯑vaſſed in a free and lawful General Aſſembly, which they did not think that of Linlithgow to be. The principal oppoſers were baniſhed, impriſoned, or o⯑therwiſe perſecuted; ſuch miniſters as needed, or hoped for augmentation of their ſtipends, could not obtain letters of proſecution for it, before the biſhops or conſtant moderators granted them warrants for that purpoſe.

James intended to conveen another Aſſembly at Linlithgow▪ for promoting his introduction of bi⯑ſhops. By cauſing ſome commiſſioners, who had been long before appointed to viſit the Preſbyteries, and procure commiſſioners to it; and by a zealous ſpreading of Dr. Downham's ſermon in favours of the Engliſh Epiſcopacy, he and his agents laboured to promote their cauſe. Nor were the faithful mini⯑ſters inactive. They offered public diſputations in [82] favour of their principles. They circulated prope [...] forms of commiſſion and inſtructions for thoſe tha [...] ſhould be deputed to the Aſſembly from Preſbyteries, bearing, That they ſhould inſiſt in the Aſſembly, That Synods and Preſbyteries ſhould have the power of chooſing their own moderators eſtabliſhed to them▪ that none charged with any particular commiſſi⯑on from the Aſſembly ſhould be moderator of Preſ⯑bytery, Synod, or Aſſembly; that the acts againſ [...] non-reſidence at their charges, negligence, and other corruptions of miniſters, ſhould be duly executed; and that none, but ſuch as had commiſſions from Preſbyteries, ſhould have any vote in General Aſſem⯑blies.

In July 1608, the Aſſembly met. After a deceit⯑ful flouriſh of ſearching-out the cauſes of the increaſe of Popery, and of re-excommunicating the earl o [...] Huntly, and giving order for the excommunication of Angus, Errol, and Semple, and of propoſing me⯑thods for the delation of other Papiſts, they attemp⯑ted to proceed to the eſtabliſhment of biſhops; bu [...] finding themſelves unable to carry an act for tha [...] purpoſe, they continued moſt of the former member [...] in their commiſſion, eleven of whom were nomi⯑nated biſhops, and eleven of whom were declared a quorum, having full power to act.—To impoſe on miniſters leſs zealous or judicious, commiſſioner [...] were appointed to travel between parties, in orde [...] to find ſome medium in their differences, relative to the doctrine and diſcipline of the church.—In Ma [...] 1609, a conference was held at Falkirk, for procur⯑ing the conſent of oppoſers to the introduction o [...] Prelacy. But nothing was gained in its ſeveral diets▪ Another conference was appointed at Stirling. Bu [...] the biſhops and their votaries did not attend it, a [...] they found that they could not carry their cauſe by the force of reaſoning, even after James had removed A. Melvin, and many of their ableſt opponents, ou [...] of the way. In June that ſame year, the Parliamen [...] appointed the biſhops to tranſmit once every year a [83] [...]ſt of all the Papiſts in their ſeveral dioceſes, to the [...]ouncil;—ratified the reſtoration of biſhops to their [...]ntient dignities, powers, and prerogatives, alway [...]eſerving to the king his ſupremacy in all cauſes eccle⯑ [...]iaſtical and civil; and made an act relative to the [...]pparel of civil judges, prelates having vote in Par⯑ [...]iament, and miniſters;—leaving it to his majeſty to preſcribe the particular forms of the clerical veſt⯑ments.

Archbiſhop Spotſwood having become an extra⯑ordinary Lord of the SESSION, about the beginning of A. D. 1610, led the way for himſelf, and his cle⯑rical partizans, to ſcrew themſelves further into civil offices. Soon after, he, and Gladſtones, archbiſhop of St. Andrews, had each of them a royal warrant to hold High Commiſſion courts within their reſpective boundaries, which might puniſh perſons as they plea⯑ſed, in a civil or an eccleſiaſtical manner. Their appointed aſſiſtants were noblemen, biſhops, gentle⯑men and miniſters, ſome of which laſt appear to have been nominated merely for form ſake, as it could not be expected, that they would accept of any ſuch an⯑tichriſtian and arbitrary power. But the archbiſhop, with any four that he pleaſed, were declared a quo⯑rum, ſufficient to tranſact buſineſs. The biſhops having become lords in Parliament, privy council, Exchequer, and Seſſion, poſſeſſors of extenſive pro⯑perty and juriſdiction, patrons of many benefices, mo⯑derators in Synods, ſtated commiſſioners of the Ge⯑neral Aſſembly, and principal members in the king's courts of high commiſſion,—a General Aſſembly was called at Glaſgow in June 1610, when no body ex⯑pected it, and juſt after his majeſty, by his procla⯑mation, had required another, appointed a few days before, not to be held. It conſiſted of 169 mem⯑bers, viz. conſtant moderators of Synods and Preſ⯑byteries, who already had their annual ſalaries of 100 pounds, and hoped for better at his majeſty's hand, together with ſuch commiſſioners from Preſbyteries, as were reckoned ſeducible into the meaſures of the [84] court. Plenty of bribes, under the name of ſubſiſt⯑ence money, were diſtributed among them, and others had better ſtipends promiſed them. The northern clergy came up from the remoteſt corners, and brought with them conſciences ſufficiently complaiſant. The earl of Dunbar, attended by a troop of his majeſ⯑ty's life guards, did all that he could to promote his maſter's intentions. They condemned the Aſſembly of 1605, at Aberdeen, as an unlawful and ſeditious meeting. They acknowledged the power of calling Aſſemblies to be an inherent right of the crown. They enacted, That no ordination of paſtors ſhould be confirmed unleſs it was conſummated by the biſh⯑op; that no miniſter ſhould be deprived without the conſent of the biſhop; that biſhops or their vi⯑cars ſhould preſide in all provincial ſynods and Ge⯑neral Aſſemblies,—and have the ſole power of viſit⯑ing the dioceſes. Under pretence of only changing the name of Preſbyteries, which they ſaid was offen⯑ſive to his majeſty, into the meetings of the miniſters of their bounds, they left biſhops at liberty to chooſe whom they pleaſed for witneſſes rather than aſſiſt⯑ants in their acts of juriſdiction. They further enac⯑ted, That all preſentations ſhould be directed to biſhops inſtead of Preſbyteries; that no excommu⯑nication or abſolution ſhould take place, without the biſhop's direction; that miniſters abſenting of them⯑ſelves from epiſcopal viſitations of their dioceſes ſhould infer ſuſpenſion and depoſition, if continued in; that every intrant ſhould, at his admiſſion to the miniſtry, ſwear allegiance to his majeſty as ſu⯑preme governor in the conſervation and purgation of religion, as well as in things temporal; to which it ſeems they afterward clandeſtinely added obedience to his ordinary (i. e.) biſhop of the bounds; &c.—that marriage ſhould be celebrated upon the Lord's day, if people deſired it;—that the two archbiſhops, three other biſhops, and three others appointed by them, ſhould deal with his majeſty for the planting of vacan⯑cies. They alſo formed ſome ſham directions for the [85] biſhops, and aſſerted the neceſſity of General Aſſem⯑blies, and their power over biſhops: and finally e⯑nacted, That no miniſter under pain of depoſition ſhould publicly ſpeak againſt their acts, or treat of the equality or inequality of miniſters, in the church of Chriſt.—As Meſſrs. Patrick Simſon and Walt. Balcanquel, and others, loudly inveighed againſt the apoſtacy and perjury of the biſhops, James, by a proclamation, charged all his ſubjects, under the higheſt pains, not to impugn, but obey, all the acts of the Aſſembly, and to inform the next magiſtrate or ſome member of the privy council of every thing contrary, which they knew; and charged all judges and magiſtrates immediately to impriſon all tranſgreſ⯑ſors, miniſters or others.

As James and his votaries did not expect, that even their above packed Aſſembly would diſtinguiſh the office of a biſhop from that of a paſtor, in the manner of Bancroft, and other late high flyers, in England, no mention was made in it of the conſe⯑cration of biſhops. But ſoon after, Spotſwood of Glaſgow▪ Lamb of Brechin, and Hamilton of Gal⯑ [...]oway, poſted to London for it; and on their re⯑turn conſecrated their brethren, without conſulting either Preſbytery or Synod.—Gladſtones of St. An⯑drews met with very little oppoſition in the Synod of Angus, but in theſe of Fife and Lothian, with much more than he wiſhed.—When the Parliament met in 1612, they formally annulled their deed of 1592, eſtabliſhing preſbytery; they ratified the acts of the [...]ate Aſſembly of Glaſgow with explications, curtail⯑ments, enlargements, and alterations. By this act of Parliament, biſhops were freed from all trial of their life or doctrine by the General Aſſembly; they might depute whom they pleaſed to be moderators in Synods; they might diſpoſe of all benefices to which the patron did not preſent a qualified candi⯑date within ſix months from the commencement of the vacancy: if the biſhop refuſed to admit his can⯑didate, the patron might appeal to the archbiſhop, [86] and from him to the lords of ſeſſion or privy council, that they, by letters of horning, might oblige the biſhop of the dioceſe to do his duty. In the oath for intrants to the miniſtry, they muſt ſwear allegi⯑ance to the king as ſupreme in all cauſes ſpiritual and eccleſiaſtical as well as temporal, and ſwear obedience to their ordinary.—It was not required, that men ſhould be forty years of age, or ten years in the mi⯑niſtry, before their election to biſhopricks; nor was the continuance of the weekly meetings of miniſters, in the leaſt mentioned.

After a little breathing, James and his agents puſh⯑ed on their deſigns. In 1615, all adult ſubjects were commanded to receive the Lord's ſupper at Eaſter in all time coming. Spotſwood being now archbiſhop of St. Andrews, and Law of Glaſgow, they united their high commiſſion courts, in order to render their ſentences more powerful and ſtriking; and four mem⯑bers, with one archbiſhop, had full power to tran⯑ſact buſineſs. None might appeal from their deciſi⯑ons to either privy council, or lords of ſeſſion. As Popery ſtill increaſed, and the earl of Huntly made conſiderable diſturbance in the country, the Aſſem⯑bly of Aberdeen in 1616, made no ſmall empty noiſe, how to check the increaſe of Popery and promote the conviction or puniſhment of Papiſts. They pub⯑liſhed a new Confeſſion of Faith, chiefly directed a⯑gainſt the errors and corruptions of the Romiſh church; and to exclude the national covenant, they appointed all officers in the church, and ſtudents in the colleges to ſwear and ſubſcribe it. They alſo ap⯑pointed biſhops Galloway, Hall, and Adamſon, to compoſe a ſmall catechiſm for public uſe, in order to exclude thoſe of Craig and Davidſon. Upon ſome ſham ſubmiſſion, they abſolved the excommunicated earl of Huntly. But the chief deſign of their meet⯑ing was to reſolve on compoſing a Liturgy and book o [...] Canons for diſcipline.

In ſummer 1617, James paying a viſit to his nativ [...] country, laboured, with all his might, to promot [...] [87] the eccleſiaſtical conformity with England. In his own chapel at Holyroodhouſe, he introduced a pom⯑pous celebration of the Lord's ſupper with ſacred veſt⯑ments, inſtrumental muſic, and other ſuperſtitions of the Engliſh cathedrals:—and ſoon after required all his biſhops and nobles that were preſent in Edin⯑burgh to receive it in the ſame manner. But ſcarce the half of the lords would receive it kneeling.—The Parliament meeting, June 17th, the lords of the ar⯑ticles framed ſome acts for depriving the church of the poor remains of her power; one of which im⯑ported, That his majeſty, with the advice of ſuch biſhops or miniſters as he pleaſed to conſult, ſhould have full power to determine all matters relative to the external government of the church. Informed hereof, fifty miniſters emitted a ſolemn proteſtati⯑on againſt it. Hall, Struthers, and Ramſay of Edin⯑burgh, quickly profeſſed their repentance. But Ar⯑chibald Simſon of Dalkeith, P. Stewart of Edin⯑burgh, and David Calderwood of Crailing, being far leſs pliable, were deprived from their office, and confined. Calderwood was troubled for not attend⯑ing Synod, notwithſtanding the high commiſſion had prohibited him to attend part of the time. He was baniſhed the kingdom. Nevertheleſs this ſpirited oppoſition made the Parliament to ſuperſede their act.

In 1616, James had hinted his intentions to intro⯑duce kneeling at the Lord's table; the ſacred obſerva⯑tion of the feſtivals of Chriſt's birth, death, and aſ⯑cenſion, and of the deſcent of the Holy Ghoſt; the private adminiſtration of baptiſm and the Lord's ſupper, [...]ogether with the confirmation of children, by laying on of the biſhop's hands. His biſhops repreſented to him, that it would be neceſſary to get theſe articles authorized by a General Aſſembly. After he and his tools had fixed upon the members, one was in⯑dicted upon 15 days warning, to meet at St. Andrews [...]n November, 1617. But here his majeſty met with more oppoſition than was expected. They only yield⯑ed [88] to allow the communion privately to ſick perſons providing there were a proper number preſent, and the miniſter gave the elements out of his own hand▪ Highly offended with their partial compliance, and with their delay of the principal points, James order⯑ed, that none of the opponents or non-liquets ſhould have any modification of their ſtipends for that year. But cooling at laſt, he indicted another Aſſembly at Perth next year, which he took care to pack with ſuch nobles and gentlemen, as he knew would ſcarce ſick at any thing to pleaſe him, while his biſhops, with promiſes of augmented ſtipends, took care to ſecure a proper number of miniſters. Archbiſhop Spotſwood, having mounted the chair as moderator, James' expoſtulatory letter was read,—and ſeconded by the declamations of Spotſwood and of Young, an Epiſcopalian doctor from England. Spotſwood diſdainfully rejected every motion made by his op⯑ponents; and, without regard to either Preſbytery or Synod, nominated the committee of overtures. To induce the Aſſembly to comply with his majeſty's will, it was promiſed, that none ſhould be obliged to practiſe theſe ceremonies; and that he would never ſeek to introduce any more from England. Such as offered to reaſon againſt the ceremonies propoſed, were rebuked, and threatened. Nevertheleſs forty-five miniſters, one nobleman, and one doctor of an univerſity, voted againſt them.

The Aſſembly had no ſooner carried an act for the above-mentioned articles, than James ratified their deed by a public proclamation; appointed his ſubjects to refrain from labour on the four feſtivals ſpecified; and denounced the moſt rigorous puniſhment in per⯑ſon and property againſt all that ſhould dare to diſ⯑obey his mandates. The introduction of kneeling in receiving the Lord's ſupper occaſioned terrible con⯑fuſion. Meſſrs. William Arthur, Richard Dickſon, John Murray, Robert Boyd, Robert Blair, John Ker, Thomas Hog, Andrew Duncan, Henry Blyth, David Forreſter, Robert Bruce, John Weems, John [89] [...]rimgeor, John Gilleſpie, John Hume, George Grier, James Porteous, William Livingſton, John [...]erguſon, Archibald Simſon, and many other emi⯑ [...]ently holy and faithful miniſters, were proſecuted [...]efore the high commiſſion, which deprived, fined, [...]r impriſoned ſuch as refuſed compliance with the [...]RTICLES, or teſtified againſt the prevalent corrup⯑ [...]ons. Robert Bruce's principal crime was, that he [...]nd ſome of his brethren had kept two private faſts [...]t his houſe in old Monkland. Richard Lawſon, [...]ames Cathkin, John Mein, William Rigg, and o⯑ [...]hers in Edinburgh, and in other places, where their [...]aſtors informed againſt them, were cruelly perſe⯑ [...]uted by the high commiſſion, for ſcrupling to kneel [...]t the communion, and to obſerve the appointed feſ⯑ [...]ivals, &c. Meanwhile, ſuch was the tender ſym⯑ [...]athy of the court party for the idolatrous and trea⯑ [...]herous Papiſts, that Anderſon a trafficking prieſt, [...]eing apprehended, was kindly ſet at liberty, and [...]oneſtly apparelled, and had his charge [...] paid, got [...] compliment of a 100 pound ſterling, and then was [...]afely conveyed to France.

After the biſhops and their agents had very un⯑ [...]ucceſsfully laboured three years in the introduction [...]f the articles of Perth, the Parliament at Edinburgh, [...]621, ſolemnly ratified them, though not without [...]reat oppoſition. Fifteen of the nobility, and forty- [...]ur of the commiſſioners from burghs, voted againſt [...]his deed. Notwithſtanding his majeſty's charge to [...]l the malecontent clergy to remove from the city, [...]nd all poſſible care to reſtrain their acceſs to Parlia⯑ [...]ent, a number of them ſent up a warning againſt [...]he ratification of the articles, and afterwards enter⯑ [...]d a ſolemn proteſtation againſt it. While the Mar⯑ [...]uis of Hamilton, as the king's commiſſioner, roſe [...]o touch the act with the ſceptre, three terrible flaſh⯑ [...]s of lightening darted into his face, attended with [...]aps of thunder, which broke almoſt immediately [...]n the Parliament houſe, and ſuch a darkneſs and [...]in as had not been known in the memory of man. [90] Some interpreted theſe things as marks of God's ab⯑horrence, and others as marks of his approbation o [...] the Parliament's deed, which enacted, That in toke [...] of their deep humility, every partaker ſhould receive [...] the communion on his knees; that the Lord's ſuppe [...] ſhould be adminiſtered to perſons long ſick, or ap⯑parently dying, providing there were three or four fellow partakers; that, in caſe of neceſſity, baptiſm ſhould be privately adminiſtered to infants, and re⯑port made thereof to the congregation, next Lord's day; that after proper inſtruction by their miniſter, children about eight years of age ſhall be ſolemnly confirmed by the biſhop of the dioceſe, with prayer and laying on of hands: and that the ſeaſons o [...] Chriſt's birth, death, aſcenſion, and effuſion of the Ho⯑ly Ghoſt, be religiouſly commemorated by ſermons, abſtinence from labour, and the like. When this deed was proclaimed at the croſs of Edinburgh, Dr. Barclay fixed one copy of the miniſters proteſ⯑tation on the croſs, another on the church door, and a third on the gate of Holyroodhouſe, and took inſtruments with the uſual ſolemnities.

Having now got the civil, as well as the eccleſiaſti⯑cal law, on his ſide, James, by letters to the biſhops, which were probably planned, if not completely for⯑med by themſelves, and ſubſcribed at their deſire, enjoined the moſt rigid execution of it: and they took care to obey him. For quietly coming from his place of confinement to Edinburgh about an af⯑fair of 20,000 marks value, Mr. Robert Bruce, once reckoned by James worth the half of his kingdom, was impriſoned in the caſtle, and John Welſh whom, after 14 years exile, grievous bodily trouble had forced from France, was denied allowance to die in his native country. While God by moſt terrible rains ruined the crop, and carried off the bridges of Berwick and Perth, Meſſrs. John Murray, John Row, David Dickſon, George Dunbar, George Johnſton, and others, were deprived, baniſhed, and confined by the high commiſſion. It being reported, [91] [...]hat David Calderwood, whoſe Altare Damaſcenum, [...]rinted in both Latin and Engliſh, had ſo galled the [...]piſcopal party, had died in Holland, Patrick Scot, [...] is ſaid, by his majeſty's direction, publiſhed a re⯑ [...]antation in his name; and to prevent his refuting it, [...]ent to Holland to ſeek him out, and murder him [...]f he were ſtill alive.

As the ſeſſions, council and citizens of Edinburgh [...]ad long uſed to meet on the Tueſday before the [...]dminiſtration of the Lord's ſupper, in order to make known and remove whatever objections they [...]ad againſt their miniſters,—bailie William Rigg, [...]ohn Dickſon, John Fleming, James Nairn, and [...]ohn Nairn, being interrogated by the provoſt, ob⯑ [...]ected, that Mr. Forbes, afterward biſhop, had taught, That there was but little difference between the Pa⯑ [...]iſts and Proteſtants in the doctrine of juſtification; [...]nd James Cathkin, John Mein and others, having [...]eſired the adminiſtration of the communion in the [...]ormer manner,—William Rigg, John Dickſon, a [...]utcher, John Hamilton apothecary, John Mein, [...]nd William Simſon, were cited before the privy [...]ouncil. Bailie Rigg was firſt confined to his own [...]ouſe, and afterwards impriſoned at Blackneſs, and fined in 50,000 pounds Scots. William Simſon and [...]ohn Dickſon were condemned to impriſonment in [...]he common jail of Edinburgh; John Mein at Elgin; [...]nd John Hamilton at Aberdeen, and fined in 20,000 marks Scots.

Notwithſtanding all that James and his biſhops could do to prevent the ſpread of Calderwood's Al⯑ [...]are Damaſcenum, which ſo effectually demoliſhed the whole ſtructure of the Engliſh hierarchy and ſuper⯑ [...]tition,—and his Courſe of conformity, with ſeveral other tracts, which had been printed in Holland, many copies of them were ſecretly tranſmitted hither, and greedily purchaſed and read. The death of Ha⯑milton, the zealous promoter of the articles of Perth in the Parliament, and of James himſelf, in the be⯑ginning of A. D. 1625, gave a tranſient check to the [92] perſecuting rage: and Robert Bruce, and no doub [...] ſeveral others, were permitted to leave their reſpec⯑tive confinements.

BUT in vain either church or ſtate expected happineſs under Charles I. who purſued the maxims and copied the pattern of his father. He was ſcarce⯑ly proclaimed king at Edinburgh, when his clergy notified their intention to have the communion ce⯑lebrated on the following Sabbath, which was Eaſter▪ But the calling of people and miniſters to meet on the Tueſday before, for the removal of offences and dif⯑ferences, was omitted. This was reckoned the more grievous, as the articles of Perth had occaſioned ma⯑nifold prejudices and contentions among thoſe that had formerly lived in the moſt perfect friendſhip. Charles having appointed a national faſt on the 20th of July, the Preſbyterian miniſters added to his rea⯑ſons others of their own. The warm opponents o [...] the articles of Perth and others, being informed o [...] his pretences to piety and moderation, diſpatched Mr. Robert Scot of Glaſgow, to preſent their ſupplication for a redreſs of that grievance. Inſtead of regarding it, Charles, by a letter to Spotſwood, inſtigated him and his fellow biſhops, to proceed in the courſe, in⯑to which his father had put them. They extolled his piety to the higheſt, and ſo zealouſly obeyed his orders, that if a miniſter but conformed to Epiſcopa⯑cy and the articles of Perth, he was almoſt in no danger of being quarreled for any thing elſe.

Provincial Synods had now little more left them than the name. Biſhops, or their deputies, were their conſtant moderators. The conſtant moderator [...] of Preſbyteries, and a few others choſen by the bi⯑ſhops, or their agents, formed into the privy confe⯑rence or committee of overtures, had the whole power of managing affairs. Nevertheleſs, as ſome ſtill continued zealous for the Preſbyterian form o [...] government, and for the wonted ſimplicity of goſpel worſhip, Charles iſſued forth a public proclamation, [93] bearing, That he did not in the leaſt intend to alter the government of the church preſently eſtabliſhed; and that ſuch as ſhould dare to diſturb it, or ſuggeſt, that he intended to alter it in favours of the Non⯑conformiſts, ſhould be puniſhed. This encouraged his biſhops to endeavour the removing of all that ſcrupled to conform, from all places of power and truſt. Charles himſelf, by a letter, required the town council of Edinburgh to elect none for magiſ⯑trates, but ſuch as obſerved the artieles of Perth: and about the ſame time iſſued forth a proclamation againſt all Papiſts and Nonconformiſts. But the Pa⯑piſts were protected and cheriſhed, as they were of the queen's religion, and not diſliked by the mana⯑gers. Having modelled the court of Seſſion to his pleaſure, he formed his privy council of 47, that of [...]lie Exchequer of 15, and the High Commiſſion of [...]7 members, which laſt, in the manner of the Eng⯑liſh one, had power to call before them whomſoever [...]hey pleaſed, for tranſgreſſing the acts of Parliament, [...]r for ſpeaking againſt his majeſty or his progenitors, [...]or their conduct, and to puniſh them with fines, im⯑priſonment, deprivation, excommunication, &c.

While Elizabeth his ſiſter, and progenitor of our [...]ow royal family, had above 80,000 of her ſubjects [...]n Bohemia and Palatinate, and an infinity of her al⯑ [...]ies, murdered by the Papiſts in Germany, the zeal [...]f Charles and his biſhops flamed hot only againſt [...]hoſe that appeared moſt averſe from returning to Rome. Certain of protection or an eaſy eſcape, the Papiſts hereon became inſolent. Charles command⯑ [...]d the Lords of Council, the advocates and clerks, [...]o communicate kneeling, as a pattern to others. Finding none of his own party qualified to check the [...]ncreaſe of Popery at Paiſley, where the earl of A⯑ [...]ercorn, and his mother and brother, impudently [...]romoted it, Law, archbiſhop of Glaſgow, permit⯑ [...]ed Mr. Robert Boyd of Trogchrig to be ſettled there. But he had ſcarcely taken up houſe there, when the [...]arl's brother threw all his books into the ſtreet, as [94] he was preaching on the Lord's day. For this he was cited before the council; but as Mr. Boyd in⯑treated, that he might not be impriſoned, and as he himſelf profeſſed his ſorrow for what he had done, and his brother and the magiſtrates undertook pub⯑licly to reinſtate Mr. Boyd in his poſſeſſion, the af⯑fair was dropped. But when Mr. Boyd, along with the magiſtrates, returned to take poſſeſſion, they found the doors bolted; nor could they break them open, as they were without their juriſdiction, a mob, conſiſting chiefly of women, thought to have been hounded out by the earl's mother, ſo abuſed Mr. Boyd with revilings and throwing of dirt, that he was obliged to return to his own houſe at Trochrig in Carrick. About this time, ſeveral trafficking prieſts were apprehended at Dundee, Dumfries, &c. but their court-favoured brethren procured them all an eaſy deliverance.

In July 1626, Charles held a convention of Eſtates chiefly for recovering into his own hand the tithes and church lands, which his father had diſponed to laymen. While the poſſeſſors begged him to drop his deſigns, the biſhops and their clerical favourites met in Edinburgh, and diſpatched the biſhops of Roſs and Murray, with Whiteford and Struthers, to beſeech him to curb the inſolent Papiſts, and to per⯑fect his revocation of his father's donations of the church's property, and to promote the augmentati⯑on of miniſter's ſtipends. Upon their return, the conforming and non-conforming miniſters agreed t [...] appoint ſome, from their reſpective Preſbyteries, t [...] conſult for the welfare of the church. The arch⯑biſhops abſented, that they might have it in thei [...] power to declare the meeting null, if things were n [...] carried to their mind. This meeting agreed to ſup⯑plicate his majeſty, to promote the fixing of prope [...] ſtipends on miniſters, and the planting of vacant co [...] ⯑gregations; and that the ſentences might be take [...] off miniſters, who had been proſecuted for non-co [...] ⯑formity,—and they be allowed to be candidates fo [...] [95] or members of, the General Aſſembly, if Preſbyte⯑ries pleaſe; and that none might be troubled for non-conformity, or with ſubſcriptions at their admiſſion, before ſuch an Aſſembly ſhould be held. The Con⯑formiſts choſe the biſhop of Roſs, and the Non-conformiſts Mr. Robert Scot of Glaſgow, to preſent their petition. The archbiſhops and other dioceſans were highly offended with the moſt of theſe conclu⯑ſions. Hence Mr. Scot went not to court, while the biſhop went; and being charged with ſecret inſtruc⯑tions from his dioceſan brethren, betrayed the cauſe of the meeting. Nevertheleſs, the Non-conformiſts were charged with part of his expences. Charles appointed commiſſioners to value the tithes: but ſome barons procured a letter from him, allowing the gentry an eaſy compoſition for ſuch as were ſtill in their hands. The commiſſioners inſiſted, that ſuch tithes as were in the biſhops hands ought alſo to come under the revocation, that his majeſty might have a part of them.—Meanwhile, a ſudden inundation of the ſea, upon the pariſhes of Carlawrock and Ruthwal, in Galloway, alarmed the ſurviving inha⯑bitants and their neighbours, amd rendered them deeply penitent of their ſins, and concerned for their eternal ſalvation.

As few of the communicants in ſeveral churches, in or about Edinburgh, had kneeled at the ſacrament at Eaſter the preceding year, the general ſeſſion, which met before it in 1628, begged their miniſters to diſpenſe it in the antient manner, for the avoid⯑ing of ſtrife and confuſion. Some of theſe were for allowing every one to ſit or kneel as he pleaſed. Others were for no kneeling, and for the communi⯑cants dividing the elements among themſelves. The Non-conformiſts inſiſted, That they ſhould firſt ce⯑lebrate the ſacrament in the former manner, and then ſupplicate his majeſty's favour; if he were diſ⯑pleaſed. But the Conformiſts got it carried, firſt to ſupplicate his permiſſion. In their ſupplication, and by Sydſerf their commiſſioner, they repreſented, That [96] few of their people now joined in the Lord's ſupper▪ and few of thoſe that did, would receive it kneeling; that notwithſtanding all their pains to extinguiſh it, the contention was ſtill increaſing, and had already become intolerable; that by means of it, miniſters inveighed againſt, and people hated, one another; that atheiſts were tempted to reckon the whole of religion an indifferent thing, which might be altered at men's pleaſure; that kneeling at the communion had an appearance of ſymbolizing with Papiſts, and encouraged them in their idolatrous worſhip of the ſacramental bread;—and beſought him to diſpenſe with their obedience to the act of Aſſembly and Par⯑liament impoſing it. Inſtead of granting their re⯑queſt, Charles appointed the archbiſhop of St. An⯑drews to cite them to his tribunal, and inflict ſuch puniſhment upon their ring-leaders, as might effec⯑tually deter others from all ſuch ſupplications for the future; and to labour with all his might to eſtabliſh the form of worſhip appointed by law. Theſe things prevented the diſpenſation of the Lord's ſupper at Edinburgh for that ſeaſon.——Upon the two laſt Sabbaths of May, and the Wedneſday betwixt them, Charles appointed a ſolemn faſt to lament the trou⯑bled ſtate of the churches abroad, and the ſins a⯑bounding at home, and to beſeech the Lord to avert his threatened judgments, and ſucceed his Majeſty's arms againſt France. To theſe, ſome Non-confor⯑miſts added the innovations made upon the govern⯑ment and worſhip of the church, and the perſecuti⯑on of faithful miniſters for oppoſing them; which fomented the difference between the two parties. The Non-conformiſts more and more gained the af⯑fections of the people, while the Conformiſts, loſing their eſteem, inſtigated the biſhops to perſecute them, —who, having power on their ſide, threatened to excommunicate all ſuch as ſhould not ſpeedily con⯑form. Being excluded from all the churches of Edinburgh, Mr. Robert Bruce preached in ſeveral of theſe in the neighbourhood, whither multitudes [97] of the citizens reſorted to hear him. Informed of this, Charles required his privy council to confine him to his own houſe in Kinnaird, and within two miles around: but about the ſame time required the excommunication of the Popiſh earls of Angus, Nithſ⯑dale, Abercorn, and their ladies, to be diſpenſed with, and no laws executed againſt them, till himſelf ſhould come down to Scotland.

While, about the beginning of A. D. 1629, Dr. Forbes of Aberdeen, Wedderburn of St. Andrews, and Maxwel and Sydſerf of Edinburgh, occupied themſelves in venting their Arminian tenets, which now paved the way for preferment, the privy coun⯑cil, alarmed by repeated complaints of the increaſe and inſolence of the Papiſts, appeared more than ordinary earneſt, in proſecuting them, particularly, [...]f they were excommunicated; and in taking care of the Proteſtant education of their children. Not to appear behind them in zeal, the conforming clergy took up a liſt of about 500 gentry and others, and ſent up Maxwel to London to learn his majeſty's plea⯑ſure concerning them. But Huntly, thro' the queen's influence, procured ſuch an order of ſoft dealing with them, as amounted to a kind of royal protection of them. Meanwhile, the Preſbyterians were more and more cruelly perſecuted, many of the inhabitants of Edinburgh, Leith and places adjacent, being cited before the privy council and High Commiſſion, and arbitrarily fined, if they did not anſwer to ſatisfacti⯑on. Meſſrs. Lamb of Traquair, D. Forreſt of Leith, and George Dunbar of Air, were depoſed for their oppoſition to the courſe of defection. Robert Mel⯑vil, aſſiſtant to the aged miniſter of Culroſs, having in a ſermon, before him, boldly inveighed againſt the pride of Adam Ballantyne biſhop of Dumblain, and his contempt of the faithful miniſters of Chriſt, had no doubt alſo been proſecuted, if he could have been deprived of any legal ſalary. The biſhops re⯑garded the affronts, which they received from the poeple, the leſs, as his majeſty highly favoured [98] them; and the archbiſhop of St. Andrews was o [...] ⯑dered to take the precedence of the Chancellor in th [...] privy council, and in places of public reſort.

The pride of the biſhops having rendered them o⯑dious to a great part of the nobility, a number of mi⯑niſters, about the end of this year, tranſmitted [...] Repreſentation of 28 grievances to his majeſty; an [...] begged, That he would interpoſe his influence fo [...] the redreſs of them. But perhaps he never deigne [...] to read it. About the beginning of 1630, Struthers a conformiſt miniſter of Edinburgh, offended by the wide ſteps ſome of his brethren were taking toward [...] England and Rome, and hearing that Maxwel, his col⯑league, had brought from London an order to the Primate of St. Andrews, and his dioceſan brethren▪ to prepare matters for the reception of the whole go⯑vernment and manner of worſhip uſed in the Eng⯑liſh church, wrote a letter to Sir William Alexan⯑der, now earl of Airth, and the king's ſecretary, i [...] which he repreſented, that K. James, by his com⯑miſſioner, had promiſed to the Parliament in 1621, that no further alterations ſhould be made in the pub⯑lic worſhip; that the introduction of other rites, e⯑ſpecially if without the conſent of the church, would render the biſhops ſtill more odious,—would deprive people of their beſt paſtors, alienate their affection [...] more and more from one another, and in the iſſue [...] make them either Papiſts or Atheiſts.—Meanwhile, faithful miniſters were remarkably countenanced o [...] God at their ſacramental and other occaſions. Mul⯑titudes crowded to their communions; and being eager to hear as much of the goſpel as they could, when they had an opportunity of it, they began to have one ſermon upon Saturday before, and anothe [...] on the Monday after. Mr. John Livingſton a pro⯑bationer, after having run ſo far off, that morning preached a ſermon at the kirk of Shots, on Monday June 21, at which 500 were converted to Chriſt, and almoſt every one in his large audience remarkably [99] [...]fected. This was an evident anſwer of the prayers [...] which moſt of the people had ſpent the whole of [...]e preceding night. Soon after, the prelates per⯑ [...]cution of him obliged him to flee to the north of [...]eland; where, for ſome years, he and Meſſrs. [...]obert Blair, Robert Cuningham, James Hamilton, [...]eorge Dumbar, John M'Lellan, and Joſias Welſh, [...]boured with great ſucceſs in the work of the Lord. [...]he like divine influence attended the miniſtrations [...] Mr. David Dickſon at Irvine and places about, in the [...]eſt of Scotland. To bring a reproach upon this work [...] God, Satan drove ſome into diſagreeable exceſſes [...]nd frenzies: but, by the care of theſe faithful mi⯑ [...]iſters, his deſigns were in a great meaſure defeated.

Being informed of an intended Convention of [...]tates, for impoſing a new tax for the ſupply of his [...]ajeſty's, or his hungry courtiers, neceſſities, and [...]or making trial, how farther innovations would re⯑ [...]ſh,—but pretending to redreſs grievances, the Non- [...]onform miniſters, by the earls of Rothes, Caſſils, [...]nd Linlithgow, and the lords Yeſter. Roſs, Balme⯑ [...]ino, Melvil, and Lowdon, and ſome well affected gentlemen, preſented a ſupplication for liberty to [...]dminiſter the Lord's ſupper as paſtors and people [...]hould find moſt for edification; and that ſuch In⯑ [...]rants, as ſcrupled, ſhould not be obliged, before [...]heir admiſſion to the miniſtry, to ſwear the oath of ſupremacy and canonical obedience. But the court and biſhops, by their warm oppoſition, prevented the reading of it. Balmerino afterward inſiſted, that the [...]ath, which was impoſed without the authority of Parliament, ſhould be laid aſide; and that accord⯑ing to law, no biſhops ſhould be allowed to deprive or ſuſpend any miniſter, without the trial and con⯑ſent of the miniſters in that bounds. But the ma⯑nagers alſo ſmothered this motion in the birth.

In 1631, the apoſtacy ſtill increaſed. Dr. Max⯑wel taught, That our Saviour at his death deſcended to hell, in order to deliver from it the ſouls of virtu⯑ous heathens; pretending, that this doctrine tended [100] much to his glory, and to the comfort of Chriſtians. John Adamſon of Libberton taught, That the church of Rome is a true church of Chriſt. Wedderburn of St. Andrews and Sydſerf, without controul, pub⯑liſhed their Arminian errors: Many of the conform clergy, and eſpecially the biſhops, altogether aban⯑doned themſelves to drinking in taverns, and ſports on Sabbath afternoons. Foſter of Melroſs, having but one hut of corn in his barn yard, zealouſly ma⯑nifeſted his Chriſtian freedom, by cauſing his ſer⯑vants carry it into his barn on Sabbath. Not a few as faithfully bore witneſs againſt their abominations, —among whom we may reckon Meſſrs. John Sharp, who was baniſhed in 1605, but on account of his diſtinguiſhed learning recalled, and made profeſſor of divinity in the new college of Edinburgh; Robert Bruce who now died in a triumphant manner, hold⯑ing his finger on the laſt verſes of Rom. viii; Robert Boyd of Trochrig, John Scrimgeor, John Chalmers, John Dick, William Scot, John Row, John Ker, James Curry, Ad. Colt, David Foſter, Richard and David Dickſons, James Greig, John Ferguſon, James Inglis, William Livingſton, Thomas Hog, and A⯑lexander Henderſon, who had been converted from Prelacy by a note of Mr. Bruce; Samuel Ruther⯑foord, who, like ſome others, had got into the mi⯑niſtry, without any ſinful engagement, by means of ſome of the nobility,—Robert Douglas, George Gil⯑leſpy, a preacher, and others.

Nothing of importance relative to the church hap⯑pened in 1632. But, next year, Charles, attended by biſhop Laud and many others, came down to E⯑dinburgh, in order to be crowned, and to aboliſh the remains of Preſbytery, and perfect the religious con⯑formity of the two nations. After being crowned in the moſt ſplendid and ceremonious manner, he, on next Sabbath, was gratified with the Engliſh mode of worſhip, and with the moſt fulſom flattery from the pulpit, and the moſt inſolent railing againſt ſuch as ſcrupled at holy veſtments, or any thing elſe, [101] which he pleaſed to appoint in the worſhip of God. The afternoon was ſpent in extravagant feaſting, at⯑tended with concerts of muſic, ſounding of trumpets, and the like profane, carnal parade. The Parliament having met, aſſerted his ſupremacy over the church in all cauſes, and his power of preſcribing proper veſtments for clergymen, the laſt of which it ſeems his father had never executed. They ratified all former acts in favours of the religion preſently pro⯑feſſed, that is, as they had dreſſed it up with Epiſco⯑pacy and ſuperſtition. Hence the faithful party op⯑poſed their ratification. They ratified his revocation of his progenitor's grants of tithes and church lands. The faithful miniſters delivered to Sir John Hay, clerk regiſter, under form of proteſtation, a petition for redreſs of grievances, craving, That as the com⯑miſſioners from the church had tranſgreſſed the CA⯑VEATS, they might be ſuſpended from voting in Parliament, till they were heard againſt them on that point; that the alterations in the act of Parlia⯑ment 1612, from that of the Aſſembly 1610, might be rectified; that the act 1592, eſtabliſhing ſeſſions, Preſbyteries, Synods, and General Aſſemblies, might be reviſed and ratified; that, as was promiſed when they were introduced, none ſhould be urged to ob⯑ſerve the articles of Perth; and that all impoſition of [...]aths not appointed by the Aſſembly or Parliament [...]n Intrants, be prohibited. Sir John, being a ſworn enemy to religion, and ſlave to the biſhops, was [...]ighly offended with the petition, and eſpecially with Mr. Hog's ſolemn manner of delivering it. The [...]ame miniſters, by Mr. Hog, tranſmitted another ſupplication to Charles himſelf, who lodged at Dal⯑ [...]eith, beſeeching him to favour their forementioned [...]etition in the Parliament. But he, deteſting their [...]oneſt deſigns, got both the petitions ſmothered in [...]he birth. Inſtigated by the miniſters, a number of [...]he lords, barons, and burgeſſes, preſented to the [...]ing and Parliament a petition, craving, That the [...]ovations lately introduced into the church, ſhould [102] be aboliſhed; that ſuch as had no intereſt in the happineſs of the kingdom, or had been declared in⯑capable of being judges in any court, ſhould be de⯑barred from ſeats in the Parliament. Charles hear⯑tily abhorred their requeſts. Nevertheleſs, he had no ſmall difficulty to carry the ratification of his ſpi⯑ritual ſupremacy, and of the hierarchy and ſuperſti⯑tion, which his father had introduced. Notwith⯑ſtanding all his ſolicitations and threatenings, and even calling for a pen to mark their names that ſerv⯑ed or oppoſed him, fifteen earls and lords, with for⯑ty-four commiſſioners from burghs, voted againſt that act. Biſhop Burnet affirms, that it was really carried in the negative. But Hay the regiſter, who collected the votes, affirming that it was carried in the affirmative, the earl of Rothes, who had oppoſed it with great freedom and ſtrength of reaſoning, a⯑verred the contrary. Charles, meanly interpoſing, told Rothes, that the clerk's declaration muſt ſtand, unleſs he, at the hazard of loſing his head, would prove him guilty of falſifying the records of Parlia⯑ment. Knowing that Charles, inſtigated by his biſh⯑ops, would rain down his vengeance upon them, as ſoon as he could get an opportunity, the nobles pre⯑pared a repreſentation of their deſigns and reaſons thereof. But either their want of unanimity among themſelves; or their information of his intention to refuſe to hear it; or his ſudden departure to Lon⯑don, prevented their preſenting it to him.

Having returned home, and made Laud, his faith⯑ful attendant, archbiſhop of Canterbury, he tran⯑ſmitted an order to Ballantyne, biſhop of Dumblain, and dean of his royal chapel at Edinburgh, to take care to have the communion there received on their knees, and in cups conſecrated to the king's uſe, on the firſt Sabbath of every month, and to cauſe all the lords of privy council and ſeſſion, advocates, clerks, and writers to the ſignet to receive it in due form, at leaſt once every year, as a pattern to others; and to report their obedience or diſobedience in this mat⯑ter [103] to him. Nevertheleſs, it is ſaid, that no more than ſix lords of privy council, ſeven of ſeſſion, two advocates, one writer to the ſignet, with the clerk of the bills, and two young lords, conformed to this order.

While Charles had been in Scotland, he had e⯑rected a new biſhoprick at Edinburgh, and nominat⯑ed William Forbes, a miniſter of the city, zealous for the reconcilement of the popiſh and proteſtant religions, to it. After a farce of election by the chapter, he was ſolemnly conſecrated, in January, 1634, in the preſence of the two archbiſhops and five biſhops; and had the little and great kirks unit⯑ed to form his cathedral. Notwithſtanding his monkiſh temper, he immediately diſperſed his man⯑dates, requiring all miniſters in his dioceſe, within fourteen days, to ſubſcribe an engagement to full conformity, and to adminiſtrate the ſacraments to none, but thoſe of their own congregations, under pain of being puniſhed as ſchiſmatics. Moſt of the Preſbytery of Edinburgh ſubſcribed the engagement, on the ſame day that they received his mandate. Four of them took it to an adviſement. But William Arthur at Weſtkirk, and James Thomſon at Colling⯑ton, flatly refuſed their ſubſcription. Other Preſ⯑byteries were much leſs complaiſant. Some expreſ⯑ly refuſed to come under any ſuch engagement. The Preſbytery of Greenlaw tranſmitted to him their reaſons againſt compliance, and warned him, that the wrath of God would certainly overtake him, if he perſiſted in requiring miniſters to act contrary to their conſcience. He had ſcarcely threatened to make the beſt in Edinburgh kneel at the communion, or loſe his Epiſcopal gown, when a vomiting of blood put an end to his violent meaſures, about two months after his inſtalment. To obtain his fat benefice, Sydſerf laboured to imitate him in Arminianiſm, and in approaches towards Popery. But Charles, know⯑ing him to be much hated in Edinburgh, tranſported [104] Dr. Lindſay from Brechin, and placed Sydſerf in his room.

A rude draught of the intended addreſs of the nobles to his majeſty, at the concluſion of the above mentioned Parliament, having been left in the hands of Balmerino, one Dunmuir a writer, who had been allowed to view his library, clandeſtinely took a copy of it, which he inadvertently ſhewed to Hay of Naughton, who took a copy of it, while he ſlept, and tranſmitted it to archbiſhop Spotſwood. He, as uſual, poſted off with it on the Lord's day for Lon⯑don; and repreſented to Charles, That it amounted to leaſe-making againſt him and his government; and that copies of it were induſtriouſly ſpread by the noblemen concerned in it, in order to alienate his ſubjects, and make miniſters to refuſe the veſt⯑ments, and other rites preſcribed by law. At laſt, he and his fellow biſhops procured a commiſſion for ſome ignorant, mercenary, or Popiſh creatures of the court, to try the authors and favourers of it, as guilty of treaſon. Haig, the advocate, who had drawn it, after writing a letter to Balmerino, bear⯑ing, that he had written it without any help or di⯑rection from him, fled off. After ſome months im⯑priſonment, Balmerino was brought to his trial. Notwithſtanding all that the biſhops could do, ſeven of the jury brought him in not guilty. Traquair, to pleaſe them, gave his caſting vote againſt him. But finding, that the ſubjects were fully determined ei⯑ther to liberate him, or to revenge his death upon thoſe that had condemned him, without any ſhadow of ground, he quickly procured for him a royal re⯑miſſion.

In 1635, death had ſcarcely tranſported the pious viſcount of Kenmure, and five or ſix of the faithful miniſters to their heavenly thrones, when archbiſh⯑op Spotſwood was made chancellor of Scotland, Ballantyne tranſported to Aberdeen, and Sydſerf to Galloway, and Wedderburn made biſhop of Dum⯑blain, and Whiteford of Brichen. Some miniſters [105] [...]f every Preſbytery were made Juſtices of peace; but [...]ew, except thorough paced epiſcopalians, accepted [...]f that office. It was intended to provide miniſters [...]or all the abbacies, in order to have as many eccle⯑ [...]iaſtical lords to vote in Parliament. But the nobili⯑ [...]y oppoſed this motion; and Traquair perſuaded Charles, that it would be for his advantage to keep [...]he abbacies in his own hand. To pacify the morti⯑fied biſhops, a royal patent was iſſued, impowering [...]very one of them, with any ſix aſſociates that he pleaſed, to judge all perſons within their dioceſe, [...]n the manner of the high commiſſion. Without [...]elay they improved this power for the deſtruction [...]f their opponents. For impoſing an intruſion on [...]is pariſh, Allexander Gordon of Earlſtoun was cit⯑ [...]d before Sydſerf and his Galloway commiſſion; fin⯑ [...]d for abſence, and baniſhed to Montroſe. For re⯑ [...]uſing to conform, or to conſent to the intruſion of [...] conformiſt on his charge, Mr. Glendoning of Kirk⯑ [...]udbright, aged 79, was confined to his pariſh. Wm. Dalgleiſh a neighbouring miniſter, was confined in [...]ike manner. For continuing to hear Mr. Glendon⯑ [...]ng, the magiſtrates of Kirkcudbright were confined [...]t Wigton; and his own ſon, being one of them, [...]mpriſoned, becauſe he would not incarcerate his fa⯑ [...]her. Mr. William Livingſton of Lanerk was pro⯑ſecuted by the archbiſhop of Glaſgow for employing his ſon John to preach, who, along with his breth⯑ [...]en, had been lately ſilenced by the biſhops of Ireland: [...]ut the old man ſo boldly vindicated his conduct, [...]nd laid home to the conſciences of his judges their many heinous offences againſt God, that they were glad to be rid of him. Walter Greig, who had en⯑tered to Balmerino with Spotſwood's own conſent, and by the call of both patron and people, was caſt [...]ut as an intruder, that wanted collation from him. John Mein merchant in Edinburgh was again proſe⯑cuted for not obſerving an anniverſary faſt, and at⯑tending his own pariſh church. The members of the college of juſtice and people of Edinburgh, were [106] mightily urged to perfect conformity, in all the no⯑vations introduced. Thus the biſhops carried all be⯑fore them, leaving little elſe for the friends of re⯑formation, but to cry to the Lord becauſe of their oppreſſors.

In the beginning of 1636, Maxwel biſhop of Roſs, who was already a lord of the privy council, a lord of the exchequer, and an extraordinary lord of the ſeſſion, thought to have got the high treaſurerſhip, which Morton demitted. But the nobles, offended with Spotſwood's promotion to the chancellorſhip, procured that office for the earl of Traquair, who often proved a thorn in the ſide of the biſhops. Tra⯑quair's procuring a penſion of 200 pound ſterling for Maxwel, ſilenced him a little. But when he ſolicit⯑ed the diſſolution of the commiſſion for valuation of tithes, Traquair, by gaining not only the nobles, but even part of the biſhops to the oppoſition, pre⯑vented his ſucceſs. Spotſwood durſt not appear a⯑gainſt Traquair, for fear he ſhould detect his villan⯑ies. The archbiſhop of Glaſgow had obtained a roy⯑al grant of the firſt fruits in his dioceſe; but Tra⯑quair found means to pocket them himſelf. He alſo thought to oblige the inhabitants of Glaſgow to pay their miniſters ſtipends, and to deprive their council of the Patronage of Blackfriars and the Low-kirks; but Traquair defeated his plea.

In 1630, Mr. Samuel Rutherfoord had been cit⯑ed before the high commiſſion; but a ſtorm hinder⯑ing Spotſwood to croſs the Forth, and Alexander Colvil, one of the judges, befriending him, the diet was deſerted. Some miniſters in his preſbytery, la⯑bouring to exaſperate Spotſwood againſt him, a new proſecution of him and Mr. Dalgleiſh was intended in 1634. But Lord Kirkcudbright ſcreened Ruther⯑foord from his perſecutors rage. In 1636, he was obliged by Sydſerf, to appear before the high com⯑miſſion for his non-conformity, and his preaching againſt the articles of Perth, and writing againſt the Arminians. He declined their juriſdiction as un⯑lawful [107] and incompetent: nor would he give any of [...]he biſhops preſent their lordly titles. Notwithſtand⯑ [...]ng all that lord Lorn and others could do in his [...]ehalf, he was prohibited under pain of rebellion to [...]xerciſe his miniſtry any more in Scotland, and char⯑ [...]ed to confine himſelf in Aberdeen and its environs, [...]uring his majeſty's pleaſure. In that confinement [...]e wrote many of his letters, which have ſince been [...]o refreſhing to multitudes. Mr. David Dickſon, whom the earl of Eglinton had got reſtored to his charge, was on the point of being depoſed by the [...]rchbiſhop of Glaſgow, for employing Meſſrs. Blair, Livingſton and others, whom the epiſcopal perſecu⯑ [...]ors had driven from Ireland.

BY this time Laud of Canterbury was deeply concerned to have a perfect conformity eſtabliſhed between the Scottiſh and Engliſh churches. He la⯑boured to perſuade the Scotch biſhops to receive the Engliſh liturgy. But, in their pride, and to avoid all appearance of their dependence on England, they inſiſted for a liturgy of their own compoſition, but near to the Engliſh in both matter and form. This occaſioned a dryneſs between them and the Canter⯑burian primate. But Charles, adviſed by Laud and his underling biſhops of London and Norwich, took the matter upon himſelf. He fixed upon the altera⯑tions, which he thought proper, and required the Scotch biſhops to frame their ſervice book according to them, and particularly to retain all the Engliſh ſaints days, and add the moſt renowned of Scotland to them, eſpecially thoſe of the royal family or epiſ⯑copal order, and by no means to omit Sts. George and Patrick,—and to retain the phraſe, receive ye the Holy Ghoſt, in the Rubrick, for ordination;—and to inſert among the leſſons ordinarily read, Wiſdom of Solomon, i; ii; iii; iv; v; vi. and Eccleſiaſticus i; ii; v; viii; x; xxv; xlix. And he further re⯑quired, that in all biſhops houſes, univerſities, and [108] colleges, this ſervice book ſhould be uſed twice e⯑very day.

While Maxwel, Sydſerf, Wedderburn, Ballantyne, and other biſhops were forming this liturgy, it was foreſeen, that a book of canons would be neceſſary to enforce the uſe of it. Charles therefore authorized them to compoſe one, falſly pretending, That the ſubſtance of the acts of the General Aſſemblles could not otherwiſe be properly known, as a fixed ſtan⯑dard of management. Scarcely had the canons been publiſhed, when the whole body of Preſbyterians declared againſt them, as obſcure or corrupt in many things; and as irregularly impoſed. They particu⯑larly complained, That the 1ſt, 12th, and 13th canons, advanced the king's prerogative too high, and left the church intirely at his mercy; that the 2d, 5th, and 15th, urged an implicit ſubſcription to a ſervice book or liturgy not yet finiſhed and publiſhed; that the 6th rendered miniſters in part ſlaves to the biſhops; that the 10th laid the innocent and guilty parties on a level in the caſe of divorce; that the 16th ſeemed to bind to the bidding of prayer, pre⯑ſcribed in the 55th. Againſt the reſt they complain⯑ed, that biſhops were eſtabliſhed with abſolute juriſ⯑diction, and Popiſh idolatry and ſuperſtition revived by them;—that the whole ſtructure of their antient and ſo often ratified church policy was aboliſhed; ſeſſions and Preſbyteries condemned as conventicles; ruling elders and deacons rejected; and all eccleſi⯑aſtical cauſes dragged to epiſcopal tribunals;—that they contained a number of Popiſh terms, as ſacra⯑mental confeſſion, and abſolution,—appointed all ranks to come to the Lord's ſupper and all other ſacraments; or contained ambiguous terms, as that miniſters are ordained to urge the neceſſity of good works. The liturgy or book of common prayer, was at laſt finiſh⯑ed. It did not contain ſo many leſſons from the Apocrypha as the Engliſh; but thoſe which it had were appointed to be read, when the audience was like to be moſt numerous. The pſalms of it were [109] not taken from the Vulgate, but from the laſt Eng⯑ [...]iſh tranſlation. But, in many things relative to al⯑tars, offering of the elements in the communion, prayer for the dead, miniſters ſtanding at the altar, [...]nd ſometimes turning their face from the people, [...]nd with reſpect to Chriſt's corporeal preſence in the Euchariſt, it approached nearer to the Romiſh maſs book than the Engliſh had done.—It was moreover [...]oudly complained, that theſe books were impoſed without being firſt examined and approved by any General Aſſembly; and that the canons, under pain of excommunication, prohibited all queſtioning of [...]he rectitude of any thing in them.

When Charles and his privy council iſſued forth [...]heir proclamation for the obſervance of theſe books, ſome inſiſted for a delay of the execution. But the young biſhops, who had framed them, and Traquair, who, ro ruin them, puſhed them forward, zealouſ⯑ [...]y inſiſted for immediate obedience to the royal man⯑date, and the new laws. Notwithſtanding the mi⯑niſters were urged to compliance in their dioceſan Synods, many of them would not ſo much as pur⯑chaſe the books. The biſhops falſly repreſented to the council, that the moſt judicious miniſters had all dutifully complied, and obtained an act for raiſing letters of horning againſt the reluctants, obliging each of them to provide two copies of the ſervice book for the uſe of their pariſh, within fifteen days after their charge, under pain of being held rebels againſt his majeſty and his laws. But this act was only a tem⯑porary bug-bear. Zeal for the increaſe of their re⯑venues ſomewhat diverted the attention of the two archbiſhops. Spotſwood hoped to draw the tithes and abbey of St. Andrews to himſelf; and by ob⯑taining a locality in each pariſh to enrich himſelf, and impoveriſh the family of Lennox, which had granted leaſes of the tithes. His brother of Glaſ⯑gow expected to get 5000 pound ſterling out of the annuities within his dioceſe. But, by procuring a royal diſſolution of the commiſſion for valuation of [110] tithes, and by other methods, Traquair, to their unſpeakable vexation, defeated their deſigns. They reſolved on a journey to court, to complain of his conduct, and to procure redreſs to their purſe. And in order to ſecure themſelves a favourable hearing, they laboured zealouſly to promote the uſe of new the liturgy before they ſet out. They procured a letter from Charles, and an order from his privy council, requir⯑ing his ſubjects in Edinburgh to uſe it as a pattern to the reſt. Spotſwood then conveened the miniſters, and threatened them with immediate ſuſpenſion, if they ſhould diſobey. It ſeems that all of them pro⯑miſed compliance, except Meſſrs. Andrew Ramſay and Henry Rollock; the immediate ſuſpenſion of whom did but ſo awaken the indignation of the peo⯑ple, that they would not allow the reſt to comply, however willing they were to do it.

Dean Annan had ſcarce begun to read the ſervice in St. Giles' church, when the people began to make a noiſe. Biſhop Lindſay haſted to the pulpit to pa⯑cify them; but by caſting of ſtools and the like at them, both biſhop and dean were in danger of their life. Almoſt all the ſober people went home, bitter⯑ly reflecting upon the biſhops, for bringing matters to ſuch a paſs, by their innovations. The magiſtrates and privy counſellors, having driven from the church ſuch as aimed their blows at the biſhop and dean, the ſervice was got performed with ſhut doors. But Annan, and eſpecially the biſhop, was in no ſmall danger as they went home. Fairlie biſhop of Ar⯑gyle and his aſſiſtants, who attempted to introduce the liturgy into the Grayfriars church, had not much better encouragement. I do not find, that it was attempted in any other churches of the city. Not a ſingle perſon, except the mere rabble, appears to have been concerned in theſe tumults. But the biſh⯑ops and their votaries, to the great grief of the pri⯑vy council, immediately ſent off an expreſs to his majeſty, in which they repreſented the citizens a [...] the authors or actors of all; and complained of th [...] [111] abſence of Traquair, who had been detained by an heavy rain. After the privy council had made a thorough examination, Traquair, in their name, in⯑formed Charles, that the whole tumult was owing to the low rabble, eſpecially the moſt abject. And, in a letter to the marquis of Hamilton, he laid the blame upon the folly and precipitancy of the biſhops. The town council of Edinburgh wrote a letter to archbiſhop Laud, repreſenting the innocence of their citizens, and their own readineſs to receive the litur⯑gy; and they offered an additional ſtipend to ſuch miniſters as would uſe it; and promiſed them and their aſſiſtants protection in ſo doing. But as none of the conforming clergy inclined to venture their heads on ſuch terms, the biſhops agreed to ſuſpend the ſervice till his majeſty's pleaſure concerning the late tumult ſhould be known. All ſacred meetings on week days were dropt in the city, which, having an appearance of a Popiſh interdiction, inflamed the people more and more. As both miniſters and ma⯑giſtrates deſired to promote the ſervice; and the mi⯑niſters offered to read it themſelves till decent readers could be found and inſtructed, providing that the miniſters in the ſuburbs and neighbourhood, ſhould be obliged to do the ſame, and that the city ſhould give aſſurance for their indemnification, the privy council ordered a bond of aſſurance to be drawn up, and expeded, and appointed the magiſtrates to make diligent ſearch after the authors and abettors of the late tumult, and to provide readers for their church⯑es. But notwithſtanding all their diligence, ſuffici⯑ent readers could not be had: and ſo the ſervice was delayed, to the great mortification of Charles and his biſhops.

Meanwhile, the two archbiſhops had done what they could, to promote the ſervice in the country, and had charged Meſſrs. Alexander Henderſon of Leuchars, and David Dickſon of Irvine, and many others, under pain of being immediately denounced rebels, to buy, each of them, two copies of the [112] prayer book for the uſe of their pariſhes. Neverthe⯑leſs, not only were readers every where hard to be found, but the reluctant miniſters, in four different petitions, begged the privy council to grant a ſuſ⯑penſion of the biſhops orders,—in which they point⯑ed forth the principal errors of the Canons and Li⯑turgy, and offered a friendly diſpute on theſe points; —they ſhewed what bad conſequences had, or might attend the introduction of novations and impoſition of liturgies; and that the church had no ſecurity at all, if princes might change her antient and innocent forms of worſhip without her conſent; and that his majeſty had bound himſelf to make no alterations in this kingdom without the lawful advice and conſent of all concerned. Many noblemen, by their letters, and gentlemen, by perſonal ſolicitation, begged the privy counſellors to keep that yoke off the neck of miniſters. The council therefore enacted, That letters of horning relative to the ſervice book, ſhould extend no further than to the purchaſing of it. They re⯑preſented to his majeſty, that notwithſtanding all their endeavours to the contrary, the increaſing op⯑poſition to his new liturgy, had baffled all their at⯑tempts to introduce it; and begged that ſome of their number might be called up to give him full informa⯑tion of the critical ſtate of the nation, in order tha [...] proper ſteps might be taken to huſh the commotions▪ and introduce his liturgy. The ſupplicants thanke [...] them for their moderation; but the biſhops were highly diſſatisfied, as, contrary to their intention▪ the odium of the impoſition, being removed from the council, fell all on themſelves.

During the throng and hard labour of the harveſt the country was pretty quiet. But it was ſcarel [...] finiſhed, when, inſtead of a few conſcientious mini⯑ſters, no leſs than twenty noblemen, a conſiderabl [...] number of barons, moſtly ruling elders, and near a [...] hundred miniſters, the provoſts, or eldeſt bailies, o [...] Glaſgow, Stirling, Air, Irvine, Dumbarton, Du [...] ⯑fermline, Culroſs, Kirkcaldy, Dyſart, Cowpar, La⯑ [...]erk, [113] Innerkeithing, Burntiſland, and Anſtruther, with commiſſioners from ſixty-eight pariſhes, moſtly gentlemen of principal influence in the counties of Air, Fife, Lothian, Clydſdale, Stirling, and Strath⯑ [...]ern, many of whom knew not of others, till they met at the door of the council houſe, remonſtrated againſt the impoſition of the ſervice book.—In Charles' reply to his council's letter, he complained that they had not executed his former directions; that they had propoſed no new expedient, but had allowed an interruption of the ſervice. He peremptorily order⯑ed them, by their preſence and influence, to cauſe it to be eſtabliſhed in Edinburgh without further delay; and that the other biſhops ſhould introduce it into their dioceſes, as had been done in thoſe of Roſs and Dumblain; and that the council ſhould warn all the burghs to chooſe none for their magiſtrates, for whoſe conformity they could not anſwer. Ne⯑vertheleſs ſixty-eight different remonſtrances againſt the introduction of the ſervice book, were preſented to the council, repreſenting it as contrary to the reli⯑gion preſently profeſſed, and as irregularly impoſed, without conſent of the General Aſſembly, and con⯑trary to acts of Parliament. From all theſe, the earls of Sutherland and Wemyſs formed one general remonſtrance, which was ſubſcribed by a great num⯑ber of the nobles. Intent upon executing his ma⯑jeſty's directions, the council delayed anſwering of theſe petitions; but promiſed to acquaint the peti⯑tioners with his pleaſure, aſſoon as it ſhould be ſig⯑nified to them. And, by the duke of Lennox, they tranſmitted to him the general petition, and another from the city of Glaſgow, and a third from the dioceſe of Dumblain, in which he alleged the ſervice book had been cheerfully received. They alſo informed him of their diligence in executing his orders, and appointed Lennox to lay before him a true ſtate of the circumſtances of the nation. Highly offended, that the council would not ſacrifice their own con⯑ſciences, and the public peace and tranquility for [114] promoting their power and ceremonies, the biſhops repreſented Sir Thomas Hope his majeſty's advocate, and the earl of Traquair, as little better than traitors, that ſecretly ſupported the rebels in their remon⯑ſtrances.

After thanking the council for their good inclina⯑tions to redreſs their grievances, the petitioners re⯑turned home, and applied themſelves to ſearch their own ways, and turn to the Lord, by confeſſion, pray⯑er, and humiliation for ſin,—to aſſiſt them in which work, Meſſrs. Henderſon, Dickſon, and Ker, drew up ſome directions. Their numbers mightily in⯑creaſed. Sir John Hay, the new provoſt of Edin⯑burgh, had hindered the citizens from petitioning along with their brethren. But ſoon after, ſuch multitudes of them attended the town council as o⯑bliged them to remonſtrate to the ſtanding com⯑mittee of the privy council againſt the ſervice book▪ and to promiſe to have the petition tranſmitted to his majeſty: Hay excuſed this petition, as originating from the ſtrangers, which had lately crowded the place; and Spotſwood thought to have had it diſ⯑cuſſed by the council, before any others could come up. But Archibald Johnſton, afterwards Lord War⯑riſton, by his careful information of his friends, pre⯑vented that. There was ſcarce a ſhire ſouthward o [...] the Grampian hills, from which noblemen, gentle⯑men, burgers, miniſters and others, did not conveen to ſupplicate the council, or to wait for their anſwer▪ to their former petitions. Above two hundred pari⯑ſhes gave in new ſupplications. The Petitioners be⯑ing now too many for common conſultation, divided themſelves into four diviſions or tables of nobility▪ gentry, miniſters, and burgeſſes, which began thei [...] meetings with prayer, and formed a ſurvey of th [...] new liturgy.

Informed of theſe things, Charles, by a ſolem [...] proclamation, prohibited the council to proceed in judging of eccleſiaſtical affairs, and charged al [...] the petitioners to return to their reſpective homes [115] [...]nder pain of being denounced rebels. And, to pu⯑ [...]iſh the citizens of Edinburgh for their joining with [...]he other petitioners, he ordered the council and [...]urt of ſeſſion to remove to Linlithgow, and thence [...]o Dundee; which occaſioned a remarkable inter⯑ [...]uption of public juſtice in the kingdom. A tract [...]gainſt the Engliſh Popiſh ceremonies, by Mr. George [...]illeſpy, was alſo prohibited by public proclamation. [...]potſwood craftily abſented himſelf from the coun⯑ [...]il. But the malecontents, looking on him and his [...]ellow biſhops, as the great inſtruments of oppreſſion, [...]nd a dead weight upon the other lords of privy [...]ouncil, drew up a formal complaint againſt them, [...]n which they charged them with the framing of the [...]ervice book, and ſowing in it the ſeeds of idolatry, [...]uperſtition, and falſe doctrine, contrary to the reli⯑gion legally eſtabliſhed; and even approaching near⯑er to the Popiſh Miſſal, than the Engliſh had done; —and with forming the Book of canons, in which bi⯑ [...]hops are impowered to tyrannize over miniſters and people at pleaſure;—by which means, they had wronged his majeſty, kindling diſcord between him and his ſubjects, and between the ſubjects them⯑ſelves,—and had rent the church, and undermined her doctrine, worſhip, diſcipline, and government; —and therefore they begged, that they might be brought to their trial, and duly puniſhed; and in the mean time, not be allowed to ſit judges upon the petitioners. This complaint was ſigned by twen⯑ty-four noblemen, ſome hundreds of gentlemen, ſome hundreds of miniſters, and moſt of the burghs. Nor doth it appear, that any but Mr. R. Bailie, af⯑terward principal in the college of Glaſgow, did he⯑ſitate to ſubſcribe it, who thought ſome expreſſions of it too ſevere.—Finding, that their former ſuppli⯑cation had not been preſented to his majeſty, ac⯑cording to promiſe; and that the courts of juſtice were removed from their city; and that, after their fellow petitioners returned home, they would be ex⯑poſed to the reſentment of their provoſt, ſeverals in [116] Edinburgh, chiefly women, attended the town coun⯑cil, and threatened them, that unleſs they would concur with the other burghs in their ſupplication [...] and complaints, and would reſtore Meſſrs. Ramſay and Rollock, their miniſters, and Henderſon a rea⯑der, they would not ſuffer one of them to come out alive. This obliged them to an immediate compli⯑ance. Theſe female inſurgents, in their way home, had handled the biſhop of Galloway and the provoſt too roughly, had not the nobles prevented them.

After ſeveral unſucceſsful addreſſes to the privy council, the numerous ſupplicants returned home, having reſolved to meet again upon the 15th of No⯑vember. Then greater numbers than ever attended at Linlithgow, and were joined by the earl of Mon⯑troſe, and ſome other noblemen. Notwithſtanding the counſellors could not perſuade them of the law⯑fulneſs of their conventions, they agreed, That, ſince their grievances were not like to be ſoon redreſſed, the noblemen with two gentlemen from every ſhire, and a miniſter from every Preſbytery, and a commiſ⯑ſioner from every burgh, ſhould attend the council, and the reſt return home. They alſo agreed, that Rothes, Montroſe, Lindſay, and Lowdon, as de⯑puties for the nobles; the lairds of Keir, Cunning⯑hamhead, and Oldbar, for the ſhires; the two bai⯑lies of Edinburgh, and provoſt of Culroſs for the burghs; and Meſſrs. James Cunningham and Tho⯑mas Ramſay for the miniſters, ſhould ordinarily at⯑tend at Edinburgh for receiving anſwers of petitions, and giving in remonſtrances, to the council. After ſettling a method of gentlemen ſerving by turns, and of advertiſing their conſtituents in caſe of need, and a ſolemn admonition to, and promiſe of perſonal and family reformation, moſt of them returned home.

The above-mentioned deputies remonſtraſed to the lords of privy council, That if they find his ma⯑jeſty not rightly informed of their grievances; or if they obtain not redreſs by the methods agreed upon, [117] [...]t ſhall be lawful for them to aſſemble their conſt⯑ [...]uents;—that ſuch biſhops or miniſters as have ſlan⯑ [...]ered their conduct as ſeditious, ſhall be obliged to give ſatisfaction for their offence;—that ſince it was none but the low mob that raiſed the late tumult in Edinburgh, the council ſhall interceed with his ma⯑ [...]eſty for the return of the courts of judicature to that city;—that Meſſrs. Ramſay and Rollock ſhall be re⯑poned to their charges;—and that the biſhops be prohibited to urge the uſe of the ſervice book, till his majeſty's pleaſure be further known: They were the more zealous on this laſt point, becauſe Wedderburn biſhop of Brechin had prohibited the town council of that place, to ſend any commiſſioners to ſupplicate [...]gainſt it; and, upon their refuſing to obey him, had taken inſtruments in the name of God, the king, and himſelf, as a privy counſellor, and on the Sab⯑bath following, contrary to the advice of the Chan⯑cellor and Treaſurer, had gone to his pulpit to read [...]he ſervice, armed with piſtols, his ſervants, if not [...]lſo his wife, being prepared to ſecond his warlike [...]ttempt. But he was ſo drubbed by ſome of the people, in his way home, that he never repeated his dangerous taſk.

Though the privy council, to ſhift a proper an⯑ [...]wer to the people's demands, ſolemnly proteſted to their deputies, that they were not regularly met, they, [...]s conſtituted, diſpatched two miſſives, one to Char⯑ [...]es, and another to the earl of Stirling, ſecretary for Scotch affairs; in which they repreſented the neceſ⯑ſity of the reſtoration of the ordinary courts of judi⯑cature, and their own reaſons for yielding ſo far to the aggrieved ſubjects. The earl of Roxburgh, their agent, returned from London, with an ample commiſſion from his majeſty. But it being whiſper⯑ed, that he had orders to apprehend ſome of the principal noblemen among the petitioners, the depu⯑ties conveened all their commiſſioners. But, upon Traquair's intreaty, and the council's promiſe to do nothing to their prejudice, they remained at Edin⯑burgh. [118] Directed by his Majeſty's letter, the coun⯑cil made three acts, declaring, that he had no inten⯑tion of altering the religion preſently profeſſed, or the laws of the country; and appointing two meetings of council every week at Dalkeith, and thereafter at Stirling, of which that on the Thurſday ſhould diſ⯑cuſs complaints and grievances,—and appointing the court of ſeſſion to meet in the beginning of February next 1038, for the adminiſtration of civil affairs, which, for almoſt a year, had been totally interrupt⯑ed, or run into confuſion. The malecontents plain⯑ly perceived, that, by the religion preſently eſtabliſhed, Charles meant Prelacy and its attendant ſuperſtitions, and by the laws of the kingdom, ſuch as had been enacted ſince his father's acceſſion to the Engliſh throne;—the council therefore finding them highly diſſatisfied, and that they could not apprehend their chiefs, or, by promiſes or preſents, detach the poo⯑rer ſort from them, tried ſeveral methods to divide them, or at leaſt to perſuade them to alter their ſup⯑plication in October laſt; eſpecially in that which reſpected the biſhops. But, inſtead of compliance the commiſſioners ſupported their petition, evinced their duty to ſubſcribe it, and proved, That it was neceſſary for the honour of Chriſt, the preſervation of their religion and liberty, and for the honou [...] and advantage of king and country,—and for pre⯑venting the re-introduction of Popery, and for keep⯑ing themſelves free of any conſent to the innovation [...] impoſed, or any hand in the perſecution of thei [...] faithful brethren.

Finding that the council for ſeveral days had bu [...] laboured to divide them, or to ſhift their requeſts the deputies appointed two of their number to pro⯑teſt at each door of the council houſe, in name o [...] all the aggrieved ſubjects, That they ought to hav [...] immediate recourſe with their grievances before hi [...] majeſty himſelf, and to proſecute them, in a lega [...] manner, before the ordinary judges; that the biſh⯑ops, being their oppoſite parties, ought not to ſit i [...] [119] any judicatory as judges of their cauſe, till once they ſhould have purged themſelves of the crimes, with which they were ready to charge them; that it ſhould be lawful for them, in religious matters, to conform themſelves to the word of God, and laudable conſti⯑tutions of this church, and in no wiſe dangerous to refuſe the canon or liturgy impoſed without, or a⯑gainſt, the acts of General Aſſemblies, or laws of this kingdom; that no bad conſequences, ariſing from the council's refuſing, or ſhifting to redreſs their grievances, ſhould be imputed to them; and that their ſupplications proceeded from conſcience, and merely tended to the preſervation of the true reform⯑ed religion, and the liberty of the nation. Inform⯑ed of this intended proteſtation, the privy counſel⯑lors promiſed the deputies a hearing of their requeſts upon the 21ſt of December. The commiſſioners therefore appointed the 12 deputies to preſent their ſupplication and complaint to the council, and to do every thing neceſſary for obtaining a proper anſwer to them. They alſo agreed upon the obſervation of a general Faſt, leaving it to miniſters and their ſeſſi⯑ons to fix the time and aſſign the cauſes of it;—and adviſed miniſters to ſhew their people the heinous nature of the late innovations, and how contrary they were to the national covenant, which had been ſworn about forty years before, viz. in 1596; and kindly to warn univerſities againſt receiving the ſer⯑vice book, or tolerating the teaching of any falſe doctrine among them.

The council having met, and the biſhops with⯑drawn,—conſiſted only of laymen. Lord Lowdon, as agent for the other deputies, preſented two co⯑pies of their ſupplications, which had been given in in September and October preceding, with a new one, in which they complained of the biſhops uſing the ſervice book; and that ſome miniſters of Edin⯑burgh had, in their ſermons and otherwiſe, reproach⯑ed their lawful attempts for redreſs of grievances as ſeditious and rebellious,—and beſought their lord⯑ſhips [120] to deal with his majeſty, and to their utmoſt endeavour their redreſs. He alſo preſented a decli⯑nature of the biſhops as judges in their cauſe, ſince they had been contrivers, introducers, and urgers of the liturgy and canons, and authors of their other grievances. He and Mr. Cuningham enforced their ſupplications with moſt affecting ſpeeches, the laſt of which, it is ſaid, drew tears from ſeveral counſel⯑lors, and gained Lord Lorn, afterwards Marquis of Argyle, to the Petitioners ſide. The council, from conſcience or from neceſſity, found themſelves ob⯑liged to repreſent the whole matter to his majeſty, and not agreeing whether to depute Roxburgh or Traquair for that purpoſe, they left it to Charles to chooſe whom he pleaſed. After being impoſed up⯑on by young Spotſwood, preſident of the ſeſion, and better informed by a letter which Rothes had ſent to the earl of Haddington, he called up Tra⯑quair, who refuſed to look on, or carry along with him, an information from the deputies; but per⯑mitted Lord Orbiſton, juſtice clerk, one of his at⯑tendants, to carry it. Preſident Spotſwood had ſo biaſſed Charles, that Traquair had no ſmall difficul⯑ty. Stirling, who, by Laud's direction, had kept back part of the information ſent by the council, was at laſt left in the lurch. Inſtigated by a letter from old Spotſwood the archbiſhop, Charles reſolv⯑ed to have all the proceedings of the malecontents condemned, and every thing ſimilar prohibited un⯑der pain of high treaſon. Traquair repeatedly re⯑monſtrated againſt this ſtep, as calculated to endan⯑ger the public peace; but he was remanded with new inſtructions to the council.

After his return to Scotland, Traquair, to deceive the malecontent deputies, pretended, That he had brought no inſtructions relative to their affairs. But they, being informed of the truth by their friends at London, appointed four or five of their number to attend the council at Stirling. Traquair and Stir⯑ing laboured to diſſuade them from this, or at moſt [121] to ſend up only two, whom, it ſeems, Traquair intended to apprehend and impriſon in the caſtle. Some of the biſhops friends talking of this, the male⯑contents reſolved to go to Stirling in a body. Tra⯑quair diverted them from this, and perſuaded them to depute only a few. Finding them determined to proſecute their attempts for the preſervation of their religion and liberties, he, after informing them that the council was to ſit at Stirling to-morrow, together with Roxburgh, ſet out for it a little after midnight, intending to have his majeſty's inſtructions approved and proclaimed before any of the deputies could come up. After having, to no purpoſe, waited two hours for a quorum of the council, they, about ten o'clock forenoon, proclaimed his majeſty's mandates, bear⯑ing, That he, not the biſhops, was the original cauſe of the diſputed canons and liturgy; that he con⯑demned all conventions of his ſubjects in order to form ſupplications againſt theſe pious and innocent books, as altogether illegal and ſeditious, and pro⯑hibited all ſuch meetings for the future, under pain of rebellion;—that none ſhould approach his privy council without ſpecial allowance; and that ſuch as had, or were coming up, for any ſuch purpoſe, ſhould within ſix hours depart from Stirling, under pain of high treaſon. Informed by his own ſervant of the early departure of Traquair and Roxburgh, lord Lindſay and the earl of Hume poſted to Stirling; and were ready with a public notary to proteſt againſt the king's proclamation, as ſoon as it was read.— They further remonſtrated, That the ſeeds of ſu⯑perſtition and idolatry are contained in the liturgy and canons, and many other novelties inconſiſtent with the liberties, laws, and religion of this king⯑dom;—that they and their conſtituents ought to be allowed to accuſe the biſhops;—that the High Com⯑miſſion court is contrary to the fundamental laws of the nation, and calculated to eſtabliſh the tyranny of biſhops; that they will not yield to the biſhops as their judges, till they have manifeſted their inno⯑cence [122] in ſome competent court; and that all their meetings and ſupplications had no other end, but the preſervation of the purity of religion and of his majeſty's honour, and the liberty of church and ſtate. The reſt of the malecontent commiſſioners came up in the afternoon, but could not obtain a copy of the king's proclamation. They refuſed to leave Stirling before the counſellors promiſed to do nothing fur⯑ther in their affair; but were ſcarcely gone off, when the treacherous council met, and admitted the bi⯑ſhops to judge, and approved his majeſty's procla⯑mation.

Next morning the deputies waited upon the coun⯑cil, and ſo effectually repreſented the impropriety and ſinfulneſs of their conduct, as made the earls of Angus and Napier profeſs their ſorrow for their raſh approbation of the king's proclamation, and Sir Tho⯑mas Hope, his advocate, refuſed to ſubſcribe it. When the proclamation was publiſhed at Linlithgow, the proteſt taken againſt it at Stirling was renewed. When it was read at Edinburgh, ſixteen noblemen, with a great number of barons, gentlemen, miniſters and burgeſſes, proteſted againſt it, and that they ſhould have immediate recourſe to his majeſty and other competent judges, for redreſs of their grievan⯑ces; that the biſhops ſhould not be held their lawful judges, till they had purged themſelves of the crimes laid to their charge; that no deed of council made in their preſence, ſhould be prejudicial to the ſupplicants; that no danger ſhould be incurred for diſregarding liturgy, canons, courts, acts, or procla⯑mations, introduced without, or contrary to, the ſtanding laws of church or ſtate; and that no bad conſequences of the council's refuſing to hear their remonſtrances, and redreſs their grievances, ſhould be imputed to them.

Convinced, that Traquair and Roxburgh had but deceived them, inſtead of labouring to remove their radical grievances, the malecontents aſſembled at Edinburgh in great numbers, in February 1638, to [123] [...]onſider more fully of proper methods of redreſs. Moved by the nobility, aſſiſted by Meſſrs. Alexander Henderſon and David Dickſon, all the tables agreed [...]o renew their national covenant with God, the vio⯑ [...]ation of which they judged an original ſource of all [...]heir calamities; and a committee was appointed to [...]orm a Bond ſuited to their preſent circumſtances. After the original bond of 1581, and a liſt of many [...]cts of Parliament, which manifeſted the ſeveral points to be ſworn, as commanded, or allowed by the civil laws, they ſubjoined the new Bond, which alone was to be ſworn and ſubſcribed. The earl of Caſſils, Mr. Bailie, and a few others, who had been edu⯑cated in high notions of his majeſty's prerogatives, or of the lawfulneſs of Prelacy, had ſome difficulties; but after ſome reaſoning, and the alteration of a few words, all preſent agreed to it, except three or four clergymen from Angus. As ſome ſcrupled, directly to condemn the articles of Perth and other innovati⯑ons as unlawful in themſelves, the draught of the covenant bond referred all determination on that point to the firſt free General Aſſembly, and engag⯑ed the ſwearers to no more than a forbearance of them till that ſhould take place. By the diſcipline of the church they meant no more than the ſubſtantial points of it uſed in 1581. Such as had ſworn confor⯑mity to the novations introduced, were told, that they might nevertheleſs engage to forbear the uſe of them for a time, on account of their offenſiveneſs. Such as ſuſpected, that the Bond too much limited the maintenance of the king's authority, were told, that their ſwearing to maintain his authority in the de⯑fence of the true religion, and of the laws and liber⯑ties of the kingdom, did not exclude their mainte⯑nance of it in other caſes; that in the bond of 1581, they were ſtill more expreſly bound to defend their religion; that they engaged to maintain the king's authority along with their religion, and therefore their defending of one another in the maintenance of religion, was no more than the laws of kingdom re⯑quired [124] of them. Some other difficulties were ſtart⯑ed, but removed in a friendly manner.

The miniſters having, on the preceding Sabbath, repreſented the breach of former covenants with God, as the peculiar ſpring of all the calamities, under which the nation had groaned; and that the renovation of ſuch a ſolemn dedication of themſelves to God, was a proper mean of obtaining his favour and help for their deliverance,—the covenant was ſworn on the firſt Sabbath of March, with great ſolemnity, and ſubſcribed by many thouſands, viz. all the nobility, except the privy counſellors and four or five more; and by commiſſioners from all the ſhires in Scot⯑land, and commiſſioners from all the burghs, except Aberdeen, St. Andrews, and Crail; and by a mul⯑titude of gentlemen and miniſters. Copies of it were immediately ſent to every Preſbytery, along with a demonſtration of the lawfulneſs of ſubſcribing it, and directions how it ſhould be taken in pariſhes; and as the clergy of Aberdeen and Glaſgow chiefly adhered to their ſcruples, ſome miniſters were ap⯑pointed to deal with them. Before the end of A⯑pril, almoſt the whole adult perſons in the kingdom, except the Papiſts, who were then about 600, the courtiers, who feared his majeſty's diſpleaſure, and ſome clergymen who had ſworn the oath of con⯑formity, had chearfully concurred in the covenant: And notwithſtanding the oppoſition of their clerical doctors, the moſt of the inhabitants of St. Andrews and Glaſgow, alſo joined in it. But at Aberdeen, the ſhrewd reaſoning of the doctors, together with the general inclination to Prelacy and ſuperſtition, had no ſmall influence. We have elſewhere prov⯑ed, from many authentic vouchers, that there were few adult perſons in Scotland, who did not take the covenant, in one ſhape or other, that year.

Having thus, under uncommon influence of the Spirit of God, dedicated themſelves to him, and be⯑gun to reform their practice and families, the cove⯑nanters tranſmitted a ſupplication to his majeſty, re⯑preſenting [125] the equity and legality of their proceedings, and the injuſtice of the biſhops, who had oppoſed them; and they beſought the duke of Lennox, mar⯑quis of Hamilton, and ſome other noble courtiers, to interceed with him for a gracious anſwer. The privy council alſo ſent up Lord Orbiſton to inform him of what had happened, and to beg that he would put a ſtop to the novations complained of, or at leaſt allow the conſciences of his ſubjects a fair hearing. Spotſwood, deep drowned in debt, and other bi⯑ſhops, who knew themſelves to be hated by the peo⯑ple, fled off to the court. Orbiſton, according to his inſtructions, faithfully informed his majeſty, and diſpoſed him to receive further information, for ob⯑taining of which, Traquair, Roxburgh, and Lorn, were called up to him. The Scotch lawyers being conſulted, Whether the covenanters aſſembling of themſelves, without his majeſty's authority, proteſt⯑ing againſt his royal proclamations, and entering in⯑to covenant with God, and with each other, were warrantable by law, gave their opinion, That moſt of their conduct was legal, and none of it againſt any expreſs law. It was even ſuſpected, that they had walked by the direction of Sir Thomas Hope, the king's advocate, in the moſt critical ſteps of it. No ſooner had the three commiſſioners got to London, than the Scotch affairs were taken into ſerious conſi⯑deration. The biſhops, chiefly of Brechin and Mur⯑ray, foreſeeing that they would be inevitably ruined, if Charles ſhould incline to clemency, did all that lay in their power to exaſperate him to the moſt violent meaſures againſt the covenanters. The noblemen with great zeal oppoſed them. Lorn candidly laid open all that he knew of the grievances of his coun⯑try, and declared his diſlike of the articles of Perth, the liturgy and canons, and of the conduct of the bi⯑ſhops; and that he was reſolved rather to leave his country, than to concur in binding theſe burdens upon his fellow ſubjects. As Traquair inſiſted for peaceable methods, the biſhops reproached him with [126] giving the covenanters intelligence, while he, to a⯑venge himſelf, charged the miſcarriage of his majeſty's deſigns on their imprudence and violence.—Fearing that the commencement of a war in Scotland, might give the Engliſh malecontents an opportunity of ob⯑taining their wiſhed redreſs, the Engliſh counſellors were no leſs averſe to it, than the Scotch. Lennox, in a fine and warm oration, remonſtrated, that there was no preſent neceſſity for a war; nor were the mo⯑tives of ſuch importance, as to plunge the two king⯑doms into a war, in which, be victorious who would, his majeſty would loſe a multitude of his ſubjects, or the hearts of ſuch as ſurvived it; and inſiſted, that either the occaſion of the preſent ferment ſhould be removed out of the way, or time ſhould be allowed for it gradually to work off, or his majeſty might yield to the covenanters demands. Theſe and like ſpeeches, with the news of Multitudes entering into the covenant, made Charles prefer peace, and made the biſhops to be looked upon at the real enemies of the kingdom.

About this time, Preſbyteries, diſregarding their epiſcopal ſuperiors, began to ordain miniſters, with⯑out conſulting them, and removed their conſtant moderators. Rutherfoord returned to Anwoth in Galloway; Livingſton, Hamilton, M'Lellan, Blair, and Row, who had been driven from Ireland, were ſettled in vacancies, or as aſſiſtants to others. The Epiſcopalian doctors of St. Andrews publiſhed their reaſons for refuſing the covenant, and Drs. Baron and Forbes of Aberdeen commenced a paper war with the covenanters. But both were quickly ſilenced by more nervous replies. The king's ſuſpenſion of the civil courts for about a year, tempted ſome highlan⯑ders of his party to plunder and oppreſs their neigh⯑bours, and ſome women and low rabble to abuſ [...] ſome conform clergy.—While the covenanting cler⯑gy did what they could to prevent or ſuppreſs ſuch riots, the biſhops and their agents improved them [127] to provoke his majeſty to an open war with the whole covenanters.

Charles having reſolved for a time to yield ſome⯑thing to them, he was on the point of intruſting that critical management to Traquair: but the biſhops, who reckoned him their mortal enemy, by a long and trifling accuſation, diverted him from this. The Marquis of Hamilton was therefore intruſted with it. To prevent all diviſion of the covenanters among themſelves, by any conceſſions, which his majeſty might offer, the earls of Rothes, Caſſils and Montroſe, drew up a draught of the loweſt terms, upon which the religion and liberties of the nation could be ſettled in a ſolid manner, viz. That the ſervice book and book of canons ſhould be diſcharged; that the High Commiſſion court ſhould be for ever diſ⯑ſolved; that the articles of Perth ſhould not be urg⯑ed by authority; that no clergymen ſhould have vote in Parliament, without an exact ſubmiſſion to the CAVEATS fixed by the General Aſſembly 1600; that no unlawful articles or oaths ſhould be impoſed upon Intrants to the miniſtry; that proper ſecurity ſhould be given for the holding of yearly General Aſſem⯑blies; and that a Parliament ſhould be called for the redreſs of grievances. To preſerve unity among themſelves, the covenanters further agreed, That no anſwer ſhould be given to ſtateſmen without com⯑mon conſent; that a committee ſhould be choſen out of each table to prepare and manage matters; and that ſome gentlemen, miniſters, and burgers, ſhould meet with the nobles, that it might not be thought they took too much upon them; that all of them ſhould attend at Edinburgh as appointed; that, to ſhew their adverſaries that their principal ſtrength did not ly in their nobility, fewer of theſe ſhould attend than formerly; that if any proclamation be iſſued contrary to the deſign of their former ſuppli⯑cations, it ſhould be anſwered by a proteſt, contain⯑ing for ſubſtance the eight articles above mentioned; that if his majeſty prohibit the canons and liturgy, [128] and limit the High Commiſſion, they ſhall inſiſt for the redreſs of their other grievances, and none reſt content with leſs than the ſaid eight articles contain; that the number of commiſſioners be doubled againſt the time of Hamilton's arrival; that the reports of the ſubſcription of the covenant be called up from every corner of the kingdom; and that they ſhould obſerve a ſolemn faſt, to confeſs their own ſins, and implore God's favour and help at their general mee⯑ting.

While the biſhops, that remained in Scotland, gave all the information they could againſt the cove⯑nanters to court, Hamilton, having received 28 in⯑ſtructions from his majeſty, part of which he was to conceal or avow, as circumſtances required, prepar⯑ed for his journey to Scotland. But, fearing, that his furious countrymen might, by their advice, coun⯑teract his peaceful attempts in his abſence, he refuſ⯑ed to leave the court, till as many of them as could be ſpared, were ordered down before him. This was extremely diſagreeable to the biſhops, and to preſi⯑dent Spotſwood and Sir John Hay, formerly men⯑tioned, as they knew themſelves to be deteſted at home; and ſeveral of them were in danger of pro⯑ſecutions for debt. No ſooner had Hamilton arriv⯑ed at Edinburgh, than he found, to his great diſſa⯑tisfaction, that the covenanters had agreed, that not one of them ſhould wait upon him without the con⯑currence of all the reſt. Charles, on the other hand, ſent ſixty barrels of powder, and ſome hundred, ſtands of arms and matches, to be lodged in the caſtle, to be uſed againſt them, if his propoſals ſhould not ſucceed. Being ſecretly landed at Fiſherrow, and thence conveyed to Dalkeith, this occaſioned a re⯑port, that Traquair had brought them to blow up the covenanters, when they ſhould meet to confer with Hamilton; and his vindication of himſelf gave too much ground to ſuſpect his Majeſty's hoſtile in⯑tentions. It was alſo reported, that Hamilton, as he paſſed, had ordered the ſherriffs of Northumber⯑land [129] to have their trained bands in readineſs. Nor did he appear capable of clearing himſelf. It was al⯑ſo reported, that the earls of Huntly, Herreis, A⯑ [...]ercorn and Winton, intended to march their whole forces to Edinburgh for ſupporting his majeſty's plea⯑ſure. The covenanters, who, as yet appear to have purchaſed no arms from abroad, let a watch upon the caſtle, that it might not be reinforced or ſuppli⯑ed with any thing more than neceſſary proviſions.

The marquis of Hamilton having taken up his lodging at Dalkeith, the privy counſellors met with him there; all of whom the miniſters ſerved with an earneſt intreaty to ſubſcribe their covenant. The covenanters thinking it neither ſafe, nor conveni⯑ent, to attend the privy council at Dalkeith, Hamil⯑ton, after ſome altercation, and a treaty, came to E⯑dinburgh, where, about 20,000 of them, five or ſe⯑ven hundred of whom were miniſters, met him; to⯑gether with the town council, inhabitants, and an infinity of women and children;—and old Mr. Wil⯑liam Livingſton welcomed him with a ſhort addreſs. —In vain each party laboured to find out the ſecrets of the other.—At laſt, Hamilton told them, that his majeſty was willing to aboliſh the Canons, Liturgy, and other grievances, providing they would give up with their covenant. By appointment, Mr. Alexan⯑der Henderſon drew up reaſons againſt this, bearing, That it would involve them in perjury before God; —would imply an acknowledgment of the unlawful⯑neſs of their covenanting;—would mark the vileſt ingratitude to God, who had ſingularly encouraged them in it;—would deny his commandment binding them to vow and pay to him;—would condemn what⯑ever like work had been, or might be, tranſacted in this church; that they could not give up their cove⯑nant without the conſent of God and every perſon concerned in it;—that it could not be expected, that their ſurrender of it would influence their oppo⯑nents to concur with them in ſwearing to the ſame things by virtue of a new command, but would re⯑preſent [130] them as inconſtant, as breakers of their oath, and deniers of their faith, while God was calling them to confeſs it. The marquis could obtain no more, than that the body of the covenanters ſhould retire from Edinburgh, leaving ſome deputies to tranſact with them in their name. Theſe deputie [...] immediately drew up a ſupplication, in which, afte [...] an enumeration of their grievances, they inſiſted fo [...] a free General Aſſembly, and a Parliament, in orde [...] ſpeedily to redreſs them, as they were daily growin [...] worſe and worſe. And, to procure an immediat [...] anſwer, they diſperſed a paper to be adviſed upon ſo as it might come into the hands of the courtiers bearing, That ſince the grievances complained of re⯑ſpected the whole kingdom, the remedies behove [...] to be equally public and extenſive, and effectual fo [...] preventing like grievances in time coming; that on⯑ly a free Aſſembly and Parliament are able to pro⯑duce ſuch effects; that the biſhops could not b [...] their judges, till they purge themſelves of the crime laid to their charge; that, if the court take dilator [...] methods, it would be proper to conſider of ſome o⯑ther method of calling a General Aſſembly; tha [...] if the court ſhould violently inforce obedience t [...] their will, a committee ſhould be allowed to delibe⯑rate what might be done for the defence of their re⯑ligion, liberty, and laws. Perhaps theſe ſtron [...] hints diſpoſed the marquis to receive their petitio [...] with the more appearance of regard.

He offered to proclaim his majeſty's pleaſure; bu [...] the deputies, knowing that it would not be ſatisfac⯑tory, aſſured him, that they would be conſtrained t [...] proteſt againſt it; that thereby they might juſtif [...] their own and their fathers conduct; that the [...] might manifeſt their adherence to their former teſt [...] ⯑monies; that they might preſerve and manifeſt the [...] union among themſelves; and that they might pub⯑licly thank his majeſty for the conceſſions which h [...] had made. When he ſaw that the deputies had e⯑rected their ſcaffold for the earl of Caſſils, Mr. Wi [...] ⯑ [...]am [131] Livingſton, and two others, to proteſt againſt [...]e proclamation at the croſs of Edinburgh, he for⯑ [...]ore to publiſh it; and, as if earneſtly deſirous of [...]eace, required a conference with the deputies. [...]hey appointed Rothes, Montroſe, and Lowdon, [...]o confer with the earls of Traquair, South Eſk, [...]nd lord Lorn. As the agents from Hamilton pre⯑ [...]ended, that in the covenant, there ſeemed to be a [...]ombination for protecting delinquents againſt pub⯑ [...]ic authority and law, in other points beſides thoſe which concerned the religion and liberties of the kingdom; the covenanters, in a remonſtrance, ex⯑plained this, and gave the ſtrongeſt aſſurances of their [...]oyalty, and again petitioned for a free Aſſembly and Parliament. Chiefly intending to gain time, till his majeſty ſhould be ready to attack them with the ſword, Hamilton propoſed to the covenanters, that ſince his preſent inſtructions could not content them, he would ride poſt to London, and repreſent their caſe, in conſequence of which, he hoped quickly to return with more ſatisfying propoſals. Ignorant of his wicked deſigns, they reliſhed his motion; and beſought him to agent their cauſe with his majeſty, and procure them a free Aſſembly and Parliament; and added, that if he did not quickly return, they ſhould be excuſed, if they took it for a denial of their requeſt; that their cauſe ſhould be no wiſe hurt by proclamations, or any thing elſe, before his re⯑turn; that in the mean time, no forts ſhould be re⯑paired or fortified, or lawful commerce by ſea or land interrupted; that none of the biſhops ſhould repair to court, or, if called up, ſhould return with, or before him; and that the liturgy and canons ſhould be of no force.

To deceive the covenanting commiſſioners, and make moſt of them return home, Hamilton pretend⯑ed to ſet off for London; but returned next day, when he hoped there would be none to proteſt; publiſhed a proclamation, probably, drawn up by himſelf in his majeſty's name, in which he promiſed [132] never to urge the obſervation of the liturgy and ca⯑nons, but in a fair and legal manner; that he intend⯑ed no alteration of the religion or laws of the king⯑dom; that he would rectify the High Commiſſion by advice of his council; that with the firſt con⯑veniency he would call a free General Aſſembly and Parliament, for the eſtabliſhment of the religion pre⯑ſently profeſſed. The earl of Caſſils, Alexander Gib⯑ſon laird of Dury, Archibald Johnſton advocate, John Ker miniſter of Preſtonpans, and James Fletch⯑er provoſt of Dundee, proteſted againſt it. Being informed, that the privy council was ſolicited to ap⯑prove of this proclamation, the covenanters deliver⯑ed to the marquis, and every other member, a copy of their reaſons againſt the ratification of it, bearing, That it did not diſallow or aboliſh the liturgy and canons, but confirmed the proclamation of Febuary 19th, and directly avowed, that they might be le⯑gally impoſed; that it did not aboliſh, but eſtabliſh the High Commiſſion court; that it did not grant any of their requeſts, but condemned their proce⯑dure as diſorderly and criminal; that it gave no ground to hope for freedom from the articles of Perth, but the contrary; that it altogether concealed the guilt of the biſhops; that it gave no certainty of a free Aſſembly or Parliament; that it did not acknow⯑ledge theſe things, of which they had complained, as innovations or ſuperſtitious; but repreſented them as means of confirming religion. But before the counſellors got theſe reaſons, all of them but Lorn and South Eſk had ſubſcribed the proclamation, at their own houſes, and atteſted it to be ſufficient to content all his majeſty's good ſubjects.

The diſappointed covenanters, after ſolemn ſup⯑plications to God, preſented to the marquis a com⯑plaint of the counſellors approbation of the procla⯑mation, bearing, That thereby the Lords had, with⯑out hearing them, condemned their proceedings as criminal, and part of them as treaſonable; had con⯑firmed all the calumnies of their adverſaries againſt [133] them, and juſtified the injuries which they had re⯑ceived; had ſtopt the courſe of his majeſty's favour toward them, or better information; had provoked him to uſe his power againſt them as diſobedient ſub⯑jects; had prematurely ſhewed, that they would aſ⯑ſiſt his majeſty in executing his threatenings againſt them;—and therefore, they begged them to reſcind their act. Moved herewith, the lords never reſted till they got back their act and tore it to pieces. Ha⯑milton then offered the covenanters a more favour⯑able proclamation, prohibiting the obſervance of the liturgy and canons, and reſcinding all acts of council in favours of them, and forbidding the High Com⯑miſſion to ſit, till it ſhould be duly regulated. But as this did not ſatisfy the covenanters, it was not publiſhed. They nevertheleſs promiſed to behave quietly, till the marquis ſhould go to London, and inform his majeſty how things ſtood, and return. Meanwhile, Charles carried on his preparations in England and Ireland, for a warlike invaſion of his native country; and his doctors of Aberdeen did what they could, by publiſhing their objections and duplies, to oppoſe and diſgrace the covenanters bond. But theſe were ſo anſwered by Meſſrs. Henderſon and Dickſon, that a conſiderable number in and about Aberdeen, both miniſters and people, ſubſcrib⯑ed the covenant, notwithſtanding all that the doc⯑tors and earl of Huntly could do to reſtrain them.

In conſequence of Hamilton's information con⯑cerning Scotch affairs, Charles, after declaring his own adherence to the Confeſſion of Faith eſtabliſhed in 1560, empowered him to cauſe all the members of privy council to ſubſcribe it, together with a new bond for the maintenance of its doctrines, and of the king's authority. If they complied, he might call a General Aſſembly, when and where they pleaſ⯑ed, but, it behoved him to take care, that the biſh⯑ops ſhould have power to vote, and one of them be moderator; that he might declare the articles of Perth indifferent, and that miniſters ſhould be ad⯑mitted, [134] as before the late commotions; that he ſhould reſtrict the power of biſhops as little as poſ⯑ſible; and might, if he found proper, publiſh the laſt mentioned proclamation, and act of council. He had other private inſtructions to take care of prelacy and prelates.

Returning to Edinburgh, Hamilton demanded of the covenanters, That all thoſe miniſters, that had been ſuſpended by Preſbyteries ſince January laſt, without warrant of their biſhop, ſhould be reponed in their charges; that all the former moderators of Preſbyteries, be reponed in their places; that ſuch miniſters as have been admitted ſince that time, leave their charges; that people reſort to their own church⯑es; that no miniſters come to the Aſſembly, unleſs they be choſen commiſſioners; that all the lawful moderators of Preſbyteries, be commiſſioners; that no lay perſon, i. e. ruling elder, ſhould interfere in the choice of commiſſioners from Preſbyteries; that they ſhould either give up, or alter their cove⯑nant; that they ſhould forbear their meetings in time coming; that miniſters ſhould have their ſti⯑pends paid, and be ſecured in their perſons.—The covenanters, having anſwered theſe demands, in a manner that ſhewed they could not be eaſily im⯑poſed on, Hamilton reduced them all to two, name⯑ly, That no lay elders or miniſters of another Preſ⯑bytery, ſhould vote in the choice of commiſſioners to the Aſſembly; and that the Aſſembly ſhould meddle with nothing which had been eſtabliſhed by the Parliament, unleſs in remonſtrances and petiti⯑ons to that ſupreme court. After ſome friendly diſ⯑pute among themſelves, the covenanters rejected theſe demands, as ſnares laid to intrap them; and finding, that the marquis did not ſhew due forward⯑neſs in calling ſuch a free Aſſembly as they wiſhed, they reſolved to call one themſelves, and publiſhed their reaſons for ſo doing, viz. That General Aſ⯑ſemblies were neceſſary for the welfare of the church; that Chriſt had given his church full power to con⯑veen [135] and hold councils, when neceſſary; that by virtue of this divine right, this church had long, with remarkable countenance from God, held her General Aſſemblies; that the laws of the land, and even the corrupt Aſſemblies of 1606, and 1610, al⯑lowed the neceſſity of General Aſſemblies; that at preſent a General Aſſembly was peculiarly neceſſary for the ſuppreſſion of error, redreſſing of grievances, reſtoring of diſcipline, peace, and unity; for the mutual edification of miniſters and people; for con⯑firming ſuch as doubt of the truth; for protecting faithful miniſters, and cenſuring Popiſh and Armi⯑nian teachers. They alſo ſolved the objections, which might be made to their calling of it.

Finding, that the covenanters were reſolved to have an Aſſembly more free than his inſtructions permitted him to call, Hamilton with no ſmall diffi⯑culty perſuaded them to delay all ſteps toward calling one themſelves, till he ſhould again poſt to London, and ſolicit his majeſty's concurrence with their views. They agreed to wait till the 20th of September, up⯑on condition, that he ſhould inſiſt with his majeſ⯑ty, that the Aſſembly ſhould be FREE, both as to its members, and the matters handled in it; that it ſhould be held within a ſhort time; and that it ſhould meet in a place moſt commodious for all con⯑cerned; and that all interception of their letters in England might be prohibited.—Meanwhile, the de⯑puties agreed upon RULES of chooſing commiſſion⯑ers to the Aſſembly to be tranſmitted to the ſeveral Preſbyteries, viz. That the number of commiſſion⯑ers ſhould be regulated by the act of the Aſſembly at Dundee in 1597; that their commiſſion ſhould empower them to act according to the word of God, and the confeſſion of faith in every thing judged; that every kirk ſeſſion ſhould have an elder at the Preſbytery, when the commiſſioners ſhould be cho⯑ſen; that miniſters under ſcandal be immediately proceſſed, in order to prevent their being choſen for commiſſioners; that no moderators of Preſbyteries [136] be members of Aſſembly by virtue of their office; that notwithſtanding their late ſolemn faſt upon the 22d and 29th of July, they ſhould obſerve another on the Sabbath immediately before the election of commiſſioners, in order to implore the Lord's direc⯑tion in this important ſtep. As not a few of the clergy were averſe from ruling elders ſitting with them, in Preſbyteries, Synods, or Aſſemblies, co⯑pies of a paper, proving by a great many acts of Aſ⯑ſembly and Parliament, that ſuch officers had, and ought to be in this church, in order to procure rea⯑dy acceſs for them into Preſbyteries. Moreover ſe⯑cret inſtructions were tranſmitted to the more truſty clergymen, bearing, That they ſhould proteſt againſt the chooſing of any for commiſſioners, that were under any proceſs for ſcandal; that they ſhould take care to have the biſhops timely brought under pro⯑ceſs for their offenſive behaviour; that miniſters pre⯑pare themſelves for diſputing upon ſuch points as are like to be handled in the Aſſembly; that three mi⯑niſters be choſen out of every Preſbytery, where they can be had well affected to the cauſe of truth; that the well affected conſult among themſelves be⯑fore the election, that their election may fall on the ſame perſons; that the election of ſuch as have cho⯑ſen biſhops, have ſat in the High Commiſſion, have countenanced the king's chapel ceremonies, or have offered to obſerve the liturgy and canons, or have been juſtices of peace, be avoided, unleſs they have acknowledged the ſinfulneſs of their former courſes; that where well affected noblemen or gentlemen may be commiſſioned as ruling elders in different Preſby⯑teries, they be choſen in that Preſbytery, in which there are feweſt able miniſters. Theſe hints were of⯑fered not as authoritative rules, but as advices, as many had but little knowledge of Preſbyterian go⯑vernment. While ſeſſions and Preſbyteries were bu⯑ſy promoting the election of proper commiſſioners, Thomas Abernethy a Jeſuit, having heard at Rome of the wonderful providences of God towards his [137] [...]ative country, haſtened to witneſs them, and had [...]ot been long here, when, manifeſtly perſuaded of [...]he truth, he was, upon his earneſt intreaty, ad⯑mitted into their church fellowſhip. His deep mark⯑ [...]d repentance and converſion, and his zeal for the [...]ovenant, not a little encouraged the covenanters.

Hamilton having reached the court, informed his majeſty, that he durſt not divulge his laſt inſtructi⯑ [...]ns, leſt he ſhould have thereby expoſed the royal [...]uthority to contempt, and that he could think of nothing ſo apt to remove the preſent jealouſies of the malecontents, as an order for the renovation of the [...]ational covenant of 1581, which contained a parti⯑cular renunciation of Popery, the fears of which had occaſioned the malecontents late covenant. Charles was heartily provoked, to find all his ſtratagems ſo unſucceſsful; but, not being yet ready for the open war, which he intended, he inſtructed the Marquis [...]o prohibit the liturgy and canons, the High Commiſ⯑ſion, and obſervance of the articles of Perth;—to de⯑clare the admiſſion of miniſters to their office perfect⯑ly free; and that biſhops ſhould be ſubject to the Aſſembly; and to indict an Aſſembly and Parliament as he ſaw cauſe, and to require all the ſubjects to ſubſcribe the covenant of 1581, and bond of 1589. Returning to Edinburgh, Hamilton read his inſtruc⯑tions to the privy council, but could not perſuade them to ſubſcribe the above-mentioned covenant and bond, till a clauſe was added, bearing, that they ſub⯑ſcribed it according to its original meaning. They declared their ſatisfaction with his majeſty's conceſ⯑ſions; and that all his ſubjects ought to reſt con⯑tented with them; and promiſed to ſacrifice their lives and fortunes in executing them, and ſettling the peace of the kingdom. They iſſued a procla⯑mation for a General Aſſembly to meet at Glaſgow, November 21ſt, and warned biſhops and commiſſio⯑ners to attend it; and another for a Parliament at Edinburgh on the 15th of May next enſuing, and warned the nobles, biſhops, barons, and commiſſio⯑ners [138] from burghs, to attend it. They commands all the ſubjects to ſubſcribe his majeſty's covenant an [...] bond, with all expedition;—and then publiſhed hi [...] majeſty's proclamation. The covenanters did no [...] think it ſufficient for the redreſs of their grievance [...] —as it did not clearly and diſtinctly condemn the in⯑novations, of which they had complained;—it allow⯑ed the biſhops their wonted power, and ſo calle [...] them to their ſeat as judges in the Aſſembly an [...] Parliament.——They largely exhibited their reaſon againſt admitting of any limitation of the Aſſembly as contrary to the word of God, the large Confeſſion of faith, and book of diſcipline, their former con⯑tendings, and the ends of General Aſſemblies, an [...] to the acts of the church, or of Parliament, ratify⯑ing the liberties of that court. They refuſed to ſub⯑ſcribe his majeſty's covenant, as they did not know but thereby he intended to invalidate and diſgrace their late bond; as ſuch a ſubſcription might amount to a taking of God's name in vain, multiplying oaths without neceſſity; as it might divide them among themſelves, and ſo involve them in perjury; as it would import, that their former vows had been raſh and deſtitute of lawful authority; as it would expoſe them to the reproach of inconſtancy in religion; as it would involve them in an approbation of the arti⯑cles of Perth, their ſubſcription anſwering to his majeſty's command; as it might conſiſt with an ap⯑probation of the liturgy and canons; as it imported an unlawful going back from truth, when God was calling to a ſteady adherence to it; as it approved the king's proclamation, and ſo imported acquieſcence in his pardon of their former proceedings, which they reckoned their requiſite duty and glory; and becauſe that part of the narrative of his majeſty's co⯑venant was different from that of 1581; and that it contained no engagement to practical reformation; and becauſe the counſellors ſubſcription of it had but tended to widen breaches, inſtead of healing them. They farther proteſted, That the preſent diſtractions [139] [...] church and ſtate were owing to the novations of [...]hich they complained, and not to their groundleſs [...]ars, as the proclamation pretended; and that all [...]eſtions relative to the freedom of the Aſſembly in its [...]nſtitution, members, and points to be judged, or [...]m and order of procedure, ſhould be left to the [...]termination of the Aſſembly itſelf; that the bi⯑ [...]ops ſhould attend it, not as judges, but merely [...]r trial and cenſure;—and that, adhering to their [...]n late covenant with God, they ought not to be [...]arged to ſubſcribe any other, or to procure ſub⯑ [...]riptions to it; that the ſubſcription of his majeſty's [...]venant by the privy council, ſhould not be preju⯑ [...]cial to theirs.—In this long proteſt, the covenan⯑ [...]rs had their eye upon the proclamation of Sep⯑ [...]mber 9th, and the acts of council complexly taken, [...] they knew that proclamation was to be explain⯑ [...] by them.

Notwithſtanding this ſolemn proteſt, Hamilton [...]d the privy council diſpatched their commiſſioners, [...]ſiſted by their miſſives, to procure ſubſcriptions to [...]s majeſty's covenant. By extolling his condeſcenſi⯑ [...], and the neceſſity and expedience of ſubſcribing [...] theſe commiſſioners did what they could. Aware [...] this diviſive meaſure, the covenanters ſent their [...]puties through the nation, with copies of their [...]e proteſt and additional advices, warning their [...]iends to avoid the ſnare, and in as large numbers [...] they could, to read their proteſt, wherever the [...]ng's proclamation ſhould be read. Where the [...]urt commiſſioners got the ſtart, chiefly in the coun⯑ [...]es of Aberdeen and Bamff, in which the earl of [...]untly had remarkable influence, they obtained not [...] few ſubſcriptions. About 28,000 in all, ſubſcrib⯑ [...] it, more than the half of whom were in theſe two [...]ires. In Aberdeen, the doctors would not ſub⯑ [...]ribe it without declaring, that they underſtood it [...] conſiſtent with Prelacy and the ceremonies. The [...]tizens ſubſcribed it in the ſame ſenſe. Here the [...]ord and Maſter of Forbes, at the hazard of their [140] life, read the proteſt; but the people were generally too much overawed by Huntly, and addicted to the court, and its novations, to regard it. The inhabi⯑tants of Glaſgow, warmly urged by Hamilton him⯑ſelf, and by Orbiſton, lord juſtice clerk, were many of them on the point of ſubſcribing; but, having got ſome time to think on it, their ſcruples increaſ⯑ed, and few complied.

While the court laboured to have all the magiſtrate of burghs to their mind, the elections for the Aſſem⯑bly went almoſt every where in favours of the cove⯑nanters. Part of the Preſbytery of Glaſgow, for [...] time, oppoſed the election of any ruling elders to re⯑preſent them. But the reaſonings of Lord Lowdon and of Meſſrs. D. Dickſon, R. Blair, and J. Bon⯑ner removed moſt of their ſcruples. As there wer [...] no judicatories but Preſbyteries, at the time, for cit⯑ing the biſhops to take their trial at the Aſſembly▪ and as the king had called them up as judges, an [...] his commiſſioner refuſed warrants to cite them a [...] pannels, the covenanters firſt drew up a libel again [...] them all, in which they accuſed them of their com⯑mon faults, tranſgreſſion of the caveats eſtabliſhe [...] by the Aſſembly 1600;—behaving themſelves in [...] lordly manner;—publicly teaching, conniving at, o [...] countenancing Popiſh and Arminian errors. T [...] theſe they ſubjoined charges of drunkenneſs, whore⯑dom, playing at cards and dice, profane ſwearing bribery, ſimony, lying, diſhoneſty in civil bargain [...] and the like, to be applied to particulars as they de⯑ſerved. Eleven noblemen, thirty-one barons, an [...] gentlemen, five miniſters, and ſix burgers and com⯑mons, in name of the covenanters that were no [...] choſen members of the Aſſembly, were appointe [...] to proſecute them before the Preſbyteries, wher [...] they reſided; and to add to the general libel wha [...] other particular crimes they could prove againſt them The Preſbyteries, according to the advice of th [...] Tables, referred the matter to the Aſſembly, an [...] appointed the libel, with a citation of them to th [...] [141] Aſſembly, to be read from every pulpit within the [...]ounds of the Preſbyteries concerned. Many pro⯑ceſſes were alſo commenced againſt ſcandalous mini⯑ſters, part of which were referred to the Aſſembly.

The Tables further adviſed, That all the noble⯑men who had ſubſcribed their covenant, ſhould meet [...]t Glaſgow on the Saturday before the Aſſembly; that every ruling elder choſen for the Aſſembly, ſhould bring along with him four gentlemen as his aſſiſtants, whom he might conſult in difficult caſes; that each burgh ſhould ſend up from two to ſix of their moſt judicious members for the ſame purpoſe; that, according to his majeſty's proclamation, the firſt Lord's day of November ſhould be ſpent in ſolemn faſting in congregations for the Lord's direction, be⯑fore miniſters ſet off; that congregations take care, that no miniſter be hindered from attendance, for want of neceſſary charges; that ſuch as had been de⯑coyed or compelled to ſubſcribe the king's covenant, declare the ſame in writing, or before their ſeſſions. To prevent a numerous attendance of the covenan⯑ters at the Aſſembly, which might at once protect and encourage their friends, Hamilton and his party did what they could, prohibiting every perſon con⯑cerned to bring any with him but his own family and ordinary retinue. But the covenanters proteſted, That all ſhould have liberty to attend, who had in⯑tereſt as parties, witneſſes, judges, or aſſeſſors; and that all might come with ſuch retinue as the privy counſellors ſhould give example of. Traquair adviſ⯑ed to put as many of the covenanters as poſſible to the horn, for not paying their taxes or debts; ſome of them a few days before the meeting of the Aſſem⯑bly. But they encountered this ſtratagem with ſuch a ſpirited remonſtrance, as obliged the Marquis and council to drop it.

When the Lords of Seſſion met at Edinburgh on the firſt day of November, Hamilton required them to ſubſcribe his majeſty's covenant, intimating, that his declared meaning of it was conſiſtent with all the [142] novations introduced into the church ſince 1580. But, after a debate of three hours, only nine of them would ſubſcribe it. The Lords Dury, Craig-hall, Scotstarvet, and Innerteil, refuſed, and pro⯑teſted. Hamilton declared in the privy council, that it was his majeſty's pleaſure, that Epiſcopacy might be limited, but not that it ſhould be aboliſhed; and therefore urged them to approve it, as a mean of de⯑terring the Aſſembly from preſuming to condemn it. But Sir Thomas Hope, lord advocate, ſo vigorouſly oppoſed this motion in a paper which he ſent to the council, that it miſcarried. Hamilton, almoſt infu⯑riated, charged Sir Thomas to repair to Glaſgow, and there defend Epiſcopacy for his royal maſter, as he ſhould anſwer at his peril. But Sir Thomas de⯑clined it, as a piece of ſervice, for which he could not anſwer to God and his conſcience. Upon which Hamilton prohibited him to go to that place at all. While the covenanters were ſpending the 4th and ſome following days of November in ſolemn faſting and prayer for direction in, and bleſſing on, the en⯑ſuing Aſſembly, as Charles had appointed them, his deſign of making war upon them, and forcing them to ſubmit to his impoſitions, became more and more manifeſt. The Engliſh arreſted the Scotch horſes that were in their country: but this was got com⯑promiſed. Their ſhips were ſtopped and ſearche [...] by his command, probably in order to apprehend general Leſly in his return from Sweden. The com⯑mand of the caſtle of Edinburgh was taken from th [...] earl of Mar, and given to Ruthven a truſty royaliſt Preparations were made for the fortification of Ber⯑wick, Carliſle, &c.

Archbiſhop Spotſwood had adviſed to hold th [...] Aſſembly at Aberdeen, to which the old, and mo [...] ⯑able and truſty covenanters could not have travelle [...] in the winter ſeaſon, and where the learned doctor of both univerſities were to oppoſe them, and th [...] earl of Huntly could have ſuddenly raiſed ſevera [...] thouſands of bloody men to overawe or ſuppre [...] [143] [...]hem. But providence directed Hamilton to fix up⯑on Glaſgow, where no doubt he hoped that himſelf would have no ſmall influence. The Aſſembly met on the day appointed, Nov. 21ſt, 1638, and conſiſt⯑ed of 140 miniſters from 53 Preſbyteries, and 95 ruling elders, and two from the univerſities. Never had our church an Aſſembly, in which ſolid ſenſe, ſtrict piety, bold and prudent zeal, and divine di⯑rection, ſo remarkably appeared. After ſpending part of the firſt day in ſolemn prayer and faſting, and reading of his majeſty's letter appointing the Marquis of Hamilton his Commiſſioner, they pro⯑ceeded to the choice of their Moderator. Hamilton, Traquair, and Lewis Stewart, who acted as king's advocate, vehemently pled, that the commiſſions of the members ſhould be firſt tried, that ſo it might appear who had right to vote in the election. But Rothes and Lowdon, with Meſſrs. Dickſon, Hen⯑derſon, and William Livingſton oppoſed them, with equal zeal and ſuperior ſtrength of argument. They pled, That it had been the conſtant practice firſt to chooſe the moderator; that ſuch reſpect was due to commiſſions, the moſt of which were, doubtleſs, va⯑lid, as intitled them to vote in the choice of a mo⯑derator, that ſo the promiſcuous meeting might be gradually formed into an Aſſembly inſtructed with regular commiſſions; that it belongs to the freedom of an Aſſembly, that commiſſioners chooſe their mo⯑derator immediately after the exhibition of their com⯑miſſion, leſt any thing be irregularly tranſacted in their preſence without their conſent; that, in their ſupplications, they had inſiſted, that the matter and manner of aſſembling ſhould be judged by the Aſ⯑ſembly itſelf, which cannot be done till the modera⯑tor be choſen; and that it would be a wronging of the churches, which had ſent up theſe commiſſion⯑ers, not to ſuffer them to embody themſelves in an orderly manner.

At laſt, after adviſing with the privy counſellors, the Marquis permitted them to chooſe their modera⯑tor; [144] —but proteſted, That this ſhould not import his approbation of any commiſſion, which he ſhould find ground to except againſt; and that the choice of the moderator ſhould not prejudge the biſhops of any office or dignity belonging to them. In oppoſi⯑tion to this, Rothes, in name of the commiſſioners proteſted, That the Marquis' proteſtation ſhould no wiſe hurt any lawful commiſſion to be produced, or mar the freedom of the Aſſembly, which was to be fenced in the name of the Son of God; and that no proteſt in favours of the biſhops could be admitted; till both they and their claims were tried and allow⯑ed. Lord Montgomery, in name of the proſecutors of the biſhops, proteſted, that the Marquis' proteſ⯑tation ſhould not hinder the diſcuſſion of their libel againſt them. Hamilton then pled, that a declinature which he had received from the biſhops, ſhould be immediately read. This being refuſed, he inſiſted, that ſix privy counſellors ſhould be allowed to vote as his aſſeſſors, according as they had been directed in his majeſty's letter;—which was alſo refuſed. After both ſides became weary of altercation and proteſtation, they proceeded to the choice of their moderator. Mr. Bell, an old miniſter of the place, who had opened the Aſſembly as moderator pro temp, taking care to put none other on the leet, but ſuch as were too infirm, beſide the celebrated Mr. Alex⯑ander Henderſon, he was unanimouſly choſen, who having anew conſtituted the court with prayer, made an handſome ſpeech for the direction and encourage⯑ment of his brethren.

Next day the Marquis, ſupported by Traquair and Lewis Stewart, again unſucceſsfully inſiſted for the votes of the aſſeſſors, which iſſued in his new proteſt againſt the denial, and a counter-proteſt by Lowdon in name of the commiſſioners to the Aſſembly. For refuſing Hamilton's demand, it was pled, That the Aſſembly was an eccleſiaſtical meeting of eccleſiaſtical rulers; that no political preſes had any vote in the antient councils; that in the thirty-nine firſt Genera [...] [145] Aſſemblies of this church, there was not ſo much as a king's commiſſioner preſent; that after one was in⯑troduced, he never had more than one vote; that Hamilton's commiſſion empowered none but himſelf; that as he repreſented his majeſty, the voting of aſ⯑ſeſſors along with him as his equals, would derogate from the royal dignity; that though aſſeſſors had a power of reaſoning, it behoved to be only after the reaſoning of members, and in the way of propoſing doubts.

The election of a clerk coming next upon the car⯑pet, Hamilton inſiſted, that Thos. Sandilands ſhould officiate for his aged father James, who had been choſen by the Aſſembly 1616. But the votes car⯑ried it almoſt unanimouſly in favours of Archibald Johnſton advocate, who, for almoſt two years, had faithfully ſerved the covenanters without any reward. Upon enquiry for the regiſters of former Aſſemblies, Sandilands delivered up two volumes, which contain⯑ed, at leaſt part of the acts between 1590, and 1610, together with the minutes of 1616, 1617, and 1618, ſigned by his father. Aſſoon as it appeared, that no other member knew where any more could be had, Johnſton their clerk, preſented four volumes, which contained all the acts from 1560, to 1590, except about 20 leaves, which had been villanouſly cut out by archbiſhop Adamſon, together with a⯑nother volume, which contained the acts of that whole period, ſomewhat abridged. A committee was appointed to examine theſe books; and upon an exhibition of 19 marks of their genuineneſs, the Aſſembly ſuſtained them as authentic regiſters. Mr. William Scot of Cowpar, afterward produced ano⯑ther copy of theſe old minutes.

Notwithſtanding the marquis' earneſt ſtruggle to have the biſhops declinature firſt received, the Aſ⯑ſembly proceeded to examine controverted commiſ⯑ſions; and rejected ſuch as proceeded on irregular election, or that were not rightly atteſted. The biſhops declinature of the Aſſembly was then read [146] by Dr. Hamilton of Glaſsford their procurator. I [...] it they proteſted, That the meeting was unalawful, and all its proceedings null and void, becauſe moſt, i [...] not all, the commiſſioners to it had been choſen be⯑fore his majeſty had indicted it; and that the cleri⯑cal commiſſioners to it were not qualified according to law, having never ſubſcribed the Confeſſion o [...] faith, in the preſence of their biſhops, nor ſwor [...] the oaths of fidelity and ſupremacy,—nay, had re⯑fuſed to ſubſcribe the Confeſſion of Faith or cove⯑nant, as required by his majeſty in September; and that they had ſeditiouſly impugned the dignities and privileges of biſhops, who were an Eſtate in Parlia⯑ment; that they had their commiſſion from Preſ⯑byteries, which had depoſed their proper, i. e. con⯑ſtant moderators, and elected others in their ſtead▪ that they had been choſen by lay elders; that the [...] had ſeditiouſly oppoſed the order of the king an [...] authority of the church, and ſo are diſqualified to ſ [...] in any eccleſiaſtical court; that they allowed of la [...] elders voting in the Aſſembly;—and that moſt, [...] not all, of the members had pre-condemned Epiſco⯑pacy and the articles of Perth, and, by their covenant [...] had bound themſelves to oppoſe them; that by thei [...] calumnies and libels, they had made themſelves par⯑ties in the cauſe of the biſhops; that they had ex⯑cluded all the biſhops from ſitting in the Aſſembly unleſs they were deputed to it by Preſbyteries; tha [...] they had deprived primate Spotſwood of his privi⯑vilege of moderatorſhip, and thruſt one choſen b [...] Preſbyteries and laymen into his place. In fine, the pretended, that it was altogether abſurd for Pre [...] ⯑byters, and much more for lay elders, to judge dio⯑ceſan ſuperiors. The Aſſembly prepared their an⯑ſwers to theſe reaſons againſt next ſederunt, in whic [...] they manifeſted the abſolute falſhood of ſome, an [...] the weakneſs of others.

After a tedious diſpute with Dr. Balcanquel, who [...] the marquis had brought along with him for an a [...] ⯑ſiſtant; and when the Aſſembly was proceeding [...] [147] [...]ote, whether they had power to judge the biſhops, [...]otwithſtanding their declinature, Hamilton gave in [...] written declaration in his majeſty's name, which [...]eemed to grant not a little redreſs; but really bore, [...]hat every thing ſhould be left to the king's will, [...]nd that the Aſſembly had no proper power to judge of any thing, nor the church any ſecurity for any [...]hing. To this the moderator made an handſome re⯑ply, in which he thanked his majeſty for what kind⯑neſs he had ſhewed, and pointed out what power ci⯑vil magiſtrates have with reſpect to the church and her Aſſemblies. As they perceived the marquis in⯑tent upon breaking with, and leaving them, they were at great pains to obviate his pretended ſcruples with reſpect to their commiſſion, the freedom of their election, the conduct of the Tables, and the power of ruling elders. They ſhewed him the im⯑propriety of allowing advocates to plead the cauſe of the biſhops at their bar, as it was contrary to the na⯑ture of eccleſiaſtical courts, was not allowed in privy council, and had been refuſed by the Aſſembly 1576. But nothing could retain him. After repeatedly de⯑claring, that he would not ſuffer them to judge the biſhops, he, in his own and their name, proteſted, that no act of the Aſſembly ſhould be binding on any of the ſubjects; and in his majeſty's name diſſolved their meeting and prohibited them to proceed to a⯑ny buſineſs; but whether under any penalty, none of my credible vouchers inform. Rothes proteſted againſt the diſſolution of the Aſſembly; and that they could not diſſolve it, till their work was finiſh⯑ed, as it had been called by his majeſty, and conſti⯑tuted according to the word of God; as his majeſ⯑ty's commiſſioner had acknowledge▪ it a lawful court, and ſat ſeven days in it, and exhibited his majeſty's declaration to be regiſtered in the minutes of it; that the continuance of it was neceſſary for the ma⯑ny reaſons contained in their former ſupplications for it; that their covenant bound them to maintain the privileges which Chriſt had left to his church; that [148] according to the laws of this church and kingdom, neither the king nor his commiſſioner have power to diſſolve a General Aſſembly; that the Aſſembly had formerly ſitten, notwithſtanding contrary require⯑ments of court; that to diſſolve now, after ſo much preparation and progreſs towards redreſs of grievan⯑ces, without finiſhing their work, would offend God, and increaſe their miſery; that it was abſolute⯑ly neceſſary to explain the meaning of the national covenant ſubſcribed in 1581, and 1590; and there⯑fore he proteſted, That the Aſſembly bad full power to continue and diſcuſs the whole buſineſs, for which it had conveened. Meſſrs. Henderſon, Dickſon, and others, by their ſenſible and affectionate ſpeech⯑es, encouraged their brethren to adhere to their du⯑ty, and ſhew themſelves as faithful to Chriſt as the commiſſioner had done himſelf to his king's com⯑mand. Deeply affected hereby, lord Erſkine, ſon to the earl of Mar, with tears begged the Aſſembly's allowance to ſubſcribe their covenant. Meſſrs. For⯑bes and M'Kail miniſters, lately come from Holland, followed his example. Encouraged by this, and conſcious of their duty, the whole Aſſembly, except four or five, by a vote, promiſed to continue ſitting at all hazard, till their buſineſs ſhould be finiſhed: and immediately after, by another vote, ſuſtained them⯑ſelves lawful and competent judges of the biſhops, notwithſtanding their declinature and proteſtation.

Next day, November 29th, a proclamation ſub⯑ſcribed by the marquis and moſt of the privy counſel⯑lors was publiſhed over the croſs of Glaſgow, pro⯑hibiting all the members of the Aſſembly, under pain of high treaſon, to meet or judge any thing further; and charging them to leave Glaſgow within 24 hours; and declaring, that all their acts and deeds poſterior to yeſterday's diſſolution ſhould be held null and void; and prohibiting the ſubjects to regard or obey the ſame. In anſwer to this, Archibald Johnſton, lord Erſkine and others, read the proteſtation, which Rothes had given in the day before, as the mind of [149] the court. And further proteſted, that they and their brethren had no diſloyal deſigns; that all ec⯑cleſiaſtical cauſes of general concern ought to be diſ⯑cuſſed, and the peace of the church fully ſettled, and its peace and order re-eſtabliſhed, before the commiſ⯑ſioners depart; that if the marquis would leave the church and kingdom in ſuch diſorder, it ſhould be lawful for them to continue ſitting till they had fi⯑niſhed their work; that this Aſſembly ſhould be held lawful, and its deeds of equal force with thoſe of other free General Aſſemblies; that no bad con⯑ſequences enſuing upon the hindering or moleſting of the freedom of this Aſſembly ſhould be imputed to them, but to the bad advice of the biſhops;—on account of which, they are hereby again ſummoned to attend the Aſſembly, hear proof led, and ſentence paſſed upon them, according to juſtice. In ſine, they proteſted their adherence to all their former proteſtations, and left room for extending their paper or reaſons, as they ſhould find neceſſary for vindi⯑cating their procedure.

After the hurry of the proclamation, the Aſſem⯑bly met, and the moderator recommended to them, as in the ſight of God, to behave themſelves in the moſt pious, prudent, peaceable, and orderly man⯑ner, anſwerable to their circumſtances. Lord Lorn i. e. Argyle, came back, and being deſired by the moderator to countenance them, and witneſs the rectitude of their procedure, he promiſed to do ſo, and begged them to proceed wiſely, with the utmoſt deference due to their ſovereign. Some at firſt look⯑ed upon him as a court ſpy and check upon them; but it ſoon appeared, that he acted from an hearty love to Chriſt and his cauſe. About the ſame time, the earls of Wigton, Kinghorn, Galloway, Mar, and lord Napier, privy counſellors, joined the covenan⯑ters, which not a little encouraged the Aſſembly. To wipe off the reproaches which had been caſt up⯑on them, in the biſhops declinature, Meſſrs. Blair, Livingſton, Hamilton, and M'Lellan, who had been [150] driven from Ireland, ſhewed that it had been mere⯑ly for their adherence to the doctrine, worſhip, diſ⯑cipline, and government of the church, ſworn to in the late covenant. And Meſſrs. Dickſon, Ruther⯑foord, and the laird of Earlſtoun, who had been cen⯑ſured by the High Commiſſion, repreſented their caſe to the full ſatisfaction of the whole Aſſembly. On that day, and the next, committees were ap⯑pointed to enquire into the original ſenſe of the na⯑tional covenant;—to prepare matters for the trial of the biſhops;—to conſider the new liturgy and ca⯑nons;—and to form an act nullifying the Aſſemblies 1606,—1618.

After the moderator had largely ſhewed the intrin⯑ſic power of the church, particularly in adminiſtering diſcipline to her ſcandalous members, and Meſſrs. Dickſon and Ramſay had ſhewed the error and wic⯑kedneſs of the Arminian tenets, the Aſſembly pro⯑ceeded to diſcuſs ſome caſes of ſcandal, which had been referred to them. Mr. Mitchel, being proved chargeable with Arminian errors, and glorying in them; and with procuring an order by the biſhops means for ſtopping his trial before his Preſbytery; and with declining this Aſſembly, was depoſed and excommunicated. Dr. Panther being proved guilty of approaches towards the Popiſh doctrine of juſtifi⯑cation by works, and towards the Pelagian, in deny⯑ing original ſin; and of propagating Arminian er⯑rors, was referred to a committee, which depoſed him. Dr. Gladſtones, being proved guilty of drun⯑kenneſs and Atheiſtical profaneneſs, was depoſed. When the trial of the biſhops came on, it was prov⯑ed againſt them all, That they had trampled on the CAVEATS of the Aſſembly 1600;—had accepted conſecration to their epiſcopal office; and oppreſſed the church with innovations. Againſt Spotſwood archbiſhop of St. Andrews, it was further proved, that he had been an ordinary profaner of the Lord's day, playing at cards or dice in the time of public worſhip, or riding through the country the whole [151] day; that he ſometimes ſat tippling in taverns till midnight; that he had falſified the acts of the A⯑berdeen Aſſembly; and was an avowed reproacher of our old Aſſemblies and national covenant; and it was further undertaken to prove him guilty of adul⯑tery, ſacrilege, and frequent ſimony. Againſt Syd⯑ſerf of Galloway, it was proved, that he had taught Arminian errors; that he had kept a crucifix in his cloſet, and defended the uſe of it from his own comfortable experience; that, at his own hand, he had appointed two anniverſary faſts in his dioceſe; that, at his Synod, he had compelled miniſters to receive the communion upon their knees; that, for mere non-conformity to novations, he had depoſed and procured the baniſhment of the moſt eminent miniſters, and had confined or fined ſundry gentle⯑men; that he had ſhewed kindneſs to excommuni⯑cated Papiſts; that he had condemned family pray⯑ers; that he had profaned the Lord's day, buying horſes, and tranſacting other ſecular buſineſs on it. Againſt Whiteford of Brichen, it was proved, that he had been guilty of ſeveral acts of adultery and ex⯑ceſſive drinking; that he had uſed a crucifix in his cloſet; that he had preached Arminian and Popiſh errors; and that he was generally infamous for ſeve⯑ral other crimes. Againſt Lindſay of Edinburgh, it was proved, that he had violently urged the late innovations; that he had refuſed to admit ſuch to the miniſtry, as would not firſt take the order of preaching deacons; that he uſed to bow towards the altar, and wear the rochet; that he had domineered over Preſbyteries, allowed clandeſtine marriages, and countenanced corrupt doctrines; that he had lifted up the elements in the Lord's ſupper at the conſe⯑cration, and laboured to prove that Chriſt's man⯑hood was omnipreſent. He might alſo have been proved guilty of profane curſing and ſwearing, and of avowed neglect of lecturing. Againſt Ballantyne of Aberdeen, were proved frequent acts of ſimony, violent preſſing of the liturgy and canons, ſuſpending [152] of miniſters for faſting on the Lord's day, and or⯑dering all faſts to be held on Wedneſdays: and that he had, in the Popiſh manner, conſecrated the cha⯑pel of the infamous lady of Wardhouſe; and that he had ſtopped proceſſes againſt Papiſts and inceſtuous perſons. Againſt Maxwel of Roſs, it was proved, that he had publicly read the liturgy in his own houſe and cathedral; that he bowed towards the altar; that he depoſed faithful miniſters, and admitted known fornicators to the Lord's table; that he was a familiar companion of Papiſts, and an ordinary player of cards and dice on the Lord's day, and once upon a communion Sabbath; that he had often ad⯑miniſtered Popiſh abſolution to ſick perſons; that he had conſecrated preaching deacons; that he had robbed his vaſſals of above 40,000 merks; that he kept ſuperſtitious faſts every Friday; that he ordinari⯑ly ſet off on his journies on the Lord's day; and that he had been a principal inſtrument of all the trouble which had lately befallen the church and nation. Againſt Wedderburn of Dumblain, it was proved, that he had been a principal compiler of the liturgy, and practiſer and urger of it, and other innovations; that he had been an aſſiſtant of arch⯑biſhop Laud, and a propagator of Arminian errors. Againſt Lindſay archbiſhop of Glaſgow, it was prov⯑ed, that he had urged miniſters to obſerve the litur⯑gy and canons under pain of horning; that he had oppreſſed his clergy with his exactions, and kept ſome of them altogether out of their ſtipends; that he had ſold the office of commiſſary, that he had greatly oppreſſed his vaſſals; and that he had im⯑poſed oaths of his own invention upon candidates for the miniſtry. Theſe eight were depoſed from all power in the church, and ſummarily excommuni⯑cated, and delivered over to Satan. Againſt Graham of Orkney it was proved, that he had tyrannically domineered over his clergy; that he had openly pro⯑faned the Lord's day by curling on the ice; that he had dilapidated part of the eccleſiaſtical revenues to [153] his friends; that he overlooked adulterers and char⯑mers; that he neglected preaching himſelf, and withheld from miniſters a part of their ſtipends for the building of his cathedral. Againſt Guthry of Murray it was proved, that he had avowed confor⯑mity to the Engliſh Popiſh ceremonies; that at his daughter's marriage he had danced in his ſhirt; that he had conveyed ſome women barefooted to a chapel, in order to do Popiſh penance; that he ordinarily rode about on the Lord's day, and had ſaid, that he would borrow a part of that from God, and make it up ſome other way. Againſt Fairly of Argyle, it was proved, that he had urged wicked oaths up⯑on intrants to the miniſtry, and the obſervance of the liturgy; that he had oppreſſed his vaſſals; and that he had preached Arminian errors, and had pro⯑faned the Lord's day. Theſe three, together with Campbel of the Iſles, were depoſed from all power and function in the church, with certification, that they ſhould be excommunicated, if they did not ſpee⯑dily manifeſt their repentance. Lindſay of Dun⯑keld, and Abernethy of Caithneſs, though little bet⯑ter than their brethren, having ſubmitted themſelves to the Aſſembly, were only depoſed from their preten⯑ded power of ruling over other miniſters, and repre⯑ſenting the church in Parliament, and ſuſpended from the miniſtry, with certification, that if they did not ſubmit to this cenſure, they ſhould be ex⯑communicated. A number of inferior clergymen were alſo tried and cenſured for their ſcandalous be⯑haviour, part of it ſo groſs, as to be a reproach to hu⯑manity itſelf. Others were remitted to their Preſby⯑teries, or to committees appointed by the Aſſembly, by which they were ſuſpended or depoſed, as was reckoned moſt juſt and expedient.

In their intervals of cenſuring work, the Aſſembly carried forward their other buſineſs. The ſix Aſ⯑ſemblies of 1606, 1608, 1610, 1616, 1617, 1618, which king James had packed and governed by his own will, were declared to have been no courts of [154] Chriſt, but null and deſtitute of all authority. Up⯑on this the moderator obſerved, that all thoſe that had entered to the miniſtry under biſhops, were now freed from their oath of conformity; that Preſbyte⯑ries did well in caſting off the biſhops authority as early as poſſible; and that it was now their duty to ſtand faſt in the liberty wherewith Chriſt hath made them free. After Mr. Dickſon and lord Lowdon had largely ſpoken to the ſame purpoſe, an act was made, declaring the oaths impoſed by the biſhops upon Intrants to have been null and void from the beginning; that the power of Preſbyteries had been unjuſtly ſuppreſſed, and therefore it was moſt lawful for them to reſume it, and to chooſe their modera⯑tors, and cenſure, and admit to the miniſterial of⯑fice, or a ſeat in the Preſbytery, according to juſtice. That ſame day, large tracts which had been formed againſt the Liturgy and Canons, the formula of cleri⯑cal ordinations, and the High Commiſſion were read; and all the four condemned. They condemned the Liturgy or book of common prayer, becauſe it was de⯑viſed, and introduced, and preſſed by the biſhops, without any direction or warrant from the church; becauſe it contained a Popiſh form of divine ſervice, and many Popiſh errors and ceremonies, the ſeeds of manifold and groſs ſuperſtition and idolatry, and ſo repugnant to the doctrine, diſcipline, and order of this church, and to the confeſſion of faith, national covenant, and acts of Aſſembly and Parliament eſta⯑bliſhing the true religion. They condemned the book of canons, as deviſed by the biſhops without any warrant and direction from the church, in order to eſtabliſh their own tyrannical power over the worſhip of God, and the conſciences, liberties, and goods of men, and to overthrow the whole government of the church by Aſſemblies, Synods, Preſbyteries, and Seſſions, eſtabliſhed by her confeſſion and conſtitu⯑tions. They condemned the book of conſecration and ordination, as introduced without any civil or eccle⯑ſiaſtical warrant; as eſtabliſhing offices in God's [155] houſe without warrant of his word; as repugnant to the diſcipline and conſtitutions of this church; as hindering faithful men from the miniſtry, or from fulfilling the duties of it. They condemned the High Commiſſion, as erected without the conſent of either church or ſtate; as ſubverting the ordinary judicatories of the church; as arbitrary, and not re⯑gulated by any laws; as mingling the civil and ec⯑cleſiaſtical power, and ſo as unlawful in itſelf, and prejudicial to the liberties of the church, and the king's honour in maintaining them.

The national covenant having been lately taken in three different ſenſes, Argyle and others intreated, that they would ſpeedily manifeſt the original mea⯑ning of it. From many old acts of Aſſembly, in fa⯑vours of parity among miniſters, and againſt Epiſ⯑copacy, it was found evident, that Prelacy was con⯑ſidered about 1581 and 1589, as a branch of the Romiſh hierarchy abjured in the national covenant; and therefore ought to be removed out of the church. Though about fifty members did not add the word abjured in their vote, yet only Mr. Bailie plainly manifeſted his doubt of all kind of Prelacy being renounced in that oath.—The Aſſembly alſo, by comparing them with the word of God and old acts of Aſſembly, found the articles of Perth to be abjured by the covenant 1581, and 1589; and therefore to be removed.

In their 23d and 24th ſeſſions, the Aſſembly re⯑vived old, or framed new acts for promoting of re⯑formation among all ranks. They revived the act of 1596, relative to the corruptions of miniſters, and re⯑medies of them, They approved the erection of ſome Preſbyteries, and erected others in Argyleſhire. They appointed that Preſbyteries be holden weekly; and that an exerciſe and additions be given in, and an exegeſis exhibited and ſuſtained at each; that Preſbyteries viſit all the congregations in their bounds once every year, and examine how family worſhip is obſerved, and take care, that the youth be diligently [156] inſtructed; that ſchools and colleges be viſited, and the orthodoxy, ability, and regularity of converſation of the maſters, tried; that no miniſter be abſent from his congregation above 40 days in a year, with⯑out ſpecial liberty; that ſchools be planted in land⯑ward places, and the teachers catechiſe the common people; that Preſbyteries have the whole power of admitting miniſters, and chooſing their own mode⯑rators; that the Lord's ſupper be more frequently adminiſtered; that, in ordinary caſes, miniſters be 25 years of age before they be ordained; that burghs take proper care to change their markets, which are on Monday or Saturday, to ſome other day of the week; that the Lord's day be carefully ſanctified; that there be afternoon ſermons in country pariſhes; and that Preſbyteries take care to have the old acts a⯑gainſt going of mills, ſalt pans, or fiſhing of ſalmon, on that day, duly executed:—that obſtinate frequen⯑ters of the company of excommunicated perſons be excommunicated; that ſuch as ſpeak or write againſt the late covenant of this Aſſembly or its acts, be cen⯑ſured; that all Popiſh titles of abbots, priors, deans, or other eccleſiaſtical dignity, be aboliſhed; that none be admitted into any office of paſtor, reader, or teacher, contrary to the will of the congregation, to which they are appointed; that no marriages be ce⯑lebrated without due proclamation of banns; that funeral ſermons be diſuſed, as ſavouring of ſuperſti⯑tion; that the abilities and practice of candidates for the miniſtry be carefully examined; that Preſbyte⯑ries take care to excommunicate ſuch miniſters as ac⯑quieſce not in leſſer cenſures inflicted by this Aſſem⯑bly.—They alſo fixed a plan of 14 Synods, and aſ⯑ſigned ſix Preſbyteries to the Synod of Merſe and Teviotdale; ſix to that of Lothian; four to that of Dumfries; three to that of Galloway; two to that of Air; five to that of Glaſgow; five to that of Ar⯑gyle; five to that of Stirling; four to that of Fife; four to that of Angus; ſeven to that of Aberdeen; three to that of Roſs; three to that of Caithneſs; [157] two to that of Orkney; ſix to that of Murray; and appointed their firſt meetings on particular days of A⯑pril next; and that they ſhould all maintain a correſ⯑pondence with their next neighbours, and for that purpoſe ſend one or two commiſſioners to their meet⯑ings.—It is ſcarcely worth while to mention the tranſ⯑portations requeſted at this Aſſembly, as of Mr. Dick⯑ſon to Glaſgow; of Mr. Cant to Pitſligo; of Meſſrs. Sharp and Hamilton to Paiſley; of Mr. Douglas to Kirkaldy; and of Blair and Rutherfoord to St. An⯑drews. The two laſt warmly oppoſed their own re⯑moval; nor would Rutherfoord at all accept of the profeſſorſhip of divinity, without a congregation to which he might preach Chriſt. But, to prevent tranſ⯑portation for the future, as much as poſſible, it was re⯑commended to Preſbyteries to ſettle Meſſrs. David Cal⯑derwood, James Guthry, and about ſixty-eight others, who, in the late times, had been denied admiſſion, and driven from their charges.

Next day the Aſſembly condemned all civil power of miniſters. They agreed to petition the Parlia⯑ment for a ratification of their acts. They aſſerted the divine right of ruling elders. Upon Dec. 20th, in their laſt ſeſſion, they enacted, That none ſhould print any thing relative to the church, without a li⯑cence from their clerk; that Preſbyteries and Synods ſhould cenſure ſuch miniſters as were ſcandalous, or would not acknowledge this Aſſembly, and ſubmit to its requirements. They approved the late natio⯑nal covenant, and required all miniſters, maſters of univerſities, colleges, and ſchools, and others, who had not ſubſcribed it, to take it ſpeedily, as abjuring Prelacy, the articles of Perth, and the civil places and power of miniſters; and prohibit the taking of it in any other ſenſe. They aſſerted the intrinſic power of the church, and the divine, eccleſiaſtical and civil warrant of the General Aſſembly to meet once every year, or oftener, as her neceſſities require. They appointed their next meeting at Edinburgh on the 3d Wedneſday of July next; but required Preſ⯑byteries [158] rather to keep the king's diet, if he ſhould appoint one. They formed a ſupplication to his ma⯑jeſty, vindicating their conduct, and imploring his approbation and concurrence. They appointed the marvellous kindneſs of God towards them to be thankfully commemorated in their ſeveral congrega⯑tions and Preſbyteries, after their return home; and that they ſhould read the acts of Aſſembly to their congregations on the firſt Sabbath, and on the next obſerve a ſolemn thankſgiving to God. After an excellent ſpeech by the Moderator, in which he ex⯑horted all preſent to conſider, and be thankful for the Lord's goodneſs to them, and to manifeſt their gratitude to his majeſty in earneſt prayer for him and conſcientious obedience to him; he was ſeconded by Meſſrs. Dickſon and Ramſay;—and Argyle, deſired by the Moderator, repreſented their deep obligation to a careful performance of their duty toward ſupe⯑riors, inferiors and equals. After concluding with prayer, the moderator added, Now we have caſt down the walls of Jericho, let him, who rebuilds them, beware of the curſe of Hiel the Bethelite.

On the 18th of December, a royal PROCLAMA⯑TION was read over the croſs of Edinburgh, extol⯑ling his majeſty's condeſcenſion; vindicating the conduct of the marquis of Hamilton his commiſſio⯑ner, and charging the covenanters with many diſor⯑derly and diſloyal practices, in guarding the caſtle of Edinburgh, ſtopping importation of warlike ammu⯑nition to his majeſty's houſes, carrying arms with them to the Glaſgow Aſſembly, contrary to his proclama⯑tion; and citing his privy counſellors to anſwer to him and his Parliament for their ſubſcription of th [...] late proclamation at Glaſgow, &c. In their PRO⯑TEST, read in anſwer to this, the covenanters re⯑plied, That they had done nothing to the caſtle o [...] Edinburgh, but watched it in order to prevent thei [...] own danger; that, by the laws of the land and max⯑ims of all nations, the public ſafety is the ſuprem [...] law, and the end of all lawful power; that, by th [...] [159] laws of the land, all fortifications are to be kept for the welfare of the ſubjects, as well as for his majeſty's behoof; that they had carried arms to Glaſgow to defend themſelves from the outlawed clan Gregors, who juſt before had ravaged the country about,—and had but followed the example of his majeſty's com⯑miſſioner and his attendants; that, according to law, counſellors, who had given bad counſel, ought to be proſecuted before proper judges, civil or eccle⯑ſiaſtical. They further ſhewed, that the prohibiti⯑on of obedience to the acts of Aſſembly, and aſſu⯑rance of protection in diſobedience to them, contain⯑ed in the proclamation, were contrary to ſcripture,— the practice of the primitive church,—the civil and canon law,—the law of nations,—the acts of former faithful Aſſemblies,—and to the large confeſſion of faith, and national covenant.

After the Aſſembly, the court party appeared more and more furious. The old college of Aber⯑deen threatened Mr. Lundy their commiſſioner with deprivation, becauſe he had continued in the Aſſem⯑bly, after it was diſſolved in his majeſty's name. They agreed to ſhut their gates againſt the Commit⯑tee, which the Aſſembly had appointed to viſit their univerſity, and that no member ſhould acknowledge their power under pain of deprivation. The mar⯑quis of Huntly publiſhed the king's proclamation of Dec. 18th, and declared his reſolution to keep the country for his majeſty's ſervice. The town council put their city into a poſture of defence. Before Ha⯑milton ſet off for London, in the beginning of Janu⯑ary 1639, ſome principal covenanters waited upon him, and beſought him to interceed with his majeſ⯑ty in their favours; but he anſwered them with threats of a ſpeedy execution of royal vengeance upon them. They nevertheleſs tranſmitted their ſuppli⯑cation to Charles himſelf, who received it with the utmoſt contempt, but ſtill diſguiſed his warlike in⯑tentions, being not fully prepared to execute them. He meant to invade them with 60,000 forces from [160] England and Ireland. But the Papiſts and high fly⯑ing Epiſcopalian clergy were almoſt the only willing contributers towards the charge. Scotchmen at court were required to abjure the late covenant and Aſſembly, and to ſwear, that they would aſſiſt his majeſty againſt their country, whenever he ſhould require them. Under pretence, that the Scots were arming to invade and extirpate Prelacy from England, Charles, on January 26th, iſſued forth a proclama⯑tion, requiring all the Engliſh nobility and gentry to attend his ſtandard at York; and appointed Huntly his lieutenant general for raiſing of forces in Scot⯑land. Meanwhile, the covenanters proceeded in re⯑forming the country from wickedneſs, and in cen⯑ſuring the ſcandalous. To vindicate themſelves, they carefully diſperſed a paper through England, di⯑rected to all good Chriſtians there. Highly enraged at the due credit which it obtained, the Scotch bi⯑ſhops inſtigated Charles to emit a proclamation, de⯑claring all the covenanters traitors and rebels, to be read from all the pulpits in England. The anſwer of the covenanters to it, which was alſo induſtriouſly diſperſed through England, rendered them more and more pitied, and their enemies proportionally abhorred.

Being at laſt fully convinced of Charles' intentions to attack them in war, they ſtudied to have the law⯑fulneſs of taking up arms in their own defence fully cleared to their own conſciences, as well as to the world. Mr. Bailie and the earl of Caſſils for a time much doubted, if it was lawful to reſiſt their ſove⯑reign, in a forcible manner. But Mr. Henderſon, by appointment, drew up a paper, which ſolved their ſcruples, and vindicated ſuch conduct. Some mov⯑ed, that they ſhould ſupplicate aſſiſtance from th [...] French, Swedes or Dutch; but others doubting o [...] the propriety of confederacies with Lutherans, and much more with Papiſts, they reſolved, by the help of God, to ſtand by themſelves. Only they agree [...] to ſupplicate the French king, the States General [161] the Prince of Orange, Queen of Sweden, and King of Denmark, to interceed with their own ſovereign, that he would grant their requeſts a fair and unbiaſſed hearing; which, had they done, it would have pre⯑vented much reproach of them in the nations around. Meanwhile, they earneſtly prepared for their own warlike defence. While general Leſly invited home the Scotch officers from the Swediſh army in Ger⯑many, and procured military ſtores from Holland, Atgyle laboured to ſecure the peace of the North, and to fix as many as he could in the covenanters intereſt. But Huntly, his brother-in-law, was too much in the biſhops, if not the Pope's intereſt, to attend their meeting when deſired.

The danger of the covenanters was exceedingly alarming. The Scotch mariners, travellers and mar⯑chants in England and Ireland, were every where treated as rebels; their goods ſeized, and their per⯑ſons impriſoned, unleſs they abjured the late nation⯑al covenant and Glaſgow Aſſembly. The king's ar⯑my at York increaſed faſt. The marquis of Huntly and earls of Airly and Southeſk, and the citizens of Aberdeen, began to take arms, and threaten the covenanters in theſe parts with immediate deſtruc⯑tion. In the ſouth, the marquis of Douglas, lords Nithſdale, Herreis, and their followers, and thoſe of the marquis of Hamilton had, or were taking arms for the ſame purpoſe. The earls of Galloway, Dumfries, Traquair, Roxburgh, Queenſberry, and the viſcount of Dalziel were ſuſpected of an inclination to join them; and that, by the influence of Hamilton and others, the citizens of Glaſgow would be made to do the ſame. The earl of Antrim was preparing to tranſport hither ten or twelve thouſand of his Iriſh countrymen, probably moſt of them cruel and mur⯑derous Papiſts. Many of the Scotch M'Donalds had gone to join them, in hopes of robbing Argyle of Kintyre, as they returned. Hamilton conducted his majeſty's navy for the firth of Forth, while he him⯑ſelf brought northward the main army by land.

[162]Notwithſtanding all, the covenanters levied and trained their troops the beſt way they could. God delivered into their hand the ſtrong caſtles of Edin⯑burgh and Dumbarton, without a ſingle drop of blood. Nor did theſe of Strathaven, Douglas, Tan⯑tallon, and Brodick coſt much more. Inſtigated by Montroſe and Marſhal, about ſeven or eight thou⯑ſand, northward of the Tay, took arms, with whom Montroſe obliged the Aberdonians to ſurrender their city, and obliged Huntly to ſwear the covenant, as directed by the Aſſembly, and to ſend commiſſioners to concur with the other covenanted deputies at Edinburgh, in ſupporting the common cauſe. Hav⯑ing fortified Leith, and put the country into a poſ⯑ture of defence, the covenanters once and again, but without ſucceſs, attempted to ſupplicate his majeſty's friendſhip.—Meanwhile, providence marvellouſly interpoſed in their favours. Five or ſix thouſand Walloons and Iriſh, coming over againſt them, were by the Dutch admiral driven back to Dunkirk, which then pertained to England. The tyranny of Straf⯑ford, lieutenant of Ireland, rendered it unſafe to ſend over any more than about 1500 ragamuffins, good for little elſe, but theft, robbery, and murder. Moſt of the Engliſh either declined ſerving in the in⯑vaſion, or were very unhearty in it. The Pope re⯑quired his votaries to withhold their aſſiſtance, unleſs upon condition of a ſecured open liberty for their religion. Contrary winds detained Hamilton's fleet till Huntly and his faction were ſuppreſſed, and the covenanters had got moſt of their warlike ſtores im⯑ported from abroad.

Hamilton, at laſt arriving in the Forth, tranſmit⯑ted to the town council of Edinburgh, the king's proclamation, declaring them all traitors, who did not within eight days ſubmit to his will; and diſ⯑poning their eſtates to their ſuperiors or vaſſals, that ſhould aſſiſt in ſuppreſſing them,—to be publiſhed over their croſs: If ready obedience was not given, [163] Charles had appointed him to proſecute them with fire and ſword. The council begged to be excuſed from publiſhing this proclamation till the Eſtates of Parliament, which were to meet in a few days, ſhould conſider it. Meeting upon May 9th, they found, that as the proclamation was written and printed without the kingdom, and not warranted by the privy council, and was of ſo dangerous conſequence, it could not be legally publiſhed; that by the laws of the land, no treaſon or forfeiture of life or eſtate, even of the meaneſt ſubject, far leſs of peers, and the body of the nation, could be declared, but in the Parliament or ſupreme court' of juſtice, upon due citation and legal proof; and that, as the proclama⯑tion required a material renunciation of their cove⯑nant, they could not obey it without bringing a curſe upon the nation. They tranſmitted their reſolution to the marquis. He, next day, wrote to the earl of Rothes, and after receiving a bold reply, returned anſwer, that he intended to die in his majeſty's cauſe, and to the utmoſt of his power prove an enemy to his obſtinate countrymen. He was nevertheleſs more merciful than his party wiſhed, and laboured to per⯑ſuade Charles to a treaty of peace.

The Parliament meeting on May 15th, they agreed to prorogue it till any day his majeſty pleaſed. But, before they left Edinburgh, they appointed general Leſly their military commander in chief. Mean⯑while, lord Aboyn, Huntly's ſon, and other lords appointed by Charles, had raiſed a new army in the north. An invaſion from Ireland was hourly ex⯑pected. The inactivity of Charles' army on the north border of England, and of his fleet in the Forth, was apprehended to proceed from a deſign to gain time, till the covenanters ſhould be obliged to diſ⯑perſe themſelves for want of proviſions. After ſo⯑lemn faſting and prayer, Montroſe, who was offend⯑ed that his late activity in the north was not reward⯑ed with the principal command, was diſpatched to attack the royaliſts in the north. General Leſly [164] marched his army toward the border of England,— while the ſelect committee fixed the proper methods of modelling and ſupplying their troops. The ac⯑counts of their inſtructions, and of Leſly's march, being conveyed to the Engliſh army at Birks, about three miles ſouth from Berwick, threw many of them into a terrible conſternation. Charles was obliged to iſſue forth a proclamation, That he was deſirous of peace, and ready to grant the Scots their juſt requeſts. But, fearing, that information of the true ſtate of affairs would render many of his officers and forces altogether averſe to attack them, he commanded their army not to come within ten miles of his own; in which, to manifeſt their deſire of peace, and their readineſs to obey him in every thing lawful, they ſubmitted. The biſhops perſuaded him, that fear had made them ſtop at the appointed diſtance,—and to re-publiſh his proclamation of April 25th, declar⯑ing them all rebels that did not lay down their arms within eight days, and ſetting a price on the heads of their chiefs, and charging their vaſſals and tenants to pay them no more rents. This was publiſhed at Dunſe. The earl of Holland, with 4000 men, was appointed to publiſh it at Kelſo: but colonel Monro, and the lords Fleming and Erſkine, with their for⯑ces, obliged them to retire with the utmoſt terror and precipitation. Leſly advanced to Dunſelaw, with his army. Contemptible enough in his crooked ſhape, and of no more than the rank of a gentleman, he behaved himſelf with ſuch prudence and authori⯑ty, that all the nobles readily obeyed his commands, which he wiſely iſſued forth in the form of advices. His raw troops, being daily exerciſed, made great progreſs in military ſkill. They had ſermons and public prayers, every morning and evening, from their beloved miniſters. Scarcely was there a ſingle tent in the whole army, in which joint prayers and praiſes were not twice every day offered to God.— The frame of their ſouls was no leſs ſpiritual and e⯑levated, than if they had been attending a noted [165] communion. Perſuaſion of the goodneſs of their cauſe, and of God's aſſiſtance in it, made them alto⯑gether bold and reſolute for battle, if neceſſary.

His army being increaſed to 20,000, Leſly inclin⯑ed advancing nearer to the Engliſh camp, that, if poſſible, he might apprehend ſome of the principal incendiaries, who had kindled the war. Informed of his intentions, the Engliſh laboured in fortifying their camp; and being inferior in numbers and ar⯑dour, were earneſtly deſirous of peace. In order to deceive the covenanters, one Leſly, a Scotch dome [...] ⯑tic of Charles', came to their camp at Dunſelaw; and, with ſolemn profeſſions of regard to his coun⯑try, falſely pretended, that the Engliſh forces were multiplying ſo faſt, that they were in the utmoſt danger of being quickly ſwallowed up by them; and therefore begged that they would once more ſuppli⯑cate his majeſty for a treaty of peace, in which, he ſaid, ſeveral of the Engliſh nobility would ſecond them. The Scots, nothing terrified by his tidings, but looking on him as ſent by ſome of the Engliſh, condeſcended to tranſmit another humble ſupplicati⯑on to Charles, along with a letter to the lords of his Engliſh council. Puffed up with pride, Charles in⯑ſiſted, that they ſhould firſt publiſh his above-men⯑tioned declaration of April 25th, at the head of their army. They ſhewed Sir Edward Vernham their reaſons for refuſing to do ſo; but to ſhew their rea⯑dineſs to go as far as they could, they read it with great reverence at the general's table. Vernham gave ſuch a favourable report of their conduct, as made Charles think, his order had been as good as obeyed.

Hereupon the earls of Arundel, Eſſex, Holland, Saliſbury and Berkſhire, and ſecretary Coke, were impowered to treat with the earls of Rothes, Dun⯑fermline, and Lowdon, Sir William Douglas ſherriff of Teviotdale, Mr. Henderſon, and Archibald John⯑ſton. The Scots commiſſioners had ſcarcely entered into Arundel's tent, when Charles himſelf came in, [166] and upbraided them for accuſing him of not liſtening to the requeſts of his loyal ſubjects. After begging his permiſſion to ſpeak freely, they, to his diſho⯑nour, plainly repreſented their cauſe, and their juſt defences of it. And in the concluſion of the confe⯑rence, Lowdon, upon his knees, declared, that they inſiſted for nothing more than the free enjoy⯑ment of their religion and liberties, according to the civil and eccleſiaſtical laws of their kingdom. This, Charles profeſſed his readineſs to grant; but, inſtigated by the biſhops of Roſs and Aberdeen, &c. he talked more tartly on the Monday after, and in⯑terrogated them, Whether he had the ſole power of indicting Aſſemblies? Whether he had a negative voice in them? and, Whether they might ſit, after he had commanded them to diſſolve? After ſuggeſ⯑ting, that the deciſion of ſuch queſtions properly belonged to the Aſſembly itſelf, they, for themſelves, allowed kings to have a power of calling General Aſſemblies, and expreſſed their hopes that himſelf would allow, that in extreme neceſſity the church might conveen of herſelf, and enact conſtitutions for the preſervation of religion, the plain reaſonableneſs of which they ſhewed.

Being informed, that their army intended to take their ſtation nearer to his camp, he abandoned his Queries, and deſired the commiſſioners to fix the particulars which they required as terms of peace. They propoſed, that the acts of the Glaſgow Aſſem⯑bly ſhould be ratified by the Parliament; that in all time coming church affairs ſhould be finally deter⯑mined by the Aſſembly, and civil affairs by the Par⯑liament; that all his majeſty's forces by ſea or land ſhould be recalled; that all arreſted perſons, ſhips, and goods, ſhould be reſtored; that all excommuni⯑cated perſons who, for their own private ends, had promoted the public commotions, ſhould be remit⯑ted to Scotland to ſuffer condign cenſure and puniſh⯑ment. They ſubjoined their reaſons to each of theſe demands. After ſome perplexity, and taking the [167] advice of his council, Charles replied, That though, for many reaſons, he could not approve the Aſſem⯑bly of Glaſgow, yet he would not only agree to take away the Liturgy and Canons, and the High Commiſ⯑ſion, but alſo diſpenſe with the articles of Perth, and order, that no oath ſhould be required of Intrants to the miniſtry, but what was appointed by act of Par⯑liament; and that biſhops ſhould be cenſurable accor⯑ding to their demerits by the General Aſſembly; and further agree, that all matters eccleſiaſtical ſhould be finally determined by the Aſſembly, and all civil af⯑fairs by civil courts; that General Aſſemblies ſhould be kept once a year, or oftener, as neceſſity requir⯑ed; and that, for ſettling the preſent diſtractions, a free General Aſſembly ſhould be indicted on the 6th, and a Parliament on the 20th, of Auguſt next; that, upon their diſbanding their army, diſſolving their Tables and conventicles, and reſtoring his caſ⯑tles, forts, and ammunition, and reſtoring to his ſubjects their lands and goods, which had been ſeiz⯑ed ſince the late Aſſembly, he would withdraw all his forces, and make reſtitution of every thing detained on his part.

After ſome further conference, and ſeveral private conceſſions by Charles, the Scotch commiſſioners were almoſt ſatisfied, and the articles of pacification were drawn up, bearing, That the covenanters for⯑ces ſhould be diſbanded within 48 hours after the publication of his above declaration is agreed upon; that all his caſtles, forts, and ammunition ſhall be delivered, as ſoon after the ſaid publication as he ſhall ſend his ſervants to receive them; that thereon all his ſhips ſhall depart with the firſt fair wind, and till then ſhall in no wiſe interrupt the trade or fiſh⯑ing; that he ſhall reſtore all perſons, goods, and ſhips, which have been detained ſince November laſt; that there ſhall be no meetings of the ſubjects in Scotland, but ſuch as are warranted by act of Par⯑liament; that there be no further fortifications made, and theſe, that are, remitted to his majeſty's plea⯑ſure; [168] that all his good ſubjects have their lands, houſes, and goods reſtored to them, which have been ſeized ſince November laſt. As the articles, to which his majeſty had agreed, at the private confe⯑rence, were not ſubſcribed, nor made public, the earl of Caſſils, after the reading of the public articles in the camp, read and proteſted, upon a ſhort informa⯑tion agreed to by the managers,—That though his majeſty did not approve the Glaſgow Aſſembly, he did not intend that the acceptance of his declaration ſhould infer any diſapprobation of it; and that their acceptance of it imported no ſuch thing. This infor⯑mation was again read along with his majeſty's declara⯑tion at the croſs of Edinburgh. While theſe things were tranſacting at Birks, Montroſe had, with no ſmall difficulty, levied an army in the north, and he and colonel Middleton had routed Aboyn's forces, and were juſt going to plunder the city of Aberdeen, when an expreſs concerning the pacification preven⯑ted it.

Neither party were pleaſed with the above Treaty. The furious royaliſts pretended, That Charles had loſt a glorious opportunity of compleatly cruſhing the covenanters, and had diſhonoured himſelf, by allowing them ſuch equal terms; and they loudly reproached Hamilton and others, as adviſers to it. Many of the covenanters were diſpleaſed with the obſcurity of the articles, and eſpecially with the ſur⯑render of the caſtle of Edinburgh, and the fortifi⯑cations of Leith, without proper terms. Neverthe⯑leſs, they burnt their camp, diſbanded their army, and gave up the caſtle of Edinburgh to Hamilton, who committed it to Ruthven, who had acquired much military honour in the Swediſh army. But Charles paid no ſuch regard to his ſolemn agreement, but left ſtrong garriſons in Berwick and Carliſle, and diſbanded his other forces very ſlowly. And he and his friends ripened matters for a new rupture. In Edinburgh, Huntly and Aboyn his ſon were ſcarcely liberated from priſon, when Aboyn and Ruthven, in [169] [...]heir drunken revels, provoked ſome common peo⯑ple to chaſtiſe their inſolence; this was loudly com⯑plained of. Grant and Dugair, two tools of Huntly, ravaged the territories of the earl of Marſhal and other covenanters, in the north. The covenanters proteſt againſt his calling of the biſhops to the next General Aſſembly as members; their allowance of ſubſiſtence money to Leſly and ſome other officers till they could be otherwiſe provided; their meeting to⯑gether, in order to pay off the debt which they had contracted in the war; their enemies falſly charging them with forcing the ſubſcription of their covenant, and ſome parts of it miſunderſtood; and their com⯑miſſioners divulging ſome of his private conceſſions, provoked Charles againſt them. Under pretence of deſired conſultation with them, but really intending to apprehend, if not aſſaſſinate them, he called up fourteen of their principal leaders to London. But the mob, having got ſome notice of his intentions, prevented their obeying him. This diſappointment ſo enraged him, that he had recalled both Aſſembly and Parliament, if Hamilton had not perſuaded him otherwiſe, and Traquair aſſured him, that no act of Parliament, which paſſed without the biſhops, who were the third Eſtate, could have force in law.

Hamilton having refuſed to be commiſſioner to the next Aſſembly, Traquair was appointed, and was inſtructed to declare againſt lay elders having any vote in the election of commiſſioners from Preſ⯑byteries, or in any fundamental point of religi⯑on;—to ſhift all queſtions relative to the laſt Aſ⯑ſembly, or to the king's power in calling or diſſolv⯑ing Aſſemblies;—to permit the aboliſhment of Pre⯑ [...]acy, not as ſinful in itſelf, but as neceſſary to the peace of the kingdom;—to allow the ſwearing of the covenant, providing that Prelacy be not abjured in it, as contrary to the word of God and Proteſtant re⯑ligion; to endeavour to have thoſe miniſters, who have been depoſed, ſpeedily reponed, upon their profeſſion of repentance,—and that the king may [170] have a power of chooſing fourteen miniſters to vote in Parliament inſtead of the biſhops; to indict ano⯑ther Aſſembly as far back in the following year as poſſible;—to take heed that nothing civil be treated in the Aſſembly, and no commiſſioner ſent from it to the king; nor any act made for the continuance of the Tables or any like meetings. And, at the end, to proteſt, That if any thing prejudicial to the king's intereſt ſhould have been granted, he ſhould be heard for redreſs in his own time and place. From theſe inſtructions it appears, that Charles merely inclined to deceive the covenanters, whom he could not ſubdue; and that he really inclined to yield nothing at all important, and left himſelf an open door to revoke every conceſſion made in his name. Accordingly, in a few days after, he wrote to Traquair, that he would not yield to a ratification of the Glaſgow Aſſembly, nor to the a⯑boliſhment of Prelacy as contrary to the covenant of 1581, and the conſtitutions of this church; nor to have the ſervice book and canons condemned as con⯑taining divers ſeeds of Popery and ſuperſtition, or the High Commiſſion condemned, as without law, or deſtructive to civil and eccleſiaſtical judicatories,— nor the Articles of Perth as contrary to the national covenant,—or that the Aſſemblies 1606,—1618, ſhould be declared deſtitute of authority;—and that if any ſuch thing ſhould be done, he ſhould proteſt againſt it. He further inſtructed him, that he would not be bound to allow General Aſſemblies every year; and that the covenant behoved to be ſworn as it ſtood in 1581, without any interpretation ſubjoined to it, unleſs the king approved it. Meanwhile, he admoniſhed the biſhops not to go to the Aſſembly, as nothing but partiality could be expected at it; and aſſured them, that notwithſtanding his preſent con⯑ceſſions, he was firmly determined to have their grievances redreſſed.

The General Aſſembly having met Auguſt 12th, Mr. Henderſon opened it with a ſermon from Acts [171] [...]. 33. and exhorted the commiſſioner and members [...]o vie with each other in thankfulneſs, zeal, mo⯑deration, and prudence. No ſooner had Mr. Dick⯑ſon the new moderator finiſhed a like ſpeech, than Traquair excepted againſt all the commiſſions of ſuch as had been elected by more ruling elders than miniſters, or for places in which they had not their reſidence,—or of elders elected for places in which [...]hey reſided, but had not been originally choſen to their office; or of ſuch as were under horning and outlawry,—but named no body. The Aſſembly [...]herefore proceeded to their buſineſs, and with plea⯑ſure received Graham of Orkney, and Lindſay of Dunkeld's renunciation of Prelacy. To pleaſe his majeſty, and retain what they had got, they formed [...]he ſubſtance of the acts of the Glaſgow Aſſembly relative to the ſervice book and canons, the High Com⯑miſſion and articles of Perth, prelatical offices, civil power of miniſters, and corrupt Aſſemblies, into one act, and as it were re-enacted them, in terms a little [...]oftened, declaring, that the liturgy, canons, and High Commiſſion ſhould be ſtill rejected, the articles of Perth no more practiſed, Epiſcopal juriſdiction and civil power of clergymen ſtill held unlawful in this church; that the ſix Aſſemblies of Linlithgow 1606, and 1608, of Glaſgow 1610, of Aberdeen 1616, of St. Andrews 1617, and of Perth 1618, ſhould hereafter be accounted deſtitute of all autho⯑rity;—and that, in order to prevent the like evils in time coming, General Aſſemblies ſhall be held once every year or oftener, if need be, in conſequence of remonſtrance to his majeſty of the neceſſity thereof; and that Seſſions, Preſbyteries and Synods, ſhould be conſtituted according to the order of this church. This act was voted with great harmony; and Tra⯑quair declared his approbation of it, and promiſed that it ſhould be ratified in the enſuing Parliament. To prevent the precipitant entry of novations for [...]he future, the Aſſembly enacted, that no novation [...]ending to diſturb the peace of the church ſhould be [172] proponed, till the matter had been firſt communi⯑cated to the ſeveral Seſſions, Preſbyteries, and Sy⯑nods,—that commiſſioners may come up prepared to give a ſolid determination.

Contrary to Traquair's inclination, the reports o [...] the commiſſion of the laſt Aſſembly relative to their cenſuring of ſcandalous clergymen were produced and approved. Their number amounted to eighteen; but the Aſſembly recommended to inferior judicato⯑ries to repone them and others, who had been de⯑poſed for declining of the laſt Aſſembly, or for read⯑ing of the ſervice book, upon any tolerable manifeſ⯑tation of their repentance. They next conſidered the Large declaration publiſhed in his majeſty's name, but really compoſed by Dr. Balcanquel, without Charles having any knowledge of many of the facts, but by his miſrepreſentation. Nine miniſters, the earls of Rothes, Caſſils, and Lowdon, the lords Kirkcud⯑bright and Burleigh, and two gentlemen, were ap⯑pointed as a Committee to examine it. They poin⯑ted out eight articles diſhonourable to his majeſty, thirteen diſhonourable to this church, thirteen diſ⯑honourable to the nation, twenty-ſix groſs falſhoods, and four moſt wretched miſrepreſentations of their conduct. The Aſſembly therefore ſupplicated Char⯑les to call in the copies of it, and appoint the writers of it to be proſecuted for their calumnies. But either Traquair neglected to preſent their peti⯑tion, or Charles diſregarded it.—They alſo autho⯑riſed the ſubſcription of the national covenant, as explained by the Glaſgow Aſſembly, and beſought the privy council to require it of all the ſubjects with due expedition. Traquair ſubſcribed it, with a de⯑claration, which he ſaid merely reſpected him as king's commiſſioner; and he promiſed to have their act ratified by the Parliament. They recommended to the Parliament a ſupplication in favours of ſome miniſters, who had been oppreſſed by Huntly and other royaliſts, in the Highlands and Iſlands. They approved ſeveral overtures, bearing, That a commit⯑tee [173] ſhould be appointed to reviſe all the acts of former Aſſemblies, that might be of general uſe; that the Parliament ſhould be intreated to reſtrain people from going to England for irregular marriages; that com⯑miſſioners to the Aſſembly from remote places ſhould have their expences furniſhed by the Seſſions in theſe Preſbyteries that ſend them; that depoſed miniſters demit their charges under pain of excommunication; that the acts againſt Papiſts and excommunicated per⯑ſons, and ſuch as frequent their company, or en⯑courage them, be duly executed; that a public ca⯑techiſm and order of family worſhip be drawn up; and that candidates preſented to kirks be carefully tried with reſpect to their fitneſs for their charge.

As, by the inſtigation of Strafford, an oath ac⯑knowledging the king's ſupremacy in all eccleſiaſtical and civil cauſes, and an abjuration of the Scotch covenant, and all like bonds, had been impoſed up⯑on ſuch Scotſmen, as were found in England, and eſpecially in Ireland, where Strafford domineered, many who had been thereby oppreſſed, beſought the Aſſembly to interceed in their favours, and de⯑clared themſelves ready to ſwear the oath of allegiance, or any other declaration of loyalty conſiſtent with their covenant. The Aſſembly recommended this affair to the enſuing Parliament. It is obſervable, that many tender Chriſtians, who fled from Ireland, to avoid the above oath, eſcaped the maſſacre, while thoſe, who complied with it from carnal conſiderati⯑ons, were quickly ſtript of their lives and property by the Papiſts.—After appointing their next meet⯑ing, Mr. Dickſon, in a ſolemn ſpeech, repreſented the mixture of God's mercy and juſtice towards them for ſome time paſt; and that, on account of his majeſty's education and miſinformation, they ought always to view his conduct in the moſt favour⯑able light;—and commended Hamilton and Tra⯑quair for the ſervices, which they had done this church; and recommended to miniſters and elders their reſpective duties, in the preſent circumſtances. [174] Soon after the riſing of this Aſſembly, a ſolemn thankſgiving was obſerved through the kingdom, the cauſes of which were drawn up by the Preſby⯑tery of Edinburgh.

When the Parliament met, Auguſt 31ſt, it was propoſed to have the following articles enacted into ſtanding laws. That the Parliament conſiſts only of lords, barons, and burgeſſes; and that all act empower⯑ing commiſſioners from the kirk be reſcinded; that the acts of the late Aſſembly relative to bygone evils and the remedies thereof, be ratified; that the whole power of naming the lords for forming the articles to be conſidered in Parliament, be in the three eſtates themſelves; that the caſtles of Edinburgh, Dum⯑barton, and Stirling, be intruſted to none, but by the advice of Parliament; that the Large Declarati⯑on which, in his majeſty's name, had ſo exceedingly calumniated the covenanters, be condemned; and that the privy council be ſubordinated to, and cen⯑ſurable by the Parliament. But Traquair the com⯑miſſioner, directed by Charles, or afraid that ſuch deeds would enrage him, prevented their eſtabliſh⯑ment, by proroguing the Parliament nine times in the months of September and October.—Finding themſelves thus reſtrained, they deputed the earl [...] of Lowdon and Dunfermline to implore Charles' al⯑lowance to proceed in their work: and meanwhile a ſolemn faſt was obſerved for bewailing that their e⯑nemies were like to fruſtrate their great expectati⯑ons; and that oppreſſion and violence much prevail⯑ed in the northern parts of the kingdom; that there were few faithful labourers in the church; and n [...] due care taken of the ſeminaries of learning; tha [...] the caſe of the truly poor was much overlooked▪ while ſturdy beggars ranged about without controul▪ and that unthankfulneſs, carnal ſecurity, indolenc [...] in promoting of the reformation, which they had ſolemnly engaged, and neglect of God's worſhip i [...] public, private or ſecret, much abounded.

[175]Informed of the approach of Dunfermline and Lowdon, and ſuppoſing that they had no commiſſi⯑on from Traquair, Charles prohibited them to come within a mile of his preſence. By the Queen's, Strafford's, and Laud's influence, his private con⯑ceſſions to the covenanters at the treaty of Birks, were openly impugned, and publicly burnt by the hangman. Traquair was charged to prorogue the Parliament till the 2d of June 1640; and to declare ſuch as ſhould refuſe to riſe, guilty of high treaſon. When he executed his orders, November 14th, the Eſtates read a ſolemn declaration againſt his deed, narrating what had been done, and declaring the prorogation null and void: but that, to carry their obedience to the utmoſt length, that could conſiſt with a good conſcience, they would diſcontinue their meeting, till, by their committee, they had preſent⯑ed their remonſtrances to his majeſty. Commiſſion⯑ers from this committee, were allowed to repair to Charles. But Traquair, to atone for the offence, which he had given by his conceſſions in the Aſſem⯑bly, after ſeveral attempts to divide the covenanters, or to exaſperate them by his arbitrary procedure, repaired to court, and there repreſented their con⯑duct in the moſt odious light, and ſuggeſted, that they could only be ſubdued by force, ſome methods of which he pointed out,—and thus inflamed the Eng⯑liſh courtiers. Dunfermline and Lowdon, and two gentlemen, were nevertheleſs ſent up to his majeſty, but directed to beware of acknowledging the Engliſh council as their judges;—to refute the miſrepre⯑ſentations of Traquair; to ſupport the articles which had been propoſed to the Parliament; to inſiſt for a ſpeedy recal of that court; to remonſtrate againſt filling the caſtles of Edinburgh and Dumbarton with foreigners, or exacting from Scotchmen in England and Ireland any oath inconſiſtent with their cove⯑nant.—They managed their cauſe with great ſpirit, —illuſtrated the articles mentioned, and anſwered a multitude of objections made by Laud and Traquair.

[176]After Charles and his council had, for a time, pretended a deſire of agreement, that they might carry on their warlike preparations the more unob⯑ſervably, the Scotch commiſſioners were taken into cuſtody, and Lowdon committed to the Tower for a letter, which they pretended, he had ſent to the French king. The letter referred to had been drawn up a year before by Montroſe, when Charles was marching to invade Scotland, and had been tran⯑ſcribed by Lowdon, and ſubſcribed by them two, and the lords Mar, Montgomery, Forreſter, and general Leſly; but never made uſe of; nor had ei⯑ther date or direction. One Goram getting hold of it, delivered it to Traquair, and he to Charles, who hoped to turn it to his own advantage, particularly in making a ſacrifice of Lowdon, who had been a principal leader of the covenanters. Upon exami⯑nation, Lowdon readily acknowledged his own hand writing and ſubſcription; but pled, that the letter was written before the late pacification, when hi [...] majeſty was marching to invade his native kingdom; and that, in theſe circumſtances, they thought none ſo fit to interceed with him as his brother in law, than which their letter deſired no more, Notwithſtand⯑ing, Charles was determined to have him aſſaſſinated, and ordered Balfour, lieutenant of the Tower, to have his head ſtruck off, before nine o'clock nex [...] morning. After informing Lowdon, Balfour ac⯑quainted Hamilton with this mandate. He and Bal⯑four having got acceſs to Charles, ſo repreſented to him the infamous nature of murdering a nobleman▪ to whom he had given a ſafe conduct, and the ter⯑rible conſequences that might follow, that they go [...] him with reluctance, to tear his warrant. Some⯑time after, upon promiſe of concealing his treat⯑ment, and engaging to uſe his utmoſt endeavours to diſpoſe his countrymen to ſubjection, Lowdon was permitted to return home.

In November 1639, Charles and his council had reſolved upon a new war with the Scots. But it was [177] difficult to find money to bear the expences of it Strafford ſubſcribed for 20,000 pounds ſterling, the dukes of Lennox and Richmond for as much, if not the double. Many of the Engliſh nobility and gen⯑try ſubſcribed largely enough, chiefly the Papiſts, in⯑ſtigated by their queen. By Strafford's influence, the Iriſh Parliament voted about 24,000 pounds. The Engliſh clergy voted an annual compliment of 20,000. All theſe being inſufficient, Charles was obliged to call an Engliſh Parliament to provide more; but whoſe ſtubborn commons would allow him no money, unleſs in the way of ſecuring their own reli⯑gion and liberties, which he and his agents had fear⯑fully infringed. He therefore had recourſe to me⯑thods diſhoneſt and infamous,—which gave the co⯑venanters time to prepare for their own defence. Meanwhile, Charles did them all the miſchief that he could. Their ſhips were arreſted in England and Ireland; and theſe that were trafficking to other places were ſeized, and theſe in them barbarouſly impriſoned. The caſtle of Edinburgh was repaired and reinforced, and the garriſon daily killing ſome of the inhabitants, or ſpoiling their houſes. The Engliſh general had a commiſſion to deſtroy the whole Scotch nation. Charles publiſhed a declaration, requiring all his ſubjects in England and Ireland, to take arms againſt them, and treat them as rebels. The Iriſh Parliament declared them ſuch. Alarmed by theſe things, the covenanters ſent Rothes and Lindſay to ſolicit the marquis of Hamilton to interceed for them with their king. But finding no help in man, they betook themſelves to God by faſting and prayer. The Preſbytery of Edinburgh, which had been deſired, by the Committee of Eſtates, to warn the church of her approaching danger, propoſed a ſolemn faſt on ac⯑count of the groſs ignorance, ſuperſtition, ſorcery, profanation of the Lord's name and Sabbath, neglect of his worſhip, uncleanneſs, intemperance, fraud and violence, contrary to their covenants,—and on ac⯑count of their perplexing outward circumſtances, [178] theeeby procured: They alſo ſpread informatory remonſtrances among their friends in England, part of which were burnt by the hangmen. Nevertheleſs they did not begin their warlike preparations till June next year: Nor did they ſtir, till the Parlia⯑ment had concluded on the war, and appointed the general officers. Theſe in the weſt did not begin their march till Auguſt.

When the Parliament met at Edinburgh, June 2, 1640, Traquair durſt not attend it, as Charles' com⯑miſſioner. But the lords Elphingſton and Napier, Orbiſton juſtice clerk, and Lewis Stewart as king's advocate, were impowered in his abſence to prorogue their meeting. But, upon reading their commiſſion, Elphingſton and Napier doubted of the legality of their acting without Traquair's order, and the other two could do nothing but proteſt. The Eſtates therefore voted themſelves a legal Parliament, and choſe lord Burleigh for their preſident; and enacted all the articles propoſed at their former meeting, with ſome variations. They ordained that this and all fu⯑ture meetings of Parliament ſhould conſiſt only of noblemen, barons, and burgeſſes, reſcinding all for⯑mer laws in favours of the voting of biſhops or other clergymen;—that all future Parliaments ſhall have the power of appointing a committee for drawing up articles to be laid before them,—the members of which each Eſtate ſhall chooſe from among them⯑ſelves. They ratified the act of the laſt General Aſ⯑ſembly condemning bygone corruptions, and appointed the late covenant to be ſubſcribed by all ranks under all civil pains; and particularly by members of Par⯑liament before admiſſion to a ſeat, and by all magiſ⯑trates, miniſters, and ſtate officers, before their ad⯑miſſion. They declared, that the power of juriſdic⯑tion in the church ſtands only in Aſſemblies, Synods, Preſbyteries, and Seſſions; and revived the act of 1592, eſtabliſhing Preſbyterian government in all the heads of it; and reſcinded all laws in favours of Pre⯑lacy; but, for fear of giving an handle to their ex⯑aſperated [179] king, left unnoticed ſome former acts of Parliament eſtabliſhing his eccleſiaſtical ſupremacy. They declared null and void all the cenſures inflicted by the late biſhops or their agents; and that Preſby⯑teries had the power of preſenting miniſters in theſe pariſhes, in which the biſhops had claimed it; and ordained, that Preſbyteries, with conſent of the con⯑gregation, ſhould plant theſe pariſhes, which had lain ſix months vacant. They prohibited the going of mills and ſalt pans, and the fiſhing of ſalmon on Lord's days, or the holding of fairs upon Mondays; and appointed juſtices of peace and kirk ſeſſions to prevent the profanation of the Sabbath by the con⯑fluence of reapers, or of people to hire them in har⯑veſt. They ratified all the former laws againſt Pa⯑piſts, excommunicated perſons, and ſuch as reſet them; and appointed letters of horning to be iſſued forth againſt the biſhops and other excommunicated perſons. They approved the Aſſembly's ſupplication againſt the large declaration, and ordered the authors and ſpreaders of it to be puniſhed as guilty of leaſe-making and ſowing diviſion between his majeſty and his loyal ſubjects. They enacted, That a free Par⯑liament ſhould be held once, or oftener, in every three years; that the caſtles of Edinburgh, Dum⯑barton, and Stirling, ſhould be intruſted only to natives, well affected to king and country; that none ſhould vote in Parliament by proxy; that none ſhould be nobilitated, who had not ten thouſand marks of yearly rent in the kingdom; that the Lords ſhould no more be diſtinguiſhed into temporal and ſpiritual; that the privy council ſhould be accountable to his majeſty and Parliament, and be puniſhable for giving wrong counſel. They declared null and void all un⯑lawful proclamations iſſued in his majeſty's name, ſince the commencement of the late troubles; and that the antient acts of Parliament forbidding leagues and conventions among the ſubjects, did not extend to ſuch as were made for the preſervation of the king's life or authority, or of the religion, laws, and li⯑berties [180] of the kingdom. They appointed twelve no⯑blemen, ſixteen barons, and twelve burgeſſes, as [...] committee to give directions concerning the impend⯑ing war; and appointed a tenth of all land and houſe rents, and a twentieth of all intereſt of money, to be raiſed for carrying it on; and that the heirs, of ſuch as ſhould be ſlain in the defence of their religion and country, ſhould have a free entry to what belonged to them. They further appointed all the ſubjects to ſubſcribe a bond for the maintenance and defence o [...] the acts of this Parliament; appointed general offi⯑cers for their army; and paſſed a ſentence of forfei⯑ture upon general Ruthven for refuſing to deliver up the caſtle of Edinburgh, and for the daily miſchie [...] he did to the city. After nine days, the Parliament roſe; and their committee ſent a copy of their acts to lord Lanerk ſecretary for Scotch affairs,—and ſug⯑geſted, that if the violences offered to their perſons and goods without the kingdom, were not quickly repreſſed, they behoved to provide for their own deliverance and ſafety,—and aſſigned the reaſons o [...] their conduct.—But Charles was ſo far from being ſa⯑tisfied, that he conſidered their parliamentary proce⯑dure, as a blow at the root of his authority.

The General Aſſembly met at Aberdeen, July 28th, 1640; and, after enacting ſome rules for the ordering of their own meetings, they ordained, That all monuments of idolatry, particularly in the north, ſhould be deſtroyed; that the laws againſt witches and charmers ſhould be carefully executed; that ſuch as ſhould ſpeak againſt the covenant after they had taken it, ſhould be cenſured; that candidates for the miniſtry, who refuſed to ſubſcribe it, ſhould be declared incapable of teaching children, reading in kirks, preaching within Preſbyteries, or reſiding in burghs, univerſities, or colleges,—and ſhould be proceſſed as ſcandalous, if they continued obſtinate. They appointed a ſolemn faſt upon the 28th of Au⯑guſt, on account of their diſtreſſed circumſtances. As in this northern Aſſembly, there were many cler⯑gymen, [181] who either did not believe Prelacy and the Articles of Perth to be ſinful in themſelves, or were unwilling to acknowledge them as ſuch, they did not attack the doctors of Aberdeen in their adhe⯑rence to theſe; but found them guilty of Arminia⯑niſm. Dr. Forbes was ſpared for the time, on ac⯑count of his ingenuity; and Scroggs on account of his health; but Sibbald, tenaciouſly adhering to his errors, was depoſed.

An affair relative to praying ſocieties, gave them much more trouble. During their want of faithful miniſters, many ſerious people, in Scotland and Ire⯑land, had met together on Sabbaths and other occa⯑ſions, for prayer and ſpiritual conference. Some, before they were driven from Ireland, had been a little infected with Browniſm from England, and had inclined to join the Independents in New England. Theſe brought along with them ſome of their ſingu⯑larities, which were overlooked, on account of their remarkable piety, till an appearance thereof happen⯑ed in the charge of Henry Guthry of Stirling, after⯑ward worthleſs biſhop of Dunkeld. The laird of Lecky, a man remarkable for knowledge and ſerious godlineſs, and who had been a diſtinguiſhed ſufferer under the late biſhops, much encouraged fellowſhip meetings for prayer and Chriſtian conference. Seve⯑ral of his neighbours, who could not read themſelves, or who thought his manner more edifying than their own, attended his family worſhip. Some, who pro⯑bably came as ſpies, alledged, that in prayer he uſed ſome expreſſions not duly honourable to Guthry his miniſter. Guthry immediately proſecuted Lecky be⯑fore his Preſbytery, and got fellowſhip meetings con⯑demned as prejudicial to the ſtanding office of the miniſtry, and got the magiſtrates to extirpate them from the place. Not ſatisfied with this, he laboured to have them utterly aboliſhed from the nation; and by collecting and exaggerating reports of their, im⯑prudences, he drew Mr. Henderſon and Mr. Calder⯑wood, who had ſeen the Browniſtical diſorders in [182] Holland, and ſome other leading clergymen, to his ſide. In the Aſſembly 1638, he had attempted to foiſt in a complaint againſt theſe meetings. But Meſſrs. J. Livingſton, S. Rutherfoord, and D. Dick⯑ſon, and others, unwilling that many ſerious ſaints ſhould be publicly diſcredited for the imprudence of a few, got the affair kept from any public hearing; and it was agreed, that Guthry ſhould preach up the duty of family worſhip, upon which he ſaid theſe meetings encroached, and that the eminently pious Meſſrs. Blair, Livingſton, and M'Lellan, who be⯑friended ſuch ſocieties, ſhould preach againſt night meetings, and the abuſes complained of. Their ſoft and Chriſtian methods of correcting or preventing ſuch abuſes not pleaſing Guthry, who hated to ſee or hear of any others more ſerious than himſelf, he continued to exclaim againſt theſe meetings in gene⯑ral. To quench this flame of contention, Meſſrs. Henderſon and Borthwick upon the one ſide, and Dickſon and Blair upon the other, held a ſolemn con⯑ference on the point. Henderſon drew up a paper of regulations or caveats for ſuch meetings, bearing, That the members ſhould be few, and ſuch as were proper to meet together; that the meetings ſhould not interfere with public or family worſhip or relative duties, nor be held is the night; that they ſhould be occaſional, and no wiſe tending to ſeparate the members from the reſt of the congregation; that no impertinent queſtions or uncharitable judging of o⯑thers ſhould be allowed in them; that if any mem⯑bers in them had any objection againſt the common form of public worſhip, (as bowing in the pulpit, and ſinging the Gloria Patri) they ſhould diſcreetly lay them before the perſons concerned; and finally, that all things relative to them ſhould be conducted with holineſs, prudence, humility, and charity. This gave general ſatisfaction. But Guthry and his aſſiſ⯑tants pretending, that caveats brought in biſhops, puſhed the matter into this northern Aſſembly, in which they expected their friends to be ſtrongeſt. [183] Guthry poured forth torrents of accuſation againſt the abſent Lecky, and the ſociety meetings. Sim⯑ſon of Bathgate ſeconded him; and in the moſt out⯑ragious manner upbraided Rutherfoord, Livingſton, and M'Lellan, as encouragers of them. Supported by the earl of Seaforth, and many of the northern clergy, Guthry and his faction thought to have car⯑ried an act for the utter ſuppreſſion of them. But Dickſon, Bailie, Rutherfoord, and others, ſo warmly oppoſed them, that they could only get it enacted, That people ſhould obſerve family worſhip with the members of the family alone; that reading of pray⯑ers is lawful, where none can pray extempore; that none but preachers ſhall explain ſcripture; and that no innovation relative to the time, matter or manner of religious worſhip, or the number or quality of joiners in it, be introduced without allowance from the Aſſembly.

Meanwhile, Charles and the covenanters prepared for war of another kind, and laboured to divert the blame of it from themſelves. Charles loudly com⯑plained, that they, by their own authority, had raiſ⯑ed forces, provided large ſtores of artillery, and im⯑poſed taxes; that they had publiſhed ſcandalous pa⯑pers, under pretence of informing the Engliſh; had refuſed materials for the reparation of the caſtle of Edinburgh; had committed violence upon ſome of the garriſon, and prepared to block them up; had impriſoned lord Southeſk and others for their loyal⯑ty; had written to the French king for aſſiſtance; and that the magiſtrates of Edinburgh had, on ſeve⯑ral occaſions, refuſed due obedience. The covenan⯑ters pled, That they had done nothing but what his majeſty's refuſals to grant their juſt and humble peti⯑tions for redreſs of grievances, and the violences committed by perſons pretending his orders, had o⯑bliged them to; that they had granted favours to thoſe in the caſtle of Edinburgh, notwithſtanding the unprovoked injuries, murders, and violences which they had ſuffered from them; that they had [184] but protected Southeſk and his fellows from the vio⯑lence of the mob; that the council and citizens of Edinburgh had done every thing in their power, as faithful and humble ſervants; that they never in⯑tended to aſk any aſſiſtance from the French king, far leſs to ſubject themſelves to his authority, but merely deſired to prevent his taking offence at them, and helping to deſtroy them, and deſigned to ſuppli⯑cate his mediation in their favours, in order that an unnatural war might be prevented; that they had nevet ſent him the letter referred to, nor ſo much as ever directed or dated it; that they reckoned it a notorious breach of the law of nations, to have their deputies, under his majeſty's ſafe conduct, im⯑priſoned by him, and Lowdon, who had no more hand in the above mentioned letter than others, pu⯑niſhed, without ſo much as a form of trial.

Argyle being appointed to deal with the diſaffect⯑ed chieftains and clans of the north, invaded the ter⯑ritories of the earl of Athol, apprehended himſelf and fourteen other principal loyaliſts,—and obliged his vaſſals to pay the contributions required by the Parliament, together with 10,000 pound Scots, for the ſupport of his army, which had been raiſed on their account. He uſed the territories of Airly in much the ſame manner. But it doth not appear, that ever he allowed any thing to be taken from the people, but the common tax, and that which he found neceſſary for the ſubſiſtence of his troops. Robert Monro, who was diſpatched againſt the mar⯑quis of Huntly, earl of Aboyn, and Sir James Ogil⯑vy of Bamff, was not ſo delicate. He, at his own hand, impoſed the covenant upon ſuch as he thought diſaffected, and remitted about forty of the citizens of Aberdeen and gentlemen about, priſoners to E⯑dinburgh. He turned Huntly's palace into a garri⯑ſon, and deſtroyed Sir James' manſion houſe, and wherever he came, ſeized on the effects of the roy⯑aliſts.

[185]The march of the Engliſh required the covenan⯑ [...]ers to meet them in a proper place. They found no [...]uch difficulty in levying men or money, as Charles [...]id. Inſtigated by the preachers, every fourth man [...]as ready to take arms on a call. Such as had mo⯑ [...]ey, cheerfully lent it upon the public ſecurity of [...]he Committee of Eſtates, and others gave their fil [...]er veſſels to be coined. The women readily contri⯑ [...]uted their yarn and cloth for the ſervice of the [...]roops, in tents or the like. In their march, ſuch [...]s could, carried thirty or forty days proviſion along [...]ith them. Every regiment had a miniſter attend⯑ [...]ng it, of whom Meſſrs. Henderſon, Blair, Livingſton, Bailie, Cant, and G. Gilleſpy were the moſt noted. [...]n the beginning of Auguſt, they aſſembled at Dunſe, [...]bout 25,000, and for three weeks continued on the [...]order, learning to handle their weapons, and pre⯑ [...]aring for an entrance into eternity. At their ap⯑pointed times for private worſhip, nothing was to be [...]eard but ſinging of pſalms, reading of ſcripture, [...]nd prayer to God, in their tents. At firſt the co⯑ [...]enanters had reſolved not to enter into England. But the Engliſh nobility, having informed their late [...]ommiſſioners at London, how averſe their nation was from the war, and encouraged them to a bold proſecution of their righteous cauſe, and Lord Sack⯑ [...]ille, and one Darley, having written letters to [...]ome of them, in name of a number of the Engliſh nobility, whoſe ſubſcription he forged, encouraging [...]hem to enter England, as they might expect, that the Engliſh would not only take the opportunity to [...]nſiſt for a redreſs of their own and their grievances, but would aſſiſt them with men and money, as ſoon as they entered England, and ſend them home libe⯑rally recompenſed for their labour;—and ſometime after, having received another letter upbraiding them for their ſlackneſs to enter into that country, and ſuggeſting, that it had loſt them 10,000 pounds ſter⯑ling, which was prepared for them; and that Char⯑les' troops had neither money nor an inclination to [186] reſiſt them. Knowing that there was much truth [...] theſe miſſives, they reſolved to march into England▪ but, to prepare their way, they diſperſed two diff [...] ⯑rent papers of information,—in the firſt of which they ſhewed, That their march into England w [...] neceſſary, in order to avoid the maintenance of tw [...] armies on their border, and to ſecure their trade an [...] the adminiſtration of juſtice at home; that it w [...] merely defenſive, as his majeſty's promiſes former [...] made to them had been notoriouſly violated, an [...] their commiſſioners refuſed a hearing at court, t [...] a war againſt them was reſolved upon; that the Pa [...] ⯑liaments of England and Ireland had been conveene [...] to grant ſubſidies for making war upon them; tha [...] his majeſty had already begun a war upon them, i [...] ſeizing their ſhips and goods, and in the murder o [...] ſeveral inhabitants of Edinburgh by his garriſon i [...] the caſtle; that they were ready to lay down thei [...] arms as ſoon as they could obtain a ſure peace;—tha [...] the Lord, by their march into England, might per⯑haps lead to the aboliſhment of Prelacy there, from whence it had come to them; that they did not marc [...] againſt the kingdom of England, but againſt arch⯑biſhop Laud's faction of Papiſts, Atheiſts, Armini⯑ans, and Prelatiſts, who miſled his majeſty, an [...] were enemies to both kingdoms; and therefore the [...] hope their Engliſh brethren will not refuſe them victuals for money; that they did not come to com⯑mit diſloyalty againſt their ſovereign, or to enrich themſelves with plunder, but to do the kingdom what good they could, in the regular puniſhment o [...] thoſe that had troubled them; and that the long prayed for uniformity in reformation might be pro⯑moted. In the other, they ſhewed what injuries had been done them, and that they entered England, in order to promote the regular puniſhment of Laud▪ Strafford, and other incendiaries, and the ſecuring of their own religion and liberties. And they en⯑gage to return home, as ſoon as theſe ends ſhall be gained.

[187]God rendered the day of the covenanters ſolemn [...]ſt, Aug. 28th, remarkable for a ſtrange mixture of [...]ercy and judgment. On it, their troops routed [...]out five or eight thouſand Engliſh, that were poſt⯑ [...] at the ford of Newburn to prevent their paſſage [...]er the Tine, with the loſs of about twelve perſons, [...]d the wounding of a few others; which ſpread [...]ch a terror among Charles' army, that they preci⯑ [...]antly retired from Newcaſtle and places about, to [...]urham. The ſickneſs and death, which prevailed [...] the caſtle of Dumbarton, made the garriſon glad [...] deliver it up to the covenanters. The Engliſh gar⯑ [...]on of Berwick came to Dunſe with a conſiderable [...]mber of carts to carry off the Scotch artillery and [...]amunition; but the earl of Haddington coming up [...]th them, ſent them back laden with nothing but [...]eir own dead and wounded. Returning to the [...]ſtle of Dunglaſs, his Engliſh ſervant, probably [...]ibed by the garriſon of Berwick, ſet fire to a ma⯑ [...]zine of powder, and blew up the fort, in which [...]e earl and his brother, ten gentlemen, and fifty- [...]ur ſervants, inſtantly periſhed; and about thirty [...]ners were grievouſly wounded. The alarm given [...] the noiſe, made the people in Fife and Lothian to [...] up their beacons. Imagining that this was occa⯑ [...]ned by the king's fleet coming up the Forth for [...]eir relief, the garriſon in the caſtle of Edinburgh [...]rouſed ſo heartily as to conſume moſt of their [...]oviſions, and were obliged next Sabbath to ſur⯑ [...]nder that fort.

After premitting a declaration of their peaceful [...]entions, the covenanters took poſſeſſion of New- [...]ſtle, in which they found 5000 ſtand of arms:— [...]nd while Charles' troops fled faſter before them [...]an they were purſued, they, though fluſhed with [...]nqueſt, in an humble ſupplication, repreſented to [...]m, after what manifold ſufferings, neceſſity had [...]liged them to march into England, and how harm⯑ly they had behaved in it, and earneſtly inſiſted, [...]at he, with advice of his Engliſh Parliament, would [188] redreſs their grievances, that they might cheerful [...] obey him as their native ſovereign, and his thron [...] be eſtabliſhed among them. Charles had treate [...] this with the utmoſt contempt, if another, ſubſcri [...] ⯑ed by thirteen of the Engliſh nobility, complainin [...] of their grievances, and inſiſting for redreſs, ha [...] not been preſented to him about four hours after [...] for which the lords Howard and Wharton had bee [...] immediately ſhot at the head of the army, had n [...] Hamilton got him convinced, that it would occaſio [...] a general mutiny, if not total revolt of the troop [...] Charles proudly diſdained to anſwer the covenante petition himſelf, but being afraid of their approac [...] toward his camp, he ordered Lanerk, Hamilton brother, to require them to mark their particul [...] grievances, and he would call a Parliament at Yo [...] to adviſe an anſwer to them; and to command the [...] to march no further into England, if they wiſhed f [...] any reconcilement. The committee of their arm [...] quickly replied to Lanerk, That they inſiſted, th [...] the acts of their laſt Parliament ſhould be publiſh [...] in his majeſty's name, as well as of the Eſtates; th [...] the caſtles and forts of the kingdom ſhould be uſ [...] for their ſecurity; that none of their countrymen▪ England or Ireland ſhould have any oaths impoſ [...] upon them inconſiſtent with their covenant; th [...] notour incendiaries ſhould be brought to public ju [...] ⯑tice; that their ſhips and goods ſhould be reſtore [...] with recompence of damage; that all the wrongs whic [...] have been done to them, be fully recompenſed; th [...] all proclamations of them, as traitors, be recalled that all garriſons on the borders, and all other hi [...] ⯑derances of free trade, be removed.

Laſt year, Montroſe, who had been once a zealo [...] covenanter, inſtigated by his envy of general Leſly [...] promotion, had ſhewed an inclination to deſert [...] the king; at this time a treacherous letter of his w [...] diſcovered. But, as he begged forgiveneſs of h [...] raſhneſs, and it was ſuſpected, that lords Drummon▪ Boyd, Fleming, and ſome others, were alſo unfait [...] ⯑ful, [189] Leſly, with ſome of the miniſters, got the mat⯑ [...]er made up, that no breach might happen in ſo [...]ritical a juncture. As the Engliſh doubly rated the proviſions, which they ſold to them, Leſly ordered [...]he town of Newcaſtle to afford his army 200 pounds worth of victuals a day, Northumberland 300, and [...]he county of Durham 350, for ready money or good [...]ecurity. But the Engliſh collectors ſometimes exac⯑ [...]ed the double of what they gave to the army, and [...]aid the heavieſt burdens on the puritans, to provoke [...]hem againſt their Preſbyterian brethren. Engliſh vagabonds put on blue bonnets, and plundered the country in name of Scotſmen. The ſervants of ſuch clergymen, as had run off from their charges, robbed [...]hem of that which was left to their keeping, and then, perhaps by their maſter's direction, laid the blame on the Scots. Loud complaints of theſe things were made to Charles, who delighted to receive [...]hem. But the covenanters quickly manifeſted their innocence.

It ſcarcely appears, that Charles really intended a pacification. Inſtead thereof, he laboured to increaſe his army, procure proviſions, and furniſh his garri⯑ſons, and required all the trained bands northward of the river Trent to be ready to march upon a day's warning. It was reported, that Strafford had ſent for ten thouſand Iriſh Papiſts to join him. Leſly therefore demanded four or five thouſand recruits from Scotland, which, with a band of gentlemen from Argyleſhire, immediately marched to his aſſiſ⯑tance. But the Engliſh peers, meeting at York upon September 24th, appointed eight earls and as many lords to treat with the Scots. The earls of Morton, Traquair, and Lanerk, with Sir Lewis Stewart and Henry Vane, were appointed their aſſiſtants. But the Scots would not admit them. The earls of Rothes, Lowdon, and Dunfermline, A. Hender⯑ſon, and Archibald Johnſton, and ſix gentlemen, were commiſſioners from the covenanters. After ſome conferences at Rippon, the place of treaty was [190] transferred to London, and a ceſſation of arms was immediately agreed upon, providing that the Scotch army ſhould have 850 pounds Sterling per day allow⯑ed them for ſubſiſtence, till the treaty ſhould be fi⯑niſhed; that no fortification ſhould be erected on ei⯑ther ſide; that the river Tees ſhould be the boun⯑daries between the two armies, unleſs the Scot [...] ſhould be obliged to appoint detachments to collect the contributions allotted them on the ſouth ſide of it.

After ſeveral months, the treaty was finiſhed, and the Engliſh Parliament agreed to it, Auguſt 7th▪ 1641. It imported, That all the acts of the laſ [...] Parliament at Edinburgh ſhould be publiſhed, and have the ſame force of law as any other acts of Par⯑liament; that all the forts of Scotland ſhould be fur⯑niſhed with the advice of the Eſtates of Parliament▪ that all cenſures inflicted for taking of the nationa [...] covenant ſhould be annulled, and none hereafter in⯑flicted; that only ſuch Scots as fettled in England ſhould be ſubjected to the laws of it; that the Par⯑liament ſhould have full power to proſecute all evi [...] counſellors and delinquents; that none diſqualified by ſentence of Parliament, ſhall be admitted to his majeſty's ſervice or friendſhip; that all ſhips and goods ſeized by either party be reſtored, and dama⯑ges be refunded; that thirty thouſand pounds ſter⯑ling be paid to the Scots to indemnify their loſs in this war; that all proclamations and pamphlets re⯑preſenting them as rebels or undutiful ſubjects, be re⯑called and ſuppreſſed, and their loyalty publiſhed from all the pulpits in his majeſty's dominions, upon the day of ſolemn thankſgiving for the peace; tha [...] the garriſons be removed from Berwick and Carliſle▪ that the Scots deſire of an uniformity in church go⯑vernment and worſhip was approved, and the Eng⯑liſh Parliament would proceed in that matter, as the [...] found moſt conducible to the glory of God and th [...] peace of the church and ſtate in both nations; tha [...] his majeſty, or the Prince of Wales, ſhall viſit Scot⯑land [191] as ſoon as poſſible; that he prefer none to offi⯑ces without the recommendation, or at leaſt conſent of the Parliament, privy council, or college of juſ⯑tice; that ſome Scotſmen be placed about him; and none but ſuch as are of the reformed religion, a⯑bout either himſelf or the prince; that all that hath happened in the late troubles be buried in everlaſting oblivion, except that the Scots biſhops, Traquair, Sir Robert Spotſwood, Sir John Hay, and Mr. Wal⯑ [...]er Balcanquel, ſhall be proſecuted as incendiaries; that no war ſhall be declared againſt any of the three kingdoms, but with conſent of Parliament; and ſuch as without ſuch conſent make war upon their fellow ſubjects, ſhall be proſecuted as traitors by both the nations concerned; that the Scotch Parliament, which ſhall meet to ratify this treaty, have full power to ſit till they finiſh their buſineſs, unleſs they ad⯑journ with their own conſent; and that none who commit a crime in one part of his majeſty's domini⯑ons ſhall be protected in another.

Meanwhile, the Aſſembly met at St. Andrews, July 20th, 1641; but adjourned to Edinburgh, be⯑cauſe many of the members behoved to attend the approaching Parliament. In favours of Mr. Howie of the college of St. Andrews and others, they enac⯑ted, that ſuperannuated miniſters ſhould enjoy their benefices for life.—They eſtabliſhed ſome rules for the univerſities, and appointed every Preſbytery to maintain a burſar at the college; and Mr. Hender⯑ſon recommended it to the city of Edinburgh, and other principal burghs, to maintain ſome ſtudents of diſtinguiſhed abilities at ſome foreign univerſity, as thereby themſelves or the church might be pro⯑vided to the greater advantage. They appointed, that the utmoſt care ſhould be taken of the religious converſation of candidates for the miniſtry; and that none ſhould be allowed to preach in another Preſbytery, without teſtimonials from that which had licenſed him. The flame relative to fellowſhip meetings for prayer and ſpiritual conference, had [192] ſtill continued. Lecky and his friends, inſiſted for preferring an accuſation againſt Guthry their leading antagoniſt, and to have the act of the preceding Aſſembly, which reſpected their meetings, cancelled, Guthry and his partizans were no leſs eager to ſup⯑port it, or, if poſſible, to make it worſe. The mi⯑niſters of Edinburgh, were generally for a total ſup⯑preſſion of all private meetings for religion, except theſe of families. Many of the citizens were no leſs zealous to preſerve praying ſocieties, and to have the act of the Aberdeen Aſſembly either repealed or explained. The court found themſelves obliged to cancel that act, as if it had never exiſted, and to ſubſtitute another in its room, which imported, that all miniſters and others ſhould labour to reſtrain all impiety and all mocking at religious exerciſes, or caſting of odious names upon godly perſons; and that on the other hand, great care ſhould be taken, leſt, under pretence of religious meetings and exer⯑ciſes, error, ſcandal, ſchiſm, or any thing contrary to peace or truth, ſhould be cheriſhed, or the duties of particular callings neglected; and appointed that Preſbyteries or Synods, ſhould cenſure the tranſgreſ⯑ſors of this on either hand. By another act, they prohibited the introduction of any novelty in doc⯑trine, worſhip, or government, till it was firſt al⯑lowed by the General Aſſembly. Being deſired by the Parliament, they examined the bond, which Montroſe, and ſome other treacherous covenanters, had ſubſcribed, and of which the Parliament had burnt the original,—and declared it unlawful and un⯑binding, as it was contrary to their former engage⯑ments to do nothing without common conſent, and as it tends to promote diviſion: but gave it as their opinion, that ſuch ſubſcribers as ſhould, under their hand, acquieſce in this judgment, ſhould be no fur⯑ther troubled. The lords Seaforth, Kinghorn, and laird of Lowr immediately complied, as did moſt of the other ſubſcribers afterward. They offered their mediation for Montroſe and ſome other ſubſcribers [193] who it ſeems did not ſubmit; but the Parliament re⯑fuſed it.—Being informed, that the Independents at London pretended, that Meſſrs. Dickſon and Cant were inwardly of their ſentiments, the Aſſembly un⯑animouſly declared their rejection of Independency as contrary to the national covenant; and appointed Mr. Henderſon to inform their London friends, that they were all of one heart and ſoul againſt Indepen⯑dency, as well as againſt Prelacy.—To promote an eaſy correſpondence with the reformed churches a⯑broad, they appointed the Scotch miniſter of Camp⯑ [...]ere in Holland, and an elder from his ſeſſion, to be members of each Aſſembly. Mr. Henderſon hav⯑ing moved the drawing up of a Confeſſion of faith, Catechiſm, Directory for worſhip, and Form of church government, in which it might be hoped, the Eng⯑liſh would agree with them, his motion was em⯑braced; and Mr. Dickſon the moderator and ſuch aſſiſtants as he pleaſed were enjoined to form them. But he reſolutely declined the taſk as too difficult. A committee was appointed for reforming the wild Highlands, and the Iſles, from their remaining hea⯑theniſh and Popiſh abominations; and a commiſſi⯑on to finiſh ſuch work as they had not got overtaken.

The Parliament of 1640, had been adjourned from time to time, till July 15th, 1641, when 39 noblemen, 49 barons, and 57 repreſentatives of burghs met; but reſolved to tranſact no important buſineſs, till his majeſty ſhould come down in the following month. Nevertheleſs, they formed over⯑tures for regulating their meetings. They concerted meaſures for proſecuting Traquair, Sir R. Spotſwood, Sir John Hay, Walter Balcanquel, and Dr. Maxwel late biſhop of Roſs, as incendiaries; and Montroſe, lord Napier, Sir G. Stirling of Keir, and Sir Lewis Stewart of Blackhall, for plotting to undermine their fellow covenanters. A ſcurrilous libel againſt his country, and in defence of his diviſive bond, drawn up by Montroſe's direction, was read, and he was [194] required to ſubſcribe a recantation of it. Such of th [...] above criminals, as could be apprehended, were im⯑priſoned; and lord Lowdon's labour to excuſe them as far as he could, almoſt rendered himſelf ſuſpected▪ —It plainly appeared, that Montroſe had ſlandered the marquis of Argyle, as having publicly talked to Athole and other eight of his late priſoners, tha [...] he and his friends had conſulted lawyers and divine concerning the dethronement of his majeſty, and had thought of doing it at their preceding Parlia⯑ment, but would do it at the next.—Montroſe gave up Stewart, commiſſary of Dunkeld, as his inform⯑er, who at firſt acknowledged, under his hand, tha [...] he had done ſo. But, being proſecuted, he ſaid that he had invented the ſtory out of mere malic [...] againſt Argyle; and that, by the advice of Mon⯑troſe, Napeir, Keir, and Blackball, he had tranſ⯑mitted a ſubſcribed copy of his forged ſpeech to hi [...] majeſty.—They alſo, at the Aſſembly's deſire, or⯑dered all miſrepreſentations of the covenanters, t [...] be erazed from the minutes of the privy council.

Being at laſt come up to the Parliament, along with prince Frederick Palatine his nephew, Charles after his ſpeech, offered to touch with his ſceptr [...] the 39 acts of the preceding Parliament. But the ſagacious members, perceiving that he thus intend⯑ed to mark theſe acts as formerly deſtitute of lega [...] authority, and ſo unhinge the late treaty, and al [...] that was before done in proſecution of theſe acts▪ warded off the blow, and pled that the validity o [...] theſe acts had been already ſecured by the Treaty, and nothing remained for his majeſty, but to con⯑ſent to their publication. Upon the 18th of Au⯑guſt, they enacted, That all the members, before taking their ſeats, ſhould ſwear the national covenant and bond of 1638, as explained to abjure prelacy and the articles of Perth, together with an oath, bind⯑ing them to reaſon and vote, as they judged moſ [...] conducive to the glory of God and the peace of this church and kingdom, and to defend to the uttermoſ [...] [195] his majeſty's perſon, honour, and eſtate, together with the rights of Parliament and ſubjects, and to preſerve the union and peace between the kingdoms of Scotland, England, and Ireland; and, by all proper methods, labour to bring to condign puniſh⯑ment all ſuch as had, or ſhould do any thing contra⯑ry to the purity of religion, or the laws, liberties, or peace of the nation. By this act, they hoped to exclude all the malignants, who hated the covenant⯑ing intereſt. But the duke of Lennox, marquis of Hamilton, and earls of Morton, Roxburgh, Anan⯑dale, Kinnoul, Lauderdale, Perth, Lanerk, Gallo⯑way, and Dumfries, after ſome demur, yielded to the terms, and ſo the number of peers was increaſed to forty-eight. Profane Carnwath alone choſe ra⯑ther to want his ſeat, than to ſwear oaths, which he had no intention to keep. Charles ſubſcribed the treaty of Rippon and London, and the Parliament ſo⯑lemnly approved it by an act, which they tranſmit⯑ted under the Great Seal to the Parliament of Eng⯑land. That ſame day, Charles and they appointed the 39 acts of the Parliament laſt year to be publiſhed as bearing authority from the moment in which they were framed. They appointed a ſolemn thankſgiv⯑ing on the 7th or September, of which the General Aſſembly drew up the reaſons. The thanks of the Parliament were given to the commiſſioners, who had formed the Treaty; and a complimentary re⯑ward appointed to general Leſly and Mr. Henderſon.

The malignant enemies of the pure religion and full liberties of the kingdom, cheriſhed by Charles, who one day came to Parliament attended by 500 of them, laboured to traduce the marquiſſes of Hamil⯑ton and Argyle. But the affair was got compromiſed; and even Montroſe, Napier, Keir, Blackhall, preſi⯑dent Spotſwood, Hay, and Monro, who had deli⯑vered to Goram the letter, which had occaſioned ſo much trouble and danger to Lowdon, were liberated upon ſecurity for their good behaviour, and their compearance for trial, before the Committe of Eſtates [196] in January next. The Parliament voted 10,000 men to prince Frederic, for enabling him to recover his Electorate in Germany from the Popiſh oppreſſors. But the breaking out of the Popiſh maſſacre of the Proteſtants in Ireland prevented the execution of this, and obliged his majeſty to poſt off to London, as ſoon as this Parliament ended. The Parliament appointed a ſolemn faſt upon the 2d and 4th Sabbaths of No⯑vember, of which the Commiſſion of the Aſſembly drew up the reaſons. Another faſt was obſerved in the enſuing March, but by whoſe appointment we know not; nor that any general faſt or thankſgiving was ob⯑ſerved, of which the church did not at leaſt drawn up the reaſons. They alſo enacted, That none ſhould go to England to be married, without proclamation of banns, under ſevere penalties; that beſides formerly required qualifications, all patrons ſhould ſubſcribe the national covenant; that all monuments of idolatry ſhould be aboliſhed, and Preſbyteries ſhould ſee to have them removed out of churches, colleges, cha⯑pels, and other public places; that excommunicated perſons, or perſons who did not communicate at their own pariſh church, at leaſt once a year, ſhould be proſecuted according to their reſpective ranks; that ſuch as cauſed their mills or ſalt pans to go, or hired reapers, or ſold goods on the Lord's day, or other⯑wiſe profaned it, ſhould be ſeverely puniſhed. They diſpoſed of the biſhops rents chiefly to the univerſi⯑ties, and to ſome nobility and gentry. They made ſome acts for payment of the public debt, which had been contracted in the late war, and in favours of orphans and fatherleſs children, and for the admini⯑ſtration of juſtice and encouragement of trade and manufactures. They approved the conduct of Ar⯑gyle, now made a Marquis by his majeſty, and other commiſſioners in the late war; appointed a Commit⯑tee for preſervation of the peace between the two kingdoms, and appointed next meeting of Parliament in June 1644, unleſs his majeſty pleaſed to call one before that time.

[197]Upon Charles' return to London, his biſhops loud⯑ [...] reproached him as undoing in an inſtant all that [...]imſelf and his father had, with no ſmall difficulty, [...]ſtabliſhed in many years. The differences between [...]im and his Engliſh Parliament having become very [...]ride, the Scotch commiſſioners, who had gone up [...]o concert meaſures for ſending their troops to Ire⯑ [...]and, to check the Popiſh murderers, who, about that [...]ime, maſſacred two or three hundred thouſand of [...]heir Proteſtant neighbours, offered their mediation. Charles, highly diſpleaſed, commanded them not to interfere with him and his Engliſh Parliament, without firſt communicating their propoſals to him. Having ſent off 6000 forces to Ireland, under gene⯑ral Monro, the breaking out of the civil war in Eng⯑ [...]and, obliged them to retain the other 4000 intend⯑ed for it, at home. By the influence of Montroſe, and other Bonders, Charles laboured to cauſe the Scotch privy council, to threaten the Engliſh Par⯑liament with their aſſiſtance of him: but the cove⯑nanters, by their counter ſupplications, prevented it.

When the Aſſembly met at St. Andrews, July 27th, 1642, a report, that Montroſe and his fellow Bonders, intended to force them to declare, that the national covenant favoured the making of war upon the Engliſh Parliament, cauſed ſo many of the covenanted nobles to attend, that no ſuch thing durſt be attempted. The Aſſembly appointed, that the minutes of Synods ſhould be tried by the Aſſembly; that tranſported miniſters ſhould not undergo new trials; that, in conſequence of his majeſty's conceſſi⯑on, ſix candidates for a vacant charge in the low coun⯑try, and as many as can be had for one in the High⯑lands, be nominated by the Preſbytery, with con⯑ſent of the moſt, or beſt of the congregation, to the patron, out of which he muſt preſent one. Argyle and ſome other patrons offered to give up their right of preſentation, if miniſters would promiſe to inſiſt for no augmentation of ſtipends; but they would not conſent. The Aſſembly alſo eſtabliſhed ſome [198] rules for reclaiming of Papiſts, non-communicants, and profaners of the Sabbath, and for family wor⯑ſhip, catechiſing, and for delating of adulter⯑ers, wizards, and the like, to the civil magiſtrate; and for burdening and limiting tranſportation of mi⯑niſters; and for ſettling of ſchools; and for ſending over miniſters to the remains of their Proteſtant brethren in the north of Ireland, who had earneſtly petitioned for them; they prohibited the taking of contrary oaths in the purgation of adulterers, forni⯑cators and the like,—and all ſlandering of miniſters, or uſing of their names in public papers, without their conſent. They appointed a committee to viſit the iſles of Orkney and Shetland, in order to reform them from their heatheniſh and Popiſh corruptions▪ and to regulate the univerſities of St. Andrews and Glaſgow; and made an act for the ſuppreſſion o [...] Popery, and monuments of idolatry in the north▪ They erected a new Preſbytery at Biggar, and joined that of Sky to the Synod of Argyle. They appoin⯑ted a general contribution for the Proteſtants in Ire⯑land. And, as both Charles and his Engliſh Parlia⯑ment had courted their favour, they, without ſidin [...] themſelves, urged both to promote a reformation o [...] England in public worſhip and church governmen [...] and ſupplicated the privy council to concur wit [...] them herein, and appointed a public faſt and pray⯑er, that the Lord might ſucceed their project.

Some noblemen, who had been commiſſioned t [...] beſeech his majeſty, to give ſatisfaction to his Eng⯑liſh Parliament, being very ill uſed by him and h [...] party, and the letters tranſmitted to them broke [...] up, were therefore recalled. Meanwhile, Hamilton Montroſe, and other Bonders, finding it impoſſibl [...] to arm the nation in general againſt the Engliſh Par⯑liament, concerted with Charles, how to raiſe a [...] army in the north, and ſeduce general Monro an [...] his troops to their party; and at leaſt make the ea [...] of Antrim accommodate matters with the Iriſh P [...] ⯑piſts, and then tranſport an army of them into En [...] ⯑ [...]and [199] for his aſſiſtance againſt his Parliament. But Montroſe, refuſing to ſerve under Hamilton, their [...]eproaches of each other manifeſted part of their de⯑ [...]ign, and the reſt appeared from miſſives found up⯑ [...]n Antrim, when he was providentially apprehen⯑ [...]ed by a Scotch officer near Carrickfergus; and [...]rom the examination of him and his ſervant. In⯑ [...]tigated by the Popiſh Queen, Montroſe carried on his work in the north, and got all the chiefs, Ogil⯑ [...]ys, and Gordons, to ſubſcribe an aſſociation in fa⯑vours of Charles. But, lord Marſhal refuſing to concur, and even perſuading Huntly to recal his ſub⯑ſcription, gave a check to this project. Montroſe therefore courted the favour of the covenanters, who, he hoped, would put more truſt in him, than his new friends had done. But new proofs of his villany made them alſo to deſpiſe him.

Charles' troops had almoſt defeated thoſe of the Parliament at Edgehill in October, and had entirely routed them, had not Balfour a Scotch officer, with his battalion at the head of the foot, made a gallant defence, while prince Rupert of the Palatinate drove the cavalry before him. The Scotch managers lay⯑ [...]ng their account, that his majeſty, after he had ſubdued his Engliſh opponents, would turn his victo⯑rious arms againſt them, ordered Lowdon their chan⯑cellor to iſſue forth warrants for calling a Convention of Eſtates, in order to put the country into a proper poſture of defence. Notwithſtanding all that Ha⯑milton and Sir Lewis Stewart could ſay, they voted [...]hemſelves a legal Convention. Charles being in⯑formed of their meeting, by his miſſives limited their [...]eliberations to the ſupply of their army in Ireland, [...]he procuring of the arrears due to them from the Engliſh, and the preventing of groundleſs jealouſies of himſelf, and reſtricted them from doing any thing [...]owards raiſing forces for the Engliſh Parliament. [...]nſtigated by the earl of Derby, Morton, Roxburgh, Kimoul, Lanerk, Annandale and Carnwath, wrote [...]o the queen, that unleſs his majeſty detached three [200] or four thouſand of his troops to Scotland, that coun⯑try would probably be loſt to him. The Engliſh Parliament having intercepted this letter, remitted i [...] to the Convention. Upon which theſe lords ſub⯑mitted, and promiſed to interfere no further wit [...] the Engliſh affairs, and were all excuſed, excep [...] Carnwath, who appeared to have accuſed his coun⯑trymen to the king as rebels, and their commiſſio⯑ners as favourers of the rebellion in England, in or⯑der to ruin him and his children. He fled, and wa [...] fined in 10,000 pounds Scots for the public ſervice▪

The affecting ſermons and edifying behaviour o [...] the Scotch miniſters, who had attended their com⯑miſſioners at the making of the late Treaty at Lon⯑don, had rendered many of the Engliſh puritans fon [...] of the neareſt union and conformity in religious ma [...] ⯑ters with the Scots. A correſpondence for that e [...] ⯑fect had ever ſince ſubſiſted. Their diſtreſs, ſinc [...] the battle of Edgehill, had rendered a league wit [...] the Scots moſt neceſſary. After ſome warning, th [...] commiſſioners from the Engliſh Parliament, attend⯑ed by Meſſrs. Marſhal and Nye from the Weſtmin⯑ſter Aſſembly, came to Edinburgh in the beginnin [...] of Auguſt 1643, in order to ſolicit an amicable an [...] religious league. Meanwhile, the Aſſembly met an [...] received a letter from Charles, indorſed to Sir Thom [...] Hope, lord advocate, and thoſe conveened with him. No [...] ⯑withſtanding his majeſty's ſhyneſs to acknowledg [...] them an Aſſembly, they boldly cenſured the miniſte [...] of Auchterarder, for refuſing to publiſh the declar [...] ⯑tion emitted againſt the croſs petition of the Bonde [...] in which they had urged the privy council to publi [...] his majeſty's reaſons for making war on his Engli [...] Parliament, without publiſhing their vindication▪ long with it. Inſtigated by Archibald Johnſto [...] who had lately been made a knight, they ſuggeſt [...] to the Convention of Eſtates, That, as the kin [...] war with his Engliſh Parliament was directed again [...] the reformation of religion, the Proteſtant faith w [...] in danger; that the Engliſh had helped them [...] [201] [...]heir diſtreſs; that if the ſerious part of the church of England be ruined, that of Scotland cannot expect long to ſurvive; that the intended uniformity of diſcipline and worſhip between the two kingdoms, would much ſtrengthen the Proteſtant intereſt in ge⯑neral; and that his majeſty's actions had ſo often contradicted his promiſes, that they could not truſt him. They enacted, That profeſſors of divinity, being miniſters, might be choſen commiſſioners to the Aſſembly, either by the univerſity or Preſbytery; that there ſhould be no burials in churches where God is worſhipped, and his ſacraments diſpenſed. They appointed a new ſupply of miniſters for the north of Ireland, and a committee to inquire into the nature and proper remedies of witchcraft, for which many about this time were delated and burnt; and that miniſters and magiſtrates ſhould ſearch for all books calculated to promote ſeparation from paſ⯑tors; and that all ſentences of ſupreme judicatories ſhould remain in force till repealed by themſelves; that no depoſed clergymen ſhould be reponed, but by the advice of the Aſſembly; and they con⯑firmed all former acts for the ſanctification of the Sabbath, and that maſters ſhould be cenſured, who permitted their ſervants to tranſgreſs.—As the cuſtomary repetition of the doxology and Gloria patri at the end of public worſhip and kneeling in the pulpit, had offended not a few of the godly, Meſſrs. Henderſon moderator, D. Dickſon, and D. Calder⯑wood, were appointed to draw up a directory for the worſhip of God. Finding it difficult to procure candidates with the Gaelic language for the high⯑lands, they appointed ſuch ſtudents as could ſpeak it, to be preferred in the beſtowing of burſaries, and in order to get the highlands and iſles ſupplied as well as the low country while probationers were ſcarce, they beſought his majeſty to accept of a liſt of three candidates for a vacancy in the low country, and of one in the highlands, in order to a preſentation. All the commiſſioners from burghs and ſhires, having [202] ſupplicated an aboliſhment of Patronage, it was re⯑commended to Preſbyteries to deviſe a proper plan of ſettling congregations, which might remove all conteſts between patrons, Preſbyteries, and people. They prohibited all miniſters, having landed eſtates, to ſit members in the Parliament or Convention. They appointed the earl of Huntly to be admoniſhed for his neglect of family worſhip, his not communi⯑cating, and his retaining of Popiſh ſervants. They excommunicated Roger Lindſay for blaſphemy, and appointed John Seaton to put from his houſe, a wo⯑man with whom it was ſuſpected, he kept a criminal correſpondence. They agreed upon a religious and ſolemn covenant with the Engliſh Parliamentarians; and, at the requeſt of the Weſtminſter Aſſembly, ap⯑pointed Meſſrs. A. Henderſon, R. Douglas, S. Ru⯑therfoord, R. Bailie, and G. Gilleſpie miniſters, the earl of Caſſils, lord Maitland, afterwards earl of Lauderdale, and Archibald Johnſton, now a lord of ſeſſion, by the name of Warriſton, ruling elders, to join them.

After the Aſſembly and Convention of Eſtates had approved of the ſolemn league and covenant, it was tranſmitted to London, and with ſome ſmall altera⯑tions approved by the Aſſembly, and both houſes of Parliament. Being remitted to Edinburgh, the Commiſſion of the General Aſſembly, Oct. 11th, appointed it to be ſworn and ſubſcribed through the whole church, and, by miſſives to Preſbyteries, di⯑rected them how to forward the ſame. In conſe⯑quence hereof, the Committee appointed by the Convention of Eſtates next day appointed it to be ſworn and ſubſcribed by all the ſubjects, under pain of being held and puniſhed as enemies to religion and his majeſty's honour, and peace of the kingdoms, and to have their goods confiſcated for the uſe of the public, and not to be allowed to enjoy any bene⯑fit, place, or office within the kingdom, and ap⯑pointed ſherriffs and other magiſtrates, to aſſiſt mi⯑niſters in promoting this engagement. As this and [203] ſome other deeds of this period impoſing their cove⯑nants under ſuch penalties, cannot be juſtified, it is agreeable to find none but Montroſe and Monro, two military men, one of whom, at leaſt, afterward turned a murderer of his brethren, forcibly urging theſe covenants. Every where, the ſolemn league be⯑ing read the one Sabbath, it was, with marvellous unanimity, ſworn the next, by both men and wo⯑men, and ſubſcribed chiefly by men. Nor do I find, that the decliners of it ever ſuffered in the leaſt for ſo doing.

Nov. 29th, 1643, the Committee of Eſtates and commiſſioners from England finiſhed their treaty of friendſhip, bearing, That the ſolemn league and covenant ſhould be ſworn and ſubſcribed by all ranks in both kingdoms; that 18,000 foot, and 3,000 horſe ſhould immediately march to the aſſiſtance of the Engliſh Parliament, with victuals and pay for the ſpace of forty days; that this army ſhould be commanded by a Scotch general, but ſubject to the direction of the two Parliaments, and their committees; that the whole expences contracted by the Scots, ſhould be repaid to them at the end of the war; that their ar⯑my ſhould receive 30,000 pounds ſterling per month out of the eſtates of the Engliſh papiſts and other malignants, and have 100,000 pounds per advance; that the Scots ſhall aſſiſt with their credit in raiſing 200,000 pounds for that purpoſe, and for payment of their troops in Ireland, which ſhall be repaid them at the end of the war; that no pacification ſhall be made with his majeſty, without the conſent of both kingdoms; that the Scotch troops in Eng⯑land ſhall be no wiſe employed, but to anſwer the ends of this treaty; that the Engliſh ſhall aſſiſt the Scots in any like extremity; and that eight ſhips ſhall pro⯑tect their coaſts and trade.

In January 1644, the Scots army, to the amount of 21,500, marched into England, under the com⯑mand of old General Leſly, now earl of Leven, and John Bailie lieutenant general of the horſe, and Da⯑vid [204] Leſly of the foot; and notwithſtanding the In⯑dependents giving the honour to Cromwel, who had perhaps gone off in his wounds, had the principal hand in gaining the famous victory of Marſtonmoor, in which Charles loſt about ten thouſand of his for⯑ces, and all his baggage. To oblige them to return home, that Charles might at leaſt recover the weſt of England, Montroſe, Crawford, Nithſdale, A⯑boyn, Ogilvy, Rae, Herreis, &c. entered into an aſſociation at Oxford, to return to Scotland, and raiſe forces for his majeſty. Antrim undertook to ſend them 10,000 Iriſh, under the command of Alexan⯑der M'Donald, a Scot. Huntly took the field with a conſiderable body, which Argyle quickly ſuppreſ⯑ſed. In returning northward, through Weſtmore⯑land, Montroſe raiſed a body of forces, and ſet up his majeſty's ſtandard at Dumfries. But the ſherriff of Teviotdale, marching a body of countrymen to⯑ward them, they fled at the ſight, and Montroſe himſelf eſcaped to Carliſle. The commiſſion of the General Aſſembly laid him under the leſſer excom⯑munication, and ordered it to be publiſhed from all the pulpits in the kingdom. Exaſperated by this, he puſhed his way northward along with two others, and put himſelf at the head of the Iriſh ragamuffins, who, in ſmaller numbers than was expected, had juſt landed in Argyleſhire, where they committed the moſt barbarous ravages upon miniſters and o⯑thers, whom they looked on as moſt hearty in the covenanting intereſt. He conducted them eaſtward through Badenoch and Athol, where many joined them, and in Perthſhire, a whole regiment raiſed by lord Kilpont. Argyle, with a body of undiſciplined countrymen, thought to attack them: but Mon⯑troſe fell upon them before they were ready; and, eſpecially in their flight, killed many of them. Af⯑ter ravaging Argyleſhire, and turning it into a kind of deſert, he marched toward Lochaber and Glenco, in order to collect his friends in that country.

[205]Meanwhile, the Scotch commiſſioners to the Weſt⯑minſter Aſſembly were but coldly received by many; nor, till after a warm debate, were they allowed to be members. But after their admiſſion, much de⯑ference was paid to their judgment; and they had no ſmall hand in promoting of Preſbyterian govern⯑ment. None of them made a more ſhining appear⯑ance than Gilleſpy the youngeſt. The General Aſ⯑ſembly, meeting at Edinburgh, in May 1644, receiv⯑ed letters from the Preſbytery, which attended the army in England,—from their commiſſioners at Lon⯑don,—and from the Weſtminſter Aſſembly,—to⯑gether with petitions from Ireland for ſupply of mi⯑niſters,—to all which they returned favourable an⯑ſwers. They declared the bond of aſſociation at Ox⯑ford, framed by Montroſe and his fellow covenant-breakers, perfidious, and calculated to throw this church and kingdom into confuſion; and empower⯑ed their commiſſion to proceed againſt all that enter⯑ed into it to the higheſt excommunication, unleſs they ſhould publicly acknowledge their offence. They appointed miniſters to delate to their Preſby⯑teries, all ſuch as manifeſted diſſatisfaction to the co⯑venanted cauſe. They wrote to the churches in Holland, thanking them for ſending ſupplies of mo⯑ney to their diſtreſſed brethren in Ireland, and in⯑forming them of their own critical circumſtances and covenant with God. They appointed miniſters to be more diligent in raiſing the fines annexed by law to ſcandals, and applying them to pious uſes. They appointed a contribution in favours of their Proteſtant brethren in Ireland, and gave order for ſupplying their armies with miniſters; and appoin⯑ted a ſolemn faſt to confeſs their ſins, lament their miſeries, and ſupplicate relief from God.

The Parliament meeting June 4th, made a num⯑ber of acts,—for preventing the deſertion of their troops, and for levying others with proper expediti⯑on;—for declaring it treaſonable to take arms, or hold out houſes againſt the Eſtates;—for ratification [206] of the late convention and committee of eſtates, and their acts, particularly theſe which approved and impoſed the ſolemn league and covenant;—for ap⯑pointing commiſſioners for promoting peace between his majeſty and Parliamenr, upon proper terms;— for paying to the burghs the debts owing them for arms and ammunition;—for approving the conduct of Argyle and Burleigh, in ſuppreſſing the northern inſurrections;—for preventing the proſanation of the Sabbath and of public faſts, by captions for debt or the like; for granting divorces, when ſhrewd to⯑kens of adultery are proven; for prohibiting fairs and markets on Mondays; for reſtraining innkeep⯑ers from unneceſſary ſelling of drink on the Lord's day;—for prohibiting patronages belonging to par⯑ticular miniſters; for preventing application of va⯑cant ſtipends to private uſes; for ſecuring to miniſ⯑ters, univerſities, hoſpitals, and ſchools, the re⯑venues belonging to them from the eſtates of for⯑feited malignants; for renewing the commiſſion for valuation of tithes, and aſſignations of manſes and glebes to miniſters; for carrying on the war againſt Montroſe and other enemies, and ſupporting of ſuch as ſhall be diſabled in it; and for continuing the commiſſion for conſervation of the peace with England, appointed by the former Parliament, non-covenanters excepted.

When the Aſſembly met in January 1645, they approved the directory for public worſhip framed by the Weſtminſter Aſſembly, with ſome explications and limitations; as alſo ſome overtures for the ad⯑vancement of learning in ſchools and colleges, and for the maintenance of burſars. They authorized their commiſſion to approve the Weſtminſter direc⯑tory for church government, and ordination of miniſters, leaving room to examine, whether doctors have power to adminiſter the ſacraments? and what are the reſpective rights of Preſbytery and people, in the calling of miniſters? They emitted a ſolemn war⯑ning, calling all ranks to a proper improvement o [...] [207] God's great mercies and alarming judgments, and appointed, that all ſuch miniſters, as did not read it from their pulpits, ſhould be cenſured. They prohibited the obſervation of Chriſtmas, and other ſuperſtitious days, the abuſes at penny weddings, and the reponing of depoſed miniſters to their former charges. They repreſented to his majeſty his great wickedneſs, in permitting the Iriſh invaders, under his commiſſion, to exerciſe cruelty upon, and mur⯑der multitudes of his beſt ſubjects; in his permiſſion of Popiſh idolatry in his family and kingdom; in his authorizing the book of ſports and profanation of the Lord's day thereby encouraged; in his neglect⯑ing to puniſh the notorious ſcandal and profane be⯑haviour of his court; his ſtopping of his ears againſt the petitions of his faithful ſubjects; his compliance with Papiſts, and concluding an advantageous ceſ⯑ſation of arms with the maſſacrers in Ireland; and in his following the counſels of wicked men, and op⯑poſing the reformation of his kingdom. They en⯑couraged their commiſſioners at Weſtminſter, fur⯑ther to promote the religious uniformity between Scotland and England, and appointed Mr. Hender⯑ſon to aſſiſt the Engliſh commiſſioners, in the religi⯑ous part of the treaty at Uxbridge, with his majeſty. They appointed miniſters to attend their eleven new regiments, and others to ſupply their Proteſtant bre⯑thren in Ireland.

The Parliament, meeting at Edinburgh on the 24th of the ſame month, appointed an augmentati⯑on of ten or twelve thouſand men to their army, in⯑tended to reduce Montroſe and his followers; and made a number of acts for defraying the expences of the war; and for putting the country into a poſ⯑ture of defence, by muſtering all men between 16 and 60, on one day, that they might ſee what arms or men were wanting, and might train ſuch as ap⯑peared, in the military exerciſes.—Montroſe took Dundee by ſtorm, and ſet it on fire in ſeveral places; and about the ſame time, murdered multitudes in [208] St. Andrews and Kirkaldy, almoſt in cold blood, rendering 200 women widows in one day. Finding that the covenanters troops were divided into two bodies, he firſt attacked the weaker, under Urie, and then the ſtronger under Bailie, and routed them both. The Parliament being therefore obliged to meet again in July, a raging peſtilence kept them from Edinburgh, and drove them from Stirling to Perth. They appointed a new levy of ten thouſand troops to withſtand Montroſe; and deviſed methods for paying them. They ratified the Aſſembly's act, approving of the Weſtminſter directory for public worſhip; and under penalties ſuited to mens differ⯑ent ranks, prohibited profane ſwearing, drunken⯑neſs, and mocking at religion; and appointed de⯑puties in every pariſh to levy fines impoſed for ſcan⯑dals, and to puniſh the ſcandalous in their perſons.

Finding that the covenanted forces were aſſembled at Perth, Montroſe attempted to puſh ſouthward, to favour his junction with a body of horſe, which he expected from his majeſty: and, to draw off Bailie's attention, M'Donald, with his Iriſh, fell up⯑on the Campbells, near Cowpar Angus, murdering all that they met with. But Bailie ſtill hanging cloſe to him, Montroſe was obliged to return northward, once and again, to levy more troops. At laſt, when the covenanters newly raiſed forces had gone home, he marched up to the bridge of Ern, in order to at⯑tack their remaining army. But they, expecting reinforcements from Fife, would not ſtir from their entrenchments. He therefore marched ſouthward by Kinroſs; and then turning weſtward to Stirling, burnt into a deſart the pariſhes of Muckart and Dollar, which pertained to Argyle. Informed of his motions, the covenanters marched the near way to Stirling, burnt the houſes of Menſtry and Airth⯑ry, which belonged to malignants; but did no hurt to their tenants; and came up with him at Kilſyth, Auguſt, 15th, 1645, where he gave them battle, before their expected weſtern aſſiſtants came up; and, [209] with very ſmall loſs on his ſide, killed moſt of their troops, giving, it is ſaid, no quarter to ſuch as of⯑fered to ſurrender. Terrible was the havock made in the purſuit; and terrible the caſe of the nation, in conſequence of it,—many thouſands having loſt their fathers, brothers or children.—While the co⯑venanting nobles and gentry ſled off to England and Ireland, Montroſe took up his head quarters at Both⯑wel, and, by detachments of his troops, relieved his friends, and raiſed contributions from Edinburgh to the weſtern ocean. The malignant noblemen flocked about him; and Charles ſent him a commiſ⯑ſion, appointing him captain general, and deputy governor of Scotland; and empowered him to call a Parliament, and create knights to ſit in it. By pro⯑clamations at Edinburgh, Linlithgow, and Glaſgow, [...]he ſummoned a Parliament to meet at Glaſgow on the 20th of October, enſuing, and made M'Donald, his murderous lieutenant, a knight.

Amidſt their diſtreſs, envy of preferments and carnal ſtupidity had fearfully prevailed among the covenanters; and not a few, amidſt the licentiouſ⯑neſs of war, had become openly profane. The rag⯑ [...]ng peſtilence, and the ſix bloody defeats they had [...]eceived from Montroſe, together with the alarming [...]ermons of their faithful miniſters, awakened them [...]ot a little. Finding no help in man; and that their poſtate and barbarous enemy carried all before him, [...]hey betook themſelves to ſolemn faſting and prayer; [...]nd the Lord quickly appeared for their relief. In⯑ [...]ending to join him with all the forces they could [...]ollect, the earls of Home and Roxburgh, invited Montroſe to march towards the ſouth eaſt of Scot⯑ [...]and. To favour their junction with him, he took [...]p his head quarters at Philiphaugh beſide Selkirk. Meanwhile, David Leſly and colonel Middleton, [...]arching with part of the Scotch army from Eng⯑ [...]and, apprehended Home and Roxburgh; and then [...]ook their rout by Dunglaſs and Haddington, where [...]one watched their motions; and then ſuddenly [210] turning ſouthward, through the favour of the nigh [...] and miſt, unexpectedly fell upon Montroſe's army from which the Gordons and M'Donalds had lately gone home with their plunder, and killed or too [...] priſoners the moſt of them. The moſt malignan [...] of the priſoners were tried and executed as traitor and murderers. The marquis of Douglas, with o⯑ther lords and gentlemen of the low country, mad▪ their peace with the committee of Eſtates. D. Leſly returned with his army to England, and left Middle⯑ton with the horſe, to purſue Montroſe, who ha [...] got back into Athol. M'Donald with his Iriſh mur⯑derers, continued ravaging Argyleſhire; putting al⯑moſt every thing to fire or ſword. Ardinglaſs con⯑ducted about 1200 of the poor inhabitants to Mon⯑teith, to live upon the malignants. But Inchbrak [...] and the Athol men falling upon them at Calender killed not a few of them, and forced the reſt to fled towards Stirling. Argyle carried them thence to Lennoxſhire, to live upon the lands of lord Napier▪ and other malignants. He then brought over a par [...] of the army from Ireland, at whoſe landing in his country, M'Donald and his Iriſhmen fled to the weſt⯑ern iſles, and thence into Ireland.—Montroſe, having got northward, formed a new aſſociation with the earls of Seaforth and Sunderland, lord Lovat, and a great many other of the principal chiefs. But the eccleſiaſtical commiſſion having publiſhed a declarati⯑on againſt this league; and the committee of Eſtates an indemnity to all ſuch as ſhould deſert it, except the earl of Seaforth; and Middleton marching north⯑ward with his troops, all the ſubſcribers, except Seaforth, quickly diſclaimed the Bond, and ſeveral of them profeſſed their ſorrow for joining in it. Charles having fled into the Scotch army in England, ordered Montroſe to lay down his arms: upon which he retired to Germany, and aſſiſted the emperor in oppreſſing and murdering the Proteſtants.

Meanwhile, the Parliament which met at St. An⯑drews, in the end of November 1645, made a variety [211] of acts,—for approving the conduct of general Bai⯑ [...]ie, and the lords Montgomery and Sinclair, at the battle of Kilfyth, and for levying new taxes and for⯑ces for ſuppreſſing the malignants;—for relief of [...]uch as had been plundered by Montroſe and his party, and for puniſhing of the principal priſoners that had been taken at Philiphaugh. They pro⯑hibited all holding of fairs on Mondays or Saturdays, and all printing of books relative to religion, with⯑out a licence from the Aſſembly or Commiſſion, or of others without a licence from his majeſty's ſecre⯑tary;—and all lykewakes under pain of 20 pounds Scots for each fault: and appointed Preſbyteries to have the ſole power of planting vacant pariſhes, the patrons of which are excommunicated, or have not [...]worn the covenant; and that ſchools be erected in every pariſh, with a ſalary not below 100, and not above 200 merks Scots, beſides uſual perquiſites; and appointed a committee of Eſtates to manage the government of the nation during the interval of Parliament, the members of which are allowed a ſa⯑ [...]ary for their work.

When the General Aſſembly met at Edinburgh in the beginning of June 1646, Charles, from the Scots army, ſent them a very humble letter, expreſſing his grief for the divided ſtate of his kingdom, and his earneſt deſire to comply with the requeſts of his Parliament, and recommending himſelf and his diſ⯑tracted kingdom to their prayers. By Meſſrs. Hen⯑derſon, Blair, Douglas, James Guthry, and A. Cant, they preſented to him a moſt Chriſtian and loyal an⯑ſwer, with other requeſts. They enacted that antenup⯑ [...]ial fornication ſhould be cenſured in the ordinary man⯑ner, as after acts of juſtice do not atone for former faults; that every profeſſor in the univerſities preſent to the Aſſembly a copy of his pre [...]ections; that the intereſt of congregations in the calling and admiſſion of miniſters, and what relates to it, be maturely con⯑ſidered by Preſbyteries and Synods, and their pro⯑poſals for preventing contentions, be returned; that [212] compliers with Montroſe ought to be cenſured; that no ſtudents of divinity ſhall preach to the people, till they be regularly licenſed; that no ſhips ſhould launch from harbour, or looſe anchor on the Lord's day,—nor any children go out of the kingdom, with⯑out teſtimonials from their Preſbytery, and without bringing back ſuch, relative to their conduct when abroad. They laid the earl of Seaforth under the higher excommunication. And, awakened by the rage of ſword and peſtilence, they pointed out the corruptions of miniſters, in their private and public conduct, and the proper remedies thereof. They approved ſome overtures reſpecting the mutual cor⯑reſpondence of Preſbyteries, the aſſiſtance of poor ſtudents, and the planting of kirks and ſchools in the Highlands, with candidates that underſtand their language. They wrote to the Parliament of Eng⯑land, and to the Weſtminſter Aſſembly, commend⯑ing their paſt endeavours, and beſeeching their fur⯑ther diligence in promoting an uniformity in refor⯑mation between the two kingdoms. They ordered their ſolemn thanks to be given to Mr. David Cal⯑derwood, for the trouble he had taken in collecting the hiſtory of this church; appointed him and his clerk to be indemnified for their labour, and the work to be publiſhed aſſoon as poſſible. The confuſi⯑ons of theſe times prevented the publication. His abridgement of it was publiſhed about thirty years after, as a teſtimony againſt the then domineering Epiſcopacy. An attempt was made about thirty years ago to publiſh the full hiſtory; but ſubſcripti⯑ons failed.

Let us now for a while, turn our eyes toward Eng⯑land. Scarcely had the Parliamentarians, by the victory of Marſtonmoor, perceived themſelves able to withſtand all the forces that his majeſty could bring againſt them, than they ungratefully provoked their Scotch deliverers to a breach. To ſhut them up to mutiny, deſertion, or oppreſſion of the coun⯑try by taking free quarters, they withheld their pay [213] pretending, that the intereſt would ſufficiently ba⯑lance the delay of payment. Being thus obliged to take free quarters, theſe were diſhoneſtly over-rated. Want of ſubſiſtence obliged them to want miniſters, which occaſioned a profane licentiouſneſs in ſeverals. Sometimes the Engliſh Parliament, for weeks, or even for months, neglected to anſwer the remon⯑ſtrances of their commiſſioners. Their expreſſes were ſometimes intercepted, and their letters opened, while the houſe of commons ſcreened the offenders. In their treaty with Charles at Uxbridge, they chang⯑ed almoſt every thing in the propoſitions made to his majeſty, which marked the power of, or did ho⯑nour to the Scots, and aſſumed all to themſelves. Notwithſtanding all theſe provocations, the Scots, regardful of their ſolemn covenant with God, did all that in them lay, and even renounced part of their own intereſt, in order to promote the peace and welfare of England.

In May 1646, Charles, after he had empowered Ormond and Digby to clap up a peace with the Iriſh Papiſts, which almoſt eſtabliſhed their religion to them, in order that he might obtain their faithful ſervice againſt his Proteſtant ſubjects in Britain,— he fled from Oxford when it was upon the point of being blocked up by the Parliament's army; and in company with two or three more, rode within a few miles of London; then directed his courſe toward the ſea; and at laſt reſolved to throw himſelf into the Scotch army, which lay at Newcaſtle; and con⯑tinued with them about eight months. Commiſſi⯑oners from the committee of Eſtates preſented to him ſome propoſitions for peace; and theſe above-mentioned, from the Aſſembly, laboured to remove his prejudices againſt Preſbytery and the cove⯑nants. At leaſt pretending, that he believed Epiſ⯑copacy to be of divine appointment; and that he had bound himſelf by his coronation oath to ſupport it, he and Sir Robert Murray, debated this point in a ſe⯑ries of letters with Mr. A. Henderſon;—in which he [214] pretended, that the Engliſh, in their reformation, had preciſely followed the apoſtolic appointment, and the univerſal pattern of the primitive church; and that where the ſucceſſion of epiſcopal prieſthood ceaſ⯑eth, there is no valid adminiſtration of the ſacra⯑ments; that no reformation of churches is lawful, but under the direction of royal authority; that no real defects could be pointed out in the reformation eſtabliſhed by K. Edward and Q. Elizabeth; that Preſbyterian government was never known till Cal⯑vin introduced it at Geneva; that the unanimous conſent of the Fathers is the true ſtandard of inter⯑preting ſcripture; and that the clauſe in his coro⯑nation oath reſpecting religion being inſerted in fa⯑vours of the church, the Parliament cannot diſſolve that obligation without her conſent. In his replies, Mr. Henderſon ſhewed, That many ſerious Chriſti⯑ans and learned divines, had all along complained of the imperfection of the Engliſh reformation; that, to the grief of other Proteſtant churches, it had oc⯑caſioned no ſmall contention and ſchiſm; that all ſubjects, being under the whole law of God, and bound to take care for their own and poſterity's eter⯑nal ſalvation, ought to reform themſelves, if prin⯑ces be negligent or attached to prevalent corruptions; that, in the apoſtolical age, there was no difference between biſhops and Preſbyters; that not the prac⯑tice of the church ſome ages after Chriſt, or the con⯑ſent of Fathers, but the word of God, is our rule in religion; that it is now impoſſible to know the univerſal practice of the primitive church, or the unanimous conſent of the Fathers; that, according to theſe Fathers, the ſcriptures muſt be interpreted by themſelves, and our faith not ſtand in the wiſdom of men, but in the power of God;—that when the formal reaſon of an oath is removed, the obligation of it ceaſeth; and when the Parliament repeal laws, the coronation oath doth not bind to oppoſe their deed; that his royal and learned father, never ad⯑mitted epiſcopacy to be appointed by Chriſt or his [215] apoſtles, and all the reforming divines, even of Eng⯑land, had reckoned it merely an human appoint⯑ment; that the Weſtminſter Aſſembly had proved Preſbyterian government founded on the ſcripture; that magiſtrates ſupremacy over the church in ſpi⯑ritual affairs, cannot be juſtified from the word of God or right reaſon. The felt approaches of death, probably haſtened by grief, that Charles, by his ob⯑ſtinate refuſal to comply with his Parliament, was like to ruin himſelf and his kingdoms, obliged Mr. Henderſon to break off his anſwer to Charles' 4th letter, and retire to his country. The Epiſcopalians gave out, that he died of remorſe, that he had oc⯑caſioned ſo much trouble to ſo pious a king, and publi [...]hed a forged recantation, as if made by him on te deathbed. But the General Aſſembly declared it falſe and ſcandalous.

Old General Leſly, at the head of an hundred of his officers, on their knees, in an humble ſupplica⯑tion, earneſtly beſought Charles to ſatisfy his Eng⯑liſh Parliament, and favour the ſolemn league and covenant. Lord Lowdon repreſented to him his ab⯑ſolute neceſſity of complying with their demands, if he inclined to keep the throne for himſelf, or his family. Meanwhile, the Independents and their friends, afraid of Charles' compliance with the Par⯑liament's demands, and particularly with Preſby⯑tery by the Scots influence, got a vote carried in the Parliament, that there was no further need of their army in England. Hereupon their pay was withheld; their quarters were ſtraitened by the Parliament's forces; and they had almoſt nothing but the four northern counties to ſupport them. Want of pay obliged them to take free quarters, which, by the Sectarians means, occaſioned loud cries of oppreſſion. They alſo publiſhed ſcurrilous defamations of them, as covenant-breakers, apoſtates, and compliers with malignants. Theſe and the like abuſes made the Scotch army heartily tired of England, and anxious to return home, aſſoon as they could ſecure the pay⯑ment [216] of the arrears due to them. They produced proper claims for almoſt a million ſterling: but, when the Engliſh offered them 200,000 pounds in hand, and ſecurity for 200,000 more, they, to teſtify their diſintereſtedneſs and love of peace, accepted it, September 2d, 1646, in place of full payment.

About ſixteen days after this pecuniary agreement was fully ſettled, Charles, in deſpite of all that had or could be ſaid to perſuade him, refuſed to comply with the Engliſh Parliament's propoſitions for peace. Hereupon that Parliament voted, that his perſon ſhould be diſpoſed of as they thought fit. Againſt this deed the Scotch commiſſioners earneſtly remon⯑ſtrated, and inſiſted for a joint conſultation with re⯑ſpect to the diſpoſal of his majeſty's perſon. Low⯑don repreſented to the Engliſh commiſſioners, That, by the ſolemn league, both kingdoms were united to God, and to their king, and to one another; and that after the Scots had done ſo much to promote the welfare of England, it was neither conſiſtent with honour, conſcience, or equity to diſpoſe of his ma⯑jeſty's perſon, without conſent of both kingdoms; and he, as in the above-mentioned remonſtrance, inſiſted that he might be allowed to reſide in or near London, that ſo an agreement between him and his Parliament might be ſpeedily effected;—or at leaſt that commiſſioners might be again ſent to him to ex⯑plain their propoſitions, and endeavour to remove his ſcruples. Argyle, in his addreſs to both houſes of Parliament, begged them to promote the work of reformation according to the ſolemn league, and nei⯑ther to perſecute true piety, nor to allow lawleſs li⯑berty; and that they would endeavour to maintain the peace of the two kingdoms, and ſtudy to reform, not ruin his majeſty, and to regulate, but not deſ⯑troy monarchy.

While the Scots were labouring to perſuade Charles to agree with his Engliſh Parliament, he, finding their army heartily attached to their ſolemn league, ſoon wearied of them, and repeatedly applied to his [217] Engliſh Parliament for their allowance of his ſafe [...]welling in London or near to it. They appointed him Holmby in the county of Northampton for his reſidence, and agreed, That as ſoon as he ſhould come thither, and the Scots retire from England, they would concur with them in endeavouring to ob⯑tain his conſent to their propoſitions. Theſe reſo⯑lutions being tranſmitted to Charles, and to Scotland, the Parliament there earneſtly beſought him to com⯑ply with the propoſals, ſhewed him the reaſons of ſo doing, and the danger of his refuſing, as they could not, in that caſe, aſſiſt him in recovering his king⯑dom; and that both kingdoms would be obliged to take ſome joint courſe for diſpoſing of his perſon, till he ſhould give ſatisfaction to his Parliaments. While he was with the Scotch army, he earneſtly ſolicited them to join with the Epiſcopalians, that they might be enabled to deſtroy their ſectarian ene⯑mies. But, his propoſals being laid before the Aſ⯑ſembly in June, they declared as warmly againſt join⯑ing with the one as with the other. And the Com⯑miſſion in December, remonſtrated againſt his com⯑ing to Scotland, as he would probably act up to his former principles, and endeavour to draw them from their ſolemn league; and as it would confirm the Engliſh in their ſuſpicions of underhand dealing with him, before he came to their army; and as it would involve them in breach of covenant, and a bloody war with England.

When the Scotch Parliament met in January 1647, they, conſidering, that notwithſtanding his promiſe to their army when he came to it, and the many addreſſes preſented to him from this kingdom, he continued ſtifly to refuſe the propoſitions, which the Engliſh Parliament had made to him; and that he had requeſted ſaid Parliament for allowance to re⯑ſide in or near London, and they had allowed him to reſide at Holmby houſe, they conſented that he repair to either of theſe places, and there remain, till he ſhould give ſatisfaction to both kingdoms with [218] reſpect to their propoſitions of peace,—providing that no injury be done to his perſon or change [...] government, from that of the three preceding year [...] be attempted, and that his poſterity be no wiſe pr [...] ⯑judiced with reſpect to their ſucceſſion to the thron [...] Along with this declaration tranſmitted to the Eng⯑liſh Parliament, they inſiſted, that when his majeſt [...] ſhall come to Holmby houſe, committees from bot [...] Lords and Commons ſhall be appointed to deal wit [...] him to procure his conſent to the Propoſitions fo [...] peace; and that commiſſioners from Scotland ſhoul [...] have free acceſs to deal with him for the ſame pu [...] ⯑poſe;—and that no pacification ſhould be made with⯑out the conſent of both kingdoms. The other act of this Parliament were,—for ſuppreſſing the remain of Montroſe's faction; for re-inſtating of ſome wh [...] had been forfeited for their junction with him; fo [...] diſtributing 5000 pounds ſterling among the childre [...] and widows of ſuch as had been ſlain in the lat [...] war; for proſecuting excommunicated perſons a [...] rebels, after forty days contumacy; for ſuppreſſio [...] of all obſervance of Chriſtmaſs and other ſuperſtiti⯑ous ſeaſons, by the removal of coaliers, ſalters, o [...] the like; for reparation of damages ſuffered for con⯑ſcientious adherence to the religion and liberties o [...] the kingdom; for declaring null and void all engage⯑ments to Montroſe, M'Donald, or their aſſociates [...] for the lords of privy council's taking the children o [...] pupils of Papiſts from them, and committing them to ſuch as will train them up in the Proteſtant reli⯑gion, and in virtuous behaviour; and for diſbanding all their troops but 7,200.

Horrible have been the outcries of Jacobites and their friends, againſt the Scotch army and Parliament as if they had ſold Charles their king, for 200,000 pounds ſterling; for it ſeems, they never got more of the million that was owing, and 400,000 that was promiſed them. But it ought to be conſidered, That Charles did not come to the Scotch army but unwil⯑lingly, as his laſt ſhift, and that without either war⯑ [...]ing [219] or terms; that all the money they got, and much more, was due to them for what laborious and [...]ſeful ſervice they had performed for the Engliſh, [...]re Charles came near them, and was granted to [...]hem entirely upon that footing, without the leaſt mention of the king in the agreement; that the a⯑greement relative to this money was concluded be⯑fore there was any treaty reſpecting his majeſty's per⯑ [...]on, whether he ſhould go to Scotland or remain in England,—and five months before he went from Newcaſtle to Holmby; that the affair of the money was finally ſettled in Sept. 2d, and the warm debates between the Scotch commiſſioners and Engliſh Par⯑ [...]iament concerning the diſpoſal of Charles' perſon, did not take place before October following; that, during his ſtay in the Scotch army, he had repea⯑ [...]edly petitioned the Engliſh Parliament for allowance to come to London, or ſome place near to it, which is much the ſame with what the Scots yielded to; that during the months of November, December, and January, the Parliament had laboured to perſuade him to a compliance with the propoſitions of peace; and a few days before he removed to Holmby houſe, the Scots had offered to ſacrifice their lives and for⯑tunes in the re-eſtabliſhment of him on his throne, if he would but do ſo; and that when the Scotch army returned home, there was no appearance of things taking the turn, which they afterwards did; that the Scots intruſted his majeſty's perſon to the Parliament of England, who were, by duty, by oath, and by intereſt, as deeply bound to protect him as themſelves, and would have done it, had not Char⯑les' truſting of himſelf to the Sectarian army occaſi⯑oned their fall, and ſo haſtened his own ruin.

No ſooner had the Scots heard, that the Engliſh army, now under ſectarian management, had his ma⯑jeſty in their power, than they added the earls of Lowdon and Lanerk to their former commiſſioners, in order to perſuade him to a full compliance with the propoſitions of peace. Inſtead hereof, Charles find⯑ing [220] his expectations from the Engliſh army diſap⯑pointed, eſpecially by means of Lanerk, attempte [...] to engage the Scots commiſſioners to commence [...] war againſt the Engliſh, in order to his reſtoration▪ Hopes of annuities, by which he might relieve hi [...] deeply indebted eſtate, drew Lowdon himſelf int [...] the ſnare. Returning home about the beginning o [...] February 1648, theſe commiſſioners, chiefly Low⯑don and Lawderdale, repreſented to their brethren▪ That his majeſty had been very ill uſed by the Eng⯑liſh Parliament, and could put no truſt in the army that, contrary to their covenant, the intereſt of re⯑ligion, and peace of the kingdom, that Parliamen [...] had extended their demands upon him; and had ab⯑ſolutely refuſed to allow the Scots to concur wit [...] them in ſettling matters with him as their commo [...] ſovereign; that, after diſſenting from their proce⯑dure, they had dealt with Charles to confirm the ſo⯑lemn league, eſtabliſh Preſbyterian government, an [...] diſallow the hereſies and ſects preſently ſwarming i [...] England; that he is willing, that covenant be con⯑firmed by act of Parliament, providing that none b [...] conſtrained to take it; that he is willing that Preſ⯑byterian government be eſtabliſhed for three years providing, that he and his family be allowed the uſ [...] of the liturgy; that he is willing to concur in an ac [...] for the ſuppreſſion of ſectaries and blaſphemers,— and to have it ſecured by an act of Parliament; tha [...] neither he nor his heirs ſhall quarrel any for thei [...] obedience to the acts of the laſt triennial Parliamen [...] of Scotland, or its committees.—Meanwhile, th [...] Engliſh Parliament ſent down ſome commiſſioners t [...] cultivate harmony with the Scotch Parliament, an [...] to notify their intentions to pay ſpeedily, at leaſt par [...] of the 200,000 pounds, which they owed to thei [...] armies, which had ſerved them in England and Ire⯑land.

During theſe litigations in England, the Genera [...] Aſſembly met at Edinburgh in Auguſt 1647, has eſtabliſhed ſome directions for ſecret and family wor⯑ſhip; [221] had prohibited perſons withdrawment from public worſhip in their own congregations;—after a double reading of the Weſtminſter Confeſſion of faith, and calling of all ſuch as doubted of any thing in it, [...]o propoſe their objections to a committee appointed [...]o anſwer them,—had approved it, but explaining part of chap. xxxi. to mean only, that, in extraor⯑dinary caſes, miniſters and other fit perſons, by vir⯑ [...]ue of their office, or by a mere call of the magiſtrates, picking out particular members, as in the Weſtmin⯑ [...]ter Aſſembly, may hold Synods, without any delega⯑ [...]ion from their churches;—had prohibited the ſpread of erroneous books, which the Engliſh ſectaries were [...]nclined to pour into the country; had extracted and [...]pproved in eight propoſitions the principal heads of Gilleſpy's Hundred and eleven propoſitions, which they had remitted to the conſideration of the moſt famous foreign divines, as well as recommended to the exa⯑mination of their own miniſters and doctors of uni⯑ [...]erſities, in order that they may ſend up their judg⯑ment of them to the next Aſſembly; and had written [...] letter to their countrymen abroad, informing them of God's mercies to them, and of their preſent diffi⯑culties, and begging their ſympathy and prayers; had formed ſome overtures for excitement of teachers [...] univerſities, and for baptizing children of beggars, and had appointed ſome to review the metre verſion of the Pſalms, tranſmitted to them by the Weſtminſter Aſſembly.

Next year, their Commiſſion had an uncommon ſtruggle with the ſtate. In the beginning of March 1648, the Parliament met, and began to reſolve on a war with the Engliſh army, in order to reſcue his majeſty out of their hands, and reſtore him to his [...]hrone, the eccleſiaſtical Commiſſion conceiving, that all his conceſſions which Lowdon had mentioned, were neither ſatisfactory, nor much to be truſted, e⯑ſpecially as moſt of the officers, intended for com⯑mand in the projected engagement, were too evident⯑ [...]y enemies to a covenanted reformation,—preſented [222] to the Parliament a remonſtrance againſt that under taking, as dangerous to both church and ſtate. No [...] could the Parliament hinder their faithful publicati⯑on of it, and reading of it in all the churches of E⯑dinburgh. Not long after, the Commiſſion bein [...] informed, that, contrary to the large treaty with th [...] Engliſh in 1643, it had been carried in Parliamen [...] to ſurpriſe and take Berwick and Carliſle, and plac [...] garriſons in them, and that Argyle and 56 other mem⯑bers had proteſted againſt it, they beſought the Par⯑liament, That nothing might be done, before th [...] lawfulneſs of the war and principal ſtate of the queſ⯑tion be agreed upon; that the breaches of the cove⯑nant and peace of the kingdoms by the Sectarian ſhould be made evident, and reparations unſucceſs⯑fully ſought, before any war be commenced; that i [...] war ſhould be found neceſſary, it might be ſo ſtated as to offend none of the Engliſh that ſtedfaſtly ad⯑hered to the covenant; and carried on without an [...] concurrence with Papiſts, Prelatiſts, or malignants [...] that his majeſty's conceſſions ſhould be declared un⯑ſatisfactory, and ſecurity obtained from him, Tha [...] he, for himſelf, heirs, and ſucceſſors, ſhall agree t [...] the acts ratifying the ſolemn league, and eſtabliſhin [...] Preſbyterian government, the Directory for worſhip [...] and Confeſſion of faith in all his dominions, and neve [...] make any oppoſition to them; and that none but ſuc [...] as had been faithful to the covenanted cauſe ſhoul [...] be intruſted with the management of public affairs [...] and that there might be no engagement for war i [...] favours of his majeſty, for which the church ſhould not have the ſame intereſt, as in the ſolemn league.

After ſome wrangling, the Parliament, inſtead o [...] coming to any agreement with the Commiſſion, re⯑flected highly upon them for meddling with civil af⯑fairs, though it is plain theſe in hand deeply affect⯑ed their ſolemn covenant with God, and the eſta⯑bliſhment of religion in the three kingdoms, and tended to plunge multitudes into eternity in an act of ſinning. The principal Synods in the nation, and [223] ſome Preſbyteries in others, ſolemnly thanked the Commiſſion for their faithfulneſs, who, being here⯑by encouraged, boldly inſiſted, that the Parliament ſhould clear the lawfulneſs of the war before they proceeded any further. For this purpoſe, the Par⯑ [...]iament publiſhed a large, but very uncandid, decla⯑ration, in which they accuſed the Engliſh of ſeveral preaches of their former Treaty and ſolemn league, and declared their intentions to require the Engliſh Parliament to take effectual methods for making all [...]heir ſubjects ſwear the ſolemn league, and for eſta⯑bliſhing fully Preſbyterian government, the Directory for worſhip, and Confeſſion of faith, and cauſing the ſame to be every where received;—and for ſuppreſ⯑ſing Socinianiſm, Arminianiſm, Arianiſm, Anabap⯑tiſm, Antinomianiſm, Familiſm, Browniſm, Indepen⯑dency, and other hereſies and ſchiſms, and for ſup⯑preſſing Popery, Prelacy, and the ſervice book;—and [...]hat his majeſty be allowed ſafely to reſide in or near London, for the purpoſe of his Parliament's treating with him, in order to the eſtabliſhment of religion [...]nd peace; and that all the members of Parliament may attend it, and applications be made to his ma⯑ [...]eſty without any hindrance; that the Sectarian ar⯑my under general Fairfax be diſbanded, and none but ſuch as take the covenant, or are well affected [...]o religion, be hereafter employed, either in the ar⯑my or to command in garriſons. They further de⯑clared, That they did not intend to make war upon [...]ny of the Engliſh, that adhered to their covenant, [...]ut to maintain their liberty; that they would enter [...]nto no aſſociation with Papiſts, Prelatiſts, or others who refuſed to take the covenant; nor allow any but ſuch as were faithful to it to have any truſt, or com⯑mand in this war; that they would endeavour to re⯑ſcue his majeſty from the Sectarians, that he might freely concur with his people in promoting the ends of the ſolemn league; that though they would imme⯑diately put the kingdom into a poſture of defence, they would not begin a war, till the lawfulneſs of it [224] ſhould be fully cleared, and reparation of injuries un⯑ſucceſsfully ſought in a peaceable manner; and that▪ in their whole conduct, they would carefully proſe⯑cute the ends of the Solemn League and Covenant with England.

Not ſatisfied with this declaration, the Commiſſi⯑on, April 28th, remonſtrated, That the breach o [...] covenant was not chargeable upon all the Engliſh▪ but merely upon the Sectarians, as it was no leſs up⯑on the malignants in Scotland; that ſuch as encou⯑raged his majeſty to decline giving ſatisfaction, rela⯑tive to his ſecuring of religion, hindered his delive⯑rance; that they could not prove upon the Engliſh Parliament any ſuch breaches of treaty, as could be ſufficient grounds of a war with them; that it would be inconſiſtent to deſire the Engliſh Parliament to hold all the refuſers of the ſolemn league as enemies to religion and their country, while no ſuch penalty had ever been executed againſt the ſhifters of it in Scotland; that they ought not to inſiſt for his ma⯑jeſty's being allowed to reſide in or near London▪ without inſiſting for his giving ſatisfaction to his Parliament, concerning the ſecurity of their religion and peace of the kingdom; that there was as much need for preventing the riſe of a Popiſh or prelatical party in the army, as for diſbanding the Sectarians▪ —and that the propoſed engagement in war with the Engliſh, plainly tended to prevent the diſbanding o [...] the Sectarian army.—Notwithſtanding this remon⯑ſtrance, the Scotch Parliament tranſmitted their de⯑mands to the Engliſh Parliament, and publiſhed their above mentioned declaration. The Commiſſion, heartily grieved herewith, emitted a declaration, bearing, That they were ready to agree to the nati⯑on's engaging in a war with the Engliſh, if they were ſatisfied concerning the ſufficiency of the grounds, and the lawfulneſs of the means for carrying it on. But, as things ſtood, they reckoned the Engage⯑ment dangerous to the reformed religion, prejudici⯑al to the true intereſts and liberty of this church, [225] favourable to the Popiſh, Prelatic, and malignant party,—inconſiſtent with the union of the kingdoms, and the ſatisfaction of the Preſbyterians in England, and therefore contrary to the word of God and our ſolemn covenants;—and that the managers of it pretended zeal againſt the Sectarians, merely for a cloak to the favour which they intended for malig⯑nants; and had even lately pled, That Scotland was in no danger from the Sectaries. Highly offended with the faithful oppoſition of the Commiſſion, the Parliament ſent letters to the several Preſbyteries complaining of it;—in anſwer to which the com⯑miſſion publiſhed a vindication of themſelves.

Several Synods, Preſbyteries, and ſhires, again petitioned the Parliament, That religion might be ſecured, and the union of the kingdoms preſerved, and no war commenced without very weighty grounds maturely conſidered. The Parliament, after they had framed an anſwer to theſe, laid it aſide, and pretended to aſk the advice of the commiſſion con⯑cerning the proper method of ſecuring religion. Af⯑ter teſtifying their regard to the Parliament, and to his majeſty's liberty and honour, they adviſed, that theſe petitions ſhould be granted; that the ſurpriz⯑ing of Berwick and Carliſle be diſclaimed, and no longer continued; that all peaceable methods of treating with England, and ſupplication to his ma⯑jeſty be further tried, in order to compoſe differen⯑ces; that his conceſſions mentioned by Lowdon be declared unſatisfactory; that they declare againſt any engagement for reſtoring him to his houſe with free⯑dom and ſafety, which is almoſt equivalent to his having the exerciſe of his royal power, before he gave it under his hand and ſeal, That he ſhall, for himſelf and his ſucceſſors, agree to the acts of Parlia⯑ment enjoining the ſolemn league and covenant, and fully eſtabliſhing Preſbyterian government, the direc⯑tory for worſhip, and confeſſion of faith, in all his do⯑minions, and never make oppoſition to, or endea⯑vour a change of any of them; that they ſhould [226] make it evident, that they have no intention to enable his majeſty to bring the proceedings of both nations relative to the ſolemn league, into queſtion, or to abridge the power of his Parliaments; that they ſhould take proper methods to ſuppreſs ſuch Papiſts, prelatiſts, or malignants, as had, or might take arms, to plunder and murder their fellow ſubjects; that nothing be done which may infringe the union of the two kingdoms, or diſoblige the Preſbyterian party in England; that all putting of ſuch as had been indifferent neutrals, or oppoſers of a covenan⯑ted reformation, into places of power and truſt, ſhould be quickly remedied; that there ſhould be no engagement for the war without a ſolemn oath, in which the church ſhould have the ſame direction, as in the ſolemn league; that ſuch as have been op⯑preſſed for not contributing to the levies for the ar⯑my be refunded, and no ſuch thing permitted for the future; that the profaneneſs and inſolence of ſoldiers be ſeverely puniſhed; that nothing be enac⯑ted detrimental to the liberty of the church, and no arbitrary power intruſted to their officers or agents; ar any oath impoſed tending to enſnare the conſci⯑ences of the ſubjects.

Regardleſs of theſe advices, the Parliament ap⯑pointed an army to be immediately raiſed under the command of duke Hamilton, and the earl of Callen⯑der as his lieutenant; and laid an enormous tax up⯑on the nation, for defraying the expences of the war. Argyle, Sutherland, Caſſils, Eglinton, Lowdon, and Lothian, with many other lords, barons, and bur⯑geſſes, proteſted againſt their engagement. Colonels Ker, Strachan, Halket, and other officers, refuſed to ſerve in it; and had their places filled with ſcan⯑dalous malignants. Such as refuſed to pay the new tax, were terribly oppreſſed and ſpoiled by ſoldiers quartered upon them. The Parliament next pre⯑pared a declaration to be ſent into England, recount⯑ing all that they thought criminal in the conduct of the ſectaries, and pretending that, as they had got [227] no ſatisfaction to their former demands, they had been neceſſarily obliged to this engagement in war; that they intended to preſerve the reformation of re⯑ligion as eſtabliſhed by law in Scotland, and to reſcue his majeſty from his baſe impriſonment, that he may with ſafety and honour come to one of his houſes in, or near London, where he may treat with his Parliament,—and to reſtore freedom to his Engliſh Parliament, that they, together with the Scotch, might conclude the treaty with their Sovereign, an⯑ſwerably to the petitions preſented to him by the city of London, at Oxford and Newcaſtle;—and to pro⯑cure the diſbanding of the army under general Fair⯑fax,—and that none but covenanters and well affec⯑ted to religion and Preſbyterian church government, might hereafter be employed in troops, or garriſons. Notwithſtanding all theſe pretences, many notorious malignants were principal agents in carrying on this engagement. Hence, the more ſerious covenanters, generally diſliked, and, as they had opportunity, op⯑poſed it.

The General Aſſembly, which met July 12th, 1648, approved and ratified the proceedings of the late commiſſion. The committee of Eſtates, which the late Parliament had entruſted with the execution of their deſigns, demanded, what they thought ne⯑ceſſary for ſecuring of religion? The Aſſembly re⯑plied, that they knew no poſſibility of ſecuring re⯑ligion, while this unlawful engagement was carried on, ſince none of the juſt deſires of the late commiſ⯑ſion had been granted; that it was plainly calculated to break the union of the two kingdoms; that all proper means to prevent a war have been neglected, and malignants and incendiaries, have been joined with; that it hath been carried on in the way of polluting men's conſciences by unlawful bands and oaths, and of oppreſſing ſuch in their perſons and eſtates as had been moſt zealous for the covenanted intereſt,—and of remarkable encroachments on the liberty of Chriſt's church. The committee there⯑fore [228] required them, to demonſtrate from the word of God, the unlawfulneſs of their engagement, and what intereſt the church had in the undertaking of wars; in anſwer to which the Aſſembly emitted a large declaration, plainly illuſtrating both theſe points from the ſcripture. And, as the Parliament had re⯑quired all the ſubjects under pain of being held ene⯑mies to their king and country, ſolemnly, by their oath and ſubſcription, to acknowledge all their acts relative to the engagement to be lawful, and to en⯑gage to proſecute the ſame as a moſt proper mean of remedying former evils, and of preſerving his ma⯑jeſty's authority along with the religion, laws, and liberties of the kingdom, the Aſſembly declared▪ That a ſinful oath, tending to draw the ſubjects from their former principles and covenant with God, and importing a ſolemn approbation of acts, which they had not yet ſeen,—of acts made in oppoſition to the known mind of the church, and ſinful in ſeveral re⯑ſpects; and they warned all concerned to forbear ſwearing of it, under pain of cenſure; and they earneſtly beſought the committee of Eſtates, to con⯑ſider, what guilt they would incur by impoſing ſuch a ſinful bond. They alſo remonſtrated to his majeſty, that his conceſſions were not ſatisfactory; and that the preſent engagement in war was not a proper mean of his deliverance; and that by his former re⯑fuſals to hearken to their advice, he had occaſioned the death of many thouſands of his ſubjects, and the fearful increaſe of Popery, profaneneſs, and many other abominations, in his kingdom; and they beſought him deeply to repent of his wickedneſs, ſecret and open, as a true mean of reſtoration to his throne.—They appointed all miniſters, under pain of cenſure, to preach againſt the above engagement and bond, as well as the Sectarian errors, and in⯑creaſing profaneneſs. They appointed, that none but elders approved by the miniſter and ſeſſion, be ad⯑mitted into the Aſſembly as commiſſioners from burghs; that commiſſioners report their whole pro⯑cedure [229] to the next Aſſembly at their firſt meeting; that no collections for the poor, be made in the time of God's worſhip; that no depoſed miniſters be re⯑poned without the conſent of the Aſſembly, if ma⯑lignant, to his former congregation; that forty high⯑land boys be educated for the miniſtry at the public expence, in order to plant the vacant congregations in that country; that all ſtudents, at their entry to the college, and others at their admiſſion to the Lord's table, take the covenant; that duellers be cenſured in much the ſame manner as fornicators. They approved the Larger and Shorter Catechiſms, compiled by the Weſtminſter Aſſembly; and prohi⯑bited an erroneous catechiſm then publiſhed. After conſideration of the prevalent ſins of that time, they pointed out proper remedies, civil, domeſtic, and eccleſiaſtical, and approved ſeveral overtures relative to excommunicated perſons, Papiſts, and their chil⯑dren. They returned friendly anſwers to ſeveral letters ſent them from the Weſtminſter Aſſembly, and appointed their commiſſioners in it to exert them⯑ſelves to their utmoſt for promoting a full and fixed uniformity in religion. And, as the times were ſo critical, they appointed a large commiſſion of 100 miniſters, and 60 elders, of whom 13 miniſters, and four elders were declared a quorum.

Notwithſtanding all oppoſition, duke Hamilton, Lanerk his brother, and their friends carried on the engagement, and invaded England, ſtill pretend⯑ing regard to the covenant and Preſbyterian govern⯑ment. But ſo abandoned were many of their ſoldi⯑ers, that they fell upon a multitude of ſincere cove⯑nanters, when aſſembled at a ſacramental occaſion at Machlin, and killed and wounded a number of them. At Carſphearn, they fell upon another aſ⯑ſembly employed in ſacramental work, and devoured the elements, About the middle of Auguſt, their engagement iſſued in the ſlaughter and rout of their army by Cromwel at Preſton, and in impriſonment and death to Hamilton and other commanders of it; [230] and not long after, in the ignominious death of Char⯑les, who had planned and puſhed them to it. Sir George Monro had brought his army from Ireland to aſſiſt them: but, after murdering a number of his fellow-covenanters in the weſt, that oppoſed the en⯑gagement, Argyle, Caſſils, and Lowdon, and thei [...] friends, obliged him to return back. After routing the Engagers, Cromwel had directly marched his ar⯑my into Scotland, had not Argyle and his party who now prevailed in the Committee of Eſtates, re⯑preſented to him how earneſtly the Aſſembly, and a conſiderable body in the Parliament, had oppoſed th [...] Hamiltonian engagement and invaſion of England.— In the beginning of October, the Commiſſion of the General Aſſembly appointed a renovation of the ſo⯑lemn league and covenant, with a ſolemn acknowledg⯑ment of preceding breaches of it, and engagement t [...] duties, which the Committee of Eſtates ratified, with⯑out annexing any penalty; and which was pretty ge⯑nerally complied with through the land. Many ſcandalous clergymen were ſoon after depoſed, an [...] the reſt, by frequent enquiries, excited to thei [...] work; and, for a year or two, the preaching of th [...] goſpel was very remarkably bleſſed through the land After publiſhing a tract againſt aſſociation with molig⯑nants, idolaters, and the like, and leaving a dying teſ⯑timony againſt the ſame, Mr. G. Gilleſpy, moderato [...] of the preceding Aſſembly, died, greatly lamented

The Committee of Eſtates called a Parliament, bu [...] ſecluded from it ſuch as had voted for duke Hami [...] ⯑ton's engagement, many, if not moſt, of whom pro⯑feſſed their willingneſs to have no more ſhare of th [...] public management. After ſpending a day in ſolem [...] humiliation and faſting, they renewed their cove⯑nants with God and one another, as directed by th [...] Commiſſion. They repealed all the acts of the laſ [...] meeting of Parliament, and of their Committee o [...] Eſtates, which authorized or promoted Hamilton' [...] engagement. They approved the proteſtation whic [...] had been taken againſt it, and the oppoſition mad [...] [] to it at Machlin moor. They, by an act of claſſes, and another for purging the army, ſecluded the pro⯑moters of it, and all malignant and ſcandalous per⯑ſons from all places of power and truſt, and even from the army, till they give proper evidence of repen⯑tance. They approved the Commiſſion's ſolemn teſtimonies againſt the toleration of errors and ſecta⯑ries in England. They enacted, That before any future king be admitted to the exerciſe of his royal power, he ſhall, by oath, and under his hand and ſeal, declare his allowance of the national covenant, and of the ſolemn league, and oblige himſelf to pro⯑ſecute the ends of the ſame, in his ſtation; and that he ſhall, for himſelf and his ſucceſſors, agree to acts of Parliament, enjoining the ſolemn league and cove⯑nant, and fully eſtabliſhing Preſbyterian government, the Directory for worſhip, Confeſſion of faith, and Ca⯑techiſms, as approved by the General Aſſembly and Parliament,—in all his dominions; and that he ſhall obſerve theſe in his own practice and family, and ne⯑ver make oppoſition to, or endeavour any change of them; and that he ſhall leave all counſel and coun⯑ſellors prejudicial to ſaid religion and covenants, and ſhall give ſatisfaction to his Parliament as now con⯑ſtituted, in what other things they find neceſſary for the civil and religious welfare of the nation;—and agree; that all civil matters be determined by the Parliaments of this kingdom, and all church affairs by the General Aſſemblies. They ratified three acts of the Aſſembly and Commiſſion, approving the larger and ſhorter Catechiſms, and enjoining the re⯑novation of the covenant. They enacted, That drun⯑kenneſs, profane ſwearing, ſcolding, obſcene lan⯑guage, uttered or printed, mocking at piety, and drinking of healths, be puniſhed, and the guilty, upon their fourth conviction, to be impriſoned, till they find ſecurity for their good behaviour, un⯑der pain of 400 pounds to noblemen, 400 marks to barons, 200 marks to gentlemen, heritors, and bur⯑geſſes, 40 pounds to yeomen, and 20 pounds to ſer⯑vants; [232] —that ſuch as married in a clandeſtine man⯑ner, ſhould be impriſoned three months, and be fin⯑ed, noblemen in 5000 pounds, barons and landed gentlemen in 5000 marks, gentlemen and burgeſſes in 2000 marks, and others in 500 marks, to be paid before they ſhould be liberated; and that ſuch as, according to the act of 1645, are nominated to lift the fines or inflict corporal puniſhments on ſcanda⯑lous perſons, accept that office, and deliver up the fines to the kirk ſeſſions for the uſe of the poor, ex⯑cept the tenth part, which is allotted to the officers employed in executing that work;—that going o [...] mills and ſalt-pans, or fiſhing of ſalmon, or other un⯑neceſſary labour on the Lord's day, be puniſhed; that all blaſphemers, and revilers, and obſtinate de⯑niers of God, or of any of the perſons of the Trini⯑ty, and all worſhippers of falſe gods, curſers and beaters of parents, or guilty of inceſt, be puniſhed with death; that none but ſuch as are of a blameleſs converſation, and apparently well affected to the co⯑venanted reformation, be admitted to, or continued in any place of power or truſt, in the ſtate, army or burghs;—and that all commiſſions, patents, ho⯑nours, offices, or gifts, received from his majeſty before he give ſatisfaction to his Parliament, are nul [...] and void, and the ſeekers thereof cenſurable. They made an act for contributions ot aſſeſſments on pari⯑ſhes, and for withholding of ſupply from ſturdy beggars, and for relief of ſuch poor as are willing▪ but unable to work,—and for relief of ſuch as thro [...] ſhipwreck, burning, devaſtation, or the like, ar [...] reduced to poverty. In fine, they aboliſhed patro⯑nages as a Popiſh corruption, contrary to the ſecond Book of diſcipline, and to ſeveral acts of Aſſembly, an [...] prejudicial to the liberty of the Chriſtian people, an [...] the free calling and entry of miniſters,—and declared That admiſſion by the Preſbytery upon the call o [...] the congregation, ſhall give miniſters ſufficient righ [...] and title to their manſes, glebes, and ſtipends; meanwhile declaring the patron's right to the tith [...] [233] as before; and recommending it to the General Aſ⯑ſembly to eſtabliſh a proper rule of calling miniſters, giving to Preſbyteries and congregations their re⯑ſpective powers in that matter.

This Parliament had ſcarcely begun their above work, when they received information, that the Sectarian army in England had extruded all the hear⯑ty friends of monarchy from their Parliament at Weſtminſter; had brought back his majeſty from the iſle of Wight, to which he had fled from them; and appointed an high court of juſtice to try him for his life. Shocked with theſe things, both church and ſtate appointed their commiſſioners at London to exert themſelves to their utmoſt for preventing his trial. In their remonſtrance of January 6th, 1649, theſe commiſſioners, in name of the kingdom of Scotland, repreſented to the Houſe of Commons, the ſeveral engagements the two kingdoms had late⯑ly come under, with reſpect to religion and the pre⯑ſervation of his majeſty's perſon; and earneſtly in⯑ſiſted, That no violence ſhould be done to him, and nothing at all, without the conſent of both king⯑doms. Upon the 16th of January, the Commiſſion publiſhed a teſtimony againſt the errors and conduct of the Sectaries, and a warning to their fellow cove⯑nanters in England, which were preſented to the Houſe of Commons on January 26th.—Finding the Sectaries determined to have his majeſiy's life, the Scotch commiſſioners at London, in name of their Parliament in January, preſented to the Speaker of the Houſe of Commons, a ſolemn proteſtation againſt it; and, deſpairing of ſucceſs with them, as the army had now modelled them, they, upon the 29th, remonſtrated to general Fairfax againſt the putting of his majeſty to death, as horrid and ſcan⯑dalous. He was nevertheleſs beheaded next day; pretending to die a martyr for the laws and liberties of his people, of whom his ſtubbornneſs, pride, and treachery had produced the terrible oppreſſion, and [234] plunder, and even the death of perhaps four hundre [...] thouſand in Britain and Ireland.

Informed of his exit, the Scotch covenanters, in⯑fatuated with zeal for their royal family, immediate⯑ly proclaimed Charles, his eldeſt ſon, then abou [...] eighteen years of age, their king, and promiſed t [...] defend him according to the ſolemn league and cove⯑nant; but declared, that he behoved to give ſatis⯑faction concerning religion and the unity of the king⯑doms ſecured by that covenant, before he be admit⯑ted to the exerciſe of his royal power; an informati⯑on of which they tranſmitted to him at the Hagu [...] by Sir Joſeph Douglas, along with a faithful warn⯑ing from the Commiſſion. And as the Engliſh Houſ [...] of Commons had excluded him from their crown▪ they tranſmitted to them their proclamation of him▪ along with a ſolemn remonſtrance, in which they re⯑preſented how the Engliſh Parliament had all along from 1642, ſolemnly declared, that they intended no hurt to his majeſty's perſon, or abridgment of hi [...] authority,—no commonwealth form of government▪ —or toleration of heretics, blaſphemers, or the like; —and remonſtrated againſt the violence done to hi [...] late majeſty, and inſiſted on their proclaiming his ſon to be their king, and that no toleration ſhould be given to heretics or blaſphemers. Highly offend⯑ed with theſe freedoms, the Sectarians, who now ruled as they pleaſed, impriſoned the commiſſioner [...] from Scotland. But being quickly convinced, tha [...] this was an infringement of the law of nations, they conveyed them ſafe to their own country. Mean⯑while, the Scotch Parliament had diſpatched the ear [...] of Caſſils and George Winram, along with Meſſrs. Bailie and Wood from the church, to obtain proper ſatisfaction from Charles, at the Hague. But Mon⯑troſe, and a number of Engliſh malignants, buoy⯑ing him with hopes of an unhampered acceſs to Ire⯑land, whence, by the aſſiſtance of Ormond and his malignant or Popiſh friends, he might force his way [235] to the Engliſh and Scotch crown, without any con⯑ditions, he deſpiſed the covenanters propoſals.

The General Aſſembly meeting in July, approved and ratified the deeds of the late commiſſion, and approved the conduct of their commiſſioners which had been ſent to deal with his majeſty. They pre⯑ſcribed cenſures for ſuch as had aſſiſted Montroſe, and ſerved in Hamilton's engagement; and that the principal offenders be not re-admitted to communion in ſealing ordinances, but by the General Aſſembly or their Commiſſion, and others by Preſbyteries. They publiſhed a ſolemn warning relative to the pre⯑ſent dangers, and the neceſſary duties of miniſters and others with reſpect to them; and particularly the neceſſity of obtaining proper ſecurity from his ma⯑jeſty relative to religion, and the excluſion of all ma⯑lignants from places of power and truſt, before he be admitted to the exerciſe of his royal power. They wrote a brotherly exhortation to their friends in Eng⯑land, bewailing the broken ſtate of their church and kingdom, and beſeeching and encouraging them to cleave to their duty according to their covenant with God. In a letter to their young king, they declared their deteſtation of the murder of his father, and la⯑mented that he himſelf had contemned the repreſen⯑tations preſented to him by the church's commiſſio⯑ners;—held an intimacy with Montroſe, a perjured murderer of many thouſands of his beſt ſubjects, and approved his conduct;—and had ſettled a peace with the Popiſh murderers in Ireland, and granted them a peace, and the full liberty of their idolatry and o⯑ther abominations;—and beſought him, as he re⯑garded his own and his kingdom's happineſs, to ſub⯑mit to the laws of Chriſt, and the counſels of truth and peace. They prohibited all promiſcuous dancing, as productive of ſcandal, immodeſty, or laſciviouſ⯑neſs. They thanked the Parliament for their aboli⯑ſhing of Patronage; begged that the tithes belonging to the church might not only be applied for mini⯑ſters ſtipends, but alſo to bear other pious expences [236] in pariſhes; and they appointed, That in electing of miniſters, the Seſſion ſhould be the proper elec⯑tors; but the members of the congregation ſhould be aſked their conſent. If the greater part of a con⯑gregation diſſented from the choice of the Seſſion, unleſs it was upon plainly cauſeleſs prejudices, the candidate was to be laid aſide. But if only a leſſe [...] part diſſented, except where the grounds were plain⯑ly relevant and weighty, the Preſbytery ſhould pro⯑ceed to the trials and ordination, but in ſuch a man⯑ner as tended to bring all parties to an harmonious agreement.

Next year, 1650, the Parliament again diſpatched the earls of Caſſils and Lothian, Alexander Brodie, and George Winram, lords of ſeſſion, with Meſſrs. John Smith and Alexander Jaffray, along with Meſſ. John Livingſton, James Wood, and George Hutchi⯑ſon, to Breda, to try if they could perſuade their young king to accept of the terms, upon which they had agreed to admit him to exerciſe his royal power▪ Partly by the treachery of Lothian and Winram o [...] Libberton, and partly by Charles' expectations, tha [...] Montroſe, whom he had appointed to invade Scot⯑land from the north, with ſuch foreigners as he could get, he held off from compliance till the time wa [...] almoſt wholly elapſed. But underſtanding, that D. Leſly had taken Montroſe priſoner, with his commiſ⯑ſion on him, and ſcattered his 3000 foreign merce⯑naries; and that Cromwel's ſucceſs in Ireland had rendered him altogether hopeleſs of availing himſel [...] of that kingdom; and finding, by Libberton's trea⯑chery, that the Scotch committee of Eſtates, had or⯑dered their commiſſioners to break off all treaty with him, on account of his impowering Montroſe to at⯑tack them by violence,—he pretended to comply with all their propoſals, engaging himſelf to remove from his counſels all that ſtood excommunicated by th [...] kirk;—to take the national covenant and ſolemn leagu [...] and covenant, and proſecute the ends of them;—and to ratify and approve all acts of Parliament enjoining [237] theſe covenants, and eſtabliſhing Preſbyterian govern⯑ment, the Directory of worſhip, and Confeſſion of faith, and Catechiſms; and that all civil matters ſhould be determined by the preſent and ſubſequent Parliaments, and all eccleſiaſtical ones by the General Aſſemblies. Notwithſtanding all this, he continued till the very [...]aſt, to uſe the Engliſh liturgy at Breda, in oppoſition [...]o all that the eccleſiaſtical commiſſioners could ſay to [...]he contrary. On his paſſage, he had ſhewed ſome unwillingneſs to take the covenants; but his malig⯑nant friends perſuaded him to comply. Accordingly, [...]t his arrival in the mouth of the Spey, June 23d, 1650, he declared his willingneſs to ſwear them; and Mr. Livingſton, who had, with reluctance, and not without being decoyed into the ſhip, come along with him, as he thought they were bringing the plague of God to their country, after a faithful ſermon, adminiſtered the national covenant and ſolemn league [...]o him, which he ſwore in the following words ſub⯑ [...]oined to them: ‘I Charles, king of Great Bri⯑tain, France, and Ireland, do aſſure and declare, by my ſolemn oath, in the preſence of Almighty God, the ſearcher of hearts, my allowance and ap⯑probation of the national covenant, and of the ſo⯑lemn league and covenant above written, and faith⯑fully oblige myſelf to proſecute the ends thereof in my ſtation and calling; and that I, for myſelf and ſucceſſors, ſhall conſent and agree to all acts of Parliament enjoining the national covenant, and ſolemn league and covenant, and fully eſtabliſhing Preſbyterial government, the directory of worſhip, the confeſſion of faith and catechiſms, in the king⯑dom of Scotland, as they were approven by the General Aſſembly of this kirk, and Parliament of this kingdom; and that I ſhall give my royal aſſent to the acts of Parliament enjoining the ſame in the reſt of my dominions; and that I ſhall ob⯑ſerve them in my own practice and family, and ſhall never make oppoſition to any of theſe, or en⯑deavour any change thereof.’—This cath he im⯑mediately [238] ſubſcribed, and in other things ſubmitted as pleaſantly as he could, and even parted with the new duke of Hamilton and with Lauderdale, and o⯑ther favourites. But hating every thing that looked like ſtrictneſs in religion, and eſpecially the faithfu [...] reproofs, which he received from time to time, he was heartily wearied of his new attendants.

Charles having refuſed to ſubſcribe and publiſh an [...] acknowledgment of his own and his father's wicked⯑neſs, and declaration of his future reſolutions, offer⯑ed to him by the committee of Eſtates, and Commiſ⯑ſion of the General Aſſembly, many of the members of which exceedingly ſuſpected him, the Commiſſion meeting at the Weſt kirk of Edinburgh, Aug. 15th▪ 1650, declared, That this kirk or kingdom did no [...] own or eſpouſe any malignant party, or quarrel, o [...] intereſt, nor would fight, but merely upon their for⯑mer grounds, and principles, in defending the cauſe of God and the kingdom, as they had done theſe twelve years paſt; and that, as they diſclaimed the ſin of the king and his houſe, they would not own him or his intereſt, but in ſubordination to God, and ſo far as he diſclaims his own and father's oppoſition to the work of God and to the covenant,—and like⯑wiſe all the enemies thereof; and that they would quickly manifeſt the ſame to Cromwel, who, mar⯑ching to invade their country, had, in papers tranſ⯑mitted to them, charged them with the contrary▪ The committee of Eſtates that ſame day approved and heartily concurred in this declaration of the ſtate o [...] any war for defending his majeſty. Charles, though heartily ſorry, that he could not get his malignan [...] friends into places of power and truſt,—to engag [...] the covenanters to withſtand Cromwel, who was faſ [...] approaching, publiſhed a moſt ſolemn declaration a [...] Dunfermline, Aug. 16th, bleſſing God for reco⯑vering him from the ſnare of his malignant coun⯑ſellors; confeſſing and bewailing his own and hi [...] father's hearkening to evil counſels, and oppoſition to the work of reformation, and to the ſolemn leagu [...] [239] and covenant, as well as the idolatry of his mother, and toleration of it in their family; and his own en⯑couragement and countenancing of the Iriſh Papiſts; —and declaring his deliberate, and judicious, and candid approbation of the national covenant and ſolemn league and covenant, and his firm reſolution, in the Lord's ſtrength, to proſecute the ends thereof in his ſtation, really, conſtantly, and ſincerely, all the days of his life; and that in order to this, he will have no enemies but the enemies of the covenant, or friends but the friends of it; and that, as he now deteſted all Popery, ſuperſtition, idolatry, Prelacy, error, hereſy, ſchiſm, profaneneſs, he would, to the ut⯑moſt of his power, labour to extirpate them from all his dominions;—and begging, and requiring all ſuch of his ſubjects, as had formerly oppoſed the cove⯑nants and cauſe of God, to lay down their enmity, and all regard to human intereſt, as oppoſed to the intereſt and honour of God; and profeſſing, that he would only reckon theſe his beſt ſervants and moſt loyal ſubjects, who ſerved him, and ſought to pro⯑mote his intereſts, in ſubordination to the glory of God, and the goſpel and kingdom of Jeſus Chriſt. Mr. Patrick Gilleſpy obteſted him, in the name of Chriſt, not to ſubſcribe this declaration, no, not for three kingdoms, if he had the ſmalleſt heſitation in his mind concerning the righteouſneſs of it. But Charles repeatedly declared, that he was ſatisfied in his mind with it, and therefore would ſubſcribe it. Not long after, he ſolemnly declared his great obli⯑gations to the marquis of Argyle for his faithful en⯑devours to reſtore him to his juſt rights, and pro⯑miſed him his higheſt ſavour and friendſhip, and dig⯑nities which he could confer, together with payment of 40,000 pounds of debt; and it is ſaid ſecretly pro⯑miſed to marry his daughter.

After victory had, for eight days, ſeemed to in⯑cline to the ſide of the Scots army commanded by David Leſly, the committee of war obliging him to [...]eave the hill, where he had advantageouſly poſted [240] his troops, in order to prevent Cromwel's eſcape from Dunbar, Cromwel, with his half dead forces, over⯑powered the larger army of the Scotch covenanters▪ and entirely routed them, Sept. 3d. No doubt, Cromwel, who had been before in ſuch de [...]perate like circumſtances, mightily rejoiced in his victory▪ but perhaps not ſo much as Charles did over the death and captivity▪ of ſo many of his covenanting ſubjects, that ſeemed ſo bent to reſtrain his viciou [...] inclinations. After two days ſpen tin ſolemn faſting, and after he had relinquiſhed the covenanters a [...] Perth, in order to throw himſelf into an army o [...] malignants, which he expected Middleton had raiſ⯑ed for him in the north, and being obliged by diſ⯑appointment to return to Perth, Charles was ſolemn⯑ly crowned at Scoon, January 1, 1651, and again ſwore the covenants, as he had done about ſix months before. And not long after, he and his Parliamen [...] in June, ratified all his preceding treaties, tranſacti⯑ons, engagements, and actions, and enacted them into a perpetual law: and it was expreſly provided, That in all ſucceeding Parliaments, every member▪ before they entered on buſineſs, ſhould ſubſcribe the covenant: and without this, the conſtitution of the Parliament was declared void and null.

Theſe ſolemn tranſactions of Charles and his ma⯑lignant friends were but a ſcene of ſhocking diſſimu⯑lation. In conſequence of the rout at Dunbar, and of a leſſer defeat at Hamilton a little after, it was pretended, that the Engliſh could not be reſiſted, unleſs all able to bear arms ſhould be raiſed without diſtinction; and Charles and his Parliament at Perth, required the quorum of the Commiſſion, which had met upon a ſudden call at that place, Dec. 14, 1650, to determine, What perſons might be admitted to riſe in arms to aſſiſt the ſtanding forces againſt the armies of the Engliſh ſectaries, who, contrary to the ſolemn league and covenant, had moſt unjuſtly invaded, and were deſtroying the kingdom? To this the Commiſ⯑ſion replied, That, in this caſe of ſo great neceſſity, [241] they could not be againſt raiſing all able to bear arms, excepting excommunicated, forfeited, or notoriouſly profane or flagitious perſons; or who had been long continued and inveterate oppoſers of the covenant and cauſe of God; providing always, that none ſhould be put into ſuch truſt and power, as may be preju⯑dicial to the cauſe of God; and that ſuch officers, as are of known integrity and affection to the cauſe, and particularly ſuch as have ſuffered in former wars, be preferred. In conſequence of this Reſolution, ſe⯑veral of the general officers, and more than half of the colonels employed were malignants, and not a few of them, ſuch as had been with Montroſe.— Theſe proceedings were exceedingly offenſive to ma⯑ny miniſters and Preſbyteries, particularly to thoſe of Stirling and Aberdeen, which repreſented their diſſatisfaction to the next meeting of the Commiſſion. For their public teſtimonies againſt them, Meſſrs. Guthry and Bennet of Stirling were called before Charles and his committee of Eſtates at Perth. But they, by repeated proteſtations, declined the juriſ⯑diction of his majeſty and his Committee as not pro⯑per judges in matters of doctrine, which pertained to the church. Meanwhile, the Commiſſion, pro⯑voked with the oppoſition of miniſters and Preſby⯑teries to their anſwer, publiſhed a vindication of it, prohibited all miniſters or preachers to ſpeak or write againſt it, and ordained Preſbyteries to cenſure ſuch as oppoſed it; and, to prevent their being members, ordained all ſuch as oppoſed it, to be cited as ſcan⯑dalous to the next Aſſembly at St. Andrews.

Highly pleaſed, that he had thus ſet the covenant⯑ing clergy a tearing of one another, and eſpecially [...]rampling the ſtrict party, whom he moſt heartily hated, under their feet, he, and the malignants, whom he had got into the army, in order that they and their friends might get into the judicatures, re⯑quired the Commiſſion to determine, Whether, for [...]he more effectual proſecution of the public reſolutions for the defence of the king and kingdom, ſuch [242] could lawfully be members of the committee of E⯑ſtates, who were debarred from public truſt by the act of claſſes, providing they have ſince ſatisfied the kirk for their offence, and been admitted to enter into covenant? And, Whether it would be ſinful to repeal the Act of claſſes? To theſe the Commiſſion replied, That as their ſolemn covenants and declara⯑tions mentioned as grounds, in the act of claſſes, did not particularly determine, what time ſuch perſons ſhould be excluded from places of truſt, for by paſt offences, but only bind to the due puniſhing of of⯑fenders, and to purge judicatories and places of power and truſt, and to endeavour, according to the law of God, to have them filled only with ſuch as are of known affection to the cauſe of God, and of a blame⯑leſs Chriſtian converſation,—nothing hindered the Parliament to admit ſuch ſecluded perſons to be mem⯑bers of the committee of Eſtates, and to take off the cenſures inflicted upon them by the act of claſſes, providing they have ſatisfied the church for their of⯑fences, and have renewed and taken the covenant, and be qualified for ſuch places, according to the word of God, and late acknowledgment of ſins, and engagement to duties. In conſequence of this anſwer, the act of claſſes was repealed, and multitudes of ma⯑lignants and profane perſons, upon a mock profeſſi⯑on of repentance, were admitted members of Parlia⯑ment and committee of Eſtates, and into places of power and truſt, and ſoon had the whole manage⯑ment of the nation in their hands. Thus multitudes then, and ever ſince, have been admitted to be the miniſters of God for good to the nation, in a way of trampling on the law of God, and plain violation of our ſolemn covenants with him. No wonder, there⯑fore, that ſo many of them prove a curſe to us in⯑ſtead of a bleſſing. Nor is it any wonder, that the Synod of Glaſgow, and eſpecially the forces of the five ſouth weſtern ſhires, preſented ſuch remonſtran⯑ces to the Commiſſion and committee of Eſtates at Perth, againſt the raſh admiſſion of Charles to his [243] crown, without any proof of his ſincerity, and a⯑gainſt all junction with his favourite malignants, the laſt of which Charles and his committee of Eſtates voted to be treaſonable: but, about fifteen members, who diſliked the paper itſelf, diſſented.

As the Commiſſion, to maintain their own ground, had enacted, that none who oppoſed their reſolutions ſhould be admitted members of their enſuing Aſſem⯑bly, and had wrote circular letters to Preſbyteries for that effect, and to cite the more active oppoſers as pannels to the bar,—their own party punctually obeyed them. In Preſbyteries where they had a ma⯑jority, none but friends of the Reſolutions were cho⯑ſen for their commiſſioners; and where they were the minority, they either proteſted againſt the choice, or withdrew and elected one by themſelves. When the Aſſembly met at St. Andrews, July 18th, 1651, a conſiderable body of miniſters preſented a petition, earneſtly beſeeching them, That, as the act and let⯑ter of the Commiſſion had hindered the free electi⯑on of commiſſioners, by which many of the moſt e⯑minent abilities, and conſtant faithfulneſs and zeal, had been ſecluded, and as many elections were queſ⯑tionable, on account of their not being made in due order, or of perſons qualified according to the con⯑ſtitutions of this church; and as many commiſſioners were hindered from attendance by the Engliſh troops, who were maſters of almoſt all the country ſouth and weſtward of the Forth,—the meeting might be ad⯑journed for a time, and the act and letter of the Commiſſion declared no bar of electing ſuch for mem⯑bers as remain unſatisfied with the public reſolutions; and that it might be recommended to Preſbyteries to elect men of approved abilities and integrity, againſt whom there could be no exception by the acts and conſtitutions of this church; and that, in the mean time, a ſolemn faſt be obſerved through the whole land in order to intreat the Lord to ſhew the cauſes of his contending, and that, by his giving light on all hands, he would graciouſly heal their diviſions. [244] The prevailing party, many of whom had been long galled with the faithfulneſs and credit of the anti-re⯑ſolutioners, ſcorned to regard this requeſt; but, hav⯑ing conſtituted themſelves, and reſolved to proceed to buſineſs, ſuſtained the elections of ſuch commiſſi⯑oners as they hoped would favour the Reſolutions, and of as few others as poſſible. Their opponents therefore ſolemnly proteſted, That the meeting could not be held a free and lawful General Aſſembly of the church of Scotland,—in regard, that the free e⯑lection of commiſſioners had been prelimited by the letter and act of the Commiſſion above mentioned; in regard many commiſſioners could not attend on account of the motions of the Engliſh army in the country; and in regard that many of the commiſſi⯑oners of the preceding Aſſembly had betrayed their truſt, and had, in their remonſtrances and papers, ſtirred up the civil magiſtrate againſt their brethren, who remained diſſatisfied with their public reſolutions; and who, by their above mentioned act and letter, had prelimited the freedom of the court, were admit⯑ted members of it, and their moderator choſen to be moderator of it,—notwithſtanding they had been regularly and timeouſly excepted againſt as not ad⯑mittable, till their proceedings ſhould be tried and approved by the Aſſembly; and in regard, that his majeſty, by his letter, and his commiſſioner, by his ſpeech, have excited them to perſecuting meaſures againſt ſuch as remain unſatisfied with the proceed⯑ings of the late Commiſſion, before they be tried and approved by the Aſſembly itſelf: And they proteſt⯑ed in their own name, and of all miniſters, ruling elders, and others, in the church of Scotland, that ſhould adhere to them, That, as this meeting o [...] Aſſembly was not free, lawful, or valid in its conſti⯑tution, they had no power of juriſdiction in deter⯑mining controverſies,—making acts,—emitting de⯑clarations,—judging proteſts, appeals from, or pro⯑ceedings of inferior judicatories,—cenſuring perſons or papers,—or in iſſuing forth commiſſions: And [245] particularly they proteſted, That they might not pro⯑ceed to approve or juſtify the deeds of the late Com⯑miſſion, which contained many things contrary to [...]he truſt committed to it, in allowing and carrying on a conjunction with malignants, and bringing them [...]nto places of power and truſt, in the army and ju⯑dicatories, contrary to the word of God, ſolemn league and covenant, late acknowledgment of ſins and engage⯑ment to duties, and to the conſtant tenor of former declarations, warnings, remonſtrances, cauſes of hu⯑miliation, ſupplications, acts, and conſtitutions of [...]his church; and further proteſted, That all their determinations, acts, ratifications, declarations, ſen⯑ [...]ences, cenſures, or commiſſions, ſhould be held [...]ull and void, no way binding on the church of Scot⯑ [...]and,—and that it ſhould be free for themſelves and [...]ll ſuch as adhered to them, to exerciſe their mini⯑ [...]try, and enjoy their Chriſtian liberty according to the word of God, and our covenants, and other acts [...]nd conſtitutions of this church; and that it ſhall be free for them to chooſe commiſſioners, and meet in a free, lawful General Aſſembly, when the Lord ſhall give opportunity for it.———Lord Warriſton, by a letter to this Aſſembly, repreſented, in a mul⯑titude of conſtitutions of this church between 1560 [...]nd 1650, how faithful miniſters had withſtood the civil magiſtrate's judging of their doctrine by them⯑ſelves, and how, by proteſtations, the Lord had, from time to time, kept up a teſtimony for his truths and cauſe; and he proteſted againſt the Aſſembly's ratification of the paper, in which the late Commiſ⯑ [...]ion had approved to the Parliament, their confine⯑ment of the miniſters of Stirling, for their preach⯑ing againſt the countenancing of malignants, or of any other paper of theirs, prejudicial to the cauſe of Chriſt.

Regardleſs of all oppoſition from their pious oppo⯑nents, the Aſſembly puſhed forward in eſtabliſhing [...]hemſelves, and gratifying Charles and his malignant diſſemblers. They depoſed three, and ſuſpended one [246] of the miniſters who had proteſted againſt the vali⯑dity of their conſtitution, and ratified all the procee⯑dings of the late Commiſſion. Their opponents therefore quickly publiſhed their proofs, that this meeting was no free lawful General Aſſembly of the church of Scotland, viz. (1.) That the Commiſſion▪ by their act and letter to Preſbyteries, had plainly reſtricted the freedom of the election of the member [...] of it, in directing them to chooſe none but ſuch a [...] concurred with the public reſolutions; and had inti⯑mated, that diſſenters from theſe reſolutions ough [...] to be looked on, not as ſit to be members, but as tran⯑ſgreſſors to be cited as pannels; had declared, tha [...] if any ſuch ſhould be choſen, they would not be ad⯑mitted to be judges, but obliged to anſwer at the ba [...] as guilty offenders; and that Preſbyteries, which ſhould chooſe ſuch, ſhould be looked upon as diſo⯑bedient contemners of the public order of the kirk▪ (2.) That many, who had been excepted againſ [...] as guilty of betraying their truſt, and of a ſcandalou [...] apoſtacy from their ſworn reformation, and conſpir⯑ing with the enemies of our religion,—had, contrar [...] to the conſtitutions and former practice of this church been ſuſtained members, without trying their con⯑duct, the facts and ſinfulneſs of which was offered t [...] be proved; and even been admitted to judge of th [...] relevancy of the objections offered againſt their bein [...] ſuſtained judges. (3.) There was no proper freedom of debate on the principal points neceſſary to be han⯑dled, as the Commiſſion had ſtirred up the civil ma⯑giſtrate againſt their brethren, who diſapproved the [...] public reſolutions; in conſequence of which, the m [...] ⯑niſters of Stirling had been confined, and the Parli [...] ⯑ment had ordered all ſuch to be proceeded againſt a enemies to religion and the kingdom. The com⯑miſſion had, by their warnings and letters, ſtirre [...] up Preſbyteries to cenſure them, or cite them to th [...] Aſſembly as ſcandalous tranſgreſſors, and many [...] them had been cited accordingly. The king, by h [...] letter, and his commiſſioner, by his ſpeech, ha [...] [247] [...]tirred up the Aſſembly to take ſuch ſevere methods with them, as might deter others from ever doing [...]he like:—all which the Aſſembly had firſt connived [...]t, and then approved. (4.) Perſons were not al⯑ [...]owed to ſpeak their mind in this Aſſembly, and the letter of Lord Warriſton, who was an elected com⯑miſſioner, and had been ſingularly faithful and ac⯑ [...]ive, and acquainted with the conſtitutions of this church, was obſtinately refuſed a reading. (5.) On account of the roving bands of the Engliſh, and even of the Scotch army in the heart of the country, ma⯑ny members could not attend, and none at all from nine or ten Preſbyteries; and, even in their return home, his majeſty and his committee of Eſtates had apprehended and confined ſeverals, becauſe they had not ſhewed themſelves friendly enough to the public reſolutions. (6.) That the members of the late Com⯑miſſion, before any approbation of their proceedings, were admitted as judges of a proteſtation, which in⯑ſiſted, That theſe proceedings ſhould not be ratified, becauſe contrary to the word of God, and their ſo⯑lemn covenants and conſtitutions, and in judging of the Proteſtors, in order to cenſure. Nay, that the committee, which managed the condemnation of the proteſtation, chiefly conſiſted of members of the Commiſſion. The Reſolutioners, for whom it is ſhocking to find not only Bailie, but Dickſon and Douglas, zealous advocates, publiſhed a vindication of their Aſſembly and conduct, and condemned the above mentioned proteſtation as highly criminal. But their reaſonings were ſufficiently refuted by their op⯑ponents.

Charles and his army being entirely routed at Wor⯑ceſter by the Engliſh forces, Sept. 3d. 1651, ſuch as had been appointed members of the Commiſſion by the Aſſembly 1650, and ſundry of their friends, who diſliked the public reſolutions, ſoon after drew up a Repreſentation of the cauſes of God's wrath againſt the nation, and an acknowledgment of the ſins of the miniſtry, the moſt full and candid, perhaps, that ever [248] was publiſhed in the Chriſtian church. In their Cauſes of God's wrath, they mention, and illuſtrate by inſtances and aggravations, and by many ſcrip⯑ture proofs of their ſinfulneſs and ruinous influence, the following, viz. Groſs ignorance; looſeneſs and profanity, in oppoſition to all God's commandments; the deſpiſing and neglecting of Jeſus Chriſt, and his word and ordinances; neglect of family religion and the power of godlineſs, or even loathing and bearing it down; baſe love of the world, iſſuing in cove⯑touſneſs and oppreſſion, and even perjuries; abuſe and proſtitution of the public faith of the kingdom; hypocritical, carnal, and ſelfiſh proſecution of cove⯑nanting, and other neceſſary and religious duties; deep ſecurity, impenitence, obſtinacy, and incorri⯑gibleneſs under manifold ſigns and tokens of the Lord's anger; fearful backſlidings from attained re⯑formation and covenant engagements, in falling from once attained ſingleneſs and honeſty of heart, fer⯑vency, zeal for God, ſpiritual livelineſs, tenderneſ [...] of conſcience, and purity of converſation;—in ſom [...] falling off more ſecretly, and others more openly, to the malignant party, headed by Montroſe, and af⯑terward by duke Hamilton;—in neglecting, hinder⯑ing, or condemning the purging of the judicatorie [...] and army, in 1649, and afterward, according to co⯑venant engagements;—in agreeing to inveſt, and actually inveſting the king with the government o [...] the nation, notwithſtanding many clear evidences o [...] his diſaffection and enmity to the work and people of God;—in refuſing manifold diſcoveries of guil [...] given in teſtimonies of Synods, Preſbyteries, and o⯑ther remonſtrances and repreſentations;—in the pub⯑lic reſolutions of both kirk and ſtate, for bringing malignants into the army and into places of powe [...] and truſt;—in joining in arms with the forces of th [...] king, after the malignants had the principal manage⯑ment of them, and were by them carrying on thei [...] own ends;—the prelimiting and corrupting of th [...] General Aſſembly,—ratifying former defections, and [249] [...]mencing perſecution againſt the faithful oppoſers thereof.—In the Acknowledgment, they point out the ſins of miniſters, before their entrance into their office,—in their entering into it, and during their continuance in it,—in their private and their ſocial conduct,—in their miniſterial work, preaching of the goſpel, diſpenſing the ſacraments, viſiting fami⯑lies and ſick, catechiſing, ruling and cenſuring, and in reſpect of public matters.

Notwithſtanding General Monk had ſubdued theſe parts of the nation, which Cromwell had left un⯑conquered, and all the counties, had, on the 2d of April, 1652, acknowledged the ſovereignty of the Engliſh, the General Aſſembly met at Edinburgh in July. Lord Warriſton, Meſſrs. Andrew Cant, John Livingſton, Samuel Rutherfoord, and 32 others, preſented to them, a Repreſentation, proteſt, and propoſals ſigned by 67 miniſters, and 95 ruling el⯑ders, probationers, and others, in which they la⯑ment, The great inward and open apoſtacy from once attained reformation, and that an approbation of the public reſolutions was now conſidered as the principal qualification of candidates for the holy mi⯑niſtry, or of ſcreening ſcandalous miniſters from cen⯑ſure, and that notwithſtanding the changed circum⯑ſtances of the kingdom by the prevalence of Crom⯑well and his ſectaries, and the complete rout and flight of K. Charles, ſo much uſe had been made of the authority of the laſt year's Aſſembly, begun at St. Andrews, and thereafter removed to Dundee;—and earneſtly and ſolemnly beſeeching them, That ſince many commiſſioners were reſtrained from attendance, and the far greater part of the commiſſions of thoſe that had come up, were controverted by diſſents and proteſts at their election; and, ſince their former con⯑duct had ſo much hindered reformation, and the edi⯑fication of ſouls,—they would not conſtitute them⯑ſelves into an Aſſembly, but appoint a free and friend⯑ly converſation, in order to remove difficulties, and fall on ſome healing overtures. And they laid be [...]ore [250] them the following Propoſals for removing offences, and reſtoring mutual harmony and confidence, (1.) That they will give proper evidence of their appro⯑bation of, and adherence to the national covenant and ſolemn league, late acknowledgment of ſins and engage⯑ment to duties, and other laudable acts of uncontro⯑verted Aſſemblies, and act according to them in diſ⯑penſing of ſealing ordinances, cenſuring offenders, or abſolving penitents. (2.) That it be conſidered, how, after our ſad defection and fearful judgments, we may honour the Lord, obtain his favour, and prevent like apoſtacy from him. (3.) That a proper method be eſtabliſhed for ſecuring againſt error, he⯑reſy and ſchiſm on the one hand, and againſt the danger of malignancy on the other; and that proper marks be fixed, by which malignants may be known and judged. (4.) That proper methods be taken, ac⯑cording to the rules of this church, for purging out intruders and ſcandalous perſons from the miniſterial office; and that none be hereafter admitted, but ſuch as have the poſitive qualifications required by the word of God and conſtitutions of this church. (5.) That proper rules be fixed and practiſed for cenſur⯑ing of ſcandals, and debarring the ignorant and pro⯑fane from the Lord's table. (6.) That care be taken, that none be abſolved from cenſure, but ſuch as give that evidence of their repentance, which the word of God and conſtitutions of this church require. (7.) That an effectual courſe be taken to prevent further hurt from the controverted conſtitutions and proce⯑dure of the Aſſembly at St. Andrews and Dundee, and for ſecuring the right conſtitution of the Aſſem⯑blies in time coming.

Theſe requeſts and propoſals being altogether diſ⯑regarded, they preſented another paper, in which they obſerve, how they had been contemned; how an Aſſembly indicted by the null meeting of Dundee, had been pretended to be the only method of healing their diviſions; how theſe, once hearty promoters of Prelacy, having gotten the aſcendant in judicato⯑ries, [251] had more than ever manifeſted their contempt of their covenant engagements, and covenanted re⯑formation,—and had become perſecutors of ſuch as were endeavouring faithfully to adhere to the Lord and his cauſe, according to their ſolemn vows:— they declare their adherence to their former teſtimo⯑nies againſt their apoſtacy, and proteſt, That the conſtitution and acts of this Aſſembly ſhall be held null and void, and not binding by virtue of any au⯑thority derived from them. (1.) Becauſe it derived its indiction and authority from the pretended Aſſem⯑bly of St. Andrews and Dundee laſt year. (2.) It is for the moſt part conſtituted of the ſame kind of perſons as it, who have begun, ſupported, and car⯑ried on a courſe of defection, contrary to the word of God, and the covenants and conſtitutions of this church. (3.) Becauſe, by the act of that pretended Aſſembly, laſt year, which required all Preſbyteries and Synods to inflict cenſures upon all miniſters, pro⯑bationers, ſtudents, and private Chriſtians, who op⯑poſed the public reſolutions, and did not acquieſce in their acts,—all oppoſers are rendered incapable of e⯑lection, and in conſequence of it, ſeveral Synods and Preſbyteries, in their approbation of the deeds of that Aſſembly, had made ſeveral prelimitations. (4.) Many Preſbyteries had refuſed to ſend up com⯑miſſioners to this meeting, as a General Aſſembly of the church of Scotland; and the election of ſuch as have come up as commiſſioners, is generally contro⯑verted.—Regardleſs of all theſe things, the Aſſem⯑bly proceeded to buſineſs, and enacted, That ſcan⯑dalous miniſters or others ſhould be duly reſtored to their office and church fellowſhip, not without evi⯑dence of thorough repentance; and that none ſhould be licenſed to preach the goſpel, or ordained to be mi⯑niſters or ruling elders, or be commiſſioned to Preſ⯑byteries or Synods, before they give it under their hand, that they approve of the public reſolutions, or at leaſt will never make any oppoſition to them:— but refuſed to approve a declaration in favours of [252] Independency and toleration of errors, which ſome of the Engliſh had preſented to them.——Finding the Scotch clergy extremely attached to their king, Cromwel would not allow them to hold any more General Aſſemblies; and ſometimes his officers drove them out of their Synods. This did the leſs hurt, as the reſolutioners, in their courts, chiefly aimed at ſupporting their own authority, and cruſhing their proteſting brethren.

Deprived of civil aſſiſtance from Charles and his malignant favourites, to perſecute the proteſtors by fines, impriſonment, or death, the public reſoluti⯑oners perſecuted them with manifold reproaches, as ruiners of their king and country,—as favourers of the Engliſh ſectaries and their uſurpations,—as ren⯑ters of the church, and the like; and laboured to their utmoſt to keep theſe of their principles from any miniſterial charges, which, in divers places, oc⯑caſioned a proteſting miniſter and a reſolutioner in the ſame congregation. So terrible were their tor⯑rents of reproach and calumny, that even principal Bailie, notwithſtanding all his coolneſs, prudence, piety, and learning, appears, in his letters, ready to receive and ſpread ill grounded calumnies to blacken the characters of his moſt eminent, and, a little be⯑fore, dearly beloved brethren. The uncommonly meek and calm Mr. Guthrie of Stirling he repreſents as a kind of forward flaming fire-brand; the almoſt too peaceful Mr. Livingſton as a violent puſher; the pious and learned Mr. Simſon of Airth as an arrant fool; holy Rutherfoord, and uniting Durham and Blair as working the ruin of the church; great M'Ward as guilty of being Rutherfoord's ſervant; and pious Andrew Gray and Hugh Binning, whoſe ſermons the Lord then, and ſince, hath ſo remark⯑ably bleſſed, as romantic, new-faſhioned, and un⯑ſubſtantial preachers; and, in ſhort, the proteſtors ſettlements of miniſters, carriage in judicatories, and at ſolemn faſts, and ſacramental occaſions, which [253] were attended with ſuch marvellous power from on high, as a ſcene of diſorder, pride, and ſelfiſhneſs.

But the more their brethren reproached and per⯑ſecuted them as they could, the more the Lord coun⯑tenanced their labours, and made them ſing as in the days of their youth, about 1638 and 1649. Re⯑markably warned of, and dreading times of reſtraint, they were exceedingly diligent in their miniſtrations, and theſe were attended with amazing ſucceſs. Mul⯑titudes of the moſt ſerious attended their many ſolemn faſts and their ſacramental occaſions; and ſo mar⯑vellous was the influence they felt, that they were often in a kind of ſpiritual trance the whole time. After one ſacramental occaſion, about ſixty of the aged hearers, earneſtly applied themſelves to learn, that they might read the word of God.—"I have been many years" ſays Mr. Kirkton in his MSS me⯑moirs "in a pariſh, where I never heard an oath; and one might have rode many miles without hear⯑ing one. In a great part of the country, one could not have lodged in a family, where God was not dai⯑ly worſhipped by reading, ſinging of pſalms, and prayer. People were generally ſo ſober, that the inn-keepers complained of the ruin of their trade." The Lord alſo gave them peculiar favour in the ſight of the Engliſh invaders, who reliſhed their unfavour⯑able apprehenſions of K. Charles, and his malignants, Prelatiſts, and Papiſts,—and repeatedly offered them the government of the country, which they always refuſed. And indeed none were more zealous againſt compliance with Cromwel and his ſectaries, or for continued praying for Charles, than Lord Warriſton, Mr. James Guthry, and other principal men among the Proteſtors. Even Argyle fell under their frown for ſome involuntary compliances that he had made.

The Engliſh had the whole civil government of the nation in their hands. No newly placed miniſter could plead in law for his ſtipend, without a warrant from ſome of their judges. The Engliſh Parliament even gave their judges and ſequeſtrators a power to put [254] out ſcandalous miniſters or teachers in univerſities, and prohibited miniſters public praying for Charles as their king, under pain of loſing their ſtipend. This both Proteſtors and Reſolutioners refuſed to comply with; and ſuch was their zeal for their wic⯑ked and treacherous prince, that the Lord's ſupper was not diſpenſed for ſome years in Edinburgh and ſeveral other places, becauſe they ſcrupled to admit the magiſtrates to it, who had been obliged to crouch under the Engliſh conquerors. By means of Dur⯑ham, Blair, and ſome other pacificators, the Proteſ⯑tors and Reſolutioners had ſeveral conferences in or⯑der to agreement in 1655; and the matter was car⯑ried up before Cromwel, who had uſurped the go⯑vernment of Britain; but without any effect. Wea⯑ried of the ſcrupuloſity of the Proteſtors, and court⯑ed with large offers by Sharp, afterward archbiſhop, in name of the Reſolutioners, he gave both parties an equal liberty. As he indulged the Sectaries which abounded in his time with liberty to ſpread their prin⯑ciples, and to reſtrain the Preſbyterians from foiſting into their cauſes of faſting any thing in favours of Charles or againſt himſelf or his government, had taken the power of appointing general faſts, and fix⯑ing the cauſes thereof next to wholly into his own hands,—Rutherfoord and ſixteen other Proteſtors, in the counties of Fife and Perth, emitted a ſolemn teſtimony againſt theſe things, and in behalf of their covenanted reformation.

During the confuſions, which happened after Cromwel's death in 1658, both Proteſtors and Re⯑ſolutioners appeared pretty calm, and agreed to bury their differences.—Inſtigated by Meſſrs. Robert Dou⯑glas, and James Sharp, Monk, who had command⯑ed the Engliſh forces in Scotland for ſeveral years, undertook to reſtore Charles to his throne, and, by the vileſt perjury and treachery, got it accompliſhed. Charles himſelf was wearied of his miſerable and pinched circumſtances abroad, and ſtuck at no diſſi⯑mulation by letters, to perſuade the nation of his vir⯑tues [255] and good intentions. The nobles at home diſ⯑dained crouching to Engliſhmen of no rank in the world. The ſubjects in general were tired of an un⯑ſettled government. Such as thought they had ſerved Charles, though but in pillaging their neigh⯑bours houſes, expected that he would richly reward them: his friends in general highly extolled his ex⯑cellencies. And though, in his travels, he had ſo⯑lemnly profeſſed himſelf a Papiſt, ſome divines re⯑preſented him as the great inſtrument by which God would fulfil the promiſes of Antichriſt's deſtruction. Sharp, whom the Reſolutioners choſe for their agent, to concert matters with General Monk and Charles, and to take care that no injury might be done to their church, notwithſtanding his moſt ſolemn profeſſions of ſincerity, betrayed them, and concerted with Charles, how to introduce Epiſcopacy, in reward of which Charles gave him 20 chalders of corn, and the archbiſhoprick of St. Andrews; and, in the mean time, ſtirred them up againſt the Proteſtors, whom he repreſented as abhorred by his majeſty; ſo that it is hard to ſay, if the Prelatic perſecution made their circumſtances a whit worſe, than the Reſolutioners would have made them.

Convinced, that the Proteſtors would oppoſe their introduction of Prelacy, Charles and Sharp heartily agreed to ruin the principal of them as quickly as poſſible. Charles therefore gave orders to impriſon the Marquis of Argyle, Lord Warriſton, Sir James Stewart, provolt of Edinburgh, and Sir John Chief⯑ly, who ſhewed the moſt bold oppoſition to the be⯑heading of his father; while he advanced to honour Sir John Fletcher, who had, among the firſt, ab⯑jured himſelf, and Middleton and Sharp, who had ſhewed not a little forwardneſs in taking the engage⯑ment of fidelity to the Engliſh commonwealth.— Sometime after, a ſolemn thankſgiving for Charles' reſtoration, at Edinburgh, the afternoon of which was ſpent in horrid drunkenneſs, debauchery, and madneſs,—the committee of Eſtates appointed by the [256] Parliament in 1651, all the members of which had concurred with their ſovereign in taking the nationa [...] covenant and ſolemn league, and ſome of them had adviſed him to make that ſolemn declaration at Dun⯑fermline, Aug. 16th, 1650, met on the 2d of Aug. 1660.—Finding, that the Reſolutioners would nei⯑ther join with their proteſting brethren to form a ſupplication to his majeſty, nor form one by them⯑ſelves, Mr. James Guthry, and nine other miniſters▪ and two elders, met in a private houſe in Edinburgh▪ to form a draught of a ſupplication to be laid before a larger meeting of their brethren, particularly the Synod of Glaſgow. In this draught, they repreſen⯑ted to his majeſty, how hateful the procedure of the late uſurpers had been to them, in offering violence to the Parliament of England, in murdering his roy⯑al father, and in ſecluding himſelf from his govern⯑ment, and in their impious encroachments upon the kingdom of Jeſus Chriſt, &c.—how thankfully they acknowledged the Lord's ſignal preſervation of his majeſty's perſon, and in reſtoring him to his throne; —how they did, and reſolved to pour forth their fer⯑vent ſupplications to God for him; and hoped, that he would protect, countenance, and encourage them as their gracious ſovereign,—what dangers threaten⯑ed religion and the work of reformation in theſe kingdoms, from the unremitted endeavours of Pa⯑piſts, Prelatiſts, and malignants on the one hand, and of the Sectaries on the other; and therefore humbly beſought his majeſty to employ his royal power for the preſervation of the reformed religion, in doctrine, worſhip, diſcipline and government in the church of Scotland; and for the reformation of religion in England and Ireland;—and that all places of truſt might be filled with ſuch as have taken the covenant, and are of approved integrity and known affection to the cauſe of God;—and that his majeſty would remove the ceremonies and ſervice book from his church and family, and from other places of his do⯑minions, and publicly ſignify his approbation of the [257] covenant, into which he had ſo ſolemnly entered, and of his purpoſe to adhere to it,—as it was the deſire of [...]heir ſoul, that he might be like David, a man accor⯑ding to God's own heart, and to Solomon, of an un⯑derſtanding heart to judge the Lord's people, &c. The committee, hearing of their meeting, cauſed ap⯑prehend them all, except one elder that eſcaped, and without hearing them, impriſoned them in the caſtle of Edinburgh, from whence the Parliament next [...]ear liberated them all, except Mr. Guthry. Next day, the committee emitted a proclamation againſt all unlawful meetings, without his majeſty's ſpecial authority, and againſt all ſeditious petitions and re⯑monſtrances, as every faithful one was now called.

By a flattering letter directed from Charles to the reſolutioners of the Preſbytery of Edinburgh, in which he promiſed to ſupport their cauſe, and main⯑tain their religion, as by law eſtabliſhed;—by a pro⯑clamation againſt Rutherfoord's Lex rex, and the cauſes of God's wrath, as containing many things in⯑jurious to his majeſty, and laying the foundation and ſeeds of rebellion, and the burning of what copies they could find, at Edinburgh, by the hangman;— and by a proclamation againſt Remonſtrants and their adherents;—and by the confinement or impriſonment of ſome gentlemen or miniſters, that they might have no influence upon the elections for the enſuing Parliament, or citing them to it as criminals,—pre⯑paration was made for its being wholly complaiſant. Great care was taken, that none ſhould be elected commiſſioners, but ſuch as ſhould in all things be ſubſervient to the will of the court. For this reaſon, it ſeems none elſe could be found fit in the burgh of Lanerk, but their piper. And care was taken to have the elections of thoſe that were otherwiſe diſpoſed ſet aſide. The moſt part of the members were ab⯑ſolutely infamous, who wallowed in profaneneſs, whoredom, and drunkenneſs. Only Lowdon, Caſ⯑ſils, Sutherland, Crawford, Borthwick, Torphichen, [258] and a few other old covenanters, who often diſſent⯑ed from the deeds of the reſt, retained their wonted ſobriety. And indeed, drunkenneſs, whoredom, curſing and blaſphemy, were now reckoned badges of loyalty; and piety, or even common gravity, a mark of rebellion. Charles himſelf appears to have been a profligate Atheiſt, abandoned to profane ſwearing, drunkenneſs and whoredom, and capable of the moſt baſe diſſimulation. Sharp, his director and agent, was chiefly remarkable for activity, craft, and diſſimulation. Such as were intimately acquain⯑ted with him, reckoned him a downright Atheiſt, who affected to believe, That there was neither God, hea⯑ven nor hell; he uſed no private prayer, and ſcarcely had prayer in his family once a month; he lived, who knows how long, in whoredom with one Iſobel Lind⯑ſay, and with his own hand ſtrangled the child, which ſhe bare to him. And there is not a little ground to believe, that he had entered into a ſolemn compact with the devil, in order to preſerve his life and carry on his deſigos.

The Parliament having met on the 21ſt of Ja⯑nuary, 1661, after a faithful ſermon from Mr. Rob. Douglas, would chooſe their after preachers for themſelves; who, by their fulſome harangues, ex⯑cited them to render his majeſty abſolute, and to eſ⯑tabliſh ſome greater authority in the church to keep her miniſters in order. Highly pleaſed with ſuch ſtuff, the Parliament appointed a new oath of allegi⯑ance, acknowledging the king's ſupremacy over all perſons, and in all cauſes. They enacted, That no conventions, leagues, or bonds, ſhould be made without his majeſty's conſent, and prohibited the renewing of the ſolemn league and covenant, or any other covenants or public oaths concerning the go⯑vernment of the church or kingdom, without his ſpecial warrant and approbation; and appointed all perſons in public offices to ſwear the oath of allegiance or ſupremacy before mentioned, and ſubſcribe the de⯑claration aſſerting his majeſty's prerogative; bearing, [259] that it was his and his ſucceſſors ſole right, to chooſe and appoint officers of ſtate, privy counſellors and lords of ſeſſion;—and to call, hold, and diſſolve all Parliaments and other conventions of the ſtates; that no acts of Parliament are binding without his ſpecial approbation or commiſſion; that the power of mak⯑ing peace or war doth only reſide in him, and his [...]heirs and ſucceſſors; that it is high treaſon for any ſubjects to riſe or continue in arms without his au⯑thority, or to meet for determining any matters, ci⯑vil or eccleſiaſtical, except in the ordinary judgments, —or to make leagues and bonds, without his ſpecial conſent; that the ſolemn league and covenant, and all treaties following upon it, are not obligatory upon any of the ſubjects of this kingdom; and that none could lawfully require the renewing of ſaid covenant, or any other covenant, or renew the ſame, without his majeſty's ſpecial warrant and approbation: They declared the convention of Eſtates 1643, which enjoin⯑ed the ſolemn league and covenant, and all the Par⯑liaments between 1640 and 1649, incluſively, void and null in their very conſtitution, and ſo their deeds of no authority. They declared, that the Proteſtant religion was ſettled as before 1638, and the govern⯑ment of the church ſhould be ſecured as his majeſty found moſt proper. They appointed the 29th of May to be kept as a yearly thankſgiving to God; and by the preamble of this act, they laboured to bring in God and all the ſubjects as approvers of their fore⯑mentioned acts, and as ſolemn reproachers of the whole covenanted work of reformation. And, in⯑fine, they reſtored Patronages, and required all pre⯑ſentees to take the above oath of allegiance and decla⯑ration. The Parliament confirmed their ſtatutes with the blood of the marquis of Argyle, whoſe eſ⯑tate Middleton the preſident expected, and of Mr. James Guthry, and with the harraſſment, impriſon⯑ment, or baniſhment of his fellow petitioners, and other proteſtors;—moſt of whom had ſuffered for their attachment to his majeſty, during Cromwel's [260] uſurpation. Had not God removed Rutherfoord by a triumphant death, he had alſo been ſacrificed▪ Meanwhile, by the influence of the reſolutioners▪ and by the courts diſſolution of Synods, and by the general fainting of miniſters, or their diviſions among themſelves, not one judicial teſtimony was lifted up againſt the wickedneſs of the Parliament, in Scot⯑land.

After the riſe of the Parliament, Charles, inſtigat⯑ed by Middleton and Sharp, and aſſured that the beſt part of the nation earneſtly wiſhed it, and that not ſo much as twenty of the reſolutioners would oppoſe it,—by a proclamation, founded on his new⯑ly eſtabliſhed ſupremacy,—eſtabliſhed Epiſcopalian government. Sharp was made archbiſhop of St. Andrews, and Fairfoul of Glaſgow, under whom twelve others were made biſhops. None of them had the leaſt appearance of ſeriouſneſs, except Leigh⯑ton of Dumblain. Meanwhile the earl of Tweedale was impriſoned for ſome words he had ſpoken in fa⯑vours of Mr. Guthry, and his not voting for his death. The privy council emitted a proclamation, prohibiting the election of any for magiſtrates or counſellors in burghs, that were not hearty for biſh⯑ops and the king's arbitrary power. And to prevent the printing or ſpread of ſuch ſcandalous and ſeditious papers, as Argyle's and Guthry's dying words, the covenanters plea, &c. they prohibited the printing o [...] any books or papers, without warrant from the king or Parliament. They ſoon after prohibited all ec⯑cleſiaſtical meetings in Synods, Preſbyteries, and ſeſſions, till authorized by the archbiſhop and biſhops▪ Preſbyteries were prohibited to ordain miniſters; and if they but begged leave to repreſent their grievances, it was held ſeditious or treaſonable. Lord Lowdon, and ſoon after Mr. Bailie, died of grief, for the al⯑terations they ſaw made in both church and ſtate▪ Meſſrs. Dickſon, Douglas, and Wood, too late, became ſenſible of their miſtake in ſupporting the public reſolutions, while others were fretted to ſee [261] [...]he pre-apprehenſions of the proteſtors ſo fearfully [...]erified, and to hear themſelves blamed by them for [...]ringing matters to this dreadful condition.

The Parliament meeting, on May 8th, 1662, ad⯑mitted the newly conſecrated biſhops to their ſeats with great pomp and ceremony; and then re-eſta⯑ [...]liſhed the government of the church by archbiſhops [...]nd biſhops, as founded upon his majeſty's inherent [...]upremacy over the church;—declared it high trea⯑ [...]on for ſubjects, on any pretence, to enter into leagues [...]r covenants, or take up arms againſt the king or [...]ny commiſſioned by him; and that the national cove⯑ [...]ant, as explained in 1638, and the ſolemn league [...]nd covenant were unlawful oaths, no way binding on [...]uch as had ſworn them;—and repealed all acts civil [...]nd eccleſiaſtical approving theſe covenants; parti⯑cularly the ſeditious meeting of the Aſſembly at Glaſgow in 1638, and all the acts and deeds there⯑of; and declared, that if any ſpoke, wrote, printed, or prayed againſt his majeſty's ſupremacy over the church, or againſt the Epiſcopalian government now eſtabliſhed, he ſhould be incapable of any public truſt. They next appointed all thoſe miniſters, who had been ordained ſince 1649, many of whom had ſuffered much for their attachment to Charles, un⯑der Cromwel, to get preſentations from their pa⯑trons, and renouncing their former ordination, to receive admiſſion from their biſhops; and that all miniſters, under ſevere penalties, ſhould attend their biſhop's Synod, and aſſiſt him in all things he re⯑quired; and that all maſters of colleges, who did not ſubmit to Prelacy, ſhould be turned out, and none be allowed to preach, keep ſchools, or teach children of quality, without the biſhop's licence. They further appointed all perſons in public truſt, to ſubſcribe a ſecond declaration, bearing, That they judged it unlawful, upon any pretence, to enter in⯑to leagues or covenants; or to take up arms againſt the king or thoſe commiſſioned by him; and that all the convocations, petitions, and proteſtations for [262] beginning and carrying on the late troubles, (i. [...] covenanted reformation, between 1637—and 1651 were unlawful and ſeditious, and particularly tha [...] the national covenant, as ſworn and explained i [...] 1638, and the ſolemn league and covenant, were, an [...] are, in themſelves unlawful oaths, and impoſed upo [...] the ſubjects contrary to the fundamental laws an [...] liberties of the kingdom, and no way bind any tha [...] ſwore them, to endeavour any alteration of th [...] preſent government of either church or ſtate. A [...] ⯑ter the act of indemnity had been ſo long delayed, i [...] order to terrify people into compliance, it was no [...] paſſed, with an exception of about 800 perſons, ſom [...] of whom were dead, and others were infants, o [...] had never exiſted, on whom was laid a fine, of a⯑bout 85,000 pounds ſterling, which Middleton hog⯑ed to get for himſelf: and beſides, twelve perſon were, by ballotting, to be excluded from all place of power and truſt.—They alſo iſſued a proclama⯑tion, bearing, That all miniſters, who did not ob⯑ſerve the anniverſary thankſgiving, on the 29th o [...] May, ſhould be deprived of their benefices.—T [...] teſtify their loyalty, the magiſtrates of Linlithgow with great parade, burnt the covenants, which them⯑ſelves had ſworn, along with Lex rex, and the cauſ [...] of God's wrath, &c.

A number of miniſters had been ſummoned to th [...] Parliament for a terror to others, that might inclin [...] to adhere to their old principles. The day after th [...] Parliament roſe, the privy council met, and appoi [...] ⯑ted all parſons, vicars, and miniſters, to attend u [...] on their dioceſan Synods, the diets of which we then appointed by the biſhops and archbiſhops. T [...] inforce this act and put honour on the biſhops, Mi⯑dleton the commiſſioner, and Glencairn the cha [...] ⯑cellor, with the earls of Morton, Linlithgow, an [...] Callender, and lord Napier, took a tour to the we [...] of Scotland, where, in their different lodging place [...] they wallowed in drunkenneſs, gluttony, and pro [...] ⯑faneneſs, and at Air, about midnight, drank the d [...] ⯑vil's [263] health at the croſs. In conſequence of the arch⯑ [...]iſhop's complaint, That none of the miniſters or⯑dained ſince 1649, had owned him for biſhop; and [...]hat he and his fellow biſhops would be mere cyphers or objects of hatred, unleſs more effectual methods were taken to inforce ſubmiſſion to them, the coun⯑cil met at Glaſgow, October 1ſt; and while moſt of [...]he members were mortally drunk, enacted, that all ſuch miniſters as did not, before the end of that month, apply to their biſhops for collation and ad⯑miſſion, ſhould be deprived of their ſtipends for the preſent year, and removed from their pariſhes and Preſbyteries; and never after exerciſe any part of their miniſterial office; and that ſuch of their pariſhioners as afterwards repaired to their ſermons, ſhould be puniſhed as frequenters of conventicles. As ſeveral of the miniſters had retired from the coun⯑ [...]ry to Edinburgh, the council required the magi⯑ [...]trates to oblige all the inhabitants every evening to give an account of all their lodgers, under what pe⯑nalties ſhould be thought proper. They appointed all the miniſters of Edinburgh, who did not comply with Prelacy, to deſiſt from exerciſing their miniſtry, and leave the city before Martinmas next: and com⯑menced a proceſs againſt Sir James Stewart the pro⯑voſt, and his ſon, for entertaining Mr. Hugh M'Kail, and againſt Meſſrs. Donald Cargil, John Brown, and John Livingſton, and 16 other miniſters, in order to force them to comply with the biſhops, or baniſh them from the kingdom. By ſuch means, above 300 miniſters, generally of remarkable piety, gifts, and diligence, and moſt of them great ſufferers for their attachment to Charles, during the uſurpation, were driven from their charges, and their places fil⯑led with men ſhamefully ignorant, many of them a a ſcandal to human nature in vice, and others of them of the moſt violent and perſecuting tempers; and all of them, by the biſhops and their aſſiſtants, forcibly intruded upon congregations: No wonder then, that ſuch as had any regard to the laws of [264] Chriſt ſcrupled to hear them, and reſorted to ſuch oppoſers of Prelacy, as were not yet caſt out, or to the family worſhip of the elected miniſters, in ſuch numbers, that the houſes could not contain them; from which field meetings gradually originated.

After Middleton had eſtabliſhed Prelacy, he him⯑ſelf was diſgraced; and ſoon after died miſerably a [...] Tangier, killed, according to his former imprecation, by the broken bone of that arm, which he had held up, in ſwearing the covenant; and Lauderdale his opponent became prime miniſter in his ſtead. Af⯑ter the council had commenced further proceſſes a⯑gainſt forty more miniſters in Galloway, and the dio⯑ceſe of Dunkeld, and given orders to Sir James Tur⯑ner, a ſavage commander of the military, to ſuppreſs all private religious meetings for inſtruction, prayer or conference, the Parliament met June 18th, 1669, and enacted, That all non-conform miniſters, tha [...] ſhall preſume to exerciſe their office in any manner, ſhall be puniſhed as ſeditious perſons; and all with⯑drawers from the conform incumbents of their own pariſh, be puniſhed,—every nobleman, gentleman, or heritor, in the fourth part of his yearly revenue▪ every yeoman or tenant, in about the fourth part o [...] his moveables after his rent is paid, and every bur⯑geſs, with the loſs of his freedom, and the fourth part of his moveables, together with ſuch corpora [...] puniſhment as the council find proper: They ap⯑pointed all perſons in public truſt, to ſubſcribe the declaration of laſt year; and that if any elected to be counſellors or magiſtrates in burghs, refuſed to ſign it, they ſhould be for ever incapable of being magi⯑ſtrates or of merchandizing. They appointed a na⯑tional Synod of biſhops, but, which could e⯑nact nothing that the king or his commiſſioner wa [...] unwilling to confirm;—and which indeed never met [...] They ordered a levy of 20,000 foot and 2000 horſe [...] to be ready to ſerve his majeſty in any part of his do⯑minions, as he ſhould find neceſſary.—Lord War⯑riſton,—whom Charles' phyſician had attempted t [...] [265] poiſon at Hamburgh, and then taken from him ſix⯑ty ounces of blood, being apprehended in France, was notwithſtanding his weakneſs of body and mind, produced by the poiſon and loſs of blood, ſentenced to death, and his head to be fixed on the Nether⯑bow port, along with Mr. Guthry's.——The privy council commenced a proſecution againſt ſixteen mi⯑niſters for continuing to exerciſe their office, and a⯑gainſt William Gordon of Earlſtoun, for refuſing to hear the curate of his pariſh; and emitted a procla⯑mation, That all miniſters that did not duly attend the biſhops courts, ſhould, within twenty days, re⯑move themſelves, families, and ſubſtance, out of their reſpective pariſhes, and not reſide within twenty miles of the ſame, nor within ſix miles of any ca⯑thedral church, or three miles of any royal burgh; —and enacted, That all perſons who ſhall come from Ireland without ſufficient teſtimonials, and do not return within fifteen days, ſhall be impri⯑ſoned, and treated as ſeditious;—and that all per⯑ſons that, notwithſtanding three admonitions gi⯑ven by their miniſter, withdraw from public wor⯑ſhip, ſhall, upon his atteſtation, be proſecuted accor⯑ding to law; and that all noblemen, ſherriffs, and officers of the army, ſhall aſſiſt miniſters in their proſecution.—In conſequence of this, the curates in the weſt and ſouth, after ſermon, called over the roll of their pariſhes, and delated whomſoever they pleaſed of the abſents to Sir James Turner, the pro⯑fligate and barbarous commander of the forces in that country; who, together with his ſoldiers, judged and puniſhed them as they thought ſit; and, by this means, and by raiſing the ſines impoſed by Middle⯑ton's Parliament, plundered and ruined the country.

By biſhop Sharp's inſtigation, Charles appointed an High Commiſſion court in 1664, conſiſting of 9 biſhops, and 35 laymen, and of which one biſhop and four others were a quorum, having power to pro⯑ſecute, ſuſpend, and depoſe miniſters, and to fine, impriſon, &c. them and others, who continued in [266] their non-conformity to the religion eſtabliſhed by law; and appointed the officers of the army or mili⯑tia, and lords of privy council to aſſiſt them, in ap⯑prehending and puniſhing of ſuch delinquents. In conſequence whereof, perſons were called before them without information, accuſation, or witneſs; and required to anſwer whatever queſtions were propoſ⯑ed. If any offered any legal defence, he was required to take the oath of ſupremacy, the refuſal of which was reckoned ſufficient guilt. They, in the manner of the Spaniſh inquiſition, and the privy council, in their wonted manner, proceeded to ruin every ſeri⯑ous oppoſer. Such non-conform miniſters, as yet remained in their charges by the favour of ſome of the nobility, or the like, were driven from them, and ſoldiers were appointed to force people, who abſent⯑ed from the ſermons of their intruded curates, to pay twenty-pence for every time they ſhould be abſent. Beſides ſeveral proclamations for enforcing or exe⯑cuting the above mentioned acts of Parliament againſt non-conformiſts and preachers, or attenders upon religious meetings not allowed by law, they emitted one againſt Brown's apologetical relation of the ſuffer⯑ings of the faithful miniſters and profeſſors of that pe⯑riod, and ordered it to be burnt in the ſtreet of E⯑dinburgh by the hangman; and all that had copies of it to deliver them up to their ſherriffs, or be liable to a fine of 2000 pounds Scots: and Mr. James Guthrie's widow and daughter were proſecuted for having it.

In 1666, the remains of the fines impoſed by the Parliament of 1662, for ſome trifling compliances with the Engliſh uſurpers, or the like, were exacted with rigour by the king's troops, who took free quarters till they got them: no excuſe was accepted, unleſs by taking the oath of ſupremacy, and ſub⯑ſcribing the declaration; and ſuch as could neither pay their fines, nor entertain the troops, were drag⯑ged to priſon. Sir James Turner and his ſoldiers were empowered to ſine the weſt country people for [267] non-attendance on the miniſtrations of their profligate curates,—and even to ſine gentlemen, if their ladies or ſervants did not attend; and to quarter on te⯑nants, if their landlords withdrew. No widowhood or poverty excuſed from the fines. The ſoldiers ſnatched the meat from the mouths of innocent chil⯑dren, and gave it to their dogs; and when they had conſumed all the proviſion, they ſold or burnt the furniture. In this manner, Turner and his troops levied almoſt 60,000 pounds Scots, from the two ſhires of Galloway and Dumfries for their non-con⯑formity.——Being obliged to give up the infamous High Commiſſion, two regiments of foot, and ſix troops of horſe were raiſed, under General Dalziel, a profligate ſavage, educated in the military ſervice of Ruſſia, in order to force the non-conformiſts to hear the curates. The council emitted a proclama⯑tion, requiring maſters to anſwer for the conformity of their ſervants, and heritors for that of their te⯑nants, and give bond accordingly, under pain of horning.

Sir James Turner, though it is ſaid, he ſcarcely acted up to his orders, had almoſt wholly ruined the ſouth weſt of Scotland, and obliged multitudes to leave their houſes, and wander among moſſes and mountains. Four countrymen in Galloway, being informed that his mercileſs ſoldiers had apprehended a poor old man, and were going to roaſt him naked upon a red hot gridiron, went, and begged them to let him alone: but, inſtead of hearkening to this hu⯑mane deſire, the ſoldiers fell upon the men, who, getting the better of them, diſarmed them, and re⯑lieved their friend;—and fearing, that the other ſol⯑diers in the pariſh would fall upon them, they, and ſeven or eight more, ſurprized the party, which all laid down their arms, except one that was killed. The countrymen about, apprehending, that Turner would cruelly reſent what had been done, upon them, without loſs of time, went to Dumfries and ſurprized him, and diſarmed his troops without hurting any [268] of them but one that was wounded;—and then, at the croſs, publicly drank the king's health, and proſ⯑perity to his government. Informed hereof, the council publiſhed a proclamation, which could not reach thoſe concerned till it was too late, requiring them to lay down their arms, and ſurrender them⯑ſelves to his majeſty's lieutenant general, or ſome o⯑ther officers, within 24 hours, and prohibiting all perſons to aſſiſt, harbour, or keep any correſpon⯑dence with theſe rebels,—but containing no promiſe of indemnity in caſe of ſurrender. After ſome deli⯑beration, that perſecuted handful formed themſelves into a ſmall army, and reſolved to march towards E⯑dinburgh, in order to give their perſecuted friends an opportunity to join them; and at Lanerk, being a⯑bout 1500, they renewed their ſolemn covenant with God; and about the ſame time drew up a Manifeſto no wiſe diſowning his majeſty's authority, but bear⯑ing, that they had taken arms to defend themſelves and their perſecuted brethren, in their adherence to their covenants, into which the king himſelf had ſo⯑lemnly entered, and to protect themſelves and friends from ſuch cruelty and violence, as they had for ſome time paſt ſuffered. As Dalziel, with Charles' troops, marched up towards them, they marched eaſtward by Bathgate till they came to Collington, about three miles from Edinburgh. Greatly diminiſhed by their fatigue, in marching ſo far, in one of the laſt nights of November, and diſappointed of their expected aſ⯑ſiſtance from the Lothians, they, about 900, march⯑ed by the eaſt end of Pentland hills, where, while they were quite diſpirited and fatigued, and expect⯑ing a peaceful negotiation, Dalziel, contrary to his promiſe of a ceſſation of arms, fell upon them, and killed 50 of them, and took as many priſoners. But the country people in the neighbourhood killed and took priſoners not a few more. Notwithſtanding Charles himſelf was ſo aſhamed of the illegal cruel⯑ties proved againſt Sir James Turner, that he diſ⯑miſſed him from his ſervice, yet the privy council, to [269] whom, juſt before their ſkirmiſh at Pentland, the poor people had begged leave to repreſent their grie⯑vances for two or three years, perſecuted, murdered, impriſoned, forfeited, or baniſhed them that had ta⯑ken arms, or that gave them any harbour or lodging. And ſuch as got an indemnity, had it, at the expence of wounding their conſcience, by ſubſcribing what they called the Bond of peace, in which they engaged for themſelves and theſe under them, to live peace⯑ably; that is, to bear no teſtimony againſt the abo⯑minations eſtabliſhed by law.

As the nobles were wearied of perſecuting miniſters and people merely for not hearing of curates, many of them ſhamefully ignorant or profligate; and as it was expected, that it would divide and weaken the Preſbyterian party, Charles, moved by Tweedale, by a letter in 1669, granted an INDULGENCE to them, under certain conditions, which, through the oppo⯑ſition of the biſhops and their clergy, had no ſmall difficulty to obtain the approbation of the council. In conſequence of this, about forty-three Preſbyte⯑rian miniſters were indulged either in their own pa⯑riſhes when vacant, or in ſome other pariſh, as the council judged meet. Another indulgence was gran⯑ted to about eighty in 1672, to keep matters quiet, while Lewis of France and Charles his penſionary laboured to deſtroy the Dutch nation, which kindly ſheltered their perſecuted Proteſtant brethren. Some few of the perſons, to whom theſe indulgences were offered, refuſed to accept them. Some of them that did accept, teſtified againſt the conditions, or betook themſelves to filly ſhifts to quiet their conſcience, and cover their ſhame; while a conſiderable number boldly pled for their own compliance, and raged at the field preachers, who teſtified againſt it. It was pled in favours of it, That magiſtrates, for ends known to themſelves, may prohibit miniſters to preach for a time, and afterward permit them to preach; that though magiſtrates have not power to ſilence miniſters altogether, yet they have power to [270] prohibit the public exerciſe of their miniſtry, and a⯑gain, when they think fit, to grant that liberty unto them; that the 2d Book of diſcipline allows magiſ⯑trates to place miniſters, when the kirk is corrupted, and all things are out of order; that K. Hezekiah and Joſiah reformed the Levites, purged the temple, and appointed the courſes of the prieſts and Levites; that ſeveral of the indulged were ſent to their own charges; that if the indulgence be rejected, becauſe it proceeds from the king's ſupremacy, then he might baniſh all preaching out of his dominions, by com⯑manding to preach by virtue of his ſupremacy; that the preaching of the goſpel is ſo important and neceſ⯑ſary, that many things may be comported with, in order to obtain it; that the mere making uſe of his majeſty's preſent favour, doth not homologate the ex⯑orbitancies, under which we have groaned; that the rulers did not aſſign the indulged miniſters to parti⯑cular charges by expreſs deputation, but only by per⯑mitting and allowing them to exerciſe their miniſtry there; that, after the ruin of our liberties, we may accept a relaxation, which is ſinful on the granter's part; that, though the magiſtrate's principal deſign in theſe indulgences be to eſtabliſh his own ſuprema⯑cy over the church, yet the accepting of them can⯑not imply an approbation of that deſign; that, as the magiſtrate propoſeth this indulgence by com⯑mand, obedience to the command cannot imply an engagement to the preſcriptions annexed; that, not⯑withſtanding his carrying his ſupremacy to the high⯑eſt, the king hath not aſſumed the power of church order or diſpenſation of word and ſacraments; that the indulged miniſters plainly owned, that the ordi⯑nation of Chriſt is the only proper foundation, upon which the exerciſe of their miniſtry, by the permiſſi⯑on of this licence, doth ſubſiſt, and the magiſtrate's allowance is but merely the removal of his former un⯑juſt reſtraints; that acceptance of the indulgence imported no ſubjection of the miniſtry to the arbitra⯑ry [271] will of men, but rather an acknowledgment that our perſons are in ſubjection to them.

On the other hand it was pled, that the procla⯑mation for the indulgence plainly flowed from the king's ſupremacy over the church, and maintains his council's power to depoſe miniſters from, and reſtore them to the exerciſe of their miniſtry, as they find proper; and that it was granted to ſome miniſters to prevent others from preaching to any, but their own families: and that it was clogged with ſeveral ſinful conditions, as, That they behoved to utter no⯑thing againſt Prelacy, or the king's ſupremacy; that, unleſs they attend the biſhops Synods and Preſbyte⯑ries, they muſt confine themſelves to the pariſhes in which they preach; that they ſhould admit none to ſealing ordinances, or to marriage, who belonged to any other eſtabliſhed, or indulged miniſter, without his allowance; that they give no countenance to peo⯑ple of other congregations coming to hear them; that they all adminiſter the Lord's ſupper on the ſame day; that they preach only in their own chur⯑ches, under pain of being held keepers of conventi⯑cles; that all matters of diſcipline, which formerly belonged to Preſbyteries, muſt ſtill belong to the bi⯑ſhops, Preſbytery of the bounds, or next to it:—that therefore (1.) The acceptance of the indulgence reflect⯑ed diſhonour upon Jeſus Chriſt, the only king and head of his church, as it practically declared, that the accepters did not hold their miniſtry wholly and only of Jeſus Chriſt; that they hold the exerciſe of it from the magiſtrate, either ſolely or in conjuncti⯑on with Chriſt; that thus they receive the office or exerciſe of their miniſtry from men, who, in this deed, neither do, nor can act in a ſubordination to Chriſt, as the head and fountain of all church pow⯑er; that thus they acknowledge all the rules and di⯑rections preſcribed by them for ordering of the exer⯑ciſe of the miniſtry, to be inſufficient; and that not Chriſt alone, but magiſtrates, have power to pre⯑ſcribe the qualifications neceſſary for the exerciſe of [272] the miniſtry; that not Chriſt alone, but magiſtrates alſo, have power to preſcribe, how he will have ſuch an officer ſet over ſuch a particular flock; and that hereby they concur with limitations in, and about the diſpenſation of Chriſt's ſpiritual ordinances, not preſcribed by himſelf, nor by any miniſterial power ſubordinated to him, but in oppoſition to him, both in matter and manner. (2.) It is contrary to Preſby⯑terian principles; ſuch as, that it belongeth to the church, and to church officers, to try and examine qualifications of ſuch as are to exerciſe the miniſteri⯑al office, and, by explaining and applying Chriſt's rules, to declare who are fit and qualified for it; that it belongs to the church, or church judicatories, to convey miniſterial office and power to perſons qualified, and to grant them a poteſtative miſſion, authorizing them to exerciſe their miniſterial functi⯑on; and to plant and tranſplant miniſters to particu⯑lar charges, or looſe their relation to them, as the good of the church requireth; that it belongs to church judicatories to give injunctions concerning the exerciſe of the miniſtry and diſpenſation of the ordinances of Chriſt; that the power of cenſuring, ſuſpending, or depoſing miniſters, belongs to the church, not to a king or his council. (3.) It ſup⯑ports and confirms the king's Eraſtian ſupremacy. The acceptance of it, made the ſubſequent act, of almoſt unlimited hardſhip over the church, neceſſa⯑ry to warrant the granting of it; and that act of ſu⯑premacy alone makes the king's indulgence a legal deed, and ſecures the indulged from being held ſedi⯑tious perſons in the eye of the law. All the particu⯑lars included in the two preceding arguments, belong to the king's claimed headſhip over the church. The matter of the indulgence is the very matter of the ſupremacy allotted him to ſettle, enact, and emit conſtitutions, acts, and orders concerning matters, meetings, and perſons eccleſiaſtical, according to his royal pleaſure. The acceptance of a benefit flowing from an uſurped power, manifeſtly homologates that [273] uſurped power. (4.) It wrongs the people concern⯑ed in them, in practically giving up their former re⯑lation to their flock, and taking a new charge with⯑out any call from the people. (5.) While it plainly confirms and adopts the Eraſtian principle of the de⯑pendence of the miniſtry upon the magiſtracy, and the neceſſary ſupport of it on the magiſtrate's will, it tends to the remarkable hurt of the church. Ma⯑giſtrates thruſting out faithful miniſters, and putting in whom they pleaſed in their room, did, under the Arian emperors, and even under king James, much hurt to the church. According to this method, magiſtrates may quickly deprive us of faithful, or e⯑ven Proteſtant miniſters, and plant naughty, errone⯑ous, or Popiſh prieſts in their ſtead: nay, by the In⯑dulgence, the moſt part of non-conform miniſters are ſhut up in one corner by twos or threes, in a pa⯑riſh, while the reſt of the land is given up to the will of Prelatiſts, Papiſts, or Quakers. It is intended to reſtrain theſe field meetings at which multitudes of ſouls have already found ſo much ſpiritual benefit. It tends to introduce the ſubjection of all miniſters to the council in eccleſiaſtical affairs. It encourageth others to enter into the miniſtry upon baſe conditions. It abandons the diſcipline of the church to the bi⯑ſhops and their curates. It gives up with an ordina⯑tion of a faithful ſucceſſion of faithful miniſters to the church. (6.) It gives up with all our own and our fathers ſufferings for our oppoſition to Patronage or Eraſtian encroachments of king or council on the power of Chriſt and his church, and for the ſole headſhip of Chriſt, or for Preſbyterian government. (7.) It ſtrengthens the hands of Prelatiſts, as hereby miniſters impriſon themſelves in congregations, under their influence. It tempts them to ſeek collation from biſhops. It withdraws them from helping their faithful ſuffering brethren, and leaves the curates in quiet poſſeſſion of the moſt of the nation, and ſecures it to them in all time coming. It encourageth a kind correſpendence with curates, and diminiſheth zeal [274] againſt them. It juſtifies them in accepting Prela [...] from the ſame fountain of the king's ſupremac [...] The conditions, under which the Indulgence is a [...] ⯑cepted, mightily ſtrengthens their hands. (8.) It [...] contrary to our covenants, in ſo far as they bind [...] the doctrine of Chriſt's being the only head of t [...] church, and to maintain Preſbyterian governmen [...] and the liberties and privileges of the church of Sco [...] ⯑land,—and abjure Prelacy and Eraſtianiſm. (9▪ [...] The accepters of this Indulgence condemn them⯑ſelves, in ſo far as they had, or have any regard [...] field or houſe meetings for religious worſhip; [...] have, or do condemn the king's eccleſiaſtical ſupr [...] ⯑macy, or the entry of curates by the biſhops; [...] have refuſed to continue with their pariſhes o [...] the footing of a now appointed preſentation; [...] have refuſed to join with biſhops and their curates i [...] Preſbyteries and Synods, according to biſhop Leigi⯑ton's propoſals of accommodation; or have, or [...] ſcruple at the biſhops collation of their office upo [...] them. (10.) It is prejudicial to field meetings, whic [...] have been remarkably bleſſed by God to the edific [...] ⯑tion of multitudes. The king's letter repreſents it [...] contrived and granted in order to ſuppreſs them utterl [...] It draws off the accepters from preaching in the field [...] and, if all named by the council, had accepted, few ha [...] been left to carry on that neceſſary work, to whic [...] God ſeems to be loudly calling. The acceptance o [...] it by ſo many, encourageth the rulers in proſecutin [...] their deſigns againſt theſe meetings, by the mo [...] cruel and bloody acts. It withdraws the people fro [...] theſe meetings, and ſo rents them aſunder. It ma⯑terially condemns theſe meetings as unlawful and ſed [...] ⯑tious, and expoſeth ſuch as ſcruple to hear the in⯑dulged, to the fury of their adverſaries. (11.) Th [...] acceptance of that indulgence is exceedingly offen⯑ſive. It grieves and diſcourageth ſuch miniſters an [...] people as ſcrupled at, or thought it unlawful. It vio⯑lated the accepters ſacred bonds of unity; and, b [...] withdrawing from the brethren, particularly ſuch a [...] [275] [...]reached or heard at field meetings, they weakened [...]heir hands. It encouraged the Prelates and rulers [...]o proceed with an high hand, in their apoſtacy and [...]erſecution. It will tempt poſterity to ſubmit to magiſtrates' impoſition of miniſters, in what manner, [...]nd under what reſtrictions they pleaſe. It will [...]rieve and ſtumble our Proteſtant brethren abroad, [...]o underſtand, that after all the faithful contendings [...]f Scotch miniſters, from the Reformation till now, [...]o many, after a ſhort ſtruggle, have ſo fearfully com⯑ [...]lied upon a ſmall temptation.

No wonder then, that Meſſrs. John Burnet, Do⯑ [...]ald Cargil, and eight or ten others refuſed to accept his indulgence. Being unable to attend the council, Mr. Burnet ſent his reaſons of refuſal to the chan⯑ [...]ellor, bearing, That as Chriſt alone was the ſole [...]ead of the church, all miniſterial office, and power [...]f exerciſing it, flowed from him; whereas the in⯑ [...]ulgence flowed from that abſolute ſupremacy, which [...]is majeſty claimed, and had been affirmed to him, [...]y Parliament, as an inherent right of the crown;— [...]hat he could not ſo much as interpretatively con⯑ [...]emn field meetings, which had been alway peacea⯑ [...]ly attended, and been remarkably bleſſed by God; —that he reckoned there was ſtill a paſtoral relation [...]tanding between him and his former flock, of which [...]ot 50, out of 1200 examinable perſons, had ever [...]et ſubmitted to the curate placed among them,— [...]o no relation could be fixed between him and ano⯑ [...]her congregation, by an act of a mere civil judica⯑ [...]ory;—that his confinement did not merely confine his perſon, but even his office, and the goſpel it⯑ [...]elf; and ſo hindered him from the duty he was cal⯑ [...]ed to for the good of the church, which was now [...]n hazard to be ſwallowed up by Jeſuits, Quakers, and while three parts of the kingdom were groaning under the want of the faithful preaching of [...]he goſpel, a few ſhires in the weſt were made the common jail of all the miniſters permitted to preach; that he looked on a permiſſion to preach without a⯑ny [276] call from the people, authority or aſſiſtance of a Preſbytery, and without the exerciſe of church diſ⯑cipline and government, as very lame, and the re⯑ſtrictions annexed to it, as an heavy yoke.—The other refuſers of the indulgence drew up a paper of much the ſame import; and in which they begged the council to believe, That their non-compliance flowed from real tenderneſs of conſcience; and that by their influence and dealing with his majeſty, they might have an unreſtrained liberty to preach to their flocks, or others, as providence called them, in a peaceable manner, for the edification of the body of Chriſt.

Several of the compilers with the indulgence, for⯑med a paper of grievances to be given in to the coun⯑cil, when they received it, as a teſtimony againſt the evils implied in the grant of it, bearing, That how⯑ever thankfully they received his majeſty's permiſſion to exerciſe their miniſtry, yet they diſliked that E⯑raſtianiſm, which appeared in the grant of it; that, though they diſallowed all tumultuary and ſeditious meetings of ſubjects, yet they could not condemn the field meetings for preaching and hearing the goſpel, as ſuch, and were grieved that the grant of their in⯑dulgence did ſo;—that the indulgence breaks the re⯑lation between miniſters and their former flocks, and deprives the people, to whom they are appointed, of any free call; that it ſhuts them up ſometimes, by twos or threes, in a pariſh, where one might ſerve, and impoſ⯑ed on them flocks belonging to faithful brethren; that it confined them as evil doers, without any trial or con⯑viction of guilt, and hindered them from meeting in judicatories or even mutual converſe, and reſtrained the faithful preaching of the goſpel from a great part of the nation; and expoſed ſuch as did not comply, to far greater ſufferings than formerly; that it intirely cut off from the people all hope of having their faith⯑ful paſtors reſtored to them; and that all the reſtric⯑tions were plai [...]ly formed in favours of the Prelatic [277] [...]arty, and to the diſadvantage of Preſbyterian mini⯑ [...]ters and people, implied a ſubjection to Eraſtianiſm, [...]nd ſome of them thruſt the accepters into a direct [...]nd formal ſubjection to Prelacy.—After they had a ſeveral meetings, conſidered this paper, they dropt [...]t altogether for want of harmony, with reſpect to [...]t.—They agreed, that when they appeared before [...]he council, to receive their licence, and inſtructi⯑ons, Mr. George Hutchiſon ſhould, by a ſpeech, in [...]heir name, give ſome teſtimony againſt the Eraſ⯑ [...]ianiſm and ſinful reſtrictions connected therewith. But by neglecting to ſpeak at the beginning, and by [...]elivering himſelf in an obſcure equivocal manner, [...]t was to lirtle or no purpoſe. Meanwhile, Mr. A⯑ [...]exander Blair honeſtly told the council, That as he [...]ooked upon himſelf as an ambaſſador of Chriſt, he [...]ould not receive inſtructions from them, for regu⯑ [...]ating him in the exerciſe of his miniſtry, and let fall [...]heir inſtructions: on account of which the council [...]rdered him to priſon.

While the outed miniſters were ſadly divided a⯑ [...]out the indulgence, great pains were taken to decoy [...]hem and the people into, at leaſt, a partial ſubmiſ⯑ [...]ion to Prelacy. Dr. Burnet, afterwards biſhop of [...]aliſbury, and other popular preachers were ſent to [...]he weſt country, to preach in the ſeveral kirks, in [...]opes, that this would bring the people to a liking [...]f Epiſcopal preachers. But few heard them, ex⯑ [...]ept ſome of the younger ſort, out of curioſity. Bur⯑ [...]et ſays, that he, and his brethren, were amazed to [...]ee poor common people, even cottagers and ſer⯑ [...]ants, ſo capable to argue upon church government, [...]nd the power of princes in matters of religion. This failing, Leighton of Dumblain, now admini⯑ [...]trator of the archbiſhoprick of Glaſgow, propoſed [...]n accommodation to the Preſbyterian miniſters, al⯑ [...]owing them to retain their own principles, and to [...]roteſt againſt what they thought wrong in Prelacy, [...]nd then, like their fathers before 1638, to concur [...]n Preſbyteries, which had conſtant moderators. [278] The Preſbyterian miniſters indulged, and not in⯑dulged, after ſeveral conferences, declined compli⯑ance, and the more readily, as Leighton, with all his high pretences to religious peace and piety, would not, or could not, aſſure them, that the biſhop [...] who moderated, ſhould not have a negative over the Synod's deciſions.

But force was the principal mean uſed for cauſing both miniſters and people to ſubmit to what the cour [...] pleaſed. As Charles' firſt indulgence of the Preſby⯑terian miniſters at his own hand, by his council, had exceeded the limits of the ſupremacy, which had been formerly allowed him by the Parliament, and was contrary to the laws eſtabliſhing Prelacy, th [...] biſhops complained of it, as an illegal trampling on their power.—The Parliament 1669 therefore aſſer⯑ted him and his ſucceſſors to have an unlimited ſupre⯑macy over the church, as an inherent right of th [...] crown, by which they might order and diſpoſe o [...] the external government of the church, and ſettle enact, and emit ſuch conſtitutions, acts, and orders▪ concerning it, and the perſons employed in it, and all eccleſiaſtical meetings, and matters to be propoſed and determined in them, as they pleaſed; and re⯑ſcinded all laws, acts, and clauſes thereof, and al [...] cuſtoms and conſtitutions, civil and eccleſiaſtical which are contrary to, and inconſiſtent with his ma⯑jeſty's ſupremacy as now aſſerted. This Parliamen [...] alſo ratified ſome acts of the privy council, requirin [...] all the inhabitants of the ſouth weſt of Scotland, un⯑der ſevere penalties, to deliver up their arms; an [...] that if pariſhioners permitted any hurt to be done t [...] the violent perſecuting curates, they ſhould be re⯑puted as having art and part of the crime, and b [...] liable for all damages;—and forfeiting the eſtates o [...] ſuch as had been concerned in the late riſing of Pent [...] land hills.—Soon after, the council in 1670, t [...] pleaſe the biſhops and their curates, prohibited th [...] indulged miniſters to lecture or expound a portio [...] of ſcripture before the forenoon ſermon, under pai [...] [279] of being forbidden, the exerciſe of their miniſtry, within this kingdom.—The ſoldiers were appointed to apprehend the miniſters, heritors and tenants, that preſumed to attend the field meetings for preaching of the goſpel, and to cauſe them appear before the council, along with a liſt of witneſſes againſt them.

Mr. John Menzies miniſter of Carlaverock, near Dumfries, ſhocked with the ſeverities uſed againſt Preſbyterians, while Papiſts, who abounded and pro⯑moted their idolatry and ſuperſtition with great zeal, remained unmoleſted, preſented a ſolemn teſtimony againſt Prelacy to his Preſbytery, and Meſſrs. Alex⯑ander and John Carmichaels, Thomas Forreſter, and others, afterward deſerted the Prelates. But none of theſe things moved the perſecutors to moderation.

The Parliament, 1670, enacted, That whoſoever refuſed to be witneſſes, even againſt their neareſt relations, with reſpect to breaches of the public laws of the kingdom, and particularly their attendance at field preachings, ſhould be fined, impriſoned, or ba⯑niſhed;—that if any outed miniſter not licenſed by the council, or tolerated by the biſhop, preſume to preach, expound the ſcripture, or pray in any meet⯑ing, but in his own houſe, and where only his own family are preſent, he ſhall be impriſoned, till he find bail not to keep another conventicle, under the penalty of 5000 marks, or elſe conſent to leave the kingdom, never to return without his majeſty's li⯑cence; and that theſe preſent at houſe conventicles be fined,—heritors in a fourth part of their yearly rent, tenants in twenty-five pounds, and cottars in twelve pounds Scots,—and that every miniſter or preacher at field meetings, be puniſhed by death and confiſcation of goods, and theſe preſent be fined in double of the above for houſe meetings; and that every apprehender of a field preacher ſhould have five hundred marks of reward; and the ſherriffs, ſtewards, and lords of regalities, all the fines below theſe of heritors for themſelves;—that every perſon, who procured baptiſm for his child by any unlicen⯑ſed [280] or unauthorized miniſter, and not in a regular manner, ſhall be fined, heritors in a fourth part of their yearly rent; every perſon above a tenant in a hundred pounds Scots; every inferior merchant, tenant, or conſiderable tradeſman, in fifty pounds; every meaner burgeſs, tradeſman, or cottar, in twen⯑ty pounds, and every ſervant in half a years fee; and ſherriffs, ſtewards, and lords of regalities, to have all fines below theſe of heritors, as their encourage⯑ment to diligence in their execution of this act;— that all ſubjects of the reformed religion, who do not frequent the ordinary meetings, for divine worſhip in their own pariſh churches, for every offence, be fined, heritors in an eighth part of their yearly rent; every perſon above the degree of a tenant, in twelve pounds Scots; every tenant or conſiderable tradeſman and inferior merchant, in ſix pounds; and all below that ſtation, in two pounds Scots.—As an addition to theſe perſecuting acts, the Parliament 1672, enac⯑ted, That none ſhould be officers of the militia, but Epiſcopalians; and both officers and ſoldiers take the oath of allegiance and declaration, under pain of impriſonment and baniſhment; that none but thoſe authorized by law, ſhould ordain any to the miniſtry; and all ordinations by Preſbyterian miniſters ſince 1661, be held void and null; that all that had not a certificate from their pariſh miniſter, that their children were baptized within thirty days of their birth, ſhould be fined, heritors in a fourth part of their yearly rent; merchants in a hundred pounds Scots; and that all that did not obſerve the an⯑niverſary of the 29th of May; ſhould be fined, or otherwiſe puniſhed.

Dreadful were the ſeverities carried on againſt the non-conformiſts. While the indulged miniſters were diſliked by many of the people, for their want of due faithfulneſs, they were not a little harraſſed by the council for their lecturing,—baptizing of chil⯑dren not belonging to their pariſhes,—giving ſome teſtimony againſt the apoſtacy of the times, and for [281] not obſerving of the anniverſary thankſgiving on the 29th of May, or the like. The refuſers of the in⯑dulgence, and all that preached at, or attended field meetings were ſtill more cruelly perſecuted by fines, impriſonment, or baniſhment. Many were the ex⯑orbitant fines impoſed upon gentlemen, and others, in the ſhires of Dumbarton, Lanerk, Air, Galloway, Dumfries, and Renfrew, for mere non-conformity to Prelacy, and non-attendance on the miniſtrations of ignorant and proſligate curates. Theſe of eleven gentlemen in the ſhire of Renfrew, amounted to near 31,000 pounds ſterling.—Finding, that notwith⯑ſtanding, the field meetings more and more increaſ⯑ed, the council in June 1674, emitted two proclama⯑tions, the firſt of which requires heritors to become bound for their tenants, and tenants for their fami⯑lies, cottars, and ſervants, that they ſhould not, under the pain of twenty-five pounds Scots for each tenant,—twelve pounds for each cottar,—and a fourth part of their year's fee for each ſervant, and the half for each wife or child, be preſent at any houſe con⯑venticle, nor at any field conventicle, under the pe⯑nalty of the double. If tenants refuſed to give bond to their heritors, their whole property was to be forfeited for them, and no new leaſes were to be granted without ſuch engagement. And all magi⯑ſtrates had an unlimited power to require every per⯑ſon whom they ſuſpected, to give ſecurity for their good behaviour in this matter. The other imported, That all thoſe that ſhould apprehend convocators to, or attenders on conventicles, ſhould be rewarded with their fines or forfeited property; and whoever ſhould apprehend any miniſter at conventicles, ſhould have 1000 merks, and 2000 for Meſſrs. Welſh, Sem⯑ple, and Arnot.—They fined eleven gentlemen in Fife, in about 7000 pounds Scots for attending conven⯑ticles, and becauſe one of them had harboured Mr. Welſh; and denounced forty or fifty more, and ſoon after fifty more who compeared not, rebels.— The field meetings ſtill increaſing, and being atten⯑ded [282] with remarkable countenance from God, ſeve⯑ral conform miniſters attended them, and joined the ſufferers. The council finding, that they could not get all the attendants proſecuted, not a few of which were ladies and their children, they raiſed new re⯑giments of ſoldiers, and ſtationed them in a conſi⯑derable number of garriſons in theſe places where conventicles were moſt commonly held, in order that they might deter from them or ruſh forth upon the people, while they were met for public worſhip; and the country about was required to furniſh them with all things neceſſary. In conſequence hereof, ſome of the ſufferers began to take arms with them to their meetings, in order to defend themſelves, if attacked. They alſo iſſued forth letters of intercom⯑muning againſt about ninety or an hundred miniſters, gentlemen, ladies, and others for preaching, or hear⯑ing at conventicles, or not appearing when ſummon⯑ed, to renounce their principles, or fall a ſacrifice to their perſecutors rage. Theſe letters cut them off from all ſociety in the kingdom of Scotland; and it was declared, that whoſoever ſhould receive, har⯑bour, or converſe with them by word or writ, or ſupply them with meat, drink, clothes, or any o⯑ther neceſſaries of life, ſhould be proſecuted with rigour as guilty with them of the ſame crimes; and all ſherriffs, &c. were ordered to apprehend them wherever they could be found. This year the fines levied by the earl of Hume in Berwick ſhire, amoun⯑ted to near 27,000 pounds Scots. Meanwhile, God remarkably countenanced ſome ſacramental occaſi⯑ons among the ſufferers, eſpecially one in Elgin ſhire, where the real Chriſtians were generally ſo filled with the conſolations of Chriſt, that they ſcarcely knew, whether they were in the body or not; and not a few were delightfully converted to the Lord.

The council had a little before enacted, that eve⯑ry proprietor, on whoſe ground a conventicle or field meeting for preaching the goſpel was held, ſhould [283] pay fifty pounds Scots of fine, and had rigorouſly pro⯑ſecuted, fined, or impriſoned ſuch miniſters or atten⯑dants on ſuch meetings, as they could find, and had pu⯑niſhed ſeveral of the indulged miniſters with the want of a year's ſtipend, and of it in all time coming, unleſs an order for payment were granted by the council,— they, at laſt, in 1677, projected the raiſing of 8000 ſavage highlanders to march into the ſouth weſt counties of Scotland, and there, by free quarters, plunder, murder, or whatever way they pleaſed, to force people to hear the curates, and oblige heritors to bind themſelves for their tenants, and tenants for their families and cottars behaving themſelves an⯑ſwerably to the laws. The highland hoſt and regu⯑lar forces, to the number of 10,000, with ſuch a train of artillery, as if they had intended to beſiege fortifi⯑ed cities, marched thither; but, notwithſtanding all their free quartering, plunder, and other oppreſſi⯑ons, the heritors, and ſeveral noblemen among them, refuſed to give bond for the conformity of their fa⯑milies or tenants; nor could the people be got pro⯑voked to take arms in their own defence, which would have given the managers an handle to murder them, or by forfeiture deprive them of every thing belonging to them. After ſome weeks, the mana⯑gers being aſhamed of their horrid cruelties, and ſhameleſs robberies, ordered the highlanders, all but 500, home. They carried along with them horſes and goods to the utmoſt of their power. To mention particular plunders▪ would be endleſs. From the three ſmall diſtricts of Kyle, Carrick, and Cunning⯑ham, they deſtroyed and carried off about the value of 140,000 pounds Scots. The council puſhed on the ſubſcription of the bond above mentioned, though generally without the ſucceſs they wiſhed, notwith⯑ſtanding they inſiſted, that ſuch as refuſed, ſhould give lawborrows, or ſecurity for their kind behaviour to his majeſty. The refuſers and ſundry noblemen among them were cruelly proſecuted. The bond and highland hoſt being ſound ineffectual to put a ſtop to [284] field meetings, or force people to hear the profligate and perſecuting curates, a Convention of Eſtates was called in 1678, which impoſed a ceſs of 360,000 pounds yearly, for the ſpace of five years, in order to maintain a ſtanding army for the ſuppreſſion of field conventicles. The payment of this ceſs, as the indulgence had done before, to the great joy of the biſhops, occaſioned warm contentions among the Preſbyterians. Some thinking it lawful to pay it, as a tax laid on by authority, even as Chriſt paid tri⯑bute to Ceſar, and adviſed others to do the ſame;— others thinking it unlawful, as an impoſition of ty⯑rants, and plainly intended to promote wicked ends. After the council had ordered ſixty-ſeven of the im⯑priſoned ſufferers to be tranſported to Virginia as a kind of ſlaves, and whom providence relieved at Lon⯑don; and had levied more troops, and formed a new military oath for ſecuring the ſoldiers full execution of the cruel work committed to them, and proſecuted many particular perſons, and puniſhed them by fines, impriſonment, or the like, a few of the ſufferers, who had formed a reſolution to kill one Carmichael, who had, for a conſiderable time, moſt furiouſly perſe⯑cuted the non-conformiſts in Fife, fining and impri⯑ſoning multitudes, and torturing ſervants to make them diſcover their maſters or their property, and beating wives and children to make them inform a⯑gainſt their huſbands and parents,—not to mention his rapes, adulteries, and like abominable wickedneſs. After they had in vain ſearched for him, where they were informed he was to hunt that day, and were juſt going to ſeparate, they were unexpectedly infor⯑med, that archbiſhop Sharp was at Ceres in his way home to St. Andrews. They thought that God had delivered into their hand this perjured deſtroyer of their church, arch-perſecutor, and murderer of mul⯑titudes of their brethren, and who ſought their own life; and ſo reckoning themſelves in an open ſtate of war with him, reſolved to take away his life, which they did, not without ſome difficulty, about [...] mile [285] ſouth weſt from St. Andrews. It is certain, he richly deſerved to die by the hands of public juſtice in the moſt ſhameful and miſerable form. But how far, in their circumſtantiated caſe, it was lawful and pru⯑dent for theſe perſons to take away his life, I leave to the judgment of God, whoſe providence preſerved all that had an active hand in it from the fury of their murderous perſecutors, notwithſtanding all they could do to apprehend them. It nevertheleſs gave the managers, who repreſented his death as a kind of martyrdom, an handle for proceeding in, or in⯑creaſing their cruelties, and for enſnaring many with that queſtion, Whether the killing of him was murder or not?

The council having emitted a proclamation prepared by Sharp, before his death, repreſen⯑ting field conventicles as tending to the ruin of the Chriſtian religion, the introduction of Popery and hereſy, the ſubverſion of monarchy, and the contempt of all laws and government; and appoint⯑ing all judges and officers of the army to proceed a⯑gainſt all that went to them with arms, as traitors, and to execute the laws againſt all other attendants on them,—The perſecuted, whoſe numbers daily in⯑creaſed, therefore found, that their ſafety was pro⯑moted by their attending in large multitudes. Puſh⯑ed by Robert Hamilton, brother to the laird of Preſ⯑ton, and the lady of Earlſtoun, a pious Chriſtian, but perhaps too raſh and headſtrong, a number of them agreed upon a ſolemn teſtimony againſt the a⯑poſtacy, wicked laws, and cruel perſecution of the managers; and he, and about 80 armed men, pub⯑liſhed it at the croſs of Rutherglen, on the anniver⯑ſary thankſgiving for Charles' reſtoration, May 29th, 1679, and burnt a copy of the wicked acts, againſt which they teſtified. This more and more provok⯑ed the fury of the managers. Graham of Claver⯑houſe, afterward viſcount of Dundee, a moſt cruel and bloody monſter, having an unlimited power to kill and deſtroy all that he found in arms, ſeized Mr. [286] King and about 14 others, who neither were in arms, nor had any thing laid to their charge; and driving them before him, bound two by two, attack⯑ed a field meeting near Drumclog the day after, be⯑ing Sabbath, but was defeated with the ſlaughter of 20, if not near 40, of his ſoldiers. Claverhouſe e⯑ſcaping to Glaſgow, alarmed the troops that were there. Hamilton and his friends, fluſhed with their ſucceſs, and perhaps too dilatory in their purſuit, en⯑tered into Glaſgow next day; but, after the loſs of ſix or eight, were, by the firing upon them from the houſes, obliged to retreat to Hamilton, where they formed a ſort of camp for their own defence.

The council, by proclamation, required all thoſe who had taken arms, to lay them down, and ſurren⯑der themſelves to ſome officer of the army or magiſ⯑trate, within the ſpace of 24 hours, but promiſed no indemnity;—and required all heritors and heads of families to permit none of their tenants, children, or ſervants to join them, under pain of being looked up⯑on as diſaffected perſons;—and farther required all the militia in the kingdom, to join and act with the regular forces, under ſevere penalties; and all heri⯑tors and freeholders to attend the king's hoſt. Find⯑ing, that thoſe who had appeared in arms, had no⯑thing to expect but tortures and death, their friends haſtened from all places around to defend them, if poſſible, in ſo much, that the king's troops, fearing an attack, retreated from Glaſgow to Edinburgh, and begged that aſſiſtance ſhould be ſent them from England. To render him odious to the non-confor⯑miſts both in England and Scotland, Charles his fa⯑ther, appointed the duke of Monmouth to command the army; and the council inſiſted, that the barba⯑rous Dalziel ſhould be his lieutenant. Meanwhile, the diviſions which took place among the ſufferers, who were once about 4000, but many of them poorly armed, relative to the making of the Indulgence a cauſe of faſting, and the owning of Charles' kingly authority, made many leave them, and diſpirited ſuch [287] as remained, that few of them behaved with any cou⯑rage, and ſo were eaſily routed at Bothwel-bridge, 400 being killed, moſtly in the purſuit, and 1200 ſurrendered priſoners, who were ſtripped almoſt na⯑ked, and obliged to ly flat on the ground for a conſi⯑derable time; and if any but raiſed himſelf a little, he was ſhot dead in an inſtant. Some of the officers propoſed to burn Glaſgow, Hamilton, and all the country about Bothwel-bridge. But Monmouth re⯑jected their motion with indignation.—His compaſſi⯑on to the ſufferers iſſued in his being quickly recalled, and Dalziel, who was as cruel as either managers or devils could have wiſhed him, made general of the forces in his ſtead.

Dreadful was the caſe of the priſoners at Edin⯑burgh. Many of them were tried and executed: others were ſhipped off for Virginia to be ſlaves, and after moſt barbarous uſage, were moſtly drowned in a ſtorm on the coaſt of Orkney, the Popiſh captain having obſtinately refuſed to open the hatches, to give them an opportunity to eſcape, as himſelf and the ſailors did. Struck with horror at the cruelty, a ſailor riſked his life, and, by cutting through the deck, got about 50 of them out alive, while ſome hundreds were thus wilfully drowned in the hold. Not only they who had been in arms, in the affair of Bothwel, but ſuch as had harboured or aſſiſted them with meat or drink, or who had not attended the king's hoſt, according to the proclamation, were cruelly proſecuted, and their eſtates or property for⯑feited, and given to ſuch perſecutors as his majeſty and the council thought fit. Some that were thought leſs guilty, were releaſed upon ſigning a Bond, in which they acknowledged the riſing at Bothwel-bridge rebellion, and engaged never more to take up arms without, or againſt his majeſty, or his authori⯑ty, even in ſelf-defence; but they were to have no benefit of the indemnity, if ever they ſhould be found in arms at any field conventicle. Many chooſed ra⯑ther to continue priſoners, and hazard even life it⯑ſelf, [288] than ſubſcribe ſuch a bond. About the ſame time, indulged miniſters were required to ſubſcribe a bond, in which they engaged themſelves to live peaceably, (i. e. give no plain teſtimony againſt the managers apoſtacy and perſecution) and to preſent themſelves before the privy council, when called, and to have ſureties, who ſhould engage themſelves, their heirs, and ſucceſſors, for their ſo doing, under pain of paying 6000 marks Scots, if they did not preſent them to the council. Theſe bands, moſt of the miniſters thought lawful in their preſent circum⯑ſtances. But others, chiefly the author of the Ban⯑ders diſbanded, ſhews that it was ſinful, ſcandalous, and inconvenient to comply with them.

An indemnity was publiſhed, but with ſo many exceptions of miniſters and heritors, who were con⯑cerned in the rebellion, or any way contributed to it, or who did not come to aſſiſt the king's hoſt, and loaded with the condition of engaging never to bear arms againſt the king or his authority, nor to be pre⯑ſent at field conventicles, that it was almoſt good for nothing. Meanwhile, Claverhouſe, with his dra⯑goons, terribly oppreſſed the weſt country by free quarters, plunders, tortures, and murders. Cir⯑cuit courts were appointed rigorouſly to puniſh all ſuch as did not lay hold on the indemnity; and all, who had been concerned in the riſings of Pentland and Bothwel, and the murder of the archbiſhop, or had any way ſupplied or correſponded with them. The proprietors of the grounds, on which any of the murderers of the archbiſhop lived, who were parti⯑cularly deſcribed, were commanded to apprehend them, and preſent them to the Circuit: and if they fled, their wives, children, and ſervants, were to be driven from the place. A reward of 10,000 marks was offered to thoſe who ſhould bring in any of theſe murderers, dead or alive, particularly John Balfour of Kinloch, and David Hackſtoun of Rathillet, (who had refuſed to have any hand in the ſlaughter, leſt it ſhould be ſaid, Private injuries, done to him by [289] Sharp, had influenced him). Great numbers were condemned and executed, ſometimes merely becauſe they ſcrupled to acknowledge the ſlaughter of the archbiſhop to be murder, and the riſing at Bothwel rebellion, or would not take the bond preſcribed by the council.

Next year, 1680, Charles and his council agreed to appoint the ſoldiers to attack all thoſe that had been forfeited by the Parliament or criminal court, all miniſters and heritors who had been in the rebel⯑lion, or heritors, who had contributed any thing to it; all rebels, who had not taken the Bond, or had been at field conventicles ſince the 27th of July laſt; all thoſe who had injured the Epiſcopal clergy; all aſſaſſins, eſpecially the murderers of the archbiſhop; and appointed the manſion-houſes, caſtles, or towers ſtanding on the forfeited eſtates, to be uſed by the forces as garriſons, from which they might be ready to ſally forth upon the above and like perſons. A paper found upon Henry Hall, when he was appre⯑hended at Queensferry, and a declaration publiſhed at Sanquhar, in which all allegiance to K. Charles was renounced, and eſpecially the ſolemn excommu⯑nication, and deliverance to Satan, of K. Charles, dukes of York, Monmouth, Lauderdale, and Rothes, Sir George M'Kenzie, the king's advocate, and Ge⯑neral Dalziel, on account of their reſpective horrible crimes, by Mr. Donald Cargil, at the Torwood, not only terribly infuriated the perſecuting managers, but drew upon the ſtrict party loads of reproach from their indulged brethren. But it is certain, that, in all theſe caſes, what was done, was upon juſt cauſes. It is certain, the actors were in uncommon circum⯑ſtances, when both church and ſtate were really un⯑hinged by perſecution, apoſtacy, and tyranny. How far then private perſons, or one miniſter might law⯑fully, or even prudently, do what pertained to the eſtates of the nation, or a church judicatory, is not ſafe for us to judge, unleſs we were certain we had an equal meaſure of the directing Spirit of God. It is [290] certain, the nations of England and Scotland, abou [...] eight years after, practically approved the rejection of Charles' tyrannical authority; and that God, in his providence, appeared to approve that excommu⯑nication, in the miſerable ends of thoſe that were laid under it, as Cargil had foretold.

Meanwhile, multitudes of gentlemen were forfeit⯑ed in their abſence, for their ſuppoſed acceſſion to the riſing at Bothwel. The ſoldiers killed or took priſoners the outlaws wherever they could find them; and if a perſon was but obſerved with a Bible or other good book in his hand, he was in danger of his life. —At Air's-moſs in Kyle, Bruce, with about 120 dragoons, attacked about 40 ſufferers, and killed nine, among whom was Richard Cameron, a prea⯑cher, and his brother Michael, and took Hackſtoun of Rathillet, and others priſoners. After much tor⯑ture, Hackſtoun was condemned, hanged with un⯑common cruelty, and, before he was dead, his heart was taken out by the hangman, and held up on the point of a knife on all the ſides of the ſcaffold, and then burnt; and after that, his head fixed on the Netherbow, with Mr. Cameron's and others, and one quarter of his body fixed up at St. Andrews, a 2d at Burntiſland, a 3d at Leith, and a 4th at Glaſ⯑gow.——Before now, the managers had ſcarcely ſtuck at any thing falſe, unjuſt, baſe, or barbarous. Notwithſtanding their marking of it in their regiſter of council, Rothes, Lauderdale, and Halton his bro⯑ther, and archbiſhop Sharp, had perjuriouſly depon⯑ed againſt James Mitchel, that they had never given him a promiſe of his life, upon condition of his can⯑didly acknowledging that he diſcharged a piſtol at archbiſhop Sharp, ſeveral years before his death.— When they could not find witneſſes, they tortured people to force them to confeſs what they pleaſed. They falſely marked the acknowledgments they made. If they could find nothing elſe, they required them to take ſome of their unhallowed oaths, bonds, or de⯑clarations, that either compliance might wound their [291] conſcience, and divide them from their fellow ſuffe⯑rers, or their refuſal might be an handle for fining, impriſonment, baniſhment, forfeiture, confiſcation of goods, or the like. Their ſervants in the army acted up to their heart's content, in oppreſſing the people, till the whole of Scotland ſouthward of the river Tay was generally rendered abſolutely miſerable by plunder, oppreſſion, and bloodſhed, &c. But when the duke of York, a zealous Papiſt, little bet⯑ter than baniſhed from England, came into Scotland, in 1681, he rendered the perſecution hotter than ever. No leſs than twenty men and women were formally condemned and executed, of which Mr. Cargil was one, in this one year, for cleaving to Chriſt.

The Parliament ſitting down on the 28th of July, after a cold ratification of all former laws relative to religion, aſſerted, That the kings of this realm de⯑rive their royal power from God alone, and ſucceed lineally thereto, according to their known degrees of proximity of blood; and that none can attempt to alter or divert it, without involving the nation in perjury and rebellion, and expoſing them to all the fatal and dreadful conſequences of a civil war. They next offered a new ſupply to the king, in order to ſupport his army in bearing down field conventicles, and doubled the fines for attending them: and bur⯑geſſes, beſides their former fines, were to loſe their burgeſsſhip, and be baniſhed from the town. This Parliament alſo formed a TEST for all that ſhould be capable of any office in church or ſtate, or of electing or being elected members of Parliament, and from which none but the king's lawful ſons and brothers were exempted; in which they ſolemnly ſwore, That they owned and profeſſed the true Proteſtant religi⯑on contained in the old Scotch Confeſſion of faith, and believed it to be founded on the written word of God, and that they ſhould adhere to it all the days of their life, and educate their children in it, and never conſent to any alteration contrary to it;—and [292] renounced all Popiſh and fanatical principles contra⯑ry to, or inconſiſtent with ſaid Proteſtant religion and Confeſſion of faith;—and ſwore and affirmed, That Charles II. is the ONLY ſupreme governor of this realm, and in all cauſes eccleſiaſtical as well as ci⯑vil;—and promiſed to aſſiſt and defend all rights, juriſdictions, prerogatives, privileges, preheminen⯑ces, and authorities belonging to him, his heirs and lawful ſucceſſors;—and further affirmed and ſwore, that they judged it unlawful for ſubjects, upon any pretence whatſoever, to enter into covenants or leagues, or to convocate or aſſemble in any meeting, to conſult or determine in any matter of ſtate, civil or eccleſiaſtical, without his majeſty's command, or ex⯑preſs licence,—or to take up arms againſt him, or any commiſſioned by him, and that they ſhould never ſo riſe in arms, or enter into ſuch covenants or aſſem⯑blies; and that there lieth no obligation upon them, from the national covenant, or ſolemn league, or any other manner of way whatſomever, to endeavour any alteration in the government either of church or ſtate, as it is now eſtabliſhed by the laws of this kingdom; and that they ſhall, to their utmoſt, de⯑fend, aſſiſt, and maintain his majeſty's juriſdiction foreſaid, againſt all deadly, and ſhall never decline his majeſty's power and juriſdiction, as they ſhall an⯑ſwer to God.

This oath was a medley of Popery, Prelacy, E⯑raſtianiſm, and ſelf contradiction. After ſwearing to the Proteſtant religion, the ſole headſhip of Chriſt over his church, and the duty of ſubjects to repreſs tyranny, and defend and ſave the lives of oppreſſed innocents from tyrants, the national covenant, that great bulwark againſt Popery, is renounced, the ut⯑moſt extent of the king's abſolute ſupremacy over both church and ſtate ſworn to, and the bringing in of a Popiſh ſucceſſor,—and all taking up arms in ſelf defence, againſt the king or his officers, or doing a⯑ny thing for rendering the government of either church or ſtate more perfect, is abjured. Many of [293] the curates themſelves exceedingly ſcrupled at it. But, by an act of council, which had no power to explain an oath impoſed by Parliament, eſpecially one which the taker ſwore that he took in the literal ſenſe of the words, declaring, That the oath did not bind to every particular article of the Confeſſion, but only in ſo far as it contained the doctrine, upon which the Proteſtant churches had ſettled the refor⯑mation,—and that the TEST did not cut off ſuch rights as the primitive church enjoyed for 300 years after Chriſt,—and aſſuring, that the king never in⯑tended to change the government of the church,— all of them, except about eighty, ſwallowed it, ra⯑ther than loſe their ſtipends, and expoſe themſelves to perſecution. The conform miniſters of Aberdeen, drew up ſeveral queries againſt it, importing, that they knew not how to ſwear, that the ſaid Confeſſion is the true ſtandard of the Proteſtant religion, which forbids reſiſtance of magiſtrates, only while they paſs not over the bounds of their office, and declares the bearing down of tyranny a good work, and yet abjure all reſiſtance of magiſtrates on whatever pre⯑tence; or, to ſwear that the king is the ONLY ſu⯑preme governor over all perſons, in all cauſes, when the ſaid confeſſion obliged them to believe, that Je⯑ſus Chriſt is the only Head of the church; or, how to believe the preſent eſtabliſhed government of the church, to be of divine and apoſtolical authority, and yet that the king had power to alter it at his plea⯑ſure; or to ſwear to it, if it was ſo indifferent, as that he might change it at his pleaſure; or, how to ſwear, to defend all the king's privileges, and prerogatives, before they had conſidered and found them all conſiſtent with the principles of religion; —or, how to abjure, as unlawful, all entering into covenants without the king's conſent, when it was certainly lawful to enter into a covenant with Chriſt, or with one another, for caſting off the yoke of heatheniſm or Popery, even contrary to the command of earthly ſovereigns;—or, to abjure [...]s unlawful, all meetings of ſubjects to conſult or de⯑termine [294] in any matter of ſtate, civil or eccleſiaſtical, as theſe comprehend all meetings for the worſhip of God or ordinary exerciſe of diſcipline; or, to ſwear, that they were under no obligations to endeavour a⯑ny alteration of the government in church or ſtate, unleſs they were certain, that the conſtitution was abſolutely perfect, and ſuited to every circumſtanti⯑ated caſe, contrary to ſaid Confeſſion of faith.—This oppoſition of the curates, expoſed them to no ſmall trouble and harraſſment, and about twenty of them were obliged to quit their charges.

The duke of Hamilton, the ducheſs of Rothes, whoſe huſband had lately died under great honor, amidſt the prayers of her Preſbyterian miniſters, Hopeton, and ſeveral other perſons of rank, alſo de⯑clined taking this TEST. The duke of Queenſbery was allowed to take it, with an explication. The earl of Argyle, being, through the hatred of the duke of York, required to take it again and again, a month before the time preſcribed by law, ventured to take it with this explication, as far as conſiſtent with itſelf, and with the Proteſtant religion and his loyalty to the king. For this he was immediately pro⯑ſecuted, as a depraver of the king's laws, and con⯑demned to death as a traitor. But he eſcaped from priſon, and fled to Holland,—while not a few others, who refuſed this Teſt, were turned out from their civil offices, and theſe filled with ſuch as York and his party thought ſufficiently diſpoſed to oppreſs and murder every true Proteſtant. The laird of Mel⯑drum, who had extorted about 100,000 pounds Scots from the ſhire of Teviotdale, and who had lately got his oppreſſive powers againſt the faithful noncon⯑formiſts enlarged, was appointed ſheriff depute in Eaſt Lothian. And while the council and juſticiary court, proceeded in their forfeiting, impriſoning baniſhing, or murdering work, Claverhouſe, Grier⯑ſon of Lagg, and other officers of the army, held military courts in the ſouth and weſt parts of the kingdom, to which they ſummoned all men and wo⯑men, above ſixteen years of age, and cauſed them [295] to ſwear, ſometimes under very odd and dreadful imprecations, whether they had ever been at field meetings, or countenanced any who frequented them? and what they knew of their neighbours or others in the pariſh?

The indulged miniſters having gone far in their ſin⯑ful compliances with defection, and thoſe, that were not indulged, forborn to preach in the fields, but only in houſes, becauſe of the fury of the managers againſt field meetings, the more zealous ſufferers had none, whom they could hear, without ſcruple, after the death of Cameron and Cargil, they therefore reſol⯑ved to unite themſelves more cloſely by a general meeting, once every three months, of correſpon⯑dents from their particular meetings, for prayer and ſpiritual conference. In theſe meetings, which con⯑tinued, from 1681, till after the Revolution, they agreed upon ſuch teſtimonies againſt defections, or ſupplications for reformation, as they judged proper; they concerted ſchemes for obtaining goſpel miniſters whom they could hear with freedom, and for hav⯑ing Mr. James Renwick and other ſtudents, taught and ordained in Holland, for their ſervice; they la⯑boured, by repreſentations, to vindicate themſelves to their friends in Holland, and other places, from the invidious reproaches caſt upon them by the per⯑ſecutors, and by the indulged, and other lukewarm Preſbyterian brethren. Nevertheleſs, it had per⯑haps been better, they had dealt leſs in ſome tickliſh debates. One of their firſt productions was their declaration publiſhed at Lanerk, January 12th, 1682, in which they, in an anſwerableneſs to the disjoin⯑ted and confuſed condition of both church and ſtate, profeſſed to caſt off the authority of Charles Stewart, becauſe, in his firſt Parliament, he had unhinged that excellent conſtitution of church and ſtate, which their anceſtors had formed and eſtabliſhed; he had exalted himſelf into an unlimited ſupremacy in all matters, civil and eccleſiaſtical; he had adjourned and diſſolved Parliaments at his pleaſure; he had [296] fearfully oppreſſed and perſecuted the godly for con⯑ſcience ſake; he had heavily taxed his ſubjects, and dilapidated the revenues of the crown, for keeping up a brothel, rather than a court; and had in the late Parliament ſecured the ſucceſſion of the crown to his Popiſh brother, formed the Teſt, &c.—And they burnt the TEST and act of ſucceſſion. This conduct, and eſpecially, as ſeveral expreſſions of the declaration were very incautious, more and more enraged the managers, and the council appointed this and the declarations of Rutherglen and San⯑quhar, along with the ſolemn league and covenant, to be publicly burnt by the hangman, at the croſs of Edinburgh, with great ſolemnity. The bailie, who delivered the covenant into the hand of the hangman for this purpoſe, ſoon after had all his houſes in the Parliament cloſe, which were reckoned the moſt ſtately in Europe, burnt to aſhes, by unaccountably kindled, and unquenchable flames, which did ſcarce hurt any other.—

Thence forward to the death of Charles in 1685, there was a conſtant ſcene of the moſt horrid op⯑preſſion, murder and aſſaſſination of the ſaints of God, and of all ſuch as ſhewed them any favour. While Meldrum, Claverhouſe, Grierſon, White, and other officers of the army, and others of like bloody diſpoſitions, held their circuit courts, thro' a great part of the ſouth, and eſpecially ſouth weſt of Scotland, particularly in the ſhire of Lanerk, where the declaration had been proclaimed, and had liſts of ſuch as belonged to the ſocieties, or who had ſhewed them any favour, in ſo much as permitting them to travel through their fields, and had not raiſed the hue and cry againſt them, and laboured to raiſe the country againſt them, or of ſuch as did not conſtantly attend their pariſh churches,—preſented to them by the clerks of the places, or curates of the pariſhes,—and fined, impriſoned, tortured, or killed them, as they pleaſed. Wives were proſe⯑cuted, for holding any converſe with, or giving any [297] ſupply to their outlawed huſbands, or parents with their children. Such as appeared not, were for⯑feited or denounced rebels and outlaws, or intercom⯑muned in their abſence. Such as did appear, and diſproved that which had been laid to their charge, were never a whit better, unleſs they took the Teſt, which was appointed to be tendered to all ſuſpected perſons as a trial of their loyalty. The council enac⯑ted, that it ſhould be held treaſonable, for any to ſay, that they owned the king's authority according to the covenants. Nothing would pleaſe them from the proſecuted ſufferers, but an owning of it without any limitation.

Mr. Renwick having got ordination, came from Holland in 1683, and preached in the fields. He was ſpeedily intercommuned, and they that attended his ſermons, furiouſly ſought for, by every method, to their utter deſtruction. While the ſea ports were ſhut up, that they might not eſcape out of the king⯑dom, they were every where purſued by the merci⯑leſs ſoldiers. Every neighbour was ſworn to diſcover them, and bound up from giving them meat, drink, or lodging. Informers were hired to find out their lurking places, and what perſons were inclined to ſhew them any kindneſs. They were put from un⯑der the protection of the laws of their country. No terms were allowed them, but a renouncing of their principles, and by horrid oaths, involving themſelves in the moſt dreadful perjury. The correſpondent ſocieties therefore publiſhed an apologetical declarati⯑tion, in which they warned all ſuch, as ſhould here⯑after, by their commands, informations, apprehen⯑ſions, or murders, manifeſt, that they maliciouſly thirſted for their blood, might lay their account, that they would avenge their conduct in proportion to the degree of it, to the uttermoſt of their power. By this they hoped to deter, at leaſt informers and country people, from hunting them out. But the council improved it, as an excitement to empower every ſoldier in the kingdom, to kill directly in hou⯑ſes [298] or fields, every perſon, that declined to anſwer their queries to ſatisfaction, concerning his owning of the king's authority,—and that the killing of biſhop Sharp was murder, and the riſing at Bothwel bridge rebellion, and concerning their renunciation of the covenants, as unlawful and unbinding oaths; —and to impoſe an oath of abjuration renouncing ſaid declaration, as if it declared war againſt his ma⯑jeſty, and aſſerted it lawful, to kill all ſuch as ſerve him, in church, ſtate, army, or country, on all the ſubjects on the ſouth of Tay, as the foundation of their having a certificate or free paſs to travel unmo⯑leſted;—and certify, that if any travel without ſuch a certificate, that they have taken ſaid oath of abjura⯑tion, they ſhall be holden as communers with the ex⯑ecrable rebels, who publiſhed the declaration, and prohibit every ſubject, to harbour, lodge, or enter⯑tain any perſon whatſoever, unleſs they have ſuch certificates:—and enact, that if any heritor, fac⯑tor, or chamberlain, do not bring all the inhabitants on their lands, before the privy counſellors, or other commiſſioners, to take this oath of abjuration, they ſhall be holden as guilty of the principal crimes o [...] rebellion and aſſaſſination, and be puniſhed accor⯑dingly:—and further required, that all thoſe who had certificates, as above, ſhould ſwear, when re⯑quired, that their certificates were genuine, and that they were the perſons mentioned in them; and to offer a reward of 500 marks Scots, to any who ſhould diſcover any perſon, who had a hand in framing ſaid apologetical declaration, or was a member of the ſaid ſocieties.——The indulged miniſters who had care⯑leſly beheld the ſufferings of their more cruelly per⯑ſecuted brethren, if not ſometimes rejoiced at them, and added to them by their malevolent reproaches▪ had now a larger ſhare of hardſhip, than ever before The council, in the end of 1684, appointed all o [...] them to be ejected from their charges, becauſe they had not duly obſerved their inſtructions, and ſome o [...] them had not obſerved the anniverſary faſt, in Sep⯑tember [299] laſt, and required them to give bond, not to exerciſe their miniſtry in Scotland; and becauſe they would not comply a great number of them were im⯑priſoned.

CHARLES having been, it is ſaid, poiſoned by his brother, and certainly got his mittimus into eternity in the Popiſh form, JAMES was ſolemnly proclaimed king, and an oath of unlimited obedience, included in the proclamation, February 10th, 1685. But he was never ſo complaiſant, as to take their co⯑ronation oath. Some impriſoned gentlemen, and a number of indulged miniſters were releaſed: but the perſecution againſt field conventicles and ſuch as fa⯑voured them, ſtill raged: many were murdered by Claverhouſe, Grierſon, Douglas, and other officers and ſoldiers; and not a few in Elginſhire ſadly har⯑raſſed by the earls of Errol and Kintore, and major general Monro. The laird of Brody was fined in 20,000 marks, for having a conventicle in his houſe, which was given in compliment to colonel Maxwel, a Papiſt. The laird of Grant was fined, becauſe his lady, who was in a bad ſtate of health, had not at⯑tended her own church for ſome time, nor the neigh⯑bouring church, at ſix or ſeven miles diſtance, when her own was 18 months vacant. On March 2, the new king's indemnity was publiſhed, but it excepted ſo many of the principal ſufferers, that it was of lit⯑tle value. And none could have any benefit by it, without taking the oaths of that period.

The Parliament having ſat down, April 28th, 1685, made a cold and ſhort act for the ſecurity of the Proteſtant religion. They owned his majeſty's unlimited and abſolute authority; and declared their abhorrence of every principle contrary to it, and con⯑vinced, that no perſon or collective body could par⯑take of any power and authority but in dependence on him, and by commiſſion from him, they, for themſelves and the whole nation, offered their lives and fortunes to defend and maintain him and his [300] heirs, and lawful ſucceſſors, in the poſſeſſion of their crown, ſovereignty, prerogatives, &c. againſt all mortals. For facilitating proceſſes for treaſon, they ratified the former cuſtom of proceeding againſt pri⯑ſoners in 24 hours; but, for the future, allowed them to be cited in 48 hours:—and appointed ſuch as re⯑fuſe to ſwear as witneſſes in caſes of treaſon, conven⯑ticles, or church irregularities, to be puniſhed, as guilty of theſe crimes, in which they refuſe to be witneſſes. They declared it treaſonable to give or take the national covenant, as explained in 1638, or the ſolemn league and covenant, or to write in defence of them, or to own them to be obligatory upon them⯑ſelves or others. They declared it legal, and to be obſerved in all time coming, that huſbands be fined for their wives withdrawment from hearing the cu⯑rates. They enacted, that the not revealing of ſup⯑plies given to, or demanded for, traitors, be held and puniſhed as treaſon;—that all who ſhall preach at a houſe conventicle, where five more than the fami⯑ly are preſent, or that ſhall be preſent as hearers at a conventicle, where any are hearing without doors, ſhall be puniſhed with death and confiſcation of goods;—and that all who refuſe to accept the office of magiſtrates, juſtices of peace, conſtables, officers of the militia, or any other employment aſſigned them by the king or his council, ſhall be fined for their contempt. They appointed all Proteſtant heri⯑tors, life-renters, &c. except women, to take the TEST before ſuch a time: and empowered juſtices o [...] peace to proceed againſt church irregularities, and to have the fines of all below heritors for their encou⯑ragement to diligence. They appointed all the ſub⯑jects to take the oath of allegiance or ſupremacy for⯑merly mentioned; and ratified all that the council the juſticiary, and their commiſſioners had done, in baniſhing, impriſoning, or ſining the refuſers of ſaid oath. They approved and confirmed the deciſion o [...] the council, making it treaſon to refuſe to diſown th [...] Societies apologetical relation. They appointed all pro⯑prietor [301] of lands or houſes to inſert in their tacks an expreſs clauſe, by which the tenant ſhall bind him⯑ſelf, that he, his family, cottagers, and ſervants, ſhall live peaceably, free of all fanatical diſorders, under pain of loſing the half of their moveables, each for his own fault. They ratified the act of council for raiſing the hue and cry againſt all outlawed per⯑ſons, particularly ſuch as attend or befriend field con⯑venticles. They enacted, That all maſters of ſhips, at their launching and landing, bring all their paſ⯑ſengers before the next magiſtrate to give an account of themſelves. They made an act for ſecuring the preſent council, and all committees, judges, or offi⯑cers of the army, or other commiſſioners under them, againſt all purſuits or complaints of commiſſions or omiſſions, in his majeſty's ſervice.

The earl of Argyle, in order to make a diverſion in favours of the duke of Monmouth's attempt upon England, having landed with about 300 men in the weſt of Scotland, was quickly apprehended, and all his friends either apprehended or diſperſed. This gave the council ſome work to execute him and his principal aſſiſtants, and to tranſport the reſt, whom they apprehended, to America. But none of theſe things abated their rigour againſt field meetings, and ſuch as attended on, or any way favoured them. Claverhouſe, Weſtraw, and their military judges, murdered them as faſt, in the fields or their own houſes, as ever; and often would not ſo much as give them time to pray before death. According to order, they drowned two women in Galloway, by tying them to a ſtake within the ſea mark, merely for refuſing to take the Abjuration.—Priſoners were crowded together, almoſt ſtarved, and driven from one priſon to another. Many were baniſhed to the plantations, for refuſing the oaths of Supremacy and Abjuration, and the Teſt, ſome of whom ſurvived manifold hardſhips, and returned after the Revo⯑lution.—Though the correſpondent ſocieties did not join with Argyle, as they thought, he and Mon⯑mouth [302] went upon too broad a bottom, they publiſh⯑ed a declaration, in which they diſowned the royal authority of James, on account of his being an ex⯑communicated Papiſt, and murderous idolater; and declared their deteſtation of Popery, Sectarianiſm, and malignancy,—and their deteſtation of all murde⯑rous and aſſaſſinating principles, and all manner of robbing of open enemies or others, and all unwarran⯑table practices, ſuch as the killing of the curate at Carſphearn,—which had been falſely charged upon them.

Toward the end of this year, James began to ex⯑empt his favourites, Papiſts, or others from taking the Teſt, while he required it to be impoſed on all others, as the Parliament had ordered. But the perſecutions againſt the ſupporters of field conventi⯑cles, and againſt the partizans of Argyle, were car⯑ried on with great vigour. John Niſbet of Hardhill, and Edward Marſhal were publicly executed. O⯑thers were more privately murdered, or died in pri⯑ſons, and others ſcourged or baniſhed for their non-conformity. Notwithſtanding Sarah Stewart atten⯑ded the curate herſelf, ſhe had her houſe plundered. She was driven, with a ſucking child leaving other three babes behind her, to the priſon of Wigtoun; and lay there eleven weeks, becauſe ſhe would not engage to diſcover her huſband, and never to converſe with him.—The ſoldiers continued to plunder the poor non-conformiſts in the cruelleſt manner.— Meanwhile, many who had been with Argyle, or favoured his cauſe, were obliged to hide themſelves in dens and caves of the earth, and others were for⯑ced to pay prodigious compoſitions for their fines. About eighty of them, moſtly of the name of Camp⯑bel, were indicted, and ſentenced to be executed, when apprehended.

In the three following years, 1686,—1688, the re⯑giſters of the privy council are wanting.—And to lull the nation aſleep, for the more peaceable introduc⯑tion of Popery, James and his agents abated their [303] perſecuting rage. But the contentions between the perſecuted themſelves, rather increaſed. The moſt falſe and groundleſs reproaches were invented and ſpread againſt Mr. Renwick and his friends. Theſe had not a little alienated holy Mr. Peden from him; but Mr. Renwick's conference with him on his death bed, fully removed all his prejudices, and made him ſorry that ever he had ſo credited theſe miſrepreſenta⯑tions of him. One of the miniſters, who came over with Argyle, provoked, that Mr. Renwick and his friends did not readily join that nobleman, accuſed them of overturning Preſbyterian government, and ſetting up a popular confuſion inſtead of it,—com⯑mitting the trial and cenſure of ſcandals to men, that were not church officers;—of thruſting themſelves into the magiſtrate's room, as a convention of Eſtates, and managing both civil and eccleſiaſtical affairs by the fame perſons, and in the ſame Aſſembly;—and of impoſing unhappy reſtrictions on miniſters, in the exerciſe of their miniſtry, and requiring all to be diſ⯑owned, who were not preciſely of their judgment with reſpect to debated points. Alexander Gordon, John Dick, and Robert Cathcart, exceedingly miſ⯑repreſented and reproached Mr. Renwick and his ad⯑herents, both in Scotland and Holland, as, contrary to our covenants, acting like Papiſts, who believe their church infallible,—in declining to hear a mini⯑ſter, be he ever ſo faithful, for the leaſt alledged per⯑ſonal failing;—like Independents, taking upon them to depoſe miniſters,—and differing little from the Separatiſts;—in ſending over a youth ſcarcely read in the common heads of divinity, to be ordained at Groningen in Holland, a moſt corrupt church, and ſetting him up, as Jeroboam did his idol calves, in⯑ſtead of the faithful miniſters of the church of Scot⯑land;—and in judging of faults, diſpenſing cenſures, and making eccleſiaſtical laws and acts, as if they, though laicks, were a General Aſſembly. Theſe o⯑dious calumnies obliged Mr. Renwick and his friends [304] to publiſh their Informatory vindication, from which, as well as from Renwick's life, and the Minutes of their general correſpondence lately publiſhed, it is a⯑bundantly manifeſt, that Mr. Renwick was a young man of uncommon piety, ſolid judgment, and great candour, humility, meekneſs, and prudence, with whom none of his reproachers, for ought I know, were worthy to be compared; that, by the kind pro⯑vidence of God, and the pious condeſcenſion of the Dutch miniſters concerned, he got his inſtruction and ordination in a cleanly manner; that, neither he nor his friends, ever thought every perſonal fail⯑ing of a miniſter a cauſe of depoſing him, or even ſo much as of withdrawing from him in the moſt bro⯑ken ſtate of the church; that, in their correſpondent meetings, they did not judge either of ſcandal or cenſure of offenders, but of their own duty with re⯑ſpect to them, Whether the ſcandal was ſuch as to warrant their withdrawment from them; which pow⯑er the ſcripture allowed them, Rom. vi. 17. 2 Theſſ. iii. 6, 14; that, though they had rejected the au⯑thority of the preſent magiſtrates as tyrants, who had no authority from God, nor according to the good laws of the land, yet they had no more ſet up them⯑ſelves or meetings in their room, than thoſe who had declined the authority of the biſhops, had thruſt themſelves into their epiſcopal office; that they ne⯑ver intended to lay any reſtrictions on miniſters, but only deſired, That they would declare the whole counſel of God, and would freely preach up all duties, and down all ſins. Mr. Renwick and ſome of his friends, having afterward met with Robert Cathcart, attacked him on his defamatory information, which he had been ſo careful to ſpread far and near, he was obliged to excuſe himſelf, by ſaying, That he had wrote of them, not as what they were, but what they would be. How villanous ſuch conduct, and how ſhameful for Wodrow to give him and his infor⯑mation ſuch honourable place in his hiſtory.

[305]While Mr. Renwick was thus abuſed by wide ſpread calumnies, and ſometimes by proteſtations a⯑gainſt his preaching at places, given in by fellow ſuf⯑ferers, eſpecially apoſtates from the correſpondent ſocieties, K. James laboured with all his might to have all the penal laws againſt Popery annulled, in order that it might be ſpeedily eſtabliſhed. Thus Arminian principles, unconcern about any thing ſe⯑rious, and luſt of court favour, and the promotions which they expected from it, made moſt of the eſta⯑bliſhed clergy ready to comply with his intentions. He therefore ſummoned a Parliament to meet in A⯑pril 1686. Great care was taken to prepare the mem⯑bers for compliance with his will. But Whitford, ſon to one of the former biſhops, who had long be⯑fore turned Papiſt, and had been concerned in the ma⯑ſſacre of the remains of the Waldenſes in Piedmont, having, notwithſtanding all that the Popiſh prieſts could do or ſay, died in great horror, a few days be⯑fore the Parliament, confeſſing his execrable mur⯑ders, and crying out againſt Popery, as that bloody religion! Sir Robert Sibbald, a moſt learned anti⯑quary and phyſician, having been lately perſuaded by the earl of Perth to turn Papiſt, had ſcarce⯑ly done ſo, when he was aſhamed of his conduct, retired to London, and, after ſome months re⯑tirement from company, and cloſe ſtudy, became ſo fully convinced of the errors of Popery, that he could not be eaſy, till he had come down to Edin⯑burgh, to make a public recantation in the church, a few weeks before the Parliament met. Theſe events, ſo circumſtantiated, awakened many, eſpecially of the laity, to their old zeal againſt Popery. Notwith⯑ſtanding James' earneſt letter, and all that his agents could deal with members, by promiſes or threaten⯑ings, the Parliament refuſed to repeal the penal laws. Some of the principal oppoſers were therefore turned out of their places, which they held under the crown, and their places, eſpecially in the privy council, ſup⯑plied with Papiſts. At the ſame time, Popiſh books [306] were induſtriouſly diſperſed through the nation, while all printing or ſelling of any thing contrary to his majeſty's abſolute diſpenſing power, or to his Po⯑piſh religion, was carefully repreſſed.

Having got the council modelled to his mind, James continued his zeal againſt field conventicles. An 100 pounds ſterling was offered to any that ſhould bring in Mr. Renwick, either dead or alive, and ſome o [...] his friends were murdered in the fields. Some alſo of Argyle's aſſiſtants were condemned to death in their abſence. But, encouraged by the Engliſh jud⯑ges, to believe it an inherent right of the crown, to diſpenſe with all laws, James required the council to ſupport and maintain his innocent catholics, who, a⯑midſt all the unnatural rebellions raiſed againſt him⯑ſelf, his royal brother, and father, had ſtill adhered to the royal intereſt, ſupported the crown, and died for the peace of their perſecutors, againſt all the pe⯑nal laws, and in the free private exerciſe of their re⯑ligion in their own houſes; and to take under their ſpecial ptotection and care, his chaplains and others▪ whom he had appointed to celebrate the worſhip o [...] God, in the Popiſh manner, in his chapel at Holy⯑roodhouſe, and to take care to puniſh all preachers or others, who ſhould inſinuate, that he intended to make any violent alteration of the eſtabliſhed religion In February 1687, after recommending it to the council to root out the field conventicles, with all the ſeverity of the laws, and the moſt rigorous proſecuti⯑on by the forces,—he, by his ſovereign authority and abſolute power, granted a TOLERATION to moderat [...] Preſbyterians to meet in their private houſes, and hea [...] ſuch miniſters as accepted the Indulgence, and ſaid o [...] did nothing ſeditious or treaſonable, contrary to th [...] peace of his reign;—and to Quakers, —and t [...] Papiſts,—ſo that they ſhall be as free in all reſpects as any Proteſtant ſubjects, to exerciſe their religion and enjoy all offices, benefices, &c. which he migh [...] think fit to beſtow upon them:—and, by the ſam [...] abſolute power, ſuſpended, ſtopped, and diſabled a [307] laws, cuſtoms, or conſtitutions againſt any Papiſts, and caſſed, annulled, and diſcharged all oaths, by which any ſubjects were diſabled from holding pla⯑ces, &c. and all laws enjoining the ſaid oaths; and in place thereof, only require them to ſwear an oath, bearing, that he was rightful king, or ſupreme go⯑vernor of theſe realms, and of all perſons therein; and that it is unlawful, on any pretence whatſoever, to riſe in arms againſt him or any commiſſioned by him; and that the ſwearers ſhould never ſo riſe in arms, nor aſſiſt any that did ſo, nor ever reſiſt his perſon or authority, but ſhould, to the utmoſt of their power, aſſiſt, defend, and maintain him, and his heirs, and lawful ſucceſſors, in the exerciſe of their ABSOLUTE power and authority, againſt all deadly. The council having publiſhed this procla⯑mation with all ſolemnity, returned him an anſwer approving it, and intimating their readineſs to pro⯑ſecute the ends of it, and thanking him for his royal word for maintaining the Proteſtant religion, as the beſt ſecurity they could have. Duke Hamilton and the earls of Panmure and Dundonald, having refuſed to ſubſcribe this anſwer, were by him quickly turned out of the council. And the council was required to ſuffer no Preſbyterian miniſter to preach without their allowance, nor until they had ſworn the above mentioned oath to maintain his unlimited and irreſiſt⯑ible power. But quickly after, he allowed the Preſ⯑byterian miniſters to preach during his pleaſure, and ſo long as they behaved agreeably to his will, without taking this oath. Amidſt all this lenity, ſixteen men and five women were baniſhed to America, becauſe they would not own the preſent authority to be ac⯑cording to the word of God, nor condemn the San⯑quhar declaration, nor engage never to hear Mr. Renwick.

Finding, that his two former indulgences had little effect, James, in July 1687, cauſed his council pro⯑claim a third, in which he declared his protection of the biſhops, &c. in the free exerciſe of their Pro⯑teſtant [308] religion, and his ſuſpending, ſtopping, and diſabling, by his abſolute power, all penal laws made againſt any for non-conformity to the eſtabliſhed re⯑ligion,—and allowed all his ſubjects to meet and wor⯑ſhip God after their own way, in private houſes, chapels, or places hired and built for that purpoſe, providing that his counſellors or ſherriffs be inform⯑ed of ſuch houſes, and of the names of the preach⯑ers; and that theſe meetings be peaceably and open⯑ly held, and all perſons freely admitted to them, and nothing taught which may any way tend to alienate the ſubjects from him, or his government,—but com⯑manding all the judges, magiſtrates, and officers of the army, vigorouſly to proſecute all ſuch as were guilty of preaching at, or attending field conventicles. Upon this, moſt of the Scotch miniſters, who had been baniſhed, or had retired to other countries, re⯑turned home; and, at a meeting of Preſbyterian mi⯑niſters at Edinburgh, a conſiderable number agreed not only to accept the toleration, but alſo to preſent an addreſs of thanks to James for it, which they not very candidly ſubſcribed, in name of their brethren, as well as their own. After this, the Preſbyterian miniſters began to hold Preſbyteries and Synods, as their circumſtances permitted.—Mr. Renwick and his followers, who were as much expoſed as ever, paid no regard to this toleration, but publiſhed a teſ⯑timony againſt it, and were much offended with theſe Preſbyterian miniſters who had complied with, and ſolemnly thanked James, on account of it. They looked on the Granter as one, with whom they could not communicate in any ſuch tranſaction, being by his principles bound to keep no faith with heretics, and having repeatedly ſhewed his treachery and diſſi⯑mulation;—and as an apoſtate, bigotted, and ex⯑communicated Papiſt, and, as ſuch, under the curſe of Chriſt, as well as under the imprecations of his grandfather, who wiſhed the curſe of God to fall up⯑on ſuch of his poſterity as ſhould, at any time, turn Papiſts. They looked on him, as no magiſtrate; [309] but, by the laws of the land, incapable of govern⯑ment, having neither given, nor being capable to give the ſecurity required by the coronation oath. They looked on the toleration itſelf, as plainly pro⯑ceeding from his uſurpation of an abſolute and unli⯑mited power, inconſiſtent with the law of God and liberties of mankind; that it implied in it a diſpenſa⯑tion of all the penal laws againſt Papiſts, and its pro⯑per tendency was to introduce a lawleſs loyalty, eſta⯑bliſh royal tyranny, and unite the hearts of Proteſ⯑tants to Papiſts as ſafe neighbours. They obſerved, that, by means of it, Papiſts were encouraged, their numbers increaſed, and the executive power lodged in their hands, &c. They conſidered it as diſhonou⯑rable to the cauſe of Chriſt, to be merely tolerated under the notion of a crime, and the exerciſe of it clogged with unlawful reſtrictions of ſpeaking nothing againſt Popery, Prelacy, or abſolute power of kings. They looked on it, as extending not only to archbi⯑ſhops and biſhops, but to all Quakers and Papiſts, and ſo opening a door for all blaſphemy and idolatry. —They looked on the acceptance of it as a ſcandal, which could not but offend the generation of the righteous. They conſidered the addreſſes of thanks made on this occaſion as a train of fulſom and blaſ⯑phemous flatteries, to the diſhonour of God, the re⯑proach of his cauſe, the betraying of the church, the hurt of the nation, and the expoſing of the addreſ⯑ſers to contempt. With reſpect to the miniſters ad⯑dreſs above mentioned, they obſerved, how contrary it was to Preſbyterian principles to congratulate an antichriſtian uſurper, for undermining religion and overturning laws and liberties;—to juſtify the abro⯑gation of the national covenants, in giving thanks for a liberty, by which all the laws confirming them, or confirmed in them, are caſſed and diſabled;—to thank their king for opening a door for bringing in Popery, which, by their ſolemn covenants with God, they were deeply engaged to extirpate. Thus, like the body of the Engliſh diſſenters, Renwick and his [310] friends had no freedom to accept of liberty, at the expence of the free introduction of Popery, and the enſlaving of their nation.—They alſo ſolemnly aſ⯑ſerted the perpetual obligation of the national covenant, and ſolemn league; and the propriety of keeping up field meetings for goſpel ordinances, as a retaining of that liberty which Chriſt had given, whether magiſ⯑trates will or not;—as a public teſtimony againſt the public diſhonours done to Chriſt; as a teſtimony a⯑gainſt the Popiſh toleration, and as a public teſtimo⯑ny for the headſhip of Jeſus Chriſt alone, in oppoſition to the injuries done him,—and for our covenants, which are declared criminal by the ſame law, which prohibits theſe meetings;—and in order to prevent the diſcouragement of friends to a covenanted work of reformation, and the hardening of enemies, and encouraging them to baniſh all meetings out of the land.

Soon after, Mr. Renwick, who had been marvel⯑louſly preſerved, notwithſtanding about 15 or 20 deſperate ſearches for him, was apprehended in the beginning of 1688. Notwithſtanding none had ſpo⯑ken before the council or juſticiary, with more bold⯑neſs and freedom, yet ſuch was the ſenſe, meekneſs, and candour with which he anſwered their queſtions, and ſpake in his own defence, that even his perſecu⯑tors were affected, and behaved with uncommon mildneſs to him, who had for ſeveral years been the diſtinguiſhed butt of their malice. He, like the Marquis of Argyle, Meſſrs. Guthry, Cargil, Kid, and King, and the other martyrs, had his ſoul ra⯑viſhed with the conſolations of Chriſt for ſome time before, and at his death. And after it, few, except ſome of the Preſbyterian miniſters who had been indulged and thanked James for his toleration, and the Papiſts, ſpoke of him without reverence or regard. Nay, the faithful ſufferers in general, at their public worſhip, their ſociety meetings, and pri⯑vate and ſecret exerciſes of religion, had generally ſuch gales of divine influence on their ſouls, as ba⯑lanced [311] all their outward troubles. Even in this world, they received their hundred fold with perſe⯑cution. So good a maſter is Chriſt to his faithful ſervants.

Meanwhile, the Romiſh prieſts beſtirred them⯑ſelves to their utmoſt, to fill the country with cate⯑chiſms and manuals of devotion. James and his agents laboured to cramp the liberties of the Preſbyterians as much as they could, and to proſecute and turn them out of their preaching houſes, on any frivolous pretence; and ſtill more eagerly proſecuted the fol⯑lowers of Renwick. James declared his diſſolution of all judicatories and magiſtrates in royal burghs; and that he would maintain all his former proclama⯑tions; and threatened thoſe that would not comply with his meaſures. To debar Mary and Anne, his two Proteſtant daughters, from the ſucceſſion to the crown, a pregnancy, and at laſt a delivery of a ſon by his queen, was publicly aſſerted, and ſolemn thankſgivings to God, on that account, appointed. But moſt of the Proteſtants believed the whole to be an impoſture, inſtead of the miraculous effect of a vow her majeſty had made to the virgin Mary of Lo⯑retto.—Informed, that William prince of Orange, the huſband of his daughter Mary, invited by many perſons of rank, intended to invade Britain, and at leaſt procure the ſubjects ſecurity for their religion and liberties, he amuſed the Engliſh with hopes of a Parliament, and pretended to aſk the advice of the biſhops. But the privy council and biſhops of Scot⯑land, being entirely at his devotion, offered him their lives and fortunes for his ſervice, and were de⯑ſired to impriſon all ſuſpected perſons. They order⯑ed all the heritors to get ready their beſt horſes and men, and to aſſemble them in particular places, that they might, as need happened, march to his majeſ⯑ty's defence or aſſiſtance. In the beginning of No⯑vember, the biſhops tranſmitted a letter to James, admiring what marvellous deliverance and proſperity he had met with,—thanking God for giving him a [312] ſon and heir to his throne,—and thanking himſelf for the aſſurance he had given them of protecting their eſtabliſhed religion; and their deep concern to hear of an unnatural invaſion from Holland; and their fervent prayers, that all concerned in it, might be covered with ſhame. And, as the prince of O⯑range had ſent a declaration, repreſenting as the grounds of his expedition, how the laws of the king⯑dom had been arbitrarily overturned; how Papiſts had been put into places of power and truſt, and means uſed for a ſpeedy introduction of Popery; how the rights and privileges of burghs had been ta⯑ken from them by mere arbitrary power, without any citation, trial, or ſentence;—how evil counſel⯑lors had ſubjected all adminiſtration of juſtice to an abſolute and deſpotic power, and had turned out, and put in judges as the ſovereign pleaſed; and what an exorbitant power had been exerciſed in impoſing bonds and oaths;—in impriſoning gentlemen with⯑out any alledged treaſon;—in forcing many by tor⯑tures to accuſe themſelves;—in impoſing arbitrary fines, frighting and harraſſing many parts of the country with intercommuning and circuit courts, mak⯑ing ſome incur forfeiture of life or property for the moſt general and harmleſs converſe with their neareſt relations outlawed;—empowering officers and ſoldi⯑ers barbarouſly to deſtroy, hang, ſhoot, and drown the ſubjects, without any form of law, or any reſpect to age or ſex,—not giving ſome of them time to pray to God for mercy; and all this, for no other reaſon, but becauſe they would not ſatisfy them in ſuch queſ⯑tions as they propoſed to them without any warrant of law, and againſt the common intereſt of mankind, which frees all men from being obliged to diſcover their ſecret thoughts,—beſides a great many other vi⯑olences and oppreſſions, &c.—the council emitted a proclamation to prevent the ſpread of it; but it made people the more fond of ſeeing it.

Notwithſtanding their deep poverty, the follow⯑ers of Mr. Renwick, who had Mr. Linning ordained [313] for them in Holland, as his ſucceſſor, had, a little before, collected 240 pounds ſterling, and therewith ranſomed a number of their brethren, that had been tranſported to be ſlaves in Barbadoes. They had ſcarcely heard of William's landing in England, when they warned the weſtern curates, peaceably to leave their charges; and ſome who did not, were more ſharply uſed. They alſo laid out themſelves to de⯑ſtroy all monuments of Popiſh idolatry, not only in the weſt, but ſome of them in Edinburgh. They, but with too little unanimity, renewed the cove⯑nants, at Leſmahago. They uſed what influence they could, to have proper perſons elected to be re⯑preſentatives in the convention of Eſtates; and with no great unanimity raiſed a number of men to guard it, and otherwiſe promote the eſtabliſhment of Wil⯑liam on the throne. Many of them were formed into their regiment under lord Angus, which ſerved againſt Claverhouſe and his malignants; but while their junction with the eſtabliſhed forces diſpleaſed many of their friends, they were not over well uſed by the managers of the ſtate and officers of the army at the battle of Gillicranky, &c. Theſe ſocieties pre⯑pared an ADDRESS to the Prince of Orange, in or⯑der to have their grievances redreſſed; but, by rea⯑ſon of their diviſions among themſelves, and ſome incidents which retarded it, till it was too late, it was never preſented, as neither was their petition to the convention of Eſtates. They drew up a petition to the Parliament 1690, in which they complained, That the redreſs of grievances had been ſo long de⯑layed; that, though Prelacy had been aboliſhed, yet many wicked acts ſupporting it, and ſuppreſſing Preſbyterian government, were not yet repealed, and many of the curates continued in the peaceable poſſeſſion of thoſe churches, into which they had been intruded; that many acts of forfeitures ſtood unrepealed; that many acts condemning our cove⯑nants and covenanted reformation, as rebellion, and impoſing wicked oaths and bonds, ſtood yet unrepea⯑led; [314] that many, who had been active in the lat [...] perſecuting times, and even murderers of their bre⯑thren, continued, or admitted to places of power and truſt,—and craved, that theſe grievances may be re⯑dreſſed; and that Preſbyterian government may be reſtored as it was eſtabliſhed in 1649; that a full and free General Aſſembly of Preſbyterian miniſters and elders, be called, with full power to order church af⯑fairs, cognoſce public ſcandals, remove intruders from churches, and plant them with faithful mini⯑ſters; that patronage, the king's ſupremacy over ec⯑cleſiaſtical cauſes, and all indulgences proceeding from it, and the late toleration, proceeding from abſolute power, be condemned, as contrary to law, and aboli⯑ſhed; that ſome proper method be deviſed for renew⯑ing of the covenants; and the adminiſtration hereof left to the General Aſſembly. This petition was preſented to the Committee for the church, but diſ⯑regarded by moſt, and never preſented to the Parlia⯑ment.

Meanwhile, another addreſs was drawn up in name of many thouſands, repreſenting to William, ſtill Prince of Orange, how the prevailing party, who had apoſtatized from their former reformation, had by laws, bonds, and oaths, excluded ſuch as were able and faithful, from all places of power and truſt, both in church and ſtate; had inveſted the king with an abſolute ſupremacy over both church and ſtate, by which he might diſpenſe with all laws, and iſſue forth what commands he pleaſed, to be obeyed without gainſaying; had enacted and executed many laws, perſecuting men by fines, impriſonment, death, or the like, for their adherence to the true religion, and particularly for preaching and hearing the goſ⯑pel; had annulled all the reforming Parliaments be⯑tween 1638, and 1650, and all their acts, tho' part of them had been ratified by the king; had terribly oppreſſed the nation by enormous taxes, and by an⯑nexing to the crown, (or beſtowing on favourites) the eſtates of ſuch as they pleaſed to puniſh with [315] forfeiture; had required perſons of all ſexes, de⯑grees, or quality, to depone againſt delinquents, their neareſt relations; and that ſuch as refuſed to depone againſt themſelves, ſhould be holden guilty of what was inquired at them; and that maſters be anſwer⯑able for their tenants, wives, children, ſervants and cottars, that they ſhall not attend conventicles; had indemnified all judges and officers of the army, a⯑gainſt all purſuits that can be raiſed againſt them, for what they do, or omit, in ſerving his majeſty,— even in wounding and killing ſuch as fled from their barbarities; &c. &c. Theſe things they illuſtrate from the ſeveral ACTS of that period, and from the practices of the managers. And they ſupplicate, That a free Parliament may be ſpeedily called, in which no biſhop or evil counſellor may ſit; that the public oaths may be laid aſide or rectified; that Pre⯑lacy may be aboliſhed, ſince it had always been a grievance in this land, and was contrary to the word of God and our ſolemn covenants; that Preſbyterian government be reſtored, as in the reformation period, and renewed in 1638, and continued till 1660; that ſuch Preſbyterian miniſters as are yet alive, be reſtored to their charges, and the preſent curates, who are ge⯑nerally intruders or ſcandalous, be liable to the judg⯑ment of the church judicatories; that patronages be aboliſhed, as in 1649; that the ſubjects be reſtored to their ſeveral civil rights, and fines and forfeitures reſtored; &c. Whether this large and ſenſible pa⯑per was preſented to William, I know not. But the Preſbyterian miniſters preſented a ſhort one, in which, after congratulating his appearance for their relief, and apologizing for their compliance with the late toleration, they beſeech him to take effectual methods for delivering them from the yoke of Pre⯑lacy, which had been obtruded contrary to the will of the church, and to the genius of the nation,— and for reſtoring Preſbyterial church government, and Preſbyterian miniſters that were ſtill alive, to their former charges.

[316]THE Convention of Eſtates having met in April 1689, found that James, being a profeſſed Papiſt, had aſſumed the royal power, and acted as king with⯑out ever taking the coronation oath required by law; and had—invaded the fundamental conſtitutions of this kingdom, and altered it from a legal limited monarchy, to an abſolute and deſpotic power; and had exerciſed the ſame to the ſubverſion of the Pro⯑teſtant religion, and the violation of the laws and li⯑berties of the nation; and inverted the ends of go⯑vernment, by which he had forfaulted the crown, —and the throne was become vacant! (Thus they practically approved the principles of Renwick and his followers on this point.) And after declaring the ſeveral practices of James and his counſellors contrary to law, and claiming their rights in oppoſi⯑tion to the ſame, they confiding, that William would perfect their deliverance, which he had begun, and maintain for them the enjoyment of their ſaid rights, and preſerve them from all other attempts upon their religion, laws and liberties, they declared him and Mary his ſpouſe, their KING and QUEEN; and aſ⯑ſigned the crown to the longeſt liver of them, and to the heirs of her body; which failing, to the prin⯑ceſs Anne of Denmark, and the heirs of her body; which failing, to the heirs of the body of ſaid Willi⯑am king of England. And they required, that in⯑ſtead of all the oaths, declarations, and teſts, re⯑quired by the preceding perſecuting Parliaments, no more than a ſimple oath of allegiance be required of perſons in places of power and truſt. They appoin⯑ted the coronation oath of 1567, but not that of 1651, to be adminiſtered to the king and queen, at their acceptance of the crown. They formed artic⯑les of grievances to be redreſſed by the Parliament; appointed a new military oath; iſſued forth procla⯑mations againſt Papiſts, who had lately ſwarmed in the nation, and for ſecuring ſuſpected perſons,—and [317] for a public thankſgiving to God for his merciful de⯑liverance of the nation.

The Parliament meeting in June 5th, 1689, with⯑out any biſhops, declared their meeting of noble⯑men, barons, and burghs, to be a lawful and free Par⯑liament, which none might diſown or impugn under pain of treaſon. They acknowledged William and Ma⯑ry king and queen of Scotland, and declared it high treaſon to diſown or impugn the ſame; appointed the new oath of allegiance to them, to be ſworn by all in public truſt; and reſcinded all preceding laws and acts of Parliament in ſo far as they impoſed any other oaths of allegiance, ſupremacy, declarations, and teſt except the oath of fidelity in adminiſtering particular offices. They aboliſhed Prelacy as a great and inſupportable grievance to the nation, and con⯑trary to the inclinations of the generality of the peo⯑ple, ever ſince the reformation.———In their 2d ſeſſion, April, 1690, they reſcinded the act of 1669, which eſtabliſhed the king's unlimited ſupremacy o⯑ver the church; they reſtored the miniſters that were thruſt from their charges ſince 1660, to them. They ratified the Weſtminſter Confeſſion of faith, in⯑groſſing it into their act, as the public confeſſion of the Scotch church, and reſtored Preſbyterian govern⯑ment as agreeable to the word of God, and moſt con⯑ducive to the advancement of true godlineſs,—as it was ſettled in act 114, of the Parliament 1592, re⯑viving ſaid act, in all its heads and clauſes, except that part of it, which relates to patronage, which they afterward reſcinded; and placed the power of electing miniſters in Proteſtant heritors and ruling elders, leaving to the congregation to give their con⯑ſent, or their diſſent, ſupported by reaſons to be jud⯑ged by the Preſbytery. They lodged all the power of church government in the reſtored Preſbyterian miniſters, and miniſters or elders admitted by them, and allowed them to try and purge out all inſufficient, negligent, and erroneous miniſters, and appointed their firſt General Aſſembly to meet at Edinburgh [318] on the third day of October next. They prohibited the vacation of the courts of juſtice at Chriſtmas. They reſcinded all the laws, which required the ſub⯑jects to defame or renounce the covenants, or which required conformity to Prelacy, or required them to take any oaths, bonds, declarations or teſts, impoſed in or after 1661, or expoſed them to any penalty for defending the covenants, hearing Preſbyterian mi⯑niſters in fields, or houſes,—or refuſing ſaid oaths and declarations;—and all acts enjoining the anni⯑verſary thankſgiving for Charles' reſtoration on the 29th of May; and all acts enjoinnig civil pains upon ſentences of excommunication; and all acts aſſerting the unlimited power of the king; and all acts of for⯑feiture on account of non-conformity to Prelacy and the perſecuting meaſures of theſe times.

After the General Aſſembly had ſat down in Oc⯑tober 1690, and obſerved the firſt day of their meet⯑ing, in ſolemn faſting and humiliation; and had re⯑turned an anſwer to his majeſty's letter, in which they aſſure him, that the re-eſtabliſhment of Preſby⯑tery, which they enjoyed, was not more agreeable to the inclinations of all his beſt ſubjects within this kingdom, than it was acceptable to God, Meſſrs. Linning miniſter, and Shields and Boyd preachers among the correſpondent ſocieties, in the ſouth weſt, preſented two papers to the Aſſembly. In the lar⯑ger one, after profeſſions of thankſgiving to God, That tyranny had been repreſſed, Popery ſuppreſſed, and Prelacy depreſſed,—the doctrine of this church aſſerted, and the Confeſſion of faith formerly re⯑ceived, approved, and eſtabliſhed by the Parliament, —the worſhip and ordinances of Chriſt adminiſtered in great purity,—the government appointed by him reſtored to what it was in 1592,—the diſcipline ſo retrieved, that all eccleſiaſtical courts may, without reſtraint, aſſert all the authority, and exerciſe all the power, with which he he hath intruſted them, —Eraſtian uſurpations are abrogated,—the church's intrinſic power redintegrated, and the corruptions [319] introduced by compliances ſo far abdicated, that they are not in the conſtitution of the church, and do not continue to be the ſcandal and ſnare of the times;—and lamenting, That in zeal to purge out corruptions,—in acknowledging all former at⯑tainments in reformation,—in renovation of our ſo⯑lemn covenants with God,—and in faithful teſtify⯑ing againſt all corruptions of great or ſmall,—the glory of the church appeared much inferior to what it had been in former times;—they therefore beſeech the Aſſembly, that, in order to a happy and deſir⯑able communion of all the friends of a covenanted work of reformation,—the ſeveral ſteps of defection in the preceding period be diligently inquired into, confeſſed and condemned; particularly miniſters lay⯑ing aſide the exerciſe of their miniſtry at the com⯑mand of the magiſtrate,—giving way to, not teſtify⯑ing againſt, but even ſubmitting to, and encouraging others to ſubmit to the miniſtry of the curates, who were manifeſt intruders,—eraſtians both in principle and practice,—ſchiſmatics, who cauſed diviſions and offences contrary to the received doctrine and order of this church,—perjured covenant breakers,—in ſe⯑veral points erroneous,—and in ſeveral reſpects ſcan⯑dalous; and while the hearing of and ſubmitting to them was required as an evidence of hearty compli⯑ance with eraſtianiſm and Prelacy, and of yielding to the reſcinding of our covenants,—and gave offence, hardening thoſe that complied with Prelacy, and weakening the hands and condemning the ſufferings of ſuch as oppoſed it,—and amounting to a prefer⯑ring of them to the faithful miniſters of the true church of Scotland, as the caſe was circumſtantiated. (2.) The horrid violations of our ſolemn covenants with God; and ſubſtituting in their rooms, ſuch oaths, bonds, and teſts, as ſolemnly renounced them, —and obliged to contrary courſes,—all which infer⯑red or implied a ſinful confederacy with the wicked managers in promoting a courſe of apoſtacy from God,—were, in the ſenſe of the impoſers, condem⯑natory [320] of, or contradictory to the covenants, and ſome part of the covenanted reformation,—were impoſed by the malignants without conſent of the church, and could not be ſworn in truth, judgment and righteouſneſs. (3.) What injuries had been done to Chriſt's incommunicable headſhip over his church by the king's uſurped ſupremacy, and what proceed⯑ed therefrom; particularly the indulgences, the plain end of contriving and granting which, was to ad⯑vance and eſtabliſh the ſupremacy, and divide Preſ⯑byterians among themſelves; and the granting of which included an exertion of the whole power of the ſupremacy, in taking away and reſtoring at plea⯑ſure the power of Chriſt's ſtewards; and the accep⯑tance of which was conſidered by the granter, as implying a ſubmiſſion to all the ſinful reſtrictions contained in his grant,—and was a faint yiel⯑ding to prevailing Eraſtianiſm and defection from former miniſterial freedom and faithfulneſs; and thus hardened Eraſtian enemies, ſtumbled real friends, and offended poſterity. (4.) The late toleration, and addreſſing for it, and acceptance of it, which plainly proceeded from an uſurped abſolute power; and was intended for the introduction of Popery, and ſlavery;—was extended not only to Prelacy but to Po⯑pery, Quakeriſm, and all idolatry, blaſphemy, and he⯑reſy, contrary to the word of God, our confeſſion, and covenants;—was clogged with ſuch limitations, as exceedingly hampered the freedom of the miniſtry; —and was exceedingly ſcandalous, diſgraceful to the Proteſtant religion, as if it were only to be ſuffered as an evil thing; conſounding and grieving to our true friends; and occaſioned diſdainful inſulting of Prela⯑tiſts and Papiſts over Preſbyterians and covenanters. (5.) General want of zeal and faithfulneſs, in renew⯑ing our covenants with God, notwithſtanding they have been ſo fearfully broken and affronted. (6.) Too general ſilence, or only ambiguous ſpeaking a⯑gainſt the crying ſins of the preceding period, which cannot be controverted among Preſbyterians, as im⯑poſing [321] and taking bonds contrary to the covenants and work of reformation, in order to ſhift perſecu⯑tion, or to purchaſe preferments;—manifold forms of perſecution, and even ſhedding of the blood of multitudes for righteouſneſs ſake. (7.) That many, who had ſworn the wicked oaths, and ſundry ways perſecuted the godly, were admitted to ſealing ordi⯑nances; and that many, who had habitually compli⯑ed with Prelacy, and borne office under it, and had taken the above mentioned oaths and bonds, were admitted to be ruling elders; and ſome who had been trained up to be curates, admitted to the miniſtry, without any proper evidence of their repentance.— And though they did not plead, That every one of theſe offences, or every degree of any ſhould be pro⯑ceeded againſt by diſciplinary cenſure; yet they pled, That as the Convention and Parliament had found Prelacy, ſupremacy, and the like, contrary to the laws of the land, the Aſſembly would find theſe, and the fruits thereof, contrary to the laws of Chriſt, and ſtate them as cauſes of a ſolemn general faſt;—that proper methods be taken for renewing our covenants, in a manner accommodated to their circumſtances, —none being forced to ſwear or ſubſcribe, or ſo ſo much as admitted, unleſs they appear to have a competent knowledge and ſenſe of the ſins acknow⯑ledged, and duties engaged to therein; and that, in anſwerableneſs to the allowance of Parliament, due care be taken to purge out all curates, that are either inſufficient, negligent, erroneous, or ſcandalous,—as the continuance of ſuch had done much hurt after 1638; —the people are periſhing in ignorance and irreligion under their miniſtry, and their continuance will ex⯑ceedingly obſtruct the planting of the Lord's vine⯑yard with faithful paſtors.—This large paper was gi⯑ven into the committee of overtures, and read by them; but, in their report of the impropriety of reading it, it was carried by one vote in the Aſſem⯑bly, that it ſhould not be read there. The printed act of Aſſembly ſays, that the committee of over⯑tures [322] repreſented, that though this paper contained ſeveral good things in it, yet it alſo contained ſeveral peremptory and groſs miſtakes, unſeaſonable and im⯑practicable propoſals, and uncharitable and injurious reflections, tending rather to kindle contention, than to compoſe diviſions. But Mr. Linning, in his pre⯑face to Shields on Church communion, ſtrongly avers, that theſe words were not in the original minutes, but afterwards fraudulently foiſted in by the clerk and the correctors of that act for the preſs.

In their ſhort paper, they do little more than inti⯑mate, That, after laying their larger paper at the feet of the Aſſembly, to be diſpoſed of as they ſhould judge proper, they declared their ſubjection of them⯑ſelves and doctrine to the judicatories, and promiſed to live in union and communion with, and ſubjecti⯑on and due obedience to the authority of this church. This the Aſſembly accepted of, and received them into church fellowſhip with them. The ſocieties with which Meſſrs. Linning, Shields, and Boyd were connected, likewiſe gave into the committee of over⯑tures a pretty large repreſentation of their grievances, the ſubſtance of which was much the ſame as that of their preachers. It was ordered to be put into the hands of thoſe that were to draw up the Cauſes of the general faſt, that they might make a proper uſe of it. Notwithſtanding they were not ſatisfied, ma⯑ny, if not moſt of theſe ſocieties, eſpecially where they had more godly and faithful miniſters in their pariſhes, joined in the eſtabliſhment, giving in teſti⯑monies againſt what they took to be wrong, to the miniſters or ſeſſions, at their junction.

This Aſſembly ordered Preſbyteries to cenſure the late incumbents or others who ſhould not obſerve the faſts and thankſgivings appointed by the church, or ſhould privately adminiſter the ſacraments, celebrate clandeſtine marriages without due proclamation of banns, or be guilty of any other irregular carriage. They appointed, that all probationers licenſed to preach, all intrants into the miniſtry, and all other [323] miniſters and elders received into a ſhare of the church government, ſhould ſubſcribe their approbation of the Weſtminſter Confeſſion of faith; that notice be taken what Papiſts are in their bounds, and how their children are educated, and pains be taken to reclaim them; that all celebration of marriage without due proclamation of banns, on three ſeveral Sabbaths, in the reſpective pariſhes, be diſcharged, and the con⯑traveeners cenſured; that kirk ſeſſions take care to execute the acts of former General Aſſemblies againſt profanation of the Lord's day by unneceſſary ſailing, travelling, &c. and that application be made to Par⯑liament for altering all the markets which are on Sa⯑turdays and Mondays; they allowed two or more Preſbyteries to aſſociate together, till the vacancies be filled; they prohibited miniſters, who had char⯑ges, to remove out of the kingdom, without conſent of their reſpective judicatories; they prohibited all private adminiſtration of baptiſm and the Lord's ſup⯑per, as contrary to their end of ſolemn communion with the church, and as tending to nouriſh the Po⯑piſh notion of their being abſolutely neceſſary means of ſalvation; they approved methods of erecting ſchools in the Highlands, and of ſpreading the Gae⯑lic Bibles, New Teſtaments, Pſalm books, and cate⯑chiſms, for which ſome Engliſh had ſo liberally con⯑tributed; they declared null all the cenſures which the Reſolutioners or Proteſtors had paſſed upon one another; they, agreeably to their letter to the king, and to their declaration by their moderator, that they would depoſe no incumbents ſimply for their judg⯑ment concerning the government of this church, nor urge re-ordination upon them,—appointed their com⯑miſſion for the north of Tay, to purge out all, who, upon due trial, ſhould be found inſufficient, negligent, ſcandalous, or erroneous;—to take care that none ſhould be admitted by them to miniſterial communi⯑on, or a ſhare of church government, but ſuch as are found to be orthodox in their doctrine, of com⯑petent abilities, of a pious, loyal and peaceable con⯑verſation, [324] and of an edifying gift, and who may be expected to be true and faithful to God and the go⯑vernment, and diligent in their miniſterial work;— and to proceed very cautiouſly in receiving informa⯑tion and inflicting cenſures on the late conformiſts, that none may have ground to complain.

No part of their work required more candour and faithfulneſs, than their act for a general faſt, and no where were they more deficient. They indeed aſ⯑ſign as grounds of humiliation, that the nation had dealt treacherouſly with God, and been unſtedfaſt in his covenant;—the intereſts of Chriſt, and privileges of his church, had been ſacrificed to the luſts of men; the king's ſupremacy over the church advanced in ſuch a way, and to ſuch an height, as no Chriſtian church had ever acknowledged; the government of the church altered, and Prelacy, which hath been alway grievous to this nation, introduced, and many of the then ſtanding miniſtry of Scotland had ſud⯑denly and readily complied with it; many faithful miniſters had thereupon been caſt out, and inſuffici⯑ent and ſcandalous men intruded on their charges; and many families ruined, becauſe they would not own them as their paſtors;—ungodly unlawful oaths and bonds had been impoſed and taken, and many ruined and oppreſſed for not taking them;—iniquity had been eſtabliſhed by law, and unrighteous ſtatutes had been made and executed; and many had been cruelly perſecuted for their conſcience towards God; there had been too general fainting, miniſters not giving ſeaſonable and neceſſary teſtimony againſt the defections of the times; the abomination of the maſs had been ſet up in many places, and Popiſh ſchools erected, and ſeverals fallen into idolatry;—dreadful impiety, profaneneſs, atheiſm, profanation of God's name by ignorant ſwearing and breaking of oaths, ne⯑glect of God's worſhip, profanation of the Sabbath, violence and ſhedding of innocent blood, ſhameful ſenſuality, mutual diviſions and heats, and reproa⯑ches among the friends of truth, &c. had greatly [325] abounded.——It gave no ſmall offence to many of the moſt ſerious, that in theſe cauſes of faſting, the miniſters had ſhewed ſuch averſion to mention their own ſins, particularly reſpecting the indulgences and toleration above mentioned; that they had not more plainly repreſented all theſe evils as highly aggravated, being at once contrary to the word of God, and to the ſo often repeated covenants of the nation with him; that the ſeveral horrid abominations of the preceding period were not more particularly, and much more plainly and ſtrikingly mentioned.

King William had been bred up in Eraſtian notions of magiſtrates power over the church, and perhaps alſo in the political maxim, That no particular form of church government is founded in the word of God, but Preſbytery, Prelacy, or Independency, become moſt agreeable to it, as they beſt ſuit the inclinations or circumſtances of nations concerned. The ſenti⯑ments of moſt of his courtiers were much the ſame. Many perſons of rank were ſo concerned about their own temporal deliverance, and getting back their for⯑feited eſtates, that they much overlooked the ſpiri⯑tual intereſts of the church. Not a few of the mini⯑ſters wanted proper zeal, and others were loth to break with them. Wearied of their long and dread⯑ful perſecution, which had murdered or rendered outwardly miſerable about eighteen or twenty thou⯑ſand in Scotland, and ſixty thouſand in England, the Preſbyterians were generally willing to take up with leſs than they wiſhed, rather than to provoke Willi⯑am and the great ones to frown upon them, and diſ⯑turb their quiet. Hence the reformation which took place between 1638 and 1650, was wilfully overlook⯑ed, and the wicked acts of Charles' firſt Parliament in ſo far as they buried it, or the Parliaments which eſtabliſhed it, left unreſcinded. The Parliament laid aſide a draught of an act, which but debarred ſuch as had been active in the perſecuting work from places of power and truſt. As the ſtate did not reſcind all the laws in favours of Eraſtianiſm or againſt our cove⯑nants, [326] the church did not ſo plainly aſſert the ſole headſhip of Chriſt over his church, and her intrinſic power to manage all her ſpiritual concerns indepen⯑dent of the magiſtrate, nor the divine right of Preſ⯑byterian government, nor the perpetual obligation of our ſolemn covenants, as the oppoſition thereto in the preceding period called for: nor were either church or ſtate much inclined to put their necks afreſh under this yoke of God.

No doubt, encouraged by his courtiers, K. Wil⯑liam laboured to render the Preſbyterians and their judicatories as dependent on the civil authority as he could. By keeping the curates in their churches, al⯑lowing them their ſtipends, and even procuring for many, perhaps ſome hundreds of them, an eaſy ac⯑ceſs to the eſtabliſhed church, he laboured to pro⯑mote his own carnal intereſts. By two letters to their Commiſſion, and another to the Aſſembly, 1692, he ſtrongly urged Preſbyterian miniſters to proceed fur⯑ther in aſſuming theſe Epiſcopalian curates into a ſhare of the eſtabliſhed church government. And, becauſe the Aſſembly did not ſeem ſo forward in this matter as he wiſhed, the earl of Lothian his com⯑miſſioner diſſolved their meeting, without naming a⯑ny future diet. Mr. Crighton, their moderator, re⯑monſtrated againſt this diſſolution, and, in their name boldly declared, That tho office bearers in the houſe of God have a ſpiritual INTRINSIC power from Jeſus Chriſt, the ONLY HEAD of his church, to meet in Aſſemblies about the affairs thereof, the neceſſity of the ſame being repreſented to the magiſtrate; and craved, That the diſſolution of this Aſſembly without indict⯑ing a new one to a certain day, might not be to the prejudice of our yearly General Aſſemblies, granted us by the laws of the kingdom,—and named the 2d of Auguſt next year for the diet of their next meet⯑ing. To this remonſtrance all the members declared their adherence. This free, faithful and open teſti⯑mony for the ſole headſhip of Chriſt, and intrinſic power of his church, much gladdened the hearts of [327] the godly, who were grieved for the neutrality and indifference about the cauſe of Chriſt, which then prevailed. But ſome miniſters addicted to the court, clandeſtinely apologized for this honeſt dealing to his majeſty, as if it had been improper; nor did any of them hold their appointed meeting of Aſſembly next year.

Not only did king William, five or ſix times, in his reign, adjourn the meeting of the General Aſ⯑ſembly, and was too readily obeyed; but the Par⯑liament 1693, by their 6th act, appointed the new oath of allegiance, together with an aſſurance, ſincere⯑ly acknowledging William and Mary the only lawful and undoubted ſovereigns of this realm by right, as well as by poſſeſſion, and faithfully engaging to main⯑tain their title and government, againſt the late K. James, and all his adherents, and all others,—to be taken not only by all noblemen, and all civil and mi⯑litary officers, but alſo by all miniſters of the goſpel, clerks of church judicatories, precentors, and voters in the election of miniſters, under pain of their being deprived of their offices and ſalaries, or baniſhed, or otherwiſe puniſhed as the privy council ſhould judge proper. By their 23d act, for ſettling the quiet and peace of the church, after a ſolemn and perpetual confirmation of act 5th, 1690, ratifying the Con⯑feſſion of faith and catechiſms, Preſbyterian govern⯑ment, in all the heads, articles, and clauſes thereof, they further enacted, That none, who had not firſt taken and ſubſcribed the oath of allegiance, and ſub⯑cribed the aſſurance, and alſo ſubſcribed the Confeſſi⯑on of faith as the confeſſion of his faith, and acknow⯑ledged Preſbyterian government, as now ſettled, to be the only government of this church, and promiſ⯑ed to ſubmit thereto, and concur therewith, and ne⯑ver endeavour directly or indirectly the prejudice or ſubverſion thereof,—be admitted, or hereafter con⯑tinued, a miniſter or preacher within this church; —and, that all the curates, who had not yet been aſſumed by the Preſbyterian courts, ſhould, within [328] thirty days, offer themſelves for admiſſion on the above terms; that if they did ſo, they ſhould have their majeſties protection, unleſs they ſhould, with⯑in thirty days after their ſaid application, be proved ſcandalous, erroneous, negligent, or inſufficient: And further ordained, That the privy council, and all o⯑ther magiſtrates, judges, and officers of juſtice give all due aſſiſtance, in rendering the ſentences of church judicatories effectual. By their 27th act, 1695, the Parliament again required all miniſters, Preſbyterian and Epiſcopalian, who had not taken the above men⯑tioned engagements to the government, to qualify themſelves without delay, under pain of deprivation from both office and benefice. The Parliament 1693's appointing of a monthly faſt on account of the war with France, and other grounds, had been leſs diſ⯑liked by many, had not one publicly declared end of that war been to cauſe Lewis XIV. of France make reparation to the holy See of Rome for whatſoever he had acted againſt it, and make void all the infamous proceedings of the Parliament of Paris againſt the holy father Pope Innocent XI.

The bulk of the Preſbyterian miniſters did what they could to comply with his majeſty's pleaſure, They pretended, That the oath of allegiance and the aſſurance were impoſed on them as ſubjects, and not as a condition of, or qualification for their holding or exerciſing their office. But the words of the act impoſing them, and eſpecially the excluſion of Mr. James Hogg from ſitting in the Aſſembly 1695, by the king's commiſſioner and advocate, on account of his want of that legal qualification, plainly manifeſt⯑ed the contrary. Theſe miniſters not only frowned on, reproached, and harraſſed Mr. Hogg, and others no leſs loyal than themſelves, becauſe they looked on the impoſition of ſaid oath and aſſurance, as a poli⯑tical ſnare diſgracing their office, and making them liable, on every change of civil government, ſolemn⯑ly to acknowledge the rights of the preſent gover⯑nors; and as an eraſtian addition to the miniſterial [329] qualifications preſcribed by Jeſus Chriſt. Several proceſſes were at once commenced againſt the emi⯑nently pious and uſeful Mr. John Hepburn of Orr, in Galloway, on account of his open and perhaps ſome⯑times imprudent teſtimonies againſt the taking of that oath, and other defects of the revolution church, and his preaching and baptizing within the bounds of ſome of his laxer brethren. After ſuſpending him from the exerciſe of his miniſtry, they ſtirred up the magiſtrates to puniſh him with a long impri⯑ſonment at Edinburgh. He, at length, ſubmitted, and was reſtored to the exerciſe of his office, but, returning to his reprehended conduct, he was depo⯑ſed in 1705, as one that obſtinately continued in er⯑roneous opinions, and ſchiſmatical courſes. In 1694, The Aſſembly agreed on a FORMULA for the recep⯑tion of the curates, in which, anſwerably to the command of the Parliament above-mentioned, they ſhould declare their belief of the whole doctrines contained in the Confeſſion of faith, and engage con⯑ſtantly to maintain them, and ſhould acknowledge Preſbyterian government now ſettled by law, to be the only government of this church, (N. B. not the only government preſcribed by Chriſt in his word) and engage to ſubmit to, and concur with it, and to obſerve an uniformity of public worſhip, as at pre⯑ſent performed, and allowed in this church.

Meanwhile, the Parliament made ſundry good acts for confirming the laws in favours of the Con⯑feſſion of faith and Preſbyterian church government; —and for reſtraining blaſphemy, profaneneſs, clan⯑deſtine and irregular marriages, ſpread of Popery, and holding of weekly markets on Saturdays and Mondays, in towns;—and for ſettlement of ſchools, and encouragement of preachers, particularly in the north, —and application of vacant ſtipends to promote ſuch purpoſes.—The Aſſembly fixed the proportion of commiſſioners to its meetings viz. two miniſters and one ruling elder, from Preſbyteries of not above twelve miniſters; three miniſters and one [330] elder from Preſbyteries of not above eighteen mini⯑ſters; four miniſters and two elders from Preſbyte⯑ries of not above twenty-four miniſters, and ſo pro⯑portionally in larger Presbyteries; and that none ſhould be admitted members but miniſters and ruling elders. Finding that the Aſſembly 1642's burdening of their allowance of tranſportation, in ſome caſes, —with burghs maintaining of ſtudents of divinity at the univerſities, in order to prevent the need of it, as much as poſſible, and the Commiſſion 1650's la⯑menting over the ſinfulneſs of frequent tranſportati⯑ons, even to eminent charges, had not effectually re⯑ſtrained vacancies from troubling their neighbours and judicatories with attempts to procure miniſters, probationers being ſcarce, from other congregations, they, by act vi. 1694, recommended to all vacant congregations, not to call any ſettled miniſter from any other congregation, till they had firſt ſeriouſly, but without ſucceſs, endeavoured to be ſupplied with a free object. And, for preventing tranſportation, they, afterward, in their Large Overtures concerning diſcipline and government, declare the power of ſup⯑plying vacancies to belong only to their own Preſby⯑tery, and that no miniſter of another Preſbytery ought ſo much as occaſionally to preach in them, but with advice of the neighbouring miniſters, and the harmonious conſent of the elders;—and that Preſ⯑byteries ſhould labour by all means to prevent tranſ⯑portation of miniſters who are already uſefully ſettled; as tranſportation is often a great grievance, and is ſeldom to be practiſed. They appointed every mini⯑ſter to lecture a conſiderable portion of ſcripture, ac⯑cording to the Weſtminſter directory for public wor⯑ſhip; that candidates for preaching the goſpel, be ſufficiently known to be of a ſober, grave, prudent, and pious behaviour, and like to be uſeful and edi⯑fying in the church, and be duly atteſted in order to licence, or when removing from one Preſbytery to another; and that no miniſter employ any, in his own pulpit, but with the conſent of the Preſbytery; [331] that great caution be uſed, both in admitting and cen⯑ſuring of curates; that no miniſter be haſtily cenſur⯑ed for not qualifying himſelf according to the civil law; that, in order to reſtrain the abounding pro⯑faneneſs, miniſters preach plainly and faithfully a⯑gainſt it, judicatories impartially exerciſe diſcipline againſt offenders,—proper teſtimonials be required on perſons removal from one place to another,—mi⯑niſters and elders take care that the worſhip of God be daily performed in families,—none be ruling el⯑ders, who do not make conſcience of this neceſſary duty,—none groſly ignorant or ſcandalous be admit⯑ted to the Lord's table,—and miniſters and ſeſſions apply to magiſtrates for execution of the acts of Par⯑liament againſt profaneneſs. They further appoint⯑ed, That preachers in vacant congregations, particu⯑larly in the north, ſhould have a proper allowance out of the vacant ſtipends; that all intruſions of cu⯑rates or others into vacant congregations, ſhould be carefully prevented; that Preſbyteries carefully main⯑tain exerciſes and additions, by members at their meetings,—have frequent privy cenſures,—and main⯑tain burſars of divinity at colleges; that the Iriſh or Gaelic Pſalms and Catechiſms, be uſed where that, and not the Engliſh language, is underſtood; and that no preacher, who underſtands the Iriſh language, be ſettled in the low country.

The Aſſembly 1695, preſcribed forms of commiſ⯑ſions for members ſent to their meetings; eſtabliſhed directions how to deal with trafficking Papiſts and Quakers,—and for tranſmitting propoſals of new acts concerning doctrine, worſhip, diſcipline, or govern⯑ment to Preſbyteries, to be maturely conſidered by them, before they be enacted by the Aſſembly as binding rules. They appointed forty four miniſters to go and preach in the north, one half of which, in the preſent neceſſity, might be tranſported thither, if they got calls; that in Preſbyteries where two thirds of the congregations were ſettled, one fourth part of the miniſters ſhould go north, and one eighth [332] part be tranſported; that, in order to content the deprived pariſhes, their next miniſter ſhould be de⯑clared intranſportable, without their conſent, unleſs he had inſupportable grievances;—that miniſters ſhould preach catechetical doctrine; that no mini⯑ſters, ſeſſions, elders, Preſbyteries, or Synods ſhould give recommendations for charity, without their own bounds; that miniſters labour to their utmoſt to re⯑ſtrain the ſpread of deiſtical opinions, or any other errors contrary to the Confeſſion of faith; that great care be taken, that none be licenſed to preach the goſpel, or ordained to the miniſtry, but on proper trial of their abilities, piety, and good behaviour,— particularly of their knowledge of the ſcriptures in their original languages, if not alſo in the Syriac and Chaldaic, and of the principal controverſies reſpect⯑ing doctrine, worſhip, diſcipline, and government; that Synods and Preſbyteries take care to prevent the commiſſion of irregularities by vagrant miniſters; and that miniſters be very cautious in recommending perſons to public offices in the church, without con⯑ſulting the Preſbyteries concerned.

In 1697, the Aſſembly appointed, that a roll of probationers and of ſtudents of divinity, who do not attend the profeſſors that teach it, be yearly preſent⯑ed to the Aſſembly, read before it, and regiſtered in the minutes of it;—that the Large Overtures concern⯑ing the diſcipline and method of proceeding in eccleſiaſti⯑cal judicatories, ſhould be tranſmitted as overtures from private hands to the ſeveral Preſbyteries, that they may ſend their obſervations on them to the Commiſſion, which is to prepare them for the conſi⯑deration of the Aſſembly; that ruling elders and dea⯑cons, who neglect the daily worſhip of God in their families, be ſeriouſly admoniſhed or rebuked,—and be removed from their office, if they continue in that ſin,—and that this act, together with that of 1694, againſt profaneneſs, be read from the pulpit, in every congregation yearly, on the firſt Sabbath of May;—that miniſters punctually fulfil their appoint⯑ments [333] to preach in vacant congregations; that no novations in doctrine, diſcipline, worſhip or govern⯑ment, be enacted by the Aſſembly, till the matter have been maturely conſidered by Preſbyteries; that commiſſioners to the Aſſembly, duly attend the ſe⯑veral meetings of it; that miniſters, ſeſſions, and Preſbyteries, exert themſelves for reſtraining the a⯑bounding of ſwearing, curſing, ſabbath-breaking, pro⯑fane withdrawment from and contempt of goſpel or⯑dinances, or mocking at religion and the exerciſes of it, together with fornication, adultery, drunkenneſs, tippling, deiſm, blaſphemy, and other abominable ſins,—and deal with magiſtrates, faithfully to exe⯑cute the laws againſt ſuch vices;—and that this act be every year read from every pulpit at Whitſunday and Martinmas. They alſo laboured to ſupply the army with preachers, and the North with miniſters, catechiſts, and ſchool-maſters; and recommended to Preſbyteries to be very cautious in either cenſur⯑ing or admitting the ſtill outſtanding curates.

Finding, that former appointments of miniſters to preach or be ſettled in the North, had exceeding⯑ly failed, the Aſſembly 1698, formed a number of overtures for the ſupply of that poor, deſtitute and ignorant country; and appointed twenty probatio⯑ners to go and preach in it. They appointed the a⯑bove mentioned Large overtures to be further con⯑ſidered by Preſbyteries; and afterwards framed o⯑thers for the repreſſion of profaneneſs,—checking the ſpread of Popery, and preventing marriage with⯑out proclamation of banns for three ſeveral ſabbaths. Not a few ſerious people, eſpecially in the ſouth and weſt, ſtill ſcrupling to join the eſtabliſhed church, on account of her original defects and ſuperadded blemiſhes, the commiſſion publiſhed their ſeaſonable admonition, in which they very plainly aſſerted, the ſole headſhip of Chriſt over his church, her intrinſic power derived from him, and the divine right of Preſ⯑byterian church government, and laboured to ſhew, that the church was in ſuch a ſtate of purity, that [334] ſhe may be ſafely joined with, and could not, with⯑out ſin and danger, be deſerted.

The Aſſembly 1699, chiefly occupied themſelves in forming acts and overtures againſt profaneneſs and Popery, and for the ſpread of Chriſtian knowledge in the North, and for that end, planting ſchools and miniſters there,—and for cauſing all miniſters, pro⯑bationers, and ſchool-maſters, ſubſcribe the Confeſ⯑ſion of faith. They alſo tranſmitted to Preſbyteries, ſeveral overtures concerning the reviſal of the regiſ⯑ters of judicatories,—ſchool-maſters diligence in teaching the principles of the Proteſtant religion,— and concerning witchcraft,—obſtinacy in ſcandal,— Papiſts renunciation of their deluſions,—and concer⯑ning the making and obſervation of acts of Aſſem⯑bly. The Aſſembly, 1700, did little more than form the laſt mentioned overtures into acts, and make further proviſion of miniſters for the North. The Aſſembly, 1701, moreover condemned an Apo⯑logy for M. Antonia Bourignion, which denied God's permiſſion of ſin, or infliction of puniſhment for it, —aſcribed to Chriſt two human natures, one formed from Adam before the creation of Eve, and another born of the virgin Mary;—denied God's decrees of election and reprobation as wicked, cruel, and par⯑tial;—denied his foreknowledge of futurities;—and maintained, That all men have a good and an evil ſpirit in them before their birth;—that man's will is unlimited, and he muſt have ſome infinite quality, by which he may unite with God;—that Chriſt's human nature had ſinful corruption in it, and his will had in it rebellion againſt the will of God;—that men may be perfect in this life, or purified from ſin in the next;—that natural generation takes place in heaven;—that there are now no true Chriſtians in this world, &c. The curates, having ſo terribly neglected the adminiſtration of the Lord's ſupper, that in all the biſhoprick of Argyle, it was diſpenſed but twelve times in twenty-eight years, the Preſby⯑terian miniſters had no ſmall difficulty to render it [335] as frequent as they wiſhed. This Aſſembly recom⯑mended the more frequent adminiſtration of it, and that the number of miniſters aſſiſting at it, ſhould be leſſened. They revived the acts of 1645 and 1649, againſt Lykwakes, abuſes at penny-weddings, and promiſcuous dancings. They tranſmitted to Preſ⯑byteries ſome overtures concerning ſcandalous per⯑ſons turning Papiſts, in order to eſcape diſcipline, —Proteſtants marrying Papiſts,—intimations of ex⯑communication through the whole Preſbytery, or in caſe of obſtinacy, through every kirk in the nation, —or irregular abſolution from cenſure by curates or others; and concerning the ſtrict trial of candidates for the miniſtry,—and the calling of Preſbyteries to account for their diligence in the reſtraining of pro⯑faneneſs.

King William dying juſt after the Aſſembly, 1702, had conveened, they did nothing that needs to be here recorded. Queen Anne having ſucceeded him, ſeveral Synods dreading her unfriendly diſpoſition, thought proper to form acts expreſly aſſerting Chriſt's ſole headſhip over his church, her intrinſic power and the divine right of Preſbytery: and ſome of the more zealous miniſters thought to have puſhed an act of that kind in the Aſſembly, 1703. But to prevent it, the haughty earl of Seafield, her commiſſioner, diſſolved their meeting, when they had done little more, than to form ſome directions for planting of miniſters in the North,—and to draw up an addreſs to her majeſty in favour of their Preſbyterian govern⯑ment, and repreſenting the extraordinary growth of Popery, the diſorderly behaviour of the curates, and the abounding of immorality and profaneneſs;—and had given ſome recommendations, for ſupplying and preſerving the regiſters belonging to the Aſſemblies, and their committees and commiſſions,—part of which had been deſtroyed by the dreadful fire in 1701; and concerning the Large overtures of 1697. —Many proteſtations from all corners of the houſe were offered againſt this diſſolution of their meeting, [336] and or the intrinſic power of the church. But Mr. Meldrum, the moderator, was ſo overwhelmed with abuſe by the commiſſioner, and with confuſion, that he concluded with prayer, before any thing could be regularly marked. Ever ſince, I think, the General Aſſemblies have been firſt diſſolved by the moderator in the name of Chriſt, and then by the commiſſioner in the name of the ſovereign.

Probably to lull the Preſbyterians aſleep, one act was made by Anne's Parliament, in 1702, and ano⯑ther in 1703, ratifying all former laws in favour of the Confeſſion of faith and Preſbyterian church govern⯑ment, particularly the act 5th, 1690. Many had fearful apprehenſions of a deſign to have Prelacy tole⯑rated, if not eſtabliſhed by the Parliament 1703, but the Lord threw the members into ſuch heats and con⯑fuſions, as iſſued in declaring it treaſonable to alter the government of the church. Nevertheleſs, a trea⯑ty of an incorporating union with England was almoſt immediately after projected, and, notwithſtanding much oppoſition, carried on and concluded. When it was laid before the Parliament in 1706, and the majority of members appeared to favour it, both mi⯑niſters and people were exceedingly concerned, and preſented addreſſes againſt it. The Commiſſion of the General Aſſembly ſat during the whole ſeſſion of Parliament, and was uncommonly numerous. They firſt preſented an addreſs for an unalterable eſtabliſh⯑ment of their religion, in the preſent and all ſucceed⯑ing generations, as far as human laws could go. To ſatisfy them, the Parliament enacted, That the per⯑petual eſtabliſhment of the doctrine, worſhip, diſci⯑pline, and Preſbyterian government of this church, ſhould be held as an unalterable, fundamental, and eſſential condition of the intended union, if it ſhould be concluded. Many thought, that this would be a better ſecurity for their religion, than any act of the Scotch Parliament alone. But the moſt part of the true Preſbyterians ſtill continued averſe to an in⯑corporating union, or coming under the juriſdiction [337] of a Britiſh Parliament, in which the Engliſh Prela⯑tiſts would be ten to one of the Scots. Notwith⯑ſtanding great oppoſition from noblemen and gentle⯑men, who expected temporal advantages by promot⯑ing the union, the Commiſſion preſented a ſecond addreſs, in which they repreſented the danger they would be in of oaths, teſts, and impoſitions incon⯑ſiſtent with their principles, and that it was contrary to their principles and covenants to approve of the civil power of biſhops, to twenty ſix of whom the nation would be ſubjected in the Britiſh Parliament. To this they got no anſwer, but a clauſe inſerted in⯑to the act for ſecuring the church, bearing, That no oath, teſt, or ſubſcription, ſhould ever be impoſed within the bounds of this church and kingdom, contrary to our Preſbyterian eſtabliſhment; but leaving Scotchmen liable to ſuch impoſitions in any other part of the Britiſh dominions. The Parliament thereafter de⯑clared, that the Parliament of England might provide for the ſecurity of their church within that kingdom, as they ſhould think expedient. By this, they, con⯑trary to the word of God, and our ſolemn covenants with him, particularly the ſolemn league, conſented to the ſecuring of Prelacy and the ceremonies in Eng⯑land, as an eſſential and fundamental condition of the union. The Commiſſion being informed of this, notwithſtanding great oppoſition, preſented a third addreſs, craving, That there might be no ſuch ſti⯑pulation or conſent to the eſtabliſhment of the hie⯑rarchy and ceremonies in England, as they would not involve themſelves and the nation in guilt. But the expectation of 400,000 pounds ſterling to balance the loſs of Darien to the Spaniards, thro' the treachery of the Engliſh, and the hopes of worldly advantages from the court, or in point of trade, made moſt of the Parliamenters overlook every thing religious,— ſo that the perpetual eſtabliſhment of Epiſcopacy and the ceremonies, in England, as well as of Preſbyterian government and the ſimplicity of goſpel worſhip attend⯑ing it, in Scotland, were both fixed as fundamental [338] and unalterable conditions of the union; and each nation, by a ſolemn deed of their Parliament, gua⯑rantied to the other, an eſtabliſhment of religion not a little contrary to their own.

Beſides their labour in proſecuting and depoſing Mr. John M'Millan in 1703, who, beſides declaim⯑ing againſt the defects and blemiſhes of the Revoluti⯑on church, denied the authority of the civil magiſ⯑trates, becauſe of their not taking the covenants, and wanting other qualifications required in ſcripture, and by the laws between 1638 and 1650,—and of Mr. John Hepburn in 1705, on account of his re⯑lapſing into his former conduct,—the principal ap⯑pointments of the Aſſembly in 1704, are, That mi⯑niſters ſhould lecture a conſiderable portion of ſcrip⯑ture at a time; that none ſhould be commiſſioners to the Aſſemblies, but ſuch as have ſubſcribed the Con⯑feſſion of faith, and have relation to, and reſide in, the place from which they are ſent; that ſcandalous per⯑ſons, who turn Papiſts to eſcape cenſure, be excom⯑municated; that excommunications be intimated in the bounds of Preſbytery, Synod, or through the whole kingdom, as may beſt correſpond with the obſtinacy of the ſcandalous perſon; that candidates for licence and ordination be very ſtrictly tried, and that Synods take care that it be ſo; that Synods call Preſbyteries to account with reſpect to their diligence in the reſtraining of profaneneſs, and cauſing the acts made againſt it to be read from all their pulpits twice every year; that Synods and Preſbyteries care⯑fully obſerve, that none be permitted to vent any Arminian, Arian, or Socinian errors; that ſtudents, who underſtand the Iriſh language, be preferred to burſaries in colleges, before any others; that Preſby⯑teries earneſtly travel in collecting money from no⯑blemen and others, in order to raiſe a fund for the eſtabliſhment of ſchools in the Highlands, and form⯑ing libraries there; that proper means be concerted for printing a new edition of the Iriſh or Gaclic bible, and for tranſlating the Confeſſion of faith and larger [339] catechiſm into that language, and for rendering the Pſalms and ſhorter catechiſm, already tranſlated, more generally uſeful; that care be taken to repreſs Pope⯑ry, and prevent Proteſtants marrying with Papiſts; that an exact Form of proceſs be ſpeedily and carefully drawn up, and great pains uſed for recovering regi⯑ſters and other papers belonging to the church; that Preſbyteries and miniſters ſee to the erection of a ſchool in every pariſh, and that the youth be properly taught in ſchools, as well as in colleges. About this time, the Large Overtures were again publiſhed in a more correct ſtate. They contained directions for the right conſtitution of church JUDICATORIES in general, and reſpecting their moderators, clerks, re⯑giſters, proceedings, behaviour of members in them, and concluſion of their meetings,—and more particu⯑larly for the conſtitution of KIRK SESSIONS,—electi⯑on and ordination of elders and deacons,—marriage, —admiſſion of infants to baptiſm,—admiſſion to, or debarring from the Lord's table,—procedure with drunkards, ſwearers, profaners of the Lord's day, forni⯑cators, adulterers, and other unclean perſons,—privy cenſures:—for the conſtitution of PRESBYTERIES, —licenſing of preachers, planting of vacant congre⯑gations,—ordination, or tranſportation, of miniſters, appeals and references from ſeſſions, cenſuring of groſs ſcandals, from which ſeſſions do not abſolve, —proceſſes in order to the greater excommunication, Preſbyterial exerciſes,—privy cenſures:—for the conſtitution and opening of Synods,—procedure of their committees,—procedure in procceſſes,—privy cenſure of Preſbyteries,—and concluſion of their meetings:—and for the conſtitution and opening of General ASSEMBLIES,—procedure of their ſeve⯑ral committees,—procedure in their own work,—ap⯑pointment and procedure of Commiſſions,—and con⯑cluding their meetings.—But the indolence of Preſbyteries, the reſtoration of patronages, and the embarraſſment of the Aſſemblies with other buſineſs, hindered the eſtabliſhment of many of theſe excellent [340] directions, from being formed into ſtanding rules. —Moſt of the acts of the Aſſemblies, 1705, and 1706, were little more than enforcements of preced⯑ing ones relative to profaneneſs, &c.—and for cal⯑ling in the aſſiſtance of magiſtrates to prevent abuſes at penny weddings, and for recommending the lately compoſed ſcripture ſongs; for giving in of Overtures and References to the Aſſemblies, and the exact re⯑giſtering of the minutes of church courts; and for ſtrict admiſſion to the Lord's ſupper; parochial viſi⯑tations,—and miniſterial viſitation of families.—The moſt important acts of the Aſſembly 1707, are theſe largely directing how to prevent the increaſe of Po⯑pery, and eſtabliſhing a moſt excellent Form of proceſs chiefly extracted from the Large Overtures.

While the perjury and other evils of the union ſet⯑tlement more and more confirmed Meſſrs. Hepburn and M'Millan in their former courſes, the eſtabliſhed church, in her Aſſembly 1708, eſtabliſhed excellent rules for miniſters viſitation of families; they formed new acts for preventing the profanation of the Lord's day, and other impieties; they enjoined Preſbyteries to beware of raſhly licenſing or ordaining any candi⯑dates, whoſe qualifications were doubtful; they re⯑commended their forming an Overture for prevent⯑ing competition of calls, or giving a ſecond call to any candidate before his former one was finally diſcuſſed; they empowered their Commiſſion finally to examine and eſtabliſh the public uſe of the ſcripture ſongs, which had, for ſeveral years, been under conſidera⯑tion. In 1709, they recommended the utmoſt reve⯑rence in the public worſhip of God, and ordered a warning to that purpoſe to be read from every pul⯑pit; they earneſtly called all under their inſpection to concur in promoting the erection of a Society for propagating Chriſtian knowledge in the Highlands and foreign parts of the world, and required miniſters and elders to collect what they could from their people, as a fund for ſupporting this excellent deſign: They re⯑commended to each Preſbytery to form a library for [341] itſelf, out of the books ſent by friends from England, and ſuch others as they could obtain. They, as had been repeatedly done before, required Preſbyte⯑ries carefully to examine the Large Overtures, that they might have them ſpeedily eſtabliſhed as a com⯑plete directory for their judicial procedure.—The Aſ⯑ſembly 1710, formed ſome new overtures for pre⯑venting the licenſing of too many, or unqualified, preachers. They required all general faſts appointed by either church or ſtate, for juſt and neceſſary cau⯑ſes, to be duly obſerved. They appointed all mini⯑ſters in whoſe bounds Bourignian errors are ſpread⯑ing, to preach particularly and faithfully againſt them; and all Preſbyteries, in whoſe bounds they are vented, carefully to cauſe all ſchoolmaſters, tea⯑chers, chaplains, and governors of youth to ſubſcribe the Confeſſion of faith as the confeſſion of their faith; and that no heritors or heads of families retain in ſuch ſtations any that refuſe their ſubſcription; that Preſ⯑byteries tranſmit to the Commiſſion an exact and full account of the principal propagators of theſe er⯑rors, and the profeſſors of divinity publiſh a full col⯑lection and nervous confutation of them. They for⯑med directions for diſpoſing of burſaries in colleges to ſtudents, eſpecially ſuch as had the Iriſh language. In anſwer to a Repreſentation of the ſociety for pro⯑pagating Chriſtian knowledge, they appointed all thoſe who had not made the above recommended collections, to do it without further delay, and en⯑joined Synods to point out to the Society what places had moſt need of ſchools and catechiſts. Almoſt every Aſſembly for a conſiderable number of years, iſſued recommendations for the aſſiſtance of that uſeful Society, with collections of money, or other⯑wiſe. The Aſſembly 1711, recommended to Preſby⯑teries to have the Lord's ſupper ſo adminiſtered in their bounds, that people might have acceſs to it every mouth of the year. They earneſtly enjoined Preſby⯑teries to labour, to their utmoſt, to have the wor⯑ſhip of God ſet up, and daily performed, in all the [342] parts of it, in every family in their bounds. They formed a new act for the cautious and careful proce⯑dure of Preſbyteries in trying, licenſing, and ordain⯑ing candidates for the miniſtry; and eſtabliſhed a FORMULA of queſtions and engagements for them at licence and ordination, in which they ſolemnly declare, That they believe the ſcriptures of the Old and New Teſtament to be the word of God, and only rule of faith and manners; that they ſincerely own and be⯑lieve the WHOLE doctrine contained in the Confeſſion of faith, and will, to the utmoſt of their power, con⯑ſtantly maintain the ſame, along with the purity of worſhip preſently practiſed in this church,—and diſ⯑own all Popiſh, Arian, Socinian, Arminian, Bou⯑rignian, and other doctrines, tenets, or opinions whatſoever, inconſiſtent with, or contrary to ſaid Confeſſion of faith;—that they believe the Preſbyteri⯑an government and diſcipline of this church to be founded on the word of God, and will maintain, ſup⯑port, and defend the ſame all the days of their life; —that they will meekly ſubmit themſelves to their reſpective judicatories, and maintain the unity and peace of the church, and follow no diviſive courſe from her eſtabliſhed doctrine, worſhip, diſcipline, and government;—that zeal for the honour of God, love to Jeſus Chriſt, and deſire of ſaving ſouls, are their great motives and chief inducements to enter into the holy miniſtry, and not any worldly deſigns or intereſt;—that they have uſed no undue methods, either by themſelves or others, in procuring their call; that in the ſtrength of Chriſt they will live an holy and circumſpect life, and faithfully, diligently, and cheerfully diſcharge all the parts of the miniſterial work to the edification of the body of Chriſt, parti⯑cularly of the people intruſted to them. Theſe, however little regarded by many, ſtill continue the ordination vows of all miniſters in the eſtabliſhed church.—This Aſſembly further prohibited all ſtudents or preachers to offer themſelves to licence or ordination, unleſs they carried ſufficient teſtimo⯑nials [343] from their profeſſors, pariſhes, and Preſbyte⯑ries; and appointed their Commiſſion to acquaint miniſters in foreign parts what teſtimonials they may ſafely receive from candidates that offer themſelves to licence or ordination with them. As good order, as well as the Large Overtures, required vacant con⯑gregations to be ſupplied only by their own Preſby⯑tery, they prohibited miniſters to preach in any va⯑cant congregation without the bounds of their own Preſbytery, unleſs they be invited by the Preſbytery in whoſe bounds that vacancy lies, or at leaſt ſome neighbouring miniſter of it; the Large Overtures requires the invitation of neighbouring miniſters, and the harmonious conſent of the elders of the va⯑cant pariſh.

During the preceding twenty two years, the Re⯑volution church had continued in much the ſame condition. The Lord had not a little countenancad her miniſtrations, eſpecially by the more faithful, for the inſtruction, conviction, converſion, and edifica⯑tion of ſouls, which had been left by the curates in a moſt ignorant or profligate caſe. The clergy had ſomewhat rectified ſeveral defects of their original erection with reſpect to the aſſerting of Chriſt's ſole headſhip over the church, her intrinſic power, and the divine right of Preſbyterian government. The moderator of the Aſſembly 1692, with conſent of the members, boldly remonſtrated to the king's com⯑miſſioner, that the office bearers in the houſe of God have a ſpiritual intrinſic power from Jeſus Chriſt the only head of his church, to meet in Aſſemblies a⯑bout the affairs thereof. Many proteſtations of the ſame kind were made in the Aſſembly 1703, when the queen's commiſſioner diſſolved it. The Aſſembly 1704, plainly told her majeſty, that they were now again met in a national Aſſembly in the name of the Lord Jeſus Chriſt.—and approved ſeveral Synod books, which contained new acts aſſerting Chriſt's ſole headſhip over his church, her intrinſic pewer, and the divine right of Preſbytery. The Aſſembly 1705, [344] in their 5th act, expreſly aſſert the Lord Jeſus Chriſt to be the alone king and head of his church. The Aſſembly 1707, in their 11th act, expreſly declare, That our Lord Jeſus Chriſt hath inſtituted a government and governors eccleſiaſtical in his own houſe, with pow⯑er to meet for the order and government thereof. At the concluſion of each Aſſembly, the moderator, before the king's commiſſioner, publicly declares, that as the Aſſembly met in the name of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, the only king and head of his church, ſo they part in the ſame.—The Commiſſion 1698, in their Seaſonable admonition, publicly declare, We do believe and own, that Jeſus Chriſt is the ONLY HEAD and KING of his church; and that he hath inſtituted in his church officers and ordinances, order and govern⯑ment, and not left it to the will of men, magiſtrate or church, to alter it at their pleaſure. And we believe this government is neither Prelatical, nor congregatio⯑nal, but Preſbyterian, which now, through the mer⯑cy of God, is eſtabliſhed among us; and believe we have a better foundation for this our government than the inclinations of the people, or laws of men. This ſeaſonable Admonition was ratified and approved by the Aſſembly 1699, act xii. By the above mention⯑ed FORMULA of 1711, every candidate licenſed to preach, or ordained to the miniſtry, is required ſo⯑lemnly and publicly to avow, That the Preſbyterian government and diſcipline of this church are founded on the word of God.—All along to 1710, the Aſſem⯑blies, in their cauſes of faſting or otherwiſe, more or leſs acknowledged the binding obligation of our pub⯑lic covenants. In act 5th, 1700, they lament our continued unfaithfulneſs to God, notwithſtanding our ſolemn covenants and engagements to the contrary. In act 9th, 1701, they ſay, Our ſins are the more ag⯑gravated, that they are againſt ſo ſolemn and repeated vows, and engagements, and covenants with God, which have been openly violated and broken by per⯑ſons of all ranks, and treated with public contempt and indignities. To theſe two acts, they, for ſeve⯑ral [345] years after, refer in their cauſes of faſting. In act 7th, 1710, they ſay, The crying ſins both of for⯑mer and preſent times are highly aggravated by the violation of our ſolemn covenants and engagements to the contrary.

But, by this time, the temporal advantages of our incorporating union with England began to be more and more overbalanced by the introduction of ſinful corruptions from that country. The Sabbath began to be greatly profaned by driving of cattle, and other unneceſſary labours. The ſocieties for reformation of manners gradually dwindled away. Our nobility and gentry, by little and little, gave up with family religion, and dropt the very form of godlineſs. Spen⯑ding much of their time in England, they either contracted a liking to the hierarchy and ſuperſtition there uſed, or lived much in the neglect of public worſhip; and being there under no miniſterial in⯑ſpection, they and their families followed their own inclinations without controul.—Public oaths in qua⯑lifying men for civil offices, or in collecting of tax⯑es, were exceedingly multiplied, and much perjury thereby increaſed. The abjuration oath, which had for ſome years been uſed in England, was extended to thoſe in places of power and truſt in Scotland, to be taken along with the oath of allegiance, and the aſſurance. The epiſcopalian party introduced the Engliſh ceremonies, and ſervice, which their fathers had refuſed. And notwithſtanding the Aſſembly, 1707, made an act againſt it, and the commiſſion uſed ſome means to prevent it, they were but the more forward to ſet it up, or extol it, and to rail at the goſpel ſimplicity of the eſtabliſhed worſhip. Nay the idolatrous worſhip of the Papiſts was openly prac⯑tiſed and connived at▪ A ſuperſtitious form of ſwear⯑ing by laying the hand on and kiſſing the goſpel was in⯑troduced into ſome of our civil courts. Such Scotſ⯑men, as ſerved the ſovereign in England, or Ireland, were required to take the Lord's ſupper in the Eng⯑liſh manner, as a teſt of their loyalty, and otherwiſe [346] conform to the liturgy and ceremonies. An obſer⯑vation of ſuperſtitious holy days was encouraged by the vacation of our civil courts in the end of the year, &c. Addreſſes to the Houſe of Peers were rejected, unleſs they were directed to the Lord's ſpi⯑ritual, as well as temporal.—Strongly attached to their Popiſh pretender, many of the epiſcopal clergy, of whom, in 1707, 165 ſtill retained their churches and ſtipends, began to plead for a middle ſtate of ſouls after death, and prayers for the dead;—the Lord's ſupper being a propitiatory ſacrifice for ſin;—the mix⯑ing of the ſacramental wine with water;—the neceſ⯑ſity of abſolution by a prieſt, and confeſſion of ſins to him in order to forgiveneſs of them;—the anointing with oil in baptiſm and other caſes;—the neceſſity of epiſcopal ordination and baptiſm to ſalvation;—the bowing towards the altar, and at the name of Jeſus; —the reception of the meaning of the ſcriptures from the church or clergy; —and the rejection of the Athanaſian creed, concerning the Trinity, uſed in the Engliſh ſervice,—and to recommend Popiſh books, containing devotions and prayers to the virgin Mary and other ſaints.

Meanwhile, contrary to the moſt ſolemn ſecurity granted to the Preſbyterian eſtabliſhment in the Treaty of union, the Britiſh Parliament, 1712, gran⯑ted the epiſcopalians an almoſt unbounded toleration, providing their clerk took the oaths to the govern⯑ment, and prayed for Queen Anne, who was now ſtrai⯑ning every nerve, to bring her Popiſh ſuppoſed bro⯑ther to the throne,—prohibiting magiſtrates to oblige them to appear before any eſtabliſhed church judica⯑tory, and requiring them to protect them in their public worſhip, ſo long as they did not turn Papiſts or blaſphemers. To protect ſuch of them as ſhould ſcruple at the oath of abjuration, which ſolemnly re⯑nounced their Popiſh pretender, and avowed the rightful ſucceſſion of the elector of Hanover to the crown in his ſtead, the Parliament, now managed by Jacobitical influence, impoſed that oath upon every [347] Preſbyterian miniſter, under a very heavy penalty, if they ſhould continue to officiate without taking it. By the impoſition of this oath, ambiguous or danger⯑ous, in ſeveral of its expreſſions, and expreſly ſaid in the Engliſh act, firſt impoſing it to be calculated for the perpetual maintenance of the church of England as by law eſtabliſhed, and in which one had to ſwear to maintain the ſucceſſion of the Britiſh crown AS li⯑mited by two acts of the Engliſh Parliament, one of which expreſly provided, That the ſucceſſor ſhould be of the communion of the church of England, and ſwear to maintain her as by law eſtabliſhed, the Preſ⯑byterian clergy would either, by their general refu⯑ſal, give the court an handle to overturn their eſta⯑bliſhment, or at leaſt be divided and weakened, and the refuſers appear as diſloyal as any of the Jacobites, though their ſcruples were very differently founded. And to provoke the Preſbyterians the more, the Parliament reſtored patronages in their whole extent, providing only, that patrons took the oaths to go⯑vernment, and did not profeſs themſelves Papiſts. The Jacobites doctrine of unlimited obedience to ſo⯑vereigns and their diſtinction of them by right and by actual poſſeſſion, qualified multitudes of them in Scot⯑land, as well as in England, to ſwear the oath of ab⯑juration, when impoſed by authority, and now plainly enough impoſed, as a mean of enthroning their Po⯑piſh pretender.

Theſe acts, ſo haſtily paſſed, exceedingly alarmed the Scotch Preſbyterians. The Toleration enervated their diſcipline, and encouraged the Jacobites in their rudeneſs and influence towards the eſtabliſhed religion, and clergy, and opened a door for almoſt every error and abomination in the worſhip of God. The reſtoration of Patronage was calculated to ſill the church with Jacobitiſh or naughty clergymen by means of ſolicitations or fimoniacal pactions, and ſo occaſion much perjury in their ordination vows, and render their miniſtrations contemptible, uſeleſs, and hurtful. The impoſition of the abjuration oath [...]n [348] miniſters as a condition of their entrance to, or ex⯑erciſe of their office, rendered them more and more the ſlaves of an Eraſtian court,—tended to debauch their conſciences, in taking oaths without any neceſ⯑ſity, or even without due certainty of their lawful⯑neſs, or any plain tendency to the honour of God,— and to diminiſh their zeal for their covenanted re⯑formation and Preſbyterian government, and render them approvers of the perjurious ſettlement of religi⯑on by the incorporating union with England;— and threatened, as it ſoon actually did, to produce the moſt mournful diviſions among miniſters, or be⯑tween them and their hearers.—To prevent the paſ⯑ſing of theſe acts, the commiſſion tranſmitted ſolemn addreſſes to her majeſty, pleading the laws perpetual⯑ly confirmed by the union ſettlement in oppoſition to the intended toleration and reſtoration of patro⯑nages, which addreſſes the Aſſembly approved, and ſeconded with an addreſs of their own. The com⯑miſſion alſo addreſſed her with reſpect to the abjurati⯑no oath, and, in a ſolemn profeſſion of their loyalty, declared their ſenſe of it,—which ſhe ſaid was accep⯑table to her. Hereupon the Aſſembly, in another addreſs, begged that ſhe would interpoſe her influ⯑ence for preventing the proſecution of ſcrupulous refuſers of it. Meſſrs. Carſtairs, Blackwell, and Bai⯑lie, were ſent to London to preſent theſe addreſſes, and to agent their cauſe, but all to no purpoſe.

As the abjuration oath produced the moſt diſagree⯑ble diviſions, the Aſſembles, 1712, 1713, 1714, and 1715, by expreſs acts, recommended and obteſted all miniſters to cultivate peace and harmony, not⯑withſtanding their different views or practices with reſpect to it. The other more remarkable acts of theſe Aſſembles, were, for aſſiſting and encouraging the Society for propagating Chriſtian knowledge; for regular admiſſion of infants to baptiſm; for more frequent adminiſtration of the Lord's ſupper; for purging the ſcandals of ſoldiers; for directing the viſitors of Synod regiſters; for regulating the licen⯑ſing [349] of preachers, and diſcouraging unworthy bur⯑ſars; and for execution of former acts to prevent the growth of Popery.—The commiſſion, 1713, emitted a ſeaſonable warning to be read from every pulpit, intreating people to beware of being deluded by the ſubtile pretences of the Jacobites, who really labour⯑ed to bring them under the yoke of a Popiſh preten⯑der; and the Aſſembly, 1714, preſented an addreſs to her majeſty, repreſenting the alarming increaſe of Popery. About this time, the curates were become extremely inſolent and abuſive, intruded themſelves into vacant congregations, and encouraged their fol⯑lowers to mob ſuch as were appointed by their Preſ⯑byteries to preach in them. But moſt of them join⯑ing in the rebellion, 1715, they were turned out of their kirks by the magiſtrate.

After the acceſſion of K. George I. to the throne in 1714, the Aſſembly, 1715, tranſmitted to him and the members of Parliament, a new repreſentati⯑on of their grievances, relative to the toleration, and abjuration oath, patronages,—and the ſacramental teſt, impoſed on Scotchmen, while ſerving the ſove⯑reign in England and Ireland. He got his Parlia⯑ment, that year, to turn the AS of reduplication on the two Engliſh acts mentioned in that oath, into WHICH, and to declare that it was not intended to oblige his ſubjects in Scotland to any thing inconſiſt⯑ent with their legal eſtabliſhment of their religion. And as, notwithſtanding this, many ſtill ſcrupled at that oath, the Parliament, 1719, removed all men⯑tion of their Engliſh acts out of the form of it im⯑poſed upon miniſters and ſchool-maſters. In conſe⯑quence of this, the moſt of the miniſters took it, and the few that did not, became diſliked by their bre⯑thren, but more eſteemed by many of the people. About the ſame time, the Parliament enacted, That all preſentations given by patrons to candidates for vacant congregations ſhould be of no effect, unleſs the preſentee accepted or declared his willingneſs to accept, which it was, for a time, expected, few or [350] none would. At leaſt the church had full power to prohibit candidates to accept preſentations, until they had firſt the call of the congregation.

The union ſettlement, and eſpecially miniſters taking the oath of abjuration, having given new ground of offence to Meſſrs. John M'Millan, late mi⯑niſter of Balmaghie, John Taylor of Wamphray, John Hepburn of Orr, and James Gilchriſt of Dun⯑ſcore, as well as to Meſſrs. John M'Neil, and John Adamſon, preachers,—they went about inveighing againſt the ſame. On this account the Aſſemblies 1715, 1716, 1717, and their inferior judicatories proſecuted them, with no ſmall ſeverity. No leſs than about twenty-four acts and overtures were paſ⯑ſed againſt theſe pious, but ſometimes imprudent and miſtaking, friends of our covenanted reformation, eleven of which reſpected Mr. Hepburn, and nine Mr. M'Millan. Mr. Hepburn had been driven from his charge, and ſuffered a long impriſonment, beſide many other harraſſments. Mr. M'Millan had been driven from his charge, and another thruſt into his place. Mr. Gilchriſt was depoſed and laid under a ſentence of excommunication, appointed to be inti⯑mated in all the pariſh churches in Scotland.—Mean⯑while theſe, and the two following Aſſemblies, made acts for aſſiſtance to the Society for propagating Chriſ⯑tian knowledge, and for the ſpeedy ſettlement of mi⯑niſters in the Highlands,—and againſt Popery and profaneneſs;—and repeatedly enjoined Preſbyteries, without delay, ſeriouſly to conſider the Large over⯑tures above-mentioned, in order to their being eſta⯑bliſhed as a complete directory for diſcipline and govern⯑ment;—and prohibited prelatical curates or Preſby⯑terian ſeparatiſts, to exerciſe diſcipline on any mem⯑bers of this church. The Aſſembly, 1718, iſſued a recommendation, for providing a fund for ſupporting the indigent widows and orphans of miniſters. The Aſſembly, 1719, enjoined every miniſter to take care to have deacons as well as ruling elders, in his congregation. They iſſued a ſolemn warning againſt [351] ſmuggling of goods, and perjuries at cuſtom-houſes, in matters of trade, to be read in all the pariſhes of Scotland, and enjoined Synods, Preſbyteries, and ſeſſions, to execute the acts of Aſſembly againſt abu⯑ſes at penny-weddings, and to apply to the magi⯑ſtrates to execute the civil laws againſt ſuch as are found guilty. They alſo framed an overture for re⯑gulating the ſettlement of vacant congregations, eſ⯑pecially where the patrons delay for ſix months had put that matter in the hands of the Preſbytery, in which elders, and eſpecially heritors, a majority of whom is required, are repreſented as the proper elec⯑tors, though, eſpecially where there are no elders, heads of families, and perſons of good reputation in the congregation, are to be regarded.

But the principal buſineſs of theſe Aſſemblies re⯑ſpected the doctrine of the church. In 1714, there commenced a flagrant report, that Mr. John Sim⯑ſon, profeſſor of divinity in the college of Glaſgow, had taught Arminian and other groſs errors. Mr. James Webſter, a moſt pious and zealous mini⯑ſter of Edinburgh, finding by converſe with him, that there was too much ground for this report, laid the matter before the General Aſſembly.—They un⯑reaſonably burdened him with the proſecution of Mr. Simſon before his own Preſbytery of Glaſgow. —Notwithſtanding all his ſubtile ſhifts and quib⯑blings, it was found evident, from his anſwers to his libel, and his letters to Mr. Rowan, That he had taught, That nothing is to be admitted in religion, but what is conſonant to reaſon;—that regard to our own happineſs in the enjoyment of God ought to be our chief motive in ſerving him, and that our glori⯑fying of God is ſubordinate to it;—that the heathen may know by the light of nature, that God hath provided a remedy for ſin, and if they would pray ſincerely for the diſcovery of the way of ſalvation, he would grant it to them;—that if men would with diligence, ſincerity, and faith, uſe the means for ob⯑taining ſaving grace, God hath promiſed to grant it [352] to them; and that the uſing of theſe means, in this manner, is not above the reach of their natural pow⯑ers;—that there was no proper covenant made by God with Adam for himſelf and his poſterity; and that he was not our federal head;—that it is incon⯑ſiſtent with God's juſtice and goodneſs, to create ſouls wanting original righteouſneſs, and that the ſouls of infants ſince the fall are created pure and ho⯑ly;—that it is probable, there are more of mankind ſaved than damned; and it is more than probable, that baptized infants dying in infancy are all ſaved; —that there is no ſinning in hell after the laſt judg⯑ment; &c. all which erroneous tenets were fully re⯑futed by Meſſrs. M'Laren and Flint, miniſters of Edinburgh. But ſuch was the power of his friends in the Aſſembly, 1717, which concluded his proceſs, that in their 9th act, they only ſay, that he had gi⯑ven offence, and had vented ſome opinions not neceſ⯑ſary to be taught in divinity, and that have given more occaſion for ſtrife, than to the promoting of edification; that he had uſed ſome expreſſions, that bear and are uſed by adverſaries in an unſound ſenſe, though he diſowns that unſound ſenſe; and for an⯑ſwering the objections of adverſaries, he had adopted ſome hypotheſes different from what are commonly uſed among orthodox divines, and are not evidently founded on ſcripture, and tend to attribute too much to natural reaſon and the power of corrupt nature, which undue advancement of reaſon and nature is always to the diſparagement of Revelation and effi⯑cacious free grace; and therefore prohibit him to uſe ſuch expreſſions, or to teach, preach, or other⯑wiſe vent ſuch opinions, propoſitions, or hypotheſes, as aforeſaid.

But the Aſſemblies were far from being equally kind to ſuch as earneſtly endeavoured a clear illuſtra⯑tion of the doctrines of God's free grace reigning through the righteouſneſs of Chriſt. Mr. Hamilton of Airth having publiſhed a catechetical treatiſe con⯑cerning the covenants of works and grace, and the ſa⯑craments [353] of baptiſm and the Lord's ſupper, in a more evangelical ſtrain than ſome wiſhed, the Aſſembly 1710, prohibited all miniſters or members of this church to print or diſperſe in writ any catechiſm, without the allowance of the Preſbytery of the bounds, or the Commiſſion. The Preſbytery of Aughterar⯑der having begun to require candidates for licence to acknowledge it unſound to teach that men muſt forſake their ſins in order to come to Chriſt, the Aſſembly 1717, on the ſame day they had dealt ſo gently with profeſſor Simſon, declared their abhorrence of that propoſition as unſound and moſt deteſtable,—as if men ought only to come to Chriſt the alone Saviour from ſins, after they have got rid of them by repentance. Mr. James Hogg one of the holieſt miniſters in the kingdom, having publiſhed or recommended a cele⯑brated and edifying tract of the Cromwellian age, called the Marrow of modern divinity, the Aſſembly 1720, fell upon it with great fury, as if it had been replete with Antinomian errors, though it is believed, many of theſe zealots never read it, at leaſt had never peruſed it, in connection with the 2d part of it, which is wholly taken up in manifeſting the obligation, meaning and advantages of obſerving the law of God. They condemned the offering of Chriſt as a Saviour to all men, or to ſinners as ſuch,—and the doctrine of believers full deliverance from under the law as a broken covenant of works. They aſſerted men's ho⯑lineſs to be a federal or conditional mean of their obtaining eternal happineſs. They condemned theſe almoſt expreſs declarations of ſcripture, That believers are not under the law; that they do not commit ſin; that the Lord ſees no ſin in them; and cannot be angry with them,—as Antinomian paradoxes, and con⯑demned the diſtinction of the moral law as a covenant of works, and as a binding rule of duty in the hand of Chriſt, in order to explain theſe expreſſions. Meſſ. James Hogg, Thomas Boſton, Ebenezer and Ralph Erſkines, Gabriel Wilſon, and ſeven others remon⯑ſtrated to the next Aſſembly againſt theſe deci⯑ſions, [354] as injurious to the doctrine of God's grace; and, in their anſwers to the Commiſſion's twelve queries, they illuſtrated theſe doctrines with no ſmall clearneſs and evidence. Perhaps influenced by this, as well as by the wide ſpread deteſtation of their acts, 1720, on that point, the Aſſembly 1722, re-conſi⯑dered the ſame, and made an act explaining and con⯑firming them. This was leſs groſs and erroneous. Nevertheleſs, the twelve Repreſenters proteſted a⯑gainſt it as injurious to truth; but this proteſt was not allowed to be marked. The moderator, by the Aſſembly's appointment, rebuked them for their re⯑flections on the Aſſembly 1720, in their Repreſenta⯑tion, and admoniſhed them to beware of the like in all time coming; againſt which they proteſted. Mr. Wilſon having preached an excellent ſermon before the Synod of Merſe and Teviotdale in 1721, in which he had freely hinted his diſlike of the legal doctrines and other corruptions then prevalent, after two years harraſſment before the Synod and Commiſſion, he was at laſt diſmiſſed by the Aſſembly 1723, with an admonition.

Little more of importance was done in theſe Aſ⯑ſemblies, unleſs that about 4200 pounds ſterling were collected for the perſecuted Proteſtants of Lithuania, and four of their ſtudents appointed to be ſupported by burſaries while attending the ſtudy of divinity at the college of Edinburgh. Several acts were made for preventing the increaſe of Popery, and, in 1722, they repreſented to his majeſty the danger of his go⯑vernment by it. Other acts were made againſt pro⯑faneneſs, and for aſſiſting the Society for propagating Chriſtian knowledge, and for planting proper miniſters and teachers in the North.—They enacted, That none ſhould be admitted to, or continued in, the office of elders or deacons, unleſs they were circumſpect in their walk, punctual in their attendance on ordinan⯑ces, and ſtrict in their obſervation of the Lord's day, and in regularly keeping up the worſhip of God in their families; and that none ſhould be ſent to, or [355] admitted members of the General Aſſembly, unleſs they were atteſted by the Preſbyteries, &c. as thus qualified.

Many of the clergy, perhaps fond of avoiding eve⯑ry appearance of good will towards the Marrow of modern divinity, ſeemed now more legal and Baxterian in their doctrine than formerly. This induced mul⯑titudes of ſerious Chriſtians, who had been formerly not a little diſguſted by their ſwearing of the Abjura⯑tion oath, to leave them, and hear the Repreſenters and their friends, whom the late diſpute, and their harraſſment attending it, had made to ſearch and ſee further into goſpel truth. Theſe, notwithſtanding their eminent exemplification and earneſt urging of goſpel holineſs, were exceedingly traduced by the prevailing party, as new ſchemers, and Antinomian encouragers of a licentious life. They had probably been more abundantly reproached and harraſſed, had not the managers got their hands full of other buſi⯑neſs. Mr. Hepburn, above mentioned, dying, his friends in Angusſhire almoſt perſuaded Mr. Francis Archibald, miniſter of Guthry, into their ſentiments. By this and ſome concurrent circumſtances, more than ordinary noiſe concerning the national covenant and ſolemn league happened in that country. Rouſed hereby, Mr. John Glaſs, a young popular preacher in it, ſet himſelf to rail at theſe covenants, as unwar⯑rantable under the New Teſtament, and not obliga⯑tory, and even againſt ſome articles of the Confeſſion of faith. He further taught, That national churches are unwarrantable under the New Teſtament; that the kingdom of Iſrael was of an eccleſiaſtical nature, and its officers church officers; that then church and ſtate were the ſame; and both intirely typical; that the Old Teſtament church was an earthly king⯑dom; that all church covenants, that bring her into any connexion with the ſtate, are legal and earthly, and means of introducing profane perſons into her. By his addreſs he decoyed Mr. Archibald into his notions, to which they ſoon added others, as, That [356] Confeſſions of faith ought not to be ſubſcribed; that only congregational churches are warranted under the Goſpel; that illiterate men are fit for preaching the goſpel; that Chriſtian congregations have power to ordain their own teachers; that all members have a ſhare in governing the church; that Chriſtian ma⯑giſtrates have no more power about religious matters than other men, and ought not to employ their power for advancing religion, or for reſtraining or puniſhing heretics, or for giving more encourage⯑ment to good Chriſtians, than to other good ſubjects. Notwithſtanding all means for reclaiming them, they obſtinately went about preaching their principles in fields and ſtreets, or printing pamphlets in favours of them. They were therefore ſuſpended in 1728, and becauſe they contemned this cenſure, they were, about two years after, depoſed. But notwithſtanding their laying out themſelves, to their utmoſt, to erect Independent churches of a new form, in every cor⯑ner, where they could find any encouragement, the Aſſembly 1739, reponed them to their office, tho' not to their charges.—On the other hand, it be⯑gan to be loudly reported, that profeſſor Simſon had not only continued to diſregard the prohibition of the Aſſembly, 1717, and teach his above mentioned er⯑rors,—but alſo had taught, That Jeſus Ckriſt is not neceſſarily exiſtent;—that the perſons in the godhead are not the very ſame inſubſtance;—that neceſſary exiſtence, ſupreme deity, and being the only true God, may be ta⯑ken in a ſenſe importing the perſonal property of the Fa⯑ther, and ſo not belonging to the Son or Holy Ghoſt. Both libels were fully proven againſt him; but the firſt was left undiſcuſſed. In conſequence of his de⯑claring his mind on the latter points in orthodox lan⯑guage, and after much quibbling and tergiverſation, profeſſing his ſorrow for ſome of the offenſive expreſ⯑ſions proved againſt him, the Aſſembly 1728, ſuſ⯑pended him from all exerciſe of any eccleſiaſtical power or function, till another Aſſembly ſhould think fit to reſtore him. And the Aſſembly 1729, further de⯑clared, [357] That it was not fit that he ſhould be any further intruſted with the training up of ſtudents for the holy miniſtry. This ſlight cenſure of an obſtinate Arminian, and an Arian blaſphemer, exceedingly grieved and offended multitudes of the more ſerious.

Scarcely was this proſecution of profeſſor Simſon finiſhed, when Mr. Campbel, profeſſor of church hiſtory in the college of St. Andrews, began, from the preſs, to ridicule cloſe walking with God, and acknowledging him in all our ways, as enthuſiaſm, and to aver, That in the interval between Chriſt's death and reſurrection, his diſciples looked on him as a cheat and impoſtor;—that ſelf love is the chief motive and ſtandard of all virtuous and religious acti⯑ons;—that the exiſtence of God and the immortality of the ſoul cannot be known by the light of nature; —that notwithſtanding, the laws of nature are a cer⯑tain and ſufficient rule to direct rational minds to happineſs, and the obſervation of them is the great mean of our real and laſting felicity. For theſe he was proceſſed before the judicatories; but, by his artful colourings of his tenets, and pretences to ad⯑here to the Confeſſion of faith, as profeſſor Simſon had always done, he not only eſcaped cenſure, but drew the Aſſembly 1736, which finiſhed his proceſs, into an approbation of his doctrine concerning ſelf love.

Dr. William Wiſheart, late principal of the col⯑lege of Edinburgh, was ſoon after ſound to have taught from the preſs, That men are not altogether, if at all, vitiated with original ſin; that the light of nature may, in ſome inſtances, be ſufficient to lead mankind to complete happineſs; that freedom of enquiry ſhould never be reſtrained by any Formula of doctrine, or Confeſſion of faith; that the minds of children ſhould not be biaſſed to the principles of a party, by learning catechiſms by heart; that civil magiſtrates have no power to puniſh hereſies of any kind, but their juriſdiction reacheth only to thoſe crimes, that are committed againſt the ſtate; and that all men ought to have full liberty to ſpeak and [358] write as they pleaſe, provided their ſentiments do not endanger the welfare of civil ſociety.—His pro⯑ceſs came before the Aſſembly 1738; but his artful colouring of his errors, and his profeſſion of adhe⯑rence to the Confeſſion of faith, brought him off, without any cenſure; in conſequence of which, he ſoon after, from the preſs, recommended Dr. Which⯑cot's ſermons to the ſtudents of divinity to form up⯑on,—without the ſmalleſt warning againſt the armi⯑nian and ſocinian errors therein contained, viz. That as to moral duties, we have the full concurrence of all heathen authors that are any whit reformed; (accord⯑ing to which, dependance on Chriſt, walking with God, or worſhipping him in three perſons, in and through Chriſt as mediator, and the like, are not mo⯑ral duties,)—that the great differences between men in the ſeveral ages of the world, have not been about any neceſſary truth or any thing plainly declared in ſcripture, (according to which, the doctrine of three diſtinct perſons in the God-head,—the true and ſupreme God-head of Chriſt,—the neceſſity, reality, and vi⯑carious nature of his ſatisfaction for our ſins,—free juſtification by his imputed righteouſneſs,—regene⯑ration and ſanctification by the almighty influence of his ſpirit;—and of original ſin imputed or inhe⯑rent,—mens natural inability to will or perform that which is naturally good, &c.—are all excluded from being neceſſary truths, or clearly revealed in the ſcripture,)—that no perfection of God's nature in⯑clines him to puniſh ſin, but to be reconcileable to all that repent;—that that repentance, which is in the power of every man, is the term or condition of the new covenant, renders men objects of the divine compaſſion, and removes the neceſſity of divine puniſhment;—that to be accepted in and thro' Chriſt, or juſtified thro' his righ⯑teouſneſs, is to be aſſured, that God, thro' the perfection of his own nature, is reconcileable to ſinners, and is abſolutely reſolved and engaged to pardon their ſin in and through Chriſt, to all who repent and believe; that religion is juſt a moving according to reaſon; that if men uſe their natu⯑ral [359] powers aright by conſideration, they may ſpiritually underſtand the ſcriptures, and make room for, and ren⯑der the influence of God's grace effectual, and find him their ſuperlative delight; &c. &c.

While the errors, that were creeping into the church, were ſo tenderly handled, and the ſpreaders of them diſmiſſed from the bar of General Aſſemblies on the eaſieſt terms, they, who ſet themſelves againſt the growing defections, were not a little oppreſſed. For about a dozen of years after patronages had been reſtored by the Parliament, no candidates had cou⯑rage to improve a preſentation for their own intruſi⯑on on reclaiming congregations. At firſt, one or two probationers began to accept preſentations: but the outcry againſt them was ſo great, that they ſoon retracted and paſſed from them. But, Mr. Cham⯑bers, principal of the college of Aberdeen, having accepted a preſentation to old Machir, probationers and others took courage, and followed his example; and though they, at firſt, qualified their acceptances, with having the peoples conſent, yet they would not retract, after the people had ſhewed their aver⯑ſion. About 1729, and 1730, intruſion of miniſters upon the footing of preſentations was become pretty common, and were warmly ſupported by the Aſ⯑ſemblies, and eſpecially by their commiſſions. This rendered the attempts of ſome Preſbyteries and Sy⯑nods to reſtrain them ineffectual. The king, ha⯑ving the patronage of very many pariſhes in his hand, ſuch miniſters as expected favours from the court, promoted the intruſions with all their might; and, in judicatories, and printed pamphlets, denied and railed againſt the right of the Chriſtian people to elect their own paſtors; while Meſſrs. Currie, Hill, and others, laboured to eſtabliſh that right.

Finding, that they were like to be much troubled with remonſtrances, diſſents and proteſtations, in Aſſemblies, Commiſſions, and inferior judicatories, the Aſſembly, 1730, refuſed to record them, and to prevent any ſtanding teſtimonies againſt their refu⯑ſing [360] to aſſert the truth, in direct oppoſition to pro⯑feſſor Simſon's errors and blaſphemies, and their vi⯑olent procedure in the intruſion of miniſters, they enacted, that no reaſons of diſſent or proteſt ſhould be recorded in their minutes. Several remonſtran⯑ces and petitions were given in to the Synods of Merſe and Lothian, as well as to the Aſſembly 1731, but no way regarded. A remonſtrance by forty-two miniſters and three elders, and another by about 1600 Chriſtian people, many of them ruling elders, were preſented to the Aſſembly 1732, in which they repreſented the many abounding defections, which grieved their ſpirit, as well as diſhonoured God, and tended to the ruin of his church, and begged, that the Aſſembly would addreſs his majeſty and Parliament, for reſcinding their acts impoſing the ſacramental teſt on the members of this church;— eſtabliſhing the toleration,—reſtoring patronages, and for laying aſide the new form of ſwearing on the goſ⯑pels,—and for allowing the addreſſes of this church, though not directed to the ſpiritual Lords; that the Aſſembly would exert themſelves to put a ſtop to the intruſion of miniſters on reclaiming congregations; would reſtrain commiſſions from countenancing it, even where neither the Preſbytery nor congregation, in the leaſt, concur in the call, trial, or ordination, of the candidate; that no appeals from Synods be judged by the commiſſion, unleſs the members of that ſederunt, be ſupernumerary to theſe of the Sy⯑nod, in miniſters, as well as elders; that, if any of the actings of the commiſſion be contrary to the con⯑ſtitutions and known principles of this church, they ſhall be reverſed, and themſelves cenſured; that in⯑ſtead of judicatories being condemned any more for teſtifying their diſpleaſure at candidates offenſive ac⯑ceptance of preſentations, none may be licenſed or ordained, that favour that courſe; that the 7th act of Aſſembly 1730, prohibiting the recording of rea⯑ſons of diſſent may be repealed; that, according to the injunction of ſome former Aſſemblies, an act [361] may be made to reſtrain the legal and heatheniſh manner of preaching lately introduced by ſome young miniſters and preachers;—and that a ſolemn warning be emitted by the Aſſembly againſt profeſſor Simſon's errors, and others, which are ſpread through the land, in order to prevent the infection of them. But neither of theſe remonſtrances were allowed ſo much as a hearing. But, in conſequence of an overture of the preceding Aſſembly, not a little worſe than that of 1719, and contrary to the inſtructions of moſt part of Preſbyteries that ſent any, they enacted, that Pro⯑teſtant heritors of any denomination or character, and elders, ſhould be the only electors of goſpel miniſters. This act was reckoned by multitudes an overturning of Chriſt's ſpiritual kingdom, and a robbing of his peo⯑ple of their ſpiritual rights, in his name, and under pretence of his authority. But the next Aſſembly prohibited the Preſbytery of Dunfermline, and by conſequence all others, to adminiſter ſealing ordi⯑nances to any, whoſe conſcience hindered them to ſubmit to the miniſtrations of an intruder violently impoſed upon them.

Several miniſters in ſermons, before Synods or Preſbyteries, as well as others, teſtified againſt this act of 1732, reſpecting the election of miniſters. A⯑mong others, Mr. Ebenezer Erſkine, whoſe evange⯑lical, clear, and majeſtic manner of preaching made him highly reſpected by the people, but diſliked by many of his brethren, in his ſermon, before the Sy⯑nod of Perth in October, 1732, teſtified againſt that act, and patronage, and ſome other prevalent cor⯑ruptions. After three days warm diſputation, the Synod appointed him to be rebuked at their bar for the matter and manner of the quarrelled parts of his ſermon. Twelve miniſters and two elders diſ⯑ſented. He appealed to the next Aſſembly, but in⯑ſtead of receiving any redreſs or protection, he was ordered to receive a rebuke. Perſuaded, that the truths of God, which he had maintained in his ſer⯑mon, were hereby injured, he proteſted, That with⯑out [362] violating his conſcience, he could not ſubmit to the Aſſembly's ſentence,—and that he ſhould be at liberty to give like teſtimonies againſt the act, 1732, or other defections, on any proper occaſion. Meſ⯑ſieurs William Wilſon of Perth, Alexander Moncrief of Abernethy, and James Fiſher of Kinclaven, for exoneration of their own conſciences, alſo proteſted againſt the ſentence. Without allowing theſe four miniſters to attempt any defence of their conduct, the Aſſembly appointed their commiſſion in Auguſt next, to proceed againſt them, by ſuſpenſion or high⯑er cenſure, if they did not retract their proteſt, and profeſs their ſorrow for taking it. When the Com⯑miſſion met, theſe miniſters were, with great diffi⯑culty, allowed to repreſent their mind, and adhering to their proteſt, they were all ſuſpended from the exerciſe of their miniſtry. The Commiſſion, in No⯑vember, finding them ſtill impenitent, did, by their moderator's caſting vote, looſe them from their rela⯑tion to their congregations. They proteſted for the validity of their office and continued relation to their congregations, and declared a SECESSION, not from the conſtitution of the church of Scotland, but from the prevailing party, in her judicatories, ay and until they ſhould return to their duty,—becauſe (1.) They were breaking down her Preſbyterian conſtitution of church government,—in trampling on and mak⯑ing deciſions contrary to the order preſcribed by her barrier laws, enacted in her pureſt times, for ſecur⯑ing due deliberation in forming ſtanding laws and general rules,—in exerciſing a lordly power over the conſciences of Chriſt's people, empowering heritors and elders to impoſe on them whatever ſpiritual guides and paſtors they pleaſed,—in promoting vio⯑lent intruſions of miniſters on reclaiming congrega⯑tions;—in cenſuring and ejecting miniſters merely for their proteſting againſt a ſinful act of Aſſembly; —in allowing the commiſſions to uſurp the power of Preſbyteries in the ſettlement of paſtors, if they re⯑fuſed to carry on violent intruſions, —and in threa⯑tening [363] the higheſt cenſures to ſuch as adminiſtered the ſeals of God's covenant to thoſe, whoſe conſci⯑ence hindered them from ſubmitting to the miniſtry of intruders. (2.) They were purſuing methods evi⯑dently tending to corrupt the doctrines contained in their own Confeſſion of faith,—in ſo eaſily diſmiſſing the proceſs againſt profeſſor Simſon, and refuſing judicially to aſſert the truth in oppoſition to his errors and blaſphemies,—in careſſing Mr. Campbel while he ſpreads his erroneous tenets,—and in permitting or encouraging preachers to entertain their hearers with dry harangues of almoſt mere heathen morali⯑ty inſtead of the goſpel of Chriſt. (3.) They were impoſing on miniſters ſinful terms of communion, and breach of ordination vows, in requiring them to forbear proper and zealous oppoſition of the preva⯑lent courſe of apoſtacy from the doctrine, worſhip, government and diſcipline, of this church. (4.) They continued obſtinate in their evil courſes, not⯑withſtanding all ordinary means uſed to reclaim them.

Deeply affected with this rent, the honeſt party in the church, exerted themſelves, to their utmoſt, in the choice of proper members for the next Aſſem⯑bly, in order to have the leading grievances redreſ⯑ſed, and the breach healed. The Aſſembly 1734, not without great oppoſition, laboured to give an effectual check to the prevalent courſe of defection. They renewed and ſtrengthened the old acts of Aſ⯑ſembly 1639, 1641, 1695, 1697, 1700, and 1705, which had been made to be barriers and fences of our conſtitution againſt innovations. They reſcinded the 7th act of Aſſembly 1630, which hindered mem⯑bers to teſtify againſt wrong deeds of judicatories, by recording their reaſons of diſſent, becauſe it was not made according to theſe barrier acts. And, up⯑on the ſame account, they repealed the 8th act of Aſſembly 1732, above-mentioned, becauſe it gave too much countenance to violent ſettlements, and too much power to diſaffected heritors, and was [364] unfavourable to the liberties of the Chriſtian people. They reverſed a violent ſettlement of Aughtermuch⯑ty, made by the commiſſion againſt the will of the congregation and Preſbytery, and thus declared the deeds of the commiſſion reverſible. They had pro⯑bably caſt out ſome other intruders, if complaints had been regularly tabled before them. They laid commiſſions under ſome new regulations, and prohi⯑bited them to execute any ſettlements, when the Preſbytery or Synod of the bounds declined it. They empowered the Synod of Perth and Stirling to re⯑ſtore the four ejected miniſters to their charges, without requiring any acknowledgments from them, —which was ſoon after done. They, by an act, de⯑clared, that due and regular miniſterial freedom was ſtill left intire, notwithſtanding the acts of 1733 a⯑gainſt them. They appointed a committee to form an overture for the right preaching of the goſpel, and for reſtraining the new faſhioned, legal, and heatheniſh harangues. They enjoined their com⯑miſſion to appoint a national faſt, which had been for many years neglected, that all ranks might mourn for the prevailing defections of the church and land, which they quickly did, but many of the court par⯑ty neglected to obſerve it. They alſo empowered their commiſſion to addreſs the king and Parliament for relief from patronages, which they did, but in vain. The Aſſembly 1735, appointed the Synod of Fife to grant ſealing ordinances to the people of Kin⯑roſs, as they ſhall find for moſt edification;—and letters were ſent to ſome Preſbyteries allowing them to treat others who had been oppreſſed by violent ſet⯑tlements, in the ſame manner. The Aſſembly 1736, by an act, declared it the principles of this church, That no miniſter ſhould be intruded into any pariſh, con⯑trary to the will of the congregation. By their 7th act, they enjoin miniſters and preachers to warn their hearers againſt any thing that tends to atheiſm, de⯑iſm, Arianiſm, Socinianiſm, Arminianiſm, Bourig⯑nianiſm, Popery, Superſtition, Antinomianiſm,— [365] and to inſiſt in their ſermons on men's loſt eſtate by nature, the neceſſity of ſupernatural grace, and of faith in the imputed righteouſneſs of Chriſt,—and chiefly labour to lead ſinners from the covenant of works to that of grace for life and ſalvation, and from ſin and ſelf to Chriſt as a ſurety and ſaviour;— and in preſſing holineſs, to ſhew them their inabili⯑ty for, and averſion to every thing ſpiritually good, and that union with Chriſt is the true and only ſource of all grace and holineſs,—and that men's beſt per⯑formances and attainments are but loſs and dung in point of juſtification before God. And they enjoin profeſſors of divinity to inſtruct their ſtudents in preaching the goſpel according to this act; and re⯑quire Preſbyteries, at their privy cenſures, to en⯑quire concerning the obſervation of it. But the countenance given by theſe two laſt Aſſemblies to ſome violent intruſions, or to profeſſor Campbel's er⯑rors, made their good acts little regarded; and made the four ſeceding miniſters loſe all inclinations or hopes of returning to the fellowſhip of the church.

Meanwhile, one captain Porteous, a moſt aban⯑doned profligate, had been condemned to death for ſeveral murders, but had been reprieved for a time, by the intereſt of ſome great men. Provoked here⯑by, the mob, conducted by ſome ſkilful leaders, han⯑ged him at Edinburgh in September, 1736. En⯑raged by their bold conduct, and perhaps, ground⯑leſly apprehenſive, that ſome of the more ſtrict mi⯑niſters, who deteſted the reprieving of ſuch a noto⯑rious murderer, had encouraged the mob, the king and Parliament, having framed an act for the diſco⯑very of his murderers, appointed all the miniſters of Scotland to read it in the time of God's public wor⯑ſhip in their churches, every firſt ſabbath in the month, for a whole year, beginning in Auguſt, 1737, under this penalty, for the firſt day's neglect, That they ſhall be declared incapable of ſitting or voting in any church judicatory. Many miniſters looking on ſeve⯑ral things in the act as inconſiſtent with juſtice and [366] equity; and that it was not proper for Chriſt's amba⯑ſſadors of the goſpel of peace, to become heralds or executors of the ſanguinary laws of men; that the reading of ſuch a civil act from the pulpit, on the Lord's day, in the time of divine ſervice, was a pro⯑fanation of his ſabbath and worſhip; and that they could not acquieſce in the penalty annexed to the firſt neglect, without practically owning the civil ma⯑giſtrate head of the church, having power to fix the qualifications and conditions of miniſters exerciſe of their office in governing the church of God, which they reckoned, at once contrary to the eſtabliſhed doctrine of this church, and to their own ſolemn en⯑gagements to maintain it. Many others, eſpecially ſuch as had, or wiſhed for, court favours, made a ſhift to come over thoſe ſcruples, and read at leaſt part of the act, the whole or part of the time. Theſe different views and practices produced ſome alienati⯑on between the parties for a time; but, after a few years, they harmoniouſly agreed to bury it in obli⯑vion.

The Seceding miniſters publication of their ſecond Teſtimony, in which they had repreſented the back⯑ſlidings of church and ſtate from their covenanted doctrine, worſhip, diſcipline, and government, and laudable acts and conſtitutions for ſupporting it, more plainly than moſt of the eſtabliſhed clergy wiſhed,— and their ſupplying of people with ſermon, who could not ſubmit to intruders, or ſcrupled to hear the rea⯑ders of the act concerning captain Porteous,—having highly diſpleaſed the eccleſiaſtical managers,—The Aſſembly 1738, therefore appointed their commiſſi⯑on to libel and cite them to the next Aſſembly. When they, now increaſed to the number of eight, appear⯑ed at the bar, they were informed by the Aſſembly, 1739, that they were ready to drop all that was con⯑tained in their libel and every thing bygone, and re⯑ceive them with open arms, providing they would, for the future, forbear all ſeparating courſes, and join in the communion of the church. But, inſtead of [367] ſuch compliance, theſe miniſters ſolemnly declined the Aſſembly and other eſtabliſhed judicatories, as not right conſtitute courts of Chriſt in their preſent condition, becauſe, inſtead of purging out, they re⯑ceived and ſupported, intruders and other ſcandalous perſons, as members; becauſe they had generally, for many years paſt, been active in carrying on a courſe of defection, tolerating the erroneous, coun⯑tenancing error, and enacting laws, by which the li⯑berties of Chriſt's miniſters and people were ſuppreſ⯑ſed; and becauſe, by their reading of the Parlia⯑ment's act concerning captain Porteous, they had ſubmitted themſelves to the civil magiſtrate, as head of the church, inſtead of Chriſt. This declinature ſo galled the managers and others of the prevailing par⯑ty, that without finding them guilty of either error in doctrine or ſcandal in practice, the Aſſembly 1740 depoſed them from all exerciſe of their miniſterial office in this church.

Since that period, things have been nothing bet⯑tered, but rather grown worſe. While practical godlineſs in perſons and families hath ſadly decayed, and error and impiety of almoſt every kind have pre⯑vailed, and become faſhionable, ſettlements of mi⯑niſters have proceeded on the footing of Patronage. But long cuſtom hath rendered theſe, and all their ſoul-ruining conſequences, leſs affecting, even to many of the godly. Errors, and even ſcandalous practices, unleſs extremely groſs, ordinarily paſs un⯑cenſured. Violations of theſe commands, which immediately reſpect God himſelf, are by many rec⯑koned very venial, or no tranſgreſſions. Little more than groſs acts of murder or approaches to it; groſs and notorious uncleanneſs, and eſpecially direct theft and robbery is practically held as either cenſurable by the church, or puniſhable by the ſtate. The Se⯑ceders have now about two hundred miniſters ſettled in Britain and Ireland, beſides others in America. But their falling from their firſt love, indulgence of conformity to the world, and their angry diviſions, [368] about things which many of themſelves do not fully underſtand, have exceedingly marred their uſeful⯑neſs in maintaining Chriſt's injured truths, and win⯑ning ſouls to his ſervice. The Reformed Preſbyte⯑ry was formed about 1743, by Mr. John M'Millan a⯑bove-mentioned, and Thomas Nairn, who left the Seceſſion. In many things they reſemble the Seceders, but differ from them, in impugning the preſent civil government. Their ſplitting into parties, on a de⯑bate concerning the extent of Chriſt's death weakened theſe old diſſenters, as they call themſelves, and re⯑tarded their increaſe. The Preſbytery of Relief o⯑riginated from Mr. Thomas Gilleſpy, whom the General Aſſembly in 1751 depoſed, becauſe he would not, contrary to his conſcience, aſſiſt in a violent in⯑truſion,—and ſome other miniſters of the church of Scotland, who, at their own hand, left their eſta⯑bliſhed charges, and took up with ſuch people as in⯑vited them, in other places. Their ſcheme of ad⯑mitting perſons of different denominations to ſealing ordinances, and giving their people an anſwerable allowance in hearing and joining in ſealing ordi⯑nances, is exceedingly ſuited to the taſte of the age. —But diviſions and other incidents have not a little retarded their expected increaſe. Beſides all theſe, there are, I think, between twenty and thir⯑ty thouſand Papiſts, who, notwithſtanding all the laudable diligence of the Society for propagating Chriſtian knowledge in that country, do chiefly ſwarm in the north. How many Epiſcopalian mini⯑ſters or people there be in Scotland at preſent, I do not certainly know.