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A Diſtinction of Orders in the Church defended upon Principles of Public Utility, IN A SERMON PREACHED IN THE CASTLE-CHAPEL, DUBLIN, AT THE CONSECRATION OF JOHN LAW, D. D. LORD BISHOP OF CLONFERT AND KILMACDUAGH, SEPTEMBER 21, 1782.

BY WILLIAM PALEY, A. M. ARCHDEACON OF CARLISLE.

LONDON: PRINTED FOR ROBERT FAULDER, No. 42, NEW BOND-STREET. M,DCC,LXXXII.

A SERMON, &c.

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EPHESIANS, IV. 11, 12.‘AND HE GAVE SOME, APOSTLES; AND SOME, PROPHETS; AND SOME, EVANGELISTS; AND SOME, PASTORS AND TEACHERS; FOR THE PERFECTING OF THE SAINTS, FOR THE WORK OF THE MINISTRY, FOR THE EDIFYING OF THE BODY OF CHRIST.’

IN our reaſoning and diſcourſes upon the rules and nature of the Chriſtian diſpenſation, there is no diſtinction which ought to be preſerved with greater care, than that, which exiſts between the inſtitution, as it addreſſes the conſcience and regulates the duty of particular Chriſtians, and as it regards the diſcipline and government of the Chriſtian church. It was our Saviour's deſign and the firſt object of his miniſtry, to afford to a loſt and ignorant world ſuch diſcoveries of their Creator's will, of their own intereſt, and future deſtination; ſuch aſſured principles of faith, and rules of practice; ſuch new motives, terms, and means of obedience, as might enable all, and engage many, to enter upon a courſe of life, which by rendering the perſon who [6] purſued it acceptable to God, would conduct him to happineſs, in another ſtage of his exiſtence.

IT was a ſecond intention of the founder of Chriſtianity, but ſubſervient to the former, to aſſociate thoſe who conſented to take upon them the profeſſion of his faith and ſervice, into a ſeparate community, for the purpoſe of united worſhip and mutual edification, for the better tranſmiſſion and manifeſtation of the faith that was delivered to them, but principally, to promote the exerciſe of that fraternal diſpoſition which their new relation to each other, which the viſible participation of the ſame name and hope and calling, was calculated to excite.

FROM a view of theſe diſtinct parts of the evangelic diſpenſation, we are led to place a real difference, between the religion of particular Chriſtians, and the polity of Chriſt's church. The one is perſonal and individual—acknowledges no ſubjection to human authority—is tranſacted in the heart—is an account between God and our own conſciences alone: the other, appertaining to ſociety (like every thing which relates to the joint intereſt and requires the co-operation of many perſons) is viſible and external—preſcribes rules of common order, for the obſervation of which, we are reſponſible not only to God, but to the ſociety of which we are members, or what is the ſame thing, to thoſe with whom the public authority of the ſociety is depoſited.

BUT the difference which I am principally concerned to eſtabliſh conſiſts in this, that whilſt the precepts of Chriſtian morality and the fundamental articles of its faith are, for [7] the moſt part, preciſe and abſolute, are of perpetual, univerſal, and unalterable obligation; the laws which reſpect the diſcipline, inſtruction, and government of the community, are delivered in terms ſo general and indefinite as to admit of an application adapted to the mutable condition and varying exigencies of the Chriſtian church. "As my Father hath ſent me, ſo ſend I you." "Let every thing be done decently and in order." "Lay hands ſuddenly on no man." "Let him that ruleth do it with diligence." "The things which thou haſt heard of me, the ſame commit thou to faithful men, who ſhall be able to teach others alſo." "For this cauſe left I thee that thou ſhouldeſt ſet in order the things that are wanting, and ordain elders in every city."

THESE are all general directions, ſuppoſing indeed the exiſtence of a regular miniſtry in the church, but deſcribing no ſpecific order of pre-eminence or diſtribution of office and authority. If any other inſtances can be adduced more circumſtantial than theſe, they will be found like the appointment of the ſeven deacons, the collections for the ſaints, the laying by in ſtore upon the firſt day of the week, to be rules of the ſociety rather than laws of the religion—recommendations and expedients fitted to the ſtate of the ſeveral churches by thoſe who then adminiſtered the affairs of them, rather than precepts delivered with a ſolemn deſign of fixing a conſtitution for ſucceeding ages. The juſt ends of religious as of civil union are eternally the ſame; but the means, by which theſe ends may be beſt promoted and ſecured, will vary with the viciſſitudes of time and occaſion, will differ according to the local circumſtances, the peculiar [8] ſituation, the improvement, character, or even the prejudices and paſſions of the ſeveral communities upon whoſe conduct and edification they are intended to operate.

THE apoſtolic directions, which are preſerved in the writings of the New Teſtament, ſeem to exclude no eccleſiaſtical conſtitution which the experience and more inſtructed judgment of future ages might find it expedient to adopt. And this reſerve, if we may ſo call it, in the legiſlature of the Chriſtian church, was wiſely ſuited to its primitive condition compared with its expected progreſs and extent. The circumſtances of Chriſtianity in the early period of its propagation were neceſſarily very unlike thoſe, which would take place when it became the eſtabliſhed religion of great nations. The rudiments indeed of the future plant were involved within the grain of muſtard ſeed, but ſtill a different treatment was required for its ſuſtentation when the birds of the air lodged amongſt its branches. A ſmall ſelect ſociety under the guidance of inſpired teachers, without temporal rights and without property, founded in the midſt of enemies and living in ſubjection to unbelieving rulers, divided from the reſt of the world by many ſingularities of conduct and perſuaſion, and adverſe to the idolatry which public authority every where ſupported, differed ſo much from the Chriſtian church after Chriſtianity prevailed as the religion of the ſtate; when its oeconomy became gradually interwoven with the civil government of the country; when the purity and propagation of its faith were left to the ordinary expedients of human inſtruction and an authentic ſcripture; when perſecution and indigence were to be ſucceeded by [9] legal ſecurity and public proviſion—clandeſtine and precarious opportunities of hearing the word and communicating in the rites of Chriſtianity, by ſtationary paſtors and appropriated ſeaſons, as well as places, of religious worſhip and reſort: I ſay, the ſituation of the Chriſtian community was ſo different in the infant and adult ſtate of Chriſtianity, that the higheſt inconvenience would have followed from eſtabliſhing a preciſe conſtitution which was to be obligatory upon both; the ſame diſpoſition of affairs which was moſt commodious and conducive to edification in the one, becoming probably impracticable under the circumſtances, or altogether inadequate to the wants, of the other.

WHAT farther recommends the forbearance obſervable in this part of the Chriſtian inſtitution, is the conſideration, that as Chriſtianity ſolicited admiſſion into every country in the world, it cautiouſly refrained from interfering with the municipal regulations or civil condition of any. Negligent of every view, but what related to the deliverance of mankind from ſpiritual perdition, the Saviour of the world advanced no pretenſions, which by diſturbing the arrangements of human polity, might preſent an obſtacle to the reception of his faith. We may aſcribe it to this deſign, that he left the laws of his church ſo open and indeterminate, that whilſt the ends of religious communion were ſufficiently declared, the form of the ſociety might be aſſimilated to the civil conſtitution of each country, to which it ſhould always communicate ſtrength and ſupport in return for the protection it received. If there be any truth in theſe obſervations, they lead to this temperate and charitable concluſion, [10] "that Chriſtianity may be profeſſed under any form of church government."

BUT though all things are lawful, all things are not expedient—If we concede to other churches the Chriſtian legality of their conſtitution, ſo long as Chriſtian worſhip and inſtruction are competently provided for, we may be allowed to maintain the advantage of our own, upon principles which all parties acknowledge—conſiderations of public utility. We may be allowed to contend, that whilſt we imitate, ſo far as a great diſparity of circumſtances permits, the example, and what we apprehend to be the order of the apoſtolic age, our church and miniſtry are inferior to none in the great object of their inſtitution, their ſuitableneſs to promote and uphold the profeſſion, knowledge, and influence of pure Chriſtianity. The ſeparation of a particular order of men for the work of the miniſtry—the reſerving to theſe, excluſively, the conduct of public worſhip and the preaching of the word—the diſtribution of the country into diſtricts, and the aſſigning of each diſtrict to the care and charge of its proper paſtor—laſtly, the appointment to the clergy of a maintenance independent of the caprice of their congregation, are meaſures of eccleſiaſtical policy which have been adopted by every national eſtabliſhment of Chriſtianity in the world. Concerning theſe points there exiſts no controverſy. The chief article of regulation, upon which the judgment of ſome proteſtant churches diſſents from ours, is, that whilſt they have eſtabliſhed a perfect parity amongſt their clergy, we prefer a diſtinction of orders in the church, not only as recommended by the uſage of the pureſt times, but as [11] better calculated to promote, what all churches muſt deſire, the credit and efficacy of the ſacerdotal office.

THE force and truth of this laſt conſideration I will endeavour to evince.

FIRST. The body of the clergy, in common with every regular ſociety, muſt neceſſarily contain ſome internal proviſion for the government and correction of its members. Where a diſtinction of orders is not acknowledged, this government can only be adminiſtered by ſynods and aſſemblies, becauſe the ſuppoſition of equality forbids the delegation of authority to ſingle perſons. Now although it may be requiſite to conſult and collect the opinions of a community, in the momentous deliberations which ought to precede the eſtabliſhment of thoſe public laws by which it is to be bound; yet in every ſociety the execution of theſe laws, the current and ordinary affairs of its government, are better managed by fewer hands. To commit perſonal queſtions to public debate—to refer every caſe and character, which requires animadverſion, to the ſuffrages and examination of a numerous aſſembly—what is it, but to feed and to perpetuate contention, to ſupply materials for endleſs altercation, and opportunities for the indulgence of concealed enmity and private prejudices? The complaint of ages teſtifies, with how much inflammation, and how little equity, eccleſiaſtical conventions have conducted their proceedings; how apt intrigue has ever been to pervert enquiry, and clamour to confound diſcuſſion. Whatever may be the other benefits of equality, peace is beſt ſecured by ſubordination. And if this be a conſideration of moment [12] in every ſociety, it is of peculiar importance to the clergy. Preachers of peace, miniſters of charity and of reconciliation to the world, that conſtitution ſurely ill befits their office and character, which has a tendency to engage them in conteſts and diſputes with one another.

SECONDLY. The appointment of various orders in the church may be conſidered as the ſtationing of miniſters of religion in the various ranks of civil life. The diſtinctions of the clergy ought in ſome meaſure to correſpond with the diſtinctions of lay-ſociety, in order to ſupply each claſs of the people with a clergy of their own level and deſcription, with whom they may live and aſſociate upon terms of equality. This reaſon is not imaginary nor inſignificant. The uſefulneſs of a virtuous and well-informed clergy conſiſts neither wholly nor principally in their public preaching, or the ſtated functions of their order. It is from the example and in the ſociety of ſuch perſons that the requiſites which prepare the mind for the reception of virtue and knowledge, a taſte for ſerious reflection and diſcourſe, habits of thought and reaſoning, a veneration for the laws and awful truths of Chriſtianity, a diſpoſition to enquire and a ſolicitude to learn, are beſt gained; at leaſt, the decency of deportment, the ſobriety of manners and converſation, the learning, the gravity, which uſually accompany the clerical character inſenſibly diffuſe their influence over every company into which they are admitted. Is it of no importance to provide friends and companions of this character for the ſuperior as well as for the middle orders of the community? Is it flattery, to ſay, that the manners and ſociety of higher life would ſuffer ſome depravation, [13] from the loſs of ſo many men of liberal habits and education, as at preſent, by occupying elevated ſtations in the church are entitled to be received into its number? This intercourſe would ceaſe, if the clergy were reduced to a level with one another, and of conſequence, with the inferior part of the community. Theſe diſtinctions whilſt they prevail muſt be complied with. How much ſo ever the Moraliſt may deſpiſe, or the Divine overlook the diſcriminations of rank, which the rules or prejudices of modern life have introduced into ſociety, when we have the world to inſtruct and to deal with, we muſt take and treat it as it is, not as the wiſhes or the ſpeculations of philoſophy would repreſent it to our view. When we deſcribe the public as peculiarly intereſted in every thing which affects, though but remotely, the character of the great and powerful, it is not that the ſoul of the rich man is more precious than the ſalvation of the poor, but becauſe his virtues and his vices have a more conſiderable and extenſive effect.

THIRDLY. They who behold the privileges and emoluments of the ſuperior clergy with the moſt unfriendly inclination, profeſs nevertheleſs to wiſh, that the order itſelf ſhould be reſpected—But how is this reſpect to be procured?—It is equally impoſſible, to inveſt every clergyman with the decorations of affluence and rank, and to maintain the credit and reputation of an order which is altogether deſtitute of theſe diſtinctions. Individuals by the ſingularity of their virtue or their talents, may ſurmount all diſadvantages; but the order will be contemned. At preſent, every member of our eccleſiaſtical eſtabliſhment communicates in [14] the dignity which is conferred upon a few—every clergyman ſhares in the reſpect which is paid to his ſuperiors—the miniſtry is honoured in the perſons of its prelates. Nor is this oeconomy peculiar to our order. The profeſſion of arms and of the law derive their luſtre and eſteem, not merely from their utility (which is a reaſon only to the few) but from the exalted place in the ſcale of civil life, which hath been wiſely aſſigned to thoſe, who fill ſtations of power and eminence in theſe great departments. And if this diſpoſition of honors be approved in other kinds of public employment, why ſhould not the credit and liberality of ours be upheld by the ſame expedient?

FOURTHLY. Rich and ſplendid ſituations in the church, have been juſtly regarded as prizes, held out to invite perſons of good hopes and ingenuous attainments to enter into its ſervice. The value of the proſpect may be the ſame, but the allurement is much greater, where opulent ſhares are reſerved to reward the ſucceſs of a few, than where by a more equal partition of the fund all indeed are competently provided for, but no one can raiſe even his hopes beyond a penurious mediocrity of ſubſiſtence and ſituation. It is certainly of conſequence that young men of promiſing a bilities be encouraged to engage in the miniſtry of the church—otherwiſe, our profeſſion will be compoſed of the refuſe of every other. None will be found content to ſtake the fortune of their lives in this calling, but they whom ſlow parts, perſonal defects, or a depreſſed condition of birth and education preclude from advancement in any other. The vocation in time comes to be thought mean and uncreditable—ſtudy languiſhes—ſacred erudition declines—not only the [15] order is diſgraced, but religion itſelf diſparaged in ſuch hands. Some of the moſt judicious and moderate of the preſbyterian clergy have been known to lament this defect in their conſtitution. They ſee and deplore the backwardneſs in youth of active and well cultivated faculties, to enter into the church, and their frequent reſolutions to quit it. Again, if a gradation of orders be neceſſary to invite candidates into the profeſſion, it is ſtill more ſo to excite diligence and emulation, to promote an attention to character and public opinion when they are in it; eſpecially, to guard againſt that ſloth and negligence, into which men are apt to fall, who are arrived too ſoon at the limit of their expectations. We will not ſay, that the race is always to the ſwift, or the prize to the deſerving, but we have never known that age of the church in which the advantage was not on the ſide of learning and decency.

THESE reaſons appear to me to be well founded, and they have this in their favour, that they do not ſuppoſe too much, they ſuppoſe not any impracticable preciſion in the reward of merit, or any greater degree of diſintereſtedneſs, circumſpection, and propriety in the beſtowing of eccleſiaſtical preferment than what actually takes place. They are, however, much ſtrengthened, and our eccleſiaſtical conſtitution defended with yet greater ſucceſs, when men of conſpicuous and acknowledged merit are called to its ſuperior ſtations—"when it goeth well with the righteous the city rejoiceth." When pious labours and exemplary virtue, when diſtinguiſhed learning, or eminent utility, when long or arduous ſervices are repaid with affluence and dignity, when a life of ſevere and well-directed application to the [16] ſtudies of religion, when waſted ſpirits and declining health are ſuffered to repoſe in honorable leiſure, the good and wiſe applaud a conſtitution, which has provided ſuch things for ſuch men.

FINALLY, let us reflect that theſe, after all, are but ſecondary objects. Chriſt came not to found an empire upon earth, or to inveſt his church with temporal immunities. He came "to ſeek and to ſave that which was loſt"—to purify to himſelf from amidſt the pollutions of a corrupt world, "a peculiar people, zealous of good works." As far as our eſtabliſhment conduces to forward and facilitate theſe ends, ſo far we are ſure it falls in with his deſign, and is ſanctified by his authority.—And whilſt they who are entruſted with its government employ their cares, and the influence of their ſtations, in judicious and unremitting endeavours to enlarge the dominion of virtue and of Chriſtianity over the hearts and affections of mankind—whilſt "by pureneſs, by knowledge," by the aids of learning, by the piety of their example, they labour to inform the conſciences and improve the morals of the people committed to their charge, they ſecure to themſelves and to the church in which they preſide, peace and permanency, reverence and ſupport—what is infinitely more, they "ſave their own ſouls"—they prepare for the approach of that tremendous day, when Jeſus Chriſt ſhall return again to the world and to his church, at once the gracious rewarder of the toils, and patience, and fidelity of his ſervants, and the ſtrict avenger of abuſed power and neglected duty.

THE END.
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