CHAPTER I. Of the original of the Romans.

THE Romans were particularly deſirous of be⯑ing thought deſcended from the gods, as if to hide the meanneſs of their real anceſtry. Aeneas, the ſon of Venus and Anchiſes, having eſcaped from the deſtruc⯑tion of Troy, after many adventures and dangers, arrived in Italy A.M. 2294 where he was kindly re⯑ceived by Latinus, king of the Latins, who gave him his daughter Lavinia in marriage. Turnus, king of the Rutuli, was the firſt who oppoſed Aeneas, he having long made pretenſions to Lavinia himſelf. A war enſued, in which the Trojan hero was victo⯑rious and Turnus ſlain. In conſequence of this, [2] Aeneas built a city, which was called Lavinium, in honour of his wife; and ſome time after, engaging in another war againſt Mezentius, one of the petty kings of the country, he was vanquiſhed in turn, and died in battle, after a reign of four years.

Numitor, the fifteenth king in a direct line from Aeneas, who took poſſeſſion of the kingdom in con⯑ſequence of his father's will, had a brother, named Amulius, to whom were left the treaſures which had been brought from Troy. As riches but too gene⯑rally prevail againſt right, Amu [...]ius made uſe of his wealth to ſupplant his brother, and ſoon found means to poſſeſs himſelf of the kingdom. Not content with the crime of uſurpation, he added that of mur⯑der alſo. Numitor's ſons firſt fell a ſacrifice to his ſuſpicions; and to remove all apprehenſions of being one day diſturbed in is ill got power, he cauſed Rhea Silvia, his brother's only daughter, to become a veſ⯑tal virgin; which office obliging her to perpetual ce⯑libacy, made him leſs uneaſy as to the claims of poſ⯑terity.

His precautions, however, were all fruſtrated in the event; for Rhea Sylvia going to fetch water from a neighbouring grove, was met and raviſhed by a man, whom, perhaps to palliate her offence, ſhe averred to be Mars, the god of war. From this con⯑greſs, ſhe was brought to bed of two boys, who were no ſooner born, than devoted, by the uſurper to deſtruction. The mother was condemned to be buried alive, the uſual puniſhment for veſtals who had violated their chaſtity, and the twins were or⯑dered to be flung into the river Tyber. It happened, at the time this rigorous ſentence was put into exe⯑cution, that the river had more than uſually over⯑flowed its banks, ſo that the place where the children were thrown being at a diſtance from the main cur⯑ [...]ent, the water was too ſhallow to drown them. In this ſituation, therefore, they continued without harm [3] and, that no part of their preſervation might want its wonders, we are told, that they were for ſome time ſuckled by a wolf, until Fauſtulus, the king's herdſman, finding them thus ex [...]oſed, brought them home to Acca Laurentia, his wife, who brought them up as his own.

Romulus and Remus, the twins thus ſtrangely pre⯑ſerved, ſeemed early to diſcover abilities and deſires above the meanneſs of their ſuppoſed original. The ſhepherd's life began to diſpleaſe them; and, from tending flocks, or hunting wild beaſts, they ſoon turned their ſtrength againſt the robbers round the country, whom they often ſtript of their plunder, to ſhare it among their fellow ſhepherds. In one of theſe excurſions, Remus was taken priſoner by Nu⯑ [...]tor's herdſman, who brought him before the king, [...] accuſed of being a plunderer. Romulus, how⯑ [...]er, being informed by Fauſtulus of his real birth, [...] not remiſs in aſſembling a number of his fellow [...], who beſet the uſurper on all ſides, who, dur [...]ng his amazement and diſtraction, was taken and [...] while Numitor, who had been depoſed forty⯑ [...]ve [...] [...]ts, recognized his grandſons, and was once [...] reſt [...]ed to the throne.

Numitor being thus in quiet poſſeſſion of the [...]gdom, his grandſons reſolved to build a city upon [...]ſe hills where they had formerly lived as ſhep⯑ [...]er [...]. Many of the neighbouring ſhepherds alſo, t [...] ſuch as were fond of change, repaired to the in⯑ [...]led city, and prepared to raiſe it. In order to pro⯑ [...]ct in this undertaking with all poſſible ſolemnity [...]e two brothers were adviſed by the king, to take [...] [...]en from the ſlight of birds, and that he whoſe [...]a [...]n ſhould be moſt favourable, ſhould in all re⯑ [...]ects direct the other. In compliance with this ad⯑vice, they both took their ſtations upon different h [...]s. To Remus appeared ſix vultures; to Romu⯑lus, twice that number: ſo that each party thought [4] itſelf victorious; the one having the firſt omen, the other the moſt complete. This produced a conteſt, which ended in a battle wherein Remus was ſlain; and it is even ſaid, that he was killed by his brother; who, being provoked at his leaping contemptuouſly over the city wall, ſtruck him dead upon the ſpot.

Romulus, being now ſole commander, and eigh⯑teen years of age, began the foundation of a city that was one day to give laws to the world. It was called Rome, after the name of the ſounder, and built upon the Palatine hill, on which he had taken his ſucceſsful omen A.M. 3252 ante c 752 The city was at firſt almoſt ſquare, containing about a thouſand houſes. It was near a mile in compaſs, and commanded a ſmall territory round it of about eight miles ever. However ſmall as it appears, it was, notwithſtanding, worſe inhabited; and the firſt method made uſe of to increaſe its numbers, was the opening a ſanctuary for all malefactors, ſlaves, and ſuch as were deſirous of novelty, and theſe came in great multitudes, and contributed to increaſe the number of our legiſlator's new ſubjects.

CHAP. II. From the building of Rome to the death of Romulus.

SCARCE was the city raiſed above its founda⯑tion, when its rude inhabitants began to think of giving ſome form to their conſtifution. Romulus, by an act of great generoſity, left them at liberty to chuſe whom they would for their king; and they, in gratitude, concurred to elect their founder; he was accordingly acknowledged as chief of their religion, ſovereign magiſtrate of Rome, and general of the army. Beſide a guard to attend his perſon, it was [5] agreed that he ſhould be precede wherever he went by twelve men, armed with axes tied up in a bundle of rods, who were to ſerve as executioners of the law, and to impreſs his new ſubjects with an idea of his authority.

The ſenate, which was to act as counſellors to the king, was compoſed of an hundred of the principal citizens of Rome, conſiſting of men whoſe age, wiſdom, or valour, gave them a natural authority over their fellow-ſubjects, and the king named the firſt ſenator, and appointed him to the government of the city, whenever war required his own abſence.

The plebeians, who compoſed the third part of the legiſlature, aſſumed to themſelves the power of authorizing thoſe laws which were paſſed by the king or the ſenate. All things relative to peace or war, to the election of magiſtrates, and even to the [...]ſing a king, were confirmed by ſuffrages in their aſſemblies.

The firſt care of the new-created king, was to attend to the intereſts of religion, but the preciſe form of their worſhip is unknown. The greateſt part of the religion of that age conſiſted in a firm reliance upon the credit of their ſoothſayers, who pretended, from obſervations on the flight of birds and the entrails of beaſts, to direct the preſent, and to dive into futurity. Romulus, by an expreſs law, o [...] [...]ended, that no election ſhould be made, no enterprize undertaken, without firſt conſulting them.

Wives were forbid, upon any pretext whatſoever, to ſeparate from their huſbands; while, on the contra⯑ry, the huſband was empowered to repudiate the wi [...]e, and even in ſome caſes to put her to death. His laws between children and their parents were yet ſtill more ſevere; the father had entire power over his offspring, both of fortune and life; he could ſe [...] them or impriſon them at any time of their lives, or in any ſtations to which they were arrived.

[6]After his endeavours by laws to regulate his ſub⯑jects, he next gave orders to aſcertain their numbers. The whole amounted but to three thouſand foot, and about as many hundred horſemen, capable of bearing arms. Theſe therefore were divided equally into three tribes, and to each he aſſigned a different part of the city. Each of theſe tribes were ſubdivided into ten curiae, or companies, conſiſting of an hundred men each, with a centurion to command it; a prieſt, call⯑ed curio, to perform the ſacrifices; and two of the principle inhabitants, called duumviri, to diſtribute juſtice.

By theſe wiſe regulations each day added ſtrength to the new city; multitudes flocked in from all the adjacent towns, and it only ſeemed to want women to aſcertain its duration. In this exigence, Romulus, by the advice of the ſenate, ſent deputies among the Sabines his neighbours, entreating their alliance, and upon theſe terms offering to cement the moſt ſtrict confederacy with them. The Sabines, who were then conſidered as the moſt warlike people of Italy, rejected the propoſal with diſdain; Romulus therefore proclaimed a feaſt in honour of Neptune, throughout all the neighbouring villages, and made the moſt magnificent preparations for it. Theſe feaſts were generally preceded by ſacrifices, and ended in ſhews of wreſtlers, gladiators, and chariot-courſes. The Sabines, as he had expected, were among the foremoſt who came to be ſpectators, bringing their wives and daughters with them to ſhare the pleaſure of the ſight. In the mean time the games began, and, while the ſtrangers were moſt intent upon the ſpectacle, a number of the Roman youth ruſhed in among them with drawn ſwords, ſeized the youngeſt and moſt beautiful women, and carried them off by violence. In vain the parents proteſted againſt this breach of hoſpitality; in vain the virgins themſelves at firſt oppoſed the attempts of their raviſhers; per⯑ſeverance [7] and careſſes obtained thoſe favours which timidity at firſt denied; ſo that the betrayers, from being objects of averſion, ſoon became the partners of their deareſt affections.

A bloody war enſued. The cities of Cenina, An⯑temna and Cruſtumium were the firſt who reſolved to revenge the common cauſe, which the Sabines ſeemed too dilatory in purſuing. But all theſe, by making ſeparate inroads, became a more eaſy con⯑queſt to Romulus, who made the moſt merciful uſe of his victory; inſtead of deſtroying their towns, or leſſening their numbers, he only placed colonies of Romans in them, to ſerve as a frontier to repreſs more diſtant invaſions.

Tatius, king of Cures, a Sabine city, was the laſt, although the moſt formidable, who undertook to re⯑venge the diſgrace his country had ſuffered. He en⯑tered the Roman territories at the head of twenty⯑five thouſand men, and, not content with a ſuperi⯑ority of forces, he added ſtratagem alſo. Tarpiea, who was daughter to the commander of the Capito⯑l [...]ne hill, happened to fall into his hands, as ſhe went without the walls of the city to fetch water. Upon her he prevailed, by means of large promiſes, to be⯑tray one of the gates to his army. The reward ſhe engaged for, was what the ſoldiers wore on their arms, by which ſhe meant their bracelets. They, however, either miſtaking her meaning, or willing to puniſh her perſidy, threw their bucklers upon her as they entered, and cruſhed her to death. The S [...]bine, being thus poſſeſſed of the Capitoline, after ſ [...]me time, a general engagement enſued, which w [...]s renewed for ſeveral days, with almoſt equal ſuc⯑ [...]ſs, and neither could think of ſubmitting: it was [...] the valley between the Capitoline and Quirinal [...], that the laſt engagement was fought between [...] Romans and the Sabines. The engagement was n [...]w become general, and the ſlaughter prodigious, [8] when the attention of both ſides was ſuddenly turned from the ſcence of horror before them to another; till at length the Sabine women who had been carried off by the Romans, with their hair looſe and their ornaments neglected, flew in between the combatants regardleſs of their own danger, and with loud out⯑cries implored their huſbands and their children to deſiſt. Upon this, the combatants, as if by mutual impulſe, let fall their weapons, an accommodation enſued, by which it was agreed, that Romulus and Tatius ſhould reign jointly in Rome, with equal power and prerogative, that an hundred Sabines ſhould be admitted into the ſenate, that the city ſhould ſtill retain its former name, but that the citi⯑zens ſhould be called Quirites, after Cures, the prin⯑cipal town of the Sabines, and that both nations being thus united, ſuch of the Sabines as choſe it, ſhould be admitted to live in and enjoy all the pri⯑vileges of citizens in Rome. Tatius was killed about five years after by the Lavinians for having protected ſome ſervants of his, who had plundered them and ſlain their ambaſſadors; ſo that by this accident Ro⯑mulus once more ſaw himſelf ſole monarch of Rome.

Succeſſes like theſe produced an equal ſhare of pride in the conqueror. From being contented with thoſe limits which had been wiſely aſſigned to his power, he began to affect abſolute ſway, and to govern thoſe laws, to which he had himſelf for⯑merly profeſſed implicit obedience. The ſenate was particularly diſpleaſed at his conduct, as they found themſelves only uſed as inſtruments to ratify the ri⯑gour of his commands. We are not told the preciſe manner which they employed to get rid of the ty⯑rant; ſome ſay that he was torn in pieces in the ſe⯑nate-houſe; others, that he diſappeared while re⯑viewing his army: certain it is, that from the ſe⯑crecy of the fact, and the concealment of the body, they took occaſion [...] perſuade the multitude, that he [9] was taken up into heaven: thus him whom they could not bear as a king, they were contented to worſhip as a god. Romulus reigned thirty-ſeven years, and after his death had a temple built to him under the name of Quirinius.

CHAP. III. From the death of Romulus to the death of Numa Pompilus, the ſecond king of Rome. U.C. 38

UPON the death of Romulus, the city ſeemed g [...]eatly divided in the choice of a ſucceſſor. The Sabines were for having a king choſen from their [...], but the Romans could not bear the thoughts of [...]ncing a ſtranger to the throne. In this perplex⯑ity the ſenators undertook to ſupply the place of the king, by taking the government, each of them in [...] for five days, and during that time enjoying [...] the honours and all the privileges of royalty. This new form of government continued for a year, [...]t the plebians, who ſaw that this method of tranſ⯑f [...]ing power was only multiplying their maſters, [...] a [...]d upon altering that mode of government. T [...] ſenate being thus driven to an election, at length [...] upon Numa Pompilius, a Sabine, and their [...] was received with univerſal approbation by the [...]

[...] Pompilius, who was now about forty, had [...] eminent for his piety, his juſtice, mode⯑ [...] [...] [...]d exemplary life. He was ſkilled in all [...] and p [...]iloſophy of the Sabines, and liv⯑ [...] [...] [...]t C [...]es, contented with a private [...] unambiti [...]us of higher honours. It was not, [...], without reluctance that he accepted the [...], wh [...]ch when he did, it produced ſuch joy, [...] people ſeemed not ſo much to receive a king [...].

[10]No monarch could be more proper for them than Numa, at a conjuncture when the government was compoſed of various petty ſtates lately ſubdued, and but ill united among each other: they wanted a maſ⯑ter who could by his laws and precepts ſoften their fierce diſpoſitions, and by his example induce them to a love of religion, and every milder virtue.

Numa's whole time therefore was ſpent in inſpiring his ſubjects with a love of piety, and a veneration for the gods. He built many new temples, inſtituted ſacred of⯑fices and feaſts; and the ſanctity of his life gave him credit enough to perſuade his people, that he had a parti⯑cular correſpondence with the goddeſs Egeria. By her advice he built the temple of Janus, which was to be ſhut in time of peace, and open in war; he or⯑dained veſtal virgins, who, being four in number, had very great privileges allowed them.

For the encouragement of agriculture, he divided thoſe lands which Romulus had gained in war, a⯑mong the poorer part of the people; he regulated the kalendar, and aboliſhed the diſtinction between Ro⯑mans and Sabines, by dividing the people according to their ſeveral trades, and compelling them to live together. Thus having arrived at the age of four⯑ſcore years, and having reigned forty-three in pro⯑found peace, he died, ordering his body to be buried in a ſtone coffin, contrary to the cuſtom of the times, and his books of ceremonies, which conſiſted of twelve in Latin, and as many in Greek, to be buried by his ſide in another.

CHAP. IV. From the death of Numa to the death of Tullus Hoſtilius, the third king of Rome. U.C. 82

UPON the death of Numa, the government once more devolved upon the ſenate, and continued till the people elected Tullus Hoſtilius for their king, which choice had alſo the concurrence of the other part of the conſtitution. This monarch, who was grandſon to a noble Roman, who had formerly ſigna⯑lized himſelf againſt the Sabines, was every way un⯑l [...]ke his predeceſſor, being intirely devoted to war, and more fond of enterprize than even the founder of the empire himſelf had been; ſo that he only ſought a pretext for leading his forces into the field.

The Albans were the firſt people who gave him an opportunity of indulging his favourite inclinations. The forces of theſe two ſtates met about five miles from R [...]me, prepared to decide the fate of their reſpective [...]ngdoms: for almoſt every battle in theſe times was [...]iſive. The two armies were for ſome time drawn o [...]t in array, awaiting the ſignal to begin, both chiding [...] length of that dreadful ſuſpenſe, when an un⯑expected propoſal from the Alban general put a [...] the onſet. Stepping in between both armies, [...] [...]ffered the Romans a choice of deciding the diſ⯑pute by ſingle combat; adding, that the ſide whoſe [...]mpion was overcome, ſhould ſubmit to the con⯑ [...]e [...]r. A propoſal like this ſuited the impetuous [...]per of the Roman King, and was embraced with [...] his ſubjects, each of which hoped, that he [...] ſhould be choſen to fight the cauſe of his [...]ntry. The [...]e were at that time three twin bro⯑thers in each army, thoſe of the Romans were called [...] and thoſe of the Albans Curiatii, all ſix re⯑markable [12] for their courage, ſtrength, and activity, and to theſe it was reſolved to commit the manage⯑ment of the combat. At length the champions met in combat together, and each totally regardleſs of his own ſafety, only ſought the deſtruction of his opponent. The ſpectators, in horrid ſilence, trem⯑bled at every blow, and wiſhed to ſhare the danger, till fortune ſeemed to decide the glory of the field. Victory, that had hitherto been doubtful, appeared to declare againſt the Romans; they beheld two of their champions lying dead upon the plain, and the three Curiatii, who were wounded, ſlowly endea⯑vouring to purſue the ſurvivor, who ſeemed by flight to beg for mercy. Soon however they perceived, that his flight was only pretended, in order to ſepa⯑rate his antagoniſts, whom he was unable to oppoſe united; for quickly after, ſtopping his courſe, and turning upon him who followed moſt cloſely behind, he laid him dead at his feet▪ the ſecond brother, who came on to aſſiſt him who was fallen, only ſhared the ſame fate; and now there remained but the laſt Cu⯑riatius to conquer, who, fatigued and quite diſabled with his wounds, ſlowly came up to offer an eaſy victory. He was killed, almoſt unreſiſting, while the conqueror exclaiming, offered him as a victim to the ſuperiority of the Romans, whom now the Al⯑bany army conſented to obey.

But none of the virtues of that age were without alloy, the very hand that in the morning was exerted to ſave his country, was before night embrued in the blood of a ſiſter. For returning triumphant from the f [...]eld, it raiſed his indignation to behold her bathed in tears, and lamenting the loſs of her lover, one of the Curiatii, to whom ſhe was betrothed. This provoked him beyond the power of ſufferance, ſo that he flew her in a rage. This action greatly diſpleaſed the ſenate, and drew on the condemnation [13] of the magiſtrates, but he was pardoned by making his appeal to the people.

Hoſtilius died after a reign of thirty-two years; ſome ſay by lightning, others, with more probabi⯑lity, by treaſon.

CHAP. V. From the death of Tullus Hoſtilius, to the death of Ancus Martius, the fourth king of Rome. U.C. 115

AFTER an interregnum, as in the former caſe, Ancus Martius, the grandſon of Numa, was elected king by the people, and the choice afterwards was confirmed by the ſenate. As this monarch was a li⯑neal deſcendant from Numa, ſo he ſeemed to make him the great object of his imitation. He inſtituted the ſacred ceremonies which were to precede a decla⯑ration of war; he took every occaſion to adviſe his ſubjects to return to the arts of agriculture, and to lay aſide the leſs uſeful ſtratagems of war.

Theſe inſtitutions and precepts were conſidered by the neighbouring powers rather as marks of cowar⯑dice than of wiſdom. The Latins therefore began to make incurſions upon his territories, but their ſuc⯑ceſs was equal to their juſtice: Ancus conquered the Latins, deſtroyed their cities, removed their inhabi⯑tants to Rome, and encreaſed his territories by the addition of part of theirs. He quelled alſo an in⯑ſurrection of the Veii, the Fidenates, and the Vol⯑ſ [...], and over the Sabines he obtained a ſecond tri⯑umph.

But his victories over the enemy were by no means comparable to his works at home, in raiſing temples, f [...]tifying the city, making a priſon for malefactors, and building a ſea port at the mouth of the Tiber, [14] called Oſtia, by which he ſecured to his ſubjects the trade of that river, and that of the ſalt pits adjacent. Thus having enriched his ſubjects, and beautified the city, he died after a reign of twenty-four years.

CHAP. VI. From the death of Ancus Martius to the death of Tarquinius Priſcus, the fifth king of Rome. U.C. 138

LUCIUS Tarquinius Priſcus, whoſe original name was Lucumon, and who was appointed guar⯑dian to the ſons of the late king, took the ſurname of Tarquinius, from the city of Tarquinia, from whence he laſt came. His father was a merchant of Corinth, who had acquired conſiderable wealth by trade, and had ſettled in Italy upon account of ſome troubles at home. His ſon Lucumon, who in⯑herited his fortune, married a woman of family in the city of Tarquinia; and, as his birth, profeſſion, and country were contemptible to the nobles of the place, by his wife's perſuaſions he came to ſettle at Rome, where merit only made diſtinction. On his way thither, ſay the hiſtorians, as he approached the city gate, an eagle, ſtooping from above, took off his hat, and flying round his chariot for ſome time, with much noiſe, put it on again. This, his wife Tanaquil, who it ſeems was ſkilled in augury, in⯑terpreted as a preſage, that he ſhould one day wear the crown, and perhaps it was this which firſt fired his ambition to purſue it.

Ancus being dead, and the kingdom, as uſual, devolving upon the ſenate, Tarquin uſed all his power and arts to ſet aſide the children of the late king, and to get himſelf elected in their ſtead. For this purpoſe, upon the day appointed for election, he contrived to have them ſent out of the city; and in [15] a ſet ſpeech to the people, in which he urged his friendſhip for them, the fortune he had ſpent among them, and his knowledge of their government, he offered himſelf for their king. As there was nothing in this harangue that could be conteſted, it had the deſired effect, and the people, with one conſent, elected him as their ſovereign.

A kingdom thus got by intrigue, was notwith⯑ſtanding governed with equity. In the beginning of his reign, in order to recompence his friends, he added an hundred members more to the ſenate, which made them, in all, three hundred.

But his peaceful endeavours were ſoon interrupted by the inroads of his reſtleſs neighbours, particularly the Latins, over whom he triumphed, and whom he forced to beg a peace. He then turned his arms againſt the Sabines, who had riſen once more, and had paſſed over the river Tyber; but Tarquin attacking them with vigour routed their army; ſo that many who eſcaped the ſword, were drowned in attempting to croſs over, while their bodies and ar⯑mour floating down to Rome, brought news of the victory, even before the meſſengers could arrive that were ſent with the tidings. Theſe conqueſts were follower by ſeveral advantages over the Latins, from whom he took many towns, though without gaining any deciſive victory.

Tarquin, having thus forced his enemies into ſub⯑miſſion, was reſolved not to let his ſubjects corrupt in indolence, but undertook and perfected ſeveral public works for the convenience and embelliſhment of the city.

In his time alſo, the augurs came into a great increaſe of reputation, and he found it his intereſt to pro⯑mote the ſuperſtition of the peple, as this was in fact but to increaſe their obedience. Tanaquil, his wife, was a great pretender to this art; but Accius Naevius was the moſt celebrated adept of the kind, that was [16] ever known in Rome. Upon a certain occaſion, Tarquin being reſolved to try the augur's ſkill, aſked him, whether what he was then pondering in his mind could be effected. Naevius having examined his auguries, bold affirmed that it might: "Why then," cries the king, with an inſulting ſmile, "I had thoughts of cutting this whetſtone with a razor." "Cut boldly," replied the augur; and the king cut it through accordingly. Thence forward nothing was undertaken in Rome without conſulting the au⯑gurs, and obtaining their advice and approbation.

Tarquin was not content with a kingdom without alſo the enſigns of royalty; in imitation of the Ly⯑dian kings, he aſſumed a crown of gold, an ivory throne, a ſceptre with an eagle on the top, and robes of purple. It was, perhaps, the ſplendor of theſe royalties that firſt raiſed the envy of the late king's ſons, who had now for above thirty-ſeven years quiet⯑ly ſubmitted to his government. His deſign alſo of adopting Servius Tullius, his ſon-in-law, for his ſucceſſor, might have contributed to inflame their re⯑ſentment. Whatever was the cauſe of their tardy vengeance, they reſolved to deſtroy him; and at laſt found means to effect their purpoſe, by hiring two ruffians, who, demanding to ſpeak with the king, pre⯑tending that they came for juſtice, ſtruck him dead in his palace with the blow of an ax. The lictors, however, who waited upon the perſon of the king, ſeized the murderers, who were attempting to eſcape; they were put to death; but the ſons of Ancus, who were the inſtigators, found ſafety by flight.

Thus fell Lucius Tarquinius, ſurnamed Priſcus, to diſtinguiſh him from one of his ſucceſſors of the ſame name, aged fifty-ſix years, of which he had reigned thirty-eight.

CHAP. VII. From the death of Tarquinius Priſcus to the death of Servius Tullius, the ſixth king of Rome. U.C. 179

THE report of the murder of Tarquin filled [...] his ſubjects with complaint and indignation, while the citizens ran from every quarter to the palace, to learn the truth of the account, or to take vengeance on the aſſaſſins. In this tumult, Tanaquil, widow of the late king, conſidering the danger ſhe muſt in⯑cur, in caſe the conſpirators ſhould ſucceed to the crown; and deſirous of having her ſon-in-law for his ſucceſſor, with great art diſſembled her ſorrow as well as the king's death. She aſſured the people, from one of the windows of the palace, that he was not killed, but ſtunned by the blow; that he would ſhortly recover; and that, in the mean time, he had deputed his power to Servius Tullius, his ſon-in-law. Servius, accordingly, as it had been agreed upon be⯑tween them, iſſued from the palace, adorned with the enſigns of royalty, and preceded by his lictors, and went to diſpatch ſome affairs that related to the public ſafety; ſtill pretending, that he took all his inſtructions from the king. This ſcene of diſſimu⯑lation continued for ſome days, till he had made his party good among the nobles; when the death of Tarquin being publicly aſcertained, Servius came to the crown, ſolely at the ſenate's appointment, and without attempting to gain the ſuffrages of the peo⯑ple.

Se [...]vius was the ſon of a bondwoman, who had been taken at the ſacking of a town belonging to the Latins, and was born whilſt his mother was a ſlave. While yet an infant in his cradle, a lambent flame [18] is ſaid to have played round his head, which Tana⯑quil converted into an omen of his future greatneſs.

Upon being acknowledged as king, the chief object of his reign was to increaſe the power of the ſenate, by depreſſing that of the people. The populace, who were unable to ſee into his deſigns, conferred upon him a full power of ſettling the taxes as he ſhould think proper. And accordingly, as he inſiſted that they ſhould pay their taxes by centuries, he commanded that they ſhould give their votes, in all public tranſ⯑actions, by centuries alſo. In former deliberations each citizen gave his ſuffrage ſingly, and the num⯑bers of the poor always carried it againſt the power of the rich; but by the regulations of Servius, the ſenate was made to conſiſt of a greater number of centuries than all the other claſſes put together, and thus entirely out-weighed them in every contention.

In order to aſcertain the encreaſe or decay of his ſubjects and their fortunes, he inſtituted another re⯑gulation which he called a luſtrum. By this all the citizens were to aſſemble in the Campus Martius, in complete armour, and in their reſpective claſſes, once in five years, and there to give an exact account of their families and fortune.

Having thus enjoyed a long reign, ſpent in ſettling the domeſtic policy of the ſtate, and alſo not inat⯑tentive to foreign concerns, he conceived reaſonable hopes of concluding it with tranquility and eaſe. He had even thoughts of laying down his power, and, having formed the kingdom into a republic, to retire into obſcurity; but ſo generous a deſign was fruſ⯑trated ere it could be put into execution.

In the beginning of his reign, to ſecure his throne by every precaution, he had married his two daugh⯑ters to the two grandſons of Tarquin; and as he knew that the women were of oppoſite diſpoſitions, as well as their intended huſb [...]nds, be reſolved to croſs their tempers, by giving them to him of a con⯑trary [19] turn of temper; her that was meek and gentle, to him that was bold and furious; her that was un⯑governable and proud, to him that was remarkable for a contrary character: by this he ſuppoſed, that each would correct the failings of the other, and that the mixture would be productive only of con⯑cord. The event however proved otherwiſe. Lu⯑cius, his haughty ſon in-law, ſoon grew diſpleaſed with the meekneſs of his conſort, and placed his whole affections upon Tullia, his brother's wife, who anſwered his paſſion with ſympathetic ardour. As their wiſhes were ungovernable, they ſoon reſolved to break through every reſtraint that offered to pre⯑vent their union; both undertook to murder their conſorts, which they effected, and were accordingly ſoon after married together. A firſt crime ever pro⯑duces a ſecond; from the deſtruction of their con⯑ſorts, they proceeded to conſpiring that of the king. They began by raiſing factions againct him, alledg⯑ing his illegal title to the crown, and Lucius by claiming it as his own, as heir to Tarquin. At length, when he found the ſenate ripe for ſeconding his views, he entered the ſenate-houſe, adorned with all the enſigns of royalty, and placing himſelf upon the throne, began to harangue them upon the obſcurity of the king's birth, and the injuſtice of his title. While he was yet ſpeaking, Servius entered, attended by a few followers, and ſeeing his throne thus rudely invaded, offered to puſh the uſurper from his ſeat; but Tarquin being in the vigour of youth, threw the old man down the ſteps which led to the throne; and ſome of his adherents, being inſtructed for that pur⯑poſe, followed the king, as he was feebly attempting to get to the palace, and diſpatched him by the way, throwing his body, all mangled and bleeding, as a public ſpectacle into the ſtreet. In the mean time, Tullia, burning with impatience for the event, was [20] informed of what her huſband had done, and reſolv⯑ing to be among the firſt who ſhould ſalute him as monarch, ordered her chariot to the ſenate-houſe. But as her charioteer approached the place where the old king her father's body lay expoſed and bloody, the man, all amazed at the inhuman ſpectacle, and not willing to trample upon it with his horſes offered to turn another way; this only ſerved to encreaſe the fierceneſs of her anger; ſhe threw the footſtool at his head, and ordered him to drive over the dead body without heſitation.

This was the end of Servius Tullius, a prince of eminent juſtice and moderation, after an uſeful and proſperous reign of forty-four years.

CHAP. VIII. From the death of Servius Tullius to the baniſhment of Tarquinius Superbus, the ſeventh and laſt king of Rome. U.C. 220

LUCIUS Tarquinius, afterwards called Super⯑bus, or the Proud, having placed himſelf upon the throne, in conſequence of this violent attempt, was reſolved to ſupport his dignity with the ſame violence with which it was acquired. Regardleſs of the ſe⯑nate or the people's approbation, he ſeemed to claim the crown by an hereditary right, and refuſed the late king's body burial, under pretence of his being an uſurper. All the good part of mankind, how⯑ever, looked upon his acceſſion with deteſtation and horror; and this act of inefficient cruelty only ſerved to confirm their hatred. Conſcious of this, he or⯑dered all ſuch as be ſuſpected to have been attached to Servius, to be put to death; and fearing the natural conſequences of his tyranny, he encreaſed the guard round his perſon.

[21]His chief policy ſeems to have been to keep the people always employed either in wars or public works, by which means he diverted their attention from his unlawful method of coming to the crown. He firſt marched againſt the Sabines, who refuſed to pay him obedience, and ſoon reduced them to ſub⯑miſſion. He next began a war with the Volſci, which continued for ſome ages after. The city of the Gabii gave him much more trouble; for having attempted with ſome loſs, to beſiege it, he was oblig⯑ed to direct his efforts by ſtratagem, contrary to the uſual practice of the Romans. He cauſed his ſon Sextus to counterfeit deſertion, upon pretence of bar⯑barous uſa [...]e, and to ſeek refuge among the inhabi⯑tants of the place. There, by artful complaints and ſtudied lamentations, he ſo prevailed upon the pity of the people, as to be choſen their governor, and ſoon after general of their army. At firſt, in every engagement, he appeared ſucceſsful, till at length, finding himſelf entirely poſſeſſed of the confidence of the ſtate, he ſent a truſty meſſenger to his father for inſtructions. Parquin made no other anſwer than by taking the meſſenger into the garden, where he cut down before him the talleſt poppies. Sextus readily underſtood the meaning of this reply, and, one by one, found means to deſtroy or remove the principal men of the city, ſtill taking care to confiſcate their effects among the people. The charms of this divi⯑dend kept the giddy populace blind to their approach⯑ing ruin, till they found themſelves, at laſt, without counſellors or head; and in the end, fell under the power of Tarquin, without even ſtriking a blow. After this, he made a league with the Aequi, and renewed that with the Etrurians.

But while he was engaged in wars abroad, he took care not to ſuffer the people to continue in idleneſs at home. He undertook to build the capitol, the foun⯑dation of which had been laid in a former reign, [22] and an extraordinary event contributed to haſten the execution of his deſign. A woman, in ſtrange at⯑tire, made her appearance at Rome, and came to the king, offering to ſell nine books, which ſhe ſaid were of her own compoſing. Not knowing the abilities of the ſeller, or that ſhe was, in fact, one of the celebrated ſybils, whoſe prophecies were never found to fail, Tarquin refuſed to buy them. Upon this ſhe departed, and burning three of her books, returned again, demanding the ſame price for the ſix remaining. Being once more deſpiſed as an im⯑poſtor, ſhe again departed, and burning three more, ſhe returned with thoſe remaining, ſtill aſking the ſame price as at firſt. Tarquin, ſurpriſed at the inconſiſtency of her behaviour, conſulted the augurs, to adviſe him what to do. Theſe much blamed him for not buying the nine, and commanded him to buy the three remaining, at whatſoever price they were to be had. The woman, ſays the hiſtorian, after thus ſelling and delivering the three prophetic volumes, and adviſing him to have a ſpecial attention to what they contained, vaniſhed from before him, and was never ſeen after. Upon this he choſe pro⯑per perſons to keep them, who, though but two at firſt, were afterwards encreaſed to fifteen, under the name of quindecemviri. They were put into a ſtone cheſt, and a vault in the newly-deſigned building was thought the propereſt place to lodge them in ſafety. The people having been now for four years together employed in building the capitol, began, at laſt, to wiſh for ſomething new to engage them; wherefore Tarquin, to ſatisfy their wiſhes, proclaim⯑ed war againſt the Rutuli, upon a frivolous pretence of their having entertained ſome malefactors whom he had baniſhed, and inveſted their chief city Ardea, which lay about ſixteen miles from Rome. While the army was encamped before this place, the king's ſon Sextus, with Collatinus a noble Roman, and [23] ſome others, ſat in a tent drinking together: the diſ⯑courſe happening to turn upon the beauty and virtue of their wives, each man praiſing his own, Collati⯑nus offered to decide the diſpute, by putting it to an immediate trial, whoſe wife ſhould be found poſſeſſed of the greateſt beauty, and moſt ſedulouſly employed at that very hour. Being heated with wine, the pro⯑poſal was reliſhed by the whole company; and tak⯑ing horſe without delay, they poſted to Rome, tho' the night was already pretty far advanced. There they found Lucretia, the wife of Collatinus, not like the other women of her age, ſpending the time in eaſe and luxury, but ſpinning in the midſt of her maids, and chearfully portioning out their taſks. Her modeſt beauty, and the eaſy reception ſhe gave her huſband and his friends, ſo charmed them all, that they unanimouſly gave her the preference; and Sextus was ſo much inflamed, that nothing but enjoy⯑ment could ſatisfy his paſſion.

For that purpoſe he went from the camp to viſit her privately a few days after, and received the ſame kind reception which he had met with before. As his intentions were not ſuſpected, Lucretia ſate with him at ſupper, and ordered a chamber to be got ready for him in the houſe. Midnight was the time in which this ruffian thought it ſafeſt to put his deſigns in execution. Having found means to convey him⯑ſelf into her chamber, he approached her bed-ſide with a drawn ſword, and rudely laying his hand up⯑on her boſom, threatened her with inſtant death if ſhe offered to reſiſt his paſſion. Lucretia affrighted out of her ſleep, and ſeeing death ſo near, was yet inexorable to his deſire, till being told, that, if ſhe would not yield, he would firſt kill her, and then laying his own ſlave alſo lead by her ſide, he would report, that he had found and killed them both, in the act of adultery. The terror of infamy atchieved what that of death could not obtain; ſhe conſented [24] to his deſire, and the next morning he returned to the camp, exulting in his brutal victory. In the mean time, Lucretia, deteſting the light, and re⯑ſolving not to pardon herſelf for the crime of another, ſent for her huſband Collatinus, and for Spurius, her father, to come to her, as an indelible diſgrace had befallen the family. Theſe inſtantly obeyed the ſummons, bringing with them Valerius, a kinſman of her father's, and Junius Brutus, a reputed idiot, whoſe father Tarquin had murthered, and who had accidentally met the meſſenger by the way. Their arrival only ſerved to encreaſe Lucretia's poignant anguiſh; they found her in a ſtate of ſtedfaſt deſpe⯑ration, and vainly attempted to give her relief. ‘No (ſaid ſhe) never ſhall I find any thing worth living for in this life, after having loſt my honour. You ſee, my Collatinus, a polluted wretch before you; one whoſe perſon has been the ſpoil of another, but whoſe affections were never eſtranged from you. Sextus, under the pretended veil of friend⯑ſhip, has this night forced from me that treaſure which death only can reſtore; but if you have the hearts of men, remember to avenge my cauſe, and let poſterity know, that ſhe who has loſt her virtue, hath only death for her beſt conſolation.’ So ſaying, ſhe drew a poignard from beneath her robe▪ and inſtantly plunging it into her boſom, expired without a groan. The whole company remained for ſome time fixed in ſorrow, pity, and indignation; Spurius and Collatinus, at length gave a vent to their grief in tears; but Brutus drawing the poignard reek⯑ing from Lucretia's wound, and lifting it up towards Heaven, "Be witneſs, ye Gods," he cried, ‘that from this moment I proclaim myſelf the avenger of the chaſte Lucretia's cauſe: from this moment I pro⯑feſs myſelf the enemy of Tarquin, and his luſtful houſe: from henceforth this life, while life continues, ſhall be employed in oppoſition to tyranny; and for [25] the happineſs and freedom of my much loved coun⯑try.’ A new amazement ſeized the hearers, to find him, whom they had hitherto conſidered as an ideot, now appearing in his real character, the friend of juſtice, and of Rome. He told them, that tears and lamentations were unmanly, when vengeance called ſo loud; and delivering the poignard to the reſt, impoſed the ſame oath upon them which he himſelf had juſt taken.

Junius Brutus was the ſon of Marcus Junius, a noble Roman, who was married to the daughter of Tarquinius Priſcus; and for that reaſon, through a motive of jealouſy, was put to death by Tarquin the Proud. This Junius Brutus had received an excel⯑lent education from his father, and had, from nature, ſtrong ſenſe, and an inflexible attachment to virtue; but perceiving that Tarquin had privily murdered his father and his eldeſt brother, he counterfeited him⯑ſelf a fool, in order to eſcape the ſame danger, and thence obtained the ſurname of Brutus. Tarquin thinking his folly real, deſpiſed the man; and hav⯑ing poſſeſſed himſelf of his eſtate, kept him as an ideot in his houſe, merely with a view of making ſport for his children.

Brutus, however, only waited this opportunity to avenge the cauſe of his family. Wherefore, order⯑ing Lucretia's dead body to be brought out to view, and expoſed in the public forum, he enflamed the ardour of the citizens by a diſplay of the horrid tranſ⯑ [...]tion. He obtained a decree of the ſenate, that Tarquin and his family ſhould be for ever baniſhed from Rome, and that it ſhould be capital for any to plead for, or attempt his future return. Thus this monarch, who had now reigned twenty-five years, being expelled his kingdom, went to take refuge with his family at Cira, a little city of Etruria. In the mean time, the Roman army made a truce with the [26] enemy, and Brutus was proclaimed, deliverer of the people.

CHAP. IX. From the baniſhment of Tarquin to the appointment of the firſt dictator. U.C. 245

THE regal power being overthrown, a form of government, nominally republican, was ſubſtituted in its room. The ſenate, however, reſerved by far the greateſt ſhare of the authority to themſelves, and decorated their own body with all the ſpoils of de⯑poſed monarchy. The centuries of the people choſe from among the ſenators, inſtead of a king, two an⯑nual magiſtrates, whom they called conſuls, with power equal to that of the regal, and with the ſame privileges and the ſame enſigns of authority.

Brutus, the deliverer of his country, and Colla⯑tinus, the huſband of Lucretia, were choſen firſt conſuls in Rome.

But this new republic, however, which ſeemed ſo grateful to the people, had like to have been deſtroy⯑ed in its very commencement. A party was formed in Rome in favour of Tarquin. Some young men of the principal families in the ſtate, who had been educated about the king, and had ſhared in all the luxuries and pleaſures of the court, undertook to re⯑eſtabliſh monarchy This party ſecretly encreaſe every day; and, what may create our ſurprize, the ſons of Brutus himſelf, and the Aquilii, the nephews of Collatinus, were among the number Tarquin, who was informed of theſe intrigues in his favour, ſent ambaſſadors from Etruria to Rome, under a pre⯑tence of reclaiming the crown; but in reality, with a deſign to give ſpirit to his faction. But the whole [27] conſpiracy was diſcovered by a ſlave who had acci⯑dentally hid himſelf in the room where the conſpira⯑tors uſed to aſſemble. Few ſituations could have been more terribly affecting than that of Brutus, a father, placed as a judge upon the life and death of his own children; impelled by juſtice to condemn, and by nature to ſpare them. The young men accuſed, pleaded nothing for themſelves; but, with conſcious guilt, awaited their ſentence in ſilence and agony. The other judges, who were preſent, felt all the pangs of nature; Collatinus wept, and Valerius could not repreſs his ſentiments of pity. Brutus, alone, ſeemed to have loſt all the ſoftneſs of humani⯑ty, and, with a ſtern countenance and a tone of voice that marked his gloomy reſolution, demanded of his ſons, if they could make any defence to the crimes with which they had been charged. This demand he made three ſeveral times; but receiving no anſwer, he, at length, turned himſelf to the executioner. "Now," cried he, "it is your part to perform the reſt." Thus ſaying, he again reſum⯑ed hi [...] ſ [...]at, with an air of determined majeſty; nor [...]uld all the ſentiments of paternal pity, nor all the in p [...]ing looks of the people, nor yet the com⯑pl [...]n [...] of the young men, who were preparing for [...], alter the tenor of his reſolution. The ex [...]t [...]ners having ſtripped them naked, and then w [...]ped them with rods, preſently after beheaded them; Brutus, all the time, beholding the cruel ſpec⯑ [...]le with a ſteady look and unaltered countenance, w [...] the multitude gazed on with all the ſenſations [...]pl [...]y, te [...]o [...], and admiration.

A [...] Tarquin's hopes of an inſurrection in the city [...] [...]vour being thus overthrown, he was now re⯑ [...]d to force himſelf upon his former throne by ſo⯑ [...] [...]n aſſiſtance, and to that end prevailed upon the Vei [...]ns to aſſiſt him, and with a conſiderable army advanced towards Rome.

[28] U.C. 246 The conſuls were not remiſs in prepara⯑tions to oppoſe him. Valerius commanded the foot, and Brutus being appointed to head the cavalry, went out to meet him on the Roman borders. Aruns, the ſon of Tarquin, who com⯑manded the cavalry for his father, ſeeing Brutus at a diſtance, was reſolved, by one great attempt, to de⯑cide the fate of the day before the engaging of the armies; wherefore ſpurring on his horſe, he made towards him with ungovernable fury. Brutus, who perceived his approach, ſingled out from the ranks to meet him, and both met with ſuch rage, that, eager only to aſſail, and thoughtleſs of defending, they both fell dead upon the field together. A bloody battle enſued, with equal ſlaughter on both ſides; but the Romans remaining in poſſeſſion of the field of battle, claimed the victory; in conſequence, Valerius returned in triumph to Rome.

In the mean time, Tarquin, no way intimidated by his miſfortunes, prevailed upon Porſenna, one of the kings of Etruria, to eſpouſe his cauſe, and in perſon undertake his quarrel. This prince, equally noted for courage and conduct, marched directly to Rome, with a numerous army, and laid ſiege to the city, while the terror of his name and his arms filled all ranks of people with diſmay. The ſiege was car⯑ried on with vigour: a furious attack was made upon the place: the two conſuls oppoſed in vain, and were carried off wounded from the field; while the Romans flying in great conſternation, were purſued by the enemy to the bridge, over which, both victors and vanquiſhed were about to enter the city in the confuſion. All now appeared loſt and over, when Horatius Cocles, who had been placed there as cen⯑tinel to defend it, oppoſed himſelf to the torrent of the enemy, and, aſſiſted only by two more, for ſome time ſuſtained the whole fury of the aſſault, till the bridge was broken down behind him: when he [29] found the communication thus cut off, plunging with his arms into the torrent of the Tyber, he ſwam back victorious to his fellow-ſoldiers, and was re⯑ceived with juſt applauſe.

Still, however, Porſenna was determined upon tak⯑ing the city; and, though five hundred of his men were ſlain in a ſally of the Romans, he reduced it to the greateſt ſtraights, and turning the ſiege into a blockade, reſolved to take it by famine. The diſtreſs of the beſieged ſoon began to be inſufferable, and all things ſeemed to threaten a ſpeedy ſurrender, when another act of fierce bravery, ſtill ſuperior to that which had ſaved the city before, again procured its ſafety and freedom.

Mutius, a youth of undaunted courage, was re⯑ſolved to rid his country of an enemy, that ſo ſorely continued to oppreſs it; and for this purpoſe, diſ⯑guiſed in the habit of an Etrurian peaſant, entered the camp of the enemy, reſolving to die or to kill the king. With this reſolution he made up to the place where Porſenna was paying his troops, with a ſecretary by his ſide; but miſtaking the latter for the king, he ſtabbed him to the heart, and was imme⯑diately apprehended, and brought back into the royal preſence. Upon Porſenna's demanding who he was, and the cauſe of ſo heinous an action, Mu⯑tius, without reſerve, informed him of his country and his deſign, and at the ſame time thruſting his right hand into a fire that was burning upon an altar before him, "You ſee," cried he, ‘how little I regard the ſevereſt puniſhment your cruelty can inflict upon me. A Roman knows not only how to act, but to ſuffer: I am not the only perſon you have to fear, three hundred Roman youth, [...]ke me, have conſpired your deſtruction; there⯑ [...]e, prepare for their attempts.’ Porſenna, a⯑ [...] [...] at to much intrepidity, had too noble a mind [...] [...]knowledge merit though found in an enemy; [30] he, therefore, ordered him to be ſafely conducted back to Rome, and offered the beſieged conditions of peace. Theſe were readily accepted on their ſide; being neither h [...]d nor diſgraceful, except that twen⯑ty hoſtages were demanded; ten young men, and as many virgins, of the be [...]t families in Rome. But even in this inſtance alſo, as if the gentler ſex were reſolved to be ſharers in the deſperate valour of the times, Clelia, one of the hoſtages, eſcaping from her guards, and pointing out the way to the reſt of her female companions, ſwam over the Tyber o [...] horſeback, amidſt ſhowers of darts from the enemy, and preſented herſelf to the conſul. This magiſtrate, fearing the conſequences of detaining her, had her ſent back; upon which, Porſenna, not to be out⯑done in generoſity, not only gave her liberty, but permitted her to chuſe ſuch of the hoſtages, of the oppoſite ſex, as ſhe ſhould think fit to attend her. On her part, ſhe, with all the modeſty of a Roman virgin, choſe only ſuch as were under fourteen, alledging, that their tender age was leaſt capable of ſuſtaining the rigours of ſlavery.

Tarquin, by means of his ſon in-law Manilius, once more ſtirred up the Latins to eſpouſe his inte⯑reſt, and took the moſt conveniant opportunity, when the plebeians were at variance with the ſenators con⯑cerning the payment of their debts. Theſe refuſed to go to war unleſs their debts were remitted upon their return; ſo that the conſuls, finding their autho⯑rity inſufficient, offered the people to elect a tem⯑porary magiſtrate, who ſhould have abſolute power, not only over all ranks of ſtate, but even over the laws themſelves. To this the plebeians reader conſ [...]nts, willing to give up their own power, for [...]e [...] of abridging that of t [...]e [...]r [...]periors. In con⯑ſequence of th [...]s, I [...] giv [...] [...] the firſt Dicta⯑tor of Rome, for ſo [...] of [...]ce called, being nominated to it by his colleague in the conſu [...]ſh [...]. [31] Thus the people, who could not bear to hear the name of king even mentioned, readily ſubmitted to a magiſtrate poſſeſſed of much greater power: ſo much do the names of things miſlead us, and ſo little is any form of government irkſome to people when it concides with their prejudices.

CHAP. X. From the creation of the firſt dictator, to the election of the tribunes of the people. U.C. 255

LARGIUS being now created dictator, entered upon his office, ſurrounded with his lictors and all the enſigns of ancient royalty, and ſeated upon a throne in the midſt of the people, ordered the l [...]vi [...]s to be made, in the manner of the kings of Rome. The populace looked with terror upon a magiſtrate whom they had inveſted with uncontroulable power, and peaceably went each to range himſelf under his reſpec⯑tive ſtandard. Thus going forth to oppoſe the enemy, he returned with his army, and, before his ſix months were exp [...]red, laid down the dictatorſhip, with the re⯑p [...]tation of having exerciſed it with blameleſs lenity.

But, though for this time the people ſubmitted to be led forth, yet they were reſolved, at laſt, to f [...]ee themſelves from the yoke of their ſevere maſters; any though they could not get their complaints re⯑ [...]ſſ [...], yet they determined to fly from thoſe whom they could not move to compaſſion The complaints, t [...] of [...]e, continuing, they reſolved to quit a city [...] ga [...]e them no ſhelter, and to form a new eſta⯑ [...]ſ [...]ment without its limits. They, therefore, un⯑ [...] the conduct of a plebeian named Sicinius Bellu⯑ [...] ▪ [...]e [...]red to a mountain, from thence called the [...], on the banks of the river Anio, within a [...]inte [...] miles f [...]om Home.

[...] the news of this defection, the city was [...] with tumult and conſternation; thoſe who [32] wiſhed well to the army made all the attempts they could to ſcale the walls, in order to join it. The ſe⯑nate was not leſs agitated than the reſt: ſome were for violent meaſures, and repelling force by force; others were of opinion, that gentler arts were to be uſed, and that even a victory over ſuch enemies, would be worſe than a defeat. At length, therefore, it was reſolved to ſend a meſſenger, entreating the army to return home and declare their grievances, promiſing at the ſame time, an oblivion of all that had paſſed.

This meſſage not ſucceeding, Menenius Agrippa, one of the wiſeſt and beſt of the ſenators; was of opi⯑nion, that the people were to be complied with.

It was reſolved, therefore, to enter into a treaty with the people, and to make them ſuch offers as ſhould induce them to return. Ten commiſſioners were accordingly deputed, at the head of whom were Largius and Valerius, who had been dictators, and Menenius Agrippa, equally loved by the ſenate and the people. The dignity and the popularity of theſe ambaſſadors procured them a very reſpectable recep⯑tion among the ſoldiers, and a long conference be⯑gan between them. Largius and Valerius employed all their oratory on the one hand; while Sicinius and Lucius Junius, who were the ſpokeſmen of the ſoldiery, aggravated their diſtreſſes, with all that maſculine eloquence which is the child of nature. The conference had now continued for a long time, when Menenius Agrippa, who had been originally a plebeian himſelf, a ſhrewd man, and who, conſe⯑quently, knew what kind of eloquence was moſt likely to pleaſe the people, addreſſed them with that celebrated fable, which is ſo finely told us by Livy. "In times of old, when every part of the body could think for itſelf, and each had a ſeparate will of its own, they all, with common conſent, reſolved to revolt againſt the belly: they knew no reaſon, they ſaid, why they ſhould toil from morning till night in [33] its ſervice, while the belly, in the mean time, lay at its eaſe in the midſt of them all, and indolently grew fat upon their labours: accordingly, one and all, they agreed to befriend it no more. The feet vowed they would carry it no longer; the hands vowed they would feed it no longer; and the teeth averred they would not chew a morſel of meat, though it were placed between them. Thus reſolved, they all, for ſome time, ſhewed their ſpirit, and kept their word; but ſoon they found, that, inſtead of mortify⯑ing the belly by theſe means, they only undid them⯑ſelves; they languiſhed for a while, and perceived, when too late, that it was owing to the belly, that they had ſtrength to work or courage to mutiny."

This fable, the application of which is obvious, had an inſtantaneous effect upon the people. They unanimouſly cried out, that Agrippa ſhould lead them back to Rome; and were making preparations to follow him, when Lucius Junius, before-men⯑tioned, with-held them; alledging, that, though they were gratefully to acknowledge the kind offers of the ſenate, yet they had no ſafe-guard for the fu⯑ture againſt their reſentment; that, therefore, it was neceſſary for the ſecurity of the people, to have cer⯑tain officers created annually from among themſelves, who ſhould have power to give ſuch of them as ſhould be injured, redreſs, and plead the cauſe of the community.

The people, who are ever of opinion with the laſt ſpeaker, highly applauded this propoſal, which yet the commiſſioners had not power to comply with; they, therefore, ſent to Rome to take the inſtructions of the ſenate; who, worried with diviſions among themſelves, and harraſſed by complaints from with⯑out, were reſolved to have peace, at whatſoever price it ſhould be obtained; accordingly, as if with one [...]ce, they conſented to the creation of their new [...]lvers, who were called Tribunes of the People, [34] Appius alone proteſting with vehemence againſt the meaſure.

The tribunes of the people were at firſt five in number, though afterwards their body was encreaſed by five more. They were always annually elected by the people, and almoſt always from their body. They at firſt had their ſeats placed before the doors of the ſenate-houſe, and being called in they were to examine every decree, annulling it by the word veto, I forbid it; or confirming it by ſigning the let⯑ter T, which gave it its validity. This new office being thus inſtituted, Sicinius Bellutus, Lucius Ju⯑nius, Caius Licinius, Albinus, and Icilius Ruga were the firſt tribunes choſen by the ſuffrages of the people The ſenate alſo made an edict confirming the abolition of debts: and now all things being ad⯑juſted both on the one ſide and the other, the peo⯑ple, after having ſacrificed to the Gods of the moun⯑tain, returned back once more in triumph to Rome.

CHAP. XI. From the creation of the tribunes to the appointment of the decemviri. U.C. 260

DURING the late ſeparation, all tillage had been entirely neglected, and a famine was the conſe⯑quence the enſuing ſeaſon. The ſenate did all that lay in their power to remedy the diſtreſs; but the people, pinched with want, and willing to throw the blame on any but themſelves, aſcribed the whole of their diſtreſs, to the avarice of the patricians; who having purchaſed all the corn, as was alledged, intended to indemnify themſelves for the abolition of debts, by ſelling it out to great advantage. But abundance, ſoon after, appeaſed them for a time. A large fleet of ſhips laden with corn from Sicily (a [35] great part of which was a preſent from Gelon, the king of that country, to the Romans, and the reſt purchaſed by the ſenate with the public money) raiſ⯑ed their ſpirits once more.

But Coriolanus incurred their reſentment, by in⯑ſiſting that it ſhould not be diſtributed till the griev⯑ances of the ſenate were removed. For this, the tri⯑bunes ſummoned him to a trial before the people.

When the appointed day was come, all perſons were filled with the greateſt expectations, and a vaſt concourſe from the adjacent country aſſembled and filled up the Forum. Coriolanus, upon this, preſent⯑ed himſelf before the people, with a degree of intre⯑pidity that merited better fortune. His graceful per⯑ſon, his perſuaſive eloquence, the cries of thoſe whom he had ſaved from the enemy, inclined the auditors to relent. But, being unable to anſwer what was alledged againſt him to the ſatisfaction of the people, and utterly confounded with a new charge, of having embezzled the plunder of Antium, the tribunes immediately took the votes, and Coriola⯑nus was condemned to perpetual ex [...]le.

This ſentence againſt their braveſt defender, ſtruck the whole body of the ſenate with ſorrow, conſterna⯑tion, and regret. Coriolanus alone, in the midſt of the tumult, ſeemed an unconcerned ſpectator. He returned home, followed by the lamentations of hun⯑dreds of the moſt reſpectable ſenators and citizens of Rome, to take a laſting leave of his wife, his chil⯑dren, and his mother Veturia. Thus recommend⯑ing his little children to their care, and all to the care of Heaven, he left the city, without followers or fortune, to take refuge with Tullus Attius, a man of great power among the Volſcians, who took him under his protection, and eſpouſed his quarrel.

The firſt thing to be done, was to induce the Volſci to break the league which had been made with Rome; and for this purpoſe Tullus ſent many [36] of his citizens thither, in order to ſee ſome games at that time celebrating; but in the mean time gave the ſenate private information, that the ſtrangers had dangerous intentions of burning the city. This had the deſired effect; the ſenate iſſued an order, that all ſtrangers, whoever they were, ſhould depart from Rome before ſun-ſet. This order Tullus repreſented to his countrymen, as an infraction of the treaty, and procured an embaſſy to Rome, complaining of the breach, and redemanding all the territories be⯑longing to the Volſcians, of which they had been violently diſpoſſeſſed; declaring war in caſe of a re⯑fuſal: but this meſſage was treated by the ſenate with contempt.

War being thus declared on both ſides, Coriola⯑nus and Tullus were made generals of the Volſcians, and accordingly invaded the Roman territories, ra⯑vaging and laying waſte all ſuch lands as belonged to the plebeians, but letting thoſe of the ſenators re⯑main untouched. In the mean time, the levies went on but ſlowly at Rome; the two conſuls, who were re-elected by the people, ſeemed but little ſkilled in war, and even feared to encounter a gene⯑ral, whom they knew to be their ſuperior in the field. The allies alſo ſhewed their fears, and ſlowly b [...]ought in their ſuccours; ſo that Coriolanus con⯑tinued to take their towns one after the other. For⯑tune followed him in every expedition, and he was now ſo famous for his victories, that the Volſci left their towns deſenceleſs, to follow him into the field. The v [...]ry ſoldiers of his colleague's army came over to him, and would acknowledge no other general. Thus find⯑ [...]g himſelf unoppoſed in the field, and at the head of [...] [...]me us army, he at length inveſted the city of Rome itſelf, fully reſolved to beſiege it. It was then that the ſenate and the people unanimouſly agreed to ſend deputies to him with propoſals of reſtoration, in caſ [...] he ſhould draw off his army. Coriolanus re⯑ceived [37] their propoſals at the head of his principal of⯑ficers, and, with the ſternneſs of a general that was to give the law, refuſed their offers.

Another embaſſy was now ſent forth, conjuring him not to exact from his native city, aught but what became Romans to grant. Coriolanus, however, naturally inflexible and ſevere, ſtill perſiſted in his former demands, and granted them but three days, in which to finiſh their deliberations. In this exi⯑gence, all that was left, was another deputation ſtill more ſolemn than either of the former, compoſed of the pontiffs, the prieſts, and the augurs. Theſe, cloathed in their habits of ceremony, and with a grave and mournful deportment, iſſued from the city, and entered the camp of the conqueror: but all in vain, they found him ſevere and inflexible as before.

When the people ſaw them return ineffectually, they began to give up the commonwealth as loſt. Their temples were filled with old men, with women and children, who, proſtrate at their altars, put up their ardent prayers for the preſervation of their country. Nothing was to be heard but anguiſh and lamentation, nothing to be ſeen but ſcenes of affright and diſtreſs. At length, it was ſuggeſted to them, that what could not be effected by the interceſſion of the ſenate, or the adjuration of the prieſts, might be brought about by the tears of his wife, or the com⯑mands of his mother. This deputation ſeemed to be reliſhed by all, and even the ſenate itſelf gave it the ſanction of their authority. Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus, at firſt made ſome heſitation to under⯑take ſo pious a work, knowing the inflexible temper of her ſon, and fearing only to ſhew his diſobedience in a new point of light, by rejecting the commands of a parent: however, ſhe, at laſt undertook the em⯑baſſy, and ſet forward from the city, accompanied by many of the principal matrons of Rome, with [38] Volumnia his wife, and his two children. Coriola⯑nus, who at a diſtance diſcovered this mournful train of females, was reſolved to give them a denial, and called his officers round him, to be witneſſes of his reſolution: but, when told that his mother and his wife were among the number, he inſtantly came down from his tribunal, to meet and embrace them. At firſt, the women's tears and embraces took away the power of words, and the rough ſoldier himſelf, hard as he was, could not refrain from ſharing in their diſtreſs. Coriolanus, now ſeemed much agi⯑tated by contending paſſions; while his mother, who ſaw him moved, ſeconded her words by the moſt per⯑ſuaſive eloquence, her tears: his wife and children hung round him, entreating for protection and pity; while the fair train, her companions, added their la⯑mentations, and deplored their own and their coun⯑try's diſtreſs. Coriolanus, for a moment, was ſilent, feeling the ſtrong conflict between honour and incli⯑nation; at length, as if rouzed from his dream, he flew to take up his mother, who had fallen at his feet, crying out, ‘O my mother, thou haſt ſaved Rome, but loſt thy ſon.’ He accordingly gave orders to draw off the army, pretending to the officers, that the city was too ſtrong to be taken. Tullus, who had long envied his glory, was not re⯑miſs in aggravating the lenity of his conduct to his countrymen. Upon their return, Coriolanus was ſlain in an inſurrection of the people, and afterwards honourably buried, with late and ineffectual re⯑pentance.

Great and many were the public rejoicings at Rome, upon the retreat of the Volſcian army: but they were clouded ſoon after by the intrigues of Spu⯑rius Caſſius, who wanting to make himſelf deſpotic by means of the people, was found guilty of a num⯑ber of crimes, all tending towards altering the con⯑ſtitution, and was thrown head-long from the Tar⯑peian [39] rock, by thoſe very people whoſe intereſts he had endeavoured to extend.

The year following, the two conſuls of the former year, Manlius and Fabius, were cited by the tri⯑bunes to appear before the people. The Agrarian law, which had been propoſed ſome time before, for equally dividing the lands of the common⯑wealth among the people, was the object invariably purſued, and they were accuſed of having made un⯑juſtifiable delays in putting it off.

It ſeems, the Agrarian law was a grant the ſenate could not think of giving up to the people. The conſuls, therefore, made many delays and excuſes, till at length they were once more obliged to have re⯑courſe to a dictator, and they fixed upon Quintus Cincinnatus, a man who had, for ſome time, given up all views of ambition, and retired to his little farm, where the deputies of the ſenate found him holding the plow, and dreſſed in the mean attire of a labouring huſband-man. He appeared but little elevated with the addreſſes of ceremony, and the pom⯑pous habits they brought him; and, upon declaring to him the ſenate's pleaſure, he teſtified rather a con⯑cern that his aid ſhould be wanted: he naturally pre⯑ferred the charms of a country retirement, to the fa⯑tiguing ſplendors of office, and only ſaid to his wife, as they were leading him away, ‘I fear, my At⯑tillia, that for this year, our little fields muſt re⯑main unſown.’ Thus taking a tender leave, he departed for the city, where both parties were ſtrong⯑ly enflamed againſt each other. However, he was reſolved to ſide with neither; but, by a ſtrict atten⯑tion to the intereſts of his country, inſtead of gaining the confidence of faction, to ſeize the eſteem of all. Thus, by threats, and well-timed ſubmiſſion, he prevailed upon the tribunes to put off their law for a time, and carried himſelf ſo as to be a terror to the multitude, whenever they refuſed to enliſt; and [40] their greateſt encourager whenever their ſubmiſſion deſerved it. Thus having reſtored that tranquility to the people, which he ſo much loved himſelf, he again gave up the ſplendors of ambition, to enjoy it with a greater reliſh in his little farm.

U.C. 295 Cincinnatus was not long retired from his office, when a freſh exigence of the ſtate once more required his aſſiſtance; the Aequi and the Volſci, who, though ſtill worſted, ſtill were for renewing the war, made new inroads into the ter⯑ritories of Rome. Minutius, one of the conſuls who ſucceeded Cincinnatus, was ſent to oppoſe them; but being naturally timid, and rather more afraid or being conquered than deſirous of victory, his army was driven into a defile between two mountains, from which, except through the enemy, there was no egreſs. This, however, the Aequi had the pre⯑caution to fortify, by which the Roman army was ſo hemmed in on every ſide, that nothing remained but ſubmiſſion to the enemy, famine, or immediate death. Some knights who found means of getting away privately through the enemy's camp, were the firſt that brought the account of this diſaſter to Rome. Nothing could exceed the conſternation of all ranks of people when informed of it; the ſenate, at firſt, thought of the other conſul; but not having ſufficient experience of his abilities, they unanimouſ⯑ly turned their eyes upon Cincinnatus, and reſolved to make him dictator. Cincinnatus, the only per⯑ſon on whom Rome could now place her whole de⯑pendence, was found, as before, by the meſſengers of the ſenate, labouring in his little field, with chear⯑ful induſtry. He was at firſt aſtoniſhed at the en⯑ſigns of unbounded power, with which the deputies came to inveſt him; but ſtill more at the approach of the principal of the ſenate, who came out to meet him. A dignity ſo unlooked for, however, had no effect upon the ſimplicity or the integrity of his man⯑ners: [41] and being now poſſeſſed of abſolute power, and called upon to nominate his maſter of the horſe, he choſe a poor man named Tarquitius, one who, like himſelf, deſpiſed riches when they led to diſ⯑honour. Thus the ſaving a great nation was devolved upon an huſbandman, taken from the plough, and an obſcure centinel found among the dregs of the army. Upon entering the city, the dic⯑tator put on a ſerene look, and entreated all thoſe who were able to bear arms, to repair before ſun-ſet to the Campus Martius (the place where the levies were made) with neceſſary arms, and proviſions for five days. He put himſelf at the head of theſe, and marching all night with great expedition, he arrived before day, within ſight of the enemy. Upon his approach, he ordered his ſoldiers to raiſe a loud ſhout, to apprize the conſul's army of the relief that was at hand. The Aequi were not a little amazed, when they ſaw themſelves between two enemies, but ſtill more when they perceived Cincinnatus making the ſtrongeſt entrenchments beyond them, to prevent their eſcape, and encloſing them as they had encloſ⯑ed the conſul. To prevent this, a furious combat enſued; but the Aequi being attacked on both ſides, and unable to reſiſt or fly, begged a ceſſation of arms. They offered the dictator his own terms: he take them their lives; but obliged them, in token of ſervitude, to paſs under the yoke, which was two ſpears ſet upright, and another acroſs in the form of [...] callows, beneath which the vanquiſhed were to march. Their captains and generals he made pri⯑ſoners of war, being reſerved to adorn his triumph. As for the plunder of the enemies camp, that he has entirely up to his own ſoldiers, without reſerving any part for himſelf, or permitting thoſe of the deli⯑ [...]ered army to have a ſhare. Thus, having reſcued [...] Roman army from inevitable deſtruction, having [...]ſtated a powerful enemy, having taken and for⯑tified [42] their city, and, ſtill more, having refuſed an [...] part of the ſpoil, he reſigned his dictatorſhip, afte [...] having enjoyed it but fourteen days. The ſenate would have enriched him, but he declined thei [...] proffers, chuſing to retire once more to his farm and his cottage, content with temperance and fame.

But this repoſe from foreign invaſion did not leſſe [...] the tumults of the city within. The clamours fo [...] the Agrarian law ſtill continued, and ſtill mor [...] fiercely, when Siccius Dentatus, a plebeian, ad⯑vanced in years, but of an admirable perſon and mi⯑litary deportment, came forward to enumerate his hardſhips and his merits. This old ſoldier made no ſcruple of extolling the various atchievements of hi [...] youth, but indeed his merits ſupported oſtentation▪ He had ſerved his country in the wars forty years he had been an officer thirty, firſt a centurion, and then a tribune; he had fought one hundred and twenty battles; in which, by the force of his ſingle arm, he had ſaved a multitude of lives: he had gain⯑ed fourteen civic, three mural, and eight golden crowns, beſides eighty-three chains, ſixty bracelets, eighteen gilt ſpears, and twenty-three horſe-trap⯑pings, whereof nine were for killing the enemy in ſingle combat: moreover, he had received forty-five wounds, all before, and none behind. Theſe were his honours; yet, notwithſtanding all this, he had never received any ſhare of thoſe lands which were won from the enemy; but continued to draw on a life of poverty and contempt, while others were poſ⯑ſeſt of thoſe very territories which his valour had won, without any merit to deſerve them, or ever having contributed to the conqueſt. A caſe of ſo much hardſhip had a ſtrong effect upon the multi⯑tude; they unanimouſly demanded, that the law might be paſſed, and that ſuch merit ſhould not go unrewarded. It was in vain that ſome of the ſena⯑tors roſe up to ſpeak againſt it, their voices were [43] drowned by the cries of the people. When reaſon, therefore, could no longer be heard, paſſion, as uſual, ſucceeded; and the young patricians running furiouſly into the throng, broke the balloting urns, and diſperſed the multitude that offered to oppoſe them. For this they were ſome time after fined by the tribunes, but their reſolution, nevertheleſs, for the preſent put off the Agrarian law.

CHAP. XII. From the creation of the Decemviri to the extinction of that office. U.C. 302

THE commonwealth of Rome had now for near ſixty years been fluctuating between the contending orders that compoſed it, till at length, each ſide, as if weary, were willing to reſpire a while from the mutual exertions of their claims. The citizens, now, therefore, of every rank, began to complain of the arbitrary deciſions of their magiſtrates, and wiſh⯑ed to be guided by a written body of laws, which being known, might prevent wrongs as well as pu⯑niſh them. In this, both the ſenate and the people concurred, as hoping that ſuch laws would put an end to the commotions that ſo long had harraſſed the ſtate. It was thereupon agreed, that ambaſſadors ſhould be ſent to the Greek cities in Italy, and to Athens, to bring home ſuch laws from thence, as by experience had been found moſt equitable and uſeful. For this purpoſe, three ſenators, Poſthumius, Sulpi⯑cius, and Manlius, were fixed upon, and gallies aſ⯑ſ [...]gned to convoy them, agreeable to the majeſty of the R [...]man people. While they were upon this c [...]mmiſſion abroad, a dreadful plague depopulated the city at Rome, and ſupplied the interval of their [...]o [...]n [...] with other anxiety than that of wiſhes for [44] their return. In about a year the plague ceaſed, an [...] the ambaſſadors returned, bringing home a body o [...] laws, collected from the moſt civilized ſtates of Greece and Italy, which being afterwards formed in⯑to ten tables, and two more being added, made that celebrated code, called the laws of the Twelve Tables many fragments of which remain to this day.

The ambaſſadors were no ſooner returned, than the tribunes required, that a body of men ſhould be choſen to digeſt their new laws into proper form, and to give weight to the execution of them. After long debates whether this choice ſhould not be partly made from the people as well as the patricians, it was at laſt agreed that ten of the principal ſenators ſhould be elected, whoſe power continuing for a year, ſhould be equal to that of kings and conſuls, and that without any appeal. The perſons choſen were, Appius and Genutius, who had been elected conſuls for the enſuing year; Poſthumius, Sulpicius, and Manlius, the three ambaſſadors; Sextus and Romu⯑lus, former conſuls; with Julius, Veturius, and Ho⯑ratius, ſenators of the firſt conſideration. Thus the whole conſtitution of the ſtate at once took a new form, and a dreadful experiment was going to be tri⯑ed, of governing one nation, by laws formed from the manners and cuſtoms of another.

The decemviri being now inveſted with abſolute power, agreed to take the reins of government by turns, and that each ſhould diſpenſe juſtice for a day.

Theſe magiſtrates, for the firſt year, wrought with extreme application: and their work being finiſhed, it was expected that they would be contented to give up their offices; but having known the charms of power, they were now unwilling to reſign it: they therefore pretended that ſome laws were yet wanting to complete their deſign, and entreated the ſenate for a continuance of their offices; to which that body aſſented.

[45]But they ſoon threw off the maſk of moderation, and, regardleſs either of the approbation of the ſenate or the people, reſolved to continue themſelves, againſt all order, in the decemvirate. A conduct ſo notorious produced diſcontents, and theſe were as ſure to produce freſh acts of tyranny. The city was become almoſt a deſert, with reſpect to all who had any thing to loſe, and the decemvirs rapacity was then only diſcontinued, when they wanted freſh ob⯑jects to exerciſe it upon. In this ſtate of ſlavery, pro⯑ſcription, and mutual diſtruſt, not one citizen was found to ſtrike for his country's freedom; theſe tyrants continued to rule without control, being conſtantly guarded, not with their lictors alone, but a numerous c [...]owd of dependents, clients, and even patricians, whom their vices had confederated round them.

In this gloomy ſituation of the ſtate, the Aequi and Volſci, thoſe conſtant enemies of the Romans, un⯑dertook their incurſions, reſolved to profit by the in⯑teſtine diviſions of the people, and advanced within about ten miles of Rome.

But the decemviri being put in poſſeſſion of all the military as well as of the civil power, divided their army into three parts; whereof one continued with Appius in the city, to keep it in awe; the other two were commanded by his colleagues, and were led, one againſt the Aequi, and the other againſt the Sa⯑bines. The Roman ſoldiers had now got into a me⯑thod of puniſhing the generals whom they diſliked, by ſuffering themſelves to be vanquiſhed in the field. They put it in practice upon this occaſion, and ſhamefully abandoned their camp upon the approach of the enemy. Never was the news of a victory more joyfully received at Rome, than the tidings of this defeat; the generals, as is always the caſe, were blamed for the treachery of their men; ſome demand⯑ed that they ſhould be depoſed, others cried out for a dictator to lead the troops to conqueſt; but among [46] the reſt, old Siccius Dentatus, the tribune, ſpoke his ſentiments with his uſual openneſs; and treating the generals with contempt, ſhewed all the faults of their diſcipline in the camp, and their conduct in the field. Appius, in the mean time, was not remiſs in obſerving the diſpoſition of the people. Dentatus in particular was marked out for vengeance, and, under pretence of doing him particular honour, he was ap⯑pointed legate, and put at the head of the ſupplies which were ſent from Rome, to reinforce the army. The office of legate was held ſacred among the Ro⯑mans, as in it were united the authority of a general, with the reverence due to the prieſthood. Dentatus, no way ſuſpecting his deſign, went to the camp with alacrity, where he was received with all the external marks of reſpect. But the generals ſoon found means of indulging their deſire of revenge. He was ap⯑pointed at the head of an hundred men to go and exa⯑mine a more commodious place for encampment, as he had very candidly aſſured the commanders, that their preſent ſituation was wrong. The ſoldiers however, who were given as his attendants, were aſſaſſins; wretches who had [...]ong been miniſters of the vengeance of the decemviri, and who now engag⯑ed to murder him, though with all thoſe apprehen⯑ſions, which his reputation, as he was called the Ro⯑man Achilles, might be ſuppoſed to inſpire. With theſe deſigns they led him fr [...]m the way into the be⯑low boſom of a retired mountain, where they began to ſet upon him from behind. Dentatus now too late perceived the treachery of the decemviri, and was reſolved to fell his life as dearly as he could; he therefore put his back to a rock, and defended him⯑ſelf againſt thoſe who preſſed moſt cloſely. Though now grown old, he had [...]i [...]l the remains of his for⯑mer valour, and killed no leſs than fifteen of the aſ⯑ſailants, and wounded thirty with his own hand. The aſſaſſins now therefore, terrified at his amazing [47] bravery, ſhowered in their javelins upon him at a diſtance, all which he received in his ſhield with undaunted reſolution. The combat, though ſo un⯑equal in numbers, was managed for ſome time with doubtful ſucceſs, till at length his aſſailants be⯑thought themſelves of aſcending the rock, againſt which he ſtood, and thus poured down ſtones upon him from above. This ſucceeded; the old ſoldier fell beneath their united efforts, after having ſhewn by his death, that he owed it to his fortitude, and not his fortune, that he had come off ſo many times victorious. The decemviri pretended to join in the general ſorrow for ſo brave a man, and decreed him a funeral with the firſt military honours: but the greatneſs of their apparent diſtreſs, compared with their known hatred, only rendered them ſtill more deteſtable to the people.

But a tranſaction ſtill more attrocious [...]han the for⯑mer, ſerved to inſpire the citizens with a reſolution to break a [...]l meaſures of obedience, and at laſt to reſtore freedom Appius, who ſtill remained at Rome, fitting one day on his tribunal to diſpenſe juſtice, ſaw a maiden of exquiſite beauty, and aged about fifteen, paſſing to one of the public ſchools, attended by a matron, her n [...]rſe. The charms of this damſel, heightened by all the innocence of virgin modeſty, caught his attention, and fired his heart. The day following, as ſhe pa [...]t, he found her ſtill more beautiful than be⯑f [...]re, and his breaſt ſtill more enflamed. He now [...]e [...]e [...]re reſolved to obtain the gratification of his paſſion, [...]hatever ſhould be the conſequence, and [...]nd means to inform himſelf of the virgin's name and family. Her name was Virginia She was the daughter of Virginius, a centurion, then with the army in the field, and had been contracted to Icilius, for [...]erly a tribune of the people, who had agreed to marry her at the end of the preſent campaign Appius, at firſt, reſolved to break this match, and to eſpouſe [48] her himſelf; but the laws of the Twelve Tables had forbidden the patricians to intermarry with the ple⯑beians, and he could not infringe theſe, as he was the enactor of them. Nothing therefore remained but a criminal enjoyment, which, as he was long uſed to the indulgence of his paſſions, he reſolved to obtain. After having vainly tried to corrupt the fide⯑lity of her nurſe, he had recourſe to another expe⯑dient, ſtill more guilty. He pitched upon one Clau⯑dius, who had long been the miniſter of his pleaſures, to aſſert the beautiful maid was his ſlave, and to refer the cauſe to his tribunal for deciſion. Claudius be⯑haved exactly according to his inſtructions, for en⯑tering into the ſchool, where Virginia was playing among her female companions, he ſeized upon her as his property, and was going to drag her away by force, but was prevented by the people drawn to⯑gether by her cries. At length, after the firſt heat of oppoſition was over, he led the weeping virgin to the tribunal of Appius, and there plauſibly expoſed his pretenſions. He aſſerted that ſhe was born in his houſe, of a female ſlave, who ſold her to the wife of Virginius, who had been barren. That he had ſeveral credible evidences to prove the truth of what he ſaid; but that, until they could come to⯑gether, it was but reaſonable, the ſlave ſhould be delivered into his cuſtody, being her proper maſter. Appius ſeemed to be ſtruck with the juſtice of his claims; he obſerved, that if the reputed father him⯑ſelf were preſent, he might indeed be willing to de⯑lay the delivery of the maiden for ſome time, but that it was not lawful for him, in the preſent caſe, to detain her from her lawful maſter. He therefore ad⯑judged her to Claudius, as his ſlave, to be kept by him till Virginius ſhould be able to prove his pater⯑nity. This ſentence was received with loud clam⯑ours and reproaches by the multitude; the women in particular came round the innocent Virginia, as [49] if willing to protect her from the judge's fury; while Icilius, her lover, boldly oppoſed the decree, and obliged Claudius to take refuge under the tribunal of the decemvir. All things now threatened an open inſurrection, when Appius, fearing the event, thought proper to ſuſpend his judgment till the arrival of Virginius, who was then about a eleven miles from Rome, with the army. The day following was fix⯑ed for the trial; and, in the mean time, Appius ſent letters to the generals to confine Virginius, as his arrival in town might only ſerve to kindle ſedition among the people. Theſe letters, however, were intercepted by the centurion's friends, who ſent him [...] a [...]il and relation of the deſign laid againſt the li⯑ [...]y and the honour of his only daughter. Virgi⯑ [...] upon this, pretending the death of a near rela⯑tion got permiſſion to leave the camp, and flew to Rome, inſpired with indignation and revenge. Ac⯑cordingly, the next day he appeared before the tri⯑bun [...] to the aſtoniſhment of Appius, leading his weeping daughter by the hand, both habited in the deepe [...]t mourning. Claudius, the accuſer, was alſo there, and began by making his demand. Virgini⯑us next ſpoke in turn; he repreſented that his wife had many children; that ſhe had been ſeen pregnant by numbers; that, if he had intentions of adopting a ſuppoſitious child, he would have fixed upon a boy rather than a girl; that it was notorious to all, that [...] wife had herſelf ſuckled her own child; and that it was ſurprizing ſuch a claim ſhould be now re⯑vived, after a fifteen years diſcontinuance. While the father ſpoke this with a ſtern air, Virginia ſtood trembling by, and, with looks of perſuaſive inno⯑cence, added weight to all his remonſtrances. The people ſeemed entirely ſatisfied of the hardſhip of his [...]aſe, till Appius, fearing what he ſaid might have dan⯑gerous effects upon the multitude, interrupted him, under a pretence of being ſufficiently inſtructed in the [50] merits of the cauſe. "Yes," ſays he, ‘my con⯑ſcience obliges me to declare, that I myſelf am a witneſs to the truth of the depoſition of Claudius. Moſt of this aſſembly know that I was left guar⯑dian to this youth, and I was very early apprized, that he had a right to this young woman; but the affairs of the public, and the diſſenſions of the people, then prevented my doing him juſtice. However, it is not now too late; and, by the power veſted in me for the public good, I adjudge Virginia to be the property of Claudius, the plain⯑tiff. Go, therefore, lictors, diſperſe the multi⯑tude, and make room for a maſter to repoſſeſs himſelf of his ſlave.’ The lictors, in obedience to his command, ſoon drove off the throng that preſſ⯑ed round the tribunal; and now they ſeized upon Virginia, and were delivering her up into the hands of Claudius, when Virginius, who found that all was over, ſeemed to acquieſce in the ſentence. He therefore mildly entreated Appius to be permitted to take a laſt farewell of one whom he had long conſi⯑dered as his child, and, ſo ſatisfied, he would return to his duty with freſh alacrity. With this the decem⯑vir complied, but upon condition that their endear⯑ments ſhould paſs in his preſence. Virginius, with the moſt poignant anguiſh, took his almoſt expiring daughter in his arms, for a while ſupported her head upon his breaſt, and wiped away the tears that rolled down her lovely viſage; and happening to be near the ſhops that ſurrounded the Forum, he ſnatched up a knife that lay on the ſhambles, and addreſſing his daughter. "My deareſt, loſt child," cried he, ‘this this alone can preſerve your honour and your free⯑dom.’ So ſaying, he buried the weapon in he [...] breaſt, and then holding it up, reeking with th [...] blood of his daughter, "Appius," he cried, ‘by this blood of innocence, I devote thy head to th [...] infernal gods.’ Thus ſaying, with the blood [...] [51] knife in his hand, and threatening deſtruction to whomſoever ſhould oppoſe him, he ran through the city, wildly calling upon the people to ſtrike for free⯑dom, and from thence went to the camp, in order to ſpread a like flame through the army.

He no ſooner arrived at the camp, followed by a number of his friends, but he informed the army of all that was done, ſtill holding the bloody knife in his hand. He aſked their pardon, and the pardon of the gods, for having committed ſo raſh an action, but aſcribed it all to the dreadful neceſſity of the times. The army, already prediſpoſed, immediate⯑ly with ſhouts echoed their approbation, and de⯑camping, left their generals behind, to take their ſta⯑tion once more upon mount Aventine, whither they had retired about forty years before. The other army, which had been to oppoſe the Sabines, ſeem⯑ed to feel a like reſentment, and came over in large parties to join them.

Appius, in the mean time, did all he could to quell the diſturbances in the city; but finding the tumult incapable of controul, and perceiving that his mortal enemies, Valerius and Horatius, were the moſt active in oppoſition, at firſt attempted to find ſafety by ſlight; nevertheleſs, being encou⯑r [...]ed by Oppius, who was one of his colleagues, he ventured to aſſemble the ſenate, and urged the puniſh⯑ment of all deſerters. The ſenate, however, were far from giving him the relief he ſought for; they foreſaw the dangers and miſeries that threatened the ſtate, in caſe of oppoſing the incenſed army; they therefore diſpatched meſſengers to them, offering to reſtore their former mode of government. To this propoſal all the people joyfully aſſented, and the army gladly obeying, now returned to the city, if not with the enſigns, at leaſt with the pleaſure, of a triumphant entry. Appius and Oppius, one of his colleagues, both died by their own hands in priſon. [52] The other eight decemvirs went into voluntary exile; and Claudius, the pretended maſter of Virginia, was driven out after them.

In the mean time, theſe inteſtine tumults produc⯑ed weakneſs within the ſtate, and confidence in the enemy abroad. The wars with the Aequi and Volſci ſtill continued, and, as each year ſome trifling advantages were obtained over the Romans, they, at laſt, advanced ſo far, as to make their in⯑curſions to the very walls of Rome. U.C. 319 But no [...] the courage only of the Romans ſeemed dimi⯑niſhed by theſe conteſts, but their other vir⯑tues alſo, particularly their juſtice. About this time the inhabitants of two neighbouring cities, Ardea an [...] Aricia, had a conteſt between themſelves, about ſom [...] lands that had long been claimed by both. A [...] length, being unable to agree, they referred it to th [...] ſenate and the people of Rome The ſenate had ye [...] ſome o [...] the principles of primitive juſtice remaining and refuſed to determine the diſpute. But the peo⯑ple readily undertook the deciſion; and one Scapti⯑us, an old man, declaring, that theſe very lands o [...] right belonged to Rome, they immediately vote themſe [...]ves to be the legal poſſeſſors, and ſent hom [...] the former litigants, thoroughly convinced of thei [...] own folly, and of the Roman injuſtice.

The tribunes now grew more turbulent: they pro⯑poſed two laws; one to permit plebeians to intermar⯑ry with patricians; and the other, to permit them t [...] be admitted to the conſulſhip alſo. The ſenators re⯑ceived theſe propoſals with indignation, and ſeeme [...] reſolved to undergo the utmoſt extremities, rathe [...] than ſubmit to enact them. However, finding the reſiſtance only encreaſe the commotions of the ſtate they, at laſt, conſented to paſs the law concernin [...] marriages, hoping that this conceſſion would ſatisf [...] the people. But they were to be appeaſed but for [...] very ſhort times for returning to their old cuſtom [...] [53] refuſing to enliſt upon the approach of an enemy, the conſuls were forced to hold a private conference with the chief of the ſenate; where, after many debates, Claudius propoſed an expedient, as the moſt proba⯑ble means of ſatisfying the people in the preſent conjuncture. This was, to create ſix or eight gover⯑nors in the room of conſuls, whereof, one half, at leaſt, ſhould be patricians. This project, which was, in fact, granting what the people demanded, pleaſed the whole meeting; and it was agreed, that at the next public meeting of the ſenate, the conſuls ſhould, contrary to their uſual cuſtom, begin by aſk⯑ing the opinion of the youngeſt ſenator. Upon aſ⯑ſembling the ſenate, one of the tribunes accuſed them of holding ſecret meetings, and managing dangerous deſigns againſt the people. The conſuls, on the other hand, averred their innocence; and, to demonſtrate their ſincerity, gave any of the younger members of the houſe leave to propound their opinions. Theſe remaining ſilent, ſuch of the older ſenators as were known to be popular, began by obſerving, that the people ought to be indulged in their requeſt, that none ſo well deſerved power, as thoſe who were moſt inſtrumental in gaining it; and that the city could not be free until all were reduced to perfect equality. Claudius, ſpoke next; and, broke out into bitter in⯑vectives againſt the people; aſſerting, that it was his opinion that the law ſhould not paſs. This produc⯑ed ſome diſturbance among the plebeians; at length, Genutius, propoſed, as had been preconcerted, that ſix governors ſhould be annually choſen, with con⯑ſular authority, three from the ſenate, and three from the people; and that when the time of their magi⯑ſtracy ſhould be expired, then it would be ſeen whe⯑ther they would have the ſame office continued, or whether the conſulſhip ſhould be eſtabliſhed upon its former [...]ooting. This project was eagerly embraced by the people: yet ſo ſickle were the multitude, that [54] though many of the plebeians ſtood, the choice whol⯑ly fell upon the patricians, who offered themſelves as candidates. U.C. 310 Theſe new magiſtrates were called Military Tribunes; they were at firſt but three, afterwards they were encreaſed to four, and at length to ſix. They had the power and enſigns of conſuls, yet that power being divided among a number, each ſingly was of leſs authority. The firſt that were choſen, only continued in office about three months, the augurs having found ſome⯑thing amiſs in the ceremonies of their election.

The military tribunes being depoſed, the conſuls once more came into office; and, in order to lighten the weight of buſineſs which they were obliged to ſuſtain, a new office was erected; namely, that of Cenſors, to be choſen every fifth year. Their buſi⯑neſs was to take an eſtimate of the number and eſtates of the people, and to diſtribute them into their proper claſſes; to inſpect into the lives and manners of their fellow-citizens; to degrade ſenators for miſ⯑conduct; to diſmount knights, and to turn down plebeians from their tribes into an inferior, in caſe of miſdemeanor. The two firſt cenſors were Papirius and Sempronius, both patricians; and from this order they continued to be elected for near an hun⯑dred years.

This new creation ſerved to reſtore peace for ſome time among the orders; and a triumph gained over the Volſcians by Geganius the conſul, added to the uni⯑verſal ſatisfaction that reigned among the people.

This calm, however, was but of ſhort continu⯑ance; U.C. 313 for, ſome time after, a famine preſſing hard upon the poor, the uſual complaints againſt the rich were renewed; and theſe, as before, proving ineffectual, produced new ſeditions. The conſuls were accuſed of neglect, in not having laid in proper quantities of corn; they, however, diſ⯑regarded the murmurs of the populace, content with [55] exerting all their care in attempts to ſupply the preſſ⯑ing neceſſities. But though they did all that could be expected from active magiſtrates, in providing and diſtributing proviſions to the poor; yet Spurius Maeli⯑us, a rich knight, who had purchaſed up all the corn of Tuſcany, by far outſhone them in liberality. This demagogue, enflamed with a ſecret deſire of becom⯑ing powerful by the contentions in the ſtate, diſtri⯑buted corn in great quantities among the poorer ſort each day, till his houſe became the aſylum of all ſuch as wiſhed to exchange a life of labour for one of lazy dependence. When he had thus gained a ſuf⯑ficient number of partizans, he procured large quan⯑tities of arms to be brought into his houſe by night, and formed a conſpiracy, by which he was to obtain the command, while ſome of the tribunes, whom he had found means to corrupt, were to act under him, in ſeizing upon the liberties of his country. Minucius ſoon diſcovered the plot, and informing the ſenate thereof, they immediately formed a reſolution of creating a dictator, who ſhould have the power of quelling the conſpiracy, without appealing to the people. Cincinnatus, who was now eighty years old, was choſen once more to reſcue his country from impending danger. He began by ſummoning Maelius to appear; who refuſed to obey. He next ſent Ahala, the maſter of his horſe, to force him; who meeting him in the Forum, and preſſing Mae⯑lius to follow him to the dictator's tribunal, upon his refuſal, Ahala killed him upon the ſpot. The dicta⯑tor applauded the reſolution of his officer, and com⯑manded the conſpirator's goods to be ſold, and his houſe to be demoliſhed, diſtributing his ſtores among the people.

The tribunes of the people were much enraged at the death of Maelius; and, in order, to puniſh the ſenate at the next election, inſtead of conſuls, inſiſt⯑ed [56] upon reſtoring their military tribunes With this, U.C. 315 the ſenate were obliged to com⯑ply. The next year, however, the govern⯑ment returned to its ancient channel, and conſul were choſen.

The Veians had long been the rivals of Rome▪ they had ever taken the opportunity of its internal diſtreſſes, to ravage its territories, and had even threatened its ambaſſadors, ſent to complain of theſe injuries, with outrage. It ſeemed now therefore de⯑termined, that the city of Veii, whatever it ſhould coſt, was to fall; and the Romans accordingly ſate regularly down before it, prepared for a long and painful reſiſtance. The ſtrength of the place may be inferred from the continuance of the ſiege, which laſted for ten years; during which time, the army continued encamped round it, lying, in winter, un⯑der tents, made of the ſkins of beaſts, and in ſum⯑mer, driving on the operations of the attack. Vari⯑ous was the ſucceſs, and many were the commanders that directed the ſiege; ſometimes all the beſiegers works were deſtroyed, and many of their men cut off by ſallies from the town; ſometimes they were annoyed by an army of Veians, who attempted to bring aſſiſtance from without. A ſiege ſo bloody, ſeemed to threaten depopulation to Rome itſelf, by draining its forces continually away; ſo that a law was obliged to be made, for all the bachelors to marry the widows of the ſoldiers who were ſlain. In order so carry it on with greater vigour, Furius Ca⯑millus was created dictator, and to him was entruſt⯑ed the ſole power of managing the long protracted war. Camillus, who, without intrigue or any ſolli⯑citation, had raiſed himſelf to the firſt eminence in the ſtate, had been made one of the cenſors ſome time before, and was conſidered as the head of that office; he was afterwards made a military tribune, [57] and had in this poſt gained ſeveral advantages over the enemy. It was his great courage and abilities in the above offices, that made him thought moſt worthy to ſerve his country on this preſſing occaſion. Upon his appointment, numbers of the people flocked to his ſtandard, confident of ſucceſs under ſo experi⯑enced a commander. Conſcious, however, that he was unable to take the city by ſtorm, he ſecretly wrought a mine into it, with vaſt labour, which opened into the midſt of the citadel. Certain thus of ſucceſs, and finding the city incapable of relief, he ſent to the ſenate, deſiring, that all who choſe to ſhare in the plunder of Veii, ſhould immediately re⯑pair to the army. Then giving his men directions how to enter at the breach, the city was inſtantly filled with his legions, to the amazement and con⯑ſternation of the beſieged, who, but a moment be⯑fore, had reſted in perfect ſecurity. Thus, like a ſecond Troy, was the city of Veii taken, after a ten years ſiege; and, with its ſpoils enriched the con⯑querors; while Camillus himſelf, tranſported with the honour of having ſubdued the rival of his native [...], triumphed after the manner of the kings of Rome, having his chariot drawn by four milk-white horſes; a diſtinction which did not fail to diſguſt the majority of the ſpectators, as they conſidered thoſe as ſacred, and more proper for doing honour to their g [...]i [...] then their generals.

His uſual good fortune attended Camillus in an⯑other expedition againſt the Faliſci; he routed their army, and beſieged their capital city Falerii, which [...]reatened a long and vigorous reſiſtance. The re⯑ [...]uction of this little place would have been ſcarce w [...]rth mentioning in this ſcanty page, were it not for an action of the Roman general, that has done him more credit with poſterity, than all his other triumphs [...]ed. A ſchool-maſter, who had the care of the [...]ren belonging to the principal men in the city, [58] having found means to decoy them into the Roman camp, offered to put them into the hands of Camil⯑lus, as the ſureſt means of inducing the citizens to a ſpeedy ſurrender. The general was ſtruck with the treachery of a wretch, whoſe duty it was to protect innocence, and not to betray it; he for ſome time regarded the traitor with a ſtern air, but at laſt find⯑ing words, "Execrable villain," cried the noble Ro⯑man, ‘offer thy abominable propoſals to creatures like thyſelf, and not to me; what though we be the enemies of your city, yet there are natural ties that bind all mankind, which ſhould never be broken: there are duties required from us in war, as well as in peace: we fight not againſt an age of innocence, but againſt men; men who have uſed us ill indeed, but yet, whoſe crimes are virtues, when compared to thine. Againſt ſuch baſe arts, let it be my duty to uſe only Roman arts, the arts of valour and of arms.’ So ſaying, he immedi⯑ately ordered him to be ſtript, his hands tied behind him, and, in that ignominious manner, to be whip⯑ped into the town by his own ſcholars. This gene⯑rous behaviour in Camillus effected more than his arms could do; the magiſtrates of the town immedi⯑ately ſubmitted to the ſenate, leaving to Camillus the conditions of their ſurrender, who only fined them a ſum of money to ſatisfy his army, and received them under the protection and into the alliance of Rome.

Notwithſtanding the veneration which the virtues of Camillus had excited abroad, they ſeemed but little adapted to bring over the reſpect of the turbulent tri⯑bunes at home, as they raiſed ſome freſh accuſation againſt him every day. To the charge of being an oppoſer of their intended migration from Rome to Veii, they added that of his having concealed a part of the plunder of that city, particularly two brazen gates, for his own uſe, and appointed him a day, on [59] which to appear before the people. Camillus find⯑ing the multitude exaſperated againſt him upon many accounts, deteſting their ingratitude, reſolved not to await the ignominy of a trial; but, embracing his wife and children, prepared to depart from Rome. He had already paſſed as far as one of the gates, unat⯑tended, on his way, and unlamented. There he could ſuppreſs his indignation no longer, but turn⯑ing his face to the Capitol, and lifting up his hands to Heaven, entreated all the Gods, that his country might one day be ſenſible of their injuſtice and ingra⯑titude; and ſo ſaying, he paſt forward to take refuge at Ardea, a town at a little diſtance from Rome, where he afterwards learned, that he had been fined fifteen hundred aſſes by the tribunes at home.

The tribunes were not a little pleaſed with their triumph over this great man; but they ſoon had rea⯑ſon to repent their injuſtice, and to wiſh for the aſ⯑ſiſtance of one, who alone was able to protect their country from ruin. For now a more terrible and redoubtable enemy began to make its appearance, than the Romans had ever yet encountered. The Gauls, a barbarous nation, had about two centuries before made an irruption from beyond the Alps, and ſettled in the northern parts of Italy. They had been invited over by the deliciouſneſs of the wines, and the ſoftneſs of the climate. Wherever they came, they diſpoſſeſt the original inhabitants, as they were men of ſuperior courage, extraordinary ſtature, fierce in aſpect, barbarous in their manners, and prone to emigration. A body of theſe, wild from their ori⯑ginal habitations, were now beſieging Cluſium, a city of Etruria, under the conduct of Brennus, their king. The inhabitants of Cluſium, frightened at their numbers, and ſtill more at their ſavage appear⯑ance, entreated the aſſiſtance, or, at leaſt, the media⯑tion of the Romans. The ſenate, who had long made it a maxim, never to refuſe ſuccour to the [60] diſtreſſed, were willing, previouſly to ſend ambaſſa⯑dors to the Gauls, to diſſuade them from their enter⯑prize, and to ſhew the injuſtice of the irruption. Ac⯑cordingly, three young ſenators were choſen out of the family of the Fabii, to manage the commiſſion, who ſeemed more fitted for the field than the cabi⯑net. Brennus received them with a degree of com⯑plaiſance, that argued but little of the barbarian; and deſiring to know the buſineſs of their embaſſy, was anſwered according to their inſtructions, that it was not cuſtomary in Italy, to make war, but on juſt grounds of provocation, and that they deſired to know, what offence the citizens of Cluſium had given to the king of the Gauls? To this Brennus ſternly replied, that the rights of valiant men lay in their ſwords; that the Romans themſelves had no right to the many cities they had conquered; and that he had particular reaſons of reſentment againſt the people of Cluſium, as they refuſed to part with thoſe lands, which they had neither hands to till, nor inhabitants to occupy. The Roman ambaſſadors, who were but little uſed to bear the language of a conqueror, for a while diſſembled their reſentment at this haughty re⯑ply; but, upon entering the beſieged city, inſtead of acting as ambaſſadors, and forgetful of their ſacred characters, headed the citizens in a ſally againſt the beſiegers. In this combat, Fabius Ambuſtus killed a Gaul with his own hand, but was diſcovered, while he was diſpoiling him of his armour. A con⯑duct ſo unjuſt and unbecoming, excited the reſent⯑ment of Brennus, who, having made his complaint by an herald to the ſenate, and finding no redreſs, immediately broke up the ſiege, and marched away with his conquering army directly to Rome.

The countries through which the Gauls paſſed, in their rapid progreſs, gave up all hopes of ſafety upon their approach; being terrified at their vaſt numbers, the fierceneſs of their natures, and their dreadful pre⯑paration [61] for war. But the rage and impetuoſity of this wild people were directed only againſt Rome. They went on without doing the leaſt injury in their march, ſtill breathing vengeance only againſt the Romans; and a terrible engagement ſoon after enſu⯑ed, in which the Romans were defeated near the ri⯑ver Allia, with the loſs of near forty thouſand men.

Rome, thus deprived of all ſuccour, prepared for every extremity. The inhabitants endeavoured to hide themſelves in ſome of the neighbouring towns, or reſolved to await the conqueror's fury, and end their lives with the ruin of their native city. But, more particularly, the ancient ſenators, and prieſts, ſtruck with a religious enthuſiaſm, on this occaſion, reſolved to devote their lives to atone for the crimes of the people, and, habited in their robes of ceremo⯑ny, placed themſelves in the Forum, on their ivory chairs. The Gauls, in the mean time, were giving a looſe to their triumph, in ſharing and enjoying the plunder of the enemies camp. Had they immediate⯑ly marched to Rome upon gaining the victory, the Capitol itſelf had been taken; but they continued two days feaſting upon the field of battle, and, with barbarous pleaſure, exulting amidſt their ſlaughter⯑ed enemies. On the third day after the victory, the eaſineſs of which much amazed the Gauls, Brennus appeared with all his forces before the city. He was at firſt much ſurpriſed to find the gates wide open to receive him, and the walls defenceleſs; ſo that he began to impute the unguarded ſituation of the place, to a ſtratagem of the Romans. After proper precau⯑cautions he entered the city, and marching into the Forum, there beheld the ancient ſenators ſitting in their order, obſerving a profound ſilence, unmoved and undaunted. The ſplendid habits, the majeſtic gravity, and the venerable looks of theſe old men, who had all, in their time, borne the higheſt offices of [62] the ſtate, awed the barbarous enemy into reverence▪ they took them to be the tutelar deities of the place, and began to offer blind adoration, till one, more forward than the reſt, put forth his hand to ſtroak the beard of Papyruis; an inſult the noble Roman could not endure, but lifting up his ivory ſcepter, ſtruck the ſavage to the ground. This ſeemed as a ſignal for general ſlaughter. Papyrius fell firſt, and all the reſt ſhared his fate, without mercy or diſtinc⯑tion. Thus the fierce invaders purſued their ſlaugh⯑ter for three days ſucceſſively, ſparing neither ſex nor age, and then ſetting fire to the city, burnt eve⯑ry houſe to the ground.

U.C. 364 All the hopes of Rome were now placed in the Capitol; every thing without that fortreſs, was but an extenſive ſcene of miſery, deſolation, and deſpair. Brennus firſt ſummoned it, with threats, to ſur⯑render, but in vain; he then reſolved to beſiege it in form, and hemmed it round with his army. Never⯑theleſs, the Romans repelled his attempts with great bravery; deſpair had ſupplied them with that perſe⯑verance and vigour, which they ſeemed to want when in proſperity.

In the mean white, Brennus carried on the ſiege with extreme ardour. He hoped, in time, to ſtarve the garriſon into a capitulation; but they, ſenſible of his intent, although they were in actual want, cauſ⯑ed ſeveral loaves to be thrown into his camp, to con⯑vince him of the futility of ſuch expectations. His hopes ſailing in this, were ſoon after revived, when ſome of his ſoldiers came to inform him, that they had diſcovered ſome foot ſteps which led up to the rock, and by which they ſuppoſed the Capitol might be ſurpriſed. Accordingly, a choſen body of his men were ordered by night upon this dangerous ſer⯑vice, which they with great labour and difficulty al⯑moſt effected; they were now got upon the very wall; the Roman centinel was faſt aſleep; their dogs [63] within gave no ſignal, and all promiſed an inſtant victory, when the garriſon was awaked by the gab⯑bling of ſome ſacred geeſe, that had been kept in the temple of Juno. The beſieged ſoon perceived the imminence of their danger, and each ſnatched the weapon he could inſtantly find, ran to oppoſe the aſſailants. Manlius, a patrician of acknowledged bravery, was the firſt who exerted all his ſtrength, and inſpired courage by his example. He boldly mounted the rampart, and, at one effort, threw two Gauls headlong down the precipice: others ſoon came to his aſſiſtance, and the walls were cleared of the enemy, in a ſpace of time ſhorter than that em⯑ployed in the recital.

From this time forward, the hopes of the barbari⯑ans began to decline, and Brennus wiſhed for an op⯑portunity of raiſing the ſiege with credit. His ſol⯑diers had often conferences with the beſieged, while upon duty, and the propoſals for an accommodation were wiſhed for by the common men, before the chiefs thought of a congreſs. At length the com⯑manders on both ſides came to an agreement, that the Gauls ſhould immediately quit the city and territo⯑ries of Rome, upon being paid a thouſand pounds weight of gold. This agreement being confirmed by oath on either ſide, the gold was brought forth, but, upon weighing, the Gauls attempted fraudu⯑lently to kick the beam, of which the Romans com⯑plaining, Brennus inſultingly caſt his ſword and belt into the ſcale, crying out, that the only portion of the vanquiſhed was to ſuffer. By this reply, the Romans ſaw that they were at the victor's mercy; and knew it was in vain to expoſtulate againſt any conditions he ſhould be pleaſed to impoſe. But in this very juncture, and while they were thus debat⯑ing upon the payment, it was told them, that Ca⯑millus, their old general, was at the head of a large army, haſtening to their relief, and entering [64] the gates of Rome. Camillus actually appeared ſoon after, and entering the place of controverſy, with the air of one who was reſolved not to ſuffer impoſi⯑tion, demanded the cauſe of the conteſt; of which being informed, he ordered the gold to be taken and carried back to the Capitol, "For it has ever been," cried he, ‘the manner with us Romans, to ranſom our country, not with gold, but with iron; it is I only that am to make peace, as being the dictator of Rome, and my ſword alone ſhall purchaſe it.’ Upon this, a battle enſued, in which the Gauls were entirely routed; and ſuch a ſlaughter followed, that the Roman territories were ſoon cleared of their for⯑midable invaders. Thus, was Rome, by the bravery of Camillus cleared of its foes.

The city being one continued heap of ruins, ex⯑cept the Capitol, and the greateſt number of its for⯑mer inhabitants having gone to take refuge in Veii, the tribunes of the peop [...]e urged for the removal of the poor remains of Rome to Veii, where they might have houſes to ſhelter, and walls to defend them. On this occaſion, Camillus, attempted to appeaſe them, with all the arts of perſuaſion; obſerving, that it was unworthy of them, both as Romans and as men, to deſert the venerable ſeats of their anceſtors, where they had been encouraged, by repeated marks of divine approbation, to remove to and inhabit a city which they had conquered, and which wanted even the good fortune of defending itſelf. By theſe and ſuch like remonſtrances, he prevailed upon the people to go contentedly to work; and Rome ſoon began to riſe from its aſhes.

We have already ſeen the bravery of Manlius in defending the Capitol, and ſaving the laſt remains of Rome For this the people were by no means ungrateful, having built him an houſe near the place where his valour was ſo conſpicuous, and having ap⯑pointed him a public fund for his ſupport. But he [65] aſpired at being not only equal to Camillus, but to be ſovereign of Rome. With this view he laboured to ingratiate himſelf with the populace, paid their debts, and railed at the patricians, whom he called their oppreſſors. The ſenate was not ignorant of his diſcourſes or his deſigns, and created Cornelius Coſ⯑ſus dictator, with a view to curb the ambition of Manlius. The dictator ſoon finiſhed an expedition againſt the Volſcians, by a victory; and upon his return, called Manlius to an account, for his con⯑duct. Manlius, however, was too much the dar⯑ling of the populace, to be affected by the power of Coſſus, who was obliged to lay down his office, and Manlius was carried from confinement in triumph through the city. This ſucceſs only ſerved to en⯑flame his ambition. He now began to talk of a divi⯑ſion of the lands among the people; inſinuated that there ſhould be no diſtinctions in the ſtate; and, to give weight to his diſcourſes, always appeared at the head of a large body of the dregs of the people, whom his largeſſes had made his followers. The city be⯑ing thus filled with ſedition and clamour, the ſenate had recourſe to another expedient, and to oppoſe the power of Camillus to that of the demagogue. Ca⯑millus accordingly being made one of the military tribunes, appointed Manlius a day to anſwer for his life. The place in which he was tried was near the Capitol, where, when he was accuſed of ſedition, and of aſpiring at ſovereignty, he only turned his eyes and, pointing thither, put them in mind of what he had there done for his country. The multitude, whoſe compaſſion or whoſe juſtice ſeldom ſprings from rational motives, refuſed to condemn him, while he pleaded in ſight of the Capitol; but when he was brought from thence to the Peteline grove, and where the Capitol was no longer to be ſeen, they condemned him to be thrown headlong from the Tarpeian rock. Thus, the place which had been the [66] theatre of his glory, became that of his puniſhment and infamy. His houſe, in which his conſpiracies had been ſecretly carried on, was ordered to be razed to the ground, and his family were forbidden ever af⯑ter to aſſume the name of Manlius.

In this manner therefore, the Romans went gra⯑dually forward, with a mixture of turbulence and ſuperſtition within their walls, and ſucceſsful enter⯑prizes without. With what an implicit obedience they ſubmitted to their pontiffs, we have already ſeen in many inſtances; and how far they might be im⯑pelled, even to encounter death itſelf, at their com⯑mand, will evidently appear from the behaviour of Curtius about this time; U.C. 392 who, upon the opening of a gulph in the Forum, which the augurs af⯑firmed, would never cloſe up till the moſt preci⯑ous things in Rome were thrown into it, this heroic man leaped with his horſe and armour boldly into the midſt, ſaying, that nothing was more truly va⯑luable than patriotiſm and military virtue. The gulph, ſay the hiſtorians, cloſed immediately upon this, and Curtius was never ſeen after.

CHAP. XIII. From the wars of the Samnites and the wars with Pyrrhus, to the beginning of the firſt Punic war, when the Romans firſt went out of Italy.

THE Romans having now triumphed over the Sabines, the Etrurians, the Latins, the Hernici, the Aequi, and the Volſcians, began to look for greater conqueſts. They accordingly turned their arms againſt the Samnites, a people about an hundred miles eaſt from the city, deſcended from the Sa⯑bines, and inhabiting a large tract of ſouthern Italy, which at this day makes a conſiderable part of the [67] kingdom of Naples. Valerius Corvus and Cornelius were the two conſuls, to whoſe care it firſt ſell to ma⯑nage this dreadful contention between the rival ſtates.

Valerius was one of the greateſt commanders of his time; he was ſurnamed Corvus, from a ſtrange circumſtance of being aſſiſted by a crow in a ſingle combat, in which he fought and killed a Gaul, of a gigantic ſtature. To his colleague's care it was con⯑ſigned to lead an army to Samnium, the enemies ca⯑pital, while Corvus was ſent to relieve Capua, the capital of the Campanians. Never was captain more fitted for command than he. To an habit na⯑turally robuſt and athletic, he jointed the gentleſt manners; he was the fierceſt, and yet the moſt good-natured man in the army; and, while the meaneſt centinel was his companion, no man kept them more ſtrictly to their duty; but what completes his charac⯑ter, he conſtantly endeavoured to preſerve his digni⯑ties, by the ſame arts by which he gained them. Such ſoldiers as the Romans then were, hardened by their late adverſity, and led on by ſuch a general, were unconquerable The Samnites were the braveſt men they ever yet encountered, and the contention between the two nations, was managed on both ſides with the moſt determined reſolution. But the for⯑tune of Rome prevailed; the Samnites at length fled, averring, that they were not able to withſtand the fierce looks and the fire-darting eyes of the Romans. The other conſul, however, was not at firſt ſo for⯑tunate; for having unwarily led his army into a de⯑ [...], he was in danger of being cut off, had not De⯑cius, a tribune of the army, poſſeſſed himſelf of an [...] which commanded the enemy; ſo that the Sam⯑nites being attacked on either ſide, were defeated with great ſlaughter; not leſs than thirty thouſand of them being left dead upon the field of battle.

Sometime after this victory, the ſoldiers who were [...] at Capua mutinying, forced Quintius, an [68] old and eminent ſoldier, who was then reſiding in the country, to be their leader; and, conducted by their rage, more than their general, came within eight miles of the city. So terrible an enemy, al⯑moſt at the gates, not a little alarmed the ſenate, who immediately created Valerius Corvus, dictator, and ſent him forth with another army to oppoſe them. The two armies were now drawn up againſt each other, while fathers and ſons beheld themſelves prepared to engage in oppoſite cauſes. Any other ge⯑neral but Corvus would, perhaps, have brought this civil war to an extremity; but he knowing his influ⯑ence among the ſoldiery, inſtead of going forward to meet the mutineers in an hoſtile manner, went with the moſt cordial friendſhip to embrace and expo⯑ſtulate with his old acquaintances. His conduct had the deſired effect. Quintius, as their ſpeaker, only deſired to have their defection from their duty for⯑given; and as for himſelf, as he was innocent of their conſpiracy, he had no reaſon to ſollicit pardon for his offences. Thus, this defection, which at firſt threatened ſuch dangers to Rome, was repaired by the prudence and moderation of a general, whoſe ambition it was to be gentle to his friends, and for⯑midable only to his enemies.

A war between the Romans and the Latins follow⯑ed ſoon after, but as their habits, arms, and lan⯑guage, were the ſame, the moſt exact diſcipline was neceſſary, to prevent confuſion in the engagement. Orders, therefore, were iſſued by Manlius, the con⯑ſul, that no ſoldier ſhould leave his ranks upon what⯑ever provocation; and that he ſhould be certainly put to death, who ſhould offer to do otherwiſe. With theſe injunctions, both armies were drawn out in array, and ready to begin, when Metius, the gene⯑ral of the enemies cavalry, puſhed forward from his lines, and challenged any knight in the Roman army, to ſingle combat. For ſome time there was [...] [69] general pauſe, no ſoldier offering to diſobey his or⯑ders, till Titus Manlius, the conſul's own ſon, burn⯑ing with ſhame to ſee the whole body of the Romans intimidated, boldly ſingled out againſt his adverſary. The ſoldiers on both ſides, for a while, ſuſpended the general engagement, to be ſpectators of this fierce encounter. The two champions drove their horſes againſt each other with great violence: Meti⯑us wounded his adverſary's horſe in the neck; but Manlius, with better fortune, killed that of Metius. The Latin being thus fallen to the ground, for a while attempted to ſupport himſelf upon his ſhield; but the Roman followed his blows with ſo much force, that he laid him dead, as he was endeavour⯑ing to riſe; and then deſpoiling him of his armour, returned in triumph to the conſul, his father's tent, where he was preparing and giving orders relative to the engagement. Howſoever he might have been applauded by his fellow-ſoldiers, being as yet doubt⯑ful of the reception he ſhould find from his father, he came, with heſitation, to lay the enemy's ſpoils at his feet, and with a modeſt air inſinuated, that what he did, was entirely from a ſpirit of hereditary virtue. But he was ſoon dreadfully made ſenſible of his error, when his father, turning away, ordered him to be led publicly forth before the army. There being brought forward, the conſul, with a ſtern counte⯑nance, and yet with tears, ſpoke as follows: ‘Titus Manlius, as thou haſt regarded neither the dignity of the conſulſhip, nor the commands of thy fa⯑ther; as thou haſt deſtroyed military diſcipline, and ſet a pattern of diſobedience by thy example, thou has reduced me to the deplorable extremity of ſacrificing my ſon or my country. But let us not heſitate in this dreadful alternative; a thouſand lives were well loſt in ſuch a cauſe: nor do I think, that thou thyſelf wilt refuſe to die, when thy coun⯑try is to reap the advantage of thy ſufferings. Go, [70] lictor, bind him, and let his death be our future example.’ The whole army was ſtruck with hor⯑ror at this unnatural mandate; fear, for a while, kept them in ſuſpenſe; but when they ſaw their young champion's head ſtruck off, and his blood ſtreaming upon the ground, they could no longer contain their execrations, and their groans His dead body was carried forth without the camp, and being adorned with the ſpoils of the vanquiſhed enemy, was buried with all the pomp of military diſtreſs.

In the mean time, the battle joined with mutual fury; and as the two armies had often ſought under the ſame leaders, they combated with all the animo⯑ſity of a civil war. The Latins chiefly depended on their bodily ſtrength; the Romans, on their invinci⯑ble courage and conduct. Forces ſo nearly matched, ſeemed only to require the protection of their deities, to turn the ſcale of victory; and, in fact, the augurs had foretold, that whatever part of the Roman army ſhould be diſtreſt, the commander of that part ſhould devote himſelf for his country, and die as a ſacrifice to the immortal gods. Manlius commanded the right wing; and Decius led on the left. Both ſides fought, for ſome time, with doubtful ſucceſs, as their courage was equal; but, after a time, the left wing of the Roman army began to give ground. It was then that Decius, who commanded there, reſolved to devote himſelf for his country, and to offer his own life, as an atonement to ſave his army. Thus de⯑termined, he called out to Manlius with a loud voice, and demanded his inſtructions, as he was the chief pontiff, how to devote himſelf, and the form of the words he ſhould uſe. By his directions, therefore, being cloathed in a long robe, his head covered, and his arms ſtretched forward, ſtanding upon a javelin, he devoted himſelf to the celeſtial and infernal gods, for the ſafety of Rome. Then arming himſelf, and [71] mounting on horſeback, he drove furiouſly into the midſt of the enemies, carrying terror and conſterna⯑tion wherever he came, till he fell covered with wounds. In the mean time the Roman army conſi⯑dered his devouting himſelf in this manner, as an aſ⯑ſurance of ſucceſs: nor was the ſuperſtition of the Latins leſs powerfully influenced by his reſolution, a total rout began to enſue; the Romans preſſed them on every ſide, and ſo great was the carnage, that ſcarce a fourth part of the enemy ſurvived the defeat. This was the laſt battle of any conſequence, that the Latins had with the Romans; they were forced to beg a peace upon hard conditions, and two years af⯑ter, their ſtrongeſt city, Paedum, being taken, they were brought under an entire ſubmiſſion to the Ro⯑man power.

U.C. 431 A ſignal diſgrace which the Romans ſuſtained about this time in their conteſt with the Samnites, made a pauſe in their uſual good fortune, and turned the ſcale for a while, in the enemies favour. The ſenate having denied the Samnites peace, Pontius, their general, was reſolved to gain by ſtratagem, what he had frequently loſt by force. Accordingly, lead⯑ing his army into a defile, called Claudium, and tak⯑ing poſſeſſion of all its outlets, he ſent ten of his ſol⯑diers, habited like ſhepherds, with directions to [...]ow themſelves in the way the Romans were to march. Exactly to his wiſhes, the Roman conſul met them, and taking them for what they appeared, [...]anded the route the Samnite army had taken: they, with ſeeming indifference, replied, that they were gone to Luceria, a town in Apulia, and were then actually beſieging it. The Roman general, not ſuſpecting the ſtratagem that was laid againſt him, marched directly by the ſhorteſt road, which lay through the defiles, to relieve the city; and was not undeceived, till he ſaw his army ſurrounded, and blocked up on every ſide. Pontius, thus having the [72] Romans entirely in his power, firſt obliged the army to paſs under the yoke, having been previouſly ſtript of all but their garments; he then ſtipulated, that they ſhould wholly quit the territories of the Samnites, and that they ſhould continued to live upon terms of former confederacy. The Romans were conſtrained to ſubmit to this ignominious treaty, and marched into Capua diſarmed, half-naked, and burning with a deſire of retrieving their loſt honour. When the army arrived at Rome, the whole city was moſt ſur⯑priſingly afflicted at their ſhameful return; nothing but grief and reſentment was to be ſeen, and the whole city was put into mourning.

But this was a tranſitory calamity, the ſtate had ſuffered a diminution of its glory, but not of its power. The war was carried on as uſual, for many years: the power of the Samnites declining every day, while that of the Romans gathered freſh confi⯑dence from every victory. Under the conduct of Papyrius Curſor, who was at different times conſul and dictator, repeated triumphs were gained. Fabi⯑us Maximus alſo had his ſhare in the glory of con⯑quering them; and Decius, the ſon of that Decius, whom we ſaw devoting himſelf for his country, about forty years before, followed the example of his no⯑ble father, and, ruſhing into the midſt of the enemy, ſaved the lives of his countrymen with the loſs of his own.

The Samnites being us driven to the moſt extreme diſtreſs, as they were unable to defend themſelves, they were obliged to call in the aſſiſtance of a foreign power, and have recourſe to Pyrrhus, king of Epi⯑rus, to ſave them from impending ruin. Pyrrhus, a king of great courage, ambition, and power, had al⯑ways kept the example of Alexander, his great pre⯑deceſſor, before his eyes, promiſed to come to their aſſiſtance; and, in the mean time, diſpatched over a body of three thouſand men, under the command [37] of Cineus, an experienced ſoldier, and a ſcholar of the great orator Demoſthenes. Nor did he himſelf remain long behind, but ſoon after put to ſea with three thouſand horſe, twenty thouſand foot, and twenty elephants, in which the commanders of that time began to place very great confidence. How⯑ever only a ſmall part of theſe great preparations ar⯑rived in Italy with him, for many of his ſhips were diſperſed, and ſome were totally loſt in a tempeſt. Upon his arrival at Tarentum, his firſt care was to reform the people he came to ſuccour; for obſerving a [...] diſſolution of manners in this luxurious city, and that the inhabitants were rather occupied with the pleaſures of bathing, feaſting, and dancing, than the care of preparing for war, he gave orders to have all their places of public entertainment ſhut up, and that they ſhould be reſtrained in a [...]l ſuch amuſe⯑ments as rendered ſoldiers unfit for battle. In the [...]an time, the Romans did til [...] that prudence could ſuggeſt, to oppoſe ſo formidable an enemy; and the [...] L [...]vinus was ſent with a numerous army to [...] his progreſs. Pyrrhus, though his whole [...] was not yet arrived, drew out to meet him; [...] p [...]eviouſly ſent an ambaſſador, deſiring to be [...]ermit [...]d to mediate between the Romans and the [...]ple of T [...]rentum. To this Laevinus returned for [...], that he neither eſteemed him as a mediator, [...] him as an enemy; and then leading the [...]baſſador through the Roman camp, deſired him to [...] diligently what he ſaw, and to report the re⯑ [...] to his maſter. In conſequence of this, both [...] [...]pproaching, pitched their tents in ſight of [...] upon the oppoſite banks of the river [...] Pyrrhus was always extremely careful in di⯑ [...] [...] the ſituation of his own camp, and in obſerv⯑ing [...] of the enemy. It was there, that walking a [...]ng the banks of the river, and ſurveying the Ro⯑man method of encamping, he was heard to obſerve, [74] ‘That theſe barbarians ſeemed to be no way bar⯑barous, and he ſhould too ſoon find their actions equal to their reſolution.’ In the mean time, or⯑dering a body of men along the banks of the river be placed them in readineſs to oppoſe the Romans, in caſe they ſhould attempt to ford it before his whole army was brought together. Things turned out ac⯑cording to his expectations; the conſul, with an impetuoſity that marked his inexperience, gave orders for paſſing the river, where it was fordable; and the advanced-guard having attempted to oppoſe him in vain, was obliged to retire to the main body of the army. Pyrrhus being appriſed of the enemies at⯑tempt, at firſt hoped to cut off their cavalry, before they could be reinforced by the foot, that were not as yet got over, and led on in perſon a choſen body of horſe againſt them. The Roman legions having, with much difficulty, advanced acroſs the river, the engagement became general; the Greeks fought with a conſciouſneſs of their former fame, and the Romans with a deſire of gaining freſh glory; mankind had never before ſeen two ſuch differently diſciplined armies oppoſed to each other, nor is it to this day determined, whether the Greek phalanx o [...] the Roman legion were preferable. The combat was long in ſuſpenſe; the Romans had ſeven times repulſed the enemy, and were as often driven back themſelves; but at length, while the ſucceſs ſeemed doubtful, Pyrrhus ſent his elephants into the midſt of the engagement, and theſe turned the ſcale of victory in his favour. The Romans, who had never before ſeen creatures of ſuch magnitude, were terrified not only with their intrepid fierceneſs, but the caſtles that were built upon their backs, filled with armed men. It was then that Pyrrhus ſaw the day was his own; and ſending in his Theſſalian cavalry to charge the enemy in diſorder, the rout became ge⯑neral. A dreadful ſlaughter of the Romans enſued [75] fifteen thouſand men being killed on the ſpot, and eighteen hundred taken priſoners. Nor were the conquerors in a much better ſtate than the vanquiſh⯑ed, Pyrrhus himſelf being wounded, and thirteen thouſand of his forces ſlain. Night coming on put an end to the ſlaughter on both ſides, and Pyrrhus was heard to cry out, That one ſuch victory more would ruin his whole army. The next day, as he walked to view the field of battle, he could not help regarding with admiration, the bodies of the Romans which were ſlain: upon ſeeing them all with their wounds before; their countenances, even in death, marked with noble reſolution, and a ſternneſs that awed him into reſpect; he was heard to cry out, in the true ſpirit of a military adventurer, ‘O with with what eaſe could I conquer the world, had I the Romans for ſoldiers, or had they me for their king!’

Pyrrhus, after this victory, was ſtill unwilling to drive them to an extremity, and conſidered, that it was beſt treating with an humbled enemy; he reſolved therefore to ſend his friend Cineas, the orator, to ne⯑gociate a peace; of whom he often aſſerted, that he had won more towns by the eloquence of Cineas, [...]han by his own arms. Cineas, with all his art, [...]ound the Romans incapable of being ſeduced, either by bribery, private, or public perſuaſion.

Being fruſtrated, therefore, in his expectations, he [...]eturned to his maſter, extolling both the virtues and [...]he grandeur of the Romans. The ſenate, he ſaid, [...]ppeared a reverend aſſembly of demi-gods; and the [...]y, a temple for their reception. Of this Prryhus [...]oon after became ſenſible, by an embaſſy from Rome, concerning the ranſom and exchange of priſoners. At the head of this venerable deputation was Fabri⯑ [...]ius, an ancient ſenator, who had long been a pat⯑ [...]ern to his countrymen of the moſt extreme poverty, [...]oined to the moſt chearful content. Pyrrhus re⯑ceived [76] this celebrated old man with great kindneſs, and, willing to try how far fame had been juſt in his favour, offered him rich preſents; which, however, the Roman refuſed. The day after, he was deſirous of examining the equality of his temper, and ordered one of his elephants to be placed behind the tapeſtry, which, upon a ſignal given, raiſed its trunk above the ambaſſador's head, at the ſame time uſing other arts to intimidate him. But Fabricius, with a coun⯑tenance no way changing, ſmiled upon the king obſerving, that he looked with an equal eye on the terrors of this day, as he had upon the allurement [...] of the preceding. Pyrrhus, pleaſed to find ſo much virtue in one he had conſidered as a barbarian, wa [...] willing to grant him the only favour which he knew could make him happy: he releaſed the Roman priſoners, entruſting them to Fabricius alone, upo [...] his promiſe, that, in caſe the ſenate were determine [...] to continue the war, he might reclaim them when ever he thought proper.

U.C. 474 By this time the Roman army was reco⯑vered from its late defeat, and Sulpicius an [...] Decius, the conſuls for the following yea [...] were placed at its head. The panic which had for⯑merly ſeized it from the elephants, now began a [...] wear off: and both armies met near the city [...]ſc [...] ⯑lum, both pretty nearly equal in numbers, bein [...] about forty thouſand ſtrong; and here again, after long and obſtinate fight, the Grecian diſciplin [...] prevailed. The Romans, being preſſed on eve [...] ſ [...]de, particularly by the elephants, were obliged [...] retire to their camp, leaving ſix thouſand men dea [...] upon the field of battle. But the enemy had no gre [...] reaſon to boaſt of their triumph, as they had fo [...] thouſand ſlain; ſo that Pyrrbus replied to one of [...] ſoldiers, who was congratulating him upon his vi [...] ⯑tory, ‘One ſuch triumph more, and I ſhall be u [...] ⯑done.’

[77]This battle finiſhed the campaign; the next ſeaſon began with equal vigour on both ſides, Pyrrhus having received new ſuccours from home. While the two armies were approaching, and yet but at a ſmall diſtance from each other, a letter was brought to old Fabricius, the Roman general, from the king's phyſician, importing, that, for a proper reward, he would take him off by poiſon, and thus rid the Ro⯑mans of a powerful enemy and a dangerous war. Fabricius felt all the honeſt indignation at this baſe propoſal, that was conſiſtent with his former charac⯑ter, he communicated it to his colleague, and in⯑ſtantly gave it as his opinion, that Pyrrhus ſhould be informed of the treachery that was plotted againſt him. Accordingly, letters were diſpatched for that purpoſe, informing Pyrrhus of the affair, and al⯑ledging the unfortunate choice of his friends and enemies. That he had truſted and promoted mur⯑derers, while he carried his reſentment againſt the generous and the brave Pyrrhus now began to find that th [...]ſe bold barbarians were by degrees ſchooled into refinement, and would not ſuffer him to be their ſuperior even in generoſity: he received the meſſage with as much amazement at their candour, as indignation at his phyſician's treachery. ‘Ad⯑mirable Fabricius!’ cried he, ‘it would be as eaſy to turn the ſun from its courſe, as thee from the paths of honour.’ Then making the proper enquiry amongſt his ſervants, and having diſcover⯑ed the treaſon, he ordered his phyſician to be execut⯑ed. However, not to be outdone in magnanimity, he immediately ſent to Rome all his priſoners with⯑out ranſom, and again deſired to negotiate a peace. The Romans, on the other hand, refuſed him peace, but upon the ſame conditions they had offered be⯑fore.

So that, after an interval of two years, Pyrrhus, having encreaſed his army by new levies, ſent one [78] part of his army to oppoſe the march of Lentulus, the Roman conſul, while he himſelf went to attack Cu⯑rius Dentatus the other in command, before his col⯑league could come up. His principal aim was to ſupriſe the enemy by night; but unfortunately paſſ⯑ing through woods, and his lights failing him, his men loſt their way, ſo that at the approach of morn⯑ing, he ſaw himſelf in ſight of the Roman camp, with the enemy drawn out ready to receive him. The vanguard of both armies ſoon met, in which the Ro⯑mans had the advantage. Soon after a general en⯑gagement enſuing, Pyrrhus finding the balance of the victory turning ſtill againſt him, had once more recourſe to his elephants. Theſe, however, the Romans were then too well acquainted with to feel any vain terrors from; and having found that fire was the moſt effectual means to repel them, they cauſed a number of balls to be made, compoſed of flax and roſin, which were thrown againſt them as they approached the ranks. The elephants, thus render⯑ed furious by the flame, and as boldly oppoſed by the ſoldiers, could no longer be brought on; but ran back upon their own army, bearing down the ranks, and filling all places with terror and confuſion. Thus victory, at length, declared in favour of Rome: Pyrrhus, in vain, attempted to ſtop the flight and ſlaughter of his troops; he loſt not only twenty-three thouſand of his beſt ſoldiers, but his camp was alſo taken. This ſerved as a new leſſon to the Romans, who were ever open to improvement: they had formerly pitched their tents without order; but by this new capture, they were taught to mea⯑ſure out their ground, and fortify the whole with a trench; ſo that many of their ſucceeding victories are to be aſcribed to their improved method of en⯑camping.

Pyrrhus thus finding all hopes fruitleſs, he re⯑ſolved to leave Italy, where he found only deſperate [79] enemies and faithleſs allies: accordingly, calling together the Tarentines, he informed them, that he had received aſſurances from Greece, of ſpeedy aſ⯑ſiſtance, and deſiring them to wait the event with tranquillity, the night following embarked his troops, and returned undiſturbed into his native kingdom with the remains of his ſhattered forces, leaving a garriſon in Tarentum merely to ſave ap⯑pearances, and, in this manner ended the war with Pyr [...]hus, after ſix years continuance.

As for the poor luxurious Tarentines, who were the original promoters of this war, they ſoon began to find a worſe enemy in the garriſon that was left for their defence, than in the Romans who attacked them from without. The hatred between them and Milo, who commanded their citadel for Pyrrhus, was become ſo great, that nothing but the fear of their old inveterate enemies, the Romans, could equal it. In this diſtreſs they applied to the Carthaginians, who with a large fleet came and blocked up the port of Tarentum; ſo that this unfortunate people, once famous through Italy for their refinements and plea⯑ſures, now ſaw themſelves contended for by three different armies, without the choice of a conqueror. At length, however, the Romans found means to bring over the garriſon to their intereſt; after which, they eaſily became maſters of the city, and demoliſhed its walls, granting the inhabitants liberty and protection.

CHAP. XIV. From the beginning of the firſt Punic war to the be⯑ginning of the ſecond, when the Romans began to grow powerful by ſea. U.C. 489

THE Romans having deſtroyed all rival preten⯑ſions at home, began to pant after foreign conqueſts. The Carthaginians were at that time in poſſeſſion of the greateſt part of Sicily, and, like the Romans, only wanted an opportunity of embroiling the natives, in order to become maſters of the whole iſland. This opportunity at length offered. Hiero, king of Syracuſe, one of the ſtates of that iſland, which was as yet unconquered, entreated their aid againſt the Mamertines, a little people of the ſame country, and they ſent him ſupplies both by ſea and land. The Mamertines, on the other hand, to ſhield off impend⯑ing ruin, put themſelves under the protection of Rome. The Romans, not thinking the Mamer⯑ [...] worthy of the name of allies, inſtead of pro⯑ [...]ding to aſſiſt them, boldly declared war againſt Carthage; alledging as a reaſon, the aſſiſtance which Carthage had lately ſent to the ſouthern parts of Italy againſt the Romans. In this manner a war was de⯑clared between theſe two powerful ſtates, both grown too great to continue patient ſpectators of each others encreaſe.

Carthage, a colony of the Phoenicians, was built on the coaſt of Africa, near the place where Tunis now ſtands, about an hundred and thirty-ſeven years before the foundation of Rome. As it had been long growing into power, ſo it had extended its do⯑minions all along the coaſts. But its chief ſtrength lay in its fleets and commerce: thus circumſtanced, [81] theſe two great powers began what is called the firſt Punic war. The Carthaginians, poſſeſſed of gold and ſilver, which might be exhauſted; the Romans famous for perſeverance, patriotiſm, and pover⯑ty, which ſeemed to gather ſtrength by every de⯑feat.

But there ſeemed to be an inſurmountable obſtacle to the ambitious views of Rome, as they had no fleet, or at leaſt what deſerved that title; while the Carthaginians had the entire command at ſea, and kept all the maritime towns under obedience. In ſuch a ſituation, any people but the Romans would have reſted contented, under diſadvantages which nature ſeemed to have impoſed; but nothing could conqueror or intimidate them. They began to ap⯑ply themſelves to maritime affairs; and, though without ſhipwrights to build, or ſeamen to navigate a fleet, they reſolved to ſurmount every obſtacle with inflexible perſeverance. A Carthaginian veſſel hap⯑pened to be in a ſtorm driven aſhore, and this was ſufficient to ſerve as a model. The conſul Duillius was the firſt who ventured to ſea with his new con⯑ſtructed armament; and, though far inferior to the enemy in the management of his fleet, yet he gained the firſt naval victory, the Carthaginians loſing fifty o [...] their ſhips, and the undiſturbed ſovereignty of the ſea, which they valued more.

But the conqueſt of Sicily, was only to be obtain⯑tained by humbling the power of Carthage at home. For this reaſon, the ſenate reſolved to carry the war i [...] Africa itſelf, and accordingly they ſent Regulus and Manlius, with a fleet a three hundred ſail, to make the invaſion. Regulus was reckoned the moſt conſummate warrior that Rome could then produce; and a profeſſed example of frugal ſeverity. His pa⯑triotiſm was ſtill greater than his temperance; all the private paſſions ſeemed extinguiſhed in him, or they were all ſwallowed up in one great ruling affection, [82] the love of his country. The two generals ſet [...]a [...] with their fleet, which was the greateſt that had ever yet left an Italian port, carrying an hundred and forty thouſand men. They were met by the Car⯑thaginians, with a fleet as powerful, and men better uſed to the ſea. While the fight continued, rather between the ſhips than the men, at a diſtance, the Carthaginians ſeemed ſucceſsful; but when the Ro⯑mans came to grapple with them, the difference be⯑tween a mercenary army, and one that fought for fame, was apparent. The reſolution of the Ro⯑mans was crowned with ſucceſs; the enemies fleet were diſperſed, and fifty-four of their veſſels taken. The conſequence of this victory was an immediate deſcent upon the coaſts of Africa, and the capture of the city Clupea; together with twenty thouſand men who were made priſoners of war.

The ſenate being informed of theſe great ſucceſſes, and applied to for freſh inſtructions, commanded Manlius back to Italy, in order to ſuperintend the Si⯑cilian war; and directed that Regulus ſhould con⯑tinue in Africa, to proſecute his victories there.

A battle enſued, in which Carthage was once more defeated, and ſome of its beſt troops were cut off. This freſh victory contributed to throw them into the utmoſt deſpair; more than eighty of their towns ſubmitted to the Romans. In this diſtreſs, the Carthaginians, deſtitute of generals at home, were obliged to ſend to Lacedemon, offering the command of their armies to Xantippus, a general of great expe [...]ience, who undertook to conduct them.

This general began by giving the magiſtrates pro⯑per inſtructions for levying their men: he aſſured them, that their armies were hitherto overthrown, not by the ſtrength of the enemy, but by the ignorance of their own generals; he therefore only required a ready obedience to his orders, and aſſured them of an eaſy victory. The whole city ſeemed [83] once more revived from deſpondence, by the exhor⯑tations of a ſingle ſtranger; and ſoon, from hope, grew into confidence. This was the ſpirit the Gre⯑cian general wiſhed to excite in them; ſo that when he ſaw them thus ripe for the engagement, he joy⯑fully took the field. The Lacedemonian made the moſt ſkilful diſpoſition of his forces; he placed his cavalry in the wings; he diſpoſed the elephants at proper intervals, behind the line of the heavy-armed infantry; and, bringing up the light-armed troops before, he ordered them to retire through the line of infantry, after they had diſcharged their weapons. At length both armies engaging, after a long and ob⯑ſtinate reſiſtance, the Romans were overthrown with dreadful ſlaughter; the greateſt part of their army being deſtroyed, and Regulus himſelf taken pri⯑ſoner. Several other diſtreſſes of the Romans fol⯑lowed ſoon after this. They loſt their whole fleet in a ſtorm; and Agrigentum, their principal town in Sicily, was taken by Karthalo, the Carthaginian general. They undertook to build a new fleet, which alſo ſhared the fate of the former; the ma⯑riners, as yet unacquainted with the Mediterranean ſhores, drove it upon quickſands; and, ſoon after, the greateſt part periſhed in a ſtorm.

Mean time, the Carthaginians, being thus ſucceſs⯑ful, were deſirous of a new treaty for peace, hoping to have better terms than thoſe inſiſted upon by Re⯑gulus. For this purpoſe they ſuppoſed, that he, whom they had now for four years kept in a dungeon, confined and chained, would be a proper ſolicitor. It was expected, that, being wearied with impri⯑ſonment and bondage, he would gladly endeavour to p [...]de his countrymen to a diſcontinuance of the war, [...]ich only prolonged his captivity. He was accordingly ſent with their ambaſſadors to Rome, but with a [...]miſe, previouſly exacted from him, to re⯑turn [...] of being unſucceſsful. He was even [84] given to underſtand, that his life depended upon the ſucceſs of his negociation.

When this old general, together with the ambaſſa⯑dors of Carthage, approached Rome, numbers of his friends came out to meet and congratulate his return. Their acclamations reſounded through the city; but Regulus refuſed, with ſettled melancholy, to enter the gates. It was in vain that he was entreated on every ſide to viſit once more his little dwelling, and ſhare in that joy which his return had inſpired. He perſiſted in ſaying, that he was now but a ſlave be⯑longing to the Carthaginians, and unfit to partake in the liberal honours of his country. The ſenate aſ⯑ſembling without the walls, as uſual, to give audi⯑ence to the ambaſſadors, Regulus opened his com⯑miſſion as he had been directed by the Carthaginian council, and their ambaſſadors ſeconded his propo⯑ſals. The ſenate were, by this time, themſelves weary of a war, which had been protracted above eight years, and were no way diſinclinable to a peace. It only remained for Regulus himſelf to give his opinion, who, when it came to his turn to ſpeak, to the ſurprize of all the world, gave his voice for continuing the war. So unexpected an advice not a little diſturbed the ſenate: they pitied, as well as ad⯑mired a man who had uſed ſuch eloquence againſt his private intereſt, and could [...] conclude upon a mea⯑ſure which was to terminate in his ruin. But he ſoon relieved their embarraſment by breaking off the treaty, and by riſing in order to return to his bonds and confinement. It was in vain that the ſenate and all his deareſt friends entreated his ſtay; he ſtill re⯑preſſed their ſolicitations. Marcia his wife, with her little children, filled the city with her lamenta⯑tions, and vainly entreated to be permitted to ſee him: he ſtill obſtinately perſiſted in keeping his pro⯑miſe; and, though ſufficiently appriſed of the tor⯑tures that awaited his return, without embracing his [85] family, or taking leave of his friends, he departed with the ambaſſadors for Carthage.

Nothing could equal the fury and the diſappoint⯑ment of the Carthaginians, when they were inform⯑ed by their ambaſſadors, that Regulus, inſtead of haſtening a peace, had given his opinion for con⯑tinuing the war. They accordingly prepared to puniſh his conduct with the moſt ſtudied tortures. Firſt, his eye-lids were cut off, and then he was re⯑manded to priſon. He was, after ſome days, again brought out and expoſed with his face oppoſite the burning ſun. At laſt, when malice was fatigued with ſtudying all the arts of torture, he was put into a barrel ſtuck full of nails that pointed in⯑wards, and in this painful poſition he continued till he died.

Both ſides now took up arms with more than for⯑mer animoſity. At length the Roman perſeverance was crowned with ſucceſs, one victory followed on the back of another. Fabius Buteo, the conſul, once more ſhewed them the way to naval victory, by de⯑feating a large ſquadron of the enemies ſhips; but Lutatius Catulus gained a victory ſtill more complete, in which the power of Carthage ſeemed totally de⯑ſtroyed at ſea, by the loſs of an hundred and twenty ſhips, according to the ſmalleſt computation. This loſs brought the Carthaginians to ſue for peace, which Rome thought proper to grant; but, ſtill inflexible in its demands, exacted the ſame conditions which Re⯑gulus had formerly offered at the gates of Carthage. Theſe were, that they ſhould lay down a thouſand talents of ſilver, to defray the charge of the war; and ſhould pay two thouſand two hundred more, in ten years time: that they ſhould quit Sicily, with all ſuch iſlands as they poſſeſſed near it: that they ſhould never make war againſt the allies of Rome, or come with any veſſels of war within the Roman dominions: and laſtly, that all their priſoners and deſerters ſhould [86] be delivered up without ranſom. To theſe hard conditions, U.C. 513 the Carthaginians, now ex⯑hauſted, readily ſubſcribed; and thus ended the firſt Punic war, which had laſted twenty-four years, and, in ſome meaſure, had drained both na⯑tions of every reſource to begin another.

CHAP. XV. From the end of the firſt Punic war to the end of the ſecond.

THE war being ended between the Carthagini⯑ans and Romans, a profound peace enſued, and, in about ſix years after, the temple of Janus was ſhut for the ſecond time ſince the foundation of the city. The Romans being thus in friendſhip with all na⯑tions, had an opportunity of turning to the arts of peace: they now began to have a reliſh for poetry, the firſt liberal art which riſes in every civilized nation, and the firſt alſo that decays. Hitherto they had been entertained only with the rude drolleries of their loweſt buffoons: they had ſports called Feſcennini, in which a few debauched actors made their own parts, while raillery and ſmut ſupplied the place of humour. To theſe a compoſition of a higher kind ſucceeded which they called ſatire; which was a kind of dramatic poem, in which the characters of the great were particularly pointed out, and made an ob⯑ject of deriſion to the vulgar. After theſe, came tra⯑gedy and comedy, which were borrowed from the Greeks; and, indeed, the firſt dramatic poet of Rome, whoſe name was Livius Andronicus, was by birth a Grecian. U.C. 514 The inſtant theſe finer kinds of compoſition appeared, this great people rejected their former impurities with diſdain. From thenceforward they laboured upon the Grecian [87] model; and, though they were never able to rival their maſters in dramatic compoſition, they ſoon ſur⯑paſſed them in many of the more ſoothing kinds of poetry. Elegiac, paſtoral, and didactic compoſi⯑tions, began to aſſume new beauties in the Roman language; and ſatire, not that rude kind of dialogue already mentioned, but a nobler ſort, invented by Lu⯑cilius, was all their own.

While they were thus admitting the arts of peace, they were not unmindful of making freſh preparations for war: all intervals of eaſe ſeemed rather to give freſh vigour for new deſigns, than to relax their for⯑mer intrepidity. The Illyrians were the firſt people upon whom they tried their ſtrength, after ſome continuance of peace. That nation, U.C. 527 which had long plundered the merchants of the Me⯑diterranean with impunity, happened to make depre⯑dations upon ſome of the trading ſubjects of Rome: this being complained of to Teuta, the queen of the country, ſhe, inſtead of granting redreſs, order⯑ed the ambaſſador, that was ſent to demand reſtitution, to be murdered. A war enſued, in which the Ro⯑mans were victorious; moſt of the Illyric towns were ſurrendered to the conſuls, and a peace at laſt concluded, by which the greateſt part of the country was ceded to Rome; a yearly tribute was exacted for the reſt, and a prohibition added, that the Illyrians ſhould not ſail beyond the river Liſſus, with more than two barks, and thoſe unarmed.

The Gauls were the next people that incurred the diſpleaſure of the Romans. Suppoſing a time of peace, when the armies were diſbanded, a proper ſeaſon for new irruptions, this barbarous people invit⯑ed freſh forces from beyond the Alps, and entering Etruria, waſted all with fire and ſword, till they came within about three days journey of Rome. A pr [...]etor and a conſul were ſent to oppoſe them, who, now inſtructed in the improved arts of war, were [88] enabled to ſurround the Gauls, who ſtill retained their primaeval barbarity. It was in vain that thoſe hardy troops, who had nothing but their courage to protect them, formed two fronts to oppoſe their ad⯑verſaries; their naked bodies and undiſciplined forces were unable to withſtand the ſhock of an enemy completely armed, and ſkilled in military evolutions. A miſerable ſlaughter enſued, in which forty thou⯑ſand were killed, and ten thouſand taken priſoners. This victory was followed by another gained over them by Marcellus, in which he killed Viridomarus, their king, with his own hand, and gained the third royal ſpoils that were yet obtained at Rome. Theſe conqueſts forced them to beg a peace, the conditions of which ſerved greatly to enlarge the empire. Thus the Romans went on with ſucceſs; they had now totally recovered their former loſſes, and only wanted an enemy worthy of their arms, to begin a new war.

The Carthaginians had only made a peace becauſe they were no longer able to continue the war. They, therefore, took the earlieſt opportunity of breaking the treaty: they beſieged Saguntum, a city of Spain, which had been in alliance with Rome; and, though deſired to deſiſt, proſecuted their operations with vigour. Ambaſſadors were ſent, in conſequence, from Rome to Carthage, complaining of the infrac⯑tion of their articles, and requiring that Hannibal, the Carthaginian general, who had adviſed this mea⯑ſure, ſhould be delivered up; which being refuſed, both ſides prepared for a ſecond Punic war.

The Carthaginians truſted the management of it, on their ſide, to Hannibal, the ſon of Amilcar. This extraordinary man had been made the ſworn foe of Rome, almoſt from his infancy; for, while yet very young, his father brought him before the altar, and obliged him to take an oath, that he never would be in friendſhip with the Romans, nor deſiſt from op⯑poſing [89] their power, until he or they ſhould be no more. On his firſt appearance in the field, he re⯑conciled, in his own perſon, the moſt juſt method of commanding, with the moſt perfect obedience to his ſuperiors. Thus he was equally beloved by his ge⯑nerals and the troops he was appointed to lead. He was poſſeſſed of the greateſt courage in oppoſing dan⯑ger, and the greateſt preſence of mind in retiring from it. No fatigue was able to ſubdue his body, nor any misfortune to break his ſpirit: equally patient of heat and cold, he only took ſuſtenance to content nature, and not to delight his appetite. He was the beſt horſeman, and the ſwifteſt runner of his time. This great general, who is conſidered as the moſt ſkilful of antiquity, having over-run all Spain, and levied a large army of various languages and nations, be reſolved to carry the war into Italy itſelf, as the Romans had before carried it into the dominions of Carthage. For this purpoſe, leaving Hanno with a ſufficient force to guard his conqueſts in Spain, he croſſed the Pyrenean mountains into Gaul, with an army of fifty thouſand foot and nine thouſand horſe. He quickly traverſed that country, which was then wild and extenſive, and filled with nations that were his declared enemies. In vain its foreſts and rivers appeared to intimidate him; in vain the Rhone with its rapid current, and its banks covered with ene⯑mies; or the Dura branched out into numberleſs channels, oppoſed his way; he paſſed them all with perſeverance, and in ten days arrived at the foot of the Alps, over which he was to explore a new paſſage into Italy. It was in the midſt of winter, when this aſtoniſhing project was undertaken. The ſeaſon ended new horrors to a ſcene, that nature had already crowded with objects of diſmay. The prodigious height and tremendous ſteepneſs of the mountains, c [...]ped with ſnow; the people barbarous and fierce, dreſſed in ſkins, with long and ſhaggy hair; preſent⯑ed [90] a pictured that impreſſed the beholders with aſto⯑niſhment and terror. But nothing was capable of ſubduing the courage of the Carthaginian general; for, at the end of fifteen days ſpent in croſſing the Alps, he found himſelf in the plains of Italy, with about half his army remaining; the reſt having died of the cold, or being cut off by the natives.

As ſoon as it was known at Rome, that Hanni⯑bal, at the head of an immenſe army, was croſſing the Alps, in order to invade their dominions, the ſe⯑nate ſent Scipo to oppoſe him, who was obliged to retreat with conſiderable loſs. In the mean time, Hannibal being thus victorious, took the moſt pru⯑dent precautions to encreaſe his army; giving orders always to ſpare the poſſeſſions of the Gauls, while his depredations were permitted upon thoſe of Rome; and this ſo pleaſed that ſimple people, that they de⯑clared for him in great numbers, and flocked to his ſtandard with alacrity.

The ſecond battle was fought upon the banks of the river Trebia. The Carthaginian general being appriſed of the Roman impetuoſity, of which he al⯑ways availed himſelf in almoſt every engagement, had ſent off a body of a thouſand horſe, each with a foot ſoldier behind, acroſs the river, to ravage the enemies country, and provoke them to engage. The Romans quickly routed this force, who, ſeeming to be defeated, took the river, and were as eagerly purſued by Sempronius, the conſul. It was not, however, till his army was got upon the oppoſite bank, that he perceived himſelf half conquered al⯑ready, his men being fatigued with wading up to their armpits, and quite benumbed by the intenſe coldneſs of the water. A total rout enſued; twen⯑ty-ſix thouſand of the Romans were either killed by the enemy, or drowned in attempting to repaſs the river. A body of ten thouſand men were all that ſurvived; who, finding themſelves encloſed on every [91] ſide, broke deſperately through the enemies ranks, and fought retreating, till they ſound ſhelter in the city of Placentia.

The Third defeat the Romans ſuſtained was at the lake of Thraſimene; near to which was a chain of mountains, and, between theſe and the lake, a nar⯑row paſſage lending to a valley that was emboſomed in hills. It was upon theſe hills that Hannibal diſ⯑poſed his beſt troops, and it was into this valley that Flaminius, the Roman general, led his men to at⯑tack him. A diſpoſition every way ſo favourable for the Carthaginians, was alſo aſſiſted by accident; for a miſt riſing from the lake, kept the Romans from ſeeing their enemies; while the army upon the mountains, being above its influence, ſaw the whole diſpoſition of their opponents. The fortune of the day was ſuch as might be expected from the conduct of the two generals; the Roman army was broken, and ſlaughtered, almoſt before they could perceive the enemy that deſtroyed them. About fifteen thou⯑ſand Romans, together with Flaminius himſelf, fell in the valley, and ſix thouſand more were obliged to yield themſelves priſoners of war.

Upon the news of this defeat at Rome, after the general conſternation was allayed, the ſenate, upon mature deliberation, reſolved to elect a commander with abſolute authority, in whom they might repoſe their laſt and greateſt expectations. Their choice fell upon Fabius Maximus, a man of great courage, but with a happy mixture of caution. He was appriſed that the only way to humble the Carthaginians at ſuch a diſtance from home, was rather by harraſſing them than by fighting. For this purpoſe, he always encamped upon the higheſt grounds, inacceſſible to the enemies cavalry. Whenever they moved he moved, watched their motions, ſtraightened their quarters, and cut off their proviſions.

[92]By theſe arts, Fabius had actually, at one time, encloſed Hannibal among mountains, where it was impoſſible to winter; and yet, from which it was almoſt impracticable to extricate his army without eminent danger. In this exigence, nothing but one of thoſe ſtratagems of war, which fall to the lot of great abilities only to invent, could ſave him: he ordered a number of ſmall fagots and lighted torches to be tied to the horns of two thouſand oxen, that he had in his camp, and that they ſhould be driven to⯑wards the enemy. Theſe toſſing their heads, and running up the ſides of the mountains, ſeemed to fill the whole neighbouring foreſt with fire; while the centinels that were placed to guard approaches of the mountain, ſeeing ſuch a number of flames ad⯑vancing towards their poſts, ſled in conſternation, ſuppoſing the whole body of the enemy was in arms to overwhelm them. By this ſtratagem, Hannibal drew off his army, and eſcaped through the defiles that led beneath the hills, though with conſiderable damage to his rear.

Soon after, Fabius was obliged to lay down his of⯑fice, his time being expired, and Terentius Varro was choſen by the majority to ſucceed to the com⯑mand. This Terentius Varro was a man ſprung from the dregs of the people, with nothing but his confidence and riches to recommend him. With him was joined Aemilius Paulus, of a diſpoſition en⯑tirely oppoſite; experienced in the field, cautious in action, and impreſſed with a thorough contempt for the abilities of his plebeian colleague.

The Romans finding themſelves enabled to bring a competent force into the field, being almoſt ninety thouſand ſtrong, now again reſolved to meet Hanni⯑bal, who was at this time encamped near the village of Cannae, with a wind that for a certain ſeaſon blows ſtill one way, in his rear, which raiſing great clouds [93] of duſt from, the parched plains behind, he knew muſt greatly diſtreſs an approaching enemy. In this ſituation he waited the coming up of the Romans, with an army of forty thouſand foot and half that number of cavalry. The two conſuls ſoon appeared, to his wiſh, dividing their forces into two parts, and agreeing to take the command every day by turns. On the firſt day of their arrival, it falling to the lot of Aemilius to command, he was entirely averſe to engaging. The next day, however, it being come to Varro's turn to command, he, without aſking his colleague's concurrence, gave the ſignal for battle; and pa [...]ing the river Auſidus, that lay between both armies, put his forces in array. The battle began with the light-armed infantry; the horſe engaged ſ [...]n after; and the Roman cavalry being unable to ſtand againſt thoſe of Numidia, the legions came up to reinforce them. It was then that the confl [...]ct be⯑came general; the Roman ſoldiers, for a long time, endeavoured, but in vain, to penetrate the centre, where the Gauls and Spaniards fought; which Han⯑nibal obſerving, ordered part of thoſe troops to give [...]y, and to permit the Romans to emboſom them⯑ſelves within a choſen body of his Africans, whom he had placed on their wing, ſo as to ſurround them: upon that a terrible ſlaughter began to enſue of the Romans, fatigued with repeated attacks, from the Africans, who were freſh and vigorous. At laſt the [...] became general in every part of the Roman army; the boaſtings of Varro were now no longer heard; while Aemilius, who had been terribly wounded by a ſlinger in the very beginning of the engagement, ſtill feebly led on his body of horſe, [...]nd did all that could be done to make head againſt [...]e enemy; however, being unable to ſit on horſe⯑back, he was forced to diſmount. It was in this de⯑plorable condition of things, that one Lentulus, a t [...]bune of the army, as he was flying on horſeback [94] from the enemy, which at ſome diſtance purſued him, met Aemilius ſitting upon a ſtone, covered over with blood and wounds, and waiting for the coming up of the purſuers▪ "Aemilius," cried the gene⯑rous tribune, ‘you, at leaſt, are guiltleſs of this day's ſlaughter: take my horſe, and fly.’ ‘I thank thee, Lentulus,’ cried the dying conſul, ‘all is over, my part is choſen: go, I command thee, and tell the ſenate, from me, to fortify Rome againſt the approach of the conqueror. Tell Fabius alſo, that Aemilius, while living, ever re⯑membered his advice; and now, dying, approves it.’ While he was yet ſpeaking, the enemy ap⯑proached; and Lentulus, before he was out view, ſaw the conſul expire, feebly fighting in the midſt of hundreds. In this battle the Romans loſt fifty thou⯑ſand men, and ſo many knights, that it is ſaid, Hannibal ſent three buſhels of go [...] rings to Carthage, which thoſe of this order had worn on their fingers.

When the firſt conſternation was abated, after this dreadful blow, at Rome, the ſenate came to a general reſolution, to create a dictator, in order to give ſtrength to their government. A ſhort time after, Varro arrived, having left behind him the wretched remains of his army; and, as he had been the prin⯑cipal cauſe of the late calamity, it was natural to ſup⯑poſe, that the ſenate would ſeverely reprimand the raſhneſs of his conduct. But far otherwiſe! The Romans went out in multitudes to meet him; and the ſenate returned him thanks, that he had not de⯑ſpaired of the ſafety of Rome. Fabius, who was con⯑ſidered as the ſhield of Rome, and Marcellus as the ſword, were appointed to lead the armies; and, though Hannibal once more offered them peace, they refuſed it, but upon condition that he ſhould quit Italy.—Terms ſimilar to thoſe they had formerly in⯑ſiſted upon from Pyrihus.

[95]In the mean time, Hannibal, either finding the impoſſibility of marching directly to Rome, or will⯑ing to give his forces reſt after ſuch a mighty victory, led them to Capua, where he reſolved to winter. This city had long been conſidered as the nurſe of luxury, and the corrupter of all military virtue; here, therefore, a new ſcene of pleaſure opened to his bar⯑barian troops; and they at once gave themſelves up to the intoxication, till, from being hardy veterans, they became infirm rioters.

Hitherto we have found this great man ſucceſsful; but now we are to reverſe the picture, and ſurvey him ſtruggling with accumulated misfortunes, and, at laſt, ſinking beneath them.

His firſt loſs was at the ſiege of Nola, where Mar⯑cellus the praetor made a ſucceſsful ſally. He ſome time after attempted to raiſe the ſiege of Capua, and attacked the Romans in their trenches, but he was repulſed with conſiderable loſs. He then made a feint of going to beſiege Rome; but finding a ſuperi⯑or army ready to receive him, he was obliged to re⯑tire. For ſome years after, he fought with various ſucceſs; Marcellus, his opponent, U.C. 544 ſometimes gaining, and ſometimes loſing the advantage, but coming to no deciſive engage⯑ment.

The ſenate of Carthage, at length, came to a re⯑ſolution of ſending his brother Aſdrubal to his aſ⯑ſiſtance, with a body of forces drawn out of Spain. Aſdrubal's march being made known to the conſuls, Livius and Nero, they went againſt him with great expedition, and ſurrounding him in a place, into which he was led by the treachery of his guides, they cut his whole army to pieces Hannibal had long expected theſe ſuccours with impatience; and the very night on which he had been aſſured of his brother's arrival, Nero ordered Aſdrubal's head to be [96] cut off, and thrown into his brother's camp. The Carthaginian general now, therefore, began to per⯑ceive the approaches of the downfall of Carthage [...] and could not help, with a ſigh, obſerving to thoſe about him, that fortune ſeemed fatigued with grant⯑ing her favours.

In the mean time, fortune ſeemed to favour the Roman arms in other parts; Marcellus took the city of Syracuſe in Sicily, which was defended by the machines and the fires of Archimedes the ma⯑thematician.

The inhabitants were put to the ſword; and mong the reſt, Archimedes himſelf, who was found meditating in his ſtudy, by a Roman ſoldier. Mar⯑cellus, the general, was not a little grieved at his death. A paſſion for letters, at that time, began to prevail among the higher ranks of people at Rome. He therefore ordered his body to be honourably buri⯑ed, and a ton b [...]o be erected to his memory, which his own works have long ſurvived.

As to their fortunes in Spain, though for a while they appeared doubtful, two of the Scipios being ſlain, and Claudius Nero, the governor of the pro⯑vince, appearing much an under-match for the cun⯑ning of the Carthaginian general; yet they ſoon re⯑covered their complexion under the conduct of Scipio Africanus, who ſued for the office of proconſul, to that kingdom, at a time when every one elſe was willing to decline it. Scipio, who was now but twenty-four years old, had all the qualifications re⯑quiſite for forming a great general, and a good man: [...]e united the greateſt courage with the greateſt ten⯑derneſs; ſuperior to Hannibal in the arts of peace, and almoſt his equal in thoſe of war. His father had been killed in Spain, ſo that he ſeemed to have an hereditary claim to attack that country. He therefore appeared irreſiſtible, obtaining many great victories, [97] yet ſubduing ſtill more by his generoſity, mildneſs, and benevolent diſpoſition, than by the force of his arms.

It was ſhortly after, that he returned with an army from the conqueſt of Spain, and was made conſul at the age of twenty-nine. It was at firſt ſuppoſed, he intended meeting Hannibal in Italy, and that he would attempt driving him from thence; but he had already formed a wiſer plan, which was to carry the war into Africa, and, while the Carthaginians kept an army near Rome, to make them tremble for their own capital.

Scipio was not long in Africa without employ⯑ment; for, in a ſhort time, Hanno oppoſed him, but he was defeated and ſlain. Syphax, the uſurper of Numidia, led up a large army againſt him. The Roman general, for a time, declined ſighting, till finding an opportunity, he ſet fire [...]n the enemy's tents, and attacking them in the midſt of the con⯑fuſion, killed forty thouſand men, and took ſix thou⯑ſand priſoners.

The Carthaginians now beginning to be terrified at their repeated defeats, and the fame of Scipio's ſucceſſes, determined to recall Hannibal, their great champion, out of Italy, in order to oppoſe the Ro⯑mans at home. Deputies were accordingly diſ⯑patched, with a poſitive command, for him to re⯑turn and oppoſe the Roman general, who at that time threatened Carthage with a ſiege. Nothing could exceed the regret and diſappointment of Hanni⯑bal, upon receiving this order. However, he obey⯑ed the orders of his infatuated country, with the ſame ſubmiſſion that the meaneſt ſoldier would have done, and took leave of Italy, with tears in his eyes, after having kept poſſeſſion of the moſt beautiful parts of it for above fifteen years.

Upon his arrival at Leptis, in Africa, from whence he marched to Adrumetum, he at laſt approached [98] Zama, a city within five days journey of Carthage. Scipio, in the mean time, led his army to meet him, joined by Maſſiniſſa, with ſix thouſand horſe; and, to ſhew his rival in the field, how little he fear⯑ed his approach, ſent back the ſpies which were ſent to explore his camp, having previouſly ſhewn them the whole, with directions to inform Hanni⯑bal of what they had ſeen. The Carthaginian gene⯑ral, conſcious of his inferiority, endeavoured to diſ⯑continue the war by negociation; and deſired a meeting with Scipio, to confer upon terms of peace, to which the Roman general aſſented. But, after a long conference, both ſides parting diſſatisfied, they returned to their camps, to prepare for deciding the controverſy by the ſword. Never was a more me⯑morable battle fought, whether we regard the gene⯑rals, the armies, the two ſtates that contended, or the empire that was in diſpute. The diſpoſition Hannibal made of his men, is ſaid, by the ſkilful in the art of war, to be ſuperior to any, even of his for⯑mer arrangements. The battle began with the elephants, on the ſide of the Carthaginians, which being terrified at the cries of the Romans, and wounded by the ſlingers and archers, turned upon their drivers, and cauſed much confuſion in both wings of their army, in which the cavalry was placed. Being thus deprived of the aſſiſtance of the horſe, in which their greateſt ſtrength conſiſted, the heavy infantry joined on both ſides; but the Ro⯑mans being ſtronger of body, the Carthaginians were obliged to give ground. In the mean time, Maſſiniſ⯑ſa, who had been in purſuit of their cavalry, return⯑ing and attacking them in the rear, completed their defeat. A total rout enſued, twenty thouſand men were killed in the battle or the purſuit, and as many were taken priſoners. Hannibal, who had done all that a great general and an undaunted ſoldier could perform, fled with a ſmall body of horſe to Adrume⯑ [...]um, [99] fortune ſeeming to delight in confounding his ability, his valour, and experience.

This victory brought on a peace. The Carthagi⯑nians, by Hannibal's advice, offered conditions to the Romans, which they dictated, not as rivals, but as ſovereigns. By this treaty, the Carthaginians were obliged to quit Spain, and all the iſlands in the Mediterranean ſea They were bound to pay ten thouſand talents in fifty years; to give hoſtages for the delivery of their ſhips and their elephants; to re⯑ſtore Maſſiniſſa all the territories that had been taken from him, and not to make war in Africa, but by [...]he permiſſion of the Romans. Thus ended the ſecond Punic war, ſeventeen years after it had begun.

CHAP. XVI. From the end of the ſecond Punic war to the end of the third, which terminated in the deſtruction of Carthage.

WHILE the Romans were engaged with Han⯑nibal, they carried on alſo a vigorous war againſt Philip, king of Macedonia, not a little incited there⯑to by the prayers of the Athenians; who, from once controlling the power of Perſia, were now unable to defend themſelves. The Rhodians, with Attalus, king of Pergamus, alſo entered into the confederacy againſt Philip. He was more than once defeated by Galba, the conſul, who was ſent againſt him. He attempted to beſiege Athens, but the Romans oblig⯑ed him to raiſe the ſiege. He attempted to take poſ⯑ſeſſion of the ſtreights of Thermopylae, but was dri⯑ven from them, by Quintus Flaminius, with great ſlaughter. He attempted to take refuge in Theſſaly, where he was again defeated, with conſiderable loſs, [100] and obliged to beg a peace, upon condition of pay⯑ing a thouſand talents, half down, and the other half in the ſpace of ten years. The peace with Philip gave the Romans an opportunity of ſhewing their ge⯑neroſity, by reſtoring liberty to Greece.

Antiochus, king of Syria, was next brought to ſub⯑mit to the Roman arms; after ſome embaſſies on the one ſide and the other, a war was declared againſt him, five years after the concluſion of the Macedo⯑nian war.

After various miſtakes and miſconduct, he at⯑tempted to obtain a peace, by offering to quit all his places in Europe; and ſuch in Aſia as profeſſed al⯑liance to Rome. But it was now too late, Scipio perceiving his own ſuperiority, was reſolved to avail himſelf of it. Antiochus, thus driven into re⯑ſiſtance, for ſome time retreated before the enemy, till, being preſſed hard, near the city of Magneſia, he was forced to draw out his men, to the number of ſeventy thouſand foot, and twelve thouſand horſe. Scipio oppoſed him with forces, as much inferior in number as they were ſuperior in courage and diſ⯑cipline. Antiochus therefore was in a ſhort time en⯑tirely defeated; his own chariots, armed with ſcythes, being driven back upon his men, contributed much to his overthrow. Being thus reduced to the laſt ex⯑tremity, he was glad to procure peace of the Ro⯑mans, upon their own terms; which were, to pay fifteen thouſand talents towards the expences of the war; to quit all his poſſeſſions in Europe, and like wiſe all in Aſia, on that ſide Mount Taurus; to give twenty hoſtages, as pledges of his fidelity; and to deliver up Hannibal, the inveterate enemy o [...] Rome.

In the mean time, Hannibal, whoſe deſtructio [...] was one of the articles of this extorted treaty, en⯑deavoured to avoid the threatened ruin. This con⯑ſummate general had been long a wanderer, and a [...] [101] exile from his ungrateful country. He had taken re⯑fuge at the court of Antiochus, who, at firſt, gave him a ſincere welcome, and made him admiral of his fleet, in which ſtation he ſhewed his uſual ſkill in ſtratagem. But he ſoon ſunk in the Syrian's eſteem, for having adviſed ſchemes, which that mo⯑narch had neither genius to underſtand, nor talents to execute. Sure, therefore, to find no ſafety or protection, he departed by ſtealth; and, after wan⯑dering for a time among petty ſtates, who had neither power nor generoſity to protect him, he took refuge at the court of Pruſias, king of Bithynia. In the mean time, the Romans, with a vindictive ſpirit utterly unworthy of them, ſent Aemilius, one of their moſt celebrated generals, to demand him of this king; who, fearing the reſentment of Rome, and willing to conciliate their friendſhip, by this breach of hoſpitality, ordered a guard to be placed upon Hannibal, with an intent to deliver him up. The poor old general, thus implacably perſecuted from one country to another, and finding all me⯑thods of ſafety cut off, determined to die: he there⯑fore, deſired one of his followers to bring him poi⯑ſon, which he had ready for this exigence; and drinking it, he expired, as he had lived, with intre⯑pid bravery.

A ſecond Macedonian war was ſoon after proclaimed againſt Perſeus, the ſon of Philip, U.C. 583 whom we have already ſeen obliged to beg peace of the Romans. Perſeus, in order to ſecure the crown, had contrived to murder his brother De⯑metrius; and, upon the death of his father, pleaſed with the hopes of imaginary triumphs, made war againſt Rome. During the courſe of this war, which continued about three years, many opportuni⯑ties were offered him of cutting off the Roman army; but being perfectly ignorant how to take ad⯑vantage of their raſhneſs, he ſpent the time in empty [102] overtures for a peace. At length, Aemilius gave him a deciſive overthrow near the river Enipeus. He attempted to procure ſafety by flying into Crete; but being abandoned by all, he was obliged to ſurrender himſelf, and to grace the ſplendid triumph of the Roman general.

About this time, Maſſiniſſa, the Numidian, hav⯑ing made ſome incurſions into a territory claimed by the Carthaginians, they attempted to repel the inva⯑ſion. This brought on a war between that monarch and them; while the Romans, who pretended to conſider this conduct of theirs as an infraction of the treaty, ſent to make a complaint. The ambaſſadors who were employed upon this occaſion finding the city very rich and flouriſhing, from the long interval of peace which it had now enjoyed for near fifty years, either from motives of avarice to poſſeſs its plunder, or from fear of its growing greatneſs, inſiſt⯑ed much on the neceſſity of a war, which was ſoon after proclaimed, and the conſuls ſet out with a thorough reſolution utterly to demoliſh Carthage.

The wretched Carthaginians finding that the con⯑querors would not deſiſt from making demands, while they had any thing left to ſupply, attempted to ſoften the victors by ſubmiſſion; but they received orders to leave their city, which was to be levelled with the ground. This ſevere command they re⯑ceived with all the concern and diſtreſs of a deſpair⯑ing people: they implored for a reſpite from ſuch an hard ſentence; they uſed tears and lamentations▪ but finding the conſuls inexorable, they departed with a gloomy reſolution, prepared to ſuffer the ut⯑moſt extremities, and to fight to the laſt for their ſea [...] of empire.

Thoſe veſſels, therefore, of gold and ſilver, which their luxury had taken ſuch pride in, were convert⯑ed into arms. The women parted alſo with thei [...] ornaments, and even cut off their hair to be con⯑verted [103] into ſtrings for the bowmen. Aſdrubal, who had been lately condemned for oppoſing the Romans, was now taken from priſon to head their army; and ſuch preparations were made, that, when the conſuls came before the city, which they expected to find an eaſy conqueſt, they met with ſuch reſiſtance, as quite diſpirited their forces, and ſhook their reſolution. Se⯑veral engagements were fought before the walls, with diſadvantage to the aſſailants; ſo that the ſiege would have been diſcontinued, had not Scipio Aemi⯑lianus, the adopted ſon of Africanus, who was now appointed to command it, uſed as much ſkill to ſave his forces after a defeat, as to inſpire them with freſh hopes of victory. But all his arts would have fail⯑ed, had he not found means to ſeduce Pharneas, the maſter of the Carthaginian horſe, who came over to his ſide. The unhappy townſmen, ſoon ſaw the ene⯑my make nearer approaches; the wall which led to the haven was quickly demoliſhed, ſoon after, the Forum itſelf was taken, which offered the conque⯑rors, a deplorable ſpectacle of houſes nodding to the fall, heaps of men lying dead, hundreds of the wounded ſtruggling to emerge from the carnage a⯑round them, and deploring their own and their country's ruin. The citadel ſoon after ſurrendered at diſcretion. All now but the temple was ſubdued, and that was defended by deſerters from the Roman army, and thoſe who had been moſt forward to un⯑dertake the war. Theſe, however, expecting no mercy, and finding their condition deſperate, ſet fire to the building, and voluntarily periſhed in the flames. This was the end of one of the moſt re⯑nowned cities in the world, both for arts, opulence, and extent of dominion; it had rivalled Rome for above an hundred years, and, at one time, was thought to have the ſuperiority.

This conqueſt over Carthage, was ſoon followed by many over other ſtates. Corinth, one of the nobleſt [104] cities of Greece, in the ſame year, ſuſtained the ſame fate, being entered by Mummius, the conſul, and levelled to the ground. Scipio alſo having laid ſiege to Numantia, the ſtrongeſt city in Spain, the wretch⯑ed inhabitants, to avoid falling into the hands of the enemy, fired the city over their own heads; and all, to a man, expired in the flames. Thus Spain be⯑came a province belonging to Rome, and was govern⯑ed thenceforward by two annual praetors.

CHAP. XVII. From the deſtruction of Carthage to the end of the ſedition of the Gracchi. U.C. 621

THE Romans now being left without a rival, the triumphs and the ſpoils of Aſia, brought in a taſte for ſplendid expence; and theſe produced ava⯑rice and inverted ambition. The two Gracchi were the firſt who ſaw this ſtrange corruption among the great, and reſolved to repreſs it, by renewing the Li⯑cinian law, which had enacted, that no perſon in the ſtate ſhould poſſeſs above five hundred acres of land. Tiberius Gracchus, the elder of the two, was a perſon very conſiderable both for the advan⯑tages of his body, and the qualities of his mind. Very different from Scipio, of whom he was the grandſon, he ſeemed more ambitious of power than deſirous of glory: his compaſſion for the oppreſſed was equal to his animoſity againſt the oppreſſors; but unhappily his paſſions, rather than his reaſon, operated even in his purſuits of virtue; and theſe al⯑ways drove him beyond the line of duty. This was the diſpoſition of the elder Gracchus, who found the lower part of the people ready to ſecond all his pro⯑poſals. This law, though at firſt carried on with proper moderation, greatly diſguſted the rich, who [105] endeavoured to perſuade the people, that the propoſer only aimed at diſturbing the government, and put⯑ting all things into confuſion. But Gracchus, who was a man of the greateſt eloquence of his time, eaſily wiped off theſe impreſſions from the minds of the people, already irritated with their wrongs; and, at length, the law was paſſed.

The death of Attalus, king of Pergamus, furniſh⯑ed Tiberius Gracchus with a new opportunity of gratifying the meaner part of the people, at the ex⯑pence of the great. This king had by his laſt will left the Romans his heirs; and it was now propoſed, that the money ſo left, ſhould be divided among the poor, in order to furniſh them with proper utenſils for cultivating the lands, which became theirs by the late law of partition. This cauſed ſtill greater diſ⯑turbances than before: the ſenate aſſembled upon this occaſion, in order to conſult the moſt proper me⯑thods of ſecuring theſe riches to themſelves, which they now valued above the ſafety of the common⯑wealth: they had numerous dependents, who were willing to give up liberty for plenty and eaſe: theſe therefore, were commanded to be in readineſs, to intimidate the people, who expected no ſuch oppoſi⯑tion; and who were now attending to the harrangues of Tiberius Gracchus in the Capitol. Here, as a [...]lamour was raiſed by the clients of the great on one ſide, and by the favourers of the law on the other, Tiberius found his ſpeech intirely interrupted, and begged, in vain, to be attended to; till at laſt, raiſ⯑ing his hand to his head, to intimate that his life was in danger, the partizans of the ſenate gave out, that he wanted a diadem. In conſequence of this, an univerſal uproar ſpread itſelf through all ranks of peo⯑ple; the corrupt part of the ſenate were of opinion, that the conſul ſhould defend the commonwealth by force of arms; but this prudent magiſtrate declining ſuch violence, Scipio Naſica, kinſman to Gracchus, [106] immediately roſe up, and, preparing himſelf for the conteſt, deſired that all who would defend the digni⯑ty and the authority of the laws, ſhould follow him▪ Upon this, attended by a large body of ſenators and clients, armed with clubs, he went directly to the Capitol, ſtriking down all who ventured to reſiſt Tiberius perceiving by the tumult, that his life was ſought for, endeavoured to fly; and throwing aſide his robe, to expedite his eſcape, attempted to g [...] through the throng; but happening to fall over a per⯑ſon already on the ground, Saturnius, one of his colleagues in the tribuneſhip, who was of the oppo⯑ſite faction, ſtruck him dead with a piece of a ſeat [...] and not leſs than three hundred of his hearers ſhared the ſame fate, being killed in the tumult. Nor did the vengeance of the ſenate reſt here, but extended to numbers of thoſe who ſeemed to eſpouſe his cauſe [...] many of them were put to death, many were ba⯑niſhed, and nothing was omitted to inſpire the people with an abhorrence of his pretended crimes.

Caius Gracchus, the brother of him who was ſlain, was but twenty-one upon the death of Tiberius, and as he was too young to be much dreaded by the great ſo he was at firſt unwilling to incur their reſentment by aims beyond his reach; he therefore lived in re⯑tirement, unſeen and almoſt forgotten. But, while he thus ſeemed deſirous of avoiding popularity, h [...] was employing his ſolitude in the ſtudy of eloquence which was the readieſt means to obtain it: at length when he thought himſelf qualified to ſerve his coun⯑try, he offered himſelf candidate for the quaeſtorſhip to the army in Sardinia, which he readily obtained▪ His valour, affability, and temperance in this office was remarked by all. The king of Numidia ſending a preſent of corn to the Romans, ordered his ambaſ⯑ſadors to ſay, that it was entirely as a tribute to the virtues of Caius Gracchus. This the ſenate treated with ſcorn, and ordered the ambaſſadors to be diſ⯑miſſed [107] with contempt, as ignorant barbarians; which ſo enflamed the reſentment of young Grac⯑chus, that he immediately came from the army, to complain of the indignity thrown upon his reputa⯑tion, and to offer himſelf for the tribuneſhip of the people. It was then that the great found in this youth, who had been hitherto neglected upon ac⯑count of his age, a more formidable antagoniſt than even his brother had been. Notwithſtanding the warmeſt oppoſition from the ſenate, he was declared tribune, by a very large majority, and he now pre⯑pared to run the ſame career which his brother had gone before him.

His firſt effort was to have Popilius, one of the moſt inveterate of his brother's enemies, cited before the people, who, rather than ſtand the event of a trial, choſe to go into voluntary baniſhment. He next procured an edict, granting the freedom of the city to the inhabitants of Latium; and, ſoon after, to all the people on that ſide the Alps. He after⯑wards fixed the price of corn to a moderate ſtandard, and procured a monthly diſtribution of it among the people. He then proceeded to an inſpection into the late corruptions of the ſenate; in which the whole body being convicted of bribery, extortion, and the ſafe of offices, for at that time a total degeneracy ſeemed to have taken place, a law was made, tranſ⯑ferring the power of judging corrupt magiſtrates, from the ſenate to the knights, which made a great altera⯑tion in the conſtitution.

Gracchus, by theſe means, being grown not only very popular, but very powerful in the ſtate, was be⯑come an object, at which the ſenate aimed all their reſentment But he ſoon found the populace a faith⯑leſs and unſteady ſupport; they began to withdraw all their confidence from him, and to place it upon Druſus, a man inſidiouſly ſet up againſt him by the ſenate. It was in vain, that he revived the Licinian [108] law in their favour, and called up ſeveral of the inha⯑bitants of the different towns of Italy to his ſupport; the ſenate ordered them all to depart Rome, and even ſent one ſtranger to priſon, whom Gracchus had in⯑vited to live with him, and honoured with his table and friendſhip. To this indignity was ſhortly after added a diſgrace of a more fatal tendency; for ſtand⯑ing for the tribuneſhip a third time, he was rejected, it being ſuppoſed, that the officers, whoſe duty it was to make the return, were bribed to reject him, though fairly choſen.

It was now ſeen, that the fate of Gracchus was re⯑ſolved on. Opimius, the conſul, was not contented with the protection of all the ſenate and the knights, with a numerous retinue of ſlaves and clients, but or⯑dered a body of Candians, that were mercenaries in the Roman ſervice, to follow and attend him. Thus guarded, and conſcious of the ſuperiority of his forces, he inſulted Gracchus wherever he met him, doing all in his power to produce a quarrel, in which he might have a pretence of diſpatching his enemy in the fray. Gracchus avoided all recrimination, and, as if appriſed of the conſul's deſigns, would not even wear any kind of arms for his defence. His friend Flaccus, however, a zealous tribune, was not ſo re⯑miſs, but reſolved to oppoſe party againſt party, and for this purpoſe brought up ſeveral countrymen to Rome, who came under pretence of deſiring employ⯑ment. When the day for determining the controverſy was arrived, the two parties, early in the morning, attended at the Capitol, where, while the conſul was ſacrificing, according to cuſtom, one of the lictors taking up the entrails of the beaſt that was ſlain, in order to remove them, could not forbear crying out to Fulvius and his party. ‘You, ye factious citizens, make way for honeſt men.’ This inſult ſo pro⯑voked the party to whom it was addreſſed, that they inſtantly fell upon him, and pierced him to death [109] with the inſtruments they uſed in writing, which they then happened to have in their hands. This murder cauſed a great diſturbance in the aſſembly; but particularly Gracchus, who ſaw the conſequences that were likely to enſue, reprimanded his party for giving his enemies ſuch advantage over him; but now prepared to lead his followers to Mount Aven⯑tine. It was there he learned, that proclamation had been made by the conſuls, that whoever ſhould bring either his head, or that of Flaccus, ſhould receive its weight in gold as a reward. It was to no purpoſe, that he ſent the youngeſt ſon of Flaccus, who was yet a child, with propoſals for an accommodation. The ſenate and the conſuls, who were ſenſible of their ſu⯑periority, rejected all his offers, and reſolved to puniſh his offence with nothing leſs than death; and they offered pardon alſo to all who ſhould leave him immediately. This produced the deſired effect; the people fell from him by degrees, and left him with very inferior forces. In the mean time, Opi⯑mius, the conſul, who thirſted for ſlaughter, leading his forces up to Mount Aventine, fell in among the crowd with ungovernable fury: a terrible ſlaughter of the ſcarce reſiſting multitude enſued, and not leſs than three thouſand citizens were ſlain upon the ſpot. Flaccus attempted to find ſhelter in a ruinous cottage; but being diſcovered, was ſlain, with his eldeſt ſon. Gracchus, at firſt, retired to the temple of Diana, where he was reſolved to die by his own hand; but was prevented by two of his faithful friends and fol⯑lowers, Pomponius and Lucinius, who forced him to ſeek ſafety by ſlight. From thence he made the beſt of his way to croſs a bridge, that led from the city, ſtill attended by his two generous friends, and a Grecian ſlave, whoſe name was Philocrates. But his purſuers ſtill preſſed upon him from behind, and when come to the foot of the bridge, he was obliged to turn and face the enemy. His two friends were [110] ſoon ſlain, defending him againſt the crowd; and he was forced to take refuge, with his ſlave, in a grove beyond the Tyber, which had long been dedicated to the Furies. Here finding himſelf ſurrounded on every ſide, and no way left of eſcaping, he prevailed upon his ſlave to kill him, who immediately after killed himſelf, and fell down dead upon the both of his beloved maſter. The purſuers ſoon coming up, cut off the head of Gracchus, and placed it for a while as a trophy upon a ſpear. Soon after, one Septimu⯑leius carrying it home, there, firſt having ſecretly taken out the brain, he filled it with lead, in or⯑der to make it weigh heavier, and thus received of the conſul ſeventeen pounds of gold as his recom⯑pence.

Thus died Caius Gracchus, about ten years after his brother Tiberius, and ſix after he began to be active in the commonwealth. He is uſually impeach⯑ed by hiſtorians, as guilty of ſedition; but from what we ſee of his character, the diſturbance of public tran⯑quility was rather owing to his oppoſers than to him; ſo that inſtead of calling the tumults of that time, the ſedition of the Gracchi, we ſhould rather call them the ſedition of the ſenate againſt the Grac⯑chi, ſince the efforts of the latter were made in vin⯑dication of a law, to which the ſenate had aſſented, and as the deſigns of the former were ſupported by an extraneous armed power from the country, that had never before meddled in the buſineſs of the legiſla⯑tion, and whoſe introduction gave a moſt irreco⯑verable blow to the conſtitution. Whether the Grac⯑chi were actuated by motives of ambition or of pa⯑triotiſm, in the promulgation of theſe laws, it is impoſſible to determine; but certain it is, from what appears, that all juſtice was on their ſide, and all in⯑jury on that of the ſenate In fact, this body was now quite changed from that venerable aſſembly, which we have ſeen overthrowing Pyrrhus and Han⯑nibal, [111] as much by their virtues as their arms. They were now only to be diſtinguiſhed from the reſt of the people by their ſuperior luxuries; and ruled the commonwealth by the weight of that authority, which is gained from riches, and a number of mer⯑cenary dependencies. All the venal and the baſe were attached to them from motives of ſelf-intereſt; and they who ſtill ventured to be independent, were borne down, and entirely loſt in the infamous majo⯑rity. In ſhort, the empire, at this period, came un⯑der the government of an hateful ariſtocracy; the tribunes, who were formerly accounted protectors of the people, becoming rich themſelves, and having no longer oppoſite intereſts from thoſe of the ſenate, concurred in their oppreſſions; ſince, as has been ſaid, it was not now the ſtruggle between patricians and plebeians, who only nominally differed, but be⯑tween the rich and the poor. The lower orders of the ſtate being by theſe means reduced to a degree of hopeleſs ſubjection, inſtead of looking after liberty, only ſought for a leader; while the rich, with all the ſuſpicion of tyrants, terrified at the ſlighteſt appear⯑ance of oppoſition, entruſted men with uncontroul⯑able power, from whom they had not ſtrength to withdraw it, when the danger was over. Thus both parts of the ſtate concurred in giving up their free⯑dom; the fears of the ſenate firſt made the dictator, and the hatred of the people kept him in his office. Nothing can be more dreadful to a thinking mind than the government of Rome from this period, till it found refuge under the protection of Auguſtus.

CHAP. XVIII. From the ſedition of Gracchus to the perpetual dic⯑tatorſhip of Sylla, which was the firſt ſtep toward the ruin of the commonwealth of Rome.

WHILE the Romans were in this ſtate of de⯑plorable corruption at home, they nevertheleſs wer [...] very ſucceſsful in their tranſactions with regard t [...] foreign powers.

Jugurtha was grandſon to the famous Maſſiniſſa who ſided againſt Hannibal with Rome. He wa [...] educated with the two young princes, who were lef [...] to inherit the kingdom, and being ſuperior in abili⯑ties to both, and greatly in favour with the people he murdered Hiempſal, the eldeſt ſon, and attempted the ſame by Adherbal the younger, who made hi [...] eſcape, and fled to the Romans for ſuccour. Where upon, Jugurtha, being ſenſible how much avarie [...] and injuſtice had crept into the ſenate, ſent his am⯑baſſadors with large preſents to Rome, who ſo ſuc⯑ceſsfully prevailed, that the ſenate decreed him hal [...] the kingdom, which he had thus acquired by murde [...] and uſurpation, and ſent ten commiſſioners to divide it between him and Adherbal. The commiſſioners of whom Opimius, the murderer of Gracchus was one, willing to follow the example which the ſenate had ſet them, were alſo bribed to beſtow the moſ [...] rich and populous part of the kingdom upon the uſurper; who, for all that, reſolved to poſſeſs him⯑ſelf of the whole. But willing to give a colour to his ambition, he only made in the beginning incur⯑ſions upon his colleague's territories, in order to pro⯑voke repriſals, which he knew how to convert into ſeeming aggreſſion, in caſe it came before the ſenate. This failing, he reſolved to throw off the maſk; [113] and beſieging Adherbal in Cirta, his capital, he at length got him into his power and murdered him. The people of Rome, who had ſtill ſome generoſity remaining, unanimouſly complained of this treache⯑ry, and procured a decree, that Jugurtha ſhould be ſummoned in perſon before them, to give an account of all ſuch as had accepted bribes. Jugurtha made no great difficulty in throwing himſelf upon the cle⯑mency of Rome; but giving the people no ſatisfac⯑tion, he had orders to depart the city; and, in the mean time, Albanus, the conſul, was ſent with an army to follow him; who giving up the direction of the army to Aulus, his brother, a perſon every way unqualified for the command, the Romans were compelled to hazard a battle upon diſadvan⯑tageous terms; and the whole army, to avoid being cut to pieces, was obliged to paſs under the yoke.

In this condition, Metellus, the ſucceeding con⯑ſul, found affairs upon his arrival in Numidia; of⯑ficers without confidence, an army without diſ⯑cipline, and an enemy ever watchful and intriguing. However, by his great attention to buſineſs, and by an integrity that ſhuddered at corruption, he ſoon began to retrieve the affairs of Rome, and the credit of the army. In the ſpace of two years, Jugurtha was overthrown in ſeveral battles, forced out of his own dominions, and conſtrained to beg a peace. Thus, all things promiſed Metellus an eaſy and cer⯑tain victory, but he was fruſtrated in his expecta⯑tions, by the intrigues of Caius Marius, his lieu⯑tenant, who came in to reap that harveſt of glory which the other's induſtry had ſown. Caius Marius, was born in a village near Arpinium, of poor parents, who gained their living by their labour. As he had been bred up in a participation of their toils, his manners were as rude, as his countenance was fright⯑ful. He was a man of extraordinary ſtature, incom⯑parable [114] ſtrength, and undaunted bravery. When Metellus, as has been ſaid, was obliged to ſollicit at Rome for a continuance of his command, Marius, whoſe ambition knew no bounds, was reſolved to obtain it for himſelf, and thus gain all the glory of putting an end to the war. To that end he privately inveighed againſt Metellus by his emiſſaries at Rome; and having excited a ſpirit of diſcontent againſt him, he had leave granted him to go to Rome, to ſtand for the conſulſhip himſelf, which he obtained, contrary to the expectation and intereſt of the nobles.

Marius being thus inveſted with the ſupreme power of managing the war, ſhewed himſelf every way fit for the commiſſion. His vigilance was equal to his valour, and he quickly made himſelf maſter of the cities which Jugurtha had yet remaining in Numidia. This unfortunate prince finding himſelf unable to make oppoſition ſingly, was obliged to have recourſe for aſſiſtance to Bocchus, king of Mauritania, to whoſe daughter he was married. A battle ſoon after enſued, in which the Numidians ſurpriſed the Ro⯑man camp by night, and gained a temporary advan⯑tage. However, it was but of ſhort continuance; for Marius ſoon after overthrew them in two ſignal engagements, in one of which, not leſs than ninety thouſand of the African army were ſlain. Bocchu [...] now finding the Romans too powerful to be reſiſted did not think it expedient to hazard his own crown▪ to protect that of his ally; he therefore determined to make peace, upon whatever conditions he might obtain it; and accordingly ſent to Rome, imploring protection. The ſenate received the ambaſſador with their uſual haughtineſs, and, without comply⯑ing with their requeſt, granted the ſuppliant, no [...] their friendſhip, but their pardon. Notwithſtand⯑ing, after ſome time, he was given to underſtand that the delivering up of Jugurtha to the Romans [115] would, in ſome meaſure, conciliate their favour, and ſoften their reſentment At firſt the pride of Bocchus ſtruggled againſt ſuch a propoſal, but a few interviews with Sylla, who was quaeſtor to Marius, reconciled him to this treacherous meaſure. At length, therefore, Jugurtha was given up, being drawn into an ambuſcade, by the ſpecious pretences of his ally, who deluded him by deſiring a confe⯑rence; and being made a priſoner, he was carried by Marius to Rome, loaded with chains, a deplo⯑rable inſtance of blaſted ambition. He did not long ſurvive his overthrow, being condemned by the ſe⯑nate to be ſtarved to death in priſon, a ſhort time after he had adorned the triumph of the con⯑queror.

Marius, by this and two ſucceeding victories over the Gauls, having become very formidable to diſtant nations in war, became ſoon after much more dan⯑gerous to his fellow-citizens in peace.

The ſtrength which he had given the popular par⯑ty, every day grew more conſpicuous: and the Ita⯑lians being fruſtrated in their aims of gaining the freedom of Rome, by the intrigues of the ſenate, they reſolved upon obtaining by force, what was re⯑fuſed them as a favour. This gave riſe to the Social war, in which moſt of the ſtates of Italy entered into a confederacy againſt Rome, in order to ob⯑tain a redreſs of this, and all the reſt of their grievances.

After a lapſe of two years, this war having con⯑tinued to rage with doubtful ſucceſs, the ſenate be⯑gan to reflect, that, whether conquered or conque⯑rors, the power of the Romans was in danger of be⯑ing totally deſtroyed. In order therefore to ſoften their compliance by degrees, they began by giving the freedom of the city to ſuch of the Italian ſtates as had not revolted. They then offered it to ſuch as would ſooneſt lay down their arms. This unexpect⯑ed [116] bounty had the deſired effect; the allies, with mutual diſtruſt, offered each a ſeparate treaty: the ſenate took them one by one into favour, but gave the freedom of the city in ſuch a manner, that, being empowered to vote not until all the other tribes had given their ſuffrages, they had very little weight in the conſtitution. In this manner they were made free, all but the Samnites and Lucanians, who ſeem⯑ed excluded from the general compromiſe, as if to leave Sylla, who commanded againſt them, the glory of putting an end to the war: this he performed with great conduct, ſtorming their camps, overthrowing them in ſeveral battles, and obliging them to ſub⯑mit to ſuch terms as the ſenate were pleaſed to im⯑poſe.

This deſtructive war being concluded, which, as Paterculus ſays, conſumed above three hundred thou⯑ſand of the flower of Italy, the ſenate now began to think of turning their arms againſt Mithridates, the moſt powerful and warlike monarch of the Eaſt.

For this expedition Marius had long been prepar⯑ing, but Sylla, who now began to make a figure in the commonwealth, had intereſt enough to get Mari⯑us ſet aſide, and himſelf appointed to the expedition. Marius, however, tried all his arts with the people to get this appointment reverſed, and at length pro⯑cured a law to be enacted, that the command of the army appointed to oppoſe Mithridates, was to be transferred from Sylla to Marius.

In conſequence of this, Marius immediately ſent down officers from Rome, to take command in his name. But, inſtead of obeying their orders, they fell upon and ſlew the officers, and then entreated Sylla, that he would lead them directly to take ſignal vengeance upon all his enemies at Rome.

Accordingly, his ſoldiers entered the city ſword in hand, as a place taken by ſtorm. Marius and Sulpicius, at the head of a tumultuary body of their [117] partizans, attempted to oppoſe their entrance; and the citizens themſelves, who feared the ſackage of the place, threw down ſtones and tyles from the tops of the houſes upon the intruders. So unequal a con⯑flict laſted longer than could have been expected: at length, Marius and his party were obliged to ſeek ſafety by flight, after having vainly offered liberty to all the ſlaves, who would aſſiſt them in this emer⯑gency.

Sylla now finding himſelf maſter of the city, be⯑gan by modelling the laws ſo as to favour his outrages. While Marius, driven out of Rome, and declared a public enemy, at the age of ſeventy, was obliged to ſave himſelf, unattended and on foot, from the numerous purſuits of thoſe who ſought his life. After having wandered for ſome time in this deplor⯑able condition, he found every day his dangers en⯑creaſe, and his purſuers making nearer advances. In this diſtreſs he was obliged to conceal himſelf in the marſhes of Minturnum, where he ſpent the night up to his chin in a quagmire. At break of day he left this diſmal place, and made towards the ſea ſide, in hopes of finding a ſhip to facilitate his eſcape; but being known and diſcovered by ſome of the inhabi⯑tants, he was conducted to a neighbouring town with an halter round his neck, without cloaths, and, covered over with mud, was ſent to priſon. The governor of the place, willing to conform to the or⯑ders of the ſenate, ſoon after ſent a Cimbrian ſlave to diſpatch him; but the barbarian no ſooner entered the dungeon for this purpoſe, but he ſtopt ſhort, in⯑timidated by the dreadful viſage and awful voice of the fallen general, who ſternly demanded, if he had the preſumption to kill Caius Marius? The ſlave, unable to reply, threw down his ſword, and ruſhing back from the priſon, cried out, that he found it im⯑poſſible to kill him! The governor, conſidering the fear of the ſlave as an omen in the unhappy exile's [118] favour, gave him once more his freedom; and, com⯑mending him to his fortune, provided him with a ſhip to convey him from Italy. He from thence made the beſt of his way to the iſland of Aenaria, and ſailing onward, was forced by a tempeſt on the coaſt of Sicily. There a Roman quaeſtor, who happened to be at the ſame place, reſolved to ſeize him; by which he loſt ſixteen of his crew, who were killed in their endeavours to cover his retreat to the ſhip. He afterwards landed in Africa, near Carthage, and went, in a melancholy manner, to place himſelf amongſt the ruins of that deſolated place. He ſoon, however, had orders from the praetor, who governed there, to retire. Marius, who remembered his hav⯑ing once ſerved this very man, when in neceſſity, could not ſuppreſs his ſorrow, at finding ingratitude in every quarter of the would; and preparing to obey, deſired the meſſenger to tell his maſter, that he had ſeen Marius ſitting among the ruins of Carthage, in⯑timating the greatneſs of his own fall, by the deſola⯑tion that was found him. He then embarked once more, and, not knowing where to land without en⯑countering an enemy, ſpent the winter at ſea, ex⯑pecting every hour, the return of a meſſenger from his ſon, whom he had ſent to ſollicit protection from an African prince, whoſe name was Mand [...]aſtal. After long expectation, inſtead of the meſſenger, his ſon himſelf arrived, having eſcaped from the inhoſ⯑pitable court of that monarch, where he had been kept, not as a friend, but a priſoner, and had re⯑turned juſt time enough to prevent his father from ſharing the ſame fate. It was in this ſituation, that they were informed that Cinna, one of their party, who had remained at Rome, had reſtored their af⯑fairs, and headed a large army of the Italian ſtates in his cauſe.

Nor was it long before they joined their forces, and preſented themſelves at the gates of Rome. Sylla [119] was at that time abſent in his command againſt Mi⯑ [...]hridates, wh [...]e Cinna marched into the city, ac⯑companied by his guards; but Marius ſtopped, and refuſed to enter, alledging, that, having been ba⯑niſhed by a public decree, it was neceſſary to have another to authorize his return. It was thus that he deſired to give his meditated cruelties the appearance of juſtice; and, while he was about to deſtroy thou⯑ſands, to pretend an implicit veneration for the laws. In purſuance of his deſire, an aſſembly of the people being called, they began to reverſe his baniſhment; but they had ſcarce gone through three of the tribes, when, incapable of containing his deſire of revenge, he entered the city at the head of his guards, and maſſacred all that had ever been obnoxious to him, without remorſe or pity. Several who ſought to pro⯑pitiate the tyrant's rage, were murdered by his com⯑mand in his preſence; many even of thoſe who had never offended him were put to death; and, at laſt, even his own officers never approached him but with error. Having in this manner puniſhed his enemies, be next abrogated all the laws which were made by his rival, and then made himſelf conſul with Cinna. Thus gratified in his two favourite paſſions, venge⯑ance and ambition, having once ſaved his country, and now deluged it with blood; at laſt, as if willing to crown the pile of ſlaughter which he had made, with his own body, he died the month after, aged ſeventy, not without ſuſpicion of having haſtened his [...]ad.

In the mean time, theſe accounts were brought to Sylla, who was ſent againſt Mithridates, and who was performing many ſignal ſervices againſt him; but conc [...]uding a peace with that monarch, he reſolv⯑ed to return home to take revenge of his enemies at Rome.

In the mean time, nothing could intimidate Cinna from making preparations to repel his opponent. Be⯑ing [120] joined by Carbo, who was now elected in the room of Valerius, who had been ſlain, together with young Marius, who inherited all the abilities and the ambition of his father, he determined to ſend over part of the forces he had raiſed into Dalmatia, to oppoſe Sylla before he entired Italy. Some troops were accordingly embarked; but theſe being diſperſed by a ſtorm, the reſt, that had not yet put to ſea, ab⯑ſolutely refuſed to go. Upon this, Cinna, quite fu⯑rious at their diſobedience, ruſhed forward to per⯑ſade them to their duty In the mean time, one of the moſt mutinous of the ſoldiers being ſtruck by an officer, returned the blow, and was apprehended for his crime. This ill-timed ſeverity produced a tu⯑mult and a mutiny through the whole army; and while Cinna did all he could to prevent or appeaſe it, he was run through the body by one of the crowd.

Scipio, the conſul, who commanded againſt Sylla, was ſoon after allured by propoſals for coming to a treaty: but a ſuſpenſion of arms being agreed upon, Sylla's ſoldiers went into the oppoſite camp, diſplay⯑ing thoſe riches which they had acquired in their ex⯑peditions, and offering to participate with their fel⯑low-citizens, in caſe they changed their party. Ac⯑cordingly, the whole army declared unanimouſly for Sylla; and Scipio ſcarce knew that he was for⯑ſaken and depoſed, till he was informed of it by a par⯑ty of the enemy, who, entering his tent, made him and his ſon their priſoners.

In this manner, both factions, exaſperated to the higheſt degree, and expecting no mercy on either part, gave vent to their fury in ſeveral engagements The forces on the ſide of young Marius, who now ſucceeded his father in command, were the moſ [...] numerous, but thoſe of Sylla better united and mor [...] under ſubordination. Carbo, who commanded an army for Marius in the field, ſent eight legions to [121] Praeneſte, to relieve his colleague, but they were met by Pompey, afterwards ſurnamed the Great, in a de⯑file, who ſlew many of them, and diſperſed the reſt. Carbo, joined by Urbanus, ſoon after engaged Me⯑teilus, but was overcome with the loſs of ten thou⯑ſand men ſlain, and ſix thouſand taken priſoners. In conſequence of this defeat, Urbanus killed himſelf, and Carbo ſled to Africa, where, after wandering a long time, he was at laſt delivered up to Pom⯑pey, who, to pleaſe Sylla, ordered him to be be⯑headed. Sylla, now become undiſputed maſter of his country, entered Rome at the head of his army. Hap⯑py, had he ſupported in peace the glory which he had acquired in war; or had he ceaſed to live, when he ceaſed to conquer.

Eight thouſand men, who had eſcaped the general carnage, offered themſelves to the conqueror: he or⯑dered them to be put into the Villa Publica, a large houſe in the Campus Martius; and at the ſame time convoked the ſenate: there he ſpoke with great [...]tency, and in a manner no way diſcompoſed, of his own exploits; and in the mean time, gave pri⯑ [...]te directions, that all thoſe wretches, whom he had confined, ſhould be ſlain. The ſenate, amazed at the ho [...]id outcries of the ſufferers, at firſt thought [...] the city was given up to plunder; but Sylla, [...] an unembarraſſed air, informed them, that it was only ſome criminals who were puniſhed by his order, and that they needed not to make themſelves un [...]aſy about their fate. The day after, he proſcrib⯑ed forty ſenators and ſixteen hundred knights; and, after [...] intermiſſion of two days, forty ſenators more, [...] infinite number of the richeſt citizens of Rome.

H [...] next reſolved to inveſt himſelf with the dicta⯑torſhip, and that for a perpetuity; and thus uniting all cl [...] as well as military power in his own perſon, [122] he was conſcious he might thence give an air of juſ⯑tice to every oppreſſion.

In this manner he continued to govern with ca⯑pricious tyranny, none daring to reſiſt his power, un⯑til, contrary to the expectations of all mankind, he laid down the dictatorſhip, having held it not quite three years.

After this he retired into the country, in order to enjoy the pleaſures of tranquility and ſocial happi⯑neſs; but he did not long ſurvive his abdication; he died of that diſeaſe which is called the morbus pedi⯑cularis, a loathſome and mortifying object, and cap⯑able of ſhewing the futility of human ambition.

CHAP. XIX. From the Perpetual Dictatorſhip of Sylla to the Tri⯑umvirate of Caeſar, Pompey, and Craſſus. U.C. 680

UPON death of Sylla, the jealouſies of Pompey and Craſſus, the two moſt powerful men in the em⯑pire, began to excite freſh diſſenſions. Pompey was the moſt beloved general, and Craſſus was the richeſt man in Rome.

The firſt opportunity that was afforded of diſcover⯑ing their mutual jealouſy, was upon the diſbanding their troops, with which they had conquered. Neither choſe to begin; ſo that the moſt fatal conſe⯑quences threatened from their diſſenſion: but, at length, Craſſus, ſtifling his reſentment, laid down his command; and the other followed his example immediately after. The next trial between them was, who ſhould be foremoſt in obtaining the favour of the people. Craſſus entertained the populace at a thouſand different tables; diſtributed corn to the fa⯑milies of the poor; and fed the greateſt part of the [123] citizens for near three months. Pompey, on the other hand, laboured to abrogate the laws made againſt the people's authority by Sylla: he reſtored the power of judging to the knights, which had been formerly granted them by Gracchus; and gave back to the tribunes of the people all their former privi⯑leges. It was thus that each gave his private aims a public appearance; ſo that what was in reality ambi⯑tion in both, took with one the name of liberality, with the other that of freedom.

An expedition, in which Pompey cleared the Me⯑diterranean, which was infeſted by pirates, having added greatly to his reputation, the tribunes of the people hoped it would be eaſier to advance their fa⯑vourite ſtill higher: wherefore Manilius, one of the number, preferred a law, that all the armies of the empire, with the government of all Aſia, together with the management of the war, which was renew⯑ed againſt Mithridates, ſhould be committed to him alone. The law paſſed with little oppoſition, and the decree was confirmed by all the tribes of the people

Being thus appointed to the command of that im⯑portant war, he immediately departed for Aſia, hav⯑ing made the proper preparations towards forwarding the campaign. Mithridates had been obliged by Lu⯑cullus to take refuge in Leſſer Armenia, and thither that general was preparing to follow him, when his whole army abandoned him, ſo that it remained for Pompey to terminate the war, which he effected with great eaſe and expedition, adding a large extent of dominion to the Roman empire, and returning to Rome in triumph at the head of his conquering army.

But all the victories of Pompey, rather ſerved to heighten the glory, than to encreaſe the power of Rome; [...]ey only made it a more glaring object of ambition, and expoſed its liberties to greater danger. [124] Thoſe liberties, indeed, ſeemed devoted to ruin on eve⯑ry ſide; for, even while he was purſuing his conqueſt abroad, Rome was at the verge of ruin, from a con⯑ſpiracy at home. This conſpiracy was projected an [...] carried on by Sergius Catiline, a patrician by birth who reſolved to build his own power on the downfa [...] of his country. He was ſingularly formed, both b [...] art and nature, to conduct a conſpiracy: he was poſ⯑ſeſſed of courage, equal to the moſt deſperate at⯑tempts, and eloquence to give a colour to his ambi⯑tion: ruined in his fortunes, profligate in his man⯑ners, and vigilant in purſuing his aims; he was in⯑ſatiable after wealth, only with a view to laviſh it o [...] his guilty pleaſures

Catiline having contracted many debts by th [...] looſeneſs of ſuch an ill-ſpent life, was reſolved to ex⯑tricate himſelf from them by any means however un⯑lawful.

Accordingly, he aſſembled about thirty of hi [...] debauched aſſociates, and informed them of his aims his hopes, and his ſettled plan of operations. It was re⯑ſolved among them, that a general inſurrection ſhoul [...] be raiſed throughout Italy, the different parts of whic [...] were aſſigned to the different leaders. Rome was t [...] be fired in ſeveral place at once; and Catiline, a [...] the head of an army rai [...]d in Etruria, was in the ge⯑neral confuſion to p [...]ſeſs himſelf of the city, an [...] maſſacre all the ſenators. Lentulus, one of his pro⯑fligate aſſiſtants, who had been praetor, or judge i [...] the city, w [...] to preſide in their general councils Cethegus, a [...]n who ſacrificed the poſſeſſion o [...] great preſent [...] to the hopes of gratifying his re⯑venge [...]gainſt [...], was to direct the maſſacr [...] thr [...]ugh the city; [...] [...]aeſius was to conduct thoſ [...] who fired it. But the vigilance of Cicero being [...] chief obſtacle to the [...] [...]ſigns, Catiline was very de⯑ſirous to ſee him taken [...] before he left Rome: upo [...] which, two knights of the company undertook to [...] [125] him the next morning in his bed, in an early viſit in pretence of buſineſs. But the meeting was no ſooner over, than Cicero had information of all that [...]aſſed in it; for, by the intrigues of a woman, nam⯑ed Fulvia, he had gained over Curius, her lover, and one of the conſpirators, to ſend him a punctual ac⯑count of all their deliberations. Having taken pro⯑per precautions to guard himſelf againſt the deſigns of his morning viſitors, who were punctual to the [...]ppointment, he next took care to provide for the de⯑ [...]ence of the city, and aſſembling the ſenate, con⯑ſulted what was beſt to be done in this time of dan⯑ger. The firſt ſtep taken, was to offer conſiderable rewards for farther diſcoveries, and then to prepare for the defence of the ſtate. Catiline, to ſhew how well he could diſſemble, or juſtify any crime, went boldly to the ſenate, declaring his innocence; but when confronted by the eloquence of Cicero, he haſtily withdrew, declaring aloud, that ſince he was denied a vindication of himſelf, and driven headlong by his enemies, he would extinguiſh the flame which was raiſed about him, in univerſal ruin. Accord⯑ingly, after a ſhort conference with Lentulus and Cethegus, he left Rome by night, with a ſmall re⯑ [...]inue, to make the beſt of his way towards Etruria, where Manilius, one of the conſpirators, was raiſing in army to ſupport him.

In the mean time, Cicero took proper precautions to ſecure all thoſe of the conſpiracy who remained in Rome. Lentulus, Cethegus, Caeſius, and ſeveral others, were put in confinement; and ſoon after, by the command of the ſenate, being delivered over to the executioners, were ſtrangled in priſon.

While his aſſociates were put to death in the city, Catiline had raiſed an army of twelve thouſand men; of which a fourth part only was completely armed; the reſt being furniſhed with what chance afforded, darts, lances, and clubs. He refuſed, at firſt, to en⯑liſt [126] ſlaves, who flocked to him in great numbers▪ truſting to the proper ſtrength of the conſpiracy; but upon the approach of the conſul, who was ſen [...] againſt him, and upon the arrival of the news, tha [...] his confederates were put to death in Rome, the face of his affairs were entirely altered. His firſt attempt therefore, was, by long marches, to make his eſcape over the Appennines into Gaul; but in this his hope were diſappointed, all the paſſes being ſtrictly guard⯑ed by an army under Metellus, ſuperior to his own Being thus hemmed in on every ſide, and ſeeing al [...] things deſperate, with nothing left him, but either t [...] die or conquer, he reſolved to make one vigour⯑ous effort againſt that army which purſued him. An⯑tonius, the conſul, being himſelf ſick, the command devolved upon his lieutenant, Petreius; who, after [...] fierce and bloody action, in which he loſt a conſi⯑derable part of his beſt troops, put Catiline's force to the rout, and deſtroyed his whole army, whic [...] fought deſperately to the laſt man.

The extinction of this conſpiracy ſeemed only [...] leave an open theatre for the ambition of the gre [...] men of the ſtate to diſplay itſelf in. Pompey w [...] now returned in triumph from conquering the Ea [...] as he had before been victorious in Europe an [...] Africa.

Craſſus, as we have already obſerved, was th [...] richeſt man in Rome; and next to him, poſſeſſed o [...] the greateſt authority: his party in the ſenate wa [...] even ſtronger than that of Pompey, his rival, and th [...] envy raiſed againſt him was leſs. He and Pompe [...] had been long diſunited by an oppoſition of intereſt and of characters: however, it was from a continu⯑ance of their mutual jealouſies, that the ſtate was [...] ſome meaſure to expect its future ſafety. It was [...] this ſituation of things, that Julius Caeſar, who ha [...] lately gone praetor into Spain, and had returned wit [...] great riches and glory, reſolved to convert their m [...] ⯑tual [127] jealouſy to his own advantage. This celebrated man was nephew to Marius, by the female line, and deſcended from one of the moſt illuſtrious families in Rome: he had already mounted by the regular gra⯑dations of office; having been quaeſtor, aedile, grand pontiff, and praetor in Spain. Being deſcended from popular anceſtors, he warmly eſpouſed the ſide of the people, and ſhortly after the death of Sylla pro⯑cured thoſe whom he had baniſhed to be recalled. He had all along declared for the populace againſt the ſenate, and by this became their moſt favourite magiſtrate. This conſummate ſtateſman began firſt, by offering his ſervices to Pompey, promiſing him his aid in having all his acts paſſed, notwithſtanding the ſenate's oppoſition. Pompey, pleaſed at the ac⯑quiſition of a perſon of ſo much merit, readily grant⯑ed him his confidence and protection. He next ap⯑plied to Craſſus, who, from former connexions was diſpoſed to become ſtill more nearly his friend: at length, finding neither averſe to an union of intereſts, he took an opportunity of bringing them together; and, remonſtrating to them the advantage, as well as the neceſſity of a reconciliation, he had art enough to perſuade them to forget former animoſities. A com⯑bination was thus formed, by which they three agreed, that nothing ſhould be done in the common⯑wealth, but what received their mutual concurrence and approbation. This was called the Firſt Trium⯑virate, by which we find the conſtitution weakened by a new intereſt, that had not hitherto taken place in the government, very different from that either of the ſenate or the people, and yet dependent on both.

CHAP. XX. From the beginning of the firſt Triumvirate to the death of Pompey. U.C. 694

THE firſt thing Caeſar did, upon being taken into the triumvirate, was to avail himſelf of the in⯑tereſt of his confederates to obtain the conſulſhip. The ſenate had ſtill ſome ſmall influence left; and, though they were obliged to concur in chuſing him, yet they gave him for a colleague, on Bibulus, who they ſuppoſed would be a check upon his power; but the oppoſition was too ſtrong for even ſuperior abili⯑ties to reſiſt it; ſo that Bibulus, after a ſlight attempt in favour of the ſenate, remained inactive. Caeſar began his ſchemes for empire, by ingratiating him⯑ſelf with the people: he procured a law for divid⯑ing certain lands in Campania, among ſuch of the poor citizens, as had at leaſt three children. This propoſal was juſt enough in itſelf, and only criminal from the views of the propoſer.

Having thus ſtrengthened himſelf at home, he next deliberated with his confederates, about ſharing the foreign provinces of the empire between them. The partition was ſoon made: Pompey choſe Spain for his own part; for being fatigued with conqueſt, and ſatiated with military fame, he was willing to take his pleaſures at Rome. Craſſus choſe Syria for his part of the empire; which province, as it had hitherto enriched the generals who had ſubdued it would, he hoped, gratify him in this his moſt fa⯑vourite purſuit. To Caeſar was left the provinces o [...] Gaul; compoſed of many fierce and powerful na⯑tions, moſt of them unſubdued, and the reſt only profeſſing a nominal ſubjection. Wherefore, as i [...] was rather appointing him to conquer than command▪ [129] this government was granted him for five years; as if, by its continuance, to compenſate for its danger.

It would be impoſſible, in this narrow compaſs, to enumerate all the battles Caeſar fought, and the ſtates he ſubdued, in his expeditions into Gaul and Britain, which continued eight years. The Helve⯑tians were the firſt that were brought into ſubjection, with the loſs of near two hundred thouſand men; thoſe who remained after the carnage, were ſent, by Caeſar, in ſafety to the foreſts, from whence they had iſſued. The Germans, with Arioviſtus at their head, were next cut off, to the number of eighty thouſand; their monarch himſelf narrowly eſcaping in a little boat acroſs the Rhine. The Belgae were cut off with ſuch great ſlaughter, that marſhes and deep rivers were rendered paſſable from the heaps of ſ [...]ain. The Nervians, who were the moſt warlike of thoſe barbarous nations, made head for a ſhort time, and fell upon the Romans with ſuch fury, that their army was in danger of being utterly routed; but Caeſar himſelf haſtily catching up a buckler, ruſhed through his army into the midſt of the enemy; by which means, he ſo turned the fate of the day, that the barbarians were all cut off to a man. The Celtic Gauls, who were powerful at ſea, were next brought under ſubjection. After them, the Suevi, the Me⯑napii, and all the nations from the Mediterranean to the Britiſh ſea. From thence, ſtimulated by the de⯑ſire of conqueſt, he croſſed over into Britain, upon pretence, that the natives had furniſhed his enemies with continual ſupplies. Upon approaching the ſhores, he found them covered with men to oppoſe his landing, and his forces were in danger of being driven back, till the ſtandard bearer of the tenth le⯑gion boldly leaped aſhore, and, being well aſſiſted by Caeſar, the natives were put to flight. The Bri⯑tons, being terrified at Caeſar's power, ſent to deſire [130] a peace, which was granted them, and ſome hoſtage delivered. A ſtorm, however, ſoon after deſtroyin [...] great part of his fleet, they reſolved to take advan⯑tage of the diſaſter, and marched againſt him with [...] powerful army. But what could a naked undiſci⯑plined army do againſt forces that had been exerciſe under the greateſt generals, and hardened by th [...] conqueſts of the greateſt part of the world. Bein [...] overthrown, they were obliged once more to ſue fo [...] peace; which Caeſar granted them, and then return⯑ed to the continent. Thus, in leſs than nine year [...] he conquered, together with Britain, all that coun⯑try which extends from the Mediterranean to th [...] German ſea.

While Caeſar was thus encreaſing his reputatio [...] and riches abroad, Pompey, who remained all th [...] time in Rome, ſteadily co-operated with his ambi⯑tion, and advanced his intereſts, while he vainly ſu [...] ⯑poſed he was forwarding his own. By his mean [...] Caeſar was continued five years longer in Gual: n [...] was he rouſed from his lethargy, till the ſame [...] that great commander's valour, riches, and humani⯑ty, began ſecretly to give him pain, and to mak [...] him ſuppoſe they began to eclipſe his own; for, [...] being more recent, they were more talked of. H [...] now, therefore, began to do all in his power to di⯑miniſh Caeſar's reputation, obliging the magiſtrat [...] not to publiſh any letters they received from him till he had diminiſhed the credit of them, by ſpread⯑ing diſadvantageous reports: one or two accident alſo helped to widen the ſeparation; namely, the death of Julia, Pompey's wife, who had not a litt [...] contributed to improve the harmony that ſubſiſted be⯑tween them; and the deſtruction of Craſſus, who had conducted the war againſt the Parthians with ſo little prudence, that he ſuffered the enemy [...]o get the advantage of him in almoſt every ſkirmiſh▪ and incapable of extricating himſelf from the dif⯑ficulties [131] in which he was involved, he fell a ſacrifice to his own raſhneſs, being killed, bravely defending himſelf to the laſt.

Caeſar, who now began to be ſenſible of the jeal⯑ouſies of Pompey, took occaſion to ſolicit for the conſulſhip, together with a prolongation of his go⯑vernment in Gaul, deſirous of trying whether Pom⯑pey would thwart or promote his pretenſions. In this, Pompey ſeemed to be quite inactive; but, at the ſame time, privately employed two of his crea⯑tures, who alledged in the ſenate, that the laws did not permit a perſon that was abſent, to offer himſelf as a candidate for that high office. Pompey's view in this was to allure Caeſar from his government, in order to ſtand for the conſulſhip in perſon. Caeſar, however, perceiving his artifice, choſe to remain in his province; convinced, that while he headed ſuch an army as was now devoted to his intereſts, he could, at any time, give laws as well as magiſtrates to the ſtate.

The ſenate, which were now devoted to Pompey, becauſe he had for ſome time attempted to defend them from the encroachments of the people, order⯑ed two legions which were in Caeſar's army, be⯑longing to Pompey, home, as it was pretended, to oppoſe the Parthians, but, in reality, to diminiſh Caeſar's power. Caeſar eaſily ſaw their motive; but, as his plans were not yet ready for execution, he ſent them home, in purſuance of the orders of the ſenate, having previouſly attached the officers to him with benefits, and the ſoldiers with a bounty. The next ſtep the ſenate took, was to recall Caeſar from his go⯑vernment, as his time was now very near expiring. [...]ut Curio, his friend in the ſenate, propoſed that Caeſar ſhould not leave his army, till Pompey had ſet him the example. This for a while perplexed Pompey; however, during the debate, one of the ſenate declaring that Caeſar was paſt the Alps, and [132] marching with his whole army directly toward Rome, the conſul immediately quitting the ſenate, went with his colleague forth from the city to an houſe where Pompey at that time reſided. He there preſented him with a ſword, commanding him to march againſt Caeſar, and fight in defence of the commonwealth. Pompey declared he was ready to obey; but with an air of pretended moderation add⯑ed, that it was only in caſe more gentle expedients could not be employed.

Caeſar, who was inſtructed in all that paſſed, by his partizans at Rome, though he was ſtill in Gaul, was willing to give his aims all the appearance of juſtice. He agreed to lay down his employment when Pompey ſhould do the ſame. But the ſenate rejected all his propoſitions, blindly confident of their own power, and relying on the aſſurances of Pompey. Caeſar ſtill unwilling to come to an open rupture with the ſtate, at laſt was content to aſk the government of Illyria, with two legions; but this alſo was refuſed him. Now, therefore, finding all hopes of an accommodation fruitleſs, and conſcious, if not of the goodneſs of his cauſe, at leaſt of the goodneſs of his troops, he began to draw them down towards the confines of Italy, and, paſſing the Alps with his third legion, ſtopt at Ravenna, a city of Ciſalpine Gaul, from whence he once more wrote a letter to the conſuls, declaring, that he was ready to reſign all command in caſe Pompey did ſo too. On the other hand, the ſenate decreed, that Caeſar ſhould lay down his government, and diſband his forces within a limited time; and, if he refuſed obedience, that he ſhould be declared an enemy to the common⯑wealth.

Caeſar, however, ſeemed no way diſturbed at theſe violent proceedings; the night before his intended expedition into Italy, he ſat down to table chearfully converſing with his friends on ſubjects of literature [133] and philoſophy, and apparently diſengaged from every ambitious concern. After ſome time, riſing up, he deſired the company to make themſelves chear⯑ful in his abſence, and that he would be with them in a moment: in the mean time, having ordered his chariot to be prepared, he immediately ſet out, at⯑tended by a few friends, for Arminium, a city upon the confines of Italy, whither he had diſpatched a part of his army the morning before. This journey by night, which was very ſatiguing, he performed with great diligence, ſometimes walking, and ſome⯑times on horſeback, till at the break of day he came up with his army, which conſiſted of about five thou⯑ſand men, near the Rubicon, a little river which ſe⯑perates Italy from Gaul, and which terminated the limits of his command. The Romans had ever been taught to conſider this river as the ſacred boun⯑dary of their domeſtic empire; Caeſar, therefore, when he advanced at the head of his army to the ſide of the river, ſtopt ſhort upon the bank, as if impreſt with terror at the greatneſs of his enterprize. He pondered for ſome time in fixed melancholy, looking upon the river, and debating with himſelf whether he ſhould venture in: "If I paſs this river," ſays he to one of his generals who ſtood by him, ‘what mi⯑ſeries ſhall I bring upon my country! and, if now I ſtop ſhort, I am undone.’ Thus ſaying, and reſuming all his former alacrity, he plunged in, cry⯑ing out, that the die was caſt, and all was now over, his ſoldiers followed him with equal promptitude, and quickly arriving at Arminium, made themſelves maſters of the place without any reſiſtance.

This unexpected enterprize excited the utmoſt ter⯑rors in Rome, every one imagining that Caeſar was leading his army to lay the city in ruins. At one [...]me were to be ſeen the citizens flying into the country for ſafety, and the inhabitants of the coun⯑try coming up to ſeek for ſhelter in Rome. In [134] this univerſal confuſion, Pompey felt all that repent⯑ance and ſelf-condemnation which muſt neceſſarily ariſe from the remembrance of having advanced his rival to his preſent pitch of power: wherever he ap⯑peared, many of his former friends were ready to tax him with his ſupineneſs, and ſarcaſtically to reproach his ill-grounded preſumption. "Where is now," cried Favonius, a ridiculous ſenator of his party, ‘the army that is to riſe at your command? Let us ſee if it will appear by ſtamping.’ Cato reminded him of the many warnings he had given him; which, however, as he was continually boding no⯑thing but calamities, Pompey might very juſtly he excuſed from attending to. But being at length wearied with theſe reproaches, which were offered under colour of advice, he did all that lay in his power to encourage and confirm his followers: he told them that they ſhould not want an army, for that he would be their leader; he confeſt, indeed, that he had all along miſtaken Caeſar's aims, judging of them only from what they ought to be; however, if his f [...]iends were ſtill inſpired with the love of freedom, they might yet enjoy it in whatever place their neceſ⯑ſities ſhould happen to conduct them. He let them know that their affairs were in a very promiſing ſitu⯑ation, that his two lieutenants were at the head of a very conſiderable army in Spain, compoſed of vete⯑ran troops that had made the conqueſt of the Eaſt; beſides theſe, there were infinite reſources both in Aſia and Africa, together with the ſuccours they were ſure to expect from all the kingdoms that were in alliance with Rome. This ſpeech ſerved, in ſome meaſure, to revive the hopes of the confederacy. The greateſt part of the ſenate, his own private friends and dependents, together with all thoſe who expect⯑ed to make their fortunes in his cauſe, agreed to fol⯑low him. Being in no capacity to reſiſt Caeſar a [...] Rome, he reſolved to lead his forces to Capua, where [135] he commanded the two legions that ſerved under Caeſar in Gaul.

Caeſar, in the mean time, after having vainly at⯑tempted to bring Pompey to an accommodation, re⯑ſolved to purſue him into Capua before he could col⯑lect his forces. Accordingly, he marched on to take poſſeſſion of the cities that lay between him and his rival, not regarding Rome, which he knew would full of courſe to the conqueror.

Corfinium was the firſt city that attempted to ſtop the rapidity of his march. It was defended by Do⯑mitius, who had been appointed by the ſenate to ſuc⯑ceed him in Gaul, and was garriſoned by twenty co⯑horts which were levied in the countries adjacent: Caeſar, however, quickly inveſted it; and, though Domitius ſent frequently to Pompey, exhorting him to come and raiſe the ſiege, he was at laſt obliged to endeavour to eſcape privately. His intentions hap⯑p [...]ned to be divulged, the garriſon were reſolved to conſult their own ſafety by delivering him up to the beſiegers. Caeſar readily accepted their offers, but kept his men from immediately entering into the town. After ſome time, Lentulus, the conſul, who was one of the beſieged, came out to implore for⯑giveneſs for himſelf and the reſt of his confederates, putting Caeſar in mind of their ancient friendſhip, and acknowledging the many favours he had received at his hands To this, Caeſar, who would not wait the concluſion of his ſpeech, generouſly replied, that he came into Italy not to injure the liberties of Rome and its citizens, but to reſtore them. This humane reply being quickly carried into the city, the ſenators, and the knights, with their children and ſome officers of the garriſon, came out to claim the conqueror's protection, who, juſt glancing at their ingratitude, gave them their liberty, with permiſſion to go whereſoever they ſhould think proper. But while he diſmiſſed the leaders, he, upon this, as upon [136] all other occaſions, took care to attach the common ſoldiers to his own intereſt, ſenſible that he might ſtand in need of an army; but that, while he lived, his army could never ſtand in need of a com⯑mander.

Pompey, who was unable to continue in Rome, having intelligence of what paſſed upon this occaſion, immediately retreated to Brunduſium, where he re⯑ſolved to ſtand a ſiege to retard the enemy until the forces of the empire ſhould be united to oppoſe him. His aim in this ſucceeded to his wiſh, and after hav⯑ing employed Caeſar for ſome time in a fruitleſs ſiege, he privately paſſed his forces over to Dyracchium, where the conſul had levied a body of forces for his aſſiſtance. However, though he made good his eſcape, he was compelled to leave the whole king⯑dom of Italy at the mercy of his rival, without either a town or an army that had ſtrength to oppoſe his prog [...]eſs.

Caeſar finding he could not follow Pompey for want of ſhipping, went back to Rome, to take poſ⯑ſeſſion of the public treaſures, which his opponent, by a moſt unaccountable over-ſight, had neglected taking with him. However, upon his coming up to the door of the treaſury, Metellus, the tribune, who guarded it, refuſed to let him paſs; but Caeſar, with more than uſual emotion, laying his hand upon his ſword, threatened to ſtrike him dead; ‘And know, young man,’ cried he, ‘that it is eaſier to do this than to ſay it.’ This menace had its effect; Metellus retired, and Caeſar took out of the treaſury to the amount of three thouſand pound weight of gold, beſides an immenſe quantity of ſilver.

Having thus provided for continuing the war, he departed from Rome, reſolved to ſubdue Pompey's lieutenants, Afranius and Petreius, who had been long in Spain at the head of a veteran army, com⯑poſed of the choiceſt legions of the empire, who had [137] been ever victorious under all its commanders. Caeſar, however, who knew the abilities of its two preſent generals, jocoſely ſaid as he was preparing to go thither, that he went to fight an army without a general, and, upon conquering it, would return to fight a general without an army.

The firſt conflict which he had with Afranius and Petreius, was rather unfavourable. It was ſought near the city of Herda, and both ſides claimed the honour of the victory. But by various ſtratagems he reduced them at laſt to ſuch extremity of hunger and drought, that they were obliged to yield at diſcre⯑tion. Clemency was his favourite virtue; he diſ⯑miſſed them all with the kindeſt profeſſions, and ſent them home to Rome loaden with ſhame and obliga⯑tions to publiſh his virtues, and confirm the affec⯑tions of his adherents. Thus, in the ſpace of about forty days, he became maſter of all Spain, and re⯑turned again victorious to Rome. The citizens up⯑on this occaſion received him with freſh demonſtra⯑tions of joy, and created him dictator and conſul; but the firſt of theſe offices he laid down after he had held it but eleven days.

While Caeſar was thus employed, Pompey was equally active in making preparations in Epirus and Greece to oppoſe him. All the monarchs of the Eaſt had declared in his favour, and ſent very large ſupplies. He was maſter of nine effective Italian legions, and had a fleet of five hundred large ſhips under the conduct of Bibulus, an active and expe⯑rienced commander. Added to theſe, he was ſup⯑plied with large ſums of money, and all the neceſſa⯑ries for an army, from the tributary provinces round him. He had attacked Anthony and Dolabella, who commanded for Caeſar in that part of the empire, with ſuch ſucceſs, that the former was obliged to fly, and the latter was taken priſoner. Crowds of the moſt diſtinguiſhed citizens and nobles from Rome came [138] every day to join him. He had at one time above two hundred ſenators in his camp, among whom were Cicero and Cato, whoſe approbation of his cauſe was equivalent to an army.

Notwithſtanding theſe preparations, Caeſar ſhipped off five of his twelve legions, at Brunduſium, and weighing anchor, fortunately ſteered through th [...] midſt of his enemies, timing it ſo well that he mad [...] his paſſage in one day. Still, however, convince [...] that the proper time for making propoſals for a peac [...] was after gaining an advantage, he ſent one Rufus [...] whom he had taken priſoner, to effect an accom⯑modation with Pompey, offering to refer all to th [...] ſenate and people of Rome; but Pompey once mor [...] rejected the overture, holding the people of Rome to [...] much in Caeſar's intereſts to be relied on.

Pompey had been raiſing ſupplies in Macedon [...] when firſt informed of Caeſar's landing upon the coaſ [...] of Epirus: he now, therefore, reſolved immediately [...] march to Dyracchium, in order to cover that place fro [...] Caeſar's attempts, as all his ammunition and prov [...] ⯑ſions were depoſited there. The firſt place that bot [...] armies came in ſight of each other, was on the oppo⯑ſite banks of the river Apſus; and as both were com⯑manded by the two greateſt generals then in the worl [...] the one renowned for his conqueſt of the Eaſt, th [...] other celebrated for his victories over the Weſte [...] parts of the empire, a battle was eagerly deſired [...] the ſoldiers on either ſide. But neither general wa [...] willing to hazard it upon this occa [...]on; Pompey could not rely upon his new levies, and Caeſar would no [...] venture an engagement till he was joined by the reſt of his forces.

Caeſar had now waited ſome time with extreme impatience for the coming up of the remainder of his army; and even ventured out alone in an open fiſher boat to haſten its arrival, but he was driven back by a ſtorm. However, his diſappointment was [139] ſoon relieved, by an information of the landing of the troops he had long expected at Appolionia, from whence they were approaching, under the conduct of Anthony and Calenus, to join him; he, therefore, decamped in order to meet them; and prevent Pom⯑pey with his army from engaging them on their march, as he lay on that ſide of the river, where the ſuccours had been obliged to come on ſhore.

Pompey being compelled to retreat, led his forces to Aſparagus, nigh Dyracchium, where he was ſure of being ſupplied with every thing neceſſary for his army, by the numerous fleets which he employed along the coaſts of Epirus: there he pitched his cam upon a tongue of land (as mariners expreſs it) that jutted into the ſea, where alſo was a ſmall ſhel⯑ter for ſhips, where few winds could annoy them: in this place being moſt advantageouſly ſituated, he immediately began to entrench his camp; which Caeſar perceiving, and finding that he was not like⯑ly ſoon to quit ſo advantageous a poſt, began to en⯑trench alſo behind him. And as all beyond Pom⯑pey's camp, towards the land ſide, was hilly and ſteep; he built redoubts upon the hills, ſtretching round from ſhore to ſhore; and then cauſed lines of communication to be drawn from hill to hill, by which he blocked up the camp of the enemy. He hoped by this blockade, to force his opponent to a battle; which he ardently deſired, and which the other with equal induſtry declined. Thus both ſides continued for ſome time employed in deſigns and ſtratagems, the one to annoy and the other to defend. Caeſar's men daily carried on their works to ſtraiten the enemy; thoſe of Pompey did the ſame to enlarge themſelves, having the advantage of numbers, and ſeverely galled the enemy by their ſlingers and [...]ers. Caeſar, however, was indefatigable; he cauſed blinds or man [...]elets to be made of ſkins of [...]c [...]s, to cover his men while at work; he cut off all [140] the water that ſupplied the enemy's camp, and forage from the horſes; ſo that there remained no more ſub⯑ſiſtence for them. But Pompey at laſt reſolved to break through his lines, and gain ſome other part of the country more convenient for encampment. Ac⯑cordingly, having informed himſelf of the condition of Caeſar's fortifications from ſome deſerters who came over to him, he ordered his light infantry and archers on board his ſhips, with directions to attack Caeſar's entrenchments by ſea, where they were leaſt defended. This was done with ſuch effect, that though Caeſar and his officers uſed their utmoſt en⯑deavours to hinder Pompey's deſigns, yet, by means of reiterated attempts, he at laſt effected his purpoſe of extricating his army from his former camp, and of encamping in another place by the ſea, where he had the conveniency of forage and ſhipping alſo. Caeſar being thus fruſtrated in his views of blocking up the enemy, and perceiving the loſs he had ſuſtained, re⯑ſolved at laſt to force Pompey to a battle, though upon diſadvantageous terms. The engagement be⯑gan by attempting to cut off a legion which was poſted in a wood, and this brought on a general battle. The conflict was for ſome time carried on with great ardour, and with equal fortune; but Caeſar's army being intangled in the entrenchments of the old camps lately abandoned, began to fall into diſorder; upon which, Pompey preſſing his advan⯑tage, they at laſt fled with great precipitation. Great numbers periſhed in the trenches and on the banks of the river, or were preſſed to death by their fel⯑lows. Pompey purſued his ſucceſſes to the very camp of Caeſar: but either ſurpriſed with the ſud⯑denneſs of his victory, or fearful of an ambuſcade, he withdrew his troops into his own camp, and thus loſt an opportunity of ſecuring his victory.

After this defeat, which was by no means deci⯑ſive, Caeſar marched▪ with all his forces united into [141] one body, directly to Gomphi, a town in the pro⯑vince of Theſſaly. But the news of his defeat at Dyrac⯑chium had reached this place before him; the inha⯑bitants, therefore, who had before promiſed him obe⯑dience, now changed their minds; and, with a de⯑gree of baſeneſs, equal to their imprudence, ſhut their gates againſt him. Caeſar was not to be injured with impunity; wherefore, having repreſented to his ſoldiers the great advantage of forcing a place ſo very rich, he ordered the machines for ſcaling to be got ready; and cauſing an aſſault to be made, pro⯑ceeded with ſuch vigour, [...]hat, notwithſtanding the great height of the walls, the town was taken in a few hours time. Caeſar left it to be plundered, and, without delaying his march, went forward to Me⯑tropolis, another town of the ſame province, which yielded at his approach. By this means, he ſoon be⯑came poſſeſſed of all Theſſaly, except Lariſſa, which was garriſoned by Scipio, with his legion, who com⯑manded for Pompey. During this interval, Pom⯑pey's officers continually ſoliciting their commander to come to a battle, and inceſſantly teaſing him with importunities to engage; he, at length, reſolved, to renounce his own judgment, in compliance with thoſe about him; and to give up all ſchemes of pru⯑dence for thoſe dictated by avarice and paſſion. Wherefore advancing into Theſſaly, within a few days after the taking of Gomphi, he drew down upon the plains of Pharſalia, where he was joined by Scipio, his lieutenant, with the troops under his command. There he wa [...]ed the coming up of Caeſar, reſolved upon engaging, and upon deciding the fate of the kingdoms at a ſingle battle.

Caeſar had employed all his art for ſome time in founding the in [...]inations of his men, and finding his array once more reſolute and vigorous, he cauſed them to advance towards the plains of Pharſalia, where Pom⯑pey [142] was now encamped, and prepared to oppoſe him.

The approach of theſe two great armies, compoſed of the beſt and braveſt troops in the world, togethe [...] with the greatneſs of the prize for which they con⯑tended, filled all minds with anxiety, though with different expectations. Pompey's army, being moſ [...] numerous, turned all their thoughts to the enjoy⯑ment of the victory; Caeſar's, with better aims, con⯑ſidered only the means of obtaining it: Pompey' [...] army depended upon their numbers, and their man [...] generals; Caeſar's, upon their own diſcipline, and the conduct of their ſingle commander: Pompey' [...] partizans hoped much from the juſtice of thei [...] cauſe; Caeſar's alledged the frequent propoſals which they had made for peace without effect. Thus the views, hopes, and motives of both ſeemed different but their hatred and ambition were the ſame. Caeſar who was ever foremoſt in offering battle, led out hi [...] army in array to meet the enemy; but Pompey [...] either ſuſpecting his troops, or dreading the event [...] kept his advantageous ſituation for ſome time: he drew, indeed, ſometimes out of his camp, but al⯑ways kept himſelf under his trenches, at the foot o [...] the hill near which he was poſted. Caeſar being un⯑willing to attack him at a diſadvantage, reſolved t [...] decamp the next day, hoping to harraſs out his anta⯑goniſt, who was not a match for him in ſuſtainin [...] the fatigues of duty. Accordingly, the order fo [...] marching was given, and the tents ſtruck, when word was brought him, that Pompey's army ha [...] quitted their entrenchments, and had advanced far⯑ther into the plain than uſual; ſo that he might en⯑gage them at leſs diſadvantage: whereupon he cauſed his troops, that were upon their march, to halt, and with a countenance of joy informed them, that the happy time was at laſt come, which they had ſo long [143] wiſhed for, and which was to crown their glory and [...]erminate their fatigues. Upon this he drew up his [...]oops in order, and advanced towards the place of [...]attle. His forces did not amount to above half thoſe [...]f Pompey; the army of the one amounting to above [...]orty-five thouſand foot, and ſeven thouſand horſe; [...]hat of the other not exceeding twenty-two thouſand [...]ot, and about a thouſand horſe. This diſpropor⯑ [...]on, particularly in the cavalry, had filled Caeſar [...]ith apprehenſions; wherefore he had ſome days be⯑ [...]re picked out the ſtrongeſt and nimbleſt of his foot- [...]ldiers, and accuſtomed them to fight between the [...]nks of his cavalry. By their aſſiſtance, his thou⯑ [...]nd horſe was a match for Pompey's ſeven thouſand, [...]d had actually got the better in a ſkirmiſh that hap⯑ [...]ned between them ſome days before.

Pompey, on the other hand, had ſtrong expecta⯑ [...]ons of ſucceſs; he boaſted, that he could put Caeſar's [...]gions to flight, without ſtriking a ſingle blow; [...]eſuming that, as ſoon as the armies formed, his ca⯑ [...]ry, on which he placed his greateſt expectations, [...]ould out-flank and ſurround the enemy. Labienus [...]mmended this ſcheme of Pompey; alledging alſo, [...]at the preſent troops, of which Caeſar's army was [...]mpoſed, were but the ſhadow of thoſe old legions [...]at had fought in Britain and Gaul; that all the ve⯑ [...]ans were worn out, and had been replaced by new [...]ies, made in a hurry, in Ciſalpine Gaul. To [...]creaſe the confidence of the army ſtill more, he [...]ok an oath, which the reſt followed him in, never [...] return to the camp but with victory. In this diſ⯑ [...]ſition, and under theſe advantageous circumſtances, [...]mpey led his troops to battle.

Pompey's order of battle was good and well judg⯑ [...]. In the centre, and on the two flanks, he placed [...] his veterans, and diſtributed his new-raiſed troops [...]tween the wings and the main body. The Syrian [...]gions were placed in the centre, under the com⯑mand [144] of Scipio; the Spaniards, on whom he greatl [...] relied, were put on the right, under Domitius Aeno⯑barbus; and on the left were ſtationed the two le⯑gions, which Caeſar had reſtored in the beginning o [...] the war, led on by Pompey himſelf; becauſe from thence he intended to make the attack which was t [...] gain the day; and for the ſame reaſon he had ther [...] aſſembled all his horſe, ſlingers and archers, of whic [...] his right wing had no need, being covered by th [...] river Enipeus. Caeſar likewiſe divided his army in⯑to three bodies under three commanders: Domitiu [...] Calvinus being placed in the centre, and Mark An⯑thony on the left, while he himſelf led on the righ [...] wing, which was to oppoſe the left, commanded by Pompey. It is remarkable enough that Pompe [...] choſe to put himſelf at the head of theſe troops which were diſciplined and inſtructed by Caeſar; an incon⯑teſtible proof how much he valued them above any o [...] the reſt of his army. Caeſar, on the contrary, placed himſelf at the head of his tenth legion, that had owed all its merit and fame to his own training. As he obſerved the enemy's numerous cavalry to be all drawn to one ſpot, he gueſſed at Pompey's intention [...] to obviate which he made a draught of ſix cohort [...] from his rear line, and forming them into a ſeparate body, concealed them behind his right wing, with inſtructions not to throw their javelins on the ap⯑proach of Pompey's horſe, as was cuſtomary, but to keep them in their hands and puſh them directly in the faces and the eyes of the horſemen, who, being compoſed of the younger part of the Roman nobility, valued themſelves much upon their beauty, and dreaded a ſcar in the face more than a wound in the body. He, laſtly, placed the little cavalry he had, ſ [...] as to cover the right of the tenth legion, ordering his third line not to march till they had received the ſignal from him.

[145]As the armies approached, the two generals went from rank to rank encouraging their men, warming their hopes, and leſſening their apprehenſions. Pom⯑pey repreſented to his men, that the glorious occaſion which they had long beſought him to grant was now before him; "and indeed," cried he, ‘what advantages could you wiſh over an enemy that you are not now poſſeſſed of? Your numbers, your vigour, a late victory, all aſſure a ſpeedy and an eaſy conqueſt of thoſe harraſſed and broken troops, compoſed of men worn out with age, and impreſt with the terrors of a recent defeat, but there is ſtill a ſtronger bulwark for our protection than the ſuperiority of our ſtrength, the juſtice of our cauſe. You are engaged in the defence of liberty and of your country; you are ſupported by its laws, and followed by its magiſtrates; you have the world ſpectators of your conduct, and wiſhing you ſuc⯑ceſs: on the contrary, he whom you oppoſe is a robber and oppreſſor of his country, and almoſt al⯑ready ſunk with the conſciouſneſs of his crimes, as well as the bad ſucceſs of his arms. Shew, then, on this occaſion, all that ardour and deteſta⯑tion of tyranny that ſhould animate Romans, and do juſtice to mankind.’ Caeſar, on his ſide, went among his men with that ſteady ſerenity for which he was ſo much admired in the midſt of danger. He inſiſted on nothing ſo ſtrongly to his ſoldiers, as his frequent and unſucceſsful endeavours for peace. He talked with terror of the blood he was going to ſhed, and pleaded only the neceſſity that urged him to it. He deplored the many brave men that were to fall on both ſides, and the wounds of his country, whoever ſhould be victorious. His ſoldiers anſwered his ſpeech with looks of ardour and impatience; which obſerving, he gave the ſignal to begin. The word on Pompey's ſide was, Hercules the invincible: that on Caeſar's. Venus the victorious. There was only [146] ſo much ſpace between both armies as to give root [...] for fighting; wherefore Pompey ordered his men [...] receive the firſt ſhock without moving out of the [...] places, expecting the enemies ranks to be put int [...] diſorder by their motion. Caeſar's ſoldiers were no [...] ruſhing on with their uſual impetuoſity, when, per⯑ceiving the enemy motionleſs, they all ſtopt ſhor [...] as if by general conſent, and halted in the midſt o [...] their career. A terrible pauſe enſued, in which bot [...] armies continued to gaze upon each other with mu⯑tual terror and dreadful ſerenity: at length, Caeſar [...] men having taken breath, ran furiouſly upon the ene⯑my, firſt diſcharging their javelins and then drawin [...] their ſwords. The ſame method was obſerved b [...] Pompey's troops, who as vigorouſly ſuſtained the a [...] ⯑tack. His cavalry alſo were ordered to charge at th [...] very onſet, which, with the multitude of archers an [...] flingers, ſoon obliged Caeſar's men to give ground [...] whereupon Caeſar immediately ordered the ſix co⯑horts, that were placed as a reinforcement, to ad⯑vance, with orders, to ſtrike at the enemies face [...] This had its deſired effect; the cavalry, that we [...] but juſt now ſure of victory, received an immedia [...] check: the unuſal method of ſighting purſued by th [...] cohorts, their aiming entirely at the viſages of th [...] aſſailants, and the horrible disfiguring wounds the [...] made, all contributed to intimidate them ſo muc [...] that, inſtead of defending their perſons, their on [...] endeavour was to ſave their faces. A total rout eſ⯑ſued of their whole body, which fled in great diſo [...] ⯑der to the neighbouring mountains, while the arche [...] and ſlingers, who were thus abandoned, were o [...] to pieces. Caeſar now commanded the cohorts [...] purſue their ſucceſs, and advancing, charged Pom⯑pey's troops upon the flank: this charge the enem [...] withſtood for ſome time with great bravery, till [...] brought up his third line, which had not yet enga [...] ⯑ed. Pompey's infantry being thus doubly attack [...] [147] in front by freſh troops, and in rear by the victo⯑rious cohorts, could no longer reſiſt, but fled to their camp. The flight began among the ſtrangers, though Pompey's right wing ſtill valiantly maintained their ground. Caeſar, however, being convinced that the victory was certain, with his uſual clemency, cried cut to purſue the ſtrangers, but to ſpare the Romans; upon which they all laid down their arms and receiv⯑ed quarter. The greateſt ſlaughter was among the auxiliaries, who fled on all quarters, but principally went for ſafety to the camp. The battle had now laſted from the break of day till noon, the weather being extremely hot; nevertheleſs, the conquerors did not remit their ardour, being encouraged by the example of their general, who thought his victory not complete till he was maſter of the enemy's camp. Accordingly, marching on foot at their head, he call⯑ed upon them to follow and ſtrike the deciſive blow. The cohorts, which were left to defend the camp, for ſome time made a formidable reſiſtance; particu⯑larly a great number of Thracians and other barba⯑rians, who were appointed for its defence: but no⯑thing could reſiſt the ardour of Caeſar's victorious army; they were at laſt driven from their trenches, and all fled to the mountains not far off. Caeſar ſee⯑ing the field and camp ſtrewed with his fallen coun⯑trymen, was ſtrongly affected at ſo melancholy a proſpect, and could not help crying out to one that [...]ood near him, "They would have it ſo." Upon entering the enemies camp, every object preſented freſh inſtances of the blind preſumption and mad⯑neſs of his adverſaries: on all ſides were to be ſeen [...]ents adorned with ivy and branches of myrtle, couches covered with purple, and ſide-boards load⯑ed with plate. Every thing gave proofs of the higheſt luxury, and ſeemed rather the preparatives for a banquet, the rejoicings for a victory, than the diſ⯑poſitions for a battle. A camp ſo richly furniſhed, [148] might have been able to engage the attention of any troops but Caeſar's; there was ſtill ſomething to be done, and he would not permit them to purſue any other object than their enemies, till they were entire⯑ly ſubdued. A conſiderable body of theſe having retired to the adjacent mountains, he prevailed on his ſoldiers to join him in the purſuit, in order to oblige theſe to ſurrender. He began by incloſing them with a line drawn at the foot of the mountain; but they quickly abandoned a poſt which was not tenable for want of water, and endeavoured to reach the city of Lariſſa. Caeſar led a part of his army by a ſhorter way, and intercepted their retreat, drawing up in order of battle between them and the city. However, theſe unhappy fugitives once more found protection from a mountain, at the foot of which a rivulet ran which ſupplied them with water. Now night approaching, Caeſar's men were almoſt ſpent, and ready to faint with their inceſſant toil ſince morn⯑ing, yet ſtill he prevailed upon them once more to renew their labours, and to cut off the rivulet that ſupplied the defendants. The ſugitives, thus de⯑prived of all hopes of ſuccour or ſubſiſtence, ſent de⯑puties to the conqueror, offering to ſurrender at diſ⯑cretion. During this interval of negociation, a few ſenators that were among them, took the advantage of the night to eſcape, and the reſt next morning gave up their arms, and experienced the conqueror's clemency. In fact, he addreſſed them with great gentleneſs, and forbade his ſoldiers to offer them any violence, or to take any thing from them. Thus Caeſar, by his conduct, gained the moſt complete victory that had ever been obtained; and by his great clemency after the battle, ſeemed to have deſerved it. His loſs amounted to but two hundred men; that of Pompey to fifteen thouſand, as well Romans as auxiliaries: twenty-four thouſand men ſurrendered themſelves priſoners of war, and the greateſt part of [149] theſe entered into Caeſar's army, and were incor⯑porated with the reſt of his forces. As to the ſena⯑tors and Roman knights who fell into his hands, he generouſly gave them liberty to retire wherever they thought proper: and as for the letters which Pom⯑pey had received from ſeveral perſons who wiſhed to be thought neutral, he burnt them all without read⯑ing them, as Pompey had done upon a former oc⯑caſion. Thus having performed all the duties of a general and a ſtateſman, he ſent for the legions which had paled the night in the camp, to relieve thoſe which had accompanied him in the purſuit, and ar⯑rived the ſame day at Lariſſa.

As for Pompey, who had formerly ſhewn ſuch in⯑ſtances of courage and conduct, when he ſaw his ca⯑valry routed, on which he had placed his ſole de⯑pendence, he abſolutely loft his reaſon. Inſtead of thinking how to remedy this diſorder by rallying ſuch troops as ſled, or by oppoſing freſh troops to ſtop the progreſs of the conquerors, being totally amazed by this firſt blow, he returned to the camp, and in his tent waited the iſſue of an event, which it was his duty to direct, not to follow: there he re⯑mained for ſome moments without ſpeaking, till be⯑ing told, that the camp was attacked, "What," ſays he, ‘are we purſued to our very entrench⯑ments?’ and immediately quitting his armour for a habit more ſuited to his circumſtances, he fled away on horſeback to Lariſſa; from whence, per⯑ceiving he was not purſued, he ſlackened his pace, g [...]ing way to all the agonizing reflections which his [...]eplo [...]a [...] ſituation muſt naturally ſuggeſt. In this melancholy manner he paſſed along the vale of Tempe, and purſuing the courſe of the river Peneus, at laſt arrived at a fiſherman's hut, in which he paſſ⯑ed the night. From thence he went on board a little b [...]k▪ and keeping along the ſea-ſhore, he diſ⯑e [...]ed a ſ [...]ip of ſome burthen, which ſeemed pre⯑paring [150] to ſail, in which he embarked, the maſter of the veſſel ſtill paying him the homage which was due to this former ſtation. From the mouth of the river Poneus he ſailed to Amphipolis, where finding his affairs deſperate, he ſ [...]eered to Leſbos, to take in his wife Cornelia, whom he had left there, at a diſtance from the dangers and hurry of the war. She, who had long flattered herſelf with the hopes of victory, felt the reverſe of her fortune in an agony of diſtreſs: ſhe was deſired by the meſſenger, whoſe tears, more than words, proclaimed the greatneſs of her misfor⯑tunes, to haſten, if ſhe expected to ſee Pompey, with but one ſhip, and even that not his own: her grief, which before was violent, became then inſupport⯑able; ſhe fainted away, and lay a conſiderable time without any ſigns of life. At length, recovering her⯑ſelf, and reflecting it was now no time for vain la⯑mentations, ſhe ran quite through the city to the ſea-ſide. Pompey embraced her, without ſpeaking a word, and for ſome time, ſupported her in his arms in ſilent deſpair.

Having taken in Cornelia, he now continued his courſe, ſteering to the ſouth-eaſt, and ſtopping no longer than was neceſſary to take in proviſions at the ports that occurred in his paſſage. He was at laſt prevailed upon to apply to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, to whoſe father Pompey had been a conſiderable be⯑nefactor. Ptolemy, who was as yet a minor, had not the government in his own hands, but he and his kingdom were under the direction of Photinus, an eunuch, and Theodotus, a maſter of the art of ſpeaking. Theſe adviſed, that Pompey ſhould be invited on ſhore, and there ſlain; and, accordingly, Achillas, the commander of the forces, and Septi⯑mius, by birth a Roman, and who had formerly been a centurion in Pompey's army, were appointed to carry their opinions into execution. Being attend⯑ed by three or four more, they went into a little [151] bark, and rowed off from land towards Pompey's ſhip, that lay about a mile from the ſhore. Pompey, after having taken leave of Cornelia, who wept at his departure, and having repeated two verſes of Sopho⯑cles, ſignifying, that he who truſts his freedom to a tyrant, from that moment becomes a ſlave, gave his hand to Achillas, and ſtept into the bark, with only two attendants of his own. They had now rowed from the ſhip a good way, and as during that time they all kept a profound ſilence, Pompey, willing to begin the diſcourſe, accoſted Septimius, whoſe face he recollected. "Methinks, friend," cried he "you and I were once fellow-ſoldiers together." Sep⯑timius gave only a nod with his head, without utter⯑ing a word, or inſtancing the leaſt civility. Pom⯑pey, therefore, took out a paper, on which he had minuted a ſpeech he intended to make to the king, and began reading it. In this manner they ap⯑proached the ſhore; and Cornelia, whoſe concern had never ſuffered her to loſe ſight of her huſband, be⯑gan to conceive hope, when ſhe perceived the people on the ſtrand crowding down along the coaſts, as if willing to receive him: but her hopes were ſoon de⯑ſtroyed; for that inſtant, as Pompey roſe, ſupport⯑ing himſelf upon his freedman's arm, Septimius ſtabbed him in the back, and was inſtantly ſeconded by Achillas. Pompey perceiving his death inevit⯑able, only diſpoſed himſelf to meet it with decency, and covering his face with his robe, without ſpeak⯑ing a word, with a ſigh reſigned himſelf to his fate. At this horrid ſight Cornelia ſhrieked ſo loud as to be heard to the ſhore; but the danger ſhe herſelf was in did not allow the mariners time to look on; they immediately ſet ſail, and the wind proving favour⯑able, fortunately they eſcaped the purſuit of the Egyptian gallies. In the mean time, Pompey's murderers having cut off his head, cauſed it to be embalmed, the better to preſerve its features, deſign⯑ing [152] it for a preſent to Caeſar. The body was thrown naked on the ſtrand, and expoſed to the view of all thoſe whoſe curioſity led them that way. However, his faithful freedman, Philip, ſtill kept near it, and when the crowd was diſperſed he waſhed it in the ſea, and looking round for materials to burn it, he perceived the wrecks of a fiſhing-boat, of which he compoſed a pile. While he was thus piouſly em⯑ployed, he was accoſted by an old Roman ſoldier who had ſerved under Pompey in his youth. ‘Who art thou,’ ſaid he, ‘that art making theſe hum⯑ble preparations for Pompey's funeral?’ Philip having anſwered, that he was one of his freedmen "Alas," replied the ſoldier, ‘permit me to ſhare in this honour alſo: among all the miſeries of my exile, it will be my laſt ſad comfort, that I have been able to aſſiſt at the funeral of my old com⯑mander, and touch the body of the braveſt gene⯑ral that ever Rome produced.’ After this, they both joined in giving the corpſe the laſt rites, and collecting his aſhes, buried them under a little riſing earth, ſcraped together with their hands, over which was afterwards placed the following inſcrip⯑tion: He whoſe merits deſerve a temple can now ſcar [...] find a tomb.

CHAP. XXI. From the deſtruction of the Commonwealth to the eſtabliſhment of the firſt emperor Auguſtus. U.C. 706

CAESAR has been much celebrated for his for⯑tune, and yet his abilities ſeem equal to his higheſt ſucceſs. He poſſeſſed many ſhining qualities, with⯑out the intermixture of any defect but that of ambi⯑tion. His talents were ſuch as would have rendered him victorious at the head of any army he command⯑ed, [153] and he would have governed in any republic that had given him birth. Having now gained a moſt complete victory, his ſucceſs only ſeemed to increaſe his activity, and inſpire him with freſh reſolution to face new dangers. He reſolved, therefore, to pur⯑ſue his laſt advantage, and follow Pompey to what⯑ever country he ſhould retire; convinced that during his life he might gain new triumphs, but could never enjoy ſecurity.

Accordingly, loſing no time, he ſet ſail for Egypt, and arrived at Alexandria with about four thouſand men; a very inconſiderable force to keep ſuch a powerful kingdom under ſubjection. Upon his landing, the firſt accounts he received were of Pom⯑pey's miſerable end; and ſoon after one of the mur⯑derers came with his head and ring, as a moſt grate⯑ful preſent to the conqueror. But Caeſar had too much humanity to be pleaſed with ſuch an horrid ſpectacle: he turned away from it with diſguſt; and, after a ſhort pauſe, gave vent to his pity in a flood of tears. He ſhortly after ordered a magnificent tomb to be built to his memory, on the ſpot where he was murdered; and a temple near the place to Nemeſis, who was the goddeſs that puniſhed thoſe that were cruel to men in adverſity.

It ſhould ſeem that the Egyptians by this time had ſame hopes of breaking off all alliance with the Ro⯑mans, which they conſidered, as in fact it was, but aſpecious ſubjection. They firſt began to take of⯑fence at Caeſar's carrying the enſigns of Roman power before him as he entered the city. Photinus, the eunuch, alſo treated him with great diſreſpect, and even attempted his life. Caeſar, however, con⯑cealed his reſentment till he had a force ſufficient to puniſh his treachery; and ſending privately for the legions which had been formerly enrolled for Pom⯑pey's ſervice, as being the neareſt to Egypt, he, in the mean time, pretended to repoſe an entire confi⯑dence [154] in the king's miniſter, making great entertain⯑ments, and aſſiſting at the conferences of the philo⯑ſophers, who were in great numbers at Alexandria. However, he ſoon changed his manner when he found himſelf in no danger from the miniſter's at⯑tempts, and declared, that, as being Roman con⯑ſul, it was his duty to ſettle the ſucceſſion of the Egyp⯑tian crown.

There were at that time two pretenders to the crown of Egypt; Ptolemy, the acknowledged king; and the celebrated Cleopatra, his ſiſter; to whom, by the cuſtom of the country, he alſo was married; and who, by his father's will, ſhared jointly in the ſucceſſion. Not being contented with a bare parti⯑cipation of power, Cleopatra aimed at governing alone; but being oppoſed in her views by the Roman ſenate, who confirmed her brother's title to the crown, ſhe was baniſhed into Syria with Arſinoe her younger ſiſter. Caeſar gave her new hopes of aſpiring to the kingdom, and ſent to both her and her bro⯑ther to plead their cauſe before him. Photinus, the young king's guardian, diſdained accepting this propoſal, and backed his refuſal by ſending an army of twenty thouſand men to beſiege him in Alexan⯑dria. Caeſar bravely repulſed the enemy for ſome time; but finding the city of too great extent to be defended by ſo ſmall an army as he then commanded, he retired to the palace, which commanded the har⯑bour, where he purpoſed to make his ſtand. Achillas, who commanded the Egyptians, attacked him there with great vigour, and ſtill aimed at making himſelf maſter of the fleet that lay before the palace. Caeſar, however, too well knew the importance of thoſe ſhips in the hands of an enemy; and therefore burnt them all, in ſpite of every effort to prevent him. He next poſſeſt himſelf of the iſle of Pharos, which was the key to the Alexandrian port; by which he was enabled to receive the ſupplies ſent him from all ſides; [155] and, in this ſituation, he determined to withſtand the united force of all the Egyptians.

In the mean time, Cleopatra, having heard of the preſent turn in her favour, reſolved to depend rather on Caeſar's favour for gaining the government, than her own forces. But no arts, as ſhe juſtly conceiv⯑ed, were ſo likely to influence Caeſar as the charms of her perſon, which, though not faultleſs, were yet extremely ſeducing. She was now in the bloom of youth, and every feature borrowed grace from the lively turn of her temper. To the moſt enchanting addreſs ſhe joined the moſt harmonious voice. With all theſe accompliſhments, ſhe poſſeſſed a great ſhare of the learning of the times, and could give audience to the ambaſſadors of ſeven different nations without an interpreter. The difficulty was how to get at Caeſar, as her enemies were in poſſeſſion of all the avenues that led to the palace. For this purpoſe ſhe went on board a ſmall veſſel, and, in the evening, landed near the palace, where, being wrapt up in a coverlet, ſhe was carried by one Aſpolodorus into the very chamber of Creſar. Her addreſs, at firſt, pleaſed him; her wit and underſtanding ſtill fanned the flame; but her careſſes, which were carried beyond the bounds of innocence, intirely brought him over to ſecond her claims.

While Cleopatra was thus employed in forwarding her own views, her ſiſter Arſinoe was alſo ſtrenu⯑ouſly engaged in the camp, in purſuing a ſeparate in⯑tereſt. She had found means, by the aſſiſtance of one Ganymede, her confident, to make a large diviſion in the Egyptian army in her favour; and ſoon after, by one of thoſe ſudden revolutions which are com⯑mon in barbarian camps to this day, ſhe cauſed Achillas to be murdered, and Ganymede to take the command in his ſtead, and to carry on the ſiege with greater vigour than before. Ganymede's principal [156] effort was by letting in the ſea upon thoſe canals which ſupplied the palace with freſh water; but this inconvenience Caeſar remedied by digging a great number of wells. His next endeavour was, to pre⯑vent the junction of Caeſar [...]s twenty-fourth legion, which he twice attempted in vain. He ſoon after made himſelf maſter of a bridge which joined the iſle of Pharos to the continent, from which poſt Caeſar was reſolved to diſlodge him. In the heat of the action, ſome mariners, partly through curioſity, and partly ambition, came and joined the combatants, but, being ſeized with a panic, inſtantly fled, and ſpread a general terror through the army. All Caeſar's endeavours to rally his forces were in vain, the confuſion was paſt remedy, and numbers were drowned or put to the ſword in attempting to eſcape. Now, therefore, ſeeing the irremediable diſorder of his troops, he retired to a ſhip, in order to get [...] the palace that was juſt oppoſite: however, he was no ſooner on board than great crowds entered at the ſame time with him; upon which, apprehenſive of the ſhip's ſinking, he jumped into the ſea, and ſwam two hundred paces to the fleet that lay before, the palace, all the time holding his own Commen⯑taries in his left hand above water, and his coat of mail in his teeth.

The Alexandrians, finding their efforts to take the palace ineffectual, endeavoured, at leaſt, to get their king out of Caeſar's power, as he had ſeized upon his perſon in the beginning of their diſputes. For this purpoſe they made uſe of their cuſtomary arts of diſſi⯑mulation, profeſſing the utmoſt deſire of peace, and only wanting the preſence of their lawful prince to give a ſanction to the treaty. Caeſar, who was ſen⯑ſible of their perfidy, nevertheleſs concealed his ſuſ⯑picions, and gave them their king, as he was under no apprehenſions from the abilities of a boy. Ptolemy, [157] however, the inſtant he was ſet at liberty, inſtead of promoting the peace, made every effort to give vigour to his hoſtilities.

In this manner Caeſar was hemmed in for ſome time by this artful and inſiduous enemy, with all manner of difficulties againſt him; but he was at laſt re [...]eved from this mortifying ſituation by Mithri⯑dates Pergamenus, one of his moſt faithful partizans, who came with an army to his aſſiſtance. This ge⯑neral, collecting a numerous army in Syria, march⯑ed into Egypt, took the city of Peluſium, repulſed the Egyptian army with loſs, and at laſt, joining with Caeſar, attacked their camp with a great ſlaugh⯑ter of the Egyptians: Ptolemy himſelf, attempting to eſcape on board a veſſel that was failing down the river, was drowned by the ſhip's ſinking, and Caeſar thus became maſter of all Egypt without any farther oppoſition. He therefore, appointed Cleopatra, with her younger brother, who was then but an infant, as joint governors, according to the intent of their fa⯑ther's will, and drove out Arſinoe with Ganymede into baniſhment.

Having thus given away kingdoms, he now for a while, ſeemed to relax from the uſual activity of his conſult, captivated with the charms of Cleopatra. Inſtead of quitting Egypt to go and quell the remains of Pompey's party, he there abandoned himſelf to his pleaſures, paſſing whole nights in feaſting, and all the excuſes of high-wrought luxury, with the young queen. He even reſolved to attend her up the Nile into Aethiopia; but the brave veterans who had long followed his fortune, boldly reprehended his conduct, and refuſed to be partners in ſo infamous an expedi⯑tion. Thus, at length, rouzed from his lethargy, he reſolved to prefer the call of ambition to that of love, and to leave Cleopatra, (by whom he had a ſon who was afterwards named Caeſario,) in order to op⯑poſe [158] Pharnces, the king of Boſphorus, who had made ſome inroads upon the dominions of Rome.

This prince, who was the ſon of the great Mithri⯑dates, being ambitious of recovering his father's do⯑minions, ſeized upon Armenia and Colchis, and overcame Domitius, who had been ſent againſt him. Upon Caeſar's march to oppoſe him, Pharnaces, who was as much terrified at the name of the general as at the ſtrength of his army, laboured, by all the arts of negociation, to avert the impending danger Caeſar, exaſperated at his crimes and ingratitude, a [...] firſt diſſembled with the ambaſſadors, and, uſing all expedition, fell upon the enemy unexpectedly, and in a few hours, obtained a ſpeedy and complete victory. Pharnaces attempting to take refuge in his capital, was ſlain by one of his own commanders— A juſt puniſhment for his former parricide. But Caeſar conquered him with ſo much eaſe, that, in writing to a friend at Rome, he expreſt the rapidity of his victory in three words, "Veni, vidi, vici:" man ſo accuſtomed to conqueſt, thought a ſlight bat⯑tle ſcarce worth a longer letter.

Caeſar having ſettled affairs in this part of the em⯑pire, as well as time would permit, embarked for Italy, where he arrived ſooner than his enemies could expect, but not before his affairs there abſolutely re⯑quired his preſence. He had been, during his ab⯑ſence, created conſul for five years, dictator for one year, and tribune of the people for life. But An⯑thony, who in the mean time governed in Rome for him, had filled the city with riot and debaucher [...], and many commotions enſued, which nothing but the arrival of Caeſar ſo opportunely could appeaſed However, by his moderation and humanity, he ſoon reſtored tranquility to the city, ſcarce making any diſtinction between thoſe of his own and the oppoſite party. Having by gentle means reſtored his au⯑thority [159] at home, he prepared to march into Africa, where Pompey's party had found time to rally under Scipio and Cato, aſſiſted by Juba, king of Mau⯑ritania; and with his uſual diligence, landed with a ſmall party in Africa, while the reſt of his army fol⯑lowed him. Scipio coming to a battle ſoon af⯑ter, received a complete and final overthrow, with little or no loſs on the ſide of the victor. Juba and Petreius his general killed each other in deſpair; Scipio, attempting to eſcape by ſea into Spain, fell in among the enemy and was ſlain; ſo that, of all the generals of that undone party, Cato was now the only one that remained.

This extraordinary man, whom no proſperity could fate, nor no misfortune depreſs, having retired into Africa after the battle of Pharſalia, had led the wretched remains of that defeat through burning de⯑ſerts and tracts infeſted with ſerpents of various ma⯑lignity, and was now in the city of Utica, which he had been left to defend. Still, however, in love with even the ſhew of Roman government, he had formed the principal citizens into a ſenate, and conceived a reſolution of holding out the town. But the enthu⯑ſiaſm for liberty ſubſiding among his followers, he was reſolved no longer to force men to be free who ſeemed naturally prone to ſlavery. He now, there⯑fore, deſired ſome of his friends to ſave themſelves [...] ſea, and bade others to rely upon Caeſar's cle⯑mency; obſerving, that, as to himſelf, he was at [...] victorious. After this, ſupping chearfully among [...]is friends, he retired to his apartment, where he behaved with unuſual tenderneſs to his ſon, and to [...] his friends. When he came into his bed-cham⯑ber, he laid himſelf down, and took up Plato's [...]logue on the immortality of the ſoul; and, hav⯑ [...]ng read for ſome time, happening to caſt his eyes [...] the head of his bed, he was much ſurprized not [...] had his ſword there, which had been taken away [160] by his ſon's order while they were at ſupper. Upon this, calling one of his domeſtics to know what was become of his ſword, and receiving no anſwer, he reſumed his ſtudies; but ſome time after called for his ſword again. When he had done reading, and perceiving nobody obeyed him in bringing his ſword, he called his domeſtics one after the other, and with a peremptory air demanded his ſword once more. His ſon came in ſoon after, and with tears beſought him in the moſt humble manner to change his reſolution; but receiving a ſtern reprimand, he deſiſted from his perſuaſions. His ſword being at length brought him, he ſeemed ſati [...]fied, and cried out, "Now again I am m [...]ſter of myſelf." He then took up the book again, which he lead twice over, and fell into a ſound ſleep. Upon awaking, he call⯑ed to one of his freedmen to know if his friends were embarked, or if any thing yet remained that could be done to ſerve them. The freedmen aſſuring him that all was quiet, he was then ordered again to leave the room; and Cato was no ſooner alone than he ſtabbed himſelf with his ſword through the breaſt, but not with that force he intended, for the wound not diſpatching him, he fell upon his bed, and at the ſame time overturned a table on which he had been drawing ſome geometrical figures. At the noiſe he made in his fall, his ſervants gave a ſhrick [...] and his ſon and friends immediately entered the room, They found him weſtering in his blood, and his bowels puſhed out through the wound. The phyſician, who attended his family, perceiving than his inteſtines were yet untouched, was for replacing them; but when Cato had recovered his ſenſes, and underſtood their intention to preſerve his life, he puſh⯑ed the phyſician from him, and with a fierce reſolu⯑tion tore out his bowels and [...]xpired.

Upon the death of Cato, the war in Africa being completed, Caeſar returned in triumph to Rome; [161] and, as if he had abridged all his former triumphs only to encreaſe the ſplendor of this, the citizens were aſtoniſhed at the magnificence of the proceſ⯑ſion, and the number of the countries he had ſub⯑dued. It laſted four days: the firſt was for Gaul, the ſecond for Egypt, the third for his victories in Aſia, and the fourth for that over Juba in Africa. His veteran ſoldiers, all ſcarred with wounds, and now laid up for life, followed their triumphant ge⯑neral crowned with laurels, and conducted him to the Capitol. To every one of theſe he gave a ſum equivalent to about an hundred and fifty pounds of our money, double that ſum to the centurions, and four times as much to the ſuperior officers. The citizens alſo ſhared his bounty; to every one of which he diſtributed ten buſhels of corn, ten pounds of oil, and a ſum of money equal to about two pounds ſterling of ours. He, after this, entertained the people at above twenty thouſand tables, treated them with the combat of gladiators, and filled Rome with a concourſe of ſpectators from every part of Italy.

The people, intoxicated with the allurements of pleaſure, thought their freedom too ſmall a return for ſuch benefits: they ſeemed eager only to find out new modes of homage, and unuſual epithets of adulation for their great enſlaver. He was created by a new title Magiſter Morum, or maſter of the morals of the people; he received the title of emperor, father of his country; his perſon was declared ſacred; and, in ſhort, upon him alone were devolved for life all the great dignities of the ſtate. It muſt be owned, how⯑ever, that ſo much power could never have been en⯑truſted to b [...]tter keeping. He immediately began his empire by repreſſing vice and encouraging virtue. He comm [...]tted the power of judicature to the ſenators and the knights alone, and by many ſumptuary laws [...] ſcandalous luxuries of the rich. He [162] propoſed rewards to all ſuch as had many children, and took the moſt prudent methods of repeopling the city that had been exhauſted in the late com⯑motions.

Having thus reſtored proſperity once more to Rome, he again found himſelf under a neceſſity of going into Spain to oppoſe an army which had been raiſed there under the two ſons of Pompey, and alſo Labicnus his former general. He proceeded in this expedition with his uſual celerity, and arrived in Spain before the enemy thought him yet departed from Rome. Cneius and Sextus, Pompey's ſons, profiting by their unhappy father's example, reſolved as much as poſſible to protract the war; ſo that the firſt operations of the two armies were ſpent in ſieges and fruitleſs attempts to ſurpriſe each other▪ At length Caeſar, after taking many cities from the enemy, and purſuing Pompey with unwearied per⯑ſeverance, at laſt compelled him to come to a battle upon the plains of Munda. Pompey drew up his men by break of day upon the declivity of an hill with great exactneſs and order. Caeſar drew up his men likewiſe in the plain below; and, after advanc⯑ing a little way from his trenches, he ordered his men to make an halt, expecting the enemy to come down from the hill. This delay made Caeſar's ſol⯑diers begin to murmur, while Pompey's with full vigour poured down upon them, and a dreadful con⯑flict enſued. The firſt ſhock was ſo dreadful, that Caeſar's men, who had hitherto been uſed to conquer now began to waver. Caeſar was never in ſo much danger as now; he threw himſelf ſeveral times into the very throng of battle. "What," cried he, ‘are you going to give up your general, who is grown grey in fighting at your head, to a parcel of boy?’ Upon this, his tenth legion exerted them⯑ſelves with more than former bravery; and a party of horſe being detached by Labienus from the camp in [163] purſuit of a body of Numidian cavalry, Caeſar cried aloud, that they were flying. This cry inſtantly ſpread itſelf through both armies, exciting the one as much as it depreſſed the other. Now, therefore, the tenth legion preſſed forward, and a total rout ſoon enſued. Thirty thouſand men were killed on Pompey's ſide, amongſt whom was Labienus, whom Caeſar ordered to be buried with the funeral honours of a general officer. Cneius Pompey eſcaped with a few horſemen to the ſea-ſide, but finding his paſſage intercepted by Caeſar's lieutenant, he was obliged to ſeek for a retreat in an obſcure cavern. He was quickly diſcovered by ſome of Caeſar's troops, who preſently cut off his head and brought it to the con⯑queror. His brother Sextus, however, concealed him⯑ſelf ſo well that he eſcaped all purſuit; and afterwards became very noted and formidable from his piracies to the people of Rome.

Caeſar by this laſt blow ſubdued all his avowed enemies, and the reſt of his life was employed for the advantage of the ſtate. He adorned the city with magnificent buildings; he rebuilt Carthage and Corinth, ſending colonies to both cities; he under⯑took to level ſeveral mountains in Italy, to drain the Pontine marſhes near Rome, and deſigned to cut through the iſthmus of Peloponneſus. Thus, with a mind that could never remain inactive, he pon⯑dered mighty projects and deſigns beyond the limits of the longeſt life; but the greateſt of all was his in⯑tended expedition againſt the Parthians, by which he deſigned to revenge the death of Craſſus, who, hav⯑ing penetrated too far into their country, was over⯑thrown, himſelf taken priſoner, and put to a cruel death, by having molten gold poured down his throat, as a puniſhment for his former avarice. From thence Caeſar intended to paſs through Hyrca⯑nia, and enter Scythia along the banks of the Caſ⯑pian ſea; then to open himſelf a way through the [164] immeaſurable foreſts of Germany into Gaul, and ſo to return to Rome. Theſe were the aims of ambi⯑tion: the jealouſy of a few individuals put an end to them all.

Having been made perpetual dictator, and receiv⯑ed from the ſenate accumulated honours, it began to be rumoured that he intended to make himſelf king, and, though in fact he was poſſeſſed of the power, the people, who had an utter averſion to the name [...] could not bea [...] his aſſuming the title. Whether he really deſigned to aſſume that empty honour muſt now for ever remain a ſecret; but certain it is, that the unſuſpecting openneſs of his conduct marked ſomething like a confidence in the innocence of his intentions. When informed by thoſe about him of the jealouſies of many perſons who envied his power, he was heard to ſay, that he had rather die once by treaſon, than to live continually in apprehenſion of it. When adviſed by ſome to beware of Brutus, in whom he had for ſome time repoſed the greateſt con⯑fidence, he opened his breaſt, all ſcarred with wounds, ſaying, ‘Can you think Brutus cares for ſuch poor pillage as this?’ and being one night at ſupper, as his friends diſputed among themſelves what death was eaſieſt, he replied, that which was moſt ſudden, and leaſt foreſeen. But to convince the world how little he had to apprehend from his enemies, he diſbanded his company of Spaniſh guards, which facilitated the enterprize againſt his life.

A deep conſpiracy was, therefore, laid againſt him, compoſed of no leſs than ſixty ſenators. They were ſtill the more formidable, as the generality of them were of his own party; who having been raiſed above other citizens, felt more ſtrongly the weight of a ſingle ſuperior. At the head of this conſpiracy were Brutus, whoſe life Caeſar had ſpared after the battle of Pharſalia; and Caſſius, who was pardoned [165] ſoon after; both praetors for the preſent year. Bru⯑tus made it his chief glory to have been deſcended from that Brutus who firſt gave liberty to Rome. The paſſion for freedom ſeemed to have been tranſ⯑mitted with the blood of his anceſtors down to him. But though he deteſted tyranny, yet he could not forbear loving the tyrant, from whom he had re⯑ceived the moſt ſignal benefits.

The conſpirators, to give a colour of juſtice to their proceedings, remitted the execution of their deſign to the ides of March, the day on which Cae⯑ſar was to be offered the crown. The augurs had foretold that this day would be fatal to him, and the night preceding he heard his wiſe Calpurnia lament⯑ing in her ſleep, and being awakened ſhe confeſſed to him, that ſhe dreamt of his being aſſaſſinated in her arms. Theſe omens, in ſome meaſure, began to change his intentions of going to the ſenate, as he had reſolved, that day; but one of the conſpirators coming in, prevailed upon him to keep his reſolution, telling him of the reproach that would attend his [...]taying at home till his wife had lucky dreams, and of the preparations that were made for his appear⯑ance. As he went along to the ſenate, a ſlave, who haſtened to him with information of the conſpiracy, attempted to come near him, but could not for the crowd. Arternidorus, a Greek philoſopher, who had diſcovered the whole plot, delivered him a me⯑morial containing the heads of his information; but Caeſar gave it, with other papers, to one of his ſecre⯑taries without reading, as was uſual in things of this nature. Being at length entered the ſenate-houſe, where the conſpirators were prepared to receive him, he met one Spurina, an augur, who had foretold his danger, to whom he ſaid, ſmiling, ‘Well, Spuri⯑na, the ides of March are come.’ "Yes," re⯑plied the augur, "but they are not yet over." As ſoon as he had taken his place, the conſpirators came [166] near him under pretence of ſaluting him; and Cim⯑ber, who was one of them, approached in a ſup⯑pliant poſture, pretending to ſue for his brother pardon, who had been baniſhed by his order. A [...] the conſpirators ſeconded him with great earneſtneſs and Cimber, ſeeming to ſue with ſtill greater ſub⯑miſſion, took hold of the bottom of his robe, holding him ſo as to prevent his riſing. This was the ſigna [...] agreed on. Caſca, who was behind, ſtabbed him though ſlightly, in the ſhoulder. Caeſar inſtantly turn⯑ed round, and, with the ſteel of his tablet, wounde [...] him in the arm. However, all the conſpirators were now alarmed, and, incloſing him round, he re⯑ceived a ſecond ſtab from an unknown hand in the breaſt, while Caſſius wounded him in the face. He ſtill defended himſelf with great vigour, ruſhing among them, and throwing down ſuch as oppoſed him, till he ſaw Brutus among the conſpirators, who, coming up, ſtruck his dagger into his thigh. From that moment Caeſar thought no more of de⯑fending himſelf, but looking upon this conſpirator, cried out, "And you too, my ſon!" Then covering his head, and ſpreading his robe before him, in or⯑der to fall with greater decency, he ſunk down at the baſe of Pompey's ſtatue, after receiving three and twenty wounds from hands which he vainly ſuppoſed he had diſarmed by his benefits.

U.C. 710 Caeſar was killed in the fifty-ſixth year of his age, and about fourteen years after he be⯑gan the conqueſt of the world. If we examine his hiſtory, we ſhall be equally at a loſs whether moſt to admire his great abilities or his wonderful fortune▪ To pretend to ſay that from the beginning he planned the ſubjection of his native country, is doing no great credit to his well-known penetration, as a thou⯑ſand obſtacles lay in his way, which fortune, rather than conduct▪ was to ſurmount. No man, there⯑fore, of his ſagacity, would have begun a ſcheme in [167] which the chances of ſucceeding were ſo many againſt him: it is moſt probable that, like all very ſucceſful men, he only made the beſt of every oc⯑currence; and his ambition riſing with his good for⯑tune, from at firſt being contented with humbler aims, he at laſt began to think of governing the world, when he found ſcarce any obſtacle to oppoſe his deſigns. Such is the diſpoſition of man, whoſe cravings after power are always moſt inſatiable when he enjoys the greateſt ſhare.

As ſoon as the conſpirators had diſpatched Caeſar, they all retired to the Capitol, and guarded its ac⯑c [...]ſſes by a body of gladiators which Brutus had in pay.

The friends of the late dictator now began to find that this was the time for coming into greater power than before, and for ſatisfying their ambition under the veil of promoting juſtice. Of this num⯑ber was Antony, whom we have already ſeen acting as a lieutenant under Caeſar, and governing Rome in his abſence. He was a man of moderate abilities and exceſſive vices, ambitious of power only becauſe it gave his pleaſures a wider range to riot in; but ſkilled in war, to which he had been trained from his youth. He was conſul for this year, and reſolved, with Lepidus, who was fond of commotions like himſelf, to ſeize this opportunity of gaining that power which Caeſar had died for uſurping. Lepidus, therefore, took poſſeſſion of the Forum with a band of ſoldiers at his devotion; and Antony, being conſul, was per⯑mitted to command them. Their firſt ſtep was to poſſeſs themſelves of all Caeſar's papers and money, and the next to convene the ſenate. Never had this auguſt aſſembly been convened upon ſo delicate an occaſion, as it was to determine, whether Caeſar had been a legal magiſtrate or a tyrannical uſuper; and whether thoſe who killed him merited rewards or puniſhments. There were many of theſe who had [168] received all their promotions from Caeſar, and had acquired large fortunes in conſequence of his appoint⯑ments: to vote him an uſurper, therefore, would be to endanger their property; and yet, to vote him innocent, might endanger the ſtate. In this dilem⯑ma they ſeemed willing to reconcile extremes; wherefore they approved all the acts of Caeſar, and yet granted a general pardon to all the con⯑ſpirators.

This decree was very far from giving Anthony ſatiſfaction, as it granted ſecurity to a number of men who were the avowed enemies of tyranny, and who would be foremoſt in oppoſing his ſchemes of reſtoring abſolute power. As, therefore, the ſenate had ratified all Caeſar's acts without diſtinction, he formed a ſcheme upon this of making him rule when dead as imperiouſly as he bad done when living. Being, as was ſaid, poſſeſſed of Caeſar's books of ac⯑counts, he ſo far gained upon his ſecretary as to make him inſert whatever he thought proper. By theſe means great ſums of money, which Caeſar would never have beſtowed, were there diſtributed among the people; and every man who had any ſe⯑ditious deſigns againſt the government was there ſure of finding a gratuity. Things being in this ſitua⯑tion, Antony demanded of the ſenate, that Caeſar's funeral obſequies ſhould be performed, which they could not decently forbid, as they had never declar⯑ed him a tyrant: accordingly, the body was brought forth into the Forum with the utmoſt ſolemnity; and Antony, who charged himſelf with theſe laſt duties of friendſhip, began his operations upon the paſſions of the people by the prevailing motives of private in⯑tereſt. He firſt read them Caeſar's will, in which he had left Octavius, his ſiſter's grandſon, his heir, per⯑mitting him to take the name of Caeſar, and three parts of his private fortune; and Brutus was to in⯑herit in caſe of his death. The Roman people were [169] left the gardens which he had on the other ſide of the Tyber; and every citizen, in particular, was to receive three hundred ſeſterces; and unfolding Caeſar's bloody, robe in ſight of the multitude, he took care they ſhould obſerve the number of ſtabs in it: then diſplayed an image which to them appeared the body of Caeſar all covered with wounds. They could no longer contain their indignation, but unani⯑mouſly cried out for revenge, and ran, with flaming brands from the pile, to ſet fire to the conſpirators houſes. In this rage of reſentment, meeting with one Cinna, whom they miſtook for another of the ſame name who was in the conſpiracy, they tore him in pieces. The conſpirators themſelves, how⯑ever, being well guarded, repulſed the multitude with no great trouble; but perceiving the rage of the people, they thought it, ſoon after, ſafeſt to re⯑tire from the city.

In the mean time, Anthony, who had excited this f [...]ame, reſolved to make the beſt of the occaſion. But [...]n obſtacle to his ambition ſeemed to ariſe from a quarter on which he leaſt expected it, namely, from Octavius Caeſar, after [...]ards called Auguſ⯑tus, who was the grand nephew and adopted ſon of Caeſar. A third competitor alſo for power ap⯑peared in Lepidus, a man of ſome authority and great riches at Rome. At firſt the ambition of theſe once ſeemed to threaten fatal conſequences to each other, but uniting ſoon after in the common cauſe, they reſolved to revenge the death of Caeſar, and di⯑viding all power among themſelves, formed what is called the ſecond Triumvirate

The meeting of theſe three uſurpers of their coun⯑try's freedom, was near Mutina, upon a little iſland of the river Panarus. Their mutual ſuſpicions were the cauſe o [...] their meeting in a place where they could not fear any treachery; for, even in their union, they could not diveſt themſelves of mutual [170] diſſidence. Lepidus firſt entered; and, finding all things ſafe, made the ſignal for the other two to ap⯑proach. They embraced each other upon their firſt meeting; and Auguſtus began the conference, by thanking Antony for his zeal, in putting Decimus Brutus to death; who, being abandoned by his army, was taken, as he was deſigning to eſcape into Mace⯑donia, and beheaded by Antony's command. They then entered upon the buſineſs that lay before them, without any retroſpection of the paſt. Their con⯑ference laſted for three days; and, in this period, they fixed a diviſion of government, and determined upon the fate of thouſands. The reſult of which was, that the ſupreme authority ſhould be lodged in their hands, under the title of the Triumvirate, for the ſpace of five years; that Antony ſhould have Gaul; Lepidus, Spain; and Auguſtus, Africa, and the Mediterranean iſlands. As for Italy, and the eaſtern provinces, they were to remain in common, until their general enemy was entirely ſubdued; where, among other articles of union, it was agreed, that all their enemies ſhould be deſtroyed, of which each preſented a liſt. In theſe were compriſed, not only the enemies, but the friends of the Triumvi⯑rate, ſince the partizans of the one were often found among the oppoſers of the other. Thus Lepidus gave up his brother Paulus to the vengeance of his col⯑league; Antony permitted the proſcription of his uncle Lucius; and Auguſtus delivered up the great Cicero, who was aſſaſſinated ſhortly after by An⯑tony's command.

In the mean time, Brutus and Caſſius, the prin⯑cipal of the conſpirators againſt Caeſar, being com⯑pelled to quit Rome, went into Greece, where they perſuaded the Roman ſtudents at Athens to declare in the cauſe of freedom; then parting, the forme [...] raiſed a powerful army in Macedonia, and the adja⯑cent countries, while the latter went into Syria [171] where he ſoon became maſter of twelve legions, and reduced his opponent, Dollabella, to ſuch ſtreights as to kill himſelf. Both armies ſoon after joining at Smyrna, the fight of ſuch a formidable force began to revive the declining ſpirits of the party, and to re⯑unite the two generals ſtill more cloſely, between whom there had been, ſome time before, a ſlight miſunderſtanding. In ſhort, having quitted Italy like diſtreſſed exiles, without having one ſingle ſol⯑dier or one town that owned their command, they now found themſelves at the head of a flouriſhing army, furniſhed with all the neceſſaries for carrying to the war, and in a condition to ſupport a conteſt where the empire of the world depended on the event. This ſucceſs in raiſing levies was entirely owing to the juſtice, moderation, and great humani⯑t [...] of Brutus who, in every inſtance, ſeemed ſtu⯑ [...]s of the happineſs of his country, and not his [...].

It was in this flouriſhing ſtate of their affairs, that [...] [...]tors had formed a reſolution of going [...] Cleopatra, who had made great preparations [...] their opponents. However, they were divert⯑ [...] from this purpoſe by an information that Auguſtus [...] Antony were now upon their march, with forty [...] to oppoſe them. Brutus, therefore, moved [...] their army paſs over into Greece and Mace⯑ [...]ni [...], and there meet the enemy; but Callius ſo far [...], is to have the Rhodians and Lycians firſt re [...]ed, who had refuſed their uſual contributions. [...] exped [...]ion was immediately put in execution, [...] extraor [...]nary contributions were raiſed by that [...]eans, the Rhodians having ſcarce any thing leſt them but their lives. The Lycians ſuffered ſtill more ſeverely; for, having ſhut themſelves up in the [...] or Nalithius, they defended the place againſt [...]rutus with ſuch fury, that neither his arts nor en⯑treaties could prevail upon them to ſurrender. At [172] length, the town being ſet on fire, by their attempt⯑ing to burn the works ot the Romans, Brutus, in⯑ſtead of laying hold on this opportunity to ſtorm the place, made every effort to preſerve it, entreating his ſoldiers to try all means of extinguiſhing the fire [...] but the deſperate phrenzy of the citizens was not to be mollified. Far from thinking themſelves obliged to their generous enemy, for the efforts which were made to ſave them, they reſolved to periſh in the flames. Wherefore, inſtead of extinguiſhing, they did all in their power to augment the fire, by throw⯑ing in wood, dry reeds, and all kinds of fuel. No⯑thing could exceed the diſtreſs of Brutus, upon ſee⯑ing the townſmen thus reſolutely bent on deſtroying themſelves▪ he rode about the fortifications, ſtretch⯑ing out his hands to the Nanthians, and conjuring then to have pity on themſelves and their city; but, inſenſi [...]le to his ex [...]oſtulations, they ruſhed into the flames with deſperate obſtinacy, and the whole ſoon became an heap of undiſtinguiſhable ruin. At this horrid ſpectacle Brutus melted into tears, offering a reward to every ſoldier who ſhould bring him a Ly⯑cian alive The number of thoſe whom it was poſ⯑ſible to ſave from their own fury amounted to no more than one hundred and fifty.

Brutus and Callius met once more at Sardis, where, after the uſual ceremonies were paſt between them, they reſolved to have private conference together. They ſhut themſelves up, therefore, in the firſt con⯑venient houſe, with expreſs orders to their ſervants to give no admiſſion Brutus began, by reprimand⯑ing Caſſius for having diſpoſed of offices, which ſhould ever be the reward of merit, and for having overtaxed the tributary ſtates. Caſſius retorted the imputation of avarice with the more bitterneſs, as he knew the chan [...]e to be groundleſs. The debate grew warm, till, from loud ſpeaking, they burſt into fears. Their friends, who were ſtanding at the door, [173] overheard the increaſing vehemence of their voices, and began to dread for the conſequences, till Favo⯑nius, who valued himſelf upon a cynical boldneſs, t [...]t knew no reſtraint, entering the room with a j [...]ſt, calmed their mutual animoſity. Caſſius was ready enough to forego his anger, being a man of great abilities, but of uneven diſpoſition; not averſe to pleaſure in private company; and, upon the wh [...]le, of morals not quite ſincere. But the conduct of Brutus was always perfectly ſteady. An even gentl [...]neſs, a noble elevation of ſentiments, a ſtrength of mind over which neither vice nor pleaſure could have any influence, an inflexible firmneſs in the de⯑f [...]ce of juſtice, compoſed the character of that great m [...]n. After their conference, night coming on, Caſſius invited Brutus and his friends to an enter⯑tainment, where freedom and chearfulneſs, for a v [...]lle, [...]ok place of political anxiety, and ſoftened the ſeverity of wiſdom. Upon retiring home it was that Brutus, as Plutarch tells the ſtory, ſaw a ſpectre in his tent. He naturally ſlept but little, and he had increaſed this ſtate of watchfulneſs by habit and great ſobriety. He never allowed himſelf to ſleep in the day time, as was then common in Rome; and only gave ſo much of the night to ſleep as could bare⯑ly renew the natural functions. But eſpecially now, when oppreſt with ſuch various cares, he only gave a ſhort time after his nightly repaſt to reſt; and, waking about midnight, generally read or ſtudied ſtill morning. It was in the dead of the night, when the whole camp was perfectly quiet, that Brutus was thus employed in reading by a lamp that was juſt ex⯑piring. On a ſudden he thought he heard a noiſe as if ſome body entered, and lookin [...] towards the door he perceived it open A gigantic figure, with a frightful aſpect, ſtood before him, and continued to gaze upon him with ſilent ſeverity. At laſt Brutus had courage to ſpeak to it: "Art thou a daemon or [174] a mortal man? and why corneſt thou to me?" "Brutus," replied the phantom, ‘I am thy evil genius, thou ſhalt ſee me again at Philippi.’ "Well, then," anſwered Brutus, without being diſ⯑compoſed, "we ſhall meet again." Upon which the phantom vaniſhed, and Brutus calling to his ſer⯑vants, aſked if they had ſeen any thing; to which replying in the negative, he again reſumed his ſtu⯑dies. But as he was ſtruck with ſo ſtrange an occur⯑rence, he mentioned it the next day to Caſſius, who being an Epicurean, aſcribed it to the effect o [...] an imagination too much exerciſed by vigilance and anxiety. Brutus appeared ſatisfied with this ſolution of his late terrors, and as Antony and Auguſtus were now advanced into Macedonia, he and his colleague paſſed over into Thrace, and drew near to the city of Philippi, where the forces of the trium⯑viri were poſted to receive them.

All mankind now began to regard the approaching armies with terror and ſuſpenſe The empire of the world depended upon the fate of a battle; as from victory, on the one ſide, they had to expect freedom▪ but from the other, a ſovereign with abſolute com⯑mand. Brutus was the only man who looked upon theſe great events before him with calmneſs and tr [...]nqu [...]lity. Indifferent as to ſucceſs, and ſatisfied with having done his duty, he ſaid to one of his friends, ‘If I gain the victory, I ſhall reſtore liberty to my country; if I loſe it, by dying, I ſhall be delivered from ſlavery myſelf; my condition is fix⯑ed, and I run no hazards.’ The republican army conſiſted of fourſcore thouſand foot, and twen⯑ty thouſand horſe. The army of the triumviri amounted to an hundred thouſand foot, and thirteen thouſand horſe. Thus complete, on both ſides, they met and encamped near each other upon the plains of Philippi, a city upon the confines of Thrace. This city was ſituated upon a mountain, towards the weſt [175] of which a plain ſtretched itſelf, by a gentle declivi⯑ty, almoſt fifteen leagues to the banks of the river Saymon. In this p [...]ain, about two miles from the town, were two little hills at about a mile diſtance from each other, defended on one ſide by mountains, on the other by a marſh which communicated with the ſea. It was upon theſe two hills that Brutus and C [...]ſſius fixed their camys: Brutus on the hill towards the north; Caſſius on that towards the ſouth: and in the intermediate ſpace which ſeparated them, they caſt up lines and a parapet from one hill to the other. That they kept a firm communication between the two camps, which mutually defended each other. In this commodious ſituation they could act as they thought proper, and give battle only when it was thought to their advantage to engage. Be⯑hind them was the ſea, which furniſhed them with all kinds of proviſions; and at twelve miles diſtance, the iſland of Thaſos, which ſerved them for a gene⯑ral magazine. The triumviri, on the other hand, were encamped on the plain below, and were oblig⯑ed to bring their proviſions from fifteen leagues diſtance; ſo that their ſcheme and intereſt was to bring on a battle as ſoon as they could. This they offered ſeveral times, drawing out their men from their camp, and provoking the enemy to engage. On the contrary, theſe contented themſelves with drawing up their troops at the head of their camps, but without deſcending to the plain. This reſolution of poſtponing the battle, was all that the republican army had for it; and Caſſius, who was aware of his advantage, reſolved to harraſs the enemy rather than engage them. But Brutus began to ſuſpect the fide⯑lity of ſ [...]me of his officers, ſo that he uſed all his in⯑ſtance to perſuade Caſſius to change his reſolution. "I am impatient" ſaid he, ‘to put an end to the [...] of mankind, and in that I have hopes of ſucceeding whether I fall or conquer.’ His wiſhes [176] were ſoon gratified; for Antony's ſoldiers having, with great labour, made a road through the marſh which lay to the left of Caſſius's camp, by that means opened a communication with the iſland of Thaſos, which lay behind him. Both armies, in attempting to poſſeſs themſelves of this road, reſolved, at length, to come to a general engagement. This, however, [...] contrary to the advice of Caſſius, who declared, th [...]t [...]e was [...]ced, as Pompey had formerly been, to [...] of Rome to the hazard of a battle. [...] morning the two generals gave the ſig⯑nal [...] en [...]aging, and conferred together a little while before the battle began. Caſſius deſired to kn [...]w n [...]w Brutus intended to act in caſe they were unſucceſsful: to which the other replied, ‘That he had formerly, in his writings, condemned the death of Ca [...]o; and maintained, that avoiding ca⯑lamities by ſuicide, was an inſolent attempt againſt Heaven that ſent them; but he had now altered his o [...]inions and, having given up his life to his country, he thought he had a right to his own way of ending it; wherefore he was reſolved to change a miſerable being here, for a better here⯑after if fortune proved againſt him.’ Well ſaid, "my friend," cried Caſſius embracing him, ‘now we may venture to face the enemy; for either we ſhall conquerors ourſelves, or we ſhall have no cauſe to fear thoſe that are ſo.’ Auguſtus being ſick, the forces of the triumviri were commanded [...]one by Antony, who began the engagement by a vigorous attack upon the lines of Caſſius. Brutus, on the other ſide, made a dreadful erruption on the prior of Auguſtus; and drove forward with ſo much intrepidity, that he broke them upon the very firſt [...]. Upon this he penetrated as far as the camp, and cutting in pieces thoſe who were left for its de⯑fence, his troops immediately began to plunder: but in the mean time the lines of Caſſius were forced, [177] and his cavalry put to flight There was no effort that this unfortunate general did not uſe to make his infantry ſtand, ſtopping thoſe that fled, and ſeizing himſelf the colours to rally them But his own valour alone was not ſufficient to inſpire his timorous army; wherefore, deſpairing of ſucceſs, he cauſed himſelf to be ſlain by one of his freedmen. Brutus was ſoon informed of the defeat of Caſſius, and ſoon after of his death as he drew near the camp. He ſeemed ſcarce able to reſtrain the exceſs of his grief for a man whom he called the laſt of the Romans.

But his firſt care, when he became the ſole general, was to aſſemble the diſperſt troops of Caſſius, and animate them with freſh hopes of victory. As they had loſt all they poſſeſt by the plundering of their camp, he promiſed them two thouſand denarii each man to make up their loſſes. This once more in⯑ſpired them with new ardour; they admired the li⯑berality of their general, and with loud ſhouts pro⯑claimed his former intrepidity. Still, however, he had not confidence ſufficient to face the adverſary, who off [...]ed him battle the enſuing day. His aim was to ſtarve his enemies, who were in extreme war [...] proviſions, their fleet having been lately de⯑fe [...]d. But his ſingle opinion was over-ruled by [...] his army, who now grew every day more confident of their ſtrength, and more arrogant to their n [...]w general. He was, therefore, at laſt, after inſpi [...] of twenty days, obliged to comply with their ſollicitations to try the fate of the battle. Both armies [...]ing [...]rawn out, they remained a long while oppoſite to each other without offering to engage. But it is [...] that he himſelf had loſt much of his na⯑tur [...]d ardour by having ſeen a ſpectre the night pre⯑ceding: h [...]wever, he encouraged his men us much as poſſible, and gave the ſignal for another battle. He had, as uſual, the advantage where he com⯑manded in perſon; bearing down the enemy at the head of h [...]s infantry, and, ſupported by his cavalry, [178] making a very great ſlaughter. But the troops which had belonged to Caſſius communicating their terror to the reſt of the forces, at laſt, the whole army gave way. Brutus, ſurrounded by the moſt valiant of his officers, fought for a long time with amazing valour. The ſon of Cato fell fighting by his ſide, as alſo the brother of Caſſius; ſo that, at laſt, he was obliged to yield to neceſſity, and fled. In the mean time the two triumviri, now aſſured of victory, ex⯑preſly ordered by no means to ſuffer the general to eſcape, for fear he ſhould renew the war. Thus the whole body of the enemy ſeemed chiefly intent on Brutus alone, and his capture ſeemed inevitable. In this deplorable exigence, Lucilius, his friend, was reſolved, by his own death, to effect his general's delivery. Upon perceiving a body of Thracian horſe cloſely purſuing Brutus, and juſt upon the point of taking him, he boldly threw himſelf in their way, telling them that he was Brutus. The Thracians, overjoyed with ſo great a prize, immediately diſ⯑patched ſome of their companions with the news of their ſucceſs, to the army. Upon which, the ar⯑dour of the purſuit now abating, Antony marched out to meet his priſoner, and to haſten his death, or inſult his misfortunes. He was followed by a great number of officers and ſoldiers, ſome ſilently deplor⯑ing the fate of ſo virtuous a man; others reproaching that mean deſire of life for which he conſented to un⯑dergo captivity. Antony now ſeeing the Thracians approach, began to prepare himſelf for the inter⯑view; but the faithful Lucilius, advancing with a chearful air, "It is not Brutus," ſaid he, ‘that is taken; fortune has not yet had the power of com⯑mitting ſo great an outrage upon virtue. As for my life it is well ſpent in preſerving his honour; take it, for I have deceived you.’ Antony, ſtruck with ſo much fidelity, pardoned him upon the ſpot; and from that time forward loaded him with bene⯑fits, and honoured him with his friendſhip.

[179]In the mean time, Brutus, with a ſmall number of friends, paſſed over a rivulet, and, night coming on, ſet down under a rock which concealed him from the purſuit of the enemy. After taking breath for a little time, and caſting his eyes up to Heaven, he repeated a line from Euripides, containing a wiſh to the Gods, ‘that guilt ſhould not paſs in this life without puniſhment.’ To this he added another from the ſame poet: ‘O Virtue! thou empty name, I have worſhipped thee as a real good, but thou art only the ſlave of Fortune.’ He then called to mind, with great tenderneſs, thoſe whom he had [...]een periſh in battle, and ſent out one Statilius to give him ſome information of thoſe that remained; but he never returned, being killed by a party of the enemy's horſe. Brutus, judging very rightly of his ſite, now reſolved to die likewiſe, and ſpoke to [...]oſe who ſtood round him to lend him their laſt ſad [...]. None of them, however, would render him to melancholy a ſervice. He, therefore, called [...]ne of his [...]laves to perform what he ſo ardently de⯑ſired; but Strato, his tutor, offered himſelf, crying [...], ‘that it ſhould never be ſaid that Brutus, in in [...] laſt extremity, ſtood in need of a ſlave for want of a friend.’ Thus ſaying, and averting his head, repreſented the ſword's point to Brutus, who threw himſelf upon it, and immediately expired

From the moment of Brutus's death, the triumviri began to act as ſovereigns, and to divide the Roman dominions between them, as theirs by right of con⯑queſt. However, though there were apparently [...]ree who participated all power, yet, in fact, only two were actually poſſeſt of it, ſince Lopidus was at firſt admitted merely to curb the mutual jealouſy of Antony and Auguſtus; and was poſſeſt neither of intereſt in the army, nor authority among the people. Their fir [...]t care was to puniſh thoſe whom they had formerly marked for vengeance. Hortenſius, Dru⯑ſus, [180] and Quintilius Varus, all men of the firſt rank in the commonwealth, either killed themſelves or were ſlain. A ſenator and his ſon were ordered to caſt lots for their lives, but both refuſed it; the father voluntarily gave himſelf up to the executioner, and the ſon ſtabbed himſelf before his face. Another begged to have the rites of burial after his death; to which Auguſtus replied, ‘that he ſhould find a grave in the vultures that devoured him.’ But chiefly the people lamented to ſee the head of Brutus ſent to Rome to be thrown at the foot of Caeſar's ſtatue. His aſhes, however, were ſent to his wife Porcia, Cato's daughter, who following the exam⯑ple of her huſband and father, killed herſelf by ſwallowing burning coals. It is obſerved, that of all thoſe who had a hand in the death of Caeſar, not one died a natural death.

The power of the triumviri being thus eſtabliſhed upon the ruin of the commonwealth, they now be⯑gan to think of enjoying that homage to which they had aſpired. Antony went into Greece to receive the flattery of that refined people, and ſpent ſome time at Athens, converſing among the philoſophers, and aſſiſting at their diſputes in perſon. From thence he paſt over into Aſia, where all the monarchs of the Eaſt who acknowledged the Roman power, came to pay him their obedience; while the faireſt princeſſes ſtrove to gain his favour by the greatneſs of their preſents, or the allurements of their beauty. In this manner he proceeded from kingdom to kingdom, at⯑tended by a crowd of ſovereigns, exacting contribu⯑tions, diſtributing favours, and giving away crowns with ca [...]ricious inſolence. He preſented the king⯑dom of Canpadocia to Syſenes, in prejudice of Aria⯑rathes, only becauſe he found pleaſure in the beauty of G [...]aphyra, the mother of the former. He ſettled Herod in the kingdom of Judea, and ſupported him againſt every oppoſer. But among all the ſove⯑reigns [181] of the Eaſt who ſhared his favours, none had ſo large a part as Cleopatra, the celebrated queen of Egypt.

It happened that Serapion, her governor in the iſland of Cyprus, had formerly furniſhed ſome ſuc⯑cours to the conſpirators; and it was thought proper that he ſhould anſwer for his conduct on that occa⯑ſion. Accordingly, having received orders from Antony to come and clear herſelf of this imputation of infidelity, ſhe readily complied, equally conſci⯑ous of the goodneſs of her cauſe, and the power of her beauty. She was now in her twenty-ſeventh year, and conſequently had improved thoſe allurements by art, which, in earlier age, are ſeldom attended to Her addreſs and wit were ſtill further heighten⯑ed, and, though there were ſome women in Rome that were her equals in beauty, none could rival her in the charms of ſeducing converſation. Antony was now in Tarſus, a city of Cilicia, when Cleo⯑patra reſolved to attend his court in perſon. She sailed to meet him down the river Cydnus, at the mouth of which the city ſtood, with the moſt ſump⯑tuous pageantry. Her galley was covered with gold, the ſails of purple, large, and floating in the wind. The oars, of ſilver, kept time to the ſound of flutes and cymbals. She herſelf lay reclined on a couch ſpangled with ſtars of gold, and with ſuch orna⯑ments as poets and painters had uſually aſcribed to Venus. On each ſide were boys like Cupids, who famed her by turns; while the moſt beautiful nymphs dreſt like Noriads and Graces, were placed at pro⯑per diſtances around her. Upon the banks of the river were kept burning the moſt exquiſite perfumes, while an infinite number of people gazed upon the ſi [...]ht with a mixture of delight and admiration. Antony was captivated with her beauty, and, leaving all his [...]uſineſs to ſatisfy his paſſion, ſhortly after followed her into Egypt. There he continued in [182] all that eaſe and ſoftneſs to which his vicious heart was prone, and which that luxurious people were able to ſupply.

While he remained thus idle in Egypt, Auguſtus, who took upon him to lead back the veteran troops and ſettle them in Italy, was aſſiduouſly employed in providing for their ſubſiſtence. He had promiſed them lands at home, as a recompence for their paſt ſervices; but they could not receive their new grants without turning out the former inhabitants. In con⯑ſequence of this, multitudes or women, with chil⯑dren in their arms, whoſe tender years and inno⯑cence excited univerſal compaſſion, daily filled the temples and the ſtreets with their diſtreſſes Num⯑bers of huſbandmen and ſhepherds came to depre⯑cate the conqueror's intention, or to obtain an habi⯑tation in ſome other part of the world. Among this number was Virgil, the poet, to whom mankind owe more obligations, than to a thouſand conquerors, who, in an humble manner, begged permiſſion to re⯑tain his patrimonial farm: Virgil obtained his requeſt, but the reſt of his countrymen, of Mantua and Cre⯑mona were turned out without mercy.

Italy and Rome now felt the moſt extreme miſe⯑ries; the inſolent ſoldiers plundered at will; while Sextus Pompey, being maſter of the ſea, cut off all foreign communication, and prevented the people's receiving their uſual ſupplies of corn. To theſe miſ⯑chiefs were added the commencement of another civil war. Pulvia, the wife of Antony, who had been left behind him at Rome, had felt for ſome time a [...]l the rage of jealouſy, and reſolved to try eve⯑ry method of bringing back her huſband from the arms of Cleopatra. She conſidered a breach with Auguſtus, as the only probable means of rouzing him from his lethargy; and, accordingly, with the aſſiſtance of Lucius, her brother in-law, who was then conſul, and entirely devoted to her intereſt, ſhe [183] began to ſow the ſeeds of diſſenſion. The pretext was, that Antony ſhould have a ſhare in the diſtribu⯑tion of lands as well as Auguſtus. This produced negociations between them, and Auguſtus offered to make the veterans themſelves umpires in the diſpute. Lucius refuſed to acquieſce; and, being at the head of more than ſix legions, moſtly compoſed of ſuch as were diſpoſſeſt, he reſolved to compel Auguſtus to accept of whatever terms he ſhould offer. Thus a new war was excited between Auguſtus and Antony; on, at leaſt, the generals of the latter aſſumed the ſanction of his name. Auguſtus, however, was victorious: Lucius was hemmed in between two armies, and conſt [...]ained to retreat to Peruſia, a city of Etruria, where he was cloſely beſieged by the op⯑po [...]ite party. He made many deſperate ſallies, and Fulvia did all in her power to relieve him, but with⯑out ſucceſs. He was at laſt, therefore, reduced to ſuch extremity, by famine, that he came out in per⯑ſon, and delivered himſelf up to the mercy of the conqueror. Auguſtus received him very honour⯑aly, and generouſly pardoned him and all his fol⯑lowers.

Antony having heard of his brother's overthrow, and his wife's being compelled to leave Italy, was reſolved to oppoſe Auguſtus without delay. He ac⯑cordingly ſailed, at the head of a conſiderable fleet, from Alexandria to Tyre; and from thence to Cy⯑pius and Rhodes, and had an interview with Fulvia, [...] were, at Athens He much blamed her for oc⯑caſioning the late diſorders; teſtified the utmoſt con⯑tempt for her perſon; and leaving her upon her ce [...]r-bed, at [...]ycion, haſtened into Italy to ſight Auguſtus. They both met at Branduſium; and it was now thought that the flames of a civil-war were going to blaze out once more. The forces of An⯑tony were numerous, but moſtly new raiſed; how⯑ever, he was aſſiſted by Sextus Pompeius, who, in [184] theſe oppoſitions of intereſt, was daily coming into power. Auguſtus was at the head of thoſe veterans; who had always been irreſiſtible, but who ſeemed no way diſpoſed to fight againſt Antony, their for⯑mer general. A negociation was, therefore, propoſ⯑ed; and, by the activity of Cocceius a friend to both, a reconciliation was effected. All offences and affronts were mutually forgiven; and, to cement the union, a marriage was concluded between An⯑tony and Octavia, the ſiſter of Auguſtus. A new diviſion of the Roman empire was made between them; Auguſtus was to have the command of the Weſt; Antony of the Eaſt; while Lepidus was obliged to content himſelf with the provinces in Africa. As for Sextus Pompeius, he was permitted to retain all the iſlands he had already poſſeſt, to⯑gether with Peloponneſus: he was alſo granted the privilege of demanding the conſulſhip in his abſence, and of diſcharging that office by any of his friends. It was likewi [...]e ſtipulated to leave the ſea open, and pay the people what corn was due out of Sicily. Thus a gene [...]al peace was concluded, to the great ſatisfaction of the people, who now expected a ceſſa⯑tion from all their calamities.

This calm ſeemed to continue for ſometime; An⯑tony led his forces againſt the Parthians, over whom his lientenant Ventidius had gained ſome advan⯑tages Auguſtus drew the greateſt part of his army into Gaul, where there were ſome diſturbances; and Pompey went to ſecure his newly ceded province to his intereſt. It was on this quarter that freſh mo⯑tives were given for renewing the war. Antony, who was obliged, by treaty, to quit Peloponneſus, refuſed to evacuate it till Pompey had ſatisfied him for ſuch debts as were due to him from the inhabi⯑tants. This Pompey would by no means comply with, but immediately fitted out a new fleet, and re⯑newed his former enterprizes, by cutting off ſuch [185] corn and proviſions as were conſigned to Italy. Thus the grievances of the poor were again re⯑newed; and the people began to complains, that inſtead of three tyrants, they were now oppreſſed by four.

In this exigence Auguſtus, who had long medi⯑tated the beſt means of diminiſhing the number, re⯑ [...]ived to begin by getting rid of Pompey, who kept [...]e ſtate in continual alarms. He was maſter of two fleets, one, which he had cauſed to be built at Ra⯑venna: and another which Menodorus, who revolt⯑ed from Pompey, brought to his aid. His firſt at⯑tempt was to invade Sicily; but being overpowered in his paſſage by Pompey, and afterwards ſhattered in a ſtorm, he was obliged to defer his deſigns to the enſuing year. During this interval he was rein⯑forced by a noble fleet of one hundred and twenty ſhips, given him by Antony, with which he reſolv⯑ed once more to invade Sicily on three ſeveral quar⯑ters But fortune ſeemed ſtill determined to oppoſe him. He was a ſecond time diſabled and ſhattered by a ſtorm; which ſo raiſed the vanity of Pompey, that he began to ſtyle himſelf the ſon of Neptune. However, Auguſtus was not to be intimidated by any diſgraces; for, having ſhortly reſitted his navy, and recruited his forces, he gave the command of both to Agrippa, his faithful friend and aſſociate in war. Agrippa proved himſelf worthy of the truſt repoſed in him; he began his operations by a victory over Pompey; and, though he was ſhortly after worſted himſelf, he ſoon after gave his adverſary a complete and final overthrow Thus undone, Pom⯑pey reſolved to fly to Antony, from whom he expect⯑ed refuge, as he had formerly obliged that triumvir [...] by giving protection to his mother. However, a gleam of hope offering, he tried, once more, at the head of a ſmall body of men, to make himſelf inde⯑pendent, and even ſurpriſed Anthony's lieutenants, [186] who had been ſent to accept of his ſubmiſſions. Nevertheleſs, he was at laſt abandoned by his ſol⯑diers, and delivered up to Titus. Antony's lieutenant, who ſhortly after cauſed him to be ſlain.

The death of this general removed one very power⯑ful obſtacle to the ambition of Auguſtus, and he re⯑ſolved to take the eaſieſt opportunity to get rid of the [...] of his aſſociates.

All [...] an [...]ther this was furniſhed by Lepi⯑dus, that ſerved as a ſufficient pretext to Auguſtus for depriving him of his ſhare in the triumvirate. Being at the head of twenty-two legions, with a ſtrong body of cavalry, he idly ſuppoſed that his preſent power was more than an equivalent to the po⯑pularity of Auguſtus. He, therefore, reſolved upon adding Sicily, where he then was, to his province, pretending a right, as having firſt invaded it. Au⯑guſtus ſent to expoſtulate upon theſe proceedings; But Lepidus fiercely re [...]lied, ‘That he was deter⯑mined to have his ſhare in the adminiſtration, and would no longer ſubmit to let one alone poſ⯑ſeſs all the authority.’ Auguſtus was previouſly informed of the diſpoſition of Lepidus's ſoldiers; for he had, by his ſecret intrigues and largeſſes, entire⯑ly attached them to himſelf. Wherefore, without further de [...]ay, he, with great boldneſs, went alone to the camp of Lepidus, and with no other aſſiſtance than his private bounties, and the authority he had guined by his former victories, he depoſed his rival. Lepidus was deprived of all his former authority, and baniſhed to Circa [...]um, where he continued the reſt of his life, deſpiſed by his friends, and to all a melan⯑choly object or blaſted ambition.

Th [...]e remained now but one obſtacle to his am⯑bition, which was Antony, whom he reſolved to re⯑m [...], and for that purpoſe began to render his cha⯑racter as contemptible as he poſſibly could at Rome. In fact, Anthony's conduct did not a little contri⯑bute [187] to promote the endeavours of his ambitious part⯑ner. He had marched againſt the Parthians with a prodigious army, but was forced to return with the [...] the fourth part of his forces, and all his bag⯑ [...]. However, Antony, ſeemed quite regardleſs [...] [...]tempt: alive only to pleaſure, and totally diſ⯑ [...] [...] the buſineſs of the ſtate, he ſpent whole [...] nights in the company of Cleopatra, who [...] every art to encreaſe his paſſion, and vary [...] [...]n [...]ertainments. Few women have been ſo much [...] for the art of giving novelty to pleaſure, [...] [...]ing trifles important: ſtill ingenious in fil [...] ⯑ [...] up the languid pauſes of ſenſual delight with [...] new ſtroke of refinement, ſhe was at one time a [...]; then a Bacchanal, and ſometimes an hun⯑te [...]s. She invented a ſociety called, The Inimitable; [...] of the court who made the moſt ſumptuous on [...]inments, carried away the prize. Not con⯑tented with ſharing, in her company, all the delights which Egypt could afford, Antony was reſolved to enlarge his ſphere of luxury, by granting her many [...] kingdoms which belonged to the Roman e [...]pl [...]e. He gave her all Phaenicia, Celo-Syria, and Cyprus, with a great part of Cilicia, Arabia, and judea; aifts which he had no right to beſtow, but [...]ich he pretended to grant in imitation of Her⯑ [...]s. This complication of vice and folly at laſt totally exaſperated the Romans, and Auguſtus, will⯑ing to take the advantage of their reſentment, took [...] exaggerate all his defects. At length, when he found the people ſufficiently irritated againſt him, he reſolved to ſend Octavia, who was then at Rome, [...] Antony, as if with a view of reclaiming her huſ⯑band; but, in fact, to furniſh a ſufficient pretext of ca [...]ing war againſt him, as he knew ſhe would be di [...]miſ [...]ed with contempt.

Antony was now at the city of Leucoplis, revel⯑ling with his inſiduous paramour, when he heard [188] that Octavia was at Athens, upon her journey to vi⯑ſit him. This was very unwelcome news as well to him as to Cleopatra; who, ſcaring the charms of her rival, endeavoured to convince Antony of the ſtrength of her paſſion by her ſ [...]ghs, languiſhing looks, and well-feigned melancholy. He frequently caught her in tears, which ſhe ſeemed as if willing to hide; and often entreated her to tell him the cauſe, which ſhe ſeemed willing to ſuppreſs. Theſe artifices, together with the ceaſeleſs flattery, and importunity of her creatures, prevailed ſo much upon Antony's weak⯑neſs, that he commanded Octavia to return home, without ſeeing her; and ſtill more to exaſperate the people of Rome, he reſolved to repudiate her, and take Cleopatra as his wife. He accordingly aſſem⯑bled the people of Alexandria in the public theatre, where was raiſed an alcove of ſilver, under which were placed two thrones of gold, one for himſelf and the other for Cleopatra. There he ſeated himſelf dreſt like Bacchus, while Cleopatra ſat beſide him cloathed in the ornaments and attributes of Iſis, the principal deity of the Egyptians. On that occaſion he declared her queen of all the countries which he had already beſtowed upon her; while he aſſociated Caeſario, her ſon by Caeſar, as her partner in the go⯑vernment To the two children which he had by her himſelf, he gave the title of king of kings, with very extenſive domanions: and, to crown his abſur⯑dities, he next ſent a minute account of his proceed⯑ings to the two conſuls at Rome.

In the mean time Auguſtus had now a ſufficient pretext for declaring war, and informed the ſenate of his intentions. However, he deferred the execu⯑tion of his deſign for a while, being then employed in quelling an inſurrection of the Illyrians. The following year was chiefly taken up in preparations againſt Antony, who, perceiving his deſign, remon⯑ſtrated to the ſenate, that he had many cauſes of [189] complaint againſt his colleague, who had ſeized upon Sicily without affording him a ſhare; alledg⯑ing that he had alſo diſpoſſeſt Lepidus, and kept to himſelf the province he had commanded; and that [...] and divided all Italy among his own ſoldiers, leav⯑ing nothing to recompence thoſe in Aſia. To this complaint Auguſtus was contented to make a ſar⯑caſtic anſwer, implying, that it was abſurd to com⯑plain of his diſtribution of a few triſting diſtricts in Italy, when, Antony having conquered Parthia, he might now reward his ſoldiers with cities and pro⯑vinces. This ſarcaſm provoked him to ſend his army, without intermiſſion, into Europe, to meet Auguſtus, while he and Cleopatra followed to Samos, in order to prepare for carrying on the war with vigour. When arrived there it was ridiculous enough to be⯑hold the odd mixture of preparations for pleaſure and for war. On one ſide, all the kings and princes from Egyp, to the Euxine ſea, had orders to ſend him ſupplies both of men, proviſions, and arms; on the other ſide, all the comedians, dancers, buffoons, and muſicians ot Greece, were ordered to attend him.

This delay at Samos, and afterwards at Athens, where he carried Cleopatra, to receive new honours, was extremely favourable to the arms of Auguſtus, who was, at firſt, ſcarcely in a diſpo [...]ition to oppoſe him, had he gone into Italy; but he ſoon found [...] to put himſelf in a condition for [...]rying on the [...]; and, ſhortly after, declared it againſt him in [...]. At length both ſides found themſelves in re [...]ineſs to begin the war, and their armies were anſwerable to the empire they contended for. The on [...] was followed by all the forces of the Eaſt; the other drew a [...]l the ſtrength of the Weſt to ſupport his pretenſions. Antony's force compoſed a body of an hundred thouſand foot, and twelve thouſand horſe; while his fleet amounted to five hundred [190] ſhips of war. The army of Auguſtus muſtered but eighty thouſand foot, but equalled his adverſary's in the number of cavalry: his fleet was but half as nu⯑merous as Antony's; however, his ſhips were better built, and manned with better ſoldiers.

The great deciſive engagement, which was a na⯑val one, was fought near Actium, a city of Epirus, at the entrance of the gulph of Ambracia. Antony ranged his ſhips before the mouth of the gulph; and Auguſtus drew up his fleet in oppoſition. Neither general aſſumed any ſixt ſtation to command in, but went about from ſhip to ſhip, wherever his preſence was neceſſary. In the mean time, the two land ar⯑mies, on oppoſite ſides of the gulph, were drawn up, only as ſpectators of the engagement; and en⯑couraged the fleets, by their ſhouts, to engage. The battle began, on both ſides, with great ardour; and after a manner not practiſed upon former occaſions. The prows of their veſſels were armed with brazen points; and with theſe they drove furiouſly againſt each other. They fought for ſome time with great fury, nor was there any advantage on either ſide, except a ſmall appearance of diſorder in the centre of Antony's fleet. But all of a ſudden, Cleopatra de⯑termined the fortune of the day. She was ſeen ſ [...]y⯑ing from the engagement, attended by ſixty ſail; ſtruck, perhaps, with the terrors natural to her ſex: but what encreaſed the general amazement, was, to behold Antony himſelf following ſoon after, leav⯑ing his fleet at the mercy of the conquerors; and the army at land ſoon after followed their example.

When Cleopatra fled, Antony purſued her in a five-oared galley; and, coming along ſide of her ſhip, entered it without ſeeing, or being ſeen by her. She was in the ſtern, and he went to the prow, where he remained for ſome time ſilent, hold⯑ing his head between his hands. In this manner he continued three whole days, during which, either [191] through indignation or ſhame, he neither ſaw nor ſpoke to Cleopatra. At laſt, when they were arriv⯑ed at the promontory of Tenarus, the queen's female attendants reconciled them, and every thing went on as before. Still, however, he had the conſola⯑tion to ſuppoſe his army continued faithful to him; and accordingly diſpatched orders to his lieutenant Canidius, to conduct it into Aſia. However, he was ſoon undeceived when he arrived in Africa, where he was informed of their ſubmiſſion to his rival. This account ſo tranſported him with rage, that he was hardly prevented from killing himſelf; but at length, at the entreaty of his friends, he re⯑turned to Alexandria. Cleopatra, however, ſeemed to retain that fortitude in her misfortunes, which had utterly abandoned her admirer. Having amaſſed conſiderable riches, by means of confiſcations, and other acts of violence, ſhe formed a very ſingular and unheard of project: this was to convey her whole fleet over the iſthmus of Suez into the Red Sea, and thereby ſave herſelf in another region, beyond the reach of Rome, with all her treaſures. Some of [...]r veſſels were actually tranſported thither, purſuant to her orders; but the Arabians having burnt them, and Antony diſſuading her from the deſign, ſhe [...] it for the more improbable ſcheme of de⯑fending Egypt againſt the conqueror. She omitted nothing in her power to put this advice in practice, and made all kinds of preparations for war; at leaſt [...] thereby to obtain better terms from Auguſtus. In fact, ſhe had always loved Antony's fortunes ra⯑ther than his perſon; and if ſhe could have fallen [...] any method of ſaving herſelf, though even at its expence, there is no doubt but ſhe would have embraced it with gladneſs. She even ſtill had ſome [...]pes from the power of her charms, though ſhe was arrived almoſt at the age of forty; and was de⯑ſirous of trying upon Auguſtus, thoſe arts which had [192] been ſo ſucceſsful with the greateſt men of Rome▪ Thus, in three embaſſies, which were ſent one after another, from Antony to Auguſtus in Aſia, the queen had always her ſecret agents, charged with particular propoſals in her name. Antony deſired no more than that his life might be ſpared, and to have the liberty of paſſing the remainder of his days in obſcurity. To thoſe propoſals Auguſtus made no reply. Cleopatra ſent him alſo public propoſals in favour of her children; but at the ſame time private⯑ly reſigned him her crown, with all the enſigns of royalty. To the queen's public propoſal, no anſwer was given: to her private offer he replied, by giving her aſſurances of his favour, in caſe ſhe ſent away Antony, or put him to death. Theſe negociations were not ſo private but they came to the knowledge of Antony, whoſe jealouſy and rage every occurrence now contributed to heighten. He built a ſmall ſo⯑litary houſe upon a mole in the ſea, and there ſhut himſelf up, a prey to all thoſe paſſions that are the tor⯑mentors of unſucceſsful tyranny. There he paſt his time, ſhunning all commerce with mankind, and profeſſing to imitate Timon the man-hater. How⯑ever, his furious jealouſy drove him even from this retreat into ſociety; for hearing that Cleopatra had many ſec [...] conferences with one Thyrſus, an emiſ⯑ſary from Auguſtus, he ſeized upon him, and hav⯑ing ordered him to be cruelly ſcourged, he ſent him back to his patron. At the ſame time he ſent let⯑ters by him, importing, that he had chaſtized Thyr⯑ſus for inſulting a man in misfortunes; but withal he gave Auguſtus permiſſion to avenge himſelf, by ſcourging Hiparchus, Antony's freedman, in the ſame manner. The revenge, in this caſe, would have been highly pleaſing to Antony, as Hiparchus h [...] left him, to join the fortunes of his more ſuc⯑ceſsful rival.

[193]Meanwhile, the operations of the war were car⯑ried vigorouſly forward, and Egypt ſoon after be⯑came again the theatre of the contending armies of Rome. Gallus, the lieutenant of Auguſtus, took Paretonium, which opened the whole country to his incurſions. On the other ſide, Antony, who had ſtill conſiderable forces by ſea and land, wanted to take that important place from the enemy. He, therefore, marched towards it, flattering himſelf, that, as ſoon as he ſhould ſhew himſelf to the le⯑gions which he had once commanded, the affection for their ancient general would revive [...] [...] ⯑ed, therefore, and exhorted them to rem [...] [...] former vows of fidelity. Gallus, how [...] [...] ⯑dered all the trumpets to ſound, in order t [...] [...] Antony from being heard, ſo that he was ob [...] [...]o retire.

Auguſtus himſelf was in the mean time ad [...] ⯑ing with another army before Peluſium, which [...] its ſtrong ſituation, might have retarded his progre [...] for ſome time. But the governor of the city, either wanting courage to defend it, or previouſly inſtruct⯑ed by Cleopatra to give it up, permitted him to take poſſeſſion of the place; ſo that Auguſtus had now no obſtacle in his way to Alexandria, whither [...]e [...]a [...]ched with all expedition. Antony, upon his [...]ival, ſ [...]llied out to oppoſe him, fighting with great deſperation, and putting the enemy's cavalry to [...]ight. This ſlight advantage once more revived his declining hopes; and, being naturally vain, he re⯑entered Alexandria in triumph Then going, all armed as he was, to the palace, he embraced Cleo⯑patra, and preſented her a ſoldier who had diſtin⯑guiſhed himſelf in the late engagement. The queen rewarded him very magnificently; preſenting him with an head piece and breaſt-plate of gold. With theſe, however, the ſoldier went off the next night to the other army; prudently reſolving to ſecure his [194] riches, by keeping on the ſtrongeſt ſide. Antony could not bear this defection without freſh indigna⯑tion; he reſolved, therefore, to make a bold expiring effort by ſea and land, but previouſly offered to fight his adverſary in ſingle combat. Auguſtus too well knew the inequality of their ſituations, to comply with this forlorn offer; he only, therefore, coolly replied, that Antony had ways enough to die beſides ſingle combat.

The day after, he poſted the few troops he had re⯑maining, upon a riſing ground near the city; from whence he ſent order [...] to his gallies to engage the enemy. There he waited to be a ſpectator of the combat; and, at firſt, he had the ſtisfaction to ſee them advance in good order; but his approbation was ſoon turned into rage, when he ſaw his ſhips on⯑ly ſaluting thoſe of Auguſtus, and both fleets unit⯑ing together, and failing back into the harbour. At the very ſame time, his cavalry deſerted him. He tired, however, to lead on his infantry, which were eaſily vanquiſhed; and he himſelf compelled to re⯑turn into the town. His anger was now ungovern⯑able; he could not help crying out aloud as he paſt, that he was betrayed [...]y Cleopatra, and delivered by her to thoſe who, for her ſake alone, were his ene⯑mies. In theſe ſuſpicions he was not deceived, for it was by ſecret orders from the queen that the ſleet had paſt over to the enemy.

Cleopatra had, for a long while, dreaded the ef⯑fects of Antony's jealouſy; and had, ſome time be⯑fo [...]e, prepared a method of obviating any ſudden ſallies it might produce. Near the temple of Iſis ſhe had erected a building, which was ſeemingly de⯑ſigned for a ſepulchre. Hither ſhe removed all her treaſure, and moſt valuable effects, covering them over with torches, ſaggots, and other combuſtible matter. This ſepulchre ſhe deſigned to anſwer a double purpoſe; as well to ſcreen her from the ſud⯑den [195] reſentments of Antony, as to make Auguſtus believe that ſhe would burn all her treaſures, in caſe he refuſed her proper terms of capitulation. Here, therefore, ſhe retired from Antony's preſent fury; matting the gates, which were fortified with bolts and bars of iron: but in the mean time, gave orders, that a report ſhould be ſpread of her death, which news ſoon reached Antony, and recalled all his for⯑mer love and tenderneſs. This poor wretch was now a being ſubject to the guſt of every paſſion, and e [...]ch of them in extreme. He now lamented her death with the ſame violence he had but a few mi⯑ [...]t [...] before ſeemed to deſire it. "Wretched man," [...] he to himſelf, ‘what is there now worth liv⯑ing for; ſince all that could ſooth or ſoften my [...] is departed! O Cleopatra,’ continued he, [...] got to his chamber, ‘our ſeparation does not [...] much afflict me, as the diſgrace I ſuffer, in [...] [...]ring a woman to inſtruct me in the ways of dying.’ He called one of his freedmen, named [...], whom he had engaged by oath to kill him, whenever fortune ſhould drive him to this laſt re⯑ſ [...]ce. Ero [...] being commanded to perform his pro⯑ [...], this faithful follower drew the ſword, as it go⯑ [...]ng to execute his orders; but turning his face, [...]ged it into his own boſom, and died at his maſ⯑ [...]. Antony, for a whi [...]e hung over his faith⯑ [...] ſervant, and commending his fidelity, took up [...]e ſword, with which, ſtabbing himſelf in the belly, [...] backward upon a little couch. Though the war▪ was mortal, yet the blood ſtopping, he reco⯑ve [...]d [...] ſpirits, and earneſtly conjured thoſe who [...] me into the room, to put an end to his life; [...] [...]led, being ſeized with f [...]ight and h [...]r⯑ [...]. He, [...]herefore, continued in this manner for [...]me time, ſtill crying out and writhing with p [...]in, [...] informed by one of the queen's ſecretaries [...] miſtreſs was ſtill alive. He then earneſtly [196] deſired to be carried to the place where ſhe was. They accordingly brought him to the gate of the ſepulchre; but Cleopatra, who would not permit it to be opened, appeared at the window, and threw down cords, with which, with ſome difficulty, they pulled him up. They gently laid him on a couch▪ where ſhe gave way to her ſorrow, tearing her cloaths, beating her breaſt, and kiſſing the wound of which he was dying. Antony entreated her to mo⯑derate the tranſports of her grief, aſked for wine, and exhorting her not to lament for his misfortunes, but to congratulate him upon his former felicity, to conſider him as one who had lived the moſt power⯑ful of men, and at laſt died by the hand of a Ro⯑man. Juſt as he had done ſpeaking he expired, and Proculus made his appearance by command of Au⯑guſtus, who had been informed of Antony's deſpe⯑rate conduct. He was ſent to try all means of get⯑ting Cleopatra into his power. Auguſtus having a double motive for his ſolicitude on this occaſion: one, to prevent her deſtroying the treaſures ſhe had taken with her into the tomb; the other, to pre⯑ſerve her perſon, as an ornament to grace his tri⯑umph. Cleopatra, however, was upon her guard, and would not confer with Proculus, except through the gate, which was very well ſecured In the mean time, Gallus, one of Auguſtus's ſoldiers, en⯑tered wi [...]h two more by the window at which An⯑tony had been drawn up; upon which, Cleopatra, perceiving what happened, drew a poniard, and at⯑tempted to ſtab herſelf, but was prevented

Auguſtus was extremely pleaſed at finding her in his power: he ſent Epaphroditus to bring her to his palace, and to watch her with the utmoſt circum⯑ſpection. He was likewiſe ordered to uſe her, in every reſpect, with that deference and ſubmiſſion which were due to her rank; and to do every thing in his power to render her captivity agreeable. She was [197] permitted to have the honour of granting Antony the [...]s of burial; and furniſhed with every thing ſhe deſired, that was becoming his dignity to receive, or her love to offer. Yet ſtill ſhe languiſhed under her new confinement: her exceſſive ſorrow, her many loſſes, and the blows ſhe had given her boſom, produced a ſever which ſhe ſeemed willing to en⯑ [...]e [...]ſe. She reſolved to abſtain from taking any [...]hment, under the pretence of a regimen ne⯑ce [...]ſary for her diſorder; but Auguſtus, being made appointed with the real motive, by her phyſician, [...] to threaten her, with regard to her children, in [...] ſhe perſiſted.

In the mean time, Auguſtus made his entry into Alexandria; taking care to mitigate the fears of the [...], by converſing fami [...]iarly as he went ſo [...]g, with Areus, a philoſopher, and a native of the place The citizens, however, trembled at his approach; and when he placed himſelf upon the tri⯑bunal, they proſtrated themſelves, with their faces to the ground, before him, like criminals who waited the ſentence of their execution. Auguſtus preſently ordered them to riſe, telling them, that three mo⯑t [...]s induced him to pardon them. His reſpect for Alexander, who was the founder of their city; his admiration of its beauty; and his friendſhip for Arcus, their fellow-citizen. Two only of particu⯑lar note were put to death upon this occaſion; An⯑tony's elde [...]t ſon Antyllus, and Caeſario, the ſon of Julius Caeſar, both betrayed into his hands by their reſpective tutors, who themſelves ſuffered for their p [...]i [...]y ſhortly after. As for the reſt of Cleopatra's children, he treated them with great gentleneſs, leaving them to the care of thoſe who were intruſted with their education, who had orders to provide them with every thing ſuitable to their birth. As for h [...], when ſhe was [...]ecovered from her late in⯑di [...]poſition, he came to viſit her in perſon; ſhe re⯑ceived [198] him b [...]ing on a couch, in a careleſs manner [...] and upon th [...] entering the apartment roſe up to proſtrate her [...]lf before him. She was dreſt in no⯑thing but a long robe. Her miſfortunes had given an air of ſeverity to her features; her hair was di⯑ſhev [...]lled, her voice trembling, her complexion pale, and her eyes red with w [...]ping. Yet, ſtill her na⯑tural b [...]ty ſecured to [...] through the diſtreſſes th [...]t ſurrounded her; and the graces of her motion, and the alluring ſ [...]t [...]eſ [...] of her looks, ſtill bore ter [...] ⯑ [...] [...]ny to the [...] or power of her charms. Auguſtus raiſe [...] her with his uſu [...]l complaiſance, and deſiri [...]g her to it, placed himſelf beſide her. Cleopatra had be [...]n prep [...]e [...] for this interview, and made uſe of every method ſhe coould think of, to propitiate the conqueror. She tried apologies, entreaties, and al⯑lurements, to obtain his favour, and ſoften his re⯑ſentment. She began by attempting to juſtify her conduct; but when her art and ſkill failed againſt manifeſt proofs, ſhe turned her defence into ſuppli⯑cations. She talked of Caeſar's humanity to thoſe in diſtreſs; ſhe read ſome of his letters to her, full of tenderneſs, and enlarged upon the long intimacy that had paſt between them. "But of what ſervice," cried ſhe, ‘are now all his benefits to me! Why could I not die with him! Yet he ſtill lives, me⯑thinks I ſee him ſtill before me, he revives in you.’ Auguſtus was no ſtranger to this method of addreſs, but he remained firm againſt all attacks anſwering always with a cold indifference, which obliged her to give her attempts a different turn▪ She now addreſt his avarice, preſenting him with a [...] inv [...]ntory of her treaſure and jewels. This gave oc⯑caſion to a very ſingular ſcene, which ſhews that the little dec [...]rums of breeding were then, by no means ſo carefully attended to as at preſent. One of he [...] ſtewards having alledged that the inventory was de⯑fective, and that ſhe had ſecreted a part of her effects [199] ſhe fell into a violent paſſion, ſtarted from her couch, and catching him by the hair, gave him ſeveral blows on the face. Auguſtus ſmiled at her indignation, and lead [...]ng her to the couch, deſired her to be paci⯑fied. To this ſhe replied, that ſhe could not bear being inſulted in the preſence of one whom ſhe ſo highly eſteemed. "And ſuppoſing," cried ſhe, ‘that I have ſecreted a few trifles, am I to blame, when they are reſerved not for myſelf, but for Li⯑via and Octavia, whom I hope to make my inter⯑ceſſors with you?’ This excuſe, which intimat⯑ed a deſire of living, was not diſagreeable to Au⯑guſtus, who politely aſſured her, that ſhe was at li⯑berty to keep whatever ſhe had reſerved, and that in every thing ſhe ſhould be indulged to the height of her expectations. He then took leave, and departed; imagining he had reconciled her to life, and to the indignity of being ſhewn in the intended triumph, which he was preparing for his return to Rome: but in this he was deceived. Cleopatra, all this time, had kept a correſpondence with Dolabella, a young Roman of high birth, in the camp of Auguſtus; who, perhaps from compaſſion, or ſtronger motives, was intereſted in her misfortunes: by him ſhe was ſecretly informed, that Auguſtus determined to ſend her off in three days, together with her children, to Rome, to grace his triumphant entry. She now, therefore, determined upon dying; ſhe now threw herſelf upon Antony's coffin, bewailed her captivity, and renewed her proteſtations not to ſurvive him. Having bathed, and ordered a ſumptuous banquet, [...]e [...]tti [...]ed herſelf in the moſt ſplendid manner. She then feaſted, as uſual; and ſoon after ordered all but [...]er two at endants, Charmion and Iras, to leave the [...]oom. Then, having previouſly ordered an aſp to [...]e ſecretly conveyed to her in a baſket of fruit, ſhe [...]ent a letter to Auguſtus, informing him of her fatal purpoſe, and deſiring to be buried in the ſame tomb [200] with Antony. Auguſtus, upon receiving the letter, inſtantly diſpatched meſſengers to ſtop her inten⯑tions, but they arrived too late. Upon entering the chamber, they beheld Cleopatra lying dead upon a gilded couch, arrayed in her royal robes. Near her, Iras, one of her faithful attendants, was ſtretch⯑ed lifeleſs at the feet of her miſtreſs; and Charmion herſelf, almoſt expiring, was ſettling the diadem up⯑on Cleopatra's head. "Alas!" cried one of the meſſengers, "was this well done, Charmion?" "Yes," replied ſhe, ‘it is well done; ſuch a death becomes a glorious queen, deſcended from a race of noble anceſtors.’ On pronouncing theſe words, ſhe fell down, and died with her much lov⯑ed miſtreſs.

CHAP. XXII. From the beginning of the reign of Auguſtus, to the death of Domitian, the laſt of the twelve Caeſars.

BY the death of Antony, Auguſtus was now be⯑come maſter of the Roman Empire. He ſoon afte [...] returned to Rome in triumph; where, by ſumptu⯑ous feaſts, and magnificent ſhows, he began to ob [...]i⯑terate the impreſſions of his former cruelty; and from thence forward, reſolved to ſecure by his cle⯑mency, a throne, the foundations of which were laid in blood. He was now at the head of the moſt ex⯑tenſive empire that mankind had ever concurred i [...] obeying The former ſpirit of the Romans, and thoſe characteriſtic marks that diſtinguiſhed them from others, were totally loſt. The city was now inhabited by a concourſe from all the countries o [...] the world; and being conſequently diveſted of a [...] ⯑juſt patriotic principles, perhaps a monarchy was th [...] beſt form of government that could be found to unite [201] its members. However, it is very remarkable, that during theſe long contentions among themſelves, and theſe horrid devaſtations by civil war, the ſtate was daily growing more formidable and powerful, and completed the deſtruction of all the kings who pre⯑ſumed to oppoſe it.

His firſt care was to aſſure himſelf of the friends of Antony; to which end he publicly reported that he had burnt all Antony's letters and papers, without [...]ing, convinced that, while any thought them⯑ſelves ſuſpected, they would be fearful of even offer⯑ing him their friendſhip

As he had gained the kingdom by his army, ſo [...] he reſolved to govern it by the ſenate. This [...], though greatly fallen from their ancient ſplen⯑ [...] ▪ he knew to be the beſt ordered, and moſt capable [...] wiſdom and juſtice. To theſe, therefore, he [...] the chief power in the adminiſtration of his go⯑ [...]ment, while he ſtill kept the people and the army [...] to him by donatives, and acts of favour. By theſe means all the odium of juſtice fell upon the ſe⯑nate, and all the popularity of pardon was ſolely his own. Th [...]s reſtoring to the ſenate their ancient ſplendor, and diſcountenancing all corruption, he pretended to reſerve to himſelf a very moderate ſhare of authority, which none could refuſe him: namely, an a [...]o [...]ute power to compel all ranks of the ſtate to do their duty. This, in fact, was reſerving abſo⯑lute dom [...]nion in his own hands; but, the miſguided p [...]ple began to look upon his moderation with aſto⯑niſhment: they conſidered themſelves as reſtored to their former freedom, except in the capacity of pro⯑mo [...]ing ſedition; and the ſenate ſuppoſed their power re-eſtabliſhed in all things but their tendency to injuſtice. It was even ſaid that the Romans, by ſuch a government, loſt nothing of the happineſs that liberty could produce; and were exempt from all the misfortunes it could occaſion. This obſervation [202] might have ſome truth under ſuch a monarch as Auguſtus now appeared to be; but they were taught to change their ſentiments under his ſucceſſors, when they found themſelves afflicted with all the puniſhments that tyranny could inflict or ſedition make neceſſary.

After having eſtabliſhed this admirable order, Auguſtus found himſelf agitated by different inclina⯑tions; and conſidered a long time whether he ſhould keep the empire or reſtore the people to their ancient liberty. But he adopted the advice of Maecenas, who deſired him to continue in power, and was after⯑wards ſwayed by him not only in this inſtance, but on every other occaſion. By the inſtructions of that miniſter, he became gentle, affable, and humane▪ By his advice it was that he encouraged men of learning, and gave them much of his time and his friendſhip. They in their turn relieved his moſt anxious hours, and circulated his praiſe through the empire.

Thus having given peace and happineſs to the empire, and being convinced of the attachment of all the orders of the ſtate to his perſon, he reſolved upon impreſſing the people with an idea of his mag⯑nanimity alſo. This was nothing leſs than making a ſ [...]w of reſigning his authority; wherefore, having previ [...]uſly inſtracted his creatures it, the ſenate how to act, he addreſſed them in a ſtudied ſpeech, im⯑porting the difficulty of governing ſo extenſive an empi [...]e a taſk, which, he ſaid, none but the im⯑mo [...]tal [...] were equal to. He modeſtly urged his own inability, though impellled by every motive to undertake it; and then, wi [...]h a degree of ſeeming ge⯑neroſity, f [...]eely gave up all that power, which, as he obſerved, his arms had gained, and the ſenate had c [...]firmed. This power he repeatedly offered to reſtore, giving them to underſtand that the true ſpirit of the Romans was not loſt in him. This [203] ſpeech operated upon the ſenate variouſly, as they were more or leſs in the ſecret; many believed the ſincerity of his profeſſions, and, therefore, regarded his conduct as an act of unequalled heroiſm by any thing that had hitherto appeared in Rome; others, equal [...]y ignorant of his motives, diſtruſted his de⯑ſigns. Some there were who, having greatly ſuffer⯑ed during the late popular commotions, were fearful of having them renewed; but the majority, who were entirely devoted to his intereſts, and inſtructed by his miniſters, frequently attempted to interrupt him while ſpeaking, and received his propoſal with pretended indignation. Theſe unanimouſly beſought him not to reſign the adminiſtration; but upon his continuing to decline their requeſt, they in a man⯑ner compelled him to comply. However, that his perſon might be in greater ſecurity, they immediate⯑ly decreed the pay of his guard to be doubled. On the other hand, that he might ſeem to make ſome conceſſions on his ſide, he permitted the ſenate to govern the weak internal provinces of the empire, while the moſt powerful provinces, and thoſe that required the greateſt armies for their defence, were taken entirely under his own command. Over theſe he aſſumed the government but for ten years, leaving the people ſtill in hopes of regaining their antient freedom; but, at the ſame time, laying his meaſures ſo well, that his government was renewed every ten years to his death

This ſhew of a reſignation only ſerved to confirm him in the empire and the hearts of the people. New honours were heaped upon him. He was then firſt called Auguſtus; a name I have hitherto uſed as t [...]at by which he is beſt known in hiſtory. A laurel was ordered to be planted at his gates. His houſe was called the palace, to diſtinguiſh it from that of ordinary citizens. He was confirmed in the title of father of his country, and his perſon declared ſacred [204] and inviolable. In ſhort, flattery ſeemed on the rack to find out new modes of pleaſing him, but though he deſpiſed the arts of the ſenate, he per⯑mitted their homage, well knowing that, among mankind, titles produce a reſpect which enforces au⯑thority.

Upon entering into his tenth conſulſhip, the ſe⯑nate, by oath, approved of all his acts, and ſet him wholly above the power of the laws. They ſome time after offered to ſwear to not only all the laws he had made, but ſuch as he ſhould make for the future. It was then cuſtomary with fathers upon their death⯑beds, to command their children to carry oblations to the Capitol, with this inſcription, that at the day of their deaths they left Auguſtus in health. It was determined that no man ſhould be put to death on ſuch days as the emperor entered the city. Upon a dearth of proviſions, the people in a body entreated him to accept of the dictatorſhip; but, though he undertook to be procurator of the proviſions, he would by no means accept of the title of dictator, which had been aboliſhed by a law made when Antony was conſul.

This accumulation of titles and employments, did not in the leaſt diminiſh his aſſiduity in filling the duties of each. Several very wholeſome edicts were paſſed by his command, tending to ſuppreſs corrup⯑tion in the ſenate, and licentiouſneſs in the people. He ordained that none ſhould exhibit a ſhow of gla⯑diators without orders from the ſenate, and then no oftener than twice a year; nor with more than a hundred and twenty at a time. This law was ex⯑tremely neceſſary at ſo corrupt a period of the em⯑pire, when whole armies of theſe unfortunate men were brought at once upon the ſtage, and compelled to fight, often till half of them were ſlain. It had been uſual a [...]ſo with the knights, and ſome women of the firſt diſtinction, to exhibit themſelves as dan⯑cers [205] upon the theatre; he ordered that not only they, but their children and grand-children, ſhould be re⯑ſtrained from ſuch exerciſes for the future. He fined many that had refuſed to marry at a certain age; and rewarded ſuch as had many children. He or⯑dered that virgins ſhould not be married till twelve years of age; and permitted any perſon to kill an adulterer taken in the fact▪ He enacted that the ſe⯑nators ſhould be always held in great reverence; add⯑ing to their authority what he had taken from their power. He made a law that no man ſhould have the fre [...]m of the city without a previous examination [...]to his merit and character. He appointed new [...] and limits to the manumiſſion of ſlaves; and [...]s himſelf very ſtrict in the obſervance of them. Wi [...] reg [...]rd to players, of whom he was very fond, [...] examined their [...], not allowing the [...] in their lives, nor indecency in [...] actions. Though he encouraged the athletic [...], yet he would not permit w [...]men to be pre⯑ſent [...]t them; holding it unb [...]ming the modeſty of [...], to be ſpectators of theſe ſports, which were p [...]med by naked men. In order to prevent bri⯑b [...]ry in ſuing for offices, he took conſiderable ſums of [...] from the candidates, by way of pledge; and if any indirect practices were proved againſt them, they were obliged to forfeit [...]ll. Slaves had been [...] diſſallowed to conf [...]ſ [...] any thing againſt their own maſters; but he aboliſhed the practice, and firſt [...] the ſlave to another; which altering the pro⯑p [...]y, his examination became [...]. Theſe, and many other laws, al [...] tending to reform vice, or [...] crimes, gave the manners of the people an⯑ [...]her complexion; ſo that the rough character of the Roman was now ſoftened into that of the refined ci [...]n.

[...] his own example a good deal tended to hu⯑manize his fellow citizens; for being placed above all [206] equality, he had nothing to fear from condeſcenſions wherefore he was familiar with all, and ſuffered him⯑ſelf to be reprimanded with the moſt patient humi⯑lity Though he was, by the ſingle authority of his ſtation, capable of condemning, or acquitting whom⯑ſoever he thought proper, yet he gave the laws their proper courſe; and even ſometimes pleaded for thoſe he deſired to protect. Thus Primus, the governe [...] of Macedonia, having a day aſſigned him for having made war upon the O [...]iſii, a neighbouring ſtate, as he ſaid, by the command of Auguſtus, the latter denied the charge. Upon which the advocate for Primus deſired to know, with an inſolent air, what brought Auguſtus into court, or who had ſent for him? To this the emperor ſubmiſſively replied, "the common health;" an anſwer which greatly pleaſed the people. Upon another occaſion, one of his veteran ſoldiers entreated his protection in a cer⯑tain cauſe; but Auguſtus taking little notice of his requeſt, deſired him to apply to an advocate. "Ah!" replied the ſoldier, ‘it was not by proxy that I ſerv⯑ed you at the battle of Actium.’ This reply pleaſed Auguſtus ſo much, that he pleaded his cauſe in perſon, and gained it for him. He was extremely affable, and returned the ſalutations of the meaneſt perſons. One day a perſon preſented him a petition, but with ſo much awe, that Auguſtus was diſpleaſed with his meanneſs. "What, friend," cried he, ‘you ſeem as if you were offering ſomething to an elephane, and not to a man; be bolder.’ One day, as he was ſitting on the tribunal, in judgment, Maecenas perceiving by his temper, that he was in⯑clined to be ſevere, attempted to ſpeak to him; but not being able to get up to the tribunal, for the crowd, he threw a paper into his lap, on which was written, "ariſe, executioner." Auguſtus read it, without any diſpleaſure, and immediately riſing, pardoned thoſe whom he was diſpoſed to condemn. [207] But what moſt of all ſhewed a total alteration in his diſpoſition, was his treatment of Cornelius Cinna, Pompey's grandſon. This nobleman had entered into a very dangerous conſpiracy againſt him; but the plot was diſcovered before it was ripe for execu⯑tion. Auguſtus, for ſome time, debated with him⯑ſelf how to act; but, at laſt, his clemency prevail⯑ed▪ he therefore ſent for thoſe who were guilty, and after reprimanding them, diſmiſſed them all. But he was reſolved to mortify Cinna by the greatneſs of [...] generoſity: for addreſſing him in particular, ‘I have twice,’ ſays he, ‘given you your life; fi [...]ſt▪ as an enemy; now, as a conſpirator; I now give you the conſulſhip: let us, therefore, be friends for the future; and let us only contend in [...]ewing, whether my confidence, or your fideli⯑ [...]y, ſhall be victorious.’ This generoſity, which [...] emperor very happily timed, had ſo good an eff [...]t▪ that, from that inſtant, all conſpiracies ceaſed againſt him.

In the practice of ſuch virtues as theſe, he paſſed [...] reign of above forty years, in which the hap⯑ [...]neſ [...] of the people ſeemed to conſpire with his own: [...] but that there were wars, in the diſtant provinces [...] the empire, during almoſt the whole reign; but [...] we [...]e rather the quelling of inſurrections, than [...] of dominions; for he had made it a [...] to carry on no operations, in which ambition, [...] not the ſafety of the ſtate, was concerned. In [...] he ſeemed the firſt Roman, who aimed at gain⯑ [...]g a character by the arts of peace alone; and who [...] the affections of the ſoldiers, without any [...] talents of his own. Nevertheleſs, the Ro⯑m [...] [...], under his lieutenants, were crowned [...]. The Cantabrians, in Spain, who had [...], were more than once quelled by Tiberius, [...] Agrippa, his ſon-in-law; and Aelius [208] Lama; who followed them to their inacceſſible mountains, there blocked them up, and compelled them, by famine, to ſurrender diſcretion. The Germans alſo gave ſome uneaſineſs, by their repeat⯑ed incurſions into the territories of Gaul, but were repreſſed by Lollius. The Rhetians were conquered by Druſus, the brother of Tiberius. The Beſſi and Si [...]la [...]e, barbarous nations▪ making an irruption in⯑to Thrace, were overthrown by [...], governor of Pamph [...]li [...], who gained triumphal [...]onours. The Dacians were r [...]preſſed with m [...]e t [...] [...] one deſ [...]t [...] the Armenians alſo were brought into [...] ſubjection by Caius, his grandſon. The Getull [...] [...] in Af [...]i [...], to [...]k up arms; but were ſubdued [...] [...]e could, Cai [...] Coſſus, who thence received th [...] [...] name of Getulious. A dangerous war a [...]ſo [...] c [...]ſed a againſt the Dalmatian and Par [...] [...] w [...]o [...] ⯑ing acquired great ſtrength, by [...]e [...]ntin [...]nce of a long peace, gathered an army [...] tw [...] hundred thou⯑ſand foot, and nine thouſan [...] [...] horſe, threatening Rome itſelf with deſtruction [...] L [...]vies were there⯑fore made in Italy with th [...] [...]moſt expedition [...] the veteran troops were recalle [...] [...]m all parts; and Au⯑guſtus went to Arminiu [...] [...] [...]or the greater conveni⯑ence of giving his dire [...]ons. And, indeed, though perſonal valour was [...] no means his moſt ſhining ornament, yet no man could give wiſer orders upon every emergency; or go with greater diſpatch into all parts of his dominions, than he. This war con⯑tinued near three years; being principally managed by Tiberius and Germanicus; the latter of whom gained great reputation againſt theſe fierce and bar⯑barous multitudes. Upon their reduction, Bato, their leader, being ſummoned before the tribunal of Tiberius, and being demanded how he could offer to revolt againſt the power of Rome, the bold [...]arbarian replied, ‘That the Romans, and not he, were [209] the aggreſſors; ſince they had ſent, inſtead of dogs and ſhepherds, to ſecure their flocks, only wolves and bears to devour them.’ But the war which was moſt fatal to the Roman intereſts, U.C. 732 during this reign, was that which was ma⯑naged by Quintillius Varus. This general, invad⯑ing the territories of the Germans, was induced to follow the enemy among their foreſts and marſhes, with his army in ſeparate bodies: there he was at⯑tacked by night, and entirely cut off, with his whole [...]my Theſe were the beſt and choiceſt legionſ of the whole empire, either for valour, diſcipline, or experience. The affliction, from this defeat, ſeem⯑ed to ſink very deep upon the mind of Auguſtus. He was often heard to cry out, in a tone of anguiſh, "Quintillius Varus reſtore me my legions," and ſome hiſtorians pretend to ſay, that he never after re⯑covered the former ſerenity of his temper.

But he had ſome uneaſineſſes of a domeſtic nature, in h [...]s own family, that contributed to diſtreſs him: [...] had married Livia, the wife of Tiberius Nero, by the conſent of her huſband, at a time ſhe was ſix m [...]nths gone with child, This was an imperious [...], and, conſcious of being beloved, ſhe con⯑t [...]d him ever after at her pleaſure. She had two ſons by her former huſband; Tiberius, the elder, whom ſhe greatly loved; and Brutus, who was be [...]n three months after ſhe had been married to A [...]g [...]s, and who was thought to be his own ſon. The older [...] of theſe, Tiberius, whom he afterwards [...]pted, and who ſucceeded him in the empire, was [...] general, but of a ſuſpicious and o [...] [...]te tem⯑ [...]r▪ ſ [...] that though he was ſerviceable to Auguſtus [...] reign wars, yet he gave him but little quiet it [...]. He was, at la [...]t, obliged to go into exile for [...] years to the iſland of I [...]l [...]des, where he chief⯑ [...] ſpent his time in a retire [...] manner, converſing w [...]th the Greeks, and addicting himſelf to be na⯑ture; [210] of which, however, he made afterwards but a bad uſe. Druſus, the other ſon of Livia, died in his return from an expedition againſt the Germans, leav⯑ing Auguſtus inconſolable for his loſs. But his greateſt affliction was, the conduct of his daughter Julia, whom he had by Scri [...]onia, his former wife. This woman, whom he married to his general Agrip⯑pa, and after his death to Tiberius, ſet no bounds to her lewdneſs. Not contented with enjoying her pleaſures, ſhe ſeemed alſo earneſt in procuring the infamy of her preſtitutions. Auguſtus, for a long time, would not believe the accounts he daily heard of her conduct; but, at laſt, could not help obſerv⯑ing them. He found ſhe was arrived at that exceſs of wantonneſs and prodigality, that ſhe had her noc⯑turnal appointments in the moſt public parts of the city; the very court, where her father preſided, not being exempt from her debaucheries He, at firſt, had thoughts of putting her to death; but, after ſome conſideration, he baniſhed her to Pandataria, for⯑bidding her the uſe of wine, and all ſuch delicacies, as could inflame her vicicus inclinations: he ordered alſo, that no perſons ſhould come near her, without his own permiſſion; and ſent her mother Scribonia with her, to bear her company. Afterwards, when⯑ever any attempted to intercede for Julia, his anſwer was, ‘that fire and water ſhould ſooner unite, than he with her.’ When ſome perſons, one day, were more than uſually urgent with him in her fa⯑vour, he was driven to ſuch an extremity of paſſion, as to wiſh, that they might have ſuch a daughter. However, ſhe had two ſons by Agrippa, named Caius and Lucius, from w [...]om great expectations were formed; but they died when ſcarcely arrived at man's eſtate; Lucius about five years after his father, at Marſcilles; and Caius, two years after. Au⯑guſtus having now, in a great meaſure, ſurvived all his cotemporaries, at length, in the ſeventy-fourth [211] year of his age, began to think of retiring from the [...]igues of ſtate; and, in ſome meaſure, of conſti⯑tutin [...] Tiberius, his ſon-in-law by Livia, his ſucceſ⯑ [...] [...] his uſual employments. He deſired the ſe⯑ [...] to ſ [...]lute him no longer at the palace according [...]; not to take it amiſs, if, for the future, he [...] converſe with them as formerly. U.C. 766 [...] that time, Tiberius was joined in the [...] went of the provinces with him, and [...] with almoſt the ſame authority. However, [...]gu [...]s could not entirely forſake the adminiſtra⯑ [...] of the ſtate, which habit had mixed with his [...] ſections; he ſtill continued a watchful guardian at its intereſts, and ſhewed himſelf, to the laſt, a [...]er of his people. Finding it now, therefore, very inconvenient to come to the ſenate, by reaſon of his age, he deſired to have twenty privy-counſellors aſ⯑ſigned him for a year; and it was decreed, that what⯑ever meaſures were reſolved upon by them, together with the conſuls, they ſhould have entirely the force of a law. He ſeemed, in ſome meaſure, apprehen⯑ſive of his approaching end, for he made his will, and delivered it to the veſtal virgins. He then ſo⯑lemnized the cenſus, or numbering the people, whom he found to amount to four millions, one hundred and thirty-ſeven thouſand; which ſhews Rome to be equal to four of the greateſt cities of modern times. While theſe ceremonies were per⯑ [...]ning, by a mighty concourſe of people in the Campus Martius, it is ſaid, that an eagle ſlew round the emperor ſeveral times, and directing its flight to [...] [...]uring temple, perched over the name of Agrippa; which was by the augurs conceived to por⯑ [...]nd the death of the emperor. Shortly after, hav⯑ing accompanied Tiberius in his march into Illyria, [...] Beneventum, he was there taken ill of a [...]. Returning, therefore, from thence, he [...] to Nola, near Capua, and there finding him⯑ſelf [212] dangerouſly ill, he ſent for Tiberius, with the reſt of his moſt intimate friends and acquaintance. A few hours before his death, he ordered a looking-glaſs to be brought, and his hair to be adjuſted with more than uſual care. He then addreſſed his friends, whom he beheld ſurrounding his bed, and deſired to know, whether he had properly played his part in life▪ to which being anſwered in the affirmative, he cried out, with his laſt breath, ‘then give me your applauſe;’ and thus, in the ſeventy-ſixth year of his age, after reigning forty one, he expired in the arms of Livia, bidding her remember their marriage and farewell.

The death of the emperor, when known, cauſed inexpreſſible grief throughout the whole Roman em⯑pire; it was even ſuppoſed that his wife Livia had ſome hand in haſtening it, willing to procure the ſucceſſion more ſpeedily for her ſon. However this be, ſhe took care, for ſome time, to keep it con⯑cealed, having guarded all the paſſages to the palace; ſometimes giving out that he was recovered, and pretending a relapſe. At length, having ſettled the ſucceſſion to her mind, ſhe publiſhed the empero [...]'s death, and at the ſame time the ado [...]tion of Tiberius to the empire. The emperor's funeral was perform⯑ed with great magnificence. The ſenators being in their places, Tiberius, on whom the care was de⯑volved, began a conſolatory oration to them; but ſuddenly ſ [...]e [...]ped in the beginning of his ſpeech, as unable to reſtrain the violence of his ſorrow; and, inſtead of continuing, gave his notes to Druſus, his ſon, who read them to the ſenate. After this, one of t [...]ed to emperor's freedmen, publicly read his will in the ſenate houſe, wherein he made Tiberius and [...] [...]is b [...]s; and by that, Livia was likewiſe [...]dopted into the Julian family, and honoured with [...]e n [...]e of Auguſta. Beſides his will▪ four other [...]iting of his were produced. One, in which he [213] had left inſtructions concerning his funeral; another, containing an enumeration of his ſeveral exploits; a third, compriſing an account of the provinces, forces, and even [...]es of the empire; and the fourth, a ſche⯑ [...]le of directions to Tiberius for governing the em⯑pire. Among theſe, it was found to be his opinion, [...]t no man, how great a favourite ſoever he might be, ſhould be entruſted with too much authority, leſt it ſhould induce him to turn tyrant. Another maxim w [...], that n [...]e ſhould deſire to enlarge the empire, which was already preſerved with difficulty. Thus be [...]med ſtudious of ſerving his country to the very l [...]ſt, and the ſorrow of the people ſeemed equal to his [...]ſiduity. It was decreed, that all the women ſhould mourn for him a whole year. Temples were [...]ted to him; divine honours were allowed him; and the Numerius Atticus, a ſenator, willing to con⯑vert the adulation of the times to his own benefit, re⯑cei [...]d a large ſum of money, for ſwearing that he ſaw him aſcending into heaven; ſo that no doubt re [...]d among the people concerning his di⯑vinity.

Such were the honours paid to Auguſtus, whoſe power began in the ſlaughter, and terminated in the happineſs, of his ſubjects; ſo that it was ſaid of him, ‘that it had been good for mankind if he had never ſeen born, or if he never had died.’ It is very probable, that the cruelties exerciſed in his triumvi⯑rate, were ſuggeſted by his colleagues; or, perhaps, he thought, in the caſe of Caeſar's death, that re⯑venge was virtue. Certain it is, that theſe ſeverities were, in ſome meaſure, neceſſary to reſtore public tranquility; for until the Roman ſpirit was entirely eradicated, no monarchy could be ſecure. He gave the government an air ſuited to the diſpoſition of the times he indulged his ſubjects in the pride of ſeeing the appearance of a republic, while he made them really happy in the effects of a moſt abſolu [...]e mo⯑narchy, [214] guided by the moſt conſummate prudence. In this laſt virtue he ſeems to have excelled moſt monarchs; and, indeed, could we ſeparate Oc⯑tavius from Auguſtus, he would be one of the moſt faultleſs princes in hiſtory.

U.C. 765 A.D. 15 Tiberius was fifty-ſix years old when he took upon him the government of the Ro⯑man empire. He had long lived in a pro⯑found ſtate of diſſimulation under Au⯑guſtus, and was not yet hardy enough to ſhew him⯑ſelf in his real character. In the beginning of his reign nothing appeared but prudence, generoſity, and clemency. But the ſucceſſes of Germanicus, his nephew, over the Germans, firſt brought his na⯑tural diſpoſitions to light, and diſcovered the ma⯑lignity of his mind without diſguiſe. He ſoon, therefore, began to conſult on the moſt ſpecious means of humbling the popularity of Germanicus, and removing this object of his ſuſpicions. For this purpoſe, he diſpatched Piſo to Germanicus, a perſon of a furious and headſtrong temper; and, in every reſpect, fit to execute thoſe fatal purpoſes for which he was deſigned. His inſtructions were to oppoſe Ger⯑manicus upon every occaſion; and to excite all the hatred againſt him, which, without ſuſpicion, he could; and even to procure his death, if an oppor⯑tunity ſhould offer. This agent ſucceeded, Ger⯑manicus died ſoon after, and, as it was univerſally believed, by poiſon.

Having now no object of jealouſy to keep him in awe, he began to pull off the maſk entirely, and ap⯑pear more in his natural character than befo [...]e. In the beginning of his cruelties, he took into his con⯑fidence Sejanus, a Roman knight, who found out the method of gaining his confidence, by the moſt re⯑fined degree of diſſimulation, being an overmatch for his maſter in his own arts. It is not well known whether he was the adviſer of all the cruelties that en⯑ſued [215] ſoon after; but certain it is, that, from the be⯑ginning of his miniſtry, Tiberius ſeemed to become more fatally ſuſpicious.

Sejanus began by uſing all his addreſs to perſuade Tiberius to retire to ſome agreeable retreat, remote from Rome. By this he expected many advantages, ſince there could be no acceſs to the emperor but by him. The emperor, either prevailed upon by his per [...]uaſions, or purſuing the natural turn of his tem⯑ [...], which led to indolence and debauchery, in the twe [...]th year of his reign left Rome, and went into C [...]p [...]ni [...], under pretence of dedicating temples to Jupiter and Auguſtus. Still growing weary of places [...] mankind might follow him with their com⯑p [...]nts and diſtreſſes, he withdrew himſelf into that [...] delightful iſland of Caprea, three miles from [...] continent, and oppoſite Naples. Buried in [...], he gave himſelf up to his abandon- [...], quite regardleſs of the miſeries of his [...].

[...]n fact, it had been happy for mankind, had he [...] up his ſuſpicions, when he declined the fa⯑t [...]g [...]s of reigning, and reſigned the will to do harm, when he diveſted himſelf of the power of doing good. Put from the time of his retreat he became [...] cruel, and Sejanus always endeavoured to en⯑ [...]e his diſtruſts. Secret ſpies and informers were [...] in all parts of the city, who converted the moſt [...]rmleſs actions into ſubjects of offence.

In c [...]nſequence of this, Nero and Druſus, the [...] Germanicus, were declared enemies to [...] and afterwards ſtarved to death in priſon, [...] Agrippina, their mother, was ſent into ba⯑niſhment. Sabinus, Aſinius Gallus, and Syriacus, were upon ſlight pretences, condemned and execut⯑ [...]. In this manner Sejanus proceeded, removing [...] who ſtood between him and the empire, and eve⯑ [...] encreaſing in confidence with Tiberius, and [216] power with the ſenate. The number of his ſtatue [...] exceeding even thoſe of the emperor; people ſwor [...] by his fortune, in the ſame manner as they would have done, had he been actually upon the throne and he was more dreaded than even the tyrant who actually enjoyed the empire. But the rapidity of his riſe ſeemed only preparatory to the greatneſs of his downfall. All we know of his firſt diſgrace with the emperor is, that Satrius Secundus was the man who had the boldneſs to accuſe him of treaſon, and Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, ſeconded the accuſation. The ſenate, who had long been jealous of his power, and dreaded his cruelty, immediately took this opportunity of going beyond the orders of Tiberius, and inſtead of ſentencing him to impriſon⯑ment, they directed his execution. As he was con⯑ducting to his fate, the people loaded him with in⯑ſult and execration. He was purſued with ſarcaſtic reproach [...]s, his ſt [...]tues were inſtantly thrown down, and he himſelf ſhortly after ſtrangled by the execu⯑tioner.

His death only lighted up the emperor's rage for farther executions. Plancina, the wife of Piſo, Sextus [...]e [...]iu [...], Veſcula [...]ius Atticus, and Julius Marinus, were executed by his command for being attached to Sejanus. He began to grow weary of particular executions, and gave orders, that all the accuſed ſhould be put to death together, without far⯑ther examination. The whole city was filled with ſlaughter and mourning. When one Carnu [...]ius had killed himſelf, to avoid the torture: "Ah," cried Tiberius▪ ‘h [...]w has that man been able to eſcape me!’ When a priſoner earneſtly entreated, that he would not deter his death: "No," cried the tyrant, ‘I am not ſufficiently your friend, to ſhort⯑en your torments.’

In this manner he lived, odious to all the world, and troubleſome to himſelf; an enemy to the lives of [217] others, and a tormentor of his own. At length, in the twenty-ſecond year of his reign, he began to feel the approaches of his diſſolution, and all his appe⯑tites totally to forſake him. He now, therefore, found it was time to think of a ſucceſſor, and at length fixed upon Caligula; willing, perhaps, by [...] enormity of Caligula's conduct, with which he was well acquainted, to cover the memory of his [...].

Still, however, he ſeemed willing to avoid his [...] and ſtrove, by change of place, to put off the inquietude of his own reflections. He left his [...]vourite Iſland, and went upon the continent: and [...] laſt ſ [...]ed at the promontory of Miſenum, in a [...]uſe that formerly had belonged to Lucullus. It [...] there that he fell into ſuch faintings, as all be⯑ [...] [...] were fatal. Caligula, ſuppoſing him actually [...] cauſed himſelf to be acknowledged by the [...] ſoldiers, and went forth from the empe⯑ [...] [...]partment amidſt the applauſes of the multitude; [...] all of a ſudden he was informed that the em⯑ [...] wa [...] recovered, that he had begun to ſpeak, and [...] to eat. This unexpected account filled the [...] with terror and alarm: every one who [...] earneſt in teſtifying their joy, now [...] their pretended ſorrow, and left the new [...], th [...]ugh a feigned ſolicitude for the fate of [...]. Caligula, ſeemed thunderſtruck; he pre⯑ [...] [...] gloomy ſilence, expecting nothing but [...] of the empire at which he had aſpir⯑ [...] Ma [...]o, however, who was hardened in crime, [...] the dying emperor ſhould be diſpatch⯑ [...] [...] [...]e [...]ing him with pillows, or, U.C. 790 A.D. 39 as [...] it, by poiſon. In this [...] [...]rius died in the ſeventy- [...] of his age, after reigning [...].

[218]It was in the eighteenth year of this monarch [...] reign, that Chriſt was crucified; as if the univerſal depravity of mankind wanted no leſs a ſacrifice than that of God himſelf, to reclaim them. Shortly after his death, Pilate wrote to Tiberius an account of his paſſion, reſurrection, and miracles; upon which the emperor made a report of the whole to the ſenate, deſiring that Chriſt might be accounted God by the Romans. But the ſenate being diſpleaſ⯑ed that the propoſal had not come firſt from them⯑ſelves, refuſed to allow of his apotheoſis; alledging an ancient law, which gave them the ſuperinten⯑dence in all matters of religion. They even went ſo far as, by an edict, to command, that all Chriſtians ſhould leave the city; but Tiberius, by another edict, threatened death to all ſuch as ſhould accuſe them; by which means they continued unmoleſted during the reſt of his reign.

All the enormities of Caligula were conceal⯑ed in the beginning of his reign. But it had been happy for him and the empire, had ſuch a beginning been as ſtren [...]ouſly maintained. In leſs than eight months all appe [...]r [...]nce of moderation and clemency vaniſhed; while [...] p [...]ſſions, unexampled avarice, and capricious cruelty, began to take their turn in his mi [...]. Pride, impiety, luſt, avarice, and all in the extr [...]e, [...] [...]oment brought forward.

His p [...]ide [...] by aſſuming to himſelf the title of rule [...], which was uſually granted only [...]o kings. H [...] [...] have taken the crown and diadem, had [...] adviſed that he was already ſuperior to all the m [...]rchs of the world. Not long a [...]er he [...], and gave himſelf the na [...] [...]f ſuch divinities [...] he thought moſt agree⯑able to his n [...]ture. [...] this purpoſe he cauſed the [...] the [...] of Jupiter and ſome other gods to be ſtruck [...]f, and his own to be put in their places. [219] He frequently ſeated himſelf between Caſtor and P [...]lu [...], and ordered that all who came to their tem⯑ple to worſhip, ſhould pay their adorations only to [...]. However, ſuch was the extravagant incon⯑ſtancy of this unaccountable ideot, that he changed i [...]s divinity as often as he changed his cloaths. Be⯑ [...]g at one time a male diety, at another a female; [...]etimes Jupiter or Mars, and not unfrequently V [...]nus or Diana. He even built and dedicated a [...]p [...]e to his own divinity, in which his ſtatue of [...] was every day dreſt in ſimilar robes to thoſe [...] himſelf wore, and was worſhipped by [...] [...]ers. His prieſts were [...], the [...] made to him wore of the m [...] e [...]qui [...]ite de⯑ [...] [...] c [...]uld be [...], and the dignity of [...] I was ſought by the m [...]ſt opulent men [...]. However, he admitted his wife and his [...] that honour; and, to give a [...]ini [...]hing ſtroke [...], he [...] a p [...]i [...]t to himſelf. [...] of aſſuming the manners of a diety was i [...] his ridiculous: he often w [...]nt out in the full [...], and courted it in the ſtyle of a lover. He of⯑ [...] [...] it to his bed, to t [...]e the pleaſures of his [...]. He employed many in [...]entions to imi⯑ [...] [...], and would frequently defy Jupiter, [...] ou [...] with a ſpeech of Homer, "Do you con⯑ [...]er me, or I will conquer you." He fre⯑ [...]tly pretended to converſe in whiſpers with the [...] Jupiter, and uſually ſeemed angry at its re⯑ [...] [...] thr [...]atening to ſend it packing into Greece. [...], however, he would aſſume a better tem⯑ [...] and ſeemed contented that they two ſhould [...] t [...]gether in amity.

[...] his vices, his prodigality was the moſt re⯑ [...] [...], and that which in ſome meaſure gave riſe [...]. The luxuries of former emperors were imp [...]city itſelf, when compared to thoſe which he [...]. He contrived new ways of bathing, where [220] the richeſt oils and moſt precious perfumes were e [...] ⯑hauſted with the utmoſt profu [...]on. He found [...] diſhes of immenſe value, and had even jewels, as [...] are told, diſſolved among his ſauces. He, ſom [...] ⯑times, had ſervices of pure gold preſented before [...] gueſts inſtead of meat, obſerving, that a man ſhou [...] be an oeconomiſt or an emperor.

The expenſive manner in which he maintained [...] horſe will give ſome idea of his domeſtic oeconom [...] He built it a ſtable of marble, and a manger of ivo [...] Whenever this animal, which he called Incitat [...] was to run, he placed centinels near its ſtable, t [...] night preceding, to prevent its ſlumbers from bei [...] broken. He appointed it an houſe, furniture, and kitchen, in order to treat all its viſitors with prop [...] reſpect. The emperor ſometimes invited Incita [...] to his own table, preſented it with gilt oats, a [...] wine in a golden cup. He often ſwore by the ſafety [...] his horſe; and it is ſaid he would have appoin [...] ⯑ed it to the conſulſhip, had not his death p [...] ⯑vented

His impiety was but ſubordinate to his cruelti [...] He flew many of the ſenate, and afterwards cit [...] them to appear as if they had killed themſelves [...] caſt great numbers of old and infirm men and po [...] decrepid houſekeepers to wild beaſts, to free the ſta [...] from ſuch unſerviceable cit [...]ens. He uſually fed [...] wild beaſts with the bodies of thoſe wretches who [...] he condemned, and every tenth day, ſent off nu [...] ⯑bers of them to be thus devoured; which he joco [...] ⯑ly called, c [...]earing his accounts. One of thoſe w [...] was thus expoſed, crying out that he was innoce [...] Caligula ordered his tongue to be cut out, and the thrown into the amphitheatre as before. He to [...] delight in killing men with ſlow tortures, that, as [...] expreſt it, they might feel themſelves dying; be [...] always preſent at ſuch executions, himſelf directl [...] the duration of the puniſhment, and mitigating [...] [221] [...]ortures, merely to prolong them. In fact, he valu⯑ed himſelf for no quality more than this unrelenting [...]emper, and inflexible ſeverity which be preſerved [...]hi [...]e preſiding at an execution. At one time, be⯑ [...]ng incenſed with the citizens of Rome, he wiſhed [...]hat all the Roman people had but one neck, that he might diſpatch them at a blow.

Such inſupportable and capricious cruelties pro⯑duced many ſecret conſpiracies againſt him; but theſe were for a while deferred, upon account of his intended expedition againſt the Germans and Bri⯑ [...]s, which he undertook in the third year of his [...]gn. For this purpoſe, U.C. 793 A.D. 41 he cauſed nu⯑ [...]s l [...]vies to be made in all parts of the empire, and talked with ſo much reſolu⯑ti [...]n, that it was univerſally believed he [...] conquer all before him. His march perfectly [...]edicated the inequality of his temper: ſometimes it was ſo rapid that the cohorts were obliged to leave [...]heir ſtandards behind them; at other times it was ſo [...]w, that it more reſembled a pompous proceſſion than a military expedition. In this diſpoſition he would cauſe himſelf to be carried on eight men's [...], and ordered all the neighbouring cities [...] [...]ve their ſtreets well ſwept and watered, to de⯑fend him from the duſt However, all theſe mighty p [...]e [...]ti [...]ns ended in nothing. Inſtead of conquer⯑ing britain, he only gave refuge to one of its baniſh⯑e [...] princes; and this he deſcribed in his letter to the [...] as taking poſſeſſion of the whole iſland. In⯑ [...] of conquering Germany, he only led his army [...] ſea-ſh [...]re, in Batavia There, diſpoſing his [...] and warlike machines with great ſolemnity, [...] up his men in order o [...] battle, he went [...] galley, with which coaſting alone, he [...] his trumpets to ſound, and the ſignal to [...] as if for an engagement; upon which, his [...], having had previous orders, immediately fell [222] to ga [...]hering the ſhells that lay upon the ſhore int [...] their holine [...]s, terming them the ſpoils of the con⯑quered ocean, worthy of the palace and the Capitol▪ After this [...]ughty expedition, calling his army to⯑gether, [...] a general alter victory, he harangued them in a [...] p [...]s manner, and highly extolled thei [...] atchievements: and then diſtributing money among them, diſmiſſed them with orders to be joyful, and congratulated them upon their riches. But that ſuch exploits ſhould not paſs without a memorial, he cauſed a lofty tower to be erected by the ſea-ſide and ordered the galleys in which he had put to ſea to be conveyed to Rome, in a great meaſure, by land.

Caſſius Cherea, tribune of the praetorian bands was the perſon who at laſt freed the world of this tyrant. Beſides the motives which he had in com⯑mon with other men, he had received repeated in⯑ſults from Caligula, who tock all occaſions of turn⯑ing him into ridicule, and impeaching him of co⯑wardice, merely becauſe he happened to have an effeminate voice. Whenever Cherea came to de⯑mand the watch-word from the emperor, according to cuſtom, he always gave him either Venus, Ado⯑nis, or ſome ſuch, implying effeminacy and ſoftneſs. He, therefore, ſecretly imported his deſigns to ſeve⯑ral ſenators and knights, whom he knew to have re⯑ceived perſonal injuries from Caligula, among whom was Valerius Aſiaticus, whoſe wife the em⯑peror had debauched. Annius Vinicianus alſo, was deſirous of [...]g [...]ging in the firſt deſign that o [...]ere [...]. Beſides th [...]ſe, were Cl [...]mens, the pr [...]fect; and Ca⯑l [...], [...] [...]ade him obnoxicus to the [...]

Wh [...]i [...]e th [...]e we [...]e [...] [...]r [...]ting upon the moſt cer⯑t [...]in and ſpeedy [...] [...]f deſ [...]r [...]ying the ty [...]ant, an unexpected [...] gave new ſtrength to the con⯑ſpiracy. [...], a [...] of diſtinction, hav⯑ing [223] been accuſed before the emperor, of having ſpo⯑ [...] [...]f him with diſreſpect, the informer cited one Quintilia, an actreſs, to confirm his accuſation. Quintilia, however, was poſſeſſed of a degree of for⯑t [...]tude not eaſily found, even in the other ſex. She c [...]i [...]d the fact with obſtinacy; and being put to the [...], at the informer's requeſt, ſhe bore the ſe⯑ [...] [...]ments of the rack with unſhaken conſtancy. [...]t [...]hat is moſt remarkable of her reſolution is, that [...] [...]s acquainted with all the particulars of the c [...]ir [...]cy; and, although Cherea was the perſon [...]p [...]inted to preſide at her torture, ſhe revealed no⯑ [...] gi [...]n the contrary, when ſhe was led to the [...] trod upon the toe of one of the conſpirators, [...]ti [...]ting at once her knowledge of the confederacy, and her own reſolution not to divulge it. In this a [...] ſhe ſuffered, until all her limbs were diſlo⯑ [...] [...] and, in that deplorable ſtate, was preſented to [...], who ordered her a gratuity for what [...] ſuffered. Cherea could no longer contain [...] [...]ignation, at being thus made the inſtrument [...] [...]t [...]s cruelty. After ſeveral deliberations with [...], it was at laſt reſolved to attack him [...] the continuance of the Palatine games, [...] four days; and to ſtrike the blow when [...] ſhould have the leaſt opportunity to de⯑ [...] [...]. In conſequence of this, the three firſt [...] the games paſſed, without affording any op⯑ [...] [...]. Cherea now, therefore, began to appre⯑ [...] [...] deferring the time of the conſpiracy, [...] means to divulge it: he even began to [...] the honour of killing the tyrant might [...] of ſ [...]me other pe [...]ſon, more bold th [...]n [...] Wherefore, he at laſt reſ [...]l [...]ed, to def [...]r [...] of his plot only to the day fell [...]w⯑ [...] [...] Caligula ſ [...]ld paſs through a private [...] to ſome baths, not far diſtant from the [...]

[224]The laſt day of the games was more ſplendid tha [...] the reſt; and Caligula ſeemed more ſprightly an [...] condeſcending than uſual. He took great amuſe⯑ment in ſeeing the people ſcramble for the fruits, an [...] other rarities, thrown, by his order, among them▪ and ſeemed no way apprehenſive of the plot formed for his deſtruction. In the mean time, the conſpi⯑racy began to tranſpire; and, had he had any friends left, it could not fail of being diſcovered. A ſenator, who was preſent, aſking one of his ac⯑quaintance if he had heard any thing new, the othe [...] replying in the negative, "then you muſt know," ſays he, ‘that this day will be repreſented the death of a tyrant.’ The other immediately underſtood him, but deſired him to be more cautious how he divulged a ſecret of ſo much importance. The con⯑ſpirators waited a great part of the day with the moſt extreme anxiety; and, at one time, Caligula ſeemed reſolved to ſpend the whole day without any refreſh⯑ment. This unexpected delay entirely exaſperated Chorea; and, had he not been reſtrained, he would have gone and perpetrated his deſign in the midſt of all the people. Juſt at that inſtant, while he was yet heſitating what he ſhould do, Aſprenas, one of the conſpirators, perſuaded Caligula to go to the bath, and take ſome ſlight refreſhment, in order to enjoy the reſt of the entertainment with greater reliſh. The emperor, therefore, riſing up, the conſpira⯑tors uſed every precaution to keep off the throng, and to ſurround him, under pretence of greater aſſi⯑duity. And theſe, upon his entering into a little vaulted gallery that led from the theatre to the bath, reſolved to diſpatch him. Cherea firſt ſtruck him to the ground with his dagger, crying out, ‘Tyrant, think upon this.’ Immediately after, the other conſpirators ruſhed in; and, while the emperor continued to reſiſt, crying out, that he was not yet dead, they diſpatched him with thirty wounds.

[225]Such was the merited death of Caius Caligula, in [...]he twenty ninth year of his age, after a ſhort reign of three years, ten months, and eight days. It will be unneceſſary to add any thing more to his charac⯑ter, than what Seneca ſays of him: namely, that na⯑ture ſeemed to have brought him forth, to ſhew what was poſſible to be produced, from the greateſt vice, ſupported by the greateſt authority.

As ſoon as the death of Caligula was made public, U.C. 794 A.D. 42 it produced the greateſt con⯑f [...]on in all parts of the city. The con⯑ſpirators, who only aimed at deſtroying a [...]nt, without attending to a ſucceſſor, had all c [...]ght ſafety, by retiring to private places. Some [...] happening to run about the palace, diſcover⯑ed Claudius, Caligula's uncle, lurking in a ſecret [...] where he had hid himſelf through fear. Of this perſonage, who had hitherto been deſpiſed for his imbecility, they reſolved to make an emperor; and accordingly carried him upon their ſhoulders to the [...]amp, where they proclaimed him, at a time he ex⯑pected nothing but death, and the ſenate confirmed their choice.

Claudius was now fifty years old, when he began to reign. The complicated diſeaſes of his infancy, [...], in ſome meaſure, affected all the faculties both [...] his body and mind. He was continued in a ſtate [...] pupilage much longer than was uſual at that time; [...] [...]emed, in every part of life, incapable of con⯑ [...]ucting himſelf.

I'le commencement of his reign, as it was with [...] o [...]her bad emperors, gave the moſt promi [...]ng [...] [...]f an happy continuance. He began by paſſ⯑ [...], act of oblivion for all former words and ac⯑ [...] ▪ and diſannulled all the cruel edicts of Cali⯑ [...]. He ſhewed himſelf more moderate than his [...] with regard to titles and honours. He [...] all perſons, upon ſevere penalties, to ſacrifice [226] to him, as they had done to Caligula. He was a [...] ⯑duous in hearing and examining complaints; a [...] frequently adminiſtered juſtice in perſon; temp [...] ⯑ing, by his mildneſs, the ſeverity of ſtrict juſtice.

To his ſolicitude for the internal advantages of t [...] ſtate, he added that of a watchful guardianſhip o [...] the provinces. He reſtored Judea to Herod Agripp [...] which Caligula had taken from Herod Antipas, [...] uncle, the man who had put John the Baptiſt [...] death, and who was baniſhed by order of the preſe [...] emperor. Claudius alſo reſtored ſuch princes their kingdoms, as had been unjuſtly diſpoſſeſſ [...] by his predeceſſors; but deprived the Lycia [...] and Rhodians of their liberty, for having pr [...] ⯑moted inſurrections, and crucified ſome citizens [...] Rome.

He even undertook to gratify the people by foreig [...] conqueſt. The Britons, who had, for near an hu [...] ⯑dred years, been left in ſole poſſeſſion of their ow [...] iſland, began to ſeek the mediation of Rome, to que [...] their inteſtine commotions. The principal ma [...] who deſired to ſubject his native country to the R [...] ⯑man dominion, was one Berious, who, by many a [...] ⯑guments, perſuaded the emperor to make a deſce [...] upon the iſland, magnifying the advantages th [...] would attend the conqueſt of it. In purſuance of h [...] advice, therefore, Plautius, the praetor, was ordere [...] to paſs over into Gaul, and make preparations fo [...] this great expedition. At firſt, indeed, his ſoldie [...] ſeemed backward to embark, declaring that the were unwilling to make war beyond the limits of th [...] world, for ſo they judged Britain to be. However they were at laſt perſuaded to go; and the Britons under the conduct of their king Cynobelinus, wer [...] ſeveral times overthrown.

A.D. 46 Theſe ſucceſſes ſoon after induced Clau⯑dius to go into Britain in perſon, upo [...] pretence that the natives were ſtill ſeditious, and ha [...] [227] not delivered up ſome Roman fugitives, who had taken ſhelter among them. However, his expedi⯑tion ſeemed rather calculated for ſhew than ſervice; the time he continued in Britain, which was in all but ſixteen days, was more taken up in receiving ho⯑mage, than extending his conqueſts. Great re⯑joicings were made upon his return to Rome: the ſenate decreed him a ſplendid triumph, triumphal arches were erected to his honour, and annual games inſtituted to commemorate his victories. In the mean time, the war was vigorouſly proſecuted by Plautius and his lieutenant Veſpaſian, who, accord⯑ing to Suetonius, fought thirty battles with the ene⯑my, and by that means reduced a part of the iſland into the form of a Roman province. However, this war broke out afreſh under the government of Oſtorius, who ſucceeded Plautius. A.D. 51 The Brit [...]ne either deſpiſing him for want of experience, or hoping to gain advantages over a perſon newly come to command, roſe up in arms, and diſclaim⯑ed the Roman power. The Iceni, the Cangi, and the Brigantes, made a powerful reſiſtance, though they were at length overcome; but the Silures, or inhabitants of South Wales, under their king Ca⯑rectacus, were the moſt formidable opponents the Roman generals had ever yet encountered. This brave barbarian not only made a gallant defence, but often ſeemed to claim a doubtful victory. He, with great conduct, removed the ſeat of war into the moſt inacceſſible parts of the country, and for nine years kept the Romans in continual alarm.

This general, however, upon the approach of Oſ⯑ [...]ius, finding himſelf obliged to come to a deciſive engagement, addreſſed his countrymen with calm re [...]ation; telling them, that this battle would either eſtabliſh their liberty, or confirm their ſervi⯑tude: that they ought to remember the bravery of their anceſtors, by whoſe valour they were delivered [228] from taxes and tributes, and that this was the time to ſhew themſelves equal to their progenitors. No⯑thing, however, that undiſciplined valour could per⯑form, could avail againſt the conduct of the Roman legions. After an obſtinate fight, the Britons were entirely routed; the wife and daughter of Caractacus were taken priſoners; and he himſelf ſeeking refuge from Curtiſmandua, queen of the Brigantes, was treacherouſly delivered up to the conquerors. When he was brought to Rome, nothing could exceed the curioſity of the people, to behold a man who had, for ſo many years, braved the power of the empire. On his part, he teſtified no marks of baſe dejection; but, as he was led through the ſtreets, happening to obſerve the ſplendor of every object around him; "Alas," cried he, ‘how is it poſſible, that people poſſeſſed of ſuch magnificence at home, could think of envying Caractacus an humble cottage in Britain!’ When he was brought before the em⯑peror, while the other captives ſued for pity, with the moſt abject lamentations, Caractacus ſtood before the tribunal with an intrepid air, and ſeemed rather w [...]lling to accept of pardon, than meanly ſolicitous of ſuing for it. "If," cried he, towards the end of his ſpeech, ‘I had yielded immediately, and with⯑out oppoſition, neither my fortune would have been remarkable, no your glory memorable: you would have ceaſed to be victorious, and I had been forgotten. If now, therefore, you ſpare my life, I ſhall continue a perpetual example of your cle⯑mency.’ Claudius had the generoſity to pardon him, and Oſtorius was decreed a triumph, which, however, he did not live to enjoy.

Claudius gave in the beginning of his reign the higheſt hopes of an happy continuance; but he ſoon began to leſſen his care for the public, and to com⯑mit to his favourites all the concerns of the empire. This weak prince had from his infancy been in a ſtate [229] of pupilage; and now, when called to govern, he was unable to act but under the direction of others. The chief of his inſtructors was his wife, Meſſa⯑lin [...], whoſe name is almoſt become a common ap⯑pellation for women of abandoned characters.

By her was Claudius urged on to commit cruelties, which he conſidered only as wholeſome ſeverities, while her debaucheries became every day more no⯑torious, and her lewdneſs exceeded what had ever been ſeen in Rome. Her crimes and enormities, however, being at length diſcovered, ſhe, together with her paramour, Caius Silius, ſuffered that death they ſo juſtly deſerved.

Claudius took for his ſecond wife Agrippina, the daughter of his brother Germanicus, a woman of a cruel and ambitious ſpirit, whoſe whole aim being to procure the ſucceſſion for Nero her ſon, by a for⯑mer marriage, treated Claudius with ſuch haughti⯑neſs, that he was heard to declare, when heated with wine, that it was his fate to ſuffer the diſorders of his wives, and to be their executioner. This ex⯑preſſion ſunk deep on her mind, and engaged all her [...]cu [...]t [...]es to prevent the blow. She, therefore, re⯑ſolved not to defer a crime which ſhe had meditated a long while before; which was, to poiſon him. S [...] for ſome time, however, debated with herſelf in what manner ſhe ſhould adminiſter the poiſon; as ſhe feared too ſtrong a doſe would diſcover her [...]or [...], and one too weak might fail of its effect. At len [...]th ſhe determined upon a poiſon of ſingular [...] to deſtroy his intellects, and yet not ſudden⯑ly to terminate his life. As ſhe had been long con⯑ [...]er [...]nt in this horrid practice, ſhe applied to a wo⯑m [...]n e [...]ded [...]ocuſta, notorious for aſſiſting on ſuch occ [...]ſion [...]. The poiſon was given the emperor among maſhrooms, a diſh he was particularly fond of. [...]ortly after having eaten, he dropped down inſen⯑ [...] but this cauſed no alarm, as it was uſual with [230] him to ſit eating till he had [...] his faculties, and was obliged to be [...] from the table. However, his co [...]tuti [...] [...]eemed to over⯑come the effects of the [...] Agrippina re⯑ſolved to make ſure of his [...]; therefore ſhe directed a wretched phyſician, who was her creature, to [...] a priſoner feather [...]wn his throat, under pretence of making him v [...]t, and this diſpatched him.

U.C. 793 A.D. 55 Nero, though but ſeventeen years of age, began his reign with the general ap⯑provation [...] mankind. He appeared [...], i [...] [...] and hu [...]ane: when a warrant [...] the execution of a crim [...]s, was b [...] [...]ght [...] ſigned [...] was [...]eard to [...] with ſeeming c [...]n⯑ce [...]n. ‘We [...]d to he [...]ven that I and [...] to w [...].’

[...] in years, his [...] ſeemed o [...] i [...] c [...]ſ [...] in c [...]d prop [...]i [...]n. [...] own [...] was the [...] [...]ming [...] ſt [...] [...]e g [...]e of his creat [...]. [...] g [...]t h [...] [...] at [...], he [...] her to [...] put to death in [...]or p [...]ce; and coming [...] p [...]ſen [...] to gaze upon the dead [...]ady. [...] heard to [...], t [...]t he no [...] or thought his mother had been ſo [...] me

All the mounds of virtue being tha [...] b [...]oken de [...], [...] theſe to his appe [...]ly that were [...] only f [...]ra [...]d▪ but [...]an. Th [...] to ſeem [...]d [...] come t [...] [...] on; f [...]r w [...] he [...] [...] were ſuff [...] to [...]ke the [...] [...], he [...] of theſe [...] [...]rts [...] and re [...]ire [...] [...] even [...]f [...] to [...] and not to [...] [...]rant of p [...]t [...] was h [...] [...] and all theſe he fre⯑quently was ſeen to exh [...]ſt in public.

[231]But it had been happy for mankind, had he con⯑ [...] himſelf to theſe; and, contented with being [...]emptible, ſought not to become formidable [...]. His cruelties even out did all his other extra⯑ [...]g [...]ncies. He ſeemed even ſtudious of finding out [...] as well as crimes againſt nature. Being at⯑ [...] in the habit of a woman, and covered with a [...] veil like a bride, he was wedded to one of [...] forminable companions, called Pythagoras, and [...] to hi [...] freedam D [...]iph [...]rus. On the other [...], that he might be every way deteſtable, he be⯑ [...] the huſband of a youth named Sporus, whom [...] previouſly deprived of the marks or virility. [...] part of the [...]ty of R [...]me was conſumed by [...] his time. and [...] j [...]ſt [...] the con⯑ [...] [...] to him. It [...] he need u [...] on an [...], during the earth [...] of the ſ [...]es, [...] [...]ut the [...], in a player ha⯑ [...] [...] in a th [...] lea [...] in [...], ſome ve [...]ſes upon [...] [...]truction of Tre [...]. As a proof of his w [...] up⯑ [...] [...] occaſion, none were pe [...]mitted to len [...] [...]y ef⯑ [...] [...] towards [...] the flames; and fanc⯑ [...] [...] [...]ns were ſ [...]n [...] ſhe to the h [...]ce; [...] [...]ing that they had [...]fers for ſo doing. H [...]w⯑ [...] [...] [...]e, the emperor uſed every art to throw the [...] [...]f to deteſtable an action from himſelf, and [...] upon the Ch [...]iſtians, who were at that time [...] and in ſome. Nothing could b [...] more [...] u [...]n the [...] which another tre [...] [...] Some were covere [...] [...]th [...] of wi [...] [...], in th [...]t f [...]gure, by [...] [...] S [...]me [...] [...] Wh [...] the [...] [...] o [...], the [...] [...] "for [...] [...] [...]reſſed [...] h [...] it of a [...], regain [...] with their [...]rtutes from his gardens: [...] [232] entertained the people, at one time with their ſuffer⯑ings, at another with the games of the circus. In this perſecution St Paul was beheaded; and St. Peter was crucified with his head downwards; which death he choſe. as being more diſhonourable than that of his divine maſter.

A conſpiracy formed againſt Nero by Piſo, a man of great power and integrity, which was premature⯑ly diſcovered, opened a new train of ſuſpicions that deſtroyed many of the principal families in Rome. The two moſt remarkable perſonages who fell on this occaſion were Seneca the philoſopher, and Lucan the poet, who was his nephew. Nero, either having real teſtimony againſt him, or elſe hating him for his virtues, ſent a tribune to Seneca, in⯑forming him that he was ſuſpected as an accomplice. The tribune found the philoſopher at table with Pau⯑lina his wife, and informing him of his buſineſs, Se⯑neca replied without any emotion, that his welfare depended upon no man; that he had never been ac⯑cuſtomed to indulge the errors of the emperor, and would not do it now. When this anſwer was brought to Nero, he demanded whether Seneca ſeemed afraid to die: the tribune replying that he did not appear in the leaſt terrified; ‘Then go to him again.’ cried the emperor, ‘and give him my orders to die.’ Accordingly, he ſent a cen⯑turion to Seneca, ſignifying that it was the empe⯑ror's pleaſure that he ſhould die. Seneca ſeem⯑ed no way diſcompoſed, and was not unmind⯑ed of his conſtancy. He endeavoured to conſole his w [...] for [...] is, and exhort her to a life of [...]vering virtue. that ſhe ſeemed reſolved on not ſurviving him, and preſt her requeſt to die with him ſo earneſtly, that Seneca, who had long looked upon death as a benefit, at laſt gave his conſent, and the veins of both their arms were opened at the ſame [233] time. As Seneca was old, and much enfeebled by one auſterities of his life, the blood flowed but ſlow⯑in [...] ſo that he cauſed the veins of his legs and thighs [...] be opened alſo. His pains were long and violent, but they were not capable of repreſſing his fortitude [...] his eloquence. He dictated a diſcourſe to two ſ [...]reta [...]ies, which was read with great avidity after his death by the people, but which has ſince periſh⯑ [...]bl [...] in the wreck of time. His agonies being now drawn out to a great length, he at laſt demanded perſon from his phyſician; but this alſo failed of its effect, his body being already exhauſted, and in⯑ [...]p [...]le of exciting its operation. He was from this [...]ed into a warm bath, which only ſerved to pro⯑ [...]ng his end; at length, therefore, he was put into [...]y ſtove, the vapour of which quickly diſpatched [...]. In the mean time, his wife Paulina, having m [...]n into a ſwoon with the loſs of blood had her was bound up by her domeſtics, and by this means [...] [...]ived her huſband for ſome years; but by her con⯑ [...]ct during the reſt of her life, ſhe ſeemed always thankful of her own love and his example.

The death of Lucan was not leſs remarkable. T [...]v [...]ns of his arms being opened, after he had [...] great quantiy of blood, perceiving his hands [...] l [...]gs already dead, while the vital parts ſtill con⯑ [...] warm and vigorous, he called to mind a de⯑ [...]pt in his own poem of the Pharſalia, of [...] dying in ſimilar circumſtances, and expired [...]e he was repeating that beautiful paſſage:

[234] U.C. 817 A.D. 66 The death of Petronius about this time, is too remarkable to be paſt over in ſilence. This perſon, whom many mo⯑dern hiſtorians ſuppoſe to be the author of a work of no great merit, intituled-Satyricon, which is ſtill remaining, was an Epicurcan, both in prin⯑ciple and practice. In ſo luxurious a court as that of Nero, he was particularly noted for his refinements in luxury. He was accuſed of being privy to Piſo's conſpiracy, and committed to priſon. Petronius could not endure the anxiety of ſuſpenſe, wherefore he reſolved upon putting himſelf to death; which he performed in a manner entirely ſimilar to that in which he had lived. He opened his veins, and then cloſed them as he thought leaſt painful, with the utmoſt chearfulneſs and tranquility. He converſed with his friends, not upon maxims of philoſophy, or grave ſubjects, but upon ſuch topics as had amuſed his gayeſt revels. He liſtened while they recited the lighteſt poems; and by no action, no word, nor cir⯑cumſtance, ſhewed the perplexity of a dying per⯑ſon. Shortly after him, Numicius Thermus was put to death, as likewiſe Barea Scranus, and P [...]tus Thraſea. The deſtroying the two laſt, Tacitus calls an attack upon virtue itſelf. Thraſea died in the midſt of his friends and philoſophers, converſing and reaſoning on the nature of the ſoul. His wife, who was the daughter of the celebrated Arria, was deſir⯑ous of following her mother [...]s example, but he diſ⯑ſuaded her from it. The death of the valiant Cor⯑bulo, who had gained Nero ſo many victories over the Part [...]i [...], f [...]lowed next Nor did the empreſs Poppea herſelf eſcape, whom, in a ſit of anger, he kicked when ſ [...]e was pregnant, by which ſhe miſ⯑carried and di [...]d. At length, human nature grew weary of bearing her perſecutor, and the whole world ſeemed to [...]ou [...]e, as if by common conſent, to rid the earth of a monſter.

[235]Sergius Galba, who was at that time governor of Sp [...]in, was remarkable for his wiſdom in peace, and his courage in war; but as all talents under corrupt princes are dangerous, he for ſome years had ſeemed willing to court obſcurity, giving himſelf up to an inactive life, and avoiding all opportunity of ſigna⯑li [...]ing his valour.

But willing to rid his country of a monſter, he ac⯑cepted the invitation of Vindex to march with an army towards Rome. The reputation of that gene⯑ral was ſuch, that from the moment be declared againſt Nero, that tyrant conſidered himſelf as un⯑done. He received the account as he was at ſupper, and, inſtantly ſtruck with terror, overturned the table with his foot, breaking two cryſtal vaſes of im⯑menſe value. He then fell into a ſwoon, from which, when he recovered, he tore his cloaths, and ſtruck his head, crying out, ‘that he was utterly un⯑done.’ He now, therefore, called for Locuſta to furniſh him with poiſon; and thus prepared for the worſt, he retired to the Servelian gardens, with a reſolution of flying into Egypt. Being prevented in [...], and the revolt becoming general, he went in perſon, from houſe to houſe, but all the doors were that againſt him, and none were found to anſwer his enquiries. Being now reduced to a ſtate of deſpera⯑tion, he deſired that one of his favourite gladiators might come and diſpatch him; but even in this re⯑ [...]t, there was none found to obey. "Alas," died he, "have I neither friend nor enemy!" And [...] [...]nning deſperately forth, ſeemed reſolved to [...] headlong into the Tiber. But juſt then his [...] beginning to ſail him, he made a ſudden [...] if willing to recollect his reaſon, and aſked [...] ſecret place, where he might reaſſume his [...], and meet death with becoming fortitude. [...] diſtreſs, Phaon, one of his freedmen, offered [...] country-houſe▪ about at four miles diſtant, [236] where he might, for ſome time, remain concealed. Nero accepted his offer; and, half dreſſed as he was, with his head covered, and hiding his face with his handkerchief, he mounted on horſe-back, attended by four of his domeſtics, of whom the wretched Sporus was one. His journey, though ſhort, was crowded with adventures. An earthquake gave him the firſt alarm. The lightning from Heaven next flaſhed in his face. Round him he heard nothing but confuſed noiſes from the camp, and the cries of the ſoldiers, imprecating a thouſand evils upon his head. A paſſenger, meeting him on the way, cried, "There go men in purſuit of Nero." An⯑other aſked him, if there was any news of Nero in the city. His horſe taking flight at a dead body, that lay rear the road, he dropped his handkerchief, and a ſoldier who was near addreſſed him by name. He now, therefore, quitted his horſe, and forſaking the highway, entered a thicket, that led towards the back part of Phaon's houſe, through which he crept, making the beſt of his way among the reeds and brambles, with which the place was overgrown. During this interval, the ſenate finding the praetorian guards had taken part with Galba, declared him em⯑peror, and condemned Nero to die, "more majorum;" that is, according to the rigour of the ancient laws. When he was told of the reſolution of the ſenate againſt him, he aſked the meſſenger what was meant, by being puniſhed according to the rigour of the an⯑cient laws? To this he was anſwered, that the cri⯑minal was to be ſtripped naked, his head was to be fixed in a pillory, and in that poſture he was to be ſcourged to death. Nero was ſo terrified at this, that he ſeized two poniards, which he had brought with him, and examining their points, returned them to their ſheaths, pretending, that the fatal moment was not yet arrived. He then deſired Sporus to be⯑gin the lamentations which were uſed at funerals, [237] he next entreated that ſome of his attendants would di [...], to give him courage by his example; and after⯑wards began to reproach his own cowardice, crying out, ‘Does this become Nero? Is this trifling well timed? No, no, let me be courageous.’ In fact, he had no time to ſpare, for the ſoldiers who had been [...]nt in purſuit of him, were juſt then approach⯑ing the houſe: wherefore, hearing the ſound of the horſes feet, he ſet a dagger to his throat, with which, by the aſſiſtance of Epaphroditus, his freedman and ſecretary, he gave himſelf a mortal wound. How⯑ever, he was not yet quite dead, when one of the centurions entering the room, and pretending he came to his relief, attempted to ſtop the blood with his cloak. But Nero regarding him with a ſtern countenance, ſaid, ‘It is now too late. Is this your fidelity?’ Upon which, with his eyes fixed, and f [...]ightfully ſtaring, he expired, even in death a ghaſt⯑ly ſpectacle of innoxious tyranny.

He reigned thirteen years, ſeven months, and twenty-eight days, and died in the thirty-ſecond year of his age.

Galba was ſeventy-two years old when he was declared emperor, U.C. 821 A.D. 69 and was then in Spain with his legions. However, he ſoon found that his being raiſed to the throne, was but an inlet to new diſquietudes. He ſeemed to have three objects in view. To curb the inſolence of the ſoldiers, to puniſh thoſe vices which had come to an enormous height in the laſt reign, and to repleniſh the exhequer, which had been quite drained by the prodigality of his predeceſſors. How⯑ever, permitting himſelf to be governing by favou⯑rites, he at one time, ſhewed himſelf ſevere and fru⯑gal, at another, remiſs and prodigal; condemning ſome illuſtrious perſons, without any hearing; and pardoning others, though guilty. In conſequence [238] of this, many ſeditions were kindled, and ſeveral factions promoted in different parts of the empire, but particularly in Germany.

Galba being informed of theſe commotions, was ſenſible, that, beſide his age, he was leſs re [...]pected for want of an heir. He reſolved, therefore, to put what he had in fo [...]erly de [...]gned in execution, and to adopt ſome perſon, whoſe virtues [...] deſerve ſuch advancement, and perfect his declining age from danger. His favourites underſt [...]nding his determi⯑nation, inſtantly [...] [...]ing him an heir of their own ch [...]ing; ſ [...] th [...]t there aroſe a great con⯑tention among them [...]. Otho made warm applica [...]ion for himſ [...]f, alledging the great ſer⯑vices he had done the empe [...]r, as being the firſt men of note who came to his [...]ſtance, when he had de⯑clared againſt Nero. However, Galba, being fully reſolved to conſult the public good alone, rejected his ſuit; and, on a day appointed, ordered Piſo Lu⯑cinianus to attend him. The character given by hiſtorians of Piſo is, that he was every way worth of the honour deſigned him. He was no way related to Galba; and had no other intereſt but merit to re⯑commend him to his favour. Taking this youth, therefore, by the hand, in the preſence of his friends, he adopted him to ſucceed in the empire, giving him the moſt wholeſome leſſ [...]ns for guiding his future conduct. Piſo's conduct ſhewed that he was highly deſerving this diſtinction: in all his deportment there appeared ſuch modeſty, firmneſs, and equality of mind, as beſpoke him rather capable of diſcharg⯑ing, than ambitious of obtaining, his preſent dig⯑nity. But the army and the ſenate did not ſeem equally diſintereſted upon this occaſion; they had been ſo long uſed to bribery and corruption, that they could now bear no emperor, who was not in a capacity of ſatisfying their avarice. The adoption, [239] therefore, of Piſo, was but coldly received; for his [...] were no recommendation in a nation of uni⯑ [...]ſ [...]l depravity.

Otho, who had long been a favourite of Galba, [...] h [...]ping to be adopted his ſucceſſor in the em⯑ [...], finding his hopes diſappointed, and ſtill fur⯑ [...] ſtimulated by the immenſe load of debt which [...] contracted by his riotous way of living, reſolv⯑ [...] upon obtaining the empire by force, ſince he could not by peaceable ſucceſſion. Having corrupt⯑ [...] the fidelity of the ſoldiers, he ſtole ſecretly from the emperor, while he was ſacrificing; and aſſem⯑b [...]g the ſoldiers, in a ſhort ſpeech, urged the cruel⯑ [...], and the avarice of Galba Finding his in⯑ [...] [...] received with univerſal ſhouts by the whole [...], he entirely threw off the maſk, and avowed his intentions of dethroning him. The ſoldiers be⯑ing ripe for ſedition, immediately ſeconded his views, [...] Otho upon their ſhoulders, immediately d [...]lared him emperor; and, to ſtrike the citizens [...] te [...]ror, carried him, with their ſwords drawn, i [...] the camp.

[...] after, finding the emperor in ſome meaſure [...] by his adherents, the ſoldiers ruſhed in up⯑ [...] [...], trampling the crowds of people that then [...] the forum, under foot. Galba ſeeing them [...], ſeemed to recollect all his former forti⯑t [...] and bending his head forward, bid the aſ⯑ [...] [...] ſtrike it off, if it were for the good of the [...] This was quickly performed; and his head [...] ſet upon the point of a launce, was preſented to Otho, who ordered it to be contemptuouſly car⯑ [...] [...]ound the camp; his body remaining unburied in t [...] [...]eet [...], A.D. 69 till it was interred by one of his [...]. He died in the ſeventy third year of his age, after a ſhort reign of ſeven months; as illuſtrious by his own virtues, as it was contami⯑nated [240] by the vices of his favourites, who ſhared in his downfall.

Otho, who was now elected emperor, began his reign by a ſignal inſtance of clemency, in pardoning Marius Celſus, who had been highly favoured by Galba; and not contented with barely forgiving, he advanced him to the higheſt honours; aſſerting, that "fidelity deſerved every reward."

In the mean time, the legions in Lower Germany, having been purchaſed by the large gifts and ſpe⯑cious promiſes of Vitellius their general, were at length induced to proclaim him emperor; and, re⯑gardleſs of the ſenate, they declared that they had an equal right to appoint to that high ſtation, with the cohorts at Rome.

Otho departed from Rome with all haſte to give Vitellius battle. The army of Vitellius, which con⯑ſiſted of ſeventy thouſand men, was commanded by his generals Valens and Cecina, he himſelf remain⯑ing in Gaul, in order to bring up the reſt of his forces. Both ſides haſtened to meet each other with ſo much animoſity and precipitation, that three con⯑ſiderable battles were fought in the ſpace of three days. One near Placentia, another near Cremona, and a third, at a place called Caſtor; in all which, Otho and the Romans had the advantage. But theſe ſucceſſes were but of ſhort-lived continuance, for Valens and Cecinia, who had hitherto acted ſepa⯑rately, joining their forces, and reinforcing their armies with freſh ſupplies, reſolved to come to a ge⯑neral engagement. In this, Otho's forces were to⯑tally overthrown, and he killed himſelf ſhortly after, having reigned three months and five days.

A.D. 70 Vitellius was immediately after de⯑clared emperor by the ſenate, and received the marks of diſtinction which were now accuſtom⯑ed to follow the appointments of the ſtrongeſt ſide.

[241]Upon his arrival at Rome, he entered the city, not as a place he came to govern with juſtice, but as a town that was become his own by the laws of conqueſt.

Vitellius ſoon gave himſelf up to all kinds of luxury and profuſeneſs; but gluttony was his fa⯑vourite vice; ſo that he brought himſelf to an habit a [...] vomiting, in order to be able to renew his meals a [...] pleaſure. His entertainments, though ſeldom at [...] coſt, were prodigiouſly expenſive; he fre⯑ [...]ntly invited himſelf to the tables of his ſubjects, [...]ſ [...]ſting with one, dining with another, and [...]pping with a third, all in the ſame day.

By the continuance of ſuch vices, added to enor⯑ [...] cruelties, he became, not only a burden to [...], but odious to all mankind. Thus, having [...] inſupportable to the inhabitants of Rome, [...] of the eaſt, who had at firſt acquieſced [...] dominion, began to revolt; and, ſhort⯑ [...] [...], unanimouſly reſolved to make Veſpaſian [...].

[...], the preparations againſt him, Vitellius, [...] [...]ried in ſloth and luxury, was reſolved to [...] effort to defend the empire; wherefore, his [...] [...]mmanders, Valens and Cecinna, were or⯑ [...] [...] make all poſſible preparations to refill the [...]. The firſt army that entered Italy with an [...] intention, was under the command of An⯑ [...]ius Primus, who was met by Cecinna, near Cre⯑ [...]na. A battle was expected to enſue; but a nego⯑tiation taking place, Cecinna was prevailed upon to [...] ſides, and declare for Veſpaſian. His army, however, quickly repented of what they had done; [...], impriſoning their general, attacked Antonius, though without a leader. The engagement con⯑tinued during the whole night; and, in the morning, after a ſhort repaſt, both armies engaged a ſecond time; when the ſoldiers of Antonius ſaluting the [242] riſing ſun, according to cuſtom, the Vitellians ſup⯑poſing that they had received new reinforcements, betook themſelves to flight, with the loſe of thirty thouſand men.

In the mean time, Vitellius, who was wallowing in all kinds of luxury and exceſs, made offers to Veſ⯑paſian of reſigning the empire, provided his life were ſpared, and a ſufficient revenue allotted for his ſupport. In order to enforce this requeſt, he iſſued from his palace in deep mourning, with all his do⯑meſtics weeping round him. He then went to offer the ſword of juſtice to Cecilius, the conſul; which he refuſing, the abject emperor prepared to lay down the enſigns of empire in the temple of Concord; but being interrupted by ſome, who cried out, that he himſelf was Concord, he reſolved, upon ſo weak an encouragement, [...]ll to maintain his power, and immediately prepared for his defence.

During this fluctuation of counſels, one Sabinus, who had adviſed Vitellius to reſign, perceiving his deſperate ſituation, reſolved, by a bold ſtep, to oblige Veſpaſian; and accordingly ſeized upon the Capitol. But he was premature in his attempt; for the ſoldiers of Vitellius attacked him with great fury; and prevailing by their numbers, ſoon laid that beautiful building in aſhes. During this dreadful conflagration, Vitellius was fea [...]ing in the palace of Tiberius, and beholding all the horrors of the aſ⯑ſault with great ſatisfaction. Sabinus was taken pri⯑ſoner; and ſhortly after executed by the emperor's command. Young Domitian, his nephew, who was afterwards emperor, eſcaped by ſlight, in the habit of a prieſt; and all the reſt who ſurvived the fire were put to the ſword.

But Antonius, Veſpaſian's commander, being arrived before the walls of the city, the forces of Vi⯑tellius reſolved upon defending it to the utmoſt extremity. It was attacked, on three ſides, with [243] the utmoſt fury; while the army within, ſallying upon the beſiegers, defended it with equal obſtinacy. The battle laſted a whole day; till, at laſt, the be⯑ſieged were driven into the city, and a dreadful ſlaughter made of them in all the ſtreets which they vainly attempted to defend.

Vitellius was ſoon ſound hidden in an obſcure [...]n [...]r, from whence he was taken by a party of the conquering ſoldiers. Still, however, willing to add a few hours more to his miſerable life, he begged to be kept in priſon till the arrival of Veſpaſian at Rome, pretending that he had ſecrets of importance to diſcover. But his intreaties were vain: the ſol⯑diers binding his hands behind him, and throwing an halter round his neck, led him along, half naked, into the public forum, upbraiding him, as they pro⯑ceeded, with all thoſe bitter reproaches their malice could ſuggeſt, or his own cruelty might deſerve. At length, being come to the place of puniſhment, they killed him with many blows: and then dragging the dead body through the ſtreets with an hook, they threw it, with all poſſible ignominy, into the river Tyb [...]r.

Veſpaſian was now declared emperor, A.D. 70 by the unanimous conſent, both of the ſenate and the army; and dignified with all thoſe titles, which now followed rather the power than the merit of thoſe who were appointed to govern.

Having continued ſome months at Alexandria, in Egypt, where, it is ſaid, he cured a blind and a lime man by touching them, he ſet out for Rome, giving his ſon Titus the command of the army that was to lay ſiege to Jeruſalem, while he himſelf went forward, and was met many miles from Rome by all the ſenate, and near half the inhabitants, who gave the ſincereſt teſtimonies of their joy, in having an emperor of ſuch great and experienced virtues Nor did he, in the leaſt, diſappoint their expectations; [244] being equally aſſiduous in rewarding merit, and pardoning his adverſaries; in reforming the manners of the citizens, and ſetting them the beſt example in his own.

In the mean time, Titus carried on the war againſt the Jews with vigour. This obſtinate and infatuated people had long reſolved to reſiſt the Roman power, vainly hoping to find protection from Heaven, which their impieties had utterly offended. Their own hiſtorian repreſents them, as arrived at the higheſt pitch of iniquity; while famines, earthquakes, and prodigies, all conſpired to forewarn their approaching ruin. Nor was it ſufficient that Heaven and earth ſeemed combined againſt them; they had the moſt bitter diſſenſions among themſelves; and were ſplit into two parties, that robbed and deſtroyed each other with impunity; ſtill pillaging, and, at the ſame time, boaſting their zeal for the religion of their an⯑ceſtors.

At the head of one of thoſe parties was an incen⯑diary, whoſe name was John. This fanatic affect⯑ed ſovereign power, and filled the whole city of Je⯑ruſalem, and all the towns around, with tumult and pillage. In a ſhort time, a new faction aroſe, head⯑ed by one Simon, who gathering together multitudes of robbers and murderers, who had fled to the moun⯑tains, attacked many cities and towns, and reduced all Idumea into his power. Jeruſalem, at length, be⯑came the theatre in which theſe two demagogues be⯑gan to exerciſe their mutual animoſity; John was poſ⯑ſeſſed of the temple, while Simon was admitted into the city; both equally enraged againſt each other; while ſlaughter and devaſtation followed their pre⯑tenſions. Thus did a city, formerly celebrated for peace and unity, become the ſeat of tumult and con⯑fuſion.

It was in this miſerable ſituation that Titus be⯑gan his operations within about ſix furlongs of the [245] city of Jeruſalem, during the feaſt of the Paſſ⯑over, when the place was filled with an infinite mul⯑titude of people, who had come from all parts to ce⯑lebrate that great ſolemnity. The approach of the Romans produced a temporary reconciliation be⯑tween the contending factions within the city; ſo that they unanimouſly reſolved to oppoſe the com⯑mon enemy firſt, and then decide their domeſtic quarrels at a more convenient ſeaſon Their firſt f [...]lly, which was made with much fury and reſolution, put the beſiegers into great diſorder, and obliged them to abandon their camp, and fly to the moun⯑tains. However, rallying immediately after, the Jews were forced back into the city; while Titus, in perſon, ſhewed ſurpriſing inſtances of valour and conduct.

Theſe advantages over the Romans, only renewed in the beſieged their deſires of private revenge. A tumult enſued in the temple, in which ſeveral of both parties were ſlain: and in this manner, upon every remiſſion from without, the factions of John and Simon violently raged againſt each other within; agreeing only in their reſolution to defend the city againſt the Romans.

The city was ſtrongly fortified by three walls on every ſide, except where it was fenced by deep val⯑ [...]es. Titus began by battering down the outward well, which, after much fatigue and danger, he effected; all the time ſhewing the greateſt clemency to the Jews, and offering them repeated aſſurances of [...]. Five days after the commencement of the ſiege. Titus broke through the ſecond wall, and, though driven back by the beſieged, he recovered [...] ground, and made preparations for battering the third wall, which was their laſt defence. But firſt he ſent Joſephus, their countryman, into the city to exhort them to yield, who, uſing all his eloquence to perſuade them, was only reviled with ſcoffs and [246] reproaches. The ſiege was now, therefore, carried on with greater vigour than before; ſeveral batteries for engines were raiſed, which were no ſooner built, than deſtroyed by the enemy. At length, it was re⯑ſolved in council, to ſurround the whole city with a trench, and thus prevent all relief and ſuccours from abroad. This, which was quickly executed, ſeem⯑ed no way to intimidate the Jews. Though famine and peſtilence, its neceſſary attendant, began now to make the moſt horrid ravages among them, yet this deſperate people ſtill reſolved to hold out. He now cut down all the woods within a conſiderable diſtance of the city, and cauſing more batteries to be raiſed, he, at length, battered down the wall, and in five days entered the citadel by force. The Jews, however, continued to deceive themſelves with ab⯑ſurd and falſe expectations, while many falſe pro⯑phets deluded the multitude, declaring, they ſhould ſoon have aſſiſtance from God. The heat of the battle was now, therefore, gathered round the inner wall of the temple, while the defendants deſperately combated from the top. Titus was willing to ſave this beautiful ſtructure, but a ſoldier caſting a brand into ſome adjacent buildings, the fire communicated to the temple, and, notwithſtanding the utmoſt en⯑deavours on both ſides, the whole edifice was quickly conſumed. The fight of the temple in ruins, effec⯑tually ſerved to damp the ardour of the Jews. They now began to perceive, that Heaven had forſaken them, while their cries and lamentations echoed from the adjacent mountains. Even thoſe who were almoſt expiring, lifted up their dying eyes to bewail the loſs of their temple, which they valued more than life itſelf. The moſt reſolute, however, ſtill endeavoured to defend the upper and ſtronger part of the city, named Sion; but Titus, with his bat⯑tering engines, ſoon made himſelf entire maſter of the pl [...]. John and Simon were taken from the [247] vaults where they had concealed themſelves; the for⯑mer was condemned to perpetual impriſonment, and the latter reſerved to grace the conqueror's triumph. The greateſt part of the populace were put to the ſwo [...]d, and the city was, after a ſix month's ſiege, entirely razed by the plough; ſo that, according to our S [...]viour's prophecy, not one ſtone remained upon [...]. The numbers who periſhed in this ſiege, [...] to Joſephus, amounted to above a mil⯑ [...] of ſouls, and the captives to almoſt an hundred [...].

Upon the taking of Jeruſalem, his ſoldiers would have crowned Titus as conqueror, but he modeſtly [...] the honour, alledging, that he was only an inſtrument in the hand of Heaven, that manifeſtly declared its wrath againſt the Jews. At Rome, however, all mens mouths were filled with the praiſes of the conqueror, who had not only ſhewn himſelf an excellent general, but a courageous com⯑batant: his return, therefore, in triumph, which he [...]d with his father, was marked with all the magni⯑ficence and joy that was in the power men to expreſs. All things that were eſteemed valuable or beautiful among men, were brought to adorn this great oc⯑caſion. Among the rich ſpoils, were expoſed vaſt quantities of gold, taken out of the temple; but the book of the Holy Law was not the leaſt remarkable among the magnificent profuſion. This was the firſt time that ever Rome ſaw the father and the ſon triumph together. A triumphal arch was erected upon this occaſion, on which were deſcribed all the [...]ete [...]ies of Titus over the Jews, which remains al⯑moſt entire to this very day. Veſpaſian likewiſe [...] a temple to Peace, wherein were depoſited moſt of the Jewiſh ſpoils; and having now calmed all commotions in every part of the empire, he ſhut up t [...] temple of Janus, which had been open about five or ſix years.

[248]Few emperors have received a better character from hiſtorians than Veſpaſian, yet all his numerous acts of generoſity and magnificence, could not pre⯑ſerve his character from the imputation of rapacity and avarice. He deſcended to ſome very unuſual and diſhonourable impoſts, even to the laying a tax upon urine. When his ſon Titus remonſtrated againſt the meanneſs of ſuch a tax, Veſpaſian taking a piece of money, demanded if the ſmell offended him; adding, that this very money was produced by urine.

Notwithſtanding, having reigned ten years, loved by his ſubjects, and deſerving their affection, he was ſurpriſed with an indiſpoſition at Campania, which from the beginning he declared would be fatal; and perceiving his end approaching, as he was juſt go⯑ing to expire, he cried out, that an emperor ought to die ſtanding; wherefore, raiſing himſelf upon his feet, he expired in the hands of thoſe that ſuſtained him.

A.D. 79 Titus being joyfully received as em⯑peror, began to reign with the practice of every virtue that became a ſovereign and a man. During the life of his father, there had been many imputations againſt him, both for cruelty, luſt, and prodigality; but upon his exaltation to the throne, he ſeemed entirely to take leave of his former vices, and became an example of the greateſt moderation and humanity. His firſt ſtep towards gaining the affections of his ſubjects, was his moderating his paſ⯑ſions, and bridling his ſtrong inclinations. He had long loved Berenice, ſiſter to Agrippa, king of Judaea, a woman of the greateſt beauty, and refined allurements. But knowing that the connection with her was entirely diſagreeable to the people of Rome, he gained a victory over his affections, and ſent her away, notwithſtanding their mutual paſſion, and the many arts ſhe uſed to induce him to change his re⯑ſolutions. [249] He next diſcarded all thoſe, who had been the former miniſters of his pleaſures, and for⯑bore to countenance the companions of his looſer re⯑creations, though he had formerly taken great pains in the ſelection. This moderation, added to his juſtice and generoſity, procured him the love of all good men, and the appellation of the Delight of Mankind; which all his actions ſeemed caculated to enſure.

Titus took particular care to puniſh all informers, falſe witneſſes, and promoters of diſſenſion. Thoſe wretches, who had their riſe in the licentiouſneſs and impunity of former reigns, were now become ſo [...]merous, that their crimes called loudly for puniſh⯑ment. Of theſe, therefore, he daily made public examples; condemning them to be ſcourged in the moſt public ſtreets; next to be dragged through the theatre, and then to be baniſhed into the uninhabited parts of the empire, or ſold as ſlaves. His courteſy and readineſs to do good, have been celebrated even i [...] Chriſtian writers; his principal rule being, never to ſend any petitioner diſſatisfied away. One night, recollecting that he had done nothing beneficial to mankind the day preceding, he cried out, among his friends, "I have loſt a day!" A ſentence too re⯑ [...]ble not to be univerſally known.

Learning that two noblemen had conſpired againſt [...], he readily forgave them, and the next day [...] them next himſelf in the theatre, he put the [...] with which the gladiators fought into their [...], demanding their judgement and approbation, [...]ther they were of ſufficient length.

[...] t [...]is reign, an eruption of mount Veſuvius did [...] damage, overwhelming many towns, [...] throwing its aſhes into countries more than an [...]ndred miles diſtant. Upon this memorable occa⯑ [...], Pl [...]ny the naturaliſt loſt his life; for being [...]p [...]lled by too eager a curioſity to obſerve the [250] eruption, he was ſuffocated in the flames. There happened alſo about this time a fire at Rome, which continued three days and nights ſucceſſively, being followed by a plague, in which ten thouſand men were buried in a day. The emperor, however, did all that lay in his power to repair the damages ſuſ⯑tained by the public; and, with reſpect to the city, declared that he would take the whole loſs of that upon himſelf.

Theſe diſaſters were, in ſome meaſure, counterba⯑lanced by the ſucceſſes in Britain, under Agricola. This excellent general having been ſent into that country towards the latter end of Veſpaſian's reign, ſhewed himſelf equally expert in quelling the refrac⯑tory, and civi [...]izing th [...]ſe who had formerly ſubmit⯑ted t [...] the Roman power. The Old vices, or inha⯑bitants of North Wales, were the firſt that were ſub⯑dued. H [...] th [...] made a deſcent upon Mona, or the i [...] and of [...], which surrendered at diſcretion. Ha [...]ing [...] [...]imſelf maſter of the whole [...] m [...]h [...]d to reſtore diſcipline to [...] it▪ introduce ſome ſhare of politeneſs among [...] had conquered. he ex⯑ [...] [...] and example, to build [...] [...]tely houſes. He cauſed [...] to be inſt [...]ucted in the li⯑ [...] [...] taught the Latin language, [...] the Roman modes of [...]. Thus, by degrees, this barbarous p [...]ple [...] aſſume the luxurious manners of [...], and, in ſome time, even to [...] in a [...]l the [...] of f [...]n [...]d pleaſure. Up⯑on acc [...]nt of th [...]ſe ſucceſſes in Britain, Ti [...]us was [...] imp [...]r [...] [...] the fi [...]teenth time; but he did not long [...] ▪ being ſurpriſed by a vio⯑l [...]t [...] little [...]i [...]tance from Rome. He ex⯑p [...]d [...] with at ſuſpici [...]n of [...] cry from his b [...]ther Domitian, who [...] [...]ng [251] wiſhed to govern. His death was in the forty-firſt year of his age, having reigned two years, two months, and twenty days.

The beginning of Domitian's reign was univerſally acceptable to the people, A.D. 81 as he appeared equally remarkable for his clemency, libera⯑ [...]ty and juſtice.

But he ſoon began to ſhew the natural deformity of h [...]s mind. Inſtead of cultivating literature, as [...] father and brother had done, he neglected all [...] of ſtudy, addicting himſelf wholly to meaner [...]ſuits, particularly archery and gaming He was it very expert an archer, that he would frequently [...] one of his ſlaves to ſtand at a great diſtance, [...] his hand ſpread as a mark, and would ſhoot his [...] with ſuch exactneſs, as to ſtick them all be⯑ [...] [...] his fingers. He inſtituted three ſorts of con⯑ [...] [...] be obſerved every five years; in muſic, [...] [...]anſhip, and wreſtling; but at the ſame time, [...] [...]hed all philoſophers and mathematicians [...]. No emperor before him entertained [...] with ſuch various and expenſive ſhows. [...] th [...]ſe diverſions he diſtributed great rewards, [...] preſident himſelf, adorned with a purple [...] crown, with the prieſts of Jupiter, and the [...] [...]la [...]ian prieſts about him. The meanneſs [...] [...]p [...]tions it ſ [...]itude, w [...]s a juſt contraſt to [...] [...]tions of [...] oſtentation. He uſually [...] if retire [...]nt in catching files, and [...] them through with a bodkin; ſo that one of [...] being aſked, if the emperor were alone, [...], that h [...] h [...]d not ſo much as a fly to bear [...].

[...] ſe [...]med every day to encreaſe with the [...] [...]f his reign. His ungrateful treatment of [...] ſe [...]med the firſt ſymptom of his natural [...]. D [...]mi [...]ian was alway [...] particularly f [...]nd [...] a mi [...]itary [...]eputation, and therefore [252] jealous of it in others. He had marched ſome time before into Gaul, upon a pretended expedition againſt the Catti, a people of Germany; and, with⯑out ever ſeeing the enemy, reſolved to have the honour of a triumph upon his return to Rome. For that purpoſe he purchaſed a number of ſlaves, whom he dreſſed in German habits, and at the head of this miſerable proceſſion, entered the city, amidſt the apparent acclamations, and concealed contempt, of all his ſubjects. The ſucceſſes, therefore, of Ari⯑cola in Britain, affected him with an extreme degree of envy. This admirable general purſued the ad⯑vantages which he had already obtained. He ſub⯑dued the Caledonians; and overcame Galgacus, the Britiſh chief, at the head of thirty thouſand men; and afterwards ſending out a fleet to ſcour the coaſt, firſt diſcovered Great Britain to be an iſland. He likewiſe diſcovered and ſubdued the Orkneys; and thus reduced the whole into a civilized province of the Roman empire. When the account of theſe ſuc⯑ceſſes was brought to Domitian, he received it with a ſeeming pleaſure, but real uneaſineſs. He thought Agricola's riſing reputation a tacit reproach upon his own inactivity; and, inſtead of attempting to emu⯑late, he reſolved to ſuppreſs the merit of his ſervices. He ordered him, therefore, external marks of appro⯑bation; and took care that triumphant ornaments, ſtatues, and other honours, ſhould be decreed him: but at the ſame time he removed him from his com⯑mand, under a pretence of appointing him to the government of Syria. By theſe means, Agricola ſurrendered up his province to Sal [...]ſtius Lucui [...]us, but ſ [...]n found that Syria was otherwiſe diſpoſed of. Upon his return to Rome, which was privately, and by r [...]ght, he was [...]tly received by the emperor; and dying ſome time after in retirement, it was ſup⯑p [...]ſed by [...]me, that was his end was haſtened by Domi⯑ [...]an's direction.

[253]Domitian ſoon after found the want of ſo expe⯑rienced a commander, in the many irruptions of the barbarous nations that ſurrounded the empire. The Sarmatians in Europe, joined with thoſe of Aſia, made a formidable invaſion, at once deſtroying a whole legion, and a general of the Romans. The Dacians, under the conduct of Decebalus their king, made an irruption, and overthrew the Romans in ſeveral engagements. At laſt, however, the bar⯑barians were repelled, partly by force, and partly by the aſſiſtance of money; which only ſerved to enable them to make future invaſions with greater advan⯑tage. But in whatever manner the enemy might ha [...]e been repelled, Domitian was reſolved not to [...]ſe the honours of a triumph. He returned in great ſplendor to Rome; and, not contented with thus tri⯑umphing twice without a victory, he reſolved to take the ſurname of Germanicus, for his conqueſts over a people with whom he never contended.

In proportion as the ridicule encreaſed againſt him, his pride ſeemed every day to demand greater hom⯑ [...]e. He would permit his ſtatues to be made only of g [...]d and ſilver; he aſſumed to himſelf divine honours; [...] ordered that all men ſhould treat him with the [...] appellations which they gave to the divinity. His c [...]uelty was not behind his arrogance; he cauſed [...] of the moſt illuſtrious ſenators, and others, [...] put to death, upon the moſt trifling pretences. [...] [...]ius Lama was condemned and executed only [...] [...]ting, though there was neither novelty nor [...] [...]ney in his humour. Cocceanus was murder⯑ [...] [...] for celebrating the nativity of Otho. Pom⯑ [...] [...] ſhared the ſame fate, becauſe it was foretold [...] [...]troi [...]ger that he ſhould be emperor. Sa⯑ [...]s Luculius, his lieutenant in Britain, was de⯑ [...]e only for having given his name to a new ſort [...] of his own invention. Junius Ruſticus [...] publiſhing a book, in which he commended [254] Thraſea and Priſcus, two philoſophers, who oppoſed Veſpaſian's coming to throne.

Lucius Antonius, governor of Upper Germany, knowing how much the emperor was deteſted at home, reſolved upon ſtriking for the throne; and, accordingly, aſſumed the enſigns of imperial dignity. As he was at the head of a formidable army, his ſuc⯑ceſs remained a long time doubtful; but a ſudden overflowing of the Rhine, dividing his army, he was ſet upon at that juncture by Normandus, the empe⯑ror's general, and totally routed. The news of this victory, we are told, was brought to Rome, by ſu⯑pernatural means, on the ſame day that the battle was fought. Domitian's ſeverity was greatly encreaſ⯑ed by this ſhort-lived ſucceſs. In order to diſcover thoſe who were accomplices with the adverſe party, he invented new tortures; ſometimes cutting off the hands, at other times thruſting fire into the privities of thoſe whom [...]e ſuſpected of being his enemies. During his ſeverities, he aggravated his guilt by hy⯑pocriſy, never pronouncing ſentence without a preamble full of gentleneſs and mercy. The night before he crucified the comptroller of his houſhold, he treated him with the moſt ſeeming friendſhip, and ordered him a diſh of meat from his own table. He carried A [...]tinus Clemens with him in his own latter the [...] had concluded upon his death. He was par [...]ic [...]larly t [...]rrible to the ſenate and nobility; the whole [...] of whom he frequently threatened to [...]et [...]rp [...]e ent [...]ly At one time, he ſurrounded the ſenate- [...] with his troops, to the great conſterna⯑tion of the ſenators. At another, he reſolved to [...] uſe him ſelf with their terrors in a different man⯑ner. Having invited them to a public entertain⯑ment, he received them all very formally at the en⯑trance of his palace, and conducted them into a ſpa⯑ci [...]us ha [...], hung round with black, and illuminated by a few melancholy lamps, that diffuſed light only [255] ſufficient to ſhew the horrors of the place. All around were to be ſeen nothing but coffins, with the names of each of the ſenators written upon them, to⯑gether with other objects of terror, and inſtruments of execution. While the company beheld all theſe preparations with ſilent agony, ſeveral men, having their bodies blackened, each with a drawn ſword in one hand, and a flaming torch in the other, entered the hall, and danced round them. After ſome time, when the gueſts expected nothing leſs than the moſt inſtant death, well knowing Domitian's capricious cruelty, the doors were ſet open, and one of the ſer⯑vants came to inform them, that the emperor gave all the company leave to withdraw.

Theſe cruelties were rendered ſtill more odious by his luſt and avarice. Frequently, after preſiding at an execution, he would retire with the lewdeſt pro⯑ſtitutes, and uſe the ſame baths which they did. The laſt part of the tyrant's reign was more inſup⯑p [...]table than any of the preceding. Nero exerciſed [...] cruelties without being a ſpectator; but a prin⯑cipal part of the Roman miſeries, during his reign, was to ſee and be ſeen; to behold the ſtern air, and fr [...] viſage of the tyrant, which he had armed againſt [...] [...]hing by continued intemperance, directing the t [...]tures, and maliciouſly pleaſed with adding p [...]gnance to every agony.

But a period was ſoon to be put to this monſter's cruelties. Among the number of thoſe whom he at [...]e careſſed and ſuſpected, was his wife Domitia, w [...]m he had taken from Aelius Lama, her former [...]. It was the tyrant's method to put dnwn the names of all ſuch as he intended to deſtroy in [...] tablets, which he kept about him with great cir⯑cumſpection. Domitia, fortunately, happening to g [...]t [...] ſight of them, was ſtruck at finding her own name in the catalogue of thoſe fated to deſtruction. [256] She ſhewed the fatal liſt to Norbanus and Petronius, praefects of the praetorian bands, who found them⯑ſelves ſet down; as likewiſe to Stephanus, the com⯑ptroller of the houſhold, who came into the conſpiracy with alacrity. They fixed upon the eighteenth day of September, for the completion of their great at⯑tempt. Upon preparing to go to the bath on the morning of that day, Petronius, his chamberlain, came to inform him that Stephanus, the comptroller of the houſhold, deſired to ſpeak to him, upon an affair of the utmoſt importance. The emperor hav⯑ing given orders that his attendants ſhould retire, Stephanus entered with his hand in a ſcarf, which he had worn thus for ſome days, the better to conceal a dagger, as none were permitted to approach the emperor with arms. He began by giving information of a pretended conſpiracy, and exhibited a paper, in which the particulars were ſpecified. While Do⯑mitian was reading the contents, with an eager curio⯑ſity, Stephanus drew his dagger, and ſtruck him in the groin. The wound not being mortal, Domitian caught hold of the aſſaſſin, and threw him upon the ground, calling out for aſſiſtance. But Parthenius, with his freedman, a gladiator, and two ſubaltern officers, now coming in, they ran all furiouſly upon the emperor, and diſpatched him with ſeven wounds.

It is almoſt incredible what ſome writers relate concerning Appollonious Tyaneus, who was then at Ephenus. This perſon, whom ſome call a magici⯑an, and ſome a philoſopher, but who more probably was nothing more than an impoſtor, was, juſt at the minute in which Domitian was ſtain, lecturing in one of the public gardens of the city. But ſtopping ſhort, all of a ſudden he cried out, ‘Courage, Stephanus, ſtrike the tyrant.’ And then, after a pauſe, ‘Rejoice, my friends, the tyrant dies this [257] day; this day do I ſay! the very moment in which I kept ſilence he ſuffers for his crimes, he dies!’

Many more prodigies were ſaid to have portended his death, but the fate of ſuch a monſter ſeemed to produce more preternatural diſturbances, and more predictions than it deſerved. The truth ſeems to be, that a belief in omens and prodigies were again be⯑come prevalent; the people were again relapſing in⯑to priſtine barbarity: a country of ignorance is ever the proper ſoil for an harveſt of impoſture.

CHAP. XXIII. The five good Emperors of Rome. A.D. 96

WHEN it was publicly known that Domi⯑tian was ſlain, the ſenate began to load his me⯑mory with every reproach. His ſtatues were com⯑manded to be taken down; and a decree was made, that all his inſcriptions ſhould be eraſed, his name ſtruck out of the regiſters of Fame, and his funeral omitted. The people, who now took little part in the affairs of government, looked on his death with indifference; the ſoldiers alone, whom he had [...]aded with favours, and enriched by largeſſes, ſin⯑cerely regretted their benefactor.

The ſenate, therefore, reſolved to provide a ſuc⯑ceſſor before the army could have an opportunity of t [...]king the appointment upon themſelves; and Coc⯑ [...]ius Nerva was choſen to the empire the vary [...]y on watch the tyrant was ſlain. He was of an illuſtrious family, as moſt ſay, by birth a Spaniard, and above f [...]ty-five years old when he was called to the throne. He was, at that time, the moſt remarkable man in [258] Rome, for his virtues, moderation, and reſpect to the laws; and he owed his exaltation to the blameleſs conduct of his former life.

The people being long accuſtomed to tyranny, they regarded Nerva's gentle reign with rapture, and even gave his imbecility (for his humanity was car⯑ried too far for juſtice) the name of benevolence. Upon coming to the throne, he ſolemnly ſwore that no ſenator of Rome ſhould be put to death by his command, during his reign, though they gave never ſo juſt a cauſe. This oath he ſo religiouſly obſerved, that when two ſenators had conſpired his death, he uſed no kind of ſeverity againſt them; but ſending for them, to let them ſee he was not ignorant of their deſigns, he carried them with him to the public theatre: there preſenting each a dagger, he deſired them to ſtrike, as he was determined not to ward off the blow.

During his ſhort reign he made ſeveral good laws. He particularly prohibited the caſtration of male children; which had been likewiſe condemned by his predeceſſor, but not wholly removed. He put all thoſe ſlaves to death, who had, during the laſt reign, informed againſt their maſters. He permitted no ſtatues to be erected in his honour, and converted ſuch of Domitian's as had been ſpared by the ſenate, into money. He ſold many rich robes, and much of the ſplendid furniture of the palace, and retrench⯑ed ſeveral unreaſonable expences at court. At the ſame time, he had ſo little regard for money, that when one of his ſubjects found a large treaſure, and wrote to the emperor, how to diſpoſe of it, he receiv⯑ed for anſwer, that he might uſe it; but the finder ſtill informing the emperor that it was a fortune too large for a private perſon, Nerva, admiring his honeſty, wrote him word, that then he might abuſe it.

[259]A life of ſuch generoſity and mildneſs, was not, however, without its enemies; Vigilius Rufus, who had oppoſed him, was not only pardoned, but made his colleague in the conſulſhip Calpurnius Craſſus alſo, with ſome others, formed a conſpiracy to de⯑ſtroy him; but he reſted ſatisfied with baniſhing thoſe who were culpable, though the ſenate were for inflicting more rigorous puniſhments. But the moſt dangerous inſurrection againſt his intereſts, was from the praetorian bands, who, headed by Caſparius Olianus, inſiſted upon revenging the late emperor's death, whoſe memory was ſtill dear to them, from his frequent liberalities. Nerva, whoſe kindneſs to good men rendered him more obnoxious to the vi⯑cious, did all in his power to ſtop the progreſs of this inſurrection; he preſented himſelf to the mutinous ſoldiers, and opening his boſom, deſired them to ſtrike there, rather than be guility of ſo ſuch injuſtice. The ſoldiers, however, paid no regard to his remon⯑ſtrances, but ſeizing upon Petronius and Parthe⯑nius, ſlew them in the moſt ignominious manner. Not content with this, they even compelled the em⯑peror to approve of their ſedition, and to make a ſpeech to the people, in which he thanked the cohorts for their fidelity.

So diſagreeable a conſtraint upon the emperor's inclinations, was, in the end, attended with the [...] happy effects, as it cauſed the adoption of Tr [...]ian to ſucceed him. For perceiving that i [...] the preſent turbulent diſpoſition of the times, he ſtood in need of an aſſiſtant in the empire, [...]ing aſide all his own relations, he fixed upon Ulpius Trajan, an utter ſtranger to his family, who was then governor in Upper Germany, as his ſuc⯑c [...]ſſor. And in about three months after, having not himſelf into a violent paſſion with one Regulus, [...] ſenator, he was ſeized with a fever, of which he [260] died, after a ſhort reign of one year, four months, and nine days.

He was the firſt foreign emperor who reigned in Rome, and juſtly reputed a prince of great genero⯑ſity and moderation. He is alſo celebrated for his wiſdom, though with leſs reaſon, the greateſt in⯑ſtance he gave of it during his reign, being the choice of his ſucceſſor.

U.C. 851 A.D. 98 Trajan's family was originally from Italy, but he himſelf was born at Seville, in Spain. Upon being informed of the death of Nerva, he prepared to return to Rome, from Germany, where he was governor: and one of the firſt lectures he received, upon his arrival, was from Plutarch, the philoſopher, who had the honour of being his maſter, and is ſaid to have written him a letter, to the following purpoſe: ‘Since your me⯑rits, and not your importunities, have advanced you to the empire, permit me to congratulate your virtues, and my own good fortune. If your future government proves anſwerable to your for⯑mer worth, I ſhall be happy. But if you become worſe for power, yours will be the danger, and mine the ignominy of your conduct. The errors of the pupil will be charged upon his inſtructor. Seneca is reproached for the enormities of Nero; and Socrates and Quintillian have not eſcaped cenſure for the miſconduct of their reſpective ſcholars. But you have it in your power to make me the moſt honoured of men, by continuing what you are. Continue the command of your paſſions; and make virtue the ſcope of all your actions. If you follow theſe inſtructions, then will I glory in my having preſumed to give them; if you neglect what I offer, then will this letter be my teſtimony that you have not erred through the council and authority of Plutarch.’ I have inſert⯑ed [261] this letter, whether genuine or not, becauſe it ſeems to me well written; and a ſtriking picture of this greateſt philoſopher's manner of addreſſing that beſt of princes.

This good monarch's application to buſineſs, his moderation to his enemies, his modeſty in exaltation, his liberality to the deſerving, and his frugality in his own expences, have all been the ſubject of panegyric among his cotemporaries; and they continue to be the admiration of poſterity.

Upon giving the prefect of the praetorian bands the ſword, according to cuſtom, he made uſe of this remarkable expreſſion: ‘Take this ſword, and uſe it: if I have merit, for me; if otherwiſe, againſt me’ After which, he added, that he who gave laws was firſt who was bound to obſerve them.

The firſt war he was engaged in after his coming to the throne, was with the Dacians, who, during the reign of Domitian, had committed numberleſs ravages upon the provinces of the empire. He there⯑fore raiſed a powerful army, and with great expedi⯑tion marched into thoſe barbarous countries, where he was vigorouſly oppoſed by Decebalus, the Dacian king, who, for a long time, withſtood his boldeſt efforts. At length, however, this monarch being cnſtrained to come to a general battle, and no longer able to protract the war, he was routed with great ſlaugther; though not without great loſs to the con⯑queror. The Roman ſoldiers, upon this occaſion, wanting linen to bind up their wounds, the empe⯑ror tore his own robes to ſupply them. This victory compelled the enemy to ſue for peace, which they obtained upon very diſadvantageous terms; their king coming into the Roman camp, and acknowledging himſelf a vaſſal of the Roman empire.

[262]Upon Trajan's return, after the uſual triumphs and rejoicings upon ſuch an occaſion were over, he was ſurpriſed with an account, that the Dacians had renewed hoſtilities. Decebalus, their king, was now, therefore, a ſecond time, adjudged an enemy to the Roman ſtate, and Trajan invaded his domi⯑nions with an army equal to that with which he had be⯑fore ſubdued him. But Decebalus, now grown more cautious by his former defeat, uſed every art to avoid coming to an engagement. He alſo put various ſtra⯑tagems in practice, to diſtreſs the enemy; and, at one time, Trajan himſelf was in danger of being ſlain or taken. He alſo took Longinus, one of the Roman generals, priſoner, and threatened to kill him, in caſe Trajan refuſed granting him terms of peace. But the emperor replied, that peace and war had not their dependence upon the ſafety of one ſub⯑ject only; wherefore Longinus, ſome time after, de⯑ſtroyed himſelf by a voluntary death. The ſate of this general ſeemed to give new vigour to Trajan's ope⯑rations. In order to be better enabled to invade the enemy's territories at pleaſure, he undertook a moſt ſtupendous work, which was no leſs than building a bridge acroſs the Danube. This amazing ſtructure, which was built over a deep, broad, and rapid river, conſiſted of more than twenty-two arches, an hun⯑dred and fifty feet high, and an hundred and ſeventy broad: the ruins of this ſtructure, which remain to this day, ſhew modern architects how far they were ſurpaſſed by the ancients, both in the greatneſs and the boldneſs of their deſigns. Upon finiſhing this work. Trajan continued the war with great vigour, ſharing with the meaneſt of his ſoldiers the fatigues of the campaign, and continually encouraging them to their duty by his own example. By theſe means, notwithſtanding the country was ſpacious and un⯑cultivated, and the inhabitants brave and hardy, he [263] ſubdued the whole, and added the kingdom of Da⯑cia, as a province to the Roman empire. Deceba⯑lus made ſome attempts to eſcape, but being ſur⯑rounded on every ſide, he at laſt ſlew himſelf, and h [...]s head was ſent immediately to Rome, to certify his misfortune there. Theſe ſucceſſes ſeemed to ad⯑vance the empire to a greater degree of ſplendour, that it had hitherto acquired. Ambaſſadors were [...]n to come from the interior parts of India, to con⯑ [...]tu [...]ate Trajan's ſucceſs, and beſpeak his friendſhip. At his return to Rome, he entered the city in tri⯑ [...]ph; and the rejoicings for his victories laſted for [...]e ſpace of an hundred and twenty days.

Having given peace and proſperity to the empire, he continued his reign, loved, honoured, and almoſt [...]ted, by his ſubjects. He adorned the city with pr [...] buildings; he freed it from ſuch men as lived at their vices, he entertained perſons of merit with t [...]e utmoſt familiarity; and ſo little feared his ene⯑mies, that he could ſcarcely be induced to ſuppoſe he [...] any.

It had been happy for this great prince's memory, if he had ſhewn equal clemency to all his ſubjects; but, about the ninth year of his reign, he was perſuad⯑ed to look upon the Chriſtians with a ſuſ⯑p [...]s eye; U.C. 860 A.D. 107 and great numbers of them were put to death, as well by popular tumults as by edicts and judicial proceedings. How⯑ever, the perſecution ceaſed after ſome time; for [...] emperor having advice from Pliny, the pro-con⯑ſul in Bithynia, of the innocence and ſimplicity of [...]e Chriſtians, and of their inoffenſive and moral way of living, he ſuſpended their puniſhments.

During this emperor's reign, there was a dreadful inſurrection of the Jews in all parts of the empire. Th [...] wretched people, ſtill infatuated, and ever ex⯑pecting ſome ſignal deliverance, took the advantage [...]f Trajan's abſence in the Eaſt, in an expedition he [264] had undertaken againſt the Armenians and Parthians, to maſſacre all the Greeks, and Romans, which they got into their power, without reluctance or mercy. This rebellion firſt began in Cyrene, a Roman pro⯑vince in Africa; from thence the flame extended to Egypt, and next to the iſland of Cyprus. Theſe places, they, in a manner diſpeopled with ungovern⯑able fury Their barbarities were ſuch, that they eat the fleſh of their enemies, wore their ſkins, ſaw⯑ed them aſunder, caſt them to wild beaſts, made them kill each other, and ſtudied new torments by which to deſtroy them. However, theſe cruelties were of no long duration; the governors of the re⯑ſpective provinces making head againſt their tumul⯑tuous fury, ſoon treated them with a retaliation of cruelty, and put them to death, not as human be⯑ings, but as outrageous peſts to ſociety. As the Jews had practiſed their cruelties in Cyprus par⯑ticularly, a law was publicly enacted, by which it was made capital for any Jew to ſet foot on the iſland.

During theſe bloody tranſactions, Trajan was pro⯑ſecuting his ſucceſſes in the Eaſt, where he carried the Roman arms farther than they had ever been before: but reſolving to return once more to Rome, he found himſelf too weak to proceed in his uſual manner. He therefore ordered himſelf to be carried on ſhipboard, to the city of Salcucia, where he died of the apoplexy, A.D. 117 having been at⯑tacked by that diſorder once before, in the ſixty-third year of his age, after a reign of nine⯑teen years, ſix months, and fifteen days.

Adrian, who was nephew to Trajan, was adopted to ſucceed in the empire, and elected by all orders of the ſtate, though abſent from Rome, being then at Antioch, as general of the forces in the Eaſt.

Upon his election, he began to purſue a courſe quite oppoſite to that of his predeceſſor, taking every [265] method of declining war, and promoting the arts of peace. He was quite ſatisfied with preſerving the ancient limits of the empire, and ſeemed no way ambitious of extenſive conqueſt.

Adrian was one of the moſt remarkable of the Ro⯑man emperors for the variety of his endowments. He was highly ſkilful in all the accompliſhments both of body and mind. He compoſed with great beauty, both in proſe and verſe; he pleaded at the bar, and was one of the beſt orators of his time. Nor were his moral virtues leſs than his ac⯑compliſhments. His moderation and clemency ap⯑peared by pardoning the injuries which he had re⯑ceived when he was yet but a private man. One day meeting a perſon who had formerly been his moſt in⯑veterate enemy, "My good friend," cried he, "you have eſcaped, for I am made emperor." He was affable to his friends, and gentle to perſons of meaner ſtations; he relieved their wants, and viſited them in ſickneſs; it being his conſtant maxim, that he was an emperor not elected for his own good, but for the benefit of mankind.

Theſe were his virtues, which were contraſted by a ſtrange mixture of vices; or, to ſay the truth, he wanted ſtrength of mind to preſerve his general rec⯑titude of character without deviation.

He was ſcarce ſettled on the throne, when ſeveral of the northern barbarians, the Alani, the Sarma⯑ [...]s, and the Dacians, began to make devaſtations o [...] the empire. Theſe hardy nations, who now [...]und the way to conquer, by iſſuing from their fo⯑ [...]ts, and then retiring upon the approach of a ſu⯑perior force oppoſing them, began to be truly for⯑midable to Rome. Adrian had thoughts of contract⯑ing the limits of the empire, by giving up ſome of the moſt remote and leaſt defenſible provinces; but in this he was over-ruled by his friends, who wrongly imagined that an extenſive frontier would intimidate [266] an invading enemy. But though he complied with their remonſtrances, he broke down the bridge over the Danube, which his predeceſſor had built, ſen⯑ſible that the ſame paſſage which was open to him; was equally convenient to the incurſions of his bar⯑barous neighbours.

Having ſtayed a ſhort time at Rome, ſo as to ſee that all things were regulated and eſtabliſhed for the ſafety of the public, he prepared to viſit and take a view of his whole empire. It was one of his maxims, that an emperor ought to imitate the ſun, which diffuſes warmth and vigour over all parts of the earth. He therefore took with him a ſplendid court, and a conſiderable force, and entered the province of Gaul, where he numbered all the inhabitants. From Gaul he went into Germany, from thence to Holland, and then paſſed over into Britain. There reforming many abuſes, and reconciling the natives to the Ro⯑mans; for the better ſecurity of the ſouthern parts of the kingdom, he built a wall of wood and earth, ex⯑tending from the river Eden in Cumberland, to the Tyne in Northumberland, to prevent the incurſions of the Picts, and the other barbarous nations to the north. From Britain, returning through Gaul, he directed his journey to Spain, where he was received with great joy, as being a native of that country. There, wintering in the city of Tarragona, he call⯑ed a meeting of the deputies from all the provinces, and ordained many things for the benefit of the na⯑tion. From Spain, returning to Rome, he continu⯑ed there for ſome time, in order to prepare for his journey into the eaſt, which was haſtened by a new invaſion of the Parthians. His approach compelling the enemy to peace, he purſued his travels without moleſtation. Arriving in Aſia Minor, he turned out of his way to viſit the famous city of Athens. There making a conſiderable ſtay, he was initiated into the Eleuſinian myſteries, which were account⯑ed [267] the moſt ſacred in the pagan mythology; and took upon him the office of archon, or chief magiſtrate of [...] place. In this place alſo, he remitted the ſeve⯑ri [...]y of the Chriſtian perſecution, at the repreſentation [...] Granianus, the pro-conſul of Aſia, who repre⯑ſ [...]ted the people of that perſuaſion as no way culp⯑ [...]. He was even ſo far reconciled to them, as to think of receiving Chriſt among the number of the [...]s. After a winter's continuance at Athens, he went over into Sicily: and viſited Aetna, and the other curioſities of the place. Returning from thence once more to Rome, after a ſhort ſtay, he prepared ſ [...]ips, and croſſed over into Africa. There he ſpent much time in regulating abuſes, and reforming the government; in deciding controverſies, and erecting magnificent buildings. Among the reſt, he ordered Carthage to be rebuilt; calling it, after his own name, Adrianople. Again returning to Rome, where he ſtayed but a very little time, he travelled a ſecond time into Greece; paſſed over into Aſia Mi⯑nor; from thence went into Syria, gave laws and inſtructions to all the neighbouring kings, whom he [...]ited to come and conſult with him; he then en⯑t [...]ed Paleſtine, Arabia, and Egypt, where he cauſ⯑ [...] Pompey's tomb, that had been long neglected, [...] almoſt covered with ſand, to be renewed and [...]tified. He alſo gave orders for the rebuilding [...] [...]ruſalem; which was performed with great ex⯑p [...]ion, by the aſſiſtance of the Jews, who now be⯑ [...] to conceive hopes of being reſtored to their long [...] kingdom. But theſe expectations only ſerved to [...]gg [...]vate their calamities; for being incenſed at the p [...]ileges which were granted the pagan worſhip⯑ [...]s in their new city, they fell upon the Romans [...] Chriſtians that were diſperſed throughout Judea, [...] unmercifully put them all to the ſword. Adrian [...] at Athens when this dangerous inſurrection be⯑g [...]; wherefore, ſending a powerful body of men, un⯑der [268] the command of Julius Severus, againſt them, this general obtained many ſignal, though bloody victories, over the inſurgents. The war was con⯑cluded in two years, by the demolition of above a thouſand of their beſt towns; and the deſtruction of near ſix hundred thouſand men in battle

He then baniſhed all thoſe who remained, out of Judea: and, by a public decree, forbade any to come within view of their native ſoil. This inſur⯑rection was ſoon after followed by a dangerous irrup⯑tion of the barbarous nations to the northward of the empire; who entering Media with great fury, and paſſing through Armenia, carried their devaſtations as far as Cappadocia. Adrian preferring peace, up⯑on any terms, to an unprofitable war, bought them off by large ſums of money; ſo that they returned peaceably into their native wilds, to enjoy their plun⯑der, and meditate freſh invaſions.

Having ſpent thirteen years in travelling through his dominions, and reforming the abuſes of the em⯑pire, he at laſt reſolved to return and end all his fati [...]ues at Rome Nothing could be more grateful to the people than his reſolution of coming to re⯑ſide, for the reſt of his days, among them: they received him with the [...]ude [...]t demonſt [...]ations of joy; an [...], though he n [...]w began to grow old and un⯑weildly [...]e remitted not the leaſt of his former aſſi⯑duity and application to the [...]ublic welfare. His [...] [...]uſement w [...]s in converſing with the moſt [...] men in every [...]rt and ſcience, frequently b [...]ſting▪ that he thought no kind of knowledge in⯑conſi [...]e or t [...] be neglected, either in his private o [...] publi [...] [...]. Adrian was ſo f [...]nd of literary fame, that [...] [...]re t [...]d he wrote his own life, and afte [...] [...] it to his ſervants to publiſh under the [...]. [...]t whatever might have been his [...] at univerſal reputation, he was in no part of his reign remiſs, in attending the [269] duties of his exalted ſtation. He ordered the knights and ſenators never to appear in public, but in the pr [...]per habits of their orders. He forbade maſters to k [...]ll their ſlaves, as had been before allowed; but or⯑ [...]ned that they ſhould be tried by the laws enacted againſt capital offences. A law ſo juſt, had he done [...]othing more, deſerved to have enſured his reputa⯑t [...]n with poſterity, and to have made him dear to [...]kind. He ſtill further extended the lenity of the [...]ws to thoſe unhappy men, who had been long [...]ught too mean for juſtice: if a maſter was found k [...]led in his h [...]uſe, he would not allow all his [...] to be put to the torture, as formerly, but [...]ly ſuch as might have perceived or prevented the murder.

In ſuch employments he conſumed the greateſt part of his time; but, at laſt, finding the duties of his ſtation daily encreaſing, and his own ſtrength prop [...]rtionally upon the decline, he reſolved upon adopting a ſucceſſor. Marcus Antoninus, afterwards ſurnamed the Pious, was the perſon he pitched up⯑on; but previouſly obliged him to adopt two others, namely, Marcus Aurelius, and Lucius Verus, all of whom afterwards ſucceeded in the empire.

While he was thus careful in appointing a ſucceſ⯑ [...] his bodily infirmities became ſo inſupportable, [...] vehemently deſired ſome of his attendants [...] diſpatch him. Antoninus, however, would [...] permit any of his domeſtics, to be guilty [...] [...]t an impiety, but uſed all the arts in his [...] to reconcile the emperor to ſuſtain life. His [...] increaſing every day, he was frequently heard [...], "How miſerable a thing it is to ſeek [...], and not to find it!" In this deplorable exi⯑ [...] [...] he reſolved on going to B [...]iae, where the [...] of his diſeaſe encreaſing, they affected his [...]erſtanding. Continuing, for ſome time, in thoſe [...]lating circumſtances, he was at laſt reſolved to [268] [...] [269] [...] [270] obſerve no regimen, often ſaying, that kings died merely by the multitude of their phyſicians. This conduct ſerved to haſten that death he ſeemed ſo ardently to deſire; and it was probably joy upon its approach which dictated the celebrated ſtanzas which are ſo well known, and in repeating which he expired, in the ſixty-ſecond year of his age, after a proſperous reign of twenty-one years, and eleven mon [...]hs.

U.C. 801 A.D. 880 Titus Antoninus, his ſucceſſor, was born in the city of Niſmes, in Gaul. His father was a nobleman of an ancient family, that had enjoyed the higheſt honours of the ſtate. At the time of his ſucceeding to the throne, he was above fifty years old, and had paſſed through many of the moſt important offices of the ſtate with great integrity and application. His virtues in pri⯑vate life were no way impaired by exaltation, as he ſhewed himſelf one of the moſt excellent princes for juſtice, clemency, and moderation. His morals were ſo pure, that he was uſually compared to Numa, and was ſurnamed the Pious, both for his tenderneſs to his predeceſſor Adrian, when dy⯑ing, and his particular attachment to the religion of his country.

He was an eminent rewarder of learned men, to whom he gave large penſions and great hon [...]urs, d [...]awing them from all parts of the world. Among the reſt, he ſent for Apollonius, the famous [...]ic p [...]iloſopher, to intereſt his adopted ſon, Marcus Aurelius, whom he had previouſly married to his daughter. Apollonius being arrived at Rome, the empero [...] deſired his attendance: but the other arro⯑gantly anſwered, that it was the ſcholar's duty to wait upon the maſter, and not the maſter's upon the ſcholar. To this reply, Antoninus only returned with a ſmile, ‘That it was ſurpriſing how Apollo⯑nius, who made no difficulty of coming from [271] Greece to Rome, ſhould think it ſo hard to walk from one part of Rome to another;’ and imme⯑diately ſent Marcus Aurelius to him. While the good emperor was thus employed, in making man⯑kind happy, in directing their conduct by his own example, or reproving their follies with the keenneſs of rebuke, he was ſeized with a violent ſever at Lo⯑ [...]am, a pleaſure-houſe at ſome diſtance from Rome; where, finding himſelf ſenſibly decaying, he order⯑e [...] his friends and principal officers to attend him. In t [...]eir preſence, he confirmed the adoption of Marcus Aurelius, without once naming Lucius Verus, who had been joined by Adrian with him in the ſucceſ⯑ſion; then commanding the golden ſtatue of Fortune, which was always in the chamber of the em⯑peror, to be removed to that of his ſucceſſor, he op [...]d, in the ſeventy-fifth year of his age, after a pr [...]ſperous reign of twenty two years, and almoſt eight months.

Marcus Aurelius, though left ſole ſucceſſor to the throne, U.C. 914 A.D. 161 took Lucius Ve⯑nus as his aſſociate and equal, in govern⯑ing the ſtate. Aurelius was the ſon of Annius Verus, of an ancient and illuſtrious family, which claimed its original from Numa. Lucius Verus was the ſon of Commodus, who had been adopted to Adrian, but died before he ſucceeded to the t [...]rone. Aurelius was as remarkable for his virtues and accompliſhments, as his partner in the empire was, for his ungovernable paſſions and debauched [...]. The one was an example of the greateſt g [...]neſs and wiſdom; the other, of ignorance, ſloth, [...] [...]xtravagance.

[...] two emperors had been ſcarce ſettled on the [...], when the empire ſeemed attacked on every [...], from the barbarous nations by which it was ſur⯑ [...]ed. The Catti invaded Germany and Rhaetia, [...] all with ſire and ſword; but were, after [272] ſome time, repelled by Victorinus. The Britains, likewiſe revolted, but were re [...]reſſed by Califurnius. But the Pa [...]thians, under their king Vologeſus, made an irruption ſtill more dreadful than either of the former; deſtroying the Roman legions in Armenia; then entering Syria, and driving out the Roman go⯑vernor, and filling the whole country with terror and confuſion. In order to ſtop the progreſs of this barbarous irruption, Verus himſelf went in perſon, being accompanied by Aurelius part of the way.

Verus, upon entering Antioch, give an indulgence to every appetite, without attending to the fatigues of war, rioting in exceſſes unknown, even to the voluptuous Greeks; leaving all the glory of the field to his lieutenants, who were ſent to repreſs the ene⯑my. Theſe, however, ſought with great ſucceſs; Statius Priſcus took Artazata; Martius put Vologeſus to flight, took Seleucia, plundered and burnt Baby⯑lon and Cteſiphon, and demoliſhed the magnificent palace of the kings of Parthia. In a courſe of four years, during which the war continued, the Romans entered far into the Parthian country, and entirely ſubdued it; but upon their return, their army was waſted to leſs than half its former number by peſti⯑lence and famine. However, this was no impedi⯑ment to the vanity of Verus, who reſolved to enjoy the honours of a triumph, ſo hardly earned by others Wherefore, having appointed a king over the Armenians, and finding the Parthians entirely ſubdued, he aſſumed the titles of Armonious and P [...]rthicus: and then returned to Rome, to partake of [...] triumph with Aurelius, which was accordingly ſolem [...]zed wi [...]h great pomp and ſplendor.

During the courſe of this expedition, which con⯑tinued [...] ſ [...]me years, Aurelius was ſedulouſly in⯑tent upon diſtributing juſtice and happineſs to his ſubjects at home. He firſt applied himſelf to the re⯑gulation [273] of public affairs, and to the correcting ſuch faults as he found in the laws and policy of the ſtate. In this endeavour, he ſhewed a ſingular reſpect for the ſenate, often permitting them to determine with⯑out appeal; ſo that the commonwealth ſeemed in a manner once mere revived under his equitable ad⯑miniſtration. Beſides, ſuch was his application to buſineſs, that he often employed ten days together up [...]n the ſame ſubject, maturely conſidering it on [...] ſides, and ſeldom departing from the ſenate-houſe [...] right coming on, the aſſembly was diſmiſſed by the conſul. But while thus gloriouſly occupied, [...] was daily mortified with accounts of the enormi⯑ [...] o [...] his colleague; being repeatedly aſſured of his [...]ity, lewdneſs, and extravagance. However, [...] himſelf ignorant of theſe exceſſes, he judg⯑ [...] [...]r [...]i [...]ge to be the beſt method of reclaiming him; and therefore ſent him his daughter Lucilla, a wo⯑ [...] of great beauty, whom Verus married at An⯑ [...]. But even this was found ineffectual: Lucilia [...] diſpoſition very unlike her father: and, [...] of c [...]eſ [...]ing her huſband's extravagancies, [...] c [...]ntributed [...]o in [...]lame them. Yet Au [...]cilus ſtill [...], that, upon the return of Verus to Rome, his [...] would [...] him in a [...]e, and that happineſs [...] at length, be reſtored to the ſtate. But [...] alſo he was diſappointed. His return [...] i [...]f [...]tal to the empire; for his army carried [...] plague from Parthia, and diſleminated [...] into all the provinces through which it [...].

[...] thing could exceed the miſerable ſtate of the [...] [...]rtly after the return of Verus. In this [...] [...]ture was repreſented an emperor, unawed [...] [...]ple, or the calamities ſurrounding him, giv⯑ [...] [...] to unheard of debaucheries. A raging peſti⯑ [...] ſpreading terror and deſolation through all [274] parts of the weſtern world; earthquakes, famines, and inundations, ſuch as had never before happened; the products of the earth, throughout all Italy, de⯑voured by locuſts; all the barbarous nations ſur⯑rounding the empire, the Germans, the Sarmatians, the Quadi, and Marcomanni, taking advantage of its various calamities, and making their irruptions even into Italy itſelf. The prieſts doing all they could to put a ſtop to the miſeries of the ſtate, by attempting to appeaſe the gods; vowing and offering numberleſs ſacrifices; celebrating all the ſacred rites that had ever been known in Rome; and exhibiting the ſolemnity called Lectiſternia, ſeven days together. To crown the whole, theſe enthuſiaſts, not ſatisfied with the impending calamities, making new, by aſcribing the diſtreſſes of the ſtate to the impieties of the Chriſtians alone, ſo that a violent perſecution was ſeen reigning in all parts of the empire; in which Juſtin Martyr, St. Polycarp, biſhop of Smyrna, and an infinite number of others, ſuffered martyrdom.

In this ſcene of univerſal tumult, deſolation and diſtreſs, there was nothing leſt but the virtues and the wiſdom of one man alone to reſtore tranquility, and bring back happineſs to the empire. Aurelius began his endeavours by marching againſt the Mar⯑comanni and Quadi, taking Verus with him, who reluctantly leſt the ſenſual delights of Rome for the fatigues of a camp. They came up with the Mar⯑commanni near the city of Aquileia, and, after a furi⯑ous engagement, routed their whole army: then pur⯑ſuing them acroſs the Alps, overcame them in ſe⯑veral conteſts, and, at laſt, entirely defeating them, returned into Italy without any conſi⯑derable leſs. U.C. 922 A.D. 169 As the winter was for ad⯑vanced. Verus was determined upon go⯑ing from Aquileia to Rome, in which journey he was [275] ſeized with an apoplexy which put an end to his life, being thirty-nine years old, having reigned in con⯑junction with Aurelius nine.

Aurelius, who had hitherto ſuſtained the fatigues of governing not only an empire, but his colleague, being left to himſelf, began to act with greater dili⯑gence, and more vigour than ever.

After having ſubdued the Marcommani, a bar⯑barous people that had made inroads upon the em⯑pire, he returned to Rome, where he began his uſual endeavours to benefit mankind by a farther reforma⯑tion of the internal policy of the ſtate.

But his good endeavours were ſoon interrupted by a renewal of the former wars. In one of the en⯑g [...]gements of which he is ſaid to have been miracu⯑l [...]ly relieved when his army was periſhing with thirſt, by the prayers of a chriſtian legion which had been levied in his ſervice. For, at that dreadful p [...]ture, and juſt as the barbarians were ready to [...] upon them, we are aſſured, there f [...]ll ſuch a [...] [...]ver of rain, as inſtantly refreſhed the fainting [...]. The ſoldiers were ſeen holding their mouths af [...] their helmets up to Heaven, and receiving the water which came ſo wonderfully to their relief. The [...] clouds alſo which ſerved for their reſcue, at the ſ [...]e time diſcharged ſuch a terrible ſtorm of hail, [...]mpanied with thunder, againſt the enemy, as [...]iſhed and confounded them. By this un [...]o [...], the Romans recovering ſtrength and con⯑ [...], once more turned upon their pu [...], and out th [...] in pieces.

[...] are the circumſtances of an engagement, ac⯑ [...]ledged by pagan, a [...] wild as chriſti [...]n writers, [...] with this difference, that the [...] aſcribe [...] to their own, the former to the prayers of t [...] emperor. However this be, Aurelius ſeemed [...]ſible of miraculous aſſiſtance, that be imm [...] ⯑ [...] relaxed the perſecution againſt the Chriſtians, [276] and wrote to the ſenate in favour of their reli⯑gion.

This good emperor having at a time detected one Avidius in a conſpiracy againſt him, and ge⯑nerouſly granting him his pardon, ſome who were near his perſon, took the liberty to blame his con⯑duct, telling him, that Avidius would not have been ſo generous, had he been conqueror: to this, the emperor replied in this ſublime manner, ‘I never ſerved the g [...]ds ſo ill, or reigned ſo irregularly, as to fear Avidius could ever be con⯑queror.’

He uſually called Phil [...]ſ [...]phy his mother, in op⯑p [...]ſition to the Court, which he conſidered as his ſtep-mother. He [...]ſo was frequently heard to ſ [...], ‘that the people were happy whoſe philoſo⯑ph [...]'s were kin [...]s, or whoſe kings were philo⯑ſophers.’ He in fact, was one of the moſt con⯑ſiderable men then in bring; and though he had been born in the meaneſt ſtation, his merits, as a [...]riter, as his we [...] r [...]main to this day, would have in [...]ed him imm [...]t [...]ty.

Having [...] pr [...]ſperity to his ſubjects, and [...] to mankind, [...] brought him, that the [...] us of the North, were [...] in [...], and [...] the empire. He once [...], to expoſe his aged perſon [...] and made ſpeedy pre⯑ [...] [...] the [...]vent to the ſenate, [...] to have money out of t [...]e public [...]. He [...] ſpent three whole [...], by which they [...] having finiſhed his l [...]t [...]res, [...], amidſt the [...] his ſubjects. It was [...] to open his third campaign, that he was [...] Vi [...]i [...], which ſtopped the progreſs of [...], however, could [277] abate his deſire of being beneficial to mankind; his [...] for the youth and unpromiſing diſpoſition of Commodus, his ſon and ſucceſſor, ſeemed to give him great uneaſineſs; wherefore, he addreſſed his friends and the principal officers that were gathered round his bed; telling them, that as his ſon was now going to loſe a father, he hoped he ſhould find many [...]ers in them. As he was thus ſpeaking, he was ſ [...]t [...]d with a weakneſs which ſtopped his utterance, and which brought him to his end the day following. He died in the fifty-ninth year of his age, having reigned nineteen years and ſome days; and it ſeemed as if the whole glory and proſperity of the Roman empire died with this greateſt of the Roman em⯑perors.

CHAP. XXIV. From Commodus to the transferring the ſeat of the empire under Conſtantine from Rome to By⯑ [...]ntium. U.C. 933 A.D. 180

THE merits of Aurelius procured Commodus an eaſy acceſſion to the throne. He was acknowledged emperor, firſt by the army, then by the ſenate and p [...]ple, and ſhortly after by all the provinces.

His whole reign is but a tiſſue of wantonneſs and [...], cruelty and injuſtice, rapacity and corrup⯑tion. There i [...] ſo ſtrong a ſimi [...]itu [...]e between his [...]duct, and that of Domition, that a reader [...] be apt to imagine he was going ever the ſame [...].

He went with his aſſociate to taverns and brothels; ſpent the day in feaſting, and the night in the moſt [...]minable luxuries, having no leſs than three hun⯑ [...]ed females, and as many males, for deteſtable pur⯑poſes. He committed inceſt, as Caligula did, with [278] all his ſiſters. He ſometimes went about the mar⯑kets in a frolic, with ſmall wares, as a petty chap⯑man; ſometimes he imitated a horſe-courſer; and, at other times, drove his own chariot in a ſlave's ha⯑bit; while thoſe he chiefly promoted reſembled him⯑ſelf, being the companions of his pleaſures, or the miniſters of his cruelty.

If any perſon deſired to be revenged on an enemy, by bargaining with Commodus for a ſum of money, he was permitted to deſtroy him in ſuch manner as he thought proper. He com⯑manded a perſon to be caſt to the wild beaſts, for reading the life of Caligula in Suetonius. He or⯑dered another to be thrown in a burning furnace, for accidentally over-heating his bath. He would ſome⯑times, when he was in a good humour, cut off men's noſes, under a pretence of ſhaving their beards; and yet he was himſelf ſo jealous of all mankind, that he was obliged to be his own barber.

At length, upon the feaſt of Janus, reſolving to fence naked before the people, as a common gladia⯑tor, three of his friends remonſtrated to him upon the indecency of ſuch a behaviour. Theſe were Laetius, his general, Electus, his chamberlain, and Marcia, a concubine, of whom he always appeared exceſſively fond. Their advice was attended with no other of act, than that of incoming him againſt them, and inciting him to reſolve upon their deſtruction. It was his method, like that of Domitian, to ſet down the name of all ſuch as he intended to put to death, in a roll, which he carefully kept by him. However, at this time, happening to lay the roll on his bed, while he was bathing in another room, it was taken up by a little boy, whom he paſſionately loved. The child after playing with it for ſome time, brought it to Marcia, who was inſtantly alarmed at the contents. She immediately diſcovered her ter⯑rors to Laetus and Electus, who perceiving their dan⯑gerous [279] ſituation, inſtantly reſolved the tyrant's death. After ſome deliberation, it was agreed upon to diſ⯑patch him by poiſon; but this not ſucceeding, Marcia haſtily introduced a young man, called Narciſſus, and prevailed upon him to aſſiſt in ſtrangling the tyrant. Commodus died in the thirty firſt year of his age, after an impious reign of twelve years and nine months.

The ſecrecy and expedition with which Commodus was aſſaſſinated were ſuch, that few were at that time, U.C. 945 A.D. 192 ac⯑quainted with the real circumſtances of his death. His body was wrapped up as a bale of uſeleſs furni⯑ture, and carried through the guards, moſt of whom were either drunk or aſleep.

Previous to the aſſaſſination, the conſpirators had fixed upon a ſucceſſor. Helvius Pertinax, whoſe virtues and courage rendered him worthy of the moſt exalted ſtation, and who had paſſed through many changes of fortune, was fixed upon to ſucceed him; when, therefore, the conſpirators repaired to his houſe to ſalute him emperor, he conſidered their arrival as a command from the emperor Commodus for his death. Upon Laetus entering his apartment, Pertinax, without any ſhew of fear, cried out, that for many days he had expected to end his life in that manner, wondering that the emperor had deferred it to long. However, he was not a little ſurpriſed when informed of the real cauſe of their viſit; and being ſtrongly urged to accept of the empire, he, at laſt, complied with their offer.

Bring carried to the camp, Pertinax was pro⯑claimed emperor, and ſoon after the citizens and ſenate conſented; their joy at the election of their n [...]w ſovereign being ſcarce equal to that for the death of their tyrant. They then pronounced Commodus a parricide; an enemy to the gods, his country, and all mankind; and commanded, that his corpſe ſhould rot upon a dunghill. In the mean time, they [280] ſaluted Pertinax as emperor and Caeſar, with numer⯑ous acclamations, and chearfully took the oaths of obedience. The provinces ſoon after followed the example of Rome; ſo that he began his reign with univerſal ſatisfaction to the whole empire, in the ſixty-eight year of his age.

Nothing could exceed the juſtice and wiſdom of this monarch's reign, the ſhort time it continued. But the praetorian ſoldiers, where maners he had at⯑tempted to reform, having been long corrupted by the indulgence and profuſion of their former mo⯑narch, began to hate him, for the parſimony and diſcipline he had introduced among them. They therefore reſolved to dethrone him; and according⯑ly, in a tumu [...]tuous manner, marched through the ſtreets of Rome, entered his palace without oppoſi⯑tion, where a Tungrian ſoldier ſtruck him dead with a blow of his lance. From the number of his ad⯑ventures, he was called the Tennis-ball of Fortune; and certainly no man eve [...] experienced ſuch a variety of ſituations, with ſ [...] blameleſs a character. He reign⯑ed but three months.

U.C. 954 A.D. 192 The ſoldiers having committed this outrage, m [...]e proclamation, that they would fell the emp [...]re to whoever would purchaſe it at the highe [...] price. In conſequence of this pr [...]c [...]amati [...]n, two bidders were found; namely, Sulpi [...] an [...] Di [...]ius. The former, a conſu [...]ar per⯑ſon, prae [...]ect of the city, and ſon-in-law to the late empe [...]or Pertinax. [...] latter, a conſular perſon likewiſe, a great lawyer, and the wealthieſt man in the city Su [...]pici [...] [...] promiſes, than trea⯑ſure, to beſtow. The offers of Didius, who produc⯑ed immenſe ſums [...]f [...] money, prevailed. He was received into the camp, and the ſoldiers inſtant⯑ly ſw [...]re t [...] obey him as emperor.

Upon being conducted to the ſenate-houſe, he ad⯑dreſſed the few ſenators that were preſent in a very [281] laconic ſpeech. ‘Fathers, you want an emperor, and I am the fitteſt perſon you can chuſe’ The choice of the ſoldiers was confirmed by the ſenate, and Didius was acknowledged emperor, now in the fifty-ſeventh year of his age

It ſhould ſeem by this weak monarch's conduct, when ſeated on the throne, that he thought the go⯑vernment of an empire rather a pleaſure, than a toil. Inſtead of attempting to gain the hearts of his ſub⯑jects, he gave himſelf up to eaſe and inactivity, ut⯑terly regardleſs of the duties of his ſtation. He was mild and gentle indeed, neither injuring any, nor expecting to be injured. But that avarice, by which he became opulent, ſtill followed him in his exalta⯑tion; ſo that the very ſoldiers who elected him, ſoon began to deteſt him for thoſe qualities, ſo very oppo⯑ſ [...]e to a military character. The people alſo, againſt whoſe conſent he was choſen, were not leſs his ene⯑mies. Whenever he iſſued from his palace, they openly poured forth their imprecations againſt him, crying out, that he was a thief, and had ſtolen the empire. Didius, however, in the true ſpirit of a trader, patiently bore all their reproach, ſome⯑times beckoning to them, with ſmiles, to approach him, and teſtifying his regard by every kind of ſub⯑miſſion.

Soon after Severus, an African by birth, being proclaimed by his army, began by promiſing to re⯑ve [...]ge the death of Pertinax

Didius, upon being informed of his approach to⯑wards Rome, obtained the conſent of the ſenate to [...] him ambaſſadors▪ offering to make him a part⯑ [...] in the empire. But Severus rejected this offer, [...] [...]ious of his own ſtrength, and of the weakneſs [...] the propoſer. The ſenate ſoon appeared of the [...] ſentiments, and perceiving the timidity and [...] of their preſent maſter, abandoned him. [282] Being called together, as was formerly practiſed in the times of the commonwealth, by the conſuls, they unanimouſly decreed, that Didius ſhould be depriv⯑ed of the empire, and that Severus ſhould be pro⯑claimed in his ſtead. They commanded Didius to be ſlain, and ſent meſſengers for this purpoſe to the palace, where they found him diſarmed, and diſ⯑patched him, among a few friends, that ſtill adhered to his intereſt.

Severus having overcome Niger and Albinus, who were his competitors for the empire, under⯑took next the reins of government, uniting great vigour with the moſt refined policy; yet his Afri⯑can cunning, for he was a native of Africa, was conſidered as a particular defect in him. He is celebrated for his wit, learning, and prudence; but equally blamed for perfidy and cruelty. In ſhort, he ſeemed equally capable of the greateſt acts of vir⯑tue, and the moſt bloody ſeverities.

Upon his return to Rome, he loaded his ſoldiers with rewards and honours, giving them ſuch privi⯑leges as ſtrengthened his own power, while they de⯑ſtroyed that of the ſtate. For the ſoldiers, who had hitherto ſhewed the ſtrongeſt inclinations to an abuſe of power, were now made arbiters of the fate of emperors.

Being thus ſecure of his army, he reſolved to give way to his natural turn for conqueſt, and to op⯑poſe his arms againſt the Parthians, who were then invading the frontiers of the empire. Having, therefore, previouſly given the government of do⯑meſtic policy to one Plautian, a particular favourite, to who [...]e daughter he married his ſon Caracalla, he ſet out for the caſt, and proſecuted the war with his uſual expedition and ſucceſs. He forced ſubmiſſion from the king of Armenia, deſtroyed ſeveral cities in Arabia [...]elix, landed on the Parthian coaſts, took [283] and plundered the famous city of Cteſiphon, marched back through Paleſtine and Egypt, and at length re⯑turned to Rome in triumph.

During this interval, Plautian, who was left to direct the affairs of Rome, began to think of aſpiring to the empire himſelf. Upon the emperor's return, he employed a tribune of the praetorian cohorts, of which he was the commander, to aſſaſſinate him; as likewiſe his ſon, Caracalla. The tribune informed Severus of his favourite's treachery. He at firſt re⯑ceived it as an improbable ſtory, and as the artifice of one who envied his favourite's fortune. However, he was at laſt perſuaded to permit the tribune to con⯑duct Plautian to the emperor's apartments, to be a teſti⯑mony againſt himſelf. With this intent, the tri⯑bune went and amuſed him with a pretended account of his killing the emperor and his ſon; deſiring him, if he thought fit to ſee him dead, to go with him to the palace. As Plautian ardently deſired their deaths, he readily gave credit to his relation, and following the tribune, was conducted, at midnight, into the innermoſt receſſes. But what muſt have been his diſappointment, when, inſtead of finding the empe⯑ror lying dead, as he expected, he beheld the room lighted up with torches, and Severus, ſurrounded by his friends, prepared in array to receive him. Be⯑ing aſked by the emperor, with a ſtern countenance, what had brought him there, at that unſeaſonable time; he was, at firſt, utterly confounded, and, not knowing what excuſe to make, he ingenuouſly con⯑feſſed the whole, intreating forgiveneſs for what he h [...]d intended. The emperor ſeemed inclined to pardon; but Caracalla, his ſon, who, from the [...]rlieſt age, ſhewed a diſpoſition to cruelty, with his ſword ran him through the body.

After this, he ſpent a conſiderable time in viſit⯑ing ſome cities in Italy, permitting none of his offi⯑cers [284] to ſell places of truſt or dignity, and diſtributing juſtice with the ſtricteſt impartiality. He then un⯑dertook an expedition into Britain, where the Ro⯑mans were in danger of being deſtroyed, or com⯑pelled to fly the province. Wherefore, after ap⯑pointing his two ſons, Caracalla and Geta, joint ſucceſſors in the empire, and taking them with him, he landed in Britain, to the great terror of ſuch as had drawn down his reſentment. Upon his progreſs into the country, he left his ſon Geta in the ſouthern part of the province, which had continued in obe⯑dience, and marched, with his ſon Caracalla, againſt the Caledonians. In this expedition, his army ſuf⯑fered prodigious hardſhips in purſuing the enemy; they were obliged to hew their way through intricate foreſts, to drain extenſive marſhes, and form bridges over rapid rivers; ſo that he loſt fifty thouſand men by fatigue and ſickneſs. However, he ſupported all theſe inconveniencies with unrelenting bravery; and proſecuted his ſucceſſes with ſuch vigour, that he compelled the enemy to beg for peace; which they obtained, not without the ſurrender of a con⯑ſiderable part of their country. It was there, that for its better ſecurity, he built that famous wall, which ſtill goes by his name, extending from Solway Frith, on the weſt, to the German ocean, on the eaſt. He did not long ſurvive his ſucceſſes here, but died at York, in the ſixty ſixth year of his age, after an ac⯑tive, though cruel, reign, of about eighteen years

U.C. 964 A.D. 211 Caracalla and Geta, his ſons, being acknowledged as emperors by the army, began to ſhew a mutual hatred to each other, even before their arriv [...]d at Rome. But this oppoſition was of no long continuance; for Caracalla, being reſolved to govern alone, in [...]i [...]uſly entered Geta's apartment; and, followed by ruffians, ſ [...]w him in his mother's arms.

[285]Being thus emperor, he went on to mark his courſe with blood. Whatever was done by Domi⯑tian, or Nero, fell ſhort of this monſter's barbarities.

His tyrannies, at length, excited the reſentment of Macrinus, the commander of the forces in Meſo⯑potamia, who employed one Martial, a man of great ſtrength, and a centurion of the guards, to diſpatch him. Accordingly, as the emperor was riding out one day, near a little city called Carrae, he ha [...]pen⯑ed to withdraw himſelf privately, upon a natural oc⯑caſion, with only one page to hold his horſe. This was the opportunity Martial had ſo long and ardently deſired; wherefore, running to him haſtily, as if he had been called, he ſtabbed the emperor in the back, ſo that he died immediately. Having performed this hardy attempt, he then, unconcernedly, returned to his troop; but retiring, by inſenſible degrees, he en⯑d [...]voured to ſecure himſelf by flight. But his com⯑panions ſoon miſſing him and the page giving infor⯑mation of what had been done, he was purſued by the German horſe, and cut in pieces.

During the reign of this execrable tyrant, which c [...]ntinued ſix years, the empire was every day de⯑ [...]ning; the ſoldiers were entirely maſters of every [...]tion; and as there were vari [...]us armies in diffe⯑ [...]t parts, ſo there were as many intereſts all oppoſite [...] [...]n other.

The ſoldiers, without an emperor, U.C. 970 A.D. 217 af⯑te [...] a ſuſpence of two days, fixed upon Macrinus, who took all poſſible methods [...] [...]nceal his being privy to Caracalla's murder. The ſenate confirmed their choice ſhortly after; and [...]wiſe that of his ſon Diadumenus, whom he took [...] a partner in the em [...]ire. Macrinus was fifty- [...] years old when he entered upon the govern⯑m [...]nt of the empire He was of obſcure parentage; ſ [...]e ſay, by birth a Moor, who, by the mere rota⯑tion of office, being made firſt praefect of the prae⯑torian [286] bands, was now, by treaſon and accident, called to fill the throne.

He was oppoſed by the intrigues of Moſa and her grandſon, Heliogabalus, and being conquered by ſome ſeditious legions of his own army, ne [...]ſted to Chalcedon, where thoſe who were ſent in purſuit, overtook, and put him to death, together with his ſon Diadumenus, after a ſhort reign of one year and two months.

U.C. 971 A.D. 218 The ſenate and citizens of Rome be⯑ing obliged to ſubmit to the appointment of the army, as uſual, Heliogabalus aſcended the throne, at the age of fourteen. His ſhort life is but a tiſſue of effeminacy, luſt, and ex⯑travagance. He married, in the ſmall ſpace of four years, ſix wives, and divorced them all. He was ſo fond of the ſex, that he carried his mother with him to the ſenate-houſe, and demanded that ſhe ſhould always be preſent when matters of importance were debated. He even went ſo far as to build a ſenate-houſe for women, with ſuitable orders, habits, and diſtinctions, of which his mother was made preſident. They met ſeveral times; all their debates turning upon the faſhions of the day, and the different forma⯑lities to be uſed at giving and receiving viſits. To theſe fellies he added great cruelty, and boundleſs prodigality; ſo that he was heard to ſay, that ſuch diſhes as were cheaply obtained, were ſcarce worth eating. It is even ſaid, he ſtrove to foretel what was to happen, by inſpecting the entrails of young men ſacrificed; and that he choſe the moſt beautiful youths throughout Italy, to be ſlain for that horrid purpoſe.

However, his ſoldiers mutinying, as was now uſual with them; they followed him to his palace, purſuing him from apartment to apartment, till at laſt he was found concealed in a privy. Having dragged him from thence through the ſtreets, with [287] the moſt bitter invectives, and having diſpatched him, they attempted once more to ſqueeze his pam⯑pered body into a privy; but not eaſily effecting this they threw it into the Tyber, with heavy weights, that none might afterwards find or give it burial. This was the ignominious death of Heliogabalus, in the eighteenth year of his age, after a deteſtable reign of four years.

To him ſucceeded Alexander, U.C. 975 A.D. 222 his couſin-german, who, without oppoſi⯑tion, being declared emperor, the ſenate, with their uſual adulation, were for conferring new titles upon him; but he modeſtly declined them all. To the moſt rigid juſtice he added the greateſt hu⯑manity. He loved the good, and was a ſevere reprover of the lewd and infamous. His accompliſhments were equal to his virtues. He was an excellent ma⯑thematician, geometrician, and muſician; he was equally ſkilful in painting and ſculpture; and in p [...]etry, few of his time could equal him. In ſhort, [...] were his talents, and ſuch the ſolidity of his ju [...]gment, that, though but ſixteen years of age, he was conſidered as a wiſe old man.

About the thirteenth year of his reign, the Upper Germans, and other northern nations, began to pour [...]wn immenſe ſwarms of people upon the more [...]thern parts of the empire. They paſſed the Rhine [...] the Danube with ſuch fury, that all Italy was [...] [...]wn into the moſt extreme conſternation. The e [...]peror, ever ready to expoſe his perſon, for the [...] of his people, made what levies he could, and w [...]nt in perſon to ſtem the torrent, which he ſpeedily e [...]ted. It was in the courſe of his ſucceſſes againſt t [...]e enemy, that he was cut off by a mutiny among [...] own ſoldiers. He died in the twenty-ninth year of his age, after a proſperous reign of thirteen years and nine days.

[288] U.C. 988 A.D. 235 The tumults occaſioned by the death of Alexander, being appeaſed, Maximin, who had been the chief promoter of the ſedition, was choſen emperor. This extraordinary man, whoſe character deſerves particular attention, was born of very obſcure parentage, being the ſon of a poor herdſman of Thrace. In the beginning he fol⯑lowed his father's humble profeſſion, and only exer⯑ciſed his perſonal courage againſt the robbers who infeſted that part of the country in which he lived. Soon after, his ambition increaſing, he left his poor employment, and enliſted in the Roman army, where he ſoon became remarkable for his great ſtrength, diſcipline, and courage This gigantic man was no leſs than eight feet and an half high; he had a body and ſtrength correſponding to his ſize, being not leſs remarkable for the magnitude, than the ſymmetry of his perſon. His wife's bracelet uſually ſerved him for a thumb ring; and his ſtrength was ſo great, that he was able to draw a carriage which two oxen could not move. He could ſtrike out a horſe's teeth, with a blow of his fiſt; and break its thigh with a kick. His diet was as extraordinary as the reſt of his endow⯑ments: he generally eat forty pounds weight of fleſh every day, and drank ſix gallons of wine, without committing any debauch in either. With a frame ſo athletic, he was poſſeſſed of a mind undaunted in danger, and neither fearing nor regarding any man. The firſt time he was made known was to the empe⯑ror Severus, who was then celebrating games on the birth day of his ſon Geta. He overcame ſixteen in running, one after the other: he then kept up with the emperor on horſeback; and having fatigued him in the courſe, he was oppoſed to ſeven of the moſt active ſoldiers, and overcame them with the greateſt eaſe. From that time he was particularly noticed, and taken into the emperor's body guard, and by [289] the uſual gradations of preſerment came to be chief commander, equally remarkable for his ſimplicity, diſcipline, and virtue; and upon coming to the em⯑pire, he was found to be one of the greateſt monſters of cruelty that ever diſgraced power; and, fearful of nothing himſelf, he ſeemed to ſport with the terrors of all mankind.

However, his cruelties did not retard his military operations, which were carried on with a ſpirit be⯑coming a better monarch. He overthrew the Ger⯑mans in ſeveral battles, waſted all their country with fire and ſword for four hundred miles together, and ſet a reſolution of ſubduing all the northern nations as far as the ocean. In theſe expeditions, in order to attach the ſoldiers more firmly to him, he encreaſed their pay; and in every duty of the camp, he himſelf took as much pains as the meaneſt centinel in his army, ſhewing incredible courage and aſſiduity. In every engagement, wherever the conflict was hotteſt, Maximin was always ſeen fighting there in perſon, and deſtroying all before him: for, being bred a barbarian, he conſidered it as his duty to combat as a common ſoldier, while he commanded as a general.

In the mean time, his cruelties had ſo alienated the minds of his ſubjects, that ſeveral conſpiracies were ſecretly aimed againſt him. None of them however ſucceeded, till at laſt his own ſoldiers being long harraſſed by famine and fatigue, and hearing of revolts on every ſide, reſolved to terminate their ca⯑lamities by the tyrant's death. His great ſtrength, and his being always armed, were, at firſt, the prin⯑cipal motives to deter any from aſſaſſinating him; but at length having made his guards accomplices in their deſign, they ſet upon him, while he ſlept at noon in his tent, and ſlew both him and his ſon, whom he had made his partner in the empire, with⯑out any oppoſition. Thus died this moſt remarkable [290] man, after an uſurpation of about three years, and in the ſixty fifth year of his age. His aſſiduity when in humble ſtation, and his cruelty when in power ſerve very well to evince, that there are ſome men, whoſe virtues are fitted for obſcurity; as there are others, who only ſhew themſelves great, when placed in an exalted ſtation.

U.C. 991 A.D. 238 The tyrant being dead, and his body thrown to dogs and birds of prey, Pu⯑pienus and Balbinus continued for ſome time emperors without oppoſition.

But differing among themſelves, the praetorian ſol⯑diers, who were the enemies of both, ſet upon them in their palace, at a time when their guards were amuſed with ſeeing the Capitoline games, and drag⯑ging them from the palace towards the camp, ſlew them both, leaving their dead bodies in the ſtreets, as a dreadful inſtance of their ſedition.

U.C. 991 A.D. 238 In the midſt of this ſedition, as the mutineers were proceeding along, they, by accident, met Gordian, the grandſon of him wh [...] was ſlain in Africa, whom they declared emperor on the ſpot. This prince was but ſixteen years old when he began his reign, but his virtues ſeemed to compenſate for his want of experience. His principal aims were, to unite the oppoſing mem⯑bers of the government, and to reconcile the ſoldiers and citizens to each other.

The army, however, began, as uſual, to murmur, and their complaints were artfully fomented by Philip, an Arabian, who was praetorian praefect. Things thus proceeding from bad to worſe, Philip was, at firſt, made equal in the command of the empire; ſhortly after, he was inveſted with the ſole power, and, at length, finding himſelf capable of perpetrat⯑ing his long meditated cruelty, Gordian was, by his order, ſlain, in the twenty-ſecond year of his age, af⯑ter a ſucceſsful reign of near ſix years.

[291]Philip, having thus murdered his be⯑nefactor, U.C. 996 A.D. 243 was ſo fortunate as to be im⯑mediately acknowledged emperor by the army. Upon his exaltation, he aſſociated his ſon, a boy of ſix years of age, as his partner in the empire; and, in order to ſecure his power at home, made peace with the Perſians, and marched his army to⯑wards Rome. However, the army revolting in favour of Decius, his general, and ſetting violently upon him, one of the centinels, at a blow, cut off his head; or rather cleaved it aſunder, ſeparating the under jaw from the upper. He died in the forty-fifth year of his age, after a reign of about five years; Decius being univerſally acknowledged as his ſucceſſor.

The activity and wiſdom of Decius ſeemed, in ſome meaſure, U.C. 1001 A.D. 248 to ſtop the haſtening decline of the Roman empire. The ſenate ſeemed to think ſo highly of his merits, that they voted him not inferior to Trajan; and in⯑deed he ſeemed, in every inſtance, to conſult their dignity in particular, and the welfare of all the infe⯑rior ranks of people.

But no virtues could now prevent the approaching downfall of the ſtate: the obſtinate diſputes between the Pagans and the Chriſtians within the empire, and the unceaſing irruptions of barbarous nations from without, enfeebled it beyond the power of remedy. He was killed in an ambuſcade of the enemy in the fiftieth year of his age, after a ſhort reign of two years and ſix months.

Gallus, U.C. 1004 A.D. 251 who had betrayed the Roman army, had addreſs enough to get himſelf declared emperor by that part of it which ſurvived the defeat; he was forty-five years old when he began to reign, and was deſcended from an ho⯑nourable family in Rome. He was the firſt who bought a diſhonourable peace from the enemies of [292] the ſtate, agreeing to pay a conſiderable annual tri⯑bute to the Goths, whom it was his duty to repreſs.

He was regardleſs of every national calamity, and loſt to debauch and ſenſuality. The pagans were allowed a power of perſecuting the Chriſtians through all parts of the ſtate. Theſe calamities were ſucceed⯑ed by a peſtilence from Heaven, that ſeemed to have in general ſpread over every part of the earth, and which continued raging for ſeveral years, in an un⯑heard of manner; and all theſe by a civil war, which followed ſhortly after, between Gallus and his gene⯑ral Aemilianus, who, having gained a victory over the Goths, was proclaimed emperor by his conquer⯑ing army. Gallus hearing this, ſoon rouſed from the intoxications of pleaſure, and prepared to oppoſe his dangerous rival; he with his ſon were ſlain by Aemilianus, in a battle fought in Meſia. His death was merited, and his vices were ſuch as to deſerve the deteſtation of poſterity. He died in the forty-ſeventh year of his age, after an unhappy reign of two years and four months, in which the empire ſuffered inexpreſſible calamities.

U.C. 1006 A.D. 253 The ſenate refuſed to acknowledge the claims of Aemilianus; and an army that was ſtationed near the Alps, choſe Vale⯑rian, their own commander, to ſucceed to the throne, who ſet about reforming the ſtate with a ſpi⯑rit that ſeemed to mark a good mind and unabated vigour. But reformation was then grown almoſt im⯑practicable. The Perſians, under their king Sapor, invaded Syria, and coming into Meſopotamia, took the unfortunate Valerian priſoner, as he was making preparations to oppoſe them. Nothing can exceed the indignities, as well as the cruelties, which were practiſed upon this unhappy monarch, thus fallen in⯑to the hands of his enemies. Sapor, we are told, always uſed him as a footſtool for mounting his horſe; he added the bitterneſs of ridicule to his in⯑ſults, [293] and uſually obſerved, that an attitude like that to which Valerian was reduced, was the beſt ſtatue that could be erected in honour of his victory. This horrid life of inſult and ſufferance continued for ſeven years; and was, at length, terminated, by the cruel Perſian's commanding his priſoner's eyes to be plucked out, and afterwards cauſing him to be flead alive.

Valerian being taken priſoner, as hath been juſt mentioned, Galienus, his ſon; U.C. 1012 A.D. 259 promiſing to revenge the inſult, was choſen emperor, being then about forty-one years old. However he ſoon diſcovered that he ſought rather the ſplendors, than the toils, of empire; for after having overthrown Ingenuus, a commander in Pannonia, who had aſſumed the title of emperor, he ſate down, as if fatigued with conqueſt, and gave himſelf up to eaſe and luxury.

It was at this time, that no leſs than thirty preten⯑ders were ſeen contending with each other for the dominion of the ſtate, and adding the calamities of civil war, to the reſt of the misfortunes of this devot⯑ed empire. Theſe are generally known in hiſtory by the name of the Thirty Tyrants.

In this general calamity, Galienus, though at firſt ſeemingly inſenſible, was, at length, obliged, for his own private ſecurity, to take the field, and led an army to beſiege the city of Milan, which had been taken by one of the thirty uſurping tyrants. It was there he was ſlain by his own ſoldiers, Martian, one of his generals, having conſpired againſt him.

Plavius Claudius being nominated to ſucceed, U.C. 1021 A.D. 268 he was joyfully accepted by all orders of the ſtate, and his title confirm⯑ed by the ſenate and the people. We are not ſuffi⯑ciently aſſured of this emperor's lineage and coun⯑try. Some affirm that he was born in Dalmatia, [294] and deſcended from an ancient family there; others aſſert, that he was a Trojan; and others, ſtill, that he was ſon to the emperor Gordian. But whatever might have been his deſcent, his merits were by no means doubtful. He was a man of great valour and conduct, having performed the moſt excellent ſer⯑vices againſt the Goths, who had long continued to make their irruptions into the empire, but on his march againſt that barbarous people, as he approach⯑ed near the city Sirmium, in Pannonia, he was ſeized with a peſtilential fever, of which he died in a few days, to the great regret of his ſubjects, and the irreparable leſs of the Roman empire.

U.C. 1023 A.D. 270 Upon the death of Claudius, Aure⯑lian was univerſally acknowledged by all the ſtates of the empire, and aſſumed the command with a greater ſhare of power than his predeceſſors had enjoyed for ſome time before. This active monarch was born of mean and obſcure paren⯑tage in Dacia, and was about fifty-five years old at the time of his coming to the throne. He had ſpent the early part of his life in the army, and had riſen through all the gradations of military duty. He was of unſhaken courage and amazing ſtrength; he, in one ſingle engagement, killed forty of the enemy with his own hand, and above nine hundred at ſe⯑veral different times. In ſhort, his valour and ex⯑pedition were ſuch, that he was compared to Julius Caeſar; and, in fact, only wanted mildneſs and cle⯑mency to be every way his equal.

Among the number of thoſe who were com⯑pelled to ſubmit to his power, we may reckon the famous Zenobia, queen of Palmy [...]a. He ſubdued her country, deſtroyed her city, and took her pri⯑ſoner. Longinus, the celebrated critic, who was ſecretary to the queen, was by Aurdian's order put to death Zenobid was reſerved to grace his triumph, and atte [...]nds allutted ſuch hands, and ſuch an in⯑come, [295] as ſerved to maintain her in almoſt her former ſplendor.

His ſeverities at laſt, were the cauſe of his deſtruc⯑tion. Meneſtheus, his principal ſecretary, having been threatened by him, for ſome fault, which he had committed, formed a conſpiracy againſt him, and as the emperor paſſed, with a ſmall guard, from Uraclea, in Thrace, towards Byzantium, the conſpi⯑rators ſet upon him at once, and ſlew him with very ſmall reſiſtance. He was ſlain in the ſixtieth, or, as ſome ſay, the ſixty-third year of his age, after a very active reign of almoſt five years.

After ſome time, the ſenate made choice of Tacitus, a man of great merit, U.C. 1028 A.D. 275 and no way ambitious of the honours that were offered him, being at that time ſeventy-five years old.

A reign begun with much moderation and juſtice, only wanted continuance, to have made the empire happy; but after enjoying the empire about ſix months, he died of a fever in his march to oppoſe the Perſians and Scythians, who had invaded the eaſtern parts of the empire.

During this ſhort period, the ſenate ſeemed to have a large ſhare of authority, and the hiſtorians of the times are one and all liberal of their praiſes, to ſuch emperors as were thus willing to divide their power.

Upon the death of Tacitus, the whole army, as if by common conſent, cried out that Probus ſhould be emperor. He was forty four years old when he aſcended the throne; was born of noble paren⯑tage at Sirmium in Pannonia, and bred up a ſoldier upon his youth. He began early to diſtinguiſh him⯑ſelf for his diſcipline and valour; being frequently the firſt man that, in beſieging towns, ſcaled the walls, or that burſt into the enemy's camp. He was equally remarkable for ſingle combats, and ſaving [296] the lives of many eminent citizens. Nor were his activity and courage, when elected to the empire, leſs apparent than in his private ſtation. Every year now produced only new calamities to the empire; and freſh irruptions on every ſide threatened univer⯑ſal deſolation: perhaps at this time, no abilities ex⯑cept thoſe of Probus, were capable of oppoſing ſuch united invaſions.

However, in the end, his own mutinous ſoldiers taking their opportunity, as he was marching into Greece, ſet upon, and ſlew him, after he had reigned ſix years and four months, with general ap⯑probation.

U.C. 1035 A.D. 282 Carus, who was praetorian praefect to the deceaſed emperor, was choſen by the army to ſucceed him; and he, to ſtrengthen his authority, united his two ſons, Cari⯑nus and Numerian, with him in command; the former of whom was as much ſullied by his vices, as the younger was remarkable for his virtues, modeſty, and courage. Carus was, ſhortly after his exaltation, ſtruck dead, by lightning, in his tent, with many others that were round him.

Numerian, the youngeſt ſon, who accompanied his father in this expedition, was inconſolable for his death, and brought ſuch a diſorder upon his eyes, with weeping, that he was obliged to be carried along with the army, ſhut up in a cloſe litter. The peculiarity of his ſituation, after ſome time, excited the ambition of Aſper, his father-in-law, who ſup⯑poſed that he could now, without any great danger, aim at the empire himſelf. He, therefore, hired a mercenary villain to murder the emperor in his lit⯑ter; and, the better to conceal the fact, gave out that he was ſtill alive, but unable to endure the light. The offenſiveneſs, however, of its ſmell, at length, diſcovered the treachery, and excited an uni⯑verſal uproar throughout the whole army. In the [297] midſt this tumult, Diocleſian, one of the moſt not⯑ed commanders of his time, was choſen emperor, and with his own hand ſlew. Aſper; having thus, as it is ſaid, fulfilled a prophecy which had ſaid that Diocleſian ſhould be emperor after he had ſlain a Boar.

Carinus, the remaining ſon, did not long ſurvive his father and brother.

Diocleſian was a perſon of mean birth; U.C. 1037 A.D. 284 being ſuppoſed to be, according to ſome, the ſon of a ſcrivener; and of a ſlave, according to others. He received his name from Dioclea, the town in which he was born, being about forty years old when he was elected to the em⯑pire. He owed his exaltation entirely to his merit; having paſſed through all the gradations of office, with ſagacity, courage, and ſucceſs.

In his time the northern hive, as it was called, po [...]red down their ſwarms of barbarians upon the Roman empire. Ever at war with the Romans, they iſſued when the armies that were to repreſs their invaſions, were called away; and upon their re⯑turn, they as ſuddenly withdrew into their cold, bar⯑ren, and inacceſſible retreats, which only themſelves could endure. In this manner, the Scythians, Goths, Sarmatians, Alani, Carſii, and Quadi, came down in incredible numbers; while every defeat ſeemed but to encreaſe their ſtrength and perſeverance. Af⯑ter gaining many victories over theſe, and in the midſt of his triumphs, Diocleſian and Maximian, his partner in the empire, ſurpriſed the world by re⯑ſigning their dignities on the ſame day, and both re⯑tiring into private ſtations. In this contented man⯑ner Diocleſian lived ſome time, and at laſt died either by poiſon or madneſs, but this is uncertain. His re [...]gn, which continued twenty years, was active and uſeful; and his authority, which was tinctured [298] with ſeverity, was well adapted to the depraved ſtate of morals at that time.

U.C. 1057 A.D. 304 Upon the reſignation of the two em⯑perors, the two Caeſars whom they had before choſen, were univerſally acknow⯑ledged as their ſucceſſors, namely, Conſtantius Chlo⯑rus, who was ſo called from the paleneſs of his com⯑plexion, being virtuous, valiant, and merciful, and Galerius, who was brave, but brutal, incontinent, and cruel. As there was ſuch a diſparity in their tempers, they readily agreed, upon coming into full power, to divide the empire; Conſtantius being appointed to govern the weſtern parts.

Conſtantius died in Britain, appointing Conſtan⯑tine his ſon, as his ſucceſſor. Galerius was ſeized with a very extraordinary diſorder in his privities, which baffled all the ſkill of his phyſicians, and car⯑ried him off, after he had languiſhed in torments for near the ſpace of a year.

U.C. 1064 A.D. 311 Conſtantine, afterwards ſurnamed the Great, had ſome competitors at firſt for the throne. Among the reſt was Max⯑entius, who was at that time in poſſeſſion of Rome, and a ſtedfaſt aſſertor of paganiſm. It was in Con⯑ſtantine's march againſt that uſurper, that we are aſ⯑ſured he was converted to Chriſtianity by a very ex⯑traordinary appearance. One evening, as we are told, the army being upon it's march towards Rome, Con⯑ſtantine was taken up with various conſiderations up⯑on the fate of ſublunary things, and the dangers of his approaching expedition: ſenſible of his own inca⯑pacity to ſucceed without divine aſſiſtance, he em⯑ployed his meditations upon the opinions that were chiefly agitated among mankind, and ſent up his ejaculations to Heaven to inſpire him with wiſdom to chuſe the path to purſue. It was then, as the fun was declining, that there ſuddenly appeared a pillar [299] of light in the heavens, in the faſhion of a croſs, with this inſcription, [...], In this overcome. So extraordinary an appearance did not fail to create aſtoniſhment both in the emperor and his whole army, who conſidered it as their various diſpoſitions led them to believe▪ Thoſe who were attached to paganiſm, prompted by their auruſpices, pronounc⯑ed it to be a moſt inauſpicious omen, portending the moſt unfortunate events: but it made a different im⯑preſſion on the emperor's mind; who, as the account goes, was farther encouraged by viſions the ſame night. He therefore, the day following, cauſed a royal ſtandard to be made, like that which he had ſeen in the heavens, and commanded it to be carried before him in his wars, as an enſign of victory and celeſtial protection. After this, he conſulted with ſeveral of the principal teachers of Chriſtianity, and made a public avowal of that ſacred perſuaſion.

Conſtantine having thus attached his ſoldiers to his intereſt, who were moſtly of the Chriſtian per⯑ſuaſion, loſt no time in entering Italy, with ninety thouſand foot, and eight thouſand horſe; and ſoon advanced almoſt to the very gates of Rome. Maxen⯑tius advanced from the city, with an army of an hundred and ſeventy thouſand foot, and eighteen thouſand horſe. The engagement was, for ſome time, fierce and bloody, till his cavalry being rout⯑ed, victory declared upon the ſide of his opponent, and he himſelf was drowned in his flight, by the breaking down of a bridge, as he attempted to croſs the Tiber.

Conſtantine, in conſequence of this victory, en⯑tering the city, diſclaimed all praiſes which the ſe⯑nate and people were ready to offer; aſcribing his ſucceſs to a ſuperior power. He even cauſed the croſs, which he was ſaid to have ſeen in the heavens, to be placed at the right of all his ſtatues with this inſcription. ‘That under the influence of that vic⯑torious [300] croſs, Conſtantine had delivered the city from the yoke of tyrannical power, and had re⯑ſtored the ſenate and people of Rome to their an⯑cient authority.’ He afterwards ordained that no criminal ſhould, for the future, ſuffer death by the croſs, which had formerly been the moſt uſual way of puniſhing ſlaves convicted of capital offences. Edicts were ſoon after iſſued, declaring that the Chriſ⯑tians ſhould be eaſed from all their grievances, and received into places of truſt and authority.

Things continued in this ſtate for ſome time, Conſtantine contributing what was in his power to the intereſt of religion, and the revival of learning, which had long been upon the decline, and was al⯑moſt wholly extinct in the empire. But in the midſt of theſe aſſiduities, the peace of the empire was again diſturbed by the preparations of Maximin, who go⯑verned in the Eaſt; and who, deſirous of a full par⯑ticipation of power, marched againſt Licinius, with a very numerous army. In conſequence of this ſtep, after many conflicts, a general engagement enſued, in which Maximin ſuffered a total defeat; many of his troops were cut to pieces, and thoſe that ſurvived ſubmitted to the conqueror. Having, however, eſcaped the general carnage, he once more put him⯑ſelf at the head of another army, reſolving to try the fortune of the field; but his death prevented the de⯑ſign. As he died by a very extraordinary kind of madneſs, the Chriſtians, of whom he was the de⯑clared enemy, did not fail to aſcribe his end to a judgment from Heaven; but this was the age in which falſe judgments and falſe miracles, made up the bulk of uninſtructive hiſtory.

Conſtantine and Licinius thus remaining undiſ⯑puted poſſeſſors and partners in the empire▪ all things promiſed a peaceable continuance of friendſhip and power. However, it was ſoon found, that the ſame ambition that aimed after a part, would be content [301] with nothing leſs than the whole Pagan writers aſcribe the rupture, between theſe two potentates, to Conſtantine; while the Chriſtians, on the other hand, impute it wholly to Licinius. Both ſides exerted all their power to make oppoſition; and, at the head of very formidable armies, came to an en⯑gagement near Cybalis, in Pannonia. Conſtantine, previous to the battle, in the midſt of his Chriſtian biſhops, begged the aſſiſtance of Heaven; while Li⯑cinius, with equal zeal, called upon the pagan prieſts to intercede with the gods in his ſavour. The ſuc⯑ceſs was on the ſide of truth: Conſtantine, after an obſtinate reſiſtance, became victorious; took the enemy's camp; and, after ſome time compelled Li⯑cinius to ſue for a truce, which was agreed upon. But this was of no long continuance; for ſoon after the war breaking out afreſh, and the rivals coming once more to a general engagement, it proved deci⯑ſive. Licinius was entirely defeated, and purſued by Conſtantine into Nicomedia, where he ſurrender⯑ed himſelf up to the victor; having firſt obtained an oath that his life ſhould be ſpared, and that he ſhould be permitted to paſs the remainder of his days in re⯑tirement This, however, Conſtantine ſhortly after broke; for either fearing his deſigns, or finding him actually engaged in freſh conſpiracies, he command⯑ed him to be put to death, together with Martian, his general, who, ſome time before, had been created Caeſar.

Conſtantine being thus ſole monarch of the em⯑pire, reſolved to eſtabliſh Chriſtianity on ſo ſure a baſis, that no new revolutions ſhould ſhake it. He commanded that in all the provinces of the empire the orders of the biſhops ſhould be exactly obeyed. He called alſo a general council of theſe, in order to repreſs the hereſies that had already crept into the church, particularly that of Arius. To this place re⯑paired about three hundred and eighteen biſhops, [302] beſides a multitude of preſbyters and deacons, to⯑gether with the emperor himſelf; who all, except about ſeventeen, concurred in condemning the tenets of Arius; and this hereſiarch, with his aſſociates, was baniſhed into a remote part of the empire.

Having thus reſtored univerſal tranquility to the empire, he was not able to ward off the calamities of a more domeſtic nature. As the wretched hiſtories of this period are entirely at variance with each other, it is not eaſy to tell the motives which induced him to put his wife Fauſta and his ſon Criſpus to death. The moſt plauſible account is this. Fauſta, the em⯑preſs, who was a woman of great beauty, but of ex⯑travagant deſires, had long, though ſecretly, loved Criſpus, Conſtantine's ſon by a former wife. She had tried every art to inſpire this youth with a mu⯑tual paſſion; and finding her more diſtant efforts in⯑effectual, had even the confidence to make him an open confeſſion of her deſires. This produced an ex⯑planation, which was fatal to both. Criſpus receiv⯑ed her addreſſes with deteſtation; and ſhe, to be re⯑venged, accuſed him to the emperor. Conſtantine, fired at once with jealouſy and rage, ordered him to die without an hearing, nor did his innocence ap⯑pear till it was too late for redreſs. The only repa⯑ration therefore that remained, was the putting Fauſta, the wicked inſtrument of his former cruelty, to [...]eath: which was accordingly executed upon her, together with ſome others, who had been accomplices in her falſehood and treachery.

But it is ſuppoſed that all the good he did was not equal to recompence the evil the empire ſuſtained by his transferring the ſeat of it from Rome to Byzan⯑tium, or Conſtantinople, as it was afterwards called. Whatever might have been the reaſons which induc⯑ed him to this undertaking; whether it was becauſe he was offended at ſome affronts he had received at [303] Rome, or that he ſuppoſed Conſtantinople more in the centre of the empire; or that he thought the eaſtern parts more required his preſence; experience has ſhewn that they were all weak and groundleſs. The empire had long before been in a moſt declining ſtate; but this, in a great meaſure, gave precipita⯑tion to its downfall. After this it never reſumed its former ſplendor, but, like a flower tranſplanted into a foreign clime, languiſhed by degrees, and at length ſunk into nothing.

His firſt deſign was to build a city, which he might make the capital of the world; and for this purpoſe, he made choice of a ſituation at Chalcedon in Aſia Minor; but we are told, that in laying out the ground plan, an eagle caught up the line, and ſlew with it over to Byzantium, a city, which lay upon the oppoſite ſide of the Boſphorus. Here, therefore, it was thought expedient to fix the ſeat of empire; and, indeed, nature ſeemed to have formed it with all the conveniencies, and all the beauties, which might induce power to make it the ſeat of reſidence. It was ſituated on a plain, that roſe gently from the water: it commanded that ſtreight which unites the Mediterranean with the Euxine ſea, and was fur⯑niſhed with all the advantages which the moſt indul⯑gent climate could beſtow. This city, therefore, U.C. 1084 A.D. 330 he beautified with the moſt magnificent edifices; he divided it into fourteen regions; built a capitol, an amphitheatre, many churches, and other public works; and, hav⯑ing thus rendered it equal to the magnificence of his idea, he dedicated it in a very ſolemn manner to the God of martyrs; and in about two years after repair⯑ed thither with his whole court.

This removal produced no immediate alteration in the government of the empire; the inhabitants of Rome, though with reluctance, ſubmitted to the change; nor was there for two or three years any [304] diſturbance in the ſtate, until, at length, the Goths finding that the Romans had withdrawn all their gar⯑riſons along the Danube, renewed their inroads, and ravaged the country with unheard of cruelty. Con⯑ſtantine, however, ſoon repreſt their incurſions, and ſo ſtraitened them, that near an hundred thouſand of their number periſhed by cold and hunger.

Another great error aſcribed to him is the dividing the empire among his ſons Conſtantine, the em⯑peror's eldeſt ſon, commanded in Gaul and the weſtern provinces; Conſtantius, his ſecond, govern⯑ed Afric and Illyricum; and Conſtans, the youngeſt, ruled in Italy. This diviſion of the empire ſtill farther contributed to its downfa [...]l; for the united ſtrength of the ſtate bring no longer brought to repreſs inva⯑ſion, the barbarians ſought with ſuperior numbers, and conquered at laſt, though often defeated. Con⯑ſtantine was above ſixty years old, and had reigned above thirty, when he [...] his health began to de⯑cline. His diſorder, which [...] an a [...]e [...], encreaſing, he went to Nicome [...]i [...] ▪ wh [...]e finding himſelf with⯑out hopes of a recovery, he cauſed himſelf to be baptized; and, having ſoon afte [...] [...]eceived the ſacra⯑ment, he expired after a memorable and active reign of almoſt thirty-two years.

CHAP. XXV. Of the deſtruction of the ROMAN EMPIRE, after the death of Conſtantine, and the events which haſ⯑tened its cataſtrophe.

FROM from this dreary period the recovery of the empire was become deſperate; no wiſdom could obviate its decadence, no [...] oppoſe the evils [305] that ſurrounded it on every ſide. Were we to enter into a detail concerning the characters of the princes of thoſe times, it ſhould be rather of the conquerors, not the conquered; of thoſe Gothic chiefs who led a more virtuous and more courageous people to the conqueſt of nations corrupted by vice and enervated by luxury.

Theſe barbarians were at firſt unknown to the Ro⯑mans, and for ſome time after had been only incom⯑modious to them. But they we now become for⯑midable, and aroſe in ſuch numbers, that the earth ſeemed to produce a new race of mankind, to com⯑plete the empire's deſtruction. They had been in⯑creaſing in their hideous deſerts, amidſt regions frightful with eternal ſnows, and had long only wait⯑ed the opportunity of coming down into a more fa⯑vourable climate. Againſt ſuch an enemy no courage could avail, nor abilities be ſucceſsful; a victory only cut off numbers without an habitation, and a name, ſoon to be ſucceeded by others equally deſperate and obſcure.

The emperors who had to contend with this peo⯑ple, were moſt of them furniſhed neither with courage nor conduct to oppoſe. Their reſidence in Aſia ſeemed to enervate their manners, and pro⯑duced a deſire in them to be adored like the monarchs of the Eaſt. Sunk in ſoftneſs, they ſhewed them⯑ſelves with leſs frequency to the ſoldiers, they became more indolent, fonder of domeſtic plea⯑ſures, and more abſtracted from the empire. Con⯑ſtantius, who reigned thirty-eight years, was weak, timid, and unſucceſsful; governed by his eunuchs and his wives; and unfit to prop the falling em⯑pire. Julian, his ſucceſſor, ſurnamed the Apoſtate, upon account of his relapſing into paganiſm, was, notwithſtanding, a very good and a very valiant prince. He, by his wiſdom, conduct, and oeco⯑nomy, [306] chaſed the barbarians, that had taken fifty towns upon the Rhine, out of their new ſettlements; and his name was a terror to them during his reign, which laſted but two years. Jovian and Valen⯑tinian had virtue and ſtrength ſufficient to preſerve the empire from immediately falling under its ene⯑mies. No prince ſaw the neceſſity of reſtoring the ancient plan of the empire more than Valentinian; the former emperors had drained away all the fron⯑tier garriſons, merely to ſtrengthen their own power at home; but his whole life was employed in fortify⯑ing the banks of the Rhine; making levies, raiſing caſtles, placing troops in proper ſtations, and fur⯑niſhing them with ſubſiſtence for their ſupport; but an event, that no human prudence could fore⯑ſee, brought up a new enemy to aſſiſt in the univer⯑ſal deſtruction.

That tract of land which lies between the Palus Maeotis, the mountains of Caucaſus and the Caſpian ſea, was inhabited by a numerous ſavage people, that went by the name of the Huns and Allanes. Their ſoil was fertile, and the inhabitants fond of robbery and plunder. As they imagined it imprac⯑ticable to croſs the Palus Maeotis, they were alto⯑gether unacquainted with the Romans, ſo that they remained confined within the limits their ignor⯑ance had aſſigned them, while other nations plun⯑dered with ſecurity. It has been the opinion of ſome, that the ſlime which was rolled down by the current of the Tanais, had, by degrees, formed a kind of it cruſtation on the ſurface of the Cimmae⯑rian Boſphorus, over which theſe people are ſup⯑poſed to have paſſed. Others relate that two young Sevthians, being in full purſuit of an heifer, the terrified creature, ſwam over an arm of the ſea, and the youths immediately following her, found themſelves in a new world, upon the oppoſite [307] ſhore. Upon their return, they did not fail to re⯑late the wonders of the ſtrange lands and countries, which they had diſcovered. Upon their informa⯑tion, an innumerable body of Huns paſſed thoſe ſtreights, and meeting firſt with the Goths, made that people ſly before them. The Goths, in conſter⯑nation, preſented themſelves on the banks of the Danube, and, with a ſuppliant air, entreated the Romans to allow them a place of refuge. This they eaſily obtained from Valens, who aſſigned them ſeveral portions of land in Thrace, but left them deſtitute of all needful ſupplies. Stimulated, therefore, by hunger and reſentment, they ſoon af⯑ter roſe againſt their protectors, and, in a dreadful engagement, which was fought near Adrianople, they deſtroyed Valens himſelf, and the greateſt part of his army.

It was in this manner the Roman armies grew weaker; ſo that the emperors, finding it difficult, at laſt, to raiſe levies in the provinces, were obliged to hire one body of barbarians to oppoſe another. This expedient had its uſe in circumſtances of imme⯑diate danger; but when that was over, the Romans found it was as difficult to rid themſelves of their new allies, as of their former enemies Thus the empire was not ruined by any particular invaſion, but ſunk gradually under the weight of ſeveral at⯑tacks made upon it on every ſide. When the bar⯑barians had waſted one province, thoſe who ſucceed [...] of the firſt ſpoilers, proceeded on to another. Their devaſtations were at firſt limited to Thrace, My [...]ia, and Pannonia; but when theſe countries were ruined, they deſtroyed Macedonia, Theſſaly, and Greece; and from thence they expatiated to Noricum. The empire was in this manner continually ſhrinking, and Italy, at laſt, became the frontier of its own dominion.

[308]The valour and conduct of Theodoſius, in ſome meaſure, retarded the deſtruction that had begun in the time of Valens, but upon his death the enemy became irreſiſtible. A large body of Goths had been called in to aſſiſt the regular forces of the empire, under the command of Alaric, their king; but what was brought in to ſtop the univerſal decline proved the moſt mortal ſtab to its ſecurity. This Gothic prince, who is repreſented as brave, impe⯑tuous, and enterprizing, perceiving the weakneſs of the ſtate, and how little Arcadius and Honorius, the ſucceſſors of Theodoſius, were able to ſecure it; being inſtigated alſo, ſtill farther, by the artifices of one Rufinus, who had deſigns upon the throne himſelf; this warlike prince, I ſay, putting him⯑ſelf at the head of his barbarous forces, declared war againſt his employers, and fought the armies of the empire for ſome years with various ſucceſs. However, in proportion as his troops were cut off, he received new ſupplies from his native foreſts; and, at length, putting his mighty deſigns in execu⯑tion, paſſed the Alps, and poured down, like a tor⯑rent, among the fruitful vallies of Italy. This charming region had long been the ſeat of indolence and ſenſual delight; its fields were now turned into gardens of pleaſure, that only ſerved to enervate the poſſeſſors, from having once been a nurſery of mi⯑litary ſtrength, that furniſhed ſoldiers for the conqueſt of mankind The timid inhabitants, therefore, be⯑held, with terror, a dreadful enemy ravaging in the midſt of their country, while their wretched emperor, Honorious, who was then in Ravenna, ſtill only ſeemed reſolved to keep up his dignity, and to refuſe any accommodation. But the inhabitants of Rome felt the calamities of the times with double aggravation. This great city, that had long ſate as miſtreſs of the world, now ſaw herſelf beſieged [309] by an army of fierce and terrible barbarians; and be⯑ing crowded with inhabitants, it was reduced, by the extremities of peſtilence and famine, to a moſt deplorable ſituation. In this extremity the ſenate diſpatched their ambaſſadors to Alaric, deſiring him either to grant them peace upon reaſonable terms, or to give them leave to fight it with him, in the open field. To this meſſage, however, the Gothic monarch only replied, with a burſt of laughter, "that thick graſs was eaſier cut than thin:" im⯑plying, that their troops, when cooped up within the narrow compaſs of the city, would be more eaſily overcome, than when drawn out in order of battle. When they came to debate about a peace, he de⯑manded all their riches, and all their ſlaves. When he was aſked, "what then he would leave them;' he ſternly replied, "their lives." Theſe were hard conditions for ſuch a celebrated city to accept; but, compelled by the neceſſity of the times, they raiſed an immenſe treaſure, both by taxation and ſtripping the heathen temples; and thus, at length, bought off their fierce invader. But this was but a temporary removal of the calamity; for Alaric now finding that he might become maſter of Rome whenever he thought proper, returned with his army, a ſhort time after; preſſed it more cloſely than he had done before, and at laſt took it; U.C. 1163 A.D. 410 but whether by force or ſtratagem, is not agreed among hiſtorians. Thus, that city which for ages had plundered the reſt of the world, and enriched herſelf with the ſpoils of mankind, now felt, in turn, the ſad reverſe of fortune, and ſuffered all that barbarity could in⯑flict, or patience endure. The ſoldiers had free liberty to pillage all places except the Chriſtian churches; and, in the midſt of this horrible de⯑ſolation, ſo great was the reverence of theſe bar⯑barians [310] for our holy religion, that the pagan Ro⯑mans found ſafety in applying to thoſe of the Chri [...]ian perſuaſion for protection. This dread⯑ful devaſtation continued for three days; and un⯑ſpeakable were the precious monuments, both of art and learning, that ſunk under the fury of the conquerors. However, there were ſtill number⯑leſs traces of the city's former greatneſs; ſo that this capture ſeemed rather a correction, than a total overthrow.

But the Gothic conquerors of the Weſt, though they had ſuffered Rome to ſurvive its firſt capture, now found how eaſy it was to become maſters of it upon any other occaſion. The extent of its walls had, in fact, made it almoſt impracticable for the inhabitants to defend them; and, as it was ſituated in a plain, it might be ſtormed without much dif⯑ficulty. Beſides this, no ſuccours were to be ex⯑pected from without; for the number of the people was ſo extremely diminiſhed, that the emperors were obliged to retire to Ravenna; a place ſo forti⯑fied by nature, that they could be ſafe without the aſſiſtance of an army. What Alaric, therefore, ſpared, Geſneric, king of the Vandals, not long after contributed to deſtroy: his mercileſs ſoldiers, for fourteen days together, ravaged with implacable fury, in the midſt of that venerable place. Neither private dwellings, nor public buildings, neither ſex, nor age, nor religion, were the leaſt protection againſt their luſt or avarice.

The capital of the empire being thus ranſacked ſeveral times, and Italy over-run by barbarous in⯑vaders, under various denominations, from the remoteſt ſkirts of Europe; the weſtern emperors, for ſome time, continued to hold the title without the power of royalty. Honorius lived till he ſaw himſelf ſtripped of the greateſt part of his domi⯑nions; [311] his capital taken by the Goths; the Huns ſeized of Pannonia; the Alans, Suevi, and Vandals eſtabliſhed in Spain; and the Burgundians ſettled in Gaul, where the Goths alſo fixed themſelves at laſt. After ſome time, the inhabitants of Rome alſo, being abandoned by their princes, feebly at⯑tempted to take the ſupreme power into their own hands. Armorica and Britain, ſeeing themſelves forſaken, began to regulate themſelves by their own laws. Thus the power of the ſtate was entirely broken, and thoſe who aſſumed the title of emperors, only encountered certain deſtruction. At length, even the very name of emperor of the Weſt expired upon the abdication of Auguſtulus; and Odoacer, general of the Heruli, aſſumed the title of king of all Italy. Such was the end of this great empire, that had conquered mankind with its arms, and in⯑ſtructed the world with its wiſdom; that had riſen by temperance, and that fell by luxury; that had been eſtabliſhed by a ſpirit of patriotiſm, and that ſunk into ruin when the empire was become ſo exten⯑ſive, that a Roman citizen was but an empty name. Its final diſſolution happened about five hundred and twenty-two years after the battle of Pharſalia; an hundred and forty-ſix after the re⯑moval of the imperial ſeat to Conſtantinople; and four hundred and ſeventy-ſix after the nativity of our Saviour.