CENTURY THE FIRST.

WHEN man was ſunk into ignorance and ſuperſtition, and there were ſcarce any re⯑mains of the uncorrupt religion of nature; when the powers of reaſon and philoſophy were either not employed, or their efforts proved ineffectual to recover mankind to the knowledge of the one true God, the maker and governor of the univerſe, and to give them juſt and worthy notions of his perfections and providence, and the worſhip due to him. To reſtore religion to its native purity and luſtre; to ſettle mora⯑lity and the ſocial virtues upon their true and native foundation, and to give divine laws a proper ſanction and influence, the ſupreme God and Father of all, [2]who, at ſundry times, and by divers methods of divine revelation, ſpake unto the fathers by the mouth of his holy prophets, did, in the fulneſs of time, and in the riches of his grace, ſpeak unto us with peculiar authority and excellence by his own Son.

This great event was predicted by many ancient prophecies, and uſhered in with ſeraphic joy; an angel proclaiming his advent with repeated Hallelu⯑jah! Glory to God in the higheſt! on earth, peace and good will towards men!

This event came to paſs in the reign of the emperor Auguſtus, which, with the conſequent fall of heatheniſh idolatry, and the converſion of the Gentiles by the preaching of the goſpel, was as amazing a revolution as ever happened in the world, and is with propriety ſtiled the Chriſtian Aera or Epocha.

When the kingdom of the Meſſiah approached, John the Baptiſt was appointed and ſent by God, to preach and exhort his hearers to repentance, and to forſake every courſe of vice, and thereby to prepare their minds for the reception of that diſpenſation, and the fit ſub⯑jects of that kingdom, in which eternal and immutable righteouſneſs ſhould be chiefly and ultimately recom⯑mended.

And when, in divine wiſdom, our Lord was bap⯑tiſed and entered on his public miniſtry, we find his doctrines ſuitable to the dignity of his character and miſſion, and to the excellent and important end of his coming; of which it may be neceſſary to give a general account.

Jeſus Chriſt, the great author and founder of the Chriſtian faith, not only explained and inculcated the great principles and duties of natural reli⯑gion, Note: Natural re⯑ligion. ſpiritual adoration, purity and inte⯑grity of heart, unblameableneſs of life and converſation: The eſſence of all which he declares to be love intenſely towards God, and extenſively towards men, included in living ſoberly, righteouſly, and [3]godlily. ^* But he lays open, by his public miniſtry, his divine character and miſſion, confirmed by incon⯑teſtable proofs, in order to awaken the attention of mankind, and engage them upon a rational conviction to become his diſciples and followers ^*; in order to which he taught and inſtructed his audience, what were the great principles and duties of his goſpel — repentance towards God, Note: Goſpel doc⯑trines. and faith in him, as the Son of God, and the only mediator between God and man—ſtrictly enjoin⯑ing an unfeigned, impartial, uniform, and perſevering obedience, an entire ſubmiſſion to his laws, as neceſſary to conſtitute us chriſtians, the ſubjects of his kingdom, and entitle us to the privileges and rewards promiſed in his goſpel. This is called, the doctrine according to godlineſs ^§.

Jeſus Chriſt having thus begun to eſtabliſh his king⯑dom, and preſcribe rules to his ſubjects and votaries, in order the better to anſwer the important purpoſes of religion, recommended, and enjoined, their uniting together in communities for public worſhip, and the increaſe of their knowledge and virtue. He likewiſe inſtituted two rites, Note: P [...]ſitive In⯑ſtitutions. commonly called Poſi⯑tive inſtitutions, to be obſerved, viz. baptiſm and the Lord's ſupper; the former as a rite whereby they were publicly to profeſs their diſciple⯑ſhip to him ^‖; the latter, as a memorial of his death ^†, which he was ſhortly to ſubmit to, in obedience to the divine will, for their ſalvation ^‡; and that he ſhould riſe again as the pledge and aſſurance of the reſurrection [4]of all men, and of the infallible accompliſhment of the promiſes of reward, or denunciation of future puniſh⯑ment, which were the ſanction of his goſpel ^‖.

It was Chriſt's appointment, that people ſhould firſt be proſelyted and gained to profeſs themſelves his diſ⯑ciples; Note: Church mem⯑bers. then to be admitted to outward communion; and then were further taught and required, to obſerve all things whatſo⯑ever he had commanded, theſe conſtituted the members of Chriſt's church. And without a ſupplement to the New Teſtament, proof will be wanting, that Jeſus Chriſt hath veſted any with authority to alter or make void his original inſtitution ^*.

And if we examine the writings of the New Teſta⯑ment, we ſhall find that one end and deſign of our Lord, in laying a foundation for thoſe friendly ſocieties, Note: Nature and deſign of the Chriſtian Church. was, that his diſciples being united, and living under the power and influence of his goſpel, might be actuated by a friendly and brotherly af⯑fection, to encourage, ſupport and comfort each other under every difficulty, and, by a good example, to provoke one another to love and to good works.

Another valuable purpoſe intended to be anſwered hereby, was, that thoſe ſocieties might be lights to the world, become public examples of virtue, and thereby recommend the goſpel to more general accep⯑tance. Chriſtian ſocieties are intended to be like a city ſet on a hill, that cannot be hid; that is, they are in⯑tended to be a collection of perſons, who for their plainneſs and ſimplicity, their juſtice, honeſty, and in⯑tegrity; their modeſty, temperance, and ſobriety; their peaceable, and quiet, their loving, friendly, and bene⯑volent behaviour, may be an evidence of the bleſſed effects of the goſpel of Chriſt.

[5]This is indiſputably evident from the general tenour of our Lord's diſcourſe in his excellent ſermon on the mount; Note: True Nature of faith in Chriſt. and from thence we find what our Lord means, by believing in him; not a bare aſſent to the truth of this propo⯑ſition, that Jeſus is the Chriſt; but he means by it, the attending to that meſſage which he was ſent to deliver to the world, and the conforming our minds and lives according to it: and having thus ſhewn what temper and behaviour his diſciples and followers ought to put on, he repreſents to them the mighty conſequence of ſuch temper and actions. Mat. vii. 21, 22, 23. Not every one that ſaith unto me, Lord! Lord! ſhall enter into the kingdom of heaven; but he that doth the will of my Father, which is in Heaven. And our Lord, ver. 24, 25, ſays, Therefore, whoever heareth theſe ſayings of mine, and doth them, I will liken him to a wiſe man who built his houſe upon a rock; hereby intimating, that it was the Chriſtians beſt ſecurity in times of trial, not merely profeſſing Chriſt, or giving him the higheſt appellation, nor even propheſying in his name, would recommend them to the rewards pro⯑miſed in his goſpel, without a temper of mind and courſe of life conformable thereto.

To believe in, and ſubmit to be governed by the laws of Chriſt, are what denominate a Chriſtian, and contract the relation betwixt him and them, and which conſtitute him the head, and they the members of his body; ſo that Chriſtians, as Chriſtians, have no other head, that is, they have no other authoritative power or governor over them, but their one common head or governor, viz. Chriſt Jeſus, our Lord; they have no other law, conſidered as chriſtians, but the laws of Chriſt to direct their behaviour by.

From hence we ſee what is to be underſtood by the term univerſal or catholic church, Note: Catholic Church defined. viz. that it includes all thoſe who, through⯑out the face of the whole earth, profeſs faith in [6]Chriſt, and acknowledge him to be head and lord of all, and ſubmit to him as ſuch ^‡. Thus Irenaeus ſpeaks of the church diſperſed throughout the whole world.

The church of Chriſt, or the kingdom of Chriſt, is the number of men, whether ſmall or great, whether diſperſed or united, who truly and ſincerely are ſubjects to Jeſus Chriſt alone, as their lawgiver and judge, in matters relating to the favour of God, and their eternal ſalvation ^†. From hence it is plain wherein the unity of faith, at this time, did conſiſt. Not in an uniformity of rites and cuſtoms, in which the eaſtern and weſtern churches greatly differed; but in an harmonious aſſent to the eſſential and fundamental doctrines ^‖.

Chriſt is therefore repreſented as the Chriſtian's patern, an excellent and worthy example of every good word and work. Note: Chriſt the Chriſtian's Patern. Chriſt preached his own life, and lived his own doctrine, and thereby he was at once a ſtanding monument of the practicableneſs of virtue, and of the preſent peace and happineſs that flows from it; in him we have an example of a quiet and peaceable ſpirit of modeſty and uprightneſs, of benevolence and charity towards men, and of devotion and piety towards God, in which, ſo far as his diſciples are careful to imitate their lord and maſter, they would recommend his doctrines to the world.

Chriſt did not lay a foundation by his doctrine, or encourage by his example, that, among his Diſciples and followers, ſome ſhould be ſingled out from their brethren, to be poſſeſſed of great revenues, live in ſtately palaces, wallow in luxury and eaſe, and lord it over thoſe by whoſe labours they are maintained; placed on thrones, or garniſhed ſtalls, and ſeats of honour, aſſuming and exerciſing dominion over their [7]brethren; and that others ſhould be ſubject to them, bow down to them, and call them Rabbi! Rabbi! as though they were inveſted with divine authority and in⯑fallibility, that, on the contrary, he has ſtrictly forbid it, Matt. xx. 25, 26, 27, 28. But Jeſus called them (viz. his diſciples) unto him, and ſaid, Ye know that the princes of the Gentiles exerciſe dominion over them, and they that are great exerciſe authority upon them; but it ſhall not be ſo among you; but whoſoever will be great among you, let him be your miniſter, and whoſoever will be chief among you, let him be your ſervant; even as the Son of Man came not to be miniſtered unto, but to miniſter, chap. xxiii. 8, 9, 10. But be not ye called Rabbi; for one is your maſter, even Chriſt; and all ye are brethren. And call no man your fa⯑ther, upon the earth; for one is your father, which is in heaven: neither be ye called maſter, for one is your maſter, even Chriſt ^*.

As Chriſt propoſed his own example for his follow⯑ers to imitate; ſo, in a particular and ſpecial manner, he recommended humility, and gave them an example of his own great condeſcenſion, in performing the meaneſt office to his diſciples, in the inſtance of waſhing their feet, which is related at large, and with the plaineſt injunction to his diſciples, to go and do likewiſe, John xiii. 4, 5, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16.

But as our Lord foreſaw, from the moſt probable circumſtances, that there would be ſome difference of ſen⯑timent, ſome whoſe principles and conduct would con⯑tradict the genuine ſimplicity of his goſpel, Note: Perſecution unchriſtian. he left ſome farther directions, by which his diſciples ſhould regulate their conduct to⯑wards each other, under thoſe circumſtances; and in the ſtrongeſt terms recommends love to one another, as the criterion, or characteriſtic of their diſcipleſhip to him, John xiii. 35. and forbids raſh judging and cen⯑ſuring [8]one another, as inconſiſtent with that character, and enjoins them to be at peace among themſelves, as they had profeſſed to acknowledge but one maſter, and to be united by that profeſſion as brethren, Matt. vii. 1. Mark ix. 5. and Matt. xxiii. 8.

And as if our Lord had particularly intended to guard all thoſe who called themſelves his diſciples, againſt perſecution for conſcience ſake, and of deſtroying mens lives under the pretence of promoting the cauſe and in⯑tereſt of his goſpel, he ſtrictly commands that the tares and the wheat grow together till the harveſt.

Jeſus Chriſt hath likewiſe given Chriſtian ſocieties ſome cautions and directions, with reſpect to their de⯑votions, Matt. vi. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12. But when ye pray, uſe not vain repetitions, as the heathens do, Note: Preſcribed prayer.for they think they ſhall be heard for their much ſpeaking; be not ye therefore like unto them; for your Father knoweth what things ye have need of before ye aſk him. After this manner therefore, pray ye. Our Father which art in heaven, &c. Whe⯑ther we conſider this as a form of prayer, or only as a guide and a direction to Chriſtian ſocieties, with re⯑ſpect to the object and the ſubject of their prayers; the diſpoſitions and qualifications of the perſons pray⯑ing, and the grounds of their acceptance with God, it comes to the ſame, becauſe the ſame uſeful inſtruc⯑tions are held forth in either caſe. Here Chriſtians are taught to direct their prayers to God the Father, whoſe paternal kindneſs diſpoſes him to do more abundantly for his dutiful children than they can aſk or think.— Another encouraging motive to prayer, which our Lord gave to his diſciples, was, that they ſhould aſk the Father in his name, John xvi. 23. Whatſoever ye ſhall aſk the Father in my name, he will give it you; here⯑by aſſuring them that God the Father had dignified his own Son, Note: Chriſt the alone mediator. by the acceptance of him, as the alone mediator between himſelf and his creatures.

[9]Another encouraging motive which our Lord gave to his profeſſed diſciples, was the promiſe of divine aſſiſtance, in aid to the weakneſs of human nature, to co-operate with their ſincere endeavours after virtue. I will pray the Father, ſays our Lord, and he will give you another comforter, which will abide with you for ever, John xiv. 15, 16, 17 ^*.

Thus we ſee the foundation of the Chriſtian church, as it was laid by Jeſus Chriſt himſelf: what were the qualifications requiſite to conſtitute the members of it; what were the ends to be propoſed and anſwered by ſuch ſocieties; and what were the benefits that would ariſe from thence; namely, that his voluntary and faithful perſevering followers, ſhould enter into the kingdom of heaven, and enjoy eternal life.

And that the goſpel might be preached to all na⯑tions, and that the Gentiles, as well as the Jews, might be brought under its influence, and conſequently might ſhare in its benefits, Note: The apoſtles commiſſioned. Chriſt choſe twelve men, (of which one proved a traitor to him, and to fill up whoſe place Matthias was choſen) to be with him in his preaching and miniſtry among the Jews, to be witneſſes of what he both taught and did, and whom he intended to appoint and qualify to preach the ſame goſpel to the reſt of mankind. And accordingly Chriſt, after he was put to death by the Jews and Romans, roſe again from the dead, on purpoſe that he might ſtrictly charge and command, and that he might excite and enable theſe his apoſtles to preach his goſpel as aforeſaid, and thereby purſue the great end and purpoſe of his coming. Luke xxiv. 26, 27, 28, 29. Thus it is written, and thus it behoved Chriſt to ſuffer, and ariſe from the dead the third day, and that repentance and remiſſion of ſins ſhould be preached in his name among [10]all nations, beginning at Jeruſalem. And ye are witneſſes of theſe things; and behold I ſend the promiſe of my Father unto you, but tarry ye in the city of Jeruſalem until ye ſhall be endued with power from on high. This promiſe of the Father, or the enduing them with power from on high, was made good to them at the feaſt of Pentecoſt. Matt. xxviii. 18, 19. And Jeſus came and ſpake unto them, ſaying, All power is given unto me in heaven and in earth: go ye therefore and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoſt. To the perſons before-mentioned were afterwards added two more, viz. Paul and Barnabas, that in the exerciſe of their miniſtry, up and down the world, theſe fourteen apoſtles might offer to all, without diſtinction, the goſpel of Chriſt, and by their preaching and example encourage others voluntarily to become Chriſtians.

The publication of the goſpel being ordained as the means to call, and engage, and prevail with ſinners, in conſideration of the proofs thereby given, and the be⯑nefits therein offered, to believe in Chriſt as the promiſed Meſſiah, and to take him with their whole hearts to be their ſole teacher, lawgiver, and judge; to make open pro⯑feſſion of that faith and ſelf-dedication to him, and to love unfeignedly all his diſciples, as they would be the members of Chriſt's church or kingdom: ^* the banner of a Chriſtian is not the picture of a croſs hung upon a pole, or made upon his forehead; but it is a virtuous and unblameable converſation, or a mind and life con⯑formed to the goſpel of Chriſt.

And accordingly we find that, purſuant to the com⯑miſſion which our Lord gave to the apoſtles, ſaying, As my Father hath ſent me, ſo ſend I you, (which, by the way, ſhews the extent of the apoſtolic commiſſion) they went forth to different parts to eſtabliſh the kingdom of the Meſſiah, and to preach the goſpel to all, whether Jews or Gentiles, whether Barbarian, Scythian, bond or free. Thus St. Andrew principally preached the goſpel [11]in Scythia, St. Bartholomew in India, St. Matthew in Parthia, St. John in the Leſſer Aſia, &c ^§.

It may here be proper, though it may ſeem a di⯑greſſion, to take notice of the peculiar as well as ſuper⯑natural qualifications of the apoſtles to their ſpecial of⯑fice and dignity; for beſides their extraordinary call and commiſſion, of which we have already taken notice, theſe were more eſpecially ſtiled the ambaſſadors of God to men, for which they were qualified by the communi⯑cation of ſpiritual gifts, and of miraculous powers. They had, indeed, ſeen our Lord, and were ſufficiently qualified to be witneſſes of the truth and reality of his reſurrection from the dead, upon which grand fact they were to found the evidence of the Chriſtian doctrines, which they had, in great meaſure, learnt from him, as eye and ear witneſſes of his doctrines, life, and miracles. But beſides this, they had the effuſion of the ſpirit, whereby they were qualified to preach the goſpel in the different parts of the world, and to work miracles in atteſtation of their miſſion and doctrine. Theſe ſpiritual gifts and powers are mentioned, 1 Cor. xii. 8, 9, 10, 28, 29, 30. To them was committed, by the ſame ſpirit, the word of wiſdom—the word of knowledge— the gift of diſcerning ſpirits ^*—and in conſequence of this, of binding or looſing, remitting or retaining the ſins of men ^† — They had alſo the gift of prophecy — [12]—the gift of tongues—the gift of interpretation of tongues, and the gift of fortitude is generally reckoned with the former. By theſe, and the like ſupernatural gifts, with which they were indued, by the effuſion of the ſpirit, on the day of Pentecoſt, or communicated to them ſometimes inſtantaneouſly, they were enabled to give ſuch proofs of their miſſion and doctrine, as might tend to the furtherance of the goſpel.

Thus St. Peter and St. John cured a man who was forty years old, and had been lame from his birth, Acts ii.4. And St. Peter raiſed Dorcas from the dead, and St. Paul raiſed Eutychus, which power did not extend to other apoſtles.

And we no where find, that this power was inherent in, or capable of being wantonly exerted by them; but abſolutely dependent on the power and pleaſure of the Supreme Giver.

[13]It is likewiſe obſervable that, though purſuant to our Lord's promiſe, infinite wiſdom ſaw fit to add ſuperna⯑tural qualifications, for the great ends and purpoſes of their office, beſides the privilege of being cotemporaries with Chriſt, and learning from him the great doctrines and duties of the Chriſtian religion; yet our Lord cautions his apoſtles againſt an abſolute dependence on ſuch ex⯑traordinary communications. Behold, ſays he, I ſend you forth as ſheep among wolves; be ye therefore wiſe as ſerpents and harmleſs as doves, intimating that, notwith⯑ſtanding their ſpecial call and commiſſion, and the ex⯑traordinary aſſiſtance they ſhould receive, they were, nevertheleſs, to remember they were dependent on the divine energies, and had no claim to infallibility, as they were men, and ſhould therefore conduct themſelves with care, prudence, and circumſpection.

One of the moſt diſtinguiſhing miraculous powers communicated to the apoſtles, was the ability of con⯑ferring on others ſome ſpiritual gifts; and it has been often aſſerted, that they did this to ſome of the adult converts wherever they came; though what particular gifts or powers thoſe converts ſhould receive, in conſe⯑quence of their prayer and impoſition of their hands, was not ſolely at their choice, but dependent on the will and direction of the Divine Spirit, who knew beſt what was proper, both for particular perſons, and for the common intereſt of Chriſtianity ^†. This extraordi⯑nary manifeſtation of the ſpirit, which attended the public miniſtration of the goſpel, is ſometimes repre⯑ſented as a plenteous and viſible effuſion of the divine ſpirit ^*, and at other times, in a leſſer degree, conferred by the laying on of the hands of the apoſtles. Theſe peculiar and extraordinary gifts and powers of the apoſtles, plainly ſhew how well qualified they were for their important undertaking, by demoliſhing the falſe religion, which had ſo long prevailed in the world, and eſtabliſhing the principles of Chriſtianity with all its [14]genuine effects, knowledge, righteouſneſs, and happi⯑neſs, in the world.

The learned are indeed much divided with reſpect to the miraculous powers reſiding in the apoſtles, and communicated by them to their ſucceſſors, or ſubſiſting in the Chriſtian church ſince their time. Theſe are points I ſhall not attempt to determine, but refer the readers to ſome of the moſt learned and judicious wri⯑ters on the ſubject ^†.

The apoſtles, in conſequence of their office and com⯑miſſion, were likewiſe to erect or eſtabliſh churches in every place; and to appoint paſtors or elders, Note: Particular Churches eſtabliſhed. whoſe office and buſineſs it ſhould be to watch over the particular ſocieties of Chriſtians for their good, by teaching and inſtructing, by reproving and admoniſhing, and by performing every good office for the eſtabliſhing of their faith and virtue, and it was their method to conſtitute the firſt or ableſt converts, in every city or place, to that office ^*, by and with the conſent of that ſociety.

And the Apoſtles, we are informed, were not only indefatigable, but very ſucceſsful in their apoſtolical office, planting the churches of Jeruſalem, of Samaria, Caeſarea, Antioch, Philipi, Theſſalonica, Berea, Co⯑rinth, Epheſus, Coloſſe, Troas, Ptolemais, Damaſcus, beſides many others in Aſia, as Smyrna, Pergamus, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, Laodicea, &c ^‖.

[15]

[16]Each of theſe comes under the denomination of a particular church, that is of a company of believers at one time, and at the ſame place, aſſociating themſelves together, and concurring in the participation of all the inſtitutions and ordinances of Jeſus Chriſt, with their proper paſtors or miniſters ^§.

At firſt the numbers in ſuch churches were very few: Tertullian ſays, that three were ſufficient to make a church; probably in alluſion to our Lord's promiſe, that where two or three were gathered together in his name, he would be in the midſt of them. Their number, how⯑ever, was indefinite, but their character is that of the elect, called and ſanctified by the will of God. They were firſt called Chriſtians at Antioch, and, in innumer⯑able places, they are called the brethren, becauſe of their brotherly love and affection; and the faithful, in oppoſi⯑tion to thoſe who did not believe in the Lord Jeſus, or his goſpel ^†.

CENTURY THE SECOND.

Century the ſecond affords us ſome inſtances, in which the church of Rome varied from her primitive ſtate ^*.

[28]The union of different churches in ſucceeding times, however ſalutary in itſelf, was attended with many abuſes, eſpecially the union of thoſe churches which had before, either by their ſituation, or by new congrega⯑tions, been connected, furniſhed a ſpacious opportunity for one church to acquire more authority than others; and this was chiefly the caſe of thoſe churches, as were moſt conſiderable in number, or could claim apoſto [...] foundation, or in the capital of a province.

All theſe circumſtances contributed to raiſe the credit and dignity of the church of Rome: her biſhop gradually diſtinguiſhed himſelf more and more from the [...]. We meet with encomiums upon that church ſo early as in the ſecond century: but theſe, by no means, prove that other churches ſubmitted to her; the contrary ma⯑nifeſtly appears from the inſtances of the Aſiatic churches in that early diſpute, concerning the fitneſs, expediency, and duty of obſerving Eaſter, commonly called the celebration of Eaſter ^*.

The firſt conſiderable invaſion on the church liberties was made by Victor, biſhop of Rome, about the year 195, relating to the time of celebrating Eaſter day. The Chriſtians of Aſia the Leſs kept it on the 14 day after the firſt new moon that followed the vernal equinox, on what day ſoever it happened. On the contrary, the churches of Rome, France, Corinth, &c. held, that Eaſter day ought always to be on a Sunday. Victor, who could not eaſily decide the controverſy, without more a-do excommunicated all the Chriſtian churches of Aſia—at leaſt ſo far as to withdraw from, and refuſe communion, with the Aſiatic churches on that account, according to Euſebius, to whom we refer the reader.

[29]The office of a biſhop was now held ſuperior to that of Preſbyters; but it is not demonſtrable, that the biſhops of Rome had titles of honour ſuperior to other biſhops, or a right to controul the conduct of other churches ^†

The late biſhop Hoadly ⁵² ſays, We think we can demonſtrate, that in the primitive times, the adminiſtration of eccleſiaſtical affairs was in the hands of biſhops, who had preſbyters ſubject to them, that as the apoſtles maintained a ſuperiority over the preſbyters of the churches they conſtituted, ſo, upon occaſion of their abſence, they ſettled others in this ſuperiority; that as theſe, thus ſucceed⯑ing the apoſtles, had the power of ordination committed to them, ſo their ſucceſſors, in the following ages, claimed this power as their right, and looked upon ordination to be their office in the regular courſe of things.

Bingham ⁵³ treats more largely of the antiquity, authority, and dignity of epiſcopacy, their honorary titles, and venerable character.

[30]Again the perſonal characters of the biſhops and fathers in this century, give them no ſuperiority or advantage over other churches, or their ſucceſſors, ſince it is ap⯑parent they were leſs learned and more credulous, and in many reſpects more defective, than ſome of later time; for there was never any period of time in all eccleſiaſtical hiſtory, in which ſo many rank hereſies were publickly profeſſed, nor in which ſo many ſpurious books were publiſhed under the names of Chriſt and his apoſtles, and apoſtolic writers ^*.

However, a variety of opinions prevailed in this century, Note: Apoſtles creed firſt intro⯑duced. inſomuch that the biſhops began to compoſe formularies or creeds for their reſpective churches, or in oppoſition to ſome principal errors; and this ſeems to be the earlieſt period when part of what is called the apoſtles creed was introduced ^§

Mr. Whiſton aſſerts, that the Euſebian or Arian doctrine was, for the main, the doctrine of the church for the two firſt centuries ⁵⁹. This doctrine was differently underſtood and repreſented at that time by Alexander; and, in like manner, the doctrine of Alex⯑ander miſrepreſented by Arius. Arius expreſsly aſſerts, in a letter to Euſebius, his intimate friend, "This is what we have and do profeſs, that the Son is not unbegotten, nor in any manner a part of the unbegotten God, nor from any part of the material world; but that, by the will and council of the Father, he exiſted before all time and ages, perfect God, the Only-begotten and Unchangeable; and that, therefore, before he was begotten or formed, he was not; but that there never was a time when he was not ⁶⁰.

[31]A ſuperſtitious veneration for utenſils and veſſels be⯑longing to the church took place, ſo that none but the ⁶¹ [32]prieſts were permitted to handle them ^*. Laws were made for faſting on particular days, and followed with many ſuperſtitious obſervances ^†. Great controverſies aroſe about the lawfulneſs of baptizing infants, which have ever ſince continued a diſpute in the Chriſtian church ^‡. Others were for limiting baptiſm to the time of Eaſter and Whitſuntide, while others held that all times were alike ^§. Others practiſed a trine im⯑merſion, and Tertullian mentions it as a common prac⯑tice ^‖. But others immerſed the body only once, and adult believers made up the main body of the baptized ^†. Baptiſm was then accompanied with the impoſition of hands, which was looked upon as the completion of baptiſm, generally performed by a trine immerſion of the Catechumen, at the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghoſt ^*.

The third perſecution of the Chriſtians, under Tra⯑jan the emperor, commenced A. D. 107. The fourth began under the emperor Adrian, 125; the fifth un⯑der Marcus Aurelius, A. C. 160.

CENTURY THE THIRD.

In the third century the biſhops exalted themſelves highly above other paſtors, and drew many dangerous conſequences from the doctrine of one catholic church. Some biſhops even claimed a ſuperiority to others, but [33]they were at the ſame time jealous of each other, and the doctrine of the equality of biſhops admitted of no ſupe⯑riority ^§; they conſidered the biſhop of Rome as one of their brethren, and were offended at Stephen for pre⯑tending to preſcribe laws to them, though they will⯑ingly allowed the Roman church to be one of the prin⯑cipal.

It is therefore impoſſible that the other biſhops ſhould acknowledge him as their judge. Advice given in friendſhip and confidence implies no juriſdiction. It is admitted, however, that in the third century, a more immediate foundation was laid for that authority and pre-eminence which was afterwards aſſumed; but that neither the biſhops of Rome pretended to be infallible, nor others thought them ſo, is the more clear and de⯑monſtrable: they themſelves giving proof of the con⯑trary, both by their example, and by the ſtreſs they laid on councils.

The church of Rome conſiſted at firſt of teachers and hearers; the firſt were either elders or deacons, but ſo early as this century their offices were greatly in⯑creaſed, viz. biſhops, preſbyters, deacons, ſub-deacons, acolothiſt, readers, &c. but no mention was then made of the office or privilege of cardinals. In the moſt im⯑portant concerns, the aſſent of the people was required, and the uſual circular letters were ſent to them ^‡.

The biſhop uſually obtained his office by election, in which the laity alſo voted. The impoſition of hands was occaſionally performed by biſhops in different places, of whom ſome attended on that occaſion.

The prieſts, deacons, and other clergy, ſays father Paul, were alſo preſented by the people, and ordained by the biſhop; or elſe nominated by the biſhop, and, with the conſent of the people, ordained by him. No perſon that was unknown was admitted, nor did the biſhop ordain any but ſuch as were approved, or indeed [34]propoſed by the people, whoſe concurrence was thought ſo neceſſary, that the Pope St. Leo, as he was ſirnamed, proves at large the invalidity of a biſhop's ordination without. In this all the fathers of the church in thoſe times agree; and Conſtance, being choſen biſhop of Milan by the clergy, St. Gregory thought he could not be conſecrated without the conſent of the inhabitants, who being at that time retired to Genoa to avoid the ra⯑vages of the barbarous nations, a meſſage was ſent to them at his inſtance, to know their pleaſure concerning it ^‖. Hiſtorians differ in characteriſing the Chriſtians at this time. St. Cyprian, in his account of the ſtate of the church juſt before the Decian perſecution, about the year 250, tells us, that the body of Chriſtians chiefly aimed at increaſing their patrimony; that there was no ſound faith or true devotion in the prieſt, no benevolence in their works, no diſcipline in their manners; that it was common to contract marriage with unbelievers, and that Chriſtians were proſtituted to the Gentiles; that bi⯑ſhops, neglecting their divine ſtewardſhip, and the re⯑lief of the neceſſitous brethren in the church, became ſtewards in ſecular affairs, and in conſequence many errors and irregularities prevailed ^‡. The learned have reckoned ninety different hereſies, which all ſprang up within the three firſt centuries ^§.

But, perhaps, theſe accounts will be thought par⯑tial, and unfavourable to the ſtate of religion at the cloſe of this century, when the chriſtian church is ſo ge⯑nerally repreſented as retaining her primeval purity till after this period. I ſhall therefore give an abſtract from Dupin's Hiſtory of the Church:

He ſays, that "the fathers of the church to this time taught, that the principles of faith were the holy ſcrip⯑tures and tradition; that myſteries were to be believed, though they could not be comprehended; they ſpoke of [35]the nature of God, and his attributes, in a moſt excel⯑lent manner; they oppoſed, with great ſucceſs, the falſe divinities of the heathens, and the errors of thoſe who admitted of more gods than one; but they owned the Trinity of three perſons in one only God; acknow⯑ledged the divinity and eternity of the Word, and of the Holy Ghoſt, and in general all the articles of the apoſtles creed ^*."

There are extant ſome creeds or ſummaries of the Chriſtian faith, drawn up at the cloſe of this century, intended for the unity of faith in particular churches, as thoſe of Jeruſalem, Caeſarea, Antioch, Alexandria, and Rome; by comparing which together, the reader will perceive how the unity of the faith was preſerved, with a diverſity of expreſſion; and is an evident proof, that one univerſal form had not been pitched upon and preſcribed to the whole church: every biſhop was at liberty to draw up a creed for the uſe of his own church, only keeping to the analogy of faith and ſound doc⯑trine ^‡.

Sir Peter King gives us the following account of the worſhip and ceremonies of the primitive church, viz. that they began their ſervice with reading the ſcriptures. Then every one ſang a hymn or pſalm out of the Bible, or of their own compoſing—that they ſometimes ſang alternately, and ſometimes conjointly. Then began their ſermon by way of expoſition of the leſſon and exhortation, generally by the biſhop of the pariſh. Afterwards all the congregation roſe up to prayers, which were offered through Chriſt. They uſed the Lord's prayer at the beginning of their devotions; yet they did not uſe that only, but ſuch other ſupplications to God, as the variety of their circumſtances required. They uſually prayed ſtanding with their hands and eyes lifted up to heaven, the miniſter exerciſing his gifts in ſuitable matter and apt expreſſion. Baptiſm, [36]he ſays, was performed by the biſhop or paſtor of the reſpective pariſh to Catechumens, who had given a firm aſſent to the articles of the Chriſtian faith, and likewiſe ſome proof of their reſolution to lead a good life. He alſo admits, that infants were baptiſed in this century, and immediately received the ſacrament; that this was generally called the Lord's ſupper, which was eating bread and drinking wine, firſt ſet apart by prayer and thankſgiving, in commemoration of Jeſus Chriſt. They partook of it, ſays Socrates, in a table geſture, eating as at their love-feaſts ^*.

Pliny the younger, the heathen, confeſſes to the emperor Trajan, that the cauſe of the Chriſtians was a matter worthy of deliberation, by reaſon of their number and character—that they uſually, on their ſo⯑lemn days, met together before ſun-riſing, and ſang hymns to God and Chriſt, whom they worſhipped, and obliged themſelves, by an oath, not to commit any wickedneſs ^†.

Mr. Cave gives us a large and moſt amiable account of the primitive Chriſtians: he ſays, their piety was active and zealous: afflicted innocence triumphant, their patience unconquerable under the greateſt trials and perſecutions: in ſhort, down to this period we ſhall ſee the divine and holy precepts drawn into action, and the moſt excellent ſpirit of the goſpel breathing in the hearts and lives of thoſe primitive Chriſtians ^‡.

Nevertheleſs, they were greatly perſecuted, inſomuch that ſome were put to cruel deaths, and others driven from their habitations. That called the ſixth perſe⯑cution of the Chriſtians commenced under Septimus Severus, A. D. 202. The ſeventh perſecution began in the reign of Maximus Severus, A. D. 235. The eighth in the reign of Decius, A. D. 250. The ninth [37]under Gallineus and Valerianus, A. D. 257 ^§. But, about the cloſe of this century, there was a dreadful famine in the eaſtern part of the empire, where Max⯑iminus reigned, and a fore plague, which affected the ſight of perſons; upon which the Chriſtians could not help obſerving, that Maximinus had inflicted the pu⯑niſhment of depriving ſome Chriſtians of their eyes; but that nevertheleſs they ſignalized themſelves for their piety and charity towards all perſons in this public calamity, and forced even the pagan adverſaries to admire and commend their behaviour ^†.

CENTURY THE FOURTH.

The fourth century furniſhes us with many tranſ⯑actions of an intereſting nature. Though hitherto Chriſtianity appears to have been propagated with tole⯑table ſimplicity, and the Chriſtian church retained much of its primeval purity, eſpecially with reſpect to manners, and in a great regard for the ſcriptures, the canon of which was ſettled about this time; and by theſe means the darkneſs of paganiſm was in a good meaſure baniſhed from a great part of the known world. We are nevertheleſs informed, that "ſoon after, the Chriſtian world fell into endleſs ſchiſms and contentions, and had deſtroyed, in great meaſure, that peace, love and charity, which the goſpel was intended to promote; and, inſtead thereof, provoked one another to malice. They loſt, in a great degree, the ſubſtance of their religion, while they eagerly con⯑tended for their own imaginations concerning it; and that by this means many of the ſuperſtitions and cor⯑ruptions we now complain of in the church of Rome, were not only broached but eſtabliſhed ^*."

For more than three hundred years Chriſtianity lived and flouriſhed under diſcouragement and frequent [36] [...] [37] [...] [38]perſecution. After the Roman empire became Chriſtian it was greatly corrupted, till the empire fell, and made way for the dominion and grandeur of the biſhop of Rome, under whom the corruption aroſe to an amazing height, and true Chriſtianity was almoſt loſt for ſeveral ages ^†.

Early in this century, in which the fathers Cyril, Baſil, Gregory, and Ambroſe, flouriſhed, was inſti⯑tuted the monaſtic life; but, notwithſtanding this in⯑ſtitution, and the pretence of ſanctity to countenance it, the love of power and riches appears from the conſequences to be predominant, or that it was at beſt founded in ſuperſtition.

From this time the church became modelled by aſ⯑ſuming prieſts; the divines attempted to explain the myſteries of religion by the rules of logic, and impoſing articles of faith by authority, rather than convincing by argument.

In this century, the popes of Rome laid the found⯑ation of that monarchical power and grandeur to which they afterwards roſe.

One of the firſt and moſt eſſential ſteps was the erection of the dignity of patriarch, afterwards con⯑firmed by the Nicene council; and thus the hierarchy or government of the church became modelled; ac⯑cording to the conſtitution of the Roman empire. This being the deſign of their meaſures, another funda⯑mental principle was added to it, viz. that the prece⯑dence and authority of biſhops over others, ſhould be determined by the rank of the cities where they re⯑ſided; and of conſequence, in proceſs of time, as it could be effected, the biſhop of Rome muſt have the ſupremacy; and this was managed with ſo much art, as to be confirmed in the next council, without ap⯑pearing to have previouſly made a point of it ^§.

[39]Conſtantine, who, for his gallant acts, was ſurnamed the Great, was the firſt emperor that declared himſelf a Chriſtian, A. D. 312, and conſtituted the croſs his banner: he reſtored peace and tranquillity to the Chriſtians, he built many noble churches and oratories, wherein he ſuffered no Gentile altars or images to be placed, nor any heatheniſh feſtivals to be ſolemnized ^§. He alſo wrote a large pathetic epiſtle to the provincial governors of the eaſt; where, with great wiſdom and piety, he exhorts all his ſubjects to embrace Chriſti⯑anity: but, when he had uſed many gentle methods to reclaim the Gentile world, he proceeded by more ſevere methods to quell the pagan idolatry; unco⯑vered their temples, and expoſed their idols; and at the ſame time took great care, that biſhops or paſtors were ſettled every where in the Chriſtian churches. Though this great prince was not baptiſed till a little before his death, which was May 22, A. D. 338.'

But when the church, under Conſtantine and his ſucceſſors, enjoyed the protection of the civil powers, the Chriſtians compared their preſent with their paſt condition, and called to mind the ſufferings of their predeceſſors, and the patience and fortitude which they had exerted, particularly in the laſt and ſevereſt perſecution. Theſe conſiderations raiſed in them an high, and indeed, in ſome meaſure, a juſt veneration for the martyrs. But it did not ſtop here, it ran into exceſs, and produced bad effects. Every rumour concerning the behaviour of thoſe ſaints was received without examination, and repreſented as meritorious, inſomuch that certain monks found their account in going about, under the pretence of ſelling their bones and reliques.

The fathers of thoſe times, as Athanaſius, Gregory, Nazianzen, but particularly Chryſoſtom, with his popular eloquence, contributed to the utmoſt of their power to encourage the ſuperſtitious veneration and [40]invocation of ſaints, the love of monkery, and the belief of miracles, wrought by monks and reliques. Some of thoſe fathers, particularly Gregory, were in other reſpects valuable men: but this was the diſtem⯑per of thoſe times, and they were not free from it ^‡.

Thence aroſe religious addreſſes to the martyrs, who were conſidered as patrons and interceſſors, which tended to leſſen the reliance and gratitude due to Chriſt, and to ſubſtitute new expedients in the room of rational piety and ſtrict morality.

Some inſtances during Conſtantine's reign are an unde⯑niable proof where the government of the church was veſted, and how the biſhops of Rome were eſteemed as to their authority in thoſe days.

When Donatus ſtood condemned as a heretic by the churches of Afric, Conſtantine left him not to be judged by the biſhop of Rome, at that time Miltiades, but appointed the biſhops of Colen, Anthun, and Arles, to hear his cauſe; who not agreeing, he joined with them the ſaid Miltiades; and after that, upon an appeal from their order, the emperor heard and deter⯑mined it himſelf, pronouncing the biſhop of Carthage innocent, and his adverſaries deſerving cenſure ^‖.

The ſentiments of Arius, commonly called the Arian hereſy, (which we have before explained) began to prevail. Alexander, biſhop of Alexandria, oppoſed himſelf againſt him, and ſent epiſtles to all the churches, and among the reſt to Rome; but, without waiting for advice from them, excommunicated Arius. This kindling a great fire, Conſtantine was applied to, and the famous council of Nice was aſſembled by the im⯑mediate command or precept of Conſtantine; and by this and other inſtances it appears by whoſe au⯑thority councils were convened, at that time, and for ſome hundreds of years afterwards, but, if you aſk Bellarmine, he ſays only by the pope, [41]not by the emperor, unleſs his holineſs firſt approve of it ^§. And when this council were convened, obſerve their ſtile, viz. "We, here aſſembled by the grace of God and favour of Conſtantine our prince, beloved of God ^*". When this council was called by the ſole order of Conſtantine, he alſo ſat amongſt them as preſident; the biſhop of Rome was not there, but ſent two depu⯑ties, ſtiled preſbyters. But ſo far was he, by his depu⯑ties, chief there, that the firſt biſhop, who opened the matter and gave his opinion, was Euſtathius biſhop of Antioch; and in the ſixth canon of that council for ranking and ordering of biſhops in their places, no mention is made of the pre-eminence of Rome to any other city, but this general phraſe uſed, That every church ſhall retain her due honour ^†.

The number of biſhops in this council were 318, be⯑ſides vaſt numbers of preſbyters, deacons, acolothiſts, &c. Euſebius tells us, that ſome came to the council with worldly views of gain; and Theodoret, that others were ſubtle and crafty, and of a quarrelſome, malicious temper, which appeared immediately upon the opening of the council; for, notwithſtanding the emperor was preſent, who admoniſhed them to lay aſide all their dif⯑ferences, and to enter into meaſures of union and peace, they fell to groſs reflections on each other, and raiſed great diſturbances, inſomuch that he was obliged to in⯑terpoſe his authority, and with much perſuaſion ſilenced them.

When the emperor had brought them to ſome tem⯑per, they fell in good earneſt to creed-making, and drew up and ſubſcribed that which, from the place where they were aſſembled, was called the Nicene ^‖. [42]By the accounts of the tranſactions in this aſſembly, given by Athanaſius himſelf in his letter to the African biſhops, it appears, that they were determined to in⯑ſert in the creed ſuch words as were moſt obnoxious to the Arians, and thus to force them to a public ſe⯑paration from the church ^*: and when thoſe of the Arian party propoſed in writing to the ſynod the form of faith they had drawn up, the biſhops of the ortho⯑dox ſide no ſooner read it than they gravely tore it in pieces, and called it a ſpurious and falſe confeſſion, and after they had filled the place with noiſe and confuſion, univerſally accuſed them of betraying the doctrine ac⯑cording to godlineſs; and when the Arians would have conſented to forms of expreſſion that were general and leaſt exceptionable, the orthodox party would admit of no other phraſes than, That the Son was conſubſtantial and of the ſame ſubſtance with the Father; and notwith⯑ſtanding the Arians urged, that this expreſſion was un⯑ſcriptural, the orthodox would not admit of any altera⯑tion; and all the council ſubſcribed the creed, (except five biſhops, who, beſide other objections, were diſ⯑pleaſed with the word Conſubſtantial;) and the ortho⯑dox even proceeded ſo far as to cut off from communion all who would not agree to, and ſubſcribe this creed. In this public manner did the biſhops aſſert a dominion over the faith and conſciences of others, and aſſumed a power not only to dictate to them what they ſhould be⯑lieve, but even to anathematize and expel from the Chriſtian church all who refuſed to ſubmit to their deciſions, and own their authority; for after they had [43]carried their creed, they proceeded to excommunicate Arius, and his followers, and baniſhed Arius from Alexandria. They alſo condemned his book, called Thalia, which contained his explication of his own doctrine. After this they ſent letters to Alexandria, and to the brethren in Egypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis, to acquaint them with their decrees; and to inform them, that the holy ſynod had condemned the opinions of Arius, and exhort them to rejoice for the good deeds they had done, in cutting off all manner of hereſy. Conſtantine, after this, diſmiſſed the council, (not without ſome donations to gratify their avarice) recom⯑mended to them peace and harmony, and to avoid am⯑moſity againſt ſuch as might excel, or be inferior to them: he likewiſe wrote to ſeveral churches, recom⯑mending and enjoining an univerſal conformity to the council's decrees, both in doctrine and ceremonies, uſing this, among other arguments, that what they had decreed was the will of God, and that the agreement of ſo great a number of biſhops was by inſpiration of the Holy Ghoſt. But it is very natural to remark, after the anathemas and depoſitions agreed on by this council, which were the beginning of all the perſecutions that afterwards raged, with how little propriety the dignity of inſpiration was applied to them.

Many unhappy conſequences very ſoon took place; for when the Emperor's recommending to the churches a ſubmiſſion to their decrees was not effectual, more violent meaſures were made uſe of; for out of his great zeal to extinguiſh hereſy, he put forth public edicts againſt the authors and maintainers of it; againſt the Novatians, Valentinians, Marcionites, and others; or⯑dained that the books written by any of them ſhould be burnt; and if any kept them in their poſſeſſion, or en⯑deavoured to counteract his edict, they ſhould, on con⯑viction thereof, ſuffer death.

Thus the orthodox firſt brought in the puniſhment of hereſy with death, and perſuaded the emperor to deſtroy thoſe whom they could not eaſily convert. The [44]ſcriptures were now no longer the rule and ſtandard of the Chriſtian faith; orthodoxy and hereſy were from henceforward to be determined by the deciſions of councils and fathers, and religion to be propagated no longer by the apoſtolic methods of perſuaſion, forbear⯑ance, and the virtues of an holy life, but by imperial edicts and decrees; and heretical gainſayers not to be convinced, that they may be brought to the acknow⯑ledgement of the truth and be ſaved, but to be perſe⯑cuted and deſtroyed. It is no wonder, that after this there ſhould be a continual fluctuation of the public faith, juſt as the prevailing parties had the imperial authority to ſupport them; or that we ſhould meet with little elſe in eccleſiaſtical hiſtory but violence and cruelties, committed by men, who had left the ſim⯑plicity of the Chriſtian faith and profeſſion, enſlaved themſelves to ambition and avarice, and had before them the enſnaring views of tomporal grandeur, high preferments, and large revenues.

If one reads the complaints of the orthodox writers againſt the Arians, one would think the Arians the moſt execrable ſet of men that ever lived: but Socrates tells us, this was the practice of the biſhops towards all they depoſed, to accuſe and pronounce them im⯑pious, but not to tell others the reaſons why they ac⯑cuſed them as ſuch ^‡.

Soon after theſe tranſactions, Arius died; and the manner of his death, as it was reported by the ortho⯑dox, Athanaſius thinks of itſelf ſufficient, fully to con⯑demn the Arian hereſy, and an evident proof that it was hateful to God. The Chriſtians, however, being bleſſed with Chriſtian emperors, were of opinion, that the divine providence had, in a ſignal manner, raiſed up and protected Conſtantine, for deſtroying the enemies of the church; but there is uſually much of raſhneſs and preſumption, in ſuppoſing the calamities of finners in this world are particular judgements of [45]God. Nor did Conſtantine himſelf long ſurvive him. He was ſucceeded by his three ſons, Conſtantine, Con⯑ſtantius, and Conſtans. Conſtantine, the eldeſt, recall⯑ed Athanaſius from baniſhment, and reſtored him to his biſhopric; upon which account there aroſe moſt grievous quarrels and ſeditions, many being killed, and ſeveral publicly whipped, by Athanaſius's order, according to the accuſations of his enemies. Con⯑ſtantius, after his elder brother's death, convened a ſynod at Antioch in Syria, where Athanaſius was again depoſed for theſe crimes, and Gregory put into the ſee of Alexandria. In this council a new creed was drawn up, in which the word Conſubſtantial was wholely omitted, and the expreſſions made uſe of ſo general, as that they might have been equally agreed to by the orthodox and Arians. In the cloſe of it ſeveral anathema's were added, and particularly upon all who ſhould teach, or preach, otherwiſe than what this council had received, becauſe, as they themſelves ſay, They did really believe and follow all things delivered by the holy ſcriptures, both prophets and apoſtles. So that now the whole Chriſtian world was under a ſynodical curſe, the oppoſite councils having damned one another, and all that differed from them; and if councils, as ſuch, have any authority to anathematize all who will not ſubmit to them, this authority equally belongs to every council; and therefore it was but a natural piece of revenge, that as the council of Nice had ſent all the Arians to the devil, the Arians, in their turn, ſhould take the orthodox along with them for company, and thus repay one anathema with another.

Conſtantius II. was warmly on the Arian ſide, and favoured the biſhops of that party only, and ejected Paul, the orthodox biſhop, from the ſee of Conſtanti⯑nople, as a perſon altogether unworthy of it. Mace⯑donius being ſubſtituted in his room, who was in a different ſcheme, or at leaſt expreſſed himſelf in diffe⯑rent words, both from the orthodox and Arians, aſſert⯑ing that the Son was not conſubſtantial, not of the [46]ſame, but of a like ſubſtance with the Father, and openly propogated this opinion after he had thruſt him⯑ſelf into the biſhopric of Paul; this the orthodox party highly reſented, and perſecuted thoſe who favoured that opinion.

The truth is, that the Chriſtian clergy were now become the chief incendiaries and diſturbers of the em⯑pire; and the pride of the biſhops, and the fury of the people on each ſide, were now grown to ſuch a height, as that there ſcarce ever was an election or reſtoration of a biſhop in the larger cities, but it was attended with ſlaughter and blood, as it is evident from the accounts given by the eccleſiaſtical hiſtorians of Atha⯑naſius, Macedonius, and others, that they treated one another with the ſame implacable bitterneſs and ſeverity as ever their common enemies, the heathens, treated them, as though they thought that perſecution for conſcience ſake had been the diſtinguiſhing precept of the Chriſtian religion ^*.

This was the unhappy ſtate of the church in the reign of Conſtantius, which affords us little more than the hiſtory of councils and creeds differing from, and contrary to, each other; biſhops depoſing, cenſuring, and anathematiſing their adverſaries; and the Chriſtian people, divided into factions under their reſpective leaders, for the ſake of words they underſtood nothing of the ſenſe of, and ſtriving for victory, even unto bloodſhed and death.

This occaſioned much debate about the authority of councils and their liability to err in their deciſions. It was ſuggeſted, that in a council convened by a Chriſtian emperor, wherein ſome hundreds of prelates are aſſembled to deſide a theological diſpute, many are liable to be influenced by fear or dread of ſuperiors of greater juriſ⯑diction, either of falling under their diſpleaſure of being reviled as heretics, or perhaps beggared and ruined by their refuſing to be influenced by ſome active and do⯑mineering [47]ſpirits; by a deference to the majority; by a love of applauſe and reſpect; by vanity and ambition; by a total ignorance of the queſtion in diſpute, or a total indifference about it; by private friendſhip; by enmity and reſentment; by an indolent diſpoſition; by an averſion to diſputes, or love of peace and quiet⯑neſs, &c. which whoever conſiders will be ready to con⯑clude, there is no great deference to be paid to the authority of councils. Even the authority of councils themſelves were zealouſly aſſerted by the council of Conſtance and Baſil, and condemned by the Lateran; nevertheleſs the diſpute turned in favour of councils, and it was in general deemed heretical to ſpeak againſt their authority. They who diſclaim private judgement, and believe the infallibility of the church, act conſiſtent⯑ly in holding the infallibility of councils; but they who take their faith from the ſcriptures, and not from the church, ſhould be careful not to require nor to yield too much regard to ſuch aſſemblies ^*.

We have a rule, by which we may with ſafety, and with ſatisfaction, judge of their authority; a rule given us by our Maſter, By their fruits ye ſhall know them. We need only ſurvey their acts and monuments, their behaviour, doctrines, decrees, and cenſures, and compare them impartially with the morality, the ſim⯑plicity, the prudence, the charity of the goſpel; and by this we may judge of the authority of councils and fathers.

The forming of creeds or ſummary accounts of the Chriſtian faith, till this century, were but few, and thoſe conciſe, expreſſive only of the principal articles, and thoſe not impoſed on the churches; but in proceſs of time, when the empire became Chriſtian, and the deciſions of aſſembled biſhops were made under the in⯑fluence of the court, and then enforced by the ſecular arm, the creeds they drew up were no longer mere ac⯑counts of the principal doctrines for preſerving a unity of faith, &c. but obtained the nature of decrees and [48]laws, henceforth precluding all private judgement, and under one ſhape or other binding the main body of the clergy, if not the whole Chriſtian world. And indeed, what St. Gregory Nazianzen thought of the councils held in his time, that is to ſay, in the latter half of the fourth century, appears ſufficiently from his letter to Procopius—that he never ſaw a good ending of any ſynod—the ſpirit of contention, or the ſpirit of ambi⯑tion, and love of rule, ſtill gaining the aſcendancy over reaſon: nor does he except that council to which we are ſo far indebted for the Nicene creed, and at which he himſelf, to his ſorrow, was preſent. They fall, ſaith he, into factions, and fight for the ſake of thrones, i. e. of epiſcopal fees, and divide the whole world in a lawleſs or irreligious manner ^*.

In the beginning of Julian's reign, A. D. 361. he behaved himſelf with great moderation towards the Chriſtians; yet his hatred to them ſoon afterwards ap⯑peared ſo, that they were not permitted the education of their children, nor to be inſtructed in the Grecian lan⯑guage and learning. He taxed them very heavily, and exacted fines from ſuch as would not ſacrifice; and when the governors of the provinces took occaſion, from thence, to increaſe the oppreſſion, inſomuch that per⯑ſons of all ranks could not but complain of their cruelty, Julian anſwered, with a ſneer, Your God hath com⯑manded you to ſuffer perſecution. And one of the reaſons aſſigned for his ſeverity was, that the Chriſtian biſhops ſhewed ſuch a turbulent ſpirit, that he was ob⯑liged to have a jealous eye over them, and bear a ſtrict hand toward them. But the effects of his averſion to the Chriſtians did not laſt long, for he was killed in the Perſian wars, and reigned ſcarce two years.

Jovian ſucceeded him, who was a Chriſtian both by principle and profeſſion. But the biſhops were ſoon for tampering with him: Athanaſius writes to him in fa⯑vour of the Nicene creed, and endeavoured to prevail [49]upon him to perſecute the Arians. A ſynod alſo of cer⯑tain biſhops met at Antioch, who, though they had be⯑fore oppoſed the Nicene doctrine, finding that Jovian favoured it, with great obſequiouſneſs readily ſub⯑ſcribed it, and in a very complaiſant letter repreſented that this true orthodox faith was the center of unity, while the followers of Macedonius, who rejected the word Conſubſtantial, ſought to recommend themſelves to his favour by the beſt repreſentation they could give of their tenets. Jovian, who ſaw through the craft of thoſe temporiſing biſhops, anſwers, "I hate contention, and love thoſe that ſtudy for peace;" declaring, he would trouble none on account of their faith, but would favour and eſteem thoſe who contributed to reſtore and preſerve peace in the church. Themiſtius, the philoſopher, very juſtly commended him on that account, and for deſpiſing the inſinuations of thoſe who would have perſuaded him to violent methods in favour of a party, concerning whom, he ſaid, they worſhipped not God, but the purple ^*.

Valentinian and Valens, who ſucceeded him, em⯑braced different parties in religion: the former, of the orthodox ſide, the latter, of the Arians. However, they both declared for liberty; but Valens ſoon ſuffered himſelf to be prevailed upon, by Eudoxus, biſhop of Conſtantinople, to forſake both his opinion and his mo⯑deration. They obtained leave from him to hold a ſynod at Lampſacus, where the orthodox carried their point, and depoſed all the biſhops of the Arian party ^†. This was ſo contrary to the moderation of Valens, that he was highly exaſperated, who thereupon called a coun⯑cil of Arian biſhops, and commanded thoſe, who formed the council of Lampſacus, to embrace the opinions of Eudoxus the Arian, and upon their refuſal ſent them into baniſhment, and gave their churches to their ene⯑mies, ſparing only Paulinus for the remarkable ſanctity [50]of his life. After this he entered into more violent meaſures, which the Arian biſhops were acceſſary to.

In the mean time great diſturbances happened at Rome upon Liberius's dying, who was biſhop of that city. Urſinus, a Dean of that church, and Damaſus, were nominated to ſucceed him; the party of Damaſus prevailed, and got him choſen and ordained: Urſinus being enraged at it ſet up a ſeparate meeting, got him⯑ſelf ordained by ſome other biſhops; and this occaſioned great diſputes among the citizens for the epiſcopal dig⯑nity, and the matter was carried to ſuch a height, that great numbers were murdered in the quarrel on both ſides, no leſs than 137 perſons being deſtroyed in the church itſelf, according to Ammianus ^*, who adds, "That it was no wonder to ſee thoſe, who were am⯑bitious of human greatneſs, contending with ſo much heat and animoſity for that, becauſe, when they had obtained it, they were ſure to be enriched by the offer⯑ings of the matrons; of appearing abroad in great ſplendor; of being admired for their coſtly coaches; ſumptuous in their feaſts, outdoing ſovereign princes in the expences of their tables, &c." This is ſaid to be the firſt quarrel for the ſee of Rome, A. D. 366.

Gratian, who ſucceeded Valens, was of the orthodox party, and recalled thoſe biſhops he had baniſhed, and particularly favoured and promoted the orthodox faith.

Theodoſius, who ſucceeded him, was a zealous abet⯑tor of the orthodox party, and wrote a letter from Theſſalonica to Conſtantinople, wherein he tells them that it was his pleaſure that all his ſubjects ſhould worſhip the Trinity as equal in divine honour: and where he could not perſuade, he endeavoured to compel the bi⯑ſhops to aſſent to, and declare their faith in the Nicene creed, under the threats of expulſion frem their churches: and the more effectually to extinguiſh the hereſy, he ſummoned a council of biſhops, in A. D. 383, to con⯑firm that creed, and alſo made an addition to it, viz. [51]after the words Holy Ghoſt they inſerted, The Lord the quickner proceeding from the Father, whom with the Father and the Son we worſhip and glorify, and who ſpake by the Prophets ^†.

The laws againſt heretics, collected in the Theodo⯑ſian code, ſtand as a ſhameful monument of the perfe⯑cuting Anti-chriſtian ſpirit, which broke out in this century, and grew more and more violent in the follow⯑ing times, the Chriſtians themſelves imitating the cruel⯑ties of the Pagans ^*.

Arcadius and Honorius, who were the ſons and ſuc⯑ceſſors of Theodoſius, embraced the orthodox religion and party, and confirmed the decrees of the former emperor. Chryſoſtom, who was biſhop of Conſtantinople, perfecuted the Arians. The Donatiſts in Africa perſe⯑cuted the orthodox, and thus perſecution ſeemed to know no end.

Thus we find the Arian doctrine was alternately (ac⯑cording to the diſpoſition of the court) approved and condemned by many different councils. In this century, in the council of Alexandria, in the year 322, Arian and his followers were excommunicated in the council of Bythinia; two years afterwards they were declared orthodox; two years afterwards condemned and ana⯑thematized in the council of Nice; and in the year 359 their ſentiments were again approved and juſtified in the council of Seleucia; and about 400 Weſtern bi⯑ſhops in the council of Rimini, who firſt, indeed, condemned the Arians with great rigour, afterwards, in contradiction to their own former judgement, ſub⯑ſcribed the Arian confeſſion of faith ^‖.

The doctrine of an abſolute unconditional predeſtina⯑tion of all events prevailed much in the Eaſtern church. Some authors conceive it was much more primitive, and would fain make it to commence from the apoſto⯑lic [52]age; but as it is inconſiſtent with the principal doc⯑trines of the Romiſh church, we think there is not ſuf⯑ficient authority to charge them with it. The reader may ſee the arguments in ſupport of it ^*.

Many ſuperſtitious cuſtoms debaſed the purity of the Chriſtian church in this century.—The making croſſes of wood, metal, and in painting, were brought in by the emperor Conſtantine, who cauſed a croſs to be made and diſplayed as his imperial banner, and from thence it became a faſhionable ornament in a houſe, a token of loyalty, and of the orthodox or true catholic church ^†. —Pilgrimages and viſits paid under pretences of devo⯑tion to certain places called holy, ſuch as the temple at Jeruſalem and the Viaticum at Rome, took place in this century, but they did not carry it to ſuch height as to imagine there was any real merit in it, as appears from the confeſſion of St. Jerom —Giving the euchariſt to children became a cuſtom about the cloſe of this century in the Bohemian and other Weſtern churches, and did ſoon after prevail in the Eaſtern or Greek churches. The cuſtom of baptizing infants had been founded on the interpretation of John iii. 3, 5, and this practice of giving the ſacrament to children was founded on an explication of John vi. 53. Thus were baptiſm and the ſacrament thought indiſpenſible to ſalva⯑tion: the practice of giving the euchariſt continued in the Weſtern churches till the eleventh or twelfth century, when it was laid aſide upon the new doctrine of tran⯑ſubſtantiation: and in many of the Greek churches the euchariſt is ſtill given to children ^‡. But, on the other hand, ſome were of opinion, that to defer baptiſm, till there was an apparent danger of death, was moſt ſafe, under an apprehenſion that ſins, committed after bap⯑tiſm, would ſcarcely be forgiven.

[53]The tenth perſecution of the Chriſtians began at Nicomedia, Feb. 13, 303, and continued for ten years, ending June 13, 313, by an edict of Conſtantine and Licenius ^*.

CENTURY THE FIFTH.

In the fifth century we find the church of Rome made very conſiderable efforts to enlarge her power. Till about the year 432 the hiſtory of the popes was merely eccleſiaſtical, but from hence the affairs of the church were ſo interwoven with thoſe of the ſtate, that their hiſtory is both eccleſiaſtical and civil. The popes ſoon made a different figure from that which they had hitherto made: no longer mere biſhops, but biſhops and princes, and the biſhop almoſt entirely loſt in the prince; no longer contending only with their collegues for ſpiritual power and juriſdiction, but at the ſame time with the greateſt monarchs for dominion; nay, employing the ſword as well as the keys, and heading, as directed by their ambition or intereſt, both councils and armies ^†.

However, it is not only true that the patriarchs were hitherto looked upon or conſidered as equal; that the biſhop of Rome held the other biſhops to be his bre⯑thren and collegues; but the name and idea of an uni⯑verſal biſhop was deemed a contradiction and a mark of Anti-chriſt ^‡.

Infallibility was not yet aſſumed as the prerogative of the pope; and if it had, one would think ſeveral remarkable occurrences and facts in this century might be ſufficient to convince the moſt prejudiced in favour of papal power, of its abſurdity.

Innocent, who was biſhop of Rome, 402, grievouſly perſecuted the Novatians, and, as Socrates obſerves ^‖, [54]was the firſt biſhop of that ſee, who diſturbed them. —Celeſtine, one of his ſucceſſors, imitated his injuſtice, and deprived the Novatians of the remainder of their churches, and not content with depriving them of their churches, prevented their private aſſembling, and even plundered them of all their ſubſtance.—Neſtorius, biſhop of Conſtantinople, ſhewed himſelf a violent per⯑ſecutor ſoon after his election: addreſſing himſelf to the emperor before the whole congregation, he ſaid, Purge me, O emperor, the earth from heretics, and I will give thee the kingdom of heaven; conquer with me the heretics, and I will conquer with thee the Perſians; and agreeable to his declaration, in five days after his conſecration, attempted to ſet fire to the church of the Arians when they were aſſembled in it for prayer. ^*—Few of the bi⯑ſhops were free from this wicked ſpirit. Socrates, in⯑deed, excepts Atticus, biſhop of Conſtantinople, who behaved much more mildly and gently; and Proclus alſo, who was brought up under Atticus, who was gen⯑tle towards all men, from a perſuaſion, that this was a much more proper method than violence to reduce he⯑retics to the true faith: and in this he imitated Theodo⯑ſius the emperor, ſometimes called Theodoſius II. who was not at all diſpleaſed that any ſhould differ from him in ſentiments. But under the reign of this em⯑peror the Arians alſo, in their turn, uſed the orthodox with no greater moderation, burnt churches, put or⯑thodox biſhops to death, ſeized their books, and com⯑mitted a variety of outrages for ſuppreſſion of the or⯑thodox faith ^†.

During theſe tranſactions, Neſtorius the perſecuted biſhop of Conſtantinople, though tolerably ſound in the doctrine of the real Deity of the Logos, yet excepted againſt the Virgin Mary being called the Mother of God. This occaſioned a council to be convened at Epheſus, A. D. 434, of which Cyril was preſident, [55]and, as he hated Neſtorius, he perſuaded the biſhops of his party to decree, that the Virgin was, and ſhould be the Mother, and to anathematize all who ſhould not confeſs her in this character.

Marcian, the ſucceſſor of Theodoſius in the empire, embraced the orthodox party and opinions, and was very deſirous to bring about an entire uniformity in the worſhip of God. Agreeably to this his temper, Euſebius, biſhop of Nicomedia, addreſſed him, ſoon after his pro⯑motion, in theſe words; God hath juſtly given you the empire that you ſhould govern all for the univerſal welfare, and for the peace of his holy church. The legates of Leo, biſhop of Rome, preſented him their accuſations againſt Dioſcorus, as did alſo Euſebius, beſeeching the emperor that what he had advanced might be judged of, and determined by a ſynod. Marcian conſented, and ordered the biſhops to meet firſt at Nice, and after⯑wards at Chalcedon. This was the fourth general council, A. D. 454, conſiſting of near 600 prelates: the principal cauſe of their aſſembling was the Eutychian hereſy, viz. That Jeſus Chriſt conſiſted of two natures he⯑fore his incarnation, but that after this he had one nature only: he alſo denied that the body of Chriſt was of the ſame ſubſtance with ours. This council condemned his opi⯑nions as heretical, and expelled him from the biſhopric of Alexandria, and proceeded to ſettle the faith accord⯑ing to the Nicene creed, the opinions of the fathers, and the doctrine of Athanaſius, Cyril, Celeſtine, Hila⯑rius, Baſil, Gregory, and Leo; and decreed that Chriſt was truly God and truly man, conſubſtantial to the Father as to his deity, and conſubſtantial to us as to his humanity; and that it ſhould not be lawful for any perſons to utter or write, or compoſe, or think, or teach, any other faith whatſoever.

Leo ſucceeded Marcian, and zealouſly endeavoured to promote the orthodox faith.—But, under Zeno, the ſon-in-law and ſucceſſor to Leo, notwithſtanding his uniting and pacifying edict, great differences aroſe, and perſecutions were commenced againſt the orthodox.

[56]Anaſtaſius, who ſucceeded Zeno, was himſelf a great lover of peace, and endeavoured to promote it both amongſt the clergy and laity, and therefore ordered that there ſhould be no innovation in the church what⯑ſoever. But this moderation was by no means pleaſing to the monks and biſhops: ſome of them were great ſticklers for the council of Chalcedon, and would not allow a ſingle word of their decrees to be altered, nor communicate with thoſe who did not receive them: others were ſo far from ſubmitting to this ſynod, that they anathematized it; whilſt others adhered to the pa⯑cific edict, and maintained peace with one another, even though they were of different judgement concerning the nature of Chriſt. Hence the church was divided into factions, ſo that the biſhops would not communi⯑cate with each other: not only the Eaſtern biſhops ſe⯑parated from the Weſtern, but thoſe of the ſame pro⯑vince had ſchiſms among themſelves. The emperor, to prevent as much as poſſible theſe quarrels, baniſhed thoſe who were moſt remarkably troubleſome from their ſees: but the monks and biſhops fruſtrated all his at⯑tempts for peace, by forcing one another to make new confeſſions and ſubſcriptions, and by anathematizing all who differed from them, as heretics: they alſo treated the emperor himſelf with great inſolence, and excom⯑municated him as an enemy to the ſynod of Chalcedon ^*.

The Athanaſian creed, as it is called, we ſhall juſt mention in this place, as the conſubſtantial doctrine, that is to ſay, that the ſubſtance or eſſence of the Son and Spirit were the ſame in kind, or rather ſpecies, with that of God the Father, ſo generaly prevailed about this time; though the creed now called Atha⯑naſian had not then acquired that name, but was ſimply ſtiled the Catholic faith, and did not conſiſt of the ſame articles as at preſent ^†.

[]Under the emperor Anaſtafius, Symmachus, biſhop of Rome, expelled the Manichees from the city, and ordered their books to be publicly burnt before the doors of the church; and other perſecutions were prac⯑tiſed againſt them.

The Pelagian hereſy (as it was called) ſprung up in this century, and made no ſmall progreſs; it conſiſted principally in aſſerting the abſolute freedom of the hu⯑man will; which occaſioned a council to be held at Car⯑thage in 412 and 417, and at Mileva and at Rome in 416.

Platina tells us, that amongſt many other ceremonies introduced by pope Sixtus III. in this century, they beautified and adorned the churches, and placed upon the altar of St. Peter a golden image of our Saviour, en⯑riched with jewels.

The prohibiting prieſts to marry, was inſtituted by pope Innocent, A. D. 410.

[58]And the baptizing with ſureties, or godfathers and godmothers, became a cuſtom in this century ^*.

The ſign of the croſs in baptiſm was likewiſe intro⯑duced into the church of Rome, the beginning of this century.

Giving the euchariſt to children, introduced at the cloſe of the laſt, was a matter of diſpute all this century: it occaſioned the firſt council at Toledo, 438, who left the matter undetermined: the ſecond council, held in 675, determined in favour of it, and attempted to explain what had been before ambiguouſly delivered concerning it ^†.

Chriſtianity was propagated in Scotland the latter end of this century, by the direction of pope Celeſtine 415 ^§.

CENTURY THE SIXTH.

In the ſixth century, the church never conſidered the pope as head of all the churches in the world: he was a patriarch, and had the chief place among his brethren, becauſe he reſided at Rome; and hitherto they ſeemed to deſire no more; and though he arrogated to himſelf that pre-eminence, he was ingenuous enough to acknow⯑ledge, that the privilege was of human origin [...] and they were not wanting to preſerve this authority among the people by a pomp and ſplendor, as indecent as the arogant ſtyle, which ſome of them affected ^‖.

The infallibility of the pope of Rome was unknown as yet, amidſt the enormities, errors, and contradictions, of ſeveral of them: it would, indeed, have been a ridi⯑culous inconſiſtency, to give oracular authority to the ſentences of ſuch men.

The ſuperiority of councils to the pope was therefore a point hitherto not diſputed: the popes themſelves de⯑fired [59]ſuch aſſemblies, and declared, that ſo far from having a power of altering their decrees, that on the con⯑trary, their own opinions and doctrines were to be ſub⯑jected to the examination of councils. It was, indeed, a rule, that the biſhop obtained his office by election; but the corruption of the times was ſuch, that money had frequently a great ſhare in it. The biſhop was then ſubject to the civil magiſt ates of Rome, and acknow⯑ledged, as his ſovereign, the emperor of Rome, and afterwards the kings o [...] Italy. It alſo appears from the canon law, that the uſages of the Roman church, and the letters and epiſtles of the popes, gradually acquired the authority of laws ^§.

Very early in this century, the notion of the popes independency on councils was firſt broached: the occa⯑ſion of which was, that ſome crimes were laid to the charge of Symmachus, then biſhop of Rome. His friends in the council pretended, "That no aſſembly of biſhops had a power to judge the pope, and that he was ac⯑countable for his actions to God alone," which was unan⯑ſwerably confuted as ſoon as broached. One of the council immediately obſerved, they were convened for that purpoſe, and he was for that end ſummoned to ap⯑pear before them.

Juſtin, who aſcended the imperial throne, A. D. 518, revived the perſecutions, as a mark of his greater zeal for orthodoxy than his predeceſſor: Anaſtaſius Severus, biſhop of Antioch, being warm againſt the council of Chalcedon, the emperor ordered his tongue to be cut out. Platina alſo tells us, that he baniſhed the Arians, and gave their churches to the orthodox. Hormiſda alſo, biſhop of Rome, after the example of Symmachus, baniſhed the remainder of the Manichees, and cauſed their writings to be burnt.

Juſtinian, his ſucceſſor, ſucceeded him alſo in his zeal for the council of Chalcedon, and baniſhed the biſhops of Conſtantinople and Antioch, becauſe they would not obey his orders.—He publiſhed a law, that there ſhould [60]be no pagan or heretic in his empire, allowing three months only for their converſion: by another, he ren⯑dered them incapable of being witneſſes in any trial againſt Chriſtians: he likewiſe prohibited the tran⯑ſcribing any heretical book, upon the puniſhment of loſing both their hands. Theſe laws were principally enacted at the inſtigation of the orthodox biſhops. Thus Agapetus, biſhop of Rome, who had condemned An⯑thimus, and depoſed him from his ſee of Conſtantinople, perſuaded Juſtinian to baniſh all thoſe whom he had con⯑demned for hereſy. But notwithſtanding all his zeal for orthodoxy, and the cruel edicts he publiſhed for the ex⯑tirpation of hereſy, he was infamouſly covetous; ſold the provinces of the empire to plunderers and op⯑preſſors, ſtripped the wealthy of their eſtates upon falſe accuſations. Evagrius ^* likewiſe charges him with a variety of other unheard-of cruelties, and unnatural vices.

During the reign of Juſtinian, in the 24th year of it, was held the fifth general council at Conſtantinople, A. D. 553, conſiſting of about 165 fathers. The occa⯑ſion of their meeting was the oppoſition that was made to the four former general councils, and particularly the writings of Origen, which Euſtochius, biſhop of Jeru⯑ſalem, accuſed, as full of many dangerous errors. In the firſt ſeſſions it was debated, whether thoſe, who were dead, were to be anathematized? One Eutychius looked with contempt on the fathers for their heſitation in ſo plain a matter, and told them, that there needed no deliberation about it; for that king Joſias formerly did not only deſtroy the idolatrous prieſts who were living, but dug alſo thoſe, who had been dead long before, out of their graves. So clear a determination of the point, who could reſiſt? The fathers were immediately con⯑vinced, and Juſtinian cauſed him to be conſecrated biſhop of Conſtantinople, in the room of Menas, juſt de⯑ceaſed, for this his ſkill in ſcripture and caſuiſtry. The conſequence was, that the decrees of the four preceding [61]councils were all confirmed; thoſe who were condemned by them, re-condemned and anathematized; particu⯑larly Theodorus, biſhop of Mopſueſtia, and Ibas, with their writings, as favouring the impieties of Neſtorius; and finally, Origen, with all his deteſtable and execrable principles, and all perſons whatſoever, who ſhould think or ſpeak of them, or dare to defend them. After theſe tranſactions the ſynod ſent an account of them to Juſti⯑nian, whom they complimented with the title of the Moſt Chriſtian King, and with having a ſoul partaker of the heavenly nobility; and yet ſoon after theſe flatteries, his moſt chriſtian majeſty turned heretick himſelf, and endeavoured, with as much zeal, to propagate hereſy, as he had done orthodoxy before: he publiſhed an edict, by which he ordained, That the body of Chriſt was in⯑corruptible, and incapable even of natural and innocent paſ⯑ſions; that before his death he eat in the ſame manner as he did after his reſurrection, receiving no converſion or change from his very formation in the womb, neither in his volun⯑tary or natural affections, nor after his reſurrection. But as he was endeavouring to force the biſhops to receive his creed, God was pleaſed, as Evagrius obſerves, to cut him off.

But after the year 560, the biſhops being become the abſolute diſpenſers of the fourth part of the goods of the church, they began to employ more of their care in their temporal affairs, and to make parties in the cities; ſo that elections were no longer carried on with a view to the ſervice of God, but managed by faction and in⯑trigues, which often proceeded to open violence. This gave the firſt alarm to princes, who had hitherto little concerned themſelves in the choice of the miniſtry. Moved, therefore, partly by religious conſiderations, and partly by reaſons of ſtate, they now began not to ſuffer the clergy and people to determine elections by themſelves, and according to their own paſſions: for ſeeing men no longer avoiding and flying from biſhop⯑rics, but even making intereſt for them by all the courtſhip and ſkilful ſollicitations they could uſe, ſo [62]great a conteſt opened the way to ſeditions. Theſe proceedings produced an edict, that no perſon elected ſhould be conſecrated without the approbation of the prince, reſerving to themſelves the right of confirming the great biſhoprics, ſuch as thoſe in Italy, of Rome, Ravenna, and Milan. In this manner, that is, with the imperial ſanction, the popes and biſhops continued to be choſen. Through all the hiſtory of Gregory of Tours, from the time of Clowis, the firſt Chriſtian king of France, until the year 590, we find no inſtance of any one biſhop being made in any other manner, than by the nomination or conſent of the king. It was eaſy for thoſe biſhops, when once they were made without the authority of the people, to exclude the people alſo from the choice of prieſts and deacons, and other eccleſiaſtical miniſters, and to transfer that right to the emperor or prince alone: and thus the ſucceſſion of biſhops and clergy became greatly irregu⯑lar; and, inſtead of being choſen and ſet apart to their reſpective offices by the people, whom they were ap⯑pointed to watch over and miniſter unto, accord⯑ing to reaſon and ancient uſage, they were ſet apart by thoſe inveſted with civil power.

And notwithſtanding this order and method was broke through in after-times by arbitrary meaſures, it appears that, ſo late as the year 590, the pope was not deemed lawful pope till his election was confirmed by the emperor: hence Gregory the Great, being choſen by a great majority, but deſirous to decline that dig⯑nity, wrote to the emperor Mauritius, intreating him to refuſe his conſent, that the electors might thereby be obliged to chuſe another. The perſon choſen was alſo ſtiled Elect, not Biſhop, and yielded the firſt place in the church to the arch prieſt ^*.

Under Mauritius, John, biſhop of Conſtantinople, in a council held in that city, ſtiled himſelf Oecumenical Biſhop, by the conſent of the fathers there aſſembled; [63]and the emperor himſelf ordered Gregory to acknow⯑ledge him in that character. Gregory abſolutely re⯑fuſed it, and replied, that the power of binding and looſing was delivered to Peter and his ſucceſſors, and not to the biſhops of Conſtantinople; admoniſhing him to take care, that he did not provoke the anger of God againſt himſelf, by raiſing tumults in his church. This pope was the firſt who ſtiled himſelf, Servus Servorum Dei, Servant of the Servants of God; and had ſuch an abhorrence of the title of Univerſal Biſhop, that he ſaid, "I confidently affirm, than whoſoever calls himſelf Univerſal Prieſt, is the fore-runner of Antichriſt, by thus proudly exalting himſelf above others."

But however modeſt Gregory was in refuſing and condemning this arrogant title, Boniface III. thought better of the matter; and, after great ſtruggles, pre⯑vailed with Phocas, who murdered Mauritius, the em⯑peror, to declare, that the ſee of the bleſſed apoſtle Peter, which is the head of all churches, ſhould be ſo called and accounted by all, and the biſhop of it Oecumenical or Univerſal Biſhop. The church of Conſtantinople had claimed this precedence and dignity, and was ſometimes favoured herein by the emperors, who declared, that the firſt ſee ought to be in that place which was the head of the empire. The Roman pontiffs, on the other hand, affirmed that Rome, of which Conſtantinople was but a colony, ought to be eſteemed the head of the empire; becauſe the Greeks themſelves, in their writings, ſtile the emperor, Roman Emperor, and the inhabitants of Conſtantinople are called Romans, and not Greeks; not to mention that Peter, the prince of the apoſtles, gave the keys of the kingdom of heaven to his ſucceſſors, the popes of Rome. On this foundation was the ſuperiority of the church of Rome, to that of all other churches, built: and Phocas, who was guilty of all villainies, was one of the fitteſt perſons that could be found to gratify Boniface in this requeſt. Boniface alſo called a council [64]at Rome, where this ſupremacy was confirmed, and by whom it was decreed, that biſhops ſhould be choſen by the clergy and people, approved by the prince of the city, and ratified by the pope with theſe words, volumus et jubemus, for this is our will and command. To reward Phocas for the grant of the primacy, he approved the murder of Mauritius, and very honour⯑ably received his images, which he ſent to Rome; and, having thus wickedly poſſeſſed themſelves of this unrighteous power, the popes as wickedly uſed it, ſoon brought almoſt the whole Chriſtian world into ſubjec⯑tion to them, and became the perſecutors general of the church of God, proceeding from one uſurpation to another, till at laſt they brought emperors, kings, and princes, into ſubjection, forcing them to ratify their unjuſt decrees, and to puniſh, in the ſevereſt manner, all that ſhould preſume to oppoſe and contradict them, till ſhe became drunken with the blood of the ſaints, and with the blood of the martyrs of Jeſus; Babylon the great, the mother of harlots and abominations of the earth ^†. Pretty early in this century perſecutions recommenced at Rome againſt the Manichees.

The cuſtom of anathematizing perſons after death was introduced from apreſumption, that all thoſe whom they anathematized, and condemned as heretics, their ſentence would be confirmed by the Supreme Being; but others more modeſtly pleaded only for its being their duty to ſhew their diſapprobation of heretics, as well dead as living.

This was one part of the conteſt called the Three Chapters, which occaſioned the meeting of ſeveral coun⯑cils in this century. The ſecond was concerning the writings of Theodoret againſt Cyril; and the third was concerning the letter of Ibas to the pope, whether orthodox or not ^*.

The dignity of the clergy of all ranks was a point much inſiſted on. Pope Felix, A. D. 528, aſſerted, [65]that the clergy were by divine right exempted from the power of the civil magiſtrate, and their miſconduct only cognizable by, and liable to, the cenſure of the church, and the ſynods of each dioceſe and province ^§.

It likewiſe became a diſpute, whether a pope, who is not true (that is, rightly elected and conſtituted) can be infallible. This was occaſioned by two popes being choſen at the ſame time, viz. Boniface II. and Dioſcorus, A. D. 5 [...]0; but the great quarrel was ter⯑minated by the death of Dioſcorus ^‖.

Praying to the virgin Mary was received as a laudable practice by the Romiſh church, and many attributes aſcribed to her ^‡.

Purgatory was a device of St. Auſtin's in this cen⯑tury; but he both ſaid and unſaid it, and at laſt, like a wiſe ſchoolman, left it doubtful. The papiſts were greatly divided about it; and it is more properly ſaid to be a new doctrine ſtarted by him, than received as an article of faith in the Romiſh church in this century.

Praying for the dead was a practice that prevailed at the latter end of this century: a novelty of pope Gregory I. who likewiſe introduced the proceſſion of the hoſt, A. D. 592. Indulgences were alſo granted by him in the year 600, but not in the manner or for the pur⯑poſes as they were ſoon after, and now in general, un⯑derſtood, being then occaſionally granted to Chri⯑ſtians, when they had fallen into any heinous crime, either in denying their faith, or ſacrificing to idols, through the fear of, or actual ſuffering, perfection; and for which, being enjoined a long penance, the pope had power to mitigate, which power of mitigation was called indulgence ^†.

The author of the Hiſtory of Popery ^‖, ſpeaking of the progreſs of popiſh doctrines and ceremonies, ſays, [66]"that hitherto papal indulgences, as now underſtood, were not ſo much as heard of—purgatory fire was un⯑kindled—their maſs was yet unmoulded—tranſubſtan⯑tiation unthought of—the doctrine of merits untaught— the cup in the ſacrament not denied to the laity; and not till long after that prayers were made with the people in an unknown tongue: but from hence we be⯑hold the church in her declining ſtate; knowledge de⯑cayed, ſuperſtition uſurped the place of zeal, and both princes and prelates were more buſied in ornamenting churches, or building nunneries, &c. than in raiſing up living ſtones, and edifying God's ſpiritual temple."

CENTURY THE SEVENTH.

In this century we meet with many remarkable oc⯑currences.—At the beginning of it, Mellitus, the firſt biſhop of London, in conſequence of the high dignity to which he was advanced, went to Rome, as Bede in⯑forms us, to conſult with the pope concerning the affairs of the Engliſh church; on which occaſion Boniface called a council of the Italian biſhops, at which the biſhop of London attended or aſſiſted, and when it broke up, returned to London with the decrees of that court.

Pope Boniface ſhewed no ſmall zeal in propagating the Chriſtian religion in Great Britain; but, at the ſame time, he took care to introduce an undue veneration for the papal robes, for the authority and dignity of the ſovereign pontiff, and for a variety of ceremonies which defaced the ſimplicity of the goſpel. This pope's pall was firſt ſent into England to Juſtus, who, in the year 624, ſucceeded Mellitus in the ſee of Canterbury; and the number of biſhops were greatly increaſed, as well as of inferior clergy, who received their ordination from the biſhop of Canterbury, by virtue of that great dig⯑nity which had been delegated to him by the pope.

Another point aimed at was, to increaſe a veneration for the clergy, inſomuch that pretty early in this cen⯑tury [67]the clergy acquired a very great aſcendancy over the people, and they voluntarily imparted a conſiderable ſhare of their worldly ſubſtance, eſpecially in ſome of the capital cities, as well as Rome, which in each city made one capital ſtock; and this was not divided be⯑tween them and the poor, but was appropriated to the prieſt, and other collections were made for the poor: theſe capital ſtocks were called Patrimonies; a name not denoting any dominion or juriſdiction belonging to the Roman church, or the pope, but to ſignify the eſtate of every church, and was diſtinguiſhed from the patri⯑monies of private men, as we find in many places of the 12th book of the Code ^*.

And to create a greater reſpect for the eſtates be⯑longing to the church, it was uſual to annex the name of ſome favourite ſaint which that church held in great veneration; ſo the eſtates of the church of Ravenna were called the patrimony of St. Apollinare; that of Milan, the patrimony of St. Ambroſe; and the eſtates of the Roman church, the patrimony of St. Peter in Am⯑bruzzo.

The bulk of eccleſiaſtical hiſtorians fix the year 606 for the title of univerſal biſhop, being conferred by way of pre-eminence on the pontiff of Rome; a dignity which had been aſſumed by the biſhop of Conſtantino⯑ple, and by others in the laſt century, but was now confirmed to pope Boniface III. who, being elected pope, prevailed on the emperor Phocas to take the title of univerſal biſhop from the biſhop of Conſtanti⯑nople, and to grant it to him, and his ſucceſſors, by his abſolute decree, which paſſed for that purpoſe. His taking upon him this authority, or dignity, was thought the more extraordinary, as his immediate predeceſſor but one, and probably, the beſt and the greateſt, ſo often condemned it in any biſhop whatſoever, and rejected it with indignation, when offered to himſelf, as vain, proud, impious, blaſphemous and antichriſtian, But [68]no ſooner had they brought that eccleſiaſtical power to its higheſt pitch, than they began to extend their views, to join inſenſibly the temporal and the ſpiritual power; nor did their boundleſs ambition allow them, or the world, any reſt, till they got themſelves acknow⯑ledged for univerſal monarchs, as well as univerſal biſhops, over all where they had any juriſdiction ^¶.

The church of Scotland were much divided in their ſentiments concerning the time of keeping Eaſter, and were with much difficulty reduced to the celebration of it according to the practice of the church of Rome.

About the year 634 commenced that grand diſpute, which made ſo much noiſe in the Eaſt, whether there were in Chriſt two operating wills, the one human, the other divine, or only one will and one operation: this occaſioned a general diſſention, and the convention of ſeveral councils, and in the fifth and laſt ſeſſion of the Lateran, A. D. 637, under the more immediate di⯑rection of pope Honorius, it was concluded in favour of one will. But this did not terminate the diſpute.

However, about the year 646 another diſpute in⯑tervened in regard to the titles and authority of the pope, the African biſhop having addreſſed Theodore the pope in a very high ſtile, calling him father of fa⯑thers and the ſupreme pontiff of all biſhops: the new primate of Conſtantinople wrote to him as his brother, and concluded with ſaying, the apoſtles had all an equal ſhare of power and of honour. This diſpute ſubſided for a time, and gave place to the revival of the former.

In 649 a council was called by Martin, biſhop of Rome, concerning the two natures and two opera⯑tions in Chriſt, and the doctrine of one will and one operation condemned and anathematized ^‡. The form as follows: — "I Martin, by the mercy of God, biſhop of the holy catholic and apoſtolic church of the city of Rome, have ſigned as judge this definition, con⯑firming [69]the orthodox faith, and condemning Theodorus, formerly biſhop of Pharan, Cyrus of Alexandria, Ser⯑gius, Pyrrhus, and Paul of Conſtantinople, and their heretical writings, with the impious ectheſis and the im⯑pious type."

This authoritative definition and decree gave great umbrage, and did not ſoon ſubſide; for it appears, that the authority of the pope, ſo late as the year 669, was a matter of diſpute: it was not acknowledged in Italy itſelf without the limits of the Suburbicarian provinces, the ancient limits of the juriſdiction of the biſhop of Rome. Maurus, biſhop of Ravenna, being ſoon after ſummoned by Vitalianus, to Rome, to give an account of his faith and his conduct, not only refuſed to obey the ſummons, but let the pope know, that he had no authority over him or his ſee. This unexpected anſwer provoked Vitalianus to ſuch a degree, that he imme⯑diately thundered againſt Maurus the ſentence of ex⯑communication; but of his excommunication he made no more account than he made of his ſummons; nay, thinking he had as good a right to excommunicate the pope as the pope had to excommunicate him, he re⯑torted the ſentence, and excommunicated him in his turn, which was thought a crime of ſo atrocious a na⯑ture, that he was ſtripped of his prieſthood and reduced to the ſtate of a layman: but the biſhop of Ravenna being ſupported by the exarch, he continued, in ſpite of the pope to exerciſe all the functions of his office till his death, and then left it in charge with his laſt breath, never to ſubmit to the undue power aſſumed by the pope, which was ſtrictly adhered to by his ſuc⯑ceſſor ^*.

In 680, when Agatho was biſhop of Rome, another council was held at Conſtantinople on the errors of the Monothelites, in a ſpacious [...] of the imperial palace, called from the form of the building Trulla, that is, C [...]pola, from whence it has ſometimes that name: it [70]conſiſted of 166 biſhops. It was moved at their firſt ſeſſion, that the opinions of the fathers ſhould be care⯑fully and diligently conſulted, in order to determine this point with greater certainty; and accordingly the ten firſt ſeſſions were ſpent in examining paſſages out of the fathers and approved councils; and in the 18th ſeſſion was read, and approved, and ſigned, the defini⯑tion and decree of the council, firſt acknowledging they received the five general councils; then they ana⯑thematized the impious and execrable doctrine of one will, and the abettors of it, among whom was Honorius, biſhop of Rome, Cyrus of Alexandria, Macarius of Antioch, and others; and in the concluſion the impe⯑rial edict was read, requiring all the ſubjects of the em⯑pire to conform in their belief to the preſent edict, on pain of being depoſed, if eccleſiaſtics; forfeiting their honour and eſtates, if laymen of rank and diſtinction; and if private perſons, to be baniſhed the city of Con⯑ſtantinople and all other cities in the empire. This ſe⯑vere edict was founded on that doctrine being repug⯑nant to the faith of the holy catholic and apoſtolic church, and the opinion of the fathers.

Such was the conduct and concluſion of the ſixth ge⯑neral council, declared to be of equal authority with the council of Nice, or any other council, and their de⯑crees; according to pope Gregory the Great, equal with the goſpels themſelves; but by this council the infalli⯑bility of the pope is irreconcilable with that of the council, Honorius the pope being thereby condemned as a heretic, his books ordered to be burnt, and he over and over anathematized. Hence it is obſerved by ſome authors, that one would think the papal infallibility would be given up by all who pretend to acknowledge the authority and infallibility of this council.

It is alſo remarked, as the concluſions of this coun⯑cil were principally founded on the authority of the fa⯑thers, this introduced ſuch a veneration for them, that their authority was almoſt univerſally aſſerted to be the rule of faith and doctrine, anathematizing all who do [71]not from the heart believe, and with the mouth profeſs, every thing delivered by the fathers ^*; notwithſtand⯑ing, as our author aſſerts, they muſt then believe the moſt abſurd and contradictory doctrines, doctrines even repugnant to ſcripture, to reaſon, and common ſenſe ^†. For the primitive fathers went very far in ſuperſtition, even ſo as to imitate the gentiles in their worſhip of daemons; for they canonized ſaints, and honoured their relics; they varied the mode of baptiſm by ſuffuſion, trine immerſion; introduced exorciſm; Chriſm gave milk and honey to the new baptiſed, and in the eucha⯑riſt they mingled water with wine, gave the ſacrament to children, and this continued to be the practice of the church to the twelfth century ^‡.

Pope Gregory I. who was ſo remarkable for ſuper⯑ſtition and invention, as to be ſurnamed the Great, in⯑troduced [72]the doctrine of purgatory; and amongſt other devices of the church of Rome in this century, the bi⯑ſhops of Rome were firſt honoured with the triple crown.—It was required that the traditions of the Ro⯑miſh church ſhould be deemed as ſacred, as if deliver⯑ed by the mouth of St. Peter himſelf.—The heathen temples (ſacred to God) were dedicated to the Virgin Mary, and to other nominal ſaints, and it was decreed that the church ſhould be an aſylum to all who fled to it, though guilty of the greateſt crimes.—No man was to marry a woman to whom his father had been godfather in baptiſm:—abſtinence from certain meats and drinks on certain days was deemed meritorious: —all ſaints-day inſtituted by Boniface IV. A. D. 610 ^‖, and the number of feaſts greatly augmented: — the feaſt of the circumciſion: — the feaſt of the purification: — the annunciation of the Virgin Mary:—and the feaſt of the depoſition or ſleep of the Virgin Mary fixed to the 15th of Auguſt, and the practice of faſting on Sa⯑turdays forbidden on pain of excommunication for the laity, and depoſition of the clergy ^*.—But amongſt other things, the Lord's prayer was decreed to be read in their public worſhip at Rome, and was, ſoon after, injoined on all the churches 618 ^‖; and organs were firſt brought into the Chriſtian church by pope Vitalianus, about the year 660 ^†.

The ſixth general council, held at Conſtantinople in 680, decreed, that Jeſus Chriſt ſhould be painted in a human form upon the croſs, which picture of him ſhould be put up in churches to repreſent, in the moſt lively manner imaginable to all Chriſtians, the death and paſſion of our Bleſſed Saviour: at other times he was delineated in the form of a lamb, and the Holy Ghoſt by that of a dove ^*. Private maſſes became [73]more frequent, and they gave the communion in both kinds with leavened bread. Another council was held in 692 at Trullo; they made 102 canons, moſt of them of a trifling nature, others very ſevere and opreſ⯑ſive to ſuch as differed in points of faith or diſcipline ^*.

Theodore, as he expreſſes it, had the ſatisfaction, be⯑fore he died, of ſeeing moſt if not all the novel doc⯑trines and Romiſh ceremonies eſtabliſhed all over Eng⯑land, and the churches of the Scotch eſtabliſhment, in this century ^†.

CENTURY THE EIGHTH.

In the Eighth century we have many melancholy inſtances of the great corruption in the Chriſtian church.

The number of church-officers was, indeed, in ſome meaſure fixed, and the ſeveral orders of archbiſhops, bi⯑ſhops, deans, canons, curates, &c. &c. in a manner pretty near to what ſubſiſts at preſent in the Romiſh church ^‖.

The pope now aſſumed to himſelf the power of diſ⯑poſing of the pall independently of the emperors, and declared by repeated decrees, it was unlawful for a metropolitan archbiſhop or primate to exerciſe any branch of his power till he had received his pall from Rome; and in ſeveral decrees the metropolitical juriſ⯑diction and power were ſaid to be conferred by the pall ^§.

Gregory III. in 734, by a ſolemn ſentence, deprived the emperor Leo, both of his empire and the com⯑munion of the faithful, becauſe he would not admit of the worſhip of images ^‡ Pope Leo III. ſet the im⯑perial crown on the head of Charlemaign, all the peo⯑ple crying out, To Charles Auguſtus, crowned of God [74]great and peaceable emperor of the Romans, long life and victorious (after which ſalutations the emperor adored the pope himſelf by kiſſing his feet). The pope gladly approved the acclamations and homage paid by the people, eſpecially as he ſaw by his being in⯑ſtrumental in inveſting the emperor with ſuch dig⯑nity, he thereby inſured to himſelf greater power, dignity, and influence.

This is the lateſt date of the commencement of the Anti-chriſtian reign, 756; the papal ſee having then eſtabliſhed its temporal juriſdiction by being inveſted with the exarchate of Ravenna ^‖.

In Italy, where the wealth of the monaſteries had not made them conſiderable before the year 750, they had paſſed unregarded by the Gothic kings, the em⯑perors and the kings of Lombardy, ſo that the elec⯑tion remained ſtill in the monks, only with the ſuperin⯑tendence of the biſhops.—But the biſhops being be⯑come uneaſy to the monaſteries, by their aſpiring to too much power, the abbots and monks, to deliver themſelves from this ſubjection, betook themſelves to the popes beſeeching him to exempt them from the biſhop's juriſdiction.

This was gladly embraced by the popes who ſaw their intereſt in creating, by this means, an imme⯑diate dependence on themſelves in cities belonging to other governments, and in enlarging their autho⯑rity over other biſhops; beſides that it imported ex⯑treamly, that ſo great a body as that of the monks, who in thoſe times were almoſt the only perſons who addicted themſelves to learning ſhould depend entirely on the ſee of Rome, and this exemption quickly ex⯑tended itſelf to all the monaſteries, which, by this means, became more cloſely united to that ſee, and ſeparated from the biſhops. But St. Bernard, de⯑teſting this innovation, remonſtrates to pope Eugene II. on the great abuſe of an abbots refuſing to obey his [75]biſhop, and the biſhop his metropolitan; that the church militant ought to govern itſelf after the ex⯑ample of the church triumphant, where an angel never ſaith, I will not ſubmit to an archangel. But what would this ſaint have ſaid, if he had lived in one of the following ages? St. Bernard ſaith, Me⯑zeray loudly condemns thoſe exemptions, for, ſaith he, to exempt abbots from the juriſdiction of biſhops, what is it other than commanding them to rebel? And is it not as monſtrous a deformity in the body of the church, to unite immediately a chapter or an abbey to the holy ſee, as in a human body to join a finger to a head? But it is obſervable by the way, that the exemption from temporal rights, which the biſhops themſelves had granted them, opened the door to this ſpiritual exemption ^*.

The kiſſing the pope's toe was firſt ſubmitted to by the emperor Juſtinian in 711. Laymen excluded as not eligible for biſhops, prieſt or deacons, 768. The worſhip of images was firſt made a law to the church, by the ſecond council of Nice, in the year 789, which council was afterwards oppoſed by that of Frankfort in 794 ^‖.

The diſpute between the eaſtern and weſtern biſhops, whether the Holy Ghoſt proceeded from the Father and the Son, or from the Father only, was decided, both in Spain and France, in favour of the former opinion; and whether Jeſus Chriſt may be ſtiled the adopted Son of God, was decided in the negative, and the conſubſtantiality of the Son with the Father aſſerted.

CENTURY THE NINTH.

In the ninth century, the papal dignity received a remarkable increaſe, with reſpect to the church. The pope of Rome aſſumed the title of univerſal biſhop, or head of the church; and ſtrenuouſly laboured to im⯑prove [76]this at firſt unmeaning title into ſomething more ſubſtantial.

Though the eaſtern patriarchs were not wanting in a vigorous oppoſition, yet the biſhops of Rome were very ſucceſsful in ſubjecting moſt of the weſtern churches to themſelves. The means made uſe of for this purpoſe, and the principal cauſes of it, were the ſuperſtitious veneration for the pretended chair of St. Peter; — the diviſions amongſt the clergy, which pro⯑duced the cuſtom of appealing to the popes — the obli⯑gation laid on the miſſionaries employed for preaching the goſpel among the pagans, to inſtruct them in the authority and dignity of the pope—their zeal likewiſe in aſſerting and vindicating his pre-eminence to thoſe of all other eccle⯑ſiaſtics, which was confirmed by grant of privileges, and particularly by ſending the pallium—the fantaſtical deſire of ſome prelates to be conſecrated by the pope himſelf — the ſeparation from the eaſtern churches, which was always decried as heretical—the ſtrict care taken to attach the body of the monks to the ſervice of the ſee of Rome—the collections of the papal decretals, and of the canon laws of Rome, &c. were compiled for the direction of churches in general.

The extent of this authority cannot be preciſely de⯑termined: it appears to be much larger in churches newly planted, than thoſe of earlier date ^§.

Infallibility could not be admitted againſt the evi⯑dence of the fall of Honorius, and of the manifeſtly-wicked lives of ſome popes; nor does it appear to have been a point fixed, ſince it was thought neceſſary, that the pope ſhould not only tranſmit his confeſſion of faith, but alſo at his elevation take the ſolemn oath of reli⯑gion: beſides, the decrees of councils were preferred to the ſentences of the popes. Some churches [...] Africa and Aquilia aſſerted their freedom; ſome b [...] ſhops did not allow the pope to be their judge; an [...] the emperor and kings of Spain, France and England [77]ſtill exerciſed their ſupreme power in eccleſiaſtical mat⯑ters; and it is a ridiculous pretence, that the pope at this time had a right of creating and depoſing kings: for, on the other hand, the ſovereigns of the city of Rome, who were firſt the Greek emperors, then Char⯑lemagne looked on the popes as their ſubjects, and did ſummon them judicially to appear before them.

Nevertheleſs, in this century, the biſhops of Rome became poſſeſſed of territories and ſubjects, which at firſt proceeded from the princes and kings of France of the Carlovingeian line, who, in a great meaſure owing their promotion to the friendſhip of the pope, in the warmth of their gratitude, beſtowed poſſeſſions in Italy on the ſee of Rome: but, then, they conveyed to the pope no more than an uſufructuary enjoyment of certain territories, ſtill retaining the ſovereignty. In like manner the popes were inveſted with certain prerogatives, yet were ſubject to Charlemagne, as they had been before to the Greek emperors.

But the poſterity of Charlemagne having been driven out of Italy in the year 884, pope Hadrian III. ordained, that the popes ſhould, for the future, be conſecrated without applying to the emperor at all ^‡. The emperor being yet young, and Germany all in commotions, this juncture invited the pope to exclude him entirely from the election of the biſhops and abbots, and to that end ſent him a monitory, whereby the emperor was forbid to concern himſelf any more with thoſe diſpoſitions ^*.

However, we may, in the laſt place, mention that, about the cloſe of this century, the kiſſing of the foot of the pope took place, as a token of reſpect, which had before been paid to the high prieſt among the pagans.

From this time, to about the middle of the next century, wherein Italy laboured under the extremeſt [78]confuſions, as well in the civil government as eccle⯑ſiaſtical, eſpecially in the papacy, we muſt not expect to find any traces or forms of good government in the church, but a mere chaos of impieties, and a general preparative and forerunner of the miſerable revolutions and diſorders which followed.

Popes were then excommunicated by their ſucceſſors, and their acts cancelled and annulled, not excepting the very adminiſtration of the ſacraments. Six popes were driven out, and dethroned, by thoſe who aſpired to their places.

Romanus I. did the ſame to Stephen VI. which Ste⯑phen had done to Formoſus; and Theodorus II. autho⯑riſed all the acts of Formoſus; and John X. who ſuc⯑ceeded Theodorus, confirmed the acts of Formoſus, and condemned the judgment of Stephen VI. Two popes were put to death, Leo V. by Chriſtophorus, and after⯑wards Chriſtophorus in the next century. In ſhort, ſuch a ſeries of wild diſorders gave occaſion to hiſtorians to ſay, that thoſe times produced monſters inſtead of popes. Fra. Paola makes a very judicious reflection on the diſorders in thoſe times: "I have not found (ſaith he) reaſons ſufficient to prove the hiſtory of pope Joan, no more than I have met with any to convince me of the contrary; however, to ſpeak ſincerely, I incline to the opinion of its being falſe; but not for its abſurdity, that age producing things as extraordinary as a lady's being papeſs ^†."

The Greek church which had held many diſputes with the weſtern biſhops, eſpecially ſince the ſixth century entirely ſeparated from the ſee of Rome, with reſpect to ſome doctrines and ceremonies which will hereafter be ſpecified.

The cuſtom of obſerving Lent was firſt introduced into England by Ercumbert, the ſeventh king of Kent: at the beginning of this century ſeveral monaſteries of nuns were eſtabliſhed, the Roman ritual introduced into moſt [79]churches, the number of ſolemn and particular feſtivals was increaſed, faſting in the vigils commanded, and the feaſt of the preſentation of the Virgin in the temple was obſerved by the Latins.

The conſecrating of churches and altars was moſt re⯑gularly obſerved, and the cuſtom of burying in churches introduced.

CENTURY THE TENTH.

In the tenth century the election of the pope ſtill re⯑mained in the clergy, the ſenate, and the people, the ſoldiery not excepted; but the freedom of their election was corrupted by bribery and violence. Theodora, a famous courtezan, got her profeſſed lover choſen pope, who was called John X. A. D. 915; and John XI. was choſen pope at the age of twenty.

Nor is there any century in which the Roman chair was diſgraced by ſo many profligate popes as in this. The power of the popes being enlarged, and confirmed, they were conſidered as biſhops of the world; and their ju⯑riſdiction was admitted in all matters, at leaſt which are ſtyled eccleſiaſtical. Princes now began to ſeek their friendſhip, and found their account in it too; and then it was no wonder if the authority of St. Peter's ſucceſſors ſhould be readily acknowledged, and their vanity foothed and flattered. Hence we find, that about this period the popes began to change their Chriſtian names for others, and the biſhop of Rome claimed the appellation of Pope in contradiſtinction from other biſhops ^‡; and even aſſerted, that the biſhops of Rome, as ſuc⯑ceſſors of St. Peter, and vicegerents of Chriſt, have all power, both in heaven and earth. In order to eſtabliſh this, a power was aſſerted of making articles of faith; and great zeal was uſed to ſubject all eccleſiaſtical per⯑ſons immediately to the ſee of Rome.

In A. D. 963, Otho of Saxony entered Italy, and ſubdued it by arms; and in order to ſettle ſome form of [80]government there, he aſſembled a little council of biſhops, wherein he depoſed pope John XII. but he had been made pope at the age of eighteen, and had diſho⯑noured the pontificate by adulteries and perjuries, and and the reſt of his character was unſuitable to his office ^¶.

Otho obliged the Roman people, and pope Leo VIII. who had been put in the place of pope John, to give up to the emperors the right of electing popes for thirty-ſix years, and within that ſpace, out of twelve two were elected peaceably, but the others not without tumult and diſorder, which occaſioned Benedict V. to be car⯑ried priſoner by Otho I. Benedict VI. by Otho II. John XIII. was ſtrangled by one who aſpired to the dig⯑nity; Boniface VII. robbed the treaſury of St. Peter, and fled; Joannes XVII. or rather XVI. went into vo⯑luntary baniſhment; ſo that Baronicus obſerves, though theſe are placed in the catalogue to make up the num⯑ber, the church had then in effect no other head than Jeſus Chriſt himſelf, and we may juſtly enquire after the infallibility.

In the midſt of the confuſions, the archbiſhop of Rheims took upon him the care of the French church. —In Germany, the emperor being no leſs pious than brave, and ſeveral of their biſhops religiouſly diſpoſed, they applied themſelves to the prevention of diſorders, and to promoting a reformation; inſomuch, that the German churches are ſaid to flouriſh at this time ^*.—In England, as king Alfred had reſtored the ſtudy of lite⯑rature in the latter end of the laſt century, the kings, his ſucceſſors, took ſome care about the reformation and eccleſiaſtical diſcipline: but we find the laws were enacted, and ſeveral regulations made, evidently ſhew their undue attachments to the ſee of Rome; ſuch particularly as related to the payment of tythes, Peter-pence, and ſome others.

[81]There was but little controverſy about points of doc⯑trine in this century, but in relation to the conſecrated elements.—The tranſlation of biſhops was now frequent —Marriage was forbid to be celebrated on any Sunday, or in Lent—Bells were firſt conſecrated—and the ſolemn canonization of a ſaint by the pope was introduced.

The general commemoration of all deceaſed ſaints was inſtituted at the end of this century.

And till towards the end of this century, the holy ſcriptures were read, and divine ſervice celebrated, in the vulgar tongue ^†.

Octavianus was the firſt who changed his Name for the ſake of obtaining the dignity of biſhop of Rome, A. D. 956.

CENTURY THE ELEVENTH.

In the Eleventh Century we find the biſhops of Rome were by no means content with confining their juriſdic⯑tion to matters which may be ſtiled eccleſiaſtical; they were not ſatisfied with depriving princes of the right of inveſtiture, and arrogating to themſelves the confirma⯑tion of the newly-elected biſhops, as indiſpenſibly requiſite; but they aſſumed the diſpoſal of the moſt profitable be⯑benefices, as the ſureſt means of providing for their creatures; and pope Alexander, in 1062, ſold ſeveral biſhopricks, which gave occaſion to many bitter com⯑plaints both in Germany and England ^*.

The appellation of pope, which originally ſignifies papa, was firſt appropriated to the biſhop of Rome by Gregory VII. A. D. 1050.

The cardinals had the red hat now given them as an enſign of their dignity, and the election of the popes was limited to the cardinals, beſides other ſingular pri⯑vileges which they now enjoy.

Pope Gregory VII. forced the biſhops to take an oath [82]of fealty to the popes, and by a decree enacted, that none ſhould dare to condemn any one who had appealed to the pope.—Having firſt openly avowed, that as pope, he had an inherent and abſolute power over all ſovereigns, he took upon him to cite the emperor Henry to appear and anſwer for his conduct at Rome. Henry deſpiſed thoſe citations, for which he was excommunicated by Gregory, who threatened the ſame to Philip I. of France, and iſſued his fulminations againſt moſt of the princes of Europe. He governed all the Weſtern churches with an abſolute authority, and did all that was in his power to get himſelf made the ſovereign monarch of the univerſe.—The dictatus papae, which contains twenty-ſeven propoſitions in behalf of the higheſt pretenſions of the court of Rome, was wrote by this pope. The papiſts confeſs they are aſhamed of thoſe propoſitions; and particularly the twenty-third, which declares, that the Roman pontiff being canonically or⯑dained, becomes undoubtedly holy by the merits of St. Peter ^*.

Pope Gregory VII. beſides his repeated excommu⯑nications, and the frequent rebellions which he ſtirred up and fomented, prevailed even with the emperor's eldeſt ſon to join in rebellion againſt his father, who, by this means, was almoſt driven out of Italy; and the ſucceeding pope, Victor III. purſued the ſame methods in carrying on the war, poured out his excommunica⯑tions afreſh upon the Emperor, plyed him with frequent rebellions, urged his ſon Henry againſt him, and at length induced him to take arms; ſo that at laſt, after great viciſſitudes of fortune, he came to an accommoda⯑tion, but was deceived in the conditions, and in the end reduced to a private life, by a reſignation of his empire to his ſon, whom he cauſed to be crowned king.

This unnatural ſon, when his father came to the diet, held at Mentz, with a numerous army, not long after, went to meet him, and caſting himſelf at his feet, [83]begged pardon with all the outward marks of a ſincere repentance: the emperor was wrought upon by this feigned ſubmiſſion, and they both went together to Bin⯑gen, where the ſon deluded the father, raiſing a jealouſy in him, that the archbiſhop of Mentz might keep him priſoner, if he entered that city before he was abſolved from his excommunication: therefore, adviſing him to ſtay at Bingen, while he went to diſpoſe the princes of the adverſe party, at that diet, to a reconciliation, the emperor ſwallowed the bait. The ſon went to the diet without him, and by the inſtigation of the pope, got him⯑ſelf proclaimed emperor.

Paſcal II. the fourth pope from Gregory VII. took up the ſpiritual arms of excommunication, to wreſt the inveſtiture of biſhops and abbots out of the hands of the emperors, held a council at Guaſtalla in Mantua, and another at Troyes in France, and renewed the decrees of Gregory VII. that no laick ſhould intermeddle with the collation of benefices. Violent quarrels, conteſts, and wars, enſued, which extended to the next cen⯑tury ^*. But the emperor came to Italy with a powerful army, and obtained a revocation of that decree.

Some fathers of the council made uſe of this dilemma. "If the decree, by which the pope conſented to yield up the inveſtitures to the emperor, was lawful, it ought to be obſerved: but if it be unjuſt, and, as ſome ſay, he⯑retical, the pope, as the author of it, is therefore un⯑juſt and heretical alſo ^†."

Indulgences, as they are now underſtood, and the office of the Virgin Mary, as it is now uſed, by the church of Rome, had the ſanction of a decree by the [84]council of Clermont, A. D. 1095 ^‡. About the end of this century the practice of diſciplining one's ſelf was in⯑troduced;—the cuſtom of doing penance for others took place;—the feaſts of the four ſeaſons were ob⯑ſerved; — ſeveral councils enjoined abſtinence on Fri⯑days and Saturdays; maſs for the living was to be cele⯑brated but once a day, a ſecond permitted for the dead; the prieſts were enjoined penance, who, through negli⯑gence, ſhould let fall the hoſtia; — all the faithfull were obliged to communicate at Eaſter; — the communion was hitherto received under both kinds ^‖; — a decree was made in England againſt the marriage of prieſts, by Lanfranc, biſhop of Canterbury, in a ſynod held at Wincheſter ^‖.

CENTURY THE TWELFTH.

In this century the pope of Rome and other eccle⯑ſiaſtics attempted with great vigour to ſubject to themſelves princes, and their kingdoms and ſtates, urging, that the ſplendor of their dignity was to that of the majeſty of emperors and kings as the effulgence of the ſun to the borrowed light of the moon; and therefore they demanded from crowned heads the moſt extravagant marks of reſpect:—they then claimed the right of conferring royal dignity, and particularly pre⯑ſumed to conſider the imperial crown as abſolutely at their diſpoſal, and by the pretenders they ſet up, diſ⯑poſed of entire kingdoms, provinces, and countries: they excommunicated emperors, kings, and princes, on the ſlighteſt occaſions; laid their dominions under an interdict; diſcharged their ſubjects from their fide⯑lity, and even diſſolved the ſacred bonds of marriage ^*.

[85]And Dupin ^†, much to the ſame purpoſe, tells us, that the church of Rome was diſturbed by obſtinate ſchiſms; the popes at war with the emperors; the kings and biſhops diſputing about their temporal rights; the immunities of the church, and of eccleſiaſtical per⯑ſons, ſtrenuouſly oppoſed, and in conſequence, were as vigorouſly ſupported by the biſhops, and maintained by the decrees of councils; the church over-ſtocked with monaſtic and other orders of monks; ſcholaſtic divinity made the common ſtudy of the clergy; and the dignity of the ſacraments, and the external worſhip, were great⯑ly affected by many prevailing hereſies. The ſtruggles and contentions betwixt the pope and the emperor were not confined to Italy and Germany alone, which were the kingdoms and dominions of the emperor; but ſe⯑veral biſhops in France took occaſion to oppoſe the king; but, as they were not enough united to enter all into the ſame league with the pope, the king generally carried his point ^§.

In England, where the king had hitherto conferred the biſhopricks and abbies, Anſelm, archbiſhop of Canterbury, in the year 1102, in obedience to the pope's decrees, began to refuſe to conſecrate biſhops nominated by the king. This conteſt held for many years, the king, viz. Henry I. maintaining his right, and the archbiſhop, ſupported by the pope, oppoſing it: the king, in hopes to bring the pope to hear reaſon, ſent an ambaſſador to Rome, who, provoked by the rough an⯑ſwers and menaces of the pope, declared, that his maſter would never yield up his authority, though he loſt his kingdom in its defence; to which the pope, with no leſs boldneſs, replied, he would never ſuffer the king to nominate to the benefices if he loſt his head. The king, on the ambaſſador's return, exerted his au⯑thority; and Anſelm, the archbiſhop, was obliged to quit the kingdom; nor could he return without [86]complying with the king's pleaſure.—But this prince dying, and a civil war enſuing, it was eaſy for the clergy to introduce into England what the pope had done in his empire.

In that ſpace of time, between the years 1122, where⯑in Henry renounced the inveſtiture by the pope, and 1145, it became a rule almoſt every where in Germany, that, upon the death of a biſhop, his ſucceſſor ſhould be choſen by the chapter, and confirmed by the metro⯑politan; that the abbots ſhould be choſen by the monks, and then confirmed by the biſhop, if the monaſtery were not exempted and if it were, then the pope was to be applied to for his confirmation; that the other benefices, which were de jure patronatus, ſhould be conferred by the biſhops upon the preſentation of the patron; and that all the reſt ſhould be at the entire diſpoſal of the biſhop. — Nevertheleſs, the election of the popedom came under no new regulation ^*.

However, the emperor held a right with reſpect to ſome churches; and the pope, unwilling to revive the old quarrel, as it were, ſhared ſnacks with him under various pretences.

France, however, retained the royal prerogative (call⯑ed the Regale) of conferring all ſimple benefices vacant upon the biſhops death, until a ſucceſſor was appointed. — But near the cloſe of the next century we find Boni⯑face VIII. had a ſharp conteſt with Philip of France, and ruined the kingdom, in great meaſure, by the ex⯑communications, interdicts, &c. and, at length, de⯑prived the king of his throne, and for ſome time gave it to the emperor Albert, depriving thoſe of their be⯑nefices, who held them under the king ^†. This proved one conſiderable means of enlarging the power of the pope.

Another conſiderable means of increaſing the papal power was the buſineſs of tythes, firſt fruits, &c. which [87]was made to extend to fiſheries, hay, wool, bees, &c. which were exacted under the ſevereſt cenſures. — And in order the better to promote their wealth and power, they revoked a law that had been made, that the church ſhould reject the donations and legacies of pub⯑lic ſinners; but this obſtacle was removed, and the pope and clergy endeavoured to prove thoſe donations a kind of extenuations where they could not be pro⯑nounced meritorious.

The large opportunities which the court of Rome had in their hands, of obliging by the diſpoſal of ſo many benefices, drew thither a concourſe of the clergy of all ſorts; of thoſe who had no beneficies, to obtain them; and thoſe who had, to get them exchanged for better: and this occaſioned frequent abſence, they were obliged to purchaſe indulgence or abſence of leave from their cures. — Commendams was alſo another pretty device: when an elective benefice became vacant ſuch as a biſhopric abby, — the care of it was recommend⯑ed by the ſuperior to ſome perſon of merit, or of inte⯑reſt, till another was choſe: afterwards it was given for a certain time ^‡.

But among other meaſures that contributed to render the pope ſupreme governor of all Chriſtendom, and to center the riches of the world in the treaſury of the church, were the cruſades or martial expeditions againſt infidels, eſpecially as the clergy were fond of preaching againſt heretics, as they called them and their protectors. "This device," ſays Mezeray, "was a very ſucceſsful means to aggrandize the pope; for they ordered princes to enroll themſelves in thoſe expeditions; they retained the ſovereign command of thoſe armies by their legates; and they became, in ſome ſort, lords in chief of all who went to the cruſade, not only becauſe the pope exacted obedience from them, but becauſe they took the other under their protection till their return, which [88]was like letters of ſtate, and ſuſpended all civil and criminal proceedings ^§."

But the greateſt ſupport of all this uſurpation was the eſtabliſhment of the inquiſition in Italy, and the con⯑firmation of Gratian's collection of canon laws. — Add to this the practice of canonization as an excellent means to ſecure conſtancy in the faith of the Romiſh church; to enrich the papal treaſury; and to extend that power not only to the diſpoſal of temporal crowns and king⯑doms, but even of celeſtial crowns too, when it was ſubſervient to their ambition or intereſt.

Pope Celeſtine III. was a remarkable inſtance of this boundleſs ambition, who having been formerly ob⯑liged by Henry with ſeveral favours, was more inclina⯑ble to crown him, in order to which the young empe⯑ror haſtened to Rome with his empreſs, and they were both crowned by this holy father in an unprecidented and moſt remarkable manner. The ceremony is thus related ^*: after the emperor had taken his oath to de⯑fend the church, and the patrimony of St. Peter, &c. the emperor and empreſs were brought into the church and placed by the pope; and maſs being ſolemnly ce⯑lebrated by him, he anointed firſt the emperor, uſing certain ſolemn words, and afterwards the empreſs; then ſitting down in his pontifical chair, he held the imperial crown between his feet, and the emperor kneeling and bowing down his head, and likewiſe the empreſs did reſpectively receive the crown from his feet, which was no ſooner on each of their heads, but the pope, with his foot, ſpurned it off to the ground, in token that he had power to depoſe them at his pleaſure: after which, the cardinals ſtanding round received the ſaid crown, and reverently put it upon the head, firſt of the emperor and then of the empreſs, and then con⯑cluded the coronation with pomp and magnificence un⯑heard [89]of till that time. Indeed the court of Rome was amazingly ſplendid by the great number of officers belonging to it, and the many rites and ceremonies that were obſerved in all their public acts of reli⯑gion.

The ninth general council was held at Lateran, A. D 1123, wherein they granted remiſſion of ſins to ſuch who went a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, or in aid to the catholic Chriſtians againſt infidels, and ex⯑communicated ſuch as, having been croſſed by the pope for that purpoſe, relinquiſhed their pilgrimage ^‡. And the tenth general council, 1139, was only, or principally, to declare the decrees of pope Peter of Leon null and void.

In this century ſeveral inſtitutions took place: two military orders of monks were appointed, viz. thoſe of St. John of Jeruſalem, who were to take care of the pilgrims who went to that city: — the other were the templers, whoſe office it was to provide for the ſafety of pilgrims, by fighting in their defence againſt ſuch as oppoſed or moleſted them ^*.—The Benedictine order of monks, which had been introduced in the Eaſt, prevailed in the Weſt, and were, by permiſſion of the pope, be⯑come almoſt independent of their biſhops.—The bi⯑ſhops had in almoſt all churches their officials to per⯑form divine ſervice for them:—academies were gene⯑rally eſtabliſhed throughout Italy and France to qua⯑lify for the office of the prieſthood:—the canonization of ſaints was appropriated to the pope by Alexander III. 1160, and the remiſſion of certain ſins reſerved to the pope: others were pardonable by the biſhops in gene⯑ral: communion in both kinds was yet retained:— baptiſm was chiefly adminiſtered on ſolemn days: but what is more remarkable, the holy inquiſition, as it is impiouſly called, with all the train of the moſt arbitrary and tyrannical perſecutions and torture, generally fol⯑lowed [90]by the moſt inhuman and cruel deaths, was erected, A. D. 1198 ^†, but according to others, it did not commence, or be put in full force till the year 1204, againſt the Albigenſes.

CENTURY THE THIRTEENTH.

In the Thirteenth Century we ſee the power of the popiſh prelates at its greateſt height; but withal ſo ſtrained, that it was natural for the cords to break. That ſummit of power ſeems to terminate with pope Boniface the VIIIth, towards the cloſe of this century, who arrogated to himſelf the power of depoſing princes by divine right—publiſhed a bull, by which he forbid all princes to exact any thing out of the eccleſiaſtical revenues.—He likewiſe inſtituted a jubilee, whereby he granted plenary indulgences to all who ſhould viſit the church of St. Peter and St. Paul at Rome, and ordained the ſame ſhould be obſerved every century. The open⯑ing of this jubilee brought vaſt numbers to Rome, and pope Boniface, to ſhew his ſovereign authority in temporals as well as ſpirituals, appeared at the public ſolemnities, ſometimes in his pontificals, and at others in an imperial dreſs, with this motto, Ecce duo Gladii. Indeed, in reſpect to the pope of Rome's ſupremacy over the whole church, the ancient maxims were ſtill retained, and inſtances are not wanting of their putting them in practice when they had opportunity ^*.

Father Paul gives us a compendium of theſe mat⯑ters: he ſays, "By various methods the popes drew to themſelves a great part of the collation of benefices in all the Chriſtian kingdoms in the weſt; but, in the eaſtern churches, they were not allowed to diſpoſe of one benefice. In Italy, indeed, they met with ſuch great ſucceſs, that they flattered themſelves they ſhould impoſe on all Europe.

In England, where the benefices are very rich, the Roman courtiers made ſuch mighty acquiſitions, that, [91]in the year 1232, the clergy and military men of the kingdom formed a confederacy or aſſociation, and pil⯑laged all the goods and revenues of the beneficed Ro⯑man clergy throughout the iſland. The pope com⯑manded the king, under pain of excommunication, to chaſtiſe them with his temporal arms, and the biſhops to excommunicate them; but the confederacy was too ſtrong, either for the king to puniſh, or the biſhops to excommunicate them.

Pope Innocent IV. ſomewhat incenſed at it, ſent one Martin, a kinſman of his, to renew the pretenſions of the court of Rome. The Engliſh complained to the king, that the Italians had got poſſeſſion of all the be⯑nefices, and the king drove Martin out of the king⯑dom; and, making a computation of the revenues, which the pope drew out of the kingdom, found that they were equal to his own revenues, which amounted to 60,000 marks: and, upon his laying theſe griev⯑ances before the pope, in the council of Lyons, where he preſided, he was anſwered, that the council was not aſſembled for that affair, nor was that the ſeaſon to remedy it. He had called it, he pretended, to give ſuccours to the Holy Land; but his true motive was, to excommunicate the emperor Frederic ^*.

Nevertheleſs, the court ceaſed not to make new at⯑tempts in the year 1253, requiring the biſhop of Lin⯑coln to confer a benefice upon a Genoeſe; which he rejected, at it was againſt the canons of the church: but he was nevertheleſs excommunicated by the pope. However, this good man died before the ſentence could be executed, and the pope was ſo malevolent, that he ordered a proceſs againſt him, to take him out of his grave, and ſent it to the king to execute.

In the year 1258, Alexander IV. his ſucceſſor, on the like occaſion, excommunicated the archbiſhop of York ^‡, who withſtood the proſecution with great [92]fortitude; and, drawing near his end, wrote a very pious letter to the pope, exhorting him to ſuppreſs theſe innovations ſo injurious to the church, and ſo dangerous to the ſafety of his own ſoul.

As for cardinals, nothing can be ſurpriſing that is ſaid of them, when one conſiders the ſtile of the court of Rome, regibus aequi parantur ^‖: whence they con⯑clude, ſaith he, that no revenue is too great for them, that is not ſuper-abounding for kings themſelves; and it is for this reaſon, that popes have granted them the privilege of being capable of holding all ſorts of bene⯑fices, either ſecular or regular. But is there any thing in this that exceeds the ordinary terms of ſpeaking on this ſubject, ſeeing it is the tenet of every canoniſt, that the pope can grant diſpenſations for holding as many benefices as he pleaſes? and this was ſometimes done contrary to the letter of the law, and therefore, in ſome parts of Europe, treated with marks of de⯑teſtation.

But, at length, this ſupremacy became greatly cur⯑tailed by ſome of thoſe advocates and champions for truth, who, notwithſtanding any or all the diſcourage⯑ments, dared to aſſert the ſcriptures as the only rule of faith ^*.

The popes themſelves gave many flagrant inſtances of their fallibility, even in doctrine, crowned heads oppoſed their inſolence, and publicly declared them heretics, and that too with the approbation of many eminent divines. But the great blow to this ſupre⯑macy was the maxim firſt reduced to practice, by the councils of Piſa, Conſtance, and Baſil, and by the two laſt eſtabliſhed as an article of faith. That the pope is ſubject to a general council, and bound to obey their decrees; and that, in caſe of neceſſity, he is even obliged to apply to them for their judgment and pro⯑tection. Which doctrine proved the more fatal at Rome, as it has been received by the Gallican church, who [93]have ever ſince ſtrictly adhered to the two following maxims, always looked upon in France as indiſputable.

The firſt is, that the pope has no authority or right to command or order any thing, either in general or particular, in which the temporalities or civil rights of the kingdom are concerned.

The ſecond is, that, notwithſtanding the pope's ſu⯑premacy is owned in matters purely ſpiritual, this is to be underſtood as under the regulation, and ſubordinate to, the decrees of councils, canons, &c. and the an⯑cient and preſent privileges of that nation ^†. This was further ratified in the fifteenth century.

But we nevertheleſs find, that they retained a vene⯑ration for the holy catholic father, and adhered to as many of his favourite tenets and cuſtoms, as conſiſted with their civil eſtabliſhment.

CENTURY THE FOURTEENTH.

This century affords many dreadful examples of the popes and biſhops exciting and inflaming catholic princes againſt the Albigenſes, and all others, whom they ſtigmatiſed with the name of heretics, either by public cruſades, or private tribunals before inquiſitors, to deſtroy them. Accordingly ſeveral religious orders were inſtituted in this century, viz. of the preaching brothers, whoſe office and buſineſs was to be zealous declaimers againſt the Albigenſes. They had a mo⯑naſtery at Paris, in St. James's houſe, thence called Ja⯑cobins—another order of minims—of Auguſtine her⯑mits—Carmelites—the order of Maria de la Merci— of ſervites and celeſtins: theſe grew ſo numerous, that Gregory X. at the general council, forbid eſtabliſhing any new ones ^§. Bowing at the name of Jeſus was introduced into the church, by the decree of the [94]ſecond council of Lyons, 1212; kneeling at the com⯑munion, by pope Honorius, 1214 ^‡. That called the feaſt of the holy ſacrament was likewiſe inſtituted in the church of Rome, but not univerſally received till the next century. Auricular confeſſion was made ne⯑ceſſary to ſalvation by the council of Lateran, the twelfth general council, 1215; and tranſubſtantiation, after a diſpute of four hundred years, concerning the nature of the ſacrament of our Lord's ſupper, pope Innocent III. determined the matter, and procured a decree for making it an article of the catholic faith in the Lateran council, 1215 ^*.

The thirteenth general council was held at Lyons, 1245, as well for civil as eccleſiaſtical affairs. Three points were aimed at by the pope, viz. to relieve the empire of Conſtantinople againſt the Greeks, the em⯑pire of Germany againſt the Tartars, and the Holy Land againſt the Saracens: for theſe purpoſes, they decreed the twentieth part of the revenues of all eccle⯑ſiaſtical benefices, and the tenth of the revenues of the pope; but exempted the croiſado prieſt from any con⯑tributions in this council. The pope excommunicated the emperor Frederic, and diſpoſſeſſed him of his em⯑pire, on ſuſpicion of his having been dilatory in ſupply of the papal chair, and, to ſhew his own great autho⯑rity now, he poſſeſſed it ^‖.

The fourteenth general council was held at Lions, A. D. 1274, for the relief of the Holy Land, for the reunion of the Greek church, and for the reforming the church diſcipline. In the fourth ſeſſion, the union of the Greek church was attempted, but on ſuch points of faith as were of an indeterminate nature, particularly relating to the Trinity, and the union propoſed could not be effected.

The fourteenth century further evinces, that the popes could not longer enjoy that vaſt degree of gran⯑deur [95]to which they had aſpired, nor ſupport their in⯑tolerable uſurpation in quiet: their authority was often called in queſtion, till they were obliged to de⯑ſiſt in part from their pretenſions. Philip, king of France, gave ſeveral great blows to the papal authority; and from the enſuing ſchiſms of double elections, when the oppoſite factions choſe different popes at the ſame time, an occaſion was taken to bridle the popes autho⯑rity, by calling councils, which often proceeded ſo far as to depoſe the holy fathers. To this may be added, that the tranſlation of the papal chair, by Clement V. from Rome to Avignon, where the popes conſtantly reſided for ſeventy years together, carried along with it ſeveral inconveniencies, which proved greatly prejudi⯑cial to the eccleſiaſtical monarchy. Among others, the popes authority being founded upon this belief, that St. Peter had been at Rome, and by his preſence had communicated a particular prerogative and holineſs to that chair, it was very much queſtioned whether the ſame could be transferred to Avignon ^*.

Boniface IX. was the firſt who exacted annates, i. e. one year's revenue of every biſhopric and abby, at each inſtallment ^†; had publiſhed a bull, and declared him⯑ſelf to be ſovereign lord, both in temporals and ſpiri⯑tuals. King Philip of France burnt this bull, and ſent the following anſwer to the pope: ‘Philip, by the grace of God, king of the Franks, to Boniface, who ſets up for ſovereign pontiff, little or no health. Be it known to your great extravagance, that we are not ſubject to any perſon whatſoever as to what regards temporals; that the collation of churches and prebendſhips belongs to us by a royal right, and that we have a power to appropriate the fruits of it to ourſelves.’

After the popes had aſſumed great part of the power to themſelves, of which they had ſtripped the emperor, John XXII. in the year 1316, made a decree, [64]that for three years, whoever obtained a benefice of more that twenty-four ducats of yearly rent, ſhould pay one year's value, for the expedition of his bull.

Some few years after the inſtitution, or reſervation of annates, king Edward, in the year 1373, ſent an am⯑baſſador to pope Gregory XI. then at Avignon, to preſs him to annul the reſervations entirely, which, after it had been in agitation, were the next year totally abo⯑liſhed by this pope.

But a great ſchiſm ariſing in the church upon his death, which happened in the year 1378, and produced two popes, and confequently two courts, the neceſ⯑ſary expences to ſupport them were alſo doubled. Thus all inventions for fleecing the people were ſet on work with freſh vigour. Simony appeared no where ſo bare⯑faced, the two courts holding an open market for benefices; and every eſſay was made that was poſſible to ſtrip the ordinary collators of the right of pre⯑ſenting.

Hitherto the court of Rome had not taken off the maſk, nor had ſo avowedly owned that paſſion ſhe had for money; but pope Urban VI. left it no longer to conjecture, why he concerned himſelf with the collation of benefices, when he declared, that no preſentation ſhould be good, where the value was not expreſſed ^*.

By theſe methods the apoſtolic chamber came to a juſter knowledge of the value of the annates. This was thought by ſome to be no better than putting up the benefices to auction: but on the other hand, it was inſinuated, that it was only to prevent the holy chamber being defrauded of their right.

No body can deny, but that the diſorders were no⯑torious in the Roman courts on this occaſion; and that many neighbouring kingdoms were ſo greatly alarmed and diſguſted at the variety of tricks and ſhifts they ſaw practiſed, that they came at laſt to acknowledge neither of the competitors for pope. Germany refuſed [97]to ſubmit to the reſervations. Innocent VII. ſent his legate into Germany, to grant new bulls for certain ſums to ſuch as had come in by epiſcopal collation, and to compound for the firſt fruits. But the emperor Charles IV. forbad the levying them, ſaying it was neceſſary to reform the manners of the clergy, but not their purſes.

Theſe confuſions received a conſiderable increaſe by the addition of a third pope, which, with the king of France's meaſures, will be related in the hiſtory of the next century.

Moreover, the Greek church, ſays Dupin, was diſturbed by frivolous queſtions; the order of franciſ⯑can monks torn in pieces by odd opinions, and extra⯑vagant practices; diverſe errors taught by divines, condemned by the biſhops, or univerſities; and ſeveral diſorders ſuppreſſed by the inſtitutions of councils and biſhops. The divines which flouriſhed in this age, fol⯑lowed the methods of the ſchools, as their predeceſſors had done. The commentators upon holy ſcripture pro⯑duced nothing great nor excellent; and the hiſtorians, nothing exact or perfect. But the ſtudy of the civil law, and the languages, acquired a great degree of perfec⯑tion; and the love of certain profitable ſciences muſt be acknowledged to have prevailed in this century ^†. But it is likewiſe notorious, that the catholics have caſtrated many valuable books, and ſuppreſſed every thing that might ſerve for the defence of the temporal authority; and made ſuch alterations and additions to ſeveral books reprinted, as might beſt ſerve to promote the doctrines and practices of the church of Rome: an evident proof of their degeneracy and corruption ^‡.

This century is alſo remarkable for the oppoſition made in England to the groſſer errors of popery, by Wickliffe, and his adherents, of which we ſhall have occaſion to treat in another part of this work.

[98]The fifteenth general council was held at Vienna, 1311, for condemning the templars, and the extinction of their order.

With reſpect to offices and ceremonies, the plurality of benefices was commonly practiſed; the commendams of abbeys became very frequent; excommunications, and other eccleſiaſtical cenſures, were made uſe of to enforce the payment of tithes or tenth from the people, and to maintain the clergy in their immunities ^*, and the office of churchwardens firſt appointed.

Notwithſtanding the prohibition of the Lateran coun⯑cil, ſome new religious orders were eſtabliſhed, as the order of Jeſuits, afterwards confirmed by Urban V. 1367; the order of St. Saviour; the order of St. Am⯑broſe.

CENTURY THE FIFTEENTH.

The Fifteenth Century of the church is full of great tranſactions: the ſchiſm of the popes, which appeared at the beginning of it, was, for many years, the great care and buſineſs of the prelates and Chriſtian princes of the weſt; beſides this, the difference between the council of Baſil and pope Eugenius IV. and the project of the re-union of the Greeks to the Latin church, were the great concerns of Chriſtendom: but the former had not thoſe miſchievous conſequences which were feared, nor the latter the ſucceſs which was hoped for. Among many other remarkable events, the op⯑poſition made in ſeveral parts of Germany to the errors and enormities of the church of Rome had this ten⯑dency, to put men upon the ſtudy of uſeful learning, upon ſearching the ſcripture and tradition; and it obliged the prelates to labour after a reformation of the clergy, ſo generally and ſo juſtly complained of; as alſo to make many regulations in the diſcipline of the church; in which the church of France more particularly diſtin⯑guiſhed [99]itſelf, and furniſhes us with the beſt part of the hiſtory of this century ^‖.

This ſchiſm is generally conſidered with regard to the meaſures they had taken, and the effects of them; the buſineſs of collation, of benefices, the reſervation of annates, &c. had very much incenſed ſome of the neighbouring princes, who were jealous of their ſub⯑jects property. One of the firſt ſteps taken by the king of France was, his letters of ſubtraction, as they were called, which is a declaration of withdrawing from his obedience, publiſhed in the year 1408, which had a very good effect. But in the year 1409, a third pope was elected, to whom, though France paid obedience, yet ſhe ſtood firm in maintaining the king's edict by which all reſervations, annates, and other exactions of the court of Rome, were forbid, until they were ſettled by a lawful general council; and it happened at that time, that the parliament of Paris were in part compoſed of counſellors that were well eſtabliſhed in the eccleſiaſtical laws; and thoſe made a noble ſtand againſt the en⯑croachments attempted to be made by the pope's eccle⯑ſiaſtical judges.

In the ſixteenth general council, held at Conſtance, the ſchiſm of the popes was extinguiſhed, by one of the popes having renounced, after he had fled from the council and been brought back again and depoſed, viz. John XXIII. And the two others having been depoſed, viz. Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII. in the year 1417. Martin V. was elected pope at the general council.

Great hopes were entertained, that the council and the pope together, the two moſt powerful concurrents upon earth, would ſet themſelves to reform the many abuſes that had crept into the church; and, indeed, the council recommended it to the pope: but from their deſire of returning home, and ſome difficulties which they found attended it, it was put off for a more convenient ſeaſon, [100]under the direction of a future council; ſo that council terminated April 12, 1418 ^*.

But they firſt condemned the errors of John Huſs and Wickliffe, and in which John Huſs was condemned to be burnt.

The French not being willing to ſtay ſo long, a de⯑cree was made in the parliament of Paris, that no obe⯑dience ſhould be paid to the pope, unleſs he firſt ad⯑mitted, and acknowledged the king's edict ^†, which ſuppreſſed the reſervations and exactions of money in France.

The pope, being apprized of this by his nuncios, agrees to it for that time; but having gained ſome mem⯑bers of the univerſity to his party, in the year 1422, he again attempted to make the reſervations: however, he failed in the attempt, and they proceeded to the impriſonment of all his adherents, the rector of the uni⯑verſity, and divers others of the members and fellows; and upon the pope's putting the city of Lyons under interdiction, becauſe that city obeyed the king's edict, the parliament ſtrictly forbad their obedience to it.

This diſpute laſted till the year 1424, when matters were compromized betwixt them; they had, as it were, divided the power, and the advantages: but it did not prove to the ſatisfaction of either parties, ſo it laſted but a little while. However, at the end of about ſeven years, Martin died, to whom ſucceeded Eugene IV. during whoſe popedom, in 1431, the council of Baſil took in hand the reformation ſo neceſſary. All reſer⯑vations were prohibited, except of thoſe benefices which were vacant in curia, the annates, and many other ex⯑actions peculiar to that court.

The pope finding ſuch a check given to his power, after many attempts to obtain an alteration, came to an open rupture with them. The pope diſſolved the council—the council deprived the pope, and choſe an⯑other.—This [101]bred another ſchiſm in the church.—France and Germany received the decrees of this council; and in the year 1438, the famous Pragmatic Sanction, which Mezeray calls the bulwark of the Gallican church, was publiſhed in France, which reſtored the elections to the chapters, the collations to the ordinaries, and abo⯑liſhed the reſervations.

In this century, viz. at the council of Bourges, 1438, their decrees were principally taken out of thoſe of the council of Baſil: for when pope Eugenius uſed his ut⯑moſt endeavours to diſſolve the council of Baſil, and to deſtroy its authority, the fathers of the council ſent their deputies into France to preſent the decrees and conſti⯑tutions which they had made for the reformation of, eccleſiaſtical, diſcipline to Charles VII. and the church of France. The king, not willing to do any thing in a matter of that importance, immediately convened a council of biſhops to examine thoſe decrees. The reſult was, giving a blow to the ſupremacy, by that maxim, firſt reduced to practice by the councils of Piſa, Conſtance, and Ba⯑ſil, and by the two laſt eſtabliſhed, as an article of faith, "That the pope is ſubject to a general council;" which doctrine proved the more fatal at Rome, as it has been received by the Gallican church as a mark of diſtinction.

But all the regulations made by them againſt thoſe innovations in their dominion, ſerved but to ſharpen the induſtry of the court of Rome, to find out other expedients which might prove effectual for theſe ends, under other pretexts, as well as to ſupply, by a multi⯑plication of new rights, their defect of power in matters wherein the interpoſition of princes had reſtrained them.

It was about this time reſignations took place, it be⯑ing never before allowed to churchmen to quit the cure that had been aſſigned them; and till now it was thought incumbent on the miniſter, who had undertaken a charge, and received a recompence for it, that he ſhould continue to perform it to the end of his life: but how⯑ever, this being permitted and encouraged, it turned to the advantage of the court of Rome, as it made [102]the more frequent, and enlarged the ſum ariſing from annates.

When the reſources of this kind began to dry up, in⯑dulgences and remiſſion of ſins were thought of in their room, to be beſtowed on ſuch perſons who ſhould con⯑tribute money for the holy war, or any other pious uſes: and this matter was carried ſo high, that every one knows, that the changes, that were made in con⯑ſequence of thoſe indulgences, in Germany and many other parts of Europe, and which commenced pretty early in the next century, make no ſmall part of eccle⯑ſiaſtical hiſtory.

In Italy, where the council of Baſil never was re⯑ceived, and the adherence to the pope was more ſtrong, the reſervations had taken deeper root, every pope re⯑newing them with eaſe, and introducing new preten⯑ſions and impoſitions, and ſhewing no inſtance of miti⯑gation in the rigour of any of them, except where ſome expedient had been found to work the ſame effect an eaſier way.

In Germany, where the council of Baſil was by ſome admitted, by others not, there was great diverſity in the deciſions concerning beneficiary cauſes. To provide againſt and reconcile theſe differences, Nich. V. and the emperor Frederic III. in the year 1448, made a con⯑cordat, concluded in the pope's name, to the following tenor: — That the benefices vacant in court ſhould be reſerved to the pope, and that the reſt of the elective benefices ſhould go by election ^*.

In France there were warm diſputes ſubſiſting for a conſiderable time, ſometimes the pope ſeeming to get the better in the controverſy, and ſometimes the king of France.

At length Leo X. framed a concordat with king Francis I. of France, that the pragmatic ſanction ſhould be aboliſhed, and the election of biſhops and abbots ſhould be taken from the cathedral and colle⯑giate [103]churches, and given to the king, who was to name a fit perſon, and the pope to confer the benefice; it was farther concluded, that the pope could not give ex⯑pectatives, nor make any reſervations, general or ſpecial: though there was great difficulty in getting this concor⯑dat to be received, the univerſity appealing to a general council lawfully convened, yet the king's authority and intereſt prevailed, and it was put in execution throughout.

Thus, after ſeveral popes, had between 1076 and 1150, thundered out ſo many excommunications, and occaſioned much rebellion and bloodſhed, in order to wreſt from princes the collation of biſhoprics, and to give the election to the chapters: on the contrary, the quarrel ſeems now inverted, and Pius II. and five of his ſucceſſors have, with the ſame zeal and conſtancy, been ſtruggling to take the election from the chapter, and give it to the king, which Leo the Tenth at laſt accompliſhed: ſo true it is, that a change in intereſts draws along with it both a change, and even a contra⯑diction, in doctrines.

In a council held at Rouen, 1445, we have forty conſtitutions chiefly relating to the diſcipline of that church: there is one of them againſt the ſuperſtion of thoſe who gave particular names to the images of the Virgin, ſuch as our lady of recovery, our lady of pity, conſolation and grace: — they forbid the carry⯑ing about the relics of ſaints in order to get money: clandeſtine marriages were likewiſe prohibited: others related to the morals and habits of eccleſiaſtics, the celebration of holy days, the payment of tenths, orna⯑ments of churches, &c. Theſe regulations are taken from the councils of Baſil, Lateran, the pragmatic ſanction, decretals, and other provincial councils ^*.

The feaſts of the Virgin's conception and of our Lord's transfiguration were inſtituted by Calixtus III. 1456 ^†: — the taking away the chalice was done by [104]the council of Conſtance, A. D. 1420 ^§: — the ſacra⯑ments fixed to the number of ſeven in the council of Florence, 1439 ^‖, — and the order of templars abo⯑liſhed ^‖.

CENTURY THE SIXTEENTH.

M. Dupin in (the preface to) his hiſtory of the ſix⯑teenth century obſerves, that the eccleſiaſtical hiſtory of this age deſerves the particular attention of all who have any concern for religion, there being no century in which there have been greater revolutions in the church. — The pope of Rome ſaw, with grief, a great part of Europe forſake their allegiance to his holineſs; ſeveral provinces of Germany, England, and Scotland, and ſeveral kingdoms of the North, were departed from his authority; and France, which till then had been free from ſuch monſters, as he calls them ^*, pro⯑duced ſome who were not leſs hurtful to the ſtate than to the church:—"But, ſays he," "if the church catholic loſt a good deal of its extent this way, it endeavoured to recompence the loſs in ſome ſort, by the reformation of manners and diſcipline, putting a ſtop to the licen⯑ſing clandeſtine marriages, and by puniſhing ſcandalous crimes, according to the rights of the eccleſiaſtical laws. For this purpoſe ſo many decrees and regulations were made in eccleſiaſtical aſſemblies, and eſpecially in the council of Trent, which, Dupin likewiſe, tells us, were to condemn errors to preſerve the purity of the faith, and to labour after the reformation of diſcipline.

Father Walch has given us a more particular, and I preſume impartial, view of this remarkable period. — He ſays, That in the firſt part of it, the internal corruption of the church of Rome was [105]become ſuch, as to exclude all external order and de⯑cency: — in the middle it received ſuch a ſhock, as it had never before felt, by the amazing progreſs of the reformation; and the latter part of this period was em⯑ployed in preſerving the wreck, and reſtoring, or reco⯑vering, what had been loſt. This has been attended with many remarkable conſequences, ſome of which follow.

As to the ſpiritual monarchy of the pope, it was at firſt greatly endangered by thoſe who bore teſtimony to the truth, in ſpite of the baſe example of pope Pius II. and particularly by the proceedings of king Lewis XII. of France, and of the council of Piſa againſt pope Julius II.

But the advantage became irreparable, when gra⯑dually a conſiderable part of Germany, France, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Hungary, and Poland, be⯑ſides all England, Scotland, Denmark, Sweden, and Pruſſia, received the doctrine of the reformation, and withdrew entirely from their obedience to the ſee of Rome.—Beſides this, thoſe nations, which ſtill adhered to the doctrine of the church of Rome, not only admit⯑ted principles quite irreconcilable with the doctrine of an infallible head of the whole church, but alſo parti⯑cularly, by the frequent complaints againſt the ſee of Rome, and their earneſt ſolicitations for a council, threatened it with no ſmall danger; and Charles V. was even actually employed, at leaſt in Germany, in decide⯑ing religious points judicially.

Adrian VI. in 1522, ſent a letter to the duke of Saxony and other princes, to extirpate the heretics, the Lutherans, by fire and ſword, notwithſtanding he confeſſed to them, that there were great abuſes in the church of Rome, and that the eccleſiaſtics themſelves ſtood greatly in need of reformation: and even while the council of Trent were convened 1546, and de⯑nouncing their anathemas againſt the proteſtants, the pope and emperor prepared another ſort of arms againſt them, in order to deſtroy their lives, as the ſureſt means [106]to ſuppreſs hereſy: but in this the emperor was too politic for the pope, for he took care to ſell ſome of the churches patrimony to defray the expence.

All this incited the ſee of Rome to ſtudy expedients for the better ſupport of the Roman catholic religion, and more eſpecially of the authority of the pope, and to ſecure it from further declenſion. About this time the order of Jeſuits, by the approbation and confirma⯑tion of the pope, received its entire eſtabliſhment, and became a pillar, of which the papacy ſtood greatly in need, in 1540.

The council of Trent was very artfully made uſe of to anſwer theſe ends, quite contrary to its original de⯑ſign. The Roman legates were ſuffered to preſide in it, and they had not the liberty of agreeing to the opi⯑nions, or reſolutions, of the fathers, without the pre⯑vious conſent of the pope. All the doctrines, which contradicted the Romiſh errors, were condemned with⯑out hearing the proteſtants; and all the doctrines, pe⯑culiar to the church of Rome, were ſolemnly confirmed; a majority of votes was influenced to ſuppreſs the doc⯑trines aſſented to by the greateſt part of the doctors then preſent, or they were decided by an authoritative ſentence from Rome, if they had the leaſt tendency to the prejudice of the papal court: thoſe queſtions, for inſtance, ſo fruitful in altercation, whether epiſcopacy be of divine original, and whether the pope was to be accounted the head of all churches, or of the univerſal church, were concluded in the affirmative without de⯑bate; and the papal court reſerved and confirmed to itſelf, the amendment of its own abuſes; and in the laſt place, it was deemed the prerogative of the pope to interpret all the decrees; and it muſt be owned, that theſe methods had their ^* deſired effect in thoſe provinces where the decrees of this council were ac⯑cepted without limitation: but the pope had the mor⯑tification [107]to find that whole nations, eſpecially France, Spain, and Hungary, either abſolutely refuſed their compliance, or by their exceptions, or reſervations, plainly ſhewed, that their oppoſition aroſe from the very doctrine therein contained of the ſupremacy of the pope: and hence, that very important diſtinction be⯑twixt the perfectly and partially obedient ſons of the holy father.

As we ſhall have further occaſion to treat of the authority, the deciſions, and decrees, Note: Council of Trent, 1545, Paul III. Pope. of this great aſſembly, relating to points of doctrine, diſcipline, and ceremonies of the Roman church; a ſhort account of the ſeveral ſeſſions will be ſufficient in this place ^*.

The pattern or method of proceeding in the council of Trent was taken from the latter occidental councils, and eſpecially from the laſt council of Lateran, by hav⯑ing the ſeveral matters and things laid before ſeveral perſons appointed, which were denominated particular congregations; and then it was reported to the general aſſembly of biſhops: and this was done with great ce⯑remony, and the decrees read at the concluſion by one of them, each of the other ſignifying his ſentiments, by ſaying placet, or non placet. — We likewiſe find, that many of the biſhops met with a deſign to eſtabliſh the ſuperiority of the church, and general councils over the pope; to promote a reformation in the church; and likewiſe with moderate diſpoſitions towards ſuch as might differ from them in ſentiments, and recommend⯑ed to their collegues humility and charity: but this will not hold true of the majority: the pope's legates were preſent, and had an undue influence, as will appear in the ſequel. — One inſtance appeared even in the ſecond ſeſſion, when many of the council were for opening that ſeſſion, with ſome propoſals for a general reforma⯑tion; but the pope's legates oppoſed it, and after ſome [108]debate, cardinal Pool obtained, as a proper expedient, that the ſymbol of the Nicene, or creed of the church of Rome, ſhould be confirmed; ſome made a jeſt of that, as it had been received in the church for twelve hundred years; however, the more penetrating ſaw through the policy of that ſcheme, viz. that nothing might afterwards be propoſed in oppoſition to it. — The third ſeſſion was principally taken up with the progreſs that the reformation made in Germany; the elector Palatine having re-eſtabliſhed the communion under both kinds, the marriage of prieſts, and the ſervice in the vulgar tongue; which gave great offence to the pope's legates. — In the fourth ſeſſion, purſuant to the order given by the pope, they proceeded to take under their conſideration the ſcriptures. This was re⯑duced to four heads, chiefly relative to ſuch points as were intended to be condemned in the proteſtants, viz. the ſufficiency of holy ſcripture, and the neceſſity of traditions; the ſecond, of the canonical books and their number; the third was about the authority of the vul⯑gar tranſlation, and the neceſſity of having recourſe to the originals; and the fourth related to the proper inter⯑preters of ſcripture: and it was concluded, that all matters and things condemned ſhould be by Ana⯑thema.

In the fourth ſeſſion they alſo entered upon the doctrine of original ſin, to which there was a great oppoſition: they diſcuſſed ſome of the ſubtleties of that queſtion, as, How Adam's ſin, which conſiſted in the tranſgreſſion of a law, could be conveyed or tranſmitted to his poſte⯑rity? and nine articles of the Zuinglans were con⯑demned as not expreſſive, or conſiſtent, with the doc⯑trine of original ſin, though they admitted a depravity or corruption of nature. The prelates diſpute much, but appear to be ignorant of the point, or the argu⯑ments, of the Zuinglans. This introduced a diſpute concerning the immaculate conception of the Bleſſed Virgin. — The fifth ſeſſion related to preachers, in which the mendicant monks took poſſeſſion of the pul⯑pits, [109]but reſidencies enjoined upon them. — In the ſixth ſeſſion the ſubjects of grace and juſtification, in which the point of abſolute predeſtination, final perſe⯑verance, and the imputed righteouſneſs of Chriſt, were taken into their conſideration; and at length the decrees were made with great ambiguity, and with ſuch pro⯑viſoes, as permitted the pope, or the church, finally to determine it. — In the ſeventh ſeſſion the council diſ⯑cuſſed the points of baptiſm and extreme unction: their ordinances on theſe points were merely trifling, notwithſtanding they beſtowed anathema's on ſuch who did not deem them ſacred; ſome abuſes from plurality of benefices were mentioned, but it terminated in the authority of diſpenſations. — The eighth ſeſſion was concerning the removal of the council to Bologna, which paſſed in the affirmative.

The ninth ſeſſion, and firſt of Bologna, ſettled only the formularies of the aſſembly. In 1547, a diet at Augſburg was held, in which they promiſed to ſubmit to that council; nevertheleſs, when the council did not coincide with their principles, they acted in oppoſition it, more from policy than regard to truth, and though much in favour of proteſtants, and liberty of conſcience, was not regarded by many of them as ſubſtantial and laſting.

In 1549 pope Paul died. Julius III. ſucceeded him, who was prevailed on, by the emperor, to re-eſtabliſh the council at Trent, wherein the emperor was to pre⯑ſide, and the proteſtants of Augſbug have free liberty to be heard concerning the points of faith in which they differed from the church of Rome: but we meet with no ſuch happy conſequences ariſing from it, nei⯑ther in the eleventh nor twelfth ſeſſion. However, in the thirteenth ſeſſion, the council enters upon buſineſs, chuſes the point of the euchariſt for doctrine, and the juriſdiction of biſhops for reformation; the firſt of theſe was debated for ſome time: at length, decreed, that communion in one kind was ſufficient, and pronounced [110]anathema's againſt ſuch as denied the real preſence, tranſubſtantiation, the adoration, of the hoſt, &c.

In 1521 was held the congregation, conſiſting only of doctors of the canon law, for handling the matter of diſcipline, which is the original of the juriſdiction of the tribunals of the church. This congregation was held at Trent, but did not interfere with the council of prelates. Gropper votes for the aboliſhing an eccle⯑ſiaſtical tribunal, and wrote againſt it. This introduced the original of degradations, &c.

The thirteenth ſeſſion of the council of Trent con⯑firmed the decrees and anathemas of the council, in the former ſeſſion, againſt thoſe who denied the commu⯑nion in one kind, the real preſence, &c. Penance, extreme unction, and the reformation in favour of the epiſcopal juriſdiction, were points determined; but they could not agree with reſpect to decrees, which were therefore referred to ſome future time; afterwards was re-aſſumed in the third convocation of the council under pope Pius IV.

The fourteenth ſeſſion, the council refuſe to hear the proteſtants, notwithſtanding the emperor's promiſe; however, a new, ſafe conduct was obtained for ſome of the proteſtants of Wirtenberg and Bohemia, and au⯑dience was given to the ambaſſadors of Saxony, which principally engaged the attention of the council the fifteenth, ſixteenth, ſeventeenth, and eighteenth ſeſſions: however. in Auguſt, 1552, the landgrave of Heſſe was enlarged, liberty of conſcience granted under cer⯑tain reſtrictions, and baniſhed miniſters recalled.

In 1553, another remarkable event intervened. Edward VI. king of England died, July 6, and Mary, his ſiſter, ſucceeded to the throne, who pretended at firſt, that ſhe would alter nothing in religion, though ſhe was a Roman catholic; but this promiſe was ſoon counteracted by her attempts to introduce the Roman catholic religion into theſe kingdoms.

In 1555, a diet was called at Augſburg, for com⯑poſing the troubles in religion, during which the pope [111]died. Paul IV. ſucceeded him, whoſe character was that of proud and inſolent. The diet made a decree in favour of liberty of conſcience, which ſo diſpleaſed the pope, that he liſtened to the perſuaſions of ſome, to ſupport his authority by the ſword; but party quar⯑rels with princes ſeem to have diverted him from the intention he had formed.

In 1558, Mary, queen of England, died, and her ſiſter, Elizabeth. ſucceeded, which was looked upon as a mortal blow to the ſee of Rome. She thought it to no purpoſe to diſſemble, with reſpect to her princi⯑ples; and therefore ſent advice to her ſiſters ambaſ⯑ſador at Rome, and ordered him to acquaint the pope of her advancement to the throne. The pope anſwered, that ſhe had been very bold to take the crown and name of queen without his leave.

In 1561, the pope, by his bull, invites not only catholic but proteſtant princes to the council of Trent, and diſpatches the abbot Martimengo to the queen of England; but, as ſoon as it was known to her, ſhe forbad him to enter her dominions. A conference was likewiſe appointed at Poiſſy, between the Roman ca⯑tholics and the proteſtants. The council at Trent met in 1562, called the ſeventeenth ſeſſion, or the firſt of the third convocation, in which the books written in ſupport of hereſy, as they termed it, were ordered to be ſuppreſſed, and an edict publiſhed for the ſafe con⯑duct of the German proteſtants. In the eighteenth ſeſſion, they enter upon the point of the reſidence of biſhops, and the queſtion, If it be of divine right? was ſtarted and argued with great warmth, which laſted the nineteenth ſeſſion. In the twentieth, they re⯑aſſumed the diſpute of communion in both kinds, and concluded it again in the negative; and it was confirmed in the twenty-firſt ſeſſion, then the matter of the ſacra⯑fice of the maſs was choſen for their deliberation. This head was divided into thirteen articles, wherein were comprehended all the controverſies about that ſubject, which are at this day argued between the church of [112]Rome and the proteſtants, viz. Whether the maſs be a propitiatory ſacrifice? Whether it derogates from the ſacrifice of Jeſus Chriſt? Whether Jeſus Chriſt, by ſay⯑ing, Do this, hath appointed the ſacrifice of his body? Whether private maſſes be lawful and good? Whether it be lawful to celebrate maſſes in honour of ſaints? Whether the ceremonies of the maſs are good and holy? Whether there be errors in the canon of the maſs? Whether the words of conſecration ought to be pro⯑nounced with a low voice? with other queſtions of little importance.

The French ſtayed at the council with very little ſa⯑tisfaction; for they ſaw that matters of the higheſt mo⯑ment were determined with very little regard to the prelates of their nation, and by the Spaniſh, Portu⯑gueſe, and Italian biſhops, and that all propoſals to a reformation were over-ruled by a number of penſion⯑ary biſhops, aſſerting, that the court of Rome was miſtreſs of all deliberations, as well as propoſitions: ſo that the giving or with-holding the cup from the laity was referred to the deciſion of the pope.

The twenty-ſecond ſeſſion affords us further proof, that the biſhops were ill ſatisfied of the infallibility of the council; and the ambaſſadors of France received new orders from their court, for aſſerting their diſap⯑probation of the meaſures taken by the council. The ſacrament of orders was handled, and whether the Holy Ghoſt be given in ordination; which was deter⯑mined in the affirmative. The Germans queſtion the divine right of epiſcopacy, which occaſioned very warm debates.

The French begin the new year, 1563, with thirty-four new demands, relating to abuſes, which greatly alarmed the pope when communicated to him. A decree is ſent from Rome concerning the pope's autho⯑rity, which met with much contradiction. They like⯑wiſe debated the ſubject of marriages and divorce, and of the celibacy of prieſts; wherein it was con⯑cluded, that it could not be ſaid, without hereſy, [113]that a prieſt could marry notwithſtanding their vow. The pope, much diſſatisfied with the conduct of ſome of the French, ordered the tribunal of the inquiſition to proceed againſt them.

The twenty-third and twenty-fourth ſeſſion turned upon ſome difference that had ariſen between the pope and the king of France, and with the queen of Na⯑varre, on the ſuſpicion of hereſy.

The twenty-fifth and laſt ſeſſion of this council, held Dec. 3, 1563, the prelates and ambaſſadors went to church with the uſual ceremonies, when Jerome Ragaz⯑zone, titular biſhop of Nazianzo, made a ſermon in praiſe of the council, recapiculated the good laws and ordinances which were made in it, and read the decrees concerning purgatory, the interceſſion and invocation of ſaints, images, and their worſhip; they alſo read the decree for reformation of monks, containing twenty chapters, and one was added to ſhield the pope's autho⯑rity, and to leave him in full liberty to diſpenſe with all the canons. — The ſecond day they alſo read the decrees concerning indulgences, the choice of meats, faſts, and holy days; they made an act of reference to the pope about the index expurgatorius, miſſals, bre⯑viaries, ceremonials, and the care of making a cate⯑chiſm.

This laſt ſeſſion of the council gave as little ſatisfac⯑tion as the reſt had done; for after all the fair promiſes of ſetting about a reformation, there was nothing of im⯑portance effected, except ſome regulations that pro⯑perly belonged to civil government. Germany ſlighted the council to the higheſt degree; for the prelates of this nation had not been preſent in the laſt convocation; very few biſhops from Hungary or Poland; none at all from England, Swedeland, Denmark, or the Low Countries; the French biſhops came only at the latter end; and including the Spaniards, they did not exceed the number of forty: all the reſt were Italians, to the number of 150, and therefore it had the name of the Council of the Pope and the Italians. The pope, on [114]the 26th of December, gave the bull of confirmation, wherein he forbids, under pain of excommunication, the publiſhing of any commentaries, or obſervations, upon the councils, ordaining, in all doubtful caſes, re⯑courſe to be had to the holy ſee.

What regard was paid to this council by the French, is evident from the following citation: for, at the cloſing of the council of Trent, Du Ferrier, the king's ambaſſador, entered his proteſt againſt every thing of a civil nature, that had been tranſacted in that aſſembly. We find, by a letter of John de Mervilliers to his nephew, the biſhop of Rennes, ambaſſador to the court of Vienna, dated from Fontainebleau the third of March, that "As ſoon as the cardinal was returned from the council, the preſidents of the parliament and the king's council, were ſummoned to court to ſee the decrees and acts of that aſſembly; and the matter be⯑ing debated, the attorney general ſaid, That with re⯑gard to the doctrine, the parliament did not intend to meddle with it, but held every thing as ſound and ortho⯑dox, that was determined in a general and lawful coun⯑cil: but, as for the decrees of diſcipline and reforma⯑tion, they had found in ſeveral things, derogatory to the rights and privileges of the Gallican church, and therefore to be rejected ^*."

Further means for promoting the grand point of the pope's ſupremacy, were the inquiſition of Italy, the Je⯑ſuits, the Miſſions prohibiting books, and other mea⯑ſures to diveſt all temporal ſovereigns from any juriſ⯑diction in ſpiritual affairs. — Theſe things ſufficiently ſhew the pope's deſign to erect an univerſal ſupremacy; yet, in the exerciſe of it; the pope's hands have been tied by the cardinals and congregations. — This power ſeemed to increaſe, and the popes became more and more ſhackled, which no pope better underſtood than Sixtus V. who firſt conceived that proteſtantiſm might accidentally be turned to the advantage of the pope; but this project was defeated by the general conſtitu⯑tion of Europe, the pragmatic ſanction.

CENTURY THE SEVENTEENTH.

In this century we find the popes have been more concerned for the preſervation than the increaſe of their power and authority, and they ſeem to have been thoroughly ſenſible of the neceſſity of ſuch conduct.

Their ſpiritual monarchy, in its external limits, has, doubtleſs, been rather contracted then extended, though the perſecutions of the proteſtants in Germany, Hun⯑gary, and France, have not indeed been totally with⯑out effect. The ſeveral acceſſions of great princes to the church of Rome have not been detrimental to the pope; and the miſſions, among the heathens and Eaſtern nations, have unqueſtionably contributed ſome⯑thing to the propagation of the Romiſh faith.

But it would be no difficulty to ſhew, that all theſe means have been far from anſwering their end in the manner expected; that the endeavours uſed for bring⯑ing back the proteſtants under the old yoke, eſpecially in England, have miſcarried; that the proteſtants, by a cloſer union, and the progreſſive increaſe of their power, have gradually, in effect, weakened Roman ca⯑tholic houſes; and the propagation of popery has been not a little reſtrained by public laws ^*.

It is only in the writings of the bigots of Rome, and in the proſſeſſorial chains of the Jeſuits, that the inward conſtitution of this ſupremacy remains unal⯑tered; for if, inſtead of looking into the Roman cate⯑chiſm for what ought to take place, we conſider the actual ſtate of things, we muſt admit the ob⯑ſervation of Monſieur Voltaire, though made ſome time ſince, "That in the opinion of the great, at leaſt, the infallibility of the pope, with the power founded in it, is a chimera, not believed even at Rome, and yet [114] [...] [115] [...] [116]maintained; and the pope, a ſacred perſon, whoſe feet are to be kiſſed, but his hands bound ^†.

The juſtice of this idea of the pope and his infalli⯑bility appears from all the tranſactions with the crowns of France, Spain, Sardinia, Naples, the republic of Venice, and even the houſe of Auſtria.

It is ſtill more evident, that in church affairs, and even in caſes relating to the perſons of eccleſiaſtics and church-lands, the temporal princes and ſtates have diſ⯑covered and aſſerted their ancient rights; that in France thoſe obnoxious decrees of the councils of Con⯑ſtance and Baſil have not been admitted as articles of fsith; that the papal bulls are no further ſubmitted to, than as they correſpond with the prevailing maxims of the ſtate; that, on theſe accounts, the popes are very cautious of hazarding a deciſion in doctrinal controver⯑ſies; that none prove more refractory ſons of the Ro⯑man father than the Jeſuits, when his will and their's happen to claſh.

Of late the pope has not been allowed to make any new conqueſt. Caſtro, Renciglione, Comacchio, Par⯑ma, and Placentia, are clear proofs that it was never imagined the ſucceſſors of St. Peter were to bring armies into the field; and the forwardneſs of any to make good their pretenſions that way, of which there have been too many inſtances, is looked upon as a diſ⯑grace to the character of a pope.

The elections of popes are more and more carried on by intrigue, but, at the ſame time, more and more corrupt: the principal authority and influence of the pope ſeem rather to unite or center in the courts [117]of Madrid and Rome, than at Verſailles or any other court.

With reſpect to doctrine and ceremonies, notwith⯑ſtanding the council of Trent adjuſted matters of this nature, for the moſt part, not only by decrees of the council, but in all difficult matters referred to the fu⯑ture deciſion of the pope; yet we find, very early in this century, many diſputes were agitated, viz. The con⯑troverſy concerning grace and free-will, held at Lou⯑vain before Clement VIII. and Paul V. the pope publiſhed a decree in 1611, by which he ordered, that nothing ſhould be publiſhed, relating to theſe matters, upon any pretence whatſoever. This decree was re⯑newed by Urban VIII. 1625, but thoſe prohibitions had no effect; for there appeared a variety of treatiſes of both ſides upon theſe matters.

Another diſpute was revived concerning eccleſiaſtical and political authority. This was chiefly managed between the lawyers and the divines. It was occaſi⯑oned by the pope's interdict of the republic of Venice, and was calculated to maintain, on one hand, the au⯑thority of the ſenate, to make ſuch laws as concerned the civil ſtate of that republic; and that the pope had no right to publiſh an interdict on that account. This diſpute terminated in favour of the rights of princes, in oppoſition to the pretended authority of the pope.

Janſeniſm prevailed greatly in France about the middle of this century, which occaſioned three aſſem⯑blies of the clergy at Paris, in 1653, 1654, and 1655, who drew up a formulary, in order to terminate the diſpute, which was confirmed by the king's man⯑damus.

Another diſpute in this century was concerning the frequency of receiving the communion, which was managed with ſome warmth, but admitted of no ſatis⯑factory deciſion.

But a controverſy of more importance took place about the year 1680, between the clergy of France [118]and the court of Rome, about the regale. The regale is a right, by which the king enjoys the revenues of the archbiſhoprics and biſhoprics of the kingdom, and confers benefices during the vacancy of the ſees, till ſuch time as the incumbent has taken the oath of allegiance; and this the king claimed as a right that did belong to him univerſally throughout his domi⯑nion, except two or three provinces. Pope Innocent XI. ſeemed determined to oppoſe his claim: at length, in 1681, was held a national council, or general coun⯑cil of the clergy, to regulate this diſpute, who acknow⯑ledged his majeſty's right of the regale over all churches of the kingdom, and compriſed the whole matter in four articles: 1. That kings and princes are not ſub⯑ject to the eccleſiaſtical power, as to their temporals. 2. That the decrees of the council of Conſtance, con⯑cerning the authority of general councils, ought to re⯑main in full force and virtue. 3. That the uſe of ec⯑cleſiaſtical power ought to be moderated by the canons. 4. That, although the ſovereign pontiff has the firſt place in matters of faith, though his decrees regard all churches, and each church in particular, yet his judg⯑ment is not infallible, unleſs it be followed by the con⯑ſent of the church. ^*

CENTURY THE EIGHTEENTH.

The hiſtory of this century we ſhall attempt in a general way, by enquiring a little further into the nature of the papal power, the prerogatives and influence of this ſpiritual monarchy, as it was exerciſed immediately preceding the reformation, and which the preſent prin⯑ciples of that church direct and countenance them in the exerciſe of.

If we conſider, that the popes riſe to that dignity from very inferior ſtations, were heretofore frequently, and are ſtill ſometimes, of mean families, without any [119]ſupport from kindred or relations, deriving a great part of their revenues from the ſubjects of other princes, and this in virtue of their claiming a greater ſhare in their allegiance, exerciſing an authority grounded only in opinion, and frequently aſſuming a ſuperiority over thoſe, to whom they have not been themſelves in obe⯑dience; when this is duly conſidered, we cannot help wondering, that this eccleſiaſtical empire has ſtood ſo long, grown up to ſo great a height, and continues yet to enjoy a green old age, that does not ſeem to betray any ſymptoms of a ſpeedy diſſolution.

But, upon a nearer and cloſer inſpection, we ſhall find, that this ſpiritual monarchy, like ſome of the leaning towers that have been ſo famous in hiſtory, tho' it ſeems to carry evident marks of weakneſs, is, in fact, a ſtructure very ſtrong in itſelf, contrived with great ſkill, as well as erected with much art. If in other monarchies princes have pretended to a divine right, the pope goes ſtill further, and claims a kind of divine power, by which he is raiſed as much above other princes, as thoſe princes are above their people. This claim, together with the title of Holineſs, having the recommendation of a long preſcription, cannot but excite an high veneration in the minds of ſuch as be⯑lieve it, the papal character being given with the greateſt ceremony, by thoſe who are preſumed to be the beſt judges of religion; and the religious intereſt ſeem, in the opinion of the multitude, to alter the very nature of him who is adorned therewith, and to transform him, from a man of like paſſions with them⯑ſelves, into a ſacred perſon. It is true, that, in pro⯑teſtant countries, as nothing of this is believed, ſo it is very hard to be underſtood; yet the fact is beyond diſpute: and, whatever wiſer perſons in popiſh king⯑doms may conceive, the bulk of the people have the higheſt reverence for the holy father.

The cloſe connection between the clergy in all popiſh countries and the court of Rome, joined to the occa⯑ſional benefits that monarchs themſelves may receive by [120]bulls from the holy ſee, makes them unwilling to in⯑terpoſe or break off that commerce which their ſubjects have with Rome, that, upon certain occaſions, they may derive favours from thence, which may eaſily procure what otherwiſe might with difficulty be ob⯑tained by their own authority. The ſubjection of the clergy to a foreign head, makes them ſometimes more tractable to their natural ſovereigns than they otherwiſe would be, ſince the good-will and friendſhip of a ſingle perſon is more eaſily attained than the direction of many; and beſides, in thoſe caſes, there can be no appeal to the people; becauſe, in all ſuch diſ⯑putes, they think an entire ſubmiſſion the duty of the clergy. We may add to this another reaſon, which is, that the popiſh princes cheriſh the ſpiritual power of the pope, as the means of preſerving unity in religious diſputes, which very ſeldom diſturb the church without diſturbing the ſtate alſo. Thus it appears that, inde⯑pendent of enthuſiaſm and ſuperſtition, political prin⯑ciples have no ſmall ſhare in promoting that adherence to the ſee of Rome, which, at firſt ſight, ſeems ſo irre⯑concilable to the abſolute authority of ſovereign princes, and which, notwithſtanding, by their dexterous ma⯑nagement, is often made to co-operate therewith.

As to the interior ſtrength of the papal government, we need only reflect, that the advantages of birth are well ſupplied by the great parts, and other qualifications, with which a man muſt be neceſſarily endowed, who is promoted to this dignity. His being obliged to celi⯑bacy is another point of great conſequence, inaſmuch as it prevents the changing this elective into an here⯑ditary ſovereignty, which would be entirely repugnant to the fundamental maxims of this conſtitution. We may add to this, the precautions taken in electing a perſon far advanced in years, which leaves no room for attempting to alter the ſettled principles of the government; and all great politicians allow, that it is the ſacrificing theſe to the intereſt of a family, or to the private advantage of the reigning prince, that opens a [121]way to the ruin of the beſt-digeſted ſyſtems. It has alſo been an old rule in the conclave, never to elect two popes of the ſame family or faction, or even of the ſame diſpoſition, in immediate ſucceſſion, for the ſame reaſon. In ſhort, it would be endleſs to enume⯑rate particulars; but the character of the church of Rome, in reſpect to policy, has always ſtood ſo high, as to be thought the beſt ſchool for training miniſters in all the popiſh monarchies, from whence alſo it draws great advantages.

We muſt not, however, imagine from hence, that becauſe the fundamental maxims of the ſee of Rome have been always the ſame, the adminiſtration of the government has been exactly uniform, ſince, conſider⯑ing the vaſt variations in mens temper's and habits in different ages, this muſt appear a thing abſolutely impoſſible: neither ought we to imagine, that any conſtitution could be ſo framed, as to extinguiſh in the minds of princes all natural regard to their families: but on the one hand, ſuch has been the ſkill and capacity of theſe ſpiritual monarchs, that from time to time they have made ſuch prudent alterations in their exte⯑rior conduct, as hath perfectly kept up that relation between the church and the court of Rome, upon which their authority depends: they have likewiſe, on the other, reduced their family tenderneſſes into a kind of ſyſtem, by which the nepotiſm of the Roman pon⯑tiffs has been in many reigns ſubſervient to the intereſt of the ſtate, as well as agreeable to the inclination of the popes, who thought they could never truſt their affairs in ſo ſafe hands for themſelves, as with thoſe who muſt be conſcious, that their wealth, their influence, and their power, muſt, in a great meaſure, determine with the life of him from whom they were received, and that, beſides, they muſt, from that moment, lie open to the ſtricteſt enquiries poſſible into their paſt conduct.

One may, with great truth and impartiality, venture to aſſert, that the whole ſcheme of the Romiſh religion [122]is admirably well adjuſted to maintain, in every reſpect, the power of the ſupreme head: he is reputed infallible, that his deciſions may have the greater weight: the tra⯑ditions of the church, which, with the members of it, paſs for a rule of faith, are ſubject to his controul; all religious doctrines are liable to his cenſure; the power of abſolution, even in the higheſt caſes, is attributed to him; he diſpenſes the treaſures of the church, I mean ſpiritual treaſures, ſuch as pardons and indulgences; he grants diſpenſations of all kinds; he regulates faſts and feaſts at his pleaſure: in a word, being reputed the ſuc⯑ceſſor of St. Peter, and the viſible head of the Chriſtian church, he has prerogatives without bounds, and with⯑out number; ſo that it is no ſurpriſing thing at all, that ſo much power, directed by ſo great policy, ſhould be able to perform ſuch mighty things, and to preſerve it⯑ſelf for ſo many ages.

But our eſtimate of this power would be extremely imperfect, if we did not take notice of the ſeveral ranks and orders of men ſubject, in an eſpecial manner, to the holy ſee; and which, without any great impropriety in the term, may be ſtyled the ſpiritual forces of his holi⯑neſs. In the firſt claſs of theſe ſtand the cardinals, who are acknowledged princes of the church, and pretend to the next in dignity to crowned heads; they were origi⯑nally no more than the pariſh prieſts of Rome, and their number ſometimes greater, ſometimes leſs; but now it is fixed to ſeventy-two, in alluſion to Chriſt's diſciples: heretofore a cardinal was content to be ſtyled his excellency; but now they aſſume the title of emi⯑nence, which was formerly given to princes, and there⯑upon the latter took the title of highneſs; the cardinals are of all nations, that the influence ariſing from the hopes of this dignity may be the more extenſive: the nomina⯑tion to hats by crowned heads is a new ſtroke of Romiſh policy, which heightens the dependence upon the holy ſee, while it ſeems to leſſen the papal authority; the majority, however, are chiefly Italians, to prevent the throne from being filled by a ſtranger; and it is pro⯑vided, [123]that in all elections the perſon choſen ſhall have the voices of two thirds of thoſe who enter the conclave, that there may never be a ſtrong faction againſt the pope amongſt the cardinals, which might be attended with ill conſequences. All the ſubordinate dignities of the church may be conſidered as the nobility in the pope's ſpiritual empire.

But as in all others, ſo in this, the ſtrength of the mo⯑narchy conſiſts in the number of its ſubjects; and if we take into our view the ſecular and regular clergy in the church of Rome, the former bound by the moſt ſacred ties, and the latter not by vows only, but by their inte⯑reſts to the obedience of the holy ſee, we cannot but en⯑tertain a high opinion of its power; ſince long ago it was the calculation of a certain ſovereign, that in Europe he had three hundred thouſand pariſhes, and fifty thou⯑ſand convents, ſubject to his juriſdiction, who, more or leſs, upon different occaſions, reſort to Rome, and carry thither an immenſe treaſure. And it is very eaſy to diſcern, that nothing has been neglected which could poſſibly contribute to render the foundations of this mo⯑narchy firm and ſtrong: the moſt important truſt of educating youth is entirely in their hands who are de⯑voted to the ſervice of the holy ſee; the Jeſuits are par⯑ticularly famous for their application in this reſpect, and when they have received the firſt tincture of literature, ſuch as are ſent to compleat their ſtudies at the univer⯑ſities, meet with the ſame doctrine and diſcipline; and whatever the ſcience be to which they apply, venera⯑tion for the pope is a thing ſo frequently inſiſted on, and ſo ſtrongly impreſſed, that it is almoſt impoſſible they ſhould ever loſe it while they remain at thoſe ſeminaries of learning, and attend the offices of the church. Be⯑ſides theſe, the number of inferior clergy, who enjoy eccleſiaſtical benefices of all ſorts, are ſo numerous, and afford ſuch ample maintenance, and ſuch agreeable proſpects to men of all ranks and tempers, in conjunc⯑tion with the canon law, which is peculiar to this ſpi⯑ritual monarchy, that the moſt effectual proviſion is [124]made for a conſtant ſucceſſion of perſons, bound to ſup⯑port that intereſt, which is the ſupport of themſelves and all their pretenſions.

As theſe are bound by affection, and by finding their own account, to a conſtant ſubmiſſion, ſo the proper methods have been taken for ſubjecting the laics in that church alſo to ſuch an obedience as they cannot well break through. Amongſt theſe we may reckon auricular confeſſion, maſſes for the dead, the direction of female conſciences, the opportunities they have of working upon perſons in their dying moments; and many more circumſtances that might be mentioned, favourable to their intereſt, afford us a reaſonable probability that the papal authority will not decline much more than it has already done, eſpecially if ſucceeding popes imitate the moderation of their immediate predeceſſors, and en⯑deavour to ſupport their influence rather by addreſs than by the force of eccleſiaſtical cenſures, which is a ſort of artillery that no longer does the execution it did in the darker ages, when the little learning there was remain⯑ed entirely among the prieſts and the monks.

The reader will apprehend this more clearly, if he takes a ſhort view of the European powers, that ſtill profeſs obedience to the ſee of Rome. In Poland the clergy are numerous and well provided for, having a great ſhare of power allotted them by the conſtitution, and are for the moſt part compoſed of the younger ſons of the nobility.—In Germany it is viſible, that the po⯑piſh religion rather prevails than declines, and the ec⯑cleſiaſtical electors and other prelates are ſo formidable a body in the diet, as not to be apprehenſive of any future ſecularizations. It is, beſides, the intereſt of fe⯑veral great houſes to ſupport the church, as it is now conſtituted, on the ſcore of the preferments, which are in a manner entailed on the younger ſons of their fa⯑mily, ſo as not only to afford them noble eſtabliſhments, but alſo render them capable of ſupporting the head of their houſe, inſtead of being a burthen upon him, as would be the caſe if thoſe dignities were ſecularized. [125]—The hereditary countries of the houſe of Auſtria re⯑main ſtrictly attached to the ſee of Rome.—The French, or Gallican church has, indeed, always claimed a kind of freedom, which having been improved by the ſtruggles that have been heretofore made againſt them, the modern popes have wiſely had recourſe to another method, which ſeems to have had a better effect, and whilſt the courts of Rome and Verſailles agree, both will find their account in the reciprocal ſupport of each other's power.—In Spain and Portugal the papal au⯑thority ſtands upon a much ſtronger foundation, as ap⯑pears from the amazing wealth of the clergy in the for⯑mer, and the joy with which the ſovereign of the lat⯑ter accepted very lately, from the pope, the title of Moſt Faithful, (conferred by a bull from the pope, Jan. 1749) as well as many inſtances of a ſuperſtitious re⯑gard to the doctrines and practices of that church.— In Italy the influence of the pope extends every where, and he is ſo able to make either his favour or his diſ⯑pleaſure felt, that all the princes and ſtates of his com⯑munion, find it their intereſt to live upon good terms with his holineſs, and as none underſtand their own intereſt better, are like to continue in the ſame incli⯑nations, received from their anceſtors, in that reſpect.

It has been generally ſuppoſed, that one of the maxims of the ſee of Rome has been, attaching itſelf to the ſuperior intereſt, and always courting that power moſt which is uppermoſt; and, in proof of this, much has and may be ſaid: but at the ſame time it is very cer⯑tain, that the true intereſt of the holy ſee conſiſts in ſupporting the balance of power, becauſe its influence depends chiefly upon an equality among the princes of that communion; and if any of theſe ſhould gain an entire aſcendency, the ſee of Rome could not fail of feeling the firſt effects of it. This is not only evident in ſpeculation, but from experience likewiſe.—The truth is, that while the court of Rome continues famous for policy, we can never expect her falling from this maxim; for as, in decency, it imports the holy [126]father to ſhew an equal affection for all who profeſs themſelves his children, whereby he may beſt ſecure their reciprocal affection, duty and confidence ^*.

Theſe points may be further illuſtrated, were we to conſider his temporal authority, which the Roman pon⯑tiff enjoys in conſequence of his dominions in Italy and elſewhere. He is lord of conſiderable territories, and poſſeſſed of gold and ſilver, which St. Peter, even admitting him to have been biſhop of Rome, certain⯑ly did not bequeath to the ſee. What the dominions of the pope are, what his revenues and riches, nor whether theſe are lawful poſſeſſions, is not my province to enquire. It is not only probable, but unqueſtion⯑able, that theſe are more the ſupport of his ſupremacy and authority in the church, than any real perſuaſion of his infalibillity and divine right; though to eſtabliſh ſuch ſentiments hath been made the ſtudy and buſineſs of the Jeſuits.

1713. Pope Clement XI. was prevailed with by the Jeſuits at Paris, to iſſue the bull Unigenitus, which chiefly relates to points of diſpute between the Janſe⯑niſts and the Dominicans, and for eſtabliſhing the pope's authority. This bull, beſides being an evidence that the pope may err, both in matters of faith and hiſtorical facts, proved the means of greatly endanger⯑ing the authority of the pope; it kindled a flame in France which ſpread over the whole Romiſh church: broke out more violently after the death of Lewis XIV. The new king of Sicily would not part with his mo⯑narchy; and the zeal which the pope manifeſted, ſerved only to increaſe the papal penſioners, among whom was now the Pretender, as he could no longer ſtay in France; for the bull, which begins with the paſtoral of⯑fice, made no impreſſions in France; and from the grow⯑ing oppoſition that was made to it, not only in France, but in the Low Countries and Germany, he found it neceſſary to uſe his beſt efforts in its defence; but [127]finding himſelf unequal to the taſk, he conſented at length to ſome overtures.

Benedict XIII. diſcovered a more pacific diſpoſition, and was much diſappointed in the great good he ex⯑pected from the Jeſuits; for he found them more active in ſupport of the bull Unigenitus than he could have wiſhed. However, notwithſtanding cardinal de Noailles, and cardinal Fleury, &c. ſubſcribed it, Bene⯑dict always continued a ſtaunch Dominican. He pub⯑liſhed the bull Petioſus, which the Jeſuits will hardly admit to be a juſt expoſition of the doctrine of grace. We muſt not omit this pope's pacific diſpoſition, to reconcile the Roman, Greek, Lutheran, and reformed parties; and is more famous for perſonal endowments, eſpecially learning, than for the proſperity of his pon⯑tificate.

The intrigues and claſhings among the ſeveral Roman catholic courts, and the ambitious ſchemes of the cardinals (who now obtained the title of Eminences), the artifice and induſtry of the Jeſuits and other or⯑ders of prieſts, ſerved to weaken the power and in⯑fluence of the popes. The occurrences of latter times convince us, that the meaſures, particularly of the Jeſuits, rendered them ſuſpected of being ſo en⯑tirely the emiſſaries of the pope, as to diſturb the peace and tranquillity of kingdoms.

The late extirpations of the order of Jeſuits, in Por⯑tugal and in France, are undeniable proofs that the pope's authority is no longer abſolute, but limited and reſtrained, where the Jeſuits have attempted an undue influence, or their principles, and their numbers, riches, and unconſtitutional meaſures, have been found inconvenient, or prejudicial to the civil ſtate of the kingdom.

In latter times the progreſs of arts and ſciences, and of learning in general, may reaſonably be ſuppoſed to be a very conſiderable means of limiting that unbound⯑ed power and authority of the pope, ſo long uſurped, and to weaken and deſtroy ſuch attempts as were made [128]upon the rights of princes; and at the ſame time to remove that unreaſonable ſuperſtition that too generally prevailed in the minds of the common people for whatever had the ſanction of papal authority; and this is equally applicable to thoſe errors and corruptions in doctrine, worſhip, and ceremonies, that have in pro⯑ceſs of time prevailed in that church; many of the groſſeſt of them ſprung up in the darkeſt and moſt barbarous ages of chriſtianity, when learning degene⯑rated into fabulous legends and monkiſh ſtories, when to underſtand Greek, and other languages, was ſuſ⯑pected, and to believe the Antipodes was eſteemed hereſy; then was the time to impoſe on an undiſcerning age, and to obtrude upon their underſtanding the belief of miracles performed by the relics of departed ſaints, and many doctrines, ſuch as purgatory, tranſub⯑ſtantiation, &c. which are not only unſcriptural, but repugnant both to reaſon and common ſenſe.

In the two laſt centuries the increaſe of knowledge, hath produced various effects among perſons of different ranks: thoſe, whoſe intereſt or prepoſſeſſions have not rendered them the friends and abettors of papal au⯑thority, and impoſitions on the conſciences of men un⯑der various pretenſions, and have ſeen the inconſiſtency of many of their doctrines, practices, and ceremonies, with genuine Chriſtianity, have paid only an external regard to their ceremonies, to avoid eccleſiaſtical or civil penalties: ſome have looked with indifference on all the outward forms and modes of religion, whilſt many have fallen into direct infidelity; and deiſm is now too general among the politer part of the inhabitants both in Italy and France.

This may ſuffice as a preliminary to the preſent ſtate of religion in the church of Rome, conſtitution, doctrine, &c.