I.

‘VERSE 1. BUT Pallas now, &c.]’ As in every juſt Hiſtory Picture there is one principal Figure, to which all the reſt refer and are ſubſervient; ſo in each Battel of the Iliad there is one principal Perſon, that may properly be call'd the Hero of that Day or Action. This Conduct preſerves the Unity of the Piece, and keeps the Imagination from being diſtra⯑cted and confuſed with a wild Number of independent Figures, which have no Subordination to each other. To make this pro⯑bable, Homer ſuppoſes theſe extraordinary Meaſures of Courage to be the immediate Gift of the Gods; who beſtow them ſome⯑times upon one, and ſometimes upon another, as they think fit to make them the Inſtruments of their Deſigns; an Opi⯑nion conformable to true Theology. Whoever reflects upon this, will not blame our Author for repreſenting the ſame Heroes brave at one time, and diſpirited at another; juſt as the Gods aſſiſt, or abandon them on different Occaſions.

II.

‘VERSE 1. Tydides.]’ That we may enter into the Spirit and Beauty of this Book, it will be proper to ſettle the true Character of Diomed who is the Hero of it. Achilles is no [72] ſooner retired, but Homer raiſes his other Greeks to ſupply his Abſence; like Stars that ſhine each in his due Revolution, till the principal Hero riſes again, and eclipſes all others. As Diomed is the firſt in this Office, he ſeems to have more of the Character of Achilles than any beſides. He has naturally an Exceſs of Boldneſs and too much Fury in his Temper, for⯑ward and intrepid like the other, and running after Gods or Men promiſcuouſly as they offer themſelves. But what differences his Character is, that he is ſoon reclaim'd by Advice, hears thoſe that are more experienced, and in a word, obeys Minerva in all things. He is aſſiſted by the Patroneſs of Wiſdom and Arms, as he is eminent both for Prudence and Valor. That which characterizes his Prudence is a quick Sagacity and Preſence of Mind in all Emergencies, and an undiſturb'd Readineſs in the very Article of Danger. And what is particular in his Valor is agreeable to theſe Qualities; his Actions being al⯑ways performed with remarkable Dexterity, Activity, and Diſpatch. As the gentle and manageable Turn of his Mind ſeems drawn with an Oppoſition to the boiſterous Temper of Achilles, ſo his bodily Excellencies ſeem deſign'd as in Con⯑traſte to thoſe of Ajax, who appears with great Strength, but heavy and unwieldy. As he is forward to act in the Field, ſo is he ready to ſpeak in the Council: But 'tis obſervable that his Counſels ſtill incline to War, and are byaſs'd rather on the ſide of Bravery than Caution. Thus he adviſes to reject the Propoſals of the Trojans in the ſeventh Book, and not to accept of Helen her ſelf, tho' Paris ſhould offer her. In the ninth, he oppoſes Agamemnon's Propoſition to return to Greece, in ſo ſtrong a manner, as to declare he will ſtay and continue the Siege himſelf, if the General ſhould de⯑part. And thus he hears without Concern Achilles's Re⯑fuſal of a Reconciliation, and doubts not to be able to carry on the War without him. As for his private Character, he appears a gallant Lover of Hoſpitality in his Behaviour to Glaucus in the ſixth Book; a Lover of Wiſdom in his Aſſiſt⯑ance of Neſtor in the eighth, and his Choice of Ulyſſes to ac⯑company him in the tenth; upon the whole, an open ſin⯑cere Friend, and a generous Enemy.

[73] The wonderful Actions he performs in this Battel, ſeem to be the Effect of a noble Reſentment at the Reproach he had receiv'd from Agamemnon in the foregoing Book, to which theſe Deeds are the Anſwer. He becomes immediately the ſecond Hero of Greece, and dreaded equally with Achilles by the Trojans. At the firſt Sight of him his Enemies make a Queſtion, Whether he is a Man or a God? Aeneas and Pandarus go againſt him, whoſe Approach terrifies Sthenelus, and the Apprehenſion of ſo great a Warrior marvellouſly exalts the Intrepidity of Diomed. Aeneas himſelf is not ſav'd but by the interpoſing of a Deity: He purſues and wounds that Deity, and Aeneas again eſcapes only by the Help of a ſtronger Power, Apollo. He attempts Apollo too, retreats not till the God threatens him in his own Voice, and even then retreats but a few Steps. When he ſees Hector and Mars himſelf in open Arms againſt him, he had not retir'd tho' he was wounded, but in Obedience to Minerva, and then retires with his Face toward them. But as ſoon as ſhe permits him to engage with that God, he conquers, and ſends him groaning to Heaven. What Invention and what Conduct appears in this whole Epiſode? What Boldneſs in raiſing a Character to ſuch a Pitch, and what Judgment in raiſing it by ſuch De⯑grees? While the moſt daring Flights of Poetry are employ'd to move our Admiration, and at the ſame time the juſteſt and cloſeſt Allegory, to reconcile thoſe Flights to moral Truth and Probability? It may be farther remark'd, that the high Degree to which Homer elevates this Character, en⯑ters into the principal Deſign of his whole Poem; which is to ſhew, that the greateſt Perſonal Qualities and Forces are of no Effect when Union is wanting among the chief Rulers, and that nothing can avail till they are reconciled ſo as to act in Concert.

III.

‘VERSE 5. High on his Helm Celeſtial Light'nings play.]’ This beautiful Paſſage gave occaſion to Zoilus for an inſipid Piece of Raillery, who ask'd how it happen'd that the Hero eſcap'd burning by theſe Fires that continually broke from [74] his Armor? Euſtathius anſwers, that there are ſeveral Exam⯑ples in Hiſtory, of Fires being ſeen to break forth from hu⯑man Bodies as Preſages of Greatneſs and Glory. Among the reſt, Plutarch in the Life of Alexander deſcribes his Helmet much in this manner. This is enough to warrant the Ficti⯑on, and were there no ſuch Example, the ſame Author ſays very well that the Imagination of a Poet is not to be confi⯑ned to ſtrict Phyſical Truths. But all Objections may eaſily be removed, if we conſider it as done by Minerva, who had determined this Day to raiſe Diomed above all the Heroes, and cauſed this Apparition to render him formidable. The Power of a God makes it not only allowable but highly no⯑ble, and greatly imagined by Homer; as well as correſpon⯑dent to a Miracle in holy Scripture, where Moſes is deſcribed with a Glory ſhining on his Face at his Deſcent from Mount Sinai, a Parallel which Spondanus has taken notice of.

Virgil was too ſenſible of the Beauty of this Paſſage not to imitate it, and it muſt be owned he has ſurpaſſed his Original.

In Homer's Compariſon there is no other Circumſtance allu⯑ded to but that of a remarkable Brightneſs: Whereas Virgil's Compariſon, beſide this, ſeems to foretel the immenſe Slaughter his Hero was to make, by comparing him firſt to a Comet, which is vulgarly imagin'd a Prognoſtick, if not the real Cauſe of much Miſery to Mankind; and again to the Dog-ſtar, which appearing with the greateſt Brightneſs in the latter end of Summer, is ſuppos'd the Occaſion of all the Diſtempers of that ſickly Seaſon. And methinks the Ob⯑jection of Macrobius to this Place is not juſt, who thinks the Simile unſeaſonably apply'd by Virgil to Aeneas, becauſe he was yet on his Ship, and had not begun the Battel. One may anſwer, that this miraculous Appearance could never be [75] more proper than at the firſt Sight of the Hero, to ſtrike Terror into the Enemy, and to prognoſticate his approach⯑ing Victory.

IV.

‘VERSE 27. Idaeus fled, Left the rich Chariot.]’ It is finely ſaid by M. Dacier, that Homer appears perhaps greater by the Criticiſms that have been paſt upon him, than by the Praiſes which have been given him. Zoilus had a Cavil at this Place; he thought it ridiculous in Idaeus to deſcend from his Chariot to fly, which he might have done faſter by the help of his Horſes. Three things are ſaid in anſwer to this; firſt, that Idaeus knowing the Paſſion which Diomed had for Horſes, might hope the Pleaſure of ſeizing theſe would re⯑tard him from purſuing him. Next, that Homer might de⯑ſign to repreſent in this Action of Idaeus the common Effect of Fear, which diſturbs the Underſtanding to ſuch a degree, as to make Men abandon the ſureſt means to ſave themſelves. And then, that Idaeus might have ſome Advantage of Diomed in Swiftneſs, which he had reaſon to confide in. But I fancy one may add another Solution which will better account for this Paſſage. Homer's word is [...], which I believe would be better tranſlated non perſeveravit, than non ſuſtinuit defen⯑dere fratrem interfectum: and then the Senſe will be clear, that Idaeus made an Effort to ſave his Brother's Body, which proving impracticable, he was obliged to fly with the utmoſt Precipitation. One may add, that his alighting from his Chariot was not that he could run faſter on foot, but that he could ſooner eſcape by mixing with the Crowd of com⯑mon Soldiers. There is a Particular exactly of the ſame Na⯑ture in the Book of Judges, Ch. 4. ℣. 15. where Siſera a⯑lights to fly in the ſame manner.

V.

‘VERSE 40. Who bathe in Blood.]’ It may ſeem ſomething unnatural, that Pallas at a time when ſhe is endeavouring to work upon Mars under the Appearance of Benevolence and Kindneſs, ſhould make uſe of Terms which ſeem ſo full of [76] bitter Reproaches; but theſe will appear very properly applied to this warlike Deity. For Perſons of this mar⯑tial Character, who ſcorning Equity and Reaſon, carry all things by Force, are better pleas'd to be celebrated for their Power than their Virtue. Statues are rais'd to the Conquerors, that is, the Deſtroyers of Nations, who are com⯑plemented for excelling in the Arts of Ruine. Demetrius the Son of Antigonus was celebrated by his Flatterers with the Ti⯑tle of Poliorcetes, a Term equivalent to one here made uſe of.

VI.

‘VERSE 46. The God of Arms and martial Maid retreat.]’ The Retreat of Mars from the Trojans intimates that Cou⯑rage forſook them: It may be ſaid then, that Minerva's Ab⯑ſence from the Greeks will ſignify that Wiſdom deſerted them alſo. It is true ſhe does deſert them, but it is at a time when there was more occaſion for gallant Actions than for wiſe Counſels. Euſtathius.

VII.

‘VERSE 48. The Greeks the Trojan Race purſue.]’ Homer always appears very zealous for the Honour of Greece, which alone might be a Proof of his being of that Country, againſt the Opinion of thoſe who would have him of other Nations.

It is obſervable thro' the whole Ilaid, that he endeavours every where to repreſent the Greeks as ſuperior to the Tro⯑jans in Valor and the Art of War. In the beginning of the third Book he deſcribes the Trojans ruſhing on to the Battel in a barbarous and confus'd manner, with loud Shouts and Cries, while the Greeks advance in the moſt profound Silence and exact Order. And in the latter Part of the fourth Book, where the two Armies march to the Engagement, the Greeks are animated by Pallas, while Mars inſtigates the Tro⯑jans, the Poet attributing by this plain Allegory to the for⯑mer a well-conducted Valor, to the latter raſh Strength and brutal Force: So that the Abilities of each Nation are di⯑ſtinguiſh'd by the Characters of the Deities who aſſiſt them. [77] But in this Place, as Euſtathius obſerves, the Poet being wil⯑ling to ſhew how much the Greeks excell'd their Enemies when they engag'd only with their proper Force, and when each ſide was alike deſtitute of divine Aſſiſtance, takes occa⯑ſion to remove the Gods out of the Battel, and then each Grecian Chief gives ſignal Inſtances of Valor ſuperior to the Trojans.

A modern Critick obſerves that this conſtant Superiority of the Greeks in the Art of War, Valor, and Number, is contradictory to the main Deſign of the Poem, which is to make the Return of Achilles appear neceſſary for the Preſer⯑vation of the Greeks; but this Contradiction vaniſhes when we reflect that the Affront given Achilles was the occaſion of Jupiter's interpoſing in favour of the Trojans. Wherefore the Anger of Achilles was not pernicious to the Greeks purely becauſe it kept him inactive, but becauſe it occaſion'd Jupiter to afflict them in ſuch a manner, as made it neceſſary to appeaſe Achilles in order to render Jupiter propitious.

VIII.

‘VERSE 63. Back from the Car he tumbles.]’ It is in Poetry as in Painting, the Poſtures and Attitudes of each Figure ought to be different: Homer takes care not to draw two Per⯑ſons in the ſame Poſture; one is tumbled from his Chariot, another is ſlain as he aſcends it, a third as he endeavours to eſcape on Foot, a Conduct which is every where obſerved by the Poet. Euſtathius.

IX.

‘VERSE 75. Next artful Phereclus.]’ This Character of Phe⯑reclus is finely imagined, and preſents a noble Moral in an un⯑common manner. There ran a Report, that the Trojans had formerly receiv'd an Oracle, commanding them to fol⯑low Husbandry, and not apply themſelves to Navigation. Homer from hence takes occaſion to feign, that the Ship⯑wright who preſumed to build the Fleet of Paris when he took his fatal Voyage to Greece, was overtaken by the di⯑vine [78] Vengeance ſo long after as in this Battel. One may take notice too in this, as in many other Places, of the re⯑markable Diſpoſition Homer ſhews to Mechanicks; he never omits an Opportunity either of deſcribing a Piece of Work⯑manſhip, or of celebrating an Artiſt.

X.

Homer in this remarkable Paſſage commends the fair Theano for breeding up a Baſtard of her Husband's with the ſame Tenderneſs as her own Children. This Lady was a Wo⯑man of the firſt Quality, and (as it appears in the ſixth Iliad) the high Prieſteſs of Minerva: So that one cannot imagine the Education of this Child was impoſed upon her by the Au⯑thority or Power of Antenor; Homer himſelf takes care to remove any ſuch derogatory Notion, by particularizing the Motive of this unuſual Piece of Humanity to have been to pleaſe her Husband, [...]. Nor ought we to leſſen this Commendation by thinking the Wives of thoſe Times in general were more complaiſant than thoſe of our own. The Stories of Phoenix, Clytemneſtra, Medea, and ma⯑ny others, are plain Inſtances how highly the keeping of Mi⯑ſtreſſes was reſented by the married Ladies. But there was indeed a difference between the Greeks and Aſiaticks as to their Notions of Marriage: For it is certain the latter al⯑lowed Plurality of Wives; Priam had many lawful ones, and ſome of them Princeſſes who brought great Dowries. Theano was an Aſiatick, and that is the moſt we can grant; for the Son ſhe nurs'd ſo carefully was apparently not by a Wife, but by a Miſtreſs; and her Paſſions were naturally the ſame with thoſe of the Grecian Women. As to the Degree of Regard then ſhewn to the Baſtards, they were carefully enough educated, tho' not (like this of Ante⯑nor) as the lawful Iſſue, nor admitted to an equal ſhare of Inheritance. Megapenthes and Nicoſtratus were excluded from the Inheritance of Sparta, becauſe they were born of Bond-Women, [79] as Pauſanias ſays. But Neoptolemus, a natural Son of Achilles by Deidamia, ſucceeded in his Father's Kingdom, per⯑haps with reſpect to his Mother's Quality who was a Princeſs. Upon the whole, however that Matter ſtood, Homer was very favourable to Baſtards, and has paid them more Complements than one in his Works. If I am not miſtaken Ulyſſes reckons himſelf one in the Odyſſeis. Agamemnon in the eighth Iliad plainly accounts it no Diſgrace, when charm'd with the no⯑ble Exploits of young Teucer, and praiſing him in the Rap⯑ture of his Heart, he juſt then takes occaſion to mention his Illegitimacy as a kind of Panegyrick upon him. The Reader may conſult the Paſſage, ℣. 284 of the Original and ℣. 333 of the Tranſlation. From all this I ſhould not be averſe to believe that Homer himſelf was a Baſtard, as Virgil was, of which I think this Obſervation a better Proof, than what is ſaid for it in the common Lives of him.

XI.

From the Number of Circumſtances put together here, and in many other Paſſages, of the Parentage, Place of Abode, Profeſſion, and Quality of the Perſons our Author mentions; I think it is plain he compoſed his Poem from ſome Records or Traditions of the Actions of the Times preceding, and complied with the Truth of Hiſtory. Otherwiſe theſe parti⯑cular Deſcriptions of Genealogies and other minute Circum⯑ſtances would have been an Affectation extremely needleſs and unreaſonable. This Conſideration will account for ſeveral things that ſeem odd or tedious, not to add that one may naturally believe he took theſe Occaſions of paying a Com⯑plement to many great Men and Families of his Patrons, both in Greece and Aſia.

XII.

‘VERSE 108. Down ſinks the Prieſt.]’ Homer makes him die upon the cutting off his Arm, which is an Inſtance of his Skill; for the great Flux of Blood that muſt follow ſuch a Wound, would be the immediate Cauſe of Death.

XIII.

‘VERSE 116. Thus Torrents ſwift and ſtrong.]’ This whole Paſſage (ſays Euſtathius) is extremely beautiful. It de⯑ſcribes the Hero carry'd by an Enthuſiaſtick Valor into the midſt of his Enemies, and ſo mingled with their Ranks as if himſelf were a Trojan. And the Simile wonderfully il⯑luſtrates this Fury proceeding from an uncommon Infuſion of Courage from Heaven, in reſembling it not to a conſtant River, but a Torrent riſing from an extraordinary Burſt of Rain. This Simile is one of thoſe that draws along with it ſome foreign Circumſtances: We muſt not often ex⯑pect from Homer thoſe minute Reſemblances in every Branch of a Compariſon, which are the Pride of modern Similes. If that which one may call the main Action of it, or the prin⯑cipal Point of Likeneſs, be preſerved; he affects, as to the reſt, rather to preſent the Mind with a great Image, than to fix it down to an exact one. He is ſure to make a fine Pi⯑cture in the whole, without drudging on the under Parts; like thoſe free Painters who (one would think) had only made here and there a few very ſignificant Strokes, that give Form and Spirit to all the Piece. For the preſent Compariſon, Virgil in the ſecond Aeneid has inſerted an Imitation of it, which I cannot think equal to this, tho' Scaliger prefers Vir⯑gil's to all our Author's Similitudes from Rivers put together.

XIV.

‘VERSE 139. The Dart ſtopt ſhort of Life.]’ Homer ſays it did not kill him, and I am at a Loſs why M. Dacier tranſlates it, The Wound was ſlight; when juſt after the Arrow is ſaid to have pierc'd quite thro', and ſhe herſelf there turns it, Perçoit l'eſpaule d'outre en outre. Had it been ſo ſlight, he would not have needed the immediate Aſſiſtance of Minerva to reſtore his uſual Vigor, and enable him to continue the Fight.

XV.

‘VERSE 164. From mortal Miſts I purge thy Eyes.]’ This Fiction of Homer (ſays M. Dacier) is founded upon an im⯑portant Truth of Religion, not unknown to the Pagans, that God only can open the Eyes of Men, and enable them to ſee what they cannot diſcover by their own Capacity. There are frequent Examples of this in the Old Teſtament. God opens the Eyes of Hagar that ſhe might ſee the Fountain, in Geneſ. 21. ℣. 14. So Numbers 22. ℣. 31. The Lord open'd the Eyes of Balaam, and he ſaw the Angel of the Lord ſtanding in his way, and his Sword drawn in his Hand. A Paſſage much reſembling this of our Author. Venus in Virgil's ſe⯑cond Aeneid performs the ſame Office to Aeneas, and ſhews him the Gods who were engag'd in the Deſtruction of Troy.

Milton ſeems likewiſe to have imitated this where he makes [82] Michael open Adam's Eyes to ſee the future Revolutions of the World, and Fortunes of his Poſterity, Book 11.

This diſtinguiſhing Sight of Diomed was given him only for the preſent Occaſion and Service in which he was employ'd by Pallas. For we find in the ſixth Book that upon meeting Glaucus, he is ignorant whether that Hero be a Man or a God.

XVI.

‘VERSE 194. No myſtic Dream.]’ This Line in the Origi⯑nal, [...], contains as puz⯑zling a Paſſage for the Conſtruction as I have met with in Homer. Moſt Interpreters join the negative Particle [...] with the Verb [...], which may receive three different Mean⯑ings: That Eurydamas had not interpreted the Dreams of his Children when they went to the Wars, or that he had fore⯑told them by their Dreams they ſhould never return from the Wars, or that he ſhould now no more have the Satisfaction to interpret their Dreams at their Return. After all, this Conſtruction ſeems forced, and no way agreeable to the ge⯑neral Idiom of the Greek Language, or to Homer's ſimple Di⯑ction in particular. If we join [...] with [...], I think the moſt obvious Senſe will be this; Diomed attacks the two Sons of Eurydamas an old Interpreter of Dreams; his Children not returning, the Prophet ſought by his Dreams to know their Fate; however they fall by the Hands of Diomed. This Interpretation ſeems natural and poetical, and tends to move Compaſſion, which is almoſt conſtantly the Deſign of the Poet in his frequent ſhort Digreſſions concerning the Circumſtances and Relations of dying Perſons.

XVII.

‘VERSE 202. To Strangers now deſcends his wealthy Store.]’ [83] This is a Circumſtance than which nothing could be imagi⯑ned more tragical, conſidering the Character of the Father. Homer ſays the Truſtees of the remote collateral Relations ſeiz'd the Eſtate before his Eyes (according to a Cuſtom of thoſe Times) which to a covetous old Man muſt be the greateſt of Miſeries.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 212. Divine Aeneas.]’ It is here Aeneas begins to act, and if we take a View of the whole Epiſode of this Hero in Homer, where he makes but an Under-part, it will ap⯑pear that Virgil has kept him perfectly in the ſame Chara⯑cter in his Poem, where he ſhines as the firſt Hero. His Piety and his Valor, tho' not drawn at ſo full a length, are mark'd no leſs in the Original than in the Copy. It is the manner of Homer to expreſs very ſtrongly the Character of each Perſon in the firſt Speech he is made to utter in the Poem. In this of Aeneas, there is a great Air of Piety in thoſe Strokes, Is he ſome God who puniſhes Troy for having neglected his Sacrifices? And then that Sentence, The Anger of Heaven is terrible. When he is in Danger afterwards, he is ſaved by the heavenly Aſſiſtance of two Deities at once, and his Wounds cured in the holy Temple of Pergamus by Latona and Diana. As to his Valor, he is ſecond only to Hector, and in perſonal Bravery as great in the Greek Author as in the Roman. He is made to exert himſelf on Emergen⯑cies of the firſt Importance and Hazard, rather than on com⯑mon Occaſions: he checks Diomed here in the midſt of his Fury; in the thirteenth Book defends his Friend Deiphobus before it was his Turn to fight, being placed in one of the hind⯑moſt Ranks (which Homer, to take off all Objection to his Valor, tells us happen'd becauſe Priam had an Animoſity to him, tho' he was one of the braveſt of the Army.) He is one of thoſe who reſcue Hector when he is overthrown by Ajax in the fourteenth Book. And what alone were ſuffici⯑ent to eſtabliſh him a firſt-rate Hero, he is the firſt that dares reſiſt Achilles himſelf at his Return to the Fight in all his Rage for the Loſs of Patroclus. He indeed avoids encoun⯑tering [84] two at once, in the preſent Book; and ſhews upon the whole a ſedate and deliberate Courage, which if not ſo glaring as that of ſome others, is yet more juſt. It is worth conſidering how thoroughly Virgil penetrated into all this, and ſaw into the very Idea of Homer; ſo as to extend and call forth the whole Figure in its full Dimenſions and Colours from the ſlighteſt Hints and Sketches which were but caſually touch'd by Homer, and even in ſome Points too where they were rather left to be underſtood, than expreſs'd. And this, by the way, ought to be conſider'd by thoſe Criticks who object to Virgil's Hero the want of that ſort of Courage which ſtrikes us ſo much in Homer's Achilles. Aeneas was not the Crea⯑ture of Virgil's Imagination, but one whom the World was already acquainted with, and expected to ſee continued in the ſame Character; and one who perhaps was choſen for the Hero of the Latin Poem, not only as he was the Foun⯑der of the Roman Empire, but as this more calm and regu⯑lar Character better agreed with the Temper and Genius of the Poet himſelf.

XIX.

‘VERSE 242. Skill'd in the Bow, &c.]’ We ſee thro' this whole Diſcourſe of Pandarus the Character of a vain-glorious paſſionate Prince, who being skill'd in the Uſe of the Bow, was highly valued by himſelf and others for this Excellence; but having been ſucceſsleſs in two different Trials of his Skill, he is rais'd into an outragious Paſſion, which vents itſelf in vain Threats on his guiltleſs Bow. Euſtathius on this Paſ⯑ſage relates a Story of a Paphlagonian famous like him for his Archery, who having miſs'd his Aim at repeated Trials, was ſo tranſported by Rage, that breaking his Bow and Ar⯑rows, he executed a more fatal Vengeance by hanging him⯑ſelf.

XX.

‘VERSE 244. Ten poliſh'd Chariots.]’ Among the many Pi⯑ctures Homer gives us of the Simplicity of the Heroic Ages, he mingles from time to time ſome Hints of an extraordina⯑ry [85] Magnificence. We have here a Prince who has all theſe Chariots for Pleaſure at one time, with their particular Sets of Horſes to each, and the moſt ſumptuous Coverings in their Stables. But we muſt remember that he ſpeaks of an Aſiatic Prince, thoſe Barbarians living in great Luxury. Dacier.

XXI.

‘VERSE 252. Yet to Thrift inclin'd.]’ 'Tis Euſtathius his Re⯑mark, that Pandarus did this out of Avarice, to ſave the Ex⯑pence of his Horſes. I like this Conjecture, becauſe nothing ſeems more judicious, than to give a Man of a perfidious Character a ſtrong Tincture of Avarice.

XXII.

‘VERSE 261. And undiſſembled Gore purſu'd the Wound.]’ The Greek is [...]. He ſays he is ſure it was real Blood that follow'd his Arrow; becauſe it was anciently a Cuſtom, particularly among the Spartans, to have Ornaments and Figures of a purple Colour on their Breaſt-Plates, that the Blood they loſt might not be ſeen by the Soldiers, and tend to their Diſcouragement. Plutarch in his Inſtit. Lacon. takes notice of this Point of Antiquity, and I wonder it eſcap'd Madam Dacier in her Tranſlation.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 273. Nor Phoebus' honour'd Gift diſgrace.]’ For Ho⯑mer tells us in the ſecond Book, ℣. 334 of the Catalogue, that the Bow and Shafts of Pandarus were given him by Apollo.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 284. Haſte, ſeize the Whip, &c.]’ Homer means not here, that one of the Heroes ſhould alight or deſcend from the Chariot, but only that he ſhould quit the Reins to the Management of the other, and ſtand on Foot upon the Chariot to fight from thence. As one might uſe the Expreſ⯑ſion, [86] to deſcend from the Ship, to ſignify to quit the Helm or Oar, in order to take up Arms. This is the Note of Eu⯑ſtathius, by which it appears that moſt of the Tranſlators are miſtaken in the Senſe of this Paſſage, and among the reſt Mr. Hobbes.

XXV.

‘VERSE 320. One Chief at leaſt beneath this Arm ſhall die.]’ It is the manner of our Author to make his Perſons have ſome Intimation from within, either of proſperous or adverſe Fortune, before it happens to them. In the preſent Inſtance, we have ſeen Aeneas, aſtoniſh'd at the great Exploits of Dio⯑med, propoſing to himſelf the Means of his Eſcape by the Swiftneſs of his Horſes, before he advances to encounter him. On the other hand, Diomed is ſo filled with Aſſurance, that he gives Orders here to Sthenelus to ſeize thoſe Horſes, before they come up to him. The Oppoſition of theſe two (as Mad. Dacier has remark'd) is very obſervable.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 327. The Courſers of Aethereal Breed.]’ We have already obſerved the great Delight Homer takes in Horſes. He makes ſome Horſes, as well as Heroes, of celeſtial Race: and if he has been thought too fond of the Genealogies of ſome of his Warriors, in relating them even in a Battel; we find him here as willing to trace that of his Horſes in the ſame Circumſtance. Theſe were of that Breed which Jupiter beſtow'd upon Tros, and far ſuperior to the common Strain of Trojan Horſes. So that (according to Euſtathius's Opini⯑on) the Tranſlators are miſtaken who turn [...], the Trojan Horſes, in ℣. 222 of the Original, where Aeneas ex⯑tolls their Qualities to Pandarus. The ſame Author takes notice, that Frauds in the Caſe of Horſes have been thought excuſable in all Times, and commends Anchiſes for this Piece of Theft. Virgil was ſo well pleas'd with it as to imi⯑tate this Paſſage in the ſeventh Aeneid.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 353. Full in his Face it enter'd.]’ It has been ask'd, how Diomed being on Foot, could naturally be ſuppos'd to give ſuch a Wound as is deſcrib'd here. Were it never ſo improbable, the expreſs mention that Minerva conducted the Javelin to that Part, would render this Paſſage unexceptiona⯑ble. But without having recourſe to a Miracle, ſuch a Wound might be receiv'd by Pandarus either if he ſtoop'd; or if his Enemy took the Advantage of a riſing Ground, by which means he might not impoſſibly ſtand higher, tho' the other were in a Chariot. This is the Solution given by the anci⯑ent Scholia, which is confirm'd by the Lowneſs of the Cha⯑riots, obſerved in the Eſſay on Homer's Battels.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 361. To guard his ſlaughter'd Friend Aeneas flies.]’ This protecting of the dead Body was not only an Office of Piety agreeable to the Character of Aeneas in particular, but look'd upon as a Matter of great Importance in thoſe Times. It was believ'd that the very Soul of the deceas'd ſuffer'd by the Body's remaining deſtitute of the Rites of Se⯑pulture, as not being elſe admitted to paſs the Waters of Styx.

[88] Whoever conſiders this, will not be ſurprized at thoſe long and obſtinate Combates for the Bodies of the Heroes, ſo frequent in the Iliad. Homer thought it of ſuch Weight, that he has put this Circumſtance of want of Burial into the Propo⯑ſition at the beginning of his Poem, as one of the chief Mis⯑fortunes that befel the Greeks.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 371. Not two ſtrong Men.]’ This Opinion of a Degeneracy of human Size and Strength in the Proceſs of Ages, has been very general. Lucretius, Lib. 2.

The active Life and Temperance of the firſt Men, before their native Powers were prejudiced by Luxury, may be ſup⯑poſed to have given them this Advantage. Celſus in his firſt Book obſerves, that Homer mentions no ſort of Diſeaſes in the old Heroic Times but what were immediately inflicted by Heaven, as if their Temperance and Exerciſe preſerved them from all beſides. Virgil imitates this Paſſage, with a farther Allowance of the Decay in Proportion to the Diſtance of his Time from that of Homer. For he ſays it was an Attempt that exceeded the Strength of twelve Men, inſtead of two.

Juvenal has made an agreeable Uſe of this Thought in his fourteenth Satyr.

XXX.

‘VERSE 391. Hid from the Foe behind her ſhining Veil.]’ Homer ſays, ſhe ſpread her Veil that it might be a Defence againſt the Darts. How comes it then afterwards to be pierc'd thro', when Venus is wounded? It is manifeſt the Veil was not impenetrable, and is ſaid here to be a Defence only as it render'd Aeneas inviſible, by being interpoſed. This is the Obſervation of Euſtathius, and was thought too material to be neglected in the Tranſlation.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 403. To bold Deipylus—Whom moſt he lov'd.]’ Sthe⯑nelus (ſays M. Dacier) loved Deipylus, parce qu'il avoit la meſme humeur que luy, la meſme ſageſſe. The Words in the Original are [...]. Becauſe his Mind was e⯑qual and conſentaneous to his own; which I ſhould rather tranſlate, with regard to the Character of Sthenelus, that he had the ſame Bravery, than the ſame Wiſdom. For that Sthenelus was not remarkable for Wiſdom appears from ma⯑ny Paſſages, and particularly from his Speech to Agamemnon in the fourth Book, upon which ſee Plutarch's Remark, Note 28.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 408. The Chief in chace of Venus flies.]’ We have ſeen with what Eaſe Venus takes Paris out of the Battel in the third Book, when his Life was in danger from Menelaus; but here when ſhe has a Charge of more Importance and nearer Concern, ſhe is not able to preſerve her ſelf or her Son from the Fury of Diomed. The difference of Succeſs in two Attempts ſo like each other, is occaſion'd by that Pene⯑tration of Sight with which Pallas had endu'd her Favorite. For the Gods in their Intercourſe with Men are not ordina⯑rily ſeen but when they pleaſe to render themſelves viſible; wherefore Venus might think her ſelf and her Son ſecure from the Inſolence of this daring Mortal; but was in this de⯑ceiv'd, [90] being ignorant of that Faculty, wherewith the Hero was enabled to diſtinguiſh Gods as well as Men.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 419. Her ſnowie Hand the razing Steel profan'd.]’ Plutarch in his Sympoſiacks l. 9. tells us, that Maximus the Rhetorician propos'd this far-fetch'd Queſtion at a Banquet, On which of her Hands Venus was wounded? and that Zopy⯑rion anſwer'd it by asking, On which of his Legs Philip was lame? But Maximus reply'd it was a different Caſe: For De⯑moſthenes left no Foundation to gueſs at the one, whereas Homer gives a Solution of the other, in ſaying that Diomed throwing his Spear acroſs, wounded her Wriſt: ſo that it was her right Hand he hurt, her left being oppoſite to his right. He adds another humorous Reaſon from Pallas's reproaching her afterwards, as having got this Wound while ſhe was ſtro⯑king and ſolliciting ſome Grecian Lady, and unbuckling her Zone; An Action (ſays this Philoſopher) in which no one would make uſe of the left Hand.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 422. Such Stream as iſſues from a wounded God.]’ This is one of thoſe Paſſages in Homer which have given oc⯑caſion to that famous Cenſure of Tully and Longinus, That he makes Gods of his Heroes, and Mortals of his Gods. Theſe, taken in a general Senſe, appear'd the higheſt Impiety to Plato and Pythagoras; one of whom has baniſh'd Homer from his Commonwealth, and the other ſaid he was tortured in Hell, for Fictions of this Nature. But if a due Diſtinction be made of a difference among Beings ſuperior to Mankind, which both the Pagans and Chriſtians have allowed, theſe Fables may be eaſily accounted for. Wounds inflicted on the Dragon, Bruiſing of the Serpent's Head, and other ſuch me⯑taphorical Images are conſecrated in holy Writ, and apply'd to Angelical and incorporeal Natures. But in our Author's Days they had a Notion of Gods that were corporeal, to whom they aſcribed Bodies, tho' of a more ſubtil Kind than [91] thoſe of Mortals. So in this very Place he ſuppoſes them to have Blood, but Blood of a finer and ſuperior Nature. Not⯑withſtanding the foregoing Cenſures, Milton has not ſcrupled to imitate and apply this to Angels in the Chriſtian Syſtem, when Satan is wounded by Michael in his ſixth Book.

Ariſtotle, Cap. 26. Art. Poet. excuſes Homer for following Fame and common Opinion in his Account of the Gods, tho' no way agreeable to Truth. The Religion of thoſe Times taught no other Notions of the Deity, than that the Gods were Beings of human Forms and Paſſions; ſo that a⯑ny but a real Anthropomorphite would probably have paſt among the ancient Greeks for an impious Heretick: They thought their Religion, which worſhipped the Gods in Ima⯑ges of human Shape, was much more refin'd and rational than that of Aegypt and other Nations, who ador'd them in animal or monſtrous Forms. And certainly Gods of human Shape cannot juſtly be eſteemed or deſcribed otherwiſe, than as a celeſtial Race, ſuperior only to mortal Men by greater Abili⯑ties, and a more extenſive Degree of Wiſdom and Strength, ſubject however to the neceſſary Inconveniencies conſequent to corporeal Beings. Cicero in his Book de Nat. Deor. ur⯑ges this Conſequence ſtrongly againſt the Epicureans, who tho' they depos'd the Gods from any Power in creating or governing the World, yet maintain'd their Exiſtence in human Forms. ‘Non enim ſentitis quam multa vobis ſuſcipienda ſunt ſi impetraveritis ut concedamus eandem eſſe hominum & deorum [92] figuram; omnis cultus & curatio corporis erit eadem adhibenda Deo quae adhibetur homini, ingreſſus, curſus, accubatio, inclinatio, ſeſſio, comprehenſio, ad extremum etiam ſermo & oratio. Nam quod & mares Deos & faeminas eſſe dicitis, quid ſequatur videtis.’

This Particular of the wounding of Venus ſeems to be a Fiction of Homer's own Brain, naturally deducible from the Doctrine of corporeal Gods above-mentioned; and conſider⯑ed as Poetry, no way ſhocking. Yet our Author as if he had foreſeen ſome Objection, has very artfully inſerted a Ju⯑ſtification of this bold Stroke, in the Speech Dione ſoon af⯑ter makes to Venus. For as it was natural to comfort her Daughter, by putting her in mind that many other Deities had receiv'd as ill Treatment from Mortals by the Permiſſion of Jupiter; ſo it was of great Uſe to the Poet, to enume⯑rate thoſe ancient Fables to the ſame Purpoſe, which being then generally aſſented to might obtain Credit for his own. This fine Remark belongs to Euſtathius.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 424. Unlike our groſs, diſeas'd, terreſtrial Blood, &c.]’ The Opinion of the Incorruptibility of Celeſtial Matter ſeems to have been receiv'd in the Time of Homer. For he makes the Immortality of the Gods to depend upon the incorrupti⯑ble Nature of the Nutriment by which they are ſuſtained: As the Mortality of Men to proceed from the corruptible Ma⯑terials of which they are made, and by which they are nou⯑riſhed. We have ſeveral Inſtances in him from whence this may be inferred, as when Diomed queſtions Glaucus if he be a God or a Mortal, he adds, One who is ſuſtained by the Fruits of the Earth. Lib. 6. ℣. 142.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 449. Low at his Knee ſhe begg'd.]’ All the former Engliſh Tranſlators make it, ſhe fell on her Knees, an Over⯑ſight occaſion'd by the want of a competent Knowledge in Antiquities (without which no Man can tolerably underſtand this Author.) For the Cuſtom of praying on the Knees was [93] unknown to the Greeks, and in uſe only among the Hebrews.

XXXVII.

‘VERSE 472. And ſhare thoſe Griefs inferior Pow'rs muſt ſhare.]’ The word Inferior is added by the Tranſlator, to o⯑pen the Diſtinction Homer makes between the Divinity itſelf, which he repreſents impaſſible, and the ſubordinate celeſtial Beings or Spirits.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 475. The mighty Mars, &c.]’ Homer in theſe Fa⯑bles, as upon many other Occaſions, makes a great Show of his Theological Learning, which was the manner of all the Greeks who had travell'd into Aegypt. Thoſe who would ſee theſe Allegories explained at large, may conſult Euſtathius on this Place. Virgil ſpeaks much in the ſame Figure when he deſcribes the happy Peace with which Auguſtus had bleſt the World,

XXXIX.

‘VERSE 479. Perhaps had periſh'd.]’ Some of Homer's Cen⯑ſurers have inferr'd from this Paſſage, that the Poet repreſents his Gods ſubject to Death, when nothing but great Miſery is here deſcribed. It is a common way of Speech to uſe Perdi⯑tion and Deſtruction for Misfortune. The Language of Scri⯑pture calls eternal Puniſhment periſhing everlaſtingly. There is a remarkable Paſſage to this Purpoſe in Tacitus, An. 6. which very lively repreſents the miſerable State of a diſtract⯑ed Tyrant: It is the beginning of a Letter from Tiberius to the Senate, ‘Quid ſcribam vobis, P. C. aut quomodo ſcribam, aut quid omnino non ſcribam hoc tempore, Dii me deaeque pe⯑jus perdant quam perire quotidie ſentio, ſi ſcio.’

XL.

‘VERSE 498. No Infant on his Knees ſhall call him Sire.]’ This is Homer's manner of foretelling that he ſhall periſh un⯑fortunately in Battel, which is infinitely a more artful way of conveying that Thought than by a direct Expreſſion. He does not ſimply ſay, he ſhall never return from the War, but intimates as much by deſcribing the Loſs of the moſt ſenſible and affecting Pleaſure that a Warrior can receive at his Re⯑turn. Of the like Nature is the Prophecy at the end of this Speech of the Hero's Death, by repreſenting it in a Dream of his Wife's. There are many fine Strokes of this kind in the Prophetical Parts of the Old Teſtament. Nothing is more natural than Dione's forming theſe Images of Revenge upon Diomed, the Hope of which Vengeance was ſo proper a Topick of Conſolation to Venus.

XLI.

‘VERSE 500. To ſtretch thee pale, &c.]’ Virgil has taken notice of this threatning Denunciation of Vengeance, tho' fulfill'd in a different manner, where Diomed in his Anſwer to the Embaſſador of K. Latinus enumerates his Misfortunes, and imputes the Cauſe of them to this impious Attempt upon Venus. Aeneid, Lib. 11.

XLII.

‘VERSE 501. Thy diſtant Wife.]’ The Poet ſeems here to complement the Fair Sex at the Expence of Truth, by con⯑cealing the Character of Aegiale, whom he has deſcrib'd with the Diſpoſition of a faithful Wife; tho' the Hiſtory of thoſe Times repreſents her as an abandon'd Proſtitute, who gave up her own Perſon and her Husband's Crown to her Lover. So that Diomed at his Return from Troy, when he expected to be receiv'd with all the Tenderneſs of a loving Spouſe, found his Bed and Throne poſſeſs'd by an Adulterer, was forc'd to fly his Country, and ſeek Refuge and Subſiſtence in foreign Lands. Thus the offended Goddeſs executed her Vengeance by the proper Effects of her own Power, by in⯑volving the Hero in a Series of Misfortunes proceeding from the Incontinence of his Wife.

XLIII.

‘VERSE 517. The Sire of Gods and Men ſuperior ſmil'd.]’ One may obſerve the Decorum and Decency our Author con⯑ſtantly preſerves on this Occaſion: Jupiter only ſmiles, the other Gods laugh out. That Homer was no Enemy to Mirth may appear from ſeveral Places of his Poem; which ſo ſeri⯑ous as it is, is interſpers'd with many Gayeties, indeed more than he has been follow'd in by the ſucceeding Epic Poets. Milton, who was perhaps fonder of him than the reſt, has given moſt into the ludicrous; of which his Paradiſe of Fools in the third Book, and his Jeſting Angels in the ſixth, are extraordinary Inſtances. Upon the Confuſion of Babel, he ſays there was great Laughter in Heaven: as Homer calls the Laughter of the Gods in the firſt Book [...], an in⯑extinguiſhable Laugh: But the Scripture might perhaps em⯑bolden the Engliſh Poet, which ſays, The Lord ſhall laugh them to Scorn, and the like. Plato is very angry at Homer for making the Deities laugh, as a high Indecency and Of⯑fence to Gravity. He ſays the Gods in our Author repre⯑ſent Magiſtrates and Perſons in Authority, and are deſign⯑ed [96] as Examples to ſuch: On this Suppoſition, he blames him for propoſing immoderate Laughter as a thing de⯑cent in great Men. I forgot to take notice in its proper Place, that the Epither inextinguiſhable is not to be taken li⯑terally for diſſolute or ceaſleſs Mirth, but was only a Phraſe of that time to ſignify Chearfulneſs and ſeaſonable Gayety; in the ſame manner as we may now ſay, to die with Laughter, without being underſtood to be in danger of dying with it. The Place, Time, and Occaſion were all agreeable to Mirth: It was at a Banquet; and Plato himſelf relates ſeveral things that paſt at the Banquet of Agathon, which had not been either decent or rational at any other Seaſon. The ſame may be ſaid of the preſent Paſſage: Raillery could never be more natural than when two of the Female Sex had an Opportu⯑nity of triumphing over another whom they hated. Homer makes Wiſdom her ſelf not able, even in the Preſence of Jupiter, to reſiſt the Temptation. She breaks into a ludi⯑crous Speech, and the ſupreme Being himſelf vouchſafes a Smile at it. But this (as Euſtathius remarks) is not introdu⯑duced without Judgment and Precaution. For we ſee he makes Minerva firſt beg Jupiter's Permiſſion for this Piece of Freedom, Permit thy Daughter, gracious Jove; in which he asks the Reader's leave to enliven his Narration with this Piece of Gayety.

XLIV.

‘VERSE 540. He dreads his Fury, and ſome Steps retires.]’ Diomed ſtill maintains his intrepid Character; he retires but a Step or two even from Apollo. The Conduct of Homer is remarkably juſt and rational here. He gives Diomed no ſort of Advantage over Apollo, becauſe he would not feign what was entirely incredible, and what no Allegory could juſtify. He wounds Venus and Mars, as it is morally poſſible to o⯑vercome the irregular Paſſions which are repreſented by thoſe Deities. But it is impoſſible to vanquiſh Apollo, in whatſoe⯑ver Capacity he is conſidered, either as the Sun, or as Deſti⯑ny: One may ſhoot at the Sun but not hurt him, and one may ſtrive againſt Deſtiny but not ſurmount it. Euſtathius.

XLV.

‘VERSE 546. A Phantome rais'd.]’ The Fiction of a God's placing a Phantome inſtead of the Hero, to delude the E⯑nemy and continue the Engagement, means no more than that the Enemy thought he was in the Battel. This is the Language of Poetry, which prefers a marvellous Fiction to a plain and ſimple Truth, the Recital whereof would be cold and unaffecting. Thus Minerva's guiding a Javelin, ſignifies only that it was thrown with Art and Dexterity; Mars taking upon him the Shape of Acamas, that the Cou⯑rage of Acamas incited him to do ſo, and in like manner of the reſt. The preſent Paſſage is copied by Virgil in the tenth Aeneid, where the Spectre of Aeneas is raiſed by Juno or the Air, as it is here by Apollo or the Sun; both equally proper to be employ'd in forming an Apparition. Whoever will compare the two Authors on this Subject, will obſerve with what admirable Art, and what exquiſite Ornaments, the latter has improved and beautify'd his Original. Scaliger in comparing theſe Places, has abſurdly cenſured the Phantome of Homer for its Inactivity; whereas it was only form'd to repreſent the Hero lying on the Ground, without any Ap⯑pearance of Life or Motion. Spencer in the eighth Canto of the third Book ſeems to have improved this Imagination, in the Creation of his falſe Florimel, who performs all the Functions of Life, and gives occaſion for many Adventures.

XLVI.

‘VERSE 575. The Speech of Sarpedon to Hector.]’ It will be hard to find a Speech more warm and ſpirited than this of Sarpedon, or which comprehends ſo much in ſo few Words. Nothing could be more artfully thought upon to pique He⯑ctor, who was ſo jealous of his Country's Glory, than to tell him he had formerly conceiv'd too great a Notion of the Trojan Valor; and to exalt the Auxiliaries above his Coun⯑trymen. The Deſcription Sarpedon gives of the little Con⯑cern or Intereſt himſelf had in the War, in Oppoſition to the [98] Neceſſity and imminent Danger of the Trojans, greatly ſtrengthens this Preference, and lays the Charge very home upon their Honour. In the latter Part, which preſcribes Hector his Duty, there is a particular Reprimand in telling him how much it behoves him to animate and encourage the Auxiliaries; for this is to ſay in other Words, You ſhould ex⯑hort them, and they are forc'd on the contrary to exhort you.

XLVII.

‘VERSE 611. Ceres' ſacred Floor.]’ Homer calls the Threſh⯑ing Floor ſacred (ſays Euſtathius) not only as it was conſe⯑crated to Ceres, but in regard of its great Uſe and Advantage to human Kind; in which Senſe alſo he frequently gives the ſame Epithet to Cities, &c. This Simile is of an exquiſite Beauty.

XLVIII.

‘VERSE 641. So when th' embattel'd Clouds.]’ This Simile contains as proper a Compariſon, and as fine a Picture of Nature as any in Homer: Yet however it is to be fear'd the Beauty and Propriety of it will not be very obvious to many Readers, becauſe it is the Deſcription of a natural Appearance which they have not had an Opportunity to remark, and which can be obſerved only in a mountainous Country. It happens frequently in very calm Weather, that the Atmoſphere is charg'd with thick Vapors, whoſe Gravity is ſuch, that they neither riſe nor fall, but remain poiz'd in the Air at a certain Height, where they continue frequently for ſeveral Days together. In a plain Country this occaſions no other viſible Appearance, but of an uniform clouded Sky; but in a Hilly Region theſe Vapors are to be ſeen covering the Tops and ſtretch'd along the Sides of the Mountains, the clouded Parts above being terminated and diſtinguiſh'd from the clear Parts below by a ſtrait Line running parallel to the Horizon, as far as the Mountains extend. The whole Compaſs of Nature cannot afford a nobler and more exact Repreſenta⯑tion of a numerous Army, drawn up in Line of Battel, and expecting the Charge. The long-extended even front, the [99] Cloſeneſs of the Ranks; the Firmneſs, Order, and Silence of the whole, are all drawn with great Reſemblance in this one Compariſon. The Poet adds, that this Appearance is while Boreas and the other boiſterous Winds which diſperſe and break the Clouds, are laid aſleep. This is as exact as it is Poetical; for when the Winds ariſe, this regular Order is ſoon diſſolv'd. This Circumſtance is added to the Deſcrip⯑tion, as an ominous Anticipation of the Flight and Diſſipa⯑tion of the Greeks, which ſoon enſued when Mars and He⯑ctor broke in upon them.

XLIX.

‘VERSE 651. Ye Greeks be Men, &c.]’ If Homer in the longer Speeches of the Iliad, ſays all that could be ſaid by Eloquence, in the ſhorter he ſays all that can be ſaid with Judgment. Whatever ſome few modern Criticks have thought, it will be found upon due Reflection, that the Length or Brevity of his Speeches is determined as the Oc⯑caſions either allow Leiſure or demand Haſte. This conciſe Oration of Agamemnon is a Maſterpiece in the Laconic way. The Exigence required he ſhould ſay ſomething very power⯑ful, and no Time was to be loſt. He therefore warms the Brave and the Timorous by one and the ſame Exhortation, which at once moves by the Love of Glory, and the Fear of Death. It is ſhort and full, like that of the brave Scotch General under Guſtavus, who upon Sight of the Enemy, ſaid only this; See ye thoſe Lads? Either fell them or they'll fell you.

L.

‘VERSE 652. Your brave Aſſociates and your ſelves revere.]’ This noble Exhortation of Agamemnon is correſpondent to the wiſe Scheme of Neſtor in the ſecond Book: where he ad⯑viſed to rank the Soldiers of the ſame Nation together, that being known to each other, all might be incited either by a generous Emulation or a decent Shame. Spondanus.

LI.

‘VERSE 691. Mars urg'd him on.]’ This is another Inſtance of what has been in general obſerv'd in the Diſcourſe on the Battels of Homer, his artful manner of making us meaſure one Hero by another. We have here an exact Scale of the Valor of Aeneas and of Menelaus; how much the former outweighs the latter, appears by what is ſaid of Mars in theſe Lines, and by the Neceſſity of Antilochus's aſſiſting Menelaus: as afterwards what Over-balance that Aſſiſtance gave him, by Aeneas's retreating from them both. How very nicely are theſe Degrees mark'd on either Hand? This Knowledge of the Difference which Nature itſelf ſets between one Man and another, makes our Author neither blame theſe two Heroes for going againſt one, who was ſuperior to each of them in Strength; nor that one for retiring from both, when their Conjunction made them an Overmatch to him. There is great Judgment in all this.

LII.

‘VERSE 696. And all his Country's glorious Labours vain.]’ For (as Agamemnon ſaid in the fourth Book upon Menelaus's being wounded) if he were ſlain, the War would be at an end, and the Greeks think only of returning to their Coun⯑try. Spondanus.

LIII.

‘VERSE 726. Mars, ſtern Deſtroyer, &c.]’ There is a great Nobleneſs in this Paſſage. With what Pomp is Hector introduced into the Battel, where Mars and Bellona are his Attendants? The Retreat of Diomed is no leſs beautiful; Minerva had remov'd the Miſt from his Eyes, and he imme⯑diately diſcovers Mars aſſiſting Hector. His Surprize on this Occaſion is finely imag'd by that of the Traveller on the ſudden Sight of the River.

LIV.

‘VERSE 784. What brings this Lycian Counſellor ſo far?]’ There is a particular Sarcaſm in Tlepolemus's calling Sarpedon in this Place [...], Lycian Counſellor, one better skill'd in Oratory than War; as he was the Governor of a People who had long been in Peace, and probably (if we may gueſs from his Character in Homer) remarkable for his Speeches. This is rightly obſerved by Spondanus, tho' not taken notice of by M. Dacier.

LV.

‘VERSE 792. Troy felt his Arm.]’ He alludes to the Hi⯑ſtory of the firſt Deſtruction of Troy by Hercules, occaſion'd by Laomedon's refuſing that Hero the Horſes, which were the Reward promis'd him for the Delivery of his Daughter Heſione.

LVI.

‘VERSE 809. With baſe Reproaches and unmanly Pride.]’ Methinks theſe Words [...] include the chief Sting of Sarpedon's Anſwer to Tlepolemus, which no Com⯑mentator that I remember has remark'd. He tells him Lao⯑medon deſerv'd his Misfortune, not only for his Perfidy, but for injuring a brave Man with unmanly and ſcandalous Re⯑proaches; alluding to thoſe which Tlepolemus had juſt before caſt upon him.

LVII.

‘VERSE 848. Nor Hector to the Chief replies.]’ Homer is in nothing more admirable than in the excellent Uſe he makes of the Silence of the Perſons he introduces. It would be end⯑leſs to collect all the Inſtances of this Truth throughout his Poem; yet I cannot but put together thoſe that have already occurr'd in the Courſe of this Work, and leave to the Reader the Pleaſure of obſerving it in what remains. The Silence of [102] the two Heralds when they were to take Briſeis from Achilles in Lib. 1. of which ſee Note 39. In the third Book, when Iris tells Helen the two Rivals were to fight in her Quarrel, and that all Troy were ſtanding Spectators; that guilty Prin⯑ceſs makes no Anſwer, but caſts a Veil over her Face and drops a Tear; and when ſhe comes juſt after into the Pre⯑ſence of Priam, ſhe ſpeaks not, till after he has in a particu⯑lar manner encourag'd and commanded her. Paris and Me⯑nelaus being juſt upon the Point to encounter, the latter de⯑clares his Wiſhes and Hopes of Conqueſt to Heaven, the for⯑mer being engag'd in an unjuſt Cauſe, ſays not a word. In the fourth Book, when Jupiter has expreſs'd his Deſire to fa⯑vour Troy, Juno declaims againſt him, but the Goddeſs of Wiſdom, tho' much concern'd, holds her Peace. When A⯑gamemnon too raſhly reproves Diomed, that Hero remains ſilent, and in the true Character of a rough Warrior, leaves it to his Actions to ſpeak for him. In the preſent Book when Sarpedon has reproach'd Hector in an open and generous manner, Hector preſerving the ſame warlike Character, re⯑turns no Anſwer, but immediately haſtens to the Buſineſs of the Field; as he alſo does in this Place, where he inſtantly brings off Sarpedon, without ſo much as telling him he will endeavour his Reſcue. Chapman was not ſenſible of the Beauty of this, when he imagined Hector's Silence here pro⯑ceeded from the Pique he had conceiv'd at Sarpedon for his late Reproof of him. That Tranſlator has not ſcrupled to inſert this Opinion of his in a groundleſs Interpolation alto⯑gether foreign to the Author. But indeed it is a Liberty he frequently takes, to draw any Paſſage to ſome new, far-fetch'd Conceit of his Invention; inſomuch, that very often before he tranſlates any Speech, to the Senſe or Deſign of which he gives ſome fanciful Turn of his own; he prepares it by ſeve⯑ral additional Lines purpoſely to prepoſſeſs the Reader of that Meaning. Thoſe who will take the Trouble may ſee Ex⯑amples of this in what he ſets before the Speeches of Hector, Paris, and Helena in the ſixth Book, and innumerable other Places.

LVIII.

‘VERSE 858. But Boreas riſing freſh.]’ Sarpedon's fainting at the Extraction of the Dart, and reviving by the free Air, ſhews the great Judgment of our Author in theſe Matters. But how Poetically has he told this Truth in raiſing the God Boreas to his Hero's Aſſiſtance, and making a little Machine of but one Line? This manner of repreſenting common Things in Figure and Perſon, was perhaps the Effect of Ho⯑mer's Aegyptian Education.

LIX.

‘VERSE 860. The gen'rous Greeks, &c.]’ This ſlow and or⯑derly Retreat of the Greeks with their Front conſtantly turn'd to the Enemy, is a fine Encomium both of their Courage and Diſcipline. This manner of Retreat was in uſe among the ancient Lacedaemonians, as were many other martial Cuſtoms deſcrib'd by Homer. This Practice took its Riſe among that brave People from the Apprehenſions of being ſlain with a Wound receiv'd in their Back. Such a Misfortune was not only attended with the higheſt Infamy, but they had found a way to puniſh them who ſuffer'd thus even after their Death, by denying them (as Euſtathius informs us) the Rites of Burial.

LX.

This manner of breaking out into an Interrogation, amidſt the Deſcription of a Battel, is what ſerves very much to awa⯑ken the Reader. It is here an Invocation to the Muſe that prepares us for ſomething uncommon; and the Muſe is ſup⯑pos'd immediately to anſwer, Teuthras the great, &c. Vir⯑gil, I think, has improved the Strength of this Figure by addreſſing the Apoſtrophe to the Perſon whoſe Exploits he is celebrating, as to Camilla in the eleventh Book.

LXI.

‘VERSE 885. And now Heav'ns Empreſs calls her blazing Car, &c.]’ Homer ſeems never more delighted than when he has ſome Occaſion of diſplaying his Skill in Mechanicks. The Detail he gives us of this Chariot is a beautiful Example of it, where he takes occaſion to deſcribe every different Part with a Happineſs rarely to be found in Deſcriptions of this Nature.

LXII.

‘VERSE 904. Pallas diſrobes.]’ This Fiction of Pallas array⯑ing herſelf with the Arms of Jupiter, finely intimates (ſays Euſtathius) that ſhe is nothing elſe but the Wiſdom of the Almighty. The ſame Author tells us, that the Ancients mark'd this Place with a Star, to diſtinguiſh it as one of thoſe that were perfectly admirable. Indeed there is a Greatneſs and Sublimity in the whole Paſſage, which is aſtoniſhing and ſuperior to any Imagination but that of Homer, nor is there any that might better give occaſion for that celebrated Say⯑ing, That he was the only Man who had ſeen the Forms of the Gods, or the only Man who had ſhewn them. With what Nobleneſs he deſcribes the Chariot of Juno, the Armor of Minerva, the Aegis of Jupiter, fill'd with the Figures of Hor⯑ror, Affright, Diſcord, and all the Terrors of War, the Ef⯑fects of his Wrath againſt Men; and that Spear with which his Power and Wiſdom overturns whole Armies, and humbles the Pride of the Kings who offend him? But we ſhall not wonder at the unuſual Majeſty of all theſe Ideas, if we con⯑ſider that they have a near Reſemblance to ſome Deſcripti⯑ons of the ſame Kind in the ſacred Writings, where the Almighty is repreſented arm'd with Terror, and deſcen⯑ding in Majeſty to be aveng'd on his Enemies: The Chariot, the Bow, and the Shield of God are Expreſſions frequent in the Pſalms.

LXIII.

‘VERSE 913. A Fringe of Serpents.]’ Our Author does not particularly deſcribe this Fringe of the Aegis, as conſiſting of Serpents; but that it did ſo, may be learn'd from Herodotus in his fourth Book. ‘"The Greeks (ſays he) borrowed the Veſt and Shield of Minerva from the Lybians, only with this Difference, that the Lybian Shield was fringed with Thongs of Leather, the Grecian with Serpents."’ And Virgil's Deſcription of the ſame Aegis agrees with this, Aen. 8. ℣. 435.

This Note is taken from Spondanus, as is alſo Ogilby's on this Place, but he has tranſlated the Paſſage of Herodotus wrong, and made the Lybian Shield have the Serpents which were peculiar to the Grecian. By the way I muſt obſerve, that Ogilby's Notes are for the moſt part a Tranſcription of Spon⯑danus's.

LXIV.

‘VERSE 920. So vaſt, the wide Circumference contains A hundred Armies.]’ The Words in the Original are [...], which are capable of two Meanings; either that this Helmet of Jupiter was ſufficient to have co⯑vered the Armies of an hundred Cities, or that the Armies of an hundred Cities were engraved upon it. It is here tran⯑ſlated in ſuch a manner that it may be taken either way, tho' the Learned are moſt inclined to the former Senſe, as that Idea is greater and more extraordinary, indeed more agreeable to Homer's bold manner; and not extravagant if we call in the Allegory to our Aſſiſtance, and imagine it (with M. Dacier) an Alluſion to the Providence of God that extends over all the Univerſe.

LXV.

‘VERSE 928. Heav'n Gates ſpontaneous open'd.]’ This mar⯑vellous Circumſtance of the Gates of Heaven opening them⯑ſelves of their own accord to the Divinities that paſt thro' them, is copied by Milton, Lib. 5.

And again in the ſeventh Book,

As the Fiction that the Hours are the Guards of thoſe Gates, gave him the Hint of that beautiful Paſſage in the beginning of his ſixth,

This Expreſſion of the Gates of Heaven is in the Eaſtern manner, where they ſaid the Gates of Heaven, or of Earth, for the Entrance or Extremities of Heaven or Earth; a Phraſe uſual in the Scriptures, as is obſerv'd by Dacier.

LXVI.

‘VERSE 929. Heav'ns golden Gates, kept by the winged Hours.]’ By the Hours here are meant the Seaſons; and ſo Hobbes tranſlates it, but ſpoils the Senſe by what he adds,

[107] Which is utterly unintelligible, and nothing like Homer's Thought. Natalis Comes explains it thus, Lib. 4. c. 5. ‘Homerus libro quinto Iliadis non ſolum has, Portas coeli ſer⯑vare, ſed etiam nubes inducere & ſerenum facere, cum libue⯑rit; quippe cum apertum coelum, ſerenum nominent Poetae, at clauſum, tectum nubibus.’

LXVII.

‘VERSE 954. To tame the Monſter-God Minerva knows.]’ For it is only Wiſdom that can maſter Strength. It is worth while here to obſerve the Conduct of Homer. He makes Mi⯑nerva, and not Juno, to fight with Mars; becauſe a Com⯑bate between Mars and Juno could not be ſupported by any Allegory to have authorized the Fable: whereas the Allego⯑ry of a Battel between Mars and Minerva is very open and intelligible. Euſtathius.

LXVIII.

‘VERSE 960. Far as a Shepherd, &c.]’ Longinus citing theſe Verſes as a noble Inſtance of the Sublime, ſpeaks to this Effect. ‘"In what a wonderful manner does Homer ex⯑alt his Deities; meaſuring the Leaps of their very Horſes by the whole Breadth of the Horizon? Who is there that conſidering the Magnificence of this Hyperbole, would not cry out with Reaſon, that if theſe heavenly Steeds were to make a ſecond Leap, the World would want room for a third?"’ This puts me in mind of that Paſſage in Heſiod's Theogony, where he deſcribes the Height of the Hea⯑vens, by ſaying a Smith's Anvil would be nine Days in falling from thence to Earth.

LXIX.

‘VERSE 971. Smooth as the gliding Doves.]’ This Simile is intended to expreſs the Lightneſs and Smoothneſs of the Motion of theſe Goddeſſes. The Doves to which Homer compares them, are ſaid by the ancient Scholiaſt to leave no [108] Impreſſion of their Steps. The Word [...] in the Original may be render'd aſcenderunt as well as inceſſerunt; ſo may imply (as M. Dacier tranſlates it) moving without touching the Earth, which Milton finely calls ſmooth-gliding without Step. Virgil deſcribes the gliding of one of theſe Birds by an Image parallel to that in this Verſe.

This kind of Movement was appropriated to the Gods by the Egyptians, as we ſee in Heliodorus, Lib. 3. Homer might poſſibly have taken this Notion from them. And Virgil in that Paſſage where Aeneas diſcovers Venus by her Gate, Et vera inceſſu patuit Dea, ſeems to allude to ſome manner of moving that diſtinguiſh'd Divinities from Mortals. This O⯑pinion is likewiſe hinted at by him in the fifth Aeneid, where he ſo beautifully and briefly enumerates the diſtinguiſhing Marks of a Deity,

This Paſſage likewiſe ſtrengthens what is ſaid in the thirtieth Note on the firſt Book.

LXX.

‘VERSE 978. Stentor the ſtrong, endu'd with Brazen Lungs.]’ There was a Neceſſity for Cryers whoſe Voices were ſtronger than ordinary, in thoſe ancient Times, before the Uſe of Trumpets was known in their Armies. And that they were in Eſteem afterwards may be ſeen from Herodotus, where he takes notice that Darius had in his Train an Egyptian, whoſe Voice was louder and ſtronger than any Man's of his Age. There is a farther Propriety in Homer's attributing this Voice to Juno; becauſe Juno is no other than the Air, and becauſe the Air is the Cauſe of Sound. Euſtathius. Spondanus.

LXXI.

‘VERSE 998. Degen'rate Prince, &c.]’ This Speech of Mi⯑nerva to Diomed derives its whole Force and Efficacy from the offenſive Compariſon ſhe makes between Tydeus and his Son. Tydeus when he was ſingle in the City of his Enemy, fought and overcame the Thebans even tho' Minerva forbade him; Diomed in the midſt of his Army, and with Enemies inferior in Number, declines the Fight, tho' Minerva com⯑mands him. Tydeus diſobeys her, to engage in the Battel; Diomed diſobeys her to avoid engaging; and that too after he had upon many Occaſions experienced the Aſſiſtance of the Goddeſs. Madam Dacier ſhould have acknowledged this Remark to belong to Euſtathius.

LXXII.

‘VERSE 1024. Raſh, furious, blind, from theſe to thoſe he flies.]’ Minerva in this Place very well paints the Manners of Mars, whoſe Buſineſs was always to fortify the weaker ſide, in order to keep up the Broil. I think the Paſſage includes a fine Allegory of the Nature of War. Mars is called in⯑conſtant, and a Breaker of his Promiſes, becauſe the Chance of War is wavering, and uncertain Victory is perpetually changing ſides. This latent Meaning of the Epithet [...] is taken notice of by Euſtathius.

LXXIII.

‘VERSE 1033. So great a God.]’ The Tranſlation has ventured to call a Goddeſs ſo; in Imitation of the Greek, which uſes the word [...] promiſcuouſly for either Gender. Some of the Latin Poets have not ſcrupled to do the ſame. Statius, Thebaid 4. (ſpeaking of Diana)

And Virgil, Aeneid 2. where Aeneas is conducted by Venus thro' the Dangers of the Fire and the Enemy.

LXXIV.

‘VERSE 1037. Black Orcus' Helmet.]’ As every thing that goes into the dark Empire of Pluto, or Orcus, diſappears and is ſeen no more; the Greeks from thence borrow'd this figu⯑rative Expreſſion, to put on Pluto's Helmet, that is to ſay, to become inviſible. Plato uſes this Proverb in the tenth Book of his Republick, and Ariſtophanes in Acharnenſ. Euſtathius.

LXXV.

‘VERSE 1054. Loud as the Roar encountring Armies yield.]’ This Hyperbole to expreſs the roaring of Mars, ſo ſtrong as it is, yet is not extravagant. It wants not a qualifying Cir⯑cumſtance or two; the Voice is not Human, but that of a Deity, and the Compariſon being taken from an Army, ren⯑ders it more natural with reſpect to the God of War. It is leſs daring to ſay that a God could ſend forth a Voice as loud as the Shout of two Armies, than that Camilla, a Latian Nymph, could run ſo ſwiftly over the Corn as not to bend an Ear of it. Or, to alledge a nearer Inſtance, that Poly⯑phemus a meer Mortal, ſhook all the Iſland of Sicily, and made the deepeſt Caverns of Aetna roar with his Cries. Yet Virgil generally eſcapes the Cenſure of thoſe Moderns who are ſhock'd with the bold Flights of Homer. It is uſual with thoſe who are Slaves to common Opinion to overlook or praiſe the ſame Things in one, that they blame in another. They think to depreciate Homer in extolling the Judgment of Virgil, who never ſhew'd it more than when he followed him in theſe Boldneſſes. And indeed they who would take Boldneſs from Poetry, muſt leave Dulneſs in the room of it.

LXXVI.

‘VERSE 1058. As Vapors blown, &c.]’ Mars after a ſharp [111] Engagement amidſt the Rout of the Trojans, wrapt in a Whirlwind of Duſt which was rais'd by ſo many thouſand Combatants, flies toward Olympus. Homer compares him in this Eſtate, to thoſe black Clouds, which during a ſcorching Southern Wind in the Dog-days, are ſometimes born towards Heaven; for the Wind at that time gathering the Duſt to⯑gether, forms a dark Cloud of it. The Heat of the Fight, the Precipitation of the Trojans, together with the Clouds of Duſt that flew above the Army and took Mars from the Sight of his Enemy, ſupply'd Homer with this noble Image. Dacier.

LXXVII.

‘VERSE 1074. Thou gav'ſt that Fury to the Realms of Light, Pernicious, wild, &c.]’ It is very artful in Homer, to make Mars accuſe Minerva of all thoſe Faults and Enormities he was himſelf ſo eminently guilty of. Thoſe People who are the moſt unjuſt and violent accuſe others, even the beſt, of the ſame Crimes: Every irrational Man is a diſtorted Rule, tries every thing by that wrong Meaſure, and forms his Judg⯑ment accordingly. Euſtathius.

LXXVIII.

‘VERSE 1091. Condemn'd to Pain, tho' fated not to die.]’ Thoſe are miſtaken who imagine our Author repreſents his Gods as mortal. He only repreſents the inferior or corporeal Deities as capable of Pains and Puniſhments, during the Will of Jupiter, which is not inconſiſtent with true Theology. If Mars is ſaid in Dione's Speech to Venus to have been near periſhing by Otus and Ephialtes, it means no more than laſt⯑ing Miſery, ſuch as Jupiter threatens him with when he ſpeaks of precipitating him into Tartarus. Homer takes care to tell us both of this God and of Pluto when Paeon cured them, that they were not mortal.

LXXIX.

‘VERSE 1096. Of all the Gods—Thou moſt unjuſt, moſt odious, &c.]’ Jupiter's Reprimand of Mars is worthy the Ju⯑ſtice and Goodneſs of the great Governor of the World, and ſeems to be no more than was neceſſary in this Place. Ho⯑mer hereby admirably diſtinguiſhes between Minerva and Mars, that is to ſay, between Wiſdom and ungovern'd Fury; the former is produced from Jupiter without a Mother, to ſhow that it proceeds from God alone; (and Homer's allu⯑ding to that Fable in the preceding Speech ſhows that he was not unacquainted with this Opinion.) The latter is born of Jupiter and Juno, becauſe, as Plato explains it, whatever is created by the Miniſtry of ſecond Cauſes, and the Concur⯑rence of Matter, partakes of that Original Spirit of Diviſion which reigned in the Chaos, and is of a corrupt and rebelli⯑ous Nature. The Reader will find this Allegory purſued with great Beauty in theſe two Speeches; eſpecially where Jupiter concludes with ſaying he will not deſtroy Mars, be⯑cauſe he comes from himſelf; God will not annihilate Paſ⯑ſion, which he created to be of uſe to Reaſon: ‘"Wiſdom (ſays Euſtathius upon this Place) has occaſion for Paſſion, in the ſame manner as Princes have need of Guards. Therefore Reaſon and Wiſdom correct and keep Paſſion in Subjection, but do not entirely deſtroy and ruin it.’

LXXX.

‘VERSE 1101. And all thy Mother in thy Soul rebels, &c.]’ Jupiter ſays of Juno, that ſhe has a Temper which is inſup⯑portable, and knows not how to ſubmit, tho' he is perpetually chaſtiſing her with his Reproofs. Homer ſays no more than this, but M. Dacier adds, Si je ne la retenois par la ſeveritè des mes loix, il n'eſt rien qu'elle ne bouleverſaſt dans l'Olympe & ſous l'Olympe. Upon which ſhe makes a Remark to this effect, ‘"that if it were not for the Laws of Providence, the whole World would be nothing but Confuſion."’ This Practice of refining and adding to Homer's Thought in the [113] Text, and then applauding the Author for it in the Notes, is pretty uſual with the more florid modern Tranſlators. In the third Iliad in Helen's Speech to Priam, ℣. 175. ſhe wiſhes ſhe had rather dy'd than follow'd Paris to Troy. To this is added in the French, Mais je n'eus ni aſſez de Courage ni aſ⯑ſez de vertu, for which there is not the leaſt Hint in Homer. I mention this particular Inſtance in pure Juſtice, becauſe in the Treatiſe de la Corruption du Gout Exam. de Liv. 3. She triumphs over M. de la Motte as if he had omitted the Senſe and Moral of Homer in that Place, when in Truth he only left out her own Interpolation.

LXXXI.

‘VERSE 1113. As when the Fig's preſt Juice, &c.]’ The ſudden Operation of the Remedy adminiſter'd by Paeon, is well expreſs'd by this Similitude. It is neceſſary juſt to take notice, that they anciently made uſe of the Juice or Sap of a green Fig for Runnet, to cauſe their Milk to coagulate. It may not be amiſs to obſerve, that Homer is not very delicate in the Choice of his Alluſions. He often borrowed his Si⯑miles from low Life, and provided they illuſtrated his Thoughts in a juſt and lively manner, it was all he had regard to.

THE Allegory of this whole Book lies ſo open, is carry'd on with ſuch Cloſeneſs, and wound up with ſo much Fulneſs and Strength, that it is a wonder how it could enter into the Imagination of any Critick, that theſe Actions of Diomed were only a daring and extravagant Fiction in Homer, as if he af⯑fected the Marvellous at any rate. The great Moral of it is, that a brave Man ſhould not contend againſt Heaven, but re⯑ſiſt only Venus and Mars, Incontinence and ungovern'd Fury. Diomed is propos'd as an Example of a great and enterprizing Nature, which would perpetually be venturing too far, and committing Extravagancies or Impieties, did it not ſuffer it⯑ſelf to be check'd and guided by Minerva or Prudence: For it is this Wiſdom (as we are told in the very firſt Lines of the Book) that raiſes a Hero above all others. Nothing is more obſervable than the particular Care Homer has taken to ſhew [114] he deſigned this Moral. He never omits any Occaſion throughout the Book, to put it in expreſs Terms into the Mouths of the Gods or Perſons of the greateſt Weight. Mi⯑nerva, at the beginning of the Battel, is made to give this Precept to Diomed; Fight not againſt the Gods, but give way to them, and reſiſt only Venus. The ſame Goddeſs opens his Eyes, and enlightens him ſo far as to perceive when it is Heaven that acts immediately againſt him, or when it is Man only that oppoſes him. The Hero himſelf, as ſoon as he has perform'd her Dictates in driving away Venus, cries out, not as to the Goddeſs, but as to the Paſſion, Thou haſt no Buſineſs with Warriors, is it not enough that thou deceiv'ſt weak Women? Even the Mother of Venus while ſhe comforts her Daughter, bears Teſtimony to the Moral: That Man (ſays ſhe) is not long-liv'd who contends with the Gods. And when Diomed, tranſported by his Nature, proceeds but a Step too far, Apollo diſcovers himſelf in the moſt ſolemn manner, and declares this Truth in his own Voice, as it were by direct Revelation: Mortal, forbear! conſider, and know the vaſt difference there is between the Gods and Thee. They are im⯑mortal and divine, but Man a miſerable Reptile of the Duſt.

I.

‘VERSE 7. FIRST Ajax.]’ Ajax performs his Ex⯑ploits immediately upon the Departure of the Gods from the Battel. It is ob⯑ſerv'd that this Hero is never aſſiſted by the Deities, as moſt of the reſt are: See his Character in the Notes on the ſeventh Book. The Expreſſion of the Greek is, that he brought Light to his Troops, which M. Dacier takes to be metaphorical: I do not ſee but it may be literal; he broke the thick Squadrons of the Enemy, and open'd a Paſſage for the Light.

II.

‘VERSE 9. The Thracian Acamas.]’ This Thracian Prince is the ſame in whoſe Likeneſs Mars appears in the preceding Book, rallying the Trojans and forcing the Greeks to retire. In the preſent Deſcription of his Strength and Size, we ſee with what Propriety this Perſonage was ſelected by the Poet as fit to be aſſumed by the God of War.

III.

‘VERSE 16. Axylus, Hoſpitable.]’ This beautiful Character of Axylus has not been able to eſcape the Miſunderſtanding of [152] ſome of the Commentators, who thought Homer deſign'd it as a Reproof of an undiſtinguiſh'd Generoſity. It is evident⯑ly a Panegyrick on that Virtue, and not improbably on the Memory of ſome excellent, but unfortunate Man in that Coun⯑try, whom the Poet honours with the noble Title of A Friend to Mankind. It is indeed a ſevere Reproof of the Ingratitude of Men, and a kind of Satyr on human Race, while he repre⯑ſents this Lover of his Species miſerably periſhing without Aſſiſtance from any of thoſe Numbers he had obliged. This Death is very moving, and the Circumſtance of a faithful Servant's dying by his ſide, well imagined, and natural to ſuch a Character. His manner of keeping Houſe near a fre⯑quented Highway, and relieving all Travellers, is agreeable to that ancient Hoſpitality which we now only read of. There is Abundance of this Spirit every where in the Odyſſeis. The Patriarchs in the Old Teſtament ſit at their Gates to ſee thoſe who paſs by, and entreat them to enter into their Houſes: This cordial manner of Invitation is particularly deſcribed in the 18th and 19th Chapters of Geneſis. The Eaſtern Nati⯑ons ſeem to have had a peculiar Diſpoſition to theſe Exerciſes of Humanity, which continues in a great meaſure to this Day. It is yet a Piece of Charity frequent with the Turks, to erect Caravanſerahs, or Inns for the Reception of Travellers. Since I am upon this Head, I muſt mention one or two extraordi⯑nary Examples of ancient Hoſpitality. Diodorus Siculus writes of Gallias of Agrigentum, that having built ſeverall Inns for the Relief of Strangers, he appointed Perſons at the Gates to invite all who travell'd to make uſe of them; and that this Example was followed by many others who were inclined af⯑ter the ancient manner to live in a human and beneficent Correſpondence with Mankind. That this Gallias entertain'd and cloathed at one time no leſs than five hundred Horſe⯑men; and that there were in his Cellars three hundred Veſ⯑ſels, each of which contain'd an hundred Hogſheads of Wine. The ſame Author tells us of another Agrigentine, that at the Marriage of his Daughter feaſted all the People of his City, who at that time were above twenty thouſand.

Herodotus in his ſeventh Book has a Story of this kind, which is prodigious, being of a private Man ſo immenſely [153] rich as to entertain Xerxes and his whole Army. I ſhall tranſcribe the Paſſage as I find it tranſlated to my Hands.

The Sum here offer'd by Pythius amounts by Brerewood's Computation to three Millions three hundred ſeventy five thou⯑ſand Pounds Sterling, according to the leſſer Valuation of Ta⯑lents. I make no Apology for inſerting ſo remarkable a Paſſage at length, but ſhall only add, that it was at laſt the Fate of this Pythius (like our Axylus) to experience the Ingratitude of Man; his eldeſt Son being afterwards cut in Pieces by the ſame Xerxes.

IV.

‘VERSE 57. Oh ſpare my Youth, &c.]’ This Paſſage, where Agamemnon takes away that Trojan's Life whom Menelaus had pardoned, and is not blamed by Homer for ſo doing, muſt be aſcribed to the uncivilized Manners of thoſe Times, when Mankind was not united by the Bonds of a rational Society, and is not therefore to be imputed to the Poet, who followed Nature as it was in his Days. The Hiſtorical Books of the Old Teſtament abound in Inſtances of the like Cruelty to conquer'd Enemies.

Virgil had this Part of Homer in his View when he deſcri⯑bed the Death of Magus in the tenth Aeneid. Thoſe Lines of his Prayer where he offers a Ranſome are tranſlated from this of Adraſtus, but both the Prayer and the Anſwer Aeneas makes when he refuſes him Mercy, are very much heighten'd and improved. They alſo receive a great Addition of Beauty and Propriety from the Occaſion on which he inſerts them: Young Pallas is juſt kill'd, and Aeneas ſeeking to be reveng'd upon Turnus, meets this Magus. Nothing can be a more artful Piece of Addreſs than the firſt Lines of that Supplica⯑tion, if we conſider the Character of Aeneas to whom it is made.

[155] And what can exceed the Cloſeneſs and Fullneſs of that Re⯑ply to it?

This removes the Imputation of Cruelty from Aeneas, which had leſs agreed with his Character than it does with Aga⯑memnon's; whoſe Reproof to Menelaus in this Place is not un⯑like that of Samuel to Saul for not killing Agag.

V.

‘VERSE 74. Her Infants at the Breaſt ſhall fall.]’ Or, her Infants yet in the Womb, for it will bear either Senſe. But I think Madam Dacier in the right, in her Affirmation that the Greeks were not arrived to that Pitch of Cruelty to rip up the Wombs of Women with Child. Homer (ſays ſhe) to remove all equivocal Meaning from this Phraſe, adds the Words [...], juvenem puerulum exiſtentem, which would be ridiculous were it ſaid of a Child yet unborn. Beſides, he would never have repreſented one of his firſt Heroes capable of ſo barbarous a Crime, or at leaſt would not have commen⯑ded him (as he does juſt after) for ſuch a wicked Exhortation.

VI.

‘VERSE 88. Firſt gain the Conqueſt, then divide the Spoil.]’ This important Maxim of War is very naturally introduced, upon Neſtor's having ſeen Menelaus ready to ſpare an Enemy for the ſake of a Ranſome. It was for ſuch Leſſons as theſe (ſays M. Dacier) that Alexander ſo much eſteem'd Homer and ſtudy'd his Poem. He made his Uſe of this Precept in the Battel of Arbela, when Parmenio being in danger of weakening the main Body to defend the Baggage, he ſent this Meſſage to him. Leave the Baggage there, for if we carry the Victory, we ſhall not only recover what is our [156] own, but be Maſters of all that is the Enemy's. Hiſtories ancient and modern are fill'd with Examples of Enterprizes that have miſcarry'd, and Battels that have been loſt, by the Greedineſs of Soldiers for Pillage.

VII.

‘VERSE 98. Wiſe to conſult, and active to defend.]’ This is a twofold Branch of Praiſe, expreſſing the Excellence of theſe Princes both in Council and in Battel. I think Madam Da⯑cier's Tranſlation does not come up to the Senſe of the Original. Les plus hardis & les plus experimentez des nos Capitains.

VIII.

‘VERSE 107. Thou Hector to the Town.]’ It has been a mo⯑dern Objection to Homer's Conduct, that Hector upon whom the whole Fate of the Day depended, is made to retire from the Battel, only to carry a Meſſage to Troy concerning a Sacrifice, which might have been done as well by any o⯑ther. They think it abſurd in Helenus to adviſe this, and in Hector to comply with it. What occaſion'd this falſe Criti⯑ciſm was that they imagin'd it to be a Piece of Advice, and not a Command. Helenus was a Prieſt and Augur of the higheſt Rank, he enjoins it as a Point of Religion, and Hector obeys him as one inſpired from Heaven. The Trojan Army was in the utmoſt Diſtreſs, occaſion'd by the prodigious Slaughter made by Diomed: There was therefore more Reaſon and Ne⯑ceſſity to propitiate Minerva who aſſiſted that Hero; which He⯑lenus might know, tho' Hector would have choſen to have ſtay'd and truſted to the Arm of Fleſh. Here is nothing but what may agree with each of their Characters. Hector goes as he was obliged in Religion, but not before he has animated the Troops, re-eſtabliſhed the Combate, repulſed the Greeks to ſome diſtance, received a Promiſe from Helenus that they would make a ſtand at the Gates, and given one himſelf to the Army that he would ſoon return to the Fight: All which Homer has been careful to ſpecify, to ſave the Honour and preſerve the Character of this Hero. As to Helenus his [157] Part, he ſaw the Straits his Countrymen were reduced to, he knew his Authority as a Prieſt, and deſign'd to revive the Courage of the Troops by a Promiſe of divine Aſſiſtance. Nothing adds more Courage to the Minds of Men than Su⯑perſtition, and perhaps it was the only Expedient then left; much like a modern Practice in the Army, to enjoin a Faſt when they wanted Proviſion. Helenus could no way have made his Promiſe more credible, than by ſending a⯑way Hector; which look'd like an Aſſurance that nothing could prejudice them during his Abſence on ſuch a religious Account. No Leader of leſs Authority than Hector could ſo properly have enjoin'd this ſolemn Act of Religion; and laſtly, no other whoſe Valour was leſs known than his, could have left the Army in this Juncture without a Taint upon his Honour. Homer makes this Piety ſucceed; Paris is brought back to the Fight, the Trojans afterwards prevail, and Jupi⯑ter appears openly in their favour, l. 8. Tho' after all, I can⯑not diſſemble my Opinion, that the Poet's chief Intention in this, was to introduce that fine Epiſode of the Parting of Hector and Andromache. This Change of the Scene to Troy furniſhes him with a great Number of Beauties. By this means (ſays Euſtathius) his Poem is for a time diveſted of the Fierceneſs and Violence of Battels, and being as it were waſh'd from Slaughter and Blood, becomes calm and ſmiling by the Beauty of theſe various Epiſodes.

IX.

‘VERSE 117. If ſo the Pow'r atton'd.]’ The Poet here plainly ſuppoſes Helenus, by his Skill in Augury or ſome other divine Inſpiration, well inform'd that the Might of Diomed which wrought ſuch great Deſtruction among the Trojans, was the Gift of Pallas incens'd againſt them. The Prophet therefore directs Prayers, Offerings, and Sacrifices to be made to appeaſe the Anger of this offended Goddeſs; not to in⯑voke the Mercy of any propitious Deity. This is conform⯑able to the whole Syſtem of Pagan Superſtition, the Worſhip whereof being grounded not on Love but Fear, ſeems dire⯑cted rather to avert the Malice and Anger of a wrathful and [158] miſchievous Daemon, than to implore the Aſſiſtance and Pro⯑tection of a benevolent Being. In this Strain of Religion this ſame Prophet is introduced by Virgil in the third Aeneid, giving particular Direction to Aeneas to appeaſe the Indigna⯑tion of Juno, as the only means which could bring his Labours to a proſperous End.

X.

‘VERSE 147. The Interview of Glaucus and Diomed.]’ No Paſſage in our Author has been the Subject of more ſevere and groundleſs Criticiſms than this, where theſe two Heroes enter into a long Converſation (as they will have it) in the Heat of a Battel. Monſieur Dacier's Anſwer in Defence of Homer is ſo full, that I cannot do better than to tranſlate it from his Remarks on the 26th Chapter of Ariſtotle's Poetic. There can be nothing more unjuſt than the Criticiſms paſt upon things that are the Effect of Cuſtom. It was uſual in ancient Times for Soldiers to talk together be⯑fore they encounter'd. Homer is full of Examples of this ſort, and he very well deſerves we ſhould be ſo juſt as to believe, he had never done it ſo often, but that it was agreeable to the Manners of his Age. But this is not only a thing of Cuſtom, but founded in Reaſon itſelf. The Ties of Hoſpitality in thoſe Times were held more ſacred than thoſe of Blood; and it is on that Account Diomed gives ſo long an Audience to Glaucus, whom he acknowledges to be his Gueſt, with whom it was not lawful to engage in Com⯑bate. Homer makes an admirable Uſe of this Conjuncture, to introduce an entertaining Hiſtory after ſo many Battels as he has been deſcribing, and to unbend the Mind of his Rea⯑der by a Recital of ſo much Variety as the Story of the Family of Siſyphus. It may be farther obſerv'd, with what [159] Addreſs and Management he places this long Converſation; it is not during the Heat of an obſtinate Battel, which had been too unſeaſonable to be excuſed by any Cuſtom what⯑ever; but he brings it in after he has made Hector re⯑tire into Troy, when the Abſence of ſo powerful an Enemy had given Diomed that Leiſure which he could not have had otherwiſe. One need only read the judicious Remark of Eu⯑ſtathius upon this Place. The Poet (ſays he) after having caus'd Hector to go out of the Fight, interrupts the Violence of Wars, and gives ſome Relaxation to the Reader, in cauſing him to paſs from the Confuſion and Diſorder of the Action to the Tranquillity and Security of an Hiſtorical Narration. For by means of the happy Epiſode of Glaucus, he caſts a thouſand pleaſing Wonders into his Poem; as Fables, that include beau⯑tiful Allegories, Hiſtories, Genealogies, Sentences, ancient Cu⯑ſtoms, and ſeveral other Graces that tend to the diverſifying of his Work, and which by breaking (as one may ſay) the Mono⯑tomy of it, agreeably inſtruct the Reader. Let us obſerve, in how fine a manner Homer has hereby praiſed both Diomed and Hector. For he makes us know, that as long as Hector is in the Field, the Greeks have not the leaſt Leiſure to take breath; and that as ſoon as he quits it, all the Trojans, how⯑ever they had regain'd all their Advantages, were not able to employ Diomed ſo far as to prevent his entertaining him⯑ſelf with Glaucus without any danger to his Party. Some may think after all, that tho' we may juſtify Homer, we cannot excuſe the Manners of his Time; it not being natu⯑ral for Men with Swords in their Hands to dialogue together in cold Blood juſt before they engage. But not to alledge, that theſe very Manners yet remain in thoſe Countries, which have not been corrupted by the Commerce of other Nati⯑ons, (which is a great Sign of their being natural) what Rea⯑ſon can be offer'd that it is more natural to fall on at firſt Sight with Rage and Fierceneſs, than to ſpeak to an E⯑nemy before the Encounter? Thus far Monſieur Dacier, and St. Evremont asks humourouſly, if it might not be as pro⯑per in that Country for Men to harangue before they fought, as it is in England to make Speeches before they are hanged.

[160] That Homer is not in general apt to make unſeaſonable Harangues (as theſe Cenſurers would repreſent) may appear from that remarkable Care he has ſhewn in many Places to avoid them: As when in the fifth Book Aeneas being cured on a ſudden in the middle of the Fight, is ſeen with Sur⯑prize by his Soldiers; he ſpecifies with particular Caution, that they asked him no Queſtions how he became cured, in a time of ſo much Buſineſs and Action. Again, when there is a Neceſſity in the ſame Book that Minerva ſhould have a Con⯑ference with Diomed, in order to engage him againſt Mars (after her Prohibition to him to fight with the Gods) Homer chuſes a time for that Speech, juſt when the Hero is retir'd behind his Chariot to take Breath, which was the only Mo⯑ment that could be ſpared during the Hurry of that whole Engagement. One might produce many Inſtances of the ſame kind.

The Diſcourſe of Glaucus to Diomed is ſeverely cenſured, not only on Account of the Circumſtance of Time and Place, but likewiſe on the Score of the Subject, which is taxed as improper, and foreign to the End and Deſign of the Poem. But the Criticks who have made this Objection, ſeem neither to comprehend the Deſign of the Poet in general, nor the particular Aim of this Diſcourſe. Many Paſſages in the beſt ancient Poets appear unaffecting at preſent, which probably gave the greateſt Delight to their firſt Readers, becauſe they were nearly intereſted in what was there related. It is very plain that Homer deſigned this Poem as a Monument to the Honour of the Greeks, who, tho' conſiſting of ſeveral inde⯑pendent Societies, were yet very national in Point of Glory, being ſtrongly affected with every thing that ſeem'd to ad⯑vance the Honour of their common Country, and reſentful of any Indignity offer'd to it. This Diſpoſition was the Ground of that grand Alliance which is the Subject of this Poem. To Men ſo fond of their Country's Glory, what could be more agreeable than to read a Hiſtory fill'd with Wonders of a noble Family tranſplanted from Greece into Aſia? They might here learn with Pleaſure that the Grecian Virtues did not degenerate by removing into diſtant Climes: but eſpecial⯑ly they muſt be affected with uncommon Delight to find that [161] Sarpedon and Glaucus, the braveſt of the Trojan Auxiliaries, were originally Greeks.

Taſſo in this manner has introduced an agreeable Epiſode, which ſhews Clorinda the Offspring of Chriſtian Parents, tho' engag'd in the Service of the Infidels, Cant. 12.

XI.

‘VERSE 149. Between both Armies met, &c.]’ It is uſual with Homer before he introduces a Hero, to make as it were a Halt, to render him the more remarkable. Nothing could more prepare the Attention and Expectation of the Reader, than this Circumſtance at the firſt meeting of Diomed and Glaucus. Juſt at the Time when the Mind begins to be weary with the Battel, it is diverted with the Proſpect of a ſingle Combate, which of a ſudden turns to an Interview of Friend⯑ſhip and an unexpected Scene of ſociable Virtue. The whole Air of the Converſation between theſe two Heroes has ſome⯑thing heroically ſolemn in it.

XII.

‘VERSE 159. But if from Heav'n, &c.]’ A quick change of Mind from the greateſt Impiety to as great Superſtition, is frequently obſervable in Men who having been guilty of the moſt heinous Crimes without any Remorſe, on the ſudden are fill'd with Doubts and Scruples about the moſt lawful or in⯑different Actions. This ſeems the preſent Caſe of Diomed, who having knowingly wounded and inſulted the Deities, is now afraid to engage the firſt Man he meets, leſt perhaps a God might be conceal'd in that Shape. This Diſpoſition of Diomed produces the Queſtion he puts to Glaucus, which without this Conſideration will appear impertinent, and ſo naturally occaſions that agreeable Epiſode of Bellerophon which Glaucus relates in anſwer to Diomed.

XIII.

‘VERSE 161. Not long Lycurgus, &c.]’ What Diomed [162] here ſays is the Effect of Remorſe, as if he had ex⯑ceeded the Commiſſion of Pallas in encountring with the Gods, and dreaded the Conſequences of proceeding too far. At leaſt he had no ſuch Commiſſion now, and beſides, was no longer capable of diſtinguiſhing them from Men (a Fa⯑culty ſhe had given him in the foregoing Book:) He there⯑fore mentions this Story of Lycurgus as an Example that ſuf⯑ficed to terrify him from ſo raſh an Undertaking. The Ground of the Fable they ſay is this, Lycurgus cauſed moſt of the Vines of his Country to be rooted up, ſo that his Sub⯑jects were obliged to mix it with Water when it was leſs plen⯑tiful: Hence it was feign'd that Thetis receiv'd Bacchus into her Boſom.

XIV.

‘VERSE 170. Immortals bleſt with endleſs Eaſe.]’ Tho' Da⯑cier's and moſt of the Verſions take no Notice of the Epithet uſed in this Place, [...], Dii facilè ſeu beatè viven⯑tes; the Tranſlator thought it a Beauty which he could not but endeavour to preſerve.

XV.

‘VERSE 178. Approach, and enter the dark Gates of Death.]’ This haughty Air which Homer gives his Heroes was doubt⯑leſs a Copy of the Manners and hyperbolical Speeches of thoſe Times. Thus Goliah to David, Sam. 1. Ch. 17. Approach, and I will give thy Fleſh to the Fowls of the Air and the Beaſts of the Field. The Orientals ſpeak the ſame Language to this Day.

XVI.

‘VERSE 181. Like Leaves on Trees.]’ There is a noble Gra⯑vity in the beginning of this Speech of Glaucus, according to the true Style of Antiquity, Few and evil are our Days. This beautiful Thought of our Author whereby the Race of Men are compared to the Leaves of Trees, is celebrated by [163] Simonides in a fine Fragment extant in Stobaeus. The ſame Thought may be found in Eccleſiaſticus, Ch. 14. ℣. 18. al⯑moſt in the ſame Words; As of the green Leaves on a thick Tree, ſome fall, and ſome grow; ſo is the Generation of Fleſh and Blood, one cometh to an end, and another is born.

The Reader who has ſeen ſo many Paſſages imitated from Homer by ſucceeding Poets, will no doubt be pleaſed to ſee one of an ancient Poet which Homer has here imitated; this is a Fragment of Muſaeus preſerv'd by Clemens Alexandrinus in his Stromata, Lib. 6.

Tho' this Compariſon be juſtly admir'd for its Beauty in this obvious Application to the Mortality and Succeſſion of human Life, it ſeems however deſign'd by the Poet in this Place as a proper Emblem of the tranſitory State not of Men but of Fa⯑milies, which being by their Misfortunes or Follies fallen and decay'd, do again in a happier Seaſon revive and flouriſh in the Fame and Virtues of their Poſterity: In this Senſe it is a direct Anſwer to what Diomed had ask'd, as well as a pro⯑per Preface to what Glaucus relates of his own Family, which having been extinct in Corinth, had recover'd new Life in Lycia.

XVII.

‘VERSE 193. Then call'd Ephyre.]’ It was the ſame which was afterwards called Corinth, and had that Name in Homer's Time, as appears from this Catalogue, ℣. 77.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 196. Lov'd for that Valour which preſerves Man⯑kind.]’ This Diſtinction of true Valour which has the Good of Mankind for its End, in Oppoſition to the Valour of Ty⯑rants or Oppreſſors, is beautifully hinted by Homer in the E⯑pithet [164] [...], amiable Valour. Such as was that of Bellero⯑phon who freed the Land from Monſters, and Creatures de⯑ſtructive to his Species. It is apply'd to this young Hero with particular Judgment and Propriety, if we conſider the Innocence and Gentleneſs of his Manners appearing from the following Story, which every one will obſerve has a great Re⯑ſemblance with that of Joſeph in the Scriptures.

XIX.

‘VERSE 216. The faithful Youth his Monarch's Mandate ſhow'd.]’ Plutarch much commends the Virtue of Bellerophon, who faithfully carry'd thoſe Letters he might ſo juſtly ſuſpect of ill Conſequence to him: The Paſſage is in his Diſcourſe of Curioſity, and worth tranſcribing. ‘"A Man of Curioſity is void of all Faith, and it is better to truſt Letters or any important Secrets to Servants, than to Friends and Fami⯑liars of an inquiſitive Temper. Bellerophon when he car⯑ry'd Letters that order'd his own Deſtruction, did not un⯑ſeal them, but forbore touching the King's Diſpatches with the ſame Continence, as he had refrain'd from injuring his Bed: For Curioſity is an Incontinence as well as Adultery.’

XX.

‘VERSE 219. Firſt dire Chimaera.]’ Chimaera was feign'd to have the Head of a Lion breathing Flames, the Body of a Goat, and the Tail of a Dragon; becauſe the Mountain of that Name in Lycia had a Vulcano on its top, and nouriſh'd Lions, the middle Part afforded Paſture for Goats, and the bottom was infeſted with Serpents. Bellerophon deſtroying theſe, and rendring the Mountain habitable, was ſaid to have conquer'd Chimaera. He calls this Monſter [...], in the manner of the Hebrews, who gave to any thing vaſt or extraordinary the Appellative of Divine. So the Pſalmiſt ſays, The Mountains of God, &c.

XXI.

‘VERSE 227. The Solymaean Crew.]’ Theſe Solymi were an ancient Nation inhabiting the mountainous Parts of Aſia Mi⯑nor between Lycia and Piſidia. Pliny mentions them as an Inſtance of a People ſo entirely deſtroy'd, that no Footſteps of them remain'd in his Time. Some Authors both ancient and modern, from a Reſemblance in ſound to the Latin Name of Jeruſalem, have confounded them with the Jews. Tacitus; ſpeaking of the various Opinions concerning the Origin of the Jewiſh Nation, has theſe Words, Clara alii tradunt Ju⯑daeorum initia, Solymos carminibus Homeri celebratum gentem, conditae urbi Hieroſolymam nomen è ſuo feciſſe. Hiſt. Lib. 6.

XXII.

‘VERSE 239. The Lycians grant a choſen Space of Ground.]’ It was uſual in the ancient Times, upon any ſignal Piece of Service perform'd by the Kings or great Men, to have a Por⯑tion of Land decreed by the Publick as a Reward to them. Thus when Sarpedon in the twelfth Book incites Glaucus to behave himſelf valiantly, he puts him in mind of theſe Poſ⯑ſeſſions granted by his Countrymen.

In the ſame manner in the ninth Book of Virgil, Niſus is promiſed by Aſcanius the Fields which were poſſeſs'd by Lati⯑nus, as a Reward for the Service he undertook.

Chapman has an Interpolation in this Place, to tell us that this Field was afterwards called by the Lycians, The Field of Wandrings, from the Wandrings and Diſtraction of Bel⯑lerophon in the latter Part of his Life. But they were not [166] theſe Fields that were call'd [...], but thoſe upon which he fell from the Horſe Pegaſus, when he endeavour'd (as the Fable has it) to mount to Heaven.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 245. But when at laſt, &c.]’ The ſame Criticks who have taxed Homer for being too tedious in this Story of Bellerophon, have cenſured him for omitting to relate the particular Offence which had rais'd the Anger of the Gods againſt a Man formerly ſo highly favour'd by them: But this Relation coming from the Mouth of his Grandſon, it is with great Decorum and Propriety he paſſes over in Si⯑lence thoſe Crimes of his Anceſtor, which had provok'd the divine Vengeance againſt him. Milton has interwoven this Story with what Homer here relates of Bellerophon.

Tully in his third Book of Tuſculane Queſtions, having ob⯑ſerv'd that Perſons oppreſs'd with Woe naturally ſeek Soli⯑tude, inſtances this Example of Bellerophon, and gives us his Tranſlation of two of theſe Lines.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 267. Our Grandſires have been Gueſts of old.]’ The Laws of Hoſpitality were anciently held in great Vene⯑ration. The Friendſhip contracted hereby was ſo ſacred, that they prefer'd it to all the Bands of Conſanguinity and Alliance, and accounted it obligatory even to the third and fourth Generation. We have ſeen in the foregoing Story of [167] Bellerophon, that Proetus, a Prince under the Suppoſition of being injur'd in the higheſt degree, is yet afraid to re⯑venge himſelf upon the Criminal on this Account: He is forced to ſend him into Lycia rather than be guilty of a Breach of this Law in his own Country. And the King of Lycia having entertain'd the Stranger before he unſeal'd the Letters, puts him upon Expeditions abroad, in which he might be deſtroy'd, rather than at his Court. We here ſee Diomed and Glaucus agreeing not to be Enemies du⯑ring the whole Courſe of a War, only becauſe their Grand⯑fathers had been mutual Gueſts. And we afterwards find Tea [...]er engaged with the Greeks on this Account againſt the Trojans, tho' he was himſelf of Trojan Extraction, the Ne⯑phew of Priam by the Mother's ſide, and Couſin German of Hector, whoſe Life he purſues with the utmoſt Violence. They preſerved in their Families the Preſents which had been made on theſe Occaſions, as obliged to tranſmit to their Children the Memorials of this Right of Hoſpitality. Euſtathius.

XXV.

‘VERSE 291. Jove warm'd his Boſom and enlarg'd his Mind.]’ The Words in the Original are [...], which may e⯑qually be interpreted, he took away his Senſe, or he elevated his Mind. The former being a Reflection upon Glaucus's Prudence, for making ſo unequal an Exchange, the latter a Praiſe of the Magnanimity and Generoſity which induced him to it. Porphyry contends for its being underſtood in this laſt way, and Euſtathius, Monſieur and Madam Dacier are of the ſame Opinion. Notwithſtanding it is certain that Homer uſes the ſame Words in the contrary Senſe in the ſeventeenth Iliad, ℣. 470. and in the nineteenth, ℣. 137. And it is an obvi⯑ous Remark, that the Interpretation of Porphyry as much diſhonours Diomed who propoſed this Exchange, as it does Honour to Glaucus for conſenting to it. However I have followed it, if not as the juſter, as the moſt heroic Senſe, and as it has the nobler Air in Poetry.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 295. A hundred Beeves.]’ I wonder the Curious have not remark'd from this Place, that the Proportion of the Va⯑lue of Gold to Braſs in the Time of the Trojan War, was but as an hundred to nine; allowing theſe Armours of equal Weight; which as they belong'd to Men of equal Strength, is a reaſonable Suppoſition. As to this manner of compu⯑ting the Value of the Armour by Beeves or Oxen, it might be either becauſe the Money was anciently ſtamp'd with thoſe Figures, or (which is moſt probable in this Place) becauſe in thoſe Times they generally purchaſed by Exchange of Commodities, as we ſee by a Paſſage near the end of the ſe⯑venth Book.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 329. Far hence be Bacchus' Gifts—Enflaming Wine.]’ This Maxim of Hector's concerning Wine, has a great deal of Truth in it. It is a vulgar Miſtake to imagine the Uſe of Wine either raiſes the Spirits, or encreaſes Strength. The beſt Phyſicians agree with Homer in the Point; whate⯑ver our modern Soldiers may object to this old heroic Re⯑gimen. One may take notice that Sampſon as well as He⯑ctor was a Water-drinker; for he was a Nazarite by Vow, and as ſuch was forbid the Uſe of Wine. To which Milton alludes in his Sampſon Agoniſtes.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 335. Ill fits it me, with human Gore diſtain'd, &c.]’ [169] The Cuſtom which prohibits Perſons polluted with Blood to perform any Offices of divine Worſhip before they were puri⯑fied, is ſo ancient and univerſal, that it may in ſome ſort be eſteem'd a Precept of natural Religion, tending to inſpire an uncommon Dread and religious Horror of Bloodſhed. There is a fine Paſſage in Euripides where Iphigenia argues how im⯑poſſible it is that human Sacrifices ſhould be acceptable to the Gods, ſince they do not permit any defil'd with Blood, or even polluted with the Touch of a dead Body, to come near their Altars. Iphig. in Tauris. ℣. 380. Virgil makes his Aeneas ſay the ſame thing Hector does here.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 361. Sidonian Maids.]’ Dictys Cretenſis, lib. 1. ac⯑quaints us that Paris return'd not directly to Troy after the Rape of Helen, but fetch'd a Compaſs, probably to avoid Purſuit. He touch'd at Sidon, where he ſurprized the King of Phoenicia by Night, and carry'd off many of his Treaſures and Captives, among which probably were theſe Sidonian Women. The Author of the ancient Poem of the Cypriacks ſays, he ſailed from Sparta to Troy in the Space of three Days: from which Paſſage Herodotus concludes that Poem was not Homer's. We find in the Scriptures, that Tyre and Sidon were famous for Works in Gold, Embroidery, &c. and for whatever regarded Magnificence and Luxury.

XXX.

‘VERSE 374. With Hands uplifted.]’ The only Geſture de⯑ſcrib'd by Homer as uſed by the Ancients in the Invocation of the Gods, is the lifting up their Hands to Heaven. Vir⯑gil frequently alludes to this Practice; particularly in the ſe⯑cond Book there is a Paſſage, the Beauty of which is much rais'd by this Conſideration.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 378. Oh awful Goddeſs, &c.]’ This Proceſſion of the Trojan Matrons to the Temple of Minerva, with their Offering, and the Ceremonies; tho' it be a Paſſage ſome Mo⯑derns have criticis'd upon, ſeems to have particularly pleas'd Virgil. For he has not only introduced it among the Figures in the Picture at Carthage,

But he has again copied it in the eleventh Book, where the Latian Dames make the ſame Proceſſion upon the Approach of Aeneas to their City. The Prayer to the Goddeſs is tran⯑ſlated almoſt word for word:

This Prayer in the Latin Poet ſeems introduced with leſs Pro⯑priety, ſince Pallas appears no where intereſted in the Con⯑duct of Affairs thro' the whole Aeneid. The firſt Line of the Greek here is tranſlated more literally than the former Verſions; [...]. I take the firſt Epithet to al⯑lude to Minerva's being the particular Protectreſs of Troy by means of the Palladium, and not (as Mr. Hobbes underſtands it) the Protectreſs of all Cities in general.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 387. But they vow'd in vain.]’ For Helenus only ordered that Prayers ſhould be made to Minerva to drive Diomed from before the Walls. But Theano prays that Dio⯑med may periſh, and periſh flying, which is included in his falling forward. Madam Dacier is ſo free as to obſerve here, that Women are ſeldom moderate in the Prayers they make againſt their Enemies, and therefore are ſeldom heard.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 390. Himſelf the Manſion rais'd.]’ I muſt own my ſelf not ſo great an Enemy to Paris as ſome of the Commen⯑tators. His blind Paſſion is the unfortunate Occaſion of the Ruine of his Country, and he has the ill Fate to have all his fine Qualities ſwallowed up in that. And indeed I can⯑not ſay he endeavours much to be a better Man than his Nature made him. But as to his Parts and Turn of Mind, I ſee nothing that is either weak, or wicked, the general Manners of thoſe Times conſidered. On the contrary, a gentle Soul, patient of good Advice, tho' indolent enough to forget it; and liable only to that Frailty of Love which methinks might in his Caſe as well as Helen's be charged up⯑on the Stars, and the Gods. So very amorous a Conſtitu⯑tion, and ſo incomparable a Beauty to provoke it, might be Temptation enough even to a wiſe Man, and in ſome degree make him deſerve Compaſſion, if not Pardon. It is remar⯑kable, that Homer does not paint him and Helen (as ſome other Poets would have done) like Monſters, odious to Gods and Men, but allows their Characters ſuch eſteemable Quali⯑fications as could conſiſt, and in Truth generally do, with tender Frailties. He gives Paris ſeveral polite Accompliſh⯑ments, and in particular a Turn to thoſe Sciences that are the Reſult of a fine Imagination. He makes him have a Taſte and Addiction to curious Works of all ſorts, which caus'd him to tranſport Sidonian Artiſts to Troy, and employ himſelf at home in adorning and finiſhing his Armour: And now we [172] are told that he aſſembled the moſt skilful Builders from all Parts of the Country, to render his Palace a compleat Piece of Architecture. This, together with what Homer has ſaid elſewhere of his Skill in the Harp, which in thoſe Days in⯑cluded both Muſick and Poetry, may I think eſtabliſh him a Bel-Eſprit and a fine Genius.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 406. Thy Hate to Troy, &c.]’ All the Commen⯑tators obſerve this Speech of Hector to be a Piece of Artifice; he ſeems to imagine that the Retirement of Paris proceeds only from his Reſentment againſt the Trojans, and not from his Indolence, Luxury, or any other Cauſe. Plutarch thus diſcourſes upon it. ‘"As a diſcreet Phyſician rather chuſes to cure his Patient by Diet or Reſt, than by Caſtoreum or Scammony, ſo a good Friend, a good Maſter, or a good Father, are always better pleaſed to make uſe of Commen⯑dation than Reproof, for the Reformation of Manners: For nothing ſo much aſſiſts a Man who reprehends with Frankneſs and Liberty, nothing renders him leſs offenſive, or better promotes his good Deſign, than to reprove with Calmneſs, Affection, and Temper. He ought not therefore to urge them too ſeverely if they deny the Fact, nor foreſtall their Juſtification of themſelves, but rather try to help them out, and furniſh them artificially with honeſt and colourable Pretences to excuſe them; and tho' he ſees that their Fault proceeded from a more ſhameful Cauſe, he ſhould yet impute it to ſomething leſs criminal. Thus He⯑ctor deals with Paris, when he tells him, This is not the time to manifeſt your Anger againſt the Trojans: As if his Retreat from the Battel had not been abſolutely a Flight, but merely the Effect of Reſentment and Indignation.’ Plut. Of knowing a Flatterer from a Friend, juxta fin.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 418. Brother, 'tis juſt, &c.]’ Paris readily lays hold of the Pretext Hector had furniſh'd him with, and confeſſes [173] he has partly touch'd upon the true Reaſon of his Retreat, but that it was alſo partly occaſion'd by the Concern he felt at the Victory of his Rival. Next he profeſſes his Readineſs for the Fight; but nothing can be a finer Trait (if we con⯑ſider his Character) than what Homer puts into his Mouth juſt in this Place, that he is now exhorted to it by Helen: which ſhews that not the Danger of his Country and Parents, neither private Shame, nor publick Hatred, could ſo much prevail upon him, as the Commands of his Miſtreſs, to go and recover his Honour.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 432. Helen's Speech.]’ The Repentance of Helena (which we have before obſerved Homer never loſes an Oppor⯑tunity of manifeſting) is finely touch'd again here. Upon the whole we ſee the Gods are always concern'd in what be⯑falls an unfortunate Beauty: Her Stars foredoom'd all the Miſchief, and Heaven was to blame in ſuffering her to live: Then ſhe fairly gets quit of the Infamy of her Lover, and ſhews ſhe has higher Sentiments of Honour than he. How very natural is all this in the like Characters to this Day?

XXXVII.

‘VERSE 462. The Epiſode of Hector and Andromache.]’ Homer undoubtedly ſhines moſt upon the great Subjects, in raiſing our Admiration or Terror: Pity, and the ſofter Paſ⯑ſions, are not ſo much of the Nature of his Poem, which is formed upon Anger and the Violence of Ambition. But we have cauſe to think his Genius was no leſs capable of touch⯑ing the Heart with Tenderneſs, than of firing it with Glory, from the few Sketches he has left us of his Excellency that way too. In the preſent Epiſode of the Parting of Hector and Andromache, he aſſembled all that Love, Grief, and Compaſſion could inſpire. The greateſt Cenſurers of Homer have acknowledg'd themſelves charm'd with this Part, even Monſieur Perault tranſlated it into French Verſe as a kind of [174] Penitential Sacrifice for the Sacrileges he had committed a⯑gainſt this Author.

This Epiſode tends very much to raiſe the Character of Hector and endear him to every Reader. This Hero, tho' doubtful if he ſhould ever ſee Troy again, yet goes not to his Wife and Child, till after he has taken care for the Sacri⯑fice, exhorted Paris to the Fight, and diſcharg'd every Duty to the Gods, and to his Country; his Love of which, as we formerly remark'd, makes his chief Character. What a beau⯑tiful Contraſte has Homer made between the Manners of Pa⯑ris and thoſe of Hector, as he here ſhews them one after the other in this domeſtic Light, and in their Regards to the Fair Sex? What a Difference between the Characters and Behaviour of Helen and of Andromache? And what an a⯑miable Picture of conjugal Love, oppos'd to that of un⯑lawful Paſſion?

I muſt not forget, that Mr. Dryden has formerly tranſlated this admirable Epiſode, and with ſo much Succeſs, as to leave me at leaſt no hopes of improving or equalling it. The ut⯑moſt I can pretend is to have avoided a few modern Phraſes and Deviations from the Original, which have eſcaped that great Man. I am unwilling to remark upon an Author to whom every Engliſh Poet owes ſo much; and ſhall therefore only take notice of a Criticiſm of his which I muſt be obli⯑ged to anſwer in its Place, as it is an Accuſation of Homer himſelf.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 468. Penſive ſhe ſtood on Ilion's Tow'ry Height.]’ It is a fine Imagination to repreſent the Tenderneſs of Andro⯑mache for Hector, by her ſtanding upon the Tower of Troy, and watching all his Motions in the Field; even the religious Office of the Proceſſion to Minerva's Temple could not draw her from this Place, at a time when ſhe thought her Huſ⯑band in danger.

XXXIX.

‘VERSE 473. Whoſe Virtue charm'd him, &c.]’ Homer in [175] this Verſe particularizes the Virtue of Andromache in the E⯑pithet [...], blameleſs, or without a Fault. I have uſed it literally in another Part of this Epiſode.

XL.

‘VERSE 487. Hector, this heard, return'd.]’ Hector does not ſtay to ſeek his Wife on the Tower of Ilion, but haſtens where the Buſineſs of the Field calls him. Homer is never wanting in Point of Honour and Decency, and while he con⯑ſtantly obeys the ſtricteſt Rules, finds a way to make them contribute to the Beauty of his Poem. Here for inſtance he has managed it ſo, that this Obſervance of Hector's is the Cauſe of a very pleaſing Surprize to the Reader; for at firſt he is not a little diſappointed to find that Hector does not meet Andromache, and is no leſs pleaſed afterwards to ſee them encounter by chance, which gives him a Satisfaction he thought he had loſt. Dacier.

XLI.

‘VERSE 501. Scamandrius, from Scamander's honour'd Stream, &c.]’ This manner of giving proper Names to Children derived from any Place, Accident, or Quality be⯑longing to them or their Parents, is very ancient, and was cuſtomary among the Hebrews. The Trojans call'd the Son of Hector, Aſtyanax, becauſe (as it is ſaid here and at the end of the twenty ſecond Book) his Father defended the City. There are many Inſtances of the ſame kind in the thirtieth Chapter of Geneſis, where the Names given to Jacob's Chil⯑dren, and the Reaſons of thoſe Names, are enumerated.

XLII.

‘VERSE 524. The fierce Achilles, &c.]’ Mr. Dryden in the Pre⯑face to the third Volume of Miſcellany Poems has paſt a Judgment upon Part of this Speech which is altogether unworthy of him. ‘"Andromache (ſays he) in the midſt of her Concernment and Fright for Hector, runs off her Biaſs, to tell him a Story [176] of her Pedigree, and of the lamentable Death of her Fa⯑ther, her Mother, and her ſeven Brothers. The Devil was in Hector, if he knew not all this Matter, as well as ſhe who told it him; for ſhe had been his Bedfellow for many Years together: and if he knew it, then it muſt be confeſs'd, that Homer in this long Digreſſion, has rather given us his own Character, than that of the fair Lady whom he paints. His dear Friends the Commentators, who never fail him at a Pinch, will needs excuſe him, by making the preſent Sorrow of Andromache, to occaſion the Remembrance of all the paſt: But others think that ſhe had enough to do with that Grief which now oppreſs'd her, without running for Aſſiſtance to her Family."’ But may not it be anſwer'd, that nothing was more natural in Andromache, than to recollect her paſt Calamities in order to repreſent her preſent Diſtreſs to Hector in a ſtronger Light, and ſhew her utter Deſertion if he ſhould periſh. What could more effectually work upon a generous and tender Mind like that of Hector? What could therefore be more proper to each of their Characters? If Hector be induced to refrain from the Field, it proceeds from Compaſſion to Andromache: If Andromache endeavour to perſuade him, it proceeds from her Fear for the Life of Hector. Homer had yet a farther View in this Recapitulation; it tends to raiſe his chief Hero Achil⯑les, and acquaints us with thoſe great Atchievements of his which preceded the Opening of the Poem. Since there was a Neceſſity that this Hero ſhould be abſent from the Action during a great Part of the Iliad, the Poet has ſhewn his Art in nothing more, than the Methods he takes from time to time to keep up our great Idea of him, and to awaken our Expectation of what he is to perform in the Progreſs of the Work. His greateſt Enemies cannot upbraid or complain of him, but at the ſame time they confeſs his Glory and de⯑ſcribe his Victories. When Apollo encourages the Trojans to fight, it is by telling them Achilles fights no more. When Juno animates the Greeks, it is by putting them in mind that they have to do with Enemies who durſt not appear out of their Walls while Achilles engaged. When Andromache trem⯑bles for Hector, it is with Remembrance of the reſiſtleſs Force [177] of Achilles. And when Agamemnon would bribe him to a Re⯑conciliation, it is partly with thoſe very Treaſures and Spoils which had been won by Achilles himſelf.

XLIII.

‘VERSE 528. His Arms preſerv'd from hoſtile Spoil.]’ This Circumſtance of Aetion's being burned with his Arms will not appear trivial in this Relation, when we reflect with what eager Paſſion theſe ancient Heroes fought to ſpoil and carry off the Armour of a vanquiſh'd Enemy; and therefore this Action of Achilles is mention'd as an Inſtance of uncommon Favour and Generoſity. Thus Aeneas in Virgil having ſlain Lauſus, and being mov'd with Compaſſion for this unhappy Youth, gives him a Promiſe of the like Favour.

XLIV.

‘VERSE 532. Joves's Sylvan Daughters bade their Elms beſtow A barren Shade, &c.]’ It was the Cuſtom to plant about Tombs only ſuch Trees as Elms, Alders, &c. that bear no Fruit, as being moſt ſuitable to the Dead. This Paſſage al⯑ludes to that Piece of Antiquity.

XLV.

‘VERSE 543. A Victim to Diana's Bow.]’ The Greeks aſcri⯑bed all ſudden Deaths of Women to Diana. So Ulyſſes in Odyſſ. 11. asks Antyclia among the Shades if ſhe died by the Darts of Diana? And in the preſent Book Laodame the Daughter of Bellerophon, is ſaid to have periſh'd young by the Arrows of this Goddeſs. Or perhaps it may allude to ſome Diſeaſe fatal to Women, ſuch as Macrobius ſpeaks of Sat. 1. 17. ‘Foeminas certis afflictas morbis [...] vocant.’

XLVI.

‘VERSE 550. That Quarter moſt—Where yon' wild Fig⯑trees.]’ The Artifice Andromache here uſes to detain Hector in Troy is very beautifully imagined. She takes occaſion from the three Attacks that had been made by the Enemy upon this Place, to give him an honourable Pretence for ſtaying at that Rampart to defend it. If we conſider that thoſe At⯑tempts muſt have been known to all in the City, we ſhall not think ſhe talks like a Soldier, but like a Woman, who naturally enough makes uſe of any Incident that offers, to perſuade her Lover to what ſhe deſires. The Ignorance too which ſhe expreſſes, of the Reaſons that mov'd the Greeks to attack this particular Place, was what I doubt not Homer in⯑tended, to reconcile it the more to a Female Character.

XLVII.

‘VERSE 583. Hyperia's Spring.]’ Drawing Water was the Office of the meaneſt Slaves. This appears by the holy Scri⯑pture, where the Gibeonites who had deceiv'd Joſuah are made Slaves and ſubjected to draw Water. Joſuah pronounces the Curſe againſt them in theſe Words: ‘Now therefore ye are curſed, and there ſhall none of you be freed from being Bond⯑men, and Hewers of Wood, and Drawers of Water.’ Joſh. Ch. 9. V. 23. Dacier.

XLVIII.

‘VERSE 595. Stretch'd his fond Arms.]’ There never was a finer Piece of Painting than this. Hector extends his Arms to embrace his Child; the Child affrighted at the glittering of his Helmet and the ſhaking of the Plume, ſhrinks backward to the Breaſt of his Nurſe; Hector unbraces his Helmet, lays it on the Ground, takes the Infant in his Arms, lifts him towards Heaven, and offers a Prayer for him to the Gods: then returns him to the Mother Andromache, who receives him with a Smile of Pleaſure, but at the ſame [179] inſtant the Fears for her Husband make her burſt into Tears. All theſe are but ſmall Circumſtances, but ſo artfully choſen, that every Reader immediately feels the force of them, and repreſents the whole in the utmoſt Livelineſs to his Imagina⯑tion. This alone might be a Confutation of that falſe Cri⯑ticiſm ſome have fallen into, who affirm that a Poet ought only to collect the great and noble Particulars in his Paint⯑ings. But it is in the Images of Things as in the Characters of Perſons; where a ſmall Action, or even a ſmall Circum⯑ſtance of an Action, lets us more into the Knowledge and Comprehenſion of them, than the material and principal Parts themſelves. As we find this in a Hiſtory, ſo we do in a Picture, where ſometimes a ſmall Motion or Turning of a Finger will expreſs the Character and Action of the Figure more than all the other Parts of the Deſign. Longinus in⯑deed blames an Author's inſiſting too much on trivial Cir⯑cumſtances; but in the ſame Place extols Homer as ‘"the Poet who beſt knew how to make uſe of important and beautiful Circumſtances, and to avoid the mean and ſuperfluous ones."’ There is a vaſt difference betwixt a ſmall Circumſtance and a trivial one, and the ſmalleſt become important if they are well choſen, and not confuſed.

XLIX.

‘VERSE 604. Hector's Prayer for his Son.]’ It may be asked how Hector's Prayer, that his Son might protect the Trojans, could be conſiſtent with what he had ſaid juſt before, that he certainly knew Troy and his Parents would periſh. We ought to reflect that this is only a Prayer: Hector in the Exceſs of a tender Emotion for his Son, entreats the Gods to preſerve Troy, and permit Aſtyanax to rule there. It is at all times allowable to beſeech Heaven to appeaſe its Anger, and change its Decrees; and we are taught that Prayers can alter Deſti⯑ny. Dacier. Beſides it cannot be infer'd from hence, that Hector had any divine Foreknowledge of his own Fate and the approaching Ruine of his Country; ſince in many fol⯑lowing Paſſages we find him poſſeſs'd with ſtrong Hopes and firm Aſſurances to raiſe the Siege by the Flight or Deſtructi⯑on [180] of the Greeks. So that theſe Forebodings of his Fate were only the Apprehenſions and Miſgivings of a Soul de⯑jected with Sorrow and Compaſſion, by conſidering the great Dangers to which he ſaw all that was dear to him expos'd.

L.

‘VERSE 612. Tranſcends his Father's Fame.]’ The Commen⯑dation Hector here gives himſelf, is not only agreeable to the Openneſs of a brave Man, but very becoming on ſuch a ſo⯑lemn Occaſion; and a natural Effect from the Teſtimony of his own Heart to his Honour; at this time eſpecially, when he knew not but he was ſpeaking his laſt Words. Virgil has not ſcrupled it, in what he makes Aeneas ſay to Aſcanius at his Parting for the Battel.

I believe he had this of Homer in his Eye, tho' the pathetical mention of Fortune in the laſt Line ſeems an Imitation of that Prayer of Sophocles, copied alſo from hence, where Ajax wiſhes his Son may be like him in all things but in his Miſ⯑fortunes.

LI.

‘VERSE 615. His Mother's conſcious Heart.]’ Tho' the chief Beauty of this Prayer conſiſts in the paternal Piety ſhewn by Hector, yet it wants not a fine Stroake at the end, to con⯑tinue him in the Character of a tender Lover of his Wife, when he makes one of the Motives of his Wiſh, to be the Joy ſhe ſhall receive on hearing her Son applauded.

LII.

‘VERSE 628. Fix'd is the Term.]’ The Reaſon which Hector here urges to allay the Affliction of his Wife, is grounded on [181] a very ancient and common Opinion, that the fatal Period of Life is appointed to all Men at the time of their Birth; which as no Precaution can avoid, ſo no Danger can haſten. This Sentiment is as proper to give Comfort to the diſtreſs'd, as to inſpire Courage to the deſponding; ſince nothing is ſo fit to quiet and ſtrengthen our Minds in Times of Difficulty, as a firm Aſſurance that our Lives are expos'd to no real Ha⯑zards, in the greateſt Appearances of Danger.

LIII.

‘VERSE 649. Forth iſſues Paris.]’ Paris ſtung by the Re⯑proaches of Hector, goes to the Battel. 'Tis a juſt Remark of Euſtathius, that all the Reproofs and Remonſtrances made in Homer have conſtantly their Effect. The Poet by this ſhews the great Uſe of Reprehenſions when properly apply'd, and finely intimates that every worthy Mind will be the better for them.

LIV.

‘VERSE 652. The wanton Courſer thus, &c.]’ This beauti⯑ful Compariſon being tranſlated by Virgil in the eleventh Aeneid; I ſhall tranſcribe the Originals that the Reader may have the Pleaſure of comparing them.

[182] Tho' nothing can be tranſlated better than this is by Virgil, yet in Homer the Simile ſeems more perfect, and the Place more proper. Paris had been indulging his Eaſe within the Walls of his Palace, as the Horſe in his Stable, which was not the Caſe of Turnus. The Beauty and Wantonneſs of the Steed agrees more exactly with the Character of Paris than with the other: And the Inſinuation of his Love of the Mares has yet a nearer Reſemblance. The languiſhing Flow of that Verſe,

finely correſponds with the Eaſe and Luxuriancy of the pamper'd Courſer bathing in the Flood; a Beauty which Scaliger did not conſider, when he criticis'd particularly upon that Line. Taſſo has alſo imitated this Simile, Cant. 9.

LV.

‘VERSE 665. Paris excus'd his Stay.]’ Here, in the Original, is a ſhort Speech of Paris containing only theſe Words; Bro⯑ther, I have detained you too long, and ſhould have come ſooner as you deſired me. This and ſome few others of the ſame Nature in the Iliad, the Tranſlator has ventured to omit, ex⯑preſſing only the Senſe of them. A living Author (whom future Times will quote, and therefore I ſhall not ſcruple to do it) ſays that theſe ſhort Speeches, tho' they may be natu⯑ral in other Languages, can't appear ſo well in ours, which is much more ſtubborn and unpliant, and therefore are but as [183] ſo many Rubs in the Story that are ſtill turning the Narra⯑tion out of its proper Courſe.

LVI.

‘VERSE 669. Known is thy Courage, &c.]’ Hector here confeſſes the natural Valour of Paris, but obſerves it to be overcome by the Indolence of his Temper and the Love of Pleaſure. An ingenious French Writer very well remarks, that the true Character of this Hero has a great Reſemblance with that of Marc Anthony. See the 4th and 11th Notes on the third Book.

LVII.

‘VERSE 677. We crown the Bowl to Heav'n and Liberty.]’ The Greek is, [...], the free Bowl, in which they made Libations to Jupiter after the Recovery of their Li⯑berty. The Expreſſion is obſerved by M. Dacier to reſemble thoſe of the Hebrews; The Cup of Salvation, the Cup of Sor⯑row, the Cup of Benediction, &c. Athenaeus mentions thoſe Cups which the Greeks call'd [...], and were conſecrated to the Gods in Memory of ſome Succeſs. He gives us the Inſcription of one of this ſort, which was, [...].

I.

‘VERSE 2. THRO' the Scaean Gate.]’ This Gate is not here particularized by Homer, but it appears by the 393d Verſe of the ſixth Book that it could be no other. Euſtathius takes notice of the Difference of the Words [...] and [...], the one apply'd to Hector, the other to Paris: by which the Motion of the former is deſcribed as an impetuous ſallying forth, agreeable to the Violence of a Warrior; and that of the latter as a calmer Movement, correſpondent to the gentler Character of a Lover. But perhaps this Remark is too refined, ſince Homer plainly gives Paris a Character of Bravery in what immediately precedes and follows this Verſe.

II.

‘VERSE 5. As when to Sailors, &c.]’ This Simile makes it plain that the Battel had relax'd during the Abſence of Hector in Troy; and conſequently that the Converſation of Diomed and Glaucus in the former Book, was not (as Ho⯑mer's Cenſurers would have it) in the Heat of the Engage⯑ment.

III.

‘VERSE 23. When now Minerva, &c.]’ This Machine of the two Deities meeting to part the Armies is very noble. Euſtathius tells us it is an allegorical Minerva and Apollo: Minerva repreſents the prudent Valour of the Greeks, and Apollo who ſtood for the Trojans, the Power of Deſtiny: So that the Meaning of the Allegory may be, that the Valour and Wiſdom of the Greeks had now conquer'd Troy, had not Deſtiny withſtood. Minerva therefore complies with Apollo, an Intimation that Wiſdom can never oppoſe Fate. But if you take them in the literal Senſe as a real God and Goddeſs, it may be ask'd what Neceſſity there was for the Introduction of two ſuch Deities? To this Euſtathius anſwers, that the laſt Book was the only one in which both Armies were deſtitute of the Aid of the Gods: In Conſequence of which there is no gallant Action atchiev'd, nothing extraordinary done, e⯑ſpecially after the Retreat of Hector; but here the Gods are again introduced to uſher in a new Scene of great Actions. The ſame Author offers this other Solution: Hector finding the Trojan Army overpower'd, conſiders how to ſtop the Fu⯑ry of rhe preſent Battel; this he thinks may beſt be done by the Propoſal of a ſingle Combate: Thus Minerva by a very eaſy and natural Fiction may ſignify that Wiſdom or Courage (ſhe being the Goddeſs of both) which ſuggeſts the Neceſſity of diverting the War; and Apollo, that ſeaſonable Stratagem by which he effected it.

IV.

‘VERSE 37. Vengeſul Goddeſſes.]’ [...] in this Place muſt ſignify Minerva and Juno, the Word being of the femi⯑nine Gender. Euſtathius.

V.

‘VERSE 48. Sage Helenus their ſacred Counſels knew.]’ He⯑lenus was the Prieſt of Apollo, and might therefore be ſup⯑pos'd [219] to be informed of this by his God, or taught by an O⯑racle that ſuch was his Will. Or elſe being an Augur, he might learn it from the Flight of thoſe Birds, into which the Deities are here feigned to transform themſelves, (perhaps for that Reaſon, as it would be a very Poetical manner of expreſſing it.) The Fiction of theſe Divinities ſitting on the Beech-Tree in the Shape of Vulturs, is imitated by Milton in the fourth Book of Paradiſe Loſt, where Satan leaping over the Boundaries of Eden ſits in the Form of a Cormorant up⯑on the Tree of Life.

VI.

‘VERSE 57. For not this Day ſhall end thy glorious Date.]’ Euſtathius juſtly obſerves that Homer here takes from the Great⯑neſs of Hector's Intrepidity, by making him foreknow that he ſhould not fall in this Combate; whereas Ajax encounters him without any ſuch Encouragement. It may perhaps be difficult to give a Reaſon for this Management of the Poet, unleſs we aſcribe it to that commendable Prejudice, and ho⯑nourable Partiality he bears his Countrymen, which makes him give a Superiority of Courage to the Heroes of his own Nation.

VII.

‘VERSE 60. Then with his Spear reſtrain'd the Youth of Troy, Held by the midſt athwart.—]’ The Remark of Euſtathius here is obſervable: He tells us that the Warriors of thoſe Times (having no Trumpets, and becauſe the Voice of the loudeſt Herald would be drown'd in the Noiſe of a Battel) addreſs'd themſelves to the Eyes, and that graſping the middle of the Spear denoted a Requeſt that the Fight might a while be ſuſpended; the holding the Spear in that Poſition not being the Poſture of a Warrior; and thus Agamemnon underſtands it without any farther Explication. But however it be, we have a lively Pi⯑cture of a General who ſtretches his Spear acroſs, and preſſes back the moſt advanced Soldiers of his Army.

VIII.

‘VERSE 71. As when a gen'ral Darkneſs, &c.]’ The thick Ranks of the Troops compoſing themſelves, in order to ſit and hear what Hector was about to propoſe, are compared to the Waves of the Sea that are juſt ſtirr'd by the Weſt Wind; the Simile partly conſiſting in the Darkneſs and Stillneſs. This is plainly different from thoſe Images of the Sea, given us on other Occaſions, where the Armies in their Engagement and Confuſion are compared to the Waves in their Agitation and Tumult: And that the contrary is the Drift of this Si⯑mile appears particularly from Homer's uſing the Word [...], ſedebant, twice in the Application of it. All the other Ver⯑ſions ſeem to be miſtaken here: What cauſed the Difficulty was the Expreſſion [...], which may ſignify the Weſt Wind blowing on a ſudden, as well as firſt riſing. But the Deſign of Homer was to convey an Image both of the gentle Motion that aroſe over the Field from the Helmets and Spears before their Armies were quite ſettled; and of the Repoſe and Awe which enſued, when Hector began to ſpeak.

IX.

‘VERSE 79. Hear all ye Trojan, all ye Grecian Bands.]’ The Appearance of Hector, his formal Challenge, and the Affright of the Greeks upon it, have a near Reſemblance to the Deſcription of the Challenge of Goliah in the firſt Book of Samuel, Ch. 17. ‘And he ſtood and cried to the Armies of Iſrael—Chuſe you a Man for you, and let him come down to me. If he be able to fight with me, and to kill me, then will we be your Servants: but if I prevail againſt him, and kill him, then ſhall ye be our Servants.—When Saul and all Iſrael heard the Words of the Philiſtinc, they were diſmayed, and greatly afraid, &c.’

There is a fine Air of Gallantry and Bravery in this Chal⯑lenge of Hector. If he ſeems to ſpeak too vainly, we ſhould conſider him under the Character of a Challenger, whoſe Bu⯑ſineſs it is to defy the Enemy. Yet at the ſame time we [221] find a decent Modeſty in his manner of expreſſing the Con⯑ditions of the Combate: He ſays ſimply, If my Enemy kills me; but of himſelf, If Apollo grant me Victory. It was an Imagination equally agreeable to a Man of Ge⯑neroſity and a Lover of Glory, to mention the Monument to be erected over his vanquiſh'd Enemy; tho' we ſee he conſiders it not ſo much an Honour paid to the Conquer'd as a Trophie to the Conqueror. It was natural too to dwell moſt upon the Thought that pleas'd him beſt, for he takes no notice of any Monument that ſhould be raiſed over him⯑ſelf if he ſhould fall unfortunately. He no ſooner allows him⯑ſelf to expatiate, but the Proſpect of Glory carries him away thus far beyond his firſt Intention, which was only to allow the Enemy liberty to inter their Champion with Decency.

X.

‘VERSE 96. On Phoebus' Temple I'll his Arms beſtow.]’ It was the Manner of the Ancients to dedicate Trophies of this kind to the Temples of the Gods. The particular Reaſon for conſecrating the Arms in this Place to Apollo, is not on⯑ly as he was the conſtant Protector of Troy, but as this Thought of the Challenge was inſpired by him.

XI.

‘VERSE 98. Greece on the Shore ſhall raiſe a Monument.]’ Homer took the Hint of this from ſeveral Tombs of the an⯑cient Heroes who had fought at Troy, remaining in his time upon the Shore of the Helleſpont. He gives that Sea the E⯑pithet broad, to diſtinguiſh the particular Place of thoſe Tombs, which was on the Rhoetean or Sigaean Coaſt, where the Helleſpont (which in other Parts is narrow) opens itſelf to the Aegean Sea. Strabo gives an Account of the Monu⯑ment of Ajax near Rhoeteum, and of Achilles at the Promon⯑tory of Sigaeum. This is one among a thouſand Proofs of our Author's exact Knowledge in Geography and Antiquities. Time (ſays Euſtathius) has deſtroy'd thoſe Tombs which were to have preſerv'd Hector's Glory, but Homer's Poetry more [222] laſting than Monuments and Proof againſt Ages, will for e⯑ver ſupport and convey it to the lateſt Poſterity.

XII.

‘VERSE 105. All Greece aſtoniſh'd heard.]’ It ſeems natural to enquire, why the Greeks, before they accepted Hector's Challenge, did not demand Reparation for the former Trea⯑chery of Pandarus, and inſiſt upon delivering up the Author of it; which had been the ſhorteſt way for the Trojans to have wip'd off that Stain: It was very reaſonable for the Greeks to reply to this Challenge, that they could not ven⯑ture a ſecond ſingle Combate for fear of ſuch another inſidi⯑ous Attempt upon their Champion. And indeed I wonder that Neſtor did not think of this Excuſe for his Countrymen, when they were ſo backward to engage. One may make ſome ſort of anſwer to this, if we conſider the Clearneſs of Hector's Character, and his Words at the beginning of the foregoing Speech, where he firſt complains of the Revival of the War as a Misfortune common to them both (which is at once very artful and decent) and lays the blame of it upon Jupiter. Tho', by the way, his charging the Trojans Breach of Faith upon the Deity looks a little like the reaſoning of ſome modern Saints in the Doctrine of abſolute Reprobation, making God the Author of Sin, and may ſerve for ſome In⯑ſtance of the Antiquity of that falſe Tenet.

XIII.

‘VERSE 109. Women of Greece! &c.]’ There is a great deal of Fire in this Speech of Menelaus, which very well agrees with his Character and Circumſtances. Methinks while he ſpeaks one ſees him in a Poſture of Emotion, pointing with Contempt at the Commanders about him. He up⯑braids their Cowardice, and wiſhes they may become (accor⯑ding to the literal Words) Earth and Water: that is, be re⯑ſolved into thoſe Principles they ſprung from, or die. Thus Euſtathius explains it very exactly from a Verſe he cites of Zenophanes.

XIV.

‘VERSE 131. Ev'n fierce Achilles learn'd his Force to fear.]’ The Poet every where takes occaſion to ſet the brotherly Love of Agamemnon toward Menelaus in the moſt agreeable Light: When Menelaus is wounded, Agamemnon is more concern'd than He; and here diſſuades him from a Dan⯑ger, which he offers immediately after to undertake him⯑ſelf. He makes uſe of Hector's ſuperior Courage to bring him to a Compliance; and tells him that even Achilles dares not engage with Hector. This (ſays Euſtathius) is not true, but only the Affection for his Brother thus breaks out into a kind Extravagance. Agamemnon likewiſe conſults the Honour of Menelaus, for it will be no Diſgrace to him to decline encountering a Man whom Achilles himſelf is a⯑fraid of. Thus he artfully provides for his Safety and Ho⯑nour at the ſame time.

XV.

‘VERSE 135. The mightieſt Warrior, &c.]’ It cannot with Certainty be concluded from the Words of Homer, who is the Perſon to whom Agamemnon applies the laſt Lines of this Speech; the Interpreters leave it as undetermin'd in their Tranſlations as it is in the Original. Some would have it underſtood of Hector, that the Greeks would ſend ſuch an Antagoniſt againſt him, from whoſe Hands Hector might be glad to eſcape. But this Interpretation ſeems contrary to the plain Deſign of Agamemnon's Diſcourſe, which only aims to deter his Brother from ſo raſh an Undertaking as engaging with Hector. So that inſtead of dropping any Expreſſion which might depreciate the Power or Courage of this Hero, he endeavours rather to repreſent him as the moſt formida⯑ble of Men, and dreadful even to Achilles. This Paſſage therefore will be moſt conſiſtent with Agamemnon's Deſign, if it be conſider'd as an Argument offer'd to Menelaus, at once [224] to diſſuade him from the Engagement, and to comfort him under the Appearance of ſo great a Diſgrace as refuſing the Challenge; by telling him that any Warrior, how bold and intrepid ſoever, might be content to ſit ſtill and rejoice that he is not expos'd to ſo hazardous an Engagement. The Words [...], ſignify not to eſcape out of the Combate (as the Tranſlators take it) but to avoid entring into it.

The Phraſe of [...], which is literally to bend the Knee, means (according to Euſtathius) to reſt, to ſit down, [...], and is uſed ſo by Aeſchylus in Prometheo. Thoſe Interpreters were greatly miſtaken who imagin'd it ſignify'd to kneel down, to thank the Gods for eſcaping from ſuch a Combate; whereas the Cuſtom of kneeling in Prayer (as we before obſerv'd) was not in uſe among theſe Nations.

XVI.

‘VERSE 145. The Speech of Neſtor.]’ This Speech, if we conſider the Occaſion of it, could be made by no Perſon but Neſtor. No young Warrior could with Decency exhort others to undertake a Combate which himſelf declin'd. Nothing could be more in his Character than to repreſent to the Greeks how much they would ſuffer in the Opinion of another old Man like himſelf. In naming Peleus he ſets before their Eyes the Expectations of all their Fathers, and the Shame that muſt afflict them in their old Age if their Sons behaved themſelves unworthily. The Account he gives of the Con⯑verſations he had formerly held with that King, and his Jea⯑louſy for the Glory of Greece, is a very natural Picture of the warm Dialogues of two old Warriors upon the Commence⯑ment of a new War. Upon the whole, Neſtor never more diſplays his Oratory than in this Place: You ſee him riſing with a Sigh, expreſſing a pathetick Sorrow, and wiſhing again for his Youth that he might wipe away this Diſgrace from his Country. The Humour of Story-telling, ſo natural to old Men, is almoſt always mark'd by Homer in the Speeches of Neſtor. The Apprehenſion that their Age makes them con⯑temptible, puts them upon repeating the brave Deeds of their [225] Youth. Plutarch juſtifies the Praiſes Neſtor here gives him⯑ſelf, and the Vaunts of his Valour, which on this Occaſion were only Exhortations to thoſe he addreſs'd them to: By theſe he reſtores Courage to the Greeks who were aſtoniſh'd at the bold Challenge of Hector, and cauſes nine of the Prin⯑ces to riſe and accept it. If any Man had a right to com⯑mend himſelf, it was this venerable Prince, who in relating his own Actions did no more than propoſe Examples of Vir⯑tue to the Young. Virgil, without any ſuch ſoftening Qua⯑lification, makes his Hero ſay of himſelf,

And comfort a dying Warrior with theſe Words,

The ſame Author alſo imitates the Wiſh of Neſtor for a Re⯑turn of his Youth, where Evander cries out,

As for the Narration of the Arcadian War introduced here, it is a Part of the true Hiſtory of thoſe Times, as we are in⯑form'd by Pauſanias.

XVII.

‘VERSE 177. Thoſe Arms which Mars before Had giv'n.]’ Homer has the peculiar Happineſs of being able to raiſe the obſcureſt Circumſtance into the ſtrongeſt Point of Light. Areithous had taken theſe Arms in Battel, and this gives oc⯑caſion to our Author to ſay they were the Preſent of Mars. Euſtathius.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 188. Prone fell the Giant o'er a Length of Ground.]’ Neſtor's inſiſting upon this Circumſtance of the Fall of Ereu⯑thalion, which paints his vaſt Body lying extended on the Earth, has a particular Beauty in it, and recalls into the old Man's Mind the Joy he felt on the Sight of his Enemy after he was ſlain. Theſe are the fine and natural Strokes that give Life to the Deſcriptions of Poetry.

XIX.

‘VERSE 195. And nine, the nobleſt, &c.]’ In this Catalogue of the nine Warriors, who offer themſelves as Champions for Greece, one may take notice of the firſt and the laſt who ri⯑ſes up. Agamemnon advanced foremoſt, as it beſt became the General, and Ulyſſes with his uſual Caution took time to deliberate till ſeven more had offer'd themſelves. Homer gives a great Encomium of the Eloquence of Neſtor in making it produce ſo ſudden an Effect; eſpecially when Agamemnon, who did not proffer himſelf before, even to ſave his Brother, is now the firſt that ſteps forth: One would fancy this par⯑ticular Circumſtance was contrived to ſhew, that Eloquence has a greater Power than even Nature itſelf.

XX.

‘VERSE 207. Let the Lots decide.]’ This was a very pru⯑dent Piece of Conduct in Neſtor: he does not chuſe any of theſe nine himſelf, but leaves the Determination entirely to Chance. Had he named the Hero, the reſt might have been griev'd to have ſeen another prefer'd before them; and he well knew that the Lot could not fall upon a wrong Perſon, where all were valiant. Euſtathius.

XXI.

The Original of this Paſſage is ſomewhat confuſed; the In⯑terpreters [227] render it thus: Caſt the Lots, and he who ſhall be choſen, if he eſcapes from this dangerous Combate, will do an eminent Service to the Greeks, and alſo have cauſe to be greatly ſatisfied himſelf. But the Senſe will appear more di⯑ſtinct and rational if the Words [...] and [...] be not under⯑ſtood of the ſame Perſon: and the Meaning of Neſtor will then be, he who is choſen for the Engagement by the Lot, will do his Country great Service, and he likewiſe who is not, will have reaſon to rejoice for eſcaping ſo dangerous a Com⯑bate. The Expreſſion [...], is the ſame Homer uſes in ℣. 118, 119. of this Book, which we ex⯑plain'd in the ſame Senſe in Note 15.

XXII.

‘VERSE 212. The People pray.]’ Homer who ſuppoſes every thing on Earth to proceed from the immediate Diſpoſition of Heaven, allows not even the Lots to come up by Chance, but places them in the Hands of God. The People pray to him for the Diſpoſal of them, and beg that Ajax, Diomed, or A⯑gamemnon may be the Perſon. In which the Poet ſeems to make the Army give his own Sentiments, concerning the Pre⯑ference of Valour in his Heroes, to avoid an odious Compariſon in downright Terms, which might have been inconſiſtent with his Deſign of complementing the Grecian Families. They afterwards offer up their Prayers again, juſt as the Combate is beginning, that if Ajax does not conquer, at leaſt he may divide the Glory with Hector; in which the Commentators obſerve Homer prepares the Readers for what is to happen in the Sequel.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 224. Surveys th' Inſcription.]’ There is no Neceſſity to ſuppoſe that they put any Letters upon theſe Lots, at leaſt not their Names, becauſe the Herald could not tell to whom the Lot of Ajax belong'd, till he claim'd it himſelf. It is more probable that they made ſome private Mark or Signet each upon his own Lot. The Lot was only a Piece of Wood, a Shell, or any thing that lay at hand. Euſtathius.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 226. Warriors! I claim the Lot.]’ This is the firſt Speech of Ajax in the Iliad. He is no Orator, but always expreſſes himſelf in ſhort, generally bragging, or threatning, and very poſitive. The Appellation of [...], the Bul⯑wark of the Greeks, which Homer almoſt conſtantly gives him, is extremely proper to the Bulk, Strength, and Immobility of this heavy Hero, who on all Occaſions is made to ſtand to the Buſineſs, and ſupport the Brunt. Theſe Qualificati⯑ons are given him, that he may laſt out, when the reſt of the chief Heroes are wounded. This makes him of excellent Uſe in Iliad 13, &c. He there puts a Stop to the whole Force of the Enemy, and a long time prevents the firing of the Ships. It is particularly obſervable that he is never aſ⯑ſiſted by any Deity as the others are. Yet one would think Mars had been no improper Patron for him, there being ſome Reſemblance in the boiſterous Character of that God and this Hero. However it be, this Conſideration may part⯑ly account for a Particular which elſe might very well raiſe a Queſtion: Why Ajax, who is in this Book ſuperior in Strength to Hector, ſhould afterward in the Iliad ſhun to meet him, and appear his Inferior? We ſee the Gods make this diffe⯑rence: Hector is not only aſſiſted by them in his own Per⯑ſon, but his Men ſecond him, whereas thoſe of Ajax are di⯑ſpirited by Heaven: To which one may add another which is a natural Reaſon, Hector in this Book expreſly tells Ajax he will now make uſe of no Skill or Art in Fighting with him. The Greek in bare brutal Strength prov'd too hard for Hector, and therefore he might be ſuppos'd afterwards to have exerted his Dexterity againſt him.

XXV.

‘VERSE 250. He moves to Combate, &c.]’ This Deſcription is full of the ſublime Imagery ſo peculiar to our Author. The Grecian Champion is drawn in all that terrible Glory with which he equals his Heroes to the Gods: He is no leſs dread⯑ful [229] than Mars moving to Battel to execute the Decrees of Jove upon Mankind, and determine the Fate of Nations. His March, his Poſture, his Countenance, his Bulk, his Tow'r-like Shield, in a word, his whole Figure ſtrikes our Eyes in all the ſtrongeſt Colours of Poetry. We look upon him as a Deity, and are not aſtoniſh'd at thoſe Emotions which Hector feels at the Sight of him.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 269. The Work of Tychius.]’ I ſhall ask leave to tranſcribe here the Story of this Tychius, as we have it in the ancient Life of Homer attributed to Herodotus. ‘"Homer falling into Poverty, determined to go to Cuma, and as he paſt thro' the Plain of Hermus, came to a Place called The New Wall, which was a Colony of the Cumaeans. Here (after he had recited five Verſes in Celebration of Cuma) he was received by a Leather-dreſſer, whoſe Name was Ty⯑chius, into his Houſe, where he ſhew'd to his Hoſt and his Company, a Poem on the Expedition of Amphiaraus, and his Hymns. The Admiration he there obtain'd procur'd him a preſent Subſiſtance. They ſhew to this Day with great Veneration the Place where he ſate when he recited his Verſes, and a Poplar which they affirm to have grown there in his Time."’ If there be any thing in this Story, we have reaſon to be pleas'd with the grateful Temper of our Poet, who took this Occaſion of immortalizing the Name of an ordinary Tradeſman, who had obliged him. The ſame Account of his Life takes notice of ſeveral other Inſtances of his Gratitude in the ſame kind.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 270. In Arts of Armoury.]’ I have called Tychius an Armourer rather than a Leather-dreſſer or Currier; his making the Shield of Ajax authorizes one Expreſſion as well as the other; and tho' that which Homer uſes had no Low⯑neſs or Vulgarity in the Greek, it was not to be admitted in⯑to Engliſh heroic Verſe.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 273. Hector, approach my Arm, &c.]’ I think it needleſs to obſerve how exactly this Speech of Ajax correſ⯑ponds with his blunt and Soldier-like Character. The ſame Propriety, in regard to this Hero, is maintained throughout the Iliad. The Buſineſs he is about is all that employs his Head, and he ſpeaks of nothing but Fighting. The laſt Line is an Image of his Mind at all times,

XXIX.

‘VERSE 285. Me, as a Boy or Woman, would'ſt thou fright?]’ This Reply of Hector ſeems rather to allude to ſome Acti⯑on Ajax had uſed in his Approach to him, as ſhaking his Spear, or the like, than to any thing he had ſaid in his Speech. For what he had told him amounts to no more than that there were ſeveral in the Grecian Army who had courted the Honour of this Combate as well as himſelf. I think one muſt obſerve many things of this kind in Homer, that allude to the particular Attitude or Action in which the Author ſuppoſes the Perſon to be in at that time.

XXX.

‘VERSE 290. Turn, charge, and anſwer ev'ry Call of War.]’ The Greek is, To move my Feet to the Sound of Mars, which ſeems to ſhew that thoſe military Dances were in Uſe even in Homer's Time, which were afterwards practiſed in Greece.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 305. From their bor'd Shields the Chiefs their Jave⯑lins drew.]’ Homer in this Combate makes his Heroes perform all their Exerciſes with all ſorts of Weapons; firſt darting Lan⯑ces at diſtance, then advancing cloſer, and puſhing with Spears, [231] then caſting Stones, and laſtly attacking with Swords; in e⯑very one of which the Poet gives the Superiority to his Coun⯑tryman. It is farther obſervable (as Euſtathius remarks) that Ajax allows Hector an Advantage in throwing the firſt Spear.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 328. Apollo's Might.]’ In the beginning of this Book we left Apollo perch'd upon a Tree, in the Shape of a Vultur, to behold the Combate: He comes now very oppor⯑tunely to ſave his Favourite Hector. Euſtathius ſays that A⯑pollo is the ſame with Deſtiny, ſo that when Homer ſays A⯑pollo ſav'd him, he means no more than that it was not his Fate yet to die, as Helenus had foretold him.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 332. Heralds, the ſacred Miniſters, &c.]’ The Heralds of old were ſacred Perſons, accounted the Delegates of Mercury, and inviolable by the Law of Nations. The an⯑cient Hiſtories have many Examples of the Severity exerciſed againſt thoſe who committed any Outrage upon them. Their Office was to aſſiſt in the Sacrifices and Councils, to proclaim War or Peace, to command Silence at Ceremonies or ſingle Combates, to part the Combatants, and to declare the Conqueror, &c.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 334. Divine Talthybius, &c.]’ This Interpoſition of the two Heralds to part the Combatants, on the Approach of the Night, is apply'd by Taſſo to the ſingle Combate of Tan⯑cred and Argantes in the ſixth Book of his Jeruſalem. The Herald's Speech, and particularly that remarkable Injunction to Obey the Night, are tranſlated literally by that Author. The Combatants there alſo part not without a Promiſe of meeting again in Battel, on ſome more favourable Opportunity.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 337. And firſt Idaeus.]’ Homer obſerves a juſt De⯑corum in making Idaeus the Trojan Herald ſpeak firſt, to end the Combate wherein Hector had the Diſadvantage. Ajax is very ſenſible of this Difference, when in his Reply he re⯑quires that Hector ſhould firſt ask for a Ceſſation, as he was the Challenger. Euſtathius.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 350. O firſt of Greeks, &c.]’ Hector, how hardly ſoever he is preſt by his preſent Circumſtance, ſays nothing to obtain a Truce that is not ſtrictly conſiſtent with his Ho⯑nour. When he praiſes Ajax, it leſſens his own Diſadvantage, and he is careful to extol him only above the Greeks, with⯑out acknowledging him more valiant than himſelf or the Tro⯑jans: Hector is always jealous of the Honour of his Coun⯑try. In what follows we ſee he keeps himſelf on a level with his Adverſary; Hereafter we ſhall meet.—Go thou, and give the ſame Joy to thy Grecians for thy Eſcape, as I ſhall to my Trojans. The Point of Honour in all this is very nicely preſerved.

XXXVII.

‘VERSE 362. Who wearies Heav'n with Vows for Hector's Life.]’ Euſtathius gives many Solutions of the Difficulty in theſe Words, [...]: They mean either that the Trojan Ladies will pray to the Gods for him ( [...], or certatim) with the utmoſt Zeal and Tranſport; or that they will go in Proceſſion to the Temples for him ( [...], coetum Deorum;) or that they will pray to him as to a God, [...].

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 364. Exchange ſome Gift.]’ There is nothing that gives us a greater Pleaſure in reading an heroic Poem, than [233] the Generoſity, which one brave Enemy ſhews to another. The Propoſal made here by Hector, and ſo readily embraced by Ajax, makes the Parting of theſe two Heroes more glori⯑ous to them than the Continuance of the Combate had been. A French Critick is ſhock'd at Hector's making Propoſals to Ajax with an Air of Equality; he ſays a Man that is van⯑quiſh'd, inſtead of talking of Preſents, ought to retire with Shame from his Conqueror. But that Hector was vanquiſh'd is by no means to be allowed; Homer had told us that his Strength was reſtored by Apollo, and that the two Comba⯑tants were engaging again upon equal Terms with their Swords. So that this Criticiſm falls to nothing. For the reſt, 'tis ſaid that this Exchange of Preſents between Hector and Ajax gave Birth to a Proverb, that the Preſents of Ene⯑mies are generally fatal. For Ajax with this Sword after⯑wards killed himſelf, and Hector was dragg'd by this Belt at the Chariot of Achilles.

XXXIX.

‘VERSE 387. Before great Ajax plac'd the mighty Chine.]’ This is one of thoſe Paſſages that will naturally fall under the Ridicule of a true modern Critick. But what Agamem⯑non here beſtows on Ajax was in former Times a great Mark of Reſpect and Honour: Not only as it was cuſtomary to diſtinguiſh the Quality of their Gueſts by the Largeneſs of the Portions aſſigned them at their Tables, but as this Part of the Victim peculiarly belong'd to the King himſelf. It is worth remarking on this Occaſion, that the Simplicity of thoſe Times allowed the eating of no other Fleſh but Beef, Mutton, or Kid. This is the Food of the Heroes of Homer, and the Patriarchs and Warriors of the Old Teſtament. Fiſhing and Fowling were the Arts of more luxurious Nations, and came much later into Greece and Iſrael.

One cannot read this Paſſage without being pleaſed with the wonderful Simplicity of the old heroic Ages. We have here a gallant Warrior returning victorious (for that he thought himſelf ſo, appears from thoſe Words [...]) from a ſingle Combate with the braveſt of his Enemies; and he is [234] no otherwiſe rewarded than with a larger Portion of the Sa⯑crifice at Supper. Thus an upper Seat or a more capacious Bowl was a Recompence for the greateſt Actions; and thus the only Reward in the Olympic Games was a Pine-Branch, or a Chaplet of Parſley or wild Olive. The latter Part of this Note belongs to Euſtathius.

XL.

‘VERSE 399. While we to Flames, &c.]’ There is a great deal of Artifice in this Counſel of Neſtor of burning the Dead and raiſing a Fortification; for tho' Piety was the ſpecious Pretext, their Security was the real Aim of the Truce, which they made uſe of to finiſh their Works. Their doing this at the ſame time they erected the Funeral Piles, made the Im⯑poſition eaſy upon the Enemy, who might naturally miſtake one Work for the other. And this alſo obviates a plain Ob⯑jection, viz. Why the Trojans did not interrupt them in this Work? The Truce determined no exact Time, but as much as was needful for diſcharging the Rites of the Dead.

I fancy it may not be unwelcome to the Reader to enlarge a little upon the way of diſpoſing the Dead among the Anci⯑ents. It may be proved from innumerable Inſtances that the Hebrews interred their Dead; thus Abraham's Burying-place is frequently mentioned in Scripture: And that the Aegyptians did the ſame is plain from their embalming them. Some have been of Opinion that the Uſage of Burning the Dead was originally to prevent any Outrage to the Bodies from their Enemies; which Imagination is render'd not improba⯑ble by that Paſſage in the firſt Book of Samuel, where the Iſraelites burn the Bodies of Saul and his Sons after they had been miſuſed by the Philiſtines, even tho' their common Cu⯑ſtom was to bury their Dead. And ſo Sylla among the Ro⯑mans was the firſt of his Family who order'd his Body to be burnt, for fear the Barbarities he had exerciſed on that of Ma⯑rius might be retaliated upon his own. Tully de legibus, lib. 2. ‘Proculdubio cremandi ritus a Graecis venit, nam ſepul⯑tum legimus Numam ad Anienis fontem; totique genti Corneliae [235] ſolenne fuiſſe ſepulcrum, uſque ad Syllam, qui primus ex ea gente crematus eſt.’ The Greeks uſed both ways of interring and burning; Patroclus was burned, and Ajax lay'd in the Ground, as appears from Sophocles's Ajax, lin. 1185.

‘Haſten (ſays the Chorus) to prepare a hollow Hole, a Grave for this Man.’

Thucidydes in his ſecond Book mentions [...]: Coffins or Cheſts made of Cypreſs Wood, in which the Athenians kept the Bones of their Friends that dy'd in the Wars.

The Romans derived from the Greeks both theſe Cuſtoms of burning and burying: In Urbe neve SEPELITO neve URITO, ſays the Law of the Twelve Tables. The Place where they burn'd the Dead was ſet apart for this religious Uſe, and cal⯑led Glebe; from which Practice the Name is yet apply'd to all the Grounds belonging to the Church.

Plutarch obſerves that Homer is the firſt who mentions one general Tomb for a Number of dead Perſons. Here is a Tumulus built round the Pyre, not to bury their Bodies, for they were to be burn'd; nor to receive the Bones, for thoſe were to be carry'd to Greece; but perhaps to inter their Aſhes, (which Cuſtom may be gather'd from a Paſſage in Iliad 23. ℣. 255.) or it might be only a Cenotaph in Remembrance of the Dead.

XLI.

‘VERSE 415. The Trojan Peers in nightly Council ſate.]’ There is a great Beauty in the two Epithets Homer gives to this Council, [...], [...], timida, turbulenta. The unjuſt ſide is always fearful and diſcordant. I think M. Dacier has not entirely done Juſtice to this Thought in her Tranſlation. Horace ſeems to have accounted this an uſeful and neceſſary Part, that contain'd the great Moral of the Iliad, as may be ſeen from his ſelecting it in particular from the reſt, in his Epiſtle to Lollius.

XLII.

‘VERSE 441. The rev'rend Priam roſe.]’ Priam rejects the wholſome Advice of Antenor, and complies with his Son. This is indeed extremely natural to the indulgent Character and eaſy Nature of the old King, of which the whole Trojan War is a Proof; but I could wiſh Homer had not juſt in this Place celebrated his Wiſdom in calling him [...]. Spondanus refers this Blindneſs of Priam to the Power of Fate, the Time now approaching when Troy was to be pu⯑niſh'd for its Injuſtice. Something like this weak Fondneſs of a Father is deſcribed in the Scripture in the Story of Da⯑vid and Abſalom.

XLIII.

‘VERSE 450. Next let a Truce be ask'd.]’ The Conduct of Homer in this Place is remarkable: He makes Priam pro⯑poſe in Council to ſend to the Greeks to ask a Truce to bury the Dead. This the Greeks themſelves had before determined to propoſe: But it being more honourable to his Country, the Poet makes the Trojan Herald prevent any Propoſition that could be made by the Greeks. Thus they are requeſted to do what they themſelves were about to requeſt, and have the Honour to comply with a Propoſal which they themſelves would otherwiſe have taken as a Favour. Euſtathius.

XLIV.

‘VERSE 455. Each at his Poſt in Arms.]’ We have here the manner of the Trojans taking their Repaſt: Not pro⯑miſcuouſly, [237] but each at his Poſt. Homer was ſenſible that military Men ought not to remit their Guard, even while they refreſh themſelves, but in every Action diſplay the Sol⯑dier. Euſtathius.

XLV.

‘VERSE 460. The Speech of Idaeus.]’ The Propoſition of re⯑ſtoring the Treaſures, and not Helen, is ſent as from Paris only; in which his Father ſeems to permit him to treat by himſelf as a Sovereign Prince, and the ſole Author of the War. But the Herald ſeems to exceed his Commiſſion in what he tells the Greeks. Paris only offer'd to reſtore the Treaſures he took from Greece, not including thoſe he brought from Sidon and other Coaſts, where he touch'd in his Voyage: But Idaeus here proffers all that he brought to Troy. He adds, as from himſelf, a Wiſh that Paris had periſh'd in that Voyage. Some ancient Expoſitors ſuppoſe thoſe Words to be ſpoken a⯑ſide, or in a low Voice, as it is uſual in Dramatic Poetry. But without that Salvo, a generous Love for the Welfare of his Country might tranſport Idaeus into ſome warm Expreſſions againſt the Author of its Woes. He lays aſide the Herald to act the Patriot, and ſpeaks with a noble Indignation againſt Paris, that he may Influence the Grecian Captains to give a favourable Anſwer. Euſtathius.

XLVI.

‘VERSE 474. The Greeks gave ear, but none the Silence broke.]’ This Silence of the Greeks might naturally proceed from their Opinion that however deſirous they were to put an end to this long War, Menelaus would never conſent to relinquiſh Helen, which was the thing inſiſted upon by Paris. Euſtathius accounts for it in another manner, and it is from him M. Dacier has taken her Remark. The Princes (ſays he) were ſilent, becauſe it was the Part of Agamemnon to de⯑termine in Matters of this Nature; and Agamemnon is ſilent, being willing to hear the Inclinations of the Princes. By this means he avoided the Imputation of expoſing the Greeks [238] to Dangers for his Advantage and Glory; ſince he only gives the Anſwer which is put into his Mouth by the Princes, with the general Applauſe of the Army.

XLVII.

‘VERSE 476. Oh take not, Greeks! &c.]’ There is a pecu⯑liar Decorum in making Diomed the Author of this Advice, to reject even Helen herſelf if ſhe were offer'd; this had not agreed with an amorous Husband like Menelaus, nor with a cunning Politician like Ulyſſes, nor with a wiſe old Man like Neſtor. But it is proper to Diomed, not only as a young fearleſs Warrior, but as he is in particular an Enemy to the Intereſts of Venus.

XLVIII.

‘VERSE 507. And lay'd along the Cars.]’ Theſe probably were not Chariots, but Carriages; for Homer makes Neſtor ſay in ℣. 332. that this was to be done with Mules and Oxen, which were not commonly join'd to Chariots, and the word [...] there, may be apply'd to any Vehicle that runs on Wheels. [...] ſignifies indifferently Plauſtrum or Currus; and our Engliſh word Car implies either. But if they did uſe Chariots in bearing their Dead, it is at leaſt evident, that thoſe Chariots were drawn by Mules and Oxen at Funeral So⯑lemnities. Homer's uſing the word [...] and not [...], confirms this Opinion.

XLIX.

‘VERSE 520. Then, to ſecure the Camp, &c.]’ Homer has been accus'd of an Offence againſt Probability, in cauſing this Fortification to be made ſo late as in the laſt Year of the War. Mad. Dacier anſwers to this Objection, that the Greeks had no Occaſion for it till the Departure of Achilles: He alone was a greater Defence to them; and Homer had told the Rea⯑der in a preceding Book, that the Trojans never durſt venture out of the Walls of Troy while Achilles fought: Theſe In⯑trenchments [239] therefore ſerve to raiſe the Glory of his principal Hero, ſince they become neceſſary as ſoon as he withdraws his Aid. She might have added, that Achilles himſelf ſays all this, and makes Homer's Apology in the ninth Book, ℣. 349. The ſame Author, ſpeaking of this Fortification, ſeems to doubt whether the Uſe of intrenching Camps was known in the Trojan War, and is rather inclined to think Homer borrowed it from what was practiſed in his own Time. But I believe if we conſider the Caution with which he has been obſerved, in ſome Inſtances already given, to preſerve the Manners of the Age he writes of, in Contradiſtinction to what was practiſed in his own; we may reaſonably conclude the Art of Fortification was in uſe even ſo long before him, and in the Degree of Perfection that he here deſcribes it. If it was not, and if Homer was fond of deſcribing an Improve⯑ment in this Art made in his own Days, nothing could be better contrived than his feigning Neſtor to be the Author of it, whoſe Wiſdom and Experience in War render'd it probable that he might carry his Projects farther than the reſt of his Contemporaries. We have here a Fortification as perfect as any in the modern Times. A ſtrong Wall is thrown up, Towers are built upon it from Space to Space, Gates are made to iſ⯑ſue out at, and a Ditch ſunk, deep, wide and long: to all which Paliſades are added to compleat it.

L.

‘VERSE 526. Meanwhile the Gods.]’ The Fiction of this Wall raiſed by the Greeks, has given no little Advantage to Homer's Poem, in furniſhing him with an Opportunity of changing the Scene, and in a great degree the Subject and Accidents of his Battels; ſo that the following Deſcriptions of War are totally different from all the foregoing. He takes care at the firſt mention of it to fix in us a great Idea of this Work, by making the Gods immediately concern'd about it. We ſee Neptune jealous leſt the Glory of his own Work, the Walls of Troy, ſhould be effaced by it; and Jupiter comfor⯑ting him with a Prophecy that it ſhall be totally deſtroy'd in a ſhort time. Homer was ſenſible that as this was a Building [240] of his Imagination only, and not founded (like many other of his Deſcriptions) upon ſome Antiquities or Traditions of the Country, ſo Poſterity might convict him of a Falſity when no Remains of any ſuch Wall ſhould be ſeen on the Coaſt. Therefore (as Ariſtotle obſerves) he has found this way to elude the Cenſure of an improbable Fiction: The Word of Jove was fulfilled, the Hands of the Gods, the Force of the Rivers, and the Waves of the Sea demoliſh'd it. In the twelfth Book he digreſſes from the Subject of his Po⯑em to deſcribe the Execution of this Prophecy. The Verſes there are very noble, and have given the Hint to Milton for thoſe in which he accounts, after the ſame Poetical manner, for the Vaniſhing of the Terreſtrial Paradiſe.

LI.

‘VERSE 560. And now the Fleet, &c.]’ The Verſes from hence to the end of the Book afford us the Knowledge of ſome Points of Hiſtory and Antiquity. As that Jaſon had a Son by Hypſipyle, who ſucceeded his Mother in the Kingdom of Lemnos. That the Iſle of Lemnos was anciently famous for its Wines, and drove a Traffick in them; and that coin⯑ed Money was not in uſe in the Time of the Trojan War, but the Trade of Countries carry'd on by Exchange in groſs, Braſs, Oxen, Slaves, &c. I muſt not forget the particular Term uſed here for Slave, [...], which is literally the ſame with our modern word Footman.

LII.

‘VERSE 572. But Jove averſe, &c.]’ The Signs by which Jupiter here ſhews his Wrath againſt the Grecians, are a Pre⯑lude to thoſe more open Declarations of his Anger which fol⯑low in the next Book, and prepare the Mind of the Reader for that Machine, which might otherwiſe ſeem too bold and violent.