CHAP. I. General Diviſion of the Country; Mountains, Rivers, &c.

HAVING ſpoken of the Turkiſh provinces in Europe, we ſhall now treat of thoſe in Aſia; which are ſituated between the twenty-ſeventh and forty-fifth degrees of longitude, and the thirtieth and forty-ſixth degrees of N. latitude. They are bounded by Tartary and the Black Sea, on the North; by Per⯑ſia, on the Eaſt; by Arabia and the Levant, on the South; and by the Helleſpont and the Archipelago, on the Weſt.

The principal mountains in Aſiatic Turkey, are, Olympus, Ida, Taurus, Anti-Taurus, and thoſe of Caramania or Cilicia; all of them ſituated in Natolia, [4] or Leſſer Aſia; Mount Caucaſus, now called the mountains of Dagiſtan; the mountains of Armenia, among which is Mount Ararat; the mountains of Curdiſtan, or Aſſyria, which lie between Perſia and Turkey; and the mountains of Paleſtine, particularly Hermon and Lebanon.

The ſeas bordering on this country, are, the Euxine, or Black Sea; the Boſphorus of Conſtantinople; the Propontis, or ſea of Marmora; the Helleſpont, and the Aegean ſea, or Archipelago, which divide Aſia from Europe; and the Levant, or White Sea, as the Turks call it, being the Eaſt end of the Mediter⯑ranean; to which may be added, the gulf of Perſia, or Baſſora: theſe ſeas, and the Red Sea, which divides Aſia from Africa, make part of the grand Signior's titles; who ſtiles himſelf Lord of the Black, White, and Red Seas. Never was a country more advan⯑tageouſly ſituated for navigation, and foreign traffic; all the merchandize of China and India, being brought up the Red Sea, and the gulf of Perſia, and, by the other ſeas, diſtributed to all the countries in this quar⯑ter of the globe.

The chief rivers are, the Euphrates, Tigris, Oron⯑tes, Maeander, Sarabat, Halys, Kara, and Jordan. The Euphrates and Tigris riſe in the North, and, taking their courſe South-eaſt, incloſe that fine plain [5] in Meſopotamia, now called Diarbeck; which, by ſome, is ſuppoſed to have been the ſeat of Paradiſe. Certain it is, that the city of Babylon, the largeſt and moſt beautiful city that ever ſtood upon the earth, was ſituated in this province, on both banks of the Euphrates; the river running through the midſt of it. The Euphrates and Tigris unite their ſtreams below Babylon; and then, dividing again, fall into the Per⯑ſian gulf, by ſeveral channels below Baſſora; from whence that ſea is often called the gulf of Baſſora. The city of Nineveh, little inferior to Babylon, ſtood upon the Tigris; which, from its rapid ſtream, ob⯑tained that name.

The river Orontes riſes in Mount Hermon; and, running North-weſt, falls into the Levant ſea, a little below Antioch, which city ſtands upon it. The river Maeander, now Madre, riſes in Mount Taurus; and, running to the weſt, in a winding courſe, falls into the Archipelago, near Epheſus. From this river, all ſer⯑pentine, or winding ſtreams, are called Maeanders. The river Sarabat riſes in Natolia; and, running South-weſt, falls into the Archipelago, North of Smyrna. As to the little river Granicus, where Alexander ob⯑tained his firſt victory over the Perſians, it is ſo ſmall a ſtream, that we ſeldom ſee it on any map; but, from the concurrent relation of moſt writers, it falls into the Helleſpont to the Eaſtward of Alydos, or the Dar⯑danells. [6] The river Kara riſes in Natolia Proper; and, running almoſt due Eaſt, falls into the Euphrates. The Jordan, which is ſo named from two little ſtreams, Jor and Dan, riſing at the foot of Anti-Lebanus, and, after a courſe of about twenty miles, uniting in one, is not a river of any great length, depth, or breadth, equal to its fame; its whole courſe not being above 150 miles; its breadth not above twenty yards, and its depth not ſufficient for navigation. In its paſſage into the Dead Sea, where it empties itſelf, it makes two lakes; the firſt called Meron, of ſmall extent, and dry in ſummer; the ſecond, called the ſea of Gallilee, or the lake of Tiberias, or lake of Genezareth, one hundred furlongs in length, and forty in breadth.

The Dead Sea, as it is called, from a falſe opinion, that it killed even the birds that flew over it, is, by experience, known not to deſerve ſuch a terrible name; it is, indeed, extremely ſalt, and the water ſo ſtrong, that it will hardly admit a human body to ſink, and has a bituminous ſtench; it is ſaid that no fiſh, or other living creatures, can exiſt in this ſea; but, as fiſh-ſhells are found on its ſhore, there is reaſon to doubt the truth of this aſſertion. Its extent, from North to South, is ſeventy miles, and ſixteen from Eaſt to Weſt; it was formerly a plain, on which ſtood the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah, and two others, deſtroyed by fire from heaven.

[7]The principal provinces in Aſiatic Turkey, are Aſia-Minor, or Natolia; Turcomania, or Armenia-Major; Georgia; Curdiſtan, or Aſſyria; Diarbeck, or Meſo⯑potamia; Chaldaea; Syria; Paleſtine; Arabia Petraea, and Arabia Deſerta; of each of which we ſhall ſpeak in their turns.

CHAP. II. Aſia-Minor.

WE ſhall begin with Aſia-Minor, which lies op⯑poſite to Conſtantinople. This province is bounded by the Boſphorus of Thrace, and the Black Sea, to the North; by Georgia, and the river Euphra⯑tes, which divide it to the Eaſt, from Turcomania; on the South it is bounded by the Mediterranean, and by the Archipelago on the Weſt.

Aſia-Minor is again ſub-divided into four parts; Na⯑tolia Proper, (the whole circle of Aſia-Minor, being ſometimes called Natolia) which contains the Weſtern [8] part; Amaſia, the Northern; Aladulia, the Eaſtern; and Caramania, the Southern part.

Natolia Proper, which compriſes much the largeſt ſub-diviſion of Aſia-Minor, has in it many fine pro⯑vinces. This portion of Aſia-Minor has been ſub⯑divided, by ancient and modern geographers, into ten provinces. Pontus Paphalagoniae, Galatia, Phrygia Major, Lydia or Maenia, Doris, Caria, Ionia, Eolis, Myſia, comprehending Phrygia Minor and Bithynia.

The principal cities in theſe provinces, of which we propoſe to treat, ancient as well as modern, are Smyr⯑na, Epheſus, Pruſa or Burſa, Pergamus, Troy, Nice and Nicomedia; beſides ſome others in this, and the reſt of the provinces of Aſia; which, though now in ruins, have been memorable in times paſt, either for their ſplendor, or as having been the birth-place of ſome great man of antiquity; or, for ſome other par⯑ticular worthy of being recorded. We ſhall begin firſt with Smyrna.

Smyrna is ſituated in 38 degrees of North latitude, at the extremity of a large bay in the Aegean ſea, op⯑poſite to the iſland of Scio, and about eight days jour⯑ney by land from Conſtantinople. It is related of Alex⯑ander the Great, that, after hunting, he fell aſleep on Mount Pagus, beneath a plane-tree, which grew by a [9] fountain near a temple of the Nemeſes; and that the goddeſs directed him in a viſion, to found there a city for the Smyrneans; a people of Epheſus then living in villages. The work was begun by Antigonus, and finiſhed by Lyſimachus.

The ſite, ſelected by Alexander for this people, was ſuch as the ancient founders commonly preferred. Their cities, in general, were ſeated by ſome hill, or mountain; which, as this did, ſupplied them with mar⯑ble, and was commodious, as well for defence, as or⯑nament. The ſide or ſlope, afforded a ſecure ſitua⯑tion for the ſeats of the ſtadium and theatres, which roſe from its quarry to advantage; and rendered the view as captivating as it was noble. The Greeks were, of old, accounted happy in chuſing their ſituations. They were ſtudious to unite beauty with ſtrength, and good ports with a fertile ſoil. The Romans, on the con⯑trary, were attentive to articles neglected by them, to the paving of ways, to aqueducts, and common ſhores.

Smyrna flouriſhed as Apollo had foretold; and, under the Romans, was eſteemed the moſt beautiful of the Ionian cities. The ſtreets were as ſtrait as the ſite would admit, and excellently diſpoſed. The ways were paved. Both above and below were large qua⯑drangular porticoes. There was alſo a library; and, beſides the other requiſites of a noble city, a port [10] which ſhut up; but, from an omiſſion of the architects, the want of ſewers occaſioned a great nuiſance. It was much frequented by the ſophiſts; and, with Epheſus, became renowned as a ſchool of oratory and ſcience. It has been exalted with high encomiums, and ſtiled the lovely, the crown of Ionia, the ornament of Aſia.

The devaſtations committed in Aſia-Minor, and the changes effected by the rivers on the ſea-coaſt, have rendered Smyrna the only conſiderable mart by the ſea-ſide; and, in conſequence, the principal centre of the traffic of the country. One lucrative branch of its commerce failed, during the troubles in Perſia, when the throne was uſurped by Nadir Shah. The accuſtomed communication by caravans was then in⯑terrupted; and trade, meeting with obſtructions in the old courſe, which it had held for ages, turned away into new channels. But, with this loſs, Smyrna con⯑tinues a large and flouriſhing city. The bay, beſides numerous ſmall craft, is daily frequented by ſhips of burthen, from the chief ports in Europe; and the fac⯑tors, who are a reſpectable body, live in affluence, and acquire fortunes.

The conflux at Smyrna, of people of various na⯑tions, differing in dreſs, in manners, in language, and in religion, is very conſiderable. The Turks occupy [11] by far, the greater part of the towns. The other tribes live in ſeparate quarters.

The Proteſtants, and Roman Catholics, have their chapels; the Jews, a ſynagogue or two; the Arme⯑nians, a large and handſome church with a burying ground by it. The Greeks, before the fire, had two churches. They applied, by their biſhop at Conſtan⯑tinople, for leave to rebuild that which was deſtroyed; but the ſum demanded, was too exorbitant to be given.

The factors, and other Europeans ſettled at Smyrna, generally inter-marry with the Greeks, or with natives of the ſame religion. Their ladies wear the oriental dreſs, conſiſting of large trowſers, or breeches, which reach to the ancle; long veſts of rich ſilk, or of velvet, lined in winter with coſtly furs; and round their waiſts, an embroidered zone, with claſps of ſilver or gold. Their hair is plaited, and deſcends down the back, often in great profuſion. The girls have, ſome⯑times, above twenty thick treſſes, beſides two or three encircling the head as a coronet, and ſet off with flowers and diamonds. They commonly ſtain it of a cheſnut colour, which is the moſt admired. Their apparel and carriage are antique. It is remarkable, that the trowſers are mentioned in a fragment of Sap⯑pho. The habit is light, looſe, and cool, adapted to [12] the climate. When they viſit each other, they put over the head a thin tranſparent veil of muſlin, with a border of gold tiſſue. A janiſſary walks before, and two, or more, handmaids follow them through the ſtreets. When aſſembled, they are ſeen reclined in various attitudes, or ſitting croſs-legged on a ſofa. Girls of inferior rank from the iſlands, eſpecially Tino, abound; and are many of them as beautiful in per⯑ſon, as pictureſque in appearance. They excel in a glow of colour, which ſeems the effect of a warm ſun, ripening the human body, as it were, into uncommon perfection.

The principal buildings in Smyrna are the moſques, the public baths, the bezeſten, and the khans, or inns. The khans have, in general, a quadrangle or ſquare area, and ſometimes a fountain in the middle. The upper ſtory conſiſts of an open gallery, with a range of apartments, and often a ſmall moſque. Below are the camels with their burthens, and the mules, or horſes. A ſervant duſts the floor of a vacant chamber when a traveller arrives; and, ſpreading a mat, which is all the furniture, leaves him in poſſeſſion. The ſtreets of Smyrna, a few excepted, are very narrow, and exceed⯑ing intricate.

The lofty mountains which ſhelter Smyrna, and leaves it only open to the ſea, concenter the rays of [13] the ſun, as it were, into a focus. The intenſe heat com⯑mences in June, and continues without intermiſſion to the end of Auguſt, or the middle of September. During this period, if the inbat fail, the inhabitants are diſtreſſed, and even pant for breath. The ground is then burnt up, and has large chaſms and fiſſures, which, as ſome have imagined, give vent to bitumi⯑nous vapours. Theſe, if confined, are ſuppoſed to occaſion earthquakes by their exploſion. A year ſeldom paſſes without a ſhock or two, but generally ſlight, and leſs hurtful than alarming. They happen chiefly in ſpring and autumn, when the weather is calm; and it has been remarked at thoſe times, that the ſea commonly withdraws from the beach, and the water is unuſually low. Beſides this calamity, Smyrna is viſited almoſt annually by the plague. If the diſ⯑temper rages, the conſuls and factors either retire into the country, or, as the phraſe is, ſhut up; not admit⯑ting even the market-man to enter their gates. Many of the people abandon their dwellings, and live abroad in tents. The iſlanders return home, and the ſtreets of the Frank's quarter, which is exceedingly po⯑pulous, almoſt ceaſe to be trodden.

The Turks chiefly bury without the town, where the incloſures are very extenſive; it being their cuſtom not to open the grounds filled with bodies, till a long term of years has elapſed. In their cemetaries, and [14] in thoſe of the Chriſtians and Jews, are found many marble ſlabs, and fragments of architecture. The Engliſh ground, which is at a diſtance from the Frank quarter, at the oppoſite end of the town, is walled in; and contains ſome monuments worthy notice, for the beauty of their ſculpture. Theſe were brought from Italy. Mr. Bouverie, the friend and companion of Mr. Dawkins, and Mr. Wood, is interred there and has over him a plain marble, with a long Latin in⯑ſcription. He died at Magneſia, by the Maeander.

Smyrna is well ſupplied with proviſions. The ſheep have broad tails, hanging down like an apron; ſome weighing eight, ten, or more pounds. Theſe are eaten as a delicacy; and the fat, before they are full grown, accounted as delicious as marrow. The fleſh of wild hogs is common, and in eſteem among the Europeans and Greeks, who purchaſe the animal, when killed by the Turks. Fine fiſh is taken in the bay. Hares, with game and fowl, are cheap. The partridges are bigger than thoſe of the Engliſh, of a different colour and ſpecies, with red legs.

The olive-groves furniſh doves, field-fares, thruſhes, quails, ſnipes, and the like, in abundance. A va⯑riety of excellent wines are produced in the country, or imported from the iſlands. The fruits are of an exquiſite flavour. Among thoſe of the gourd kind, [15] the water-melon, which grows to a great ſize, is not only highly palatable, but ſo innocent as to be allowed to the ſick in fevers. The figs are deſervedly famous. The rich cluſters of grapes are as wholeſome as beau⯑tiful. Many on the ſtalk, are found converted by the ſun into raiſins. Large and heavy bunches are hung on ſtrings, and preſerved in the ſhops for ſale in winter. Lemons and oranges, with citrons, are in great plenty. The ſherbets made with the juice of the two former, newly gathered, in water ſweetened with white honey, are as cooling as grateful to the taſte. Coffee is brought from Arabia. We partook, ſays Chandler, from whom is extracted this account, almoſt daily, of eatables unknown to us before; and, in a ſhort time, were reconciled to the cuſtom of ſleeping after dinner, which is recommended as conducing, and even ne⯑ceſſary, to health in that climate.

Our ſituation was not, however, without grievances. We were much infected by a minute fly, which irri⯑tates by its puncture; and, ſettling on the white wall, eludes the angry purſuer with ſurprizing activity. But this ſpecies, and the other inſects which annoyed us, were petty offenders, compared with the moſqui⯑toes, or large gnats, which tormented us moſt exceed⯑ingly by their loud noiſe, and by repeated attacks upon our ſkin, when it was naked, and lightly clothed; perforating it with their acute proboſcis, and ſucking [16] our blood till they were full. A ſmall fiery tumour then enſues, which will not ſoon ſubſide, unleſs the patient has been here naturalized, as it were by re⯑ſidence; but the pain is much allayed by lemon-juice. At night, they raged furiouſly about our beds, aſſaulting the gauze veil, our defence; which, thin as it was, augmented the violent heat to a degree almoſt intolerable. Their fondneſs for foreign food, is generally but too viſible in the ſwollen and diſtorted features of perſons newly arrived.

Smyrna has on the South-eaſt, a fine plain, in which are villages, and the houſes of the principal factors, who reſide in the country in ſummer. At the extre⯑mity of this plain, are the mountains. In theſe, wild animals abound, and eſpecially jackalls, which are nightly howling on the hills, or in the plain. When one begins, the reſt join, as it were, in full cry. Ca⯑meleons and lizards are commonly ſeen, about the rubbiſh of old buildings, baſking in the ſun; and ſe⯑veral kinds of ſnakes are found, ſome of great length, which are frequently diſcovered by their muſty ſmell.

The river Meles, was the ancient boaſt of the Smyr⯑neans. This moſt beautiful water, as it has been ſtiled, flowed by the city, and had its ſource not re⯑mote. The ſtream is clear, and in ſummer ſhallow, [17] ſcarce covering the rocky bed; and, winding in the deep valley behind the caſtle, murmuring among the ever-greens. In winter, after heavy rains on the mountains, or the melting of the ſnow, it ſwells into a torrent rapid and deep, often not fordable, or with danger.

The gulf of Smyrna, which has been computed about ten leagues long, is ſheltered by hills, and affords ſecure anchorage. The mouth of the river Hermus, is within two leagues of the city. This river, with the Meander, was anciently famous for a fiſh called Glanis, and for mullet; which came up from the ſea in great numbers, particularly in ſpring.

The fertility of the ſoil by the river, has occaſioned the ſettling of numerous villages, on that ſide of the gulf. Menimen, which is the principal, ſupplies Smyrna with fruits, fiſh, and proviſions; boats paſſing to and fro without intermiſſion. The hills are en⯑livened by flocks of ſheep and goats, and reſound with the rude muſic of the lyre and pipe; the former, a ſtringed inſtrument, reſembling a guittar, and held much in the ſame manner, but uſually played with a bow.

The port of Smyrna, is one of the fineſt in the Levant, and capable of containing the largeſt fleet. [18] There are ſeldom fewer than an hundred veſſels, of nations, at anchor in it. The circumference of the preſent city, is about four miles; it is nearly in the form of a triangle. The houſes have very little beauty in them, being built very low, and in general with clay walls. The public buildings, however, have an air of great magnificence. Though the houſes are low, the ſtreets are ſpacious, and look like one con⯑tinued fair, where all kinds of merchandize of Europe and Aſia, is expoſed to view, with all ſorts of pro⯑viſions in great profuſion. The houſes of the Engliſh, Dutch, and French conſuls, ſtand near the ſhore, and are very handſome buildings.

A caſtle ſtands at the entrance of the port, which commands all ſhipping going in, and coming out. There is alſo a ruinous caſtle in the upper part of the city, near a mile in circumference, built, according to tradition, by the Empreſs Helen; and near it, the re⯑mains of a palace, in which the Greek council was held; when Smyrna was the metropolis of Lower Aſia.

The walks about the town are exceedingly pleaſant, eſpecially on the Weſt ſide of the Frank-ſtreet, where are ſeveral little groves of lemon and orange-trees; which, being at all times clothed with bloſſoms and fruits, have a moſt beautiful appearance. Through theſe gardens runs the river Melos, on whoſe banks [19] the Smyrneans have a tradition that Homer was born; though this honour is contended by Rhodes, Scio, Athens, and other places.

The vines, which cover the little hills round Smyrna, afford a delightful proſpect, and a great quantity of grapes; of which ſome excellent wine is made.

Hunting and fiſhing, are two diverſions which are very much followed by the inhabitants. It is very frequent for them to go out to fiſh in large parties; and after having caught a ſufficient quantity, and amuſed them⯑ſelves as long as they think proper, to land near ſome wood, into which they enter; and, after ſpreading a cloth, make their dinner of the fiſh they have caught, and whatever collation they have brought with them. In theſe parties, are ſometimes from twenty to thirty people. While they are at dinner, trumpets, French-horns, and other inſtruments of muſic, are continually playing; after which, is generally ſome ſea-dance, or other diverſion performed by the mariners.

The merchants continually form ſuch parties as theſe, either on the water, or to go a few miles in the country, which, the cheapneſs of proviſions, makes it very reaſonable. In ſhort, at Smyrna, there may be ſaid to be every thing that can gratify the ſenſes, and make life pleaſant.

[20]The trade of this city is very conſiderable. It is chiefly carried on by the Engliſh and Dutch. The chief articles, which the inhabitants wear, are cotton, camels' ſkins, and ſtuffs made of the ſame, ſuch as water-camlets, of a very gloſſy ſhining colour. Theſe are ſold for ſixty crowns a piece, and ſometimes more.

There is alſo a commerce carried on with Perſia, by the caravans, which arrive in February, July, and October. The journey from Perſia to Smyrna, ſays Le Brun, takes up about ſeven months.

The reports of the population of this city vary very much. Some writers make it to conſiſt of eighty thouſand inhabitants, others not ſo much.

Forty miles South of Smyrna, ſtands the remains of the ancient and celebrated city of Epheſus. Theſe two cities have been termed the eyes of Aſia-Minor. It is very pleaſantly ſituated upon a fine haven, near the mouth of the river Cayſter. Under the Romans, it was the metropolis of Aſia. Here ſtood the cele⯑brated temple of Diana, eſteemed one of the wonders of the world, and which Eroſtratus burnt to perpe⯑tuate his memory, the night that Alexander was born. Many grand ruins ſtill remain; ſome of which, are merely conjectured, by writers, to be the remains [21] of the ſecond temple of Diana, there having been a ſecond temple erected to the honour of that goddeſs, and built in a ſtile of magnificence more glorious than that of the former.

Near the aqueduct, ſays Chandler, we met with a curious memorial of the great reſpect paid to the god⯑deſs of the Epheſians. It was one of their decrees inſcribed on a ſlab of white marble, purporting, that an entire month ſhould be held ſacred, and ſet apart to the goddeſs; and that, during this whole month, nothing ſhould be attended to by the Epheſians, but feſtivals and public games.

There are alſo very viſible remains of an aque⯑duct, a circus, and a theatre; that theatre, in which the preaching of St. Paul produced ſuch a tumult, that the people ruſhed in and ſhouted, 'Great is Diana of the Epheſians.'

The curious reader, ſays Chandler, will aſk what is become of the renowned temple of Diana? Can a wonder of the world be vaniſhed like a phantom, without leaving a trace behind? We would give a ſa⯑tisfactory anſwer to ſuch queries; but, to our great regret, we ſearched for the ſite of this fabric, to as little purpoſe as the travellers who have preceded us.

[22]The deſtruction of ſo illuſtrious an edifice, deſerved to have been carefully recorded by cotemporary hiſ⯑torians. We may conjecture, it followed the triumph of chriſtianity. The Epheſian reformers, when autho⯑riſed by the Imperial edicts, rejoiced in the oppor⯑tunity of inſulting Diana, and deemed it piety to de⯑moliſh the very ruin of her habitation. Hence, per⯑haps, while the columns of a Corinthian temple have owed their preſervation to their bulk, thoſe of this fabric, with the vaſt architraves, and all the maſſive materials have periſhed, and are conſumed. Though its ſtones were far more ponderous, and the heap larger beyond compariſon, the whole is gone, we know not how, or whither. An ancient author has deſcribed it, as ſtanding at the head of the port, and ſhining as a meteor. We may add, that as ſuch too it has ſince diſappeared.

This temple, was reckoned the firſt in Ionia, for magnitude and riches. The architect employed, was the famous projector, who propoſed the forming of Mount Athos, when he had finiſhed, into a ſtatue of Alexander the Great. It was 420 feet long, and 220 broad. Of the columns, which were ſixty feet high, 127 were donations from kings. The order was Ionic, and it had eight columns in front. The folding doors, or gates, had been continued four years in glue, and were made of cypreſs-wood, which had been treaſured [23] up for four generations, highly poliſhed. The ceiling was of cedar. The whole altar was, in a manner, full of the works of Praxiteles. The offerings were in⯑eſtimable, and among them was a picture by Apelles, repreſenting Alexander armed with thunder, for which he was paid twenty talents of gold, or near forty thouſand pounds. The ſtructure was ſo wonderfully great in its compoſition, and ſo magnificently adorned, that it appeared the work of beings more than human. The ſun, it is affirmed, beheld in his courſe, no object of ſuperior excellence, or worthier of admiration.

A writer, who lived toward the end of the ſecond century, has cited a ſybil, as foretelling, that the earth opening and quaking, the temple of Diana would be ſwallowed, like a ſhip in a ſtorm, into the abyſs; and Epheſus lamenting and weeping by the river-banks would enquire for it, then inhabited no more. If the authenticity of the oracle were undiſputed, and the ſibyl acknowledged a genuine propheteſs, we might infer from the viſible condition of the place, the full accompliſhment of the whole prediction. We ſeek in vain for the temple; the city is proſtrate; and the goddeſs gone.

The preſent inhabitants of this once magnificent city, are only a few Greek peaſants, living in extreme wretchedneſs, dependance, and inſenſibility: the re⯑preſentations [24] of an illuſtrious people, and inhabiting the wreck of their greatneſs; ſome, beneath the vaults of the ſtadium; and ſome by the abrupt precipice, in the ſepulchres, which received the aſhes of the dead.

Such are the preſent citizens of Epheſus, and ſuch is the condition to which that renowned city has been gradually reduced. It was a ruinous place, when the emperor Juſtinian, filled Conſtantinople with its ſtatues, and raiſed his church of St. Sophia on its columns. Since then, it has been almoſt quite ex⯑hauſted. Its ſtreets are obſcured and overgrown. A herd of goats was driven to it for ſhelter, from the ſun at noon; and a noiſy flight of crows from the quarries, ſeemed to inſult its ſilence. The glorious pomp of its heathen worſhip is no longer remem⯑bered; and chriſtianity, which was there nurſed by the apoſtles, and foſtered by general councils, until it increaſed to fulneſs of ſtature, barely lingers on, in an exiſtence hardly viſible.

Burſa is one of the largeſt and fineſt towns of Turkey in Aſia, the capital of the ancient Bithynia, and extends itſelf from Eaſt to Weſt, at the foot of Mount Olympus, and on the edge of a fine extenſive plain, full of mulberry and other fruit-trees. So many ſprings proceed from Mount Olympus, that every houſe has its own fountain. The moſques are very [25] elegant and numerous, they are covered with lead, and adorned with domes; as are alſo the caravan⯑ſara's, which are very handſome and commodious. The Begeſtein, is a large ſtructure full of warehouſes and ſhops, containing all the commodities of the Eaſt, beſides their own manufactures in ſilk. Here are the beſt workmen in all Turkey; they are excellent imi⯑tators of the tapeſtry of Italy and France. This place is, in general, very pleaſant; and the quarter of the Bazars, is well paved and neat. It contains above forty thouſand Turks; four hundred families of Jews; five hundred of Armenians, and three hundred of Greeks. None but Muſſulmen are permitted to dwell in the city; but the ſuburbs, which are much more beautiful, and better peopled, are filled with Jews, Armenians, and Greeks. The Jews came hither from Granada, and ſpeak good Spaniſh to this day. The inhabitants have excellent wine, and other proviſions in great plenty. It was the ſeat of the Turkiſh emperors, before they paſſed into Europe. The palace of the grand ſignior is ſtill remaining, though in a ruinous ſtate, and ſtands on a high road encircled by a double wall. The ſepulchres of the firſt Turkiſh emperors, and their ſultanas, are alſo ſtill to be ſeen in ſmall chapels covered with domes.

The celebrated baths of Calipſo, are little more than a mile from the city. Theſe baths are in ſuch [26] fame, for the cures they have effected, that many peo⯑ple reſort to them from very remote provinces. The water in ſome of them is ſo hot, that it muſt be mixed with a conſiderable quantity of cold to be ſupportable. The conſtruction of theſe baths, is nearly ſimilar to thoſe we have already deſcribed, and the manner of bathing in them the ſame.

In this province are ſeveral other towns, now re⯑duced to villages, which were formerly flouriſhing and important cities. Among others, Chalcedon, near Scutari, is now a miſerable village; though, in for⯑mer times, it was a great city, and the reſidence of the fourth general council.

Nicomedia, a little to the South of Chalcedon, was once the capital of Bithynia, and is ſtill a town of ſome commerce, delightfully ſituated in a fertile country. Moſt of the Turkiſh navy are built here. It received its name from Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, who added conſiderably to its improvement. The ruins of this city, ſays Motraye, ſhew, that it once covered more ground, than either Conſtantinople, or even London.

Nice, to the South-eaſt of the above city, is alſo very large and populous, and carrying the remains of ſtill greater extent. Here Conſtantine aſſembled the firſt general council; and, in this city the Greek Em⯑perors [27] reſided, after Conſtantinople was taken from them by the Latins.

Lybuſſa is memorable for the death of Hannibal, who choſe to put a period to his exiſtence, rather than deliver himſelf up to his mortal enemy, the king of Nicomedia. It lies between this latter city and Chalcedon.

The province of Phrygia-Minor, adjoining to Bi⯑thynia, contains the ruins of ſeveral once celebrated cities; particularly Lampſacus, Troy, Troas, Alex⯑andria, and Pergamos.

Of Lampſacus, now a ſmall town at the entrance of the Dardanells, it is related, that Alexander having de⯑voted it to deſtruction, and being informed, the in⯑habitants were coming to implore his mercy, that he would ſpare their city, ſwore, that he would reject their petition, with which the inhabitants being made acquainted, addreſſed him to deſtroy their city; and it was ſaved by this ſtratagem; this great hero, think⯑ing that his oath ought not to be diſpenſed with.

Of Troy, rendered memorable by Homer, Virgil, and other poets, for the ten years ſiege it ſuſtained, againſt the united power of the Greeks, according to ſeveral writers, ſome magnificent ruins remain; but, we ſuſpect, that theſe ruins are thoſe of Troas Alex⯑andria, [28] one of the eighteen cities erected by Alexander the Great. Chandler obſerves, that ſeveral travellers have imagined this was the ſite of Ilium, or Troy. The ſiege of Troy, is ſuppoſed to have happened about the year of the world 2816; before Chriſt 1184 years. At Sigaeum, built on its ruins, are two barrows ſtanding, each in a vineyard. One, ſays Chandler, was that of Achilles and Patroclus; the other was that of Antilochus, ſon of Neſtor. We had like⯑wiſe in view, the barrow of Ajax Telamon; and at a diſtance from it, that of Aeſytes, mentioned in Homer; but of the ruins of Troy he makes no mention.

Alexandria Troas, (we take our deſcription from Chandler) was begun by Antigonus, and from him firſt called Antigonia; but Lyſimachus, to whom, as a ſuc⯑ceſſor of Alexander, it devolved, changed its name in honour of the deceaſed king.

Alexander the Great, inſtead of making his progreſs by devaſtations, wiſely provided more laſting and ho⯑nourable monuments of his paſſage through the coun⯑tries which he ſubdued; cauſing cities and temples to be erected, and forming plans for their future proſ⯑perity. As his ſtay was commonly ſhort, the exe⯑cution of his noble deſigns was committed to the go⯑vernors, whom he appointed; men of grand ideas, fitted to ſerve ſo magnificent a maſter.

[29]In the war with Antiochus, Alexandria Troas was eminent for its fidelity to the Romans. Under Auguſ⯑tus, it received a Roman colony, and increaſed. It was then the only conſiderable place between Sigaeum, and Lectos, and was inferior to no city of its name, but Alexandria in Egypt.

The chriſtian religion was planted early at Troas. In the beginning of the fifth century, the biſhop Silvanus, was required to deliver a veſſel from a demon, which was believed to detain it, as it could not be launched. It was intended for tranſporting ſome large columns, and was of great ſize. Going down to the beach, the biſhop prayed; and taking hold of a rope, called to the multitude to aſſiſt him, when the ſhip rea⯑dily obeyed him, and hurried into the ſea. Of the ruins of this city, there are ſome very conſiderable remains.

Pergamos, ſituated in the ſame province, between Troas and Smyrna, was once the capital of a large kingdom, of which Attalus was the laſt king; who, by his will, transferred his kingdom to the Romans, which gave that people an opportunity of intereſting them⯑ſelves in the affairs of the Aſiatic princes. Here Galen, the celebrated phyſician, was born. Parchment and tapeſtry, it is ſaid, were firſt made here; but it is more famous for a library collected by its kings, con⯑taining [30] 20,000 volumes, written on parchment. It was one of the ſeven churches threatened by St. John.

In the province of Galatia, is Ancyra, ſituated on the river Melus; near this city, which is at preſent one of the moſt conſiderable in Natolia, Pompey ob⯑tained a great victory over Mithridates; and, nearly on the ſame ſpot, Bajazet was afterwards defeated by Tamerlane. The ſtreets are full of old marble pillars, ſome of which are of red porphyry, grained with white, and others of red and white jaſper. The houſes are, for the moſt part, built of clay; yet noble pieces of marble are frequently found to have been employed in theſe buildings, as alſo in the walls and towers of the city. The caſtle has a triple wall, com⯑poſed of large pieces of white marble and ſtone, much reſembling porphyry. There are a great number of inſcriptions in different parts of the town.

It is computed there are in Ancyra, 40,000 Turks, beſides a great number of Greeks and Armenians. This city lies about five days journey South of the Black Sea.

In the country about Ancyra, there is ſaid to be the fineſt breed of goats in the known world. They are milk-white, and their hair, which is as fine as ſilk, is [31] curled, and eight or nine inches long. The fine ſtuffs and camblots, made from their hair, is the principal manufacture of the country. But theſe goats are not to be met with above four or five days journey from this city; if they are carried further, they dege⯑nerate.

The two cities of Gordium and Coloſs, in Phrygia-Major, are reputed, the firſt to have been the ſeat of Gordius, king of Phrygia, who tied the famous knot in the temple of Apollo; which he predicted, that who⯑ever could unlooſen, would be ſovereign of the whole world; and which Alexander, in vain attempting, cut with his ſword. Coloſs, ſituated on the South ſide of the Maeander, is the city to which S. Paul addreſſed one of his epiſtles.

Lydia is the province of which that rich and power⯑ful monarch Croeſus, was king. The capital city is Sardes, ſituated on the river Pactolus, ſeventy miles Eaſt of Smyrna: it hath now little remarkable, but very extenſive ruins, though it was once the fineſt city in Leſſer Aſia, and one of the ſeven churches mentioned in ſcripture.

Lydia, ſays Chandler, was celebrated for its city Sardes, which was of great antiquity, though poſterior to the war of Troy. It was enriched by the fertility [32] of the ſoil, and the Acropolis was remarkable for its ſtrength. This was on a lofty hill; the back part, or that towards Tmolus, a perpendicular precipice. One of the kings, an anceſtor of Croeſus, it is related, believed that, by leading a lion about the wall, he ſhould render the fortreſs impregnable, and neglected that portion of it as totally inacceſſible.

Croeſus, who was a tyrant, or king of all nations, within the river Halys, engaging Cyrus, who had fol⯑lowed him into Lydia, was defeated in the plain before the city; the Lydian horſes not enduring the ſmell of the camels. Cyrus then beſieged him, and offered a reward for the perſon who ſhould firſt mount the wall. One of his ſoldiers had ſeen a Lydian deſcend for his helmet, which had rolled down the back of the Acro⯑polis. He tried to aſcend there, where not even a centinel was placed, and ſucceeded. Afterwards the Perſian Satrapas, or commandant, reſided at Sardas, as the emperor did at Suſa.

The city and acropolis, ſurrendered on the ap⯑proach of Alexander, after the battle of the Granicus. Under the Romans, Sardes was a large city, and not inferior to any of its neighbours, until the terrible earthquake, which happened in the time of Tiberius Coeſar. Magneſia, Philadelphia, Laodicea, Epheſus, and ſeveral more cities partook largely in that cala⯑mity; [33] but this place ſuffered prodigiouſly, and was much pitied.

The principal towns that we ſee any account of, in the province of Caria, are Miletus, and Halicar⯑naſſus.

Miletus, ſituated near the ſea, on the North ſide of the Maeander, was once a town of great fame, but at preſent is only a village.

Miletus, ſays Chandler, is now a very mean place, but ſtill called Palat, or Palatia, the palaces. The principal relic, of its former magnificence, is a ruined theatre, which is viſible afar off, and was a moſt capa⯑cious edifice, meaſuring 457 feet long. The exter⯑nal face of this vaſt fabric is marble. On the ſide of the theatre next to the river, is an inſcription in mean characters, rudely cut, in which, "The city Miletus" is mentioned ſeven times. This is a monument of here⯑tical Chriſtianity. One Baſilides, who lived in the ſecond century, was the founder of an abſurd ſect, called Baſilidians and Gnoſtics, the original proprietors of the many gems, with ſtrange devices and inſcrip⯑tions, intended to be worn as amulets, or charms; with which the cabinets of the curious now abound. One of their idle tenets was, that the appellative "Jehovah," poſſeſſed ſingular virtue and efficacy. [34] They expreſſed it by the ſeven Greek vowels, which they tranſported into a variety of combinations. The ſuperſtition appears to have prevailed, in no ſmall de⯑gree, at Miletus. In this remain the myſterious name is frequently repeated, and the deity ſix times invoked, "Holy Jehovah, preſerve the town of the Mileſians, and all the inhabitants." The archangels alſo are ſum⯑moned to be their guardians, and the whole city is made the author of theſe ſupplications; from which, thus engraved, it was expected, as may be preſumed, to derive laſting proſperity, and a kind of taliſmanical protection.

The whole ſite of the town, to a great extent, is ſpread with rubbiſh, and over-run with thickets. The veſtiges of the heathen city, are pieces of wall, broken arches, and a few ſcattered pedeſtals and inſcriptions; a ſquare marble urn, and many wells. One of the pedeſtals has belonged to a ſtatue of the emperor Hadrian, who was a friend to the Mileſians; as appears from the title of ſaviour and benefactor beſtowed on him. Another has ſupported the emperor Severus, and has a long inſcription, with this curious pre⯑amble. "The ſenate and people of the city of the Mileſians, the firſt ſettled in Ionia, and the mother of many and great cities, both in Pontus and Egypt, and in various other parts of the world." Some fragments of ordinary churches are interſperſed among the ruins; [35] and traces remain of an old fortreſs erected upon the theatre; beneath which, is a ſquare incloſure, de⯑ſigned, it ſeems, as a ſtation for an armed party to diſ⯑pute, or defend the paſſage of the river.

From the number of forſaken moſques, it is evident, that Mahometaniſm had flouriſhed in its turn, at Mi⯑letus. All theſe have been mean buildings, and mere patch work; but one, a noble and beautiful ſtructure of marble, is in uſe; and the dome, with a tall palm⯑tree or two, towers amid the ruins of ſome low flat⯑roofed cottages, inhabited by a very few Turkiſh fami⯑lies, the preſent citizens of Miletus.

The hiſtory of this place, after the declenſion of the Greek empire, is very imperfect. The whole re⯑gion has undergone frequent ravages from the Turks. One ſultan, in 1175, ſent 20,000 men, with orders to lay waſte the Roman provinces, and bring him ſea⯑water, ſand, and an oar. All the cities on the Maean⯑der, and on the coaſt, were then ruined. Miletus was again deſtroyed towards the end of the thirteenth cen⯑tury, by the conquering Othman.

This city was once exceedingly powerful and il⯑luſtrious. Its early inveſtigators extended its com⯑merce to remote regions. The whole Euxine ſea, the Propontis, Egypt, and other countries, were fre⯑quented [36] by its ſhips, and ſettled by its colonies. It boaſted a venerable band of memorable men; among the reſt, Hecatoeus, an early hiſtorian; and Thales, the father of philoſophy. It withſtood Darius, and re⯑fuſed to admit Alexander. It has been ſtiled the me⯑tropolis, and head of Ionia; the bulwark of Aſia; chief in war and peace; mighty by ſea; the fertile mother, which had poured forth her ſons to every quarter, counting not fewer than ſeventy-five cities deſcended from her. It afterwards fell ſo low, as to furniſh a proverbial ſaying, "The Mileſians were once great;" but, if we compare its ancient glory, and its ſubſequent humiliation with its preſent ſtate, we may juſtly exclaim, "Miletus, how much lower art thou now fallen!"

At Ura, twenty-two miles from Miletus, and about two miles and a half from the ſhore, are the ruins of a famous temple, dedicated to Apollo Didy⯑meus. It is approached by a gentle aſcent, and ſeen afar off; the land towards the ſea lying flat and level. The memory of the pleaſure which this ſpot afforded me, ſays Chandler, will not be ſoon, or eaſily, eraſed. The columns, yet entire, are ſo exquiſitely fine; the marble maſs ſo vaſt and noble, that it is impoſſible, perhaps, to conceive greater beauty and majeſty of ruin.

[37]Of Halicarnaſſus nothing is extant but the ruins. No part of the tomb, erected by queen Artimeſia, for her huſband Mauſolus, is now remaining; though for⯑merly eſteemed one of the fineſt ſtructures in the world. In this city Herodotus and Dionyſius were born.

Amaſia, another diſtrict in Aſia-Minor, containing ſeveral provinces, and bounded by the Euxine ſea on the North, and by Armenia and Georgia on the Eaſt, has few places of any celebrity.

Amaſia, a town of the ſame name, ſituated near the banks of the river Iris, is the reſidence of the Turkiſh viceroy; and was anciently that of the kings of Cap⯑padocia. It is pleaſantly ſituated on an eminence, from whence there is a proſpect over an extenſive plain. The buildings are mean, nor is it a place of much commerce; but there are ſome magnificent ruins, where the palaces of the ancient princes ſtood. The Greeks have an archbiſhop. The beſt wines, and beſt fruits in Natolia, are to be met with here. It is alſo celebrated in having been the birth-place of Strabo.

Tocat, a very populous city, is ſituated about a hun⯑dred miles South of the Black Sea. There is a con⯑ſiderable manufacture carried on here, of yellow Tur⯑key [38] leather. The Armenians, who inhabit this city, are moſtly mechanics, being employed in copper, and other hardware. The Chriſtians make excellent wine here, and the adjacent country abounds in different kinds of fruits. Saffron is produced here in conſide⯑rable quantity. It is alſo the grand thoroughfare for the caravans, which come from Turkey, and are bound for Perſia, Arabia, and India. The Amazons, if ever there were ſuch a people, is ſuppoſed to have reſided in this part of Aſia.

According to other writers, who give a more par⯑ticular deſcription of this city; it contains near 30,000 inhabitants. The houſes are well built, and two ſtories in height. The city is in the form of an am⯑phitheatre, which gives it a ſingular appearance. The ſtreets are well paved, a circumſtance very unuſual in Aſiatic cities. The ſtreams are ſo abundant, that each houſe here, has alſo its fountain. Beſides the ſilk of this country, they manufacture eight or ten loads of that of Perſia, and make it into ſewing ſilk. Their chief trade is in copper veſſels, ſuch as kettles, drink⯑ing cups, lanthorns and candleſticks. This city may be looked upon as the center of trade in Natolia.

Trebiſond is a large, populous, and ſtrong town, ſituated on the ſhore of the Euxine ſea. Within the walls are groves and gardens, intermixed with houſes. [39] It is ſeated at the foot of a very ſteep hill, and the walls are ſquare and high with battlements. They are built with the ruins of ancient ſtructures, on which there are inſcriptions, but not legible. It had a ſtrong caſ⯑tle built on a rock for its defence, but now much de⯑cayed; the harbour, which lies at the Eaſt end of the city, was formerly eſteemed a very good one; but is, at preſent, ſo blocked up, that ſhips cannot enter it.

The ſuburbs, which are larger than the city, are in⯑habited by Greeks and Armenians. The country is not fruitful, and the trade is much on the decline. It was ſubject to the Roman and Greek emperors; but in 1209, the ſovereignty of it was uſurped by David Commenus, a Frenchman, who took upon himſelf the title of Duke. His ſucceſſor, John Commenus, aſ⯑ſumed that of emperor; and his deſcendants remained ſovereigns of the city, and the adjacent country, till the year 1460, when Mahomet II. took it, and put to death David Commenus, the laſt emperor; and the Turks ſtill continue in poſſeſſion of it.

Of the provinces, in the two other diſtricts of Aſia-Minor, Aladulia, and Caramania, we can collect nothing worthy of notice.

CHAP. III. Turcomania, Curdiſtan, and Diarbeck.

THE province of Turcomania, the ancient Arme⯑nia, is ſituated North of Diarbeck and Curdiſ⯑tan; having Media on the Eaſt, and Natolia on the Weſt. The chief cities arc Erzerom and Cars.

The city of Erzerom, the capital, is ſituated at the foot of a mountain, in forty-one degrees of longitude, and forty of latitude. It is about two miles in cir⯑cumference, and ſurrounded by a double wall. The inhabitants conſiſt of twenty thouſand Turks, and ſix thouſand Armenians. Moſt of the Turks, though or⯑dinary tradeſmen, are called Janiſſaries, from having given a ſum of money to the Aga, to be enrolled as ſuch.

The Greeks and Armenians have each their biſhop. They are, for the moſt part, artificers, and employed in the leather and copper manufactures; the moun⯑tains near the city, being rich in copper, together with [41] ſome ſilver ore. Theſe mountains, are generally co⯑vered with ſnow till midſummer; the air in winter is exceedingly cold; and the vallies in ſummer are as much too hot; the weather, hereabouts, frequently changing from violent heat to the oppoſite extreme, which is the more inſupportable, as there is ſcarco any fewel in the country; there is neither tree nor buſh to be ſeen for many miles; their firing, there⯑fore, is cow-dung, and other ſtinking materials which taint the air, and ſpoil the food dreſſed with it. Their commerce is chiefly in furs, and they have a briſk fo⯑reign trade; the caravans paſſing through this city, in their way to Conſtantinople, in order to avoid the Arabs, whom they are in danger of encountering, when they proceed in a direct line to Aleppo. In this city is collected the cuſtom-houſe dues, on all mer⯑chandize that paſſes through the country. They ſel⯑dom enter into particulars, but charge them by the lump, according to their weight. For inſtance, twenty pounds are demanded for every camel-load, which is generally about eight hundred weight. Sometimes five per cent. is demanded for all merchandize ex⯑ported; and five crowns for each traveller.

Kars, or Cars, lies on a river of the ſame name, about one hundred miles Eaſt of Trebiſond. It is two miles in circumference, and but thinly inhabited. The town is defended by a caſtle, ſituated on an inac⯑ceſſible [42] rock; and, as it is a frontier town adjoining to Perſia, it has a numerous garriſon, commanded by a baſhaw. The merchants complain much of the extor⯑tions practiſed on them, when they paſs through this city. The houſes are very mean in their appearance, and look more like dens than the habitations of human beings.

The province of Curdiſtan, or Aſſyria Proper, is divided between the Perſians and the Turks. The Weſtern part belonging to Turkey, is the leaſt, and lies between Perſia on the Eaſt, and Diarbeck, or Me⯑ſopotamia, on the Weſt. This is a very mountainous country; but the hills are covered with good timber and herbage to their very ſummit, and the ſoil in the vallies is well watered and fertile; but being a frontier province, it is not ſo well cultivated as it might be. The people are chiefly ſhepherds, who live in tents, and ramble from place to place, covering the country with their flocks and herds. They are a ſort of chriſtians, but are ſaid to be very brutiſh, and much given to pilſering thoſe who paſs through their country, like the Arabs. But this is not to be wondered at, on the frontiers of two powerful king⯑doms at enmity with each other; and where people will take greater liberties than in other places.

[43]There are ſcarce any towns or villages in Curdiſtan. The houſes lie diſperſed at the diſtance of a muſket⯑ſhot from each other; and, though they make no wine, there is ſcarce a houſe without its vineyard.

In this country ſtood the ancient city of Nineveh, on the eaſtern bank of the river Tigris. This city, ac⯑cording to Jonas, was ſixty miles in circumference. The walls of it are ſaid to have been one hundred feet high, and the towers two hundred feet; of theſe it is recorded, there were eleven hundred and fifty. The houſes did not ſtand contiguous, but were ſurrounded with large gardens and court-yards. It is ſaid to have been built by Nimrod; but, according to ſome writers, by Ninus; from whom it is conjectured to have re⯑ceived its name. It held out a ſiege of three years, againſt Arbaces, when the river overflowed twenty furlongs of the wall; on which Sardanapalus the king, retired into his palace, and having collected all his wealth, amounting to twenty thouſand millions of pounds, he ſet fire to the whole, and threw himſelf into the flames. This city was afterwards entirely deſtroyed by Aſtyages, and nothing is now to be ſeen, but heaps of rubbiſh along the river Tigris, where it formerly ſtood, and which is imagined to be the re⯑mains of this great city.

[44]About two miles from the Tigris, on a ſmall emi⯑nence, ſtands a moſque; on the ſpot, where, accord⯑ing to tradition, Jonas was buried. The Turks have ſuch a veneration for this moſque, that they will ſcarce permit any Chriſtian to enter it.

The principal city in Curdiſtan, is Sheraſoul, which lies to the Eaſt of Nineveh, in the 36th degree of La⯑titude. It is the ſeat of the viceroy. The town is not large, but built in a ſingular manner; the houſes being hewn out of a rock, or the ſide of a hill.

Arbela, to the Eaſt of Sheraſoul, lies adjoining to a plain of fifteen leagues in extent. It was on this plain that Alexander defeated Darius. In the middle of the plain is a conſiderable eminence, covered with fine oaks; and on the ſummit a caſtle, into which it is ſaid, Darius went to view the engagement.

Betlis, in the northern part of this province, is a city whoſe prince is independent, both of the Porte, and of Perſia; the country here being very mountainous, and almoſt inacceſſible. The road up to the city is cut through a rock, being not more than juſt wide enough to admit a camel to paſs. It is built round the hill in ſhape of a cone, and ſtands at an equal diſtance from two other mountains. On the top is a plain where the Caſtle ſtands; and here the bey, or [45] prince, has his palace. It is ſaid he can raiſe five and twenty thouſand horſe, and a large body of foot, from among the ſhepherds in this province.

The province of Diarbeck, or Meſopotamia, lies between the Tigris and Euphrates; from which ſitua⯑tion it is ſaid to have obtained its name. It is bounded by Turcomania on the North, and Chaldaea on the South.

This province is, for the moſt part, as fertile as any in the Turkiſh empire. It abounds, particularly in the North part, with corn, wine, cattle, wild fowl, and every kind of proviſions. There is a pleaſing va⯑riety of hills and vales, throughout the province; and it is almoſt entirely encircled by the Tigris and Eu⯑phrates, beſides being watered by ſeveral leſſer ſtreams.

The two principal cities in this province, are Orfa and Diarbeck. Orfa is ſaid to be the capital. This city is ſuppoſed to be the ancient Ediſſa; it lies in 36 degrees of North latitude. It is alſo ſaid to have been the place where Abraham dwelt. The firſt thing ſhewn to ſtrangers, is a large fountain, whoſe ſprings riſe under the principal moſque. The Chriſtians have a tradition, that it was on this ſpot that Abraham prayed, [46] before he went to offer up his ſon Iſaac, and that two ſprings of water aroſe from the place where he knelt.

The walls of this city are built of free-ſtone, with towers at different diſtances; but the town is meanly built, and many parts of it unoccupied. There are ſome pleaſant gardens in the ſuburbs, watered by ar⯑tificial canals, and the ſoil produces good corn and wine; but what Orfa is moſt remarkable for, is the manufacture of yellow Turkey leather, as it is called; the red being made at Diarbeck, and the blue at Tocat.

Diarbeck is ſituated in 42 degrees of Eaſt longitude, and 47 of North latitude, on the river Tigris, and not far from its ſource. It is built on an eminence, and the deſcent to the river is very ſteep. The town is ſurrounded by a double wall; on the outward wall, are ſixty ancient towers, and three gates; on every one of which is an inſcription in Greek, not intelligible at preſent, but repeating the name of Conſtantine ſeveral times. In this city is a magnificent moſque, and ſe⯑veral handſome ſquares. It contains 20,000 Chriſ⯑tian inhabitants, two thirds of which are Armenians▪ beſides a great number of Mahometans. About a league from the city, is a canal cut from the Tygris, which ſupplies the town with water▪ and it is in this water that all the red Turkey leather, made at Diar⯑beck, [47] is waſhed, and which ſo much excels all others in colour. This manufacture employs, at leaſt, one-fourth of the inhabitants. The ſoil in the environs of this city, is very good, and abounds in corn and wine. This city ſtands ſo near the ſource of the Tigris, that it is fordable here.

CHAP. IV. Irac-Arabi, and Georgia.

THE province of Irac-Arabi, anciently called Chaldaea, lies on both ſides the river Euphrates and Tigris; having Perſia on the Eaſt, and Arabia Deſerta on the Weſt. In this province, according to ſome writers, was the ſeat of Paradiſe; and here ſtood the tower of Babel, where language was firſt con⯑founded.

The principal towns in this province are, Bagdad, Baſſora, and the ruins of Babylon and Selqucia.

[48]Bagdat, the capital, is ſituated in 43 degrees of Eaſt longitude, and 33 of North latitude, on the river Tygris. It was built by Mahomet II. caliph of the Saracens, on the Weſtern ſide of the river; and about the year 1100, another town was built on the Eaſt ſide, and both united by a bridge of boats; according to Hanway, the only communication the river will admit of, as it is broad and deep, and in its ordinary courſe very rapid. At certain ſeaſons, it ſwells to a prodi⯑gious height; and, overflowing the country, occaſions many moraſſes on the ſide oppoſite to the city.

The fortifications of this city are compoſed of lofty thick walls, of brick, covered with earth; ſtrengthened by great towers in form of baſtions, placed at certain diſtances, and protected by a deep ditch, which can be filled at any time by the waters of the Tigris. The citadel is on the North ſide, and commands the river. The whole fortification is furniſhed with near two hundred pieces of cannon. The garriſon generally conſiſts of a body of two thouſand men; and in time of war, more than twice that number; beſides the or⯑dinary militia, which is twelve thouſand men. The principal buildings are the palace of the viceroy, the moſques of which are five; and the cloyſters which ſurround the bazars, or market-places; and their bag⯑nios, all built by the Perſians, when in poſſeſſion of Bagdat. The cadi, who is principal eccleſiaſtic, and [49] conſequently the chief judge, has great authority in this province. The Tefterdar, or treaſurer, who col⯑lects the public revenue, has alſo conſiderable influ⯑ence in the council; and the Reis Effendi, or ſecre⯑tary, who is ſometimes ſtiled chancellor, is likewiſe an officer of great conſequence, and they are all of the viceroy's council; and a check on his adminiſtration, over whom he has no authority; they being only ac⯑countable to the Divan at Conſtantinople.

Boſſora, or Baſſora, is ſituated in 47 degrees of Eaſt longitude, and 30 of North latitude, about three miles from the united ſtream of the Euphrates, and the Tigris, with which it has a communication by a deep canal, the tide flowing between forty and fifty miles higher than the town, which is a great advantage to their navigation and foreign traffic. The walls of this town are twelve miles in circumference; within which, are many void ſpaces, fields and gardens. The ſituation of Baſſora, is not only extremely pleaſant, being ſurrounded with fruitful fields and gardens; but it is, or at leaſt was, the beſt ſituated for trade of any city in the world; and is the moſt ancient port-town, that hiſtory takes notice of, in that part of the world. The merchants of Baſſora, and thoſe of Tyre, were probably cotemporaries; or rather the cities of Tyre and Sidon, the chief Phenician ports, received the ſpices, and other merchandize of the Eaſt, from Baſ⯑ſora, [50] to which port they were firſt brought by land, on the backs of camels; and afterwards by ſea up the gulf of Perſia; and from that gulf, up the river Euphrates, to the end of the canal, which preſerves the commu⯑nication between that river and the town. Four months in the year, the Indian merchants reſort hither, viz. between the firſt of July, and the end of October, when the Monſoon ſets fair to bring them up the gulf; and, at this time, arrive the merchants from the Weſt. In this ſeaſon of the year, the town is crowded with traders from almoſt every part of the world.

It is not only the foreign trade that renders this town ſo conſiderable, but its lying in the road from Perſia to Mecca; through which, numerous cara⯑vans of pilgrims annually paſs; who not only lay out conſiderable ſums for proviſions, before they enter the deſart, but make a ſort of trading voyage, barter⯑ing the produce of their own country, for that of the countries they paſs through; and their nobles, who are above this kind of traffic, by carrying a great train of officers and ſervants with them, ſpend a great deal of money, which the Arabs find ſo beneficial, that when the Perſians began to take another route to Mecca, on account of ſome freſh duties extorted be the Arabs, they invited them to proceed in their an⯑cient tract, and agreed to remit even moſt of thoſe they uſed formerly to demand.

[51]The greateſt prejudice to Baſſora, is the Samiel, or hot wind, that blows over this country annually, about Midſummer; at which time, many of the inhabitants, as well as foreigners, loſe their lives. Thevenot, a traveller of credit, relates, that he knew four thouſand people deſtroyed by it in one ſeaſon; but, as this is the time of their fair, when multitudes of foreigners flock here, poſſibly many of them might die of other diſeaſes. There is another diſtemper which reigns here, about this time, occaſioning ſwellings in the groin, neck, and other parts of the body. This is not ſo dangerous as the other; but were it much more ſo, it is obſervable, that where merchants have a proſ⯑pect of great gain, nothing will deter them from viſit⯑ing ſuch places; as for example, their trading to Ben⯑coolen, in the Eaſt-Indies; and Porto-Bello, in the Weſt-Indies.

This hot wind reigns from India, as far as the junc⯑tion of the Tigris and Euphrates; and ſeems to be more fatal here than either in India or Perſia; thoſe who breathe this air, frequently dying in an inſtant, as if ſtruck with lightning. Thevenot is of opinion, this is the wind mentioned by Job, it blowing always from the Eaſt; it ſeems very evident, this hot wind is occaſioned from its blowing over a tract of burning ſand; as it is never felt upon the ſea, contiguous to thoſe countries, where it is ſo fatal on the land.

[52]The environs of this city are beautiful. There are no finer paſture grounds to be met with in all Aſia; but the country, ſince it has been under the dominion of the Turks, is not ſo well cultivated as it was in former times.

Georgia, of which we have ſaid ſomething before, is divided between the Perſians and the Turks. Much the greater part is under the dominion of Perſia. This is a very mountainous country, eſpecially the North part; the mountains, however, in general, are covered with foreſt-trees, fruit-trees, and herbage; and the ſoil produces good corn, where it is cultivated; but the inhabitants are for the moſt part ſhepherds, living in tents, and ploughing no more than is ſufficient for their ſubſiſtence.

There are ſome of theſe mountains, however, very high, and covered with ſnow great part of the year, which makes the air of this province very cold in winter; except in the vallies, and thoſe are, for the moſt part, warm enough, and in ſummer exceſſive hot.

In Turkiſh Georgia may be comprehended Mon⯑grelia, Imeretta, and the South part of Circaſſia; which countries are ſituated between 41 and 46 de⯑grees of Eaſtern longitude, and between 40 and 45 [53] degrees of North latitude; lying in the form of a creſcent, about the Eaſt end of the Euxine ſea. The chief towns are, Amarchia and Gonie. Of theſe towns we find nothing worthy of notice. The Georgians appear to lead a particular life, being diſ⯑perſed about the mountains, or in the vallies, and on the banks of rivers, in ſcattered habitations.

The country is reputed to be very healthy, and the natives are of a good ſtature, and their features and complexion, as well as their parts and genius, more admired than any people in the Eaſt. From hence, as we have before obſerved, in our account of Conſtantinople, are tranſmitted moſt of the beautiful women, which adorn the ſeraglios of the Grand Signior.

It has not only been the cuſtom of late years, for the Turks and Perſians to furniſh themſelves with ſlaves from this province; but, during the reign of their caliphs, the Egyptians formed their guards from the natives of this country; who, in time, became ſo nu⯑merous, that they at laſt depoſed the caliphs, uſurping the dominion of Egypt themſelves, under the name of Mamalukes, and even maintained themſelves on that throne, for ſeveral generations, not by hereditary ſuc⯑ceſſion; but, when a ſultan or caliph died, another popular ſlave was elected ſovereign from among them. [54] It has been ſuggeſted, that the Egyptians alſo pur⯑chaſed female ſlaves, as well as males, from the Geor⯑gians. The Egyptian women have been ſo celebrated for their beauty and wit, that we have many re⯑markable inſtances in hiſtory, particularly in Solomon, who adored his Egyptian wife, as well as her gods. Cleopatra made a conqueſt, both of Coeſar and Anthony; and Mahomet was fonder of his Egyptian miſtreſs, than of any of his wives or concubines. The reaſon gene⯑rally aſſigned, that the Turks are ſuch comely and perſonable men, and their daughters ſo fair, is their cohabiting with Georgian and Circaſſian beauties; and the like may be conjectured of the Egyptians.

All that we can learn of the preſent government of Georgia is, that the Southern provinces are ſubject either to the Perſians or the Turks; but, as to the Northern provinces, they are, in ſome meaſure, inde⯑pendent of either of theſe powers. They will, to ſerve their turn, acknowledge themſelves ſubject, ſometimes to Turkey, and at others to Ruſſia; but no dependance is to be placed upon them. By re⯑tiring to their mountains, they are, in a manner, out of their reach; and as it would be impracticable en⯑tirely to ſubdue them, ſo it would be impolitic to at⯑tempt it; becauſe, if they found themſelves oppreſſed by one of theſe powers, they would infallibly join the other. With reſpect to their internal government, [55] the country ſeems divided into but two ranks, or orders, that of lords and ſlaves. The common people have no property in the lands, or goods they poſſeſs; and even their wives and children are the property of their reſpective lords, and may be ſold by them at pleaſure. The lords themſelves, in their ſeveral ſub⯑diviſions, have a chief, whom they acknowledge to be their ſovereign, and poſſibly may be a check upon his adminiſtration, if he attempts to tyrannize, or oppreſs them.

With regard to the religion of the inhabitants of Georgia, there are a number of Mahometans; but much the greater part are Chriſtians, of the Greek and Armenian perſuaſion; and it is theſe who are made ſlaves; the Turks giving free liberty to all thoſe who ſubſcribe to their religious tenets.

CHAP. V. Syria, Country, Climate, Winds, Rivers, Mountains, Productions.

SYRIA lies to the Weſtward of Diarbeck, or Me⯑ſopotamia, from which it is ſeparated from the Euphrates; having Natolia and Turcomania on the North, Arabia on the South, and the Mediterranean towards the Weſt, in which limits are included, Phoe⯑nicia and Paleſtine.

It is an opinion generally received, that Syria is a very hot country; but it will be neceſſary to make ſeveral diſtinctions: firſt, on account of the differ⯑ence of latitude, which, from one extremity to the the other, is not leſs than ſix degrees: ſecondly, from the natural diviſion of the country, into low and flat, and high and mountainous, which diviſion occaſions a ſtill more ſenſible difference; for, while Reaumeur's thermometer ſtands at 25 and 26 degrees upon the coaſt, it hardly riſes to 20 or 21 among the moun⯑tains. In winter, therefore, the whole chain of mountains is covered with ſnow; while the lower country is always free from it, or at leaſt, it lies only for an inſtant. We muſt, therefore, eſtabliſh two ge⯑neral climates, the one very hot, which is that of the coaſt, and the interior plains, ſuch as thoſe of Balbech, Antioch, Tripoli, Acre, Gaza, &c. the other tem⯑perate, and almoſt like our own, which is the climate of the mountains, at leaſt at a certain height.

In the mountains, the order of ſeaſons is nearly the ſame as in the middle provinces of France; the win⯑ter, which laſts from November to March, is ſharp and vigorous. Not a year paſſes without ſnow, and [58] the earth is frequently covered ſeveral feet deep with it for months together; the ſpring and autumn are mild, but the ſummer heat is abſolutely inſupportable. In the plains, on the contrary; as ſoon as the ſun returns to the equator, the tranſition is rapid to op⯑preſſive heats, which continue to the end of October. But then the winter is ſo moderate, that the orange, date, banana, and other delicate trees, flouriſh in the open air; and it appears equally extraordinary and pictureſque, to an European at Tripoli, to behold under his windows in the month of January, orange-trees loaded with flowers and fruit, while the lofty head of Lebanon is covered with ice and ſnow.

Syria, therefore, unites different climates under the ſame ſky; and collects within a narrow compaſs, plea⯑ſures and productions, which nature has elſewhere diſperſed at greater diſtances from time and place. In Europe, ſeaſons are ſeparated by months; here they are only ſeparated by hours. If in Saide, or Tripoli, the inhabitants are incommoded by the heats of July, in ſix hours they are in the neighbouring mountains, and in the temperature of March; or, on the other hand, if chilled by the froſts of Decem⯑ber, in the mountains, a days journey brings them to the coaſt amid the flowers of May. The Arabian poets have therefore ſaid, that the Sannen, (or peak of Lebanon) bears winter on his head, ſpring upon [59] his ſhoulders, and autumn in his boſom, while ſum⯑mer lies ſleeping at his feet.

The winds in Syria, as in Egypt, are, in ſome de⯑gree, periodical, and governed by the ſeaſons. About the autumnal equinox, the North-weſt wind begins to flow more frequently and ſtronger. It renders the air dry, clear, and ſharp; and it is remarkable, that on the ſea-coaſt it cauſes the head-ach; but never in the mountains. This wind continues to prevail about fifty days, and is followed by the North-weſt, Weſt, and South-weſt, which prevail from November to February. The two latter winds are, to uſe the ex⯑preſſion of the Arabs, the fathers of the rains. In March ariſe the pernicious winds from the Southern quarter, with the ſame circumſtances as in Egypt. Their duration, at each return, is uſually three days. The eaſterly winds which follow, continue till June, when a North wind ſucceeds. At the ſeaſon, the wind varies through all the points every day, paſſing with the ſun from the Eaſt to the South; and from the South to the Weſt, to return by the North, and re-commence the circuit. At this time alſo, a local wind called the land-breeze, prevails along the coaſt during the night; it ſprings up after ſun-ſet, laſts till ſun-riſing, and reaches only two or three leagues out at ſea.

[60]The cauſes of all theſe phaenomena, are problems well deſerving the attention of natural philoſophers. No country is better adapted to obſervations of this kind, than Syria. It ſeems as if nature had there pre⯑pared whatever is neceſſary, to the ſtudy of her ope⯑rations. We, ſays Volney, in our foggy climates, in the depth of vaſt continents, are unable to purſue the great changes which happen in the atmoſphere: the confined horizon, which bounds our view, circum⯑ſcribes alſo our ideas. The field of our obſervation is very limited; and a thouſand circumſtances com⯑bine to vary the effects of natural cauſes. There, on the contrary, an immenſe ſcene opens before us; and the great agents of nature are collected in a ſpace, which renders it eaſy to watch their various opera⯑tions. To the Weſt, is the vaſt liquid plain of the Mediterranean; to the Eaſt, the plain of the Deſart, no leſs vaſt, but abſolutely dry; in the midſt of theſe two level ſurfaces, riſe the mountains, whoſe ſummits are ſo many obſervatories, from whence the ſight may diſcern full thirty leagues. Four obſervers might command the whole extent of Syria; and, from the tops of Caſiers, Lebanon and Tabor, let nothing eſcape them within that boundleſs horizon. They might obſerve, how the region of the ſea, at firſt un⯑clouded, veils itſelf with vapours; in what manner theſe vapours form into groups, and ſeparate; and, by a conſtant mechaniſm, aſcend and riſe above the moun⯑tains; [61] while, on the other hand, the deſart invariably clear, never produces clouds, and has only thoſe it has received from the ſea. They might reply to the queſtion propoſed by M. Michaelis, to the traveller for the king of Denmark, "Whether the deſart pro⯑duces dews?" that the deſart, containing no water, except in winter, after the rains, can only furniſh va⯑pours at that period. On viewing the valley of Bal⯑beck, burnt up with heat, whilſt the head of Lebanon is hoary with ice and ſnow, they would be ſenſible of the truth of a maxim, which ought no longer to be diſputed, that the heat is greater in proportion as we ap⯑proach the ſurface of the earth; ſo that it ſeems to pro⯑ceed only from the action of the rays of the ſun upon the earth. In ſhort, they might ſucceſsfully attempt the ſolution of the greateſt part of meteorological problems.

The exaggerated, or in other terms, the grand ideas which hiſtory and travellers uſually give to diſ⯑tant objects, have accuſtomed us to ſpeak of the waters of Syria, with a reſpect, which amuſes our imagina⯑tion. We are fond of ſaying, the river Jordan, the river Orontes, the river Adonis. If, however, we wiſh to preſerve to words their proper ſignification, we ſhall hardly find in this country, ſays Volney, any other rivulets. The channels of the Orontes and the Jordan, the two moſt conſiderable, are ſcarcely ſixty [62] paces wide at their mouths; the others, do not merit to be mentioned. If the rains and melted ſnow give them ſome importance in the winter, their courſe is only to be diſcovered, during the remainder of the year, by the round ſtones, and fragments of rocks with which their beds are filled. They are nothing but torrents and caſcades; and it may be conceived, that from the proximity of the mountains, to the ſea, among which they riſe, their waters have not time to collect in long valleys, ſo as to form rivers.

The Jordan, ſays Mariti, may, in general, be about thirty-five cubits in breadth; but when the ſnow is thawed, or during the rainy ſeaſon, its increaſe overflows its banks, extends to the diſtance of more than four miles, and is ſometimes divided into two or three channels.

It is ſo rapid at all times, that the ſtrongeſt ſwimmer cannot croſs it; and it would be even dangerous to croſs it in a boat, unleſs one had the mantling Eliſha mentioned in the ſecond chapter of the ſecond book of Kings. Its waters are always muddy; but when taken from the river, and put into any kind of veſſel, they immediately clarify, leaving a black ſediment mixed with bituminous particles. Theſe waters, how⯑ever are ſweet, will not ſoon corrupt, and abound with fiſh. Both ſides of the Jordan are bordered by a [63] foreſt of tufted trees, which grow ſo cloſely in ſome places, that they are impenetrable to the rays of the ſun. This foreſt is the retreat of tigers, which ſome⯑times carry deſolation to the ſurrounding country. It is peopled alſo, with, birds of every kind, and particularly nightingales.

Theſe waters are ſaid to purify both the ſoul and the body. The Greeks even imagine, that people are not properly baptized, until they have plunged three times into the river Jordan. Men, women, and chil⯑dren, therefore, may be ſeen throwing themſelves into the water together, with an eagerneſs almoſt border⯑ing on madneſs, without thinking that they offend both againſt modeſty and decency.

The cuſtom of bathing in this river, is as ancient as the age of Eliſha. "Go," ſaid that prophet to Naaman, who was afflicted with the leproſy, "waſh in the Jordan ſeven times, and thy fleſh ſhall come again unto thee, and thou ſhalt be clean." Naaman obeyed; and, as a reward for his faith, his blood was purified, and his fleſh became as ſound as that of an infant.

The obſtacles oppoſed by the mountains of the above-mentioned rivers, at the iſſue, have formed con⯑ſiderable lakes, in ſeveral places; ſuch as thoſe of An⯑tioch, [64] Aleppo, Damaſcus, Houla, Tabaria, and that which is honoured with the name of the Dead Sea, or Lake Aſphaltites. All theſe lakes, except the laſt, are of freſh water, and contain ſeveral ſpecies of fiſh, different from thoſe we are acquainted with.

Lake Aſphaltites alone, contains neither animal nor vegetable life. We ſee no verdure on its banks, nor are fiſh to be found within its waters; but it is not true, that its exhalations are peſtiferous, ſo as to de⯑ſtroy birds flying over it. It is very common to ſee ſwallows ſkimming its ſurface, and dipping for the water neceſſary to build their neſts. The real cauſe which deprives it of vegetables and animals, is the ex⯑treme ſaltneſs of the water, which is infinitely ſtronger than that of the ſea. The ſoil around it, equally im⯑pregnated with this ſalt, produces no plants; and the air itſelf, which becomes loaded with evaporation, and which receives alſo the ſulphureous and bituminous vapours, cannot be favourable to vegetation; hence, the deadly aſpect which reigns around this lake. In other reſpects, the ground about it is not marſhy; and its waters are limpid and incorruptible, as muſt be the caſe with a diſſolution of ſalt. The origin of this mineral, is eaſy to be diſcovered; for on the South-weſt ſhore, are mines of foſſil ſalt; which, for time immemorial, have ſupplied the neighbouring Arabs, and even the city of Jeruſalem. We find alſo on [65] this ſhore, fragments of ſulphur and bitumen; as alſo hot fountains, and deep crevices; which are diſcovered at a diſtance by little pyramids, built on the brink of them. At intervals, we alſo meet with unſhapen blocks, which prejudiced eyes miſtake for mutilated ſtatues, and which paſs with ignorant and ſuperſtitious pilgrims, for monuments, of the adventure of Lot's wife, though it is no where ſaid ſhe was metamor⯑phoſed into ſtone, like Niobe; but into ſalt, which muſt have melted the enſuing winter.

Some naturaliſts have been greatly embarraſſed, to find a diſcharge for the water, which the Jordan is continually pouring into the lake, and have, there⯑fore, been inclined to ſuſpect it had a communication with the Mediterranean; but, beſides that; we know of no gulf to corroborate this ſuppoſition; it has been demonſtrated, by accurate calculations, that the eva⯑poration is more than ſufficient to carry off the waters brought by the river. It is, in fact, very conſider⯑able, and frequently becomes ſenſible to the eye, by the fogs with which the lake is covered, at the riſing of the ſun, and which are afterwards diſperſed by the heat.

A view of the country will convince us, that the moſt elevated point of all Syria, is Lebanon, on the South-eaſt of Tripoli. Scarcely do we depart from [66] Larnic, in Cyprus, which is thirty leagues diſtant, before we diſcover its ſummit, capped with clouds. This is alſo diſtinctly perceivable on the map, from the courſe of the rivers. Next to Lebanon, the moſt elevated part of the country, is Mount Akkar, which becomes viſible as ſoon as we leave Marra, in the deſert. It appears, like an enormous flattened cone, and is conſtantly in view for two days together.

Lebanon, which gives its name to the whole ex⯑tenſive chain of the Keſraouan, and the country of the Druſes, preſents us every where with majeſtic mountains. At every ſtep we meet with ſcenes, in which nature diſplays either beauty or grandeur. When we land on the coaſt, the loſtineſs and ſteep aſcent of this mountainous ridge, which ſeems to incloſe the country, inſpires aſtoniſhment and reſpect. Should the curious traveller climb theſe ſummits, which bound his view, the immenſity of ſpace which he diſcovers becomes a freſh ſubject of admiration; but, com⯑pletely to enjoy this majeſtic ſcene, he muſt aſcend the very point of Lebanon, or the Sannin. There, on every ſide, he will view an horizon without bounds; while, in clear weather, the fight is loſt over the de⯑ſert, which extends to the Perſian gulf, and over the ſea which bathes the coaſts of Europe. He ſeems to command the whole world, which the wandering eye, now ſurveying the ſucceſſive chain of mountains, [67] tranſports the imagination in an inſtant, from Antioch to Jeruſalem; and, now approaching the ſurrounding objects, more minutely examines the rocks, woods, torrents, hill-ſides, villages, and towns: and the mind ſecretly exults at the diminution of things, which before appeared great. The ſpectator contemplates the valley, obſcured by ſtormy clouds, with a novel delight, and ſmiles at hearing the thunder, which had ſo often burnt over his head, growling under his feet; while the threatening ſummits of the mountains are diminiſhed, till they appear only like the furrows of a ploughed field, or the ſteps of an amphitheatre; and the mind is flattered by an elevation above ſo many great objects, on which pride makes it look down with a ſecret ſatisfaction.

When the traveller viſits the interior of theſe moun⯑tains, the ruggedneſs of the roads, the ſteepneſs of the deſcents, the height of the precipices, ſtrike him at firſt with terror; but the ſagacity of his mule ſoon relieves him, and he examines at his eaſe, thoſe pic⯑tureſque ſcenes which ſucceed each other to enter⯑tain him. There, as in the Alps, he travels whole days, to reach a place which is in ſight at his depar⯑ture; he winds, he deſcends, he ſkirts the hills, he climbs; and in this perpetual change of poſition, it ſeems as if ſome magic power varied for him at every ſtep, the decorations of the ſcenery. Sometimes he [68] ſees villages ready to glide, from the rapid declivities on which they are built; and ſo diſpoſed, that the ter⯑races of one row of houſes, ſerve as a ſtreet to the row above them. I have reckoned, ſays Volney, from a hundred, to a hundred and twenty of theſe grada⯑tions, on the ſame declivity, from the bottom of the valley to the top of the eminence.

The South of Syria, that is the hollow through which the Jordan flows, is a country of volcanos; the bituminous and ſulphureous ſources of the lake Aſphaltites, the lava, the pumice ſtones thrown upon its banks, and the hot bath of Tabaria, demonſtrate, that this valley has been the ſeat of a ſubterraneous fire, which is not yet extinguiſhed. Clouds of ſmoke are often obſerved to iſſue from the lake, and new crevices to be formed upon its banks. If conjecture in ſuch caſes were not too liable to error, we might ſuſpect that the whole valley has been formed only by a violent ſinking of a country, which formerly poured the Jordan into the Mediterranean. It ap⯑pears certain, at leaſt, that the cataſtrophe of five cities, deſtroyed by fire, muſt have been occaſioned by the eruption of a volcano, then burning. Strabo ſays, expreſsly, "that the tradition of the inhabitants of the country (that is of the Jews themſelves) was, that formerly the valley of the lake, had been peopled [69] by thirteen flouriſhing cities, and that they were ſwal⯑lowed up by a volcano."

This account ſeems confirmed by the quantities of ruins, ſtill found by travellers, on the Weſtern border. Theſe eruptions have ceaſed long ſince; but earth⯑quakes, which uſually ſucceed them, ſtill continue to be felt, at intervals, in this country. The coaſt, in general, is ſubject to them; and hiſtory gives us many examples of earthquakes, which have changed the face of Antioch, Laodicea, Tripoli, Tyre, Sidon, &c. In our time, in the year 1759, there happened one, which cauſed the greateſt ravages. It is ſaid to have deſtroyed, in the valley of Balbeck, upwards of twenty thouſand perſons; a loſs which has never been repaired. It is remarked in Syria, that earthquakes ſeldom happen but in winter, after the autumnal rains; and this obſervation, conformable to that made by Dr. Shaw, in Barbary, ſeems to prove, that the action of water on the dried earth, has ſome ſhare in theſe convulſive motions.

The variety of productions which this province affords, is aſtoniſhing. Beſides wheat, rye, barley, beans, and the cotton plant, which is cultivated every where, we find a multitude of uſeful and agreeable productions, appropriated to different ſituations. Maize thrives in the light ſoil of Balbeck; and even [70] rice is cultivated with ſucceſs, in the low grounds. They have lately begun to plant ſugar-canes, in the gardens of Saide. Indigo grows without cultivating. The hill ſides of Latahia produce tobacco. As for trees, the olive-tree of Provence grows at Antioch, and at Ramla, to the height of the beech. The white mulberry tree conſtitutes the wealth of the whole country of the Druſes, by the beautiful ſilks which are produced on it; while the vine, ſupported on poles, or winding round the oaks, ſupplies grapes, which afford red and white wines, that might rival thoſe of Bourdeaux. Gaza produces dates, like Mecca, and pomegranates like Algiers; Tripoli affords oranges, equal to thoſe of Malta; Bairont, figs, like thoſe of Marſeilles; and bananas, not inferior to thoſe of St. Domingo; Aleppo enjoys the excluſive advantage of producing piſtachios; and Damaſcus juſtly boaſts of poſſeſſing all the fruits known in Europe. Twenty ſorts of apricots are reckoned there; the ſtone of one of which, contains a kernel highly valued through all Turkey. In ſhort, the cochineal plant, which grows on all that coaſt, contains, perhaps, that precious in⯑ſect, in as high perfection as it is found in Mexico and St. Domingo. It was long imagined, that the cochineal was peculiar to Mexico; and the Spaniards, to ſecure the excluſive poſſeſſion of it, have prohibited the exportation of the living cochineal, under pain of death.

[71]With theſe numerous advantages of climate and of ſoil, it is not aſtoniſhing, that Syria ſhould always have been eſteemed a moſt delicious country; and that the Greeks and Romans ranked it among the moſt beau⯑tiful of their provinces, and even thought it not in⯑ferior to Egypt. In more moderate times, a Pacha, acquainted with both theſe provinces, being aſked to which he gave the preference, replied, "Egypt, without doubt, is a moſt beautiful farm, but Syria is a charming country houſe."

To complete the natural hiſtory of Syria, it is pro⯑per to add, that it produces all domeſtic animals; and, beſides theſe, the buffalo and the camel, whoſe utility is ſo well known. We alſo find antelopes in the plains, which ſupply the place of our roebucks; and in the mountains are numbers of wild boars. The ſtag and the deer are unknown there; the wolf, and the real fox, are very rare; but there is a pro⯑digious quantity of the middle ſpecies, named jackall; which, in Syria, is called wauwee, in imitation of its howl. Theſe jackalls go in droves, and frequent the environs of the towns, where they feed on what car⯑rion they can find. They never attack any one, but are always ready to ſave themſelves by flight. Every evening they ſeem to give each other the watch-word, and begin howling; and their cries, which are very [72] doleful, laſt ſometimes for a quarter of an hour. In unfrequented places, there are alſo hyenas. But, in return, the country is exempt from lions and bears. Water-fowl are very plentiful; land game is not ſo abundant. A ſpecies of the humming-bird, ſtill exiſts in the territory of Saide. This and the pelican, are the only remarkable birds in Syria.

Syria, as well as Egypt, Perſia, and almoſt all the South of Aſia, is ſubject to another calamity, no leſs dreadful than the earthquakes; thoſe clouds of locuſts ſo often mentioned by travellers. The quantity of theſe inſects is incredible, to all who have not wit⯑neſſed their aſtoniſhing numbers; the whole earth is covered with them, for the ſpace of ſeveral leagues. The noiſe they make in browzing on the trees and herbage, may be heard at a great diſtance; and re⯑ſembles that of an army foraging in ſecret. The Tartars themſelves, are a leſs deſtructive enemy than theſe little animals; one would imagine, that fire had followed their progreſs. Wherever theſe myriads ſpread, the verdure of the country diſappears; and cauſes the dreary image of winter to ſucceed in an in⯑ſtant, to the rich ſcenery of ſpring. When theſe clouds of locuſts take their flight, to ſurmount any ob⯑ſtacle, or to traverſe more rapidly a defart ſoil, the heavens, may literally be ſaid, to be obſcured by them. [73] Happily this calamity is not frequently repeated; for it is the inevitable forerunner of famine, and the mal⯑adies it occaſions. The inhabitants of Syria have remarked, that locuſts are always bred by too mild winters; and that they conſtantly come from the deſert of Arabia. From this obſervation, it is eaſy to con⯑ceive, that the cold not having been rigorous enough to deſtroy their eggs, they multiply ſuddenly; and, the herbage failing them in the immenſe plains of the deſert, innumerable legions iſſue forth. When they make their firſt appearance on the cultivated country, the inhabitants ſtrive to drive them off, by raiſing large clouds of ſmoke, but frequently their herbs and wet ſtraw fail them; they then dig trenches, where num⯑bers of them are buried; but the two moſt efficacious deſtroyers of theſe inſects are, the South, and South-eaſterly winds, and the bird called the ſamamar. Theſe birds, which greatly reſemble the wood-pecker, follow them in numerous flocks, like ſtarlings, and not only greedily devour them, but kill as many as they can; accordingly they are reſpected by the peaſants, and no one is ever allowed to ſhoot them. As for the Southerly and South-eaſterly winds, they drive with violence theſe clouds of locuſts, over the Mediter⯑ranean, where ſuch quantities of them are drowned, that, when their carcaſes are thrown on the ſhore, they infect the air for ſeveral days, even to a great diſtance.

[74]In ſo extenſive a country as Syria, we may rea⯑ſonably preſume the quality of the ſoil is not every where the ſame. The land of the mountains is, in general, rude; and that of the plains, fat and loamy; and exhibiting every ſign of the greateſt fecundity. In the territory of Aleppo, towards Antioch, it re⯑ſembles very fine brick-duſt, or Spaniſh duſt. The waters of the Orontes, traverſing this diſtrict, are ting⯑ed with white, which proceeds from the nature of the lands towards its ſource. Almoſt every where elſe the earth is brown, and like fine garden mould. In the plains, it is often difficult to find a pebble.

Having now given an account of the climate, face of the country, and the productions of this province, we ſhall proceed to treat of the different cities, and conclude with a general view of the inhabitants, who are divided into diſtinct nations, differing from each other in their cuſtoms, manners, and religious cere⯑monies; and, in a great meaſure, independent of the government of the Porte, though within the diſtrict of Syria. The mountains, the plains, and the deſerts, are inhabited by people of a different denomination from thoſe in the cities, and bearing ſcarce any re⯑ſemblance even to each other.

CHAP. VI. Pachalie of Aleppo. Diviſion of the Country and Cities.

AFTER ſultan Selim I. had taken Smyrna from the Mamalukes, he ſubjected the province to the government of viceroys, or pachas, inveſted with unlimited power. The more effectually to ſecure his authority, he divided the country into five govern⯑ments, or pachalies, which diviſion ſtill remains. Theſe pachalies, are thoſe of Aleppo, Tripoli, and Saide, lately removed to Acre; that of Damaſcus, and laſtly, that of Paleſtine, the ſeat of which, is ſometimes at Gaza, and ſometimes at Jeruſalem. Since the time of Selim, the limits of theſe pachalies have often varied, but their general extent has been always the ſame.

Following this diviſion of the country, we ſhall proceed to give a deſcription of the moſt remarkable places in each pachalie. We will begin with the moſt [76] Northerly, that of Aleppo. This pachalie extends from the Euphrates, to the Mediterranean, between two lines, one drawn from Scandaroon to Beer; the other from the Beles to the ſea, by Mara, and the bridge of Shoger. This ſpace principally conſiſts of two plains, that of Antioch to the Weſt, and that of Aleppo to the Eaſt.

The places which merit moſt attention in this pa⯑chalie are, firſt, the city of Aleppo, called by the Arabs Halab, and, by ancient geographers Chalybon. This city is the capital of the government, and the or⯑dinary reſidence of the pacha. It is ſituated in the vaſt plain extending from the Orontes to the Euphra⯑tes; and which, towards the South, terminates in the deſart. The ſituation of Aleppo, beſides the advan⯑tage of a rich and fruitful ſoil, poſſeſſes alſo that of a ſtream of freſh water, which never becomes dry. This river, which is about as large as that of the new river near London, terminates ſix leagues below Aleppo, in a morafs, ſull of wild boars and pelicans. Near Aleppo, its banks are covered with a fertile earth, and laid out in gardens, or rather orchards; which, in a hot country, and eſpecially in Turkey, cannot but be delightful. The city is in itſelf, one of the moſt agreeable in Syria; and is, perhaps, the clean⯑eſt and beſt built of any in Turkey. On whatever ſide it is approached, its numerous minarets and [77] domes, preſent an agreeable proſpect to the eye, fa⯑tigued with the continued ſameneſs of the brown and parched plains. In the centre is an artificial foun⯑tain, ſurrounded by a dry ditch, on which is a ruinous fortreſs. From hence we have a fine proſpect of the whole city; and to the North, diſcover the ſnowy tops of the mountains of Bailan; and on the Weſt, thoſe which ſeparate the Orontes from the ſea; while to the South and Eaſt, the eye can diſcern as far as the Euphrates. In the time of Omar, this caſtle ſtopped the progreſs of the Arabs, for ſeveral months, and was at laſt taken by treachery; but, at preſent, would not be able to reſiſt the feebleſt aſſault. Its ſlight walls, low and without a buttreſs, are in ruins; its little old towers, are in no better condition; and it has not four cannon fit for ſervice.

Aleppo, ſays Tott, celebrated for the number of its inhabitants, the beauty of its edifices, the extent of its commerce, and the riches which that produce, is ſituated in a hollow valley, cloſe to a ſmall river. This water, which ſupplies the inhabitants of Aleppo, appears as extraordinary in the country through which it runs, as the city itſelf, in the deſart in which it ſtands.

The houſes, which are all built with terraces on their tops, are ſo equal in height, that there are ſel⯑dom [78] any ſteps to aſcend, in going from one houſe to another; while ſeveral large vaulted ſtreets increaſe the facility of communication, by affording a paſſage to every part of the city, free from the embarraſſment of open ſtreets. They are carefully paved, have gutters, and a foot pavement on each ſide, and the middle of the ſtreet is laid with brick, the ſmall end upwards, for the convenience of the horſes.

In this city we find a cleanlineſs, unknown to other cities in Turkey, even to the capital itſelf. This re⯑gulation is not attended with the ſame trouble as in Europe; there are aſs-drivers, who go about the city and take up the rubbiſh and dirt, which every inha⯑bitant is obliged to ſweep together.

Though Aleppo cannot be eſteemed a place of im⯑portance in war, as a commercial city it has a diffe⯑rent appearance. It is the emporium of Armenia, and the Diarbekar; ſends caravans to Bagdad, and into Perſia; and communicates with the Perſian gulf and India, by Baſſora; with Egypt and Mecca, by Damaſcus; and with Europe, by Scandaroon (Alex⯑andretta) and Latahia. The chief commodities are, raw or ſpun cottons, coarſe cloths, goats hair, gall and piſtachio nuts, and ſhawls; the wool of which, is ſo fine and ſilky, that the whole handkerchief may be contained in the two hands cloſed. The moſt beautiful [79] comes from Caſhmire; their value is from ſix guineas to fifty pounds.

The French have a conſul in this city, and ſeven counting-houſes; the Engliſh and the Venetian two; and the merchants of Leghorn one. The late em⯑peror Joſeph, appointed one in 1784, in the perſon of a rich Jew, who ſhaved his beard to aſſume the uniform and the ſword.

This city is not exceeded in extent, by any in Turkey, except Conſtantinople and Cairo, and per⯑haps Smyrna. The number of inhabitants has been computed at two hundred thouſand. The people of Aleppo, are juſtly eſteemed the moſt civilized in all Turkey; and the European merchants no where en⯑joy ſo much liberty, or are treated with ſo much reſpect.

The air of Aleppo is very dry and piercing; but, at the ſame time, very ſalubrious, for all who are not troubled with aſthmatic complaints. The city, how⯑ever, and the environs, are ſubject to a ſingular en⯑demial diſorder, which is called the ring-worm, or pimple of Aleppo; it is, in fact, a pimple, which is at firſt inflammatory, and at length becomes an ulcer of the ſize of the nail. The uſual duration of this ulcer is one year, it commonly fixes on the face, and [80] leaves a ſcar, which disfigures almoſt all the inhabi⯑tants. It is alledged, that every ſtranger who reſides there three months, is attacked with it; experience has taught, that the beſt mode of treatment is to uſe no remedy. No reaſon is aſſigned for this malady; but it is ſuſpected to proceed from the quality of the water, as it is likewiſe frequent in the neighbouring villages, in ſome parts of the Diarbekar; and even in certain diſtricts near Damaſcus, where the ſoil and the water have the ſame appearances.

For a long time, ſays Mariti, this diſeaſe was at⯑tributed to the ſubtility of the air of Aleppo; but thoſe perſons, who have never drank water till it has been boiled, remaining free from this diſtemper, makes it rather ſuppoſed to ariſe from the water. There have been perſons, who ſtaid in this city only a few days, who have been attacked by this diſeaſe even a year after. The method of cure is very ſim⯑ple; nothing more is neceſſary, than to lay an ivy leaf, with a little cerate ſpread upon it, over the tu⯑mour, and this brings it to a ſuppuration in the courſe of a year. No particular regimen is required; and, when a cure is effected, the body generally enjoys good health for a long while after.

Every one has heard of the pigeons of Aleppo, which ſerve as couriers at Alexandretta and Bagdad. [81] This uſe of them, which is not fabulous, has been laid aſide for the laſt thirty of forty years, becauſe the curd robbers killed the pigeons. The manner of ſending advice by them was this: they took pairs, which had young ones, and carried them on horſeback to the place from whence they wiſhed them to return, taking care to let them have a full view. When the news arrived, the correſpondent tied a billet to the pigeon's foot, and let her looſe. The bird, impatient to ſee its young, flew off like lightning, and arrived at Aleppo in ten hours from Alexandretta, and in two days from Bagdad. This pigeon has nothing peculiar in its form, except its noſtrils, which, inſtead of being ſmooth and even, are ſwelled and rough.

The open ſituation of Aleppo, brings a great number of ſea-birds there, and affords the curious a ſingular amuſement: if a perſon goes after dinner, on the terrace of the houſes, and makes a motion as if throwing bread, numerous flocks of birds will inſtantly fly round him, though at firſt he cannot diſcover one; but they are floating aloft in the air, and deſcend in a moment to ſeize in their flight, the morſels of bread, which the inhabitants frequently amuſe themſelves with throwing them.

Next to Aleppo, Antioch, called by the Arabs An⯑tahia, claims our attention. This city, anciently re⯑nowned [82] for the luxury of its inhabitants, is now no more than a ruinous town; whoſe houſes, built with mud and ſtraw, and narrow and miry ſtreets, exhibit every appearance of miſery and wretchedneſs. Theſe houſes are ſituated on the Southern bank of the Oron⯑tes, at the extremity of an old decayed bridge: they are covered to the South by a mountain, upon the ſlope of which is wall, built by the Cruſaders.

Notwithſtanding the unpoliſhed manners of its in⯑habitants, Antioch was better calculated than Aleppo, to be the emporium of the Europeans. By clearing the mouth of the Orontes, which is ſix leagues lower down, boats might have been towed up that river; though, according to Volney, they could not have ſailed up, as Pococke affirms; the current being extremely rapid. We no longer hear at Antioch, either of the grove of Daphne, or of the voluptuous ſcenes, of which it was the theatre. The plain of Antioch, though the ſoil of it is excellent, is uncultivated and abandoned to the Turcomen; but the hills on the ſide of the Orontes, abound in plantations of figs and olives, vines and mulberry-trees, which are planted in quin⯑cunx, and exhibit a landſcape worthy our fineſt pro⯑vinces.

The gulf towards the North-eaſt, is remarkable for nothing, but the town of Alexandretta, or Scanda⯑roon, [83] of which it bears the name. This town, ſituated on the ſea-ſhore, is, properly ſpeaking, nothing but a village without walls; in which, the tombs are more numerous than the houſes, and entirely owing its ex⯑iſtence to the road it commands. This is the only road in all Syria, where veſſels anchor on a ſolid bot⯑tom, without their cables being liable to chafe; but, in other reſpects, it has ſo many ſerious inconvenien⯑ces, that neceſſity alone prevents the merchants from abandoning it.

Firſt, it is infeſted during winter, by a wind pecu⯑liar to this place, which, ruſhing from the ſnowy ſum⯑mits of the mountains, frequently forces ſhips to drag their anchors ſeveral leagues. Secondly, when the ſnow begins to cover the mountains, which ſurround the gulf, tempeſtuous winds ariſe, which prevent veſ⯑ſels from entering it, for three or four months. Thirdly, the road from Alexandretta to Aleppo, by the plain, is infeſted by curd robbers, who conceal themſelves in the neighbouring rocks, and frequently attack and plunder the ſtrongeſt caravans. Another reaſon more forcible than all theſe is, the unwholeſomeneſs of the air of Alexandretta. It may be affirmed, that it every year carries off one-third of the crews of veſſels, which remain there during the ſummer; nay, ſhips frequently loſe all their men in a couple of months. The ſeaſon for this epidemic diſorder, is [84] principally from May, to the end of September; it is an intermittent fever of the moſt malignant kind, and accompanied with obſtructions of the liver, which terminate in a dropſy. The cities of Tripoli, Acre, and Larneca, in Cyprus, are ſubject to the ſame diſ⯑order, though in a leſs degree. In all theſe places, the ſame local circumſtances ſeem to have given birth to the contagion; the cauſe of it is to be aſcribed to the adjoining moraſſes, and ſtanding waters; which, in conſequence, produce vapours, and mephitic exha⯑lations; a convincing proof of this is, that the diſ⯑order does not prevail in ſeaſons, when no rain has fallen. But, unfortunately, Alexandretta is con⯑demned, from its ſituation, never to be wholly exempt from it; for the plain on which the town is built, is ſo low and flat, that the rivulets finding no declivity, can never reach the ſea. This plain is about a league in breadth, and lies at the foot of the moun⯑tains, and has been formed from earth brought down by the torrents. When they are ſwelled by the win⯑ter rains, the ſea, ſwelled likewiſe by tempeſts, hinders their diſcharging themſelves into it; hence, theſe waters, forced to ſpread themſelves, form lakes in the plain. On the approach of ſummer, the waters be⯑come corrupted by the heat, and exhale vapours equally corrupt, which cannot diſperſe, being con⯑fined by the mountains that encircle the gulf. The entrance of the bay, beſides, lies to the Weſt, which, [85] in thoſe countries is the moſt unhealthy expoſure, when it correſponds with the ſea. The labour neceſ⯑ſary to remedy this, would be immenſe; and, under a government like that of the Turks, impoſſible. A few years ago, the merchants of Aleppo, diſguſted with the numerous inconveniences of Alexandretta, wiſhed to abandon that poſt, and carry the trade to Latakia. They propoſed to the pacha of Tripoli, to repair the harbour at their own expence, provided he would grant them an exemption of all duties for ten years. To induce him to comply with their requeſt, the agent they employed, talked much of the advan⯑tage which would, in time, reſult to the whole country. "But what ſignifies to me what may happen in time, replied the pacha? I was yeſterday at Marach, to⯑morrow, perhaps, I ſhall be at Djedda; why ſhould I deprive myſelf of preſent advantages, which are cer⯑tain, for future benefits I cannot hope to partake?" The European factors were obliged, therefore, to re⯑main at Scandaroon. There are three of theſe fac⯑tors; two for the French, and one for the Engliſh and Venetians. The only curioſity which they have to amuſe ſtrangers with, conſiſts in ſix or ſeven marble monuments, ſent from England, on which are writ⯑ten, Here lies ſuch a one, carried off in the flower of his age, by the fatal effects of a contagious air. The fight of theſe is the more diſtreſſing, as the languid air, yellow complexion, livid eyes, and dropſical bellies [86] of thoſe who ſhew them, make it but too probable, they cannot long eſcape the ſame fate. It is true, they have ſome reſource in the village of Bailen; the pure air, and excellent waters of which, ſurpriſingly reſtore the ſick. This village, ſituated among the mountains, three leagues from Alexandretta, preſents the moſt pictureſque appearance. It is built among precipices, in a narrow and deep valley, from whence the gulf of Scandaroon is ſeen, as through a tube. The houſes, leaning againſt the ſteep declivities of the two mountains, are ſo diſpoſed, that the terraces of the lower ſerve as ſtreets and courts to thoſe above. In winter, caſcades pour down on every ſide, which ſtun the inhabitants with their noiſe; and, in their fall, ſometimes rend off large pieces of the rocks, and even throw down the houſes. The cold is very ſevere there, during that ſeaſon, but the ſummer delightful; the inhabitants, who ſpeak only Turkiſh, live on their goats and buffaloes, and the produce of a few gardens which they cultivate.

On the road from Alexandretta to Aleppo, is the village of Martawan, celebrated among the Turks and Europeans, on account of an extraordinary prac⯑tice of the inhabitants, who let out their wives and daughters for a trifling ſum. This proſtitution, held in abhorrence by the Arabs, ſeems to have originated in ſome religious cuſtom, which ought, perhaps, to be [87] ſought for in the ancient worſhip of the goddeſs Venus, or be attributed to the community of women, permitted by the Anſarians, to which tribe the inha⯑bitants of Mortawan belong. The Franks pretend that the women are pretty. But it is probable, that long abſtinence at ſea, and the variety of intrigue, conſtitute all their merit; for their exterior announ⯑ces nothing but the diſguſting uncleanlineſs of miſery.

Two days journey to the North-eaſt of Aleppo, is the town of Mambedj; ſo celebrated in ancient times, under the names of Bambyce, and Hierapolis. No traces remain of the temple of that great goddeſs, with whoſe worſhip Lucian has made us acquainted. The only remarkable monument is a ſubterraneous canal, which conducts the water from the mountains of the North, to the diſtance of four leagues. All this country, was formerly full of ſuch aqueducts: the Aſſyrians, Medes, and Perſians, eſteemed it a re⯑ligious duty to convey the water to the deſart, in order to multiply, according to the precepts of Zoroaſter, the principles of life and abundance: we, therefore, at every ſtep, meet with aſtoniſhing proofs of ancient population. Along the whole road from Aleppo to Hama, may be ſeen the ruins of ancient villages, ciſterns fallen in, and the remains of for⯑treſſes; nay, even of temples.

CHAP. VII. Pachalie of Tripoli.

THE pachalie of Tripoli, comprehends the country, which ſtretches along the Mediter⯑ranean, from Latahia to the Nark-el-Kelb, and is bounded on the Weſt by that torrent, and the chain of mountains which overlook the Orontes. The principal part of this government is hilly; the ſea-coaſt alone, between Tripoli and Latahia, is a level country. This pachalie, contains ſeveral different tribes and religions. Among its remarkable cities, we muſt firſt mention Tripoli. It is ſituated on the river Kadiſha, at the diſtance of a quarter of a league from its mouth, and preciſely at the foot of Lebanon, which overlooks and ſurrounds it with its branches, to the Eaſt, the South, and even a little to the North-weſt. It is ſeparated from the ſea, by a ſmall trian⯑gular plain, called La Marine, half a league in breadth; at the point of which is the village where the veſſels land their goods.

[89]All the environs of Tripoli, are laid out in or⯑chards, where the nopal grows ſpontaneouſly, and the white mulberry is cultivated for the ſilk-worm; and, the pomegranate, the orange, and the lemon-tree, for their fruit; which is of the greateſt beauty. But theſe places, though delightful to the eye, are un⯑healthy. Every year, from July to September, epi⯑demic fevers, like thoſe of Scandaroon and Cyprus, rage here: theſe are owing to the artificial inunda⯑tions, with which the mulberry-trees are watered, in order that they may throw out their ſecond leaves. Beſides, as the city is open only to the Weſt, the air does not circulate, and the ſpirits are in a conſtant ſtate of oppreſſion, which makes health at beſt but a kind of convaleſcence. The air, though more humid, is more ſalubrious at La Marine, doubtleſs from its having greater freedom of circulation. It is worthy of obſervation alſo, that the Southern ſhore of this plain, is full of the ruins of habitations, and columns broken and buried in the earth, or in the ſea ſands. The Franks have employed a great number of them, in the building of their walls; in the remains of which, they are ſtill to be ſeen laid croſs-ways.

The commerce of Tripoli, conſiſts almoſt wholly in indifferent coarſe ſilks, which are made uſe of for laces. It is obſerved, they are every day loſing their quality. The reaſon aſſigned is, the decay of the mul⯑berry-trees; [90] of which, ſcarcely any thing now re⯑mains but ſome hollow trunks. A ſtranger inſtantly aſks, why not plant new ones? This is an European obſervation. Here they never plant; becauſe, were they to build or plant, the pacha would ſay, this man has money. He would ſend for him, and de⯑mand it of him: ſhould he ſay he had none, he would receive the baſtinado; ſhould he confeſs, he would ſtill receive it, in order to extort from him the ac⯑knowledgment that he had more. This commerce is in the hands of the French alone. They have a con⯑ſul here, and three commercial houſes. Their exports are ſilk and ſpunges, fiſhed up in the road; theſe they exchange for cloths, cochineal, ſugar, and Weſt-India coffee; but this factory, both with reſpect to imports and exports, is inferior to its ſubordinate town Latakia.

The town of Latahia, founded by Seleucus Nicator, under the name of Laodicea, is ſituated at the baſe, and on the Southern ſide of a ſmall peninſula, which projects half a league into the ſea. Its port is a ſort of baſon, environed by a mole, the entrance of which is very narrow. It might contain five and twenty, or thirty veſſels; but the Turks have ſuffered it ſo to be choaked up, as ſcarcely to admit four. Notwith⯑ſtanding this, Latahia carries on a very great com⯑merce, conſiſting chiefly in tobacco; of which, up⯑wards [91] of twenty cargoes are annually ſent to Da⯑mietta. In the time of Strabo, the exports conſiſted in its famous wines, the produce of the hill ſides. Even then, Egypt was the market by the way of Alexandria. Neither Latahia, nor Tripoli, can be mentioned as places of ſtrength. They have neither cannon nor ſoldiers; a ſingle privateer would make a conqueſt of them both. They are each ſuppoſed to contain from four, to five thouſand inhabitants.

On the coaſts between theſe towns, we meet with ſeveral inhabited villages, which were formerly large cities; but we find ſtill more places, which have only the half deſtroyed, remains of ancient habitations. Among the latter, is the rock or iſland of Roud, for⯑merly a powerful city and republic, known by the name of Aradus. Not a ſingle wall is remaining of all that multitude of houſes; which, according to Strabo, were built with more ſtories than even thoſe of Rome. The liberty enjoyed by the inhabitants, had rendered it very popular, and it ſubſiſted by naval commerce, manufactures, and arts. At preſent, the iſland is deſerted; nor has tradition even retained the memory of a ſpring of freſh water in its environs, which the people of Aradus diſcovered at the bottom of the ſea, and from which they drew water, in time of war, by means of a leaden bell, and a leathern pipe fitted to its bottom. The river Ibrahim, the ancient [92] Adonis, which is two leagues to the Southward, has the only bridge to be ſeen, that of Tripoli excepted, from thence to Antioch. It is of a ſingle arch, fifty feet wide, and upwards of thirty high, of a very light architecture, and appears to have been a work of the Arabs.

CHAP. VIII. Pachalie of Acre.

TO the South of the pachalie of Tripoli, and on the ſame coaſt, is a third pachalie; that, till now, has borne the name of the city of Saide, its capital; but may henceforward aſſume that of Acre, to which place the pacha has of late years transferred his re⯑ſidence. This city, which is now the principal one in the pachalie, is ſituated in a large plain, bounded on the South by Mount Carmel; on the Weſt, by the mountains of Galilee: and on the North, by another mountain, called the ladder of Tyre: ſuch is the de⯑ſcription [93] given of it by Joſephus. It was formerly reckoned among the ancient cities of Phenicia. The addition of St. John, ſeems to have been given it, on account of the hoſpital knights of that order, who took refuge there after the ruin of Jeruſalem.

Nothing is now to be ſeen of this ancient city, but the ſhapeleſs remains of monuments erected in it by the Chriſtians. In the Weſtern part, are found ſome ruins of a church, dedicated to St. Andrew. Three large windows, which time has not yet deſtroyed, give us a very grand idea of this building.

The palace of the grand maſter of the order of St. John of Jeruſalem, with the whole extent of the hoſpital, ſerve at preſent for a habitation to the chief of Acre, together with his family and part of his ca⯑valry.

This edifice, which is almoſt entire, owes its pre⯑ſervation to the aſtoniſhing thickneſs of its walls. It is particularly remarkable for two high towers, and its ſubterranean apartments; which contained hand-mills that are ſtill ſometimes uſed.

In one of theſe towers, is an immenſe hall; in the centre of which, there is a large fountain, ornamented with marble of every kind.

[94]Oppoſite to the palace of the pacha, is a large ſquare; in the Northern part of which, ariſe the ruins of the church and monaſtery of St. Clara. It was in this memorable aſylum, that ſome virtuous virgins mutilated their viſages, when the city was ſacked and taken by the Saracens, to ſecure themſelves from the brutality of theſe barbarians; who, finding them ob⯑jects of horror, butchered them without mercy.

There are here two Latin churches, in one of which public worſhip is performed by the fathers of the Holy Land, who inhabit a very commodious hoſ⯑pital, which ſtands cloſe to it, and which is open at all times to travellers and devotees, who are pious enough to go and viſit the tombs in Galilee.

The ſtreets of Acre are all ſo narrow, that when a camel goes along the broadeſt of them, it is impoſſible for any other animal to paſs at the ſame time.

Cut ſtones only, and not bricks, are employed for conſtructing the houſes. The roofs, very different from ours, are made flat, in the form of a terrace, upon which the inhabitants walk; and which brings to re⯑membrance thoſe mentioned by Vitruvius. The con⯑ſtruction is ſingular. When the walls of an edifice are finiſhed, and the upper ſtory is covered with beams of greater or leſs ſtrength, cypreſs boards are [95] then laid cloſely one againſt another, and nailed down to them. This covering ſupports, in its turn, ſeveral joiſts, placed tranſverſely; over which are ſpread hay and chopped ſtraw, mixed with lime and ſmall ſtones. The whole being made ſmooth by means of a mallet, a layer of cinder is then thrown over this compo⯑ſition; afterwards a ſecond of lime and ſand; and laſtly, a third, conſiſting of a kind of plaiſter, formed of lime, aſhes, and pounded cinders, which is ſmoothed with a roller, and to which a luſtre and poliſh are given, by a certain kind of wooden inſtrument. This is the uſual method of conſtructing theſe terraces.

If this floor happens to crack by the exceſſive heat, the fiſſures are filled up with a mixture of lime, aſhes and oil; and this compoſition will reſiſt the longeſt rains, and at length become ſo hard, that water cannot penetrate it. Roofs built in the form of a cupola, are covered or encruſted with a ſub⯑ſtance, conſiſting of pounded flints and lime, which is applied with great care, in order that it may acquire a luſtre.

In this city are two Bazars, or markets, always well ſupplied. One contains proviſions of every kind; and the other is furniſhed with an aſſortment of cloths and ſtuffs for making dreſſes.

[96]In the ſame ſpot, are alſo two public baths, orna⯑mented with marble, and pretty well conſtructed: there are here, likewiſe, ſeveral coffee-houſes, which give this place a lively and agreeable appearance.

The air of this city is unwholeſome; and various diſeaſes prevail in it every year during the great heats. Theſe, no doubt, are occaſioned by the narrowneſs of the ſtreets, and ſome putrid marſhes in the neigh⯑bourhood. The beſt precaution that Europeans can take, againſt the malignity of this air, is to confine themſelves to a moderate diet; and above all, to avoid night dews, and not to riſe till the ſun has diſſi⯑pated that collection of clouds and vapours, with which the atmoſphere is loaded every morning.

This city was raiſed to its preſent conſequence, by a very extraordinary character, Shaik Daher, who for many years uſurped the government of it; con⯑ſenting, for form's ſake, to be annually inveſted with it, by a baſhaw from the Porte; but, in other reſpects, paid no regard to their authority. He governed his people with great juſtice, and ſhewed an extraordinary partiality to the Chriſtians; by which means, he drew a conſiderable number of them to ſettle in his terri⯑tories, where they were ſecure from thoſe extortions practiſed on them by the neighbouring pachas. By the following act of juſtice and humanity, ſhewn to [97] ſome pilgrims who were ſhipwrecked on his coaſt, he acquired the confidence of ſucceeding ones, that they preferred landing at Acre, where they paid the cuſ⯑tomary dues of landing, to Yafa, which was before the port where all pilgrims landed, in their paſſage from Europe to the Holy Land. Two veſſels filled with Greeks, French, and Armenians, to the number of two hundred, were in their paſſage from Europe to Yafa, driven on ſhore by a dreadful ſtorm in the gulf of Acre. Though they had the good fortune to eſcape the fury of the waves, they found themſelves in a dangerous and diſagreeable ſituation on ſhore. Some of the neighbouring peaſants, a mercileſs and thieving race, called Gorans, attacked them, and ſtrip⯑ped them of their clothes, and every thing they had ſaved from the wreck. The captains of the ſhips were no more reſpected than the reſt of the com⯑pany; twelve of whom only having found means to eſcape, arrived at Acra, during the time it was rava⯑ged by the plague.

The governor informed of this maſſacre, diſpatched in great haſte a party of ſoldiers, who found nothing on the ſhore but ſome mangled bodies. Their orders were, to take all the Gorans without diſtinction, whe⯑ther guilty or innocent. Such of theſe aſſaſſins as they could find, were hung; and when the vengeance of the princes were once ſatisfied, his compaſſion took [98] pleaſure in comforting the unhappy travellers, whom he furniſhed with lodging, food, and cloathing. Fate, however, had not yet done perſecuting them; for they were attacked by the plague which ſpared only eight of them. Deeply affected by this new misfor⯑tune, and, in order to ſecure them from every acci⯑dent, the chief ordered twenty men to eſcort them on horſeback, to Jeruſalem; and gave them, from his treaſury, a ſum ſufficient to maintain them for a con⯑ſiderable time. This was a noble and generous ac⯑tion, which gained him the eſteem and affection of his ſubjects. He found alſo another recompence, in the profit he afterwards gained from the Armenians; for that nation, deeply impreſſed with the kindneſs ſhewn by the governor of Acre, to their eight citi⯑zens, when any of the inhabitants came on a pilgri⯑mage to Jeruſalem, they ſtopped at Acre, in prefe⯑rence to Yafa, to pay there the duty of landing. They did the ſame on their return; and the greateſt part of theſe pilgrims being rich merchants, increaſed the commerce of the city, by purchaſing and ſelling the various kinds of merchandize.

As ſoon as Daher Omar ſaw himſelf fixed in the go⯑vernment, like an intelligent man well acquainted with the true ſource of opulence, he endeavoured by every method he could, to introduce commerce into it. The polite and affable manner he behaved to⯑wards [99] the European merchants, added to the ſtrict juſtice which he maintained in traffic, drew thither people from all parts of the world; and the Engliſh, the French, and the Dutch, all wiſhed to partake in the advantages which the city of Acre held forth, by the abundance of its productions, particularly its cotton.

Daher readily foreſaw, that the number of Euro⯑pean merchants would increaſe, in proportion to the facility which they might find in vending the merchan⯑dize they brought along with them. On this account, he diminiſhed the cuſtom-houſe dues, and rendered his country as advantageous as convenient for the Turkiſh and Arabian merchants, of the city of Da⯑maſcus; who uſed before to ſupply themſelves with goods at the market of Seyd. Theſe, almoſt imme⯑diately, began to come to Acre, in numerous cara⯑vans, which made trade decreaſe in the neighbouring cities; and opened to Europe, an eaſy communication for exporting all ſorts of merchandize, ſuch as drugs, and cloth of every kind, which are furniſhed in great abundance, by the vaſt commerce of Damaſcus. In ſhort, the trade of the city of Acre, roſe to ſo much importance and conſideration, that ſeveral princes of Europe, ſent thither conſuls, to protect and ſupport ſuch of their ſubjects, as had eſtabliſhed themſelves here as merchants.

[100]The French had a vice-conſul here for a conſider⯑able time; but, on account of ſome diſputes with the merchants, it was found neceſſary to recall him, and the duties of conſul are now diſcharged by the mer⯑chants themſelves, in rotation.

England alſo has a vice-conſul here, who belongs to the conſulſhip of Aleppo. By letters patent from the Imperial internuncio, at Conſtantinople, and the Venetian conſul, reſident at Cyprus, he is commiſ⯑ſioned to protect at Acre, the merchants belonging to both theſe nations. He watches alſo, over the in⯑tereſts of Raguſa, for the conſul at Cyprus.

All affairs reſpecting the Dutch trade, are mana⯑ged by a particular conſul, dependant like the Eng⯑liſh vice-conſul, on the conſul-general of Aleppo.

The expence of freight for merchandize, exported from Acre to Europe, is regulated by the uſual rate at Cyprus; and this is followed through all the reſt of Syria.

Near the ſea-ſhore, about two hundred and fifty paces from the city, is the river Belus; "the bed of which is confined and narrow, and contains abundance of glaſs particles mixed with its ſand." Pliny, who gives us this information, ſhews how that tranſparent [101] matter was indebted for its origin to the oriental ſhores. This valuable diſcovery being carried to perfection, raiſed man to the heavens; brought to his eye remote objects, the immenſe diſtances of which he can calculate and meaſure; ſubmitted to his in⯑ſpection, the planets and celeſtial bodies; and per⯑mitted him, like the eagle, to approach the burning rays of light, which he can divide and re-unite at pleaſure. It ſecures him alſo from the injuries of the air, when, from the center of his habitation, he can behold, through its tranſparent pores, the ſplendor of day in its full glory.

The river Belus, alſo is celebrated by the hiſtorian Flavian, who ſays, "it is worthy of admiration, both on account of the agreeable valley through which it paſſes, and the ſand found on its borders." When foreign veſſels ſail along theſe coaſts, they take on board ſome of this ſand, to ſerve them as ballaſt; and the Venetians carry away more of it for that purpoſe, than any other nation.

About eight leagues eaſt of Acre, near Lake Ta⯑baria, is a fountain of warm mineral waters. For want of being cleaned, it is filled with a black mud, which is a genuine Ethiops martial. Perſons attacked by rheumatic complaints, find great relief, and are frequently cured by baths of this mud.

[102]Balbeck, celebrated by the Greeks and Latins, under the name of Heliopolis, or the city of the ſun, is ſituated at the foot of Anti-Lebanon, preciſely on the laſt riſing ground, where the mountain terminates in the plain. What principally attracts our attention here, is a large edifice, adjoining to the city; which, by its lofty walls and rich columns, manifeſtly appears to be one of thoſe temples, which antiquity has left for our admiration. When we conſider the extra⯑ordinary magnificence of this temple, we cannot but be aſtoniſhed at the ſilence of the Greek and Roman authors reſpecting it. Wood, who has carefully exa⯑mined all the ancient writers, has found no mention of it, except in a fragment of John of Antioch, who attributes the conſtruction of this edifice to Antoninus Pius. The inſcriptions which remain corroborate this opinion. We are ignorant of the ſtate of this city, in remote antiquity; but it is to be preſumed, that its ſituation on the road from Tyre to Palmyra, gave it ſome part of the commerce of theſe opulent capitals. Under the Romans, in the time of Auguſtus, it is mentioned as a garriſon town. Its preſent ſtate is deplorable. The wretched government of the Turks had greatly impaired it, and the earthquake of 1759, compleated its deſtruction.

Saide, the ancient Sidon, ſo celebrated in antiquity, and which was the late reſidence of the pacha, is like [103] all the Turkiſh towns, ill built, dirty, and full of modern ruins. On the South ſide, on a ſmall eminence, is a fort, which a few cannon would eaſily deſtroy, being already half in ruins. This is a conſiderable trading town, and the chief emporium of Damaſcus. The French, who are the only Europeans to be found in it, have a conſul, and five or ſix commercial houſes. The manufacture of cotton is the principal art of the inhabitants; the number of whom, may be eſtimated at about five thouſand.

Six leagues to the South of Saide, following the coaſt, is the ancient Tyre, now dwindled to a village of fifty or ſixty families. The viciſſitudes of time, or rather the barbariſm of the Greeks of the Lower Empire, have effected this annihilation of its ancient grandeur. Inſtead of that ancient commerce, ſo active and ſo extenſive, Tyre reduced to a miſerable village, has no other trade than the exportation of a few ſacks of corn, and raw cotton; nor any merchant but a ſingle Greek factor, in the ſervice of the French at Saide, who ſcarcely makes ſufficient profit to main⯑tain his family.

CHAP. IX. Pachalie of Damaſcus.

THE pachalie of Damaſcus, the fourth and laſt of Syria, comprehends nearly the whole Eaſtern part of that country. The firſt city that preſents it⯑ſelf in this pachalie, is Damaſcus. It is ſituated in a large plain, open to the South and Eaſt, but ſhut in to the North and Weſt, by mountains, which limit the view at no great diſtance; but, in return, a num⯑ber of rivulets ariſe from theſe mountains, which ren⯑der the territory of Damaſcus the beſt watered, and moſt delicious province of all Syria; the Arabs ſpeak of it with enthuſiaſm; and think they can never ſuf⯑ficiently extol the freſhneſs and verdure of its orchards, the abundance and variety of its fruits, its numerous ſtreams, and the clearneſs of its rills and fountains. This is alſo the only part of Syria, where there are de⯑tached pleaſure-houſes in the open country. No city affords ſo many canals and fountains; each houſe has one; and all theſe waters are furniſhed by three ri⯑vulets, or branches of the ſame river, which, after fer⯑tilizing [105] the gardens for a courſe of three leagues, flow into a hollow of the deſart, to the South-eaſt, where they form a moraſs, called the moraſs of the mea⯑dow.

With ſuch a ſituation it cannot be diſputed, that Damaſcus is one of the moſt agreeable cities in Tur⯑key; but it is ſtill deficient in point of ſalubrity. The inhabitants complain, that the white waters of the Barrada are cold and hard; and it is obſerved, that the natives are ſubject to obſtructions; that the white⯑neſs of their ſkin, is rather the paleneſs of ſickneſs, than the colour of health; and that the too great uſe of fruit, particularly of apricots, occaſions there, every ſummer and autumn, intermittent fevers and dy⯑ſenteries.

This city is ſuppoſed to contain eighty thouſand in⯑habitants. The greater part of theſe are Arabs and Turks; the number of Chriſtians are eſtimated at above 15000. The Turks never ſpeak of the people of Damaſcus, without obſerving, they are the moſt miſchievous in the whole empire: the Arabs, by a play on words, have made this proverb: ſhamé, ſhoumé. The man of Damaſcus, wicked: on the con⯑trary, they ſay of the people of Aleppo, Halabé, tehelibi; the Aleppo man, a petit maitre. From pre⯑judice, owing to the difference of religions, they [106] alſo add, that the Chriſtians there are more vile and knaviſh than elſewhere. In this they reſemble the inhabitants of Cairo; like them they deteſt the Franks, nor is it poſſible to appear at Damaſcus in a Euro⯑pean dreſs.

This hatred which the people of Damaſcus have for Chriſtians, ariſes from their communication with Mec⯑ca. Their city, they look upon to be a holy place, ſince it is one of the gates of the Caaba; for Damaſcus is the rendezvous for all the pilgrims from the North of Aſia, as Cairo is for thoſe from Africa. Their number every year, amounts from thirty to fifty thouſand; many repair hither four months, before the uſual time; but the greateſt number only at the end of the Ramadan. Damaſcus then reſembles an im⯑menſe fair; nothing is to be ſeen but ſtrangers from all parts of Turkey, and even Perſia; and every place is full of camels, horſes, mules, and even mer⯑chandize. At length, after ſome days preparation, all this vaſt multitude ſet out confuſedly on their march; and, travelling by the confines of the deſart, arrive in forty days at Mecca, for the feſtival of the Bairam. As this caravan traverſes the country of ſeveral independent Arab tribes, it is neceſſary to make treaties with the Bedouins, for a free paſſage, and take them for guides. Frequent diſputes ariſe on this ſubject, between the Shaiks, of which the [107] pacha avails himſelf to make a better bargain; but, in general, the preference is given to the tribe of Sardia, which encamps to the Southward of Damaſcus, along the Hauran: the pacha ſends to the ſhaik, a mace, a tent, and a pelliſe, to ſignify he takes him as chief conductor. From this moment, it is the ſhaik's buſineſs to furniſh camels at a ſtated price; theſe he hires from his tribe and his allies; the pacha is reſponſible for no loſſes, which are all on the ſhaik's own account. On an average, ten thouſand camels periſh yearly; which form a very advantageous article of commerce for the Arabs.

It muſt not be imagined, that devotion is the ſole motive of all theſe expences and fatigues. Pecu⯑niary intereſt has a more conſiderable ſhare in this ex⯑pedition. The caravan affords the means of engroſ⯑ſing every lucrative branch of commerce; and almoſt all the pilgrims convert it into a matter of ſpecula⯑tion. On leaving their own country, they load them⯑ſelves with merchandize, which they ſell on the road; the ſpecie ariſing from this, added to what they have brought with them, is conveyed to Mecca, where they exchange it for all kinds of India goods. Sometimes the Arabs pillage the ſtragglers, and carry off de⯑tached parties of the caravans. But, in general, the pilgrims arrive ſafe, in which caſe their profits are very conſiderable. At all events, they are recom⯑penſed in the veneration attached to the title of Hadji, [108] (pilgrim) and by the pleaſure of boaſting to their coun⯑trymen, of the wonders of the Caabas, and Mount Ararat; of magnifying the prodigious crowds of pil⯑grims, and the number of victims on the day of the Bairam; and, recounting the dangers and fatigues they have undergone, the extraordinary figure of the Bedouins, the deſart without water, and the tomb of the prophet at Medina. Theſe wonderful tales pro⯑duce their uſual effect, that is, they excite the admi⯑ration and enthuſiaſm of the audience; though, from the confeſſion of ſincere pilgrims, nothing can be more wretched than this journey. Accordingly, this tranſient admiration has not prevented a proverb, which does little honour to theſe pious travellers. Diſtruſt thy neighbour, ſays the Arab, if he has made a Hadj; but if he has made two, make haſte to leave thy houſe: and, in fact, experience has proved, that the greater part of the devotees of Mecca, are peculiarly inſolent and treacherous, as if they wiſhed to recom⯑pence themſelves for having been dupes, by becom⯑ing knaves.

By means of this caravan, Damaſcus is become the center of a very extenſive commerce. By Aleppo, the merchants of this city correſpond with Armenia, Anadolia, the Diarbekar, and even with Perſia. They ſend caravans to Cairo; which, following a route, frequented in the time of the patriarchs, take [109] their courſe by Tabaria, Nablous, and Gaza. In re⯑turn, they receive the merchandize of Conſtantinople, and Europe, by way of Saide and Bairout. The home-conſumption, is balanced by ſilk and cotton ſtuffs, which are manufactured here in great quan⯑tities, and are very well made; by the dried fruits of their own growth, and ſweetmeat cakes of roſes, apri⯑cots, and peaches, of which Turkey conſumes to the amount of near a million of livres. The remainder, paid for by the courſe of exchange, occaſions a con⯑ſiderable circulation of money, in cuſtom-houſe duties, and the commiſſion of the merchants. This com⯑merce has exiſted in theſe countries, from the moſt remote antiquity. It has flowed, through different channels, according to the changes of the government, and other circumſtances; but it has every where left very apparent traces of the opulence it produced.

This city is alſo in great reputation for its ſword⯑blades, and for all manner of cutlery-ware, the water being very proper for tempering iron and ſteel.

Near Damaſcus, is a beautiful meadow of great ex⯑tent; from the earth of which, it is ſaid, Adam was formed. There is alſo a grotto in it, and a Turkiſh oratory, in which, St. Paul is ſaid to have received his ſight after his viſion. The place is likewiſe ſhewn, [110] where St. Paul was let down from the wall in a baſket.

Another curioſity in the city of Damaſcus is, a large coffee-houſe, capable of containing between four and five hundred people, ſhaded with trees, in which is a ſmall iſland, encircled with a rapid ſtream of water. Here the Turks reſort every day in great numbers, to ſolace themſelves upon the duans, they being delighted with nothing ſo much, as the ſight of water and verdure; and if, to theſe, a beautiful face is added, the three together, according to a Turkiſh proverb, will baniſh the moſt obſtinate melancholy.

The duans, are broad ſeats, raiſed ſixteen or eigh⯑teen inches above the floor, which are covered with carpets, and furniſhed with cuſhions to lean on. In the houſes of people of rank, at Damaſcus, theſe apartments are fitted up in a moſt expenſive and lux⯑urious ſtile. In theſe, the Turks eat, drink, ſleep, ſmoke, receive viſits, and perform their devotions; and, a ſtranger is ſeldom permitted the ſight of any others.

Among other things deſerving of notice in this city, is the church of St. John the Baptiſt, now con⯑verted into a moſque. This is a moſt ſpacious, lofty, and beautiful building; but a particular deſcription [111] of it is difficult to be obtained; a Chriſtian being ſcarce allowed to ſet his foot in it. There is one room in this church, in which the head of St. John the Baptiſt is kept, eſteemed ſo very ſacred by the Ma⯑hometans, that it is penal even for a Turk to go into this apartment. Maundrell relates, that he was told by a Turkiſh nobleman, that they expected Our Sa⯑viour would deſcend into this moſque, at the day of judgment, as Mahomet would into that of Jeruſalem.

No Frank is permitted to ride on horſeback, when he goes to viſit the gardens, or other curioſities round the city; he muſt either walk on foot, or be mounted on an aſs; and for this purpoſe there are always aſſes, ſtanding ready equipped in the ſtreets, to be hired. The rider has no occaſion, when he is mounted, to uſe either whip or ſpur, as the maſter of the aſs, or his ſervant, follows behind, and forces him along with a goad, ſo that he performs his ſtage in leſs time than could be expected from ſo ſluggiſh a crea⯑ture.

The ſtreet called Strait, in the Acts of the Apoſtles, ſtill retains its name at Damaſcus; or at leaſt, they ſhew one, that they pretend to be the ſame, which is about half a mile in length, but ſo narrow with the houſes jutting over, that its length and ſtraitneſs is not to be diſcerned.

[112]At a little diſtance from Damaſcus, is a high hill, on which, according to tradition, Cain and Abel of⯑fered ſacrifice; and where Cain afterwards killed his brother. A little further, is a Greek convent, called Sidonia, ſituated upon a ſteep rock, on the ſide of a large valley; the aſcent of which, approaches ſo nearly to the perpendicular, that people are obliged to go up to it by ſtairs cut in the rock. In this con⯑vent, founded by Juſtinian, and remarkable for its ex⯑cellent wine, are about twenty Greek monks, and twice the number of nuns, who live together as in one family, without any ſeparation. Such a retire⯑ment, with good wine, agreeable company, and fine women, can be no great mortification.

In this pachalie are alſo, celebrated remains of Pal⯑myra, a city famous in the third age of Rome, for the part it took in the differences between the Parthians and the Romans; and its deſtruction under Aurelian. Hiſtory has ſince preſerved the name of this great city; but it is merely the name, for the world had very confuſed ideas of the real grandeur and power it had poſſeſſed. They were ſcarcely even ſuſpected to exiſt, till, towards the end of the laſt century, ſome Engliſh merchants of Aleppo, tired with hearing the Bedouins talk of the immenſe ruins to be found in the deſart, reſolved to aſcertain the truth of theſe extraordinary relations. Their narrative, publiſhed in the Philoſo⯑phical [113] Tranſactions, met with many who refuſed be⯑lief; men could neither conceive nor perſuade them⯑ſelves, that in a ſpot ſo remote from any habitable place, ſuch a magnificent city as their drawings de⯑ſcribed, could have ſubſiſted. But, ſince Dawkins publiſhed, in 1753, the plans and views he himſelf had taken on the ſpot, in 1751, all doubts are at an end; and, it is univerſally acknowledged, that anti⯑quity has left nothing, either in Greece or Italy, to be compared with the magnificence of the ruins of Palmyra.

It is ſcarcely poſſible to imagine any thing more ſtriking, ſays Wood, than the view of theſe ruins. So great a number of Corinthian pillars, with ſo little wall, or ſolid building, afford a moſt romantic variety of proſpect.

They are ſaid to occupy an extent of more than 2600 yards, concealing a multitude of edifices behind them. In this ſpace, are ſometimes found a palace, of which nothing remains but the courts and walls; ſometimes a temple, whoſe periſtyle is half thrown down; and now a portico, a gallery, or triumphal arch. Here ſtand groups of columns, whoſe ſymmetry is deſtroyed by the fall of many of them; there they may be ſeen, ranged in rows of ſuch length, that, ſimilar to rows of trees, they deceive the ſight, and [114] aſſume the appearance of continued walls. If, from this ſtriking ſcene, the traveller caſts his eyes upon the ground, another, almoſt as varied, preſents itſelf: on all ſides he beholds nothing but ſubverted ſhafts, ſome whole, others ſhattered to pieces, or diſlocated in their joints; and, on which ſide ſoever he looks, the earth is ſtrewed with vaſt ſtones, half buried, with broken entablatures, damaged capitals, mutilated freezes, disfigured reliefs, effaced ſculptures, violated tombs, and altars defiled by duſt.

We refer the reader to the plates of Mr. Wood, for a more particular explanation of theſe ruins, and to make him ſenſible of the degree of perfection, to which the arts had arrived in theſe remote ages. Ar⯑chitecture, more eſpecially, laviſhed her ornaments, and diſplayed her magnificence in the temple of the ſun, the tutelar deity of Palmyra. The ſquare court which ſurrounded it, was ſix hundred and ſeventy-nine feet each way, and a double range of columns was continued all round the inſide. In the middle of the vacant ſpace, the temple preſents another of forty-ſeven feet, by one hundred and twenty-four in depth. Around it runs a periſtyle of one hundred and forty columns; and, what is very extraordinary, the gate faces the ſetting, and not the riſing ſun.

[115]What artiſts eſteem very ſingular is, that the front of this temple of the ſun, reſembles the gallery of the Louvre, built by Perrault, long before the exiſtence of the drawings, which made us acquainted with it; the only difference is, that the columns of the Louvre are double, whereas thoſe of Palmyra are detached.

Within the court of this ſame temple, the philoſo⯑pher may contemplate a ſcene, he will eſteem ſtill more intereſting. Amid theſe hallowed ruins of the magnificence of a powerful and poliſhed people, are about thirty mud-walled huts, which contain as many peaſant families, who exhibit every external ſign of ex⯑treme poverty. So wretched are the preſent inhabi⯑tants of a place once ſo renowned and populous. Theſe Arabs only cultivate a few olive-trees, and as much corn as is neceſſary for their ſubſiſtence. All their riches conſiſt in ſome goats and ſheep they feed in the deſart. The Engliſh travellers, Wood and Daw⯑kins, inform us, that theſe peaſants are healthy and well-ſhaped; and the few diſtempers they are ſubject to, prove, that the air of Palmyra, merits the eulo⯑gium beſtowed on it by Longinus, in his epiſtle to Por⯑phyry. It ſeldom rains there, except at the equi⯑noxes, which are accompanied by thoſe hurricanes of ſand, ſo dangerous in the deſart. The complexion of theſe Arabs, is very ſwarthy, from the exceſſive heat; but this does not hinder the women from having [116] beautiful features. They are veiled; but are not ſo ſcrupulous of ſhewing their faces, as the Eaſtern women generally are; they dye the end of their fingers red, their lips blue, and their eye-brows and eye-laſhes black; and wear very large gold or braſs rings in their ears and noſes.

The travellers we have quoted, have made very ju⯑dicious remarks on the age which produced ſo many monuments of induſtry and power, and the ſource of the immenſe riches they indicate, but too long to be inſerted here; and we muſt again refer the curious reader to that work, to ſee in what manner they diſ⯑tinguiſh two ſorts of ruins at Palmyra; one of which muſt be attributed to very remote ages; while the others, which are the magnificent monuments ſo often mentioned, are the work of more modern times. They demonſtrate with great ingenuity, that Palmyra, ſituated three days journey from the Euphrates, was indebted for its wealth and ſplendor, to the advantage of its poſition on one of the great roads, by which the valuable commerce, that has at all times ſubſiſted between Europe and India, was then carried on; they have proved, in ſhort, that the Palmyrenes were at the height of their proſperity; when, become a barrier between the Romans and the Parthians, they were politic enough to maintain a neutrality in their [117] diſputes, and to render the luxury of thoſe powerful empires, ſubſervient to their own opulence.

Leaving theſe valuable ruins, and returning to the habitable world, ſays Volney, we firſt meet with Homs, the Emeſus of the Greeks, ſituated on the Eaſtern bank of the Orontes: this place, which was formerly a ſtrong and populous city, is, at preſent, only a large ruinous town, containing not more than two thou⯑ſand inhabitants, partly Greeks, and partly Maho⯑metans.

Two days journey below Homs, is Hama, cele⯑brated in Syria for its water-works. The wheels are, in fact, the largeſt in this country, being thirty-two feet in diameter. Troughs are faſtened to the cir⯑cumference, and ſo diſpoſed as to fall into the river; and, when they reach the vertex of the wheel, diſ⯑charge the water into a reſervoir, whence it is con⯑veyed by conduits to the public and private baths. The town is ſituated in a narrow valley, on the banks of the Orontes, contains about four thouſand inha⯑bitants, and poſſeſſes ſome trade, from its ſituation on the road from Aleppo to Tripoli. Further down the Orontes, is Famia, formerly one of the moſt cele⯑brated cities of Syria, under the name of Apamea. The ſoil of the neighbourhood, abounding in paſtu⯑rage, fed no leſs than thirty thouſand mares, three [118] hundred ſtallions, and five hundred elephants; in⯑ſtead of which, the marches of Famia, at preſent, ſcarcely afford a few buffaloes and ſheep.

This is by far the moſt conſiderable pachalie in Syria; the pacha, beſides an unbounded authority, is conductor of the ſacred caravan of Mecca, under the highly reſpected title of Emir Hadj. The Maho⯑metans conſider this office as ſo important, and en⯑titled to ſuch reverence, that the perſon of a pacha, who acquits himſelf well of it, becomes inviolable, even by the ſultan: it is no longer permitted to ſued his blood. But, the divan has invented a method of ſatisfying its vengeance on thoſe protected by this pri⯑vilege, without departing from the literal expreſſion of the law, by ordering them to be pounded in a mor⯑tar, or ſmothered in a ſack; of which, there have been various inſtances.

The tribute of the pacha to the ſultan, is very tri⯑fling; five and forty purſes, or between two and three thouſand pounds; but then he is ſaddled with all the expences of the Hadj; theſe are eſtimated at between three and four hundred thouſand pounds. They con⯑ſiſt in proviſions, and the hire of the camels for the pilgrims. Beſides this, one thouſand eight hundred purſes muſt be paid to the Arab tribes, to ſecure a free paſſage. The pacha re-imburſes himſelf, by the [119] miri, or duty upon lands. Beſides his other emolu⯑ments, the pacha is heir of all the pilgrims who die on the journey, and this is not the leaſt of his perquiſites; it being invariably obſerved, that thoſe are the richeſt of the pilgrims. Beſides all this, he has the profits he makes by lending money on intereſt, to merchants and farmers, and taking from them whatever he thinks proper, in the way of balſe, or extortion.

The pachalie of Damaſcus, from its ſituation, is more than any other expoſed to the incurſions of the Bedouin Arabs; yet, it is remarked, to be the leaſt ra⯑vaged of any in Syria. The reaſon aſſigned is, that inſtead of frequently changing the pachas, as is prac⯑tiſed in the other governments, the Porte uſually be⯑ſtows this pachalie for life: in the preſent century it was held for fifty years, by a rich family of Damaſcus. Aſad, the laſt of them, held it fifteen years; during which time, he did an infinite deal of good. His paſſion, like that of all men in office throughout Turkey, was to amaſs money, but he did not let it re⯑main idle in his coffers; and, by a moderation un⯑heard of in this country, required no more intereſt for it than ſix per cent. the uſual intereſt being from twenty to forty. An anecdote is related of him, which will give an idea of his character. Being one day in want of money, the informers, by whom the pachas are conſtantly ſurrounded, adviſed him to [120] levy a contribution on the Chriſtians, and on the ma⯑nufacturers of ſtuffs. "How much do you think they may produce," ſaid Aſad; "fifty or ſixty purſes," re⯑plied they. "But," anſwered he, "theſe people are by no means rich, how will they raiſe that ſum?" "My Lord, they will ſell their wives' jewels; and, beſides, they are Chriſtian dogs." "Ill ſhew you," replied the pacha, "that I am an abler extortioner than you!" The ſame day he ſent an order to the muſti, to wait upon him ſecretly, and at night. As ſoon as the muſti arrived, Aſad told him, "he was in⯑formed, he had long led a very irregular life in pri⯑vate; that he, though the head of the law, had in⯑dulged himſelf in drinking wine, and eating pork, contrary to the precepts of the moſt pure book; aſ⯑ſuring him, at the ſame time, he was determined to inform againſt him, to the Muſti of Stamboul, (Con⯑ſtantinople) but that he wiſhed to give him timely notice, that he might not reproach him with perfidi⯑ouſneſs. The muſti, terrified at this menace, con⯑jured him to deſiſt; and, as ſuch offers are an open and allowed traffic among the Turks, promiſed him a preſent of a thouſand piaſtres. The pacha rejected the offer; the muſti doubled and trebled the ſum, till, at length, they ſtrike a bargain for ſix thouſand piaſ⯑tres, with a reciprocal engagement to obſerve a pro⯑found ſilence. The next day, Aſad ſends for the cadi, and addreſſes him in the ſame manner; tells him, [121] he is informed of ſeveral flagrant abuſes in his admi⯑niſtration; and that he is no ſtranger to a certain af⯑fair, which may, perhaps, coſt him his head. The cadi, confounded, implores his clemency, negociates like the muſti; accommodated the matter for a like ſum, and retires, congratulating himſelf that he has eſcaped even at that price. He proceeded in like manner with the wali; the aga of the Janiſſaries; and, after them, the wealthieſt Turkiſh and Chriſtian mer⯑chants. Each of theſe, charged with offences pecu⯑liar to their ſituations; and, above all, accuſed of in⯑trigues, were anxious to purchaſe pardon by contribu⯑tions. When the ſum total was collected, the pacha, being again with his intimates, thus addreſſed them, "Have you heard it reported at Damaſcus, that Aſad has been guilty of extortion?" No ſeignior. "By what means then have I found the two hundred purſes I now ſhew you?" The informers began to exclaim in great admiration, and enquire what method he had employed. "I have fleeced the rams," replied he, "and ſkinned the lambs and the kids."

After fifteen years reign, the people of Damaſcus were deprived of this man, by intrigues, the hiſtory of which, is thus related: About the year 1755, one of the black eunuchs of the ſeraglio, making the pilgri⯑mage of Mecca, took up his quarters with Aſad; but, not contented with the ſimple hoſpitality with which [122] he was entertained, he would not return by Damaſcus, but took the road to Gaza. Hoſein, who was then go⯑vernor of that town, took care to give him a ſumptuous entertainment. The eunuch, on his return to Con⯑ſtantinople, did not forget the treatment he had re⯑ceived from his two hoſts; and, to ſhew his gratitude and reſentment, determined to ruin Aſad, and raiſe Hoſein to his dignity. His intrigues was ſo ſucceſsful, that the following year, he obtained for him the pa⯑chalie of Damaſcus. Aſad thus depoſed, retired with his houſhold into the deſart, to avoid ſtill greater diſ⯑grace. Hoſein, conducted the caravan agreeable to the duty of his ſtation; but, on his return, having quarrelled with the Arabs, concerning ſome payment they claimed, they attacked him, defeated the eſcort, and entirely plundered the caravan in 1757. On the news of this diſaſter, the whole empire was thrown into as much confuſion, as could have been occaſioned by the loſs of the moſt important battle. The families of twenty thouſand pilgrims, who had periſhed with thirſt and hunger, or been ſlain by the Arabs; the re⯑lations of a multitude of women, who had been car⯑ried into ſlavery; the merchants intereſted in the plundered caravan, all demanded vengeance on the cowardice of the Emir Hadj, but he concealed him⯑ſelf ſo well, that it was impoſſible to ſurpriſe him; while he, from his retreat, acting in concert with the eunuch his protector, undertook to exculpate himſelf. [123] The pachalie, however, remained vacant; Hoſein, diſgraced as he was, could not reſume his govern⯑ment. The Porte, deſiring to revenge the late affront, and provide for the ſafety of the pilgrims in future, made choice of a ſingular man, whoſe character and hiſtory deſerves to be noticed. This man, named Abd-allah, was born near Bagdad, in an obſcure ſta⯑tion. Entering very young into the ſervice of the pacha, he had paſſed the firſt years of his life in camps and war, and been preſent, as a common ſoldier, in all the campaigns of the Turks, againſt Kouli-khan; and the bravery and intelligence he diſplayed, raiſed him, ſtep by ſtep, even to the pacha of Bagdad. Ad⯑vanced to this eminent poſt, he conducted himſelf with ſo much firmneſs and prudence, that he reſtored peace to the country, from both foreign and domeſtic wars. The ſimple and military life he continued to lead, requiring no great ſupplies of money, he amaſſed none; but the great officers of the ſeraglio of Con⯑ſtantinople, who derived no profits from his modera⯑tion, did not approve of this diſintereſtedneſs, and waited only for a pretext to remove him.

This they ſoon found. Abd-allah had kept back the ſum of about four thouſand pounds, ariſing from the eſtate of a merchant. Scarcely had the pacha re⯑ceived it, before it was demanded of him. In vain did he repreſent, that he had uſed it to pay ſome old [124] arrears of the troops; in vain did he requeſt time: the vizir only preſſed him the more cloſely; and, on a ſecond refuſal, diſpatched a black eunuch, ſecretly provided with a kat-ſherif, to take off his head. The eunuch arriving at Bagdad, feigned himſelf a ſick perſon, travelling for his health; and, as ſuch, ſent his reſpects to the pacha; obſerving the uſual forms of politeneſs, and requeſting permiſſion to pay him a viſit. Abd-allah, well acquainted with the practiſes of the divan, was diſtruſtful of ſo much complaiſance, and ſuſpected ſome ſecret miſchief. His treaſurer, not leſs verſed in ſuch plots, and greatly attached to his perſon, confirmed him in theſe ſuſpicions; and, in order to diſcover the truth, propoſed to go and ſearch the eunuch's baggage, while he and his retinue ſhould be paying their viſit to the pacha. Abd-allah approved the expedient; and, at the hour appointed, the treaſurer repaired to the tent of the eunuch, and made ſo careful a ſearch, that he found the kat-ſherif concealed in the lapelles of a peliſſe. Immediately, he flew to the pacha, and, ſending for him into an ad⯑joining room, told him what he had diſcovered. Abd-allah, furniſhed with the fatal writing, hid it in his boſom, and returned to the apartment; when, re⯑ſuming with an air of the greateſt indifference, his converſation with the eunuch: "The more I think of it," ſaid he, "ſignior aga, the more I am aſto⯑niſhed at your journey into this country; Bagdad is [125] ſo far from Stamboul, we can boaſt ſo little of our air, that I can ſcarcely believe you have come hither for no other purpoſe, but the re-eſtabliſhment of your health." "It is true," replied the aga; "I am alſo commiſſioned to demand of you, ſomething on account of the four thouſand pounds you received." "We will ſay nothing of that," anſwered the pacha; "but come," added he with an air of firmneſs, "confeſs that you have likewiſe orders to bring with you my head. Obſerve what I ſay, you know my character, and you know my word may be depended upon: I now aſſure you that, if you make an open declaration of the truth, you ſhall depart without the leaſt injury." The eunuch now began a long defence, proteſting that he came with no ſuch black intentions. "By my head," ſaid Abd-allah, confeſs the truth to me:" the eunuch ſtill denied. "By your head," he ſtill denied: "take care, by the head of the ſultan;" he ſtill perſiſted. "Be it ſo," ſays Abd-allah, "the matter is decided, thou haſt pronounced thy doom;" and drawing forth the kat-ſherif, Know you this paper? Thus you go⯑vern at Conſtantinople. Yes, you are a troop of vil⯑lains, who ſport with the lives of whoever happen to diſpleaſe you; and ſhed, without remorſe, the blood of the ſervants of the ſultan. The viſir muſt have heads, he ſhall have one; off with the head of that dog, and ſend it to Conſtantinople." The order was [126] executed on the ſpot, and the eunuch's retinue diſ⯑miſſed, departed with their maſter's head.

After this deciſive ſtroke, Abd-allah might have availed himſelf of his popularity to revolt; but he rather choſe to retire among the Curds. Here the pardon of the ſultan was ſent him, and an order, ap⯑pointing him pacha of Damaſcus. Wearied of his exile, and deſtitute of money, he accepted the com⯑miſſion, and ſet out with one hundred men, who fol⯑lowed his fortune. On his arrival at the frontiers of his new government, he learnt, that Aſad was en⯑camped in the neighbourhood; he had heard him ſpoken of as the greateſt man in Syria, and was de⯑ſirous of ſeeing him. He, therefore, diſguiſed him⯑ſelf; and, accompanied only by ſix horſemen, repaired to his camp, and deſired to ſpeak with him. He was introduced, as is uſual in their camps, without much ceremony; and, after the cuſtomary ſalutations, Aſad enquired of him, whither he was going, and whence he came? Abd-allah anſwered, he was one of ſix or ſeven Curd horſemen, who were ſeeking employment; and hearing Satadji (Abd-allah's other name) was ap⯑pointed to the pachalie of Damaſcus, were going to apply to him; but being informed on their way, that Aſad was encamped in the neighbourhood, they had come to requeſt of him proviſions for themſelves and their horſes. With pleaſure, replied Aſad, but do [127] you know Satadji? Yes. What ſort of a man is he? Is he fond of money? No; Satadji cares very little for money, or peliſſes, or ſhawls, or pearls, or women; he is fond of nothing but well-tempered arms, good horſes, and war. He does juſtice, protects the widow and the orphan, reads the Koran, and lives on butter and milk. Is he old? ſaid Aſad. Fatigue has made him appear older than he is: he is covered with wounds; he has received a blow with a ſabre, which has made him lame with his left leg; and another, which makes him lean his head on his right ſhoulder. In ſhort, ſaid he, haſtily riſing, he is, in ſhape and fea⯑tures, exactly my picture. At theſe words, Aſad turned pale, and gave himſelf up for loſt; but Abd-allah, ſitting down again, ſaid to him, brother, fear nothing; I am not ſent by a troop of banditti; I come not to betray thee; on the contrary, if I can render thee any ſervice, command me, for we are both held in the ſame eſtimation with our maſters; they have recalled me, becauſe they wiſh to chaſtiſe the Bedou⯑ins; when they have gratified their revenge on them, they will again lay plots to deprive me of my head. God is great; what he hath decreed will come to paſs.

With theſe ſentiments, Abd-allah repaired to Da⯑maſcus; where he reſtored good order, put an end to the extortions of the ſoldiery, and conducted the cara⯑van, ſabre in hand, without paying a piaſtre to the [128] Arabs. During his adminiſtration, which laſted two years, the country enjoyed the moſt perfect tranquil⯑lity. The inhabitants of Damaſcus ſtill ſay, that under his government they ſlept in ſecurity with open doors. He himſelf, frequently diſguiſed as one of the pooreſt of the people, ſaw every thing with his own eyes. The acts of juſtice he ſometimes did, in con⯑ſequence of his diſcoveries under theſe diſguiſes, pro⯑duced a ſalutary circumſpection. Some inſtances are ſtill told by the people with pleaſure. It is ſaid, for example, that being on his circuit at Jeruſalem, he had prohibited his ſoldiers from either taking, or or⯑dering any thing without paying. One day when he was going about in the diſguiſe of a poor man, with a little plate of lentiles in his hand, a ſoldier, who had a faggot on his ſhoulders, would force him to carry it. After ſome reſiſtance, he took it on his back, while the Delibaſhe following him, drove him on with im⯑precations. Another ſoldier, knowing the pacha, made a ſign to his comrade, who inſtantly took to flight, and eſcaped through the croſs ſtreets. After proceeding a few paces, Abd-allah no longer hearing his man, turned round, and vexed at miſſing his aim, threw his burthen on the ground, ſaying, the raſcally knaviſh dog! he has both robbed me of my hire, and carried off my plate of lentiles. The ſoldier did not long eſcape; a few days after, the pacha ſurpriſing [129] him in the act of robbing a poor woman's garden, and ill treating her, ordered his head to be ſtruck off on the ſpot.

As for himſelf, he was unable to ward off the deſ⯑tiny he had foreſeen. He was poiſoned by his nephew. This he diſcovered before he died; and ſending for his murderer, Wretch that thou art, ſaid he, the villains have ſeduced thee, thou haſt poiſoned me to profit by my ſpoils: it is in my power, before I die, to blaſt thy hopes, and puniſh thy ingratitude; but I know the Turks, they will be my avengers. In fact, Satadji had ſcarcely breathed his laſt, before a Capidji produced an order to ſtrangle the nephew, which was executed.

Of the tyrannical diſpoſition of Oſman Darouich, his ſucceſſor, the following is a ſtriking inſtance. In the month of November, 1784, a village of Greek Chriſ⯑tians near Damaſcus, which had paid the miri, was called upon to pay it a ſecond time. The ſhaiks ap⯑pealing to the regiſter, refuſed to comply; but a night or two after, a party of ſoldiers attacked the village, and ſlew one and thirty perſons. The wretched pea⯑ſants in conſternation, carried the heads to Damaſcus, and demanded juſtice of the pacha. After hearing their complaints, Oſman told them, to leave the heads in the Greek church, while he made the neceſſary [130] inquiries. Three days elapſed, and the heads putrify⯑ing the Chriſtians wiſhed to bury them; but to effect this, the pacha's permiſſion was neceſſary, for which they were under the neceſſity of paying forty purſes, or above two thouſand pounds. With ſuch tyranny and oppreſſion in the officers of the Grand Signior, both at Conſtantinople, and in the different pacha⯑lies, who can but rejoice to ſee the downfall of the Turkiſh empire?

We ſhall, in our next chapter, take a view of the manners and cuſtoms of the different nations, as they may more properly be termed, who inhabit theſe ſe⯑veral pachalies.

CHAP. X. Of the different Inhabitants of Syria.

SYRIA as well as Egypt, has undergone revolu⯑tions, which have confounded the different races of its inhabitants. Within two thouſand years, we [131] may reckon ten invaſions, which have introduced into that country a ſucceſſion of foreign nations, ſo that the people of Syria, muſt be conſidered as a mixture of inhabitants, and may be divided into three princi⯑pal claſſes:

Firſt, the poſterity of the people conquered by the Arabs, that is, the Greeks of the lower empire.

Secondly, the poſterity of the Arabian conquerors.

Thirdly, the preſent ruling people, the Ottoman Turks.

To theſe people, who are the cultivators, and ſettled inhabitants of Syria, muſt ſtill be added, three other wandering tribes or paſtors, viz. the Turcomen, the Curds, and the Bedouin Arabs.

Such are the different races diſperſed over this country. In this enumeration, it is remarkable, that the ancient inhabitants have no remaining repreſenta⯑tive; their diſtinguiſhing character is loſt and con⯑founded in that of the Greeks, who, in fact, by a con⯑tinued reſidence from the days of Alexander, have had ſufficient time entirely to take place of the ancient people.

[132]Syria has not, like Egypt, refuſed to adopt the fo⯑reign races. They all become equally naturalized to the country. The features and complexion are go⯑verned nearly by the ſame laws there, as in the South of Europe. There the inhabitants of the Southern plains, are more ſwarthy than thoſe of the Northern; and theſe more ſo than the inhabitants of the moun⯑tains. In Lebanon, the complexion does not differ from that in the middle provinces of France. The women of Damaſcus and Tripoli, are greatly boaſted for the fairneſs, and even regularity, of their fea⯑tures; but we muſt take this praiſe on truſt, ſince the veil they perpetually wear, allows no perſon to make nice obſervations. In ſeveral diſtricts, the women are leſs ſcrupulous without being leſs chaſte. In Paleſtine, for example, the married women may be ſeen almoſt uncovered; but want and fatigue, have robbed the countenance of all its charms; their eyes alone, are almoſt every where beautiful; and the long drapery, which forms their general dreſs, permits the body freely to diſplay its ſhape: it is ſometimes without elegance, but its proportions, at leaſt, are no ways in⯑jured. I do not recollect, ſays Volney, having ſeen in Syria, nor even in Egypt, two perſons crooked or de⯑formed. It is true, they are ſtrangers to thoſe tight⯑laced waiſts, which, though ſo much admired among us, are in no eſtimation in the Eaſt; and the young women, aſſiſted by their mothers, very early ſtudy, [133] even ſuperſtitious receipts, to acquire an embon⯑point.

The Syrians are, in general, of a middling ſtature, and are, as in all warm countries, leſs corpulent than the inhabitants of the North. We find, however, in the cities, ſome individuals, whoſe corpulency proves, that the influence of diet, is able to counterbalance, in a certain degree, that of climate.

Syria has no diſeaſe peculiar to itſelf, but the pimple of Aleppo, which we have noticed in ſpeaking of that city. Other diſorders are, dyſenteries and fevers, the conſequence of the bad fruits which the people greedily devour. The ſmall-pox is ſometimes very fatal; but the general and moſt frequent illneſs is the cholic, the cauſes of which are very evident, when we conſider that every one eats to exceſs of un ripe fruit, raw vegetables, honey, cheeſe, ſtrong oil, ſour milk, and ill-fermented bread. Theſe are the uſual food of all the inhabitants; and the acid juices they contain, produce crudities, nauſea, and even vomitings of bile. Accordingly, the firſt preſcription, in almoſt all diſorders, is an emetic; which method of treatment is only known to the European phyſicians. Bleeding is neither neceſſary nor uſeful. In dangerous caſes, cream of tartar and tamarinds, have the moſt certain ſucceſs.

[134]Among the different inhabitants of Syria we have mentioned, ſome are diſperſed, indifferently, over every part of the country; others confine themſelves to particular ſpots, which it will be neceſſary to de⯑termine.

The Greeks, the Turks, and the Arabian peaſants, belong to the former claſs, with this difference, that the Turks reſide only in the towns where they are in poſſeſſion of the military employments, and the of⯑fices of the magiſtracy, and where they exerciſe the arts. The Arabs and Greeks inhabit the villages, and form the claſs of huſbandmen in the country, and the inferior people in the towns. That part of the coun⯑try which contains the moſt Greek villages, is the pa⯑chalie of Damaſcus.

The Turcomen, the Curds, and the Bedouins, have no fixed habitations, but keep perpetually wandering with their tents and herds, in limited diſtricts, of which they look upon themſelves as the proprietors. The Turcoman hordes, generally encamp on the plain of Antioch; the Curds, in the mountains between Alex⯑andretta and the Euphrates; and the Arabs ſpread over the whole frontier of Syria, adjacent to their deſarts.

[135]The Turkmen, or Turcomen, are of thoſe Tartar hordes, who, on the great revolutions of the empire of the Califs, emigrated from the Eaſtward of the Caſpian ſea, and ſpread themſelves over the vaſt plains of America and Aſia-Minor. Their language is the ſame with that of the Turks, and their mode of life nearly ſimilar to that of the Bedouin Arabs. Each of their camps acknowledges a chief, whoſe power is not determined by fixed laws, but governed by cuſtom and circumſtances. It is rarely abuſed, becauſe the ſociety is compact, and the nature of their ſituation maintains ſufficient equality among its mem⯑bers. Every man able to bear arms, is anxious to carry them, ſince on his individual force, depend both his perſonal ſafety, and the reſpect paid him by his companions. All their property conſiſts in cattle, that is camels, buffaloes, goats, and eſpecially ſheep. They live on milk, butter, and meat, which are in great abundance among them; and the ſurplus of which they ſell in the towns, and the neighbouring country. In return, they take arms, clothes, money, and corn. Their women ſpin wool and make car⯑pets; the uſe of which is immemorial in theſe coun⯑tries, and conſequently indicates their manner of living to have been always the ſame. As for the men, their whole occupation conſiſts in ſmoking, and look⯑ing after their flocks. Perpetually on horſeback with their lances on their ſhoulders, their crooked ſabres [136] by their ſides, and their piſtols in their belts; they are expert horſemen, and indefatigable ſoldiers. They have frequent differences with the Turks, who dread them; but as they are divided among themſelves, and form ſeparate camps, they do not aſſume that ſupe⯑riority, which their combined forces would enſure them. The pachalies of Aleppo and Damaſcus, which are the only parts of Syria they frequent, may be computed to contain about thirty thouſand wan⯑dering Turkmen. A great number of theſe tribes paſs, in ſummer, into Armenia and Caramania, where they find graſs in greater abundance, and return to their former quarters in winter.

The Turkmen are reputed Muſſulmen, and gene⯑rally bear the diſtinguiſhing mark, circumciſion. But they trouble themſelves very little about religion, and they have neither the ceremonies, nor the fanaticiſm of ſedentary nations. To deſcribe their manners ac⯑curately, it would be neceſſary to have lived among them. They have the reputation of not being robbers like the Arabs, though they are neither leſs generous, nor leſs hoſpitable; and, when we conſider that they live in plenty, without being rich, and that they are inured to war, and hardened by fatigue and danger, we may preſume, they are equally removed from the ignorance and ſervility of the peaſants, and the ſelfiſhneſs and corruption of the inhabitants of towns.

[137]The Curds are another national body; the divided tribes of which, are equally diſperſed over the Lower Aſia, and have extended themſelves pretty conſider⯑ably, eſpecially within the laſt hundred years. Theſe were the ſame Curds who are mentioned by Xenophon, under the denomination of Card-uchi, and who op⯑poſed the retreat of the ten thouſand. This hiſtorian obſerves, that though ſhut in on all ſides by the Per⯑ſian empire, they had conſtantly braved the power of the Great king, and the arms of his Satraps. They have changed but little in their modern ſtate, and though in appearance, tributaries to the Porte, pay very little reſpect to the orders of the Grand Signior, or his pachas. In their mountains, they are ſubject to a ſort of foedal government; each village has its chief, and the whole nation is divided into different and independent factions. All their tribes united, are eſtimated to exceed one hundred and forty thou⯑ſand tents, that is one hundred and forty thouſand armed men. Like the Turkmen, theſe Curds are paſtors and wanderers; but differ from them in ſome particular cuſtoms. The Turkmen give their daugh⯑ters a marriage dower: the Curds receive a premium for theirs. The Turkmen pay no reſpect to nobility, the Curds honour it above every thing The Turk⯑men do not ſteal: the Curds are almoſt every where looked upon as plunderers; on which account, they are much dreaded in the neighbourhood of Aleppo [138] and Antioch, where they fix their tents. In this pa⯑chalie, and in that of Damaſcus, their number exceeds twenty thouſand. They are reputed Mahometans; but they never trouble themſelves about religious rites, or opinions. Several of them worſhip Shaitan, or Satan, that is the genius who is the enemy of God.

Language is the principal indication of the con⯑ſanguinity of nations. That of the Curds is divided into three dialects. It has neither the aſpirations, nor the gutturals of the Arabic; nor does it reſemble the Perſian; ſo that it muſt be an original language. Now, if we conſider the antiquity of the people who ſpeak it; and that we know they are related to the Medes, Aſſyrians, Perſians, and even the Parthians, we may be allowed to conjecture, that a knowledge of this tongue, might throw ſome light on the ancient hiſtory of theſe countries.

The third wandering people in Syria, are the Be⯑douin Arabs. In general, when ſpeaking of the Arabs, we ſhall diſtinguiſh whether they are cultiva⯑tors, or paſtors; this difference in their mode of life, occaſioning a great one in their manners and genius. In the former caſe, the ſocial ſtate in which they live reſembles our own. In the ſecond inſtance, their mode of exiſtence is neither that of poliſhed na⯑tions, [139] nor of ſavages. Such are the Bedouins, or in⯑habitants of the vaſt deſarts, which extend from the confines of Perſia to Morocco. Though divided into independent communities, or tribes, they may ſtill be conſidered as forming one nation. The re⯑ſemblance of their language, is a manifeſt token of this relation. In general, the Bedouins are ſmall, meagre, and tawny; more ſo, however, in the heart of the deſart, than on the frontiers of the cultivated country. In general, they do not exceed five feet two inches. This difference of height can only be attributed to their food. It may likewiſe be affirmed, that the lower claſs of Bedouins, live in a ſtate of ha⯑bitual wretchedneſs and famine. It is an undoubted fact, that the quantity of food uſually conſumed by the greateſt part of them, does not exceed ſix ounces a day. Six or ſeven dates ſoaked in melted butter, a little ſweet milk or curds, ſerve a man a whole day; and he eſteems himſelf happy when he can add a ſmall quantity of coarſe flour, or a little ball of rice. Meat is reſerved for the greateſt feſtivals; and they never kill a kid, but for a marriage or a funeral. A few wealthy and generous ſhaiks alone, can kill young camels, and eat baked rice with their victuals. In times of dearth, the vulgar, half famiſhed, do not diſ⯑dain the moſt wretched kinds of food; and eat lo⯑cuſts, rats, lizards, and ſerpents, broiled on briars.

[140]We have already ſaid, the Bedouin Arabs are di⯑vided into tribes; each of which appropriates itſelf a tract of land. If another tribe enters upon this ter⯑ritory, they are treated as enemies, and a ſkirmiſh commences. This combat is, however, decided by the firſt ſhock, and the vanquiſhed take to flight. But the ſlaughter made in theſe engagements, frequently ſows the ſeeds of hatred, which perpetuate theſe diſ⯑ſenſions. It is an eſtabliſhed law among them, that the blood of every man who is ſlain, muſt be avenged by that of his murderer. So nice are the Arabs on this point of honour, that if any one neglects to ſeek his retaliation, he is diſgraced for ever. Theſe ani⯑mofities are tranſmitted, from father to children, and never ceaſe, but by the extinction of one of the fa⯑milies, unleſs they agree to ſacrifice the criminal, or purchaſe the blood for a ſtated price, in money, or flocks.

The government of theſe tribes is at once republi⯑can, ariſtocratical, and even deſpotic, without exactly correſponding with any of its forms. It is republican, as the people have a great influence in all affairs, and nothing can be tranſacted without the conſent of a majority. It is ariſtocratical, becauſe the families of the ſhaiks poſſeſs ſome of the prerogatives which every where accompany power; and laſtly, it is deſpotic, becauſe the principal ſhaik has an indefinite [141] and almoſt abſolute authority; which, when he hap⯑pens to be a man of credit and influence, he may even abuſe; but the ſtate of theſe tribes confines even this abuſe to very narrow limits; for, if a chief ſhould commit an act of injuſtice, if, for example, he ſhould kill an Arab, it would be almoſt impoſſible for him to eſcape puniſhment; the reſentment of the in⯑jured party would pay no reſpect to his dignity, the law of retaliation would be put in force, and ſhould he not pay the blood, he would be infallibly aſſaſ⯑ſinated. If he haraſſes his ſubjects by ſeverity, they abandon him, and go over to another tribe.

The principal ſhaik in every tribe, defrays the charges of all who arrive at, or leave the camp. He receives the viſits of the allies, and of every perſon who has buſineſs with them. Adjoining to his tent is a large pavillion, for the reception of all ſtrangers and paſſengers. In theſe pavillions, are held fre⯑quent aſſemblies of the ſhaiks, and principal men, to determine on encampments and removals, on peace and war; on the difference with the Turkiſh governors, and the villages; and the litigations and quarrels of individuals. To this crowd which enters ſucceſſively, he muſt give coffee, bread baked on the aſhes, rice, and ſometimes roaſted kid or camel; in a word, he muſt keep open table; and it is the more important to him to be generous, as this generoſity is cloſely [142] connected with matters of the greateſt conſequence. On the exerciſe of this, depends his credit and his power. The famiſhed Arab, ranks the liberality which feeds him before every virtue. To provide for theſe expences, the ſhaik has nothing but his herds, a few ſpots of cultivated ground, the profits of his plunder, and the tribute he levies on the high roads; the total of which is very inconſiderable. We muſt not, therefore, when we ſpeak of the Bedouins, affix to the word Prince and Lord, the ideas they uſually convey: we ſhould come nearer the truth, by com⯑paring them to ſubſtantial farmers, in mountainous countries, whoſe ſimplicity they reſemble in their dreſs, as well as in their domeſtic life and manners. A ſhaik, who has the command of five hundred horſe, does not diſdain to ſaddle and bridle his own, nor to give him barley and chopped ſtraw. In his tent, his wife makes the coffee, kneads the dough, and ſuper⯑intends the dreſſing of the victuals. His daughters and kinſwomen waſh the linen, and go with pitchers on their heads, and veils over their faces, to draw water from the fountain. Theſe manners agree pre⯑ciſely with the deſcriptions in Homer, and the hiſtory of Abraham in Geneſis.

The ſimplicity, or perhaps more properly, the po⯑verty of the lower claſs of the Bedouins, is propor⯑tionate to that of their chiefs. All the wealth of a [143] family conſiſts of moveables, of which the following is a pretty exact inventory. A few male and female camels, ſome goats and poultry; a mare, and her bridle and ſaddle; a tent, a lance ſixteen feet long, a crooked ſabre, a ruſty muſket, a pipe, a portable mill, a pot for cooking a leathern bucket, a ſmall coffee-roaſter, a mat, ſome clothes, a mantle of black wool, and a few glaſs, or ſilver rings, which the women wear upon their legs and arms. If none of theſe be wanting, their furniture is complete. But, what the poor man ſtands moſt in need of, and what he takes moſt pleaſure in, is his mare; for this animal is his principal ſupport. With his mare, the Bedouin makes his excurſions againſt hoſtile tribes, or ſeeks plunder in the country, and on the highways. The mare is preferred to the horſe, becauſe ſhe does not neigh, is more docile, and yields milk; which, on occaſion, ſatisfies the thirſt, and even the hunger of her maſter.

Thus, confined to the abſolute neceſſities of life, the Arabs have as little induſtry as their wants are few; all their arts conſiſt in weaving their clumſy tents, and making mats and butter. Their whole commerce only extends to exchanging camels, kids, ſtallions, and milk; for arms, clothing, a little rice, or corn, and money which they bury. They are to⯑tally ignorant of all ſcience, and have not even any [144] idea of aſtronomy, geometry, or medicine. They have not a ſingle book, and nothing is ſo uncommon among the ſhaiks, as to know how to read. All their literature conſiſts in reciting tales and hiſtories, in the manner of the Arabian Nights Entertainments. They have a peculiar paſſion for ſuch ſtories; and employ, in them, almoſt all their leiſure. In the evening, they ſeat themſelves on the ground, at the threſhold of their tents, or under cover, if it be cold; and there, ranged in a circle round a little fire of dung, their pipes in their mouths, and their legs croſſed, they ſit awhile in ſilent meditation; till, on a ſudden, one of them breaks forth with, Once upon a time—and con⯑tinues to recite the adventures of ſome young ſhaik, and female Bedouin: he relates in what manner the youth got a ſecret glimpſe of his miſtreſs; and how he became deſperately enamoured of her; he minutely deſcribes the lovely fair, boaſts her black eyes, as large and ſoft as thoſe of the gazalle; her languid and em⯑paſſioned looks, her arched eye-brows, reſembling two bows of ebony; her waiſt ſtrait, and ſupple as a lance; he forgets not her ſteps, light as thoſe of the young filley; nor her eye-laſhes blackened with kohl, nor her lips painted blue, nor her nails, tinged with the golden coloured henna, nor her breaſts reſembling two pomegranates, nor her words, ſweet as honey. He recounts the ſufferings of the young lover, ſo waſted with deſire and paſſion, that his body no longer yields any [145] ſhadow. The Bedouins have likewiſe their love⯑ſongs, which have more ſentiment and nature in them than thoſe of the Turks.

The Arabs have often been reproached with a ſpirit of rapine, but, without wiſhing to defend it, we may obſerve, that one circumſtance has not been ſufficiently attended to; which is, that it only takes place to⯑wards reputed enemies, and is conſequently founded on the acknowledged laws of all nations. Among themſelves they are remarkable for a good faith, a diſintereſtedneſs, a generoſity which would do honour to the moſt civilized people. What is there more noble, than that right of aſylum ſo reſpected among all the tribes? A ſtranger, nay, even an enemy touches the tent of the Bedouin, and from this inſtant, his perſon becomes inviolable. It would be reckoned a diſgraceful meanneſs, an indelible ſhame, to ſatisfy even a juſt vengeance at the expence of hoſpitality. Has the Bedouin conſented to eat bread and ſalt with his gueſt? nothing in the world can induce him to be⯑tray him. The power of the Sultan himſelf, would not be able to force a refuge, from the protection of a tribe, but by its total extermination. The Bedouin, ſo rapacious without his camp, has no ſooner ſet his foot within it, than he becomes liberal and generous. What little he poſſeſſes, he is ever ready to divide. He has even the delicacy not to wait till it is aſked: [146] when he takes his repaſt, he affects to ſeat himſelf at the door of his tent, in order to invite the paſſengers; his generoſity is ſo ſincere, that he does not look upon it as a merit, but merely as a duty. To obſerve the manner in which the Arabs conduct themſelves to⯑wards each other, one would imagine that they poſ⯑ſeſſed all their goods in common. Nevertheleſs, they are no ſtrangers to property; but it has none of that ſelfiſhneſs, which the increaſe of the imaginary wants of luxury, has given it among poliſhed na⯑tions.

With reſpect to religion, the Bedouins, from po⯑licy, preſerve the appearance of Mahometaniſm; but ſo relaxed is their obſervance of its ceremonies, and ſo little fervor has their devotion, that they are gene⯑rally conſidered as infidels who have neither law nor prophets. They even make no difficulty in ſaying, that the religion of Mahomet was not made for them; "for," add they, "how ſhall we make ablutions who have no water? How can we beſtow alms who are not rich? Why ſhould we faſt in the Ramadan, ſince the whole year with us is one continual faſt? and what neceſſity is there for us to make the pilgrimage to Mecca, if God be preſent every where?" In ſhort, every man acts and thinks as he pleaſes, and the moſt perfect toleration is eſtabliſhed among them.

[147]Beſides the Arabs of the above deſcription, there are others who reſide in the cities of Syria and Paleſ⯑tine, and who are more poliſhed than the reſt of their countrymen. Their manner of dreſſing and behaving in company, gives them a greater reſemblance to the Turks. Theſe people generally carry on their com⯑mercial affairs, with much uprightneſs and integrity, and ſubmit to the government under which they live, without forgetting they are ſprung from Iſhmael, that the Arabs boaſting they are deſcended from Iſhmael, the ſon of Abraham and Agar. They, accordingly ſhew a wonderful affection for the inhabitants of the deſart, whom they alone conſider as deſcended from noble and illuſtrious blood. The greater part of thoſe real Arabs, who are fixed in cities, do not ſuf⯑fer their beards to grow till they are advanced in years; but the other inhabitants of the deſart, never cut theirs at all. They carry their reſpect for the beard ſo far, that to touch it when they ſwear, is as ſolemn an oath, as that of the ancient gods, when they ſwore by the river Styx. They take very great care to keep it clean; and it may be eaſily conceived, they conſider it a great affront when any one pulls them by this venerable ornament.

Though the Bedouin Arabs are exceedingly poor, there are others who live under tents, in valleys ad⯑joining to the cities, whoſe flocks are more abundant, [148] and who are not that half ſtarved race like the Be⯑douins, or thoſe Arabs, who wander more upon the extremities, and the moſt deſart part of this pro⯑vince.

Theſe are the Arabs Mariti ſeems to have in view, when he ſays, they are of a middle ſtature, their com⯑plexion brown, and that they have always a grave and melancholy air. Misfortunes give them no pain, and they derive no pleaſure from proſperity, becauſe they receive with reſignation both good and evil from the hand of God. Equally inſenſible to the cries of their children, and to the tears of their wives, their viſages exhibit no kind of alteration whatever. They ſeldom laugh, and never weep: to do either, in their opinion, ſhews great weakneſs; and, on this account, they have very little eſteem for a man who weeps or laughs too much. It is neceſſary, therefore, for the Europeans to affect great indifference when amongſt them, and to imitate their ſerious and melancholy be⯑haviour: with a little attention in this reſpect, their friendſhip and eſteem may eaſily be had.

Theſe people derive their ſubſiſtence from flocks, from hunting, and from what they acquire by plunder. The acknowledge no ſovereigns, but the Emirs of their tribes, who are their natural princes, and to whom they pay obedience. They have alſo ſhaiks, [149] who are perſons of an advanced age, whom they often conſult, and whoſe advice they follow. As there are no fixed judges among the Arabs, theſe ſhaiks ſupply the place, and from their determination there is no appeal.

Though polygamy is permitted to the Arabs, by the law of Mahomet, which they follow, it is rare to ſee them have more wives than one.

The pleaſure of ſmoaking, ſo common even among the women, is alſo one of the amuſements of the Arabs, who may be ſeen ſitting from morning to night with their pipes in their mouths.

The dreſs of the Arabs, conſiſts only of a white robe bound round with a broad leathern girdle, which may be ſtraitened or ſlackened at pleaſure, by means of ſtrong buckles, or a large claſp, with a few ſmaller ones. Winter and ſummer, they wear a large cloak, ſtriped black and white, and made of the hair of goats, or ſome other animal. In winter, they uſe it to ſecure themſelves from the cold and rain, and in ſummer to ſcreen them from the heat of the ſun. They wear nothing on their heads but a kind of red cap, ſurrounded with a piece of cloth of the ſame colour, or intermixed ſometimes with white, which forms all its ornaments. Their Emirs, or princes, [150] dreſs in the ſame manner, except, that their cloaks are for the moſt part all black.

They wear ſlippers after the manner of the Turks; but they are generally in half boots, in order that they may be ready at all times to mount on horſeback. Some Arabs who are employed in agriculture, in⯑ſtead of ſlippers, wear only two ſoles of leather faſ⯑tened under the foot, at the toe and heel, and form⯑ing a kind of ſandal. Their drawers are made of linen, and deſcend to the lower part of the leg.

Theſe Arabs have no habitations, but tents; they generally ſtop in valleys, taking always the precaution to place ſome of their tents on a neighbouring hill, to prevent their being ſurprized by different tribes who are their enemies. Beſides this, being on the watch, they are able to fall on travellers unexpectedly, whom they are contented to rob, without offering any perſonal inſult, provided no obſtinate reſiſtance is made.

The riches of theſe Arabs conſiſt in cattle, which ſupply them with fleſh, milk, butter, and wool, the principal articles they have occaſion for, as they de⯑ſpiſe luxury of every kind.

[151]What they value moſt, is their fine horſes, and eſ⯑pecially thoſe that are ſwift in running. They diſ⯑tinguiſh them into three races, and are very curious in preſerving their genealogy. Thoſe of the two firſt races, are of a moderate height, but exceedingly ſlen⯑der and ſwift; they never neigh, and eat only once in the four and twenty hours. In the evening, which is the time they are fed, a meaſure of barley is ſuſ⯑ſpended from their necks in a bag. If they are fa⯑tigued, they do not receive their allowance till an hour later: but they are ſuffered to drink almoſt every moment; even when covered with duſt, and in the midſt of their labour. When they arrive at their tents, they are unbridled, and tied to a lance fixed in the ground, by means of a rope which paſſes round their necks. If it be a mare, ſhe is tied by the foot; but the ſaddles are never taken from their backs, ex⯑cept when they are combed. The Arabs have a greater number of mares than of horſes, becauſe they are better able to endure fatigue, hunger, and thirſt; and becauſe they require much leſs care.

About the time when the horſes cover, they ſuffer them to feed in the open fields for the ſpace of fifteen days, after which they carry witneſſes with them, to certify what breed the horſe is. They do the ſame thing at the birth of the foal; and mark upon a card, the month, day, and hour, together with the origin of [152] the animal, and the colour of its hair. This card, called cogget, and containing different atteſtations, is put into a ſmall braſs ball, and ſuſpended by a ſtring from the colt's neck, where it remains during the whole time of its life: in ſhort, that happy day is ce⯑lebrated by a feſtival they give to their friends. The Arabs wait till their horſes have attained the age of three years, before they put a bit into their mouths; and ſuffer the fourth year to elapſe before they mount them. In this interval, they exerciſe them conti⯑nually as we do in Europe, by making them run round in a circle. At the end of four years, they are ſhod and prepared for a particular kind of courſing, which conſiſts in ſetting off on full gallop, ſtopping ſhort ſuddenly, turning to the right and left, and retreating when the rider diſcharges his lance. It is cuſtomary for the Arabs to attack their enemies with great im⯑petuoſity, and then to fly back with the like ſpeed. They, therefore, inſtruct their horſes to ſtoop a little, by leaning towards one ſide, to enable the rider to recover his arms, without being obliged to diſmount. Whilſt they are accuſtoming them to theſe different manoeuvres, they never make uſe of the whip, but employ ſpurs, with the points of which they prick the ſides of the horſe, according as they judge it neceſ⯑ſary. At the end of five years, they cut their tails, in order that they may grow afterwards, according to their natural diſpoſition. They keep their hoofs [153] very ſhort, but make them advance a little beyond the ſhoe, which is formed of a piece of very thin iron.

Arabian horſes increaſe in ſtrength, in propor⯑tion as they are exerciſed in running, and it is very eaſy when they are ſtopped, to make them purſue ſuch a pace as one wiſhes. When galloping, they carry their heads high, but ſuffer them to droop a little on an ordinary trot. If the rider ſhould throw the bridle looſe upon their necks, they would make no motion; and he might continue his journey in perfect ſafety, without taking it again into his hand. If he be diſmounted by any accident, the horſe will not advance a ſtep further, but immediately ſtops till he gets up. The Arabs, properly ſpeaking, do not make uſe of a bridle, but of a halter; and, in order to remain firm in their ſeats, becauſe their ſad⯑dles are high, they preſs their legs ſtrongly againſt the horſe's ſides. Their manner of ſitting on horſeback is perfectly careleſs; and, in this reſpect, they do not diſplay that gracefulneſs by which the Turks are diſ⯑tinguiſhed. They are, however, far from being bad horſemen; when they wiſh to make their horſes gal⯑lop, they bend their bodies a little, and lean forwards, which is a ſufficient ſignal for the animal to ſet out full ſpeed.

[154]When they mount their horſes, they are almoſt always armed with lances, twelve or fourteen feet in length, which they handle with great dexterity; but they have a ſmaller kind for darting againſt the enemy, as they retain the former always in their hands. They carry muſkets likewiſe, but they are much ter⯑rified when they engage with fire-arms, being ſo little accuſtomed to them; and, after the firſt diſcharge, they become abſolutely uſeleſs.

The features of the Arab women are remarkably beautiful, when young; but they ſoon become dis⯑figured, by certain black ſpots like patches, which they make in their faces with a ſharp-pointed iron. They mark with the ſame colour their lips and eye⯑laſhes, by mixing, with the paint employed for that purpoſe, a certain ſubſtance which they call coliaſtri. According to the general cuſtom of the Levant, they dye their nails, and the palms of their hands, yellow.

Young girls make an opening near one of the noſ⯑trils, into which they put a clove: this appears to them to be a peculiar beauty, which they conſider as a ſign of virginity; though they continue to wear it even after they have had children. There are ſome, who, inſtead of a clove, thruſt through their noſtrils a ſilver ring, about an inch and an half in [155] diameter; from the bottom of which is ſuſpended a piece of coral, or ſome ſmall coin.

One difference is remarked, between the Arab men and women; which is, that the latter, much leſs ſerious when young, become peeviſh and melan⯑choly with age: whilſt the men acquire with years, an opener and freer air. This difference, indeed, may be remarked among the people of every nation whatever: a deſire of pleaſing, and of being loved, is the firſt ſentiment that ariſes in the mind of a woman; and it grows and increaſes as ſhe approaches towards maturity; but, as love accompanies beauty only, and as beauty diſappears with youth, it is not aſtoniſhing that a woman ſhould become moroſe as ſhe advances in life. Having loſt the power of charming, ſhe is no longer followed; and this neglect ſhe is by no means able to ſupport. With men, the caſe is quite different, being formed for accompliſhing great things, they ſeem to abandon their nature, when they ſuffer themſelves to be overcome by love.

The Arab women wear only a plain robe, after the Turkiſh manner, and ſcarcely ever cover their heads. Their cloaks reſemble thoſe of the men, but there are only few who uſe drawers, according to the cuſtom of the poliſhed people of the Eaſt. They ornament their hair, with ſtrings of ſmall glaſs beads, of different [156] colours; on their legs and arms they wear bracelets of the ſame, and have rings made of metal on their fingers.

The principal occupation of the Arab women, is to take care of the tents in which they lodge, to pro⯑vide water, to prepare food, to milk their flocks, and to make butter and cheeſe. They likewiſe manufac⯑ture the cloth neceſſary for covering their tents.

As there are no longer any phyſicians among the Arabs, the care of the ſick is committed entirely into the hands of women. Among other diſeaſes, they cure the dropſy ſo perfectly, that the patient is never afterwards ſubject to it. They are acquainted with the virtues of herbs, and employ them with great ſuc⯑ceſs. The Arabs almoſt always uſe ſcarification in their cures, and eſpecially for pains. On the leaſt ſenſation, they apply a red hot iron to the part af⯑fected, and are freed from their complaint by this violent remedy. This is the reaſon why ſo many of the Arabs may be ſeen with ſcars on different parts of their bodies.

The Arabs make very little uſe of bread. Their uſual food is roots, honey, milk, butter, mutton, and the fleſh of their camels; and birds which they may catch alive; becauſe it is an article of the Mahome⯑tan [157] law, to kill thoſe animals which they eat, and to ex⯑tract their blood. They conſume a great deal of rice, particularly in their pilau. For ſeaſoning the greater part of their diſhes, they employ ſour and curdled milk, which they mix with leaven.

The Arabians have another kind of food, which appears to us ſtill more ſingular. This food is the fleſh of locuſts, which they collect in the ſeaſon, when they paſs through their country; and having taken off their heads, put them into leather bags, with a cer⯑tain quantity of ſalt. When they eat them, they cut them into ſlices as we do ſauſages.

Amongſt the various beverages of the Arabs, water holds the firſt rank. They make ſuch a continual uſe of coffee, that they can drink it like the Turks almoſt at every hour of the day; but in ſmall quan⯑tities, and without ſugar. They compoſe another kind of drink with roots, and the juice of the ſugar⯑cane, and of grapes mixed with water. They have alſo a third, made with an infuſion of barley, which has a great reſemblance with our barley.

Hoſpitality is ſo much honoured among all the Arabs, that, without regard to religion or country they will receive in their tent every traveller who ap⯑plies to them, and take the ſame care of his ſervant [158] and his horſe. After making him ſit down on a mat, commodiouſly ſpread on the ground, they preſent him with a pipe, and coffee; and every now and then aſk him how he does. They then prepare ſomething for him to eat, and offer him their diſhes, with that ſimplicity which is ſo common among them; and an⯑nounces by their countenances, the great happineſs they experience in being able to do him any ſervice. If he wiſhes to paſs the night in their habitation, they arrange the ſame mat in the form of a bed; and place under one end of it his ſtone, or a ſaddle to ſerve him for a pillow. Should the traveller at his departure offer his hoſt a piece of money, becauſe he appears to be poor, it would be accepted with grati⯑tude; but if he gave nothing, the Arab would teſtify no diſſatisfaction whatever. It may not here be im⯑proper, to deſcribe the manner of eating among the Arab lords, which is a little different from that of the Turks.

After the floor is covered with different pieces of tapeſtry, a long table, raiſed about three or four in⯑ches from the ground, and which is only two feet in breadth, is placed in the middle of the apartment, without a cloth ſpread over it, and without any orna⯑ment. Several diſhes filled with pilau, or rice baked, without ſauce, and a ſheep roaſted whole, with its belly ſtuffed, compoſe the firſt courſe.

[159]If the number of perſons at table ſhould amount to thirty, a ſecond ſheep is added. This principal courſe is followed by ſeveral diſhes, containing boiled greens and pulſe, with meat ſeaſoned in various ways; and then comes the laſt courſe, which conſiſts of ſmall baſons of milk, rendered ſour by means of leaven. In ſuch repaſts as theſe they never employ knives, forks, plates, towels, or glaſſes.

When the diſhes are ranged in order, the gueſts, having waſhed their hands and pulled off their ſlip⯑pers, approach the table with their chief, who invokes the benediction of heaven on the feſtival. Each then ſits down on the floor with his legs croſſed, and a do⯑meſtic ſpreads over their knees a long cloth, which ſerves the whole company. They then begin to eat without any further compliment.

The Europeans, accuſtomed to ceremony, and above all to cleanlineſs, would not find themſelves. very comfortable at ſuch tables. Their delicate ſto⯑machs would be apt to become ſqueamiſh, when they ſaw each gueſt put his hand into the diſhes, touch all the ragouts with it, and, filling it with a mixture of fleſh and pilau, form it into ſmall balls, and then preſs the whole into his mouth.

[160]With regard to their beverage, which is always water, it is ſupplied by the neareſt domeſtic, and is drank from a cup made of baked earth, or a cocoa⯑nut, and ſcarcely ever from glaſſes.

They remain a very ſhort time at table, and riſe all together to thank God for their good appetite. After again waſhing their hands, they retire to another hall, where ſome fruits are prepared, which form part of the deſert. In the uſe of theſe ſweet things, they are very moderate, which are carried away almoſt as ſoon as they are ſerved up. Coffee and pipes are brought in the laſt place, with which they regale them⯑ſelves, ſitting in a circle.

The remains of their table are placed before their attendants, and from them are carried to the inferior ſervants. But will the reader be able to gueſs for whom the ſcraps left by all theſe wretches are deſign⯑ed? Will it be believed in thoſe countries of Europe, which make it their boaſt to pay the moſt flattering at⯑tention to the fair ſex; where they are treated with all the reſpect due to queens; where, when the table is loaded with the moſt delicate viands, and the choiceſt dainties, nothing appears good but what is preſented by their fair hands; and where the maſter himſelf will not venture to touch the ſmalleſt article [161] without their permiſſion—that, among theſe barba⯑rous people, what has eſcaped the teeth of the filthieſt ſlave, is carried to the women, and even to the miſ⯑treſs of the houſe? Theſe women drink coffee, and ſmoke in the ſame manner as the men.

The Arabs we have now been deſcribing, paſſed from the deſarts of Arabia, to Syria and Paleſtine, in the ſixth century; and ſince that period, they have ſtill more or leſs preſerved their footing in theſe coun⯑tries. All the inhabitants of the coaſts, or of the interior parts, who ſpeak the Arabic language only, are comprehended under their name. They are not, however, all deſcendants of the firſt migration, pro⯑perly ſpeaking: they are a mixture of all nations and religions.

CHAP. X. Of the Druſes, and Mutuales.

THE country of Caſtravent, a part of Mount Le⯑banon, is inhabited, in preference to any other ſpot, by the Druſes. The religion of theſe people, is one of the moſt modern in the Eaſt, ſince it is not older than 1030. The principles of this religion, are almoſt entirely unknown: their ſacred books pre⯑ſenting nothing but a ſeries of errors and obſcurities. Their religion, however, ſeems to be a mixture of Mahometaniſm, and Chriſtianity. They pray indif⯑ferently in the Greek churches, and the Turkiſh moſques.

Their language is that of the Arabs, which is the only one familiar to the different people of Syria.

The Druſes are a robuſt, well-made people, and of a noble aſpect, for which they are in part indebted to their education.—They are accuſtomed from their infancy, to hardſhips and fatigue.

[163]When mothers lay their children in the cradle, in⯑ſtead of putting their pillow under their head, as is cuſtomary among us, they put it under their reins, ſo that the head remains in a hanging poſition. Wrap⯑ping up the legs afterwards with bandages, they bring the two calves together, taking care to extend their toes outwards; and this gives them, when old, that majeſtic carriage by which they are diſtinguiſhed.

In their diſpoſition, they are naturally faithful and ſincere. They are fond of the Europeans, to whom they perform every duty that humanity requires, and on every occaſion protect and defend them, as far as lies in their power. As they have very great aver⯑ſion to uſury, they cannot endure the roguery of the Turks, or the avarice of the Hebrews.

The Druſes have particular princes, called Emirs, who are ſeven in number; and who, in conjunction, all govern the ſame country. One of them has the title of Grand Emir, and poſſeſſes the ſupreme autho⯑rity, being preſident of the council. The city of Bareith, is the capital where the Emirs reſide. The wives of theſe princes alſo enjoy a ſhare in the go⯑vernment, and continue to command after their huſ⯑bands' death; but when they have children old enough to ſucceed their fathers, they reſign into their hands the reins of adminiſtration.

[164]Though the Druſes are conſidered as independent on the Grand Signior, they pay annually a ſmall tri⯑bute to the Ottoman court; and this is the only ſha⯑dow of authority that the Porte ſtill retains over theſe people, jealous of their independance.

The form and colour of their clothes have ſuch a conformity, that the Druſes ſeem all to wear a military uniform: their princes, however, dreſs in a different manner, and in a great meaſure copy the Turks. The dreſs alſo of their prieſts, has no relation with that in common uſe; they are diſtinguiſhed by black, brown, and ſometimes white clothes; they carry no arms, and their turbans are white and exceedingly high.

One might almoſt ſay, that the arms of the Druſes form a part of their dreſs; for they never lay them aſide either in the time of peace, or of war. They conſiſt of a pair of piſtols, with a poniard, which they ſuſpend from the fore part of their girdle; an axe, a large flat bottle filled with powder, a fuzee, and a cartouch box, which hangs behind, containing twenty-four rounds of ſhot. They have very few horſes, becauſe they would be of no uſe among their moun⯑tains, in which they keep themſelves fortified.

The dreſs of their women, is much the ſame as that of the Turkiſh women, except that they wear on their heads a plate of ſilver, made in the form of a cone, [166] and about a palm in breadth. Above it they fix a long veil, which deſcends half way down the body, and which ſeems to add to their beauty and grace. When they have occaſion to go abroad, they cover their face with it.

A thin delicate figure, ſo much admired in Europe, is not held in the ſame eſtimation by the Druſes. Theſe rude people prefer thoſe of a larger ſize; and, as the deſire of pleaſing is natural to all the women of the earth; whilſt the European ladies endeavour, by vigorous abſtinence, to render their perſons genteel, the female Druſes ſtrive to acquire, by high living, that plump and jolly appearance, which amongſt them conſtitutes beauty.

The Mutuales, are a people diſperſed in great num⯑bers all over Syria; and are named thus from Mutual, a celebrated captain, who deſtroyed the ancient religion of the Perſians, in order to ſubſtitute Mahometaniſm in its ſtead. The Mutuales, therefore, are Mahome⯑tans, but ſchiſmatics.

They differ from the ancient believers in only one point, which is, the ſucceſſion of the doctors. Whilſt the latter called Sinnins, or Legietes, reckon as im⯑mediate ſucceſſors of the prophet, Abubaker, Oſman, and Omar; the Mutuales acknowledge none but Ali. [167] This point was conteſted between both parties, by force of arms; and torrents of blood were ſhed in the diſpute. Huſſan and Huſſein, brothers and ſuc⯑ceſſors of Ali, periſhed by the hands of the Sinnins; and Mutual, who inhabited their domains, adopted alſo their madneſs and prejudice. And ſuch is the blindneſs of fanaticiſm, that the Mutuales think they perform an action agreeable to heaven, when they ſa⯑crifice a Sinnin.

Theſe Sinnins are not the only perſons whom the Mutuales conſider as impure. All religions, without diſtinction, appear to them worthy of the ſame con⯑tempt. They muſt be extremely hungry before they can be induced to eat with a Chriſtian.

Should an European, by chance put his lips to any of their cups, they immediately break it to pieces, by daſhing it on the ground; and, if the vaſe be of metal, they plunge it ſeveral times into boiling water, invoking the name of God, and that of his pro⯑phet.

When they purchaſe any proviſions in the Chriſ⯑tian, or Mahometan markets, they dip them three or four times into the mud, for the purpoſe, as they ſay, of purifying them.

[168]The Mutuales are above the middle ſtature; have robuſt conſtitutions, and are indefatigable in war. In dreſs and manners, they bear a great reſemblance to the Arabs.

There is, perhaps, no country in the world, where the women are held in leſs conſideration than among theſe people. A Mutuale prieſt leads his wife to a friend, as he would lead his horſe; and, when in want of money, he lets her out for a month, or half a year. No diſputes, reſpecting the children, ever reſult from this traffic; they muſt be maintained by the perſon who borrows the woman; becauſe, the produce of a field belongs always to him who has ſown it; and, if any altercation ariſes between the parties, they truſt to the honeſty of the woman to ſettle them. The Mutuales do not think they offend God by this con⯑duct: when reproached for it, they reply, that every one has a right to diſpoſe of his property as he pleaſes.

CHAP. XI. Paleſtine.

PALESTINE is bounded on the North by Saide, or Sidon; on the South, by the Dead Sea; on the Weſt, by the Mediterranean; and on the Eaſt, by the river Jordan, and the Lake of Tiberias. In length it is about a hundred and ſeventy miles; but its breadth varies much, being in ſome places fifty-eight miles, and in others, only twenty-two.

It comprehends the ancient country of Canaan, conquered by Joſhua, the conductor of the people of God, after the death of Moſes. It was called alſo the Promiſed Land, becauſe it had been promiſed by God, many centuries before, to Abraham, and his deſcen⯑dants.

After the return of the Jews from the Babyloniſh captivity, this country was divided into three parts; called Judaea, Samaria, and Galilee. Judaea is the [170] moſt Southern part, and Galilee the moſt Northern; on which account, Samaria, called at preſent the Napuloſa, remained in the middle, and was, as it were, the centre of all Paleſtine.

It is ſtill conſidered to be divided into the ſame three parts. The capital of Judaea is Jeruſalem; that of Galilee, the ſmall city of Nazareth; and that of Samaria, the city of Napuloſa.

Paleſtine, is known alſo by The Holy Land, becauſe our Saviour was born and reſided here, till the period when he aſcended into Heaven. The ſcriptures de⯑ſcribe this country as exceedingly fertile, and abound⯑ing with productions of every kind. In Deuteronomy, it is ſaid, "For the Lord thy God bringeth thee into a good land, a land of brooks of water, of fountains, and depths that ſpring out of the valleys and hills." And in another place, to ſhew its richneſs and fertility, it is ſaid to be, "A land flowing with milk and honey."

The great population of Paleſtine, is an evident proof of the fertility of its ſoil. In the time of David, there were eleven hundred thouſand combatants in the kingdom of Iſrael; and four hundred and ſeventy thouſand in the tribe of Judah alone. Some writers conclude, therefore, that its inhabitants, including [171] women and children, might amount in all to eight millions of people.

The land of Canaan, contained a prodigious number of cities and villages, as may be ſeen in the fifteenth chapter of Joſhua; where we are told, that a hundred and twelve walled cities fell to the lot of the tribe of Judah alone. Of all its ancient cities, however, a few only remain; the reſt being either deſtroyed, or their names given to paltry villages, now almoſt in ruins.

The population of this country, is alſo greatly di⯑miniſhed; but, at preſent, no certain calculation can be given of it; as the number of its inhabitants con⯑tinually varies, on account of the Bedouin Arabs, who always come here at certain periods.

If the country has loſt its ancient ſplendor, by the deſtruction of its cities, and the decreaſe of its popu⯑lation, it ſtill retains its natural advantages, being beautifully variegated with mountains, hills, and de⯑lightful plains.

Its climate is exceeding good. It ſeldom rains here; but this deficiency is ſupplied by moſt abun⯑dant dews. The cold is never exceſſive; and, if the ſummer heats are great, they are mitigated [172] by a periodical breeze, which renders them ſup⯑portable.

Paleſtine abounds with almoſt every thing that is uſeful or neceſſary for the life of man. It produces wheat, barley, pulſe of all kinds, fruits, wine, and oil, in ſuch plenty; that though a part only of the coun⯑try is cultivated, great quantities of theſe articles are diſtributed in the neighbouring provinces of Syria, and even tranſported to Europe, particularly wheat, barley, and pulſe.

With regard to domeſtic and wild animals, it pro⯑duces various kinds, many of which are not known in Europe. Cotton grows here in great perfection, particularly in Samaria and Galilee. Among its pro⯑ductions, may be reckoned alſo ſilk, tobacco, drugs, and aromatic herbs.

The mountainous country towards Jeruſalem, is more barren than any other part, but there is no rea⯑ſon to ſuppoſe it has always been in the ſame con⯑dition. The cauſe of its being at preſent neglected, is the want of population; the inhabitants having abandoned the mountains, and retired to the plains, where agriculture is attended with leſs labour, and where they find more conveniences for their cattle.

[173]Even in Galilee and Samaria, there are many parts ſtill uncultivated; but as they abound with graſs, they afford paſture to the cattle, which form the whole riches of the Arabs.

This province, according to ſome writers, is a diſ⯑trict independant of every pachalie. Sometimes it has governors of its own, who reſide either at Gaza or Jeruſalem; but at preſent, Jeruſalem is ſubordinate to the Pacha of Damaſcus, who appoints a deputy called a Motſallam; and the reſt of the province is divided into three apanages, viz. Yafa, Loudd, and Gaza. The former has been given to the Sultana mother, and the two latter to the Captain Pacha, as a recompence for paſt ſervices. Theſe three diſtricts have, therefore, now ſeparate governors. We ſhall firſt, however, treat of the ancient capital of the pro⯑vince, Jeruſalem.

The approach to this city, ſays Volney, preſents a ſtriking example of the viciſſitude of human affairs. When we behold its walls levelled, its ditches filled up, and all its buildings embarraſſed with ruins; we ſcarcely can believe we view that celebrated metro⯑polis, which formerly withſtood the efforts of the moſt powerful empires. Still more are we aſtoniſhed at its ancient greatneſs, when we conſider its ſitua⯑tion, amid a rugged ſoil, deſtitute of water, and ſur⯑rounded [174] by dry channels of torrents and ſteep heights. Remote from every great road, it ſeems neither to have been calculated for a conſiderable mart of com⯑merce, nor the center of a great conſumption. It overcame, however, every obſtacle, and may be ad⯑duced as a proof what popular opinions may effect in the hands of an able legiſlature, or when favoured by happy circumſtances. The ſame opinions ſtill pre⯑ſerve to this city its feeble exiſtence. The renown of its miracles perpetuated in the Eaſt, invites and re⯑tains a certain number of inhabitants within its walls. Mahometans, Chriſtians, and Jews, without diſtinction of ſects, all make it a point of honour to ſee, or to have ſeen, what they denominated the noble and holy city. To judge from the reſpect the inhabitants poſſeſs, for the ſacred places it contains, we ſhould be ready to imagine there is not in the world a more devout people; but this has not prevented them from acquiring, and well deſerving, the reputation of the vileſt people of Syria; not excepting even thoſe of Damaſcus. Their number is ſuppoſed to amount to twelve or fourteen thouſand.

The church of the Holy Sepulchre, is the moſt magnificent, and the only remarkable building in Je⯑ruſalem, and that which pilgrims chiefly come to viſit. It is a large ſtructure, with a round nave, having no light but what comes through the top, like the ro⯑tunda at Rome. The dome is covered on the out⯑ſide with lead, and within with cedar-wood. The opening of the dome is cloſed with a net of wire, to prevent birds from flying into the church. In the middle of the nave, and directly under the opening of the dome, is the Holy Sepulchre, which is in a chapel, whoſe door is three feet high, and two broad. It is ſo ſmall, that it will hold but three perſons on their knees at a time. On the right-hand, at the en⯑trance, is the place where the body of our Saviour was laid. The table he was laid on, is two feet and a half high, from the pavement; and is covered with white marble, as the pilgrims who came to viſit the tomb, were continually carrying away ſmall pieces of the ſtone.

[176]This chapel is cut out of the rock; and there three holes in the roof, to let out the ſmoke of the lamps, which are forty-four in number, and always kept lighted. Before the gate of the ſepulchre, is a ſilver lamp, ſo large, that two men cannot fathom it. The Turks have had a mind ſeveral times, to carry off this lamp, and ſend it to Mecca.

If any one be deſirous to know how a perſon feels himſelf, the firſt time he kneels before the Sepulchre of our Lord, for my own part, ſays Le Brun, I can only anſwer, that I never felt myſelf ſo much affected in my life. A Monk, who viſited the ſacred tomb with me, and who had never before been at Jeru⯑ſalem, was ſo agitated, and ſhed ſo many tears, on kneeling before the ſepulchre of our Lord, that it was full two hours before he could be brought to him⯑ſelf again. I will not, from thence conclude, ſays the above writer, that this was indiſputably the ſepul⯑chre of our Saviour. But as no ſerious perſon can approach this ſpot, without being prepoſſeſſed with ſuch an idea, and meditating upon the ſufferings of him who died for the ſins of mankind, his ſoul muſt neceſſarily be very deeply affected. And though we live in an age, in which ſuch numbers ſeem to glory in their infidelity, conceiving this to be a diſtinguiſh⯑ing characteriſtic from the vulgar, and the criterion of a fine genius; yet I am firmly of opinion, the moſt [177] profeſſed Atheiſt, with all his affected ſtupidity, could not forbear feeling the ſame emotions with myſelf upon ſuch an occaſion.

On Good-Friday, the paſſion of our Saviour is ſolemnized in this church. All the moſt material cir⯑cumſtances of this great event are then repreſented; ſuch as nailing him to the croſs, crowning him with thorns, and then taking the body down, and wrapping it in a ſheet. The Monks have firſt a ſermon, and then every one takes a lighted taper in his hand, with crucifixes, and other utenſils to begin the proceſſion. One of theſe crucifixes is as big as life, exceedingly well done, and is crowned with thorns, and beſmeared with blood. They viſit firſt the pillar of flagellation; next the priſon; afterwards the altar of the diviſion of Chriſt's garments; then they advance to the chapel of deriſion, and from thence to Mount Calvary, leav⯑ing their ſhoes at the bottom of the ſtairs. Here are two altars; one where our Saviour was ſuppoſed to be nailed on the croſs, and another where it was erected, and where they ſet up the crucified image. Near this ſpot, is the memorable cleft in the rock, which was ſaid to have been made by an earthquake, when our Saviour ſuffered.

There are ſeven gates to this city; one of which, called the Golden gate, has been long blocked up by [178] the Turks; from a prediction, that the Chriſtians will again enter Jeruſalem by this gate, and get poſſeſſion of the city. The Turks uſe ſtill farther precaution, in ſhutting every Friday, during their time of prayer, all the other gates; it having been further predicted, that the Chriſtians would enter Jeruſalem on the Turkiſh ſabbath, and during the time of ſervice.

A great number of Jews repair to this city, as they grow old, in order to end their days here, and be in⯑terred in the valley of Jehoſaphat. It being a received notion among them, that thoſe who are buried in this vale, will appear firſt at the great day of judgment, which they ſuppoſe will take place on this ſpot.

As for the moſque in this city, which the Turks affirm to have been the temple of Solomon, no Chriſ⯑tian is permitted to enter it; ſo very rigid are they in this reſpect, that ſhould any Chriſtian be even ſeen in the court that ſurrounds the moſque, he muſt either turn Mahometan, or be burnt alive.

When the pilgrims arrive near the gates of Jeru⯑ſalem, the fathers of the Latin convent ſend their interpreter, to invite them to their cloyſters, where they are handſomely entertained, their feet waſhed, and an apartment aſſigned them; after which they give each pilgrim a wax torch, and go in proceſſion [179] round the cloiſters, ſinging Te Deum, for their ſafe ar⯑rival in the Holy city.

Every pilgrim pays the governor an entrance fee of ten piaſtres; he likewiſe collects a conſiderable re⯑venue from the exportation of certain ſingular ar⯑ticles from Jeruſalem, ſuch as beads, relics, ſanctuaries, croſſes, paſſions, agnus dei's, ſcapularies, &c. of which near three hundred cheſts are ſent off annually. The fabrication of theſe utenſils of piety, procures ſubſiſ⯑tence for the greateſt part of the Chriſtian and Ma⯑hometan families of Jeruſalem, and its neighbour⯑hood; men, women, and children are employed in carving, and turning wood and coral, and in embroi⯑dering in ſilk, with pearls, and gold and ſilver thread. The convent of the Holy-land alone, lays out an⯑nually, to the amount of fifty thouſand piaſtres in theſe wares; and thoſe of the Greeks, Armenians, and Copts, taken together, pay a ſtill larger ſum. This ſort of commerce is the more profitable to the manufac⯑turers, is their goods coſt them little, and their price is enhanced by ſuperſtition. Theſe commodities ex⯑ported to Greece, Italy, and Portugal, and particu⯑larly to Spain, produce very conſiderable returns, either in the form of alms, or of payments. To this the convents join another not leſs important article of traffic, the viſits of the pilgrims. There was a time when the miniſters of religion taught, that it was indiſpen⯑ſibly [180] neceſſary to ſalvation; and this pious zeal per⯑vading all Europe, gave riſe to the Cruſades. Since their unfortunate iſſue, the zeal of the European pil⯑grims has diminiſhed, and is now reduced to a few Italian, Spaniſh, and German monks; but the caſe is different with the Orientals. Faithful to the ſpirit of paſt times, they continued to conſider the journey to Jeruſalem, as a work of the greateſt merit. Their prieſts and monks, who find their advantage in this fervor, ſtudy to promote it. The Greeks eſpecially, declare, that the pilgrimage confers plenary indulgence, not only for the paſt but for the future; and that it not only abſolves from the neglect of faſting, and the non-ob⯑ſervance of feſtivals, but even from the moſt heinous offences. Such great encouragements are not with⯑out effect; and every year, a crowd of pilgrims of both ſexes, and all ages, ſet out from the Morea, Ar⯑chipelago, Conſtantinople, Natolia, Armenia, Syria, and Egypt, the number of whom, in 1784, amounted to two thouſand. The monks, who find by their re⯑giſter, that formerly ten or twelve thouſand annually made this pilgrimage, never ceaſe exclaiming, that religion rapidly decays, and that the zeal of the faith⯑ful is nearly extinguiſhed. It muſt be confeſſed, however, that this zeal is rather expenſive, ſince the moſt moderate pilgrimage never coſts leſs than near two hundred pounds, and from that ſum to between two and three thouſand.

[181]Theſe pilgrims, as we have already obſerved, diſ⯑embark at Yafa. They arrive in November, and re⯑pair without delay to Jeruſalem, where they remain until after the feſtival of Eaſter. They are lodged confuſedly, by whole families, in the cells of the con⯑vents of their reſpective communions. On Palm-Sunday, they go to purify themſelves in the Jordan. The reader muſt conſult particular relations of this pilgrimage, to form an idea of the tumultuous march of this fanatic multitude into the plain of Jericho; the indecent and ſuperſtitious zeal with which they throw themſelves, men, women, and children, naked into the Jordan; the fatigue they undergo before they reach the borders of the Dead Sea; the melancholy inſpired by the ſight of the gloomy rocks of that country, the moſt ſavage in nature; their return and viſitation of the holy places; and the ceremony of the new fire, which deſcends from heaven on the holy Saturday, brought by an angel. The Orientals ſtill believe in this miracle, though the Franks acknowledge that the prieſts retire from the ſacriſty, and effect what is done by very natural means.

Eaſter over, each returns to his own country, proud of being able to rival the Mahometan in the title o [...] pilgrim; nay, many of them, in order to diſtinguiſh themſelves as ſuch, imprint on their hands, wriſts, or arms, figures of the croſs or ſphere, with the cypher of [182] Jeſus and Mary. This painful, and ſometimes dan⯑gerous operation, is performed with needles, and the perforations filled with gunpowder, or powder of antimony, and is never to be effaced. The Maho⯑metans have the ſame practice, which is alſo to be found among the Indians, and other ſavages, (called at Otahcité Tattooing) as it was likewiſe among ſeveral ancient nations, with whom it had a connection with religion, which it ſtill retains wherever it prevails. So much devotion does not, however, exempt theſe pilgrims from the proverbial cenſure thrown upon the Hadjis; ſince, the Chriſtians ſay likewiſe, beware of the pilgrims of Jeruſalem.

We may well ſuppoſe ſo great a multitude, reſiding at Jeruſalem for five or ſix months, muſt leave behind them conſiderable ſums; and reckoning only fifteen hundred perſons, at one hundred piſtoles each, we ſhall find they cannot expend leſs than between ſixty and ſeventy thouſand pounds. Part of this money is paid to the inhabitants and merchants for neceſſaries, and theſe omit no opportunity of impoſing upon ſtran⯑gers. Water, in 1784, coſt ten-pence a jug. Ano⯑ther part goes to the governor and his ſubalterns, and the remainder is the profit of the convents.

Of the places round Jeruſalem, there are only two which merit attention. The firſt is Raha, the ancient [183] Jericho; ſituated ſix leagues to the North-eaſt of Je⯑ruſalem, in a plain ſix or ſeven leagues long, by three wide; around which are a number of barren moun⯑tains that render it extremely hot. Here, formerly, was cultivated the balm of Mecca. At preſent there is not a plant of it remaining; but another ſpecies is to be found at Raha, called Zakkown, celebrated alſo for healing wounds, and which the Arabs ſell very dear: this is the ſole commerce of Raha, which is no more than a ruinous village. It was on the ſummit of one of the mountains ſurrounding this plain, that the devil took our Saviour, when he ſhewed him all the kingdoms of the world.

The ſecond is Bait-ell-ham, or Bethlehem, ſo ce⯑lebrated in the hiſtory of Chriſtianity. This village, ſituated two leagues South-eaſt of Jeruſalem, is ſeated on an eminence, in a country full of hills and vallies, and might be rendered very agreeable. The ſoil is the beſt in all theſe diſtricts; but, as is the caſe every where elſe, cultivation is wanting. Near Bethlehem is a valley, where it is ſuppoſed the angels appeared to the ſhepherds, and proclaimed the birth of Chriſt. The fountains, pools, and gardens, which were ſaid to have been the delight of Solomon, are alſo ſtill re⯑maining. They reckon, about ſix hundred men ca⯑pable of bearing arms upon occaſion.

[184]In this neighbourhood are ſome ſoap manufactories, and a very ancient glaſs-houſe, the only one in Syria. They make there a great quantity of coloured rings, bracelets for the wriſts and legs, and for the arms above the elbows; beſides a variety of other trinkets which are ſent even to Conſtantinople. The rings are often more than an inch in diameter; they are paſſed on the arms of children; and it often, happens, that the arm growing bigger than the ring, a ridge, of fleſh is formed above and below, ſo that the ring is buried in a deep hollow, and cannot be got off, and this is conſidered as a beauty.

Gaza, which was the occaſional reſidence of the pacha, and is now that of the Aga, is no more than a defenceleſs village, peopled at moſt by two thouſand inhabitants. The ſituation of Gaza, by fitting it for the medium of communication between Syria and Egypt, has rendered it at all times a town of ſome importance. The ruins of white marble, ſometimes found there, prove it was formerly the abode of luxury and opulence. The black ſoil of the ſurrounding country is extremely fertile; and the gardens, watered by the limpid ſtreams, produce, without art, pomegra⯑nates, oranges, exquiſite dates, and ranunculus roots, in great requeſt even at Conſtantinople. It has, how⯑ever, ſhared in the general deſtruction; and, notwith⯑ſtanding its proud title of the capital of Paleſtine, ſays [185] Volney, who includes Jeruſalem, in the province of Syria, it is now a town of ſmall account.

The manufacture of cottons, is the principal ſupport of the inhabitants, who keep about five hundred looms employed. There are alſo two or three ſoap manu⯑factories. The article of aſhes, was formerly a con⯑ſiderable commerce. The Bedouins, who procured theſe aſhes, by ſimply burning the plants of the de⯑ſart, ſold them at a reaſonable price; but ſince the Aga has monopolized this commodity, the Arabs, compelled to part with it at his price, are no longer anxious to collect it; and the inhabitants, conſtrained to purchaſe at his pleaſure, neglect making ſoap.

A branch of commerce, ſtill more advantageous to the people of Gaza, is furniſhing proviſions for the caravans, which paſs and re-paſs between Syria and Egypt. They alſo purchaſe the plunder from the Bedouins, an article which would be of prodigious wealth to them, were theſe accidents more frequent. It is impoſſible to aſcertain the profits they made by the plunder of the great caravan in 1757. Two thirds of upwards of twenty thouſand camel loads, of which the caravan of pilgrims was compoſed, were brought to Gaza. The ignorant and famiſhed Be⯑douins, who knew no value in the fineſt ſtuffs, but as they ſerved to cover them, ſold the fine Cachmire [186] ſhawls, callicoes, muſlins, Perſian ſilks, coffee, and gums, for a few piaſtres. We may judge, from the following ſtory, of the ignorance and ſimplicity of theſe inhabitants of the deſerts. A Bedouin of Anaza, having found among the booty, ſeveral bags of fine pearls, took them for rice, and had them boiled to eat them; but ſeeing that they did not ſoften, was on the point of throwing them away, when an in⯑habitant of Gaza gave him in exchange for them, a red bonnet of Faz. A ſimilar accident happened at the time of the pillage of the caravan in 1779; and in 1784, the caravan of Barbary, conſiſting of up⯑wards of three thouſand camels, was likewiſe pillaged, and the quantity of coffee diſperſed by the Bedouins throughout Paleſtine was ſo great, as to cauſe the price of that article to fall ſuddenly to one half of what it was before; and it would have fallen ſtill more, had not the governor prohibited the ſale of it, in order to compel the Bedouins to deliver it all into his hands. A monopoly of this ſort, in the affair of 1779, produced him more than eighty thouſand piaſtres.

In the deſarts of this province, are the two moun⯑tains Sinai and Horeb, ſo frequently mentioned in the ſcriptures. At the foot of the former, is a con⯑vent of Monks. The Greeks have ſo much faith in the relics of St. Catharine, which they ſay is depoſited [187] there, that they doubt of their ſalvation, if they have not viſited them at leaſt once in their lives. They repair thither even as far as from the Morea, and Conſtantinople. The rendezvous is at Cairo, where the Monks of Mount Sinai have correſpondents, who treat with the Arabs for a convoy. The ordinary price is ſix pounds two ſhillings and ſixpence each paſſenger, excluſive of proviſions. On their arrival at the convent, the Greeks perform their devotions, viſit the church, kiſs the relics and images, mount on their knees more than one hundred ſteps of the hill of Moſes; and conclude by making an offering, the value of which is not fixed, but rarely amounts to fifty pataques.

Except at theſe viſitations, which take place once a year, this convent is the moſt deſart and ſavage abode in nature. The adjacent country is nothing but a pile of rugged and naked rocks. Mount Sinai, at the foot of which it is ſeated, is a peak of granite, which ſeems to overwhelm it. The houſe is a ſort of ſquare priſon, whoſe loſty walls have only a window, which, though very high, ſerves likewiſe by way of door; for to enter this convent, the traveller muſt go into a baſket, which the Monks leave ſuſpended at the window, and occaſionally hoiſt up with ropes. This precaution ariſes from their fear of the Arabs, who might force the convent, if the uſual entrance [188] was by a door: they never open the only one there is, except on a viſit from the biſhop; at all other times it is kept cloſely ſhut. This viſitation ſhould take place every two or three years; but as it neceſſarily occaſions a conſiderable contribution from the Arabs, the Monks evade it. They do not, however, ſo eaſily eſcape the daily diſtribution of a certain quan⯑tity of proviſions; and the quarrels which ariſe on this ſubject, frequently draw on them a ſhower of ſtones, and even muſket-ſhot from the diſcontented Bedouins. They never ſtir into the country; they have by dint of labour, made a garden on the rocks, with earth they have brought thither, which ſerves them to walk in. They cultivate excellent fruit there, ſuch as grapes, figs, and eſpecially pears, of which they make preſents; and which are highly eſteemed at Cairo, no ſuch fruit being there to be met with. Their domeſtic life is the ſame with that of the Greeks and Maronites of Lebanon; that is, it is entirely de⯑voted to uſeful works, or to religious duties. But the Monks of Lebanon enjoy the ineſtimable advan⯑tage of liberty and ſecurity, which is not poſſeſſed by thoſe of Sinai. In other reſpects, this confined and melancholy ſtate of exiſtence is, that of all the Monks in the country of the Turks. Every where their con⯑vents are priſons, with no other light than a window, by which they receive their victuals; and every where are they built in diſmal places, deſtitute of [189] whatever can give pleaſure, and where nothing is to be found but rocks and ſtones, without either graſs or moſs, and yet they are full of Monks. There are fifty at Mount Sinai, five and twenty at Mar Saba, and upwards of three hundred in the two deſarts of Egypt. I, one day, ſays Volney, enquired the reaſon of this, in a converſation with one of the ſuperiors, and aſked him, "What could induce men to engage in a mode of life ſo truly miſerable?" "What," ſays he, "are not you a Chriſtian?" Is not this the path which leads to heaven?—"But," replied I, "we may alſo re⯑ceive ſalvation without renouncing the world; (and between ourſelves, father), I do not perceive that the Monks, though they are pious, poſſeſs that ancient fervour, which, throughout life, kept its eyes fixed on the hour of death!" "It is true," ſaid he, "we have no longer the auſterity of the ancient Anchorites; and, in reality, this is one reaſon why our convents are ſo full. You, who come from a country where men live in ſecurity and abundance, may conſider our life as an inſupportable denial, and our retreat from the world as a ſacrifice. But in the ſituation of this country, perhaps, the caſe is different. What can we do? Turn merchants! We ſhould then be overwhelmed with the cares of buſineſs and our fa⯑milies; and after having worked hard for thirty years, comes the aga, the pacha, or the cadi; we are brought to trial without the ſhadow of a crime; witneſſes are [190] ſuborned to accuſe us; we are baſtinadoed, plundered, and turned into the world as naked as the firſt day we entered it. As for the peaſant, his caſe is ſtill worſe; the aga oppreſſes him, the ſoldier pillages him, and the Arabs rob him. Shall we become ſoldiers? The profeſſion is laborious and dangerous, and how it will end is not very certain. It may ſeem hard, perhaps, to ſhut ourſelves up in a convent; but, at leaſt, we live there in peace; and, though in a ſtate of habitual abſtinence and poverty, we perhaps poſſeſs and enjoy more than we ſhould, if we had continued in the world. Obſerve the ſituation of the peaſants, and look at ours. We poſſeſs every thing they have, and even what they have not; we are better clad, and better fed; we drink wine and coffee: and who are our Monks but the children of peaſants?

I own I was aſtoniſhed, ſays Volney, at ſo much frankneſs and juſt reaſoning; but I felt more forcibly than ever, that the human heart is moved by the ſame ſprings in every ſituation. The deſire of hap⯑pineſs is every where the motive, whether ſought in hope, or in actual enjoyment; and it always expects to gain moſt in the part which it adopts; The diſ⯑courſe of this Monk, may ſuggeſt how far the ſpirit of retirement is connected with the ſtate of any govern⯑ment; from what cauſes it originates, is predominant, and declines.

[191]Yafa, the ancient Joppa, ſituated in this province where the pilgrims diſembark. As a ſea-port and a place of ſtrength, Yafa is nothing; but it is capable of becoming one of the moſt important on the coaſt, on account of two ſprings of freſh water which are within its walls, on the ſea ſhore. It is held by ano⯑ther aga, who pays for it one hundred and twenty purſes to the Sultana. For this he receives the whole miri, and poll-tax of the town, with ſome adjacent villages; but the chief part of his revenue ariſes from the cuſtom-houſe, as he receives all the duties on im⯑ports and exports. Theſe are pretty conſiderable, as it is at Yafa that the rice of Damietta is landed for Jeruſalem, and the merchandize of a ſmall French factory at Ramla. It is the port likewiſe, for the pilgrims of the Morea and Conſtantinople; each of whom pay him fourteen crowns on his landing, and the ſame ſum when he returns. The convent in this city, is ſaid to be built on the ſpot, where ſtood the houſe of Simon the tanner, mentioned in the Acts of the Apoſtles. It was there where St. Peter lodged, when he raiſed Tabitha from the dead; and where he ſaw a veſſel let down from heaven, that was full of un⯑clean beaſts. It was here likewiſe, that Jonah took ſhipping to fly from the preſence of God, when he commanded him to preach repentance to the Nine⯑vites. This place has alſo been rendered famous in the fables of antiquity; it being handed down to us, [192] that here Andromeda was faſtened to a rock, in order to be devoured by the ſea-monſters, from which ſhe was delivered by Perſeus, who had fallen in love with her.

Three leagues to the Eaſt of Yafa, is the village of Loudd, where the other aga reſides. A place lately ravaged by fire and ſword, ſays Volney, would have preciſely the appearance of this village. From the huts of the inhabitants, to the palace of the aga, is one continued heap of rubbiſh and ruins. The poor Chriſtians who dwell here, ſhew with great veneration the ruins of the church of St. Peter, and make ſtran⯑gers ſit on a column; which, as they ſay, that Saint once reſted on. They point out the place where he preached, where he prayed, &c. The whole country is full of ſuch traditions. It is impoſſible to ſtir a ſtep without being ſhewn the traces of ſome apoſtle, ſome martyr, or ſome virgin; but what credit can be due to theſe traditions?

The manners and cuſtoms of the inhabitants of Pa⯑leſtine, differ little from thoſe of Syria. The women in the villages, are not ſo ſtrict in covering them⯑ſelves with a veil when they go abroad, as they are in other parts of Aſia. That ſimplicity of life which pre⯑vailed among the patriarchs, is a good deal more pre⯑ſerved [193] amongſt the country people in this province, than in Syria.

Whilſt I was in one of the villages of this pro⯑vince, ſays Mariti, a young Arab woman, at whoſe wedding I had been preſent a day or two before, came to the well to draw water. She was accompanied by ſome other women, who were ſinging a ſong alluſive to her marriage; and who, every now and then, ſent forth certain tremulous ſounds, which had no mean⯑ing, but were only expreſſions of joy.

At a diſtance, appeared ſeveral men, who every now and then diſcharged muſkets and piſtols, in compli⯑ment to the new married huſband, who was on horſe⯑back; and who, inſtead of following his wife, pro⯑ceeded with his company to a different quarter.

His wife, who was a beautiful young woman, was dreſſed in a robe with very long ſleeves, which hung down to the ground; and which, as well as the reſt of the robe, were ſtriped with various lively colours. This was the diſtinguiſhing mark of a new married perſon. When ſhe arrived at the well, ſhe filled her veſſel, after which the reſt of the women did the ſame. This cuſtom, of women going to draw water, for the uſe of their families, is often mentioned in the ſcrip⯑tures. We are told in Geneſis, that when the ſervant [194] of Abraham was going to Meſopotamia, to ſeek a wife for Iſaac, he made his camels kneel down, without the city of Nahor, by a well, at the time of the even⯑ing, when the women went out to draw water.

The veſſels which the women of Paleſtine uſe for drawing water, are a kind of narrow mouthed pit⯑chers, with two handles, capable of containing be⯑tween five and ſix quarts.

When the women go to a ſtream with theſe veſſels, they fill them by dipping them into it; but, if they go to a well, which may happen to be deep, they carry with them a leathern bag, folded up under their arm, with which they draw up the water.

When they have filled their pitchers, they put them upon their head, placing a handkerchief, folded up in the form of a knot, below them; and, ſo dexterous are they in carrying theſe veſſels, that ſome of them to ſhew their ſkill, hold them in an inclined poſition, and at the ſame time employ themſelves in ſpinning, or lead their children along with them by the hand.

CHAP. XIII. A Review of the Preſent State of Syria and Egypt, with occaſional Remarks on the Turkiſh Empire in general.
With reſpect to the Government.

THE Turkiſh government in Syria, ſays Savary, is pure military deſpotiſm. That is, the bulk of the inhabitants are ſubject to the caprices of a faction of armed men, who diſpoſe of every thing according to their intereſt, or fancy. To form a proper concep⯑tion of the ſpirit with which this faction governs, we muſt conſider the title by which the Turks claim poſ⯑ſeſſion of the country.

When the Ottomans, under Sultan Selim, took Syria from the Mamlukes, they conſidered it as a poſ⯑ſeſſion acquired by the law of arms and war. Now, according to this law, among barbarous nations, the vanquiſhed is wholly at the diſcretion of the victor, and becomes his ſlave; his life and property belong [196] to his conqueror, who may diſpoſe of every thing; and what he leaves his captive, he leaves him as a fa⯑vour.

Such was the law among the Greeks and Romans, and among all thoſe ſocieties of robbers, whom we have honoured with the name of conquerors. Such, at all times, was that of the Tartars, from whom the Turks derive their origin. In the plains of Tartary, the hordes divided by intereſt, were no other than bands of robbers, armed for attack and defence; and, to ſeize as fair booty whatever they might covet. Now in an army, laws are but the orders of the chief; theſe orders are abſolute, and ſuffer no delay; they muſt proceed from one will, and from a ſingle head: hence, a ſupreme authority in him who commands, and a paſſive ſubmiſſion in him who obeys. But, in the tranſmiſſion of theſe orders, as the inſtrument in his turn becomes an agent; the conſequence of this is, that there is a ſpirit at once imperious and ſervile, which is preciſely that of the Turkiſh conquerors, Proud after victory, the meaneſt of the Ottomans treated the moſt illuſtrious of the vanquiſhed, with the lofty ſuperiority of a maſter; and this ſpirit diffuſing itſelf through every rank, we may judge of the diſ⯑tance, from whence the ſupreme chief looks down upon the crowd of ſlaves beneath him. Theſe ſen⯑timents cannot be better pourtrayed, than in the for⯑mulary [197] of the titles aſſumed in their public acts; "I, ſays the Sultan, in their treaties, who am, by the in⯑finite grace of the great and omnipotent Creator, em⯑peror of emperors; a refuge for ſovereigns, diſtribu⯑tor of crowns to the kings of the earth, ſervant of the two thrice-ſacred cities Mecca and Medina, governor of the holy city of Jeruſalem, maſter of Europe, Aſia, and Africa; lord of the two ſeas, of Damaſcus, the odour of Paradiſe; of Bagdad, the ſeat of the ca⯑lifs; and of a multitude of countries, iſlands, ſtraits, nations, generations, and of ſo many victorious armies, which repoſe beneath the ſhade of our Sublime Porte; I, in ſhort, the ſhadow of God on earth, &c."

From ſuch exalted grandeur, how muſt the Sultan look down on the reſt of mankind? In what light muſt he view that earth he poſſeſſes, and diſtributes as a domain, of which he is the ſovereign maſter? What muſt the people he has ſubdued appear, but ſlaves devoted to his ſervice? This empire may be compared to a plantation in one of our ſugar iſlands; where a multitude of ſlaves labour, to ſupply the luxury of one great proprietor, under the inſpection of a few ſervants, who take good care of themſelves. There is no difference, except that the dominions of the Sultan being too vaſt for a ſingle adminiſtration, he is obliged to divide it into ſmaller plantations, and ſeparate governments, adminiſtered after the ſame [198] manner as the united empire. Such are the provin⯑ces under the government of the pachas. Theſe pro⯑vinces again being too extenſive, the pachas have had recourſe to further ſubdiviſions; and hence, that ſeries of ſubalterns, which ſtep by ſtep deſcends to the loweſt employments. Thus power, being abſolute and arbitrary, in the monarch, is tranſmitted abſolute and arbitrary to all his ſub-delegates. It is ſtill the Su⯑tan who dictates, and commands, under the varied names of Pacha, Moiſallam, Kaiem-Ma [...]am, and Aga; nor is there one in this deſcending ſcale, even to the Delibaſhe, who does not repreſent, him. It is curious to hear, with what inſolence the loweſt of theſe ſol⯑diers, giving his orders in a village, pronounces: It is the will of the Sultan, it is the Sultan's pleaſure.

In each government, the pacha being the image of the ſultan, is like him, an abſolute deſpot, The main object of ſo much authority is to collect the tribute. This duty fulfilled, ſays Savary, no other is required of him; the means, are at his diſcretion; and ſuch is the nature of his ſituation, that he cannot be delicate in his choice of them; for the place he holds, depends on the favour of the Viſir, or ſome other great officer; and this can be only obtained and ſecured, by bidding higher than his competitors. He muſt, therefore, raiſe money to pay the tribute, and indemnify him⯑ſelf for all he has paid, ſupport his dignity, and make [199] proviſion in caſe of accident. The eſtabliſhed mode of collecting the miri (land-tax) and the cuſtoms, is to appoint one or more principal farmers, for the cur⯑rent year; who, in order to facilitate the collection, divide it into leſſer farms, which are again ſubdivided, even to the ſmalleſt villages. The pacha lets theſe employments to the beſt bidder. The farmers, who, on their ſide, have no object in taking them but gain, ſtrain every nerve to augment their receipt. Hence, thoſe extortions to which they are the more eaſily in⯑clined, as they are ſure of being ſupported by au⯑thority. The conſequence is, that the people being denied the fruit of their labour, reſtrain their induſ⯑try to the ſupply of their neceſſary wants. Thus, the arbitrary power of the ſultan, tranſmitted to the pacha and his ſub-delegates, becomes the main ſpring of a tyranny, which circulates through every claſs; whilſt its effects, by a reciprocal re-action, are every where fatal to agriculture, arts, commerce, population; in ſhort, to every thing that conſtitutes the power of the ſtate; or, which is the ſame thing, the power of the Sultan himſelf.

This arbitrary power of the pacha, occaſions abuſes likewiſe in the army. Perpetually urged by the want of money, he retrenches as far as poſſible, the uſual military eſtabliſhments. He diminiſhes the number [200] of his troops; leſſens their pay, winks at their diſ⯑orders, and diſcipline no longer exiſts.

The emirs and pachas, all imitate the Sultan; all regard the country they govern, as their private pro⯑perty, and their ſubjects as their domeſtics; while they, in their turn, ſee in their ſuperiors only tyran⯑nical maſters. It is a truth worthy of remark, that the greater part of the African and Aſiatic States, eſ⯑pecially ſince the days of Mahomet, have been govern⯑ed on theſe principles; and that no part of the world has exhibited ſo many commotions and revolutions. May it not, therefore, be concluded, that arbitrary power is no leſs fatal to the military ſtrength, than the finance of a nation.

The pacha, as being the image of the Sultan, is the head of all the police. He poſſeſſes the moſt abſolute power of life and death; and this he exerciſes with⯑out any formality, or giving time for an appeal. When he meets with a criminal, he orders him to be ſeized; and the executioner, by whom he is attended, ſtrangles him, or ſtrikes off his head upon the ſpot; nay, ſome⯑times the pacha himſelf does not diſdain this office. The pachas frequently ſtroll about diſguiſed, and woe to the man whom they ſurpriſe in a fault. As they cannot be preſent every where, they commit this duty to a deputy, called the Wali, who patroles night and [201] day; keeps a watchful eye on the ſeditious; appre⯑hends robbers; and, like the pacha, judges and con⯑demns without appeal. This officer has a multitude of ſpies, who are moſt of them thieves; and by their means, he knows every thing that paſſes.

He likewiſe preſides over the police of the mar⯑kets; there he inſpects their weights and meaſures; and, on this head, his puniſhment is ſevere. For any, the ſmalleſt deficiency in the weight of bread, meat, or confectionary, he will inflict five hundred ſtrokes of the baſtinado, and ſometimes cauſe the offender to be put to death, Examples of ſuch puniſhment are not unfrequent in the great cities, yet there is no country where falſe weights are more common; all the dealer has to do, is to keep a ſharp look out for the paſſing of the wali. When they appear, the deficient weights are ſecreted. The dealers alſo bargain with the ſer⯑vants who precede him; and, for a certain ſum, can in⯑ſure impunity.

The office of the wali, by no means extends to thoſe objects of utility, which are under the regulation of the police in European cities. No attention is paid either to cleanlineſs, or ſalubrity. The ſtreets are never paved, ſwept, or watered, either in Syria, or Egypt. They are narrow and winding, and, in ge⯑neral, encumbered with rubbiſh. Travellers are above [202] all, ſhocked with the ſight of a multitude of hideous dogs, which have no owner. They form a ſort of in⯑dependent body, ſubſiſting on public arms. They are quartered in diſtricts; and ſhould one of them happen to paſs his limits, a combat enſues, which is extremely troubleſome to paſſengers. The Turks do not kill theſe dogs, though they avoid touching them as un⯑clean. They pretend, they enſure the ſafety of the cities by night; but this is more owing to the wali and the gates, with which every ſtreet is ſecured.

CHAP. XIV. Of the Adminiſtration of Juſtice.

The tribunal whence theſe cadi's iſſue their deci⯑ſions, is called the Mahkama, or place of judgment. In an empty mean apartment, the cadi is ſeated on a mat, or wretched carpet. On each ſide are his clerks and ſome domeſtics. The door is open to every one; the parties appear; and there, without interpreters, ad⯑vocates, or attornies, each pleads his own cauſe. Squatted on the ground, they ſtate the facts, diſcuſs, reply, conteſt, and argue again in their turns. Some⯑times the debates are violent; but the cries of the clerks, and the ſtaff of the cadi, ſoon reſtore order and ſilence. Gravely ſmoking his pipe, and twiſting the end of his beard, this judge liſtens, interrogates, and concludes by pronouncing a ſentence, which, at moſt, allows but two months delay. The parties are ſeldom ſatisfied; they retire, however, with reſpect, and pay a fee, eſtimated at one-tenth of the property litigated, without murmuring at the deciſion, as it is invariably dictated by the infallible Alcoran.

It muſt be owned, this ſimplicity of juſtice, which does not conſume the property in litigation, or compel the abſence of the pleader from his place of reſidence, are two very great advantages; but, on the other hand, they are counter-balanced by abuſes. Daily [204] experience, ſays Volney, proves there is no country where juſtice is more corrupt than in Egypt and Syria, and no doubt in all the reſt of the empire. The parties may bargain for their cauſe with the cadi, as they would for any common commodity. Corrup⯑tion is habitual and general; and how ſhould it be otherwiſe, where integrity may be ruinous, and injuſ⯑tice lucrative; and where each cadi, deciding without appeal, fears neither a reverſion of his ſentence, nor puniſhment for his partiality.

Such is the ſtate of juriſprudence, throughout the Turkiſh empire. There exiſts no public and ac⯑knowledged code, where individuals may inſtruct themſelves in their reſpective rights; the judgments being, in general, founded on unwritten cuſtoms, or the frequently contradictory deciſions of the doctors.

CHAP. XV. Of the Influence of Religion.

IN vain do the Mahometans boaſt, that the koran contains the ſeeds, and even the perfection, of all political and legiſlative knowledge. Whoever reads this revered book, muſt be obliged to confeſs, that it contains nothing which conſtitutes a legiſlative code. The only laws we find in it, may be reduced to four or five ordinances, relative to polygamy, divorces, ſlavery, and the order of ſucceſſion; and even theſe are ſo contradictory, that they are not to be recon⯑ciled. The reſt is merely a chaos of unmeaning phraſes, an emphatical declaration on the attributes of God; or a collection of puerile tales, and ridiculous fables, ſo flat and faſtidious, that no man can read it to the end. Mahomet did not wiſh to enlighten men, but to rule over them; he ſought not diſciples, but ſubjects; and obedience, not reaſoning, is required from them. All the legiſlators of antiquity, have, in vain, exhauſted their genius, to explain the relations of [206] man in ſociety; Mahomet, more able, or more pro⯑found than they, reſolves all into a few phraſes. It is certain, that of all the men who have ever attempted to give laws to nations, none was ever ſo ignorant as Mahomet; nor was a compoſition produced to the world, ſo truly wretched as his book. Of this, the tranſactions of the laſt twelve hundred years in Aſia, are a proof; the convulſions of the governments, and the ignorance of the people, in this quarter of the globe, having originated more or leſs in the koran, and its morality.

The people of Syria, we have ſaid, are, in general, Mahometans or Chriſtians. This difference of wor⯑ſhip, is productive of the moſt diſagreeable effects in their civil ſtate. Faithful to the ſpirit of the koran, the Turks treat the Chriſtians with a ſeverity, which diſplays itſelf in various forms. A Chriſtian cannot ſtrike a Mahometan, without riſk of his life; but, if a Mahometan kills a Chriſtian, he eſcapes for a ſtipu⯑lated price. Chriſtians muſt not mount on horſeback in the towns; they are prohibited the uſe of yellow ſlippers, white ſhawls, and every ſort of green colour. Red for the feet, and blue for their dreſs, are the co⯑lours aſſigned them. When they travel, they are perpetually ſtopped at different places, to pay tolls, from which the Muſſulmen are exempt: in judicial proceedings, the oath of two Chriſtians is only reckoned for one; and ſuch is the partiality of the cadi's, that they alone are ſubject to the capitation; the ticket of which bears theſe memorable words; Djazz elras, i. e. (redemption) from cutting off the head; a dear proof of the title by which they are go⯑verned.

[208]Theſe diſtinctions, ſo well calculated to ferment ha⯑tred and diſſenſions, are diſſeminated among the peo⯑ple. The meaneſt Mahometan will neither accept, from a Chriſtian, nor return the ſalute of, "Health to you;" the uſual ſalutation is only Good morning, or Good evening, and ſometimes with Impious infidel, or dog. The Mahometans even affect to mortify them, by practiſing before them the ceremonies of their worſhip. At noon, at three o'clock, and at ſun-ſet, as ſoon as the criers, from the tops of the minarets an⯑nounce the time of prayer, they appear at the doors of their houſes; where, after making their ablution, they gravely ſpread a mat or carpet, and turning them⯑ſelves towards Mecca, croſs their arms upon their breaſts, ſtretch them towards their knees, and begin nine proſtrations, down to the ground, reciting the preface to the koran. In converſation, they fre⯑quently make a breach, by their profeſſion of faith, "There is but one God, and Mahomet is his prophet." They talk precipitately of their religion, and conſider themſelves as the only faithful of God. To confute them, the Chriſtians in their turn, affect great devotion; and hence, that oſtentation of piety, which forms one of the principal characteriſtics of the Orientals.

CHAP. XVI. State of the Peaſants, and of Agriculture.

IN Syria, and even throughout the Turkiſh empire, the peaſants, like the other inhabitants, are deem⯑ed ſlaves of the Sultan; but this term, only conveys the meaning of our word, ſubjects. Though maſter of their lives and properties, the Sultan does not ſell them, nor does he limit them to a certain ſpot. If he beſtows an appanage on ſome grandee, it is not ſaid, as in Ruſſia and Poland, that he gives him five hundred, or a thouſand peaſants; in a word, the peaſants, though oppreſſed by the tyranny of the government, are not degraded by the ſervitude of foedality.

When Sultan Selim conquered Syria, in order to render the collection of the revenue more eaſy, he eſ⯑tabliſhed a ſingle territorial tribute, called the miri. This tribute, at the time it was fixed, was very trifling, it amounted to, ſcarce nothing. Sultan Selim, not⯑withſtanding the ferocity of his character, ſeems to have underſtood the importance of favouring the huſ⯑bandman. [210] That this tax might be regularly collected, he gave orders to prepare a regiſter, in which the con⯑tingent of each village ſhould be ſet down. In ſhort, this miri was fixed at an invariable rate, never to be augmented nor diminiſhed. Not daring to violate the law eſtabliſhed by the Sultan, reſpecting the immu⯑tability of the impoſt, the pachas have introduced a multitude of charges, which produces all the effects of an augmentation.

Thus, having the greateſt part of the lands at their diſpoſal, they clog their conceſſions with burdenſome conditions, by exacting the half, and ſometimes two-thirds of the crop; or by monopolizing the feed of the cattle, which the cultivators are under the neceſ⯑ſity of purchaſing from them at their own price. The harveſt over, they cavil about loſſes, and pretended robberies; and, as they have the power in their hands, they carry off what they think proper. If the ſeaſon fails, they ſtill exact the ſame ſum; and, to pay themſelves, expoſe every thing the poor peaſant has to ſale. Happily, his perſon, at leaſt, remains free; for the Turks are ignorant of the refinement of impriſon⯑ing, for debt, the man who has no longer any pro⯑perty.

To theſe conſtant oppreſſions are added a thouſand accidental extortions. Sometimes the whole village [211] is laid under contribution, for ſome real or imaginary offence; and ſometimes a ſervice of a new kind is in⯑troduced. A preſent is exacted on the acceſſion of each governor; a contribution of graſs is demanded for his horſes, and barley and ſtraw for his cavaliers; they muſt provide likewiſe, for all the ſoldiers, who paſs or carry orders; and the governors take care to multiply theſe commiſſions, which are a ſaving to them, but inevitable ruin to the peaſants. The vil⯑lages tremble at every Lawend who appears; he is a real robber, under the name of a ſoldier; he enters as a conqueror, and commands like a monſter: dogs, rabble; ſays he, bring me bread, coffee, tobacco; I muſt have; I muſt have meat. If he caſts his eyes on any poultry, he kills them; and when he takes his depar⯑ture, adding inſult to tyranny, he demands what is called, the hire of his grinders. In vain do the pea⯑ſants exclaim againſt this injuſtice; the ſabre impoſes ſilence. What is the conſequence of all theſe depre⯑dations? The poorer claſs of inhabitants ruined, be⯑come a burthen to the village, or fly into the cities; but the miri is unalterable, and the ſum to be levied, muſt be found ſomewhere; conſequently, their portion falls on the remaining inhabitants, whoſe burthen, though at firſt light, now becomes inſupportable.

The ſame method is adopted, with reſpect to the capitation of the Chriſtians. Its amount having been [212] eſtimated at the time they were firſt numbered, it muſt always produce the ſame, though thoſe who pay ſhould be leſs numerous. Hence, it happens, that this capi⯑tation is ſometimes carried from three, five, and eleven piaſtres, at which it was firſt rated, to five and thirty, and forty; which abſolutely impoveriſhes thoſe on whom it is raiſed, and obliges them to leave the country. Theſe burthens are, more eſpecially, op⯑preſſive in thoſe countries, beſtowed as an appanage; and, likewiſe, in thoſe expoſed to the ravages of the Arabs.

In the former, the Titulary, greedy to augment his revenue, delegates full power to his leſſee, to aug⯑ment the taxes, who is well ſeconded by the avidity of his ſubalterns. Theſe men, refining on the arts of wringing money from the people, have contrived to impoſe duties on every commodity brought to mar⯑ket on entries, on the conveyance of goods, and even on the burthen of an aſs. With reſpect to the Be⯑douins, if they are at war, they pillage as enemies; if at peace, they devour every thing as gueſts: hence, the proverb, Avoid the Bedouin, whether friend or ene⯑my. When the peaſants are in want of money to pur⯑chaſe grain, cattle, &c. they can find none, but by mortgaging the whole, or part of their future crop, at a moſt exorbitant rate of intereſt, amounting ſome⯑times to thirty and forty per cent.

[213]From all theſe cauſes, the art of cultivation is in the moſt deplorable ſtate; the huſbandman is deſtitute of inſtruments, or has bad ones; his plough is frequently no more than the branch of a tree, cut below a bifur⯑cation, and uſed without wheels. The ground is tilled by aſſes and cows, rarely by oxen, which would be⯑ſpeak too much riches; beef is, therefore, very ſcarce in Syria and Egypt, beſides being lean and bad, like all the meat of hot countries. In the diſtricts expoſed to the Arabs, as in Paleſtine, the countryman muſt ſow with his muſket in his hand. Scarcely does the corn turn yellow, before it is reaped and concealed in ſub⯑terraneous caverns. As little as poſſible is kept for feed, becauſe they ſow no more than is barely neceſ⯑ſary for ſubſiſtence; in ſhort, their whole induſtry is confined to a ſupply of their immediate wants; and, to procure a little bread, a few onions, a wretched blue ſhirt, and a bit of woollen, much labour is not neceſſary.

CHAP. XVII. Of the Artiſans, Traders, and Commerce.

THAT claſs of men, which give value to raw mate⯑rials, by manufacturing them, is not ſo ill treated in Syria, as the claſs which produces them; the reaſon of which is, that the property of the artiſans, and tra⯑ders is more concealed from the ſcrutinizing eye of government, than that of the peaſants. This is one of the principal cauſes of the populouſneſs of the towns in Syria, and all over Turkey. While, in other countries, the cities are, in ſome meaſure, the over⯑flow of the country; here they are the effect of its deſertion. The peaſants expelled from their villages, fly into them for refuge, and find there tranquillity, and even a degree of eaſe and plenty.

The pachas are particularly attentive to this laſt ar⯑ticle, as on it depends their perſonal ſafety. They, therefore, take care to keep proviſions cheap, in all the conſiderable towns, eſpecially in that where they [215] reſide. In caſe of a failure in the harveſt, they pro⯑hibit the exportation of grain, and oblige every per⯑ſon to ſell it at a fixed price, under pain of death.

Commerce, in Syria, is ſtill in that ſtate of infancy, which characteriſes barbarous ages, and uncivilized countries. Along the whole coaſt, there is not a har⯑bour capable of admitting a veſſel of four hundred tons, nor are the roads ſecured by forts. In the in⯑terior parts of the country, there are neither great roads nor canals, nor even bridges over the greateſt part of the rivers and torrents, however neceſſary they may be in winter. Between town and town, there are neither poſts nor public conveyance. The only convenience of this kind, is the Tartar courier, who comes from Conſtantinople to Damaſcus, by way of Aleppo. This courier has no relays but in the large towns, which are at great diſtances from each other; but, in caſe of need, he may diſmount the firſt horſe⯑man he meets. He leads with him, according to the cuſtom of the Tartars, a ſecond horſe in hand, and has frequently a companion, for fear of accidents. The communication between one city and another, is kept up by carriers, who have no fixed time of depar⯑ture. This ariſes from the abſolute neceſſity of form⯑ing troops, or caravans, as no one travels alone, from the inſecurity of the roads.

[216]It is remarkable, that there are no waggons or carts to be ſeen in Syria. Every thing is carried on the backs of mules, aſſes, or camels; all which animals are excellent here. The two former are employed in the mountains; and nothing can equal their addreſs, in climbing and ſliding over the ſlopes of the craggy rocks. The camel is more uſed in the plains, becauſe he conſumes leſs, and carries more. His uſual bur⯑then, is about ſeven hundred and fifty pounds. His food is every thing his maſter chuſes to give him; ſtraw, brambles, pounded dates, beans, barley, &c. With a ſingle pound of food, and as much water in a day, he will travel for weeks together. In the whole way from Cairo to Suez, which is a journey of forty, or forty-ſix hours, they neither eat nor drink; but theſe faſtings repeated, exhauſt them as well as other animals. Their breath then becomes foetid. Their ordinary pace is very ſlow, not exceeding two miles, or two miles and a quarter, an hour. It is needleſs to preſs them, they will go no quicker; but, by allowing them reſt, they will travel fifteen or eigh⯑teen hours in a day.

There are no inns any where; but, as in other parts of Turkey, and likewiſe in Spain, the cities, and commonly the villages, have their khan, which ſerves as an aſylum for travellers. Theſe houſes of reception, are always built without the precincts of [217] the towns. The lodgings in them are cells, where nothing is to be found but bare walls, duſt, and ſome⯑times ſcorpions. A mat, and the key of the chamber, is all that the keeper of the khan furniſhes. The traveller muſt, therefore, carry with him his bed, his kitchen utenſils, and even his proviſions. The bag⯑gage of a man, who wiſhes to be completely provided, conſiſts in a carpet, a mattraſs, a blanket, two ſaucepans, with lids, contained within each other; two diſhes, two plates, and a coffee-pot; a ſmall wooden box for ſalt and pepper; ſix coffee cups, without han⯑dles, in a leathern box; a round leathern table, which he ſuſpends from the ſaddle of his horſe; ſmall lea⯑thern pouches, or bags for oil; melted butter, water, and, if a Chriſtian, brandy; a pipe, a tinder-box, a cup of cocoa-nut, ſome rice, dried raiſins, dates, Cy⯑prus cheeſe; and, above all, coffee berries, with a roaſter, and wooden mortar to pound them.

Our European merchants, not being contented with ſuch ſimple accommodations, their journeys are very expenſive and leſs frequent; but, the richeſt na⯑tives, make no difficulty of paſſing their lives tra⯑velling in this manner, between Bagdad, Baſſora, Cairo, and Conſtantinople. Travelling is their edu⯑cation, and their ſcience. To ſay of any man he is a merchant, is to pronounce him a traveller. They find in it, the advantage of purchaſing their goods at [218] the firſt hand, procuring them at a cheaper rate, en⯑ſuring their ſafety, by eſcorting them themſelves; pre⯑venting many accidents, and obtaining ſome abate⯑ment of the numerous tolls. They learn, beſides, to underſtand weights and meaſures; the extreme diver⯑ſity of which, renders theirs a very complicated pro⯑feſſion. Each town has its peculiar weight, which, under the ſame denomination, differs from that of another.

Coin is more fixed; a perſon may travel over the whole empire, from Choczim, on the borders of Ruſſia, to Syene, adjoining to Nubia, without expe⯑riencing any change in its denomination or value. The moſt ſimple of their coins is the Para; called alſo, a Medin, a Fadda, a Kata, or a Meſria. It is the ſize of an Engliſh ſilver three-pence; and is worth ſomething more than an halfpenny. After the para, follow ſuc⯑ceſſively, pieces of five, ten, and twenty paras; then the Zolate, or Iſlote, worth thirty paras. The piaſtre of the Lion, which is the coin moſt generally uſed in commerce, is worth about forty paras, or two ſhillings and a penny, Engliſh. Laſtly, there is the piaſtre of the dog, which is ſixty paras.

All theſe coins are ſilver, but with ſuch a mixture of alloy, that the piaſtre of the dog is as large as an Eng⯑liſh crown, though intrinſically worth only three ſhil⯑lings [219] and ſixpence. They bear no image, becauſe of the prohibition of the prophet, but only the cypher of the Sultan on one ſide, and on the other theſe words: Sultan of the two continents, Lord of the two ſeas, the Sul⯑tan, ſon of the Sultan—ſtruck at Stamboul (Conſtanti⯑ple) or at Maor, Cairo; the only two cities in the Turkiſh empire, where there is a mint.

The gold coins are the ſequin, called Dahab, or picca of gold, and ſometimes Zahr-Mahaboub, or well-beloved flower. It is worth three piaſtres, or forty paras each. There is likewiſe a ſequin, but very rare to be met with, called Fondoucli, worth one hundred and ſeventy paras. Beſides theſe coins, which are thoſe of the whole Turkiſh empire, ſome of the European ſpecie are very current, ſuch as the German dollars, and Venetian ſequins. The Venetian ſequins are in great requeſt, from the fineneſs of their ſtandard, and their being worn as trinkets by the women. Some of them wear two or three hundred, hung near the fore⯑head, at the edge of the head-dreſs.

The effect of this luxury, is the withdrawing con⯑ſiderable ſums from circulation, which remain dead; beſides, when any of theſe pieces return into common uſe, it becomes neceſſary to weigh them. The prac⯑tice of weighing money, is general in Syria, in Egypt, and all over Turkey. No piece, however effaced, [220] is refuſed there; the merchant draws out his ſcales and weights, as in the days of Abraham, when he went to purchaſe his ſepulchre.

Almoſt the whole commerce of Syria, is in the hands of the Franks, Greeks, and Armenians: for⯑merly it was engroſſed by the Jews. The Mahome⯑tans have little to do with it; not that they are pre⯑vented by the prejudices of their religion, or by in⯑dolence, as ſome writers have aſſerted, but by obſta⯑cles thrown in their way by their own government. The Porte, inſtead of giving a decided preference to Turkiſh ſubjects, finds it more lucrative to ſell their rights and induſtry to foreigners. Some European ſtates have, by treaties, obtained a diminution of cuſtom-houſe duties, to three per cent. while the mer⯑chandize of the ſubjects of the Sultan, pays ſtrictly ten, or when favoured, ſeven per cent. Beſides this, when the duties are once paid in any port, the Frank is not liable to pay a ſecond time in another. But the caſe is different with the Turkiſh ſubject. The Franks too, having found it convenient to employ Latin Chriſtians, as agents, have procured them a partici⯑pation of their privileges, and they are no longer ſub⯑ject to the power of the pachas, or amenable to Tur⯑kiſh juſtice. They cannot be plundered, and whoever has a commercial proceſs with them, muſt plead before the European conſul. With ſuch diſadvantages, it is [221] not ſurpriſing the Mahometans ſhould relinquiſh com⯑merce to their rivals. Theſe agents of the Franks, are known in the Levant, under the name of Baratary Drogmans; i. e. privileged interpreters. The Barat, or privilege, is a patent of which the Sultan makes a preſent to the ambaſſadors reſiding at the Porte. For⯑merly, theſe ambaſſadors made preſents of them to particular perſons in each factory; but, within the laſt twenty years, they have been made to underſtand it is more lucrative to ſell them. The preſent price of them, is about two hundred and fifty pounds. Each ambaſſador has fifty given him, which are renewed on the death of the poſſeſſor, and form a very pretty per⯑quiſite.

France has the greateſt trade to Syria, of any Eu⯑ropean nation. The factories, or as they are called, echelles, of the French, are ſeven in number. Aleppo, Scandaroon, Satakia, Tripoli, Saide, Acre, and Ramla. The ſum of their impoſts, amounts to about 250,000l. All this commerce paſſes through the ſingle channel of Marſeilles; and even the natives of Tur⯑key are prohibited from carrying on their commerce, except through the medium of theſe factors. Con⯑ſidered relatively to the Turkiſh empire, it may be affirmed, this commerce is more detrimental than ad⯑vantageous. For the articles exported, being all raw materials, the empire deprives itſelf of the advan⯑tages [222] to be derived from the labour of its ſubjects. On the other hand, the commodities imported, being articles of pure luxury, only ſerve to increaſe the diſ⯑ſipation of the rich; whilſt, perhaps, they aggravate the wretched condition of the people, and the claſs of cultivators.

CHAP. XVIII. Of the Arts, Sciences, and Ignorance of the People.

THE arts, and trades in Syria, afford matter for much conſideration. In the firſt place, the re⯑ligion of Mahomet having prohibited all kinds of images and figures, there, of courſe, exiſts neither painting, ſculpture, or engraving, nor any of the nu⯑merous profeſſions dependent on them. Secondly, a multitude of our trades are rendered unneceſſary, from the ſmall quantity of furniture uſed by the Orientals. The whole inventory of a wealthy fa⯑mily, conſiſts in a carpet for the feet, in mats, cu⯑ſhions, [223] matraſſes, ſome ſmall cotton cloths, copper and wooden platters for the table, a few ſtewing pans, a mortar, a portable mill, a little porcelain, and ſome plates of copper, tinned. All our apparatus of ta⯑peſtry, and paper hangings, bedſteads, chairs, ſtools, glaſſes, deſks, bureaus, cloſets; our beaufets, with their plate, and table ſervices; all our cabinet and uphol⯑ſtery work, are luxuries totally unknown to them; ſo that nothing is ſo ſimple as a Turkiſh removal. Their cloathing is not more complicated, though more expen⯑ſive. They are ſtrangers to the hats, perukes, hair-dreſſing, buttons, buckles, ſtocks, laced ruffles, and all that ſuperfluity with which we are ſurrounded. Cotton or ſilk ſhirts, which even the pachas do not count by dozens, and which have neither ruffles nor waiſtbands, nor plaited collars; an enormous pair of breeches, which ſerve alſo by way of ſtockings; a handkerchief on the head, another round the waiſt, with three large folds of cloth, compoſe the whole wardrobe of the Orientals. Their only articles of luxury are goldſmith's work, and which is confined to women's trinkets, ſaucers for coffee, wrought like lace, the ornaments of their harneſs, their pipes, which are very beautiful; and the ſilk ſtuffs of Aleppo and Da⯑maſcus. In paſſing through the ſtreets of the towns, we meet with nothing but beaters of cotton, on tenters, retailers of ſtuffs and mercery, barbers, tinners, lock⯑ſmiths, [224] ſadlers, and eſpecially ſellers of little loaves, hardware, grain, dates, and ſweetmeats.

In the villages, the inhabitants limited to mere ne⯑ceſſaries, have no arts, but thoſe, without which they cannot ſubſiſt; every one endeavours to ſupply his own wants, that he may not be obliged to ſhare what he has with others. Each family manufactures the coarſe cottons with which they are clothed. Every houſe has its portable mill, with which the women grind the barley, or dourra, for their ſubſiſtance. The flour from theſe mills is coarſe; and their little round loaves ill leavened, and badly baked; but they pre⯑ſerve life, and that is all which is required. In the mountains, they do not preſerve their vines, and they no where engraft trees; every thing, in ſhort, re⯑minds us of the ſimplicity of ancient times. When the reaſon of this want of induſtry is aſked, the anſwer is uniformly the ſame. "It is good enough. It is ſufficient: To what purpoſe would it be to do more?" They are right; ſince they would not be permitted to reap the benefit of their labours.

The ſtate of the arts in theſe countries, is highly in⯑tereſting, as preſerving the diſcoveries in almoſt every reſpect of ancient times. For example, the ſtuffs of Aleppo are not an Arabian invention. The dyes they have, are properly thoſe of Tyre. The manner [225] by which the ancients ſecured the harneſs of their horſes, againſt the ſtroke of the ſabre, is, undoubtedly, the ſame now uſed at Aleppo and Damaſcus, for the head-ſtalls of their bridles. The ſmall ſilver plates with which the leather is lined, hold together without nails, and are ſo jointed, that, without depriving the leather of its pliancy, there remains no interſtice for the edge of the weapon.

The cement they make uſe of, is, no doubt, that of the Greeks and Romans. To make it properly, they only uſe the lime when boiling, and mix with it one-third of ſand, and another of aſhes and pounded brick-duſt. With this compoſition they form wells, ciſterns, and vaults, which the water cannot paſs through. The uſe of this cement, has been lately introduced at Paris, but it is of great antiquity in the Eaſt.

We may affirm the ſame of the manner of working the iron mines in Lebanon, on account of its ſimplicity. It is the method now employed in the Pyrenees, and known under the name of the Catalonian forge. The furnace conſiſts in a kind of chimney, formed in the ſide of a deep declivity. The funnel is filled with wood, which is ſet fire to. The bellows is applied to the inferior mouth, and the iron ore poured in from above; the metal falls to the bottom, and is taken out by the ſame mouth at which the fire is lighted. Even [226] their ingenious wooden ſliding locks, with which they barricade their ſtreets, may be traced back to the time of Solomon, who mentions them in his ſong.

To their muſic, we muſt not aſcribe ſo high an an⯑tiquity. It does not appear to have an earlier origin, than the age of califs; yet, as its principles were bor⯑rowed from the Greeks, it might afford matter of cu⯑rious obſervation, to adepts in that ſcience. Cairo is, perhaps, the only place in Syria, or in Egypt, where there are a few ſhaiks, who underſtand the principles of the art. They have collections of airs, which are not noted in our manner, but written in characters, all the names of which are Perſian. They have no muſic but vocal; for they neither know nor eſteem inſtrumental. They are ſtrangers, likewiſe, to any other accompaniment than the uniſon, and the con⯑tinued baſe of the monochord. Their airs, in point of character and execution, reſemble nothing we have heard in Europe, except the ſeguidillas of the Spa⯑niards. They have diviſions more laboured, even than thoſe of the Italians, and cadences, and inflexions of tones, impoſſible to be imitated by European throats. Their performance is accompanied with ſighs and geſtures, which paint the paſſions in a more lively manner, than we ſhould venture to allow. To behold an Arab with his head inclined, his hand ap⯑plied to his ear, his eye-brows knit, his eyes languiſh⯑ing; [227] to hear his plaintive tones, his lengthened notes, his ſighs and ſobs, it is almoſt impoſſible to refrain from tears: and, indeed, they muſt certainly find a pleaſure in ſhedding them, ſince among all their ſongs, they conſtantly prefer thoſe which excite them moſt; as among all accompliſhments, ſinging is, that which they moſt admire.

Dancing, which with us, ſays Volney, holds an equal rank with muſic, is far from being held in the ſame eſ⯑timation with the Arabs. This art, among them, is branded with a kind of ſhame; a man cannot practiſe it without diſhonour, and the exerciſe of it is only permitted to women. This judgment will appear to us ſevere, but it muſt be conſidered, that in the Eaſ⯑tern world, dancing is not an imitation of war, as among the Greeks, nor a combination of graceful at⯑titudes and movements, as with us; but a licentious imitation of the utmoſt wantonneſs of love. This is the ſpecies of dance, which, brought from Carthage to Rome, announced the decline of her republican man⯑ners; and which ſince, revived in Spain by the Arabs, ſtill ſubſiſts there, under the title of Fandango. Not⯑withſtanding the freedom of our manners, it would be difficult, without wounding the ear, accurately to de⯑ſcribe it; it will be ſufficient to ſay, that the female dancer, with her arms extended, and an empaſſioned air, ſinging, and accompanying her ſong with caſtanets, [228] which ſhe holds between her fingers, executes, without changing her place, all thoſe motions of the body, which paſſion itſelf carefully conceals under the veil of night. Such is their licentiouſneſs, that none but proſtitutes venture to dance in public.

The intimate connexion between the arts and ſci⯑ences, leaves no room to doubt, that the latter are ſtill more neglected. The barbariſm of Syria and Egypt, is complete. In vain have ſome writers denied this aſſertion, and talked of colleges, places of educa⯑tion, and books. Theſe words, in Turkey, convey not the ſame idea as with us. The age of the califs, is paſt among the Arabs, and yet to begin among the Turks. Theſe two nations have, at preſent, neither geometricians, aſtronomers, muſicians, nor phyſicians. Where ſhould phyſicians be formed, ſince there are no eſtabliſhments of the kind; and anatomy is repug⯑nant to the prejudices of their religion? Aſtronomy, indeed, they practiſe; but, by aſtronomy, they under⯑ſtand only the decree of fate, by the motions of the ſtars, and not the profound ſcience of calculating their revolutions. The Monks of Mar-Hanna, who are poſſeſſed of books, and maintain a correſpondence with Rome, are not leſs ignorant than the reſt. Never, ſays Volney, before my arrival, had they heard that the earth turned round the ſun; and the zealots, find⯑ing [229] it contradicted in the holy bible, were for treat⯑ing me as a heretic.

In examining the cauſes of the general ignorance of the Orientals, we ſhall find the ſcarcity of books one of the principal. There are but two libraries in Syria, that of the Monks of Mar-Hanna, and that of Acre, both of which are very inconſiderable; one of them not exceeding three hundred volumes. The other is to be found in the form of government. Under the adminiſtration of the Turks, there is no proſpect of obtaining rank or fortune, through the channels of the ſciences. For this reaſon, the Orien⯑tals are ignorant from the ſame principle, that makes them poor. They may apply with juſtice to ſcience, what they ſay of the arts, "What good pur⯑poſe will it anſwer to do more?"

CHAP XIX. The Manners and Character of the Inhabitants of Syria.

OF all ſubjects of obſervation to a traveller, the moral character of the inhabitants of a country is certainly the moſt important. To ſucceed in ſuch an enquiry, we muſt live in the country, learn the language, and adopt the cuſtoms of the inhabi⯑tants; conditions ſeldom complied with by travellers; and which when they are, ſtill leave numerous diffi⯑culties to ſurmount; for we are not only to combat the prejudices we may meet with in our way, but to overcome our own.

When a European arrives in Syria, or in any part of the Eaſtern world, what appears moſt extraordinary to him, in the exterior of the inhabitants, is the almoſt total oppoſition of their manners to his own. The moſt ſtriking contraſts may be ſeen between the peo⯑ple of Aſia, and thoſe of Europe. We wear ſhort and [231] cloſe dreſſes; theirs are long and ample. We ſuffer our hair to grow, and ſhave the beard; they let their beard grow, and ſhave the head. With us, to uncover the head is a mark of reſpect; with them, a naked head is a ſign of folly. We ſalute in an inclined poſ⯑ture; they in an upright one. We paſs our lives erect; they almoſt always ſeated. They ſit and eat on the ground; we on raiſed ſeats. With reſpect to language likewiſe; their manner of writing is con⯑trary to ours; and moſt of our maſculine nouns, are feminine with them.

Another diſtinguiſhing characteriſtic, is that reli⯑gious exterior in the countenances, converſation, and geſtures of the inhabitants of Turkey. In their ſtreets every one appears with his ſtring of beads. There is ſtill another characteriſtic in the exterior of the Orientals, which attracts the attention of an obſerver; that is, their grave and phlegmatic air. Inſtead of the open and cheerful countenance, which we either na⯑turally poſſeſs or aſſume, their behaviour is ſerious, auſtere, and melancholy: they rarely laugh, and the gaiety of the French appears to them a fit of deli⯑rium. When they ſpeak, it is with deliberation, with⯑out geſtures, and without paſſion; they liſten without interruption; they are ſilent for whole days together, and by no means pique themſelves on ſupporting converſation. If they walk, it is always leiſurely [232] and on buſineſs; they have no idea of our trouble⯑ſome activity, and walking backward and forward for amuſement. Continually ſeated, they paſs whole days muſing, with their legs croſſed, their pipes in their mouths, and almoſt without changing their atti⯑tude.

As to the ſedentary life of the natives, what motives has a man to beſtir himſelf, in a country where the police has never thought either of laying out walks, or encouraging plantations; where there is no ſafety without the towns, nor pleaſure within the precincts; where every thing, in ſhort, invites us to ſtay at home?

The compariſon of our civil and domeſtic ſtate, with that of the Orientals, will furniſh ſtill further rea⯑ſons for that phlegm, which conſtitutes their general character. One of the chief ſources of gaiety with us, is the ſocial intercourſe of the table, and the uſe of wine. The Orientals, are almoſt ſtrangers to this double enjoyment. Another ſource of enjoyment with Europeans, is the free intercourſe between the two ſexes, which prevailed more particularly in France. In Aſia, on the contrary, women are rigorouſly ex⯑cluded the ſociety of men. Every body muſt be ſtrangers to them; and they muſt be ſuffered to paſs along the ſtreets, as if there were ſomething contagious [233] in their nature. In fact, Mahomet, paſſionately fond as he was of women, has not done them the honour of treating them in his koran, as belonging to the hu⯑man ſpecies; and it is even a ſort of problem with the Mahometans, whether women have any ſouls. The government is ſtill more unjuſt towards them; for it denies them the poſſeſſion of any landed pro⯑perty, and ſo completely deprives them of every kind of perſonal liberty, as to leave them dependant all their lives on their male relations.

This ſituation of the women, among the Orientals, occaſions a great contraſt between their manners and ours. Such is their delicacy on this head, that, as we have obſerved before, they never ſpeak of them. When we give them ſome account of European man⯑ners, it is impoſſible to expreſs their aſtoniſhment. They are unable to conceive how our women go with their faces uncovered, when in their country, an up⯑lifted veil, is the mark of a proſtitute, or a ſignal for a love adventure. They have no idea how it is poſ⯑ſible to ſee them, talk with them, or touch them with⯑out emotion; or be alone without proceeding to the laſt extremities.

What we are able to learn of the domeſtic life of huſbands, who have ſeveral wives, is neither calcu⯑lated to make their lot envied, nor to give a high idea [234] of this part of Mahomet's legiſlation. Their houſe is a perpetual ſcene of tumult and contention. The four legal married women complain, that their ſlaves are preferred to them; and the ſlaves, that they are aban⯑doned to the jealouſy of their miſtreſſes. If one wife obtains a trinket, a token of favour, or permiſſion to go to the bath, all the others require the ſame, and league together in the common cauſe. To reſtore peace, the polygamiſt is obliged to aſſume the tone of a deſpot; and from that moment, he meets with nothing but the ſentiments of ſlaves, the appearance of fondneſs, yet real hatred. In vain does each of theſe women proteſt ſhe loves him more than the reſt; in vain do they fly on entering his apartments to pre⯑ſent him his pipe and ſlippers, to prepare his dinner' or to ſerve him with coffee; in vain, while he is effe⯑minately ſtretched on his carpet, do they chace away the flies which incommode him; all theſe attentions and careſſes, have no other object than to procure an addition to their trinkets, and moveables; that if he ſhould repudiate them, they may be able to tempt ano⯑ther huſband, or find reſource in what becomes their only property. They are merely courtezans, who think of nothing but to ſtrip their lover before he quits them; and this lover, long ſince deprived of deſires, and teazed by feigned fondneſs, is far from enjoying an enviable ſituation. The contempt the Turks entertain for their women, ariſes from this con⯑currence [235] of circumſtances, and is evidently the effect of their own cuſtoms. How ſhould women retain that excluſive love, which renders them moſt eſtimable, when ſo many ſhare in the affections of their huſ⯑bands? Or how ſhould they poſſeſs that modeſty which conſtitutes their greateſt virtue, when the moſt ſhocking ſcenes of debauchery are daily practiſed before their eyes? How, in ſhort, ſhould they be en⯑dowed with the manners requiſite to make them ami⯑able, when no care whatever is taken of their educa⯑tion?

After what we have ſaid of the manners of the Orientals, we ſhall be no longer ſurpriſed, that their whole character partakes of the monotony of their pri⯑vate life, and of the ſtate of ſociety in which they live. Even in the cities, where we ſee moſt acti⯑vity, as at Aleppo, Damaſcus, and Cairo, all their amuſements conſiſt in going to the bath, or meeting to⯑gether in coffee-houſes, reſembling ours only in name. There, in a large room, filled with ſmoak, ſeated on ragged mats, the wealthier claſs of people paſs whole days in ſmoaking their pipes, talking of buſineſs in conciſe phraſes, uttered at long intervals, and frequently in ſaying nothing.

Of all the different ſpecies of public exhibitions, the only one they know, and which is common at [236] Cairo alone, is that of ſtrollers, who ſhew feats of ſtrength like our rope-dancers, and tricks of ſlight-of-hand like our jugglers. We there ſee ſome of them eating flints, others breathing flames; ſome cutting their arms, or perforating their noſes, without receiv⯑ing any hurt; and others devouring ſerpents. The people, from whom they carefully conceal the ſecrets of their art, entertain a ſort of veneration for them, and call theſe extraordinary performances by a name, which ſignifies prodigy or miracle. This propenſity of believing the moſt extraordinary feats or tales, is a re⯑markable feature in the character of the Orientals. They admit, without heſitation, or the leaſt ſhadow of doubt, the moſt wonderful things that can be told them; and, if we regard the tales current among them, as many prodigies happen every day, as have been aſcribed to the age of the Genii and fairies; the rea⯑ſon of which, no doubt is, that being ignorant of the ordinary courſe of phyſical and moral cauſes, they know not the limits between probability and impoſ⯑ſibility. Beſides having been accuſtomed, from their earlieſt youth, to believe the extravagant fables of the koran, they are entirely deſtitute of any ſtandard of analogy, to diſtinguiſh truth from falſhood. Their credulity, therefore, ariſes from ignorance, and the nature of their government. To this credulity, their extravagance of imagination, is, in a great meaſure, to be attributed; but, though deprived of this ſource, [237] their works would ſtill poſſeſs many brilliant orna⯑ments.

In general, the Orientals are remarkable for a clear conception, an eaſy expreſſion, a propriety of language in the things they are acquainted with, and a paſſionate and nervous ſtile. They have particularly a taſte for moral ſentences, and their proverbs ſhew they can unite juſtneſs of obſervation, and profundity of thought, with an ingenuity of force and expreſ⯑ſion.

Their converſation appears at firſt, to have a ſort of coldneſs, but when we are more accuſtomed to it, we find ourſelves greatly attached to them. Such is the good opinion with which thoſe who have had moſt communication with them have been impreſſed, that the greater part of our travellers and merchants allow, that they find them a people of a more humane and gene⯑rous character, and poſſeſſing more ſimplicity, and more refined and open manners, than even the inha⯑bitants of European countries; as if the Aſiatics, hav⯑ing been poliſhed long before us, ſtill preſerved the traces of their early improvement.

CHAP. XX. Of the Religion and Funerals of the Ancient Egyptians.

RELIGION and man were born together. Before he was bleſſed with revelation, objects which aſtoniſhed, from which he received the greateſt bene⯑fits, or dreaded moſt, by turns attracted veneration. To rivers, ſeas, ſtorms, and the ſun, he addreſſed his prayers, and erected altars. The leſs he knew of the phenomena of nature, the more he believed in hidden powers. All nations have adored, under different names, inviſible ſpirits, either praying for protection, or deprecating wrath. Men, enlightened by ſublime philoſophy only, can behold him who preſides over the univerſe, or ſuppoſe a plurality of gods ab⯑ſurd.

Never were any people ſo ſuperſtitious as the Egyp⯑tians. They had a great number of gods of different orders and degrees. Among the reſt, two were uni⯑verſally adored, Oſiris, and Iſis; which are ſuppoſed [239] to have been ſymbolical of the ſun and moon. Beſides theſe deities, the Egyptians worſhipped a great num⯑ber of beaſts, as the ox, the dog, the wolf, the hawk, the crocodile, the ibis, the cat, &c. Many of theſe beaſts were the objects of ſuperſtition, only to ſome particular cities; and, whilſt the people of one city worſhipped one ſpecies of animals as gods, thoſe of an adjoining one held them in abomination. This was the origin of the continual wars between different ci⯑ties; and, is ſaid to have taken its riſe from the falſe policy of one of their ſovereigns; who, in order to pre⯑vent conſpiring againſt the ſtate, deviſed this means of engaging them in religious conteſts.

It was death for any perſon to kill one of theſe ani⯑mals wilfully; and a puniſhment was even decreed againſt him, who ſhould have killed an ibis, or a cat, though unintentionally. As a proof of this, Diodorus Siculus relates an incident he was witneſs to, during his ſtay in Egypt. A Roman had inadvertently, and without deſign, killed a cat; the exaſperated populace ran to his houſe, and neither the authority of the king, who ſent his guard, nor the terror of the Roman name, could reſcue the unfortunate criminal. Such was the reverence the Egyptians had for theſe ani⯑mals, that, in an extreme famine, they choſe rather to eat one another, than feed on their imaginary deities.

[240]Of all theſe animals, the bull Apis was the moſt fa⯑mous. Magnificent temples were erected to him; ex⯑traordinary honours were paid him while he lived; and ſtill greater after his death. Egypt then went into a general mourning. His obſequies were ſolemnized with ſuch a pomp, as is ſcarce credible. In the reign of Ptolemy Logus, the bull Apis dying of old age, the funeral pomp, beſides the ordinary expences, amount⯑ed to twelve thouſand pounds.

It is pretty evident, that the golden calf, ſet up by the Iſraelites near Mount Sinai, was owing to their abode in Egypt, and an imitation of the god Apis, as well as thoſe which were afterwards ſet up by Jeroboam, (who had reſided long in Egypt) in the two extremities of the kingdom of Iſrael.

The Egyptians, not ſatisfied with offering incenſe to animals, carried their folly to ſuch exceſs, as to aſcribe a divinity to the pulſe and roots of their gardens. For this they have been ingeniouſly reproached by the Roman ſatyriſt, in one of his inimitable ſatires. It is aſtoniſhing to ſee a nation, which boaſted its ſuperiority above all others, in wiſdom and learning, abandon it⯑ſelf to the moſt groſs and ridiculous ſuperſtition. In⯑deed, to read of animals and vile inſects, honoured with religious worſhip, placed in temples, and maintained with great care, and at an extravagant expence; to [241] read that thoſe who killed them, were puniſhed with death; and, that theſe animals were embalmed and ſolemnly depoſited in tombs, aſſigned them by the public; to hear, in ſhort, that this extravagance was carried to ſuch lengths, that leeks and onions were ac⯑knowledged as deities, and depended upon for ſuccour and protection, are exceſſes, which we at this diſtance of time can ſcarce credit; and yet they have the evi⯑dence of all antiquity. You enter, ſays Lucian, into a magnificent temple, every part of which glitters with gold and ſilver. You there look attentively for a god, and are cheated with a ſtork, an ape, or a cat; a juſt emblem, adds that writer, of too many palaces, the maſters of which, are far from being the brighteſt or⯑naments of them.

Several reaſons are aſſigned for the worſhip paid to animals by the Egyptians. The firſt is drawn from fabulous hiſtory. It is pretended, that the gods, when mankind rebelled againſt them, ſled into Egypt, and concealed themſelves under the forms of different ani⯑mals; and that theſe gave riſe to the worſhip after⯑wards paid to theſe animals.

The ſecond is taken from the benefit theſe animals procure to mankind: oxen by their labour; ſheep by their wool and milk; dogs by their ſervice in hunting and guarding houſes; whence the god Anubis was re⯑preſented [242] with a dog's head. The Ibis, a bird reſem⯑bling a ſtork, was worſhipped, becauſe he put to flight the winged ſerpents, with which Egypt would other⯑wiſe have been grievouſly infected; the crocodile, an amphibious creature, of ſurpriſing ſtrength and ſize, was worſhipped, becauſe he defended Egypt from the incurſion of the wild Arabs; the ichneumon was ador⯑ed, becauſe he prevented the too great increaſe of the crocodiles, which might have proved deſtructive to Egypt. This little animal does this ſervice to the country two ways. Firſt, he watches the time when the crocodile is abſent, and breaks his eggs, but does not eat them. Secondly, when the crocodile ſleeps on the banks of the Nile, which he always does with his mouth open, this ſmall animal lying concealed in the mud, leaps at once into his mouth, gets down his en⯑trails and gnaws them, then piercing his belly, the ſkin of which is very tender he eſcapes in ſafety; and thus, by his addreſs and ſubtilty, becomes victorious over ſo terrible an animal.

Philoſophers, ſince the eſtabliſhment of chriſtianity, not ſatisfied with theſe reaſons, have aſſerted, that the worſhip which the Egyptians paid to animals, was not offered to the animals themſelves, but to the gods of whom they were the ſymbols. Plutarch, in his fa⯑mous treatiſe on Iſis and Oſiris, the two moſt famous deities of the Egyptians, ſays, that philoſophers ho⯑nour [243] the image of God, wherever they find it, even in inanimate beings, conſequently much more in thoſe which have life. We are, therefore, to approve not the worſhip of theſe animals, but thoſe who, by their means, aſcend to the deity; they are to be conſidered as ſo many mirrors which nature holds forth, and in which the Supreme Being diſplays himſelf in a won⯑derful manner. Should men, therefore, for the em⯑belliſhment of ſtatues, collect together all the gold and precious ſtones in the world, the worſhip muſt not be referred to the ſtatues; for the deity does not viſit in colours artfully diſpoſed, nor in frail matter, deſtitute of ſenſe and motion. Plutarch further adds, in the ſame treatiſe, that as the ſun, moon, heaven, earth, and ſea, are common to all men, but have different names, according to the difference of nations and languages; in like manner, though there is but one Deity or providence, which governs the univerſe, men give him different names, and pay him different ho⯑nours, according to the laws and cuſtoms of their country.

The pyramids were erected as ſo many ſacred mo⯑numents, deſtined to tranſmit in future times the me⯑mory of great princes: they were likewiſe conſidered as the manſions, where the body was to remain during a long ſucceſſion of ages; different in this reſpect from houſes which were called inns, and where men [244] were to abide only as travellers, during the courſe of a life too ſhort to engage their affections.

When any perſon of a family died, all the kindred and friends quitted their uſual habits, and went into mourning. They refrained alſo from baths, wine, and luxuries of every kind. This mourning laſted forty or ſeventy days, according to the quality of the perſon.

Bodies were embalmed three ways. The moſt mag⯑nificent was beſtowed on perſons of rank, the expence of which amounted to a talent of ſilver, or about a hun⯑dred and twenty pounds.

Many hands were employed in this operation. Some drew the brain through the noſtrils, by an in⯑ſtrument made for the purpoſe. Others emptied the bowels and inteſtines, by a hole cut in the ſide with an Egyptian ſtone, which was very ſharp; after which, the cavities were filled up with perfumes, and various odoriferous drugs. As this evacuation (which was neceſſarily attended with ſome diſſection) ſeemed cruel and inhuman, the perſons employed in it, fled as ſoon as the operation was over, and were purſued with ſtones from the ſtanders by. But thoſe who em⯑balmed the body were honourably treated. They filled it with myrrh, cinnamon, and all ſorts of ſpices. [245] After a certain time, the body was ſwathed in lawn fillets, glued together with a very thin gauze, and then cruſted over with the moſt exquiſite perfumes. By this means, the entire figure of the body, the linea⯑ments of the face, and the hair on the lids and eye⯑brows were preſerved in their natural perfections. The body thus embalmed, was delivered up to he relations, who put it in a kind of open cheſt, fitted exactly to the ſize, and placed it upright againſt the wall, either in ſepulchres, if they had any, or in their houſes. Theſe embalmed bodies, are what are now called mummies, which are ſtill brought from Egypt, and to be ſeen in the cabinets of the curious. This ſhews the care that the Egyptians took of their dead. Children, by ſeeing the bodies of their anceſtors thus preſerved, recalled to mind thoſe virtues for which the public had honoured them.

It was a conſolation among the heathens, to leave a good name behind them; and they imagined this the only human bleſſing, of which death could not deprive them. But the Egyptians would not ſuffer praiſes to be beſtowed indiſcriminately on all deceaſed perſons. This honour was to be obtained only from the public voice. The aſſembly of the judges, met on the other ſide of the lake, which they croſſed in a boat. He who ſat at the helm, was called Charon, in the Egyp⯑tian language; and, this firſt gave the hint to Orpheus, [246] who had been in Egypt, to invent the fiction of Cha⯑ron's boat. As ſoon as a man was dead, he was brought to his trial. The public accuſer was heard. If he proved, that the deceaſed had lived a bad life, his memory was condemned, and he was deprived of burial. The people were affected with laws, which extended beyond the grave; and every one ſtruck with the diſgrace inflicted on the dead perſon, was afraid to reflect diſhonour on his own memory, and that of his family. But if the deceaſed was not con⯑victed of any crime, he was interred in an honourable manner.

When, therefore, a favourable judgment was pro⯑nounced, the next thing was to proceed to the cere⯑mony of interment. In his panegyric, no mention was made of his name, becauſe every Egyptian was deemed noble. No praiſes were conſidered as juſt or true, but ſuch as related to the perſonal merit of the de⯑ceaſed. He was applauded for having received an excellent education in his early years; and, in a more advanced age, for having exerciſed gentleneſs, mode⯑ration, and all other virtues, which conſtitute the good man. Then all the people ſhouted, and beſtowed the higheſt eulogiums on the deceaſed, as one, who would be for ever received into the ſociety of the vir⯑tuous, in the kingdom of Pluto.

CHAP. I. A Deſcription of Egypt, from Volney, Savary, Norden, and Tott.
Country, Climate, &c.

EGYPT is bounded on the North, by the Medi⯑terranean; on the South, by a chain of moun⯑tains, ſeparating it from Nubia; on the Eaſt, by the Red Sea, and the iſthmus of Suez; and its Weſtern limits are the deſarts of Lybia; in the midſt of which ſtood the temple of Jupiter Ammon. Its greateſt length is about two hundred and twenty-five leagues, extending from Syene, which is ſituated under the tropic of Cancer, to Cape Buelos, which is the moſt projecting land of the Delta, and almoſt terminates the thirty-ſecond degree of North latitude.

The broadeſt part is from Alexandria to Damietta; and from thence it grows gradually narrower and nar⯑rower, till it approaches Nubia, where it is encloſed [248] between two chains of mountains, having the Nile and a plain between them, not above half a day's journey over.

It is divided into upper and lower; the former is a long valley beginning at Syene, and ending at Grand Cairo. Two ridges of mountains, taking their depar⯑ture from the laſt cataract, form the lofty outlines of upper Egypt: their parallel direction is from North to South, till they reach Grand Cairo; where, ſepa⯑rating to the right and left, the one ſtretches toward Mount Colzowm, and the other terminates in ſand-banks near Alexandria. In this celebrated valley, man firſt ſought and firſt beheld the light of ſcience, whoſe radiance diffuſing itſelf over Greece, has ſuc⯑ceſſively enlightened the reſt of the world. This valley, though ſtill as fruitful as in the happy days of Thebes, is much leſs cultivated; its famous cities are laid level with the duſt; and laws and arts trodden under foot by ignorance and deſpotiſm.

Lower Egypt, includes all the country lying be⯑tween Grand Cairo, the Mediterranean, the Iſthmus of Suez, and Lybia. This immenſe plain, contains ſlips of land, well cultivated, on the borders of the canals; and in its centre, that triangular iſland to which the Greeks gave the name of Delta, formed by the two branches of the Nile, which divide at Batri⯑el-Balkara [249] (the cow's belly) and empty themſelves into the ſea; below Damietta and Roſetta. This iſland, the moſt fruitful on the earth, has loſt much of its extent, ſince the time when Canopus and Peluſium were its limits. Moſt of the canals, which with their ſtreams brought fertility, are dried up; and the earth ceaſing to be watered, and continually expoſed to the burning heats of the ſun, is become a barren ſand. Thoſe that remain bear little reſemblance to their ancient ſtate, and no longer communicate with the lake Menzala, except a very little while, during the time of the inundation; but they are dry all the reſt of the year.

This country was called Miſraim, by the Hebrews and Arabs, who ſuppoſed the firſt ſovereign was Miſ⯑raim, the ſon of Cham and grandſon of Noah. It was alſo called Coptus, from Coptus, the capital city of upper Egypt; and the natives were called Copts, as the Chriſtians in Egypt are to this day, and eſteemed the real deſcendants of the ancient Egyptians.

The climate of Egypt is eſteemed extremely hot. The height of the ſun, which, in ſummer, nearly ap⯑proaches the zenith, is doubtleſs a primary cauſe of this heat; but when we conſider, that in other coun⯑tries under the ſame latitude, the heat is leſs we may conclude, there exiſts a ſecondary one; and this, per⯑haps, [250] is the country being ſo little elevated above the level of the ſea. On this account, two ſeaſons only ſhould be diſtinguiſhed in Egypt, the ſpring and ſum⯑mer; that is to ſay, the cool and the hot ſeaſon. The latter continues from March to November; and even from the end of February, the ſun is not ſupportable, for a European, at nine o'clock in the morning. During the whole of this ſeaſon, the air is inflamed, the ſky ſparkling, and the heat oppreſſive to all who are unaccuſtomed to it. The body ſweats profuſely, under the lighteſt dreſs, and in a ſtate of the moſt pro⯑found repoſe. And this perſpiration becomes ſo ne⯑ceſſary, that the flighteſt ſuppreſſion of it is a ſerious malady. The departure of the ſun, tempers, in ſome degree, theſe heats. The vapours from the earth, ſoaked by the Nile, and thoſe brought by the Weſt, and North-weſt winds, abſorbing the fire diſperſed throughout the atmoſphere, produce an equal freſh⯑neſs, and piercing cold, if we may credit the natives and ſome European merchants; but the Egyptians, almoſt naked, and accuſtomed to perſpire, ſhiver at the leaſt coolneſs. The thermometer, which at the loweſt, in the month of February, ſtands at the eighth or ninth degree of Reaumur's ſcale above the freez⯑ing point, enables us to determine with certainty; and we may pronounce, that ſnow and hail are pheno⯑mena, which no Egyptian has ſeen in fifty years. As for our merchants, their ſenſibility is owing to their improper uſe of furs, which is carried ſo far, that in [251] winter they have frequently two or three coverings of foxes-ſkins; and even in ſummer, retain the er⯑mine, or petit-gris: in excuſe for this, they plead the chillineſs they experience in the ſhade, as an indiſpen⯑ſable reaſon; and, in fact, the Northerly and Weſt⯑erly currents of air, which almoſt continually prevail, cauſe a very great coolneſs out of the ſun; but the reaſon is, that the peliſe is the lace of Turkey, and their favourite luxury; it is the ſign of opulence and the etiquette of dignity; and the inveſtiture of im⯑portant offices, is always accompanied with the preſent of a peliſe.

It might naturally be imagined that Egypt, from theſe heats, and its wet and marſhy condition for three months, muſt be an unhealthy country; but experience proves the fallacy of this ſuppoſition; the vapours of the ſtagnant waters, ſo fatal in Cyprus and Alexandretta, have not the ſame effect in Egypt. This appears to be owing to the natural dryneſs of the air, to the proximity of the deſarts, which inceſſantly draw off the humidity, and the perpetual currents of air which meet with no obſtacles. This aridity is ſuch, that raw meat, expoſed even in ſummer, to the North wind, does not putriſy, but dries up, and be⯑comes hard as wood. In the deſarts, dead carcaſes are found dried in this manner, which are ſo light, that a perſon may eaſily lift, with one hand, the entire body of a camel. It muſt be remarked, however, [252] that the air near the ſea, is infinitely leſs dry, than higher up the country: thus, at Alexandria and Ro⯑ſetta, iron cannot be expoſed twenty-four hours to the air, without ruſting.

The air of Egypt, beſides poſſeſſing this drying quality, appears ſtrongly impregnated with ſalts, the proofs of which are every where apparent. The ſtones are corroded by natrum; and in moiſt places, long cryſtallizations of it are to be found, which might be taken for ſalt-petre.

It is no doubt this property of the air and the earth, which added to the heat, gives vegetation an activity, ſcarce credible in our cold climates. Where⯑ever plants have water, the rapidity of their growth is prodigious. Whoever has travelled to Cairo, or Roſetta, knows that the ſpecies of gourd, called kara, will, in twenty-four hours, ſend out ſhoots near four inches long; but this ſoil appears unfavourable to all exotics. Foreign plants degenerate there rapidly; the truth of which is confirmed by daily experience. The merchants are obliged every year, to renew their ſeeds, and ſend to Malta for their cauliflowers, beet⯑root, and carrots; which, when ſown, ſucceed very well at firſt; but if the ſeed produced from them be afterwards ſown, the plants run up tall and weak. [253] The ſame happens to apricots, pears, and peaches, when tranſported to Roſetta.

Were heat the principle of diſeaſes, upper Egypt would not be habitable; but it only ſeems to occaſion a burning fever, to which the inhabitants are ſubject, and which they cure by regimen, drinking much water, and bathing in the river: in other reſpects, they are ſtrong and healthy. Old men are numerous, and many ride on horſeback at eighty. The food they eat in the hot ſeaſon, much contributes to the preſer⯑vation of their health; it is chiefly vegetables, pulſe, and milk. They bathe frequently, eat little, ſeldom drink fermented liquors, and mix much lemon juice in their food. This abſtinence, preſerves vigour to a very advanced age.

The North wind, in ſummer, continually blows, and finding no obſtacle throughout all Egypt, where the mountains are not high, it drives the vapours of the marſhes and lakes towards Abyſinia, and inceſſantly changes the atmoſphere. Perhaps, the balſamic ema⯑nations of orange flowers, roſes, the Arabian jaſmine, and odorous plants, contribute to the ſalubrity of the air. The waters of the Nile, alſo ligther and ſofter, and more agreeable to the taſte, than any other, greatly in⯑fluence the health of the inhabitants. All antiquity ac⯑knowledges their excellence; and the people certainly [254] drink them with a kind of avidity, without being ever injured by the quantity. The Egyptians, ſays Ariſ⯑tides, are the only people who preſerve the water of the Nile, in ſealed vaſes, and drink it when it is old, with the ſame pleaſure as we do old wine. Being lightly impregnated with nitre, they are only a gentle aperient to thoſe who take them to exceſs. I will not, ſays Sa⯑vary, with many writers, make believe, they render the women prolific, and give ſtrength and plumpneſs to the men; the faithful hiſtorian ought to ſtop where the marvellous begins, and relate only what he can war⯑rant.

In lower Egypt, the neighbourhood of the ſea, the large lakes and the abundance of the waters mode⯑rate the ſun's heat, and preſerve a delightful tempera⯑ture. Strabo and Diodorus Siculus, who long lived here, did not think the country unhealthy.

They have praiſed its fruitful ſoil, its grateful pro⯑ductions, its ſtately monuments, and its great popula⯑tion; without mentioning the dreadful maladies of which the moderns have made it the ſeat. Herodolus poſitively ſays, "The Egyptians are the moſt healthy people on earth; which advantage they owe to the ſa⯑lubrity of the air, and the temperature of the climate, which ſeldom varies; for moſt of the diſeaſes of man, ought to be attributed to the rapid viciſſitudes of ſea⯑ſons," [255] To ſome moderns, who have never ſeen this fine kingdom, and eſpecially to M. Paw, it was re⯑ſerved to teach us a contrary doctrine. He pretends, that at preſent, "this country is become, by the neg⯑ligence of the Turks and Arabs, the cradle of the peſ⯑tilence; that another epidemical diſeaſe, equally dread⯑ful, appears here occaſionally, brought to Cairo, by the caravans of Nubia; that the culture of rice en⯑genders numerous maladies; that the want of rain and thunder, occaſions the air of the Thebais, to acquire a violence that ferments the humours of the body, &c." Theſe aſſertions have an air of probability, which might impoſe on people who have not lived in Egypt; but M. Paw, has ventured opinions in his cloſet, with⯑out, the guidance of experience. Had he lived in this country, facts would have demonſtrated the con⯑trary.

In vallies, incloſed by high mountains, where the atmoſphere is not continually renewed by a current of air, the culture of rice is unwholeſome, and the huſ⯑bandman often pays with his life, the rich harveſt which the earth yields. But it is not the caſe near Damietta and Roſetta. The plains are nearly on a level with the ſea; neither hill nor height impede the refreſhing breezes of the North, which drives the clouds and ex⯑halations of the flooded fields ſouthward, continually purifies the atmoſphere, and preſerves the health of [256] the people. Whether this, or any other be the cauſe, the huſbandmen who cultivate the rice, are not more ſubject to diſeaſes, than thoſe of the Thebais, who do not. I paſſed, ſays Savary, the whole year amid rice-fields, which I every day went to ſee watered, without feeling the leaſt inconveniences. An old ſurgeon, a native of Nice, and who had practiſed thirty years at Damietta, has repeatedly confirmed what I have ad⯑vanced, on the healthineſs of the country. The great⯑eſt torments to the inhabitants, are the gnats and muſ⯑quitoes, which, riſing by millions out of the marſhes, ſwarm in the air and the houſes. The handkerchief muſt be held in the hand all day. It is the firſt thing a viſitor receives, and, at night, it is neceſſary to ſleep under muſquiteros.

The Southerly winds are known in Egypt, by the general name of winds of fifty days, not that they blow fifty days from the South without intermiſſion; but, becauſe they prevail more frequently in the fifty days preceding, and following the equinox. Travellers have mentioned them under the denomination of poiſonous winds; or more correctly, hot winds of the deſart. Such, in fact, is their quality, and their heat ſo exceſſive, that it is difficult to form an idea of its violence, without having experienced it; but it may be compared to the heat of a large oven, at the mo⯑ment of drawing out of the bread. When theſe [257] winds begin to blow, the atmoſphere aſſumes an alarm⯑ing aſpect. The ſky, at other times ſo clear in this climate, becomes dark and hoary; the ſun loſes its ſplendor, and appears of a violet colour. The air is not cloudy, but grey and thick; and is, in fact, filled with an extremely ſubtle duſt, which penetrates every where. This wind, always light and rapid, is not at firſt remarkably hot; but it increaſes in heat, in pro⯑portion to its continuance. All animals ſoon diſcover it by the change it produces in them. The lungs, which a too refined air no longer expands, are con⯑tracted, and become painful. Reſpiration is ſhort and difficult; the ſkin is parched and dry, and the body conſumed by an internal heat. In vain is re⯑courſe had to large draughts of water; nothing can re⯑ſtore perſpiration. In vain is coolneſs ſought for in thoſe bodies, in which it is uſual to find it. Marble, iron, water, though the ſun no longer appears, are hot. The ſtreets are deſerted, and a dead ſilence reigns every where. The inhabitants of towns and villages, ſhut themſelves up in their houſes; and thoſe of the deſart, in their tents, or in wells dug in the earth, where they wait the termination of this deſtruc⯑tive heat. It uſually laſts three days, but if it ex⯑ceeds that time, it becomes inſupportable. Woe to the traveller whom this wind ſurpriſes far from ſhelter. The danger is moſt imminent, when it blows in ſqualls, for then the rapidity of the wind increaſes the heat to ſuch [258] a degree, as to cauſe ſudden death. This wind is eſpecially deſtructive to perſons of a plethoric habit; and thoſe, in whom fatigue has deſtroyed the tone of the muſcles and veſſels. The corpſe remains a long time warm, ſwells, turns blue, and is eaſily ſeparated; all which are ſigns of that putrid fermentation, which takes place when the humours become ſtagnant. Theſe accidents are to be avoided, by ſtopping the noſe and mouth with handkerchiefs; an efficacious method, likewiſe, is that practiſed by the camels, which bury their noſes in the ſand, and keep them there till the ſquall is over.

Another quality of this wind, is its extreme aridity; which is ſuch, that water ſprinkled on the floor, eva⯑porates in a few minutes; by its extreme dryneſs, it withers and ſtrips all the plants, and by exhaling too ſuddenly, the emanations from animal bodies, criſps the ſkin, cloſes the pores, and cauſes that feveriſh heat which is the inſeparable attendant of obſtructed per⯑ſpiration.

Theſe hot winds are not peculiar to Egypt; they blow likewiſe in Syria; more frequently, however, near the ſea, and in the deſart, than in the mountains. Nieubuhr met with them in Arabia, at Bombay, and in the Diarbekir: they are alſo known in Perſia, in the reſt of Africa, and even in Spain; every where their ef⯑fects [259] are ſimilar, but their direction varies according to the ſituation of the country. In Egypt, the moſt violent proceed from the South-South-Weſt; at Mecca from the Eaſt; at Surat from the North; at Baſſora from the North-Weſt; from the Weſt at Bagdad; and in Syria from the South-Eaſt. Theſe varieties, which ſeem embarraſſing at firſt ſight, on re⯑flection, furniſh the means of ſolving the enigma. We find on examination, that theſe winds always proceed from deſart continents; and, in fact, it is natural that the air which covers the immenſe plains of Lybia and Arabia, meeting there neither with rivulets, nor lakes, nor foreſts, but ſcorched by the rays of a burning ſun and the reflection of the ſand, ſhould acquire a prodigious degree of heat and aridity. It is ſo true, that theſe qualities are owing to the action of the ſun upon the ſands; that theſe ſame winds produce not the ſame effects at every ſeaſon. In Egypt, for ex⯑ample, the Southerly winds in December and January, are very cold; and, the reaſon is, that the ſun having reached the Southern tropic, no longer burns up the Northern parts of Africa; and that Abyſinia, which is extremely mountainous, is covered with ſnow. From a ſimilar reaſon, the South wind has much leſs effect in Cyprus; where it arrives cooled by the vapours of the Mediterranean. In fact, this ſubject offers a mul⯑titude of problems, calculated to excite the curioſity of the naturaliſt. In Italy they are called the Sirroc winds.

[260]To deſcribe Egypt in a few words, let the reader imagine, on one ſide, a narrow ſea and rocks; (the Red Sea) on the other immenſe plains of ſand; and in the middle, a river flowing through a valley of one hundred and fifty leagues in length, and from three to ſeven wide; which, at the diſtance of thirty leagues from the ſea, ſeparates into two arms; the branches of which wander over a ſoil free from obſtacle, and almoſt without declivity.

The prevailing taſte for natural hiſtory, now, to the honour of the preſent age, become ſo general, de⯑mands, doubtleſs, ſome details on the nature of the ſoil, and the minerals of this extenſive country. But the manner of travelling here, is ill adapted to pro⯑mote ſuch reſearches. It is not the ſame in this country as in Europe; travels there, are agreeable excurſions; in Egypt, they are dangerous and diffi⯑cult undertakings, eſpecially for Europeans; whom the ſuperſtitious natives believe to be ſorcerers, who are come to diſcover by magic, thoſe treaſures which the geniis have concealed under the ruins. This ri⯑diculous, but deep-rooted opinion, added to perpetual wars and diſturbances, deprives the traveller of ſe⯑curity, and prevents every diſcovery. No one dares even to walk alone in the fields; nor can he procure any perſon to accompany him. The baſis of all Egypt, is a continued bed of calcareous ſtone, of a [261] whitiſh hue, and ſomewhat ſoft, containing ſhells ana⯑logous to thoſe found in the neighbouring ſeas. Mar⯑ble, likewiſe, is found at the foot of the mountains, bordering on the Red Sea. Copper is the only metal of this country, mentioned by the ancients. On the road to Suez, is the greateſt quantity of what are called Egyptian flints, or pebbles; there, likewiſe, thoſe ſtones have been found, which, from their form, were taken for petrified wood.

The two lakes of Natron, ſituated to the Weſt of the Delta, are more intereſting objects. Their bed is a ſort of natural trench, three or four leagues long, by a quarter wide, the bottom of which is ſolid and ſtony. It is dry for nine months in the year; but in winter, there oozes from the earth, a water of a red⯑diſh violet colour, which fills the lake to the height of five or ſix feet; the return of the great heats, cauſing this to evaporate, there remains a bed of ſalt two feet thick, and very hard, which is broken with bars of iron. Thirty thouſand quintals are produced from them every year. This phenomenon, which indicates a ſoil impregnated with ſalt, is common throughout all Egypt. Even when the gardens are overflowed, for the ſake of watering them, the ſurface of the ground, after the evaporation of the water, appears glazed over with ſalt.

[262]In the midſt of theſe minerals of various qualities, in the midſt of that fine and reddiſh coloured ſand, peculiar to Africa, the earth of the valley through which the Nile flows, diſcovers properties which prove it of a diſtinct claſs. Its blackiſh colour, its clayey cementing quality, demonſtrate its foreign origin; and, in fact, it is brought by the river from the heart of Abyſinia. Without this fat and light mud, Egypt never could have produced any thing; that alone ſeems to contain the ſeeds of vegetation and fecun⯑dity: and theſe again are owing to the river, by which it is depoſited.

If we conſider Egypt, in relation to what conſtitutes the real power of a ſtate, ſays Tott, the politician will, perhaps, look with a kind of contempt on this great metropolis of the world; this nurſe of every ſcience and every art, now become a province of the feebleſt of empires. But the political philoſopher will con⯑ſider it in a light more worthy of his attention, ſhould he diſcover in the climate, production and population of Egypt, the means by which it has been rendered ſo celebrated. Thoſe advantages, which ages cannot deſtroy, and which have reſiſted the greateſt revolu⯑tions, will appear to him preferable to ſuch as, like chymical compoſitions, are to be decompoſed by the contrary proceſs to that by which they are pro⯑duced.

[263]Such have been, no doubt, thoſe kingdoms, the memory of which has been preſerved by hiſtory, though geography can ſcarcely point out the ſituation of their capitals. We ſhall perceive, that in Egypt the greateſt kings endeavoured to acquire fame, by labours uſeful for the cultivation of the country; with theſe they appeaſed that thirſt for glory, which, among other monarchs, was perpetually productive of violence and rapine.

If ſo prodigious a lake as that of Maeris, may be ſuppoſed to have been formed by the hands of men; the utility of this immenſe reſervoir, would be the greateſt monument of their beneficence; but ſhould its extent and depth, leave ſome doubt as to its origin, none can be entertained with regard to the canals of Joſeph, or Trajan, or that of Alexandria, or thoſe of the Delta: they are viſibly, works of human induſtry.

The facility with which the country is watered, leaves no part of it uncultivated; and the richneſs of the ſoil, by multiplying the harveſt, maintains and animates population. There is no country, in which it is more remarkable than in Egypt, Delta, the pro⯑vinces of the Eaſt and Weſt, and all thoſe on each ſide of the Nile, quite up to the tropic, are populous to an amazing degree. It is ſaid, there are more [264] than nine thouſand villages, and twelve hundred towns in Egypt. It is very certain, they are ſo near to each other, that I have reckoned, ſays Tott, forty-two within ſight, the fartheſt of which was not two leagues off.

Wherever the inundation can reach, habitations are erected on little hills, raiſed for that purpoſe, and which are contrived to take up as little room as poſ⯑ſible, that they may ſave all the ground they can for cultivation.

The villages are always ſurrounded by an infinite number of pointed turrets, to invite thither the pigeons, in order to collect their dung. Every village has, likewiſe, a ſmall wood of palm-trees near it, the pro⯑perty of which is common; theſe ſupply the inhabi⯑tants with dates for their conſumption, and leaves for the fabrication of baſkets, mats, and other things of that kind. Little cauſeways raiſed in like manner, above the inundation, preſerve a communication during the time it laſts.

CHAP. II. Of the River Nile.

EGYPT has but one river, and on which its whole phyſical and political exiſtence depends. It is the Nile that provides for the neceſſaries of animal life; the want of which is, ſo frequently and ſo diſtreſsfully, experienced in warm climates. The Nile alone, with⯑out the aid of rain, every where ſupplies vegetation with moiſture; the earth, during the three months in⯑undation, imbibing a ſufficient quantity of water for the reſt of the year. Were it not for this overflowing, only a very ſmall part of the country could be culti⯑vated, and even that would require prodigious la⯑bour; it is with reaſon, therefore, it has been ſtiled the ſource of plenty, happineſs, and even of life itſelf. Had Albuquerque been able to execute his project, of turning its courſe into the Red Sea; this country, now ſo rich and fertile, would have become a ſavage deſart, ſurrounded by ſolitudes.

[266]It is with reaſon, that the Egyptians have always profeſſed a religious veneration for the Nile; but a European muſt be pardoned, if, on hearing them boaſt its beauty, he ſmiles at their ignorance. Never will theſe troubled and muddy waters, have for him the charm of tranſparent fountains, and limpid ſtreams; never, except from ſome extraordinary excitement, will a ſwarthy Egyptian woman, dripping from theſe yellow and muddy waters, remind him of the bathing Naiads. For ſix months of the year, the water of the Nile is ſo thick, that it muſt have time to ſettle before it can be drank; and, during the three months which precede the inundation, reduced to an inconſiderable depth, it grows heated, becomes green, foetid, and full of worms; and, it is neceſſary to have recourſe to that which has been before drawn and preſerved in ciſ⯑terns. At all times, people of delicacy take care to perfume it, and cool it by evaporation.

Earthen veſſels, unglazed, are kept carefully in every apartment, from whence the water continually tranſpires; this tranſpiration produces the more coolneſs, in proportion as it is more conſiderable; for this reaſon, theſe veſſels are often ſuſpended in paſſages, where are currents of air, and under the ſhade of trees. In ſeveral parts of Syria, they drink the water which has tranſpired; in Egypt, they drink that which remains; beſides, in no country is ſo much [267] water uſed. The firſt thing that an Egyptian does on entering his houſe, is to lay hold of the pitcher of water, and take a hearty draught of it, and thanks to their perpetual perſpiration, they feel no inconve⯑nience from the practice.

This river, ſays Tott, the ſources of which are not known, receiving all the ſtreams with which Abyſſinia and Ethiopia are abundantly watered, deſcends into Egypt, which it croſſes from South to North, to about four leagues below Cairo; where, dividing itſelf into two branches, it forms the iſland, ſo celebrated and well known by the name of Delta: it is ſaid, he adds, that a traveller of the name of Bruce, has pretended to have diſcovered the ſource of the Nile. I ſaw at Cairo, the ſervant who was his guide, and the com⯑panion of his journey, who aſſured me, he had no knowledge of any ſuch diſcovery. It may, perhaps, be objected, that a learned man like Bruce, was not obliged to give an account of his diſcoveries to his valet; but, in a deſart, remarks Tott, the pride of ce⯑lebrity vaniſhes. The maſter and ſervant diſappear, and become only two men, neceſſitated to aſſiſt their mutual wants; the only ſuperiority is poſſeſſed by the ſtrongeſt; and the ſervant I have mentioned, born in the country, would certainly have corroborated Bruce's aſſertions, in a diſcovery merely typogra⯑phical.

[268]That the Nile riſes in Ethiopia, admits not of a doubt; but, whether Bruce, or the Portugeuſe jeſuits of the laſt century, have been able to aſcertain that particular fountain, which is indiſputably the head, ſeems not ſo very clear. It does not appear, that any of theſe travellers have traced its courſe, ſtep by ſtep, from its ſource to its mouth. Savary ſays, the Aby⯑ſinians, who bring gold duſt to Grand Cairo, are una⯑nimous in aſſerting, that this river, taking its riſe in Ethiopia, divides into two branches; one of which, known by the name of Aſſerac, or the blue river, joins the Niger; and, traverſing Africa from Eaſt to Weſt, falls into the Atlantic ocean: and that, the [...] North, diſcharges itſelf into the Medi⯑terranean This, we believe, is denied by Bruce; but of this matter we ſhall treat more fully, when we ſpeak of Abyſinia, where its ſource undoubtedly is.

The periodical inundation of this river, in a coun⯑try where it ſcarcely ever rains, and which the heat of the climate, and the very nature of the ſoil, ſeem to have devoted to perpetual drought and ſterility, is a moſt ſurpriſing phenomenon, and which, more particu⯑larly deſerves to be noticed.

The increaſe of the Nile begins early in June, but is not much perceived till the ſummer ſolſtice; when the waters become troubled, are of a reddiſh tincture, [269] and are thought unwholeſome. They muſt be pu⯑rified before they are drank, which is done by mixing bitter almonds, pounded to duſt, in a jar full of water, and kept turning with the arm for ſome minutes; it is then left to ſettle, and in five or ſix hours, the hetero⯑geneous particles ſubſide to the bottom of the veſſel, and the water becomes limpid and excellent. The Egyptians attribute this fermentation of the Nile, to the dew, which then falls in abundance. Many hiſ⯑torians have ſeriouſly affirmed, it contributed to the inundations. It is much more natural to think, that the river overflowing in Abyſinia and Ethiopia, brings down a great quantity of ſand, and millions of the eggs of inſects; which, hatching about the time of the ſol⯑ſtice, produce the fermentation of the waters, and that reddiſh tincture which renders them unhealthy.

The Nile continues encreaſing till near the end of Auguſt, and often even in September. The progreſs of the inundation, is obſerved at the Nilometer; and public criers diſtributed in each quarter of Grand Cairo, the capital, every day make known to the peo⯑ple, the riſing of the waters, till they are come to the height proper for opening the canal, by which they are conveyed to the middle of the city, and the ciſ⯑terns. The Nilometer, is ſituated at the Southern point of the Iſland of Raouda; it is a column erected [270] in the center of a low chamber, the bottom of which is on a level with the bed of the Nile.

As Egypt pays no tribute to the Grand Signior, if the waters do not riſe to ſixteen cubits; the Egyptians often diſguiſe the truth, and do not proclaim they have riſen to that height till they have ſurpaſſed it. When they are under ſixteen cubits, a famine is dreaded; the years of abundance, are thoſe between eighteen and twenty-two cubits. When the waters exceed this, they lay too long on the ground, and prevent its being ſown; on the contrary, inundations below the medium, often leave the high lands fruitleſs.

The river, at this time, ſpreading itſelf over the country, on each ſide of its bed for ſeveral leagues, appears like a ſea; whatever parts lay ſo remote, as to be out of the reach of the inundation, are watered by canals; ſo much is expended in its courſe, that it has been conjectured, not a tenth part of the water réaches the ſea.

The appearance which Egypt preſents at this ſeaſon of the year, muſt be very ſingular and curious, to one who aſcends a high building, and diſcovers a vaſt ex⯑panſe of water all around, with towns and villages riſing out of the flood; here and there a cauſeway, and numberleſs groves and fruit-trees, whoſe tops only are viſible. When the waters retire, they leave a [271] vaſt quantity of fiſh on the land; and, at the ſame time, what is much more valuable, a ſlime, which acts as manure, and fertilizes the fields. By this annual addition of ſoil, Egypt has been very much raiſed and enlarged in the courſe of years, and many places are now inland, which were formerly cloſe to the ſea, ſuch particularly, is Damietta; and, as the mud of the Nile extends for ſome leagues into the ſea, and accu⯑mulates every year, this country, by little and little, annually increaſes.

The day of proclamation for opening the canals, is a day of rejoicing, and a ſolemn feaſt among the Egyp⯑tians. The pacha and his whole court deſcend from the caſtle, and go in pomp to Foſtat; where the canal begins that runs through Grand Cairo. He places himſelf under a magnificent pavillion erected there. The boys, with their muſicians playing before him, and their mamluks following, are his attendants. The chief prieſts ride horſes richly capariſoned; and all the inhabitants, on horſeback, on foot, and in boats, haſten to be preſent at this ceremony. More than three hundred thouſand people aſſemble on land and water. The boats, moſt of them painted and carved, have canopies and ſtreamers of various colours. Thoſe of the women, are known by their elegance, richneſs, and the gilt columns that ſupport the ca⯑nopy, and particularly by the blinds let down before [272] the windows. The people all remain ſilent, till the moment the pacha gives the ſignal, and then, inſtantly ſhouts of joy rend the air; the trumpets ſound their flouriſhes, and the kettle-drums, and other inſtruments, reverberate on all ſides. Certain men throw down the ſtatue of clay, which was placed on the mound, which ſtatue is called, The betrothed, and is the re⯑mains of an ancient rite among the Egyptians, who conſecrated a virgin to the Nile; and whom, in times of dearth, they ſometimes threw into the waters. The mound, or dam, is preſently deſtroyed; and the waters no longer meeting an obſtacle, flow towards Grand Cairo. The pacha throws gold and ſilver coins into the ſtream, which good ſwimmers immediately dive for, and bring up. The inhabitants appear intoxicated with joy; they congratulate, and pay compliments to each other all day; and ſongs of thankſgiving are every where heard. A number of female dancers aſſemble on the banks of the Khalig, (canal) and regale the ſpectators with their laſcivious dances. All is mirth and good cheer, and the very poor themſelves feaſt. This univerſal rejoicing is not ſurpriſing: the fate of the country depends on the inundation, and when it arrives, all behold the hopes of harveſt, the picture of plenty, and anticipate the promiſed good with tranſport.

[273]The evenings preſent a ſpectacle ſtill more agree⯑able. All the great ſquares of the city are floated; and the families aſſemble in boats, adorned with ta⯑peſtry, rich cuſhions, and every convenience luxuri⯑ous eaſe can wiſh. The ſtreets, moſques, and mina⯑rets, are illuminated: they row from ſquare to ſquare, taking with them fruits and refreſhments. This moſt numerous aſſembly, is uſually at Leſbehia, which is the largeſt ſquare in the city, and near half a league in circumference; it forms an immenſe baſon, ſur⯑rounded by the palaces of the beys, which are em⯑belliſhed with various coloured lights. Many thou⯑ſands of boats, to the maſts of which lamps are ſuſ⯑pended, produce an ever-varying illumination. The clear and ſtarry heavens, which there are ſeldom ob⯑ſcured by miſts, and the profuſion of atrificial lights on the waters, give all the brilliancy of day, to the ſweet refreſhing coolneſs of night. Imagine, ſays Savary, the pleaſure with which the people, who have been ſcorched twelve hours by a ſun ſo ardent, come and breathe the cool air of theſe lakes: ſeldom are the charms of this nocturnal ſeene diſturbed by impetu⯑ous winds; they fall at ſun-ſet, and gentler airs agi⯑tate the atmoſphere. The charms of female ſociety, are, however, here procured with difficulty. Men aſ⯑ſociate only with men, and women with women.

[274]The lamps are obliged to be always kept lighted; this is a precaution neceſſary for the public ſafety, which the Oualli, who goes from place to place, takes care to ſee punctually obſerved. If this officer, who ſuperintends the police, finds a boat without light, he is juſtified in beheading all the perſons on board; and, unleſs a ſuitable preſent reſtrains the arms of the executioners who accompany him, he inſtantly and ri⯑gorouſly executes the ſentence.

All the deſcriptions of Egypt have hitherto agreed to conſider the mud, which the water acquires during its increaſe, and at length depoſits on the inundated lands, as a manure by which they are fertilized. No vegetative quality, however, is diſcoverable, in ana⯑lizing it, before its union with the ſand; which, to⯑gether with the clay, compoſes the ſoil of Egypt.

The Nile, notwithſtanding the agitation of its waters, is ſo eaſy to confine, that many fields lower than the ſurface of the river, are preſerved during its increaſe, from an inundation deſtructive to their productions, merely by a dam of moiſtened earth, not more than eight or ten inches in thickneſs.

This method, which coſts the cultivator but little trouble, is made uſe of to preſerve the Delta, when it is threatened by the flood. This iſland, which an⯑nually [275] produces three harveſts, is continually watered by machines, conſtructed on the Nile, and on the canals cut through the iſland, but it rarely is in danger of being overflowed; and this rich part of Egypt, which extends to the ſea, would be ſtill leſs affected by the ſwelling of the river, did not the wind, blowing a long time in one quarter, raiſe the waters of the Me⯑diterranean toward the South.

It was without doubt, to provide againſt thoſe years, when the Nile does not overflow a great part of the country, that the ancient ſovereigns of Egypt cut ſo many canals; the principal of which are ſtill kept in order, but the greater part neglected, and conſequently one half of Egypt is deprived of cultivation. Thoſe which convey the water to Cairo, to the province of Fayoom, and to Alexandria, are moſt attended to by government. An officer is appointed to watch this laſt, and hinder the Arabs of Bachria, who receive the ſuperfluous waters of this canal, from turning them off before Alexandria be provided; or opening it before the time fixed, which would hinder the increaſe of the Nile. That which conveys the water into the province of Fayoom, is watched in like manner, and cannot be opened before that of Cairo, (which is called the canal of Trajan) be filled.

[276]A number of other canals, only taken care of by thoſe who derive advantage from them, iſſue from that arm of the Nile which runs to Damietta, and fer⯑tilize the province of Sharkia; which, making part of the iſthmus of Suez, is the moſt conſiderable of Egypt, and the moſt capable of a great increaſe of cultiva⯑tion. The plains of Gaza, which lie beyond, and are poſſeſſed by the Arabs, would not be leſs fertile, if the ſpirit of devaſtation did not deſtroy, even the ſpon⯑taneous productions. Many other canals run through the iſle of Delta, ſome of which are navigable, and render its culture equal to that of a well-managed kitchen-garden.

It may not be amiſs to obſerve here, that the Delta, more elevated than the reſt of Egypt, is bounded towards the ſea, by a foreſt of palm-trees; the land of which is much higher than the higheſt riſing of the waters; and this topographical remark, according to Volney, is ſufficient to deſtroy the ſyſtem of the forma⯑tion of the Delta, by ſediment. A country, which riſes higher than the higheſt inundations, can never owe to them its origin. Such ſediment can only oc⯑caſion, ſays Tott, the diviſion of the two branches of the Nile. Very reſpectable authorities have laboured to prove, that the Delta has been formed from the ſediment of the Nile; particularly ſome of the firſt [277] writers of antiquity, who are not ſo apt to err as the moderns.

The degrees of inundation are not the ſame through all Egypt. On the contrary, a gradual diminution obtains, as the river approaches the ſea. At Syene, the overflow is more conſiderable by one ſixth, than at Grand Cairo; and when the depth of water, at this latter city, is twenty-ſeven feet, it is ſcarcely four at Roſetta and Damietta. The reaſon of this is, that, beſides the quantity of water abſorbed by the grounds, as it flows, the river confined in one ſingle bed, and within a narrow valley, riſes higher in the upper country; but when it has paſſed Grand Cairo, being no longer obſtructed by the mountains, and ſeparating into a thouſand branches, it neceſſarily loſes in depth what it acquires in ſurface.

This river runs a courſe of fifteen hundred miles, from South to North; and, dividing as we have before obſerved, a little below Cairo, into two branches, falls into the Mediterranean, at about one hundred miles diſtant from each other.

From theſe two principal branches, ſays Rooke, go ſeveral others, interſecting the country that lies between; and this bounteous river, after ſcattering plenty over the land, during a courſe of many hun⯑dred [278] miles, empties itſelf into the ſea by ſeven mouths. The two moſt conſiderable, are thoſe of Damietta and Roſetta, the former was the Oſtium Pathmeticum of the antients; the latter, the Oſtium Bolbitinum.

At Grand Cairo, it does not appear that the Nile is much broader than the Thames is at London, and in many parts near this city it is even fordable. In the upper parts of this river, are ſeven cataracts, where the Nile falls from a very great height, with a prodigious roaring; but, in lower Egypt, the ſtream glides along gently, and paſſengers are ſeldom obſtruct⯑ed on it by ſtorms.

The banks of this river, as well as thoſe of all the canals, are crouded with vaſt numbers of peaſants, continually employed in watering the country, either by their own labour, or the management of thoſe ani⯑mals which relieve it. An infinite number of draw-wells, worked with a wheel, are contrived for this pur⯑poſe; the waters, which are raiſed, are poured into a channel, and diſtributed among the grounds, at a diſtance from the river, by various canals; which the induſtry and activity of the cultivator, prepare with intelligence and economy. Women, occupied with the care of their families, are ſeen carrying home water, in jars, upon their heads; others waſh their linen, bleach that which is newly made, ſpread it out, [279] and give themſelves up to that chearfulneſs and gaiety ſo natural to them, on every occaſion; making the air reſound with their ſhrill voices, the ulululatus of the Romans. The barges, which paſs from one city to another, the boats employed in the conveyance of commodities, and the navigation which commerce maintains, add to the variety and motion of the ſcene.

This navigation, is principally remarkable for the agility of the watermen, and the manner in which they convey the pottery-ware, made in higher Egypt. It will be neceſſary, before this is explained, to ob⯑ſerve, that the earthen pans, made to preſerve water, ought to be bigger, the farther thoſe, for whoſe uſe they are intended, dwell from the river; and as the inhabitants of lower Egypt, reſide at the greater diſtance, the potters, who dwell in the higher, con⯑trive the rafts accordingly by which they convey their wares. The largeſt jars, faſtened by their handles, form the firſt row of the raft; the middle ſized are placed next, and the leaſt uppermoſt; the proprietor contrives for himſelf a convenient ſtation, and, fur⯑niſhed with a long pole, commits himſelf to the courſe of the waters, without fearing to run a-ground on a ſoft clay, which can do no damage.

CHAP. III. Of the Agriculture, and Manner of raiſing Seed.

AGRICULTURE was honourable among the ancient Egyptians, which they had rendered moſt flouriſhing throughout their empire; witneſs their immenſe labours for diſtributing the waters over the lands. There are ſtill eighty canals, like rivers; ſeveral of which are twenty, thirty, and forty leagues in length; receiving and diſtributing the inundation over the country. Except ſix, the others are almoſt filled up and dry, when the Nile is low. The grand lakes of Maeris, Behira, and Mareotis, were vaſt re⯑ſervoirs, to contain the ſuperabundant waters, and af⯑terwards to diſperſe them in the plains. They were raiſed over the high lands, by chain buckets; the in⯑vention of which is due to the Egyptians. One ox can turn them, and water a vaſt field. Theſe ma⯑chines gave Archimedes the idea of his ingenious ſcrew, which is ſtill in uſe. Beſides theſe reſervoirs, all the towns, at a little diſtance from the Nile, are ſur⯑rounded [281] by ſpacious ponds, for the convenience of the inhabitants, and of agriculture. The remains we find of large mounds, were to contain the river; they alſo ſtopped the torrents of ſand.

Twelve hundred years has this country been ſub⯑ject to a people, who have ſuffered theſe great works to periſh. The limits of cultivated Egypt yearly de⯑creaſe, and ſterile lands every where accumulate. Po⯑pulation has equally ſuffered: ancient Egypt ſupplied food to eight millions of inhabitants: at preſent, the eſtimate is not one half.

The lands all belong to the chiefs, which they ſell to individuals. When the proprietor dies, it deſcends to the ſon, but he is obliged to purchaſe his father's inheritance; nor is he certain of obtaining it; the higheſt bidder becomes the proprietor. Who will improve lands, which he cannot tranſmit to his ſuc⯑ceſſor? The farmer wanting only a livelihood, leaves part of his grounds untilled. The labours of agri⯑culture are very light to what they are in other coun⯑tries. The ox having made a ſlight furrow, the field is hoed and levelled like a garden; and, when ſowed, ſlightly harrowed, and here ends the labour of the huſbandman, till harveſt, which is abundant in the ex⯑treme, and never fails but with the inundation. The corn and barley, ripe, are reaped, and laid on the [282] floor; and the farmer, ſeated in a cart with cutting wheels, and drawn by oxen blindfolded, drives over the ſtraw which it chops. The corn, winnowed, is yellow, large, and of exceeding good quality. The Egyptians eat red, half-baked bread; bad, becauſe, inſtead of wind and water-mills, they uſe a hand-mill, and do not ſufficiently ſift the flour. A French baker, made bread as white as ſnow, ſays Savary, and ex⯑cellently taſted, with this ſame wheat.

Rice requires a little more care; the field muſt be inundated, well cleared, and watered every day, which is done by chain-buckets. It is cut in five months, and the product is uſually eighty buſhels for one. Beſides theſe grains, Egypt produces abun⯑dance of doura, or Indian millet; flax, formerly ſo famous, hemp, carthamus, or baſtard ſaffron; and multitudes of exquiſite melons, and other vegetables, which the people eat during the heats.

Seed-time differs according to the province, and the height of the ground. Near Syene, wheat and barley are ſown in October, and reaped in January. About Girja the harveſt month is February; and in March, round Grand Cairo: ſuch is the general pro⯑greſs of the harveſt through the Said. There are many exceptions, according as the lands are, high or low, more or leſs diſtant from the river. They ſow [283] and reap all the year in Egypt, wherever they can ob⯑tain the water of the Nile. The land is never fallow, and yields three harveſts annually; there the tra⯑veller inceſſantly beholds the charming proſpect of flowers, fruits, corn and ſpring. Summer and Au⯑tumn at once preſent their treaſures. Deſcending from the cataracts, at the begining of January, the wheat is ſeen almoſt ripe; farther on it is in ear; and ſtill farther the fields are green. Lucern is mowed three times, between November and March, and is the only hay there is in Egypt, and is uſed chiefly to fodder cattle. Horſes, aſſes, mules and camels graze in the meadows, during winter; and they eat chopped ſtraw, barley and beans; which kind of food gives health, ſtrength and mettle. The Arabs accuſ⯑tom their horſes to great abſtinence, water them only once a day. and feed them with a little barley and milk.

The Egyptians, who ſeldom cultivate the olive, buy their oil in Crete and Syria; but as the love of illumination has deſcended to them, from their fore⯑fathers, they extract oil from various plants; the com⯑moneſt is the produce of the ſeſamum; they call it lamp oil. They alſo extract it from the ſeed of the carthamus, from flax, popies, and lettuce. The oil of the carthamus is eaten by the common people.

[284]Their manner of raiſing bees is not a little extra⯑ordinary, and beſpeaks great ingenuity. Upper Egypt, preſerving its verdure only four or five months, the flowers and harveſts being ſeen no longer, the people of Lower Egypt profit from this circum⯑ſtance, by aſſembling on board large boats, the bees of different villages. Each proprietor confides his hives, with his own mark, to the boatman; who, when loaded, gently proceeds up the river, and ſtops at every place where he finds verdure and flowers. The bees ſwarm from their cells at break of day, and col⯑lect their nectar, returning, ſeveral times, loaded with booty; and in the evening re-enter their hives, with⯑out ever miſtaking their abode. Thus, ſojourning three months on the Nile, the bees, having extracted the perfumes of the orange flowers of the Said, the eſſence of the roſes of Fayoum, the ſweets of the Arabian jaſmin, and of every flower, are brought back to their homes, where they find new riches. The proprietors pay the boatmen, on their return, ac⯑cording to the number of hives they have taken, from one end of Egypt to the other.

Having now given a general view of the face of the country, climate and productions, we proceed to treat of the different cities, beginning firſt with thoſe in Lower Egypt.

CHAP. IV. Of the Cities, Grand Cairo, &c.

THE cities in Egypt are all ſituated on the Nile, or the great canals; the houſes are built of brick, ſeveral ſtories high, and in a taſte ſimilar to that in vogue, two or three hundred years ago, in the great cities of Europe. The palm-trees, which ſurround the Egyptian cities, and the veſſels which line the banks of the Nile, or the canals on which they are built, add to the beauty of their ſituation.

It is by uniting agriculture with commerce, that all the cities of Egypt incite, encourage, and profit by the induſtry which encircles them; but the advan⯑tages which Grand Cairo enjoys, are not confined to the intereſts of Egypt alone; its commerce embraces both the hemiſpheres; and its ſtreets are continually crowded with camels, which bring the merchandize of Egypt, and the Indies; and piled with bales of goods, from Madras and Marſeilles; ſo that Grand Cairo appears to be the centre of the world.

[286]This city, called by the Arabs Miſſir, is ſituated on the right ſide of the Nile; about half a league from the river. It is adjoining to the mountains of Ara⯑bia; at the weſtern angle of theſe mountains, the caſtle of Old Cairo is built. Boulac, the port of Old Cairo, forms the ſuburbs; and if the number of their inhabitants are added to that of the city, we ſhall find aſſembled here, not leſs than ſeven hundred thouſand perſons; a proof of the great number of the inhabitants in Egypt.

In the fifteenth century Grand Cairo was one of the richeſt, and moſt flouriſhing cities in the world; the emporium of Europe and Aſia, and traded from the ſtraits of Gibraltar, to the furtheſt limits of India. The diſcovery of the Cape of Good Hope, and the Ottoman conqueſt, have deprived it of great part of its opulence and ſplendor; yet, its admirable ſituation, and the fertility of Egypt, are advantages ſo great, that, in a ſpace of three leagues, it ſtill contains an in⯑finity of people, and immenſe riches.

The extent of Grand Cairo, along the principal canal, from North to South, is one league and a half; and three quarters of a league in breadth, from Eaſt to Weſt. Its whole circumference is beſt ſeen from a mount overlooking the city, by which it is half en⯑circled, like an immenſe creſcent. The ſtreets are ſo [287] narrow and winding, ſome ſcarce admitting two per⯑ſons to walk a breaſt, that it is impoſſible to follow their direction, amidſt the multitudes of houſes, which ſtand crouding on each other; vaſt vacancies only can be diſtinguiſhed; and there are ſquares, which become ponds, in the time of inundation, and gardens the reſt of the year. They are rowed over in Sep⯑tember, and covered with flowers and verdures, in April.

The principal ſtreet in the city is called the Khaliz, or canal, being under water nine months in the year; it is, in many places, paved with marble; and, during the other three months, people walk along it, as they do in the other ſtreets. This ſtreet, or canal, is ſaid to have been dry by order of one of the Pharaoh's. Previous to the inundation of the Nile, it is dammed up; and, when the river has riſen to a certain height, broken down; on which the water inſtantly flows into the city; and, by leſſer canals, is communicated to the reſervoirs, gardens, and adjacent country. All the cities of Egypt have canals to convey the waters of the Nile to them. This river riſes to its greateſt height about Auguſt. In October it begins to de⯑creaſe. The criers then go about the city, to ac⯑quaint the inhabitants that the water-carrier can get no more water from the canal; as it is then no longer fit to be drank, and becomes ſtagnant, from all kinds [288] of naſtineſs being thrown into it. After it has ceaſed entirely to flow, the ſtench is intolerable.

When the water is to be drained from the canal, it is divided, in ſeveral places, by the means of ſmall dykes: above which they throw the water on both ſides, and cauſe it to run off by degrees. This is ge⯑nerally done in May. They afterwards ſhovel up the mud; and, loading their aſſes with it, carry it into the fields. If this was not repeated every year, the canal, in a ſhort time, would be ſo full of mud, that the houſes would be under water, during the time of the inundation.

From what has been ſaid, it is evident, that in thoſe towns, which are at any diſtance from the Nile, the inhabitants have but very indifferent water, for drink⯑ing, the greateſt part of the year; it being only ſuch as is preſerved in their ponds and reſervoirs, or what is brought to them by the Arabs, in goat-ſkins, which is very indifferent.

Next to the Khaliz is the Bazar ſtreet; where, on market-days, there is ſuch a concourſe of people col⯑lected, that it is almoſt impoſſible to paſs along. This is a very long and ſpacious ſtreet; at one end of it is a Beziſtan, where may be ſeen ſhops as magnificent as any in Conſtantinople; at the other end is the ſlave-market.

[289]Grand Cairo contains near three hundred moſques; moſt of them with minarets. Theſe give an agree⯑able variety to a city, which, from the flatneſs of its roofs, appears uniform. Public cryers, at appointed hours, as in all towns of Turkey, call the people to prayers, from theſe minarets: about eight hundred voices are heard, at the ſame moment, from all quar⯑ters of the city, calling man to the performance of his duty to God. The Turks abhor the noiſe of bells, and ſay it offends the ears, is unmeaning, and proper only for beaſts of burden. They derive this opinion from Mahomet, who, like a great politician, deſirous that all his inſtitutions ſhould have one ten⯑dency, and willing to captivate both the ſenſes and underſtanding, rejected the trumpet of the Jews, and the rattle of the Oriental Chriſtians. He knew the human voice would make a greater impreſſion on the mind of man, than the grating ſound of inſenſible braſs; and produced a holy ſummons, ſent by heaven, conformable to his views.

The circuit of this city, ſays Rooke, is ſeven miles; the houſes extremely high, and the ſtreets very nar⯑row, not being wider than our alleys in London, and are always full of people, moſt of them being mounted; the Turks of faſhion on horſeback; Chriſtians and Plebeians on jackaſſes. To the ex⯑treme height of the houſes, they add every other con⯑trivance [290] poſſible, to exclude the ſun; placing over, from the top of the houſes on one ſide of the ſtreet, to thoſe of the other, canvas ſtrained on frames; whereby the ſtreets are very much darkened, and the ſun totally excluded; one advantage in this hot country; but then, on the other hand, the air is, by that means, rendered cloſe and ſoffocating.

The caſtle of Cairo ſtands on a ſteep rock, and is ſurrounded by thick walls, on which are ſtrong tow⯑ers. It was a place of great force before the in⯑vention of gunpowder; but, being commanded by the neighbouring mountains, it would not now ſtand the fire of a battery erected there, two hours. It is more than a quarter of a league in circumference.

This caſtle includes the palaces of the Sultan of Egypt, now almoſt buried under their own ruins; domes overthrown, heaps of rubbiſh, gilding, and pictures, the colours of which have defied corroding time; ſtately marble columns ſtill ſtanding, but, in ge⯑neral, without capitals: ſuch are the tokens of its former magnificence. In one of the halls of theſe ruinous buildings, the rich carpet is fabricated, which the Emir Hadji bears every year to Mecca, to cover the Caaba, or temple of Abraham,

The pachas inhabit a large building, containing nothing remarkable, the windows of which look to⯑wards [291] the ſquare Caramaydan. The hall of audi⯑ence, where the divan aſſembles three times a week, is nearly as long, but not ſo wide, as Weſtminſter hall; and is ſtained by the blood of the beys, maſſa⯑cred, ſome years ago, by order of the Porte. Theſe are, however, at preſent, the ſovereigns of Egypt; for the Grand Signior's repreſentative is a phantom, with which they ſport: they keep him to ſerve their own purpoſes; then diſmiſs him with ſhame. He cannot leave his palace, in which he is a priſoner, without their permiſſion. Thus humbled is the Ot⯑toman pride, thus feeble, and thus reduced is that em⯑pire, which threatened to enſlave Europe.

The mint is near Caramaydan, where a prodigious quantity of medins and ſequins are ſtruck, with the die of the bey who governs the city. The ſequins, worth about ſix ſhillings and threepence, are made of the gold-duſt ſupplied by the caravans of Abyſinia; which, the maſter of the mint declared, annually brought near one hundred and ſeventy thouſand pounds ſterling.

Enriched and occupied with the commerce of Egypt by the Nile, of Europe by the Mediterranean, and of Yemen and the Indies by the Red Sea, the luxury which follows this extenſive commerce is in⯑creaſed to ſuch a degree, that gold is eſteemed com⯑mon, [292] nor can the richeſt manufactures of India give ſatisfaction.

Joſeph's, well is among the things, the moſt curious, the caſtle contains. It is ſunk in the rock, two hun⯑dred and twenty feet deep, and forty-two in circum⯑ference. It includes two excavations, not perpendi⯑cular to each other. A ſtaircaſe, the deſcent of which is exceedingly gentle, is carried round; the partition which ſeparates the ſtaircaſe from the well, is part of the rock, left only ſix inches thick, with windows cut at intervals, to give light; but as they are ſmall, and ſome of them low, it is neceſſary to deſcend by the light of candles.

There is a reſervoir, and a level ſpace, at that part of the well where it takes a new direction; and oxen, which turn a machine that draws water from the bottom of the well. Other oxen, from above, raiſe it out of this reſervoir, by a ſimple machine. This water comes from the Nile, and as it has been filtrated through ſand, impregnated with ſalt and nitre, is brackiſh.

Thirty columns of red granite, being ruins of the palace of Salah Eddin, are ſtill ſtanding: the ſhaft of each is forty-five feet high, and a ſingle ſtone. The variations in their dimenſions, and the ornaments [293] ſculptured round the capitals, beſpeak their having been from more ancient monuments. Some diſtance from theſe beautiful columns is a delightful balcony, or pavillion, ſtanding in the higheſt part of the cita⯑del, the proſpect from which is moſt extenſive. The whole of Grand Cairo, with its multitudinous moſques and minarets, is ſeen at a view. Toward Boulac, fruitful fields, and rich harveſts, interſperſed with groves of date-trees; on the South-weſt, Foſtat, or Old Cairo, and the plains of Said beyond; which, when inundated by the Nile, contain hamlets ſcattered up and down like iſlands. The landſcape is termi⯑nated by the pyramids, which, like painted mountains, appear loſt in the clouds. The eye is never wearied with objects ſo various and grand; the freſh air breathed in this elevated ſituation, and the coolneſs it imparts, is an additional pleaſure. Seated in this de⯑lightful pavillion, how many agreeable thoughts riſe in the mind; yet how ſuddenly are theſe ſweet medita⯑tions diſturbed by gloomy melancholy! Here, in the rich fields, arts and ſciences once flouriſhed, where now an ignorant and barbarous people trample them under foot. Tyranny, with its iron ſceptre, is become the ſcourge of the firſt of countries, in which the mi⯑ſeries of men ſeem to increaſe, in proportion to the efforts of nature to render them happy!

When we hear of Grand Cairo, ſays Volney, in his deſcription of this city, we are led to imagine it muſt [294] be a capital, like thoſe of Europe; but if we reflect that our cities have only begun to be rendered con⯑venient and elegant, within theſe laſt hundred years, we ſhall eaſily believe, that in a country where no⯑thing has been improved ſince the tenth century, they muſt partake of the common barbariſm; and, indeed, we ſhall find that Cairo contains none of thoſe pub⯑lic, or private edifices, thoſe regular ſquares, or well-built ſtreets, in which the architect diſplays his genius. Its environs are full of hills of duſt, formed by the rubbiſh every day accumulating; whilſt the multitude of tombs, and the ſtench of the common ſewers, are offenſive to the ſmell and ſight. Within the walls the ſtreets are winding and narrow; and, as they are not paved, the crowds of men, camels, aſſes and dogs, which preſs againſt each other, raiſe a very diſagreeable duſt; individuals often water their doors, and to this duſt ſucceeds mud and peſtiferous exhalations. Con⯑trary to the general cuſtom of the Eaſt, the houſes have two or three ſtories; over which is a terrace of ſtone, or tile. All theſe houſes have the air of priſons; for they have no light from the ſtreet. The rooms within are ill contrived. Among the great, however, are to be found ſome orna⯑ments, as well as conveniences; their vaſt halls, eſpe⯑cially, in which water ſpouts up into marble baſons, are peculiarly well adapted to the climate. The paved floor, inlaid with marble and coloured earthen [295] ware, is covered with mats and mattraſſes; and over all is ſpread a rich carpet, on which every one fits croſs-legged. Around the wall is a ſort of ſopha, with cuſhions to ſupport the back and elbows; and above, at the height of ſeven or eight feet, a range of ſhelves, decked out with China and Japaneſe por⯑celain. The walls, naked in other reſpects, are che⯑quered with ſentences extracted from the koran, and painted foliages and flowers, with which alſo the por⯑ticos of the beys are covered; the windows have nei⯑ther glaſs, nor moving ſaſhes, but only an open lattice-work, which frequently coſts more than our glazing. The light enters from the inner courts, from whence the ſycamores reflect a verdure, pleaſing to the eye. An opening to the North, or at the top of the ceiling, admits a freſh breeze, while, by a whimſical contra⯑diction, they wrap themſelves up in warm woollen cloths and furs. The rich pretend, by this means, to eſcape diſeaſes; but the common people, with their blue ſhirts, and hard mats, are leſs liable to take cold, and enjoy better health.

Among the ſingularities which appear moſt extra⯑ordinary to a ſtranger at Cairo, may be mentioned the great number of ugly dogs, which roam about the ſtreets; and the kites, which ſkim over the houſes, with frequent and doleful cries. The muſſulmen kill neither of theſe, though they are equally held to be [296] unclean; on the contrary, they often throw them the fragment of their tables; and devotees here, as in the other parts of the Turkiſh dominions, endow chari⯑table foundations of bread and water for the dogs. Theſe animals have beſides, the reſource of the com⯑mon ſewers; which, however, does not prevent them from ſuffering by hunger and thirſt; but it is very aſ⯑toniſhing, that theſe extremities never occaſion mad⯑neſs. Proſper Alpinus has already made this re⯑mark, in his treatiſe on the phyſic of the Egyptians. Canine madneſs is equally unknown in Syria; the name of the malady, however, is to be found in the Arabic language, and is not borrowed from any fo⯑reign tongue.

Among other things worthy of notice in Grand Cairo, we muſt not omit the ovens for hatching chickens. It ſeems incredible, that they ſhould be able to hatch chickens without the hen's ſitting upon the eggs; and ſtill more improbable, that they ſhould afterwards ſell theſe chichens by the buſhel, and yet both of theſe are done. The eggs are laid in ovens, which they can heat to ſuch a temperature, as to be like the natural heat of the hens; by this means, the chickens when hatched, are as ſtrong and well fledged, as thoſe produced in the common way, Theſe ovens are built in a low place, and almoſt under ground. They are made of earth, in a circular form, and the [297] earth is covered with flax and cow's hair, on which the eggs are laid. There are twelve of theſe ovens placed in two rows, one over the other, with a paſſage be⯑tween. The eggs, to the number of eight or nine thouſand in each oven, are arranged in heaps in the lower ſtory, and a fire of dried cow-dung kindled in the upper row, morning and evening, an hour each. This repeated for eight days, and the building being ſufficiently heated, the fire is put out, every aperture cloſed, and a part of the eggs heaped below, are car⯑ried above. The ſuperintendant occaſionally exa⯑mines, if it be neceſſary to increaſe or diminiſh the heat. On the nineteenth day, the chickens begin to move in their ſhells, nibble with their beaks on the twentieth, endeavouring to break their priſon, and are uſually completely hatched on the twenty-firſt: then do theſe eggs, apparently lifeleſs, begin to move, and roll about the floor, and thouſands of little various co⯑loured chickens to run and hop round the apartment. This ſight is truly diverting. They are carried in panniers, and cried about the ſtreets on the morrow, each houſe ſtocking itſelf at a halfpenny a piece. Various authors have ſaid, theſe fowls are not ſo good as thoſe hatched by the hen, but they are miſtaken, ſays Savary; for a French cook, whom he ſaw at Grand Cairo, bought them every year, and when well well fed, they became excellent poultry.

[298]There are only four months in the year proper for this operation, on account of the great heats; theſe are from December to April, and in that time it is computed, there are above three hundred thouſand chickens hatched in this manner. This commerce is carried on by the Copts; the great art ſeems to be in giving the ovens a proper degree of heat, as too much, or too little, will deſtroy the embryo.

Boulac, only half a league from Grand Cairo, and making part of its ſuburbs, is the port where all the merchandize, from Damietta and Alexandria, is land⯑ed. This ſuburb, ſituated on the Eaſtern bank of the Nile, is two miles long, but narrow. It contains ſuperb public baths, and vaſt okals. Theſe are ſquare buildings, including a large court with a portico, over which is a winding gallery: the ground-floor is di⯑vided into ſpacious magazines, and the rooms above have neither furniture nor ornaments. Here ſtran⯑gers live and depoſit their wares; and theſe okals, having only one gate, like that of a citadel, are ſecure in time of revolt, from all inſult. Theſe are the only inns in Egypt, and ſtrangers are obliged to find their own furniture and food; for, in this country, money cannot procure dinners ready dreſſed.

In front of the houſes at Boulac, are ſeen thou⯑ſands of veſſels, of various forms and ſizes, at anchor. [299] Some large and ſtrong, carrying two maſts, are trad⯑ing barks; theſe uſually have a large cabbin for paſ⯑ſengers: others, light and without decks, are only to ferry people from one ſide of the river to the other. A third ſort, are pleaſure-boats, artfully carved and painted, containing charming cabins, carpeted over, and affording ſhelter from the ſun's heat. Here, re⯑clined at eaſe, on cuſhions, the wealthy go to breathe that freſh and cooling air, which is continually active upon the Nile; and here admire the variegated land⯑ſcapes which its ever-verdant banks preſent. When the wind is favourable, the ſail is hoiſted, and theſe light boats ſeem to fly over the ſurface of the water.

Half a league from Boulac, is the old caſtle of Hellai. Here the beys, accompanied by their ſtately train, go to receive the new pacha, and conduct him in pomp to the priſon, from which they have juſt ex⯑pelled his predeceſſor. Round this caſtle are ſpacious encloſures, where the orange, citron, and pome⯑granate, planted without order, grow exceedingly high and tufted: their twining branches form charm⯑ing arbours, over which the ſycamore and palm extend their dark-green foliage, and among them rivulets meander, and the cluſtering roſe and bazil bloom. It is impoſſible to deſcribe the delight of breathing the freſh air, beneath theſe enchanting ſhades; under a [300] climate ſo continually poſſeſſing the burning heat of the dog-days; this pleaſure only can be felt. The odour of the orange flower, and the aromatic emana⯑tions of balſamic plants, gently renovate the ſenſes, and infuſe the moſt agreeable ſenſations. It is dan⯑gerous for a European to frequent theſe groves, being peopled by concubines, whom the jealous Turks, if they ſlip, never pardon. Abandoned to the de⯑lights of contemplation, and indulging thoſe delicious ſenſations the time and place inſpired, ſays Savary, I once, incautiouſly, proceeded towards the thickeſt part of one of them; when a terrifying voice ſud⯑denly exclaimed—Where are you going? Stand, or you are dead.—It was a ſlave who guarded the en⯑trance of the grove, that no raſh curioſity might diſturb the females who repoſed on the verdant banks. I in⯑ſtantly turned about, happy in not having been known to be a European. I afterwards underſtood, the beys go there ſometimes with their harem, and that any over iniquiſitive ſtranger, who ſhould wander there at ſuch a time, would riſk the immediate loſs of his head.

While deſcribing the environs of Grand Cairo, we ought not to forget the ancient Heliopolis, formerly famous for cultivating the higher branches of ſcience, and for the grandeur of its building. Strabo tells us, it was built on a long ſlip of earth, raiſed by men, to [301] ſecure it from inundation; and the place he deſcribes, is covered with ruins, two leagues North-eaſt of Cairo.

Heliopolis, poſſeſſed a temple of the ſun; where, in a particular encloſure, the ſacred ox was fed. This ox, was adored here by the name of Mnevis, as he was at Memphis, by that of Apis. The credulous people ſuppoſed it a god; the prieſts, an animal, moſt uſeful to agriculture [...] in a country, where he aſſiſts in tillage, and afterwards in watering the earth, during ſix months of the year. When the waters of the Nile are low, oxen are employed to turn machines, with chain-buckets, which raiſe the water into reſervoirs, whence it is diſperſed over the grounds; for which reaſon, this animal is preſerved at its birth, and it is forbidden to kill a calf in Egypt.

The temple of the ſun was not the only one at He⯑liopolis; there was another, built in the old Egyptian ſtile, with ſphynx avenues, and ſtately obeliſks before the principal entrance. Nothing could have a finer effect, than the coloſſal figures of marble, and high pil⯑lars of a ſingle ſtone, which were in front of the veſ⯑tibule of Egyptian temples. Theſe temples were ruins, in the time of Auguſtus. Two, of the four obeliſks, which Sochis had erected in that city, were carried to Rome; a third was deſtroyed by the Arabs; [302] and the fourth remains on its pedeſtal. It is a ſingle ſtone, brought from the Thebais, perfectly poliſhed, ſixty-eight feet high above the baſe, and about ſix feet and a half ſquare. The obeliſk is in good pre⯑ſervation. This, and one ſphynx of yellowiſh mar⯑ble, thrown in the duſt, are the only remains of He⯑liopolis.

There was formerly a college of prieſts here, where, for more than a thouſand years, they had made aſtro⯑nomical obſervations; and, by their labours, calcu⯑lated the ſolar year of 365 days, and ſome minutes; which alone, will prove the extent of their know⯑ledge in this ſcience. It was many years afterwards, before the people of Europe could exactly determine the ſolar year; and Julius Coeſar, wiſhing to reform the Roman kalendar, was obliged to employ an aſtro⯑nomer of Alexandria.

At Heliopolis, Herodotus was chiefly inſtructed in the ſciences, and Egyptian myſteries; which were thoſe profound branches of knowledge, they thought proper to conceal from the people, under the veil of religion; and, by writing them in hieroglyphics. En⯑lightened by what he learnt from them, this father of hiſtory, was crowned at the Olympic games; and the nine books he compoſed, deemed worthy of the nine muſes, whoſe names they bore. And yet, how [303] many people, remarks Savary, who have not read him at all, or not enough, have dared to criticiſe, or call him fabulous. For my own part, ſays the above wri⯑ter, ſuſpending his judgment on the remainder of his hiſtory, I can only eſtimate the worth of what he ſays concerning Egypt; and, with the utmoſt ſatisfaction I can truly ſay, I have found the manners and cuſ⯑toms of this country, ſuch as he deſcribes them; ex⯑cept with ſome ſlight modifications, as a change of go⯑vernment and religion, muſt neceſſarily have intro⯑duced. As to the monuments he has deſcribed, what remains, proves he has not exaggerated, and demon⯑ſtrates the poſſibility of what is no more. Juſtice de⯑mands this homage, in favour of an hiſtorian, who, like Homer, was the painter of nations.

Heliopolis has not only the glory of having in⯑ſtructed Herodotus, but alſo of having taught philo⯑ſophy to Plato; who, from the ſublimity of his doc⯑trine, has obtained the epithet of Divine. In this city, Eudoxus remained thirteen years, and became one of the moſt famous aſtronomers of his time. What now remains of all her monuments, and of all her ſciences? A barbarous Perſian has overthrown her temples; a fanatic Arab burnt her books; and one ſolitary obe⯑liſk, overlooking her ruins, ſays to paſſengers, THIS ONCE WAS HELIOPOLIS.

[304] Herodotus, and ſome other writers after him, relate ſome particulars concerning the Phoenix, and the tem⯑ple of the ſun; which, if true, would be very won⯑derful. Of this kind of birds, according to the opi⯑nions of the ancients, there is never but one at a time in the world. He is brought forth in Arabia, is about the ſize of an eagle, and lives between five and ſix hundred years. His head is adorned with a ſhining and moſt beautiful creſt; the feathers of his neck are of a gold colour, and the reſt are purple; his tail is white, intermixed with red, and his eyes ſparkling like ſtars. When he finds his end approaching, he builds a neſt with wood, and aromatic ſpices, and then dies. From his bones and marrow a worm is produced, out of which another phoenix is formed. His firſt care, is to ſolemnize his parent's obſequies; for this pur⯑poſe, he makes up a ball in the ſhape of an egg, with abundance of perfumes, as large as he can carry; a hole is then made in it, into which he puts his parent's body, and cloſes it up carefully with myrrh, and other perfumes. After this, he takes up the precious load, and flying to the altar of the ſun, in the city of Helio⯑polis, he there burns it.

Herodotus and Tacitus diſpute the truth of the cir⯑cumſtances, as here related; but ſuppoſe it to be true in general. Pliny, on the contrary, looks upon the whole to be fabulous; and this is the opinion of moſt [305] modern authors▪ This ancient tradition, hath intro⯑duced into moſt languages, the cuſtom of giving the appellation of phoenix, to whatever is ſingular and uncommon. Rara avis in terris, ſays Juvenal, a rare bird, when ſpeaking of the difficulty to find an ac⯑compliſhed woman in the world. Seneca makes the ſame remark, reſpecting a good man.

At a little diſtance from Heliopolis, is the ſmall village of Mataree, ſo called, becauſe it has a freſh water ſpring; and what is remarkable, the only one in Egypt. Tradition has rendered it famous, as being the place to which the holy family came, when they fled from Herod: and that the bleſſed virgin bathed the child Jeſus in this fountain. In this village was an encloſure, where ſlips of the balſam ſhrub brought from Mecca, was cultivated; and which the Eaſtern women made uſe of, to give a freſhneſs to the com⯑plexion, and to fortify the ſtomach. This precious plant is loſt to Egypt; where the pachas, for it was a pacha who brought it from Mecca, do not ſtay long enough to think of any thing, but the intereſt of the preſent moment.

Giza, ſuppoſed by many writers, to be the ancient ſcite of the Memphis, is ſituated oppoſite to Grand Cairo, on the other ſide of the Nile, and is the village where the French merchants have their country [306] houſes. The beautiful iſland of Raouda, and its odo⯑riferous bowers, the Mekias, againſt which the waves beat with violence, old Cairo, and its ſurrounding gardens, with a multitude of boats, which are con⯑tinually croſſing the river, are ſeen from the principal houſes: extenſive and verdant proſpects, variegated with houſes, moſques, or more diſtant minarets, charm the eye, inducing the ſpectators to ſit hours contemplating theſe ſmiling objects; while the freſh air, which follows the courſe of the Nile in currents, comes, re-animates the ſenſes, and gives the ſoul that energy, which is neceſſary to taſte the beautiful and the ſublime. To Giza, therefore, fatigued by buſi⯑neſs, or ſuffocated by the heats of Grand Cairo, the French come to repoſe; at Giza they recover their health, and in pure and cooling air, breathe life in the aromatic exhalations of plants and flowers.

At ſome farther diſtance from Grand Cairo, on a canal running into the lake Bourlos, is the village of Tanta, where there is a conſiderable annual fair, to which the inhabitants of upper and lower Egypt come in crouds, to exchange their native produces for India ſtuffs, Moka coffee, and French cloths. It con⯑tinues a week; and deſire of gain brings ſome of the Egyptians, while love of pleaſure cauſes many more to come to it. Ten thouſand boats are upon the canal at this ſeaſon, all carrying abundance of pro⯑viſions; [307] where are good cheer, muſic, and rejoicing. There are nearly as many tents pitched on ſhore, to which the moſt famous courtezans of Egypt fail not to come. They likewiſe go on board the boats, where they diſplay their talents for dancing, ſinging, and gallantry. Many glaſs lamps are nightly lighted; the repetition of which, reflects innumerable ſtars in the waters. The tents have the ſame, and this wonderful illumination, for the extent of a league, produces on the graſs, and the chryſtal ſtreams, charming effects. Theſe fairs, much frequented, are not uncommon. They are the remains of the ancient pilgrimages of the Egyptians, to Canopus, Sais, and Bubuſtus.

The three other cities we propoſe to notice, are Alexandria, Roſetta, and Damietta.

The city of Alexandria, founded by Alexander the Great, and afterwards ſo much admired and adorned by the Romans, the reſidence of Cleopatra, and re⯑fuge of Anthony, once famous for its magnificence, luxury, and learning, is now become an undiſtinguiſh⯑able heap of ruins; baths, palaces, porticos, and am⯑phitheatres, lie promiſcuouſly jumbled together. The ſavage race of the Saracens, when they took it, has re⯑duced it to this miſerable ſtate; but a circumſtance more to be lamented than any other, was the deſtruc⯑tion of the famous Ptolemean library, containing one [308] hundred thouſand volumes. On taking the city, the general ſent to the caliph, to know his orders reſpect⯑ing theſe books; who returned for anſwer, by all means to burn them; for if they were agreeable to the Al⯑coran, they were ſuperfluous, and if contrary to it, impious; accordingly, the Muſſulmen applied them to the purpoſe of heating their baths, and it was ſix months before they were conſumed.

The name of this city, ſays Volney, ſpeaking of Alex⯑andria, which recalls to memory the genius of one of the moſt wonderful of men; the name of the country which reminds us of ſo many great events; the pic⯑tureſque appearance of the place itſelf; the ſpreading palm-trees; the terraced houſes, which ſeem to have no roof; the lofty ſlender minarets; every thing an⯑nounces to the traveller who has juſt entered Egypt, that he is in another world; a variety of novel ob⯑jects preſent themſelves to every ſenſe; he hears a language, whoſe barbarous ſounds, and ſharp and guttural accents, offend his ear; he ſees dreſſes of the moſt unuſual and whimſical kind, and figures of the ſtrangeſt appearance. Inſtead of our naked faces, our heads ſwelled out with hair, our triangular head-dreſſes, and our ſhort and cloſe habits, he views with aſtoniſhment, tanned viſages, with beards and muſta⯑chios, bundles of ſtuff, rolled up in folds, on their bald heads; long garments, which, reaching from the [309] neck to the heels, ſerve rather to veil, than clothe the body; pipes of ſix feet long, with which every one is provided; hideous camels, which carry water in leathern pouches; and ſaddled and bridled aſſes, which lightly trip along with their riders in flippers: he obſerves their markets ill ſupplied with dates, and round flat little loaves; a filthy drove of half-ſtarved dogs roaming through the ſtreets, and a kind of wan⯑dering phantoms; which, under a ſingle piece of dra⯑pery, diſcover nothing human, but two eyes, which ſhew they are women.

Amid this croud of unuſual objects, his mind is incapable of reflection; nor is it until he has reached his place of reſidence, ſo deſirable after a long voyage, that, after becoming more calm, he reflects on the narrow, ill-paved ſtreets, the low houſes, which, though not calculated to admit much light, are ſtill more ob⯑ſcured by lattice-work, the meagre and ſwarthy in⯑habitants, who walk bare-footed, without other cloath⯑ing than a blue ſhirt, faſtened with a leathern girdle, or a red handkerchief; while the univerſal air of mi⯑ſery, ſo manifeſt in all he meets, and the myſtery which reigns around their houſes, point out to him the rapacity of oppreſſion, and the diſtruſt attendant upon ſlavery.

[310]But his whole attention is ſoon attracted by thoſe vaſt ruins, which appear on the land ſide of the city. In our countries ruins are an object of curioſity. Scarcely can we diſcover, in unfrequented places, ſome ancient caſtle, whoſe decay announces rather the deſertion of its maſter, than the wretchedneſs of the neighbourhood. In Alexandria, on the contrary, we no ſooner leave the New Town, than we are aſto⯑niſhed at the ſight of an immenſe extent of ground, overſpread with ruins. In a walk of two hours we follow a double line of walls and turrets, which form the circumference of ancient Alexandria. The earth is covered with the remains of lofty buildings deſ⯑troyed; whole fronts crumbled down, roofs fallen in, battlements decayed, and the ſtones corroded, and disfigured by ſalt-petre. The traveller paſſes over a vaſt plain, furrowed with trenches, pierced with wells, divided by walls in ruins, covered over with ancient columns and modern tombs, amid palm-trees and no⯑pals, (the cochineal); and where no living creature is to be met with, but owls, bats, and jackalls.

Modern Alexandria is a place of ſmall extent, ſcarcely containing ſix thouſand inhabitants, but ex⯑ceedingly commercial; which advantage it owes to its ſituation. Ancient Alexandria contained three hundred thouſand free inhabitants in the time of Au⯑guſtus; a double number of ſlaves may, at leaſt, be [311] added; and the amount will be nine hundred thou⯑ſand. How prodigious the difference!

The canal of Faoua, the only one which ſtill runs to Alexandria, and without which it could no longer be a town, ſince it has not a drop of ſoft water, is half filled up with mud and ſand. Under the govern⯑ment of the Romans, and even of the Arabs, it was navigable all the year; and its banks were ſhaded by date-trees, covered by vines, and ornamented with pleaſure-houſes. The ſtream only flows now about the end of Auguſt, leaving ſcarce time to fill the re⯑ſervoirs; the lands are become deſarts, and the groves and gardens have diſappeared.

Yet are not all the tokens of ancient magnificence effaced: the ciſterns, built under all parts of the city, are almoſt entire. Toward the eaſtern part of the palace are two marble obeliſks, vulgarly called Cleo⯑patra's needles, containing numerous hieroglyphics: one is thrown down, broken, and covered with ſand; the other ſtill reſts on its pedeſtal; each, cut from one ſingle ſtone, is about ſixty feet high, and ſeven feet ſquare, at the baſe.

Nothing can equal the majeſty of a column of red granite, ſtanding near the ſouthern gate of this city, commonly known by the name of Pompey's pillar, and [312] which is the moſt ſtriking object now extant. The whole column is a hundred and fourteen feet high, and ſtill preſerves a perfect poliſh. The circum⯑ference of the baſe is about ſixty feet. The ſhaft and the upper ſtories of the baſe are one ſingle block of ninety feet long, and nine in diameter.

At a diſtance this column is ſeen predominant over the city, and at ſea ſerves as a ſignal for mariners. When near, it excites aſtoniſhment, mingled with awe; the ſpectator is never weary of admiring the beauty of the capital, the length of the ſhaft, or the grand ſimplicity of the pedeſtal.

We muſt not omit mentioning the manner by which ſome Engliſh maſters of ſhips contrived to get to the top of it; they flew a kite over the pillar, in ſuch a direction, that when the ſtring was looſed, to let it fall, and the kite came to the ground, the ſtring lay acroſs the top of the pillar, by means of which they paſſed ropes over; and, making ſhrouds, the ſame as to the maſt of a ſhip, they went up triumphantly, drinking a bowl of punch on the ſummit, and diſco⯑vering that there had formerly been a pedeſtrian ſta⯑tue on it, a piece of the foot remaining.

Travellers, and men of literature, have made many fruitleſs attempts, to diſcover to what prince it was [313] dedicated. The moſt intelligent have thought it could not be in honour of Pompey; ſince Strabo, and Diodorus Siculus, have not mentioned it; they there⯑fore remained in doubt from which, ſays Savary, Abul⯑ſeda might have relieved them. He calls it the co⯑lumn of Severus, and hiſtory informs us, this Emperor viſited, and deſerved well of its inhabitants. This column was a mark of their gratitude; the Greek in⯑ſcription, half effaced, but viſible on the weſtern ſide, when the ſun ſhines on it, was no doubt legible in the time of Abulfeda, and contained the name of Severus. Neither is this the ſole monument erected to him, by the gratitude of the people of Alexandria. In the midſt of the ruins of Antinoe, built by Adrian, is a magni⯑ficent column, the inſcription on which ſtill ſubſiſts, dedicated to Alexander Severus.

In its modern ſtate, Alexandria is the emporium of a conſiderable commerce. It is the harbour for all commodities, exported from Egypt to the Mediter⯑ranean, except the rice of Damietta. The Europe⯑ans have eſtabliſhments here, where factors diſpoſe of our merchandize. Veſſels are conſtantly to be met with from Marſeilles, Leghorn, Venice, Raguſa, and the dominions of the Grand Signior; but it is dangerous to winter here. The new port, the only harbour for Europeans, is clogged up with ſand; ſo that in ſtormy weather ſhips are liable to bulge: and the [314] bottom being alſo rocky, the cables ſoon chaſe and part, one veſſel then driving againſt a ſecond, and that againſt a third, they are perhaps all loſt. Of this there was a fatal inſtance, ſixteen or eighteen years ago, when ſixty-two veſſels were daſhed to pieces on the mole, in a gale of wind from the North-weſt.

The old port is not ſubject to this inconvenience; but the Turks admit no ſhips into it, except thoſe of Muſſulmen. It will perhaps be aſked why they do not repair the new port? The anſwer is, in Turkey they deſtroy every thing, and repair nothing. The old harbour will be deſtroyed likewiſe, as the ballaſt of veſſels has been continually thrown into it, for theſe laſt two hundred years.

At the extremity of one of the arms of the new port ſtood the famous Pharos, reckoned one of the wonders of the world; and which has nothing now to repreſent it, but a Turkiſh fort, built on the ſame ſpot, and probably out of its ruins.

In time of war Alexandria is of no importance; no fortification is to be ſeen; even the Pharos, with its lofty turrets, cannot be defended. A ſingle Ruſ⯑ſian or Malteſe frigate, would ſuffice to lay it in aſhes; but the conqueſt would be of no value. A foreign power could not maintain itſelf there, as the country [315] is without water. This muſt be brought from the Nile by the kalidj, or canal of twelve leagues; which ſupply of water would undoubtedly be cut off, were a foreign power to take poſſeſſion of Alexandria.

It is the canal alone that connects Alexandria with Egypt; for, from its ſituation without the Delta, and the nature of the ſoil, it really belongs to the deſarts of Africa, and we do not enter Egypt until we arrive at Roſetta; there the ſands, peculiar to Africa, end: and a black, fat, and loamy ſoil, the diſtinguiſhing cha⯑racteriſtic of Egypt, begins. There alſo, for the firſt, we behold the waters of the celebrated Nile, which, rolling between two ſteep banks, conſiderably reſemble the Seine, between Auteuil and Paſſy. The woods of palm-trees on each ſide, the orchards, watered by its ſtreams, the lemon, the orange, the banana, the peach, and other trees, by their perpetual verdure, render Roſetta aſtoniſhingly delightful.

Hiſtorians tell us, that Alexander's body was em⯑balmed in this city, in a coffin of gold, which, as may be eaſily ſuppoſed, was taken away, and it was put into one of glaſs; being preſerved therein ſo late as to the time of Auguſtus, who took a view of it in that ſtate, adorned it with a gold crown, and wept over it.

[316]Roſetta, ſays Savary, is one of the pleaſanteſt towns in Egypt. It ſpreads along the weſtern bank of the Nile; and is nearly a league in length, and one-fourth in width. No remarkable ſquare is ſeen here; no ſtreet perfectly ſtrait; but the houſes, built with ter⯑races, ſtanding aſunder, and kept in good repair, have a pleaſing air of neatneſs and elegance. The only remarkable public edifices are the moſques; the lofty minarets of which are built in a light, bold ſtile; and produce a pictureſque effect, in a town where all the roofs are flat, by throwing variety into the picture. Moſt of the houſes have a proſpect of the Nile and the Delta; a truly magnificent one! Veſſels and boats, ſome rowing, ſome under ſail, continually cover the river; while the tumult of the port, the mirth of the mariners, and their noiſy muſic, preſent a ſcene ever moving, ever alive. The Delta, that immenſe gar⯑den, where the exhauſtleſs earth is never weary of pro⯑ducing, affords an eternal view of harveſts, vegetables, flowers, and fruits, in ſucceſſion; the abundant vari⯑ety of which, at once, gladdens the eye and the heart. Various ſpecies of cucumbers, delicious melons, the fig, the orange, the banana, the pomegranate, all grow here, all have an exquiſite flavour.

North of the city are gardens, where citron, orange, date, and ſycamore trees, are promiſcuouſly planted; and the arbours they form, impenetrable to [317] the ſun's rays, by the mingling of the trees, together with the flowers ſcattered among them, render theſe groves moſt enchanting.

When the atmoſphere is all on fire, when the big moiſture courſes down every member, when gaſping man pants after cool air, with what ecſtacy does he go and reſpire under theſe bowers, and beſide the rivu⯑let, by which they are watered! There the Turk, with his long jaſſmine pipe, wrought with amber, imagines himſelf tranſported into the garden of delight, which Mahomet promiſed: thoughtleſs in tranquil apathy, he ſmokes the ſun down, void of deſire, void of am⯑bition. His calm paſſions never caſt one curious look towards futurity; content with what he poſſeſſes, he neither invents, nor brings the inventions of others to perfection; his life to us ſeems a ſlumber, ours to him one continued ſtate of intoxication. While we are ever purſuing happineſs, which continually eludes our graſps, he peaceably enjoys the good which na⯑ture gives, without troubling himſelf concerning the morrow.

Here, in theſe gardens, the young Georgians, ſold into ſlavery by barbarous parents, quit, with the veil which covers them, that decency they obſerve in public. Freed here from all conſtraint, they cauſe laſcivious dances to be performed in their preſence; ſing tender [318] ſongs, and relate tales and romances, which preſent an undiſguiſed picture of their manners, and pleaſures. Born in a temperate clime, they receive from nature a ſoul of energy, and tumultuous paſſions; brought afterwards into Egypt, the fire of the atmoſphere, the perfume of the orange-flower, and the emanations of aromatic plants, voluptuouſly invade every ſenſe; then does one ſole care employ, one ſole deſire tor⯑ment them; one only predominant want is felt; the violence of which is increaſed by the reſtraint under which they are kept.

Roſetta, ſays Savary, may well excite the curioſity of a European, who ſees ſo many new objects, that he imagines himſelf tranſported into another world; men and nature, all he beholds is changed. A dead ſi⯑lence reigns throughout the city, uninterrupted by the noiſe of carriages; camels are the carriers here; nothing alters or diſturbs the grave walk of the inha⯑bitants; their long garments float down to their heels; the head is loaded with a heavy turban, or encircled with a ſhawl; they cut their hair off, and let their beards grow. Saſhes are common to both ſexes; the citizen is armed with a knife, the ſoldier with a ſabre, and two piſtols. The women of low rank, whoſe clothing conſiſts of an ample blue ſhift, and long drawers, cover their faces with a bit of cloth, having holes oppoſite the eyes; the rich wear a large white [319] veil, with a black ſilk mantle, enveloping the body, like a domino. A ſtranger ſcarcely dares look at them; to ſpeak would be a crime; but theſe maſks are liberal of their ſigns and oglings; and, as this is the only language they are permitted to uſe in public, it is more expreſſive, more copious, and in much higher perfection than in Europe; every thing is ſaid, and wonderfully well underſtood, without opening the lips.

The country is as different from the neighbour⯑hood of Paris, ſays Savary, and we may add of Lon⯑don, as is Roſetta from a town in France, or in Eng⯑land. An immenſe flat, without hill or mountain, interſected by innumerable canals; corn-fields, branch⯑ing ſycamores, whoſe unperiſhable wood preſerves the mud-wall hut, into which the huſbandman retires du⯑ding winter, for he ſleeps under the ſhade in ſummer; date-trees in cluſters, or ſcattered over the plain, the profuſe fruit of which is nutritive, ſweet and ſalutary; the caſſia with fertile branches, decked in yellow flowers, and bearing a pod well known in pharmacy; orange and citron trees, unmutilated by the pruning knife, whoſe projecting odoriferous boughs form ar⯑bours impenetrable by the ſun's rays; ſuch are the objects of the Delta, and ſuch its principal trees and ſhrubs. Winter does not rob them of their foliage; they are apparelled all the year, as if every month was May.

[320]The rice-ground round Roſetta is known by the name Sultani, and is appropriated to the uſe and conſumption of Conſtantinople. As ſoon as the rice is down, the ſtubble is torn up, the land ſlightly dreſſed, and barley is ſown, which preſently ripens. Thoſe who prefer a crop of hay inundate the field, and ſow it with lucern, which grows ſo faſt, that in twenty days it is a foot and a half high, and ſo thick that its ſur⯑face appears one ſolid verdure. It is three times cut before the ſeaſon of tranſplanting the rice; thus the ſame field will either yield two crops of grain; one of rice and the other of barley; or four crops, one of rice and three of hay. This fecundity is, however, peculiar to the Delta; when the land lying lower than in the Thebais may be watered, all the year, by means of the canals and machines.

The principal wealth of this city flows from com⯑merce. The tranſportation of foreign merchandize to Cairo, and of the productions of Egypt to the port of Alexandria, gives employment to a great number of mariners; their veſſels are called ſcherms, a light kind of boats with lateen ſails, and which having no decks are very hazardous; a guſt of wind coming un⯑expectedly, turns them on their ſide, and they founder. The word ſcherm, in Arabic, expreſſes the ſwiftneſs with which theſe ſmall veſſels ſkim the waves. The Bogaz, for ſo they call the bar at the mouth of the [321] Nile, and which is another Arabic word, deſcriptive of the agitation of the waves, is a dangerous ſhoal for theſe light boats. The waters here drive and ſtruggle to find a paſſage into the ſea; and, when the wind freſhens, the waves running mountains high, form whirlpools, which engulph veſſels. The Bogaz is ſhallow; and, in the extent of a league, there is ſel⯑dom more than a paſſage of ſome few fathoms for the veſſels, which is continually changing.

The bar of the Nile is totally cloſed, two months in the year, and the commerce of Alexandria inter⯑rupted; but were it to become totally impaſſable, and were all the ſhipping of Egypt to be ſwallowed up, the Ottoman government would not remove one foot of earth, from the canal of Faoua, to render it navi⯑gable. Committed to their care every thing pe⯑riſhes, nothing is repaired.

Damietta, larger and not leſs agreeable than Ro⯑ſetta, forms a ſemi-circle on the eaſtern ſhore of the Nile, two leagues and a half from its mouth. Stand⯑ing at one end of this creſcent, the eye ſurveys its whole extent. It contains about eighty thouſand in⯑habitants, has ſeveral ſquares, one of which is called Menſhia. Bazars, filled with merchandize, okals or khans, as ſpacious as thoſe of Cairo, under the por⯑ticos of which are Indian ſtuffs, ſilks from Mount Le⯑banon, [322] ſal ammoniac, and quantities of rice beſpeak it a commercial place. The houſes, eſpecially thoſe near the river, are very high; moſt of them have pleaſant ſaloons, built on the terraces; in which charming places, open to every wind, the Turk, indo⯑lently ſeated on his ſopha, paſſes his life in ſmoaking, viewing the ſea, bounded by the horizon, the grand lake lying on the other ſide, and the Nile running between the two, which traverſes a rich country. Va⯑rious grand moſques, with high minarets, ornament the city. The public baths, faced with marble, are ſimilar to thoſe of Grand Cairo; the linen is clean, and the water very pure.

Multitudes of boats, and ſmall veſſels, inceſſantly fill the port of Damietta. The ſcherms ſerve to load and unload the ſhips that anchor in the road; others are coaſting pilot-boats. The fineſt rice of Egypt is cultivated in the neighbouring plains; and its annual exportation amounts to between two and three hun⯑dred thouſand pounds. There are likewiſe cloths, ſal ammoniac, wheat, &c. Laws, ruinous to the country, prohibit the exportation of the latter; but they are evaded, and it is paſſed as rice. The Chriſ⯑tians of Aleppo and Damaſcus, for many ages eſta⯑bliſhed here, carry on the principal trade: they are ſuffered to grow rich by Turkiſh indolence, which contents itſelf with occaſional extortions. Exporta⯑tion [323] of rice is forbidden; but by arrangements advan⯑tageous to the receiver of the cuſtoms, the people of Provence annually load ſeveral ſhips. The Bogaz prevents them from entering the Nile, and their car⯑goes are brought by boats, which practice is produc⯑tive of innumerable vexations and abuſes. The rice of the beſt quality, which departs in the evening for the ſhip, ſeldom arrives there, but an inferior ſort is ſubſtituted, during the night. The captains of Mar⯑ſeilles, aware of theſe tricks, but unable to prevent them, endeavour to repel fraud by fraud, and traffic becomes a kind of mutual robbery. The thing moſt diſadvantageous to the commerce of Damietta is, its defective harbours; the road, where veſſels lie, being expoſed, every gale that riſes the captains are obliged to ſlip their cables, and take refuge at Cyprus, or keep the open ſea. By cutting a canal of half a league only, it would be eaſy to give ſhips free en⯑trance into the Nile, which is deep; and this ſmall expence would render Damietta a fine harbour.

The flip of land where this city is built, is only from two to ſix miles wide. Rivulets interſect it in every direction, and render it the moſt fruitful part of Egypt. The rice, in common years, yields eighty buſhels for one; and other products are in the ſame proportion. Here nature, eminently and profuſely diſplaying her riches and pomp, preſents, the year [324] round, flowers, fruits and harveſts. She withers not in winter, and fades not in ſummer. She is nei⯑ther ſcorched nor frozen. The thermometer only varies from the 29th above freezing, to the 24th. This happy temperature Damietta owes to the vaſt quantities of water by which it is ſurrounded. The thermometer riſes twelve degrees higher at Grand Cairo. Verdure is no where ſo freſh. Trees no where ſo loaded with fruit. The banks, among the rice-fields, bear ſeveral ſpecies of reeds, ſome of which grow very high; among them is the calamus in abundance, with which the Orientals write. Its ſmall ſtalk bears long narrow leaves, gracefully pen⯑dent and pliant branches, bedecked with white flow⯑ers. Here may be ſeen the papyrus, in quantities, the paper of the ancient Egyptians. The preſent ſcarcity of the papyrus, in Egypt, is owing to the avi⯑dity of the publicans, who will only ſuffer it to grow in a few places, that they may raiſe the price. Of this Strabo complains; and the evil, it ſeems, ſtill con⯑tinues. Savary obſerves it is only to be ſeen round Damietta, and the lake Menzala; and that moſt tra⯑vellers, who have been there, have not mentioned it; ſome, leſs circumſpect, have denied its exiſtence, and propagated ſables on the ſubject. This triangular ruſh, eight or nine feet high, and an inch thick, bears a lanigerous tuft. The lotus alſo here raiſes its proud ſtalk above the water, and appears the king of aquatic [325] plants. The inland ponds and canals abound with this ſtately flower, which yields a moſt agreeable odour.

Damietta has many villages in its environs; moſt of them have manufactories, where the fineſt Egyp⯑tian cloth is made, particularly napkins; much in re⯑queſt: at the ends of which is ſilk fringe. They are brought to table, eſpecially, on viſits of ceremony; the ſlave preſents one to wipe the mouth after drink⯑ing ſherbet, or eating confectionary, ſerved on a ſil⯑ver plate. Round theſe villages uſually are ſmall woods, where the trees, planted promiſcuouſly, have an uncommon, and pictureſque effect.

A mile South-weſt of the town is an orange-grove, to which the inhabitants reſort, where the walks are made ſtraight; and this is the only place where art has any way aided nature; no where elſe are the trees planted in rows. No words can expreſs the pleaſure of breathing the cool, and perfumed air of theſe de⯑lightful ſhades. The unmutilated trees are above thirty feet high, and their intermingled branches, and thick foliage, all in bloom, from top to bottom, wholly exclude the ſun's rays. Each orange-tree is a vaſt noſegay, the flowers of which almoſt conceal the leaves, forming together the moſt beautiful canopy, ever beheld. There is a ſmall rivulet beſide each row, [326] and twice a day a reſervoir is opened, by which the trees are watered. It is intoxication of pleaſure to walk here at noon; and never, ſays Savary, did I ſo foricbly feel all the delicious enjoyments, that odours and aromatics can inſpire.

At one end of this walk is a canal full of the papy⯑rus. Entering, on the left, ſtands the gardener's hut, and a grove of citron and palm trees, planted ſo near each other as ſcarce to grant admiſſion. This place, encloſed by ditches and palliſadoes, is the aſylum of myſtery, where the handſomeſt of the Turkiſh wo⯑men occaſionally come to breathe, ſay they, balſamic ſweetneſs beneath theſe ſhades.

We ſhall conclude this account of Damietta with a tale related by Savary, to prove that incidents, ſimi⯑lar to thoſe of the times of Jacob, are ſtill renewed in Egypt. A farmer, near Damaſcus, reduced to ſuch diſtreſs as to be obliged to part with his implements of huſbandry, led by the inviſible hand of Provi⯑dence, as formerly Tobias was by the angel, while he bargained for corn, lately arrived from Damietta. He heard ſpeak of the ſucceſs of Mourad Bey, who had entered Grand Cairo victorious, and in triumph. The ſhape, character and origin of the warrior were deſcribed, and how he had riſen from ſlavery to ſu⯑preme power. The aſtoniſhed farmer found the de⯑ſcription [327] accorded with a ſon, who had been ſtolen from him at twelve years old; hope palpitated in his heart; he haſtened home with his proviſions, told his family what he had heard, and determined immedi⯑ately to depart for Egypt. His weeping wife and ſons offered up prayers for his ſafe return. Going to the port of Alexandretta, he embarked there, and came to Damietta. One continued fear tormented him; his ſon, forſaking the religion of his anceſtors, had embraced Mahometaniſm; and now, ſurrounded as he was with ſplendor, would he acknowledge his parents? The thought lay heavy on his heart; yet the wiſh to ſnatch his family from all the horrors of famine, the hope of finding a long lamented ſon, gave him fortitude. He continued his journey, came to the capital, repaired to the palace of Mourad, applied to the officers of the prince, and moſt ardently ſoli⯑cited admiſſion. His dreſs and appearance beſpoke poverty and misfortunes, and were poor recommenda⯑tions; but his great age, ſo reſpectable in the Eaſt, pleaded in his behalf. One of the attendants went to the bey, and told him an aged man, apparently mi⯑ſerable, requeſted an audience. Let him enter, re⯑plied Mourad, and the farmer proceeded, with trem⯑bling ſteps, over the rich carpet, which beſpread the hall of the divan, and approached the bey, who re⯑clined on a ſopha embroidered with ſilk and gold. Crowding ſenſations deprived him of the uſe of ſpeech; [328] at laſt, after attentively looking, the voice of nature vanquiſhing fear, he fell; and, embracing his knees, exclaimed, You are my ſon! The bey raiſed him, en⯑deavoured to recollect, and, after finding him to be his father, made him ſit down by his ſide, and careſſed him moſt affectionately. The firſt guſh of nature over, the fire deſcribed in what deplorable ſtate he had left his mother, and brethren, whom the prince propoſed to ſend for, and, with them, divide his riches and power; if they would embrace Iſlaniſm. This the generous Chriſtian had foreſeen; and, fearing youth might be dazzled, took not one of his ſons with him. He therefore firmly rejected Mourad's offer, and even remonſtrated with him, on his own change of religion. The bey finding his father determined, and that his fa⯑mily's diſtreſs demanded immediate ſuccour, ſent him back to Syria, with a large ſum of money, and a veſſel loaded with corn. The happy huſbandman immedi⯑diately returned to the plains of Damaſcus, where his arrival baniſhed miſery and tears from his homely roof, and brought joy, eaſe and feſtivity.—This hiſ⯑tory greatly reſembles that of Joſeph; and would more, perhaps, did we know every incident attend⯑ing it.

CHAP. V. Of the different Inhabitants.

AMID thoſe revolutions which all nations have experienced, there are few countries which have preſerved their original, and primitive inhabi⯑tants pure, and unmixed. The ſame deſire which leads individuals to encroach on each other's property, has excited nations one againſt another; the conſe⯑quence of which has been, to introduce into ſtates a foreign conqueror, who has deſpoiled the vanquiſhed nation of the domain, granted them by nature.

Such has been the caſe with Egypt: deprived three-and-twenty centuries ago, of her natural pro⯑prietors, ſhe has ſeen her fertile fields, ſucceſſively, a prey to the Perſians, the Macedonians, the Romans, the Greeks, the Arabs, the Georgians, and, at length, the race of Tartars, diſtinguiſhed by the name of Ot⯑toman Turks. Among ſo many nations, ſeveral of them have left veſtiges of their tranſient poſſeſſion: but as they have been blended in ſucceſſion, they [330] have been ſo conſounded, as to render it very diffi⯑cult to diſcriminate their reſpective characters.

The real native Egyptians, according to Savary, are the Copts; called ſo from Cophtos, once a famous city in the Thebais; or from cobtos, cut; becauſe they have always preſerved the uſe of circumciſion. Theſe only are the deſcendants of the ancient Egyptians; and who, more than two hundred years, ſubjected by foreign powers, have loſt the genius and ſcience of their forefathers; though they have preſerved their cuſtoms, and the ancient vulgar tongue.

The knowledge tranſmitted from father to ſon, of all arable lands, their value and extent, occaſions them to be choſen clerks to the beys; and, that they may conceal their accounts from theſe lords, moſt of them are written in Coptic. They do not, however, perfectly underſtand the language; but, as their miſ⯑ſals, and the various other works they poſſeſs, have an Arabic language, their ancient language is not loſt; and in ſome future time it may, perhaps, ſupply the learned with means of diſpelling the obſcurity of the firſt ages, and removing the veil from myſterious hie⯑roglyphics.

The Copts embraced Chriſtianity at its birth; and Amrou, having conquered Egypt, permitted them [331] the free exerciſe of the Chriſtian religion; ſince when they have even had churches, prieſts, biſhops, and a patriarch, whoſe reſidence is at Grand Cairo. Nu⯑merous ſuperſtitious practices, received from their an⯑ceſtors, are mingled in their worſhip; but they are mild, humane and hoſpitable. Paternal tenderneſs and filial love conſtitute their domeſtic happineſs, where every tie of blood is cheriſhed and ho⯑noured. Inland trade, the art of hatching eggs and raiſing bees, are almoſt the whole of their knowledge. They often enrich themſelves by the adminiſtrations entruſted to them; but they ſeldom enjoy tranquility, the fruits of their labours. The bey, who beholds them opulent, often ſtrips them of their riches, without mercy. Such oppreſſions do not excite revolt; their want of energy keeps them en⯑chained in poverty and ſubjection, which they ſupport without murmuring.

After the Copts, the Arabs are the moſt ancient people of Egypt, where they twice have reigned. Their firſt dominion was in the remote ages of anti⯑quity. The ſecond began in the ſeventh, and ended in the twelfth century. Two-thirds of the preſent inhabitants are Arabs; the manners of whom differ according to their mode of life. Thoſe who become huſbandmen are governed by their foreign maſters, and preſent a ſtriking example to philoſophers, of the [332] influence of laws over men. Beneath a tyrannical government, they have loſt that good faith, which characterizes their nation. They take part in their maſter's quarrels. Villages arm againſt villages, and towns againſt towns; and, during the revolutions, continually reviving at Grand Cairo, the country preſents a frightful ſcene of carnage and horror. It is theſe degenerate Arabs, who render the navigation of the Nile exceedingly dangerous, attack boats in the dark, maſſacre paſſengers, ſeize their effects, and commit every kind of outrage.

Another diviſion of the Arabs, who may be called huſbandmen, are governed by their ſheiks, who poſ⯑ſeſs various principalities in the Thebais. Now, as heretofore, they are the judge, the pontiff, and the ſovereign of their people; yet governing more like fathers of families, than kings. Theſe venerable pa⯑triarchs uſually take their meals at the doors of their houſes, or tents, inviting all comers: riſing from table they cry aloud, Whoever is hungry, let him in the name of God, come and eat, which is not a barren form; any man, whoever he may be, has a right to ſit down, and feed on what he finds.

Theſe Arabs are the beſt of people; ignorant of the vices of poliſhed nations, incapable of diſguiſe, they know neither falſhood nor knavery. Haughty [333] and generous, they repel inſult by arms, and never employ treachery; hoſpitality is ſacred among them, their houſes and tents are open to travellers of all religions, and their gueſts are treated with as much reſpect, and affection as their own kindred. Of their honeſty ſome idea may be formed, by the following fact, ſays Savary, to which I was a witneſs. An Arab ſheik had long annually come to the diſtrict of the French, where he took up goods on credit, of a mer⯑chant; ſtill coming the following year, at the ſame time, bringing the money, and taking freſh merchan⯑dize. Sickneſs one year prevented him from coming himſelf, at the uſual time; but he ſent his ſon, with the money, and continued a trade, equally honourable to both nations.

A third ſpecies of Arabs is comprized under the general name of Bedouai; of whom we have already given ſome account. They are divided into tribes, meddle not with agriculture, and feed on barley, dates, and the fleſh and milk of their herds, which they drive into the valleys, where they find water and paſturage. Maſters of the deſarts, they are the ene⯑mies of all caravans, attack them wherever they can find them, and force them either to fight, or pay tri⯑bute. If the reſiſtance be too powerful, they retreat without fear of purſuit; if they conquer, they pillage every one, divide the ſpoil, but never, as we have be⯑fore [334] remarked, kill any one, unleſs to revenge the death of their companions.

After the miſeries M. de S. Germain underwent, croſſing Suez, he came expiring to the tent of a Be⯑douin, to whoſe generous care he owed his life; and who conducted him to Cairo, as ſoon as his health was recovered. M. Pagés fled over the ſands of Arabia Deſerta, with ſeven Arabs; he had loſt his water and proviſions, and, falling from his camel, was in danger of being ſacrificed to the reſentment of an inſulted tribe. One of his companions al⯑lighted, and, at the riſk of his life, took him up be⯑hind him, till they came to a place of ſafety. The whole proviſion of the Arabs, during the journey, was a barley cake a day, and that not a large one. This they divided into eight portions; and the one they gave the ſtranger was always twice as much as their own.

Of the misfortunes attending M. de S. Germain, Volney has given a more particular relation. The ca⯑ravan he accompanied, it appears, was compoſed of Engliſh officers and paſſengers, who had landed from two veſſels at Suez, in their way to Europe by Cairo. The Bedouin Arabs of Tor, informed that their paſ⯑ſengers were richly laden, reſolved to plunder them, and attacked them five leagues from Suez. The Eu⯑ropeans, [335] ſtripped ſtark naked, and diſperſed by fear, ſe⯑parated into two parties. Some returned to Suez; the remainder, to the number of ſeven, thinking they could reach Cairo, puſhed forward into the deſart. Fatigue, thirſt, hunger, and the heat of the ſun, de⯑ſtroyed them, one after the other. M. de S. Germain alone ſurvived all theſe horrors. During three days, and two nights, he wandered in this bare and ſandy deſart, frozen at night by the North wind, (for it was in the month of January) and burnt by the ſun during the day, without any other ſhade but a ſingle buſh, into which he thruſt his head among the thorns; or any other drink but his own urine. At length, on the third day, perceiving the water of Berket-el-Hadj, he ſtrove to make toward it; but he had already fallen three times, from weakneſs, and would have remained where he laſt fell, but for an Arab, mounted on a ca⯑mel, who ſaw him at a great diſtance. This cha⯑ritable man conveyed him to his dwelling, and took care of him for three days, with the utmoſt humanity. At the expiration of that time he was conveyed to Cairo, where he arrived in a moſt deplorable condition. His body was one entire wound, his breath cadave⯑rous, and he had ſcarcely a ſpark of life remaining. By dint of great care and attention, he was at laſt re⯑ſtored to health. Much was ſaid, at the time, of the barbarity of the Arabs, who notwithſtanding killed no one. At preſent, ſays Volney, we may venture to [336] blame the imprudence of the Europeans, who con⯑ducted themſelves like madmen throughout the whole affair. So great was the diſcord among them, and they had carried their negligence ſo far, as not to have a ſingle piſtol fit for uſe. All their arms were at the bottom of their cheſts. Beſides, it appears that the Arabs did not act merely from their uſual motives; well-informed perſons aſſert, that the affair was tranſ⯑acted at Conſtantinople, by the Engliſh Eaſt India Company's Agents; who ſaw, with a jealous eye, indi⯑viduals entering into a competition with them for the traffic of Bengal; and what has paſſed in the courſe of enquiries into the event, has proved the truth of the aſſertion.

An exceſſive love of liberty occaſions them to prefer the dreary wilderneſs, where they lived in⯑dependent, to the rich plains of Egypt, where they muſt live as ſlaves. Government has ſeveral times of⯑fered them lands, which they have conſtantly refuſed; and this independent ſpirit, ſo well pourtrayed in the ſacred ſcriptures, they have inviolably preſerved from the time of Iſhmael, their father. Liberty has ſo many charms, that, to obtain it, they firmly ſupport hunger, thirſt, and the ſcorching ſun. Sometimes humbled, but never enſlaved, they have braved all the powers of the earth; and ſhook off the chain, in which other nations have alternately been bound. [337] The Romans, maſters of the world, loſt the armies they ſent to conquer their country. The Egyptians, Perſians and Ottomans, never could ſubdue them. Thus this proud people is the ſole nation, which has preſerved that haughtineſs of character, generoſity, and inviolable fidelity, which ſo highly honour huma⯑nity. Deceit and perjury they know not. Ignorant of, though not deſpiſing, ſcience; ſound reaſon, up⯑rightneſs and elevation of ſoul, diſtinguiſh them from all the Orientals. Theſe are the Arabs which the genius of a ſingle man united, to the deſtruction of the thrones, the conquering of kingdoms, and the im⯑poſing of laws on two-thirds of the earth. Their con⯑queſts are loſt, but their character, religion, and man⯑ners are preſerved.

Except the Copts and Arabs, the Mograbians, or Weſtern Mahometans, are the moſt numerous inhabi⯑tants of Egypt; they devote themſelves, ſome to trade, and ſome to arms. Their nation ought not to be judged by the individuals of Grand Cairo: thoſe who become ſoldiers are adventurers, moſt of them guilty of crimes, and baniſhed from their country by the fear of juſtice. Theſe mercileſs, faithleſs, lawleſs ſol⯑diers, abandon themſelves to every exceſs, and always ſell themſelves to that Bey, who is the beſt bidder.

[338]The number of real Turks here, is not great, ex⯑cluſive of the Janiſſaries and Aſſabs; who, abuſing their power, pillage the Egyptians, and foreigners, and employ every means to amaſs great riches. Like the Mograbians, they are neither diſciplined, under⯑ſtand the art of gunnery, nor would it be poſſible for them to oppoſe the military ſcience of Europeans.

The Syrian Chriſtians, Greeks, and Jews, addict themſelves entirely to commerce, exchange, and the mechanic arts. Their ductile cunning, promotes them occaſionally to be commiſſioners of the cuſtoms, and receivers of the revenue in Egypt; but their ho⯑neſty may not be depended on, and their arts ſhould always be watched. Having obtained power, they employ it to oppreſs European merchants, invent ex⯑actions, and ſhackle their commerce. Many of them are goldſmiths, and work in gold, ſilver, and jewellery, with tolerable ſkill. Their performances in fillagree are valuable. Several of them have eſtabliſhed ma⯑nufactories of light ſtuffs, made from Bengal cotton, and the ſilk of Syria, which are purchaſed by the natives. Though well woven, theſe ſtuffs fail in the dye, the colour being neither ſo vivid, nor ſo unfading as thoſe of India, which muſt be attributed to the ig⯑norance of the artiſts; for Egypt produces excellent indigo, carthamus, and various dyes. Their linen cloths have the ſame defect. Egyptian flax, formerly [339] ſo renowned for its excellence, is ſtill the ſame; but, the ſpinners are ſo bad, that their linen is very coarſe.

The amount of theſe inhabitants, ſo different in their manners, religion, and nations, is near four millions; theſe are governed and kept in order, by eight thouſand Mamluks. A matter not ſurpriſing, if we recollect, that under Auguſtus, three cohorts, amounting to about three thouſand men, were ſuffi⯑cient to guard the Thebais, or Upper Egypt; as Strabo informs us, who, was an ocular witneſs of the fact.

CHAP. VI. Of their Character, Private Life, Food, Occupations, Amuſements.

LIFE, in the capital of Egypt, ſays Savary, is rather paſſive, than active. Nine months in the year, the body is oppreſſed by heat; and the ſoul, in a ſtate of apathy, ſighs after calm tranquility. In⯑action, under a temperate clime, is painful; here re⯑poſe [340] is enjoyment. The moſt frequent ſalutation at meeting, or parting, is, peace be with you. Effeminate indolence is born with the Egyptian, grows with his growth, and deſcends with him to the grave. It is the vice of the climate; it influences his inclinations, and governs his actions. The ſofa, therefore, is the moſt luxurious piece of furniture in an apartment. Their gardens have charming arbours, but no walks. The European, born under a varying ſky, is active, impatient, and agitated, like the atmoſphere in which he lives; while the Egyptian, feeling the ſame heat, and the ſame ſenſation, two thirds of the year, is idle, ſolemn, and patient.

He riſes with the ſun to enjoy the morning air; purifies himſelf, and repeats the appointed prayer. His pipe and coffee are brought him, and be reclines at his eaſe on his ſofa. Slaves, with their arms croſ⯑ſed, remain ſilent at the farther end of the chamber, with their eyes fixed on him, ſeeking to anticipate his wants. His children ſtanding in his preſence, unleſs he permits them to be ſeated, preſerve every appear⯑ance of tenderneſs and reſpect: he gravely careſſes them, gives them his bleſſing, and ſends them back to the harem.

Breakfaſt ended, he tranſacts the buſineſs of his trade, or office; and as to diſputes, they are few, a⯑mong [341] a people where the name of attorney is un⯑known; and where each man is his own pleader.

When viſitors come, they are received without many compliments, but in an endearing manner. His equals are ſeated croſs-legged, beſide him; his infe⯑riors kneel, and fit upon their hams. People of diſ⯑tinction, are placed on a raiſed ſofa. This is nearly the general cuſtom throughout Turkey, and ſeems to be the cuſtom, not only of the preſent, but of ancient times. Thus, according to Virgil, Aeneas in the pa⯑lace of Dido, had the place of honour; while, ſeated on a raiſed bed, he related to the queen, the burning of Troy. When every perſon is ſeated, the ſlaves bring pipes and coffee, and ſet the perfume braſier in the middle of the chamber, and afterwards preſent ſweetmeats and ſherbet.

The tobacco, ſmoaked in Egypt, is brought from Syria, in leaf, and cut by them into long filaments; it is not ſo acrid as that of America; and, to render it more agreeable, they mix with it the odorous wood of aloes. Their pipes are uſually of jaſmin, the end gar⯑niſhed with amber, and often enriched with precious ſtones: they are very long; the vapour imbibed, is therefore very mild. The Orientals pretend, it agree⯑ably irritates the palate, while it gratifies the ſmell. Some of their pipes are fifteen feet long.

[342]When the viſit is almoſt ended, a ſlave, bearing a ſilver plate, in which eſſences are burning, goes round to the company; and each, in turn, perfumes his beard, and ſprinkles roſe-water on his head and hands. Thus, the ancient cuſtom of perfuming the head and beard; as ſung by the royal prophet, "Like the pre⯑cious ointment upon the head, that ran down upon the beard, even upon Aaron's beard," is ſtill continued. Anacreon, the father of the feſtive ode, and the poet of the graces, inceſſantly repeats, "I delight to ſprin⯑kle my body with precious perfumes, and crown my head with roſes."

About noon, the table is prepared, and the viands brought in a large tray of tinned copper; and though in no great variety, yet always in great plenty. In the centre, is a mountain of rice cooked with poultry, and highly ſeaſoned with ſpice and ſaffron. Round this are haſhed meats, pigeons, ſtuffed cucumbers, de⯑licious melons and fruits. The roaſt meats are cut ſmall, laid over with the fat of the animal, ſeaſoned with ſalt, ſpitted, and done on the coals; they are tender and ſucculent. The gueſts ſeat themſelves on a carpet, round the table; a ſlave brings water in one hand, and a baſon in the other, to waſh. This is an indiſpenſable ceremony, where each perſon puts his hand in the diſh, and where the uſe of forks is un⯑known; [343] it is repeated when the meal is ended. Theſe cuſtoms of the Eaſt, appear to be very ancient.

Menelaus, and the beauteous Helen, having loaded Telemachus, and Piſiſtratus, with gifts, gave them a hoſ⯑pitable banquet.

The manner, in which the ſon of Thetis received the Greek deputies, very much reſembles that in which the Egyptians treat their gueſts.

After dinner, the Egyptians retire to the harem, where they flumber ſome hours, amidſt their wives and children. A commodious and agreeable place of repoſe is extreme luxury to them. Thus, Mahomet, who neglected nothing that might ſeduce, tells his fol⯑lowers, [344] that the inhabitants of Paradiſe enjoy the ſweets of repoſe, and have a place moſt delightful to ſleep in at neon.

The poor having neither ſofa nor harem, lie down on the mat on which they have dined. Thus, Jeſus Chriſt, at the laſt ſupper, ſuffered his beloved diſciple to repoſe his head upon his boſom.

It is cuſtomary in the evening to go on the water, or breathe the freſh air of the banks of the Nile, beneath the orange and ſycamore-trees. An hour after ſun-ſet, ſupper is ſerved up, conſiſting of rice, poultry, vegetables, and fruits, which are very ſalu⯑tary during the heats: the ſtomach requires theſe, and would reject more ſolid food. Moderation in eating, is the virtue of the climate.

Such is the ordinary life of the Egyptians. Our ſhews, plays, and pleaſures are to them unknown; a monotony, which, to an European would be death, is delight to an Egyptian. Their days are paſt in re⯑peating the ſame thing, in following the ſame cuſtoms, without a wiſh or thought beyond. The lower claſs of people, however, are very fond of liſtening to the tales and tricks of conjurors.

[345]Among the other diverſions, by which the jugglers delude the common people out of their money, is that of leading about dancing camels. Theſe animals are taught to dance when young, by being brought upon a heated floor, which gives them a good deal of pain, and cauſes them to lift up their legs as if they were dancing, while they keep beating time with a drum; and this practice they continue for about half a year; after which time, when the camel hears the noiſe of a drum, he ſtrikes into a dance. The for⯑tune-tellers, have likewiſe a trick of breeding up lit⯑tle birds, which, when any perſon applies to them to have his fortune told, bring him a ſcrip of paper, in which his future deſtiny is written.

The Egyptians, as their name imports, had their origin in this country. They are called by the Turks, Zinganees, from Zinganeus, their leader; who, with a great many Egyptians, retired into the deſarts, when ſultan Selim took Egypt from the Mamluks; where they increaſed to ſo formidable a number, making incurſions, from time to time, in the plain, that the Turks were glad to enter into a treaty with them; by which it was agreed, they ſhould lay down their arms, and be allowed the ſame privileges as other ſubjects, in exerciſing any trade, or means of live⯑lihood. But the Zinganees, having been accuſtomed to a vagabond wandering life, and loſt all ideas of re⯑ligion, [346] were averſe to change their mode of living, and ſtill continued to follow their former courſe of ra⯑pine and plunder. And the Turks, finding they could not be reclaimed, were obliged to baniſh them the country; of courſe, a power was given to any perſon to kill a Zinganee; or make a ſlave of him, if diſco⯑vered in the country after a limited time. This law was ſo well enforced, that a Zinganee was not to be ſeen in Egypt for many years after. They had agreed to diſperſe themſelves, in ſmall parties, all over the world; and, being natives of Egypt, a country where the occult ſciences, or black art, as it was called, had, in the opinion of credulous people, riſen to great per⯑fection, they thought they could not pitch upon a more effectual means of gaining ſubſiſtence; and, at the ſame time, indulge their wandering way of life, than by ſetting up for fortune-tellers.

Egypt, however, as well as Italy, ſays Savary, has her improviſatore, called Almai, or learned; which title they obtain, by being more educated than other women. They form a claſs very famous in the coun⯑try; to be admitted into which, it is neceſſary to poſſeſs a fine voice, eloquence, the rules of grammar, and be able to compoſe and ſing extempore verſes, adapted to the occaſion.

[347]The almai, know all new ſongs by rote; their me⯑mory is ſtored with the beſt tales; they are preſent at all feſtivals, and are the chief ornament of banquets. They place them in a raiſed orcheſtra, or pulpit, where they ſing during the feaſt; after which, they deſcend, and form dances, which no w [...]y reſembles ours. They are pantomimes, that repreſent the com⯑mon incidents of life. Love is their uſual ſubject. The ſuppleneſs of their dancers' bodies, is inconceiv⯑able; and the flexibility of their features, which take impreſſions of the parts they play at will, is aſtoniſh⯑ing. The indecency of their attitudes is often exceſ⯑ſive; each look, each geſture, ſpeaks; and, in a man⯑ner ſo forcible, as not poſſibly to be miſunderſtood. They throw aſide modeſty with their veils When they begin to dance, a long and very light ſilk robe floats on the ground, negligently girded by a ſaſh: long black hair, perfumed, and in treſſes, deſcends over their ſhoulders; the ſhift, tranſparent as gauze, ſcarcely conceals the ſkin: as the act on proceeds, the various forms and contours that the body can aſſume, ſeem progreſſive; the ſound of muſica inſtruments re⯑gulates their ſteps Words adap [...]d to ſuch like ſcenes inflame them ſtill more, until they appear intoxica⯑ted, and become frantic bacc [...]ants. Forgetting all reſerve, they then abandon themſelves to the diſorder of their ſenſes; while an indelicate people, who wiſh [348] nothing ſhould be left to the imagination, redouble their applauſes.

[See the plate, which exhibits a view of the pyramids.]

Theſe almai, are admitted into all harems; where they teach the women the new airs, recount amorous tales, and recite poems in their preſence, which are intereſting, by being pictures of their own manners. They teach them the myſteries of their art, and in⯑ſtruct them in laſcivious dances. The minds of theſe women are cultivated, their converſation is agreeable, they ſpeak their language with purity; and habitually addicting themſelves to poetry, learn the moſt winning and ſonorous modes of expreſſion. Their recital is very graceful; when they ſing, nature is their only guide. Some of their airs are light and gay; but their excellence is moſtly ſeen in the pathetic. When they rehearſe a tale, in the manner of the ancient tragic ballad, by dwelling upon affecting and plaintive tones, they inſpire melancholy; which inſenſibly aug⯑ments, till it melts into tears. The very Turks, ene⯑mies as they are to the arts, paſs whole nights in liſten⯑ing to them. Two people ſing together occaſionally; but, like their orcheſtra, they are always in uniſon. Accompaniments in muſic, are only for enlightened nations; who, while melody charms the ear, wiſh to have the mind employed by a juſt and inventive mo⯑dulation.

[349]The Iſraelites, to whom Egyptian manners, by long dwelling in Egypt, were become natural, had alſo their almai. At Jeruſalem, as at Cairo, they gave the women leſſons. St. Mark, relates a fact, which proves the power of the Oriental dance over the heart of man. He tells us, that Herod was ſo pleaſed with his daughter's dancing on ſome great feſtival, as to bid her aſk any favour of him ſhe thought proper, and that he would grant it; upon which, at the deſire of her mother, ſhe requeſted the head of John the Bap⯑tiſt, which was immediately brought her in a charger.

The almai, are preſent at marriage ceremonies, and precede the bride, playing on inſtruments. They alſo accompany funerals, at which they ſing dirges, utter groans and lamentations, and imitate every mark of grief and deſpair. Their price is high, and they ſeldom attend any but wealthy people, and men of high rank.

I was invited, ſays Savary, to a ſplendid ſupper, given by a rich Venetian merchant, to the receiver-general of the finances of Egypt. The almai ſung various airs, during the banquet; and afterwards the praiſes of the principal gueſts. The moſt pleaſing part of this performance, was an ingenious allegory, in which Cupid was the ſuppoſed interlocutor. There was a play after ſupper, and handfuls of ſequins were [350] ſent to the ſingers. This feſtival, brought them at leaſt fifty guineas: they are not, however, always ſo well paid.

The common people have always their almai, who are a ſecond order of theſe women, imitators of the firſt; but have neither their elegance, grace, or knowledge. They are ſeen every where; the pub⯑lic ſquares and walks, round Grand Cairo, abound with them; the populace require ideas to be conveyed with ſtill leſs diſguiſe; decency will not permit the licentiouſneſs of their motions, and poſtures to be deſcribed; of which no idea can be formed but by ſeeing them. The Indian Bayadieres, are exemplarily modeſt, when compared to the dancing girls of the Egyptians. This is the principle diverſion of theſe people, and one in which they take great delight.

Rooke, deſcribing a magnificent fete, given by one of the richeſt merchants in Cairo, in celebration of his ſon's return from India, and to which he was in⯑vited to partake, ſays, his company was very nume⯑rous, conſiſting of three or four hundred Turks, who were all ſitting on ſofa's and benches, ſmoking their long pipes; the room in which they were aſſembled, was a ſpacious and lofty hall; in the centre of which was a band of muſic, compoſed of five Turkiſh inſtruments, and ſome vocal performers; as there [351] were no ladies in the aſſembly, it was not the moſt lively party in the world; but, being new to me, was for that reaſon entertaining.

Being a ſtranger, I was a kind of ſight to them, and they aſked me numberleſs queſtions; at the ſame time being extremely civil, and ſeveral of them as a com⯑pliment, taking their pipes out of their mouths, and offering them to me to ſmoke; although the indelicacy of this cuſtom was ſomewhat diſguſting, yet, in con⯑formity to their manners, I took their pipes, ſmoked two or three whiffs and returned them. They look upon it as the moſt civil thing they can do, to a ſtran⯑ger, or viſitor, to offer him the diſh of coffee they them⯑ſelves are ſipping, or the pipe they are ſmoking, which it would be the height of ill manners in any one to refuſe. Our ſupper was ſerved at twelve o'clock, and conſiſted of ſweetmeats, paſtry, and ſherbets, ſerved on ſilver waiters, placed on the carpet, around which we formed ourſelves in different parties, of five or ſix in each: we did not continue long at table, and immediately; as our repaſt was finiſhed, the company broke up.

Among other amuſements, in which the people of Grand Cairo take great delight, are the tricks of apes; great numbers of which are ſeen in the ſtreets. They are brought by the Arabs from Mecca, who teach [352] them different anticks for diverſion. The Arabs being naturally inclined to buffoonery, their genius bears no ſmall reſemblance to the inſtinct of apes, and affords much amuſement to thoſe who accompany their caravans. Among other droll ſtories of the cunning and ſagacity of theſe animals, the following is related from Le Brun.

An ape, kept by one of the Arabs, uſed to remain in the kitchen while the victuals were dreſſing, to pre⯑vent the hawks from ſtealing any thing away. Hawks are very numerous in theſe countries, and collect to⯑gether on the tops of houſes, in order to ſnatch up whatever they ſee within their reach. The chimnies being very low, and very wide, enables them to dive down, and carry off any proviſions that may be lying on the hearth. It happened one day that this Arab, having put a piece of meat into the pot, went out, and not returning again ſoon, it boiled over, and the meat remained uncovered. A hawk, who was on the look out, upon the top of the chimney, perceiving this, was very deſirous of the meat; and flying down, ventured to ſeize upon it, and carried it up the chim⯑ney. The ape, who ſaw himſelf tricked, caſt a very ſorrowful look up the chimney; and, foreſeeing the ill uſage he ſhould meet with from his maſter, endea⯑voured to avoid the ſtorm by an artifice of his own. He argued, therefore, with himſelf in this manner: [353] "The hawk that has done me this injury, after he has devoured his prey, will, no doubt, return to ſee if there be any thing more left for him." And the fire being out, he clapped himſelf in the pot, and turning his bare buttocks upwards, thought the hawk might take him for another piece of fleſh. In ſhort, the hawk being returned, and looking from the top of the chimney, ſtooped down on what he ſaw in the pot; and the ape, who was on the catch, turning himſelf round very dexterouſly, ſeized on the falcon, chopped off his head, and put him into the pot. The Arab, on returning home, went to look at the meat he had put on the fire; and, perceiving the metamorphoſis, looked very angrily on the ape. But this creature making a leap, took the hawk out of the pot, clapped himſelf into it, in the ſame poſture he had done at firſt, and ſhewed by ſeveral geſtures, that the hawk had taken away the meat, and the manner in which he ſur⯑priſed him, and put him into the pot. From this one inſtance, it is eaſy to conceive how many ſtories of the like nature, theſe creatures would furniſh, and to which the Italian proverb is very applicable: ſi non é vero, é ben trovato; i. e. if not true, it is well⯑invented.

Having now deſcribed the mode of life that the men lead, we will endeavour to give a general idea of female manners in this country. In Europe, women [354] act parts of great conſequence, and often reign ſove⯑reigns on the world's vaſt theatre. How different in Egypt, where they are bowed down by the fetters of ſlavery, condemned to ſervitude, and have no influ⯑ence in public affairs. The Egyptians never even mention their wives in converſation; or, if obliged to ſpeak of them, they ſay the mother of ſuch a per⯑ſon, the miſtreſs of the houſe, &c. Good manners will not permit the viſitor to aſk; How does your wife do, Sir? But in imitation of their reſerve, it is neceſſary to ſay, How does the mother of ſuch a perſon do? And even this they think an inſult, unleſs aſked by a kinſman, or an intimate friend.

Subject to the immutable laws by which cuſtom governs the Eaſt, the women do not aſſociate with men; not even at table, where the union of ſexes produces mirth and wit, and makes food ſweet. When the great dine with one of their wives, ſhe is pre⯑viouſly informed, prepares the apartment accordingly, perfumes it with precious eſſences, procures the moſt delicate viands, and receives her lord with the utmoſt attention and reſpect. Among the common people, the women uſually ſtand or ſit in the corner of the room, while the huſband dines; often hold the baſon for him to waſh, and ſerve him at table. Cuſtoms like theſe, which the Europeans rightly call barba⯑rous, and exclaim againſt, appear ſo natural here, [355] that they do not ſuſpect it can be otherwiſe elſewhere. Such is the power of habit over man. What has been for ages, he ſuppoſes, a law of nature.

I lately dined with an Italian, ſays Savary, who had married an Egyptian woman, and having lived there long, aſſumed their habits. His wife and ſiſter-in-law ſtood in my preſence; and it was with difficulty I prevailed on them to ſit at table with us, where they were extremely timid and diſconcerted.

The women in Egypt overlook their houſhold, and do not think themſelves debaſed, by preparing them⯑ſelves their own food, and that of their huſbands. Former cuſtoms ſtill ſubſiſting, render their cares duties. Thus, Sarah haſtened to bake cakes upon the hearth, when angels viſited Abraham, who per⯑formed the rights of hoſpitality. Sarah likewiſe, who prepared the dinner for Abraham and his gueſts, ſat not at table, but remained in her tent.

Though thus employed, the Egyptian women have much leiſure, which they ſpend among their ſlaves; embroidering ſaſhes, making veils, tracing deſigns to decorate their ſofas, and in ſpinning. Such Homer painted the women of his time. Labour has alſo its relaxations; pleaſure is not baniſhed the harem. Chearful and paſſionate ſongs are accompanied by the [356] ſlaves, with the tambour de baſque and with caſtanets. Sometimes the almai come to enliven the ſcene with their dances, and affecting recitals, and by relating amorous romances; and, at the cloſe of the day, there is an amorous repaſt, in which exquiſite fruits and perfumes are ſerved with profuſion. Thus do they endeavour to charm away the dulneſs of cap⯑tivity.

Not that they are wholly priſoners; once or twice a week they are permitted to go to the bath, and viſit female relations and friends. To bewail the dead, is likewiſe a duty they are allowed to perform. I have often ſeen diſtracted mothers round Cairo, ſays Savary, reciting funeral hymns, over the tombs they had be⯑ſtrewed with odoriferous plants. Thus, Hecuba and Andromache lamented over the body of Hector; and thus, Fatima and Sophia wept over Mahomet. We will here inſert the complaint of Fatima, the daugh⯑ther of Mahomet; that of Andromache, may be ſeen in the twenty-fourth book of Homer's Iliad.

CHAP. VII. Of the Marriages, Education, and Paternal Authority.

MARRIAGE, among Chriſtians, is a holy rite, and indiſſoluble. Laws, in certain caſes, ſuſ⯑pend, but ſeldom annihilate its effects. Oriental manners, ſo different from Europeans, have obliged legiſlators to render wedlock leſs permanent. The female relations, make matches for the young men. They meet moſt of the maidens of the city at the bath, whom they perfectly deſcribe; and the choice made, the alliance is mentioned to the father of the [370] female, the portion ſpecified; and, if he conſents, they make him preſents. The proceſſion, which is the commencement of the marriage-ceremony, uſually begins in the evening; dancers go before the bride, with their feet tied to ſtilts, and carrying balancing poles; numerous ſlaves diſplay the effects, furniture, and jewels, deſtined to her uſe; troops of dancing girls, keep time with their inſtruments; matrons richly cloathed, walk with a grave pace, and the young bride appears under a magnificent canopy, borne by four ſlaves, ſuſtained by her mother and ſiſters, and en⯑tirely covered by a veil, embroidered with gold, pearls, and diamonds. A long file of flambeaux il⯑lumine the proceſſion; and the almai, in chorus, oc⯑caſionally ſing verſes in praiſe of the bride and bride-groom. I have twenty times beheld ſuch pompous proceſſions, in the ſtreets of Cairo, where the longeſt route is always choſen; they being vain of diſplaying their whole ſplendor on theſe occaſions.

When come to the houſe of her huſband, the women go on the firſt floor, whence they perceive, through the blinds of a gallery, all that paſſes below. The men, who are aſſembled in the hall, do not mix with them, but paſs part of the night in banquetting, and hearing muſic. The almai deſcend, throw off their veils, and diſplay their agility and addreſs; ex⯑hibiting to the ſound of muſic, pantomimes, in which [371] they repreſent the combats of Hymen, the ſtruggles of the bride, and the artifices of love. Having ended, the almai, in chorus, chaunt the epithalamium. Dur⯑ing the ceremony, the bride paſſes ſeveral times before the bridegroom, and always in different dreſſes, to diſplay her wealth and elegance. The gueſts having retired, the huſband enters the nuptial chamber; the veil is removed, and, for the firſt time, he beholds his wife.

Such are the ceremonies of marriage among the Egyptians, which the rich and poor ſcrupulouſly ob⯑ſerve. The daughter of the mechanic, is, in like manner, conducted to her ſpouſe; the only difference conſiſts in the ſurrounding paraphernalia. Inſtead of ſlambeaux, they burn fir, in braziers carried on poles; and the ſtilt dancers, and tambours de baſque, ſupply the want of almai, and muſicians. The poor man's daughter, wanting attendants and canopies, borrows a veil, and marches to the ſound of cymbals, or bits of metal, which her indigent followers ſtrike in time, without tune.

Nearly the ſame ceremonies are obſerved by the Copts; but they have a cuſtom of betrothing young girls, only ſix or ſeven years old, which is done by putting a ring on the finger. They often obtain per⯑miſſion, from her friends, to educate her, till ſhe ar⯑rives [372] at puberty. Divorces, bathing, and marriage proceſſions, are alſo practiſed by the ſchiſmatic chriſ⯑tians; only they can have but one wife at a time.

The firſt care of an Egyptian lady is to educate her children; and a numerous poſterity is their moſt fervent wiſh. This is even the prayer of the poor, who earns his bread by the ſweat of his brow; and did not adoption alleviate grief, when nature is un⯑kind, a barren woman would be inconſolable. The mother daily ſuckles her child, whoſe infant ſmiles, added to frequent pregnancy, recompences all the cares and pains they create. Milk diſeaſes, and thoſe maladies which dry up the juices of the youthful wife, who ſends her offspring to be nurtured by a ſtranger, are here unknown. That mothers ſhould ſuckle their young, is a law as ancient as the world; it is expreſsly ordered by Mahomet. "Let mothers ſuckle their children full two years, if the child does not quit the breaſt; but ſhe ſhall be permitted to wean it with the conſent of her huſband." Ulyſſes, in the Elyſian fields, beholds his mother, his tender mother, there, who had ſed him with her milk, and nurtured him in infancy.

When obliged by circumſtances to take a nurſe, they do not treat her as a ſtranger; ſhe becomes one [373] of the family, and paſſes her days amidſt the children ſhe has ſuckled, by whom ſhe is cheriſhed and ho⯑noured as a ſecond mother.

The harem, is the cradle and ſchool of infancy. The new-born feeble infant is not there ſwaddled, and filleted up in a ſwathe, the ſource of a thouſand diſeaſes. Laid naked on a mat, expoſed in a vaſt chamber to the pure air, he breathes freely; and, with his delicate limbs, ſprawls at pleaſure. The new element in which he is to live, is not entered with pain and tears. Daily bathed beneath his mother's eye, he grows apace; free to act, he tries his coming powers, rolls, crawls, riſes; and, ſhould he fall, can⯑not much hurt himſelf, on the carpet, or mat, which covers the floor.

He is not baniſhed his father's houſe, when ſeven years old, and ſent to college, with the loſs of health and innocence; he does not, it is true, acquire much learning; he, perhaps, can only read and write; but, he is healthy, robuſt, fears God, reſpects old age, has filial piety, and delights in hoſpitality; which virtues, continually practiſed in his family, remain deeply en⯑graven in his heart.

The daughter's education is the ſame. Whalebone and buſks, which martyr European girls, they know [374] not; they run naked, or covered only with a ſhift, till ſix years old; and the dreſs they afterwards wear, confines none of their limbs, but ſuffers the body to take its true form; and nothing is more uncommon than ricketty children, and crooked people.

Hiſtory places the infancy of human nature in the Eaſt; here paternal authority began, and here its rights are ſtill preſerved. A father enjoys all the titles nature beſtows. Each family forms a ſmall ſtate, of which the father is king; the members of it, at⯑tached to him by the ties of blood, acknowledge and ſubmit to his power. The children, educated in the women's apartment, do not come into the hall; eſpe⯑cially when ſtrangers are there. Young people are ſilent in this hall; if men grown, they are allowed to join the converſation: but, when the ſheik, i. e. head of the family, ſpeaks, they ceaſe and attentively liſten; if he enters an aſſembly, all riſe; they give him way in public, and every where ſhew him eſteem and reſpect. In the time of Herodotus, theſe manners ſubſiſted in Egypt; and the deſpotiſm under which it groans, ſerves to preſerve them. A numerous poſ⯑terity, often reſides under the ſame roof; the children, and grand-children, come and pay their common father a daily tribute of veneration and love: the pleaſure of being loved and reſpected, in proportion as age increaſes, makes him forget he grows old; [375] the content of his heart ſparkles in his eyes, and ſecu⯑rity ſmooths the wrinkles of his forehead; he is chear⯑ful and jocular; and, while his youthful deſcendants wear the moſt modeſt garments, he is decked in the gayeſt colours Happy, in the boſom of his family, when on the borders of the grave, he perceives not the approach of death; and reclines to everlaſting reſt, amidſt the embraces of his children. Long do they mourn his loſs, and each week ſtrew his tomb with flowers. The Egyptians have loſt the art of embalming, but not the feelings which gave it birth.

Among poliſhed nations, the ſilver-haired fire is often obliged to be ſilent, in the preſence of haughty youth; or aſſume the manners of a boy, to become ſupportable. In proportion, as the burthen of life is felt, and its pleaſures diminiſh, he beholds himſelf an incumbrance to thoſe who, but for him, had never been. They refuſe him conſolation when he needs it moſt; and the cold hand of age withers his faculties, which the kindly flame of filial love warms not. In ſuch nations, the grey-haired feeling father dies, long before he is carried to the grave. I was impelled, ſays Savary, to draw this parallel, by the affecting ſcenes I here each day witneſs; where the reverend patriarch, with his beard floating on his breaſt, ſmiles in frigid age on his grand-children, who approach [376] him with their careſſes. He beholds four generations, eager to pay him all filial duty; his heart expands, and he delights in life to its laſt moment. Theſe people have, in ignorance, preſerved the ſimplicity of an⯑cient manners; they know not our arts and ſciences, but the ſweeteſt ſenſations of nature, not taught by book, they know, enjoy, and revere.