THE CASE OF Diſſenters, &c.

THE Spaniards uſe to glory in the wide Extent, and pure Catholiciſm, of their Dominion; the Italians, from a Pretenſion of Superior Politeneſs and Sagacity, contemn all Tramontanes; the Mo⯑dern French make to themſelves a daily Triumph of the Succeſſes of their Grand Monarch; why may not my Countrymen as well exult, that the Laws, by which we are governed, are no other than ſuch, as our ſelves, by a due Repreſentative, have choſen? Oh happy England! May thy People eſteem, as it deſerves, a Benefit ſo ſingu⯑lar; may that Noble Repreſentative of thine, called to be Guardians of this Bleſſing, never want Foreſight to diſcover, and Prudence to prevent, the Dangers which may ariſe to threaten it.

The ordinary Method with us is well known to be, that the Addition of new Laws, or Amendment of old ones, are propoſed firſt by the Commons of England, and im⯑mediately publick Notice given when the ſame are to come under a ſolemn Debate; which being ſeveral times adjourn'd, there ariſes Opportunity ſufficient, for the Sub⯑jects from all Parts of the Kingdom, to communicate to the reſpective Members of Parliament, their Opinion ſeverally [6] thereupon; ſo that in this reſpect ſeldom any thing of Importance is concluded concerning the good People of England, without their own tacit Conſent at leaſt, over and above the Benefit of their being repreſented in com⯑mon. Such being then the Caſe, we cannot celebrate enough our Happineſs; we may baſely overlook, but once to loſe it, would be Miſery to us beyond Expreſſion.

'Tis frequent moreover, for our Laws to be made tem⯑porary firſt, till the Experiment of a few Years has re⯑commended them for perpetual. As for thoſe of the higheſt Concern, when the Benefits or Effects are liable to Doubt, we have ſeen ſome Bills undergo the Scrutiny of ſeveral ſucceeding Seſſions of Parliament before they paſſed the Signature of Authority. Sometimes alſo our Courts of Legiſlature, when the Inducements and Rea⯑ſons of a Bill were not obvious to common Eyes, or at leaſt liable to Miſconſtruction, have thought good to lay the ſame before the Publick, that their tender Regards of general Emolument might the better appear.

Having obſerv'd various Methods of our Propitious Le⯑giſlature, an Inſtance of ſeveral of them, but more eſpe⯑cially the latter, we are here to conſider, I mean the late Bill for Preventing Occaſional Conformity, which was ſo differently apprehended in the laſt Seſſion of Parliament, as no Debates during it were able to reconcile; but that Matter is of ſuch Concern, that the Proceedings thereupon being printed by Authority, it ſeems not unworthy eve⯑ry true Lover of his Country, to put the ſame into the beſt Light poſſible, in order to frame a right Judgment, how a Bill like unto that (if at any time hereafter ſuch ſhould be propoſed) may affect the Commonweal; ſeeing the O⯑pinion which ſhall prevail thereof, there can be no doubt, will be duly weighed by our Repreſentees; and becauſe one Intention of our Lawgivers, in publiſhing the Ac⯑count of their Proceedings upon that Bill, might be (not improbably) the better to collect the common Judgment on it, a Deſire to be aſſiſtant unto that, with a Concern leſt unhappy Animoſities ſhould grow among us, did en⯑gage me to draw into a clear and familiar Method of Diſ⯑courſe, what is very obvious touching that Matter.

[7] The Bill, which is the deſigned Theme of what follows, I underſtand ſuch as it paſſed laſt Seſſion the Houſe of Commons, with the ſeveral Amendments agreed afterwards, touching which, that my Argument may be the more di⯑ſtinct, I take the Liberty to digeſt it under Three Heads, which are eaſily diſcernable on reading the ſaid Bill, viz. The Preamble, Extent, and Penalties, due Reference being had thereto; however, theſe few things ought to be pre⯑miſed, Firſt, That the whole of it is Prudential and Politi⯑cal, not cenſuring directly the Perſons and Cauſe of the Diſſenters beyond the Point of bearing Offices, nor inter⯑dicting any to be preſent at their Aſſemblies, except ſuch as are engaged in the Magiſtracy, or Places of Truſt, there⯑by leaving the Matter of Conſcience as it ſtood before. Secondly, The Communion of the Lord's Supper is conſi⯑dered herein as a Diſcrimination meerly civil; ſo that tho' Papiſts and Proteſtant Diſſenters are excluded from Offices thereby, yet is there no Proviſion by the Law to render the ſame a Barr to the Prophane and Scandalous; which is a Conſideration ſeems to concern the Honour of the Church of England, as well as the good Adminiſtration of the ſe⯑veral Truſts, to which it initiates: But becauſe, Thirdly, Se⯑veral Caſes in Religion might be reducible under the Sub⯑ject of this Bill, I ſhall comply with the obvious Intenti⯑on of our Lawgivers, and confine my Diſcourſe as much as may be to a Secular Vein. To proceed therefore to the Bill.

Firſt, Touching the Preamble of it, it were not eaſie, per⯑adventure, in ſo few Words, for our Supreme Governors to have given more Satisfaction to ſcrupulous Conſciences than in the Religious Declaration, that ſerves as an Introdu⯑ction here; becauſe therein the Senſe of the preſent Go⯑vernment appears, that thoſe Severities, under which the Diſſenters groaned, before the late Act of Indulgence, were then to be deem'd Perſecution for Conſcience ſake; under which Acceptation it is, that their Exemption from them for the future (unleſs new Matter of Secular Offence to the Government ariſes) is to ſtand upon Foundations no leſs ſafe, than the Profeſſion of the Chriſtian Religion, and particularly the Doctrine of the Church of England. This [8] is the higheſt Atteſtation can be, that the Diſſenters are no longer to be look'd upon obnoxious to the Church and State, or chargeable with Schiſm, Sedition and Rebelli⯑on, as the former Laws ( [...]ow ſuſpended) did inſiſt they were; ſo that the Reaſon given by thoſe Laws ceaſing, and ſince it is on all Hands agreed, great Advantages have accrued from the Act of Indulgence, they may henceforth expect, with the reſt of their Fellow-Subjects, to partake the Serenity and Benignity of a Government, which in all other things ever was, and now is, the moſt clement under the Sun. Thus is the Bond of engaging Goodneſs laid upon them for ever; ſo that as ſince the late Glorious Revolu⯑tion they are found equally affectionate as others, to the Intereſts and Settlement of the Crown, all the former ſtig⯑matizing Brands upon them are done away.

As to the Recital of the preſent State of Law, which fol⯑lows the Religious Declaration, (that it provides already, every Perſon admitted into any Office, ſhould be conforma⯑ble to the Church) the Words of it cannot be taken in the ſtricteſt Senſe, there being many Offices and Employments, to which Perſons have been, and may be now, admitted, without lying under an Obligation to receive the Sacrament, or be conformable on that Account: For inſtance, Offices of Inheritance, and in the Foreſts, Non-Commiſſion Offices in the Fleet, with many more; therefore what is aſſerted in this Paragraph in the general, we muſt underſtand to relate to ſuch Perſons and Offices only as are ſubſequently mention'd in the Bill; but if thoſe who break the Intention of a Law, break the Law, it were fit and deſireable that no Words (if poſſible) might be uſed in any, which in the Sequel may lead Men into Miſtakes, touching that Intention.

The laſt Clauſe of the Preamble gives a very juſt Deſcrip⯑tion of the Caſe, which the Bill is deſigned to bring a Re⯑medy for; that is to ſay, No Man ordinarily frequenting private Meetings, ſhould qualifie himſelf for an Office, by re⯑ceiving only on that Account the Sacrament with the Church. Now that nothing however be underſtood beyond the natu⯑ral Senſe of the Words thereof, I take theſe Two Things not to be abſolutely concluded in them. Firſt, That whilſt Conforming only for a Place has a Brand of Scandal affixed [9] on it; yet it does not follow that Occaſional Conformity otherwiſe (without ſuch Deſign) ought to be reproach'd; for as to ſuch Perſons, who join themſelves to their Chriſtian So⯑cieties ſeverally, as taking the Conduct of them to be moſt agreeable to the Word of God, and becauſe it pleaſes the Soveraign Spirit of Grace to co-operate more evidently up⯑on them therein, for ſuch to go ſometimes to a Divine Service, different from what they frequent and chuſe, is an Expreſſion of Charity to others, and ought not therefore to be blamed. Secondly, It can no Ways be taken for con⯑cluded, that a Cenſure upon the Conformity in this Bill mention'd, does imply going to a Meeting to be malum in ſe, or ſavouring of Faction, or Criminal, Illegal, and Schiſ⯑matical, as the ſuperceded Laws did conſtantly aſſert; for the mention of it, as allowed by Law, does demonſtrate the contrary; the manifeſt and primary Purpoſe of this Bill being rather to keep Diſſenters from the Church, than others from a Meeting; however, the mutual Free⯑dom in this Point, to the great Glory of our Times, ſa⯑vours of that charitable Moderation, ſo remarkably emi⯑nent in the Primitive Ages of Chriſtianity, as to occaſion thoſe Univerſal Laws in the Creed, for every one to be⯑lieve the Holy Catholick Church, and the Communion of Saints.

Secondly, The enacting Part of this Bill, I term the Extent of it, becauſe it deſcribes both the Crime and the Offices thereby to be affected, whereof diſtinctly; firſt then for the Crime, the Definition of it herein is the ſame with that in Two ſeveral Acts, to prevent and ſuppreſs Seditious Conventicles; and 16 and 22 Car. II. ſo that what was criminal by them to all Perſons, becomes a⯑gain ſo by this Bill to thoſe in Office; the Qualifica⯑tion for Offices by expreſs Terms of Law required at preſent, is, in this reſpect, no more than once previouſly to receive the Sacrament with the Church; but the Con⯑formity which would be required herein, is, (beſides that) ne⯑ver, after once taking an Office, to be preſent at any Conventi⯑cle or Meeting, under Colour or Pretence of any Exerciſe of Re⯑ligion, in other manner than according to the Liturgy and Pra⯑ctice of the Church of England, where Five (more than the Family) [10] ſhall be. This is a ſort of Qualification for Offices widely different (as any may ſee) from what the Law requires now; and we muſt obſerve, that throughout the Bill ſuch Terms are only uſed as have been commonly appropriated to Proteſtant Diſſenters; however, to be preſent at Maſs is tacitly included.

We do not go about to intimate, That the Injunctions of the Law at preſent, to receive the Sacrament according to the Rites and Uſage of the Church, do not in the pri⯑mary Meaning of them imply, that the Perſons ought to be of that Communion; however, none can deny, but they will very well bear a larger Sence alſo; whereby none ought to be excluded Offices, who can give a publick Te⯑ſtimony they eſteem a Communion with the Church law⯑ful; which latter Acceptation of the Laws, though the generality of Diſſenters ſtand Excluded by it, has all along, for 40 Years paſt, brought into the Service of the Go⯑vernment (without very viſible, ruinous, Effects) no inconſi⯑derable Number of Men, whom the propoſed Bill in all Appearance would finally render incapable.

Whether it may be for the publick Benefit any longer to ſuffer the ſame Latitude in reference to Diſſenters, belongs only to the Supreme Powers to judge; but grant⯑ing here that it were not, we do with all Humility of⯑fer to Conſideration, whether gentler Methods be not more agreeable to the Engliſh Temper, Conſtitution of Govern⯑ment; nay, and the Intereſt of State, ſo the End may be duly attained; in the Caſe then before us, if the Govern⯑ment for Example ſhould require from the eſtabliſh'd Church, inſtead of one previous Communion (which is all in the Law expreſs'd) that Men in Office ſhould attend Four times Yearly, or oftner, at the Sacrament, would it not be equal Security to the State, and greatly for the Honour of the Church, but give no Matter of Offence or Jealouſie to Diſſenters? Whereas if the Qualification for Offices is to conſiſt not ſo much in frequent and de⯑vout Attendance on the publick Celebrations, as in a Di⯑ſtance and Averſion to Diſſenters, this cannot but miniſter juſt Cauſe of Fear, that thoſe Aſſemblies, at which once to be [11] preſent, expoſes to ſo great a Cenſure, are not likely to continue long allowed by Law.

No Man can doubt but a Cenſure of this kind would prove a Notorious Mark of Infamy upon the Aſſemblies of Diſſenters, and in that reſpect would affect them beyond the Caſe of Officers; and the revived Definition of a Con⯑venticle, being under the Pretence and Colour of the Exer⯑ciſe of Religion, (it deſerves to be conſider'd) whether it might not be conſtrued to allude to, and imply, ſomewhat of thoſe dangerous Practices the Suſpended Laws have connected with the ſaid Definition; but there are other obvious Inconveniencies in this new Method of Qualifica⯑tion, for it would expoſe more a great deal than the pre⯑ſent Way (as will be ſhewn elſewhere) to the predatory Mercy of Informers; it debarrs the common natural Re⯑ſpects of Relations, in Baptiſms, Funeral Sermons, and the like: It caſts a hazardous Diſcouragement upon Family Prayer, whereat often, among Perſons of Quality, and ſome⯑times others, more than Five may happen to be preſent; and it brings all Foreign Churches under a Cenſure too; whereas the Act of Uniformity provides, that the Penalties thereof ſhould not extend to any Reformed Churches of Aliens, allowed, or to be allowed, by His Majeſty or His Succeſſors; ſome ſuch have ſince had Encouragement for their Settlement from Parliament, and have proved bene⯑ficial in Manufactures to this Kingdom, toward which their Liberty of Conſcience, without Reflection, has not a little contributed.

The ſecond Diſtinction I have made of the Extent (or enacting Part, of this Bill) is of the Offices intended by it to be affected, which clearly falls under a twofold Defi⯑nition, one the ſame with that in the Act, 25 Car. II. For preventing Dangers which may happen from Popiſh Recu⯑ſants; the other of the 13 of Car. II. For well governing and regulating Corporations. Now becauſe this ſeems the moſt tender and ſenſible Part of the Bill, moſt liable to Miſtake, and upon the right Apprehenſion whereof our Judgment of the whole muſt very much depend; before I deſcend into a Diſquiſition of it, I beg leave to deviate [12] a little from the juſt Method of Diſcourſe; and therefore before I endeavour to prove what the Bill, under this Head, would have enacted—new, I will firſt lay down and conſider the Reaſons commonly alledg'd, why the ſame ought to be.

What is commonly alledg'd, as the Ground of the new Proviſions in this Bill, amounts to thus much; that a National Church being abſolutely needful to a Govern⯑ment, the only effectual Way to preſerve it, is by keep⯑ing the Civil Power in the Hands of ſuch whoſe Pra⯑ctice and Principles are agreeable thereto; and that this is equally neceſſary to the Safety and Peace of the State likewiſe; but ſay they, the preſent Laws proving too weak to ſecure thoſe Bleſſings, becauſe they are eluded by Occaſional Conformity, therefore there wants ſome new Expedients to ſupport them; theſe Maxims we can readily grant; ſo far as the Security and Peace of the State ap⯑pear undoubtedly concern'd, ſo much is allowed on all Hands for inconteſtible; but the Matter in queſtion be⯑fore us ſeems to be, whether Occaſional Conformity of Diſſenters has really endanger'd the Safety, and violated the Peace, of Church and State? Or has any Principles in it diſagreeable therewith? Which Matter cannot yet be taken for concluded, as the Proceedings of Parliament publiſh'd do evince, and whereof therefore the preſent Juncture and Occaſion gives Liberty to ſpeak.

In order to examine then this Matter aright, we think proper to diſtinguiſh the Relation which the Occaſional Conformity of Diſſenters may bear to the Church and State ſeverally; firſt therefore in Reference to the State, Occaſional Conformity (it may be agreed to us) is no new thing, but even Coaeval with the Act of Uniformity it ſelf; ſo that in 40 Years Experience, if it were evi⯑dent that Injuries to the Peace of the Government had aroſe thence, how came it to paſs they ſhould be overlookt ſo long? But while ſeveral Ways were taken to enjoin Conformity, how Occaſional ſoever, it was in no kind before made Penal to approve it, tho' thereby Offices were attained; after ſuch a large Atteſtation from Fact, [13] it would be needleſs to ſay, Occaſional Conformity of Diſſenters has in it ſelf no Principles dangerous to the Peace of the Government, if there were not another ſort of Conformity which does obſtinately maintain ſuch as withdraw Men from their Allegiance to Her Gracious Majeſty, and from all Reſpect to the preſent Eſtabliſh⯑ment of the Crown; but as to Principles, further than is obvious from Practice, it is not my proper Province to diſcourſe, that being already ſufficiently treated of by Di⯑vines.

If the Time paſt has not produced a Neceſſity of any new Proviſion againſt Accidental or Occaſional Conformi⯑ty, I think we may be confident the preſent much leſs does; for if the Laws already in being do intend that Men in Office ſhould be entirely conformable, Her Gra⯑cious Majeſty has aſſured all the World there can be no Danger from Occaſional Conformity in this Auſpicious Reign, by theſe Words of Her laſt Speech to the Parliament; I ſhall always make it my particular Care to Encourage and Maintain this Church as by Law eſtabliſh'd, and eve⯑ry the leaſt Member of it, in all their Juſt Rights and Priviledges. And now having deliver'd my Sentiment, upon Obſervations of the paſt and preſent Time, to go further would be to wade into the Politicks beyond my Depth. I can ſay nothing certain of Futurity; but ſince the Diſſenters are known, beyond doubt, to be very cor⯑dially affected to the Proteſtant Succeſſion, methinks whatever Qualifications may be judged requiſite for Pla⯑ces of Magiſtracy and Publick Truſt, they may well ex⯑pect (beyond a Proviſion for that) no Hardſhips will be laid upon them now.

2dly, To conſider Occaſional Conformity in Reference to the Church, it might ſuffice to ſay, the Affairs of it (diſtinct from thoſe of the State) do no Ways lye un⯑der the Cognizance of ſuch, whom that may veſt with Government; but for what properly concerns the Honour and Welfare of the Church of England, the firſt Words of this Bill do imply, that her greateſt Glory conſiſts in the Character of Moderation, Sweetneſs, and Charity, [14] truly Chriſtian and Apoſtolick, and very juſtly, for this would recommend her to all the Reformed Churches of Chriſtendom, as worthy to be acknowledg'd their Chief and Beſt. In the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, all the Pa⯑piſts in England came to Church, and were Occaſional Con⯑formiſts, yet the Government was not Uneaſie, and in Dan⯑ger, by it; but the Pope fearing what that was like ſoon to grow to, put a Stop to it by Bull, and the Church of Rome does generally to this Day encourage every thing like to Occaſional Conformity of Proteſtants; and the Ef⯑fects ſhew they are in the right, and gain their Ends by it. In like manner, can it be thought that the Church has gained from any ſort of the Diſſenters among us, as from thoſe who have allowed and practiced an Occaſional Conformity with her? Has ſhe not, by permitting it, obtained many uſeful and worthy Members? Does not the Practice of it weaken the Diſſenters, and encreaſe her Reputation and Authority? Where then has been the Damage to the Church from Occaſional Conformity? It would be difficult to ſhew what Security, Honour or Intereſt, ſhe haſt loſt, during the greateſt Indulgence to Diſſenters in the late Reign, of any thing ſhe poſſeſs'd before that time, during the unſpeakable Sufferings of others; there⯑fore it muſt be an Acceſſion of Honour and Safety unto her, that ſhe is now by Clemency become reverenced of thoſe who formerly were ſuſpected for her Enemies.

Having thus made Enquiry, what Reaſon there is to apprehend that the Safety of the Church and State has been, or is, endanger'd by the Latitude allowed to Diſ⯑ſenters, from the preſent Condition of the Laws; I pro⯑ceed, according to promiſe, to enquire what Alteration would ariſe on the Head of Offices from the Bill now under Conſideration; which I ſhall do in Two Denomi⯑nations of them; I mean thoſe comprehended in the Teſt Act, and thoſe peculiarly affected by that for regulating Corporations; premiſing here only, that the Offices of the latter ſort, which do directly fall within the Teſt, I judge better to conſider in that Denomination, becauſe [15] thereby what remains will be more diſtinct and intelli⯑gible, when we handle it apart.

1ſt, For the Teſt Clauſe, which is the former in this part of the Bill, without reciting the Words of it, we may be allowed to ſay upon good Authority, That ma⯑nifeſtly and indiſputably it does comprehend all the conſi⯑derable Offices and Imployments of Publick Truſt in the Kingdom, in which the Security of the Government may be concerned; the Experience of 30 Years paſt has juſti⯑fied the Meaſures taken by that Law, that it is exten⯑ſive enough as to the ſeveral ſorts of Offices for Publick Security; the Terms of it are expreſs, clear, and univer⯑ſally, underſtood, without any Uncertainty as to what Im⯑ployments it relates, which is not ſo evident in thoſe of the Corporation Act; the ſaid Act includes all Offices of Magiſtracy, in eſpecial, as well within Corporations as without; and at the enacting of it there was little Regard had to the Act for Regulating Corporations, becauſe a more effectual Security to the Church was given hereby. It cannot be taxed as inſufficient to compaſs the End de⯑ſigned by it, which was expreſly to prevent Dangers that might happen from Popiſh Recuſants, and to ex⯑clude from Offices all others who will not take the Sacrament according to the Uſage of the Church eſta⯑bliſht. After this Manner, and in a due Medium, as would be eaſie in another ſort of Diſcourſe, to make appear the Safety and Peace of Church and State, have been fully provided for; nor have the Meaſures of it to procure thoſe been any Ways (in particular the Penalties) found deficient.

This Act being ſo extenſive and compleat, that it reaches whatever Offices concern the Safety of the Go⯑vernment, and is not deficient in any Means to attain its End. If Dangers ſhould from Occaſional Conformity ariſe, it were eaſie at any time to enjoin ſuch Frequen⯑cy at the Publick Offices of the Church, as might deno⯑minate an entire Conformiſt, without a Brand upon ſepa⯑rate Aſſemblies, to raiſe again the Seeds of Fatal Ani⯑moſities; but as to the Places of Magiſtracy and Pub⯑lick [16] Truſt, already comprehended in the Teſt, as they concern the Security of State much more, ſo they affect the Body of Diſſenters much leſs, than thoſe in the Cor⯑porations; for which Cauſe, what is to be ſaid in their Behalf is more properly referr'd to that Head. It would alſo be very unbecoming any ſort of Men to enter into Ar⯑gument with their Governors upon thoſe high Points, which are ſo abſolutely in the Legiſlature to judge of and determine; 'tis not fit for me ſo much as to offer an Opinion: An Explanation of the Teſt, more to the Diſad⯑vantage of Diſſenters, might indeed deprive ſeveral of ſome profitable Places, in the Royal Houſhold, the Ex⯑chequer, the Navy, the Exciſe, the Cuſtoms, and elſe⯑where; but the Magiſtracy of the City would be the chief Import of this Matter; concerning which, what Inconveniences have aroſe to the Government from the Courſe of Things for near 20 Years paſt there, and how an Alteration in it will any Ways tend to the Advantage of the State, is equally to me undiſcernable; but this I do adventure to ſay, that if Men, whom the Negative Qualification of this Bill would have rendred incapable to ſerve in ſuch Offices, ſhould have been finable never⯑theleſs for not ſerving them, and that toties quoties, as the Humour of the World might lead, that ſort of Per⯑ſecution might poſſibly riſe pretty high.

2dly, It remains to examine what the propoſed Bill would have introduced de novo, upon the Head of the Corporation Act diſtinctly; the Clauſe whereof, expreſſive of the Offices it would affect, is in theſe Words: Any Mayor, Alderman, Recorder, Bayliff, Town-Clerk, Common-Coun⯑cil-man, or other Perſon, bearing any Office of Magiſtracy, or Places, or Truſts, or other Imployment, relating to, or concerning, the Government of the reſpective Cities, Cor⯑porations, Boroughs, Cinque-Ports, and their Members, and other Port-Towns. As to ſo much hereof as concerns Magiſtracy, the Teſt Act having better provided, my Diſ⯑courſe is to be henceforth reſtrained to what herein touches only the Intrinſick and Inferior Imployments, re⯑lating to the ſeveral Boroughs reſpectively, wherein the [17] Security of the Church and State does not ſeem to be much concerned.

Moſt of our Laws have ſprung from the evident Neceſſities of the Times, and ſo came in as Remedies to the pro⯑per Diſtempers of them, which is in none more apparent than this of the Corporations the 13. Car. II. Thoſe de⯑plorable Confuſions which had tormented the Nation, for nigh 20 Years preceeding, lay freſh upon the Minds of the Parliament, when that Act was made; and 'tis evident that nothing but ſo extraordinary a Juncture could have excuſed ſome Parts of it: Nay, it was principally found⯑ed upon Reaſons ſo peculiar to that time, they are ſar from being pertinent to ours, for there is now no ſolemn League and Covenant needs to be renounced; the Decla⯑ration in it, that it is not lawful, upon any Pretence what⯑ſoever, to take up Arms againſt the King, and of Abhor⯑rence of that traiterous Poſition of doing ſo by his Autho⯑rity againſt his Perſon, or thoſe commiſſion'd by him, (which was the Touchſtone of the ſaid Act and Times) is now utterly abrogated, and no Perſon henceforth can be obliged to take the ſame, as appears in the Act Primo W. and M. for appointing other Oaths; the Oaths of Supre⯑macy and Allegiance therein are alſo chang'd; the Power given by it to the Crown, to Conſtitute Commiſſioners for Two Years to turn out, and put in the Corporation Offi⯑cers ad libitum, though they were conformable to the Qua⯑lifications required by the Act, was an Extravagance the preſent Age would ſcarce approve; the Preamble ſpeaks of it as a thing too well known, that notwithſtanding His Majeſties unparallell'd Goodneſs, in pardoning what was paſt, there were many evil Spirits ſtill working. We do not therefore herein go about to cenſure the Meaſures of that Act, as they were ſuted to the Juncture; but as the Reaſons, the Jealouſies and Foundations, whereon that Act was built, were ſo appropriate to that time, that the ſe⯑veral Parts of it here above mention'd (as unſuitable to any other) are ſince aboliſh'd. It is pretty clear that the primary Intent thereof had its full and due Effect from the Commiſſioners Power, and the Impoſition of renoun⯑cing [18] the Covenant and Declaration of Fidelity, for there was little regard had to it at the time that a more effectual Security to the Church was provided by the Teſt.

We come therefore to conſider in the next Place, what remains yet unrazed of that Act in 13. Car. II. for well governing and regulating Corporations; and then will clear⯑ly be diſcern'd what the propoſed Bill would have ſu⯑peradded, touching the Offices of Magiſtracy, the Teſt Act has much better and effectually provided, which has been already conſider'd; and therefore as to what is di⯑ſtinctly under my preſent Head of Diſcourſe to be treated of, there remains in Subſtance of the Corporation Act yet in Force no more than this, That no Man ſhall be Pla⯑ced, Elected or Choſen in or to any Offices, or Places, or Truſts, or other Imployment relating to, or concerning the Government of the reſpective Boroughs, &c. who has not within One Year before ſuch Election taken the Sacrament according to the Rites of the Church of England; in De⯑fault whereof every ſuch Election is thereby declared to be void. This being the full Import of the ſaid Act at pre⯑ſent, it is upon that Foot a Meaſure muſt be taken, what and how much the intended Bill would have enacted new upon this Head; it cannot be amiſs here to obſerve, that the Corporation Act was the firſt after the Reſtaura⯑tion, which directly affected the Diſſenters as ſuch.

Now in Corporations there are many Offices of a pri⯑vate and inferior Nature, (which cannot be fully ſpeci⯑fied, becauſe they are ſo various in the reſpective Boroughs) whereon the Safety of the State does not appear manifeſtly to depend, but regard only the Affairs of the particular Town within it ſelf. Some of theſe are Freeholds, and many of them the whole Subſiſtence of Families, which have been obtained by Purchaſe or long Services, or attained by Cu⯑ſtom of Courſe. Several of theſe the Diſſenters are now poſſeſs'd of, and perhaps have enjoyed many Years, under an Obedience to all ſuch Terms, as the Law now in being has preſcribed; and to diſpoil Men of their Freeholds and Poſſeſſions by a new Law, without Imputation of any Crime; and when the Security of the Government does not [19] appear manifeſtly concern'd, is ſure among Engliſh Alen very hard.

That the Diſſenters at this Day are not Diſaffected to the Queen and Eſtabliſh'd Government, nor chargea⯑ble with Rebellion paſt, nor meditating new Troubles, or any ways dangerous to the State, (under which Characters the Corporation-Act conſider'd them) the Preamble of this very Bill now in Debate does intimate: For it aſſerts, That the Act in the firſt Year of the Reign of the late King William and Queen Mary, of Ever-glorious Memory, entituled, An Act for Exempting Their Majeſties Proteſtant Subjects, Diſſenting from the Church of England, from the Penalties of certain Laws, was in due Conſideration, that Perſecution for Conſcience only was contrary to the Profeſ⯑ſion of the Chriſtian Religion and Doctrine of the Church of England.

If then the Diſſenters under an Obedience to all ſuch Terms as the Law now in being has preſcribed, do poſſeſs many inferior Offices in Corporations, which the preſent Bill, when paſſed into an Act, would immediately ſeclude from; beſides thoſe in the Magiſtracy, the Navy, the Cuſtoms, the Exciſe, the Royal Houſhold, and others, which under the Head of the Teſt-Act it would alſo deprive them of, then (ſure enough) it takes from the Diſſenters, what they en⯑joyed before by Law, and is not this to enact ſomething new? Moreover, the Diſſenters at any time, upon the pre⯑ſent Terms of Conforming, are now admittable to any Office of what Quality ſoever in the Kingdom; but by this Bill they would have a total Incapacity put upon them, in reſpect to thoſe under the Teſt and Corporation Acts above-mentioned. Which Incapacity after the firſt Offence would extend to Offices of Inheritance, and in the Foreſts, Non Commiſſion Offices in the Fleet, and many more, ſuch as neither the Teſt or Corporation-Acts, or any other, ever did, or in⯑tended to exclude them from.

It has been already inſiſted, That all the Offices wherein the Safety of Church and State are manifeſtly concern'd, are comprehended within the Teſt, and that the inferior Of⯑fices in the Boroughs do not come under the ſame Conſidera⯑tions; [20] to have therefore the ſame Reaſons of State urged for an equal Animadverſion upon the latter, ſeems very unequal; for it brings great Difficulty on the Commercial Sort of Men, to argue on thoſe Topicks, while they plead for no more than quiet Cohabi [...]ation with their Neighbours. But if it be argued, that thoſe poor Emolumen [...]s in the Boroughs, which the Safety of the Government might (doubtleſs) well enough indulge them, came within the In⯑tent at leaſt of the Corporation-Act to deny to the Diſſenters, how ſhould they judge of it but very ſevere, to have that Act ſo explained and enforced to their Diſadvantage, that it ſhould take Place more in the Reign of Her Gracious Ma⯑jeſty than it has done in any time preceding?

In this Caſe the Diſſenters do humbly apologize for themſelves (as it imports them) that granting whatever was deſigned by this Bill, was the Intent then of the Corporati⯑on-Act, they do not now ſtand in the ſame Place the laſt Age did at the paſſing thereof; the preſent Generation it cannot be pretended have brought upon the Church and State, Confuſions, Ruin and Deſolation; they have no Ways diſturbed the Peace of either, but have by Teſtimonies in⯑conteſtible ſhew'd, that neither their Principles or Practice are inconſiſtent with Monarchy, but contrariwiſe moſt conform⯑able to the preſent Government and Settlement of the Crown, nor are there any evil Spirits working of Rebellion among them. If therefore the Intent of the Corporation-Act was built upon Reaſons peculiar to that time, they do en⯑tirely ſubmit it to Conſideration, whether a purſuing of the ſame Intent now, and giving (by the negative Qualification and Penalties of this Bill) an Extent and Force to it, which in the Inſtitution, or fince it never had before, without any like Cauſe on their Part, would not be in the Nature of puniſhing the Innocent for the ſake of the Guilty, which they do not doubt will be far from ſo Wiſe, Juſt and Good a Government; but the propoſed Bill they conceive upon the Head only of the Corporation-Act, would have brought upon them the extraordinary Hardſhips and Difficulties here following.

[21] 1ſt, The Qualification for Offices being made to conſiſt in the utmoſt Diſtance and Averſion unto them, will be a Brand of Ignominy and Reproach upon the whole Body of Diſſenters, ſo that an Emulation in caſting Injuries and Con⯑tempt upon them may in a little time be thought the beſt Recommendation, and neareſt Way to Preferment; is it juſt therefore that the whole Body ſhould ſuffer for the ſake comparatively of a very few, who have occaſionally Conformed?

2dly, Reviving the Acts againſt Seditious Conventicles in part, and giving a new Force to that of the Corpora⯑tions, they fear will give too much Occaſion to Men of violent Tempers, to declaim that they lye ſtill under the ſame odious Imputations of Diſloyalty charged upon them by thoſe Acts, as if they gave really any manner of Jea⯑louſie to the State now; which Clamour (however cauſe⯑leſs) when it ſhall be induſtriouſly vented, would be in it ſelf a very heavy Affliction.

3dly, The Freeholds and Offices of an inferiour Nature, in 600 Towns of England, or thereabouts, which have been obtained by Purchaſe or long Services, or in Courſe, ſome of them the whole Subſiſtence of Families, and of long time poſſeſs'd, under an Obedience to all the Terms preſcribed by Law, would not only be immediately loſt to the Poſſeſ⯑ſors, but an Incapacity would lye upon all Diſſenters for the future of attaining the like, and (after the firſt Offence) any other Offices in the Kingdom whatſoever; but they hope the Crime charged upon ſome few of them, is not of ſo deteſtable a Nature, that they ought all to be reduced to ſo unhappy a Condition for it.

4thly, In many Corporations the Election of Members to ſerve in Parliament, is only in ſuch as are concern'd in the Government of them, and giving a Vote for a Repreſenta⯑tive in Parliament, is the eſſential Privilege whereby every En⯑gliſhman preſerves his Property, and whatſoever deprives him of a Capacity for having ſuch Vote, deprives him of his Birthright. The Magiſtracy of Corporations, which by the Teſt-Act now takes Place is one thing, but the Offices affected by the new Bill would be quite another.

[22] 5thly, There have been for ſeveral Towns and Cities Acts paſſed of late Years, for ſetting the Poor on Work therein, and puniſhing Vagrants, beſides the former ancient Hoſpitals; touching which the Diſſenters are likely by this Bill to have been excluded the appearing uſefully in their Places, which is a Mark of Diſhonour on them, as well as Diſcouragement to charitable Intentions.

6thly, To leave Proteſtant Diſſenters ſubject to Fines and Penalties, if they do not accept Offices (toties quoties) and at the ſame time if they do accept, to reſtrain them upon the ſevere Penalties of this Bill from doing what their Con⯑ſcience obliges to, whether this would not (againſt the In⯑tent of the Bill) be Perſecution for Conſcience ſake, all good Men might be left to judge, but they only would feel, and every Borough in England at Diſcretion be left to pro⯑portion the Degree.

7thly, The Diſſenters have Reaſon to fear innumerable In⯑juries and Oppreſſions (beſides theſe mention'd) would be their Lot, in all municipal Rates, Freedoms, Duties, Pri⯑vileges, Services, Pariſh-Offices, and every ſort of Inter⯑courſe with their Townſmen and Neighbours. When upon Complaint of any ſuch Injuries thoſe Fellow-Citizens, who only have Power to do them Juſtice, are like to ſuffer in their own Reputations, Intereſts and Employments for ſo do⯑ing, as Favourers of the phanatical, excluded, Party.

Theſe Conſiderations of their ſuffering, though they ap⯑pear evident and unavoidable, are with all Candor and Re⯑ſignation referr'd to the Judgment of others; but the Diſ⯑ſenters muſt crave Leave to add, that they would be the more pungent and ſenſible upon Perſons not chargeable by the Bill with any Offence, becauſe without Penal Laws and their Attendants, with the clamorous Inſults of the Pro⯑phane and deſigning, the very diſſenting from the Pub⯑lick, is in it ſelf (as to earthly Things) many ways a Miſ⯑fortune, which nothing but unpretended Conſcience (how⯑ever miſtaken) would oblige them to.

Thirdly, The Penalties, which are the laſt Part of the Bill, ſhall be conſider'd under Three Heads. 1ſt, What [23] Sutableneſs there is in them to the Act of Indulgence. 2dly, What Proportion between the Proteſtant Diſſenters and Popiſh. 3dly, What Danger from thence to the Inno⯑cent.

1ſt, For the Sutableneſs there is in theſe Penalties to the Act of Indulgence; it may ſure be granted, that the good Effects of Liberty to tender Conſciences are every⯑where viſible, that the foregoing Bitterneſs and Animoſities are much calmed, the Diſſenters brought to a Temper of Re⯑ſpect, and more Candor towards the Church, and the Church ſatisfied by ſufficient Experience, that the Freedom of others does not leſſen Her Security and Reputation. Thus is our Sion at Unity within Her ſelf, and the Unity of the Spi⯑rit in the Bond of Peace (according to the Prayer of our Church) preſerv'd. One cannot therefore lay to Heart the Peace of our Jeruſalem without ſome Concern, leſt the Severities of this Bill ſhould contribute to diſturb it; for beſides that it would diſpoſſeſs immediately Perſons legally veſted with Places, and affect many Offices which no Law did before, and many ways be injurious in the Boroughs, and leave Men to occaſional Perſecution for Conſcience ſake, and be a Brand upon all the Aſſemblies of Diſſenters, as already has been inſtanced, there are in it ſome further Peculiarities of Puniſhment.

Before the Act of Indulgence, while Conventicles were Il⯑legal and Criminal Aſſemblies, even then a Man in Office, who was preſent at them, was only liable to a Fine of Ten Pounds, whereas by this Bill he is liable to a Fine of 100 l. and 5 l. per Diem for Three Months, be⯑ſides Loſs of his Place. The Sum you ſee may amount to 550 l. which is more than would need to beggar ſome Thouſands of Corporation; and other Officers in England, whould be liable to it, and the more in Danger, becauſe the whole Sum goes to the Informer, which is good Booty for that ſort of Privateers; and the rather, when a Con⯑viction on this Bill, would not be ſo difficult, as in moſt other Caſes.

The Diſſenters during the worſt of their Proſecutions here⯑tofore, upon a viſible Conformity, without Renunciation or [24] declared Abhorrence of their former Practice, were at any time capable of Places of Profit and Truſt, but this Bill draws over all their Heads a diſmal Cloud of Incapacity. None will deny but a total Incapacity to ſerve his Prince and Country is a Mark of high Infamy, ſo that next to the Loſs of Life it ſeems the heavieſt Puniſhment, and in the ſeveral Towns Corporate of England (which may probably be 6 or 700) to be rendred by Law incapable, of ever acquiring the Support of any of thoſe little Places which appertain to them, beſides thoſe of Profit under the Head of the Teſt-Act, and thoſe many more (upon Conviction) which no Law yet has ever affected, is altogether (if conſider'd) a very unhapyy Condition; but after the immediate Forfeiture of all the ſeveral Offices, now legally poſſeſs'd by the Diſſen⯑ters, upon the Paſſing of this Bill, then a Perſon might ſtill go to a Meeting, without Breach of any Law (as long as the Toleration continues) and one would think ſuch a Man were bonus & legalis homo, and capable of the Pri⯑vileges of a [...]ree-born Subject, and at Liberty to provide for his Family and Maintainance, but to impoſe a ſevere Cenſure on any Action allowed by Law, ſeems very un⯑reaſonable; however that be, there would remain upon all and every Man of the Diſſenters, an Incapacity not only as above, but (after the firſt Offence) for any Office or Imployment whatſoever within the Kingdom, in which Regard this Bill would extend to Offices of Inheritance, and in the Foreſts, Non-Commiſſion Offices in the Fleet, with many more, which neither the Teſt or Corporation-Acts, or any other, ever could affect, or ever intended ſo to do.

As to the Shame and Incapacity of one Convicted upon this Bill; that is to ſay, before he ever again could enter by Grant or Election, into any Office or Imployment within the Kingdom of England, he muſt at the next Quarter-Seſſi⯑ons of the County where he reſides, or in one of Her Ma⯑jeſties Courts at Weſtminſter, in publick and open Court make Oath in writing, that within the Year foregoing he has not once been preſent at any Conventicle, but has Three times at the leaſt receiv'd the Sacrament at the Church; [25] which Oath is to be kept upon Record. This would not be ſo much worthy of Conſideration, nor the Aggravation of the Sentence on a ſecond Offence (as a Relapſe and Apoſtacy) if the value of the Forfeiture, and Eaſineſs of Conviction, did not put too much Hazard on the Innocent, even af⯑ter ſuch Purgation, as well as before it.

2dly, The Proportion by the Penalties of this Bill, be⯑tween the Proteſtant and Papiſt, is to be ſcanned by Two Ways: Firſt, By examining whether they are equally lia⯑ble to Loſs of Offices, and ſuffering the Puniſhments. 2dly, What Difference there is otherwiſe. For the firſt, the Teſt being more expreſly contrived, to eject all Popiſh Recuſants, and the Complexion of the Times ſince the Grand Revolution, not favouring them, every Man will agree with me, that the immediate Loſs to them upon paſſing this Bill would be nothing, they have no Con⯑cern in the Matter; but on the other Hand the Diſſen⯑ters (under the Terms hitherto required by Law) do poſ⯑ſeſs many Offices, as has been diſtinctly intimated, the firſt Loſs to them thereupon would upon many Accounts be very conſiderable. Now for the Puniſhments ſufferable by this Bill, the Diſſenters enjoying a Liberty upon Condition of open Doors, a Conviction would at all times be more feaſable upon them, than the Papiſts, who are enforced to conceal their Worſhip by other Laws. Furthermore, the Nature of the Proteſtant Worſhip requires all their Attendants at once, whereas that of private Maſſes need not engage above Five, beſides the Family in the ſame Inſtant. Thus the Papiſt would not be ſo expoſed to the Forfeitures, Fine and Incapacity, as the Proteſtant.

The Difference otherwiſe between the Popiſh and Pro⯑teſtant Diſſenter is no more than this; that whereas the Teſt-Act did more expreſly intend the Papiſt, and the Pro⯑teſtant was but tacitly included, the Bill under Conſide⯑ration uſes ſuch Terms only as have been appropriate to Prote⯑ſtants, and herein the Papiſt is but tacitly included, however he is equally reach'd by the Intention and Penalties hereof; and thus the Popiſh Diſſenter and Proteſtant do ſtand upon a Par; but granting the Papiſt is not liable to Loſs of Be⯑nefit [26] at all, or to ſuffering the Penalties like the Prote⯑ſtant, becauſe Conviction is more difficult upon him, no Man is made liable to ſuffer ſo much by any other Law, for aſſiſting at the ſolemneſt Acts of that Religion, as he would by this Bill, for being preſent at a Conventicle. A Popiſh Convict, receiving the Sacrament of the Church is immediately clear'd; no ſuch Shame of Renuntiation; no Incapacity lyes upon him. A Papiſt that ſhall relapſe, and fall under a ſecond Conviction, is to be convicted over again, without any Aggravation of his Cenſure. But Ju⯑ſtice and good Policy require there ſhould be a Proportion between the Offence and Puniſhment. Thus the Laws of England have all along treated Papiſts as the moſt inve⯑terate, reſtleſs and formidable Enemies of the State, be⯑cauſe they depend upon a Foreign Power, and are ſub⯑ject to it, which is ſuch a one as always was, and ever will be imployed to ruin us, thereſore there has conſtantly been a leſs degree of Puniſhment in the Laws upon the Prote⯑ſtant Diſſenter than them. This Reaſon, if I be not miſta⯑ken, has a conſiderable Acceſſion of Weight to it in our Days, the Papiſts having refuſed, ſince the late Revolu⯑tion, their Allegiance to the Crown of England more than ever from the early Days of the Reformation.

Laſtly, Let us conſider what Danger would ariſe from the Penalties of this Bill to the Innocent, for their Safe⯑ty ſeems the higheſt Concern of all Laws. Now for the Adminiſtrations in publick, according to the Liturgy of the Church, though for want of it before Univerſity-Sermons, or upon an Omiſſion of Prayer for the Royal Family, or upon contravening the Practice of the Church of England, Men would come within the Letter of this Bill, which is a Condition not wholly out of Danger, yet 'tis likely the obvious Deſign of it being againſt Diſſenters, would ren⯑der a Proſecution in thoſe Caſes fruitleſs; however, Fami⯑ly Prayers differing from the Liturgy, at which ſhould be preſent more than Five accidentally above the Houſhold, (Circumſtances not uncommon) would clearly come within Reach, and then the Villany of a couple of bad Servants (diſmiſt perhaps for ill Practices) would have ſufficient En⯑couragement: [27] But the greateſt Danger to the Innocent a⯑riſes from Two Things in this Bill. Firſt, From the Va⯑lue of the Forfeiture, which may amount to 500 l. and is all given to the Informers, a Temptation beyond what is commonly ſet before them by our Laws, or what the Inte⯑grity of the Age can well aſſure us againſt; for a dete⯑ſtable ſort of Men there has been, who for much leſs Gains have done wrongfully to a great many, and proved a very Nuſance to the Government, ſeveral of whom were Con⯑victed of Perjury about 20 Years ago. 2dly, The Eaſineſs of Conviction is another Subject of Danger to the Innocent, for as the Law in relation to Offices now ſtands, every Man chuſes his own Witneſſes to receiving of the Sacrament; whoſe Atteſtation, with that of the Miniſters and Church⯑wardens, being put upon Record, a Man is almoſt beyond a Poſſibility of ſuffering by a falſe Accuſation. But in the Bill before us 'tis not ſo ſafe, for falſe Witneſſes may chuſe to aſſign ſuch a Time and Place (when they ſaw him at a Meeting) as they know the Party leaſt likely to diſprove, and the Accuſed in that Caſe has but a kind of Negative Proof, to defend himſelf withal.

As I have not preſumed to draw into Argument the Diſpoſal of Offices, wherein the Safety of Church and State did appear manifeſtly concern'd, ſo neither ſhall I once enter into the Thoughts of thoſe high Affairs, which might be any ways affected by this Bill; as whe⯑ther the deſirable Union with Scotland may not be em⯑baraſſed thereby; whether putting all Foreign Churches under a Cenſure may weaken the good Underſtanding, which ought to be between England and her Proteſtant Allies; whether this Expedient bears due Regard to the Condition of like Affairs among our neareſt Neighbours, Holland, Scotland and Ireland; or whether in time of ſo dubious a War, eſpecially ſince a Pretender to our Throne is ſet up by the Enemy, it be proper to do any thing, which may raiſe Heats and Animoſities among our ſelves; theſe being Matters cognizable only, by the proper Mini⯑ſters of State, or the High Court of Parliament, and not fit for private Perſons to debate.

[28] As to the grand Point of their Loyalty and due Alle⯑giance, which above all others the Diſſenters are concern'd to vindicate themſelves about; Her Majeſties Loving Sub⯑jects, who (being Proteſtants, and by the Rights of Nature Engliſh Men) lye under the Unhappineſs of diſſenting in ſome ſmaller Matters of Religion, from the Eſtabliſh'd Church, are abundantly ſatisfied from the Chriſtian-like Preamble of this Bill, and otherwiſe, that in the Sacred Breaſt of Her moſt Excellent Majeſty, and in thoſe alſo of the Highly Honoured Lords and Commons of England, they ſtand fully acquitted from the vile and deteſtable Im⯑putation of any Principles repugnant to the Safety of this Government; the Teſtimony of their own Conſciences does equally concur, and their Behaviour ſhall (as they hope it does) demonſtrate to all the World, that none of their Fellow-Subjects can be more devoted to the preſent Rightful and Lawful Settlement of the Crown; were ſuch Imputations true, they could never with any Face complain of whatever Hardſhips were put upon them; but being in the Caſe of the preſent Government abſol⯑ved before God and Men, they do always allow themſelves to hope, that during their conſonant and uniform Obe⯑dience, no Difficulties or Diſtreſſes will be laid upon them; and above all, nothing which may look like a Blemiſh upon their Loyalty; Her moſt Gracious Majeſty (whom God long preſerve) has ſeveral times expreſt her Pious Parental Candor and Compaſſion unto them, who in⯑deed, without the Severity of Penal Laws, are for the ſake of undiſſembled Conſcience daily under various Tem⯑poral Misfortunes, and as from that Diſpoſition of Her Majeſties, they hold the Benefits of the Act of Indulgence, (dear to them above all other earthly Conſiderations) none can more ardently and ſincerely than they, conſtant⯑ly do, and will implore the choiceſt Bleſſings of Heaven, upon Her Excellent Majeſty, and all their Governors.

To diſſent from the Publick, they are ſenſible is al⯑ways to be in the Wrong; but if inſtead of the few Things ſcrupled, wherein they are involuntarily ſo, their Union in the Eſſential, and more important Points of Reli⯑gion [29] with the Church, might find a due Conſideration, they doubt not but all Reproaches upon them, of any hoſtile Diſpoſitions towards it, would alſo be done away. This is what, next to an affectionate Allegiance to the State they could deſire moſt, to vindicate to themſelves the Character of, and which they have for many Years, by all Means ſo endeavour'd, that if the unfriendly Paſ⯑ſions of ſome Men, with the viſible Intereſt of the Papiſts, had not hindred, the ſame would long e'er this have crown⯑ed their Wiſhes with an univerſal Atteſtation: To diſſent touching Matters civil and common, from any Society we are in, I appeal to all Men, does it imply Ill-will to it? Why then ſhould it be conſtrued ſo in the Caſe before us? Or if we pleaſe, why not quite otherwiſe?

The Church of England is it not as a City, which has an ambitious and powerful Enemy in the Field? She has indeed other Fortifications more near and proper, but why may not the Diſſenters to her alſo be accounted, as detached Outworks and Lines of Defence? Had ever the common Enemy a Deſign immediate to execute upon this City, but firſt his ſecret Engines were wrought to breed Miſunderſtanding between the Town and her Dependants, then open Attacks were made upon the ſeparated Forts; and while many Storms have fallen upon thoſe, their Fi⯑delity to the Town has been the more approv'd, but the City it ſelf ſecure? No Perſecutions could extort any Pe⯑tition from them for a Toleration of Popery. But after a long and obſtinate Defence, when thoſe outward Poſts came to be abandon'd and demoliſh'd, did not the Ene⯑my ſoon get within the Town? The Papiſts ('tis true) when once poſſeſs'd of their Conqueſt, to ſecure againſt the Revolt of it, though before by open Force they had taken and levell'd all thoſe Redoubts, did then officiouſly erect them anew, thinking to ſerve their Intereſt of them: But the Diſſenters, glad of Liberty indeed (who can blame them?) no ſooner diſcover'd the Enemy's Deſign, then they adhered to their ancient Mother and Principal.

[30] The Author hereof, to obviate undue Conſtructions▪ thinks fit to declare he is not liable to the Loſs of any Office by the foreſaid Bill, nor has he reaped any per⯑ſonal Advantage from the Revolution, or any ways from the Government ſince; but the true Occaſion of this Diſ⯑courſe was not ſo much a Reſpect to the Diſſenters, as an accidental Computation in himſelf, of the flouriſhing Eſtate of the Reformed Intereſt in Europe, in the Com⯑mencement of the laſt Century, and of the diſmal De⯑clenſion of it at the latter end, which gave him Occaſion to reflect, that in Humane Appearance, the only defenſi⯑ble Bulwark of it now muſt conſiſt, in the Welfare of our Government, and an indiſſoluble Union with Holland. Upon which Occaſion, conſidering that the Indemnity of Diſſenters from Penal Laws, was by the Act of Indulgence declared an effectual Means to unite our Proteſtant Fel⯑low-Subjects in Intereſt and Affection, He could not but conclude, that the impoſing new Penalties and Sufferings would diſunite them; and what can look more fatal upon us than to ſee buried Animoſities flame out afreſh? Who can tell but a Breach, when open'd, may, beyond all our Foreſight, grow in time ſo wide, that the mer⯑cileſs Uſurpations of France and Rome may enter at it?

But as to our Days, the Hope and Wiſhes of our Enemies ſhall be diſappointed, if we will liſten to the Direction, which the pious and prudent Authority over us has preſcribed, in appointing on the late Solemn Faſt (to obtain Succeſs in this War, whereon the Safe⯑ty of the Kingdom does wholly depend) this Prayer for our Uſe, and the God of Mercy vouchſafe us a favour⯑able Anſwer to it. Give us Grace, O Lord, ſeriouſly to lay to Heart the great Dangers we are in, by our un⯑happy Diviſions; take away all Hatred and Prejudice, and whatſoever elſe may hinder us from Godly Union and Concord. That as there is but one Body and one Spirit and one Hope of our Calling, one Lord, one Faith, one [31] Baptiſm, one God and Father of us all, ſo we may hence⯑forth be all of one Heart, and of one Soul, united in one Holy Bond of Truth and Peace, of Faith and Charity; and may with One Mind and One Mouth, glorifie thee, O God, through Chriſt Jeſus our Lord. Amen.