CHAP. I.

year 1692 Obſervati⯑ons. WILLIAM had obtained the crown, through the folly of his predeceſſor. He was now in danger of loſing it, by his own negligence. Diſappointments in their views, had eſtranged from him the minds of the Whigs. He diſguſted the Tories with the coldneſs of his manner, even when he diſtinguiſhed them moſt with his favour. The diſſolution of the convention-parliament, had di⯑miniſhed [2] the influence of the former, to a degree that offended their pride. They ſaw a Prince, who had aſcended the throne upon their own principles, throw⯑ing himſelf into the hands of their political oppo⯑nents, from an avowed affection for thoſe prerogatives which he was called to circumſcribe. The ſame con⯑duct which deprived the King of the attachment of his firſt friends in England, deſtroyed his intereſt with the party which had accompliſhed the revolution in Scot⯑land. In both kingdoms, the ſeeds of diſcontent had been ſown with a laviſh hand; and they gradually roſe to maturity, in the progreſs of events. The people in general, inflamed by diſappointment, miſled by deſign⯑ing men, or from levity, fond of change, began to ſhow a manifeſt diſlike to the behaviour of the King, and the meaſures of the crown. They became jealous of foreigners. They complained of an expenſive war, where victory itſelf could produce no advantage to Bri⯑tain. They murmured againſt a ſtanding army. They repined at the little uſe made of the navy, the great and natural bulwark of England.

Diſcon⯑tents. Though the enemies of William exaggerated his miſmanagements, it muſt be allowed, that men who judged of cauſes by events, had juſt reaſon to com⯑plain. The expences of England, from the landing of the Prince of Orange, on the fith of November 1688, to the twenty-ninth of September 1691, had amounted to near eighteen millions^A. Beſides, great arrears were owing to the army in Ireland, the navy was deſtitute of ſtores, and the ſhips were out of re⯑pair. The ſervice done in the intermediate time, ex⯑cluſive of the change made in the perſon of the Mo⯑narch, was far from being adequate to that enormous ſum. The war in Ireland had been at firſt ſtrangely neglected. It was afterwards proſecuted with little judgment, and it terminated in no honour. The inha⯑bitants of a few pariſhes in the Highlands of Scotland, without any aid from abroad, and deſtitute of the means of war at home, remained in arms againſt the King, for more than two years. They had once to⯑tally defeated his army in the field. The checks which [3] they had received, were neither ſplendid nor deciſive; and he owed the pacification which enſued, to the in⯑fluence of his rival, and his own money^B, and not to the terror of his power. England had been, in the mean time, wounded in her pride. Her fleet had been twice defeated. Her enemy rode in triumph in the channel. Her coaſts were inſulted. She was left naked of troops, and expoſed to invaſion^C.

Secret in⯑trigues But William ought not, in common fairneſs, to be blamed for all theſe misfortunes. He reigned over a divided people. His title was diſputed by one party. He loſt the other, by not yielding to their claims upon his excluſive favour. His rival, in the mean time, ſupported by a powerful Monarch, either maintained war againſt him, within his kingdoms, or hovered over the coaſt, with threatened invaſions. Deprived by his unhappy manner, and avowed attachment to foreigners, of the affection of the Engliſh, he had no friends among his ſervants. His councils were betray⯑ed, his orders neglected, his perſon hated, his autho⯑rity deſpiſed^D. His only ſafety lay ultimately in the folly of his enemies; and that invincible averſion to the French nation, which the people of England had derived from their anceſtors. James had ſcarce land⯑ed in France, when many of thoſe, by whoſe deſer⯑tion he had loſt his throne, began ſecretly to favour his return. Men, who apparently had the chief hand in the revolution, admitted his agents into conferences, and encouraged their hopes^E. The unprepared ſtate of France, in the beginning of the year 1689, render⯑ing an immediate invaſion of England impracticable; James, contrary to his own opinion^F, was induced to ſail to Ireland. He knew that it was impoſſible to hold that exhauſted kingdom, againſt the wealth and power of the Engliſh nation. To render his rival uneaſy in the poſſeſſion of his throne, and to furniſh France with an opportunity of aiding him with effect in England, was all that he expected from his expedi⯑tion^G.

[4] with the Whigs. While James was on the worſt terms with his fa⯑vourite ſect, the Catholics of Ireland, William, by the coldneſs of his manner, and his exertion of the prerogative, loſt his influence with the Whigs in Eng⯑land and Scotland. Diſcontented friends are frequent⯑ly the moſt dangerous enemies. A plot was formed in Scotland, by the Preſbyterians, in favour of James. Many of the Whigs in England were privy to a con⯑ſpiracy, which threatened the ſubverſion of their for⯑mer principles. In both kingdoms, thoſe inferior agents of the party, who had ruined the late King, were now buſy in procuring his reſtoration. Sir John Cochran, Ferguſon, Wildman engaged themſelves deeply with James^H The leaders of the party, though they had not avowedly eſpouſed the cauſe of that Prince, became very indifferent concerning the fate of William. The very ſecrets of the cabinet were ſaid to have been betrayed, by the Earl of Mon⯑mouth to Wildman; and by the latter to the late King^I The Duke of Bolton, the Marquis of Win⯑cheſter, the Earl of Devonſhire, the Lord Montague were ſuſpected^K The party in general made no ſe⯑cret of their diſappointment, in the Prince whom they had raiſed to the throne. Thoſe who came over with him from Holland, and ſuch as firſt joined him on his arrival, hated his perſon and his government the moſt^L

James gains many friends. The retreat of James from Ireland, though unad⯑viſed, precipitate and weak, neither leſſened his influ⯑ence nor increaſed the intereſt of William. The To⯑ries, urged by their principles, favoured the former. The Whigs, ſwayed by their reſentment, ſtill conti⯑tinued adverſe to the latter. The agents of James were, in the mean time, extremely active. The Co⯑lonels Bulkely and Sackville ſounded the Marquis of Halifax and the Lord Godolphin. The Earl of Marl⯑borough, inflamed by recent injuries from William, and, perhaps, remembering his former obligations to James, began, as ſhall hereafter appear, to correſpond [5] with the latter. Admiral Ruſſel, diſappointed in his own private views, as well as in his public expectati⯑ons from William, entered into the cabals, in favour of the late King. The Marquis of Caermarthen, in all his avowed zeal for the revolution, liſtened, in ſe⯑cret to propoſals for the reſtoration of James^M. While the great offered their ſervice to the late King, that Prince neglected not to ſupport his intereſt with conſpiracies among the inferior ranks. He correſpond⯑ed with Ferguſon. He informed him of his intentions. He aſked his advice^N. A party was formed in the city in his favour. The Tower was to have been ſur⯑prized. The guards were to be attacked, on the firſt news of his landing. The perſons of William and Mary were to be ſeized^O.

Their views The affairs of James wore a like favourable aſpect in Scotland, toward the end of the preceding year. The ceſſation of arms made by Breadalbin with the Highlanders, had been begun and finiſhed by his con⯑ſent. His firm friend the Earl of Arran had promiſed ‘"body for body,"’ to uſe his own expreſſion, for the Earl of Argyle and the Marquis of Athol. The High⯑landers were again prepared to take the field. Ten thouſand men, under the Duke of Berwick and the Earl of Dumbarton, were to have been ſent to Scot⯑land. The Marquis of Athol, the Earls of Argyle and Home, were to have received commiſſions, as lieute⯑nant-generals, from James. The intrigues of James extended, in England, to the projected meaſures of parliament, and even to the very appointment of Wil⯑liam's ſervants. The delay, at firſt, in granting the ſupply, the facility with which it was afterwards ob⯑tained, proceeded from the ſecret machinations of the late King's friends. Some of them wiſhed to leave the kingdom naked to an invaſion, by refuſing money. Others to vote the exciſe, that their old maſter might enjoy the benefit, without the odium, of that unpo⯑pular tax. Under the maſk of patriotiſm, they propoſ⯑ed to attack his enemies. The Biſhops of Saliſbury [6] and St. Aſaph were to be impeached, for perſuading the clergy to take the oaths to William, as a conqueror. The Marquis of Caermarthen, though he might not obſtruct a reſtoration, was not, from his temporizing character, to be truſted. He was, therefore, to be terrified from office by an impeachment, for declaring that no King could reign in England, as long as the act of habeas corpus ſhould remain in force. The choice of his ſucceſſor, as miniſter, was left to James; and the conteſt, for preference, lay between the Mar⯑quis of Halifax and the Earl of Rocheſter^P. To keep alive the ſpirit of diſcontent in the kingdom, Fer⯑guſon employed, for King James, that very private preſs, with which he had, ſome years before, ſo much annoyed the Duke of York^Q.

Correſpon⯑dence of Marlbo⯑rough and Ruſſel. Though the Whigs, by their leaders, and the moſt of the Tories, in their own names, had made engage⯑ments with the late King, he relied chiefly upon Marl⯑borough and Ruſſel. Marlborough had aſked, in the moſt abject terms, and obtained forgiveneſs for his for⯑mer conduct, from James and his Queen^R. He even became an agent for that Prince. He gained the Earl of Shrewſbury. He tampered with Caermarthen. He promiſed to bring back the Princeſs of Denmark to her duty to her father^S. He undertook, in ſome degree, for the army. He requeſted James to invade England, with twenty thouſand men. Though he was not truſted by James, he was, perhaps, ſincere in his profeſſions, and he effected what he promiſed. The Princeſs of Denmark, gained by his ſolicitations, warm⯑ed with a returning affection for her father, or urged by reſentment for perſonal injuries received from Wil⯑liam and her ſiſter, made her peace with the late King. She wrote to him a letter full of contrition^T. She aſked his forgiveneſs, and promiſed to join him whenever he ſhould land in England^U. Marl⯑borough, judging it vain to corrupt the captains of men of war, as they durſt not communicate the ſecret to the ſailors, was the perſon who adviſed James to [7] accept of the ſervices of Ruſſel^V. To avoid an ac⯑tion with the French fleet, ſhould they fall in his way, would have been impoſſible. But it always was in the admiral's power to carry the fleet from the courſe held by the enemy, under the ſpecious pretence of orders. The conſpiracy was ſo great and general, that William ſeemed to have no friend to apprize him of his dan⯑ger. Though he diſmiſſed the earl of Marlborough from all his employments, in the month of January, though he diſgraced and deprived of her guards the Princeſs of Denmark, his reſentment ſeems to have rather proceeded from a renewal of private quarrels, than from any diſcovery of their ſecret negociations with the court of St. Germains.

Intrigues of James in England. James himſelf had taken all the precautions, which prudence or the advice of his friends could ſuggeſt, to render his return agreeable to the nation. He endea⯑voured to awaken the feelings of his former ſubjects, with a detail of the injuſtice of his rival and his own misfortunes. He hoped to rouze their reſentment, by repreſenting, in a ſtrong light their grievances. He dwelt, in his propoſed declaration, on the tyranny of foreigners. He reminded the people of the enormous expences of government, the weight of taxes, the pro⯑fuſion of William, his glaring partiality to his country⯑men the Dutch. He yielded to all the requiſitions of the Whigs in favour of the ſubject. He ſatisfied the church of England, with regard to religion. The non⯑jurors were his determined friends. The clergy who had taken the oaths offered to return to their allegiance, and they were, with chearfulneſs, received. To ſatiſ⯑fy the world that the Proteſtant religion was in no dan⯑ger, five hundred clergymen had engaged to join the late King upon his landing; and to attend him in his progreſs to preach to the people. The deprived biſhops, the moſt of thoſe prelates, who had temporized with William, by taking the oaths, were buſy in inculcat⯑ing, upon the inferior clergy, the propriety of reſtor⯑ing [8] James; while they, at the ſame time, aſſured that Prince of their zeal and fidelity^W.

Project of an invaſion. Encouraged by favourable accounts from Britain, and eager to turn the ſcale of the war, by placing that kingdom in the hands of a friend, Lewis the Four⯑teenth began to think ſeriouſly of an invaſion. James poſſeſſed of his native ſubjects an army almoſt equal to the purpoſe of the expedition. The tranſports which had carried to Ireland five thouſand French, in the year 1690, had brought back to France as many Iriſh. The Engliſh government had been at the expence of ſending fourteen thouſand more troops to James, after the capitulation of Limeric. Lewis promiſed to tranſ⯑port to Britain ten thouſand of this army, with a like number of French troops, under the convoy of his whole fleet, early in the year 1692. He began, in the month of January, to equip ſquadrons of men of war, at Toulon, Breſt, Rochfort, and Port-Lewis. An embargo was laid upon all merchantmen. All pri⯑vateers were recalled to man the fleet. An army, un⯑der the Mareſchal de Bellefons, filed off toward the coaſt of Normandy. Tranſports were prepared. James had concerted his meaſures with his friends in England. He had ſettled his conceſſions to the nation. To ſe⯑cure the Earl of Marlborough, already in diſgrace, from the further reſentment of William, he agreed, at his own requeſt, to except that nobleman from par⯑don, in his projected declaration to his people^X.

Preparati⯑ons of Wil⯑liam. Though ſo many perſons were privy to the de⯑ſigns of James, though every channel of intelligence brought news of the preparations of France, William was ſtill a ſtranger to his own danger. He, however, made all neceſſary preparations for manning the fleet. Preſs-warrants continued to be executed, throughout the month of February. All ſailors fit for ſervice, were forced to enter on board the navy. The utmoſt expedition was uſed in the docks and yards. In the firſt week of March, all the ſhips of force had come round from Portſmouth. Many had fallen down from [9] Deptford, Woolwich, and Chatham, to the Nore. William, upon his arrival in Holland, haſtened the Dutch fleet to ſea. The Amſterdam, the Maeſe, the North-Holland, the Zealand ſquadrons were ordered to proceed ſucceſſively to the Downs. The combined fleets formed a greater naval force than had ever covered the ſea. They conſiſted of ninety ſhips of the line, with many frigates and fire-ſhips. They carried more than forty thouſand men, with near ſix thouſand guns. Ruſſel, in the Britannia, a firſt rate, command⯑ed in chief the whole. He reſolved to adhere to his engagements with James. But time and accident broke through all his deſigns^Y.

James ar⯑rives at La Hogue. The late King had concerted with his friends in England, that the French fleet ſhould ſail early in the year. Had the preparations of Lewis anſwered his ex⯑pectations, he propoſed to put to ſea in the middle of March. He, however, left not St. Germains until the eleventh of April. He had, even then, ſufficient time to carry his army to England, before the junction of Ruſſel with the Dutch-fleet. Beſides that officer continued his correſpondence, and aſſured him of his firm intention to ſerve his cauſe. He propoſed one of two alternatives. That James ſhould ſuſpend his ex⯑pedition till winter; or that he himſelf ſhould, under the pretence of making a deſcent on the coaſt of France, permit the French fleet to paſs. He accordingly ap⯑plied, but in vain, to the court of England, for per⯑miſſion to attack St. Maloes. He adviſed James, by all means, to prevent the meeting of the fleets. None of his officers was truſted with the ſecret; and he would, therefore, find himſelf under a neceſſity to fight. A contrary wind, which blew inceſſantly for four weeks, hindered the French from ſailing, and prevented James from conveying his inſtructions to Ruſſel. The Toulon ſquadron was kept, by the ſame adverſe wind, from paſſing the Streights. Tourville, with the Breſt ſquadron, was, after repeated efforts, driven back to his port. During this interval, the Dutch joined the Engliſh in the Downs^Z. Ruſſel proceeded immediately to St. Helens, and ordered [10] two ſmall ſquadrons, that cruized on the coaſt of France, to join him in that place.

Vigorous meaſures in England. During this time of ſuſpence, the government of England were not remiſs in their duty. Several of the ſervants of the crown were in correſpondence with the late King. But they endeavoured, by a ſhew of ala⯑crity againſt him, to prevent every ſuſpicion of infide⯑lity. Some imperfect inſinuations of a plot had been carried to William in Flanders. The Earl of Port⯑land arrived, with ſecret inſtructions for the Queen. The Earls of Huntington and Marlborough were ſent to the Tower, with others of leſſer name. A procla⯑mation was iſſued, for apprehending ſeveral other per⯑ſons of rank, who had abſconded. A camp was form⯑ed between Petersfield and Portſmouth. Six regi⯑ments, under orders to embark for Flanders, were countermanded. The lieutenancy were commanded to raiſe the militia. The ſame precautions were uſed in Scotland. But Ireland was left to its fate. Orders were ſent to the fleet to ſail in queſt of the enemy. A declaration, iſſued by James before he left St. Ger⯑mains, was publiſhed and anſwered, by authority. Activity and ſpirit prevailed every where; and that terror, which commonly precedes danger, was leſſen⯑ed by the buſtle of preparation^A.

The fleet ſails toward La Hogue. The communication between France and England was, in the mean time, completely interrupted. James, during all the time he had remained at La Hogue, received no intelligence from his friends in London^B. Captain Lloyd, who had been diſpatched to him by his adherents, with an important meſſage, and a letter from the princeſs of Denmark, was detained two months on his way. Tourville, upon a change of wind, ſailed at length from Breſt, with forty-four ſhips of the line. He directed his courſe to La Hogue. Un⯑fortunately for that admiral, the combined fleet of the enemy, conſiſting of many more than double his num⯑ber of ſhips, arrived, at the ſame inſtant, in the neigh⯑bourhood of that place. The weather, in the mean time, was extremely hazy. On the nineteenth of May, about four of the clock in the morning, the ſun [11] having cleared a little the weather, admiral Ruſſel deſ⯑cried the enemy holding, with a very ſmall gale at weſt and by ſouth, their courſe ſouthward, on the ſame tack with himſelf. They began on both ſides to form the line. Tourville, who had been irritated by a re⯑flection thrown on his courage, by de Seignelay, re⯑ſolved to fight the enemy, though he was not ignorant of their force. He bore down upon the combined fleets at ten of the clock. The Dutch were in the van. The French admiral threw out the ſignal of battle, as he advanced on Ruſſel, who lay to receive him, with his fore top-ſail to the maſt^C.

An engage⯑ment. At half an hour after eleven, Tourville, in the Roy⯑al Sun, of one hundred and four guns, brought to, within three quarters of a muſket ſhot, of the Britan⯑nia of one hundred guns, commanded by Ruſſel. The reſt of the French admiral's diviſion fell in with the Engliſh line. A ſmart engagement enſued. The two commanders plied their guns very warmly, till one of the clock. The weather, during the engagement, fell almoſt calm. Tourville was diſabled. His rigging, ſails, and yards were ſhot. His fire began to ſlacken. He ordered his boats to tow him to windward. Five freſh ſhips of the ſquadron, with a furious fire, cover⯑ed their admiral's retreat. About four of the clock, a thick fog fell on the battle; and the firing ceaſed. At half after five, a ſmall breeze of wind aroſe at Eaſt. The weather cleared up a little. The French were running on every ſide. Ruſſel gave the ſignal for the fleet to chaſe. The fog returned and night came on. The French ſtood to the Weſt, with all their ſails. The breeze was ſo light that little way could be made. The fog continued the greateſt part of the next day. Toward the evening, Ruſſel took in the ſignal for the line of battle; and ordered each ſhip to make the beſt of her way, in purſuit of the enemy. The tide of ebb being done, both fleets came to an anchor; both reſolving to take advantage of the next return of the tide^D.

[12] Sixteen French ſhips burnt. In the morning of the twenty firſt of May, all the French ſhips were far advanced toward the Race of Alderney. One and twenty however were driven eaſtward, from the entrance of the Race, by the tide of flood, toward Cape La Hogue. Three of that number endeavoured to tack to the weſtward, againſt the current. But one of them, after two or three ſhort boards ran aſhore. The other two were wea⯑thered by the ſternmoſt ſhips of Ruſſel's ſquadron. Sir Ralph Delaval, rear admiral of the red, was or⯑dered to deſtroy the three ſhips. Ruſſel himſelf ſtretch⯑ed after the remaining eighteen, who hauled in for La Hogue. Five made their eſcape eaſtward, in the night. Thirteen were obſerved, on the twenty-ſecond, hauled in cloſe with the ſhore. On the twenty-third, rear-admiral Rooke was ordered, with ſeveral men of war, the fire-ſhips and boats of the fleet, to deſtroy the enemy's ſhips. The men of war could not ap⯑proach. He, however, burnt ſix ſhips in the night. The remaining ſeven were deſtroyed in the ſame man⯑ner, the next day. Little reſiſtance was made by the French. Their officers had retired, and the men fled, upon the approach of the Engliſh ſailors. James him⯑ſelf is ſaid to have been a ſpectator of this laſt action, but Tourville refuſed to receive his advice. The ar⯑my intended for the invaſion were near; but they had the mortification to behold a deſtruction which they could not prevent^E.

Obſervati⯑ons The French owed their misfortunes in the battle, or rather in the affair of La Hogue, as it has been more juſtly called, to their preſumption, at firſt, and after⯑wards to their want of ſpirit and ſkill. Tourville ſup⯑ported with little courage and leſs conduct, the battle into which he had wantonly entered. The ſuperior ſkill of the Engliſh, in managing light breezes of wind and impetuous tides, gave them a great advan⯑tage over an enemy, who were manifeſtly conquered in their own minds. The French ſuffered little in the engagement. Tourville's ſhip was the only one in any degree diſabled. None was taken, none ſunk, few even ſuffered in their rigging. Ruſſel himſelf, [13] though a man of too much courage not to fight with ſpirit, owed his ſucceſs more to accident and the folly of his enemies, than his own conduct. Had the Dutch ſhewed the ſame alacrity in fighting, which they had exhibited upon a former occaſion againſt Tourville, the ruin of the French fleet might have been render⯑ed complete. But the hazineſs of the weather; the very fears of the French, upon perceiving themſelves much outnumbered; the conſuſion and want of plan which prevail in all naval engagements, ought to have ſaved the victors from the cenſure which ſome writers have thrown on their conduct. The chief loſs of the French conſiſted in that of their ſhips. Sixteen men of war, between fifty-ſix and one hundred and four guns, were burnt. Twenty tranſports ſhared the ſame fate. Few were killed on either ſide. Among the ſlain, on the part of the victors, the moſt re⯑gretted were admiral Carter and captain Haſtings^F.

on the affair of La Hogue. Ruſſel, it is certain, meant nothing leſs than to ob⯑ſtruct the ſervice for which the French fleet were to ſail. His loitering at St. Helens, for ten days after he had paſſed through the Downs; his applying, in con⯑cert with the late King, to the miniſtry for leave to attack St. Maloes; his calling in the ſquadrons that obſerved under Carter and Delaval the motions of the enemy; ſeem all to have been calculated to accom⯑modate the intended invaſion. He knew that the ſame winds which carried himſelf out of the river, would have favoured Tourville, in leaving Breſt. A few days would have brought the French fleet to La Hogue. A few hours would have wafted the invaders to the coaſt of Suſſex. When James ſhould land, he was determined to throw off the maſk and declare for that Prince. The prudence, or perhaps, the terrors of the government defeated his meaſures. They re⯑fuſed to agree to the propoſed deſcent, They ordered him to take the advice of a council of war. The re⯑ſult was, that the fleet ſtretched over to La Hogue. But with a deſign to return to St. Helen's in four days. The fate of the Britiſh kingdoms depended upon ac⯑cident. [14] Had Tourville arrived on the coaſt of Nor⯑mandy a few days before, or had the winds detained him till Ruſſel's propoſed return to his old ſtation, the crown of England would have been transferred to the late King, without conteſt^H.

Conduct of James. Tranſacti⯑ons at ſea. James was rather diſappointed than rendered deſpe⯑rate, by the ſucceſs of the Engliſh fleet. He laid the blame upon accident. He continued his correſpon⯑dence with Ruſſel. He held his former communica⯑tion with his friends in England. Though the object of his reſtoration was rendered a little more diſtant, he kept it ſtill in view. His agents were buſy. The diſcontented caballed in his favour. Men in office be⯑trayed to him the ſecrets of the cabinet; and ſome⯑times, guided their conduct by his advice^I. He retired to St. Germans, where his queen had borne a daughter in his abſence. The Engliſh fleet remained in a ſtate of inaction, during the reſt of the ſummer. The miniſtry propoſed to carry into execution a de⯑ſcent on the French coaſt, which had been projected in the preceding winter. Ruſſel, diſcontented with government, and provoked by ſome orders ſent to him by the queen, which he deemed the the effect of ig⯑norance^K, rendered ineffectual a ſcheme which promiſed no great ſucceſs. The French fleet retired to their ports. They had loſt but a very few men in their late misfortune. They filled the whole channel with their privateers. The merchants ſuſtained much loſs. The great expectations which the nation de⯑rived from the late victory, were damped with its want of beneficial conſequences. The miniſtry com⯑plained of Ruſſel, and Ruſſel of the miniſtry. Cla⯑mour, diſappointment, and ill humour prevailed, after an event which promiſed general ſatisfaction and joy^L.

Campaign in Flanders. Though the fate of England ſeemed to depend on the operations at ſea, William turned his his prin⯑cipal attention to the war by land. He was the chain of union between the heads of the grand confederacy, [15] the life and ſpirit of their councils and armies. The force of the allies had however been, in ſome degree, diminiſhed, by the intrigues of Lewis the Fourteenth, and miſunderſtandings between themſelves. Diſputes between the Emperor and the Elector of Saxony, had induced the latter to recal his troops to his own domi⯑nions. Sweden and Denmark continued their neutra⯑lity. The Helvetic body diſcovered an inclination to favour the cauſe of France. To ſupply the place of the Saxons, the Emperor and King of England gained the younger branch of the houſe of Lunenburgh to their party. The Dukes of Zell and Hanover, upon the promiſe of an electoral cap, with a certainty of the inveſtiture before the end of the year, undertook to march ſix thouſand troops to join the Imperialiſts, and four thouſand to reinforce the army of the allies in Flanders. The Spaniards had raiſed to the govern⯑ment of that country, the Elector of Bavaria; a Prince whoſe ſpirit and abilities promiſed to ſupport the feebleneſs of the common cauſe, on that ſide. France was, in the mean time, active in her prepara⯑tions, and prudent in the diſpoſition of her armies. The Mareſchal de Lorges commanded on the upper Rhine. De Joyeuſe occupied the country of Eye⯑feldt. De Boufflers lay between the Sambre and the Meuſe. Luxembourg, in the name of the Dauphin, commanded in Flanders^M.

Namur taken. Lewis the Fourteenth and William ſet out, on the ſame day, to join their reſpective armies. The firſt arrived in his camp, on the twentieth of May. On the twenty-third, all his troops were in motion. He ſuddenly ſat down before Namur. The King with forty-five thouſand men, proſecuted the ſiege. He was covered by Luxembourg, with another army. The town was ſtrong. The citadel was deemed im⯑pregnable. The Prince de Barbaſon commanded in the place, with a well-appointed garriſon of ten thou⯑ſand men. The famous Coehorn defended, in perſon, a new fort called by his own name. But de Vauban [16] directed the attack. The eyes of all Europe were turned toward Namur. Two great Kings, at the head of two powerful armies, turned their whole thoughts to this important enterpriſe. A battle, which was to decide the fate of the war, was daily to be ex⯑pected. The French attacked^N the place with incredible vigour. The town, in ſix days, was forced to capitulate^O. William, in the mean time, ad⯑vanced, with an army of one hundred thouſand men, and ſat down within cannon ſhot of Luxembourg's lines. The ſmall river Mehaigne ran between the ar⯑mies. An ineffectual cannonade enſued. The French preſſed with vigour the ſiege of the new fort. Coe⯑horn made an obſtinate defence. But being driven from the covered way, on the twenty-ſecond of July, and forced to retire with great loſs into the body of the place, he capitulated. The fate of the citadel was ſoon after decided. The garriſon evacuated the place, on the thirtieth of July; and Lewis returned in triumph to Verſailles^P.

Battle of Steinkirk. Though William loſt reputation, by permitting a place of ſuch importance as Namur to be taken in his ſight, his inactivity may be juſtified, in ſome degree, by the ſtrong poſition of the enemy. The Duke de Luxembourg, one of the beſt generals of the age, had poſted himſelf to great advantage, on the banks of the Mehaigne. The unſeaſonable rains had unexpectedly ſwelled the ſtream, and formed into moraſſes the ad⯑joining fields. To make, at firſt, an attack, was to riſque a defeat; and the place ſurrendered before Wil⯑liam, who was always ſlow in his councils, could de⯑termine upon any vigorous meaſure to raiſe the ſiege. To retrieve the glory which he had loſt before Namur, William endeavoured to ſupriſe the French army un⯑der the Duke of Luxembourg at Steinkirk. The attack was chiefly carried on by the Engliſh in co⯑lumns. They aſcended with amazing reſolution and ſpirit the riſing ground, on which a wing of the French army lay encamped. They took poſſeſſion of their [17] batteries, and were, for ſome time, maſters of their line. The whole camp was in confuſion. But the aſſailants were not properly ſupported. The ſecond line of the French advanced. The rencounter was ob⯑ſtinate and bloody. The conteſt was maintained for four hours. The allies were at length repulſed, hav⯑ing left many thouſands of the enemy, as well as of their own number, dead on the field. Though this bloody battle was attended with no material conſe⯑quences, an undiſputed victory remained to the French. The king gained no reputation for his con⯑duct. But the valour of his troops deſerved great ap⯑plauſe. The generals Mackay, Lanier, and Douglas, the Earl of Angus and ſeveral officers of diſtinction were killed in this unfortunate field. The Prince de Turenne and the Mareſchal de Bellefons were numbered among the ſlain, on the ſide of the French^Q.

A conſpira⯑cy againſt William. The campaign in Flanders languiſhed after the bat⯑tle of Steinkirk. The diſcovery of a plot againſt the life of William, and the execution of one Grandval, the pretended aſſaſſin, gave occaſion to much reflection and noiſe. Lewis the Fourteenth and the late King of England were involved by the diſcoverers in this conſpiracy. But as there is no probability that the former would be guilty of ſuch a villainous deſign; ſo there is now a certainty, that the latter rejected, al⯑ways, with becoming horror, all propoſals of the like kind. The incident, however, ſerved, at the time, the views of party; and loaded, with a degree of infa⯑my, an unhappy Prince, already ruined by his folly and misfortunes. The hopes of a reward for the diſ⯑covery, gave birth, in all appearance, to a plot laid chiefly at the door of de Louvois, who was lately dead. His ſon, de Barbeſieux, was accuſed of carry⯑ing on what his father had begun. But as the odium of the murder itſelf would do more harm, than what could be derived of advantage from the death of Wil⯑liam, the prudence of the French court may be truſt⯑ed with regard to their innocence.

[18] Campaign in Savoy, on the Rhine, and in Hun⯑gary. The French, in exerting their chief force in Flan⯑ders, left their own country expoſed, on the ſide of Dauphiné. The army under de Catinat was found too weak to reſiſt the Duke of Savoy. That Prince ſufficiently revenged himſelf for the inſults which he had received in his own dominions, in the two preced⯑ing campaigns. He entered Dauphiné, in the month of July. He ravaged the open country. He attack⯑ed the fortified towns. The ſurrender of Embrun, on the ſeventeenth of Auguſt, was ſoon followed by the taking of Gap. In the midſt of his ſucceſs, the Duke fell ill of the ſmall-pox. Diſſentions prevailed among the nations which compoſed his motley army. He found himſelf obliged to retire, and to evacuate the places which he had ſeized. On the Rhine, the Mareſchal de Lorges defeated the Prince of Wertem⯑berg, on the ſeventeenth of September. He forced the Prince of Heſſe to raiſe the ſiege of Ebenbourg. The Marquis d' Harcourt obtained ſome advantages in the county of Chinei; and de Boufflers bombarded Charleroy, on the nineteenth of October. The cam⯑paign, upon the whole, ended with ſufficient glory to France. Her allies were not equally ſucceſsful, on their ſide of the war. Great Waradin was taken by the Imperialiſts, after a long blockade; and thoſe diſ⯑tractions, which uſually attend the misfortunes of the Ottomans, involved the Seraglio in blood^R.

Young's forgeries. The defeat of the French fleet at La Hogue had removed the fears of the nation from a foreign ene⯑my; but the domeſtic tranquillity was ſtill diſturbed, by ſurmizes of plots, conſpiracies, and treaſons. Men in general believed, that ſome ſecret machinations ex⯑iſted, in favour of the late King. No proofs had ap⯑peared againſt the ſuſpected. The Earls of Hunting⯑ton, Scarſdale, and Marlborough, had been ſent to the Tower, upon the accuſation of one Young; a criminal, actually under the execution of the law, in Newgate, for forgery. This infamous perſon, by the advice of a priſoner for debt, in the ſame gaol, and by the aid of one Blackhead, framed an aſſocia⯑tion [19] againſt the government; to which he annexed the names of the Earls of Saliſbury and Marlborough, the deprived Archbiſhop of Canterbury, the Biſhop of Rocheſter, and other perſons of rank. The Biſhop of Rocheſter being confronted with Blackhead, de⯑tected the villainy of the accuſation, to the ſatisfaction of the council. But the court, ſuſpecting Marlbo⯑rough of ſome ſecret intrigues with James, ſtill encou⯑raged Young. His fine was paid, and he himſelf was diſcharged from priſon. Marlborough, in defiance of the habeas corpus act, was detained in the Tower, by a chichane of law, even after the grand jury of Mid⯑dleſex had found a bill of forgery, and ſubornation of perjury, againſt Young^S.

Diſcontents. Theſe legal ſeverities recalled the memory of for⯑mer times; and they ſeemed more grievous, as they were now leſs expected. The paſſions of men, in⯑flamed by faction and party were ready to receive im⯑preſſions of the worſt kind. The preſs groaned with polemical pamphlets. The Jacobites attacked the meaſures of government, and accuſed the King of a breach of faith to the nation. The Whigs complain⯑ed of the management of the war, the burden of taxes, the imperfect ſecurities of the liberties of the people. They affirmed, that the aid given for the maintenance of the war at land had been abſolutely loſt. That, inſtead of breaking the power of France, the efforts of the allies had covered her arms with re⯑nown. The grand army, under the King in Flanders, they ſaid, had loſt ground to the enemy. The Ger⯑mans had received a check, on the Rhine. The ef⯑forts of the Spaniards in Catalonia had been ſeeble and ineffectual. The retreat of the Duke of Savoy had put an end to the hopes of the allies, on that ſide. The navy, though ſucceſsful againſt the fleet of the enemy, had not been able to protect the commerce of the kingdom againſt their privateers. Theſe ſuggeſti⯑ons were received with avidity, by a people accuſtom⯑ed to blame the meaſures of every government. The facts, though exaggerated, were true in the main; [18] [...] [19] [...] [20] and men found, in their own burdens, that they had ſome reaſon to complain^T.

Parliament meets. In the midſt of theſe diſcontents, William returned to England. Having arrived from Bruſſels at the Hague, on the eleventh of October, he embarked, on the fifteenth, in the Maeſe; and on the twentieth came to Kenſington. He met his parliament at Weſt⯑minſter, on the fourth of November. He expreſſed to them his joy, at having an opportunity of thank⯑ing them again for their large ſupplies. He hoped, he ſaid, for their future advice and aſſiſtance againſt the exceſſive power of France. They had great rea⯑ſon to rejoice, he ſaid, at the late victory at ſea. He wiſhed that he could tell them of an equal ſucceſs by land. He informed them, that the French were re⯑pairing the loſs, which they had ſuſtained in their fleet. That they deſigned to augment their army againſt the next campaign. He, therefore, declared, that it was abſolutely neceſſary that, at leaſt, an equal force ſhould be maintained in the enſuing, as in the preſent year; and he deſired the commons to give a ſuitable ſupply. He was ſenſible, he ſaid, of the hea⯑vy charge upon his people. He regretted the incon⯑venience of ſending great ſums of money out of the kingdom, for the payment of troops abroad. He promiſed to attempt a deſcent on France. He took notice of the ſignal deliverance from the French inva⯑ſion. He entertained no doubt of their ſupport. He requeſted diſpatch in their councils. He aſſured them, that he had no intereſt ſeparate from theirs. That he had no aim, but to render his people happy. He con⯑cluded with obſerving, that as he never ſpared his per⯑ſon for the good of his ſubjects, he would continue to encounter dangers, for the honour and advantage of England^U.

Ill humour in Though this ſpeech ſeemed calculated to gain the good opinion of parliament, neither of the houſes re⯑turned their immediate thanks, by an addreſs. The commons adjourned for a week, the lords for three [21] days. The latter, when they met, inſtead of paying their compliments to the King, began to vindicate their own privileges. The lords, who had been com⯑mitted to the Tower, repreſented their grievances. They were ſupported, with great warmth by their friends. The conſtable of the Tower was ordered to produce the warrants of commitment. The judges of the king's bench were commanded to appear before the houſe, to anſwer for their refuſal to diſcharge the recognizance, into which the impriſoned peers had en⯑tered for their appearance. Violent debates enſued. The oppoſition, in every motion prevailed. Reſolu⯑tions were framed to guide the judges of oyer and ter⯑miner, in their proceedings on the habeas corpus act. The lords declared, that two witneſſes of the delin⯑quency were neceſſary to juſtify the remanding any perſon to priſon, upon his application to be admitted to bail. A motion was made and carried, for enter⯑ing this reſolution on the books, as a ſtanding rule to all future judges. The mode of ſetting free the accuſed priſoners became a matter of great debate. The King interfered. To end the conteſt, he promiſed to give directions for diſcharging the bail of the lords, in the king's bench. But ſo much inflamed were the ma⯑jority, that they determined to enter upon no buſineſs till the King's promiſe was actually performed^V.

both houſes. This conceſſion from the court was not ſufficient to allay the heats in parliament. The commons, on the tenth of November, had voted thanks to the King for his ſpeech. They ordered an addreſs to the Queen, acknowledging her prudent adminiſtration in the ab⯑ſence of her huſband. But they, at the ſame time, reſolved to preſent an addreſs, deſiring that the allian⯑ces made with the Sates, in the months of April and Auguſt 1689, and all other alliances with the princes and States of Europe, ſhould be laid before the houſe^W. They entered into an examination of the management of the war at ſea. They voted thanks to Admiral Ruſſel for his victory. But they reſolved to inquire, why that victory had not been purſued. [22] This, however, was ſoon after dropt. A reſolution to offer advice to the King, was attended with no bet⯑ter fate. A great animoſity againſt the preference given to foreigners exhibited itſelf in the debates of the houſe. They reſolved, that one article of the propoſ⯑ed advice ſhould bear, that he ſhould fill all vacancies, as they ſhould happen among the general officers, with the ſubjects of Great Britain; and that the commander in chief of the Engliſh troops ſhould be an Engliſhman. This reſolution was aimed at the Count de Solmes, on whoſe conduct toward the national troops, at the battle of Steinkirk, they ſeverely animadverted^X.

A ſupply granted. Notwithſtanding theſe ſymptoms of diſcontent among the commons, that aſſembly ſeemed more hoſtile to the miniſtry, than adverſe to the King. Though James was in correſpondence with ſome leaders, in the two houſes, he had deſpaired of guiding the con⯑duct of either, long before the parliament met^Y. The previous motion of advice was introduced and managed by his friends, ſupported by ſome zealous Whigs. But this attempt was defeated, by frequent adjournments. On the twenty-ſecond of Novem⯑ber^Z, a general ſupply was voted. The commons, on the ſecond of December, ſpecified the ſums grant⯑ed, for each ſervice^A. Near four millions were allowed, for the land and ſea ſervice; together with ſeven hundred and fifty thouſand pounds, to ſupply the deficiency in the poll-tax of the preceding year. Theſe great ſums were raiſed by various ways and means. A tax of four ſhillings in the pound, was charged upon all lands, according to their yearly value; with a vote of credit to enable the King to raiſe money at ſeven per cent. upon that fund. A fund of credit, for one million, was alſo eſtabliſhed, on the hereditary exciſe, by way of tontine. But all theſe proviſions appearing inadequate to the wants of government, an addition⯑al impoſition was laid upon merchandize, before the end of the ſeſſion^B.

[23] The lords refractory. THE lords were much more refractory than the commons. The former ſeemed offended with the King, as well as with his meaſures. The latter ſhew⯑ed only their diſlike to the acting miniſter, the Earl of Nottingham. The diſcontented lords availed them⯑ſelves of the article in the ſpeech, where William aſk⯑ed advice of his parliament. Under this cover, they endeavoured to ſend a remonſtrance to the throne. Thoſe who had diſtinguiſhed themſelves moſt for the revolution, were the chief promoters of a meaſure, which diſtreſſed and offended the King. The Earl of Devonſhire, though lord-ſteward of the houſehold, preferred his principles to the adherence to the court, expected from his office. The Earls of Shrewſbury, Monmouth, Torrington, Macclesfield, and Warring⯑ton, and the Lord Mountague, who were deemed the moſt ſteady Whigs, were the moſt violent againſt William and his partiality to ſtrangers. The Earl of Marlborough, yielding to his own reſentment, and in concert with James^C, appeared a principal in the motions againſt foreigners. The Earl of Bath, who had four years before, betrayed Plymouth to the Prince of Orange, had engaged to execute the ſame ſervice for the late King^D. To give an earneſt of his zeal, he joined heartily with Marlborough. The Tory lords, not in office, ſupported the oppoſition on popu⯑lar grounds. Though the majority of the biſhops fa⯑voured James in ſecret, they adhered, except one, to the court; and ſeveral peers who were in correſ⯑pondence with the court of St. Germains^E, endea⯑voured to cover their private engagements, by ſup⯑porting, in public, the cauſe of William.

1693. They re⯑monſtrate againſt fo⯑reigners. The parties were ſo equally poiſed, that almoſt the whole winter was ſpent in the fierceſt debates. The people themſelves were not unconcerned ſpecta⯑tors of the conteſt. Their jealouſy of foreigners, the indignity of truſting to aliens the defence of the kingdom, while the native troops were employed abroad, the real and ſuppoſed inſolence of Dutch [24] year 1693 favourites and officers, combined to inflame the paſſions of the nation againſt the crown. The op⯑poſing lords, in ſome meaſure, at length prevailed. A remonſtrance was preſented^F to the King, conſiſting of five articles. The peers deſired, that the com⯑manding officer of the Engliſh, next the King himſelf, ſhould be an Engliſhman. That the Engliſh officers ſhould have precedency of all officers of the ſame rank in the confederate armies, except thoſe of crowned heads. That the twenty thouſand men, deſtined for the defence of England, ſhould be all native Engliſh, under the command of an Engliſh general. That the abuſes committed in preſſing ſailors ſhould be remedied and prevented. That no foreigners ſhould be permit⯑ted to ſit at the board of ordnance. William was not of a complexion to grant demands, ſo contrary to his fixed predilections and views. He refuſed the requeſt of the lords, by anſwering, that he would conſider their addreſs. The oppoſition had carried their point with ſuch difficulty, that they dropt the remonſtrance, without any farther efforts. Their ill humour, how⯑ever, continued; and filled the whole ſeſſion with inef⯑fectual altercations and debates^G.

Proceedings of both houſes. The oppoſition in the houſe of lords, to ſhew their own reſentment, or to embarraſs the government, diſ⯑covered a diſpoſition to ſtop the progreſs of the bills of ſupply. The meaſure was adopted in concert with James^H, who notwithſtanding his diſappointment at La Hogue, ſtill projected an invaſion. The Mar⯑quis of Halifax and the Earl of Mulgrave induced the houſe, by the force of their eloquence, to ingraft a clauſe on the land-tax bill, that the lords ſhould tax themſelves. The bill was ſent down amended to the commons. The lower houſe flew into the moſt vio⯑lent heat. They rejected the amendment, without one diſſenting voice. The lords agreed to paſs the bill, without alteration, with a formal proteſt, on their journals, that though they yielded to the preſent urgent ſtate of affairs, they had a right to inſiſt upon [25] taxing themſelves. In other matters, the two houſes were more unanimous. They ordered, by a joint vote, that a pamphlet, entitled, ‘"King William and Mary conquerors,"’ ſhould be burnt by the hands of the common hangman. They addreſſed the King to diſmiſs from his place the licenſer of the preſs, under whoſe ſanction it had been printed and publiſhed. They aſſumed an appearance of hoſtility to the high prerogatives of the crown, while they ſtrengthened the hands of the King with enormous ſupplies^I.

A place-bill rejected by the lords. Though this facility in giving money, has been aſcribed to ſome corrupt practices of the court, it may be juſtified from the urgent ſtate of the times. The people were plunged in a war, from which they could not immediately extricate themſelves, by land, either with honour or with ſafety. To remit in preparations by ſea, might have encouraged an invaſion. The commons, in other reſpects, ſhewed little complai⯑ſance for the crown. They even appeared to be ſelf-denied, with regard to the private intereſt of their own members. They introduced and paſſed a bill, touching free and impartial proceedings in parliament, which excluded, from the right of ſitting in the houſe, all perſons, who ſhould accept of any office from the crown. The miniſtry found themſelves incapable of oppoſing, in the lower houſe, a meaſure ſo popular. To facilitate the paſſing of this important bill, it was not to be in force till the King ſhould think fit to call a new parliament. It was ſent up to the lords early in the ſeſſion. The malcontents, in the upper houſe, carried the motion in favour of the bill, in the com⯑mittee. But when it came to be reported, the court party, by the means of proxies, rejected it, by a majority of two votes. The adherents of James were joined with the moſt violent Whigs, upon the preſent occaſion. The firſt wiſhed for confuſion; the latter, by yielding to their reſentment, adhered to their pro⯑feſſed principles^K.

The oppoſition, in the houſe of lords, were not diſcouraged with the bad ſucceſs of the place-bill. As [26] Bill for ſhortening the durati⯑on of par⯑liament re⯑jected by the King. they could not exclude the members from office, they were reſolved to ſhorten the duration of parliament. The preſent houſe of commons, though refractory on ſome occaſions, had rendered their general conduct grateful to the court. Their oppoſition to the high exertions of the prerogative had never been followed with rigour. They were generous in their ſupplies, and, perhaps, rather profuſe, with regard to the mo⯑ney of the ſubject. A great majority were Tories, men in general leſs attached to the family of a prince, than to the power of the crown. The Earl of Not⯑tingham and others of their own party had opened a channel of connexion between them and the reigning King. Sir John Trevor, the ſpeaker, was a ſucceſs⯑ful agent, in purchaſing the votes of the venal, with money^L. Beſides, in the preſent divided ſtate of the nation, a new election would be at leaſt trouble⯑ſome, if not attended with danger. The oppoſition perceived the views of their enemies, and they were reſolved to purſue their own. The Earl of Shrewſ⯑bury moved for a bill, providing for triennial parlia⯑ments and annual ſeſſions. It paſſed the houſe of lords. The commons paſſed it by a great majority. William reſolved to diſappoint a bill, ſo adverſe to the power of the crown. He therefore rejected it, when preſented for the royal aſſent^M. This was the ſecond time he made uſe of a prerogative, which neither of his immediate predeceſſors ever choſe to exert.

Affairs of Ireland. The affairs of Ireland commanded a conſiderable de⯑gree of the attention of parliament during the preſent ſeſſion. That kingdom, ever ſince its reduction in 1691, had exhibited one continued ſcene of oppreſſion, injuſtice, and public miſery. The government of James, with all its diſadvantages, his own bigotry, the inſolence of the papiſts, combined with the fears of the proteſtants, were all more tolerable than the adminiſ⯑tration of William, ever ſince the ſurrender of Lime⯑rick. Coningſby and Porter, the lords juſtices, ren⯑dered themſelves odious by a ſeries of frauds, cruelties, [27] and rapacities. They ſold common juſtice for money. They ſcreened the guilty and oppreſſed the innocent, for gain. To render their proceedings ſummary, to clothe their authority with more terror, and, with moſt expedition, to enrich themſelves, they choſe to exert their power in the military way. The corruption, at the ſource, extended itſelf through every channel of government. The ſubordinate magiſtrates, the juſtices of the peace, as if all law were at an end, made their own will and pleaſure the rule of their conduct. Pre⯑ſuming on their power in the country, they deprived, under the colour of authority, many perſons of their effects; they diſpoſſeſſed many of their lands^N. The Roman Catholics, as they had leſs to expect from juſtice than the Proteſtants, endeavoured to purchaſe favour. They applied to thoſe in power, through the channel of venality; and thus the party who had been in arms againſt the Revolution, fared better than thoſe who had ſupported the cauſe of William with the moſt zeal, courage, and induſtry^O.

The grie⯑vances of that king⯑dom On the third of March 1692, the Lord Viſcount Sidney was raiſed to the government of Ireland. But he arrived not in that kingdom, till the twenty-fifth of the following Auguſt. Coningſby, created a Baron by the ſame name, with his colleague Porter, conti⯑nued in the government, in the intermediate time. They preſided in the court of claims, for adjuſting the demands of thoſe comprehended in the articles of Limerick; and the obvious road to their juſtice, was ſaid to lie through their avarice. The arrival of Sid⯑ney in his government, though it might leſſen the fear of future oppreſſions, diminiſhed not the reſentment of the people for former injuries. His own conduct ſeem⯑ed more calculated to preſerve the prerogative of the crown, than to redreſs the grievances of the ſubject. His ſpeech, at the opening of the parliament, was ſuited to the times, and well received. But the me⯑mory of the paſt, created an ill humour among the commons. Seventy thouſand pounds had been de⯑manded, as an additional revenue, for the annual and [28] neceſſary expences of government. But the houſe were either ſlow in finding the ways and means, or ignorant where they could be found. Two bills, rea⯑dy drawn, the one for an additional exciſe on malt liquors, the other for a tax on land bearing corn, were ſent down from the Iriſh privy council. The com⯑mons were highly offended at the manner of introduc⯑ing theſe bills, which were in themſelves, eſpecially the latter, highly exceptionable; and in ſome degree, partial and unjuſt. They argued, that though, by Poyning's law, no bill was to be paſſed, without the ſanction of the Engliſh privy council, it was never deemed that the Iriſh commons were precluded from taxing themſelves^P.

laid before the Engliſh parliament. The neceſſities of government induced the lord-lieu⯑tenant to hearken to a compromiſe. The commons conſented to paſs the exciſe bill, with a declaration, that the thing ſhould not be drawn into a precedent. But they rejected the land-bill, as laying an unequal tax upon the farmers. When Sidney found himſelf in poſſeſſion of the additional exciſe, he gave vent to his reſentment againſt the parliament. He ſent for them, on the fourth of November^Q. He re⯑primanded them ſeverely, for invading the preroga⯑tives of the Crown. He prorogued them to the ſix⯑teenth of April. Inflamed with what they deemed a public inſult, offended at ſome private expreſſions of indignation from the lord-lieutenant, ſeveral members of the Iriſh houſe of commons came, in the name of their country, to England, to lay their grievances be⯑fore the parliament. On the twenty-fourth of Fe⯑bruary, they laid their complaints, in writing, before the Engliſh commons. The lords, at the ſame time, took cognizance of the affair, and examined witneſſes. Some circumſtances appeared, upon the inquiry, which ſerved to heighten the miſmanagements of govern⯑ment, as well as the real grievances of Ireland. The army, in want of pay from the Crown, raiſed money by military diſtreſs, from the ſubject, to the incredible [29] amount of two hundred thouſand pounds^R. The ſtores left by James in the kingdom, to the value, it was ſaid, of eighty thouſand pounds, were embez⯑zled or applied to his own uſe by Coningſby. The lord-lieutenant himſelf, and Ginckle, who had been created Earl of Athlone, were accuſed of poſſeſſing themſelves of almoſt all the forfeitures which ought to have fallen to the public^S. But one of the moſt flagrant inroads upon the conſtitution, was the depriv⯑ing the citizens of Dublin of their right to chuſe their own magiſtrates.

A remon⯑ſtrance on that ſubject. The lords preſented an addreſs, upon the ſubject of the Iriſh complaints. The commons ſent a remon⯑ſtrance to the throne. To the grievances already ſpe⯑cified, the latter added ſeveral others of the ſame a⯑larming kind. They complained of the miſeries of free quarters, and the licentiouſneſs of the army, to which the Proteſtant ſubjects had been expoſed. They repreſented the danger of recruiting the troops, as had been notoriouſly done, with Iriſh Papiſts; and ſuch perſons as had been in open rebellion. They averred, that the common courſe of law was ſtopt, by granting protections to Roman Catholics, not comprehended within the articles of pacification; and that it was from the mercenary views of the ſervants of the Crown, that the impolitic addition was made to the treaty with the Papiſts, at the ſurrender of Limerick. All theſe grievances they requeſted the King to redreſs; and he promiſed to rectify all that had been amiſs in Ireland. The miſeries of that kingdom might, perhaps, have been exaggerated. The expectations of the Proteſt⯑ants were high, from the ſucceſs of their party. The claims of the Papiſts were extenſive, from the favour⯑able articles by which they had finiſhed the war. Re⯑cent injuries were added, on both ſides, to ancient prejudices and animoſities. To ſatisfy either, was certainly a thing difficult for any government. But it is equally certain, that the ſervants of the Crown were much leſs attentive to the happineſs of the people, [30] than to the gratification of their own paſſions and ava⯑rice.

Parliament prorogued, March 14. William ſeems either to have repented of his promiſe to the commons, or to have been perſuaded from his purpoſe, by thoſe moſt concerned in the miſmanage⯑ments in Ireland. To prevent the parliament from reſuming the affair, he prorogued it, on the four⯑teenth of March, juſt four days after receiving the re⯑monſtrance. He thanked the commons for their large ſupplies. He ſignified to the two houſes, his intention of going abroad. He promiſed to continue to expoſe his perſon, upon all occaſions, for the good and ad⯑vantage of his kingdoms; and that his hearty and ſin⯑cere endeavours ſhould never be wanting, to make the Engliſh a great and flouriſhing nation^T. Notwith⯑ſtanding this ſoothing ſpeech, the different parties, in both houſes, were highly offended at the ſudden pro⯑rogation. The Whigs reſented the meaſure, as an aggravating ſequel to the King's refuſing his aſſent to the bill for ſhortening the duration of parliaments. The diſcontented part of the Tories joined, upon other grounds, the general cry. The Jacobites, be⯑ing the moſt violent in their principles, were leaſt tem⯑perate in their language. All parties carried their diſ⯑contents and arguments to the preſs. The Earl of Warrington, Hampden, and Wildman were ſuppoſed to inflame the Whigs, with publications. The church, offended at the coldneſs of William, ſupported the opinions of the high Tories to the world. Ferguſon, and ſeveral other adherents of James, openly attacked the Revolution, and the perſonal character and con⯑duct of the King^U.

A ſtairs of Scotland. The maſſacre of Glenco had greatly ſhaken the in⯑tereſt of William, in the minds of his Scottiſh ſubjects. The hopes of James aroſe, in proportion to the odium which a tranſaction ſo barbarous had thrown upon the government of his rival. But, prior to that event, the late King had laid a plan for invading Scotland. In the end of the year 1691, he ſolicited Lewis the Fourteenth, for a force to ſail from Breſt, Belleiſle, [31] or Rochfort; and to land between Irving and Air. When the King of France had reſolved to tranſport an army into England, under the conduct of James, before the affair of La Hogue, the Scottiſh expedition was not relinquiſhed. Two frigates, with officers, ſtores, arms, and a ſmall ſum of money, were to ſail from Ambleteuſe, when the main fleet were to put to ſea. The defeat of Tourville broke this, as well as all the other meaſures of the late King. His attention afterwards was chiefly turned to England. The Earls of Arran and Breadalbin, and Sir James Montgomery, were the only perſons of rank in Scotland, who held any correſpondence with the court of St. Germains; though the greateſt part, by far, of the gentry of the kingdom were in the intereſt of the late King^W.

Obſequiouſ⯑neſs of its parliament The unexpected blow ſuſtained by the French at La Hogue, and the conſequent diſappointment of James, threw a damp on his adherents throughout the reſt of the year. The nation in general ſhewed a manifeſt im⯑patience under the government of William. But thoſe who oppoſed that Prince the moſt, covered, under ſpecious complaints of grievances, their attachment to his rival. The King, by the advice of ſecretary John⯑ſton, managed his affairs with prudence. He gained, by promoting their leaders, the Preſbyterians. He reconciled the Duke of Hamilton and his party to his government, by appointing that nobleman commiſſi⯑oner to the approaching parliament. On the eighteenth of April, in the preſent year, a parliament met at Edinburgh. To flatter the pride of the Scots, the King ſignified in his letter, that ever ſince his coming to the Crown, he had been fully reſolved to hold a par⯑liament, in perſon, in his ancient kingdom. He de⯑clared that nothing but his neceſſary preſence abroad, or the buſineſs of his ſtation, when in England, could have hitherto prevented his purpoſe. The commiſſi⯑oner aſſured the houſe, that the King was reſolved to ſupport the preſent eſtabliſhment, in civil and eccleſi⯑aſtical affairs. He awaked their fears of preſent dan⯑gers, by recounting thoſe he had eſcaped in the preced⯑ing year; and he concluded his ſpeech, with demand⯑ing [32] a ſupply to place the kingdom in a poſture of de⯑fence againſt its enemies. Tweedale, the chancellor, enforced what the commiſſioner had propoſed. He re⯑commended that new laws ſhould be made, to ſtrength⯑en the authority of government, and to recover the ruined trade of the nation.

ill requi [...]ted by William. The ſpirit which had uniformly oppoſed govern⯑ment, ſince the late revolution, if not extinguiſhed, was at leaſt ſuppreſſed. The parliament was all ſub⯑miſſion. Their anſwer to the King was full of humi⯑lity, acknowledgment, and loyalty. They voted, that four regiments of foot and two of dragoons ſhould be added to the ſtanding forces of the kingdom. To defray the charges of this body of men, and to aid the other expences of government, they granted a ſupply of one hundred and fourteen thouſand pounds ſterling. They ratified, by a ſolemn act, the proceedings of the privy council in impreſſing ſeamen. They expell⯑ed all abſentees, among the commoners, from their houſe. They fined ſuch lords as declined to attend in parliament. A committee of ſecrecy had been ap⯑pointed, to inquire into the deſigns of the adherents of the late King. Upon ſome allegorical letters, that had been intercepted, they formed their report. They declared, that there had been, and ſtill was, a pro⯑ject ſubſiſting between the Jacobites and France, for invading the kingdom with a foreign force. Several lords were impriſoned in the caſtles of Sterling and Edinburgh, rather on ſuſpicion than on proof. One Payne, an Engliſhman, who was actually an agent for James in Scotland, was in cuſtody, and threatened with a trial. But this zeal for his government, was not properly returned by the King. He declined to levy the new troops. But he took care to raiſe the tax appointed for their ſubſiſtence, and to apply it to other uſes of his own^X.

Intrigues of In England, the intrigues of the late King fomented the diſcontents of all the parties. He continued his correſpondence during the winter. His ſecret friends were buſy. His agents aſſiduouſly employed. The Earl of Middleton had been ſent to England, in the [33] preceding Auguſt^Y. He carried on ſucceſsfully his negociations with the diſcontented, till the month of January. King James, eager to recover his crown, offered terms, which even the moſt ſcrupulous among the diſcontented approved. In a letter, in the end of November, he explained his views, with great mode⯑ration and addreſs. He lamented, that it had been hitherto his misfortune to be miſtaken in his applica⯑tions to his people. He, however, appealed to God, for the uniform ſincerity of his heart. He ſolemnly aſſured the nation, that, according to the moſt natu⯑ral ſignification of the words, he was ready to agree to any laws that ſhould be deſired, for the ſecurity of the Proteſtant religion, as eſtabliſhed in the church of England. He promiſed to ſettle, with the concur⯑rence of parliament, a liberty of conſcience. He was fully reſolved, he ſaid, to aſſent to all laws, for ſecuring effectually the liberty and property of the ſubject, not only during his own reign, but againſt all the incroachments of his poſterity and ſucceſſors in the throne. He affirmed, that it was his reſolution to meet his people frequently in parliament, as the beſt expedient to render a King truly great and the ſubject perfectly happy; and that it was his determined reſo⯑lution, neither to deſign nor attempt to introduce any arbitrary power in the crown^Z.

the late King He hoped, he ſaid, that he had expreſſed himſelf plainly. He declared, that he meant honeſtly. He was ſenſible that the nation, beſides the violence done to their own principles, had not found their account in the injury they had done to his right. He was no ſtranger, he ſaid, from that circumſtance, that ſome, who were diſpleaſed with the times, purſued projects of redreſs by other means than his reſtoration. But he averred, that his return to his native country was the only thing that could either give a better eſtabliſh⯑ment for the future, or relieve them from their pre⯑ſent diſtreſs. He requeſted his friends, for the great⯑er ſecurity of the nation, to ſend any perſons they pleaſed, to diſcourſe with him at large upon the ſub⯑ject [34] of his letter. He doubted not, he ſaid, to give any, commiſſioned to him for that purpoſe, an entire ſatisfaction upon every point. To create future con⯑fidence, he deſired to forget the paſt. He was reſolv⯑ed, for his own part, to pardon all the miſcarriages of all his ſubjects, without exception. He expreſſed his earneſt deſire to cloſe, in every thing, with the united intereſt of the people. He requeſted, that more of them would make him acquainted with their inclina⯑tions, without the leaſt degree of flattery; which had often too fatal an influence upon the councils of Kings^A; and he concluded with declaring, that he wiſhed for nothing in the world ſo earneſtly, as to ſee his people eſtablſhed upon the true and legal foun⯑dation^B.

in England. The malcontents in England were ſo much diſguſted with William, that they received the aſſurances of James with ardour. The Earl of Middleton, in the month of January, returned to France, with eight propoſals from thoſe who wiſhed to reſtore the late King, upon conditions. They were accepted without heſitation. The high opinion which James always entertained of the importance of the fleet, induced him to apply to the principal officers, with unremit⯑ting diligence. Ruſſel had promiſed, in the preceding autumn, his beſt endeavours to ſerve his cauſe. But William, in conſequence of Ruſſel's oppoſition in par⯑liament, and his diſputes with the Earl of Notting⯑ham, had deprived that officer of the chief command Delaval, Killegrew, and Shovel, were appointed, in a joint commiſſion, to execute the office of admiral. The two firſt had been, for ſome time, in the intereſt of the late King. That Prince, encouraged by a very great party in England, and numbering among his friends ſome of the firſt officers of ſtate, flattered by the engagements of the fleet and the diſcontents in the army, promiſed to himſelf an abſolute certainty of being reſtored, with little oppoſition, to the throne The French King kept the crown of England on the head of William. He liſtened to the propoſals of [35] James. But he entertained no ſerious thought of aſ⯑ſiſting that Prince, with effect^C.

His declara⯑tion Urged by his own hopes, and the zeal of his friends in England; the late King prepared a declaration, up⯑on the eight articles tranſmitted to France, through the hands of the Earl of Middleton. It was dated at St. Germains, on the ſeventeenth of April^D. He promiſed an unlimited pardon to all his ſubjects, an abſolute oblivion of all the paſt. He declared, that he would immediately call a parliament, inform himſelf, through them, of the inclinations of his people, and re⯑dreſs, by their concurrence, former grievances, and give every ſecurity for their future happineſs. He promiſed to protect the church of England; to ſecure to its mem⯑bers all the churches, univerſities, colleges, and ſchools; to confirm their immunities, rights, and pri⯑vileges. He pledged his word to recommend to his parliament an impartial liberty of conſcience. He de⯑clared, that he would never violate the teſt, and that he would leave the diſpenſing power of the crown, in other matters, to be explained and limited by the re⯑preſentatives of the nation. He ſolemnly promiſed to give his aſſent to all ſuch bills as ſhould be found neceſ⯑ſary to ſhorten the duration of parliaments, to ſecure the freedom of elections, the fair returns of members, and impartial trials.

to the peo⯑ple of Eng⯑land. To regain the favour of thoſe who had been moſt active in the late revolution, he engaged himſelf to ratify and confirm all ſuch laws, during the govern⯑ment of William, as ſhould be tendered to him by his parliament. He declared his willingneſs to re-eſtabliſh, in the moſt ample manner, the act of ſet⯑tlement of Ireland, as paſſed in his brother's reign; to relinquiſh the chimney-money, or any other part of the revenue, as ſhould be deemed burdenſome to the people, for any other more eaſy aſſeſſment. He aſſured his peo⯑ple, that he had formed his declaration upon the ad⯑vice of a great number of his ſubjects of all ranks and degrees; who had already adjuſted the manner of his re-aſcending the throne. To remove the apprehenſi⯑ons [36] of his ſubjects, that great ſums might be de⯑manded by France, he poſitively aſſured them, that his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty expected no compenſation, but the glory of having ſuccoured an injured Prince. He added, that he was on the eve of coming to vindi⯑cate his own right, and to eſtabliſh the liberties of his people; and he concluded with ſolemnly praying, that God might ſo give him ſucceſs, in the proſecution of the one, as he was ſincere in his intentions to confirm the other^E.

Legal ſeve⯑rities. A month after this declaration was dated in France, it was diſperſed privately in England, by the adherents of the late King. Some perſons who had undertaken that dangerous office, were ſecured; and upon ſlender proofs, puniſhed ſeverely for a high miſdemeanour^F. Several violent libels againſt the government, had raiſed the reſentment and indignation of the courts of juſtice. The legal ſeverities, of which the peo⯑ple formerly complained, ſeemed, in ſome caſes, to be renewed in all their horror. One Anderton was ſeized^G, by the meſſenger of the preſs, as the printer of two ſeditious pamphlets, and committed, for a miſdemeanour, to Newgate. But when he offered ſufficient bail, he was, by a freſh warrant, continued in priſon for high treaſon. On the trial of this un⯑fortunate perſon, no poſitive evidence of guilt ap⯑peared. Though the ſtatute of treaſon allowed no conjectural preſumptions, no ſtrained inferences, no forced conſtructions, he was at length condemned. Treby, lord-chief-juſtice of the common pleas, and formerly a vehement patriot, preſided at his trial; and was ſaid to have even ſurpaſſed Jefferys himſelf, in vio⯑lence, upon this occaſion. He brow-beat the priſoner. He rejected, without any anſwer, his defence. He revil⯑ed and threatened the jury, when they ſeemed to lean to the favourable ſide. The novelty of Anderton's caſe, being the firſt who had ever ſuffered death for print⯑ing, raiſed the attention of the public. The lame⯑neſs of the proof was generally condemned; and to convict upon preſumptions, in caſes of treaſon, was [37] deemed a dangerous innovation^H. But when a na⯑tion is divided into two inveterate parties, it is difficult to exclude violence, even from the ſeats of juſtice.

Campaign in Flanders. The King, impatient to open the campaign in Flan⯑ders, left Kenſington, on the thirty-firſt of March, and arrived in the Maeſe, on the ſecond of April. The French had diſturbed the winter itſelf, with mi⯑litary excurſions and attacks. They had taken Furnes and Dixmuyde, in the end of November, with their garriſons, conſiſting chiefly of the Engliſh who had re⯑duced thoſe places, in the cloſe of the preceding cam⯑paign. His own preparations, the neceſſity of ſettling, previouſly, the councils of the Allies, and the difficul⯑ty of aſſembling the forces, detained the King at Loo and the Hague, till the middle of May. Having join⯑ed the troops of the Allies at Deigham, he marched from thence to Parks, near Louvaine; and, by that judicious poſition, is ſaid to have broken the deſigns of France upon Brabant. Lewis the Fourteenth with an equipage more ſuitable to a triumph than a cam⯑paign, joined his army, conſiſting of one hundred thouſand men, on the ſecond of June. Maeſtricht, Charleroy, Huy, Bruſſels and Liege, dreaded by turns the fall of the ſtorm. But the French King having fallen ſick, ſoon after his arrival, returned to Verſailles, and left to the Mareſchal de Luxembourg the conduct of military operations in Flanders. Luxembourg, on the fifteenth of June, placed his head quarters at Mel⯑dert, within half a league of the camp of the Allies. The two armies continued in this ſituation above a month. Each endeavoured to find an opportunity of giving battle to advantage; while both ſuffered great hardſhips from the inceſſant rains.

The French attack. The Mareſchal de Luxembourg, deſpairing to force William to fight at a diſadvantage, left his camp, on the eighteenth of July. He ſat down before Huy; which ſurrendered in two days. Having amuſed the enemy with a feigned deſign upon Liege, he ſudden⯑ly quitted his poſt at Hellicheim, croſſed the Jaar in four columns, directed his march toward the Allies; [38] being determined to attack them in their camp, or if they retreated to fall upon their rear. His van was in ſight, before they were appriſed of his march. The King made the neceſſary preparations for receiving the enemy with vigour. He ſent away his heavy baggage. He ordered his infantry to intrench themſelves in the front of his camp. The river Geette bounded his right, and ran, winding, along his rear. On the left, and in the front of the left, was the brook of Landen. A thick hedge joining with one end, the Geete covered part of the front of his right wing. The village of Neerwinden, with entrenchments before it, was ſituated between the left end of the hedge and the center. The village of Romſdorff ſtood farther ad⯑vanced, oppoſed to the front of the left wing; and the entrenchment before it ſtretched to the rivulet of Lan⯑den. A line of entrenchments extended themſelves be⯑hind the two villages; and behind theſe, the army of the Allies was formed. Their whole front was cover⯑ed with one hundred pieces of cannon; which by be⯑ing advantageouſly placed, on an eminence, command⯑ed all the approaches to their line^I.

and defeat Willam On the evening^K of his arrival in ſight of the Allies, the Mareſchal de Luxembourg diſlodged a de⯑tachment of the enemy poſted in the village of Lan⯑den, which ſtood advanced before the brook of that name. Between this village and that of Romfdorff, he placed forty battalions, in the night. He formed his center of eight lines of horſe and foot intermixed. His horſe, on the left wing, were ordered to extend themſelves to the Geette, oppoſing their line to the thick hedge which covered the front of the enemy's right. The French were formed before five in the morning, and the cannonading began on both ſides. Six brigades, under the Duke of Berwick and two other lieutenant generals, attacked the village of Neer⯑winden. This important poſt was carried. But it was ſoon recovered by the vigilance of William; who had the good fortune, at the ſame inſtant, to ſee his enemies repulſed on every ſide. The center of the [39] French army was not properly ſuſtained by either wing. But the Mareſchal de Luxembourg was not to be intimidated. He made a ſecond effort on Neer⯑winden. He ſucceeded. He was again repulſed. He reſolved to attack ſome other quarter of the enemy. They were inacceſſible every where. The village of Neerwinden is a third time attacked. William, with great bravery, led twice the Engliſh infantry to the entrenchment, which the enemy endeavoured to force. Nothing, however could reſiſt the impetuoſity of the French. Their center, reinforced by their right, opened a way for their cavalry into the very lines of the Allies. They flanked the Engliſh. They charg⯑ed and put to flight the troops of Hanover. They overturned and routed the Spaniards^L.

at Landen. William perceiving this diſorder, advanced ſudden⯑ly with a part of his left wing. But the enemy gave him no time to form. They flanked the Dutch horſe, as they came. They broke them, in a furious onſet, before the Engliſh could draw into a line. The King, however, was not to be driven from the field. He ordered his troops to charge as they found themſelves. His efforts were attended with ſome ſucceſs, when he perceived his right wing driven headlong into the Geete. Nothing but confuſion could now be ſeen throughout the camp. Slaughter and flight prevailed every where, on the field. The bridge being too much crowded by the runaways, many were drowned in the river. Wil⯑liam retreated, in the ſame order, with the remains of the left wing. He, however, left a complete vic⯑tory to the enemy. Sixty-ſix pieces of cannon, eight mortars, eighty ſtandards, colours, and other trophies fell into the hands of the French. Twelve thouſand of the Allies lay dead in this bloody field. Two thouſand were made priſoners. The Mareſchal de Luxembourg gained little but glory from the battle of Landen. He loſt eight thouſand of his beſt troops, in the action; and his army was ſo much weakened, [40] by the number wounded, that he could take no ad⯑vantage of the conſternation of the enemy^M.

Reflections on his con⯑duct. William diſplayed, upon this occaſion, great cou⯑rage and preſence of mind. He expoſed his perſon to danger. He iſſued his orders with coolneſs. He was preſent every where. He has, notwithſtanding, been cenſured, for hazarding, in his circumſtances, a gene⯑ral engagement. He had detached a conſiderable num⯑ber of his troops, under the Duke of Wertemberg. He had ſent a reinforcement to the garriſon of Liege^N. In point of numbers, he was much in⯑ferior to Luxembourg. He had ſufficient time to re⯑treat beyond the Geette, and cover himſelf from in⯑ſult behind that river^O. His poſt, however, was ſo ſtrong, that his officers encouraged him to fight; and he himſelf was extremely anxious to recover the laurels which he had loſt in the preceding campaign. Six weeks of inactivity ſucceeded the battle. Both ſides, weakened by their loſſes, ſeemed unwilling to grapple again in the field. The Mareſchal de Lux⯑embourg, being at length reinforced, by detachments from the coaſts of Picardy and Normandy, as well as from the army on the upper Rhine, moved toward Charleroy. He ſat down before that place, on the eleventh of September. William made no efforts to raiſe the ſiege. The garriſon behaved themſelves with ſuch ſpirit as deſerved relief. The King quitted the army, on the fifth of October; and Charleroy ſurrendered on the eleventh of that month^P.

Campaign on the Up⯑per Rhine. On the ſide of Germany, the French tarniſhed their ſucceſs with acts of barbarity and cruelty. The Mareſchal de Lorges, having paſſed the Rhine at Philipſburgh without oppoſition^Q, detached de Chamilli, with twenty thouſand men, to inveſt Hey⯑delberg. In the midſt of diſſentions, which prevailed among the garriſon, that place was ſtormed. The ſoldiers and burghers were promiſcuouſly put to the ſword. When ſlaughter ended, rapine began. The houſes were burnt, the churches pillaged, the inhabi⯑tants [41] ſtripped naked, the women expoſed to violence and luſt. De Lorges, in the mean time, was pre⯑vented from paſſing the Necker, by the Prince of Baden, who commanded the confederate army. The King of France having undertaken to the Ottomans, to make a powerful diverſion on the ſide of Germany, had detached^R twenty thouſand men from the army in Flanders, to the Upper Rhine. When this rein⯑forcement joined de Lorges, the Dauphin aſſumed the command of the army. That Prince, having diſperſ⯑ed, in vain, a manifeſto containing humiliating terms of peace, advanced to the Necker, and croſſed that river^S, with twenty thouſand men. The Germans, under the Prince of Baden, unable to contend with ſuch ſuperior numbers, avoided the riſque of a battle, in a ſtrong poſt. The Dauphin returned to Verſailles. The French and Imperialiſts, having remained, for ſome time, in the field, in a ſtate of inactivity, re⯑tired, at length, to their reſpective winter quarters.

In Piedmont The operations of the armies, on the ſide of Pied⯑mont, having languiſhed throughout the ſummer, end⯑ed in a deciſive action, in the beginning of October^T. The duke of Savoy, at the head of the confederates, ſat down before Pignerol. The Mareſchal de Cati⯑nat, having been reinforced with ten thouſand men, from the army on the Upper Rhine, deſcended from the mountains; and, from his motions, ſeemed to threaten Turin. The Duke, having bombarded Pig⯑nerol, raiſed the ſiege, on the ſecond of October. He advanced to the ſmall river Ciſola, where it paſſes by Marſaglia. He ſent away his heavy baggage, reſolv⯑ing to engage de Catinat. The next day, the two armies came in ſight and formed themſelves in order of battle. Neither ſide ſhewing any inclination to come to battle, the conſederates lay, all night, on the field, in their arms. When day light appeared, the French were already formed. The allies were in⯑ſtantly in motion. The Imperial and Piedmonteſe cavalry, commanded by the Duke in perſon, covered the right wing. The inſantry, conſiſting of the in⯑fantry [42] of Savoy and Great Britain, were in the cen⯑ter, under the famous Prince Eugene. The Spaniards, led by their native officers, formed the left wing. The French began the attack, in an unuſual manner. They received the fire of the Spaniards, as they advanced, and then charged them, with bayonets fixed and ſword in hand. The whole wing was broken in an inſtant and thrown, in their confuſion, on the center. The battle was ſuſtained, by the latter, with great obſti⯑nacy. They were, however, broken, at length, and forced to fly. A complete victory remained to the French. The cannon, colours, ſtandards, and light baggage of the allies, fell into the hands of the enemy. They loſt eight thouſand men in the field. The Duke of Schomberg, who commanded the troops in the pay of Great Britain, was wounded and taken pri⯑ſoner. He was releaſed, on his parole; and ſoon af⯑ter died at Turin^U.

In Spain and Hunga⯑ry. The French were ſucceſsful, on every ſide during this campaign. In Catalonia, the Mareſchal de Noail⯑les took Roſes, in the ſight of the enemy. The Spa⯑niards, enfeebled by the deſpicable councils of Charles the Second, were unable to repel the victors. The French were too few and ill provided to purſue the advantages which they had obtained. Beſides, the Mareſchal de Noailles had embarked ſix thouſand men, to reinforce de Catinat's army in Piedmont. Both ſides remained inactive, from May till the end of the year. The war, in Hungary, produced no ſig⯑nal event. The Imperialiſts, under the Duke de Croy, laid ſiege to Belgrade in vain. After five weeks open trenches, they ſtormed the counterſcarp. But they were repulſed with great ſlaughter. The grand Vi⯑zier advanced, in the mean time, with an army. The Duke de Croy, having called a council of war, reſolved to raiſe the ſiege. He ſent away his heavy baggage. He repaſſed, with his army, the Saave. The defeat of a few Tartars, in the neighbourhood of Giulia, was magnified by the Imperialiſts, to cover the diſgrace of an inactive and inglorious campaign^W.

[43] Affairs at ſea. The ſame bad fortune whch purſued the allies by land, attended their operations at ſea. The war in Flanders having ingroſſed the whole attention of Wil⯑liam, the navy was much neglected by his ſervants. Notwithſtanding the great ſupplies that had been grant⯑ed, the fleet was not ready to ſail till the middle of May; and then it was feebly manned, and ill ſupplied with neceſſaries and proviſions. Killegrew, Delaval, and Shovel, who executed the office of admiral, hav⯑ing been reinforced by the Dutch, arrived at St. He⯑lens, on the ſeventh of May. The whole fleet was to have conſiſted of one hundred ſail of men of war, ſeventy of which were to have been of the line. They, however, had not all rendezvouſed when the admirals arrived. Theſe officers, deſtitute of intelligence them⯑ſelves, and receiving no orders from the miniſtry, were uncertain how to proceed. The French had made the greateſt preparations, in all their ports. They repaired and refitted all their men of war. They bought and armed all the largeſt merchantmen. They manned, with activity and ſucceſs, the whole fleet. All their ſhips, in the ports of the ocean, had aſſembled at Breſt, under Tourville. The ſquadron equipped at Toulon, and commanded by D'Eſtrees, received orders to advance to the Streights. King James con⯑tinued to ſolicit the court of France, to make another attempt on England; and the ſanguine adherents of that unfortunate Prince could aſcribe ſuch preparati⯑ons to nothing but a fixed reſolution to re-eſtabliſh their maſter on his throne^X.

The Smyr⯑na fleet The eyes of Lewis were turned to an object of much leſs importance, than the reduction of a great kingdom. The trading part of the Engliſh nation had, ever ſince the commencement of the war, com⯑plained, with reaſon, of the little attention paid by government to the protection of commerce. Though powerful fleets were ſent by the nation to ſea, indivi⯑duals had ſuffered much from the privateers of the enemy. The merchants, reſolved, therefore, to keep their richeſt ſhips in their ports, till ſufficient convoys could be obtained. Some of theſe had been, for [44] eighteen months, ready to ſail^Y. Their number every day accumulated. They had been promiſed a ſtrong convoy in the winter. They were put off, however, by delays. Four hundred merchantmen, conſiſting of Engliſh, Dutch, and Hamburghers, bound for the Streights, lay waiting for a convoy, in May. On the nineteenth of that month, orders were ſent from the admiralty, for the whole fleet to ſail, as far as might ſeem requiſite, with the merchantmen. They accordingly ſailed, on the thirtieth, and proceeded fifty leagues beyond Uſhant. Sir George Rooke, with a ſquadron of twenty-three men of war, Engliſh and Dutch, proceeded with the trade toward the Streights. The main fleet, after having cruized a few days in the mouth of the channel, returned, for want of proviſions, to Torbay^Z.

ſurpriſed by the French. Though the miniſtry had received no certain intel⯑ligence concerning the motions of the French, the fleet, commanded by Tourville, had ſailed from Breſt, in the middle of May^A. That officer directed his courſe toward the Streights to join the ſquadron ex⯑pected from Toulon, under D'Eſtrees. He arrived in the bay of Lagos, on the twenty-eighth of the ſame month. He lay in that place till the fifteenth of June, when Rooke, and the fleet under his convoy, appeared. The Engliſh admiral, deceived by falſe intelligence concerning the ſtrength of the enemy, prepared to engage. Perceiving his miſtake, he ſtood away with an eaſy ſail. He ordered, at the ſame time, the merchantmen neareſt to the land to ſhift for themſelves in the ports of Spain. The enemy gaining faſt upon him, he made ſail. The French came up with the ſternmoſt ſhips. Three Dutch men of war fell into the hands of the enemy. Eighty merchant⯑men were either taken in their flight or deſtroyed in ports where they had taken ſhelter. The reſt owed their eſcape to the bad conduct of Tourville. Had he kept the wind, he might have ſurrounded and taken the whole fleet. But when the Dutch ſhips ſtood in [45] to the ſhore, he tacked after them, and loſt the great⯑eſt opportunity of acquiring wealth and glory, with eaſe, that ever fortune threw in the way of an of⯑ficer^B.

Diſcontents. The French admiral, vain of his ſucceſs, inſulted, without hurting, the coaſt of Spain. Rooke, loſing ſight of moſt of the merchantmen, made the beſt of his way to Madeira. He returned from that iſland to Ireland, and, ſoon after, rejoined the main fleet. The reſt of the naval campaign, if the expreſſion may be uſed, was ingloriouſly inactive. The admi⯑rals, having cruized for a few weeks in the mouth of the channel, were driven into Torbay by contrary winds. They were ordered round to St. Helens, and the capital ſhips laid up for the year. The victories of the enemy by land, the diſgrace and loſs of the nation at ſea, the diſappointment of individuals, and the diſcontents which ever accompany national mis⯑fortunes, filled the whole kingdom with complaints, murmurs, and noiſe The merchants of London pre⯑ſented a remonſtrance, rather than an addreſs, to the Queen. They enumerated the hardſhips impoſed up⯑on trade, by the want of convoys. They exagge⯑rated paſt evils, they magnified the preſent, they ex⯑preſſed their anxiety for the future. This ſpirit of reſentment ſpread from London to the reſt of the na⯑tion. In the events of the paſt years of the war, ſome glory had been blended with diſappointment. But the preſent year was uniformly covered with mis⯑fortune and diſgrace. Diſputes in the cabinet were joined to the diſguſts among the people. A general clamour prevailed, which threatened conſequences of the worſt kind^C.

Intrigues of James In the midſt of this ferment, William arrived from Holland^D. The parliament were to meet on the ſeventh of November; and they were ſuppoſed to be infected with thoſe jealouſies and diſcontents which inflamed the people. The campaign had produced no event, either of advantage or glory, to ſoothe their [46] reſentment or to flatter their pride. The King him⯑ſelf was incapable of conſtraining his temper into a complaiſance, which, with a generous people, might ſupply the want of ſucceſs^E. The adherents of the late King, and even that Prince himſelf, were, in the mean time, extremely active in increaſing the preſent clamours againſt the government. He was no ſtranger to the impatience of the Engliſh nation, un⯑der a diſgrace on their own element, the ſea,^F. He continued his correſpondence with the diſaffected clergy. He appointed the deprived biſhop of Nor⯑wich his agent to gain his brethren. He recommend⯑ed to the church to obſtruct the views of William in parliament. He adviſed the Tory part of the miniſtry to retain their offices, to increaſe their capacity to forward his ſervice. The Marquis of Caermarthen, either diſguſted with William, or in hopes of profit⯑ing by the reſtoration of James, had entered into the views of the latter Prince. James requeſted him to betray the councils of the King, and to obſtruct and defeat his meaſures in parliament. He deſired him, if he could depend upon his ſon, to induce him to keep his command in the navy. He inſtructed the Earl of Shrewſbury, the Earl of Marlborough, and the Lord Godolphin to exert themſelves ſecretly againſt William, to hinder, or at leaſt to retard, the giving of money, to prevent the early ſailing of the ſleet, in the following year^G.

in England. He deſired theſe lords to ſend him their advice con⯑cerning his own conduct. He aſked them, whether he ſhould write to the parliament? Whether the King of France ſhould publiſh a formal declaration, that he entertained no views with regard to England, except the re-eſtabliſhment of her native King? He deſired them freely to adviſe him, in all matters concerning their intereſt and his own views. He requeſted Admi⯑ral Ruſſel, who had continued his communications with the court of St. Germains, to endeavour to procure the command of the fleet. He deſired him to ſup⯑preſs [47] his reſentment for his late diſgrace. He intreat⯑ed him to command his temper, to regulate his con⯑duct with prudence and reſerve, to raiſe no enemies that might obſtruct his deſigns^H. The intrigues of James prevailed. William fell evidently into the ſnare. The adherents of the late King inſinuated, that to reſtore Ruſſel to the command of the fleet, was to ſoothe the nation for the miſcarriages at ſea. He was accordingly replaced in his former office, on the ſixth of November. The anxiety with which James purſued this point, is as unaccountable as it is remarkable. Deleval and Killegrew, two out of the three joint admirals, were devoted to his ſervice^I. But he, perhaps, perceived, that it was impoſſible for them to retain their offices in oppoſition to a torrent of popular clamours. The firſt had been raiſed by the late King, and owed every thing to that Prince. The latter depended on Caermarthen, who had reſolved to favour a reſtoration.

Whigs as well as Tories. Though James depended much upon the zeal of Admiral Ruſſel, he derived ſtill greater hopes from the Marquis of Caermarthen. Though that lord was in part prime miniſter to William, he had entered in⯑to the moſt ſolemn engagements with the late King. He had promiſed to gain to his intereſt the county of York, of which he was lord-lieutenant; to ſurrender to him the citadel of Hull, of which he was gover⯑nor. The want of ſucceſs by land, the diſgraces at ſea, the unpopularity and forbidding manner of Wil⯑liam, his bad ſtate of health, which promiſed no per⯑manency to the fabric which he had reared, diſap⯑pointments in ſome, a return of their former prin⯑ciples in others, the diſcontents and even levity of all, had increaſed, to a ſurpriſing degree, the party of the abdicated King. The Whigs were equally for⯑ward with the Tories; and more dangerous, as they were more reſolute in their political views. In the liſt of noble correſpondents with the court of St. Germains, the two parties were blended with one [48] another, in the preſent year. James had received the moſt ſolemn aſſurances from four dukes, four mar⯑quiſes, twenty earls, four viſcounts, eleven barons, beſide the Roman Catholics, in every degree of no⯑bility.

moſt of the clergy, ma⯑ny in the army, The whole body of the non-juring clergy, conſiſt⯑ing of ſix biſhops, and ſix hundred miniſters, and four fifths of thoſe who had taken the oaths. were ready to join the late King, to preach in favour of his authori⯑ty, to convince the people that the Proteſtant religion was in no danger. The cities of Briſtol and Exeter in the Weſt, and, in the North, the town of Boſton, had ſignified their loyalty to James, through their re⯑ſpective leaders. The Earl of Yarmouth, in the name of ſeventeen baronets, and one hundred and thirty gentlemen, promiſed for the county of Norfolk. The gentlemen of Eſſex aſſured the late King, that they would join him with a body of cavalry, at a pro⯑per time. The Earl of Litchfield promiſed for the county and city of Oxford. The Earl of Lindſey for the county of Lincoln. Sir John Friend anſwered for a regiment of cavalry and two of militia, with which he hoped to poſſeſs himſelf of the Tower^K. Colo⯑nel Selwin promiſed for Tilbury fort and a regiment of infantry; Lieutenant-colonel Row for his own regi⯑ment, Colonel Greenville for that of his uncle the Earl of Bath. Crawford, governor of Sheerneſs, un⯑dertook to deliver that fort to James. The Marquis of Caermathen, then preſident of the council, promiſ⯑ed for Hull. The private ſoldiers, in ſome regi⯑ments, had formed aſſociations for the late King. One hundred troopers of the royal regiment of cavalry ac⯑quainted him, that they had ſufficient credit with their companions, to bring back the whole to their former allegiance. They even ſolemnly undertook to ‘"cut the throats"’ of ſuch of their comrades and officers, as ſhould dare to oppoſe their deſign. In the north of England, ſeven regiments of cavalry and dragoons [49] were privately liſted, under officers, bearing commiſ⯑ſions from the late King^L.

his former greateſt enemies, and thoſe who It is remarkable, that thoſe who had been the moſt violent enemies of James, when he was on the throne, were his moſt zealous friends in his diſtreſs. The county of Somerſet, the ſeat of Monmouth's rebellion and Jefferys's cruelties, was now ready to receive him with open arms. The town of Taunton itſelf, that had ſuffered ſo much eight years before, for oppoſing James, expreſſed the greateſt affection for his perſon and the warmeſt zeal for his reſtoration. The legal ſeverities of the year 1685 muſt, therefore, have been exaggerated; or the people acquitted the King of the rigorous conduct of his ſervants. The Lord Powlet, and the majority of the gentlemen of the county, to⯑gether with the citizens of Taunton, ſolemnly engag⯑ed themſelves to James, to riſe in his cauſe. Even individuals were as unſteady to their former principles, as bodies of men. The famous Ferguſon, who had uniformly abetted the oppoſition to the late King, till he loſt his throne, employed, at this time, all the ve⯑hemence of his active ſpirit in his cauſe. He requeſt⯑ed, he even implored him to invade the kingdom. To teſtify his own zeal, to encourage James with a certainty of his ſucceſs, he propoſed to deliver him⯑ſelf up in France to be puniſhed with death, ſhould the enterpriſe fail. Some of the clergy who had moſt oppoſed James, ran ſo violently into the other extreme, that they were determined to form themſelves into a company of volunteers, to ſerve in the regiment com⯑manded by Sir John Friend^M.

betrayed him before, are in his intereſt. The zeal of the clergy proceeded from their high principles in favour of monarchy. But to what prin⯑ciple can be aſcribed, the relentings of the Earl of Sunderland? That nobleman, who had hurried James into his worſt meaſures, to accompliſh his ruin, endea⯑voured, by the like conduct, to place him again on the throne. William having diſtinguiſhed Sunderland with his favour, for former ſervices, furniſhed that [50] lord, a ſecond time, with an opportunity to betray. Having, with his uſual addreſs, convinced the adhe⯑rents of King James of the ſincerity of his repentance, he wrote a letter full of contrition for his paſt con⯑duct, to that Prince. He told him, that a deſcent, with a competent force, was the only means of finiſh⯑ing the misfortunes of the King, and the miſeries of the nation. He informed him, that from the ſtate of the kingdom, an invaſion could not fail of ſucceſs. He declined to enter into particulars, becauſe he was afraid his Majeſty did not confide ſufficiently in his advice. But when he ſhould be aſſured that the King was ſatisfied with his fidelity, he promiſed to ſend the beſt intelligence; and to contribute all in his power to his ſervice. The Earl of Arran vouched for the ſincerity of Sunderland. The Earl of Marlborough pleaded in his favour. But James had felt ſo much from his treachery before, that even his purſuing the natural bias of his mind, with regard to William, could not convince him, for ſome time, that Sunderland was ſincere^N.

Parliament meets. Such was the ſecret ſtate of affairs before, and ſome time after the two houſes met, for the diſpatch of the public buſineſs. William opened the ſeſſion, on the ſeventh of November, with a ſpeech from the throne. He lamented, that his uſual joy at meeting his parlia⯑ment, was damped by diſadvantages by land, and miſcarriages at ſea. He aſcribed the former to the number of their enemies. He expreſſed his reſentment againſt the authors of the latter. He declared his re⯑ſolution to puniſh the offenders. He promiſed to ma⯑nage better, for the future, his power at ſea. He de⯑ſired them to conſider, whether the kingdom was not defective in the number of ſhips; and in proper ports to annoy the enemy, and to protect themſelves. He was very ſenſible, he ſaid, of the great affection with which they had ſupported him againſt his enemies. But he was perſuaded, that the experience of the laſt ſummer was ſufficient to convince them all, that an increaſe of forces, by ſea and land, was neceſſary to put a happy period to the war. His allies, he ſaid, [51] had reſolved to add to their troops. He formed no doubt, on his part, but his parliament would enable him, with a ſuitable ſupply, to follow their example. He earneſtly requeſted the commons to haſten their grants, in order to render them effectual. On their expeditious councils would depend, he concluded, that forwardneſs in his preparations, which ſeemed neceſſary to the ſecurity and honour of the nation^O.

Proceedings of the com⯑mons. Many in the lower houſe were attached to the late King. But the majority, though tories in principle, had uniformly ſupported the cauſe of William. The people, diſcouraged with repeated misfortunes, and feeling the weight of the war on every branch of their commerce, were loud in demanding peace. Some of the Tory-leaders in office, particularly the Earl of Nottingham, joined the voice of the people. Others of the ſame party ſacrificed their opinion to their intereſt; and adhered to the court. A diſpute aroſe in the houſe, whether the miſcarriages of the fleet, or the ſupply, ſhould be the firſt object of their conſideration. The queſtion was carried for the latter, after a ſeries of debates, which continued ſix days. On the thirteenth of November, the houſe unani⯑mouſly reſolved to ſupport their Majeſties, and their government, to their utmoſt power. Notwithſtand⯑ing the vaſt ſums raiſed in the preceding year, they had greatly fallen ſhort of the expences of government. Thoſe who ſerved in the army, were in the utmoſt diſtreſs for money. More than one million of the wages of the ſeamen, without any funds, remained unpaid. Though the greateſt ſeverities were uſed, the ſailors, in their diſtreſs, became mutinous for want of pay. The firſt buſineſs, therefore, of the commons, was to grant four hundred thouſand pounds, by way of advance, to remove immediately a part of that grievance. This ſum was to be raiſed on the ge⯑neral credit of the exchequer, upon the promiſe of the commons to repay it with intereſt, after the rate of ſeven per cent, under a caution, that this proceed⯑ing ſhould form no precedent^P.

[52] They grant large ſup⯑plies. WITH equal alacrity the commons entered upon the great buſineſs of ſupply. Upon the general eſti⯑mates of the navy and army, they granted five milli⯑ons, for the ſervice of the following year. Forty thouſand ſeamen, including two regiments of marines, were required by government, and voted by the houſe. But to a demand of one hundred thouſand men, for the land-ſervice, they granted only eighty-three thouſand. In this only they ſeemed uncomplaiſant to the court. Beſides a proviſion made for paying all wages due to ſeamen, more than four hundred thou⯑ſand pounds were voted, for making up the deficien⯑cies in the grants of the preceding year. It was much more eaſy to grant the ſupplies in general, than to find particular funds, upon which they might be laid. The commons began with a land-tax. Four ſhillings in the pound were carried, as ſoon as propoſed^Q. The deficiencies of the laſt year were to be defrayed from this ready fund. The ſecond money bill was a ſupplement to the million annuity act of the year 1692. Near one hundred and twenty thouſand pounds were ſtill deficient; though fourteen per cent, had been al⯑lowed. Some appropriations of exciſe duties were made for this purpoſe. The firſt lottery, and the bank of England, were two remarkable money-bills, in the preſent ſeſſion of parliament. One million was raiſed by means of the firſt; and one million five hun⯑dred thouſand pounds by the ſecond. Still the ways and means fell ſhort of the money wanted. New tax⯑es were impoſed and appropriated as funds of credit, for raiſing the deficiencies which ſtill ſubſiſted in the neceſſary ſupplies^R.

Other pro⯑ceedings THE inquiry into the miſmanagements at ſea, pro⯑duced nothing but altercation and debate. A general cenſure was paſſed. But the cenſure was attended with no conſequences. The malcontents in the houſe of commons being the minority, founded their oppoſi⯑tion on popular grounds. The bill for frequent parlia⯑ments was again introduced, and a ſecond time reject⯑ed. The place-bill was paſſed by the commons, with⯑out [53] oppoſition. The lords made amendments. But they withdrew them, and paſſed alſo that important bill. The facility with which it ſlipt through both houſes, proceeded probably from the certainty that it was to be rejected by the King. The commons had become unpopular, through the vaſt ſums which they had granted for ſupporting an inglorious war. To re⯑gain their credit with their conſtituents, they fram⯑ed the place-bill. William, ſeldom ſubject to politi⯑cal terror, refuſed his aſſent^S. Though the com⯑mons, in all appearance, would have been much diſ⯑appointed, had the place-bill paſſed into a law; they remonſtrated againſt the conduct of the King. They voted, that whoever had adviſed the refuſal of the royal aſſent to the act touching free and impartial pro⯑ceedings in parliament, was an enemy to their Majeſ⯑ties and the kingdom. The King's anſwer was ſooth⯑ing, but nothing to the purpoſe. In return for their liberality, he permitted his commons to recover ſome part of their reputation with the people at his own ex⯑pence^T.

of the two houſes THE affairs of the Eaſt-India company, which had already employed ſo much of the attention of parlia⯑ment, produced undeciſive debates in the preſent ſeſſi⯑on. The train of corruption, which ſoon after broke forth in ſuch diſgraceful diſcoveries, had been already laid. The complicated nature of the buſineſs, and the violent oppoſition of the merchants, prevented the friends of the company from making an immediate re⯑turn for the favours which they had deſired to receive. A bill for a general naturalization of all foreign Proteſ⯑tants, created violent debates in the houſe of com⯑mons. Thoſe who oppoſed it, called the prejudices of the populace to the aid of their cauſe. They averred, that the deſign of the act was to place all the power and authority in England in the hands of Aliens. The people knew the affection of the King, for his coun⯑trymen the Dutch. They believed that he would ſooner truſt any foreigners than his own ſubjects. The Jacobite party, in particular, were vehement in their [54] year 1694 oppoſition. Sir John Knight, one of the members for the city of Briſtol, who was at that very time in correſpondence with James^U, ſpoke with uncom⯑mon violence againſt the bill. He concluded with a motion, that the bill ſhould be kicked out of the houſe, and the foreigners out of the kingdom. The people were inflamed to a degree of madneſs; and the court-party ſacrificed the bill to the public rage.

of parlia⯑ment. To purſue the ſeſſion to its period, we muſt tranſ⯑greſs upon the order of time. The grievances of Ire⯑land were again revived, as they had not been redreſſ⯑ed, in purſuance of the King's promiſe. The Iriſh gentlemen who had made their appeal to the Engliſh parliament, complained afreſh of Coningſby and Porter; whoſe injuſtice and tyranny had exceeded all bounds. The Earl of Bellamont impeached them both, in the houſe of commons. The articles againſt Con⯑ingſby contained charges of the blackeſt kind. The accuſation againſt Porter, was ſcarce leſs ſevere. Bel⯑lamont ſupported, with vouchers, every charge. The commons ſeemed convinced of the guilt. But they declined to ground upon them an impeachment. The reaſon which they aſſigned, was plauſible if not ſuffi⯑cient. They inſinuated, that in times of domeſtic commotions and civil war, exertions of power might be neceſſary, which ſhould not be puniſhed, though they ought not to be approved. Though this argument ſatisfied the commons, it was notorious, that the crimes charged upon the accuſed, were com⯑mitted after the eſtabliſhment of a civil government and the opening of the courts of Juſtice. Bellamont, for endeavouring to puniſh others, was actually per⯑ſecuted himſelf. He was deprived of his place un⯑der the government, while Coningſby and Porter received a pardon under the great ſeal^W. The ſeſſion ended with a ſpeech from the throne, on the ſixteenth of April.

CHAP. II.

year 1694 January Several per⯑ſons of rank WHILE the parliament were employed in grant⯑ing ſupplies to William, the agents of James were forming ſecret ſchemes againſt his power. Men of the firſt quality in the nation, and ſome of thoſe in office, endeavoured, with every flattering colour of the ſtate of affairs, to encourage Lewis the Fourteenth to tranſport an army into Britain. They obſerved, in their letters to the late King, that a deſcent in Eng⯑land would infallibly break the league; and enable France to finiſh with advantage, as well as reputation, the war. They aſſured him, that while the confede⯑rates remained united, the kingdom would be wretch⯑ed and his own affairs obſtructed, if not ruined. Penn, the famous Quaker, informed James, in expreſs terms, ‘"that while there was a fool in England, the Prince of Orange would have a penſioned parliament to give him ſupplies."’ Among others, the Earl of [56] Marlborough continued to eſpouſe, with eagerneſs, his former maſter's cauſe. He intreated him to take ad⯑vantage of the unprepared ſtate of the Engliſh fleet. He gave him the moſt ſolemn aſſurances of his own ſervices, and the hearty aid of all his party and nume⯑rous friends^A.

in correſ⯑pondence with the late King. The adherents of the late King, in all their repre⯑ſentations in the preceding year, agreed that thirty thouſand men would be neceſſary to enſure a revolu⯑tion in England. When they perceived a coldneſs in the court of France, they leſſened their demands. In the month of February they aſſured James, that they found his party much ſtronger than they had ever imagined before. They ſaid twenty thouſand men would now be ſufficient to give him, without a battle, the throne. They affirmed, that the nation expected, with impatience, his arrival. They told him, that England could not, till the month of April, ſend to ſea above twenty-five third and fourth rate men of war, and theſe not completely manned. That no more than ſeven thouſand five hundred troops were then in the kingdom; and that even theſe would be diminiſhed to four thouſand, when the regiments deſ⯑tined for Flanders, ſhould embark for that country^B. Lewis liſtened, with ſome attention, to the unfortu⯑nate King. But he meant nothing leſs, than to un⯑dertake, with any vigour, his cauſe. Though victori⯑ous in the field, he was oppreſſed with calamities at home. Having exerted his whole force in the late campaigns, he had already impoveriſhed his ſubjects with grievous taxes. Beſides, a terrible famine, had added, in the preceding ſummer, to the miſeries which aroſe from the war^C.

Intrigues of Marl⯑borough, But James was not diſcouraged, either with the lan⯑gour of Lewis or the exhauſted ſtate of France. Though he placed little confidence^D in the profeſſi⯑ons of the noble converts to his cauſe, he ſent Captain Lloyd, in the month of March, to England. To fa⯑cilitate [57] year 1694 March his acceſs to Admiral Ruſſel, and to the Earls of Marlborough and Shrewſbury, he ordered him to apply to Colonel Sackville, their common friend. Marlborough was the firſt of the malcontents who pre⯑ſented himſelf to Lloyd. He informed him, that he had been ſolicited by William to come again into office. But that he did not chuſe to accept, without the con⯑ſent of his old maſter. Lloyd aſſured him, that James had actually heard of the offer; and that he had order⯑ed him to ſignify his conſent. "The thing," replied Marlborough, ‘"is now paſt. Should the offer, which may well happen, again be made, I will accept. But it is only to ſerve the King; for whoſe re-eſtabliſh⯑ment, I am reſolved to riſque my life to expiate my crimes^E."’ He had made the ſame profeſſions to James himſelf in a letter, in the preceding December. Admiral Ruſſel received Lloyd with ſtill greater marks of attention and regard. He aſſured him, with the ſtrongeſt aſſeverations and even with oaths, that he would undertake the reſtoration of the late King. He promiſed to endeavour to gain the officers of the fleet. He reiterated his moſt ſolemn proteſtations of fidelity. He told him, that the Earls of Shrewſbury and Marl⯑borough ſhould be the wineſſes, the judges and ſureties of his conduct. He, however, refuſed to avoid the French fleet; "though," ſaid he, ‘"I once deter⯑mined to execute that buſineſs, as it depended then on myſelf alone^F."’

Ruſſel, Lloyd, not yet ſatisfied with the anſwer of Ruſſel, opened various expedients to his view. He told him that there certainly was a deſign in agitation for making a deſcent on the coaſt of France. He, therefore, re⯑queſted Ruſſel to ſend timely information to James, that tranſports might be prepared, where no attack could be feared. He propoſed, that toward the end of autumn, when the large ſhips ſhould be diſarmed and convoys ſent to America, he might retain in the channel ſuch commanders as he ſhould gain in the ſummer. That ſafe in their fidelity, he might him⯑ſelf [58] tranſport ſuch troops, as might be neceſſary for accompanying the late King to England. He ſtill pro⯑teſted, but ſeemed unwilling to determine on any plan. Lloyd gave an account to the Earl of Marlborough and to Sackville of his conference with Ruſſel. They obſerved, that he ſaid a great deal, could he be truſt⯑ed. But that if he was not ſincere, all he could ſay would anſwer no purpoſe^G.

Shrewſbury, The Earl of Shrewſbury had ſucceeded Notting⯑ham as ſecretary of ſtate, on the fourth of March, a few days before Lloyd arrived from France. His be⯑ing in office prevented him from admitting into his pre⯑ſence the avowed agent of the late King. He, how⯑ever, ſent his mother, the old Counteſs of Shrewſ⯑bury, to Lloyd, with aſſurances of his fidelity. He inſtructed her to inform him, that upon being ſolicit⯑ed to take the ſeals, he declined that honour, under the pretence of want of health. That William inſi⯑nuated he was no ſtranger to ſome words which the earl dropt in converſation, in favour of the late King. That the earl perceived there might be ſome danger in refuſing the offer. That he, therefore, promiſed to accept. But that he requeſted a few days, to ſet⯑tle his affairs in the country. That he accordingly re⯑tired, with ſome friends, well mounted. That, as reports of an immediate deſcent were then current, he had reſolved to join James on his landing. That he was diſappointed in his hopes, to his very great regret. That he was obliged to take the ſeals, on his return. But that he only held them, to ſerve the late King with more effect^H.

Godolphin, Godolphin was, at this juncture, firſt lord-com⯑miſſioner of the treaſury. Though he was truſted by William, he affected to be in the intereſt of the late King. He explained to Lloyd his ſentiments of James, in the moſt affectionate manner in the world. He expreſſed his fears, that a peace was likely to be con⯑cluded before the end of the next ſummer. He told him, that he was ſorry to believe, from the words of the Prince of Orange, for ſo he called the reigning [59] King, that the terms would be highly prejudicial to the late King. He informed him, that William would endeavour to oblige the moſt Chriſtian King to ſend James out of the dominions of France. That he thought it his duty to acquaint his old maſter of the deſigns of his enemy and rival. He told it as his opi⯑nion, that King James ſhould forthwith endeavour to tranſport himſelf into England, with a conſiderable force. That there appeared to him no difficulty in making a deſcent in this kingdom, without either the aid or concurrence of Ruſſel. That, however, he ought ſtill to be treated with attention. That he had ſaid all that could be expected from a perſon in his ſituation. That the Earl of Shrewſbury, who was ſincerely in the intereſt of the late King, poſſeſſed an abſolute influence over Ruſſel. He aſſured Lloyd, that Ruſſel would infallibly appear before Breſt. That this circumſtance would give a juſt pretence to Lewis to ſend an army to the coaſt. He adviſed, therefore, that the neceſſary tranſports might be pre⯑pared in the ſummer, to carry to Britain the invaders in autumn. He told him, that the large veſſels would return to port in the middle of September. That the ſailors would be diſperſed, the convoys ſent to the different places of commerce, the coaſt left bare of men of war. That he believed a revolution might be effected without a blow; as nine in ten of the people, either heartily deteſted William, or were firmly at⯑tached to the late King^I.

Sunderland, Though the Earl of Sunderland poſſeſſed no office under William, he held, for an Engliſhman, a high place in his favour. Swayed by the natural levity of his own mind, or infected with the changed opinions of others, he continued his correſpondence with the late King. He, however, was more guarded in his intercourſe with that Prince, than thoſe great men who truſted their lives and fortunes in the hands of intermediate agents. His ſon-in-law the Earl of Ar⯑ran, who firſt promoted his intrigues with the court of St. Germains, was the only perſon in the ſecret in [60] Britain^K. In France, James concealed, with great caution, his intercourſe with a man who had ſo much injured his cauſe before. Sunderland preſſed the late King to an immediate invaſion upon various grounds. He intreated that Prince to take advantage of the changed opinions of the people; their contempt for William, their diſcontent at the late heavy taxes, their loſſes at ſea, their diſappointments in the war by land. Theſe circumſtances, he informed him, would enſure a favourable reception to himſelf in the king⯑dom, while the deſign of ſending the greateſt part of the fleet to the Streights, and almoſt the whole of the army to Flanders, would render his paſſage eaſy and his ſucceſs certain. He adviſed the late King not to be intimidated with the great ſupplies granted to the reigning Prince, as the money given by the parlia⯑ment, could not be raiſed in time to place the king⯑dom in a ſtate of defence^L.

Whigs and Tories pro⯑miſcuouſly in office. While Sunderland tendered thus his advice to James, HE and the Earl of Portland formed the ſecret cabi⯑net of William^M. That Prince felt ſome part of the misfortunes, which he had contributed to throw on his predeceſſor, when he ſat on the throne. He was worſt ſerved by thoſe whom he courted the moſt. Impreſſed with the opinion, that intereſt forms the principles of men, he reſolved to bribe into fidelity thoſe whom he could not otherwiſe truſt. In the ar⯑rangements of the preſent year, he ſeems however to have regarded moſt the ſuppoſed Whigs. The admi⯑ralty, in particular, was placed in the hands of that party. Ruſſel was made firſt commiſſioner; Rook and Houblon ſupplanted the obnoxious admirals Dela⯑val and Killigrew, at the board. Though William ſeems to have entertained ſome well-grounded ſuſpici⯑ons of Shrewſbury, he was accounted a Whig by the nation; and though the Marquis of Caermarthen was conſidered a Tory, by principle, his known prudence was deemed a ſecurity for his faith to the prevailing powers. But ſome other perſons of rank, who were [61] known to be adverſe to the late revolution, were either continued in employment or raiſed to office. Among the latter, the Earl of Abingdon, then actually in correſpondence with James, ſucceeded to a place of profit, vacant by the death of the Lord Lovelace^N.

Titles con⯑ferred. On the twenty-fifth of April, a few days after he prorogued his parliament, William went to Graveſ⯑end to embark at that place for Holland. The wind proving contrary, he returned to Kenſington the next day. This accident furniſhed the King with a further opportunity of gratifying ſome of his principal ſubjects with dignities and honours. But though he had of late ſhown ſome attention to the Whigs, his firſt care ſeems ſtill to have been commanded by the Tories. The Marquis of Caermarthen was created, on the thirtieth of April, Duke of Leeds. The title of Duke of Shrewſbury was conferred upon the Earl of the ſame name. The Earl of Clare, then deeply en⯑gaged with James^O, was raiſed to the dignity of Duke of Newcaſtle. The Earl of Mulgrave, a ſecret abettor of the deſigns of the late King^P, was made Marquis of Normanby, with an annual penſion of three thouſand pounds. But no titles of honour, nor even views of profit, could reconcile theſe men either to the manner or title of the King. Shrewſbury and Leeds, whoſe advice Mary was implicitly to follow, in her huſband's abſence, were to have embarraſſed and betrayed her councils, ſhould her father appear with a force in England^Q. To ſtop their cla⯑mours, rather than to gratify the party who had raiſed him to the throne, the King, before his departure for Holland, had ordered patents for dukedoms to be pre⯑pared, for the Earls of Bedford and Devonſhire. The firſt derived his title to a name in party, from the fate of his unfortunate ſon. Diſappointments in his views for the public, as well as perſonal neglect, had ren⯑dered the latter indifferent concerning the fate of Wil⯑liam, and the permanency of his authority^R.

[62] Preparati⯑ons at Sea. On the fourth of May, the King embarked at Graveſend. But the wind being contrary, he went by land to Margate; and was eſcorted from that place to Holland by a ſquadron of Dutch men of war. The projected operations of the ſummer at ſea, had em⯑ployed a great part of his attention during the winter. His councils, however, were betrayed. The deſti⯑nations of the different ſquadrons were generally known^S. Nothing but the time of their departure, which depended upon accidents, remained a ſecret. Sir Francis Wheeler, with a ſtrong ſquadron of Eng⯑liſh and Dutch men of war, had been ſent to convoy the trade to the Mediterranean, in the end of the preceding year. On the ſeventeenth of February, a terrible tempeſt overtook his fleet; in the bay of Gib⯑raltar. The admiral himſelf, ſome ſhips of war, and ſeveral merchantmen were loſt. The reſt were diſ⯑abled. Some took ſhelter in Gibraltar, many in the harbour of Cadiz. The combined fleets were not aſ⯑ſembled on the coaſt of England, till the end of April. Ruſſel hoiſted his flag, at Portſmouth, on the twenty-ſeventh of that month; and his avowed deſign was to ſail into the Mediterranean, to defend the ports of Spain from the French; who were reſolved to make the principal effort of the campaign on that ſide^T.

An expedi⯑tion againſt Breſt. But the chief enterpriſe of the ſeaſon, was to be di⯑rected againſt Breſt. The lord Godolphin had fur⯑niſhed the late King, in the month of March, with this important intelligence^U. But from the uncer⯑tainty which attended the ſailing of the fleet, he could not fix the time. General Talmaſh, contrary to the expreſs opinion of Ruſſel, promoted firſt, and at length carried this deſign. When the admiral hoiſted his flag, at St. Helens, the land-forces deſtined for the expedi⯑tion, were on their march, under Talmaſh, to Portſ⯑mouth. The French had made no ſecret of their re⯑ſolution to aſſiſt, with their whole fleet, the deſigns of the Mareſchal de Noailles upon Barcelona. The court of Spain had concerted with William, to ſend [63] the main body of the combined fleet to protect the place. Men in general believed that the force under Talmaſh, was deſtined for the ſame ſervice. The French were either ignorant of the preparations of the Engliſh, or they knew not where the ſtorm was to fall. The alarm concerning Breſt, which had been raiſed by the intelligence ſent by Godolphin to James, had already ſubſided. Beſides, the danger of France, upon that ſide, had been leſſened by the actual ſailing of her fleet from the port of Breſt, on the fifteenth of April^W.

Betrayed by the Earl of Marlbo⯑rough, May 4th. The zeal of the Earl of Marlborough for the ſervice of the late King, or his averſion to the reigning Prince, induced that nobleman to become, upon this occaſion, an informer againſt his country. He tranſmitted, through the hands of colonel Sackville, intelligence of the danger to which France was expoſed. His letter was dated, on the fourth of May. He informed James, that twelve regiments encamped at Portſ⯑mouth, with two regiments of marines, all command⯑ed by Talmaſh, were deſigned for deſtroying Breſt, and the ſhips of war in that harbour. He owned, that ſucceſs in the enterpriſe would prove of great ad⯑vantage to England. But that no conſideration could now hinder, or ever ſhould prevent him from inform⯑ing his Majeſty of all that he believed to be for his ſer⯑vice. He deſired the late King to make the beſt uſe of the intelligence. He told him, that he might de⯑pend on its being exactly true. But he conjured him, for his own intereſt, to keep the ſecret to himſelf and the Queen. He informed him that Ruſſel was to ſail, the next day, with forty ſhips; and that the reſt of the fleet, with the land-forces, were to follow the ad⯑miral, in ten days. He had endeavoured, he ſaid, to learn the whole from Ruſſel. But he always denied the fact, though he was no ſtranger to the deſign, for ſix weeks before. "This," continues the Earl, ‘"gives me a bad ſign of this man's intentions."’ Sackville, who tranſmitted the letter, formed, for the ſame reaſon, a like unfavourable opinion of Ruſſel. [64] He mentioned, ‘"that THE MAN had not acted ſin⯑cerely; and that he feared he would never act other⯑wiſe^X."’

The enter⯑priſe miſ⯑carries. The event eſtabliſhed the truth of the intelligence tranſmitted by Marlborough. Ruſſel ſailed, the next day, with a part of the combined fleets. Shovel re⯑mained at St. Helens, with the reſt, to take Talmaſh and his troops on board. On the twenty-third of May, the admiral, having diſcovered that the French ſquad⯑ron had left Breſt, returned. On the twenty-ninth, he again put to ſea with the forces; and, on the fifth of June, the diviſion of the fleet deſtined to attack Breſt, bore down for Camaret Bay, under the com⯑mand of the Lord Berkley. Nine hundred men were landed, in a diſorderly manner, on the eighth of June, under the fire of ſome men of war. The bay was lined with entrenchments, which were full of the French marines. The Engliſh having, for ſome time, ſuſtained the fire of the enemy, ſuffered much and were forced to fly. To add to the misfortune, it was now ebbing tide, and ſeveral boats were left dry on the ſand. Confuſion and ſlaughter prevailed. Six hundred were ſlain, many were drowned. Talmaſh himſelf received a wound, of which he afterwards died at Plymouth. The ſhips, which covered the landing, were ſhattered by the batteries which guarded the ſhore. One Dutch frigate was ſunk, after loſing al⯑moſt her whole crew. The French had profited ſo much by the intelligence of Marlborough, that the Engliſh choſe to return, without any further attempt, to their own coaſt^Y.

This diſgrace at ſea was not repaired by any ſplendid advantage obtained by land. The French, ſtanding on the defenſive, in Flanders, amuſed William, with dextrous movements, throughout the ſummer. With ſcarce half the force of the allies, the Dauphin, aſſiſt⯑ed by the Mareſchal de Luxembourg, covered from inſult the French lines. The King was forced to re⯑main in a ſtate of inactivity, with the fineſt army he [65] had ever brought into the field. The rapid move⯑ment of the French from Vignamont, was the moſt ſignal event of the whole campaign. Having march⯑ed forty leagues, in four days, they formed an impe⯑netrable line, from the Lys to the ocean; and pre⯑vented William from attacking, by land, the maritime places, which his fleet had inſulted by ſea. He, how⯑ever, found means to beſiege and take the town and caſtle of Huy. He ended the campaign with this exploit; and left the army, on the thirtieth of Sep⯑tember. To ſtop the progreſs of the King, on the ſide of Flanders, was deemed equal to a victory by the court of Verſailles. The confederates had never a nearer proſpect of ſucceſs. But their hopes were defeated, by the abilities of the Mareſchal de Lux⯑embourg^Z.

In Spain. While the war languiſhed in Flanders, the French puſhed their operations, with vigour, on the ſide of Spain. In Catalonia, the Mareſchal de Noailles, having forced the paſſage of the river Ter, defeated the Spaniſh army entrenched on the further ſhore. He took Palamos, by aſſault, on the ſeventh of June. Gironne and Oſtalric fell ſucceſſively into his hands. His deſigns upon Barcelona were defeated, by the ar⯑rival of Ruſſel, with the combined fleet, in the neigh⯑bouring ſeas. Tourville, with his ſquadron, was blocked up in the port of Toulon. The abſence of their ſhips ſtopt the progreſs of the French. But a panic had ſeized the King, and ſhaken the councils of Spain. The Queen-mother, a daughter of Auſtria, and devoted to the views of her family, prevented Charles the ſecond from ſoliciting peace, on advan⯑tageous terms. Intrigue, jealouſy, and even murder prevailed at court. The Queen-mother gained the young Queen, by ſupporting her ſuppoſed lover, the Baron de Perlis. The Duke d'Oſſona, who alone re⯑mained faithful to the intereſt of his maſter, was poi⯑ſoned; and the public meaſures were diſtracted, be⯑tween [66] the feeble efforts of a weak monarch and a faction devoted to the court of Vienna^A.

Other mili⯑tary tranſ⯑actions. In Piedmont, the campaign was inactive. Nothing of moment happened upon the Upper-Rhine. The Duke of Savoy was employed in ſecret negociations with France. The Emperor made his chief effort, on the ſide of Hungary. The war, in that country, produced no ſtriking event. But the Poles, in alliance with the Imperialiſts, defeated the Tartars on the Neiſter in the month of October^B. The operati⯑ons of the combined fleets in the ocean, after the fruitleſs attempt upon Breſt, were either languid or ill-directed. The lord Berkley bombarded Diep^C, with ſome effect. He was not equally ſucceſsful at Havre. He proceeded from thence to La Hogue and Cherbourg. But his progreſs was more a matter of parade than ſervice. William, anxious to make an impreſſion on France, on the ſide of Flanders, had recommended an attempt upon Dunkirk and Calais, in the courſe of the ſummer. A ſquadron, under the command of Sir Cloudſley Shovel, and ſubject to the directions of one Meeſters, a Dutchman, came be⯑fore the firſt of thoſe places, on the twelfth of Sep⯑tember. This man had invented a machine, which from the fury of its diſcharge, was called the Infernal. Two of theſe machines were ſent in againſt the fort, which guarded the Riſbank. The firſt blew up with⯑out effect; the latter ſpent its effect on itſelf, and was deſtroyed. The attempt on Calais^D was equally unſucceſsful; and thus the naval campaign, in the ocean, eſpecially if the expreſſion may be uſed, pro⯑duced neither glory nor advantage to the nation^E.

King ar⯑rives. Parliament meete. The King, having left the army on the laſt day of September, repaired to his favourite reſidence at Loo. On the twenty-third of October, he departed from that place. Having adjuſted, at the Hague, the ſtate of the war, for the enſuing year, he ſet ſail from the Maeſe, on the eighth of November, and landed at Margate the next day. The Queen met him at Ro⯑cheſter; [67] and they arrived at Kenſington on the tenth in the evening, amidſt the acclamations of the popu⯑lace. The parliament, after repeated prorogations, met on the twelfth at Weſtminſter. The King in⯑formed them in his ſpeech, that he was glad to meet them in ſuch a good poſture of the public affairs. He told them, that the enemy had not been in a con⯑dition to meet the fleet, in theſe ſeas. That the great force ſent into the Mediterranean, had broken all their deſigns in Spain; and that an effectual ſtop had been put to the progreſs of the French arms, on the ſide of Flanders. He doubted not, he ſaid, neither their affection for his perſon, nor their zeal for the public ſervice. He, therefore, demanded ſuch ſup⯑plies as might enable him to proſecute the war with that vigour, which was the only means for procuring peace. He put them in mind, that the act of tonnage and poundage was to expire at Chriſtmas; and that the great anticipations had rendered that revenue ne⯑ceſſary for the ſupport of the crown^F.

A ſupply granted. The commons, declining to proceed to buſineſs, adjourned themſelves for ſeven days. The plan of government was either not ſettled, or the heads of the oppoſing party were to be ſounded and gained. A bill for frequent parliaments, which has ſince obtained the name of the triennial bill, ſeems to have been the price of the demanded ſupplies. The abſolute ne⯑ceſſity of a frequency of parliaments had been aſſert⯑ed, in the declaration of rights. But the demands of the ſubject, on this important point, had been expreſſ⯑ed in ſuch indefinite terms, that they had been hitherto eluded with eaſe, by the crown. The meaſure was proſecuted with ſuch an appearance of firmneſs, that the court party choſe to comply. The bill was ac⯑cordingly prepared^G, and it was followed with a vote of ſupply^H. Two millions and near four hun⯑dred thouſand pounds were granted for the ſervice of the navy^I; and the like ſum to ſupport the army, throughout the enſuing year. The houſe voted, that [68] the ſubſidies of tonnage and poundage, which expired on the twenty-fourth of December, ſhould begin from the twenty-ſixth, and continue for five years. The diſcontinuing of theſe duties, for one day, was in⯑tended to prevent the pretence of preſcription, on the ſide of the crown, for revenues, which ought to be conſidered as the free gift of the ſubject.

Triennial bill. The King came to the houſe of lords, on the twen⯑ty-ſecond of December, and gave the royal aſſent to the triennial bill. Two reaſons^K ſeem to have combined, to induce William to give his concurrence to an act, which he had defeated the preceding year. The commons, he found, were reſolved to receive this conceſſion from the crown, as the price of a ſup⯑ply for the war. Beſides, the Queen had been taken ill of the ſmall-pox, the day before, with incurable ſymptoms of that dangerous diſeaſe. He was unwil⯑ling, therefore, by an exertion of the prerogative, to ſhake his influence with the nation; which would ne⯑ceſſarily be weakened by the event of her death. His prudence only could, in this inſtance, overcome his attachment to what he deemed to be the inherent right of the crown. The commons, however, in aſ⯑ſerting the liberties of the ſubject, appeared not to have neglected themſelves. In the ſecond clauſe of the bill, they implied the continuance of the parlia⯑ment then ſubſiſting, for three years. This ſelfiſh proviſion was not paſſed, without cenſure, in the houſe of peers. Some lords, at the laſt reading, pro⯑teſted againſt the bill; as tending to the continuance of the preſent parliament, longer than was agreeable to the conſtitution of England^L.

Death and character of the Queen. The diſtemper of the Queen, from bad ſymptoms, advanced rapidly to worſe, till it terminated in her death, on the twenty-eighth of December. Her fi⯑gure, her manner, her affability, the decency of he [...] carriage and equality of her temper, rendered he [...] ſincerely and generally beloved, by a people ever fo [...] of the virtues of their princes. In her perſon, ſh [...] [69] was tall and graceful, full proportioned, and eaſy in all her motions. Though her complexion was not fair, the lineaments of her face were regular and well⯑combined. A lively and piercing eye threw ſuch a pleaſing light on her countenance, that ſhe even might be called a woman of beauty. The genuine features of her mind are difficult to be traced, as her paſſions were neither uncommon in their kind nor ſtrong in their degree. A ſtrict attention to her huſband, and even an abſolute ſubſerviency to his will, ſeem to have been more the rule of her life, than thoſe more ma⯑jeſtic virtues, which alone could thoroughly juſtify her political conduct. When ſhe held the reins of government, ſhe diſplayed more prudence than ability, and leſs of art than ſolidity of judgment. Unambiti⯑ous in her diſpoſition, and ſubdued in her youth to obedience, ſhe was ever uneaſy under the weight of power; and ſhe always reſigned her authority, not only with indifference, but even with pleaſure. Her private virtues, in ſhort, were chiefly conjugal. She was not a kind ſiſter. None will ſay, that ſhe was an affectionate child. Her ſituation, it muſt be confeſſed, was cruel and difficult. It was only through a breach of the ties of nature, ſhe could become at all an object of public applauſe.

Grief of William. Though William was neither a fond huſband, nor ſubject to feelings of a delicate kind, he exhibited every ſymptom of an unfeigned grief, upon the death of the Queen. Her amiable manner and an habitual attention to all his commands, had, it ſeems, made an impreſſion on his mind, which he had not cared to own. Beſides, gratitude had, perhaps, ſupplied the place of a warm affection, in his breaſt. The Queen certainly deſerved every return of friendſhip, at HIS hands. She had acted, in all reſpects toward him, as if virtue conſiſted ſolely in the implicit obedience of a wife to her huſband. Motives of policy might alſo have joined their force to more tender ſentiments, in his mind. The whole popularity of his meaſures pro⯑ceeded from the open and agreeable deportment of Mary. Many conſidered her as having the only natu⯑ral right to the crown. His own manner, when at its [70] beſt, procured more reſpect than affection; and he, therefore, had ſufficient reaſon to lament the loſs of a conſort, whoſe influence had ſo much contributed to reconcile the people to his government. But what⯑ever motive weighed moſt with the mind of William, his prudence might have been truſted, as to the ſince⯑rity of his grief.

Conduct of the Princeſs of Den⯑mark. The city of London, the two houſes of parliament, the nation in general expreſſed, in warm addreſſes to the throne, their ſenſe of the merit of Mary and their own ſorrow. The Princeſs of Denmark was induced, by the Earl of Sunderland, to ſend a letter of con⯑dolence, on the death of her ſiſter, to the King. This Princeſs, even before her diſgrace, in the year 1692, had begun a ſecret correſpondence with her fa⯑ther. But having, now, obtained a nearer proſpect of the crown, ſhe was eaſily induced to adopt an appear⯑ance of reconciliation with William. His prudence dictated, that he ought to meet her half-way. He was apprehenſive, that ſhe might carry her reſent⯑ment for former injuries to a pitch that might prove uneaſy to his government, if not dangerous to his pow⯑er. She was the next heir, by act of parliament. She was nearer than William himſelf, by the title of blood. He was ſenſible, that many had been reſtrained, by their deference to Mary, as the daughter of the late King; and he was certain, that, at leaſt, the diſ⯑contented would pay their court, with more diligence to the Princeſs, ſhould he permit her to remain in a ſtate of proſcription from his favour. He, therefore, admitted her into his preſence, preſented her with moſt of her ſiſter's jewels, and conferred upon her ſome other favours; more from political views than any affection for her perſon^M.

Reflections of James, on the death of Mary. Mary was ſcarcely conſidered as a partner in the re⯑gal authority, during her life. Her death, therefore [...] produced no material change. Some doubts aroſe [...] whether the parliament was not diſſolved by her de⯑miſe. But the queſtion was ſcarce propoſed, in th [...] houſe of lords, when it was dropt, as unfit to be de⯑bated^N. [71] The late King declined to make any ef⯑forts for his reſtoration, upon the preſent occaſion. He conceived hopes, that a government, which, he thought, depended upon the popularity of his daugh⯑ter, would ſhake and unhinge itſelf by her deceaſe. He was much affected by the intelligence. But his ſorrow was more that of an enthuſiaſt than a father. He was rather grieved at her manner of dying, than at her death. ‘"The King,"’ ſaid that unfortunate Prince, ‘"received this additional affliction to thoſe which he had already undergone. He ſaw a child, whom he tenderly loved, perſevering to her death, in a ſignal ſtate of diſobedience and diſloyalty. He per⯑ceived, that ſhe was extolled for a crime as for the higheſt merit. He heard her contradictions called virtues; and her breach of duty to a parent a becom⯑ing ſacrifice to her religion and her country^O."’ Such were the reflections of James, upon the death of a daughter, whoſe behaviour to a parent could ſcarce be juſtified, by his own conduct.

Proceedings of parlia⯑ment The death of the Queen, though alarming to the nation, interrupted not the courſe of buſineſs in par⯑liament. A remarkable tranſaction, in the preceding ſummer and autumn, was laid before the commons, early in the preſent ſeſſion. One Lunt, a perſon of a very profligate character, who had once been a day⯑labourer at Highgate, gave information, on the fif⯑teenth of June, concerning a plot for levying war againſt the government. He affirmed, that he had delivered commiſſions from the late King to ſeveral gentlemen in Lancaſhire and Cheſhire. That, at their inſtance and expence, he had bought arms and enliſted men. That he had been twice ſent to France. to receive the commands of James concerning the in⯑tended inſurrection; and that one Wilſon, who had aſſiſted him in delivering the commiſſions, was privy to the circumſtances of the plot. The ſuppoſed con⯑ſpirators were ſeized. They were brought to Lon⯑don, and then remanded to Mancheſter, to take their trials. Lunt and Wilſon ſwore to the truth of the in⯑formation. [72] But Lunt, being ordered in court, to point at the ſeveral priſoners, miſtook his men. This created a violent ſuſpicion of perjury; and, at the in⯑ſtant, one Taffe, who had been acquainted with Lunt, declared publickly, that the whole plot was no⯑thing but a villanous contrivance, fabricated between himſelf and that profligate witneſs. The King's coun⯑cil ſtopt all proceedings. The priſoners were acquit⯑ted; and the popular clamour became ſo loud in fa⯑vour of the accuſed, that the miniſtry found it neceſ⯑ſary to commit their witneſſes to priſon, and to order them to be proſecuted^P.

on the Lan⯑caſhire plot. Though the moſt of the perſons accuſed were at⯑tached to the late King, and ſome of them actually plotting for his ſervice, the information of Lunt and his aſſociates ſeems to have had no foundation in fact. The whole appears to have been framed by the in⯑trigues and precipitate zeal of one Johnſton, a Scotſ⯑man, brother to the ſecretary of ſtate of that name. This buſy and ſelf-intereſted man, had, in the hopes of a gratification from William, long acted the part of an informer againſt the Jacobites, in England as well as in Scotland. He had employed every mean art to circumvent the unwary, and to find evidence againſt the accuſed^Q. The victory obtained by the gentlemen of Lancaſhire over the witneſſes of go⯑vernment, in a court of juſtice, induced them to lay their grievances before the parliament. The reſult of the deliberations of the commons anſwered not their hopes on the ſubject. They voted, that there had been ſufficient grounds for the proſecution and trial of the conſpirators at Mancheſter; and that a dangerous plot had been carried on againſt the King and govern⯑ment. Notwithſtanding theſe reſolutions, the wit⯑neſſes were tried and found guilty of perjury, at the Lancaſter aſſizes. They were afterwards^R indicted, for a conſpiracy againſt the lives and eſtates of the ac⯑cuſed [73] gentlemen. But the proſecution was dropt, and Lunt and Wilſon were diſcharged.

An inquiry into abuſes. The popularity of paſſing the triennial bill into a law, ſecured not William from an oppoſition in parlia⯑ment. The commons ordered a ſtate of the loans, debts, and charges upon the revenue, together with an account of the expence of the civil liſt, to be laid before their houſe^S. They opened, the ſame day, a channel of inquiry into abuſes and corruptions, which led to important but diſgraceful diſcoveries of the ve⯑nality of the times. Upon a petition of the inhabi⯑tants of Royſton, againſt the violence and exactions of the ſoldiery, the houſe came to ſome ſpirited votes. They reſolved, that the officers and ſoldiers, demand⯑ing and exacting ſubſiſtence-money in their quarters, or on a march, was arbitrary and illegal; and a great violation of the rights of the ſubjects. Some agents who, by defrauding the ſoldiers of their pay, had forced them into violences, were committed by the command of the houſe. Guy, ſecretary of the trea⯑ſury, the known inſtrument of the crown, in purchaſing yotes in parliament, was ſent to the Tower for taking a bribe for himſelf^T. They addreſſed the King againſt colonel Haſtings, for his acts of avarice and violence againſt his regiment; and that officer was in⯑ſtantly diſcharged from his command. A bill was or⯑dered, in the mean time, to oblige the agents of the regiments to account for the diſpoſal of the money which they had received^U.

The ſpeak⯑er expelled for corrupti⯑on. This detection of flagrant abuſes, eſtabliſhed a well⯑founded opinion, that the court, the camp, the city, and even the parliament, were infected with one ge⯑neral contagion of bribery, corruption and venality. The commons, to extricate themſelves from their part of the aſperſion, reſolved to proceed in their inquiry. The unſucceſsful attempts made by the city of Lon⯑don, to carry the orphans' bill into a law, and the fa⯑cility with which it had been lately paſſed, created ſuſ⯑picious of corrupt practices upon that head. A com⯑mittee [74] year 1695 was appointed to inſpect the chamberlain's books. They made their report, on the ſeventh of March. Several ſums of money appeared to have been expended in gaining votes in parliament. The line of corruption was traced to the ſpeaker himſelf. The houſe went immediately into debate on the ſub⯑ject. They ſoon came to the reſolution, ‘"That Sir John Trevor, ſpeaker of the houſe, by receiving a gratuity of one thouſand guineas from the city of Lon⯑don, after paſſing the orphans' bill, was guilty of a high crime and miſdemeanour."’ He had the morti⯑fication to put this humiliating queſtion to the houſe. He retired under the pretence of a colick. He ſigni⯑fied his demiſſion to the King; and was expelled from his ſeat in parliament^V.

Corrupt practices in India affairs, The commons, from this ſhameful ſcene of detecti⯑on, turned their inquiries to another quarter. The affairs of the Eaſt-India company had employed a great portion of the attention of parliament, from the year 1691, till the end of 1693. The company had declined to ſubmit to the regulations propoſed by the commons. They even fruſtrated all the endeavours of that aſſembly, by procuring a new charter from the King. The houſe ſuſpected corruption, upon the pre⯑ſent occaſion; and they ordered the ſame committee who had examined the books of the chamberlain, to inſpect thoſe of the Eaſt-India company. The ab⯑ſtracts of the ſums paid for ſpecial ſervices, ſince the Revolution, ſoon led to the diſcovery ſo much requir⯑ed. In the reign of James, the annual charges ſcarce exceeded twelve hundred pounds. Ever ſince they had gradually increaſed. In the year 1691, they were very conſiderable. But in the year 1693, when the charter was obtained, they amounted to near ninety thouſand pounds; which had been lent on the notes of Sir Thomas Cooke, the governor of the com⯑pany. Cooke was called before the houſe. He reſuſ⯑ed to account for the money. He was immediately committed to the Tower; and a bill ordered to be brought in to oblige him to make a diſcovery. The [75] bill paſſed, in a few days, and was ſent up to the lords for their concurrence^W.

detected The Duke of Leeds, ſo often mentioned by the progreſſive titles of Sir Thomas Oſborne, the Lord Latimer, the Earl of Danby, and Marquis of Caermar⯑then, by the vehemence of his zeal for Cooke, ren⯑dered his own honour ſuſpected. The proteſtations of his innocence, with which he blended his ſpeech a⯑gainſt the bill, were conſidered as ſo many acknow⯑ledgments of guilt, in a man more remarkable for his talents, than either for his integrity or diſintereſted⯑neſs. The houſe yielding either to his arguments or influence, poſtponed the buſineſs from the ſixth to the thirteenth of April; a point of conſequence, as the ſeſſion was known to draw near to its cloſe. Cooke was brought before the lords, on the thirteenth. He declared himſelf willing to make a full diſcovery, on condition of being indemnified againſt all actions and ſuits except thoſe of the Eaſt-India company, whom he had never injured. The peers reſolved to drop the bill of pains and penalties, ſent up from the commons; and they ordered a committee to withdraw to form ſuch a bill of indemnification as Cooke required. The commons amended the bill with a penal clauſe. The lords agreed to the amendment; and Cooke was di⯑rected, by the act, to make a full diſcovery to a joint committee of peers and commons, on or before the twenty-third of April^X.

by the com⯑mons. Some, in both houſes, were eager in the proſecu⯑tion of the affair. But, from the loſs of time, the majority ſeemed determined to defeat a meaſure, which common decency forbade them to drop entirely. The King himſelf appeared to be no great friend to a diſcovery, which threatened to involve himſelf in the ſame ſcene of corruption with his ſervants. When he came to the houſe, on the twenty-ſecond of April, to paſs ſeveral bills, he recommended diſpatch to his par⯑liament; as he was determined to put an end to the ſeſſion in a few days. The joint committee of lords and commons met at the exchequer chamber. Cooke [76] appeared before them, and delivered a paper, contain⯑ing an unſatisfactory diſcovery. Several perſons pri⯑vy to the tranſaction were examined. Ten thouſand pounds were traced to the King; five thouſand to the Duke of Leeds, and other ſums to other men in power. The ſcene of corruption appeared to be as extenſive, as it was ſhameful and uncommon. The matter was reported, on the twenty-ſeventh of April, to both houſes. The commons, in particular, flew into a vio⯑lent flame. The innocent were eager to ſhew their own regard to honour. The conſciouſly criminal er⯑deavoured to palliate their guilt, by an appearance of vehemence againſt the crime^Y.

Dake of Leeds im⯑peached. The commons, after ſome debate, came to a reſo⯑lution, that there was ſufficient matter to impeach the Duke of Leeds of high crimes and miſdemeanours. They ordered Mr. Comptroller Wharton to impeach him accordingly at the bar of the houſe of lords, in the name of the houſe and all the commons of Eng⯑land. The report was read, in the mean time, in the houſe of lords. Leeds was ſpeaking to his own defence, when he was apprized of the proceedings of the commons. He ſuddenly went down to the houſe, and deſired to be heard. He was permitted to ſpeak. But his ſpeech was not ſatisfactory. He prepared for his defence in a more effectual way. One Robart, a Swiſs by nation, and one of his own domeſtics, was the only perſon who could carry home any certain proof to the Duke. Robart was prudently ſent back to his native country. The lords addreſſed the King to ſtop the fugitive, by ſhutting the ports of the king⯑dom againſt his flight. Neither William nor his ſer⯑vants were likely to gain by the inquiry. The procla⯑mation was not iſſued till nine days after the addreſs of the peers. The clamours of Leeds for a trial or an ac⯑quittal, roſe in proportion to Robart's diſtance from London. A prorogation, on the third of May, at length extinguiſhed the inquiry and the Duke's fears. Thus ended a wretched farce; in which the feeble efforts for obtaining juſtice, were ſearce leſs diſgrace⯑ful than venality itſelf to the age^Z.

[77] An act with regard to the coin. During theſe tranſactions, another matter of the ut⯑moſt importance employed a part of the attention of parliament. The bad ſtate of the coin, both by di⯑minution and adulteration, became too obvious not to alarm the nation. The money had actually decreaſed more than one half, in its nominal value. The King had been, for ſome time, apprized of this growing evil^A. He intended to iſſue a proclamation, that no money ſhould paſs, for the future, but by weight. He was, however, diverted from this meaſure, by the conſideration, that the debaſement of the coin would facilitate the loans to government. The Earl of Rocheſter laid open, in the houſe of lords, the alarming condition of the currency; and as early as the eighth of January, a committee of the commons were appointed to receive propoſals to prevent clipping, and the exportation of ſilver. The report of the com⯑mittee lay, for ſome time, neglected on the table. The lords, however, paſſed a bill to prevent the coun⯑terfeiting and clipping the current coin of the kingdom. They ſent the bill down to the commons for their con⯑currence, on the nineteenth of March^B. The houſe took the report of their committee into conſi⯑deration; and they made ſeveral amendments, to which the lords agreed. But though the bill contain⯑ed ſome good clauſes, it was manifeſtly inadequate to the perfect cure of the evil. The value of money was ſunk in the exchange. Guineas, which ought to have been equal in value to one and twenty ſhillings and ſix pence, roſe to thirty ſhillings. The credit of government and the public funds ſunk to ſuch a de⯑gree, ‘"as to bring a diſcount of forty per cent. upon tallies^C."’

Parliament protogued. The juſt complaints of the Engliſh mariners, had induced William to recommend a bill for their encou⯑ragement, at the opening of this ſeſſion of parliament. The abuſes which prevailed by land, were great and general. But avarice and tyranny arrived only at their height in the navy. The agents of the Crown de⯑frauded [78] the ſeamen of their wages. The captains and commanders of ſhips joined in the ſame ſhameful traffic. The proviſions were cheap and unwholeſome. Jobs, frauds, and injuſtice prevailed in every line^D. Inſults abroad were added to the diſtreſſes of the ſea⯑men at home. The Dutch, to man their own fleet, exacted, under the pretence of the King's permiſſion, the tenth man out of every Britiſh ſhip that entered their ports. They roſe in their demands in the courſe of the preſent year. They required a man out of eve⯑ry veſſel, though navigated by ever ſo few hands. The perſon choſen was either obliged to redeem his freedom with a conſiderable ſum of money, or to ſerve in a foreign bottom^E. The parliament paid no attention either to the recommendation of the King, or the complaints of the ſeamen. On the third of May, William came to the houſe of lords; and having thanked the two houſes for the ſupplies, put an end to the ſeſſion^F.

Diſpoſitions for opening the cam⯑paign. Though the neceſſity of his immediate departure to the continent, was the reaſon aſſigned by the King for proroguing the parliament in the midſt of the en⯑quiry, he remained nine days after the prorogation at Kenſington. Having declared the regency, conſiſting of the chief officers of ſtate, on the third of May, he ſailed from Graveſend on the twelfth; and arrived, on the fourteenth, at the Hague^G. The allies had made the neceſſary preparations for acting with vigour. France, diſconcerted by the death of the Mareſchal de Luxembourg^H. and her other misfortunes, thought only of a deſenſive campaign. Lewis deſpairing to find a proper ſucceſſor to ſo great a captain, was long doubtful where he ſhould fix his choice. The Mare⯑ſchal de Villeroi was at length placed at the head of the principal army in Flanders. The ſecond army was ſubmitted to the orders of De Boufflers. Namur on the right, and Dunkirk on the left, comprehended [79] between them, the extent of country to be defended by the French. Tournay on the Schelde, and Ypres near the Lys, formed a part of the line. De Bouf⯑flers was ordered to aſſemble his army near Mons, to cover Namur. Villeroi poſted himſelf between the Schelde and the Lys, to protect Tournay, Ypres, and Dunkirk^I.

Preparati⯑ons againſt Namar. William, having taken the field, on the ſixth of June, found himſelf at the head of an army, much ſuperior to that of the French. To amuſe the enemy, and to conceal his real deſign upon Namur, he made ſome movements, which rendered Villeroi uncertain where the ſtorm was firſt to fall. The King aſſembled his army in three diviſions. The firſt, under the Elector of Bavaria, he ordered to advance between the Schelde and the Lys. He poſted himſelf, with the ſecond, at Becelaër on the Heule. He detached the Duke of Wirtemberg, with the third diviſion, to inveſt the fort of Knoque. Theſe feints and refine⯑ments in his motions, the King durſt not have at⯑tempted, had De Luxembourg ſtill commanded the enemy. Any of the three bodies of the allies might have been attacked by the whole force of the French army. But either Villeroi diſcerned not the advan⯑tage, or he deliberated till the opportunity was loſt^K; and William, having at length completed his prepara⯑tions, reſolved to ſit down before Namur. He made every neceſſary diſpoſition for inveſting the place, for covering the ſiege, and for forming an army to obſerve the motions of the enemy, on the maritime ſide of Flanders.

The town inveſted. The ſiege of Namur was formed by the Elector of Bavaria, with his native troops, the forces of ſeveral German princes, and a body of cavalry. William, at the head of the main army, lay behind the Mehaigne, in a condition to paſs that river, and, if neceſſary, to ſuſtain the ſiege. The Prince of Vaudemont, with an army of obſervation, lay between the Lys and the Mandel, to cover thoſe places in Flanders which were [80] moſt expoſed^L. The enemy perceiving, at length, the deſigns of William upon Namur, the Mareſchal de Boufflers, with ſeven regiments of dragoons, threw himſelf into the place, to reinforce the garriſon. Ville⯑roi, inſtead of making any attempt to relieve Namur, reſolved to fall upon the Prince of Vaudemont, who lay, with an inferior force, within three leagues of his army. The prince was diſadvantageouſly encamp⯑ed. His adverſary, however, poſſeſſed no abilities to avail himſelf of what fortune had thrown in his way. When he deliberated, concerning the manner of at⯑tack, the opportunity was loſt. The like advantage preſented itſelf a ſecond time. But it was only to throw a ſecond diſgrace on the French general. The Prince retreated in his preſence, with conſummate ſkill; and ſheltered himſelf, with very little loſs, un⯑der the cannon of Ghent^M.

Operations. The fine retreat of the Prince of Vaudemont, was conſidered equal to a victory. The French, however, found means to take Dixmuyde and Deynſe, with little reſiſtance. The garriſons were made priſoners of war. Both places were diſmantled. The trenches were, in the mean time, opened before Namur. On the twelfth of July the batteries began to play. In a ſally, on the eighteenth, the French were forced to retreat, with conſiderable loſs. The King, on the ſame day, ordered the advanced works and traverſes of the enemy to be ſtormed. This ſervice was per⯑formed in his preſence, with the greateſt reſolution and ſucceſs. The ground taken from the enemy, was inſtantly occupied with batteries. On the twenty-ſeventh of July, the King carried the firſt counter⯑ſcarp; and the Elector of Bavaria, at the ſame in⯑ſtant, found means to throw a bridge acroſs the Sam⯑bre, which facilitated the reduction of the place. The French behaved themſelves with an obſtinate bravery. But the allies, animated by the preſence of their leader, were irreſiſtible in their various attacks. The out⯑works were, at length, carried by the beſiegers. A practicable breach was made in the innermoſt wall. [81] Preparations for a general aſſalut being made, the town capitulated, on the fourth of Auguſt. The gar⯑riſon, under the command of the Mareſchal de Bouf⯑flers, retired, on the ſixth, to the caſtle^N.

The citadel capitulates. The Mareſchal de Villeroi, in the mean time, hav⯑ing croſſed the Lys and Schelde, made a feint of marching to raiſe the ſiege. His real deſign was di⯑rected againſt Bruſſels; and he appeared, on the thirteenth of Auguſt, before that place. Under a pre⯑tence of revenging the attacks of the Engliſh fleet, on the maritime towns of Flanders, he bombarded Bruſ⯑ſels. Fifteen hundred houſes, and many public build⯑ings were laid in ruins. The Prince of Vaudemont was an eye-witneſs of a deſtruction, which he could neither prevent nor avenge. On the fifteenth of Au⯑guſt, the French general, being reinforced with a conſiderable body of troops, directed his march toward Namur. When he had advanced to Fleurus, he gave a ſignal of his approach to the beſieged, by the diſ⯑charge of ninety pieces of cannon. William, leaving the charge of the ſiege to the Elector of Bavaria, re⯑paired to his army, ſtrongly encamped within five miles of Namur. On the twenty-ninth of Auguſt, De Villeroi advanced toward the allies. But he found them ſo well poſted, that he retired in the night, without noiſe. The caſtle was, in the mean time, preſſed by the allies with the utmoſt vigour. In a general aſſault, on the thirtieth of Auguſt, the be⯑ſiegers, though with great loſs, made ſuch a lodge⯑ment, that the French deſired to capitulate, on the firſt of September^O.

Reflections. The taking of Namur, in the preſence of a great army of the enemy, was the moſt brilliant of Wil⯑liam's military actions. Though he had loſt that im⯑portant place, in the like circumſtances, his ſpirit and conduct throughout this campaign, deſerved and re⯑ceived applauſe. An act of reſentment againſt the enemy, added to the reputation which the King ac⯑quired by the taking of Namur. The French, con⯑trary to an expreſs cartel for a mutual ranſom of pri⯑ſoners, [82] had detained the garriſons of Dixmuyde and Deynſe, which places had fallen into their hands. The Mareſchal de Boufflers was arreſted as a hoſtage, by the orders of the King. He remonſtrated in vain. He was ſent priſoner to Maeſtricht, and detained till aſſurances were received, that the impriſoned garriſons ſhould be releaſed and ſent back to the allies. The operations of the campaign ended with the ſurrender of the citadel. William quitted the field and retired to Dieren, and from thence to Loo. The command devolved upon the Elector of Bavaria. But the ar⯑mies ſeparated, in the end of September. His want of ſucceſs, in the preceding years of the war, enhanc⯑ed to William the fame of taking Namur. The cap⯑ture of a ſingle town could ſcarce produce a plentiful harveſt of laurels to a general accuſtomed to victory.

Campaign in Italy, Germany, and Spain, The war languiſhed, on the ſide of Italy, between France and the Duke of Savoy. Caſal was defended by the firſt and taken by the latter, in a manner, that ſhewed neither power was ſincere in the operations of the campaign. To amuſe the allies ſeemed to be the object of both parties. The ſame langour, or ra⯑ther a total inaction, prevailed on the Upper-Rhine. Two armies, alternately offering and declining battle, made a mere paſtime and parade of war. The Spa⯑niards, aided by the maritime powers, were more for⯑tunate than they had been in the preceding campaign. They obtained ſome advantage in the field. But they beſieged Palamos in vain. The Engliſh fleet, which had wintered at Cadiz, could render no effectual aid to a nation labouring under feeble councils, a want of money, and every ſpecies of domeſtic decay. Admi⯑ral Ruſſel, having ſpent the ſummer to little purpoſe, on the coaſts of Spain and Provence, returned to ca⯑diz, in the end of September. The glory of inſulting the French coaſt, and of confining the fleet of the enemy in the harbour of Toulon, could ſcarce balance the extraordinary expence of the maritime powers, in their efforts to ſecond the feeble operations in Spain.

[83] A peace had been expected, on the ſide of Hunga⯑ry. But the hopes of the allies vaniſhed, upon the ac⯑ceſſion^P of Muſtapha the Second, to the Ottoman throne. This Prince, poſſeſſed of more vigour than his predeceſſor, Ahmed the Second, reſolved to com⯑mand his troops in perſon. He took the field. He paſſed the Danube. He ſtormed Lippa. He ſeized Itul. Falling ſuddenly on a conſiderable body of troops under General Veterani, he killed that officer, diſperſed his forces, and cloſed, with ſucceſs, a cam⯑paign which promiſed nothing but misfortunes. The Elector of Saxony, who commanded the Imperialiſts, was too late in taking the field. His army was ill pro⯑vided, the ſeaſon was ſevere, the enemy too prudent to hazard that reputation which he had already ac⯑quired. Poland, torn as uſual with domeſtic faction, made no figure in the preſent year. France had in⯑creaſed, by her intrigues, the feuds between the no⯑bles. She had gained, by her ſecret influence, the King. The deliberations of the diet were interrupted by every ſpecies of civil diſcord; and the aſſembly was diſolved in confuſion^Q.

Tranſacti⯑ons and The operations of the combined ſquadrons in the ocean, were productive of no ſtriking events. The lord Berkely commanded in chief the fleet deſtined to inſult the coaſt of France. He bombarded St. Maloes, with little effect, on the fourth of July. He came before Dunkirk on the firſt of Auguſt. The noted Meeſters, a Dutch engineer, applied again his infer⯑nals to the Riſbank, with the ſame want of ſucceſs as in the preceding year. Heats and animoſities prevail⯑ed between the Engliſh and Dutch. Complaints were made on every ſide. Meeſters withdrew from the ſquadron, with his machines, in the night. The Lord Berkeley retired and proceeded to Calais. The enemy were prepared to receive his viſit; and having, in vain, diſcharged ſix hundred ſhells into the place, he deſiſted from his attempt.

diſaſters at ſea. The naval efforts of the Engliſh, in the Weſt In⯑dies, were attended with no ſucceſs. Wilmot and [84] Lillingſton, who commanded on an expedition againſt the French in Hiſpaniola, agreed to enrich themſelves, and quarrelled about the ſpoil. The intereſt of the public was neglected in their animoſities. But though the nation was diſgraced by their groſs miſmanage⯑ments, no inquiry was made into their conduct^R. The commerce of the kingdom was, at the ſame time, ill-protected, through the negligence of the commanders of the navy. Many veſſels from Barba⯑does were taken by the enemy. Five Eaſt India ſhips, valued at a million, fell into their hands^S. The misfortunes at ſea abated the joy of the people for the ſucceſs by land. Admiral Hopſon, appointed to ſcour the channel with a ſquadron, was either inactive or unſucceſsful. The Marquis of Caermarthen, ſtation⯑ed with ſome ſhips at Scilly, miſtook a fleet of mer⯑chantmen for the enemy's navy; and fled, with all his ſails, from the veſſels which he ought to defend^T.

Affairs of Scotland. The affairs of Scotland furniſhed nothing worthy of being recorded, after the prorogation of the parlia⯑ment, in the year 1693. The ſame regency and the ſame meaſures continued throughout the ſucceeding year. The King, eager to derive all the poſſible aid from that kingdom, to maintain the war, demanded numerous levies, from the heritors or proprietors of lands. In the ſpace of three months, three thouſand men were impreſſed and delivered to the officers of the government. Theſe with five regiments, making in all ſeven thouſand ſoldiers, were embarked at Leith^U, and tranſported to Flanders. The ſurren⯑der^V of the Baſs, which had been hitherto held in the name of James, is a matter of greater ſingularity than importance. Two and thirty perſons had taken poſſeſſion of that poſt and ſupported themſelves by manning their boat and rifling ſuch veſſels as paſſed near their rock. In one of their predatory excurſions, eighteen of their number, having boarded a ſhip from Dunbar, were carried to Dundee, by the force of a ſtorm. They landed, and fled, by different ways [...] [85] But three were taken, tried, and condemned. To ſave their companions, thoſe who remained on the Baſs, deſired to capitulate. The council agreed to their propoſals. The condemned were pardoned, and the reſt were permitted to depart, with their baggage and ſwords^W.

A ſeſſion of parliament. The malcontents in Scotland found matter for fo⯑menting a jealouſy of government, which rendered the meeting of the parliament of that kingdom dange⯑rous to the authority of its regency. That aſſembly, therefore, was prorogued, from time to time, till the neceſſities of the crown overcame the fears of its ſer⯑vants. The funds eſtabliſhed for the army had ex⯑pired; and they had been diverted to other purpoſes, by a breach of public faith. To ſoften the oppoſition to the crown, a commiſſion was iſſued, under the great ſeal, to examine witneſſes upon the maſſacre of Glen⯑co; as the memory of that act of barbarity ſtill in⯑flamed the paſſions of the whole nation. Though this was an artifice to cover that infamous tranſaction, by a private inquiry^X, it produced, by an appearance of juſtice, a favourable change in the minds of the people. But ſchemes, ſtill more effectual, had been previouſly formed to amuſe the nation, and to gain a majority in parliament. On the ninth of May 1695, the ſeſſion was opened, by the Marquis of Tweedale, as King's commiſſioner. William, in his letter to the parliament, excuſed, by the continuation of the war, his not appearing in perſon in Scotland. He recom⯑mended to them moderation and union, in matters of the church. He deſired, in the moſt ſoothing terms, a renewal of the ſubſidies, that had juſt expired^Y.

The mem⯑bers gained. Soothing expreſſions, however, were not the only means prepared, by the ſervants of William, to gain the Scots. One Paterſon, who had been the chief inſtrument in eſtabliſhing the bank of England, had framed a mercantile project of an extenſive kind for Scotland. Such Engliſh merchants, as had been hi⯑therto diſappointed in their ſchemes of forming a new [86] Eaſt India company, gave their countenance to Pa⯑terſon's plan; which, from views of their own, was adopted, with ardour, by the Scottiſh miniſtry. The project was to eſtabliſh one ſettlement at Darien, on the eaſt ſide of the iſthmus of America; and another on the oppoſite ſide, toward the South Sea. This ſcheme was laid before the King, by ſecretary John⯑ſton. Inſtructions were prepared and ſigned, im⯑powering the commiſſioner to give his aſſent to any bill for the encouragement of trade. That nobleman, accordingly, communicated the King's intentions to the parliament. The bait was greedily ſeized. The people loſt their reſentment, in a condeſcenſion, which flattered their hopes of wealth. The parliament it⯑ſelf was all ſubmiſſion. A vote of condolence, for the death of the Queen, was inſtantly paſſed. They gave, at once, all the neceſſary ſupplies. The ways and means were a general poll-tax, a ſix-months ceſs out of the land-rents, and an additional exciſe^Z.

Proceedings But notwithſtanding this ſeeming complaiſance to the crown, the current of the nation, for an inquiry into the maſſacre of Glenco, was too ſtrong to be op⯑poſed. The artifice of the court-party could not con⯑ceal the ſhocking circumſtances of that barbarous af⯑fair. They, however, diverted, with ſome appear⯑ance of decency, the implication of guilt, from the King himſelf to Dalrymple, his acting miniſter upon that occaſion. The parliament voted the whole a murder. They addreſſed the King, for juſtice, on the offenders. But their application was couched in terms, which ſeemed to demand no compliance with their requeſt. William, accordingly, paid no atten⯑tion to their addreſs. He even continued his favour, without abatement, to the principal actors in the tra⯑gedy. The bill for eſtabliſhing a company for trad⯑ing to Africa and the Indies, was the price of the blood ſhed at Glenco. The clamour and misfortunes which this act produced, ſhall be hereafter explained. To⯑gether with this bill, two others of importance receiv⯑ed the royal aſſent: An act for raiſing yearly nine [87] thouſand men to recruit the Scotch regiments, in the ſervice abroad; and one for erecting a public bank in the city of Edinburgh. On the ſeventeenth of July, the commiſſioner adjourned the parliament to the ſe⯑venth day of the following November^A.

Affairs of Ireland. A kind of tranquillity ſucceeded, in Ireland the in⯑effectual complaints, which the people of that king⯑dom laid before the parliament of England. Sir Hen⯑ry Capel, created a lord, with other two lords juſtices, carried on the government with a degree of preciſion. Quarrels ſprung among themſelves. Capel abetted the intereſts of the Engliſh againſt the old Iriſh, with⯑out any ſtrict regard to equity^B. He courted po⯑pularity at the expence of juſtice, and ſuffered himſelf to become the property of intereſted and deſigning men. His brethren in office were more ſevere and more juſt. They ſtudied to protect the old Iriſh, when oppreſſed^C. They gained honour. But they loſt popularity. Capel, favoured by the Eng⯑liſh in Ireland, raiſed his views to the government of that kingdom. He promiſed to the King and his mi⯑niſters to carry every thing in a parliament, ſhould he be appointed lord-deputy, with powers to diſplace ſome men in office. His propoſal was accepted. Se⯑veral were removed^D. A parliament was call⯑ed^E.

A ſeſſion of parliament. Capel opened the ſeſſion with a demand of money. The commons reſolved to grant an immediate ſupply to the King, to diſcharge the debts of the crown, and to maintain the eſtabliſhed government. They found it leſs difficult to make the grant, than to find the ways and means. They agreed, at length, on a poll⯑bill, and ſome additional cuſtoms. But as both were deemed inadequate to the ſum required, they reſolved to continue, to the end of the year 1698, the additi⯑onal exciſe, which they had voted at the beginning only for a ſhort ſpace of time. A quarrel between the lord-deputy and the chancellor, filled the reſt of [88] the ſeſſion with debates, and a degree of confuſion. A motion was made by the party of the former, to impeach the latter for forming a new faction in the kingdom. But the chancellor was cleared of all im⯑putation by a great majority. The ſeſſion, however, ended in tranquillity; and, upon the whole, favoura⯑ble to the lord-deputy. He carried the projects of the Crown in parliament; and he was recommended as an excellent governor, in a ſpecial addreſs ſent by the commons to the King^F.

Inactivity of the late King. Though the death of Mary raiſed the expectations of the adherents of her father, that Prince ſhewed little inclination to avail himſelf of that event. He either reſigned a mind, depreſſed with misfortunes, to religious enthuſiaſm; or, diſguſted with the appa⯑rent coldneſs of the French miniſtry, left his hopes of a reſtoration to fortune. His friends in England ceaſed not, however, to urge him to an attempt on that kingdom. The Earl of Arran endeavoured to rouze him with letters. The Earl of Sunderland, now much in the confidence of William, betrayed the councils of the latter Prince to his former maſter^G. He in⯑formed the late King, early in the ſeaſon, that the Engliſh fleet were deſtined to attack Toulon. But he, at the ſame time, gave it as his opinion, that the en⯑terpriſe would be dropt as impracticable^H. The langour which had ſeized the belligerent powers, ex⯑tended itſelf to the party of James in England, and to his councils in France. The latter kingdom was too much exhauſted by internal calamities, either to puſh the war with vigour on the continent, or to avail herſelf of a deſcent on the Britiſh iſles.

Zeal of his adherents. The more violent Jacobites, in the mean time, con⯑tinued their zealous efforts in favour of their dethroned maſter. Strangers to the ſituation of the mind of James, and ignorant of the diſpoſition of France, they endeavoured to rouze the firſt with every poſſible ar⯑gument, to make a deſcent in England. The abſence of the reigning Prince, his unpopularity at home, and [89] the feuds which ſubſiſted between him and ſome mem⯑bers of the great alliance abroad, were placed in the moſt flattering colours before the eyes of the late King. The manifeſt decline in the health of William, his loſs of influence by the death of Mary, the diſtreſs and conſequent diſcontent of the nation, their murmurs againſt the late heavy taxes, their fears of future bur⯑dens, were either magnified or recounted with ardour. James was aſſured, by his adherents, that, in the pre⯑tent ſtate of affairs and opinions, ten thouſand men would be ſufficient to eſtabliſh him again on his throne. They affirmed, that the whole force in England, con⯑ſiſted only of nine thouſand men. That the nation was divided into three parties. That one of theſe was in the intereſt of the late King; one affected the views and perſon of the Princeſs of Denmark; and the third, but the leaſt conſiderable, adhered to William^I.

His party increaſes in England. Whilſt theſe zealots laid their propoſals with ſo much eagerneſs before James, his miniſter, the Earl of Middleton, maintained an intimate intercourſe with the principal men in England. The Earl of Sunder⯑land continued his ſecret correſpondence. Even the Duke of Devonſhire and the Earl of Pembroke^J, the latter then lord-privy-ſeal, ſeemed to have liſten⯑ed to the court of St. Germains. The Dutcheſs of Devonſhire, either following or leading her huſband, became an agent for James^K. The Princeſs of Denmark, and the Earl of Marlborough profeſſed themſelves his firm and unſhaken friends. The aſſu⯑rances made by perſons of ſuch weight and conſe⯑quence, kept alive the hopes of his friends, while he himſelf had fallen into a ſtate of indifference con⯑cerning his own fate^L. Middleton, however, made, ſoon after, fruitleſs applications, in the name of his maſter, to the court of France. To induce the French miniſtry to undertake an invaſion of England, he com⯑municated his intelligence and hopes from that king⯑dom. He repreſented, that the coaſt was left naked of ſhips of war. That the diſcontents which prevail⯑ed [90] at preſent, were likely to increaſe, after the in⯑tended elections for a new houſe of commons. Wil⯑liam, he ſaid, was to demand eight millions from par⯑liament; and to alter the eſtabliſhed ſucceſſion, by preferring any children he might hereafter beget, to the Princeſs of Denmark and her ſon. But Middleton built moſt on the credit of Sunderland; "who," he continued, ‘"had been always the firſt to deceive him⯑ſelf, and the foremoſt to hetray others."’

Si [...]ion of William, But if James had friends in England, it is only in that kingdom he ſeems to have had friends. France, exhauſted by domeſtic calamities, as well as by the waſte occaſioned by a burdenſome war, was an⯑xious to obtain peace upon any decent terms. The court of Rome itſelf had forgot the orthodoxy of James, in his puſillanimity in quitting his dominions without a blow. The ſucceſs of William, in ſeizing the throne of England, his inflexible perſeverance in all his plans, his courage in the field, his apparent prudence in the cabinet, his former obſtinacy in con⯑tinuing an unſucceſsful war, and, at length, the repu⯑tation which he acquired in the preſent campaign, ex⯑cited that admiration which invariably follows good fortune. He was, beſides, ſeen through a favourable medium, by the nations of Europe. The hazineſs which covered him at home, obſcured not his luſtre abroad. The aſtoniſhing exertions of England in the war, were aſcribed to his management. He was con⯑ſidered as the abſolute maſter of Holland; and not only the chain which united the grand confederacy, but even the abſolute lord of the members of which it was compoſed^L.

compared with James. His rival, if in his preſent diſtreſſed condition James deſerved that name, laboured under every diſadvan⯑tage in the eyes of the world. The enthuſiaſm which had deprived him of his throne, was conſtrued into an incurable folly, by the more ſenſible part of his own perſuaſion. A kind of WICKED policy, as the Pope, perhaps ludicrouſly ſaid, had ſuperſeded every idea of [91] religion among the Catholic powers, who were en⯑gaged in the grand alliance. Innocent the Twelfth himſelf, though the ſat in St. Peter's chair, was ſway⯑ed by temporal views, from entertaining any favour for a Prince who had ſacrificed his crown to a blind attachment to the Romiſh faith. He received the Earl of Perth, who had been ſent in the character of am⯑baſſador, by James, with manifeſt coldneſs; or treat⯑ed him with ſeeming ridicule. The utmoſt that the moſt preſſing ſolicitations could obtain from that Pon⯑tiff, amounted only to a compliment. He aſſured the Earl of Perth, that the would never concur in a peace, which tended to deprive a Catholic Prince of his juſt rights. But Innocent and all his court were in the intereſt of the houſe of Auſtria; and thus James, though a very faithful ſon of the church, loſt his in⯑fluence with the holy Father, through his dependence on France^M.

King's pro⯑greſs. William, having ſpent ſome time at Loo, repaired to the Hague, on the ſeventh day of October. Hav⯑ing, in an interview with the Elector of Branden⯑burg, and in conferences with the States of Holland, ſettled the operations of the ſucceeding campaign, he returned to England; and arrived at Kenſington, on the twenty-firſt day of the month. In a council held on the evening of his arrival, he reſolved to diſſolve the parliament; and to order another to meet, on the twenty-ſecond of November. The Earl of Sunder⯑land, in concert with the court of St. Germains, ad⯑viſed this meaſure^N. The former parliament, from their liberal grants to the Crown, were become odious to the people; and the latter, therefore, were not likely to chuſe again repreſentatives ſo compliant to the views of the King. But William beheld the mat⯑ter in another light. The popularity which he thought he derived from the glory of a ſucceſsful campaign, induced him to hope for a return of members more fa⯑vourable to his intereſt, than thoſe who had lately [92] puſhed their inquiries ſo far. To improve to his ad⯑vantage the preſent good humour of the people, the King reſolved to make a royal progreſs. But his want of affability, his frigid manner, and dry addreſs, were not calculated either to gain the favour of the populace, or to retain it when gained. A viſit which he paid to the Earl of Sunderland at Althorp, was conſtrued, by his enemies, into gratitude for former favours; while his precipitate retreat from Oxford, for fear of being poiſoned^O at an entertainment prepared by the uni⯑verſity, was conſidered as unworthy of his known pru⯑dence and uſual courage.

A new par⯑liament. In the elections for the new houſe of commons, the Jacobites were unſucceſsful, in proportion to the decline of their cauſe. Few of the known adherents of the late King were returned. But the abbetors of the in⯑tereſt of the reigning Prince, were not implicitly choſ⯑en by the nation. Many of the firmeſt Whigs were elected: men who made a greater diſtinction between the principles of government, than between the per⯑ſons of kings. The two houſes met, on the twenty-ſecond of November. Foley, who had ſucceeded Tre⯑vor, in the office of ſpeaker, was again placed by the commons in the chair. The King, in his ſpeech from the throne, demanded the uſual ſupplies, to proſecute with vigour the war. He complained that the funds which had been formerly given, were deficient. He repreſented that the civil liſt was in a condition which rendered it impoſſible for him to ſubſiſt, unleſs that matter ſhould command their immediate care. He re⯑commended the French Proteſtants to their ſupport He laid before them the bad ſtate of the coin. He expreſſed his wiſhes for a bill to encourage ſeamen [...] He concluded with aſſuring the commons, that he wa [...] entirely ſatisfied, with the choice which his people had made^P.

A bill for regulating trials. The commons addreſſed the King, on the twenty-ninth of November, and promiſed to aſſiſt him effec⯑tually in the proſecution of the war. But before any [93] ſupply was voted, a bill was brought in, for regulating trials, in caſes of treaſon and miſpriſion of treaſon. A bill to the ſame effect had been often introduced before, and as often diſappointed. The adherents of the Court oppoſed it in its progreſs. The popularity of the meaſure, at length, prevailed. By this ſaluta⯑ry law it was provided, that no perſon ſhould be tried for high treaſon, except an attempt to aſſaſſinate the King, unleſs the indictment be found within three years after the offence was committed. That the priſoner ſhall have a copy of the indictment, but not the names of the witneſſes, five days, at leaſt, before his arraignment. That he ſhall have a copy of the panel of jurors, two days before his trial; and that he ſhall have the ſame compulſive proceſs with the Crown, to force his witneſſes to appear^Q. A change of ſituation too frequently makes an alteration in the principles of men. Many who had ſuffered by the want of ſuch a law, in the two former reigns, oppoſed with vehemence the bill. They argued, that the ſecurity of the government, was the beſt provi⯑ſion for the ſecurity of the ſubject; and they urged, that the act, by giving every poſſible advantage to conſpirators, expoſed the kingdom to revolution and change.

A ſupply voted. On the ſecond of December, the commons voted the ſupply for the war. Two millions five hundred thouſand pounds were aſſigned to the navy^R; two millions for the ſupport of an army of eighty-ſeven thouſand men. Though theſe ſums were great, they were leſs than the demands of the Crown. There was, beſides, an arrear of deficiency, for which no proviſion was made. But before the ſupply was fixed upon adequate funds, a matter of the laſt importance employed the attention of the commons. The act paſſed in the preceding ſeſſion of parliament, to pre⯑vent the clipping and exportation of ſilver coin, had been found inadequate to the purpoſe. The evil had riſen to too great a height to be removed by ſlight remedies. The lords went firſt upon the buſineſs. [94] They prepared an addreſs, to which they deſired the concurrence of the commons, to requeſt the King to put a ſtop, by proclamation, to the currency of clip⯑ped crowns and half-crowns. The commons choſe to proceed in their own way. They went into a committee of the whole houſe, to deliberate on the ſtate of the nation with reſpect to the current coin^S.

Debates Individuals differed much in their opinions, upon a ſubject in which the intereſts of all were ſo deeply concerned. It appeared, from various experiments, that the ſilver coins, on a medium, were diminiſhed at leaſt one third. In proportion as the intrinſic of ſilver ſunk beneath its nominal value, the gold roſe. Two evils, with equal violence, preſſed the nation on either ſide. A remedy muſt be inſtantly applied. The firſt queſtion propoſed to the commons was, whether it was expedient to re-coin the ſilver money. The houſe was divided upon the ſubject. The opponents of the Court oppoſed the re-coinage, with ſome ſpe⯑cious arguments. They affirmed, that the preſent conjuncture was by no means fit for a meaſure, whoſe operations muſt give ſo general and ſo violent a ſhock to the nation. They obſerved, that the people, labour⯑ed under the calamity and expence of a burdenſome and doubtful war. That the nation as yet unſettled in their opinions with regard to the preſent eſtabliſhment, might be provoked by this new grievance to unhinge the government. That though things might be ma⯑naged and accommodated at home, it would be diffi⯑cult, if not impoſſible, to maintain either commerce or war abroad. That a preſent re-coinage would moſt certainly ſuſpend all the operations of trade, for the want of mutual payments; and they concluded with affirming, that the people, in their deſpair, might be hurried into the moſt dreadful extremities.

on the coin-act. The neceſſity of a ſpeedy remedy was argued by the other ſide. They obſerved, that the bad ſtate of the coin, had turned the exchange of all Europe, in an alarming degree, againſt the nation. That, there⯑fore, the ſupplies voted for the ſupport of the army [95] abroad, would never anſwer their end. That gui⯑neas, by this growing evil, were already advanced to thirty ſhillings; and foreign gold in the ſame extrava⯑gant proportion. That all Europe ſent their gold, as the moſt valuable of all commodities, into our market. That gold, at laſt, would remain the ſole currency for trade in the kingdom. But that it could not be ex⯑pected, that other nations would receive that commo⯑dity at the value which it bore in this kingdom. They concluded with affirming, that the evil would gather additional ſtrength every day. That the contagion had already ſpread through every vein of commerce; and that unleſs a ſpeedy and powerful remedy ſhould be applied, the certain diſſolution of the ſtate advanced with haſty ſtrides.

A bill paſſed. The queſtion whether the ſtandard of the ſeveral denominations of the new money ſhould continue the ſame, produced many and vehement debates. Some affirmed, that as the price of ſilver was raiſed^T, the ſtandard ſhould be proportionably increaſed. They argued, that the meaſure would prevent the exporta⯑tion of the coin, and the melting of it down, as had been practiſed for ſeveral years. They urged, at the ſame time, that people would be induced to bring their plate and bullion to the mint, from views of ad⯑vantage. The majority, with more reaſon, aſſerted, that it was impoſſible the price of ſilver could either riſe or fall in reſpect of itſelf. That the alteration in the price of bullion, was merely relative to the dimi⯑niſhed money; and they affirmed, in ſupport of their poſition, that an ounce of bullion could be actually bought, at that very time, for five ſhillings and two pence of new-milled money. As to the exportation of the coin, they juſtly obſerved, that nothing could ef⯑fectually prevent that evil, but a ſuperiority in trade over other nations. The arguments for a new coin⯑age, on the old ſtandard, at length prevailed. The preſent inconvenience was deemed leſs dangerous, than the future evils which were juſtly to be apprehended. The commons reſolved to put a ſtop to the currency, and to proceed to a new coinage with the utmoſt at⯑tention [96] and diſpatch^S. A bill was accordingly brought in, for that purpoſe^T; and twelve hundred thouſand pounds were voted, for ſupplying the difici⯑ency of clipped money. This ſum was ordered to be raiſed by a duty, for ſeven years, on houſes and win⯑dow-lights^U.

Addreſs againſt the Scotiſh Eaſt-India company. Theſe meaſures, though ſpirited, appeared, from the event, to be too precipitate. A proclamation for ſtopping the currency of the gold coin, was iſſued, before the mint had provided any quantity of new money for the purpoſes of trade. This evil was, in ſome meaſure, remedied by an act formed, upon ſub⯑ſequent reſolutions, in parliament. But the wiſdom of that aſſembly could not prevent a general loſs of cre⯑dit, which ſhook the government, while it diſtreſſed the nation. Another affair of importance employed a part of the attention of both houſes, during the de⯑bates, on the coin. On the fourteenth of Decem⯑ber^V, the lords ſent down to the commons an ad⯑dreſs to the King, againſt an act paſſed in the Scotiſh parliament, for erecting a company trading to Africa and the Eaſt-Indies. The commons concurred with the peers. The two houſes attended the King with their addreſs. His anſwer was, that he had been ill-ſerved in Scotland. But that he hoped ſome remedy might be found to the evil of which they complained. This indefinite reply was not ſufficient to ſatisfy the commons. 1696 They reſolved, that the directors of the Scotiſh company ſhould be impeached of high crimes and miſdemeanors. That a council of trade ſhould be eſtabliſhed, by act of parliament, for the preſervation of the commerce of England. That the commiſſio⯑ners ſhould be nominated by parliament. But that none of them ſhould be members of the houſe^W.

A bill for a new council of trade. An attempt to eſtabliſh a new board, by act of parliament, was conſidered, by the adherents of the court, as a high encroachment on the rights of the crown. William himſelf was as fond of the preroga⯑tives as any of his predeceſſors in the throne. He [97] year 1696 conſidered the preſent meaſure as a precedent for fu⯑ture invaſions on the executive power of the King. He ordered his ſervants to oppoſe the bill, with all the influence of office. But the current of public opinion was turned toward new regulations, for the protection and encouragement of commerce. The waſte occa⯑ſioned by the war, the loſs by captures at ſea, and the late diſaſters on that element, had raiſed general com⯑plaints and produced many petitions. The enemies of William took advantage of the vehemence of the peo⯑ple. Even ſome of his ſuppoſed friends and actual favourites promoted a meaſure, which he avowedly diſapproved. The Earl of Sunderland, with all his adherents, declared for the bill. The King aſcribed the conduct of this nobleman to his fears from the po⯑pular party. But he was in a ſecret correſpondence with James; and he had promiſed to oppoſe the meaſures of William in parliament^X.

The com⯑mons ad⯑dreſs againſt the Earl of Portland. While the commons ſeemed, thus, to encroach on the power of the crown, they puſhed an inquiry, which affected the perſon of the King. Bentinck, whom William had created Earl of Portland, retained in England that aſcendency in the favour of his maſ⯑ter, which he had acquired in Holland. He had ob⯑tained, from the King, a grant of the lordſhips of Denbigh, Bromfield, and Yale, in the county of Denbigh, and a part of the ancient demeſnes of the Prince of Wales. The gentleman of the county had oppoſed the warrant for the grant, in the treaſury. They followed it, with their oppoſition, to the office of the Earl of Pembroke, who was then lord-privy-ſeal. This nobleman was, at the time, in correſpon⯑dence with the late King. He heard the petitioners with a ſeeming candour which bordered on favour. The affair was permitted to lie dormant. But the warrant was not re-called. The gentlemen of Den⯑bigh carried their complaints before parliament. Mr. Price, afterwards a baron of the exchequer, intro⯑duced the petition with a ſpirited, but vehement and bitter ſpeech. The houſe, warmed to a degree of [98] fury, voted unanimouſly an addreſs againſt the grant. The King promiſed to recall the warrant. But he aſſured the commons, that he would find ſome other way of ſhewing his favour to the Earl of Portland^Y. He performed his promiſe in the moſt ample manner, in the ſucceeding May.

An incident favourable to William. In the midſt of circumſtances ſo mortifying to Wil⯑liam, a favourable event changed the whole face of his affairs. The reputation which he had acquired in Flanders, his weight and conſequence abroad, and his own perſevering policy at home, were not ſufficient to ſupply the loſs of influence which he ſuſtained in the death of Mary. The nation, diſtreſſed by an adulterated and diminiſhed currency, offended at the captures made upon their commerce at ſea, and op⯑preſſed with the enormous expence of the war by land, placed all their misfortunes to the account of the King's predilection for other intereſts than thoſe of England. His manner was better calculated to in⯑flame than to allay the ferment which prevailed in the minds of his ſubjects. His enemies took every advan⯑tage of the ſtate of the public opinion. They in⯑creaſed the diſcontents of the people in general; and they found means to improve the ſame bad humour in the new parliament.

Preparati⯑ons of James, for an invaſion. The malcontents had foreſeen, in the preceding ſummer, the height to which the bad humour of the people was likely to riſe. They urged the late King, as has been already related, to undertake an invaſion. They promiſed inſurrections in England, whenever he ſhould appear on the coaſt. When the new parlia⯑ment diſcovered ſymptoms of refractorineſs to the meaſures of William, the adherents of James redou⯑bled their inſtances for an invaſion, early in the ſpring. They aſſured that Prince, that to land in England wa [...] to regain, without conteſt, his crown. That cou [...] he once come to London, or even to ſome conſidera⯑ble town, without any force, the greateſt part of th [...] nation would riſe in arms, and reſore him to th [...] throne. Lewis the Fourteenth, flattered with the [...] accounts, agreed to furniſh an army and every thi [...] [99] neceſſary for a deſcent. He, however, inſiſted, that the Jacobites ſhould riſe in arms, before the French troops ſhould embark; and the Duke of Berwick was diſpatched, by his father, to England, to take the in⯑ſurgents under his command^Z. The preparations of France were carried forward with expedition and zeal. The troops, intended for the invaſion, began to draw near to Calais and Dunkirk. Four hundred ſail of great and ſmall veſſels were aſſembled, from different ports. James himſelf, urged by Lewis the Fourteenth, took poſt on the ſeventeenth of Februa⯑ry; and he arrived, on the twentieth, at Calais. The Dutch became alarmed, for their own country. But an unaccountable ſecurity prevailed in Britain^A.

A conſpira⯑cy againſt the King's life. During theſe preparations for an invaſion from France, a conſpiracy for aſſaſſinating William was framed in England, by ſome zealous adherents of the late King. This ſcheme had been forming long. One Croſby had been ſent to the court of St. Germains to demand a commiſſion from James, for perpetrating the crime. But that Prince ſuſpected, from his ear⯑neſtneſs, that Croſby was employed by William him⯑ſelf, to perſuade him to conſent to a meaſure, which muſt for ever put an end to his hopes^B. The zea⯑lous conſpirators had long endeavoured, but in vain, to argue James into an expreſs approbation of the at⯑tempt upon the perſon of the King. They, however, obtained at length a commiſſion, for a general inſur⯑rection^C, againſt William and all his adherents. This commiſſion was placed^D in the hands of Sir George Barclay, a native of Scotland, a man of cou⯑rage and an experienced ſoldier. Barclay arrived in London, in the month of January. He joined him⯑ſelf, in that city, to one Harriſon, a prieſt, to Char⯑nock, who, from being a fellow of Magdalen college at Oxford, had become a Roman catholic, and a captain, to one Captain Porter, and to Sir William Perkins.

[100] The plot diſcovered. Theſe inconſiderate and daring men, under the pre⯑tence of a commiſſion from James, gained over ſome deſperate Jacobites to aid them, in their projected ſcheme. They firſt propoſed to ſurpriſe, ſeize, and carry William to France^E. But this was deemed impracticable, ſhould they ſcruple to take his life^F They reſolved, therefore, to attack him, with an arm⯑ed party conſiſting of forty men, in the midſt of his guards. The ſcene of the intended aſſault was the lane between Brentford and Turnham-Green, through which William uſually paſſed, upon his return from Richmond. The fifteenth of February was the day appointed for the execution of their purpoſe. But an unexpected diſcovery baffled, at once, their views. A Captain Fiſher, whom the chief conſpirators had re⯑ſolved to employ in the attack, communicated the whole to the Earl of Portland, on the thirteenth of February. The ſame evening, Pendergraſs, an Iriſh⯑man, and one of the forty, confirmed the information of Fiſher. They were both examined by the King in perſon. He encouraged them to mix again with their friends. He kept at home on the fifteenth of February. The conſpirators fixed upon the twenty-ſecond of the month, to execute their ſcheme. The King again remained at home. A panic ſeized the whole party. Some fled. But others were ſeized, the next night^G, in their beds.

The King's ſpeech to the parlia⯑ment. The day after the ſeizure of ſome of the conſpira⯑tors, the King informed his parliament of the danger which had threatened his life. He acquainted the two houſes, that preparations were made in France, for invading the kingdom. He aſſured himſelf, he ſaid, that nothing ſhould be omitted, on their part, that might be deemed proper for the preſent ſafety or the future ſecurity of his people. He told them, that he had not been wanting, in giving the neceſſary orders to the fleet. That he had commanded a con⯑ſiderable body of troops to be brought home. That ſome of the conſpirators againſt his perſon were al⯑ready ſeized. That care was taken to apprehend the [101] reſt; and that, upon the whole, all ſuch other orders were given, as the public ſafety, in the preſent con⯑juncture, ſeemed to require. The two houſes loſt, at once, their bad humour, in the danger to which the life of the King had been expoſed. They ſent a joint addreſs to the throne, full of expreſſions of the moſt unlimited zeal and loyalty. They declared to all the world, that ſhould his Majeſty come to any violent death, they would revenge the ſame on all his enemies and their adherents. As an inſtance of their affection to William, they promiſed to give all poſſible diſpatch to the public buſineſs; and they made it their deſire to the King to ſeize, upon the preſent occaſion, all ſuch perſons as he ſhould think fit to apprehend^H.

Zeal of the two houſes. The commons followed their warm addreſs with various reſolutions of the ſame kind. They ordered in a bill to enable his Majeſty to ſeize all ſuſpected per⯑ſons. They prepared an addreſs, for commanding, by proclamation, all papiſts to retire from the cities of London and Weſtminſter. They drew up the form of an aſſociation, for the defence of the King's perſon. They acknowledged him the rightful and lawful So⯑vereign of England. They engaged themſelves to ſupport and defend the ſucceſſion of the crown, ac⯑cording to the act of ſettlement, paſſed in the firſt year of the preſent reign. Four hundred members placed their names to the aſſociation, in one day. Such as withdrew from the houſe or were abſent with leave, were ordered to ſign that paper or ſignify their refuſal, before the ſixteenth of March^I. The ſame warmth of affection and even vehemence of zeal ex⯑tended themſelves to the Lords. The peers adopted, with little alteration, the aſſociation ſigned by the commons. The whole nation partook of the flame, which the diſcovery of the plot had kindled in the two houſes of parliament. Their objections to William were obliterated, at once, by their abhorrence of the conſpiracy againſt his life; and thus the imprudence of his enemies confirmed him in a throne, on which he tottered before.

[102] Projects of the late King brok⯑en. This unſucceſsful under-plot of a few zealots was ſufficient to ruin all the preſent projects of the late King. But the ſeeds of diſappointment were already ſown in France itſelf. A Mr. Powel had been ſent to St. Germains, from the Jacobites in England, to lay before James the ſtate of the deſigns in his favour in that kingdom. Powel ſpoke with ſuch vehemence, confidence, and zeal, that the late King ſuppoſed, that his party were reſolved to take arms, when they ſhould receive certain intelligence of his own prepara⯑tions for an invaſion from France. He deſired Powel to put the whole in writing. But, before his com⯑mands were executed, James happened to meet and converſe with the moſt Chriſtian King. He told that Prince, that his friends in England were ready, upon the firſt notice, to take arms. He perceived his miſtake, when he read Mr. Powel's written account. But he was afraid of alarming the French miniſters, who were never his friends, by undeceiving the King. The preparations, for the expedition, proceeded upon this miſtake. The adherents of James had declared it im⯑poſſible for them to riſe, till he himſelf ſhould land. Lewis gave poſitive orders, that not a ſingle veſſel ſhould ſail, till certain intelligence of an inſurrection ſhould arrive from England. The late King was per⯑plexed beyond meaſure by this inſurmountable difficul⯑ty. He derived his whole hopes from fortune; and as uſual, he was deceived^K.

The invaſi⯑on laid aſide. The diſcovery of the plot in England, broke, in an inſtant, the whole ſcheme. The kingdom was in a ferment. The French court, who had not hitherto been undeceived, loſt all hopes of an inſurrection, an [...] fell into their uſual languor. A ſtorm, which ſhatter⯑ed the tranſports as they came round from Havre, an [...] an uninterrupted courſe of contrary winds, were adde [...] to the other misfortunes of the late King. He, however [...] remained on the coaſt of France. The tranſports lay i [...] the port of Calais. Eighteen men of war, intended fo [...] their convoy, had anchored, for their own protectio [...] [103] againſt the enemy, among the ſands of Dunkirk. The appearance of the Engliſh fleet put an end to a deſign, which ſeemed to be already broken. Admiral Ruſſel, upon the firſt certain intelligence of the invaſion, was ordered to repair to the Downs. Having hoiſted his flag, on board the Victory, and collected, with incre⯑dible diligence and expedition, a powerful fleet, he ſtood over to Graveline, and ſtretched along the coaſt to Calais. Calais was again bombarded, with little effect. To deſtroy the French men of war was found impracticable. But the enemy, inſtead of preparing for a deſcent on England, became anxious for their own coaſt. James, in a diſconſolate ſtate of mind, re⯑turned, at length, to St. Germains. He ſaw his pro⯑ject broken, his hopes blaſted, his friends ruined, by their purſuing meaſures contrary to his judgment and without his conſent^L.

Conſpirators puniſhed. The courts of juſtice were, in the mean time, em⯑ployed in the trial of ſuch of the conſpirators as had fallen into the hands of government. Charnock, King, and Keys, were the firſt tried; and, upon poſitive evidence, condemned and executed. They declared, with one conſent, in papers delivered to the ſheriffs, that James was not only not privy to the deſign, againſt the perſon of William, but that he always rejected ſuch propoſals when offered. Sir John Friend, a wealthy citizen, and Sir William Perkins were, ſoon after, tried and condemned. The firſt for abetting the intended invaſion. The latter for concurring in the plot againſt the life of the King. Several other per⯑ſons of leſs conſequence and rank inferior, ſuffered death, for the ſame crimes. The evidence againſt the moſt of the priſoners was full and deciſive. The no⯑toriety of the conſpiracy proved more fatal to a few, than the facts advanced by the witneſſes. The con⯑ſpiracy againſt the King was confounded, on the pre⯑ſent occaſion, with the intended invaſion from France. The whole ſeemed to have been the exact counter⯑part of the conſpiracy in the year 1683; when the people, in their horror of the Rye-houſe-plot, tranſ⯑ferred [104] the guilt of aſſaſſins to men who meditated only an inſurrection. The criminals, on the preſent occa⯑ſion, died enthuſiaſts to their political principles. They confirmed their own minds in an opinion, which they endeavoured in vain to inculcate on James, that any attack, on an enemy, was a ſpecies of war^M.

Proceedings of parlia⯑ment. During theſe tranſactions, the parliament proceeded in the ſame ſtrain of complaiſance to the crown, which the attempt on the life of the King had raiſed. Sup⯑plies were granted not only with liberality, but even without reſerve. Clauſes of loan were inſerted, in almoſt every money-bill. An act was paſſed, im⯑powering the King to apprehend and detain ſuch per⯑ſons, as he might ſuſpect of conſpiring againſt his per⯑ſon and government. The commons, in a body, pre⯑ſented the aſſociation, at the foot of the throne, on the third of April. The lords, ſoon after, followed the example laid by the lower houſe. A bank for the purpoſe of raiſing money for the uſe of the govern⯑ment, was eſtabliſhed by act of parliament. This new inſtitution obtained the name of the national land⯑bank, from its ſecurity lying on land. The meaſure was unadviſed, and proved miſchievous to public cre⯑dit. Notwithſtanding the complaiſance of the two houſes, the King exerted his prerogative, in a man⯑ner that gave ſome offerce to the commons. He re⯑fuſed his aſſent to a bill for regulating elections of members to ſerve in parliament. The projectors of the bill made a motion, that thoſe, who had adviſed his Majeſty to put a negative on the bill, were enemies to the King and kingdom. But the current of the times ran, with violence, in favour of government; and the motion was rejected, by a great majority^N. The buſineſs of the crown being brought to a conclu⯑ſion, on the twenty-ſeventh of April, the King put a happy end to a ſeſſion, which promiſed at the beginning, but little complaiſance to his views.

CHAP. III.

year 1696 Exhauſted ſtate of France. THE glory aſſumed by France, for having ſuſ⯑tained herſelf ſo long againſt the reſt of Europe in confederacy, was more than balanced by her do⯑meſtic diſtreſs. Her great exertions had impoveriſhed her ſubjects, by enormous taxes and impoſts. An ear⯑neſt deſire for peace prevailed throughout the kingdom. Paſt diſappointments, and the fear of future misfor⯑tunes, had abated the ambition of the King. He had loſt his beſt generals in the courſe of the war; and a great part of the reputation of his arms, in the pre⯑ceding campaign. A deficiency in reſources deprived him of every hope of making any ſucceſsful efforts in the preſent year. He had even ſome reaſon to fear, he could not retain what he had already gained; and [106] that, inſtead of puſhing the enemy in their territories, he would find it difficult to defend his own.

Her in⯑trigues, France, however, endeavoured to ſupply with ad⯑dreſs what ſhe wanted in point of power. To provide againſt the misfortunes dreaded from the continuance of a burdenſome war, Lewis extended, with ſucceſs, his intrigues to the different courts of Europe. It Turkey, he induced Muſtapha the ſecond to fruſtrate all the attempts made by the maritime powers to facili⯑tate a peace. He ſecured his influence in Poland, by a penſion to the Queen. He gained the confidence of the courts of Italy, by profeſſing a concern for the re⯑poſe and proſperity of a country haraſſed by the exacti⯑ons of the allied powers. He diſconcerted the mea⯑ſures of the Germanic body, by fomenting the feuds, and ſupporting the pretenſions of the various princes He placed ſpies, and eſtabliſhed penſioners in Spain. He gained the good offices of the King of Sweden, by flattering his pride; and, in Holland, he renewed his ancient correſpondence with the heads of the Repub⯑lican party.

and deſire of peace. In the midſt of meaſures for ſupporting the war with vigour, the French King thought ſeriouſly of means to obtain peace. He endeavoured, in the preceding year, through the channel of Denmark and Sweden to negociate a treaty for the re-eſtabliſhment of the tranquillity of Europe. He had, in ſome meaſure agreed to a preliminary of the Imperial court, that the affair of England ſhould be ſettled to the ſatisfaction of the Prince of Orange. He even aſcribed the con⯑tinuance of the war, to William's hopes of regaining in one campaign, the laurels which he had loſt in the war. During the winter, the court of France conti⯑nued to make advances toward a peace. To facilitat [...] a treaty, they propoſed to the States of Holland, that [...] in caſe the affair of England was not ſettled to the ſa⯑tisfaction of the Prince of Orange, the whole negoci⯑ation ſhould be void. They agreed to admit the trea⯑ties of Weſtphalia and Nimeguen as the baſis of th [...] expected peace. But theſe advances, on the ſide o [...] France, were not anſwered with equal warmth by th [...] allied powers. In proportion to the eagerneſs of Lew [...] [107] for peace, they roſe in their demands; and thus, throughout the ſummer, the whole affair remained in ſuſpence.

An inactive campaign in Flanders. William, having left London on the ſecond of May, arrived at the Hague on the ſeventh of that month. But he joined not his troops till the ſixth of June. The French had taken the field, with two armies. One, under Mareſchal de Villeroi, was poſted be⯑tween Mechlen and Deynſe. The Mareſchal de Boufflers commanded another, between Flerus and Sombref. The King oppoſed, in perſon, the enemy at Mariekirke, with one army. The Elector of Ba⯑varia aſſembled another in the neighbourhood of Lou⯑vain. The whole ſummer either paſſed in inaction, or was waſted in motions, which neither promiſed nor produced any important event. Though no congreſs was opened, the expectations of peace ſuſpended the operations of war. The allies were in no condition to puſh, with vigour, the advantages which they had ob⯑tained in the preceding campaign; and France, in her preſent condition, conſidered her being able to protect her conqueſts, an advantage equal to the glory of a victory.

Operations on the ſide of Spain. To avail himſelf of the weakneſs of Spain, the French King bent his principal efforts towards that ſide. A diſpute with the Court of Madrid, on ac⯑count of a Jew, who had ſerved him in quality of an agent, had contributed to induce William to withdraw all the naval force of the Engliſh from the Mediterra⯑nean. But the French, having ordered the ſquadron at Toulon to fail into the ocean, were incapable of inſulting the coaſt of Spain, though expoſed. They, however, puſhed with ſome vigour their operations by land. The Duke de Vendôme, who commanded in Catalonia, was ordered to take the field. He paſſed the Ter, on the the thirtieth of May. He attacked the Prince of Heſſe Darmſtadt, on the banks of that river, and forced him to retire with loſs under the cannon of Oſtalric. An inactive campaign ſucceeded this undeciſive engagement. The hopes of an imme⯑diate peace, and the proſpect of future advantages, roſe to France on the ſide of Spain. The Queen-mother, [108] who, as a daughter of Auſtria, had carried the ammoſities of her family againſt France, into the councils of Charles the ſecond, was lately dead. Lewis the Fourteenth had his agents at Madrid; and he, even then, entertained hopes of practiſing to ad⯑vantage on the weakneſs of that Prince^A.

Naval tranſ⯑actions. Nothing of any moment happened on the ſide of Germany. The French and Imperialiſts alternately paſſed and repaſſed, to little purpoſe, the Rhine. The efforts of the maritime powers at ſea, were as languid and undeciſive as their operations by land. Sir George Rooke, upon his return from Cadiz, where he had wintered with his ſquadron, was appointed commander in chief of the combined fleet. Having, in vain, endeavoured to intercept the French fleet, upon its way from Toulon to Breſt, he returned to Torbay, on the twenty-third of May, and he was re-called by the lords of the regency from his command. The lord Berkley, who ſucceeded Rooke, performed nothing of any importance. The moſt remarkable tranſaction of this ſummer at ſea, was performed by Du Bart; who had ſailed with a French ſquadron from Dunkirk, in the end of May. He fell in, on the eighth of June, with a fleet of Dutch merchant⯑men, from the Baltic, under the convoy of five men of war. The latter he took, after an obſtinate reſiſt⯑ance. Thirty of the former fell alſo into his hands. Having performed this important ſervice, he eſcaped the vigilance of an Engliſh ſquadron, and returned with his booty to France^B.

Military affairs. Deſertion of the Duke of Savoy.. On the ſide of Hungary, an undeciſive battle be⯑tween the Ottomans and the Imperialiſts, near Te⯑meſwaer, comprehended the whole operations of the campaign. The Poles were, as uſual, inactive. But the death of the King, John Sobieſki, converted their country into a ſcene of intrigue for the ſucceſſion to the crown^C. The Czar of Muſcovy, by the tak⯑ing of Aſoph, on the Tanais, rendered himſelf, for the firſt time, an object of attention to the courts of [109] Europe. A peace, between the French and the Duke of Savoy, changed the whole face of affairs in Italy. This pacification, which greatly diſconcerted the allies, had been long negociated by the Count de Teſsè, as intermediate agent between the Duke and the Mare⯑ſchal de Catinat, who commanded the French troops on the ſide of Savoy. De Catinat made the firſt offer of peace, on the ſixth of June. The Duke, willing to ſecure the ſupplies of the year from England and Holland, concealed, for ſome time, the treaty, after it was actually ſigned^D. When he profeſſed to avow the conditions, they only ſeemed to comprehend the neutrality of Italy. He ſuppreſſed the terms, which concerned his own intereſt. But to convince the confederates of his determination to adhere to his agreement with France, he laid ſiege, on the thir⯑teenth of September, to Valentia, in conjunction with the Mareſchal de Catinat^E.

Advances toward a peace. The defection of the Duke of Savoy, while it much offended all the confederates, rendered the maritime powers, in particular, very deſirous of peace. William had various reaſons to wiſh for an immediate pacification with France. The failure of the land⯑bank, on which he had ſo much credit, the conſequent difficulty of preſent remittances, the uncertainty of future ſupplies, the example of Savoy, for further deſertions from the common cauſe, the diſpoſition of the States againſt the continuance of a burdenſome war, the clamours of the Engliſh, under their heavy taxes, all combined to make the re-eſtabliſhment of the tranquility of Europe an object of importance to the King. He, therefore, proſecuted with ſincerity every meaſure to accompliſh his views. He concurred with the States, in appointing Dykveldt to confer with Callieres, who had, for ſome time, carried on in Holland ſecret negociations leading to a peace. On the twenty-fourth of Auguſt, Dykveldt communicated the whole proceedings to the deputies of the States for foreign affairs. The deputies made their report, on the third of September, to the States-General; who [110] came to a reſolution, that the conceſſions of France to the demands of the Emperor, were ſufficient grounds for accepting the mediation of Sweden in concluding a general treaty of peace. The houſe of Auſtria, in neither of its branches, ſeemed willing to cloſe with the propoſal of the maritime powers. The court of Spain was offended with William. The Emperor had an intereſt in continuing the war^A.

Engliſh, Scotiſh, and Iriſh affairs. In England, nothing of importance happened dur⯑ing the ſummer. The lords of the regency applied their chief attention to the re-coinage of the ſilver money; and to the operations of the fleet at ſea. In Scotland, a ſeſſion of parliament was held, on the eighth of September. The Lord Murray, eldeſt ſon of the Marquis of Athol, being created Earl of Tul⯑libardin, was appointed commiſſioner. The Earl of Arran, and other malcontents, took the oaths, for the firſt time, and their ſeats in the houſe. A ſupply was voted, for one year's ſervice, to maintain the ſtand⯑ing forces: a meaſure calculated to induce the govern⯑ment to hold an annual ſeſſion for its own ſupport. An ill-humour had crept into parliament. The people were diſtreſſed with a general ſcarcity, which render⯑ed them clamorous and diſcontented. The commiſſi⯑oner, therefore, thought proper to put an end to the ſeſſion, on the ninth of October. The Lord Capel dying in Ireland, the government of that kingdom de⯑volved, by the choice of the council, on the chancel⯑lor, Sir Charles Porter; in terms of an old act of par⯑liament^B. Nothing material happened, in a par⯑liament which met, by adjournment, ſoon after his elevation to that dignity^C. In the end of July, the Earls of Montrath and Drogheda were aſſociated with Porter in the government of the kingdom.

Parliament meets. On the ſeventh of October, the King arrived from Holland, at Kenſington. On the twentieth of the ſame month, the parliament met at Weſtminſter. William, in his ſpeech from the throne, expreſſed his ſatisfaction, that no diſorder had happened at home, [111] and no diſadvantage abroad, in the courſe of the pre⯑ſent year. He aſcribed this happineſs to the good diſ⯑poſition of his army and the ſteady affection of his people for his perſon. He recommended unanimity, on account of the magnitude and importance of the buſineſs which they had to tranſact: the ſupplying of former deficiencies, the providing for the ſervice of the enſuing year. He informed them of overtures made for a general peace. But that the only means to re-eſtabliſh the public tranquillity, was to ſhow themſelves prepared for a vigorous and effectual war. He earneſtly deſired the commons to raiſe ſpeedily the neceſſary ſupplies, which ought not to be leſs than the ſum intended for the preceding year. He recom⯑mended the civil liſt to their ſupport, the French Pro⯑teſtants to their commiſeration. He deſired them to conſider, whether ſome inconvenience did not ſtill remain with regard to the coin. He requeſted them to find the beſt expedient for the re-eſtabliſhment of credit: a circumſtance as neceſſary for trade as for the ſupport of the war^D.

Diligence of the com⯑mons. The commons, with perfect unanimity, agreed im⯑mediately to reſolutions which anſwered the chief de⯑mands of the King's ſpeech. In a ſpirited addreſs, they promiſed, in the name of the people of England, to ſupport his Majeſty, in obtaining, by war, a ſafe and honourable peace^E. They pledged the faith of the houſe, that a ſupply ſhould be granted for carry⯑ing on with vigour the war; and that the deficiencies of the parliamentary funds ſhould be made good^F. They applied themſelves with the utmoſt diligence to this neceſſary buſineſs. The ſums to be raiſed were immenſe. The deficiency of former funds amounted to more than ſix millions. Two millions and a half were found neceſſary for the navy; and a ſtill greater ſum for the ſervice by land. Public credit had, in the mean time, ſunk ſo low, that bank-notes were at twenty per cent. diſcount, and exchequer tallies at ſixty per cent. The commons turned their imme⯑diate [112] attention to the ſilver coin. They reſolved, that the hammered money ſhould be received only by weight. That an allowance of four pence an ounce ſhould be made on all loans and plate brought to the mint, before the firſt of January^G. To anſwer the moſt preſſing demands on government, they re⯑ſolved to transfer to the next aids, any loans, not ex⯑ceeding ſix hundred thouſand pounds, that ſhould be advanced on the credit of the exchequer^H.

Public cre⯑dit reſtored. To reſtore the credit of the bank, which had, from various cauſes, fallen ſo low, the commons reſolved to extend the time of its continuance, and to aug⯑ment the capital^I. The new ſubſcriptions were wiſely ordered to be made, in the tallies, upon parlia⯑mentary funds, and in bank-notes. The firſt, in the proportion of four-fifths of the payments. The lat⯑ter, as having been ſubject to the leaſt diſcount, in that of one-fifth. Men of money, for the benefit of acquiring, at a low price, a capital in the bank, pur⯑chaſed, with ſuch eagerneſs, the tallies and notes, that their price aroſe. The latter ſoon became equal to money. The diſcounts on the former fell rapidly, as a fund for the payment was fixed. To ſupply the ſcarcity of money, was as neceſſary for the purpoſes of commerce and government, as the recovery of the credit of the bank notes and tallies. Bills were order⯑ed to be iſſued from the exchequer, to the amount of two millions, bearing intereſt at more than ſeven per cent. Theſe were received in the exchequer, with a ſmall diſcount, in the payments made of the reve⯑nue. This meaſure raiſed, at length, exchequer bills to an equality with money, and ſupplied, at preſent, the want of coin. Mountague, who was then chan⯑cellor of the exchequer, had the chief merit, in mea⯑ſures, which, for the time, relieved the nation from imminent diſtreſs.

Sir John Fenwick's caſe. The extraordinary caſe of Sir John Fenwick inter⯑rupted, in ſome degree, the deliberations of the com⯑mons, on the ſubject of public credit. Fenwick had been accuſed of being concerned in a plot againſt the [113] King. He was taken, at New Romney, in the pre⯑ceding June, in endeavouring to make his eſcape to France. He was committed to Newgate, and a bill found againſt him by the grand jury^K. To pre⯑ſerve, or, at leaſt, to prolong his life, he fell upon the expedient of obtaining a pardon, as a price of diſ⯑coveries to the King. Through the means of the Duke of Devonſhire, he conveyed a paper to William, when he was in Flanders, containing an account of correſpondences and intrigues, carried on with the court of St. Germains, by the Duke of Shrewſbury, the Earls of Bath and Marlborough, the Lord Godol⯑phin, and Admiral Ruſſel. Though this account is known, now, to be true, in every particular, it nei⯑ther gained William's favour nor ſerved the deſign of Fenwick. The perſons accuſed were too powerful to be puniſhed. Beſides, Fenwick had refuſed to be an evidence; and had he done otherwiſe, the proofs, which he could produce, were not ſufficient in law. His trial, however, was delayed, by various means, till the King's arrival in England. His friends in the mean time, removed one of the two witneſſes, on whoſe oaths the bill had been found; and, according to the ſtatutes of treaſon, a ſingle witneſs was not ſuf⯑ficient to condemn.

He is at⯑tained and executed. William is ſaid to have entertained a perſonal enmi⯑mity^L againſt Fenwick, for ſome expreſſions, re⯑flecting on his conduct, when he ſerved in the army in Holland. This diſpoſition, in the King's mind, com⯑bined with the reſentment of the accuſed perſons, con⯑tributed to puniſh, in a very irregular manner, that unfortunate man. Admiral Ruſſel, by the expreſs permiſſion of William, was the firſt, who laid before the commons the information of Fenwick, which re⯑flected on himſelf and ſeveral other perſons of high rank. The priſoner was brought to the bar of the houſe, and required to confeſs all he knew^M. He declined to obey, without aſſurances of pardon were firſt given. Upon a vote paſſed, on his own paper, a [114] bill of attainder was introduced againſt Fenwick^N [...] He was heard, by his council But the weight o [...] the crown and the intereſt of his enemies prevailed [...] The bill paſſed the commons, after violent debate [...] ^O; and, though much oppoſed in the upper-houſe [...] it received the ſanction of the lords^P, and the aſ⯑ſent of the King. On the twenty-eighth of January [...] he was beheaded, on Tower-hill. His behaviour, a [...] his death was more ſpirited, than his conduct in priſon [...] The precedent eſtabliſhed, in his caſe, was juſtly deemed dangerous; as nothing could be leſs excuſed [...] than the employing of the whole force of the legiſla⯑ture to take away the life of a man, whom the law [...] of treaſon could not condemn. The death of Fen⯑wick was not of ſuch conſequence to the public quie [...] as to juſtify this violent exertion of the ultimate pow⯑er, repoſed in the ſtate^Q.

Obſequiouſ⯑neſs of par⯑liament. An uninterrupted complaiſance to the crown conti⯑nued throughout the ſeſſion. The commons provided [...] with chearfulneſs, for the ſervice of the year. The [...] made good eight hundred and forty thouſand pounds [...] which the funds, for the laſt, had fallen ſhort^R [...] Upon a meſſage from the King, they granted a ſuppl [...] of more than five hundred thouſand pounds, for th [...] ſupport of the civil liſt. They, as the laſt gift of th [...] ſeſſion, made proviſion for the payment of the deb [...] for the tranſports employed in the reduction of Ire⯑land. The liberality of the commons raiſed, in ſom [...] degree, the reſentment of the people. They we [...] openly traduced as corrupt, by individuals. The [...] were frequently beſieged, in their houſes, by mob [...] The public buſineſs being finiſhed, on the ſixteen [...] of April, the King put an end to the ſeſſion, with [...] ſpeech from the throne. He thanked the commo [...] for their large ſupplies. He informed both houſe [...] that he found it neceſſary to go for ſome time abroa [...] But that he would take care to leave the adminiſtr [...] ⯑tion [115] of government in the hands of perſons upon whom he could depend^S.

Sunderland in office. An event, which happened three days after the ri⯑ſing of parliament, rendered remarkable the paragraph with which his Majeſty cloſed his ſpeech. To the aſtoniſhment of the nation, he raiſed the Earl of Sun⯑derland to the office of lord-chamberlain, in the room of the Earl of Dorſet; who had ſuffered himſelf to be bought out of his place, with the public money. That this lord uniformly betrayed the late King to the views of the preſent, when Prince of Orange, is now known, and was, even then, ſuſpected, by the intel⯑ligent. There ſeemed, therefore, to have been a degree of imprudence, in the appointment, though the place, which he held before in William's favour, entitled him to a part of the management of public affairs. On the twenty-ſecond of April, the earl was ſworn a privy-councillor, and, as ſuch, took his place at the board. He was comprehended in the com⯑miſſion of lords-juſtices; and, though at the time in correſpondence with James^T, was one of thoſe perſons, on whom, William ſaid to his parliament, he could thoroughly depend.

Congreſs at Riſwick. On the twenty-fourth of April, the King left Ken⯑ſington, and arrived, on the twenty-ſeventh, at the Hague. The advances made toward a peace, in the end of the preceding ſummer, were improved in the winter. William had named, in the month of De⯑cember, three plenipotentiaries to negociate a treaty. The French King had appointed two perſons, in the like capacity, to be joined to Calliers, who had long carried on a negociation at the Hague. The Em⯑peror and the court of Spain threw various objections in the way. But theſe being, at length, over-ruled, by the reſt of the allies, a congreſs was agreed to be opened, under the mediation of Charles the Eleventh, King of Sweden. That Prince dying, in the mean time, the office of mediator was transferred to his ſon. The ambaſſadors of the belligerent powers met, [116] on the ninth of May, at a houſe belonging to the King of England, in the neighbourhood of Riſwick, a village ſituated between Delft and the Hague.

The peace oppoſed by the Empe⯑ror and Spain. France and the maritime powers ſeemed to find little difficulty, in defining their reſpective claims. Eng⯑land and Holland had ſcarce any farther concern in the treaty, than to ſettle a barrier in Flanders, and to procure an ample acknowledgment of William's right to the throne. Calliers, then ſole plenipotentiary for Lewis the Fourteenth in Holland, had conſented, as early as the tenth of February, to preliminaries, which declared, that Straſbourg ſhould be reſtored to the Emperor, Mons, Charleroi, Dinant, and the whole duchy of Luxembourg, together with the con⯑queſts in Catalonia to the Spaniards, the duchy of Lorrain to its native Prince; and that the title of William ſhould be acknowledged, without any man⯑ner of difficulty, reſtriction, condition or reſerve. But that the claims of other Princes ſhould be left to be ſettled, by the treaty for a general peace, to be negociated under the mediation of the King of Swe⯑den. The houſe of Auſtria, however, in neither of its branches, ſeemed willing to put an immediate end to the war. Though Spain was deſtitute of troops, of ſhips, of money, and of councils. Though the grandees, at variance among themſelves, poſſeſſed [...] credit at court nor authority among the peopl [...] Though the monarchy tottered through all its exte [...] ſive dominions, the influence of a haughty and imp [...] ⯑rious woman, who hated every body and was herſe [...] deteſted by all, ſwayed the timid mind of Charles t [...] Second, to liſten to the court of Vienna, and to co [...] ⯑tinue a war which he abhorred.

The cauſe of their ob⯑ſtinacy. The cauſe of this obſtinacy, on the part of the E [...] ⯑peror Leopold, requires to be explained. Charl [...] the Second, the laſt male of that branch of the ho [...] of Auſtria, which had ſat, for near two centuries, [...] the throne of Spain, was a prince, weak in body; [...] feeble in mind; ſubject to melancholy, and a ſlave [...] paſſion [...] a ſtranger to buſineſs, timid by conſtituti [...] as well as through ignorance. His mother, who w [...] ſiſter to the Emperor, had endeavoured to protract [...] [117] year 1697 own authority, as regent, by keeping him longer a child in his underſtanding, than he was in his years. Don John of Auſtria, though he ſtript her of her power, followed her ſyſtem. The miniſters, who ſucceeded Don John, purſued the ſame principle. They kept their ſovereign a kind of priſoner, in his own palace; and governed, in his name, a kingdom long exhauſted by a ſucceſſion of wretched councils. The treaty of Nimeguen having eſtabliſhed a good underſtanding between the courts of Madrid and Ver⯑ſailles, the King married Maria-Louiſa, daughter of the Duke of Orleans. This princeſs, unambitious of governing a weak huſband, left him, at firſt, in the hands of his miniſters; and her interference, at length, in favour of France, proved fatal to herſelf. In the beginning of the year 1689, England and Holland, in alliance with the Emperor, reſolved to draw Spain in⯑to the war againſt Lewis the Fourteenth. The Queen died ſuddenly. Mansfeldt, the Imperial ambaſſador, and the Count of Oropeza, were at no pains to con⯑ceal, that they had removed, by a wicked piece of policy, a perſon, who was likely to obſtruct their views^U.

Intrigues for the Spaniſh ſuc⯑ceſſion. A daughter of the Duke of Neubourg ſucceeded the unfortunate Queen, in the bed of Charles the Second. Being ſiſter to the Empreſs, ſhe was firmly attached to the allies, and ſhe governed Spain. She entered into the views of Leopold, for preſerving the ſucceſſion of the crown in his own family, in excluſion of the fe⯑male line. Her object was to induce her huſband to ſend for her nephew, the arch-duke, to Madrid, to be educated, as the ſole heir of Spain. The King, for ſome time, reſiſted her importunities. But, in the year 1696, he yielded to his own fears. Alarmed at the progreſs of the French, in the heart of his king⯑dom, he promiſed to invite the arch-duke to Spain, upon condition that the Emperor ſhould ſend twelve thouſand of his troops to oppoſe the enemy in Catalo⯑nia. The ſlow councils of the court of Vienna ob⯑ſtructed this deſign, till mutual advances, toward a [118] peace, were made, by France and the maritime pow⯑ers. The Emperor, therefore, endeavoured, when too late, to protract the war, as favourable to his own views on the Spaniſh ſucceſſion^W

Operations in Flanders and Catalo⯑nia. While the Emperor and his influence, by means of the Queen, over the councils of Spain, obſtructed the treaty, with new demands, Lewis the Fourteenth de⯑clared his reſolution to adhere to the articles of the pre⯑liminaries. His miniſters ſignified in form, that the treaties of Weſtphalia and Nimeguen muſt be the baſis of the future peace. That it remained with the allies to agree to terms or to proſecute the war. This de⯑claration at the congreſs was ſtrengthened by operati⯑ons in the field. The Mareſchal de Catinat inveſted and took Aeſh. William was either indifferent, as to the fate of the place, or unprepared to raiſe the ſiege. He joined the army, in perſon, on the twenty-fourth of May. The Mareſchals de Villeroi and Boufflers were poſted too advantageouſly to be attacked. He, however, diſappointed the deſigns of the French upon Bruſſels and the fortreſs of Trois Trous. But the chief efforts of Lewis were made on the ſide of Spain, to extricate, by diſaſters, the timid mind of Charles the Second from the intrigues of the Emperor. The Duke de Vendôme laid ſiege to Barcelona, by land [...] The Count d'Eſtrées blocked up the place by ſea [...] The count de Velaſco, dividing the force, with which he propoſed to raiſe the ſiege, was ſurpriſed, in both his camps, and put to flight. The city capitulated, on the laſt day of July; and that conqueſt determined the Emperor and Spain to liſten to the propoſals of a gene⯑ral peace^X.

Crown of Poland of⯑fered to James. The ſucceſs of the arms of France was balanced, by the defeat of her negociations in Poland. The deat [...] of King John Sobieſki, on the eighth of June, in th [...] preceding year, had opened a ſcene of intrigue for th [...] crown of that kingdom. The predilection of th [...] Queen, for her younger ſon, Alexander, in oppoſi⯑tion to James, the elder, divided the friends of the la [...] [119] King, and ruined the influence of his family. Many of the Poles had turned their eyes to another quarter. The Abbé de Polignac, ambaſſador of France in Po⯑land, wrote to his maſter, that thoughts were enter⯑tained of the late King of England, in the new electi⯑on, for filling the throne; and that he had been al⯑ready named by ſome of the diets. Lewis was eager to ſeize an opportunity of ridding himſelf, with honour, of a Prince, whoſe pretenſions he could no longer ſup⯑port. He ſent de Pomponne to St. Germains. The friends of James were ſanguine for the project. But he rejected it himſelf. He told de Pomponne, ‘"that he would ever retain a grateful remembrance of his friends in Poland. That, however, he would not ac⯑cept of the crown, had it actually been offered; much leſs would he endeavour to obtain by ſolicitation any throne, that was not his due. That his acceptance of any other ſcepter would amount to an abdication in⯑deed of that which he deemed his right. That, there⯑fore, he was reſolved to remain, in his preſent for⯑lorn condition, poſſeſſing leſs hopes than ever of be⯑ing reſtored, than to do the leaſt act to prejudice his family^Y."’

Conferred on the Elec⯑tor of Sax⯑ony. The ſelf-denial of James induced Lewis to turn his eyes to the Prince of Conti, as a fit candidate for the Poliſh throne. The character of that Prince, and above all, the bribes and promiſes diſtributed by the Abbé de Polignac, ſeemed to have conciliated the ſuf⯑frages of the whole nation. But in the midſt of theſe flattering hopes, a new and powerful candidate appear⯑ed. The Elector of Saxony, ſupporting himſelf with an armed force, advanced to the frontiers of the king⯑dom and demanded the crown. He had removed all objections to his religion, by previouſly abjuring the Lutheran ſaith. He added the force of bribery, to leſs powerful claims. On the night before the election, a very large ſum was diſtributed in the camp, to for⯑tify his party. But the majority ſtill adhered to the French. The Prince of Conti was declared duly [...]lected, by the primate. On the other hand, the [120] biſhop of Cujavia alſo nominated Frederick Auguſtus, Elector of Saxony, King of Poland and Great Duke of Lithuania. The reſult of the whole was, that the Elector promoted his own intereſt, to ſuch advantage, that the Prince of Conti, on his arrival in the road of Dantzic, on the fifteenth of September, found that he came too late to ſupport his pretenſions to the crown^Z.

The mari⯑time pow⯑ers and France re⯑ſolve on a peace. Though the ſucceſs of the Elector of Saxony, in Poland, flattered the pride of the Emperor, it contri⯑buted little to his deſigns of obſtructing the negocia⯑tions at Riſwick. The maritime powers were now abſolutely under the direction of the King of England, who had all along been the life and ſoul of the confe⯑deracy; and he had ſcarce any thing, except her ac⯑knowledgement of his own right to the throne, to ſet⯑tle with France. Lewis the Fourteenth had long de⯑termined to prefer the benefits of a neceſſary peace to his engagements to the late King. That unfortu⯑nate Prince had laid aſide all expectations from the aid of France, ever ſince his diſappointment in the projected invaſion of the preceding year. He flat⯑tered himſelf, in his loſt condition, with other hopes He was aſſured, from England, that William was in a declining ſtate of health. That he was dropſical in his habit of body; and that his diſſolution ſeemed t [...] advance with haſty ſtrides. James had formed a new ſcheme, upon the event of his nephew's death. H [...] reſolved to return to England, though three men ſhoul [...] not follow him; and to throw himſelf on the goo [...] nature of the Engliſh nation^A. ‘"It could not en⯑ter into his mind,"’ he ſaid, ‘"that the people of Eng⯑land would treat him with indignities;"’ and he knew that the majority were determined to preſerve all th [...] juſt prerogatives of the crown^B.

Secret views of the late King. The hopes derived by James from the death [...] William, were daſhed, from a quarter, where [...] check to his views was then feared. The Princeſs [...] Denmark had, for ſix years, maintained a fair corre [...] ⯑pondence with her father, full of aſſurances of du [...] [121] and expreſſions of repentance. The bad health of the King had awakened her ambition, with the proſpect of the crown. She wrote to her father upon this ſubject. She deſired to know his pleaſure, whether he would permit her to aſcend the throne, according to the act of ſettlement, ſhould the Prince of Orange, ſo ſhe called King William, happen to die. She ac⯑companied this requeſt, with expreſſions of duty and a ſeeming readineſs to make reſtitution, when oppor⯑tunity ſhould ſerve. She inſinuated, that ſhould he refuſe to accede to this expedient, conſidering the pre⯑ſent diſpoſition of the kingdom, he would remove himſelf further from the hopes of of recovering his throne. The ſcepter, ſhe ſaid, would fall into worſe hands, out of which it would not be ſo eaſily reco⯑vered. The reaſoning of the Princeſs was too refined, for the temper of her father. He told his friends, that though he could ſuffer injuſtice, he could never be perſuaded to give it countenance. He knew, he ſaid, that of all reſtitutions, none is harder to make than that of a crown. He however, excuſed him⯑ſelf to his daughter; and his declared adherence to the reſolution of placing himſelf in the hands of his for⯑mer ſubjects, put an end to the propoſal^C.

He is a⯑larmed at the con⯑greſs. The late King was no ſtranger to the endeavours of France to put an end to the war. But he could never believe^D, he ſaid, that Lewis would wholly neglect his intereſt, in the terms of the peace. In the courſe of the preceding campaign, he was, for the firſt time, alarmed. He preſſed, in perſon, the French King, on the ſubject. His adherents argued the matter with the miniſtry, in vain^E. In the preceding December, he ſent an agent to the court of Vienna. The Emperor was deaf to his intreaties^F. He diſregarded, at once, his misfortunes and his claims upon himſelf, as a Catholic Prince, on the ſcore of religion. Notwithſtanding this repulſe from Leopold, he reſted ſome faint hopes on the generoſity of Lewis the Fourteenth. But when the two French plenipo⯑tentiaries, [122] de Harlay and de Creci, departed from Paris, in March, to join Callieres at Delft, he gave all his hopes away^G. The event, however, may ſerve to ſhew, that Lewis deſerved to be more truſt⯑ed; and that he yielded to neceſſity only, when he ſeemed to the world to neglect the intereſt of the ab⯑dicated King.

William haſtens the peace. Though the views of the Emperor were diſappoint⯑ed, by the apparent reſolution of the maritime pow⯑ers, to reſtore the public tranquility, his miniſters, at the congreſs, diſcovered no inclination to bring the conferences to a ſpeedy iſſue. It was reſerved for William, who had been the ſoul of the war, to con⯑clude, with a deciſive ſtroke, the peace. The two armies, after the ſurrender of Aeth, lay oppoſed to one another in the neighbourhood of Bruſſels. The allies, under the King, were encamped at Cockle⯑berg. The Mareſchals de Villeroi, de Catinat, and de Boufflers, commanded the French army at Pe⯑pinge. The Earl of Portland, on the part of the King of England, and de Boufflers, in the name of Lewis, met between the armies and held a conference, in the open field, on the tenth of July. They met again, on the fifteenth and twentieth of the ſame month, in the ſame manner. But, on the twenty-ſixth of July and the ſecond of Auguſt, they retired to a houſe in the ſuburbs of Hall; and reduced to writing the terms to which they had agreed in the field^H.

Agrees that the Prince of Wales ſhould ſuc⯑ceed him in the throne. The world have hitherto been no leſs ignorant of the object of theſe interviews, than Europe was then aſtoniſhed, at ſuch an uncommon mode of negociation. As William truſted not his three plenipotentiaries at the Hague, with his agreement with France, man⯑kind juſtly concluded, that a ſecret of the laſt im⯑portance had been for ſome time depending between the two kings. Time has, at length, unraveled the myſtery. Lewis, unwilling to deſert James, propoſed that the Prince of Wales ſhould ſucceed to the crown [123] of England, after the death of William. The King, with little heſitation, agreed to this requeſt. He e⯑ven ſolemnly engaged, to procure the repeal of the act of ſettlement; and to declare, by another, the Prince of Wales his ſucceſſor in the throne^I. This great preliminary being ſettled, other matters of leſs importance followed of courſe. The fifty thouſand pounds a year, ſettled as a jointure upon King James's Queen, was agreed to be paid; though the money was afterwards retained upon various pretences. On the third of Auguſt, the King left the army and retired to Dieren. He ſent from thence the Earl of Portland, to acquaint the miniſters aſſembled at the congreſs, that he had ſettled his own affairs, and thoſe of his kingdoms, with France; and that he earneſtly preſſed the allies, and particularly the Emperor, to haſten the concluſion of the great work of peace.

Reflections on that tranſaction. Thoſe who aſcribe all the actions of William to public ſpirit, will find ſome difficulty in reconciling this tranſaction to their elevated opinion of his cha⯑racter. In one conceſſion to France, he yielded all his profeſſions to England; and, by an act of indiſcre⯑tion, or through indifference, deſerted the principles to which he owed the throne. The deliverance of the nation was not, however, the ſole object of this Prince. Like other men, he was ſubject to human paſſions; and, like them, when he could gratify him⯑ſelf, he ſerved the world. Various motives ſeem to have concurred, to induce him to adopt a meaſure, unaccountable on other grounds. The projected peace was to ſecure the crown in his poſſeſſion for his life. He had no children, and but few relations; and thoſe he never loved. The ſucceſſors provided by the act of ſettlement, he either deſpiſed or abhorred; and he ſeems hitherto not to have extended his views beyond the limits of that act. Though James had diſpleaſed the nation, he had not injured William. The ſon had offended neither. He might excite com⯑paſſion, but he could be no object of averſion. The ſuppoſed ſpuriouſneſs of his birth, had been only held [124] forth to amuſe the vulgar; and even theſe would be convinced, by the public acknowledgment intended to be made by the very perſon whoſe intereſt was moſt concerned in the ſupport of that idle tale.

The propo⯑ſal rejected by James. But the ſame imprudence which loſt to the late King the crown, excluded, for ever, his poſterity from the throne. He told his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, who had made the firſt overture to him, on this important ſub⯑ject, that though he could ſuffer with patience the uſurpation of his nephew upon his right, he would ne⯑ver permit his own ſon to be guilty of the ſame injuſ⯑tice^K. He urged, that ſhould the ſon reign in his father's life-time, that circumſtance would amount to a formal renunciation. That the Prince of Wales, by ſucceeding to the Prince of Orange, would yield his ſole right, which was that of his father; and being obliged to the people for his elevation, the hands which had raiſed him, might, at any time, juſtly pull him down from his throne. That ſhould he himſelf be capable of conſenting to ſuch a diſgraceful propoſal, in favour of his ſon, he might be juſtly reproached with departing from his avowed principles, and with ruin⯑ing monarchy, by rendering elective an hereditary crown. Beſides, that though he ſhould conſent to ſa⯑crifice all that he reckoned dear, to a mortal enemy, the Prince of Orange could only promiſe a thing, which he was not, perhaps, able to perform. That the ſame parliament that had conferred the royal au⯑thority on himſelf, had ſettled the reverſion of the crown on the Princeſs of Denmark; and that, there⯑fore, by reverſing the act of ſettlement, he disjointed the whole chain which bound the people to his go⯑vernment. But that ſhould even the Prince of Orange induce the parliament of England to repeal the act of ſettlement, it would be always upon condition of hav⯑ing the Prince of Wales placed in their hands, without their being able to give any ſecurity either for his per⯑ſon or his conſcience^L.

[125] France more per⯑emptory in her de⯑mands. The laſt conſideration was not, perhaps, the leaſt motive of this deluded Prince, for rejecting the only certain proſpect that had ever offered itſelf for reſtoring his family to the throne. The French King, perceiv⯑ing his obſtinacy, urged not further a point, of which James himſelf could be the only judge. The latter endeavoured, in the mean time, to ſtop the progreſs of a treaty, with vain proteſts, and with unavailing memorials and remonſtrances to the confederate Princes. The demand of France, for the eventual ſucceſſion of the Prince of Wales, being removed, the re-eſtabliſhment of peace, between Lewis and William, became abſolutely certain. The firſt, therefore, be⯑came more peremptory in his negociations with the Empire and Spain, as the allies were already apparent⯑ly diſunited, he ordered his miniſters, at the congreſs, to deliver in the project of a general peace, upon the footing of the preliminaries^M. The project was accompanied with a declaration, limiting the time of its being accepted, to the laſt day in Auguſt. The houſe of Auſtria were as dilatory in their motions to⯑ward a peace, as they had been ſlow in proſecuting the war. They paid no regard to the limitations offer⯑ed by France, though they were in no condition for maintaining themſelves ſingly againſt her power. Spain had added to her misfortunes at home, a diſtaſter of an alarming king abroad. A French ſquadron, under De Pontis, had, with the aſſiſtance of the buccaniers, taken Carthagena in America, plundered the place of an immenſe treaſure, and having eſcaped the utmoſt efforts and vigilance of the Engliſh ſleet, arrived ſafe⯑ly at Breſt, on the nineteenth of Auguſt.

Treaty ſign⯑ed Sept. 10. This freſh misfortune ſucceeding the capture of Bar⯑celona, haſtened greatly the concluſion of the treaty, on the part of Spain. The Emperor, however, con⯑tinued obſtinate, and he was deſerted by the reſt of the allies. William having ſettled his own concerns with France, had left the army, on the third of Au⯑guſt, and retired to Dieren. He diſpatched from thence the Earl of Portland to the Hague. He ordered [124] [...] [125] [...] [126] him to acquaint the congreſs, that he had adjuſted matters in ſuch a manner with Lewis the Fourteenth that no delay, in the general peace, ſhould ariſe from his concerns. That, therefore, he earneſtly preſſed the allies, and particularly the Emperor, to contribute all that lay in their power toward concluding ſo great a work. This declaration of the King, was regarded as a command. The plenipotentiaries of the States ſigned the treaty, on the ninth of September, about mid-night. Their example was taken in an hour af⯑ter by the ambaſſador of Spain; and he was followed by the plenipotentiaries of England. The treaties of Munſter and Nimeguen ſerved as a baſis for that with Holland. The places taken in Catalonia, the duchy of Luxembourg, the county of Chinei, Charleroi, Mons, Aeth, Courtrai, and all places united to France by the chambers of Metz and Briſac, were reſtored to Spain. The King of England agreed to pay fifty thouſand pounds a year, by way of jointure, to King James's Queen; and Lewis the Fourteenth engaged not to diſturb William in the poſſeſſion of his king⯑doms^N.

Peace be⯑tween France and the Empe⯑ror, Oct. 20. Room was left for the Emperor to accede to the treaty; and an immediate armiſtice was procured France, having diſunited the allies, entertained no doubt of forcing the Emperor and Empire into a peace Leopold having complained of being a ſecond time de⯑ſerted by the Dutch, in a pacification with France thought proper, at length, to comply. On the twen⯑tieth of October, his ambaſſador ſigned alſo the trea⯑ty of Riſwick. The terms were regulated by thoſe of Weſtphalia and Nimeguen. Fribourg, Briſga [...] and Philipſbourg were reſtored to the Emperor. The duchies of Lorrain and Bar were, on conditions, ren⯑dered back to his nephew, the Duke of Lorrain^O [...] and thus a general tranquillity, though not deſtined to laſt long, was re-eſtabliſhed in the North and Weſt o [...] Europe. Objections have been made to the conduc [...] of the King of England, in ſigning a ſeparate peace [...] againſt both the letter and ſpirit of the grand alliance [...] [127] But the diſtreſſes which would have been brought up⯑on the kingdom through the continuance of a war, that ceaſed, with regard to England, to have any ob⯑ject, and the impotent obſtinacy of the Court of Vi⯑enna, ſufficiently juſtifies William, in forcing, in a manner, the Emperor to the acceptance of reaſonable terms.

The bloods battle of Zenta. The Emperor had ſcarce agreed to the treaty of Riſwick, when he received intelligence of the total defeat of the Turks at Zenta^P, a ſmall village on the weſtern bank of Theyſſe, in the kingdom of Hun⯑gary. The famous Prince Eugene of Savoy, had ſuc⯑ceeded the Elector of Saxony in the command of the army; and to his ſpirit and conduct was owing the compleat victory which the Imperialiſts had obtained. The ſlaughter, ratehr than the fight, laſted from ten in the morning, till late at night. The two preceding ages, though remarkable for battles, had not produced ſo bloody a combat. The Ottomans, broken by the enemy in front, were at the ſame time attacked in the rear. In leſs than an hour, reſiſtance was over, on the ſide of the Turks, but the reſt of the day was ſpent in butchery and blood. All endeavoured to gain the bridge, but it was rendered impaſſible, by the heaps of ſlain. To avoid the fury of the ſword, thouſands threw themſelves into the river and were drowned. Thirty thouſand were ſaid to lie dead on the field, before coming of night ſaved a few fugitives from death. The camp of the enemy, the magnificent pa⯑villion of the Sultan himſelf, the ſtores, the proviſions, the ammunition, all the cannon and baggage, fell into the hands of the Prince Eugene. The grand Vizier was killed, the ſeal of the empire taken; the Aga of the Janizaries, and twenty-ſeven Baſhaws were found among the ſlain. Never was victory more complete. But the advanced ſeaſon, and the want of reſources, in the court of Vienna, prevented it from having any immediate or ſtriking conſequences^Q.

King returns to England. Nov. On the thirteenth of November, the King embark⯑ed for England, under the convoy of a fquadron of [128] men of war; and on the fourteenth he arrived at Mar⯑gate. He entered London on the ſixteenth, amid the acclamations of the populace. Intemperance and rio [...] were mixed with ſolemn thankſgivings; and as every individual had ſuffered by the waſte of the war, the whole nation ſeemed ſincerely to rejoice at the return of peace. The parliament had been ſummoned by the lords of the regency, to meet on buſineſs, on the twenty-third of November. But that aſſembly wa [...] further prorogued to the third of December. An ob⯑ject of the utmoſt conſequence, and in the ſtate o [...] the times, of the greateſt difficulty, had been commu⯑nicated by the King to the miniſtry, before his return to England. He wiſhed to retain a great part of the ſtanding army in pay, after the re-eſtabliſhment o [...] peace. His ſervants felt the pulſe of the nation, by publications on that ſubject. But inſtead of perſuad⯑ing the people into the views of the Crown, they a⯑larmed their fears. The reſentment of mankind in general, was added to their aſtoniſhment. They ſaw [...] with a degree of indignation, that thoſe who had moſ [...] violently oppoſed a ſtanding force in former times, wer [...] the chief ſupporters of that unpopular meaſure in th [...] preſent reign.

A ſeſſion of Parliament. The ſeſſion at length was opened, on the third o [...] December, with a ſpeech from the throne. The Kin [...] informed his parliament, that the war, into which h [...] had entered by the advice of his people, was now ter⯑minated, in its object, an honourable peace. Tha [...] however, he was ſorry his ſubjects could not find a firſt that relief from the re-eſtabliſhment of the pub⯑lic tranquility, which either he could have wiſhed [...] they have expected. The funds, intended for th [...] preceding year, he told them, had failed. There wa [...] a debt, on account of the fleet, and on the part of th [...] army. The revenues of the crown, he ſaid, we [...] anticipated for the public uſe. He himſelf was who [...] ⯑ly deſtitute of means to ſupport the civil liſt. He to [...] them, that he truſted their providing for him durin [...] his life, in a manner ſuitable to his honour, and th [...] dignity of government. He informed them, that t [...] [129] increaſe of the navy, ſince his acceſſion to the crown, had proportionably augmented its charge. That the intereſt and reputation of England, rendered neceſſary a great force at ſea. The circumſtances of affairs a⯑broad, he ſaid, were ſuch, that he aſſured them, Eng⯑land could not be ſafe without a land force. He ex⯑preſſed his hopes, that they would not give an oppor⯑tunity to the enemies of the nation to effect, under the notion of a peace, what they could not accom⯑pliſh by a war. He therefore deſired the commons to conſider the matter, in ſuch a manner as to provide the neceſſary ſupplies.^R.

Views of parties. This ſpeech was conſtrued, by the different parties in parliament, as they themſelves were variouſly in⯑clined. The diſaffected deeming it haughty, and even inſolent, in its whole ſtrain. Some wiſhed to eaſe the ſubject, by reducing, to a low degree, the peace-eſta⯑bliſhment. Some, who loved their country, were a⯑fraid of a ſtanding army. The adherents of James, were reſolved to diſtreſs William on popular grounds. The few who harboured in ſecret republican opinions, oppoſed, from principle, a meaſure calculated to place an uncontroulable power in the hands of the King. The different views of all the parties centered in one point. They were ſupported by the people, in their oppoſition to the Crown. The nation was exhauſted with late taxes. They were alarmed at the continu⯑ [...]nce of preſent burdens, and terrified at future im⯑ [...]oſts. The kingdom had derived no advantage from [...]he peace, except the proſpect of eaſe from the diſ⯑ [...]ontinuance of the war; and the people, diſappoint⯑ [...]d in their reaſonable hopes, became diſcontented, [...]olent, and clamorous. A more ſteady, but a no [...]ſs determined conduct was obſerved by the commons. [...]hey addreſſed the King on his ſpeech, in terms full [...] reſpect, but with great reſerve^S. They aſſured [...] Majeſty, that as the houſe had effectually enabled [...] to cary on the war, they were ready to aſſiſt and [...]port him in the time of peace. On the ſeventh of [130] December, the addreſs was read, and ordered to be preſented by the whole houſe^T.

The army ordered to be diſband⯑ed. The firſt reſolutions of the commons bore the ap⯑pearance of moderation, though they promiſed not implicit compliance. On a diviſion of the houſe, the friends of the Court carried a vote of ſupply^U. Having inquired into the deficiencies of the aids of the preceding year, they reſolved, that a ſum, not ex⯑ceeding ſix hundred thouſand pounds, to be raiſed on the credit of the exchequer, ſhould be transferred to the ſupplies of the next ſeſſion of parliament. On the tenth of December, they received the King's anſwer to their addreſs. Though he perceived the deſign of the commons, he receded not from his own purpoſe. He told them, as they aſſiſted him beyond expreſſion in the war, he had no doubt of an equal zeal in the houſe to maintain the peace^W. This anſwer, ſig⯑nifying plainly the King's wiſhes to retain a conſidera⯑ble ſtanding force in his pay, haſtened the diſcuſſion of that important point. In a committee of the whole houſe, it was reſolved, without a diviſion, the next day^X, that all the land-forces raiſed ſince the twen⯑ty-ninth of September 1680, ſhould be paid and diſ⯑banded.

Arguments for the queſtion. The court-party urged various arguments for car⯑rying a point, in which the King had ſignified himſel [...] to be much concerned. They urged, that as France had not yet diſbanded any of her troops, it would be dangerous, as well as abſurd, to truſt to the faith of a treaty for the ſafety of the nation. They affirmed [...] that to truſt the navy with the protection of the king⯑dom, was to leave the fate of its independence [...] fortune. They averred, from the example of th [...] late revolution, that a wind might ariſe, which coul [...] carry an enemy out of their ports, and, at the ſa [...] time, confine the ſhips of England to their own ha [...] ⯑bours. They freely owned, that ſome dangers mig [...] ariſe to the liberties of the people from a ſtandi [...] army. But they denied it to be true, that pub [...] [131] freedom was always ruined by armies. They pro⯑duced Venice and the States of the United Provinces, as examples of this poſition; and they endeavoured to prove, that the liberties of France fell, through the dark policy of Lewis the Eleventh, and not by the means of a military force. They attempted to raiſe the fears of the people, by explaining the facility with which the late King might return. They repreſented the diſaffection of a part of the nation, as too ſtrong to be ſuppreſſed without the terrors of a ſtanding ar⯑my. They concluded with obſerving, that as the power of the purſe was in the hands of the nation, the Crown might, without danger, be truſted with any degree of the power of the ſword.

General ar⯑guments. On the other ſide, it was urged with vehemence, that an iſland like Britain had little to fear, from an enemy whoſe naval force was inferior to its own. They affirmed, that the fitting out of a fleet was a work of time. That the preparations of the kingdom might, in a great meaſure, keep pace with thoſe of the invaders. That the confederates would either call the attention of France to another quarter, or ſhe might be oppoſed with effect, on the coaſt of Eng⯑land, by troops called from Scotland and Ireland. They affirmed, that no wind could ariſe more fa⯑vourable to the French, in quitting their principal ports, than to the Engliſh in ſailing from their own. Beſides, that, merely for the bare poſſibility of ſuch a circumſtance, no Prince could be ſuppoſed to hazard a vaſt expence, upon one improbable contingency. That the examples of Venice, Holland, and France, were inapplicable to the preſent argument. That the two republics kept their ſtanding forces only in their conquered countries. That though Lewis the Eleventh invaded the liberties of his ſubjects, without public violence, a ſtanding army was ſoon found neceſſary to ſupport the uſurpations of the crown, on the natu⯑ral rights of the people. They urged, with great force of argument, that a militia was the moſt natural and leaſt dangerous protectors of the kingdom; as the gentry, freeholders, and traders of England, were more [132] concerned in the freedom and ſafety of their country, than ſoldiers, whoſe only motive to action was pay.

Particular reaſons againſt it. They deſcended from general to particular argu⯑ments. They averred, that the moſt likely way to reſtore the late King, was to ſupport a ſtanding force to defeat his deſigns. To prove this poſition, they af⯑firmed, that the affection of the people was the only rock on which the throne of the Prince could remain firm. That when it leans on a ſtanding force, it de⯑pends on the unſteady humours of the ſoldiery. Re⯑volution and change, they ſhewed, from the examples of former ages, had proceeded oftener from the caprice of an army, than from the violence and inconſtancy of the multitude. They alleged, that the fate of the kingdom would depend on the political principles, or the avarice of the chief officers. That one might be ſwayed by an affection for the late King, another gained with French money. They deſcended to all the inconveniencies, ariſing from ſtanding armies. They mentioned quarrels, aſſaſſinations, robberies, the diſhonouring of women, the inſolence to men, their injuſtice to mankind in general, the licence derived from the pride of their ſtation, their contempt for laws, by which they ceaſed to be confined. They, however, concluded, that it was, by no means, their deſign, to ruin, by the peace, thoſe who had deſerved ſo well of the nation, by their courage, fidelity, and conduct in the war. That their arguments were di⯑rected againſt the thing itſelf, and not againſt particu⯑lar men; and that, therefore, the officers ought to re⯑ceive, from the parliament, a recompence for the loſs of their commiſſions^Y.

The oppo⯑ſing mem⯑bers pre⯑vail. The adherents of the crown propagated rumours of danger, without doors, to ſtrengthen their arguments within. They affirmed, that the French ambaſſador was ſtopped. That the King of Spain was dead. That Europe was ready to plunge again into a war. They endeavoured to gain the intereſted with promiſ⯑es, to impreſs the minds of the feeble with fears. But theſe artifices produced no effect on the country party [...] Some of the latter, in the courſe of their arguments [...] [133] upbraided the King himſelf with a breach of faith to the nation. They obſerved, that, in his declaration when Prince of Orange, he promiſed, upon the ſettle⯑ment of the nation, to ſend back all his foreign forces. But that, inſtead of adhering to his ſolemn engage⯑ments, he ſtill retained a great number of aliens about his perſon. That of his countrymen, the Dutch, he had a troop of horſe, of two hundred and twenty men; and one regiment of body-guards of the ſame nation, conſiſting of four battalions, amounting to more than two thouſand ſix hundred ſoldiers. That he had alſo, in the ſame capacity, one regiment of Scots, conſiſting of one thouſand ſix hundred men; and that of French refugees, who depended on himſelf alone, he had two regiments of dragoons and three of foot, falling in all little ſhort of five thouſand men. The diſaffected exaggerated greatly the dangers to be apprehended from theſe troops. They compared them to the pre⯑torian bands, who executed the tyrannical decrees of the worſt Emperors of Rome; and even to the Turk⯑iſh Janizaries, who, by being cut off, in their infancy, from all connexions with the reſt of mankind, know no umpire but the ſword, and own no ties but an ab⯑ſolute ſubmiſſion to the will of the reigning Prince^Z.

The King diſguſted. The warmth expreſſed in theſe debates, excited diſguſt on both ſides. The King was highly diſpleaſ⯑ed, with the conduct of the commons. A majority of the commons were almoſt diſſatisfied with the choice they had made of a King. William was at no pains to conceal his ſentiments. He complained, that by reducting his army, the commons had render⯑ed him contemptible in the eyes of Europe. That he was doubtful, whether he could ſupport either his go⯑vernment at home or any of his alliances abroad, in his preſent deſpicable ſtate. That had he foreſeen ſuch returns for his ſervices, he would never have meddled with Engliſh affairs; and that he was weary of governing a nation, who, through their jealouſy of the crown, expoſed their ſovereign to contempt and themſelves to danger^A. But when the King vent⯑ed [134] his reſentment in complaints, his chief adviſer, the Earl of Sunderland, yielded to his own fears. He had ſupported, with all his eloquence, the arguments for a ſtanding army. He was deemed the author of the meaſure. He found that the Whigs and the To⯑ries were alike his enemies. That the firſt hated him for his meaſures in the reign of James. That the lat⯑ter abhorred him for his treachery to that Prince. He, therefore, reſolved to prevent the falling of the ſtorm, by reſigning the office of lord-chamberlain^B, and retiring into the country. The anxiety of Willi⯑am to keep Sunderland near his perſon^C, was con⯑ſtrued, by his enemies, into a kind of criminal grati⯑tude, for that lord's betraying the councils of his pre⯑deceſſor.

The large proviſion for the civil liſt. The reſolution, for reducing the army to ſeven thouſand men, being carried, the commons brought a bill^D into their houſe, for regulating the militia, and for rendering them ſerviceable to the nation. They voted, the next day^E, that ten thouſand men were neceſſary for a ſummer and winter guard at ſea. They reſolved, that a ſum, not exceeding ſeven hundred thouſand pounds, ſhould be granted to his Majeſty, for the ſupport of the civil liſt^F. They, at the ſame time, paſſed a bill, againſt correſponding with the late King and his adherents. They agreed to an act, for continuing the impriſonment of ſeveral perſons accuſed of being privy to the late conſpiracy againſt the life of the King. They voted three hundred and fifty thouſand pounds, for maintaining guards and garriſons, for the year 1698^G. They granted a ſupply not exceeding two millions ſeven hundred thouſand pounds, to anſwer and cancel all ex⯑chequer bills. To reconcile the army to the project⯑ed reduction, they ordered a gratuity to the common ſoldiers; and half-pay to ſuch officers as were natural-born ſubjects of England, till they ſhould be provided for in ſome other manner^H. They provided for [135] year 1698 the deficiencies of former funds^I. They reſolved to pay the ſums due for ſubſidies to the allies^K. They conſidered the ſtate of the national debts; and voted that all arrears ſhould be gradually paid.

obtained by an artifice of the King. The King is ſaid to have owed the large ſum, for the ſupport of the civil liſt, more to his own manage⯑ment, than to the generoſity of the commons. The leading members had deſigned to give only ſix hundred thouſand pounds for that purpoſe. But William told the adherents of the Princeſs of Denmark, that he in⯑tended to form a houſhold for her ſon, the Duke of Glouceſter; and that the eſtabliſhment would require fifty thouſand pounds^L. He inſinuated, at the ſame time, to ſuch members as ſtill retained ſome regard for the late King, that he had promiſed to pay to the exiled Queen her jointure, amounting to fifty thouſand pounds, in conſequence of an agreement with France at the treaty of Riſwick. This precaution facilitated the grant of an addition of one hundred thouſand pounds a year to the civil liſt. He, however, found means to retain, in his own hands, the money deſtined for the Queen. The Earl of Portland, being ſent ambaſſador to Paris, in the beginning of the year, in⯑ſiſted that, in the conferences between himſelf and the Mareſchal de Boufflers, the latter had promiſed ſecretly, that King James ſhould be removed from St. Germains. He averred, that this removal was the condition of the payment of the jointure. Bouf⯑flers denied the fact. But Lewis the Fourteenth was not in a diſpoſition to argue the matter with Willi⯑am^M. The King obſerved the ſame ſtrain of oeco⯑nomy with regard to the Duke of Glouceſter. An eſtabliſhment for that Prince was not made for ſome time after the proviſion for the civil liſt was granted; and, when his houſhold was, at length, formed, fif⯑teen thouſand pounds a year were only given^N.

An inquiry into grants and fraudu⯑lent indorſe⯑ments of exchequer bills. An attempt made^O by the oppoſition in the houſe of commons, to apply a part of the forfeited eſtates, to the uſe of the public, was diſappointed by [136] the art of the court party. The latter inſiſted on beginning with the grants of the two preceding reigns. The perſons affacted by the amendment oppoſed the motion. They joined their influence with thoſe who had received grants from the reigning Prince. Petiti⯑ons were preſented on every ſide. Difficulties were raiſed; and the whole matter was dropt, as the in⯑tereſts of all parties were concerned in defeating the meaſure. During this attempt, toward a kind of re⯑ſumption of grants, another enquiry of ſome import⯑ance employed a part of the attention of the com⯑mons. The exchequer bills, upon their being firſt iſſued, bore no intereſt. But on their being paid in upon any of the taxes, and iſſued a ſecond time, they were intitled to ſeven and a half per cent. intereſt. This circumſtance induced ſome of the King's officers, in the exchequer, cuſtoms, and exciſe, to place falſe endorſements on the bills, before they had been circu⯑lated at all. One Duncomb, who was receiver-gene⯑ral of the exciſe, had amaſſed a fortune, by this frau⯑dulent practice, ſufficient to protect himſelf and the partners of his guilt from juſtice. He was expelled the houſe^P. A bill fining him, in half his eſtate, valued at the enormous ſum of four hundred thouſand pounds, paſſed the commons. The lords were equal⯑ly divided. But the duke of Leeds, being in the chair of the committee, rejected the bill, by his caſt⯑ing voice. The wealth of Duncomb and the charac⯑ter of Leeds, gave riſe to reflections leſs improbable, than difficult to be aſcertained.

A new Eaſt-India company eſtabliſhed. Debates on the expediency of enlarging the ſtoc [...] of the Eaſt India company, employed the latter par [...] of this long ſeſſion of parliament. The company, by bribing the King and corrupting his ſervants, had ob⯑tained, in September 1694, a new charter, excluſiv [...] of the interlopers on their trade. Theſe interlopers [...] conſiſting of ſome capital merchants, had been, [...] ſeveral ſeſſions, ſupported, in their pretenſions, b [...] various votes of the commons. The old company [...] by the ſuggeſtion of ſome perſons in power, offere [...] ſeven hundred thouſand pounds, at four per cent. [...] [137] the ſervice of government, upon condition of having their own excluſive charter confirmed by an act of parliament. The other merchants, protected by Mountague, chancellor of the exchequer, propoſed to the houſe of commons, to advance two millions at eight per cent. in conſideration of an excluſive trade, to be veſted in the ſubſcribers. A bill was ordered to be brought in, upon this offer, for ſettling the com⯑merce to the Eaſt Indies. The old company petiti⯑oned, in vain, againſt the bill, in the lower houſe^Q. They followed it to no purpoſe to the lords. The royal aſſent was given, on the fifth of July; and ſuch was the eagerneſs of the nation to employ their mo⯑ney, in the ſtock of the new company, that the ſub⯑ſcription of two millions was filled in the ſpace of three days.

Parliament diſſolved. The two houſes having finiſhed the public buſineſs, were prorogued, on the fifth of July. Two days after, a proclamation was iſſued for diſolving the par⯑liament, in terms of the triennial act. The King's ſpeech was leſs ſuitable to his temper, than to ſound policy. He congratulated his parliament on the aſ⯑ſociation, on their remedying the corruption of the coin, on their reſtoring public credit. He thanked them for their ſupplies for the war, their proviſion for maintaining the peace, and ſatisfying, with the the leaſt burden poſſible to his people, the debt of the nation. He told the commons, that he deemed him⯑ſelf perſonally obliged to their houſe, for their regard to his honour in eſtabliſhing a permanent revenue for the civil liſt. He aſſured both houſes, that he valued nothing ſo much as the eſteem and love of his people; and that, as for their ſake, he had avoided no hazard in war, he ſhould make it his whole ſtudy and care to improve and continue the advantages and bleſſings of peace^R.

Embaſſy of Portland to France. Though William pretended to part, on the beſt terms, with his parliament, the rigid behaviour of the commons, with regard to the army, made a laſting impreſſion on his mind, and even affected his conduct. Deeming himſelf left at the mercy of his enemies, [138] by the reduction of his forces, he endeavoured to ſecure himſelf againſt France, by gaining her confi⯑dence, and flattering her favourite views. The Earl of Portland, who had declined in favour, though he ſtill retained the eſteem of the King, was ſent, with a ſplendid equipage, in the character of ambaſſador extraordinary to the court of Verſailles. He made his public entry into Paris, on the twenty-ſeventh of Fe⯑bruary, with a pomp more ſuitable to the vanity of Lewis, than the gravity of his own maſter. The court of France anſwered the advances made by the King of England, with equal ardour, from views of their own. The pretenſions of the houſe of Bourbon, on the ſucceſſion of the Spaniſh monarchy, had em⯑ployed the mind of the French King, ever ſince the ſigning of the treaty of Riſwick. The diſtreſſes brought upon his kingdom by his exertions, in the war, joined to a decline in his own ambition, rendered him extremely anxious, for the continuance of the peace; and he was willing to relinquiſh, in a great meaſure, the claims of his family, to obtain that de⯑ſirable end.

Intrigues for the Spaniſh ſuc⯑ceſſion. March. The relapſe of Charles the Second into one of thoſe fits of illneſs, which were ſo common to his feeble conſtitution, gave freſh ſpirit to the intrigues of the competitors, for his crown. The only pre⯑tenders to the ſucceſſion, prior to the treaty of Riſ⯑wick, were the Emperor and the Elector of Bavaria. The firſt, as the male repreſentative of the family of Auſtria. The latter, as the huſband of an Arch⯑ducheſs, the only ſurviving child of the Emperor, by the ſecond daughter of Philip the Fourth of Spain. The powers of Europe, from a jealouſy and fear of the houſe of Bourbon, had conteſted the right of the Dauphin of France, though the ſon of the eldeſt daughter Maria Thereſa. Philip himſelf, to her ex⯑cluſion, had declared the deſcendants of her younger ſiſter Margaret, born of a ſecond bed, the heirs of his crown. The ſon of the Elector of Bavaria, in default of male iſſue by Charles the Second, would [...] therefore, have poſſeſſed the whole ſucceſſion, i [...] either the teſtament of Philip the Fourth, or the re⯑nunciation [139] of his eldeſt daughter, at her marriage with the French King, had been deemed valid and deciſive^S.

Negociati⯑ons of France in Spain. The Elector of Bavaria, either diffident of his right or of his own power to ſupport his claims, had applied for the protection of Lewis the Fourteenth; and had deſired to know from that Prince, what part of the Spaniſh dominions he would chuſe to reſerve for him⯑ſelf. Lewis returned an evaſive anſwer; and in De⯑cember 1697, ſent the Marquis d'Harcourt, in the character of ambaſſador, to learn the ſtate of parties in Spain, to enquire into the views of the court, the diſpoſition of the grandees; and, above all, to diſcover and traverſe the ſecret meaſures of the Imperial miniſ⯑ters. Though he found that the party which favour⯑ed the lineal ſucceſſion, in the family of Bourbon, were the moſt numerous, they had the leaſt credit. The Queen and her creatures favoured the Emperor, and held the reins of government. When they de⯑ſpaired of the life of the King, they injured, with their eagerneſs, the cauſe which they wiſhed to pro⯑mote. The Prince of Heſſe Darmſtadt, who govern⯑ed in Catalonia, ſupplanted the Spaniſh officers with Germans; and took every meaſure that ſeemed cal⯑culated to ſecure that province, for the houſe of Auſtria, while he ultimately diſobliged the Spaniards, without accompliſhing his own views^T.

A treaty of partition propoſed to William. Such was the ſituation of affairs, ſoon after the ar⯑rival of the Earl of Portland, at the court of France. Lewis the Fourteenth, wiſhing to preſerve the peace, was ſtill inclined to a partition of the dominions of Spain. Finding it needleſs to treat with the Emperor, he diſcovered an inclination to enter into treaty with the King of England. But the unexpected demands of Portland obſtructed, for ſome time, the deſigns of Lewis. The Earl plainly told that Prince, that he did not expect to find King James at St. Germains. He complained of that circumſtance as a breach of a promiſe made by the Mareſchal de Boufflers, in their conſerences in Flanders. The Mareſchal denied the [140] whole affair. Portland continued obſtinate. But when William diſapproved of his conduct, he chang⯑ed his tone. He proteſted, that agreeable to the in⯑tentions of his maſter, he would be glad to eſtabliſh a good underſtanding, and even a perfect harmony, be⯑tween that Prince and the French King. The latter was encouraged, upon theſe aſſurances, to propoſe to William a partition of the Spaniſh monarchy, nearly on the ſame plan as that concluded with the Emperor Leopold, about thirty years before^U. Portland ſent a courier to England, with the propoſals of the court of France. William was guarded and undeci⯑ſive, in his anſwer. But his language diſcovered that he was far from being averſe from the meaſure^W

Negotiati⯑ons for that purpoſe in England. Lewis perceiving, that Portland was not ſufficient⯑ly inſtructed to conclude the treaty, on which he had fixed his mind, ſent the Comte de Tallard, with full powers, to England. That miniſter arrived in Lon⯑don, on the nineteenth of March. William diſap⯑proved of the mode of partition propoſed by France, But the defenceleſs ſtate, in which he had been leſt by his parliament, induced him to liſten to any terms, calculated to continue the repoſe of Europe. Beſides, his health was declining, and a feeble conſtitution had ſubjected him to a premature old age^X. He was become inactive in his perſon; and his ambition and love of glory had declined in proportion as his unfitneſs for the field aroſe. The negotiation begun in France, between Lewis and the Earl of Portland, was continu⯑ed in England, between William and Tallard. Port⯑land, in the mean time, was recalled; and ſucceeded in his embaſſy by his brother-in-law, the Earl of Jer⯑ſey. A friendly correſpondence ſubſiſted, between the two courts, during the ſummer. But though the negociation advanced, it was not deſtined to be con⯑cluded, till William, by the diſſolution of his parlia⯑ment, found leiſure to repair to Holland^Y.

[141] Earl of Marlbo⯑rough re⯑ſtored to office. At the ſettlement of the revenue for the civil liſt, the King had engaged to the adherents of the Princeſs of Denmark, to form an eſtabliſhment for her ſon, the Duke of Glouceſter, who was now arrived at an age to be placed in the hands of men. The Earl of Marlborough had retained his influence with the Prin⯑ceſs, during his diſgrace with the King; and William, who reſpected his parts, though he diſliked his princi⯑ples, made uſe of the preſent occaſion to recall him to his preſence. The Earl had leſſened his profeſſions to the late King, in proportion as the views of reſtora⯑tion, entertained by that unfortunate Prince, declined. He, therefore, was under no difficulty in accepting William's returning favour. He was appointed go⯑vernor of the Duke of Glouceſter, on the nineteenth of June: and on the ſixteenth of July, he was de⯑clared one of the lords-juſtices for the adminiſtration of government, during his Majeſty's intended abſence abroad^Z. The firſt officers of ſtate were named in the commiſſion. But the chief management of affairs reſted in the hands of the Lord Somers, then chancel⯑lor, admiral Ruſſel, who had been created Earl of Orford, and Mountague, a man of vivacity and ſcheming abilities, who had for ſome time ſerved with reputation as chancellor of the exchequer.

The King goes abroad William ſailed from Margate, on the twentieth of July; and on the twenty-ſecond he arrived at the Hague. His leaving the kingdom was conſtrued by his enemies into an unjuſt preference given to Hol⯑land, over a country which had raiſed him to a throne. The nation was uneaſy under an unuſual burden of public debt; and malcontents and deſigning men in⯑flamed the paſſions of the people, to forward their own views. The preſs teemed with bold publications. Complaints were mixed with the converſations of the idle, the diſcontented, and the ſpeculative. The tu⯑mult and noiſe of a general election, furniſhed an am⯑ple field for declaimers of every kind. The cor⯑ruptions which had crept into parliaments, were a great topic of diſquiſition. Complaints were made, [142] that one hundred and ſixteen members of the lower houſe were in office. That many more were devoted to the Crown, by means of ſecret penſions or expecta⯑tions of reward. To this circumſtance the generality of mankind aſcribed their misfortunes; and they laid to the charge of the King, an evil which ſprung from the weight thrown by the increaſe of the public re⯑venue in the ſcale of the crown^A.

Proceedings of On the day of the King's departure from London, the parliament of Scotland met at Edinburgh. The Earl of Marchmont, then lord chancellor of that king⯑dom, was nominated commiſſioner; and the ſeſſion was opened with reading the King's letter in the uſual form. His Majeſty thanked them for their chearful and in the war. He congratulated them upon the bleſſings to be expected from an honourable peace. He laid on the urgency of his preſent affairs, the blame of his not appearing in his kingdom of Scot⯑land in perſon: an excuſe uniformly made every ſeſ⯑ſion ſince he came to the throne. He informed them, that he judged it neceſſary for their preſervation, that the forces upon their preſent eſtabliſhment ſhould be continued. He recommended the raiſing ſupplies for making good the deficiencies in former grants, for paying the arrears of the army, and for repairing the forts. He concluded with aſſuring them of his care to maintain their laws, religion, and liberties; and of his royal favour and firm protection in all their con⯑cerns^B.

the parlia⯑ment of Scotland, Upon the report of the committee for the ſecurity of the kingdom, the parliament voted, that there was a neceſſity for continuing the preſent ſtanding force. Notwithſtanding this complaiſance to the views of the King, the Scotiſh nation in general entertained a well⯑founded reſentment againſt the Crown. Their com⯑mercial company was not only diſcouraged by the mi⯑niſtry, but even injuriouſly treated by William him⯑ſelf. He had made his court to the parliament of England, by diſavowing, in ſome meaſure, the acts of the parliament in Scotland. He had even carried [143] his oppoſition to the new commercial company, eſta⯑bliſhed by the Scots, beyond the limits of his own do⯑minions. In England, the two houſes of parliament had terrified the merchants from ſubſcribing to the funds formed by the Scotiſh company. The jealouſy of the Dutch prevented money from being found in their country. The King's reſident at Hamburgh ter⯑rified with menaces the merchants of that city, from performing their contract for furniſhing the deputies of the company with at leaſt two hundred thouſand pounds ſterling. Their remonſtrances to the King, though favourably anſwered, produced no beneficial effect. His reſidents abroad were not hindred from obſtructing the ſubſcriptions ſolicited by the company. They even diſowned the authority of the acts of par⯑liament, and the letters patent upon which the Scotiſh company was founded^B.

on the affair of Darien. Theſe diſappointments ariſing from acts which were deemed unjuſt, rouſed the reſentment of the nation to an uncommon degree. But the majority of their re⯑preſentatives were gained to the intereſt of the King, either by the poſſeſſion or expectation of the wretched pittance of offices in the gift of the Crown. The par⯑liament, it is true, addreſſed the King upon the ſub⯑ject; but in terms, that by ſoftening the complaint, ſeemed little calculated either to command or expect redreſs. The company were alſo induced, by the miniſtry, to tranſmit a ſoothing petition of their own to William. In oppoſition to the public memorials preſented againſt their deputies in Hamburgh, they requeſted an intimation to be made to the ſenate of that city, that they might enter into commerce with the Scotiſh company. Inſtead of demanding that aſ⯑ſiſtance from government, which had been ſolemnly promiſed by the King, they deſired, only, as a mark of the royal favour, the uſe of two of the ſmalleſt fri⯑gates that lay uſeleſs in the harbour of Burnt-iſland. Theſe unmanly repreſentations ſcarce deſerved any re⯑turn; and they received none that was favourable. [144] The parliament was, in the mean time, adjourned^C. They ſeemed only to have raiſed the preſent expecta⯑tions of their conſtituents, to aggravate their future diſappointments.

Affairs of Ireland. SIR Charles Porter, lord chancellor of Ireland, dy⯑ing at Dublin of an apoplexy, on the eighth of De⯑cember 1696, left the kingdom in a ſtate of tranquil⯑lity, under his two colleagues in the government, the Earls of Montrath and Drogheda. Iriſh affairs ex⯑hibited nothing remarkable in 1697; nor in the ſuc⯑ceeding year till the parliament met, in the end of September. The lords-juſtices, in their ſpeech to that aſſembly, recommended to their care the ſettle⯑ment of the linen manufacture, as more advantageous than the woollen; the latter being the ſtaple-trade of England. They told them, that the King, ſince the peace, had ſent into that kingdom a part of the forces who had ſerved abroad during all the war. That he had diſbanded the greateſt part of the forces who had ſerved in Ireland, with a reſolution, however, to continue their ſubſiſtence to the officers. They con⯑cluded with informing them, that the King expected to be enabled to ſupport the preſent eſtabliſhment; and that, for that purpoſe, an account of what the re⯑venue produced for one year, from Midſummer 1697, ſhould be laid before the houſe of commons^D.

Proceedings of parlia⯑ment. Ill-humours, which ſeemed to lurk in the lower houſe, were ſuppreſſed by a conſiderable majority in favour of the Crown. A ſupply was granted, for the ſupport of the eſtabliſhment^E. An attempt to ad⯑dreſs the King, to diſband the five regiments of French Proteſtants, then in Ireland, was over-ruled. A tax was voted, on old and new drapery, that ſhould be exported. An impoſt of thirty thouſand pounds was laid upon lands, in addition to ninety thouſand already impoſed. Notwithſtanding this liberality to the Crown, the lords-juſtices adjourned the two houſes, without the uſual ceremony of a ſpeech of thanks. An act was paſſed in this ſeſſion, for confirming the eſtates [145] and poſſeſſions held and enjoyed under the acts of ſet⯑tlement and explanation. A bill for the better ſecu⯑rity of his Majeſty's perſon and government was intro⯑duced; and after a debate rejected: and though the Crown had warmly recommended to the parliament, to encourage the linen, in preference to the woollen manufacture, as interfering with England, the com⯑mons annexed to their vote of ſupply a reſolution to regulate the woollen trade of Ireland^F.

William in Holland. During theſe tranſactions in Scotland and Ireland, the King was employed in Holland in conferences with the Comte de Tallard, on the ſubject of the par⯑tition treaty propoſed by the French King. William having in ſome meaſure, reſolved, before his depar⯑ture from England, to accede to the overtures made by France, communicated, in part, his deſign to the Lord Somers; the great ſeal of England being neceſ⯑ſary to render valid the treaty which he propoſed to conclude. No other perſon born in England ſeems to have been truſted with a tranſaction, whoſe efficacy depended upon its being kept a profound ſecret. On the ſixth of Auguſt, the King arrived at Loo. He was followed to that place by Tallard; and on the fifteenth of the month, the King wrote to the lord chancellor for full powers, under the great ſeal, with blanks for names, to treat with the French ambaſſa⯑dor. The deſire expreſſed by the King, when he wrote to Somers, to receive his advice on the ſubject of the negociation, ſeems to have been an unmeaning compliment; as the treaty itſelf was concluded^G four days after the letter was ſent from Loo. To preſs the neceſſity of the treaty, and to urge the chan⯑cellor to haſten the ſeal, the King aſſured him, that [...]ccording to all intelligence, the King of Spain could [...]ot outlive the month of October^H.

Firſt parti⯑tion treaty ſigned. Though the articles were ſettled on the nineteenth [...]f Auguſt, the treaty itſelf was not concluded in form, [...] the firſt of October. It was ſigned by the Comte [...]e Tallard, as ambaſſador of France to the King of [146] England; by De Briord, as in the ſame capacity t [...] the Republic of Holland, and by the miniſters o [...] William and thoſe of the States. Upon the eventua [...] demiſe of the King of Spain, his dominions were to b [...] partitioned to the competitors for his crown, in th [...] following manner. The Dauphin was to poſſeſs i [...] Italy the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, the ports o [...] the Tuſcan ſhore, and the Marquiſate of Final; o [...] the ſide of Spain, the province of Guipuſcoa, or, i [...] more preciſe terms, all the Spaniſh territories on th [...] French ſide of the Pyrenees, or the mountains of Na [...] ⯑varra, Alava, and Biſcay. Spain, the Indies, and th [...] ſovereignty of the Netherlands, were allotted for th [...] electoral Prince of Bavaria; and in caſe of his death [...] to his father the Elector, who had no pretenſion [...] whatſoever on the ſucceſſion of Spain. The dukedom of Milan formed the ſhare deſigned for the Arch-Duk [...] Charles, the Emperor's ſecond ſon^I.

Its effect on the Spaniſh court. The contracting powers mutually engaged to keep the treaty a profound ſecret, during the life of th [...] King of Spain. This condition, though neceſſary [...] was very difficult to be executed. The avowed de⯑ſign of the alliance, was the preſervation of the re⯑poſe of Europe. There was, therefore, a neceſſit [...] for the allies to ſatisfy the Emperor, at the ſame tim [...] that they limited his views. It was impoſſible to ren⯑der him well pleaſed with a treaty which deprive [...] him of the great object of his ambition. It was neceſ⯑ſary to terrify him into a compliance. William, from a perſuaſion of his own influence with Leopold, un⯑dertook to communicate the treaty to that Princ [...] and to gain, by prudential conſiderations, his conſen [...] But when theſe views were in agitation, intelligenc [...] of the treaty of partition was conveyed, by ſome mea [...] or other, from Holland to Madrid. The King [...] Spain, reſenting a diviſion made of his dominions [...] foreigners, called a council of his whole miniſtry. Th [...] reſult was a will, inſtituting the electoral Prince [...] Bavaria his univerſal heir, according to the teſtame [...] of Philip the Fourth, in favour of the deſcendants [...] [147] his ſecond daughter, in excluſion of the houſe of Bour⯑bon. The King himſelf unexpectedly recovered, in ſome degree, from his illneſs; and the hopes and fears of Europe were ſuſpended for the year.

A new par⯑liament. William having remained in Holland till the firſt of December, arrived, on the fourth of the month, at Kentington. The parliament had been frequently pro⯑rogued, to wait the King's return. The people be⯑came diſcontented at his long abſence, as he had not now the excuſe of buſineſs and war. The new par⯑liament met at Weſtminſter on the ſixth of Decem⯑ber^K. The commons choſe Sir Thomas Littleton for their ſpeaker. The King approved their choice, on the ninth of the month, and made a ſpeech from the throne. He doubted not, he ſaid, but they were met, with hearts fully diſpoſed to provide for the ſafety and to preſerve the honour and happineſs of the king⯑dom. Two things, he told them, ſeemed to demand their conſideration, to acquire that deſirable end: What ſtrength ought to be maintained at ſea? What force to be kept up by land? He obſerved, that the flouriſhing of trade, the ſupporting of credit, the quieting the minds of the people at home, and the weight and influence of England abroad, depended up⯑on the opinion the nation and foreigners ſhould form of the ſecurity of the kingdom. He recommended to the commons, to make ſome farther progreſs in diſ⯑charging the debts contracted in a long and expenſive war; and he concluded, with obſerving, that as the things he had mentioned were of common concern, he could not but hope for unanimity and diſpatch^L.

Reſentment againſt the King's ſpeech. William, however, was ſoon convinced, that his hopes of unanimity, in favour of his own views, were ill-founded. The bad grace, with which he had yield⯑ed to the reduction of the army, in the preceding year, his evaſive execution of the act paſſed for that purpoſe, his long abſence from the kingdom, without any important reaſon, a jealouſy ariſing to his people, from his apparent neglect of ſea affairs, which he owned he never underſtood^M, his known predilecti⯑on [148] for land forces, his freſh demand for an increaſe in their number, in England, the care he took to con⯑tinue the military eſtabliſhments in his other king⯑doms, were all calculated to raiſe the reſentment, and to awaken the fears of parliament. The commons, in particular, were ſo much incenſed at his ſpeech, that, contrary to the uſual cuſtom of their houſe, they voted no addreſs. Even the lords agreed not to their addreſs till the twenty-ſecond of December; and when pre⯑ſented^N, it was found to be conceived in very gene⯑ral and undeciſive terms. His own ſervants ſeemed to have deſerted William, upon the preſent occaſion. The current of the nation againſt a ſtanding army ran extremely high. The miniſtry, therefore, were un⯑willing to expoſe themſelves to the rage of the peo⯑ple, by gratifying the King.

The army reduced to ſeven thou⯑ſand men. When the affair of the army came under debate in the houſe of commons, the miniſtry produced no eſti⯑mates, and they made no propoſals. The whole bu⯑ſineſs devolved on the country-party. They propoſed ſeven thouſand men, as a ſufficient eſtabliſhment for guards and garriſons; and they carried their motion with little difficulty. On the ſeventeenth of Decem⯑ber, it was reſolved, that all the land forces in Eng⯑land, in Engliſh pay, and theſe natural-born ſubjects, ſhould be forthwith paid and diſbanded. That all the forces in Ireland, excepting twelve thouſand men, and theſe alſo natural-born ſubjects, maintained by that kingdom, ſhould be likewiſe diſbanded. A bill was immediately brought in upon this reſolution, and proſecuted with ardour. It was provided, by the firſ [...] enacting clauſe, that the army in England and Wale [...] ſhould be reduced, on or before the twenty-ſixth o [...] March then enſuing, except ſuch regiments, troops [...] and companies, not exceeding ſeven thouſand men [...] as, before the firſt day of the ſame month, ſhould b [...] particularly expreſſed, in a proclamation under th [...] great ſeal. The lords exhibited the ſame ſpirit an [...] zeal, with the commons. An oppoſition to the bi [...] was made by ſome of the adherents of the crown. B [...] [149] the attempt was ſo feeble and ill-ſupported, that it threw diſgrace on the cauſe that was meant to be ſerved^O.

William diſ⯑pleaſed, threatens to abandon the kingdom. The oppoſition made by the friends of William, tended only to furniſh his enemies with an opportuni⯑ty of being ſevere on his character and conduct. They inſinuated, that he neither loved the nation in general, not placed any confidence in Engliſhmen. That he left the kingdom in the preceding ſummer, without any apparent excuſe for his abſence. That he was employed neither in the concerns of the people, as King, nor in the affairs of the States, as Stadtholder. That he went merely to enjoy a lazy privacy at Loo, with a few favourites and creatures, in a manner un⯑worthy of his character, and unſuitable to his digni⯑ty^P. Theſe open complaints and inſinuations of the ſame kind, rendered fretful the mind of William, naturally peeviſh, melancholy, and ſevere. His de⯑portment, when he was humoured the moſt, was ſtiff, ungracious, and cold. But now, his reſentment had ſo far overcome his prudence, that he alternately yield⯑ed to fits of paſſion, or ſunk under a load of deſpon⯑dence. He is even ſaid to have formed a reſolution of abandoning the kingdom; and that he had prepared a ſpeech, in which he was to requeſt of the two houſes, to name ſuch perſons as they ſhould think fit, to ma⯑nage a government, that he himſelf was reſolved no longer to hold.

1699. He yields to the com⯑mons. This ſpeech, intended to be pronounced on the fourth of January, was never publicly made. The private inſinuations of the King were little regarded, as they were not deemed ſincere. He had, twice ſince his expedition into England, derived advantage from the ſame threat. But the expedient was now too ſeale, either to alarm the fears of the people, or to gain the favour of parliament. Prudence, at length, overcame ſome part of the reſentment of William. He reſolved to comply with a meaſure, to which the two houſes ſeemed determined to adhere. On the firſt of February, he came to paſs the bill for diſband⯑ing [150] year 1699 the army, and made a ſpeech from the throne. He informed his parliament, that he came to paſs the bill, as ſoon as he underſtood it was ready to receive his aſſent. That though there appeared great hazard in diſbanding ſuch a number of troops, in the preſent ſtate of affairs; and that though he might think him⯑ſelf unkindly treated, in being deprived of thoſe guards who had come along with him from Holland to the aid of England, and who had attended him in all the actions in which he had been engaged, yet, being convinced of the fatal conſequences of any jealouſies that might ariſe between himſelf and his people, he was reſolved, for that reaſon only, to give his concur⯑rence to the bill. He, however, informed them, that he thought himſelf obliged, for his own juſtification, and in diſcharge of the truſt repoſed in his hands, to declare plainly his judgment, that the nation was left too much expoſed. He deemed it, therefore, incum⯑bent upon them, as the repreſentatives of the people, to provide ſuch a force as ſhould be neceſſary for the ſafety of the kingdom, and the preſervation of the peace of Europe.

Solicits them for his Dutch guards in vain. The commons, in ſome meaſure, complied with William's deſire, with regard to the ſecurity of the nation. Though they were inflexibly reſolved to re⯑duce the land-forces, they increaſed to fifteen thouſand men, the eſtabliſhment by ſea^R. The neceſſary orders were, in the mean time, iſſued for diſbanding the army. But his predilection for his favourite Dutch guards, recurred again to the King's mind. On the eighteenth of March he ſent a meſſage, written in his own hand, to the houſe of commons, by the Earl of Ranelagh, paymaſter-general of the forces^S. He told them, that the neceſſary preparations were made for tranſporting the guards, who came with him to England. That he intended to ſend them away im⯑mediately from the kingdom, unleſs the houſe, out of conſideration to him, ſhould finds means to continue them longer in his ſervice: a meaſure which his Ma⯑jeſty^Q [151] would conſtrue into an act of great kindneſs. This condeſcending expedient produced no favourable effect on the commons. The queſtion, that a day ſhould be appointed for conſidering the meſſage, was carried in the negative. A committee was appointed to frame an addreſs, repreſenting the reaſons why the commons could not comply. The addreſs was accord⯑ingly preſented on the twenty-fourth of March. The anſwer of William contained a recapitulation of his own ſervices to the nation, his confidence in their fidelity to his perſon, and his reſolution to preſerve entire the conſtitution which he had reſtored^T.

Parliament prorogued. The proviſion made by the commons, for the ef⯑fectual reduction of the army, was the laſt buſineſs of importance in this refractory ſeſſion. The two houſes, however, continued to ſit till the fourth of May. Though William yielded to his prudence, he could neither conceal his reſentment nor ſuppreſs his com⯑plaints, for the unkind treatment which he had re⯑ceived from the commons. He furniſhed an example of both in his ſpeech from the throne, when he pro⯑rogued the parliament. In any light in which the ſubject is viewed, the King had little reaſon to be pleaſed. But the ſallies of paſſion, into which he is ſaid to have fallen, require better authorities than thoſe by which they are ſupported, to be implicitly believed. His diſappointments throughout furniſhed matter of triumph to his enemies. But they dwelt with moſt malevolence, on the ſuppoſed meanneſs of his meſſage to the commons, in favour of his Dutch guards. The conduct of the commons cannot, how⯑ever, be diſapproved. Though no danger ought, per⯑haps, to be apprehended from ſuch an inſignificant number of foreigners; there was a kind of neceſſary dignity, in committing entirely to the natives, the ſe⯑curity of a free country.

CHAP. IV.

year 1699 State of Europe. THE tranquillity of Europe was re-eſtabliſhed i [...] the month of January 1699, by a treaty con⯑cluded at Carlowitz, between the Emperor and th [...] Ottoman Porte. Though the bloody battle of Ze [...] had produced no ſtriking conſequences, both ſide [...] enfeebled by the waſte made by victories as well [...] defeats, began equally to wiſh for peace^A. Leo⯑pold, having fixed his mind on the Spaniſh ſucceſſio [...] was anxious to diſengage himſelf from an enem [...] who, though unſucceſsful, was far from being [...] ⯑dued; and Muſtapha the Second, ſurrounded wi [...] [153] misfortunes at home, was reſolved to put an end, up⯑on any terms, to a ruinous war abroad. The empti⯑neſs of his coffers, the diſcontents of his ſubjects, the ſeditious humour of the Janiſaries, had involved the latter Prince in unſurmountable difficulties, and had rendered him utterly incapable of recovering in the ſummer of 1698, the laurels which he had loſt in the preceding campaign^B. The eyes of both parties being turned to the ſame object, they contented them⯑ſelves with covering their reſpective frontiers with their armies. A ſimilar inactivity had ſubſiſted, during the ſummer, between the Ruſſians and the Porte, on the ſide of the Leſſer Tartary; and though the Ve⯑netians had obtained ſome advantages in the Archipe⯑lago, their operations produced no effect on the cor⯑dial deſire exhibited by all parties, for entering into conferences for reſtoring peace^C.

Peace be⯑tween the Emperor and the Porte. The King of England and the States of the United Provinces had offered, by their ambaſſadors, their mediation to the belligerent powers. But the intrigues of Lewis the Fourteenth in Conſtantinople, had long diſappointed their views. On the ſeventh of Novem⯑ber, the plenipotentiaries met at Carlowitz. De Fe⯑riole, who had ſucceeded Châteauneuf, in the ma⯑nagement of the affairs of France at the Porte, made various but vain efforts, to perſuade the Turks to continue the war^D. The treaty was ſigned, on the twenty-ſixth of January, by the plenipotentiaries of Muſtapha the Second, the Emperor Leopold, the King of Poland, and the Czar of Moſcovy; and, ſoon after, by thoſe of the republic of Venice. All Hungary, on this ſide of the Saave, with Tranſyl⯑vania and Sclavonia, were ceded to the houſe of Auſtria. The Czar remained in poſſeſſion of Azoph. Caminiec was reſtored to the Poles. The Venetians were gratified with all the Morea, and ſeveral places in Dalmatia; and, thus, a temporary tranquillity was reſtored, though the ſeeds of diſcord were already ſown in all the corners of Europe^E.

[154] The firſt partition treaty de⯑feated. The treaty of partition, which the King of Eng⯑land concluded with France, at the peril of the utmoſt reſentment of his ſubjects, was ſuddenly rendered uſe⯑leſs, by a co-incidence of events. The King of Spain, contrary to the expectations of all Europe, recovered, in ſome degree, from his illneſs; and the electoral Prince of Bavaria, whom the treaty of partition and the will of Charles the Second, had deſtined for the throne of Spain and the Indies, died at Bruſſels, on the eighth of February^F. The Elector, diſap⯑pointed in the views of his ambition, attributed the death of his ſon to more than his diſtemper. But, as he produced no proofs, his ſuſpicions were aſcribed to grief, more than to any juſt grounds of complaint. Though proviſion had been made, by a ſecret ſtipu⯑lation, to ſubſtitute the father in the place of the ſon, upon the eventual death of the latter, that article of the treaty, as it was founded upon no pretenſions poſ⯑ſeſſed by the Elector, was equally diſregarded by both the contracting powers. France ſhewed an inclination to propoſe a new convention to the King of England, on the plan of the former treaty. But though Wil⯑liam entertained a deſign of renewing his engage⯑ments, the moment he heard of the death of the Prince^G, his embarraſſment, with regard to the diſagreeable proceedings of parliament, drove all other thoughts from his mind, during the ſitting of that aſſembly.

William [...]ens to another. The leiſure neceſſary for the ſettlement of foreign affairs, was fought after by William in Holland. Having made ſeveral changes in the miniſtry, and de⯑clared a regency to govern the kingdom in his abſence, he left Kenſington, on the firſt of June; and in the evening of the third, arrived at the Hague. On the twenty ſecond of June, he left that place and retired to Loo; where, and at Dieren, he ſpent the moſt part of the ſeaſon, in his favourite diverſion of hunt⯑ing. Tallard, who had managed ſo ſucceſsfully the treaty of the preceding year, was ordered, by hi [...] court, to repair to Loo, in the beginning of July, to [...]ttle meaſures, as they were called, for preſerving [155] the tranquillity of Europe. William, very early in the year, had given orders of the ſame kind to his am⯑baſſador at Paris. He approved, therefore, with lit⯑tle difficulty of the ſcheme propoſed by de Tallard. That Spain and the Indies ſhould be left to the Arch-duke. That the duchy of Milan ſhould be added to the portion intended for the Dauphin; and that the Netherlands ſhould be ſettled in ſuch a manner, as might entirely prevent any jealouſy in England or um⯑brage in Holland^H,

Intelligence of his views ſent to Spain. This negociation, though committed only to a few individuals, continued not long a ſecret from the world. The Spaniſh ambaſſador at the Hague, ſent intelli⯑gence, by a courier, to Madrid. The court was alarmed. The King himſelf, in the midſt of his weakneſs, was highly offended at a meaſure which hurt his pride. He remonſtrated, in the ſtrongeſt terms, againſt the behaviour of William to his am⯑baſſador at Madrid. He ordered the Marquis de Ca⯑nailles, his own miniſter at London, to repreſent in England his high diſpleaſure at the indignity offered to himſelf and his crown. The Marquis, in his memo⯑rial to the lords of the regency, followed the dictates of his own malignity, more than the intereſt of his ſovereign. He told them, that his maſter had been informed, that William, the Dutch, and other pow⯑ers, were actually hatching new treaties, for the ſuc⯑ceſſion of the crown of Spain; and, what was equally deteſtable, contriving the diviſion and repartition of the Spaniſh territories. That his Majeſty had given orders, to repreſent the injuſtice of their King, to the miniſters and lords of England. That if ſuch things were allowed, no nation, no dominion could be ſafe, againſt the ambition of the ſtrongeſt, and the deceits of the moſt malicious. That ſhould ſtrangers be permitted to put their hands in the lines of ſucceſ⯑ſion of Kings, no ſtatutes, no municipal laws would be obſerved. That no crown could be free from the attempts of aliens; and the crown of England leſs than any crown. That were men to lie watching for the [156] indiſpoſitions of ſovereigns, no health could be con⯑ſtant, no life ſecure^I.

An inſolent memorial by the Spaniſh am⯑baſſador. The Marquis deſcended from general obſervations to particular facts. He informed the lords of the re⯑gency, that it ought not to have been preſumed, that the King of Spain had not taken proper meaſures againſt all accidents that might diſturb the public peace, and break the repoſe of Europe. That unleſs a ſtop ſhould be put to theſe ſiniſter proceedings, theſe clan⯑deſtine machinations, theſe unjuſt projects, an univer⯑ſal war muſt be the conſequence throughout Europe. That ſuch a misfortune would be highly prejudicial to the people of England, who had lately tried and felt the inconvenience of novelties, and the inſupportable burden of the conſequent war. That this latter cir⯑cumſtance was ſo obvious, that the memorialiſt doubt⯑ed not but it muſt be owned by the parliament, the no⯑bility, and all the Engliſh nation. That the ſame na⯑tion muſt conſider their own intereſt, their trade and their treaties with Spain, the danger ariſing to theſe, from a diviſion and ſeparation of the Spaniſh mo⯑narchy; and that nothing can prevent theſe misfor⯑tunes but their diſappointing the project already begun at Loo, and their determining not to help forward novelties, ever ſupremely hurtful to all ſovereignties and empires. He concluded with aſſuring the regen⯑cy, that the King his maſter, would render manifeſt to the parliament of England, when that aſſembly ſhould meet, the juſt reſentment which he now ex⯑preſſed to their lordſhips.

He is order⯑ed to depart the king⯑dom. This inſolent memorial was tranſmitted to William, before any anſwer was made by the regency. The King was not of a complexion either to admit of appeals from the prerogatives of the Crown to the repreſen⯑tatives of the nation, or to ſuffer any reflections againſt his own right to the throne. He ordered Mr. ſecre⯑tary Vernon to ſignify to the Spaniſh ambaſſador, that he muſt depart the kingdom preciſely in eighteen days. That, in the mean time, he ſhould confine himſelf to his houſe; and that no writing ſhould be any more [157] received either from himſelf or any of his domeſtics. The King, at the ſame time, ordered his ambaſſador at the court of Madrid to complain of the affront of⯑fered to his perſon, and the reflections thrown on his government. He endeavoured to exempt the King of Spain from having any ſhare in the outrage com⯑mitted by his ambaſſador. But that Prince made him⯑ſelf a party in the diſpute, by ordering the Engliſh am⯑baſſador to depart the kingdom within the ſame ſpace of time that had been limited by William to the Mar⯑quis de Canailles.

Affairs of the North. Theſe diſputes between William and Spain, neither haſtened nor retarded the ſecond treaty of partition, which that Prince concluded the next year with France. His attention was not confined to the ſubject of the Spaniſh ſucceſſion, though the declining health of Charles the Second threatened Europe with thoſe mi⯑ſeries which it then feared, and ſoon after experienced from his death. The King employed his good offices in ſuppreſſing a flame, which ſeemed ready to be kind⯑led in the North. Chriſtian the Fifth, King of Den⯑mark, dying on the fourth of September, was ſuc⯑ceeded in the throne by his ſon Frederic the fourth. Frederic inheriting the reſentment, and purſuing the deſigns of his father againſt the Duke of Holſtein-Got⯑torp, began to make great preparations, both by ſea and land, to reduce that Prince to thoſe terms which he pretended to have a right to exact. The Duke on the other hand, had ſtrengthened his intereſt by a marriage with the Princeſs-Royal of Sweden. He himſelf was commander in chief of the troops of that kingdom; and he had obtained a force from his bro⯑ther-in-law, Charles the Twelfth, to defend himſelf againſt the deſigns of Denmark. William, in his double capacity of King of England, and Stadtholder of the United Provinces, conſidered himſelf as gua⯑rantee of the treaty of Altena; and, to ſecure the tranquillity of the North, he propoſed that the Swe⯑diſh troops ſhould retire from Holſtein. The King of Sweden and the Duke accepted the propoſal of the mediator. But the King of Denmark, having pri⯑vately entered into an alliance, againſt Sweden, with [158] the King of Poland, and Peter Alexiowitz, Czar of Muſcowy, exacted terms ſo exorbitant, that it was apparent he meant nothing leſs than to preſerve the peace^K.

Affairs of the Scotiſh company. While William extended his care to the intereſt of other nations, he neglected, in a ſcarce pardonable de⯑gree, the protection of a part of his own ſubjects. The Scotiſh company of adventurers, though labour⯑ing under various difficulties, had reſolved to ſend two ſhips to ſea. On board of theſe, and a few tenders, they embarked ſome goods for commerce, guns and military ſtores for ſervice, ſome proviſions, and twelve hundred men. A council of ſeven was appointed to direct the expedition. They were bound to the Iſth⯑mus of Darien in America, to make an eſtabliſhmen [...] in a place of which the Spaniards held no part. Thi [...] unadviſed plan was conducted with as many errors, a [...] it afterwards incurred of misfortunes. One half o [...] the ſcanty proviſions deſtined for the voyage, wa [...] conſumed before the adventurers weighed anchor [...] The two ſhips, though miſerably provided, were al⯑lowed only one hundred pounds each, and each tende [...] ten pounds, to relieve them upon any emergency [...] They had ſailed from the Frith of Edinburgh, on th [...] ſeventeenth of July 1698; and, after having encoun⯑tered many difficulties and ſuffered much miſery, ar⯑rived in America, about the middle of October^L.

The are diſ⯑couraged by the King. Having treated with the natives for a permiſſion t [...] ſettle on the coaſt of Darien, the adventurers lande [...] on the fourth of November. The King, either ſway⯑ed by the jealouſy of the Dutch, or to gratify th [...] Engliſh, who had already ſignified their diſapprobat [...] ⯑on of the company, ſeemed reſolved to add to the mi [...] ⯑fortunes in which the Scots had involved themſelve [...] He ſent orders to the governors of the colonies, to iſſ [...] proclamations forbidding his ſubjects in America to gi [...] any aſſiſtance to the adventurers, upon pain of his d [...] ⯑pleaſure, and of ſuffering the ſevereſt puniſhme [...] There was a degree of inhumanity, and a palpa [...] [159] injuſtice, in this conduct. The King himſelf had given his aſſent to an act, and ſigned a royal charter for the eſtabliſhment of the company. The Spaniards had not yet complained of any encroachments on their territories. William, by evaſive anſwers to the re⯑preſentations of the Scots, had, in a manner, prevent⯑ed them from providing againſt a hardſhip, which no ſubjects, acting under the authority of the law, had any reaſon to fear from their ſovereign. To compleat the misfortune, the King liſtened to the complaints of the Spaniards^M, againſt an ill-fated body of ad⯑venturers, already periſhing in their own folly. They were now deſtitute of all things. A foreign Prince was preparing to expel them by force; and they were deſerted by their own.

Diſtreſs of the adven⯑turers; a ferment in the nation. The ſurvivors among the Scotiſh adventurers being in diſtreſs, were forced to ſend a depuration to the Engliſh colonies, to obtain from the humanity of the inhabitants, the ſupply which the rigid edicts of go⯑vernment had denied. They ſailed to Jamaica; they directed their courſe from that iſland to New-York. They found no relief in either place; and they pro⯑ſecuted their voyage to Europe. The company, and the whole Scotiſh nation, were inflamed at once, with reſentment and diſappointment. The firſt ſent an ad⯑dreſs to the King. They followed the addreſs with a petition for a ſeſſion of parliament. Neither of the papers produced the deſired effect. The King, in his anſwer, by his ſecretary, the Earl of Seafield, regret⯑ted the loſs which the kingdom and the company had lately ſuſtained. He told them, that, upon all occa⯑ſions, he would protect and encourage their trade. That the ſubjects of Scotland ſhould always enjoy the ſame privilege, as ſormerly, to trade with the Engliſh plantations. But as for the parliament, that he had adjourned that aſſembly to the fifth of March; and that they ſhould be aſſembled, when he judged the good of the nation required their meeting. This new repulſe was conſt [...]ed into a freſh injury. Deſpair was [160] added to rage and reſentment; and a general ferment ſeemed to threaten a general revolt^N.

William re⯑turns. A change in the miniſ⯑try. The King embarked for England, on the thir⯑teenth of October; and having landed, on the ſeven⯑teenth at Margate, arrived the next day at Kenſing⯑ton. The obſtructions attending the ſervice of the Crown, in the laſt ſeſſion of parliament, had either prevailed with William to make a change among his ſervants, or induced ſome of themſelves to reſign The Earl of Orford retired from the admiralty. The Earl of Jerſey ſucceeded the Duke of Shrewſbury a ſecretary of ſtate. The Duke of Leeds was removed from the head of the council; and the office of preſi⯑dent was conferred on the Earl of Pembroke; whoſe place, as lord-privy-ſeal, was filled by the Lord Lonſ⯑dale. A few days^O after the King's return, the Duke of Shrewſbury came again into office, as lord⯑chamberlain. Montagu, the chancellor of the exche⯑quer, foreſeeing the difficulty of managing the af⯑fairs of the Crown, in a refractory houſe of com⯑mons, reſigned his place at the board of treaſury [...] Theſe changes in the higher departments, neithe [...] pleaſed the Whigs nor gratified the Tories. A ſulle [...] humour prevailed through the kingdom; and thoug [...] the two parties that divided the nation were implaca⯑ble, with regard to each other, they ſeemed both [...] agree to oppoſe jointly the King^P.

Parliament meets. In this ſtate of things and opinions, the parliamen [...] met, on the ſixteenth of November. The King mad [...] an elaborate ſpeech to the two houſes, full of expreſ⯑ſions of affection for his parliament and care of th [...] public good^Q. He, however, ſeemed to hav [...] ſtill retained a ſenſe of his diſſatisſaction with the pro⯑ceedings of the commons in the laſt ſeſſion. Th [...] commons, on the other hand, brought back to the [...] houſe, the ill-humour in which they were prorogue [...] In the place of an addreſs of compliments and thank [...] as had been uſual on ſuch occaſions, they preſented [...] [161] the King, but after a long interval^R, a remon⯑ſtrance. They beſeeched William, from the neceſ⯑ſity of a mutual confidence between himſelf and his parliament, to ſhew marks of his higheſt diſpleaſure, to ſuch perſons as ſhould preſume to miſrepreſent their proceedings. They promiſed, in return, to diſcou⯑rage all falſe rumours and reports, reflecting on his Majeſty's perſon and government, as tending to create miſunderſtandings between the King and his ſubjects. William choſe to ſoften the rage of his commons, ra⯑ther than to gratify his own reſentment. He ſeemed as if he underſtood not the ill-humour of the addreſs; and his anſwer, though guarded, was full of an ap⯑pearance of kindneſs^S.

Inquiry into Iriſh for fei⯑tures. William, however, was too late in his ſcheme of conciliating the affections of the commons with ſooth⯑ing words. He was ill-ſerved in the houſe, by thoſe members who formed a part of his miniſtry. Montagu was not ſucceeded in the chancellorſhip of the exche⯑quer, by a man of equal parts. Mr. ſecretary Ver⯑non, if a member of abilities, was not ſufficiently truſted by the King, to acquire any conſiderable weight in parliament. The ill-humour, the induſtry, and the eloquence, were all on the oppoſing ſide. All the debates, and moſt of the reſolutions of the com⯑mons were violent and hoſtile. They had appointed, [...]n the laſt ſeſſion of parliament, ſeven commiſſioners, [...]o inquire into the ſtate and grants of the forfeited [...]ſtates in Ireland. The lower houſe had repeatedly [...]aſſed bills for applying thoſe eſtates to the public ſer⯑ [...]ce. But the bills had been defeated in the houſe of [...]rds, by the influence of the Crown, and the intereſt [...] ſuch as had obtained grants from the king. The [...]poſition founded ſanguine hopes of diſtreſſing the [...]ourt on a ſubject ſo popular. They called therefore [...] a report of the inquiry, which was accordingly laid [...]fore them, by Mr. Anneſley, one of the commiſſi⯑ [...]ers^T.

Report of the com⯑miſſioners. In this ſingular report it appeared, that three thou⯑ [...]d nine hundred and twenty-one perſons had been [162] outlawed, ſince the thirteenth of February 1689. That all the lands belonging to forfeited perſons, amounted to more than one million and ſixty thouſand acres. That the annual rent of theſe lands, amount⯑ed to two hundred and eleven thouſand ſix hundred and twenty-three pounds; which, by computing ſix years purchaſe for a life, and thirteen for inheritance, amounted to the full value of two millions ſix hundred and eighty-five thouſand one hundred and thirty pounds. That ſome of the lands had been reſtored to the old proprietors, by the articles of Limerick and Galloway; and others, by a corrupt reverſal of outlawries, and by royal pardons, obtained by the favourites of the King. That ſixty-five grants and cuſtodiams had paſſed the great ſeal of Ireland. That the moſt conſi⯑derable of theſe grants were made to perſons born in foreign countries; to Keppel, to Bentinck, to Ginckle, and to Rouvigny; who had been all dignified with peerages in one or other of the two kingdoms. That beſides, a grant had paſſed the great ſeal to Elizabeth Villiers, now Counteſs of Orkney, a woman peculiar⯑ly favoured by William, of all the private eſtates of the late King James, containing ninety-five thouſand acres, worth twenty-five thouſand nine hundred and ninety-five pounds a year: and that, upon the whole the value of Iriſh forfeitures amounted to three milli⯑ons three hundred and nineteen thouſand nine hundred and forty-three pounds^U.

1700. Violence of the com⯑mons. The commons having examined this report, reſolv⯑ed unanimouſly, on the fifteenth of December,^V that a bill ſhould be brought in, to apply all forfei⯑tures in Ireland, from the thirteenth of February 1689 [...] to the uſe of the public. A clauſe was alſo ordered [...] be inſerted in the bill, fo [...] erecting a judicature [...] determining claims touching the ſaid forfeitures. But [...] at the ſame time, the houſe came to a reſolution, [...] to receive petitions from any perſon whatſoever. Th [...] uncandid mode of proceeding in the majority, offen [...] ⯑ed the diſpaſſionate; while it alarmed the court, an [...] diguſted the King. While yet the bill remained i [...] [163] year 1700 committee, another incident added uneaſineſs to re⯑ſentment in the breaſt of William. On the fifteenth of January, Mr. Montagu, in a fit of indiſcreet zeal, informed the commons, that a member of the houſe, in a letter to the commiſſioners, had directed them to make a ſeparate article of the Counteſs of Orkney's grant; becauſe that circumſtance would reflect on a CERTAIN PERSON. Montagu explained this certain perſon into the King. The houſe ordered him to make good his charge. He endeavoured, in vain, to avoid an anſwer. But being threatened with the Tow⯑er, he named Methuen, lord-chancellor of Ireland, as the informer. Methuen denied the charge. Monta⯑gu became the victim of his own zeal; and the com⯑mons voted that his report was falſe and ſcandalous. They reſolved, at the ſame time, that the four com⯑miſſioners, who had ſigned the report concerning the Iriſh forfeitures, had acquitted themſelves with under⯑ſtanding, courage, and integrity. They, at the ſame time, committed Sir Richard Leving to the Tower, as a perſon who had thrown a groundleſs and ſcanda⯑lous aſperſion on the four commiſſioners^W.

They tack the bill of reſumption to the ſup⯑ply. Though the court-party were, almoſt in every queſtion, the minority, they endeavoured to defeat, in part, the bill of reſumption, by propoſing a clauſe, for reſerving a proportion of the forfeitures to the diſ⯑poſal of the King. The houſe, not content with put⯑ting a negative on this motion, reſolved that the ad⯑viſing, procuring, and paſſing the grants for the for⯑feited eſtates, and others in Ireland, had been the oc⯑caſion of contracting great debts upon the nation, and laying heavy taxes on the people; and that the paſ⯑ſing of theſe grants highly reflected on the King's ho⯑nour^X. While the commons exhibited this ſpirit of refractorineſs, the affair of the ſupply for the current ſervice commanded a part of their care. The and forces were continued on the ſame ſooting, as in the preceding year. But the ſeamen were reduced to ſeven thouſand men. The ways and means were chiefly a land-tax of two ſhillings in the pound, with [164] a borrowing clauſe of near a million, with the ſurplus of the old ſubſidy, ending on the twenty-fifth of De⯑cember, together with that of the funds for the civil liſt, which were to terminate at the end of the pre⯑ſent year. In a narrow inſpection of every branch of the revenue, a great loſs to the public was diſcovered in the collection of the exciſe. A clauſe was inſerted in the bill of ſupply, to enable his Majeſty to farm that branch of the revenue; and it was at the ſame time provided, that no exciſe or cuſtom-houſe officer ſhould be capable, for the future, to ſit in the houſe of commons^Y.

Their reſo⯑lutions hoſtile, To ſecure the aſſent of the King to the reſumption of the Iriſh forfeitures, the bill was called a bill of ſup⯑ply; and tacked to that for the grants of the year. The money to be raiſed by the ſale of the lands, was appropriated to the diſcharge of the tranſport-debts, the arrears of officers, the ſums due for cloathing, the intereſt upon tallies, orders, tickets and exchequer-bills. During the debates on theſe ſubjects, the com⯑mons, in a grand committee, conſidered the ſtate of the nation^Z. In a queſtion, which tended to an animadverſion upon the King's ſervants, the court-party prevailed. But the houſe reſolved, on the fif⯑teenth of February, to repreſent to his Majeſty in a [...] addreſs, their reſolutions, relating to grants of th [...] forfeited eſtates in Ireland. William's anſwer expreſ⯑ſed ſome part of the reſentment, which he entertaine [...] againſt the harſh proceedings of the commons. H [...] told them that he was not only led by inclination, b [...] even by juſtice, to ſhew favour to ſuch as had ſerve [...] him well. That their ſervice in Ireland was, wit [...] peculiar propriety, rewarded out of the eſtates forfei [...] ⯑ed by the rebellion in that kingdom; and that the le [...] ⯑ſening of the national debt, by juſt and effectu [...] means, would, in his opinion, beſt contribute to t [...] honour, ſafety, and intereſt of the kingdom^A. T [...] commons were ſo much oſſended with this reply, t [...] they reſolved, that whoever had adviſed the anſw [...] to their addreſs, had uſed his utmoſt endeavour [...] [165] create a miſunderſtanding and jealouſy, between the King and his people^B.

and pro⯑ceedings diſpleaſing to the King. This ſeſſion of parliament was throughout hoſtile to the King. The grand committee for trade had ex⯑amined into ſeveral piracies, comitted in the Eaſt Indies, by one Captain Kidd and his crew. On this examination it appeared, that William had inadvert⯑ently made himſelf a kind of party in the affair, by ſigning a warrant, for the granting of pirates-goods to the Earl of Bellamount and ſeveral others. The com⯑mons ſent an addreſs to the throne, that Kidd, who was ordered home from America, ſhould not be tried, diſcharged, or pardoned, until the next ſeſſion of par⯑liament. This conduct in the houſe ſhewed a diſtruſt of the King, which raiſed his reſentment, as it hurt his pride. An enquiry into the ſtate of the commiſ⯑ſions of the peace and lieutenancy, produced an ad⯑dreſs^C, that was not grateful to the King. The houſe repreſented, that to reſtore gentlemen of qua⯑lity and eſtates to theſe commiſſions, would much conduce to the good of the kingdom; and they de⯑ſired, that neither men of ſmall eſtates, nor diſſenting from the church of England, ſhould either be conti⯑nued or appointed^D. Theſe proceedings were more diſguſtful to the King, in their manner, than in them⯑ſelves repugnant to his authority or hurtful to his character.

They carry their point againſt him. Though a majority of the lords ſeemed to be in oppoſition to the meaſures of William, the peers treated him with more complaiſance than the com⯑mons. The complicated bill, comprehending the re⯑ſumption and ſupply, met with great oppoſition, in the upper houſe. Some had been gained by the ſer⯑vants of the crown. Many diſapproved of the pre⯑cedent of tacking a foreign clauſe to a money-bill, as reducing the peers to a ſubſerviency to the factions and views of the commons. But the force of both parties, when joined, was not ſufficient to reject the bill. Amendments were, however, made with regard to the Iriſh forfeitures. But theſe amendments were [166] unanimouſly diſapproved by the lower houſe. Con⯑ference ſucceeded conference. The commons were in a ferment. They ſpoke of impeaching the Earls of Portland and Albemarle. They ſhut themſelves up, after the ſecond conference with the lords, till ten at night; and ſeemed determined on the harſheſt means to force the court-party into compliance. In this important interval, the houſe reſolved to addreſs the King, that no perſon, not a native of his domi⯑nions, except Prince George of Denmark, ſhould be admitted to his councils either in England or Ire⯑land^E. William was not of a complexion to give a favourable anſwer, nor was he in a condition to refuſe the demands of the exaſperated commons. He ſent a private meſſage to his friends among the lords, to ſuſ⯑pend their oppoſition. The bill was immediately paſſed, without amendments; and to prevent the fall⯑ing of the threatened ſtorm, he came ſuddenly to the houſe, gave his aſſent to the act of reſumption, and prorogued the parliament^F, without any ſpeech from the throne.

Affairs of the Scotiſh company. While William was haraſſed in one of his king⯑doms, by a violent and ſucceſsful oppoſition in parlia⯑ment, he was perlexed in another, by vehement in⯑ſtances for redreſs. On the fourth of December 1699, the council-general of the Scotiſh company, informed the ſecretary of their nation in England, that they has prevailed upon the Lord Baſil Hamilton, to make a journey to London, to addreſs the King, in behalf of more than thirty perſons, wrongfully detained priſoners at Carthagena, by the Spaniards. William, ſeldom capable of concealing his reſentment, exhibited it upon the preſent occaſion, in a manner unſuitable to his dignity. He ordered the chancellor of Scotland to acquaint the council-general, that he had refuſed acce [...] to Lord Baſil Hamilton, as he had not waited upo [...] him when he was formerly in London; and that h [...] had never ſince given any public evidence of his loy⯑alty^G. He however, promiſed to demand, in t [...] [167] terms of treaties, the releaſe of the priſoners at Car⯑thagena. That it was his firm intention to advance the trade of Scotland; and that the ſubjects of that kingdom ſhould enjoy the ſame liberty of commerce, that others enjoyed in the Engliſh plantations. The company, however, were reſolved not to relin⯑quiſh their purpoſe. They wrote to the chancellor. They ſent a letter to Lord Baſil Hamilton. They requeſted the firſt to uſe his beſt endeavours for obtaining admittance for the noble perſon whom they had employed. They approved of the conduct of the latter; and aſcribed their diſappointment to a diſ⯑like to their own cauſe, more than to any objection entertained by the King againſt his perſon^H.

Oppoſed by the King. Embarraſſed with complaints and teazed by en⯑treaties, William endeavoured to get rid of the Scots, with the ſanction of the Engliſh parliament. The commons being ſo refractory, the firſt application was made to the lords. Neither the influence of the crown, nor the prejudices of the houſe, againſt the new company, were capable of carrying the point againſt the Scots, without violent debates and long de⯑lays. An addreſs was, at length, ſent down to the commons, for their concurrence. But the commons were not in the humour of being complaiſant to the King. The enemies of William were pleaſed to ſee his affairs embroiled. Some apprehended, that there was a deſign to involve the two kingdoms in a quarrel; that the King might derive, from the neceſſity of the nation, that increaſe of the land forces, which had been ſo often denied to his earneſt ſolicitations to par⯑liament. The leaders of oppoſition were, by no means, inclined to remove the general diſcontent which had ſoured the temper of the Scots, againſt the King. The diſaffected members, in the mean time, propagated a report, that the oppoſition of the King to the Scotiſh company, proceeded neither from a regard to foreign treaties nor domeſtic advantage, but from an affection for the Dutch, whoſe trade along the Spaniſh main was in danger of being ruined, [168] by the eſtabliſhment of a new colony at Darien^I. The commons, upon the whole, refuſed their con⯑currence to the addreſs; and, ſoon after, they rejected a bill ſent down from the lords, for appointing com⯑miſſioners to treat with the Scots, concerning an union of the two kingdoms^J.

A petition in the name of the whole Scotiſh na⯑tion. The ferment continuing to rage in Scotland, the Marquis of Tweedale preſented a petition to William, in the name of the whole nation^K. They recounted the hardſhips of the company, both at home and abroad, their own feelings upon a ſubject ſo melan⯑choly, and the promiſes of the King to favour, pro⯑tect, and ſupport the general trade of the kingdom. They requeſted him to order the parliament to ſit; as nothing could more conduce to the ſupport of the credit and intereſt of a company, in whoſe misfortunes and proſperity the whole nation were concerned, than the meeting of the repreſentatives of the people. They reminded him of his promiſe of permitting that aſſembly to ſit, whenever the good of the nation required that meaſure; and they aſſured him, that the good of the nation could, at no time, require their meeting more than on the preſent occaſion. This irregular petition produced nothing but an ad⯑ditional diſappointment. The King made anſwer, that the parliament ſhould not meet till the fourteenth of May. But that then it ſhould meet for the diſ⯑patch of buſineſs. The diſcontents of the Scots were inflamed into a ſpecies of madneſs, upon this freſh inſtance of the King's diſregard to their complaint [...] A general revolt might have been apprehended, ha [...] the power of the kingdom borne any proportion to th [...] reſentment of the people.

The King, diſguſted. Though the King had extricated himſelf from pre⯑ſent trouble, by the ſudden prorogation of the Engliſ [...] parliament, he was ſtill far from having freed himſe [...] from the ſtorm, which had ſhaken, in ſome degre [...] his throne. His own conduct, during the ſeſſion, w [...] more apt to inflame than to ſoothe the minds of th [...] [169] by whom he was moſt oppoſed. He made no ſecret of his diſpleaſure at the proceedings of the commons. He was at no pains to conceal his reſolution to defeat the bill of reſumption, by refuſing his aſſent ſhould it paſs the houſe of lords. He became ſullen, melan⯑choly, and diſcontented. His reſentment broke forth frequently in a manner inconſiſtent with his prudence. He either apprehended not the dangers, in which the votes of the commons might terminate; or he was not much concerned where they might end^L. He even ſeemed indifferent about poſſeſſing the name of King, after the authority, which he deemed to be in⯑herent in that capacity, had vaniſhed from his hands; and had not the ſafety of thoſe whom he favoured moſt depended on his compliance, he would not pro⯑bably have ſuppreſſed the rage againſt the commons, which his enemies hoped he was to have carried to extremity. They perceived, that ſhould he quarrel with the commons, he would loſe what ſtill remained of the affections of his people. His going conſtantly beyond ſea, after every ſeſſion of parliament, furniſh⯑ed his opponents with an opportunity of impreſſing the minds of the nation with an opinion, that he even hated the company and ſociety of his Engliſh ſubjects^M.

A change in the miniſtry. The receſs of parliament, as it freed William from daily mortifications, encouraged him to endeavour to prevent the return of the diſagreeable meaſures which had ſo much diſturbed his repoſe. He found that, in the courſe of the ſeſſion, the commons, had expreſſed great animoſity againſt his miniſters, particularly a⯑gainſt the lord chancellor, Somers, who was the moſt [...]ble of his ſervants, and conſidered as the head of the Whigs. Somers had gained a conſiderable degree of [...]he King's confidence, by his ability in buſineſs, and [...]he modeſty of his manner in tendering his advice. William, however, reſolved to diſmiſs him from his [...]ervice, from the hopes which he had entertained, [...]at a man diſliked by the commons, would carry in⯑ [...] this retreat all the unpopularity that had of late at⯑ [...]nded the meaſures of the crown. When Somers, [170] who laboured under an illneſs during the winter, had recovered health ſufficient to appear at court, he was told by the King, that it was neceſſary, for the pub⯑blic ſervice, he ſhould reſign the ſeals. Somers ex⯑cuſed himſelf from making the delivery of the ſeals his own act; as that circumſtance might be conſtrued by his enemies, into either guilt or fear. The Earl of Jerſey was ſent with a warrant, to demand the ſeals, in form; and they were accordingly returned to the King.

Character of the Lord Sommers. Somers, though meanly deſcended^N, rendered himſelf reſpectable, by talents, which he knew well to improve to his own advantage. He was a man of abilities, in his profeſſion; but his parts were more ſolid than brilliant, or even clear. He was rather a good chancellor than a great ſtateſman. His integrity and diligence in office, were, with reaſon, commend⯑ed. He was too diffident, and too compliant with the King, to make any ſplendid figure, beyond his own line of the law. His complaiſance to the King's hu⯑mour, his flattering him in his very errors, his feeble manner of recommending what ſeemed right to his own judgment, bore more the appearance of a convenient than of an able ſervant. Upon the whole, he ſeemed more calculated to ſmoothe the current of buſineſs, by amending and ſoftening meaſures already adopt⯑ed, than to propoſe and execute thoſe ſpirited and manly expedients, which times of faction ſeem to de⯑mand at the hands of a great miniſter. The difficulty which William encountered in ſupplying properly the place^O of Somers, argued that his diſmiſſion of that lord was a precipitate meaſure; while, at the ſame time, he was juſtly cenſured, for throwing a kind of diſgrace on a ſervant, who had ſerved him with fide⯑lity in perilous times. But the King had concluded from the late oppoſition to all his meaſures, that the Tories only were capable of carrying forward, with facility, the public buſineſs.

Second trea⯑ty [...] parti⯑tion During the violent heats in parliament, William turned a part of his attention to the affairs of Europe [...] [171] The negociations for the ſecond partition of the do⯑minions of Spain proceeded. But a deſire of per⯑ſuading the Emperor to enter into the ſame engage⯑ments, long prevented the King and the States of Hol⯑land from ſigning the treaty, though the articles had been ſettled. In the month of October, the Emperor, after various evaſions, formally rejected every treaty of partition whatſoever; yet neither the King of Eng⯑land nor the States ſhewed any eagerneſs to cloſe with France, upon the diſpoſition already agreed, with re⯑gard to the Spaniſh ſucceſſion. In the beginning of January, in the preſent year, the King of Spain de⯑clined ſo manifeſtly, that his death was daily expect⯑ed. This circumſtance haſtened the concluſion of the treaty, which was ſigned at London, by the Earls of Portland and Jerſey, and the Comte de Tallard, on the twenty-firſt of February; and at the Hague, on the fourteenth of March, by Briord, the French am⯑baſſador, and by the plenipotentiaries of the States^P.

concluded between William and France. The ſecond partition of the Spaniſh dominions dif⯑fered materially from the diſpoſition made by the for⯑mer treaty. The Archduke Charles was placed in the room of the electoral Prince of Bavaria, as heir of the kingdoms of Spain and the Indies. Naples, Sicily, the Marquiſate of Final, the iſlands on the Italian ſhore, and the province of Guipuſcoa, were to fall to the ſhare of the Dauphin, together with the Duchies of Lorrain and Bar, which their native Prince was appointed to exchange for the dutchy of Milan. In this ſummary diſpoſal of territories and Kingdoms, the King of England was not forgetful of his friend the Prince Vaudemont, to whom the coun⯑try of Binche was to remain a ſovereignty. To pre⯑ſent the union of Spain and the Imperial crown, in the perſon of one Prince, proviſion was made, that in caſe of the Archduke's demiſe, the King of the Ro⯑mans ſhould not ſucceed to the throne; and, in like manner, it was particularly ſtipulated, that no King of France or Dauphin ſhould ever wear the crown of Spain. A ſecret article provided, for the contingency [172] of the Emperor's refuſing to accede to the treaty; and againſt any difficulties, which might ariſe from the duke of Lorrain, with regard to the projected ex⯑change of his native territories for the duchy of Milan^Q.

Treaty with Sweden. While William ſeemed to provide for the repoſe of the ſouth of Europe, he extended his care to the tran⯑quillity of the north. The young King of Sweden, apprehenſive of a ſtorm, which already began to break on his dominions, entered into a new defenſive treaty with the maritime powers. The contracting parties became reciprocally guarantees of all their dominions. Charles the Twelfth engaged to furniſh the King of England with ten thouſand men, to be paid by the lat⯑ter Prince, ſhould he find himſelf obliged to take arms in ſupport of the treaty of Riſwick. England and the States, as guarantees of the treaty of Altena, between the King of Denmark and the Duke of Holſtein-Goſ⯑torp, ſeem to have agreed, though not in an expreſs article, to aid Charles with a ſtrong ſquadron of ſhips of war, when attacked by his enemies. The treaty was ſigned on the thirteenth of January; and the re⯑quiſition, or rather the application for the ſhips, was made in March^R. William, in a bad humour with his refractory parliament, gave orders for pre⯑paring a ſquadron, without either communicating to them his intentions, or demanding a ſupply. The firſt would be imprudent, in the untoward humour of of the times, as England was little concerned in the affairs of the North; and the latter would moſt cer⯑tainly be refuſed, conſidering the general reſolution, formed by the commons, for diminiſhing the expences of the nation.

Copenhagen bombarded. But before William took any avowed part in the affairs of the North, he went to Holland, and his favourite retreat at Loo. Having appointed a regen⯑cy^S, for the adminiſtration of government in his abſence, he left Hampton-court, on the fourth of Ju⯑ly; and on the ſixth arrived at the Hague. The aſſi⯑ance [173] formed againſt Sweden began to ſhew itſelf in the motions of the confederate powers. The Ruſſians, Poles, and Saxons entered Livonia and Ingria. The Danes, led by the Duke of Wertemberg, invaded Holſtein; and having ſeized ſome inconſiderable forts, ſat down before Tonningen. The ſtrength of the place, the conduct of the governor, the unſkilfulneſs of the beſiegers, an unſucceſsful aſſault, and the march of the troops of Brunſwick-Lunenburgh, who had paſſed the Elb, induced the Danes to relinquiſh their deſigns on Tonningen, and to retreat towards their own frontiers. A combined ſquadron of Engliſh and Dutch men of war, with fire-ſhips and bomb-veſſels, under the admirals Rooke and Allemonde, arrived, on the twentieth of July, at the mouth of the Sound^T. The fleet of Sweden, commanded by the king in per⯑ſon, having joined the allies, the Daniſh ſhips retired under the guns of Copenhagen. The King of Den⯑mark was himſelf cooped up in Holſtein, by ſome Swediſh frigates cruiſing along the coaſt; while his capital was bombarded, though ineffectually, by the combined fleets of the allies^U.

Denmark forced into a peace. His active ſpirit ſuggeſted to the young King of Sweden, the means of putting an end, with one de⯑ciſive ſtroke, to the war. He reſolved to beſiege Copenhagen by land, while the fleet blocked up that capital by ſea. He fixed the place of his deſcent at Humblebeck, oppoſite to Landſcroon. He landed in perſon, the firſt of all the Swedes. He drove to flight [...]he enemy, who had attempted to defend the ſhore. A deputation of the clergy and principal inhabitants, [...]y a contribution of four hundred thouſand rix-dollars, [...]revailed with Charles to ſpare the city. The King [...]f Denmark was, in the mean time, reduced to a ſitu⯑ [...]tion the moſt critical. The troops of the houſe of Brunſwick-Lunenburgh, preſſed him on the ſide of Holſtein. His fleet was beſieged in the harbour of Copenhagen. The enemy was in the heart of his do⯑ [...]inions. He could derive no hopes but from ſubmiſſi⯑ [...]n and negociation. The Count de Chamilli, ambaſ⯑ſador [174] of France, offered his own mediation, in th [...] name of his maſter. The powers who had guaran⯑teed the treaty of Altena, joined their good offices t [...] thoſe of Chamilli, for reſtoring peace; and, on th [...] eighteenth of Auguſt, a treaty was concluded at Tr [...] ⯑vendal, between Denmark, Sweden, and Holſtein, t [...] the excluſion of Ruſſia and Poland. The term [...] were honourable for the Duke of Holſtein, but h [...] ⯑miliating to Denmark. The firſt was re-ſtabliſhed i [...] all his claims; whilſt the latter was forced to pay t [...] the Duke two hundred and ſixty thouſand crowns, t [...] indemniſy him for the expence of the war^V.

Affairs of Scotland. The ſudden reſtoration of the tranquillity of th [...] North, may be aſcribed, in a great degree, to the de⯑ciſive meaſures of the King of England. But whe [...] he was ſecuring the peace of foreign nations, tumults [...] diſcontents, and clamours prevailed in a part of h [...] own dominions. On the twenty-firſt of May, th [...] parliament of Scotland had met at Edinburgh; and th [...] King's letter, containing the uſual excuſe for no [...] opening the ſeſſion in perſon, being read, the Duk [...] of Queenſberry, as lord-high commiſſioner, perceiv⯑ing the bad humour of parliament, adjourned th [...] houſe for three days. When they met, on the twen⯑ty-fourth, petitions, addreſſes, and repreſentations [...] particular, as well as general grievances, were pour [...] in upon them from every ſide. The council-gene [...] of the Indian and African company, as they had ſ [...] ⯑fered moſt, were the loudeſt in their complaints. [...] motion was made, that the colony of Caledonia [...] Darien was a legal and rightful ſettlement; and th [...] the parliament would maintain and ſupport the ſam [...] The commiſſioner perceiving that this embarraſſi [...] vote was on the point of being carried, ſuddenly a [...] ⯑journed the houſe for three days. This circumſta [...] added fuel to the flame. When the houſe met, th [...] reſumed their motion; and the commiſſioner ag [...] adjourned them, for twenty days^W

Parliament address againſt an adjournment The conduct of the commiſſioner was conſider [...] by a great majority, as an arbitrary breach upon [...] [175] freedom of voting in parliament. They met that very evening, and ſigned a ſpirited addreſs to the King. They complained of their being interrupted in their debates, by an adjournment, contrary to an expreſs act of parliament; wherein it was provided, that no⯑thing ſhould be done or commanded, that might, either directly or indirectly, prevent the liberty of free vot⯑ing and reaſoning of the eſtates of Parliament. They affirmed, that the ſecond adjournment was a manifeſt infringement on the claim of rights, which had accom⯑pained the very act that had placed the King on the throne. They concluded with intreating his Majeſty to permit his parliament to meet on the day to which it was then adjourned; and to ſit as long as might be neceſſary for redreſſing the grievances of the nation A deputation was ſent with this addreſs to the King. He declared^X that he could give no anſwer at the time to their petition; but that they ſhould know his intentions in Scotland. The parliament, was, in the mean time, further adjourned by proclamation.

A general ferment. Though the Earl of Seafield, and other ſervants of the Crown, had been, for a whole year, employed in gaining, with promiſes and penſions, the members of the Scotiſh parliament, the clamours of the people made more proſelytes, than the bribes employed by [...]he King. The current ran rapidly in one way; whilſt the diſaffected added their own force to the vio⯑ [...]ence of the ſtream. The general cry was, that the [...]reedom of debate was moſt effectually ruined, the [...]laim of right invaded, and a private power uſurped [...]ver the parliament. The King, they juſtly obſerv⯑ [...]d, aſſumed more than a negative by theſe unconſtitu⯑ [...]onal adjournments. A bill is defeated by the firſt. [...]y the latter, the right of giving advice, one of the [...]reat ends of all parliaments, is utterly prevented and [...]verturned. In this diſpoſition of the people in gene⯑ [...]l, the lower ſort became outrageous. Upon ſome [...]ague intelligence received at Edinburgh, of an ad⯑ [...]antage gained by their countrymen at Darien, over [...]e Spaniards, the populace committed every ſpecies [176] of exceſs and inſult againſt the officers of the govern⯑ment. The King was, not unjuſtly, deemed a party againſt the African company; and his name was treat⯑ed with indecency, and his authority with contempt. A national addreſs was, in the mean time, encouraged on every ſide; and tranſmitted to every borough and county for ſignatures and names.

Violence of the diſcon⯑tented. To add to the general ferment, advices arrived from Spain, that ſeveral of the adventures in Darien, had been ſent to that country and condemned as py⯑rates. That the chief proofs brought againſt them, were the proclamations of the governors of the Engliſh colonies, by the expreſs commands of the King, con⯑taining a formal diſavowal of the legality of the ſettle⯑ment; together with words, diſclaiming the under⯑taking of the Scots, expreſſed by William himſelf to the Spaniſh ambaſſador; and tranſmitted, in writing, by that miniſter to the council of the Indies. In the midſt of the clamours raiſed upon this freſh intelli⯑gence, William endeavoured, in vain, to ſoothe the Scots into ſome temper, by a letter to the Duke of Queenſberry. The national flame continued to in⯑creaſe. The diſcontented members talked of ſitting by force, and of forming themſelves into a convention. They even affirmed, that the army was ready to join their cauſe againſt a government, which by denying protection, had no right to obedience. That they wanted nothing but money to declare the throne va⯑cant; to reſtore the late King, or to confer the crown on ſome other Prince, more inclined than the preſent, to ſupport the juſt claims of the nation^Y.

Inactivity of the late King. Theſe diſcontents, ſo favourable to his views, were not capable of rouzing the late King, from the lethar⯑gy into which he had fallen, ever ſince the treaty of Riſwick. Rendered careleſs by misfortunes, weighed down with years, and unmanned by his own religious enthuſiaſm, he had reſigned every expectation of re⯑gaining his crowns. To the reſolution of tranſporting himſelf into England, he ſeems to have ſtill adhered, had William, as was generally apprehended, yielded [177] to the diſorders that had long threatened his diſſolution. But though he had reſigned all hopes, with regard to himſelf, James never doubted but his ſon would, one day, recover the crowns which he himſelf had loſt. He thought that the objections to himſelf, proceeded either from the views of a few leading men, or the terrors of the populace, who were animated with an enthuſiaſm ſimilar to his own. He deemed the lineal ſucceſſion ſo eſſential, and even neceſſary to monarchy, that things muſt, in courſe, fall back to their old chan⯑nel, when the terrors of his own return, and the preſ⯑ſure of William's ambition, were both removed from the nation^Z.

Death of the Duke of Glouceſter. The death of the only ſon of his daughter, the Princeſs of Denmark, and the only perſon, after her Royal Highneſs, included in the new ſettlement of the crown, ſeemed to favour the expectations of the late King. The Duke of Glouceſter, as he was com⯑monly called, though his patent was never made out, from a ſuperſtitious prejudice againſt that title, had ar⯑rived at the eleventh year of his age. On his birth-day, the twenty-fourth of July, he fell ill of a malig⯑nant fever. His conſtitution, which was tender and feeble, ſoon ſunk under the violence of his diſorder; and he expired, at Windſor, on the night of the twenty-ninth of the month. Though, as is uſual with regard to princes who die in youth, much has been ſaid of his parts and acquirements, he was little lament⯑ed by the nation, and leſs by the King. The people were diſcontented with the government, and rendered [...]areleſs of its concerns, through the different views [...]f the parties into which they were divided; and William, who had never any affection for the mo⯑ [...]her, was not, perhaps, much diſpleaſed to ſee her [...]nfluence weakened by the death of the ſon. A pre⯑ [...]ailing report, that the Princeſs had ſent, very clan⯑ [...]eſtinely, an expreſs to notify the demiſe of her ſon [...] her father, might contribute to leſſen the concern [178] of William for the loſs which the kingdom had ſuſ⯑tained^A.

Death of the K. of Spain. The King having paſſed three months in Holland [...] returned, on the nineteenth of October, to England [...] Unwilling to meet a parliament that had oppoſed hi [...] in all his views, he prorogued that aſſembly to th [...] twenty-firſt of November; and, after a further pro⯑rogation, diſſolved them, before the end of the year [...] The face of affairs in Europe had ſuffered, in th [...] mean time, a very important change. Charles th [...] Second, King of Spain, having ſo long ſtruggled wit [...] diſtempers, yielded at length to their force, and died [...] on the firſt of November. The reſentment which h [...] had conceived againſt the authors of the ſecond treaty of partition, ſeemed to have haſtened the death of tha [...] feeble Prince; while, at the ſame time, it produce [...] the moſt deciſive meaſure in all his reign. Having re⯑ſolved to prevent the projected partition of his domi⯑nions, the only difficulty lay in the appointment of a [...] univerſal heir. His inclination pointed to the famil [...] of Auſtria. But the Pope, whom he conſulted by let⯑ter, and afterwards the clergy of Spain, at the inſt [...] ⯑gation of the Cardinal Portocarrero, induced that ſ [...] ⯑perſtitious Prince to nominate the Duke of Anjou, th [...] ſecond ſon of the Dauphin, his ſucceſſor in all his do⯑minions^B.

His will in favour of the Duke of Anjou. In the will, which was dated on the ſecond of Octo⯑ber, the King acknowledged the right of his ſiſter, th [...] Infanta Maria Thereſa, Queen of France, and m [...] ⯑ther of the Dauphin. He alſo acknowledged th [...] right of his aunt, Anne of Auſtria, the mother of th [...] French King; and conſequently the right of the Da [...] ⯑phin, as the only heir, by the laws of the kingdom [...] To prevent an alarm in Europe, at the union of ſu [...] extenſive dominions to France, the Dauphin's ſeco [...] ſon was called to the throne of Spain. Until t [...] Prince ſhould arrive at Madrid, and even till he [...] of age, a council of regency, with th [...] Queen at the head, were nominated for the adminiſtration of affa [...] Upon the demiſe of Charles, the regency wrote to [...] [179] French King, and, at the ſame time, ordered the will to be delivered to that Prince, by the Spaniſh ambaſſa⯑dor reſiding at his court. Lewis conſulted his council; in which it was reſolved to drop the ſecond partition treaty, and to adhere to the teſtament of the late King of Spain. A war, it had been always foreſeen, was the inevitable conſequence of the death of that Prince; and the court of France wiſely concluded, that it was much eaſier to keep poſſeſſion of the whole kingdom, by virtue of the will, than to conquer and retain the ſhare allotted to the Dauphin, by the treaty concluded with England and the States^C.

Lewis XIV. accepts the will. Lewis the Fourteenth joined to theſe reaſons, one other of equal weight. Should he refuſe the bequeſt made to his grandſon of the crown, all the dominions of Spain muſt have fallen into the hands of the Em⯑peror, the hereditary rival of the power of his family. The very courier that brought the will to France, had been ordered, in caſe of the refuſal of that court, to proceed to Vienna, with a tender of the throne to the Archduke. This circumſtance would have again re⯑vived the power poſſeſſed, by the houſe of Auſtria, in the days of Charles the Fifth, when the united weight of Spain and the empire had almoſt proved fatal to the French monarchy. Theſe reaſons coinciding with the ambition of Lewis, he flattered himſelf, that the war, which muſt otherwiſe have been kindled in Europe, was leaſt to be dreaded on the grounds which he now had choſen. The reſolution adopted for accepting the will in France, was followed by the precaution of form⯑ [...]ng alliances abroad. Lewis entered into a treaty with [...]e King of Portugal, with the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua. The latter of theſe Princes received a [...]rench garriſon into his capital. The allies of France, [...] the ſide of Germany, were the Duke of Brunſwick Wolfembuttle, the Duke of Saxe-Gotha, and the [...]iſhop of Munſter. The Elector of Bavaria, then [...]vernor of the Netherlands, and his brother the [...]ector of Cologn, were uncles to the new King [...] Spain, and reſolved to maintain his right to the [...]own^D.

[180] Reſentment of the Em⯑peror. The King of England and the States of the United Provinces affected to be highly offended, at the breach made by Lewis the Fourteenth on the ſecond treaty of partition. But they were in no condition to ſupport, at preſent, their reſentment with any deciſive meaſure, They obſerved, therefore, a cautious ſilence; while the Emperor, poſſeſſed of leſs power of revenge than either, made a great deal of noiſe^E. Perplexed and rendered undeciſive by his diſappointments, Leo⯑pold was, for ſome time, uncertain what meaſures he ſhould adopt to poſſeſs himſelf of an object, of which he had been unexpectedly deprived. He, at length, fixed on the Milaneſe, which he claimed as a fief of the empire. On the twenty-ſecond of November, he iſſued his mandate to the inhabitants of that duchy, which they were to obey on pain of being conſidered as rebels. This reſolution was more calculated to raiſe the ridicule than the terror of the houſe of Bour⯑bon, on that ſide. He was in want of every reſource of war. Without money at home, without alliances abroad; and as irreſolute in his conduct, as he was deſtitute of power and full of pride^F.

William diſpoſed to preſerve a good under⯑ſtanding with Spain. But though the French King had nothing immedi⯑ately to fear from the reſentment of the Emperor, hi [...] own precautions againſt a war haſtened its approach [...] During theſe tranſactions, one Schonenburgh, a Fle⯑miſh Jew, reſided at Madrid, in the double capacity of agent for England and the States of Holland. Th [...] chief view of William, being to preſerve the barrie [...] in Flanders, in the hands of the Dutch, and to preve [...] the Netherlands from being annexed to the crown [...] France, he ordered Schonenburgh to ſignify to th [...] regency, his earneſt deſire of living on the footing [...] their former amity with the court of Spain; and [...] inſinuate, at the ſame time, his expectations, that t [...] barrier in Flanders ſhould be preſerved in its preſe [...] form. The regency, or, as they were called, [...] Junto, had abandoned the fate of Spain to the arbit [...] ⯑tion of France. They knew the weakneſs of the S [...] ⯑niſh [181] dominions in all quarters, and the utter inability of the kingdom to defend itſelf on any ſide. They, therefore, requeſted the French King to accept, in a manner, of the generalſhip of their monarchy. They commanded the viceroys of the provinces to obey his orders; and under the pretence, that the States were making preparations for war, they impowered the court of France to take poſſeſſion of the barrier in Flanders, with French troops^G. Though William might have been jealous of proceedings contrary to the principles which he had long avowed, he was induced, for various reaſons, not only to acquieſce at preſent, in the forward meaſures of France, but, afterwards, even to acknowledge the Duke of Anjou as lawful ſo⯑vereign of Spain^H.

State of af⯑faires at home. The untoward ſituation of the King's affairs at home, had greatly contributed to his preſent want of deciſion abroad. The refractorineſs of the laſt ſeſſion of parliament, their ſuppoſed inſults to his perſon, and actual oppoſition to the crown, had convinced Willi⯑am, that either he muſt change his ſervants or his mea⯑ſures. The firſt ſuited beſt his temper. He had re⯑moved the chancellor before his departure for Holland. The death of Lord Lonſdale, in the month of July, had made a vacancy in the office of privy-ſeal. The department in the ſecretary's office had been long va⯑cant. The King took advantage of theſe circumſtan⯑ces to gratify the Tories, who he deemed could ſerve beſt the meaſures of the crown, without offending, by diſplacing the Whigs. The Earl of Tankerville, remov⯑ed into the office of privy-ſeal, gave room at the head at the treaſury to the Lord Godolphin^I. Sir Charles Hedges was taken from the board of admirality and [...]ade ſecretary of ſtate^J. The Earl of Rocheſter, [...]onſidered as a leader of the Tories and high-church [...]rty, was nominated in council, lord-lieutenant of [...] Ireland. Montagu, who had ſuffered a degree of [...]nominy in the houſe of commons, through his own [182] year 1701 indiſcretion, was removed, by the title of Lord Hali⯑fax, into the houſe of lords^K. The King manifeſt⯑ly trimmed between the two parties. He hoped to divide the Whigs, by retaining ſome of them in of⯑fice. He expected to ſoften the oppoſition of the Tories, by admitting a few of their leaders into the vacant departments of the miniſtry.

The Scotiſh parliament reconciled. While the King was making preparations for meet⯑ing the new repreſentatives of England, on good terms, his miniſters in Scotland were employed, in reconcil⯑ing the parliament of that kingdom to the views of the crown. The national addreſs, for the meeting of par⯑liament, which had been promoted with ſuch eagerneſs by the diſcontented, was defeated by the King's or⯑dering that aſſembly to meet before the addreſs was preſented. On the twenty-eighth of October, the parliament met accordingly; and the King's letter was, in every reſpect, well calculated to allay the ferment, which had ſo long prevailed in the nation It was conceived in the moſt ſoft and inſinuating terms [...] The King promiſed his reſolution to give his aſſen [...] to all acts for the better eſtabliſhing the governmen [...] of the church, the ſecurity of perſonal liberty, an [...] more eſpecially for repairing the loſſes and promoti [...] the intereſt of the African and Indian companies. H [...] laid the want of protection, which they had experi⯑enced before, on the neceſſity impoſed upon himſel [...] by the ſtate of Europe. But as that ſtate was no [...] changed, he was determined to ſupport to the utmoſ [...] their rights and their claims. Though this conde⯑ſcending expedient had, at firſt, no viſible effect [...] the indignant humour of the Scots, yet, by the con⯑currence of ſecret practices on the members, it con⯑tributed to ſooth, at laſt, the parliament into a per [...] compliance with the views of the crown. The [...] ⯑ger the ſeſſion continued the more ground was gain [...] by the miniſtry; till, at length, in the month of J [...] ⯑nuary, the ſtorm, which threatened the repoſe of B [...] ⯑tain, was entirely laid.

[183] A new par⯑liament in England. On the ſixth of February, the new parliament met at Weſtminſter, but, under the pretence of giving time to the members to arrive in town, they were ad⯑journed to the tenth of the ſame month. The com⯑mons having preſented Mr. Harley, whom they had choſen for their ſpeaker, the King made a ſpeech to both houſes, from the throne. He told them, that the great misfortune of the nation, in the death of the Duke of Glouceſter, had rendered it abſolutely neceſ⯑ſary to make a further proviſion for the ſucceſſion in the Proteſtant line. He earneſtly recommended that meaſure to their earlieſt care, as the happineſs of the nation and the ſecurity of religion, depended on an im⯑mediate and proper ſettlement of the crown. The death of the King of Spain, he ſaid, and the declara⯑tion of his ſucceſſor, had made ſo great an alteration in foreign affairs, that he deſired the parliament to conſider very maturely their preſent ſtate; and that he doubted not, but their reſolutions would conduce to the intereſt and ſafety of England, the preſervation of the Proteſtant religion, and the peace of all Europe. Theſe things, he continued, were of ſuch weight, that he had called a new parliament, to obtain the more immediate ſenſe of the kingdom in ſuch an im⯑portant conjuncture. He recommended to the com⯑mons to provide for the late deficiencies and the un⯑funded debts, to inſpect the ſtate and augment the ſtrength of the navy, and to deliberate on the regula⯑tion and improvement of trade.

Mutual ani⯑moſities of the Whigs and Tories. The animoſities of parties, the proſpect of advan⯑tage, which aroſe to the members of the lower houſe, from the very misfortunes of their conſtituents; and above all, the importance which the commons had lately acquired by their ſucceſsful oppoſition to the crown, had rendered ſeats in parliament uncommon objects of conteſt, during the late elections. Bribery and corruption, perhaps never abſent entirely from ſuch occaſions, had arrived at a pitch too indecent to be overlooked, had even thoſe, who were rivals for the ſuffrages of the people, been leſs inflamed againſt one another's conduct. The firſt care of the commons, as is uſual in new parliaments, was turned to undue [184] elections. But the matter of right was decided by favour more than by its merit; every diſpute becom⯑ing rather a trial of the force of parties than the ob⯑ject of impartial deciſion. The Tories having diſ⯑covered their ſuperiority, by the election of a ſpeaker of their own party, are ſaid to have uſed their power in a manner leſs ſuitable to juſtice, than to their own prejudices againſt the Whigs; and to have, thus, weakened ſtill more their opponents, by depriving many of them of their ſeats in the houſe. But the charge of injuſtice might probably have been trans⯑ferred to the other ſide, had their power equalled their animoſity againſt their rivals. The paſſions of all being inflamed by theſe conteſts, the great buſineſs recommended by the King was, for ſome days, either entirely forgotten, or commanded only the ſecondary care of the commons^L.

Steps to⯑ward a war. Notwithſtanding this ſeeming inattention to the bu⯑ſineſs of the nation, the parliament had not yet diſco⯑vered any part of that animoſity, which their prede⯑ceſſors had exhibited againſt the King. On the four⯑teenth of February, they reſolved to aſſure his Ma⯑jeſty, that they would ſupport his government, and take ſuch effectual meaſures as might beſt conduce to the intereſt and ſafety of England, the preſervation of the Proteſtant religion, and the peace of Europe. Though the King in ſecret wiſhed, and had probably determined, when circumſtances ſhould ariſe, to quar⯑rel with France, for departing from the ſecond treaty of partition, he durſt not avow his inclinations for a war, upon a foundation univerſally unpopular. He [...] however, took advantage of the general aſſurance [...] made by the commons, and, with his anſwer to thei [...] addreſs, laid before them a memorial, which he re⯑ceived from the envoy-extraordinary of the States o [...] Holland. This memorial, fabricated, perhaps, i [...] conjunction with William himſelf, contained ſurmiſe [...] of the hoſtile diſpoſition of France, by the motions o [...] her troops on the ſide of Flanders, together with th [...] eventual requiſition of the ſuccours from England ſti⯑pulated by treaty. The King demanded the advice o [...] [185] his commons, on the firſt part of the memorial; and, as to the latter, he deſired their aſſiſtance^M.

All parties eager for it. On the fifteenth of February, the commons, with a view to the treaty of partition, had addreſſed the King, to lay before them all the treaties concluded be⯑tween his Majeſty and any other Prince or ſtate, ſince the late war. But when they received the anſwer to their general addreſs, they demanded the treaty be⯑tween England and the States, ſigned on the third of March 1677, together with all the renewals of the treaty ſince that period. The King complied, and the houſe addreſſed him on the twentieth of Febru⯑ary^N, to enter into ſuch negociations, in concert with the States and other potentates, as might conduce to the preſervation of the peace of Europe. They aſſured him, at the ſame time, of their ſupport and aſſiſtance, for the performance of the treaty concluded in the year 1677, between England and the States of the United Provinces. William ſeized, with eager⯑neſs, the general aſſurances made in this addreſs. He thanked the commons in terms expreſſive of his ap⯑probation of their conduct; and he ſeems, though his deſigns were then unknown, to have uſed great addreſs in reconciling the nation, by degrees, to a war.

Melfort's letter be⯑fore the houſes. To ſecure the aſſiſtance of parliament, by exciting their fears from France, the King had communicated, a few days before, an intercepted letter from the Earl of Melfort to his brother the Earl of Perth, concern⯑ing ſome wild and exploded projects for replacing James again on the throne. Melfort having incurred the diſlike of the adherents of the late King, on account of his violence and abſurdity, had been diſmiſſed from the ſervice of that Prince. James was now directed in his councils by the Earl of Middleton, a man of moderate principles in politics, a Proteſtant in his re⯑ligion, and poſſeſſing conſiderable abilities in buſineſs. The letter, alluding chiefly to paſt tranſactions, con⯑tained no material information. Though the lords deemed it worthy of an addreſs to the King, the com⯑mons, [186] with more dignity, paſſed it over with the contempt it deſerved. They, however, reſolved, upon other conſiderations, to place the navy on a re⯑ſpectable footing. They voted unanimouſly^O, that ſuch perſons as ſhould advance five hundred thouſand pounds for the ſervice of the fleet, ſhould receive ſix per cent. intereſt, and be repaid the principle out of the firſt aid to be granted in the preſent ſeſſion. They alſo reſolved, on the twenty-ſixth of February, that thirty thouſand men ſhould be employed in the ſervice of the year^P.

Settlement of the crown. Though the ſettlement of the crown was a matter of the utmoſt importance to the nation, the lower houſe were neither early in their attention to that bu⯑ſineſs, nor expeditious in bringing it to a concluſion On the third of March, the commons reſolved, that to preſerve the peace and happineſs of the kingdom and to ſecure the eſtabliſhed religion, there was an abſolute neceſſity for making a freſh declaration of the limitation of the crown in the Proteſtant ſucceſſion [...] and that proviſion ſhould be made for the ſecurity o [...] the rights and liberties of the ſubject^Q. The latte [...] part of the reſolution was ſuggeſted by the Tories [...] who had been uniformly accuſed by their rivals o [...] high principles of monarchy. They affirmed, tha [...] the nation was in ſo much haſte when they ſettled th [...] preſent government, that many ſecurities were over⯑looked, which might have prevented much miſchie [...] They therefore moved, that the conditions of go⯑vernment ſhould be ſettled before the perſon ſhould b [...] nominated, leſt what really was meant for the good o [...] the ſubject, ſhould be aſcribed to any diſlike to th [...] Prince on whom the election ſhould fall. This ſa [...] ⯑tary expedient was conſtrued by the Whigs into a d [...] ⯑ſign of defeating the meaſure, by protracting the buſ [...] ⯑neſs. But the motion was ſo popular in itſelf, and [...] conſonant to the principles which they themſelv [...] profeſſed, that they could not oppoſe it, though [...] came from their political enemies.

[187] Articles for the ſecurity of the ſub⯑ject. In a committee of the whole houſe, the commons came to further important reſolutions, which were re⯑ported; and, with a few amendments, approved, on the twelfth of March. They reſolved, that all affairs, with regard to government, cognizable in the privy council, ſhould be tranſacted there, and ſigned by the members. That no perſon whatſoever, not a native of England, Scotland, or Ireland, or dominions be⯑longing to theſe kingdoms, or who was not born of Engliſh parents beyond ſeas, though ſuch perſon is naturalized, ſhould be capable of receiving any grant from the Crown, or office under the King. That in the event of the crown's deſcending or being trans⯑ferred to a foreigner, the Engliſh nation ſhould not be obliged, without the conſent of parliament, to enter into any war, for the defence of territories not depending on the crown of England. That whoſo⯑ever ſhould come to the poſſeſſion of the throne, ſhould join in communion with the church of England. That no pardon ſhould be pleadable to any impeach⯑ment in parliament^R.

The Prin⯑ceſs Sophia placed in the ſucceſ⯑on, To theſe votes they added others, which ſeemed to reflect on the reigning Prince, while they provided ſecurities againſt his ſucceſſors in the throne. They reſolved that no perſon who ſhould hereafter come to the crown, ſhould go out of the dominions of England, Scotland, or Ireland, without the conſent of parlia⯑ment. That no perſon who ſhould poſſeſs an office under the King, or receive a penſion from the Crown, ſhould be capable of ſerving in the houſe of commons. That the commiſſions of the judges ſhould be rendered permanent, and their ſalaries aſcertained and eſta⯑bliſhed. That the Princeſs Sophia, Ducheſs-Dowa⯑ger of Hanover, ſhould be declared the next in ſuc⯑ceſſion to the crown of England, after the reigning King, the Princeſs of Denmark, and the heirs of their reſpective bodies. That the further limitation of the crown ſhould be reſtricted to the Princeſs Sophia and the heirs of her body, being Proteſtants; and that, upon theſe reſolutions, a bill ſhould be brought in before the houſe^S. The bill was accordingly [188] preſented, by Mr. Conyers, on the laſt day of March; and though it met with obſtruction, from various in⯑cidents, it paſſed, on the fourteenth of April, and was ſent up to the lords^T.

as the Pro⯑teſtant near eſt to the crown. The Princeſs Sophia, thus eventually elected to ſucceed to the throne of England, was the neareſt perſon of the royal line, who was not already under a legal incapacity of poſſeſſing the crown. An expreſs act of parliament had excluded all Roman Catholics from the ſucceſſion; and all the deſcendants of Charles the Firſt, except William and the Princeſs of Den⯑mark, were of the Popiſh perſuaſion. The parlia⯑ment, therefore, were obliged to return to the poſte⯑rity of James the Firſt in another line; and to Sophia, as grand-daughter to that Prince, by his daughter Elizabeth, who had been married to the unfortunate King of Bohemia. Though the ſame power which conferred on the Princeſs the ſucceſſion of the Crown, might, with equal juſtice, have placed any other per⯑ſon on the throne, the parliament choſe to adhere, in ſome degree, to the royal blood, as committing the leaſt outrage on monarchy, to which a majority of themſelves were attached from principle. A different conduct might, for a time, have deprived the elected Sovereign of the reverence which moſt men, born under monarchies, pay to the hereditary line. But the influence ariſing from the diſpoſal of an immenſe revenue, had, even then, placed the power of the Sovereign on a much more ſolid foundation, than the ſeeble prerogative derived, by hereditary princes, from the opinion of the people.

Reflections. This conſideration had certainly its weight with the preſent parliament, in limiting the force of the execu⯑tive power, in the ſettlement of the ſucceſſion. As the crown which they conferred was a voluntary gift, they had a right, if they choſe, to deprive it of its unneceſſary ornaments, and even of ſome of its jewels. But power had turned it into another channel; and the mounds which were reared, became, in a manner, uſeleſs, as the waters ceaſed to riſe on that ſide. The [189] Crown was deſtined, from the very exertions made by the people againſt its exorbitant claims, to acquire in influence, what it loſt in prerogative. Authority, by theſe means, loſt gradually its terrors and its inſolence. Power had ceaſed to be ſplendid; but it became per⯑manent and irreſiſtible: and mankind may be imper⯑ceptibly ſurrounded with the toils of deſpotiſm, while they have the vanity to think themſelves free.

Proceedings of parlia⯑ment. The parliament having placed the important buſi⯑neſs of the ſucceſſion in a way of being ſecured, be⯑gan to inquire into domeſtic miſmanagements, and the conduct of the Crown, with regard to foreign powers. They had already provided for the credit of the na⯑tion. They had placed the navy on a formidable footing, by granting large ſupplies. It, however, had been evident, that the King wiſhed leaſt for their aſſiſtance in the latter line. But the majority ſeemed by no means willing to gratify their Sovereign, in the point of an immediate increaſe of the land-forces of the kingdom. In their meaſures conſequent upon the reſolution of adhering to the treaty with the Dutch in 1677, the commons made a ſhew of aiding the King, without offending the nation. They reſolved, that twelve battalions, then in Ireland, ſhould be made up, with new levies, to ten thouſand men; and ſent to the aid of the States. But they, at the ſame time, re⯑ſolved, that no new levies ſhould be made, in Ireland or elſewhere, to ſupply the twelve battalions now to be tranſported beyond ſeas^V.

Lords ad⯑dreſs againſt the partiti⯑on treaties. The preſent diſtruſt of the King, was followed by animadverſions on his former conduct. The lords, having addreſſed the throne, for the late treaties, theſe, together with other important papers, were laid before them, about the middle of March. Hav⯑ing, in a committee of the whole houſe, examined the treaties of partition, they agreed upon an addreſs, containing bitter reflections on their tendency. They complained, that the laſt treaty with the French King, had been huddled up without being laid before parliament, though then actually ſitting; and even [190] without being conſidered in council; circumſtances as unjuſt in their nature, as the meaſures themſelves were fatal in their conſequences. They inſinuated, that the treaty had probably been the cauſe of the will in favour of the Duke of Anjou. That the ceſ⯑ſion of Sicily, Naples, ſeveral ports in the Mediter⯑ranean, the province of Guipuſcoa, and the duchy of Lorrain, as ſtipulated, in favour of France, by the laſt treaty, was contrary to the pretence of the treaty itſelf; the profeſſed object of which was, the peace and ſafety of Europe. They requeſted his Majeſty to require and admit, for the future, in all matters of importance, the advice of his natural born ſubjects; and, for that purpoſe, to conſtitute a council, to whom all ſuch foreign and domeſtic affairs as concerned either his Majeſty or his dominions, might be referred^V. The King's anſwer was moderate and prudent. It contained a brief evaſion, conceived in handſome terms. He owned, that the addreſs contained a mat⯑ter of very great moment; and that he would take care, that all treaties he might conclude, ſhould be for the honour and ſafety of England^W.

The King's prudent ma⯑nagement of the com⯑mons. The King having perceived, at the beginning of the ſeſſion, that the current of parliament was likely to ſet powerfully againſt his meaſures, had reſolved to fall down with the ſtream. He had filled the va⯑cant offices with ſome of the high-church party. He was now determined not to exaſperate, as he could not ſoothe the commons. They had already, in various reſolutions, rendered manifeſt their diſapprobation of the King's late meaſures, and exhibited a diſtruſt of his future conduct. William, however, exhibited publicly no ſymptom of diſpleaſure, at the conduct o [...] the majority. He had, now, turned his thought [...] wholly upon war. In ſeveral meſſages to the com⯑mons, he communicated the negociations abroad, i [...] terms which plainly inſinuated, that they were at onc [...] ineffectual and near their end. He was ſupported i [...] his preſent views by the leaders of the Whigs at home [...] and, through his own management, by the Dut [...] [191] from abroad. The firſt expected to regain the ad⯑vantages which they had loſt, in the confuſions of war; and the latter were either led by the influence of the King, in their councils, or ſwayed by views of their own. Memorial regularly followed memorial to Wil⯑liam; and he, as regularly, with meſſage after meſ⯑ſage plied the commons^X.

Several lords impeached. A majority, however, being equally averſe with their conſtituents, from a renewal of war, the com⯑mons reſolved, without one diſſenting voice, upon a vote of advice to the King. Inſtead of agreeing with his meſſage^Y, that all negociations ſeemed to be at an end, they requeſted the King to carry on the ne⯑gociations, in concert with the States; and they, at the ſame time, promiſed to enable, effectually, his Majeſty to ſupport the treaty, concluded in the year 1677, with the United Provinces. Upon a debate, on the treaties of partition, they expreſſed their higheſt diſapprobation of both, in reſolutions as well as in words. They addreſſed his Majeſty to remove the Earl of Portland^Z, the Lord Somers^A, and the Lord Halifax, from his preſence and councils for ever; having ordered them to be impeached at the bar of the houſe of lords. Theſe violent meaſures, as they were called by the Whig-party, produced a counter-addreſs from the lords; a majority of whom had been gain⯑ed by the joint influence of the Court and the perſons accuſed. The King, to avoid any conteſt with the commons, paſſed over the addreſs of the peers in ſilence. The firſt proceeded on articles to maintain the impeachments, in which the piracies of captain Kidd, under the ſanction of the broad ſeal, and his being manned and furniſhed by his Majeſty's ſhips, was not the leaſt extraordinary^B.

Proceedings of the com⯑mons. While the King choſe to make no reply to the lords, he prudently returned a ſoothing anſwer to the com⯑mons. But though they preſented an addreſs of thanks, they were not to be entirely gained. To ſupport their own reſolutions to enable the King to adhere to the [192] treaty of 1677, they voted three ſhillings in the pound on land. But they applied the ſavings on the civil liſt, to the current ſervice. The fifty thouſand pounds al⯑lotted as a dower to King James's Queen, had been hitherto retained by William, in his own hands, under various pretences; and more than twenty thouſand pounds had reverted to the crown, by the death of the Duke of Glouceſter. Theſe ſums, making in all near one hundred thouſand pounds, were applied, after a violent conteſt with the adherents of the Court, to⯑ward the payment of the public debts. During tranſ⯑actions ſo unfavourable to the views of the King, men who wiſhed to regain his favour and ſecure his confi⯑dence, endeavoured to rouze the nation to a deſire for war. A difference between the two houſes had been ſomented to favour this deſign. But the people had been hitherto unconcerned ſpectators of the conteſts, which agitated the parties in parliament.

Artifice of the court. In all governments that have any tincture of free⯑dom, the voice of the nation is generally the ſtandard to which public meaſures are formed. Juntos in office, as well as excluded factions, adapt their conduct to this great criterion; and when the nation are not rouz⯑ed to forward the private views of either, by means of favourite prejudices, they both endeavour to excite the clamours of the populace, or to gain them to their reſpective parties, through the channel of their fears [...] Though the reſolutions of the houſe of commons wer [...] hitherto calculated to pleaſe the nation, the exclude [...] party, together with ſome of thoſe ſervants who wer [...] beſt acquainted with the King's mind, infuſed gradu⯑ally into the people a wild ſuſpicion of their repreſen⯑tatives. That aſſembly, who had evidently ſecure [...] the liberties of the ſubject, by the limitations in th [...] act of ſettlement, were cenſured as attached to a ſy [...] ⯑tem of arbitrary power. Thoſe who called a prote [...] ⯑tant ſucceſſor to the crown, were accuſed of favouri [...] the popiſh line; and men who endeavoured to appe [...] as good huſbands of the treaſure of the nation, we [...] ſtigmatized as enemies to the public. Though wi [...] regard to many individuals, thoſe charges might ha [...] [193] been, in ſome meaſure, founded on fact, the means uſed to impreſs the nation with a bad opinion of the whole, were highly unjuſtifiable.

Kentiſh pe⯑tition. The firſt meaſure taken for rouzing the nation to an ardour for war, exhibited itſelf in the county of Kent. The grand-jury and other gentlemen and free⯑holders had aſſembled at Maidſtone, on the twenty-ninth of April; and through the management of the adherents of the King, preſented to the houſe of com⯑mons what was deemed a libel, in the form of a petiti⯑on^C. The houſe voted the petition to be ſcandalous, [...]nſolent, and ſeditious, tending to deſtroy the conſti⯑ [...]ution of parliament, and to ſubvert the eſtabliſhed [...]overnment. The perſons who preſented the paper [...]ere delivered over into the cuſtody of a ſerjeant at [...]rms; and, upon a ſuſpicion of an intended reſcue, [...]ommitted to the gate-houſe. Thoſe who had adviſed [...]nd promoted the Kentiſh petition, artfully increaſ⯑ed the ferment, which this deciſive meaſure of the [...]ommons had raiſed. A libel ſubſcribed Legion, was [...]anſmitted to the ſpeaker, containing many articles of [...]cuſation; and charging the houſe with tyranny to [...]e ſubject and undutifulneſs toward the King [...] The [...]mmons addreſſed the throne againſt the endeavours [...]at had been made to raiſe tumults among the peo⯑ [...]e; and they requeſted him to provide effectually, by [...]e exact execution of the laws, for the peace and [...]urity of the kingdom^D.

Difference between the houſes. While the party thus armed the prejudices of the [...]pulace againſt the commons, they found means to [...]re the majority, which they had obtained in the [...]ſe of peers. The articles againſt the impeached [...]s were either conſidered as frivolous in themſelves, [...] they were but languidly maintained. The two [...]ſes, at length, fell into an irreconcileable difference [...] the mode of proceeding. The commons inſiſt⯑ [...] that the lords whom they had impeached, ſhould [...]ain from voting in the upper-houſe; and that a [...]mittee, from each of the houſes, ſhould meet to [...]ſt the time, manner, and order in the intended [194] trials. The lords refuſed the firſt demand, as it ſeem⯑ed to include a condemnation before conviction. To the ſecond, they replied, that as the ſole right of judica⯑ture was in themſelves, they had alſo the ſole right to ap⯑point the time, manner, and order of all trials on impeach⯑ments. Theſe differences filled the end of the month of May, and almoſt the whole of June, with alterca⯑tion, conteſt, and noiſe. The peers had appointed days for the trials. The commons refuſed to appear; and the impeached lords were acquitted. The King, in the mean time, obſerved a prudent ſilence. Though he was not diſpleaſed at the current, which had turned againſt the commons, he avoided to irritate that aſſem⯑bly; and he diſmiſſed them, by prorogation, on the twenty-fourth of June, in apparent good humour, though he, perhaps even then, had reſolved never to meet the ſame houſe again.

Reflections on the con⯑duct of the commons; Though no houſe of commons had ever fallen un⯑der the diſpleaſure of party writers in a degree equal to the preſent, they certainly deſeved to meet with mo [...] praiſe than cenſure. That ſeveral members had pri⯑vate views to promote, in their oppoſition to th [...] crown, cannot well be denied. But that the cond [...] of the whole ſeemed calculated to diſcharge the du [...] of the repreſentative of the people to their count [...] is equally true. Their chief demerit, in the eyes [...] thoſe who favoured the views of the King, was t [...] purſuing every meaſure calculated to prevent the n [...] ⯑on from being engaged, as a principal, in a contin [...] war; and the party, who abetted the notions of [...] court; had the addreſs to rouze the reſentment of [...] vulgar in their own cauſe. Some of the proceed [...] of the lower houſe, it muſt be acknowledged, [...] tinctured with thoſe partialities which too often [...] grace popular aſſemblies. Whilſt they pointed [...] utmoſt vengeance againſt thoſe leaders of the W [...] that bore a ſhare in the laſt treaty of partition, [...] paſſed over ſome Tories, who were equally de [...] that unadviſed tranſaction. But an undeviating a [...] ⯑tion to juſtice, can ſcarce ever be expected from [...] inflamed with the prejudices of party.

[195] and on that of the King The conduct of William, during the ſeſſion, was as ſuitable to prudence, as it was to the deſigns, that, without acknowledging them, he had adopted. The Whigs and Tories were inflamed againſt each other to ſuch a degree of inveteracy, and they were alſo ſo equally poiſed, that without declaring for either, he had a proſpect of commanding both parties. Some leaders of each ſide were ſtill in office. But he choſe to make no advances to the Whigs, nor to gratify the Tories. The two factions took different ways to ob⯑tain the management of government. The firſt de⯑parted from their principles, in their endeavours to gain the King. The latter ſeemed rather inclined to owe their influence to their ſovereign's fear of their power. William, all the while, obſerved a profound ſilence; and even after the prorogation of parliament, when he reſolved to paſs over into Holland, he left the government in ſuch mixed hands, that no judgment could be formed to which party he moſt inclined.

William in Holland. On the thirtieth of June, the King left Hampton-court; and on the third of July, he arrived in the Maeſe. The battalions from Ireland, the levies from England, and the regiments from Scotland, were in Holland before the King; who had raiſed the Earl of Marlborough to the command of the whole. In ſome meaſure prepared for war, he applied himſelf to ne⯑gociations nominally calculated for preſerving peace. He had, in the preceding April, acknowledged the new King of Spain, by a letter under his own hand. The States, after heavy complaints, had done the same for the ſake of their commerce. But it had long been no ſecret, that neither were willing to permit the [...]ouſe of Bourbon to enjoy, in tranquillity, the vaſt [...]ceſſion of power they had received in the crown of [...]pain. A mock-ſhew of a treaty, in the mean time, [...]mployed the ſummer. The French court, though [...]hey ſeriouſly wiſhed for a continuance of peace, be⯑ [...]ved in a manner that ſeemed to haſten the war. [...]eſpairing of any happy iſſue to conferences, where [...]ther ſide would depart from their claims, D'Avaux, [...]e ambaſſador of France at the Hague, was recalled, [...] the eighth of Auguſt; having left a memorial with [196] the States, more apt to inflame their reſentment, than to remove their fears.

War in Ita⯑ly. French defeated at Carpi, Before William paſſed into Holland, the flames of war had been kindled in Italy, between the Emperor and the houſe of Bourbon. The Prince de Vaude⯑mont, governor of Milan, had obeyed the will of Charles the Second, and ſubmitted himſelf to the new King. A body of French troops, at the requiſition of the Prince, had entered the Milaneſe. Theſe were, ſoon after, followed by a powerful army, and the Duke of Savoy, whoſe daughter was now married to the young King of Spain, was declared captain-gene⯑ral of the whole. On the other hand, the Imperial⯑iſts, under Prince Eugene, entered Italy, in the end of May, to the number of thirty thouſand men. The Mareſchal de Catinat, as the Duke of Savoy was not yet arrived, commanded the French, in conjunction with the Prince de Vaudemont. They took poſſeſ⯑ſion of the Mantuan. They poſted themſelves along the Adige. Prince Eugene, however, under the fein [...] of a deſign to croſs the Po, forced the paſſage of th [...] Adige, entered the entrenchments of the French a [...] Carpi, and obliged the enemy, after having ſuffere [...] a conſiderable loſs, to cover themſelves behind th [...] Mincio^E.

and again at Chiari. The retreat of the Mareſchal de Catinat left Princ [...] Eugene maſter of the whole country lying betwee [...] the Adige and the Adda. The Mareſchal poſted him⯑ſelf behind the latter river and the Oglio, to prevent [...] if poſſible, the Imperialiſts from entering the Mila⯑neſe. The French, in the mean time, were joine [...] by the Duke of Savoy, who left Turin on the twenty⯑fourth of July, to place himſelf at the head of th [...] army. The continual checks received after the arr [...] ⯑val of the commander in chief, raiſed, in the mind [...] Catinat, a ſuſpicion, that the misfortunes of the fie [...] had not altogether proceeded from the great abilities [...] Prince Eugene. He diſpatched to court an account of his uneaſineſs, concerning the fidelity of the Du [...] of Savoy. But Lewis the Fourteenth, aſcribing [...] [197] Catinat's own impatience, the ſurmiſes which he had communicated concerning the Duke, ſent the Mareſ⯑chal de Villeroi to ſuperſede him in his command. Villeroi, willing upon his arrival to ſignalize himſelf with ſome action, entered into a concert with the Duke, to ſurpriſe a ſmall poſt at Chiara, occupied by a corps of infantry, at the head of the Imperial camp. The project was raſh, and had it even been attended with ſucceſs, altogether uſeleſs. The Duke of Savoy acquainted Prince Eugene of the deſign of de Villeroi, and the diſpoſition of the intended attack. The French, being thus betrayed, were repulſed with great loſs^F. The reſt of the campaign produced no acti⯑on of any importance. The confederates quitted firſt the field, and retired into winter-quarters, between the Oglio and the Adda.

Negociati⯑ons of the Emperor. Though the ſucceſſes of the campaign were far from being deciſive, they animated the Emperor, and gave weight to his negociations. He had ſecured the Elec⯑tor of Brandenburgh, through the channel of his va⯑nity, by dignifying him with the name of King. The Princes of Germany, who at firſt affected to conſider the war in the light of a family-diſpute for a crown, were induced to depart from their propoſed neutrality, by the recent victories obtained in Italy, over the combined forces of France and Spain. The maritime powers, whoſe aid was the moſt important of all, were prepared, by motives of their own, to come into the views of the court of Vienna. The King of England, [...]ighly offended with Lewis the Fourteenth, for hav⯑ [...]ng made him, in a manner, the tool of his ambition, [...] the laſt treaty of partition, had reſolved on a war. The Dutch, ſwayed by the influence of William, jea⯑ [...]us of their own commerce with Spain, on account [...]f the advantages already obtained by France, and [...]rrified at the preparations made by the latter king⯑ [...]om on their frontiers, diſcovered an uncommon ea⯑ [...]erneſs for taking up arms. Denmark, gained by the [...]bſidiary treaty, was ready to abet the views of the [...]aritime powers, with a conſiderable body of men; [198] and if Sweden and Poland had taken no part in the in⯑tended confederacy, it was becauſe they were engaged in a war at home^G.

Sept. 7. Triple alli⯑ance. The departure of D'Avaux from the Hague, in the beginning of Auguſt, had put an end to even the ſhew of treating with France, for the preſervation of the tranquillity of Europe. A fair field was now left for the negociations of the Emperor. That Prince, in proportion as he perceived the inclination of the mari⯑time powers for war, roſe in his demands with regard to the terms of the projected alliance. He was deter⯑mined, at firſt, to be ſatisfied with nothing leſs than the whole Spaniſh monarchy. But the King of Eng⯑land and the States, being reſolute to undertake for no more than the recovery of Flanders, as a barrier for Holland, and the duchy of Milan, for the ſecurity of the Emperor, the latter Prince thought it prudent to depart from his vaſt ſchemes. All difficulties being thus removed, the treaty, which afterwards obtained the name of the grand alliance, was ſigned on the ſe⯑venth of September. The deſign avowed in the arti⯑cles, was the procuring ſatisfaction for the Empero [...] in the Spaniſh ſucceſſion, and ſufficient ſecurity fo [...] the dominions and commerce of the allies. It wa [...] alſo ſtipulated, that the King of England and th [...] States, might retain for themſelves whatever lands an [...] cities their arms ſhould conquer, in both the In⯑dies^H.

Exhauſted ſtate of France Though France had foreſeen the ſtorm which wa [...] now ready to burſt upon her, in all its rage, ſhe ha [...] been as negligent in her preparations as ſhe was deſt [...] ⯑tute of reſources, Lewis himſelf, having no inclina⯑tion to enter into a war, gave too much credit to th [...] pacific diſpoſition of other powers. He might hav [...] perceived, and he probably was not ignorant, that t [...] jealouſy entertained by the reſt of Europe, on acco [...] of the late acceſſion of his family to ſuch vaſt domi [...] ⯑ons, could ſcarce permit him to enjoy his good fo [...] ⯑tune in peace. But the truth is, he was cured of [...] former ambition. The caution of age had come up [...] [199] him, with its inactivity and weakneſs. His people had ſcarce time to breathe, after immenſe exertions, that had drained their coffers, exhauſted their ſtrength, and depreſſed their ſpirit. The commerce, which had been interrupted by the late war, had not yet returned to the old channel. His own unadviſed policy had alſo contributed to impoveriſh his kingdom. His raiſing and leſſening the value of money, had left his people in ſuch a ſtate of uncertainty, with regard to their property, that they exported their ſpecie into other countries; whilſt he himſelf aſſiſted the general waſte, by remitting great ſums into Flanders and Italy to maintain his armies; and into Germany to gain the favour of Princes, who, ſoon after, deſerted his cauſe^I.

and Spain. To render his ſituation ſtill more critical, the domi⯑nions of his grandſon, deſtitute of the means of defence, became a burden, inſtead of an aid, to France. The Spaniſh monarchy, vulnerable on every ſide, preſent⯑ed to the enemy a weakneſs proportionable to its own magnitude. The finances were at a very low ebb. The ſpirit of the people had declined with the re⯑ſources of the nation. They could protect themſelves from none, though they were deſtined to be the prey of all. Their ſtate was ſo wretched, that in the pre⯑ſent year, the court of Madrid were ſcarce able, on the requiſition of France, to equip two men of war, and to ſend two thouſand five hundred men into Andalufia, for the ſecurity of that province^K. To alleviate theſe diſtreſſes at home, the French King endeavour⯑ [...]d to ſtrengthen himſelf with alliances abroad. He [...]ad attempted to ſecure the Duke of Savoy, with [...]erms of great advantage to himſelf, and the marriage of his ſecond daughter to the young King of Spain. He had alſo concluded a treaty with the King of Por⯑ [...]ugal, on the eighteenth of June. But neither of [...]hoſe Princes was ſincere in his engagements. The [...]rſt betrayed the councils and armies of France, in [...]he very firſt campaign; and the latter deſerted her [200] alliance, when her affairs began to aſſume an unfa⯑vourable aſpect.

Death of King James The ſteps taken by William and the States, againſt the houſe of Bourbon, were no ſecret at the court of France. But intelligence of the concluſion of the treaty could not have arrived at Verſailles, when an incident happened, which induced Lewis, perhaps too precipitately, to declare himſelf in oppoſition to Eng⯑land. The unfortunate King James, having ever ſince the peace of Riſwick, loſt every hope of being re⯑ſtored to the throne, had reſigned himſelf to all the auſterities of religious enthuſiaſm. His conſtitution though vigorous and athletic, had, for ſome time, be⯑gun to yield to the infirmities of age, and to that me⯑lancholy, with which ſuperſtition, as well as his un⯑common misfortunes, had impreſſed his mind. In the beginning of September, when he was, according to his daily cuſtom, at public prayers, he fell ſuddenly into a lethargy; and though he recovered ſoon after, his ſenſes, he languiſhed, for ſome days, and expired on the ſixth of September. The French King, with great humanity, paid him ſeveral viſits during his ſick⯑neſs; and exhibited every ſymptom of compaſſion, af⯑fection, and even of reſpect^L

Lewis XIV. promiſes to own his ſon; Lewis being under a difficulty how to proceed upon the expected death of James, called a council to take their advice, whether he ſhould own the Prince o [...] Wales as King of Great Britain and Ireland. Th [...] King himſelf had heſitated long on this delicate poin [...] But the Dauphin, the Duke of Burgundy, and all th [...] Princes of the blood, declared, that it was unbecomin [...] the dignity of the crown of France, not to own th [...] the titles of the father devolved immediately upon th [...] ſon^M. Lewis approving of a reſolution to whic [...] he had been of himſelf inclined, reſolved to inform th [...] dying King, in perſon, of the determination of th [...] council. When he arrived at St. Germains, he a [...] ⯑quainted firſt the Queen, and then her ſon, of his d [...] ⯑ſign. He then approached the bed in which Jam [...] [201] lay, almoſt inſenſible with his diſorder. When James, rouzing himſelf, began to thank his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty for all his favours, the latter interrupted him, and ſaid: ‘"Sir, what I have done is but a ſmall mat⯑ter. But what I have to ſay is of the utmoſt import⯑ance."’ The people preſent began to retire. ‘"Let no perſon withdraw,"’ he ſaid; ‘"I come to acquaint you, Sir, that when God ſhall pleaſe to call your Ma⯑jeſty from this world, I ſhall take your family into my protection, and acknowledge your ſon, as then he will certainly be, King of Great Britain and Ire⯑land^N."’

who is de⯑clared King of Great Britain and Ireland. The voice of a divinity could not have made a greater impreſſion on the unfortunate ſervants of James, who were all preſent, than this unexpected declarati⯑on from the French King. They burſt at once into a murmur of applauſe, which ſeemed to be tinctured with a mixture of grief and joy. Some threw them⯑ſelves, in ſilence, at his feet. Others wept aloud. All ſeemed to be ſo much affected, that Lewis him⯑ſelf was melted into tears. James, in a kind of exta⯑cy, half-raiſed himſelf on the bed, and endeavoured to ſpeak. But the confuſed noiſe was ſo great, and he ſo weak, that his voice could not be heard. The King himſelf, as if unable longer to bear this melan⯑choly ſcene, retired. But, as he paſſed through the court of the palace, he called the officer of the guard, and ordered him to treat the young Prince as King, whenever his father ſhould expire^O. Though James ſurvived this declaration but one day, he ſent the Earl of Middleton to Marli, to thank his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty for his kindneſs to himſelf, and his promiſed protection to his family. Upon his death, his ſon was acknowledged by the court and the nation. Lewis himſelf viſited him in form, and treated him with the name of Majeſty. But the adherents of the nominal King, choſe not to proclaim him with the uſual ſolemnity, not knowing how the title of France [202] would be taken by that Prince, who was the only ſup⯑port of his cauſe^P.

Preparations for war. Though the Marquis de Torcy, in the name of Lewis, endeavoured to convince the Engliſh ambaſſa⯑dor, the Earl of Mancheſter, that this tranſaction was no infringement on the treaty of Riſwick, the inſult to William was too flagrant to be borne with patience. He accordingly recalled his ambaſſador from the court of France; and ſent directions to the lords juſtices to order Pouſſin, the French envoy, to quit England. Preparations for war were, in the mean time, made on every ſide. The King of Denmark ordered the troops, ſtipulated by the treaty of ſubſidy, to march through Holſtein and Hanover toward Flanders. The Dutch entered Juliers, with a conſiderable force. The French poſſeſſed themſelves of the towns on the Rhine, as auxiliaries to the circle of Burgundy. No⯑thing but the more form of a declaration was now wanting to conſtitute a war. The King of England having determined to take the field early in the ſpring, ſettled with the United Provinces, in the capacity of Stadtholder, the ſtate of the war, for the following year. He was preſſed, in the mean time, by the Em⯑peror to break immediately with France. But he had lately ſuffered ſo much from the refractorineſs of the Engliſh commons, that he prudently declined to enter upon hoſtilities, without their approbation and aid.

King de⯑clines in his health, and returns. But the feeble conſtitution of William was now be⯑come unequal to the great exertions of his mind [...] Worn out with vexation, as well as with the vigilanc [...] neceſſary for the management of the affairs of a na⯑tion, who, amidſt all their profeſſions of regard, were [...] in a great meaſure, averſe from his manner of govern⯑ing, his health never ſettled and vigorous, had lo [...] begun apparently to decline. The weak ſtate t [...] which he was now reduced, had rendered him almo [...] inviſible at Loo; while he was in fact the center rou [...] which the affairs of Europe turned. But, now, t [...] alliance into which he had entered, and the meaſure [...] [203] in conſequence, he was forced to adopt, rendered his preſence neceſſary in England. Having brought to great forwardneſs, a perpetual alliance between the Engliſh and the Dutch, for the recovery and preſer⯑vation of Flanders, he embarked, on the fourteenth of November, and landed, the next day, at Margate. In England, during the King's abſence, nothing re⯑markable happened, except the ferment which the tranſactions of the preceding ſeſſion had raiſed between the parties. Having carried their conteſts into the preſs, the people, as is uſual, when their paſſions are inflamed, were vehemently agitated between the arguments and declamations of the two great parties, the Whigs and the Tories^Q.

Conteſts between parties. The Whigs, however, more active or more deter⯑mined than their opponents, had the addreſs to turn the opinions of the people to forward their own de⯑ſigns. The declaration of the French King, for the title of the Prince of Wales, was an incident too fa⯑vourable to their views, to be dropt without being uſed. The vulgar were eaſily perſuaded, that thoſe who oppoſed the meaſures of the Crown in parliament, were enemies to the King; and they were loud in their complaints againſt the proceedings and conduct of the houſe of commons. The ſeverity of that aſſem⯑bly to the Kentiſh petitioners, their conteſts with the lords, their animadverſions on the foreign tranſactions of government were magnified, and introduced as proofs of their attachment to the exiled family. The late ſettlement of the crown in the Proteſtant line, the limitations, highly favourable to the liberties of the people, impoſed upon the eventual ſucceſſion of a fo⯑reign family, were either entirely forgot or totally miſ⯑repreſented. Addreſſes to William, upon the inſult offered by France, were tranſmitted to him in Hol⯑land. Flattery, abſurdity, and folly, as is uſual, abounded in theſe unmeaning productions. But they ſerved the purpoſe of the King, who had reſolved to meet no more a parliament, that had already ſhewn ſo [204] much averſion to the war in which he was now irreco⯑verably engaged.

Affairs of the North. On the thirteenth of November, the parliament was diſſolved, by proclamation; and writs were iſſued for another to meet, at Weſtminſter, on the thirtieth of December. The conteſts uſual in all elections, were carried to a height proportionable to the violence and animoſity of parties acting on the prejudices of the vulgar. Noiſe and tumult filled every corner of Eng⯑land, while every State in the North and Weſt of Europe were indefatigably preparing to take arms. The kingdoms of the Eaſt were ſtill engaged in the war which Charles the Twelfth of Sweden had kin⯑dled, in the preceding year, to fruſtrate the unjuſt combination of his neighbours againſt his kingdom. The defeat of the Ruſſians, in the battle of Narva, had rendered that active and gallant Prince a conquer⯑or the more formidable, that he ſeemed eager with new exploits to eclipſe the glory of the old. His victories in Poland were as rapid as the march of his troops. The Ruſſians were every where routed, as ſoon as ſeen; and the King himſelf, having paſſed the Duna, in the ſight of the enemy, and totally defeated the Saxons, formed, at Birzen, the reſolution of de⯑priving King Auguſtus of the throne of Poland^R.

A new par⯑liament. The new parliament met, on the thirtieth of De⯑cember; and the commons, from their firſt meaſure, ſeemed to have brought into their houſe, all the ani⯑moſities which had inflamed their conſtituents during the election. But though every art had been uſed by the Whigs, and ſeveral Tories had, in conſequence [...] been deprived of their former ſeats, the latter ſeeme [...] ſtill to form a majority. The firſt trial of the force o [...] the parties, was made in the choice of a ſpeaker. Si [...] Thomas Littleton, nominated by the Whigs, was re⯑jected, on a diviſion; and Harley, abetted by the To⯑ries, was placed in the chair^S. The King, wh [...] favoured Littleton, was deſerted in the vote by ſuc [...] Tories as were in his ſervice. They preferred the in⯑fluence of their party, to the countenance of a Princ [...] [205] whoſe reign was apparently drawing to its end. Their conduct, however, had already been ſo much reſented by the King, that he reſolved to place his whole con⯑fidence in the Whigs. He diſmiſſed Sir Charles Hedges from the office of ſecretary of ſtate; in which the Earl of Mancheſter, lately returned from his em⯑baſſy in France, was placed. The Earl of Carliſle ſupplanted the Lord Godolphin, at the head of the treaſury. The Earl of Pembroke, ſuppoſed to be a Whig, though he had actually correſponded with King James^T, was ſoon after made lord high-admiral of England; and the Duke of Somerſet, not much more averſe to the old cauſe, ſucceeded Pembroke as pre⯑ſident of the council.

King's ſpeech. The commons having preſented their ſpeaker, the King made a ſpeech to both houſes from the throne. He promiſed himſelf, he ſaid, that they were met to⯑gether full of a juſt ſenſe of the danger of Europe, and a high reſentment of the late proceeding of the French King. He expatiated upon the indignity offered to himſelf and the nation, in owning and ſetting up the pretended Prince of Wales as King of England; and he recommended to them to conſider, what further effectual means might be uſed, to ſecure the ſucceſſion of the crown in the Proteſtant line. He complained, that the French King, by placing his grandſon on the throne of Spain, had furniſhed himſelf with the means of oppreſſing Europe; and that he had ſurrounded his neighbours in ſuch a manner, that though the name of peace had ſtill continued, other States were put to all the inconvenience and expence of war. He enlarged on what England had to fear from the power of the houſe of Bourbon; and he informed the houſes, that [...]o obviate the general calamity which threatened Chriſtendom, he had concluded ſeveral alliances, ac⯑ [...]ording to the encouragement given him by both houſes [...]f parliament. He told them, that the eyes of Europe were turned toward their deliberations; and that every [...]hing abroad was at a ſtand till their reſolutions ſhould [...]e known. Having flattered them with their impor⯑ [...]nce, he demanded ſupplies from the commons for a [206] great ſtrength at ſea, and ſuch a ſtrength by land, as were expected, from the late alliance, by the allies. He concluded his ſpeech with various arguments for their unanimity; and he hoped, as he himſelf was de⯑ſirous of being the common father of all his people, they would, on their ſide, lay aſide parties, diviſions, and animoſities^U.

1702. Proceedings of parlia⯑ment. Though the two houſes were, as much as ever, di⯑vided into parties, ſuch was the management of the King, and the diſpoſition of the times, that they vied with one another to forward the ends propoſed in his Majeſty's ſpeech. The lords addreſſed the King in the warmeſt and moſt affectionate terms. The com⯑mons, without one diſſenting voice, voted the ſupply. Inſtead of being offended at the treaty which was to engage the nation in an immediate war, they addreſſed the throne, that no peace ſhould be made with France, till reparation ſhould be made to the King and the na⯑tion, for her owning and declaring the pretended Prince of Wales King of England^V. On the ſecond of January, they brought in a bill for the attainder of of that Prince. They introduced another bill, on the ninth, for the further ſecurity of his Majeſty's perſon, and the ſucceſſion of the crown in the Proteſtant line^W. The next day, they reſolved, that the proportion of land-forces, to act in conjunction with the allies, ſhould, in terms of the treaty, be forty thouſand men. They voted forty thouſand ſeamen for the ſervice of the year. But when the common; thus gratified the King, they were not negligent in their duty to their conſtituents. They regulated the number of ſoldiers to be employed in every regiment of foot and troop of horſe. They examined, with great exactneſs, the ſtate and condition of the navy The animoſity of parties ſeemed to be loſt in an at⯑tention to buſineſs; and, when diſputes and conteſt were moſt to be feared, all were unanimous and ſeem⯑ingly compoſed.

[207] year 1702 The King falls from his horſe. During proceedings ſo friendly to the deſigns of the Crown, the King himſelf became ſenſible, that he was not deſtined, in perſon, to carry into execution, the great ſchemes which he had formed. He, howe⯑ver, endeavoured to conceal the declining ſtate of his health, to accompliſh, with more facility, his favou⯑rite views. A fortunate coincidence of circumſtances, had thrown the opinions of the people into the ſame channel with his own. The parties, in parliament, were ſo well poiſed, that in a mutual fear of each other, they both courted the King. The animoſities which had always embroiled and embarraſſed his mea⯑ſures, were ſuſpended; and he had the ſatisfaction to have one glimpſe of ſerenity, in the evening of a tem⯑peſtuous reign. To continue a calm ſo favourable to his ſcheme of embarking England in the war, he ſpread reports of his recovery. But an accident acce⯑lerated that diſſolution, which was apparently ad⯑vancing, though by ſlow degrees. On the twenty-firſt of February, willing ſtill to continue his uſual diverſion of hunting, he mounted his horſe, though in a languiſhing ſtate of health, and riding out from Kenſington towards Hampton-court, the horſe fell, and in his fall, his Majeſty broke his right collar-bone. He was carried to Hampton-court, and the bone was ſet; but, contrary to advice, he returned the ſame evening, in his coach to Kenſington.

His death. This accident, though it might have haſtened the death of William, bore, for ſome time, no appear⯑ance of proving fatal. On the twenty-eighth of Fe⯑bruary, the Gazette declared, in expreſs terms, that the King was perfectly recovered; and, on the ſame day, he ſent a meſſage to both houſes, concerning an union between the kingdoms of England and Scotland. On the firſt of March, the bill for attainting the pre⯑tended Prince of Wales, received the royal aſſent by commiſſion. On the ſecond day of that month, ſuch ſymptoms appeared, that all hopes of the King's re⯑covery were loſt. A defluxion fell upon his knee. The aſthma, to which he had been always ſubject, increaſed. He breathed ſhort, and he was reſtleſs and feveriſh. The two houſes, in the mean time, [208] continued to ſit. The council was aſſembled to receive the reports of the phyſicians. But, even in that ex⯑tremity, it was maliciouſly remarked, that no Engliſh⯑man of quality had any acceſs to the King's chamber. About five in the morning, of Sunday the eighth of March, his Majeſty received the ſacrament, from the hands of the Archbiſhop of Canterbury; and at eight he expired, in the arms of one of his pages. Some papers, which might throw conſiderable light on the hiſtory of this Prince, were, with his laſt breath, conſigned to the hands of the Earl of Albemarle; and they were probably deſtroyed by that lord. Albe⯑marle, whoſe original office was that of a tranſcriber of letters, had been employed, in the preceding month, on a ſervice of the ſame kind. He had returned, on the ſeventeenth of February, from Holland, with all the ſecret correſpondences which had paſſed between the King and the Penſionary, under the ſuppoſition, that the latter was alſo dying.

Reflections. Though the character given of the Prince of Orange^X, in an early period of his life, ran through the whole conduct of King William, when he ſat on the throne of England, ſome new and ſtriking features were called forth, by the extraordinary events which filled his reign. His political conduct, and the diſpo⯑ſition of his mind, have been variouſly and oppoſitely repreſented: a thing not ſurpriſing, in a country where writers have not been able to diveſt themſelves of the prejudices and partialities incident to party. In ſuch a jarring ſtate of opinions, this Prince muſt have been too much praiſed by the one ſide, and by the other as extravagantly condemned. The neareſt path to truth, muſt certainly lie between theſe two extremes. But that path, though obvious, has not, hitherto, been trod by hiſtorians; who have uniformly yielded to the prejudices of others, or have been ſwayed by their own. Their proximity to the period concerning which they wrote, may form, for many, a compleat excuſe The paſſions of party, came glowing down on the current of the times. Authors caught the heat of thoſe with whom they themſelves were moſt connected in [209] life; and became, inadvertently, and ſometimes de⯑ſignedly, partial, through a weakneſs which they un⯑juſtly dignified with the name of principle.

His perſon, William the Third, King of Great Britain and Ireland, was in his perſon of a middle ſize, ill-ſhaped in his limbs, ſomewhat round in the ſhoulders, light⯑brown in the colour of his hair and in his complexion. The lines of his face were hard, and his noſe aquiline. But a good and penetrating eye threw a kind of light on his countenance, which tempered its ſeverity, and rendered his harſh features, in ſome meaſure, agree⯑able. Though his conſtitution was weak, delicate and infirm, he loved the manly exerciſes of the field; and often indulged himſelf in the pleaſures, and even, ſometimes, in the exceſſes of the table. In his pri⯑vate character, he was frequently harſh, paſſionate, and ſevere, with regard to trifles. But when the ſub⯑ject roſe equal to his mind, and in the tumult of bat⯑tle, he was dignified, cool, and ſerene. Though he was apt to form bad impreſſions, which were not eaſily removed, he was neither vindictive in his diſpoſition, nor obſtinate in his reſentment. Neglected in his education, and, perhaps, deſtitute by nature of an elegance of mind, he had no taſte for literature, none for the ſciences, none for the beautiful arts. He paid no attention to muſic, he underſtood no poetry. He [...]iſregarded learning. He encouraged no men of let⯑ [...]ers, no painters, no artiſts of any kind. In fortifica⯑ [...]on and in the mathematics, he had a conſiderable [...]egree of knowledge. Though unſucceſsful in the [...]eld, he underſtood military operations by land. But [...]e neither poſſeſſed nor pretended any ſkill in mari⯑ [...]me affairs.

and private character. In the diſtribution of favours, he was cold and in⯑ [...]dicious. In the puniſhment of crimes, often too [...]ſy, and ſometimes too ſevere. He was parſimonious [...]here he ſhould be liberal; where he ought to be [...]ring, frequently profuſe. In his temper he was [...]ent and reſerved, in his addreſs ungraceful; and [...]ough not deſtitute of diſſimulation, and qualified [...] intrigue, leſs apt to conceal his paſſions than his [...]ſigns. Theſe defects, rather than vices of the mind, [210] combining with an indifference about humouring man⯑kind through their ruling paſſions, rendered him ex⯑tremely unfit for gaining the affections of the Engliſh nation. His reign, therefore, was crowded with mortifications of various kinds. The diſcontented parties among his ſubjects, found no difficulty in eſtranging the minds of the people from a Prince poſ⯑ſeſſed of few talents to make him popular. He was truſted, perhaps, leſs than he deſerved, by the moſt obſequious of his parliaments; but it ſeems, upon the whole, apparent, that the nation adhered to his government, more from a fear of the return of his predeceſſor, than from any attachment to his own perſon, or reſpect for his right to the throne.

His public conduct. Theſe harſh features of the mind of King William preſented themſelves only to thoſe who took a near and critical view of his conduct. To men who ob⯑ſerved him at a diſtance, and as a principal object in the great ſcale of Europe, he appeared a reſpectable, a prudent, and even a great Prince. During the laſt twenty years of his life, his abilities, by a dextrous management of the events of the times, raiſed him to an influence in Chriſtendom, ſcarce ever before carried by a Prince beyond the limits of his own do⯑minions. Peculiarly fortunate in the ſucceſs of his political meaſures, he obtained his authority through channels the moſt flattering, becauſe the moſt uncom⯑mon. He was placed at the head of his native coun⯑try, as the laſt hopes of her ſafety from conqueſt an [...] a foreign yoke. He was raiſed to the throne of Grea [...] Britain, under the name of her deliverer from civ [...] tyranny and religious perſecution. He was conſidere [...] in the ſame important light by the reſt of Europ [...] The Empire, Spain, and Italy looked up to his coun⯑cils, as their only reſource againſt the exorbita [...] ambition and power of Lewis the Fourteenth; a [...] France herſelf, when ſhe affected to deſpiſe his pow⯑er the moſt, owned his importance, by an illiber [...] joy upon a falſe report of his death^Y.

Reflections on both. But if the private character of William has be [...] too critically examined, here the praiſe beſtowed [...] [211] his public conduct ought to terminate. Though he was brave in action, and loved war as an amuſement, he poſſeſſed not the talents of a great general, and he was too prodigal of the lives of men. Though he obtained the name of a deliverer in England, and though, in fact, he might be conſidered in that light, with regard to Europe, more is owing to his own am⯑bition, than to a general love of mankind. In Hol⯑land, where he obtained the chief authority, in a time of public diſtreſs, he frequently exerciſed his power in a manner inconſiſtent with the rights of a free ſtate^Z. In England, he ſcarce adhered in any thing, to the moderate declaration which paved his way to the throne. Though he obtained the crown by election, he ſhewed no diſpoſition to relinquiſh any of its hereditary ornaments; and though he affected to deſpiſe royalty, no Prince was ever more fond of the diſtinction paid to a King. His intrigues to expel his uncle from a throne, which he himſelf intended to mount, were by no means ſuitable with any ſtrict ad⯑herence to virtue^A. To gain to his intereſt the ſer⯑vants of King James, may not have been inconſiſtent with thoſe allowances generally made for ambitious views. But there was a conſiderable degree of im⯑morality, in his being acceſſary to the ſuggeſting of thoſe unpopular meaſures, which he turned, after⯑wards, with ſo much ſucceſs, againſt that unfortunate as well as imprudent Monarch^B. Upon the whole, if we muſt allow that King William, with all his faults, was a great Prince, it ought alſo to be admit⯑ted, that virtue was never an unſurmountable obſtacle to his ambition and views on power.

CHAP. V.

year 1702 Acceſſion of Anne. ANNE, Princeſs of Denmark, eldeſt ſurviving daughter of James the Second, mounted the throne of England, upon the death of King William, in conſequence of the act paſſed in the year 1689, for the ſettlement of the crown. The two houſes of parlia⯑ment, [213] as ſoon as the death of the late King was made known, aſſembled; and unanimouſly congratulated the Queen upon her acceſſion. To the privy council, who met at the ſame time, ſhe made the cuſtomary declaration; and ordered all the Lords and others, who had ſerved the late King in council, to take the oaths to herſelf in the ſame capacity. March 8. She was proclaimed in the afternoon of the eighth of March, with the uſual ſolemnity, amidſt the applauſe of the populace. The two ſucceeding days were employed in receiving the addreſſes of the two houſes of parliament, the fe⯑licitations of the church, and the congratulations of the city of London. The late king, unpopular while he lived, was almoſt forgot as ſoon as dead; and the people, with their uſual eagerneſs for novelty, turned all their thoughts toward the firſt meaſures of the new reign.

State of par⯑ties. Though the late King had no reaſon to be pleaſed with either of the two parties who had divided be⯑tween them the nation, he had, ſome months before his death, thrown himſelf and his affairs into the hands of the Whigs. The hopes derived by the Tories from the declining ſtate of his health, had prevented that violence, which they might have otherwiſe ex⯑hibited in parliament, on account of their being ex⯑cluded from power. The unanimity in the two houſes, with regard to foreign affairs, proceeded, probably, from the ſame cauſe. The Whigs could deny nothing to the Crown, as their leaders were in office; and the Tories were not averſe to a war, which they them⯑ſelves were ſure to manage, after the expected demiſe of the King. The two parties had pledged themſelves too far to retreat from their engagements; and, there⯑fore, though a change of miniſtry was naturally to be expected, from the acceſſion of a Princeſs, whom the coldneſs of her predeceſſor, and the diſreſpectful con⯑duct of the party now in power, had evidently thrown into the arms of the Tories, there was no reaſon to apprehend any change in the great line of the meaſures of government.

Anne's firſt ſpeech. March 11. The Queen, in her firſt ſpeech to parliament, fur⯑niſhed a proof, that ſhe was led by councils very dif⯑ferent [214] from thoſe of her predeceſſor in the throne. Though ſhe paid a compliment to his memory in the beginning, ſhe concluded with a kind of cenſure upon his conduct. She aſſured the two houſes, that as her own heart was entirely Engliſh, ſhe would agree to every thing that they could either expect or deſire for the happineſs and proſperity of England. The expreſ⯑ſion manifeſtly regarded the too great attachment to his own countrymen, for which King William had been blamed. But to this alluſion to the predilection of the late King for foreigners, ſhe added words that ſeemed highly to reflect on his moral conduct. In confirmation of her promiſe to both houſes, ſhe aſſured them, that they would always find HER a ſtrict and religious obſerver of her word. The firſt part of the Queen's ſpeech contained the uſual aſſurances of a new reign. She agreed, ſhe ſaid, in ſentiments with with the concurrent addreſſes of the two houſes, that too much could not be done for the allies, to reduce the exorbitant power of France. She recommended an union with Scotland, as neceſſary for the peace and ſecurity of both kingdoms; and ſhe deſired that the revenue for the ſupport of the civil government, ſhould be renewed in a manner ſuitable to her own honour and the dignity of the Crown^C.

Proceedings of the com⯑mons. Though the Queen was at no pains to conceal her attachment to one party, the other could not oppoſe her meaſures in parliament without deſerting their own. The eagerneſs which ſhe diſcovered to adhere to the meaſures of King William, with regard to foreign af⯑fairs, would render an oppoſition to the neceſſary ſup⯑plies too inconſiſtent with the late conduct of the Whigs. They made a merit, therefore, of comply⯑ing with what they could not prevent. The com⯑mons purſued, with a ſhew of unanimity and zeal, th [...] affairs recommended from the throne. They ſettle [...] upon her Majeſty^D during life, the revenue poſſeſſ⯑ed by the late King for the ſupport of the civil go⯑vernment. They ordered a bill, to impower th [...] crown to appoint commiſſioners to treat for an unio [...] [215] between England and Scotland. Proviſion had been already made, for the eventual expence of a war, during the ſucceeding ſummer; and the Queen, in⯑ſtead of demanding ſupplies from the nation, found an opportunity of alleviating a part of their burden. When ſhe came to the houſe of lords, on the thirtieth of March, to give the royal aſſent to the bill for the eſta⯑bliſhment of her own revenue, ſhe made a ſpeech from the throne, calculated to gain popularity. She told the two houſes, that though the funds for the ci⯑vil liſt, might greatly fall ſhort of what they formerly produced, ſhe would give directions, that one hundred thouſand pounds of her own revenue ſhould be applied to the public ſervice of the year^E.

The Queen engages to ſupport the allies. While Anne was rendering herſelf popular at home, ſhe gained the eſteem of her allies abroad, by ſhewing a warm zeal for their cauſe. Two days after the death of William, ſhe condoled with the States of the Uuited Provinces upon that event, in a letter. She aſſured them, that as ſhe had ſucceeded the late King in his throne, ſhe would alſo ſucceed him in the ſame inclination, to a conſtant union and amity with their republic, as well as adherence to the late alliances. That ſhe would concur with the allies in general, in meaſures neceſſary for the preſervation of the common liberty of Europe, in reducing the power of France within proper bounds. That ſhe ſhould always look upon the intereſt of England and thoſe of the States as inſeparable, and united with ſuch ties as could not be broken, without the greateſt prejudice to the two nations. The Earl of Marlborough was probably the adviſer of meaſures, which he afterwards executed with ability. The attachment which this nobleman had uniformly ſhewn to the Queen, when ſhe was little reſpected by the nation and perſecuted by the court, had either excited ſentiments of gratitude or created principles of obedience to his inclinations in her mind. The firſt honours, and even the firſt conſidera⯑ble office, conferred in the preſent reign, were beſtowed on the Earl^F. On the thirteenth of March he re⯑ceived [216] the garter. The next day, he was appointed captain-general of all the forces to be employed by the Queen, in conjunction with the troops of the allies; and, the week thereafter, he was diſpatched to Hol⯑land, in the character of ambaſſador extraordinary to the States^G.

A ferment without doors. The victory obtained by the Tories over the Whigs, by the ſucceſſion of a ſovereign of their own principles to the throne, produced a ferment without doors, though all things bore a face of harmony and unani⯑mity within. Violent men of both parties carried their own prejudices, with indecent freedom, to the preſs; and diſgraced their converſation with mutual reflections of the worſt and moſt dangerous kind. The Whigs were openly accuſed of aiming at the eſtabliſh⯑ment of a commonwealth, by endeavouring to deprive the reigning Queen of the ſucceſſion to the throne. The memory of the late King was attacked with open aſſertions of the ſame kind; though it is highly pro⯑bable, that Prince was very indifferent about what perſon ſhould mount, after him, the throne. An en⯑quiry by the lords into this idle tale, produced only a negative proof of its not being founded in fact. They voted, upon an examination of King William's pa⯑pers by a committee, that nothing appeared that tend⯑ed to the prejudice of her Majeſty, or her ſucceſſion to the crown. The Lords followed this unmeaning vote, with animadverſions upon injurious reflection [...] printed againſt the Whigs^H. The Tories, in th [...] mean time failed not to annoy their opponents, in th [...] ſame way. They procured a vote, that a book, reflect⯑ing on King Charles the Firſt, was a ſcandalous an [...] villainous libel, that tended to the ſubverſion of mo⯑narchy; and, as ſuch, they ordered the book to b [...] burnt by the hands of the common hangman^I.

A new mi⯑niſtry. On the twelſth of April, the late King was private⯑ly interred; and, on the twenty-third of the ſam [...] month, the Queen was crowned, with the uſual ſo⯑lemnity, at Weſtminſter. The Tory party, who a [...] [217] ready governed her councils in private, were now admitted, without reſerve, into the public depart⯑ments of the ſtate. The offices of the houſehold were filled with men of high principles for monarchy. The Lords Somers and Halifax, together with other leaders of the Whigs, were excluded from the new privy-council^J; and their places ſupplied with eminent Tories. The Marquis of Normanby, remarkable for his attachment to her family, was raiſed to the office of lord privy-ſeal, by the Queen. But the moſt im⯑portant promotion of all was that of the Lord Godol⯑phin, to the ſtaff of lord high-treaſurer of England. Though Godolphin was well qualified for this impor⯑tant ſtation, he owed his office more to the influence of the Earl of Marlborough, than to his own merit. The connection, which had long ſubſiſted in political views, between theſe two noble perſons, had been lately more cloſely cemented, by the marriage of the ſon of the former with the eldeſt daughter of the latter. Their private intereſts being thus united, they carried forward, with harmony as well as abilities, the buſi⯑neſs of the public.

Marlbo⯑rough and Godolphin in correſ⯑pondence with St. Germains. The acceſſion of Anne to the crown had removed to a diſtance the hopes of the court of St. Germains. But they were not entirely quaſhed, till the appointment of her ſervants. Though Marlborough had been raiſ⯑ed by King William, in the preceding year, to the command of the Britiſh troops in Flanders, he liſtened, after the death of James the Second, to the ſolicita⯑tions made in favour of the ſon of that unfortunate Prince^K. A kind of principle, in favour of the fa⯑mily of Stuart, had been mixed with this nobleman's averſion to William; and there is ſcarce any doubt, that had their reſtoration to the throne ſuited equally with his own private intereſt, but he would have pre⯑ferred them to any other race of ſovereigns. Godol⯑phin had been long attached to the ſame cauſe. Though he had promoted the views of the Prince of Orange, he ſoon changed his opinion, with regard to King William. He had liſtened with attention, ever ſince [218] the expulſion of James, to all overtures made by th [...] adherents of that Prince; and, upon his death, he ex⯑preſſed the ſame attachment and regard to his ſo [...] The natural timidity of his diſpoſition, prevented hi [...] formerly from making any vigorous exertions in favor [...] of the excluded family; and, after the demiſe of Wil⯑liam, the thing itſelf became more difficult, and be⯑ſides, his own zeal was rendered more cool, by th [...] proſpect of advantage which he derived from the ne [...] reign.

State of opi⯑nions with regard to the Queen's acceſſion. The ſtate of opinions had actually changed in Eng⯑land, with the ſtate of its affairs. The crown, by th [...] death of William, had fallen almoſt into the old chan⯑nel. Inſtead of a foreigner and only a relation, a Princeſs, a native of the kingdom, the only daughte [...] of a King, whoſe title, as far as it was hereditary [...] was undoubted, and, at the ſame time, a proteſtant [...] and much attached to the church, had now poſſeſſio [...] of the throne. The greateſt part of the high-flyin [...] Tories, and even ſome vehement and determined Ja⯑cobites, were ſatisfied, on account of its convenience [...] with ſmall deviation from the line of ſucceſſio [...] Though they were both, eſpecially the latter, invar [...] ⯑ably attached to the hereditary deſcent of the crow [...] they were willing to leave to events, that might ari [...] in the progreſs of time, what could not be done [...] preſent, either with certainty or without dang [...] Though they had a recent example before them, t [...] the quiet enjoyment of the crown depended by [...] means upon any hereditary right, they hoped, [...] the influence of the reigning ſovereign would ena [...] her to bequeath the throne to her own family. Si [...] ⯑lar ſentiments had been adopted by the few perſ [...] who ſtill formed, at St. Germains, the idle ſhew [...] a court. They knew the profeſſions, which the Qu [...] had made to her father, during the moſt part of [...] predeceſſor's reign; and they endeavoured to flat [...] themſelves with hopes, that ſhe only took poſſeſſion [...] the government to reſtore and confirm the crown, [...] ⯑pecially at her death, to her excluded brother^L.

[219] War declar⯑ed. Theſe reaſons united the Tories and the Jacobites, in an unanimous ſupport of the government of the new Queen. The Whigs either yielded to the current of the people, always violent for monarchy in every new reign, or they were aſhamed of oppoſing mea⯑ſures, which ſprung firſt from themſelves. On the ſecond of May, the buſineſs of the intended war againſt France and Spain, was debated in the privy-council. The Earl of Rocheſter, maternal uncle to the Queen, is ſaid to have propoſed, that the Engliſh nation ſhould only engage in the meaſures of the allies, as auxiliaries; and that the chief weight of the war ought to reſt on thoſe, who had moſt to fear from the power of France. The Earl of Marlborough, who had re⯑turned from Holland, after ſettling the projected ope⯑rations with the States, declared himſelf vehement for an immediate declaration of war, to be iſſued by Eng⯑land, as a principal. The meaſures taken by himſelf, during an embaſſy of a few days in Holland, rendered, in ſome degree, neceſſary the meaſure which he ſup⯑ported. The States, upon the aſſurances made by the Queen, had agreed to all the propoſals of her reputed favourite. They had raiſed him to the chief command of their troops, the allies had furniſhed, with alacrity, their ſeveral quotas, and every thing was actually pre⯑pared for a vigorous and active campaign. A majority of the council yielded either to the influence or reaſons of the Earl of Marlborough. Their reſolutions were communicated, the ſame day, to the commons; and war was declared in form on the fourth of May.

Parliament prorogued. The commons had agreed to all that the court de⯑ſired with regard to war, before the death of the King. They had, therefore, no opportunity of ſhewing their [...]iberality, in that reſpect, to the Queen. The pub⯑ [...]ic buſineſs being brought to a concluſion, the parlia⯑ [...]ent was prorogued, on the twenty-fifth of May. [...]eparations for proſecuting the war with vigour, by [...]a as well as by land, had been made in the principal [...]rts of the kingdom. The Earl of Pembroke, who [...]ad been raiſed, by the late King, to the office of lord- [...]dmiral of England, was ſucceeded in that important [...]epartment by the Prince of Denmark. The com⯑plaiſance [220] of the different parties to the new Queen, induced them to overlook an informality in the com⯑miſſion conferred on her conſort. He was permitted to chuſe a council, for his information and aſſiſtance, in the execution of his office. This circumſtance was conſidered as the creation of a new board, a thing not allowable, according to the opinion of many, but by act of parliament. But the reſpect of the nation for the Queen, and the peculiar ſituation of the Prince himſelf, prevented all enquiry upon this ſubject.

Affairs of Scotland. While the buſineſs of the public was carried on with ſuch unanimity in England, the affairs of Scotland be⯑came embroiled, intricate, and perplexed^M. Though the late King had found means to allay the ferment concerning the buſineſs of Darien, the animoſities and heats againſt government were rather ſuſpended that extinguiſhed. The diſcontents of the Scotiſh nation had uniformly ſubſiſted, during the whole of King William's reign; and that Prince, with more polic [...] than juſtice, had continued, for the thirteen years h [...] had ſat on the throne, the ſame convention-parliamen [...] which had placed the crown of Scotland on his hea [...] The unabating diſguſt among the people, rendered th [...] King unwilling to remand them to a choice of a ne [...] repreſentative. Though the old parliament had fre⯑quently proved refractory, he knew that they had [...] ⯑ther yielded to the current of the times, than to eith [...] their regard to the intereſts of their conſtituents [...] their diſlike to his own government. Beſides, his ſe [...] ⯑vants had, through a long habit and experience, d [...] ⯑covered the ſecret channel to the vote of every mem⯑ber. They made ſuch good uſe of this knowledg [...] that the ſerment concerning Darien had unaccoun [...] ⯑ably ſubſided at once, in the January of 1701; and [...] kind of ſurly tranquillity prevailed, among the peop [...] during that whole year^N.

A great ſer⯑ment. The conduct of Anne, upon her acceſſion to t [...] throne of Scotland, was by no means calculated to [...] ⯑tinguiſh the diſcontents, which lay lurking in ev [...] corner of that kingdom. Unwilling to offend [...] [221] Whigs, whom her miniſters conſidered as the moſt powerful party, they continued all the ſervants of her predeceſſor, in the higher departments of the ſtate. The joy, therefore, which her elevation had raiſed among the diſcontented, ſoon declined. They appli⯑ed, through their leaders, for the diſſolution of the convention-parliament. But they were oppoſed by the miniſters, who were afraid to venture upon the new choice of a people already inflamed. The Queen ſuffered herſelf to be perſuaded by the arguments of the latter, or to be ſwayed by her own fears. She continued the old parliament, which was appointed to meet on the ninth of June. To add to the diſcon⯑tents of thoſe, who called themſelves the country par⯑ty, the Duke of Queenſberry, highly obnoxious to the people in general, was appointed commiſſioner. Prior to the meeting of parliament, the Queen endeavoured to allay the bad humour of the malecontents, and to ſooth the people into an acquieſcence with regard to her own meaſures. She wrote a letter as early as the twenty-firſt of April, to the parliament, full of aſſur⯑ances of her protection to the rights of the people, and the intereſt and independence of the kingdom. She expreſſed her regret at the diſappointments of the Afri⯑can company. She promiſed her concurrence in every [...]ing for the encouragement of the commerce of the [...]ation in general, and for repairing the loſſes of the [...]dventurers in particular. She recommended, at the [...]ame time, the union between the kingdoms; and that [...]e ſhould think the bringing to perfection a meaſure [...] ſalutary, the greateſt happineſs of her reign^O.

A ſeceſſion of eighty members. Fair words were by no means ſufficient, either to [...]ratify the populace or to gain their leaders. When [...]e parliament, on the ninth of June, met at Edin⯑ [...]urgh, the Duke of Hamilton, before her Majeſty's [...]ommiſſion was read, roſe in his place and proteſted [...]gainſt their ſitting. He offered his reaſons, in a ſhort [...]eech to the houſe; and communicated a paper to [...]e ſame purpoſe, containing his own proteſt, and that [...] ſuch members as ſhould adhere to his opinion. He [222] immediately went out of the houſe. Eighty members following his example, ſeceded at the ſame time; and were received in the ſtreets with the loudeſt acclama⯑tions of the populace, who had aſſembled on this ex⯑traordinary occaſion. The members who remained in the houſe, notwithſtanding this great ſeceſſion, conſi⯑dered themſelves a legal parliament. After the com⯑miſſion and the Queen's letter were read, they adjourn⯑ed, for two days; and, when they met again, on the eleventh of June, they appointed the uſual commit⯑tees, and proceeded to buſineſs. Overtures were re⯑ceived immediately for various acts of importance. One of theſe, declaring the preſent meeting a legal parliament, and diſcharging all perſons from diſowning its authority, under the penalty of high-treaſon, was unanimouſly paſſed, and touched with the ſceptre, the next day^P.

An act for ſettling the crown re⯑jected. The diſſenting members endeavoured in vain to juſ⯑tify their own conduct to the Queen. Though ſhe admitted their meſſenger, the Lord Blantyre, into her preſence, ſhe abſolutely refuſed to receive their ad⯑dreſs. She ſignified, at the ſame time, to the ſitting members, that ſhe was reſolved to maintain, againſt al [...] oppoſers, their dignity and authority as a legal parlia⯑ment. The ſeſſion accordingly proceeded, with a [...] appearance of vigour, amidſt all the clamours of th [...] people. They granted an immediate ſupply to th [...] Queen. They reprimanded the faculty of advocates [...] for declaring, that the proteſt and conduct of the ſe [...] ⯑ceded members, was founded on the laws of the king⯑dom. They paſſed an act for enabling the Queen [...] appoint commiſſioners, for an union between the tw [...] kingdoms^Q. But, notwithſtanding their unan [...] ⯑mity upon theſe points, an overture made by th [...] chancellor, the Earl of Marchmont, for the ſettleme [...] of the crown in the proteſtant line, and for abjuri [...] the pretended Prince of Wales, was rejected. T [...] commiſſioner having received no inſtructions, upo [...] that head, from England, laid his commands upo [...] Marchmont not to proceed. But the vehemence [...] [223] the latter overcame his reſpect for the authority of the former.

Cauſes of that cir⯑cumſtance. The Queen herſelf and her Engliſh miniſters were, at the time, extremely averſe from this meaſure. They had various reaſons for wiſhing to keep the ſuc⯑ceſſion open in Scotland. They wiſhed to retain a check upon the Whigs, and to awe the family of Han⯑nover; who, from a near proſpect of the crown, might extend their intrigues to the affairs of the king⯑dom. They favoured, at the ſame time, the excluded Prince. Beſides, the regard which Anne may be na⯑turally ſuppoſed to have entertained for a brother, ſhe had given a thouſand aſſurances to her father, to do every thing in her power to reſtore the ſucceſſion to the ancient channel, even before the death of her own ſon the Duke of Glouceſter. The demiſe of that Prince, her own deſpair of progeny, her reſpect for the memory of a father, and ſome affection for her own family, had probably rendered her inclined to transfer the crown, at her death, to the pretended Prince of Wales. Her chief miniſter Godolphin, and her greateſt favourite the Earl of Marlborough, had added the moſt ſolemn oaths to their promiſes to ſup⯑port the intereſt of King James and his ſon. They had renewed theſe promiſes, even ſince the acceſſion of the reigning Queen had thrown the whole power of the kingdom into their hands^R: though they never meant to deprive her, during her life, of the crown, ſhould ſhe continue to hold it under their direction and miniſtry.

Parliament prorogued. During the heats raiſed by the ill-timed overture made by Marchmont, the members who oppoſed it, [...]ſcovered an inclination for admitting the diſſenting [...]embers into the houſe. Queenſberry, afraid of the [...]nſequences, adjourned the parliament, from the [...]rtieth of June to the eighteenth of Auguſt. A [...]nd of unſettled tranquillity ſucceeded the combuſtion [...]ſed by the Scotiſh malecontents. But though com⯑ [...]ſſioners were appointed, for an union between the [...]o kingdoms, both parties ſhewed ſo little inclination [224] to finiſh that important treaty, that the whole fell for the time to the ground. The majority of the Scots had, in their diſguſt at the conduct of the late King, with regard to their commerce, forgot thoſe terrors for their religion, which had induced them to place the crown on his head. The Highlanders, eſpecially, who were never enthuſiaſts, had always ſuffered their high notions of hereditary right, to overcome their attachment to Preſbytery. The acceſſion of Anne, by bringing the throne nearer to the old ſtock, had eſtabliſhed in their minds a kind of certainty, that things were to return to their former channel. The aſſurances given by them of ſupporting, upon a proper occaſion, the efforts of the malecontents^S, encou⯑raged greatly the ſeceſſion of the diſſenting members; who certainly covered their affection for the excluded family, under the ſpecious pretext of adhering to the laws of their country.

Campaign in Flanders. Though the war was kindled on all ſides, between the allies and the houſe of Bourbon, the campaign produced no deciſive event. The feeble ſtate of the latter, was balanced by the unprepared condition of the former; who, except England and Holland, were not furniſhed with the means of acting with any vi⯑gour. The military operations of the ſeaſon began, on the part of the allies, with the ſiege of Keyſer⯑ſwaert, which the Elector of Cologn had placed in the hands of the French^T. The Prince of Baden aſſembled, in the mean time, an army on the Upper-Rhine, to cut off the communication between the country of Alſace and Landau, which he reſolved to beſiege. The French found themſelves unable to relieve either of thoſe important places. Keyſer⯑ſwaert ſurrendered to the allies, after a ſiege of fifty⯑nine days^U; and Landau, having been gallantly defended for three months, fell into the hands of th [...] King of the Romans, on the tenth of Septembe [...] The Duke of Burgundy, having under him th [...] Mareſchal de Boufflers, made an attempt, in vai [...] [225] upon Nimeguen^W; and the Earl of Marlborough, having taken the command of the allied army in Flan⯑ders, on the ſecond of July, was diſappointed in all his endeavours to bring the enemy to battle. He, however, reduced Venlo^X, Ruremonde^Y, and the citadel of Liege^Z; and having thus opened the navigation of the Maeſe, and the communication with the town of Maſtricht, put an end, with repu⯑tation, to the campaign on the ſide of Flanders.

in Italy, and on the Rhine. The principal effort of the Emperor was made in Italy, where Prince Eugene, who commanded his forces, was oppoſed by the combined armies of France and Spain. Eugene, as early as the firſt of February, had ſurpriſed Cremona. But he was inſtantly ex⯑pelled from the place, chiefly by the valour of the Iriſh troops, in the French ſervice. The Mareſchal de Villeroi was, however, taken by the Germans, and the command devolved on the Duke de Vendôme. The young King of Spain took the field, in perſon. Having left the government in the hands of the Queen, aſſiſted by a council, he had paſſed into Naples, and took the nominal command of the army, which was actually led by Vendôme. A body of five thouſand, under the general Viſcomti, were defeated, at Santa Vittoria, on the twenty-ſixth of July. Prince Eugene was forced, on the firſt of Auguſt, to raiſe the block⯑cade of Mantua; and he was in ſoem degree worſted, on the fifteenth of the ſame month, at Luzara. This advantage, obtained by the French in Italy, was fol⯑ [...]owed by a victory on the Upper Rhine. The Mar⯑ [...]uis de Villars, having been detached from the army [...]ommanded by the Mareſchal de Catinat, defeated [...]he Imperialiſts, under the Prince of Baden, though [...]uſhed with the conqueſt of Landau. To ſum the whole of this campaign, the French loſt the greateſt [...]umber of towns, and gained moſt advantages in the [...]eld.

Operation, at ſea. The operations at ſea were leſs favourable to France [...]nd Spain, than the campaign by land. The confe⯑derate [226] fleet, conſiſting of fiſty ſhips of the line, thirty Engliſh and twenty Dutch, commanded in chief by Sir George Rook, ſailed, on the firſt of July, from St. Helens. They carried twelve thouſand troops on board, nine thouſand Engliſh, and three Dutch, un⯑der the command of the Duke of Ormond. Detained by calms and contrary winds, they arrived not in the neighbourhood of Cadiz, which place they intended to attack, till the twelfth of Auguſt. Having landed the troops, the Duke of Ormond took Fort St. Ca⯑tharine and Port St. mary; which laſt place was plun⯑dered by the licentious ſoldiery, contrary to the inten⯑tions and commands of their general. After a vain attempt on Fort Matagorda, the troops were reim⯑barked, in the middle of September. The confede⯑rates ſteered then their courſe to Vigo, where the Spaniſh galleons, under the convoy of thirty French ſhips of war, commanded by Chateau-Renaud, were juſt arrived; and having expectedly, and almoſt unperceived, come to anchor before the place, they reſolved to attack it with the utmoſt vigour.

Succeſs be⯑fore Vigo. The French and Spaniards had carried up their veſels beyond a ſtreight, defended on the one ſide by a caſtle, on the other by platforms mounted with cannon, together with a ſtrong boom, formed of maſts, cables, and chains, thrown acroſs the entrance [...] The Duke of Ormond having landed ſome troops, took the caſtle^A. Vice-admiral Hopſon, in the Torbay, broke through the boom. He was followed by the Dutch ſquadron, under Vandergoes. The French admiral, perceiving the boom broken, the caſtle and platforms taken, the enemy in the ſame ba⯑ſon with his own ſquadron, ordered his ſhip to be ſe [...] on fire. His example was followed by all the reſ [...] But when the enemy were thus employed in deſtroy⯑ing their own fleet, the Engliſh and Dutch endeavoure [...] to extinguiſh the flames. Six men of war were take [...] ſeven ſunk, and nine burnt. Of thirteen galleon [...] nine ſell into the hands of the confederates, and fo [...] were deſtroyed. Though the greateſt part of t [...] treaſure on board the galleons, had been removed [...] [227] the enemy, the Engliſh and Dutch made an immenſe booty; and the Spaniſh marine was annihilated from that moment. The Duke of Ormond having thus amply recovered at Vigo, the laurels he had loſt be⯑fore Cadiz, returned to England; and was received at London with great marks of favour by the Queen, and with the loud acclamations of the populace.

War in Po⯑land. In Poland the war was carried on with vigour, be⯑tween Charles the Twelfth of Sweden, and King Auguſtus. The firſt advancing to Warſaw with rapid march, put a ſudden end to the Poliſh diet aſſembled at that place. Auguſtus fled precipitately to Cracow, whither he was purſued by the Swedes. The King of Poland, in the mean time, having poſted himſelf advantageouſly at Cliſſow, with thirty thouſand men, chiefly Saxons, Charles marched toward him; and without permitting his troops to reſt a moment, though much inferior in number, attacked, routed, and put to flight the enemy. Four thouſand Saxons lay dead on the field. A great number of the Poles were alſo ſlain. Two thouſand, with all the artillery and bag⯑gage of King Auguſtus, fell into the hands of the Swedes. Cracow, though provided with the means of defence, ſurrendered without reſiſtance. But an [...]ccident which befel the conqueror, ſtopt his own [...]rogreſs, and encouraged his enemies to renew their [...]fforts. Having fallen from his horſe, in marching [...]ut of Cracow, he was confined for ſix weeks to his [...]ed; while Auguſtus aſſembled at Sandomir his own [...]artizans, under the name of a diet. Another diet, [...]on after, met at Warſaw. They ſent a deputation [...] the King of Sweden; but that Prince refuſed to [...]mit their deputies into his preſence, under the pre⯑ [...]nce, that the Republic had made themſelves parties [...] the war, by having fought againſt him in the battle [...] Cliſſow.^B.

A new par⯑liament. During theſe tranſactions abroad, the Queen made [...] progreſs through part of the kingdom. She viſited [...]xford. She ſpent ſome time at Bath. She accepted [...] an invitation to Briſtol. She was received every [228] where with the marks of public joy, indiſcriminately beſtowed by the populace on all princes. But it ap⯑peared in the new elections, (for ſhe had diſſolved the parliament on the ſecond of July,) that, from her avowed principles in favour of the high-church, ſhe was extremely popular. The Tory-party, when the votes depended on the free ſuffrages of the vulgar, prevailed. The new parliament, after two proroga⯑tions, met at Weſtminſter, on the twentieth of Octo⯑ber; and the commons having unanimouſly choſen Mr. Robert Harley for their ſpeaker, the Queen, as uſual, made a ſpeech to both houſes from the throne. Hav⯑ing expreſſed her ſatisfaction at meeting a new parlia⯑ment, ſhe demanded ſuch ſupplies as might enable her to comply with engagements already made, and ſuch others as might be deemed neceſſary for the encou⯑ragement and ſupport of the allies. To induce her ſubjects to bear, with chearfulneſs, the neceſſary taxes, ſhe deſired her parliament to inſpect all the accounts of receipts and payments, and to puniſh abuſes. She obſerved, ſhe ſaid, with a degree of concern, that the funds for the year had, in ſome meaſure, failed; and that, though ſhe had paid and applied the hundred thouſand pounds, which ſhe had promiſed to the laſt parliament, yet that ſum had not ſupplied the deficiency^C.

Proceedings of the com⯑mons. The lords congratulated her Majeſty, in general terms, upon the ſucceſs of her arms, under the Earl of Marlborough^D. But the commons ſhewed the principles that prevailed in their houſe, by comparing, with advantage, the preſent reign with the laſt. The Queen had mentioned in her ſpeech, her great con⯑cern at the diſappointment before Cadiz; and th [...] commons, in their addreſs, made light of that miſ⯑fortune, when compared with the wonderful progress of her arms in Flanders, under the Earl of Marlbo⯑rough, who had ſignally RETRIEVED the ancient ho⯑nour and glory of the Engliſh nation. This reflecti [...] on the memory of the late King, was oppoſed by th [...] Whigs, in a manner which ſhewed only the gre [...] [229] ſuperiority of the Tories, when the houſe was divided upon the queſtion^E. The ſame day a ſupply was unanimouſly voted for the war. The commons re⯑ſolved, on the thirtieth of October, that forty thouſand ſeamen ſhould be employed for the ſervice of the next year. They voted, on the ſixth of November^F, that the Engliſh proportion of land forces, to act in conjunction with the allies, ſhould be forty thouſand men. They granted a ſupply of eight hundred thou⯑ſand pounds^G, for maintaining theſe forces, three hundred and fifty thouſand, for the guards and garri⯑ſons, including five thouſand men, to be employed by ſea; and fifty thouſand pounds, for ſubſidies to her Majeſty's allies.

A diſpute between the houſes. In the midſt of this good humour in parliament, in⯑telligence of the ſucceſs before Vigo arrived at Lon⯑don. The Queen acquainted the two houſes, that ſhe had appointed the twelfth of November as a day of thankſgiving, for the ſignal ſucceſſes of her arms. She accordingly went, in perſon, to St. Paul's, on that day^H, attended by the peers and commons. A ſlight diſpute between the two houſes, interrupted for a moment, the general harmony and unanimity which ſeemed to prevail. On a complaint made to the com⯑mons, by Sir John Packington^I, againſt the Biſhop of Worceſter, for an undue interference in the late elections, they addreſſed her Majeſty to remove that prelate from the office of lord almoner. The lords, offended at the proceedings of the commons, againſt a member of their body, preſented a counter addreſs to the Queen. She, however, choſe to comply with the requeſt of the commons, whom ſhe knew to be devot⯑ed to her ſervice. She had told the lords, with a de⯑gree of ſpirit, that though ſhe had not yet received by proof of the complaints againſt the Biſhop of Worceſter, ſhe conſidered it as her undoubted right [...] continue or diſplace any of her ſervants at pleaſure. [...]hat prelate was accordingly diſmiſſed immediately [...]om the office of almoner^K. His diſgrace proceeded [230] more from the reſentment of the high-church party, for his having adhered to their opponents, than from any undue influence uſed in the election for Worceſter.

An eventual penſion ſet⯑tled on the Prince of Denmark. The readineſs ſhewn by the Queen to gratify the commons, produced a return of complaiſance on the part of that aſſembly. In conſequence of a meſſage, carried to the houſe by Secretary Hedges, they reſolv⯑ed, that the yearly ſum of one hundred thouſand pounds ſhould be ſettled on the Prince of Denmark, ſhould he happen to ſurvive her Majeſty^L. But to an application made by the Queen, in favour of the Earl of Marlborough, they paid not the like regard. That nobleman, having finiſhed with great reputation the campaign in Flanders, had, in the beginning of November, quitted the army and reſolved to return to the Hague. Having embarked on the Maeſe at Maſtricht, he was taken priſoner by a part of the gar⯑riſon of Guelders, the only place now remaining to the French, in Spaniſh Guelderland. The good for⯑tune which had attended the Earl in the field, did not deſert him on the preſent occaſion. Producing a ficti⯑tious paſs to the enemy, he was diſmiſſed in a few hours, without being known; and, having ſettled mea⯑ſures with the States, he arrived in England, in the end of November^M.

One refuſed to Marl⯑borough. Two days^N after his arrival, a committee of the houſe of commons preſented the Earl with the thank [...] of that aſſembly, for his great and ſignal ſervices. On the ſecond of December, her Majeſty informed the coun⯑cil, that ſhe intended to raiſe him to the rank of [...] duke; and, on the tenth of the ſame month, ſhe ſen [...] a meſſage to the commons, to requeſt them to ſettle upon him and his heirs for ever, five thouſand poun [...] a year, which ſhe had granted him out of the poſ [...] office, during her own life^O. The private chara [...] ⯑ter of Marlborough, notwithſtanding the brilliancy [...] his public tranſactions, was not calculated to ga [...] friends. An inordinate love of money had induced hi [...] frequently to ſtoop to acts of meanneſs, that were [...] [231] inconſiſtent with the conduct of a gentleman, as they were unworthy of his great talents. His political de⯑linquency was, at the ſame time, brought to his ac⯑count, by the two great parties which divided the nation. The Tories had not yet forgot his deſertion of his benefactor King James the Second; and thoſe who favoured the revolution remembered, to his diſadvan⯑tage, his conduct toward the late King. The Queen's meſſage was received, at firſt, with aſtoniſhment and ſilence. A violent debate, at length, aroſe. Much was ſaid of the merit of Marlborough. But the houſe informed the Queen, that they could not comply with a precedent to alienate the revenue of the crown^P.

His in⯑trigues with St. Ger⯑mains. The Duke foreſeeing, from the complexion of the debates, that their reſult would be unfavourable, pray⯑ed the Queen to withdraw her meſſage. This circum⯑ſtance, however, hindered not the commons from pre⯑ſenting their addreſs. The Tories, who now formed a great majority, contrived to convey a reflection on the late King, in their refuſal of a ſettlement on Marl⯑borough. They complained that the revenue of the crown had been already too much reduced, by the exorbitant grants of the laſt reign, to bear any further alienation. The adherents of the excluded branch of the family of Stuart, ſeemed to be moſt inclined to involve Marlborough in the cenſure paſſed upon King William. Though he was known to have uniformly oppoſed the power of that Prince, he was not deemed ſincere in his profeſſions and promiſes to his rival. His zeal, it is certain, had greatly abated, ſince the acceſ⯑ſion of Anne to the throne. He, however, kept upon fair terms with the court of St. Germains. He endea⯑voured to aſcribe to the multiplicity of his affairs, that want of attention, which actually proceeded from a change of his own views. He had, throughout the preceding ſummer, expreſſed frequently a warm at⯑tachment to the cauſe of the pretended Prince of Wales; and, as a proof of his zeal, he granted paſſes to the agents of that Prince, when they wiſhed to tranſport themſelves into France to inform their maſter [232] of the ſtate of his affairs in England^Q. But though he expoſed himſelf to the laws of his country by this conduct, he had not the good fortune to ſatisfy thoſe whom he affected to ſerve.

A motion for reſum⯑ing King William's grants. Should a judgment be formed of the principles of the preſent houſe of commons, from their diſpoſition to animadvert upon the conduct of the late King, they might be concluded to have been extremely averſe from the change which that Prince had made in the ſucceſ⯑ſion to the crown. The commiſſioners for public ac⯑counts made ſtrict enquiries into the application of the public money, in the laſt reign^R. Sir Edward Sey⯑mour, who had diſtinguiſhed himſelf in the debate againſt Marlborough, moved for leave to bring in a bill, for reſuming all grants made in King William's reign, and for applying them to the uſe of the pub⯑lic^S. This motion was carried by a very great ma⯑jority^T. But another made by Mr. Walpole, that all grants, made in the reign of King James, ſhould be reſumed, paſſed in the negative. The prevailing party, conſiſting chiefly of the landed intereſt, follow⯑ed their victory with another important motion. They procured an order for bringing in a bill, to prevent all perſons to be members of the houſe of commons, except ſuch as ſhould be found poſſeſſed of real eſtates. Theſe motions, however, ſeemed rather intended to ſhew the power of the party, than meant ſeriouſly to be carried into laws. The bill of reſumption, in par⯑ticular, was deemed ſo ſevere, that it was actually dropt afterwards, by thoſe who had carried the moti⯑on for its being introduced, with ſo high a hand^U [...] and the bill, for members to poſſeſs real eſtates, wa [...] thrown out by the lords^V.

A bill to prevent oc⯑caſional conformity. While the Tories carried every thing in the houſ [...] of commons, their violence was conſiderably checked [...] by the predominancy of the oppoſite party in the houſ [...] of peers. The act paſſed in the firſt year of Willia [...] and Mary, in favour of proteſtant diſſenters, had bee [...] [233] always diſliked by the high-church party. The in⯑fluence of the court, joined to the zeal of the Whigs, had prevented any attempt to repeal this act, as long as William ſat upon the throne. But the party who favoured the church, finding themſelves ſo powerful in the houſe of commons, under a Queen who ad⯑hered to their principles, paſſed an order, on the fourth of November, for bringing in a bill to prevent occaſi⯑nal conformity. The bill was accordingly prepared and introduced, by Mr. Bromley and Mr. St. John, the latter afterwards well known, under the title of Bolingbroke. On the ninth of December, the bill was, a third time, read, paſſed, and ſent to the lords. Though the latter rejected not the bill, they made ſeveral amendments, to which the commons would not yield. A conference between the two houſes, up⯑on the ſubject, produced nothing but a more firm ad⯑herence, on both ſides, to their reſpective opinions. The commons ordered, at length^W, their proceed⯑ings upon this whole affair to be printed. Their ex⯑ample was followed by the lords, and the bill was dropt.

1703. A diviſion between the houſes. The bill to prevent occaſional conformity furniſhed not the only cauſe of diſpute between the two houſes. The commiſſioners, appointed for the inſpection of public accounts, proceeding with their enquiries, the commons reſolved, that the Lord Halifax, auditor of the exchequer, had been guilty of a breach of truſt and great miſmanagements in his office. The lords having called for the accounts, came to a reſolution diametrically oppoſite to that of the commons. They voted, that the Lord Halifax had performed the duty of his office, as auditor of the exchequer, in tranſ⯑mitting the impreſt rolls to the Queen's remembran⯑cer. The commons, in a conference, denied the right of the lords to examine any accounts, as they could [...]either ſupply deficiencies, nor apply any ſurpluſage, [...]he grant of all aids being inherently veſted in the com⯑mons. That even, in their judicial capacity, the lords [...]ould only proceed againſt miſmanagements, upon the [234] year 1703 complaint of the commons; and that no informatio [...] collected from the accounts themſelves, could entitl [...] the lords either to acquit or condemn. The lords [...] provoked at the repreſentations of the lower houſe [...] reſolved, that the peers had an undoubted right t [...] take cognizance of the public accounts. That thei [...] proceedings, with regard to the Lord Halifax, wer [...] regular; and that the commons, in their conference [...] had thrown unbecoming reflections on the lords, an [...] had uſed unparliamentary arguments^X.

Parliament Prorogued. The commons, equally irritated, reduced the argu⯑ments advanced by their committee, into votes of thei [...] houſe. A ſecond conference rather increaſed than di⯑miniſhed the heats on both ſides. But a ſudden proro⯑gation put an end to the diſpute and the ſeſſion. Th [...] Queen came to the houſe of lords, on the twenty⯑ſeventh of February, and made a ſpeech from th [...] throne. She thanked the two houſes for the diſpatc [...] they had given to the public buſineſs. She thanke [...] the commons, in particular, for their great ſupplies [...] and for their readineſs in making a proviſion for th [...] Prince of Denmark. To gratify the Tories, and i [...] adherence to her own principles, ſhe declared herſe [...] ſtrongly in favour of the eſtabliſhed church. Sh [...] hoped, ſhe ſaid, that ſuch of her ſubjects as had th [...] misfortune to diſſent from the church of Englan [...] ſhould reſt ſecure and ſatisfied in the act of tolerati [...] which ſhe was firmly reſolved to maintain. Th [...] thoſe, who had the advantage and happineſs to be [...] the church, ſhould conſider, that ſhe had been ed [...] ⯑cated in its principles. That ſhe had run great h [...] ⯑zards for its preſervation. That ſhe would take pa [...] ⯑ticular care to maintain and encourage all its privileg [...] and rights, and to tranſmit them ſecurely to poſteri [...] Having expreſſed her opinion, that further laws we [...] neceſſary for reſtiaining the ſcandalous licentio [...] ⯑neſs of the preſs; the lord keeper, by her comma [...] prorogued the parliament to the twenty-ſecond [...] April^Y.

[235] Conduct of the Whigs. The Queen and thoſe who led her councils, had ſome reaſon to wiſh for new reſtrictions on the licence aſſumed by the writers of pamphlets and periodical pa⯑pers. Though the Whigs, on the acceſſion of Anne, turned their thoughts more to their own danger from their opponents, than the poſſeſſion of power, their hopes of regaining the influence which they had loſt, gradually aroſe. In the houſe of commons, their op⯑poſition had been hitherto languid and feeble. The prejudices of thoſe without were, therefore, to be raiſed, to ſecond efforts that might prove ſucceſsful within. The preſs was employed, with great aſſiduity, by the adherents of the party; and a people naturally jealous of their rulers, began already to catch the flame. The new reign, however, was ſtill too popu⯑lar to be ſhaken, by aggravated complaints. The terrors of the nation for popery, had altogether ſubſid⯑ed, in their knowledge of the Queen's firm adhe⯑rence to the proteſtant religion. The war had been carried on with a vigour and a ſucceſs unknown in the preceding reign; and the ſpirits of mankind being raiſ⯑ed, by the flouriſhing aſpect of affairs, public credit, that had languiſhed long, was in a great meaſure re⯑ſtored.

Queen fa⯑vours the Tories. The low-church party, it ought to be confeſſed, had ſome reaſon to wiſh for a change, in the meaſures of the court, with regard to themſelves. Their con⯑duct towards the Princeſs of Denmark was neither forgot nor forgiven by Queen Anne; and her reſent⯑ment had joined with her principles, in throwing her completely into the hands of the high-church party. The Whigs were, in a manner, proſcribed and debar⯑ [...]ed from office; and the power which they ſtill retain⯑ [...]d in the houſe of lords, ſeemed to demand their being [...]xcluded from honours. On the ninth of March they [...]ere furniſhed with a proof that the current of royal [...]vour was ſet another way. To ſecure a majority in [...]e upper houſe, for the party whoſe intereſts were [...]etted by the Queen, four of the moſt vehement Tories were raiſed to the peerage. Finch, Gower, Granville, and Seymour, were the perſons dignified, [...]pon this occaſion, with honours. Others of the par⯑ty, [236] already in the houſe of lords, were gratified with higher titles. The Marquis of Normanby, in parti⯑cular, was created duke of the ſame name. But the title of Duke of Buckinghamſhire being afterwards added, he is better known by the latter name^Z.

Secret views The conduct of the court, and the views of the pre⯑vailing party in the houſe of commons, was conſidered, by their opponents, as proceeding from a deſign of de⯑feating, ultimately, the ſucceſſion of the crown in the family of Brunſwick-Lunenburgh. A coincidence of circumſtances, it is certain, had thrown the church-party, in ſome degree, into the ſcale of the excluded branch of the houſe of Stuart. They concluded that the more violent Whigs were, from principle, at⯑tached to a republican ſyſtem of government. They apprehended that thoſe whom their own ambitious views had joined to that party, would, either from intereſt or revenge, abet the religious opinions and ci⯑vil prejudices of the diſſenting proteſtants, upon the event of the acceſſion of a foreign Prince to the throne [...] Beſides, the attachment to the hereditary deſcent o [...] the crown, when ingrafted on the firſt principles o [...] the church of England, had weighed much with thoſ [...] who were moſt zealous for her doctrines. The dan⯑gers and the apprehenſions ariſing from poperty ha [...] vaniſhed. The terrors, which had ſeized the nation [...] on that head, at the revolution, were aſcribed to th [...] arts and machinations of the republican party, i [...] which all diſſenters were erroneouſly comprehended [...] to furniſh themſelves with an opportunity of rearin [...] their own favourite fabric of government, on the rui [...] of a diſputed throne^A.

of the high church par⯑ty. Men ſwayed by theſe opinions were eaſily induce [...] to liſten to the declared Jacobites, and to follow th [...] inſtructions of the court of St. Germains. The la [...] ⯑ter deemed the church of England thoroughly in the [...] intereſt. The bill to prevent occaſional conformity [...] and that to grant a year longer to ſuch as had neglec [...] ⯑ed to take the oath of abjuration, were ſuggeſted a [...] abetted by the determined adherents of the pretende [...] [237] Prince of Wales. The firſt of thoſe bills had failed, through the prevalence of the Whig-party in the houſe of lords; and the latter, through an amendment of the peers, became a further ſecurity for the ſucceſſion which it was intended to defeat. Two clauſes were added, with ſuch art to the bill, that the high-church party durſt not oppoſe them, without endangering their influence with the nation, and declaring them⯑ſelves too precipitately for a meaſure, which time only could gradually accompliſh. To endeavour either di⯑rectly or indirectly to defeat the ſucceſſion, as now li⯑mited by law, was declared high-treaſon; and the oath of abjuration, a circumſtance neglected in the firſt bill, was impoſed on the whole Iriſh nation^B.

Applicati⯑ons of the court of St. Germains The court of St. Germains derived great hopes from the friendly diſpoſition of the Engliſh houſe of commons. But they turned their eyes, with moſt at⯑tention, to the Duke of Marlborough and the Lord Godolphin. The firſt, by poſſeſſing the command of the army, might have effectually ſerved their cauſe, had his profeſſions been ſincere. The latter, though timid in his councils, was a man of abilities, and uni⯑formly attached to the excluded branch of the royal family. Marlborough, whoſe great influence in the meaſures of the court was known, had made himſelf a party againſt the Whigs^C, by extending, in his own department, his animadverſions to thoſe mem⯑bers of the houſe of peers, who had diſtinguiſhed themſelves in oppoſing what was deemed detrimental to the eventual ſucceſſion of the family of Hannover^D. He was, therefore, preſſed by the pretended Prince of Wales, through his emiſſaries, to enter into an immediate treaty; the terms of which were, to leave Queen Anne in poſſeſſion of the crown during her own life, provided ſhe would ſecure the ſucceſſion [...] her brother at her death^E. To effectuate this [...]ecurity, the act of occaſional-conformity was not [...]hought ſufficient; though the church of England [238] ſeemed to conclude, that her own ſafety was involved in the reſtoration of the hereditary deſcent of the crown into its former channel^F. He therefore pro⯑poſed, that the act of ſettlement itſelf ſhould be re⯑pealed; a thing he thought, not impracticable in the preſent diſpoſition of the parliament.

ſo Marlbo⯑rough. The ſervants of the pretended Prince, at the ſame time, endeavoured, through Marlborough, to recon⯑cile the Queen herſelf to their views, by applying to her feelings, and propoſing various expedients. They inſinuated that, conſidering the juſtice and piety of Anne, it was not to be ſuppoſed, that ſhe would ob⯑ſtruct the eventual ſucceſſion of her brother; a mea⯑ſure which, they ſaid, ſhe owed to her own glory, the memory of her father, and her ſolemn engage⯑ments to that Prince. They affirmed, that it was not to be thought, ſhe would contribute to exclude her own family, in favour of a ſtranger, the moſt diſtant relation ſhe had in the world^G. To facilitate, therefore, the execution of the ſcheme, which they earneſtly wiſhed her to adopt, they inſinuated, that the putting her brother in an immediate poſſeſſion of the crown of Scotland, would be the moſt effectual means for ſecuring to him the eventual ſucceſſion of the crown of England; and that this deciſive meaſure would be attended with little difficulty, conſidering, that the majority of parliament, in the two kingdoms, were apparently well affected to the hereditary ſucceſ⯑ſion of the throne^H.

A marriage popoſed with his daughter. To this extraordinary, and perhaps impracticable, project, deſtined to be laid before the Queen, the agents of the court of St. Germains, ſhewed an incli⯑nation to confirm Marlborough in the cauſe of their maſter, by engaging his own ambition. His only ſon, the Marquis of Blanſord, having died at Cambridge on the twentieth of February, the Duke had no proſ⯑pect of tranſmitting his name to poſterity through the male line. Of four daughters, two were already mar⯑ried, the eldeſt to the ſon of the Lord Godolphin and the ſecond to the earl of Sunderland. Colone [...] [239] Sackville, who had, during the late reign, carried on the correſpondence between Marlborough and the court of St. Germains, and who had always free ac⯑ceſs to the Duke, propoſed a marriage between his third daughter and the pretended Prince of Wales. How Marlborough received the propoſal is uncertain. But the negociation ſeems not to have ended with the preſent year. The adherents of the family of Han⯑nover, either appriſed of this projected connexion, or willing to gain to their own party the great influence and weight of Marlborough, formed a ſcheme on their ſide, to marry this daughter to the electoral Prince^I. The high-flying Tories, and eſpecially the Jacobite part of the miniſtry, were ſo much alarmed at this circumſtance, that they even intended to ſolicit the Queen herſelf to propoſe the match between her bro⯑ther and the Duke's daughter^K. Theſe facts are more deciſive, with regard to the great power of the Duke himſelf, than proofs of the prudenee of thoſe by whom the propoſals were made.

Affairs of Scotland. During theſe ſecret tranſactions in England, pro⯑jects for reſtoring the ſucceſſion in the hereditary line, were carried forward with more openneſs in Scotland. The prejudices of the people in general, againſt the old parliament, were inflamed by the Jacobites and the abettors of prelacy, who hoped, upon a new electi⯑on, to return a majority of their own party into the houſe. It was aſſerted, and even publicly argued, that the parliament then in being, had never been a regu⯑lar aſſembly. That it had been called by the Prince of Orange, before he was inveſted with the re⯑gal title; and that, having continued fourteen years, [...] circumſtance utterly inconſiſtent with the conſtitu⯑ [...]on of Scotland, its authority was uſurped, and all its [...]eliberations illegal. Theſe reaſons being propagated, [...]d accommodated to the unſettled humour which pre⯑ [...]iled in the kingdom, rendered the people in gene⯑ [...]al loud in their demands for a new parliament. The [...]poſition of the Court ſeemed to ſuit itſelf to the [...]eſent prejudices of the nation. The old miniſtry, [240] who had been conſidered in the light of Whigs, wer [...] removed from the active departments of the ſtate. Th [...] Earls of Melvil, Marchmont, Selkirk, Leven, an [...] Hyndford, were laid aſide. The Earl of Seafield [...] yielding to the temper of the times, was made preſi⯑dent of the council. The Duke of Queenſberry an [...] the Viſcount Tarbat, men equally pliant in the diſpo⯑ſition of their minds, received the ſeals as ſecretarie [...] of ſtate; and the Earl of Tullibardin, who, from fa⯑vouring the Revolution, had become, through diſguſt [...] a Jacobite, was raiſed to the office of lord-privy-ſeal^L.

A complaiſance to the humour of the times, and as they ſuppoſed, to the diſpoſition of the Court, render⯑ed the new miniſtry ſuſpected of an attachment to th [...] exiled family. The Viſcount Tarbat, in particular, who had been all things to all governments, ever ſinc [...] the death of Charles the Firſt, endeavoured to gai [...] the affections of the Jacobites, by procuring from th [...] Queen a proclamation of indemnity^M. Before th [...] members of the new adminiſtration were appointed [...] the old parliament was diſſolved, and another ſummon⯑ed to meet at Edinburgh, on the ſixth of May. Th [...] vehemence of the people, the influence and the weigh [...] of government, the activity of the leaders of the coun⯑try party, and the zeal of the Jacobites, procured a return of more members, ſwayed by high principle [...] for monarchy, than had been known in any parliamen [...] ſince the Reſtoration of Charles the ſecond. Bu [...] though the majority were enemies to the late Revolu⯑tion, theſe came under two denominations to the houſe [...] The open and avowed Jacobites were the leaſt dan⯑gerous, as they made no ſecret of their real deſign [...] But the country party, as they affected to call them⯑ſelves, conſiſting of men of more prudence and mor [...] ſpirit, covered their deſigns, in favour of the exile [...] family, with the ſpecious pretence of inſiſting upon th [...] redreſs of the grievances under which the nation ha [...] laboured in the preceding reign^N. The firſt wer [...] [241] led by the Earl of Home, who had rendered himſelf beloved by his party, from their opinion of his integrity, and his uniform attachment to the intereſt of the ex⯑cluded family.

Character of the Duke of Hamilton. The Duke of Hamilton, the acknowledged head of the country-party, was a nobleman of ſolid, as well as popular talents; unſhaken in his perſonal courage, hitherto ſteady in his political conduct, clear in concep⯑tion, judicious, and full of addreſs. Though not poſ⯑ſeſſed of a flowing eloquence of language when he ſpoke in public, his expreſſions were manly, and his manner ſo graceful, that his words came with an irre⯑ſiſtible force upon his audience. He was qualified by nature to gain mankind, and to combine together their various paſſions and views; and, thus united, to turn their whole force at once to one point. Attached to his party from principle, he adhered to their very prejudices, with a firmneſs that gained their affections and ſecured their unlimited confidence. In forming his projects he was cautious, to a degree of irreſoluti⯑on But when he once adopted any ſcheme, he was not to be ſwayed from his purpoſe by obſtructions, nor intimidated by dangers. Having ſerved King Charles and King James, in various capacities, he retained his affection for their family, after the misfortunes of the latter; and, making no ſecret of his principles, de⯑ [...]ined to accept any office from King William, and [...]en for many years to acknowledge his authority. When the reſentment of the Scots had aſcended to a [...]egree of frenzy againſt the Crown, in the year 1698, [...] accepted, upon the reſignation of his mother, of [...] title of Duke of Hamilton; and, having placed [...]mſelf at the head of the oppoſition, directed, with [...]at dexterity, their whole fury againſt the King.

His inſtruc⯑tions from St. Ger⯑mains. The correſpondence between the late King James [...]d the Duke of Hamilton, had languiſhed ever ſince [...] treaty of Riſwick had put an end to all the hopes [...] [...]hat unfortunate Prince. The adherents of his ſon, [...]wever, renewed their intrigues in Scotland as well [...] in England; and being no ſtrangers to Hamilton's [...]chment to their cauſe, ſent him ſecret inſtructions, [...]ch he followed implicitly in his public conduct. [240] [...] [241] [...] [242] His ſeceſſion, with eighty members, in the preceding year, had deprived the parliament of the opinions o [...] the people; and had been the great cauſe of the diſſo⯑lution which ſoon after followed. This circumſtanc [...] had rendered ſtill more important, a nobleman whoſ [...] weight in his country had been great before. Th [...] pretended Prince of Wales neglected not, therefore, to point out to the Duke, in the month of January, the line which he wiſhed to be purſued in the new parliament. The principle articles required of Ha⯑milton were, to oppoſe, with all the force of his in⯑fluence, abilities, and addreſs, the bill of abjuration [...] the ſucceſſion of the family of Hannover, and the uni⯑on of the two kingdoms^O.

A new par⯑liament. The Duke, in obedience to his inſtructions, and purſuing the bent of his own mind, had concerted, with his party, meaſures favourable to the excluded family. When the parliament met, on the ſixth of May, he preſented to the houſe, the draught of a bill for re⯑cognizing and aſſerting the authority of her Majeſty, and her undoubted right and title to the crown of Scot⯑land. The inclination of the Engliſh miniſtry, and even the diſtant views of the Queen herſelf, in favour of her brother, were no ſecret to the Duke; who had been, for more than ten years, privy to their intrigue [...] and correſpondence with the court of St. Germain [...] Without departing, therefore, from his purpoſe, [...] propoſed this overture, which ſeemed levelled again [...] his own principles, with regard to the hereditary de⯑ſcent of the crown. The act could not be oppoſe [...] with any decency. But the old miniſtry, to ſcree [...] themſelves from the future animadverſions of parlia⯑ment, endeavoured to inſert a clauſe, that it ſhould [...] high-treaſon to impugn or quarrel, either the Queen [...] right to the crown, or her exerciſe of the regal funct [...] ⯑on ſince ſhe aſcended the throne. Though Hamilt [...] and his party perceived the drift of this amendmen [...] yet, to prevent the appearance of any obſtruction [...] this complimentary act, they conſented, under an e [...] ⯑preſs declaration, that the clauſe ſhould not extend [...] [243] juſtify the tranſactions in the late parliament, ſhould they be queſtioned hereafter^P.

Proceedings. The avowed friends of the excluded family ſhew⯑ed the ſame inclination with thoſe who called them⯑ſelves the country-party, to pleaſe the Queen and to gratify the demands of the Crown. The Earl of Home, who was known to lead the Jacobites, pre⯑ſented the draught of an act, on the nineteenth of May, for granting a ſupply. Thoſe who affected to adhere to the principles of the late Revolution, were unwilling that this compliment to government ſhould come from the oppoſite ſide. The Duke of Argyle and the Earl of Marchmont profeſſed themſelves, and were allowed by the world, to be the leaders of that party. The Duke, though a man of abilities, and agreeable in his manners, was profligate in his private life, and regarded chiefly his own intereſt in his public conduct. Though he came over with the Prince of Orange at the Revolution, and affected to be a mortal enemy to the family of Stuart, he had liſtened to the propoſals of King James, through the Earl of Arran, in the year 1691, when that Prince had a near proſ⯑pect of being reſtored to his throne. Argyle had, been, together with the Earl of Home, with whom he was connected by marriage, agreed to accept of a commiſſion as lieutenant-general from the exiled King^Q. But the hopes of James being blaſted by [...]he defeat of the French fleet at La Hogue, Argyle [...]ell again into the meaſures of William, obtained from [...]hat Prince ſeveral ſums of money; and, in the year 1701, the title of a Duke, for his ſervices in a refracto⯑ [...] ſeſſion of parliament^R.

The com⯑miſſioner deſerts the country-party. Argyle, apprized of the Earl of Home's intention [...] move for a ſupply, had the addreſs, not only to [...]ſtrate the overture, but even to detach the com⯑ [...]ſioner, the Duke of Queenſbury, from the coun⯑ [...]-party, in whoſe views he had actually embarked. [...] came to that nobleman and informed him, that he [...]mſelf and his party had reſolved to move for an act [244] to ratify the late Revolution, and to confirm the preſ⯑byterian ſyſtem of church-government. This mea⯑ſure was ſo contrary to the principles of thoſe who had propoſed to grant an immediate ſupply, that the com⯑miſſioner requeſted the Duke to forbear. The latter refuſed to comply; and dexterouſly inſinuated into the mind of Queenſbury, ſuch a jealouſy of the grow⯑ing weight of the Duke of Hamilton, that he deſerted at once, his own profeſſions and the intereſts of the country-party. The Marquis of Tweedale, in the mean time, made an overture in the houſe, that, prior to all other buſineſs, the parliament ſhould proceed to form conditions of government, and regulations in the conſtitution of the kingdom, to take place after the demiſe of her Majeſty.

Act of ſe⯑curity. The party who endeavoured to defeat the ſupply, oppoſed it with this overture, which was likely to command the whole attention of the houſe. On a debate touching the competition between Tweedale's motion and the conſideration of the ſupply, the party who ſupported the firſt prevailed. The Marquis of Athol, in conſequence of the overture, offered an act for the ſecurity of the kingdom, in caſe of her Majeſ⯑ty's deceaſe^S. This important buſineſs filled the greateſt part of the ſeſſion with violent debates. It was ſtipulated by the act, that, on the twentieth day after the Queen's deceaſe, the eſtates of parliament ſhould meet; and that, in the intermediate time, the executive government ſhould devolve on ſuch mem⯑bers of the houſe as ſhould happen to come to Edin⯑burgh. It was provided, that no papiſts ſhould b [...] members. That no Engliſhman or foreigner, enjoy⯑ing a title in Scotland, and not poſſeſſed of one thou⯑ſand pounds ſterling of yearly rent in that kingdom [...] ſhould be capable of either ſitting or voting in the par⯑liament to be convened in terms of the act.

Its condi⯑tions. When the houſe proceeded to the limitations to b [...] laid on the ſucceſſor of the Queen in the throne, [...] violent debate aroſe. A member urging, that h [...] Majeſty's letter to the parliament, encouraged the [...] [245] to expect her concurrence, in any thing calculated to ſecure public freedom, was anſwered, with a cenſure, by the commiſſioner. The member replied, with great aſperity; and concluded with affirming, that no⯑thing could ſave Scotland from ſlavery, but withdraw⯑ing herſelf, after the deceaſe of the Queen, from the dominion of an Engliſh Prince. In an additional clauſe to the act, it was provided, that the nomination of a ſucceſſor was left, by the act, to the eſtates of parlia⯑ment, who ſhould aſſemble after the Queen's death. But it was enacted, that the ſucceſſor to be named, ſhould not be the ſucceſſor to the crown of England; unleſs ſuch conditions of government ſhould be ſettled in this ſeſſion of parliament, as ſhould ſecure the ho⯑nour of the kingdom, the independence of the crown, the freedom, frequency, and power of parliaments, and the religion, liberty, and trade of the Scotiſh na⯑tion, from Engliſh or foreign influence^T.

Act for the houſe of Hannover fiercely re⯑jected. While the houſe were employed in the act of ſecu⯑rity, ſeveral laws of conſiderable importance were paſſed, with leſs difficulty. On the ſeventh of June, the houſe proceeded to the conſideration of an act of⯑fered by the Duke of Argyle, ratifying the parliament which had continued to ſit during the whole of the preceding reign. Several laws with regard to com⯑merce were paſſed; and one to encourage the African and India company. Toward the end of the ſeſſion, the Earl of Marchmont preſented an act to the houſe, for ſettling the ſucceſſion on the family of Hannover, which was ordered to be read. When the clerk came to the paragraph, where the Princeſs Sophia was men⯑ [...]oned by name, the houſe flew, at once into a flame. [...]ome moved, that the overture ſhould be publicly [...]urnt. Others were for calling Marchmont to the [...]r. Many propoſed to ſend that lord priſoner to the [...]ſtle of Edinburgh. The chancellor having procured [...]ence, the clerk proceeded. But ſuch a fierce oppo⯑ [...]on aroſe, that the overture was rejected without a [...]te. In defeating the motion, the houſe departed [...]edly from their own rules. To place a mark of [246] indignation, as they expreſſed themſelves, on the a [...] it was carried, by a majority of fifty-ſeven voice [...] that the very memory of it ſhould be expunged from the minutes of parliament^U.

Royal aſſent refuſed to the act of ſecurity. The commiſſioner ſhewing no inclination to touc [...] the act of ſecurity with the ſcepter, a motion wa [...] made, that the houſe ſhould addreſs the Queen t [...] give the royal aſſent. But this intention was over⯑ruled, by a ſuggeſtion, that the commiſſioner himſel [...] ſhould be firſt queſtioned, whether he had been in⯑ſtructed to paſs the act. His Grace obſerving an ob⯑ſtinate ſilence, the houſe flew into a new flame. Se⯑veral members propoſed new bills of limitations. Bu [...] the moſt inſiſted, that the old act ſhould be carried in⯑to a law. The next day, however, the commiſſione [...] told the houſe, that he had received her Majeſty' [...] pleaſure, and was now fully impowered to give th [...] royal aſſent to every act, excepting only to that [...] called an act for the ſecurity of the kingdom. H [...] ſcarce had ended his ſpeech, when many member [...] aroſe; and, in ſucceſſion, inveighed, in the bittereſ [...] terms, againſt the ſervants of the crown; who wer [...] called, perhaps with juſtice, the ſlaves of the Engliſ [...] miniſtry, and calumniators of the Scotiſh parliament [...] Some denied, that the right of a negative was inhe⯑rent in the crown. They affirmed, that the third ac [...] of the firſt parliament of Charles the Second, the on⯑ly act upon which the negative was founded, declared [...] indeed, that the royal aſſent was neceſſary to give th [...] force of a law to a vote of the houſe. But that fro [...] thence it could not be inferred, that the aſſent coul [...] be refuſed to an act paſſed and ſolemnly offered by par⯑liament^W.

Violent heats. During theſe uncommon heats, no ſupply for th [...] ſupport of either the civil or military eſtabliſhmen [...] had been granted to the crown. When the lord-trea⯑ſurer repreſented to the houſe the defenceleſs ſtate [...] the kingdom, they reminded him of the ſecurity de⯑nied to the nation, by the refuſal of the royal aſſent [...] an act calculated for that important and neceſſary pur⯑poſe. [247] No ſeſſion of parliament ever met in Scotland, in which more abilities, more eloquence, and per⯑haps more violence and animoſity, were diſplayed, than in the preſent. The whole nation were inte⯑reſted ſpectators of a conteſt, which they were taught to believe, was to determine their independence as a free people, or to ſubject them for ever to thoſe foreign councils, to which they had, with ſome reaſon, aſcribed the late misfortunes of the kingdom. The eagerneſs of the populace was transfuſed into parlia⯑ment. When the commiſſioner propoſed, that the ſupply ſhould take place of all other buſineſs, the op⯑poſition ſtated the vote, ‘"overture for ſubſidy, or overtures for liberty."’ The commiſſioner ſtill inſiſt⯑ing on his point, the Earl of Roxburgh aroſe and ſaid, that if there was no other way of ſupporting the natu⯑ral and undeniable privilege of parliament, the friends of their country were reſolved to demand juſtice, with ſwords in their hands. A general rage tranſported the houſe into a degree of fury. The commiſſioner be⯑came apprehenſive of the ſafety of his own perſon. Having promiſed, that the overtures for liberty ſhould be the firſt buſineſs of the next ſeſſion, and having touched the bills that were ready with the ſceptre, he ſuddenly prorogued this refractory parliament^X.

Obſervati⯑ons on the ſtate Though the zeal of the Jacobite members contri⯑buted to increaſe the flame in the houſe, many, not confined to ſuch narrow principles, were great pro⯑moters of this vehement oppoſition in parliament. They were no ſtrangers to the abject dependence into which their country had fallen, ever ſince their native [...]vereigns had added the weight of the crown of Eng⯑ [...]nd to their prerogative in Scotland. They perceiv⯑ [...]d, that the diſtance of the Prince himſelf, from a [...]overnment carried on in his name, ſubjected his [...]uncils to the impoſition of the ignorant, or the art [...]d malice of the deſigning. They ſaw, that the ſer⯑ [...]nts of the crown, by reſorting to London, were [...]her gained by the Engliſh miniſtry, to forward [...]eir own views; or awed by their influence, into a [248] ſubſerviency, which, when it degraded themſelves, diſgraced and even ruined their country. The ſove⯑reig [...] himſelf was even likely, upon all occaſions, to prefer the intereſts of his more powerful king⯑dom, to the proſperity of a country, which, from the nature of its ſoil and climate, as well as from the peculiar circumſtances of its government, had hither⯑to contributed little either to ſupport his grandeur or to increaſe his power.

of Scotland, with regard to England. The ſituation of affairs in England had, accidental⯑ly, furniſhed Scotland with the only opportunity the latter ever poſſeſſed of emancipating herſelf from the influence and oppreſſion of the former, or of being re⯑ceived into an union of government, upon equal and even advantageous terms. The Engliſh legiſlature had ſettled the ſucceſſion of the crown on the houſe of Hannover. King William, either careleſs of the intereſts of that family, or, what is more probable, in⯑different concerning the fate of the crown, after his own death, had neglected to recommend to a parlia⯑ment, whom a long habit had rendered ſubſervient to his views, the ſettlement of the crown of Scotland, in the proteſtant line. This circumſtance actually left the fate of England in the diſpoſal of the Scotiſh nation. Should the latter declare for the eventual ſucceſſion of the Prince of Wales, a title then not il⯑legal in Scotland, there can ſcarce any doubt be form⯑ed, but conſidering the party which ſtill adhered to the exiled family in England, he would have, with great facility, recovered the crown of that kingdom. Some men of abilities in the Scotiſh parliament, who were by no means attached to the hereditary line, per⯑ceived this advantage; and they ſeized it with an eagerneſs, proportionable to their zeal for their country.

Character of The moſt diſtinguiſhed among theſe lovers of their country was Andrew Fletcher of Salton, whoſe warm but manly genius had been improved, by an extenſive knowledge of books and of men. Poſſeſſed of a mind too daring and independent to bear, or even to permit, the haughtineſs of ſuperiors, he uniformly wiſhed for that equality among mankind, which ſpeculative pa⯑triots hope to find in a republican government. To [249] that dignified diſpoſition of ſoul, which abhors what⯑ever is mean, he joined a ſteadineſs of mind, that no advantage could ſway, no ſolicitations move, no dan⯑gers ſhake. A ſtrict obſerver of his word, devoted to the moſt rigid laws of honour, cautious of giving offence to others, as he was reſolved to reſent even the appearance of inſult to himſelf, reſolute to a degree of enthuſiaſm, in a manner fiercely brave. In his public conduct, he was the avowed enemy of all deſpotiſm. Vehement in his love for his country, determined to ſupport her independence, as neceſſary to his own dig⯑nity. In his private life, he avoided vice on account of its meanneſs. He adhered, without deviation, to virtue, as eſſential to his own pride.

Fletcher of Salton. His peculiar opinions on the ſubject of government, ſuiting ill with the deſpotic maxims adopted in Scot⯑land, during the reign of Charles the Second, he op⯑poſed the miniſtry, and was perſecuted in return. To avoid the malice of his enemies, he forſook his country. But being ſummoned, in his abſence, before the privy-council, he was ſo much enraged at the injuſtice of thoſe in power, that he embarked in the cauſe of the Duke of Monmouth, and accompanied that unfortu⯑nate nobleman, when he invaded England. Having been outlawed upon this occaſion, he retired to Hol⯑land, and came over with the Prince of Orange, whoſe declarations were favourable to thoſe political principles to which he had invariably adhered. He ſoon per⯑ceived, what he might have foreſeen, that the poſſeſſion of the crown of England was the chief object of the expedition. Fletcher, therefore, left King William, when that Prince ſeemed to deſert the principles upon which he came; and he afterwards oppoſed him with [...] vehemence ſuitable to that diſappointment. Having [...]een choſen a member of the new parliament, which [...]et in the May of the preſent year, he found an op⯑ [...]ortunity for exerting his talents, and for exhibiting his [...]rinciples. Though an enemy to monarchy, he en⯑ [...]ertained ſuch an averſion to Engliſh influence and an [...]nion, that he adhered to the country party, and would [...]ven have ſupported the ſucceſſion of the exiled family, [250] rather than yield to meaſures, which he deemed de⯑ſtructive to the honour and independence of his country^Y.

Affairs of Ireland. The affairs of Ireland had, for ſeveral years, re⯑mained in that ſtate of tranquillity and want of im⯑portance which attends dependent governments, when carried forward with any degree of attention and pre⯑ciſion. The Earl of Rocheſter, whom King William had placed in the office of lord-lieutenant, reſigned his commiſtion through ſome diſguſt, ſoon after the acceſſion of his niece to the throne of England. He was ſucceeded in the government by the Duke of Ormond, a name popular in Ireland, on account of his family. In a parliament, which met in the au⯑tumn of the preſent year, a great unanimity appeared in favour of the meaſures of the Queen. They granted a ſupply to her Majeſty, to make up the de⯑ficiency of the revenue, and to ſupport the neceſſary branches of the eſtabliſhment for two years, ending at Michaelmas 1705. In examining the public ac⯑counts, the commons found, that more than one hun⯑dred thouſand pounds had, by miſrepreſentation, beer charged unjuſtly, as a debt on the nation; and they ordered a committee to examine into the cauſe of this intended fraud on the public.

Proceedings of parlia⯑ment. In a repreſentation to the lord lieutenant, the com⯑mons complained, with reaſon, of the proceedings o [...] the truſtees appointed by the parliament of England [...] for managing and ſelling the forfeited eſtates in Ireland [...] that had been reſumed for the uſe of the public [...] They averred, that the charges incurred by the ſub⯑jects of that kingdom, in defending ſuch juſt right [...] and titles as had been allowed by the truſtees, ha [...] exceeded in value the current caſh of Ireland. They complained, that the ſtate of trade at home was ſ [...] low, that many proteſtant families had been conſtrain⯑ed to remove to other kingdoms, eſpecially to Scot⯑land; while foreign commerce and its returns were under ſuch reſtrictions, as rendered them altogethe [...] unprofitable. They affirmed, that many civil officer [...] were arrived at ſuch a pitch of corruption, throug [...] [251] the hopes of impunity, that vaſt eſtates were acquired by them, in a ſhort time, in a poor country. That others, neglecting their perſonal attendance in the country, made ſinecures of their employments, and drained the kingdom of its money, which they ſpent in other lands. Having inſinuated, that nothing but frequent parliaments could either prevent or reform thoſe evils, they concluded, with the warmeſt and moſt affectionate wiſhes, for the happineſs of her Majeſty, and the long continuance of her reign over Ireland. The lord-lieutenant having promiſed to tranſmit to England the repreſentation of the com⯑mons, they voted an ample ſupply; and the parlia⯑ment was adjourned to the eleventh of January, in the ſucceeding year.

Campaign of 1703. During theſe tranſactions in Scotland and Ireland, the war was carried on with unabating vigour, between the allies and the houſe of Bourbon. The former had [...]ound means to detach, from the alliance of the lat⯑ [...]er, two Princes of conſiderable name and power. The Duke of Savoy deſerting the intereſts of France [...]nd Spain, had concluded a treaty with the Emperor, [...]n the fifth of January; and, on the ſixteenth of Mlay, Peter the Second, King of Portugal, joined [...]imſelf to the grand alliance. To the defection of [...]oſe two Princes, the French aſcribed their ſubſe⯑ [...]ent misfortunes in the war. They, however, made [...]eat preparations, for opening, with ſpirit, the cam⯑ [...]aign on all ſides. Winter itſelf had ſcarce ſuſpended [...]ſtilities, between the contending powers. Rhinberg [...]as taken on the ninth of February by the allies. [...]he ſiege of Traerbach was raiſed, on the twenty- [...]th, by the Mareſchal de Tallard. The French, [...]der Villars, ſeized the towns of Offenbourg and [...]ſtadt, without reſiſtance. That commander forced [...] redoubts upon the Quinche, and took the fort of [...]ll, on the ninth of March. The Elector of Ba⯑ [...]a, the firm ally of France, carried on the war, [...] vigour, in the heart of Germany. He took [...]bourg on the Danube, on the third of February. [...] defeated the enemy at Paſſaw, on the eleventh of [252] March; and having taken Burglenfield^Z and Ra⯑tiſbon^A, was joined, on the twelfth of April, a [...] Dutlingen, by the Mareſchal de Villars.

Progreſs of the Elector of Bavaria. The French and Bavarians owed their ſucceſs, o [...] the ſide of Germany, more to the inactivity of th [...] empire, than either to their own force or thei [...] conduct. The inſtances of England and the State [...] were loſt on that unwieldy body. Each Prince deem⯑ed himſelf but little concerned, in what was the cauſe of all. The Elector of Bavaria, taking advantage of their ſupineneſs, reſolved to enter Tyrol, at once to open the communication with the French army in Italy, and to ſtop the common paſſage of the Impe⯑rial reinforcements to their troops in that country, The Duke de Vendôme, who commanded the French forces in Italy, endeavoured, on his ſide, to enter Tyrol, to join the Elector. Had this project ſucceed⯑ed, it might have ruined the Emperor's affairs. But the valour of the peaſants of Tyrol, the conduct of ſome Imperial detachments placed in that country, and the want of concert between the French and Bavari⯑ans, defeated the only meaſure, which ſeemed calcu⯑lated to ſupport the affairs of the houſe of Bourbon, on that ſide.

Operations in Swabia and Italy. The Duke de Vendôme, having deſpaired of join⯑ing the Bavarians, and being recalled to Italy, by the open defection of the Duke of Savoy, with unbridled fury laid waſte the country, in his retreat. The Elector, on the other hand, found himſelf obliged to abardon Inſpruck; and to retire to Swabia, to rejoin the Mareſchal de Villars. Diſappointed in their views on Auſbourg, they croſſed the Danube, at Donawaen, and totally defeated, at Hochſtet, Count Styrum^B, who commanded a conſiderable army of the allies. In Italy the Imperial troops were commanded by Sta⯑remberg, Prince Eugene having not been employed for the preſent year. This general had contributed to prevent the junction of Vendôme and the Elector of Bavaria, but he performed no other ſervice of impor⯑tance during the campaign. Vendôme diſarmed [...] [253] part of the troops of the Duke of Savoy, on the twenty-ninth of September. He defeated the Gene⯑ral Viſconti, on the twenty-ſixth of October. No⯑thing deciſive, however, happened, on the ſide of Italy; though the houſe of Bourbon might conſider their diſappointment in the intended junction of their armies in Tyrol, in the light of a partial defeat.

On the Rhine. The Duke of Burgundy, having under him the Mareſchals de Tallard and de Vauban, commanded the French army, on the ſide of Alſace. A cam⯑paign, which, during the greateſt part, remained un⯑important, ended in an action of ſome conſequence and renown. The Mareſchal de Tallard, having formed the ſiege of Landau, that place began to be preſſed, when an army of the allies paſſed the Rhine, at Spire, for its relief. Tallard, leaving a flight guard in the trenches, marched with the reſt of the army to attack the enemy. The allies, conſiſting of Engliſh, Dutch, and Germans, were commanded by the Prince of Heſſe, the ſame who mounted, afterwards, the throne of Sweden. The French general, who, from the badneſs of his ſight, was obliged to depend upon the eyes of others, committed a miſtake, which, by a ſingular piece of good fortune, gained the battle. Conſtruing a motion made by the enemy, for an at⯑tack, to be a preparation for flight, he fell upon them unexpectedly, and obtained the victory. The Count de Frize, who had defended Landau, with vigour and good conduct, deſpairing of any further relief, ſurren⯑ [...]ered that important fortreſs, the day after this un⯑ [...]ortunate battle was loſt by the allies^C.

Campaign in Flanders. In the Netherlands, the Duke of Marlborough, [...]ing concerted meaſures with the States of the [...]nited Provinces, was enabled to appear early in the [...]eld. He opened the campaign with the ſiege of [...]onn, a ſtrong city in the circle of the Lower-Rhine, [...]d the uſual reſidence of the Elector of Cologn. [...]hat Prince had placed Bonn, with the reſt of his [...]ominions, in the hands of France, in the beginning [...] the war. The city was inveſted, on the twenty- [...]rth of April. The trenches were opened on the [254] third of May; and the Marquis d'Alegre, after [...] gallant reſiſtance, was forced to ſurrender the place [...] after a ſiege of twelve days. The French army, un⯑der the Mareſchals de Villerol and de Boufflers, hav⯑ing, in the mean time, advanced toward Maeſtre [...] and taken Tongeren, the Duke of Marlborough re⯑joined the conſederate army in Flanders, and advance [...] againſt the enemy. The French, declining battle, retired within their lines; which the Duke reſolves to force. The Baron de Sparr performed this ſervice with ſpirit and ſucceſs. But the Baron Opdam, wh [...] attempted to penetrate the lines at Antwerp, wa [...] driven from the field with great loſs, and forced [...] retreat to Lillo, with an inconſiderable party of the army under his command. The General Schlangen⯑burg retrieved, in ſome meaſure, the laurels which Opdam had loſt^D. Both the French and the allies claimed the advantage, in an attack productive of [...] conſequences. The French ſeem to have had the [...] title to the honour of victors, having kept poſſeſſio [...] of the field.

Several places taken by the al⯑lies. The French, unwilling to hazard the event of a general battle with the allies, who were ſuperior in conduct as well as in force, the Duke of Marlborough ſat down, with little interruption, before ſome place [...] of conſiderable ſtrength, and, by their conque [...] cloſed, with reputation, the campaign. Huy on the Maeſe fell into his hands, on the twenty-ſixth of Ju [...] He took Limbourg in September. In December, the city of Gueldres, after a bombardment and block⯑ade of near fourteen months, ſurrendered to the allies^E, The number of fortified places, whi [...] the poſſeſſion of Spaniſh Flanders had given to [...] French, had proved a conſiderable diſadvantage [...] their aſſairs. The garriſons, in ſo many towns, ha [...] weakened their armies in the field. Beſides, [...] places themſelves were ill provided with the means [...] defence. Having moſt of them fallen, in the la [...] wars, into the hands of the French, they had be [...] returned, in a kind of diſmantled ſtate, to the Spani⯑ards, whoſe poverty as well as negligence prevente [...] [255] them from being ever thoroughly reſtored to their former ſtrength. They furniſhed, therefore, the al⯑lies with a ſucceſſion of triumphs; and, by buoying up their minds with an appearance of ſucceſs, encou⯑raged them to continue the war with vigour.

Campaign in general favourable for France. The campaign of the year 1703 was, upon the whole, favourable to the houſe of Bourbon. The progreſs of the Elector of Bavaria, in the heart of Germany, had reduced the family of Auſtria into great ſtraits; while, at the ſame time, an inſurrection in Hungary diſtracted their councils, and ſpread de⯑vaſtation to the gates of Vienna. In Italy, the de⯑fection of the Duke of Savoy had not hitherto pro⯑duced any fortunate change for the Emperor; and on the Upper Rhine, the arms of that Prince were at⯑tended with a degree of misfortune. Though the French had loſt ſome towns in Flanders, the progreſs made by the allies was inconſiderable. They failed in their attempts on the ſtrong lines formed by the enemy for the protection of Flanders; and in the only action of conſequence which happened on that ſide, they had loſt ſome trophies as well as the field. Though the bigotry of Lewis the Fourteenth had kndled the flames of war in the heart of his own do⯑minions, by forcing, by ſeverities, the Proteſtants in the Cevennes into an inſurrection, no effectual ad⯑vantage was taken of a circumſtance, which the allies might have greatly improved in their own favour.

Affairs at ſea. Nothing memorable happened at ſea, during the [...]ummer of the preſent year. The combined fleet of [...]ngland and Holland, under Sir Cloudſley Shovel, [...]ed^F into the Mediterranean, and returned with⯑ [...]t meeting an enemy to their own ports^G. In [...]me actions of little conſequence and leſs name, the [...]rench ſeem to have had the advantage. The Eng⯑ [...]ſh were repulſed at Guadaloupe, in May^H. [...]ooke endeavoured, in vain, to make a deſcent on [...]elle-Iſle, on the ſixth of June^I. A Dutch convoy was attacked by the French, to the north of Scotland, [256] on the tenth of Auguſt^K. The ſhips of war eſco [...] ⯑ing the fleet were beaten, and ſome of the veſſe [...] themſelves taken. An unaccountable langour ſee [...] to have prevailed in all the operations of the maritim [...] powers. They formed no expedition to annoy th [...] enemy on the coaſt of Spain, though naked and de⯑fenceleſs; and in neglecting to intercept the treaſur [...] brought by a French ſquadron from the Havan [...] they furniſhed the enemy with additional reſources fo [...] continuing with vigour the war.

Sept. Arch Duke declared King of Spain. The partial and inconſiderable advantages obtaine [...] by France at ſea, and the ſucceſs of her arms, in con⯑junction with the Bavarians, in the heart of Germany [...] neither raiſed her own hopes, nor depreſſed her ene⯑mies. The defection of the Duke of Savoy, and [...] above all, the deſertion of the King of Portugal, who could open through his country a paſſage into Spain, filled the houſe of Bourbon with great and well-ground⯑ed apprehenſions. The gaining from the enemy ſuch powerful allies, induced the Emperor to avow to the world, his deſign to recover to his family the poſſeſſion of the crown of Spain. Having, therefore, together with his eldeſt ſon, the King of the Romans, re⯑nounced every perſonal title to the Catholic throne, his ſecond ſon, the Arch-Duke Charles, was crowned at Vienna, the beginning of September. A few days^L after this ceremony was performed, the Arch-Duke, now called Charles the Third King of Spain, left Vienna; and directing his journey through Hol⯑land, arrived at the Hague, on the third of Novem⯑ber. Having been acknowledged in his new capacity, by all the allies, he was received every where with marks of the higheſt reſpect and honour. The deſig [...] of this Prince was to paſs to Portugal with a conſidera⯑ble force, eſcorted by the combined fleets of the ma⯑ritime powers; and, in conjunction with his new ally [...] Peter the Second, to invade the kingdom of Spain.

Diſgrace in the Weſt Indies. The operations of the Engliſh fleet in the We [...] Indies, were attended neither with glory nor wi [...] ſucceſs. Admiral Bembow, who commanded t [...] ſhips ſtationed at Jamaica, and in the neighbouri [...] [257] ſeas, fell in with a French ſquadron near Carthagena, on the nineteenth of Auguſt 1702. In a running battle, which was renewed, at intervals, for ſeveral days, the admiral was repeatedly deſerted by his captains, his ſhip diſabled, and his own leg ſhot away. The enemy, though much inferior in number and ſtrength, made, by theſe means, a ſafe retreat. Bembow, after this diſgraceful, as well as unfortunate action, returned to Jamaica. On the ſixth of October, he iſſued a commiſſion for the trial of captain Kirby and captain Wade. They were found guilty of cowardice, breach of orders, and neglect of duty; and, being ſent to England under their ſen⯑tence, they ſuffered death, at Plymouth, on the four⯑teenth of April, 1704. The admiral himſelf having languiſhed for ſome time, under the wound received in the engagement, died at Jamaica; and the regret which he expreſſed in his laſt moments for the treachery of the condemned captains, ſeemed to have enſured their un⯑happy fate.

War in Po⯑land. During theſe tranſactions between the confederates and the houſe of Bourbon, the war in Poland was carried on with redoubled ardour. The King of Sweden having quitted the neighbourhood of Cracow, deſcended with his army along the courſe of the Viſtula. King Au⯑guſtus employed himſelf in calling together fruitleſs diets. [...]n an aſſembly of his adherents at Thorn, it was reſolved [...]o acquaint the King of Sweden, that Poland had ac⯑ [...]epted the mediation of the Emperor; and that, ſhould Charles ſtill perſiſt in refuſing to enter into a negociation, [...]he Republic ſhould declare war againſt Sweden. But [...]hat one pretended diet eſtabliſhed, was overturned by [...]other; and Charles ſeemed to have more adherents in [...]land, than Auguſtus himſelf. The firſt of theſe [...]nces preferred action to negociation. Having ſuddenly [...]rched out of his camp, he ſurpriſed the Saxons at [...]tauſck, and took their general with his own hand. [...] laid ſiege to Thorn, and forced that city, notwith⯑ [...]nding its numerous garriſon, to ſurrender at diſcretion. [...]g Auguſtus was obliged to find in ſtrangers, the re⯑ [...]ces which his own kingdom denied. He applied for [...] to the Czar; who liſtened the more readily to the [...]citations of Auguſtus, that he hoped to fix the ſeat of [258] the war in Poland; and to profit by the abſence of Charles, by aggrandizing himſelf in Livonia^M.

Parliament meets. Nov. 9. While the new King of Spain remained at the Hague, concerting his future meaſures with the States, the par⯑liament of England, after various prorogations, met at Weſtminſter^N. The Queen, in her ſpeech, commu⯑nicated to the two houſes, her new treaties with Portu⯑gal and the Duke of Savoy; and ſhe deſired ſupplies to anſwer the demands of her preſent, as well as former engagements, in the war. She informed her parliament, that though no particular proviſion had been made, for the charge either of the expedition intended for Portugal, or the augmentation of the troops deſired by the States, the funds granted had anſwered ſo well, and the produce of the prizes had proved ſo conſiderable, that no new debt had been incurred, on theſe accounts, by the nation. She recommended diſpatch in their deliberations, as ne⯑ceſſary for the ſucceſs of the projected enterprizes of the war. She expreſſed her moſt earneſt deſire of ſeeing all her ſubjects in perfect peace and union among them⯑ſelves; and ſhe therefore intreated them all, to avoid any heats and diviſions, that might diſappoint her of the ſa⯑tisfaction ſhe had promiſed herſelf from their unanimity, and give encouragement to the common enemies of the church and ſtate^O.

The com⯑mons grant, A kind of hereditary animoſity againſt the French, to⯑gether with an opinion imbibed by the people, that th [...] houſe of Bourbon aimed at the empire of all Europ [...] had rendered the preſent war extremely popular in Eng⯑land. Though the laſt campaign in Flanders had p [...] ⯑duced no ſtriking event, the advantages obtained by th [...] allies were, with ſome reaſon, aſcribed to the valour [...] the Engliſh troops, and eſpecially to the ſkill and cond [...] of their leader. In ſuch a ſituation of affairs, the qua [...] ⯑rels between parties, were forced to give way to the c [...] ⯑rent of the populace; and, however willing thoſe exclu [...] ⯑ed from office might have been to obſtruct the meaſu [...] of government, they prudently avoided oppoſition on [...] ſubject of the ſupply. Having unanimouſly addre [...] her Majeſty upon her ſpeech, the commons proceeded [...] [259] make the neceſſary proviſion for the ſervice of the ſuc⯑ceeding year. The treaties concluded ſince the receſs of parliament, and the eſtimates of the army and navy being laid before them, they voted, that forty thouſand men, including five thouſand marines, ſhould be employ⯑ed for the ſea ſervice of 1704^P; and that four pounds a man, each month, allowing thirteen for the year, ſhould be granted for the ſupport of that force^Q.

unanimouſ⯑ly, ample ſupplies. To proſecute the war with vigour by land, the houſe reſolved, that eight hundred and eighty-four thouſand pounds ſhould be granted to her Majeſty, for maintaining forty thouſand men, to act on the continent in conjunc⯑tion with the allies. They, at the ſame time, provided for the Queen's proportion^R of the ſubſidies for part of that force^S; and gave her a further ſupply^T for maintaining the additional ten thouſand men which her Majeſty had raiſed at the requiſition of the States^U. They provided^V alſo for eight thouſand men, to act in conjunction with the forces of the crown of Portugal; and they reſolved, that a ſum, not exceeding one hun⯑dred and fifty thouſand pounds, ſhould be granted, for defraying her Majeſty's proportion of thirteen thouſand men, to be maintained by the court of Liſbon. Three hundred and fifty-ſeven thouſand pounds were granted for guards, garriſons, and invalids; near one hundred and twenty thouſand pounds, for the land-ſervice to be per⯑formed by the office of ordnance^W. The houſe pre⯑ſented and addreſs to the Queen, aſſuring her Majeſty, that they would make good all her engagements with the Duke of Savoy.

A dreadful tempeſt. During theſe tranſactions in parliament, an uncommon calamity fell upon the kingdom. In the night of the twenty-ſixth of November, the moſt violent tempeſt ever known in England, ſuddenly aroſe. The wind blowing from the South-Weſt with incredible force and noiſe, was accompanied with flaſhes of lightning and de⯑ [...]ges of rain. Every thing ſeemed to be levelled before [...]he ſtorm. Chimneys, roofs of houſes, even buildings [...]nd ſpires, were blown down in the city of London. In [260] the country whole foreſts were torn up by the roots. But the tempeſt fell with moſt fury and did the moſt harm at ſea [...] Beſides the loſs ſuſtained by private perſons, ſixteen ſhips of the royal navy were caſt away. The damage done in London and Weſtminſter alone, was eſtimated at a mil⯑lion ſterling. But as the calamity was not univerſal, the country ſuffered not in the ſame proportion. The com⯑mons addreſſed her Majeſty upon the occaſion. They told her, that they could not ſee a diminution of her navy, without making proviſion for repairing the ſame. They, therefore, deſired the Queen to build ſuch capital ſhips as ſhe ſhould think fit; and they promiſed, at their next meeting, to make good the expence.

New King of Spain in England. The ſtorm which had done ſuch damage in England [...] was felt with the ſame ſeverity in Holland. The dykes having been broken down in Friezeland, by the violence of the waves, one fourth part of that province was laid under water. A ſquadron of men of war, under Admi⯑ral Calemberg, deſtined for the expedition with the new King of Spain, to Portugal, was driven from the mouth of the Texel, to the coaſt of Norway. Of the Engliſh ſhips intended for that ſervice, and lying in the Maeſe, ſome were ſtranded and others loſt. The damage, how⯑ever, was, in ſome meaſure, repaired, in the ſpace o [...] three weeks; and, on the twenty-third of December, Charles the Third embarked for England, eſcorted by the Engliſh and Dutch ſquadrons. That Prince arriving at Spithead, on the twenty-ſixth of December, was con⯑ducted by the Duke of Somerſet to Windſor, where h [...] Majeſty received him with great magnificence. Having remained at that place two days, he repaired again t [...] Portſmouth, and ſailed from Spithead, on the fifth of Ja⯑nuary, with a favourable wind. But a ſtorm ariſing, i [...] the Bay of Biſcay, the fleet was diſperſed and drive [...] back to the channel. Sir George Rooke the admiral, o [...] board of whoſe ſhip was the King of Spain, returned [...] St. Helen's, on the twentieth of January. Great dil [...] ⯑gence and activity were uſed in refitting the ſhips. B [...] it was the twelfth of February, before a favourable win [...] enabled the fleet to make the beſt of its way to Portuga [...]

1704. Bill againſt occaſional conformity. The unanimity in parliament, with regard to ſupp [...] for proſecuting the war, was diſturbed, by the renewal [...] a former quarrel, between the Whigs and the Torie [...] [261] year 1704 The latter, favouring the church, introduced again into the houſe of commons, the bill againſt occaſional confor⯑mity, which had been loſt in the preceding ſeſſion. This meaſure had been neither unforeſeen nor unexpected by their opponents, and it threw the houſe into violent de⯑bates. The high-church party, however, prevailed. The bill ſoon paſſed the commons, and was ſent to the lords. The Whigs ſtill maintained in the upper-houſe a majority. They were, at leaſt, more powerful there, through their ſuperior activity and zeal. The Queen herſelf, notwithſtanding her predilection for the church of England, was cold with regard to a bill, that ſeemed ſo highly favourable to the eſtabliſhed religion. She had been terrified with reports, that the Jacobites connected their views in favour of her brother, with the ſucceſs of this bill; and there certainly exiſted ſome reaſon for this apprehenſion. The miniſtry, during the dependence of the bill, were left to their own opinions. Marlborough and Godolphin, who were too prudent not to appear at⯑tached to the proteſtant ſucceſſion, voted for the bill. Other lords in office gave their ſuffrages on the other ſide. The biſhops themſelves were almoſt equally divided upon the votes; and the bill was at length rejected, by a majority of thirteen voices^X.

A Scotiſl plot. The bill againſt occaſional conformity was not the only topic, upon which the Whigs endeavoured, in this ſeſ⯑ſion, to depreſs the Tories. During the warm debates on that ſubject, a circumſtance aroſe, that greatly contri⯑buted to the victory which the former party obtained. The Queen acquainted the two houſes, on the ſeven⯑teenth of December^Y, that ſhe had received unqueſ⯑tionable informations of deſigns carried on againſt her go⯑vernment in Scotland, by the agents and emiſſaries of France. The two houſes received differently this intelli⯑gence. The lords, led by ſome Whigs of ability and ea⯑gerneſs, graſped at every thing calculated to raiſe the jea⯑louſy of the nation againſt the Tories. The majority of the commons, being compoſed of the latter party, conſi⯑dered the whole as the ſtale contrivance of a ſham-plot: an expedient, they affirmed, often uſed with ſucceſs by [62] their political antagoniſts. Writers infected with the partialities of the two parties, have given various and op⯑poſite accounts of an affair, too frivolous to command the attention of the public, had not the minds of mankind been previouſly inſlamed, by the animoſities ſubſiſting between two powerful factions.

Character of Simon Fraſer. The principal actor in this political piece, and, perhaps, its author, was Captain Simon Fraſer, afterwards well known to the world by the title of Lord Lovat. Born with inſinuating talents, but rather forward than agreea⯑ble in his addreſs, he exerted his whole force upon man⯑kind, through the channel of their vanity. His flat⯑tery, though too obvious to eſcape even the obſervation of the weak, was too ſtrong to be reſiſted entirely by men of ſenſe. He ſeemed ſo eager in beſtowing praiſe, that thoſe who approved the leaſt of his manner, aſ⯑cribed his adulation to his want of judgment, with re⯑gard to others, more than to his own deſigns. Deſti⯑tute of principle, and deſpiſing veracity as uſeleſs, he ac⯑commodated all his actions to his immediate intereſt; and all his words to the purpoſe of deceiving the credulous into his views. Habituated, through time, to this aban⯑doned conduct, he became, in a manner, incapable of deviating from it; and thus his profligacy, by being ge⯑nerally known, carried its own antidote in itſelf. In the execution of his own projects, though generally formed with little judgment, he was bold and fearleſs. He nei⯑ther underſtood thoſe laid by others, nor purſued then [...] either with ſpirit or with attention. Though unſteady in his diſpoſition, and hourly varying his ſchemes, he never ſwerved from the great line of ſelf-intereſt; and thus, notwithſtanding his natural levity and inconſtancy [...] he ſucceeded by perſeverance.

His crimes. Some actions, that brought upon Fraſer the higheſt ani⯑madverſion of the laws in Scotland, had made him famou [...] in that kingdom before his intrigues attracted the notice [...] the parliament of England. Being deſcended, though a [...] ſome diſtance, from the family of the Lord Lovat, chi [...] of the clan of Fraſers, in the county of Inverneſs, he ha [...] received in the year 1694, the commiſſion of a lieutena [...] in the Earl of Tullibardin's regiment, by the recomme [...] ⯑dation of his relation, who was married to the ſiſter [...] that nobleman. He, however, ſoon loſt the preferme [...] [263] which he had obtained, through ſome ſeditious letters which he wrote, and had fallen into the hands of the earl. Retiring to the Highlands, he lived for ſome time with his father at Beaufort, a farm which they had ob⯑tained, for a ſubſiſtence, from the Lord Lovat. That nobleman, dying in the year 1696, left four daughters. Thomas Fraſer of Beaufort and his ſon Simon, collect⯑ing ſome diſorderly perſons, attempted to ſeize the eſtate, as neareſt male heirs. Terrified, however, by a proſe⯑cution at law, they formally renounced their claims. But, in the month of September 1697, Simon Fraſer entered, with an armed force, the houſe of the widow of the Lord Lovat, ſeized her perſon, ordered the marriage cere⯑mony to be pronounced, in the midſt of the ſound of a bagpipe, with which he endeavoured to drown the lady's cries, and having ſtript her naked, by cutting off her ſtays with his dagger, forced her to bed and conſummat⯑ed the pretended marriage, amidſt the noiſe and riot of his deſperate attendants^Z.

He is par⯑doned by King Wil⯑liam. Purſued with ſome troops, by the lady's father the Marquis of Athol, Fraſer was forced to abandon the kingdom. The council of Scotland and the court of juſ⯑ticiary, before whom he was proſecuted, declared him a rebel, fugitive, and out-law, offering a reward to any that ſhould ſeize his perſon. He fled to France, and applied to the court of St. Germains for ſubſiſtence. But the late King James, offended at his profligacy, and hav⯑ing heard of his crimes, would neither receive his advan⯑ces, nor admit him into his preſence^A. Deſpairing of ſucceſs with the abdicated family, he reſolved to aſſume the merit of betraying their councils to the reigning Prince. In conſideration of preſent or promiſed ſervices, he obtained, through the means of the noted Carſtares, one of King William's chaplains, and a kind of favourite, a pardon of his rebellion and other public crimes. The rape upon the widow of the Lord Lovat, not being men⯑tioned in the pardon, Fraſer was proſecuted for that crime by the lady and her friends. He was forced again to re⯑tire to France, in the year 1702; but not, perhaps, with⯑out inſtructions for his conduct in that kingdom, from Mr. [264] Carſtares, and men of great rank of the ſame party. The Duke of Argyle, in particular, was his patron and friend, from an hereditary feud between his family and that of Athol; which laſt, on account of the rape, were the ene⯑mies of Fraſer.

Flies again to France. The Earl of Middleton, who then poſſeſſed the moſt credit at St. Germains, had adopted the bad opinion en⯑tertained by the late King James of the character of Fra⯑ſer. The latter, therefore, applied to Queen Mary, through Sir John Maclean; and, as that unfortunate Princeſs graſped at every vain hope held forth to her ſon, ſhe treated Fraſer with kindneſs, and recommended him to the Pope's nuncio^B. Having gained the confidence of that prelate, by reconciling himſelf to the church of Rome, he was introduced by him to the Marquis de Torcy, as a perſon that promiſed to be ſerviceable to the views of the court of France. Lewis the Fourteenth himſelf is ſaid to have had an interview with Fraſer. But either diſtruſting his incredible promiſes, with regard to an inſurrection in Scotland, or unwilling to hazard either his men or money, without further ſecurity, he made him a preſent of five hundred Louis d'Ors, and deſired him to return to his own country, to bring credentials from thoſe perſons over whom he pretended to have ſo much power. But as the King could not altogether rely upon the cre⯑dentials procured by ſuch an unknown adventurer, he firſt reſolved to ſend along with him a Frenchman. The ſending of a Frenchman to Scotland, lying under inſupe⯑rable objections, Lewis found himſelf obliged to apply to the court of St. Germains, for a ſuitable perſon a native of that kingdom.

Returns and is made uſe of by Queenſber⯑ry. The requeſt of the French King were commands to the Earl of Middleton. He received Fraſer with a de⯑gree of confidence; and gave him, as a credential to the friends of the exiled family, a commiſſion as colonel from his young maſter^C. The indemnity granted in Scot⯑land, by Queen Anne, in the March of 1703, rendered it ſafe for any of the adherents of the court of St. Ger⯑mains to return to that kingdom. An officer of the name of Murray, under the protection of the indemnity, was ſent, as a check upon Fraſer, and to bring back intelli⯑gence [265] of the ſtate of opinions and diſpoſition of parties in Scotland. Fraſer, attended by this gentleman, arrived in London. He directed his courſe to Scotland, and was met on the borders of that kingdom, by the Duke of Argyle. He was from thence conducted, by that noble⯑man, to the Duke of Queenſberry, who held, as com⯑miſſioner, a parliament at Edinburgh. The commiſſi⯑oner having deſerted the Jacobite faction in the houſe, to whom he had vowed fidelity, perceived, that by their joining with the country party, they poſſeſſed the power as well as the inclination of being revenged. He, there⯑fore, graſped with eagerneſs at the informations, which Fraſer, either from vanity or malice, gave againſt his enemies. He knew, that even to fix a ſuſpicion of a correſpondence with France, upon the leaders of oppoſi⯑tion, would not only ruin their credit with govern⯑ment, but deſtroy their influence with the nation. To enable Fraſer to execute his inſtructions with facility and freedom, he granted him a paſs to ſecure him from being ſeized, in obedience to the letters of fire and ſword, which had been iſſued againſt him on account of the rape^D.

Goes over to France to procure proofe; Fraſer finding ſuch a powerful ſupport in Queenſberry, reſolved, in ſerving his patron, to gratify his own revenge. Having received, from the exiled Queen, a letter with⯑out an addreſs, for the Duke of Gordon, he tranſmitted a copy of it to that nobleman, and retained the original in his own poſſeſſion, as intended for his great enemy the Duke of Athol^E. The commiſſioner having conceiv⯑ed an averſion to the Lord Tarbat, lately created Earl of Cromarty, Fraſer dexterouſly contrived to aſcribe the declaration of indemnity, obtained in the preceding year from Queen Anne, to his lordſhip's correſpondence with the court of St. Germains. The Duke of Hamilton's principles were already known. But no accuſation of conſequence could be carried home to him, on the pre⯑ſent occaſion. Fraſer, in the mean time, was permitted [...] roam through the Highlands, to endeavour to extort [...]omiſes from the chiefs, to riſe in arms for the pretended Prince of Wales. His ſucceſs was not equal either to his [...]romiſes or the expectations of his patron. When the [266]parliament of Scotland was adjourned, on the ſixteenth of September, he repaired to London, and his allegations not amounting to a ſufficient proof, he was provided with money and a paſs, under a borrowed name, by the Duke of Queenſberry, who applied for that purpoſe to the Earl of Nottingham, ſecretary of ſtate. With the paſs, he tranſported himſelf ſafely to Holland, and from thence found means to convey himſelf again to Paris. His deſign was to procure ſuch letters to Queenſberry's enemies and his own, as might hurt their reputation with the world, if not deſtroy their perſons and ruin their fortunes^F.

and is thrown into the Baſtille. Having arrived at Paris, in the beginning of January 1704, he preſented a memorial to the exiled Queen, containing a long account of his own proceedings in Bri⯑tain, in favour of the pretenſions of her ſon^G. Though he connected his detail with thoſe perſons of rank of the oppoſite party with whom he had converſed, it bore ficti⯑on ſo apparently on its face, that Middleton, who always doubted the honeſty of Fraſer, was convinced of the im⯑poſture. He amuſed him, however, with cold but po⯑lite letters; while, at the ſame time, he wrote to the Marquis de Torcy, expreſſing his doubts concerning his fidelity; and ſignifying his wiſhes that he might be ſe⯑cured. Captain James Murray, who had been ſent to Scotland to diſcover the truth of Fraſer's intereſt and con⯑nections in that kingdom, returned, in the mean time, to St. Germains. The accounts which he gave of the ſtate of the country, and operations of Fraſer, were ſo diametrically oppoſite to that preſented by the latter to the exiled Queen, that no doubts remained of his trea⯑chery. Repeated intelligence from England of the diſ⯑coveries made by the parliament and privy council, ſtrengthened the proof to ſuch a degree, that Fraſer, af⯑ter having amuſed Middleton with a ſeries of letters, con⯑cerning his own importance, his influence in Scotland and his loyalty to the excluded family, was thrown, at length, into the Baſtille^H.

[...] by Fergu [...]on. The vanity of Fraſer, his incontinence of language [...] and a deſire of raiſing his own conſequence with his no⯑ble employer, the Duke of Queenſberry, by ſpreadin [...] [267] far and wide the bottom of his plot, had betrayed him in⯑to miſtakes, which prevented the execution of his deſigns. Having, when he returned to London, opened his pro⯑jects, in favour of the pretended Prince of Wales, to the famous Ferguſon, a more experienced plotter, the latter perceiving his character, ſuſpected his integrity. Under⯑ſtanding, at the ſame time, from Fraſer himſelf, that he was often in conference with the miniſtry of Scotland; and having ſeen the paſs which he had obtained from the Earl of Nottingham, through the influence of the Duke of Queenſberry, he wrote his ſuſpicions to the Duke of Athol, one of the noblemen accuſed. The Duke, con⯑ſcious that he had never correſponded nor received either meſſage or letter from the court of St. Germains^I, complained openly to the Queen of the conduct of Queenſberry and his partizans, in protecting an outlaw, who was hatching the moſt pernicious deſigns. Queenſ⯑berry, to vindicate himſelf, declared, that he had protect⯑ed Fraſer, in Scotland, upon his promiſing to make great diſcoveries; and that he had procured for him a paſs, for tranſporting himſelf, to procure ſolid proofs of his own vague aſſertions. He inſinuated, at the ſame time, that, had not the matter come ſo ſoon to light, he doubted not but he ſhould meet with ſucceſs; and, to ſtrengthen his opinion, he delivered to Queen Anne, as for the Duke of Athol, the letter, intended by the exiled Queen, for the Duke of Gordon.

Proceedings upon it in parliament. The Scotch plot had arrived at this ſtate, when it fell under the cognizance of the houſe of lords. A committee was immediately appointed, by ballot, for the examina⯑tion of papers and witneſſes; and the choice fell on the leaders of the Whig-party. The houſe of commons, [...]ompoſed chiefly of Tories, found an opportunity of op⯑ [...]oſing their weight againſt the proceedings of the peers. [...]ome ſuſpected perſons, and among others, Sir John Maclean, having being ſeized, upon their arrival from France, on the coaſt of England, the lords, by their [...]wn authority, ordered them to be brought before them [...] be examined. The commons addreſſed the Queen in [...]vour of the prerogative of the Crown; and complained, [...]at the lords, in violation of the known laws of the land, [266] [...] [267] [...] [268] had wreſted the priſoners out of her Majeſty's hands; and, in a moſt extraordinary manner, taken the examina⯑tion which belonged to the Queen and council ſolely to themſelves. The plot, from this moment, became ob⯑viouſly a topic of animoſity and diſpute between the Whigs and Tories. But the heats between the parties were not ſufficient to keep long depending this matter, eſpecially on an evidence which could carry home no well-grounded charge of treaſon to any particular perſon. The curioſity and fears of the nation were ſoon diſſipat⯑ed; and the whole affair ſunk into the oblivion which it deſerved^K.

Diſputes between the houſes occa⯑ſion a proro⯑gation. The difference between the houſes concerning the ex⯑amination of the plot, was heightened by a diſpute of another kind. One Aſhby had commenced an action againſt White, mayor of Aileſbury for refuſing to admit his vote in the election of members to ſerve for that bo⯑rough in parliament. The cauſe was carried, by appeal, before the houſe of peers, where judgment was given in favour of Aſhby. The interference of the lords in matters of election, threw the commons, already offend⯑ed, into a violent flame. They aſſerted their excluſive right to the ſole cognizance of all matters concerning elections; and their votes were anſwered by counter re⯑ſolutions of the lords. To put an end to diſputes, which ſeemed daily to increaſe, through the inveterate animo⯑ſity between the parties, the Queen cloſed the ſeſſion on the third of April, with a ſpeech from the throne Having thanked the commons for their large ſupplies ſhe recommended that unanimity between the houſe which had been loſt in their diſputes, as nothing could ſo much contribute to the ſucceſs of the nation abroad, and their ſafety and happineſs at home^L.

CHAP. VI.

year 1704 State of parties. THE differences which had happened between the two houſes of parliament, being conſidered as a quarrel of partie [...], had raiſed a ferment among their ad⯑herents, throughout the kingdom. The Whigs, having prevailed in the houſe of lords, had carried the higheſt praiſes of that aſſembly to the preſs, mixed with the groſſeſt invectives on the commons, who favoured the [270] principles of their political opponents. The conteſt for the poſſeſſion of power, which had ever been the princi⯑ple motive for the violences on both ſides, was managed, as uſual, upon topics calculated to engage the minds of the people. The Whigs averred, that religion was in danger, from a fixed deſign of the Tories to defeat the proteſtant ſucceſſion. The Tories, on their part, af⯑firmed, that the Whigs extended their views to the ſub⯑verſion of monarchy itſelf, and the ruin of the church of England. A credulous multitude were thus toſſed be⯑tween the viciſſitudes of hopes and fears, in proportion as either party found means to accommodate their own allegations to the principles or prejudices of the vulgar.

The Earl of Nottingham Some changes made in the miniſtry after the proroga⯑tion of parliament, rendered the high-church party diſ⯑ſatisfied, without gaining the confidence of the Whigs. The Earl of Nottingham, a man of vehement principles, with regard to the high prerogatives of the crown and an implicit faith in the church, was removed from the office of ſecretary of ſtate. Nottingham had owed his ſtrict adherence to his party, an importance to which he was not entitled by his abilities. Though not deſtitute of ta⯑lents for buſineſs, his extreme loquacity^A raiſed ſuſ⯑picions concerning the ſolidity of his underſtanding; and he was ſo much wedded to his political opinions, that he could hardly live in common charity with men of mode⯑rate principles, either in church or ſtate^B. His at⯑tachment to the church had rendered him averſe to the meaſures of King James, while that Prince ſat on the throne. But his zeal for the indefeaſible rights of mo⯑narchy induced him, afterwards, to favour the views of his family. He oppoſed the abjuration of the Prince of Wales with ſuch vehemence, that he is ſaid to have ſhed tears when the bill paſſed. But he was too prudent, of perhaps, too timid, to riſque, like many others poſſeſſed of the ſame principles, any direct correſpondence with the excluded family^C.

and ſeveral Tories diſ⯑miſted. The reſignation of Nottingham was attended by the removal of other adherents of the high-church, from ſome departments of importance. The Earl of Jerſey, a man [271] who, with a very ordinary underſtanding, had paſſed through ſeveral of the greateſt offices in the kingdom, was deprived of the ſtaff of lord chamberlain; which the Earl of Kent was ſaid to have purchaſed with money, from the in⯑fluence of the Ducheſs of Marlborough with the Queen^D. Sir Edward Seymour, who through the courſe of a long life had, in a manner, avowed his attachment to the excluded family, but had complied with the times, was diſmiſſed from the office of comptroller of the Queen's houſehold. Blaithwaite, who had enjoyed, for many years, the place of ſecretary at war, was removed, more perhaps from the conveniency of having his office to beſtow upon ano⯑ther, than for any exceptions againſt either his own prin⯑ciples or conduct. Men who judged ſuperficially of things, looked upon theſe changes as the conſequences of an alteration of ſyſtem in the cabinet; and aſcribed to their own miſtaken opinion concerning the principles of the lord-treaſurer, what had actually proceeded from his prudence.

Harley and others ad⯑vanced. Notwithſtanding the chearfulneſs with which the com⯑mons granted the ſupplies for the war, and their firm ad⯑herence to Tory principles, the lord-treaſurer and the Duke of Marlborough perceived, from the complexion of the houſe of lords in the laſt ſeſſion of parliament, that a powerful oppoſition to government was to be apprehend⯑ed from the Whigs. They perſuaded, therefore, the Queen, that it was neceſſary either to ſway or break the party, by bringing into office ſome of its reputed mem⯑bers^E. Harley, then ſpeaker of the houſe of commons, though he had uniformly oppoſed the meaſures of King William, was deemed, in principles, a Whig, from his being bred a diſſenter. He, however, was ſuppoſed too prudent to ſacrifice his own intereſt to the views of par⯑ty; and as his talents for managing buſineſs in the houſe of commons were known and acknowledged, he became a great object of acquiſition to the Lord Godolphin. Harley, therefore, was firſt ſworn in at the council⯑board; and ſoon after appointed ſecretary of ſtate, in the room of the Earl of Nottingham. The office of comp⯑troller-general was beſtowed on Mr. Manſel, his friend; [272] and his recommendation placed^F, at the ſame time, Mr. St. John, afterwards Lord Viſcount Bolingbroke, in the place of ſecretary at war, vacant by the removal of Mr. Blaithwaite.

Campaign of 1704. This expedient, however, would have been found in⯑ſufficient againſt the intended oppoſition of the Whigs^G, had not the ſingular ſucceſs of the campaign impoſed ſilence upon thoſe who had prepared themſelves for blam⯑ing the treaſurer and for accuſing the Duke of Marlbo⯑rough. The latter having, in the beginning of the year, viſited Holland, and concerted the operations of the campaign with the States, had returned to England before the prorogation of parliament. To carry into execution the plan which he had formed and weighed, he embarked at Harwich, on the nineteenth of April. The ſucceſs of the two laſt campaigns, having rendered the allies maſters of the Maeſe and Spaniſh Guelderland, ſuch a ſtrong barrier had been formed on the ſide of Flanders, that a ſmall number of forces were deemed ſufficient to protect the frontiers of the States, againſt the efforts of the enemy. Marlborough having found means to convince the Dutch of their ſecurity, in that quarter, propoſed to march into the heart of Germany, to pro⯑tect the Emperor, now almoſt threatened with the ſiege of his capital, by the joint force of the French and Bavarians.

Marlbo⯑rough marches The threatened march of the Elector, at the head of the combined army, into the hereditary dominions of the houſe of Auſtria, was not, however, the only thing that alarmed the Emperor and continued his fears. The in⯑ſurgents in Hungary, encouraged by France, had poſ⯑ſeſſed themſelves of ſeveral important places, and offered their aid to the enemy. Leopold, unable to repreſs their inſolence, was forced to ſhut his eyes on their re⯑bellion^H. He applied, as his laſt reſort, to the Queen of England, through Count Wratiſlaw, his envoy-extra⯑ordinary at the court of London. This miniſter pre⯑ſented, on the ſecond of April, a memorial to Queen Anne, containing an affecting ſtate of the diſtreſſed con⯑dition of his maſter's affairs. The reſolution for reliev⯑ing [273] the Emperor, by carrying the war into Bavaria, which had been previouſly taken, was haſtened by this requiſition. The Duke of Marlborough, having ſettled affairs with the States, left the Hague on the fifth of May, under the pretence of a deſign to carry the war to the banks of the Moſelle, and, by that river, to pene⯑trate into France, while every thing had been prepared for the real expedition to Bavaria and the Danube.

into Ger⯑many. Having paſſed through Utrecht to Ruremond, and from the latter place to Maeſtricht, Marlborough, as he advanc⯑ed, ordered the Britiſh and other troops to join and march towards Coblentz, at the confluence of the Rhine and Moſelle. D'Auverquerque, deſtined to command the army left for the defence of the Dutch frontiers, met the Duke at Maeſtricht; and his Grace advancing through Juliers, arrived in the camp near Coblentz, on the twen⯑ty-fifth of May. C [...]oſſing the Rhine at that place, and ſucceſſively the Maine and the Neckar, he was met at Mondelſheim by Prince Eugene of Savoy. To join the army under the duke to the Imperial troops, led by the Prince of Baden, was the reſult of a conſultation between theſe diſtinguiſhed commanders. Prince Eugene having haſtened to Philipſburg, to take upon himſelf the com⯑mand of the army on the Upper-Rhine, the duke ad⯑vanced toward the Danube, and joined the Imperialiſts, at Weſterſtetten; and having arrived on the river Brentz, on the twenty-eighth of June, he placed his camp with⯑in two leagues of the Elector of Bavaria's army. The troops of the allies conſiſted of ninety-ſix battalions of foot, and two hundred and two ſquadrons of horſe and dragoons, provided with forty-four pieces of field can⯑non, four howitzers, and twenty-four pontons. The force of the enemy was inferior in point of numbers, con⯑ſiſting only of eighty-eight battalions of foot, and one hundred and ſixty ſquadrons of horſe. But they had nine⯑ty pieces of cannon, forty mortars and howitzers, and thirty pontons^I.

Attack at Donawert. The generals of the allies having, in a council of war, reſolved to attack Donawert, on the Danube, forced the enemies intrenchments, before the place, with the loſs [274] of five thouſand men, on each ſide. This action happen⯑ed on the ſecond of July; and, the next day, Donawert was deſerted by the Bavarians; and thus, the allies ob⯑tained by their victory a bridge over the river, while they ſeparated from one another the troops of the enemy ſtationed on the Upper and Lower Danube. The poſi⯑tion gained by the allies was not, however, ſufficient to enable them to penetrate into Bavaria^K, without re⯑moving themſelves too far from Nuremberg and Nortlin⯑gen, from whence they drew their ſupplies. To avoid a battle, with regard to the Elector of Bavaria and the French, was ultimately to force the allies to retire back to the Maine. But the Elector having been reinforced with a freſh army under the command of the Mareſchal de Tallard, reſolved, after a ſhort negociation into which he had entered to amuſe the allies, to abandon his own fate and that of his country, to the event of a battle. The oppoſing armies, after the junction of Tallard with the Bavarians, were equal in number, conſiſting each of eighty thouſand combatants^L.

Situation of the armies. Though the allies had paſſed, without reſiſtance, the Danube, they were incapable, for want of magazines, either to continue long on the banks of that river or to penetrate into Bavaria. They wiſhed, therefore, with the utmoſt eagerneſs, to give battle; and they watched for that purpoſe every motion of the enemy that might furniſh them with the advantage which they ſo much de⯑ſired. The evil deſtiny of France, the ignorance and haughtineſs of her generals, the Mareſchals Tallard and Marſin, together with the vehemence of the Elector himſelf, offered, at length, the opportunity which the enemy ſought after in vain. Prince Eugene, having marched with twenty thouſand men, from the Rhine, to obſerve Tallard on his march through the Black foreſt, had now joined the Duke of Marlborough. Having pre⯑vailed with the Prince of Baden to beſiege Ingoldſtad [...] they rid themſelves of the councils of that general, an [...] reſolved to give immediate battle to the enemy, whic [...] the latter, relying upon the ſtrength of their poſitio [...] ſhewed no inclination to decline.

[275] Battle of Blenheim, Auguſt 13. The French and Bavarians lay encamped with the Danube on their right. The village of Blenheim, on the bank of that river, ſtood a little advanced in the front of the right wing of their line. Their left was covered with an extenſive thick wood, from which ran a rivulet along their front, into the Danube. This rivu⯑let, as it paſſed through the plain, formed an almoſt continued moraſs, which would have been very difficult to paſs, had not the French and Bavarians, by a negli⯑gence fatal to themſelves, formed their line at a conſide⯑rable diſtance behind. When the Elector and the mareſ⯑chals perceived that the enemy, who were encamped with their left to the Danube and their right extending to the wood, were reſolved to give them battle, they threw twenty-eight battalions and eight ſquadrons of dra⯑goons, into the village of Blenheim. Eight battalions were, at the ſame time, placed in another village, to⯑ward the center, with a deſign, in conjunction with thoſe at Blenheim, to fall upon the rear of the enemy when they ſhould paſs the brook; and ſo place them be⯑tween two fires. Such was the ſituation of the French on the morning of the thirteenth of Auguſt. Their wretched diſpoſition inſured the loſs of the battle. Their line, conſiſting chiefly of cavalry, formed at the head of their camp, was weakened by theſe large detachments, whilſt the enemy were permitted to paſs the moraſs, formed by the rivulet, without any reſiſtance^M.

The French and Bavari⯑ans routed. The Duke of Marlborough, who commanded the left of the allies, having formed his line, after paſſing the brook, ordered the two villages to be attacked by the infantry, while he himſelf led his cavalry againſt thoſe of Tallard. After ſeveral charges, with various ſucceſs, the courage of the French horſe began, at length, to abate. They retired behind the fire of ten bartalions, that had advanced while the cavalry were engaged. Theſe ſuſtained the charge, for a conſiderable time, againſt the Engliſh foot. But the duke, in the mean time, having charged home with his horſe the French cavalry, already wavering, drove them in their flight, into the Danube, and moſt of thoſe who had eſcaped the ſword, were drowned in that river. The ten batta⯑lions [] of the enemy's foot were, at the ſame time, charg⯑ed on all ſides and cut to pieces. Prince Eugene, who commanded on the right, had attacked the Elector of Bavaria and the Mareſchal de Marſin. The Prince, however, could make no impreſſion on their line. But when they perceived that Tallard was defeated, they threw themſelves into three columns, and quitted the field with great dexterity and expedition. Had they now fallen on the flank of Marlborough, whoſe troops were employed in pillaging the camp of Tallard, the victory might have been recovered; or, at leaſt, the troops ſta⯑tioned in the two villages, might have been ſaved. Thoſe at Aberclaw found means to eſcape, in the confuſion. But the twenty-eight battalions of foot and twelve ſqua⯑drons of horſe, in Bleinheim, ſurrendered at diſcretion, to the allies.

Conſe⯑quences of the battle The battle of Blenheim, which ſeemed to decide the fate of Germany, turned the whole ſcale of the war againſt the houſe of Bourbon. The loſs of the French and Bavarians in killed, drowned, wounded, deſerters, and priſoners, amounted to near one half of their army. The Mareſchal de Tallard himſelf was among the pri⯑ſoners. The camp, equipage, baggage, and artillery of the enemy, fell into the hands of the conquerors, to⯑gether with every other trophy attending on a complete victory. The battle, however, was not unbloody on the ſide of the allies. Fourteen thouſand men were ei⯑ther killed or wounded, and among the ſlain ſeveral officers of high merit and rank. The troops, under Prince Eugene, meeting with the greateſt reſiſtance, ſuffered the moſt. The Elector and the Mareſchal de Marſin, though they ſcarce could be ſaid to have been routed, retired, with every mark of a defeat, under the cover of night, to Ulm. They remained in that cite only one day; and, having directed their rout through the Black foreſt, joined the Mareſchal de Villeroi, on the Rhine.

of Blein⯑heim. No modern victory was ever more complete than tha [...] obtained by the Duke of Marlborough at Blenheim, an [...] none could have more ſudden or more important conſe⯑quences. The conqueſts and dominions of the Electo [...] of Bavaria fell, at once, into the hands of the Empero [...] who revenged ſeverely, upon that Prince's ſubjects, th [...] [277] exceſſes which had been committed by the enemy on his own. An extent of ſeventy leagues of country, which had fallen into the hands of the victors, felt all the mi⯑ſeries and ravages attending upon conqueſt. The French, ruined, broken, and diſperſed, left a free and uninter⯑rupted march to the confederates, from the Danube to the Rhine. The remains of an army that, at the be⯑ginning of the year, extended terror to the gates of Vi⯑enna, were now forced to take ſhelter within the limits of France. The victors croſſed the Rhine. They en⯑tered Alſace, and the important fortreſſes of Landau and Trearbach fell into their hands, before the end of the campaign^N.

Campaign in Flanders and Portu⯑gal. The campaign in Flanders being merely defenſive, on both ſides, produced no event, either brilliant or impor⯑tant. Auverquerque, who commanded the allies, on the frontiers of the States, bombarded Namur, without effect, in the month of July. The ſame good fortune which had attended the arms of the confederates on the Danube, was not general on every ſide of the war. The Archduke Charles, who had taken the title of King of Spain, had landed at Liſbon, on the ninth of March, with eight thouſand Engliſh and Dutch forces. Philip the Fifth, ſtrengthened with an army of twenty thouſand French, carried the war into Portugal, early in the ſpring. Several places, and particularly Portalegre, fell into his hands; and in various ſlight rencounters in the field, he defeated the Portugueze. Diſputes between the King of Portugal and the Duke of Schomberg, who commanded the Engliſh and Dutch auxiliaries, forced the Queen to recall that nobleman; who was ſucceeded by the Earl of Galloway, through the intrigues of Mr. Methuen, the Engliſh ambaſſador at the court of Liſbon. The King of Portugal and the Archduke, having in vain attempted to croſs the river Angueda, and invade Caſ⯑tille, were forced to retreat from the preſence of the Duke of Berwick, into the heart of Portugal, where they diſtributed their troops in winter quarters^O.

Campaign in Italy. On the ſide of Italy, the Duke of Modena having eſpouſed the cauſe of the Emperor, was deprived of his [278] whole dominions, by the French, under the command of Vendôme. The Duke of Mirandola, who joined him⯑ſelf to the intereſts of France, experienced the like mis⯑fortune from the arms of the Imperialiſts. The Duke of Mantua, perceiving that his dominions were become the theatre of war, endeavoured, by marriage, to gain the favour of France. The campaign in Italy proved, upon the whole, favourable for the houſe of Bourbon. The caſtle of^P Suza and the city of Pignerol were taken in June. Vercelli ſurrendered in July^Q. The city, the citadel, and the caſtle of Yvrea fell into the hands of Vendôme, in the month of September. No action of any note happened in the field. The Empe⯑ror having employed his chief force in the defence of his hereditary dominions in Germany, found himſelf in no capacity to reinforce his troops in the duchy of Mantua. The French, therefore, took place after place, with little reſiſtance; and cloſed the campaign by the taking of Senſano, on the twenty-fifth of November.

[...]braltar taken. The taking of Gibraltar by the Engliſh, and an unde⯑ciſive battle between the French and the confederates near Malaga, rendered diſtinguiſhed the naval operations of the preſent year. The combined fleet that had car⯑ried the Archduke to Liſbon, having quitted that port, preſented themſelves before Barcelona; where a party had entered into a ſecret agreement with the allies to place that city in their hands. The plot was diſcovered and diſappointed by the viceroy of the province; but he durſt neither ſeize nor puniſh the conſpirators. The fleet quitting the coaſt of Catalonia, appeared before Cadiz, which city had been placed in a poſture of defence by the vigilance of the governor. Fortune conducted the allies thence to Gibraltar, which was ill-provided and feebly deſended. The inhabitants, terrified at the viva⯑city and courage of the Engliſh ſailors, ſurrendered the place on the firſt attack; and Sir George Rooke, who commanded in the expedition, fortified Gibraltar, in the name, and under the dominion, of the Queen of Eng⯑land^R.

[279] Undeciſive fight off Malaga. The taking of this important fortreſs had, at once, an effect on the war in Spain, and introduced another im⯑portant event. Part of the army employed in Portugal being withdrawn from that kingdom, for the purpoſe of retaking Gibraltar, ſtopt the progreſs of Philip the Fifth. The French fleet, to the number of fifty-two ſhips, com⯑ing to the aid of the beſiegers, under the conduct of the Comte de Toulouſe, was met, on the twenty-fourth of Auguſt, about twelve leagues from Malaga, by Sir George Rooke and the Dutch admiral Calemberg, with an equal force. An obſtinate battle enſued, to which the night put, at length, an end. Both ſides claimed the victory, and both deſerved it, had ſucceſs depended on valour. Though no ſhips were ſunk or loſt, the fleets were ſo much diſabled, that neither ſhewed any inclina⯑tion to renew the fight the ſucceeding day. Willing to get clear of each other, they gradually made their retreat. The French, unable to give aid to the Spaniards before Gibraltar, made the moſt uſe of the wind to carry them to their ports; while the fleet of the allies, having left a ſquadron on the coaſt of Spain, directed their courſe to England^S.

Affairs in the Ceven⯑nes and Hungary, The want of ſucceſs, on the ſide of Savoy, prevented the allies, from ſending, as they intended, ſuccours to the inſurgents in the Cevennes. The court of France, ſenſible of the diſadvantage of domeſtic diſturbances, while they were preſſed by a powerful and victorious enemy on their frontiers, reſolved, with lenity, to over⯑come men whoſe obſtinacy had, hitherto, defeated all the efforts of their arms. The Mareſchal de Villars was, accordingly, ſent to treat with the leaders of the inſur⯑gents. He agreed, in the name of the King, to grant them the free liberty of their own worſhip^T. But the fire was rather covered than extinguiſhed^U. The impolitic conduct of the court of Vienna ſtill continued the troubles in Hungary. The expulſion of the Elector of Bavaria, and the reduction of his dominions, had ſo much depreſſed the malecontents, that they were ready to ſubmit upon any reaſonable terms. But the fierce and ſevere policy of the houſe of Auſtria, rejected all ac⯑commodation [280] except a total ſubmiſſion, with men whom they accounted the worſt of rebels. The inſurgents, collecting ſpirit from deſpair, and privately encouraged by France, ſpread their ravages far and wide; and though they were defeated in various ſkirmiſhes, Hungary was likely to continue, for ſome time, a ſcene of misfortunes and blood^W.

and in Po⯑land. This year, remarkable for great events, produced a Revolution in Poland. The cardinal-primate, long in the intereſt of the King of Sweden, aſſembled a diet at Warſaw; and the throne was declared vacant, on the fourteenth of February. King Auguſtus, having iſſued manifeſtos in vain, reſolved to ſupport himſelf with the ſword. He aſſembled his adherents in Poland. He call⯑ed his allies the Ruſſians to his aid. The King of Swe⯑den, in the mean time, preſſed the Poles to elect a new Sovereign. Staniſlaus Leczinſki, Palatine of Poſnania, was accordingly raiſed to the throne, on the twelfth of July. The war was continued with vigour. The Sax⯑ons were defeated, on the ſixth of Auguſt. They were again routed, on the nineteenth. But, notwithſtanding theſe misfortunes, King Auguſtus found means to ſur⯑priſe Warſaw, on the fifth of September; and either to diſperſe or ſeize the adherents of his rival. He, however, was driven again from that capital, in the end of Octo⯑ber; and forced to take refuge in his hereditary domini⯑ons; which he almoſt ruined, by immenſe preparations for renewing, with vigour, the war for the recovery of the kingdom he had loſt^X.

A [...]eneral joy. The great victory obtained by the allies at Blenheim, being chiefly, and very juſtly aſcribed to the valour of the Britiſh troops and the conduct and addreſs of their leader the Duke of Marlborough, a general joy was dif⯑fuſed over the nation on account of that ſplendid event. The Queen appointed a day of thankſgiving for this ſig⯑nal advantage; and with a pomp, not unſuitable to the pardonable vanity of her ſex, went in proceſſion to St. Paul's^Y. The Duke himſelf, beſides the great repu⯑tation which he had obtained abroad, from his ſucceſs, derived from it a ſolid advantage at home. On the ſuc⯑ceſs [281] of his expedition, his political importance was known to depend. The party excluded from office had, in a manner, openly declared, that they would attack him in parliament; and, it muſt be confeſſed, that notwithſtand⯑ing his great actions, he was not free from faults which his enemies might have ſeized with advantage. The torrent of his glory, however, came with ſuch rapidity and ſtrength on their deſigns, that they were levelled, and in a moment ruined. While foreign princes vied with one another to honour him abroad, he became, at home, the darling of a people fond of military fame.

Secret in⯑trigues of Marlbo⯑rough. The Whigs deſpairing of any ſucceſs from an oppoſi⯑tion to Marlborough, ſeem, at this time, to have formed deſigns of inducing him to embark in their own cauſe. They had long obſerved, that neither the Duke nor the lord-treaſurer had ever yet, even in appearance, renounced the pretenſions of the Prince of Wales. Their object, therefore, was to gain the Duke to the Proteſtant ſucceſ⯑ſion, by a marriage between his daughter and the elec⯑toral Prince. But this, with other ſchemes of the like kind, were dropt as difficult and uncertain^Z. The truth is, that though Marlborough and Godolphin had not lately appeared warm in the cauſe of the excluded family, they ſtill maintained a ſecret connection, and en⯑couraged private interviews with the agents of the court of St. Germains^A. The Duke, though, perhaps, not ſo ſincere in his profeſſions as the treaſurer, was leſs guarded in his conduct. In the month of April, when he was preparing to break the power of the French in Germany, he regretted the abſence of his nephew, the Duke of Berwick, in Portugal; as he ought to be nearer Britain, to take advantage of ſuch events as might ariſe in favour of the exiled Prince. He gave, at the ſame time, the moſt ſolemn aſſurances of his unalterable fide⯑lity and attachment to the excluded family; and directed their agents to apply to the Lord Godolphin, upon any emergency that might ariſe during his own abſence in the campaign^B.

Affairs of Scotland. During the important operations of the campaign abroad, ſome tranſactions in Scotland engaged a part of [282] the attention of the nation at home. The country-party, inflamed at what they deemed an indignity, the inter⯑ference of the Engliſh houſe of lords, with a plot ſuppoſ⯑ed to have exiſted in Scotland, joined themſelves more cloſely with that party whoſe almoſt avowed intentions were to ſerve the intereſts of the excluded family. The Queen, in compliance with her promiſe to the houſe of peers, made no ſecret of her deſign to propoſe to the parliament of Scotland, the ſettlement of the crown of that kingdom on the houſe of Hannover. To pave the way for this important buſineſs, ſome changes were made in the adminiſtration. The Duke of Queenſberry, who had rendered himſelf obnoxious, by his patronage of Frarer and the plot, was diſmiſſed, to ſoften the popu⯑lar party, from his place of ſecretary of ſtate; and the Marqurs of Tweedale, a man of more honeſty than abi⯑lities, ſucceeded him in the office of lord-high-commiſ⯑ſioner to the parliament.

Intrigues of parties. Prior to the meeting of that aſſembly, the different factions uſed every art to ſtrengthen themſelves by gain⯑ing their opponents. The Duke of Hamilton, conſidered as the head of the Jacobites, aſſociated himſelf with the country-party, and ſent a deputation of their number to London, to oppoſe the deſigns and influence of his mortal enemy the Duke of Queenſberry. The perſons choſen for this kind of embaſſy were the Earls of Rothes and Roxburgh, together with Baillie of Jerviſwood, men leſs attached to the principles of their party, than to their own private intereſt. Having arrived at London, and joined their efforts with the Duke of Athol, the accom⯑pliſhed the diſmiſſion of Queenſberry. But, contrary to the intention of their confederates the Jacobites, they promiſed, in return, to the Engliſh miniſtry, to ſupport in parliament the ſucceſſion of the houſe of Hannover. The Duke of Hamilton, and his party, though not ig⯑norant of the deſigns of their agents, reſolved to purſue with undeviating perſeverance, their own. They affect⯑ed to appear ignorant of the agreement made between the members of the deputation and the court of England; while, at the ſame time, they gained the adherents o [...] the Duke of Queenſberry to a reſolution of oppoſing th [...] [283] ſucceſſion, by agreeing that no examination of the plot ſhould be made in parliament^C.

Proceedings of Parlia⯑ment. In this ſtate of affairs the parliament met at Edinburgh, on the ſixth of July. The Queen recommended, in her letter, unanimity of councils, and the ſettlement of the ſucceſſion in the Proteſtant line; and demanded an immediate ſupply for maintaining the civil and mili⯑tary eſtabliſhments of the kingdom. The commiſſioner, the chancellor, and the Earl of Cromarty, now ſole ſe⯑cretary of ſtate, ſupported, as uſual, the demands of the Queen in a ſucceſſion of formal ſpeeches. Their elo⯑quence produced ſo little effect on the houſe, that they ſcarce had finiſhed when a motion was made, ‘"That the houſe, without naming a ſucceſſor, ſhould ſtand by and defend her Majeſty's perſon and government. But that the houſe ſhould agree on ſuch conditions and limitations, to take effect after the Queen's death, as ſhould effectu⯑ally defend Scotland againſt all Engliſh influence."’ The houſe adjourning without debate on the motion, the Duke of Hamilton made an overture, on the thirteenth of July, that the parliament ſhould not proceed to name a ſucceſſor to the crown, until the Scots ſhould conclude a treaty with England, in relation to commerce and other important concerns. When a motion was made for re⯑ſuming the conſideration of the overture^D, Mr. Fletcher of Salton laid, in a pathetic manner, before the houſe, the miſeries and hardſhips which the Scots had ſuffered ſince the union of the two crowns, and the impoſſibility of mending their condition without prevent⯑ing the continuance of the ſame^E.

Act of ſecu⯑rity receives the royal aſſent. The eagerneſs with which theſe motions were received, convinced the court-party, that the project for ſettling the ſucceſſion was ill timed, To allay the ferment which had prevailed in the nation ever ſince the Queen refuſed her aſſent to the act of ſecurity, her Engliſh miniſters had adviſed her to gratify the Scots upon that ſubject. Be⯑ſides, the oppoſition had reſolved, that till the act of ſe⯑curity ſhould receive the royal aſſent, no ſupply ſhould be granted. An act, in ſubſtance the ſame with that which had paſſed the houſe the preceding year, was read, [284] for the firſt time, on the twenty-fifth of July; and, on the fifth of Auguſt, it was touched with the ſcepter. Though the Duke of Hamilton was in cloſe correſpond⯑ence with the court of St. Germains, ſome of the adhe⯑rents of the excluded family had formed a ſuſpicion of his having views of his own on the crown. The act of ſecurity, they ſaid, chiefly carried by his zeal and induſ⯑try, contained a clauſe which pointed out the Duke him⯑ſelf for the throne of Scotland. A proviſion was made, that the ſucceſſor ſhould be a Proteſtant, and of the royal line of Scotland; but that the perſon appointed ſhould not be, at the ſame time, ſucceſſor to the crown of Eng⯑land. Next the family of Hannover, who were, in a manner, excluded by the clauſe, the Duke of Hamilton himſelf was the neareſt Proteſtant of the royal line; be⯑ing lineally deſcended, by a daughter, from the firſt branch of the houſe of Stuart, who reigned in Scot⯑land.

Parliament prorogued. Though the adherents of the excluded family had gain⯑ed to their own cauſe the votes of the adherents of the Duke of Queenſberry, with a promiſe, that the plot which had made ſo much noiſe in England in the preced⯑ing year, ſhould not be diſcuſſed in parliament, it was brought into debate by the Lord Belhaven^F. In a di⯑greſſion from the ſubject of his ſpeech, his Lordſhip gave a full account of the proceedings in the Engliſh houſe of peers concerning that ſuppoſed conſpiracy. This circum⯑ſtance induced Mr. Fletcher of Salton to preſent a reſolve to the houſe, which he deſired might be read and voted. The purport of this overture was, that the Engliſh houſe of lords, by their examination of the plot, and by addreſſ⯑ing the Queen, in relation to a ſucceſſor to the crown of Scotland, had unduely interfered with the concerns of Scotlmen, and had encroached upon the honour, ſove⯑reignty and independency of the nation. This motion was oppoſed with great warmth by the court party, and even by many who had hitherto been conſidered as mem⯑bers of the country party. The thing itſelf was, how⯑ever, too popular not to paſs. The carrying of this reſo⯑lution, and another for addreſſing the Queen, for laying before the houſe the evidence and papers relating to [285] the plot, finiſhed the buſineſs of the ſeſſion, which was cloſed by a prorogation, on the twenty-ſeventh of Au⯑guſt^G.

Reflections. The refractory diſpoſition of the parliament of Scot⯑land alarmed the favourers of the proteſtant ſucceſſion in England. Though the miniſter, the Lord Godolphin, was by no means of that number, the natural timidity of his diſpoſition rendered him, in ſome meaſure, averſe from a conduct which he ſecretly approved. He per⯑ceived, that things could not long remain in their preſent unſettled condition; and to prevent a criſis of affairs, which he had not courage to encounter, he deſerted his principles. There is no reaſon to believe that he private⯑ly encouraged the malecontents in Scotland, to reject the propoſal for ſettling the crown in the houſe of Hannover. But he had not yet opened that ſcene of corruption, which, afterwards, quieted the turbulence of the Scots; and which was, perhaps, neceſſary for the peace and ſafety of the two kingdoms. The Duke of Hamilton, who knew the principles of Godolphin, expreſſed his own fears of his want of courage^H. He ſuppoſed, before the parliament of Scotland met, that many of the mem⯑bers were to be gained with money, by the lord-treaſurer of England; and to meet him, in the line of corruption, he demanded a large ſum^I from France, for the pur⯑poſe of purchaſing votes^J.

Secret nego⯑ciations and Though the Duke of Hamilton was unjuſtly accuſed in Fraſer's plot, as being privy to a deſcent from France in the preceding ſummer, he had, in the preſent year, ſeriouſly adviſed that meaſure, ſhould matters come to a rupture between the parliament of Scotland and the Eng⯑liſh miniſtry. He ſent a meſſage to the court of St. Ger⯑mains, recommending that a force ſhould be held ready on the coaſt for an emergency. He aſſured the exiled family, that their party in Scotland, in conjunction with thoſe who adhered to the independence of their country, were reſolved, rather than ſubmit to the ſucceſſion of the houſe of Hannover, to throw every thing into confuſion, and leave the deciſion of the conteſt to the ſword. He gave it, as his opinion, that five thouſand men would be [286] ſufficient to re-eſtabliſh the excluded line on the throne of Scotland; and eventually to raiſe them to the ſove⯑reignty of England. But before any deſcent ſhould be attempted, he deſired to be informed concerning the views and promiſes of the adherents of the excluded Prince in the latter kingdom; as the force neceſſary for a ſucceſsful invaſion, ought to be greater or ſmaller in proportion to the quality and number of his Engliſh friends. The Marquis of Montroſe, the Earls of Errol, Marſhal, Breadalbin, and Panmure, the Viſcount Stor⯑mont, the Lord Balmarino, the deprived biſhops, and many of the chiefs of the highland clans, expreſſed the ſame inclinations, and adhered to the ſame ſentiments, with the Duke of Hamilton^K.

intrigues of the exiled family. The victory obtained in parliament over the propo⯑ſals of the Engliſh miniſtry, and the condeſcenſion of the Queen, in giving the royal aſſent to the act of ſecu⯑rity, prevented that rupture for which Hamilton ſigni⯑fied his inclination to be prepared. The miniſters of the excluded Prince were, however, either incapable or un⯑willing to obtain, from the court of France, an arma⯑ment for the invaſion of Scotland; and they made, there⯑fore, their application for a deſcent in England. On the twenty-ſecond of June, a memorial for that purpoſe was preſented to the Marquiſſes de Torcy and de Chamillart. They ſignified to thoſe miniſters, that an attempt on England would be leſs impracticable and more deciſive, than to carry the war into Scotland, though the majority in that kingdom were in the intereſt of the exiled family. They averred, with reaſon, that the poſſeſſion of Eng⯑land would inſure the ſubmiſſion of Ireland and Scotland; and that the former was now deſtitute of troops, or only left under the protection of a few guards, and ſome new levies, diſperſed over the face of the country. They re⯑preſented, that the month of March was the moſt pro⯑per time for a deſcent, before the ſupplies were levied, o [...] the fleet armed. They concluded with affirming, tha [...] nothing then ſhould remain to oppoſe their maſter, but [...] weak Princeſs, a timid miniſter, and a mercenary gene⯑ral; who would make a merit of fulfilling their forme [...] promiſes, to enſure their own intereſt and ſafety^L.

[287] Parliament of England meets. During the ideal projects, formed between the court of St. Germains and their adherents in Scotland, the parliament of England met at Weſtminſter, on the twen⯑ty-fourth of October. The Queen, having expatiated on the great and remarkable ſucceſs of the campaign, informed her parliament, that ſhe aſſured herſelf they were all diſpoſed to provide for every thing neceſſary to proſecute, with vigour and effect, the war. She inſinu⯑ated, that nothing was more obvious, than that a timely improvement of the preſent advantages, would enable them to procure a laſting foundation of ſecurity for Eng⯑land, and a firm ſupport for the liberty of Europe. To accompliſh theſe deſireable ends, ſhe demanded a ſupply from the commons. She told them, that ſhe believed they would find ſome charges neceſſary, in the ſucceed⯑ing year, which were not mentioned in the laſt; and that ſome extraordinary expences had been incurred, for which no proviſion had been made. Having aſſured the two houſes of her confidence, in their affection, and her own unalterable love for her people, ſhe earneſtly re⯑commended ſuch unanimity, temper, and prudence in their proceedings, as might contribute to render her kingdom flouriſhing and herſelf happy^M.

They grant liberal ſup⯑plies. The commons, as far as the Queen and the public ſervice were concerned, were ſufficiently unanimous, expeditious, and zealous. The demanded ſupplies were granted, without heſitation^N. They provided amply for the ſea^O and land ſervices^P. They ſupplied former deficiencies^Q. They guarded againſt them for the future. They granted to her Majeſty, beſide forty thouſand pounds as a ſubſidy to the Duke of Savoy^R, three hundred and ſeventy thouſand pounds, as her pro⯑portion of the ſubſidies payable to her other allies, for the year 1705^S. They were as expeditious in finding the ways and means, as they were liberal in furniſhing the ſupplies. The whole buſineſs was carried forward with ſuch harmony, cheerfulneſs, and facility, that on the ninth of December, all the money-bills received the royal aſſent. The general joy, which had diffuſed itſelf through their conſtituents, ſeemed to have communicated [288] itſelf to the commons. But the ſpirit of diſſenſion was rather ſuſpended than extinguiſhed.

State of parties. The lord-treaſurerer, though a Tory himſelf and even a Jacobite, had permitted a caution, which his enemies called timidity, to ſuperſede his principles, in the arrange⯑ment made in the departments of government, at the cloſe of the laſt ſeſſion of parliament. To trim between the two great parties, who divided between them the na⯑tion, he had placed moderate Whigs in places poſſeſſed by violent Tories. He had the misfortune to loſe the latter, and not to gain the former. The poſſeſſion of power, under the ſpecious name of a difference in opi⯑nion, had long been the motive of conteſt between theſe factions; and their mutual animoſities had aſcended to a height that diſdained a divided authority in the kingdom. The trimming Whigs, admitted by Godolphin into office, had promiſed to manage both parties, by playing their prejudices againſt one another. This conduct, to make it ſucceed, required the utmoſt dexterity and addreſs. Though the parties were ſo poized, that the weight of government could give to either ſide, at pleaſure, the vic⯑tory, their conteſts, eſpecially, in their preſent inflamed ſtate, were certain of embarraſſing, if not capable of en⯑tirely obſtructing the public buſineſs.

Bill againſt occaſional conformity. Deſerted friends became frequently, through pride, the fierceſt enemies. The Tories, though as much of⯑fended with Marlborough as with Godolphin, reſolved to attack only the latter, as the high reputation obtained by the former had rendered him an object too great to be aſſailed. The bill againſt occaſional conformity, which had been twice loſt before, in the houſe of lords, was again introduced by the church party, into the houſe of commons^T. To embarraſs the miniſtry, and to diſtreſs the Whigs, who abetted the diſſenters, a motion was made for tacking the bill to the land-tax bill. The houſe of lords having no power to alter any money-bill, but either to paſs it entire or reject the whole, that aſſembly would either have been obliged to agree to the bill, or to put an end to the war, which depended on the ſup⯑plies. The miniſtry, eſpecially ſecretary Harley, him⯑ſelf a diſſenter, procured, by his own addreſs and the weight of government, a majority in the lower houſe, [289] againſt the motion^U. The bill, however, was paſſed by the commons, without being tacked. But, again it was thrown out by the lords. This new diſappointment increaſed the animoſity of the Tories againſt the Lord Godolphin; as they aſcribed their defeat, in a favourite project, to the weight which he had thrown into the hands of the oppoſite party.

Conduct of parties. The two parties, during the remainder of this ſeſſion of parliament, ſeemed to have made an exchange of principles, could a judgment of their private views be formed from their public conduct. When the act of ſe⯑curity, which had been paſſed in Scotland in the preceding ſummer, came to be debated in the parliament of Eng⯑land, the Whigs and Tories complained againſt it with equal warmth. The firſt endeavoured to derive advan⯑tage from a circumſtance ſo favourable to their avowed principles. The latter pretended, from the like motives, to guard againſt its conſequences. The Tories, in their arguments in the houſe of commons, urged that the paſ⯑ſing the act of ſecurity tended to defeat the ſucceſſion in the houſe of Hannover. But when this propoſition was reduced into a motion, it was rejected by the Whigs, though they had profeſſed themſelves the only friends of the deſcent of the crown in the proteſtant line. The two parties, however, agreed that ſome vigorous efforts muſt be taken in England, to obviate the dangers ariſing from the proceedings in Scotland. The violent, on both ſides, were, however, well-pleaſed at bottom with meaſures which ſeemed equally calculated to promote their reſpec⯑tive views. The republican part of the Whigs looked upon the act of ſecurity as highly favourable to their own principles; and the warm Jacobites among the Tories conſidered the excluſion of the houſe of Hannover, as a great ſtep towards the reſtoration of the excluded branch of the family of Stuart.

Proceedings of parlia⯑ment, The houſe of lords were the firſt who entered into [...]ebate, on the means of obviating the inconveniences [...]hich were likely to ariſe, from the acts paſſed in the [...]receding ſummer, in Scotland. They reſolved, on the [...]venth of December, that no Scotſmen, not reſiding in [...]ngland and Ireland, ſhould enjoy the privileges of Eng⯑liſhmen, [290] until an union ſhould be made, or the ſucceſſion ſettled, as in England: That the bringing in of cattle from Scotland ſhould be prevented: That her Majeſty's ſhips ſhould be ordered to ſeize ſuch Scotiſh ſhips as they ſhould find trading with France; and that the exportation of Engliſh wool into Scotland ſhould be carefully hinder⯑ed^W. The houſe having approved of theſe reſoluti⯑ons, ordered the judges to reduce them into bills. An act for appointing commiſſioners for treating with the Scots, concerning an entire union, was read a third time, on the twentieth of December, and ſent down to the commons for their concurrence. The lords, a few days before, had addreſſed her Majeſty, to put the town of Newcaſtle in a ſtate of defence, to ſecure the port of Tin⯑mouth, and to repair Carliſle and Hull. They alſo re⯑queſted the Queen to order the militia of the four nor⯑thern counties to be diſciplined and armed; and that a competent number of regular troops ſhould be ſtationed on the borders towards Scotland, and in the northern parts of Ireland^X.

concerning the Scotiſh act of ſecu⯑rity. The bill formed by the lords, upon their own reſoluti⯑ons, was rejected by the commons, under the pretence of its being a money-bill, on account of the fines ap⯑pointed to be levied on offenders. They, however, framed a bill to the ſame purpoſe, and, having paſſed it, on the third of February 1705, ſent it to the lords, who returned it, four days after, without any amendment. Though the commons found themſelves under a kind of neceſſity to paſs a bill expreſſive of their jealouſy of the Scotiſh act of ſecurity, they proceeded, with manifeſ [...] coldneſs, in the whole buſineſs^Y. The more violen [...] Whigs and the moſt zealous Tories joined, as has bee [...] already obſerved, in opinion, that the unſettled ſtate o [...] the ſucceſſion in Scotland might favour their reſpectiv [...] views in England. Upon this footing, the bill ſent dow [...] from the lords was rejected, in hopes of provoking th [...] upper-houſe into a reſentment, which might defeat th [...] whole affair. The lords, aware of the deſign of th [...] commons, diſappointed them, by paſſing the bill withou [...] amendments, and even almoſt without debate.

[291] Arrival of the Duke of Marlbo⯑rough, The unanimity between the two houſes, which was apparently forced, on the ſubject of the Scotiſh act of ſe⯑curity, aſſumed an appearance of being ſincere in their acknowledgment of the important ſervices of the Duke of Marlborough. That general having, in the beginning of November, ordered the Engliſh troops to embark on the Rhine for Holland, directed his own courſe to Berlin, the reſidence of the King of Pruſſia. Having, in the ſpace of four days, concluded a treaty with that Prince, by which he engaged to ſend eight thouſand men to the aid of the Duke of Savoy, the Duke quitted Berlin, and arrived at the court of Hannover, on the twentieth of November. On the ſecond of December he arrived at the Hague. Having concerte [...] the operations of the next campaign with the States, he embarked in the Maeſe, and, accompanied by the Mareſchal de Tallard and twenty-ſix other priſoners of note, arrived in the Thames on the fourteenth of December. He was, the ſame day, received at St. James's by the Queen, with every mark of favour, cordiality, and reſpect^Z.

He is thank⯑ed and re⯑warded. The duke, having next day come to the houſe of peers, was congratulated upon his great ſervices, in the name of the lords, by the lord-keeper, Sir Nathan Wright. The commons, at the ſame time, ordered a committee of their body to wait upon him, with their thanks, for the ſucceſs of his late negociations in the ca⯑binet, as well as for his victories in the field^A. They followed theſe expreſſions of reſpect with more ſolid marks of their favour. 1705 Having appointed a day for con⯑ſidering the ſervices of the Duke of Marlborough, they addreſſed her Majeſty to find means to perpeſuate their memory^B. The Queen, accordingly, acquainted the commons by a meſſage, that ſhe intended to grant to the duke and his heirs, the intereſt of the crown in the ho⯑nour and manor of Woodſtock and hundred of Wooton; and ſhe deſired the aſſiſtance of the houſe, in clearing [...]om incumberance the lieutenancy and rangerſhip of the [...]arks, with the rents and profits of the manor and hun⯑ [...]eds, which had been already given away for two lives. A bill was immediately brought in, in conſequence of her [292] year 1705 Majeſty's meſſage; and, notwithſtanding the number of the duke's enemies in both houſes, it paſſed into a law without oppoſition.

His intri⯑gues with the court of St. Ger⯑mains. While the Duke of Marlborough was thus publicly gratified by the two parties, and favoured by the Whigs, he continued to make ſecret profeſſions and proteſtations of zeal for the intereſts of the excluded family. A few days after his arrival from Holland, he invited himſelf to ſupper with the Ducheſs of Tyrconnel, who happened to be then in London. Her attachment to the court of St. Germains, and her knowledge of the duke's connex⯑ions with the ſervants of the Prince of Wales, encourag⯑ed her to remind him of his former promiſes, and to ſug⯑geſt her expectations from his future ſervices. He an⯑ſwered her in general terms. But when ſhe urged him to agree on particulars, he ſolemnly aſſured her, that with⯑out deſcending to circumſtances, or fixing the time, he would do every thing which honour and juſtice demand⯑ed at his hands^C. The Lord Godolphin himſelf, though proſcribed by the Tories, as affecting the princi⯑ples and views of the Whigs, notwithſtanding his natural caution, had, it ſeems, at the ſame time, given a proof of the continuance of his zeal for the excluded family, by inſinuating to their agents, that he would ſearch for an opportunity to pay a part, at leaſt, of the arrears of the jointure due to the exiled Queen^D.

Yet favours the Whīgs. Notwithſtanding this appearance of their favouring ſe⯑cretly the views of the excluded family, Marlborough and Godolphin, in their public conduct, ſeemed willing to break with the Tories, who were deemed the enemies of the ſucceſſion in the proteſtant line. Though Sir George Rooke had acquired ſo much reputation by the taking of Gibraltar and in the battle near Malaga, he was diſmiſſed from the command of the fleet, in the be⯑ginning of this year^E, on account of his own high church principles, and the ſupport which his party gav [...] to his actions, in oppoſition to thoſe of the Duke o [...] Marlborough, in the preceding campaign. Sir Cloudſle [...] Shovel, a man of mean birth, but a good ſeamen a [...] attached to the Whigs, was raiſed into the place vaca [...] by the diſmiſſion of Rooke. This circumſtance, tog [...] ⯑ther [293] with other mortifications ariſing from the obvious partiality ſhewn by the miniſter to the Whigs, raiſed the reſentment of the Tories, who formed a majority of the commons; and contributed to a renewal of the former differences, which ſubſiſted between the two houſes of parliament.

Caſe of the men of Ayleſbury. An object of diviſion preſented itſelf to the commons in a matter in which their own privileges, as they main⯑tained, were very eſſentially concerned. Five inhabitants of the borough of Ayleſbury brought their actions againſt William White, the mayor of that corporation, for hav⯑ing refuſed to receive their votes, in the election of mem⯑bers to ſerve in parliament. The commons ordered theſe men to be committed to Newgate, for a breach of pri⯑vilege. But the priſoners brought their habeas corpus in⯑to the court of Queen's Bench; and provided themſelves with council, who pleaded, upon various grounds, that they ought to be diſcharged. The lord chief-juſtice Holt, who preſided on the bench, was of the ſame opini⯑on, declaring that neither houſe of parliament, nor both jointly, without the concurrence of the ſovereign, have any power or right to diſpoſe of the liberty or the proper⯑ty of the ſubject. He affirmed, admitting that the com⯑mons poſſeſſed a right of puniſhing perſons with impri⯑ſonment for a breach of privilege, that commencing of a ſuit was no breach of that kind; that a juſt cauſe of acti⯑on, grounded on the common law, could not be conſtrued into a contempt, without ſubjecting the rights of the [...]eople and the common courſe of juſtice between man [...]nd man, to the caprice of a body who might chuſe to [...]ubſtitute the reſolutions of one branch of the legiſlature, [...] the place of regulations formed by the united conſent of [...]he whole.

Reſolutions of the lords. The three other judges on the bench differing from the [...]hief-juſtice in opinion, the priſoners were remanded to [...]ewgate. Two of theſe, however, refuſing to acquieſce [...] the judgment, petitioned for a writ of error, to bring [...]e matter before the lords. The commons, having ad⯑ [...]eſſed the Queen not to grant the writ, voted, that all [...]oſe that were either concerned in managing the writs of [...]beas corpus, or in procuring the writ of error, were diſ⯑ [...]rbers of the public peace, and enemies of the privileges [...] the commons of England. They ordered the four [294] counſellors who had pleaded for the men of Ayleſbury at the bar of the Queen's bench, to be taken into cuſtody. They ſent their ſerjeant at arms, at midnight, with eve⯑ry circumſtance of ſeverity and terror, to remove the pri⯑ſoners from Newgate. The houſe of lords proceeding, in the mean time, on the petition for the writs of error, came to ſeveral important reſolutions. They voted, that neither houſe of parliament had any power to create new privileges, inconſiſtent with the known laws and cuſtoms of parliament. That every ſubject of England, who thinks himſelf injured, has a right to ſeek redreſs by an action at law; and that the houſe of commons, in com⯑mitting the men of Ayleſbury, had entrenched on the conſtitution of the kingdom, by pretending to give to their own declaration the force of an eſtabliſhed law^F.

March. Counter-re⯑ſolutions of the com⯑mons. To theſe reſolutions againſt the commons, the lords added others declaratory of the general rights of the peo⯑ple. They reſolved, that every Engliſhman who is im⯑priſoned by any authority whatſoever, has a right to apply for and obtain his habeas corpus; and that the commons, in encroaching, by their ammadverſions on that undoubt⯑ed right, had made a breach on the ſtatutes provided for the liberty of the ſubject. The lords followed theſe re⯑ſolutions with two writs of habeas corpus, returnable be⯑fore the lord-keeper, in behalf of the two council for the men of Ayleſbury, who had been taken into cuſtody by the ſerjeant at arms, by expreſs orders from the common [...] The lower houſe having voted counter-reſolutions againſ [...] thoſe of the peers, commanded the ſerjeant at arms, un⯑der a promiſe of being ſupported and protected, to mak [...] no return nor yield any obedience to the writs; and they [...] at the ſame time, acquainted the lord-keeper, that the wri [...] themſelves ſhould be ſuperſeded as contrary to law, an [...] the privilege of the commons of England^G Th [...] flame increaſing on both ſides, with great fury, the Quee [...] was adviſed to put an end to a ſeſſion that promiſed n [...] ⯑thing but turbulence, altercation and noiſe. She accord⯑ingly came to the houſe of lords, on the fourteenth [...] March, and by an immediate prorogation, put an effec⯑tual end to the diſpute.

[295] A ſeſſion of parliament in Ireland. During theſe conteſts in England, the parliament of Ireland met at Dublin^H. The affairs of that kingdom having ſuffered no material change ſince the preceding year, the ſeſſion furniſhed no tranſaction of great im⯑portance. On the fifth of March, the commons, in a committee of the whole houſe, voted a ſupply of one hundred and fifty thouſand pounds to her Majeſty, for the ſupport of the eſtabliſhment for two years, commenc⯑ing at Michaelmas 1705, and ending, at the ſame term in the year 1707. A bill, introduced for the improvement of the hempen and flaxen manufactures of the kingdom, raiſed a flame, which a prorogation only could extinguiſh. A clauſe in the bill having aſcertained the tithes of flax and hemp, the lower houſe of convocation of the clergy of Ireland preſented a memorial, ſigned by the prolocu⯑tor, requeſting the commons, that a clauſe ſo detrimen⯑tal to their intereſt ſhould not paſs, till their reaſons againſt it ſhould be heard. The commons ordered the perſon who brought the memorial to be committed for a breach of privilege. They voted, that the convo⯑cation, by pretending to have any care of the civil rights of the clergy, were guilty of a contempt of the houſe. They, at the ſame time, ſignified their expectation, that the convocation ſhould make ſubmiſſion and ac⯑knowledge their error. That aſſembly adhering to their memorial, the commons ordered that all matters con⯑cerning it ſhould be erazed from the journals and books of the convocation; upon which the lord-lieutenant, to put an end to the diſpute, ſent a meſſage to both houſes, commanding them to adjourn^I to the firſt of May.

The trea⯑ſurer inti⯑midated. The parliament of England was ſcarce prorogued, when a material change happened in the higher departments of the ſtate. The natural timidity of the Lord Godol⯑phin, at perpetual variance with his inclinations in favour of the excluded branch of the royal family, produced con⯑tradictions and inconſiſtencies in his conduct, that were unaccountable, at the time, as his motives were un⯑known. The Duke of Marlborough, in his conferences with the agents of the court of St. Germains, had inſi⯑nuated, [296] in the name of the treaſurer as well as in his own, that effectual meaſures ſhould be taken in the preceding ſummer, to prevent the ſettlement of the crown upon the houſe of Hannover from paſſing into a law in Scot⯑land^K. When, therefore, the Queen recommended to the Scotiſh parliament to ſettle the ſucceſſion in the Proteſtant line, it was ſuſpected, with reaſon, that her REVEALED WILL, as the Earl of Cromarty expreſſed himſelf in his ſpeech in the houſe, was very different from the SECRET INCLINATIONS of her Engliſh mi⯑niſter. This circumſtance induced many who were in the ſervice of the Crown, to join the country-party in the vote which rejected the propoſal of ſettling the ſuc⯑ceſſion on the family of Hannover^L.

Joins the Whigs. The active leaders of the Whig-party in England, hav⯑ing turned their whole attention towards the means of poſſeſſing themſelves of power, kept a watchful eye on Godolphin. They were no ſtrangers to his character, and they were reſolved to work upon his fears. The Lord Wharton, in particular, knowing that nothing cal⯑culated to intimidate, would be loſt on Godolphin, ſaid, upon paſſing the act of ſecurity in Scotland, that he ‘"had now the treaſurer's head in a bag."’ The expreſſion was coarſe, but it had all its weight with the miniſter. The Lord Haverſham repreſented to him his danger in a ſet ſpeech in the houſe of lords. To ſave himſelf from their reſent⯑ment, he made great advances to the party during the ſeſſion; and when it was cloſed, in the middle of March, he performed his engagements, by admitting ſome into office, and opening to others a proſpect of preferment. The Duke of Newcaſtle, though during the late reign ſecretly in the intereſt of the excluded family, and in cor⯑reſpondence with the court of St. Germains^M, was conſidered by the nation as one of the principal leaders of the Whigs; and as ſuch he was raiſed^N to the office of lord-privy-ſeal, vacant by the diſmiſſion of the Duke of Buckingham, who was known to adhere to the prin⯑ciples of the Tories. Some other changes of leſs impor⯑tance convinced the latter, that the current of preferment ran in a channel very different from their own.

[297] Parliament diſſolved. The Whigs, now favoured by the Court, were ſoon after furniſhed with an opportunity of ſecuring to them⯑ſelves, effectually, the advantage which they had extorted from Godolphin's fears. The preſent parliament, in con⯑ſequence of the triennial act, being near expiring, the Queen, to preſerve the ancient prerogatives of the Crown, choſe to diſſolve it by proclamation, on the fifth of April. The Tumult, clamour, and confuſion that commonly at⯑tend general elections, were now raiſed to an unuſual height, by the conteſts and animoſities between the par⯑ties. The Whigs, more active than their antagoniſts, applied themſelves to the prejudices of the vulgar. They had the art to render the Tories odious where the returns depended on the humours of the populace; and having the countenance of Government, together with the mo⯑neyed intereſt on their ſide, they were enabled to awe the timid and to gain the venal. Beſides, the principles which they held forth to the public, were better qualified than thoſe of their opponents to gain the independent part of mankind, as they flattered their pride. The re⯑ſult of the whole was, that the elections in general went in favour of the Whigs, eſpecially in boroughs; and thus the Tories found themſelves at once diveſted of a power, which they had neither the courage to exert with ſpi⯑rit^O, nor the prudence to uſe with moderation.

Campaign of 1705. During theſe domeſtic tranſactions, the war was car⯑ried on abroad with a degree of ardour. The Duke of Marlborough arrived in Holland in the beginning of April; and having concerted the operations of the campaign with the States, took the field in the firſt week in May. His great object was to improve the victories of the preceding campaign, by carrying the war by the Moſelle into the heart of France. With the ſame number of troops as in the laſt year, he marched through the country of Lim⯑bourg; and being joined near Treves by the Prince of Heſſe, he croſſed the Moſelle and the Saar, marched to the defile of Taveren, and advanced to Elſt. The French apprized of the deſigns of Marlborough, had aſſembled an army of ſeventy thouſand men on that ſide, under the command of the Mareſchal de Villars, who occupying a ſtrong camp at Sirk, reſolved to remain on the defenſive. [298] The prince of Baden, who commanded the Imperialiſts, either from a perſonal diſlike to Marlborough, or unpro⯑vided with the means of taking the field, diſappointed him in his promiſe of joining the allies with the German troops; and thus the Duke remained inactive in his camp, for the ſpace of a month, in daily hopes of a reinforce⯑ment that never arrived^P.

Death of the Empe⯑or. The death of the Emperor Leopold, which happened on the ſixth of May, changed, in nothing, the face of affairs. That Prince born with a degree of virtue, was deſtitute of talents. The apparent line of ambition which paſſed through his whole conduct, was rather the diſpoſi⯑tion of his court than any paſſion of his own. His ſon, who had been, ſeveral years before, created King of the Romans, ſucceeded him in the Imperial dignity. That Prince inherited his father's miniſters as well as his domi⯑nions; and the ſame counſels continued to act under the name of Joſeph, that had uniformly prevailed in the reign of Leopold. The ſucceſſion to the Spaniſh throne, the increaſe of the Imperial power, on the ruins of the au⯑thority of the German princes, and the reduction of the inſurgents in Hungary, were the principal objects of the preſent as well as of the late Emperor. But Joſeph was better calculated than his father to ſucceed in theſe views. His mind was active and full of fire, his diſpoſition vehe⯑ment, his character enterpriſing; and to an induſtry, which ran violently from one ſcheme to another, he add⯑ed a firmneſs of ſoul, that diſdained to yield either to ac⯑cident or misfortune.

Slow mea⯑fares of the German The new Emperor, however, was incapable of infuſing his own fire into the ſluggiſh Germanic body, already lan⯑guiſhing for repoſe. Deſtitute of reſources at home, he could not even animate into action his hereditary troops; or fur⯑niſh his part of the ſtrength employed, by the allies, againſt the common enemy. This inability in the court of Vi⯑enna, combining with the envious and obſtinate diſpoſiti⯑on of the Prince of Baden, forced Marlborough to aban⯑den his deſigns of carrying the war into France, by the courſe of the Moſelle. During the time that general re⯑mained at Dellt, the French, under the Elector of Ba⯑varia and the Mareſchal de Villeroi, had taken Hui^Q, [299] and were on their march to Liege. The States, alarm⯑ed at the progreſs of the enemy, requeſted the duke to quit the Moſelle, and to haſten back to their aid, on the ſide of Flanders. Having decamped, in the night, he repaſſed the dangerous defile of Taveren without be⯑ing moleſted; and, directing his march toward Liege, joined the Dutch under Auverquerque, which induced the enemy to retire beyond their lines. Hui was retaken, on the twelfth of July; and the duke reſolved to retrieve, with ſome enterpriſe of conſequence, the glory loſt by the prior inactivity of the campaign^R.

Marlbo⯑rough forces the French lines. To accompliſh his purpoſe, he formed a ſcheme of forcing the French lines, and encamped within a league of the enemy. The Elector and the Mareſchal de Ville⯑roi, perceiving the deſign of the allies, drew their armies together, leaving only ſmall detachments to dſend the lines, on either ſide. The Mehaigne ran about half a league on the right; on the left they had two barriers, for the convenience of the people of the country, at the diſtance of three leagues. On the ſeventeenth of Ju⯑ly^S the duke commanded the Dutch to march toward the Mehaigne, by way of a feint; while, at the ſame time, he ordered ten thouſand men to form on his right, and to lie down there, on their arms. When it grew dark, this body marched toward the barriers. They were aollowed cloſe by the army under Marlborough, and the Dutch, facing about, haſtened the ſame way. The Elector of Bavaria, at length apprized of the Duke's de⯑ſign, ordered the left wing of his cavalry to march to pre⯑vent the allies from paſſing the barriers. He himſelf fol⯑lowed with the infantry. But the enemy had already formed within the lines. After a fierce ſhock between the Duke and the Bavarian infantry, the latter were ob⯑liged to give way. But ten battalions throwing them⯑ſelves into a hollow ſquare, marched off in ſpite of the cavalry of the allies, and protected, as they retreated, their flying friends^T. The French and Bavarians hav⯑ing, after the action, retired behind the Dyle, the reſt of the campaign produced neither movement nor action of imp [...]ance.

[300] Operations on the ſide of Germa⯑ny, and in Italy. Though the Mareſchal de Villars had detached a great portion of his army to Alſace and Flanders^U, he found himſelf ſuperior to the allies, when the Duke of Marl⯑borough retired from the Moſelle toward Flanders. The French forced the lines of Wiſſeimbourg, on the third of July. Hombourg ſurrendered, on the twenty-ſixth of the ſame month, to the Marquis de Conflans. But the Mareſchal, enfeebled by detachments, was, however, un⯑able to defend the lines of Haguenau, againſt the Prince of Baden; who, though he could not, on account of the advanced ſeaſon, recover Hombourg, found means to ex⯑tend his quarters into the enemy's country. On the ſide of Germany, the campaign could not be ſaid to have been unfavourable for France. In Italy, their arms were, in general, attended with ſucceſs. Villa-Franca fell into their hands in March^V. The town and port of Nice was taken, on the ninth of April. The conqueſt of this place became important, as it cut off from the Duke of Savoy every proſpect of relief by ſea. The Duke de Vedome, after an obſtinate ſiege of ſix months, became maſter of Verue^W. He had the good fortune to re⯑pulſe, in an obſtinate action, the allies under Prince Eu⯑gene, who attempted to force the paſſage of the Adda, at the bridge of Caſſano^X. The Duke of Savoy found himſelf obliged to ſhut himſelf up in Turin, without any proſpect of relief^Y.

Aſſairs of Portugal. In Spain, the Mareſchal de Teſſe was forced to raiſe the ſiege of Gibraltar, on the twenty-third of April. He had the mortification, a few days before, to be an eye-witneſs of the defeat of de Pontis, whoſe ſhips, conſiſting of five men of war, were ſurprized in the bay, and all taken or deſtroyed, by an Engliſh ſquadron, under Sir John Leake. The campaign, on the confines of Spain and Portugal, opened favourably, for the archduke and the allies. The ſiege of Gibraltar having forced the French and Spaniards to draw the beſt part of their forces to that ſide, the confederates were encouraged to enter the ene⯑my's country, on the frontiers of Beira and Alantejo. The Portugueze reduced the principal places in the pro⯑vince [301] of Eſtramadura. Salvatierra, Valencia, d'Alcan⯑tra^Z, and Albuquerque^A, fell into their hands. The progreſs of the ſpring campaign was, however, ſtopt by a body of French and Spaniards, who forced the Mar⯑quis das Minas, who commanded the Portugueze, to re⯑tire within the limits of his own country. In the end of autumn, the Portugueze, and the other allies, who had quarrelled about the projected operations, opened, at length, the campaign, with the ſiege of Badajox. But the Mareſchal de Teſſe, having thrown a reinforcement of a thouſand men into the place, the enemy were forced to relinquiſh their enterpriſe, and to retire again into Portugal^B.

Succeſs of the Allies in Spain. During theſe operations in Portugal, affairs of much greater conſequence happened in Spain. Five thouſand troops, under the joint command of the Earl of Peter⯑borrow and Sir Cloudſley Shovel, having, under the eſ⯑cort of a ſquadron of men of war, ſailed from St. Helen's, in the end of May, arrived in the port of Liſbon about the middle of June. Being joined in that place by a ſquadron of Dutch under Admiral Allemonde, and re⯑inforced with ſome horſe, from the Earl of Galway's army in Portugal, they took the Archkduke Charles on board, ſailed to Gibraltar, and directed from thence their courſe to the coaſt of Catalonia. The arrival of of ſuch a great force ſpread terror and confuſion through all Spain. The fortreſſes oſ Lerida and Tortoſa were delivered into the hands of the Archduke, without a blow. Barcelona was forced to capitulate; and almoſt the whole kingdom of Valencia, as well as the province of Catalonia, ſubmitted themſelves to the new King. The fleet of the confederates, having retired from the coaſt of Spain, upon the approach of winter, the land forces of the allies look up their quarters in the heart of the kingdom^C. Though this campaign, upon the whole, was much leſs unſavourable than the preceding to the houſe of Bourbon, it is apparent, that they owed more to the langour of ſome of their enemies, than either to their own force or their conduct.

[302] Affairs of Poland. The war in Poland, produced ſome events of import⯑ance during the preſent campaign. The good fortune which had hitherto attended his enterpriſes, ceaſed not to favour the active ſpirit of the King of Sweden. But neither the ſucceſs of his arms, nor his own abilities and perſeverance, were capable of reſtoring to peace and or⯑der that diſtracted kingdom. The cardinal primate hav⯑ing iſſued the univerſalia, a diet was held, in the month of July, at Warſaw, under the protection of a body of Swedes. The Saxons, in endeavouring to diſturb the deliberations of that aſſembly, were defeated by the ene⯑my, and forced to retire with conſiderable loſs; while, in the ſame month, the Ruſſians were routed by the Swedes, in Courland, with the loſs of ſix thouſand ſlain. But, notwithſtanding theſe advantages, the King of Swe⯑den found it impoſſible to decide the fate of the war. The Czar, after the defeat of one army, poured a ſtill greater force into Courland, and reduced the victorious Swedes to the neceſſity of retiring under the cannon of Riga. Mittau itſelf fell into his hands. The Czar be⯑ſieged Riga. But, deſpairing to take the place, directed his march towards Warſaw. Auguſtus was, in the mean time, a kind of fugitive in his own dominions; while Staniſlaus exerciſed ſome feeble acts of royalty, under the protection of his maker, the King of Swe⯑den^D.

Affairs of Scotland. During theſe tranſactions abroad, the parliament of Scotland met at Edinburgh^E. The late obſtinate and determined conduct of that aſſembly had involved the Engliſh miniſter in difficulties, from which he could only extricate himſelf, by gaining, through motives of advan⯑tage to themſelves, the moſt active and vindictive of his political enemies. To prevent the return of dangers which he had juſt eſcaped, he reſolved to uſe all the power and influence that his office had placed in his hands, to promote the proteſtant ſucceſſion, and the union of the kingdoms: meaſures which both he himſelf and the Duke of Marlborough had ſecretly oppoſed^F, in the preceding year. To effectuate his purpoſe, the Lord Godolphin, through the dictates of his own cau⯑tion [303] and the advice of his friends, came to a reſolution of placing the management of the affairs of Scotland in other hands. The Duke of Queenſberry, raiſed to the place of lord privy-ſeal, was conſidered as the acting miniſter; and the Duke of Argyle, an active, forward, and ſpirited young man, ſucceeded the Marquis of Tweedale as com⯑miſſioner to the parliament. A general change, in the inferior departments, was made; and all the privy-coun⯑ſellors, laid aſide by the preceding miniſtry, were re⯑ſtored, except Lockhart of Carnwath and Sir James Foulis of Collington^G.

A ſeſſion of parliament. The removal of the late miniſtry formed a new party in parliament, which, from throwing its weight alter⯑nately in the ſcale of the Jacobites and in that of the fa⯑vourers of the Revolution, acquired the cant name of the flying ſquadron. Theſe, without any fixed principle on either ſide, endeavoured, by balancing the two other parties, to ſeize again the reins which had been ſtruck from their hands. The views of each being fixed on their reſpective objects, the public buſineſs was opened, with reading the Queen's letter to the houſe. She recom⯑mended, with great earneſtneſs, the ſettling the ſucceſ⯑ſion in the proteſtant line, and an union between the two kingdoms. To induce them to apply heartily to the firſt, ſhe promiſed to give her aſſent to ſuch proviſion and reſtrictions as ſhould appear neceſſary in ſuch a caſe; and ſhe ſignified her deſire, that the means of promoting the latter might be followed through the ſame line, with that marked by the parliament in England^H. The lord commiſſioner and the Earl of Seafield, who had been appointed chancellor, enforced, in their ſpeeches to the houſe, the important matters recommended in the letter from the Queen.

Proceedings The firſt motion made in parliament^I. propoſed that, prior to all other buſineſs, the houſe ſhould proceed to the conſideration of ſuch limitations and conditions of go⯑vernment, as ſhould be deemed neceſſary to circumſcribe the royal authority, under the next ſucceſſor in the pro⯑teſtant line. This overture, however, was ſuperſeded, by a motion for entering, prior to any other matter, up⯑on the trade of the nation. To ſupply the kingdom with [304] money, two propoſals for eſtabliſhing paper currency were laid before the houſe. Theſe were, upon a debate, rejected. But ſome other overtures regarding commerce were paſſed into a law. A council of trade was, at the ſame time, appointed, to put the laws of commerce in execution; and to bring the exports and imports of the nation into a balance, to be laid before the next ſeſſion of parliament. During the dependence of this bill, the Duke of Hamilton preſented^J a reſolve, that the no⯑mination of a ſucceſſor ſhould be poſtponed, till a treaty with England could be obtained, with regard to the com⯑merce and other concerns of the Scotiſh nation. Though the flying ſquadron, if a cant name may be uſed, joined their votes to thoſe of the adherents of the court, this motion was carried by a great majority.

Intrigues of the Jaco⯑bites, act of limitati⯑on. Though the cavaliers, in conjunction with the country party, were ſucceſsful in this important queſtion, the firſt had formed no great hopes of ſucceeding to their wiſhes in parliament. They had, ſome time before the meet⯑ing of that aſſembly, ſolicited the court of St. Ger⯑mains^K, for twelve thouſand French as a more pow⯑erful argument in favour of their cauſe than idle reſoluti⯑ons, which, they knew, were deſtined to be defeated, by the great weight which the miniſtry of England had thrown into the oppoſite ſcale. The preſſure of the al⯑lies, on every ſide of the dominions of the houſe of Bour⯑bon, had rendered ſuch an expedition impoſſible in the eyes of the court of Verſailles; and, therefore, the Jaco⯑bites were left to their own addreſs and influence in the Scotiſh parliament. Encouraged by the ſucceſs of his laſt overture, the Duke of Hamilton moved, on the thir⯑ty-firſt of July, that in preference to an act for treating with England, the houſe ſhould proceed to the conſider⯑ation of limitations, with regard to the ſucceſſor to the crown. Overtures for various acts to that purpoſe, were accordingly introduced; and ſeveral were paſſed, that, in a manner, annnihilated the power of the ſovereign. Among other ſecurities provided for the ſubject, an act for trinnial parliaments was agreed to by the houſe. But notwithſtanding the ſolemn promiſes of the miniſtry, that it ſhould be touched with the ſceptre, when they [305] obtained the act for a treaty with England, the royal aſ⯑ſent was refuſed to the triennial bill.

Act for treating with Eng⯑land paſſed. There is, however, reaſon to believe, that the miniſ⯑try, through the aid of their friends in England, were now enabled to convince the parliament, with arguments more ſolid than vague promiſes of procuring the royal aſſent to the triennial bill. The temper of the houſe ſuf⯑fered ſuddenly ſuch a manifeſt change, that the ſecret diſtribution of Engliſh money was much ſuſpected, by thoſe perſons who remained firm to their former views. The Jacobites and country party perceiving an alteration in the ſentiments of many members, when the bill for treating concerning an union with England was brought under debate, endeavoured to defeat, by conditional clauſes, a meaſure, which it was now vain to oppoſe. The Duke of Hamilton moved a clauſe importing, that the propoſed union, ‘"ſhould no ways derogate from any fundamental laws, ancient privileges, offices, rights, li⯑berties, and dignities of the Scotiſh nation."’ This over⯑ture was ſo popular, that, but for the negligence of the duke's own party, ſeven or eight of whom happened to be abſent, it muſt have certainly been carried: and when it even came to the vote, it was loſt only by two voices. The other attempts made by the cavaliers to clog the act, were impotent and ill-ſupported. The act for treat⯑ing with England was paſſed, without any conſiderable amendments; and the parliament having finiſhed this important buſineſs, and granted the demanded ſupplies, were adjourned, on the twenty-firſt of September.

October. New parlia⯑ment of England meets. On the twenty-fifth of October, the new parliament of England, after various prorogations, met at Weſtmin⯑ſter. The great ſucceſs of the Whigs, in the late elec⯑tions, appeared in the choice of a ſpeaker, for the houſe of commons. The high-church party having propoſed Mr. Bromley, who had diſtinguiſhed himſelf in the de⯑bates on the bill againſt occaſional conformity, as a zea⯑lous adherent of Toryiſm, the Whigs oppoſed him, with the nomination of Mr. Smith. Upon a diviſion, Smith carried the office of ſpeaker, by a great majority^L; and on the twenty-ſeventh of October, he was approved by her Majeſty, according to the uſual form. The [306] Queen addreſſed to the two houſes a ſpeech, penned by Cowper, the new lord-keeper, which, though ſuitable to the times, ſhewed that the meaſures of the court were no longer guided by Tory principles. She urged, with earneſtneſs, the neceſſity of proſecuting the war, to re⯑ſtore the balance of power, which, ſhe ſaid, the poſſeſ⯑ſion of Spain by the houſe of Bourbon, had deſtroyed. She demanded the neceſſary ſupplies, for ſupporting the operations of the allies, as well as for exerting the force of her own kingdoms. She informed them of the act paſſed in Scotland, for treating concerning an union; and ſhe concluded, with taking an obvious part with the Whigs, by declaring that the church was in no danger; a circumſtance urged with vehemence by the Tories, to arm the prejudices of the populace to favour their own deſigns.

November. A ſupply. Pretences of parties. This ſpeech was ſo ſuitable to the ſentiments of the prevailing party, and the ſubject in general ſo popular, that an addreſs of thanks was voted by the commons, without either debate or one diſſenting voice^M. The ſupplies, for the next year, amounting, beſides the or⯑dinary revenue appropriated to the civil liſt, and the payment of intereſt for debts, to more than five millions, were voted, with the ſame unanimity and ſeeming zeal^N. The war was not the topic upon which the contending parties reſolved to try their force. Public pretences were invariably uſed throughout this reign, by the leaders of the two parties, to cover their own private deſigns upon office and the poſſeſſion of power. The leaders of the Tories, on the one hand, expreſſed the utmoſt ſolicitude for the church of England. Thoſe of the Whigs diſcovered a wonderful zeal for the ſucceſſion of the Crown in the proteſtant line. They both aſſailed the weakneſs of their leſs intelligent followers, through theſe channels; and, arming themſelves with the preju⯑dices of the populace, endeavoured alternately to take the cabinet by ſtorm. The Tories, having been deſert⯑ed by the miniſtry, applied themſelves to the people. Papers, publications, and pamphlets, were written with zeal and propagated with ardour; and the nation were perpetually alarmed with inſinuations of ſecret conſpi⯑racies, [307] and open attacks made by the miniſtry and Whigs, upon the doctrines and even againſt the very being of the church of England.

Inconſiſten⯑cy of the Tories. Though the Whigs yielded not to the Tories, in be⯑ſpeaking the favour of the populace againſt their oppo⯑nents, the latter were guilty of inconſiſtencies, which threw diſcredit on their party. To haraſs their ſove⯑reign, to embarraſs their political enemies, perhaps to gain ſome popularity for themſelves, and, above all, to vent their reſentment againſt the miniſter, they had long before the meeting of parliament^O, reſolved to pro⯑poſe, either by bill or addreſs, to demand from the Queen, that the Princeſs Sophia ſhould be invited into the kingdom, as the next heir of the crown. A propoſal of the ſame kind, when urged by the Whigs, had been rejected by the Tories themſelves, when poſſeſſed of power. But neither the inconſiſtency of the meaſure, nor its contrariety to their own private opinions, could prevail with them to forego a motion, from which they hoped to derive leſs advantage to their own views, than a kind of malignant pleaſure in diſconcerting their ene⯑mies. On the fifteenth of November, the Lord Haver⯑ſham, choſen upon the occaſion to be the mouth of the party, after having, in a ſet ſpeech, inveighed againſt the conduct of the allies, in the laſt campaign, and, by implication, blamed the Duke of Marlborough, conclud⯑ed with a motion, that her Majeſty ſhould be addreſſed to invite the preſumptive heir, according to the act of ſet⯑tlement, into England^P.

Their mo⯑tion for in⯑viting the proteſtant heir reject⯑ed. Haverſham was ſupported in his motion with great warmth by the Duke of Buckingham, and the Earls of Nottingham and Rocheſter. The reſentment of theſe [...]oblemen againſt the government and the party now in [...]ower, induced them to contradict not only their own ſe⯑ [...]et principles^Q, but even thoſe which they had uni⯑ [...]rmly avowed to the world. They urged, that as they [...]ad ſworn to maintain the proteſtant ſucceſſion, they [...]ere obliged to adhere to the motion, as the beſt means [...] enſure the poſſeſſion of the crown to the heir eſtabliſh⯑ [...] by law. They affirmed, that it appeared, throughout [308] the annals of former times, that the Prince, who f [...] came to England, had always carried the crown of th [...] kingdom. They inſinuated, that the pretending ſ [...] ⯑ceſſor might be in London in three days, while three weeks would, at leaſt, be neceſſary for bringing the de⯑clared ſucceſſor to that city. To theſe arguments, they added others of little weight, as they themſelves were deemed inſincere. The Whigs, by a ſtrange reverſe, were forced to oppoſe the motion, to preſerve their own influence with the Queen. They alleged, that it was neither ſafe for the crown nor ſecure for the nation, that the preſumptive heir ſhould not be in an entire depen⯑dence on the reigning ſovereign; and they urged, with propriety, that the rivalſhip between the two courts, would inevitably involve the kingdom in all the diſtracti⯑ons incident to the animoſities of counteracting parties and intereſts^R.

Bill of re⯑gency. The weight of the party in power contributed, how⯑ever, more to the rejecting of the motion than the force of argument. But if the Tories were not ſincere in their profeſſions in favour of the houſe of Hannover, they were, at leaſt, the means of ſtrengthening the ſe⯑curity of the ſucceſſion of the crown in that family. The Lord Wharton having, with a happy irony, con⯑gratulated the houſe, on the manifeſt miracle, that ha [...] ſo ſuddenly changed the principles of the Tories, an [...] ⯑der was made, that the judges ſhould prepare and preſen [...] to the lords a bill, for the further ſecurity of the pro⯑teſtant ſucceſſion. This bill, by forming an eventual re⯑gency, of the firſt officers of ſtate, upon the death [...] the Queen, effectually ſecured the kingdom, by p [...] ⯑viding a continuation of legal government, till the ſ [...] ⯑ceſſor ſhould arrive and aſſert his own authority. B [...] thoſe who ſeemed moſt to urge the invitation to the pr [...] ⯑ſumptive heir, were leaſt inclined to the bill of regenc [...] The Tories oppoſed it in every clauſe, and propoſed [...] ⯑ditions apparently more deſigned to gain the populac [...] than either neceſſary or even uſeful in themſelves. O [...] of their amendments was manifeſtly calculated to def [...] the intention of the bill, by rendering it ridiculous. [...] was offered, as a limitation on the regency, that th [...] [309] ſhould poſſeſs no power of repealing the very act of ſettlement^S, for the ſecurity of which, they themſelves were to be inveſted with that authority.

A vote that the church is not in danger. The vehement and inconſiderate meaſures, into which their own reſentment had betrayed the Tories, furniſhed their opponents with another opportunity of mortifying their pride. A cry that the church was in danger, had been propagated with ſuch induſtry, without doors, that the Whigs reſolved to check the panic which had ſpread among the people, by a declaratory vote in parliament. The Lord Halifax, having moved for a day to examine into the pretended danger of the church, a debate en⯑ſued, more expreſſive of the violence of the parties, than ſuitable to the ſubject. The act of ſecurity in Scotland, the loſs of the bill of occaſional conformity in England, the abſence of the next ſucceſſor to the crown, beyond ſeas, the increaſe of preſbyterian academies, and the licentiouſneſs of the preſs, were produced by the Tories, as proofs of the danger of the church. The Whigs argued, on the other ſide, that the Scotiſh act of ſecurity regarded only temporal concerns. That the ab⯑ſence of the ſucceſſor was ſupplied by the act of regen⯑cy. That the bill of occaſional conformity having been conſidered and rejected by the houſe, the queſtion was now determined; and that the Preſbyterian academies were ſcarce more numerous than thoſe taught by Non⯑jurors. They agreed with the Tories, that the licenti⯑ouſneſs of the preſs had been carried to extremities; but by none further, than by the pretended friends of the church of England. A vote was paſſed, with which the commons concurred, that the church was in a ſafe and flouriſhing condition; and that whoever ſhould ſuggeſt that the eſtabliſhed religion was in danger, was an enemy to the Queen, the church, and the kingdom^T.

Progreſs to⯑wards an union. During theſe diſputes between the parties with regard [...] the internal affairs of England, the two houſes pro⯑ [...]eeded, almoſt without debate, in the buſineſs of the [...]nion with Scotland. The parliament of the latter king⯑ [...]om had addreſſed the Queen, againſt any progreſs in [...]hat important treaty, till the Engliſh act, which condi⯑tionally [310] declared the Scots aliens, ſhould be repealed^U. The Whigs having firſt moved for that compulſatory law, the Tories imagined that they would ſtill adhere to their own work. They reſolved, therefore, to preſs them on that ground, by promoting an immediate re⯑peal^W. But their opponents yielding prudently the point, without oppoſition, they were diſappointed in their views. The act declaring the Scots aliens by a cer⯑tain day, was not only reverſed; the Whigs went ſtill further, and moved that the act relating to the manu⯑facture and trade of Scotland ſhould be alſo repealed. Theſe meaſures, by opening a way for an immediate treaty, were as popular as they were neceſſary. Though a majority of the parliament of Scotland were already gained by private means, the body of the people were ſtill inflamed to a degree of fury, with regard to their independence as a nation. Any backwardneſs in the par⯑liament of England, on the ſubject of the compulſatory laws, would have brought matters to extremities; and, conſidering the party in favour of the lineal ſucceſſion among the Engliſh, a war could ſcarce terminate in any event ſhort of a ſubverſion of the ſettlement of the crown in the Proteſtant line.

Unanimity with regard to the war. The ſame unanimity which was obſerved with regard to Scotland, was purſued without deviation in whatever concerned the effectual proſecution of the war. Though the campaign in Flanders was neither ſplendid nor fol⯑lowed with ſtriking conſequences, the reduction of a con⯑ſiderable portion of Spain, through the ſole efforts of the Engliſh nation, had raiſed among the people an eager⯑neſs for continuing hoſtilities, which imparted itſelf to their repreſentatives in parliament. The Duke of Marl⯑borough, having viſited Vienna, where he was raiſed to the dignity of Prince of Mindelheim, by the Emperor, arrived in London on the thirtieth of December. 1706. January Though he received the thanks of the houſe of commons^F, for his ſervices in the laſt campaign, ſome attacks, but indirectly, were made in the houſe oſ lords on his con⯑duct by the excluded party. The diſappointments o [...] the Moſelle, were by an implication laid to his charge [...] [311] and though the blame of the inactive campaign in Bra⯑bant was placed to the account of the Dutch, it was ap⯑parent, that the Tories, had circumſtances become more favourable, intended to paſs a cenſure on the Duke of Marlborough.

March. Proceedings of the two houſes. Though the remaining part of the ſeſſion was diſtin⯑guiſhed with no buſineſs of importance, the animoſities between the two parties filled every debate with alterca⯑tion and noiſe. The people without doors were not diſ⯑intereſted ſpectators of the tranſactions within. They were rouſed with libels and pamphlets which zealots, on both ſides, poured daily from the preſs; and they ſuffered themſelves, as uſual, to be deceived by the de⯑ſigning, or inflamed by the violent and weak. Among the publications concerning the propoſed invitation of the preſumptive heir of the crown to England, one com⯑manded the attention and incurred the cenſure of parlia⯑ment. Sir Rowland Gwyne, a buſy, ſelfiſh, forward, and intriguing man; violent in his principles, ſuſpicious through weakneſs, deceiving others, and, perhaps, de⯑ceived himſelf, by ſeeing objects through the muddy me⯑dium of a clouded underſtanding, had repaired to the court of Hannover to gain the favour of the electoral family, by alarming their fears concerning the ſucceſſion of the Britiſh crowns. Upon the ſubject of the invita⯑tion to the Princeſs Sophia, Gwyne wrote a letter to the Earl of Stamford which found its way to the preſs. This ill-worded, unmeaning, and confuſed performance, though it ſeemed to approve of the principles of the Whigs, ſe⯑verely cenſured that party for refuſing their conſent to the propoſed invitation of the Princeſs Sophia into Eng⯑land. The commons, on the eighth of March, voted Gwyne's letter a ſcandalous, falſe, and malicious libel. The lords concurred with them in an addreſs, upon this occaſion, to the Queen; who replied, that being fully ſenſible of the pernicious tendency of the paper which they had cenſured, ſhe would comply with their re⯑queſt, and give orders to proſecute the printer and au⯑thor^Y.

Parliament prorogued. The great buſineſs of the nation being finiſhed, the parliament was prorogued, on the nineteenth of March. [312] year 1706 The conteſt between parties, contrary to former experi⯑ence, had been productive, in this ſeſſion, of meaſures conſidered highly favourable to the proſperity and repoſe of the kingdom. The Tories, in endeavouring to take the ground of the Whigs, and to appropriate to them⯑ſelves their popularity, produced the act of regency, which gave the firſt great ſecurity to the deſcent of the crown in the Proteſtant line. Though the laws had fixed the ſucceſſion on the houſe of Hannover, five years before, the ſuppoſed attachment of the Queen to her own family, the numerous party known to be well⯑affected to the pretended Prince of Wales, the preju⯑dices of the people againſt foreigners, and the memory of the inconvenience of connexions abroad in the laſt reign, had rendered the ſucceſs of the act of ſettlement extremely doubtful. During this ſtate of uncertainty, little court was paid by the ſubjects of England to the electoral family. Few viſited the court of Hannover; and thoſe who made their appearance there, either through zeal or weakneſs, like Gwyne, hurt the cauſe which they meant to ſerve^Z.

Act of re⯑gency, &c. ſent to Hannover. The Princeſs Sophia herſelf, either ſuſpecting the ſin⯑cerity of Queen Anne and her miniſters, or miſled by the repreſentations of the new Engliſh who reſorted to the court of Hannover, entertained little hopes that her family ſhould ever mount the throne. She even ſeems to have placed no value on the acts of regency and natu⯑ralization which paſſed in the preſent ſeſſion^A. She probably ſoon after changed her ſentiments. On the fourth of April, her grandſon, the electoral prince, was made a knight-companion of the garter. The Lord Ha⯑lifax, accompanied by Clarencieux king at arms, was ſent to Hannover to carry the enſigns of the order to the prince, and to preſent the act of naturalization to his fa⯑mily. The current began to run with vehemence in that channel. The lords who could claim any merit in pro⯑moting the acts in ſavour of the houſe of Hannover, made their court with letters full of expreſſions of at⯑tachment and zeal. The Whigs adopted chiefly this mode of removing the unfavourable impreſſions made on the minds of the electoral family, by the inconſide⯑rate [313] inſinuations of Sir Rowland Gwyne, and other zea⯑lots of the ſame kind^B.

Obſervations The ſtrife between the Whigs and Tories, in ſhew⯑ing an appearance of zeal for the family of Hannover, proceeded more from the ſelfiſh views of their reſpective leaders, than from motives of public good. To ſecure the good opinion of the people, in countries poſſeſſed of liberty, is the ſhorteſt way of gaining, and the ſureſt means of retaining power. In the political farces too fre⯑quently exhibited by parties, the populace are the ſpecta⯑tors; and thoſe who ſuit their antick geſtures beſt to their prejudices, carry the moſt applauſe. Two princi⯑ples had long been predominant in the minds of the Eng⯑liſh nation: a fixed averſion to France; and a zeal, which bordered on enthuſiaſm, for the proteſtant religion. The manly ſpirit which undeviatingly looks forward to public freedom, independent of common prejudices, fell only to the ſhare of a few. The pretence to that ſpirit, though a ſtale impoſture, ſeldom failed to impoſe on the world. The Whigs, when they affected to give the great ſecurity to the Proteſtant ſucceſſion, paid their court to the populace, in a manner inconſiſtent with the avowed principles of their party. They repealed, in the bill of regency, the limitations which the Tories had impoſed on the ſucceſſor in the act of ſettlement; and, with a frankneſs ſcarce conſiſtent with common prudence, boaſted openly, that they reſtored to the crown all its former prerogatives. The ſpirit of party, however, had been carried to ſuch a pitch, that every meaſure calcu⯑lated to annoy their adverſaries, was deemed, not only juſtifiable, but even laudable, by both ſides.

Secret con⯑duct of Go⯑dolphin. Though the happy timidity of the Lord Godolphin had much contributed to give the great ſecurity to the Proteſtant ſucceſſion, he was too much attached to the excluded family to take any merit to himſelf with their rivals. His actions were even at variance with his prin⯑ciples in his public conduct. In his private capacity, with an odd inconſiſtent ſpecies of ſincerity, he avoided to make profeſſions where he wiſhed not to be of ſervice. When he promoted, in the face of the world, the ſuc⯑ceſſion of the houſe of Hannover, he continued his inter⯑courſe [314] with the family of Stuart, through their agents^C. His fears of impeachment, however, prevailed over his affection for the excluded race. Though the Duke of Marlborough had promiſed^D, in his name, to the agents of the court of St. Germains, that no money ſhould be given to gain votes for the union, in the parliament of Scotland, the terrors of Godolphin returned, and he open⯑ed the treaſury to the avarice of the venal and the ne⯑ceſſities of the needy. The ſecret ſpring which moved the great meaſures of his adminiſtration, lay in a defect of his mind; and, by a ſingular piece of good fortune, to his character, his country aſcribed to his diſtinguiſhed parts, a line of conduct which ſprung from his political cowardice.

Campaign of 1706. During theſe important tranſactions at home, prepara⯑tions were made abroad for opening, with vigour, the campaign, on every ſide. The Duke of Marlborough having left the Hague, on the ninth of May, joined, on the twentieth of the month, the united armies of Eng⯑land and the States, between Borchloen and Groſzwa⯑ren. France, in an evil hour for herſelf, had reſolved to act offenſively in Flanders. The Mareſchal de Villeroi, iſſuing from the lines which he had formed behind the Deule, advanced to Tirlemont; and, without waiting for the arrival of the Elector of Bavaria, with whom he was joined in the command, puſhed forward precipitate⯑ly to Ramillies. When his front had advanced to the heights where riſes the little Geette, he perceived the allies, on full march, appearing in ſight. He immedi⯑ately formed his army in order of battle. The Geette and an impaſſable moraſs running along its banks, covered his left wing; and prevented it alike from being attacked itſelf and from charging the enemy. The village of Ramillies, ſituated in a plain near the ſource of the Geette, was advanced before his centre, which conſiſted entirely of infantry. The village of Tavieres, on the banks of the Mehaigne, covered his right wing; and an open and level ſpace, between Tavieres and Ramillies, about a mile and a half in length, was filled with one hundred ſquadrons of horſe. In this narrow aperture the [315] battle of Ramillies was fought, on the twenty-third of May.^E.

Battle of On a riſing ground, oppoſed to the left of the enemy, along the ſwampy ſide of the Geette, the Duke of Marl⯑borough formed his right. His line extended through the plain to the left, which was covered by the river Me⯑haigne. Having, by a feigned attack, on the right of the French, which was, in fact, impracticable, deceiv⯑ed the Mareſchal de Villeroi, he obtained his purpoſe of obliging the enemy to thin their left, which introduced a confuſion, while it weakened their line in the only place where they could be attempted with advantage. The Duke, in the mean time, ordered Auverquerque, with the Dutch infantry, to begin the battle on the left, while he himſelf, covering his motions with the riſing ground, fell at once on the centre of the enemy, with all the foot that formed his own. The French making a gallant reſiſtance, Marlborough ordered all his cavalry to make a home charge. But, in the hurry, he himſelf, being a bad horſeman, falling to the ground, was in dan⯑ger of being trampled to death by his own ſquadrons. Being remounted, he purſued his plan of attack, while, at the ſame time, the Daniſh horſe, under the Duke of Wirtemberg, fell on their flank, and completing the diſ⯑order which Marlborough had begun, the whole centre of the enemy, on which the ſtreſs of the battle lay, were routed and put to flight^F. The horſe having abandon⯑ed the foot with which they were interlined, the latter were cut to pieces.

Ramillies. The Elector of Bavaria and the Mareſchal de Villeroi, ſhewed more courage in endeavouring to retrieve the battle, than they ſhewed of conduct in forming their line. They made repeated, but vain, efforts to bring back the cavalry to the charge. The houſehold troops rallied, re⯑newed the battle, and were again ſorced to fly. To com⯑plete the misfortunes of the French, the remarkable cir⯑cumſtance, which happened at the village of Blenheim two years before, was a ſecond time exhibited, at that of Ramillies. Eight battalions, which De Villeroi had placed in that village in his front, maintained their poſt, [316] till they perceived their main body driven from the field. In endeavouring to retreat, toward their left, which had not been at all engaged, they were attacked by the caval⯑ry of the allies, before they could form themſelves in the field. Confuſion, ſlaughter, and flight prevailed. Many were cut to pieces, the reſt were diſperſed. The right wing, in the mean time, gave way before the Dutch, and directed their flight toward Charleroy. A complete victo⯑ry remained to the allies. The remains of the enemy, having attempted, in vain, to ſtand behind the Deule, were forced to retreat from thence, and to take ſhelter under the cannon of Liſle^G.

Conſequen⯑ces of that important action. Though no victory could be more complete than that obtained at Ramillies, the action may rather be called a rout than a battle. The allies, through the wretched diſ⯑poſition of Villeroi, beat, in leſs than a quarter of an hour, an army of eighty thouſand men, who left no more than three thouſand dead in the field^H, took one hundred pieces of cannon, and a great quantity of baggage, together with all the various trophies of war^I. The conſequences of this rout were as important in them⯑ſelves, as they were ſtriking and extraordinary. The fugitives were not to be rallied, till they had carried themſelves, not only beyond the purſuit, but even the very report of the enemy. Their firſt ſtand was made about eighty miles from the field of battle. Nor durſt they even remain at Courtray, where firſt they formed the appearance of an army. Some were placed in the frontier garriſons of France. The boldeſt formed them⯑ed themſelves into two inconſiderable flying armies, more calculated to amuſe, than to oppoſe a victorious enemy. The total conqueſt of Brabant, and almoſt all Spaniſh Flanders, was the immediate conſequence of the victory. Louvain, Bruſſels, Anſwerp, Mechlin, Aloſt, Ghent, and Oudenarde, ſurrendered without firing a gun; and the firſt ſtop was put to the progreſs of the allies, by Dendermonde and Oſtende. The latter, however, was forced to capitulate, after the trenches were open eight days. Menin ſurrendered, after an obſtinate reſiſtance; [317] and the ſieges of Dendermonde and Aith, which were taken ſucceſſively, concluded, in Flanders, the operati⯑ons of this important campaign.

Campaign in Italy. The Mareſchal de Villeroi being recalled, he was ſuc⯑ceeded in his command by the Duke de Vendôme The removal of the laſt from Italy, contributed to freſh mis⯑fortunes, which loſt to the houſe of Bourbon, Savoy, Piedmont, and the whole Milaneſe. The beginning of the campaign in Italy, was favourable for France and Spain. The Duke of Berwick took the caſtle of Nice, on the fourth of January. Vendôme, having defeated the Germans at Calcinato, on the nineteenth of April, order⯑ed Turin itſelf to be inveſted, on the third of May. The trenches were opened by the French, on the night of the ſecond of June; and the fate of the war in Italy ſeemed to depend on the taking of that important place. The Duke of Savoy avoiding to ſhut himſelf up in his capital, and hav⯑ing ſent his family to Genoa, retired with a few troops to the vallies of Lucerne, among his proteſtant ſubjects the Vaudois. The ſtrength of the town, the bravery of the garriſon, together with the languor, and even unſkilful⯑neſs of the enemy, who were nominally under the com⯑mand of the Duke of Orleans, protracted the ſiege to the beginning of September, when a great event put an end, in Italy, to all the hopes and efforts of the houſe of Bourbon.

Battle of Turin. Prince Eugene, who commanded the German army, on the frontiers of the dominions of Venice, after a long and painful march, and having paſſed ſeveral rivers and many defiles, without being oppoſed, arrived in the neigh⯑bourhood of Turin, in the firſt week of September, joined the Duke Savoy, and reſolved to attack the ene⯑my. The Duke of Orleans and the Mareſchal de Mar⯑ſin, who commanded the French army, and ſtrongly fortified themſelves with entrenchments, which extend⯑ed all the way between the Doria and Stura, at the junc⯑tion of which is ſituated the city of Turin. Though the enemy had made little impreſſion on the works, the gar⯑criſon began to be in great danger, through the want of ammunition. No time was, therefore, to be loſt. The Prince, having made his diſpoſitions for the attack, fell ſuddenly on the entrenchments of the enemy; and, after [318] an obſtinate conteſt, for two hours, entered their camp, drove them from the field, took all their cannon, mor⯑tars, heavy baggage, ammunition, and implements em⯑ployed in the ſiege. The Duke of Orleans himſelf was wounded. The Mareſchal de Marſin was killed. The fugitives, inſtead of retiring to Caſal, which would have maintained the Milaneſe, directed their retreat to Pigne⯑rol. In the ſpace of four hours, the Modeneſe, the Man⯑tuan, the Milaneſe, Piedmont, and ultimately the king⯑dom of Naples, were loſt to the houſe of Bourbon. A complete victory obtained by the Count de Medavi, over a ſmall army of Imperialiſts, under the command of the Prince of Heſſe, two days after the battle before Turin, ſerved only to aggravate the misfortunes of that action^K.

Progreſs of the war, The houſe of Bourbon were perſecuted in Spain, with misfortunes ſimilar to thoſe which they ſuffered in Flan⯑ders and in Italy. Except the taking of Villareal, which was forced, on the eighth of January, by the Conde de Las-Torres, the whole of the campaign formed one con⯑tinued train of diſgraces and loſſes. The Archduke Charles having, by the aid of the Engliſh, eſtabliſhed himſelf in the winter in Spain, Philip the Fifth, and the Mareſchal de Teſſe advanced, with twenty thouſand men, and ſhut him up at Barcelona, while the Comte de Toulouſe blocked up the place by ſea, with a French fleet. When a practicable breach was made, a fortunate accident preſerved the place, and, with it, the footing which the allies had eſtabliſhed in Spain. A ſuperior fleet appearing, under Sir John Leake, on the coaſt, the Comte de Toulouſe precipitately retired in the night. A reinforcement of troops was thrown into Barcelona. Philip and the Mareſchal de Teſſé raiſed the ſiege in the utmoſt confuſion. An almoſt total eclipſe of the ſun, which happened on the twelfth of May, and covered the country with a ſudden darkneſs, compleated the conſter⯑nation of the ſuperſtitions Spaniards. They abandoned their camp, their proviſions, their cannon, their imple⯑ments of war; and were purſued, with ſlaughter, by the enemy, through the uncommon darkneſs which had ex⯑cited ſo much their fear. Philip having taken a circuit, [319] with his broken and ruined army, through a part of the dominions of France, returned in diſgrace to Madrid^L.

and ſucceſs of the allies in Spain. On the ſide of Portugal, the Engliſh and Portugueze took the field, with forty thouſand men, under the com⯑mand of the Earl of Galway and the Marquis de Las-Minas. They entered Eſtramadura, they took Alcanta⯑ra, they forced Cividad-Rodrigo, Salamanca, and the poſt of Eſpinar. They directed their march, and pene⯑trated, without reſiſtance, to Madrid. Philip the Fifth, having abandoned his capital, removed the Queen and the court to Burgos. The Engliſh and the Portugueze entered the city in triumph; and to complete the miſ⯑fortunes of the King of Spain, he received intelligence, that the count de Sancta-Cruz had delivered Carthagena and the gallies to the enemy. The unaccountable errors of the Engliſh and Portugueze prevented the Spaniſh crown from being for ever transferred from the houſe of Bourbon. They loitered in the midſt of diſeaſe, de⯑bauchery and ſloth, at Madrid, till they were rouſed by the approach of Philip, with a ſuperior force. Galway and Las-Minas were forced to retire from Madrid. Hav⯑ing joined the Archduke, they paſſed into the kingdom of Valencia; and diſpoſed their quarters in ſuch a man⯑ner, as to cover the kingdoms of Arragon and Catalonia, and maintain a free entrance into Caſtile. The Duke of Berwick hung cloſe on their retreat; and, before the end of the campaign, retook Carthagena. But that loſs was balanced, by the reduction of the iſlands of Majorca and Ivica, which the Engliſh fleet, under Sir John Leake, ſub⯑jected to the dominion of the Archduke^M.

Operations on the ſide of Germany. On the ſide of Germany, the French enjoyed a gleam of that good ſortune which had formerly attended their arms. The Mareſchal de Villars, with a well-appointed army, was oppoſed to the Prince of Baden, who was him⯑ſelf in a declining ſtate of health, while, at the ſame time, he was ill-ſupported by the court of Vienna. The French ſorced the Imperialiſts to raiſe the blockade of sort Louis. They ſeized the retrenchments of Druſen⯑heim^N, which the Prince of Baden had abandoned. They recovered all they had loſt, in the preceding cam⯑paign; [320] and ſuch was their ſuperiority and the langour of the Germans, that had not the misfortunes in Flanders and Italy diſconcerted the court of Verſailles, and weak⯑ened, by the neceſſary detachments, the army of the Mareſchal de Villars, that commander might have pene⯑trated, with ſucceſs, into the heart of Germany. But oppreſſed with the misfortunes which attended the arms of France in every other quarter, Villars diſcovered a kind of melancholy conſolation, in having found himſelf capable of avoiding diſaſters, without endeavouring to retrieve, in Germany, the laurels which his country had loſt on every other ſide.

Naval tranſactions. The operations of the fleet, in the Mediterranean, contributed much to the ſucceſs of the allies, on the ſide of Spain. But no naval tranſaction of any importance happened in the ocean. A Frenchman, who aſſumed the title and character of the Marquis de Guiſcard, had, with a kind of vivacity, which paſſed upon the world for parts, inſinuated himſelf into the favour and confidence of the Engliſh miniſtry, and formed the plan of an expe⯑dition to the coaſt of France. In compliance with the in⯑telligence communicated by this adventurer, land forces, to the number of ten thouſand men, were ſent on board of tranſports, under the protection of the confederate fleets, commanded in chief by Sir Cloudſley Shovel. The Earl of Rivers, a man of a profligate character^P, and venal principles, but perſonally brave, was placed at the head of the forces deſtined for the expedition. But the plan was ſo indefinite and ill-projected, that a con⯑trary wind, which drove back the fleet, and confined the ſhips of war and tranſports to the channel, till the ſeaſon for action was paſt, might be conſidered as a ſingular in⯑terpoſition of good fortune. The avowed ſcheme of the Marquis de Guiſcard was to reſtore liberty to France but he behaved himſelf with ſuch tyranny and folly, in a command in which he had been placed by the indulgence of the Engliſh government, that he was recalled from the fleet, at the ſpecial requeſt of the admiral.

Affairs of the North. During theſe important tranſactions in the ſouth and weſt of Europe, the affairs of the north and eaſt ſuffered^O [321] a material change. The death of Auguſtus Frederic, Biſhop of Lubec, had threatened, in the end of the pre⯑ceding year, to involve the north in new troubles. Prince Charles of Denmark, and the Duke Adminiſtrator of Holſtein-Gottorp, had their reſpective pretenſions on the vacant biſhopric. The latter took poſſeſſion in virtue of an election made of himſelf, in the quality of coadju⯑tor. Prince Charles, ſupported by his brother, the King of Denmark, made himſelf maſter, by force, of the caſtle of Eutin; while the King of Sweden and the Elector of Hannover declared themſelves on the other ſide. While the forces of the two laſt Princes were rea⯑dy to march againſt the Danes, the Queen of England and the States of the United Provinces interpoſed their good offices, in quenching the flame which was ready to involve the whole north in a freſh war. The troops of Denmark retired from the caſtle of Eutin; and the place was delivered, in ſequeſtration, to the reſidents of Eng⯑land and Holland. The reſidents, however, reſtored the poſſeſſion of Eutin and its dependencies to the Prince Ad⯑miniſtrator of Holſtein-Gottorp, without prejudice to the rights of Prince Charles of Denmark^Q.

Affairs of Poland. In Poland, the invincible courage of the King of Swe⯑den triumphed over all the ſchemes of his active and ob⯑ſtinate enemies, the Ruſſians and the Saxons. That in⯑defatigable Prince profited by the winter, and flew to freſh victories along the ice, with which the rigour of the ſeaſon had covered the rivers and marſhes. Renſchild, his general, having, by a feint, inveigled the enemy from their ſtrong poſts in the woods, defeated the com⯑bined armies, with great ſlaughter, on the thirteenth of February. In this deciſive battle, in which no quarter was granted to the Ruſſians, ſeven thouſand men were killed on the ſpot. Eight thouſand priſoners, with the baggage, cannon, colours, and proviſions of the enemy, fell afterwards into the hands of the victors. To put an [...]nd to the troubles of Poland, by carrying the war into [...]he hereditary dominions of King Auguſtus, Charles the Twelfth, with twenty-four thousſand men, directing his march toward Sileſia, paſſed the Oder, entered Saxony, [...]nd placed his camp at Alt-Ranſtadt, near the plains of [322] Lutzen, famous for the victory and death of Guſtavus Adolphus. King Auguſtus, unable to cope with a power⯑ful and victorious enemy, in the heart of his country, had no reſource but in a treaty of peace; which he could only obtain on the moſt humiliating terms. He was forced to renounce all pretenſions to the crown of Poland, and to acknowledge Staniſlaus as lawful ſovereign of that king⯑dom^R.

King of Sweden feared and courted by all. His march into the heart of Germany, his victories in the courſe of the war, the humiliating terms of peace, to which he had reduced King Auguſtus, the ſtate of the contending powers in general, and the kind of balance which was ſtill preſerved, notwithſtanding the victories of the allies over the armies of the houſe of Bourbon, had raiſed the King of Sweden into the eminent ſituation of being the umpire of the fate of Europe. Mankind turned their attention to that monarch, in a degree equal to their hopes from his ſpirit, or their fears from his power. France courted his friendſhip, with a vehemence propor⯑tionable to the diſtreſſed condition of her affairs. The emperor dreaded that the preſence of Charles in Germa⯑ny might kindle diſturbances, which, by employing the force of the empire at home, might diſappoint the views of his own family on the Spaniſh throne. The diet of Ratiſbon ſhewed a diſpoſition of declaring the King of Sweden an enemy ſo the empire. But the Emperor himſelf found means to ſoften any reſentment that might ariſe in the breaſt of that enterpriſing Prince, by flattering his pride. Beſides, the mind of Charles was too much engaged with the deſign of reducing the Czar of Muſ⯑covy into the ſame abject condition with the Elector of Saxony, to permit him to entertain thoughts of any other kind. He, therefore, liſtened, without being moved, to the inſtances of France; and yielded to the deſire of the Emperor, without any attachment to his cauſe^S.

Articles of Union ſet⯑tled While the preſent year was rendered remarkable abroad, with military tranſactions of great importance and renown, it was diſtinguiſhed at home, by an event equally memorable in the civil line. The Queen, in conſequence of powers veſted in her perſon, by the par⯑liaments of England and Scotland, had appointed com⯑miſſioners [323] of both nations to meet, and treat concerning an Union of the two kingdoms. They met accordingly, for the firſt time, at the Cockpit, on the ſixteenth of April; and, having continued their ſittings, at intervals, to the twenty-third of July, they preſented the articles upon which they had agreed, to her Majeſty. The moſt material of theſe were the following: That the two kingdoms ſhould be united into one, by the name of Great Britain. That the ſucceſſion of the united king⯑dom ſhould remain to the Princeſs Sophia and the heirs of her body, being proteſtants. That the whole people of Britain ſhould be repreſented by one parliament, in which ſixteen peers and forty-five commoners choſen for Scotland, ſhould ſit and vote. That the ſubjects of the united kingdom ſhould enjoy a full freedom and intercourſe of trade and navagation; and a reciprocal communication of all other rights, privileges, and advantages, belonging to the ſubjects of either kingdom.

Views and But though the commiſſioners had ſettled, without much difficulty, the articles of union, there was reaſon to apprehend, that the treaty would meet with great op⯑poſition, in the parliament of Scotland. The body of the people, either ſwayed by the adherents of the excluded family, or yielding to the dictates of their pride, were ut⯑terly averſe to a meaſure which annihilated them, in a manner, as a nation. The hopes of the court of St. Germains roſe in proportion, to the violence which pre⯑vailed among the Scots. Relying, in ſome degree, on the promiſes of the Duke of Marlborough^T, that no money ſhould be ſent from the treaſury of England, to gain votes in Scotland, they hoped that the treaty would he rejected by a majority in parliament; and they extend⯑ed their views to an immediate advantage to their own cauſe, from a certainty of the diſturbances that were to enſue. Their party in Scotland, endeavoured, in the the mean time, to be provided againſt the worſt events. Conſcious of the venality of many of their own number, they could not truſt the fate of the meaſure to their avow⯑ed principles. They, therefore, demanded ſuccours [...]om France; and reſolved to appeal from parliament to [...]e deciſion of the ſword. Having long foreſeen what [324] afterwards happened, they had opened a communication with Lewis the Fourteenth, whoſe intereſt, they knew, eſpecially in the untoward ſtate of his affairs, was inti⯑mately connected with their cauſe.

ſecret in⯑trigues The eagerneſs with which the Whigs in England preſſed the miniſtry of that kingdom to accompliſh an uni⯑on with Scotland, had greatly increaſed the number of the friends of the excluded family. In the two preceding years, the Jacobites had made frequent propoſals to the French King, to which he paid little attention, as long as the misfortunes of the war had left him the power of giving effectual aid. To ſatisfy himſelf, however, con⯑cerning the ſolidity of the aſſurances tranſmitted repeat⯑edly from Scotland, he ſent one Hooke, an Engliſh Ca⯑tholic, and a colonel in his ſervice, with letters from himſelf and the pretended Prince of Wales, to the lea⯑ders of the malecontents in that kingdom. Hooke arriv⯑ing in the month of Auguſt 1705, executed his commiſ⯑ſion in a manner calculated to defeat his own views. Attaching himſelf to a particular ſet of the cavaliers, he offended the reſt; while his extreme vanity and arrogance diſguſted ſome, and rendered all unwilling to truſt them⯑ſelves in his hands. They, however, made general aſſu⯑rances of their fidelity, and promiſed their utmoſt exerti⯑ons in favour of the excluded family, ſhould the French King land the Pretender in Scotland, with a force ſuffici⯑ent to protect his perſon, till his friends ſhould aſſemble in arms^U.

of the Jaco⯑bites. Hooke, having received theſe general aſſurances, re⯑turned to France; and the Jacobites unanimouſly made choice of one Captain Stratton, as their agent, to inquire into the real diſpoſition of the court of Verſailles. They had previouſly ſounded the Tories in England, particu⯑larly the Duke of Leeds and the Lord Granville. But they found them more cautious than themſelves; and un⯑willing to agree to any attempt in favour of the pretend⯑ed Prince of Wales, during the life and reign of his ſiſ⯑ter Queen Anne. The Scots, however, were not diſ⯑couraged. Urged by their violent principles, and beyond meaſure averſe to the union, they reſolved to hazard every thing to accompliſh their views. Stratton was well [325] received by the court of Verſailles. But the battles of Ramillies and Turin had diſconcerted all their meaſures. Lewis declared, that he could ſpare neither men nor mo⯑ney, in the preſent untoward ſtate of his affairs. That, however, he would ſearch for a more favourable con⯑juncture, and effectually ſupport the cauſe of the ex⯑cluded family. With theſe aſſurances, and with letters from the Pretender to the leaders of his party, Stratton returned; and the Jacobites found themſelves obliged to abandon the fate of the union to their efforts, in conjunc⯑tion with the country-party, in the approaching ſeſſion of parliament.