[]The HUMBLE PETITION Of the PLANTERS, &c. With the SUBSTANCE of the EVIDENCE, &c.

ON the ſecond day of February, 1775, the following Petition was preſented to the Houſe of Commons:

The Petitioners were referred to a Com⯑mittee of the whole Houſe, and on the 16th day of March enſuing were admitted to a hearing; which was opened in the following manner by their Agent, Mr. Glover, Mer⯑chant of the city of London.

THE SUBSTANCE OF THE EVIDENCE, &c.

I Appear in the behalf, and by the appoint⯑ment of the Planters and Merchants con⯑cerned in the Weſt-Indies, who have preſented to this honourable Houſe an humble Petition, ſetting forth the great danger to themſelves, to the navigation, revenue and commerce of theſe kingdoms, in conſequence of an Agree⯑ment and Aſſociation entered into by a meeting, held at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of September, 1774.

I bend under the weight of a ſubject ſo awful; a weight increaſed by my own thoughts anticipating calamities, in which every inhabitant throughout this extenſive empire, more or leſs, may have a ſhare: at the ſame time, conſcious as I am, that a nation is behind me generally unfavourable to my undertaking. But above all, I am fearful of a wide difference in ſentiments between this great auditory, and the incon⯑ſiderable individual at their bar.

I reſt, however, upon one conſolation, that whatever may be the ſtate of your minds and of all beſides; in every ſtate, whether of [8] dejection or elevation; in every conjuncture, whether adverſe or proſperous; let me ſay, in all time of our tribulation, in all time of our wealth, information hath its uſe, know⯑ledge is ſalutary; and when preſented in their genuine ſimplicity, untainted by pre⯑judice, paſſion, or party; not looking towards any one quarter in preference to another; without courting any; meaning to offend none; but ſoliciting the attention of all; information and knowledge in ſuch a ſhape cannot be unacceptable to any aſſembly, and I am confident will be acceptable here.

To throw lights into the Committee is the ſole object of your Petitioners, limiting them⯑ſelves to the line of facts, which from their peculiar ſituation none can fully explain, but ſuch as themſelves. I ſhall aſk no opi⯑nion from witneſſes, and if aſked from any other quarter, the anſwer will be, that to eſtabliſh facts is their part, to judge and decide is yours: Opinion therefore might be conſtructive preſumption in them, like an interference with the counſels and meaſures of the ſtate; whereas they entertain but one expectation, that the information, delivered this day, if not in the preſent juncture, may be found of ſome utility at ſome future period during a portentous ſeries of events, whoſe final iſſue is known only to him, who alone knows all things.

I proceed, Sir, upon another conſolation, in thinking myſelf ſecure of one merit with [9] the Committee; that upon the preſent ſubject the variety of matter, already lying before you, might by a variety and multitude of witneſſes be prolonged, perhaps, for twenty days; and that I can pledge myſelf ſo far, as reſts upon me, to diſpatch the whole in leſs than half that number of hours. I ſhall call but two witneſſes, from whoſe evidence, and from a very few papers reſpecting the colonies out of the large quantity, tranſ⯑mitted by office to the Houſe, it ſhall be endeavoured to give you a clear inſight into the two capital branches of Colony-trade, the Weſt-Indian, the North-American, and the immediate dependent upon both, the African, with the relations and proportions of each towards the other, and towards the ſeveral great intereſts, the manufacture, com⯑merce, navigation, revenue and land of Great-Britain.

After the examination of Mr. Walker and Mr. Ellis, the whole was ſummed up, as follows;

SIR,

HAVING cloſed the examination of wit⯑neſſes, I muſt recur to my introductory propoſition; that from the evidence at your bar, and the official papers upon your table, it ſhall be endeavoured to give the Commit⯑tee a clear inſight into the two capital bran⯑ches of Colony-trade, the Weſt-Indian, the North-American, and the immediate de⯑pendent [10] upon both, the African; with the relations and proportions of each towards the other, and towards the ſeveral great intereſts, the manufacture, commerce, na⯑vigation, revenue and land of Great-Britain.

Finding my auditory ſo much diminiſhed in number, I muſt ſupply the void by ima⯑gination, preſenting to my view the genius of the place, the majeſtic genius of parliament, holding a balance to weigh the future for⯑tunes of kingdoms, with an impartial hand ready to receive the weights peculiar to each ſcale; and conſcious, that the welfare, per⯑haps the being of a whole empire depend on the turn.

I begin with inveſtigating the general ſyſtem of that empire, not only in deſcrip⯑tion, but illuſtration by compariſon.

Ancient nations were poſſeſſed of the wideſt dominion, not with commercial helps. To be brief, I ſhall confine the enquiry to one, to the Romans in their ages of purity. Cultivation of their ſoil, rude manufacture juſt adequate to their neceſſities, ſeverity of manners, ſuperiority in martial diſcipline, enthuſiaſm for the very name of Rome, and the dulce & decorum pro patria mori made them maſters of the world. War was con⯑ducted with little expence, and the weightieſt arms in the moſt ſkilful hands prevailed. Commerce flouriſhed among others, whoſe affluence ſubmitted to the ſteel of Rome.

[11] What is the ſyſtem now? All over Europe the ſame weapons, the ſame diſcipline, the ſame military arts are in practice; war is attended with a profuſion of expence; and the deepeſt purſe is the beſt aſſurance of ſuc⯑ceſs. Hence the encouragement of manu⯑facture and trade is the purſuit of every na⯑tion in this quarter of the globe except two; who derive the treaſure, which Europe wants, from diſtant mines with a facility, enervating their own induſtry, while the reſt are ex⯑erting theirs, each for a ſhare in that wealth, which the other two introduce, and can only be obtained through the commercial channel. By this Holland with a territory inſufficient to nouriſh her inhabitants, hath in her day ſtood forth a bulwark againſt tyranny and ſuperſtition. An artificial ſtrength, created by commerce, enabled her to make head with numerous fleets and armies againſt powers immenſely her ſuperiors in natural force. Above all in commercial arts and advantage is Great-Britain. Her purſe, kept full by her credit, the reſource of a trading nation, an annual expenditure at length of ſixteen to eighteen millions recently ſuppor⯑ted ſo long, ſo extenſive, and ſo vigorous a war. Had her purſe been ſcanty, ſhe never would have ſeen a navy, which bore little ſhort of ninety thouſand men, could never have engaged a potent ally, nor furniſhed ſuch troops, as acted ſo efficiently, and at the ſame time in ſuch different parts of the [12] globe. Hence it is evident, her ſyſtem is commercial; her ſtrength and reſources are wholly derived from trade. I allow, the firſt intereſt in rank among us is the landed, but interwoven altogether with trade. Pay no regard to a doctrine from me, but pay all to the ſupreme authority of the cleareſt lumi⯑nary, this country ever produced, the great Mr. Locke. His words are theſe,‘"The decays, that come upon, and bring to ruin any country, do conſtantly firſt fall upon the land; and though the country gentle⯑man is not very forward to think ſo, yet this nevertheleſs is an undoubted truth; that he is more concerned in trade, and ought to take a greater care, that it be well managed and preſerved, than even the merchant himſelf."’

On the firm ground of ſuch authority let enquiry be made, whether we ſhould not remain content with the lot aſſigned us, which hath raiſed us ſo high among the modern nations, where all are in rivalry for manufacture and trade; whether we ſhould degrade our refinements by a parallel with an unpoliſhed and rugged race of old, and contaminate the delicacy of modern ſenſations with thoſe primitive and ſtern principles, which impoſed ſuch a yoke on mankind as the majeſtas populi Romani: or whether, confining our ſpeculations to the placid ſphere of enjoyments with more quiet, and leſs hazard, than the reſtleſs purſuits of their [13] ambition, we ſhould not have in contempla⯑tion upon all extraordinary convulſions, how far the means of thoſe enjoyments may be affected, that influx of wealth, the creature of commerce, which ſolely conſtitutes our envied power and rank in the preſent world.

To elucidate by facts a ſyſtem ſo eſſential to our being, your Petitioners have appeared at this tremendous criſis; when Great-Britain and America, the parent and the child with equal irritation are menacing at leaſt, what barely in words, what barely in thought is horror—to unſheathe the ſword of parricide, and ſever the deareſt ties of conſanguinity, of mutual aids, and general proſperity.

Your Petitioners preferr'd but one ſuppli⯑cation to the All-merciful Being; their own reaſon ſuggeſted no other, than to be heard by you. He hath inclined you to hear, truth enables us to ſpeak. Truth in its nature is healing, and productive of reflection: reflec⯑tion leads to compoſure of mind, and ſtrengthens in our breaſts a hope, that an hour may come, when this humble application may not be found altogether ineffectual: if too for that auſpicious purpoſe it may prove my good fortune ſo to collect, and combine the various evidence from your bar, and from the copied records of office upon your table, as to eſtabliſh a ſyſtem of the whole, and found that whole upon truth; whoſe efficacy upon the mind I have deſcribed before, and with ſome fervour of hope anticipate now.

[14] Here, Sir, I entreat your acceptance of a clew through the ſeeming labyrinth of ac⯑counts. The ways indeed are all unadorned, but the leaſt perplex'd of any to a little attention; and to make them ſhort ſhall be mine.

You have before you official accounts of the exports from England to the Weſt-Indies from Chriſtmas 1739, to Chriſtmas, 1773. Of theſe thirty-four years the firſt ſeventeen, ending at Chriſtmas, 1756, form a period, which cloſes in the firſt year of the laſt war. The whole value exceeds twelve millions, and gives an annual medium of more than 700,000l. The laſt period of ſeventeen years ends at Chriſtmas, 1773, and renders a total of more than nineteen millions, and more than 1,100,000l. at the annual medium. I only obſerve in this place, that the increaſe of the latter upon the former is in the propor⯑tion of eleven to ſeven; and of the value in both two thirds are Britiſh goods, and one third only foreign.

A ſecond ſet of accounts contain the ex⯑ports to North-America. The firſt ſeventeen years yield more than ſeventeen millions in the whole, and than one million at the annual medium. The laſt period renders more than forty millions in the whole, and largely more than 2,300,000l. at the annual medium; an increaſe upon the former in a proportion of twenty-three to ten, with a value in both of three fourths Britiſh goods to one fourth foreign.

[15] The third account relates to Africa, whoſe commerce with England owes its exiſtence to her colonies. The firſt ſeventeen years reach nearly to three millions, and to an annual medium ſomething ſhort of 180,000l. the laſt ſeventeen years nearly to eight millions, and an annual medium of 470,000l. an increaſe upon the firſt in a proportion of forty-ſeven to eighteen, with a value in each of two thirds Britiſh goods to one third foreign.

On this augmentation of exports to your Colonies, irrefragable proof is founded, that through whatever channels riches have flow'd among them, that influx hath made a paſſage from them to the Mother Country, and in the moſt wholeſome mode; not like the daſh of an oriental torrent, but in ſalubrious, various, placid and copious ſtreams, refreſhing and augmenting ſober induſtry by additional em⯑ployment to thouſands and ten thouſands of families, and lightening the burden upon rents by reducing the contribution of pariſhes to poverty unemployed.

But this requires a further explanation. The date of the laſt period is the commence⯑ment of the laſt war. The expenditure of public money was one ſource of wealth to the Weſt-Indies. That temporary acquiſi⯑tion being ſoon exhauſted by its return to England, ſufficient ſums were procured upon credit after the peace to cultivate new land, and improve the old, ſtill further enlarging the conſumption of our commodities there [16] and in Africa, that from the year of the peace to Chriſtmas, 1773, the import of ſugar only to England, who without her Weſt-In⯑dies muſt purchaſe that immenſe article from foreigners, hath riſen from 130,000 to 170,000 hogſheads, an augmentation in value of 800,000 l.

The public expenditure, being much larger in North America, produc'd a proportionate effect on the conſumption of our manufac⯑tures through that continent. This money return'd from its peregrination to the Mother Country by 1764, or 1765 at the furtheſt. But, as the Weſt-Indies had a ſuccedaneum, ſo had North-America through a new open⯑ing of trade, which converted the misfortune of England into a bleſſing. Though I am convinc'd, that the ſame number of hands at leaſt is devoted to agriculture here, and that the earth at a medium of years hath yielded the ſame increaſe; as we have been diſpos'd to conſume it all among ourſelves, or as our preſumption may impute the ſcarcity to Pro⯑vidence, reſtraining the fertility of our ſoil for ten years paſt, in either caſe we could not ſpare, as heretofore, our grain to the fo⯑reigner; a reduction in our exports one year with another of more than 600,000 l. The American ſubjects took place of the Britiſh in markets, we could no longer ſupply, ex⯑tended their vent from ſeaſon to ſeaſon, and from port to port, and by a circuition of freſh money, thus acquir'd by themſelves, added [17] freſh numbers to your manufactures, the rents of land increaſing at the ſame time, till the amount of exports to North America for the laſt three years, ending at Chriſtmas 1773, ſtand upon your papers at ten millions and a half, or three millions and a half at the annual medium; add 1,300,000 l. the medium of the ſame three years for the Weſt-Indies, and 700,000 l. for Africa, and the total value of exports to the colonies, nearly in a proportion of three fourths Bri⯑tiſh to one fourth foreign goods, is five mil⯑lions and a half at the medium of theſe three years, ending at Chriſtmas, 1773. A ſlight matter this to the great queſtion before you, ſays the general voice without doors, and readily admitted without the ceremony of proof. This I mention by way of preparation to introduce the moſt material account of all; which will demonſtrate, that the mag⯑nitude of five millions and a half, exported in the Colony branches, the Weſt-Indian, North-American and African, is not to be conſidered as an object ſo ſtriking in itſelf, as in compariſon with the whole export of England to all countries whatſoever. The annual medium for twelve years back ſtands on theſe papers at leſs than fifteen millions; but as I have limited the Colony branch to 1771, 2 and 3, I ſhall take the general ex⯑ports during that period, which renders a medium of ſixteen millions. What part is the Colony branch? Five and a half is ra⯑ther [18] more, than a third. Does the magni⯑tude appear in a ſtronger light by the compa⯑riſon? Or hath it been admitted in this view, before it was ſtated? Be it ſo. I have ſome⯑thing behind, perhaps enough for the keen⯑eſt appetite of admiſſion to digeſt.

Sir, one part of our exports to foreigners is ſupplied by Colony produce, tobacco, rice, ſugar, &c. through Great-Britain, for a million ſterling at a low eſtimation. Add two millions more, exported of all kinds from England to her principal Colony, Ire⯑land, and both to the former five millions and a half; your whole Colony branch will then exceed the half of your whole export in the proportion of eight and a half to ſixteen.

Thanks to the care and forecaſt of our forefathers one hundred and twenty years ſince. In the circle of antient trade, narrow in compariſon with the modern, the great trading ſtates, Carthage pre-eminent to all, ſuffered but little from rivalſhip. All in Europe are our rivals, all devoted to manu⯑facture and traffic, as capital purſuits of po⯑licy: while we ſtruggling with ſuch compe⯑tition, have in ſome inſtances already expe⯑rienc'd its hurtful effects, and muſt prepare for more; we had always one conſolation left, that our colony-trade, kept to ourſelves by old and ſalutary regulations, hath been augmenting from period to period, till at preſent it conſtitutes more, than half of the [19] whole, with a proſpect of further growth, rather than diminution, unleſs we create our own rivals.

One more obſervation remains of all the moſt important, ſo far as ſafety to a ſtate is a conſideration above all others. Of this trade the part, which depends on the aſſo⯑ciated provinces, contributes in naval ſtores, in other low pric'd and bulky commodities more to the Britiſh marine, than triple the preſent exports in commodities of ſuch higher value, and ſhipp'd ſo largely in foreign bottoms to the foreign market. Such was your ſituation.

Upon the preſent queſtion I will not take that larger half before-mentioned for my ground. I will deduct the two millions to Ireland, and the odd 500,000l. furniſh'd to provinces not of the combination, though they did not receive more than 400,000l. in value, at the medium of theſe three laſt years; when there will remain ſix millions out of the eight and a half: Nay, I will further reduce the ſix by nearly 700,000l. to remove all ſuſpicion of exaggeration, and to make an exact third of the ſixteen; and which is the part immediately affected by the aſſociation in North-America.

From this ground ſee, what is put in hazard; not merely a monied profit, but our bulwark of defence, our power in offence, the arts and induſtry of our nation. Inſtead of thouſands and ten thouſands of Families [20] in comfort, a navigation extenſive and en⯑larging, the value and rents of land yearly riſing, wealth abounding, and at hand for further improvements, ſee or foreſee, that this third of our whole commerce, that ſole baſis of our empire, and this third in itſelf the beſt, once loſt, carries with it a propor⯑tion of our national faculties, our treaſure, our public revenue, and the value of land, ſucceeded in its fall by a multiplication of taxes to reinſtate that revenue, an encreaſing burden on every decreaſing eſtate, decreaſing by the reduc'd demand of its produce for the ſupport of manufacture and manufactur⯑ers, and menac'd with a heavier calamity ſtill, the diminution of our marine, of our ſeamen, of our general population, by the emigrations of uſeful ſubjects, ſtrengthening that very country you wiſh to humble, and weakening this in the ſight of rival powers, who wiſh to humble us.

Having been hitherto merely general, I muſt now deſcend to a detail, but of parts ſo large, that each is ſeparately big with ſuf⯑ficient evils to draw the utmoſt ſtretch of your attention. I begin with thoſe, which threaten the Weſt Indies.

To recapitulate the heads of that material evidence, delivered by Mr. Walker and Mr. Ellis, would be tedious in me, unneceſſary in itſelf. Leaving it therefore to its own powerful impreſſion, I here add only in a general mode of my own, that of the inha⯑bitants [21] in thoſe iſlands above four hundred thouſand are blacks; from whoſe labour the immenſe riches there, ſo diſtinctly prov'd at your bar, are deriv'd with ſuch immenſe ad⯑vantage to theſe kingdoms. How far theſe multitudes, if their intercourſe with North-America is ſtopp'd, may be expoſed to fa⯑mine, you have heard. One half in Barba⯑does and the Leeward Iſlands, ſay one hun⯑dred thouſand negroes, in value at leaſt four millions ſterling, poſſibly, it grieves me to ſay probably, may periſh. The remainder muſt divert to proviſions the culture of the produce ſo valuable to Great-Britain. The ſame muſt be the practice in great part through Jamaica, and the new ſettled acqui⯑ſitions. They may feel a diſtreſs juſt ſhort of deſtruction, but muſt divert for ſubſiſtence ſo much labour, as in proportion will ſhorten their rich product. In fact, why ſhould they raiſe the latter, if lumber ſhould be wanting for its package to Great-Britain. How vague, how uncertain, how nearly impracticable would be a ſupply of theſe neceſſaries through any new channel, I need not repeat; but ſhall cloſe this head with another ſhort general ſtate in confirmation of Mr. Walker's moſt accurate detail. The groſs amount of im⯑ports at an annual medium from theſe now unfortunate iſlands exceeds four millions: 190,000 caſks of ſugar and rum, beſides many other articles, the bulky loading for ſuch a multitude of veſſels, more than au⯑thoriſe [22] my aſſertion. Of theſe annual four millions the exchequer receives its portion, the navigator and merchant theirs; the reſt centers with the planter; and how diſtributed by him? In the purchaſe of 1,300,000l. in our exports direct, and the largeſt part of 700,000l. more in circuition through Africa for a conſtant ſupply of negroes. What is left, conſiderable, as it may be among reſi⯑dents here, is applied to home-conſumption, not with a ſparing hand, and to inveſtments, upholding the price of land, and the credit of public funds. At the ſame time they are furniſhing commodities to us of ſuch neceſſary uſe, which elſe muſt be paid for to foreigners, and with a ſuperfluity for foreign conſump⯑tion likewiſe. I avoid compariſon; but judge from this ſtate, how valuable a ſubject is the planter. All theſe benefits, the healthy progeny of active trade, all, or part muſt ſleep, as in a grave, during a total, or partial ſtagnation.

Upon the North-American imports I ſhall only remark, that the moſt conſiderable part of their bulky productions is bought by the foreigner, and of the amount, conſumed in Great-Britain, the Exchequer hath a capital ſhare. Nor will I take North-America for a companion in my preſent melancholy walk, becauſe ſhe may prove the only gainer, and as a community become more ſound and healthy, while every other member of the empire lies bleeding. But my heart bleeds, [23] when, renewing my gloomy progreſs, I turn a view towards one kingdom, a great mem⯑ber, which may unhappily be diſtinguiſhed above all ſufferers in the preſent conjuncture; I mean the kingdom of Scotland: and among my honourable hearers, they, whoſe particular attention, I may now engage, have no cauſe to doubt the ſincerity of my feelings. I have taken equal pains with the accounts of exports from that kingdom, as from this. The papers, I could collect, begin at Chriſt⯑mas 1748, and end at Chriſtmas 1772, with two years wanting, a circumſtance however, which will not in the leaſt impede me in illuſtrating the progreſs and improvement of the North Britiſh trade. A firſt period ſhews an annual medium of about 500,000l. In a ſecond it riſes to 860,000l. In a third to 1,150,000l. and in the laſt for 1770, 1771 and 1772 to 1,700,000l. of which about 400,000l. is colony-export excluſive of Ireland, and the far greater part to the tobacco provinces: where many of my moſt worthy friends have a property lying much larger, than I chuſe to conjecture. To this I add a known export of linen, exceeding 200,000l. ſupplied to England for American uſe. The whole may be little ſhort of 700,000l, but calling it 6, I aſk, if Scotland can well endure a ſtagnation of ſuch a value for twelve months to come. Whether their export to Ireland of 3 to 400,000l. will be affected, and how far emigration of late ſo prevalent may be [24] extended by the preſſure of a new calamity, I will not forbode. Sir, I feel—Sir, thoſe feelings forbid me to expatiate further—I chuſe to drop the ſubject. Obſerving only, that the colony-export from Scotland is to their whole much in the ſame proportion with ours, I will now paſs over to Ireland.

That kingdom takes from England and Scotland little ſhort of 2,400,000l. annually in goods. How doth ſhe pay for them? A large part in linen and yarn, the remainder in caſh, acquired by her foreign traffic. In the printed report to this Houſe from their linen committee it appears, that in 1771 the linen made, and brought to market for ſale in that kingdom for its own uſe and ours, amounted to 2,150,000l. and the yarn exported to about 200,000l. This immenſe value, the employment of ſuch numbers, hath its ſource in North-America. The flaxſeed from thence not worth 40,000l. a trifle to that continent, forms the baſis of Ireland, and reverts largely in manufacture from her to the original ſeat of growth. In reply, what is the cry of my magnanimous countrymen without doors? Dignity! Supremacy! The evil hour is advancing, not yet come; no ſooner come, than felt, it may produce a diſcovery too late, that high-ſounding words imply no food to the hungry, no raiment to the naked; and that theſe throughout our empire may amount to millions in number—But new channels of ſupply ſhall be found; our potency can [25] ſurmount all difficulties. It is full time to begin the eſſay in Ireland, leſt, during the experiment, emigration ſo conſtant there ſhould change to depopulation in the Proteſ⯑tant quarters.

I now return to England, not a member, but the head. Her ſorrows I will leave to the contemplation of that ſuperior claſs, which muſt be the ultimate and permanent ſufferer. The ſage Mr. Locke would tell the country gentleman, that his viſible pro⯑perty muſt re-place the loſs of public revenue; that he muſt provide for a nation of hungry and naked, or ſink into utter debility and deſpondency; when the ſun riſes no more on this once flouriſhing iſland, but to ſee the deſertion of inhabitants, and a wretched remnant, wandering unclad and unfed in lamentation over a wilderneſs.

I have mentioned the revenue, and ſhall now be very conciſe upon that head. De⯑ducting bounties and drawbacks, the neat receipt at the Exchequer from duties and exciſe on Weſt-India productions I venture to ſet at more than 700,000l. and another receipt in the North-American branch, at juſt ſo much, as with the former may render a total of one million. To that amount the public revenue is immediately concerned. Conſequential loſs, for inſtance in the great article of tea for want of the uſual ſupply of ſugar, or in any other articles, I do not dwell upon here, but leave to reflection.

[26] Thus far, Sir, I hope, that I have proved what was your ſituation, happy in receiving from your colonies all the poſſible advantage attainable in the nature of things. Could our forefathers, the authors of ſuch a ſyſtem, which excluſive of foreign profit could bring the numerous ſubjects of the ſame ſtate in ſuch diſpers'd habitations over the earth, thouſands and thouſands of miles aſunder, to a concurrence in the extirpation of idleneſs, in promoting the comfort, and calling forth the faculties of each other; could thoſe vene⯑rable founders of a ſtructure ſo ſtupendouſly great ariſe, and ſeeing it brought to ſuch per⯑fection by time and experience, yet find it within the laſt ten years ſo roughly handled in a conflict with finance; what looks would they caſt on their blinded poſterity, almoſt the whole Britiſh people, who on every ſtart of pecuniary contribution from America have under three Adminiſtrations been open⯑mouth'd, and are ſtill for American taxation? Let the three Adminiſtrations have all the juſtification of defendit numerus, junctaeque umbone phalanges. But I, an unconnected man, firmly pronounce, that the conſenting voice of all mankind cannot make two and two more, or leſs, than four; that the Vox Populi is not always the Vox Dei, and among us upon the preſent ſubject reſembles the popular cry in old Jeruſalem of crucify, crucify.

[27] Yet, Sir, I likewiſe ſincerely wiſh, that the gloomy aſpect, I have given to our future ſituation, may be all nugatory, all miſrepre⯑ſentation, unintended, but not therefore leſs the reſult of error and blindneſs. Hitherto I have look'd on one ſide of the queſtion only; permit me now to comtemplate the other.

It is the general acceptation, that the aſſo⯑ciated provinces will ſubmit in conſequence of the meaſures taken. The meaſures I al⯑lude to are public facts; and with ſome re⯑lief to my own dejection I apply them to in⯑troduce another fact inconteſtable and bril⯑liant; whereon I gladly dwell for a while: it is a ſubject of praiſe, requiring but few words, becauſe it is true. I have nam'd the Romans; we have among us a ſelect body, whom I compare with them, as their equals at any the moſt diſtinguiſh'd epoch of their martial ſcience and proweſs. I will not hazard a pa⯑negyric. The grateful ſenſations of all our memories retain the illuſtrious and recent atchievements of the Britiſh military by land and ſea, with a warmth, which would render the moſt elaborate encomium ſpiritleſs and cold. But themſelves, letter'd gentlemen of England, and vers'd in hiſtory, will allow, that the peculiar ſuperiority, deriv'd from diſcipline, poſſeſs'd by them in its higheſt excellence, is but the effect of human art; that there are left at large in human nature certain ſparks, whoſe occaſional concurrence produces operations not to be circumſcrib'd, [28] or controul'd by art or power, and hath caus'd ſuch wonderful viciſſitudes, recorded in times paſt, but, I hope, will make no part of our future annals. I allude to that violent agitation of the ſoul, enthuſiaſm. Such vi⯑ciſſitudes, not to be ſhunn'd by art or power, merit the moſt attention, when moſt is ſet upon a caſt.

Many without doors have treated the ex⯑iſtence of this uncontrollable ſpirit as ima⯑ginary. I did not reaſon with thoſe, who either feel no enthuſiaſm for any thing ſeri⯑ous, or retain juſt ſo much, as may be requi⯑ſite in the eager purſuit of diverſions, plea⯑ſures, or profit. I would have accompanied others more ſpeculative through their ſeveral gradations of hope, ſtill diſappointed, and ſtill reviving, but for one obſervation, which I have generally kept conceal'd, but will ſoon reveal to you. But for this obſervation I might have concurr'd with the public belief, that the capital of a province, now declared in rebellion, would have ſubmitted on the landing of a few regiments; this failing, that other provinces from ancient jealouſy and diſguſt would not have interfer'd, rather ſought their own advantage out of that town's diſtreſs; this failing, that they never would have proceeded to the length of conſtituting a certain inauſpicious aſſembly among them⯑ſelves; this failing, that the members of ſuch aſſembly would have diſagreed, and not fram'd a ſingle reſolution. This laſt hope [29] having prov'd abortive, a new one is popu⯑larly adopted, that the firſt intelligence of enforcing meaſures, at leaſt the bare com⯑mencement of their execution will tame the moſt refractory ſpirits. I will here ſtate the grounds of this, and all the preceding hopes; afterwards with your indulgence the ground of my original and continued doubts.

Our trading nation naturally aſſum'd, that the preſent contention would be with traders in America. The ſtock of a trader, whether his own, or in part, and often the greateſt part a property of others, confiding in him, is perſonal, lodg'd in a magazine, and ex⯑pos'd in ſeaſons of commotion to inſtanta⯑neous devaſtation. The circumſtance of ſuch property, the conſiderations, ſuggeſted by common prudence, by the ſenſe of com⯑mon juſtice to thoſe, who have given a ge⯑nerous credit, rarely make room for that in⯑trepidity, which meets force with force. Hence I admit, that the mere traffickers would have ſubmitted at firſt, and will now whenever they dare. The reaſon, why they have not dared, is the foundation of my doubts.

I am ſpeaking to an enlighten'd aſſembly, and converſant with their own annals. In thoſe ages, the reverſe of commercial, when your anceſtors fill'd the ranks of men at arms, and compos'd the cavalry of England, of whom did the infantry conſiſt? A race unknown to other kingdoms, and in the [30] preſent opulence of traffic almoſt extinct in this, the yeomenry of England; an order of men, poſſeſſing paternal inheritance, culti⯑vated under their own care, enough to pre⯑ſerve independence, and cheriſh the generous ſentiments attendant on that condition, with⯑out ſuperfluity for idleneſs, or effeminate in⯑dulgence. Of ſuch doth North America conſiſt. The race is reviv'd there in greater numbers, and in a greater proportion to the reſt of the inhabitants; and in ſuch the power of that continent reſides. Theſe keep the traffickers in awe. Theſe, many hun⯑dred thouſands in multitude, with enthuſi⯑aſm in their hearts, with the petition, the bill of rights, and the acts of ſettlement, ſilent and obſolete in ſome places, but vociferous and freſh, as newly born, among them; theſe hot with the blood of their progenitors, the enthuſiaſtic ſcourges at one period, and the revolutional expellers of tyranny at ano⯑ther; theſe, unpractis'd in frivolous diſſipati⯑on, and ruinous profuſion, ſtanding arm'd on the ſpot, deliver'd down from their fathers, a property not moveable, nor expos'd to total deſtruction, therefore maintainable, and ex⯑citing all the ſpirit and vigour of defence; theſe under ſuch circumſtances of number, animation and manners, their lawyers and clergy blowing the trumpet, are we to en⯑counter with a handful of men, ſent three thouſand miles over the ocean to ſeek ſuch [31] adverſaries on their own paternal ground. ^*—But theſe will not fight, ſays the general voice of Great-Britain. Agreed. I deſire to meet my antagoniſts in argument upon no better ground.

That exports to the aſſociated provinces have ceaſed for months is a fact. May not their non importation agreement ſingly be a weapon ſufficiently effectual in their hands without ſtriking a blow? Why ſtrike with⯑out occaſion?

To overſet this ſuggeſtion an aſſertion is brought, that neceſſity will break the com⯑bination. I take this freſh ground to ſhew, that neceſſity in conjunction with enthuſiaſm may produce a directly oppoſite effect. I throw but a tranſient glance on the extra⯑ordinary ſtock of goods, laid in by the co⯑loniſts laſt year, though ſaid to be ſufficient for the conſumption of two. The arguments I ſhall uſe, carry their own evidence with them. Let the population in the aſſociated provinces be three millions, as delivered into the Congreſs, or be reduced to two and a half white and black. At a moderate com⯑putation per head the quantity of goods, including all uſes beſides apparel, is not [32] adequate to half their conſumption, which I ſtated before to the amount of three milli⯑ons ſterling, without ſeparating ſome conſi⯑derable articles for the month. This annual ſupply they never did annually pay for, but always remain'd under a heavy debt to the mother country, a capital advantage to her, as ſhall be explain'd in its place. How is the other half of their conſumption, unſupplied from hence, provided with the ſeveral arti⯑cles for cloathing and other neceſſaries? What is introduc'd through illicit trade with the foreigner muſt be paid for in ready mo⯑ney, and is chiefly for the rich and the few. How is the multitude ſupplied, diſpers'd over that vaſt continent, and at conſiderable diſtances from the ſea? Sir, by the ſame means, and neceſſarily ſo, as are practis'd in moſt counties of theſe kingdoms. There are two kinds of manufacture; one active and ſyſtematic, collected under a ſuperin⯑tendace, and brought to the markets of ſale. The other is ſedentary and domeſtic, obſcure but large, could the ſmall and ſcattered par⯑cels be gathered up for computation, as may be made of the former from the records of public marts. The latter lies among the wives and children of rural, of ruſtic fami⯑lies; is applied to domeſtic uſe, and rarely ſees a market for ſale. In the ſame mode the American yeomenry are furniſhed among themſelves. The domeſtic manufacture muſt in courſe be large for the uſe of ſuch numbers; [33] the active for ſale is far from maturity among them: but neceſſity, urg'd againſt them, may extend the arts and materials, already indu⯑bitably poſſeſs'd; and enthuſiaſm may ſtamp on their home-ſpun all the value, all the pride of ornament.

Sir, I foreſee, theſe differences with Ame⯑rica will be compos'd, and how—There ſilence becomes me beſt—It will be ſo late, that Great-Britain muſt receive a wound, which no time can heal—A philoſophical ſenſe of dignity muſt ſtep in under the ſhape of conſolation.

This reflection I wiſh to obviate, and will ſtate a ſtrong queſtion from the other ſide. Admitting, if I pleaſe, the practicability of the coloniſt ſupplying his wants with his own homely manufacture, improveable too by time and experience; yet will not an inter⯑ruption to the vent of his own produce, and to the profits of his trade, be a loſs of ſuch magnitude, as may quickly, and with an intermediate ſtagnation too ſhort for us ſen⯑ſibly to feel, reduce his mind to a ſtate of humiliation? The interruption, I allow, will be a loſs to individuals, large to ſome, ſmall to many, and operate in degrees proporti⯑onate to ſituations and tempers. The trad⯑ing claſs foreſee it already, and are humbled enough to ſubmit, if they could. Thoſe, who keep them in awe, the multitude of ſmall, but independent proprietors of land, may feel their part of the loſs ſo light, as [34] not to relax the reſtif ſpirit, which they have manifeſted down to this day; and may be ſtrengthen'd by a truth too obvious, that America, as a public, muſt be a gainer by ſuch interruption.

She always hath been, and is now largely indebted to the Britiſh merchants; a proof, that the neat value of her annual produce, and remittances through the circuitions of her trade hath ever been ſhort of her pur⯑chaſes here. So far, as this difference reaches, whether ſmall or large, ſo far, as ſhe ſub⯑ſtitutes more of her own labour in the ſtead of ours for her own wants; juſt ſo much will be on a general balance a clear profit to her community, while the intercourſe with ours is ſtopp'd; and a loſs to Great-Britain irrecoverable ſo far, as during the melan⯑choly interval the arts of manufacture may be better eſtabliſh'd, and more extended in that continent; but if extended beyond frugal uſes, the yeomenry there will ſink into futile and enervating enjoyments, the ſource of venality and diſcord, and in their turn verify a celebrated axiom in politics, that diſcon⯑tent, murmurs, profuſion and outward ſhew are the ſure ſigns of a ſtate in decay.

Sir, you have repeatedly heard before this day of the large debt from the coloniſts to our merchants; an uncontrovertible truth to the permanent amount of millions. Griev'd, as humanity muſt be, at any occurence, which puts ſuch a property, and ſo many [35] meritorious ſubjects in peril, or even under a temporary anxiety; yet ſuch being the courſe of that trade, the effect of a voluntary conduct, public policy hath cauſe to rejoice, at the ſame time to acknowledge a high, though unſought obligation to the merchant, who by this practice holds in his hand the principal bond of colony dependence, enforces the act of navigation, and becomes in the public behalf the true guardian of that half divine law, the work of penetration and wiſdom equal to the great men, who fram'd it. Illicit traffic is common to all regions and governments, nor to be avoided in any, but by a ſtrict care not to lead into temptation. Upon the whole, no commercial regulation hath been more accurately obſerved, than the act of navigation, to which the American Congreſs moſt intelligibly ſubmits, and which in their deprivation of capital privileges and liberties, enjoyed by their fellow-ſubjects here, comprehends their contribution for protection; an act, which hath generally been well obeyed by them, and the merchant at home hath made it their intereſt. A foreign correſpondent might account moſt juſtly for the neat proceeds of tobacco, rice, ſugar, &c. but will not give credit for a ſtiver more; and for that reaſon doth not receive ſuch conſignments even from the leſs ſcrupulous obſervers of the law. The Britiſh merchant on a hundred pound, neated from a con⯑ſignment, readily ſupplies the American's [36] wants for a hundred and twenty, thirty, how far is immaterial. This accommodation he hath not, and through long habit doth not try to have from any quarter out of Great-Britain, and therefore chuſes to ſend his produce through her channel; nor will a few exceptions invalidate the argument: and till the awful volume of earthly viciſſi⯑tudes ſhall diſcloſe the fatal page, where that Omnipotent Hand, which hath lifted up and caſt down the proudeſt dominion of old, may have written the deſignation of empire to the child; till then the merchant of Great-Britain will keep the child in all poſſible dependence on the parent.

Sir, after all, though my fellow ſubjects riſe more and more in the flattering confi⯑dence, that the colonies will not adhere to their agreements, I do not commit myſelf in aſſerting the contrary; I do not pronounce, that they will: I only ſuggeſt, that they may; and on that ſuppoſition have attempted to ſhew, what England, Scotland and Ireland ſtake on the conteſt; nothing leſs, than a long-approved and ſucceſsful ſyſtem, em⯑bracing every circumſtance of national ſta⯑bility, proſperity and luſtre. For what this is put in hazard, I humbly hope, is a queſtion too ſerious for caſuiſtry; and, I humbly believe, ſolely to be meaſured by expediency and practicability under the direction of that great council, which holds the guardianſhip [37] of three kingdoms, and their boundleſs de⯑pendencies.

Right, authority, ſovereignty, dignity, ſupremacy are admitted to the utmoſt extent of their ground. Is there not another ground antecedent and original, that from the nature of mankind, there never was, nor is, and never will be a community, who after the poſſeſſion of benefits, delivered down from father to ſon for more than a century, will be perſuaded to relinquiſh ſuch poſſeſſion by any plea of law and right, urg'd with all the eloquence of advocates? A force ſupe⯑rior to argument is requiſite, which brings the queſtion back to expediency and practi⯑cability.

Conceive not, Sir, that our very thoughts have preſumed to interfere with the counſels or determinations of the ſtate; but as the preſent ſubject of deliberation and meaſures is too pregnant with events not to run far into the future, we ſubmiſſively hope, that the facts, we have produced, and the deductions from them, if not in the preſent hour, may prove of ſome utility hereafter.

You in your future deliberations will ſe⯑parate the frivolous from the important, the ſpecious and the plauſible from the ſound and the true. You, ſearching the depths of human nature, will not be miſled by trite and popular opinion; and, when the force of ſelf-intereſt is alledged at this momentous criſis, you will diſcover, that intereſt is not [38] the predominant ruler of mankind—I repeat, that intereſt is not the predominant ruler of mankind. The few indeed are under that frigid influence; but the many are governed by paſſion, whoſe train I need not arrange. Perſeverance in acts of violence from one quarter, and perſeverance in another to ſuffer, may be in both the reſult of paſſion. Paſſion can miſinterpret words, give ſolidity to empty ſounds, and convert ſhadow to ſubſtance. Paſſion could give weight to the cry of the church, when Sacheverell infatuated a nation, renowned above all others for ſolid ſenſe, and depth of thought.

To conclude: if, Sir, in any future ope⯑ration this honourable Houſe may condeſcend to a moment's remembrance of us, our ap⯑pearance may prove not altogether in vain. Although there is ſtill much remaining to offer, permit us now to withdraw, unreproved, we hope, by you; but ſurely ſo by our own conſcientious feelings in thus attempting our diſcharge of a duty to the public—Over the acts already paſſed and paſſing, I do not breathe out a word—only a parting ſigh.

From ALMON's Parliamentary Regiſter: Number VI. March 16.

THE Houſe in Committee on the Weſt India planters petition; which was preſented on the 2d of February laſt, by Mr. Alderman Oliver; who ſaid, the petitioners requeſted that they might be allowed to bring evidence in ſupport of their petition.

Mr. Glover appeared as agent for the pe⯑titioners, and manager of the evidence, in ſupport of the petition.

George Walker, Eſq called in.

Queſtion. What is your ſituation?

Anſwer. I am of Barbadoes; reſided there a great many years, and have been their agent ever ſince I left the country.

Q. Pleaſe to inform the Committee, what you know in relation to the ſtate of Barba⯑does, the Leeward Iſlands, and the reſt of the ſugar colonies?

A. My ſituation having been ſuch, as to afford me the means, I may be preſumed to know ſomething of the ſtate of Barbadoes, of the iſlands in its neighbourhood, and of the ſugar colonies in general. Barbadoes, and all the ſugar iſlands, are to be conſidered as countries, in which a great manufacture is eſtabliſhed. It is a manufacture of ſugar [40] and rum. Inſtead of being able to purchaſe at market the raw materials for the manu⯑facture, they are obliged to produce the raw materials from their own ſoil. They ingraft the farmer upon the manufacturer; not (in the intention of furniſhing the workmen with food, but) from the neceſſity of grow⯑ing the raw material. Thus the land and labour of the country being devoted to the cultivation of the ſugar-cane, the corn and proviſions they raiſe are merely accidental; they are no more than can be raiſed without prejudice to the ſugar-cane. To the ſugar⯑cane every thing is ſacrificed, as a trifle to the principle object. In Barbadoes, I doubt whether the corn, (it is Indian corn not wheat) and the ground proviſions (I mean yams, and other roots) raiſed in the iſland, are ſufficient to maintain the inhabi⯑tants for three months; I am certain they will not maintain them for four months, un⯑leſs the four months be thoſe in the begin⯑ning of the year, in the ſeaſon for ground proviſions. The Indian corn and ground proviſions cannot, by common means, be preſerved for any length of time. I ought to add the uncertainty of the native products, eſpecially of Indian corn and ground provi⯑ſions: dry weather, or exceſs of wet weather, hurricanes, blaſts, vermine, frequently dimi⯑niſh or deſtroy the hopes of the planter. The laſt year exhibited a melancholy exam⯑ple in Barbadoes, many families having been [41] ſupported by public contributions. Nor is the ſoil in every plantation capable of pro⯑ducing corn, although very proper for the ſugar-cane. As to the Leeward Iſlands, they produce neither corn nor ground proviſions worth mentioning, except Tortola. Tortola was a cotton colony; cotton and corn are not inconſiſtent. Tortola began to make ſugar within my remembrance; and there is reaſon to believe, the whole country is not yet en⯑groſſed by ſugar-cane. From this view of the ſugar colony, in the light of a manufac⯑ture, where the ſoil, as well as the labour, is employed in the manufacture, it follows, that ſuch colonies muſt depend, in proportion to the extenſiveneſs of the manufacture, upon other places for neceſſary food, for actual ſubſiſtence. The obſervation applies to Ja⯑maica, and to the iſlands under the Granada government.

Q. From what places do the ſugar colo⯑nies draw food for ſubſiſtence?

A. They are not many; Great-Britain, Ireland, North-America. From Great-Bri⯑tain, the ſugar colonies receive a little ſalted fiſh, pilchards from the weſt, herrings from the North. As to corn, they receive no wheat in grain, and a mere trifle in flour. The flour, during the three years, from 1771 to 1773, may be ſhewn to have been under four quarters, upon the whole to all the Weſt Indies. It may be ſhewn that the beans and peas together, do not exceed thirteen [42] thouſand quarters, nor the oats nineteen thouſand; and even this importation, ſmall as it is, is owing to a particular circum⯑ſtance: it is, that the Indian corn of North-America, the great ſupply of the Weſt In⯑dies, ſoon periſhes in a hot and moiſt climate; and as the trade is carried on from different provinces, it is unconnected, unconcerted, dependent upon the opportunities, upon the caprices of individuals; dependent upon accidents of winds and weather: it is, there⯑fore, in its nature irregular. A fortuitious combination, ſometimes increaſes the irre⯑gularity to ſuch a degree, as to reduce a par⯑ticular colony to a real, though temporary diſtreſs. Beans, peas, and oats, being capa⯑ble of a longer reſiſtance againſt putrefaction, than the Indian corn from North America, the ſugar colonies, eſpecially the Leeward iſlands, who have the feweſt internal reſources, do therefore make ſome proviſion in theſe articles againſt that temporary diſtreſs; ſo delicately ſtrained already is the ſtring, which is now threatened with rough and unremit⯑ting violence. I purpoſely forbear other arti⯑cles of food from Great-Britain, intended for the uſe of people of ſome condition, hams, cheeſe, and the like; they belong properly to the general commerce of Great-Britain with the Weſt Indies. I confine myſelf at preſent to neceſſary food. Ireland furniſhes a large quantity of ſalted beef, pork, butter, and herrings, but no grain. [43] North America ſupplies all the reſt, both cornand proviſions. North America is truly the granary of the Weſt Indies; from thence they draw the great quantities of flour and biſcuit, for the uſe of one claſs of people, and of Indian corn for the ſupport of all the others; for the ſupport not of man only, but of every animal for the uſe of man, horſes, ſwine, ſheep, poultry. North Ame⯑rica alſo furniſhes the Weſt Indies with rice. Rice, a more expenſive diet, and leſs capable of ſuſtaining the body under hard labour, is of a more limited conſumption, but is a neceſſary indulgence for the young, the ſick, the weakly, amongſt the common people and the negroes. North America not only furniſhes the Weſt Indies with bread, but with meat, with ſheep, poultry, and ſome live cattle; but the demand for theſe is infi⯑nitely ſhort of the demand for the ſalted beef, pork, and fiſh. Salted fiſh (if the expreſſion may be permitted in contraſt with bread) is the meat of all the lower ranks of people in Barbadoes, and the Leeward Iſlands. It is the meat of all the ſlaves in all the Weſt Indies. Nor is it diſdained by perſons of better condition. The North American na⯑vigation alſo furniſhes the ſugar colonies with ſalt from Turk's Iſlands, Sal Tortuga and Anguilla; although theſe iſlands are them⯑ſelves a part of the Weſt Indies. The teſti⯑mony which ſome experience has enabled me to bear, you will find confirmed, Sir, by [44] official accounts. The ſame accounts will diſtinguiſh the ſource of the principal, the great ſupply of corn and proviſions. They will fix it preciſely in the middle colonies of North America: in thoſe colonies, who have made a publick agreement in their congreſs, to withold all their ſupplies after the tenth of next September. How far that agreement may be precipitated in its execution, may be retarded, or fruſtrated, it is for the wiſdom of parliament to conſider: but if it is per⯑ſiſted in, I am well founded to ſay, that no⯑thing will ſave Barbadoes and the Leeward Iſlands from the dreadful conſequences of ab⯑ſolute famine. I repeat the famine will not be prevented. The diſtreſs will fall upon them ſuddenly; they will be overwhelmed with it, before they can turn themſelves about to look out for relief. What a ſcene! when rapine ſtimulated by hunger has broken down all fences, conf [...]unded the rich with the poor, and levelled the freeman with his ſlave! The diſtreſs will be ſudden. The body of the people do not look forward to diſtant events; if they ſh [...]uld to this, they will put their truſt in the wiſdom of parliament. Suppoſe them to be leſs confident in the wiſdom of parlia⯑ment, they are deſtitute of the means of purchaſing an extraordinary ſtock. Suppoſe them poſſeſſed of the means; a very extra⯑ordinary ſtock is not to be found at market. There is a plain reaſon in the nature of the thing, which prevents any extraordinary ſtock [45] at market, and which would forbid the planter from laying it in, if there was: it is, that the objects of it are periſhable. In thoſe climates the flour will not keep above ſix or eight weeks; the Indian corn decays in three months; and all the North American provi⯑ſions are fit only for preſent uſe.

Q. If the Weſt Indies are deprived of their uſual ſupplies of corn and proviſions from the middle colonies of North America, are there no reſources by which the deficiency may be made good?

A. I will examine the reſources I have heard mentioned. Great-Britain cannot in⯑creaſe her exportation of corn and proviſions to the Weſt Indies; for ſhe would increaſe a ſcarcity at home already complained of: notwithſtanding the aſſiſtance ſhe largely re⯑ceives herſelf; particularly in wheat and flour from North America. Ireland has other markets to furniſh beſides the Weſt Indies; theſe markets will not ſuffer themſelves to be deprived of their uſual ſhare, beyond a cer⯑tain limitted degree; a degree too limitted to ſupply the whole Weſt India conſumption. The colonies at the ſouthern extremity of America, the two Floridas, are not able to feed themſelves; and Georgia, a ſmall coun⯑try, is ſaid to have acceded to the congreſs. At the northern extremity, St. John's is in its infancy. From Nova Scotia, the Weſt In⯑dies receive ſome ſmall ſupplies. As to the ſalted fiſh from Newfoundland, it is fiſh from [46] New England; it is taken upon the banks by the New England people chiefly; who are to have none to ſend us, unleſs the fiſhery bill ſhould operate a ſubmiſſion, or have no operation at all. Canada, Sir, produces not Indian corn. In the hands of Great-Britain, and under Engliſh laws, it has exported wheat; ^§ but the quantity is neither equal to the demand of the Weſt Indies; nor is it prepared for the Weſt India market; but all th [...]ſe are expedients for a diſtant day. In future times from all theſe countries, accord⯑ing to their ſeveral natures, a conſtant and regular demand will create a conſtant and regular ſupply. It is impoſſible; it is in⯑conſiſtent with the nature of commerce, to furniſh an adequate ſupply to a vaſt, an im⯑mediate, and an unexpected demand; the demand and the ſupply muſt grow up toge⯑ther, mutually ſupporting and ſupported by each other. One more expedient remains; it is diſtant like the reſt: it will be effectual, but it will be ruinous; it is to change our ſyſtem. We muſt abandon the manufacture, and apply the land and labour now appro⯑p [...]iated to the manufacture to the purpoſes of raiſing food. The undone remnant of the people, who ſhall not have fallen victims to the intermediate famine may thus provide againſt it for the time to come. I flatter myſelf, Sir, I have ſhewn from a deduction [47] of facts the dependence of Barbadoes and the Leeward Iſlands upon North America for ſubſiſtence. I leave it to gentlemen of more intimate knowledge of the ſtate of Ja⯑maica, than I can pretend to, to ſhew that a relation of the ſame kind, and if not to the ſame extent, yet far beyond the common opinion, ſubſiſts between that great iſland, and the northern continent. As to Granada and its dependencies, Sir, let me only ob⯑ſerve, that the manufacture of ſugar and rum, and the cultivation of coffee in thoſe iſlands, having been proſecuted with unremitting ar⯑dour, little of their labour can have been di⯑verted to the raiſing of corn and proviſions. Their dependence upon North America was reaſonable; and I may venture to conclude it to be ſimilar to that of their neighbours. I have been the more explicit upon this ſub⯑ject, the dependence of the Weſt Indies upon North America for ſubſiſtence, as it is the calamity which preſſes immediately, affecting life as well as fortune; it is a diſtreſs which your humanity will conſpire with your intereſt to prevent; and I truſt that the wiſdom of parliament will find the means.

Q. What is the commodity called lum⯑ber? For what purpoſe uſed, and whence procured?

A. In the Weſt Indies, they underſtood by the term lumber every ſpecies of North American wood, when prepared for the uſe of buildings or the cooperage. It includes [48] the deal, the pine, the cypreſs, the cedar, the white oak, the red oak, and others; and comes in the ſhape of beams, joiſts, planks, boards, ſhingles, ſtaves, and in logs. Build⯑ings where great ſtrength is required, and which are expoſed to wind and weather, de⯑mand timber of a texture more ſolid, and of a quality leſs ſubject to decay in thoſe cli⯑mates; it is diſtinguiſhed by the name of hard wood; mahogany is of that tribe. Such, as far as my experience extends, grow only between the tropicks; the price is high, three and four ſhillings ſterling the cubick foot; employed from the call of neceſſity, the comſumption is limited. For every other purpoſe of the carpenter and of the cooper, it is the lumber of North America that is uſed. It is a pleaſure to me, Sir, to ſpare the patience of the committee a detail of con⯑jectural calculations. I underſtand that there is ſome official paper which will inform you preciſely. The part which is furniſhed by the middle colonies of North America is out of all proportion to the others. Without lumber to repair the buildings they run im⯑mediately to decay. And without lumber for the proper packages for ſugar, and to contain rum, they cannot be ſold at market, they cannot even be kept at home.

Q. Are there not places, beſides the mid⯑dle colonies of North America, from whence may be drawn a ſupply of lumber, in ſome [49] degree proportionate to the wants of the Weſt Indies?

A. I will examine. The firſt reſource may be in the colony itſelf: but Barbadoes and the Leeward Iſlands are altogether deſti⯑tute of wood. The gentlemen of Jamaica will inform you how unequal their country is to its own demands. Remains the govern⯑ment of Granada. And here I beg leave to ſtate a fact. Ready-made houſes of North American lumber have been exported from Barbadoes to the iſlands under the govern⯑ment of Granada. Theſe iſlands have plenty of wood; and this wood is of a more dura⯑ble nature than lumber: but an anxiety for the ſtaple manufacture ſuperſeded this conſi⯑deration; and the labour of the ſlaves inſtead of being turned to the providing of materials for the carpenter, was reſerved for the cul⯑tivation of the ſugar cane.

Although the ſugar colonies may find no reſources from their ſoil, they may find it in their market at home. Lumber is a com⯑modity not ſo periſhable as corn and provi⯑ſions. A ſtock of it might be laid in. This certainly is an expedient. It will be attempted by the provident and the wealthy;—the combined deſcription includes not a multi⯑tude in any country,—and the attempt will greatly enhance the price. But it is practi⯑cable only to a certain point. It muſt be confined to the quantity at market. If an unuſual quantity ſhould be imported, as is [50] probable, ſuppoſing no ſiniſter events to pro⯑hibit, the planter has no fund to pay for it. I ſpeak of the great body of planters in ge⯑neral. They are not able to provide for the expences of two or more crops out of the profits of one crop. It is well if every crop can bear up againſt its own particular load. Sufficient to the day is the evil thereof. Be⯑fore I proceed to external reſources, I beg leave, Sir, to repeat what I have ſaid before, upon the ſubject of a new channel for the ſupply of corn and proviſions. I ſaid it was inconſiſtent with the nature of commerce to furniſh an adequate ſupply to a vaſt, an un⯑expected, and an immediate demand: that the demand and the ſupply muſt grow up together, mutually ſupporting and ſupported by each other. This principle deſtroys the proſpect of a timely and effectual aſſiſtance from any quarter whatſoever. Not content with the operation of the general principle, I will examine the particular reſources. I will only ſay of the two Floridas, that the population is feeble in the extreme. Georgia ſends ſome lumber; but Georgia is ſaid to have acceded to the congreſs. What has been ſaid of the Floridas, with reſpect to population, is applicable to St. John's, and in ſome meaſure to Nova Scotia. Nor does Nova Scotia export any materials proper for caſks to contain rum. In Canada the popu⯑lation is not adequate to the new enterprize, without neglecting points of greater impor⯑tance [51] in their ſyſtem. I ſay of greater im⯑portance. Becauſe the Weſt India market is now open to them; an exchange of Weſt India commodities is deſirable; and not⯑withſtanding, Canada exports not lumber to the Weſt Indies. In truth, there is a maſs of objections, which nothing but a length of time can overcome. Supported by large capitals, or long credit, Canada muſt firſt combine ſeveral commercial objects, ſo as to furniſh an aſſortment of cargoes. They muſt have proper artificers, as well as people. They muſt provide a navigation equal to the bulky commodity, equal to it under the accumu⯑lated difficulties of a great diſtance, and the dangers and delays of a river covered or choaked with ice for more than half the year. If there is little or no reſource to be found in America, let the Weſt Indies, in ſearch of lumber, turn their eyes to Europe. I paſs over Great-Britain and Ireland, becauſe they both import vaſt quantities of lumber. No inconſiderable part of it is drawn from the middle colonies of North America. But it is to be found in Europe, of every ſort and in every ſhape. The demand of the Weſt Indies has been ſhewn to be vaſt. It will be immediate. The tenth of September is ad⯑vancing very faſt, and the demand will be unexpected; unexpected, in the opinion of every perſon who hopes that lenient meaſures may be adopted; unexpected, in the opinion of every perſon who, without reaſoning far⯑ther, [52] depends upon the wiſdom of parliament, to extricate the Weſt Indies, and in them the whole empire, from danger. A domeſtic event, unexpected in Great-Britain, will not be pre⯑ſumed in foreign countries. Nor Germany, nor Norway, nor the Baltick, will riſk an extenſive operation in commerce, upon the ſpeculative idea of a continuance of a moſt unnatural quarrel. I will however ſuppoſe for a moment, that Germany provides a more plentiful ſtock of ſtaves; that Norway and the Baltick pay the like attention to their deals. I pray it may be underſtood that the freight of bulky goods trenches deeply into their value. The freight of lumber from North America to the Weſt Indies, a ſhort ſafe paſ⯑ſage, is a moiety of the goods ſhipped. The double voyage, firſt to Great-Britain, and then to the Weſt Indies, takes away at the ſame rate for diſtant and hazardous voyages, an half of that moiety, leaving only a quar⯑ter part to the original ſhipper. At what an enormous price then muſt this lumber come to the hands of the conſumer? By a ſuſpen⯑ſion of the acts of navigation, it may indeed be carried to the Weſt Indies, diſincumbered of the intolerable burden of a double voy⯑age; yet add the original price, much higher than in America; add the increaſe in this price from the increaſe in the demand from Great Britain, Ireland, and the Weſt Indies; the remedy itſelf is only the leſſer evil.

[53] Q. What other ſpecies of commodities from the middle colonies are interchanged with the Weſt Indies?

A. Beſides the abſolute dependence of the Weſt Indies upon North America, for ſub⯑ſiſtance and for lumber, there are ſupplies leſs conſequential, but very uſeful, and even neceſſary in ſome reſpect to the Weſt Indies; which are all furniſhed by the confederating colonies. The articles are train-oil for many lamps in the ſugar-works, horſes for the ſad⯑dle and for draft, tallow, leather, tobacco, pitch, tar, turpentine, iron, ſloop and boat⯑timbers, and ſome others. As to ſhips, I refer them to the head of the navigation created by the commerce of the Weſt Indies.

Q. What commodities do the ſugar colo⯑nies give in exchange to North America?

A. They did give a part of all their pro⯑ducts in exchange: but the middle colo⯑nies have refuſed to take melaſſes, ſyrups, paneels, coffee, and pimento, ſince the firſt of laſt December. The principal exchange is of ſugar and rum. The ſugar is generally ſuppoſed to amount to twenty-five thouſand hogſheads directly, beſides fifteen thouſand hogſheads in the ſhape of refined ſugar from England. As to rum, the dependence of all the iſlands, except Jamaica, is as great upon the middle colonies of North America for the conſumption of their rum, as it is for ſubſiſtance and for lumber. Jamaica ſends about eleven thouſand puncheons to London, [54] which ſtocks the market at the preſent price. Lower the price, the method is plain and eaſy, the conſumption increaſes in proportion. Nor will the revenue ſuffer. How far the expedient may ſave Jamaica in this moment⯑ous article of their manufacture, I leave to be explained by gentlemen more intimately acquainted with that iſland. The rum of Barbadoes, the Leeward iſlands, and the government of Granada, does not come to England, except in ſmall portions. It goes in part to Ireland; and all the reſt, the great quantity, is diſtributed chiefly amongſt the middle colonies of North America, agree⯑able to the law of reciprocal exchange. The agreement of thoſe colonies, which is to take place the tenth of next September, extends in words, only to the witholding of all ſup⯑plies. But it muſt effect a total ſuſpenſion of commerce. They will not ſend their veſ⯑ſels in ballaſt, to purchaſe with gold and ſil⯑ver the goods they have been accuſtomed to receive in exchange for the products of their own ſoil and induſtry. It is an idea repug⯑nant to every principle of commerce: it is more; it is repugnant to the ſpirit which now inflames thoſe colonies. Sir, I have ſhewn, I truſt, the abſolute dependence of the ſugar colonies upon the middle colonies of Ameri⯑ca, in three eſſential points; viz. For corn and proviſions for ſubſiſtance: for lumber and other neceſſaries for the maintenances of their plantations: and laſtly, for the con⯑ſumption [55] of their produce of all kinds, greatly of ſugar, but principally of rum. This doctrine of the dependence of ſugar colonies upon North America is confirmed by an authority, which will not be diſputed. The act of parliament of the ſixth of George the ſecond, chapter the thirteenth, was made upon this occaſion. The Britiſh ſugar-colo⯑nies complained of the great increaſe of the French ſugar-colonies, and demonſtrated the increaſe to have been owing principally to the ſupport which the French ſugar-colonies received from the middle provinces of North America, in exchange for ſugar and melaſſes. Perhaps it is beſide my preſent purpoſe to re⯑mark the manner in which the adminiſtration of thoſe days adjuſted the great diſpute. Sir, they contrived to pleaſe both ſides. To the iſlands, they gave the letter of the law; and the continent they indulged in the breach of it. The fact is all I want. It ſhews that even the French ſugar-colonies do depend, in no ſmall degree, upon North America. Nor are the Danes in the iſlands, nor the Dutch in the ſouthern continent, an excep⯑tion. Such is the force of that principle, which conſiders a ſugar plantation, as a ma⯑nufactory obliged to raiſe its own materials. If, in the courſe of events during this un⯑happy diſpute, the foreign colonies ſhould be deprived of their reſources from America, it is not my province to examine whether the diſtreſs will be looked upon with indifference: [56] but it becomes me to hope, that Great-Britain will never ſuffer her own to be ruined for want of the accuſtomed and acceſſary ſupplies from North America.

Q. What is the kind of property in the Weſt India iſlands? And can you eſtimate the value thereof?

A. The nature of the property veſted in the Weſt Indies will appear by the eſtimate of its value. I ſhall calculate in ſterling money of Great-Britain. To begin with Barbadoes. It ſtands firſt on the map. This iſland contains one hundred and eight or ſix thouſand acres. The land is almoſt intirely under cultivation; but I will reckon only upon the hundred thouſand. From a know⯑ledge of a multitude of appraiſements made upon oath, by freeholders of the vicinity, upon occaſions of deaths, or of extents for the payment of debts: from many actual ſales: I ſtate that thirty pounds an acre is a reaſonable valuation. I include with the land all the dwelling-houſes in the country, the ſugar-works and the young crops. I throw in the cattle, the plantation, and houſhold furniture. This article, the land, amounts to three millions. The negroes, by a poll-tax, in which the whole number is certainly not included, are ſeventy-five thouſand; cheap at forty pounds each, they make a ſecond ſum of three millions. I throw in the two towns, whoſe rents amount to forty thouſands pounds a year, as a caſting weight [57] to make good the aggregate ſum of ſix mil⯑lions. Taking Barbadoes as a ſtandard, by which to meaſure all the reſt of the ſugar colonies, I obſerve that the ſugar exported from Barbadoes to all parts, at a medium of many years (it is a calculation formed upon the receipts of the duty of four and an half per cent.) is about fifteen thouſand common hogſheads a year. Now the ſugar imported into Great-Britain alone, from all the ſugar colonies, amounted in the year ſeventy-three to one hundred and ſeventy-thouſand hogſ⯑heads, allowing ten hundred weight of ſugar to a hogſhead. The import of ſeventy-four is more. I will ſuppoſe the produce of Bar⯑badoes to be as one in ten. If a part of the Barbadoes ſugar is clayed, if its muſcovado is propereſt for common uſe, yet there are clayed ſugars from other iſlands; the muſ⯑covado of ſeveral, eſpecially of St. Kitt's, is fitter for the refiner. Beſides, twenty thou⯑ſand ſuch hogſheads are deducted, and a greater number of common hogſheads, I mean the exports to North America, are omitted, before the proportion of one in ten is ſtated. If Barbadoes yields ginger, cotton and alloes, the other colonies add to the ſame products, coffee, pimento and other articles. The capital of Barbadoes then being ſix mil⯑lions, and its produce as one in ten of the produce of all the Weſt Indies, it is fair to conclude, at the ſame proportion, the capital of the whole to be ſixty millions: a conclu⯑ſion [58] which amply warrants the petition in de⯑claring it to be upwards of thirty millions. I take nothing in the eſtimate for the value of the future increaſe of Jamaica and the new ſettled iſlands.

Q. Can you make any eſtimate of the va⯑lue of Weſt India property owned by perſons who live in England? and of the amount of the debt due to this kingdom from the Weſt Indies?

A. Of the millions veſted in the Weſt Indies, many are the property of perſons re⯑ſiding in England, and not a few are united and conſolidated with the landed property of this kingdom. It is difficult to aſcertain the total. I have endeavoured at a calculation for Barbadoes, and am below the mark in ſtating it at one million four hundred thou⯑ſand pounds. In the other iſlands, for ob⯑vious reaſons, the proportion is greater than in Barbadoes. The moſt eminent merchants will tell you, that they have hardly any body to correſpond with in St. Chriſtopher's, ex⯑cept the overſeers of plantations. Reſuming Barbadoes as a rule to meaſure with, the pro⯑portion is fourteen millions. It is a more difficult and a leſs pleaſing taſk to inveſtigate the millions due to the merchants and others in this kingdom, upon the ſecurity of Weſt India plantations. I can form no particular eſtimate. The ſum in general is immenſe. The ſugar-trade, from its infancy, by reaſon of the ſmall capitals of the firſt planters, and [59] the great coſt of a ſugar manufacture, muſt have been the creatures of credit. It was raiſed to the preſent pitch by the wealth of the merchant ſupporting the induſtry of the planter. Neither is it neceſſary to be exact in the value of the property of the Engliſh reſidents, nor of the debt to the Engliſh merchants and others. For the ſugar colo⯑nies are really no other than a Britiſh manu⯑facture, eſtabliſhed at the diſtance of three and four thouſand miles for reaſons of con⯑venience. And the dependence of this ma⯑nufacture is the ſame as if it was ſituated in the heart of the kingdom. I do not retract the idea of its dependence upon North Ame⯑rica. In ſuch a caſe, it can be ſuggeſted only in theory, Great-Britain muſt draw from North America the ſupplies without which her manufacture, whereſoever it is ſituated, is incapable of ſubſiſting.

Q. What are the advantages of the ſugar colonies to Great-Britain? and what to the revenue thereof?

A. I deſire, Sir, I may conſider them as a Britiſh manufacture, whoſe capital is ſixty millions. The advantage is not that the pro⯑fits all ultimately centre here: it is, that it creates, in the courſe of attaining thoſe pro⯑fits a commerce and a navigation, in which multitudes of your people, and millions of your money are employed. It is, that the ſupport which the ſugar colonies receive in one ſhape, they give in another. In propor⯑tion [60] to their dependence upon North Ameri⯑ca, and upon Ireland, they enable North America and Ireland to trade with Great-Britain. By their dependence upon Great-Britain for hands to puſh the cultivation of the ſugar-cane, they uphold the trade of Great-Britain to Africa. ^* A trade which in the purſuit of negroes, as the principal, if not the ſole intention of the adventurer, brings home ivory and gold as ſecondary objects. In proportion as the ſugar colonies conſume, or cauſe to be conſumed amongſt their neighbours, Aſiatic commodities, they increaſe the trade of the Engliſh Eaſt India Company. In this light I ſee the India goods, which are carried to the coaſt of Guinea. In proportion as the Weſt Indies uſe the wines of the African iſlands, and as they uſe the products of Europe, ſo far they add to the trade of Great-Britain with the African iſlands, and with the reſt of Europe. With⯑out taking in any of the circuitous channels, the direct exports to the Weſt Indies will ap⯑pear, by official accounts, to be of immenſe value, ^† will ſhew the wealth gradually earned by the hand of labour and of ſkill, which the ſugar colonies are daily adding to the national ſtock. I hardly dare venture to place in this light the ſalaries and profits of [61] the officers appointed by government for the ſuperintendence of the Weſt Indies. As to revenue, the nett receipt I underſtand to exceed ſeven hundred thouſand pounds.

Q. In caſe the uſual intercourſe between North-America and the ſugar colonies, ſhould be interrupted, what would be the prejudice to Great-Britain, and to the revenue thereof?

A. The advantages ariſing from, and de⯑pendant upon the uſual intercourſe, muſt ceaſe with the interruption. I will not add, that the nation is to pay in money to the foreign⯑ers, the large ſum for Weſt-India commodi⯑ties, for which the Britiſh manufactures, and the profits of a circuitous commerce, are now given in exchange. The obſervation would be fallacious. The decreaſe in the conſumption of Weſt-India commodities will ſurely keep pace with the decay of the manu⯑factures and commerce the Weſt-India ſup⯑ported. The revenue will leſſen in propor⯑tion to the diminiſhed conſumption, nor will the loſs ſtop at the Weſt-India commodities. The revenue from tea, without the accuſtomed plenty of ſugar, without the profits of the ſugar trade, and of the commerce created by the ſugar trade, will ſink into inſigni⯑ficance; the interruption will be felt ſeverely in every branch of revenue; for it will be felt ſeverely in every branch of trade which contributes by conſumption to the revenue; and in trade, as in the human body, nothing ſuffers ſingly by itſelf; there is a [62] conſent of parts in the ſyſtem of both, and the partial evil grows into univerſal miſchief. Of all the branches of commerce which will ſuffer immediately, or indirectly, from the interruption of the uſual intercourſe, the moſt important is the navigation. By inveſti⯑gating its value, we eſtimate the loſs. It is equal to the bulky products, and ſtill more bulky ſupplies of a ſtock in trade of ſixty millions: it is co-extenſive with the commerce created by that trade, comprehending the navigation to Africa, and making no incon⯑ſiderable part of that of England to the Eaſt Indies, and to the reſt of Europe. It eſta⯑bliſhes, as is aſſerted in the petition, a ſtrength, which wealth can neither purchaſe nor balance. Sir, I will add, it is a ſtrength which is ſo juſtly a favourite with the nation, that nothing but ſome unhappy miſtake can deprive it of the national protection and ſupport.

Mr. Innes aſked, How many white people are there in Barbadoes?

Queſtion objected to.

Withdrew.

Called in.

Q. What is the common food of the negroes in the Leeward Iſlands?

A. In all the iſlands it is ſalt fiſh (as I ſaid before) and Indian corn. I entered into thoſe points particularly before.

Q. Whether the iſlands will not be ſupplied equally well, notwithſtanding the Newfound⯑land [63] fiſhery from New-England ſhould be ſtopped?

A. That is a matter of opinion. I came here as an evidence of facts, which I hope will influence the opinions of the Houſe, but not to obtrude my own. My opinion is, that they will not have the uſual ſupply, becauſe there will not be the uſual quantity taken, and fewer people to carry it to them.

Q. What proportion of land in the Lee⯑ward Iſlands, being applied to the raiſing proviſion, would ſupply the negroes with proviſions, on an eſtate of 200 hogſheads, for inſtance?

A. The native products of the iſlands are very uncertain; all ſo, but Guinea corn; therefore much more land muſt be applied to this purpoſe than would be neceſſary to raiſe the ſupply for the regular conſtant con⯑ſumption. They muſt provide againſt acci⯑dents, ſuch as hurricanes, exceſs of wet weather, or of dry weather, the climate being very uncertain; it is therefore impoſſible to anſwer this queſtion preciſely: but this I can ſay, that if they were obliged to raiſe their own food, that their food muſt be then their principal object, and ſugar only a ſecondary object; it would be but the trifle, which pro⯑viſions are now.

Q. If the planters could not be ſupplied from North-America, would they not have a ſhare of freſh proviſions from Great-Britain and Ireland, to anſwer their wants?

[64] A. They muſt have more than a ſhare; they muſt have a full proportion for their whole ſubſiſtence, and England cannot afford it; it would occaſion a ſcarcity at home.

Q. Would not the merchants here ſend out cargoes of proviſions to the Weſt-Indies?

A. I anſwered that queſtion, and moſt of the others before, by obviating them in my evidence. I have ſaid, and repeat, that Great-Britain cannot increaſe her exports of proviſions to the Weſt-Indies, without increaſ⯑ing a ſcarcity already complained of at home.

Q. What quantity of flour is allowed to the white people on an eſtate of 200 hog⯑ſheads?

A. No regular allowance. They have rice, biſcuit, as they may want, in propor⯑tion as a variety of things, which are pro⯑vided for them by the plantation, falls ſhort or abounds.

Q. Whether deal boards would not do in the room of ſtaves for packing ſugar?

A. The Portugueſe pack in cheſts; but they are not made of deal boards, but of ſtrong plank. We muſt make a total altera⯑tion in our ſhipping, our tradeſmen, and many circumſtances, if we were to pack our ſugar in cheſts.

Q. Whether there are not many packs of ſtaves ſhipped to the Weſt-Indies from Lon⯑don, both for rum and ſugar?

A. I have known ſome for ſugar; but it has been found neceſſary to mix them with [65] many new ſtaves from North-America. Our ſtaves, like our cloths, wear out by uſe; many of them are broken in the voyage, and the reſt are ſeldom fit for much.

Q. I mean new ſtaves.

A. I never knew any ſent, (ſuppoſing the words to have been new caſks) but as pack⯑ages for goods exported to the Weſt-Indies; this is ſometimes done, and the caſks ſo made as to be uſed afterwards for ſugar and rum; but this is done merely to ſave parti⯑cular packages for the goods; nor even in that caſe is it always thought an advantage.

Q. I mean ſtaves ſent on purpoſe.

A. I cannot anſwer that, but by ſaying, I never knew an inſtance of it. I know ſtaves are brought from the Weſt-Indies to London, upon a proſpect of advantage; but I never knew them ſent from hence to the Weſt-Indies.

Q. How are the French iſlands ſupplied with lumber, bread, flour, &c.

A. I cannot give a preciſe anſwer to that queſtion. I have ſaid they receive great ſup⯑plies from North-America. I have mention⯑ed before, that the French, Dutch, and Danes, in their ſugar colonies, depend in a great meaſure on North-America; but I do not know the particulars preciſely.

Q. Whether he does not know, that the French carry on ten times the trade with North-America that the Engliſh do?

[66] A. I do not know the extent of the French trade; I am not well enough acquainted with it, ſo as at this time to be able to ſtate propoſitions. I have ſaid, there is a certain degree of dependence of the French iſlands on North-America.

Q. Whether, if the Americans were pre⯑vented from trading with the French iſlands, it would be advantageous to Great-Britain?

A. A ſpeculative opinion is aſked; I ſpeak only to facts.

Withdrew.

John Ellis, Eſq called in.

Q. What is your ſituation?

A. I am a planter of Jamaica, have re⯑ſided in that iſland at different periods from 1754 to 1773.

Q. Inform the committee what you know of the preſent ſtate of Jamaica in general, and of her dependence in particular on North-America, in regard to the reciprocal exchange of commodities between them.

A. The iſland of Jamaica being of great extent, the ſeveral parts of which differ from each other, from a variety of circumſtances attending their reſpective ſituations, it is im⯑poſſible to give any one general anſwer, that is not liable to many exceptions. The iſland contains nearly four million of acres, of which I compute 160,000 acres to be planted in ſugar canes, and I ſuppoſe a little above double that quantity of land is kept as a neceſſary appendage to the ſugar eſtates, and [67] employed in paſturage and grounds allotted to the negroes for proviſions, and in furniſh⯑ing timbers, fire-wood, lime, &c. the whole of which makes 500,000 acres. In other ſettlements, ſuch as piemento, cotton, coffee, ginger, and penland for breeding cattle, and in proviſion plantations in the neighbourhood of the towns, I reckon as much more. The remaining three million conſiſts of a great wilderneſs, chiefly mountainous, in which it may be preſumed there are many intermediate tracts capable of cultivation, but which from difficulty of acceſs, and the little proſpect of profit adequate to the ſtock requiſite for their ſettlement, continue in their preſent ſtate: for however rich any lands may be in them⯑ſelves, yet if the circumſtances attending their cultivation, are ſuch as to render it pro⯑bable that the capital to be employed will not produce an adequate return, it cannot be ſuppoſed that any prudent perſon will adven⯑ture therein. In ſo large a tract the ſoil is various, and adapted to the production of different commodities; the climate and ſea⯑ſons alſo differ greatly. On the ſouth ſide, at the extremities of the iſland, the pariſhes of Weſtmoreland and St. Thomas are ſeaſon⯑able, or ſupplied with refreſhing ſhowers, and the manurable lands are chiefly employed in the growth of the cane. The intermediate pariſhes near the ſea, being St. David, Port Royal, St. Andrew, St. Catherine, St. Do⯑rathy Vere, and St. Elizabeth, are ſubject to [68] dry weather, inſomuch that particular ſpots only are employed in the cultivation of ſugar. The flat lands are chiefly appropriated to the purpoſes of raiſing cattle, and the moun⯑tanious lands, in the vicinity of Spaniſh Town and Kingſton, beſides producing coffee, ginger, and a little piemento, afford a partial ſupply of proviſions, ſuch as plantains, roots and Indian corn. The inland pariſhes of the ſouth ſide, St. John's, St. Thomas in the vale, and ſome part of Clarendon, being more ſeaſonable, raiſe, I believe, in plentiful years, a ſufficiency of the above proviſions for their own ſupport, and ſometimes furniſh relief to the neighbouring pariſhes. The ſeveral pariſhes on the north ſide, are fertile and in general ſeaſonable; excepting on ſome parts of the ſea coaſt, where I have known the drought ſo exceſſive, as it was particularly in the year 1770, and the calls of diſtreſs ſo loud, that neither the back lands nor the neighbouring pariſhes could afford ſufficient relief, and had it not been for ſupplies from North-America, many thouſand negroes muſt have periſhed for want. On the whole, tho' the iſland of Jamaica has, in reſpect of inter⯑nal ſupplies, greatly the advantage over Barbadoes and the other Britiſh ſugar iſlands; yet from the circumſtances of drought and guſts of wind which happen frequently, and are particularly deſtructive to the plantain trees which yield the chief ſupport of the negroes, her dependence on North-America [69] in point of proviſions, is very great, and cannot, I think, be leſſened in any conſider⯑able degree, without diminiſhing the growth of the ſtaple commodities of ſugar and rum; for beſides thoſe articles which chiefly conſti⯑tute or ſupply the place of bread, ſuch as flour, rice, corn, and peaſe, ſhe receives from America great quantities of ſalted fiſh; which with herrings from Europe, ſerve the negroes as meat. I confine myſelf in this ſtate to matters of mere ſubſiſtence for our ne⯑groe ſlaves, without taking into the eſtimate the great quantities of pork and other ſalted proviſions imported from America for the uſe of the white inhabitants. In regard to lum⯑ber, for that ſpecies which is called ſtaves and heading, and of which we make the packages for our ſugar and rum, the depen⯑dence which Jamaica has on North-America may be judged of from this circumſtance. The iſland at preſent yields about 80,000 hogſheads of ſugar, and about 30,000 punch⯑eons of rum for exportation. Now I am poſi⯑tive that not 3000 of the caſks neceſſary to con⯑tain this great quantity of produce, are made from Jamaica wood; a few puncheons indeed are imported from England, and alſo ſome few Hambro' ſtaves, the puncheons being packages of goods ſent out; but all the reſt we receive from the middle colonies of North America and from Georgia. With regard to the other ſpecies of lumber, ſuch as ſcant⯑ling, boards, and ſhingles for houſes, the dif⯑ferent [70] towns are chiefly built with theſe arti⯑cles from North-America; as are alſo the buildings of moſt of the ſettlements on the ſea coaſt. The interior parts of the country, being in the neighbourhood of large woods, ſupply themſelves from the growth of the country, or at leaſt I think ought ſo to do.

To conclude, the ſupplies annually im⯑ported into Jamaica, chiefly from the aſſoci⯑ated provinces of North America, conſiſting of pitch, tar, turpentine, lamp oil, boards, joiſts, plank, hogſhead and puncheon ſtaves, ſhingles, &c horſes, and a great variety of proviſions, ſuch as flour, Indian corn, biſcuit, beef, pork, ſalted fiſh of different kinds, and rice, amount by the moſt exact calculation I am able to make, to upwards of 150,000 l. ſterling, in payment of which the Americans receive ſugar, rum, coffee, ginger, and other articles of Jamaica produce. The North Americans have of late years imported alſo conſiderable quantities of caſh, which, with their cargoes, they lay out in the purchaſe of the above articles.

Q. In ſo vaſt a ſpace as three millions of acres of unſettled land, do you not appre⯑hend there are great many tracts capable of cultivation, and of producing proviſions, and many other articles of thoſe ſupplies, which at preſent are furniſhed from North America?

A. Doubtleſs there are; but the planter muſt neceſſarily, and will irremediably ſuffer [71] before thoſe lands can be prepared for cul⯑tivation, and yield them a ſufficient ſupply. He will even ſuffer by his dependence on the wiſdom and interpoſition of parliament; not perceiving, till it is too late, the abſolute neceſſity of converting his diſtant lands, if he has any, into proviſion ſettlements, be⯑fore the calamities attending diſtreſs and want, will overtake him. I ſpeak now in regard to proviſions only; a failure in which may be attended with the moſt alarming conſe⯑quences, from rebellions of the ſlaves. As to lumber, thoſe plantations which are ſituated near conſiderable tracts of wood-land, may doubtleſs, at all times, obtain a partial ſupply, though very few ſpecies of wood are fit for the purpoſes of making ſtaves for ſugar caſks; as to caſks for rum, the iſland affords no proper wood: but I know not how the other eſtates are to be furniſhed, except from A⯑merica. And after all, ſuppoſing the iſland had reſources within herſelf, and could, in time, actually ſupply both lumber and pro⯑viſion in ſufficient quantity, it muſt be re⯑membered that ſeven-eights of the planters are already deeply in debt to Great-Britain, and cannot ſupport the expence of great land carriage, which muſt unavoidably attend the cutting their own wood, and bringing it to their eſtates; neither can they obtain credit to make new ſettlements for the purpoſes of raiſing proviſions. It follows, therefore, and the fact really is, however fortunate a few in⯑dividuals [72] may be in reſpect to the ſituation of their eſtates, that the planters in general cannot ſubmit to the neceſſity of cutting their own lumber, and of raiſing greater quanti⯑ties of proviſions than the iſland at preſent affords, without neglecting, in a proporti⯑onate degree, the ſtaple articles of ſugar and rum; and I need not point out to the com⯑mittee, how greatly the trade, revenues and navigation of this country will ſuffer, by a diminution in the growth and manufacture of theſe commodities.

Q. What do you apprehend will be the conſequence to Jamaica, in caſe the ſupply of proviſions from North America is inter⯑rupted?

A. I have partly anſwered that queſtion before. Thoſe plantations which have not good proviſion grounds for their negroes, will ſoon be in a ſtarving condition; and even thoſe which have, muſt ſuffer greatly; for the negroes are a very thoughtleſs impro⯑vident people: they do not look forward to provide againſt thoſe evils which too fre⯑quently happen; ſuch as droughts which de⯑ſtroy their ground proviſions, and guſts of wind which throw down their plantation trees. Thoſe who are in want will ſteal; when they can no longer ſteal, and hunger preſſes, they will take by force. What fur⯑ther conſequence may ariſe, I dread to think of.

[73] Q. Are there not places, beſides the mid⯑dle colonies of North America, from whence may be drawn a ſupply of lumber?

A. I apprehend not. Georgia, indeed, furniſhes at preſent, in ſmall quantities, ſcantling and boards for building, and ſome few ſtaves. How far that province is capa⯑ble of increaſing the export of theſe articles, I cannot ſay; but it muſt ſurely be many years before it equals that of all the confe⯑derated colonies together. As to Canada, and the two Floridas, the population at the extremities of the continent, is too feeble to promiſe any great ſupply from thence. The navigation from Canada is obſtructed many months in the year by the ice; but however this may be, theſe countries do not afford any ſupply at preſent; and I believe it is contrary to the known principles of commerce, to expect that any country can yield an adequate ſupply to a great, an im⯑mediate, and unexpected demand.

Q. What do you compute the value of the property in that iſland?

A. Twenty four millions ſterling. I ſhall not take up the time of the committee, by a long tedious calculation. In every well appointed property the value of negroes con⯑ſtitute a third of the capital. By a well appointed property, I mean a property where the maſter is competent to the furniſhing it with a ſufficient ſtock of negroes and cattle, and every neceſſary appendage. In ſuch pro⯑perties, [74] the value of negroes conſtitute a third of the capital: but the greater part of the properties in the iſland, from the inability of the planters, have not a due proportion of negroes, and in ſuch the value of the ne⯑groes does not exceed one-fourth of the ca⯑pital. I ſhall, however, make my calculation upon a ſuppoſition, that all the properties in the iſland are ſufficiently ſtocked with ne⯑groes, and that the value of negroes there⯑fore conſtitute one-third part of the general capital of the iſland. Now the number of negroes in the iſland of Jamaica exceed 200,000; however I ſhall eſtimate them only at 200,000, and I ſhall value them only at the ſame rate with the African cargoes; of them I have lately ſeen ſeveral ſales, and they average for each negroe from 40 l. to 45 l. but I will put them only at 40 l. and I ſhall rate the negroes of the iſland, who are ſea⯑ſoned to the country, are civilized, and have acquired arts, at the ſame value with the ſavages newly imported from Africa; 200,000 negroes, therefore, at the rate of 40 l. each, amount to eight millions, and the negroes conſtituting one-third of the general capital, the whole capital of the iſland amounts to twenty-four millions.

Mr. Glover having finiſhed with this evi⯑dence, ſome queſtions were aſked by Mr. Innes relative to particular articles of provi⯑ſion, and in what quantities they were fur⯑niſhed [75] to the negroes by their maſters; in anſwer to which Mr. Ellis aſſerted, that the dependence of the iſland upon foreign pro⯑viſions was ſo very great, that if the maſters did not attend to, and ſupply the wants of their ſlaves, many thouſands of them muſt periſh.

Withdrew.