[]THE HISTORY OF THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.

CHAP. XXVII. Death of Gratian.—Ruin of Arianiſm.—St. Am⯑broſe.—Firſt civil War, againſt Maximus.—Cha⯑racter, Adminiſtration, and Pennance, of Theodo⯑ſius.—Death of Valentinian II.—Second civil War, againſt Eugenius.—Death of Theodoſius.

THE fame of Gratian, before he had ac⯑compliſhed the twentieth year of his age, was equal to that of the moſt cele⯑brated Character and con⯑duct of the emperor Gratian. A. D. 379—383. princes. His gentle and amiable diſpo⯑ſition endeared him to his private friends, the graceful affability of his manners engaged the affection of the people: the men of letters, who enjoyed the liberality, acknowledged the taſte and eloquence, of their ſovereign; his valour and dexterity in arms were equally applauded by the [2] ſoldiers; and the clergy conſidered the humble piety of Gratian as the firſt and moſt uſeful of his virtues. The victory of Colmar had delivered the Weſt from a formidable invaſion; and the grateful provinces of the Eaſt aſcribed the merits of Theodoſius, to the author of his greatneſs, and of the public ſafety. Gratian ſurvived thoſe me⯑morable events only four or five years; but he ſurvived his reputation; and, before he fell a victim to rebellion, he had loſt, in a great mea⯑ſure, the reſpect and confidence of the Roman world.

The remarkable alteration of his character or His de⯑fects. conduct, may not be imputed to the arts of flat⯑tery, which had beſieged the ſon of Valentinian from his infancy; nor to the headſtrong paſſions which that gentle youth appears to have eſcaped. A more attentive view of the life of Gratian, may perhaps ſuggeſt the true cauſe of the diſappoint⯑ment of the public hopes. His apparent vir⯑tues, inſtead of being the hardy productions of experience and adverſity, were the premature and artificial fruits of a royal education. The anxious tenderneſs of his father was continually employed to beſtow on him thoſe advantages, which he might perhaps eſteem the more highly, as he himſelf had been deprived of them; and the moſt ſkilful maſters of every ſcience, and of every art, had laboured to form the mind and body of the young prince ¹. The knowledge which they pain⯑fully [3] communicated was diſplayed with oſtenta⯑tion, and celebrated with laviſh praiſe. His ſoft and tractable diſpoſition received the fair impreſ⯑ſion of their judicious precepts, and the abſence of paſſion might eaſily be miſtaken for the ſtrength of reaſon. His preceptors gradually roſe to the rank and conſequence of miniſters of ſtate ²; and, as they wiſely diſſembled their ſecret autho⯑rity, he ſeemed to act with firmneſs, with pro⯑priety, and with judgment, on the moſt important occaſions of his life and reign. But the influence of this elaborate inſtruction did not penetrate be⯑yond the ſurface; and the ſkilful preceptors, who ſo accurately guided the ſteps of their royal pupil, could not infuſe into his feeble and indolent cha⯑racter, the vigorous and independent principle of action, which renders the laborious purſuit of glory eſſentially neceſſary to the happineſs, and almoſt to the exiſtence, of the hero. As ſoon as time and accident had removed thoſe faithful counſellors from the throne, the emperor of the Weſt inſenſibly deſcended to the level of his na⯑tural genius; abandoned the reins of government to the ambitious hands which were ſtretched for⯑wards to graſp them; and amuſed his leiſure with the moſt frivolous gratifications. A public ſale of favour and injuſtice was inſtituted, both [4] in the court, and in the provinces, by the worth⯑leſs delegates of his power, whoſe merit, it was made ſacrilege to queſtion ³. The conſcience of the credulous prince was directed by ſaints and biſhops ⁴; who procured an Imperial edict to puniſh, as a capital offence, the violation, the neglect, or even the ignorance, of the divine law ⁵. Among the various arts which had exerciſed the youth of Gratian, he had applied himſelf, with ſingular inclination and ſucceſs, to manage the horſe, to draw the bow, and to dart the jave⯑lin; and theſe qualifications, which might be uſeful to a ſoldier, were proſtituted to the viler purpoſes of hunting. Large parks were incloſed for the Imperial pleaſures, and plentifully ſtocked with every ſpecies of wild beaſts; and Gratian neglected the duties, and even the dignity, of his rank, to conſume whole days in the vain diſ⯑play of his dexterity and boldneſs in the chace. The pride and wiſh of the Roman emperor to excel in an art, in which he might be ſurpaſſed by the meaneſt of his ſlaves, reminded the nu⯑merous ſpectators of the examples of Nero and [5] Commodus: but the chaſte and temperate Gra⯑tian was a ſtranger to their monſtrous vices; and his hands were ſtained only with the blood of animals ⁶.

The behaviour of Gratian, which degraded his Diſcontent of the Roman troops. A. D. 383. character in the eyes of mankind, could not have diſturbed the ſecurity of his reign, if the army had not been provoked to reſent their peculiar injuries. As long as the young emperor was guided by the inſtructions of his maſters, he pro⯑feſſed himſelf the friend and pupil of the ſoldiers; many of his hours were ſpent in the familiar con⯑verſation of the camp; and the health, the com⯑forts, the rewards, the honours, of his faithful troops, appeared to be the object of his attentive concern. But, after Gratian more freely indulged his prevailing taſte for hunting and ſhooting, he naturally connected himſelf with the moſt dex⯑terous miniſters of his favourite amuſement. A body of the Alani was received into the military and domeſtic ſervice of the palace; and the ad⯑mirable ſkill, which they were accuſtomed to diſ⯑play in the unbounded plains of Scythia, was exerciſed, on a more narrow theatre, in the parks and incloſures of Gaul. Gratian admired the talents and cuſtoms of theſe favourite guards, to whom alone he entruſted the defence of his per⯑ſon: [6] and, as if he meant to inſult the public opi⯑nion, he frequently ſhewed himſelf to the ſoldiers and people, with the dreſs and arms, the long bow, the ſounding quiver, and the fur garments, of a Scythian warrior. The unworthy ſpectacle of a Roman prince, who had renounced the dreſs and manners of his country, filled the minds of the legions with grief and indignation ⁷. Even the Germans, ſo ſtrong and formidable in the armies of the empire, affected to diſdain the ſtrange and horrid appearance of the ſavages of the North, who, in the ſpace of a few years, had wandered from the banks of the Volga to thoſe of the Seine. A loud and licentious murmur was echoed through the camps and garriſons of the Weſt; and as the mild indolence of Gratian neglected to extinguiſh the firſt ſymptoms of diſcontent, the want of love and reſpect was not ſupplied by the influence of fear. But the ſubverſion of an eſtabliſhed go⯑vernment is always a work of ſome real, and of much apparent, difficulty; and the throne of Gratian was protected by the ſanctions of cuſtom, law, religion, and the nice balance of the civil and military powers, which had been eſtabliſhed by the policy of Conſtantine. It is not very im⯑portant to enquire from what cauſes the revolt of Britain was produced. Accident is commonly the parent of diſorder; the ſeeds of rebellion happened to fall on a ſoil which was ſuppoſed to be more fruitful than any other in tyrants and [7] uſurpers ⁸; the legions of that ſequeſtered iſland had been long famous for a ſpirit of preſumption and arrogance ⁹; and the name of Maximus was Revolt of Maximus in Britain. proclaimed, by the tumultuary, but unanimous voice, both of the ſoldiers and of the provincials. The emperor, or the rebel, for his title was not yet aſcertained by fortune, was a native of Spain, the countryman, the fellow-ſoldier, and the rival of Theodoſius, whoſe elevation he had not ſeen without ſome emotions of envy and reſentment: the events of his life had long ſince fixed him in Britain; and I ſhould not be unwilling to find ſome evidence for the marriage, which he is ſaid to have contracted with the daughter of a wealthy lord of Caernarvonſhire ¹⁰. But this provincial rank might juſtly be conſidered as a ſtate of exile and obſcurity; and if Maximus had obtained any civil or military office, he was not inveſted with the authority either of governor or general ¹¹. [8] His abilities, and even his integrity, are acknow⯑ledged by the partial writers of the age; and the merit muſt indeed have been conſpicuous, that could extort ſuch a confeſſion in favour of the vanquiſhed enemy of Theodoſius. The diſcon⯑tent of Maximus might incline him to cenſure the conduct of his ſovereign, and to encourage, per⯑haps without any views of ambition, the mur⯑murs of the troops. But in the midſt of the tumult, he artfully, or modeſtly, refuſed to aſcend the throne; and ſome credit appears to have been given to his own poſitive declaration, that he was compelled to accept the dangerous preſent of the Imperial purple ¹².

But there was danger likewiſe in refuſing the Flight and death of Gratian. empire; and from the moment that Maximus had violated his allegiance to his lawful ſovereign, he could not hope to reign, or even to live, if he confined his moderate ambition within the nar⯑row limits of Britain. He boldly and wiſely re⯑ſolved to prevent the deſigns of Gratian; the youth of the iſland crowded to his ſtandard, and he invaded Gaul with a fleet and army, which were long afterwards remembered, as the emi⯑gration of a conſiderable part of the Britiſh na⯑tion ¹³. The emperor, in his peaceful reſidence [9] of Paris, was alarmed by their hoſtile approach; and the darts which he idly waſted on lions and bears, might have been employed more honour⯑ably againſt the rebels. But his feeble efforts announced his degenerate ſpirit and deſperate ſituation; and deprived him of the reſources, which he ſtill might have found, in the ſupport of his ſubjects and allies. The armies of Gaul, inſtead of oppoſing the march of Maximus, re⯑ceived him with joyful and loyal acclamations; and the ſhame of the deſertion was transferred from the people to the prince. The troops, whoſe ſtation more immediately attached them to the ſervice of the palace, abandoned the ſtandard of Gratian the firſt time that it was diſplayed in the neighbourhood of Paris. The emperor of the Weſt fled towards Lyons, with a train of only three hundred horſe; and, in the cities along the road, where he hoped to find a refuge, or at leaſt a paſſage, he was taught, by cruel ex⯑perience, that every gate is ſhut againſt the un⯑fortunate. Yet he might ſtill have reached, in ſafety, the dominions of his brother; and ſoon have returned with the forces of Italy and the Eaſt; if he had not ſuffered himſelf to be fatally deceived by the perfidious governor of the Lyon⯑neſe province. Gratian was amuſed by proteſta⯑tions of doubtful fidelity, and the hopes of a [10] ſupport, which could not be effectual; till the ar⯑rival of Andragathius, the general of the cavalry of Maximus, put an end to his ſuſpenſe. That reſolute officer executed, without remorſe, the orders, or the intentions, of the uſurper. Gra⯑tian, as he roſe from ſupper, was delivered into the hands of the aſſaſſin; and his body was denied to the pious and preſſing intreaties of his brother A. D. 383, Aug. 25. Valentinian ¹⁴. The death of the emperor was followed by that of his powerful general Mello⯑baudes, the king of the Franks; who maintained, to the laſt moment of his life, the ambiguous re⯑putation, which is the juſt recompence of obſcure and ſubtle policy ¹⁵. Theſe executions might be neceſſary to the public ſafety: but the ſucceſsful uſurper, whoſe power was acknowledged by all the provinces of the Weſt, had the merit, and the ſatisfaction, of boaſting, that, except thoſe who had periſhed by the chance of war, his tri⯑umph was not ſtained by the blood of the Ro⯑mans ¹⁶.

[11] The events of this revolution had paſſed in ſuch rapid ſucceſſion, that it would have been impoſſible for Theodoſius to march to the relief Treaty of peace be⯑tween Maximus and Theo⯑doſius, A. D. 383—387. of his benefactor, before he received the intelli⯑gence of his defeat and death. During the ſea⯑ſon of ſincere grief, or oſtentatious mourning, the Eaſtern emperor was interrupted by the ar⯑rival of the principal chamberlain of Maximus: and the choice of a venerable old man, for an office which was uſually exerciſed by eunuchs, announced to the court of Conſtantinople the gravity and temperance of the Britiſh uſurper. The ambaſſador condeſcended to juſtify, or ex⯑cuſe, the conduct of his maſter; and to proteſt, in ſpecious language, that the murder of Gratian had been perpetrated, without his knowledge or conſent, by the precipitate zeal of the ſoldiers. But he proceeded, in a firm and equal tone, to offer Theodoſius the alternative of peace, or war. The ſpeech of the ambaſſador concluded with a ſpirited declaration, that although Maximus, as a Roman, and as the father of his people, would chuſe rather to employ his forces in the common defence of the republic, he was armed and prepared, if his friendſhip ſhould be rejected, to diſpute, in a field of battle, the empire of the world. An immediate and peremptory anſwer was required; but it was extremely difficult for Theodoſius to ſatisfy, on this im⯑portant occaſion, either the feelings of his own mind, or the expectations of the public. The imperious voice of honour and gratitude called aloud for revenge. From the liberality of Gra⯑tian, [12] he had received the Imperial diadem: his patience would encourage the odious ſuſpicion, that he was more deeply ſenſible of former in⯑juries, than of recent obligations; and if he ac⯑cepted the friendſhip, he muſt ſeem to ſhare the guilt, of the aſſaſſin. Even the principles of juſtice, and the intereſt of ſociety, would receive a fatal blow from the impunity of Maximus: and the example of ſucceſsful uſurpation would tend to diſſolve the artificial fabric of government, and once more to replunge the empire in the crimes and calamities of the preceding age. But, as the ſentiments of gratitude and honour ſhould invariably regulate the conduct of an individual, they may be overbalanced in the mind of a ſove⯑reign, by the ſenſe of ſuperior duties: and the maxims both of juſtice and humanity, muſt per⯑mit the eſcape of an atrocious criminal, if an innocent people would be involved in the conſe⯑quences of his puniſhment. The aſſaſſin of Gra⯑tian had uſurped, but he actually poſſeſſed, the moſt warlike provinces of the empire: the Eaſt was exhauſted by the misfortunes, and even by the ſucceſs, of the Gothic war; and it was ſeriouſly to be apprehended, that, after the vital ſtrength of the republic had been waſted in a doubtful and deſtructive conteſt, the feeble conqueror would remain an eaſy prey to the Bar⯑barians of the North. Theſe weighty conſidera⯑tions engaged Theodoſius to diſſemble his reſent⯑ment, and to accept the alliance of the tyrant. But he ſtipulated, that Maximus ſhould content himſelf with the poſſeſſion of the countries be⯑yond [13] the Alps. The brother of Gratian was confirmed and ſecured in the ſovereignty of Italy, Africa, and the Weſtern Illyricum; and ſome honourable conditions were inſerted in the treaty, to protect the memory, and the laws, of the de⯑ceaſed emperor ¹⁷. According to the cuſtom of the age, the images of the three Imperial col⯑leagues were exhibited to the veneration of the people: nor ſhould it be lightly ſuppoſed, that, in the moment of a ſolemn reconciliation, Theo⯑doſius ſecretly cheriſhed the intention of perfidy and revenge ¹⁸.

The contempt of Gratian for the Roman ſol⯑diers, Baptiſm and ortho⯑dox edicts of Theo⯑doſius, A. D. 380, Feb. 28. had expoſed him to the fatal effects of their reſentment. His profound veneration for the Chriſtian clergy was rewarded by the applauſe and gratitude of a powerful order, which has claimed, in every age, the privilege of diſ⯑penſing honours, both on earth and in heaven ¹⁹. The orthodox biſhops bewailed his death, and their own irreparable loſs; but they were ſoon comforted by the diſcovery, that Gratian had committed the ſceptre of the Eaſt to the hands of a prince, whoſe humble faith, and fervent zeal, were ſupported by the ſpirit and abilities of a more vigorous character. Among the benefactors [14] of the church, the fame of Conſtantine has been rivalled by the glory of Theodoſius. If Conſtan⯑tine had the advantage of erecting the ſtandard of the croſs, the emulation of his ſucceſſor aſſumed the merit of ſubduing the Arian hereſy, and of aboliſhing the worſhip of idols in the Roman world. Theodoſius was the firſt of the emperors baptiſed in the true faith of the Trinity. Although he was born of a Chriſtian family, the maxims, or at leaſt the practice, of the age, encouraged him to delay the ceremony of his initiation; till he was admoniſhed of the danger of delay, by the ſerious illneſs which threatened his life, towards the end of the firſt year of his reign. Before he again took the field againſt the Goths, he received the ſacrament of baptiſm ²⁰ from Acholius, the orthodox biſhop of Theſſalonica ²¹: and, as the emperor aſcended from the holy font, ſtill glow⯑ing with the warm feelings of regeneration, he dictated a ſolemn edict, which proclaimed his own faith, and preſcribed the religion of his ſubjects. ‘"It is our pleaſure (ſuch is the Imperial ſtyle), that all the nations, which are governed by our clemency and moderation, ſhould ſtedfaſtly ad⯑here to the religion which was taught by St. [15] Peter to the Romans; which faithful tradition has preſerved; and which is now profeſſed by the pontiff Damaſus, and by Peter, biſhop of Alexandria, a man of apoſtolic holineſs. Ac⯑cording to the diſcipline of the apoſtles, and the doctrine of the goſpel, let us believe the ſole deity of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghoſt; under an equal majeſty, and a pious Trinity. We authoriſe the followers of this doctrine to aſſume the title of Catholic Chriſtians; and as we judge, that all others are extravagant madmen, we brand them with the infamous name of Heretics; and declare, that their conventicles ſhall no longer uſurp the reſpectable appellation of churches. Beſides the condemnation of Divine juſtice, they muſt expect to ſuffer the ſevere penalties, which our authority, guided by heavenly wiſdom, ſhall think proper to inflict upon them ²²."’ The faith of a ſoldier is commonly the fruit of inſtruc⯑tion, rather than of enquiry; but as the emperor always fixed his eyes on the viſible land-marks of orthodoxy, which he had ſo prudently conſtituted, his religious opinions were never affected by the ſpecious texts, the ſubtle arguments, and the ambiguous creeds of the Arian doctors. Once indeed he expreſſed a faint inclination to converſe with the eloquent and learned Eunomius, who lived in retirement at a ſmall diſtance from Con⯑ſtantinople. [16] But the dangerous interview was pre⯑vented by the prayers of the Empreſs Flaccilla, who trembled for the ſalvation of her huſband; and the mind of Theodoſius was confirmed by a theological argument, adapted to the rudeſt capa⯑city. He had lately beſtowed, on his eldeſt ſon Arcadius, the name and honours of Auguſtus; and the two princes were ſeated on a ſtately throne to receive the homage of their ſubjects. A biſhop, Amphilochius of Iconium, approached the throne, and after ſaluting, with due reverence, the perſon of his ſovereign, he accoſted the royal youth with the ſame familiar tenderneſs, which he might have uſed towards a plebeian child. Provoked by this inſolent behaviour, the monarch gave orders, that the ruſtic prieſt ſhould be in⯑ſtantly driven from his preſence. But while the guards were forcing him to the door, the dex⯑terous polemic had time to execute his deſign, by exclaiming, with a loud voice, ‘"Such is the treatment, O Emperor! which the King of Heaven has prepared for thoſe impious men, who affect to worſhip the Father, but refuſe to acknowledge the equal majeſty of his divine Son."’ Theodoſius immediately embraced the biſhop of Iconium; and never forgot the import⯑ant leſſon, which he had received from this dra⯑matic parable ²³.

[17] Conſtantinople was the principal ſeat and for⯑treſs of Arianiſm; and, in a long interval of forty years ²⁴, the faith of the princes and prelates, who Arianiſm of Con⯑ſtanti⯑nople, A. D. 340—380. reigned in the capital of the Eaſt, was rejected in the purer ſchools of Rome and Alexandria. The archiepiſcopal throne of Macedonius, which had been polluted with ſo much Chriſtian blood, was ſucceſſively filled by Eudoxus and Damophilus. Their dioceſe enjoyed a free importation of vice and error from every province of the empire; the eager purſuit of religious controverſy afforded a new occupation to the buſy idleneſs of the metro⯑polis; and we may credit the aſſertion of an in⯑telligent obſerver, who deſcribes, with ſome pleaſantry, the effects of their loquacious zeal. ‘"This city, ſays he, is full of mechanics and ſlaves, who are all of them profound theolo⯑gians; and preach in the ſhops, and in the ſtreets. If you deſire a man to change a piece of ſilver, he informs you, wherein the Son differs from the Father: if you aſk the price of a loaf, you are told, by way of reply, that the Son is inferior to the Father; and if you enquire whether the bath is ready, the anſwer is, that the Son was made out of nothing ²⁵."’ [18] The heretics, of various denominations, ſubſiſted in peace under the protection of the Arians of Conſtantinople; who endeavoured to ſecure the attachment of thoſe obſcure ſectaries; while they abuſed, with unrelenting ſeverity, the victory which they had obtained over the followers of the council of Nice. During the partial reigns of Conſtantius and Valens, the feeble remnant of the Homoouſians was deprived of the public and pri⯑vate exerciſe of their religion; and it has been obſerved, in pathetic language, that the ſcattered flock was left without a ſhepherd to wander on the mountains, or to be devoured by rapacious wolves ²⁶. But, as their zeal, inſtead of being ſubdued, derived ſtrength and vigour from op⯑preſſion, they ſeized the firſt moments of imperfect freedom, which they acquired by the death of Valens, to form themſelves into a regular congre⯑gation, under the conduct of an epiſcopal paſtor. Two natives of Cappadocia, Baſil, and Gregory Nazianzen ²⁷, were diſtinguiſhed above all their Gregory Nazian⯑zen contemporaries ²⁸, by the rare union of profane [19] eloquence and of orthodox piety. Theſe orators, who might ſometimes be compared, by them⯑ſelves, and by the public, to the moſt celebrated of the ancient Greeks, were united by the ties of the ſtricteſt friendſhip. They had cultivated, with equal ardour, the ſame liberal ſtudies in the the ſchools of Athens; they had retired, with equal devotion, to the ſame ſolitude in the deſerts of Pontus; and every ſpark of emulation, or envy, appeared to be totally extinguiſhed in the holy and ingenuous breaſts of Gregory and Baſil. But the exaltation of Baſil, from a private life to the archiepiſcopal throne of Caeſarea, diſcovered to the world, and perhaps to himſelf, the pride of his character; and the firſt favour which he con⯑deſcended to beſtow on his friend was received, and perhaps was intended, as a cruel inſult ²⁹. Inſtead of employing the ſuperior talents of Gre⯑gory in ſome uſeful and conſpicuous ſtation, the haughty prelate ſelected, among the fifty biſhop⯑rics of his extenſive province, the wretched village [20] of Saſima ³⁰, without water, without verdure, with⯑out ſociety, ſituate at the junction of three high⯑ways, and frequented only by the inceſſant paſſage of rude and clamorous waggoners. Gregory ſub⯑mitted with reluctance to this humiliating exile: he was ordained biſhop of Saſima; but he ſo⯑lemnly proteſts, that he never conſummated his ſpiritual marriage with this diſguſting bride. He afterwards conſented to undertake the govern⯑ment of his native church of Nazianzus ³¹, of which his father had been biſhop above five-and⯑forty years. But as he was ſtill conſcious, that he deſerved another audience, and another theatre, he accepted, with no unworthy ambition, the accepts the miſſion of Conſtan⯑tinople, A. D. 378, November. honourable invitation, which was addreſſed to him from the orthodox party of Conſtantinople. On his arrival in the capital, Gregory was enter⯑tained in the houſe of a pious and charitable kinſman; the moſt ſpacious room was conſecrated to the uſes of religious worſhip; and the name of Anaſtaſia was choſen, to expreſs the reſurrection of the Nicene faith. This private conventicle was afterwards converted into a magnificent church; and the credulity of the ſucceeding age [21] was prepared to believe the miracles and viſions, which atteſted the preſence, or at leaſt the pro⯑tection, of the Mother of God ³². The pulpit of the Anaſtaſia was the ſcene of the labours and triumphs of Gregory Nazianzen; and, in the ſpace of two years, he experienced all the ſpiritual adventures which conſtitute the proſperous or ad⯑verſe fortunes of a miſſionary ³³. The Arians, who were provoked by the boldneſs of his enter⯑priſe, repreſented his doctrine, as if he had preach⯑ed three diſtinct and equal Deities; and the de⯑vout populace was excited to ſuppreſs, by violence and tumult, the irregular aſſemblies of the Atha⯑naſian heretics. From the cathedral of St. Sophia, there iſſued a motley crowd ‘"of common beg⯑gars, who had forfeited their claim to pity; of monks, who had the appearance of goats or ſatyrs; and of women, more terrible than ſo many Jezabels."’ The doors of the Anaſtaſia were broke open; much miſchief was perpetrated, or attempted, with ſticks, ſtones, and firebrands; and as a man loſt his life in the affray, Gregory, who was ſummoned the next morning before the magiſtrate, had the ſatisfaction of ſuppoſing, that he publicly confeſſed the name of Chriſt. After he was delivered from the fear and danger of a foreign enemy, his infant church was diſgraced and diſtracted by inteſtine faction. A ſtranger, [22] who aſſumed the name of Maximus ³⁴, and the cloak of a Cynic philoſopher, inſinuated himſelf into the confidence of Gregory; deceived and abuſed his favourable opinion; and forming a ſecret connection with ſome biſhops of Egypt, attempted, by a clandeſtine ordination, to ſup⯑plant his patron in the epiſcopal ſeat of Conſtan⯑tinople. Theſe mortifications might ſometimes tempt the Cappadocian miſſionary to regret his obſcure ſolitude. But his fatigues were rewarded by the daily increaſe of his fame and his congre⯑gation; and he enjoyed the pleaſure of obſerving, that the greater part of his numerous audience retired from his ſermons, ſatisfied with the elo⯑quence of the preacher ³⁵, or diſſatisfied with the manifold imperfections of their faith and prac⯑tice ³⁶.

The Catholics of Conſtantinople were animated Ruin of Arianiſm at Con⯑ſtanti⯑nople, A. D. 380. Nov. 26. with joyful confidence by the baptiſm and edict of Theodoſius; and they impatiently waited the effects of his gracious promiſe. Their hopes were ſpeedily accompliſhed; and the emperor, as ſoon as he had finiſhed the operations of the campaign, made his public entry into the capital at the head [23] of a victorious army. The next day after his arrival, he ſummoned Damophilus to his pre⯑fence; and offered that Arian prelate the hard alternative of ſubſcribing the Nicene creed, or of inſtantly reſigning, to the orthodox believers, the uſe and poſſeſſion of the epiſcopal palace, the cathedral of St. Sophia, and all the churches of Conſtantinople. The zeal of Damophilus, which in a Catholic ſaint would have been juſtly applauded, embraced, without heſitation, a life of poverty and exile ³⁷; and his removal was im⯑mediately followed by the purification of the Im⯑perial City. The Arians might complain, with ſome appearance of juſtice, that an inconſiderable congregation of ſectaries ſhould uſurp the hun⯑dred churches, which they were inſufficient to fill: whilſt the far greater part of the people was cruelly excluded from every place of religious worſhip. Theodoſius was ſtill inexorable: but as the angels who protected the Catholic cauſe, were only viſible to the eyes of faith, he prudently reinforced thoſe heavenly legions, with the more effectual aid of temporal and carnal weapons: and the church of St. Sophia was occupied by a large body of the Imperial guards. If the mind of Gregory was ſuſceptible of pride, he muſt have felt a very lively ſatisfaction, when the emperor conducted him through the ſtreets in ſolemn triumph; and, with his own hand, reſpectfully [24] placed him on the archiepiſcopal throne of Con⯑ſtantinople. But the ſaint (who had not ſubdued the imperfections of human virtue) was deeply affected by the mortifying conſideration, that his entrance into the fold was that of a wolf, rather than of a ſhepherd: that the glittering arms, which ſurrounded his perſon, were neceſſary for his ſafety; and that he alone was the object of the imprecations of a great party, whom, as men and citizens, it was impoſſible for him to deſpiſe. He beheld the innumerable multitude of either ſex, and of every age, who crowded the ſtreets, the windows, and the roofs of the houſes; he heard the tumultuous voice of rage, grief, aſtoniſhment, and deſpair; and Gregory fairly confeſſes, that on the memorable day of his inſtallation, the capital of the Eaſt wore the appearance of a city taken by ſtorm, and in the hands of a Barbarian con⯑queror ³⁸. About ſix weeks afterwards, Theodo⯑ſius declared his reſolution of expelling from all the churches of his dominions, the biſhops and their clergy, who ſhould obſtinately refuſe to be⯑lieve, or at leaſt to profeſs, the doctrine of the council of Nice. His lieutenant Sapor was armed with the ample powers of a general law, a ſpecial In the Eaſt. A. D. 381. Jan. 10. commiſſion, and a military force ³⁹; and this ec⯑cleſiaſtical [25] revolution was conducted with ſo much diſcretion and vigour, that the religion of the emperor was eſtabliſhed, without tumult, or blood⯑ſhed, in all the provinces of the Eaſt. The wri⯑tings of the Arians, if they had been permitted to exiſt ⁴⁰, would perhaps contain the lamentable ſtory of the perſecution, which afflicted the church under the reign of the impious Theodoſius; and the ſufferings of their holy confeſſors, might claim the pity of the diſintereſted reader. Yet there is reaſon to imagine that the violence of zeal and revenge was, in ſome meaſure, eluded by the want of reſiſtance; and that, in their adverſity, the Arians diſplayed much leſs firmneſs, than had been exerted by the orthodox party under the reigns of Conſtantius and Valens. The moral character and conduct of the hoſtile ſects appear to have been governed by the ſame common principles of nature and religion: but a very material circum⯑ſtance may be diſcovered, which tended to diſ⯑tinguiſh the degrees of their theological faith. Both parties, in the ſchools, as well as in the temples, acknowledged and worſhipped the divine majeſty of Chriſt; and, as we are always prone to impute our own ſentiments and paſſions to the Deity, it would be deemed more prudent and re⯑ſpectful to exaggerate, than to circumſcribe, the adorable perfections of the Son of God. The diſciple of Athanaſius exulted in the proud con⯑fidence, that he had entitled himſelf to the divine [26] favour: while the follower of Arius muſt have been tormented, by the ſecret apprehenſion, that he was guilty, perhaps, of an unpardonable offence, by the ſcanty praiſe, and parſimonious honours, which he beſtowed on the Judge of the World. The opinions of Arianiſm might ſatisfy a cold and ſpeculative mind: but the doctrine of the Nicene Creed, moſt powerfully recommended by the merits of faith and devotion, was much better adapted to become popular and ſucceſsful in a believing age.

The hope that truth and wiſdom would be The coun⯑cil of Con⯑ſtanti⯑nople, A. D. 381, May. found in the aſſemblies of the orthodox clergy, induced the emperor to convene, at Conſtanti⯑nople, a ſynod of one hundred and fifty biſhops, who proceeded, without much difficulty or delay, to complete the theological ſyſtem which had been eſtabliſhed in the council of Nice. The vehement diſputes of the fourth century had been chiefly employed on the nature of the Son of God: and the various opinions, which were em⯑braced concerning the Second, were extended and transferred, by a natural analogy, to the Third, perſon of the Trinity ⁴¹. Yet it was found, or it was thought, neceſſary, by the victorious adver⯑ſaries of Arianiſm, to explain the ambiguous lan⯑guage [27] of ſome reſpectable doctors; to confirm the faith of the Catholics; and to condemn an unpopular and inconſiſtent ſect of Macedonians; who freely admitted that the Son was conſubſtan⯑tial to the Father, while they were fearful of ſeem⯑ing to acknowledge the exiſtence of Three Gods. A final and unanimous ſentence was pronounced to ratify the equal Deity of the Holy Ghoſt; the myſterious doctrine has been received by all the nations, and all the churches of the Chriſtian world; and their grateful reverence has aſſigned to the biſhops of Theodoſius, the ſecond rank among the general councils ⁴². Their knowledge of religious truth may have been preſerved by tra⯑dition, or it may have been communicated by inſpiration; but the ſober evidence of hiſtory will not allow much weight to the perſonal au⯑thority of the Fathers of Conſtantinople. In an age, when the eccleſiaſtics had ſcandalouſly de⯑generated from the model of apoſtolical purity, the moſt worthleſs and corrupt were always the moſt eager to frequent, and diſturb, the epiſcopal aſſemblies. The conflict and fermentation of ſo many oppoſite intereſts and tempers inflamed the paſſions of the biſhops: and their ruling paſſions were, the love of gold, and the love of diſpute. Many of the ſame prelates who now applauded the orthodox piety of Theodoſius, had repeatedly changed, with prudent flexibility, their creeds [28] and opinions; and in the various revolutions of the church and ſtate, the religion of their ſove⯑reign was the rule of their obſequious faith. When the emperor ſuſpended his prevailing in⯑fluence, the turbulent ſynod was blindly impelled, by the abſurd or ſelfiſh motives of pride, hatred, and reſentment. The death of Meletius, which happened at the council of Conſtantinople, pre⯑ſented the moſt favourable opportunity of ter⯑minating the ſchiſm of Antioch, by ſuffering his aged rival, Paulinus, peaceably to end his days in the epiſcopal chair. The faith and virtues of Paulinus were unblemiſhed. But his cauſe was ſupported by the Weſtern churches: and the biſhops of the ſynod reſolved to perpetuate the miſchiefs of diſcord, by the haſty ordination of a perjured candidate ⁴³, rather than to betray the imagined dignity of the Eaſt, which had been illuſtrated by the birth and death of the Son of God. Such unjuſt and diſorderly proceedings forced the graveſt members of the aſſembly to diſſent and to ſecede; and the clamorous ma⯑jority, which remained maſters of the field of battle, could be compared only to waſps or mag⯑pies, to a flight of cranes, or to a flock of geeſe ⁴⁴.

[29] A ſuſpicion may poſſibly ariſe, that ſo unfa⯑vourable a picture of eccleſiaſtical ſynods has been drawn by the partial hand of ſome obſtinate here⯑tic, Retreat of Gregory Nazian⯑zen, A. D. 381. or ſome malicious infidel. But the name of the ſincere hiſtorian who has conveyed this in⯑ſtructive leſſon to the knowledge of poſterity, muſt ſilence the impotent murmurs of ſuperſtition and bigotry. He was one of the moſt pious and eloquent biſhops of the age; a ſaint and a doctor of the church; the ſcourge of Arianiſm, and the pillar of the orthodox faith; a diſtinguiſhed mem⯑ber of the council of Conſtantinople, in which, after the death of Meletius, he exerciſed the functions of preſident: in a word—Gregory Na⯑zianzen himſelf. The harſh and ungenerous treatment which he experienced ⁴⁵, inſtead of de⯑rogating from the truth of his evidence, affords an additional proof of the ſpirit which actuated the deliberations of the ſynod. Their unanimous ſuffrage had confirmed the pretenſions which the biſhop of Conſtantinople derived from the choice of the people, and the approbation of the em⯑peror. But Gregory ſoon became the victim of malice and envy. The biſhops of the Eaſt, his ſtrenuous adherents, provoked by his moderation [30] in the affairs of Antioch, abandoned him, without ſupport, to the adverſe faction of the Egyptians; who diſputed the validity of his election, and rigorouſly aſſerted the obſolete canon, that pro⯑hibited the licentious practice of epiſcopal tranſla⯑tions. The pride, or the humility, of Gregory prompted him to decline a conteſt which might have been imputed to ambition and avarice; and he publicly offered, not without ſome mixture of indignation, to renounce the government of a church, which had been reſtored, and almoſt created, by his labours. His reſignation was accepted by the ſynod, and by the emperor, with more readineſs than he ſeems to have expected. At the time when he might have hoped to enjoy the fruits of his victory, his epiſcopal throne was filled by the ſenator Nectarius; and the new arch⯑biſhop, accidentally recommended by his eaſy temper and venerable aſpect, was obliged to de⯑lay the ceremony of his conſecration, till he had previouſly diſpatched the rites of his baptiſm ⁴⁶. After this remarkable experience of the ingrati⯑tude of princes and prelates, Gregory retired once more to his obſcure ſolitude of Cappadocia; where he employed the remainder of his life, about eight years, in the exerciſes of poetry and devotion. The title of Saint has been added to [31] his name; but the tenderneſs of his heart ⁴⁷, and the elegance of his genius, reflect a more pleaſing luſtre on the memory of Gregory Nazianzen.

It was not enough that Theodoſius had ſup⯑preſſed Edicts of Theodo⯑ſius againſt the here⯑tics, A. D. 380—394. the inſolent reign of Arianiſm, or that he had abundantly revenged the injuries which the Catholics ſuſtained from the zeal of Conſtantius and Valens. The orthodox emperor conſidered every heretic as a rebel againſt the ſupreme powers of heaven, and of earth; and each of thoſe powers might exerciſe their peculiar juriſdiction over the ſoul and body of the guilty. The decrees of the council of Conſtantinople had aſcertained the true ſtandard of the faith; and the eccleſiaſtics, who governed the conſcience of Theodoſius, ſuggeſted the moſt effectual methods of perſecution. In the ſpace of fifteen years, he promulgated at leaſt fifteen ſevere edicts againſt the heretics ⁴⁸; more eſpecially againſt thoſe who rejected the doctrine of the Trinity; and, to deprive them of every hope of eſcape, he ſternly enacted, that if any laws, or reſcripts, ſhould be alleged in their fa⯑vour, the judges ſhould conſider them as the ille⯑gal productions either of fraud, or forgery. The penal ſtatutes were directed againſt the miniſters, the aſſembles, and the perſons, of the heretics; and the paſſions of the legiſlator were expreſſed [32] in the language of declamation and invective. I. The heretical teachers, who uſurped the ſacred titles of Biſhops, or Preſbyters, were not only ex⯑cluded from the privileges and emoluments ſo liberally granted to the orthodox clergy, but they were expoſed to the heavy penalties of exile and confiſcation, if they preſumed to preach the doctrine, or to practiſe the rites, of their accurſed ſects. A fine of ten pounds of gold (above four hundred pounds Sterling) was impoſed on every perſon who ſhould dare to confer, or receive, or pro⯑mote, an heretical ordination: and it was reaſon⯑ably expected, that if the race of paſtors could be extinguiſhed, their helpleſs flocks would be com⯑pelled, by ignorance and hunger, to return within the pale of the Catholic Church. II. The rigor⯑ous prohibition of conventicles was carefully ex⯑tended to every poſſible circumſtance, in which the heretics could aſſemble with the intention of worſhipping God and Chriſt according to the dictates of their conſcience. Their religious meetings, whether public or ſecret, by day or by night, in cities or in the country, were equally proſcribed by the edicts of Theodoſius; and the building, or ground, which had been uſed for that illegal purpoſe, was forfeited to the Imperial do⯑main. III. It was ſuppoſed, that the error of the heretics could proceed only from the obſtinate temper of their minds; and that ſuch a temper was a fit object of cenſure and puniſhment. The anathemas of the church were fortified by a ſort of civil excommunication; which ſeparated them from their fellow-citizens, by a peculiar brand of [33] infamy; and this declaration of the ſupreme ma⯑giſtrate tended to juſtify, or at leaſt to excuſe, the inſults of a fanatic populace. The ſectaries were gradually diſqualified for the poſſeſſion of honour⯑able, or lucrative, employments; and Theodoſius was ſatisfied with his own juſtice, when he decreed, that, as the Eunomians diſtinguiſhed the nature of the Son from that of the Father, they ſhould be incapable of making their wills, or of receiv⯑ing any advantage from teſtamentary donations. The guilt of the Manichaean hereſy was eſteemed of ſuch magnitude, that it could be expiated only by the death of the offender; and the ſame capital puniſhment was inflicted on the Audians, or Quar⯑todecimans ⁴⁹, who ſhould dare to perpetrate the atrocious crime, of celebrating, on an improper day, the feſtival of Eaſter. Every Roman might exerciſe the right of public accuſation; but the office of Inquiſitors of the Faith, a name ſo deſerv⯑edly abhorred, was firſt inſtituted under the reign of Theodoſius. Yet we are aſſured, that the exe⯑cution of his penal edicts was ſeldom enforced; and that the pious emperor appeared leſs deſirous to puniſh, than to reclaim, or terrify, his refractory ſubjects ⁵⁰.

The theory of perſecution was eſtabliſhed by Execution of Priſcil⯑lian and his aſſo⯑ciates, A. D. 385. Theodoſius, whoſe juſtice and piety have been applauded by the ſaints; but the practice of it, [34] in the fulleſt extent, was reſerved for his rival and colleague Maximus, the firſt, among the Chriſtian princes, who ſhed the blood of his Chriſtian ſubjects, on account of their religious opinions. The cauſe of the Priſcillianiſts ⁵¹, a recent ſect of heretics, who diſturbed the provinces of Spain, was transferred, by appeal, from the ſynod of Bourdeaux to the Imperial conſiſtory of Treves; and by the ſentence of the Praetorian praefect, ſeven perſons were tortured, condemned, and executed. The firſt of theſe was Priſcillian ⁵² himſelf, biſhop of Avila ⁵³, in Spain; who adorned the advantages of birth and fortune, by the ac⯑compliſhments of eloquence and learning. Two preſbyters, and two deacons, accompanied their beloved maſter in his death, which they eſteemed as a glorious martyrdom; and the number of re⯑ligious victims was completed by the execution of Latronian, a poet, who rivalled the fame of the ancients; and of Euchrocia, a noble matron of Bourdeaux, the widow of the orator Delphi⯑dius ⁵⁴. [35] Two biſhops, who had embraced the ſentiments of Priſcillian, were condemned to a diſtant and dreary exile ⁵⁵; and ſome indulgence was ſhewn to the meaner criminals, who aſſumed the merit of an early repentance. If any credit could be allowed to confeſſions extorted by fear or pain, and to vague reports, the offspring of malice and credulity, the hereſy of the Priſcil⯑lianiſts would be found to include the various abominations of magic, of impiety, and of lewd⯑neſs ⁵⁶. Priſcillian, who wandered about the world in the company of his ſpiritual ſiſters, was accuſed of praying ſtark-naked in the midſt of the congregation; and it was confidently aſſerted, that the effects of his criminal intercourſe with the daughter of Euchrocia, had been ſuppreſſed, by means ſtill more odious and criminal. But an accurate, or rather a candid, enquiry, will diſ⯑cover, that if the Priſcillianiſts violated the laws of nature, it was not by the licentiouſneſs, but by the auſterity, of their lives. They abſolutely con⯑demned the uſe of the marriage-bed; and the peace of families was often diſturbed by indiſcreet ſeparations. They enjoined, or recommended, a total abſtinence from all animal food; and their [36] continual prayers, faſts, and vigils, inculcated a rule of ſtrict and perfect devotion. The ſpecu⯑lative tenets of the ſect, concerning the perſon of Chriſt, and the nature of the human ſoul, were derived from the Gnoſtic and Manichaean ſyſtem; and this vain philoſophy, which had been tranſ⯑ported from Egypt to Spain, was ill adapted to the groſſer ſpirits of the Weſt. The obſcure diſ⯑ciples of Priſcillian ſuffered, languiſhed, and gra⯑dually diſappeared: his tenets were rejected by the clergy and people, but his death was the ſub⯑ject of a long and vehement controverſy; while ſome arraigned, and others applauded, the juſtice of his ſentence. It is with pleaſure that we can obſerve, the humane inconſiſtency of the moſt illuſtrious ſaints and biſhops, Ambroſe of Milan ⁵⁷, and Martin of Tours ⁵⁸; who, on this occaſion, aſſerted the cauſe of toleration. They pitied the unhappy men, who had been executed at Treves; they refuſed to hold communion with their epiſ⯑copal murderers; and if Martin deviated from that generous reſolution, his motives were laudable, and his repentance was exemplary. The biſhops of Tours and Milan pronounced, without heſita⯑tion, the eternal damnation of heretics; but they were ſurpriſed, and ſhocked, by the bloody image of their temporal death, and the honeſt feelings of [37] nature reſiſted the artificial prejudices of theology. The humanity of Ambroſe and Martin was con⯑firmed by the ſcandalous irregularity of the pro⯑ceedings againſt Priſcillian, and his adherents. The civil and eccleſiaſtical miniſters had tranſ⯑greſſed the limits of their reſpective provinces. The ſecular judge had preſumed to receive an appeal, and to pronounce a definitive ſentence, in a matter of faith, and epiſcopal juriſdiction. The biſhops had diſgraced themſelves, by exer⯑ciſing the function of accuſers in a criminal pro⯑ſecution. The cruelty of Ithacius ⁵⁹, who beheld the tortures, and ſolicited the death, of the heretics, provoked the juſt indignation of mankind; and the vices of that profligate biſhop were admitted as a proof, that his zeal was inſtigated by the ſor⯑did motives of intereſt. Since the death of Priſ⯑cillian, the rude attempts of perſecution have been refined and methodiſed in the holy office, which aſſigns their diſtinct parts to the eccleſiaſti⯑cal and ſecular powers. The devoted victim is regularly delivered by the prieſt to the magiſtrate, and by the magiſtrate to the executioner; and the inexorable ſentence of the church, which de⯑clares the ſpiritual guilt of the offender, is ex⯑preſſed in the mild language of pity and inter⯑ceſſion.

Among the eccleſiaſtics, who illuſtrated the Ambroſe, archbiſhop of Milan, A. D. 374—397. reign of Theodoſius, Gregory Nazianzen was diſtinguiſhed by the talents of an eloquent preacher; [38] the reputation of miraculous gifts, added weight and dignity to the monaſtic virtues of Martin of Tours ⁶⁰; but the palm of epiſcopal vigour and ability was juſtly claimed by the intrepid Am⯑broſe ⁶¹. He was deſcended from a noble family of Romans; his father had exerciſed the im⯑portant office of Praetorian praefect of Gaul; and the ſon, after paſſing through the ſtudies of a liberal education, attained, in the regular grada⯑tion of civil honours, the ſtation of conſular of Liguria, a province which included the Imperial reſidence of Milan. At the age of thirty-four, and before he had received the ſacrament of bap⯑tiſm, Ambroſe, to his own ſurpriſe, and to that of the world, was ſuddenly transformed from a go⯑vernor to an archbiſhop. Without the leaſt mix⯑ture, as it is ſaid, of art or intrigue, the whole body of the people unanimouſly ſaluted him with the epiſcopal title; the concord and perſeverance of their acclamations were aſcribed to a praeter⯑natural impulſe; and the reluctant magiſtrate was compelled to undertake a ſpiritual office, for which he was not prepared by the habits and occupations of his former life. But the active force of his genius ſoon qualified him to exerciſe, with zeal [39] and prudence, the duties of his eccleſiaſtical juriſ⯑diction; and, while he cheerfully renounced the vain and ſplendid trappings of temporal greatneſs, he condeſcended, for the good of the church, to direct the conſcience of the emperors, and to con⯑troul the adminiſtration of the empire. Gratian loved and revered him as a father; and the ela⯑borate treatiſe on the ſaith of the Trinity, was deſigned for the inſtruction of the young prince. After his tragic death, at a time when the em⯑preſs Juſtina trembled for her own ſafety, and for that of her ſon Valentinian, the archbiſhop of Milan was diſpatched, on two different embaſſies, to the court of Treves. He exerciſed, with equal firmneſs and dexterity, the powers of his ſpiritual and political characters; and perhaps contributed, by his authority and eloquence, to check the am⯑bition of Maximus, and to protect the peace of Italy ⁶². Ambroſe had devoted his life, and his abilities, to the ſervice of the church. Wealth was the object of his contempt; he had renounced his private patrimony; and he ſold, without heſita⯑tion, the conſecrated plate for the redemption of captives. The clergy and people of Milan were attached to their archbiſhop; and he deſerved the eſteem, without ſoliciting the favour, or ap⯑prehending the diſpleaſure, of his feeble ſove⯑reigns.

The government of Italy, and of the young His ſuc⯑ceſsful op⯑poſition to the empreſ Juſtina, A. D. 385 April 3—April 10. emperor, naturally devolved to his mother Juſtina, a woman of beauty and ſpirit, but who, in the [40] midſt of an orthodox people, had the misfortune of profeſſing the Arian hereſy, which ſhe endea⯑voured to inſtil into the mind of her ſon. Juſtina was perſuaded, that a Roman emperor might claim, in his own dominions, the public exerciſe of his religion; and ſhe propoſed to the arch⯑biſhop, as a moderate and reaſonable conceſſion, that he ſhould reſign the uſe of a ſingle church, either in the city or ſuburbs of Milan. But the conduct of Ambroſe was governed by very dif⯑ferent principles ⁶³. The palaces of the earth might indeed belong to Caeſar; but the churches were the houſes of God; and, within the limits of his dioceſe, he himſelf, as the lawful ſucceſſor of the apoſtles, was the only miniſter of God. The privileges of Chriſtianity, temporal as well as ſpi⯑ritual, were confined to the true believers; and the mind of Ambroſe was ſatisfied, that his own theological opinions were the ſtandard of truth and orthodoxy. The archbiſhop, who refuſed to hold any conference, or negociation, with the in⯑ſtruments of Satan, declared, with modeſt firm⯑neſs, his reſolution to die a martyr, rather than to yield to the impious ſacrilege; and Juſtina, who reſented the refuſal as an act of inſolence and re⯑bellion, haſtily determined to exert the Imperial prerogative of her ſon. As ſhe deſired to perform her public devotions on the approaching feſtival [41] of Eaſter, Ambroſe was ordered to appear before the council. He obeyed the ſummons with the reſpect of a faithful ſubject, but he was followed, without his conſent, by an innumerable people: they preſſed, with impetuous zeal, againſt the gates of the palace; and the affrighted miniſters of Valentinian, inſtead of pronouncing a ſentence of exile on the archbiſhop of Milan, humbly re⯑queſted that he would interpoſe his authority, to protect the perſon of the emperor, and to reſtore the tranquillity of the capital. But the promiſes which Ambroſe received and communicated, were ſoon violated by a perfidious court; and, during ſix of the moſt ſolemn days, which Chriſtian piety has ſet apart for the exerciſe of religion, the city was agitated by the irregular convulſions of tumult and fanaticiſm. The officers of the houſehold were directed to prepare, firſt, the Portian, and afterwards, the new, Baſilica, for the immediate reception of the emperor, and his mother. The ſplendid canopy and hangings of the royal ſeat were arranged in the cuſtomary manner; but it was found neceſſary to defend them, by a ſtrong guard, from the inſults of the populace. The Arian eccleſiaſtics, who ventured to ſhew them⯑ſelves in the ſtreets, were expoſed to the moſt imminent danger of their lives: and Ambroſe enjoyed the merit and reputation of reſcuing his perſonal enemies from the hands of the enraged multitude.

But while he laboured to reſtrain the effects of their zeal, the pathetic vehemence of his ſermons continually inflamed the angry and ſeditious tem⯑per [42] of the people of Milan. The characters of Eve, of the wife of Job, of Jezabel, of Herodias, were indecently applied to the mother of the em⯑peror; and her deſire to obtain a church for the Arians, was compared to the moſt cruel perſe⯑cutions which Chriſtianity had endured under the reign of Paganiſm. The meaſures of the court ſerved only to expoſe the magnitude of the evil. A fine of two hundred pounds of gold was impoſed on the corporate body of merchants and manu⯑facturers: an order was ſignified, in the name of the emperor, to all the officers, and inferior ſer⯑vants, of the courts of juſtice, that, during the continuance of the public diſorders, they ſhould ſtrictly confine themſelves to their houſes: and the miniſters of Valentinian imprudently con⯑feſſed, that the moſt reſpectable part of the citi⯑zens of Milan was attached to the cauſe of their archbiſhop. He was again ſolicited to reſtore peace to his country, by a timely compliance with the will of his ſovereign. The reply of Am⯑broſe was couched in the moſt humble and re⯑ſpectful terms, which might, however, be inter⯑preted as a ſerious declaration of civil war. ‘"His life and fortune were in the hands of the em⯑peror; but he would never betray the church of Chriſt, or degrade the dignity of the epiſcopal character. In ſuch a cauſe, he was prepared to ſuffer whatever the malice of the daemon could inflict; and he only wiſhed to die in the preſence of his faithful flock, and at the foot of the altar; he had not contributed to excite, but it was in the power of God alone to ap⯑peaſe, [43] the rage of the people: he deprecated the ſcenes of blood and confuſion, which were likely to enſue; and it was his fervent prayer, that he might not ſurvive to behold the ruin of a flouriſhing city, and perhaps the deſolation of all Italy ⁶⁴."’ The obſtinate bigotry of Juſtina would have endangered the empire of her ſon, if, in this conteſt with the church and people of Milan, ſhe could have depended on the active obedience of the troops of the palace. A large body of Goths had marched to occupy the Baſilica, which was the object of the diſpute: and it might be expected from the Arian principles, and bar⯑barous manners, of theſe foreign mercenaries, that they would not entertain any ſcruples in the execution of the moſt ſanguinary orders. They were encountered, on the ſacred threſhold, by the archbiſhop, who, thundering againſt them a ſen⯑tence of excommunication, aſked them, in the tone of a father and a maſter, Whether it was to invade the houſe of God, that they had implored the hoſpitable protection of the republic? The ſuſpenſe of the Barbarians allowed ſome hours for a more effectual negociation; and the empreſs was perſuaded, by the advice of her wiſeſt coun⯑ſellors, to leave the Catholics in poſſeſſion of all the churches of Milan; and to diſſemble, till a [44] more convenient ſeaſon, her intentions of revenge. The mother of Valentinian could never forgive the triumph of Ambroſe; and the royal youth uttered a paſſionate exclamation, that his own ſervants were ready to betray him into the hands of an inſolent prieſt.

The laws of the empire, ſome of which were A. D. 386. inſcribed with the name of Valentinian, ſtill con⯑demned the Arian hereſy, and ſeemed to excuſe the reſiſtance of the Catholics. By the influence of Juſtina, an edict of toleration was promulgated in all the provinces which were ſubject to the court of Milan; the free exerciſe of their religion was granted to thoſe who profeſſed the faith of Rimini; and the emperor declared, that all per⯑ſons who ſhould infringe this ſacred and ſalutary conſtitution, ſhould be capitally puniſhed, as the enemies of the public peace ⁶⁵. The character and language of the archbiſhop of Milan may juſtify the ſuſpicion, that his conduct ſoon afforded a reaſonable ground, or at leaſt a ſpecious pre⯑tence, to the Arian miniſters; who watched the opportunity of ſurpriſing him in ſome act of diſ⯑obedience to a law, which he ſtrangely repreſents as a law of blood and tyranny. A ſentence of eaſy and honourable baniſhment was pronounced, which enjoined Ambroſe to depart from Milan without delay; whilſt it permitted him to chuſe the place of his exile, and the number of his companions. But the authroity of the ſaints, who have preached and practiſed the maxims of [45] paſſive loyalty, appeared to Ambroſe of leſs mo⯑ment than the extreme and preſſing danger of the church. He boldly refuſed to obey; and his refuſal was ſupported by the unanimous conſent of his faithful people ⁶⁶. They guarded by turns the perſon of their archbiſhop; the gates of the cathedral and the epiſcopal palace were ſtrongly ſecured; and the Imperial troops, who had formed the blockade, were unwilling to riſk the attack, of that impregnable fortreſs. The numerous poor, who had been relieved by the liberality of Ambroſe, embraced the fair occaſion of ſignaliſing their zeal and gratitude; and as the patience of the multitude might have been exhauſted by the length and uniformity of nocturnal vigils, he prudently introduced into the church of Milan the uſeful inſtitution of a loud and regular pſalm⯑ody. While he maintained this arduous con⯑teſt, he was inſtructed, by a dream, to open the earth in a place where the remains of two martyrs, Gervaſius and Protaſius ⁶⁷, had been depoſited above three hundred years. Immediately under the pavement of the church two perfect ſkeletons were found ⁶⁸, with the heads ſeparated from their [46] bodies, and a plentiful effuſion of blood. The holy relics were preſented, in ſolemn pomp, to the veneration of the people; and every circum⯑ſtance of this fortunate diſcovery was admirably adapted to promote the deſigns of Ambroſe. The bones of the martyrs, their blood, their garments, were ſuppoſed to contain a healing power; and the praeternatural influence was communicated to the moſt diſtant objects, without loſing any part of its original virtue. The extraordinary cure of a blind man ⁶⁹, and the reluctant confeſſions of ſeveral daemoniacs, appeared to juſtify the faith and ſanctity of Ambroſe; and the truth of thoſe miracles is atteſted by Ambroſe himſelf, by his ſecretary Paulinus, and by his proſelyte, the ce⯑lebrated Auguſtin, who, at that time, profeſſed the art of rhetoric in Milan. The reaſon of the preſent age may poſſibly approve the incredulity of Juſtina and her Arian court; who derided the theatrical repreſentations, which were exhibited by the contrivance, and at the expence, of the archbiſhop ⁷⁰. Their effect, however, on the minds of the people, was rapid and irreſiſtible; and the feeble ſovereign of Italy found himſelf [47] unable to contend with the favourite of heaven. The powers likewiſe of the earth interpoſed in the defence of Ambroſe: the diſintereſted advice of Theodoſius was the genuine reſult of piety and friendſhip; and the maſk of religious zeal con⯑cealed the hoſtile and ambitious deſigns of the tyrant of Gaul ⁷¹.

The reign of Maximus might have ended in Maximus invades Italy, A. D. 387, Auguſt. peace and proſperity, could he have contented himſelf with the poſſeſſion of three ample coun⯑tries, which now conſtitute the three moſt flou⯑riſhing kingdoms of modern Europe. But the aſpiring uſurper, whoſe ſordid ambition was not dignified by the love of glory and of arms, con⯑ſidered his actual forces as the inſtruments only of his future greatneſs, and his ſucceſs was the immediate cauſe of his deſtruction. The wealth which he extorted ⁷² from the oppreſſed provinces of Gaul, Spain, and Britain, was employed in levying and maintaining a formidable army of Barbarians, collected, for the moſt part, from the fierceſt nations of Germany. The conqueſt of Italy was the object of his hopes and preparations; and he ſecretly meditated the ruin of an innocent youth, whoſe government was abhorred and de⯑ſpiſed by his Catholic ſubjects. But as Maximus wiſhed to occupy, without reſiſtance, the paſſes of [48] the Alps, he received, with perfidious ſmiles, Domninus of Syria, the ambaſſador of Valen⯑tinian, and preſſed him to accept the aid of a conſiderable body of troops, for the ſervice of a Pannonian war. The penetration of Ambroſe had diſcovered the ſnares of an enemy under the profeſſions of friendſhip ⁷³; but the Syrian Dom⯑ninus was corrupted, or deceived, by the liberal favour of the court of Treves; and the council of Milan obſtinately rejected the ſuſpicion of dan⯑ger, with a blind confidence, which was the effect, not of courage, but of fear. The march of the auxiliaries was guided by the ambaſſador; and they were admitted, without diſtruſt, into the fortreſſes of the Alps. But the crafty tyrant fol⯑lowed, with haſty and ſilent footſteps, in the rear; and, as he diligently intercepted all intelligence of his motions, the gleam of armour, and the duſt excited by the troops of cavalry, firſt announced the hoſtile approach of a ſtranger to the gates of Milan. In this extremity, Juſtina and her ſon might accuſe their own imprudence, and the per⯑fidious arts of Maximus; but they wanted time, and force, and reſolution, to ſtand againſt the Gauls and Germans, either in the field, or within the walls of a large and diſaffected city. Flight was their only hope, Aquileia their only refuge; and as Maximus now diſplayed his genuine cha⯑racter, the brother of Gratian might expect the ſame fate from the hands of the ſame aſſaſſin. [49] Maximus entered Milan in triumph; and if the wiſe archbiſhop refuſed a dangerous and criminal connection with the uſurper, he might indirectly contribute to the ſucceſs of his arms, by incul⯑cating, from the pulpit, the duty of reſignation, rather than that of reſiſtance ⁷⁴. The unfortunate Juſtina reached Aquileia in ſafety; but ſhe diſ⯑truſted the ſtrength of the fortifications; ſhe dreaded the event of a ſiege; and ſhe reſolved to implore the protection of the great Theodoſius, whoſe power and virtue were celebrated in all the countries of the Weſt. A veſſel was ſecretly pro⯑vided to tranſport the Imperial family; they embarked with precipitation in one of the obſcure harbours of Venetia, or Iſtria; traverſed the whole extent of the Hadriatic and Ionian ſeas; turned the extreme promontory of Peloponneſus; and, after a long, but ſucceſsful, navigation, re⯑poſed themſelves in the port of Theſſalonica. All the ſubjects of Valentinian deſerted the cauſe of a prince, who, by his abdication, had abſolved Flight of Valen⯑tinian. them from the duty of allegiance; and if the little city of Aemona, on the verge of Italy, had not preſumed to ſtop the career of his inglorious victory, Maximus would have obtained, without a ſtruggle, the ſole poſſeſſion of the weſtern em⯑pire.

Inſtead of inviting his royal gueſts to the palace Theodo⯑ſius takes arms in the cauſe of Valen⯑tinian. A. D. 387. of Conſtantinople, Theodoſius had ſome unknown reaſons to fix their reſidence at Theſſalonica; but [50] theſe reaſons did not proceed from contempt or indifference, as he ſpeedily made a viſit to that city, accompanied by the greateſt part of his court and ſenate. After the firſt tender expreſ⯑ſions of friendſhip and ſympathy, the pious emperor of the Eaſt gently admoniſhed Juſtina, that the guilt of hereſy was ſometimes puniſhed in this world, as well as in the next; and that the public profeſſion of the Nicene faith, would be the moſt efficacious ſtep to promote the reſtoration of her ſon, by the ſatisfaction which it muſt occaſion both on earth and in heaven. The momentous queſtion of peace or war was referred, by Theo⯑doſius, to the deliberation of his council; and the arguments which might be alleged on the ſide of honour and juſtice, had acquired, ſince the death of Gratian, a conſiderable degree of addi⯑tional weight. The perſecution of the Imperial family, to which Theodoſius himſelf had been in⯑debted for his fortune, was now aggravated by recent and repeated injuries. Neither oaths nor treaties could reſtrain the boundleſs ambition of Maximus; and the delay of vigorous and deciſive meaſures, inſtead of prolonging the bleſſings of peace, would expoſe the eaſtern empire to the danger of an hoſtile invaſion. The Barbarians, who had paſſed the Danube, had lately aſſumed the character of ſoldiers and ſubjects, but their native fierceneſs was yet untamed; and the ope⯑rations of a war, which would exerciſe their valour, and diminiſh their numbers, might tend to relieve the provinces from an intolerable oppreſſion. Notwithſtanding theſe ſpecious and ſolid reaſons, [51] which were approved by a majority of the coun⯑cil, Theodoſius ſtill heſitated, whether he ſhould draw the ſword in a conteſt, which could no longer admit any terms of reconciliation; and his mag⯑nanimous character was not diſgraced by the ap⯑prehenſions which he felt for the ſafety of his in⯑fant ſons, and the welfare of his exhauſted people. In this moment of anxious doubt, while the fate of the Roman world depended on the reſolution of a ſingle man, the charms of the princeſs Galla moſt powerfully pleaded the cauſe of her brother Valentinian ⁷⁵. The heart of Theodoſius was ſoftened by the tears of beauty; his affections were inſenſibly engaged by the graces of youth and innocence; the art of Juſtina managed and directed the impulſe of paſſion; and the celebra⯑tion of the royal nuptials was the aſſurance and ſignal of the civil war. The unfeeling critics, who conſider every amorous weakneſs as an in⯑delible ſtain on the memory of a great and ortho⯑dox emperor, are inclined, on this occaſion, to diſpute the ſuſpicious evidence of the hiſtorian Zoſimus. For my own part, I ſhall frankly con⯑feſs, that I am willing to find, or even to ſeek, in the revolutions of the world, ſome traces of the mild and tender ſentiments of domeſtic life; and, amidſt the crowd of fierce and ambitious con⯑querors, I can diſtinguiſh, with peculiar com⯑placency, [52] a gentle hero, who may be ſuppoſed to receive his armour from the hands of love. The alliance of the Perſian king was ſecured by the faith of treaties; the martial Barbarians were per⯑ſuaded to follow the ſtandard, or to reſpect the frontiers, of an active and liberal monarch; and the dominions of Theodoſius, from the Euphrates to the Hadriatic, reſounded with the preparations of war both by land and ſea. The ſkilful diſ⯑poſition of the forces of the Eaſt ſeemed to mul⯑tiply their numbers, and diſtracted the attention of Maximus. He had reaſon to fear, that a choſen body of troops, under the command of the in⯑trepid Arbogaſtes, would direct their march along the banks of the Danube, and boldly pene⯑trate through the Rhaetian provinces into the centre of Gaul. A powerful fleet was equipped in the harbours of Greece and Epirus, with an apparent deſign, that as ſoon as the paſſage had been opened by a naval victory, Valentinian, and his mother, ſhould land in Italy, proceed, with⯑out delay, to Rome, and occupy the majeſtic ſeat of religion and empire. In the mean while, Theodoſius himſelf advanced at the head of a brave and diſciplined army, to encounter his un⯑worthy rival, who, after the ſiege of Aemona, had fixed his camp in the neighbourhood of Siſcia, a city of Pannonia, ſtrongly fortified by the broad and rapid ſtream of the Save.

The veterans, who ſtill remembered the long Defeat and death of Maximus, A. D. 388. June—Auguſt. reſiſtance, and ſucceſſive reſources, of the tyrant Magnentius, might prepare themſelves for the labours of three bloody campaigns. But the con⯑teſt [53] with his ſucceſſor, who, like him, had uſurped the throne of the Weſt, was eaſily decided in the term of two months ⁷⁶, and within the ſpace of two hundred miles. The ſuperior genius of the emperor of the Eaſt might prevail over the feeble Maximus; who, in this important criſis, ſhewed himſelf deſtitute of military ſkill, or perſonal cou⯑rage; but the abilities of Theodoſius were ſe⯑conded by the advantage which he poſſeſſed of a numerous and active cavalry. The Huns, the Alani, and, after their example, the Goths them⯑ſelves, were formed into ſquadrons of archers; who fought on horſeback, and confounded the ſteady valour of the Gauls and Germans, by the rapid motions of a Tartar war. After the fatigue of a long march, in the heat of ſummer, they ſpurred their foaming horſes into the waters of the Save, ſwam the river in the preſence of the enemy, and inſtantly charged and routed the troops who guarded the high ground on the oppo⯑ſite ſide. Marcellinus, the tyrant's brother, ad⯑vanced to ſupport them with the ſelect cohorts, which were conſidered as the hope and ſtrength of the army. The action, which had been inter⯑rupted by the approach of night, was renewed in the morning; and, after a ſharp conflict, the ſur⯑viving remnant of the braveſt ſoldiers of Maxi⯑mus threw down their arms at the feet of the con⯑queror. Without ſuſpending his march, to re⯑ceive the loyal acclamations of the citizens of Aemona, Theodoſius preſſed forwards, to ter⯑minate [54] the war by the death or captivity of his rival, who fled before him with the diligence of fear. From the ſummit of the Julian Alps, he de⯑ſcended with ſuch incredible ſpeed into the plain of Italy, that he reached Aquileia on the evening of the firſt day; and Maximus, who found himſelf encompaſſed on all ſides, had ſcarcely time to ſhut the gates of the city. But the gates could not long reſiſt the effort of a victorious enemy; and the deſpair, the diſaffection, the indifference of the ſoldiers and people, haſtened the downfall of the wretched Maximus. He was dragged from his throne, rudely ſtripped of the Imperial orna⯑ments, the robe, the diadem, and the purple ſlippers; and conducted, like a malefactor, to the camp and preſence of Theodoſius, at a place about three miles from Aquileia. The behaviour of the emperor was not intended to inſult, and he ſhewed ſome diſpoſition to pity and forgive, the tyrant of the Weſt, who had never been his per⯑ſonal enemy, and was now become the object of his contempt. Our ſympathy is the moſt forcibly excited by the misfortunes to which we are ex⯑poſed; and the ſpectacle of a proud competitor, now proſtrate at his feet, could not fail of pro⯑ducing very ſerious and ſolemn thoughts in the mind of the victorious emperor. But the feeble emotion of involuntary pity was checked by his regard for public juſtice, and the memory of Gra⯑tian; and he abandoned the victim to the pious zeal of the ſoldiers, who drew him out of the Im⯑perial preſence, and inſtantly ſeparated his head from his body. The intelligence of his defeat [55] and death was received with ſincere, or well⯑diſſembled, joy: his ſon Victor, on whom he had conferred the title of Auguſtus, died by the order, perhaps by the hand, of the bold Arbogaſtes; and all the military plans of Theodoſius were ſucceſsfully executed. When he had thus ter⯑minated the civil war, with leſs difficulty and bloodſhed than he might naturally expect, he em⯑ployed the winter months of his reſidence at Milan, to reſtore the ſtate of the afflicted pro⯑vinces; and early in the ſpring he made, after the example of Conſtantine and Conſtantius, his triumphal entry into the ancient capital of the Roman empire ⁷⁷.

The orator, who may be ſilent without danger, Virtues of Theodo⯑ſius. may praiſe without difficulty, and without re⯑luctance ⁷⁸; and poſterity will confeſs, that the character of Theodoſius ⁷⁹ might furniſh the ſub⯑ject of a ſincere and ample panegyric. The [56] wiſdom of his laws, and the ſucceſs of his arms, rendered his adminiſtration reſpectable in the eyes both of his ſubjects, and of his enemies. He loved and practiſed the virtues of domeſtic life, which ſeldom hold their reſidence in the palaces of kings. Theodoſius was chaſte and temperate: he enjoyed, without exceſs, the ſenſual and ſocial pleaſures of the table; and the warmth of his amorous paſſions was never diverted from their lawful objects. The proud titles of Imperial greatneſs were adorned by the tender names of a faithful huſband, an indulgent father; his uncle was raiſed, by his affectionate eſteem, to the rank of a ſecond parent: Theodoſius embraced, as his own, the children of his brother and ſiſter; and the expreſſions of his regard were extended to the moſt diſtant and obſcure branches of his nu⯑merous kindred. His familiar friends were ju⯑diciouſly ſelected from among thoſe perſons, who, in the equal intercourſe of private life, had ap⯑peared before his eyes without a maſk: the con⯑ſciouſneſs of perſonal and ſuperior merit enabled him to deſpiſe the accidental diſtinction of the purple; and he proved by his conduct, that he had forgotten all the injuries, while he moſt grate⯑fully remembered all the favours and ſervices, which he had received before he aſcended the throne of the Roman empire. The ſerious, or lively, tone of his converſation, was adapted to the age, the rank, or the character, of his ſub⯑jects whom he admitted into his ſociety; and the affability of his manners diſplayed the image of his mind. Theodoſius reſpected the ſimplicity of [57] the good and virtuous; every art, every talent, of an uſeful, or even of an innocent, nature, was rewarded by his judicious liberality; and, except the heretics, whom he perſecuted with implacable hatred, the diffuſive circle of his benevolence was circumſcribed only by the limits of the human race. The government of a mighty empire may aſſuredly ſuffice to occupy the time, and the abi⯑lities, of a mortal: yet the diligent prince, with⯑out aſpiring to the unſuitable reputation of pro⯑found learning, always reſerved ſome moments of his leiſure for the inſtructive amuſement of read⯑ing. Hiſtory, which enlarged his experience, was his favourite ſtudy. The annals of Rome, in the long period of eleven hundred years, pre⯑ſented him with a various and ſplendid picture of human life; and it has been particularly obſerved, that whenever he peruſed the cruel acts of Cinna, of Marius, or of Sylla, he warmly expreſſed his generous deteſtation of thoſe enemies of humanity and freedom. His diſintereſted opinion of paſt events was uſefully applied as the rule of his own actions; and Theodoſius has deſerved the ſingular commendation, that his virtues always ſeemed to expand with his fortune: the ſeaſon of his pro⯑ſperity was that of his moderation; and his cle⯑mency appeared the moſt conſpicuous after the danger and ſucceſs of the civil war. The Mooriſh guards of the tyrant had been maſſacred in the firſt heat of the victory; and a ſmall number of the moſt obnoxious criminals ſuffered the puniſh⯑ment of the law. But the emperor ſhewed him⯑ſelf much more attentive to relieve the innocent, [58] than to chaſtiſe the guilty. The oppreſſed ſub⯑jects of the Weſt, who would have deemed them⯑ſelves happy in the reſtoration of their lands, were aſtoniſhed to receive a ſum of money equivalent to their loſſes; and the liberality of the conqueror ſupported the aged mother, and educated the orphan daughters, of Maximus ⁸⁰. A character thus accompliſhed, might almoſt excuſe the ex⯑travagant ſuppoſition of the orator Pacatus; that, if the elder Brutus could be permitted to reviſit the earth, the ſtern republican would abjure, at the feet of Theodoſius, his hatred of kings; and ingenuouſly confeſs, that ſuch a monarch was the moſt faithful guardian of the happineſs and dignity, of the Roman people ⁸¹.

Yet the piercing eye of the founder of the re⯑public muſt have diſcerned two eſſential imper⯑fections, Faults of Theodo⯑ſius. which might, perhaps, have abated his recent love of deſpotiſm. The virtuous mind of Theodoſius was often relaxed by indolence ⁸², and it was ſometimes inflamed by paſſion ⁸³. In the purſuit of an important object, his active courage [59] was capable of the moſt vigorous exertions; but, as ſoon as the deſign was accompliſhed, or the danger was ſurmounted, the hero ſunk into in⯑glorious repoſe; and, forgetful that the time of a prince is the property of his people, reſigned him⯑ſelf to the enjoyment of the innocent, but trifling, pleaſures of a luxurious court. The natural diſ⯑poſition of Theodoſius was haſty and choleric; and, in a ſtation where none could reſiſt, and few would diſſuade, the fatal conſequence of his re⯑ſentment, the humane monarch was juſtly alarmed by the conſciouſneſs of his infirmity, and of his power. It was the conſtant ſtudy of his life to ſuppreſs, or regulate, the intemperate ſallies of paſſion; and the ſucceſs of his efforts enhanced the merit of his clemency. But the painful vir⯑tue which claims the merit of victory, is ex⯑poſed to the danger of deſeat; and the reign of a wiſe and merciful prince was polluted by an act of cruelty, which would ſtain the annals of Nero or Domitian. Within the ſpace of three years, the inconſiſtent hiſtorian of Theodoſius muſt relate the generous pardon of the citizens of Antioch, and the inhuman maſſacre of the people of Theſſalonica.

The lively impatience of the inhabitants of An⯑tioch was never ſatisfied with their own ſituation, The ſedi⯑tion of Antioch, A. D. 387. or with the character, and conduct, of their ſuc⯑ceſſive ſovereigns. The Arian ſubjects of Theo⯑doſius deplored the loſs of their churches; and, as three rival biſhops, diſputed the throne of An⯑tioch, the ſentence which decided their pretenſions [60] excited the murmurs of the two unſucceſsful con⯑gregations. The exigencies of the Gothic war, and the inevitable expence that accompanied the concluſion of the peace, had conſtrained the em⯑peror to aggravate the weight of the public im⯑poſitions; and the provinces of Aſia, as they had not been involved in the diſtreſs, were the leſs inclined to contribute to the relief, of Europe. The auſpicious period now approached of the tenth year of his reign; a feſtival more grateful to the ſoldiers, who received a liberal donative, than to the ſubjects, whoſe voluntary offerings had been long ſince converted into an extraordinary and oppreſſive burthen. The edicts of taxation interrupted the repoſe, and pleaſures, of Antioch; and the tribunal of the magiſtrate was beſieged by a ſuppliant crowd; who, in pathetic, but, at firſt, in reſpectful, language, ſolicited the redreſs of their grievances. They were gradually incenſed by the pride of their haughty rulers, who treated their complaints as a criminal reſiſtance; their ſatirical wit degenerated into ſharp and angry invectives; and, from the ſubordinate powers of government, the invectives of the people inſenſibly roſe to attack the ſacred character of the emperor himſelf. Their fury, provoked by a feeble oppoſition, diſcharged itſelf on the Feb. 26. images of the Imperial family, which were erected, as objects of public veneration, in the moſt conſpicuous places of the city. The ſtatues of Theodoſius, of his father, of his wife Flaccilla, of his two ſons, Arcadius and Honorius, were [61] inſolently thrown down from their pedeſtals, broken in pieces, or dragged with contempt through the ſtreets: and the indignities which were offered to the repreſentations of Imperial majeſty, ſufficiently declared the impious and treaſonable wiſhes of the populace. The tumult was almoſt immediately ſuppreſſed by the arrival of a body of archers; and Antioch had leiſure to reflect on the nature and conſequences of her crime ⁸⁴. According to the duty of his office, the governor of the province diſpatched a faithful narrative of the whole tranſaction; while the trembling citizens intruſted the confeſſion of their crime, and the aſſurance of their repentance, to the zeal of Flavian their biſhop, and to the elo⯑quence of the ſenator Hilarius, the friend, and, moſt probably, the diſciple, of Libanius; whoſe genius, on this melancholy occaſion, was not uſe⯑leſs to his country ⁸⁵. But the two capitals, An⯑tioch and Conſtantinople, were ſeparated by the diſtance of eight hundred miles; and, notwith⯑ſtanding the diligence of the Imperial poſts, the guilty city was ſeverely puniſhed by a long and dreadful interval of ſuſpence. Every rumour agitated the hopes and fears of the Antiochians; and they heard with terror, that their ſovereign, [62] exaſperated by the inſult which had been offered to his own ſtatues, and, more eſpecially, to thoſe of his beloved wife, had reſolved to level with the ground the offending city; and to maſſacre, without diſtinction of age or ſex, the criminal inhabitants ⁸⁶; many of whom were actually driven, by their apprehenſions, to ſeek a refuge in the mountains of Syria, and the adjacent deſert. At length, twenty-four days after the ſedition, the March 22. general Hellebicus, and Caeſarius, maſter of the offices, declared the will of the emperor, and the ſentence of Antioch. That proud capital was degraded from the rank of a city; and the metro⯑polis of the Eaſt, ſtripped of its lands, its privi⯑leges, and its revenues, was ſubjected, under the humiliating denomination of a village, to the ju⯑riſdiction of Laodicea ⁸⁷. The Baths, the Circus, and the theatres, were ſhut: and, that every ſource of plenty and pleaſure might at the ſame time be intercepted, the diſtribution of corn was aboliſhed, by the ſevere inſtructions of Theodoſius. His commiſſioners then proceeded to inquire into the guilt of individuals; of thoſe who had per⯑petrated, and of thoſe who had not prevented, the deſtruction of the ſacred ſtatues. The tribunal of Hellebicus and Caeſarius, encompaſſed with [63] armed ſoldiers, was erected in the midſt of the Forum. The nobleſt, and moſt wealthy, of the citizens of Antioch, appeared before them in chains; the examination was aſſiſted by the uſe of torture, and their ſentence was pronounced or ſuſpended, according to the judgment of theſe extraordinary magiſtrates. The houſes of the cri⯑minals were expoſed to ſale, their wives and children were ſuddenly reduced, from affluence and luxury, to the moſt abject diſtreſs; and a bloody execution was expected to conclude the horrors of a day ⁸⁸, which the preacher of An⯑tioch, the eloquent Chryſoſtom, has repreſented as a lively image of the laſt and univerſal judg⯑ment of the world. But the miniſters of Theodo⯑ſius performed, with reluctance, the cruel taſk which had been aſſigned them; they dropped a gentle tear over the calamities of the people; and they liſtened with reverence to the preſſing ſolicitations of the monks and hermits, who de⯑ſcended in ſwarms from the mountains ⁸⁹. Hel⯑lebicus and Caeſarius were perſuaded to ſuſpend the execution of their ſentence; and it was agreed, that the former ſhould remain at Antioch, while the latter returned, with all poſſible ſpeed, to Conſtantinople; and preſumed once more to con⯑ſult the will of his ſovereign. The reſentment of Clemency of Theo⯑doſius. [64] Theodoſius had already ſubſided; the deputies of the people, both the biſhop and the orator, had obtained a favourable audience; and the re⯑proaches of the emperor were the complaints of injured friendſhip, rather than the ſtern menaces of pride and power. A free and general pardon was granted to the city and citizens of Antioch; the priſon-doors were thrown open; the ſenators, who deſpaired of their lives, recovered the poſ⯑ſeſſion of their houſes and eſtates; and the capital of the Eaſt was reſtored to the enjoyment of her ancient dignity and ſplendour. Theodoſius con⯑deſcended to praiſe the ſenate of Conſtantinople, who had generouſly interceded for their diſtreſſed brethren: he rewarded the eloquence of Hilarius with the government of Paleſtine; and diſmiſſed the biſhop of Antioch with the warmeſt expreſſions of his reſpect and gratitude. A thouſand new ſtatues aroſe to the clemency of Theodoſius; the April 25. applauſe of his ſubjects was ratified by the appro⯑bation of his own heart; and the emperor con⯑feſſed, that, if the exerciſe of juſtice is the moſt important duty, the indulgence of mercy is the moſt exquiſite pleaſure, of a ſovereign ⁹⁰.

The ſedition of Theſſalonica is aſcribed to a Sedition and maſ⯑ſacre of Theſſalo⯑nica, A. D. 390. more ſhameful cauſe, and was productive of much [65] more dreadful conſequences. That great city, the metropolis of all the Illyrian provinces, had been protected from the dangers of the Gothic war by ſtrong fortifications, and a numerous gar⯑riſon. Botheric, the general of thoſe troops, and, as it ſhould ſeem from his name, a Barbarian, had among his ſlaves a beautiful boy, who excited the impure deſires of one of the charioteers of the Circus. The inſolent and brutal lover was thrown into priſon by the order of Botheric; and he ſternly rejected the importunate clamours of the multitude, who, on the day of the public games, lamented the abſence of their favourite; and con⯑ſidered the ſkill of a charioteer as an object of more importance than his virtue. The reſent⯑ment of the people was embittered by ſome pre⯑vious diſputes; and, as the ſtrength of the gar⯑riſon had been drawn away for the ſervice of the Italian war, the feeble remnant, whoſe numbers were reduced by deſertion, could not ſave the un⯑happy general from their licentious fury. Bo⯑theric, and ſeveral of his principal officers, were inhumanly murdered: their mangled bodies were dragged about the ſtreets; and the emperor, who then reſided at Milan, was ſurpriſed by the intel⯑ligence of the audacious and wanton cruelty of the people of Theſſalonica. The ſentence of a diſ⯑paſſionate judge would have inflicted a ſevere puniſhment on the authors of the crime; and the merit of Botheric might contribute to exaſperate the grief and indignation of his maſter. The fiery and choleric temper of Theodoſius was im⯑patient of the dilatory forms of a judicial enquiry; [66] and he haſtily reſolved, that the blood of his lieu⯑tenant ſhould be expiated by the blood of the guilty people. Yet his mind ſtill fluctuated be⯑tween the counſels of clemency and of revenge; the zeal of the biſhops had almoſt extorted from the reluctant emperor the promiſe of a general pardon; his paſſion was again inflamed by the flattering ſuggeſtions of his miniſter Rufinus; and, after Theodoſius had diſpatched the meſſen⯑gers of death, he attempted, when it was too late, to prevent the execution of his orders. The pu⯑niſhment of a Roman city was blindly committed to the undiſtinguiſhing ſword of the Barbarians; and the hoſtile preparations were concerted with the dark and perfidious artifice of an illegal con⯑ſpiracy. The people of Theſſalonica were trea⯑cherouſly invited, in the name of their ſovereign, to the games of the Circus: and ſuch was their in⯑ſatiate avidity for thoſe amuſements, that every conſideration of fear, or ſuſpicion, was diſre⯑guarded by the numerous ſpectators. As ſoon as the aſſembly was complete, the ſoldiers, who had ſecretly been poſted round the circus, received the ſignal, not of the races, but of a general maſſacre. The promiſcuous carnage continued three hours, without diſcrimination of ſtrangers or natives, of age or ſex, of innocence or guilt; the moſt mo⯑derate accounts ſtate the number of the ſlain at ſeven thouſand; and it is affirmed by ſome writers, that more than fifteen thouſand victims were ſacri⯑ficed to the manes of Botheric. A foreign mer⯑chant, who had probably no concern in his murder, offered his own life, and all his wealth, to ſup⯑ply [67] the place of one of his two ſons; but, while the father heſitated with equal tenderneſs, while he was doubtful to chuſe, and unwilling to condemn, the ſoldiers determined his ſuſpenſe, by plunging their daggers at the ſame moment into the breaſts of the defenceleſs youths. The apology of the aſ⯑ſaſſins, that they were obliged to produce the pre⯑ſcribed number of heads, ſerves only to increaſe, by an appearance of order and deſign, the horrors of the maſſacre, which was executed by the com⯑mands of Theodoſius. The guilt of the emperor is aggravated by his long and frequent reſidence at Theſſalonica. The ſituation of the unfortunate city, the aſpect of the ſtreets and buildings, the dreſs and faces of the inhabitants, were familiar, and even preſent, to his imagination; and Theo⯑doſius poſſeſſed a quick and lively ſenſe of the exiſtence of the people whom he deſtroyed ⁹¹.

The reſpectful attachment of the emperor for Influence and con⯑duct of Ambroſe, A. D. 388. the orthodox clergy, had diſpoſed him to love and admire the character of Ambroſe; who united all the epiſcopal virtues in the moſt eminent de⯑gree. The friends and miniſters of Theodoſius imitated the example of their ſovereign; and he obſerved, with more ſurpriſe than diſpleaſure, that all his ſecret counſels were immediately com⯑municated [68] to the archbiſhop; who acted from the laudable perſuaſion, that every meaſure of civil government may have ſome connection with the glory of God, and the intereſt of the true religion. The monks and populace of Callinicum, an ob⯑ſcure town on the frontier of Perſia, excited by their own fanaticiſm, and by that of their biſhop, had tumultuouſly burnt a conventicle of the Va⯑lentinians, and a ſynagogue of the Jews. The ſeditious prelate was condemned, by the magi⯑ſtrate of the province, either to rebuild the ſyna⯑gogue, or to repay the damage; and this mode⯑rate ſentence was confirmed by the emperor. But it was not confirmed by the archbiſhop of Milan ⁹². He dictated an epiſtle of cenſure and reproach, more ſuitable, perhaps, if the emperor had re⯑ceived the mark of circumciſion, and renounced the faith of his baptiſm. Ambroſe conſiders the toleration of the Jewiſh, as the perſecution of the Chriſtian, religion; boldly declares, that he him⯑ſelf, and every true believer, would eagerly diſ⯑pute with the biſhop of Callinicum the merit of the deed, and the crown of martyrdom; and la⯑ments, in the moſt pathetic terms, that the exe⯑cution of the ſentence would be fatal to the fame and ſalvation of Theodoſius. As this private admonition did not produce an immediate effect, the archbiſhop, from his pulpit ⁹³, publicly ad⯑dreſſed [69] the emperor on his throne ⁹⁴; nor would he conſent to offer the oblation of the altar, till he had obtained from Theodoſius a ſolemn and poſitive declaration, which ſecured the impunity of the biſhop and monks of Callinicum. The recantation of Theodoſius was ſincere ⁹⁵; and, during the term of his reſidence at Milan, his affection for Ambroſe was continually increaſed by the habits of pious and familiar converſation.

When Ambroſe was informed of the maſſacre Pennance of Theo⯑doſius, A. D. 390. of Theſſalonica, his mind was filled with horror and anguiſh. He retired into the country to in⯑dulge his grief, and to avoid the preſence of Theodoſius. But as the archbiſhop was ſatisfied that a timid ſilence would render him the accom⯑plice of his guilt, he repreſented, in a private let⯑ter, the enormity of the crime; which could only be effaced by the tears of penitence. The epiſ⯑copal vigour of Ambroſe was tempered by pru⯑dence; and he contented himſelf with ſignifying ⁹⁶ an indirect ſort of excommunication, by the aſſur⯑ance, [70] that he had been warned in a viſion, not to offer the oblation in the name, or in the pre⯑ſence, of Theodoſius; and by the advice, that he would confine himſelf to the uſe of prayer, with⯑out preſuming to approach the altar of Chriſt, or to receive the holy euchariſt with thoſe hands that were ſtill polluted with the blood of an innocent people. The emperor was deeply affected by his own reproaches, and by thoſe of his ſpiritual fa⯑ther; and, after he had bewailed the miſchievous and irreparable conſequences of his raſh fury, he proceeded, in the accuſtomed manner, to perform his devotions in the great church of Milan. He was ſtopped in the porch by the archbiſhop; who, in the tone and language of an ambaſſador of Heaven, declared to his ſovereign, that private contrition was not ſufficient to atone for a public fault, or to appeaſe the juſtice of the offended Deity. Theodoſius humbly repreſented, that if he had contracted the guilt of homicide, David, the man after God's own heart, had been guilty, not only of murder, but of adultery. ‘"You have imitated David in his crime, imitate then his repentance,"’ was the reply of the un⯑daunted Ambroſe. The rigorous conditions of peace and pardon were accepted; and the public pennance of the emperor Theodoſius has been re⯑corded as one of the moſt honourable events in the annals of the church. According to the mildeſt rules of eccleſiaſtical diſcipline, which were eſta⯑bliſhed in the fourth century, the crime of homi⯑cide was expiated by the penitence of twenty [71] years ⁹⁷: and as it was impoſſible, in the period of human life, to purge the accumulated guilt of the maſſacre of Theſſalonica, the murderer ſhould have been excluded from the holy communion till the hour of his death. But the archbiſhop, con⯑ſulting the maxims of religious policy, granted ſome indulgence to the rank of his illuſtrious pe⯑nitent, who humbled in the duſt the pride of the diadem; and the public edification might be ad⯑mitted as a weighty reaſon to abridge the duration of his puniſhment. It was ſufficient, that the emperor of the Romans, ſtripped of the enſigns of royalty, ſhould appear in a mournful and ſup⯑pliant poſture; and that, in the midſt of the church of Milan, he ſhould humbly ſolicit, with ſighs and tears, the pardon of his ſins ⁹⁸. In this ſpiritual cure, Ambroſe employed the various methods of mildneſs and ſeverity. After a delay of about eight months, Theodoſius was reſtored to the communion of the faithful; and the edict, which interpoſes a ſalutary interval of thirty days between the ſentence and the execution, may be [72] accepted as the worthy fruits of his repentance ⁹⁹. Poſterity has applauded the virtuous firmneſs of the archbiſhop: and the example of Theodoſius may prove the beneficial influence of thoſe prin⯑ciples, which could force a monarch, exalted above the apprehenſion of human puniſhment, to reſpect the laws, and miniſters, of an inviſible Judge. ‘"The prince," ſays Monteſquieu, "who is actuated by the hopes and fears of religion, may be compared to a lion, docile only to the voice, and tractable to the hand, of his keeper ¹⁰⁰."’ The motions of the royal animal will therefore depend on the inclination, and in⯑tereſt, of the man who has acquired ſuch danger⯑ous authority over him; and the prieſt, who holds in his hand the conſcience of a king, may inflame, or moderate, his ſanguinary paſſions. The cauſe of humanity, and that of perſecution, have been aſſerted, by the ſame Ambroſe, with equal energy, and with equal ſucceſs.

After the defeat and death of the tyrant of Generoſity of Theo⯑doſius, A. D. 388—391. Gaul, the Roman world was in the poſſeſſion of Theodoſius. He derived from the choice of Gratian his honourable title to the provinces of the Eaſt: he had acquired the Weſt by the right of conqueſt; and the three years, which he ſpent in Italy, were uſefully employed to reſtore the [73] authority of the laws; and to correct the abuſes, which had prevailed with impunity under the uſurpation of Maximus, and the minority of Va⯑lentinian. The name of Valentinian was regularly inſerted in the public acts: but the tender age, and doubtful faith, of the ſon of Juſtina, appeared to require the prudent care of an orthodox guardian; and his ſpecious ambition might have excluded the unfortunate youth, without a ſtruggle, and almoſt without a murmur, from the admini⯑ſtration, and even from the inheritance, of the empire. If Theodoſius had conſulted the rigid maxims of intereſt and policy, his conduct would have been juſtified by his friends; but the gene⯑roſity of his behaviour on this memorable occaſion has extorted the applauſe of his moſt inveterate enemies. He ſeated Valentinian on the throne of Milan; and, without ſtipulating any preſent or future advantages, reſtored him to the abſolute dominion of all the provinces from which he had been driven by the arms of Maximus. To the reſtitution of his ample patrimony, Theodoſius added the free and generous gift of the countries beyond the Alps, which his ſucceſsful valour had recovered from the aſſaſſin of Gratian ¹⁰¹. Satis⯑fied with the glory which he had acquired, by re⯑venging the death of his benefactor, and deliver⯑ing the Weſt from the yoke of tyranny, the em⯑peror returned from Milan to Conſtantinople; [74] and, in the peaceful poſſeſſion of the Eaſt, in⯑ſenſibly relapſed into his former habits of luxury and indolence. Theodoſius diſcharged his obli⯑gation to the brother, he indulged his conjugal tenderneſs to the ſiſter, of Valentinian: and poſte⯑rity, which admires the pure and ſingular glory of his elevation, muſt applaud his unrivalled generoſity in the uſe of victory.

The empreſs Juſtina did not long ſurvive her return to Italy; and, though ſhe beheld the Character of Valen⯑tinian, A. D. 391. triumph of Theodoſius, ſhe was not allowed to influence the government of her ſon ¹⁰². The pernicious attachment to the Arian ſect, which Valentinian had imbibed from her example and inſtructions, were ſoon eraſed by the leſſons of a more orthodox education. His growing zeal for the faith of Nice, and his filial reverence for the character, and authority, of Ambroſe, diſpoſed the Catholics to entertain the moſt favourable opinion of the virtues of the young emperor of the Weſt ¹⁰³. They applauded his chaſtity and tem⯑perance, his contempt of pleaſure, his application to buſineſs, and his tender affection for his two ſiſters; which could not, however, ſeduce his impartial equity to pronounce an unjuſt ſentence againſt the meaneſt of his ſubjects. But this amiable youth, before he had accompliſhed the [75] twentieth year of his age, was oppreſſed by do⯑meſtic treaſon; and the empire was again involved in the horrors of a civil war. Arbogaſtes ¹⁰⁴, a gallant ſoldier of the nation of the Franks, held the ſecond rank in the ſervice of Gratian. On the death of his maſter, he joined the ſtandard of Theodoſius; contributed, by his valour and mili⯑tary conduct, to the deſtruction of the tyrant; and was appointed, after the victory, maſter⯑general of the armies of Gaul. His real merit, and apparent fidelity, had gained the confidence both of the prince and people; his boundleſs liberality corrupted the allegiance of the troops; and, whilſt he was univerſally eſteemed as the pillar of the ſtate, the bold and crafty Barbarian was ſecretly determined, either to rule, or to ruin, the empire of the Weſt. The important commands of the army were diſtributed among the Franks; the creatures of Arbogaſtes were promoted to all the honours and offices of the civil government; the progreſs of the conſpiracy removed every faithful ſervant from the preſence of Valentinian; and the emperor, without power, and without intelligence, inſenſibly ſunk into the precarious and dependent condition of a cap⯑tive ¹⁰⁵. The indignation which he expreſſed, though it might ariſe only from the raſh and im⯑patient temper of youth, may be candidly aſcribed [76] to the generous ſpirit of a prince, who felt that he was not unworthy to reign. He ſecretly invited the archbiſhop of Milan to undertake the office of a mediator; as the pledge of his ſincerity, and the guardian of his ſafety. He contrived to ap⯑priſe the emperor of the Eaſt of his helpleſs ſitua⯑tion; and he declared, that, unleſs Theodoſius could ſpeedily march to his aſſiſtance, he muſt attempt to eſcape from the palace, or rather priſon, of Vienna in Gaul, where he had imprudently fixed his reſidence in the midſt of the hoſtile faction. But the hopes of relief were diſtant, and doubt⯑ful; and, as every day furniſhed ſome new pro⯑vocation, the emperor, without ſtrength or coun⯑ſel, too haſtily reſolved to riſk an immediate con⯑teſt with his powerful general. He received Arbogaſtes on the throne; and, as the count approached with ſome appearance of reſpect, de⯑livered to him a paper, which diſmiſſed him from all his employments. ‘"My authority" replied Arbogaſtes with inſulting coolneſs, "does not depend on the ſmile, or the frown, of a mo⯑narch;"’ and he contemptuouſly threw the paper on the ground. The indignant monarch ſnatched at the ſword of one of the guards, which he ſtruggled to draw from its ſcabbard; and it was not without ſome degree of violence that he was prevented from uſing the deadly weapon againſt his enemy, or againſt himſelf. A few days after this extraordinary quarrel, in which he had ex⯑poſed His death, A. D. 392, May 15. his reſentment and his weakneſs, the un⯑fortunate Valentinian was found ſtrangled in his apartment; and ſome pains were employed to diſ⯑guiſe [77] the manifeſt guilt of Arbogaſtes, and to perſuade the world, that the death of the young emperor had been the voluntary effect of his own deſpair ¹⁰⁶. His body was conducted with decent pomp to the ſepulchre of Milan; and the arch⯑biſhop pronounced a funeral oration to com⯑memorate his virtue, and his misfortunes ¹⁰⁷. On this occaſion, the humanity of Ambroſe tempted him to make a ſingular breach in his theological ſyſtem; and to comfort the weeping ſiſters of Va⯑lentinian, by the firm aſſurance, that their pious brother, though he had not received the ſacra⯑ment of baptiſm, was introduced, without diffi⯑culty, into the manſions of eternal bliſs ¹⁰⁸.

The prudence of Arbogaſtes had prepared the ſucceſs of his ambitious deſigns: and the pro⯑vincials, Uſurpation of Euge⯑nius, A. D. 392—394. in whoſe breaſts every ſentiment of patriotiſm or loyalty were extinguiſhed, expected, with tame reſignation, the unknown maſter, whom the choice of a Frank might place on the Impe⯑rial throne. But ſome remains of pride and pre⯑judice ſtill oppoſed the elevation of Arbogaſtes himſelf; and the judicious Barbarian thought it [78] more adviſable to reign under the name of ſome dependent Roman. He beſtowed the purple on the rhetorician Eugenius ¹⁰⁹; whom he had al⯑ready raiſed from the place of his domeſtic ſecre⯑tary, to the rank of maſter of the offices. In the courſe both of his private and public ſervice, the count had always approved the attachment and abilities of Eugenius; his learning and eloquence, ſupported by the gravity of his manners, recom⯑mended him to the eſteem of the people; and the reluctance, with which he ſeemed to aſcend the throne, may inſpire a favourable prejudice of his virtue and moderation. The ambaſſadors of the new emperor were immediately diſpatched to the court of Theodoſius, to communicate, with af⯑fected grief, the unfortunate accident of the death of Valentinian; and, without mentioning the name of Arbogaſtes, to requeſt, that the monarch of the Eaſt would embrace, as his lawful colleague, the reſpectable citizen, who had obtained the un⯑animous ſuffrage of the armies and provinces of the Weſt ¹¹⁰. Theodoſius was juſtly provoked, that the perfidy of a Barbarian ſhould have de⯑ſtroyed, in a moment, the labours, and the fruit, of his former victory; and he was excited by the [79] tears of his beloved wife ¹¹¹, to revenge the fate of her unhappy brother, and once more to aſſert by arms the violated majeſty of the throne. But as the ſecond conqueſt of the Weſt was a taſk of difficulty and danger, he diſmiſſed, with ſplendid preſents, and an ambiguous anſwer, the ambaſſa⯑dors of Eugenius; and almoſt two years were con⯑ſumed in the preparations of the civil war. Be⯑fore Theodo⯑ſius pre⯑pares for war he formed any deciſive reſolution, the pious emperor was anxious to diſcover the will of heave; and as the progreſs of Chriſtianity had ſilenced the oracles of Delphi and Dodona, he conſulted an Egyptian monk, who poſſeſſed, in the opinion of the age, the gift of miracles, and the knowledge of futurity. Eutropius, one of the favourite eunuchs of the palace of Conſtantinople, embarked for Alexandria, from whence he ſailed up the Nile as far as the city of Lycopolis, or of Wolves, in the remote pro⯑vince of Thebais ¹¹². In the neighbourhood of that city, and on the ſummit of a lofty moun⯑tain, the holy John ¹¹³ had conſtructed, with his [80] own hands, an humble cell, in which he had dwelt above fifty years, without opening his door, without ſeeing the face of a woman, and without taſting any food that had been prepared by fire, or any human art. Five days of the week he ſpent in prayer and meditation; but on Satur⯑days and Sundays he regularly opened a ſmall window, and gave audience to the crowd of ſup⯑pliants, who ſucceſſively flowed from every part of the Chriſtian world. The eunuch of Theodo⯑ſius approached the window with reſpectful ſteps, propoſed his queſtions concerning the event of the civil war, and ſoon returned with a favourable oracle, which animated the courage of the em⯑peror by the aſſurance of a bloody, but infallible, victory ¹¹⁴. The accompliſhment of the prediction was forwarded by all the means that human pru⯑dence could ſupply. The induſtry of the two maſter-generals, Stilicho and Timaſius, was di⯑rected to recruit the numbers, and to revive the diſcipline, of the Roman legions. The formid⯑able troops of Barbarians marched under the enſigns of their national chieftains. The Iberian, the Arab, and the Goth, who gazed on each other with mutual aſtoniſhment, were enliſted in the ſervice of the ſame prince; and the renowned Alaric acquired, in the ſchool of Theodoſius, the knowledge of the art of war, which he after⯑wards [81] ſo fatally exerted for the deſtruction of Rome ¹¹⁵.

The Emperor of the Weſt, or, to ſpeak more His victory over Euge⯑nius. A. D. 394, Sept. 6. properly, his general Arbogaſtes, was inſtructed by the miſconduct and misfortune of Maximus, how dangerous it might prove to extend the line of defence againſt a ſkilful antagoniſt, who was free to preſs, or to ſuſpend, to contract, or to multiply, his various methods of attack ¹¹⁶. Ar⯑bogaſtes fixed his ſtation on the confines of Italy: the troops of Theodoſius were permitted to oc⯑cupy, without reſiſtance, the provinces of Pan⯑nonia, as far as the foot of the Julian Alps; and even the paſſages of the mountains were ne⯑gligently, or perhaps artfully, abandoned, to the bold invader. He deſcended from the hills, and beheld, with ſome aſtoniſhment, the formidable camp of the Gauls and Germans, that covered with arms and tents the open country, which ex⯑tends to the walls of Aquileia, and the banks of [82] the Frigidus ¹¹⁷, or Cold River ¹¹⁸. This narrow theatre of the war, circumſcribed by the Alps and the Hadriatic, did not allow much room for the operations of military ſkill; the ſpirit of Ar⯑bogaſtes would have diſdained a pardon; his guilt extinguiſhed the hope of a negociation: and Theodoſius was impatient to ſatisfy his glory and revenge, by the chaſtiſement of the aſſaſſins of Valentinian. Without weighing the natural and artificial obſtacles that oppoſed his efforts, the emperor of the Eaſt immediately attacked the fortifications of his rivals, aſſigned the poſt of honourable danger to the Goths, and cheriſhed a ſecret wiſh, that the bloody conflict might di⯑miniſh the pride and numbers of the conquerors. Ten thouſand of thoſe auxiliaries, and Bacurius, general of the Iberians, died bravely on the field of battle. But the victory was not purchaſed by their blood: the Gauls maintained their advan⯑tage; and the approach of night protected the diſorderly flight, or retreat, of the troops of Theodoſius. The emperor retired to the ad⯑jacent hills; where he paſſed a diſconſolate night, without ſleep, without proviſions, and without [83] hopes ¹¹⁹; except that ſtrong aſſurance, which, under the moſt deſperate circumſtances, the in⯑dependent mind may derive from the contempt of fortune and of life. The triumph of Eugenius was celebrated by the inſolent and diſſolute joy of his camp; whilſt the active and vigilant Ar⯑bogaſtes ſecretly detached a conſiderable body of troops to occupy the paſſes of the mountains, and to encompaſs the rear of the Eaſtern army. The dawn of day diſcovered to the eyes of Theodoſius the extent and the extremity of his danger: but his apprehenſions were ſoon diſpelled, by a friendly meſſage from the leaders of thoſe troops, who expreſſed their inclination to deſert the ſtand⯑ard of the tyrant. The honourable and lucra⯑tive rewards, which they ſtipulated as the price of their perfidy, were granted without heſitation; and as ink and paper could not eaſily be procured, the emperor ſubſcribed, on his own tablets, the ratification of the treaty. The ſpirit of his ſol⯑diers was revived by this ſeaſonable reinforce⯑ment: and they again marched, with confidence, to ſurpriſe the camp of a tyrant, whoſe principal officers appeared to diſtruſt, either the juſtice, or the ſucceſs, of his arms. In the heat of the bat⯑tle, a violent tempeſt ¹²⁰, ſuch as is often felt [84] among the Alps, ſuddenly aroſe from the Eaſt. The army of Theodoſius was ſheltered by their poſition from the impetuoſity of the wind, which blew a cloud of duſt in the faces of the enemy, diſordered their ranks, wreſted their weapons from their hands, and diverted, or repelled, their ineffectual javelins. This accidental advantage was ſkilfully improved; the violence of the ſtorm was magnified by the ſuperſtitious terrors of the Gauls; and they yielded without ſhame to the inviſible powers of heaven, who ſeemed to mili⯑tate on the ſide of the pious emperor. His vic⯑tory was deciſive; and the deaths of his two rivals were diſtinguiſhed only by the difference of their characters. The rhetorician Eugenius, who had almoſt acquired the dominion of the world, was reduced to implore the mercy of the conqueror; and the unrelenting ſoldiers ſeparated his head from his body, as he lay proſtrate at the feet of Theodoſius. Arbogaſtes, after the loſs of a bat⯑tle, in which he had diſcharged the duties of a ſoldier and a general, wandered ſeveral days among the mountains. But when he was con⯑vinced, that his cauſe was deſperate, and his eſcape impracticable, the intrepid Barbarian imi⯑tated the example of the ancient Romans, and [85] turned his ſword againſt his own breaſt. The fate of the empire was determined in a narrow corner of Italy; and the legitimate ſucceſſor of the houſe of Valentinian embraced the archbiſhop of Milan, and graciouſly received the ſubmiſſion of the provinces of the Weſt. Thoſe provinces were involved in the guilt of rebellion; while the inflexible courage of Ambroſe alone had reſiſted the claims of ſucceſsful uſurpation. With a manly freedom, which might have been fatal to any other ſubject, the archbiſhop rejected the gifts of Eugenius, declined his correſpondence, and withdrew himſelf from Milan, to avoid the odious preſence of a tyrant; whoſe downfal he predicted in diſoreet and ambiguous language. The merit of Ambroſe was applauded by the conqueror, who ſecured the attachment of the people by his alliance with the church: and the clemency of Theodoſius is aſcribed to the humane interceſſion of the archbiſhop of Milan ¹²¹.

After the defeat of Eugenius, the merit, as well as the authority, of Theodoſius was cheer⯑fully Death of Theodo⯑ſius, A. D. 395, Jan. 17. acknowledged by all the inhabitants of the Roman world. The experience of his paſt con⯑duct encouraged the moſt pleaſing expectations of his future reign; and the age of the emperor, which did not exceed fifty years, ſeemed to extend the proſpect of the public felicity. His [86] death, only four months after his victory, was conſidered by the people as an unforeſeen and fatal event, which deſtroyed, in a moment, the hopes of the riſing generation. But the in⯑dulgence of eaſe and luxury had ſecretly nouriſh⯑ed the principles of diſeaſe ¹²². The ſtrength of Theodoſius was unable to ſupport the ſudden and violent tranſition from the palace to the camp; and the increaſing ſymptoms of a dropſy an⯑nounced the ſpeedy diſſolution of the emperor. The opinion, and perhaps the intereſt, of the public had confirmed the diviſion of the Eaſtern and Weſtern empires; and the two royal youths, Arcadius and Honorius, who had already ob⯑tained, from the tenderneſs of their father, the title of Auguſtus, were deſtined to fill the thrones of Conſtantinople and of Rome. Thoſe princes were not permitted to ſhare the danger and glory of the civil war ¹²³; but as ſoon as Theodoſius had triumphed over his unworthy rivals, he called his younger ſon, Honorius, to enjoy the fruits of the victory, and to receive the ſceptre of the Weſt from the hands of his dying father. The arrival of Honorius at Milan was welcomed by a ſplendid exhibition of the games of the Circus; [87] and the emperor, through he was oppreſſed by the weight of his diſorder, contributed by his pre⯑ſence to the public joy. But the remains of his ſtrength were exhauſted by the painful effort, which he made, to aſſiſt at the ſpectacles of the morning. Honorius ſupplied, during the reſt of the day, the place of his father; and the great Theodoſius expired in the enſuing night. Not⯑withſtanding the recent animoſities of a civil war, his death was univerſally lamented. The Bar⯑barians, whom he had vanquiſhed, and the churchmen, by whom he had been ſubdued, ce⯑lebrated, with loud and ſincere applauſe, the qualities of the deceaſed emperor, which ap⯑peared the moſt valuable in their eyes. The Ro⯑mans were terrified by the impending dangers of a feeble and divided adminiſtration; and every diſgraceful moment of the unfortunate reigns of Arcadius and Honorius revived the memory of their irreparable loſs.

In the faithful picture of the virtues of Theo⯑doſius, Corrup⯑tion of the times. his imperfections have not been diſſem⯑bled; the act of cruelty, and the habits of in⯑dolence, which tarniſhed the glory of one of the greateſt of the Roman princes. An hiſtorian, perpetually adverſe to the fame of Theodoſius, has exaggerated his vices, and their pernicious effects; he boldly aſſerts, that every rank of ſub⯑jects imitated the effeminate manners of their ſovereign; that every ſpecies of corruption pol⯑luted the courſe of public and private life; and that the feeble reſtraints of order and decency were inſufficient to reſiſt the progreſs of that de⯑generate [88] ſpirit, which ſacrifices, without a bluſh the conſideration of duty and intereſt to the baſe indulgence of ſloth and appetite ¹²⁴. The com⯑plaints of contemporary writers, who deplore the increaſe of luxury, and depravation of manners, are commonly expreſſive of their peculiar temper and ſituation. There are few obſervers, who poſſeſs a clear and comprehenſive view of the re⯑volutions of ſociety; and who are capable of diſcovering the nice and ſecret ſprings of action, which impel, in the ſame uniform direction, the blind and capricious paſſions of a multitude of individuals. If it can be affirmed, with any de⯑gree of truth, that the luxury of the Romans was more ſhameleſs and diſſolute in the reign of Theo⯑doſius than in the age of Conſtantine, perhaps, or of Auguſtus, the alteration cannot be aſcribed to any beneficial improvements, which had gra⯑dually increaſed the ſtock of national riches. A long period of calamity or decay muſt have checked the induſtry, and diminiſhed the wealth, of the people; and their profuſe luxury muſt have been the reſult of that indolent deſpair, which enjoys the preſent hour, and declines the thoughts of futurity. The uncertain condition of their property diſcouraged the ſubjects of Theodoſius from engaging in thoſe uſeful and laborious undertakings which require an im⯑mediate expence, and promiſe a ſlow and diſtant advantage. The frequent examples of ruin and deſolation tempted them not to ſpare the remains [89] of a patrimony, which might, every hour, be⯑come the prey of the rapacious Goth. And the mad prodigality which prevails in the confuſion of a ſhipwreck, or a ſiege, may ſerve to explain the progreſs of luxury amidſt the misfortunes and terrors of a ſinking nation.

The effeminate luxury, which infected the The in⯑fantry lay aſide their armour. manners of courts and cities, had inſtilled a ſecret and deſtructive poiſon into the camps of the legions: and their degeneracy has been marked by the pen of a military writer, who had accurate⯑ly ſtudied the genuine and ancient principles of Roman diſcipline. It is the juſt and important obſervation of Vegetius, that the infantry was invariably covered with defenſive armour, from the foundation of the city, to the reign of the emperor Gratian. The relaxation of diſcipline, and the diſuſe of exerciſe, rendered the ſoldiers leſs able, and leſs willing, to ſupport the fatigues of the ſervice; they complained of the weight of the armour, which they ſeldom wore; and they ſucceſſively obtained the permiſſion of laying aſide both their cuiraſſes and their helmets. The heavy weapons of their anceſtors, the ſhort ſword, and the formidable pilum, which had ſubdued the world, inſenſibly dropped from their feeble hands. As the uſe of the ſhield is incompatible with that of the bow, they reluctantly marched into the field; condemned to ſuffer, either the pain of wounds, or the ignominy of flight, and always diſpoſed to prefer the more ſhameful alternative. The cavalry of the Goths, the Huns, and the Alani, had felt the benefits, and adopted the uſe, [90] of defenſive armour; and, as they excelled in the management of miſſile weapons, they eaſily overwhelmed the naked and trembling legions, whoſe heads and breaſts were expoſed, without defence, to the arrows of the Barbarians. The loſs of armies, the deſtruction of cities, and the diſhonour of the Roman name, ineffectually ſoli⯑cited the ſucceſſors of Gratian to reſtore the hel⯑mets and cuiraſſes of the infantry. The enervated ſoldiers abandoned their own, and the public, defence; and their puſillanimous indolence may be conſidered as the immediate cauſe of the down⯑fal of the empire ¹²⁵.

CHAP. XXVIII. Final Deſtruction of Paganiſm.—Introduction of the Worſhip of Saints, and Relics, among the Chriſtians.

THE ruin of Paganiſm, in the age of Theo⯑doſius, is perhaps the only example of the total extirpation of any ancient and popular ſu⯑perſtition The de⯑ſtruction of the Pagan religion. A. D. 378—395.; and may therefore deſerve to be con⯑ſidered, as a ſingular event in the hiſtory of the human mind. The Chriſtians, more eſpecially the clergy, had impatiently ſupported the prudent delays of Conſtantine, and the equal toleration of the elder Valentinian; nor could they deem their conqueſt perfect or ſecure, as long as their adver⯑ſaries were permitted to exiſt. The influence, which Ambroſe and his brethren had acquired over the youth of Gratian, and the piety of Theodoſius, was employed to infuſe the maxims of perſecution into the breaſts of their Imperial proſelytes. Two ſpecious principles of religious juriſprudence were eſtabliſhed, from whence they deduced a direct and rigorous concluſion, againſt the ſubjects of the empire, who ſtill adhered to the ceremonies of their anceſtors: that, the magiſtrate is, in ſome meaſure, guilty of the crimes which he neglects to prohibit, or to puniſh; and, that the idolatrous worſhip of fa⯑bulous deities, and real daemons, is the moſt abominable crime againſt the ſupreme majeſty of the Creator. The laws of Moſes, and the [92] examples of Jewiſh hiſtory ¹, were haſtily, per⯑haps erroneouſly, applied, by the clergy, to the mild and univerſal reign of Chriſtianity ². The zeal of the emperors was excited to vindicate their own honour, and that of the Deity: and the temples of the Roman world were ſubverted, about ſixty years after the converſion of Con⯑ſtantine.

From the age of Numa, to the reign of Gra⯑tian, State of Paganiſm at Rome. the Romans preſerved the regular ſucceſ⯑ſion of the ſeveral colleges of the ſacerdotal order ³. Fifteen PONTIFFS exerciſed their ſu⯑preme juriſdiction over all things, and perſons, that were conſecrated to the ſervice of the gods; and the various queſtions which perpetually aroſe in a looſe and traditionary ſyſtem, were ſubmitted to the judgment of their holy tribunal. Fifteen grave and learned AUGURS obſerved the face of the heavens, and preſcribed the actions of heroes, according to the flight of birds. Fifteen keepers of the Sybilline books (their name of QUIN⯑DECEMVIRS [93] was derived from their number) oc⯑caſionally conſulted the hiſtory of future, and, as it ſhould ſeem, of contingent, events. Six VESTALS devoted their virginity to the guard of the ſacred fire, and of the unknown pledges of the duration of Rome; which no mortal had been ſuffered to behold with impunity ⁴. Seven EPULOS prepared the table of the gods, conducted the ſolemn proceſſion, and regulated the cere⯑monies of the annual feſtival. The three FLA⯑MENS of Jupiter, of Mars, and of Quirinus, were conſidered as the peculiar miniſters of the three moſt powerful deities, who watched over the fate of Rome and of the univerſe. The KING of the SACRIFICES repreſented the perſon of Numa, and of his ſucceſſors, in the religious functions, which could be performed only by royal hands. The confraternities of the SALIANS, the LUPERCALS, &c. practiſed ſuch rites, as might extort a ſmile of contempt from every reaſonable man, with a lively confidence of re⯑commending themſelves to the favour of the im⯑mortal gods. The authority, which the Roman prieſts had formerly obtained in the counſels of the republic, was gradually aboliſhed by the eſtabliſhment of monarchy, and the removal of [94] the ſeat of empire. But the dignity of their ſacred character was ſtill protected by the laws and manners of their country; and they ſtill con⯑tinued, more eſpecially the college of pontiffs, to exerciſe in the capital, and ſometimes in the pro⯑vinces, the rights of their eccleſiaſtical and civil juriſdiction. Their robes of purple, chariots of ſtate, and ſumptuous entertainments, at⯑tracted the admiration of the people; and they received, from the conſecrated lands, and the public revenue, an ample ſtipend, which liberally ſupported the ſplendour of the prieſthood, and all the expences of the religious worſhip of the ſtate. As the ſervice of the altar was not incompatible with the command of armies, the Romans, after their conſulſhips and triumphs, aſpired to the place of pontiff, or of augur; the ſeats of ⁵ Cicero and Pompey were filled, in the fourth century, by the moſt illuſtrious members of the ſenate; and the dignity of their birth reflected additional ſplen⯑dour on their ſacerdotal character. The fifteen prieſts, who compoſed the college of pontiffs, enjoyed a more diſtinguiſhed rank as the compa⯑nions of their ſovereign; and the Chriſtian em⯑perors condeſcended to accept the robe and en⯑ſigns, which were appropriated to the office of ſupreme pontiff. But when Gratian aſcended the throne, more ſcrupulous, or more enlightened, [95] he ſternly rejected thoſe prophane ſymbols ⁶; ap⯑plied to the ſervice of the ſtate, or of the church, the revenues of the prieſts and veſtals; aboliſhed their honours and immunities; and diſſolved the ancient fabric of Roman ſuperſtition, which was ſupported by the opinions, and habits, of eleven hundred years. Paganiſm was ſtill the conſtitu⯑tional religion of the ſenate. The hall, or temple, in which they aſſembled, was adorned by the ſtatue and altar of victory ⁷; a majeſtic female ſtanding on a globe, with flowing gar⯑ments, expanded wings, and a crown of laurel in her out-ſtretched hand ⁸. The ſenators were ſworn on the altar of the goddeſs, to obſerve the laws of the emperor and of the empire; and a ſolemn offering of wine and incenſe was the or⯑dinary prelude of their public deliberations ⁹. The removal of this ancient monument was the only injury which Conſtantius had offered to the ſuperſtition of the Romans. The altar of Victory was again reſtored by Julian, tolerated by Valen⯑tinian, and once more baniſhed from the ſenate by the zeal of Gratian ¹⁰. But the emperor yet [96] ſpared the ſtatues of the gods which were expoſed to the public veneration: four hundred and twenty-four temples, or chapels, ſtill remained to ſatisfy the devotion of the people; and in every quarter of Rome, the delicacy of the Chriſtians was offended by the fumes of idolatrous ſacri⯑fice ¹¹.

But the Chriſtians formed the leaſt numerous party in the ſenate of Rome ¹²; and it was only Petition of the ſenate for the al⯑tar of Vic⯑tory, A. D. 384. by their abſence, that they could expreſs their diſſent from the legal, though profane, acts of a Pagan majority. In that aſſembly, the dying embers of freedom were, for a moment, revived and inflamed by the breath of fanaticiſm. Four reſpectable deputations were ſucceſſively voted to the Imperial court ¹³, to repreſent the grievances of the prieſthood and the ſenate; and to ſolicit the reſtoration of the altar of Victory. The conduct of this important buſineſs was entruſted to the eloquent Symmachus ¹⁴, a wealthy and [97] noble ſenator, who united the ſacred characters of pontiff and augur, with the civil dignities of proconſul of Africa, and praefect of the city. The breaſt of Symmachus was animated by the warmeſt zeal for the cauſe of expiring Paganiſm; and his religious antagoniſts lamented the abuſe of his genius, and the inefficacy of his moral virtues ¹⁵. The orator, whoſe petition is extant to the emperor Valentinian, was conſcious of the difficulty and danger of the office which he had aſſumed. He cautiouſly avoids every topic which might appear to reflect on the religion of his ſo⯑vereign; humbly declares, that prayers and en⯑treaties are his only arms; and artfully draws his arguments from the ſchools of rhetoric, rather than from thoſe of philoſophy. Symmachus en⯑deavours to ſeduce the imagination of a young prince, by diſplaying the attributes of the goddeſs of victory; he inſinuates, that the confiſcation of the revenues, which were conſecrated to the ſer⯑vice of the gods, was a meaſure unworthy of his liberal and diſintereſted character; and he main⯑tains, that the Roman ſacrifices would be de⯑prived of their force and energy, if they were no longer celebrated at the expence, as well as in the name, of the republic. Even ſcep⯑ticiſm is made to ſupply an apology for ſu⯑perſtition. The great and incomprehenſible [98] ſecret of the univerſe eludes the enquiry of man. Where reaſon cannot inſtruct, cuſtom may be permitted to guide; and every nation ſeems to conſult the dictates of prudence, by a faithful at⯑tachment to thoſe rites, and opinions, which have received the ſanction of ages. If thoſe ages have been crowned with glory and proſperity, if the devout people has frequently obtained the bleſ⯑ſings which they have ſolicited at the altars of the gods, it muſt appear ſtill more adviſable to perſiſt in the ſame ſalutary practice; and not to riſk the unknown perils that may attend any raſh innova⯑tions. The teſt of antiquity and ſucceſs was ap⯑plied with ſingular advantage to the religion of Numa; and ROME herſelf, the caeleſtial genius that preſided over the fates of the city, is intro⯑duced by the orator to plead her own cauſe before the tribunal of the emperors. ‘"Moſt excellent princes," ſays the venerable matron, "fathers of your country! pity and reſpect my age, which has hitherto flowed in an uninterrupted courſe of piety. Since I do not repent, permit me to continue in the practice of my ancient rites. Since I am born free, allow me to en⯑joy my domeſtic inſtitutions. This religion has reduced the world under my laws. Theſe rites have repelled Hannibal from the city, and the Gauls from the capitol. Were my gray hairs reſerved for ſuch intolerable diſ⯑grace? I am ignorant of the new ſyſtem, that I am required to adopt; but I am well aſſured, that the correction of old age is always an un⯑grateful [99] and ignominious office ¹⁶."’ The fears of the people ſupplied what the diſcretion of the orator had ſuppreſſed; and the calamities, which afflicted, or threatened, the declining empire, were unanimouſly imputed, by the Pagans, to the new religion of Chriſt and of Conſtantine.

But the hopes of Symmachus were repeatedly Converſion of Rome. A. D. 388, &c. baffled by the firm and dexterous oppoſition of the archbiſhop of Milan; who fortified the em⯑perors againſt the fallacious eloquence of the ad⯑vocate of Rome. In this controverſy, Ambroſe condeſcends to ſpeak the language of a philoſo⯑pher, and to aſk, with ſome contempt, why it ſhould be thought neceſſary to introduce an ima⯑ginary and inviſible power, as the cauſe of thoſe victories, which were ſufficiently explained by the valour and diſcipline of the legions. He juſtly derides the abſurd reverence for antiquity, which could only tend to diſcourage the improvements of art, and to replunge the human race into their original barbariſm. From thence gradually riſing to a more lofty and theological tone, he pronounces, that Chriſtianity alone is the doctrine of truth and ſalvation; and that every mode of Polytheiſm conducts its deluded votaries, through the paths of error, to the abyſs of eternal perdi⯑tion ¹⁷. [100] Arguments like theſe, when they were ſuggeſted by a favourite biſhop, had power to prevent the reſtoration of the altar of Victory; but the ſame arguments fell, with much more energy and effect, from the mouth of a con⯑queror; and the gods of antiquity were dragged in triumph at the chariot-wheels of Theodo⯑ſius ¹⁸. In a full meeting of the ſenate, the em⯑peror propoſed, according to the forms of the republic, the important queſtion, Whether the worſhip of Jupiter, or that of Chriſt, ſhould be the religion of the Romans. The liberty of ſuffrages, which he affected to allow, was de⯑ſtroyed by the hopes and fears that his preſence inſpired; and the arbitrary exile of Symmachus was a recent admonition, that it might be dan⯑gerous to oppoſe the wiſhes of the monarch. On a regular diviſion of the ſenate, Jupiter was con⯑demned and degraded by the ſenſe of a very large majority; and it is rather ſurpriſing, that any members ſhould be found bold enough to declare, [101] by their ſpeeches and votes, that they were ſtill attached to the intereſt of an abdicated deity ¹⁹. The haſty converſion of the ſenate muſt be at⯑tributed either to ſupernatural or to ſordid mo⯑tives; and many of theſe reluctant proſelytes be⯑trayed, on every favourable occaſion, their ſecret diſpoſition to throw aſide the maſk of odious diſ⯑ſimulation. But they were gradually fixed in the new religion, as the cauſe of the ancient became more hopeleſs; they yielded to the authority of the emperor, to the faſhion of the times, and to the entreaties of their wives and children ²⁰, who who were inſtigated and governed by the clergy of Rome and the monks of the Eaſt. ‘The edi⯑fying example of the Anician family was ſoon imitated by the reſt of the nobility: the Baſſi, the Paullini, the Gracchi, embraced the Chriſtian religion; and "the luminaries of the world, the venerable aſſembly of Catos (ſuch are the high⯑flown expreſſions of Prudentius), were impatient to ſtrip themſelves of their pontifical garment; to caſt the ſkin of the old ſerpent; to aſſume [102] the ſnowy robes of baptiſmal innocence; and to humble the pride of the conſular faſces be⯑fore the tombs of the martyrs ²¹."’ The ci⯑tizens, who ſubſiſted by their own induſtry, and the populace, who were ſupported by the public liberality, filled the churches of the Lateran, and Vatican, with an inceſſant throng of devout pro⯑ſelytes. The decrees of the ſenate, which pro⯑ſcribed the worſhip of idols, were ratified by the general conſent of the Romans ²²: the ſplendour of the capitol was defaced, and the ſolitary tem⯑ples were abandoned to ruin and contempt ²³. Rome ſubmitted to the yoke of the Goſpel; and the vanquiſhed provinces had not yet loſt their reverence for the name and authority of Rome.

The filial piety of the emperors themſelves en⯑gaged Deſtruc⯑tion of the temples in the pro⯑vinces, A. D. 381. &c. them to proceed, with ſome caution and tenderneſs, in the reformation of the eternal city. Thoſe abſolute monarchs acted with leſs regard to the prejudices of the provincials. The pious labour which had been ſuſpended near twenty years ſince the death of Conſtantius ²⁴, was vi⯑gorouſly [103] reſumed, and finally accompliſhed, by the zeal of Theodoſius. Whilſt that warlike prince yet ſtruggled with the Goths, not for the glory, but for the ſafety, of the republic; he ventured to offend a conſiderable party of his ſub⯑jects, by ſome acts which might perhaps ſecure the protection of Heaven, but which muſt ſeem raſh and unſeaſonable in the eye of human pru⯑dence. The ſucceſs of his firſt experiments againſt the Pagans, encouraged the pious em⯑peror to reiterate and enforce his edicts of pro⯑ſcription: the ſame laws which had been origin⯑ally publiſhed in the provinces of the Eaſt, were applied, after the defeat of Maximus, to the whole extent of the Weſtern empire; and every victory of the orthodox Theodoſius contributed to the triumph of the Chriſtian and Catholic faith ²⁵. He attacked ſuperſtition in her moſt vital part, by prohibiting the uſe of ſacrifices, which he declared to be criminal, as well as infa⯑mous: and if the terms of his edicts more ſtrict⯑ly condemned the impious curioſity which ex⯑amined the entrails of the victims ²⁶, every ſub⯑ſequent explanation tended to involve, in the [104] ſame guilt, the general practice of immolation, which eſſentially conſtituted the religion of the Pagans. As the temples had been erected for the purpoſe of ſacrifice, it was the duty of a bene⯑volent prince to remove from his ſubjects the dangerous temptation, of offending againſt the laws which he had enacted. A ſpecial commiſſion was granted to Cynegius, the Praetorian praefect of the Eaſt, and afterwards to the counts Jovius and Gaudentius, two officers of diſtinguiſhed rank in the Weſt; by which they were directed to ſhut the temples, to ſeize or deſtroy the inſtru⯑ments of idolatry, to aboliſh the privileges of the prieſts, and to confiſcate the conſecrated property for the benefit of the emperor, of the church, or of the army ²⁷. Here the deſolation might have ſtopped: and the naked edifices, which were no longer employed in the ſervice of idolatry, might have been protected from the deſtructive rage of fanaticiſm, Many of thoſe temples were the moſt ſplendid and beautiful monuments of Gre⯑cian architecture: and the emperor himſelf was intereſted not to deface the ſplendour of his own cities, or to diminiſh the value of his own poſſeſ⯑ſions. Thoſe ſtately edifices might be ſuffered to remain, as ſo many laſting trophies of the victory of Chriſt. In the decline of the arts, they might be uſefully converted into magazines, manufactures, [105] or places of public aſſembly: and perhaps, when the walls of the temple had been ſufficiently pu⯑rified by holy rites, the worſhip of the true Deity might be allowed to expiate the ancient guilt of idolatry. But as long as they ſubſiſted, the Pagans fondly cheriſhed the ſecret hope, that an auſpicious revolution, a ſecond Julian, might again reſtore the altars of the gods; and the earneſtneſs with which they addreſſed their unavailing prayers to the throne ²⁸, increaſed the zeal of the Chriſtian reformers to extirpate, without mercy, the root of ſuperſtition. The laws of the emperors ex⯑hibit ſome ſymptoms of a milder diſpoſition ²⁹: but their cold and languid efforts were inſufficient to ſtem the torrent of enthuſiaſm and rapine, which was conducted, or rather impelled, by the ſpiritual rulers of the church. In Gaul, the holy Martin, biſhop of Tours ³⁰, marched at the head of his faithful monks to deſtroy the idols, the temples, and the conſecrated trees of his ex⯑tenſive dioceſe; and, in the execution of this arduous taſk, the prudent reader will judge whether Martin was ſupported by the aid of miraculous powers, or of carnal weapons. In [106] Syria, the divine and excellent Marcellus ³¹, as he is ſtiled by Theodoret, a biſhop animated with apoſtolic fervour, reſolved to level with the ground the ſtately temples within the dioceſe of Apamea. His attack was reſiſted, by the ſkill and ſolidity, with which the temple of Jupiter had been conſtructed. The building was ſeated on an eminence: on each of the four ſides, the lofty roof was ſupported by fifteen maſſy columns, ſixteen feet in circumference; and the large ſtones of which they were compoſed, were firmly cemented with lead and iron. The force of the ſtrongeſt and ſharpeſt tools had been tried without effect. It was found neceſſary to under⯑mine the foundations of the columns, which fell down as ſoon as the temporary wooden props had been conſumed with fire; and the difficulties of the enterpriſe are deſcribed under the allegory of a black daemon, who retarded, though he could not defeat, the operations of the Chriſtian en⯑gineers. Elated with victory, Marcellus took the field in perſon againſt the powers of darkneſs; a numerous troop of ſoldiers and gladiators marched under the epiſcopal banner, and he ſuc⯑ceſſively attacked the villages and country tem⯑ples of the dioceſe of Apamea. Whenever any reſiſtance or danger was apprehended, the cham⯑pion of the faith, whoſe lameneſs would not allow him either to fight or fly, placed himſelf at a con⯑venient diſtance, beyond the reach of darts. But [107] this prudence was the occaſion of his death: he was ſurpriſed and ſlain by a body of exaſperated ruſtics; and the ſynod of the province pro⯑nounced, without heſitation, that the holy Mar⯑cellus had ſacrificed his life in the cauſe of God. In the ſupport of this cauſe, the monks, who ruſhed, with tumultuous fury, from the deſert, diſtinguiſhed themſelves by their zeal and dili⯑gence. They deſerved the enmity of the Pagans; and ſome of them might deſerve the reproaches of avarice and intemperance; of avarice, which they gratified with holy plunder, and of intem⯑perance, which they indulged at the expence of the people, who fooliſhly admired their tattered garments, loud pſalmody, and artificial pale⯑neſs ³². A ſmall number of temples was pro⯑tected by the fears, the venality, the taſte, or the prudence, of the civil and eccleſiaſtical go⯑vernors. The temple of the celeſtial Venus at Carthage, whoſe ſacred precincts formed a cir⯑cumference of two miles, was judiciouſly con⯑verted into a Chriſtian church ³³; and a ſimilar conſecration has preſerved inviolate the majeſtic dome of the Pantheon at Rome ³⁴. But in al⯑moſt every province of the Roman world, an [108] army of fanatics, without authority, and without diſcipline, invaded the peaceful inhabitants; and the ruin of the faireſt ſtructures of antiquity ſtill diſplays the ravages of thoſe Barbarians, who alone had time and inclination to execute ſuch labori⯑ous deſtruction.

In this wide and various proſpect of devaſta⯑tion, the ſpectator may diſtinguiſh the ruins of The tem⯑ple of Se⯑rapis at Alexan⯑dria. the temple of Serapis, at Alexandria ³⁵. Serapis does not appear to have been one of the native gods, or monſters, who ſprung from the fruitful ſoil of ſuperſtitious Egypt ³⁶. The firſt of the Ptolemies had been commanded, by a dream, to import the myſterious ſtranger from the coaſt of Pontus, where he had been long adored by the inhabitants of Sinope; but his attributes and his reign were ſo imperfectly underſtood, that it became a ſubject of diſpute, whether he repre⯑ſented the bright orb of day, or the gloomy monarch of the ſubterraneous regions ³⁷. The Egyptians, who were obſtinately devoted to the religion of their fathers, refuſed to ad⯑mit this foreign deity within the walls of their [109] cities ³⁸. But the obſequious prieſts, who were ſeduced by the liberality of the Ptolemies, ſub⯑mitted, without reſiſtance, to the power of the god of Pontus: an honourable and domeſtic ge⯑nealogy was provided; and this fortunate uſurper was introduced into the throne and bed of Oſiris ³⁹, the huſband of Iſis, and the celeſtial monarch of Egypt. Alexandria, which claimed his peculiar protection, gloried in the name of the city of Serapis. His temple ⁴⁰, which rivalled the pride and magnificence of the capitol, was erected on the ſpacious ſummit of an artificial mount, raiſed one hundred ſteps above the level of the adjacent parts of the city; and the interior cavity was ſtrongly ſupported by arches, and diſtributed into vaults and ſubterraneous apartments. The con⯑ſecrated buildings were ſurrounded by a quadran⯑gular portico; the ſtately halls, and exquiſite ſtatues, diſplayed the triumph of the arts; and the treaſures of ancient learning were preſerved in the famous Alexandrian library, which had ariſen with new ſplendour from its aſhes ⁴¹. After the edicts [110] of Theodoſius had ſeverely prohibited the ſacri⯑fices of the Pagans, they were ſtill tolerated in the city and temple of Serapis; and this ſingular in⯑dulgence was imprudently aſcribed to the ſuper⯑ſtitious terrors of the Chriſtians themſelves: as if they had feared to aboliſh thoſe ancient rites, which could alone ſecure the inundations of the Nile, the harveſts of Egypt, and the ſubſiſtence of Conſtantinople ⁴².

At that time ⁴³ the archiepiſcopal throne of Its final deſtruc⯑tion, A. D. 389. Alexandria was filled by Theophilus ⁴⁴, the per⯑petual enemy of peace and virtue; a bold, bad man, whoſe hands were alternately polluted with gold, and with blood. His pious indignation was excited by the honours of Serapis; and the inſults which he offered to an ancient chapel of Bacchus, convinced the Pagans that he meditated a more important and dangerous enterpriſe. In the tumultuous capital of Egypt, the ſlighteſt provocation was ſufficient to inflame a civil war. The votaries of Serapis, whoſe ſtrength and num⯑bers were much inferior to thoſe of their antago⯑niſts, roſe in arms at the inſtigation of the philo⯑ſopher [111] Olympius ⁴⁵, who exhorted them to die in the defence of the altars of the gods. Theſe Pagan fanatics fortified themſelves in the temple, or rather fortreſs, of Serapis; repelled the beſiegers by daring ſallies, and a reſolute defence; and, by the inhuman cruelties which they exerciſed on their Chriſtian priſoners, obtained the laſt conſo⯑lation of deſpair. The efforts of the prudent magiſtrate were uſefully exerted for the eſtabliſh⯑ment of a truce, till the anſwer of Theodoſius ſhould determine the fate of Serapis. The two parties aſſembled, without arms, in the principal ſquare; and the Imperial reſcript was publicly read. But when a ſentence of deſtruction againſt the idols of Alexandria was pronounced, the Chriſtians ſet up a ſhout of joy and exultation, whilſt the unfortunate Pagans, whoſe fury had given way to conſternation, retired with haſty and ſilent ſteps, and eluded, by their flight or obſcurity, the reſentment of their enemies. The⯑ophilus proceeded to demoliſh the temple of Sera⯑pis, without any other difficulties, than thoſe which he found in the weight and ſolidity of the materials; but theſe objects proved ſo inſuperable, that he was obliged to leave the foundations; and to content himſelf with reducing the edifice itſelf to a heap of rubbiſh, a part of which was ſoon afterwards cleared away, to make room for a church, erected in honour of the Chriſtian [112] martyrs. The valuable library of Alexandria was pillaged or deſtroyed; and, near twenty years afterwards, the appearance of the empty ſhelves excited the regret and indignation of every ſpecta⯑tor, whoſe mind was not totally darkened by re⯑ligious prejudice ⁴⁶. The compoſitions of ancient genius, ſo many of which have irretrievably pe⯑riſhed, might ſurely have been excepted from the wreck of idolatry, for the amuſement and inſtruc⯑tion of ſucceeding ages; and either the zeal or the avarice of the archbiſhop ⁴⁷, might have been ſatiated with the rich ſpoils, which were the re⯑ward of his victory. While the images and vaſes of gold and ſilver were carefully melted, and thoſe of a leſs valuable metal were contemptuouſly broken, and caſt into the ſtreets, Theophilus la⯑boured to expoſe the frauds and vices of the mi⯑niſters of the idols; their dexterity in the ma⯑nagement of the loadſtone; their ſecret methods of introducing an human actor into a hollow ſtatue; and their ſcandalous abuſe of the confi⯑dence of devout huſbands, and unſuſpecting fe⯑males ⁴⁸. Charges like theſe may ſeem to deſerve [113] ſome degree of credit, as they are not repugnant to the crafty and intereſted ſpirit of ſuperſtition. But the ſame ſpirit is equally prone to the baſe practice of inſulting and calumniating a fallen enemy; and our belief is naturally checked by the reflection, that it is much leſs difficult to in⯑vent a fictitious ſtory, than to ſupport a practical fraud. The coloſſal ſtatue of Serapis ⁴⁹ was in⯑volved in the ruin of his temple and religion. A great number of plates of different metals, artifi⯑cially joined together, compoſed the majeſtic figure of the Deity, who touched on either ſide the walls of the ſanctuary. The aſpect of Sera⯑pis, his ſitting poſture, and the ſceptre, which he bore in his left hand, were extremely ſimilar to the ordinary repreſentations of Jupiter. He was diſtinguiſhed from Jupiter by the baſket, or buſhel, which was placed on his head: and by the emblematic monſter, which he hold in his right hand: the head and body of a ſerpent branching into three tails, which were again ter⯑minated by the triple heads of a dog, a lion, and a wolf. It was confidently affirmed, that if any impious hand ſhould dare to violate the majeſty of the god, the heavens and the earth would inſtantly [114] return to their original chaos. An intrepid ſol⯑dier, animated by zeal, and armed with a weighty battle-axe, aſcended the ladder; and even the Chriſtian multitude expected, with ſome anxiety, the event of the combat ⁵⁰. He aimed a vigorous ſtroke againſt the cheek of Serapis; the cheek fell to the ground; the thunder was ſtill ſilent, and both the heavens and the earth continued to preſerve their accuſtomed order and tranquillity. The victorious ſoldier repeated his blows: the huge idol was overthrown, and broken in pieces; and the limbs of Serapis were ignominiouſly drag⯑ged through the ſtreets of Alexandria. His mangled carcaſe was burnt in the Amphitheatre, amidſt the ſhouts of the populace; and many perſons attributed their converſion to this diſ⯑covery of the impotence of their tutelar deity. The popular modes of religion, that propoſe any viſible and material objects of worſhip, have the advantage of adapting and familiariſing them⯑ſelves to the ſenſes of mankind: but this advan⯑tage is counterbalanced by the various and ine⯑vitable accidents to which the faith of the idolater is expoſed. It is ſcarcely poſſible, that, in every diſpoſition of mind, he ſhould preſerve his im⯑plicit [115] reverence for the idols, or the relics, which the naked eye, and the profane hand, are unable to diſtinguiſh from the moſt common productions of art, or nature; and if, in the hour of danger, their ſecret and miraculous virtue does not ope⯑rate for their own preſervation, he ſcorns the vain apologies of his prieſts, and juſtly derides the object, and the folly, of his ſuperſtitious attach⯑ment ⁵¹. After the fall of Serapis, ſome hopes were ſtill entertained by the Pagans, that the Nile would refuſe his annual ſupply to the im⯑pious maſters of Egypt; and the extraordinary delay of the inundation ſeemed to announce the diſpleaſure of the river-god. But this delay was ſoon compenſated by the rapid ſwell of the waters. They ſuddenly roſe to ſuch an unuſual height, as to comfort the diſcontented party with the pleaſ⯑ing expectation of a deluge; till the peaceful river again ſubſided to the well-known and fer⯑tiliſing level of ſixteen cubits, or about thirty Engliſh feet ⁵².

The temples of the Roman empire were de⯑ſerted, The Pagan religion is prohibited, A. D. 390. or deſtroyed; but the ingenious ſuper⯑ſtition of the Pagans ſtill attempted to elude the laws of Theodoſius, by which all ſacrifices had [116] been ſeverely prohibited. The inhabitants of the country, whoſe conduct was leſs expoſed to the eye of malicious curioſity, diſguiſed their religious, under the appearance of convivial, meetings. On the days of ſolemn feſtivals, they aſſembled in great numbers under the ſpreading ſhade of ſome conſecrated trees; ſheep and oxen were ſlaughter⯑ed and roaſted; and this rural entertainment was ſanctified by the uſe of incenſe, and by the hymns, which were ſung in honour of the gods. But it was alleged, that, as no part of the animal was made a burnt-offering, as no altar was provided to receive the blood, and as the previous oblation of ſalt cakes, and the concluding ceremony of libations, were carefully omitted, theſe feſtal meetings did not involve the gueſts in the guilt, or penalty, of an illegal ſacrifice ⁵³. Whatever might be the truth of the facts, or the merit of the diſtinction ⁵⁴, theſe vain pretences were ſwept away by the laſt edict of Theodoſius; which in⯑flicted a deadly wound on the ſuperſtition of the Pagans ⁵⁵. This prohibitory law is expreſſed in [117] the moſt abſolute and comprehenſive terms. ‘"It is our will and pleaſure," ſays the emperor, "that none of our ſubjects, whether magiſtrates or private citizens, however exalted or how⯑ever humble may be their rank and condition, ſhall preſume, in any city, or in any place, to worſhip an inanimate idol, by the ſacrifice of a guiltleſs victim."’ The act of ſacrificing, and the practice of divination by the entrails of the victim, are declared (without any regard to the object of the enquiry) a crime of high-treaſon againſt the ſtate; which can be expiated only by the death of the guilty. The rites of Pagan ſuperſtition, which might ſeem leſs bloody and atrocious, are aboliſhed, as highly injurious to the truth and honour of religion, luminaries, gar⯑lands, frankincenſe, and libations of wine, are ſpecially enumerated and condemned; and the harmleſs claims of the domeſtic genius, of the houſehold gods, are included in this rigorous pro⯑ſcription. The uſe of any of theſe profane and illegal ceremonies, ſubjects the offender to the forfeiture of the houſe, or eſtate, where they have been performed; and if he has artfully choſen the property of another for the ſcene of his impiety, he is compelled to diſcharge, with⯑out delay, a heavy fine of twenty-five pounds of gold, or more than one thouſand pounds ſterling. A fine, not leſs conſiderable, is impoſed on the connivance of the ſecret enemies of religion, who ſhall neglect the duty of their reſpective ſtations, either to reveal, or to puniſh, the guilt of idolatry. Such was the perſecuting ſpirit of the laws of [118] Theodoſius, which were repeatedly enforced by his ſons and grandſons, with the loud and unani⯑mous applauſe of the Chriſtian world ⁵⁶.

In the cruel reigns of Decius and Diocletian, oppreſſed, Chriſtianity had been proſcribed, as a revolt from the ancient and hereditary religion of the empire; and the unjuſt ſuſpicions which were entertained of a dark and dangerous faction, were, in ſome meaſure, countenanced by the inſeparable union, and rapid conqueſts, of the Catholic church. But the ſame excuſes of fear and ignorance cannot be applied to the Chriſtian emperors, who violated the precepts of humanity and of the goſpel. The experience of ages had betrayed the weakneſs, as well as folly, of Paganiſm; the light of reaſon and of faith had already expoſed, to the greateſt part of mankind, the vanity of idols; and the declining ſect, which ſtill adhered to their wor⯑ſhip, might have been permitted to enjoy, in peace and obſcurity, the religious cuſtoms of their an⯑ceſtors. Had the Pagans been animated by the undaunted zeal, which poſſeſſed the minds of the primitive believers, the triumph of the church muſt have been ſtained with blood; and the martyrs of Jupiter and Apollo might have em⯑braced the glorious opportunity of devoting their [119] lives and fortunes at the foot of their altars. But ſuch obſtinate zeal was not congenial to the looſe and careleſs temper of polytheiſm. The violent and repeated ſtrokes of the orthodox princes, were broken by the ſoft and yielding ſubſtance againſt which they were directed; and the ready obedience of the Pagans protected them from the pains and penalties of the Theodoſian Code ⁵⁷. Inſtead of aſſerting, that the authority of the gods was ſuperior to that of the emperor, they deſiſted, with a plaintive murmur, from the uſe of thoſe ſacred rites which their ſovereign had condemned. If they were ſometimes tempted, by a ſally of paſſion, or by the hopes of concealment, to in⯑dulge their favourite ſuperſtition; their humble repentance diſarmed the ſeverity of the Chriſtian magiſtrate, and they ſeldom refuſed to atone for their raſhneſs, by ſubmitting, with ſome ſecret reluctance, to the yoke of the Goſpel. The churches were filled with the increaſing multitude of theſe unworthy proſelytes, who had conformed, from temporal motives, to the reigning religion; and whilſt they devoutly imitated the poſtures, and recited the prayers, of the faithful, they ſa⯑tisfied their conſcience by the ſilent and ſincere invocation of the gods of antiquity ⁵⁸. If the Pagans wanted patience to ſuffer, they wanted [120] ſpirit to reſiſt; and the ſcattered myriads, who deplored the ruin of the temples, yielded, with⯑out a conteſt, to the fortune of their adverſaries. The diſorderly oppoſition ⁵⁹ of the peaſants of Syria, and the populace of Alexandria, to the rage of private fanaticiſm, was ſilenced by the name and authority of the emperor. The Pagans of the Weſt, without contributing to the eleva⯑tion of Eugenius, diſgraced, by their partial at⯑tachment, the cauſe and character of the uſurper. The clergy vehemently exclaimed, that he ag⯑gravated the crime of rebellion by the guilt of apoſtacy; that, by his permiſſion, the altar of Victory was again reſtored; and that the idola⯑trous ſymbols of Jupiter and Hercules were diſ⯑played in the field, againſt the invincible ſtandard of the croſs. But the vain hopes of the Pagans were ſoon annihilated by the defeat of Eugenius; and they were left expoſed to the reſentment of the conqueror, who laboured to deſerve the fa⯑vour of heaven by the extirpation of idolatry ⁶⁰.

A nation of ſlaves is always prepared to applaud and finally extin⯑guiſhed, A. D. 390-420, [...]. the clemency of their maſter, who, in the abuſe of abſolute power, does not proceed to the laſt ex⯑tremes of injuſtice and oppreſſion. Theodoſius might undoubtedly have propoſed to his Pagan ſubjects the alternative of baptiſm or of death; [121] and the eloquent Libanius has praiſed the mo⯑deration of a prince, who never enacted, by any poſitive law, that all his ſubjects ſhould imme⯑diately embrace and practiſe the religion of their ſovereign ⁶¹. The profeſſion of Chriſtianity was not made an eſſential qualification for the enjoy⯑ment of the civil rights of ſociety, nor were any peculiar hardſhips impoſed on the ſectaries, who credulouſly received the fables of Ovid, and ob⯑ſtinately rejected the miracles of the Goſpel. The palace, the ſchools, the army, and the ſenate, were filled with declared and devout Pagans; they obtained, without diſtinction, the civil and mili⯑tary honours of the empire. Theodoſius diſtin⯑guiſhed his liberal regard for virtue and genius, by the conſular dignity, which he beſtowed on Sym⯑machus ⁶²; and by the perſonal friendſhip which he expreſſed to Libanius ⁶³; and the two eloquent apologiſts of Paganiſm were never required either to change, or to diſſemble, their religious opi⯑nions. The Pagans were indulged in the moſt licentious freedom of ſpeech and writing; the [122] hiſtorical and philoſophic remains of Eunapius, Zoſimus ⁶⁴, and the fanatic teachers of the ſchool of Plato, betray the moſt furious animoſity, and contain the ſharpeſt invectives againſt the ſenti⯑ments and conduct of their victorious adverſaries. If theſe audacious libels were publicly known, we muſt applaud the good ſenſe of the Chriſtian princes, who viewed, with a ſmile of contempt, the laſt ſtruggles of ſuperſtition and deſpair ⁶⁵. But the Imperial laws, which prohibited the ſa⯑crifices and ceremonies of Paganiſm, were rigidly executed; and every hour contributed to deſtroy the influence of a religion, which was ſupported by cuſtom, rather than by argument. The de⯑votion of the poet, or the philoſopher, may be ſecretly nouriſhed by prayer, meditation, and ſtudy; but the exerciſe of public worſhip appears to be the only ſolid foundation of the religious ſentiments of the people, which derive their force from imitation and habit. The interruption of that public exerciſe may conſummate, in the pe⯑riod of a few years, the important work of a na⯑tional revolution. The memory of theological opinions cannot long be preſerved, without the artificial helps of prieſts, of temples, and of [123] books ⁶⁶. The ignorant vulgar, whoſe minds are ſtill agitated by the blind hopes and terrors of ſuperſtition, will be ſoon perſuaded by their ſu⯑periors, to direct their vows to the reigning deities of the age; and will inſenſibly imbibe an ardent zeal for the ſupport and propagation of the new doctrine, which ſpiritual hunger at firſt compelled them to accept. The generation that aroſe in the world after the promulgation of the Imperial laws, was attracted within the pale of the Catholic church: and ſo rapid, yet ſo gentle, was the fall of Paganiſm, that only twenty-eight years after the death of Theodoſius, the faint and minute veſtiges were no longer viſible to the eye of the legiſlator ⁶⁷.

The ruin of the Pagan religion is deſcribed by The wor⯑ſhip of the Chriſtian martyrs. the ſophiſts, as a dreadful and amazing prodigy, which covered the earth with darkneſs, and re⯑ſtored the ancient dominion of chaos and of night. They relate, in ſolemn and pathetic ſtrains, that the temples were converted into ſepulchres, and that the holy places, which had been adorned by the ſtatues of the gods, were baſely polluted by the relics of Chriſtian martyrs. ‘"The monks" (a race of filthy animals, to whom Eunapius is [124] tempted to refuſe the name of men) "are the authors of the new worſhip, which, in the place of thoſe deities, who are conceived by the un⯑derſtanding, has ſubſtituted the meaneſt and moſt contemptible ſlaves. The heads, ſalted and pickled, of thoſe infamous malefactors, who for the multitude of their crimes have ſuffered a juſt and ignominious death; their bodies, ſtill marked by the impreſſion of the laſh, and the ſcars of thoſe tortures which were inflicted by the ſentence of the magiſtrate; ſuch"’ (continues Eunapius) ‘"are the gods which the earth produces in our days; ſuch are the martyrs, the ſupreme arbitrators of our prayers and petitions to the Deity, whoſe tombs are now conſecrated as the objects of the vene⯑ration of the people ⁶⁸."’ Without approving the malice, it is natural enough to ſhare the ſur⯑priſe, of the Sophiſt, the ſpectator of a revolution, which raiſed thoſe obſcure victims of the laws of Rome, to the rank of celeſtial and inviſible pro⯑tectors of the Roman empire. The grateful re⯑ſpect of the Chriſtians for the martyrs of the faith, was exalted, by time and victory, into religious adoration; and the moſt illuſtrious of the ſaints and prophets were deſervedly aſſociated to the ho⯑nours of the martyrs. One hundred and fifty years after the glorious deaths of St. Peter and St. Paul, the Vatican and the Oſtian road were diſtinguiſhed by the tombs, or rather by the trophies, of thoſe [125] ſpiritual heroes ⁶⁹. In the age which followed the converſion of Conſtantine, the emperors, the con⯑ſuls, and the generals of armies, devoutly viſited the ſepulchres of a tent-maker and a fiſherman ⁷⁰; and their venerable bones were depoſited under the altars of Chriſt, on which the biſhops of the royal city continually offered the unbloody ſacri⯑fice ⁷¹. The new capital of the eaſtern world, unable to produce any ancient and domeſtic trophies, was enriched by the ſpoils of dependent provinces. The bodies of St. Andrew, St. Luke, and St. Timothy, had repoſed, near three hun⯑dred years, in the obſcure graves, from whence they were tranſported, in ſolemn pomp, to the church of the Apoſtles, which the magnificence of Conſtantine had founded on the banks of the Thracian Boſphorus ⁷². About fifty years after⯑wards, the ſame banks were honoured by the pre⯑ſence of Samuel, the judge and prophet of the [126] people of Iſrael. His aſhes, depoſited in a golden vaſe, and covered with a ſilken veil, were delivered by the biſhops into each others hands. The relics of Samuel were received by the people, with the ſame joy and reverence which they would have ſhewn to the living prophet; the highways, from Paleſtine to the gates of Conſtantinople, were filled with an uninterrupted proceſſion; and the emperor Arcadius himſelf, at the head of the moſt illuſtrious members of the clergy and ſenate, advanced to meet his extraordinary gueſt, who had always deſerved and claimed the homage of kings ⁷³. The example of Rome and Conſtan⯑tinople confirmed the faith and diſcipline of the Catholic world. The honours of the ſaints and martyrs, after a feeble and ineffectual murmur of profane reaſon ⁷⁴, were univerſally eſtabliſhed; and in the age of Ambroſe and Jerom, ſomething was ſtill deemed wanting to the ſanctity of a Chriſtian church, till it had been conſecrated by ſome portion of holy relics, which fixed and in⯑flamed the devotion of the faithful.

In the long period of twelve hundred years, General reflections. which elapſed between the reign of Conſtantine and the reformation of Luther, the worſhip of [127] ſaints and relics corrupted the pure and perfect ſimplicity of the Chriſtian model; and ſome ſymptoms of degeneracy may be obſerved even in the firſt generations which adopted and cheriſhed this pernicious innovation.

I. The ſatisfactory experience, that the relics I. Fabu⯑lous mar⯑tyrs and relics. of ſaints were more valuable than gold or precious ſtones ⁷⁵, ſtimulated the clergy to multiply the treaſures of the church. Without much regard for truth or probability, they invented names for ſkeletons, and actions for names. The fame of the apoſtles, and of the holy men who had imi⯑tated their virtues, was darkened by religious fiction. To the invincible band of genuine and primitive martyrs, they added myriads of ima⯑ginary heroes, who had never exiſted, except in the fancy of crafty or credulous legendaries; and there is reaſon to ſuſpect, that Tours might not be the only dioceſe in which the bones of a male⯑factor were adored, inſtead of thoſe of a ſaint ⁷⁶. A ſuperſtitious practice, which tended to increaſe the temptations of fraud, and credulity, inſenſibly extinguiſhed the light of hiſtory, and of reaſon, in the Chriſtian world.

II. But the progreſs of ſuperſtition would have II. Mi⯑racles. been much leſs rapid and victorious, if the faith [128] of the people had not been aſſiſted by the ſeaſon⯑able aid of viſions and miracles, to aſcertain the authenticity and virtue of the moſt ſuſpicious relics. In the reign of the younger Theodoſius, Lucian ⁷⁷, a preſbyter of Jeruſalem, and the ec⯑cleſiaſtical miniſter of the village of Capharga⯑mala, about twenty miles from the city, related a very ſingular dream, which, to remove his doubts, had been repeated on three ſucceſſive Saturdays. A venerable figure ſtood before him, in the ſilence of the night, with a long beard, a white robe, and a gold rod; announced himſelf by the name of Gamaliel, and revealed to the aſtoniſhed preſbyter, that his own corpſe, with the bodies of his ſon Abibas, his friend Nicodemus, and the illuſtrious Stephen, the firſt martyr of the Chriſtian faith, were ſecretly buried in the ad⯑jacent field. He added, with ſome impatience, that it was time to releaſe himſelf, and his com⯑panions, from their obſcure priſon; that their ap⯑pearance would be ſalutary to a diſtreſſed world; and that they had made choice of Lucian to inform the biſhop of Jeruſalem of their ſituation, and their wiſhes. The doubts and difficulties which ſtill retarded this important diſcovery, were ſuc⯑ceſſively removed by new viſions: and the ground [129] was opened by the biſhop, in the preſence of an innumerable multitude. The coffins of Gamaliel, of his ſon, and of his friend, were found in regular order; but when the fourth coffin, which con⯑tained the remains of Stephen, was ſhewn to the light, the earth trembled, and an odour, ſuch as that of paradiſe, was ſmelt, which inſtantly cured the various diſeaſes of ſeventy-three of the aſſiſt⯑ants. The companions of Stephen were left in their peaceful reſidence of Caphargamala: but the relics of the firſt martyr were tranſported, in ſo⯑lemn proceſſion, to a church conſtructed in their honour on Mount Sion; and the minute particles of thoſe relics, a drop of blood ⁷⁸, or the ſcrapings of a bone, were acknowledged, in almoſt every province of the Roman world, to poſſeſs a divine and miraculous virtue. The grave and learned Auguſtin ⁷⁹, whoſe underſtanding ſcarcely admits the excuſe of credulity, has atteſted the innume⯑rable prodigies which were performed in Africa, by the relics of St. Stephen; and this marvellous narrative is inſerted in the elaborate work of the City of God, which the biſhop of Hippo deſigned as a ſolid and immortal proof of the truth of Chriſtianity. Auguſtin ſolemnly declares, that [130] he has ſelected thoſe miracles only which were publicly certified by the perſons who were either the objects, or the ſpectators, of the power of the martyr. Many prodigies were omitted, or for⯑gotten; and Hippo had been leſs favourably treated than the other cities of the province. And yet the biſhop enumerates above ſeventy miracles, of which three were reſurrections from the dead, in the ſpace of two years, and within the limits of his own dioceſe ⁸⁰. If we enlarge our view to all the dioceſes, and all the ſaints, of the Chriſtian world, it will not be eaſy to calculate the fables, and the errors, which iſſued from this inexhauſtible ſource. But we may ſurely be al⯑lowed to obſerve, that a miracle, in that age of ſuperſtition and credulity, loſt its name and its merit, ſince it could ſcarcely be conſidered as a deviation from the ordinary, and eſtabliſhed, laws of nature.

III. The innumerable miracles, of which the tombs of the martyrs were the perpetual theatre, III. Re⯑vival of Poly⯑theiſm. revealed to the pious believer the actual ſtate and conſtitution of the inviſible world; and his re⯑ligious ſpeculations appeared to be founded on the firm baſis of fact and experience. Whatever might be the condition of vulgar ſouls, in the long interval between the diſſolution and the re⯑ſurrection of their bodies, it was evident that the [131] ſuperior ſpirits of the ſaints and martyrs did not conſume that portion of their exiſtence in ſilent and inglorious ſleep ⁸¹. It was evident (without preſuming to determine the place of their habita⯑tion, or the nature of their felicity) that they en⯑joyed the lively and active conſciouſneſs of their happineſs, their virtue, and their powers; and that they had already ſecured the poſſeſſion of their eternal reward. The enlargement of their intellectual faculties ſurpaſſed the meaſure of the human imagination; ſince it was proved by ex⯑perience, that they were capable of hearing and underſtanding the various petitions of their nu⯑merous votaries; who, in the ſame moment of time, but in the moſt diſtant parts of the world, invoked the name and aſſiſtance of Stephen or of Martin ⁸². The confidence of their petitioners was founded on the perſuaſion, that the ſaints, who reigned with Chriſt, caſt an eye of pity upon earth; that they were warmly intereſted in the proſperity of the Catholic church; and that the individuals, who imitated the example of their [132] faith and piety, were the peculiar and favourite objects of their moſt tender regard. Sometimes, indeed, their friendſhip might be influenced by conſiderations of a leſs exalted kind: they viewed, with partial affection, the places which had been conſecrated by their birth, their reſidence, their death, their burial, or the poſſeſſion of their re⯑lics. The meaner paſſions of pride, avarice, and revenge, may be deemed unworthy of a ce⯑leſtial breaſt; yet the ſaints themſelves conde⯑ſcended to teſtify their grateful approbation of the liberality of their votaries: and the ſharpeſt bolts of puniſhment were hurled againſt thoſe impious wretches, who violated their magnificent ſhrines, or diſbelieved their ſupernatural power ⁸³. Atro⯑cious, indeed, muſt have been the guilt, and ſtrange would have been the ſcepticiſm, of thoſe men, if they had obſtinately reſiſted the proofs of a divine agency, which the elements, the whole range of the animal creation, and even the ſubtle and inviſible operations of the human mind, were compelled to obey ⁸⁴. The immediate, and almoſt inſtantaneous, effects, that were ſuppoſed to follow the prayer, or the offence, ſatisfied the Chriſtians, of the ample meaſure of favour and authority, which the ſaints enjoyed in the preſence of the Supreme God; and it ſeemed almoſt ſuperfluous [133] to enquire, whether they were continually obliged to intercede before the throne of grace; or whether they might not be permitted to exerciſe, accord⯑ing to the dictates of their benevolence and juſ⯑tice, the delegated powers of their ſubordinate miniſtry. The imagination, which had been raiſed by a painful effort to the contemplation and worſhip of the Univerſal Cauſe, eagerly embraced ſuch inferior objects of adoration, as were more proportioned to its groſs conceptions and imper⯑fect faculties. The ſublime and ſimple theology of the primitive Chriſtians was gradually cor⯑rupted; and the MONARCHY of heaven, already clouded by metaphyſical ſubtleties, was degraded by the introduction of a popular mythology, which tended to reſtore the reign of polytheiſm ⁸⁵.

IV. As the objects of religion were gradually IV. Intro⯑duction of Pagan ce⯑remonies. reduced to the ſtandard of the imagination, the rites and ceremonies were introduced that ſeemed moſt powerfully to affect the ſenſes of the vulgar. If, in the beginning of the fifth century ⁸⁶, Ter⯑tullian, or Lactantius ⁸⁷, had been ſuddenly raiſed from the dead, to aſſiſt at the feſtival of ſome [134] popular ſaint, or martyr ⁸⁸; they would have gazed with aſtoniſhment, and indignation, on the profane ſpectacle, which had ſucceeded to the pure and ſpiritual worſhip of a Chriſtian congre⯑gation. As ſoon as the doors of the church were thrown open, they muſt have been offended by the ſmoke of incenſe, the perfume of flowers, and the glare of lamps and tapers, which diffuſed, at noon-day, a gawdy, ſuperfluous, and, in their opinion, a ſacrilegious light. If they approached the baluſtrade of the altar, they made their way through the proſtrate crowd, conſiſting, for the moſt part, of ſtrangers and pilgrims, who reſorted to the city on the vigil of the ſeaſt; and who al⯑ready felt the ſtrong intoxication of fanaticiſm, and, perhaps, of wine. Their devout kiſſes were imprinted on the walls and pavement of the ſacred edifice; and their fervent prayers were directed, whatever might be the language of their church, to the bones, the blood, or the aſhes of the ſaint, which were uſually concealed, by a linen or ſilken veil, from the eyes of the vulgar. The Chriſtians frequented the tombs of the martyrs, in the hope of obtaining, from their powerful interceſſion, every ſort of ſpiritual, but more eſpecially of tem⯑poral, bleſſings. They implored the preſervation of their health, or the cure of their infirmities; [135] the fruitfulneſs of their barren wives, or the ſafety and happineſs of their children. Whenever they undertook any diſtant or dangerous journey, they requeſted, that the holy martyrs would be their guides and protectors on the road; and if they returned, without having experienced any mis⯑fortune, they again haſtened to the tombs of the martyrs, to celebrate, with grateful thankſgivings, their obligations to the memory and relics of thoſe heavenly patrons. The walls were hung round with ſymbols of the favours, which they had re⯑ceived; eyes, and hands, and feet, of gold and ſilver: and edifying pictures, which could not long eſcape the abuſe of indiſcreet or idolatrous devotion, repreſented the image, the attributes, and the miracles of the tutelar ſaint. The ſame uniform original ſpirit of ſuperſtition might ſug⯑geſt, in the moſt diſtant ages and countries, the ſame methods of deceiving the credulity, and of affecting the ſenſes, of mankind ⁸⁹: but it muſt in⯑genuouſly be confeſſed, that the miniſters of the Catholic church imitated the profane model, which they were impatient to deſtroy. The moſt re⯑ſpectable biſhops had perſuaded themſelves, that the ignorant ruſtics would more cheerfully re⯑nounce the ſuperſtitions of Paganiſm, if they found ſome reſemblance, ſome compenſation, in [136] the boſom of Chriſtianity. The religion of Con⯑ſtantine atchieved, in leſs than a century, the final conqueſt of the Roman empire: but the victors themſelves were inſenſibly ſubdued by the arts of their vanquiſhed rivals ⁹⁰.

CHAP. XXIX. Final Diviſion of the Roman Empire between the Sons of Theodoſius.—Reign of Arcadius and Ho⯑norius.—Adminiſtration of Rufinus and Stilicho.—Revolt and Defeat of Gildo in Africa.

THE genius of Rome expired with Theo⯑doſius; the laſt of the ſucceſſors of Au⯑guſtus and Conſtantine, who appeared in the field Diviſion of the empire between Arcadius and Hono⯑rius, A. D. 395. Jan. 17. at the head of their armies, and whoſe authority was univerſally acknowledged throughout the whole extent of the empire. The memory of his virtues ſtill continued, however, to protect the feeble and inexperienced youth of his two ſons. After the death of their father, Arcadius and Honorius were ſaluted, by the unanimous conſent of mankind, as the lawful emperors of the Eaſt, and of the Weſt; and the oath of fidelity was eagerly taken by every order of the ſtate; the ſenates of old and new Rome, the clergy, the magiſtrates, the ſoldiers, and the people. Ar⯑cadius, who then was about eighteen years of age, was born in Spain, in the humble habitation of a private family. But he received a princely education in the palace of Conſtantinople; and his inglorious life was ſpent in that peaceful and ſplendid ſeat of royalty, from whence he appeared to reign over the provinces of Thrace, Aſia Minor, Syria, and Egypt, from the Lower Danube to the confines of Perſia and Aethiopia. His younger brother, Honorius, aſſumed, in the eleventh year [138] of his age, the nominal government of Italy, Africa, Gaul, Spain, and Britain; and the troops, which guarded the frontiers of his kingdom, were oppoſed, on one ſide, to the Caledonians, and on the other to the Moors. The great and martial praefecture of Illyricum was divided between the two princes: the defence and poſſeſſion of the pro⯑vinces of Noricum, Pannonia, and Dalmatia, ſtill belonged to the weſtern empire; but the two large dioceſes of Dacia and Macedonia, which Gratian had entruſted to the valour of Theodoſius, were for ever united to the empire of the Eaſt. The boundary in Europe was not very different from the line which now ſeparates the Germans and the Turks; and the reſpective advantages of territory, riches, populouſneſs, and military ſtrength, were fairly balanced and compenſated, in this final and permanent diviſion of the Roman em⯑pire. The hereditary ſceptre of the ſons of Theo⯑doſius appeared to be the gift of nature, and of their father; the generals and miniſters had been accuſtomed to adore the majeſty of the royal in⯑fants; and the army and people were not admo⯑niſhed of their rights, and of their power, by the dangerous example of a recent election. The gradual diſcovery of the weakneſs of Arcadius and Honorius, and the repeated calamities of their reign, were not ſufficient to obliterate the deep and early impreſſions of loyalty. The ſub⯑jects of Rome, who ſtill reverenced the perſons, or rather the names, of their ſovereigns, beheld, with equal abhorrence, the rebels who oppoſed, [139] and the miniſters who abuſed, the authority of the throne.

Theodoſius had tarniſhed the glory of his reign Character and admi⯑niſtration of Rufi⯑nus, A. D. 386—395. by the elevation of Rufinus; an odious favourite, who, in an age of civil and religious faction, has deſerved, from every party, the imputation of every crime. The ſtrong impulſe of ambition and avarice ¹ had urged Rufinus to abandon his native country, an obſcure corner of Gaul ², to advance his fortune in the capital of the Eaſt: the talent of bold and ready elocution ³ qualified him to ſucceed in the lucrative profeſſion of the law; and his ſucceſs in that profeſſion was a re⯑gular ſtep to the moſt honourable and important employments of the ſtate. He was raiſed, by juſt degrees, to the ſtation of maſter of the offices. In the exerciſe of his various functions, ſo eſſen⯑tially connected with the whole ſyſtem of civil go⯑vernment, he acquired the confidence of a mo⯑narch, who ſoon diſcovered his diligence and capacity in buſineſs, and who long remained ig⯑norant of the pride, the malice, and the covetouſ⯑neſs of his diſpoſition. Theſe vices were concealed beneath the maſk of profound diſſimulation ⁴; [140] his paſſions were ſubſervient only to the paſſions of his maſter: yet, in the horrid maſſacre of Theſ⯑ſalonica, the cruel Rufinus inflamed the fury, without imitating the repentance, of Theodoſius. The miniſter, who viewed with proud indifference the reſt of mankind, never forgave the appearance of an injury; and his perſonal enemies had for⯑feited, in his opinion, the merit of all public ſer⯑vices. Promotus, the maſter-general of the in⯑fantry, had ſaved the empire from the invaſion of the Oſtrogoths; but he indignantly ſupported the pre-eminence of a rival, whoſe character and profeſſion he deſpiſed; and, in the midſt of a public council, the impatient ſoldier was pro⯑voked to chaſtiſe with a blow the indecent pride of the favourite. This act of violence was repre⯑ſented to the emperor as an inſult, which it was incumbent on his dignity to reſent. The diſ⯑grace and exile of Promotus were ſignified by a peremptory order, to repair, without delay, to a military ſtation on the banks of the Danube: and the death of that general (though he was ſlain in a ſkirmiſh with the Barbarians) was imputed to the perfidious arts of Rufinus ⁵. The ſacrifice of an hero gratified his revenge; the honours of the conſulſhip elated his vanity; but his power was ſtill imperfect and precarious, as long as the im⯑portant poſts of praefect of the Eaſt, and of praefect of Conſtantinople, were filled by Tatian ⁶, and [141] his ſon Proculus; whoſe united authority ba⯑lanced, for ſome time, the ambition and favour of the maſter of the offices. The two praefects were accuſed of rapine and corruption in the ad⯑miniſtration of the laws and finances. For the trial of theſe illuſtrious offenders, the emperor conſtituted a ſpecial commiſſion: ſeveral judges were named to ſhare the guilt and reproach of in⯑juſtice; but the right of pronouncing ſentence was reſerved to the preſident alone, and that pre⯑ſident was Rufinus himſelf. The father, ſtripped of the praefecture of the Eaſt, was thrown into a dungeon; but the ſon, conſcious that few mini⯑ſters can be found innocent, where an enemy is their judge, had ſecretly eſcaped; and Rufinus muſt have been ſatisfied with the leaſt obnoxious victim, if deſpotiſm had not condeſcended to em⯑ploy the baſeſt and moſt ungenerous artifice. The proſecution was conducted with an appearance of equity and moderation, which flattered Tatian with the hope of a favourable event; his con⯑fidence was fortified by the ſolemn aſſurances, and perfidious oaths, of the preſident, who preſumed to interpoſe the ſacred name of Theodoſius him⯑ſelf; and the unhappy father was at laſt perſuaded to recal, by a private letter, the fugitive Proculus. He was inſtantly ſeized, examined, condemned, and beheaded, in one of the ſuburbs of Conſtan⯑tinople, with a precipitation which diſappointed [142] the clemency of the emperor. Without reſpect⯑ing the misfortunes of a conſular ſenator, the cruel judges of Tatian compelled him to behold the execution of his ſon: the fatal cord was faſtened round his own neck; but in the moment when he expected, and perhaps deſired, the relief of a ſpeedy death, he was permitted to conſume the miſerable remnant of his old age in poverty and exile ⁷. The puniſhment of the two praefects might, perhaps, be excuſed by the exceptionable parts of their own conduct; the enmity of Rufinus might be palliated by the jealous and unſociable nature of ambition. But he indulged a ſpirit of revenge, equally repugnant to prudence and to juſtice, when he degraded their native country of Lycia, from the rank of Roman provinces; ſtig⯑matiſed a guiltleſs people with a mark of igno⯑miny; and declared, that the countrymen of Tatian and Proculus ſhould for ever remain in⯑capable of holding any employment of honour or advantage, under the Imperial government ⁸. [143] The new praefect of the Eaſt (for Rufinus inſtantly ſucceeded to the vacant honours of his adverſary) was not diverted, however, by the moſt criminal purſuits, from the performance of the religious duties, which in that age were conſidered as the moſt eſſential to ſalvation. In the ſuburb of Chal⯑cedon, ſurnamed the Oak, he had built a magni⯑ficent villa; to which he devoutly added a ſtately church; conſecrated to the apoſtles St. Peter and St. Paul, and continually ſanctified by the prayers, and pennance, of a regular ſociety of monks. A numerous, and almoſt general, ſynod of the biſhops of the eaſtern empire was ſummoned to celebrate, at the ſame time, the dedication of the church, and the baptiſm of the founder. This double ceremony was performed with extraordinary pomp; and when Rufinus was purified, in the holy font, from all the ſins that he had hitherto committed, a venerable hermit of Egypt raſhly propoſed him⯑ſelf as the ſponſor of a proud and ambitious ſtateſman ⁹.

The character of Theodoſius impoſed on his He op⯑preſſes the Eaſt, A. D. 395. miniſter the taſk of hypocriſy, which diſguiſed, and ſometimes reſtrained, the abuſe of power; and Rufinus was apprehenſive of diſturbing the indolent ſlumber of a prince, ſtill capable of ex⯑erting the abilities, and the virtue, which had [144] raiſed him to the throne ¹⁰. But the abſence, and, ſoon afterwards, the death, of the emperor, con⯑firmed the abſolute authority of Rufinus over the perſon and dominions of Arcadius; a feeble youth, whom the imperious praefect conſidered as his pupil, rather than his ſovereign. Regardleſs of the public opinion, he indulged his paſſions with⯑out remorſe, and without reſiſtance; and his ma⯑lignant and rapacious ſpirit rejected every paſſion that might have contributed to his own glory, or the happineſs of the people. His avarice ¹¹, which ſeems to have prevailed, in his corrupt mind, over every other ſentiment, attracted the wealth of the Eaſt, by the various arts of partial, and general, extortion; oppreſſive taxes, ſcan⯑dalous bribery, immoderate fines, unjuſt confiſ⯑cation, forced or fictitious teſtaments, by which the tyrant deſpoiled of their lawful inheritance the children of ſtrangers, or enemies; and the public ſale of juſtice, as well as of favour, which he in⯑ſtituted in the palace of Conſtantinople. The [145] ambitious candidate eagerly ſolicited, at the ex⯑pence of the faireſt part of his patrimony, the ho⯑nours and emoluments of ſome provincial go⯑vernment: the lives and fortunes of the unhappy people were abandoned to the moſt liberal pur⯑chaſer; and the public diſcontent was ſometimes appeaſed by the ſacrifice of an unpopular criminal, whoſe puniſhment was profitable only to the prae⯑fect of the Eaſt, his accomplice and his judge. If avarice were not the blindeſt of the human paſſions, the motives of Rufinus might excite our curioſity; and we might be tempted to inquire, with what view he violated every principle of humanity and juſtice, to accumulate thoſe immenſe treaſures, which he could not ſpend without folly, nor poſſeſs without danger. Perhaps he vainly ima⯑gined, that he laboured for the intereſt of an only daughter, on whom he intended to beſtow his royal pupil, and the auguſt rank of Empreſs of the Eaſt. Perhaps he deceived himſelf by the opinion, that his avarice was the inſtrument of his ambition. He aſpired to place his fortune on a ſecure and independent baſis, which ſhould no longer depend on the caprice of the young em⯑peror; yet he neglected to conciliate the hearts of the ſoldiers and people, by the liberal diſtri⯑bution of thoſe riches, which he had acquired with ſo much toil, and with ſo much guilt. The extreme parſimony of Rufinus left him only the reproach, and envy, of ill-gotten wealth; his de⯑pendents ſerved him without attachment; the univerſal hatred of mankind was repreſſed only by the influence of ſervile fear. The fate of [146] Lucian proclaimed to the Eaſt, that the praefect, whoſe induſtry was much abated in the diſpatch of ordinary buſineſs, was active and indefatigable in the purſuit of revenge. Lucian, the ſon of the praefect Florentius, the oppreſſor of Gaul, and the enemy of Julian, had employed a conſiderable part of his inheritance, the fruit of rapine and corruption, to purchaſe the friendſhip of Rufinus, and the high office of Count of the Eaſt. But the new magiſtrate imprudently departed from the maxims of the court, and of the times; diſgraced his benefactor, by the contraſt of a virtuous and temperate adminiſtration; and preſumed to re⯑fuſe an act of injuſtice, which might have tended to the profit of the emperor's uncle. Arcadius was eaſily perſuaded to reſent the ſuppoſed inſult; and the praefect of the Eaſt reſolved to execute in perſon the cruel vengeance, which he meditated againſt this ungrateful delegate of his power. He performed with inceſſant ſpeed the journey of ſeven or eight hundred miles, from Conſtantinople to Antioch, entered the capital of Syria at the dead of night, and ſpread univerſal conſternation among a people, ignorant of his deſign, but not ignorant of his character. The count of the fifteen provinces of the Eaſt was dragged, like the vileſt malefactor, before the arbitrary tribunal of Rufinus. Not⯑withſtanding the cleareſt evidence of his integrity, which was not impeached even by the voice of an accuſer, Lucian was condemned, almoſt with⯑out a trial, to ſuffer a cruel and ignominious pu⯑niſhment. The miniſters of the tyrant, by the order, and in the preſence, of their maſter, beat [147] him on the neck with leather thongs, armed at the extremities with lead; and when he fainted under the violence of the pain, he was removed in a cloſe litter, to conceal his dying agonies from the eyes of the indignant city. No ſooner had Rufinus perpetrated this inhuman act, the ſole object of his expedition, than he returned, amidſt the deep, and ſilent, curſes of a trembling people, from Antioch to Conſtantinople; and his dili⯑gence was accelerated, by the hope of accompliſh⯑ing, without delay, the nuptials of his daughter with the emperor of the Eaſt ¹².

But Rufinus ſoon experienced, that a prudent He is diſ⯑appointed, by the marriage of Arca⯑dius, A. D. 395. April 27. miniſter ſhould conſtantly ſecure his royal captive by the ſtrong, though inviſible, chain of habit; and that the merit, and much more eaſily the fa⯑vour, of the abſent, are obliterated in a ſhort time from the mind of a weak and capricious ſovereign. While the praefect ſatiated his revenge at Antioch, a ſecret conſpiracy of the favourite eunuchs, directed by the great chamberlain Eu⯑tropius, undermined his power in the palace of Conſtantinople. They diſcovered that Arcadius was not inclined to love the daughter of Rufinus, who had been choſen, without his conſent, for his bride; and they contrived to ſubſtitute in her place the fair Eudoxia, the daughter of Bauto ¹³, [148] a general of the Franks in the ſervice of Rome; and who was educated, ſince the death of her fa⯑ther, in the family of the ſons of Promotus. The young emperor, whoſe chaſtity had been ſtrictly guarded by the pious care of his tutor Arſenius ¹⁴, eagerly liſtened to the artful and flattering deſcrip⯑tions of the charms of Eudoxia: he gazed with impatient ardour on her picture, and he under⯑ſtood the neceſſity of concealing his amorous de⯑ſigns from the knowledge of a miniſter, who was ſo deeply intereſted to oppoſe the conſummation of his happineſs. Soon after the return of Rufinus, the approaching ceremony of the royal nuptials was announced to the people of Conſtantinople, who prepared to celebrate, with falſe and hollow acclamations, the fortune of his daughter. A ſplendid train of eunuchs and officers iſſued, in hymeneal pomp, from the gates of the palace; bearing aloft the diadem, the robes, and the in⯑eſtimable ornaments, of the future empreſs. The ſolemn proceſſion paſſed through the ſtreets of the city, which were adorned with garlands, and filled with ſpectators; but, when it reached the houſe of the ſons of Promotus, the principal eunuch re⯑ſpectfully entered the manſion, inveſted the fair Eudoxia with the Imperial robes, and conducted her in triumph to the palace and bed of Arca⯑dius ¹⁵. The ſecreſy, and ſucceſs, with which [149] this conſpiracy againſt Rufinus had been con⯑ducted, imprinted a mark of indelible ridicule on the character of a miniſter, who had ſuffered him⯑ſelf to be deceived, in a poſt where the arts of deceit and diſſimulation conſtitute the moſt di⯑ſtinguiſhed merit. He conſidered, with a mix⯑ture of indignation and fear, the victory of an aſpiring eunuch, who had ſecretly captivated the favour of his ſovereign; and the diſgrace of his daughter, whoſe intereſt was inſeparably con⯑nected with his own, wounded the tenderneſs, or, at leaſt, the pride, of Rufinus. At the moment when he flattered himſelf that he ſhould become the father of a line of kings, a foreign maid, who had been educated in the houſe of his implacable enemies, was introduced into the Imperial bed; and Eudoxia ſoon diſplayed a ſuperiority of ſenſe and ſpirit, to improve the aſcendant which her beauty muſt acquire over the mind of a fond and youthful huſband. The emperor would ſoon be inſtructed to hate, to fear, and to deſtroy, the powerful ſubject, whom he had injured; and the conſciouſneſs of guilt deprived Rufinus of every hope, either of ſafety or comfort, in the retire⯑ment of a private life. But he ſtill poſſeſſed the moſt effectual means of defending his dignity, and perhaps of oppreſſing his enemies. The prae⯑fect ſtill exerciſed an uncontrouled authority over the civil and military government of the Eaſt: [150] and his treaſures, if he could reſolve to uſe them, might be employed to procure proper inſtruments, for the execution of the blackeſt deſigns, that pride, ambition, and revenge, could ſuggeſt to a deſperate ſtateſman. The character of Rufinus ſeemed to juſtify the accuſations, that he conſpired againſt the perſon of his ſovereign, to ſeat himſelf on the vacant throne; and that he had ſecretly in⯑vited the Huns, and the Goths, to invade the pro⯑vinces of the empire, and to increaſe the public confuſion. The ſubtle praefect, whoſe life had been ſpent in the intrigues of the palace, oppoſed, with equal arms, the artful meaſures of the eu⯑nuch Eutropius; but the timid ſoul of Rufinus was aſtoniſhed by the hoſtile approach of a more formidable rival, of the great Stilicho, the general, or rather the maſter, of the empire of the Weſt ¹⁶.

The celeſtial gift, which Achilles obtained, and Character of Stilicho, the mini⯑ſter, and general, of the Weſt⯑ern em⯑pire. Alexander envied, of a poet worthy to celebrate the actions of heroes, has been enjoyed by Stili⯑cho, in a much higher degree than might have been expected from the declining ſtate of genius, and of art. The muſe of Claudian ¹⁷, devoted to his ſervice, was always prepared to ſtigmatiſe his adverſaries, Rufinus, or Eutropius, with eternal infamy; or to paint, in the moſt ſplendid co⯑lours, the victories, and virtues, of a powerful be⯑nefactor. In the review of a period indifferently [151] ſupplied with authentic materials, we cannot re⯑fuſe to illuſtrate the annals of Honorius, from the invectives, or the panegyrics, of a contemporary writer; but as Claudian appears to have indulged the moſt ample privilege of a poet and a courtier, ſome criticiſm will be requiſite to tranſlate the language of fiction, or exaggeration, into the truth and ſimplicity of hiſtoric proſe. His ſilence concerning the family of Stilicho may be admitted as a proof, that his patron was neither able, nor deſirous, to boaſt of a long ſeries of illuſtrious pro⯑genitors; and the ſlight mention of his father, an officer of Barbarian cavalry, in the ſervice of Valens, ſeems to countenance the aſſertion, that the general, who ſo long commanded the armies of Rome, was deſcended from the ſavage and per⯑fidious race of the Vandals ¹⁸. If Stilicho had not poſſeſſed the external advantages of ſtrength and ſtature, the moſt flattering bard, in the pre⯑ſence of ſo many thouſand ſpectators, would have heſitated to affirm, that he ſurpaſſed the meaſure of the demi-gods of antiquity; and, that when⯑ever he moved, with lofty ſteps, through the ſtreets of the capital, the aſtoniſhed crowd made room for the ſtranger, who diſplayed, in a private condition, the awful majeſty of a hero. From his earlieſt youth he embraced the profeſſion of arms; his prudence and valour were ſoon diſtin⯑guiſhed in the field; the horſemen and archers of the Eaſt admired his ſuperior dexterity; and [152] in each degree of his military promotions, the public judgment always prevented and approved the choice of the ſovereign. He was named by Theodoſius, to ratify a ſolemn treaty with the monarch of Perſia: he ſupported, during that important embaſſy, the dignity of the Roman name; and after his return to Conſtantinople, his merit was rewarded by an intimate and honour⯑able alliance with the Imperial family. Theodo⯑ſius had been prompted, by a pious motive of fraternal affection, to adopt, for his own, the daughter of his brother Honorius; the beauty and accompliſhments of Serena ¹⁹ were univer⯑ſally admired by the obſequious court; and Sti⯑licho obtained the preference over a crowd of rivals, who ambitiouſly diſputed the hand of the princeſs, and the favour of her adoptive father ²⁰. The aſſurance that the huſband of Serena would be faithful to the throne, which he was permitted to approach, engaged the emperor to exalt the fortunes, and to employ the abilities, of the ſaga⯑cious and intrepid Stilicho. He roſe through the ſucceſſive ſteps of maſter of the horſe, and count of the domeſtics, to the ſupreme rank of maſter-general of all the cavalry and infantry of His mili⯑tary com⯑mand. [153] the Roman, or at leaſt of the Weſtern, empire ²¹; and his enemies confeſſed, that he invariably diſ⯑dained to barter for gold the rewards of merit, or A. D. 385—408. to defraud the ſoldiers of the pay and gratifica⯑tions, which they deſerved, or claimed, from the liberality of the ſtate ²². The valour and con⯑duct which he afterwards diſplayed, in the de⯑fence of Italy, againſt the arms of Alaric and Ra⯑dagaiſus, may juſtify the fame of his early at⯑chievements: and in an age leſs attentive to the laws of honour, or of pride, the Roman generals might yield the pre-eminence of rank, to the aſ⯑cendant of ſuperior genius ²³. He lamented, and revenged, the murder of Promotus, his rival and his friend; and the maſſacre of many thouſands of the flying Baſtarnae is repreſented by the poet, as a bloody ſacrifice, which the Roman Achilles offered to the manes of another Patroclus. The virtues and victories of Stilicho deſerved the hatred of Rufinus: and the arts of calumny might [154] have been ſucceſsful, if the tender and vigilant Serena had not protected her huſband againſt his domeſtic foes, whilſt he vanquiſhed in the field the enemies of the empire ²⁴. Theodoſius con⯑tinued to ſupport an unworthy miniſter, to whoſe diligence he delegated the government of the pa⯑lace, and of the Eaſt; but when he marched againſt the tyrant Eugenius, he aſſociated his faithful general to the labours and glories of the civil war; and, in the laſt moments of his life, the dying monarch recommended to Stilicho, the care of his ſons, and of the republic ²⁵. The ambition and the abilities of Stilicho were not unequal to the important truſt; and he claimed the guardianſhip of the two empires, during the minority of Arcadius and Honorius ²⁶. The firſt meaſure of his adminiſtration, or rather of his reign, diſplayed to the nations the vigour and activity of a ſpirit worthy to command. He paſſed the Alps in the depth of winter; deſcended the ſtream of [155] the Rhine, from the fortreſs of Baſil, to the marches of Batavia; reviewed the ſtate of the garriſons; repreſſed the enterpriſes of the Ger⯑mans; and, after eſtabliſhing along the banks a firm and honourable peace, returned with incre⯑dible ſpeed to the palace of Milan ²⁷. The per⯑ſon and court of Honorius were ſubject to the maſter-general of the Weſt; and the armies and provinces of Europe obeyed, without heſitation, a regular authority, which was exerciſed in the name of their young ſovereign. Two rivals only remained to diſpute the claims, and to provoke the vengeance, of Stilicho. Within the limits of Africa, Gildo, the Moor, maintained a proud and dangerous independence; and the miniſter of Conſtantinople aſſerted his equal reign over the emperor, and the empire, of the Eaſt.

The impartiality which Stilicho affected, as the The fall and death of Rufinus, A. D. 395. Nov. 27th. common guardian of the royal brothers, engaged him to regulate the equal diviſion of the arms, the jewels, and the magnificent wardrobe and fur⯑niture of the deceaſed emperor ²⁸. But the moſt important object of the inheritance conſiſted of the numerous legions, cohorts, and ſquadrons of Romans, or Barbarians, whom the event of the civil war had united under the ſtandard of Theo⯑doſius. The various multitudes of Europe and [156] Aſia, exaſperated by recent animoſities, were over-awed by the authority of a ſingle man; and the rigid diſcipline of Stilicho protected the lands of the citizen from the rapine of the licentious ſoldier ²⁹. Anxious however, and impatient, to relieve Italy from the preſence of this formidable hoſt, which could be uſeful only on the frontiers of the empire, he liſtened to the juſt requiſition of the miniſter of Arcadius, declared his intention of reconducting in perſon the troops of the Eaſt; and dexterouſly employed the rumour of a Gothic tumult, to conceal his private deſigns of ambition and revenge ³⁰. The guilty ſoul of Rufinus was alarmed by the approach of a warrior and a rival, whoſe enmity he deſerved; he computed, with increaſing terror, the narrow ſpace of his life and greatneſs; and, as the laſt hope of ſafety, he in⯑terpoſed the authority of the emperor Arcadius, Stilicho, who appears to have directed his march along the ſea coaſt of the Hadriatic, was not far diſtant from the city of Theſſalonica, when he re⯑ceived a peremptory meſſage, to recal the troops of the Eaſt, and to declare, that his nearer ap⯑proach would be conſidered, by the Byzantine [157] court, as an act of hoſtility. The prompt and unexpected obedience of the general of the Weſt, convinced the vulgar of his loyalty and modera⯑tion; and, as he had already engaged the affec⯑tion of the Eaſtern troops, he recommended to their zeal the execution of his bloody deſign, which might be accompliſhed in his abſence, with leſs danger perhaps, and with leſs reproach. Sti⯑licho left the command of the troops of the Eaſt to Gainas, the Goth, on whoſe fidelity he firmly re⯑lied; with an aſſurance, at leaſt, that the hardy Barbarian would never be diverted from his pur⯑poſe by any conſideration of fear or remorſe. The ſoldiers were eaſily perſuaded to puniſh the ene⯑my of Stilicho, and of Rome; and ſuch was the general hatred which Rufinus had excited, that the fatal ſecret, communicated to thouſands, was faithfully preſerved during the long march from Theſſalonica to the gates of Conſtantinople. As ſoon as they had reſolved his death, they con⯑deſcended to flatter his pride; the ambitious prae⯑fect was ſeduced to believe, that thoſe powerful auxiliaries might be tempted to place the diadem on his head; and the treaſures which he diſtribut⯑ed, with a tardy and reluctant hand, were accept⯑ed by the indignant multitude, as an inſult, rather than as a gift. At the diſtance of a mile from the capital, in the field of Mars, before the pa⯑lace of Hebdomon, the troops halted: and the emperor, as well as his miniſter, advanced, ac⯑cording to ancient cuſtom, reſpectfully to ſalute the power which ſupported their throne. As Rufinus paſſed along the ranks, and diſguiſed, [158] with ſtudied courteſy, his innate haughtineſs, the wings inſenſibly wheeled from the right and left, and incloſed the devoted victim within the circle of their arms. Before he could reflect on the danger of his ſituation, Gainas gave the ſignal of death; a daring and forward ſoldier plunged his ſword into the breaſt of the guilty praefect, and Rufinus fell, groaned, and expired, at the feet of the affrighted emperor. If the agonies of a moment could expiate the crimes of a whole life, or if the outrages inflicted on a breathleſs corpſe could be the object of pity, our humanity might perhaps be affected by the horrid circumſtances which accompanied the murder of Rufinus. His mangled body was abandoned to the brutal fury of the populace of either ſex, who haſtened in crouds, from every quarter of the city, to trample on the remains of the haughty miniſter, at whoſe frown they had ſo lately trembled. His right hand was cut off, and carried through the ſtreets of Conſtantinople, in cruel mockery, to extort contributions for the avaricious tyrant, whoſe head was publicly expoſed, borne aloft on the point of a long lance ³¹. According to the ſavage maxims of the Greek republics, his innocent family would have ſhared the puniſhment of his crimes. The wife and daughter of Rufinus were indebted for their ſafety to the influence of re⯑ligion. Her ſanctuary protected them from the raging madneſs of the people; and they were [159] permitted to ſpend the remainder of their lives in the exerciſes of Chriſtian devotion, in the peaceful retirement of Jeruſalem ³².

The ſervile poet of Stilicho applauds, with fe⯑rocious Diſcord of the two empires, A. D. 396, &c. joy, this horrid deed, which, in the exe⯑cution, perhaps, of juſtice, violated every law of nature and ſociety, profaned the majeſty of the prince, and renewed the dangerous examples of military licence. The contemplation of the uni⯑verſal order and harmony had ſatisfied Claudian of the exiſtence of the Deity; but the proſperous impunity of vice appeared to contradict his moral attributes; and the fate of Rufinus was the only event which could diſpel the religious doubts of the poet ³³. Such an act might vindicate the honour of Providence; but it did not much con⯑tribute to the happineſs of the people. In leſs than three months they were informed of the maxims of the new adminiſtration, by a ſingular edict, which eſtabliſhed the excluſive right of the treaſury over the ſpoils of Rufinus; and ſilenced, under heavy penalties, the preſumptuous claims of the ſubjects of the Eaſtern empire, who had [160] been injured by his rapacious tyranny ³⁴. Even Stilicho did not derive from the murder of his rival, the fruit which he had propoſed; and though he gratified his revenge, his ambition was diſappointed. Under the name of a favourite, the weakneſs of Arcadius required a maſter; but he naturally preferred the obſequious arts of the eunuch Eutropius, who had obtained his domeſtic confidence; and the emperor contemplated, with terror and averſion, the ſtern genius of a foreign warrior. Till they were divided by the jealouſy of power, the ſword of Gainas, and the charms of Eudoxia, ſupported the favour of the great chamberlain of the palace: the perfidious Goth, who was appointed maſter-general of the Eaſt, betrayed, without ſcruple, the intereſt of his be⯑nefactor; and the ſame troops, who had ſo lately maſſacred the enemy of Stilicho, were engaged to ſupport, againſt him, the independence of the throne of Conſtantinople. The favourites of Arcadius fomented a ſecret and irreconcileable war againſt a formidable hero, who aſpired to govern, and to defend, the two empires of Rome, and the two ſons of Theodoſius. They inceſſantly laboured, by dark and treacherous machinations, to deprive him of the eſteem of the prince, the reſpect of the people, and the friendſhip of the Barbarians. The life of Stilicho was repeatedly attempted by the dagger of hired aſſaſſins; and a decree was obtained, from the ſenate of Con⯑ſtantinople, [161] to declare him an enemy of the re⯑public, and to confiſcate his ample poſſeſſions in the provinces of the Eaſt. At a time when the only hope of delaying the ruin of the Roman name, depended on the firm union, and recipro⯑cal aid, of all the nations to whom it had been gradually communicated, the ſubjects of Arca⯑dius and Honorius were inſtructed, by their re⯑ſpective maſters, to view each other in a foreign, and even hoſtile, light; to rejoice in their mutual calamities, and to embrace, as their faithful allies, the Barbarians, whom they excited to invade the territories of their countrymen ³⁵. The natives of Italy affected to deſpiſe the ſervile and effe⯑minate Greeks of Byzantium, who preſumed to imitate the dreſs, and to uſurp the dignity, of Roman ſenators ³⁶; and the Greeks had not yet forgot the ſentiments of hatred and contempt, which their poliſhed anceſtors had ſo long enter⯑tained for the rude inhabitants of the Weſt. The diſtinction of two governments, which ſoon pro⯑duced the ſeparation of two nations, will juſtify my deſign of ſuſpending the ſeries of the Byzan⯑tine hiſtory, to proſecute, without interruption, [162] the diſgraceful, but memorable, reign of Hono⯑rius.

The prudent Stilicho, inſtead of perſiſting to Revolt of Gildo in Africa, A. D. 386—398. force the inclinations of a prince, and people, who rejected his government, wiſely abandoned Arcadius to his unworthy favourites; and his re⯑luctance to involve the two empires in a civil war, diſplayed the moderation of a miniſter, who had ſo often ſignalized his military ſpirit and abilities. But if Stilicho had any longer endured the revolt of Africa, he would have betrayed the ſecurity of the capital, and the majeſty of the Weſtern em⯑peror, to the capricious inſolence of a Mooriſh rebel. Gildo ³⁷, the brother of the tyrant Firmus, had preſerved and obtained, as the reward of his apparent fidelity, the immenſe patrimony which was forfeited by treaſon; long and meritorious ſervice, in the armies of Rome, raiſed him to the dignity of a military count; the narrow policy of the court of Theodoſius had adopted the miſ⯑chievous expedient, of ſupporting a legal go⯑vernment by the intereſt of a powerful family; and the brother of Firmus was inveſted with the command of Africa. His ambition ſoon uſurped the adminiſtration of juſtice, and of the finances, without account, and without controul; and he maintained, during a reign of twelve years, the poſſeſſion of an office from which it was impoſſible [163] to remove him, without the danger of a civil war. During thoſe twelve years, the provinces of Africa groaned under the dominion of a tyrant, who ſeemed to unite the unfeeling temper of a ſtranger, with the partial reſentments of domeſtic faction. The forms of law were often ſuperſeded by the uſe of poiſon; and if the trembling gueſts, who were invited to the table of Gildo, preſumed to expreſs their fears, the inſolent ſuſpicion ſerved only to excite his fury, and he loudly ſummoned the miniſters of death. Gildo alternately indulged the paſſions of avarice and luſt ³⁸; and if his days were terrible to the rich, his nights were not leſs dreadful to huſbands and parents. The faireſt of their wives and daughters were proſti⯑tuted to the embraces of the tyrant; and after⯑wards abandoned to a ferocious troop of Barba⯑rians and aſſaſſins, the black, or ſwarthy, natives of the deſert; whom Gildo conſidered as the only guardians of his throne. In the civil war between Theodoſius and Eugenius, the count, or rather the ſovereign, of Africa, maintained a haughty and ſuſpicious neutrality; refuſed to aſſiſt either of the contending parties with troops or veſſels, expected the declaration of fortune, and reſerved [164] for the conqueror, the vain profeſſions of his alle⯑giance. Such profeſſions would not have ſatis⯑fied the maſter of the Roman world: but the death of Theodoſius, and the weakneſs and diſ⯑cord of his ſons, confirmed the power of the Moor; who condeſcended, as a proof of his mo⯑deration, to abſtain from the uſe of the diadem, and to ſupply Rome with the cuſtomary tribute, or rather ſubſidy, of corn. In every diviſion of the empire, the five provinces of Africa were in⯑variably aſſigned to the Weſt; and Gildo had conſented to govern that extenſive country in the name of Honorius; but his knowledge of the character and deſigns of Stilicho, ſoon engaged him to addreſs his homage to a more diſtant and feeble ſovereign. The miniſters of Arcadius em⯑braced the cauſe of a perfidious rebel; and the deluſive hope of adding the numerous cities of Africa to the empire of the Eaſt, tempted them to aſſert a claim, which they were incapable of ſup⯑porting, either by reaſon, or by arms ³⁹.

When Stilicho had given a firm and deciſive anſwer to the pretenſions of the Byzantine court, He is con⯑demned by the Roman ſenate, A. D. 397. he ſolemnly accuſed the tyrant of Africa before the tribunal, which had formerly judged the kings and nations of the earth; and the image of the republic was revived, after a long interval, under the reign of Honorius. The emperor tranſmitted an accurate and ample detail of the complaints of [165] the provincials, and the crimes of Gildo, to the Roman ſenate; and the members of that vene⯑rable aſſembly were required to pronounce the condemnation of the rebel. Their unanimous ſuffrage declared him the enemy of the republic; and the decree of the ſenate added a ſacred and legitimate ſanction, to the Roman arms ⁴⁰. A people, who ſtill remembered, that their anceſtors had been the maſters of the world, would have ap⯑plauded, with conſcious pride, the repreſentation of ancient freedom; if they had not long ſince been accuſtomed to prefer the ſolid aſſurance of bread, to the unſubſtantial viſions of liberty and greatneſs. The ſubſiſtence of Rome depended on the harveſts of Africa; and it was evident, that a declaration of war would be the ſignal of famine. The praefect Symmachus, who preſided in the deliberations of the ſenate, admoniſhed the miniſter of his juſt apprehenſion, that as ſoon as the revengeful Moor ſhould prohibit the exporta⯑tion of corn, the tranquillity, and perhaps the ſafety, of the capital, would be threatened by the hungry rage of a turbulent multitude ⁴¹. The prudence of Stilicho conceived, and executed, without delay, the moſt effectual meaſure for the relief of the Roman people. A large and ſeaſon⯑able ſupply of corn, collected in the inland pro⯑vinces of Gaul, was embarked on the rapid ſtream [166] of the Rhone, and tranſported, by an eaſy navi⯑gation, from the Rhone to the Tyber. During the whole term of the African war, the granaries of Rome were continually filled, her dignity was vindicated from the humiliating dependence, and the minds of an immenſe people were quieted by the calm confidence of peace and plenty ⁴².

The cauſe of Rome, and the conduct of the The Afri⯑can war, A. D. 398. African war, were entruſted by Stilicho, to a ge⯑neral, active and ardent to avenge his private in⯑juries on the head of the tyrant. The ſpirit of diſcord, which prevailed in the houſe of Nabal, had excited a deadly quarrel between two of his ſons, Gildo and Maſcezel ⁴³. The uſurper pur⯑ſued, with implacable rage, the life of his younger brother, whoſe courage and abilities he feared; and Maſcezel, oppreſſed by ſuperior power, took refuge in the court of Milan: where he ſoon re⯑ceived the cruel intelligence, that his two inno⯑cent and helpleſs children had been murdered by their inhuman uncle. The affliction of the father was ſuſpended only by the deſire of revenge. The vigilant Stilicho already prepared to collect the naval and military forces of the Weſtern empire; and he had reſolved, if the tyrant ſhould be able to wage an equal and doubtful war, to march againſt him in perſon. But as Italy required his [167] preſence, and as it might be dangerous to weaken the defence of the frontier, he judged it more ad⯑viſeable, that Maſcezel ſhould attempt this ar⯑duous adventure, at the head of a choſen body of Gallic veterans, who had lately ſerved under the ſtandard of Eugenius. Theſe troops, who were exhorted to convince the world, that they could ſubvert, as well as defend, the throne of an uſurper, conſiſted of the Jovian, the Herculian, and the Auguſtan, legions; of the Nervian auxi⯑liaries; of the ſoldiers, who diſplayed in their banners the ſymbol of a lion, and of the troops which were diſtinguiſhed by the auſpicious names of Fortunate, and Invincible. Yet ſuch was the ſmallneſs of their eſtabliſhments, or the difficulty of recruiting, that theſe ſeven bands ⁴⁴, of high dignity and reputation in the ſervice of Rome, amounted to no more than five thouſand effective men ⁴⁵. The fleet of gallies and tranſports ſailed in tempeſtuous weather from the port of Piſa, in Tuſcany, and ſteered their courſe to the little iſland of Capraria; which had borrowed that name from the wild goats, its original inhabitants, whoſe place was now occupied by a new colony of a ſtrange and ſavage appearance. ‘"The whole [168] iſland (ſays an ingenious traveller of thoſe times) is filled, or rather defiled, by men, who fly from the light. They call them⯑ſelves Monks, or ſolitaries, becauſe they chuſe to live alone, without any witneſſes of their actions. They fear the gifts of fortune, from the apprehenſion of loſing them; and, leſt they ſhould be miſerable, they embrace a life of voluntary wretchedneſs. How abſurd is their choice! how perverſe their underſtand⯑ing! to dread the evils, without being able to ſupport the bleſſings, of the human condition. Either this melancholy madneſs is the effect of diſeaſe, or elſe the conſciouſneſs of guilt urges theſe unhappy men to exerciſe on their own bodies the tortures which are inflicted on fugi⯑tive ſlaves by the hand of juſtice ⁴⁶."’ Such was the contempt of a profane magiſtrate for the monks of Capraria, who were revered, by the pious Maſcezel, as the choſen ſervants of God ⁴⁷. Some of them were perſuaded, by his intreaties, to embark on board the fleet; and it is obſerved, to the praiſe of the Roman general, that his days and nights were employed in prayer, faſting, and the occupation of ſinging pſalms. The devout leader, [169] who, with ſuch a reinforcement, appeared con⯑fident of victory, avoided the dangerous rocks of Corſica, coaſted along the eaſtern ſide of Sardinia, and ſecured his ſhips againſt the violence of the ſouth wind, by caſting anchor in the ſafe and ca⯑pacious harbour of Cagliari, at the diſtance of one hundred and forty miles from the African ſhores ⁴⁸.

Gildo was prepared to reſiſt the invaſion with Defeat and death of Gildo, A. D. 398. all the forces of Africa. By the liberality of his gifts and promiſes, he endeavoured to ſecure the doubtful allegiance of the Roman ſoldiers, whilſt he attracted to his ſtandard the diſtant tribes of Gaetulia and Aethiopia. He proudly reviewed an army of ſeventy thouſand men, and boaſted, with the raſh preſumption which is the forerunner of diſgrace, that his numerous cavalry would tram⯑ple under their horſes feet, the troops of Maſcezel, and involve, in a cloud of burning ſand, the na⯑tives of the cold regions of Gaul and Germany ⁴⁹. But the Moor, who commanded the legions of Honorius, was too well acquainted with the manners of his countrymen, to entertain any ſe⯑rious apprehenſion of a naked and diſorderly hoſt of Barbarians; whoſe left arm, inſtead of a ſhield, was protected only by a mantle; who were totally diſarmed as ſoon as they had darted their javelin from their right hand; and whoſe horſes had [170] never been taught to bear the controul, or to obey the guidance, of the bridle. He fixed his camp of five thouſand veterans in the face of a ſuperior enemy, and, after the delay of three days, gave the ſignal of a general engagement ⁵⁰. As Maſcezel advanced before the front with fair of⯑fers of peace and pardon, he encountered one of the foremoſt ſtandard-bearers of the Africans, and, on his refuſal to yield, ſtruck him on the arm with his ſword. The arm, and the ſtandard, ſunk under the weight of the blow; and the imaginary act of ſubmiſſion was haſtily repeated by all the ſtandards of the line. At this ſignal, the diſaffected cohorts proclaimed the name of their lawful ſovereign; the Barbarians, aſtoniſhed by the defection of their Roman allies, diſperſed, according to their cuſtom, in tumultuary flight; and Maſcezel obtained the honours of an eaſy, and almoſt bloodleſs, victory ⁵¹. The tyrant eſ⯑caped from the field of battle to the ſea-ſhore; and threw himſelf into a ſmall veſſel, with the hope of reaching in ſafety ſome friendly port of the empire of the Eaſt: but the obſtinacy of the wind drove him back into the harbour of Ta⯑braca ⁵², which had acknowledged, with the reſt [171] of the province, the dominion of Honorius, and the authority of his lieutenant. The inhabitants, as a proof of their repentance and loyalty, ſeized and confined the perſon of Gildo in a dungeon; and his own deſpair ſaved him from the intole⯑rable torture of ſupporting the preſence of an in⯑jured, and victorious, brother ⁵³. The captives, and the ſpoils, of Africa, were laid at the feet of the emperor; but Stilicho, whoſe moderation ap⯑peared more conſpicuous, and more ſincere, in the midſt of proſperity, ſtill affected to conſult the laws of the republic; and referred to the ſenate and people of Rome, the judgment of the moſt illuſtrious criminals ⁵⁴. Their trial was pub⯑lic and ſolemn; but the judges, in the exerciſe of this obſolete and precarious juriſdiction, were impatient to puniſh the African magiſtrates, who had intercepted the ſubſiſtence of the Roman people. The rich and guilty province was op⯑preſſed by the Imperial miniſters, who had a viſible intereſt to multiply the number of the ac⯑complices of Gildo; and if an edict of Honorius ſeems to check the malicious induſtry of in⯑formers, [172] a ſubſequent edict, at the diſtance of ten years, continues and renews the proſecution of the offences which had been committed in the time of the general rebellion ⁵⁵. The adherents of the tyrant who eſcaped the firſt fury of the ſoldiers, and the judges, might derive ſome conſolation from the tragic fate of his brother, who could never obtain his pardon for the extraordinary ſer⯑vices which he had performed. After he had finiſhed an important war in the ſpace of a ſingle winter, Maſcezel was received at the court of Milan with loud applauſe, affected gratitude, and ſecret jealouſy ⁵⁶; and his death, which, per⯑haps, was the effect of accident, has been con⯑ſidered as the crime of Stilicho. In the paſſage of a bridge, the Mooriſh prince, who accom⯑panied the maſter-general of the Weſt, was ſud⯑denly thrown from his horſe into the river; the officious haſte of the attendants was reſtrained by a cruel and preſidious ſmile, which they obſerved on the countenance of Stilicho; and while they delayed the neceſſary aſſiſtance, the unfortunate Maſcezel was irrecoverably drowned ⁵⁷.

The joy of the African triumph was happily connected with the nuptials of the emperor Ho⯑norius, Marriage, and cha⯑racter of Honorius, A. D. 398. [173] and of his couſin Maria, the daughter of Stilicho: and this equal and honourable alliance ſeemed to inveſt the powerful miniſter with the authority of a parent over his ſubmiſſive pupil. The muſe of Claudian was not ſilent on this pro⯑pitious day ⁵⁸: he ſung, in various and lively ſtrains, the happineſs of the royal pair; and the glory of the hero, who confirmed their union, and ſupported their throne. The ancient fables of Greece, which had almoſt ceaſed to be the object of religious faith, were ſaved from oblivion by the genius of poetry. The picture of the Cyprian grove, the ſeat of harmony and love; the tri⯑umphant progreſs of Venus over her native ſeas, and the mild influence which her preſence dif⯑fuſed in the palace of Milan, expreſs to every age the natural ſentiments of the heart, in the juſt and pleaſing language of allegorical fiction. But the amorous impatience, which Claudian attri⯑butes to the young prince ⁵⁹, muſt excite the ſmiles of the court; and his beauteous ſpouſe (if ſhe deſerved the praiſe of beauty) had not [174] much to fear or to hope from the paſſions of her lover. Honorius was only in the fourteenth year of his age; Serena, the mother of his bride, de⯑ferred, by art or perſuaſion, the conſummation of the royal nuptials; Maria died a virgin, after ſhe had been ten years a wife; and the chaſtity of the emperor was ſecured by the coldneſs, or, per⯑haps, the debility, of his conſtitution ⁶⁰. His ſubjects, who attentively ſtudied the character of their young ſovereign, diſcovered that Honorius was without paſſions, and conſequently without talents; and that his feeble and languid diſpoſi⯑tion was alike incapable of diſcharging the duties of his rank, or of enjoying the pleaſures of his age. In his early youth he made ſome progreſs in the exerciſes of riding and drawing the bow: but he ſoon relinquiſhed theſe fatiguing occupa⯑tions, and the amuſement of feeding poultry be⯑came the ſerious and daily care of the monarch of the Weſt ⁶¹, who reſigned the reins of empire to the firm and ſkilful hand of his guardian Stilicho. The experience of hiſtory will countenance the ſuſpicion, that a prince who was born in the purple, received a worſe education than the meaneſt peaſant of his dominions; and that the ambitious miniſter ſuffered him to attain the age of manhood, without attempting to excite his courage, or to enlighten his underſtanding ⁶². [175] The predeceſſors of Honorius were accuſtomed to animate, by their example, or at leaſt by their preſence, the valour of the legions; and the dates of their laws atteſt the perpetual activity of their motions through the provinces of the Roman world. But the ſon of Theodoſius paſſed the ſlumber of his life, a captive in his palace, a ſtranger in his country, and the patient, almoſt the indifferent, ſpectator of the ruin of the Weſt⯑ern empire, which was repeatedly attacked, and finally ſubverted, by the arms of the Barbarians. In the eventful hiſtory of a reign of twenty-eight years, it will ſeldom be neceſſary to mention the name of the emperor Honorius.

CHAP. XXX. Revolt of the Goths.—They plunder Greece.—Two great Invaſions of Italy by Alaric and Radagaiſus.—They are repulſed by Stilicho.—The Germans over⯑run Gaul.—Uſurpation of Conſtantine in the Weſt.—Diſgrace and Death of Stilicho.

IF the ſubjects of Rome could be ignorant of their obligations to the great Theodoſius, they were too ſoon convinced, how painfully the ſpirit and abilities of their deceaſed emperor had Revolt of the Goths, A. D. 395. ſupported the frail and mouldering edifice of the republic. He died in the month of January; and before the end of the winter of the ſame year, the Gothic nation was in arms ¹. The Barbarian auxiliaries erected their independent ſtandard; and boldly avowed the hoſtile deſigns, which they had long cheriſhed in their ferocious minds. Their countrymen, who had been condemned, by the conditions of the laſt treaty, to a life of tran⯑quillity and labour, deſerted their farms at the firſt ſound of the trumpet; and eagerly reſumed the weapons which they had reluctantly laid down. The barriers of the Danube were thrown open; the ſavage warriors of Scythia iſſued from their foreſts; and the uncommon ſeverity of the winter allowed the poet to remark,‘"that they [177] rolled their ponderous waggons over the broad and icy back of the indignant river ²."’ The unhappy natives of the provinces to the South of the Danube, ſubmitted to the calamities, which, in the courſe of twenty years, were almoſt grown familiar to their imagination; and the various troops of Barbarians, who gloried in the Gothic name, were irregularly ſpread from the woody ſhores of Dalmatia, to the walls of Conſtantinople ³. The interruption, or at leaſt the diminution, of the ſubſidy, which the Goths had received from the prudent liberality of Theodoſius, was the ſpe⯑cious pretence of their revolt: the affront was embittered by their contempt for the unwarlike ſons of Theodoſius; and their reſentment was in⯑flamed by the weakneſs, or treachery, of the mi⯑niſter of Arcadius. The frequent viſits of Ru⯑finus to the camp of the Barbarians, whoſe arms and apparel he affected to imitate, were conſidered as a ſufficient evidence of his guilty correſpond⯑ence: and the public enemy, from a motive either of gratitude or of policy, was attentive, amidſt the general devaſtation, to ſpare the private eſtates of the unpopular praefect. The Goths, inſtead [178] of being impelled by the blind and headſtrong paſſions of their chiefs, were now directed by the bold and artful genius of Alaric. That renowned leader was deſcended from the noble race of the Balti ⁴; which yielded only to the royal dignity of the Amali: he had ſolicited the command of the Roman armies; and the Imperial court pro⯑voked him to demonſtrate the folly of their re⯑fuſal, and the importance of their loſs. What⯑ever hopes might be entertained of the conqueſt of Conſtantinople, the judicious general ſoon abandoned an impracticable enterpriſe. In the midſt of a divided court, and a diſcontented people, the emperor Arcadius was terrified by the aſpect of the Gothic arms: but the want of wiſdom and valour was ſupplied by the ſtrength of the city; and the fortifications, both of the ſea and land, might ſecurely brave the impotent and random darts of the Barbarians. Alaric diſdained to trample any longer on the proſtrate and ruined countries of Thrace and Dacia, and he reſolved to ſeek a plentiful harveſt of fame and riches in a province which had hitherto eſcaped the ravages of war ⁵.

[179] The character of the civil and military officers, on whom Rufinus had devolved the government of Greece, confirmed the public ſuſpicion, that Alaric marches into Greece, A. D. 396. he had betrayed the ancient ſeat of freedom and learning to the Gothic invader. The proconſul Antiochus was the unworthy ſon of a reſpectable father; and Gerontius, who commanded the pro⯑vincial troops, was much better qualified to exe⯑cute the oppreſſive orders of a tyrant, than to de⯑fend, with courage and ability, a country moſt re⯑markably fortified by the hand of nature. Alaric had traverſed, without reſiſtance, the plains of Macedonia and Theſſaly, as far as the foot of Mount Oeta, a ſteep and woody range of hills, almoſt impervious to his cavalry. They ſtretched from Eaſt to Weſt, to the edge of the ſea-ſhore; and left, between the precipice and the Malian Gulf, an interval of three hundred feet, which, in ſome places, was contracted to a road capable of admitting only a ſingle carriage ⁶. In this narrow paſs of Thermopylae, where Leonidas and the three hundred Spartans had gloriouſly devoted their lives, the Goths might have been ſtopped, or deſtroyed, by a ſkilful general; and perhaps the view of that ſacred ſpot might have kindled ſome ſparks of military ardour in the breaſts of the degenerate Greeks. The troops which had been poſted to defend the ſtreights of Thermo⯑pylae, retired, as they were directed, without at⯑tempting to diſturb the ſecure and rapid paſſage [180] of Alaric ⁷; and the fertile fields of Phocis, and Baeotia, were inſtantly covered by a deluge of Barbarians; who maſſacred the males of an age to bear arms, and drove away the beautiful fe⯑males, with the ſpoil, and cattle, of the flaming villages. The travellers, who viſited Greece ſe⯑veral years afterwards, could eaſily diſcover the deep and bloody traces of the march of the Goths; and Thebes was leſs indebted for her pre⯑ſervation to the ſtrength of her ſeven gates, than to the eager haſte of Alaric, who advanced to oc⯑cupy the city of Athens, and the important har⯑bour of the Piraeus. The ſame impatience urged him to prevent the delay and danger of a ſiege, by the offer of a capitulation; and as ſoon as the Athenians heard the voice of the Gothic herald, they were eaſily perſuaded to deliver the greateſt part of their wealth, as the ranſom of the city of Minerva, and its inhabitants. The treaty was ratified by ſolemn oaths, and obſerved with mu⯑tual fidelity. The Gothic prince, with a ſmall and ſelect train, was admitted within the walls; he indulged himſelf in the refreſhment of the bath, accepted a ſplendid banquet which was provided by the magiſtrate, and affected to ſhew that he was not ignorant of the manners of civil⯑iſed nations ⁸. But the whole territory of Attica, [181] from the promontory of Sunium to the town of Megara, was blaſted by his baleful preſence; and, if we may uſe the compariſon of a contemporary philoſopher, Athens itſelf reſembled the bleeding and empty ſkin of a ſlaughtered victim. The diſtance between Megara and Corinth could not much exceed thirty miles; but the bad road, an expreſſive name, which it ſtill bears among the the Greeks, was, or might eaſily have been made, impaſſable for the march of an enemy. The thick and gloomy woods of Mount Cithaeron co⯑vered the inland country; the Scironian rocks approached the water's edge, and hung over the narrow and winding path, which was confined above ſix miles along the ſea-ſhore ⁹. The paſſage of thoſe rocks, ſo infamous in every age, was ter⯑minated by the iſthmus of Corinth; and a ſmall body of firm and intrepid ſoldiers might have ſuc⯑ceſsfully defended a temporary intrenchment of five or ſix miles from the Ionian to the Aegean ſea. The confidence of the cities of Peloponneſus, in their natural rampart, had tempted them to [182] neglect the care of their antique walls; and the avarice of the Roman governors had exhauſted and betrayed the unhappy province ¹⁰. Corinth, Argos, Sparta, yielded without reſiſtance to the arms of the Goths; and the moſt fortunate of the inhabitants were ſaved, by death, from beholding the ſlavery of their families, and the conflagra⯑tion of their cities ¹¹. The vaſes and ſtatues were diſtributed among the Barbarians, with more re⯑gard to the value of the materials, than to the elegance of the workmanſhip; the female cap⯑tives ſubmitted to the laws of war; the enjoy⯑ment of beauty was the reward of valour; and the Greeks could not reaſonably complain of an abuſe, which was juſtified by the example of the heroic times ¹². The deſcendants of that extra⯑ordinary people, who had conſidered valour and diſcipline as the walls of Sparta, no longer re⯑membered the generous reply of their anceſtors to an invader more formidable than Alaric. ‘"If thou art a god, thou wilt not hurt thoſe who have never injured thee; if thou art a man, [183] advance:—and thou wilt find men equal to thyſelf ¹³."’ From Thermopylae to Sparta, the leader of the Goths purſued his victorious march without encountering any mortal antagoniſts: but one of the advocates of expiring Paganiſm has confidently aſſerted, that the walls of Athens were guarded by the goddeſs Minerva, with her formidable Aegis, and by the angry phantom of Achilles ¹⁴; and that the conqueror was diſmayed by the preſence of the hoſtile deities of Greece. In an age of miracles, it would perhaps be unjuſt to diſpute the claim of the hiſtorian Zoſimus to the common benefit; yet it cannot be diſſembled, that the mind of Alaric was ill prepared to re⯑ceive, either in ſleeping or waking viſions, the impreſſions of Greek ſuperſtition. The ſongs of Homer, and the fame of Achilles, had probably never reached the ear of the illiterate Barbarian; and the Chriſtian faith, which he had devoutly embraced, taught him to deſpiſe the imaginary deities of Rome and Athens. The invaſion of the Goths, inſtead of vindicating the honour, contributed, at leaſt accidentally, to extirpate the laſt remains of Paganiſm; and the myſteries of Ceres, which had ſubſiſted eighteen hundred [184] years, did not ſurvive the deſtruction of Eleuſis, and the calamities of Greece ¹⁵.

The laſt hope of a people who could no longer depend on their arms, their gods, or their ſove⯑reign, He is at⯑tacked by Stilicho, A. D. 397. was placed in the powerful aſſiſtance of the general of the Weſt; and Stilicho, who had not been permitted to repulſe, advanced to chaſ⯑tiſe, the invaders of Greece ¹⁶. A numerous fleet was equipped in the ports of Italy; and the troops, after a ſhort and proſperous navigation over the Ionian ſea, were ſafely diſembarked on the iſth⯑mus, near the ruins of Corinth. The woody and mountainous country of Arcadia, the fabulous re⯑ſidence of Pan and the Dryads, became the ſcene of a long and doubtful conflict between two ge⯑nerals not unworthy of each other. The ſkill and perſeverance of the Roman at length prevailed: and the Goths, after ſuſtaining a conſiderable loſs from diſeaſe and deſertion, gradually retreated to the lofty mountain of Pholoe, near the ſources of the Peneus, and on the frontiers of Elis; a ſacred country, which had formerly been exempted from the calamities of war ¹⁷. The camp of the Bar⯑barians [185] was immediately beſieged: the waters of the river ¹⁸ were diverted into another channel; and while they laboured under the intolerable preſſure of thirſt and hunger, a ſtrong line of cir⯑cumvallation was formed to prevent their eſcape. After theſe precautions, Stilicho, too confident of victory, retired to enjoy his triumph, in the the⯑atrical games, and laſcivious dances, of the Greeks; his ſoldiers, deſerting their ſtandards, ſpread themſelves over the country of their allies, which they ſtripped of all that had been ſaved from the rapacious hands of the enemy. Alaric appears to have ſeized the favourable moment to execute one of thoſe hardy enterpriſes, in which the abilities of a general are diſplayed with more genuine luſtre, than in the tumult of a day of battle. To extri⯑cate himſelf from the priſon of Peloponneſus, it was neceſſary that he ſhould pierce the intrench⯑ments which ſurrounded his camp; that he ſhould perform a difficult and dangerous march of thirty miles, as far as the Gulf of Corinth; and that he ſhould tranſport his troops, his captives, and his [186] ſpoil, over an arm of the ſea, which, in the nar⯑row interval between Rhium and the oppoſite ſhore, is at leaſt half a mile in breadth ¹⁹. The eſcapes to Epirus. operations of Alaric muſt have been ſecret, pru⯑dent, and rapid; ſince the Roman general was confounded by the intelligence, that the Goths, who had eluded his efforts, were in full poſſeſſion of the important province of Epirus. This un⯑fortunate delay allowed Alaric ſufficient time to conclude the treaty, which he ſecretly negociated, with the miniſters of Conſtantinople. The ap⯑prehenſion of a civil war compelled Stilicho to re⯑tire, at the haughty mandate of his rivals, from the dominions of Arcadius; and he reſpected, in the enemy of Rome, the honourable character of the ally and ſervant of the emperor of the Eaſt.

A Grecian philoſopher ²⁰, who viſited Conſtan⯑tinople ſoon after the death of Theodoſius, pub⯑liſhed Alaric is declared maſter⯑general of the Eaſtern Illyricum, A. D. 398. his liberal opinions concerning the duties of kings, and the ſtate of the Roman republic. Syneſius obſerves, and deplores the fatal abuſe, which the imprudent bounty of the late emperor had introduced into the military ſervice. The citizens, and ſubjects, had purchaſed an exemp⯑tion from the indiſpenſable duty of defending [187] their country; which was ſupported by the arms of Barbarian mercenaries. The fugitives of Scy⯑thia were permitted to diſgrace the illuſtrious dig⯑nities of the empire; their ferocious youth, who diſdained the ſalutary reſtraint of laws, were more anxious to acquire the riches, than to imitate the arts, of a people, the object of their contempt and hatred; and the power of the Goths was the ſtone of Tantalus, perpetually ſuſpended over the peace and ſafety of the devoted ſtate. The meaſures, which Syneſius recommends, are the dictates of a bold and generous patriot. He exhorts the em⯑peror to revive the courage of his ſubjects, by the example of manly virtue; to baniſh luxury from the court, and from the camp; to ſubſtitute, in the place of the Barbarian mercenaries, an army of men, intereſted in the defence of their laws and of their property; to force, in ſuch a mo⯑ment of public danger, the mechanic from his ſhop, and the philoſopher from his ſchool; to rouſe the indolent citizen from his dream of plea⯑ſure, and to arm, for the protection of agriculture, the hands of the laborious huſbandman. At the head of ſuch troops, who might deſerve the name, and would diſplay the ſpirit, of Romans, he ani⯑mates the ſon of Theodoſius to encounter a race of Barbarians, who were deſtitute of any real courage; and never to lay down his arms, till he had chaced them far away into the ſolitudes of Scythia; or had reduced them to the ſtate of ig⯑nominious ſervitude, which the Lacedaemonians formerly impoſed on the captive Helots ²¹. The [188] court of Arcadius indulged the zeal, applauded the eloquence, and neglected the advice, of Sy⯑neſius. Perhaps the philoſopher, who addreſſes the emperor of the Eaſt, in the language of reaſon and virtue, which he might have uſed to a Spartan king, had not condeſcended to form a practicable ſcheme, conſiſtent with the temper, and circumſtances, of a degenerate age. Perhaps the pride of the miniſters, whoſe buſineſs was ſeldom interrupted by reflection, might re⯑ject, as wild and viſionary, every propoſal, which exceeded the meaſure of their capacity, and de⯑viated from the forms and precedents of office. While the oration of Syneſius, and the downfal of the Barbarians, were the topics of popular conver⯑ſation, an edict was publiſhed at Conſtantinople, which declared the promotion of Alaric to the rank of maſter-general of the Eaſtern Illyricum. The Roman provincials, and the allies, who had reſpected the faith of treaties, were juſtly indig⯑nant, that the ruin of Greece and Epirus ſhould be ſo liberally rewarded. The Gothic conqueror was received as a lawful magiſtrate, in the cities which he had ſo lately beſieged. The fathers, whoſe ſons he had maſſacred, the huſbands, whoſe wives he had violated, were ſubject to his autho⯑rity: and the ſucceſs of his rebellion encouraged the ambition of every leader of the foreign mer⯑cenaries. The uſe to which Alaric applied his new command, diſtinguiſhes the firm and judi⯑cious character of his policy. He iſſued his orders to the four magazines and manufactures of offen⯑ſive and defenſive arms, Margus, Ratiaria, Naiſ⯑ſus, [189] and Theſſalonica, to provide his troops with an extraordinary ſupply of ſhields, helmets, ſwords, and ſpears; the unhappy provincials were com⯑pelled to forge the inſtruments of their own de⯑ſtruction; and the Barbarians removed the only defect which had ſometimes diſappointed the ef⯑forts of their courage ²². The birth of Alaric, the glory of his paſt exploits, and the confidence in his future deſigns, inſenſibly united the body of the nation under his victorious ſtandard; and, with the unanimous conſent of the Barbarian chieftains, the maſter-general of Illyricum was elevated, according to ancient cuſtom, on a ſhield, and ſolemnly proclaimed king of the Viſigoths ²³. and king of the Viſi⯑goths. Armed with this double power, ſeated on the verge of the two empires, he alternately ſold his deceitful promiſes to the courts of Arcadius and Honorius ²⁴; till he declared and executed his re⯑ſolution of invading the dominions of the Weſt. The provinces of Europe which belonged to the [190] Eaſtern emperor, were already exhauſted; thoſe of Aſia were inacceſſible; and the ſtrength of Conſtantinople had reſiſted his attack. But he was tempted by the fame, the beauty, the wealth of Italy, which he had twice viſited; and he ſe⯑cretly aſpired to plant the Gothic ſtandard on the walls of Rome, and to enrich his army with the accumulated ſpoils of three hundred triumphs ²⁵.

The ſcarcity of facts ²⁶, and the uncertainty of He invades Italy, A. D. 400—403. dates ²⁷, oppoſe our attempts to deſcribe the cir⯑cumſtances of the firſt invaſion of Italy by the arms of Alaric. His march, perhaps from Theſ⯑ſalonica, through the warlike and hoſtile country of Pannonia, as far as the foot of the Julian Alps; his paſſage of thoſe mountains, which were ſtrongly guarded by troops and intrench⯑ments; the ſiege of Aquileia, and the conqueſt of the provinces of Iſtria and Venetia, appear to have employed a conſiderable time. Unleſs his operations were extremely cautious and ſlow, the [191] length of the interval would ſuggeſt a probable ſuſpicion, that the Gothic king retreated towards the banks of the Danube; and reinforced his army with freſh ſwarms of Barbarians, before he again attempted to penetrate into the heart of Italy. Since the public and important events eſcape the diligence of the hiſtorian, he may amuſe himſelf with contemplating, for a moment, the influence of the arms of Alaric on the fortunes of two obſcure individuals, a preſbyter of Aquileia, and an huſbandman of Verona. The learned Ru⯑finus, who was ſummoned by his enemies to ap⯑pear before a Roman ſynod ²⁸, wiſely preferred the dangers of a beſieged city; and the Barba⯑rians, who furiouſly ſhook the walls of Aquileia, might ſave him from the cruel ſentence of another heretic, who, at the requeſt of the ſame biſhops, was ſeverely whipped, and condemned to per⯑petual exile on a deſert iſland ²⁹. The old man ³⁰, who had paſſed his ſimple and innocent life in the neighbourhood of Verona, was a ſtranger to the [192] quarrels both of kings and biſhops; his pleaſures, his deſires, his knowledge, were confined within the little circle of his paternal farm; and a ſtaff ſupported his aged ſteps, on the ſame ground where he had ſported in his infancy. Yet even this humble and ruſtic felicity (which Claudian deſcribes with ſo much truth and feeling) was ſtill expoſed to the undiſtinguiſhing rage of war. His trees, his old contemporary trees ³¹, muſt blaze in the conflagration of the whole country; a de⯑tachment of Gothic cavalry might ſweep away his cottage and his family; and the power of Alaric could deſtroy this happineſs, which he was not able either to taſte, or to beſtow. ‘"Fame," ſays the poet, "encircling with terror her gloomy wings, proclaimed the march of the Barbarian army, and filled Italy with conſternation:"’ the apprehenſions of each individual were increaſed in juſt proportion to the meaſure of his fortune: and the moſt timid, who had already embarked their valuable effects, meditated their eſcape to the iſland of Sicily, or the African coaſt. The public diſtreſs was aggravated by the fears and re⯑proaches of ſuperſtition ³². Every hour produced [193] ſome horrid tale of ſtrange and portentous acci⯑dents: the Pagans deplored the neglect of omens, and the interruption of ſacrifices; but the Chriſt⯑ians ſtill derived ſome comfort from the powerful interceſſion of the ſaints and martyrs ³³.

The emperor Honorius was diſtinguiſhed, above Honorius flies from Milan, A. D. 403. his ſubjects, by the pre-eminence of fear, as well as of rank. The pride and luxury in which he was educated, had not allowed him to ſuſpect, that there exiſted on the earth any power pre⯑ſumptuous enough to invade the repoſe of the ſucceſſor of Auguſtus. The arts of flattery con⯑cealed the impending danger, till Alaric ap⯑proached the palace of Milan. But when the ſound of war had awakened the young emperor, inſtead of flying to arms with the ſpirit, or even the raſhneſs, of his age, he eagerly liſtened to thoſe timid counſellors, who propoſed to convey his ſacred perſon, and his faithful attendants, to ſome ſecure and diſtant ſtation in the provinces of Gaul. Stilicho alone ³⁴ had courage and au⯑thority to reſiſt this diſgraceful meaſure, which would have abandoned Rome and Italy to the Barbarians; but as the troops of the palace had been lately detached to the Rhaetian frontier, and as the ſource of new levies was ſlow and pre⯑carious, [194] the general of the Weſt could only pro⯑miſe, that, if the court of Milan would maintain their ground during his abſence, he would ſoon return with an army equal to the encounter of the Gothic king. Without loſing a moment (while each moment was ſo important to the public ſafety) Stilicho haſtily embarked on the Larian lake, aſcended the mountains of ice and ſnow, amidſt the ſeverity of an Alpine winter, and ſud⯑denly repreſſed, by his unexpected preſence, the enemy, who had diſturbed the tranquillity of Rhaetia ³⁵. The Barbarians, perhaps ſome tribes of the Alemanni, reſpected the firmneſs of a chief, who ſtill aſſumed the language of command; and the choice which he condeſcended to make, of a ſelect number of their braveſt youth, was con⯑ſidered as a mark of his eſteem and favour. The cohorts, who were delivered from the neighbour⯑ing foe, diligently repaired to the Imperial ſtand⯑ard; and Stilicho iſſued his orders to the moſt remote troops of the Weſt, to advance, by rapid marches, to the defence of Honorius and of Italy. The fortreſſes of the Rhine were abandoned; and the ſafety of Gaul was protected only by the faith of the Germans, and the ancient terror of the Roman name. Even the legion, which had been ſtationed to guard the wall of Britain againſt the Caledonians of the North, was haſtily recalled ³⁶; [195] and a numerous body of the cavalry of the Alani was perſuaded to engage in the ſervice of the emperor, who anxiouſly expected the return of his general. The prudence and vigour of Stili⯑cho were conſpicuous on this occaſion, which revealed, at the ſame time, the weakneſs of the falling empire. The legions of Rome, which had long ſince languiſhed in the gradual decay of diſcipline and courage, were exterminated by the Gothic and civil wars; and it was found impoſ⯑ſible, without exhauſting and expoſing the pro⯑vinces, to aſſemble an army for the defence of Italy.

When Stilicho ſeemed to abandon his ſove⯑reign He is pur⯑ſued and beſieged by the Goths. in the unguarded palace of Milan, he had probably calculated the term of his abſence, the diſtance of the enemy, and the obſtacles that might retard their march. He principally de⯑pended on the rivers of Italy, the Adige, the Mincius, the Oglio, and the Addua; which, in the winter or ſpring, by the fall of rains, or by the melting of the ſnows, are commonly ſwelled into broad and impetuous torrents ³⁷. But the ſeaſon happening to be remarkably dry; and the [196] Goths could traverſe, without impediment, the wide and ſtony beds, whoſe centre was faintly marked by the courſe of a ſhallow ſtream. The bridge and paſſage of the Addua were ſecured by a ſtrong detachment of the Gothic army; and as Alaric approached the walls, or rather the ſub⯑urbs, of Milan, he enjoyed the proud ſatis⯑faction of ſeeing the emperor of the Romans fly before him. Honorius, accompanied by a feeble train of ſtateſmen and eunuchs, haſtily retreated towards the Alps, with a deſign of ſecuring his perſon in the city of Arles, which had often been the royal reſidence of his predeceſſors. But Ho⯑norius ³⁸ had ſcarcely paſſed the Po, before he was overtaken by the ſpeed of the Gothic ca⯑valry ³⁹; ſince the urgency of the danger com⯑pelled him to ſeek a temporary ſhelter within the fortification of Aſta, a town of Liguria or Pie⯑mont, ſituate on the banks of the Tanarus ⁴⁰. The ſiege of an obſcure place, which contained ſo rich a prize, and ſeemed incapable of a long reſiſtance, was inſtantly formed, and indefatigably preſſed, by the king of the Goths; and the bold declaration, which the emperor might afterwards [197] make, that his breaſt had never been ſuſceptible of fear, did not probably obtain much credit, even in his own court ⁴¹. In the laſt, and almoſt hope⯑leſs extremity, after the Barbarians had already propoſed the indignity of a capitulation, the Im⯑perial captive was ſuddenly relieved by the fame, the approach, and at length the preſence of the hero, whom he had ſo long expected. At the head of a choſen and intrepid vanguard, Stilicho ſwam the ſtream of the Addua, to gain the time which he muſt have loſt in the attack of the bridge; the paſſage of the Po was an enterpriſe of much leſs hazard and difficulty; and the ſuc⯑ceſsful action, in which he cut his way through the Gothic camp under the walls of Aſta, re⯑vived the hopes, and vindicated the honour, of Rome. Inſtead of graſping the fruit of his vic⯑tory, the Barbarian was gradually inveſted, on every ſide, by the troops of the Weſt, who ſuc⯑ceſſively iſſued through all the paſſes of the Alps; his quarters were ſtraightened; his convoys were intercepted; and the vigilance of the Romans prepared to form a chain of fortifications, and to beſiege the lines of the beſiegers. A military council was aſſembled of the long-haired chiefs of the Gothic nation; of aged warriors, whoſe bodies were wrapped in furs, and whoſe ſtern countenances were marked with honourable wounds. They weighed the glory of perſiſting [198] in their attempt againſt the advantage of ſecuring their plunder; and they recommended the pru⯑dent meaſure of a ſeaſonable retreat. In this im⯑portant debate, Alaric diſplayed the ſpirit of the conqueror of Rome; and after he had reminded his countrymen of their atchievements and of their deſigns, he concluded his animating ſpeech, by the ſolemn and poſitive aſſurance, that he was reſolved to find in Italy, either a kingdom, or a grave ⁴².

The looſe diſcipline of the Barbarians always expoſed them to the danger of a ſurpriſe; but, Battle of Pollentia, A. D. 403. March 29. inſtead of chuſing the diſſolute hours of riot and intemperance, Stilicho reſolved to attack the Chriſtian Goths whilſt they were devoutly em⯑ployed in celebrating the feſtival of Eaſter ⁴³. The execution of the ſtratagem, or, as it was termed by the clergy, of the ſacrilege, was en⯑truſted to Saul, a Barbarian and a Pagan, who had ſerved, however, with diſtinguiſhed reputa⯑tion among the veteran generals of Theodoſius. The camp of the Goths, which Alaric had pitched [199] in the neighbourhood of Pollentia ⁴⁴, was thrown into confuſion by the ſudden and impetuous charge of the Imperial cavalry; but, in a few moments, the undaunted genius of their leader gave them an order, and a field, of battle; and, as ſoon as they had recovered from their aſtoniſh⯑ment, the pious confidence, that the God of the Chriſtians would aſſert their cauſe, added new ſtrength to their native valour. In this engage⯑ment, which was long maintained with equal courage and ſucceſs, the chief of the Alani, whoſe diminutive and ſavage form concealed a magna⯑nimous ſoul, approved his ſuſpected loyalty, by the zeal with which he fought, and fell, in the ſervice of the republic; and the fame of this gal⯑lant Barbarian has been imperfectly preſerved in the verſes of Claudian, ſince the poet, who cele⯑brates his virtue, has omitted the mention of his name. His death was followed by the flight and diſmay of the ſquadrons which he command⯑ed; and the defeat of the wing of cavalry might have decided the victory of Alaric, if Stilicho had not immediately led the Roman and Barbarian infantry to the attack. The ſkill of the general, and the bravery of the ſoldiers, ſurmounted every obſtacle. In the evening of the bloody day, the Goths retreated from the field of battle; the in⯑trenchments of their camp were forced, and the ſcene of rapine and ſlaughter made ſome atone⯑ment [200] for the calamities which they had inflicted on the ſubjects of the empire ⁴⁵. The magnificent ſpoils of Corinth and Argos enriched the veterans of the Weſt; the captive wife of Alaric, who had impatiently claimed his promiſe of Roman jewels and Patrician handmaids ⁴⁶, was reduced to im⯑plore the mercy of the inſulting foe; and many thouſand priſoners, releaſed from the Gothic chains, diſperſed through the provinces of Italy the praiſes of their heroic deliverer. The triumph of Stilicho ⁴⁷ was compared by the poet, and per⯑haps by the public, to that of Marius; who, in the ſame part of Italy, had encountered and de⯑ſtroyed another army of northern Barbarians. The huge bones, and the empty helmets, of the Cimbri and of the Goths, would eaſily be con⯑founded by ſucceeding generations; and poſterity might erect a common trophy to the memory of the two moſt illuſtrious generals, who had van⯑quiſhed, on the ſame memorable ground, the two moſt formidable enemies of Rome ⁴⁸.

[201] The eloquence of Claudian ⁴⁹ has celebrated, with laviſh applauſe, the victory of Pollentia, one of the moſt glorious days in the life of his patron; Boldneſs and retreat of Alaric. but his reluctant and partial muſe beſtows more genuine praiſe on the character of the Gothic king. His name is indeed branded with the re⯑proachful epithets of pirate and robber, to which the conquerors of every age are ſo juſtly entitled; but the poet of Stilicho is compelled to acknow⯑ledge, that Alaric poſſeſſed the invincible temper of mind, which riſes ſuperior to every misfortune, and derives new reſources from adverſity. After the total defeat of his infantry, he eſcaped, or ra⯑ther withdrew, from the field of battle, with the greateſt part of his cavalry entire and unbroken. Without waſting a moment to lament the irre⯑parable loſs of ſo many brave companions, he left his victorious enemy to bind in chains the captive images of a Gothic king ⁵⁰; and boldly reſolved to break through the unguarded paſſes of the Apennine, to ſpread deſolation over the fruitful face of Tuſcany, and to conquer or die before the [202] gates of Rome. The capital was ſaved by the active and inceſſant diligence of Stilicho: but he reſpected the deſpair of his enemy; and, inſtead of committing the fate of the republic to the chance of another battle, he propoſed to purchaſe the abſence of the Barbarians. The ſpirit of Alaric would have rejected ſuch terms, the per⯑miſſion of a retreat, and the offer of a penſion, with contempt and indignation; but he exerciſed a limited and precarious authority over the inde⯑pendent chieftains, who had raiſed him, for their ſervice, above the rank of his equals; they were ſtill leſs diſpoſed to follow an unſucceſsful gene⯑ral, and many of them were tempted to conſult their intereſt by a private negociation with the miniſter of Honorius. The king ſubmitted to the voice of his people, ratified the treaty with the empire of the Weſt, and repaſſed the Po, with the remains of the flouriſhing army which he had led into Italy. A conſiderable part of the Roman forces ſtill continued to attend his mo⯑tions; and Stilicho, who maintained a ſecret cor⯑reſpondence with ſome of the Barbarian chiefs, was punctually appriſed of the deſigns that were formed in the camp and council of Alaric. The king of the Goths, ambitious to ſignalize his re⯑treat by ſome ſplendid atchievement, had re⯑ſolved to occupy the important city of Verona, which commands the principal paſſage of the Rhaetian Alps; and, directing his march through the territories of thoſe German tribes, whoſe al⯑liance would reſtore his exhauſted ſtrength, to in⯑vade, on the ſide of the Rhine, the wealthy and [203] unſuſpecting provinces of Gaul. Ignorant of the treaſon, which had already betrayed his bold and judicious enterpriſe, he advanced towards the paſſes of the mountains, already poſſeſſed by the Imperial troops; where he was expoſed, almoſt at the ſame inſtant, to a general attack in the front, on his flanks, and in the rear. In this bloody action, at a ſmall diſtance from the walls of Verona, the loſs of the Goths was not leſs heavy than that which they had ſuſtained in the defeat of Pollentia; and their valiant king, who eſcaped by the ſwiftneſs of his horſe, muſt either have been ſlain or made priſoner, if the haſty raſhneſs of the Alani had not diſappointed the meaſures of the Roman general. Alaric ſecured the remains of his army on the adjacent rocks; and prepared himſelf, with undaunted reſolution, to maintain a ſiege againſt the ſuperior numbers of the enemy, who inveſted him on all ſides. But he could not oppoſe the deſtructive progreſs of hunger and diſeaſe; nor was it poſſible for him to check the continual deſertion of his impatient and capricious Barbarians. In this extremity he ſtill found reſources in his own courage, or in the moderation of his adverſary; and the retreat of the Gothic king was conſidered as the deliver⯑ance of Italy ⁵¹. Yet the people, and even the clergy, incapable of forming any rational judg⯑ment of the buſineſs of peace and war, preſumed to arraign the policy of Stilicho, who ſo often vanquiſhed, ſo often ſurrounded, and ſo often [204] diſmiſſed the implacable enemy of the republic. The firſt moment of the public ſafety is devoted to gratitude and joy; but the ſecond is diligently occupied by envy and calumny ⁵².

The citizens of Rome had been aſtoniſhed by The tri⯑umph of Honorius, at Rome, A. D. 404. the approach of Alaric; and the diligence with which they laboured to reſtore the walls of the capital, confeſſed their own fears, and the de⯑cline of the empire. After the retreat of the Barbarians, Honorius was directed to accept the dutiful invitation of the ſenate, and to celebrate, in the Imperial city, the auſpicious aera of the Gothic victory, and of his ſixth conſulſhip ⁵³. The ſuburbs and the ſtreets, from the Milvian bridge to the Palatine mount, were filled by the Roman people, who, in the ſpace of an hundred years, had only thrice been honoured with the preſence of their ſovereigns. While their eyes were fixed on the chariot where Stilicho was de⯑ſervedly ſeated by the ſide of his royal pupil, they applauded the pomp of a triumph, which was not ſtained, like that of Conſtantine, or of Theodo⯑ſius, with civil blood. The proceſſion paſſed under a lofty arch, which had been purpoſely erected: but in leſs than ſeven years, the Gothic conquerors of Rome might read, if they were able to read, the ſuperb inſcription of that mo⯑nument, which atteſted the total defeat and de⯑ſtruction [205] of their nation ⁵⁴. The emperor reſided ſeveral months in the capital, and every part of his behaviour was regulated with care to conciliate the affection of the clergy, the ſenate, and the people of Rome. The clergy was edified by his frequent viſits, and liberal gifts, to the ſhrines of the apoſtles. The ſenate, who, in the triumphal proceſſion, had been excuſed from the humiliat⯑ing ceremony of preceding on foot the Imperial chariot, was treated with the decent reverence which Stilicho always affected for that aſſembly. The people was repeatedly gratified by the atten⯑tion and courteſy of Honorius in the public games, which were celebrated on that occaſion with a magnificence not unworthy of the ſpecta⯑tor. As ſoon as the appointed number of chariot⯑races was concluded, the decoration of the Circus was ſuddenly changed; the hunting of wild beaſts afforded a various and ſplendid entertainment; and the chace was ſucceeded by a military dance, which ſeems, in the lively deſcription of Claudian, to preſent the image of a modern tournament.

In theſe games of Honorius, the inhuman com⯑bats The gla⯑diators aboliſhed. of gladiators ⁵⁵ polluted, for the laſt time, the amphitheatre of Rome. The firſt Chriſtian em⯑peror may claim the honour of the firſt edict, which condemned the art and amuſement of ſhed⯑ding [206] human blood ⁵⁶; but this benevolent law ex⯑preſſed the wiſhes of the prince, without reform⯑ing an inveterate abuſe, which degraded a civil⯑iſed nation below the condition of ſavage canni⯑bals. Several hundred, perhaps ſeveral thou⯑ſand, victims were annually ſlaughtered in the great cities of the empire; and the month of December, more peculiarly devoted to the com⯑bats of gladiators, ſtill exhibited, to the eyes of the Roman people, a grateful ſpectacle of blood and cruelty. Amidſt the general joy of the vic⯑tory of Pollentia, a Chriſtian poet exhorted the emperor to extirpate, by his authority, the horrid cuſtom which had ſo long reſiſted the voice of hu⯑manity and religion ⁵⁷. The pathetic repreſenta⯑tions of Prudentius were leſs effectual than the generous boldneſs of Telemachus, an Aſiatic monk, whoſe death was more uſeful to mankind than his life ⁵⁸. The Romans were provoked by the interruption of their pleaſures; and the raſh monk, who had deſcended into the arena, to ſe⯑parate the gladiators, was overwhelmed under a ſhower of ſtones. But the madneſs of the people [207] ſoon ſubſided; they reſpected the memory of Te⯑lemachus, who had deſerved the honours of mar⯑tyrdom; and they ſubmitted, without a mur⯑mur, to the laws of Honorius, which aboliſhed for ever the human ſacrifices of the amphitheatre. The citizens, who adhered to the manners of their anceſtors, might perhaps inſinuate, that the laſt remains of a martial ſpirit were preſerved in this ſchool of fortitude, which accuſtomed the Romans to the ſight of blood, and to the con⯑tempt of death: a vain and cruel prejudice, ſo nobly confuted by the valour of ancient Greece, and of modern Europe ⁵⁹!

The recent danger, to which the perſon of the Honorius fixes his reſidence at Ra⯑venna, A. D. 404. emperor had been expoſed in the defenceleſs pa⯑lace of Milan, urged him to ſeek a retreat in ſome inacceſſible fortreſs of Italy, where he might ſecurely remain, while the open country was co⯑vered by a deluge of Barbarians. On the coaſt of the Hadriatic, about ten or twelve miles from the moſt ſouthern of the ſeven mouths of the Po, the Theſſalians had founded the ancient colony of RAVENNA ⁶⁰, which they afterwards reſigned [208] to the natives of Umbria. Auguſtus, who had obſerved the opportunity of the place, prepared, at the diſtance of three miles from the old town, a capacious harbour, for the reception of two hundred and fifty ſhips of war. This naval eſta⯑bliſhment, which included the arſenals and maga⯑zines, the barracks of the troops, and the houſes of the artificers, derived its origin and name from the permanent ſtation of the Roman fleet; the intermediate ſpace was ſoon filled with buildings and inhabitants, and the three extenſive and po⯑pulous quarters of Ravenna gradually contri⯑buted to form one of the moſt important cities of Italy. The principal canal of Auguſtus poured a copious ſtream of the waters of the Po through the midſt of the city, to the entrance of the har⯑bour; the ſame waters were introduced into the profound ditches that encompaſſed the walls; they were diſtributed, by a thouſand ſubordinate canals, into every part of the city, which they divided into a variety of ſmall iſlands; the com⯑munication was maintained only by the uſe of boats and bridges; and the houſes of Ravenna, whoſe appearance may be compared to that of Venice, were raiſed on the foundation of wooden piles. The adjacent country, to the diſtance of many miles, was a deep and impaſſable moraſs; and the artificial cauſeway, which connected Ra⯑venna with the continent, might be eaſily guard⯑ed, or deſtroyed, on the approach of an hoſtile army. Theſe moraſſes were interſperſed, how⯑ever, with vineyards; and though the ſoil was exhauſted by four or five crops, the town enjoyed [209] a more plentiful ſupply of wine than of freſh water ⁶¹. The air, inſtead of receiving the ſickly, and almoſt peſtilential, exhalations of low and marſhy grounds, was diſtinguiſhed, like the neigh⯑bourhood of Alexandria, as uncommonly pure and ſalubrious; and this ſingular advantage was aſcribed to the regular tides of the Hadriatic, which ſwept the canals, interrupted the unwhole⯑ſome ſtagnation of the waters, and floated, every day, the veſſels of the adjacent country into the heart of Ravenna. The gradual retreat of the ſea has left the modern city at the diſtance of four miles from the Hadriatic; and as early as the fifth or ſixth century of the Chriſtian aera, the port of Auguſtus was converted into pleaſant orchards; and a lonely grove of pines covered the ground where the Roman fleet once rode at anchor ⁶². Even this alteration contributed to encreaſe the natural ſtrength of the place; and the ſhallow⯑neſs of the water was a ſufficient barrier againſt the large ſhips of the enemy. This advantageous ſituation was fortified by art and labour; and in the twentieth year of his age, the emperor of the [210] Weſt, anxious only for his perſonal ſafety, retired to the perpetual confinement of the walls and moraſſes of Ravenna. The example of Hono⯑rius was imitated by his feeble ſucceſſors, the Gothic kings, and afterwards the Exarchs, who occupied the throne and palace of the emperors; and, till the middle of the eighth century, Ra⯑venna was conſidered as the ſeat of government, and the capital of Italy ⁶³.

The fears of Honorius were not without foun⯑dation, nor were his precautions without effect. The revo⯑lutions of Scythia, A. D. 400. While Italy rejoiced in her deliverance from the Goths, a furious tempeſt was excited among the nations of Germany, who yielded to the irreſiſt⯑ible impulſe, that appears to have been gradually communicated from the eaſtern extremity of the continent of Aſia. The Chineſe annals, as they have been interpreted by the learned induſtry of the preſent age, may be uſefully applied to re⯑veal the ſecret and remote cauſes of the fall of the Roman empire. The extenſive territory to the north of the great wall, was poſſeſſed, after the flight of the Huns, by the victorious Sienpi; who were ſometimes broken into independent tribes, and ſometimes re-united under a ſupreme chief; till at length ſtyling themſelves Topa, or maſters of the earth, they acquired a more ſolid conſiſtence, and a more formidable power. The Topa ſoon compelled the paſtoral nations of the eaſtern deſert to acknowledge the ſuperiority of [211] their arms; they invaded China in a period of weakneſs and inteſtine diſcord; and theſe for⯑tunate Tartars, adopting the laws and manners of the vanquiſhed people, founded an Imperial dynaſty, which reigned near one hundred and ſixty years over the northern provinces of the monarchy. Some generations before they aſ⯑cended the throne of China, one of the Topa princes had enliſted in his cavalry a ſlave of the name of Moko, renowned for his valour; but who was tempted, by the fear of puniſhment, to deſert his ſtandard, and to range the deſert at the head of an hundred followers. This gang of rob⯑bers and outlaws ſwelled into a camp, a tribe, a numerous people, diſtinguiſhed by the appella⯑tion of Geougen; and their hereditary chieftains, the poſterity of Moko the ſlave, aſſumed their rank among the Scythian monarchs. The youth of Toulun, the greateſt of his deſcendants, was exerciſed by thoſe misfortunes which are the ſchool of heroes. He bravely ſtruggled with ad⯑verſity, broke the imperious yoke of the Topa, and became the legiſlator of his nation, and the conqueror of Tartary. His troops were diſtributed into regular bands of an hundred and of a thou⯑ſand men; cowards were ſtoned to death; the moſt ſplendid honours were propoſed as the re⯑ward of valour; and Toulun, who had know⯑ledge enough to deſpiſe the learning of China, adopted only ſuch arts and inſtitutions as were favourable to the military ſpirit of his govern⯑ment. His tents, which he removed in the win⯑ter ſeaſon to a more ſouthern latitude, were [212] pitched, during the ſummer, on the fruitful banks of the Selinga. His conqueſts ſtretched from Corea far beyond the river Irtiſh. He vanquiſh⯑ed, in the country to the North of the Caſpian ſea, the nation of the Huns; and the new title of Khan, or Cagan, expreſſed the fame and power which he derived from this memorable victory ⁶⁴.

The chain of events is interrupted, or rather Emigra⯑tion of the northern Germans, A. D. 405. is concealed, as it paſſes from the Volga to the Viſtula, through the dark interval which ſepa⯑rates the extreme limits of the Chineſe, and of the Roman, geography. Yet the temper of the Bar⯑barians, and the experience of ſucceſſive emigra⯑tions, ſufficiently declare, that the Huns, who were oppreſſed by the arms of the Geougen, ſoon withdrew from the preſence of an inſulting victor. The countries towards the Euxine were already occupied by their kindred tribes; and their haſty flight, which they ſoon converted into a bold at⯑tack, would more naturally be directed towards the rich and level plains, through which the Viſtula gently flows into the Baltic ſea. The North muſt again have been alarmed, and agi⯑tated, by the invaſion of the Huns; and the na⯑tions who retreated before them, muſt have preſſed with incumbent weight on the confines of Germany ⁶⁵. The inhabitants of thoſe regions, [213] which the ancients have aſſigned to the Suevi, the Vandals, and the Burgundians, might embrace the reſolution of abandoning to the fugitives of Sarmatia, their woods and moraſſes; or at leaſt of diſcharging their ſuperfluous numbers on the provinces of the Roman empire ⁶⁶. About four years after the victorious Toulun had aſſumed the title of Khan of the Geougen, another Barbarian, the haughty Rhodogaſt, or Radagaiſus ⁶⁷, march⯑ed from the northern extremities of Germany al⯑moſt to the gates of Rome, and left the remains of his army to atchieve the deſtruction of the Weſt. The Vandals, the Suevi, and the Bur⯑gundians, formed the ſtrength of this mighty hoſt; but the Alani, who had found an ho⯑ſpitable reception in their new ſeats, added their active cavalry to the heavy infantry of the Ger⯑mans; and the Gothic adventurers crowded ſo eagerly to the ſtandard of Radagaiſus, that, by ſome hiſtorians, he has been ſtyled the King of the Goths. Twelve thouſand warriors, diſtin⯑guiſhed above the vulgar by their noble birth, or their valiant deeds, glittered in the van ⁶⁸; and [214] the whole multitude, which was not leſs than two hundred thouſand fighting men, might be increaſed, by the acceſſion of women, of chil⯑dren, and of ſlaves, to the amount of four hun⯑dred thouſand perſons. This formidable emi⯑gration iſſued from the ſame coaſt of the Baltic, which had poured forth the myriads of the Cim⯑bri and Teutones, to aſſault Rome and Italy in the vigour of the republic. After the departure of thoſe Barbarians, their native country, which was marked by the veſtiges of their greatneſs, long ramparts, and gigantic moles ⁶⁹, remained, during ſome ages, a vaſt and dreary ſolitude; till the human ſpecies was renewed by the powers of generation, and the vacancy was filled by the influx of new inhabitants. The nations who now uſurp an extent of land, which they are unable to cultivate, would ſoon be aſſiſted by the induſtrious poverty of their neighbours, if the government of Europe did not protect the claims of dominion and property.

The correſpondence of nations was, in that age, ſo imperfect and precarious, that the revo⯑lutions Radagai⯑ſus invades Italy, A. D. 406. of the North might eſcape the knowledge of the court of Ravenna; till the dark cloud, which was collected along the coaſt of the Baltic, burſt in thunder upon the banks of the Upper Danube. The emperor of the Weſt, if his mi⯑niſters diſturbed his amuſements by the news of [215] the impending danger, was ſatisfied with being the occaſion, and the ſpectator of the war ⁷⁰. The ſafety of Rome was entruſted to the counſels, and the ſword, of Stilicho; but ſuch was the feeble and exhauſted ſtate of the empire, that it was im⯑poſſible to reſtore the fortifications of the Danube, or to prevent, by a vigorous effort, the invaſion of the Germans ⁷¹. The hopes of the vigilant miniſter of Honorius were confined to the de⯑fence of Italy. He once more abandoned the provinces, recalled the troops, preſſed the new levies, which were rigorouſly exacted, and puſil⯑lanimouſly eluded; employed the moſt efficacious means to arreſt, or allure, the deſerters; and of⯑fered the gift of freedom, and of two pieces of gold, to all the ſlaves who would enliſt ⁷². By theſe efforts he painfully collected, from the ſub⯑jects of a great empire, an army of thirty or forty thouſand men, which, in the days of Scipio or Camillus, would have been inſtantly furniſhed by [216] the free citizens of the territory of Rome ⁷³. The thirty legions of Stilicho were reinforced by a large body of Barbarian auxiliaries; the faithful Alani were perſonally attached to his ſervice; and the troops of Huns and of Goths, who march⯑ed under the banners of their native princes, Huldin and Sarus, were animated by intereſt and reſentment to oppoſe the ambition of Radagaiſus. The king of the confederate Germans paſſed, without reſiſtance, the Alps, the Po, and the Apennine; leaving on one hand the inacceſſible palace of Honorius, ſecurely buried among the marſhes of Ravenna; and, on the other, the camp of Stilicho, who had fixed his head-quarters at Ticinum, or Pavia, but who ſeems to have avoided a deciſive battle, till he had aſſembled his diſtant forces. Many cities of Italy were pillaged, or deſtroyed; and the ſiege of Flo⯑rence ⁷⁴, by Radagaiſus, is one of the earlieſt Beſieges Florence, events in the hiſtory of that celebrated republic; whoſe firmneſs checked and delayed the unſkilful fury of the Barbarians. The ſenate and people trembled at their approach within an hundred and [217] eighty miles of Rome; and anxiouſly compared the danger which they had eſcaped, with the new perils to which they were expoſed. Alaric was a Chriſtian and a ſoldier, the leader of a diſ⯑ciplined army; who underſtood the laws of war, who reſpected the ſanctity of treaties, and who had familiarly converſed with the ſubjects of the empire in the ſame camps, and the ſame churches. The ſavage Radagaiſus was a ſtranger to the man⯑ners, the religion, and even the language, of the civiliſed nations of the South. The fierceneſs of his temper was exaſperated by cruel ſuperſtition; and it was univerſally believed, that he had bound himſelf, by a ſolemn vow, to reduce the city in⯑to and threat⯑ens Rome. a heap of ſtones and aſhes, and to ſacrifice the moſt illuſtrious of the Roman ſenators, on the altars of thoſe gods, who were appeaſed by hu⯑man blood. The public danger, which ſhould have reconciled all domeſtic animoſities, diſplay⯑ed the incurable madneſs of religious faction. The oppreſſed votaries of Jupiter and Mercury reſpected, in the implacable enemy of Rome, the character of a devout Pagan; loudly declared, that they were more apprehenſive of the ſacri⯑fices, than of the arms, of Radagaiſus; and ſe⯑cretly rejoiced in the calamities of their country, which condemned the faith of their Chriſtian ad⯑verſaries ⁷⁵.

[218] Florence was reduced to the laſt extremity; and the fainting courage of the citizens was ſup⯑ported only by the authority of St. Ambroſe; Defeat and deſtruction of his army by Stili⯑cho, A. D. 406. who had communicated, in a dream, the promiſe of a ſpeedy deliverance ⁷⁶. On a ſudden they be⯑held, from their walls, the banners of Stilicho, who advanced, with his united force, to the re⯑lief of the faithful city; and who ſoon marked that fatal ſpot for the grave of the Barbarian hoſt. The apparent contradictions of thoſe writers who variouſly relate the defeat of Radagaiſus, may be reconciled, without offering much violence to their reſpective teſtimonies. Oroſius and Au⯑guſtin, who were intimately connected by friend⯑ſhip and religion, aſcribe this miraculous victory to the providence of God, rather than to the va⯑lour of man ⁷⁷. They ſtrictly exclude every idea of chance, or even of bloodſhed; and poſitively affirm, that the Romans, whoſe camp was the ſcene of plenty and idleneſs, enjoyed the diſtreſs of the Barbarians, ſlowly expiring on the ſharp and barren ridge of the hills of Faeſulae, which riſe above the city of Florence. Their extrava⯑gant aſſertion, that not a ſingle ſoldier of the Chriſtian army was killed, or even wounded, may [219] be diſmiſſed with ſilent contempt; but the reſt of the narrative of Auguſtin and Oroſius is conſiſtent with the ſtate of the war, and the character of Stilicho. Conſcious that he commanded the laſt army of the republic, his prudence would not ex⯑poſe it, in the open field, to the headſtrong fury of the Germans. The method of ſurrounding the enemy with ſtrong lines of circumvallation, which he had twice employed againſt the Gothic king, was repeated on a larger ſcale, and with more conſiderable effect. The examples of Caeſar muſt have been familiar to the moſt illiterate of the Roman warriors; and the fortifications of Dyrra⯑chium, which connected twenty-four caſtles, by a perpetual ditch and rampart of fifteen miles, afforded the model of an intrenchment which might confine, and ſtarve, the moſt numerous hoſt of Barbarians ⁷⁸. The Roman troops had leſs degenerated from the induſtry, than from the valour, of their anceſtors; and if the ſervile and laborious work offended the pride of the ſoldiers, Tuſcany could ſupply many thouſand peaſants, who would labour, though, perhaps, they would not fight, for the ſalvation of their native coun⯑try. The impriſoned multitude of horſes and men ⁷⁹ was gradually deſtroyed by famine, rather [220] than by the ſword; but the Romans were ex⯑poſed, during the progreſs of ſuch an extenſive work, to the frequent attacks of an impatient enemy. The deſpair of the hungry Barbarians would precipitate them againſt the fortifications of Stilicho; the general might ſometimes indulge the ardour of his brave auxiliaries, who eagerly preſſed to aſſault the camp of the Germans; and theſe various incidents might produce the ſharp and bloody conflicts which dignify the narrative of Zoſimus, and the Chronicles of Proſper and Marcellinus ⁸⁰. A ſeaſonable ſupply of men and proviſions had been introduced into the walls of Florence; and the famiſhed hoſt of Radagaiſus was in its turn beſieged. The proud monarch of ſo many warlike nations, after the loſs of his braveſt warriors, was reduced to confide either in the faith of a capitulation, or in the clemency of Stilicho ⁸¹. But the death of the royal captive, who was ignominiouſly beheaded, diſgraced the triumph of Rome and of Chriſtianity; and the ſhort delay of his execution was ſufficient to brand the conqueror with the guilt of cool and [221] deliberate cruelty ⁸². The famiſhed Germans, who eſcaped the fury of the auxiliaries, were ſold as ſlaves, at the contemptible price of as many ſingle pieces of gold: but the difference of food and climate ſwept away great numbers of thoſe unhappy ſtrangers; and it was obſerved, that the inhuman purchaſers, inſtead of reaping the fruits of their labour, were ſoon obliged to provide the expence of their interment. Stilicho informed the emperor and the ſenate of his ſucceſs; and deſerved, a ſecond time, the glorious title of De⯑liverer of Italy ⁸³.

The fame of the victory, and more eſpecially The re⯑mainder of the Ger⯑mans in⯑vade Gaul, A. D. 406, Dec. 31. of the miracle, has encouraged a vain perſuaſion, that the whole army, or rather nation, of Ger⯑mans, who migrated from the ſhores of the Baltic, miſerably periſhed under the walls of Florence. Such indeed was the fate of Radagaiſus himſelf, of his brave and faithful companions, and of more than one-third of the various multitude of Sueves and Vandals, of Alani and Burgundians, who adhered to the ſtandard of their general ⁸⁴. The union of ſuch an army might excite our ſur⯑priſe, [222] but the cauſes of ſeparation are obvious and forcible; the pride of birth, the inſolence of va⯑lour, the jealouſy of command, the impatience of ſubordination, and the obſtinate conflict of opi⯑nions, of intereſts, and of paſſions, among ſo many kings and warriors, who were untaught to yield, or to obey. After the defeat of Rada⯑gaiſus, two parts of the German hoſt, which muſt have exceeded the number of one hundred thou⯑ſand men, ſtill remained in arms, between the Apennine and the Alps, or between the Alps and the Danube. It is uncertain whether they at⯑tempted to revenge the death of their general; but their irregular fury was ſoon diverted by the prudence and firmneſs of Stilicho, who oppoſed their march, and facilitated their retreat; who conſidered the ſafety of Rome and Italy as the great object of his care, and who ſacrificed, with too much indifference, the wealth and tranquil⯑lity of the diſtant provinces ⁸⁵. The Barbarians acquired, from the junction of ſome Pannonian deſerters, the knowledge of the country, and of the roads; and the invaſion of Gaul, which Alaric had deſigned, was executed by the remains of the great army of Radagaiſus ⁸⁶.

[223] Yet if they expected to derive any aſſiſtance from the tribes of Germany, who inhabited the banks of the Rhine, their hopes were diſappoint⯑ed. The Alemanni preſerved a ſtate of inactive neutrality; and the Franks diſtinguiſhed their zeal and courage in the defence of the empire. In the rapid progreſs down the Rhine, which was the firſt act of the adminiſtration of Stilicho, he had applied himſelf, with peculiar attention, to ſecure the alliance of the warlike Franks, and to remove the irreconcileable enemies of peace and of the republic. Marcomir, one of their kings, was publicly convicted, before the tribunal of the Roman magiſtrate, of violating the faith of trea⯑ties. He was ſentenced to a mild, but diſtant, exile, in the province of Tuſcany; and this de⯑gradation of the regal dignity was ſo far from ex⯑citing the reſentment of his ſubjects, that they puniſhed with death the turbulent Sunno, who attempted to revenge his brother; and main⯑tained a dutiful allegiance to the princes, who were eſtabliſhed on the throne by the choice of Stilicho ⁸⁷. When the limits of Gaul and Ger⯑many [224] were ſhaken by the northern emigration, the Franks bravely encountered the ſingle force of the Vandals; who, regardleſs of the leſſons of adverſity, had again ſeparated their troops from the ſtandard of their Barbarian allies. They paid the penalty of their raſhneſs; and twenty thou⯑ſand Vandals, with their king Godigiſclus, were ſlain in the field of battle. The whole people muſt have been extirpated, if the ſquadrons of the Alani, advancing to their relief, had not trampled down the infantry of the Franks; who, after an honourable reſiſtance, were compelled to relin⯑quiſh the unequal conteſt. The victorious con⯑federates purſued their march, and on the laſt day of the year, in a ſeaſon when the waters of the Rhine were moſt probably frozen, they entered, without oppoſition, the defenceleſs provinces of Gaul. This memorable paſſage of the Suevi, the Vandals, the Alani, and the Burgundians, who never afterwards retreated, may be conſider⯑ed as the fall of the Roman empire in the coun⯑tries beyond the Alps; and the barriers, which had ſo long ſeparated the ſavage and the civiliſed na⯑tions of the earth, were from that fatal moment levelled with the ground ⁸⁸.

While the peace of Germany was ſecured by the attachment of the Franks, and the neutrality Deſolation of Gaul, A. D. 407, &c. of the Alemanni, the ſubjects of Rome, uncon⯑ſcious [225] of their approaching calamities, enjoyed the ſtate of quiet and proſperity, which had ſel⯑dom bleſſed the frontiers of Gaul. Their flocks and herds were permitted to graze in the paſtures of the Barbarians; their huntſmen penetrated, without fear or danger, into the darkeſt receſſes of the Hercynian wood ⁸⁹. The banks of the Rhine were crowned, like thoſe of the Tyber, with ele⯑gant houſes, and well-cultivated farms; and if a poet deſcended the river, he might expreſs his doubt, on which ſide was ſituated the territory of the Romans ⁹⁰. This ſcene of peace and plenty was ſuddenly changed into a deſert; and the pro⯑ſpect of the ſmoking ruins could alone diſtinguiſh the ſolitude of nature from the deſolation of man. The flouriſhing city of Mentz was ſurpriſed and deſtroyed; and many thouſand Chriſtians were inhumanly maſſacred in the church. Worms periſhed after a long and obſtinate ſiege; Straſ⯑burg, Spires, Rheims, Tournay, Arras, Amiens, experienced the cruel oppreſſion of the German yoke; and the conſuming flames of war ſpread from the banks of the Rhine over the greateſt part of the ſeventeen provinces of Gual. That rich [226] and extenſive country, as far as the ocean, the Alps, and the Pyrenees, was delivered to the Barbarians, who drove before them, in a promiſ⯑cuous crowd, the biſhop, the ſenator, and the virgin, laden with the ſpoils of their houſes and altars ⁹¹. The eccleſiaſtics, to whom we are in⯑debted for this vague deſcription of the public calamities, embraced the opportunity of exhort⯑ing the Chriſtians to repent of the ſins which had provoked the Divine Juſtice, and to renounce the periſhable goods of a wretched and deceitful world. But as the Pelagian controverſy ⁹², which attempts to ſound the abyſs of grace and predeſti⯑nation, ſoon became the ſerious employment of the Latin clergy; the Providence which had de⯑creed, or foreſeen, or permitted ſuch a train of moral and natural evils, was raſhly weighed in the imperfect and fallacious balance of reaſon. The crimes, and the misfortunes, of the ſuffer⯑ing people, were preſumptuouſly compared with thoſe of their anceſtors; and they arraigned the Divine Juſtice, which did not exempt from the common deſtruction the feeble, the guiltleſs, the infant portion of the human ſpecies. Theſe idle [227] diſputants overlooked the invariable laws of na⯑ture, which have connected peace with innocence, plenty with induſtry, and ſafety with valour. The timid and ſelfiſh policy of the court of Ravenna might recal the Palatine legions for the protection of Italy; the remains of the ſtationary troops might be unequal to the arduous taſk; and the Barbarian auxiliaries might prefer the unbounded licence of ſpoil, to the benefits of a moderate and regular ſtipend. But the provinces of Gaul were filled with a numerous race of hardy and robuſt youth, who, in the defence of their houſes, their families, and their altars, if they had dared to die, would have deſerved to vanquiſh. The knowledge of their native country would have en⯑abled them to oppoſe continual and inſuperable obſtacles to the progreſs of an invader; and the deficiency of the Barbarians, in arms as well as in diſcipline, removed the only pretence which ex⯑cuſes the ſubmiſſion of a populous country to the inferior numbers of a veteran army. When France was invaded by Charles the Fifth, he en⯑quired of a priſoner, how many days Paris might be diſtant from the frontier; ‘Perhaps twelve, but they will be days of battle ⁹³:"’ ſuch was the gallant anſwer which checked the arrogance of that ambitious prince. The ſubjects of Hono⯑rius, and thoſe of Francis I., were animated by a very different ſpirit; and in leſs than two years, [228] the divided troops of the ſavages of the Baltic, whoſe numbers, were they fairly ſtated, would ap⯑pear contemptible, advanced, without a combat, to the foot of the Pyrenaean mountains.

In the early part of the reign of Honorius, the vigilance of Stilicho had ſucceſsfully guarded the Revolt of the Britiſh army, A. D. 407. remote iſland of Britain from her inceſſant ene⯑mies of the ocean, the mountains, and the Iriſh coaſt ⁹⁴. But thoſe reſtleſs Barbarians could not neglect the fair opportunity of the Gothic war, when the walls and ſtations of the province were ſtripped of the Roman troops. If any of the le⯑gionaries were permitted to return from the Ita⯑lian expedition, their faithful report of the court and character of Honorius muſt have tended to diſſolve the bonds of allegiance, and to exaſperate the ſeditious temper of the Britiſh army. The ſpirit of revolt, which had formerly diſturbed the age of Gallienus, was revived by the capricious violence of the ſoldiers; and the unfortunate, perhaps the ambitious, candidates, who were the objects of their choice, were the inſtruments, and at length the victims, of their paſſion ⁹⁵. Marcus [229] was the firſt whom they placed on the throne, as the lawful emperor of Britain, and of the Weſt. They violated, by the haſty murder of Marcus, the oath of fidelity which they had impoſed on themſelves; and their diſapprobation of his man⯑ners may ſeem to inſcribe an honourable epitaph on his tomb. Gratian was the next whom they adorned with the diadem and the purple; and, at the end of four months, Gratian experienced the fate of his predeceſſor. The memory of the great Conſtantine, whom the Britiſh legions had given to the church and to the empire, ſuggeſted the ſingular motive of their third choice. They Conſtan⯑tine is ac⯑knowledg⯑ed in Bri⯑tain and Gaul, A. D. 407. diſcovered in the ranks a private ſoldier of the name of Conſtantine, and their impetuous levity had already ſeated him on the throne, before they perceived his incapacity to ſuſtain the weight of that glorious appellation ⁹⁶. Yet the authority of Conſtantine was leſs precarious, and his go⯑vernment was more ſucceſsful, than the tranſient reigns of Marcus and of Gratian. The danger of leaving his inactive troops in thoſe camps, which had been twice polluted with blood and ſedition, urged him to attempt the reduction of the Weſtern provinces. He landed at Boulogne with an inconſiderable force; and after he had re⯑poſed himſelf ſome days, he ſummoned the cities [230] of Gaul, which had eſcaped the yoke of the Bar⯑barians, to acknowledge their lawful ſovereign. They obeyed the ſummons without reluctance. The neglect of the court of Ravenna had abſolved a deſerted people from the duty of allegiance; their actual diſtreſs encouraged them to accept any circumſtances of change, without apprehen⯑ſion, and, perhaps, with ſome degree of hope; and they might flatter themſelves, that the troops, the authority, and even the name of a Roman emperor, who fixed his reſidence in Gaul, would protect the unhappy country from the rage of the Barbarians. The firſt ſucceſſes of Conſtantine againſt the detached parties of the Germans, were magnified by the voice of adulation into ſplendid and deciſive victories; which the re⯑union and inſolence of the enemy ſoon reduced to their juſt value. His negociations procured a ſhort and precarious truce; and if ſome tribes of the Barbarians were engaged, by the liberality of his gifts and promiſes, to undertake the defence of the Rhine, theſe expenſive and uncertain trea⯑ties, inſtead of reſtoring the priſtine vigour of the Gallic frontier, ſerved only to diſgrace the ma⯑jeſty of the prince, and to exhauſt what yet re⯑mained of the treaſures of the republic. Elated however with this imaginary triumph, the vain deliverer of Gaul advanced into the provinces of the South, to encounter a more preſſing and per⯑ſonal danger. Sarus the Goth was ordered to lay the head of the rebel at the feet of the emperor Honorius; and the forces of Britain and Italy were unworthily conſumed in this domeſtic quar⯑rel. [231] After the loſs of his two braveſt generals, Juſtinian and Nevigaſtes, the former of whom was ſlain in the field of battle, the latter in a peaceful but treacherous interview, Conſtantine fortified himſelf within the walls of Vienna. The place was ineffectually attacked ſeven days; and the Imperial army ſupported, in a precipitate re⯑treat, the ignominy of purchaſing a ſecure paſſage from the freebooters and outlaws of the Alps ⁹⁷. Thoſe mountains now ſeparated the dominions of two rival monarchs: and the fortifications of the double frontier were guarded by the troops of the empire, whoſe arms would have been more uſe⯑fully employed to maintain the Roman limits againſt the Barbarians of Germany and Scythia.

On the ſide of the Pyrenees, the ambition of He reduces Spain, A. D. 408. Conſtantine might be juſtified by the proximity of danger; but his throne was ſoon eſtabliſhed by the conqueſt, or rather ſubmiſſion, of Spain; which yielded to the influence of regular and ha⯑bitual ſubordination, and received the laws and magiſtrates of the Gallic praefecture. The only oppoſition which was made to the authority of Conſtantine, proceeded not ſo much from the powers of government, or the ſpirit of the people, as from the private zeal and intereſt of the family of Theodoſius. Four brothers ⁹⁸ had obtained, [232] by the favour of their kinſman, the deceaſed em⯑peror, an honourable rank, and ample poſſeſſions, in their native country: and the grateful youths reſolved to riſk thoſe advantages in the ſervice of his ſon. After an unſucceſsful effort to maintain their ground at the head of the ſtationary troops of Luſitania, they retired to their eſtates; where they armed and levied, at their own expence, a conſiderable body of ſlaves and dependents, and boldly marched to occupy the ſtrong poſts of the Pyrenaean mountains. This domeſtic inſurrec⯑tion alarmed and perplexed the ſovereign of Gaul and Britain; and he was compelled to negociate with ſome troops of Barbarian auxiliaries, for the ſervice of the Spaniſh war. They were diſtin⯑guiſhed by the title of Honorians ⁹⁹; a name which might have reminded them of their fidelity to their lawful ſovereign; and if it ſhould can⯑didly be allowed that the Scots were influenced by any partial affection for a Britiſh prince, the Moors and the Marcomanni could be tempted only by the profuſe liberality of the uſurper, who diſ⯑tributed among the Barbarians the military, and even the civil, honours of Spain. The nine bands of Honorians, which may be eaſily traced on the eſtabliſhment of the Weſtern empire, could not exceed the number of five thouſand [233] men; yet this inconſiderable force was ſufficient to terminate a war, which had threatened the power and ſafety of Conſtantine. The ruſtic army of the Theodoſian family was ſurrounded and de⯑ſtroyed in the Pyrenees: two of the brothers had the good fortune to eſcape by ſea to Italy, or the Eaſt; the other two, after an interval of ſuſpence, were executed at Arles; and if Honorius could remain inſenſible of the public diſgrace, he might perhaps be affected by the perſonal misfortunes of his generous kinſmen. Such were the feeble arms which decided the poſſeſſion of the Weſtern provinces of Europe, from the wall of Antoninus to the columns of Hercules. The events of peace and war have undoubtedly been diminiſhed by the narrow and imperfect view of the hiſtorians of the times, who were equally ignorant of the cauſes, and of the effects, of the moſt important revolu⯑tions. But the total decay of the national ſtrength had annihilated even the laſt reſource of a deſpo⯑tic government; and the revenue of exhauſted provinces could no longer purchaſe the military ſervice of a diſcontented and puſillanimous people.

The poet, whoſe flattery has aſcribed to the Negocia⯑tion of Alaric and Stilicho, A. D. 404—408. Roman eagle the victories of Pollentia and Ve⯑rona, purſues the haſty retreat of Alaric, from the confines of Italy, with a horrid train of ima⯑ginary ſpectres, ſuch as might hover over an army of Barbarians, which was almoſt exterminated by war, famine, and diſeaſe ¹⁰⁰. In the courſe of [234] this unfortunate expedition, the king of the Goths muſt indeed have ſuſtained a conſiderable loſs; and his haraſſed forces required an interval of re⯑poſe to recruit their numbers, and revive their confidence. Adverſity had exerciſed, and diſ⯑played, the genius of Alaric; and the fame of his valour invited, to the Gothic ſtandard, the braveſt of the Barbarian warriors; who, from the Euxine to the Rhine, were agitated by the deſire of rapine and conqueſt. He had deſerved the eſteem, and he ſoon accepted the friendſhip, of Stilicho himſelf. Renouncing the ſervice of the emperor of the Eaſt, Alaric concluded, with the court of Ravenna, a treaty of peace and alliance, by which he was declared maſter-general of the Roman armies throughout the praefecture of Illyricum; as it was claimed, according to the true and an⯑cient limits, by the miniſter of Honorius ¹⁰¹. The execution of the ambitious deſign, which was either ſtipulated, or implied, in the articles of the treaty, appears to have been ſuſpended by the formidable irruption of Radagaiſus; and the neu⯑trality of the Gothic king may perhaps be com⯑pared to the indifference of Caeſar, who, in the conſpiracy of Catiline, refuſed either to aſſiſt, or to oppoſe, the enemy of the republic. After the defeat of the Vandals, Stilicho reſumed his pre⯑tenſions to the provinces of the Eaſt; appointed civil magiſtrates for the adminiſtration of juſtice, [235] and of the finances; and declared his impatience to lead, to the gates of Conſtantinople, the united armies of the Romans and of the Goths. The prudence however of Stilicho, his averſion to civil war, and his perfect knowledge of the weakneſs of the ſtate, may countenance the ſuſpicion, that domeſtic peace, rather than foreign conqueſt, was the object of his policy; and, that his prin⯑cipal care was to employ the forces of Alaric at a diſtance from Italy. This deſign could not long eſcape the penetration of the Gothic king, who continued to hold a doubtful, and perhaps a treacherous correſpondence, with the rival courts; who protracted, like a diſſatisfied mercenary, his languid operations in Theſſaly and Epirus, and who ſoon returned to claim the extravagant re⯑ward of his ineffectual ſervices. From his camp near Aemona ¹⁰², on the confines of Italy, he tranſmitted to the emperor of the Weſt, a long account of promiſes, of expences, and of de⯑mands; called for immediate ſatisfaction, and clearly intimated the conſequences of a refuſal. Yet if his conduct was hoſtile, his language was decent and dutiful. He humbly profeſſed him⯑ſelf the friend of Stilicho, and the ſoldier of Ho⯑norius; offered his perſon and his troops to march, without delay, againſt the uſurper of [236] Gaul; and ſolicited, as a permanent retreat for the Gothic nation, the poſſeſſion of ſome vacant province of the Weſtern empire.

The political and ſecret tranſactions of two ſtateſmen, who laboured to deceive each other Debates of the Roman ſenate, A. D. 408. and the world, muſt for ever have been concealed in the impenetrable darkneſs of the cabinet, if the debates of a popular aſſembly had not thrown ſome rays of light on the correſpondence of Alaric and Stilicho. The neceſſity of finding ſome arti⯑ficial ſupport for a government, which, from a principle, not of moderation, but of weakneſs, was reduced to negociate with its own ſubjects, had inſenſibly revived the authority of the Roman ſenate: and the miniſter of Honorius reſpectfully conſulted the legiſlative council of the republic. Stilicho aſſembled the ſenate in the palace of the Caeſars; repreſented, in a ſtudied oration, the actual ſtate of affairs; propoſed the demands of the Gothic king, and ſubmitted to their con⯑ſideration the choice of peace or war. The ſe⯑nators, as if they had been ſuddenly awakened from a dream of four hundred years, appeared on this important occaſion to be inſpired by the cou⯑rage, rather than by the wiſdom, of their prede⯑ceſſors. They loudly declared, in regular ſpeeches, or in tumultuary acclamations, that it was un⯑worthy of the majeſty of Rome, to purchaſe a precarious and diſgraceful truce from a Barbarian king; and that, in the judgment of a magnani⯑mous people, the chance of ruin was always pre⯑ferable to the certainty of diſhonour. The mi⯑niſter, [237] whoſe pacific intentions were ſeconded only by the voices of a few ſervile and venal followers, attempted to allay the general ferment, by an apology for his own conduct, and even for the demands of the Gothic prince. ‘"The payment of a ſubſidy, which had excited the indignation of the Romans, ought not (ſuch was the lan⯑guage of Stilicho) to be conſidered in the odious light, either of a tribute, or of a ranſom, extorted by the menaces of a Barbarian enemy. Alaric had faithfully aſſerted the juſt preten⯑ſions of the republic to the provinces which were uſurped by the Greeks of Conſtantinople: he modeſtly required the fair and ſtipulated recompence of his ſervices; and if he had de⯑ſiſted from the proſecution of his enterpriſe, he had obeyed, in his retreat, the peremptory, though private, letters of the emperor himſelf. Theſe contradictory orders (he would not diſ⯑ſemble the errors of his own family) had been procured by the interceſſion of Serena. The tender piety of his wife had been too deeply affected by the diſcord of the royal brothers, the ſons of her adopted father; and the ſenti⯑ments of nature had too eaſily prevailed over the ſtern dictates of the public welfare."’ Theſe oſtenſible reaſons, which faintly diſguiſe the ob⯑ſcure intrigues of the palace of Ravenna, were ſupported by the authority of Stilicho; and ob⯑tained, after a warm debate, the reluctant appro⯑bation of the ſenate. The tumult of virtue and freedom ſubſided; and the ſum of four thouſand pounds of gold was granted, under the name of [238] a ſubſidy, to ſecure the peace of Italy, and to conciliate the friendſhip of the king of the Goths. Lampadius alone, one of the moſt illuſtrious members of the aſſembly, ſtill perſiſted in his diſ⯑ſent; exclaimed with a loud voice, ‘"This is not a treaty of peace, but of ſervitude ¹⁰³;"’ and eſcaped the danger of ſuch bold oppoſition by im⯑mediately retiring to the ſanctuary of a Chriſtian church.

But the reign of Stilicho drew towards its end; and the proud miniſter might perceive the ſymp⯑toms Intrigues of the pa⯑lace, A. D. 408, May. of his approaching diſgrace. The generous boldneſs of Lampadius had been applauded; and the ſenate, ſo patiently reſigned to a long ſervi⯑tude, rejected with diſdain the offer of invidious and imaginary freedom. The troops, who ſtill aſſumed the name and prerogatives of the Roman legions, were exaſperated by the partial affection of Stilicho for the Barbarians: and the people im⯑puted to the miſchievous policy of the miniſter, the public misfortunes, which were the natural con⯑ſequence of their own degeneracy. Yet Stilicho might have continued to brave the clamours of the people, and even of the ſoldiers, if he could have maintained his dominion over the feeble mind of his pupil. But the reſpectful attachment of Honorius was converted into fear, ſuſpicion, and hatred. The crafty Olympius ¹⁰⁴, who con⯑cealed [239] his vices under the maſk of Chriſtian piety, had ſecretly undermined the benefactor, by whoſe favour he was promoted to the honourable offices of the Imperial palace. Olympius revealed to the unſuſpecting emperor, who had attained the twenty-fifth year of his age, that he was without weight, or authority, in his own government; and artfully alarmed his timid and indolent diſ⯑poſition by a lively picture of the deſigns of Stili⯑cho, who already meditated the death of his ſove⯑reign, with the ambitious hope of placing the dia⯑dem on the head of his ſon Eucherius. The em⯑peror was inſtigated, by his new favourite, to aſ⯑ſume the tone of independent dignity; and the miniſter was aſtoniſhed to find, that ſecret reſo⯑lutions were formed in the court and council, which were repugnant to his intereſt, or to his intentions. Inſtead of reſiding in the palace of Rome, Honorius declared, that it was his plea⯑ſure to return to the ſecure fortreſs of Ravenna. On the firſt intelligence of the death of his bro⯑ther Arcadius, he prepared to viſit Conſtantinople, and to regulate, with the authority of a guardian, the provinces of the infant Theodoſius ¹⁰⁵. The [240] repreſentation of the difficulty and expence of ſuch a diſtant expedition, checked this ſtrange and ſudden ſally of active diligence; but the dangerous project of ſhewing the emperor to the camp of Pavia, which was compoſed of the Ro⯑man troops, the enemies of Stilicho, and his Barbarian auxiliaries, remained fixed and unal⯑terable. The miniſter was preſſed, by the ad⯑vice of his confident Juſtinian, a Roman advo⯑cate, of a lively and penetrating genius, to op⯑poſe a journey ſo prejudicial to his reputation and ſafety. His ſtrenuous, but ineffectual, efforts confirmed the triumph of Olympius; and the prudent lawyer withdrew himſelf from the im⯑pending ruin of his patron.

In the paſſage of the emperor through Bologna, Diſgrace and death of Stilicho, A. D. 408, Aug. 23. a mutiny of the guards was excited and appeaſed by the ſecret policy of Stilicho; who announced his inſtructions to decimate the guilty, and aſcribed to his own interceſſion the merit of their par⯑don. After this tumult, Honorius embraced, for the laſt time, the miniſter whom he now con⯑ſidered as a tyrant, and proceeded on his way to camp of Pavia; where he was received by the loyal acclamations of the troops who were aſ⯑ſembled for the ſervice of the Gallic war. On the morning of the fourth day, he pronounced, as he had been taught, a military oration in the preſence of the ſoldiers, whom the charitable viſits, and artful diſcourſes, of Olympius had prepared to execute a dark and bloody conſpiracy. At the firſt ſignal, they maſſacred the friends of Stilicho, the moſt illuſtrious officers of the em⯑pire; [241] two Praetorian praefects, of Gaul, and of Italy; two maſters-general, of the cavalry, and infantry; the maſter of the offices; the quaeſtor, the treaſurer, and the count of the domeſtics. Many lives were loſt; many houſes were plunder⯑ed; the furious ſedition continued to rage till the cloſe of the evening; and the trembling em⯑peror, who was ſeen in the ſtreets of Pavia, with⯑out his robes or diadem, yielded to the perſuaſions of his favourite; condemned the memory of the ſlain; and ſolemnly approved the innocence and fidelity of their aſſaſſins. The intelligence of the maſſacre of Pavia filled the mind of Stilicho with juſt and gloomy apprehenſions: and he inſtantly ſummoned, in the camp of Bologna, a council of the confederate leaders, who were attached to his ſervice, and would be involved in his ruin. The impetuous voice of the aſſembly called aloud for arms, and for revenge; to march, without a mo⯑ment's delay, under the banners of a hero, whom they had ſo often followed to victory; to ſurpriſe, to oppreſs, to extirpate the guilty Olympius, and his degenerate Romans; and perhaps to fix the diadem on the head of their injured general. Inſtead of executing a reſolution, which might have been juſtified by ſucceſs, Stilicho heſitated till he was irrecoverably loſt. He was ſtill igno⯑rant of the fate of the emperor; he diſtruſted the fidelity of his own party; and he viewed with horror the fatal conſequences of arming a crowd of licentious Barbarians, againſt the ſoldiers and people of Italy. The confederates, impatient of [242] his timorous and doubtful delay, haſtily retired, with fear and indignation. At the hour of mid⯑night, Sarus, a Gothic warrior, renowned among the Barbarians themſelves for his ſtrength and va⯑lour, ſuddenly invaded the camp of his benefactor, plundered the baggage, cut in pieces the faithful Huns, who guarded his perſon, and penetrated to the tent, where the miniſter, penſive and ſleep⯑leſs, meditated on the dangers of his ſituation. Stilicho eſcaped with difficulty from the ſword of the Goths; and, after iſſuing a laſt and generous admonition to the cities of Italy, to ſhut their gates againſt the Barbarians, his confidence, or his deſpair, urged him to throw himſelf into Ra⯑venna, which was already in the abſolute poſ⯑ſeſſion of his enemies. Olympius, who had aſ⯑ſumed the dominion of Honorius, was ſpeedily informed, that his rival had embraced, as a ſup⯑pliant, the altar of the Chriſtian church. The baſe and cruel diſpoſition of the hypocrite was in⯑capable of pity or remorſe; but he piouſly af⯑fected to elude, rather than to violate, the pri⯑vilege of the ſanctuary. Count Heraclian, with a troop of ſoldiers, appeared, at the dawn of day, before the gates of the church of Ravenna. The biſhop was ſatisfied by a ſolemn oath, that the Imperial mandate only directed them to ſecure the perſon of Stilicho: but, as ſoon as the un⯑fortunate miniſter had been tempted beyond the holy threſhold, he produced the warrant for his inſtant execution. Stilicho ſupported, with calm reſignation, the injurious names of traitor and [243] parricide; repreſſed the unſeaſonable zeal of his followers, who were ready to attempt an inef⯑fectual reſcue; and, with a firmneſs not unworthy of the laſt of the Roman generals, ſubmitted his neck to the ſword of Heraclian ¹⁰⁵.

The ſervile crowd of the palace, who had ſo His memo⯑ry perſe⯑cuted. long adored the fortune of Stilicho, affected to inſult his fall; and the moſt diſtant connection with the maſter-general of the Weſt, which had ſo lately been a title to wealth and honours, was ſtudiouſly denied, and rigorouſly puniſhed. His family, united by a triple alliance with the family of Theodoſius, might envy the condition of the meaneſt peaſant. The flight of his ſon Eucherius was intercepted; and the death of that innocent youth ſoon followed the divorce of Thermantia, who filled the place of her ſiſter Maria; and who, like Maria, had remained a virgin in the Imperial bed ¹⁰⁶. The friends of Stilicho, who had eſcaped the maſſacre of Pavia, were perſecuted by the implacable revenge of Olympius: and the moſt exquiſite cruelty was employed to extort the con⯑feſſion of a treaſonable and ſacrilegious con⯑ſpiracy. They died in ſilence: their firmneſs [244] juſtified the choice ¹⁰⁷, and perhaps abſolved the innocence of their patron; and the deſpotic power, which could take his life without a trial, and ſtigmatiſe his memory without a proof, has no juriſdiction over the impartial ſuffrage of poſterity ¹⁰⁸. The ſervices of Stilicho are great and manifeſt; his crimes, as they are vaguely ſtated in the language of flattery and hatred, are obſcure, at leaſt, and improbable. About four months after his death, an edict was publiſhed, in the name of Honorius, to reſtore the free com⯑munication of the two empires, which had been ſo long interrupted by the public enemy ¹⁰⁹. The miniſter, whoſe fame and fortune depended on the proſperity of the ſtate, was accuſed of betraying Italy to the Barbarians; whom he repeatedly vanquiſhed at Pollentia, at Verona, and before the walls of Florence. His pretended deſign of placing the diadem on the head of his ſon Euche⯑rius, could not have been conducted without pre⯑parations or accomplices; and the ambitious fa⯑ther would not ſurely have left the future em⯑peror, till the twentieth year of his age, in the [245] humble ſtation of tribune of the notaries. Even the religion of Stilicho was arraigned by the ma⯑lice of his rival. The ſeaſonable, and almoſt miraculous, deliverance was devoutly celebrated by the applauſe of the clergy; who aſſerted, that the reſtoration of idols, and the perſecution of the church, would have been the firſt meaſure of the reign of Eucherius. The ſon of Stilicho, how⯑ever, was educated in the boſom of Chriſtianity, which his father had uniformly profeſſed, and zealouſly ſupported ¹¹⁰. Serena had borrowed her magnificent necklace from the ſtatue of Veſta ¹¹¹; and the Pagans execrated the memory of the ſa⯑crilegious miniſter, by whoſe order the Sybilline books, the oracles of Rome, had been commit⯑ted to the flames ¹¹². The pride and power of Stilicho conſtituted his real guilt. An honour⯑able reluctance to ſhed the blood of his country⯑men, appears to have contributed to the ſucceſs of his unworthy rival; and it is the laſt humilia⯑tion of the character of Honorius, that poſterity has not condeſcended to reproach him with his [246] baſe ingratitude to the guardian of his youth, and the ſupport of his empire.

Among the train of dependents, whoſe wealth The poet Claudian. and dignity attracted the notice of their own times, our curioſity is excited by the celebrated name of the poet Claudian, who enjoyed the favour of Stilicho, and was overwhelmed in the ruin of his patron. The titular offices of tribune and notary fixed his rank in the Imperial court: he was in⯑debted to the powerful interceſſion of Serena for his marriage with a very rich heireſs of the pro⯑vince of Africa ¹¹³; and the ſtatue of Claudian, erected in the forum of Trajan, was a monument of the taſte and liberality of the Roman ſenate ¹¹⁴. After the praiſes of Stilicho became offenſive and criminal, Claudian was expoſed to the enmity of a powerful and unforgiving courtier, whom he had provoked by the inſolence of wit. He had compared, in a lively epigram, the oppoſite cha⯑racters of two Praetorian praefects of Italy; he contraſts the innocent repoſe of a philoſopher, who ſometimes reſigned the hours of buſineſs to [247] ſlumber, perhaps to ſtudy; with the intereſted diligence of a rapacious miniſter, indefatigable in the purſuit of unjuſt, or ſacrilegious gain. ‘"How happy, continues Claudian, how happy might it be for the people of Italy, if Mallius could be conſtantly awake, and if Hadrian would always ſleep ¹¹⁵!"’ The repoſe of Mallius was not diſturbed by this friendly and gentle admonition; but the cruel vigilance of Hadrian watched the opportunity of revenge, and eaſily obtained, from the enemies of Stilicho, the trifling ſacrifice of an obnoxious poet. The poet concealed himſelf, however, during the tumult of the revolution; and, conſulting the dictates of prudence rather than of honour, he addreſſed, in the form of an epiſtle, a ſuppliant and humble recantation to the offended praefect. He deplores, in mournful ſtrains, the fatal indiſcretion into which he had been hurried by paſſion and folly; ſubmits to the imitation of his adverſary, the generous examples of the clemency of gods, of heroes, and of lions; and expreſſes his hope, that the magnanimity of Hadrian will not trample on a defenceleſs and contemptible foe, already humbled by diſgrace [248] and poverty; and deeply wounded by the exile, the tortures, and the death of his deareſt friends ¹¹⁶. Whatever might be the ſucceſs of his prayer, or the accidents of his future life, the period of a few years levelled in the grave the miniſter and the poet; but the name of Hadrian is almoſt ſunk in oblivion, while Claudian is read with plea⯑ſure in every country which has retained, or ac⯑quired, the knowledge of the Latin language. If we fairly balance his merits and his defects, we ſhall acknowledge, that Claudian does not either ſatisfy, or ſilence, our reaſon. It would not be eaſy to produce a paſſage that deſerves the epithet of ſublime or pathetic; to ſelect a verſe, that melts the heart, or enlarges the imagination. We ſhould vainly ſeek, in the poems of Clau⯑dian, the happy invention, and artificial conduct, of an intereſting fable; or the juſt and lively re⯑preſentation of the characters and ſituations of real life. For the ſervice of his patron, he publiſhed occaſional panegyrics and invectives: and the de⯑ſign of theſe ſlaviſh compoſitions encouraged his propenſity to exceed the limits of truth and nature. Theſe imperfections, however, are compenſated in ſome degree by the poetical virtues of Clau⯑dian. He was endowed with the rare and pre⯑cious talent of raiſing the meaneſt, of adorning the moſt barren, and of diverſifying the moſt ſimi⯑lar, topics: his colouring, more eſpecially in de⯑ſcriptive poetry, is ſoft and ſplendid; and he [249] ſeldom fails to diſplay, and even to abuſe, the advantages of a cultivated underſtanding, a co⯑pious fancy, an eaſy, and ſometimes forcible, ex⯑preſſion; and a perpetual flow of harmonious verſification. To theſe commendations, inde⯑pendent of any accidents of time and place, we muſt add the peculiar merit which Claudian de⯑rived from the unfavourable circumſtances of his birth. In the decline of arts, and of empire, a native of Egypt ¹¹⁷, who had received the educa⯑tion of a Greek, aſſumed, in a mature age, the familiar uſe, and abſolute command, of the La⯑tin language ¹¹⁸; ſoared above the heads of his feeble contemporaries; and placed himſelf, after an interval of three hundred years, among the poets of ancient Rome ¹¹⁹.

CHAP. XXXI. Invaſion of Italy by Alaric.—Manners of the Roman Senate and People.—Rome is thrice beſieged, and at length pillaged, by the Goths.—Death of Alaric.—The Goths evacuate Italy.—Fall of Conſtan⯑tine.—Gaul and Spain are occupied by the Bar⯑barians.—Indepenaence of Britain.

THE incapacity of a weak and diſtracted government may often aſſume the appear⯑ance, and produce the effects, of a treaſonable Weakneſs of the court of Ravenna, A. D. 408, Sept. correſpondence with the public enemy. If Alaric himſelf had been introduced into the council of Ravenna, he would probably have adviſed the ſame meaſures which were actually purſued by the miniſters of Honorius ¹. The king of the Goths would have conſpired, perhaps with ſome reluctance, to deſtroy the formidable adverſary, by whoſe arms, in Italy as well as in Greece, he had been twice overthrown. Their active and in⯑tereſted hatred laboriouſly accompliſhed the diſ⯑grace and ruin of the great Stilicho. The valour of Sarus, his fame in arms, and his perſonal, or hereditary, influence over the confederate Bar⯑barians, could recommend him only to the friends of their country, who deſpiſed, or deteſted, the worthleſs characters of Turpilio, Varanes, and Vigilantius. By the preſſing inſtances of the new [251] favourites, theſe generals, unworthy as they had ſhewn themſelves of the name of ſoldiers ², were promoted to the command of the cavalry, of the infantry, and of the domeſtic troops. The Gothic prince would have ſubſcribed with pleaſure the edict which the fanaticiſm of Olympius dictated to the ſimple and devout emperor. Honorius excluded all perſons, who were adverſe to the catholic church, from holding any office in the ſtate; obſtinately rejected the ſervice of all thoſe who diſſented from his religion; and raſhly diſ⯑qualified many of his braveſt and moſt ſkilful officers, who adhered to the Pagan worſhip, or who had imbibed the opinions of Arianiſm ³. Theſe meaſures, ſo advantageous to an enemy, Alaric would have approved, and might perhaps have ſuggeſted; but it may ſeem doubtful, whe⯑ther the Barbarian would have promoted his in⯑tereſt at the expence of the inhuman and abſurd cruelty, which was perpetrated by the direction, or at leaſt with the connivance, of the Imperial miniſters. The foreign auxiliaries, who had been attached to the perſon of Stilicho, lamented his death; but the deſire of revenge was checked by a natural apprehenſion for the ſafety of their [252] wives and children; who were detained as hoſt⯑ages in the ſtrong cities of Italy, where they had likewiſe depoſited their moſt valuable effects. At the ſame hour, and as if by a common ſignal, the cities of Italy were polluted by the ſame horrid ſcenes of univerſal maſſacre and pillage, which in⯑volved, in promiſcuous deſtruction, the families and fortunes of the Barbarians. Exaſperated by ſuch an injury, which might have awakened the tameſt and moſt ſervile ſpirit, they caſt a look of indignation and hope towards the camp of Alaric, and unanimouſly ſwore to purſue, with juſt and implacable war, the perfidious nation, that had ſo baſely violated the laws of hoſpitality. By the imprudent conduct of the miniſters of Hono⯑rius, the republic loſt the aſſiſtance, and deſerved the enmity, of thirty thouſand of her braveſt ſol⯑diers: and the weight of that formidable army, which alone might have determined the event of the war, was transferred from the ſcale of the Ro⯑mans into that of the Goths.

In the arts of negociation, as well as in thoſe of war, the Gothic king maintained his ſuperior Alaric marches to Rome, A. D. 408, Oct. &c. aſcendant over an enemy, whoſe ſeeming changes proceeded from the total want of counſel and de⯑ſign. From his camp, on the confines of Italy, Alaric attentively obſerved the revolutions of the palace, watched the progreſs of faction and diſ⯑content, diſguiſed the hoſtile aſpect of a Barbarian invader, and aſſumed the more popular appear⯑ance of the friend and ally of the great Stilicho; to whoſe virtues, when they were no longer formidable, he could pay a juſt tribute of ſincere [253] praiſe and regret. The preſſing invitation of the malcontents, who urged the king of the Goths to invade Italy, was enforced by a lively ſenſe of his perſonal injuries; and he might ſpeciouſly com⯑plain, that the Imperial miniſters ſtill delayed and eluded the payment of the four thouſand pounds of gold; which had been granted by the Roman ſenate, either to reward his ſervices, or to appeaſe his fury. His decent firmneſs was ſupported by an artful moderation, which contributed to the ſucceſs of his deſigns. He required a fair and reaſonable ſatisfaction; but he gave the ſtrongeſt aſſurances, that, as ſoon as he had obtained it, he would immediately retire. He refuſed to truſt the faith of the Romans, unleſs Aetius and Jaſon, the ſons of two great officers of ſtate, were ſent as hoſtages to his camp: but he offered to de⯑liver, in exchange, ſeveral of the nobleſt youths of the Gothic nation. The modeſty of Alaric was interpreted, by the miniſters of Ravenna, as a ſure evidence of his weakneſs and fear. They diſdained either to negociate a treaty, or to aſſemble an army; and with a raſh confidence, derived only from their ignorance of the extreme danger, irretrievably waſted the deciſive moments of peace and war. While they expected, in ſullen ſilence, that the Barbarians ſhould evacuate the confines of Italy, Alaric, with bold and rapid marches, paſſed the Alps and the Po; haſtily pillaged the cities of Aquileia, Altinum, Concordia, and Cremona, which yielded to his arms; increaſed his forces by the acceſſion of thirty thouſand [254] auxiliaries; and, without meeting a ſingle enemy in the field, advanced as far as the edge of the moraſs which protected the impregnable reſi⯑dence of the emperor of the Weſt. Inſtead of attempting the hopeleſs ſiege of Ravenna, the prudent leader of the Goths proceeded to Rimini, ſtretched his ravages along the ſea-coaſt of the Hadriatic, and meditated the conqueſt of the ancient miſtreſs of the world. An Italian her⯑mit, whoſe zeal and ſanctity were reſpected by the Barbarians themſelves, encountered the vic⯑torious monarch, and boldly denounced the in⯑dignation of heaven againſt the oppreſſors of the earth: but the ſaint himſelf was confounded by the ſolemn aſſeveration of Alaric, that he felt a ſecret and praeternatural impulſe, which directed, and even compelled, his march to the gates of Rome. He felt, that his genius and his fortune were equal to the moſt arduous enterpriſes; and the enthuſiaſm which he communicated to the Goths, inſenſibly removed the popular, and al⯑moſt ſuperſtitious, reverence of the nations for the majeſty of the Roman name. His troops, animated by the hopes of ſpoil, followed the courſe of the Flaminian way, occupied the un⯑guarded paſſes of the Apennine ⁴, deſcended into the rich plains of Umbria; and, as they lay en⯑camped on the banks of the Clitumnus, might [255] wantonly ſlaughter and devour the milk-white oxen, which had been ſo long reſerved for the uſe of Roman triumphs ⁵. A lofty ſituation, and a ſeaſonable tempeſt of thunder and lightning, preſerved the little city of Narni; but the king of the Goths, deſpiſing the ignoble prey, ſtill ad⯑vanced with unabated vigour; and after he had paſſed through the ſtately arches, adorned with the ſpoils of Barbaric victories, he pitched his camp under the walls of Rome ⁶.

During a period of ſix hundred and nineteen Hannibal at the gates of Rome. years, the ſeat of empire had never been vio⯑lated by the preſence of a foreign enemy. The unſucceſsful expedition of Hannibal ⁷, ſerved only to diſplay the character of the ſenate and people; of a ſenate degraded, rather than en⯑nobled, by the compariſon of an aſſembly of kings; and of a people, to whom the ambaſſador of Pyrrhus aſcribed the inexhauſtible reſources of the Hydra ⁸. Each of the ſenators, in the time [256] of the Punic war, had accompliſhed his term of military ſervice, either in a ſubordinate or a ſu⯑perior ſtation; and the decree, which inveſted with temporary command all thoſe who had been conſuls, or cenſors, or dictators, gave the repub⯑lic the immediate aſſiſtance of many brave and experienced generals. In the beginning of the war, the Roman people conſiſted of two hundred and fifty thouſand citizens of an age to bear arms ⁹. Fifty thouſand had already died in the defence of their country; and the twenty-three legions which were employed in the different camps of Italy, Greece, Sardinia, Sicily, and Spain, re⯑quired about one hundred thouſand men. But there ſtill remained an equal number in Rome, and the adjacent territory, who were animated by the ſame intrepid courage; and every citizen was trained, from his earlieſt youth, in the diſcipline and exerciſes of a ſoldier. Hannibal was aſto⯑niſhed by the conſtancy of the ſenate, who, with⯑out [257] raiſing the ſiege of Capua, or recalling their ſcattered forces, expected his approach. He en⯑camped on the banks of the Anio, at the diſtance of three miles from the city: and he was ſoon informed, that the ground on which he had pitch⯑ed his tent, was ſold for an adequate price at a public auction; and that a body of troops was diſmiſſed by an oppoſite road, to reinforce the legions of Spain ¹⁰. He led his Africans to the gates of Rome, where he found three armies in order of battle, prepared to receive him; but Hannibal dreaded the event of a combat, from which he could not hope to eſcape, unleſs he de⯑ſtroyed the laſt of his enemies; and his ſpeedy retreat confeſſed the invincible courage of the Romans.

From the time of the Punic war, the uninter⯑rupted Genealo⯑gy of tho ſenators. ſucceſſion of ſenators had preſerved the name and image of the republic; and the dege⯑nerate ſubjects of Honorius ambitiouſly derived their deſcent from the heroes who had repulſed the arms of Hannibal, and ſubdued the nations of the earth. The temporal honours, which the devout Paula ¹¹ inherited and deſpiſed, are care⯑fully recapitulated by Jerom, the guide of her [258] conſcience, and the hiſtorian of her life. The genealogy of her father, Rogatus, which aſcend⯑ed as high as Agamemnon, might ſeem to betray a Grecian origin; but her mother, Blaeſilla, num⯑bered the Scipios, Aemilius Paulus, and the Grac⯑chi, in the liſt of her anceſtors; and Toxotius, the huſband of Paula, deduced his royal lineage from Aeneas, the father of the Julian line. The vanity of the rich, who deſired to be noble, was gratified by theſe lofty pretenſions. Encouraged by the applauſe of their paraſites, they eaſily im⯑poſed on the credulity of the vulgar; and were countenanced, in ſome meaſure, by the cuſtom of adopting the name of their patron, which had al⯑ways prevailed among the freedmen and clients of illuſtrious families. Moſt of thoſe families, however, attacked by ſo many cauſes of external violence or internal decay, were gradually extir⯑pated: and it would be more reaſonable to ſeek for a lineal deſcent of twenty generations, among the mountains of the Alps, or in the peaceful ſolitude of Apulia, than on the theatre of Rome, the ſeat of fortune, of danger, and of perpetual revolutions. Under each ſucceſſive reign, and from every province of the empire, a crowd of hardy adventurers, riſing to eminence by their talents or their vices, uſurped the wealth, the honours, and the palaces of Rome; and oppreſs⯑ed, or protected, the poor and humble remains of conſular families; who were ignorant, per⯑haps, of the glory of their anceſtors ¹².

[259] In the time of Jerom and Claudian, the ſena⯑tors unanimouſly yielded the pre-eminence to the Anician line; and a ſlight view of their hiſtory The Ani⯑cian fa⯑mily. will ſerve to appreciate the rank and antiquity of the noble families, which contended only for the ſecond place ¹³. During the five firſt ages of the city, the name of the Anicians was unknown; they appear to have derived their origin from Praeneſte; and the ambition of thoſe new citizens was long ſatisfied with the Plebeian honours of tribunes of the people ¹⁴. One hundred and ſixty-eight years before the Chriſtian aera, the family was ennobled by the Praetorſhip of Anicius, who gloriouſly terminated the Illyrian war by the conqueſt of the nation, and the captivity of their king ¹⁵. From the triumph of that general, three conſul⯑ſhips, in diſtant periods, mark the ſucceſſion of the Anician name ¹⁶. From the reign of Diocle⯑tian [260] to the final extinction of the Weſtern em⯑pire, that name ſhone with a luſtre which was not eclipſed in the public eſtimation, by the majeſty of the Imperial purple ¹⁷. The ſeveral branches, to whom it was communicated, united, by mar⯑riage or inheritance, the wealth and titles of the Annian, the Petronian, and the Olybrian houſes; and in each generation the number of conſulſhips was multiplied by an hereditary claim ¹⁸. The Anician family excelled in faith and in riches: they were the firſt of the Roman ſenate who em⯑braced Chriſtianity; and it is probable that Anicius Julian, who was afterwards conſul and praefect of the city, atoned for his attachment to the party of Maxentius, by the readineſs with which he accepted the religion of Conſtantine ¹⁹. Their ample patrimony was increaſed by the in⯑duſtry [261] of Probus, the chief of the Anician fa⯑mily; who ſhared with Gratian the honours of the conſulſhip, and exerciſed, four times, the high office of Praetorian praefect ²⁰. His immenſe eſtates were ſcattered over the wide extent of the Roman world; and though the public might ſuſpect, or diſapprove, the methods, by which they had been acquired; the generoſity and mag⯑nificence of that fortunate ſtateſman deſerved the gratitude of his clients, and the admiration of ſtrangers ²¹. Such was the reſpect entertained for his memory, that the two ſons of Probus, in their earlieſt youth, and at the requeſt of the ſe⯑nate, were aſſociated in the conſular dignity: a memorable diſtinction, without example, in the annals of Rome ²².

The marbles of the Anician palace," were Wealth of the Roman nobles. uſed as a proverbial expreſſion of opulence and ſplendour ²³; but the nobles and ſenators of Rome [262] aſpired, in due gradation, to imitate that illuſ⯑trious family. The accurate deſcription of the city, which was compoſed in the Theodoſian age, enumerates one thouſand ſeven hundred and eighty houſes, the reſidence of wealthy and ho⯑nourable citizens ²⁴. Many of theſe ſtately man⯑ſions might almoſt excuſe the exaggeration of the poet; that Rome contained a multitude of pa⯑laces, and that each palace was equal to a city: ſince it included within its own precincts, every thing which could be ſubſervient either to uſe or luxury; markets, hippodromes, temples, foun⯑tains, baths, porticos, ſhady groves, and artificial aviaries ²⁵. The hiſtorian Olympiodorus, who repreſents the ſtate of Rome when it was beſieged by the Goths ²⁶, continues to obſerve, that ſeve⯑ral of the richeſt ſenators received from their eſtates an annual income of four thouſand pounds of gold, above one hundred and ſixty thouſand pounds ſterling; without computing the ſtated proviſion of corn and wine, which, had they been ſold, might have equalled in value one third of [263] the money. Compared to this immoderate wealth, an ordinary revenue of a thouſand or fifteen hun⯑dred pounds of gold might be conſidered as no more than adequate to the dignity of the ſena⯑torian rank, which required many expences of a public and oſtentatious kind. Several examples are recorded in the age of Honorius, of vain and popular nobles who celebrated the year of their praetorſhip, by a feſtival, which laſted ſeven days, and coſt above one hundred thouſand pounds ſterling ²⁷. The eſtates of the Roman ſenators, which ſo far exceeded the proportion of modern wealth, were not confined to the limits of Italy. Their poſſeſſions extended far beyond the Ionian and Aegean ſeas, to the moſt diſtant provinces; the city of Nicopolis, which Auguſtus had found⯑ed as an eternal monument of the Actian victory, was the property of the devout Paula ²⁸; and it is [264] obſerved by Seneca, that the rivers, which had divided hoſtile nations, now flowed through the lands of private citizens ²⁹. According to their temper and circumſtances, the eſtates of the Ro⯑mans were either cultivated by the labour of their ſlaves, or granted, for a certain and ſtipulated rent, to the induſtrious farmer. The oeconomi⯑cal writers of antiquity ſtrenuouſly recommend the former method, wherever it may be practi⯑cable; but if the object ſhould be removed, by its diſtance or magnitude, from the immediate eye of the maſter, they prefer the active care of an old hereditary tenant, attached to the ſoil, and intereſted in the produce, to the mercenary ad⯑miniſtration of a negligent, perhaps an unfaith⯑ful, ſteward ³⁰.

The opulent nobles of an immenſe capital, Their manners. who were never excited by the purſuit of military glory, and ſeldom engaged in the occupations of civil government, naturally reſigned their leiſure to the buſineſs and amuſements of private life. At Rome, commerce was always held in con⯑tempt: [265] but the ſenators, from the firſt age of the republic, increaſed their patrimony, and mul⯑tiplied their clients, by the lucrative practice of uſury; and the obſolete laws were eluded, or violated, by the mutual inclinations and intereſt of both parties ³¹. A conſiderable maſs of trea⯑ſure muſt always have exiſted at Rome, either in the current coin of the empire, or in the form of gold and ſilver plate; and there were many ſide⯑boards in the time of Pliny, which contained more ſolid ſilver, than had been tranſported by Scipio from vanquiſhed Carthage ³². The great⯑er part of the nobles, who diſſipated their for⯑tunes in profuſe luxury, found themſelves poor in the midſt of wealth; and idle in a conſtant round of diſſipation. Their deſires were continually gratified by the labour of a thouſand hands; of the numerous train of their domeſtic ſlaves, who were actuated by the fear of puniſhment; and of the various profeſſions of artificers and merchants, who were more powerfully impelled by the hopes of gain. The ancients were deſtitute of many of the conveniencies of life, which have been in⯑vented or improved by the progreſs of induſtry; and the plenty of glaſs and linen has diffuſed more [266] real comforts among the modern nations of Eu⯑rope, than the ſenators of Rome could derive from all the refinements of pompous or ſenſual lux⯑ury ³³. Their luxury, and their manners, have been the ſubject of minute and laborious diſqui⯑ſition: but as ſuch enquiries would divert me too long from the deſign of the preſent work, I ſhall produce an authentic ſtate of Rome and its inha⯑bitants, which is more peculiarly applicable to the period of the Gothic invaſion. Ammianus Marcellinus, who prudently choſe the capital of the empire, as the reſidence the beſt adapted to the hiſtorian of his own times, has mixed with the narrative of public events, a lively repreſenta⯑tion of the ſcenes with which he was familiarly converſant. The judicious reader will not always approve the aſperity of cenſure, the choice of circumſtances, or the ſtyle of expreſſion: he will perhaps detect the latent prejudices, and perſonal reſentments, which ſoured the temper of Am⯑mianus himſelf; but he will ſurely obſerve, with philoſophic curioſity, the intereſting and original picture of the manners of Rome ³⁴.

[267] ‘"The greatneſs of Rome (ſuch is the lan⯑guage of the hiſtorian) was founded on the rare, and almoſt incredible, alliance of virtue Character of the Ro⯑man no⯑bles, by Ammia⯑nus Mar⯑cellinus. and of fortune. The long period of her in⯑fancy was employed in a laborious ſtruggle againſt the tribes of Italy, the neighbours and enemies of the riſing city. In the ſtrength and ardour of youth, ſhe ſuſtained the ſtorms of war; carried her victorious arms beyond the ſeas and the mountains; and brought home triumphal laurels from every country of the globe. At length, verging towards old age, and ſometimes conquering by the terror only of her name, ſhe ſought the bleſſings of eaſe and tranquillity. The VENERABLE CITY, which had trampled on the necks of the fierceſt na⯑tions; and eſtabliſhed a ſyſtem of laws, the perpetual guardians of juſtice and freedom; was content, like a wiſe and wealthy parent, to devolve on the Caeſars, her favourite ſons, the care of governing her ample patrimony ³⁵. A ſecure and profound peace, ſuch as had been once enjoyed in the reign of Numa, ſucceeded to the tumults of a republic: while Rome was ſtill adored as the queen of the earth; and the ſubject nations ſtill reverenced the name of the people, and the majeſty of the ſenate. But [268] this native ſplendour (continues Ammianus) is degraded, and ſullied, by the conduct of ſome nobles; who, unmindful of their own dignity, and of that of their country, aſſume an un⯑bounded licence of vice and folly. They con⯑tend with each other in the empty vanity of titles and ſurnames; and curiouſly ſelect, or invent, the moſt lofty and ſonorous appella⯑tions, Reburrus, or Fabunius, Pagonius, or Tarraſius ³⁶, which may impreſs the ears of the vulgar with aſtoniſhment and reſpect. From a vain ambition of perpetuating their memory, they affect to multiply their likeneſs, in ſtatues of bronze and marble; nor are they ſatisfied, unleſs thoſe ſtatues are covered with plates of gold: an honourable diſtinction, firſt granted to Acilius the conſul, after he had ſubdued, by his arms and counſels, the power of king An⯑tiochus. The oſtentation of diſplaying, of magnifying perhaps, the rent-roll of the eſtates which they poſſeſs in all the provinces, from the riſing to the ſetting ſun, provokes the juſt reſentment of every man, who recollects, that their poor and invincible anceſtors were not diſtinguiſhed from the meaneſt of the ſoldiers, by the delicacy of their food, or the ſplendour [269] of their apparel. But the modern nobles mea⯑ſure their rank and conſequence according to the loftineſs of their chariots ³⁷, and the weighty magnificence of their dreſs. Their long robes of ſilk and purple float in the wind; and as they are agitated, by art or accident, they oc⯑caſionally diſcover the under garments, the rich tunics, embroidered with the figures of various animals ³⁸. Followed by a train of fifty ſervants, and tearing up the pavement, they move along the ſtreets with the ſame im⯑petuous ſpeed as if they travelled with poſt⯑horſes; and the example of the ſenators is boldly imitated by the matrons and ladies, whoſe co⯑vered carriages are continually driving round the immenſe ſpace of the city and ſuburbs. Whenever theſe perſons of high diſtinction condeſcend to viſit the public baths, they aſ⯑ſume, on their entrance, a tone of loud and [270] inſolent command, and appropriate to their own uſe the conveniencies which were deſign⯑ed for the Roman people. If, in theſe places of mixed and general reſort, they meet any of the infamous miniſters of their pleaſures, they expreſs their affection by a tender embrace; while they proudly decline the ſalutations of their fellow-citizens, who are not permitted to aſpire above the honour of kiſſing their hands, or their knees. As ſoon as they have indulged themſelves in the refreſhment of the bath, they reſume their rings, and the other enſigns of their dignity; ſelect from their private ward⯑robe of the fineſt linen, ſuch as might ſuffice for a dozen perſons, the garments the moſt agreeable to their fancy, and maintain till their departure the ſame haughty demeanour; which perhaps might have been excuſed in the great Marcellus, after the conqueſt of Syracuſe. Sometimes, indeed, theſe heroes undertake more arduous atchievements; they viſit their eſtates in Italy, and procure themſelves, by the toil of ſervile hands, the amuſements of the chace ³⁹. If at any time, but more eſpecially on a hot day, they have courage to ſail, in their painted gallies, from the Lucrine lake ⁴⁰ [271] to their elegant villas on the ſea-coaſt of Pu⯑teoli and Cayeta ⁴¹, they compare their own expeditions to the marches of Caeſar and Alex⯑ander. Yet ſhould a fly preſume to ſettle on the ſilken folds of their gilded umbrellas; ſhould a ſun-beam penetrate through ſome un⯑guarded and imperceptible chink, they deplore their intolerable hardſhips, and lament, in af⯑fected language, that they were not born in the land of the Cimmerians ⁴², the regions of eternal darkneſs. In theſe journies into the country ⁴³, the whole body of the houſehold marches with their maſter. In the ſame man⯑ner [272] as the cavalry and infantry, the heavy and the light armed troops, the advanced guard and the rear, are marſhalled by the ſkill of their military leaders; ſo the domeſtic officers, who bear a rod, as an enſign of authority, diſ⯑tribute and arrange the numerous train of ſlaves and attendants. The baggage and ward⯑robe move in the front; and are immediately followed by a multitude of cooks, and inferior miniſters, employed in the ſervice of the kit⯑chens, and of the table. The main body is compoſed of a promiſcuous crowd of ſlaves, increaſed by the accidental concourſe of idle or dependent plebeians. The rear is cloſed by the favourite band of eunuchs, diſtributed from age to youth, according to the order of ſe⯑niority. Their numbers, and their deformity, excite the horror of the indignant ſpectators, who are rèady to execrate the memory of Se⯑miramis, for the cruel art which ſhe invented, of fruſtrating the purpoſes of nature, and of blaſting in the bud the hopes of future gene⯑rations. In the exerciſe of domeſtic juriſdic⯑tion, the nobles of Rome expreſs an exquiſite ſenſibility for any perſonal injury, and a con⯑temptuous indifference for the reſt of the human ſpecies. When they have called for warm wa⯑ter, if a ſlave has been tardy in his obedience, he is inſtantly chaſtiſed with three hundred laſhes: but ſhould the ſame ſlave commit a wilful murder, the maſter will mildly obſerve, that he is a worthleſs fellow; but that, if he repeats the offence, he ſhall not eſcape puniſh⯑ment. [273] Hoſpitality was formerly the virtue of the Romans; and every ſtranger, who could plead either merit or misfortune, was relieved, or rewarded, by their generoſity. At preſent, if a foreigner, perhaps of no contemptible rank, is introduced to one of the proud and wealthy ſenators, he is welcomed indeed in the firſt audience, with ſuch warm profeſſions, and ſuch kind enquiries, that he retires, enchanted with the affability of his illuſtrious friend, and full of regret that he had ſo long delayed his journey to Rome, the native ſeat of man⯑ners, as well as of empire. Secure of a favour⯑able reception, he repeats his viſit the enſuing day, and is mortified by the diſcovery, that his perſon, his name, and his country, are already forgotten. If he ſtill has reſolution to perſe⯑vere, he is gradually numbered in the train of dependents, and obtains the permiſſion to pay his aſſiduous and unprofitable court to a haugh⯑ty patron, incapable of gratitude or friendſhip; who ſcarcely deigns to remark his preſence, his departure, or his return. Whenever the rich prepare a ſolemn and popular entertainment ⁴⁴; whenever they celebrate, with profuſe and per⯑nicious [274] luxury, their private banquets; the choice of the gueſts is the ſubject of anxi⯑ous deliberation. The modeſt, the ſober, and the learned, are ſeldom preferred; and the nomenclators, who are commonly ſwayed by intereſted motives, have the addreſs to inſert in the liſt of invitations, the obſcure names of the moſt worthleſs of mankind. But the fre⯑quent and familiar companions of the great, are thoſe paraſites, who practiſe the moſt uſe⯑ful of all arts, the art of flattery; who eagerly applaud each word, and every action of their immortal patron; gaze with rapture on his marble columns, and variegated pavements; and ſtrenuouſly praiſe the pomp and elegance, which he is taught to conſider as a part of his perſonal merit. At the Roman tables, the birds, the ſquirrels ⁴⁵, or the fiſh, which appear [275] of an uncommon ſize, are contemplated with curious attention; a pair of ſcales is accurately applied, to aſcertain their real weight; and, while the more rational gueſts are diſguſted by the vain and tedious repetition, notaries are ſummoned to atteſt, by an authentic record, the truth of ſuch a marvellous event. Another method of introduction into the houſes and ſociety of the great, is derived from the pro⯑feſſion of gaming, or, as it is more politely ſtyled, of play. The confederates are united by a ſtrict and indiſſoluble bond of friendſhip, or rather of conſpiracy; a ſuperior degree of ſkill in the Teſſerarian art (which may be in⯑terpreted the game of dice and tables ⁴⁶) is a ſure road to wealth and reputation. A maſter of that ſublime ſcience, who in a ſupper, or aſſembly, is placed below a magiſtrate, diſplays in his countenance the ſurpriſe and indignation, which Cato might be ſuppoſed to feel, when he was refuſed the praetorſhip by the votes of a capricious people. The acquiſition of know⯑ledge [276] ſeldom engages the curioſity of the no⯑bles, who abhor the fatigue, and diſdain the advantages, of ſtudy; and the only books which they peruſe are the ſatires of Juvenal, and the verboſe and fabulous hiſtories of Marius Maxi⯑mus ⁴⁷. The libraries, which they have inhe⯑rited from their fathers, are ſecluded, like dreary ſepulchres, from the light of day ⁴⁸. But the coſtly inſtruments of the theatre, flutes, and enormous lyres, and hydraulic organs, are conſtructed for their uſe; and the harmony of vocal and inſtrumental muſic is inceſſantly repeated in the palaces of Rome. In thoſe palaces, ſound is preferred to ſenſe, and the care of the body to that of the mind. It is allowed as a ſalutary maxim, that the light and frivolous ſuſpicion of a contagious malady, is of ſufficient weight to excuſe the viſits of the moſt intimate friends; and even the ſervants, who are diſpatched to make the decent enqui⯑ries, are not ſuffered to return home, till they have undergone the ceremony of a previous ablution. Yet this ſelfiſh and unmanly deli⯑cacy occaſionally yields to the more imperious paſſion of avarice. The proſpect of gain will [277] urge a rich and gouty ſenator as far as Spoleto; every ſentiment of arrogance and dignity is ſubdued by the hopes of an inheritance, or even of a legacy; and a wealthy, childleſs, citizen is the moſt powerful of the Romans. The art of obtaining the ſignature of a favour⯑able teſtament, and ſometimes of haſtening the moment of its execution, is perfectly under⯑ſtood; and it has happened, that in the ſame houſe, though in different apartments, a huſ⯑band and a wife, with the laudable deſign of over-reaching each other, have ſummoned their reſpective lawyers, to declare, at the ſame time, their mutual, but contradictory, inten⯑tions. The diſtreſs which follows and chaſtiſes extravagant luxury, often reduces the great to the uſe of the moſt humiliating expedients. When they deſire to borrow, they employ the baſe and ſupplicating ſtyle of the ſlave in the comedy; but when they are called upon to pay, they aſſume the royal and tragic declama⯑tion of the grandſons of Hercules. If the de⯑mand is repeated, they readily procure ſome truſty ſycophant, inſtructed to maintain a charge of poiſon, or magic, againſt the inſolent cre⯑ditor; who is ſeldom releaſed from priſon, till he has ſigned a diſcharge of the whole debt. Theſe vices, which degrade the moral character of the Romans, are mixed with a puerile ſuper⯑ſtition, that diſgraces their underſtanding. They liſten with confidence to the predictions of haruſpices, who pretend to read, in the en⯑trails [278] of victims, the ſigns of future greatneſs and proſperity; and there are many who do not preſume either to bathe, or to dine, or to appear in public, till they have diligently conſulted, according to the rules of aſtrology, the ſitua⯑tion of Mercury, and the aſpect of the moon ⁴⁸. It is ſingular enough, that this vain credulity may often be diſcovered among the prophane ſceptics, who impiouſly doubt, or deny, the exiſtence of a celeſtial power."’

In populous cities, which are the ſeat of commerce and manufactures, the middle ranks State and character of the people of Rome. of inhabitants, who derive their ſubſiſtence from the dexterity, or labour, of their hands, are com⯑monly the moſt prolific, the moſt uſeful, and, in that ſenſe, the moſt reſpectable, part of the com⯑munity. But the plebeians of Rome, who diſ⯑dained ſuch ſedentary and ſervile arts, had been oppreſſed, from the earlieſt times, by the weight of debt and uſury; and the huſbandman, during the term of his military ſervice, was obliged to abandon the cultivation of his farm ⁴⁹. The lands of Italy, which had been originally divided among the families of free and indigent proprietors, were inſenſibly purchaſed, or uſurped, by the [279] avarice of the nobles; and in the age which pre⯑ceded the fall of the republic, it was computed, that only two thouſand citizens were poſſeſſed of any independent ſubſtance ⁵⁰. Yet as long as the people beſtowed, by their ſuffrages, the honours of the ſtate, the command of the legions, and the adminiſtration of wealthy provinces, their conſcious pride alleviated, in ſome meaſure, the hardſhips of poverty; and their wants were ſea⯑ſonably ſupplied by the ambitious liberality of the candidates, who aſpired to ſecure a venal ma⯑jority in the thirty-five tribes, or the hundred and ninety-three centuries, of Rome. But when the prodigal commons had imprudently alienated not only the uſe, but the inheritance, of power, they ſunk, under the reign of the Caeſars, into a vile and wretched populace, which muſt, in a few generations, have been totally extinguiſhed, if it had not been continually recruited by the manu⯑miſſion of ſlaves, and the influx of ſtrangers. As early as the time of Hadrian, it was the juſt com⯑plaint of the ingenuous natives, that the capital had attracted the vices of the univerſe, and the manners of the moſt oppoſite nations. The in⯑temperance of the Gauls, the cunning and levity of the Greeks, the ſavage obſtinacy of the Egyp⯑tians and Jews, the ſervile temper of the Aſiatics, [280] and the diſſolute, effeminate proſtitution of the Syrians, were mingled in the various multitude; which, under the proud and falſe denomination of Romans, preſumed to deſpiſe their fellow⯑ſubjects, and even their ſovereigns, who dwelt beyond the precincts of the ETERNAL CITY ⁵¹.

Yet the name of that city was ſtill pronounced with reſpect: the frequent and capricious tumults Public diſ⯑tribution of bread, bacon, oil, wine, &c. of its inhabitants were indulged with impunity; and the ſucceſſors of Conſtantine, inſtead of cruſh⯑ing the laſt remains of the democracy, by the ſtrong arm of military power, embraced the mild policy of Auguſtus, and ſtudied to relieve the poverty, and to amuſe the idleneſs, of an innu⯑merable people ⁵². I. For the convenience of the lazy plebeians, the monthly diſtributions of corn [281] were converted into a daily allowance of bread; a great number of ovens were conſtructed and maintained at the public expence; and at the appointed hour, each citizen, who was furniſhed with a ticket, aſcended the flight of ſteps, which had been aſſigned to his peculiar quarter or divi⯑ſion, and received, either as a gift, or at a very low price, a loaf of bread of the weight of three pounds, for the uſe of his family. II. The fo⯑reſts of Lucania, whoſe acorns fattened large droves of wild hogs ⁵³, afforded, as a ſpecies of tribute, a plentiful ſupply of cheap and whole⯑ſome meat. During five months of the year, a regular allowance of bacon was diſtributed to the poorer citizens; and the annual conſumption of the capital, at a time when it was much declined from its former luſtre, was aſcertained, by an edict of Valentinian the Third, at three millions ſix hundred and twenty-eight thouſand pounds ⁵⁴. III. In the manners of antiquity, the uſe of oil was indiſpenſable for the lamp, as well as for the bath; and the annual tax, which was impoſed on Africa for the benefit of Rome, amounted to the weight of three millions of pounds, to the mea⯑ſure, perhaps, of three hundred thouſand Engliſh gallons. IV. The anxiety of Auguſtus to provide [282] the metropolis with ſufficient plenty of corn, was not extended beyond that neceſſary article of human ſubſiſtence; and when the popular clamour ac⯑cuſed the dearneſs and ſcarcity of wine, a procla⯑mation was iſſued, by the grave reformer, to re⯑mind his ſubjects, that no man could reaſonably complain of thirſt, ſince the aqueducts of Agrippa had introduced into the city ſo many copious ſtreams of pure and ſalubrious water ⁵⁵. This rigid ſobriety was inſenſibly relaxed; and, al⯑though the generous deſign of Aurelian ⁵⁶ does not appear to have been executed in its full ex⯑tent, the uſe of wine was allowed on very eaſy and liberal terms. The adminiſtration of the public cellars was delegated to a magiſtrate of honourable rank; and a conſiderable part of the vintage of Campania was reſerved for the for⯑tunate inhabitants of Rome.

The ſtupendous aqueducts, ſo juſtly celebrated Uſe of the public baths. by the praiſes of Auguſtus himſelf, repleniſhed the Thermae, or baths, which had been conſtructed in every part of the city, with Imperial magnifi⯑cence. The baths of Antoninus Caracalla, which were open, at ſtated hours, for the indiſcriminate ſervice of the ſenators and the people, contained above ſixteen hundred ſeats of marble; and more [283] than three thouſand were reckoned in the baths of Diocletian ⁵⁷. The walls of the lofty apart⯑ments were covered with curious moſaics, that imitated the art of the pencil in the elegance of deſign, and the variety of colours. The Egyp⯑tian granite was beautifully incruſted with the precious green marble of Numidia; the per⯑petual ſtream of hot water was poured into the capacious baſons, through ſo many mide mouths of bright and maſſy ſilver; and the meaneſt Ro⯑man could purchaſe, with a ſmall copper coin, the daily enjoyment of a ſcene of pomp and luxury, which might excite the envy of the kings of Aſia ⁵⁸. From theſe ſtately palaces iſſued a ſwarm of dirty and ragged plebeians, without ſhoes, and without a mantle; who loitered away whole days in the ſtreet or Forum, to hear news, and to hold diſputes; who diſſipated, in extravagant gaming, the miſerable pittance of their wives and children; and ſpent the hours of the night in obſcure taverns, and brothels, in the indulgence of groſs and vul⯑gar ſenſuality ⁵⁹.

[284] But the moſt lively and ſplendid amuſement of the idle multitude, depended on the frequent ex⯑hibition of public games and ſpectacles. The Games and ſpec⯑tacles. piety of Chriſtian princes had ſuppreſſed the in⯑human combats of gladiators; but the Roman people ſtill conſidered the Circus as their home, their temple, and the ſeat of the republic. The impatient crowd ruſhed at the dawn of day to ſe⯑cue their places, and there were many who paſſed a ſleepleſs and anxious night in the adjacent por⯑ticos. From the morning to the evening, care⯑leſs of the ſun, or of the rain, the ſpectators, who ſometimes amounted to the number of four hun⯑dred thouſand, remained in eager attention; their eyes fixed on the horſes and charioteers, their minds agitated with hope and fear, for the ſucceſs of the colours which they eſpouſed: and the hap⯑pineſs of Rome appeared to hang on the event of a race ⁶⁰. The ſame immoderate ardour inſpired their clamours, and their applauſe, as often as they were entertained with the hunting of wild beaſts, and the various modes of theatrical re⯑preſentation. Theſe repreſentations in modern capitals may deſerve to be conſidered as a pure and elegant ſchool of taſte, and perhaps of vir⯑tue. But the Tragic and Comic Muſe of the Ro⯑mans, [285] who ſeldom aſpired beyond the imitation of Attic genius ⁶¹, had been almoſt totally ſilent ſince the fall of the republic ⁶²; and their place was unworthily occupied by licentious farce, ef⯑feminate muſic, and ſplendid pageantry. The pantomimes ⁶³, who maintained their reputation from the age of Auguſtus to the ſixth century, expreſſed, without the uſe of words, the various fables of the gods and heroes of antiquity; and the perfection of their art, which ſometimes diſ⯑armed the gravity of the philoſopher, always ex⯑cited the applauſe and wonder of the people. The vaſt and magnificent theatres of Rome were filled by three thouſand female dancers, and by three thouſand ſingers, with the maſters of the reſpective choruſſes. Such was the popular fa⯑vour which they enjoyed, that, in a time of ſcarcity, when all ſtrangers were baniſhed from the city, the merit of contributing to the public [286] pleaſures exempted them from a law, which was ſtrictly executed againſt the profeſſors of the liberal arts ⁶⁴.

It is ſaid, that the fooliſh curioſity of Elaga⯑balus attempted to diſcover, from the quantity of Populouſ⯑neſs of Rome. ſpiders webs, the number of the inhabitants of Rome. A more rational method of enquiry might not have been undeſerving of the attention of the wiſeſt princes, who could eaſily have re⯑ſolved a queſtion ſo important for the Roman go⯑vernment, and ſo intereſting to ſucceeding ages. The births and deaths of the citizens were duly regiſtered; and if any writer of antiquity had condeſcended to mention the annual amount, or the common average, we might now produce ſome ſatisfactory calculation, which would deſtroy the extravagant aſſertions of critics, and perhaps confirm the modeſt and probable conjectures of philoſophers ⁶⁵. The moſt diligent reſearches have collected only the following circumſtances; which, ſlight and imperfect as they are, may tend, in ſome degree, to illuſtrate the queſtion of the populouſneſs of ancient Rome. I. When the capital of the empire was beſieged by the [287] Goths, the circuit of the walls was accurately meaſured, by Ammonius, the mathematician, who found it equal to twenty-one miles ⁶⁶. It ſhould not be forgotten, that the form of the city was almoſt that of a circle; the geometrical figure which is known to contain the largeſt ſpace within any given circumference. II. The archi⯑tect Vitruvius, who flouriſhed in the Auguſtan age, and whoſe evidence, on this occaſion, has peculiar weight and authority, obſerves, that the innumerable habitations of the Roman people would have ſpread themſelves far beyond the nar⯑row limits of the city; and that the want of ground, which was probably contracted on every ſide by gardens and villas, ſuggeſted the common, though inconvenient, practice of raiſing the houſes to a conſiderable height in the air ⁶⁷. But the loftineſs of theſe buildings, which often conſiſted of haſty work, and inſufficient materials, was the cauſe of frequent and fatal accidents; and it was repeatedly enacted by Auguſtus, as well as by Nero, that the height of private edifices, within the walls of Rome, ſhould not exceed the mea⯑ſure of ſeventy feet from the ground ⁶⁸. III. Ju⯑venal ⁶⁹ [288] laments, as it ſhould ſeem from his own experience, the hardſhips of the poorer citizens, to whom he addreſſes the ſalutary advice of emi⯑grating, without delay, from the ſmoke of Rome; ſince they might purchaſe, in the little towns of Italy, a cheerful commodious dwelling, at the ſame price which they annually paid for a dark and miſerable lodging. Houſe-rent was there⯑fore immoderately dear: the rich acquired, at an enormous expence, the ground, which they co⯑vered with palaces and gardens; but the body of the Roman people was crowded into a narrow ſpace; and the different floors, and apartments, of the ſame houſe, were divided, as it is ſtill the cuſtom of Paris, and other cities, among ſeveral families of plebeians. IV. The total number of houſes in the fourteen regions of the city, is ac⯑curately ſtated in the deſcription of Rome, com⯑poſed under the reign of Theodoſius, and they amount to forty-eight thouſand three hundred and [289] eighty-two ⁷⁰. The two claſſes of domus and of inſulae, into which they are divided, include all the habitations of the capital, of every rank and condition, from the marble palace of the Anicii, with a numerous eſtabliſhment of freedmen and ſlaves, to the lofty and narrow lodging-houſe, where the poet Codrus, and his wife, were per⯑mitted to hire a wretched garret immediately under the tiles. If we adopt the ſame average, which, under ſimilar circumſtances, has been found applicable to Paris ⁷¹, and indifferently allow about twenty-five perſons for each houſe, of every degree, we may fairly eſtimate the inha⯑bitants of Rome at twelve hundred thouſand: a number which cannot be thought exceſſive for the capital of a mighty empire, though it ex⯑ceeds the populouſneſs of the greateſt cities of modern Europe ⁷².

Such was the ſtate of Rome under the reign of Firſt ſiege of Rome, by the Goths, A. D. 408. Honorius; at the time when the Gothic army formed the ſiege, or rather the blockade, of the city ⁷³. By a ſkilful diſpoſition of his numerous [290] forces, who impatiently watched the moment of an aſſault, Alaric encompaſſed the walls, com⯑manded the twelve principal gates, intercepted all communication with the adjacent country, and vigilantly guarded the navigation of the Tyber, from which the Romans derived the ſureſt and moſt plentiful ſupply of proviſions. The firſt emotions of the nobles, and of the people, were thoſe of ſurpriſe and indignation, that a vile Barbarian ſhould dare to inſult the capital of the world: but their arrogance was ſoon humbled by misfortune; and their unmanly rage, inſtead of being directed againſt an enemy in arms, was meanly exerciſed on a defenceleſs and innocent victim. Perhaps in the perſon of Serena, the Romans might have reſpected the niece of Theo⯑doſius, the aunt, nay even the adoptive mother, of the reigning emperor: but they abhorred the widow of Stilicho; and they liſtened with cre⯑dulous paſſion to the tale of calumny, which ac⯑cuſed her of maintaining a ſecret and criminal correſpondence with the Gothic invader. Actu⯑ated, or overawed, by the ſame popular frenzy, the ſenate, without requiring any evidence of her guilt, pronounced the ſentence of her death. Serena was ignominiouſly ſtrangled; and the infatuated multitude were aſtoniſhed to find, that this cruel act of injuſtice did not immediately produce the retreat of the Barbarians, and the deliverance of the city. That unfortunate city Famine. [291] gradually experienced the diſtreſs of ſcarcity, and at length the horrid calamities of famine. The daily allowance of three pounds of bread was reduced to one-half, to one-third, to nothing; and the price of corn ſtill continued to riſe in a rapid and extravagant proportion. The poorer citizens, who were unable to purchaſe the neceſ⯑ſaries of life, ſolicited the precarious charity of the rich; and for a while the public miſery was alleviated by the humanity of Laeta, the widow of the emperor Gratian, who had fixed her reſi⯑dence at Rome, and conſecrated, to the uſe of the indigent, the princely revenue, which ſhe annually received from the grateful ſucceſſors of her huſband ⁷⁴. But theſe private and temporary donatives were inſufficient to appeaſe the hunger of a numerous people; and the progreſs of famine invaded the marble palaces of the ſenators them⯑ſelves. The perſons of both ſexes, who had been educated in the enjoyment of eaſe and luxury, diſcovered how little is requiſite to ſupply the demands of nature; and laviſhed their unavail⯑ing treaſures of gold and ſilver, to obtain the coarſe and ſcanty ſuſtenance which they would formerly have rejected with diſdain. The food the moſt repugnant to ſenſe or imagination, the aliments the moſt unwholeſome and pernicious to the conſtitution, were eagerly devoured, and fiercely diſputed, by the rage of hunger. A dark ſuſpicion was entertained, that ſome deſperate wretches fed on the bodies of their fellow-crea⯑tures, [292] whom they had ſecretly murdered; and even mothers (ſuch was the horrid conflict of the two moſt powerful inſtincts implanted by nature in the human breaſt), even mothers are ſaid to have taſted the fleſh of their ſlaughtered infants ⁷⁵! Many thouſands of the inhabitants of Rome ex⯑pired in their houſes, or in the ſtreets, for want of ſuſtenance; and as the public ſepulchres with⯑out the walls were in the power of the enemy, the ſtench, which aroſe from ſo many putrid and un⯑buried carcaſſes, infected the air; and the miſe⯑ries of famine were ſucceeded and aggravated by the contagion of a peſtilential diſeaſe. The aſſur⯑ances Plague. of ſpeedy and effectual relief, which were repeatedly tranſmitted from the court of Raven⯑na, ſupported, for ſome time, the fainting reſo⯑lution of the Romans, till at length the deſpair of any human aid tempted them to accept the offers of a praeternatural deliverance. Pompei⯑anus, Superſti⯑tion. praefect of the city, had been perſuaded, by the art or fanaticiſm of ſome Tuſcan diviners, that, by the myſterious force of ſpells and ſacri⯑fices, they could extract the lightning from the clouds, and point thoſe celeſtial fires againſt the [293] camp of the Barbarians ⁷⁶. The important ſecret was communicated to Innocent, the biſhop of Rome; and the ſucceſſor of St. Peter is accuſed, perhaps without foundation, of preferring the ſafety of the republic to the rigid ſeverity of the Chriſtian worſhip. But when the queſtion was agitated in the ſenate; when it was propoſed, as an eſſential condition, that thoſe ſacrifices ſhould be performed in the Capitol, by the authority, and in the preſence of, the magiſtrates; the ma⯑jority of that reſpectable aſſembly, apprehenſive either of the Divine, or of the Imperial, diſplea⯑ſure, refuſed to join in an act, which appeared almoſt equivalent to the public reſtoration of Paganiſm ⁷⁷.

[294] The laſt reſource of the Romans was in the clemency, or at leaſt in the moderation, of the king of the Goths. The ſenate, who in this Alaric ac⯑cepts a ranſom, and raiſes the ſiege, A. D. 409. emergency aſſumed the ſupreme powers of go⯑vernment, appointed two ambaſſadors to nego⯑ciate with the enemy. This important truſt was delegated to Baſilius, a ſenator, of Spaniſh ex⯑traction, and already conſpicuous in the admini⯑ſtration of provinces; and to John, the firſt tri⯑bune of the notaries, who was peculiarly qualified, by his dexterity in buſineſs, as well as by his for⯑mer intimacy with the Gothic prince. When they were introduced into his preſence, they de⯑clared, perhaps in a more lofty ſtyle than became their abject condition, that the Romans were reſolved to maintain their dignity, either in peace or war; and that, if Alaric refuſed them a fair and honourable capitulation, he might ſound his trumpets, and prepare to give battle to an innu⯑merable people, exerciſed in arms, and animated by deſpair. ‘"The thicker the hay, the eaſier it is mowed,"’ was the conciſe reply of the Barbarian; and this ruſtic metaphor was accom⯑panied by a loud and inſulting laugh, expreſſive of his contempt for the menaces of an unwarlike populace, enervated by luxury before they were emaciated by famine. He then condeſcended to fix the ranſom, which he would accept as the price of his retreat from the walls of Rome: all the gold and ſilver in the city, whether it were the property of the ſtate, or of individuals; all the rich and precious moveables; and all the [295] ſlaves who could prove their title to the name of Barbarians. The miniſters of the ſenate preſum⯑ed to aſk, in a modeſt and ſuppliant tone, ‘"If ſuch, O King, are your demands, what do you intend to leave us?"’ ‘"YOUR LIVES;"’ replied the haughty conqueror: they trembled, and retired. Yet before they retired, a ſhort ſuſ⯑penſion of arms was granted, which allowed ſome time for a more temperate negociation. The ſtern features of Alaric were inſenſibly relaxed; he abated much of the rigour of his terms; and at length conſented to raiſe the ſiege, on the im⯑mediate payment of five thouſand pounds of gold, of thirty thouſand pounds of ſilver, of four thou⯑ſand robes of ſilk, of three thouſand pieces of fine ſcarlet cloth, and of three thouſand pounds weight of pepper ⁷⁸. But the public treaſury was exhauſted; the annual rents of the great eſtates in Italy and the provinces, were intercepted by the calamities of war; the gold and gems had been exchanged, during the famine, for the vileſt ſuſtenance; the hoards of ſecret wealth were ſtill concealed by the obſtinacy of avarice; and ſome remains of conſecrated ſpoils afforded the only reſource that could avert the impending ruin of the city. As ſoon as the Romans had ſatisfied the rapacious demands of Alaric, they were re⯑ſtored, [296] in ſome meaſure, to the enjoyment of peace and plenty. Several of the gates were cautiouſly opened; the importation of proviſions from the river, and the adjacent country, was no longer obſtructed by the Goths; the citizens reſorted in crowds to the free market, which was held during three days in the ſuburbs; and while the merchants who undertook this gainful trade, made a conſiderable profit, the future ſub⯑ſiſtence of the city was ſecured by the ample magazines which were depoſited in the public and private granaries. A more regular diſcipline, than could have been expected, was maintained in the camp of Alaric; and the wiſe Barbarian juſtified his regard for the faith of treaties, by the juſt ſeverity with which he chaſtiſed a party of licentious Goths, who had inſulted ſome Roman citizens on the road to Oſtia. His army, en⯑riched by the contributions of the capital, ſlowly advanced into the fair and fruitful province of Tuſcany, where he propoſed to eſtabliſh his win⯑ter-quarters; and the Gothic ſtandard became the refuge of forty thouſand Barbarian ſlaves, who had broke their chains, and aſpired, under the command of their great deliverer, to revenge the injuries, and the diſgrace, of their cruel ſer⯑vitude. About the ſame time, he received a more honourable reinforcement of Goths and Huns, whom Adolphus ⁷⁹, the brother of his wife, [297] had conducted, at his preſſing invitation, from the banks of the Danube to thoſe of the Tyber; and who had cut their way, with ſome difficulty and loſs, through the ſuperior numbers of the Imperial troops. A victorious leader, who unit⯑ed the daring ſpirit of a Barbarian with the art and diſcipline of a Roman general, was at the head of an hundred thouſand fighting men; and Italy pronounced, with terror and reſpect, the formidable name of Alaric ⁸⁰.

At the diſtance of fourteen centuries, we may Fruitleſs negocia⯑tions for peace, A. D. 409. be ſatisfied with relating the military exploits of the conquerors of Rome, without preſuming to inveſtigate the motives of their political conduct. In the midſt of his apparent proſperity, Alaric was conſcious, perhaps, of ſome ſecret weakneſs, ſome internal defect; or perhaps the moderation which he diſplayed, was intended only to deceive and diſarm the eaſy credulity of the miniſters of Honorius. The king of the Goths repeatedly declared, that it was his deſire to be conſidered as the friend of peace, and of the Romans. Three ſenators, at his earneſt requeſt, were ſent ambaſ⯑ſadors to the court of Ravenna, to ſolicit the exchange of hoſtages, and the concluſion of the treaty; and the propoſals, which he more clearly expreſſed during the courſe of the negociations, could only inſpire a doubt of his ſincerity, as they might ſeem inadequate to the ſtate of his fortune. The Barbarian ſtill aſpired to the rank [298] of maſter-general of the armies of the Weſt; he ſtipulated an annual ſubſidy of corn and money; and he choſe the provinces of Dalmatia, Nori⯑cum, and Venetia, for the ſeat of his new king⯑dom, which would have commanded the impor⯑tant communication between Italy and the Da⯑nube. If theſe modeſt terms ſhould be rejected, Alaric ſhewed a diſpoſition to relinquiſh his pe⯑cuniary demands, and even to content himſelf with the poſſeſſion of Noricum; an exhauſted and impoveriſhed country, perpetually expoſed to the inroads of the Barbarians of Germany ⁸¹. But the hopes of peace were diſappointed by the weak obſtinacy, or intereſted views, of the miniſter Olympius. Without liſtening to the ſalutary remonſtrances of the ſenate, he diſmiſſed their ambaſſadors under the conduct of a military eſ⯑cort, too numerous for a retinue of honour, and too feeble for an army of defence. Six thouſand Dalmatians, the flower of the Imperial legions, were ordered to march from Ravenna to Rome, through an open country, which was occupied by the formidable myriads of the Barbarians. Theſe brave legionaries, encompaſſed and betray⯑ed, fell a ſacrifice to miniſterial folly; their gene⯑ral Valens, with an hundred ſoldiers, eſcaped from the field of battle; and one of the ambaſ⯑ſadors, who could no longer claim the protection of the law of nations, was obliged to purchaſe his freedom with a ranſom of thirty thouſand pieces of gold. Yet Alaric, inſtead of reſenting this act of impotent hoſtility, immediately renew⯑ed [299] his propoſals of peace: and the ſecond embaſſy of the Roman ſenate, which derived weight and dignity from the preſence of Innocent, biſhop of the city, was guarded from the dangers of the road by a detachment of Gothic ſoldiers ⁸².

Olympius ⁸³ might have continued to inſult Change and ſuc⯑ceſſion of miniſters. the juſt reſentment of a people, who loudly ac⯑cuſed him as the author of the public calamities; but his power was undermined by the ſecret in⯑trigues of the palace. The favourite eunuchs transferred the government of Honorius, and the empire, to Jovius, the Praetorian praefect; an unworthy ſervant, who did not atone, by the merit of perſonal attachment, for the errors and misfortunes of his adminiſtration. The exile, or eſcape, of the guilty Olympius, reſerved him for more viciſſitudes of fortune: he experienced the adventures of an obſcure and wandering life; he again roſe to power; he fell a ſecond time into diſgrace; his ears were cut off; he expired under the laſh; and his ignominious death afford⯑ed a grateful ſpectacle to the friends of Stilicho. After the removal of Olympius, whoſe character was deeply tainted with religious fanaticiſm, the Pagans and heretics were delivered from the im⯑politic proſcription, which excluded them from the dignities of the ſtate. The brave Gennerid ⁸⁴, [300] a ſoldier of Barbarian origin, who ſtill adhered to the worſhip of his anceſtors, had been oblig⯑ed to lay aſide the military belt: and though he was repeatedly aſſured by the emperor himſelf, that laws were not made for perſons of his rank or merit, he refuſed to accept any partial diſpen⯑ſation, and perſevered in honourable diſgrace, till he had extorted a general act of juſtice from the diſtreſs of the Roman government. The conduct of Gennerid, in the important ſtation, to which he was promoted or reſtored, of maſter⯑general of Dalmatia, Pannonia, Noricum, and Rhaetia, ſeemed to revive the diſcipline and ſpirit of the republic. From a life of idleneſs and want, his troops were ſoon habituated to ſevere exerciſe, and plentiful ſubſiſtence; and his private generoſity often ſupplied the rewards, which were denied by the avarice, or poverty, of the court of Ravenna. The valour of Gen⯑nerid, formidable to the adjacent Barbarians, was the firmeſt bulwark of the Illyrian frontier; and his vigilant care aſſiſted the empire with a rein⯑forcement of ten thouſand Huns, who arrived on the confines of Italy, attended by ſuch a con⯑voy of proviſions, and ſuch a numerous train of ſheep and oxen, as might have been ſufficient, not only for the march of an army, but for the [301] ſettlement of a colony. But the court and coun⯑cils of Honorius ſtill remained a ſcene of weak⯑neſs and diſtraction, of corruption and anarchy. Inſtigated by the praefect Jovius, the guards roſe in furious mutiny, and demanded the heads of two generals, and of the two principal eunuchs. The generals, under a perfidious promiſe of ſafe⯑ty, were ſent on ſhip-board, and privately exe⯑cuted; while the favour of the eunuchs procured them a mild and ſecure exile at Milan and Con⯑ſtantinople. Euſebius the eunuch, and the Bar⯑barian Allobich, ſucceeded to the command of the bed-chamber and of the guards; and the mu⯑tual jealouſy of theſe ſubordinate miniſters was the cauſe of their mutual deſtruction. By the inſolent order of the count of the domeſtics, the great chamberlain was ſhamefully beaten to death with ſticks, before the eyes of the aſtoniſhed emperor; and the ſubſequent aſſaſſination of Allobich, in the midſt of a public proceſſion, is the only circumſtance of his life, in which Ho⯑norius diſcovered the fainteſt ſymptom of courage or reſentment. Yet before they fell, Euſebius and Allobich had contributed their part to the ruin of the empire, by oppoſing the concluſion of a treaty which Jovius, from a ſelfiſh, and per⯑haps a criminal, motive, had negociated with Alaric, in a perſonal interview under the walls of Rimini. During the abſence of Jovius, the em⯑peror was perſuaded to aſſume a lofty tone of inflexible dignity, ſuch as neither his ſituation, nor his character, could enable him to ſupport: and a letter, ſigned with the name of Honorius, [302] was immediately diſpatched to the Praetorian praefect, granting him a free permiſſion to diſ⯑poſe of the public money, but ſternly refuſing to proſtitute the military honours of Rome to the proud demands of a Barbarian. This letter was imprudently communicated to Alaric himſelf; and the Goth, who in the whole tranſaction had behaved with temper and decency, expreſſed, in the moſt outrageous language, his lively ſenſe of the inſult ſo wantonly offered to his perſon, and to his nation. The conference of Rimini was haſtily interrupted; and the praefect Jovius, on his return to Ravenna, was compelled to adopt, and even to encourage, the faſhionable opinions of the court. By his advice and example, the principal officers of the ſtate and army were obliged to ſwear, that, without liſtening, in any circumſtances, to any conditions of peace, they would ſtill perſevere in perpetual and implacable war againſt the enemy of the republic. This raſh engagement oppoſed an inſuperable bar to all future negociation. The miniſters of Hono⯑rius were heard to declare, that, if they had only invoked the name of the Deity, they would con⯑ſult the public ſafety, and truſt their ſouls to the mercy of Heaven: but they had ſworn, by the ſacred head of the emperor himſelf; they had touched, in ſolemn ceremony, that auguſt ſeat of majeſty and wiſdom; and the violation of their oath would expoſe them to the temporal penalties of ſacrilege and rebellion ⁸⁵.

[303] While the emperor and his court enjoyed, with ſullen pride, the ſecurity of the marſhes and fortifications of Ravenna, they abandoned Rome, Second ſiege of Rome by the Goths, A. D. 409. almoſt without defence, to the reſentment of Alaric. Yet ſuch was the moderation which he ſtill preſerved, or affected, that, as he moved with his army along the Flaminian way, he ſuc⯑ceſſively diſpatched the biſhops of the towns of Italy to reiterate his offers of peace, and to con⯑jure the emperor, that he would ſave the city and its inhabitants from hoſtile fire, and the ſword of the Barbarians ⁸⁶. Theſe impending calamities were however averted, not indeed by the wiſdom of Honorius, but by the prudence or humanity of the Gothic king; who employed a milder, though not leſs effectual, method of conqueſt. Inſtead of aſſaulting the capital, he ſucceſſively directed his efforts againſt the Port of Oſtia, one of the boldeſt and moſt ſtupendous works of Ro⯑man magnificence ⁸⁷. The accidents to which [304] the precarious ſubſiſtence of the city was con⯑tinually expoſed in a winter-navigation, and an open road, had ſuggeſted to the genius of the firſt Caeſar the uſeful deſign, which was executed under the reign of Claudius. The artificial moles, which formed the narrow entrance, ad⯑vanced far into the ſea, and firmly repelled the fury of the waves, while the largeſt veſſels ſecurely rode at anchor within three deep and capacious baſons, which received the northern branch of the Tyber, about two miles from the ancient colony of Oſtia ⁸⁸. The Roman Port inſenſibly ſwelled to the ſize of an epiſcopal city ⁸⁹, where [305] the corn of Africa was depoſited in ſpacious gra⯑naries for the uſe of the capital. As ſoon as Alaric was in poſſeſſion of that important place, he ſummoned the city to ſurrender at diſcretion; and his demands were enforced by the poſitive declaration, that a refuſal, or even a delay, ſhould be inſtantly followed by the deſtruction of the magazines, on which the life of the Roman peo⯑ple depended. The clamours of that people, and the terror of famine, ſubdued the pride of the ſenate; they liſtened, without reluctance, to the propoſal of placing a new emperor on the throne of the unworthy Honorius; and the ſuffrage of the Gothic conqueror beſtowed the purple on Attalus, praefect of the city. The grateful mo⯑narch immediately acknowledged his protector as maſter-general of the armies of the Weſt; Adol⯑phus, with the rank of count of the domeſtics, obtained the cuſtody of the perſon of Attalus; and the two hoſtile nations ſeemed to be united in the cloſeſt bands of friendſhip and alliance ⁹⁰.

The gates of the city were thrown open, and Attalus is created emperor by the Goths and Romans. the new emperor of the Romans, encompaſſed on every ſide by the Gothic arms, was conducted, in tumultuous proceſſion, to the palace of Auguſtus and Trajan. After he had diſtributed the civil and military dignities among his favourites and followers, Attalus convened an aſſembly of the ſenate; before whom, in a formal and florid ſpeech, he aſſerted his reſolution of reſtoring the [306] majeſty of the republic, and of uniting to the empire the provinces of Egypt and the Eaſt, which had once acknowledged the ſovereignty of Rome. Such extravagant promiſes inſpired every reaſonable citizen with a juſt contempt for the character of an unwarlike uſurper; whoſe ele⯑vation was the deepeſt and moſt ignominious wound which the republic had yet ſuſtained from the inſolence of the Barbarians. But the popu⯑lace, with their uſual levity, applauded the change of maſters. The public diſcontent was favour⯑able to the rival of Honorius; and the ſectaries, oppreſſed by his perſecuting edicts, expected ſome degree of countenance, or at leaſt of toleration, from a prince, who, in his native country of Io⯑nia, had been educated in the Pagan ſuperſtition, and who had ſince received the ſacrament of bap⯑tiſm from the hands of an Arian biſhop ⁹¹. The firſt days of the reign of Attalus were fair and proſperous. An officer of confidence was ſent with an inconſiderable body of troops to ſecure the obedience of Africa; the greateſt part of Italy ſubmitted to the terror of the Gothic powers; and though the city of Bologna made a vigorous and effectual reſiſtance, the people of Milan, diſſatisfied perhaps with the abſence of Honorius, accepted, with loud acclamations, the choice of the Roman ſenate. At the head of a formidable army, Alaric conducted his royal cap⯑tive [307] almoſt to the gates of Ravenna; and a ſo⯑lemn embaſſy of the principal miniſters, of Jovius, the Praetorian praefect, of Valens, maſter of the cavalry and infantry, of the quaeſtor Potamius, and of Julian, the firſt of the notaries, was intro⯑duced, with martial pomp, into the Gothic camp. In the name of their ſovereign, they conſented to acknowledge the lawful election of his, competitor, and to divide the provinces of Italy and the Weſt between the two emperors. Their propoſals were rejected with diſdain; and the refuſal was aggravated by the inſulting cle⯑mency of Attalus, who condeſcended to promiſe, that, if Honorius would inſtantly reſign the pur⯑ple, he ſhould be permitted to paſs the remainder of his life in the peaceful exile of ſome remote iſland ⁹². So deſperate indeed did the ſituation of the ſon of Theodoſius appear, to thoſe who were the beſt acquainted with his ſtrength and reſources, that Jovius and Valens, his miniſter and his general, betrayed their truſt, infamouſly deſerted the ſinking cauſe of their benefactor, and devoted their treacherous allegiance to the ſervice of his more fortunate rival. Aſtoniſhed by ſuch examples of domeſtic treaſon, Honorius trembled at the approach of every ſervant, at the arrival of every meſſenger. He dreaded the ſecret ene⯑mies, [308] who might lurk in his capital, his palace, his bed-chamber; and ſome ſhips lay ready in the harbour of Ravenna, to tranſport the abdi⯑cated monarch to the dominions of his infant nephew, the emperor of the Eaſt.

But there is a Providence (ſuch at leaſt was the opinion of the hiſtorian Procopius ⁹³) that watches He is de⯑graded by Alaric, A. D. 410. over innocence and folly; and the pretenſions of Honorius to its peculiar care cannot reaſonably be diſputed. At the moment when his deſpair, incapable of any wiſe or manly reſolution, medi⯑tated a ſhameful flight, a ſeaſonable reinforcement of four thouſand veterans unexpectedly landed in the port of Ravenna. To theſe valiant ſtrangers, whoſe fidelity had not been corrupted by the fac⯑tions of the court, he committed the walls and gates of the city; and the ſlumbers of the empe⯑ror were no longer diſturbed by the apprehenſion of imminent and internal danger. The favour⯑able intelligence which was received from Africa, ſuddenly changed the opinions of men, and the ſtate of public affairs. The troops and officers, whom Attalus had ſent into that province, were defeated and ſlain; and the active zeal of Hera⯑clian maintained his own allegiance, and that of his people. The faithful count of Africa tranſ⯑mitted a large ſum of money, which fixed the attachment of the Imperial guards; and his vigi⯑lance, in preventing the exportation of corn and oil, introduced famine, tumult, and diſcontent, into the walls of Rome. The failure of the [309] African expedition, was the ſource of mutual complaint and recrimination in the party of At⯑talus; and the mind of his protector was inſen⯑ſibly alienated from the intereſt of a prince, who wanted ſpirit to command, or docility to obey. The moſt imprudent meaſures were adopted, without the knowledge, or againſt the advice, of Alaric; and the obſtinate refuſal of the ſenate, to allow, in the embarkation, the mixture even of five hundred Goths, betrayed a ſuſpicious and diſtruſtful temper, which, in their ſituation, was neither generous nor prudent. The reſentment of the Gothic king was exaſperated by the mali⯑cious arts of Jovius, who had been raiſed to the rank of patrician, and who afterwards excuſed his double perfidy, by declaring, without a bluſh, that he had only ſeemed to abandon the ſervice of Honorius, more effectually to ruin the cauſe of the uſurper. In a large plain near Rimini, and in the preſence of an innumerable multitude of Romans and Barbarians, the wretched Attalus was publicly deſpoiled of the diadem and purple; and thoſe enſigns of royalty were ſent by Alaric, as the pledge of peace and friendſhip, to the ſon of Theodoſius ⁹⁴. The officers who returned to their duty, were reinſtated in their employments, and even the merit of a tardy repentance was graciouſly allowed: but the degraded emperor of [310] the Romans, deſirous of life, and inſenſible of diſgrace, implored the permiſſion of following the Gothic camp, in the train of a haughty and ca⯑pricious Barbarian ⁹⁵.

The degradation of Attalus removed the only Third ſiege and ſack of Rome by the Goths, A. D. 410, Aug. 24. real obſtacle to the concluſion of the peace; and Alaric advanced within three miles of Ravenna, to preſs the irreſolution of the Imperial miniſters, whoſe inſolence ſoon returned with the return of fortune. His indignation was kindled by the report, that a rival chieftain, that Sarus, the per⯑ſonal enemy of Adolphus, and the hereditary foe of the houſe of Balti, had been received into the palace. At the head of three hundred followers, that fearleſs Barbarian immediately ſallied from the gates of Ravenna; ſurpriſed, and cut in pieces, a conſiderable body of Goths; re-entered the city in triumph; and was permitted to inſult his ad⯑verſary, by the voice of a herald, who publicly declared, that the guilt of Alaric had for ever excluded him from the friendſhip and alliance of the emperor ⁹⁶. The crime and folly of the court of Ravenna was expiated, a third time, by the calamities of Rome. The king of the Goths, who no longer diſſembled his appetite for plun⯑der [311] and revenge, appeared in arms under the walls of the capital; and the trembling ſenate, without any hopes of relief, prepared, by a deſ⯑perate reſiſtance, to delay the ruin of their coun⯑try. But they were unable to guard againſt the ſecret conſpiracy of their ſlaves and domeſtics; who, either from birth or intereſt, were attached to the cauſe of the enemy. At the hour of mid⯑night, the Salarian gate was ſilently opened, and the inhabitants were awakened by the tremen⯑dous ſound of the Gothic trumpet. Eleven hun⯑dred and ſixty-three years after the foundation of Rome, the Imperial city which had ſubdued and civiliſed ſo conſiderable a part of mankind, was delivered to the licentious fury of the tribes of Germany and Scythia ⁹⁷.

The proclamation of Alaric, when he forced his Reſpect of the Goths for the Chriſtian religion. entrance into a vanquiſhed city, diſcovered, how⯑ever, ſome regard for the laws of humanity and religion. He encouraged his troops boldly to ſeize the rewards of valour, and to enrich them⯑ſelves with the ſpoils of a wealthy and effeminate people: but he exhorted them, at the ſame time, to ſpare the lives of the unreſiſting citizens, and [312] to reſpect the churches of the apoſtles St. Peter and St. Paul, as holy and inviolable ſanctuaries. Amidſt the horrors of a nocturnal tumult, ſeveral of the Chriſtian Goths diſplayed the fervour of a recent converſion; and ſome inſtances of their uncommon piety and moderation are related, and perhaps adorned, by the zeal of eccleſiaſtical writers ⁹⁸. While the Barbarians roamed through the city in queſt of prey, the humble dwelling of an aged virgin, who had devoted her life to the ſervice of the altar, was forced open by one of the powerful Goths. He immediately demand⯑ed, though in civil language, all the gold and ſilver in her poſſeſſion; and was aſtoniſhed at the readineſs with which ſhe conducted him to a ſplendid hoard of maſſy plate, of the richeſt ma⯑terials, and the moſt curious workmanſhip. The Barbarian viewed with wonder and delight this valuable acquiſition, till he was interrupted by a ſerious admonition, addreſſed to him in the following words: ‘"Theſe, ſaid ſhe, are the con⯑ſecrated veſſels belonging to St. Peter; if you preſume to touch them, the ſacrilegious deed will remain on your conſcience. For my part, I dare not keep what I am unable to [313] defend."’ The Gothic captain, ſtruck with reverential awe, diſpatched a meſſenger to inform the king of the treaſure which he had diſcovered; and received a peremptory order from Alaric, that all the conſecrated plate and ornaments ſhould be tranſported, without damage or delay, to the church of the apoſtle. From the extre⯑mity, perhaps, of the Quirinal hill, to the diſtant quarter of the Vatican, a numerous detachment of Goths, marching in order of battle through the principal ſtreets, protected, with glittering arms, the long train of their devout compa⯑nions, who bore aloft, on their heads, the ſacred veſſels of gold and ſilver; and the martial ſhouts of the Barbarians were mingled with the ſound of religious pſalmody. From all the adjacent houſes, a crowd of Chriſtians haſtened to join this edify⯑ing proceſſion; and a multitude of fugitives, without diſtinction of age, or rank, or even of ſect, had the good fortune to eſcape to the ſe⯑cure and hoſpitable ſanctuary of the Vatican. The learned work, concerning the City of God, was profeſſedly compoſed by St. Auguſtin, to juſtify the ways of Providence in the deſtruction of the Roman greatneſs. He celebrates, with peculiar ſatisfaction, this memorable triumph of Chriſt; and inſults his adverſaries, by challeng⯑ing them to produce ſome ſimilar example, of a town taken by ſtorm, in which the fabulous gods of antiquity had been able to protect either them⯑ſelves, or their deluded votaries ⁹⁹.

[314] In the ſack of Rome, ſome rare and extraor⯑dinary examples of Barbarian virtue had been Pillage and fire of Rome. deſervedly applauded. But the holy precincts of the Vatican, and the apoſtolic churches, could receive a very ſmall proportion of the Roman people: many thouſand warriors, more eſpecially of the Huns, who ſerved under the ſtandard of Alaric, were ſtrangers to the name, or at leaſt to the faith, of Chriſt; and we may ſuſpect, without any breach of charity or candour, that, in the hour of ſavage licence, when every paſſion was inflamed, and every reſtraint was removed, the precepts of the goſpel ſeldom influenced the behaviour of the Gothic Chriſtians. The writers, the beſt diſpoſed to exaggerate their clemency, have freely confeſſed, that a cruel ſlaughter was made of the Romans ¹⁰⁰; and that the ſtreets of the city were filled with dead bodies, which re⯑mained without burial during the general con⯑ſternation. The deſpair of the citizens was ſome⯑times converted into fury; and whenever the Barbarians were provoked by oppoſition, they extended the promiſcuous maſſacre to the feeble, the innocent, and the helpleſs. The private [315] revenge of forty thouſand ſlaves was exerciſed without pity or remorſe; and the ignominious laſhes, which they had formerly received, were waſhed away in the blood of the guilty, or ob⯑noxious, families. The matrons and virgins of Rome were expoſed to injuries more dreadful, in the apprehenſion of chaſtity, than death itſelf; and the eccleſiaſtical hiſtorian has ſelected an example of female virtue, for the admiration of future ages ¹⁰¹. A Roman lady, of ſingular beauty and orthodox faith, had excited the impatient deſires of a young Goth, who, according to the ſagacious remark of Sozomen, was attached to the Arian hereſy. Exaſperated by her obſtinate reſiſtance, he drew his ſword, and, with the anger of a lover, ſlightly wounded her neck. The bleeding heroine ſtill continued to brave his re⯑ſentment, and to repel his love, till the raviſher deſiſted from his unavailing efforts, reſpectfully conducted her to the ſanctuary of the Vatican, and gave ſix pieces of gold to the guards of the church, on condition that they ſhould reſtore her inviolate to the arms of her huſband. Such in⯑ſtances of courage and generoſity were not ex⯑tremely [316] common. The brutal ſoldiers ſatisfied their ſenſual appetites, without conſulting either the inclination, or the duties, of their female captives: and a nice queſtion of caſuiſtry was ſeriouſly agitated, Whether thoſe tender victims, who had inflexibly refuſed their conſent to the violation which they ſuſtained, had loſt, by their misfortune, the glorious crown of virginity ¹⁰². There were other loſſes indeed of a more ſub⯑ſtantial kind, and more general concern. It can⯑not be preſumed, that all the Barbarians were at at all times capable of perpetrating ſuch amorous outrages; and the want of youth, or beauty, or chaſtity, protected the greateſt part of the Ro⯑man women from the danger of a rape. But avarice is an inſatiate and univerſal paſſion; ſince the enjoyment of almoſt every object that can afford pleaſure to the different taſtes and tempers of mankind, may be procured by the poſſeſſion of wealth. In the pillage of Rome, a juſt prefer⯑ence was given to gold and jewels, which con⯑tain the greateſt value in the ſmalleſt compaſs and weight: but, after theſe portable riches had been removed by the more diligent robbers, the palaces of Rome were rudely ſtripped of their ſplendid [317] and coſtly furniture. The ſide-boards of maſſy plate, and the variegated wardrobes of ſilk and purple, were irregularly piled in the waggons, that always followed the march of a Gothic army. The moſt exquiſite works of art were roughly handled, or wantonly deſtroyed: many a ſtatue was melted for the ſake of the precious materials; and many a vaſe, in the diviſion of the ſpoil, was ſhivered into fragments by the ſtroke of a battle⯑axe. The acquiſition of riches ſerved only to ſtimulate the avarice of the rapacious Barbarians, who proceeded, by threats, by blows, and by tor⯑tures, to force from their priſoners the confeſſion of hidden treaſure ¹⁰³. Viſible ſplendour and ex⯑pence were alleged as the proof of a plentiful fortune: the appearance of poverty was imputed to a parſimonious diſpoſition; and the obſtinacy of ſome miſers, who endured the moſt cruel tor⯑ments before they would diſcover the ſecret object of their affection, was fatal to many un⯑happy wretches, who expired under the laſh, for refuſing to reveal their imaginary trea⯑ſures. The edifices of Rome, though the da⯑mage has been much exaggerated, received ſome injury from the violence of the Goths. At their entrance through the Salarian gate, they fired the adjacent houſes to guide their march, and to diſtract the attention of the citizens: the flames, [318] which encountered no obſtacle in the diſorder of the night, conſumed many private and public buildings; and the ruins of the palace of Sal⯑luſt ¹⁰⁴ remained, in the age of Juſtinian, a ſtately monument of the Gothic conflagration ¹⁰⁵. Yet a contemporary hiſtorian has obſerved, that fire could ſcarcely conſume the enormous beams of ſolid braſs, and that the ſtrength of man was in⯑ſufficient to ſubvert the foundations of ancient ſtructures. Some truth may poſſibly be conceal⯑ed in his devout aſſertion, that the wrath of Heaven ſupplied the imperfections of hoſtile rage; and that the proud Forum of Rome, decorated with the ſtatues of ſo many gods and heroes, was levelled in the duſt by the ſtroke of lightning ¹⁰⁶.

[319] Whatever might be the numbers, of equeſtrian, or plebeian rank, who periſhed in the maſſacre of Rome, it is confidently affirmed, that only one Captives and fugi⯑tives. ſenator loſt his life by the ſword of the enemy ¹⁰⁷. But it was not eaſy to compute the multitudes, who, from an honourable ſtation, and a proſper⯑ous fortune, were ſuddenly reduced to the miſer⯑able condition of captives and exiles. As the Barbarians had more occaſion for money than for ſlaves, they fixed, at a moderate price, the re⯑demption of their indigent priſoners; and the ranſom was often paid by the benevolence of their friends, or the charity of ſtrangers ¹⁰⁸. The captives, who were regularly ſold, either in open market, or by private contract, would have le⯑gally regained their native freedom, which it was impoſſible for a citizen to loſe, or to alienate ¹⁰⁹. But as it was ſoon diſcovered, that the vindication of their liberty would endanger their lives; and that the Goths, unleſs they were tempted to ſell, might be provoked to murder, their uſeleſs pri⯑ſoners; the civil juriſprudence had been already qualified by a wiſe regulation, that they ſhould be [320] obliged to ſerve the moderate term of five years, till they had diſcharged by their labour the price of their redemption ¹¹⁰. The nations who in⯑vaded the Roman empire, had driven before them, into Italy, whole troops of hungry and affrighted provincials, leſs apprehenſive of ſervi⯑tude than of famine. The calamities of Rome and Italy diſperſed the inhabitants to the moſt lonely, the moſt ſecure, the moſt diſtant places of refuge. While the Gothic cavalry ſpread ter⯑ror and deſolation along the ſea-coaſt of Cam⯑pania and Tuſcany, the little iſland of Igilium, ſeparated by a narrow channel from the Argen⯑tarian promontory, repulſed, or eluded, their hoſtile attempts; and at ſo ſmall a diſtance from Rome, great numbers of citizens were ſecurely concealed in the thick woods of that ſequeſtered ſpot ¹¹¹. The ample patrimonies, which many [321] ſenatorian families poſſeſſed in Africa, invited them, if they had time, and prudence, to eſcape from the ruin of their country; to embrace the ſhelter of that hoſpitable province. The moſt il⯑luſtrious of theſe fugitives was the noble and pious Proba ¹¹², the widow of the praefect Petronius. After the death of her huſband, the moſt power⯑ful ſubject of Rome, ſhe had remained at the head of the Anician family, and ſucceſſively ſupplied, from her private fortune, the expence of the con⯑ſulſhips of her three ſons. When the city was beſieged and taken by the Goths, Proba ſup⯑ported, with Chriſtian reſignation, the loſs of im⯑menſe riches; embarked in a ſmall veſſel, from whence ſhe beheld, at ſea, the flames of her burning palace, and fled with her daughter Laeta, and her grand-daughter, the celebrated virgin, Demetrias, to the coaſt of Africa. The benevo⯑lent profuſion with which the matron diſtributed the fruits, or the price, of her eſtates, contributed to alleviate the misfortunes of exile and captivity. But even the family of Proba herſelf was not ex⯑empt from the rapacious oppreſſion of Count Heraclian, who baſely ſold, in matrimonial pro⯑ſtitution, [322] the nobleſt maidens of Rome, to the luſt or avarice of the Syrian merchants. The Italian fugitives were diſperſed through the provinces, along the coaſt of Egypt and Aſia, as far as Con⯑ſtantinople and Jeruſalem; and the village of Bethlem, the ſolitary reſidence of St. Jerom and his female converts, was crowded with illuſ⯑trious beggars of either ſex, and every age, who excited the public compaſſion by the remembrance of their paſt fortune ¹¹³. This awful cataſtrophe of Rome filled the aſtoniſhed empire with grief and terror. So intereſting a contraſt of greatneſs and ruin, diſpoſed the fond credulity of the people to deplore, and even to exaggerate, the afflictions of the queen of cities. The clergy, who applied to recent events the lofty metaphors of Oriental prophecy, were ſometimes tempted to confound the deſtruction of the capital, and the diſſolution of the globe.

There exiſts in human nature a ſtrong propenſity Sack of Rome by the troops of Charles V. to depreciate the advantages, and to magnify the evils, of the preſent times. Yet, when the firſt emotions had ſubſided, and a fair eſtimate was made of the real damage, the more learned and judicious contemporaries were forced to confeſs, that infant Rome had formerly received more eſ⯑ſential injury from the Gauls, than ſhe had now ſuſtained from the Goths in her declining age ¹¹⁴. [323] The experience of eleven centuries has enabled poſterity to produce a much more ſingular paral⯑lel; and to affirm with confidence, that the ra⯑vages of the Barbarians, whom Alaric had led from the banks of the Danube, were leſs deſtruc⯑tive, than the hoſtilities exerciſed by the troops of Charles the Fifth, a Catholic prince, who ſtyled himſelf Emperor of the Romans ¹¹⁵. The Goths evacuated the city at the end of ſix days, but Rome remained above nine months in the poſ⯑ſeſſion of the Imperialiſts; and every hour was ſtained by ſome atrocious act of cruelty, luſt, and rapine. The authority of Alaric preſerved ſome order and moderation among the ferocious multitude, which acknowledged him for their leader and king: but the conſtable of Bourbon had gloriouſly fallen in the attack of the walls; and the death of the general removed every re⯑ſtraint of diſcipline, from an army which con⯑ſiſted of three independent nations, the Italians, the Spaniards, and the Germans. In the begin⯑ning [324] of the ſixteenth century, the manners of Italy exhibited a remarkable ſcene of the depravity of mankind. They united the ſanguinary crimes that prevail in an unſettled ſtate of ſociety, with the poliſhed vices which ſpring from the abuſe of art and luxury: and the looſe adventurers, who had violated every prejudice of patriotiſm and ſuperſtition to aſſault the palace of the Roman pontiff, muſt deſerve to be conſidered as the moſt profligate of the Italians. At the ſame aera, the Spaniards were the terror both of the Old and New World: but their high-ſpirited valour was diſgraced by gloomy pride, rapacious avarice, and unrelenting cruelty. Indefatigable in the purſuit of fame and riches, they had improved, by repeated practice, the moſt exquiſite and ef⯑fectual methods of torturing their priſoners: many of the Caſtillans, who pillaged Rome, were familiars of the holy inquiſition; and ſome vo⯑lunteers, perhaps, were lately returned from the conqueſt of Mexico. The Germans were leſs cor⯑rupt than the Italians, leſs cruel than the Spa⯑niards; and the ruſtic, or even ſavage, aſpect of thoſe Tramontane warriors, often diſguiſed a ſimple and merciful diſpoſition. But they had imbibed, in the firſt fervour of the reformation, the ſpirit, as well as the principles, of Luther. It was their favourite amuſement to inſult, or deſtroy, the conſecrated objects of Catholic ſuperſtition: they indulged, without pity, or remorſe, a devout hatred againſt the clergy of every denomination and degree, who form ſo conſiderable a part of [325] the inhabitants of modern Rome; and their fa⯑natic zeal might aſpire to ſubvert the throne of Antichriſt, to purify, with blood and fire, the abominations of the ſpiritual Babylon ¹¹⁶

The retreat of the victorious Goths, who eva⯑cuated Alaric evacuates Rome, and ravages Italy, A. D. 410, Aug. 29. Rome on the ſixth day ¹¹⁷, might be the re⯑ſult of prudence; but it was not ſurely the effect of fear ¹¹⁸. At the head of an army, encumbered with rich and weighty ſpoils, their intrepid leader advanced along the Appian way into the ſouthern provinces of Italy, deſtroying whatever dared to oppoſe his paſſage, and contenting himſelf with the plunder of the unreſiſting country. The fate of Capua, the proud and luxurious metropolis of Campania, and which was reſpected, even in its decay, as the eighth city of the empire ¹¹⁹, is bu⯑ried in oblivion; whilſt the adjacent town of Nola ¹²⁰ has been illuſtrated, on this occaſion, by [326] the ſanctity of Paulinus ¹²¹, who was ſucceſſively a conſul, a monk, and a biſhop. At the age of forty, he renounced the enjoyment of wealth and honour, of ſociety and literature, to embrace a life of ſolitude and pennance; and the loud ap⯑plauſe of the clergy encouraged him to deſpiſe the reproaches of his worldly friends, who aſcribed this deſperate act to ſome diſorder of the mind or body ¹²². An early and paſſionate attachment de⯑termined him to fix his humble dwelling in one of the ſuburbs of Nola, near the miraculous tomb of St. Faelix, which the public devotion had al⯑ready ſurrounded with five large and populous churches. The remains of his fortune, and of his underſtanding, were dedicated to the ſervice of the glorious martyr; whoſe praiſe, on the day of his feſtival, Paulinus never failed to celebrate by a ſolemn hymn; and in whoſe name he erected a ſixth church, of ſuperior elegance and beauty, which was decorated with many curious pictures, from the Hiſtory of the Old and New Teſtament. Such aſſiduous zeal ſecured the favour of the ſaint ¹²³, or at leaſt of the people; and, after [327] fifteen years retirement, the Roman conſul was compelled to accept the biſhopric of Nola, a few months before the city was inveſted by the Goths. During the ſiege, ſome religious perſons were ſatisfied that they had ſeen, either in dreams or viſions, the divine form of their tutelar patron; yet it ſoon appeared by the event, that Faelix wanted power, or inclination, to preſerve the flock, of which he had formerly been the ſhep⯑herd. Nola was not ſaved from the general de⯑vaſtation ¹²⁴; and the captive biſhop was pro⯑tected only by the general opinion of his inno⯑cence and poverty. Above four years elapſed from the ſucceſsful invaſion of Italy by the arms of Alaric, to the voluntary retreat of the Goths under the conduct of his ſucceſſor Adolphus; Poſſeſſion of Italy by the Goths, A. D. 408—412. and, during the whole time, they reigned with⯑out controul over a country, which, in the opinion of the ancients, had united all the various excel⯑lencies of nature and art. The proſperity, in⯑deed, which Italy had attained in the auſpicious age of the Antonines, had gradually declined with the decline of the empire. The fruits of a long peace periſhed under the rude graſp of the Barbarians; and they themſelves were incapable of taſting the more elegant refinements of luxury, which had been prepared for the uſe of the ſoft and poliſhed Italians. Each ſoldier, however, claimed an ample portion of the ſubſtantial plenty, [328] the corn and cattle, oil and wine, that was daily collected, and conſumed, in the Gothic camp; and the principal warriors inſulted the villas, and gardens, once inhabited by Lucullus and Cicero, along the beauteous coaſt of Campania. Their trembling captives, the ſons and daughters of Roman ſenators, preſented, in goblets of gold and gems, large draughts of Falernian wine, to the haughty victors; who ſtretched their huge limbs under the ſhade of plane-trees ¹²⁵, artificially diſpoſed to exclude the ſcorching rays, and to admit the genial warmth, of the ſun. Theſe delights were enhanced by the memory of paſt hardſhips: the compariſon of their native ſoil, the bleak and barren hills of Scythia, and the frozen banks of the Elbe, and Danube, added new charms to the felicity of the Italian climate ¹²⁶.

[329] Whether fame, or conqueſt, or riches, were the object of Alaric, he purſued that object with an indefatigable ardour, which could neither be Death of Alaric, A. D. 410. quelled by adverſity, nor ſatiated by ſucceſs. No ſooner had he reached the extreme land of Italy, than he was attracted by the neighbouring pro⯑ſpect of a fertile and peaceful iſland. Yet even the poſſeſſion of Sicily, he conſidered only as an intermediate ſtep to the important expedition, which he already meditated againſt the continent of Africa. The ſtreights of Rhegium and Meſ⯑ſina ¹²⁷ are twelve miles in length, and, in the narroweſt paſſage, about one mile and a half broad; and the fabulous monſters of the deep, the rocks of Scylla, and the whirlpool of Charib⯑dis, could terrify none but the moſt timid and un⯑ſkilful mariners. Yet as ſoon as the firſt diviſion of the Goths had embarked, a ſudden tempeſt aroſe, which ſunk, or ſcattered, many of the tranſ⯑ports; their courage was daunted by the terrors of a new element; and the whole deſign was de⯑feated by the premature death of Alaric, which fixed, after a ſhort illneſs, the fatal term of his conqueſts. The ferocious character of the Bar⯑barians was diſplayed, in the funeral of a hero, whoſe valour, and fortune, they celebrated with mournful applauſe. By the labour of a captive multitude, they forcibly diverted the courſe of [330] the Buſentinus, a ſmall river that waſhes the walls of Conſentia. The royal ſepulchre, adorned with the ſplendid ſpoils, and trophies, of Rome, was conſtructed in the vacant bed; the waters were then reſtored to their natural channel; and the ſecret ſpot, where the remains of Alaric had been depoſited, was for ever concealed by the inhuman maſſacre of the priſoners, who had been employed to execute the work ¹²⁸.

The perſonal animoſities, and hereditary feuds, Adolphus king of the Goths, concludes a peace with the empire, and marches into Gaul, A. D. 412. of the Barbarians, were ſuſpended by the ſtrong neceſſity of their affairs; and the brave Adolphus, the brother-in-law of the deceaſed monarch, was unanimouſly elected to ſucceed to his throne. The character and political ſyſtem of the new king of the Goths, may be beſt underſtood from his own converſation with an illuſtrious citizen of Narbonne; who afterwards, in a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, related it to St. Jerom, in the preſence of the hiſtorian Oroſius. ‘"In the full confidence of valour and victory, I once aſpired (ſaid Adolphus) to change the face of the uni⯑verſe; to obliterate the name of Rome; to erect on its ruins the dominion of the Goths; and to acquire, like Auguſtus, the immortal fame of the founder of a new empire. By re⯑peated experiments, I was gradually convinced, that laws are eſſentially neceſſary to maintain and regulate a well-conſtituted ſtate; and that the fierce untractable humour of the Goths was incapable of bearing the ſalutary yoke of [331] laws, and civil government. From that mo⯑ment I propoſed to myſelf a different object of glory and ambition; and it is now my ſincere wiſh, that the gratitude of future ages ſhould acknowledge the merit of a ſtranger, who em⯑ployed the ſword of the Goths, not to ſubvert, but to reſtore and maintain, the proſperity of the Roman empire ¹²⁹."’ With theſe pacific views, the ſucceſſor of Alaric ſuſpended the ope⯑rations of war; and ſeriouſly negociated with the Imperial court a treaty of friendſhip and alliance. It was the intereſt of the miniſters of Honorius, who were now releaſed from the obligation of their extravagant oath, to deliver Italy from the intolerable weight of the Gothic powers; and they readily accepted their ſervice againſt the tyrants and Barbarians, who infeſted the pro⯑vinces beyond the Alps ¹³⁰. Adolphus, aſſuming the character of a Roman general, directed his march from the extremity of Campania to the ſouthern provinces of Gaul. His troops, either by force or agreement, immediately occupied the cities of Narbonne, Thoulouſe, and Bourdeaux; and though they were repulſed by Count Boni⯑face from the walls of Marſeilles, they ſoon ex⯑tended [332] their quarters from the Mediterranean to the Ocean. The oppreſſed provincials might exclaim, that the miſerable remnant, which the enemy had ſpared, was cruelly raviſhed by their pretended allies; yet ſome ſpecious colours were not wanting to palliate, or juſtify, the violence of the Goths. The cities of Gaul, which they attacked, might perhaps be conſidered as in a ſtate of rebellion againſt the government of Ho⯑norius: the articles of the treaty, or the ſecret inſtructions of the court, might ſometimes be alleged in favour of the ſeeming uſurpations of Adolphus; and the guilt of any irregular, un⯑ſucceſsful, act of hoſtility, might always be im⯑puted, with an appearance of truth, to the un⯑governable ſpirit of a Barbarian hoſt, impatient of peace or diſcipline. The luxury of Italy had been leſs effectual to ſoften the temper, than to relax the courage, of the Goths; and they had imbibed the vices, without imitating the arts and inſtitutions, of civiliſed ſociety ¹³¹.

The profeſſions of Adolphus were probably ſin⯑cere, and his attachment to the cauſe of the re⯑public His mar⯑riage with Placidia, A. D. 414. was ſecured by the aſcendant which a Ro⯑man princeſs had acquired over the heart and un⯑derſtanding of the Barbarian king. Placidia ¹³², [333] the daughter of the great Theodoſius, and of Galla, his ſecond wife, had received a royal edu⯑cation in the palace of Conſtantinople; but the eventful ſtory of her life is connected with the re⯑volutions which agitated the Weſtern empire un⯑der the reign of her brother Honorius. When Rome was firſt inveſted by the arms of Alaric, Placidia, who was then about twenty years of age, reſided in the city; and her ready conſent to the death of her couſin Serena, has a cruel and un⯑grateful appearance, which, according to the cir⯑cumſtances of the action, may be aggravated, or excuſed, by the conſideration of her tender age ¹³³. The victorious Barbarians detained, either as a hoſtage or a captive ¹³⁴, the ſiſter of Honorius; but, while ſhe was expoſed to the diſgrace of fol⯑lowing round Italy the motions of a Gothic camp, ſhe experienced, however, a decent and reſpect⯑ful treatment. The authority of Jornandes, who praiſes the beauty of Placidia, may perhaps be counterbalanced by the ſilence, the expreſſive ſilence, of her flatterers: yet the ſplendour of her birth, the bloom of youth, the elegance of man⯑ners, and the dexterous inſinuation which ſhe condeſcended to employ, made a deep impreſſion on the mind of Adolphus; and the Gothic king aſpired to call himſelf the brother of the emperor. The miniſters of Honorius rejected with diſdain the propoſal of an alliance, ſo injurious to every [334] ſentiment of Roman pride; and repeatedly urged the reſtitution of Placidia, as an indiſpenſable condition of the treaty of peace. But the daugh⯑ter of Theodoſius ſubmitted, without reluctance, to the deſires of the conqueror, a young and va⯑liant prince, who yielded to Alaric in loftineſs of ſtature, but who excelled in the more attractive qualities of grace and beauty. The marriage of Adolphus and Placidia ¹³⁵ was conſummated be⯑fore the Goths retired from Italy; and the ſolemn, perhaps the anniverſary, day of their nuptials was afterwards celebrated in the houſe of Ingenuus, one of the moſt illuſtrious citizens of Narbonne in Gaul. The bride, attired and adorned like a a Roman empreſs, was placed on a throne of ſtate; and the king of the Goths, who aſſumed, on this occaſion, the Roman habit, contented himſelf with a leſs honourable ſeat by her ſide. The nuptial gift, which, according to the cuſtom of his nation ¹³⁶, was offered to Placidia, conſiſted [335] of the rare and magnificent ſpoils of her country. Fifty beautiful youths, in ſilken robes, carried a baſon in each hand; and one of theſe baſons was filled with pieces of gold, the other with precious ſtones of an ineſtimable value. Attalus, ſo long the ſport of fortune, and of the Goths, was ap⯑pointed to lead the chorus of the Hymenaeal ſong; and the degraded emperor might aſpire to the praiſe of a ſkilful muſician. The Barbarians enjoyed the inſolence of their triumph; and the provincials rejoiced in this alliance, which tem⯑pered, by the mild influence of love and reaſon, the fierce ſpirit of their Gothic lord ¹³⁷.

The hundred baſons of gold and gems, pre⯑ſented The Gothic treaſures. to Placidia at her nuptial feaſt, formed an inconſiderable portion of the Gothic treaſures; of which ſome extraordinary ſpecimens may be ſe⯑lected from the hiſtory of the ſucceſſors of Adol⯑phus. Many curious and coſtly ornaments of pure gold, enriched with jewels, were found in their palace of Narbonne, when it was pillaged, in the ſixth century, by the Franks: ſixty cups, or chalices; fifteen patens, or plates, for the uſe of the communion; twenty boxes, or caſes, to hold the books of the goſpels; this conſecrated [336] wealth ¹³⁸ was diſtributed by the ſon of Clovis among the churches of his dominions, and his pious liberality ſeems to upbraid ſome former ſa⯑crilege of the Goths. They poſſeſſed, with more ſecurity of conſcience, the famous miſſorium, or great diſh for the ſervice of the table, of maſſy gold, of the weight of five hundred pounds, and of far ſuperior value, from the precious ſtones, the exquiſite workmanſhip, and the tradition, that it had been preſented by Aetius the patrician, to Toriſmond king of the Goths. One of the ſucceſſors of Toriſmond purchaſed the aid of the French monarch by the promiſe of this magnifi⯑cent gift. When he was ſeated on the throne of Spain, he delivered it with reluctance to the am⯑baſſadors of Dagobert; deſpoiled them on the road; ſtipulated, after a long negociation, the inadequate ranſom of two hundred thouſand pieces of gold; and preſerved the miſſorium, as the pride of the Gothic treaſury ¹³⁹. When that treaſury, after the conqueſt of Spain, was plun⯑dered by the Arabs, they admired, and they [337] have celebrated, another object ſtill more re⯑markable; a table of conſiderable ſize, of one ſingle piece of ſolid emerald ¹⁴⁰, encircled with three rows of fine pearls, ſupported by three hun⯑dred and ſixty-five feet of gems and maſſy gold, and eſtimated at the price of five hun⯑dred thouſand pieces of gold ¹⁴¹. Some por⯑tion of the Gothic treaſures might be the gift of friendſhip, or the tribute of obedience: but the far greater part had been the fruits of war and rapine, the ſpoils of the empire, and perhaps of Rome.

After the deliverance of Italy from the oppreſ⯑ſion Laws for the relief of Italy and Rome, A. D. 410—417. of the Goths, ſome ſecret counſellor was per⯑mitted, amidſt the factions of the palace, to heal the wounds of that afflicted country ¹⁴². By a wiſe and humane regulation, the eight provinces which had been the moſt deeply injured, Cam⯑pania, Tuſcany, Picenum, Samnium, Apulia, [338] Calabria, Bruttium, and Lucania, obtained an indulgence of five years: the ordinary tribute was reduced to one fifth, and even that fifth was deſtined to reſtore, and ſupport the uſeful inſtitu⯑tion of the public poſts. By another law, the lands, which had been left without inhabitants or cultivation, were granted, with ſome diminution of taxes, to the neighbours who ſhould occupy, or the ſtrangers who ſhould ſolicit them; and the new poſſeſſors were ſecured againſt the future claims of the fugitive proprietors. About the ſame time, a general amneſty was publiſhed in the name of Honorius, to aboliſh the guilt and me⯑mory of all the involuntary offences, which had been committed by his unhappy ſubjects, during the term of the public diſorder and calamity. A decent and reſpectful attention was paid to the reſtoration of the capital; the citizens were en⯑couraged to rebuild the edifices which had been deſtroyed or damaged by hoſtile fire; and extra⯑ordinary ſupplies of corn were imported from the coaſt of Africa. The crowds that ſo lately fled before the ſword of the Barbarians, were ſoon recalled by the hopes of plenty and pleaſure; and Albinus, praefect of Rome, informed the court, with ſome anxiety and ſurpriſe; that, in a ſingle day, he had taken an account of the arrival of fourteen thouſand ſtrangers ¹⁴³. In leſs than [339] ſeven years, the veſtiges of the Gothic invaſion were almoſt obliterated; and the city appeared to reſume its former ſplendour and tranquillity. The venerable matron replaced her crown of laurel, which had been ruffled by the ſtorms of war; and was ſtill amuſed, in the laſt moment of her decay, with the prophecies of revenge, of victory, and of eternal dominion ¹⁴⁴.

This apparent tranquillity was ſoon diſturbed Revolt and defeat of Heraclian, count of Africa, A. D. 413. by the approach of an hoſtile armament from the country which afforded the daily ſubſiſtence of the Roman people. Heraclian, count of Africa, who, under the moſt difficult and diſtreſsful cir⯑cumſtances, had ſupported, with active loyalty, the cauſe of Honorius, was tempted, in the year of his conſulſhip, to aſſume the character of a re⯑bel, and the title of emperor. The ports of Africa were immediately filled with the naval forces, at the head of which he prepared to invade Italy: and his fleet, when it caſt anchor at the mouth of the Tyber, indeed ſurpaſſed the fleets of Xerxes and Alexander, if all the veſſels, including the royal galley, and the ſmalleſt boat, did actually amount to the incredible number of three thou⯑ſand [340] two hundred ¹⁴⁵. Yet with ſuch an arma⯑ment, which might have ſubverted, or reſtored, the greateſt empires of the earth, the African uſurper made a very faint and feeble impreſſion on the provinces of his rival. As he marched from the port, along the road which leads to the gates of Rome, he was encountered, terrifled, and routed, by one of the Imperial captains; and the lord of this mighty hoſt, deſerting his for⯑tune and his friends, ignominiouſly fled with a ſingle ſhip ¹⁴⁶. When Heraclian landed in the harbour of Carthage, he found that the whole province, diſdaining ſuch an unworthy ruler, had returned to their allegiance. The rebel was be⯑headed in the ancient temple of Memory; his conſulſhip was aboliſhed ¹⁴⁷; and the remains of his private fortune, not exceeding the moderate ſum of four thouſand pounds of gold, were granted to the brave Conſtantius, who had already defended the throne, which he afterwards ſhared with his feeble ſovereign. Honorius viewed, with ſupine indifference, the calamities of Rome [341] nd Italy ¹⁴⁸; but the rebellious attempts of At⯑talus and Heraclian, againſt his perſonal ſafety, awakened, for a moment, the torpid inſtinct of his nature. He was probably ignorant of the cauſes and events which preſerved him from theſe impending dangers; and as Italy was no longer invaded by any foreign or domeſtic enemies, he peaceably exiſted in the palace of Ravenna, while the tyrants beyond the Alps were repeatedly van⯑quiſhed in the name, and by the lieutenants, of the ſon of Theodoſius ¹⁴⁹. In the courſe of a buſy and intereſting narrative, I might poſſibly forget to mention the death of ſuch a prince: and I ſhall therefore take the precaution of obſerving, in this place, that he ſurvived the laſt ſiege of Rome about thirteen years.

The uſurpation of Conſtantine, who received Revolu⯑tions of Gaul and Spain, A. D. 409—413. the purple from the legions of Britain, had been ſucceſsful; and ſeemed to be ſecure. His title was acknowledged, from the wall of Antoninus to the columns of Hercules; and, in the midſt [342] of the public diſorder, he ſhared the dominion, and the plunder, of Gaul and Spain; with the tribes of Barbarians, whoſe deſtructive progreſs was no longer checked by the Rhine or Pyrenees. Stained with the blood of the kinſmen of Hono⯑rius, he extorted, from the court of Ravenna, with which he ſecretly correſponded, the ratifica⯑tion of his rebellious claims. Conſtantine en⯑gaged himſelf, by a ſolemn promiſe, to deliver Italy from the Goths; advanced as far as the banks of the Po; and after alarming, rather than aſſiſting, his puſillanimous ally, haſtily returned to the palace of Arles, to celebrate, with intemperate luxury, his vain and oſtentatious triumph. But this tranſient proſperity was ſoon interrupted and deſtroyed by the revolt of count Gerontius, the braveſt of his generals; who, during the abſence of his ſon Conſtans, a prince already inveſted with the Imperial purple, had been left to com⯑mand in the provinces of Spain. For ſome rea⯑ſon, of which we are ignorant, Gerontius, inſtead of aſſuming the diadem, placed it on the head of his friend Maximus, who fixed his reſidence at Tarragona, while the active count preſſed for⯑wards, through the Pyrenees, to ſurpriſe the two emperors, Conſtantine and Conſtans, before they could prepare for their defence. The ſon was made priſoner at Vienna, and immediately put to death; and the unfortunate youth had ſcarcely leiſure to deplore the elevation of his family; which had tempted, or compelled him, ſacrile⯑giouſly to deſert the peaceful obſcurity of the mo⯑naſtic life. The father maintained a ſiege within [343] the walls of Arles; but thoſe walls muſt have yielded to the aſſailants, had not the city been unexpectedly relieved by the approach of an Ita⯑lian army. The name of Honorius, the procla⯑mation of a lawful emperor, aſtoniſhed the con⯑tending parties of the rebels. Gerontius, aban⯑doned by his own troops, eſcaped to the confines of Spain; and reſcued his name from oblivion, by the Roman courage which appeared to ani⯑mate the laſt moments of his life. In the middle of the night, a great body of his perfidious ſol⯑diers ſurrounded, and attacked his houſe, which he had ſtrongly barricaded. His wife, a valiant friend of the nation of the Alani, and ſome faith⯑ful ſlaves, were ſtill attached to his perſon; and he uſed, with ſo much ſkill and reſolution, a large magazine of darts and arrows, that above three hundred of the aſſailants loſt their lives in the attempt. His ſlaves, when all the miſſile weapons were ſpent, fled at the dawn of day; and Gerontius, if he had not been reſtrained by conjugal tenderneſs, might have imitated their example; till the ſoldiers, provoked by ſuch ob⯑ſtinate reſiſtance, applied fire on all ſides to the houſe. In this fatal extremity, he complied with the requeſt of his Barbarian friend, and cut off his head. The wife of Gerontius, who conjured him not to abandon her to a life of miſery and diſgrace, eagerly preſented her neck to his ſword; and the tragic ſcene was terminated by the death of the count himſelf, who, after three ineffectual ſtrokes, drew a ſhort dagger, and ſheathed it in [344] his heart ¹⁵⁰. The unprotected Maximus, whom he had inveſted with the purple, was indebted for his life to the contempt that was entertained of his power and abilities. The caprice of the Barbarians, who ravaged Spain, once more ſeated this Imperial phantom on the throne: but they ſoon reſigned him to the juſtice of Honorius; and the tyrant Maximus, after he had been ſhewn to the people of Ravenna and Rome, was publicly executed.

The general, Conſtantius was his name, who Character and victo⯑ries of the general Conſtan⯑tius. raiſed by his approach the ſiege of Arles, and diſſipated the troops of Gerontius, was born a Roman: and this remarkable diſtinction is ſtrongly expreſſive of the decay of military ſpirit among the ſubjects of the empire. The ſtrength and majeſty which were conſpicuous in the per⯑ſon of that general ¹⁵¹, marked him, in the po⯑pular opinion, as a candidate worthy of the throne, which he afterwards aſcended. In the familiar intercourſe of private life, his manners were cheerful and engaging: nor would he ſometimes diſdain, in the licence of convivial mirth, to vie [345] with the pantomimes themſelves, in the exerciſes of their ridiculous profeſſion. But when the trumpet ſummoned him to arms; when he mounted his horſe, and, bending down (for ſuch was his ſingular practice) almoſt upon the neck, fiercely rolled his large animated eyes round the field, Conſtantius then ſtruck terror into his foes, and inſpired his ſoldiers with the aſſurance of victory. He had received from the court of Ra⯑venna the important commiſſion of extirpating rebellion in the provinces of the Weſt; and the pretended emperor Conſtantine, after enjoying a ſhort and anxious reſpite, was again beſieged in his capital by the arms of a more formidable enemy. Yet this interval allowed time for a ſucceſsful negociation with the Franks and Ale⯑manni; and his ambaſſador, Edobic, ſoon re⯑turned, at the head of an army, to diſturb the operations of the ſiege of Arles. The Roman general, inſtead of expecting the attack in his lines, boldly, and perhaps wiſely, reſolved to paſs the Rhône, and to meet the Barbarians. His meaſures were conducted with ſo much ſkill and ſecrecy, that, while they engaged the infantry of Conſtantius in the front, they were ſuddenly at⯑tacked, ſurrounded, and deſtroyed by the cavalry of his lieutenant Ulphilas, who had ſilently gained an advantageous poſt in their rear. The remains of the army of Edobic were preſerved by flight or ſubmiſſion, and their leader eſcaped from the field of battle to the houſe of a faithleſs friend; who too clearly underſtood, that the head of his [346] obnoxious gueſt would be an acceptable and lu⯑crative preſent for the Imperial general. On this occaſion, Conſtantius behaved with the magna⯑nimity of a genuine Roman. Subduing, or ſup⯑preſſing, every ſentiment of jealouſy, he publicly acknowledged the merit and ſervices of Ulphilas: but he turned with horror from the aſſaſſin of Edobic; and ſternly intimated his commands, that the camp ſhould no longer be polluted by the preſence of an ungrateful wretch, who had violated the laws of friendſhip and hoſpitality. The uſurper, who beheld, from the walls of Arles, the ruin of his laſt hopes, was tempted to place ſome confidence in ſo generous a conqueror. He required a ſolemn promiſe for his ſecurity; and after receiving, by the impoſition of hands, the ſacred character of a Chriſtian Preſbyter, he ven⯑tured to open the gates of the city. But he ſoon experienced, that the principles of honour and integrity, which might regulate the ordinary conduct of Conſtantius, were ſuperſeded by the looſe doctrines of political morality. The Ro⯑man Death of the uſurper Conſtan⯑tine, A. D. 411, Nov. 28. general, indeed, refuſed to ſully his laurels with the blood of Conſtantine; but the abdicated emperor, and, his ſon Julian, were ſent under a ſtrong guard into Italy; and before they reached the palace of Ravenna, they met the miniſters of death.

At a time when it was univerſally confeſſed, Fall of the uſurpers, Jovinus, Sebaſtian, and Atta⯑ius, A. D. 411—416. that almoſt every man in the empire was ſuperior in perſonal merit to the princes whom the acci⯑dent of their birth had ſeated on the throne, a [347] rapid ſucceſſion of uſurpers, regardleſs of the fate of their predeceſſors, ſtill continued to ariſe. This miſchief was peculiarly felt in the provinces of Spain and Gaul, where the principles of order and obedience had been extinguiſhed by war and rebellion. Before Conſtantine reſigned the pur⯑ple, and in the fourth month of the ſiege of Arles, intelligence was received in the Imperial camp, that Jovinus had aſſumed the diadem at Mentz, in the Upper Germany, at the inſtigation of Goar, king of the Alani, and of Guntiarius, king of the Burgundians; and that the candidate, on whom they had beſtowed the empire, ad⯑vanced, with a formidable hoſt of Barbarians, from the banks of the Rhine to thoſe of the Rhône. Every circumſtance is dark and extraor⯑dinary in the ſhort hiſtory of the reign of Jovinus. It was natural to expect, that a brave and ſkilful general, at the head of a victorious army, would have aſſerted, in a field of battle, the juſtice of the cauſe of Honorius. The haſty retreat of Conſtantius might be juſtified by weighty rea⯑ſons; but he reſigned, without a ſtruggle, the poſſeſſion of Gaul: and Dardanus, the Praetorian praefect, is recorded as the only magiſtrate, who refuſed to yield obedience to the uſurper ¹⁵². [348] When the Goths, two years after the ſiege of Rome, eſtabliſhed their quarters in Gaul, it was natural to ſuppoſe that their inclinations could be divided only between the emperor Honorius, with whom they had formed a recent alliance, and the degraded Attalus, whom they reſerved in their camp for the occaſional purpoſe of acting the part of a muſician or a monarch. Yet in a moment of diſguſt (for which it is not eaſy to aſ⯑ſign a cauſe, or a date), Adolphus connected himſelf with the uſurper of Gaul; and impoſed on Attalus the ignominious taſk of negociating the treaty, which ratified his own diſgrace. We are again ſurpriſed to read, that, inſtead of con⯑ſidering the Gothic alliance as the firmeſt ſupport of his throne, Jovinus upbraided, in dark and ambiguous language, the officious importunity of Attalus; that, ſcorning the advice of his great ally, he inveſted with the purple his brother Se⯑baſtian; and that he moſt imprudently accepted the ſervice of Sarus, when that gallant chief, the ſoldier of Honorius, was provoked to deſert the court of a prince, who knew not how to reward, or puniſh. Adolphus, educated among a race of warriors, who eſteemed the duty of revenge as the moſt precious and ſacred portion of their in⯑heritance, advanced with a body of ten thouſand Goths to encounter the hereditary enemy of the houſe of Balti. He attacked Sarus at an un⯑guarded moment, when he was accompanied only by eighteen or twenty of his valiant followers. United by friendſhip, animated by deſpair, but [349] at length oppreſſed by multitudes, this band of heroes deſerved the eſteem, without exciting the compaſſion, of their enemies; and the lion was no ſooner taken in the toils ¹⁵³, than he was in⯑ſtantly diſpatched. The death of Sarus diſſolved the looſe alliance which Adolphus ſtill maintained with the uſurpers of Gaul. He again liſtened to the dictates of love and prudence; and ſoon ſa⯑tisfied the brother of Placidia, by the aſſurance that he would immediately tranſmit, to the pa⯑lace of Ravenna, the heads of the two tyrants, Jovinus and Sebaſtian. The king of the Goths executed his promiſe without difficulty or delay: the helpleſs brothers, unſupported by any per⯑ſonal merit, were abandoned by their Barbarian auxiliaries; and the ſhort oppoſition of Valentia was expiated by the ruin of one of the nobleſt cities of Gaul. The emperor, choſen by the Roman ſenate, who had been promoted, de⯑graded, inſulted, reſtored, again degraded, and again inſulted, was finally abandoned to his fate: but when the Gothic king withdrew his protec⯑tion, he was reſtrained, by pity or contempt, from offering any violence to the perſon of At⯑talus. The unfortunate Attalus, who was left without ſubjects or allies, embarked in one of the ports of Spain, in ſearch of ſome ſecure and ſo⯑litary [350] retreat: but he was intercepted at ſea, con⯑ducted to the preſence of Honorius, led in tri⯑umph through the ſtreets of Rome or Ravenna, and publicly expoſed to the gazing multitude, on the ſecond ſtep of the throne of his invincible conqueror. The ſame meaſure of puniſhment, with which, in the days of his proſperity, he was accuſed of menacing his rival, was inflicted on Attalus himſelf: he was condemned, after the amputation of two fingers, to a perpetual exile in the iſle of Lipari, where he was ſupplied with the decent neceſſaries of life. The remainder of the reign of Honorius was undiſturbed by rebel⯑lion; and it may be obſerved, that, in the ſpace of five years, ſeven uſurpers had yielded to the fortune of a prince, who was himſelf incapable either of counſel or of action.

The ſituation of Spain, ſeparated, on all ſides, Invaſion of Spain by the Suevi, Vandals, Alani, &c. A. D. 409, Oct. 13. from the enemies of Rome, by the ſea, by the mountains, and by intermediate provinces, had ſecured the long tranquillity of that remote and ſequeſtered country; and we may obſerve, as a ſure ſymptom of domeſtic happineſs, that, in a period of four hundred years, Spain furniſhed very few materials to the hiſtory of the Roman empire. The footſteps of the Barbarians, who, in the reign of Gallienus, had penetrated beyond the Pyrenees, were ſoon obliterated by the return of peace; and in the fourth century of the Chriſ⯑tian aera, the cities of Emerita or Merida, of Corduba, Seville, Bracara, and Tarragona, were numbered with the moſt illuſtrious of the Roman [351] world. The various plenty of the animal, the vegetable, and the mineral kingdoms, was im⯑proved and manufactured by the ſkill of an in⯑duſtrious people; and the peculiar advantages of naval ſtores contributed to ſupport an extenſive and profitable trade ¹⁵⁴. The arts and ſciences flouriſhed under the protection of the emperors; and if the character of the Spaniards was enfee⯑bled by peace and ſervitude, the hoſtile approach of the Germans, who had ſpread terror and de⯑ſolation from the Rhine to the Pyrenees, ſeemed to rekindle ſome ſparks of military ardour. As long as the defence of the mountains was en⯑truſted to the hardy and faithful militia of the country, they ſucceſsfully repelled the frequent attempts of the Barbarians. But no ſooner had the national troops been compelled to reſign their poſt to the Honorian bands, in the ſervice of Conſtantine; than the gates of Spain were trea⯑cherouſly betrayed to the public enemy, about ten months before the ſack of Rome by the Goths ¹⁵⁵. The conſciouſneſs of guilt, and the [352] thirſt of rapine, prompted the mercenary guards of the Pyrenees to deſert their ſtation; to invite the arms of the Suevi, the Vandals, and the Alani; and to ſwell the torrent which was poured with irreſiſtible violence from the frontiers of Gaul to the ſea of Africa. The misfortunes of Spain may be deſcribed in the language of its moſt eloquent hiſtorian, who has conciſely ex⯑preſſed the paſſionate, and perhaps exaggerated, declamations of contemporary writers ¹⁵⁶. ‘"The irruption of theſe nations was followed by the moſt dreadful calamities: as the Barbarians exerciſed their indiſcriminate cruelty on the fortunes of the Romans and the Spaniards; and ravaged with equal fury the cities and the open country. The progreſs of famine re⯑duced the miſerable inhabitants to feed on the fleſh of their fellow-creatures; and even the wild beaſts, who multiplied, without controul, in the deſert, were exaſperated, by the taſte of blood, and the impatience of hunger, boldly to attack and devour their human prey. Peſ⯑tilence ſoon appeared, the inſeparable compa⯑nion of famine; a large proportion of the peo⯑ple was ſwept away; and the groans of the dying excited only the envy of their ſurviving friends. At length the Barbarians, ſatiated with carnage and rapine, and afflicted by the contagious evils which they themſelves had introduced, fixed their permanent ſeats in the [353] depopulated country. The ancient Gallicia, whoſe limits included the kingdom of Old Caſtille, was divided between the Suevi and the Vandals; the Alani were ſcattered over the provinces of Carthagena and Luſitania, from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic Ocean; and the fruitful territory of Boetica was allotted to the Silingi, another branch of the Vandalic nation. After regulating this partition, the conquerors contracted with their new ſubjects ſome reciprocal engagements of protection and obedience: the lands were again cultivated; and the towns and villages were again oc⯑cupied by a captive people. The greateſt part of the Spaniards was even diſpoſed to prefer this new condition of poverty and bar⯑bariſm, to the ſevere oppreſſions of the Roman government: yet there were many who ſtill aſſerted their native freedom; and who refuſed, more eſpecially in the mountains of Gallicia, to ſubmit to the Barbarian yoke ¹⁵⁷."’

The important preſent of the heads of Jovinus and Sebaſtian, had approved the friendſhip of Adolphus, king of the Goths, marches into Spain, A. D. 414. Adolphus, and reſtored Gaul to the obedience of his brother Honorius. Peace was incompatible with the ſituation and temper of the king of the Goths. He readily accepted the propoſal of turn⯑ing his victorious arms againſt the Barbarians of [354] Spain: the troops of Conſtantius intercepted his communication with the ſea-ports of Gaul, and gently preſſed his march towards the Pyrenees ¹⁵⁸: he paſſed the mountains, and ſurpriſed, in the name of the emperor, the city of Barcelona. The fondneſs of Adolphus for his Roman bride, was not abated by time or poſſeſſion; and the birth of a ſon, ſurnamed, from his illuſtrious grand⯑ſire, Theodoſius, appeared to fix him for ever in the intereſt of the republic. The loſs of that in⯑fant, whoſe remains were depoſited in a ſilver coffin in one of the churches near Barcelona, af⯑flicted his parents; but the grief of the Gothic king was ſuſpended by the labours of the field; and the courſe of his victories was ſoon inter⯑rupted by domeſtic treaſon. He had imprudently received into his ſervice one of the followers of Sarus; a Barbarian of a daring ſpirit, but of a diminutive ſtature; whoſe ſecret deſire of reveng⯑ing the death of his beloved patron, was conti⯑nually irritated by the ſarcaſms of his inſolent His death, A. D. 415. Auguſt. maſter. Adolphus was aſſaſſinated in the palace of Barcelona; the laws of the ſucceſſion were vio⯑lated by a tumultuous faction ¹⁵⁹; and a ſtranger to the royal race, Singeric, the brother of Sarus himſelf, was ſeated on the Gothic throne. The [355] firſt act of his reign was the inhuman murder of the ſix children of Adolphus, the iſſue of a for⯑mer marriage, whom he tore, without pity, from the feeble arms of a venerable biſhop ¹⁶⁰. The unfortunate Placidia, inſtead of the reſpectful compaſſion, which ſhe might have excited in the moſt ſavage breaſts, was treated with cruel and wanton inſult. The daughter of the emperor Theodoſius, confounded among a crowd of vul⯑gar captives, was compelled to march on foot above twelve miles, before the horſe of a Bar⯑barian, the aſſaſſin of an huſband whom Placidia loved and lamented ¹⁶¹.

But Placidia ſoon obtained the pleaſure of re⯑venge The Goths conquer and reſotre Spain, A. D. 415—418,; and the view of her ignominious ſuffer⯑ings might rouſe an indignant people againſt the tyrant, who was aſſaſſinated on the ſeventh day of his uſurpation. After the death of Singeric, the free choice of the nation beſtowed the Gothic ſceptre on Wallia; whoſe warlike and ambitious temper appeared, in the beginning of his reign, extremely hoſtile to the republic. He marched, in arms, from Barcelona to the ſhores of the At⯑lantic Ocean, which the ancients revered and dreaded as the boundary of the world. But when he reached the Southern promontory of [356] Spain ¹⁶², and, from the rock now covered by the fortreſs of Gibraltar, contemplated the neigh⯑bouring and fertile coaſt of Africa, Wallia re⯑ſumed the deſigns of conqueſt, which had been interrupted by the death of Alaric. The winds and waves again diſappointed the enterpriſe of the Goths; and the minds of a ſuperſtitious people were deeply affected by the repeated diſaſters of ſtorms and ſhipwrecks. In this diſpoſition, the ſucceſſor of Adolphus no longer refuſed to liſten to a Roman ambaſſador, whoſe propoſals were enforced by the real, or ſuppoſed, approach of a numerous army, under the conduct of the brave Conſtantius. A ſolemn treaty was ſtipulated and obſerved: Placidia was honourably reſtored to her brother; ſix hundred thouſand meaſures of wheat were delivered to the hungry Goths ¹⁶³; and Wallia engaged to draw his ſword in the ſervice of the empire. A bloody war was in⯑ſtantly excited among the Barbarians of Spain; and the contending princes are ſaid to have ad⯑dreſſed their letters, their ambaſſadors, and their hoſtages, to the throne of the Weſtern emperor, exhorting him to remain a tranquil ſpectator of their conteſt; the events of which muſt be favour⯑able to the Romans, by the mutual ſlaughter of [357] their common enemies ¹⁶⁴. The Spaniſh war was obſtinately ſupported, during three campaigns, with deſperate valour, and various ſucceſs; and the martial atchievements of Wallia diffuſed through the empire the ſuperior renown of the Gothic hero. He exterminated the Silingi, who had irretrievably ruined the elegant plenty of the province of Boetica. He ſlew, in battle, the king of the Alani; and the remains of thoſe Scy⯑thian wanderers, who eſcaped from the field, in⯑ſtead of chuſing a new leader, humbly ſought a refuge under the ſtandard of the Vandals, with whom they were ever afterwards confounded. The Vandals themſelves, and the Suevi, yielded to the efforts of the invincible Goths. The pro⯑miſcuous multitude of Barbarians, whoſe retreat had been intercepted, were driven into the moun⯑tains of Gallicia; where they ſtill continued, in a narrow compaſs, and on a barren ſoil, to exer⯑ciſe their domeſtic and implacable hoſtilities. In the pride of victory, Wallia was faithful to his engagements: he reſtored his Spaniſh conqueſts to the obedience of Honorius; and the tyranny of the Imperial officers ſoon reduced an oppreſſed people to regret the time of their Barbarian ſer⯑vitude. While the event of the war was ſtill doubtful, the firſt advantages obtained by the [358] arms of Wallia, had encouraged the court of Ra⯑venna to decree the honours of a triumph to their feeble ſovereign. He entered Rome like the an⯑cient conquerors of nations; and if the monu⯑ments of ſervile corruption had not long ſince met with the fate which they deſerved, we ſhould pro⯑bably find that a crowd of poets, and orators, of magiſtrates, and biſhops, applauded the fortune, the wiſdom, and the invincible courage, of the emperor Honorius ¹⁶⁵.

Such a triumph might have been juſtly claimed Their eſta⯑bliſhment in Aqui⯑tain, A. D. 419. by the ally of Rome, if Wallia, before he repaſſed the Pyrenees, had extirpated the ſeeds of the Spaniſh war. His victorious Goths, forty-three years after they had paſſed the Danube, were eſtabliſhed, according to the faith of treaties, in the poſſeſſion of the ſecond Aquitain; a maritime province between the Garonne and the Loire, under the civil and eccleſiaſtical juriſdiction of Bourdeaux. That metropolis, advantageouſly ſituated for the trade of the ocean, was built in a regular and elegant form; and its numerous in⯑habitants were diſtinguiſhed among the Gauls by their wealth, their learning, and the politeneſs of their manners. The adjacent province, which has been fondly compared to the garden of Eden, is bleſſed with a fruitful ſoil, and a temperate [359] climate; the face of the country diſplayed the arts and the rewards of induſtry; and the Goths, after their martial toils, luxuriouſly exhauſted the rich vineyards of Aquitain ¹⁶⁶. The Gothic li⯑mits were enlarged, by the additional gift of ſome neighbouring dioceſes; and the ſucceſſors of Alaric fixed their royal reſidence at Thoulouſe, which included five populous quarters, or cities, within the ſpacious circuit of its walls. About the ſame time, in the laſt years of the reign of Honorius, the GOTHS, the BURGUNDIANS, and The Bur⯑gundians. the FRANKS, obtained a permanent ſeat and do⯑minion in the provinces of Gaul. The liberal grant of the uſurper Jovinus to his Burgundian allies, was confirmed by the lawful emperor: the lands of the Firſt, or Upper, Germany, were ceded to thoſe formidable Barbarians; and they gradually occupied, either by conqueſt or treaty, the two provinces which ſtill retain, with the titles of Duchy and of County, the national appel⯑lation of Burgundy ¹⁶⁷. The Franks, the valiant and faithful allies of the Roman republic, were ſoon tempted to imitate the invaders, whom they had ſo bravely reſiſted. Treves, the capital of [360] Gaul, was pillaged by their lawleſs bands; and the humble colony, which they ſo long main⯑tained in the diſtrict of Toxandria, in Brabant, inſenſibly multiplied along the banks of the Meuſe and Scheld, till their independent power filled the whole extent of the Second, or Lower Ger⯑many. Theſe facts may be ſufficiently juſtified by hiſtoric evidence: but the foundation of the French monarchy by Pharamond, the conqueſts, the laws, and even the exiſtence, of that hero, have been juſtly arraigned by the impartial ſeve⯑rity of modern criticiſm ¹⁶⁸.

The ruin of the opulent provinces of Gaul State of the Barba⯑rians in Gaul, A. D. 420, &c. may be dated from the eſtabliſhment of theſe Bar⯑barians, whoſe alliance was dangerous and op⯑preſſive, and who were capriciouſly impelled, by intereſt or paſſion, to violate the public peace. A heavy and partial ranſom was impoſed on the ſurviving provincials, who had eſcaped the cala⯑mities of war; the faireſt and moſt fertile lands were aſſigned to the rapacious ſtrangers, for the uſe of their families, their ſlaves, and their cattle; and the trembling natives relinquiſhed with a ſigh the inheritance of their fathers. Yet theſe do⯑meſtic misfortunes, which are ſeldom the lot of a vanquiſhed people, had been felt and inflicted [361] by the Romans themſelves, not only in the in⯑ſolence of foreign conqueſt, but in the madneſs of civil diſcord. The Triumvirs proſcribed eighteen of the moſt flouriſhing colonies of Italy; and diſtributed their lands and houſes to the ve⯑terans who revenged the death of Caeſar, and op⯑preſſed the liberty of their country. Two poets, of unequal fame, have deplored, in ſimilar cir⯑cumſtances, the loſs of their patrimony; but the legionaries of Auguſtus appear to have ſurpaſſed, in violence and injuſtice, the Barbarians, who invaded Gaul, under the reign of Honorius. It was not without the utmoſt difficulty that Virgil eſcaped from the ſword of the Centurion, who had uſurped his farm in the neighbourhood of Mantua ¹⁶⁹; but Paulinus of Bourdeaux received a ſum of money from his Gothic purchaſer, which he accepted with pleaſure and ſurpriſe; and, though it was much inferior to the real value of his eſtate, this act of rapine was diſguiſed by ſome colours of moderation and equity ¹⁷⁰. The odious name of conquerors, was ſoftened into the mild and friendly appellation of the gueſts [362] of the Romans; and the Barbarians of Gaul, more eſpecially the Goths, repeatedly declared, that they were bound to the people by the ties of hoſpitality, and to the emperor by the duty of allegiance and military ſervice. The title of Honorius and his ſucceſſors, their laws, and their civil magiſtrates, were ſtill reſpected in the pro⯑vinces of Gaul, of which they had reſigned the poſſeſſion to the Barbarian allies; and the kings, who exerciſed a ſupreme and independent autho⯑rity over their native ſubjects, ambitiouſly ſoli⯑cited the more honourable rank of maſter-gene⯑rals of the Imperial armies ¹⁷¹. Such was the in⯑voluntary reverence which the Roman name ſtill impreſſed on the minds of thoſe warriors, who had borne away in triumph the ſpoils of the Ca⯑pitol.

Whilſt Italy was ravaged by the Goths, and Revolt of Britain and Ar⯑morica, A. D. 409. a ſucceſſion of feeble tyrants oppreſſed the pro⯑vinces beyond the Alps, the Britiſh iſland ſepa⯑rated itſelf from the body of the Roman empire. The regular forces which guarded that remote province, had been gradually withdrawn; and Britain was abandoned, without defence, to the Saxon pirates, and the ſavages of Ireland and Caledonia. The Britons, reduced to this extre⯑mity, no longer relied on the tardy and doubtful aid of a declining monarchy. They aſſembled in arms, repelled the invaders, and rejoiced in the [363] important diſcovery of their own ſtrength ¹⁷². Afflicted by ſimilar calamities, and actuated by the ſame ſpirit, the Armorican provinces (a name which comprehended the maritime countries of Gaul between the Seine and the Loire ¹⁷³) re⯑ſolved to imitate the example of the neighbour⯑ing iſland. They expelled the Roman magiſ⯑trates, who acted under the authority of the uſurper Conſtantine; and a free government was eſtabliſhed among a people who had ſo long been ſubject to the arbitrary will of a maſter. The independence of Britain and Armorica was ſoon confirmed by Honorius himſelf, the lawful em⯑peror of the Weſt; and the letters, by which he committed to the new ſtates the care of their own ſafety, might be interpreted as an abſolute and perpetual abdication of the exerciſe and rights of ſovereignty. This interpretation was, in ſome meaſure, juſtified by the event. After the uſurpers of Gaul had ſucceſſively fallen, the ma⯑ritime provinces were reſtored to the empire. Yet their obedience was imperfect and precari⯑ous: the vain, inconſtant, rebellious diſpoſition of the people, was incompatible either with free⯑dom [364] or ſervitude ¹⁷⁴; and Armorica, though it could not long maintain the form of a republic ¹⁷⁵, was agitated by frequent and deſtructive revolts. Britain was irrecoverably loſt ¹⁷⁶. But as the em⯑perors wiſely acquieſced in the independence of a remote province, the ſeparation was not em⯑bittered by the reproach of tyranny or rebellion; and the claims of allegiance and protection were ſucceeded by the mutual and voluntary offices of national friendſhip ¹⁷⁷.

This revolution diſſolved the artificial fabric State of Britain, A. D. 409—449. of civil and military government; and the inde⯑pendent [365] country, during a period of forty years, till the deſcent of the Saxons, was ruled by the authority of the clergy, the nobles, and the mu⯑nicipal towns ¹⁷⁸. I. Zoſimus, who alone has pre⯑ſerved the memory of this ſingular tranſaction, very accurately obſerves, that the letters of Honorius were addreſſed to the cities of Britain ¹⁷⁹. Under the protection of the Romans, ninety-two conſi⯑derable towns had ariſen in the ſeveral parts of that great province; and, among theſe, thirty⯑three cities were diſtinguiſhed above the reſt by their ſuperior privileges and importance ¹⁸⁰. Each of theſe cities, as in all the other provinces of the empire, formed a legal corporation, for the pur⯑poſe of regulating their domeſtic policy; and the powers of municipal government were diſtributed among annual magiſtrates, a ſelect ſenate, and the aſſembly of the people, according to the ori⯑ginal model of the Roman conſtitution ¹⁸¹. The management of a common revenue, the exerciſe of civil and criminal juriſdiction, and the habits of public counſel and command, were inherent to theſe petty republics; and when they aſſerted [366] their independence, the youth of the city, and of the adjacent diſtricts, would naturally range them⯑ſelves under the ſtandard of the magiſtrate. But the deſire of obtaining the advantages, and of eſcaping the burthens, of political ſociety, is a perpetual and inexhauſtible ſource of diſcord; nor can it reaſonably be preſumed, that the re⯑ſtoration of Britiſh freedom was exempt from tu⯑mult and faction. The pre-eminence of birth and fortune muſt have been frequently violated by bold and popular citizens; and the haughty nobles, who complained that they were become the ſubjects of their own ſervants ¹⁸², would ſome⯑times regret the reign of an arbitrary monarch.

II. The juriſdiction of each city over the adjacent country, was ſupported by the patrimonial in⯑fluence of the principal ſenators; and the ſmaller towns, the villages, and the proprietors of land, conſulted their own ſafety by adhering to the ſhelter of theſe riſing republics. The ſphere of their attraction was proportioned to the reſpective degrees of their wealth and populouſneſs; but the hereditary lords of ample poſſeſſions, who were not oppreſſed by the neighbourhood of any powerful city, aſpired to the rank of indepen⯑dent princes, and boldly exerciſed the rights of peace and war. The gardens and villas, which exhibited ſome faint imitation of Ita⯑lian elegance, would ſoon be converted into [367] ſtrong caſtles, the refuge, in time of danger, of the adjacent country ¹⁸³: the produce of the land was applied to purchaſe arms and horſes; to maintain a military force of ſlaves, of peaſants, and of licentious followers; and the chieftain might aſſume, within his own domain, the powers of a civil magiſtrate. Several of theſe Britiſh chiefs might be the genuine poſterity of ancient kings; and many more would be tempted to adopt this honourable genealogy, and to vin⯑dicate their hereditary claims, which had been ſuſpended by the uſurpation of the Caeſars ¹⁸⁴. Their ſituation, and their hopes, would diſpoſe them to affect the dreſs, the language, and the cuſtoms of their anceſtors. If the princes of Britain relapſed into barbariſm, while the cities ſtudiouſly preſerved the laws and manners of Rome, the whole iſland muſt have been gra⯑dually divided by the diſtinction of two national parties; again broken into a thouſand ſubdiviſions of war and faction, by the various provocations of intereſt and reſentment. The public ſtrength, inſtead of being united againſt a foreign enemy, was conſumed in obſcure and inteſtine quarrels; [368] and the perſonal merit which had placed a ſuc⯑ceſsful leader at the head of his equals, might enable him to ſubdue the freedom of ſome neigh⯑bouring cities; and to claim a rank among the tyrants ¹⁸⁵, who infeſted Britain after the diſſo⯑lution of the Roman government. III. The Britiſh church might be compoſed of thirty or forty biſhops ¹⁸⁶, with an adequate proportion of the inferior clergy; and the want of riches (for they ſeem to have been poor ¹⁸⁷) would compel them to deſerve the public eſteem, by a decent and exemplary behaviour. The intereſt, as well as the temper of the clergy, was favourable to the peace and union of their diſtracted country: thoſe ſalutary leſſons might be frequently incul⯑cated in their popular diſcourſes; and the epiſ⯑copal ſynods were the only councils that could pretend to the weight and authority of a national aſſembly. In ſuch councils, where the princes and magiſtrates ſat promiſcuouſly with the biſhops, the important affairs of the ſtate, as well as of the church, might be freely debated; differences reconciled, alliances formed, contributions im⯑poſed, wiſe reſolutions often concerted, and ſome⯑times [369] executed; and there is reaſon to believe, that, in moments of extreme danger, a Pendragon, or Dictator, was elected by the general conſent of the Britons. Theſe paſtoral cares, ſo worthy of the epiſcopal character, were interrupted, how⯑ever, by zeal and ſuperſtition; and the Britiſh clergy inceſſantly laboured to eradicate the Pela⯑gian hereſy, which they abhorred, as the peculiar diſgrace of their native country ¹⁸⁸.

It is ſomewhat remarkable, or rather it is ex⯑tremely Aſſembly of the ſe⯑ven pro⯑vinces of Gaul, A. D. 418. natural, that the revolt of Britain and Armorica ſhould have introduced an appearance of liberty into the obedient provinces of Gaul. In a ſolemn edict ¹⁸⁹, filled with the ſtrongeſt aſſurances of that paternal affection which princes ſo often expreſs, and ſo ſeldom feel, the emperor Honorius promulgated his intention of conven⯑ing an annual aſſembly of the ſeven provinces: a name peculiarly appropriated to Aquitain, and the ancient Narbonneſe, which had long ſince exchanged their Celtic rudeneſs for the uſe⯑ful and elegant arts of Italy ¹⁹⁰. Arles, the ſeat of government and commerce, was appointed for the place of the aſſembly; which regularly [370] continued twenty-eight days, from the fifteenth of Auguſt to the thirteenth of September, of every year. It conſiſted of the Praetorian praefect of the Gauls; of ſeven provincial governors, one conſular and ſix preſidents; of the magiſtrates, and perhaps the biſhops, of about ſixty cities; and of a competent, though indefinite, number of the moſt honourable and opulent poſſeſſors of land, who might juſtly be conſidered as the re⯑preſentatives of their country. They were im⯑powered to interpret and communicate the laws of their ſovereign; to expoſe the grievances and wiſhes of their conſtituents; to moderate the exceſſive or unequal weight of taxes; and to deliberate on every ſubject of local or national importance, that could tend to the reſtoration of the peace and proſperity of the ſeven provinces. If ſuch an inſtitution, which gave the people an intereſt in their own government, had been uni⯑verſally eſtabliſhed by Trajan or the Antonines, the ſeeds of public wiſdom and virtue might have been cheriſhed and propagated in the em⯑pire of Rome. The privileges of the ſubject would have ſecured the throne of the monarch; the abuſes of an arbitrary adminiſtration might have been prevented, in ſome degree, or correct⯑ed, by the interpoſition of theſe repreſentative aſſemblies; and the country would have been defended againſt a foreign enemy, by the arms of natives and freemen. Under the mild and gene⯑rous influence of liberty, the Roman empire might have remained invincible and immortal; or if its exceſſive magnitude, and the inſtability [371] of human affairs, had oppoſed ſuch perpetual continuance, its vital and conſtituent members might have ſeparately preſerved their vigour and independence. But in the decline of the empire, when every principle of health and life had been exhauſted, the tardy application of this partial remedy was incapable of producing any important or ſalutary effects. The emperor Honorius ex⯑preſſes his ſurpriſe, that he muſt compel the reluctant provinces to accept a privilege which they ſhould ardently have ſolicited. A fine of three, or even five, pounds of gold, was impoſed on the abſent repreſentatives; who ſeem to have declined this imaginary gift of a free conſtitution, as the laſt and moſt cruel inſult of their op⯑preſſors.

CHAP. XXXII. Arcadius Emperor of the Eaſt.—Adminiſtration and Diſgrace of Eutropius.—Revolt of Gainas.—Per⯑ſecution of St. John Chryſoſtom.—Theodoſius II. Emperor of the Eaſt.—His Siſter Pulcheria.—His Wife Eudocia.—The Perſian War, and Divi⯑ſion of Armenia.

THE diviſion of the Roman world between the ſons of Theodoſius, marks the final eſtabliſhment of the empire of the Eaſt, which, The em⯑pire of the Eaſt, A. D. 395—1453 Reign of Arcadius, A. D. 395—408. from the reign of Arcadius to the taking of Conſtantinople by the Turks, ſubſiſted one thou⯑ſand and fifty-eight years, in a ſtate of premature and perpetual decay. The ſovereign of that empire aſſumed, and obſtinately retained, the vain, and at length fictitious, title of Emperor of the ROMANS; and the hereditary appellations of CAESAR and AUGUSTUS continued to declare, that he was the legitimate ſucceſſor of the firſt of men, who had reigned over the firſt of nations. The palace of Conſtantinople rivalled, and per⯑haps excelled, the magnificence of Perſia; and the eloquent ſermons of St. Chryſoſtom ¹ cele⯑brate, [373] while they condemn, the pompous luxury of the reign of Arcadius. ‘"The emperor," ſays he, "wears on his head either a diadem, or a crown of gold, decorated with precious ſtones of ineſtimable value. Theſe ornaments, and his purple garments, are reſerved for his ſacred perſon alone; and his robes of ſilk are em⯑broidered with the figures of golden dragons. His throne is of maſſy gold. Whenever he appears in public, he is ſurrounded by his courtiers, his guards, and his attendants. Their ſpears, their ſhields, their cuiraſſes, the bridles and trappings of their horſes, have either the ſubſtance, or the appearance, of gold; and the large ſplendid boſs in the midſt of their ſhield, is encircled with ſmaller boſſes, which repreſent the ſhape of the human eye. The two mules that draw the chariot of the monarch, are perfectly white, and ſhining all over with gold. The chariot itſelf, of pure and ſolid gold, attracts the admiration of the ſpectators, who contemplate the purple cur⯑tains, the ſnowy carpet, the ſize of the pre⯑cious ſtones, and the reſplendent plates of gold, that glitter as they are agitated by the motion of the carriage. The Imperial pictures are white, on a blue ground; the emperor appears ſeated on his throne, with his arms, his horſes, and his guards beſide him; and his vanquiſhed enemies in chains at his feet."’ The ſucceſſors of Conſtantine eſtabliſhed their perpetual reſidence in the royal city, which he [374] had erected on the verge of Europe and Aſia. Inacceſſible to the menaces of their enemies, and perhaps to the complaints of their people, they received, with each wind, the tributary produc⯑tions of every climate; while the impregnable ſtrength of their capital continued for ages to defy the hoſtile attempts of the Barbarians. Their dominions were bounded by the Hadriatic and the Tigris; and the whole interval of twenty⯑five days navigation, which ſeparated the extreme cold of Scythia from the torrid zone of Aethiopia ², was comprehended within the limits of the em⯑pire of the Eaſt. The populous countries of that empire were the ſeat of art and learning, of lux⯑ury and wealth; and the inhabitants, who had aſſumed the language and manners of Greeks, ſtiled themſelves, with ſome appearance of truth, the moſt enlightened and civiliſed portion of the human ſpecies. The form of government was a pure and ſimple monarchy; the name of the ROMAN REPUBLIC, which ſo long preſerved a faint tradition of freedom, was confined to the Latin provinces; and the princes of Conſtan⯑tinople meaſured their greatneſs by the ſervile obedience of their people. They were ignorant [375] how much this paſſive diſpoſition enervates and degrades every faculty of the mind. The ſub⯑jects, who had reſigned their will to the abſolute commands of a maſter, were equally incapable of guarding their lives and fortunes againſt the aſſaults of the Barbarians, or of defending their reaſon from the terrors of ſuperſtition.

The firſt events of the reign of Arcadius and Admini⯑ſtration and cha⯑racter of Eutropius, A. D. 395—399. Honorius are ſo intimately connected, that the rebellion of the Goths, and the fall of Rufinus, have already claimed a place in the hiſtory of the Weſt. It has already been obſerved, that Eutro⯑pius ³, one of the principal eunuchs of the pa⯑lace of Conſtantinople, ſucceeded the haughty miniſter whoſe ruin he had accompliſhed, and whoſe vices he ſoon imitated. Every order of the ſtate bowed to the new favourite; and their tame and obſequious ſubmiſſion encouraged him to inſult the laws, and, what is ſtill more difficult and dangerous, the manners of his country. Un⯑der the weakeſt of the predeceſſors of Arcadius, the reign of the eunuchs had been ſecret, and almoſt inviſible. They inſinuated themſelves into the confidence of the prince; but their oſten⯑ſible functions were confined to the menial ſer⯑vice of the wardrobe and Imperial bed-chamber. They might direct, in a whiſper, the public counſels, and blaſt, by their malicious ſuggeſtions, [376] the fame snd fortunes of the moſt illuſtrious citi⯑zens; but they never preſumed to ſtand forward in the front of empire ⁴, or to profane the public honours of the ſtate. Eutropius was the firſt of his artificial ſex, who dared to aſſume the cha⯑racter of a Roman magiſtrate and general ⁵. Sometimes, in the preſence of the bluſhing ſenate, he aſcended the tribunal, to pronounce judg⯑ment, or to repeat elaborate harangues; and ſometimes appeared on horſeback, at the head of his troops, in the dreſs and armour of a hero. The diſregard of cuſtom and decency always betrays a weak and ill-regulated mind; nor does Eutropius ſeem to have compenſated for the folly of the deſign, by any ſuperior merit or ability in the execution. His former habits of life had not introduced him to the ſtudy of the laws, or the exerciſes of the field; his awkward and unſuc⯑ceſsful [377] attempts provoked the ſecret contempt of the ſpectators; the Goths expreſſed their wiſh, that ſuch a general might always command the armies of Rome; and the name of the miniſter was branded with ridicule, more pernicious per⯑haps than hatred, to a public character. The ſubjects of Arcadius were exaſperated by the recollection, that this deformed and decrepid eunuch ⁶, who ſo perverſely mimicked the actions of a man, was born in the moſt abject condition of ſervitude; that, before he entered the Im⯑perial palace, he had been ſucceſſively ſold, and purchaſed, by an hundred maſters, who had ex⯑hauſted his youthful ſtrength in every mean and infamous office, and at length diſmiſſed him, in his old age, to freedom and poverty ⁷. While theſe diſgraceful ſtories were circulated, and per⯑haps exaggerated, in private converſations, the vanity of the favourite was flattered with the moſt extraordinary honours. In the ſenate, in [378] the capital, in the provinces, the ſtatues of Eu⯑tropius were erected, in braſs or marble, deco⯑rated with the ſymbols of his civil and military virtues, and inſcribed with the pompous title of the third founder of Conſtantinople. He was promoted to the rank of patrician, which began to ſignify, in a popular, and even legal accepta⯑tion, the father of the emperor; and the laſt year of the fourth century was polluted by the conſulſhip of an eunuch, and a ſlave. This ſtrange and inexpiable prodigy ⁸ awakened, however, the prejudices of the Romans. The effeminate con⯑ſul was rejected by the Weſt, as an indelible ſtain to the annals of the republic; and, without in⯑voking the ſhades of Brutus and Camillus, the colleague of Eutropius, a learned and reſpectable magiſtrate ⁹, ſufficiently repreſented the different maxims of the two adminiſtrations.

The bold and vigorous mind of Rufinus ſeems His ve⯑nality and injuſtice. to have been actuated by a more ſanguinary and revengeful ſpirit; but the avarice of the eunuch was not leſs inſatiate than that of the praefect ¹⁰. [379] As long as he deſpoiled the oppreſſors, who had enriched themſelves with the plunder of the peo⯑ple, Eutropius might gratify his covetous diſ⯑poſition without much envy or injuſtice: but the progreſs of his rapine ſoon invaded the wealth which had been acquired by lawful inheritance, or laudable induſtry. The uſual methods of ex⯑tortion were practiſed and improved; and Clau⯑dian has ſketched a lively and original picture of the public auction of the ſtate. ‘"The impotence of the eunuch" (ſays that agreeable ſatiriſt) "has ſerved only to ſtimulate his avarice: the ſame hand which, in his ſervile condition, was exerciſed in petty thefts, to unlock the coffers of his maſter, now graſps the riches of the world; and this infamous broker of the em⯑pire appreciates and divides the Roman pro⯑vinces, from Mount Haemus to the Tigris. One man, at the expence of his villa, is made proconſul of Aſia; a ſecond purchaſes Syria with his wife's jewels; and a third laments, that he has exchanged his paternal eſtate for the government of Bithynia. In the anti⯑chamber of Eutropius, a large tablet is expoſed to public view, which marks the reſpective prices of the provinces. The different value of Pontus, of Galatia, of Lydia, is accurately diſtinguiſhed. Lycia may be obtained for ſo many thouſand pieces of gold; but the opulence of Phrygia will require a more conſiderable ſum. The eunuch wiſhes to obliterate, by the general diſgrace, his perſonal ignominy; and as he has [380] been ſold himſelf, he is deſirous of ſelling the reſt of mankind. In the eager contention, the balance, which contains the fate and fortunes of the province, often trembles on the beam; and till one of the ſcales is inclined, by a ſu⯑perior weight, the mind of the impartial judge remains in anxious ſuſpenſe ¹¹."’ Such" (con⯑tinues the indignant poet) ‘"are the fruits of Roman valour, of the defeat of Antiochus, and of the triumph of Pompey."’ This venal proſtitution of public honours ſecured the impu⯑nity of future crimes; but the riches, which Eu⯑tropius derived from confiſcation, were already ſtained with injuſtice; ſince it was decent to ac⯑cuſe, and to condemn, the proprietors of the wealth which he was impatient to confiſcate. Some noble blood was ſhed by the hand of the executioner; and the moſt inhoſpitable extremi⯑ties of the empire were filled with innocent and illuſtrious exiles. Among the generals and con⯑ſuls Ruin of Abundan⯑tius, of the Eaſt, Abundantius ¹² had reaſon to dread the firſt effects of the reſentment of Eutro⯑pius. He had been guilty of the unpardonable [381] crime of introducing that abject ſlave to the pa⯑lace of Conſtantinople: and ſome degree of praiſe muſt be allowed to a powerful and ungrateful favourite, who was ſatisfied with the diſgrace of his benefactor. Abundantius was ſtripped of his ample fortunes by an Imperial reſcript, and ba⯑niſhed to Pityus, on the Euxine, the laſt frontier of the Roman world; where he ſubſiſted by the precarious mercy of the Barbarians, till he could obtain, after the fall of Eutropius, a milder exile at Sidon in Phoenicia. The deſtruction of Tima⯑ſius ¹³ of Tima⯑ſius. required a more ſerious and regular mode of attack. That great officer, the maſter-general of the armies of Theodoſius, had ſignaliſed his valour by a deciſive victory, which he obtained over the Goths of Theſſaly; but he was too prone, after the example of his ſovereign, to enjoy the luxury of peace, and to abandon his confidence to wicked and deſigning flatterers. Timaſius had deſpiſed the public clamour, by promoting an infamous dependent to the com⯑mand of a cohort; and he deſerved to feel the ingratitude of Bargus, who was ſecretly inſtigat⯑ed by the favourite to accuſe his patron of a trea⯑ſonable conſpiracy. The general was arraigned before the tribunal of Arcadius himſelf; and the principal eunuch ſtood by the ſide of the throne, [382] to ſuggeſt the queſtions and anſwers of his ſove⯑reign. But as this form of trial might be deem⯑ed partial and arbitrary, the farther enquiry into the crimes of Timaſius was delegated to Satur⯑ninus and Procopius; the former of conſular rank, the latter ſtill reſpected as the father-in-law of the emperor Valens. The appearances of a fair and legal proceeding were maintained by the blunt honeſty of Procopius; and he yielded with reluctance to the obſequious dexterity of his col⯑league, who pronounced a ſentence of condemna⯑tion againſt the unfortunate Timaſius. His im⯑menſe riches were confiſcated, in the name of the emperor, and for the benefit of the favourite; and he was doomed to perpetual exile at Oaſis, a ſolitary ſpot in the midſt of the ſandy deſerts of Libya ¹⁴. Secluded from all human converſe, the maſter-general of the Roman armies was loſt for ever to the world; but the circumſtances of his fate have been related in a various and con⯑tradictory manner. It is inſinuated, that Eutro⯑pius diſpatched a private order for his ſecret execution ¹⁵. It was reported, that, in attempt⯑ing to eſcape from Oaſis, he periſhed in the de⯑ſert, [383] of thirſt and hunger; and that his dead body was found on the ſands of Libya ¹⁶. It has been aſſerted, with more confidence, that his ſon Sya⯑grius, after ſucceſsfully eluding the purſuit of the agents and emiſſaries of the court, collected a band of African robbers; that he reſcued Ti⯑maſius from the place of his exile; and that both the father and the ſon diſappeared from the knowledge of mankind ¹⁷. But the ungrateful Bargus, inſtead of being ſuffered to poſſeſs the reward of guilt, was ſoon afterwards circumvent⯑ed and deſtroyed, by the more powerful villany of the miniſter himſelf; who retained ſenſe and ſpirit enough to abhor the inſtrument of his own crimes.

The public hatred, and the deſpair of indi⯑viduals, A cruel and unjuſt law of treaſon, A. D. 397, Sept. 4. continually threatened, or ſeemed to threaten, the perſonal ſafety of Eutropius; as well as of the numerous adherents, who were attached to his fortune, and had been promoted by his venal favour. For their mutual defence, he contrived the ſafeguard of a law, which vio⯑lated every principle of humanity and juſtice ¹⁸.

[384] I. It is enacted, in the name, and by the autho⯑rity, of Arcadius, that all thoſe who ſhall con⯑ſpire, either with ſubjects, or with ſtrangers, againſt the lives of any of the perſons whom the emperor conſiders as the members of his own body, ſhall be puniſhed with death and confiſ⯑cation. This ſpecies of fictitious and metaphori⯑cal treaſon is extended to protect, not only the illuſtrious officers of the ſtate and army, who are admitted into the ſacred conſiſtory, but likewiſe the principal domeſtics of the palace, the ſenators of Conſtantinople, the military commanders, and the civil magiſtrates of the provinces: a vague and indefinite liſt, which, under the ſucceſſors of Conſtantine, included an obſcure and numerous train of ſubordinate miniſters. II. This extreme ſeverity might perhaps be juſtified, had it been only directed to ſecure the repreſentatives of the ſovereign from any actual violence in the exe⯑cution of their office. But the whole body of Imperial dependents claimed a privilege, or rather impunity, which ſcreened them, in the looſeſt moments of their lives, from the haſty, perhaps the juſtifiable, reſentment of their fellow-citizens: and, by a ſtrange perverſion of the laws, the ſame degree of guilt and puniſhment was applied to a private quarrel, and to a deliberate conſpi⯑racy againſt the emperor and the empire. The edict of Arcadius moſt poſitively and moſt ab⯑ſurdly declares, that in ſuch caſes of treaſon, thoughts and actions ought to be puniſhed with equal ſeverity; that the knowledge of a miſ⯑chievous intention, unleſs it be inſtantly revealed, [385] becomes equally criminal with the intention it⯑ſelf ¹⁹; and that thoſe raſh men, who ſhall pre⯑ſume to ſolicit the pardon of traitors, ſhall them⯑ſelves be branded with public and perpetual in⯑famy. III. ‘"With regard to the ſons of the traitors," (continues the emperor) "although they ought to ſhare the puniſhment, ſince they will probably imitate the guilt, of their pa⯑rents; yet, by the ſpecial effect of our Impe⯑rial lenity, we grant them their lives: but, at the ſame time, we declare them incapable of inheriting, either on the father's or on the mother's ſide, or of receiving any gift or le⯑gacy, from the teſtament either of kinſmen or of ſtrangers. Stigmatiſed with hereditary in⯑famy, excluded from the hopes of honours or fortune, let them endure the pangs of poverty and contempt, till they ſhall conſider life as a calamity, and death as a comfort and relief."’ In ſuch words, ſo well adapted to inſult the feel⯑ings of mankind, did the emperor, or rather his favourite eunuch, applaud the moderation of a law, which transferred the ſame unjuſt and in⯑human penalties to the children of all thoſe who had ſeconded, or who had not diſcloſed, theſe fictitious conſpiracies. Some of the nobleſt re⯑gulations [386] of Roman juriſprudence have been ſuffered to expire; but this edict, a convenient and forcible engine of miniſterial tyranny, was carefully inſerted in the Codes of Theodoſius and Juſtinian; and the ſame maxims have been reviv⯑ed in modern ages, to protect the electors of Germany, and the cardinals of the church of Rome ²⁰.

Yet theſe ſanguinary laws, which ſpread terror Rebellion of Tribi⯑gild, A. D. 399. among a diſarmed and diſpirited people, were of too weak a texture to reſtrain the bold enterpriſe of Tribigild ²¹ the Oſtrogoth. The colony of that warlike nation, which had been planted by Theodoſius in one of the moſt fertile diſtricts of Phrygia ²², impatiently compared the ſlow returns of laborious huſbandry, with the ſucceſsful rapine and liberal rewards of Alaric; and their leader reſented, as a perſonal affront, his own ungra⯑cious reception in the palace of Conſtantinople. A ſoft and wealthy province, in the heart of the empire, was aſtoniſhed by the ſound of war; and [387] the faithful vaſſal, who had been diſregarded or oppreſſed, was again reſpected, as ſoon as he reſumed the hoſtile character of a Barbarian. The vineyards and fruitful fields, between the rapid Marſyas and the winding Maeander ²³, were conſumed with fire; the decayed walls of the cities crumbled into duſt, at the firſt ſtroke of an enemy; the trembling inhabitants eſcaped from a bloody maſſacre to the ſhores of the Helleſpont; and a conſiderable part of Aſia Minor was deſo⯑lated by the rebellion of Tribigild. His rapid progreſs was checked by the reſiſtance of the peaſants of Pamphylia; and the Oſtrogoths, at⯑tacked in a narrow paſs, between the city of Selgae ²⁴, a deep moraſs, and the craggy clifts of Mount Taurus, were defeated with the loſs of their braveſt troops. But the ſpirit of their chief was not daunted by misfortune; and his army was continually recruited by ſwarms of Barbari⯑ans and outlaws, who were deſirous of exerciſing the profeſſion of robbery, under the more ho⯑nourable names of war and conqueſt. The ru⯑mours of the ſucceſs of Tribigild might for ſome time be ſuppreſſed by fear, or diſguiſed by flat⯑tery; [388] yet they gradually alarmed both the court and the capital. Every misfortune was exag⯑gerated in dark and doubtful hints; and the future deſigns of the rebels became the ſubject of anxious conjecture. Whenever Tribigild advanced into the inland country, the Romans were inclined to ſuppoſe that he meditated the paſſage of Mount Taurus, and the invaſion of Syria. If he deſcended towards the ſea, they imputed, and perhaps ſuggeſted, to the Gothic chief, the more dangerous project of arming a fleet in the harbours of Ionia, and of extending his depre⯑dations along the maritime coaſt, from the mouth of the Nile to the port of Conſtantinople. The approach of danger, and the obſtinacy of Tribi⯑gild, who refuſed all terms of accommodation, compelled Eutropius to ſummon a council of war ²⁵. After claiming for himſelf the privilege of a veteran ſoldier, the eunuch entruſted the guard of Thrace and the Helleſpont to Gainas the Goth; and the command of the Aſiatic army to his favourite Leo; two generals, who differ⯑ently, but effectually, promoted the cauſe of the rebels. Leo ²⁶, who, from the bulk of his body, [389] and the dulneſs of his mind, was ſurnamed the Ajax of the Eaſt, had deſerted his original trade of a woolcomber, to exerciſe, with much leſs ſkill and ſucceſs, the military profeſſion: and his uncertain operations were capriciouſly framed and executed, with an ignorance of real difficulties, and a timorous neglect of every favourable op⯑portunity. The raſhneſs of the Oſtrogoths had drawn them into a diſadvantageous poſition be⯑tween the rivers Melas and Eurymedon, where they were almoſt beſieged by the peaſants of Pamphylia; but the arrival of an Imperial army, inſtead of completing their deſtruction, afforded the means of ſafety and victory. Tribigild ſur⯑priſed the unguarded camp of the Romans, in the darkneſs of the night; ſeduced the faith of the greater part of the Barbarian auxiliaries, and diſſipated, without much effort, the troops, which had been corrupted by the relaxation of diſcipline, and the luxury of the capital. The diſcontent of Gainas, who had ſo boldly contrived and exe⯑cuted the death of Rufinus, was irritated by the fortune of his unworthy ſucceſſor; he accuſed his own diſhonourable patience under the ſervile reign of an eunuch; and the ambitious Goth was convicted, at leaſt in the public opinion, of ſecretly fomenting the revolt of Tribigild, with whom he was connected by a domeſtic, as well as by a national, alliance ²⁷. When Gainas paſſ⯑ed [390] the Helleſpont, to unite under his ſtandard the remains of the Aſiatic troops, he ſkilfully adapted his motions to the wiſhes of the Oſtro⯑goths; abandoning, by his retreat, the country which they deſired to invade; or facilitating, by his approach, the deſertion of the Barbarian auxi⯑liaries. To the Imperial court he repeatedly magnified the valour, the genius, the inexhauſt⯑ible reſources of Tribigild; confeſſed his own inability to proſecute the war; and extorted the permiſſion of negotiating with his invincible ad⯑verſary. The conditions of peace were dictated by the haughty rebel; and the peremptory de⯑mand of the head of Eutropius, revealed the author and the deſign of this hoſtile conſpiracy.

The bold ſatiriſt, who has indulged his diſcon⯑tent Fall of Eutropius, A. D. 399. by the partial and paſſionate cenſure of the Chriſtian emperors, violates the dignity, rather than the truth, of hiſtory, by comparing the ſon of Theodoſius to one of thoſe harmleſs and ſim⯑ple animals, who ſcarcely feel that they are the property of their ſhepherd. Two paſſions, how⯑ever, fear and conjugal affection, awakened the languid ſoul of Arcadius: he was terrified by the threats of a victorious Barbarian; and he yielded to the tender eloquence of his wife Eudoxia, who, with a flood of artificial tears, preſenting her infant children to their father, implored his juſ⯑tice for ſome real or imaginary inſult, which ſhe imputed to the audacious eunuch ²⁸. The em⯑peror's [391] hand was directed to ſign the condemna⯑tion of Eutropius; the magic ſpell, which during four years had bound the prince and the people, was inſtantly diſſolved; and the acclamations, that ſo lately hailed the merit and fortune of the favourite, were converted into the clamours of the ſoldiers and people, who reproached his crimes, and preſſed his immediate execution. In this hour of diſtreſs and deſpair, his only refuge was in the ſanctuary of the church, whoſe privileges he had wiſely, or profanely, attempted to circumſcribe; and the moſt eloquent of the ſaints, John Chryſoſtom, enjoyed the triumph of protecting a proſtrate miniſter, whoſe choice had raiſed him to the eccleſiaſtical throne of Con⯑ſtantinople. The archbiſhop, aſcending the pul⯑pit of the cathedral, that he might be diſtinctly ſeen and heard by an innumerable crowd of either ſex and of every age, pronounced a ſeaſonable and pathetic diſcourſe on the forgiveneſs of in⯑juries, and the inſtability of human greatneſs. The agonies of the pale and affrighted wretch, who lay groveling under the table of the altar, exhibited a ſolemn and inſtructive ſpectacle; and the orator, who was afterwards accuſed of in⯑ſulting the misfortunes of Eutropius, laboured to excite the contempt, that he might aſſuage the fury, of the people ²⁹. The powers of humanity, [392] of ſuperſtition, and of eloquence prevailed. The empreſs Eudoxia was reſtrained, by her own pre⯑judices, or by thoſe of her ſubjects, from violat⯑ing the ſanctuary of the church; and Eutropius was tempted to capitulate, by the milder arts of perſuaſion, and by an oath, that his life ſhould be ſpared ³⁰. Careleſs of the dignity of their ſovereign, the new miniſters of the palace imme⯑diately publiſhed an edict, to declare, that his late favourite had diſgraced the names of conſul and patrician, to aboliſh his ſtatues, to confiſ⯑cate his wealth, and to inflict a perpetual exile in the iſland of Cyprus ³¹. A diſpicable and de⯑crepid eunuch could no longer alarm the fears of his enemies; nor was he capable of enjoying what yet remained, the comforts of peace, of ſolitude, and of a happy climate. But their im⯑placable revenge ſtill envied him the laſt moments of a miſerable life, and Eutropius had no ſooner [393] touched the ſhores of Cyprus, than he was haſtily recalled. The vain hope of eluding, by a change of place, the obligation of an oath, engaged the empreſs to transfer the ſcene of his trial and execution, from Conſtantinople to the adjacent ſuburb of Chalcedon. The conſul Aurelian pro⯑nounced the ſentence; and the motives of that ſentence expoſe the juriſprudence of a deſpotic government. The crimes which Eutropius had committed againſt the people, might have juſti⯑fied his death; but he was found guilty of har⯑neſſing to his chariot the ſacred animals, who, from their breed, or colour, were reſerved for the uſe of the emperor alone ³².

While this domeſtic revolution was tranſacted, Conſpiracy and fall of Gainas, A. D. 400. Gainas ³³ openly revolted from his allegiance; united his forces, at Thyatira in Lydia, with thoſe of Tribigild; and ſtill maintained his ſu⯑perior aſcendant over the rebellious leader of the Oſtrogoths. The confederate armies advanced, without reſiſtance, to the Streights of the Helleſ⯑pont, and the Boſphorus; and Arcadius was in⯑ſtructed to prevent the loſs of his Aſiatic domi⯑nions, by reſigning his authority and his perſon to the faith of the Barbarians. The church of the holy martyr Euphemia, ſituate on a lofty eminence near Chalcedon ³⁴, was choſen for the [394] place of the interview. Gainas bowed, with re⯑verence, at the feet of the emperor, whilſt he required the ſacrifice of Aurelian and Saturninus, two miniſters of conſular rank; and their naked necks were expoſed, by the haughty rebel, to the edge of the ſword, till he condeſcended to grant them a precarious and diſgraceful reſpite. The Goths, according to the terms of the agreement, were immediately tranſported from Aſia into Europe; and their victorious chief, who accepted the title of maſter-general of the Roman armies, ſoon filled Conſtantinople with his troops, and diſtributed among his dependents, the honours and rewards of the empire. In his early youth, Gainas had paſſed the Danube as a ſuppliant, and a fugitive: his elevation had been the work of valour and fortune; and his indiſcreet, or perfi⯑dious conduct, was the cauſe of his rapid down⯑fal. Notwithſtanding the vigorous oppoſition of the archbiſhop, he importunately claimed, for his Arian ſectaries, the poſſeſſion of a peculiar church; and the pride of the catholics was of⯑fended by the public toleration of hereſy ³⁵. Every quarter of Conſtantinople was filled with tumult and diſorder; and the Barbarians gazed with [395] ſuch ardour on the rich ſhops of the jewellers, and the tables of the bankers, which were co⯑vered with gold and ſilver, that it was judged prudent to remove thoſe dangerous temptations from their ſight. They reſented the injurious precaution; and ſome alarming attempts were made, during the night, to attack and deſtroy with fire the Imperial palace ³⁶. In this ſtate of July 20. mutual and ſuſpicious hoſtility, the guards, and the people of Conſtantinople, ſhut the gates, and roſe in arms to prevent, or to puniſh, the conſpiracy of the Goths. During the abſence of Gainas, his troops were ſurpriſed and oppreſſed; ſeven thouſand Barbarians periſhed in this bloody maſſacre. In the fury of the purſuit, the catho⯑lics uncovered the roof, and continued to throw down flaming logs of wood, till they over⯑whelmed their adverſaries, who had retreated to the church or conventicle of the Arians. Gainas was either innocent of the deſign, or too confident of his ſucceſs: he was aſtoniſhed by the intelli⯑gence, that the flower of his army had been in⯑gloriouſly deſtroyed; that he himſelf was declared a public enemy; and that his countryman, Fra⯑vitta, a brave and loyal confederate, had aſſumed the management of the war by ſea and land. The enterpriſes of the rebel, againſt the cities of Thrace, were encountered by a firm and well⯑ordered defence: his hungry ſoldiers were ſoon reduced to the graſs that grew on the margin of [396] the fortifications; and Gainas, who vainly re⯑gretted the wealth and luxury of Aſia, embraced a deſperate reſolution of forcing the paſſage of the Helleſpont. He was deſtitute of veſſels; but the woods of the Ch [...]rſoneſus afforded materials for rafts, and his intrepid Barbarians did not re⯑fuſe to truſt themſelves to the waves. But Fra⯑vitta Dec. 23. attentively watched the progreſs of their undertaking. As ſoon as they had gained the middle of the ſtream, the Roman gallies ³⁷, im⯑pelled by the full force, of oars, of the current, and of a favourable wind, ruſhed forwards in compact order, and with irreſiſtible weight; and the Helleſpont was covered with the fragments of the Gothic ſhipwreck. After the deſtruction of his hopes, and the loſs of many thouſands of his braveſt ſoldiers, Gainas, who could no longer aſpire to govern, or to ſubdue, the Romans, de⯑termined to reſume the independence of a ſavage life. A light and active body of Barbarian horſe, diſengaged from their infantry and baggage, might perform, in eight or ten days, a march of three hundred miles from the Helleſpont to the Danube ³⁸; the garriſons of that important fron⯑tier [397] had been gradually annihilated; the river, in the month of December, would be deeply frozen; and the unbounded proſpect of Scythia was open to the ambition of Gainas. This de⯑ſign was ſecretly communicated to the national troops, who devoted themſelves to the fortunes of their leader; and before the ſignal of depar⯑ture was given, a great number of provincial auxiliaries, whom he ſuſpected of an attachment to their native country, were perfidiouſly maſ⯑ſacred. The Goths advanced, by rapid marches, through the plains of Thrace; and they were ſoon delivered from the fear of a purſuit, by the vanity of Fravitta, who, inſtead of extinguiſhing the war, haſtened to enjoy the popular applauſe, and to aſſume the peaceful honours of the con⯑ſulſhip. But a formidable ally appeared in arms to vindicate the majeſty of the empire, and to guard the peace and liberty of Scythia ³⁹. The ſuperior forces of Uldin, king of the Huns, op⯑poſed the progreſs of Gainas; an hoſtile and ruined country prohibited his retreat; he diſ⯑dained to capitulate; and after repeatedly at⯑tempting to cut his way through the ranks of the [398] enemy, he was ſlain, with his deſperate followers, in the field of battle. Eleven days after the naval victory of the Helleſpont, the head of Gai⯑nas, A. D. 401, January 3. the ineſtimable gift of the conqueror, was received at Conſtantinople with the moſt liberal expreſſions of gratitude; and the public deliver⯑ance was celebrated by feſtivals and illumina⯑tions. The triumphs of Arcadius became the ſubject of epic poems ⁴⁰; and the monarch, no longer oppreſſed by any hoſtile terrors, reſigned himſelf to the mild and abſolute dominion of his wife, the fair and artful Eudoxia; who has ſul⯑lied her fame by the perſecution of St. John Chryſoſtom.

After the death of the indolent Nectarius, the Election and merit of Chry⯑ſoſtom, A. D. 398, Feb. 26. ſucceſſor of Gregory Nazianzen, the church of Conſtantinople was diſtracted by the ambition of rival candidates, who were not aſhamed to ſolicit, with gold or flattery, the ſuffrage of the people, or of the favourite. On this occaſion, Eutropius ſeems to have deviated from his ordinary maxims; and his uncorrupted judgment was determined only by the ſuperior merit of a ſtranger. In a late journey into the Eaſt, he had admired the ſermons of John, a native and preſbyter of An⯑tioch, whoſe name has been diſtinguiſhed by the epithet of Chryſoſtom, or the Golden Mouth ⁴¹. [399] A private order was diſpatched to the governor of Syria; and as the people might be unwilling to reſign their favourite preacher, he was tranſ⯑ported, with ſpeed and ſecrecy, in a poſt-chariot, from Antioch to Conſtantinople. The unani⯑mous and unſolicited conſent of the court, the clergy, and the people, ratified the choice of the miniſter; and, both as a ſaint and as an orator, the new archbiſhop ſurpaſſed the ſanguine ex⯑pectations of the public. Born of a noble and opulent family, in the capital of Syria, Chryſoſ⯑tom had been educated, by the care of a tender mother, under the tuition of the moſt ſkilful maſters. He ſtudied the art of rhetoric in the ſchool of Libanius; and that celebrated ſophiſt, who ſoon diſcovered the talents of his diſciple, ingenuouſly confeſſed, that John would have de⯑ſerved to ſucceed him, had he not been ſtolen away by the Chriſtians. His piety ſoon diſpoſed [400] him to receive the ſacrament of baptiſm; to re⯑nounce the lucrative and honourable profeſſion of the law; and to bury himſelf in the adjacent deſert, where he ſubdued the luſts of the fleſh by an auſtere pennance of ſix years. His infirmities compelled him to return to the ſociety of man⯑kind; and the authority of Meletius devoted his talents to the ſervice of the church: but in the midſt of his family, and afterwards on the archie⯑piſcopal throne, Chryſoſtom ſtill perſevered in the practice of the monaſtic virtues. The ample revenues, which his predeceſſors had conſumed in pomp and luxury, he deligently applied to the eſtabliſhment of hoſpitals; and the multitudes, who were ſupported by his charity, preferred the eloquent and edifying diſcourſes of their arch⯑biſhop, to the amuſements of the theatre, or the circus. The monuments of that eloquence, which was admired near twenty years at Antioch and Conſtantinople, have been carefully pre⯑ſerved; and the poſſeſſion of near one thouſand ſermons, or homilies, has authoriſed the critics ⁴² of ſucceeding times to appreciate the genuine merit of Chryſoſtom. They unanimouſly attri⯑bute to the Chriſtian orator, the free command of an elegant and copious language; the judg⯑ment to conceal the advantages which he derived [401] from the knowledge of rhetoric and philoſophy; an inexhauſtible fund of metaphors and ſimili⯑tudes, of ideas and images, to vary and illuſtrate the moſt familiar topics; the happy art of en⯑gaging the paſſions in the ſervice of virtue; and of expoſing the folly, as well as the turpitude, of vice, almoſt with the truth and ſpirit of a dra⯑matic repreſentation.

The paſtoral labours of the archbiſhop of Con⯑ſtantinople His admi⯑niſtration and de⯑fects, A. D. 398—403. provoked, and gradually united againſt him, two ſorts of enemies; the aſpiring clergy, who envied his ſucceſs, and the obſtinate ſinners, who were offended by his reproofs. When Chry⯑ſoſtom thundred, from the pulpit of St. Sophia, againſt the degeneracy of the Chriſtians, his ſhafts were ſpent among the crowd, without wounding, or even marking, the character of any individual. When he declaimed againſt the pe⯑culiar vices of the rich, poverty might obtain a tranſient conſolation from his invectives: but the guilty were ſtill ſheltered by their numbers; and the reproach itſelf was dignified by ſome ideas of ſuperiority, and enjoyment. But as the pyramid roſe towards the ſummit, it inſenſibly diminiſhed to a point; and the magiſtrates, the miniſters, the favourite eunuchs, the ladies of the court ⁴³, [402] the empreſs Eudoxia herſelf, had a much larger ſhare of guilt, to divide among a ſmaller propor⯑tion of criminals. The perſonal applications of the audience were anticipated, or confirmed, by the teſtimony of their own conſcience; and the intrepid preacher aſſumed the dangerous right of expoſing both the offence, and the offender, to the public abhorrence. The ſecret reſentment of the court encouraged the diſcontent of the clergy and monks of Conſtantinople, who were too haſ⯑tily reformed by the fervent zeal of their arch⯑biſhop. He had condemned, from the pulpit, the domeſtic females of the clergy of Conſtanti⯑nople, who, under the name of ſervants, or ſiſters, afforded a perpetual occaſion either of ſin, or of ſcandal. The ſilent and ſolitary aſcetics, who had ſecluded themſelves from the world, were intitled to the warmeſt approbation of Chryſo⯑ſtom; but he deſpiſed and ſtigmatiſed, as the diſgrace of their holy profeſſion, the crowd of degenerate monks, who, from ſome unworthy motives of pleaſure or profit, ſo frequently in⯑feſted the ſtreets of the capital. To the voice of perſuaſion, the archbiſhop was obliged to add the terrors of authority; and his ardour, in the ex⯑erciſe of eccleſiaſtical juriſdiction, was not al⯑ways exempt from paſſion; nor was it always guided by prudence. Chryſoſtom was naturally of a choleric diſpoſition ⁴⁴. Although he ſtrug⯑gled, [403] according to the precepts of the goſpel, to love his private enemies, he indulged himſelf in the privilege of hating the enemies of God, and of the church; and his ſentiments were ſometimes delivered with too much energy of countenance and expreſſion. He ſtill maintained, from ſome conſiderations of health, or abſtinence, his for⯑mer habits of taking his repaſts alone; and this inhoſpitable cuſtom ⁴⁵, which his enemies imputed to pride, contributed, at leaſt, to nouriſh the infirmity of a moroſe and unſocial humour. Se⯑parated from that familiar intercourſe, which fa⯑cilitates the knowledge and the diſpatch of bu⯑ſineſs, he repoſed an unſuſpecting confidence in his deacon Serapion; and ſeldom applied his ſpe⯑culative knowledge of human nature to the par⯑ticular characters, either of his dependents, or of his equals. Conſcious of the purity of his inten⯑tions, and perhaps of the ſuperiority of his ge⯑nius, the archbiſhop of Conſtantinople extended the juriſdiction of the Imperial city, that he might enlarge the ſphere of his paſtoral labours; and the conduct which the profane imputed to an am⯑bitious motive, appeared to Chryſoſtom himſelf [404] in the light of a ſacred and indiſpenſable duty. In his viſitation through the Aſiatic provinces, he depoſed thirteen biſhops of Lydia and Phry⯑gia; and indiſcreetly declared, that a deep cor⯑ruption of ſimony and licentiouſneſs had infected the whole epiſcopal order ⁴⁶. If thoſe biſhops were innocent, ſuch a raſh and unjuſt condemn⯑ation muſt excite a well-grounded diſcontent. If they were guilty, the numerous aſſociates of their guilt would ſoon diſcover, that their own ſafety depended on the ruin of the archbiſhop; whom they ſtudied to repreſent as the tyrant of the Eaſtern church.

This eccleſiaſtical conſpiracy was managed by Chryſo⯑ſtom is perſecuted by the em⯑preſs Eu⯑doxia, A. D. 403. Theophilus ⁴⁷, archbiſhop of Alexandria, an ac⯑tive and ambitious prelate, who diſplayed the fruits of rapine in monuments of oſtentation. His national diſlike to the riſing greatneſs of a city, which degraded him from the ſecond, to the third, rank, in the Chriſtian world, was ex⯑aſperated by ſome perſonal diſputes with Chry⯑ſoſtom himſelf ⁴⁸. By the private invitation of the empreſs, Theophilus landed at Conſtantino⯑ple, with a ſtout body of Egyptian mariners, to [405] encounter the populace; and a train of depend⯑ent biſhops, to ſecure, by their voices, the ma⯑jority of a ſynod. The ſynod ⁴⁹ was convened in the ſuburb of Chalcedon, ſurnamed the Oak, where Rufinus had erected a ſtately church and monaſtery; and their proceedings were continued during fourteen days, or ſeſſions. A biſhop and a deacon accuſed the archbiſhop of Conſtantino⯑ple; but the frivolous or improbable nature of the forty-ſeven articles which they preſented againſt him, may juſtly be conſidered as a fair and unexceptionable panegyric. Four ſucceſſive ſummons were ſignified to Chryſoſtom; but he ſtill refuſed to truſt either his perſon, or his re⯑putation, in the hands of his implacable enemies, who prudently declining the examination of any particular charges, condemned his contumacious diſobedience, and haſtily pronounced a ſentence of depoſition. The ſynod of the Oak immediately addreſſed the emperor to ratify and execute their judgment, and charitably inſinuated, that the penalties of treaſon might be inflicted on the au⯑dacious preacher, who had reviled, under the name of Jezabel, the empreſs Eudoxia herſelf. The archbiſhop was rudely arreſted, and con⯑ducted through the city, by one of the Imperial meſſengers, who landed him, after a ſhort navi⯑gation, near the entrance of the Euxine; from [406] whence, before the expiration of two days, he was gloriouſly recalled.

The firſt aſtoniſhment of his faithful people had Popular tumults at Conſtanti⯑nople. been mute and paſſive: they ſuddenly roſe with unanimous and irreſiſtible fury. Theophilus eſcaped; but the promiſcuous crowd of monks and Egyptian mariners was ſlaughtered without pity in the ſtreets of Conſtantinople ⁵⁰. A ſea⯑ſonable earthquake juſtified the interpoſition of heaven; the torrent of ſedition rolled forwards to the gates of the palace; and the empreſs, agitated by fear, or remorſe, threw herſelf at the feet of Arcadius, and confeſſed, that the public ſafety could be purchaſed only by the reſtoration of Chryſoſtom. The Boſphorus was covered with innumerable veſſels; the ſhores of Europe and Aſia were profuſely illuminated; and the accla⯑mations of a victorious people accompanied, from the port to the cathedral, the triumph of the archbiſhop; who, too eaſily, conſented to reſume the exerciſe of his functions, before his ſentence had been legally reverſed by the authority of an eccleſiaſtical ſynod. Ignorant, or careleſs, of the impending danger, Chryſoſtom indulged his zeal, or perhaps his reſentment; declaimed with peculiar aſperity againſt female vices; and con⯑demned [407] the profane honours which were addreſſed, almoſt in the precincts of St. Sophia, to the ſtatue of the empreſs. His imprudence tempted his enemies to inflame the haughty ſpirit of Eudoxia, by reporting, or perhaps inventing, the famous exordium of a ſermon, ‘"Herodias is again fu⯑rious; Herodias again dances; ſhe once more requires the head of John:"’ an inſolent allu⯑ſion, which, as a woman and a ſovereign, it was impoſſible for her to forgive ⁵¹. The ſhort interval of a perfidious truce was employed to concert more effectual meaſures for the diſgrace and ruin of the archbiſhop. A numerous coun⯑cil of the Eaſtern prelates, who were guided from a diſtance by the advice of Theophilus, confirmed the validity, without examining the juſtice, of the former ſentence; and a detachment of Bar⯑barian troops was introduced into the city, to ſuppreſs the emotions of the people. On the vigil of Eaſter, the ſolemn adminiſtration of bap⯑tiſm was rudely interrupted by the ſoldiers, who alarmed the modeſty of the naked catechumens, and violated, by their preſence, the awful myſ⯑teries of the Chriſtian worſhip. Arſacius occu⯑pied the church of St. Sophia, and the archiepiſ⯑copal throne. The catholics retreated to the baths of Conſtantine, and afterwards to the fields: where they were ſtill purſued and inſulted by the [408] guards, the biſhops, and the magiſtrates. The fatal day of the ſecond and final exile of Chry⯑ſoſtom was marked by the conflagration of the cathedral, of the ſenate-houſe, and of the adja⯑cent buildings; and this calamity was imputed, without proof, but not without probability, to the deſpair of a perſecuted faction ⁵².

Cicero might claim ſome merit, if his volun⯑tary Exile of Chryſoſ⯑tom, A. D. 404, June 20. baniſhment preſerved the peace of the re⯑public ⁵³; but the ſubmiſſion of Chryſoſtom was the indiſpenſable duty of a Chriſtian and a ſub⯑ject. Inſtead of liſtening to his humble prayer, that he might be permitted to reſide at Cyzicus, or Nicomedia, the inflexible empreſs aſſigned for his exile the remote and deſolate town of Cucuſus, among the ridges of Mount Taurus, in the Leſſer Armenia. A ſecret hope was entertained, that the archbiſhop might periſh in a difficult and dangerous march of ſeventy days in the heat of ſummer, through the provinces of Aſia Minor, where he was continually threatened by the hoſ⯑tile attacks of the Iſaurians, and the more im⯑placable fury of the monks. Yet Chryſoſtom arrived in ſafety at the place of his confinement; and the three years, which he ſpent at Cucuſus, and the neighbouring town of Arabiſſus, were the laſt and moſt glorious of his life. His cha⯑racter was conſecrated by abſence and perſecu⯑tion; [409] the faults of his adminiſtration were no longer remembered; but every tongue repeated the praiſes of his genius and virtue: and the re⯑ſpectful attention of the Chriſtian world was fixed on a deſert ſpot among the mountains of Taurus. From that ſolitude, the archbiſhop, whoſe active mind was invigorated by misfor⯑tunes, maintained a ſtrict and frequent corre⯑ſpondence ⁵⁴ with the moſt diſtant provinces; ex⯑horted the ſeparate congregation of his faithful adherents to perſevere in their allegiance; urged the deſtruction of the temples of Phoenicia, and the extirpation of hereſy in the iſle of Cyprus; extended his paſtoral care to the miſſions of Perſia and Scythia; negociated, by his ambaſſadors, with the Roman pontiff, and the emperor Hono⯑rius; and boldly appealed, from a partial ſynod, to the ſupreme tribunal of a free and general council. The mind of the illuſtrious exile was ſtill independent; but his captive body was ex⯑poſed to the revenge of the oppreſſors, who con⯑tinued to abuſe the name and authority of Arca⯑dius ⁵⁵. An order was diſpatched for the inſtant [410] removal of Chryſoſtom to the extreme deſert of Pityus; and his guards ſo faithfully obeyed their cruel inſtructions, that, before he reached the ſea-coaſt of the Euxine, he expired at Comana, His death, A. D. 407, Sept. 14. in Pontus, in the ſixtieth year of his age. The ſucceeding generation acknowledged his inno⯑cence and merit. The archbiſhops of the Eaſt, who might bluſh, that their predeceſſors had been the enemies of Chryſoſtom, were gradually diſ⯑poſed, by the firmneſs of the Roman pontiff, to reſtore the honours of that venerable name ⁵⁶. At the pious ſolicitation of the clergy and people of Conſtantinople, his relics, thirty years after his death, were tranſported from their obſcure His relics tranſport⯑ed to Con⯑ſtantino⯑ple, A. D. 438, Jan. 27. ſepulchre to the royal city ⁵⁷. The emperor Theodoſius advanced to receive them as far as Chalcedon; and, falling proſtrate on the coffin, implored, in the name of his guilty parents, Ar⯑cadius and Eudoxia, the forgiveneſs of the in⯑jured ſaint ⁵⁸.

[411] Yet a reaſonable doubt may be entertained, whether any ſtain of hereditary guilt could be derived from Arcadius to his ſucceſſor. Eudoxia The death of Arca⯑dius, A. D. 408, May 1. was a young and beautiful woman, who indulged her paſſions, and deſpiſed her huſband: Count John enjoyed, at leaſt, the familiar confidence of the empreſs; and the public named him as the real father of Theodoſius the younger ⁵⁹. The birth of a ſon was accepted, however, by the pious huſband, as an event the moſt fortunate and honourable to himſelf, to his family, and to the eaſtern world: and the royal infant, by an unprecedented favour, was inveſted with the titles of Caeſar and Auguſtus. In leſs than four years afterwards, Eudoxia, in the bloom of youth, was deſtroyed by the conſequences of a miſcar⯑riage; and this untimely death confounded the prophecy of a holy biſhop ⁶⁰, who, amidſt the univerſal joy, had ventured to foretel, that ſhe ſhould behold the long and auſpicious reign of her glorious ſon. The catholics applauded the juſtice of heaven, which avenged the perſecution of St. Chryſoſtom; and perhaps the emperor was [412] the only perſon who ſincerely bewailed the loſs of the haughty and rapacious Eudoxia. Such a domeſtic misfortune afflicted him more deeply than the public calamities of the Eaſt ⁶¹; the li⯑centious excurſions, from Pontus to Paleſtine, of the Iſaurian robbers, whoſe impunity accuſed the weakneſs of the government; and the earth⯑quakes, the conflagrations, the famine, and the flights of locuſts ⁶², which the popular diſcontent was equally diſpoſed to attribute to the incapa⯑city of the monarch. At length, in the thirty⯑firſt year of his age, after a reign (if we may abuſe that word) of thirteen years, three months, and fifteen days, Arcadius expired in the palace of Conſtantinople. It is impoſſible to delineate his character; ſince, in a period very copiouſly furniſhed with hiſtorical materials, it has not been poſſible to remark one action that properly belongs to the ſon of the great Theodoſius.

The hiſtorian Procopius ⁶³ has indeed illumi⯑nated His ſup⯑poſed teſ⯑tament. the mind of the dying emperor with a ray of human prudence, or celeſtial wiſdom. Arca⯑dius conſidered, with anxious foreſight, the help⯑leſs condition of his ſon Theodoſius, who was no more than ſeven years of age, the dangerous fac⯑tions of a minority, and the aſpiring ſpirit of Jezde⯑gerd, [413] the Perſian monarch. Inſtead of tempting the allegiance of an ambitious ſubject, by the participation of ſupreme power, he boldly ap⯑pealed to the magnanimity of a king; and placed, by a ſolemn teſtament, the ſceptre of the Eaſt in the hands of Jezdegerd himſelf. The royal guar⯑dian accepted and diſcharged this honourable truſt with unexampled fidelity; and the infancy of Theodoſius was protected by the arms and councils of Perſia. Such is the ſingular narrative of Procopius; and his veracity is not diſputed by Agathias ⁶⁴, while he preſumes to diſſent from his judgment, and to arraign the wiſdom of a Chriſtian emperor, who, ſo raſhly, though ſo fortunately, committed his ſon and his dominions to the unknown faith of a ſtranger, a rival, and a heathen. At the diſtance of one hundred and fifty years, this political queſtion might be de⯑bated in the court of Juſtinian; but a prudent hiſtorian will refuſe to examine the propriety, till he has aſcertained the truth, of the teſtament of Arcadius. As it ſtands without a parallel in the hiſtory of the world, we may juſtly require, that it ſhould be atteſted by the poſitive and unani⯑mous evidence of contemporaries. The ſtrange novelty of the event, which excites our diſtruſt, muſt have attracted their notice; and their uni⯑verſal [414] ſilence annihilates the vain tradition of the ſucceeding age.

The maxims of Roman juriſprudence, if they Adminiſ⯑tration of Anthe⯑mius, A. D. 408—415. could fairly be transferred from private property to public dominion, would have adjudged to the emperor Honorius the guardianſhip of his nephew, till he had attained, at leaſt, the fourteenth year of his age. But the weakneſs of Honorius, and the calamities of his reign, diſqualified him from proſecuting this natural claim; and ſuch was the abſolute ſeparation of the two monarchies, both in intereſt and affection, that Conſtantinople would have obeyed, with leſs reluctance, the orders of the Perſian, than thoſe of the Italian, court. Under a prince, whoſe weakneſs is diſguiſed by the external ſigns of manhood and diſcretion, the moſt worthleſs favourites may ſecretly diſpute the empire of the palace; and dictate to ſubmiſſive provinces, the commands of a maſter, whom they direct and deſpiſe. But the miniſters of a child, who is incapable of arming them with the ſanc⯑tion of the royal name, muſt acquire and exerciſe an independent authority. The great officers of the ſtate and army, who had been appointed be⯑fore the death of Arcadius, formed an ariſto⯑cracy, which might have inſpired them with the idea of a free republic; and the government of the eaſtern empire was fortunately aſſumed by the praefect Anthemius ⁶⁵, who obtained, by his ſu⯑perior [415] abilities, a laſting aſcendant over the minds of his equals. The ſafety of the young emperor proved the merit and integrity of Anthemius; and his prudent firmneſs ſuſtained the force and reputation of an infant reign. Uldin, with a formidable hoſt of Barbarians, was encamped in the heart of Thrace: he proudly rejected all terms of accommodation; and, pointing to the riſing ſun, declared to the Roman ambaſſadors, that the courſe of that planet ſhould alone terminate the conqueſts of the Huns. But the deſertion of his confederates, who were privately convinced of the juſtice and liberality of the Imperial mi⯑niſters, obliged Uldin to repaſs the Danube: the tribe of the Scyrri, which compoſed his rear⯑guard, was almoſt extirpated; and many thou⯑ſand captives were diſperſed, to cultivate, with ſervile labour, the fields of Aſia ⁶⁶. In the midſt of the public triumph, Conſtantinople was pro⯑tected by a ſtrong incloſure of new and more extenſive walls; the ſame vigilant care was ap⯑plied to reſtore the fortifications of the Illyrian cities: and a plan was judiciouſly conceived, which, in the ſpace of ſeven years, would have ſecured the command of the Danube, by eſta⯑bliſhing on that river a perpetual fleet of two hundred and fifty armed veſſels ⁶⁷.

[416] But the Romans had ſo long been accuſtomed to the authority of a monarch, that the firſt, even among the females, of the Imperial family, Character and admi⯑niſtration of Pulche⯑ria, A. D. 414—453. who diſplayed any courage or capacity, was per⯑mitted to aſcend the vacant throne of Theodo⯑ſius. His ſiſter Pulcheria ⁶⁸, who was only two years older than himſelf, received, at the age of ſixteen, the title of Auguſta; and though her fa⯑vour might be ſometimes clouded by caprice or intrigue, ſhe continued to govern the Eaſtern empire near forty years; during the long mino⯑rity of her brother, and after his death, in her own name, and in the name of Marcian, her no⯑minal huſband. From a motive, either of pru⯑dence, or religion, ſhe embraced a life of celi⯑bacy; and notwithſtanding ſome aſperſions on the chaſtity of Pulcheria ⁶⁹, this reſolution, which ſhe communicated to her ſiſters Arcadia and Marina, was celebrated by the Chriſtian world, as the ſublime effort of heroic piety. In the pre⯑ſence of the clergy and people, the three daugh⯑ters of Arcadius ⁷⁰ dedicated their virginity to God; and the obligation of their ſolemn vow [417] was inſcribed on a tablet of gold and gems; which they publicly offered in the great church of Con⯑ſtantinople. Their palace was converted into a monaſtery; and all males, except the guides of their conſcience, the ſaints who had forgotten the diſtinction of ſexes, were ſcrupulouſly ex⯑cluded from the holy threſhold. Pulcheria, her two ſiſters, and a choſen train of favourite dam⯑ſels, formed a religious community: they re⯑nounced the vanity of dreſs; interrupted, by fre⯑quent faſts, their ſimple and frugal diet; allotted a portion of their time to works of embroidery; and devoted ſeveral hours of the day and night to the exerciſes of prayer and pſalmody. The piety of a Chriſtian virgin was adorned by the zeal and liberality of an empreſs. Eccleſiaſtical hiſtory deſcribes the ſplendid churches, which were built at the expence of Pulcheria, in all the provinces of the Eaſt; her charitable foundations for the benefit of ſtrangers and the poor; the ample donations which ſhe aſſigned for the per⯑petual maintenance of monaſtic ſocieties; and the active ſeverity with which ſhe laboured to ſuppreſs the oppoſite hereſies of Neſtorius and Eutyches. Such virtues were ſuppoſed to deſerve the peculiar favour of the Deity; and the relics of martyrs, as well as the knowledge of future events, were communicated in viſions and reve⯑lations to the Imperial ſaint ⁷¹. Yet the devotion [418] of Pulcheria never diverted her indefatigable at⯑tention from temporal affairs; and ſhe alone, among all the deſcendants of the great Theodo⯑ſius, appears to have inherited any ſhare of his manly ſpirit and abilities. The elegant and fa⯑miliar uſe which ſhe had acquired, both of the Greek and Latin languages, was readily applied to the various occaſions of ſpeaking, or writing, on public buſineſs: her deliberations were ma⯑turely weighed; her actions were prompt and de⯑ciſive; and, while ſhe moved without noiſe or oſtentation the wheel of government, ſhe diſ⯑creetly attributed to the genius of the emperor, the long tranquillity of his reign. In the laſt years of his peaceful life, Europe was indeed af⯑flicted by the arms of Attila; but the more ex⯑tenſive provinces of Aſia ſtill continued to enjoy a profound and permanent repoſe. Theodoſius the younger was never reduced to the diſgraceful neceſſity of encountering and puniſhing a rebel⯑lious ſubject: and ſince we cannot applaud the vigour, ſome praiſe may be due to the mildneſs, and proſperity, of the adminiſtration of Pul⯑cheria.

The Roman world was deeply intereſted in the Education and cha⯑racter of Theodo⯑ſius the younger. education of its maſter. A regular courſe of ſtudy and exerciſe was judiciouſly inſtituted; of [419] the military exerciſes of riding, and ſhooting with the bow; of the liberal ſtudies of grammar, rhetoric, and philoſophy: the moſt ſkilful maſters of the Eaſt ambitiouſly ſolicited the attention of their royal pupil; and ſeveral noble youths were introduced into the palace, to animate his dili⯑gence by the emulation of friendſhip. Pulcheria alone diſcharged the important taſk of inſtructing her brother in the arts of government; but her precepts may countenance ſome ſuſpicion of the extent of her capacity, or of the purity of her in⯑tentions. She taught him to maintain a grave and majeſtic deportment; to walk, to hold his robes, to ſeat himſelf on his throne, in a manner worthy of a great prince; to abſtain from laugh⯑ter; to liſten with condeſcenſion; to return ſuit⯑able anſwers; to aſſume, by turns, a ſerious or a placid countenance; in a word, to repreſent with grace and dignity the external figure of a Roman emperor. But Theodoſius ⁷² was never excited to ſupport the weight and glory of an il⯑luſtrious name; and, inſtead of aſpiring to imi⯑tate his anceſtors, he degenerated (if we may [420] preſume to meaſure the degrees of incapacity) below the weakneſs of his father and his uncle. Arcadius and Honorius had been aſſiſted by the guardian care of a parent, whoſe leſſons were en⯑forced by his authority, and example. But the unfortunate prince, who is born in the purple, muſt remain a ſtranger to the voice of truth; and the ſon of Arcadius was condemned to paſs his perpetual infancy, encompaſſed only by a ſer⯑vile train of women and eunuchs. The ample leiſure, which he acquired by neglecting the eſ⯑ſential duties of his high office, was filled by idle amuſements, and unprofitable ſtudies. Hunting was the only active purſuit that could tempt him beyond the limits of the palace; but he moſt aſſiduouſly laboured, ſometimes by the light of a midnight lamp, in the mechanic occupations of painting and carving; and the elegance with which he tranſcribed religious books, entitled the Roman emperor to the ſingular epithet of Calligraphes, or a fair writer. Separated from the world by an impenetrable veil, Theodoſius truſted the perſons whom he loved; he loved thoſe who were accuſtomed to amuſe and flatter his indolence; and as he never peruſed the pa⯑pers that were preſented for the royal ſignature, the acts of injuſtice the moſt repugnant to his character, were frequently perpetrated in his name. The emperor himſelf was chaſte, tem⯑perate, liberal, and merciful; but theſe qua⯑lities, which can only deſerve the name of vir⯑tues, when they are ſupported by courage, and [421] regulated by diſcretion, were ſeldom beneficial, and they ſometimes proved miſchievous, to man⯑kind. His mind, enervated by a royal educa⯑tion, was oppreſſed, and degraded, by abject ſuperſtition: he faſted, he ſung pſalms, he blindly accepted the miracles and doctrines, with which his faith was continually nouriſhed. Theodo⯑ſius devoutly worſhipped the dead and living ſaints of the Catholic church; and he once re⯑fuſed to eat, till an inſolent monk, who had caſt an excommunication on his ſovereign, conde⯑ſcended to heal the ſpiritual wound which he had inflicted ⁷³.

The ſtory of a fair and virtuous maiden, ex⯑alted Character and adven⯑tures of the em⯑preſs Eu⯑docia, A. D. 421—460. from a private condition, to the Imperial throne, might be deemed an incredible romance, if ſuch a romance had not been verified in the marriage of Theodoſius. The celebrated Athe⯑nais ⁷⁴ was educated by her father Leontius in the religion and ſciences of the Greeks; and ſo ad⯑vantageous was the opinion which the Athenian philoſopher entertained of his contemporaries, [422] that he divided his patrimony between his two ſons, bequeathing to his daughter a ſmall legacy of one hundred pieces of gold, in the lively con⯑fidence that her beauty and merit would be a ſufficient portion. The jealouſy and avarice of her brothers ſoon compelled Athenais to ſeek a refuge at Conſtantinople; and, with ſome hopes, either of juſtice, or favour, to throw herſelf at the feet of Pulcheria. That ſagacious princeſs liſtened to her eloquent complaint; and ſecretly deſtined the daughter of the philoſopher Leontius for the future wife of the emperor of the Eaſt, who had now attained the twentieth year of his age. She eaſily excited the curioſity of her bro⯑ther, by an intereſting picture of the charms of Athenais; large eyes, a well-proportioned noſe, a fair complexion, golden locks, a ſlender perſon, a graceful demeanour, an underſtanding improv⯑ed by ſtudy, and a virtue tried by diſtreſs, Theodoſius, concealed behind a curtain in the apartment of his ſiſter, was permitted to behold the Athenian virgin: the modeſt youth imme⯑diately declared his pure and honourable love; and the royal nuptials were celebrated amidſt the acclamations of the capital and the provinces. Athenais, who was eaſily perſuaded to renounce the errors of Paganiſm, received at her baptiſm the Chriſtian name of Eudocia; but the cautious Pulcheria withheld the title of Auguſta, till the wife of Theodoſius had approved her fruitfulneſs by the birth of a daughter, who eſpouſed, fifteen years afterwards, the emperor of the Weſt. The [423] brothers of Eudocia obeyed, with ſome anxiety, her Imperial ſummons; but, as ſhe could eaſily forgive their fortunate unkindneſs, ſhe indulged the tenderneſs, or perhaps the vanity, of a ſiſter, by promoting them to the rank of conſuls and praefects. In the luxury of the palace, ſhe ſtill cultivated thoſe ingenious arts, which had con⯑tributed to her greatneſs; and wiſely dedicated her talents to the honour of religion, and of her huſband. Eudocia compoſed a poeticall para⯑phraſe of the firſt eight books of the Old Teſta⯑ment, and of the prophecies of Daniel and Za⯑chariah; a cento of the verſes of Homer, appli⯑ed to the life and miracles of Chriſt, the legend of St. Cyprian, and a panegyric on the Perſian victories of Theodoſius: and her writings, which were applauded by a ſervile and ſuperſtitious age, have not been diſdained by the candour of im⯑partial criticiſm ⁷⁵. The fondneſs of the emperor was not abated by time and poſſeſſion; and Eu⯑docia, after the marriage of her daughter, was permitted to diſcharge her grateful vows by a ſo⯑lemn pilgrimage to Jeruſalem. Her oſtentatious progreſs through the Eaſt may ſeem inconſiſtent with the ſpirit of Chriſtian humility: ſhe pro⯑nounced, from a throne of gold and gems, an [424] eloquent oration to the ſenate of Antioch, declar⯑ed her royal intention of enlarging the walls of the city, beſtowed a donative of two hundred pounds of gold to reſtore the public baths, and accepted the ſtatues, which were decreed by the gratitude of Antioch. In the Holy Land, her alms and pious foundations exceeded the muni⯑ficence of the great Helena; and though the public treaſure might be impoveriſhed by this exceſſive liberality, ſhe enjoyed the conſcious ſatisfaction of returning to Conſtantinople with the chains of St. Peter, the right arm of St. Ste⯑phen, and an undoubted picture of the Virgin, painted by St. Luke ⁷⁶. But this pilgrimage was the fatal term of the glories of Eudocia. Satiat⯑ed with empty pomp, and unmindful, perhaps, of her obligations to Pulcheria, ſhe ambitiouſly aſpired to the government of the Eaſtern empire: the palace was diſtracted by female diſcord; but the victory was at laſt decided, by the ſuperior aſcendant of the ſiſter of Theodoſius. The exe⯑cution of Paulinus, maſter of the offices, and the diſgrace of Cyrus, Praetorian praefect of the Eaſt, convinced the public, that the favour of Eudocia was inſufficient to protect her moſt faith⯑ful friends; and the uncommon beauty of Pauli⯑nus encouraged the ſecret rumour, that his guilt was that of a ſucceſsful lover ⁷⁷. As ſoon as the [425] empreſs perceived that the affection of Theodo⯑ſius was irretrievably loſt, ſhe requeſted the per⯑miſſion of retiring to the diſtant ſolitude of Jeru⯑ſalem. She obtained her requeſt; but the jea⯑louſy of Theodoſius, or the vindictive ſpirit of Pulcheria, purſued her in her laſt retreat; and Saturninus, count of the domeſtics, was directed to puniſh with death two eccleſiaſtics, her moſt favoured ſervants. Eudocia inſtantly revenged them by the aſſaſſination of the count: the furious paſſions, which ſhe indulged on this ſuſpicious occaſion, ſeemed to juſtify the ſeverity of Theo⯑doſius; and the empreſs, ignominiouſly ſtript of the honours of her rank ⁷⁸, was diſgraced, per⯑haps unjuſtly, in the eyes of the world. The remainder of the life of Eudocia, about ſixteen years, was ſpent in exile and devotion; and the approach of age, the death of Theodoſius, the misfortunes of her only daughter, who was led a captive from Rome to Carthage, and the ſociety of the Holy Monks of Paleſtine, inſenſibly con⯑firmed the religious temper of her mind. After a full experience of the viciſſitudes of human life, the daughter of the philoſopher Leontius expired, at Jeruſalem, in the ſixty-ſeventh year of her age; proteſting with her dying breath, [426] that ſhe had never tranſgreſſed the bounds of innocence and friendſhip ⁷⁹.

The gentle mind of Theodoſius was never in⯑flamed The Per⯑ſian war, A. D. 422. by the ambition of conqueſt, or military renown; and the ſlight alarm of a Perſian war ſcarcely interrupted the tranquillity of the Eaſt. The motives of this war were juſt and honourable. In the laſt year of the reign of Jezdegerd, the ſuppoſed guardian of Theodoſius, a biſhop, who aſpired to the crown of martyrdom, deſtroyed one of the fire-temples of Suſa ⁸⁰. His zeal and ob⯑ſtinacy were revenged on his brethren: the Magi excited a cruel perſecution; and the intolerant zeal of Jezdegerd was imitated by his ſon Vara⯑ranes, or Bahram, who ſoon afterwards aſcended the throne. Some Chriſtian fugitives, who eſcaped to the Roman frontier, were ſternly de⯑manded, and generouſly refuſed; and the refuſal, aggravated by commercial diſputes, ſoon kindled a war between the rival monarchies. The moun⯑tains of Armenia, and the plains of Meſopotamia, [427] were filled with hoſtile armies; but the operations of two ſucceſſive campaigns were not productive of any deciſive or memorable events. Some en⯑gagements were fought, ſome towns were beſieg⯑ed, with various and doubtful ſucceſs; and if the Romans failed in their attempt to recover the long loſt poſſeſſion of Niſibis, the Perſians were repulſed from the walls of a Meſopotamian city, by the valour of a martial biſhop, who pointed his thundering engine in the name of St. Thomas the Apoſtle. Yet the ſplendid victories, which the incredible ſpeed of the meſſenger Palladius repeatedly announced to the palace of Conſtan⯑tinople, were celebrated with feſtivals and pane⯑gyrics. From theſe panegyrics the ⁸¹ hiſtorians of the age might borrow their extraordinary, and, perhaps, fabulous, tales; of the proud challenge of a Perſian hero, who was entangled by the net, and diſpatched by the ſword, of Areobindus the Goth; of the ten thouſand Immortals, who were ſlain in the attack of the Roman camp; and of the hundred thouſand Arabs, or Saracens, who were impelled by a panic terror to throw them⯑ſelves headlong into the Euphrates. Such events may be diſbelieved, or diſregarded; but the charity of a biſhop, Acacius of Amida, whoſe name might have dignified the ſaintly calendar, ſhall not be loſt in oblivion. Boldly declaring, that vaſes of gold and ſilver are uſeleſs to a God [428] who neither eats nor drinks, the generous prelate ſold the plate of the church of Amida; employ⯑ed the price in the redemption of ſeven thouſand Perſian captives; ſupplied their wants with affec⯑tionate liberality; and diſmiſſed them to their native country, to inform the king of the true ſpirit of the religion which he perſecuted. The practice of benevolence in the midſt of war muſt always tend to aſſuage the animoſity of contend⯑ing nations; and I wiſh to perſuade myſelf, that Acacius contributed to the reſtoration of peace. In the conference which was held on the limits of the two empires, the Roman ambaſſadors degrad⯑ed the perſonal character of their ſovereign, by a vain attempt to magnify the extent of his power; when they ſeriouſly adviſed the Perſians to pre⯑vent, by a timely accommodation, the wrath of a monarch, who was yet ignorant of this diſtant war. A truce of one hundred years was ſolemnly ratified; and, although the revolutions of Ar⯑menia might threaten the public tranquillity, the eſſential conditions of this treaty were reſpected near fourſcore years by the ſucceſſors of Conſtan⯑tine and Artaxerxes.

Since the Roman and Parthian ſtandards firſt Armenia divided be⯑tween the Perſians and the Romans, encountered on the banks of the Euphrates, the kingdom of Armenia ⁸² was alternately oppreſſed [429] by its formidable protectors; and, in the courſe of this Hiſtory, ſeveral events, which inclined the balance of peace and war, have been already re⯑lated. A. D. 431—440. A diſgraceful treaty had reſigned Arme⯑nia to the ambition of Sapor; and the ſcale of Perſia appeared to preponderate. But the royal race of Arſaces impatiently ſubmitted to the houſe of Saſſan; the turbulent nobles aſſerted, or be⯑trayed, their hereditary independence; and the nation was ſtill attached to the Chriſtian princes of Conſtantinople. In the beginning of the fifth century, Armenia was divided by the progreſs of war and faction ⁸³; and the unnatural diviſion precipitated the downfal of that ancient monarchy. Choſroes, the Perſian vaſſal, reigned over the Eaſtern and moſt extenſive portion of the coun⯑try; while the Weſtern province acknowledged the juriſdiction of Arſaces, and the ſupremacy of the emperor Arcadius. After the death of Ar⯑ſaces, the Romans ſuppreſſed the regal govern⯑ment, and impoſed on their allies the condition of ſubjects. The military command was dele⯑gated to the count of the Armenian frontier; the city of Theodoſiopolis ⁸⁴ was built and fortified in [430] a ſtrong ſituation, on a fertile and lofty ground, near the ſources of the Euphrates; and the de⯑pendent territories were ruled by five ſatraps, whoſe dignity was marked by a peculiar habit of gold and purple. The leſs fortunate nobles, who lamented the loſs of their king, and envied the honours of their equals, were provoked to nego⯑ciate their peace and pardon at the Perſian court; and returning, with their followers, to the palace of Artaxata, acknowledged Choſroes for their law⯑ful ſovereign. About thirty years afterwards, Artaſires, the nephew and ſucceſſor of Choſroes, fell under the diſpleaſure of the haughty and ca⯑pricious nobles of Armenia; and they unani⯑mouſly deſired a Perſian governor in the room of an unworthy king. The anſwer of the archbiſhop Iſaac, whoſe ſanction they earneſtly ſolicited, is expreſſive of the character of a ſuperſtitious peo⯑ple. He deplored the manifeſt and inexcuſable vices of Artaſires; and declared, that he ſhould not heſitate to accuſe him before the tribunal of a Chriſtian emperor, who would puniſh, without deſtroying, the ſinner. "Our king," continued Iſaac, ‘"is too much addicted to licentious plea⯑ſures, but he has been purified in the holy waters of baptiſm. He is a lover of women, but he does not adore the fire or the elements. He may deſerve the reproach of lewdneſs, but he is an undoubted Catholic; and his faith is pure, though his manners are flagitious. [431] I will never conſent to abandon my ſheep to the rage of devouring wolves; and you would ſoon repent your raſh exchange of the infirmi⯑ties of a believer, for the ſpecious virtues of an heathen ⁸⁵."’ Exaſperated by the firmneſs of Iſaac, the factious nobles accuſed both the king and the archbiſhop as the ſecret adherents of the emperor; and abſurdly rejoiced in the ſentence of condemnation, which, after a partial hearing, was ſolemnly pronounced by Bahram himſelf. The deſcendants of Arſaces were de⯑graded from the royal dignity ⁸⁶, which they had poſſeſſed above five hundred and ſixty years ⁸⁷; and the dominions of the unfortunate Artaſires, under the new and ſignificant appellation of Per⯑ſarmenia, were reduced into the form of a pro⯑vince. This uſurpation excited the jealouſy of the Roman government; but the riſing diſputes [432] were ſoon terminated by an amicable, though unequal, partition of the ancient kingdom of Armenia; and a territorial acquiſition, which Auguſtus might have deſpiſed, reflected ſome luſtre on the declining empire of the younger Theodoſius.