WARK CASTLE

in view for ſeveral miles of our paſſage down the banks of the river: a ſmall part of it ſtanding, forms a rude pillar, which at a diſtance ap⯑pears of ſome conſequence. A platform lays to the weſt, with a trench called Gully's Nich; a mean village to the eaſt, from whence you ap⯑proach the caſtle. This fortreſs ſtood on a circular eminence, formed by art: its founder is not poſitively known, nor is any certain date fixed to it. In Leland's Collectanea, part 1. p. 531. it is ſaid, ‘King Henry the 2 cauſid the Caſtel of Werke to be made.’ From ſeveral circumſtances of hiſtory, it appears, that it was formidable ſo early as the beginning of the 12th century.^*

[2]Near this place are ſeveral intrenchments, ſome of which are de⯑fended by mounds of earth.^* There is a ſpot adjoining called the Battle Place; but from what particular event it obtained that denomi⯑nation is not known. As being on the borders, this caſtle was ſubject to repeated aſſaults.

On King Stephen's uſurpation of the Engliſh crown, David of Scot⯑land, with great indignation, entered the borders, and among other fortreſſes aſſaulted and took Carrum, which Richard of Hexham ſays was by the Engliſh called Werk. ^† On a treaty held whilſt Stephen lay at Durham and David at Newcaſtle, theſe conqueſts were reſtored by the Scotch King, who took as a compenſation, Carliſle and ſome other places of leſs import, as additions to the Earldom of Huntington, which was then ratified to him: Stephen alſo engaged, that before any diſpo⯑ſition was made of the Earldom of Northumberland, he would cauſe the claim of Henry (David's ſon) thereto, in right of his mother, to be fairly heard by his Judges. David received in marriage, from King Henry I. of England, his brother-in-law, Maud, the eldeſt daughter of Waltheof Earl of Northumberland, from whom Henry his ſon de⯑rived his pretenſions to that Earldom. Henry, by the reſignation of his father, and King Stephen's ratification, held the Earldom of Hunting⯑ton.

The determination of Henry's claim to Northumberland being ſuſ⯑pended, and Stephen unwilling to bring it to a fair diſcuſſion, ſenſible of the great power it would give to the Scotch crown, irritated David to ſupport his ſon's pretenſions by force of arms. Stephen's abſence in Normandy favoured his purpoſe; and ſoon after Eaſter, in the year 1137, he levied a great army, with intent to invade England. The northern Barons, with Thurſtan Archbiſhop of York, aſſembled the Engliſh forces at Newcaſtle; and the Archbiſhop proceeding to Rox⯑burgh, then in the poſſeſſion of the Scotch King, in conference with David and his ſon, prevailed on them to enter into a truce till Stephen's return, when it was preſumed the matter in conteſt would be honour⯑ably accommodated: but Stephen perſiſting in a denial of Henry's right, war immediately enſued.

[3]The winter was ſet in, when David, flattered with hopes of an in⯑ſurrection in England, a plot ^* having been laid to maſſacre all the Normans, and deliver the kingdom to him, who was neareſt heir in the Saxon line, not regarding the rigour of the ſeaſon, diſpatched his ne⯑phew William, ſon of Duncan, with part of his army, againſt the Caſtle of Wark.^†

William inveſted this fortreſs early in the morning, and David with a numerous army and engines of war, advanced ſoon afterwards to maintain the ſiege. This inveſtiture continued three weeks, during which time the moſt vigorous aſſaults were ſuſtained by the garriſon, under command of Jordan de Buſſis, nephew of Walter D'Eſpec, Lord of Wark.^‡

[4]David was obliged to raiſe the ſiege with diſgrace; his forces were much reduced, and his Standard-bearer fell among the ſlain. The bor⯑der conflicts were all after one mode, rendered horrible by ravage and rapine. David, after his departure from before Wark, led his forces to the weſtern parts of Northumberland, where he ſpread deſolation and ruin, and marked his progreſs as far as Tyne with acts of ſavage cruelty.

To oppoſe theſe invaders, Stephen at the head of a numerous army advanced to Wark, which obliged David to abandon Northumberland, and prepare to defend his own territories: but Stephen, apprized of a plot which was laid to entrap him at Roxburgh, returned to England without effecting any thing againſt his enemy. David ſeeing the Eng⯑liſh forces had abandoned the border, after taking and demoliſhing Norham, advanced againſt Wark, to revenge an inſult the garriſon had committed, by taking ſome baggage, and giving annoyance to his troops, marching under his ſon Henry. His ſucceſs in this ſecond at⯑tempt was no better than in his former aſſault; he exerted his powers, employed every engine the art of war had introduced, and with much [5] bloodſhed perſiſted in the ſiege; till conceiving the fortreſs was im⯑pregnable to every other manoeuvre than a blockade, which could cut off proviſions and reinforcement, he determined thereon; and march⯑ing ſouthward with the main body of his army, left there a circumval⯑lation of troops, under the care of two of his Barons.

David ſoon after had a dreadful defeat near Northallerton, at the Battle of the Standard; after which he retreated with the ſhattered remains of his troops to Carliſle, through a country enraged at the barbarities he had been guilty of in his former incurſion: the peaſants in every avenue revenging on his flying troops, the ſufferings their families had ſuſ⯑tained. After a ſhort reſpite, and a collection of his ſcattered army at Carliſle, he commanded the ſiege of Wark to be reſumed, in which many new-invented engines and machines were employed. The be⯑ſieged with unparallelled fortitude ſuſtained the ſhock: their ſkilfulneſs is as admirable as their courage, for they loſt but one Knight, whoſe in⯑trepidity in attacking a machine, expoſed him to numbers of aſſailants, in the midſt of whom he fell, after teſtifying the higheſt human valour. The ſlaughter made by the garriſon was terrible; inſomuch that David, relaxing his rigorous command, ceaſed all aſſaults, and again formed a ſtrong blockade. The garriſon were reduced to great extremities; they had killed their horſes, and ſalted their fleſh for food, and when that was nearly conſumed, reſolved, as ſoon as all proviſion was exhauſted, to make a general ſally, and cut their paſſage through the lines of the aſſailants, or die ſword in hand. During this interval, Walter D'Eſpec, their Lord, willing to preſerve ſo brave a corps, ſent the Abbot of Rie⯑valle with his command, that the garriſon ſhould ſurrender the place: on whoſe arrival a treaty was entered into, in conſequence of which the garriſon capitulated, and were permitted to march out of the caſtle un⯑der arms, with 20 horſes provided them by the Scotch King. On this evacuation, the caſtle was demoliſhed, and the fortifications were raſed.

King Henry II. to ſtrengthen the frontiers of his kingdom againſt the Scots, ordered the fortifications of the caſtle of Wark to be reſtored.^*

King John, in the year 1215, in reſentment of the defection of the northern Barons, who had done homage to Alexander II. at Mailroſs, [6] advanced to the borders, and, amongſt other places, reduced Wark to aſhes. M. Paris gives the following account of this horrid expedition: ‘Deinde Rex Ira ſuccenſus, vehementi apud partes Scotiae tendebat ciſmarinas, et captis Caſtris de Berwic, et aliis quae videbantur inex⯑pugnabilia, improperavit Regi Alexandro, et quia erat Rufus, ſigni⯑cavit ei, dicens, ſic ſic fugabimus rubeam vulpeculam latibulis ſuis, multum igitur ibidem ſtragem et exterminium exercuiſſet, niſi eundem neceſſitas magna dilationem non capiens revocaſſet.’

King Edward, on the breach of fealty by John Baliol, in the year 1296, having levied a great army, advanced towards the Scotch bor⯑ders; and halting at Bamburgh, received intelligence that Robert de Roſs, Lord of Wark, had abandoned his caſtle, and gone over to the Scots, being enamoured of a Scotch woman, whoſe affection he pre⯑ferred to his duty and allegiance: his brother William remaining in the fortreſs, diſpatched a meſſenger to require immediate aid of the King, as he apprehended Robert would attempt to deliver Wark to the enemy. King Edward immediately ordered 1000 men to march to ſuſtain William and his garriſon, who, on their arrival, were attacked in their quarters in the night, in a ſmall village called Preſtfeu, by Ro⯑bert de Roſs, with a detachment from Roxburgh, who burnt the village, and put the reinforcement to the ſword. King Edward ſoon after this diſaſter marched with his whole army to Wark, where he continued to celebrate the feſtival of Eaſter.

In the reign of King Edward II. 1318, Wark was taken by the Scots, under King Robert Brus, by aſſault. In Leland's Collecta. p. 548, it is ſaid, that the Scottes came into the Marches of England, and de⯑ſtroyed the caſtelles of Wark and Harbottle.

As King David Bruce with his victorious army was returning from Durham in the ſummer of the year 1341, where he had imbrued his hands in the horrid maſſacre of all ages and both ſexes, had ſpoiled and plundered the ſacred places, and put the religious to miſerable deaths, the rear of his army paſſing the caſtle of Wark loaden with ſpoils, were ſeen by the garriſon with the greateſt indignation. Sir William Mon⯑tague was then Governor, and the Counteſs of Saliſbury, whoſe Lord the fortreſs then belonged to, reſided there. The Governor with 40 horſemen made a ſally, attended with conſiderable ſlaughter, bringing into the caſtle 160 horſes laden with booty. King David, incenſed at [7] this inſult, led his army againſt the caſtle, and made a general aſſault, but met with a repulſe attended with great bloodſhed. David then prepared to fill up the ditches, and bring his battering engines to play upon the walls: the imminent danger of the garriſon rendered it neceſ⯑ſary to ſend information of their ſituation to the Engliſh Monarch, who was approaching the borders with a conſiderable army. The place be⯑ing cloſe inveſted, rendered ſuch an attempt perilous, but it was ef⯑fected by the Governor himſelf, on a fleet horſe, in the darkneſs and tumult of a ſtormy night: he paſſed through the enemy's lines, and carried intelligence to King Edward, who redoubled his ſpeed to relieve the place. The Scotch Chieftains, unwilling to hazard the treaſures they had reaped in their expedition, perſuaded the King to raiſe the ſiege and paſs the Tweed; which was done only ſix hours before the van of the Engliſh army appeared. The joy of the Counteſs of Saliſbury for this relief, and her pleaſing deportment whilſt ſhe entertained the King at Wark, were the beginning of an amour, to which the famous inſtitution of the order of the Garter is ſaid to owe its origin.

In the reign of King Richard II. 1383,^* it was beſieged by the Scots, and part of the fortifications deſtroyed.

Soon after the acceſſion of King Henry IV. the truce made with Richard II. expiring, the Scots made an incurſion, in which they took the caſtle of Wark, and after holding it ſome time, utterly demoliſhed the works. It was a fortreſs of too much conſequence to be neglected, and therefore we find it ſoon after reſtored and in a ſtate of defence: for in the ſame reign it ſuſtained many ſhocks, with various degrees of fortune. In 1419, in the abſence of the King of England, who was then in France, hoſtilities being commenced on the borders, William Haliburton of Faſt Caſtle took the caſtle of Wark, which was then in the keeping of Robert Ogle, and put all the garriſon to the ſword; but it was ſoon recovered by the Engliſh, who, from a perfect knowledge of the place, made their way by a ſewer which led from the kitchen into the Tweed, and ſurprizing the garriſon, put them all to death, in revenge for their cruelty on Ogle's troops.

[8]In the reign of Henry VI. 1460, the Scots gathered great booty on the Marches, and among many other caſtles which they aſſailed, Wark was taken and demoliſhed.

The caſtle was afterwards repaired by the Earl of Surry, and in the year 1523, in the 15th year of the reign of King Henry VIII. the Scotch army laying at Coldſtream, reſolved to attempt the reduction of Wark, under the command of the Duke of Albany, Sir John Liſle be⯑ing then Governor. Buchanan the Hiſtorian, being preſent at the ſiege, gives the following deſcription of the caſtle: ‘In the innermoſt area was a tower of great ſtrength and height; this was encircled by by two walls, the outer including a large ſpace, into which the inha⯑bitants of the country uſed to fly, with their cattle, corn, and flocks, in time of war; the inner of much ſmaller extent, but fortified more ſtrongly by ditches and towers. It had a ſtrong garriſon, good ſtore of artillery and ammunition, and other things neceſſary for defence.’ The Duke of Albany ſent againſt it battering cannon, and a choſen band of Scots and French, to the number of 4000, under the command of Andrew Ker of Fairnherſt. The French carried the outer incloſure at the firſt aſſault, but they were diſlodged by the garriſon ſetting fire to the corn and ſtraw laid up therein. The beſiegers ſoon recovered it, and by their cannon effected a breach in the inner wall. The French with great intrepidity mounted the breach, ſuſtaining great loſs by the ſhot of thoſe who poſſeſſed the tower or keep, and being warmly re⯑ceived by the forces that defended the inner ballium, were obliged to retire after a great ſlaughter. The attack was to be renewed the ſuc⯑ceeding day, but a fall of rain in the night, which ſwelled the Tweed, and threatened to cut off the retreat of the aſſailants to the main army, and the approach of the Earl of Surry, who before lay at Alnwick with a large force, obliged the Duke to relinquiſh his deſign, and repaſs the Tweed.

The preſent remains of Wark do not in any wiſe ſtrike the traveller with an idea of ſo formidable a fortreſs, as it aſſuredly was for many centuries. At what time it was diſmantled, and thus totally deſtroyed, I have not been able to learn; but it is probable it was one of the ſtrong⯑holds ordered to be demoliſhed by King James VI. of Scotland, on his acceſſion to the crown of England.

[9]The great convention for the ſettlement of the tenths demanded by King Henry II. in the year 1188, was held at Brigham, near Wark. Hugh Biſhop of Durham was the chief of King Henry's Envoys, and was met by King William the Lion of Scotland, his Biſhops, Earls, Barons, and a vaſt concourſe of inferior vaſſals, when the Scotch re⯑jected the demand with the utmoſt contempt. In the year 1549, we read of Wark receiving the Earl of Rutland and his army after their Scotch expedition.

Wark was the barony and ancient poſſeſſion of the family of Roſs.^* William de Roſs was a competitor for the Crown of Scotland in the 20th year of King Edward I. and was one of thoſe Lords who, in 1301, pro⯑teſted againſt the ſupremacy of the See of Rome over Scotland.^† John Lord Roſs, Baron of Wark, was one of the guardians of the Crown, during the minority of King Edward III. It continued in that family to the end of the 14th century, when (by the eſcheats of King Henry IV.) it appears to have become the poſſeſſion of the Greys, ^‡ who took their [10] title from the place;^* in the deſcendants of which family it has conti⯑nued to the preſent time, being now the property of Lord Tankerville. Mr Pennant remarks from the Life of Lord Keeper Guildford, that ‘after the union of the two kingdoms by the acceſſion of King James I. Lord Grey's eſtate roſe from 1000l. to 7 or 8000l. a year, ſo inſtantly did theſe parts experience the benefit.’—Near to Wark lays

CARHAM,

memorable for the battle fought here with the Danes. In Leland's Col. p. 520, it is thus mentioned: ‘In the 33 yere of Ecbrighth the Danis arrived at Lindisfarne, and fought with the Engles at Carham, wher eleven Biſhopes and 2 Engliſch Countes were ſlayne, and greate num⯑bre of people.’ At this place a great battle was fought in the year 1018, in which the Scots were victorious, and almoſt all the fighting men between Tees and Tweed were cut off, together with their Chief⯑tains; on which event it is ſaid by ſome authors, that Aldun Biſhop of Durham died broken-hearted.^†

Here was an Abbey of Black Canons, ſubordinate to Kirkham in York⯑ſhire. In the 24th year of King Edward I. it was burnt by the Scots, then led by Wallace, whoſe encampment gave name to an adjacent field. In Edward's letter to Pope Boniface, he deſcribes their cruelties in a moſt horrible manner; ‘The Scots inhumanly de⯑ſtroyed an innumerable multitude of his ſubjects, burnt monaſteries, churches, and towns; with an unpitying and ſavage cruelty, ſlew infants in their cradles, and women in child-bed, barbarouſly cut off womens breaſts, and burnt in a ſchool, whoſe doors they firſt built [11] up, about 200 young men, who were learning their firſt letters and grammar.’ Rym. II. 887. In the 44th year of King Edward III. 1370, Sir John Lilburn was defeated by the Scots near this place, under the command of Sir John Gordon, who was returning from an incurſion with many priſoners, and a great train of cattle: the engagement was fierce, and its deciſion long doubtful, the Scots being driven from their ground and returning again five ſeveral times. In the end Sir John and his brother were made priſoners.

We arrived at

CORNHILL,

noted for the valuable Spaws near it. By the eſcheats of the 1ſt year of King Edward I. we find this place mentioned as the poſſeſſion of William de Cornhill. The caſtle of Cornhill, I preſume, was the fort or tower, near Cornhill Bridge, and oppoſite to Linnel Houſe. The remains are ſurrounded with a ditch, called the Caſtle Stone Nich. It has been well ſituated for defending the paſſage over the river. Here is a ſeat houſe of Henry Collingwood, Eſq commanding a view of the ground we had traverſed on the north ſide of Tweed, extended to the Helton Moun⯑tains; and on the ſouthern ſide of the river having a proſpect of a wide country, over which many Gentlemen's ſeats are diſperſed, the whole cloſed by a range of mountains, of which Cheviots are ſupreme. In 1549, on an incurſion of the Scots, they took the caſtle of Cornhill, deſcribed as being an old houſe of conſiderable ſtrength,^* and a valu⯑able booty was gained.

In 1751, in pulling down Cornhill chapel, there was found, about three feet lower than the old foundation, a coffin of ſtone, about eight feet long, in which were two urns of coarſe pottery, and the ſhank bones and ſcull of a perſon of great ſize.

South-eaſt of Cornhill is a remarkable encampment, but to what people or to what particular event they appertained, I have gained no certain information. The ſeveral lines are of great extent, but as they form no regular figure, in their preſent ſtate, do not merit a par⯑ticular deſcription: what is worthy of notice, is the mode in which the [12] works are defended, by ranges of conic eminences; a thing ſingular, and what rather confounds my judgment as to the antiquity of the place, and who were its occupants. Mr Wallis ſays they are ſepulchral Tumuli; from which opinion I muſt beg leave to diſſent.

In Branxton Weſt Field is a column, placed as a memorial of the battle fought there on the 9th of September, in the 5th year of the reign of King Henry VIII. called the battle of Flodden Field, from the Scotch encampment on Flodden Hill. The diſpoſition of the Earl of Surry's forces was ſuch, as to oblige the Scotch to come to an en⯑gagement, their retreat into their own country being cut off.

James IV. had waſted much time at Ford, captivated, as it is ſaid, by the beauties of the daughter of Sir William Heron, ſo as give the Earl of Surry time and opportunity for advancing towards the borders with a large army. The Scottiſh Nobles were averſe to hazarding a battle, and ſtrenuouſly inſiſted on the policy of their return into their own country, loaded as they were with ſpoils, and having gathered many laurels in their campaign: but James, fired with reſentment at the challenges ſent by Surry, determined to engage the Engliſh, and for that purpoſe made choice of an advantageous ſituation for his army, in the neighbourhood of Ford. The eminence called Flodden, lays on the oppoſite ſide of the river Till; it is the laſt and loweſt of thoſe hills that extend on the north-eaſt of the great mountain of Cheviot, towards the low grounds on the ſide of the Tweed; from which river, Flodden is diſtant about four miles: The aſcent to the top of it, from the ſide of the river Till, where it takes a northerly direction, juſt by the foot of the declivity on which the caſtle and village of Ford ſtands, is about half a mile; and over the Till, at that place, there is a bridge. On the ſouth of Flodden, lays the extenſive and very level plain of Mil⯑field; having on its weſt ſide high hills, the branches of Cheviot; on the north, Flodden and other moderate eminences adjoining to it; on the ſouth and eaſt, a tract of riſing grounds, nigh the foot of which is the ſlow and winding courſe of the Till. The neareſt approach for the Engliſh army to Flodden, was through this plain, in every part whereof they would have been in full view of the Scots; where they had a great advantage in poſſeſſing an eminence, which on the ſide towards the Engliſh had a long declivity, with hollow and marſhy grounds at its foot; while its crown contained ſuch an extent of almoſt level ground, as would have ſufficed for drawing up in good order the forces that [13] occupied it. Surry encamped on Wooler Haugh, on the 7th of Septem⯑ber, 1513, ſent a Herald with a challenge, to join battle in the plain the next day, between the hours of twelve and three. This challenge was dated the 7th of September, 5 o'clock in the afternoon, as appears by Stowe, p. 493. The names of the ſubſcribers were, Surry and his Son, Thomas Dacre, Clifford, Henry Scrope, Ralph Scrope, Richard Latimer, William Conyers, John Lumley, R. Ogle, William Percy, Edward Stanley, William Molineux, Marmaduke Conſtable, William Gaſcoyne, William Griffith, George Darcy, William Bulmer, Thomas Strangeways, &c. James did not accept the challenge, but lay in his intrenchments, whilſt Surry ad⯑vanced his army near to Barmoor Wood, about two miles diſtant from the Scotch army, and lay there all night. A little hill on the eaſt of Ford, covered the Engliſh army from the obſervation of their enemies; whilſt, from this eminence, the Lord Admiral obtained a diſtinct view of all the Scottiſh army, and of all the eminences near it. The next morning the Engliſh made ſome marches to amuſe the enemy, and then gained the ground which cut off James's retreat to Scotland. By this poſition of his forces, Surry had an acceſs opened to the Scottiſh camp, much leſs difficult and dangerous than on the other ſide of Flod⯑den. The batteries raiſed by the Scotch to command the Bridge of of Ford, of which the veſtiges ſtill remain, were now rendered of no uſe. The Scots, deluded either by the treacherous advice of one Giles Muſgrave, who engaged the King's confidence, and abuſed the royal ear, or depending that Surry, by his mode of marching the army, in⯑tended to gain Berwick, and avoid a battle, appeared now to be con⯑founded by the manoeuvres of the Engliſh, which beſpoke their deter⯑mination to come to an engagement; in order to receive them with the greater advantage, and to gain the ground they ſuppoſed the Engliſh would attempt to poſſeſs, on the weſtern ſide of the hill, the Scots ſet fire to their huts on the eaſtern ſide, and made a motion to the weſt. The ſmoke being driven between the armies, concealed the progreſs the Engliſh were making, till they had almoſt gained the foot of the hill. Surry obſerved the confuſion his approach had occaſioned among the Scotch troops, and finding the aſcent of the hill ſhort and mode⯑rately ſteep, determined not to delay the onſet.

The Engliſh were diſpoſed in three diviſions; the van under Thomas Howard, the General's eldeſt ſon, Lord Admiral of England, the right wing being led by Sir Edmund Howard, brother to Lord Thomas, and Knight Marſhal of the army. The middle diviſion, or main battle, was [14] led by the Earl of Surry in perſon, and the rear by Sir Edward Stanley. The Lord Dacres commanded a body of reſerve, conſiſting of horſemen. The ordnance was placed in the front of the battle, and in the openings of the ſeveral diviſions. After they had paſſed the little brook of Sandy⯑ford, the Lord Admiral perceiving the Scots approaching towards him, drawn up in four great bodies, armed with long ſpears, like Mooriſh pikes, ſent to his father the Agnus Dei that hung at his breaſt, as a token, accompanying a requeſt, that as the van of the army was not ſufficiently ſtrong or extenſive to receive the brunt of the whole Scottiſh army, his father would bring up the forces of his diviſion, and range them in a line with the van. The Engliſh General, convinced of the expediency of this diſpoſition, immediately came forward with his forces, and drew them up to the left of thoſe of his ſon. The mode in which the Scots advanced to battle is variouſly deſcribed: Paulus Jovius ſays, they were formed in five ſquare bodies, ſo that the third of thoſe in which the royal ſtandard was erected, and all the chief men fought, was incloſed on each ſide by a double line, forming, as it were, two wings. Comparing the ſeveral accounts, it ſeems moſt probable that the battalia was thus arranged: The van of the Scotch army led on the right by Alexander Gordon Earl of Huntley, and on the left by the Earls of Crawford and Montroſe, and ſome ſay Lord Hume: the King was in the center or main body: a third diviſion was commanded by the Earls of Lenox and Argyle with whom were Mackenzie, Maclean, and the Highlanders. Adam Hepburn Earl of Bothwell, with his kindred and clan, and the men of Lothian formed a body of reſerve. They had with them a large train of artillery. The Engliſh artillery began to play, which made a dreadful carnage, whilſt the Scotch cannon, from their high ſituation, took little or no effect, the ſhot going over the heads of the Engliſh. This obliged the Scotch to advance, the Earls of Lenox and Argyle, to⯑gether with Lord Hume, moving with a body of ten thouſand ſpearmen, ſupported by ſome horſe, down the hill towards Branxion, made a fierce attack on the wing commanded by Sir Edmund Howard. The ſhock was violent, the Scots prevailed, and Sir Edmund was reduced to the laſt extremity, himſelf beaten to the ground the third time, and in im⯑minent peril of Death, when Lord Dacres, and Heron the Baſtard, who had joined the Engliſh army with a troop of fierce outlaws, his fol⯑lowers, came in time to his reſcue. Sir Edmund, thus relieved, imme⯑diately joined the body commanded by his brother Lord Thomas, and they advancing againſt the Earls of Crawford and Montroſe, whoſe troops were armed with ſpears, put them to the rout, and both the Earls were [15] ſlain. On the other ſide of the field, Sir William Stanley, with the forces from Lancaſhire and Cheſhire, being bowmen, forced the Scots to break their array, and deſcend to cloſer fight, in more even ground, where they were ſoon thrown into confuſion, and put to flight, after leaving the Earls of Argyle and Lenox with the ſlain. The Engliſh attributed this ſucceſs to the archers, but the Scotch writers alledge, the miſcarriage of this part of their army was owing to the undiſciplined ferocity of the Highlanders, who, animated by the ſucceſs of the attack made on that wing of the Engliſh army commanded by Sir Edmund Howard, could not be reſtrained from ruſhing impetuouſly forward, in an irre⯑gular and open manner, notwithſtanding the ſignals, cries, and menaces of the French Ambaſſador La Motte, who perceived the conſequence of ſuch an improper and looſe attack. The King of Scotland, whoſe bra⯑very kindled to extravagance of courage at the perils which now ſeem⯑ed to ſurround him, deaf to every advice and remonſtrance, preſſed forward, and expoſed his royal perſon to all the dangers of the field: being ſuſtained by Bothwell and his band, he charged on foot, at the head of the beſt of his troops, whoſe armour reſiſted the arrows of the Engliſh archery; he preſſed forward to the ſtandards of the Earl of Surry, and with ſuch ardour and valour, that they were nearly gained by this heroic phalanx: but at length the wings of the Scotch army being totally routed, all the Engliſh forces were employed againſt this valiant band, who were ſurrounded by the coming in of Lord Dacre's horſe in the rear.

A conſiderable body of Borderers, commanded by Lord Hume, ſtood aloof during the moſt arduous part of the battle; and when he was required by Huntley, to attempt the King's deliverance from the circle of his enemies, he anſwered, ‘that the man did well that day that ſtood and ſaved himſelf.’ Before the battle the old Earl of Angus, anxious to diſſuade the King from engaging, was told by his Sovereign, that if he was afraid he might go home. The Earl judging it repugnant to his honour, to fight under the ſtandard of a Prince from whom he had received ſo great an affront, requeſted he might be diſmiſſed the ſer⯑vice; but as pledges of his loyalty and firm attachment to James, left as hoſtages of his honour, a large body of kindred and dependents, with his two ſons, who both fell in the battle.

After paſſing this ſcene, where every reflection was filled with hor⯑ror, it is not to be wondered that the beauties of Etal ſhould be en⯑hanced. We paſſed in view of

FORD CASTLE,^*

the ſeat of Odonel de Ford in the time of King Edward I. from whom, by marriage, it came to the family of Herons.^† It was the poſſeſſion of Sir William Heron in the reign of King Henry III. who was Governor of the caſtles of Bambrough, Pickering, and Scarbrough, Lord Warden of the Foreſts North of Trent and Sheriff of Northumberland for eleven ſucceſſive years. In the year 1385 the Scotch, under the Earls of Fife, March, and Douglas, making an incurſion by the weſtern Marches, laid waſte the country as far as Newcaſtle, and demoliſhed the fortreſſes of Ford, Wark, and Cornhill. Previous to the battle of Flodden, James's troops aſſaulted and took Ford Caſtle. It was in this place the Scotch King found Elizabeth the wife of Sir William Heron (who was then a priſoner in Scotland) together with their daughter, a Lady of great [20] beauty; with whoſe charms the King was ſo faſcinated, as was before obſerved, that for ſeveral days he deſiſted from all military advances, even under the momentous circumſtance of the Earl of Surry's haſty ap⯑proach. It was ſuſpected by ſome, according to Drummond, p. 74, that Surry being acquainted with the King's amorous conſtitution, con⯑tinued the detention of the Lady of Ford and her daughter in their caſtle, in order to ſtay the advances of the Scotch troops, till he could by long marches come up with them.^*

In 1549, the Scotch under the the command of D'Eſſe, a French General of great military ſkill, made an incurſion with a conſiderable army, attended with four field pieces: they made an attack upon the caſtle of Ford, and laid the greateſt part of it in aſhes. One of the towers, defended by Thomas Car, made a gallant defence, and re⯑mained unreduced.

This caſtle came to the family of Carr of Etal, by marriage with the heireſs of the Herons; whoſe daughter and heireſs married Edward Delaval, Eſq the anceſtor of the preſent proprietor, Sir John Huſſey Delaval. ^†

[21]About a mile to the eaſt, lays Barmoor, an ancient eſtate of the Muſ⯑champs. And at about an equal diſtance to the weſt,

PALINSBURN,

the ſeat of John Aſkew, Eſq Improvements in huſbandry and cultiva⯑tion have become the prevailing paſſion of the age; and in this country the advances are rapid. I am informed ^* that Mr Aſkew lately found ſome ſmall earthen veſſels or urns in his eſtate, of a ſingular form, be⯑ing triangular; that they are of coarſe pottery, and it is that gentle⯑man's opinion, they are of Daniſh manufacture, and encloſed the heart of the deceaſed. On what this conjecture is founded, I profeſs my Ignorance. We read of the heart of one which was ſent embalmed to the holy ſepulchre, and the heart of John Bailey, who died at Newby Abbey, was embalmed by Dovergilla his wife, lodged in an ivory caſe, and depoſited at the high altar. But I am uninformed of any cuſtom among the Britons, Romans, Saxons, or Danes, in this coun⯑try, of interring the heart ſeparate.

ETAL

is a modern elegant ſtructure, the ſeat of the late Sir William Carr, Bart. but its appearance is not improved by the avenue on the ſouth: the opening of the village, which preſents a proſpect of the towers of the old caſtle of the family of Manners, ^† is an elegance which is at once [22] uncommon and highly pleaſing. Etal was one of the dependent ma⯑nors of the Barony of Wooler, and the caſtle was built by Sir Robert Manners, 15 King Edward III.^* The proſpect over the vale by the river Till is beautiful, graced with plantations, formed in a good taſte, upon the natural eminences: the diſtant ſcene is mountainous and au⯑guſt; Watchlaw, a beacon hill, towards the eaſt; the hills of Branxton and Flodden to the ſouth-weſt, and beyond them the torrs of Newton; Yevering Bell, Cheviots, Akeld, and Humbledon, afford the contem⯑plative ſpectator noble ſubjects for animadverſion.

Lord Wharton, in 1552, appointed Etal to be the reſidence of the Deputy Warden of the Eaſt Marches.

Near a ſquare intrenchment called the Haly Cheſters, is a ſtone croſs, but of what event it is a memorial is not known.—In the road from Cornhill, we paſſed

TILMOUTH,^†

the ancient manor of the family of Ridell, held of the Biſhop of Dur⯑ham, by half a Knight's fee, under the caſtle of Norham; it afterwards came to the Claverings, by marriage, and is now the poſſeſſion of Sir Francis Blake.

At a little diſtance are the ruins of

HETON,^‡

an eſtate of the family of Greys, ^§ who were Governors of Norham, [23] Wark, and Roxburgh, now in the poſſeſſion of Lord Tankerville. The caſtle was of a ſquare figure, and very ſtrong; on the weſt ſide it had an area or court, called the Lion's Court: it ſuſtained a ſiege by the Scots, before the battle of Flodden Field: on the north ſide was a vault capable of receiving an hundred horſes or other cattle.

On a fine peninſula formed by the confluence of the Till and Tweed, are the ruins of a ſmall chapel, called St. Cuthbert's Chapel; near which lie the remains of a ſtone boat or coffin, ten feet long within, and three and a half wide, eighteen inches deep, and four inches and a half thick; it is of a ſingular form, and a ſtrange traditional hiſtory is told of it, that St. Cuthbert's remains not reſting at Norham, were carried to Mailroſs, where ſhewing the ſame ſigns of agitation and reſtleſſneſs as had occaſioned former removals, by a viſion the attendants were ordered to pacify his impatient ſpirit, by conſtructing a boat of ſtone, in which the ſacred relics floated down the Tweed 20 miles to Tilmouth. ^* It is ſaid that not long ago there was a deſign to convert this hallowed veſſel to mean offices, a peaſant having deviſed to pickle pork in it, or thereout to feed his hogs: to preſerve it from ſuch profanation, the ſpirits of darkneſs brake it in the night, leaving the fragments near the chapel.

We paſſed under

TWIZEL CASTLE,

built on a rocky eminence of uncommon appearance and ſingular form, ſaid to be remarkably pleaſant and agreeable within, the circular cor⯑ners affording a great command of proſpect. This is the ſeat of Sir Francis Blake, Baronet, F. R. S. The Lordſhip was anciently held of the Biſhops of Durham, by an annual rent and ſuit at the ſeigniory court of Norham. ^† From the 4th year of the reign of King Edward III. it has been poſſeſſed by ſeveral families, Ridells, Selbys, and others. In Le⯑land's Itinerary, it is mentioned thus: ‘ſo to Twiſle bridge of ſtone, one bow, but great and ſtrong, where is a tounlet and a towre.’

[24]At a little diſtance is Grindon, where the Scots were defeated by Sir Thomas Percy the 6th Earl of Northumberland, and Sir Henry Percy, in the 5th of Queen Mary, 1558: the place is diſtinguiſhed by four ſtone pillars.

We arrived at

NORHAM,

a pleaſant village, in a low ſituation, on the banks of Tweed. This is a place of great antiquity, by Hoveden called Ubbanford, ſaid to be built by Egfrid Biſhop of Lindisfarn in the year 830, and gives the name of Norhamſhire to a large tract of country, a member of the county of Durham.

Durham is a county palatine; by ſome authors it is ſaid, the power of the palatinate commenced ſoon after the Norman conqueſt; but as no royal grant is to be found in the public repoſitories of records, we may preſume it is of greater antiquity. The manors of Norham and Holy Iſland, and alſo the manor of Bedlington, commonly called Bed⯑lingtonſhire, anciently have been, and ſtill continue parcels of the body of the ſaid county palatine, and the inhabitants reſort to Durham for juſtice, in all matters of law and civil juriſdiction, as members of the palatinate. Anciently Norham, Iſland, and Bedlingtonſhires had ſeveral courts and officers of juſtice within their reſpective limits, under the Commiſſions of the Biſhop of Durham, who held Jura Regalia within his See, as Juſtices, Sheriffs, Eſcheators, Coroners, and other officers, equally with the chief body of the county palatine laying between Tyne and Teeſe, until by act of parliament, in the 27th year of the reign of King Henry VIII. many of theſe royal franchiſes and juriſdictions were reſumed to the Crown.

The royal remains of Ceolwulf were removed from Lindisfarn and depoſited at Norham. A part of the old church is ſtanding, and by ſome modern repairs is made a decent place of worſhip. Towards the eaſt of the preſent church, the foundations of ſome buildings have lately been opened, and therein diſcovered a ſtone with ſculptures upon it, and part of an inſcription, faithfully copied in the plate.

I confeſs myſelf at a loſs to decipher it, but preſume it doth not re⯑late to any hiſtoric matter: the ſtone appears to have been cut for the ſtalk of a font, many of thoſe in old churches being ſculptured; as the font of Bride Kirk, in Cumberland, another at Rothbury, and others I have ſeen.

Mr Lamb, in his notes to the Poem of Flodden Field Fight, gives the following remarks, extracted from Symeon Dunelm. and Hoveden: ‘Egred of noble birth was conſecrated Biſhop of Holy Iſland A. D. 831; he dedicated the church of Norham to the Saints Peter, Cuthbert, and Ceolwulf, which he built, together with the town, and gave them both to the See of Holy Iſland: he gave to it alſo the town of Jed⯑burgh, [26] in Tiviotdale, with its appendages, and the church and town of Gainforth, and whatever belonged to it, from the river Teiſe to the river Wear: theſe two towns the Biſhop built."^* "King Ceolwulf, to whom Bede dedicated his Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtory, was a learned man; he was deſcended from Ida the firſt King of Northumberland. The former part of his reign was full of trouble; afterwards, in time of peace, many Northumbrian nobles and private men, with their King Ceolwulf, turned Monks: in the 10th year of his reign, A. D. 738, he quitted his crown for a cowl, and entered the monaſtery of Holy Iſland, to which place he carried his treaſure, leaving his kingdom to Eadbert his uncle's ſon. He endowed the monaſtery with the towns of Braynſhaw, Warkworth, and the church which he built there, and alſo four other villages, Wudeceſtre, Whittingham, Edlingham, and Eglingham, with their appendages. After a long life he was buried in that monaſtery, but the above-mentioned Biſhop Egred took up his body, and depoſited it in the church of Norham. His head was afterwards carried to the church at Durham.—The Monks of the cell of Norham, in the following age, called in the country to make their offerings at the ſhrine of their royal brother, who always per⯑formed ſome mighty miracle on his feaſt-day,^† to the great aſtoniſh⯑ment and edification of his numerous worſhippers.’

[27] ‘Out of the foundations of this cell,^* which belonged to the church of Holy Iſland, I dug a ſtone, on which were cut the effigies of three patrons of Norham church, St. Peter with his keys, St Cuthbert, and St. Ceolwulf with a ſceptre in his hand.’

There were three chantries in this church, one of which was dedi⯑cated to St. Cuthbert, the founder not known. One Thomas de Kellawe occurs Chaplain in the year 1362.

The ſecond chantry was founded by Anthony Beck, Biſhop of Dur⯑ham, in the year 1288, and was dedicated to the bleſſed Virgin.

[28]The third chantry was founded by William de Twiſill in the year 1344, and was dedicated to St. Nicholas.

Goſpatrick made Earl of Northumberland by William the Conqueror ended his days at Ubbanford, and was buried in the porch of the church there.^*

This church had the privilege of a ſanctuary.

The caſtle and fortifications were reſtored by Hugh Pudſey, Biſhop of Durham, in the year 1174, at the inſtance of his kinſman King Ste⯑phen: he then built the great tower, which remains to this day: but this Biſhop in the ſucceeding reign purchaſed his peace with the King of England, after certain defections in favour of the Scotch, by deli⯑vering up to him this caſtle. In 1176, we find the caſtle ſtill in the hands of the Crown, William de Neville being Keeper or Governor, who was ſworn upon the relics of Saints, that upon the event of the King's death, he would deliver it up to the Biſhop, on receiving orders from Richard de Lucy, the Biſhop of Wincheſter, or the Biſhop of Ely; and if the Biſhop ſhould die, that the caſtle ſhould be reſtored to St. Cuthbert's church at Durham, that the rights of that church might not be impaired. The caſtle of Berwick at the ſame time was governed by Geofrey de Neville, who was under the like oath in reſpect thereof.

In 1203, King John held a perſonal conference with William the Lion, King of Scotland, at this caſtle, touching the demand made by the Scotch King of the northern counties; but nothing was determined, and King John returned in great diſpleaſure.

In the year 1209, King John came with a great army to Norham; the King of Scotland then aſſembling his troops at Roxburgh, a dread⯑ful war ſeemed to be threatened, from King John's extravagant demands and vehement wrath againſt the Scotch; but by the intervention of the Nobility, the two Monarchs agreed to hold a conference for ſettling their diſputes, at Newcaſtle; to which place the King of Scotland im⯑mediately repaired, attended by his brother David and a large train of Nobles; but being taken ſuddenly ill, a truce was concluded on till his health was reſtored. The diſpute remaining unſettled, each Monarch again prepared for war, but a ſecond interpoſition of the Nobility occa⯑ſioned [30] them to hold another conference at Norham, in the ſame year, when a treaty of peace was concluded between William King of Scot⯑land and King John, in which John ſtipulated not to erect any fortreſs at Tweedmouth; William on the other hand depoſiting a large ſum of money as reſtitution for the ravages he had committed on the Engliſh borders.

In the year 1211, the two Kings held another conference at the caſtle of Norham, at which Ermengard Queen of Scotland was preſent, and by her amiable conduct greatly promoted the treaty on which the So⯑vereigns had met. Here the terms of the former peace were ratified, and ſeveral new articles agreed to.

In the year 1213, King John, in the utmoſt terror of an inſurrection of his ſubjects and an invaſion from France, in conſequence of the pa⯑pal interdict which had been pronounced, came again to Norham, earneſt to ſecure the amity of Scotland. William the Scotch King then lay dangerouſly ill, and was not able to proceed further than Haddington on his engagement to meet the King of England. Highly chagrined at this diſappointment, he returned ſouthward, and it was not long before his ſentence of depoſition was pronounced, his kingdom given to the king of France, and a croiſade publiſhed againſt his territories by the Emiſſaries of the See of Rome. Driven to dreadful dilemma's, John was at length obliged to make his peace with the Holy See; the interdict, which had continued ſix years, was revoked, and the lands of thoſe who had adhered to the papal authority againſt their Sove⯑reign, and had been pronounced forfeitures to the Crown, of which thoſe of Euſtace de Veſey were part, were reſtored. Soon after this event ſucceeded that glorious combination of the Barons, under which the great charter and charter of the foreſts were obtained from the re⯑luctant hands of this miſerable tyrant. To thoſe patriots, whoſe names ought to be engraven on the hearts of every Briton, we owe every thing valuable upon earth, the liberty we poſſeſs, and our authentic right to the properties we enjoy. To men of the North, the memory of Euſtace de Veſey, Richard de Percy, Robert de Ros, Peter de Bruis, Nicholas D'Eſ⯑touteſille, William de Moubrai, and Oliver de Vaux, northern Barons in this combination, ſhould be immortal.

By Hemingford, and under his authority by Knighton, it is alledged, that the violations and injuries the Barons had ſuſtained, as well touch⯑ing [31] their liberties and properties as in their private and family con⯑cerns, urged them to appear more readily in the promotion of this great work, the neceſſity for which had indeed long been experienced. The baſe tyrant was not content with public oppreſſions, but in his mean⯑neſs of vice, even deſcended to the violation of the wives and daughters of his Barons; to which purpoſe he practiſed the vileſt artifices. He had by ſtratagem poſſeſſed himſelf of the ſignet of Euſtace de Veſey, by means of which he attempted to delude his Lady, that he might vio⯑late her chaſtity. Veſey by a happy diſcovery gained a knowledge of the King's intentions, and concerting meaſures with the Lady, had addreſs enough to put a common proſtitute into the arms of the tyrant, and preſerve the honour of his family. Exulting in the ſucceſs of his project, and amidſt the fervour of a generous reſentment, he reproached the King to his face with his baſeneſs, reviled him for the poſſeſſion of a ſtrumpet, and defied his wrath.

But to return to the hiſtory of Norham.—William King of Scotland dying, was ſucceeded by his ſon Alexander II. a youth not more than 15 years of age. The Barons of Northumberland had recourſe to him for protection, and thereupon paid their homage at Felton. This in⯑cenſed King John ſo much, that he prepared for a northern expedition. In the Year 1215, King Alexander came before Norham with a mighty army, and after an inveſtiture for 40 days, was obliged to raiſe the ſiege. This circumſtance is thus mentioned in Leland's Collectanea, v. 1. p. 535. ‘Alexander King of Scottes, ſun to King William, did entre ynto England, and did much deſpite to King John; he aſſegid the caſtel of Mitteford and Norham, and toke homages.’

In 1258, King Henry III. had projected a ſcheme for ſurprizing Alexander III. King of Scotland, and reſcuing him from the govern⯑ment of thoſe who had taken him from thoſe miniſters approved of by King Henry. The government of the caſtles of Norham and Wark was conferred on Robert de Neville, Lord of Raby, whoſe commiſſion from King Henry was ‘to provide himſelf with horſe and arms, to march with the forces deſigned to reſcue Alexander from the reſtraint in which his rebellious ſubjects held him’ ^* But this project was ren⯑dered abortive by the aſſembling of a great army of Scots in the foreſt [32] of Jedburgh, and a treaty enſued. This Robert de Neville was the ſe⯑cond Lord of Raby, of the name of Neville, being the grandſon of Robert Fitz Maldred, Lord of Raby, who was the lineal male heir of Uchtred Earl of Northumberland.

A convention was appointed to be held at Norham, on the 10th day of May 1290, previous to King Edward the Firſt's entering upon a de⯑ciſion of the claims made by the ſeveral competitors for ſucceſſion to the Crown of Scotland, on the death of Margaret of Norway, the in⯑fant heireſs. The aſſembly that day is ſaid to be held in the pariſh church of Norham, when were preſent the King, and many Nobles and Prelates of both nations. The King declared, that the purpoſe of his coming was in quality of Superior and direct Lord of Scotland, to maintain the tranquillity of that kingdom, and to do impartial juſtice to thoſe who laid claim to the Crown, but previous thereto he demanded their recognition of ſuch his pretended ſovereignty; and it is alledged, that his claim was hiſtorically deduced with great ſkill and artifice by Anthony Beck, then Biſhop of Durham: after which three weeks were given for the Scotch Nobles to deliberate on the demand. On the 2d day of June then next, eight competitors, with ſeveral of the Prelates, Nobles, and Community of Scotland appeared, and held their council on this important matter, ‘Congregatis ex oppoſito caſtri de Norham, ex alia parte fluminis Tweedae in quadam arda viridi,’ ^* when all the competitors made the required recognition, and abſolute ſubmiſſion of their ſeveral claims and pretended right to the Scottiſh Crown, to his deciſion.

On the ſame day the competitors, together with the whole company, came to the King in the church of Norham, and ſeveral ſubſequent meetings were held there for ſettling preliminaries: and the ſecond day of the ſucceeding Auguſt was appointed for hearing all claimants at Berwick.

After judgment was given at Berwick in favour of John Baliol, on the 20th of November 1292, he ſwore fealty to King Edward in the caſtle of Norham, in the preſence of many Nobles of both nations; and a commiſſion was thence iſſued for enthroning him at Scone.

[33]In the following reign, in the year 1318, it was beſieged by the Scots, Sir Thomas Grey being then Governor,^* by whoſe brave de⯑fence, and the timely aid of the Lords Percy and Nevil, it was pre⯑ſerved from the hands of the enemy. In order to carry on the ſiege, the Scots raiſed two forts againſt the caſtle; one at the church of Nor⯑ham, and the other at Upſitlington. On a ſucceeding ſiege in 1322, the Scots became maſters of this fortreſs, but held it not long, for King Edward retook it after an aſſault of ten days, he having brought before it a very powerful army.

[34]In 1326, on the night of King Edward the Third's coronation, the Scots made an aſſault on the caſtle: Robert Manners then Governor had received previous intimation of the intended attempt, and permit⯑ting 16 of the aſſailants to ſcale the outward wall, put them to the ſword.

In 1327, ſoon after their march from Weardale, in the county of Durham, the Scots laid ſiege to Norham, and took it by ſtorm. Three Knights of great military fame in the Scotch army fell in the attack, William de Montalt or Montraud,^* John de Clapham, and Mailis de Dobery. Another party made an unſucceſsful attempt on the caſtle of Alnwick, near the ſame time. In 1355, a party of Scots under the command of Sir William Ramſay burnt and plundered the town of Norham and adjacent country.

In the 13th year of the reign of King Henry VII. the Scots led by King James in perſon beſieged Norham Caſtle, which had been put into good repair by Fox, then Biſhop of Durham, and was well garriſoned. The Biſhop came in perſon to its ſuccour, the beſieged making a va⯑liant defence. Many of the outworks were deſtroyed. Some authors aſſert the Scotch did not raiſe the ſiege till the Earl of Surry with an army of 20,000 men came to its ſupport, and obliged the aſſailants to retire. In the 5th year of the reign of King Henry VIII. the caſtle was aſſaulted by the Scots, previous to the battle of Flodden Field, ^† and part of the outworks were deſtroyed.

[35]In order to entertain a juſt idea of thoſe conflicts on the borders, I will extract from the letters of the Commanders in the year 1544, a [36] ſhort ſtate of their progreſs and proceedings in the Mers and Tiviot⯑dale. The progreſs of the Berwick garriſon was as far as Dunglaſs: the garriſons of Wark and Cornhill proceeded as far as the hills of Lammar Muir, and over the dry March of Tiviotdale. The chief Com⯑manders were Sir George Bowes, Sir Brian Laiton, and Sir Ralph Eure. On the 17th of July, Bowes, Laiton, and others burnt Dunſe, the chief town of the Mers; and John Carr's ſon, with the garriſon of Cornhill Caſtle, entered Greenlaw, and carried off a booty of cattle, ſheep, and horſes. On the 19th of the ſame month, the men of Tyndale and Ridſdale, returning from a road into Tiviotdale, fought with the Laird of Ferniherſt and his followers, and took him and his ſon John priſoners. On the 24th of July, the garriſon of Wark, the Captain of Norham, and Henry Eure burnt Long Edmin, made many priſoners, and took a baſtell-houſe ſtrongly kept, and got a booty of 40 nolt and 30 horſes, beſides thoſe on which their priſoners were mounted, each on a horſe. On the 2d of Auguſt, the Captain of Norham burnt the town of Home, near to the caſtle gates, with the ſurrounding ſteads. Sept. 6th, Sir Ralph Eure burnt Eikford church and town, the barnekin of Ormeſton, and won by aſſault the Moſs Tower, burnt it, and ſlew 34 people within it: he likewiſe burnt ſeveral other places in that neigh⯑bourhood, and carried off more than 500 nolt and 600 ſheep, with 100 [37] horſe load of ſpoils got in the tower. Sept. 27th, the men of the eaſt and part of the middle March, won the church of Eccles by aſſault, and ſlew 80 men in the abbey and town, moſt part gentlemen of head ſirnames; they alſo took 30 priſoners, and burnt the abbey and town. On the ſame day the garriſon of Berwick brought out of the eaſt end of the Mers 600 bolls of corn, and took priſoner Patrick Home, brother's ſon to the Laird of Aiton. November 5th, the men of the middle March burnt Luſſedden, in which were 16 ſtrong baſtell houſes, ſlew ſeveral of the owners, and burnt much corn. November 9th, Sir George Bowes and Sir Brian Laiton burnt Dryburgh, a market town, all ex⯑cept the church, with much corn, and brought away 100 nolt, 60 nags, 100 ſheep, and much other booty, ſpoilage, and inſight gear.

The whole number of towns, towers, ſteads, barnekins, pariſh churches, and baſtell houſes ſeized, deſtroyed, and burnt, in all the border country, was 192, Scots ſlain 400, priſoners taken 816, nolt 10,386, ſheep 12,492, nags and geldings 1296, gayts 200, bolls of corn 850, inſight gear an indefinite quantity.

In Hertford's expedition, places burnt, raſed, and caſt down 129; among theſe Dunſe, the abbey and town of Eccles, the tower and bar⯑nekin of Niſbit, the towers of Dunſe, Redbraes, Pollard, and Merting⯑ton, with the caſtles of Wedderburn and Blackadder were raſed. On the river Tweed, from Kelſo upwards, 33 places were deſtroyed; among which were the abbey of Kelſo, the abbey and town of Dryburgh, the abbey of Mailroſs, and the towers of Dawcove and Stotherick: on the river Tiviot 36; among which were the friars near Kelſo, the towers of Roxburgh and Ormeſton, and the two towers of Boon Jedburgh: 12 places on the Rowle Water: 13 on Jed; among which, the abbey, friars, and town of Jedburgh: 45 places on the Kayle, and between it and the Tweed: 19 on Bowbent (alias Bowmont). The ſum total of the places deſtroyed or laid waſte in the whole inroad was 287; of which, mo⯑naſteries and friar houſes 7, caſtle towers and piles 16, market towns 5, villages 243, mills 13, ſpitals and hoſpitals 3.

In the 22d year of the reign of King Henry VIII. Norham was ſur⯑prized by the Scotch, and ſoon after recovered by one Franklin, Arch⯑deacon of Durham.

In the year 1551, a treaty was ſigned in the church of Norham: the Scotch Commiſſioners were Robert Biſhop of Orkney, Robert Lord Max⯑well, [38] Thomas Maſter of Erſkine, and Louis de St. Gelais, Lord of Lanſac, Knt. thoſe for England were Thomas Biſhop of Norwich, Robert Bowes, Leonard Beckwith, and Thomas Chaloner, Knt.

In 1552, the caſtle of Norham, which from the time of Biſhop Flam⯑bert had appertained to the See of Durham, appears from Lord Whar⯑ton's propoſals for the better protection of the Marches, to be veſted in the Crown. The deprivation of Cuthbert Tunſtal happened on the 11th of October in this year, ſoon after the acceſſion of Queen Mary, before which time we have no public record to ſhew how Norham might come into the power of the Crown. The infamous law for the diſſolution of the biſhopric, is the firſt act of any notoriety I have been able to diſcover which could effect the matter: and notwithſtanding that law, it appears from ſeveral records that in the reign of Queen Mary the caſtle was repaired and again fortified by Biſhop Tunſtal; and that ſome very ſhort time before his death, in the year 1559, he held a treaty there with the Scotch, when were preſent, Thomas Earl of Northumberland, William Lord Dacres of Gilſland, and Croft, Com⯑mander of the fortreſs of Berwick, on the behalf of the Engliſh; and for Scotland, the Earls of Morton and Hume, with the Dean of Glaſgow.

Camden deſcribes Norham Caſtle in his time ‘to be ſituate on the top of a high ſteep rock, and fortified with a trench: the outward wall, of great circuit, was guarded by ſeveral turrets in a canton towards the river, in which another wall much ſtronger encircled the keep or tower of great height.’ This deſcription gives a perfect idea of its figure, after the repairs made by Biſhop Tunſtal. Towards the river the ruins now hang upon the very verge of the precipice, part of which, by the waſhing of the torrent, has given way, and carried with it the ſuperſtructure on that ſide; which with the decay incident to the length of time, has occaſioned a wide breach in the outward wall ſpoken of by Camden: the turrets, as he is pleaſed to ſtile them, appear to be no other than demi-baſtions, a mode of fortification peculiar to the age in which this erection aroſe; a perfect model of which, ſtill in good preſervation, appears at Hartlepool, in the county of Durham, of near the ſame date, being the palatinate port of the biſhopric.

The wall of the caſtle of Norham, which extended from the water on the ſouth ſide, was guarded with a gate-way and tower, having ſquare turrets on each ſide, and thence aſcending the ſteeps ſtretching [39] eaſtward, was alſo defended by another gate-way of ſuperior dimen⯑ſions, fortified by two heavy round flanking towers, the remains of which are ſtill conſiderable. This appears to be the chief entrance, and fronts a plain of conſiderable extent: it was defended by a draw bridge over a very wide moat, which began here, and was extended round the land ſide of the caſtle, encloſing a ſpacious area or ballium, with a very ſtrong wall garniſhed with demi-baſtions at intervals. Within the area of this outward wall are the remains of a chapel and ſeveral other ſtructures. To defend the keep or main tower, a very ſtrong wall encloſes a narrow area or interior ballium, which is entered by a gate⯑way, guarded on each hand by ſquare towers. The keep is a very large heavy ſquare building, vaulted underneath, like moſt ſtructures of this kind. Part of the vaults and ſome of the priſons remain entire, but all the interior parts of the tower above, are laid open and demo⯑liſhed. The remains of an exploratory turret are ſeen on one corner of the keep: it may be preſumed it was originally uniform, bearing a turret at each corner. The height of the great tower is about 70 feet, containing four ſtories or ranges of apartments. The whole build⯑ing is conſtructed of red free-ſtone, of a ſoft nature, and ſubject to decay. There is not the leaſt ornament about it, and the whole aſpect is gloomy to the greateſt degree: it wears the countenance of the times of King Stephen, without any embelliſhments of the age in which Biſhop Tunſtal lived.

This has been a very formidable fortreſs, inacceſſible from the Tweed; and before the uſe of fire arms, from its preſent remains ap⯑pears impregnable, if fully garriſoned, and duly provided with ſtores againſt a ſiege. When the outward walls were in repair, and filled with troops; when the oillets and other devices for the garriſon's fighting and defence were properly ſupplied with experienced archers, and the baſtions were kept by men of valour, it ſeems almoſt incredible that this place could ever be taken by aſſault. But when there was a re⯑gular blockade, and time for mining and raiſing engines, the defence then conſiſting of different manoeuvres, would conſequently harraſs the moſt powerful garriſon; frequent ſallies becoming neceſſary, by which the troops are expoſed to the ſuperior numbers of beſiegers: inceſſant watchings and ſevere duties wear down the greateſt fortitude of ſoul, and ſcarcity of proviſion with perpetual anxiety ſubdue the moſt vigo⯑rous heart. Such are the calamities of a ſiege, and ſuch were many times experienced here: but of all the diſtreſſes the valiant know, none [40] equals that which proceeds from a defection in his partizans, and the corruption of his colleagues. So prone is the human heart to evil, that we find in the hiſtory of every ſtate and people, ſuch horrid tales of treachery, that the ſtain upon the human character leaves ſo diſagree⯑able a ſentiment upon the mind of the reader, as with its bitterneſs and gall almoſt overwhelms the pleaſures we receive by the images of virtue. I forbear to ſearch into this part of the hiſtory of Norham.^*

The caſtle with its demeſnes, conſiſting of 1030 acres, are now the property of Robert Fenwick of Lemington, Eſq ^† held by payment of a caſtle rent to Sir Thomas Haggerſton, Lord of the Manor of Norham. Richard Barnes, Biſhop of Durham, ſevered this demeſne and caſtle from his See, by grant to Queen Elizabeth, by whom it was given to the Earl of Monmouth, and paſſed from him by ſale.^‡

All the banks of the Tweed afford the ſame cultivated ſcenes, down to Berwick, almoſt naked of wood, and conſiſting of wide encloſures. On the environs of Berwick we firſt loſt ſight of the Helton Mountains adjoining to Mailroſs.

The village of

TWEEDMOUTH,

ſituate at the ſouth end of Berwick bridge, is noted for the aſſembly of Barons and others, in the 4th year of the reign of King Edward I. An ancient hoſpital, dedicated to St. Bartholomew, ſtood here.

[41]The acceſs to

BERWICK,

is by a fine ſtone bridge of 16 arches, built in the reign of Queen Eliza⯑beth. A bridge of wood was carried away by the floods in the reign of King John, and was reſtored by William King of Scotland. In Le⯑land's Collectanea, this event is thus mentioned: ‘The bridge of Ber⯑wike brake aboute this tyme with great force of water, bycauſe the arches of it were to low, and after the making of it, as it was then, it durid ſcars IX yeres.’ ^* ‘AD. 1198, hoc tempore ponte de Berwic inundatione aſportata, Philippus epiſcopus prohibuit ne pontem re⯑aedificarent nam altera pars ripae terra erat Dunelmenſis epiſcopi.’ ^† ‘Tandem tamen pons refectus rogante Gul. de Stoteville.’ ^‡

The old caſtle, of which little remains but ſcattered fragments, and confuſed heaps of foundations, ſtood to the north-weſt of the preſent town: much of its ſtrength ſeems to have conſiſted in the elevation and mount on which it was erected. The preſent heaps and lines of ruins merit no deſcription; their extent and ſituation remain to point out the ancient ſtrength of this important fortreſs, now moulder⯑ing under the wrath of Time, and proſtrate with the earth.

Monſieur Jorvin wrote a deſcription of England and Scotland, pub⯑liſhed at Paris, A. D. 1672, which the editor of the Antiquarian Reper⯑tory thought worth inſerting in that work: the account given of Ber⯑wick, and the adjoining country, contains ſeveral particulars which claim a place here.

‘Barrwick is the firſt town by which I re-entered England, and be⯑ing a frontier to England, has been fortified in different manners: there is in it at preſent a large garriſon, as in a place of importance to this kingdom. It is bounded by the river Tweed, which empties itſelf into the ſea, and has a great reflux, capable of bringing up large veſſels, was it not prevented by ſands at the entrance into its port. I arrived here about ten of the clock on a Sunday; the gates [42] were then ſhut during church time, but were opened at eleven, as is the cuſtom in all fortified places. Here is an upper and a lower town, which are both on the ſide of a hill, that ſlopes towards the river. On its top there is a ruined and abandoned caſtle, although its ſituation makes it appear impregnable: it is environed on one ſide by the ditch of the town, on the other ſide by one of the ſame breadth, flanked by many round towers and thick walls, which encloſe a large palace, in the middle of which riſes a lofty keep or donjon, capable of a long reſiſtance, and com⯑manding all the environs of the town.’

‘The high town encloſes within its walls and ditches thoſe of the lower, from which it is only ſeparated by a ditch filled with water. In the upper town the ſtreets are ſtraight and handſome, but there are not many rich inhabitants, they rather preferring the lower town, in which there are many great palaces, ſimilar to that which has been built near the great church, and in all the open areas are great fountains, and in one of them, the guard houſe and public parade, before the town hall or ſeſſions houſe, over which is the clock tower of the town; ſo that by walking over Barwick, I diſcovered it to be one of the greateſt and moſt beautiful towns in England.’

‘The greateſt part of the ſtreets in the lower town, are either up or down hill, but they are filled with many rich Merchants, on account of the convenience and vicinity of its port, bordered by a large quay, along which the ſhips are ranged. There is not a ſtone bridge in all England, longer or better built than that of Barwick, which has 16 large and wonderfully well wrought arches; it is conſidered as one of the moſt remarkable curioſities of the kingdom. I paſſed over it in leaving the place, adjoining to it is a large ſuburb, from whence the country is covered with heath and briars to Aſhton, where there is a caſtle; Bowk⯑lin, where the ſea appears on the left, and a ſmall iſland not far off, which forms a pretty good harbour, near a village, having a caſtle. All this ſea coaſt is covered with ſand banks, and the interior country to Belford an entire deſert, as it is far above 20 miles round about; being only fitted for feeding cattle, occaſioned by divers rivulets, which run through meadow, where great herds of all ſorts of cattle may be ſeen feeding.’

The town of Berwick lays on the inclination of an eaſy ſlope, towards the river; moſt of the buildings are ancient, and make but a mean ap⯑pearance; [43] the ſtreets are narrow, except that only in which the town houſe is placed. The fortifications are modern, and ſaid to be excel⯑lent, being conſtructed agreeable to the modes adopted ſince the uſe of cannon. In the year 1560, theſe new works were begun, by which the ancient fortification was greatly reduced; for this purpoſe many houſes were taken down, and a tower which ſtood in a ſtreet called Hide hill: the ancient chief fortreſs or caſtle, which adjoined to the ſouth-weſt corner of the old town wall, was left at the diſtance of ſe⯑veral hundred yards from the modern works. Camden ſpeaking of Ber⯑wick, ſays it is "Munitiſſimum totius Brittaniae oppidum." The man⯑ner of fortifying with baſtions was a French device, begun in the time of Francis I. and Charles V. or at the ſooneſt of Louis XII.—The Lord Grey of Wilton was the firſt that bore the title of Governor of Berwick in commiſſion. There are excellent barracks for the garriſon, the building plain and neat, conſiſting of a center and two wings. The public walk is on the rampier, where the gaity of the inhabitants is chiefly diſplayed, and to which the ſoldiery contribute greatly. The church is a neat plain ſtructure, built in the time of Cromwell, and conſequently without a ſteeple,^* he forming much of his religious man⯑ners on affected ſimplicity and a maſk of meekneſs.^† A Lectureſhip was founded here by the Mercers Company in London, who alſo founded another at Hexham. For the ſupport of the Lecturers, they purchaſed tithes, according to the will of Richard Fiſhborn, Eſq dated March 30, 1625, wherein he left them the ſum of 2800l. The tower of the town houſe, which is a ſpacious handſome building, contains a good ſet of bells. The country north of Berwick is open and little cultivated, and within a few miles riſes in lofty and barren hills. The town ſtands on [44] a point of land expoſed to the ſea on the eaſt and north-eaſt, and to a ſtrong channel of air from the weſt, which follows the courſe of the river, ſo that conſequently the ſituation is very cold.

Berwick was for ages a ſcene of war and bloodſhed; every ſtep the tra⯑veller takes upon its confines, or in its boundary, is imprinted on earth ſtained with human gore:^* happily thoſe inteſtine miſeries are ſwept [45] away from the face of the land, and the ſtrength of theſe walls is op⯑poſed only to the hoſtility of ſtrangers. When this place firſt aroſe to [46] importance, is not known: whether it was of any conſiderable ſtrength during the conflicts between the Britons with their Roman allies, and [47] the northern nations, is not eaſy to determine: Camden with other An⯑tiquarians have not offered any thing but conjecture.^* Some authors alledge it was known to Ptolomy the Geographer, who wrote in the time of Antoninus, by the name of Tueſis; but the ſituation deſcribed by him, doth not correſpond with that of the preſent town.

According to Hector Boethius, Berwick exiſted as a place of ſtrength in the days of Osbert the Northumbrian King. It is reaſonable to con⯑jecture, when Tweed became the boundary between Scotland and Eng⯑land, that Berwick would ariſe as a barrier town, be fortified, and have an armed garriſon. In the account given of the Daniſh invaſion under Hubba, about the year 867, Berwick is mentioned as the landing place of the invaders. Whilſt the Saxons poſſeſſed the country north of Tweed, Berwick was not likely to have riſen to any great impor⯑tance, being ſo near the royal ſeat of Bamburgh, except it ſhould have had a fortreſs, as a ſafeguard to the epiſcopal ſeat of Lindisfarn.

The ſame author relates, that King Donald having defeated the army of Osbert near the river Jedd, marched down the Tweed to Berwick, which the Saxons then had in poſſeſſion, and which they abandoned on the news of their Sovereign's overthrow: Donald ſeized three Saxon veſſels in the Bay, with great riches on board; upon which event he and his followers gave themſelves up to riot and revelling: of this the [48] Saxons took advantage, and made an unexpected aſſault on the town in the night, when many of the Scots were ſlain, and their King was taken priſoner. He alſo tells us, that King Gregory the Great took Ber⯑wick, then poſſeſſed by the Danes, and put the garriſon to the ſword: after which the Scotch Monarch ſpent his winter there.

Berwick continued for many ages part of the dominions of Scotland, and was one of the four original Scotch burghs. ^*

[49] Edgar King of Scotland gave it to the See of Durham, according to Hollingſhead, in honour of St. Cuthbert, under whoſe banner he had obtained [50] an important victory. This donation was made about the year 1097. Ralph Flambert, after a vacancy in the See for three years, [51] from the death of William de Caralepho, was conſecrated Biſhop in 1099; he diſregarding the great gift of Edgar to the church, made an [52] irruption into his territories; on which Edgar, provoked at his ingra⯑titude, reaſſumed the town of Berwick, with its valuable appendages.

In the reign of King Henry II. William King of Scotland ſurrendered Berwick to the Crown of England, as a pledge for the payment of his ranſom: and it is ſaid that King Henry built a caſtle there,^* after Wil⯑liam's failure in his ſtipulated payment. But in the time of King Richard I. the ranſom money being paid, which was no leſs than 100,000l. Berwick was reſtored to the Scotch.

King John, in reſentment of the homage paid by the Barons of Nor⯑thumberland to Alexander King of Scotland, laid waſte the whole county, and took Berwick by ſtorm.^† King John is charged with committing the moſt ſavage barbarities on this occaſion, having, as it is ſaid in the Chronicle of Mailroſs, Jews with him, on purpoſe to deviſe tortures. [53] In order to extort from the inhabitants a diſcovery of their money and effects, he cauſed to be hung up men and women by the joints of their hands and feet, and inflicted on them various other bodily pains. His troops burnt the town of Berwick, the King diſgracing royalty, by ſetting fire, with his own hands, to the houſe in which he had lodged: he alſo permitted the adjoining monaſtery of Coldingham to be plun⯑dered.

Alexander King of Scotland, ſtill remaining under ſentence of ex⯑communication, for his adherence to Louis, who had been invited to accept the Crown of England by King John's diſſident Barons, after peace was made with King Henry III. and on Alexander's acceding thereto, the Pope's Legate gave authority to the Archbiſhop of York and Biſhop of Durham to give him abſolution; for which purpoſe they met the King at Berwick. This event happened in the year 1217.

In the year 1235, Gilbert Earl of Pembroke, Earl Marſhal of England, on his marriage with Marjory, ſiſter of Alexander II. King of Scotland, came to Berwick to receive his bride, and celebrate his nuptials.

In the year 1266, Edmond the younger ſon of King Henry III. after being inveſted with the dukedom of Lancaſter, and the forfeited ho⯑nours and eſtates of the Earl of Leiceſter, paid a viſit to the King and Queen of Scotland at Berwick, where the King with a numerous aſſem⯑bly of his Nobles celebrated the royal birth-day.

The great aſſembly of the ſtates of England and Scotland was held here, on the 2d day of Auguſt 1291, for determining the claims of the ſeveral competitors for the Crown of Scotland, in purſuance of the ad⯑journment from Norham, in the preceding June. King Edward I. re⯑ceived the Prelates and Nobles of both kingdoms in the chapel of the caſtle: after which the Biſhops, Prelates, Earls, Barons, Knights, and people of both nations, were convened in the caſtle of Berwick, and the Delegates were commanded to aſſemble for receiving the claims, in the deſerted church of the Dominicans, adjacent to the caſtle. An adjourn⯑ment was made to the ſame place in the month of June in the follow⯑ing year, where the King again appeared in perſon, and difficulties ſtill remaining unſolved, a further adjournment was made to the enſuing October, at which time his Majeſty, attended as before, again came to Berwick. Several intermediate days being given for ſolving the inci⯑dent [54] queſtions which aroſe on the claims, the 17th day of November, A. D. 1292, was appointed for giving judgment, in the hall of the caſtle, when John Baliol was pronounced ſucceſſor to the Crown. The ſeal uſed by thoſe who had governed Scotland during the interregnum, was broken in four parts, and delivered up to King Edward to be de⯑poſited in his treaſury, as a monument and evidence of the ſovereignty and direct dominion of that Monarch over Scotland.

In Leland's Collectanea it is noted, that in the year 1295, ‘John King of Scottes, contrary to his feith and aliegeaunce, rebellid agayne King Edward, and cam into England, and brent and ſlew. Wher⯑apon King Edward with a great hoſt went to Newcaſtelle apon Tyne, and paſſid the water of Twede and beſiegid Berwick, and gat it: and alſo he gat the caſtelle of Dunbar, and ther were ſlayne XXV M and VII C Scottes. And ſo proceeded forth, and gat the caſtelle of Rokeſburgh, and the caſtelles of Shremborough, Stryvelin, and Ged⯑worth, and his people foured all the lande.’ ^* After theſe ſeveral operations the King returned to Berwick, where he reſided ſome time, to direct ſeveral new works for the better fortification of the place; among which was a ditch over the neck of land from Tweed to the ſea, in breadth 80 feet, and 40 feet in depth.^†

The accounts given of theſe ſucceſſes of King Edward are various, and authors differ much in regard to the ſlaughter which attended them. The King being encamped near the nunnery, offered terms of peace, which after being demurred upon for two days, were rejected by the garriſon. On the next day, being Thurſday after Eaſter, A. D. 1296, the Engliſh army was drawn up, on an extenſive plain, near the nunnery, at the eaſtern foot of Hallydown Hill, in full view of Berwick Caſtle and the high parts of the town. There the King conferred the honour of Knighthood on Henry Percy and others, as was uſual in thoſe [55] times, on the like occaſions. The navy perceiving the diſplay of ban⯑ners from the mouth of the Tweed, where the fleet then lay, and pre⯑ſuming the attack was beginning, anxious to win part of the laurels of the day, puſhed over the bar, and gained the haven; by which three ſhips were loſt, having ſtranded, where they were burnt by the townſ⯑men: the reſt were ſcarce able to eſcape in the ebb tide. King Edward deſirous to ſave his fleet, ordered an immediate attack, whilſt the chief part of the garriſon was employed in defending the town neareſt the haven. He is charged by Fordun and other Scottiſh writers with uſing a deluſive artifice, in detaching a body of men, under the cover of ſome riſing grounds, to gain an approach on another quarter, and by diſ⯑playing Scotch colours, induce the garriſon to permit their advanc⯑ing near the fortifications, under a preſumption that they were a rein⯑forcement for the town. The Engliſh authors take no notice of this ſtratagem. It appears from the beſt authorities, that the fortifications of this place, at that time, conſiſted chiefly of a ditch, and a rampier of earth with a barricado of timber: through theſe the Engliſh army made their entrance with very little difficulty, and the garriſon and in⯑habitants, aſtoniſhed at the ſuddenneſs of the event, and overwhelmed by ſuperior force, were ſlaughtered without much reſiſtance. The chief oppoſition that was made, was by 30 Flandrian Merchants, who held out a ſtrong tower, called the Red Hall, till the evening, when fire be⯑ing ſet to it, the building was conſumed, and all within periſhed. In the reduction of this tower, the brother of the Earl of Cornwall, a va⯑liant Knight, was ſlain by a ſpear's piercing his eye, as he looked up to thoſe who fought above. All the gentlemen and fighting men of Fife are ſaid to have been put to the ſword. The caſtle, commanded by William Douglas, ſurrendered the ſame day, and its garriſon, conſiſting of 200 men, were permitted to march out armed, on ſwearing from thenceforth not to fight againſt the King or kingdom of England; but their Governor was detained a priſoner. Fordun ſays the number of ſlain was 7500; that the ſtreets ran with blood two days, and in ſuch quantities as to make mills go. Boetheus ſays alſo the ſlain were about 7000 in number, and ſays that mills were actually ſet a-going with the blood. Matthew Weſtminſter ſays, that all were ſlain, without diſtinc⯑tion of ſex or age, in number 60,000. In the inſtructions from the Regency and Council of Scotland, to their Procurators at Rome, A. D. 1301, it is ſaid, that after taking Berwick, the King and his army com⯑mitted the moſt barbarous cruelties on the inhabitants, who to the num⯑ber of almoſt 8000 were ſlain, without diſtinction of character, ſex, or [56] age. The churches afforded no protection to thoſe who fled thither; after being defiled with the blood of the ſlain, and ſpoiled of all their ornaments, the King and his followers made ſtables of them for the horſes of the army.^* This carnage may be aſcribed to a reſentment of the cruelties committed the preceding year by the men of Berwick and the fighting men of Fife, in attacking certain Engliſh veſſels that had entered the port, ſetting fire to the ſhips, and putting the ſeveral crews to death.

On the 24th day of Auguſt, A. D. 1296, the King received the ho⯑mage ^† of the Scotch Nobility here, in the preſence of an Engliſh Par⯑liament, ſummoned for that purpoſe. In the year ſucceeding, he eſtab⯑liſhed an Exchequer here, on the principles of that at Weſtminſter, for the receipt of the Scotch revenue.

In the year 1297, the Engliſh inhabitants being ſtruck with a panic on the approach of Sir William Wallace with his forces, evacuated the place,^‡ and fled with their moveables to the ſouthern parts of Northum⯑berland. [57] Creſſingham,^* whom King Edward had made his Treaſurer, from his avarice, neglected putting the King's commands in execution, for building a ſtone wall along the ſide of the new foſs, and applied the King's treaſures to his own appropriations; ſo that Berwick was appa⯑rently in ſo defenceleſs a ſtate, as not to be eſteemed tenable by the garriſon againſt Wallace's troops.

Creſſingham was ſlain at the battle of Sterling Bridge, and was flead by the ſoldiers, who divided his ſkin among them as a trophy.

The caſtle of Berwick was ſo ſtrong and well maintained, that the Scots were not able to reduce it: the Regency levied a great force, the army conſiſting of 2000 armed horſe, 1200 light horſe, and 100,000 foot; on the approach of this formidable armament, the Scots deſerted the town, and the faithful garriſon in the caſtle, who had ſuſtained a long blockade, were happily relieved.^†

[58]The alarm occaſioned by Wallace's inſurrection, and the invaſion with which England was then threatened, brought forth excellent fruits, which ſtill bleſs this kingdom, and are the felicity of the preſent age; the ratification of the great charter and charter of the foreſts, with a moſt ineſtimable addition, a grant and conceſſion that no tallage or aid ſhould thenceforth be impoſed on the people, without the aſſent of the Prelates, No⯑bles, Knights, Burgeſſes, and other Freemen.

King Edward, in the year 1303, muſtered that victorious army here, with which he penetrated the remoteſt parts of Scotland, and compleated its conqueſt.

In the year 1305, Wallace having been betrayed into the hands of his enemies, ſuffered an ignominious execution, and half of his body was ordered to be expoſed on Berwick Bridge. In the ſucceeding year, Neal Bruce, brother of Robert Bruce, was taken in the caſtle of Kil⯑drummy, with many other perſons of great diſtinction, who were ſent priſoners to Berwick, where King Edward ordered them to be tried by Juſtices ſent thither, by whom they were condemned, and ſentenced to be hanged, drawn, and quartered. The Counteſs of Buchan, ſiſter to the Earl of Fife, eloped from John Comyn her huſband, and carried in her retinue all his war-horſes, with which ſhe repaired to Robert Bruce, at Scone, and in the abſence of the Earl her brother, who was then with the King of England, and whoſe hereditary office it was to place the crown on the heads of the Scotch Monarchs, ſhe aſſumed that high duty, and put the diadem on the head of Bruce. King Edward ſen⯑teaced her to be ſhut up in a wooden cage, in one of the towers of Ber⯑wick Caſtle.^* From the order ſet forth by Rymer, it appears, that the Chamberlain of Scotland, or his Lieutenant at Berwick, was to cauſe this cage to be made of ſufficient ſtrength; in which ſhe was to be at⯑tended and ſerved by one or two Engliſh women of the town of Berwick, and no Scotch man or woman, or any other perſon, except the ſervant or ſervants appointed her, were to be ſuffered to have acceſs to her. Ano⯑ther author ^† ſays, that the King declared as ſhe did not ſtrike with the ſword, ſhe ſhould not die by it; but ordered her to be ſhut up in an ha⯑bitation of wood and iron, ſhaped like a crown, and to be hung out at Berwick, in the open air, for a ſpectacle and everlaſting reproach, both [59] living and dead, to all that paſſed. Mary a ſiſter of Bruce, was ordered to be ſhut up in like manner at the caſtle of Roxburgh. The Counteſs of Buchan lived in this confinement ſix years, when by the royal mandate ſhe was releaſed from her cage, and given in charge to Henry de Beaumont.

In the year 1307, the ſtores ordered by the King of England to be delivered by the citizens of London at Berwick, for the uſe of the forces againſt the Scots, were 20 barrels of honey, 100 barrels of wine, 12,000 lb. weight of iron, 500 lb. of hemp-cord for baliſtae, 500lb. of hemp, 100 baliſtae of one foot, 40 of two feet, 20 baliſtae de turno, 30,000 arrows for baliſtae of one foot, 12,000 arrows for thoſe of two feet, 2200 feathered arrows of copper for baliſtae de turno.^* The mea⯑ſure by which theſe baliſtae are here diſtinguiſhed, relates to the arrows theſe engines were to throw; as the accepted phraſe in regard to can⯑non, is ſo many pounders, as the weight of the ſhot may be they are bored for.

In the year 1310, King Edward II. his Queen, and Nobles, ſpent their winter at Berwick; the King returning thither from his Scotch expedition. The dearth was ſo great in Scotland this year, that the people fed on horſe-fleſh and other carrion.^† During the King's reſi⯑dence here, he confirmed the election of Richard de Kellow to the See of Durham, on the death of Anthony de Beck.

In 1312, Robert Bruce attempted to ſurprize Berwick, by a ſcalade in the night; but after ladders of ropes were fixed, the place was ſaved by the barking of a dog, which alarmed the garriſon, and the aſſailants were repulſed with conſiderable loſs.

In the year 1314, King Edward II. rendezvouſed his army at Ber⯑wick, conſiſting of 40,000 horſe (three thouſand of which were com⯑pleatly armed, horſes and men) and 52,000 foot: they were in part lodged within the town, and the reſt in tents without the walls. The carriages attending this army were numerous, as no ſupplies could be drawn from a country deſolated by war, and waſted by famine. Malmſ⯑bury ſays, if they had paſſed in one line, they would have extended ſixty leagues in length. Moſt authors agree, that ſo fine an army had [60] not in the memory of man marched from England. The army of the Scots conſiſted of 30,000, advantageouſly poſted, and waiting the ap⯑proach of the Engliſh, on the banks of Bannocks Burn. I ſeem to be led involuntarily to a relation of this battle; famous, for the eſtabliſh⯑ment of Robert Bruce on the throne of Scotland, in its event.

Sterling Caſtle had ſuſtained a long ſiege and blockade, and the Go⯑vernor was at length obliged to accede to certain articles, under which, if this fortreſs was not relieved before an appointed day, it was to be ſurrendered to Bruce: King Edward determined to march to its relief, and with all poſſible expedition moved his army from Berwick. Robert Bruce, informed of the intention of the Engliſh Monarch, reſolved to abide the event of a battle, rather than raiſe the ſiege. He had viewed the ground, and fixed upon a part near the caſtle, where he ſhould have only juſt ſufficient room to marſhal his troops with advantage, accord⯑ing to their arms. This place was defended on the one hand by in⯑acceſſible rocks, and on the other by a moraſs, having the water of Bannokburn in front. King Edward being informed the country near Sterling was full of moraſſes, and difficult to be paſſed, ſo that his horſe could not be of the ſervice he wiſhed, he levied a reinforcement of foot, 4000 from Yorkſhire, 2500 from Northumberland, 1500 from Durham, and 2000 from Derby and Nottingham. In the advance the army was divided into ten columns, 10,000 men in each, commanded by leaders of the moſt diſtinguiſhed character; the Earls of Glouceſter and Hereford led the van, the center was led by the King in perſon, Sir Giles D'Argentein and Aymer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, Generals un⯑der him. The army under theſe diviſions, is ſaid to have covered a large tract of country, and was a ſight auguſt and ſolemn; the whole ſcene made reſplendent, by burniſhed arms and diſplayed enſigns.

As the Engliſh approached, Bruce led his troops to occupy the choſen ground, on the Saturday before the battle. To ſtrengthen the ſtation, he cauſed pits to be dug in front, armed with pointed ſtakes within, covered with hurdles or flakes, and concealed by turfs and ruſhes. On the morning of Sunday, being Midſummer Eve, Bruce with his Lords and Chieftains attended ſolemn devotions and maſs in the front of the army; and the Prieſts went through the ranks, exhorting each ſoldier ‘to exert his powers for the relief of his country, and rather die a martyr in the virtuous cauſe, than ſee the Engliſh again become ty⯑rannical taſk-maſters, as they had been in the time of King Edward I. [61] of deteſted memory.’ Such arguments and exhortations ſerved to inflame the Scotch army with enthuſiaſtic ardour. The Engliſh were ordered to advance ſo near Bruce's ſtation; on Sunday evening, that though harraſſed with a tedious march, they were obliged to lay under arms all night, for fear of a ſurprize. This evening was not without ſeveral ſkirmiſhes and re-encounters, in which the Engliſh were worſted: in one of theſe Robert Bruce engaged and ſlew Sir Henry Boynton; cleav⯑ing his head with a battle ax. A party of 300 horſe, under the com⯑mand of Lord Robert Clifford and Henry Beaumont, attempting to gain the caſtle, were engaged by a choſen band of Spearmen, led by Earl Murray, and put to the rout: Sir William Dayncourt was ſlain, and Thomas Gray made priſoner;^* the Earl of Glouceſter was unhorſed, but reſcued.^†

The diſpoſition of the Scotch army on the day of battle was in four diviſions: Sir Thomas Randolph commanded the van, Edward Bruce the right wing, and Sir James Douglas the left; Robert Bruce was with the body of reſerve or rear. The Scotch were all on foot, that by ma⯑king the danger and diſtreſs of the engagement equal, the ardour of each might by example be exhilerated. The ſoldiers of the body of re⯑ſerve, were covered with light coats of mail, which a ſword could not penetrate: they carried an ax in the belt, and lances in their hands. Malmſbury deſcribes the Scotch army moving, "as thick as a hedge." The leaders were men of that ſkill and valour, that they poſſeſſed the confidence of the troops. In the Engliſh army, the foot, conſiſting of ſpearmen and archers, were in the van, the horſe were on each flank; and in theſe poſitions the armies engaged.

The onſet was vigorous and well maintained on both ſides. The Earl of Glouceſter commanded that part of the line which was attacked by Sir James Douglas's corps, conſiſting of 7000 Borderers and 3000 Iriſh Scots or Katerans, vulgarly called Redſhanks, a fierce and valiant race. The Engliſh, unable to ſuſtain the ſhock, began to give way, when the Earl, impatient of diſgrace and inflamed with ire, accompanied by a choſen band, ruſhed into the thickeſt of the foes, where he was beaten from his horſe and ſlain. The covered pits deterred or fruſtrated his Knights from effecting his reſcue. Malmſbury ſays, with great warmth, [62] (confundat eos Dominos) they were 500 in number, and in the emer⯑gency 20 might have effected his relief. Sir Giles D'Argentein, a man much eſteemed by Robert Bruce, and of great military fame, one of the Commanders of the Gens d' Armes who guarded the King, advanced to Glouceſter's relief, but died in the attempt. Robert de Clifford, Payen de Tiptoft, William Mareſcal, Edmund Mayley, and ſeveral other eminent leaders were equally unfortunate in thoſe parts of the army where they commanded, and were ſoon numbered with the ſlain. The Engliſh archers, who had ſo often carried victory with them in former conflicts, were attacked in flank, and put to the rout, by a troop of light cavalry cloſe armed, who were remounted for this critical ſervice, and led by Sir Robert Keith, Marſhal of Scotland. The confuſion among the archers, and the fall of ſuch eminent leaders, ſtruck the Engliſh army with a panic, which was not a little increaſed by the ſight of a large body of men advancing over the ſummit of a diſtant eminence, who were no other than the attendants on the carriages and baggage, drawn up in martial array, and diſplaying pieces of linen on the ends of ſpears, which at that diſtance appeared like a crowd of banners. Confuſion and uproar ſoon took place, and the Engliſh Monarch was adviſed to ſecure his retreat, as Victory was declaring on every hand for Bruce, and the Engliſh forces, wearied and fainting, were giving way. The King with great reluctance and ſhame conſented to move the royal ſtandard, the ſight of which compleated what the valour of the Scotch phalanx had ſo gloriouſly begun: the rout became general, and mul⯑titudes fell as well under the ſword in the purſuit, as in the waters of Bannockburn and Forth. The effuſion of blood was greatly ſpared, by the avarice of plunder, the rich baggage of the Engliſh army affording immenſe booty to the victors. Of the Scots, only two leaders of note fell, William Vipont and Walter Roſs. Seven hundred Engliſh Gentle⯑men were miſſing after the battle, the greateſt part of whom were among the priſoners. Sterling ſurrendered to the King of Scotland, who ordered the fortifications to be deſtroyed to their foundations. Redpath, in his Border Hiſtory, ſays, ‘The rout of the Engliſh was indeed very entire; but neither the number they brought to the field, nor the loſs they ſuſtained, appear to have been nigh ſo great as the Scottiſh writers repreſent them.’

King Robert Bruce treated the priſoners with great humanity, and buried the dead with all due decorum. The bodies of the Earl of Glou⯑ceſter and Lord Robert Clifford, he ſent to the King at Berwick, to be in⯑terred [63] with the honours due to their rank and military fame. On ac⯑count of a perſonal friendſhip which had formerly ſubſiſted between them, he liberated without ranſom his priſoner Lord Ralph de Moun⯑thermer, huſband to the Counteſs of Glouceſter, the King of England's ſiſter.

King Edward with a body of horſe fled towards Berwick, purſued by Sir James Douglas with a party of light cavalry, who effected no⯑thing but taking up a few ſtragglers, who fell off from the King's troop. He firſt took ſhelter in the caſtle of Dunbar, from whence he was con⯑veyed by ſea to Bambrough or Berwick. It is certain he was at Berwick the third day after this defeat, as he iſſued a proclamation from thence, to adviſe his ſubjects of the loſs of his privy ſeal; which was reſtored to him by Mounthermer, on his return.

After this victory, various bands of Scots ravaged Northumberland.

In the year 1315, the Scots attempted to take Berwick by ſurprize, by means of their ſhipping, with which they entered the river under falſe colours; but being diſcovered by the garriſon before they began an attack, ſuffered conſiderable loſs e'er they could effect an eſcape.

In the following year, the dearth was ſo great in Northumberland, that the people were obliged to eat the fleſh of horſes and dogs. A quarter of wheat ſold for 40 ſhillings.

Berwick had continued in the poſſeſſion of the Engliſh for 20 years, when the Commander in the town being corrupted, betrayed it to the Earl of Murray, in the year 1318, who led a body of Robert Bruce's forces.^*

Barber, the Hiſtorian of Bruce, ſays, that one Spalding, incenſed againſt the Governor's cruelty towards the Scotch inhabitants, had de⯑termined to betray the town into the hands of Bruce's party; and ac⯑cordingly [64] having intimated his deſign, and aſſigned the time and place for the enterprize, when it was his turn to mount guard at the Cow⯑gate, Randolph and Douglas, with a choſen band, repaired to Dunſe Park, and under cover of the night, advanced to a part of the wall which was left unguarded, and by ladders entered the town, unper⯑ceived by any but Spalding. They lay concealed till day-light, when other forces coming up, upon the aſſault, were aided by thoſe within, and gained the place by noon. Many of the garriſon and townſmen retired into the caſtle, from whence they made a ſally, preſuming the Scotch forces were weak, from the thin diſplay of banners; but they were repulſed with ſome loſs. The news of regaining Berwick was ſoon ſpread over the adjacent country, and numbers of Scotch crowded thither, to maintain the place and aſſiſt in the ſiege of the caſtle, which ſtood out ſix days,^* and then capitulated on terms, for the garriſon to march out with their arms, and depart for England. The Scotch King Robert Bruce ſoon after arrived, and with his Court reſided ſome time in the caſtle. He made his ſon-in-law, Walter, Steward of Scotland, Governor, who, ambitious of poſſeſſing a ſettlement on the borders, where he might diſplay his youthful courage, called out 500 Gentlemen his dependents, with others of inferior rank, ſkilful in ſhooting with bows and working engines, for the more effectual defence of the place. Sir John Crab, a Fleming, of high reputation in his art, was made chief Engineer.

King Edward, in the ſucceeding year, prepared to recover Berwick, and on the firſt of September approached with a large body of troops, having with him Lancaſter, Pembroke, Arundell, Hertford, Warren, and the Earl Marſhal the King's brother, Hugh D'Eſpencer, Roger de Tam⯑mori, and Hugh Deudeley, parceners to the earldom of Glouceſter, by marriage of the coheireſſes, the late Earl's ſiſters. This force was ac⯑companied by a fleet from the cinque ports, laden with proviſions and all kind of ſtores. The Engliſh fortified their camp, and then pro⯑ceeded to an aſſault. The walls of the town are deſcribed to be ſo low, that an aſſailant might ſtrike the people that defended them, with a ſpear. On the ſeventh of September they attempted an eſcalade, at dif⯑ferent parts in the ſame time, and a ſhip was directed to approach with an engine, to attempt the walls on the ſide next the haven; but all [65] theſe were fruitleſs, the ſhip was left on ground by ebb of tide, and burnt by the garriſon. In the next general aſſault, which was made on the 13th of September, the Engliſh employed a great machine called a Sow, conſtructed for holding and defending men, who were moved in it towards the foot of the wall, in order to undermine and ſap its foundation. Devices were uſed to burn this machine, but by throwing a ſtone of vaſt weight from an engine, the Sow was ſplit, and her oc⯑cupiers diſlodged. On an attack of Marygate, the draw bridge was burnt, and the gate in great danger; but forces from the caſtle coming to its defence, the aſſailants were obliged to retire. Theſe efforts har⯑raſſed and weakened the garriſon conſiderably, and the town muſt on another aſſault, have fallen into the hands of the Engliſh, if Lancaſter had not withdrawn his forces from the camp, exerciſing his malignant ſpirit at this critical time againſt the King, whom he hated moſt inve⯑terately. The Earl of Murray and Lord Douglas had entered England with 10,000 choſen men, and penetrated almoſt to the city of York, the Queen eſcaping with difficulty. Theſe circumſtances determined Edward to raiſe the ſiege of Berwick.

King Robert Bruce perceiving the importance of this place, ſtrength⯑ened the walls, and raiſed them conſiderably in height, giving alſo many new towers and additional bulwarks to the whole.

In the year 1323, King Robert Bruce at this place ratified the treaty of peace entered into with King Edward III. by his plenipotentiaries at Biſhop Thorpe near York.

In 1328, Joan the ſiſter of King Edward III. being contracted to David the ſon and heir of King Robert Bruce, was conveyed to Berwick with a ſplendid retinue, where ſhe was received by the Earl of Murray and Lord Douglas, repreſentatives of the King, he being ſick; and the nuptials were celebrated with great magnificence. She was called Make Peace, and carried with her the ragman roll, and all records which had been ſeized by King Edward I. to be again depoſited in the Scotch archives.

At this ceremony, a magnificent parade was made by the nobles of each nation, and a ſumptuous pageant crowded the place, with all that ſolemn pomp, which in the days of chivalry decked out public ſpecta⯑cles: Sumptured horſes, and men braced in ſhining arms, forming long [66] trains of ſteel effigies, ſtiffened in coats of mail, and ſtrapped like inani⯑mate beings to the ſaddle, were the chief objects: Lord Mortimers' retinue alone, conſiſted of nine ſcore Knights, properly capariſoned, with their Eſquires, Gentlemen, and Yeomen.

The expedition of Lord Henry Beaumont and his aſſociates into Scot⯑land, in the year 1332, being attended with remarkable ſucceſs, be⯑came an object of ſerious attention with the Engliſh Monarch; in ſo much that Edward Baliol, ſupported by this party in his pretenſions to the Crown of Scotland, as ſucceſſor of his father John Baliol, having gained the caſtle of Roxburgh, King Edward received his letters patent iſſued from thence, in which he acknowledged the King of England ſupreme Lord of Scotland, and ceded to him the town, caſtle, and coun⯑ty of Berwick, to be annexed to his kingdom, with many other advan⯑tageous ceſſions and terms of amity and alliance, of ſuch weight and conſideration, that the King ſummoned his parliament to meet at York, to deliberate thereon. As many of the ſtates, eſpecially the Prelates were abſent, nothing was determined: in general, it was thought expe⯑dient to treat with the guardian and nobles of King David's party; for which purpoſe commiſſioners were inſtructed to require homage and fealty from the Scotch King, and a ceſſion of Berwick; but theſe requi⯑ſitions were rejected with the utmoſt diſdain. Baliol during this time had a perilous eſcape from Annan, and was obliged to take refuge in England, his party being thrown into the utmoſt confuſion. King Edward was too far advanced in the cauſe to recede, and therefore ac⯑cepted the terms propoſed by Baliol at Roxburgh, and ratified them on his part.^*

The Engliſh did not recover Berwick, till the 7th year of the reign of King Edward III. after the battle of Halydoun Hill, where the ſlaugh⯑ter of the Scottiſh forces was terrible, 7 Earls, 900 Knights, 400 Eſquires, and 32,000 common men died in the field; a carnage dread⯑ful to recount, and from the very idea of which the ſoul recoils with horror.

[67] King Edward the Third, on being refuſed the homage of David Bruce, and reſtitution of Berwick, ordered his Herald to proclaim his defiance of the Scotch King. The Engliſh army began to beſiege Berwick on the 12th of April, 1333. The Scots knowing the reduction of this place would be one of the firſt and chief enterprizes of their adverſa⯑ries, to the utmoſt of their power put it in a ſtate of defence, to reſiſt the great ſhock they preſumed it would neceſſarily ſuſtain: they filled it with a garriſon of choſen veterans, and made Sir William Keith gover⯑nor of the town, and Patrick Earl of Dunbar the keeper of the chief fortreſs or citadel. The King ſoon arrived, and remained in perſon before the walls about a month, when perceiving from the ſtrength of the garriſon, and the vigorous defence they made, that it would not be eaſy to reduce the place, he marched part of his army into Scot⯑land, carrying the horrid ravages of war as far as Scone, Dundee, and Dumbarton. The moſt ſavage cruelties mark thoſe times; the wild American never deviſed more ſhocking barbarities than ſtained theſe borders; each nation was ingenious in torture, in modes of devaſtation, and in the proſecution of revenge. Having glutted their avarice of blood, and being loaded with pillage, they again returned to Berwick, which King Edward ſtill found unſubdued. After receiving reinforce⯑ments, he declared his determination was either to be maſter of Ber⯑wick, or effect ſomething of conſequence, by bringing his adverſaries to battle. The ſiege was changed into a ſtrict blockade: the beſieged diſtreſſed by the cutting off ſupplies, made many ſallies, with various fortune; they made a vigorous attack upon the fleet, and moſt of the navy then before Berwick was burnt. The garriſon ſtill entertained hopes of relief, and refuſed to capitulate, preſuming this key to the kingdom, was of too great conſequence to the Scotch, at that time to be neglected, and ſuffered to fall into the hands of the enemy. Lord Douglas had levied a powerful army, with which he marched to the neighbourhood of Berwick; but to the great diſtreſs of the garriſon, who believed their day of deliverance was at hand, inſtead of attacking the Engliſh, Douglas croſſed the Tweed, and in ſight of the town, marched along the coaſt towards the caſtle of Bambrough, which being eſteemed impregnable, was choſen by the King of England, as a ſecure reſidence for his Queen. The Scotch waſted ſeveral days in blocking up that fortreſs, and ravaging the adjacent parts, hoping that King Edward's ſollicitude for his Queen, would induce him to raiſe the ſiege of Berwick.

[68]The device which had been practiſed with effect in the year 1318, did not now take place; King Edward was not to be moved from his determined purpoſe; the garriſon reduced to extremities for want of proviſions, and diſpirited by the apparent neglect of Douglas, propoſed a treaty, which King Edward readily attended to, and the capitulation was concluded on the 15th day of July, under the following condi⯑tions: That the town and caſtle ſhould be ſurrendered to King Edward on the 20th, if not relieved with 200 men at arms, or by a battle; that in the interval, there ſhould be a ceſſation of arms; that in caſe of a ſurrender, the lives and properties of the garriſon and inhabitants ſhould be protected, with liberty to ſuch as were ſo inclined to leave the place; and that the Governor ſhould have ſafe conduct granted him to the Scotch army, to communicate the articles. Sir William Keith re⯑paired to the Scotch camp without delay, and there prevailed that an attempt ſhould be made to relieve the place: a meaſure totally diſap⯑proved by ſome of the oldeſt and moſt experienced of the Scotch leaders.

In this interval, a tranſaction is ſaid to have taken place, which ſullies the luſtre of Edward's military character, and ſtamps an odium on his memory; it ſtands recorded to the following effect, by Bucha⯑nan, Boece, and other Scotch authors of great credit.

Hoſtages were given by the Scots, for performance of their part of the treaty, one of whom was the eldeſt ſon of Sir Alexander Seeton, who was Deputy Governor, and took command on Keith's reſorting to the camp. King Edward had alſo in his camp Seeton's younger ſon, taken a priſoner at the aſſault made on the navy. The King apprehending that by the approach of the Scotch army, he might probably be de⯑prived of the capture of Berwick, an object of ſo great importance, ſoon after the departure of Keith, contrary to the faith of Princes, the ſacredneſs of treaties, the common policy of nations, and all private honour, demanded an immediate ſurrender of the place; threatening if Seeton refuſed, that he would immediately hang up his two ſons, the hoſtage and the priſoner, before the walls. Seeton remonſtrated, but Edward regardleſs of all the charges made againſt him for the violation of public faith, cauſed a gibbet to be erected in full view of the town, to put in execution his infamous threat. Seeton ſtruggling between honour and parental feelings, between duty to his country and love [69] for his children, ſuffered all the pangs ariſing from a conflict, in which every ſentiment was on the rack: Nature would have prevailed, and Seeton's children been ſaved by a ſacrifice of his country's honour and his own, had not the mother, with all the virtue and heroiſm of a Roman matron, and the greatneſs of the moſt exalted mind, argued forcibly to ſupport his principle, and ſuſtain his fainting ſoul; and when yet he ſeemed to relax, ſhe withdrew him from the horrid ſpec⯑tacle, that he might retain his rectitude, though his ſons were the in⯑eſtimable price by which it was maintained. Edward unrelenting, put them to death, and Seeton kept the town.

This tranſaction is denied by the Engliſh Hiſtorians, who affirm that the Scotch army came in fight before the truce was expired; and there⯑fore Edward could have no pretence for demanding a ſurrender.^* This argument is futile, and ſeems weak in oppoſition to the uniformity of the Scotch Hiſtorians.

On the 18th of July, Lord Douglas led his army over the Tweed, and encamped at a place called Bothull or Bothville: the Engliſh poſſeſſed Halydown Hill, a very conſiderable eminence on the weſt of Berwick, having an eaſy declivity towards the river; the other ſides were ſteeper. The Scotch diſregarding this apparent advantage, determined to engage on the Scotch ſide of the hill, not only to ſecure a retreat, but in caſe of victory, to take advantage of the flow of tide, which would render the Tweed impaſſable to the Engliſh if they ſhould be routed.

The Scotch army was diſpoſed in four grand diviſions; John Murray commanded the firſt, with Lord Andrew Frazer and his ſons Simon and James; the ſecond was commanded by Robert Lord High Steward of [70] Scotland, with the principal men of his kindred and the Earl of Monteith; the third by the Earls of Roſs, Sutherland, and Strathern; and the fourth by Lord Archibald Douglas, Guardian of the kingdom of Scotland, and Commander in Chief, accompanied by the Earls of Lenox and Carrick. The whole army amounted to 68,000. The number of King Edward's army is not poſitively mentioned by any author. It is ſuppoſed the number of the Scotch was not ſo great as Hiſtorians have aſſerted, and that they were nearly equal to their adverſaries. King Edward alſo diſpoſed his army in four diviſions, each of which was flanked by choice and ſkilful archers.

When both ſides were ready to engage, the onſet was a while ſuſ⯑pended, by the appearance of a Scotchman of gigantic ſtature, who had gained the name of Turnbull, on account of a gallant exploit, by which King Robert Bruce was ſaved from the attacks of a wild bull, which had unhorſed him, as he was hunting. Turnbull, attended by a great maſtiff,^* approached the Engliſh army, and gave a challenge for ſingle combat. After a ſhort pauſe, which the ſingularity of the cir⯑cumſtance occaſioned, the challenge was accepted by Sir Robert Benhale, a young Norfolk Knight, much inferior in ſtature to the Scotch cham⯑pion, but of great ſtrength and adroitneſs in military atchievements. The maſtiff immediately flew forward, and was received by the Knight with a ſtroke upon the loins with his ſword, which ſevered his body. The Scotch champion advanced: Benhale, with great agility and ſkill, eluded the heavy blows aimed at him, and firſt cut off the left arm of his adverſary, and at laſt ſtruck off his head.^†

The Scotch army began to aſcend the hill about the hour of veſpers, with great impetuoſity; their leaders, chieftains, and men at arms diſ⯑mounted, the more to animate the troops by rendering the danger equal. They were ſoon out of breath, in conſequence of aſcending the ſteep. The Engliſh archers were advantageouſly placed, in different ſtations on the hill, ſo as to pour down ſuch ſhowers of arrows on the cloſe bodies of the Scotch troops, as made a terrible ſlaughter: they were alſo greatly annoyed by the rolling down of large ſtones from the emi⯑nence, and were ſoon thrown into confuſion.^‡ The Engliſh comman⯑ders [71] inſtantly availing themſelves of the enemy's diſorder, ordered an attack to be made by the ſpearmen and men at arms, by which they were preſſed whilſt breathleſs and diſpirited, ſo that multitudes fell. The Scotch often retreated, and again rallied and bravely returned to the fight, fiercely maintaining the battle till their General was pierced by a ſpear: his fall ſtruck the army with a panic, and a total rout enſued. The carnage was dreadful. The ſervants charged with the care of the horſes fled, and left their maſters to the deſtroying ſword of a victorious enemy, who were not accuſtomed to mercy. Edward, at the head of a choſen brigade of cavalry, and archers on horſeback, at⯑tended by Lord D' Arcy with his Iriſh troops, led on the purſuit, and directed the ſlaughter. The country for the diſtance of five miles, was ſtrewed with carcaſſes of thoſe who were cut down by their purſuers.^* Among the perſons of diſtinction in the Scotch army, there fell the General, the Earls of Roſs, Sutherland, Carrick, Athol, Lenox, and Mon⯑teith; three Stewards, uncles of Robert the Lord High Steward, three Frazers, Sir John Graham, Sir Duncan Campbell, and Sir William Tudway. ^† Among the priſoners were Sir William Keith, Sir William Douglas, Sir Robert Kirkpatrick, Sir William Campbell, Sir Gilbert Wiſeman, Sir Alexan⯑der Graham, and Sir Oliver Sinclair. Boece charges King Edward with an unmanly piece of barbarity, the putting theſe priſoners to death.

The loſs of the Engliſh is not related with certainty by any Hiſtorian. Rymer records a note ſent by King Edward, to direct a public thankſ⯑giving after this victory, in which it is ſaid, ‘that the battle was gained without much loſs on his (the King's) ſide.’ This expreſſion implies a loſs more conſiderable than what ſome authors have ſet forth, viz. one Knight, one Eſquire, and 13 foot ſoldiers.^‡

[72]On the day after the battle, the caſtle and town of Berwick was ſur⯑rendered, the King faithfully obſerving the articles of capitulation. A public thankſgiving was ordered through his dominions, and he made a donation of 20l. per annum to the Ciſtercian Nuns, near whoſe con⯑vent the battle was fought, with full reparation of all damages done to the conventual church and other buildings; as the author of the Border Hiſtory ſays, ‘thus affecting, like moſt other conquerors, to draw Heaven to his party; and to regard the ſucceſs accompanying the moſt unjuſt enterprizes, as a proof of the peculiar favour of the Deity.’

King Edward determining to retain Berwick, appointed Lord Henry Percy Governor of the caſtle, and gave a commiſſion to him and the Earl of March, to act as joint Wardens of all the country on this ſide the Scottiſh ſea, where the terms of peace were received. He required 12 hoſtages for Berwick, to be choſen out of the chief inhabitants; eight of whom he placed at Newcaſtle, and four at York.

Edward Baliol did homage to King Edward at Newcaſtle upon Tyne, in June 1334, his parliament having ratified the treaty of Roxburgh, whereby the caſtle, town, and county of Berwick, with their appen⯑dages, were to be annexed to the Crown of England for ever.

In the year 1339, Lord John Mowbray was Governor of Berwick: he had in garriſon 120 men at arms, 100 halberdiers, and 200 archers.

In 1340, King Edward III. was at Berwick with an army of 40,000 foot and 6000 horſe.

In 1341, King Edward kept the feſtival of Eaſter here, and held a tournament, in which 12 Knights of Scotland entered the liſts with 12 of the King's train. This ſpectacle was exhibited with great magnifi⯑cence and ſolemn pomp; but from the animoſity which ſubſiſted be⯑tween the people of the two nations, this exhibition was attended with ſo much ire and inveteracy, and ſuch bitter rivalſhip, that two Scotch Knights were ſlain, and Sir John Twiford, an Engliſh Knight.

On the 12th of November, A. D. 1354, a treaty was held at Berwick for the ranſom of David Bruce, King of Scotland, taken priſoner at the battle of Durham, on the 26th of October 1346; and on the 3d of [73] October 1357, all the articles of treaty for his deliverance were con⯑certed there; and the payments of the ranſom-money were ordered to be made at Berwick, Norham, or Bambrough. On failure of per⯑formance of the former articles, another treaty ſucceeded, with a truce for 14 years; under which 56,000 marks were to be paid, by yearly in⯑ſtalments of 4000 marks each.^*

[74]In the 29th year of the reign of King Edward III. he then being on one of his French expeditions, the Scots ſurprized the town, but the caſtle ſuſtained their aſſault from the 29th of November to the month of January following, when King Edward having returned, and received the intelligence at the inſtant of his landing from Calais, he tarried in [75] London only three days before he ſet forward for Berwick; before which place he came on the 14th day of January with a large army, attended by a great naval power, with which he laid ſiege to the town both by ſea and land. The King entered the caſtle, which ſtill held out for him, and meditated a ſally at the time his troops began the [76] aſſault on other quarters: Sir Walter Manny, with miners brought from the foreſt of Dean, was employed at the ſame time, in advancing a mine below the wall. Theſe vigorous meaſures induced the garriſon to ſurrender the town. Some of the Scotch Hiſtorians ſay, the garriſon on the approach of King Edward's army evacuated the place, having [77] firſt plundered it and beat down the walls. The King added greatly to the fortifications, and ſtrengthened the fortreſs with ſeveral new works. The ſurprize of Berwick by the Scotch, is ſpoken of with ſome incredible circumſtances: Steward Earl of Angus, with Earl March, having collected a powerful navy, from different parts of Scotland, in which they embarked a choſen band of ſoldiers, entered Tweed in a dark night, and landed the forces under the walls unperceived: by break of day, with ſcaling ladders, they mounted the wall at Cowgate, and overpowered the guard; after which they ſoon made themſelves maſters of the whole town. It ſeems probable there was ſome treachery in favour of the Scotch aſſailants.^*

[78] Berwick Caſtle afterwards had many changes of poſſeſſors. In the year 1377, ſeven intrepid and valiant Scots made themſelves maſters of it in the night, killed the Governor, Sir Robert Boynton, and gave li⯑berty to his Lady under a ranſom of 2000 marks. But theſe heroes did not long poſſeſs their honourable acquiſition, for the Earls of Nor⯑thumberland and Nottingham, and the Lords Lucy, Neville, and Stafford, with ſeveral other Engliſh Nobles, ſoon after inveſted the place, took the fortreſs by ſtorm, and put the Scots to the ſword, who were in⯑creaſed to the number of 48: but this was not effected till the ſmall garriſon had held out eight days againſt 7000 Engliſh archers and 3000 horſe, and during the aſſault loſt only two of their number. The Nor⯑thumbrians ſoon after ravaged the territories of Lord March, in revenge for his deſtroying the town of Roxburgh. The above-mentioned ſur⯑prize was effected in the night before the feaſt of St. Andrew. The leader, ſome authors ſay, was the valiant Sir John Gordon, but the Engliſh Hiſtorians alledge it was Alexander Ramſey. When the Earl of Northumberland ſummoned them to ſurrender, they anſwered with in⯑ſolence, ‘that they would not yield it either to the King of England or Scotland, but would retain and defend it for the King of France.’

In 1384, the Scotch gained Berwick, by corrupting the Deputy Go⯑vernor. The Duke of Lancaſter, then in enmity with Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland, poſſeſſing the King's ear, improved this circum⯑ſtance greatly to the Earl's diſadvantage, and he was in conſequence attainted of high treaſon, as having been guilty of treachery; and con⯑ſequently his poſſeſſions were forfeited. The Earl thinking his imme⯑diate preſence before Berwick was of the firſt conſequence, with a nu⯑merous army beſieged the town; but bloodſhed was ſpared by the ſe⯑cret application of 2000 marks, which regained the place. This event operated ſo powerfully as to gain the King's pardon, and reſtitution to the Earl of his poſſeſſions and honours.^*

A conſpiracy and inſurrection were formed in the year 1405, againſt King Henry IV, in which the Earl of Northumberland, the Arch⯑biſhop of York, Thomas Mowbray, ſon of the then Duke of Norfolk He⯑reditary Earl Marſh [...]l, Lord Bardolph, and others, were the leaders. [79] The Earl of Northumberland could not brook the indignities his Sove⯑reign had heaped upon him; for beſide the grief he ſuſtained in the loſs of his ſon who fell at the battle of Shrewsbury, and the execution of his brother, he had the mortification to ſee the King's third ſon John, aſ⯑ſume the office of High Conſtable, which the King had conferred on the Earl for life, with the Wardenſhip of the Eaſt Marches; he alſo was deprived of the office of Warden of the Weſt Marches, in favour of the Earl of Weſtmoreland. The King demanded the reſig⯑nation of the caſtles of Berwick and Jedburgh, and in contempt of the general act of grace for the remiſſion of all offences, paſſed after the battle of Shrewsbury, ſent out commiſſioners to compound with the Earl's adherents, and grant them ſeparate charters. The Archbiſhop, and Earl Marſhal were apprehended, before the Earl of Northumber⯑land could join them with his forces, and ſuffered execution at York. The Earl of Northumberland held the caſtle of Berwick. On the King's arrival at Pontefract, he ordered a confiſcation of all the Earl's eſtates, and commanded the Sheriff of Yorkſhire, to ſummon the whole military power of his county, to rendezvous at Newcaſtle. The force with which the King proceeded on this expedition, was no leſs than 37,000 men, with engines and artillery for a ſiege. This powerful ar⯑mament alarming the Earl, with his grandſon, the ſon of Henry Hot⯑ſpur, and Bardolph, he retired privily from Berwick, and took refuge in Scotland. Sir William Greyſtock was left to command the fortreſs. King Henry on his march ſummoned the caſtle of Warkworth to ſur⯑render, but it was not yielded to him, till after a ſiege of eight days, when the garriſon capitulated on the honourable terms of departing with their horſes and accoutrements. He made the like ſummons to the garriſon of the caſtle of Alnwick, to which he received for anſwer,^* "That wynne Berwick, ones, he ſhould have his entent." The army advanced to Berwick, and made the uſual preparations for a regular ſiege, whilſt the Governor on his part purſued the neceſſary manoeuvres, for a vigorous defence, in hopes of receiving ſuccour from Scotland, which had been promiſed him by the Earl on his departure. The royal army had ſome pieces of ordnance, engines of deſtruction which had never before appeared againſt the fortifications of Berwick; and which Speed, by the authority of Walſingham, ſays, were on this occaſion, for the firſt time, employed in Britain. A ſhot of an enormous ſize, [80] diſcharged from a cannon of large bore,^* ſhattered one of the principal towers, which threw the garriſon into ſuch conſternation, that they im⯑mediately ſurrendered. The Governor, Sir Henry Bolton, and Blenkinſop ſuffered inſtant decapitation; and the remaining part of the garriſon were committed cloſe priſoners.^† On the royal army's returning, Alnwick Caſtle was ſurrendered by Henry Percy of Athol and William Clifford, who had the command, on the ſame terms of capitulation as had been granted to the garriſon of Warkworth.

On the demiſe of King Henry V. in France, and the acceſſion of his infant ſon, the Scots, in the year 1422, invaded England. The Go⯑vernor of Scotland with one army inveſted Berwick, whilſt Earl Douglas with another laid ſiege to Roxburgh; but neither of theſe attempts were attended with ſucceſs.

In Leland's Collectanea ^‡ are the following notes: ‘Edward Erle of March, becauſe King Henry had broken convenauntes, was made King at Weſtminſter Anno D. 1459.’

‘And ſtrayte King Edwarde rode northward, and at Towton, not far from York, on Palmes Sunday advengid his fathers deth, and wan the feld, where were ſlayn xxM people on both parties. The Erle of Northumberland, the Lord Clifford, Syr John Nevil, the Erle of Weſt merlandes brother, and Andrew Trollop were killid at this tyme.’

‘King Henry, the Prince, the Queen, the Duke of Somerſet, Henry Duke of Exceſtre, the Lord Roos, Syr John Forteſcue Chief Judge of England, and Tailbois Erle of Kyme, being at York, and hering of this, fled firſt to Newcaſtelle, and then to Berwike, delyvering it to the Scottes.’

Upon a rupture with Scotland in the year 1480, the Engliſh in the winter laid ſiege to Berwick, by ſea and land, with a great force. Part [81] of the fortifications were then new, the ſame having been conſtructed by King James III. of Scotland, after the ſurrender above mentioned, who had expended a large ſum in ſtrengthening and rebuilding the walls of the town, repairing the caſtle, and furniſhing it with a compleat arrangement of artillery. The aſſailants flattered themſelves, from the newneſs of the works, they ſhould be able to beat them down without much difficulty, and eaſily win the place; but although conſiderable breaches were effected, the garriſon made ſo brave a defence, that after ſpending a great part of the winter in carrying on the ſiege, the Engliſh were obliged to raiſe it, and retire with diſgrace.

King Edward IV. in the year 1482, about the beginning of July marſhalled his army at Alnwick, amounting to 22,000 men, the van of which was led by Henry Earl of Northumberland. So great a force appearing unexpectedly on the banks of Tweed oppoſite to Berwick, the town made no reſiſtance, and was immediately ſeized by the Eng⯑liſh. Lord Hales, who commanded the caſtle, having anſwered that he was determined not to ſurrender it, 4000 men under the command of Lord Stanley, Sir John Elrington, and Sir William Parr, were left to be⯑ſiege it, whilſt the main army marched into Scotland.^* The great con⯑fuſion which ſhortly after took place in the Scottiſh ſtate, it is ſaid, was Lord Hales's ſole motive for ſurrendering the caſtle on the 24th day of the ſucceeding Auguſt, he having no hope of ſuccours. On the ſuc⯑ceeding truce Berwick was given up to England, and the Scots engaged never again to attempt by any art the reduction of it. Since which time it has conſtantly remained in the poſſeſſion of the Crown of England.

In the reigns of King Richard III. and King James III. of Scotland, Commiſſioners were appointed by the two Crowns, to ſet the limits of Berwick; on which occaſion the diſputed ground was agreed to re⯑main uncultivated, unbuilt, and uninhabited.

In the treaty and convention entered into by King Henry VII. and James IV. King of Scotland, A. D. 1502, it was ſtipulated, that the town and caſtle of Berwick, with their ancient bounds and the inhabi⯑tants thereof, ſhould for ever remain and be included in the preſent perpetual peace, friendſhip, league, and confederacy: ſo that neither the King of Scotland, his heirs and ſucceſſors, nor any of them, ſhould [82] by themſelves, or any of their ſubjects, lieges, or vaſſals, make or ſuffer to be made war, inſult, ambuſh, or ſiege, publicly or privately, againſt the places themſelves or their inhabitants; nor the King of England, his heirs, ſucceſſors, or any of them, ſhould by themſelves or the in⯑habitants of the town and caſtle, make any war inſult or ſiege on the King of Scotland or his vaſſals.

In the month of January, A. D. 1502, James IV. King of Scotland, eſpouſed Margaret eldeſt daughter of King Henry VII. In Leland's Collectanea is a record, ſtiled ‘The Fyancelles of Margaret eldeſt daughter of King Henry VII. to James King of Scotland: Together with her departure from England, journey into Scotland, her recep⯑tion and marriaged there, and the great feaſts held on that account. Written by John Younge, Somerſet Herald, who attended the Prin⯑ceſs on her journey.’ As the ceremonies attending her journey through Northumberland give us a ſtriking repreſentation of the mag⯑nificence of thoſe times, they are worthy attention.

‘The XXIIIIth day of the ſaid monneth (June) the Qwene departed from Durham, accompanyd by hyr noble company, as ſhe had beene in the dayes paſt, in fayr manere and good ordre, for to com to the towne of New Caſtell. Thre mylle fore thens came to her the Prior of Tynemouth, well apoynted, and in hys company xxx horſys. Hys folks in hys liveray. And ther was in lyk wys Syr Rawff Harbotelle Knyght, richly apoynted, well mounted, and hys folks in his liveray to the nombre of XL horſys.’

‘At the intrynge of the ſaid towne of New Caſtell, the Queene apoynted hyr, and intred in noble aſtat. Ich Lord and others tuke newe horſys rychly apoynted, in ſpecial th' Erle of Northumberland, as in the manere of the entrynge of York, and hys folks in lyke wys.’

‘Upon the bryge cam in proceſſyon rychly reveſted the College of the ſaid towne, and with them the Freres Carmelets and Jacobius with the croſeys, the wich war gyffen to the ſayd Qwene to kyſſe, as before, by the Archbyſchop.’

‘After them was the Mayr of the ſaid towne, acompayned of the Scheryffes and Aldermen, well apoynted, on foot. The wich re⯑ceyved the ſaid Qwene honorably: and after the receyvynge the ſaid Mayr monted on horſeback, beryng his maſſe before hyr.’

[83] ‘At the bryge end, apon the gatt, war many children, revſted of ſurpeliz, ſyngyng mellodiouſly hympnes, and playing on inſtruments of many ſortes.’

‘Within the ſaid towne, by ordre, the bourges and habitants war honneſtly apoynted. The ſtreytts were hanged, and the wyndow loupps, topps, and ſchipps was ſo full of people, gentylmen and gen⯑tylwomen, in ſo great nombre, that it was a playſur for to ſe. But they maid non ſound of artyllery and ordinance.’

‘In ſuch ſtatt and fayr aray, was the ſaid Qwene brought and conveyd to the Freres Auſtyns, wher ſhe was lodged, and honeſtly receyved by thos reveſted with the croſſe, in the manere as it is re⯑herſed befor. And when ſhe was brought to hyr lodgyng every men drew hym to hys awn.’

‘The next day after, being the XXVth day of the ſaid monneth, Saunt Jamys day, ſhe abode all the day in the ſaid town, and was at the church maſſe very nobly acompayned.’

‘That fam day, at even, th' Erle of Northumbrelaund made to many Lords, Knights, and others, a goodeley baunket, which laſted to mydnyght, for cauſe of the games, daunces, ſports, and ſongs, with force of ypocras, ſuccres, and other metts of many delicyouſes maners.’

‘To the ſaid New Caſtell cam the Lord Dacre of the North, acom⯑payned of many gentylmen, honeſtly apoynted, and hys folks arayd in his liveray.’

‘The XXVIth day of the ſaid monneth the ſaid Queene departed from the ſaid place, after the cuſtome precedent, varey richly and in fayr aray. And the ſayd Mayr conveyd hyr out of the ſaid towne, and after tuke lyve of her.’

‘Haff a mylle owt of the ſaid towne was Syr Humfrey Lyſle and the Prior of Bryngburn, well apoynted and well horſt, to the nombre of XX horſys. Their folks arayd of their liveray. And a mylle from the ſaid towne was in ordre the Scheryffe of Northumberlaund, Syr Rawff Evers, in company of many other gentylmen, varey well ap⯑poynted, their folks clothed in their liveray, well monted. And with [84] them wer many honeſts folks of the countre, with ſpers and bowes, in jackets, to the nombre of two hondreth horſys.’

‘With the ſam fayr company, was the ſaid Qwene conveyd to Mor⯑path, and by the towne paſſed in fayr ordre, wher ther was much people; and ſo ſhe went to the abbay, where ſche was well receyved by the Abbot and Religyous reveſted, at the gatt of the church, with the croſſe. And after the receyvyng ſhe was conveyd to her lodgyngs in the ſaid place for that ſam nyght.’

‘The xxvijth day of the ſaid monneth, the Qwene departed from Morpath, after the cuſtom before, to goo to Alnewyk, a place of th' Erle of Northumbelaund. And in half of the way cam before hyr, Maiſter Henry Gray, Eſquier, well appointed. In hys company many other gentilmen, and hys folks well monted and arayd in his liveray, to the nombre of a hundreth horſys.’

‘Two mylle from the ſayd place, the ſaid Erle cam and mett hyr, well acompanyed, and brought hyr thorough hys park, where ſhe kylde a buk with her bow. After which ſhe was conveyde to the ſaid caſtell, where ſche and hyr company was welcomed by the ſaid Lorde, the wich maid hyr varey good chere.’

‘The next day, the xxviiith day of the ſaid monneth, ſhe was all the holl day in the ſaid caſtell, and by the Lord well cheryſt and hyr company.’

‘The xxixth day of the ſayd monneth the ſaid Qwene departed from Alnewyk, for to go for Barrwyk, and at half of the way, named Belleford, ſhe bayted. For Syr Thomas Darcy, Capittayne of the ſaid Barrwicke, had maid rady hyr dynner at the ſaid place very well and honneſtly.’

‘For that the ſaid Maiſter Henry Grays abouffe named is Sheryffe of Ellaund Shyre and Northumberland Shyre, he bore his rod before the ſaid Qwene, ſens the entrynge of the ſaid Lordſhips to Barrwyk.’

‘Betwyx Alnewyk and Barrwyk cam to the Qwene Maiſter Rawff Wodryngton, having in hys company many gentlemen well appoynt⯑ed. His folks arayd in liveray, well horſed, to the nomber of an hundreth horſys.’

[85] ‘At the comyng ny to Barrwyk was ſhot ordonnounce, the wiche was fayr for to here. And ny to the ſayd place, the Qwene dreſt hyr. And ichon in fair aray, went the on after the other in fayr ordre.’

‘At the entrynge of the bryge was the ſaid capitaine well apoynted, and in hys company hys gentylmen and men of armes who receyved the ſaid Qwene into the ſaid place.’

‘At the tother end of the bryge toward the gatt, was the Maiſter Marſhall compayned of hys company, ichon bearing a ſtaffe in his haund.’

‘After hym was the college reveſted with the croſſe, the wiche was gyffen hyr for to kyſſe by th' Archbiſchop as before.’

‘At the gatt of the ſaid towne was the Maiſter Porter, with the gard and ſoyars of the ſaid place, in a row well apoynted. Ichon of thoſe had an hallebarde or other ſtaffe in his haund, as the others. And apon the ſaid gatt war the mynſtraylls of the ſayd Capitayn, playnge of their inſtruments.’

‘In the midds of the ſaid town was the Maiſtre Chamberlayn, and the Mayre, acompayned of the bourges and habitaunts of the ſaid place, in fayre ordre, and well apoynted.’

‘In ſuch fayr ordre and company ſhe was conveyd and brought to the caſtell, wher ſhe was receyved by the Lady D'Arcy honneſtly accompayned.’

‘The XXX and XXXIth days of the ſaid monneth, the Qwene tarried at Barrwyk, where ſhe had great chere of the ſaid Cappitayne of Barr⯑wyk, and hyr company in likewys. That ſam day was by the ſaid Capyiteyne, to the pleaſur of the ſaid Qwene, gyffen corſes of chaſſe within the ſaid town, with other ſports of bayrs and of doggs togeder.’

‘The firſt day of Auguſt the Qwene departed from Barwick for to go to Lamberton kerke in varrey fair company, and well appoynted.’

‘Firſt, of the ſaid Archbyſchops and Biſchops, the Erles of Surrey and of Northumberlaund, the Lord Dacres, the Lord Scroop and his [86] ſon, the Lord Gray, the Lord Latemer, the Lord Chamberlain, Maiſter Polle, and other Nobles and Knyghts. The young gentylmen wer well apoynted at their deviſes, and ther was fou much of cloth of gold, as of other ryche rayments. Their horſys fryſks in harnays of the ſelfe: and upon thos orfavery, ſum others had campaynes gylt, the others campaynes of Sylver. Gambads at plaſur, that it was fayr thyng for to ſe.’

‘The ſayd Erle of Northumberlaund was varey well mounted, hys horſe rychly appoynted, his harnays of gold in brodeux, hymſelfe in a jakette betten of gold, well wrought in goldſmith werke, and bro⯑dery, and in a cloke of porple borded of cloth of gold. His Henſmen appoynted as before mentioned. Incontinently before hym rode the Maiſter of his Horſe, conveying the ſam thre Henſmen arayed in jaketts all of orfavery and brodery, and ther harnays of their horſys in ſuch wys of orfavery and brodery, full of ſmall bells that maid a grett noyſe. After thos cam a gentylman ledyng in his haund a corſer, covered to the grownde of a vary rych trapure betten of gold of orfavery and brodery in oraunge. And ichon of the ſam a gren⯑tre in the manere of a pyne, and maid the ſaid Lord pannades, and they weigited varey honeſtly.’

‘After cam the ſaid Qwene varey rychly arayde and enorned with gold and precyous ſtones, ſetting in hyr lytere rychly apoynted. Her foteman alwayes ny to hyr well apoynted, and monted upon fayr pallefrys, and their harnays ryche in appareyll.’

‘After cam hyr char rychly apoynted, fournyſched of ladyes and gentylwomen well apoynted, and after that, ſum other gentylwomen on horſebak honorably apoynted.’

‘The ſayd Cappitayne of Barrwyk, and my lady hys wyffe acom⯑payned of many gentylmen and gentylwomen rychly arayd, and clothed of a liveray, went with the ſayd Qwene to Edinburghe.’

‘Before the ſaid Qwene war by ordre Johannes and hys company, and Henry Glaſcebery and hys company, the trompetts, officers of armes, and ſergeants of maſſe, ſo that at the departing out of the ſaid Barrwyk and at hyr Bedward at Lambertonkerke it was a joy for to ſee and here.’

[87] ‘In ſuch ſtat and aray the ſaid Qwene cam out of Barrwyk, ichon by ordre, the Lordes and Nobles three and thre togeder, to the ſaid Lambertonkerke, and the company behind well apoynted and in fair aray, that it was eſtimed that ther war of the parte of the ſaid Qwene xviii C or two M horſys well apoynted.’

On the 10th day of October A. D. 1525, a treaty was concluded at Berwick, between the Commiſſioners of King Henry VIII. and King James V. for a three-years peace; and in the year 1528, the truce was renewed, and the peace continued for five years.

In the year 1547, King Henry VIII. being dead, leaving his ſon Edward VI. an infant of ten years of age, the Earl of Hertford, then created Duke of Somerſet, in the month of Auguſt, advanced to Ber⯑wick with an army of 18,000 men, attended by a fleet of 34 ſhips of war, 30 tranſports and a galley, on an expedition to Scotland.^* The army lay encamped without the walls of the town.

In the year 1550, great repairs were made in the fortreſs of Berwick, the expence of which, with the repairs of Calais, are alledged in the King's Journals as the reaſon for debaſing the coin; from thence it alſo appears, ſome of the walls had fallen, the foundations having been ſhaken by working a bulwark. Alſo in the year 1552, it appears con⯑ſiderable improvements had been made to the fortifications, in which, by the minutes of Secretary Cecil,^† 6000l. had been expended. The fort then erected was contrived to have four bulwarks, for erecting which the wall was to have been left open, on the enemy's ſide, for a conſiderable ſpace; but as this was dangerous and expenſive, it was reſolved the wall ſhould be ſtrengthened by an additional wall, and two ſlaughter-houſes, to ſcour the outer cu [...]ains, and a great ditch intervening, that an other wall fortified in the ſame manner ſhould be erected within the former. Sir Nicholas Sturley appears to have been nominated Captain of this new fort, Alexander Brett, Porter, and one Rokesby, Marſhal. No veſtiges of theſe works now appearing, it is to be preſumed they were raſed, when Queen Elizabeth put the fortifica⯑tions upon a regular and modern plan.

[88]In the reigns of King Edward VI. and Queen Mary of Scotland, Berwick by treaty was made a county town, and as Rymer's Faedra notes it, "a free town independant of both ſtates."

In the year 1558, Lord Wharton in his reports to the Lord Preſident of the North, ſays, the ordinary officers of the town appointed by let⯑ters patent, were, a Captain, a Marſhal, a Treaſurer, a Chamberlain, a Porter, and a Maſter of the Ordnance: Theſe with the Mayor for the year, were counſellors for the town, each having a yearly ſalary, and pay for attendants.

In the year 1566, Queen Mary of Scotland came into the neighbour⯑hood to view Berwick; ſhe was met at the extreme of the liberties by the Deputy Governor and his train, who conducted her firſt to Hallidon Hill, and thence to the weſt of the town, where ſhe had a perfect view of the place, and was ſaluted by a general diſcharge of the ordnance.

In 1588, King James VI. of Scotland did the like, and received the ſame ſalute.

Queen Elizabeth having fortified Berwick, made the following mili⯑tary eſtabliſhment there, in the year 1576, as appears by the archieves of the borough.

The garriſon conſiſted of eight companies of muſqueteers, two of them containing 100, and the reſt 65 men each; the pay of the private men 8d. per day, Captains of larger companies 4s. of leſſer companies 2s. 80 horſemen under command of eight conſtables: the horſemen had 4d. per day added to their former pay of 6l. 13s. 4d. per annum. The gunners were augmented, on account of the great additional num⯑ber of large ordnance, from 28 to 60, with a Maſter Gunner, a Mate, and four Quarter Maſters: the whole eſtabliſhment for the artillery amounting to about 860l.

Lord Hunſdon was Governor of Berwick at the time of this eſtabliſh⯑ment; his council was compoſed of Sir Robert Conſtable, Knight, High Marſhal; Robert Bowes, Eſq Treaſurer; John Selbie, Eſq Chief Porter; Sir Francis Ruſſel, Knight, Chamberlain; and Thomas Sutton, Eſq Maſ⯑ter of the Ordnance. The Mayor had an appointment of 10l. per ann. the Cuſtomer 10l. and the Comptroller of the Cuſtoms 5l.

The Maſter of the Ordnance had under his charge more than 20 ar⯑tificers employed for ſervice of the garriſon: among theſe was one Bowyer, one Fletcheur or arrow-maker, and one Maſter Wheeler.

The whole number of men on this eſtabliſhment, was 980, and their pay amounted to the yearly ſum of 12734l. 19s. 2d.

In the year 1603, on the demiſe of Queen Elizabeth, King James VI. of Scotland, was proclaimed March 26th, at this place, King of Eng⯑land, France, and Ireland, by the name of King James I. In the archieves of Berwick, is kept a copy of the letter wrote by the Mayor, [90] Aldermen, and Commons, dated on the above day, informing the King, ‘they had, with preſent expedition, and with what ſolemnity the leiſure of time would afford, publiſhed and proclaimed his ſacred Majeſty King of England, France, and Ireland; and entreats him to pardon ſuch defects as by ignorance, omiſſion, or otherwiſe, by the ſtraitneſs of time, had happened in the performance thereof.’ To which the King returned the following anſwer.

‘To our truſty friends, the Mayor and Aldermen of the town of Berwick.’

‘Truſty friends, wee greet you heartily well. We render you thanks for your ſo dutyfull affection, utterit in aſſiſting and concur⯑ring ſae willingly with your Governour, in putting the town of Ber⯑wick in our hands, which we have appointit to be governed in the ſame form and manner as heretofore, while we adviſe otherwiſe to diſpoſe upon the ſame; aſſuring you always to find us a gratious and loving Prince, wha ſal be careful to maintaine your wonted liberties and privileges, and to ſee that the ſame be nae ways braugillit, nor otherwaies prejudget. Sua we commit you to God. From Hal⯑lirude houſe this 27th day of March 1603.’

On the King's arrival at the boundary of the liberties of Berwick, he was received with every demonſtration of duty and welcome, by Sir John Carey, then Marſhal, accompanied by the officers of the garriſon: their ſeveral corps of horſe and foot were marſhalled in due order, and on the King's paſſing ſaluted him with a feu de joy, which was return⯑ed by a diſcharge of the artillery on the ramparts. The roads were lined with people, who on all ſides joined in the loudeſt acclamations.

When his Majeſty entered the gate, the keys of the town were deli⯑vered to him, by William Selby, Gentleman Porter; who was immedi⯑ately knighted, and the keys were returned. In the market-place, he was met by the body corporate of the borough; Hugh Gregſon, the Mayor, preſented him with an offering of gold, and ſurrender of their charter; after which the Recorder made a ſpeech of congratulation: theſe the King received moſt graciouſly, at the ſame time reſtoring the charter, and promiſing his royal favour and protection. The King proceeded to the church to return thanks for his peaceful entry into his new dominions, when Toby Mathews, Biſhop of Durham, preached an [91] excellent ſermon. From thence his Majeſty went to the caſtle, the ordnance were again diſcharged, and the ſtreets re-echoed with accla⯑mations of joy. On the following day the King received ſeveral of the Engliſh Nobles, among whom were Lord Cobham, and Henry Howard, brother of the Duke of Norfolk, who came to Berwick to pay their duty to their new Sovereign: his Majeſty inſpected the fortifications, magazines, and port, and at the head of the garriſon drawn out and under arms, with his own hands, diſcharged a piece of ordnance.

Berwick became the ducal title of James Fitz James, natural ſon of King James II. of England, whom he created Duke of Berwick, A. D. 1686.

Berwick is a borough of very great antiquity, being as before aſſert⯑ed one of the four original Scotch burghs;^* the corporation was pre⯑ſcriptive, but after this place became the ſettled poſſeſſion of the Engliſh Crown, the corporate body was eſtabliſhed by charter; and at preſent conſiſts of a Mayor, Recorder, and four Bailiffs, choſen annually by the burgeſſes. This borough was ſummoned to ſend two members to parliament in the reign of King Henry VIII. the election of repreſenta⯑tives is by the burgeſſes, the Mayor and Bailiffs making the return.^†

[92]The charter granted to the corporation by King James I. ſoon after his acceſſion to the Crown of England, gives to the Mayor, Recorder, and Bailiffs many ſpecial liberties and privileges; or I may ſay more [93] properly, confirms to them the ſeveral ancient preſcriptive franchiſes and privileges, which Berwick from very diſtant ages had poſſeſſed: among which is the power of holding a Court of Pleas every fortnight [94] —the right of having four Serjeants at Mace and a Coroner — a Guild with its privileges at large—authority to make By-laws for the govern⯑ment of the town—to purchaſe lands of the value of 60l. per annum, notwithſtanding the ſtatute of mortmain. The burgeſſes are privileged with exemption of toll throughout the kingdom, and of priſage or im⯑poſts of wine brought into the port of Berwick; of pontage, ^* paſſage, murage, ^† pannage, ^‡ cranage, ^§ laſtage, ^‖ carncage, ^** kayage, ^†† vinage, ^‡‡ achate and rechate. ^§§ The corporation hath power to tax the inhabitants for the chamber's uſe, and hath ſeck and ſock, toll and theam, ward and ward penny. The Mayor is Clerk of the Markets for the time being, and holds two weekly markets on Wedneſday and Saturday, having a pye-powder court, tolls, tallages, picage or ſtall-money, fines, amerciaments, &c. The juriſdiction of Berwick comprehends a court leet, and view of frankpledge, and anciently poſſeſſed the powers of infangtheof and out⯑fangtheof; and with aid of the Coroner, who in this liberty retains the ancient authority of that office, and executes the duty of Sheriff, the body corporate hath power of aſſize and gaol delivery.

The Mayor and Corporation hold the ſeigniory borough and ſoke of Berwick, with all rights and privileges legally appertaining to ſuch [95] poſſeſſions, under the yearly rent of 20l. paid to the Receiver of the Crown. The boundaries are from the port, extending northward by the ſea ſhore to the road called Brown Rod, and by that road weſtward to the rivulet of Witteter, and by the ſaid road to the river Tweed, and by the river's banks to the port or haven.

The ſcite of the ancient caſtle and its outworks remains in the Crown, being ſpecially reſerved in the grants made to the corporation. Several tenements are in the ſame reſervation, a water mill, the inner caſtle hills encloſed, the outer caſtle hills unencloſed, New Water Haugh, Lumſden's Avery, Gayn's Law, Goak Haugh, the Sunk, Maudlin Field, Coney Garths, Marſhal Meadow, Horſman's Bat, Horſman's Meadow, Yellow Gowland Meadow, fiſhings in Tweed from Finches Haugh, and lands called Broadſhaugh, Borrey Avery, and Ethermouth Avery.^*

By the rolls of King Edward the Second's reign, it appears that a houſe of Carmelites, or White Friars, was founded at Berwick, by Sir John Grey, about the year 1270, whoſe duty it was to officiate at the chapel royal within the caſtle.^†

According to the cuſtom of the times, a religious houſe was founded at Berwick Bridge, dedicated to the Holy Trinity.^‡ Thoſe praying fa⯑thers were placed in ſuch ſituations, to take poſſeſſion of the moment of the traveller's gratitude, for his eaſy and ſafe paſſage over great rivers.

[96]By Rymer's Convent. it appears that there was alſo a houſe of Grey Friars here.^* The Maſter and Brethren of God's houſe are mentioned in Clauſ. 2 Edward III. m. 16. and had a grant of 20 marks per ann. out of Wetherborn, by pat. 21 Edward III. m. 21. and pat. 22 Ed⯑ward III. p. 2. m. ‘Rex protegit Willielmo de Emeldon ſtatum quem habet in Hoſpitali Domus Dei de Berwico.’ ^†

Tanner ſays, here was a houſe of Friars Preachers before the year 1291.^‡ He alſo ſpeaks of an Hoſpital dedicated to Mary Magdalen, with an appendant Hermitage at Sogden. ^§ A field between Berwick walls and the ſea, mentioned in the reſervations to the Crown, bears the name of Maudlin Field to this day, from its being the ancient ſcite of the Hoſpital.^‖

[97]There is a free Grammar School appertaining to this town, founded by Queen Elizabeth, the Maſter nominated by the Guild. The atten⯑tion paid to this part of the charge veſted in the body corporate, can⯑not appear in more favourable language, than contained in the adver⯑tiſement given in the note.^*

The chief imports of the port of Berwick are from Norway and the Baltic, conſiſting of timber and deals: the exports, corn, wool, ſalmon, and eggs; the latter of which articles, though apparently ſmall or in⯑ſignificant in the liſt, yet brings in an annual ſum of 13 or 14,000l. they being ſent to London for the uſe of ſugar refiners, &c. packed in boxes the thick end down.

The ſalmon fiſhery here is very conſiderable. Mr Pennant ſpeaks of it in the following terms: ‘They lay on each ſide the river, and are all private property, except what belongs to the Dean and Chapter of Durham, which in rent and tithe of fiſh, brings in 450l. per annum: for all the other fiſheries are liable to tithe. The common rents of theſe are 50l. a year, for which tenants have as much ſhore, as ſerves to launch out and draw their nets on ſhore; the limits of each are ſtaked, and I obſerved that the fiſhers never failed going as near as poſſible to their neighbour's limits. One man goes off in a ſmall flat-bottomed [98] boat, ſquare at one end; and taking as large a circuit as his net admits, brings it on ſhore at the extremity of his boundary, where others aſſiſt in landing it. The beſt fiſhery is on the ſouth ſide; very fine ſalmon trout are often taken here, which come up from the ſea to ſpawn, and return in the ſame manner as the ſalmon do. For a fuller account of this fiſhery, vide Britiſh Zoology III. 241. To it may alſo be added, that in the middle of the river, not a mile weſt of the town, is a large ſtone, on which a man is placed, to obſerve what is called the Reck of the ſalmon coming up.’

Hiſtorians have differed greatly in the etymology of the name of Berwick. Camden ſeems to determine in favour of the Saxon [...], the town of the Bernicians.

After having mentioned the evidences of antiquity, it is requiſite, before I quit the ſubject, I ſhould ſpeak of Berwick in its natural ſtate. Being built on an angular point of land, at the mouth of Tweed, on two ſides it is bounded by water: the ſea in this part of the channel is tempeſtuous and rough, the tide ſetting in very ſtrong, occaſions a heavy ſurge, which increaſed by frequent ſtorms, renders the coaſt tre⯑mendous. The proſpect of the ocean conveys to the contemplative mind, a grand aſſociation of images, which deſcribe the might and majeſty of the Creator. As I walked the banks, imagination roved at large, but took a melancholy ſtrain; I conceived I heard the alarm guns fired at Bambrough Caſtle, and the ſignal of diſtreſs waved in my Fancy's eye, from ſome veſſel at a diſtance. The ocean, which before had affected my ſoul with a ſcene of magnificent delight, now ſeemed full of horror and diſmay; the rolling billows became tremendous, the yawning gulph an object of gloomy terror, the whole conveyed the apprehenſion of imminent peril and diſtreſs; and in the end, all the agonies of a diſtracted crew, who laboured for life, filled my imagina⯑tion, and the wanderings of Fancy were replete with diſmay and miſery.

The inhabitants of Berwick have enough of ſuch horrid ſcenes: the coaſt is terrible to mariners. After having once been witneſs to ſo me⯑lancholy an event, one would ſcarce ever look upon the ſea again with pleaſure.

The Land Proſpect doth not produce a ſcene wild enough to be called romantic, or ſufficiently cultivated, to be ſmooth, placid, and agreeable. [99] The banks of Tweed loſs much of their ſweetneſs in the environs of the town; and Flora reſerves moſt of her beauties for the neighbourhood of Kelſo and Coldſtream. Below Berwick bridge, there is not enough either of trade or tranquillity; it poſſeſſes the middle ſtation; neither buſy enough nor enough at reſt, is dulneſs. Above bridge, in the fiſhing ſeaſon, the ſcene is beautifully enlivened. Below, ſome few veſſels are moored, but too often the heavy hulks are turned up on the dry ſands, with maſts unrigged, waiting for trade and tide. Such are dull objects to the eye, and have no other effect upon the ſpectator than to promote wearineſs and impatiency.

Over the arm of the ſea which breaks upon the bar of Tweed, the lands to the ſouthward are extended for ſeveral miles upon the view, varied with the happy colourings which ſucceed to cultivation; but the diſtance is ſo great, that objects are indiſtinct, and the beauties of the landſkip lay in confuſion: two often indeed the whole is enveloped in ſea vapour.

I cannot take my departure from the banks of Tweed, without paſſing ſome few thoughts on the carnage and bloodſhed, which for ages ren⯑dered them famous to the arms of both the Scotch and Engliſh; and to poſterity made their hiſtory a ſubject of horror and deteſtation.

Alberic Biſhop of Oſtia, being ſent as Legate from Pope Innocent II. on his viſitation at Carliſle, is ſaid to have taken great pains to remon⯑ſtrate to the army of King David of Scotland, after the retreat from the battle of Alerton, that they ought to wage war with greater humanity; and prevailed with them ſo far as to gain the releaſe of the female cap⯑tives, whom they were carrying as ſlaves into Scotland. He alſo ob⯑tained their ſolemn engagement, that in future inroads they would not violate the churches and religious houſes; and would alſo ſpare from the ſword, women, infants, and the aged. Theſe ſhew to us what were the infamous enormities committed in theſe expeditions.

The war carried on between the two nations, was as brutal as any in the annals of the Caribbees, or any ſavages under the ſun. The pub⯑lic injuries of ſtates, the policy of empires, the balance of trade, the peace of Europe, or the equilibrium of power, were not the objects of warfare: like the wild Arabs, the eſtate of the people was that of rob⯑bers, rapine and plunder their objects; as if devoid of all religious ſenſe [100] of oaths and moral obligations, the compacts of ſtates, and the ties of honour and moral honeſty, they often forſook every principle for plun⯑der, and like barbarians, levied war for the ſake of pillaging, of re⯑priſal, and retribution. When the wolves deſcend the Alps upon the villages, it is the effect of hunger in its extreme; but here the blood of the peaſant was ſhed without any cogency of cauſe, but the lucre of his herds, flocks, and poſſeſſions. The immortal King John burnt, laid waſte, and deſtroyed half the iſland, from York northward: Alexander in all his glory never exhibited a more noble conflagration. Edward contaminated his honours with many of thoſe atchievements. Torrents of blood have iſſued from theſe borders; they were the common char⯑nel of the two nations. Thirty-three thouſand ſouls fled in one day to the gates of eternity, diſpatched by the command of Princes, who could not account to heaven what it was they fought for. The petit maſſacres were equally as inconſiderate; the heroes of thoſe bands walked forth with their adherents, imbruing their hands in human gore, burning and deſtroying, laying waſte towers, towns and villages, and ſpreading deſo⯑lation, in the moſt ſavage manner, for the reward of ſavages: reciprocal ſlaughters, devaſtations, and cruelties marked both people. When the moſt valiant atchievements were performed, even in the preſence of their Princes, revenge appeared to be the only inſtigation, and common juſtice was ſeldom conſidered. What was the battle of Allerton, in the reign of Stephen, when David with a mighty ſlaughter was overthrown, after having ravaged Northumberland and Durham, returning like a diſ⯑appointed miſcreant, with his hands red in the blood of thouſands of his band of robbers! William King of Scotland was a priſoner on one of his incurſions: he witneſſed a cruel ſlaughter of his people. Our Edward I. ſlew 60,000 at Falkirk; Edward III. ſlew his tens of thouſands at Hally-down Hill; and Penrith and Durham witneſſed to the ſucceeding de⯑ſtruction made of the Scots in this reign under their unfortunate David, who in the battle at the laſt-mentioned place was made priſoner. The battles of Otterburn and Flodden Field were upon the ſame principles as the others.—How doth this retroſpection fully the hero, ſtain the luſtre of his arms, and the honour of his valour! yet it is too true ſuch were the conflicts on the borders, and ſuch the arms that waged the inglorious warfare on this once wretched, but now moſt happy coun⯑try; at this time abounding with wealth, flowing from peace, by the channels of cultivation, manufactory, and trade: where the brethren of one climate and one iſland, under the bleſſed protection of one com⯑mon father, and a conſtitution admired and envied by all the world, [101] are acting together in a ſtate of mutual offices, to contribute to the general opulence and felicity.

How baneful and obnoxious is he to the common intereſts of this now united family, who attempts to ſow the ſeeds of diſſatisfaction and jealouſy, and through calumnies ariſing in the venom of malevo⯑lence and diſappointed ambition endeavours to cultivate contempt and averſion between the brethren of this land! The ſtrength of this, and every nation, is the union of its inhabitants—he who blows up the embers of extinguiſhed feuds, is particularly an enemy to both parties, and a foe to the ſtate at large.

The acceſſion of King James the VI. to the Crown of England, ope⯑rated powerfully towards the felicity of this part of the iſland; cultiva⯑tion immediately took place, the country ſo often deſolated by war, received new inhabitants, who brought with them not only flocks and herds, but alſo manufactories and commerce: the works effected in peace were ſoon diſtinguiſhed, the barren waſtes were put under the plough ſhare, towns and hamlets diverſified the ſcene, and increaſing population enlivened every valley, which for ages had been marked by works of hoſtility. Yet it was not till the union of the two kingdoms, that theſe effects of peace were brought to the happy eminence now diſcovered on every hand. As to political advantages, it is evident, their diſcuſſion comes not within my plan in this work; I am per⯑ſuaded of their vaſt importance to both nations: Mrs Macauley ſays, ‘on very ſound principles of policy, the union had been ſeveral times rejected by both nations; and which was with great difficulty coerced on the Scots: though as Burnet obſerves, the advantages which were offered to Scotland, in the whole frame of it, were great and viſible. The Scots were to bear leſs than the fortieth part of the public taxes, and they were to have the eleventh part of the legiſla⯑ture. Trade was to be free all over the iſland, and to the plantations; private rights were to be preſerved; and the judicature and laws of Scotland were ſtill to be continued.’ ^*

[102] ‘Whether the ſecurity pretended to be obtained by England by this union was worth purchaſing at ſo high a price: whether the union [103] has anſwered the expectations of thoſe who prophefied that it would be the means of extending the bounds of the Britiſh empire, and of [104] enlarging the happineſs of its citizens, by cementing in the cloſeſt bands of friendſhip two nations who had ever regarded each other [105] with the eyes of jealouſy and averſion, will be differently deter⯑mined by men, who, from their different connections in both or either countries, have contracted different prejudices; but whether, as the ſeries of theſe times predicted, it will be attended with conſe⯑quences no leſs fatal than the deſtruction of the laws and conſtitution of England, the ſpace of a very few years will, in all probability, determine beyond a doubt.’

We paſſed by the ſands to

HOLY ISLAND;

the morning was calm, the ſea ſmooth, and the land proſpect gilded with the ſun; very beautiful, though not much variegated.

The deſcription given of this iſland (Symeon, p. 87) is to the follow⯑ing purport: ‘That in circumference it comprehends eight miles, in which was a noble Monaſtery, famous for its Prelates, (among whom was St. Cuthbert) whoſe bodies were there depoſited, and whoſe me⯑mory would live for ever. It hath the name of Lindisfarn, from a ſmall rivulet called Lindis, which from the oppoſite continent empties itſelf into the ſea."^* By Bede it is deſcribed, "Qui locus accedente ac recedente reumate, bis quotidiae inſtar inſulae maris circumluitur undis, bis, renudato littore contiguus terrae redditur.’ ^†

[106]There is one ſmall farm of cultivated land upon the iſland, with ſome few acres of good paſture ground, capable of improvement; and the reſt, by the violence of tempeſts, is covered with ſand. The iſland chiefly conſiſts of one continued plain, inclining to the ſouth-weſt. The land on which the village ſtands, riſes ſwiftly from the ſhore; at the ſouthern point, is a rock of a conical figure, and almoſt perpendicular, near 60 feet in height, having on its lofty crown a ſmall fortreſs or caſtle, which makes at once a groteſque and formidable appearance. I did not obſerve one tree upon the iſland.

The village conſiſts of a few ſcattered houſes, two of which are Inns, the reſt chiefly inhabited by fiſhermen. The ſhore is excellent for bathing, and the ſituation at once healthy and romantic: it is ſurpriſing it ſhould be ſo little reſorted to. The north and eaſt coaſts of the iſland are formed of perpendicular rocks, the other ſides ſink by gradual de⯑clinations towards the ſands. The rock on which the caſtle ſtands, is acceſſible only by a winding paſs cut on its ſouthern ſide: the narrow limits of its crown will not admit of many works, the whole ſtrength conſiſting of a ſingle battery on the ſouth-eaſt point, mounted with ſeven or eight guns, which commands the approach to the iſland from the ſea; but would be of little conſequence againſt a ſhip of any con⯑ſiderable force. The reſt of the ſummit is taken up with a houſe for the Governor and guard, the walls of which ſtand on the very brink of the precipice. This fortreſs, before the uſe of gunpowder, from its [107] ſituation appears to have been impregnable, the ſuperſtructures being above the reach of any engine, and the rocks too high to be ſcaled. The antiquity of this caſtle is not known, but I ſhould preſume it is coeval with the abbey, and was uſed as a place of reſort in times of peril, and a ſtronghold for the religious, whenever they were diſturbed in their holy retreat. The preſent fortifications appear to be the work of the laſt century. In the military eſtabliſhment made by Queen Eliza⯑beth for Berwick in 1576, the caſtle is noted, and a patent for life was granted to Sir William Read as keeper of the fortreſſes of Holy Iſland and Farn, with a yearly payment of 362l. 17s. 6d. per annum.

The ingenious Mr Groſe gives the following anecdotes relative to this caſtle:—‘Camden mentions it, ſo that it is evidently as old as his time. Probably it has been the ſcene of very few remarkable events: hiſtory being nearly as ſilent with reſpect to them, as concerning its origin. The firſt time it occurs, is in the hiſtory of the civil war in the time of Charles I. when it appears to have been ſeized for the Parliament; and according to Ruſhworth, in an order of the Houſe of Commons, May 7th, 1646, for ſending forces thither, this reaſon is aſſigned, "it being of ſuch conſequence to the northern parts of the kingdom. Probably this conſequence aroſe, more for the conve⯑nience of its harbour, than the ſtrength of the caſtle."’

‘In the year 1647, one Captain Batton was Governor of the iſland, for the Parliament; to whom Sir Marmaduke Langdale, after the taking of Berwick, wrote the following letter, but without ſucceſs. The letter, together with the Captain's refuſal, were tranſmitted to the Houſe of Commons, for which they voted their thanks to Captain Batton, and that he ſhould be continued Governor of the place.’

‘Holy Iſland does not appear ever to have fallen into the hands of the Royaliſts; for it continued in the poſſeſſion of the Parliamenta⯑rians anno. 1648; when it was (as may be ſeen in Ruſhworth) re⯑lieved with neceſſaries by Colonel Fenwick's horſe and ſome dragoons. From that time nothing memorable ſeems to have been tranſacted here, till the rebellion in the year 1715, when the ſeizure of this caſtle was planned and performed by two men only. In which ex⯑ploit, ſuch policy and courage were exerted, as would have done them much honour, had they been employed in a better cauſe. The following particulars of the ſtory were communicated by a Gentleman whoſe father was an eye-witneſs to the facts, and well knew both the parties.’

‘One Lancelot Errington, a man of an ancient and reſpectable fa⯑mily in Northumberland, and of a bold and enterprizing ſpirit, en⯑tered into a conſpiracy for ſeizing this caſtle for the Pretender; in which it is ſaid, he was promiſed aſſiſtance not only by Mr Forſter, the rebel General then in arms, but alſo by the maſters of ſeveral French privateers. At this time the garriſon conſiſted of a ſerjeant, a corporal, and 10 or 12 men only. In order to put this ſcheme in execution, being well known in that country, he went to the caſtle, and after ſome diſcourſe with the ſerjeant, invited him and the reſt of the men, who were not immediately on duty, to partake of a treat on board of the ſhip of which he was maſter, then lying in the har⯑bour: this being unſuſpectingly accepted of, he ſo well plied his gueſts with brandy, that they were ſoon incapable of any oppoſition. Theſe men being thus ſecured, he made ſome pretence for going on ſhore; and with Mark Errington his nephew, returning again to the caſtle, they knocked down the centinel, ſurprized and turned out an old gunner, the corporal, and two other ſoldiers, being the remain⯑der of the garriſon, and ſhutting the gates, hoiſted the Pretender's colours as a ſignal of their ſucceſs, anxiouſly expecting the promiſed ſuccours. No reinforcement coming, but on the contrary a party of the King's troops arriving from Berwick, they were obliged to retreat [109] over the walls of the caſtle, among the rocks, hoping to conceal them⯑ſelves under the ſea weeds till it was dark, and then by ſwimming to the main land, to make their eſcape: but the tide riſing, they were obliged to ſwim, when the ſoldiers firing at Lancelot as he was climb⯑ing up a rock, wounded him in the thigh. Thus diſabled, he and his nephew were taken and conveyed to Berwick gaol, where they con⯑tinued till his wound was cured. During this time he had digged a burrow quite under the foundations of the priſon, depoſiting the earth taken out in an old oven. Through this burrow he and his nephew, with divers other priſoners, eſcaped; but moſt of the latter were ſoon after taken. The two Erringtons however had the good fortune to make their way to the Tweedſide, where they found the cuſtom-houſe boat; they rowed themſelves over, and afterwards turned it adrift. From thence they purſued their journey to Bam⯑brough Caſtle, near which they were concealed nine days in a pea⯑ſtack; a relation who reſided in the caſtle ſupplying them with pro⯑viſion. At length travelling in the night by ſecret paths, they reached Gateſhead Houſe, near Newcaſtle, where they were ſecreted till they procured a paſſage from Sunderland to France. A reward of 500l. was now offered to any one who would apprehend them; notwith⯑ſtanding which, Lancelot was ſo daring as ſoon after to come into England, and even to viſit ſome of his friends in Newgate. After the ſuppreſſion of the rebellion, when every thing was quiet, he and his nephew took the benefit of the general pardon, and returned to Newcaſtle, where he died about the year 1746, as it is ſaid, of grief at the victory of Culloden.’

The remains of the old abbey in the next place require my attention; ſuch parts of this cathedral are ſtanding as give a perfect idea of its original form and appearance. The monaſtery is in ragged ruins, and not worthy to be delineated, the walls having been robbed for the build⯑ings in the village, and the erection of the preſent parochial church.

It is ſaid by ſome authors, that the monaſtery was built by St. Cuthbert of a plain model, without ornament, and encloſed with a high wall, in order that outward objects might not withdraw the attention of the ſo⯑ciety from their divine contemplations.

In Mr Weſt's Antiquities of Furneſs Abbey, we have this ſhort account of the riſe and origin of Monaſtic Orders. ‘Soon after the chriſtian [110] religion had made ſome conſiderable progreſs in the eaſt, the policy of the Roman empire expoſed the profeſſors of it to many and great in⯑conveniencies, and a ſucceſſion of bloody perſecutions: the two laſt under Decius and Diocleſian more eſpecially obliged many to betake themſelves to mountains, deſerts, and ſolitary places, to ſecure them⯑ſelves from the unrelenting fury of theſe bloody tyrants: there they found a ſafe retreat, with time and liberty to give themſelves up to the exerciſes of piety and divine contemplation, in a courſe of moſt rigorous mortifications, and preternatural auſterities. This kind of life, which neceſſity gave riſe to, was afterwards in the time of the Chriſtian Emperors, embraced through choice; and Pacomius about the middle of the 4th century, committed to writing rules for regu⯑lar ſocieties, and founded ſome monaſteries in the environs of Thebes in Egypt.’

‘The introduction of Monks into England, is ſpoken of as a maſter-piece of policy in the court of Rome, as endeavouring thereby to ſecure her authority by an increaſe of property, which would ariſe to her by the pious donations and offerings of the faithful, and the founding of many religious houſes, to be occupied by ſuch as were, from the nature of their inſtitute, attached to the Holy See, and might occaſionally ſerve every purpoſe of ſpiritual tyranny. And it is alledged, that the Monks by the auſterity of their religion and morals faſcinated the minds of the people, and by their pretenſion to extra⯑ordinary ſanctity, ſecured a ſubmiſſion to all their deciſions, and an implicit obedience to all their doctrines. This is a heavy charge, and if well grounded, ſhould have prevented the monaſtic rule from ever taking effect in any kingdom, or occaſioned its ruin as ſoon as the diſcovery was made, or the charge formed.’

This he obviates, by monaſteries being eſtabliſhed here before Auſtin's time; and takes for his authorities Gildas and Bede, as to their being ſchools of chriſtian learning. He adds, ‘in all this, we hear nothing of foreign connections, of ſiniſter inventions, or hypocriſy.’

‘The introduction, therefore, of ſo many new orders of Monks into England by the Norman Kings, was according to their own policy, and not that of the Court of Rome.’—He then takes occaſion to men⯑tion the good offices of the church in favour of the Conqueror's younger ſons, and the Earl of Moreton and King John.

‘The Court of Rome could have no direct hand in all this; and the monaſtick inſtitute, of its own nature, can have no part in either a civil or a ſpiritual tyranny, unleſs where perverted; as the beſt of inſtitutes may have been, by the malice of men.’—I have been led to lengthen the quotation beyond the bounds I at firſt intended, to ſhew with what arguments this ſubtle author, and other writers of the like claſs, can put a plauſible countenance on facts, which reflected diſho⯑nour on the See of Rome. But to return from this digreſſion.

The cathedral is in the form of a croſs, the eaſt and weſt limbs of which are yet ſtanding, the other parts totally in ruins, and almoſt level with the ground. The order of building in this ſtructure is rude and heavy, and moſt of it in the worſt mode of the early Saxon architecture. Mr Groſe ſays, ‘probably it was the work of different periods; great part of it ſeems very ancient, the arches being circular, and the co⯑lumns very maſſy and much like thoſe at Durham, but richer. On the north and ſouth walls there are pointed arches, which proves that part of it at leaſt was built ſince the reign of Henry II.’ The pil⯑lars on which the arches riſe in the center of the croſs are cluſtered and plain capitalled, each forming the corner of the great tower; theſe arches are of few members. There are two ſide ailes, the columns of which are heavy, and the arches circular: the windows are nar⯑row, and ornamented with a corner pilaſter, and a moulding of few members: the walls are very thick, and every part wears a gloomy countenance. The ſouth wall of the middle tower is ſtanding about 50 [112] feet high; and one corner tower on the weſt end of the church remains perfect.^* Theſe ruins retain at this day one moſt ſingular beauty, the tower has not formed a lanthorn, as in moſt cathedrals; but from the angles, arches ſprang, croſſing each other diagonally, to form a canopy roof. One of thoſe arches yet remains, unloaded with any ſu⯑perſtructure, ſupported by the ſouth-eaſt and north-weſt corner pillars, and ornamented with the dancette or zig-zag moulding, much uſed in old Saxon architecture, extending a fine bow over the chaſm and heap of ruins occaſioned by the falling-in of the ailes. The whole ſtructure is compoſed of a ſoft red free-ſtone, which yields much to time, and renders the aſpect of the building dark and melancholy. Mr Groſe's account comprehends the following particulars:

‘Various fragments of the offices of this monaſtery are ſtill ſtand⯑ing, and foundations of buildings are ſcattered over a cloſe of near four acres; the main walls of the church on the north and ſouth ſides are ſtill ſtanding, though much out of the perpendicular; inclining outwards ſo conſiderably, as to make the horizontal diſtance between them, at the top, exceed, by near two feet, that at the bottom. Ano⯑ther winter or two ſeems to be the utmoſt they can ſtand.’

‘This building conſiſts of a body and two ſide ailes, into which it is divided by a double row of very ſolid columns, whoſe ſhafts are richly ornamented. Each row has five columns of four different con⯑ſtructions, and two pilaſters in the walls on the eaſt and weſt ends. The ſhafts of theſe columns are about 12 feet high, their diameters about five, their capitals and pedeſtals are plain, they ſupport circular arches, having over each arch two ranges of windows; the loweſt large and in pairs, ſeparated only by a ſhort column; the upper ſmall and ſingle. The length of the building is about 138 feet, the breadth of the body 18 feet, and that of the two ſide ailes about nine feet each.’

The proſpect from this iſland is beautiful; to the northward you command the town of Berwick, over an arm of the ſea about ſeven miles in breadth: at nearly the ſame diſtance you view Bambrough Caſtle, on a bold promontory, towards the ſouth: on the one hand you have a [113] view of the open ſea, at the time of our obſervation calm and reſplen⯑dent, and ſcattered over with veſſels; and on the other hand a narrow channel, by which the land is inſulated, about two miles in width; the diſtant ſhore exhibits a beautiful hanging landſkip of cultivated coun⯑try, graced with a multitude of cottages, villages, and woodlands.

This iſland became the ſeat of Epiſcopacy early in the aera of conver⯑ſion: the Northumbrians received the chriſtian doctrine much ſooner than ſome of the ſouthern provinces of Britain. Oſwald King of Nor⯑thumberland, ^* in the ſecond year of his reign, and in the year of our Lord 635,^† founded the Biſhopric of Lindisfarn, the proper name of this iſland, as before obſerved.

The ſucceſſion of Biſhops was as follows.^‡

HAGGERSTON,

covered with a fine grove. Here is an old tower, memorable for being the place where King Henry II. A. D. 1311, received the homage of Thomas Earl of Lancaſter. This is an ancient manſion of the family of Haggerſtons, whoſe poſſeſſion we find recorded in the eſcheats of King Edward I. the preſent proprietor Sir Carnaby Haggerſton.^*

The church of

KYLOE

graces the diſtant proſpect.^† Kyloe the reſidence of Euſtace de Kiley, in the reign of King Edward I.

FENWICK and BEAL

were alſo in view; the latter of which places, it is ſaid, was for ſome time honoured by the reſidence of, and takes its name from, the fa⯑mous Iriſh female Saint Begogh. ^‡

We approached

BELFORD,

a ſmall town, not ſeated in the moſt fertile ſpot in Northumberland, the country being open and unſheltered. The manſion of Abraham Dixon, Eſq a modern ſtructure of Pane's architecture, ſurrounded with pleaſure grounds and young plantations, greatly ornament the ſcene; but the ſituation is far from eligible, there being none of that rural variety, that elegant ſimplicity, or its reverſe, thoſe wildneſſes in nature, which [153] conſtitute a pleaſing country proſpect. The hills riſe tamely, the in⯑cloſures are large and ill wooded, the hamlets are very diſtantly ſcat⯑tered, and nothing appears ſingular or attracting upon the whole view, but the Caſtle of Bambrough and the ſea which forms the horizon. Bel⯑ford was the property of a family of Hepburns, in the reign of King Henry V.

We paſſed from Belford to

BAMBROUGH,

by Budle, once the poſſeſſion of the family of Bowes of Streatlam. Near Budle, at a place called Spindleſton, ^* is a Daniſh camp, circular in form, and fortified with a triple ditch and vallum. Two mounts are ſeen from it, which appear to be out-poſts, and not Tumuli as ſome writers have conjectured. To the weſtward is another intrenchment, which forms a creſcent, and ſeems not to be the work of the ſame people who had conſtructed the former fortifications. It is defended by a triple ditch and vallum, the interior vallum compoſed of uncemented ſtones, as was the Britiſh cuſtom. This commands a look-out to ſea, and has in view the caſtles of Bambrough and Holy Iſland. Oppoſite to this for⯑tification is a ſquare camp, apparently Roman, called Ulcheſter. The manor of Budle was formerly a member of the Barony of Wooler, and was the poſſeſſion of Sir Robert de Ulcheſter, as appears by the eſcheats of King Edward I. It was forfeited on the attainder of its late owner, Lord Derwentwater, and now makes a part of the appropriations of Greenwich Hoſpital.

Within a mile lies

EDERSTON,

the ſeat of the late John William Bacon Forſter, Eſq which deſcended to him on the extinction of the right line of the family of Forſters, who poſſeſſed it for many ages.^†

[154]We now reached the

CASTLE of BAMBROUGH,

The following remarks, extracted from the ſame work, will not be unacceptable to the reader: ‘The ſtones with which the Keep or great tower is built, are remarkably ſmall, and were taken from a quarry three miles diſtant. From their ſmallneſs it has been conjectured they were brought hither on the backs of men or horſes. The walls to the front are 11 feet thick, but the other three ſides are only nine. The original roof was placed no higher than the top of the ſecond ſtory. The reaſon for the ſide walls being carried ſo much higher [157] than the roof, might be for the ſake of defence, or to command a more extenſive look-out, both towards the ſea and land. The tower was however afterwards covered at the top. Here were no chimneys, the only fire place in it was a grate in the middle of a large room, ſuppoſed to have been the guard room, where ſome ſtones in the middle of the floor are burned red. This floor was all of ſtone, ſup⯑ported by arches. This room had a window in it near the top, three feet ſquare, intended to let out the ſmoke. All the other rooms were lighted by ſlits or chinks in the walls, ſix inches broad. The out⯑works are built of a very different ſtone from that of the Keep, being a coarſe free ſtone of an inferior quality, ill abiding the injuries of weather; taken from the rock itſelf. In all the principal rooms in the outworks there are chimneys, particularly in the kitchen, which meaſures 40 feet by 30 feet, where there are three very large ones, and four windows; over each window is a ſtone funnel, like a chim⯑ney open at the top, intended as it is ſuppoſed to carry off the ſteam. In a narrow paſſage near the top of the Keep was found upwards of 50 iron heads of arrows, ruſted together into a maſs; the longeſt of them about 7½ inches. In December 1770, in ſinking the floor of the cellar, the draw well was accidentally found: its depth is 145 feet, cut through the ſolid rock, of which 75 feet is of hard whin-ſtone. In the ſummer of the year 1773, in throwing over the bank a prodigious quantity of ſand, the remains of the chapel were diſcovered, in length 100 feet. The chancel is now quite cleared, is 36 feet long and 20 feet broad; the eaſt end, according to the Saxon faſhion, ſemicir⯑cular. The altar, which has been likewiſe found, did not ſtand cloſe to the eaſt end, but in the center of the ſemicircle, with a walk about it, three feet broad, left for the Prieſt to carry the Hoſt in proceſſion. The font, richly carved, is alſo remaining.’

This fortreſs is by Florigelus, Hoveden, and others, attributed to Ida, ^* and by them eſteemed nearly cotemporary with the riſe of the kingdom of Northumberland: but there are ſufficient grounds to believe that there was a fortreſs here before Ida's time. It is ſaid the ancient name was Bebbanborough, which Camden, from Bede's authority, imagines was [158] borrowed from a Queen Bebba: but the author of the additions to Camden is of a contrary opinion, as in the Saxon authorities it is called [...], implying the royal manſion.^* Ida by ſome authors is ſaid to have fortified the rock with a wooden paliſado; but others mention his removing the wooden pale and erecting a wall in its place. On the converſion of the Saxons, the chapel, of which the ruins have been lately diſcovered, was erected within the walls, and dedicated by King Oſwald to St. Aidan. Hoveden, who wrote about the year 1192, ſays, ‘Bebba is a very ſtrong city, but not exceeding large; contain⯑ing not more than two or three acres of ground. It has but one hol⯑low entrance into it, which is admirably raiſed by ſteps. On the top of the hill ſtands a fair church; and in the weſtern point is a well, curiouſly adorned, and of ſweet clean water.’ ^†

It is admitted by all writers that Bambrough is of great antiquity, and was a fortreſs of ſingular conſequence and ſtrength in the early times of the Saxons. It has furniſhed hiſtory with many memorable events.

Penda King of Mercia, ſtill remaining a Pagan, breathed the moſt in⯑veterate hatred againſt the Chriſtians: having obtained a victory over King Oſwald in Shropſhire, in which he treated the royal captive with the moſt ſavage barbarity, like a whirlwind he ruſhed to the deſtruction of his country. In the year 642, having ravaged Northumberland as far as Bambrough, he laid ſiege to it, and not being able to take the place by ſtorm, attempted to burn it, by raiſing huge piles of wood againſt the walls, and ſetting them on fire; but when his machines were fully prepared, and his piles were burning, the wind ſuddenly changed, and blowing a ſtorm, the blazing faggots were carried into his camp, and [159] made a great deſtruction, inſomuch that he was obliged to raiſe the ſiege. This deliverance was aſcribed, according to the ſuperſtition and bigotry of thoſe times, to the prayers of Aidan Biſhop of Lindisfarn, who for the ſake of greater retirement, and an uninterrupted devotion, was then reſident on the Farn Iſland, afterwards famous for the cell of St. Cuthbert. Oſwald's great zeal for the converſion of his people, his bounties to the church, and his ſuffering under the hand of a Pagan conqueror, procured him the immortal honours of a Saint and Martyr. His arms were preſerved as relics in the church at Bambrough, and were believed to remain uncorrupted, through the influence of a bleſſing pronounced on them by Aidan, whilſt doing a ſingular act of charity.^*

After the death of Alfred, who had reigned over Northumberland near 20 years, the Crown was uſurped by Eardulph, to the prejudice of Oſred, Alfred's eldeſt ſon, then an infant of the age of eight years. As this act of Eardulph's portended imminent peril to the young Prince, Brithrick, a zealous adherent to Alfred and his family, ſeized the caſtle of Bam⯑brough, where he placed Oſred. It was not long before the Uſurper laid ſiege to the place; but it was ſo well defended, as to baffle all his at⯑tempts, and his aſſaults were attended with a ſucceſſion of ill fortune. Whilſt Eardulph remained before the walls, the people in general de⯑clared for Oſred, and having levied a conſiderable army, advanced to⯑wards the Uſurper, who being informed of this unexpected change in the ſentiments of the people, prepared to raiſe the ſiege and draw off his troops. Brithrick at this inſtant made a vigorous ſally, the adverſaries were thrown into confuſion and ſoon routed, Eardulph was taken pri⯑ſoner, and immediately executed, and Oſred aſcended the throne of his anceſtors, to the great joy of his ſubjects.

[160]This was the place of Alured's retirement, when he fled from York, to avoid the dangers of civil commotion, having in the ninth year of his reign been deſerted by his family and nobles. He was deſcended of Ida, but through the miſery of thoſe times obliged to abdicate the throne of Northumberland, and ſeek for ſafety under Cynoth King of the Picts.

In the reign of King Egbert this caſtle was the priſon of Cynewolf Biſhop of Lindisfarn: his impriſonment began in 750, and continued for 30 years, being accuſed as an accomplice in a crime, of which ſome authors aſſert he was innocent.

According to Florence of Worceſter, Alred, the ſon of Eardulph, whom Athelſtan expelled, (on the death of Sititric, who married Athelſtan's ſiſter, and was by him raiſed to the Northumbrian throne) in the year 926 ſeized this fortreſs, and made himſelf maſter of the dependent ter⯑ritories, but was ſoon forced to fly before the arms of Athelſtan.

In the deſcent made by the Danes about the year 933, this fortreſs ſuffered greatly, but was ſoon afterwards reſtored, and new works were added. It is ſaid a great booty fell into the hands of theſe invaders, by the reduction of Bambrough.

Waltheof Earl of Northumberland, in his declining years, was diſturbed by an incurſion of the Scots, under Malcolm their King: he retired to this fortreſs, whilſt his ſon Uchtred, a valiant youth, raiſed a few troops to oppoſe the army of the invader. He gained an advantageous poſt, and with great bravery made ſuch an attack upon the undiſciplined Scots, that they were ſoon thrown into confuſion, and after ſuffering a dreadful ſlaughter, made an inglorious concluſion of their invaſion, by a precipitate retreat into their own country. Uchtred did not conduct his ſucceſs with temperance; he ſullied his victory with cruelty, inhu⯑manly ſlaughtering in cold blood, the nobility and officers of rank which were among his priſoners, their heads becoming the horrid fur⯑niture of the walls of Durham. King Ethelred overlooked this barba⯑rity, and rewarded his valour by giving him in marriage his daughter Edgiva, with a princely portion; his father reſigning his poſſeſſions to the young hero, the King added thereto the county of York. The ſa⯑vage barbarity of thoſe times is ſhocking to humanity; there was ſel⯑dom a victory obtained in the reciprocal depredations made on the [161] borders, but the utmoſt cruelty and undiſtinguiſhed ſlaughter was the conſequence. The warfare itſelf was infamous; for it was no better than robbing by a Banditti commanded by Kings, who ſullied the luſtre of a Crown by impious acts which will for ever remain ignomi⯑nious in ſtory.

In the year 1015, the Danes again beſieged and took this place, and pillaged it.^*

Bambrough is ſaid to have been in good repair at the time of the conqueſt, when it is probable it was put into the cuſtody of ſome truſty Norman, and had additions made to the works; as the preſent area contained within its walls meaſures upwards of eight acres, inſtead of three, as deſcribed by Hoveden^†

Whilſt Malcolm King of Scotland was carrying his horrid ravages along the banks of Tees, Goſpatric made an incurſion into Cumberland, which the Scottiſh King then held by force of arms; and having laid waſte the country, he returned to Bambrough loaden with ſpoils: but this was ſucceeded by a ſevere revenge, for Malcolm ſoon after entered Northumberland, and after cruel depredations, carried with him a mul⯑titude of the inhabitants into ſlavery.^‡

In the reign of William II. A. D. 1095, on the defection of Mowbray Earl of Northumberland, the royal troops laid ſiege to Bambrough, under the command of the Sovereign, the Earl having taken refuge there. The King finding the place impregnable, to diſtreſs the garriſon, and cut off all ſuccours of men and proviſions, he erected a fortreſs in the neighbourhood, according to the art of war practiſed in thoſe days, which was named Malvoiſin, or the bad neighbour, in which he placed a ſtrong garriſon, and drew off the main body of his army ſouthward. The Earl by means of a ſecret correſpondence held with ſome of the [162] garriſon of Newcaſtle, had entertained hopes of making himſelf maſter of that place: with that intent, under covert of the night, he ſet out from Bambrough, accompanied by 30 horſemen, but being obſerved by the garriſon of Malvoiſin, was purſued. When he arrived at Newcaſtle, he found the gates ſhut againſt him, and the garriſon apprized of his intention: he was now reduced to the neceſſity of flying to the monaſtery of St. Oſwin at Tynemouth, where he was beſieged ſix days, and received a wound in his leg; at length he and his followers having retired to the ſanctuary, in defiance of the holy preſcription, were dragged forth, and delivered up priſoners to the King.^* His wife, with one Morael, his kinſman and Lieutenant, ſtill held out againſt the beſiegers, and kept the caſtle of Bambrough, in defiance of every aſſault, and every device then practiſed in ſieges. The King, wearied with this unſucceſsful procedure, led forth his priſoner before the walls, and threatened in⯑ſtantly to put out his eyes, and give him up to torture, if the garriſon did not ſurrender. Morael, overcome by the threatening calamity which impended on the head of his Lord, capitulated; and for his bravery and ſingular fidelity, the King pardoned his offences, and took him into favour; at the ſame time ſparing the Earl's life, committing him priſoner to the caſtle of Windſor.^†

[163]In the next reign it was intruſted by King Henry I. to Euſtace Fitz-John, who was diſpoſſeſſed of it and his other employments by King Stephen, jealous of his attachment to Maud, daughter of King Henry I. [164] Irritated at this injury, Fitz-John attached himſelf to David King of Scotland, and levied a great force from his barony of Alnwick, with which he openly joined the Scotch invader. They marched towards Bambrough, and made a regular attack; but ſo far from being able to poſſeſs the place, they only forced an outwork, which had been lately erected, and put to the ſword about 100 of the defenders, by whoſe re⯑proachful ſpeeches they were irritated to the aſſault. After deſtroying the corn, hamlets, and erections in the adjacent country, they marched ſouthward; and in the county of Durham being joined by a large body [165] of forces from Galloway and Cumberland, with King David at their head, they advanced to Northallerton, and ſoon after were defeated at the battle of the ſtandard.

In the conditions of peace made between King Stephen and King David I. of Scotland, it was ſtipulated, that the earldom of Northum⯑berland ſhould be concluſively ſettled on Prince Henry, David's ſon, with all its appendages, except Bambrough and Newcaſtle, which the Engliſh Monarch was to retain on Henry's receiving a compenſation by lands in the ſouth of England. All the Barons within this earldom did homage to Prince Henry for their eſtates, with a ſalvo for the fealty they had ſworn to King Stephen, it having alſo been premiſed, that the laws and cuſtoms eſtabliſhed by King Henry I. in Northumberland ſhould remain in force. This treaty was ratified at Durham, in the month of April, A. D. 1139, in the preſence of Maude Queen of Eng⯑land and a great aſſembly of the Barons of both nations; and there⯑upon the King of Scotland and his ſon entered into compact for the maintenance of peace with England during their lives; for the obſerv⯑ance of which Coſpatric Earl of March, Hugh de Morvill, Fergus Mel and Mac were given as hoſtages.

King Henry II. in the third year of his reign, had reſtored to him, by Malcolm IV. King of Scotland, the northern territories which King Stephen had granted to David King of Scotland: and therewith King Henry was put in poſſeſſion of the city of Carliſle, the caſtle of Bam⯑brough, and Newcaſtle upon Tyne. It is preſumed by ſome authors, that David having taken advantage of the broils in which King Ste⯑phen was involved, had ſeized the caſtle of Bambrough; as in the treaty when the earldom of Northumberland was reſigned to Prince Henry, this fortreſs and Newcaſtle were expreſsly reſerved to the Crown of England.

In the 16th year of King Henry the Second's reign, ſome great work ſeems to have been added to this fortreſs, as in Madox's Hiſtory of the Exchequer, under the article of Amercements, it appears one William, ſon of Waldef, was fined five marks for refuſing his aſſiſtance in the King's works at Baenburg Caſtle: he was fined alſo 40s. to have a re⯑ſpite touching the ſaid works. Perhaps at this time the Keep was built; its great ſimilarity to that of Dover, the work of that reign, makes it at leaſt probable.^*

[166]In the time of King Richard I. Hugh Biſhop of Durham held this caſtle, but his power was of ſhort date; for the King being offended at his inſolence, diſſeized him of this place, together with the county of Nor⯑thumberland, and impoſed on him a fine of 2000 marks.

William Heron, ſon of Jordan Heron, who held a barony in this county by the ſervice of one Knight's fee, as his anceſtors had done from the conqueſt, was in the 32d year of King Henry III. conſtituted Governor of Bambrough Caſtle, and of Pickering and Scarbrough, in Yorkſhire: in which appointments he was ſucceeded in the 37th year of the ſame reign, by John Lexington, Knt. Chief Juſtice of the Foreſts North of Trent.

In 1296, King Edward I. ſummoned John Baliol, King of Scotland to renew his homage at this caſtle; but the proud vaſſal forgetting his fidelity, contemned the command, and levied an army to reſiſt the Engliſh arms, if Edward entered his kingdom. Edward burning with indignation at this inſolence, marched to Berwick, which he took by ſtorm, and put the garriſon to the ſword. From thence proceeding to Dunbar, near which place the Scotch army waited his approach, an engagement enſued, in which the Engliſh were victorious: the field of battle was covered with innumerable carcaſſes, 22,000 Scots, ſome Hiſ⯑torians aſſert, fell that day. Dunbar was taken, and Baliol was made priſoner. The great trophy of this victory, was the ſtone chair in which the Kings of Scotland had been crowned from the earlieſt times. This was the palladium of the Scotch, the loſs of which ſhook the ſuperſtition of the whole empire. This chair was brought in triumph to England, with the King in chains, and was placed in the abbey of Weſtminſter, where it has remained for regal honours ever ſince—a degree of appro⯑priation which nothing but the bigotry and ſuperſtition of that age could have decreed to it in England.^*

Iſabel de Beaumont, related to Eleanor Queen of Edward I. ſiſter to Lord Henry Beaumont, and widow of John de Veſey, afterwards wife of John Duke of Brabant, had a grant of this caſtle for her life, on proviſo that ſhe did not marry again. During her poſſeſſion, Piers de Gaveſton, Earl [167] of Cornwall, was protected here from the vengeance of an injured and incenſed nobility. In 1312, he was dragged from the caſtle of Scar⯑brough, and given up to the hands of his adverſaries.

In the year 1311, this caſtle, on the marriage of the Lady Veſey, was reaſſumed by government, and given to Lord Percy.^*

In 1355, Earl Murray being taken priſoner by King Edward III. was committed priſoner to this caſtle, from whence he was removed to Not⯑tingham, and laſtly to Windſor.

It was held for a ſhort time by Roger Heron, a younger ſon of William Heron before mentioned; after which it was conferred on Henry Percy, for his good ſervices in the Scotch wars. In this family it continued for ſeveral ages, and a grant of this caſtle, together with the manor and fee farms of the town, was made to his grandſon for life. In the reign of King Henry VI. Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, was Conſtable. During the contention between the King and the Houſe of York, there were divers Governors, according to the party which hap⯑pened to be victorious. Sir Ralph Grey and John Lord Wenlock were both of them Conſtables for Henry VI. the latter in the 25th year of that King: he nevertheleſs ſided with King Edward IV. and ſerved under him at Towton.

In the ſecond year of the reign of King Edward IV. an inſurrection of the Lancaſtrian party appearing in the North, the King advanced to Northumberland, and at once laid ſiege to the three caſtles of Alnwick, Dunſtanburgh, and Bambrough. Ten thouſand forces inveſted the latter under the command of the Earl of Worceſter, the Earl of Arundel, the Lord Ogle, and the Lord Montecute: the Duke of Somerſet, the Earl of Pembroke, Lord Roos, and Sir Ralph Percy maintained the fortreſs until Chriſtmas eve, when it was ſurrendered. The Lords Pembroke and Roos effected their eſcape, and the Duke of Somerſet and Sir Ralph Percy received the royal pardon. The Queen ſtill ſtruggling againſt the tor⯑rents of adverſity, ſuch in the whole, as royalty ſeldom ever experi⯑enced, again made head in Northumberland. Sir Ralph Grey ſurprized the caſtle of Bambrough, which was then in the keeping of Sir John Aſtley; and he garriſoned it with Scotch troops: but the battle of Hex⯑ham [168] Levels ſoon put a final end to theſe commotions, and gave a con⯑cluſive blow to the hopes of the Houſe of Lancaſter. Sir Ralph Grey and Sir Humphrey Nevill were excepted in the general pardon. Nevill ſoon afterwards ſuffered at York, but Sir Ralph Grey knowing his perilous eſtate, held out the caſtle of Bambrough until July. The Lords Montecute and Warwick conducted the ſiege. A tower being beat down by the canon, Sir Ralph received ſuch bruizes by its fall, that he was taken up for dead; and the garriſon diſmayed at the cataſtrophe, im⯑mediately ſurrendered. It was Sir Ralph's fate to ſurvive the day, and afterwards to ſuffer death as a traitor at York.

The damages the caſtle had ſuſtained, were not repaired in that or the ſucceeding reigns: King Henry VII. and King Henry VIII. both eſteemed thoſe caſtles as places of refuge only for malecontents. From the time of King Edward IV. there is a total ſuſpenſion of its hiſtory. By the eſcheats of the 10th of Queen Elizabeth, it appears to be in the Crown, with the adjoining caſtle of Dunſtanburgh. Sir John Foſter of Bambrough Abbey, was then Governor of this caſtle. His grandſon, John Foſter, Eſq had a grant of the manor of Bambrough from King James; but in the year 1715, his deſcendant forfeited, and it was purchaſed by his uncle, Lord Crew. ^*

[169]The town of Bambrough is now reduced to a mean village, no traces of its ſplendour as a royal borough and the ſeat of Kings remaining. It [170] ſent Members to Parliament in the reign of King Edward I.* In King Edward the Third's time it contributed one veſſel to the expedition againſt [171] Calais. The ſhire of Bambrough is of great extent, containing the ba⯑ronies of Bradford, Vicount, and Muſchamp, formerly a ſeparate fran⯑chiſe, and poſſeſſed of certain immunities and privileges now obſolete.

[172]In 1137, during the reign of King Henry I. a Monaſtery was founded at Bambrough, for Canons Regular of the order of St. Auſtin, ſubordi⯑nate and as a cell to Noſthell, near Pomfret, in the county of York, valued at the diſſolution, by Dugdale at 116l. 12s. 3d. but by Speed 124l. 15s. 7d. The ſcite of the monaſtery, with its poſſeſſions as par⯑cel of St. Oſwald of Noſthell, were granted to John Foſter, 37 King Henry VIII. as is ſet forth in Tanner's Notitia, p. 392. King Henry gave the churches of St. Oſwald and St. Aidan here to the before⯑mentioned priory.

By licence of King Edward II. an Hoſpital was founded here dedi⯑cated to Mary Magdalen.^†

Leland ſpeaks of a fair college a little without Bambrough. This was a religious houſe founded by King Henry III. for Preaching Friars. Queen Elizabeth, in the ſecond year of her reign, granted the ſcite to Thomas Reeve and Nicholas Pinder.^‡

Bambrough was a very extenſive Deanery, comprehending a tract from Berwick to Kirk Newton, taking in Norham.

The church of Bambrough is a plain ſtructure; there is no great mark of antiquity in the building; when or by whom it was erected is not known. The church within the caſtle walls, I preſume, had Oſwald for its ^* [173] founder; this edifice ſeems to be of much more modern date. In a nich in the wall is a recumbent effigy of a Knight Templar, the per⯑ſonage repreſented unknown. As theſe apertures on the building of churches were deſigned for the tombs of founders or other benefactors, this tomb reduces the antiquity of the church to a late aera; and indeed the whole building has that appearance. Unleſs we conceive the out⯑works of the fortifications of Bambrough were of great extent, it is not reconcileable that this ſhould be the church founded by King Oſwald.

There are monuments of the Foſter family in this church, but all of inferior date to the before-mentioned grants.^*

[174]It is neceſſary in this place to take a particular view of the charity of Lord Crew, who purchaſed the forfeited eſtates of the Foſters.^* It is not arrogant to ſay, that his bequeſts have furniſhed the moſt exalted degree of charitable diſtribution, that ever flowed from a private do⯑nation in this country.

Lord Crew's will bears date the 24th June, 1720, and he died the 18th of September, in the 88th year of his age, at Stene, the ſeat of his anceſtors, in Northamptonſhire. The appropriations which parti⯑cularly relate to Bambrough, are the ſole objects of my preſent atten⯑tion. I cannot deſcribe them to the reader in more expreſſive language, than that of the worthy and learned traveller Mr Pennant; from whoſe works I will ſelect a few ſentences.

‘The caſtle, and the manor belonging it, was once the property of the Forſters; but purchaſed by Lord Crew, Biſhop of Durham, and with other conſiderable eſtates, left veſted in Truſtees, to be applied to unconfined charitable uſes. Three of theſe Truſtees are a majo⯑rity: [175] one ^* of them makes this place his reſidence, and bleſſes the coaſt by his judicious and humane application of the Prelate's gene⯑rous bequeſt. He has repaired and rendered habitable the great ſquare tower: the part reſerved for himſelf and family, is a large hall and a few ſmaller apartments; but the reſt of the ſpacious edifice is allotted for purpoſes, which make the heart to glow with joy when thought of. The upper part is an ample granary; from whence corn is diſpenſed to the poor without diſtinction, even in the deareſt time, at the rate of four ſhillings a buſhel; and the diſtreſſed, for many miles round, often experience the conveniency of this benefaction.’

‘Other apartments are fitted up for ſhipwrecked ſailors, and bedding is provided for 30, ſhould ſuch a number happen to be caſt on ſhore at the ſame time. A conſtant patrol is kept every ſtormy night along this tempeſtuous coaſt, for above 8 miles, the length of the manor, by which means numbers of lives have been preſerved. Many poor wretches are often found on the ſhore in a ſtate of inſenſibility; but by timely relief, are ſoon brought to themſelves.’

‘It often happens, that ſhips ſtrike in ſuch a manner on the rocks as to be capable of relief, in caſe numbers of people could be ſud⯑denly aſſembled: for that purpoſe a cannon ^† is fixed on the top of the tower, which is fired once, if the accident happens in ſuch a quar⯑ter; twice, if in another; and thrice, if in ſuch a place. By theſe ſignals the country people are directed to the ſpot they are to fly to; and by this means, frequently preſerve not only the crew, but even the veſſel; for machines of different kinds are always in readineſs to heave ſhips out of their perilous ſituation.’

‘In a word, all the ſchemes of this worthy Truſtee have a humane and uſeful tendency: he ſeems as if ſelected from his brethren for the ſame purpoſes as Spenſer tells us the firſt of his ſeven beadſmen in the houſe of holineſſe was.’

That all ſeamen may be informed of the circumſtances of this cha⯑rity, a printed account is publiſhed under the direction of the Trinity Houſe in Newcaſtle upon Tyne, and which is ſubjoined in the notes.^* It is much to be lamented that this example has not induced the bene⯑volent to adopt the plan on the ſouthern coaſts: by which many acts of barbarity might be prevented, and valuable lives ſaved to the public.

[177]The reader will form a perfect idea of the extent of Lord Crew's charity, in a department diſtinct from that of ſeamen under the above deſcription, by the following tables, publiſhed in the Newcaſtle newſ⯑papers.

So extenſive a charity, to flow from a private bounty, is ſingular: men in former ages were canonized for trifling acts of benevolence, compared to this. But although the reſources were given by Lord Crew, yet the diſpoſition was not of his arrangement; to the benevo⯑lent heart of the Rev. Dr Sharp, the chief part of the bleſſings derived from his Lordſhip's will is to be attributed. He reſides many months in each year in the caſtle of Bambrough, ſuperintends the works of charity, has his eye open upon every new channel by which he may give relief or conſolation to his ſuffering fellow-creatures. The ſhipwrecked and the diſeaſed are comforted by his viſitation, and the calamities of life [179] are all alleviated by his care. It is an exalted duty; the bleſſed ſpirits of heaven are deſcribed to us as diſpenſing the gifts of univerſal bene⯑volence.

In regard to natural ſtrength, there is not a ſituation in all Northum⯑berland equal to that of Bambrough, or one in any wiſe ſo well adapted to the ancient rules of fortification. From the great tower there is an extenſive ſea and land proſpect; you overlook the whole group of Farn Iſlands; you view the caſtle of Holy Iſland, which from thence makes a very formidable appearance; and on the more diſtant peninſula, you diſcern the town and fortifications of Berwick. On the other ſide, Dun⯑ſtanborough Caſtle crowns the neareſt cliffs, behind which a winding ſhore is ſeen, with many little promontories, creeks, and bays, beauti⯑fully mingled, and graced with multitudes of ſmall veſſels, laying in their ports or under ſail. The extreme point of view is Tynemouth, whoſe ruined monaſtery gives an obeliſk to terminate the landſkip. All the inland proſpect gradually inclines towards the ſea banks, with many conſiderable ſwells, diſplaying a fine cultivated ſcene to the eye, varied with innumerable villages and hamlets.

THE FARN ISLANDS

poſſeſs little matter of ſufficient conſequence to tempt a traveller to ſea, eſpecially where there is ſo conſtant a ripling and breaking of the waves, as is to be found between them and the continent.^* In the month of [180] Auguſt, when we viſited the iſlands, the ſea was tumultuous, making a violent inſet between them and the main land. They are 17 in num⯑ber, the largeſt and only one we thought worth attending to, is the Houſe Iſland, neareſt to Bambrough, where St. Cuthbert made his reſi⯑dence. Mr Pennant viſited them all, and has the following remarks, which, as the work of a very able Naturaliſt, highly merit a place here.^*

‘Oppoſite to Bambrough lie the Farn Iſlands, which form two groups of little iſles and rocks, to the number of 17, but at low water the points of others appear above the ſurface; they all are diſtinguiſhed by particular names. The neareſt iſle to the ſhore, is that called the Houſe Iſland, which lies exactly one mile 68 chains from the coaſt: the moſt diſtant is about ſeven or eight miles. They are rented for 16l. per annum: their produce is kelp, ſome few feathers, and a few ſeals, which the tenant watches and ſhoots, for the ſake of the oil and ſkins. Some of them yield a little graſs, and ſerve to feed a cow or two, which the people are deſperate enough to tranſport over in their little boats.’

‘Viſited theſe iſlands in a coble, a ſafe but ſeemingly hazardous ſpecies of boat, long, narrow, and flat-bottomed, which is capable of going through a high ſea, dancing like a cork on the ſummits of the waves.’

‘Touched at the rock called Meg, whitened with the dung of cor⯑vorants, which almoſt covered it; their neſts were large, made of tang, and exceſſively faetid.’

‘Rowed next to the Pinnacles, an iſland in the fartheſt group; ſo called from the vaſt columnar rocks at the ſouth end, even at their [181] ſides, and flat at their tops, and entirely covered with guillemots and ſhags: the Fowlers paſs from one to the other of theſe columns by means of a narrow board, which they place from top to top, forming a narrow bridge, over ſuch a horrid gap, that the very ſight of it ſtrikes one with terror.’

‘Landed at a ſmall iſland, where we found the female Eider ducks, at that time fitting: the lower part of their neſts was made of ſea plants; the upper part was formed of the down which they pull off their own breaſts, in which the eggs were ſurrounded and warmly bedded: in ſome were three, in others five eggs, of a large ſize, and pale olive colour, as ſmooth and gloſſy, as if varniſhed over. The neſts are built over the beach, among the looſe pebbles, not far from the water. The ducks ſit very cloſe, nor will they riſe till you almoſt tread on them. The drakes ſeparate themſelves from the females du⯑ring the breeding ſeaſon. We robbed a few of their neſts of the down, after carefully ſeparating it from the tang, found that the down of one neſt weighed only three quarters of an ounce, but was ſo elaſtic as to fill the crown of the largeſt hat. The people of this country call theſe St. Cuthbert's ducks, from the Saint of the iſlands.’

"Beſides theſe kinds, I obſerved the following.

• "Puffins, called here Tom Noddies
• "Anks—here Skouts
• "Guillemots
• "Black Guillemots
• "Little Anks
• "Shiel Anks
• "Shags
• "Corvorants
• "Black and white Gulls
• "Brown and white Gulls
• "Herring Gulls—which I was told ſometimes fed on eggs of other birds
• "Common Gulls—here Annets
• "Kittiwakes or Tarrocks
• "Pewit Gulls
• "Great Terns
• "Sea Pies
• "Sea Larks—here Brockets
• "Jackdaws which breed in rabbit-holes
• "Rock Pigeons
• "Rock Larks

[182] ‘The Terns were ſo numerous, that in ſome places it was difficult to tread without cruſhing ſome of the eggs.’

‘The laſt iſle I viſited was the Houſe Iſland, the ſequeſtered ſpot where St. Cuthbert paſſed the two laſt years of his life. Here was af⯑terwards eſtabliſhed a Priory of Benedictines for ſix or eight Monks, ſubordinate to Durham. A ſquare tower, the remains of a church, and ſome other buildings, are to be ſeen there ſtill; and a ſtone coffin, which, it is apprehended, was that of St. Cuthbert. At the north end of the iſle is a deep chaſm, from the top to the bottom of the rock, communicating to the ſea; through which, in tempeſtuous weather, the water is forced with vaſt violence and noiſe, and forms a fine jet d'eau of ſixty feet high: it is called by the inhabitants of the oppoſite coaſt, the Churn.’

The horrible deſcription given of this iſland by ancient authors, be⯑fore St. Cuthbert bleſſed it with his preſence, is already mentioned.^* Here the Saint built himſelf a cell and a ſmall oratory, which he ſur⯑rounded with a wall that cut off his view from every thing but the heavens: thoſe who viſited him, only converſed through a grate, not having acceſs to his preſence.^† In Bede's Life of St. Cuthbert, we are told the Saint's cell was not the only erection upon the iſland, for there [183] was a larger houſe near the landing place, where the brethren who came to viſit him lodged. After the death of St. Cuthbert, Ethelwold, who took on him the religious habit at Ripon, reſorted to this hermitage, and poſſeſſed it 12 years, ending his life there. Felgild ſucceeded Ethel⯑wold, and in the time of that Hermit, Eadfrid Biſhop of Lindisfarn reſtored from its foundations the oratory of St. Cuthbert, which had gone to ruin. Bede relates, that Felgild was more than 70 years old when he wrote the Life of St. Cuthbert. Beſides the perſons mentioned by Bede, there were other devotees who choſe Farn for the place of their retreat. St. Bartholomew was one, as appears from a manuſcript Hiſtory of his Life in the Bodlean Library, who obtained leave of Lawrence Prior of Durham to go to Farne, where he found one Elwyn in poſſeſſion of the deſirable reſidence, and whoſe religion was not ſuffi⯑ciently tempered with charity, to induce him to welcome the ſtranger. Bartholomew wrote in this retreat his Farne Meditations, now preſerved in the Durham Library. Thomas ^* Prior of Durham retired to Farn in the years 1162 and 1163; he had engaged in a controverſy with that arrogant Prelate, Hugh Biſhop of Durham, touching certain liberties which the Monks of that church prompted him to maintain; and who afterwards deſerting him, induced Hugh to procure his depoſition.

On the death of Richard Biſhop of Durham, ſirnamed the Poor, the Monks elected their Prior, Thomas ^† de Melſonby, to the See. The King oppoſed this election, eſteeming him diſaffected to his govern⯑ment, becauſe he had been Prior of Coldingham, and ſworn fealty to the King of Scotland; and there was ſingular danger in having a Biſhop of Durham under any attachment to the King of Scotland, as in right of his See he would poſſeſs places of great ſtrength and importance: more particularly he would hold a large tract of ſea coaſt and many havens, where the ſhipping and troops of France and Flanders might be received. Theſe objections not being eſteemed of ſufficient impor⯑tance to the Monks, for them to renounce their right of election, or fearing new innovations from regal power, they appealed to the See of Rome; but the meſſengers charged with this matter died in their paſ⯑ſage, [184] and Melſonby being intercepted as he attempted to leave the king⯑dom, he reſigned his title to the Epiſcopacy on the 8th of April, A. D. 1240, having conteſted his claim three years. In the year 1244, the King advancing towards Newcaſtle with his army, the Prior was ſtruck with new apprehenſions of danger, as he dreaded reſentment for the conduct he had ſhewn under his election to the See; conſequently he reſigned his office of Prior, and retired to Farn Iſland, where the Hermit Bartholomew then was in occupation of the ſacred cell of St. Cuthbert. Here the Prior ſpent the remainder of his life in devotion and auſterities. He was buried in the cathedral church of Durham, among the Biſhops; and many miracles were ſaid to be wrought at his tomb.^*

Alexander II. King of Scotland, confirmed by deed to the Monk Henry, and his ſucceſſors in Farn Iſland, 8s. ſterling, in free alms, to be re⯑ceived annually out of the farm of his mill at Berwick, inſtead of half a chalder of corn, granted to him by the charter of King William.

In commemoration of theſe examples of religious ſeverity, a Priory was founded here, according to Leland, for ſix Benedictine Monks, ſubordinate to Durham, with a revenue of 13 marks from the corpo⯑ration of Newcaſtle. The endowment at the diſſolution was eſtimated at 12l. 17s. 8d. King Henry VIII. in the 33d year of his reign, granted it to the Dean and Chapter of Durham. ^†

[185]The remains of theſe edifices are very ragged and confuſed, and ſhew little other than marks of ſeverity and inconvenience, notwith⯑ſtanding the happy taſte which is denoted in the ſcites of moſt of the religious houſes of the ſame date. A part of a ſquare tower is ſtand⯑ing, which was built by one Caſtle, ^* Prior of Durham, in the begin⯑ning of the 15th century: part of the priory is alſo remaining; near which is ſhewn a ſtone coffin, intended to have encloſed the hallowed remains of St. Cuthbert. ^†

Theſe erections are on the beſt part of the iſland; a little lawn ſkirts the edifices, ſurrounded with rugged rocks, from whence iſſues a ſpring of freſh water. Since the departure of the religious, this iſland has re⯑turned almoſt to its priſtine ſtate: it conſiſts of a few acres in its whole ſurface, the chief part of which is ſand and rock. A ſcanty herbage takes place indeed in ſome ſpots, eſpecially on the little lawn; but there is neither tree or ſhrub. The ſhore is rocky, and ſounding to the hollow ſea which rolls upon it, ſends forth a horrid howling: the north-eaſt winds blow fiercely here, and every inclemency of weather known to the climate beats on theſe inhoſpitable ſhores, which are tremendous from frequent ſhipwrecks.—There is not a coaſt more likely to give one the idea of ſhoals of wandering ſpirits, who viſit the ſemiſepulta Oſſa, over which they loiter on this ſide Styx, whilſt unfriendly whirlwinds wreck them over with ſand, and forbid the funeral rites for which they languiſh.

We left

ELLINGHAM

on our right hand, the ſeat of one of the Haggerſton family, an ancient barony of the family of Guagy, who poſſeſſed it in the time of King [186] Henry I. as appears by the Teſta de Nevil: it was afterwards the poſ⯑ſeſſion of the Hetons. ^* The church was founded by Ralph de Guagy, in the pontificate of Hugh Pudſey, Biſhop of Durham.

We paſſed through

EMBLETON,

the ancient barony of the family of Viſcounts, as is ſhewn by the eſcheats of King Edward I. and the Teſta de Nevil: it is ſaid afterwards to have become annexed to the Dutchy of Lancaſter, and now is the property of the Earl of Tankerville.

Some authors aſſert, that in this pariſh was born Duns Scotus, ^† that learned Sectary, and claim for their evidence his manuſcript works in [187] Merton College, Oxford, in which is an entry to this effect: ‘John Duns born in a certain little village or hamlet, within the "pariſh of Emil⯑don, called Dunſton, in the county of Northumberland."’ In Camden we find his lamentable exit thus mentioned: ‘But he died miſerably, be⯑ing taken with an apoplexy, and over haſtily buried for dead; whilſt upon return of life, nature (though too late) was about to throw off the violence of the diſeaſe, (and he making a lamentable noiſe calling for help) after he had for ſome time beat his head againſt his coffin, he daſhed out his own brains, and at laſt yielded up his vital breath.’

In our road to Dunſtanbrough, we had a view of

ROCK,

a little village, ſituate on an eminence, commanding a fine proſpect. It was a dependent manor, and member of the barony of Alnwick. The family of Rocks poſſeſſed it in the time of King Edward I. as ap⯑pears by the eſcheats of that reign.

We now approached the ruins of

DUNSTANBOROUGH CASTLE,

which though extenſive, have at a diſtance a ragged and confuſed ap⯑pearance. Nothing remains but the outworks on two ſides to the land, viz. the weſt and ſouth, which with ſtupenduous cliffs to the ſea en⯑cloſe [188] a plain nearly ſquare, conſiſting of about nine acres. The Keep and interior works, if there ever were any, are totally gone, the plough-ſhare having paſſed within the walls.^* The rocks to the north are per⯑pendicular, of a columniary form, about 30 feet in height, black and horrible; the ſhore rugged, covered with broken rocks woven over with ſea-weed. From the edge of the ſea cliffs on the north-weſt point, the weſtern wall runs along the brink of an elevated rock; a ſquare tower ariſes near the center of this wall, of a conſiderable height, and of ex⯑cellent maſonry, placed on a projecting point of the cliff, ſo as to af⯑ford to the armed men within a means of flanking the wall with their miſſile weapons; on each corner there was an exploratory turret. This ſeems to be the moſt modern part of the caſtle, built of the beſt mate⯑rials, and by the ableſt workmen. Where the land riſes to the ſummit of the rock on the ſouth-weſt point, the wall turns and makes a long ſtraight front to the ſouth, as repreſented in the plate: the ground be⯑fore it is level, and appears to have been aſſiſted by art, to form a more commodious parade for the garriſon. In this front there is a gate-way, built in a very remarkable ſtile, being the great entrance to the caſtle: it is formed by a circular arch, with a portico and interior gate; is defended by two heavy ſemicircular towers uniting with the ſuper⯑ſtructure of the gate-way: theſe towers, after riſing about 20 feet, and containing two tiers of apartments, ſupport turrets of a ſquare form, now ſo very rugged and ruinous, as not to allow a conjecture what was their original height. This wall extends to the cliffs on the ſea banks, is guarded by two ſquare baſtions and a ſmall ſally-port, and is termi⯑nated by a ſquare tower with a gate-way. On the brink of the cliff to the ſea, on this quarter, appear the remains of a very ſtrong wall; indeed it is probable the whole Area was originally ſo encloſed. The heavy ſeas which break upon the rocks of the north-weſt point have torn them much; and it appears as if the area had been originally of greater extent than at preſent, many ſeparate columns of rock ſtanding near the cliffs, which ſome ages ago may have been joined to the main land. At the ſouth point of the area is the well: near to the eaſtern tower are the remains of a chapel. Immediately below this tower is a gully or paſſage of perpendicular ſides, formed in the rocks, about 60 yards in length and 40 feet deep, where the ſea makes a dreadful inſet, breaking into foam with a tremendous noiſe: the ſpray [189] occaſioned thereby is driven within the caſtle walls. This place is called by the country people the Rumble Churn. The gulph, from the walls of the tower, which I aſcended to obtain the view, has a very awful appearance: you look immediately down upon the abyſs, where, as the tide ruſhes up, the waters are lifted many feet above the common level, riſing towards the walls of the tower, as if they would ſur⯑mount the cliffs and deluge the plain. The breaking of the waves in foam over the extreme point of the rocks, the heavy ſpray, the noiſe of the diſturbed waters, and the groan which echo returns through the deſolated towers, are noble, though tremendous.

The date of this caſtle is fixed by authors to the beginning of the 14th century, Thomas Earl of Lancaſter, General of the confederate army which oppoſed King Edward II. being ſaid to be the founder. He was alſo owner of Pomfret Caſtle, where, after being taken by the King's troops at Burrowbridge, he was impriſoned, and ſoon after de⯑collated as a traitor; though afterwards he was canonized, and the place of his martyrdom took the name of St. Thomas's Hill. He was poſſeſſed of immenſe eſtates, and was the moſt powerful and opulent ſubject in Europe, holding at once the Earldoms of Lancaſter, Lincoln, Salisbury, Leiceſter, and Darby. The King ſat perſonally on his trial, a remarkable circumſtance: he died 25th March, 1322, and was buried on the ſouth ſide of the high altar in the priory church there. Such veneration was paid to his tomb, as the enthuſiaſts waſted on that of Becket. The King of his royal clemency remitted the ſeverities of his ſentence, by which he was condemned to be hanged and quartered, an infamy which ſeldom had fallen on thoſe of royal deſcent, he being grandſon of King Henry III. But ſo fluctuating are human affairs, that the ignominious exit of this Earl, gave exalted honours to his name after his death: he was enrolled in the liſt of Martyrs, was canonized, and his portrait placed among thoſe of ſacred memory in the cathedral of St. Paul's.

[190]In the ſucceeding reign, Henry the brother of the Martyr, obtained from parliament a reverſion of the attainder, and reſtitution of the fa⯑mily honours and eſtates. He held great offices in government, was [191] one of the guardians of King Edward III. by whom he was created Duke of Lancaſter, and on that inveſtiture, had licence to have his chan⯑cery within the Dutchy, and iſſue proceſs there. We do not hear of this fortreſs being made memorable by any ſingular conflict, till the unfortunate concluſion of the affairs of King Henry VI. and the total de⯑ſtruction of the Roſe of Lancaſter. Queen Margaret perceiving that the French ſuccours were too inconſiderable to induce the Northumbrians to riſe in her favour, made another voyage, and having borrowed a ſum of money and gained a reinforcement of 2000 men, in October, 1462, ſhe landed near Bambrough. Her return with thoſe aids did not yet induce the people of Northumberland to take up arms. Through the treachery of Sir Ralph Gray, the caſtle of Alnwick was ſurrendered to her. Margaret hearing that King Edward was advancing with a numerous army, found it neceſſary again to ſeek refuge in Scotland: to this end ſhe embarked, but a violent ſtorm ariſing, ſhe was in immi⯑nent peril, and at length gained the port of Berwick. ^* Brezè her General, [192] with about 500 of his troops, were ſhipwrecked on Holy Iſland, where they were all ſlain or taken priſoners, except Brezè himſelf, who eſcaped to the Queen in a fiſhing-boat. Edward on his arrival in Northumber⯑land, finding no enemy in the field, laid ſiege to the caſtles of Alnwick, Bambrough, and Dunſtanbrough, the latter of which, after holding out a conſiderable time, was at length taken by ſtorm, and the garriſon made priſoners: after which they diſmantled this fortreſs, and as much as poſſible deſtroyed the fortifications; ſince which time it has lain in ruins. It appears by the eſcheats of Queen Elizabeth, to be in the poſ⯑ſeſſion of the Crown in that reign; King James I. granted it to the Grays of Wark, and it is now the poſſeſſion of Lord Tankerville.

We paſſed by

CRAISTER,

a neat little manſion, the ancient manor of the family of that name. We find them ſettled here in the reign of King Edward I. as appears by the eſcheats ^* of that time.^†

HOWICK

lay to our left, as we paſſed to Alnwick, one of the ancient members of the Barony of Alnwick, the poſſeſſion of the family of Greys. We do not trace this family, in ancient records, to be ſettled here earlier than the reign of King Henry VIII. this being a branch of the ancient Chil⯑lingham family.^‡ The old tower noted by Leland ſtill remains, being []

[193] kept in good repair, and now forming a part of the manſion-houſe. The church was rebuilt by the 1ſt Sir Harry Grey, though he was not the patron.

We now gained a ſight of the town of

ALNWICK,

and as we approached from the north-eaſt, had a moſt pleaſing proſpect of the palace of the Duke of Northumberland,

THE CASTLE OF ALNWICK.

The ſituation is not naturally elegant, the aſpect being rather confined, and the adjacent lands affording no original beauties. The oppoſite hills riſe tamely, and are not yet brought into ſuch order, as to poſſeſs artificial graces enough, to conceal the want of that variety and beauty, which a traveller wiſhes to find ſurrounding ſo noble a palace. The woody banks of the Aln, with all the wild romantic ſcenes which hang upon her borders, are excluded from the proſpect. The caſtle ſtands upon a fine elevation, riſing gradually from the river, whoſe open banks are turfed and kept in the moſt exact neatneſs under the gardener's ſcythe; but withal, poſſeſſing that trim countenance, given by ſtraight lines and angles, level walks, and ſlopes of a mechanical formality; a [194] garb in which nature doth not look the moſt lovely. The caſtle is a noble ſtructure, rebuilt on the old foundation, and in the Saxon ſtyle; the architect has ſtrictly preſerved the whole modes and ornaments of the original: the battlements are crowded with effigies, according to the taſte of the Normans, in whoſe time it underwent a principal repa⯑ration: theſe repreſent men in the act of defence, wielding ſuch arms as were then uſed; ſome of them are diſpoſed with great propriety, the guard of one of the gate-ways is in the attitude of caſting down a mighty ſtone on the heads of aſſailants. The building is of a beautiful free-ſtone, in chiſel'd work; its form is ſingular, being compoſed of a cluſter of ſemicircular and angular baſtions. I cannot, without the ichnography of the place, give the reader a more competent idea of its figure, than by comparing it to a ſection of the cluſtered Saxon pillar in our cathedrals. This edifice ſtands in a ſpacious area, which at the time of its greateſt ſtrength, I preſume, totally ſurrounded it, defended by a compleat circumvallation and a moat; otherwiſe the principal part of the fortreſs would have lain unguarded by any outwork, except a moat. At preſent the front is opened to the north-eaſt, and the wall having towers at proper intervals, ſhuts it in on the other quarters. As we viewed the caſtle on our approach, the walls with its towers formed a noble flanking to the principal ſtructure: to the ſouthward, the gar⯑den grounds appeared prettily diſpoſed; to the north and weſt, the town of Alnwick was ſeen ſpreading on the back ground. We lamented the want of ſome of thoſe fine woodlands, and lofty grey rocks, which impend over the Aln, above Alnwick, to give rural and romantic graces to objects ſo imperial, if I may be permitted to uſe the expreſſion, in diſtinguiſhing this noble edifice.

We paſſed over an elegant ſtone bridge, on our approach to the town, the battlements formed of interwoven creſcents: we found the Inn crowded with people of fortune, come from all parts of the county, to pay their compliments to the Duke and Ducheſs,^* it being their firſt public day, after their arrival at this palace for the ſummer receſs.

The approach to the caſtle retains much of the ſolemn grandeur of ancient times: the inſcription on the gate-way ſtill legible, ‘Eſperance [195] me comforteth,’ appertained to the arms of the Percies, and was placed there when the repairs were made by that family: the moat is drained, and the ceremony of letting down the draw-bridge is forgot; but the walls which encloſe the area ſtill wear the ancient countenance of ſtrength and defiance. You enter by a machicolated gate, defended by an upper tower, and after paſſing a covered way, approach the in⯑terior gate which admits you to the area: this entrance is defended by all the devices uſed in ancient times; iron ſtudded gates, portcullis, open galleries, and apertures in the arching for annoying aſſailants. The ingenious traveller, Mr Pennant, had been out of humour when he vi⯑ſited this place. We met with all the inconveniences of a noiſy and crowded Inn, with every awkward circumſtance which could befall tra⯑vellers, who had undergone no little fatigue in purſuing the paths of pleaſure; and yet we could not ſubmit to coincide with that gentle⯑man's ſentiments: ‘You look (ſays he) in vain, for any marks of the grandeur of the feodal age, for trophies won by a family eminent in our annals for military proweſs and deeds of chivalry; for halls hung with helms and hauberks, or with the ſpoils of the chace; for exten⯑ſive foreſts and venerable oaks. Ye look in vain for the helmet on the tower, the ancient ſignal of hoſpitality to the traveller, or for the grey-headed Porter, to conduct him to the hall of entertainment. The numerous train whoſe countenances give welcome to him on his way, are now no more; and inſtead of the diſintereſted Uſher of the old times, he is attended by a Valet, eager to receive the fees of admit⯑tance.’ I muſt beg leave to pronounce, that though the ſavage fero⯑city of the feodal ages is taken away, yet not the marks of grandeur: we ſaw no miſerable dungeons filled with captives, no places of execu⯑tion groaning under their execrable burthen; the towers remain, but without the cry of captivity and torture: Hoſpitality cloathed in princely array, ſits in the hall, diſpenſing with a brow of benignity, mixed with features of the higheſt magnificence, gifts worthy her hand: the Duke and Ducheſs are eaſy of acceſs, and of an affable deportment; their vi⯑ſitants are happy under their ſmiles, without being awed by their emi⯑nence. The attention they pay to the petitions of dependents, is marked with the greateſt benevolence; no vain promiſes are given to ſtill im⯑portunity, no hopes are flattered without ſincerity—the ſtricteſt honour attends the moſt trivial actions. A truly great principle diſtinguiſhes theſe noble perſonages; amidſt a happy liberality, there is ſo exact a propriety, and ſuch perfect oeconomy, that no tranſaction paſſes in the houſehold, without a certain rule, and ſingular regularity. The innu⯑merable [196] charities they pour forth, are beſtowed with ſuch admirable propriety, that each perſon relieved at the gate, brings a ticket as an authority to the officer for the diſpenſation of his Lord's bounty; ſo that improper objects cannot deceive, or crafty knaves obtain the por⯑tion aſſigned for the relief of the truly neceſſitous and meritorious ob⯑ject. To enumerate acts of benevolence is inconſiſtent with my plan, but ſome are ſo ſingularly worthy the world's attention, that I cannot reſiſt the pleaſure of relating a ſingle tranſaction, which on my hearing it, brought tears of joy into my eyes.

Her grace returning from an airing in her chariot, paſſed through the ranks of people in the gate-ways, who attended to receive a daily diſtribution to the poor. A widow oppreſſed with grievous neceſſity, could not leave her domeſtic employment, or her labour, to attend with her ticket; ſhe entruſted it to her daughter, a girl about ſeven years of age, who took her parent's place at the gate. Her Grace obſerved this girl employed in knitting, whilſt all the reſt of the indigent group ſat with idle hands: ſhe ſent a ſervant to bring the child to her, who received the meſſage with aſtoniſhment and apprehenſion; ſhe followed the meſ⯑ſenger with trembling ſteps, revolving in her mind the ſuppoſed offences ſhe had committed, and looking with eyes ſwimming in tears on the ill-fated work, ſhe held in her hand, as the cauſe of her Grace's diſ⯑pleaſure. Pale with apprehenſion of reproof, ſhe approached the Du⯑cheſs; confuſion and dread were mixed upon her features, whilſt looks of timid innocence lived in her eyes. Her grace perceived the child's diſtreſs, but conceived not the cauſe. When the infant had recollected courage enough to give her the power of expreſſion, ſhe began a faul⯑tering and fearful excuſe for the ſuppoſed crime ſhe had committed, in knitting at the gate: a ſmile of divine benevolence aroſe upon the Du⯑cheſs's countenance—ſimplicity and native innocence have great charms —ſhe was won by the child's ſenſibility as well as by her induſtry. The girl was taken from her indigent mother, cloathed and put to ſchool, where ſhe is acquiring thoſe accompliſhments, which one day will ad⯑vance her above the rank of her humble progenitors.

The inſide of this palace is finiſhed in a moſt ſplendid taſte, every thing (to uſe Mr Pennant's expreſſion) being compleated with ‘an in⯑compatible elegance.’ A particular account of ſuits of apartments, finiſhed and furniſhed in the higheſt manner, would be tedious: the rich variety is for the eye only. The chief deſcriptions I will borrow [197] from Mr Groſe's work; to which gentleman I am bound to pay due acknowledgments for his elegant drawing, from which the preceding plate was engraved by the ingenious artiſt Mr Bailey, who was my fellow-traveller.

A deſcription of Alnwick Caſtle, taken from an ancient ſurvey of divers of the poſſeſſions of the Right Hon. the Earl of Northumberland, made about the year 1567, by George Clarkſon, Surveyor of all his Lordſhip's lands, and other the ſaid Earl's officers, remaining among the evidences of their Graces the Duke and Ducheſs of Northumberland at the ſaid caſtle in 1775.

‘The caſtell of Alnewike ys a verye ancyent large beutifull and portlie caſtle, ſcytewate on y^e ſouthe ſide of y^e ryver of Alne upon a lytle mote. The circuite therof by eſtimacon about the walles cclxxvj yeards; conteyninge in yt ſelf v^xx.xiiij (5 ſcore and 14) roodes. In y^e w^ch ys thre principall wards. And in the utter warde, where ys the entry from the towne, ys a fair gate houſe coverid w^th lead, with ij paire of wood gates, and on ether ſyde ys a porter's lodge w^th ij^o houſe height aboute: which ys now rewynooſe and in decaye, by reaſone the flores of the upper houſe ys decayed, as well in dormounts and joaſts, as in boordes, and very neceſſarie to be repayred. With⯑out w^ch gayts ther ys a very faire turnepike, dooble battelled aboute, w^th a pare of wo [...]le gats in the uttermoſte p^te therof. Betwene w^ch turnpike and the greate gats, yt ſeamythe theer hathe bene a drawe bridge, but yt ys now filled uppe & paved. From the ſaid gat⯑houſe, towards y^e north, ys a curtane wall, of lenth vij roods dim. (ſeven & a half) & betwene yt & a towre ſtandinge on y^e northe weſt corner, called the Abbots Towre. And in the ſaid courten wall on the inner parte ys a turret covered w^th free ſtone, w^ch ys upon y^e wall twoo houſes hight. The ſaid towre, called y^e Abbotts Towre, ys of thre houſe hight: y^e weſt houſe is the Armorie. From the Aboots towre towards the eaſte ys an other curtaine wall joynige unto the wall of y^e dungeon, conteyinge in lenthe xxxij^o roods: and in y^e ſame as in y^e middle, betwixt yt & y^e dungeon ys twoo lytle garrets.^* From the eaſte moſte garrett havinge a chamber, to the dungeone, y^e ſaid wall hathe no battelment to walke upon. On y^e other parte of the [198] gate-houſe towarde y^e ſouthe ys a curtaine wall of lengthe fortie twoo yeards to a towre called y^e Corner Towre. In y^e midle betwen y^e gatehouſe and the ſaid corner towre ys one garrett in the wall; in the upper parte wherof ys a lytle chamber; the neather parte ſervinge for a buttreſſe to y^e wall.’

‘Betwene the ſaid corner towre & the midle gatehouſe, turning eaſte, ys a curtaine wall of length lxx yeardes, in the which ys one towre raiſed of viij^th yeards ſquare, of three houſes height, called th' Auditors Towre. The under houſe ys a ſtable, & th' other houſes two fare chambers covered with leade & in good reparacions.’

‘Within the ſaid utter curten ys one houſe, of two houſe height, ſtandinge on the lefte hande at the partinge of y^e gate, called y^e Checker Houſe, the under houſes ſervinge for lodgings, the upper houſe for a courte houſe; covered w^th ſlate and in good raparacions. And in y^e ſame courte on th' other hande of the gate, ſtandinge northe & ſouthe, ys a nother houſe for a ſtable of twoo houſe heighte; th' under parte onelie ſervith for ſtables; y^e over parte therof ys to be loftede and ſerve for keapinge of graine nowe newlie builded. Ano⯑ther like houſe, a ſtable, ſtandeth on the right hande betwen y^e gaits eaſte and weſte, coverid of late w^th ſlaits, and in good reparacions.’

‘The gate houſe towre for the mydle gate, is a towre of thre houſe height & in ſome parte iiij houſe height, on the lefte hande one ſtrong priſone & on the right a porter lodge. All the houſes above are lodg⯑ings; wherin is conteyned hall, ketchinge, buttrie, pantery and lodginge for a conſtable or other gentlemen to keipe houſe in. From the ſame towre eſt goithe a corteyne wall to the corner towre on the ſouthe eaſt parte, of leinght v^xxvij (five ſcore and ſeventeen) yeardes: in the which ys rayſed one towre at th' ende of y^e gardnors of thre houſe height, and of lenght — yeardes ſquare. Wherein ys on the grounde a ſtable, the mydle houſe for haye, the overmoſte, a cham⯑ber; & betwixt y^e ſame, w^ch ys covered w^th leade, and the ſaid cor⯑ner towre ys rayſed twoo lytle garretts in y^e wall; the nether parts ſervethe for butteryſs to the walle, th'other parts ſervithe onelie for privies, and are coveryd with ſtone. The ſaid corner towre ys on thre parts rounde, th'inner parte ſquare without wall, conteninge in the rounde therof xvij^th (17) yeardes. The ſame towre ys rayſed no [199] heigher then the battlement of the wall, and ys of twoo houſe height all to gyther in haine, and ſervithe for a parte of the curtinge wall.’

‘Betwene the ſame rounde towre, turning towards y^e northe weſt to a towre called the Ravine Towre, ys a curtinge wall of xiiij^th (14) yeardes of lengthe: y^e ſame towre ys coviryd w^th leade, in good re⯑parations: the towre yt ſelfe ys ſo rente y^t yt ys mooche like to fall: yt ys alſo of thre houſe height; the nether ſervith for a ſtable, the midle for a chamber, and in decay w^thout lofte, the overmoſte a chambre well repayred. This towre ys in thre p^ts rounde, the iiij^th parte ſquare, conteyninge, in the holle xxvj^th (26) yeardes.’

‘Betwene the ſaid towre and a towre called the Counſtables Towre, ys a cortinge wall of xxx^th (30) yerdes of lenght. The ſaid counſta⯑bles towre, ys three partes rounde, the fourth ſquare, containinge xxxvi^th (36) yeardes; & ys of thre houſe heighte; the nether parte ſervithe for a buttrie; the other ij^o parts ſervithe for two faire lodg⯑ings; and yt ys covered with lead, w^ch wold partly be helped; in all other things yt ys in good reparacions.’

‘Betwene the ſaid towre and the poſtrene towre, ys a curteine wall cont^g. xxiii^th (23) yeards in lenght; and the ſame poſtrene towre ys rayſed, of xxxvj^th (36) yeardes ſquare, and ys of thre houſe height; the nether parte ſervethe for a throughe paſſinge of y^e poſterne; th' other for twoo fare chambers. The ſame ys now coverid w^th leade ſence my L. entred, and ys in good reparacions. And in y^e northe weſte coarner of the ſaid towre ys rayſed a garrett above y^e batttell⯑ment therof, and right over the gate of the ſaid poſterne. And from the ſaid towre to the dungeon ther is a ſingle curtinge wall without battellment of lenghte.....’

‘Within the ſaid inner courtine, betwixt the ſaid towre of the mydle gate and ſaid lytle four ſquared towre towards th' eaſte, ys raiſed one houſe upon the courteine wall, of thre houſe height, well coveryd w^th leade; and ys of lenght xxv^th (25) yeardes; parte therof now ſervethe for ij^o (two) ſtables for my Lords horſes: th' over parte for ij^o gardners. The ſame houſe in all things ys in good reparacions.’

‘At th' eaſte ende of the ſaid gardner ys builded one lytle houſe of thre cooples and one gavill of ſtone, and joyned upon the ſaid lytle [200] ſquare towre & ys covered with ſlate, which neadithe nothinge but pointinge, w^th in y^e w^ch is one horſe-milne now in decaye, and ſer⯑vith for nothinge.’

‘And a lytell from the ſaid houſe ys ther a nother houſe of twoo houſe height, and ys of iiij^th (four) coople of timber, w^th twoo ſtone gavills, covered w^th ſlate, and newly pointed; w^ch ſervithe onelie for keapinge of haye. Towards th' eaſte, joyninge to the ſaid houſe ys ther a lytle gardine, on th' one ſyde ys incloſed w^th the ſaid cortinge wall; and th' others of a wall made of ſtone; containing in lenght xij^th (12) yeardes. And this gardinge ys kept by Raphe Graye, who hathe y^e fee of xx^s by yeare for the ſame, beſides y^e profett therof. So that the Lorde ys here charged w^th more then neadethe; for the profett thereof wolde be ſufficyent for his paynes. And from the northe eaſte corner of the ſaid gardinge, right over to y^e ſaid ruinous towre, in auncyent time hath ben faire & tryme lodgings, where nowe be nothinge; the ſtones therof taken away, and put to other uſes in the caſtell; the place now voide wolde be a tryme gardinge: yt joy⯑neth upon the ſaid rovinte towre. In the ſouthe eaſte p^te of the ſaid cortinge wall, w^th ſmall charges, wolde be made a faire bankettinge houſe w^th a faire gallorie, going from the ſame towards the northe to the ſaid rovine towre.’

‘Ther is neighe y^e ſaid curtinge wall, w^ch ys betwixt y^e ſaid coun⯑ſtables towre and rovine towre, ys builded one faire chapell of vij^th (ſeven) yeardes height of the wall, in leinght xix^th (19) yeardes, and vij^th (ſeven) yeardes of bredthe, covered w^th ſlate; the windooes well glazed, in all things well repaired, (the ſylong thereof only excepted). Betwixt y^e ſaid chappell and the ſaid corteyne-wall, ys builded one lytle houſe of twoo houſe height, of length viij^th (eight) yeards; the neather parte therof called the reveſtry; th' over parte therof a cham⯑ber w^th a ſtone chimley, wherein y^e Lord and Ladie, w^th ther chil⯑dren, commonly uſed to heare the ſervice: the ſame is coverid w^th ſlate; y^e lofte therof wolde be repayred.’

‘And before the ſaid chappell dore ys one conducte ſett w^th ſtone & a chiſte of lead: w^ch chiſte ys three yeards of length, and xviii^th (18) inches brod: y^e ceſterne therof covered w^th leade: wherunto comethe a goodlye courſe of trime and ſwite water from one well called How⯑linge Well in pipes of leade. The ſame well covered w^th a houſe [201] made of ſtone. And the water of the ſaid conducte rynnethe in pipes of leade to the brewe houſe onely, and cannot be brought to have courſe to any other houſes of office, but ſuch as are builded, and to be builded w^thout the dungeon.’

‘And betwixt the ſaid conſtables towre and poſtern towre, ſtandith one faire brewhouſe well covered w^th ſlate, and ys in lenght xx^tie. (20) yeardes, in bredthe ix^en. (nine) yeardes: wherin ther ys a copper ſett in a fornace ekid w^th a crybe of clapbord w^ch will holde lyckor for the brewinge of xxiv^th. (24) bolles of malte: and in the ſame brewhouſe ther ys all manner of veſſells to ſerve for brewinge of the ſaid quantyte of malte newly made and repayred. Ther wolde be one appointed to keape y^e ſaid crybe copper in the fornace. All the ſ^d veſſells for brewinge, with pippes and hodgeſheads perteyning to the ſame, ſweite; and the theight....’

‘And joyninge upon the ſaid poſterne towre ſtandethe the bake houſe ſouthe and northe; being of lenght xv^th (15) yeardes; in breadthe viii^th (8) yeardes; well covered with ſclate. In the northe ende therof ther be twoo ovens; and in the ſouthe ende one boultinge houſe well colleryd w^th wainſcote, the wyndowe therof glayſined, and wolde be repaired. And joyninge to y^e ſouthe ende of the ſaid bake houſe ys builded twoo houſes covered w^th ſlate, and of twoo houſe height; y^e neather parte ſervethe for a ſlaughter houſe, and a ſtore houſe; th' over parte of th' one for hayehouſe, th' other for chambers for the launderors; and are in lenght .... foote.’

‘And joyninge upon the weſt ſide of the ſaid twoo houſes ys the ſcyte of the chaunterie-houſe; and the ſaid ſtore-houſe and chambers above yt did ſerve y^e preſts for [their] cellers and chambers; and now nothinge lefte but one [ſingle] wall goinge from the ſaid ſtore houſe to th' entrie of the .... ſide of the dungeon gate: w^ch. ys in lenght xxxiii^h (33) yeardes. And the grounde betwene y^e. wall, houſes and dongeone ys uſed for a woode garthe. And from the weſte ſide of the ſaid entrie to the towre called y^e midle warde, ys another ſmall parcel of grounde incloſed for a wode garthe w^th a lytle ſtone wall of xvj (16) yerds of lenght. And from the ſaid towre, called y^e midle warde, ys a ſingle curteyne wall joyned to the ſaid dungeon of xxi^tie (21) yeardes in lenght.’

[202] ‘The dungeon ys ſett of a lytle moate made w^th men's handes, and for the moſt parte, as yt were ſquare. The circuite thereof, mea⯑ſured by the brattiſhing, containeth ccxxv^th (225) yeardes. It ys of a fare and pathe buildinge w^th vij^en (ſeven) rounde towres, iiij^th (four) garretts. Betwixt the ſame garretts and towres, lodgings: beſides the gate houſe, w^ch ys two towres of four houſe height, ys of a ſtatelie buildinge; and th' other towres be all of thre houſe height and well covered w^th leade, as is lykewiſe the ſaid gatehouſe and other lodg⯑ings. Rounde about the ſame dungeon upon the ſaid leade, ys a tryme walk and a faire proſpecte, and in ſixe parts therof ys paſſadges and entries to y^e ſame leads. In y^e w^ch dungeon ys hall, chambers and all other manner of houſes of offices for y^e Lorde & his traine. The ſouth ſyde therof ſervethe for the Lordes & Ladies lodgings; and underneighe them the priſone, porter-lodge & wyne celler, w^th y^e ſkollerie. On the weſte ſide for chambres and wardrope. The northe ſide chambers and lodgings. Th' eaſt ſide the halle, ketchinge, cham⯑bers, pantrye. Underneithe y^e ſame hall a marveylouſe fare vaulte, w^ch ys the butterye, in lenght xvij (17) yeards, in breadthe vj^th (6) yeardes. And underneighe the ſame ketchinge a lardnor, and at th' ende of the ſaid butterie a draw-well of long time not occupied. Within the ſame dungeone ys a proper lytle coortinge for the moſte parte ſquare, and well paved with ſtone. All the chambers and houſes of office within the ſaid dungeone in good reparacions, and hathe in the ſame th' impleyments, bords, and bedſtedes perteyninge therunto, as appearethe by indenture. Ther ys rayſed on the weſte ſide of the ſaid dungeon one lytle ſquare towre, called the Watche Towre, above y^e leades xiiij^th (14) yeardes: wherin is placed for a watchemane to ley; and a beaken to be ſett or hinge. For that the northe parte of the dungeon ys the owtemoſte parte of the caſtell on that ſide, yt wolde be good the ſingle courteyne wall, w^ch ys builded from the dungeone weſteward to the eaſtemoſte garrett of the dobble cortinge wall, were taken downe; and a double courtinge wall made by the grounde of the moate of the ſaid dungeone from the ſaid garrett right over to the corner of the ſaid poſterne towre. The ſame ſhoulde then be a ſtrenght for that parte of the ſaid caſtell, and ſerve for divers other good purpoſes: the length wherof ys lxx^th (70) yeardes.’

‘And becauſe throwe extreme winds the glaſſe of the windowes of this and other my Lord's caſtells and houſes here in this cuntrie [203] doothe decay and waſte, yt were goode the whole leights of evrie windowe at the departure of his Lp. from lyinge at anye of his ſaid caſtells end houſes, and dowring the tyme of his Lps. abſence or others lying in them, were taken doune and lade upe in ſafetie; and at ſooche tyme, as other his Lp. or anie other ſholde lye at anie of the ſaid places, the ſame might then be ſett uppe of newe, w^th ſmale charges to his L^p. wher now the decaye therof ſhall be verie coſtlie and chargeable to be repayred.’

‘Alnwick Caſtle contains about five acres of ground within its outer walls, which are flanked with 16 towers and turrets, that now afford a compleat ſet of offices to the caſtle, and maintain many of them their original names, as well as their ancient uſe and deſtination.’

"Theſe are,

‘I. The Great or Outward Gate of entrance, anciently called the Utter Ward.’

‘II. The Garner or Avener's Tower: behind which are the ſtables, coach-houſes, &c. in all reſpects ſuitable to the magnitude and dig⯑nity of this great caſtle.’

‘III. The Water Tower; containing the ciſtern or reſervoir that ſup⯑plies the caſtle and offices with water. Adjoining to this is the laun⯑dry, &c.’

‘IV. The Caterer's Tower; adjoining to which are the kitchens, and all conveniencies of that ſort.’

‘Behind the adjacent walls are concealed a compleat ſet of offices and apartments for moſt of the principal officers and attendants in the caſtle. Together with a large hall, or dining-room, to entertain the tenants at the audits; with an office for the auditors, houſe⯑keeper's room; and underneath theſe, a ſervants-hall, with all other ſuitable conveniencies.’

"V. The Middle Ward.

"VI. The Auditor's Tower.

"VII. The Guard Houſe.

[204]"VIII. The Eaſt Garret.

‘IX. The Record's Tower; of which the lower ſtory contains the evidence room, or great repoſitory of the archives of the barony; over it is a circular apartment deſigned and executed with great taſte and beauty for a banquetting room, being 29 feet diameter, and 24 feet 6 inches high.’

‘X. The Ravine Tower, or Hotſpur's Chair. Between this and the round tower was formerly a large breach in the walls, which for time immemorial had been called by the town's people, the Bloody Gap.’

‘XI. The Conſtable's Tower; which remains chiefly in its ancient ſtate, as a ſpecimen how the caſtle itſelf was once fitted up.’

‘XII. The Poſtern Tower, or Sally Port. The upper apartment now contains old armour, arms, &c. The lower ſtory has a ſmall furnace and elaboratory for chymical or other experiments.’

"XIII. The Armourer's Tower.

"XIV. The Falconer's Tower.

‘XV. The Abbot's Tower; ſo called either from its ſituation neareſt to Alnwick Abbey, or from its containing an apartment for the Abbot of that monaſtery whenever he retired to the caſtle.’

"XVI. The Weſt Garret.

‘The caſtle properly conſiſts of three courts or diviſions; the en⯑trance into which was defended with three ſtrong maſſy gates; called the Utter Ward, the Middle Ward, and the Inner Ward. Each of theſe gates was in a high embattled tower, furniſhed with a port⯑cullis, and the outward gate with a draw-bridge alſo: they had each of them a porter's lodge, and a ſtrong priſon, beſides other neceſſary apartments for the conſtable, bailiff, and ſubordinate officers. Under each of the priſons was a deep and dark dungeon, into which the more refractory priſoners were let down with cords, and from which there was no exit but through the trap door in the floor above. That of the inner ward is ſtill remaining in all its original horrors.’

[205] ‘This caſtle, like many others in the north, was anciently orna⯑mented with figures of warriors, diſtributed round the battlements, and therefore the preſent noble proprietors have allowed them to be continued, and have ſupplied ſome that had been deſtroyed, but to ſhew what they once were; and, that this is no innovation, they have retained the ancient ones, though defaced, which were placed on the top of the two octagon towers.’

‘From length of time, and the ſhocks it has ſuſtained in ancient wars, this caſtle was become quite a ruin, when by the death of Al⯑gernon Duke of Somerſet, it devolved, together with all the eſtates of this great barony, &c. to the preſent Duke and Ducheſs of Northum⯑berland; who immediately ſet to repair the ſame, and with the moſt conſummate taſte and judgment reſtored and embelliſhed it, as much as poſſible, in the true Gothic ſtyle; ſo that it may deſervedly be conſidered as one of the nobleſt and moſt magnificent models of a great baronial caſtle.’

‘Nothing can be more ſtriking than the effect at firſt entrance within the walls from the town, when through a dark gloomy gateway of conſiderable length and depth, the eye ſuddenly emerges into one of the moſt ſplendid ſcenes that can be imagined; and is preſented at once with the great body of the inner caſtle, ſurrounded with fair ſemi-circular towers, finely ſwelling to the eye, and gayly adorned with pinnacles, figures, battlements, &c.’

‘The impreſſion is ſtill further ſtrengthened by the ſucceſſive en⯑trance into the ſecond and third courts, thro' great maſſy towers, till the ſtranger is landed in the inner court, in the very center of this great citadel.’

‘Here he enters to a moſt beautiful ſtair-caſe, of a very ſingular yet pleaſing form, expanding like a fan: the cornice of the ceiling is in⯑riched with a ſeries of 120 eſcutcheons, diſplaying the principal quar⯑terings and intermarriages of the Percy family. The ſpace occupied by this ſtair-caſe is 46 feet long, 35 feet 4 inches wide, and 43 feet 2 inches high.’

‘The firſt room that preſents to the left, is the ſaloon, which is a moſt beautiful apartment, deſigned in the gayeſt and moſt elegant [206] ſtyle of Gothic architecture; being 42 feet 8 inches long, 37 feet 2 inches wide, and 19 feet 10 inches high.’

‘To this ſucceeds the drawing-room, conſiſting of one large oval, with a ſemicircular projection, or bow-window. It is 46 feet 7 inches long, 35 feet 4 inches wide, and 22 feet high.’

‘Hence the tranſition is very properly to the great dining room; which was one of the firſt executed, and is of the pureſt Gothic, with nitches and other ornaments, that render it a very noble model of a great Baron's hall. In this room was an irregularity in the form, which has been managed with great ſkill and judgment, and made productive of beauty and convenience. This was a large bow-window, not in the center, but towards the upper end, which now affords a very agreeable receſs when the family dine alone, or for a ſecond table at the great public dinners. This room is 53 feet 9 inches long, 20 feet 10 inches wide, (excluſive of the circular receſs, which is 19 feet in diameter) and 26 feet 9 inches high.’

‘From the dining-room, the ſtranger may either deſcend into the court, by a circular Stair-caſe, or he is uſhered into a very beautiful Gothic apartment over the gateway, commonly uſed for a breakfaſt or ſupper-room: this is furniſhed with cloſets in the octagon towers, and is connected with other private apartments. It is 38 feet 4 inches long, . . feet wide, and 16 feet 1 inch high.’

‘Hence the ſtranger is conducted into the library, which is a very fine room, in the form of a parallelogram, properly fitted up for books, and ornamented with ſtucco-work in a very rich Gothic ſtyle; being 64 feet long, . . wide, and 16 feet 1 inch high. This apart⯑ment leads to’

‘The chapel; which fills all the upper ſpace of the middle ward. Here the higheſt diſplay of Gothic ornaments in the greateſt beauty has been very properly exhibited; and the ſeveral parts of the chapel have been deſigned after the moſt perfect models of Gothic excel⯑lence. The great eaſt window is taken from one of the fineſt in York minſter. The ceiling is borrowed from that of King's college, in Cam⯑bridge; and the walls are painted after the great church in Milan: but the windows of painted glaſs will be in a ſtile ſuperior to any thing that has yet been attempted, and worthy of the preſent more im⯑proved [207] ſtate of the arts. Excluſive of a beautiful circular receſs for the family the chapel is 50 feet long, 21 feet, 4 inches wide, and 22 feet high.’

‘Returning from the chapel through the library, and paſſing by another great ſtair-caſe, (that fills an oval ſpace 22 feet 9 inches long, and 15 feet 3 inches wide) we enter a paſſage or gallery which leads to two great ſtate-bed chambers, each 30 feet long, moſt nobly fur⯑niſhed, with double dreſſing rooms, cloſets, and other conveniencies, all in the higheſt elegance and magnificence, but as conformable as poſſible to the general ſtile of the caſtle. From theſe bed-chambers the paſſage opens to the grand ſtair-caſe, by which we firſt entered, and compleats a tour not eaſily to be paralleled.’

I muſt now turn my attention to the antiquity and hiſtory of this place.

Mr Groſe ſays, ‘it is believed to have been founded in the time of the Romans, although no part of the original ſtructure is now re⯑maining. But when part of the dungeon or caſtle keep was taken down to be repaired ſome years ago, under the preſent walls were diſcovered the foundations of other buildings, which lay in a diffe⯑rent direction from the preſent; and ſome of the ſtones appeared to have Roman mouldings. "The dungeon or keep of the preſent caſtle, is believed to have been founded in the Saxon times. The zigzag fret-work round the arch that leads into the inner court, is evidently of Saxon architecture; and yet this was probably not the moſt an⯑cient entrance; for under the flag tower, before that part was taken down and rebuilt by the preſent Duke, was the appearance of a gate⯑way that had been walled up; directly fronting the preſent outward gateway into the town."’

The firſt proprietor of the barony of Alnwick named in hiſtory, is Tyſon, who fell at the battle of Haſtings, in defence of Harold his King.^* William the Conqueror gave the heireſs of Tyſon in marriage to [208] Ivo de Veſey, one of his attendant adventurers; her poſſeſſions being very great, as well at Alnwick as in Yorkſhire. Beatrix was their iſſue, [209] and by King Henry I. was given in marriage to Euſtace Fitz John; from whom deſcended four generations, who ſucceſſively poſſeſſed this [210] barony. It was held in capite of the King by 18 Knights fees. This was an illuſtrious and powerful family.^*

King William Rufus, being required by King Malcolm of Scotland to fulfil the articles concluded upon in the truce made in 1091, gave the Scotch Monarch aſſurances of their completion, upon his repairing to his court, to which he ordered him to be honourably conducted. On his arrival, he was received with great inſolence and contempt, being refuſed admittance to the King's preſence, who inſiſted that Malcolm ſhould ſubmit his claim to the judgment of the Engliſh peers. Malcolm with a becoming dignity refuſed, alledging if there was any diſpute to his title, it ſhould be ſettled on the Marches, by men of both nations, agreeable to the laws and cuſtoms eſtabliſhed there. The Engliſh Mo⯑narch not conſenting to ſuch propoſition, Malcolm returned in high diſpleaſure, and was not long before he ſhewed his reſentment, by en⯑tering the borders with a powerful army, accompanied by Edward his [211] ſon: they laid waſte the county of Northumberland to the environs of Alnwick, and beſieged the caſtle. The moſt authentic account of the tragical events of this ſiege, ſeems to be that given in the ancient Chro⯑nicle of Alnwick Abbey, of which a copy is preſerved in the Britiſh Muſeum. Mowbray ^* Earl of Northumberland had collected a few troops to oppoſe the invader, and with them poſſeſſed this caſtle. It was too ſtrong to be taken by aſſault, but a circumvallation being made by the Scotch forces, the garriſon was cut off from hopes of ſuccour, and was on the point of ſurrendering, when a perſon undertook its re⯑lief by the following ſtratagem: he rode forth compleatly armed, with the keys of the caſtle tied to the end of his ſpear, and preſented himſelf in a ſuppliant manner before the King's pavilion, as being come to ſur⯑render the fortreſs. Malcolm advancing haſtily without his armour, re⯑ceived a mortal wound from the ſpearman, who eſcaped by the fleet⯑neſs of his horſe, and by ſwimming the river, which was then flooded with rains. The Chronicle ſays his name was Hammond, and the place of his paſſage was for long after him named Hammond's Ford: but in Lel. Col. he is called Morkell, from the Book of the High Altar of Durham Cathedral.^†

Prince Edward, Malcolm's eldeſt ſon, too incautiouſly advancing to revenge his father's death, fell into an ambuſcade, and was ſlain.^‡ The garriſon ſallied forth, the Scotch were thrown into confuſion by [212] the loſs of their leaders, and a panic ſucceeding, victory, ſtained with great bloodſhed, declared for the Engliſh: notwithſtanding the perſonal bravery of many illuſtrious Chieftains, and their utmoſt efforts to rally the diſconcerted troops, they fled in the utmoſt cowardice before their conquerors, who were greatly inferior in numbers. The ſpot where King Malcolm was ſlain, was diſtinguiſhed by a croſs, which was lately repaired or rebuilt by the Ducheſs of Northumberland,^* who was im⯑mediately deſcended from this unfortunate Monarch, by his daughter Queen Maud, wife of King Henry I. of England; whoſe lineal deſcen⯑dants were,

• 1. The Lady Mary Plantagenet, (daughter of Henry Earl of Lan⯑caſter, grandſon of King Henry III.) married to Henry Percy, the third Lord of Alnwick.
• 2. The Lady Elizabeth Mortimer, (grand-daughter of Lionel Duke of Clarence, ſon of Edward III.) wife of Hotſpur.
• 3. The Lady Eleanor Neville, (grand-daughter of John of Gaunt) wife of the ſecond Earl of Northumberland.^†

In the year 1135, King David I. of Scotland ſeized upon the caſtles of Northumberland, Alnwick being one, previous to the treaty entered into between him and King Stephen.

After King William of Scotland, ſirnamed the Lion, made his diſ⯑graceful retreat from the caſtle of Prudhoe, A. D. 1174, he beſet the caſtle of Alnwick with his whole army, conſiſting of 80,000 men: be⯑ing repulſed for ſome time, he formed a blockade, and drew off many of his forces in plundering parties, to pillage the country; one of which, as Benedict of Peterborough ſays, commanded by Earl Duncan, entered the town of Warkworth, burnt it, and put all the inhabitants to the ſword, without diſtinction of age or ſex; and that he made his ſoldiers break open the church of St Lawrence in that place, in which, [213] and in the houſe of the Miniſter, they flew above one hundred men, bedſies women and children. Bernard Baliol, a youth of great forti⯑tude, with about 400 horſemen raiſed at Newcaſtle, engaged in an en⯑terprize to ſurprize the Scotch Monarch: they were favoured in their march by a thick fog, which kept them concealed till they reached the environs of Alnwick, when diſcovering the King attended by about 60 of his chief followers on a reconnoitering party, they came upon them unexpectedly on Saturday the 5th day of July, whilſt the principal parts of his vaſt army were ſcattered over the country in acts of rapine and violence, and the others laying in an idle and unſuſpicious ſecurity before the caſtle, a conflict enſued, in which the King's horſe was killed under him, and many of his attendants were ſlain, the King being made priſoner. The ſtraggling parties were put to the route or taken, to a great amount in number, before they gained intelligence of the real force of their opponents: and the King of thoſe robbers, after being confined ſome time in Richmond Caſtle, was removed to London, and afterwards ranſomed for 100,000l. at the ſame time doing homage for his crown: as a memorial of which ſubmiſſion, he depoſited his arms at the altar in York Minſter.

In the reign of King John, A. D. 1212, Euſtace de Veſey being accuſed of a conſpiracy againſt the King's life, fled into Scotland. His caſtle was ordered to be raſed; but the apprehenſion of a ſouthern rebellion diverted the purpoſe.

Euſtace with the northern Barons, A. D. 1216, at Felton did homage to Alexander II. King of Scotland, his brother-in-law, which ſo much incenſed King John, that he poured forth into the north a large army, laid Felton in aſhes, together with the towns of Mitford, Morpeth, Aln⯑wick, Wark, and Roxburgh. Whilſt John made theſe dreadful depreda⯑tions in Northumberland, the Lord Euſtace, with King Alexander, made an incurſion as far as Barnardcaſtle, in the country of Durham, to which they laid ſiege; and being out on horſeback, to take a view of the for⯑treſs, in order to plan an aſſault, making too near an approach, Euſtace loſt his life by an arrow ſhot from ſome of the out-poſts.

What greatly contributed to prolong the inteſtine troubles of Henry the Third's kingdom in 1266, was the deſpair of the rebel Barons, by the forfeitures of their eſtates, under the determinations of the parlia⯑ment of Wincheſter. John de Veſey was one of them, and having been [214] deprived of his caſtle and barony of Alnwick, he entered into a combi⯑nation with ſeveral others labouring under the ſame proſcription, for the recovery of their poſſeſſions. Veſey raiſed a ſufficient force to gain his caſtle, but Prince Edward coming againſt him with a ſtrong body of forces, reduced his garriſon to ſuch diſtreſs, that he was obliged to ſurrender, and ſubmit himſelf to the Prince's mercy; through whoſe interceſſion he received the royal pardon.

In 1264, this John de Veſey was ſummoned to parliament in the 28th year of King Henry the Third's reign. This was the glorious aera in which our mode of parliaments was firſt ſettled, and Commons regu⯑larly admitted to a ſhare in the legiſlative power. He died in the 11th year of the reign of King Edward I. And in the 25th year of that reign, A. D. 1297, died William de Veſey, the laſt Baron of that family; who having no ligitimate iſſue, but leaving a ſon born out of wedlock, did, by the King's licence, enfeof Anthony Beck, Biſhop of Durham and ti⯑tular Patriarch of Jeruſalem, in the caſtle and Barony of Alnwick, in truſt for ſuch natural ſon; but this Right Reverend Guardian got the infant deprived of his barony, and as he acquired other royal favours, alſo obtained a confirmation from the King of a ſale made thereof to Henry Lord Percy, Baron of Topcliff and Spofford, in Yorkſhire, an anceſtor of the preſent illuſtrious family.

Mr Groſe ſays, but from what authority he is not pleaſed to point out, ‘that the appointment of the infant's Guardians, as alſo the very words of the deed of enfeofment (now extant) in which the convey⯑ance is to the Biſhop abſolute and unconditional, confute a report too haſtily taken up by ſome Hiſtorians, that this caſtle and barony were only given to the Biſhop in truſt for William the Baſtard above men⯑tioned; and that he was guilty of a violation of this truſt in diſpoſing of them otherwiſe.’ It would have been well if Mr Groſe could have ſhewn where this deed was to be ſeen; as it would in ſome meaſure have exonerated the Biſhop's memory of this infamous charge, and would have ſet Hiſtorians right for the future. Rymer (III. 184—18-9) au⯑thorizes the contrary determination. I do not remember an inſtrument of that antiquity, which contains an expreſs truſt; but where a truſt was premiſed, it was merely confidential, or expreſſed in ſome ſeparate deed. Truſts were introduced by the Lawmen to evade the ſtatute of uſes made in the reign of King Henry VIII. and from that period gained their legal acceptation.

[215]The caſtle and barony of Alnwick continued in the Biſhop's poſſeſſion 12 years,^* before he granted them to Lord Percy. The Biſhop's deed bears date the 19th of Nov. 1309, and doth not indeed wear the counte⯑nance of an obſcure tranſaction, for the witneſſes to it were ſome of the greateſt perſonages in the kingdom, viz. Henry Lacy Earl of Lincoln, Robert de Umfreville Earl of Angus, Robert Lord Clifford, &c. the grant was afterwards confirmed by the King at Sheene, 23d Jan. 1310, to H. Percy and his ſons; who Mr Groſe ſays, ‘to remove every pre⯑tence of complaint, obtained a releaſe of all right and title to the in⯑heritance from the heir at law, Sir Gilbert de Aton, Knt. who was the neareſt legitimate relation to the Lord William de Veſey above men⯑tioned.’ I muſt confeſs Mr Groſe's argument with me tends not to exculpate the Biſhop, but to confirm the ſuſpicion of his guilt. Such a ratification of title, in my apprehenſion, tells a conſciouſneſs of defects: had the baſtard ſon confirmed, the doubt would have been taken away.^†

[216]From the above period Alnwick Caſtle became the chief baronial ſeat in the north of the Percies, a family of great diſtinction in the ſouthern parts of England from the time of the Conqueror. Immediately on this acquiſition, the Lord Henry Percy began to repair this caſtle; and he and his ſucceſſors perfected and compleated the citadel and its out⯑works. The two great octagan towers which were ſuper-added to the [] [...] [...]

• VI. Of Plantagenet—Mary daughter of Henry Plantagenet, Earl of Lan⯑caſter, and grandſon of King Henry III. was wife of Henry, third Lord Percy of Alnwick, ſon to the founder of theſe towers, viz. Gules, three lions rampant, Or, charged with a label of five points.
• In the center are, the arms of the Sovereign, King Edward III. viz. France and England quarterly, France being then Semee de fleurs de Lis.
• VII. Of Warren—Eleanor daughter of John Earl of Warren and Surry, was wife of Henry Lord Percy, the founder's grandfather, viz. Chequered or & az.
• VIII. Of Arundel—Eleanor daughter of John Earl of Arundel, was the founder's mother, wife of Henry Percy, firſt Lord of Alnwick, viz. Gules, a lion rampant, or.
• IX. Of Umfreville—Margaret Percy, one of the founder's daughters, was then married to Robert, ſon and heir of Gilbert de Umfreville, Earl of Angus, viz. Azure, a cinque foil, or, between ſix croſlets argent.
• X. Of Percy again—Iſabel Percy, another of the daughters, was then unmarried. She was afterwards wife of William de Aton.
• XI. Of Neville—Maude Percy, the founder's eldeſt daughter, was wife of John Lord Neville of Raby, viz. Gules, a ſaltire argent.
• XII. Of Fitz Walter—Eleanor Percy, his ſecond daughter, was married to John Lord Fitz Walter, viz. Or, a feſs between two chevrons, gules.^*

The laſt remarkable incident in hiſtory relative to this caſtle, was in the reign of King Edward IV. and happened after his great victory at Towton. One Peter de Brezè, a Frenchman, being under his Sovereign's diſpleaſure, and in priſon, was reſtored to liberty on con⯑dition of his entering into the ſervice of the King of Sicily, the father of Margaret of Anjou, and conducting the troops raiſed for her ſervice into England. Brezè landed on the Northumberland coaſt with about 500 [219] men at arms: he poſſeſſed the caſtle of Alnwick, which was ſoon after beſieged by Lord Haſtings, Sir Ralph Gray, and Sir John Howard. The garriſon was reduced to great diſtreſs, when George Douglas, Earl of Angus, influenced to this ſervice by great promiſes from Margaret, advanced unexpectedly to the beſiegers with 10,000 horſemen, and making ſuch manoeuvres as induced the Engliſh army to apprehend he meant to attack them, whilſt they were forming themſelves in order of battle, he brought a ſtrong party up to the poſtern gate, to whom the garriſon made a ſally, and being mounted on horſes brought for that purpoſe, or behind the armed horſemen, the ſmall garriſon evacuated the fortreſs, being only 300 in number, and fled without bloodſhed. It is believed the garriſon, before they retired, endeavoured to deſtroy all the arms and ammunition they could not carry off: for a few years ago, on opening the principal well in the inner ward, which had been long filled up, the workmen found in it a great number of cannon balls of a large ſize, ſuch as were chiefly uſed after the firſt invention of gun⯑powder.

Margaret, in the month of October following, making another ef⯑fort, by the treachery of Sir Ralph Gray, the Governor, was again put in poſſeſſion of Alnwick Caſtle: but King Edward ſoon approaching with a numerous army, and finding no forces in the field to oppoſe him, Margaret having again retired into Scotland, he laid ſiege to the three great fortreſſes of Alnwick, Dunſtanborough, and Bambrough, at the ſame time. The troops which inveſted Alnwick, being 10,000 in num⯑ber, were under the command of the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Kent, the Lord Powis, the Baron of Grayſtock, and Lord Cromwell. Alnwick held out till the 6th of January; the French General Brezé having made an ineffectual effort to relieve it.

I muſt treſpaſs upon the reader ſo far, as to introduce in this place a ſhort account of the illuſtrious family of Percy.

This family is deſcended from Mainfred de Percy, who came into Normandy from Denmark, before the adventure of the famous Rollo, and had iſſue Geffrey, who took part with Rollo in his expedition into that province, of which he obtained the Sovereignty; being the firſt Duke of that country, and lineal anceſtor to William Duke of Normandy and King of England. Glover the Somerſet Herald in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, ſet forth this as an undoubted genealogy of the family.

[220] Geffrey had iſſue William de Percy, Lord Percy and Earl of Kaws, Governor of Normandy; who had iſſue Geffrey de Percy, who married Mary daughter to the Earl of Foreſt; who had iſſue William de Percy, who had iſſue Geffrey, all born in Normandy.

The laſt Geffrey had iſſue two ſons, William and Serlo, who came into England with William the Conqueror. ^*

William was a great favourite of this Prince, and by his bounty held large poſſeſſions in Hampſhire, 32 lordſhips in Lincolnſhire, and 86 lordſhips in Yorkſhire; Topcliff, in the North Riding, and Spofford, in the Weſt Riding, being his chief ſeats. He left a great patrimony in France to the Lord Monpenſier.—Madox, in his Baronia Anglicana, ſays, that William the Conqueror granted to his favourite Percy a barony of 30 Knights fees.

This William de Percy was ſurnamed Le Gernon, or Algernon: he was poſſeſſed of the lordſhip of Whitby, with the large territory adjacent thereto, in the Eaſt Riding of the county of York, where he founded an Abbey ^† for Benedictine Monks, to the honour of God, St. Peter, and [221] St. Hilda, in the time of King William Rufus, in the place where the monaſtery of Strenſhale anciently ſtood (deſtroyed by Inguar and Hubba the Danes). Serlo the founder's brother, having aſſumed the habit of a Monk, was Abbot. William married Emma de Port, Lady of the ho⯑nour of Semar, and had iſſue by her three ſons, Allan, Walter, and William. At Sion-houſe, in an old roll, wrote in the reign of King Henry VIII. is a hiſtory of the family in verſe, where it is ſaid he was Admiral of the navy which brought over William the Conqueror, that he died beyond the ſeas, and his heart was brought over and interred at Whitby, in the chapter-houſe; where alſo Emma his Lady was buried, having ſurvived her huſband.

Allan de Percy, the eldeſt ſon, ſucceeded to the honours and eſtates of his father. He married Emma daughter of Gilbert de Gant, Lord of Humundbre, and ſon of Gilbert Earl of Lincoln, by whom he had five ſons, William, Geffrey, Henry, Walter, and Allan. He had likewiſe one illegitimate ſon Allan, who was with the King of Scots, in the third of King Stephen, at the battle of Northallerton, called Bellum de Standardo.

William, ^* the eldeſt, married Alice the daughter of Robert Lord Roſs, and had iſſue four ſons, Allan, William, Richard, and Robert. Allan [222] dying without iſſue, William ſucceeded to the eſtate and honours of his anceſtors.

This William, ^* in the 34th year of King Henry I. A. D. 1133, founded the Abbey of Hampoll for Ciſtertian Monks; and alſo that of Sallay, in Craven, in the 12th year of King Stephen, A. D. 1147. He was one of the northern Barons who diſtinguiſhed themſelves at the battle of Northallerton againſt the Scots. In the 12th year of King Henry II. on levying the aids on the marriage of the King's daughter, he certified his Knights fees to be 28 de veteri feoffamento, and 8, a third and ſixth parts de novo feoffamento. He made a journey to Jeruſalem, and de⯑parted this life at Mount-Joy, in the Holy Land. He married Adelidis de Tunebrigge, by whom he had iſſue four ſons, Walter, Allan, Richard, and William, and two daughters, Maud and Agnes. All the ſons died without iſſue. William was a Monk, and Abbot of Whitby. Maud mar⯑ried William Earl of Warwick, and Agnes, Joceline de Lovaine, ſon to Godfrey Duke of Brabant, and brother to Adelidis Queen of England, wife of King Henry I. Maud died without iſſue, on whoſe demiſe Agnes her ſiſter became ſole heireſs of all the large poſſeſſions of her anceſtors. Before her marriage with Joceline, a covenant was made, that he ſhould either bear the arms of the Lords Percy (five fuſils in feſs Or) and renounce his own, or continue his own arms, and take the name of Percy to him and his iſſue by her. Under her picture in the pedigree at Sion-houſe are theſe lines:

There was iſſue of this marriage four ſons, Richard, Henry, Robert (Lord Sutton upon Derwent) and Joceline. In the before-mentioned roll are theſe lines:

Joceline de Louvaine's pedigree was from the Kings of France of the race of Charlemain, ſon of a Prince of the Medes.

Richard, the eldeſt ſon, was one of the chief of thoſe Barons in arms againſt King John, in the 17th year of that reign, and alſo one of the 25 who took an oath to compel the King to obſerve the particular arti⯑cles granted by the great Charter and Charter of the Foreſts: and he was ex⯑communicated by the Pope, for his being a partizan with the inſurgents. He was one of the Barons who called over Lewis, the ſon of the French King, to receive the Crown of England, and in aſſociation with Robert de Ros and Peter de Brus, ſubdued all Yorkſhire to the obedience of Lewis. He made his peace with King Henry III. and was in arms for him againſt the Welch, in the ſecond year of that reign. He died without iſſue, as did alſo Robert and Joceline.

Henry ^* ſucceeded as heir of his brother: he married Iſabel daughter of Adam, and ſiſter of Peter de Brus, of Skelton. He had in dowry the manor of Lekenfield, for which he rendered the following remark⯑able ſervice: he and his heirs were to reſort to Skelton Caſtle every Chriſtmas-day, and lead the Lady of that caſtle from her chamber to the chapel at maſs, and from thence to her chamber again; and after dinner to depart. He was buried at Whitby, and left iſſue two ſons, William and Henry.

[224] William ^* being ſeized of the eſtates of his father, paid 100 marks fine in the 26th year of the reign of King Henry III. to exempt him of attendance on the King into Gaſcoine. He had two wives; by the firſt, Elan daughter of William Lord Bardolph, he had ſeven ſons; by Joan his ſecond wife, who was the daughter of William de Brewer, he had no iſſue that ſurvived him.

Henry, ^† his eldeſt ſon, ſucceeded his father in the honours and chief poſſeſſions of the family. He married Eleanor daughter of John Earl of Warren and Surry. We find him in ſeveral ſervices in the reign of King Henry III. againſt the Welch and Scotch, and for ſome ſhort time in aſſociation with the rebellious Barons, but reſtored ſoon after to royal favour. He had iſſue three ſons, William, John, and Henry. William and John died without iſſue, and the honours and eſtates devolved upon

Henry, ^‡ whoſe wardſhip, 22d King Edward I. was granted to Edmund the King's brother. In the 24th year of that reign, he was knighted by the Sovereign before Berwick; after which he was in the battle of Dunbar, where the Engliſh obtained a ſignal victory. He was in many diſtinguiſhed ſervices in the ſucceeding years of that reign: he was one of the great Barons who ſigned that memorable declaration to Pope Boniface, ‘That their King was not to anſwer in judgment, for any rights of the Crown of England, before any tribunal under heaven, &c. and that by the help of God they would reſolutely and with all their force maintain againſt all men.’ In the 34th year of that reign he was ſent into Scot⯑land, accompanied by Lord Clifford and the Earl of Pembroke, to oppoſe Robert de Brus, then lately crowned King, and at Methfeu they ob⯑tained a compleat victory. They were beſieged at Kentier by the Scotch [225] forces, where they defended themſelves gallantly till relieved by troops ſent by the King from Lenercoſt. This Lord Percy purchaſed the ba⯑rony of Alnwick, as before mentioned. In the 5th year of King Henry II. he was Governor of the caſtles of Scarbrough and Bambrough; and in the ſame year the King granted him the cuſtody of the manor of Temple Weneby, in the county of York, belonging to the Knights Templars, who were charged by Pope Clement with being guilty of apoſtacy, idolatry, ſodomy, and hereſy. The Pope's bull alledges, ‘that when a brother is admitted, he denies Chriſt and he treads on the croſs.’ This Lord Percy appears to be of the liſt of factious Barons, who be⯑ſieged Piers de Gaviſton, Earl of Cornwall, in Scarbrough Caſtle, on ac⯑count of the royal partiality ſhewn to this unhappy favourite: Gaviſton had ſurrendered himſelf to his protection, but it did not prevent his death. A royal mandate iſſued for the confiſcation of all Lord Percy's eſtates and effects; but in the 7th year of that reign, he had reſtitution and a pardon from the King: after which he was in the royal army at the battle of Bannocksburn, when the Engliſh ſuſtained a ſhameful de⯑feat.^* On the death of Robert Lord Clifford, during the minority of his heir, he had the cuſtody of the caſtles of Skipton in Craven, Appleby, Brougham, and Pendragon, in Weſtmoreland and Cumberland. He died in the 8th year of King Edward II. and was buried in the abbey of Fountains, before the high altar. By Eleanor his wife, daughter of John Fitz Allan, he had iſſue two ſons, Henry and William.

Henry ^† was 16 years of age on the deceaſe of his father. On the 10th of September, 16 King Edward II. he was made a Knight at York, having the year before been appointed Governor of Scarbrough and [226] Pickering. In the 19th year of King Edward II. on the landing of Queen Iſabel and Prince Edward in England, he was one of the Nobles that joined with them for reforming the abuſes of government, occa⯑ſioned by the influence of the Spencers. The acceſſion of the forces headed by Lord Percy, greatly augmented the army at Glouceſter, and was ſingularly inſtrumental in the great changes then effected. He was one of the 12 Lords appointed the young King's Council, was principal Commiſſioner for ſettling the Peace with Scotland, and was made War⯑den of the Marches. He was the firſt of the Percys who poſſeſſed the caſtle of Warkworth, which after the death of Sir John Clavering, with⯑out iſſue male, was ſettled to devolve to the King and his heirs; and which Henry Lord Percy received by grant from the Crown, in lieu of an annual ſalary of 500 marks paid to him for certain ſtipulated ſer⯑vices. In the 4th of King Edward III. he was Ambaſſador to France. In the 5th year of the ſame reign, he was made one of the Conſerva⯑tors of the Peace for the counties of Cumberland and Northumberland; and in the ſucceeding year he was appointed Warden of the Marches, and Conſervator of the Peace for the counties of Northumberland, York, Lancaſter, Cumberland, and Weſtmoreland. He was with King Edward III. at the ſiege of Berwick, and at the memorable battle of Hallidown-hill. He was in much foreign ſervice in this reign, as well as being engaged in the wars with Scotland: he ſignalized himſelf at the ſiege of Nantz, and after his return to England, had the chief com⯑mand at the battle of Nevil's Croſs, near Durham, where King David was made priſoner, and his powerful army vanquiſhed. After living a life of action and honour, he died on the 26th of February, in the 26th year of King Edward III. and was buried in the priory of Alnwick. By Idonea his wife, daughter of Robert Lord Clifford, he had iſſue four ſons, Henry his eldeſt thirty years of age at the deceaſe of his father, Thomas Biſhop of Norwich, William, and Roger, and alſo four daughters.

Henry ^* was in the great expedition to France, on which ſucceeded the famous battle of Creſſy. He was one of the leaders of the firſt wing [227] of the Engliſh army at the battle of Nevil's Croſs. On Oct. 5th, 28 King Edward III. A. D. 1354, he was commiſſioned to receive from Sir John de Coupland, Sheriff of Northumberland, the body of David de Bruce, King of Scotland, and ſet him at liberty, according to the treaty for his ranſom. He was preſent with King Edward III. when John Baliol re⯑ſigned his Crown at Roxburgh. In the 33d year of the ſame reign, he was Conſtable of the Caſtle of Berwick; and in the ſame year attended the King to France, and was a witneſs to the treaty of Chartres. He was ſeveral times in the commiſſion of Conſervators of the Marches. He had two wives; he firſt married the Lady Mary Plantagenet, daughter to Henry Earl of Lancaſter, ſon of Edmund Earl of Lancaſter, Leiceſter, Derby, &c. ſecond ſon of King Henry III. Edmund married Blanch daughter of Robert Earl of Artois (brother of St. Lewis King of France) and widow of Henry de Champaigne King of Navar. Lady Mary was ſiſter to Henry Plantagenet, who was created Duke of Lancaſter in the 27th of King Edward III. whoſe daughter and heir was wife of John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaſter, father to King Henry IV. By this marriage Lord Percy had iſſue two ſons, Henry and Thomas. ^* By his ſecond wife, Joan the daughter and heireſs of John de Oreby, he had one Child, Maud, who married John Lord Roſs. Lord Percy departed this life on Aſcenſion-day, in the 42d year of King Edward III. he was ſucceeded by his eldeſt ſon,

[228] Henry, ^* who during his father's life was engaged in ſeveral expedi⯑tions into France: but what chiefly renders his memory amiable to this age, is, that he was a great favourer and ſupporter of the reformer Wickliffe, by which his life was in imminent peril. He was appointed Lord Marſhal of England, which office he retained at the coronation of King Richard II. when he was created (16 July, 1377) Earl of Nor⯑thumberland. Soon afterwards he grievouſly revenged the ſlaughter made by the Earl of Dunbar at Roxburgh; having levied an army of 10,000 men, he ravaged the territories of that Earl for three ſucceſſive days, burning and ſlaying conformable to the ſavage cuſtoms of the age. Under the influence of the Duke of Lancaſter, who had expreſſed an inveterate hatred to him, he was accuſed of neglect of duty, wherein the Scots had ſurprized Berwick, and judgment of death and loſs of eſtate was pronounced againſt him: but this ſevere ſentence was re⯑mitted by the King, and he ſoon recovered that fortreſs. The Earl of Northumberland having ſuffered many unmerited indignities from the King, entered into an aſſociation for his depoſition: meſſengers were accordingly ſent to Henry Duke of Lancaſter, ſon of John of Gaunt, who was then in France, to invite him over; and he taking advantage of Richard's being in Ireland, with a few attendants, landed in the month of July, 1399, in Holderneſſe, Yorkſhire, where he was received by the Earl of Northumberland, Sir Henry Percy his ſon, the Earl of Weſtmoreland, and many other perſons of great power, with a conſi⯑derable body of men, which in a few days was augmented to 60,000. The ſucceeding event is ſo notorious, that it requires no place here. The Earl of Northumberland was appointed Envoy to Richard, by whoſe argument he was perſuaded to reſign a royalty of which nothing remained but the name, the defection being ſo general, that he had not [229] one adherent left. A parliament was called to meet on the feaſt of St. Michael, when Richard was ſolemnly depoſed, and Duke Henry having heard read the articles of royal charge by the Archbiſhop, the ſame were ſigned by him with the ſign of the croſs; and the Earl of Nor⯑thumberland being High Conſtable of England, taking the ring with which the Kings were wedded to the realm, ſhewed it to the whole aſ⯑ſembly, and then put it on the Duke's finger; after which the Duke kiſſed the Earl, as he had before done the Archbiſhop, and immediately he was proclaimed King, by the name of Henry IV. The Earl received appointment of the high office of Conſtable of England for life, with a grant of the Iſle of Man, and many other great dignities and eminent employments. In the third year of King Henry IV. the Scots having invaded England, the Earl gave them a dreadful overthrow at Homeldon hill, where the Earl of Douglas was taken priſoner. Some diſſentions quickly enſued between the Earl and his Sovereign; the blood of Percys could not brook an indignity from one chiefly by them raiſed to the throne; they levied a powerful army, and under Henry Hotſpur and Earl Douglas their leaders, gave the royaliſts battle near Shrewsbury, ^* in which the event for long was dubious, and victory ſeemed to change from party to party ſeveral times, till at length King Henry was ſup⯑ported by the coming up of his corps de reſerve, and gained a com⯑pleat victory, Henry Hotſpur being among the ſlain.^† The Earl of Nor⯑thumberland, then indiſpoſed, was not come up with his reinforce⯑ments [230] before the battle; on receiving intelligence of the ill ſucceſs of his party, he retreated to his caſtle of Warkworth; from whence being ſummoned by the King, he ſurrendered himſelf, and obtained royal clemency for life, but was diveſted of his eſtates and kept priſoner till the commotions ſubſided, when he received reſtitution of ho⯑nours and lands, the Iſle of Man excepted. This reſtoration was at⯑tended with a great ſolemnity, in the preſence of the aſſembled eſtates of the kingdom. The Commons gave thanks to the King in full par⯑liament for the favour ſhewn to the Earl of Northumberland. The ſame day, at their requeſt, the King commanded the Earls of Northum⯑berland and Weſtmoreland, in token of perfect amity, to kiſs each other in open parliament, and to take each other by the hand thrice; which they did. The ſame ceremony paſſed between the Earls of Nor⯑thumberland and Dunbar, on the 22d February then following. But the death of Hotſpur, and the neglect ſhewn the Earl of Northumber⯑land from the Crown, enraged him ſo much, that in the ſucceeding year he openly joined the northern malcontents, and again took up arms againſt the King. The royal army ſoon appeared in the north, ſeized the Earl's caſtles of Alnwick and Warkworth, and drove the party to ſeek refuge in Scotland. A ſcheme was projected to ſurrender up this turbulent Earl, but he gaining intelligence of the deſign, eſcaped, and afterwards levied a ſufficient force to enter England, and recover his caſtles: theſe proſperous circumſtances were ſoon ſucceeded by a total overthrow at the battle of Bramham Moor, on the 2d of March, 8th King Henry IV. A. D. 1403, in which the Earl was ſlain. His head was cut off, then white with age, and being ſent to London, was fixed on a poll on the bridge: his quarters were placed on the gates of London, Lincoln, Berwick, and Newcaſtle; but in the month of May fol⯑lowing they were taken down, and delivered up to his friends to be buried. The Earl of Northumberland had two wives; he firſt married Margaret daughter to Ralph Lord Nevil, ſiſter to the firſt Earl of Weſt⯑moreland; by her he had iſſue three ſons, Henry named Hotſpur, Tho⯑mas, ^* and Ralph. ^† To his ſecond wife he married Matilda the widow [231] of Sir Gilbert Umfrevill, Earl of Angus, daughter of Thomas Lord Lucy, and ſiſter and heir to Anthony Lord Lucy, who out of her great affection ſettled upon his Lordſhip, and his heirs, all her honours and lands, the baronies of Cockermouth and Egremont in Cumberland, and the baronies of Langley and Prudhoe in this county, on condition of quartering the arms of the Lucies with his own. By her the Earl had no iſſue.

Henry Hotſpur, Lord Percy, ſhewed in his early youth a martial diſ⯑poſition. At the coronation of King Richard II. when his father was created Earl, he received the order of Knighthood. In the ninth year of that reign he was made Governor of Berwick, and Warden of the Marches towards Scotland; in which office he was ſo active, that the Scotch gave him the title of Hotſpur. In the ſame year he was ſent to Calais, where he teſtified his valour. In the 11th year of the ſame reign he was elected Knight of the Garter: but being envied at court for the military fame he had acquired, his adverſaries who had gained the So⯑vereign's ear, prevailed to get him an appointment at ſea to repel the French, who threatened an invaſion: in which he acquitted himſelf with great honour. In the ſame year the Scotch entering the Eaſt Marches, he encountred them near Newcaſtle, ſlew the Earl Douglas with his own hands, and mortally wounded the Earl of Murres: but preſſing over forward, was taken priſoner by the Earl of Dunbar, together with his brother Ralph, and both were carried into Scotland. He bore many ho⯑nourable commiſſions in this reign; and in the ſucceeding one being an attendant on his father when the crown was placed on the head of Henry IV. among other marks of royal favour, he was made Sheriff of Northumberland, Governor of Berwick and Roxburgh, and Juſtice of Cheſter, North Wales, and Flintſhire; alſo had a grant of the caſtle and lordſhip of Bambrough for life, and of the whole county and dominion of Angleſey. He was in the battle of Hailidon-hill, and to his valour and his archers, that great victory was chiefly attributed. He married Elizabeth the eldeſt daughter of Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March, by Phillippi his wife, only daughter and heir of Lionel Duke of Clarence, ſecond ſurviving ſon of King Edward III. by whom he had iſſue one ſon, Henry, and one daughter, who married John Lord Clifford, and [232] ſurviving him, to her ſecond huſband married Ralph Nevill, ſecond Earl of Weſtmoreland.

Henry ^* his ſon being carried into Scotland by his grandfather when an infant of tender years, after the death of his father, in order to pro⯑tect him againſt the reſentment of King Henry, Robert King of Scot⯑land intending to ſend his ſon James out of the kingdom, for fear of his coming to an untimely end by means of Walter Duke of Albany his uncle, Henry was his attendant and companion; and leaving Bas Caſtle in ſtormy weather, they were drove on Flambrough-head, where going on ſhore to refreſh themſelves, and being known, were taken priſoners, and carried to the King at Windſor. This event proved fortunate for our young Lord, he thereby having a means of winning the friendſhip of Henry V. who reſtored him to the title and poſſeſſions of his anceſ⯑tors.^† In the 4th year of King Henry V. he ſat in the parliament hol⯑den at Weſtminſter Oct. 19, as Earl of Northumberland, and the ſame year was conſtituted General Warden of the Marches of Scotland. He attended the King in his French campaigns, and during this reign held many diſtinguiſhed offices. He received the order of Knighthood along with King Henry VI. and many accompanying Peers, from the hand [233] of the Duke of Bedford, then Regent. In the 14th year of King Henry VI. he made an unſucceſsful irruption into Scotland, and at Piperden was defeated by the Earl of Angus, with the loſs of 1500 men. In the 29th year of the ſame reign, he again entered Scotland, and engaged, near the river Sare, a large body of Scotch under the command of Sir William Wallace of Craigy, where he again had a defeat, and nar⯑rowly eſcaped being priſoner; his ſon chooſing to throw himſelf into the hands of the enemy to ſave his father. This Earl added to the works of Alnwick Caſtle, and fortified the Town with a ſtone wall of conſiderable ſtrength, with four gates and ſquare towers.

In the great carnage at the battle of St. Albans, 23d May, 1455, the Earl was among the ſlain, having ſupported the King with all his power. He was interred in the chapel of the bleſſed Virgin in the abbey of St. Albans. He married Eleanor daughter of Ralph Earl of Weſtmoreland, and had by her nine ſons, Henry, John, ^* Thomas, ^† Ralph, ^‡ John, Henry, ^§ William, ^‖ Richard, ^** and George, ^†† and two daughters, Catharine and Ann, ^‡‡ He was ſucceeded by his eldeſt ſon,

Henry, ^§§ who was thirty years of age when he ſucceeded to the title. In the 4th year of the reign of King Henry VI. he was knighted: the Duke of Bedford firſt knighted the King, and then the King in like manner conferred the ſame honour on ſeveral of the ſons of Earls, among whom was this Henry Lord Percy, then about two years of age, and the King not five years old; he having ſucceeded to the throne [234] before he had compleated the ninth month of his age. In the 20th of the ſame reign, he was retained Governor of the town and caſtle of Berwick, with the Eaſt Marches of Scotland. He married Eleanor the daughter and heireſs of Robert Lord Poinings, (who was ſlain at the ſiege of Orleans) and in the 25th year of that reign had livery of the poſſeſſions of that family. In the 27th year of the ſame reign, he was ſummoned to parliament by the title of Lord Poinings; and in the 33d year of King Henry VI. he ſucceeded to the honours of the Earldom of Northumberland. In the 38th of that reign, he was conſtituted Juſtice of all the Foreſts north of Trent. He was with Queen Margaret in the north, when the King was taken priſoner at the battle of Northampton. She, ſupported by the Earl, having collected 18,000 men, marched ſouth⯑ward to attempt relieving the King, and encountred the Duke of York near Wakefield, in Yorkſhire, on the laſt day of December; in which battle the Duke was ſlain, and his army vanquiſhed, 2800 being left dead upon the field. From thence the victorious Queen marched ſouth⯑ward, and on Shrove Tueſday, at St. Albans, obtained a victory over the forces under the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Warwick, and others who were left to govern the King. By this event he regained his li⯑berty; but finding great levies drawing forwards from all quarters in ſupport of Edward, the King with his party prudently retreated to the north. Edward having been proclaimed King by his partizans, by the name of King Edward IV. left London on the 12th of March, leading forth a powerful army to purſue the unfortunate Henry in his re⯑treat, and by eaſy marches arrived at Pomfret, where he reſted the troops for ſome time, appointing the Lord Fitz Walter to keep the paſs of Ferrybridge. The Earl of Northumberland, deſirous of revenging the death of thoſe whom he dearly loved, was well prepared to receive his enemies; and leaving King Henry with his Queen and ſon in the city of York, for their greater ſafety, it was reſolved that Ferrybridge at all hazards ſhould be recovered, and the enterprize was committed to the Lord Clifford; who with a competent number of light horſemen departing early from the army on the morning preceding Palm Sunday, made ſuch expedition that he ſurprized the guard, which he put to the ſword, and gained the bridge. The Lord Fitz Walter hearing the noiſe, roſe out of his bed, as did the baſtard brother of the Earl of Warwick, preſuming there was a mutiny among the ſoldiers, but ſoon fell victims to the arms of Clifford. On this Edward thinking loſs of time might endanger the reſt of his forces, reſolved to try his fate, by the imme⯑diate iſſue of a battle. Finding the paſs of Ferrybridge too well main⯑tained [235] to be attempted, he ordered the van-guard of his army to ford the river three miles above, as Caſtleford; and attacking the Lord Clif⯑ford near Towton, as he was retreating to the main army, ſurrounded his party, who defended themſelves with great bravery till his Lordſhip was ſlain, being ſhot with an arrow through the throat.

Next day being Palm Sunday, 29th of March, both armies were within ſight of each other between Saxton and Towton; King Henry's forces being computed at 60,000, and King Edward's at 48,660. Our Hiſtorians have given a particular account of this battle, which laſted three days, and in which were ſlain on both ſides 36,776 perſons, all Engliſh; whereof the Chiefs were the Earls of Northumberland and Weſt⯑moreland. The Earl of Northumberland commanded the van-guard, the ſnow blowing in the faces of his troops, ſo that they could not ſee how to direct their arrows, he led them on to charge ſword in hand: a bloody conflict continued for ten hours, in doubtful victory, in which the Earl was killed, but how or by whom is not known. In the ſucceeding par⯑liament he was attainted, and the earldom of Northumberland was con⯑ferred on John Nevill, Lord Montacute, brother to Richard Nevill, Earl of Warwick, by patent dated 28th May, 4th King Edward IV. Henry Earl of Northumberland left a ſon,

Henry ^* being in his minority when his father was ſlain, was com⯑mitted to the tower of London, till the 27th of October, A. D. 1469, 9th King Edward IV. when he was brought before the King at Weſt⯑minſter and took the oath of allegiance, whereupon he was ſet at liberty, and ſoon after reſtored to the eſtates and dignities of his an⯑ceſtors: he was made Warden of the Middle Marches before his reſto⯑ration in blood and inheritance, and afterwards bore many honour⯑able commiſſions from the crown: he had the chief command of the army in the 22d year of the reign of King Edward IV. which beſieged and took Berwick: in the battle of Boſworthfield, in the third year of King Richard III. he is charged (by Hall and Buck) as acting a treacherous part to a ſovereign from whom he had received conſidera⯑ble marks of confidence and eſteem, by withdrawing his troops, or otherwiſe ſtanding an idle ſpectator of the dreadful conflict of that day. It is certain he was immediately received to the favour of King [236] Henry VII. In the fourth year of that reign, being Lieutenant of Yorkſhire, he was murdered by the populace at Coxlodge near Thirſk, 28th April, 1489, on enforcing the tax for carrying on the war in Britany. He married Maud daughter to William Herbert, firſt Earl of Pembroke of that name, by whom he had iſſue four ſons and three daughters. He and his lady were buried at Beverley. On the 15th of September, 1678, this lady's monument was opened^*, (but on what occaſion my author doth not ſay) when the body was found in a ſtone coffin, embalmed and covered with cloth of gold, and on her feet ſlip⯑pers embroided with ſilk and gold, by her ſide a wax lamp, and a plate candleſtick with a candle.

Henry the eldeſt ſon, fifth Earl of Northumberland, in the 12th year of King Henry VII. was one of the chief commanders of the King's army in the battle of Blackheath.

The magnificence of this Earl is mentioned on the marriage of Mar⯑garet with the King of Scots, when in ſplendour he exceeded all the nobility preſent. Hall ſays he outdid them ‘for the richneſs of his coat, being goldſmiths work garniſhed with pearle and ſtones; and for the coſtly apparel of his henxmen, and gallant trappers of their horſes; beſides 400 tall men well horſed, and apparel'd in his col⯑lars: he was eſteemed both of the Scots and Engliſhmen, more like a prince than a ſubject.’ He had alſo with him his officer of arms, named Northumberland, arrayed in a livery of velvet, bearing his armorial enſignia.

On the acceſſion of Henry VIII. he was continued in the office of Warden of the Marches, which he had filled in the preceding reign. He ſerved in the French campaign, and was preſent at the battle of Spurs. In the 14th of King Henry VIII. he was made Warden of the whole Marches, which office he executed for a very ſhort time; at his own inſtance giving place to the Earl of Surry. He died in the 18th of King Henry VIII. and was buried at Beverley. He married Catharine daughter and coheireſs of Sir Robert Spencer, by Eleanor daughter and at length heireſs of Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerſet, by Eleanor his wife daughter and heir of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, who was great grandſon of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lan⯑caſter. [237] The Earl had iſſue three ſons, Henry, Thomas ^*, and Ingeham ^†, and two daughters, Margaret ^‡ and Maud. ^§

It may be agreeable to the reader in this place, to find an account of the Earl's houſhold, as it points out the faſhion of the age, as well as the magnificence of the family.

‘Gentlemen who wait before noon, 6; yeomen and grooms of the chamber who wait before noon, 10; yeomen officers, 4; and groom officers, 4; ſervants to wait in the great chamber, in the morning daily throughout the week, from ſix to ten of the clock, 20; gentle⯑men to wait in the afternoon, 7; yeomen of the chamber, yeomen waiters, and grooms of the chamber to wait in the afternoon daily, 7; yeomen of houſhold and groom officers of houſhold, which ſhall not attend after ſupper, 8; yeomen officers and groom officers of houſhold to wait in the afternoon, 4; gentlemen to wait after ſupper, 13; yeomen waiters and grooms of the chamber to wait after ſupper, 17; chaplains and prieſts in houſhold, 11; gentlemen and children of my Lord's chapel, attending in exerciſing of God's ſervice in the chapel daily at matins, lady maſs, high maſs, and even ſong, 17; yeomen officers, groom officers, and grooms in houſhold, not ap⯑pointed to attend becauſe of others their buſineſs, which they attend daily in their offices in my Lord's houſe, 27; an armourer; a groom of the chamber to Lord Percy, to wait hourly in his chamber; a groom for bruſhing and dreſſing his cloaths; a groom of the cham⯑ber to his Lordſhip's two younger ſons; a groom of the ſtyrrup; a groom ſumpter man, to dreſs the ſumpter horſes and my Lady's pal⯑freys; a groom to dreſs my Lord's hobbeys and nags; a groom of the ſtable; a groom to keep my Lord's hounds; a groom miller for grinding corn for baking and brewing; a groom porter for keeping the gates; a groom for driving his Lordſhip's chariot, and a keeper of the ſaid chariot horſes; clerks in my Lord's houſe, not appointed daily to attend, becauſe of making their books, which they are [238] charged with to write hourly upon, 7; ſervants belonging to gentle⯑men in his Lordſhip's houſe, 10; ſervants and gentlemen ſervants not appointed to wait becauſe of other their buſineſs, which they at⯑tend on daily for his Lordſhip, 44: in all 229.’ ^*

The ſixth Earl Henry was deeply in love with the fair Anne Bullen, but by the art of Cardinal Woolſey, and even the royal interpoſition, was withdrawn from an attachment, which it is ſaid gave great anxiety to the Sovereign. Notwithſtanding the Earl's early affection for the Cardinal, in 1530, he was one of the King's Commiſſioners to arreſt him for high treaſon. He was Warden of the Eaſt and Middle Marches, and one of the Knights of the Garter. He married Mary daughter of George Earl of Shrewſbury, and died without iſſue.

As his brother Thomas had been attainted, the earldom of Northum⯑berland for ſome time remained dormant: Queen Mary reſtored Thomas the nephew to the honours and eſtates of his anceſtors, the patent ſet⯑ting forth that the ſame was done ‘in conſideration of his noble deſcent, con⯑ſtancy of virtues, valour in deeds of arms, and other ſhining qualifications.’ The ceremony of his creation at Whitehall was attended with great pomp: the proceſſion was preceded by 8 heralds and 12 trumpeters: he was accompanied by the Earls of Pembroke, Arundel, and Rutland, and the Lord Montague, walking in the middle, dreſſed in robes of crimſon velvet, a hat of crimſon velvet, and a coronet of gold. He was joined with Lord Wharton as Wardens General of the Marches, with very extenſive powers, A. D. 1557. He commanded againſt the Scots who made an incurſion the ſame year, and giving them battle near Cheviot, obtained a compleat victory: Sir John Forſter was ſhot through the mouth, and had his horſe killed under him. Sir Andrew Kerr, the Scotch leader, was taken priſoner. He with his brother Henry having entered Scotland in the following year, obtained a victory over the Scotch near Swinton; and the ſame year engaged the French auxiliaries with equal ſucceſs, near Grindon. In jealouſy of Lord Cecil's power with Queen Elizabeth, he entered into the northern conſpiracy, and at length appeared in open rebellion. It would be inconſiſtent with my plan, in this place to ſpeak upon that matter; it will ſuffice to add, that the Earl having fled into Scotland, was betrayed and delivered up, and in the 13th year of Queen Elizabeth, he and his Counteſs were convicted of high treaſon and out⯑lawed; [239] and on the 22d of Auguſt, 1572, he was beheaded at York, avowing with his laſt breath the Pope's ſupremacy, affirming the realm to be in a ſchiſm, and the ſubjects who were obedient to the Queen, no better than heretics.^* He married Ann daughter of Henry Somerſet, Earl of Worceſter, by whom he had one ſon and five daughters: the ſon died without iſſue.

The patent of reſtoration made by Queen Mary having limited the titles and eſtates to the late Earl's heirs male, and in default of ſuch iſſue, to Henry Percy, the Earl's brother, in the 18th of Queen Eliza⯑beth, he was ſummoned to parliament by the diſtinction of Earl of Nor⯑thumberland and Baron Percy.

On his brother's defection, he ſtood loyal to the Queen, and with Sir John Forſter, commanded the troops which on the 9th of Decem⯑ber, in the 12th of Queen Elizabeth, routed the Earl of Weſtmoreland's forces in the biſhopric of Durham. In the 27th year of Queen Elizabeth, being ſuſpected of plotting to ſet at liberty the Queen of Scots, he was committed priſoner to the Tower; and on the 21ſt of June, was found dead in his bed, having three ſhots from a piſtol lodged under his left pap, his chamber door being faſtened on the inſide. He married Ca⯑tharine eldeſt daughter and coheireſs of John Nevill, Lord Latimer, by whom he had iſſue eight ſons and three daughters. Henry his eldeſt ſon ſucceeded him, the ninth Earl of Northumberland.

He was one of thoſe volunteer Lords who hired veſſels to accompany Charles Lord Howard, Lord High Admiral, againſt the Spaniſh Armada. Being ſuſpected as an accomplice in the Gunpowder Plot, he ſuffered a long and grievous confinement in the Tower;^† his ſentence being an [240] impriſonment for life, and a fine of 30,000l. though he was convicted in the Star Chamber for miſpriſion of treaſon only. In 1614, he paid his fine, but he did not gain his liberty till the 18th of July, 1621, having been confined 15 years.

In the 4th year of King Charles I. he obtained a confirmation to him and the heirs male of his body, of the title and dignity of Baron Percy, in as ample a manner as his anceſtors had enjoyed the ſame. He died at his ſeat at Petworth, on the 5th of November, 1632. He married Dorothy daughter of Walter Devereux, Earl of Eſſex, by whom he had iſſue four ſons and two daughters. His two eldeſt ſons dying in in⯑fancy, he was ſucceeded in title and eſtates by his third ſon, Algernon. ^*

Algernon the 10th Earl of Northumberland was about 30 years of age when he ſucceeded to the honours of his anceſtors. Lord Clarendon ſays, ‘that the King took him into his immediate and eminent care, and proſecuted him with all manner and demonſtration of reſpect and kindneſs; and (as he heard his Majeſty himſelf ſay) courted him as his miſtreſs, and converſed with him as his friend, without the leaſt interruption or inter⯑miſſion of any poſſible favour and kindneſs.’ On the 13th May, 11 King [241] Charles I. he was inſtalled one of the Knights of the Garter. He was made Lord High Admiral, for his ſervices againſt the Dutch in 1636. He bore the following titles: ‘Lord of the honours of Cockermouth and Petworth, Lord Percy, Lucy, Poinings, Fitz-Aine, Bryan, and Latimer, Knight of the Garter, Lord High Admiral of England, Ireland, and Wales, and of the dominions and iſles of the ſame; of the town of Cales and Marches of the ſame; of Normandy, Gaſcony, and Aquitaine; Lord General of the navy and ſeas of the ſaid kingdoms of England and Ire⯑land; one of the Lords of his Majeſty's Moſt Honourable Privy Coun⯑cil; Lord Lieutenant of Northumberland, Cumberland, and Weſtmoreland, and Captain General of the army to act againſt the Scots.’ He at⯑tended King Charles I. into Scotland, on his coronation. In the 11th year of that reign, he was inſtalled one of the Knights of the Garter; and in the 13th year he was made Lord High Admiral of England. In the 15th, he was made Captain General of the army. In 1639, his Lordſhip was at the head of ſtate affairs. In a letter to the Earl of Leiceſter, he thus expreſſed his ſentiments of public matters: ‘It grieves my ſoul to be involved in theſe councils; and the ſenſe I have of the miſeries that are like to enſue, is held by ſome a diſaffection in me; but I regard little what thoſe perſons ſay.’ In 1643, he with the Earls of Pembroke and Saliſbury, with ſeveral Members of the Houſe of Commons, were indicted of high treaſon at Salisbury, before Judges Heath, Forſter, and Glanvill, for aſſiſting the parliament; but they could not induce the jury to find the bill. On the 17th of May, 1645, by order of the Lords, the Earl and his Counteſs were directed to take care of the King's children. His Lordſhip, though acting under many commiſſions of parliament, deteſted the cruel murder of his Majeſty, and did his utmoſt to obſtruct it."^* After which he retired from public buſi⯑neſs, living at his ſeat at Petworth, waiting for a favourable opportu⯑nity to reſtore King Charles II. in which he took an active part. He was twice married; by Anne daughter of William Cecil, Earl of Saliſ⯑bury, his firſt wife, he had five daughters. By Elizabeth daughter to Theophilus Earl of Suffolk, he had iſſue, Joſceline his only ſon and ſuc⯑ceſſor. He died the 13th October, 1688, and was interred at Petworth.

Joſceline the eleventh Earl of Northumberland married the Lady Eliza⯑beth, daughter of Thomas Earl of Southampton, Lord High Treaſurer of England. He was made Lord Lieutenant and Cuſtos Rotulorum of [242] the county of Suſſex, and Lord Lieutenant of the county of Northum⯑berland. On the 21ſt May, 1670, he died at Turin, was brought to England, and interred at Petworth. He had iſſue an only ſon, Henry, who died in infancy, and two daughters, Elizabeth and Henrietta, the latter of which died at four years of age.

The Lady Elizabeth had three huſbands; the firſt, Henry Cavendiſh, Earl of Ogle, ſon and heir to the Duke of Newcaſtle. Her ſecond huſ⯑band was Thomas Thynne, Eſq And her third, his Grace Charles Duke of Somerſet. By the latter her Ladyſhip had iſſue, Algernon Earl of Hert⯑ford, afterwards Duke of Somerſet, and by creation Earl of Northum⯑berland, who left an only daughter and heir, the late Ducheſs of Nor⯑thumberland.

In this preſent illuſtrious family, live all the heroic virtues of their anceſtors. I muſt give a place to the following oration, ſpoken at Guild⯑hall, Weſtminſter, by the Reverend Mr Bennet, on Tueſday July the 30th, 1776, on placing the picture of Earl Percy in the council cham⯑ber of that hall.

[244]The town of Alnwick ^* is irregular, being built on the declivities of a hill, in various directions: the buildings are chiefly modern, and [245] ſome of them approach to elegance. It is the county town of Northumber⯑land, and an unrepreſented borough, governed by a Bailiff (nominated by his Grace; his authority derived from the obſolete office of Con⯑ſtable of the Caſtle) and four Chamberlains, choſen annually out of the freemen of the town. The freedom of this borough was one of King John's inſtitutions, who in a ridiculous humour ordained, that it ſhould be obtained by paſſing through a deep and miry pond, on the Town Moor,^* upon St. Mark's day; which ſtill to render more ludicrous, the candidate is to perform in white cloathing; and ſometimes it is ef⯑fected with the utmoſt peril. What immunities or privileges are gained by this unhappy mode of acceſſion, I never could learn: the trade of Alnwick, with every advantage of excluſive exerciſe, is inſignificant, [246] and the appendages of the borough are of no great moment.^* The town was walled round by Henry Lord Percy, in the reign of King Henry VI. having four gates guarded by ſquare towers; three of which ſtill remain, Bondgate uſed for a priſon, Clayport for a poor-houſe, and Pottergate diſmantled and falling to decay. This borough holds a weekly market on Saturday, and four annual fairs, on the 12th of May, the laſt Monday in July, the firſt Monday in October, and on the 24th of December. The Market-place is well ſituated near the centre of the town, and greatly ornamented by the public buildings lately given by his Grace: among which are the Market-houſe, in the Gothic ſtyle, highly finiſhed and decorated, the Shambles, and Font. There is an ancient and immemorial cuſtom retained here, on the proclamation of the ſeveral fairs: Divers adjacent townſhips, which are free of toll in the borough by this ſervice, ſend their Repreſentatives to attend the Bailiff on the eve of the fair, when he makes proclamation: after which they keep watch all night in every quarter of the town.^† This is the moſt perfect remains of watch and ward retained in any part of this county.

Here is a School endowed with a revenue ariſing out of the tolls; but to which of the Lords of Alnwick it owes its conſtitution, I have gained no certain information.^‡

This town was ſubject to all the miſeries of the Border Wars, and in 1448, was reduced to aſhes by the Scots.

[247] The Church ſtands a little diſtance from the town, retaining no very diſtinguiſhing marks of antiquity.^* In the ſouth aile is a tomb formed in the receſs of the wall, with three recumbent effigies; but of what perſonages, no inſcription or tradition diſcovers: probably they repre⯑ſent ſome of the family of Veſeys, who were founders or great bene⯑factors.

Here are two Diſſenting Meeting-houſes, and a modern Weſtlean Conventicle.

An Hoſpital was founded here by the Percies, in the reign of King Edward III. dedicated to St. Leonard; and by Henry Lord Percy, (the firſt of that name) afterwards Earl of Northumberland, made an ap⯑pendage to the abbey, 50 Edward III.^†

The attention there is given by the Duke's ſervants, reſident at the caſtle, to ſatisfy the inquiries and curioſity of travellers, afforded us an eaſy acceſs to the pleaſure grounds which lead to Huln Abbey. ^‡ The road we paſſed is calculated for the family's private uſe and retirement; but ſuch is his Grace's benevolence to the public, that the eye of the [248] curious is not excluded from thoſe beautiful ſcenes. The way to Huln forms one of the ſweeteſt and moſt romantic rides in the county; where nature has left the lands open, art has happily diſpoſed her works with the juſteſt taſte, to ſupply the vacancy. The entrance is by a ſteep de⯑ſcent to the vale, through which the river winds its courſe. The road by traverſing the hills obliquely, renders the way eaſy to the paſſenger: it is cloathed on each hand with plantations of various kinds of foreſt trees, mingled with great judgment, and ſo diſpoſed, that the pines and evergreens give an agreeable variegation of colour in the foliage, without deadening the ſcene. Nothing can be more gloomy than long-extended lines of duſky firs, which, as the Poet ^* juſtly obſerves, ‘blot the horizon.’ Theſe plantations are bordered on each ſide of the road with a variety of flowering ſhrubs and tufts of flowers. After paſſing this agreeable grove by irregular windings, we deſcended into a plain waſhed by the ſolemn ſtream of ſleepy Aln, which ſcarce appears to flow, ſo dull it ſeems, in this romantic valley, ſhut in on every hand by lofty eminences, covered with wood, forming a ſpacious theatre near two miles in circuit. On the right hand the river forms a ſemi⯑circle, the oppoſite ſhore compoſed of ſhaken and perpendicular rocks, over whoſe brink impends a foreſt of oaks, riſing ſhade above ſhade up to the crown of the mountains. As the Aln paſſes away from this ſweet vale, and glides from under the feet of thoſe romantic rocks, ſhe doth not even yield a murmur or a ſigh; except where conſtrained by ſome artificial wears, ſhe turns over with indolence, and falls again to ſleep on the ſucceeding lake.

After paſſing this plain, the vale grows narrow, the hills and woods are loftier, and the river here and there frets over a few pebbles which im⯑pede her paſſage. Here is every ſylvan beauty; here we taſted enjoy⯑ment of all the pleaſures of a woody ſcene—the richneſs of the foreſt hues, the deep ſhadow, and the refreſhing breeze perfumed by wood⯑bine—together with that ſolemnity and ſtillneſs which ſooth the con⯑templative mind.

As we winded thro' this deep valley, the proſpect at length opened upon the ſcite of Huln Abbey: on the left hand the landſkip was ab⯑ruptly cloſed with rugged mountains of naked white rocks; oppoſed to [249] which, on the right, on a graſſy eminence, ſtand the remains of the monaſtery, humbly mourning in the lowly garb of ſolitude, and bending down in ruins: over which a tower of the Percys bears the melancholy air of unavailing defence, and overlooks the mouldering walls with an aſpect of deſpondency, in its inability to ſhield off the ſtrokes of time and devaſtation. We aſcended to the ſummit of the hill, and being poſſeſſed of the keys, by which alone we could have had acceſs to theſe retreats, we flattered ourſelves no obſtacle could ariſe that might deprive us of the ſight of the ruins of this religious houſe, and every thing curious there; but the whole is encloſed with a lofty wall, the interior ground being diſpoſed in gardening: we found the keeper of this place a little man, of a mean and inſolent aſpect; he heard our requeſt with the door in his hand, after which, with a contemptuous ſilence, he walked in and turned the key againſt us, as if he was afraid we ſhould diſcover ſome theft he was committing againſt his Lord. Thus excluded and looking ridiculous enough, we could do nothing more than ride round the walls, by which we ob⯑ſerved that the ruins chiefly conſiſted of a ſmall chapel, wanting little beſides a roof: the tower a ſquare building, with exploratory turrets at each corner, is in good repair, fitted up as a pleaſure room, command⯑ing a beautiful proſpect, as we could ſufficiently judge from our lower ſituation.

The view from this eminence into the vale which we had paſſed, was ſingularly beautiful: the ragged, rocky, and barren mountain, which now lay on our right, afforded a bold contraſt to the hanging foreſts and the planted eminences which interſected the winding val⯑ley: the Aln was ſeen in meanders down the nearer and narrow dell, and in the extended diſtant plain the waters formed a fine lucid creſ⯑cent, the canal being then happily touched by the ſun's beams; the heights cloathed with oaks, the lower hills girt with plantations of various hues, the bold rocks puſhing forth their fronts from out the wood, all mingled with that irregularity and wildneſs nature alone can diſplay in theſe hilly countries, formed this beautiful landſkip.^*

[250]I will purſue the account given by Mr Groſe of this Abbey, as the moſt perfect one extant. ‘Hulne was the firſt monaſtery of Carmelite Friars in this kingdom. The account of its foundation is thus given by ancient writers: Among the Britiſh Barons who went to the Holy Wars in the reign of King Henry III. were William de Veſey Lord of Alnwick, and Richard Gray, two eminent chieftains in the chriſtian army: led by curioſity or devotion, they went to viſit the Monks of Mount Carmel, and there unexpectedly found a country⯑man of their own, one Ralph Freſborn, a Northumberland-man, who had diſtinguiſhed himſelf in a former cruſade; and in conſe⯑quence of a vow had afterwards taken upon him the monaſtic pro⯑feſſion in that ſolitude. When Veſey and Gray returned to England, they ſtrongly importuned the ſuperior of the Carmelites to let their countryman accompany them home; which was at length granted, upon condition that they would found a monaſtery for Carmelites in their own country. Soon after their return, Freſborn, mindful of their engagement, began to look out for a place for their Convent. After examining all the circumjacent ſolitudes, he at length fixed upon the preſent ſpot, induced, it is ſaid, by the great reſemblance which the adjoining hill bore to Mount Carmel: and indeed whoever looks into Maundril's travels, will find that the draught of that mountain, given in his book, bears a ſtrong likeneſs to this be⯑fore us.’

‘The above William de Veſey gave a grant of the ground, con⯑ſiſting of twelve or thirteen acres, in his park of Holne; but Freſ⯑born is ſaid to have erected the building himſelf. The foundation was laid about A. D. 1240, and Freſborn gathering a proper number of Monks, became the firſt Abbot of the Order; and having pre⯑ſided here with great reputation of ſanctity, at length died, and was buried in the monaſtery about the year 1274.’

The original grant of William de Veſey, was confirmed by his ſucceſſors Veſeys; and by the Percies, after their becoming proprietors of Alnwick: many additional privileges and immunities were added by the ſucceeding grants, particulariſed in Mr Groſe's work, but too [251] tedious to take place, except only ſuch as are ſingularly curious fol⯑lowing.

‘Alſo all wild bees, with their fruits of honey and wax, found in Walſe and in Holne, as well in the park as in the foreſt, for the per⯑petual ſupport of the light in their church; with a proviſion againſt the ſaid Friars being defrauded of the ſaid bees, wax, and honey, by the foreſters and ſhepherds there. They ſhall alſo have yearly, out of the Lord's coney warren of Houghton, one truſs of conies at Eaſter, and another at the aſſumption of the bleſſed Mary. And certain quantities of ruſhes, and twelve loads of broom, to cover their houſes.’

‘Henry Percy, 4th Earl of Northumberland, built in this abbey, a fine tower, as a place of refuge for the Monks to retire to in times of danger. Near it is this curious inſcription, in ancient Engliſh.’

‘The annual value of this houſe is not given by Tanner. Some of the buildings are fitted up and inhabited by ſervants, who take care of an aviary which his Grace has eſtabliſhed here. The other parts are decorated with plantations of various trees and ſhrubs, ſo as to afford a delightful point of view, from every ſtation whence they are viſible.’ ^*

From an ancient ſurvey which Mr Groſe copies, made in 1567, it appears ‘that the cloiſter is ſquare; in the midſt thereof groweth a [252] tree of ewe. It is well paved with ſtone about the ſaid cloyſter, the windowes haith bene all glaſyned, and now for the moſt parte are in decaye."—"The place where the church was in now full of cherry trees."—"In the garden groweth one pear tree, and all the reſt be plome trees and bulleſter trees.’

Mr Wallis ſays, the famous Biographer, John Bale, lived and ſtudied here, being a member of this little ſociety.

Returning from Hulne by the ſame road, we paſſed down to

ALNWICK ABBEY,

now the ſeat of Michael Doubleday, Eſq. This was formerly an Abbey of Premonſtratenſian Canons, (Dugdale calls it a Priory) dedicated to St. James and the bleſſed Virgin. It was founded in 1147, by Euſtace Fitz John, who by his marriage with Beatrix the daughter of Ivo de Veſey, became Lord of the barony of Alnwick. He endowed it amply.^*

The charter of foundation, included in a confirmatory charter of Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, is addreſſed to William de Sta Barbara, Biſhop of Durham. Among the ſouls for whoſe benefit it was erected, is mentioned that of Ivo de Veſci. Dugdale and Stephens do not agree touching the time when this order of Religious came firſt into England. From Dugdale's authority, it is ſaid that the firſt of that order came to ſettle at Alnwick in the year 1147; but Stephens, from the authority of Raynerus, ſays the order firſt came over in 1146, and ſettled at Newhouſe, in Lincolnſhire, in their monaſtery built by Peter de Saulia, dedicated to St. Martialis.

[253]In the chronicle of this houſe, preſerved in the library of King's Col⯑lege, Cambridge, there is an account of a Banquet given by Walter de Hepeſcotes, the Abbot, A. D. 1376, on the day of the aſſumption of the bleſſed Virgin Mary, to Henry the 4th Lord of Alnwick, with the 13 fol⯑lowing Knights, William de Acon, Richard Tempeſt, Walter Blount, Allan de Heton, John Coniers, John Heron, John Littleburum, Thomas de Ilderton, Thomas de Boynton, Ingram de Umfravil, John de Dichaunt, John de Swyn⯑ton, Radulphus de Viners, and many others of the chief gentry of the country, amounting to 120, all entertained in the refectory; beſide 86 at a ſecond repaſt. The cloiſters too were filled with inferior people of all ages, to the number of 1020, who were likewiſe there feaſted.^*

It appears from the ſame authority, that divers of the Percys were in⯑terred here; particularly Henry the ſecond Lord of Alnwick, who died in 1351: Henry the third Lord, who beſtowed on the Monks 100l. at his death, A. D. 1368; alſo Mary his wife, daughter of the Earl of Lancaſ⯑ter. Henry the fourth Lord of Alnwick, A. D. 1372, was admitted in the month of February to the Brotherhood of this Chapter, together with divers other Knights and Eſquires; as alſo, in the ſucceeding year, Henry his eldeſt ſon, with his two brothers, Thomas and Radulphus.

During the Abbacy of Walter de Hepeſcotes, this houſe was afflicted with a great ſcarcity, together with a peſtilence, whereby all the cattle belonging to the monaſtery were deſtroyed. In this chronicle the fol⯑lowing Abbots are mentioned: John, who died in 1350; Walter, who reſigned his office in 1362, and was ſucceeded by Robert; and Walter de Hepeſcotes, A. D. 1376.^†

The Abbot of this houſe was ſummoned to the parliaments of the 23d, 24th, 28th, 32d, and 34th of King Edward I. alſo to that held at [254] Carliſle, 35th of the ſame reign; and to the parliament of the 19th King Edward II.^*

[255]At the diſſolution the revenues of this houſe were valued at 189l. 15s. by Dugdale, and 194l. 7s. by Speed, there being then 13 Canons. King Edward VI. in the 4th year of his reign, granted the ſcite to Sadler and Winnington. It came afterwards to the poſſeſſion of the Brandling fa⯑mily, and the Doubledays from whom the preſent owner is deſcended, derived their title by purchaſe from the Brandlings. This is a ſweet though deep retirement, on the banks of Aln, defended by lofty hills to the north and weſt.

There are no remains of the Abbey, but a Gateway and Tower, which by the architecture and arms ſculptured upon the building, ſhew it is of much more modern date than the foundation of the houſe. This tower is not ſquare, but oblong, having an exploratory turret on each corner. The north ſide is ornamented with a nich, canopy'd, capable of receiving a ſtatue five feet high: moſt probable it contained the effi⯑gies of the dedicatory Virgin. Beneath is a figure of an angel in relief, with expanded wings. Over this entrance are ſhields of arms, a croſs, ſuppoſed to be the arms of the Veſeys, and a croſs molin. On the ſouth ſide, in a nich, is the figure of one of the Religious, of the order of White Friars of Premonſtratenſes, in his proper habilament, in pretty good preſervation. This front is ornamented with ſhields of arms, the arms of Brabant adopted by the Percys, with the arms of Lucys quar⯑terly, the principal; and alſo the arms of Veſey.

[256]A gate opens to the eaſt, on each ſide of which are the figures of cherubs ſupporting armorial ſhields: on this front is alſo a canopy and nich for a ſtatue. Here are the arms of Brabant and the arms of Lucys on ſeparate ſhields. At this entrance, as alſo on the north ſide, were machicolations; and in the center of the arching of the gateway is a ſquare aperture, from whence the poſſeſſors could annoy aſſailants. The maſonry of this tower is excellent; the gates of lattice braced with iron ſtill remain.

Above the gate going into the court of the houſe, is an eſcutcheon of white marble, much injured by the weather, but retaining ſome marks of the Sculptor, to diſtinguiſh that it once contained the creſt of the Doubledays, an arm in armour ſuſpending a mullet. The antiquity of this piece has been much doubted, but the materials determine that point clearly.

This ſeat of the Doubleday family has nothing very ſingular to mark it, but the beauty of the retirement, under the hanging woods of the river Aln. The ground plot of the religious houſe is now included in the orchard; the ruins of which probably afforded materials for the pre⯑ſent manſion; but there are not the leaſt remains to denote the exact ſcite of the monaſtic buildings, or the place of interment of the illuſtri⯑ous perſonages before mentioned.

We paſſed from Alnwick Abbey to

WARKWORTH,

the roads agreeable, and the country finely cultivated. In the way, we had a view of the port of

ALEMOUTH.

This was a dependent manor of the barony of Alnwick. The town is ſmall, but carries on a conſiderable trade in the export of corn and other produce of the country. The imports are chiefly timber, and ſome merchandize from Holland. Near the ſea, on an eminence, are the remains of a church in the form of a croſs. When this edifice was de⯑ſtroyed, or by whom, is not known. The church-yard is ſtill uſed for ſepulture.^* We approached the town of Warkworth by a fine ſtone bridge of three arches over the river Coquet, anciently defended by a tower with an iron gate and portcullis.

THE CASTLE OF WARKWORTH

ſtands on a lofty eminence, the town of Warkworth lying on the nor⯑thern inclination of the hill, and forming a pleaſing, though ſteep ap⯑proach to the, caſtle: the ſtreet is wide, and contains ſome modern buildings. This acceſs gives the fortreſs an auguſt appearance.^†

[258]An account of this place, publiſhed in the Newcaſtle Courant in the year 1772, contains the following particulars: ‘It is about three quar⯑ters of a mile from the ſea. The principal ſtreet ſtands upon a riſing ground, at the higher end of which, upon an eminence, are the re⯑mains of an ancient caſtle. The market place is in the middle of the town, where is a fine ſtone croſs on a ſpacious area at the meeting of two ſtreets, the one leading to the church, which is an elegant ſtruc⯑ture, whoſe ſpire is upwards 100 feet high; the other to the bridge, where is an ancient tower. Contiguous to the bridge is a large free⯑ſtone quarry, the ſtones of which are ſo much eſteemed, that great quantities thereof are ſhipped for London. The ſalmon fiſhery here is carried to a very great extent, ſo that at the mouth of the Coquet, in the ſummer ſeaſon, as well as in the river itſelf, are ſome thouſands caught, which gives employment to a number of hands. The river, which almoſt ſurrounds the town, directs its courſe in a ſtraight line for about half a mile, then leaving the fine and pleaſant villas of Gloſterhill and Amble on its ſouthern banks, while it loſes itſelf in the ocean. In the year 1764, it left its old courſe, and forced its way between two ſandy hills overgrown with bent, that had ob⯑ſtructed its paſſage for ages, and is now ſettled in a very deep channel, with a fine clay bottom, which makes it navigable for ſmall craft. It is ſaid there is upwards of 14 feet of water upon the bar at full ſea, and continues that depth very near the town; ſo that with a little aſſiſtance of art, it might be made to admit ſhips of a conſi⯑derable burthen; and as Coquet Iſland is ſituated a little to the ſouth⯑ward, forms a fine bay at the very mouth of the river. The grounds adjoining thereto abound with a fine ſeam of coal; and ſo plentiful is corn, that few counties can equal its fertility. From theſe conſi⯑derations, what pity it is that Warkworth was not made a ſea-port, ſince nature has almoſt half finiſhed the deſign.’

‘This little borough is governed by a Mayor, who is choſen annually at a Court Leet, and enjoys great privileges by an extenſive common, the property of the village, and ſome little indulgencies from his Grace the Duke of Northumberland; and as the town conſiſts all of free burgeſſes, is capable of great improvements.’ ^*

[259]The caſtle ſtands on the crown of a rock, of an oblong figure; the great tower to the north, placed on the brink of the cliff above the town, is of fine architecture in chiſel-work, of a ſingular figure, being octangular, and from the center of four oppoſite ſides, a turret projects, of a ſemi-hexagonal form; from the middle of the building a very lofty exploratory turret ariſes. This part of the caſtle owes its origin to the Percys, as appears by the Lion of Brabant above the gate, and the arms diſperſed over the building. The weſtern ſide is formed of various irregular towers and walling of different ages, extending along the brink of the cliff, whoſe foot is waſhed by the river Coquet. On the ſouth, the ground riſes gradually to the height of the rocks on which the weſtern buildings are founded. This ſide of the caſtle fronts to a ſpacious plain or platform, and is defended by a high wall with an outward moat. The ancient gateway and chief entrance to the caſtle is on this ſide; the gate defended by circular towers and a draw bridge. The eaſtern ſide is placed on the brink of a ſteep declivity, defended by an outward moat, and a lofty wall guarded by a ſquare baſtion near the center, and an angular tower at the ſouth point. The walls encloſe a ſpacious area, almoſt ſquare, within which the ancient parts of the fortreſs are very ruinous.

The view from hence is ſo extenſive and various, that deſcription can carry but a very imperfect idea of its members or its beauties: to the eaſt and north-eaſt, there is a ſea proſpect, with which you take in all the ſhore we had traverſed, with Dunſtanbrough and Bambrough Caſtles at the moſt diſtant point of land: the Farn Iſlands lie ſcattered like patches on the face of the waters. The port of Alemouth is a nearer object, and at a little diſtance the mouth of the river Coquet and Coquet Iſland with its ruined monaſtery are ſeen. To the north, you view a rich cultivated country to Alnwick; weſtward, the banks of Coquet river, graced with little woodlands, which here and there impend on its winding channel; to the ſouth, you view an extenſive plain, in⯑clining towards the ſea, crowded with villages, and interſperſed with woods; the ſhore indented by many little ports and creeks; the higher grounds are ſcattered over with innumerable hamlets, churches, and other buildings, mingling with a variety highly pleaſing; whilſt on the extreme diſtance, the different teints of the landſkip, ariſing from va⯑rious objects, require colours to convey their picture to the mind.

Mr Groſe, who has given two views of this caſtle in his excellent work, ſays, ‘nothing can be more magnificent and pictureſque, from [260] what part ſoever it is viewed; and though when entire it was far from being deſtitute of ſtrength, yet its appearance does not excite the idea of one of thoſe rugged fortreſſes deſtined ſolely for war, whoſe gloomy towers ſuggeſt to the imagination only dungeons, chains, and executions: but rather that of ſuch an ancient hoſpitable manſion as is alluded to by Milton,’

‘The caſtle and mote, according to an ancient ſurvey, contained 5 acres 17¾ perches of ground. Its walls on the ſouth, eaſt, and weſt ſides are garniſhed with towers. The great gate of the caſtle is on the ſouth ſide, between two polygonal towers, and is alſo defended with ma⯑chicolations.’

‘The keep or dungeon forms the north front; its figure is a ſquare with the angles canted off. Near the middle of each face of this ſquare there is a turret, projecting at right angles, its end terminating in a ſemi-hexagon: theſe projections are of the ſame height as the reſt of the keep. This keep is very large and lofty, and contains a variety of magnificent apartments.’

Mr Groſe gives the copy of a ſurvey taken of this caſtle in 1567, of which ſome extracts may be pertinent here. ‘The Buyldinge of the ſayd caſtell on the ſowth parte is thre towres, viz. the Gatehouſe towre in the middle thereof, which ys the entrye at a draw bridge over drye moyte; and in the ſame toure ys a priſon and porter lodge, and over the ſame a fare lodging, called the conſtables lodgings; and in the curtayne is a fayre and comely building, a chapel, and divers houſes of office, and above the great chambre and the Lordes lodginge. On the weſt ſide, the poſterne towre, and the old hall, which was very fare at the entrye into the hall, for the porche thereof is rayſed a little ſquare towre, wherein is two chambres; and on the foreſyd, in ſtone, portrayed a lyon, verie workmanly wrought, and therefore called the lyon towre. In the eaſte ſyde of the great hall, was an ile ſet owt, with pyllers, which yet ſtandeth. The doungion is in the northe parte of the ſcyte of the ſayd Caſtell, ſet upon a little mount highyer than the reſt of the cowrte; ſteppes of a greas before ye enter to yt: and the ſame ys buyld as a foure ſquare, and owt of every ſquare one towre; all which be ſo quar⯑terly [261] ſquared together, that in the ſyght every parte appeareth five towres, very finely wrought of maſon-work: and in the ſame con⯑teyned as well a fayre hall, kytchinge, and all other houſes of offices, verie fare and apteley placed, as alſo great chambre, chapel, and lodgings for the Lord and his trayn. The caſtell is envyroned on thre partes with the ſayd ryver; and of the northe parte, in an an⯑gle within the ſayd water is ſituate a towne called the borough of Warkworth, and the pariſh church, &c.’

Warkworth was formerly the barony of Roger Fitz Richard, who held it by the ſervice of one Knight's fee, of the grant of King Henry II. He married Eleanor, one of the daughters and coheireſſes of Henry de Eſſex, Baron of Raleigh and Clavering. ^* It continued in this family for ſeveral ſucceſſive generations. John, in obedience to King Edward I. by his command, took upon him the ſurname of Clavering. In conſi⯑deration of certain grants of lands in the ſouthern counties, he made over to King Edward II. the reverſion in fee of his barony and caſtle of Warkworth, ^† provided he ſhould die without iſſue male. This reverſion King Edward III. granted to Henry Lord Percy, from whom theſe poſ⯑ſeſſions have deſcended to the preſent Duke of Northumberland.

The church is a handſome building, ornamented with a ſpire, the inſide very neat. There is a monument with the recumbent effigy of a Knight Templar, with an inſcription intimating that the perſonage there interred was Sir Hugh de Morwick, who gave the common to the town of Warkworth.

In a window of one of the ailes, is painted the figures of St. Hilda and an attendant female.

Leland ſays, Warkworth was much reſorted to by Merchants. At preſent there is no navigation on the Coquet, though it is ſaid to be practicable to bring up ſmall craft to the bridge. The town is entitled [262] to a weekly market on Thurſday, and three annual fairs on the Thurſ⯑days preceding St. George's, St. Lawrence's, and St. Martin's days.

We paſſed up the river Coquet about three quarters of a mile to the

HERMITAGE.

In Mr Groſe's account of this Hermitage, it is alledged, that it was univerſally believed the firſt Hermit enjoined himſelf this life of pennance and ſeverity, in contrition for the murder of his own brother. I muſt ſay, I was ſtruck with an idea on my firſt entrance, which grew upon me whilſt I remained in theſe ſacred vaults, and drew on a train of penſive thoughts: There needed nothing barbarous, ſavage, or mur⯑derous to induce a man to ſuch a life—diſappointed love was ſufficient of itſelf to incite it: Conceive the perſonage ſculptured upon the tomb or monument, to be the devoted bride or beloved wife of the Recluſe, cut off in the prime of life by ſome common caſualty, perhaps after a ſhort life of harmony and love in the marriage ſtate, in the inſtant of bringing into the world the iſſue of an happy intercourſe, and the heir of an opulent race—this was cauſe ſufficient. Under ſuch circum⯑ſtances, we ſhould entertain more feelings for the tender ſorrows and diſappointed love of the Hermit, than we can experience when we ſee him ſtained with bloody crimes, ariſing from wrath, revenge, raſhneſs, or indiſcretion—mad with jealouſy, even to ſuch a blindneſs, that he could not know his own brother, though gone forth in diſguiſe at his inſtance on the ſame errand with himſelf. I own my ideas furniſhed me with a very different picture of the Hermit's woes—I ſtood over the monument with an eye flooded in tears, and a mind diſtreſſed by the tendereſt touches of commiſeration. After muſing for ſome time, I imagined I could hear the diſtreſſed inhabitant exclaim: ‘In the duſt reſts for ever the beloved remains of the beſt of women—united to me by love and wedloc—the hopes of my youth, the joy of my de⯑ſire, and the felicity of my poſſeſſion; with her I had flattered my mind, life would paſs away ſerenely, and the evening of the human day advance in peace: but alas! when my happineſs was at its height, ſhe was ſnatched from me, and forlornneſs beſet my ſteps.’

[275]But to return to my deſcription: The weſt end of the chapel is lighted by a window formed of four conjoining circles: above the inner door of the veſtibule is a ſhield, bearing the remains of ſome arms; by ſome taken to be the figure of a gauntlet; but as it is generally believed one of the Bertrams formed this hermitage, ſo it is probable this ſhield (the remains of which ſeem to correſpond therewith) bore the Bertrams' arms, Or, an orl, azure.^*

On the left hand of the altar, a window is formed in the partition of the apartments, divided by two mullions, the ſummit of each light or diviſion ornamented with work formed of ſections of circles, like thoſe ſeen in cathedrals of the tenth century. From the chapel we en⯑tered an inner apartment, by a neat door-caſe, over which is ſculptured a ſhield, with the crucifixion and ſeveral inſtruments of torture. At the eaſt end of this inner apartment, is an altar like that in the chapel, lighted by the laſt-deſcribed window, and through which the perſon kneeling at the inner altar, could view the cenotaph in the chapel: this apartment is about five feet wide and nine paces in length: here is alſo a nich or baſon for holy water. On the northern ſide of this inner chamber, a receſs is cut in the rock, of ſize ſufficient to hold the couch of a perſon of middling ſtature. I have ſeen ſeveral of the like form, alcoved above, and a ſole about two feet above the level of the floor to hold the matraſs and bedding of the Recluſe. This receſs is ſo placed, that whilſt I ſat therein to make my notes, by a nich cut ſlantwiſe in the partition wall which ſeparates the two apartments, I had a view of the cenotaph and effigies thereon. The nich ſeemed calculated for this very purpoſe; being cut through the wall aſſant, it could not be conceived intended to convey the light. By ſome it has been imagined to be de⯑ſigned for confeſſion, but it is my ſentiment that the Hermit was prieſt and penitent in one; and that he had deviſed thoſe apertures, that the effigies ſhould be conſtantly in his ſight. In this inner apartment, is a ſmall cloſet cut in the ſide wall to the north: from this interior cham⯑ber is a doorway leading to an open gallery, having a proſpect up the [276] river; but by the falling of ſome of the rock above, this part is greatly damaged. It is ſaid by old people, that the roof was ſupported by a fine pillar, and formed a ſmall piazza cloiſter or open gallery—ſuch galleries are ſeen in very ancient manſions, in the centre of the front: one is yet perfect in the remains of Bradley Hall, in the county of Dur⯑ham, the manſion of the eldeſt branch of the family of Bowes, built, as it is preſumed, ſoon after the conqueſt.

From theſe cells, through a neat doorway, there are winding ſtairs cut in the rock, leading to its ſummit, ſuppoſed to conduct to the Hermit's olatory or garden. A channel is ingeniouſly formed on the ſteps to carry off the water.

It ſeems evident that the original hermitage conſiſted of no more than the apartments hewn in the rock, the inner one being the dwelling-place, and the little cloiſter the ſummer ſeat, facing weſtward, and commanding a beautiful view up the river Coquet, which here forms a fine curve, in extent near half a mile, on this ſide bordered by rocks, on the other by cultivated lands, of an eaſy inclination; on the extremity ſtands a pretty farmhold, to terminate the ſequeſtered rural proſpect. The ſtyle of architecture adopted in this hermitage is of the Saxon Go⯑thic, which proves its antiquity. In the poſtſcript to the poem of the Hermit of Warkworth, the author aſſerts, ‘that the memory of the firſt Hermit was held in ſuch regard and veneration by the Percy fa⯑mily, that they afterwards maintained a chantry prieſt, to reſide in the hermitage and celebrate maſs in the chapel; whoſe allowance, uncommonly liberal and munificent, was continued down to the diſ⯑ſolution of the monaſteries; and then the whole ſalary, together with the hermitage and all its dependencies, reverted back to the family; having never been endowed in mortmain. On this account we have no record which fixes the date of the foundation, or gives any parti⯑cular account of the firſt Hermit.’ The patent is extant, which was granted to the laſt Hermit in 1532, by the ſixth Earl of Northumber⯑land.^* The author of the poem in this poſtſcript adds, ‘After the pe⯑ruſal [277] of the above patent, it will perhaps be needleſs to caution the reader againſt a miſtake ſome have fallen into, of confounding the hermitage near Warkworth, with a chantry founded within the town itſelf, by Nicholas de Farnham, Biſhop of Durham, in the reign of King Henry III. who appropriated the church of Branxton for the maintenance there of two Benedictine Monks from Durham. That ſmall monaſtic foundation is indeed called a cell by Biſhop Tanner; but he muſt be very ignorant, who ſuppoſes that by the word cell, is neceſſary to be underſtood a hermitage; whereas it was commonly applied to any ſmall conventual eſtabliſhment, which was dependant on another. As to the chapel belonging to this endowment of Biſhop Farnham, it is mentioned as in ruins in ſeveral old ſurveys of Queen Elizabeth's time; and its ſcite not far from Warkworth church, is ſtill remembered.^* But that there was never more than one prieſt maintained, at one and the ſame time, within the hermitage, is plainly proved, (if any further proof be wanting) by the following extract from a ſurvey of Warkworth, made in the year 1567, viz. Ther is in the parke alſo one howſe hewyn within one cragge, which is called the harmitage chapel: in the ſame ther haith bene one preaſt keaped, which did ſuch godlye ſervices as that tyme was uſed and celebrated. The mantion howſe ys nowe in decaye: the cloſes that apperteined to the ſaid chantrie is occupied to his Lordſhips uſe.’

[278]It appears to me, that the Monks who came here in an age in which the ſeverities of a religious life were relaxing, founded the good warm kitchen of maſon-work at the foot of the rock, adapted to indulgencies unknown to the original inhabitant. The form of the doors and win⯑dows are of a much more modern mode than thoſe above; the windows of the hermitage have had no iron-grating.

After wandering in this ſweet ſequeſtered vale, ſo ſingularly calcu⯑lated for contemplation, and adapted to a mind fond of ſerious reflec⯑tions, till the decline of day warned us of the neceſſity of our depar⯑ture, we returned to Warkworth, from whence we had a view of

COQUET ISLAND,

little more than a mile from the main land, and about a mile in cir⯑cumference. Here are the remains of a Cell of Benedictine Monks, which was ſubordinate to Tynemouth Priory. After the diſſolution, it was granted to the Earl of Warwick,^* and is now part of the poſſeſſions of the Duke of Northumberland. This is a much more comfortable receſs than St. Cuthbert's on the Farn Iſland: rabbits abound here, and pit coal was wrought before Leland's time. There is nothing memorable in hiſtory relative to this place, but its capture by the Scots in the reign of King Charles I. when it was garriſoned with 200 men, and defended with ſeven pieces of ordnance.

We took our rout to

FELTON,

a village on the banks of Coquet. The ſcenes near this place are ro⯑mantic and beautiful; fine rocks and hanging woods form the margin [279] of the winding river, whilſt on every ſide lies a rich cultivated coun⯑try. At this place the Barons of Northumberland, Lord Euſtace being one, did homage to Alexander King of Scotland: to chaſtiſe which de⯑fection, King John levied a great army, and in 1216, marching north⯑ward, made horrid devaſtations: Felton was reduced to aſhes.

This was one of the dependent manors of the barony of Mitford, and paſſed through the ſucceſſive poſſeſſions of Bertrams, Pembrokes, Athols, Percys, Scropes, and Lyſles, and afterwards of the Widdring⯑tons, from whom the preſent owner, Mr Riddell, derives his title, in right of his Lady. The church ſtands on the ſouthern ſide of the river, and is dedicated to St. Michael. Mr Riddell has a ſeat-houſe at the weſt end of the village.^*

Nigh this place was the Priory of Gyſon or Giſneſs, founded by Richard Tyſon. The Abbey of Alnwick had Gyſon or Giſneſs annexed to it by Euſtace Fitz John, to hold in pure alms with all its privileges and endowments, a moiety of the tithes, and two bovates of land at Gyſon, the church of Halge, &c.^†

[280]We viſited the ruins of

BRINKBURN PRIORY,

ſituated in a deep vale, on a ſmall peninſula formed by the river Coquet, overlooked by ſteep hills and craggy rocks on every hand; in ſo much, that on our approach by the ancient cauſeway, the firſt view we had of it, within the diſtance of 150 yards, was from ſuch an eminence, and ſo immediately above it, that we looked into the interior parts of the ruins. This is the moſt melancholy and deep ſolitude, choſen for a religious edifice, I ever yet viſited.^*

[281]The building is in the cathedral form; the body is 22 yards in length and 13 breadth, without much ornament, and compoſed of a durable ſtone. The walls are almoſt entire; the great tower is very perfect: there are ſome remains of the dormitory, now converted into a cellar. Mr Groſe obſerves, that ‘theſe ruins exhibit one among the many in⯑ſtances wherein circular and pointed arches occur in the ſame build⯑ing, and that in parts manifeſtly conſtructed at the ſame time; which ſhews, that about the period of its erection, there was a kind of ſtruggle between the ancient mode or Saxon, and what is called Go⯑thic architecture; in which neither ſtyle then thoroughly prevailed. The upper range of windows in this church are all circular; thoſe immediately under them are pointed. Two doors, one on the north, the other on the ſouth, have circular arches, (of various members, falling back, ſupported on pilaſters) richly adorned with variety of Saxon ornaments, particularly that on the north, which has among others the heads of animals. Theſe are generally deemed the moſt ancient decorations of that ſtyle. The great tower has four pointed arches, and others of the ſame ſhape are ſupported by maſſy octa⯑gonal pillars in the body of the church. There have been burials here as late as the year 1745. At the eaſt end, and in the north and ſouth croſſes, were chapels; in one of which are divers fragments of coffins and human bones. On the whole, though this building, ex⯑cept about the doors, is remarkably plain, it has a ſober and ſolemn majeſty, not always found in buildings more highly decorated. Part of this, perhaps, it may owe to its romantic ſituation, which is the moſt proper in the world for retirement and meditation. Near the ſouth⯑weſt [282] angle of the church is a houſe, ſeemingly built out of the offices of the monaſtery.’ There are no monuments or inſcriptions that we could diſcover: the whole of the little plain on this peninſula is occu⯑pied by the church and the priory, the latter now converted into a farm-houſe and garden.

This priory was founded by Oſbertus Colutarius, under the grant of Sir William Bertram, for Black Canons, or Canons regular of St. Auſtin, in the reign of King Henry I. and by him and his heir richly endowed.^* The church was dedicated to St. Peter. The Monks were brought from the monaſtery of De Inſula: William Hogeſton was the laſt Prior. In the year 1477, on the 20th September, being the fourth year of the pontifi⯑cate of William Dudley, LXVIs. viijd. was paid to the Prior of Brink⯑burn, the Biſhop's Suffragan, proregardo ſuo.^† At the time of ſup⯑preſſion of religious houſes there were ten Canons here, and the revenue was eſtimated by Dugdale at 68l. 19s. 1d. and by Speed at 77l. In the fourth year of King Edward the Sixth's reign, it was granted to the Earl of Warwick, but ſoon after came to the Fenwicks of Fenwick Tower; the laſt male branch of which family was George Fenwick,^‡ Eſq whoſe daughter and heir Elizabeth married Roger Fenwick of [283] Stanton, Eſq one of her deſcendants, William Fenwick of Bywell, Eſq is the preſent proprietor.^*

Mr Wallis ſays (but from what authority I know not) that the bell of this church was removed to the cathedral at Durham.

Ralph Lord Grayſtock, at the inſtance of Johanna his mother, gave the impropriation and advowſon of Long Horſley to this priory, in the 8th year of the reign of King Richard II. The convent in return agreed, that ſhe and her heirs, Lords of Morpeth, for ever ſhould have the no⯑mination of one Canon there: and Allan ſon of John de Preſtwick was the firſt nominee under that power.

We paſſed by

NETHER WITTON,

the modern ſeat of the Thorntous, now that of Walter Trevelyan, Eſq by marrying Margaret daughter of the late James Thornton, Eſq— the tower built by Roger Thornton about the fourteenth century now totally in ruins. The country on every hand is rich and beautiful.^†

From the road we had a view of

STANTON,

a ſeat of the younger branch of Fenwicks of Fenwick Tower.^‡

LONG WITTON,

the modern and pleaſant ſeat of the Swinburn family, was our next ob⯑ject, commanding a fine proſpect over the rich country which ſurrounds [284] it. Near it are Thurſton wells, of medicinal virtues, but little known. Remains of the Hermin-ſtreet, or, as it is vulgarly called, the Devil's Cauſeway, are to be traced at ſome little diſtance.

We obſerved the tower of Hartburn, but did not quit our road to viſit it, though greatly tempted by the agreeable deſcriptions given us of the walks of Hartburn Wood.

We arrived at

BOLHAM,

a ſmall village of ſome antiquity, being the ancient reſidence of Sir Walter de Bolham, to whom it was granted by King John; from the Bolhams it came to the family of Raimes in the time of King Edward III. and as appears by the eſcheats of the ſeveral reigns of King Richard II. King Henry IV. King Henry VI. Queen Elizabeth, and King Charles I. remained in that family for many generations. We inquired after a camp before deſcribed to us, of an oblong figure, 120 yards long and 80 broad, fortified with a vallum and double trench, having a raiſed paſs leading to it: It appears to be Roman.^* The Herman-ſtreet paſſes over Bolham Moor, in many places perfectly to be diſtinguiſhed. [285] Near it is a tumulus, which was opened by Mr John Warburton, by which two pillars of ſtone are placed, without any inſcription: the perſonage interred totally unknown. On the north-eaſt ſide of the moor, is a rock trenched round, containing the ruins of interior build⯑ings; but its hiſtory loſt in the oblivion of ages. Near Bolham is a place called Gally Hill, the place of execution belonging to the ancient Barons. Many places of that name are to be ſeen near the baronial caſtles in this county.

We now took our rout by

MITFORD,

to Morpeth. The ancient caſtle of Mitford is a rude heap of ruins, ſi⯑tuate on a conſiderable natural eminence; defended towards the north and weſt by a deep ditch, and on the ſouth the river Wansbeck waſhes the foot of the caſtle hill: the works appear to cover about an acre of ground. The principal part of this fortreſs conſiſted of a circular tower raiſed upon an artificial mount, the chief elevation from the natural level being effected by arches of ſtone and vaults, which in ancient times were uſed as priſons or places for concealment: the tower was defended by an outward wall, which ran parallel with it, at the diſ⯑tance of about 10 feet. There is a very narrow proſpect from this emi⯑nence, the vale is ſo ſhut in on every ſide. What other erections were [286] within the walls of this fortreſs cannot be traced, the ruins are ſo con⯑fuſed, and moſt of them covered with graſs.

It is preſumed this caſtle was built before the conqueſt; the firſt owner and its date are not known.

At the time of the conqueſt, it was the poſſeſſion of Sir John Mitford, whoſe only daughter and heir, Sibille, was given in marriage by the Conqueror to Sir Richard Bertram, a Norman Knight, by whom he had two ſons, William and Roger.

William ſucceeded to the manor and caſtle of Mitford, and by the grant of King Henry I. it was created a Baronage. He married Alice the daughter of Sir William Merley, of Morpeth. His ſon Roger, deſirous of adding greater improvements to Mitford, paid a fine of 50 marks to King Henry II. for a weekly market at his town of Mitford.

Roger Bertram, ^* a lineal deſcendant, having joined with the northern Barons in the 17th year of the reign of King John, the Flemiſh troops commanded by that inhuman ravager in his northern depredations, ſeized this caſtle, and deſtroyed the town of Mitford with fire and ſword.^† The next year, probably whilſt the caſtle remained in the King's cuſ⯑tody, it was beſieged by Alexander King of Scotland, as is mentioned in Leland's Collectanea, from a chronicle called Hiſtoria Aurea. Whe⯑ther it was taken or not, is not mentioned.

[287]The barony of Mitford was given by the Crown to Philip de Ulcotes; but upon the King's demiſe, Bertram found means to make his peace with King Henry III. and for a fine of 100l. obtained a reſtitution of his lands, and afterwards grew into ſo much eſteem with him, that he granted, on the payment of 10 marks, that his annual fair at Mit⯑ford ſhould laſt eight days inſtead of four.

His ſucceſſor, Roger Bertram, was one of the inſurgents at Northamp⯑ton, in the reign of King Henry III. where he was taken priſoner, and his honour and caſtle of Mitford, with all his other lands, were ſeized for the King's uſe. The caſtle was given by King Edward I. to Eleanor Stanour, the wife of Robert de Stoteville.

In the year 1316,^* this caſtle was in the poſſeſſion of one Gilbert Middleton, a Freebooter, who (ſays Stowe) after many injuries done to the priory of Tynemouth and other places, was taken here by Ralph Lord Greyſtock ^† and others, and carried to London, and there executed. In the year 1318, it was taken by Alexander King of Scotland, who diſman⯑tled it, and ſpoiled moſt of its fortifications.

The entire barony of Mitford was then the property of Adomer de Va⯑lence, Earl of Pembroke. By the eſcheats of the 17th King Edward II. it appears this caſtle was in ruins, having been deſtroyed by the Scots.

This Earl ſeemed to have a divine interdict impending over him, and the immediate vindictive hand of Providence to be upon him and his poſterity, for his atrocious deeds. He was a tool to his Prince, and ſer⯑vilely [288] ſubmitted to the mandates of the Crown, contrary to the dictates of humanity, honour, and juſtice. He ſat in judgment on Thomas Earl of Lancaſter, and impiouſly acquieſced in his ſentence. He was a chief inſtrument in apprehending the famous Scotch patriot, Wallace of Craiggy, in 1305, accompliſhing his capture by corrupting his boſom friends, and by the treachery of his moſt intimate aſſociates, and thoſe in whom he placed his utmoſt confidence, Sir John Monteith and others of infamous memory. Adomer on his bridal day was ſlain at a tourna⯑ment, held in honour of his nuptials, and left a wife, at once a maiden, bride, and widow. ^* It is ſaid, that for ſeveral generations of this fa⯑mily, a father never was happy enough to ſee his ſon; the proſcribed pa⯑rent being ſnatched off by the hand of Death, before the birth of his iſſue.^†

The unfortunate Lady of Adomer de Valence, was in her own right Baroneſs of Veiſſer and Montenact.

This barony afterwards came to the Earl of Athol, ^‡ by Johanna his wife, of the Pembroke family, from whom, by female heirs, it paſſed to the Percys; ^§ by two coheireſſes it came to the families of Brough and Gray; and from Leland it appears, that in the reign of King Henry VIII. this caſtle and manor were in the poſſeſſion of Lord Brough. In the 4th year of Queen Mary, Lord Brough granted theſe poſſeſſions to Cuthbert Mitford and Robert his ſon for ever, a collateral branch of the ancient owner before the conqueſt, reſerving the ſcite of the caſtle and the royalties; which coming afterwards to the Crown, were [289] granted to the above-mentioned Robert Mitford, ^* in the reign of King Charles II.

The church of Mitford, with the impropriation and advowſon, were granted by King Edward I. to Lanercoſt Priory, in Cumberland. In this church is a tomb with a rude effigy of one of the Bertrams, the inſcrip⯑tion dated 7th October, 1622.

There was an Hoſpital at Mitford, dedicated to St. Leonard, founded by Sir William Bertram, (who granted lands for founding Brinkburn Priory) and endowed with lands for the maintenance of a Chaplain. By an inquiſition taken in the reign of King Edward III. it appeared that the Abbot of Newminſter had poſſeſſed himſelf of theſe lands; but King Richard II. obliged him to reſtore them, and nominated John de Wenhings Chaplain. There was an ancient bridge over the Wanſbeck, between the church and caſtle, called Fouſe Brig, or Fees Brig; for the guarding of which on the eve and day of the Aſcenſion, Walter de Swinhoe held 40 acres of land in the manor of Mitford, as appears by the eſcheats of the 51ſt of King Edward III.

On the banks of Wansbeck, was ſeated

THE ABBEY OF NEWMINSTER,

now deſtroyed to its foundations, and nothing left to denote its ſcite, but a part of one of the gateways leading into the abbey yard.

It was founded by Ralph de Merlay, Baron of Morpeth, and Julian his wife, daughter of Coſpatric Earl of Northumberland, in the reign [290] of King Stephen, 1138,^* for Ciſterfian Monks, ^† tranſlated from Fountains, in Normandy, and was dedicated to the bleſſed Virgin. Its endowments and revenues were very ample.^‡

[291]The Abbot was ſummoned to the parliament at Carliſle by King Edward I. 1307.

The revenues of this abbey at the diſſolution, were valued by Dug⯑dale at 100l. 1s. 1d. and by Speed at 140l. 10s. 4d. The religious body at that time conſiſted of 15.^*

The ſcite was granted by King James I. to the Brandling family, and it is now the poſſeſſion of Mr Ord of Fenham.^†

[292]The vale of Wansbeck, from Mitford to Morpeth, is narrow and deep, but the winding banks of the ſtream are woody and beautiful.

Not far diſtant from Mitford, ſtands

MOLLESTON,

formerly the poſſeſſion of a collateral branch of Mitfords, who after⯑wards regained the baronial inheritance of Mitford. It was granted, in the reign of King Edward III. by Strabolgy Earl of Athol, to Sir John de Mitford, a lineal deſcendant of Matthew de Mitford, younger brother of Sir John de Mitford, whoſe daughter Sibille married Sir Richard Ber⯑tram. ^*

We approached

MORPETH,

which we made our common reſting place, after ſeveral little excur⯑ſions into the adjoining country. It is a pleaſant well built town, ſeated on the northern banks of the river Wanſbeck, in a warm and ſheltered vale, ſurrounded with a rich cultivated country; and tho' without any conſiderable degree of trade, wears the countenance of opulence.^* It is a preſcriptive borough, governed by two Bailiffs and ſeven Burgeſſes, an⯑nually elected out of the free burgeſſes being inhabitants and paying ſcot and lot. In the firſt year of the reign of Queen Mary, 1553, it began [293] to ſend members to parliament, who are now elected by the free bur⯑geſſes, and are returned by the Bailiffs.^* A weekly market is held on [294] Wedneſday, when there is expoſed a profuſion of excellent proviſions. It has the privilege of two yearly fairs, held on Holy Thurſday and [295] Magdalen-day.^* The market-place is conveniently ſituated, near the centre of the town, though narrow enough for the great reſort to it. An elegant Town-houſe was built by the Carliſle family in 1714, in which their manorial court is held, and alſo the quarter ſeſſions for the county of Northumberland. The ſtructure is of hewn-ſtone, with a piazza or⯑namented with ruſtic work, the ſuperſtructure decorated with turrets, in a very good taſte. The market croſs is commodious, built in 1699. by the Hon. P. Howard and Sir H. Bellaſis. As the church is diſtant about a quarter of a mile from the town, a tower is built near the market-place, containing a good ring of bells. Near the bridge is the [296] county gaol, a modern ſtructure. King Edward VI. founded a Grammar School here, and endowed it with the revenues of two diſſolved chantries in Morpeth, and one at Nether Witton. The ſchool-houſe, with a neat chapel lately erected, ſtand on the brink of the river, near the bridge, which leads to Newcaſtle:^* the parochial church ^† is on the ſouthern [297] ſide of the river; a plain ſtructure, containing nothing remarkable but one inſcription.^‡ Oppoſite to the church is the Rectory-houſe, a hand⯑ſome [298] new building.^§ There was a chantry in this church dedicated to the Virgin Mary, but by whom founded, or how endowed, is not known. John Anderſon was Chaplain May 10th, 8th of King Henry VII.

[299] The baronial caſtle ^* is in ruins, little remaining thereof but an old gateway tower and part of the outward wall which encloſed the area and interior buildings. It is placed on a lofty eminence, unaſſiſted by art; the ſouthern ſide is very ſteep, and waſhed by the river Wanſbeck; the northern ſecured by a deep valley. The tower has formerly had angular turrets at the north-eaſt and ſouth-eaſt corners, with a com⯑munication by an open gallery which was ſupported by projecting cor⯑bles: there is no portcullis. In the centre of the arched roof of the gateway is a ſquare aperture, calculated to annoy aſſailants who ſhould gain the outward gate. It commands a fine proſpect, overlooking the town of Morpeth, and the banks of Wanſbeck, where large tracts of woodlands are beautifully diſpoſed. Near this tower, towards the north-eaſt, and on the other ſide of the deep dell or valley, before deſcribed, is a round mound of earth, on a natural mount whoſe height is greatly in⯑creaſed by art. It appears to have been raiſed rather by aſſailants than as an outwork or defence to the caſtle; for from thence, by engines, ſtones and miſſile weapons might be thrown into the interior parts of the fortreſs, to annoy the garriſon: and agreeable to the modes practiſed in early times, perhaps this was caſt up for an oppoſing fort and mal⯑voiſin on ſome blockade. No record come to my knowledge proves who [300] was the firſt founder of this caſtle; early in the time of the Normans, the baronial ſeat of the Merleys was here, and probably they had a ſtronghold upon the very eminence where the preſent remains ſtand— the tower was the work of William Lord Greyſtock, who lived in the time of King Edward III. as appears by the eſcheats of that reign.^* Sur⯑names were derived from places, and that of Merley, probably from their fortreſs here. By the rolls of Henry V. the barony is called the barony of Marlay: which ſhews that Merlay and Morpeth were places ori⯑ginally diſtinct from each other, the one denoting the hill and the other the valley; at length the diſtinctions ſubſided in the general ap⯑pellation of Morpeth.

We do not find in hiſtory any thing ſingular of Morpeth in the times of the Saxons; it was the ancient barony of the Merleys, but when it was ſo created, or whether the Merleys were in poſſeſſion before the con⯑queſt, there is no ſatisfactory evidence. By the Teſta de Nevill it ap⯑pears, that the third Roger de Merley held the barony of Morpeth by the ſervice of four Knights fees. "Et omnes anteceſſores ſui tenerunt per iundem ſervicium poſt conqueſtium Angliae." King Henry I. gave Julian the daughter of Goſpatrick Earl of Dunbar in marriage, with a rich dowery, to Roger de Merley, Baron of Morpeth.^† This Roger founded Newmin⯑ſter, and as appears by the Autographo, was interred therein, with his Lady and Osbert their ſon.^‡

There was an hoſpital founded in Morpeth by this family, to which William de Merley gave a carucate of land.^§

[301] Roger de Merley obtained of King John, 1199, a market for his bo⯑rough, and an annual fair on Magdalen-day, in conſideration of a fine of 20 marks and two palfreys. He was alſo interred at Newminſter. ^*

His ſucceſſor Roger ornamented the borough of Morpeth, and founded an Hoſpital at Catchburn. He was alſo interred at Newminſter. ^†

Roger the third granted to his burgeſſes a freedom from all taxes, ſubſidies, or contributions, except thoſe to the King for public ſafety, the marriage honours of the Lord's heir or eldeſt daughter, or the Lord's redemption from captivity. He granted ſeveral other liberties and im⯑munities. The charter is ſo valuable and ſingular a piece of antiquity, that it highly merits a place here.

Omnibus hanc cartam viſuris vel audituris Rogerus de Merlay tertius ſalutem. Noveritis me audiſſe cartà Rogeri patris mei in hac verba. Omnibus hominibus has literas viſuris, vel audituris, Rogerus de Mer⯑lay ſalutem. Sciatis quod ego Rogerus de Merlay dedi et conceſſi, et hac praeſenti carta mea confirmaviſſe, meis liberis burgenſibus de Mor⯑peth, illis et haeredibus ſuis, tenend. et habend. in perpetuum de me et haeredibus meis, omnes libertates, et omnes liberas conſuetudines, honorabiliter, et libere, et integre, ſicuti carta domini Regis purportat, quam ego habio de dono ſuo. His teſtibus, Willielmo de Merlay, Richardo de Pleſſes, &c. &c. Quare volo, concedo et confirmo, pro me et haeredibus meis, praedictis burgenſibus, et haeredibus ſuis, quod habeant omnes libertates praedictas, ſicut carta Rogeri de Merlay patris mei purportat et teſtatur. Et praeterea conceſſi pro me et haere⯑dibus meis quod praefati burgenſes nec haeredes eorum tallientur niſi quando dominus Rex talliabit burgenſes ſuos et ad promogenitum meum milit. faciend. et ad primogenitum filiam meam maritandum, et ad cor⯑pus meum de priſona redimendum. Item conceſſi eiſdem quod ſi ego vel haeredes mei, prizas ferimus per ſervientes noſtros de pane vel de cerviſia vel de aliqua alia de re in dicta villa de Morpath, illae prizae ſolvantur creditori infra quadraginta dies; creditor autem cui non ſo⯑lutum fuerit infra quadraginta de prizis ab eis factis maneat quietus ab [302] omni priza poſt illas quadraginta dies quouſque ei ſolutum fuerit. Ita tamen quod bene licebit mihi et haeredibus meis alias prizas facere, in⯑fra terminum illarum quadraginta dierum. Et ſciendum quod priza mea cerviſiae erit in toto anno tres gallones pro uno denario. Conceſſi etiam eiſdem burgenſibus et haeredibus ſolitas communas paſturae et aiſiamenta conſueta cum libero exitû et introitu ad eandem villam de Morpath pertin. Exceptis bladis & pratis. Conceſſi etiam ſuperdictis burgenſibus et haeredibus eorum communam in ſtipulis meis, ejuſdem manerii mei de Morpath; ſcilicet de Wenherlawe verſus occidentem uſ⯑que ad diviſas abbatis novi monaſterii, et uſque ad foſſatum parci occi⯑dentalis. Ita tamen quod herbagium earundem ſtipularum reſervetur ad opus meum et haeredum meorum per quindecem dies poſtquam bla⯑dum meum fuerit cariatum. Et conceſſi eiſdem burgenſibus et haere⯑dibus eorum, quod quando eis turbarias vendere voluero in turbariis meis de Morpath, et quantum eis vendere voluero, ſingulas cariatas turbarii pro ſingulis denariis. Et ſi contingat quod averia eorundem burgenſium capiantur in defenſis meis, pro quolibet averio debant unum obulum, et pro quolibet equo unum obulum, et pro quin⯑que ovibus unum obulum per tres vices tam extra quam infra, et ad quartem vicem pro ſingulis eorum averiorum captis infra boſcum dabunt octo denarios, et extra boſcum quatuor denarios, et poſtea iterum incipiendo pro ſingulis averiorum obulum per tres vices, ut praedictum eſt. Et ſi averia eorum capiantur in bladis vel in pratis, faciant emendas ſecundum tempus anni. Conceſſi inſuper, et confir⯑mavi praefatis burgenſibus et eorum haeredibus illam placeam quietam ubi forum eorum eſſe ſolebat (excepto tamen Tofto Aliciae Hudde, et priſtina ejuſdem villae, et excepta quadam fabrica, quam Philippus te⯑nuit. In qua placea volo quod ſtalla eorum conſtrunantur ubi carnes et piſces vendant uſque in horam nonam. Et prohibeo ſuper plenam forisfacturam mei et heredum meorum ne quis preſumat vendere carnes nec piſces ante horam nonam, quoniam ſervicii dict. ſtall. niſi in groſſo. Et ſciendum quod bene licebit mihi et haeredibus meis facere aedificia noſtra ubicunque voluerimus in culturis noſtris, in quibus eis conceſſi⯑mus communia ſine impedimento vel contradictione dictorum burgen⯑ſium, vel haeredum eorum in perpetuum. Et ſciendum quod dicti bur⯑genſes et haeredes eorum ſequentur molendina mea de Morpath ad ter⯑tium decimum vas multurae, ſicut prius ſequi conſueverunt. Et ego Rogerus de Merlay et haeredes mei univerſa praenominata et conceſſa dictis burgenſibus et eorum haeredibus contra omnes gentes in perpe⯑tuum warrantizabimus. Et in hujus rei teſtimonium unam partem hujus cartae chirographatae quam dicti burgences habent penes eos et [303] haeredes eorum ſigillo meo roberavi; et aliam partem habeo penes me et haeredes meos communi ſigillo dictorum burgenſium ſignatum. His teſtibus Hugone Gubion, Willielmo de Merlay, Johanne de Pleſſes, Willielmo de Conyers, Ada Barret, Willielmo de Horſley, Willielmo filio Radulphi, Richardo de Saltwick, Richardo de Sancto Petro, Wil⯑lielmo Spurnelow, Radulpho Grom. Thoraldo, Rogero Palmer, Waltero de Witton clerico et aliis.

Roger the third was alſo interred at Newminſter, leaving two daugh⯑ters, Mary and Johanna, his coheireſſes.^*

Mary the eldeſt daughter married William Lord Greyſtock, to whoſe iſſue the whole barony of Morpeth deſcended. Johanna married Ro⯑bert de Somerville, by whom ſhe had five ſons, who all died without iſſue male.

John his heir was a great benefactor to Tynemouth and Newminſter. ^† In the Autographo, he is termed Vir ſtrenuus et corpulentus. He died in the year 1307.

[304]On extinction of the male line of Fitz William, who on the death of John Lord Greyſtock aſſumed the name and title of Greyſtock, Morpeth [305] paſſed by marriage of the heireſs, to Lord William Dacre of Gilſland, in Cumberland; and by marriage of the heireſs of the Dacre family, to Lord William Howard, third ſon of the Duke of Norfolk, from whom they deſcended to the preſent Lord Carliſle.

We made an excurſion from Morpeth, to viſit

BOTHALL,

the baronial inheritance of the family of Ogles, diſtant from Morpeth about four miles. This ride is extremely beautiful, lying within a little diſ⯑tance of the river Wanſbeck, the banks of which to the ſouth are lofty, and cloathed with fine hanging woods, through which here and there you ſee a bold promontory or rocky precipice. All the environs of the river to Bothal are romantic and beautiful. The caſtle, though placed on a conſiderable eminence, yet ſtands in a very deep vale; hanging woods forming an amphitheatre at the diſtance of about half a mile. Its pre⯑ſent remains chiefly conſiſt of the great gateway, flanked on the north ſide by two polygonal towers, 53 feet high; and on the ſouth-weſt angle by a ſquare turret, whoſe height meaſures 60 feet. From the towers of this gate the outward wall extends along the brink of the eminence, in [306] a circular form, encloſing the area and interior buildings of the caſtle. This encloſure contains about half an acre, in which are ſome ſcattered fragments of the inner buildings, now affording no degree of certainty what were their original form and uſe. To the north-weſt of the gate⯑way, was formerly another tower, pulled down within the memory of perſons living, which bore the denomination of Ogle's Tower. The ſcite of this caſtle to the ſouth is very lofty, on the brink of a rock, whoſe foot is waſhed by the river: the eaſt and weſt ſides of the emi⯑nence have been defended by a moat. Mr Groſe, to his ſecond plate of this caſtle, which chiefly repreſents the gateway tower, ſays, ‘the wood ſcene in the back ground ſlopes to the water's edge, here and there ſkirted by pictureſque rocks; and in many places the trees overhang the ſtream, which here runs briſkly, breaking againſt the huge ſtones plentifully ſcattered throughout its channel; at once cap⯑tivating the eye, and by its gentle murmurs ſweetly ſoothing the ear. Indeed the banks of the Wanſbeck, between this place and Morpeth, afford a variety of ſylvan ſcenes, equal in beauty to any in the king⯑dom.’

I muſt deſcend to more minute deſcriptions of the gateway with its towers;^* they bear a certain appearance of being the moſt modern parts of this caſtle; the architecture is excellent, and the edifice built of a durable ſtone, well dreſt, and in good preſervation: the aſcent from the town is eaſy and gradual. The outward gate was defended by a portcullis; in the arching of the roof of the gateway, are three ſquare apertures, from whence the garriſon could annoy the aſſailants, when they had gained the firſt gate; a door on each hand leads to the flank⯑ing towers. On the right hand, is a paſſage and ſtaircaſe in the ſouth⯑weſt tower; at the foot of the ſtairs is a door into the priſon, which is not ſo horrible an encloſure as moſt of thoſe ſeen in baronial caſtles: it is above ground, and cloſely arched, having narrow apertures, like loop⯑holes, to admit light and air from the gateway paſſage. Oppoſite to theſe ſtairs, on the other ſide of the gateway, is a large hall. Paſſing the winding ſtairs, we entered the ſtate-room, above the gateway: this apartment is lighted by four windows, none of them of any conſider⯑able ſize; the principal one is to the north, in the centre: by means of the thickneſs of the wall, the receſs formed for the window is benched [307] with ſtone at the ſides, with ſeats for ſix perſons at leaſt. From this window you view the town, the church, and a narrow vale, through which the river flows. On each ſide of this window, is a door leading to the chambers of the flanking towers. The fire-place, of a very ſpa⯑cious range, is to the eaſt, on the left ſide of which is another window with a receſs, benched like that before deſcribed. A third window like the two former, is to the right of the door as you enter, looking into the area of the caſtle; a large window to the weſt commands the wider part of the vale, and the fine hanging woods by which it is is bounded. Three large ſtones cover the apertures in the floor, which open upon the paſſage of the gateway. The upper rooms being more ruinous, are not ſo eaſy to deſcribe, or their form capable of being aſ⯑certained. I walked theſe apartments with a veneration, proceeding from the tendereſt obligations; an alliance with a lineal deſcendant of thoſe illuſtrious families, who for ages poſſeſſed this inheritance.

In the front of the gateway, are ſeveral ſhields of arms arranged in the following order; which I apprehend, like thoſe at Alnwick, perfectly point out to us the time when this part of the caſtle was built. In the centre, in a large ſhield, are the arms of England and France quarterly. It is obſervable that England takes the firſt quarter, a thing I have never obſerved an inſtance of before. On the dexter ſide, a ſhield with the arms of England, three lions paſſant gardant; on the ſiniſter, a ſhield with the arms of the Grays, barry of ſix argent and azure, three torteauxes in chiefe. This denotes that the erection was made in the time of Edward IV. whoſe conſort was a Gray, mother of Thomas Gray, who in the 15th year of that reign was created Marquis of Dorſet. Beneath, in the [308] centre, the arms of Bertram, Or, an orl, azure. On the dexter and ſiniſter ſides of this, are three ſhields, which denote the alliances of the Bertram family.

The firſt, on the dexter ſide, the arms of Percy

The ſecond of Dacre

The third of Veſey, Or, a croſs, ſable.

The firſt, on the ſiniſter ſide, of Darcy

The ſecond of Haſtings

The third, two lions paſſant gardant in a treſſure; but to what fa⯑mily this coat armour appertains, I cannot form any probable aſſertion.

On the tower on the right hand of the gateway, are four ſhields, the chief of which is of the Ogles; but as they are greatly defaced by time, and on my view did not ſeem to have any material relation to the date or hiſtory of this erection, I paſſed them without particular atten⯑tion: but on conſidering the matter, I am induced to believe that John Ogle, the grandſon of the heireſs of Bertram, and who aſſumed the name of Bertram, erected this gateway. In the family of Ogles after⯑wards mentioned, he is particularly noticed.

In the centre, on the battlement, is the figure of a man, in ſtone, in the attitude of ſounding a horn; on the right hand tower is another figure, holding a ball between his hands: theſe figures are greatly in⯑jured by the weather.^*

[309]The ſcite of Bothal appears very like a Roman ſtation: Camden ſays, that he had thought for ſome time, that the Roman Glanoventa ſtood on the banks of Wansbeck, garriſoned by the firſt cohort of the Morini; for it is ſeated in the range of the wall, where the Notitia places it: the river's name is Wants-beck, and Glanoventa, in the Bri⯑tiſh tongue, ſignifieth THE SHORE OR BANKS OF VENTA. Mr Groſe has the following remarks on the Bertrams, the original poſſeſſors of this caſtle. ‘Richard Bertram, who lived about the time of King Henry II. gave two ſheaves, or two third parts of the tithes of this barony to the Monks of Tinmouth.’ (In Bourne's Hiſtory of New⯑caſtle, it is ſaid, ‘being a devout man, he gave two ſhares, i. e. two third parts of the titles of it, to the Monks.’) ‘His ſon Robert obtained of King Richard I. that his manor with its dependencies ſhould be raiſed to a barony; and it is mentioned as ſuch, in that an⯑cient record, remaining with the King's Remembrancer in the Ex⯑chequer, called Teſta de Nevil, from its being compiled by Jollan de Nevil, who was a Juſtice Itinerant in the 18th and 24th years of King Henry III. It contains the King's fees through the greateſt part of England, with inquiſitions of lands eſcheated and ſerjeantries.’

‘This barony was held by Robert of the King in capite, by the ſer⯑vice of three Knights fees, as his anceſtors had formerly held it; the ſaid lands being de veteri feofmento, and paying yearly for the caſtle guard at Newcaſtle upon Tyne for cornage 5l. 15s. 4d.’

‘Robert was ſucceeded by his ſon Roger, who procured a charter for free warren, for all his demeſne lands here and at Heburn in this county. His heirs enjoyed the barony for ſome ſucceſſions, without making any additions to its grandeur; but Robert Bertram being in the reign of King Edward III. conſtituted Sheriff of Northumberland and Governor of Newcaſtle upon Tyne, obtained a licence of that King to make a caſtle of his manor houſe at Bothal.’

[310] ‘Robert having no iſſue male, his daughter and heireſs, Helen, mar⯑rying Sir Robert Ogle, of Ogle, Knight, transferred this barony to his family. Robert their ſon, after the death of his mother, ſettled the ſame upon his youngeſt ſon John; his paternal eſtate he bequeathed to his eldeſt ſon Robert, who ſuffered his brother to enjoy the barony of Bothal for a ſhort time only, for ſoon after his father's death, with 200 armed men, he took forcible poſſeſſion of the caſtle, under pre⯑tence of its being his birth-right: but on complaint to parliament, a writ was iſſued to the Sheriff of Northumberland, directing him to reinſtate the complainant, and commanding Robert to appear at Weſt⯑minſter on a certain day, to anſwer for this miſdemeanor.^* This [311] John, who took the name of Bertram, was afterwards knighted, and was ſeveral times Sheriff of Northumberland in the reign of King Henry VI.’ ^*

The family of Ogle was of great antiquity in the county of Northum⯑berland, where they were poſſeſſed of an extenſive property, antecedent to their intermarriage with the heireſs of Bertram. Humphrey Ogle, Eſq lived at Ogle Caſtle at the time of the conqueſt.^† This family held the manor of Unthank, with lands in Gilcroft and Raleigh, for ſeveral ge⯑nerations. Sir Robert Ogle, by marriage with Helen the daughter and heireſs of Sir Robert Bertram, in the reign of King Edward III. became poſſeſſed of the barony of Bothall. ^‡

There was iſſue of this marriage, Sir Robert Ogle, who married Ma⯑tilda the daughter of Sir Thomas Gray of Wark, by Alice daughter of Ralph Nevil, Earl of Weſtmoreland.

He was ſucceeded by Sir Robert, who was created by King Henry VI. Baron of Bothall and the 1ſt Lord Ogle, ^§ an ardent adherent in the con⯑flicts between the houſes of York and Lancaſter. He married Iſabella [312] daughter and heireſs of Sir Alexander de Kirby, by Johann daughter to Sir Thomas Tunſtall.

Owen Lord Ogle their ſon married Eleanor daughter of Sir William Hilton, and had iſſue,

Ralph the 3d Lord Ogle, ^* who married Margaret the daughter of Sir William Gaſcoin, and had iſſue,

Robert the 4th Lord Ogle, who married Ann the daughter of Thomas Lord Lumley, by Elizabeth Plantagenet, daughter of King Edward IV. by the Lady Lucy, and had iſſue,

Robert the 5th Lord Ogle, who died in the battle at Hallydon-rigg, in Scotland. He was twice married; firſt to Dorothy daughter of Sir Henry Widdrington; his ſecond wife was Johann, daughter of Sir Cuth⯑bert Radcliff, by both of whom he had iſſue. By Dorothy he had

Robert the 6th Lord Ogle, who married Jane the daughter of Sir Thomas Maleverer, but died without iſſue. By the ſecond wife Johann, the 5th Lord Ogle had iſſue,

Cuthbert the 7th and laſt Lord Ogle, who married Catharine the daugh⯑ter and heireſs of Sir Reginald Carnaby, and had iſſue two daughters, Johanna and Catharine.

Johanna married to Edward Talbot, Eſq younger ſon to the Earl of Shrewsbury.

The parochial church ſtands at a little diſtance from the caſtle: in tablets on the wall, in the old black letter, are painted the genealogy of the Ogles. ^† There is a fine marble tomb of one of the Ogles and his Lady, with their effigies recumbent. I preſume the perſonages there repreſented are Sir Robert Ogle and his wife, the Baroneſs Bertram. His effigy is cloathed in a coat of mail, the hands elevated, about his neck a chain, with a croſs pendant on his boſom, his hair cut over his forehead and round by his ears, his head ſupported on his creſt a bull's head, his feet reſted againſt a curled water dog. Her effigy is dreſſed in a long robe, which conceals her feet; over her head and ſhoulders a mantle flowing back, her hands elevated, her head ſup⯑ported by a cuſhion taſſelled at the corners, kept by two Eſquires in their proper habiliments, each holding a taſſel; on the lap of her robe a ſmall Italian greyhound. A ſword ſheathed lies between theſe effigies. At the head of the tomb, in niches ornamented with tabernacle-work, are four Eccleſiaſtics, their crowns ſhaven, and with hands elevated; at a corner, an inclining ſhield, ſupported on the dexter ſide by a lion col⯑lared and chained, and on the ſiniſter ſide, by a monkey chained by the waſte. The ſhield of arms is ſo ſingular, that I have cauſed it to be engraved with the effigies.

[314]On the banks of Wansbeck, near to Bothall, are the ruins of an an⯑cient chapel or oratory, ſaid to be dedicated to the bleſſed Virgin. The ſituation is admirably calculated for meditation, being in a ſhady ſo⯑litude. By the arms on the wall, it appears to have been built by the family of Ogles. The erection is all of well-wrought free ſtone; its dimenſions within, eight yards in length, and four in breadth; the roof, now gone to decay, was arched with ſtone, after a curious form, as appears by its remains. It is now grown over with trees, which have ſtruck their roots into the joints and chaſms of the building.

In paſſing to Aſhington, the family ſeat of the Crows, we had a view of

SHIPWASH,

where the Rectory-houſe ſtands appertaining to the pariſh of Bothall, lately honoured by the reſidence of the moſt excellent Prelate, his Grace the Hon. and Right Rev. Dr. Drummond, late Lord Archbiſhop of York. He was the ſecond ſon of the Right Hon. George Hay, Earl of Kinnoul, and brother to the preſent, whoſe illuſtrious anceſtors are recorded for their virtues and military atchievements, in the annals of their country. He was a man of deep erudition, an excellent paſtor, a ſteady loyaliſt, and a ſtateſman of unbiaſſed integrity. He mixed affability with dig⯑nity, and at the ſame time he commanded reverence he was courteous. In his archiepiſcopal character, he was rigid, yet eaſy of acceſs; and as he was benevolent, ſo was he ſlow of condemnation. He conſtantly avoided the buſtle of greatneſs, and in his country retreat, putting off the dignity of his office, he was diſtinguiſhed as a generous friend, an inimitable parent, and a gracious neighbour. He was a ſtudent in Chriſt Church College, Oxford, and had the degree of Doctor in Divi⯑nity 27th June, 1745. He took the name and arms of Drummond, as heir intail to his great grandfather, William Drummond, Viſcount Strathallan. He married Henrietta daughter of Peter Auriol, Eſq Mer⯑chant, of the city of London, by whom he had iſſue three ſons and two daughters. He became Chaplain to King George II. in Auguſt, 1727; was inſtalled Prebendary of Weſtminſter 29th April, 1743; and conſecrated Biſhop of St. Aſaph 24th April, 1748: he was afterwards tranſlated to Sarum, and made Archbiſhop of York in 1761; in the ſame year he was made Lord High Almoner to the King, and one of his Majeſty's Moſt Hon. Privy Council.

[315]The mother church, it is ſaid, formerly ſtood here. At a little diſ⯑tance lies the port of

CAMBOIS,

at the mouth of the river Wansbeck, a haven with two quays on the north ſhore for ſmall veſſels, about 30 tons burthen, employed in the export of corn and grindſtones, and in importing timber.^* Many lime boats from the adjacent coaſts reſort to this place. The cliffs by the ſea, called the Hawk's Hugh, are rude and majeſtic. There is a cavern towards the north end, well known to ſmugglers. The ſituation of

ASHINGTON,

and the proſpect from thence, are delightful: the banks of Wansbeck are finely wooded, and on every hand you look upon a rich cultivated country. The objects diſpoſed on theſe ſcenes are various and beauti⯑ful: the nearer are woodlands, rocks, and cultivated eminences, ſcat⯑tered over with hamlets; the ſtreams of Wansbeck, enlivened by people employed in the Salmon Fiſhery, and graced with the bridge of Ship⯑waſh and the fiſhing veſſels: the more diſtant are Bebſide and the port of Cambois, Seaton Delaval, and the ſea. Aſhington was one of the dependent manors of the barony of Bothall. ^†

Approaching the ſea coaſt, we viewed

NEWBIGGIN,

a fine bay for ſhipping, ſecured from the ſtormy quarters by high rocky promontories, and capable of receiving veſſels of 60 tons burthen. The town is ſmall, and chiefly inhabited by fiſhermen. There are ſeveral granaries for corn here. This whole coaſt is enlivened by trade, and opulence is diſpenſed on every ſide by the hand of induſtry. Human nature is capable of vaſt works; the capacity of man is infinite, the further it is exerted, the more is diſcovered for the advancement of its occupation. The more our faculties are employed, the nearer we ap⯑proach to a ſimilarity of the divine being, in whoſe image man was created [316] in the beginning. To let our time elapſe whilſt our rational powers ſleep in indolence, is highly criminal; it is a prodigality of all others the worſt; denying birth to thoſe good works we owe to ourſelves, and to mankind at large. In the bay ſhips ride in ſix or ſeven fathom of water.

The church ſtands on the north ſide of the haven, on a point of land which projects a conſiderable way into the ſea; and it is ſaid there are the remains of a pier there. This church was formerly a much more conſiderable edifice, now the middle aile and ſteeple with a ſpire only remaining: which circumſtances give riſe to an idea, that New⯑biggin and its haven were in ſome former age of more conſiderable im⯑portance. The ſpire is a mark to Seamen, of great uſe to ſhips coming from the North and Baltic Seas, as a direction for their ſouthward courſe. The ornament of the altar ſeems to have been a devoted gift by ſome Seaman who had eſcaped the perils of the ocean, being the King's arms carved in wood for the ſtern-piece of a ſhip.

We paſſed the houſe of

CRESWELL,

one of the ancient members of the barony of Bywell, the family ſeat of Creſwells from the time of King John.^* Like moſt of the old Nor⯑thumbrian manſions, this was defended by a tower, part of which re⯑mains. [317] The village of Creſwell lies at a little diſtance, chiefly inha⯑bited by fiſhermen.

WIDDRINGTON CASTLE,

the poſſeſſion of Sir George Warren, Knight of the Bath, in the next place engaged our attention, ſeated on an eminence commanding a view of Coquet Iſland and the ſea.^*

This was the ancient ſeat of the Widdringtons, and by the attainder of William Lord Widdrington in 1715, came to the Crown. Royal mercy being extended to him, he did not ſuffer death with Lord Derwent water and his aſſociates, but was diveſted of his honours and eſtates.

We find by ancient records, that Gerard de Widdrington ^† was ſettled here in the reign of King Edward I. and his deſcendants continued in [318] poſſeſſion till the degradation of the family at the above-mentioned period.

We advanced weſtward to

CAWSEY PARK,

a member of the barony of Bothall, and the inheritance of a younger branch of the noble family of Ogle, now the ſeat of Bernard Shaw, Eſq by his marrying the widow of William Ogle, Eſq This was the man⯑ſion of John Ogle, who appears to have erected it, as the old tower ſtill retains the initial letters of his name.^* There were many collateral branches of the noble family of Ogle, whoſe pedigrees would not be eſteemed ſufficiently pertinent to hold a place in this work.

Henry Ogle, brother of the late William Ogle, founded a School here for 30 children, and endowed it with a ſmall piece of ground and 300l. in money, for a ſtipend for the maſter.

Humphrey of this line of the family of Ogles, was Dean of Hereford and one of the Society of Brazen Noſe College, Oxford, where he founded two Scholarſhips in favour of the heirs of his brother Roger.

The houſe has no great beauty of ſituation, it is ſurrounded with a cultivated country, and has pleaſant gardens, fiſh-ponds, and other artificial ornaments, which greatly contribute to make it a pleaſant retirement.

LONGHORSLEY.

This manor was given by Goſpatrick Earl of Dunbar to Sir Ralph Merley Baron of Morpeth, as part of the dowery of Julian his daughter. Roger de Merley granted part of theſe poſſeſſions to Adam de Pleſis; and the heirs of his body, in the reign of King Henry III. The family of Horſleys held lands within this manor from diſtant ages.^* The church ſtands at a diſtance from the town, and belonged to the priory of Brinkburn. ^†

In our return to Morpeth, our reſting place from theſe little, excur⯑ſions, we viewed

COCKLE PARK TOWER,

which ſtands about four miles north from Morpeth. In the time of King Edward I. it was the manſion-houſe of a branch, of the family of Bertrams, built according to the faſhion of moſt of the ancient capital dwellings in this county, as a ſtronghold not only for the family, but a place of ſecurity for the tenants with their flocks and herds, at the times of incurſions of the Scots, or ravages by the banditti called the Moſs Troopers.

[320]From Morpeth, our next tour was by Whalton to Ogle Caſtle.

WHALTON

was the barony of Walter Fitz William, who came into England with the Conqueror. It was afterwards the poſſeſſion of Robert de Cramma⯑ville, whom King John diveſted, and afterwards gave his eſtates, toge⯑ther with Warkworth, to Roger Fitz Roger, an anceſter of the noble family of Clavering. It afterwards came to the family of Scroops, of Maſham,^* in the reign of King Edward III. and continued therein till the reign of King Henry VI.

OGLE CASTLE

was the manor and ſeat of the family of Ogles before the conqueſt, as I have mentioned before: it is now part of the poſſeſſions of his Grace the Duke of Portland, having attained the barony of Bothall in the de⯑ſcent from Cuthbert the 7th Lord Ogle. The ſituation is good, on an eminence on the ſouth banks of Blyth. There are very little remains of the old caſtle; part of a circular tower adjoins to the eaſt of the preſent farm houſe, which ſtands on the ſcite of the caſtle: the windows of this tower are very ſmall, topped with pointed arches, the whole remains carrying a countenance of very remote antiquity. The ground wherein the chief part of the caſtle has ſtood is ſquare, guarded by a double moat, divided by a breaſtwork of maſon-work. The walls are quite levelled with the ground, and the moat almoſt grown up.

Mr Wallis ſays, that it appears by an ancient pedigree at Bothall Caſtle, tranſcribed by Robert Treſwell, Somerſet Herald, A. D. 1598, by permiſſion of Cuthbert Lord Ogle, that Walter Fitz William came into England with the Conqueror, to whom the King gave the barony of Whalton; and that Walter, by deed, granted to Humphrey de Ogle all ſuch lands and liberties, as he or any of his predeceſſors had before the coming of the Normans, notwithſtanding the royal grant of Whalton, and any claims he might make there under.

[321]In the reign of King Henry III. and King Edward I. Thomas de Ogle was poſſeſſed of Ogle Caſtle, as appears by ſeveral eſcheats. Sir Robert Ogle in the time of King Edward III. reſided here, before his marriage with the heireſs of the Bertram family. By patent he held the bailiwick of the dominion of Tynedale. He had licence from the Crown to re⯑build the Caſtle of Ogle. In 1327, he attended the King in the camp of Stanhope Park; in 1346, he was at the battle of Nevil's Croſs; in 1355, he was Governor of the caſtle of Berwick during the ſiege, in which his brother Alexander was ſlain.^*

We paſſed by

KIRKLEY,

a dependent manor on the ancient barony of Mitford; for ſome ages paſt the ſeat of a branch of the noble family of Ogle, now the poſſeſſion of Dr. Newton Ogle, Prebendary of Durham, and nephew to Admiral Ogle. The manſion houſe makes a handſome appearance, being a ſquare build⯑ing, with flanks or wings conſiſting of offices. The ſouth front com⯑mands no remarkable proſpect, the country irregular, and not in the higheſt cultivation, without any pictureſque ſcene, or ornamental ob⯑ject; but this is amply compenſated by the view to the eaſt, which is extenſive, and affords a landſkip equal to any in this part of the county.

Kirkley was anciently the ſeat of the Eures or Evers, who held great poſſeſſions in the county of Durham, and had their caſtle at Witton. They held this manor by the ſervice of preſenting a barbed arrow on St. John Baptiſt's day, at the court of the caſtle of Mitford. ^†

PONTELAND

is in a very low ſituation on the banks of the river Pont, from which it derives its name: it was part of the ancient poſſeſſions of the Barons [322] of Mitford, and by an inquiſition taken at Newcaſtle, 14th September, 10th King Edward II. is noted as part of the property of Adomar de Valence, Earl of Pembroke. This place is mentioned in hiſtory for the congreſs held in 1244, the 28th King Henry III. when peace was ſet⯑tled between England and Scotland through the negotiations of the Prior of Tynemouth. The church is in the form of a croſs, and was formerly collegiate.^* Gilbert, Parſon of Eſland, was a witneſs, with others, to the firſt charter of St. Mary's Hoſpital in Newcaſtle, about the year 1190.

At the weſt end of the church is a gallery, on the front of which is the following inſcription in gold letters: Mr Richard Coates died January 3d, 1719,

And left his whole effects, at or about 70l. per annum, to the pariſh of Pont Iſland for a Charity School; the Rev. Mr Byne, Vicar of Pont Iſland; the Rev. Mr Forſter, of St John's, in Newcaſtle, and Mr Charles Clarke, Attorney in Newcaſtle, being with their ſucceſſors left Truſtees for ever to ſee it juſtly applied.

On the ſouth end of the gallery is another inſcription in black let⯑ters:

Mrs Barbara Coates built the ſchool-houſe and erected this gallery at her own charge, after her huſband's deceaſe.^†

[323]Camden ^* from the name of this place was induced to believe it was the Roman Pons Aelii, by more modern Antiquaries fixed at Newcaſtle.

WOLSINGTON

lies at ſome little diſtance, lately the property of the family of Jeniſons: it was a manor and part of the poſſeſſions of the priory of Tynemouth, is in a delightful ſituation, now the ſeat of Matthew Bell, Eſq

The proſpect over this part of the county, at the turnpike bar, is ſo extraordinary, that I cannot forbear pointing it out to future ramblers. Ponteland is ſeated in the depth of the vale, ſhrouded with a pretty grove; Eſland Hall crowns the right hand eminence, beyond which the elegant houſe of Gosforth, ſurrounded by riſing plantations, fills the more diſtant landſkip; the neat houſe at Beanridge to the left, con⯑traſted by Berwick town, of Scotch aſpect, whoſe black thatched cot⯑tages ſtretch along the neighbouring hill. One of the wings of Dr. Ogle's houſe at Kirkley is ſeen through the trees, the white front, and deep coloured ſhade of the plantations, forming an agreeable mixture. The town of Ogle ſtands on an eminence in front, over which Whalton is ſeen, and the whole back ground is formed by the rugged rocks of Rothbury, which give a rude and diſtant horizon.

We paſſed over the great north road to

GOSFORTH,

an elegant new building, of Pain's architecture, the ſeat of Charles Brandling, Eſq ^† ſurrounded with riſing plantations. No place in the [324] county of Northumberland better aſcertains the improvements of which the northern lands are capable: Miniſter Acres was ſhut in on every ſide by a deſert, which within a few years has been converted into beautiful plantations; but the great advancement which has taken place here is almoſt incredible, and the noble works which now fill a tract of land that was covered with heath, and had all the dreary aſpect of barren⯑neſs and waſte, are aſtoniſhing. No man is more valuable to the com⯑monwealth, than he who applies his opulence in the improvements of agriculture: the produce of our lands is a ſtaple of which we cannot be robbed by foreign enemies; a treaſure which no change in the ba⯑lance of Europe can waſte; an inteſtine wealth, which will give power without the jeopardies attending common merchandize; the increaſe will ever find an efflux to ſtates which cannot ſupport their numbers by the produce of their own land, and will ever ſecure an influx of wealth. Our lands afford a perpetual ſupply of trade; the goods derived from manual occupations, are the objects of fluctuating taſte; and when Birmingham and Wolverhampton ſhall no longer bear the laborious anvil, our wool, our corn and cattle will remain a laſting ſource of wealth. Manual occupations are transferrable, and in future ages may and will be moved from their preſent ſeats, and take place in other kingdoms and diſtant quarters of the earth; but the produce of lands, as they are local, ſo are they univerſally neceſſary; thoſe of our climate in particular: others produce the luxuries we ſeek, but ours the neceſ⯑ſaries every climate requires. To Mr Brandling every lover of his coun⯑try muſt return thanks for the example he has given, to ſpur on emu⯑lation for improvement, by proving the certainty of the effect. Gosforth was formerly part of the poſſeſſions of the family of Surtees, ^* held of [325] the Crown by the ſervice of half a Knight's fee: it came to the prede⯑ceſſors of the preſent owner ſome little time before the reign of King Edward VI.^*

We paſſed by

BLAGDON,

the ſeat of Sir Matthew White Ridley, Bart. a handſome ſquare build⯑ing, in the mode of architecture, and with ſuch ornaments as prevailed in the cloſe of the laſt century. It is covered with fine plantations.

This was anciently one of the manors of the barony of Morpeth, held by John de Pleſſes, as appears by the eſcheats of King Edward I. Pleſſes was a benefactor to Newminſter. A fee for cornage, of 1s. 1½d. yearly, on the feaſt of St. Cuthbert, was anciently paid out of this manor.

At the diſtance of two miles, we paſſed

STANNINGTON,

another dependent manor of the barony of Morpeth, anciently called Cooks Land. It was chargeable with a cornage rent, payable on the day of St. Cuthbert. The church ſtands on the north ſide of the village. One of the Merleys, Baron of Morpeth, founded a chantry here, with ſeveral endowments.^† The advowſon of the church of Stannington was given by Roger de Somerville to the priory of Newminſter.

[326]Sir Matthew White Ridley, Bart. in the ſummer 1772, decorated the chancel windows, which are of the true old Gothic taſte, with ſome curious painted glaſs, finely coloured, of various ſcriptural deſigns and arms of religious houſes, ſuppoſed to be 500 years old.

We took our next departure from Morpeth, to viſit Tynemouth. In this rout we paſſed through

BEDLINGTON,

part of the territories called the patrimony of St. Cuthbert, and a manor belonging to the See of Durham, which, as an excluſive liberty, obtained the appellation of the ſhire of Bedlington. It is bounded by the rivers Blyth on the ſouth, and Wansbeck on the north. In all matters of law and civil juriſdiction, it is a member of the county palatine, and (as I mentioned before when ſpeaking of Norham) anciently had courts and officers of juſtice within its own limits, appointed under commiſſion from the Biſhop of Durham, as well Juſtices, Sheriffs, Eſcheators, as Coroners, and all other officers of juſtice. The ſtatute made in the 27th year of King Henry VIII. diveſted the palatine of thoſe royal franchiſes, and reſumed the ſame to the Crown.^* An ancient offering to the Hoſ⯑pital of St. Giles, in Durham, of a thrave of corn out of every plough land for the relief of Pilgrims, about the time of King Richard II. was granted by the land owners, payable on the feaſt of St. Michael. It was afterwards compounded for a money payment.

[327]The town of Bedlington is in a low but pleaſant ſituation; it con⯑ſiſts of one long ſtreet. The church is an ancient ſtructure, but has no monuments of note.

In the year 1659, when the lands belonging to the See of Durham were put up to ſale by the Parliament, this manor, with Choppington farm, were purchaſed by Robert Fenwick, Eſq for 1296l. 5½d.^*

Near this place is a conſiderable iron foundery.

BEBSIDE,

which was in our view from the road, was a manor appertaining to the priory of Tynemouth.

NEWSHAM and SOUTH BLYTH

lay to our left, the property of a younger branch of the Cramlingtons in the reign of Queen Elizabeth;^† afterwards purchaſed by Colonel Thomas Radcliff; it is chiefly the poſſeſſion of Sir Matthew White Ridley. Blyth is a pretty village, ſituate on the ſouth ſide of the river Blyth, with a com⯑modious port for ſmall craft.

The navigable river and port of Blyth were of conſequence to the Biſhops of Durham in ancient times, and are named in their records with the Tyne, Wear, and Tees, as being ſubject to their juriſdiction, where they enjoyed all royal rights.^‡ The Biſhops of Durham ſtill continue to leaſe out the anchorage, beaconage, plankage, wharfage, ballaſt key, and waſtes between the high and low water marks of Blyth, and all the wrecks of the ſea on that coaſt.^§

CRAMLINGTON

lay on our right, a member of the barony of Guagy, the ancient poſ⯑ſeſſion and reſidence of the family of Cramlingtons. ^* Male iſſue failing in William de Cramlington, during the reign of King Henry V. theſe eſtates came to his two daughters as coheireſſes; one of whom married William Lawſon, ^† through which they ſoon after centered in that family.

The appearance of

SEATON DELAVAL

now engaged the eye; the ſpreading plantations extended over the plain afforded an agreeable ſcene, which was beautifully improved by the diſtant proſpect of the ocean.

A delightful ſhady walk, of a mile long, leads to Sir John's port of Hartley, ^* whence his coals, well known in London by that name, are [334] ſhipped. There are alſo large ſalt works and copperas works, and like⯑wiſe very conſiderable glaſs works, which were built by Thomas Delaval, Eſq and purchaſed of him by Sir John, who has cut through a ſolid and hard rock a new entrance into his harbour, which is 52 feet deep 30 feet broad, and 900 feet long: this great work he did at his own private expence, which no perſon has any ſhare or concern in but him⯑ſelf: no ſhips come hither except for his coals, ſalt, glaſs, and copperas; the three laſt-mentioned works are carried on here for the ſake of con⯑ſuming the ſmall coals of his colliery, which would without them be of no value. Before this new entrance was effected, the opportunity for exportation here was very confined, as the ſhips, for want of a ſuf⯑ficient depth of water in the old entrance, were obliged to be loaded with keels, whereas they can now ſail out with their full loadings. Theſe works produce to the public a revenue of above 20,000l. a year, and afford Sir John the means of conſtantly ſupporting ſeveral hundred people who live upon his eſtate in honeſt induſtry, in which he and Lady Huſſey Delaval take great delight.

Sir John has alſo made a little harbour of refuge in St. Mary's Iſland, for the ſafety of the Fiſhermen upon this coaſt, by which many have been ſaved who could not poſſibly, in certain winds, have reached any other harbour.

Conceiving it might prove moſt agreeable to the reader to find a particular deſcription of

FORD CASTLE,

which Sir John Huſſey Delaval conſiders as his ſporting ſeat, imme⯑diately ſucceeding that of the princely manſion of Seaton Delaval, I re⯑ſerved it for this place.

[335]From Yevering Bell, and the eminences beyond Wooler, it has a noble appearance, ariſing from a fine cultivated plain. This Caſtle was re-edified by Sir John, the antique ſtile being well preſerved in the deſign; two towers, one on the eaſt flank, and one on the weſt, being the only remains of the old caſtle which are retained in this edifice. The work was begun in the year 1761, and compleated in two or three years. The front is to the ſouth, the centre of which is formed by a ſemi⯑hexagonal projection, and its terminations are ſquare turrets; from whence, on each hand, a regular wing is advanced. On the weſt ſide of the area in front, is an old ſquare tower of ſingular form, it being compoſed of two turrets, one ariſing above another; the upper one being ſo much leſs than that which ſupports it, as to afford a ſpacious battlement. The area is encloſed by a wall embrazured and garniſhed with turrets, the entrance to which is by a ſpacious gateway: the wall is defended by corner towers.

This caſtle is ſeated on the eaſt banks of the river Till: It appears by Madox's Exch. p. 647, that Sir William Heron built it in the 12th year of the reign of King Henry III. A. D. 1227, the eſtate having come to his family by an intermarriage with the heireſs of Ford, who derived her deſcent from Odonel de Ford, as is mentioned in the pre⯑ceding page 19, and who was ſeized thereof in the time of King Henry I.

The caſtle commands a fine proſpect up the valley as far as Wooler bounded by lofty eminences, which riſing ſwiftly, are broken in the moſt agreeable and romantic manner. To the weſtward, at about the diſtance of a mile and a half, you view Flodden Hill, marked to the eye by a riſing plantation of firs,^* which crowns the eminence, and gives a beautiful object upon the landſkip. In great floods the Till over⯑flows ſeveral hundreds of acres of flat ground; the extenſive ſheet of water makes a grand appearance from the caſtle: when it ſubſides, the plain is left covered with a moſt fertilizing mud, by which the ſoil is greatly enriched.

From the happy taſte her Ladyſhip poſſeſſes for a rural life, Sir John has advanced the more rapidly in thoſe works of improvement which [336] mark the adjacent country. The fair example becomes illuſtrious, by the contraſt which is ſeen in the lives of perſons of equal rank and opulence. The works which are ſpread around Ford and Seaton Delaval, whilſt they diſpenſe felicity to innumerable laborious families, contri⯑bute greatly to the general opulence of the ſtate. No panegyric can pay due praiſe to thoſe who thus employ their abundant wealth: the effect is not contracted within the circle of Sir John's poſſeſſions, the example influences as it carries with it conviction, and many are thereby induced to cultivate and improve the adjacent eſtates, recovering from a prepoſſeſſion of ages of ignorance, that the nature of the ſoil and cli⯑mate would fruſtrate their attempts. A vaſt tract of land, on which you look from Ford, was within 20 years laſt paſt, one continued ſheep-walk; now interſected and encloſed with excellent quick-wood fences; the eminences adorned with fine plantations; the large and open farms which heretofore gave the country the aſpect of poverty and deſolation, are now ſubdivided, and let out into ſmaller allotments from 60l. to 200l. a year each, by which the country has become well peopled, and the lands, which for paſturage did not yield above one ſhilling per acre, now let for twenty-five ſhillings. The vice of enlarg⯑ing farms, deſtroying villages, and thereby depopulating a country, was advanced to ſuch enormity in the reigns of King Henry VII. and King Henry VIII. that it called for a parliamentary inquiry and reſtric⯑tion. No language can more ſtrongly expreſs the error, than the pre⯑amble of the ſtatute of the 25th of King Henry VIII. cha. 14.

—By this law, which is ſtill ſubſiſting, no farmer, under a penalty to be levied by Juſtices of the Peace, ſhould hold more than two farms, and they to be in one pariſh, where he ſhould reſide; and no farmer to have above 2000 ſheep.

Not only the pleaſure her Ladyſhip takes in promoting Sir John's at⯑tention to the improvements of the adjacent lands, ſhe alſo, I am in⯑formed, was a chief cauſe of the Iron Manufactory carried on near Ford, being brought to its preſent ſignificance. About a mile down the river, a Plating-Forge was erected in 1769, where a large quantity of ſhovels, ſpades, and other plate-iron works are made, as well for home con⯑ſumption, as for exportation at the ports of Berwick, Newcaſtle, &c. The ſcheme, when carried to its intended extent, will be of great con⯑ſequence to this part of the country. The ſituation of the Forge is ro⯑mantic, and the whole ſcene pictureſque. The water to ſupply the wheels is collected by a dam, and forms a fine canal, from whence it [338] breaks over the wear in a beautiful caſcade; and being intercepted in its lower courſe by rocks and hillocks, divides itſelf into ſeveral ſtreams. The buildings for the forge, as you look up the river, lay to the left; on the oppoſite ſide is a water-corn-mill: the vale ſeen above the canal conſiſts of cultivated and encloſed grounds, which are highly contraſted by the lofty eminences which bound the proſpect, finely broken and irregular, through which the light ſtreams, and gives a ſingular beauty to the offſcape: theſe at the extreme point of view are overlooked by Cheviot, awfully ſupreme and majeſtic, on whoſe brow heavy vapours are generally ſeen ſuſpended.

The family of Delaval had conſiderable poſſeſſions in

ECHEWICK:

Hubert Delaval and Richolda his mother gave a moiety of that manor to the priory of Hexham. The priory held lands there of the gift of others; one parcel the donation of Thomas de Echewick, and another of Peter de Fawdon. The abbey of Newminſter alſo had lands in Eche⯑wick, by the gift of John de Mitford, 3 King Henry VI.

Roger Fenwick, Eſq of Bitchfield, ſecond ſon of Sir John Fenwick of Wallington, by Margery the daughter and heireſs of John Harbottle, Eſq married Urſilla daughter of Sir John Heron of Chipchaſe, Knt. and purchaſed of the Crown Echewick Hall with divers lands, to be held by fealty only, as of the manor of Eaſt Greenwich, ſubject to a certain fee-farm rent. In the year 1589, he ſettled the ſame on Anthony his ſecond ſon, whoſe iſſue in the male line becoming extinct, the eſtate, about the year 1670, came to Ralph Scourfield, Eſq of Newcaſtle upon Tyne, in right of his mother, who was the daughter of Geo. Fenwick of Newcaſtle, Merchant Adventurer, younger ſon of Anthony Fenwick. Ralph Scourfield of Echewick, Eſq his only ſon, was High Sheriff for the county of Northumberland A. D. 1684: he died Sept. 1728, and lies buried within the rails of the communion table in the church of St. John, Newcaſtle. On his deceaſe the eſtate deſcended to Edward Bell, Eſq whoſe eldeſt daughter and coheireſs, the preſent proprietor, in the year 1748, married George Spearman, Eſq

This family of Spearmans derives deſcent from Le Sire D'Aſperemont, ſon of the Count D'Aſperemont, who accompanied King William the [339] Conqueror to England. The corruption of the name has been attri⯑buted by ſome of the family to an atchievement in the holy wars under Prince Edward, afterwards King Edward I. The anceſtors of George Spearman, Eſq were ſettled at Preſton, in the pariſh of Tynemouth, for ſome centuries. John of that family, in the beginning of this cen⯑tury, left by will a chalice for the communion, and a yearly ſtipend for a Schoolmaſter in the pariſh of Tynemouth.

But to return from this digreſſion:—From the mauſoleum at Seaton Delaval, the walk is extended to

HARTLEY,

which place was the poſſeſſion of Adam de Jeſmont, as appears by the eſcheats of the reign of King John: but in that age it was inconſider⯑able, when compared to its preſent ſtate.

The river anciently made its courſe due eaſt, until it was within a little way of the ſea, and then ſuddenly made a turn, and diſcharged itſelf in a courſe due north. The ſea banks at this point form an angle, one ſide facing to the north, and the other almoſt full eaſt. At the point of this angle, Sir Ralph Delaval erected his works, to ſecure his little haven at the mouth of the river, as mentioned in the foregoing note: but Sir John, in an age much advanced in mechanic knowledge, brought his haven into its preſent ſtate, by cutting through the rock, from the point where the river anciently turned towards the north, to the ſea on the eaſt ſide of the angle, ſo that the current now diſcharges itſelf into the ſea in a ſtraight direction, almoſt due eaſt, and forms a harbour acceſſible with every wind, and a moorage ſecure againſt every ſtorm.

Over the cut, a drawbridge is caſt for the paſſage of the inhabitants.

A little to the weſt lays

SEGHILL,

miſtaken by Camden for the Roman Segedunum, now the poſſeſſion of Sir Lancelot Allgood: formerly the ſeat and manor of a branch of the [340] Mitford family, who built the tower, the remains of which ſtill ap⯑pear.^*

We paſſed by the Monks ſtone, about two miles north-weſt of Tyne⯑mouth. The beſt account which has yet been given of it, is by Mr Groſe, which I ſhall take the liberty to tranſcribe. It appears to me to be the ancient boundary mark of the priory diſtrict: many obeliſks of this kind being fixed on the boundaries of church lands in the northern counties.

‘A gentleman in the neighbourhood remembers it ſtanding, though in a tottering condition, and much out of the perpendicular: he thinks it was then near ten feet high: it has lately been thrown down and broken; two pieces of it are now remaining, one of which, meaſuring three feet and a half, has been ſet up, the other, of about three feet, is the part repreſented (in Mr Groſe's plate) lying on the ground; on the pedeſtal is the inſcription, O horror, to kill a man for a pigges head: the characters ſeem more modern than the obeliſk. This monument is of a whin ſtone; its plan, what is called an ob⯑long ſquare: it is injured by time, and beſides which, the country people have punched it ſo full of round holes, and otherwiſe ſo defaced it, as not only to render its ornaments unintelligible, but alſo to make it doubtful, whether all its ſides, or only the two broadeſt were ornamented.’ The following traditionary ſtory, relative to this monument, is alſo given by Mr Groſe.

‘This ſtory, like many others of the like kind, is very defective in ſeveral parts; no date is affixed, and the above-mentioned monument is ſhewn in ſupport of it; it ſeems difficult to account for this Monk being ſo far from his monaſtery, eſpecially alone, which was ſtrictly prohibited by their rules: and this not being of the Mendicant order, he could not be going on the queſt. The only method of reconciling it, is to ſuppoſe that this perſonage was a lay-brother, and ſervant to the houſe. It however ſhews how dangerous it was to injure the meaneſt retainer to a religious houſe: a peril very ludicriouſly, though juſtly expreſſed in the following old Engliſh adage, which I have ſomewhere met with: "If perchaunce one offende a Freeres Dogge, ſtreight clameth the whole brotherhood, an hereſy! an hereſy!"’

The town of

TYNEMOUTH

is well built, being a place of great reſort in the bathing ſeaſon. The Inns are good, and there is every accommodation to render the ſituation agreeable.

The preſent church ſtands a mile weſt from the town, and was con⯑ſecrated by Biſhop Coſins, 20 King Charles II. A. D. 1668.

THE PRIORY

On paſſing the gateway, the ſcene is ſtrikingly noble and venerable; the whole encloſed area may contain about ſix acres; the walls ſeem as well calculated for defence as the gateway tower; the view is crowded with auguſt ruins; many fine arches of the priory are ſtanding; the moſt beautiful part of theſe remains is the eaſtern limb of the church, of elegant workmanſhip. The ruins are ſo diſunited, that it would be very difficult to determine to what particular offices each belonged. On the ſouth ſide, adjoining the wall which ſtands on the brink of the cliff, are ſeveral ſpacious vaulted chambers, one of which I conceived was the kitchen, from the large extended fire-place; another the priſon, with an aperture in the top of the vault, by which the miſerable cap⯑tive deſcended to his horrid dungeon. On the north and eaſt ſides, the cliffs appear to be about 10 perpendicular fathoms in height, at the feet of which, on a broken rocky ſhore, the ſea beats impetuouſly. From the walls on the ſouth ſide, you have a view of the batteries which command the mouth of Tyne, with the barracks for the garriſon. On the north ſide, is a houſe built by Colonel Henry Villiers, once Governor of this fortreſs, together with a light-houſe, for the benefit of ſhipping [344] paſſing this dangerous coaſt. Theſe erections being made by licence from government, Villiers was authorized to receive one ſhilling for every Britiſh veſſel, and ſix-pence for each foreign veſſel anchoring in Shields harbour, which produced a revenue of about 80l. per annum: a trifling gratuity for ſo beneficial a work.^*

The ruins which preſent themſelves in front, on entering the gate⯑way, appear to be the remains of the cloiſter, to which you have acceſs by a gateway of circular arches, comprehending ſeveral members in⯑clining inwards, and ariſing from pilaſters. After paſſing this gate, in the area many modern tombs appear, the ground being ſtill uſed for ſepulture. The weſt gate entering into the abbey is ſtill entire, of the ſame architecture as that leading to the cloiſter. The ground from the cloiſter to the ſouth wall is almoſt covered with foundations of build⯑ings, which I preſume are the remains of the priory. Two walls of the eaſt end of the church are ſtanding; the end wall to the eaſt con⯑tains three long windows; the centre window, the loftieſt, is near 20 feet high, richly ornamented with mouldings; ſome of roſe-work, and others of the dancette, as the figure is termed in heraldry, or zig-zag, a decoration common to old Saxon architecture. The diviſions or pil⯑lars between the windows are enriched with pilaſters of five members, with highly finiſhed foliated capitals and cornices. Above the centre win⯑dow, is an oval one with like mouldings, and the openings of a gallery on each ſide. Part of the ſouth ſide wall of the choir is alſo ſtanding, illuminated with four windows of like form as thoſe to the eaſt, and equally ornamented, though not of the ſame height; for above them are an equal number of ſmall windows: the diviſions or pillars between the larger windows are decorated with pilaſters, of the ſame kind as [345] thoſe at the eaſt end; in the diviſions or pillars between the ſmaller windows, ſpring the groins of the arches which formed the roof, by their remains ſhewing they were ornamented with rich mouldings. The arches of the windows in this part are circular; the blank arches which are thrown upon the wall beneath the windows are pointed. The architecture through the whole of this part of the building is ſingularly light and beautiful; the erection conſiſts of a red freeſtone, which en⯑dures the weather well, in this ſtormy ſituation.

Beneath the centre window at the eaſt end, is a doorway, of like ex⯑cellent workmanſhip, conducting to a ſmall but elegant apartment, which I conceive has contained the ſhrine and tomb of St. Oſwine. On each ſide of the door, is a human head, cut in a ſtile much ſuperior to that of the general taſte of the age in which they are ſuppoſed to have been executed. The apartment within is 18 feet in length, and nine feet in breadth and height. On the ſouth ſide is an entrance from the open yard with two windows, on the north ſide three windows, and a cir⯑cular window to the eaſt, ſo elevated as to give place for an altar be⯑neath: there are two niches for ſtatues at the eaſt end, a cloſet for the veſſels for ſacred offices, and a baſon for holy water: on each ſide of the window is the figure of a Monk kneeling, and two of the emble⯑matical animals commonly depicted with the Evangeliſts: the ſide walls are ornamented with pilaſters, from whence ſpring the groins and arches of ſtone, which in various interſections form the roof; the joinings of which are enriched with circles of carved work, and the interſtices of the roof are arched and conſtructed with thin bricks. The circles con⯑tain ſculptures of the divine Perſonages with the Apoſtles, of workman⯑ſhip far from being deſpicable, and all the figures are in good preſer⯑vation. Round each ſculpture is a circular belt with a ſentence in the old Engliſh character, well raiſed, viz. Sanct. Petrus ora P. nobis, &c. each varied by the name of the perſonage to whom it is inſcribed. The centre row conſiſts of four circles; in one is the effigies of John the Bap⯑tiſt, with the like ſentence; in a ſecond, towards the weſt, the effigies of our Saviour, with a Monk kneeling; in a third, to the eaſt, the effigies of the Supreme, with the Lamb bearing an enſign; and in the fourth, a repreſentation of the laſt judgment, with this ſentence: In die judicii liberare nos. Above the door is the effigies of our Saviour with a globe in his hand, with morit P. nobis, ſubſcribed; on each ſide of the door, an emblematical figure, as to the eaſt. There are two eſcutcheons, the dexter one charged with bearings of Veſey, a croſs ſable; the ſi⯑niſter, [346] the bearings of Brabant and Lucy quarterly.^* Many little or⯑naments are cut on the inferior roſes on the arched work; as croſlets, creſcents, winged croſſes, the old Saxon [...], as the emblem of ſacred [347] maſonry, and the uſual characters diſpoſed over religious buildings Ihc, Jeſus hominis conſervator. On the outſide of this erection, at the eaſt end, are two coats armour, ſupported by cherubs; the one charged with a croſs, the arms of the monaſtery of St. Albans, the other, with [348] three crowns; which latter was the proper arms of the monaſtery ^* of Tynemouth.

The time when this monaſtery was firſt founded, as well as the founder, are both uncertain. By a paſſage in Leland's Collectanea, vol. 3. p. 42. it appears, that Edwin King of Northumberland, who began his reign about the year 617, and died in 633, built a chapel of wood at Tynemouth, wherein his daughter Roſetta took the veil; and that this chapel was afterwards rebuilt by St. Oſwald with ſtone.^† Tanner, in his account of this houſe, ſays, ‘Among the monaſteries and churches founded by St. Oſwald, the firſt chriſtian King of Nor⯑thumberland, this is reckoned to be one, though others aſcribe its foundation to King Egfrid.’

Although the exact aera of its foundation cannot be aſcertained, there are nevertheleſs ſufficient proofs of its great antiquity: inſomuch, that according to the learned author laſt cited, ‘it is evident that St. Herebald, the companion of St. John of Beverley, was Monk and Abbot here in the beginning of the 8th century.’ ^‡ The perſonages who were interred here point out its conſequence in thoſe days.

[349]It ſuffered three ſeveral depredations from the Danes: the firſt about the concluſion of the 8th century;^* the ſecond under Hunguar and Hubba, in the reign of King Ethelred; and the third in the reign of Athelſtan. The deſire of plunder urged thoſe heatheniſh tribes of rob⯑bers againſt the ſacred places: on the ſecond deſcent of thoſe invaders, the Monks fled to their church for ſafety, and there ſuffered together with the hallowed pile; the Barbarians reducing the whole, with its [350] religious aſſembly, to aſhes. If we were allowed to truſt, that vindic⯑tive Providence ſometimes wields an immediate ſcourge over the wicked, we ſhould conceive the divine interpoſition was manifeſted on thoſe inhuman murtherers, who were purſued by Ethelred King of the Nor⯑thumbrians, and Offa King of Mercia, with a dreadful ſlaughter, and forced in great precipitation to their ſhips, when a ſucceeding ſtorm ſtrewed the ſhores, which had been conſcious of their crimes, with their miſerable carcaſſes and the wreck of their fleet.

After the horrid maſſacre of the Monks, the monaſtery lay in aſhes till the reign of Edward the Confeſſor, when Toſtin Earl of Northum⯑berland rebuilt and endowed it; but what order of religious were placed here, I have found no poſitive evidence. It was not till Mowbray's time Black Canons were ſettled here from St. Albans.^*

[351]Toſtin did not make this foundation from religious principles; he was prompted to it by ambition or other ſiniſter views: his life was marked with ſavage barbarities, which drew upon him the wrath of his Prince, who baniſhed him for his complicated and atrocious crimes. Thenceforth he attached himſelf to the King of Norway, who was ra⯑vaging Scotland, and induced him to attempt depoſing his own bro⯑ther, Harold II. for which purpoſe he projected a deſcent at the haven of Tynemouth, from whence they pillaged all the country on the banks of Tyne. Putting again to ſea, they entered the Humber, where they committed the moſt horrid cruelties, burning and laying waſte the whole country, and imbruing their hands in a flood of innocent blood. In a little time they were oppoſed by a body of forces under the com⯑mand of Edwin and Morchar; but in the conflict the Danes were vic⯑torious. Harold with an army of 60,000 men, ſoon afterwards engaged the invaders, who were nearly equal in number, at Stanford Bridge, near York. The battle began at ſeven in the morning, and did not ceaſe till three in the afternoon, when after a great ſlaughter of the Danes, Toſtin and the Daniſh King being among the ſlain, victory de⯑clared for Harold: and ſuch were the bloody honours of the day, that out of 500 ſhips, with which the invaders entered Tynemouth haven, twenty, and thoſe too by permiſſion of the Conqueror, carried the young Prince with his remaining followers to Denmark.^*

[352]This monaſtery was reduced to the title of a cell to Gynwin, after⯑wards became a cell to Durham, and at laſt a cell to St. Albans. ^* From the great diſagreement in authors on theſe facts, it is difficult to deter⯑mine by whom theſe ſeveral changes were made; but from the beſt au⯑thorities, I am led to conceive the firſt degradation of this monaſtery was by Waltheof Earl of Northumberland, at the command of his King. To ſhew ſome colour or pretext for ſo flagrant an invaſion of the rights of the church, he pretended it was an unfit ſituation for devotion (horridus & incultus). Mr Wallis's ideas are excellent on this ſubject: I will take them literatim, as he gives them in his work.

‘It is ſo far from being an unfit place for devotion, that few can exceed it, for preſenting the mind with a variety of ſolemn objects, capable of raiſing it to an adoration and awful reverence of the Deity. The very precipice it ſtands on, lofty and almoſt perpendicular, whoſe ſemicircular baſe withſtands the fury of the waves, muſt have inſpired the religious with a firm reliance on him who is the rock of ages: the calms—the ſtorms—the ſhips, muſt all by turns have furniſhed them with occaſions to praiſe him, whoſe wonders are ſeen in the great deep.’

The monaſtery was diſmembered from Gyrwin, and made a cell to Durham, ^† by Albric Earl and Governor of Northumberland, (Mr Groſe ſays, by Agelwinas in 1065, who was Biſhop of Durham, but quotes no authority) as an act of devotion to the memory of St. Cuthbert. Mowbray, when Earl of Northumberland, ſevered it from the church of Durham, and gave it to St. Albans, in or about the year 1090,^‡ he [353] having repaired the church and offices, and placed therein Black Canons from that abbey. This was ſaid to be done in reſentment (as appears by Dugdale) for ſome affront he conceived he had received from the Biſhop of Durham. It is remarkable, that the very altar which he thus preſumed to profane, he ſought to lay hold of as his ſanctuary, when his unſucceſsful plots brought upon him the wrath of his Sovereign. It is ſaid by his treaſon he forfeited 280 Fiefs, ſo princely were his poſ⯑ſeſſions.

The Prior had the privilege of a market on Sunday, and the priory had many wealthy endowments, which were confirmed by the patents of many of our Kings, from King Henry I. to King Edward IV.^*

[354]The badneſs of the ſituation, as alledged by Waltheof, was amply compenſated by an advantage ariſing from thence: the Monks knew well how to avail themſelves of it; the exalted rock on which this mo⯑naſtery ſtood, rendered it viſible at a great diſtance at ſea, in every di⯑rection; whence it preſented itſelf as if reminding and exhorting Sea⯑men in danger, to make their vows, and promiſe maſſes and gifts to the Virgin Mary and St. Oſwin for their deliverance. Vows of this kind were common among the ancients, and are to this day, it is ſaid, made in ſome catholic ſtates, where the walls of churches are covered with the paintings of ſhips, boats, and other votive memorials. Eraſmus, in his piece intitled the Shipwreck, has very humourouſly deſcribed and ridiculed this cuſtom of bribing heaven in caſe of ſudden emergency. In Germany, below almoſt every dangerous fall or paſſage of the Rhine, there is a hermitage, whoſe Hermit, or his Agent, waits on the paſ⯑ſenger in the boat, as ſoon as it has paſſed over, requeſting alms as a reward for his prayers, to the efficacy of which it is intimated he owes his ſafety. Something like this perhaps might be practiſed by the Monks, from which they would receive many emoluments, both in goods and money, for the celebration of maſſes; eſpecially as the en⯑trance into Shields harbour is at certain times both difficult and dan⯑gerous.

Many great perſonages lay interred here,^* and there have been of this houſe many learned men.

[355] Malcolm King of Scots, and his ſon Edward, ſlain near Alnwick 1094, 7th King William II. are interred here.

King Edward I. after his victory over the Scots, viſited the ſhrine of St. Mary and St. Oſwin; and in 1303, his Queen reſided here, when he was on his laſt march to Scotland.

John Wethamſtad, Abbot of St. Albans, was a Canon here. He was an Hiſtorian of great note. On his preferment, he preſented to the altar of Tynemouth a chalice of gold.

John de Tynmouth, an eminent ſacred Biographer, was born here. He flouriſhed about the year 1366.

The following liſt of Priors is given by Brown Willis: Remegius 1092; William de Bedford 1124; Thomas More 1340; John Langton 1451; Thomas Gardiner 1528; Robert Blaceney was Prior at the diſſo⯑lution, at which time he, with fifteen Prebendaries and three Novices, ſurrendered this houſe, 12th January, 1539, 30th King Henry VIII. and had a penſion of 80l. per annum aſſigned him. In the year 1553, here remained in charge 37l. 12s. in annuities, and theſe penſions, viz. Thomas Caſtle 6l. 13s. 4d. Henry Woodal and Robert Bolland 61. each, Robert Gateſhead and Robert Foreman 5l. 6d. 8d. William Carliſle, Stephen Hayman, Anthony Gardiner, George Jaſper, Clement Weſt⯑minſter, and Robert London 4l. Thomas Durham, Robert Charity, and George Faith 2l. each.

The annual revenues of this monaſtery, unconnected with St. Albans, were at the diſſolution valued by Dugdale at 396l. 10s. 5d. by Speed 511l. 4s. 1d.

The ſcite of the priory, in the 5th year of King Edward VI. was granted to John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, but on his attainder reverted to the Crown, and remained ungranted until the 10th year of Queen Elizabeth, as is ſet forth in Tanner's Notitia.

The manor of Tynemouth is now part of the poſſeſſions of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland.

Much of the remains of the priory were pulled down by Mr Villars, for erecting the barracks, light-houſe, his own houſe near it, and other [356] edifices: he likewiſe ſtripped off the lead which till then had covered the church.^*

The firſt day of our abode here was employed in drawing views of the auguſt remains. The next morning being remarkably ſerene, awaked me early to reviſit the ſame ſcene, and enjoy the ſea breeze. I walked towards the cliffs—the ſun caſt a ruddy gleam over a calm ocean —the breeze ſcarce ruffled the leaping ſurge—the horizon glowed with clouds tinged with gold and crimſon; above which the feint blue of the verge gradually deepened into azure, as the eye advanced towards the zenith—the ſea appeared of a pale green, ſtrip'd with ſilver, as the rays of light fell upon the tracks which were becalmed—the ſcene was enlivened by a fleet of veſſels, 44 in number, of various degrees of bur⯑then, which then paſſed in view—over the foreground of this proſpect, the ſolemn ruins were diſpoſed in melancholy arrangement, wearing a countenance more awful and majeſtic, from the ſhadows which the eaſtern ſun occaſioned to be caſt on them—on the right hand and left, the landſkip preſented itſelf full of life and buſineſs; and to add to the effects this view had on the mind, the morning drum was heard from the garriſon, the hum of the diſtant voices of buſy men, and the ſound⯑ing of the hollow ſhore, beat by an advancing tide.

Leaving Tynemouth, we paſſed within ſight of the barracks and batteries to

NORTH SHIELDS,

which is not improperly compared to Wapping: the ſtreets, lanes, and alleys are narrow, dirty, populace, and noiſy. It is aſtoniſhing what buſineſs is inceſſantly going on here: we were told there lay in har⯑bour, even at that ſeaſon of the year, above 400 ſail of ſhips of conſi⯑derable burthen. The crews of ſuch a number of veſſels, the carpen⯑penters, ropers, victuallers, and men concerned in the merchandizing of ſuch a fleet, muſt neceſſarily occaſion a mighty concourſe and buſtle: to which being added the family of ſailors reſiding here, makes the place reſemble a hive of bees.

Shields has advanced to its preſent ſtate of populouſneſs, trade, and riches, from a very low eſtate, within the ſpace of two centuries: the [357] church was begun to be built in the year 1659: in the beginning of the reign of King Edward I. it conſiſted only of ſix fiſhermen's hovels. By the arguments in a cauſe depending between the King and his Bur⯑geſſes of Newcaſtle and the Prior of Tynemouth, in the 20th year of that reign, it appears, that the Prior had built a town upon the bank of the water of Tyne on one ſide, and the Prior of Durham another on the other ſide, where no towns ought to be, only lodges for fiſher⯑men; and that the fiſhermen had there ſold their fiſhes, which ought to have been ſold at Newcaſtle: and that both the ſaid Priors had cauſed to be made breweries and fiſheries, having great ſhips, whereas they ought to have had but boats; and had cauſed bread to be baked there, which ought to have been baked at Newcaſtle. It was decreed, that neither at Tynemouth or Shields there be any ſale of things ſaleable, as in meats, drinks, &c. and that ſhips ſhould not be laden or unladen there. This will ſerve to ſhew what was the ſtate of this place in the 13th century.

We took a boat to examine this buſy ſcene upon the water: the ſight of ſo many veſſels, and ſuch a concourſe of people, is very pleaſing: it conſequently brings to one's mind, reflections on the powers of human faculties. The genius of man is infinite; if we could be taught for 1000 years, we ſhould diſcover at that period, from the learning we had acquired, that we had an infinity of ſubjects yet to learn: for the more knowledge man attains, the wider circle of objects unattained opens upon him. As the ſcale of numerical calculation is without end; as the variations of muſical tones are infinite; ſo is man's genius. By the uſe of letters we have accumulated the learning of ages; yet after the concluſion of a few centuries, all our acquiſitions will perhaps appear to poſterity, as but minute members of the ſcience of mankind. Before the uſe of letters, with the fall of empires, the accumulated knowledge of ages expired with them; but henceforth it will not be ſo.

How wonderfully perfect is all maritime ſcience now, to what it was in the moſt flouriſhing period of the Egyptian and Phoenician ſtates! We are told the timber for building the temple at Jeruſalem was floated in rafts: This ſhews the force of the ſhipping then employed. The mariners of antiquity ſeldom truſted themſelves from the ſight of the coaſt. The Grecian and Roman fleets were compoſed of inſignificant veſſels, compared with a Britiſh navy. The diſcovery of the magnet has given infinite powers to the Mariner; our geometrical principles [358] have fitted our veſſels for ſwift ſailing and the carriage of great bur⯑thens. The ark of Noah was little better than a huge caſk rolling on the face of the deep; whoſe preſervation was miraculous, and not me⯑chanical, amidſt the perils of an univerſal ocean. The veſſels of the Phoenicians were little ſuperior to our lime-boats; their rigging and devices for ſailing greatly inferior: and the moſt excellent of the Roman gallies comparable only to the gilded barges of a Lord Mayor's ſhew. The moſt ſuperb veſſel we read of in antiquity was conſtructed by Archimedes: ‘it was a whole year in building—had twenty benches of oars; the enormous pile was faſtened together on all ſides with huge nails of copper, that weighed each ten pounds and upwards: the inſide had in it three galleries or corridors; the loweſt of which led to the hold by a deſcent of ſtairs; the ſecond to apartments, and the firſt to ſoldiers lodgings.’

‘On the right and left ſide of the middle gallery, there were to the number of thirty apartments; in each of which were four beds for men. The apartment for the officers and ſeamen had 15 beds, and three great rooms for eating; the laſt of which that was at the poop ſerved for a kitchen. All the floors of theſe apartments were laid with ſmall ſtories in different colours, taken from the Iliad of Homer. The ceilings, windows, and all the other parts were finiſhed with wonderful art, and embelliſhed with all kinds of ornaments.’

‘In the uppermoſt gallery there was a gymnaſium or place of exer⯑ciſe, and walks proportionate to the magnitude of the ſhip. In them were gardens and plants of all kinds, diſpoſed in wonderful order. Pipes, ſome of hardened clay and others of lead, conveyed water all round to refreſh them. There was alſo arbours of ivy and vines, that had their roots in great veſſels filled with earth. Theſe veſſels were watered in the ſame manner with the gardens. The arbours ſerved to ſhade the walks.’

‘After theſe came the apartments of Venus with three beds. This was floored with agates and other precious ſtones, the fineſt that could be found in the iſland. The walls and roof were of Cyprus wood. The windows were adorned with ivory, paintings, and ſmall ſtatues. In another apartment there was a library, at the top of which, on the outſide, was fixed a ſun-dial.’

[359] ‘There was alſo an apartment with three beds for a bath, in which were three great coppers, and a bathing veſſel made of a ſingle ſtone of various colours. This veſſel contained 250 quarts. At the ſhip's head was a great reſervoir of water, which held an hundred thouſand quarts. All round the ſhip, on the outſide, were atlaſſes of ſix cubits or nine feet in height, which ſupported the ſides of the ſhip: theſe atlaſſes were at equal diſtance from each other. The ſhip was adorned on all ſides with paintings, and had eight towers, proportioned to its bigneſs; two at the head, two at the ſtern, and four in the middle, of equal dimenſions. Upon theſe towers were parapets, from which ſtones might be diſcharged upon the ſhips of an enemy that ſhould approach too near. Each tower was guarded by four young men compleatly armed and two archers; the inſide of them was filled with ſtones and arrows.’

‘Upon the ſide of the veſſel, well ſtrengthened with planks, was a a kind of rampart, on which was an engine to diſcharge ſtones, made by Archimedes: it threw a ſtone of 300 weight and an arrow of 12 cubits the diſtance of a ſtadium or 125 paces. The ſhip had three maſts, at each of which were two machines to diſcharge ſtones. There alſo were the hooks and great lumps of lead to throw upon ſuch as approached. The whole ſhip was ſurrounded with a ram⯑part of iron to keep off thoſe who ſhould attempt to board it. All round were iron graplings diſpoſed, which being thrown by the ma⯑chines, might catch hold on the enemy's veſſel, and draw them cloſe to the ſhip, from whence it was eaſy to deſtroy them. On each of the ſides were 60 young men compleatly armed: there were as many about the maſts and at the engines for throwing ſtones.’

‘Tho' the hold of this ſhip was exceeding deep, a ſingle man could clear it of all water with a machine made in the nature of a ſcrew, invented by Archimedes.’

‘Hiero having found there was no port in Sicily capable of contain⯑ing this veſſel, except where it could not lay without Danger, reſolved to make a preſent of it to King Ptolemy, and ſent it to Alexandria.’ ^*

[360]This was a more unwieldy and ungovernable maſs than Noah's ark: the compariſon made between them and our ſhipping, excites no ſmall degree of wonder how they could ever perform the navigation for which they were reſpectively deſigned.

What luxury, what eaſe and ſplendour doth Britain enjoy, from the labour of her Mariners! things which we have rendered the common neceſſaries of our lives, are furniſhed from the diſtant quarters of the earth! even the very lower claſſes mix the produce of the Eaſt and Weſt Indies for their common meal; our dwellings are decorated from all the regions of the world, and our tables are furniſhed with the dainties of every climate—the ancient eaſtern empires did not enjoy one half of our ſplendour or our luxury.

When I compare this ſcene of man to the Shepherds haunts on the ſkirts of Cheviot mountains, I am aſtoniſhed on each hand: at the waſted life and faculties of the Shepherd, and at the extended powers of the buſy race before me.

We paſſed by Howden Pans, where a large ropery and ſmithery are carried on.

WALL's END

lay in our way, formerly belonging to the Monks of Durham, given to them by William De Carilepho, Biſhop of that See, in the year 1082; a pretty village, the name evidently derived from its ſituation on the extremity of the Picts wall.^* At a little diſtance lies

CARR VILLE,

once the ſeat of the Coſens's, named by Mr William Carr, who rebuilt it not many years ago. Near it is the extreme Roman ſtation on the wall. By moſt Antiquaries it is admitted to be the Segedunum of the Romans, a name derived from its ſituation, and being a magazine for corn, for [361] the ſupply of the Roman ſtations.^* It lay conveniently for the ſmall veſſels employed by the Romans on the coaſt, to ſcour the ſeas of pira⯑tical rovers. From the ruins, it ſeems to have had a quay for the con⯑venience of merchandize; or perhaps was decorated with ſome pleaſure buildings on the ſhore. It was the ſtation of the firſt cohort of the Lergi. In the walls of Mr Couſins's ſeat, before it was rebuilt, Mr Horſley obſerved ſeveral Roman inſcriptions, which are preſerved in his work. [362] Severus's wall has very manifeſtly terminated in a ſquare fort or ſtation, above a furlong to the eaſt of the manſion called Couſins's Houſe. The ruins of a Roman ſtation and town at this place are very diſcernible, though it has all been ploughed, and is now a very rich meadow. The ſtones and rubbiſh of the buildings are levelled, and covered with earth and graſs, but yet the ramparts of the fort may be diſtinctly traced out, both they and the ditch being viſible, almoſt quite round.

In Mr Warburton's Vallum Romanum, and Mr Horſley's Brit. Rom. are the following particulars, which I will tranſcribe, as at the time I viſited this ſtation I could not traverſe the ground without injuring the crops growing. ‘There are very evident remains of two turrets at the weſtern and eaſtern entries to the ſtation, and of another at the ſouth⯑weſt corner. The weſt entry has been cloſe to the wall, and the eaſtern one directly oppoſite to it. The fort has been about 140 yards, or perhaps ſix chains ſquare, and ſo the contents of it above three acres and an half. About 60 yards of the weſtern and eaſtern ſides lie without, or to the north of the line of the wall, and eighty within it; ſo that the wall falls upon the ſides of the ſtation, not far from the middle of them. The ſouth rampart of this fort is about three quarters of a furlong from the river ſide, and runs along the brow of the hill, or at the head of a conſiderable deſcent from thence to the river. There have been ruins of buildings on this part and to the ſouth-weſt of the fort; but they are now ſo levelled and covered, that little evidence appears above ground; yet the ſtones and remains of rubbiſh are eaſily diſcovered, when the ſurface is any where removed: and ſome of theſe inequalities in the ſurface, which uſually ariſe from ruins, yet remain, and may eaſily be perceived to be hillocks of ſtones or rubbiſh.’ ^* Mr Gordon ſuppoſes, that the wall itſelf forms almoſt [363] a right angle, and then is continued down to the ſide of the river: but it is the weſtern rampart of the ſtation which makes that angle with the wall: nor does this rampart reach the river, though it is likely the town or buildings without the fort may have extended ſo far. On the north ſide of the ſtation there are ſome crooked riſings and ſetlings of the ground, which at firſt view appeared to me not unlike a round fort or tower, projecting from the ſtation with a triple rampart and ditch. The two cloſes in which the Roman town and ſtation have ſtood, are called Wall Lawes. If the name Lawes be owing to the riſing ground only, the termination Lawes or Lowes, which ſignifies hills, ſo far cor⯑reſponds to the Roman name Segedunum. But as there were two diſ⯑tinct Tumuli obſerved by Mr Warburton remaining near a place he calls the Beehouſes, and not far from theſe cloſes, he apprehends that from them they have borrowed this name; a Lawe or Lowe being one of thoſe names by which Tumuli are frequently expreſſed. There was an altar and ſome centurial inſcriptions at Couſins's Houſe, in Mr Horſleys time.

The wall having left this ſtation, paſſes on weſtward, and at a little diſtance the remains of a caſtellum are viſible. It is 60 feet ſquare, like thoſe mentioned in the moſt weſtern parts of this county, it is built cloſe to the wall, and wholly within it, on the ſouth ſide. From hence the wall paſſes by Walker or Wallkier or Byker Hill, and thence de⯑ſcends to Eweſburn, where are ſome ruinous heaps, which may pro⯑bably have been the remains of ſome of the ſmaller exploratory turrets that have been placed all the way upon the wall. Hence the wall ſeems [364] to have paſſed through the houſe at Red Barns, and enters Newcaſtle at Pandon Gate.

Mr Horſley and other authors ſeem very doubtful of the veſtiges of the military way, from the wall's end to Newcaſtle. Near the Red Barns, and upon the deſcent from Byker Hill to Eweſburn, they con⯑ceived the track where it had gone might in ſome places be traced, but the appearance was ſo very faint and obſcure, they would not inſiſt upon it.

‘As for Hadrian's vallum, Mr Warburton ſays he could no where in all this ſpace diſcern the leaſt track of it; nor did he ever hear of any traditionary account of its having been there.’—Mr Pennant^* ſays, ‘it was ſuppoſed to have reached no further than Pons Aelii, or Newcaſtle, on the eaſt. But by an account he had recently received from Mr Robert Harriſon of that town, he found it extended on this ſide as far as the wall of Severus. A broken ſtone has lately been diſcovered at Wall's End with this inſcription:’

The diſtance from the ſtation at the end of the wall to St. Nicholas's church in Newcaſtle, is exactly three meaſured miles and five furlongs, and in this ſpace there are three caſtella all viſible: that which ſhould have been next in courſe, is loſt in the ſtation at Newcaſtle.

LITTLE BENTON and LONG BENTON

were in our view as we paſſed. Little Benton, one of the manors of the barony of Heron, of which it was held by Euſtace de Benton in the reign of King Henry III. now the reſidence of the family of Bigge. ^† In the 11th year of King Edward II. it belonged to Jeffrey de Scroop, of Maſham, in Yorkſhire; afterwards it came to Ralph Lord Greyſtock; and in the reign of King Henry VI. it was the poſſeſſion of William Fitz Hugh, and by him given to his ſon Henry.

[365] Long Benton, a dependant manor of the barony of Morpeth. The church ſtands at a little diſtance from the village, which with ſome lands in the pariſh were given by Sir Philip Somerville to Baliol College, Oxford, for the perpetual maintenance of ſix Scholars.

HEATON

lay to our right, anciently held of the barony of Gaugy, now the poſ⯑ſeſſion of Sir Matthew White Ridley, Bart. an elegant manſion, orna⯑mented with plantations in a good taſte. The following account of this place and its poſſeſſors, I have extracted from the notes of Mr Bourne's Hiſtory of Newcaſtle, page 114:

‘It has been handed down by tradition to the preſent day, that this was a place of retreat for King John, when he came into this coun⯑try; and there are ſtill to be ſeen the ruins of an ancient building, which carries the name of King John's palace. On the north ſide of this old building are the remains of a fortification, which 'tis natural to conjecture was built for the ſafety and ſecurity of this houſe, and conſequently this houſe muſt have been of ſome great diſtinction. Robert de Gaugy was a great man in the reign of King John, and had ſpecial truſt repoſed in him by his Sovereign, and it is not im⯑probable when the King came to theſe parts he lodged at this houſe.’

‘The preſent houſe was built in the year 1713, and is ſo ſituated, that on the weſt it overlooks the Town Moor, Fenham, and part of the lands of the Prior of Tinmouth; on the eaſt it faces the Shields road; on the north it has a moſt agreeable proſpect to the windings of the Ouſe burn, of its woods and banks, and of the villages ſituated on it; on the ſouth it faces the river Tyne.’

‘Hardriding, near Haltwhiſtle, is the ancient ſeat of the Ridley fa⯑mily: above one of the old doors there a date earlier than the con⯑queſt appears, and the initial letters of the builder N. R. This was a younger branch of the Ridleys of Willimoteſwicke: of which branch was John Ridley, a Major in the ſervice of King Charles I. in the Duke of Newcaſtle's army.’

‘Biſhop Nicholas Ridley was of this branch, and was born here (Mr Bourn ſays) I preſume he means at Hardriding. He was educated [366] in grammar at Newcaſtle on Tyne. He ſuffered in 1555, near Baliol College, in Oxford.’

"Dr. Thomas Ridley was alſo of this family. He died in 1628."

To our left lay

BYKER,

great part of which is the property of Sir Henry Lawſon, Bart. It be⯑longed anciently to the Bikers, who we find poſſeſſed thereof in the reign of King Henry III.^* and from that time to the 19th of King Edward III. In the reign of King Henry VI. it was part of the poſ⯑ſeſſions of the Percys. In the 2d of King Edward IV. being in the Crown, was granted to the Duke of Clarence, the King's brother. The firſt poſſeſſion of the Lawſons ^† is noted in the eſcheats of the 10th of Queen Elizabeth. The manor was anciently held in grand ſerjeancy, by carrying the King's writ between the rivers Tyne and Coquet, and ma⯑king diſtreſſes of goods for the King's debts.

We approached Newcaſtle by Pampeden Gate. It is not my purpoſe to attempt a particular hiſtory or deſcription of this place; the ſubject is too complicated and extenſive to be treated at large, conſiſtent with the plan I have hitherto purſued: a general account is all I ſhall at⯑tempt. A worthy friend is compiling, with great labour and induſtry, and at vaſt expence, a general hiſtory and minute deſcription of New-caſtle: to his labours I muſt refer the curious, who I doubt not will find therein infinite pleaſure and ſatisfaction.

NEWCASTLE,

though greatly increaſed in ſize, wealth, trade, and number of inhabi⯑tants ſince Camden's time, then merited the following deſcription: ‘It makes a glorious appearance, as the very eye of all the towns in this [367] part of the kingdom; ennobled by a fine haven, where ſhips of great burthen lay in ſecurity. It is ſituate on the uneven riſings of a hill, north of the river Tyne, over which is a fair bridge: on the left hand thereof ſtands the caſtle, and on the right the Market-place, and principal part of the city, in regard to the elegance of its buildings. From thence the aſcent is very ſteep to the upper town, which is of much greater extent than the lower, graced with four churches, and fortified with ſtrong walls, having eight gates, with ſeveral towers.’ This deſcription given by Camden, compared with the preſent ſtate of the town, will clearly point out the great improvements made therein ſince his time.

It is admitted by all Antiquaries that this place is of Roman origin,^* but of what importance or magnitude the Roman ſtation was which [368] occupied a part of this ground, no evidence appears. Camden adopts the name of Gabroſentum, which he thinks might be derived from its vicinity to the ſteeps on the oppoſite ſhore of Tyne, as being the haunt of herds of goats. Theſe etymologies are ſometimes ſo conſtrained, that they rather bewilder than inſtruct. It is as probable the name of [369] Gabroſentum might from the ſame cauſe extend to the cliffs and hills on both ſides of the river. The Notitia places Gabroſentum within the wall, and makes it the ſtation of the ſecond cohort of Thracians. Other An⯑tiquaries ^* inſiſt upon its name of Pons Aelii, where the Romans had a bridge to the ſouthern ſhore, and that it was garriſoned by the Cohors Cornoviorum: this they attempt to confirm, from the traces of a military road diſcovered in a lineal direction from the bridge to Cheſter-le-ſtreet. Dr. Stukeley conjectures that this was the ſtation Admurum of Richard of Cirenceſter,^† in his Map of Britania Romana. No altars or inſcrip⯑tions have been diſcovered to aſcertain the name. If there was once a Roman ſtation here, every veſtigia thereof muſt long ſince have been deſtroyed, by the works of a large populous and ancient town. The remains of the Roman wall, or wall of Severus, have frequently been diſcovered by workmen, in digging the foundations of buildings in thoſe parts of the town through which it lay. It paſſed from the weſt through the Vicarage gardens, the Groat Market, the north part of St. Nicholas's church, and from thence to Pandon Gate. This gate bears ſingular marks of antiquity; the ſuperſtructure is of different workmanſhip and model from any others on the town wall; the arches are circular, and there appears that natural decay on the whole ſtruc⯑ture, which might happen in ſuch a number of years. Camden ſays, ‘at Pandon Gate there remains, it is preſumed, one of the turrets of the Roman wall, differing in form and workmanſhip from the others on the walls of the town.’ By the dimenſions which I took of this gateway, I find it nearly-correſponds with the other ports or gates in the Roman wall. It is ſaid the Carpenters Tower is alſo of Roman ori⯑ginal. The reputed antiquity of Pandon Gate is denoted in a proverb of common acceptation: "As old as Pandon Yates."

We have no authorities to fix the certain aera when or by whom this place was firſt inhabited from the evacuation of the Romans, or how long it remained deſerted after their departure: like other ſtrongholds within the defence of the Roman wall, it is reaſonable to conceive it was very early reſorted to by the diſtreſſed Britons, and was kept up by them as a place of ſecurity againſt the northern rovers. The firſt name we find it diſtinguiſhed by in hiſtory was Monkcheſter, ‘which ſhews that it was noted for being the habitation of religious men.’ ^‡ What ſociety of religious (and whether Saxons or not) took up their [370] reſidence here, at what time they firſt poſſeſſeſſed the place, or when they were expelled, are circumſtances unknown: all the evidence re⯑maining is the name only. Bede in his Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtory and Life of St. Cuthbert is totally ſilent relative to them; and as his reſidence was at Jarrow, ſituated within a few miles, and he died in 735, the name of Monkcheſter and the reſidence of thoſe religious muſt have ſuc⯑ceeded his death. Mr Pennant ſays, ‘their deſtruction muſt have been early, for the venerable Bede takes no notice of the place. The ruin therefore of this place cannot be attributed to the Danes, whoſe firſt invaſion did not take place till after the death of that Hiſtorian.’ It appears to me the argument holds the other way; for had it been the reſidence of any religious ſociety who ſuffered perſecution, before or in the time of Bede, he would have noticed it. Fifty-nine years elapſed between the time of Bede's death and the firſt deſcent of the Danes on Northumberland: in this period of time the increaſe of reli⯑gious houſes was very rapid, and it is reaſonable to conceive ſuch ex⯑amples as Landisfarn and Jarrow had produced, would greatly promote like inſtitutions in their neighbourhood. From Hollinſhead's authority we are induced to believe, that on the viſitation of Aldwin, Alfrin, and Remfrid, in 1074, ‘there was not a monaſtery remaining in this part of Northumberland, and ſcarce a church was left ſtanding.’

This was a deſirable ſituation for the Danes, when they entered the Tyne: and to that aera I am inclined to fix the deſtruction of the reli⯑gious ſociety which had ſettled here, and from whoſe reſidence the name of Monkcheſter was derived.

In 1080, when Robert Courthoſe, the ſon of William the Conqueror, re⯑turned from his Scotch expedition, he halted here to refreſh his army; and finding the ſituation proper for a fortreſs to command the turbu⯑lent Borderers, and the river well adapted for the reception of ſuccours by ſea, as well as trade, built a caſtle here, to which he gave the name of Newcaſtle, in contradiſtinction (it is ſaid) to a ſmall circular tower^* which the Monks held, or to the Roman turrets on the wall.

From this period we may date the growing importance of the place: the protection of a fortreſs on the banks of ſo fine a river, would draw thither a great number of ſetlers, and trade would ſoon begin to flouriſh [371] under ſuch propitious circumſtances. There was ſo rapid a progreſs in its improvements, that before the death of King David I. of Scotland, who held it as a member of his earldom of Northumberland, it was be⯑come a place of great importance, David having founded here two monaſteries.^* Tanner ſays a nunnery was founded here as early as the conqueſt.

Newcaſtle was defended by a ſtrong wall, and an outward ditch of great depth, now much gone to decay. From Leland's account it appears, that this fortification was begun in the reign of King Edward I. and compleated in the reign of King Edward III. A rich citizen hav⯑ing been taken priſoner in the middle of the town, by the haſty irrup⯑tion of a hardy band of Scots, who would not ſet him at liberty with⯑out a conſiderable ſum for his ranſom, on his return he ſet about to ſecure his native place by a wall; his fellow-citizens promoting ſo important a work for the protection of their merchandize and riches. In the 19th year of the reign of King Edward I. the royal licence for fortification was obtained. But it is the opinion of ſome that the northern wall was built in the reign of King John, and that the re⯑maining part of this fortification began from the above event in the reign of Edward I. ^† The circuit of the wall rather exceeds two miles: ^‡ it is defended by towers, the chief of which are of a cemi⯑circular figure; machicolated towers are intermixed, but not regularly, which project a little over the wall; and there are alſo many guerrets.^‖

There were ſeven ancient gates,^§ the names of which, together with thoſe of the towers, point out the many contributors to ſo conſiderable [372] a work. To theſe gates two were added in more modern times; Bridge Gate, which guarded the paſs of the bridge, and Sand Gate, which opens upon the river's banks. The wall formerly extended between Bridge Gate and Sand Gate, which part ſome few years ago was taken down to open the quay: an alteration greatly for the convenience of trade. The form of the wall there proved it to be of the moſt modern date of any part of the fortifications, there being therein many ſmall gates to give acceſs to the quays. Sand Gate had no tower above it as the other gates.

THE GATE OF WALK-KNOWLE is ſaid by ſome to be of Roman architecture,^* and part of Severus's work; its preſent ſuperſtructure, is modern, being the hall of the Carpenters company.^†

PAMPEDON is the next gate, formerly opening upon an ancient town of that name, which was united with Newcaſtle by the grant of King Henry III. A. D. 1299, whereby it was ordained, ‘Et quod praedicta villa Novi caſtri et terrae & tenemen, predict. in Pampedon unica villa etcet. ſunt, et unus Burgus, ad uniend. et concludend. dictam vallam Novi caſtri in emendationem et augmentationem ejus villae, &c.’ It is ſaid that in Pampedon was a palace of the Saxon Kings of Northumberland. ^‡ This gateway was defended by folding gates of iron:^§ the preſent aſcent to the top of the wall is by ſtairs two [373] yards wide. From the remains of the ſuperſtructure it is not, at this time, poſſible to gain any certain idea of the form or capaciouſneſs of the Roman turrets.

The part of the wall which extends from Sand Gate to Pampedon, and from thence to the Auſtin Fryers Tower, is pointed out by Mr Wallis, as being the work of the Burgher, who was ſurprized by the Scots. King Edward III. granted to the Corporation the duties and cuſtoms of the town for the term of ſeven years, to enable them to compleat the fortification; but finding them negligent of a work of ſuch importance, he revoked the grant, and conſtituted Henry de Percy, Ralph de Nevil, John de Fenwick, John de Creyk, and Robert de Fenwick, then Sheriff of Northumberland, Commiſſioners for keeping the town; after which the franchiſes were not reſtored to the Burgeſſes 'till they conſented to perfect the work at their own coſts.^* In the reign of King Henry VIII. this place is ſaid to have exceeded in the ſtrength and magnificence of its works, all the cities of England, and moſt places in Europe.^†

A ſmall tower called Corner Tower.

Auſtin Tower ſucceeds next in courſe, ſaid to be built by the Friars of the order of St Auſtin for defence of their monaſtery, which ſtood near to it. It is now the hall of the Ropers Company, who re⯑paired it A. D. 1698.

Carliol Tower is next, deriving its name, as it is conjectured, from one of the family of Carliols, who were ancient burgeſſes here. Nicholas carliol was mayor in the ſecond year of the reign of King Edward II. during whoſe mayoralty perhaps this tower was erected. It was re⯑paired A. D. 1682, and fitted up as a hall for the Company of Weavers.

The next in ſucceſſion on the wall is Pilgrim-ſtreet Gate, being the great paſſage of Pilgrims to the ſhrine of the Virgin Mary at Jeſmond, or Jeſus Mount: as being one of the principal approaches from the north, this is a very ſtrong edifice, flat roofed with embrazures, a port cullis and iron gates. A. D. 1716 it was repaired and made the hall of the Company of Joiners.

[374] Ficket Tower is next, of which nothing remarkable is noted by Bourne and others.

Bertam Mon Coucher tower is next. A perſon of this name was High Sheriff of the county of Northumberland in the 40th year of of King Edward the Third's reign, and for three ſucceſſive years in the reign of King Richard II. but in what manner he was a contribu⯑tor to theſe fortifications, or how this tower happened to take his name is not known.

New Gate is next, the common priſon, for which uſe its works are conſtructed of ſuperior ſtrength. The original gate was ſuppoſed to be one of the moſt ancient parts of this fortification, the Roman towers excepted. The preſent edifice is modern, the north front being orna⯑mented with a ſtatue of King Charles II. two wings were added within this century, one A. D. 1702, the other A. D. 1706, to enlarge and render the priſon more commodious.

Andrew Tower ſeems to derive its name from its vicinity to the church of St Andrews.

Eure Tower, ſaid to be built by the Eures, Lords of Kirkley and Barons of Witton in the county of Durham. The Colliers, Waggoners, and Paviors now uſe it as their hall.

Morden Tower, repaired A. D. 1700 for the hall of the Plumbers, Glaziers, &c. who were incorporated in the year 1536.

Black Friars Gate, built under authority of the royal Licence of Edward I.^* ‘Evardus dei gratiae rex Angliae, dominus Hiberniae Dux Aquitaniae, omnibus ad quos preſentes Literae pervenerint, ſalutem. Sciatis quod de noſtra gratia ſpeciali conceſſimus dilectibus noſtris fratribus praedicatoribus de novo caſtro ſuper Tynam, quod per me⯑dium novum murum circumagentem villam praedictam, quem per medium gardini praedictorum fratrum fieri oportebit, ut dicti facere poſſint, quandam ſtrictam portam ad ingreſſum in Gardinum ſuum habend. portam ſuſt. ſibi et ſucceſſoribus ſuis, tenere in perpetuum. Dum tamen porta illa ad voluntatem Noſtram, vice comitis Nor⯑thumbriae ad conſtabuli Noſtri ibid. qui pro tempore fuerit, obſtrua⯑tur. [375] In cujus rei teſtimonium lias Literas noſtras fieri Patentes; teſte meipſo apud Dunelm. decimo octavo die Septembris, anno regni noſtri octavo.’

Heber Tower is now the hall of the Company of Armourers, Curriers, &c. who were incorporated in the 36th year of King Henry the Eighth's reign.

Durham Tower is next in place, of which there is nothing remarkable.

Weſt Gate is a conſiderable edifice, excellently conſtructed, and very ſtrong: it is defended by a port cullis and iron grated gates. This building is attributed to Roger Thornton, Eſq ^* whoſe memory in the annals of this place ought to be greatly diſtinguiſhed for his munifi⯑cence and liberal ſpirit. The Company of Houſe Carpenters lately re⯑paired and fitted up the tower for their hall.

Pink Tower is next in ſucceſſion, and in the next place a Poſtern opens upon the Firth.

Gunner Tower and Stank Tower next ſucceed, of which nothing re⯑markable is obſerved. The next

Weſt Spital Tower, or Saint Mary's, it is ſaid was built by the maſter and brethren of St Mary's Hoſpital.

The building of Nevil Tower is attributed to one of the great Nevils, Earls of Weſtmoreland: their family manſion ſtood near it. This Tower was repaired A. D. 1711, for the Maſons, Bricklayers, and Plaiſterers hall.

In the next place is a Poſtern, called White Friar Gate: a convenient paſſage for the Carmelites or White Friars to and from their monaſtery.

Not far from thence is the White Friar Tower, built on the ſummit of a vaſt eminence above the ſtreet called the Cloſe: its form is circular: it is flagged on the top and embrazured; from thence you have the moſt extenſive proſpect any part of theſe fortifications commands: you view the whole of the upper town and great part of the lower, a vaſt [376] tract of country down the river, and a landſcape as beautiful and ex⯑tenſive towards the weſt and north as any in this part of Northumber⯑land. This building is attributed to the Houſe of Carmelites, which ſtood immediately oppoſite: its eminence is ſuch, that from the Cloſe Gate you aſcend to it by 140 ſteps. The inner part of the tower con⯑tains the Maſons hall.

The Cloſe Gate is near the preſent extremity of the wall, on the banks of Tyne. I am inclined to conceive the ancient fortification of this town did not conſiſt of an entire circumvallation, but that the walls terminated in two points as they approached the river near to Cloſe Gate and Sand Gate.^*

Having deſcribed the walls, I muſt in the next place conſider the interior fortreſs.

The Caſtle, all authors agree, was built by Robert Carthouſe, ſon of William the Conquerer, in the year 1080, on his return from his Scotch expedition: he perceived the great conſequence of ſuch a for⯑treſs on the frontiers, commanding ſo fine a river, and in a ſituation excellently calculated for aſſembling the northern levies on any diſ⯑turbance on the borders. The tower built by Robert was of great ſtrength, ſquare, and ſurrounded by two walls: the height of the tower is 82 feet, the ſquare on the outſide 62 feet by 54, the walls 13 feet thick, with galleries gained out of them: there was a chapel within the tower.^† The outward fortifications are now defaced, and their ſcite crowded with buildings. The tower ſtill remains entire, the corners projecting from the plane of the ſquare, a mode much practiced in the Norman ſtructures. It is ſituate on a lofty eminence, commanding the whole town: the principal entrance is on the ſouth. What num⯑ber of gates were in the outward wall we cannot now determine, but from Bourne's account of it, which I ſhall quote in its proper place: the area incloſed by this wall contained three acres and one rood. The Caſtle belongs to the county of Northumberland, and makes no part of the liberties of Newcaſtle, or its Sheriffdom: the government of it, 21ſt September, 1ſt of King Henry VII. was granted to William [377] Cloſe, Eſq for life as Conſtable; and in the 9th year of the ſame reign it was granted to Roger Fenwick, Eſq with 20l. per annum ſalary; ſince which time I do not find that any Conſtable has been appointed, but the Sheriffs of Northumberland had cuſtody of the Caſtle. It now ſerves for the county priſon, and in the great hall the Judges of aſſize hold the gaol delivery.

Soon after the building of this caſtle, it is ſaid by Bourne that Robert de Mowbray Earl of Northumberland, when in rebellion againſt King William Rufus, was beſieged therein, and this fortreſs after ſuffering much damage was taken: but I confeſs I do not find ſufficient autho⯑rities to ſupport this aſſertion of my author, and think it is much to be doubted. The Scots by treachery A. D. 1135, in the 1ſt year of the reign of King Stephen, gained poſſeſſion of the caſtle and town, which they held to the year 1156, when Malcolm IV. ceded the northern counties to King Henry II.^*

The caſtle having ſuffered much by neglect in that and the ſucceed⯑ing reign, King John reſtored it, and added a ditch to the fortifica⯑tions, in doing which he was obliged to deſtroy ſeveral houſes: as a compenſation to the owners of theſe tenements he ordered 110s. 6d. rents in eſcheats to be paid yearly, as is ſet forth in his charter to the town.^† This caſtle was conſidered of ſuch conſequence, that moſt of the neighbouring Baronies paid conſiderable ſums towards its ſupport, under the articles of Caſtleward and Cornage: the ſeveral ſums are mentioned in Bourne's hiſtory.^‡ Beſides the larger payments ſeveral ſmall ones iſſued from ſundry houſes and lands in the town.

[378]Bourne ſays, ‘In the 9th of King Edward III. an inquiſition was taken at this town, whereby it was found that at the time of the battle of Bannockburn, which was in the year 1313, when John de Kenont, Knight, was High Sheriff of Northumberland, the Caſtle and all its edifices about it were in good repair: that after that time Nicholas Scot, Adam de Swinburn, William Riddel, Johannes de Fenwick, Cuthbert de Broughdon, Johannes de Fenwick, Johannes de Woodhorn, Johannes de Lilleburn, Willielmus de Tynedale, Roger Mauduit, and Robertus Darreius, were High Sheriffs of Northum⯑berland, during which time the great tower, and alſo the leſſer ones of the ſaid Caſtle, the great hall, with the King's chamber adjoining to it, together with divers other chambers below in the Queen's mantle, and the buttery cellar and pantry: the King's chapel within the caſtle, a certain houſe beyond the gate which is called the chequer houſe, with the bridges within and without the gate, with three gates and one poſtern, were 300l. worſe than before. They alſo ſay that there are in the cuſtody of Roger Mauduit, late High Sheriff, 420 fother of lead: they ſay alſo, that it was thought highly neceſſary that the Baron Heron of Huddeſton, the Baron of Walton, Lord Robert Clifford of the New Place, Chief Lord of the Barony of Gaugie, the Lords of the Barony of — and Devilſton, that the Lord of Werk upon Tweed, the Lord of the Barony of Bol⯑beck alias Bywell, the Baron of Bothal, and laſtly the Baron of Delaval, ſhould build each of them a houſe within the liberties of the caſtle for the defence of it.’

‘There were two great ſtrong walls which ſurrounded the caſtle: the interior wall was of no great diſtance from the caſtle itſelf, as may be ſtill ſeen in ſeveral places. The exterior wall ſurrounds the verge of the caſtle borders. From this outer wall were four gates, the great gate and three poſterns. The north ſide of the caſtle is the main gate, called now the Black Gate; it had two port culiceſſes, one without the gate, as may be ſtill ſeen, and another within it, at a little diſ⯑tance from it, the ruins of which were to be ſeen a few years ago. There ſtill remains a piece of the old wall, which ſhews its ſituation to have been where that houſe is, which was lately purchaſed by Mr Jaſper Harriſon. The ſhop belonging to this houſe was dug (as I am informed) out of the wall juſt now mentioned. On the eaſt ſide of the caſtle there was a poſtern, which led down to the ſtreet called the Side, which is ſtill to be ſeen: it was once called (but many years [379] after it was in decay) the Waiſt of Laurentius Acton. On the ſouth ſide of the caſtle is another gate, which leads down the Caſtle Stairs to the ſtreet called the Cloſe: this was the ſouth poſtern. There is a building upon it, which was the county Goaler's houſe. On the weſt ſide was the poſtern facing Bailiff Gate; now the dwelling-houſe of James Lidſter.’

‘There is an houſe in the yard, which they ſay was the chapel of of the garriſon, which is called the chapel houſe to this day: it ſtands north-eaſt from the chapel; its common name now is the Three Bulls-heads.’

By an inquiſition taken in the reign of King James I. it appears this caſtle was then much out of repair; and in the 18th of the ſame reign another having been taken, complaint was made that a great dunghill, heaped up againſt the wall on the weſt ſide of the caſtle, had done damage to the amount of 120l. it was under the ſame inquiſition com⯑plained, that the great ſquare tower was full of chinks and crannies, and that one-third of it was almoſt taken away; that all the lead and coverings which it had of old, were embezzled and carried off, inſo⯑much, that the priſoners of the county of Northumberland were moſt miſerably lodged, by reaſon of the ſhowers of rain falling on them. The computation made for repairs was 809l. 15s. In 1644, the dung⯑hill was taken away by Sir John Morley, and it is ſaid was uſed to make a rampart on the town walls againſt the Scots: he alſo repaired the round tower under the Moothall, now called the Half-moon.^*

‘It has been (continues Bourne) a building of great ſtrength, and no little beauty; the vaſt thickneſs of the walls ſpeaks the one, and the ruins of ſome curious workmanſhip the other. The grand en⯑trance into the caſtle was at the gate facing the ſouth, which leads up a pair of ſtairs (which ſtill ſhews the magnificence of the builder) to a very ſtately door of curious maſonry. The room this leads into, has its floor broken down cloſe to the caſtle wall, as indeed all the other floors are, to the top of the caſtle; ſo that excepting the floor above the county gaol, there is not one left, though there have been five diviſions or ſtories of the caſtle, beſides this. This floored room, which I was told was lately flagged by the order of William Elliſon, [380] Eſq when he was Mayor in 1722, ſeems to me, without any doubt, to have been the common hall of the caſtle, becauſe on the north ſide of the ſame room, there is an entrance by a deſcent of ſome ſteps into a room, where is the largeſt fire place I ſaw in the caſtle, which plainly ſpeaks it to have been the kitchen. At the end of this there are ſeveral ſtairs, which lead into a place under the kitchen, which I think goes down as low as the bottom of the caſtle: this I take to have been a cellar, as I do alſo that little dark place on the right hand coming up again, to have been a ſort of pantry. The door I mentioned juſt now on the eaſt of the caſtle, which leads to the firſt broken down floor, is becauſe of its grandeur and beauty, an argument that this room has been the moſt ſtately one in the whole caſtle: another reaſon for its being ſo is, becauſe of the win⯑dows which gave light into it; thoſe of them that face the eaſt are the moſt beautiful of the whole caſtle beſide. On the ſouth of this room there is an entrance into a ſort of a parlour or withdrawing room, which has a fire place in it, and has been a piece of curious workmanſhip, as is viſible to this day; and this place has no com⯑munication with any part of the caſtle but this room. On the north ſide of this room, is a door leading into an apartment where ſtands a well of conſiderable depth; it was 18 yards before we touched the ſurface of the water; which ſeems to have been placed there on pur⯑poſe for the more immediate ſervice of this room. There are ſome little baſons on the top of the well, with pipes leading from them, which conveyed water to different apartments of the caſtle: this is plain from what may be obſerved in the county gaol, at the bottom of the caſtle; the round ſtone pillar in it having an hollow in the middle, of a foot wide, with a lead ſpout in the ſide of it.’

‘In the inquiſition made in the 9th of King Edward III. above men⯑tioned, among other things that were complained of for being ne⯑glected, one was, Capella Domini Regis infra caſtrum. This chapel, I have been told, ſtood on that part of the caſtle yard where the Moot⯑hall is; but upon ſearching, I found it in the caſtle itſelf, according to the account of it juſt now mentioned. The door of it is at the bottom of the ſouth wall of the caſtle, adjoining to the ſtairs which lead into the ſtate chamber. It has been a work of great beauty and ornament, and is ſtill, in the midſt of duſt and darkneſs, by far the moſt beautiful place in the whole building; the inſide of it being cu⯑riouſly adorned with arches and pillars. It is eaſy to obſerve the dif⯑ferent [381] parts of it, the entrance, the body of it, and the chancel: on the left ſide of the entrance you go into a dark little room, which undoubtedly was the veſtry; the full length of it was 15 yards, the breadth ſix yards and a half; it had three or four windows towards the eaſt, which are now all filled up; nor is there any light but what comes in at a little cranny in the wall. Nicholas de Byker tenet terras ſuas, ut faciat diſtrictiones ad Ward. novi caſtri ſuper Tynam faciend. et pro deb. Domini regis inter Tynam et Coquet, &c. and then my authority goes on to ſay, that the manor of Byker was Sir Ralph Lawſon's, Knt. deceaſed, after of Henry Lawſon, Eſq his ſon, and now of his eldeſt ſon, who without all queſtion is Bailiff by in⯑heritance of the ſaid caſtle, and is to levy theſe caſtle wards, cornages, &c. and other rents, iſſues, fines, and amerciaments belonging to the ſaid caſtle.’

‘In the 17th of King James I. 1619, a grant was made of the ſcite and demeſnes of the caſtle to Alexander Stevenſon, Eſq who was ſucceeded by one Patrick Black, who died and left it in the poſſeſſion of his wife. After that one James Langton claimed Patrick Black's right, but by virtue of what is not known.’

‘The liberties and privileges of the caſtle extend northwards to the river of Tweed, and ſouthward to the river of Tees.’

In the year 1737, 10 King George II. the ſcite and demeſnes of the caſtle were granted to George Liddell, Eſq for 50 years, from 2 July, 1736: rent 100 chaldron of coals for Greenwich Hoſpital.

The next ſubjects of antiquity to be attended to are the Religious Foundations. The moſt ancient that I can point out was a Nunnery, cotemporary with the conqueſt,^* to which Agas, mother of Margaret Queen of Scotland, and Chriſtian her ſiſter retired, after the death of Malcolm at Alnwick. Near the time of the diſſolution, there were ten Nuns of the Benedictine order here, whoſe revenues amounted to 36l. per annum. Mr Wallis ſays this houſe was founded by King Henry I. but gives no authority for the aſſertion, though I preſume it is Bourne's Hiſtory of Newcaſtle.^† The ſcite of the nunnery is within the limits of [382] the preſent Newgate-ſtreet; a back gate leading to it, and an adjoining cloſe ſtill retain the name of Saint Bartholomew's. Among their poſ⯑ſeſſions, of which we have evidence, was the village of Stella, on the ſouthern banks of Tyne, as appears by a deed noted by Mr Wallis, wherein it is deſcribed, ‘Nuper parcello poſſeſſionum domus ſive mo⯑naſterii S. Bartholomei infra villam Novi Caſtri ſuper Tynam diſſo⯑luti.’ Some authors alledge a religious houſe in Gateſhead, now called Gateſhead Houſe, was a cell to St. Bartholomew's, and paid yearly thereto 2s. St. Mary's Hoſpital, in Weſtgate-ſtreet, is alſo ſaid to have been dependant thereon. They ſurrendered the 3d January, 1540, and the revenue was eſtimated at 36l. 10s. as ſet forth by Dug⯑dale, and 37l. 4s. 2d. by Speed. Agnes Lawſon the Abbeſs was al⯑lowed a penſion of 6l. a year for life. The houſe became the reſort of pedlars and vagabonds, and growing into a public nuiſance, it was pulled down, and the ground levelled.

The Franciſcans or Grey Friars had a houſe here, founded by the Carliols (who were wealthy Merchants) in the time of King Henry III. it was ſituate near Pilgrim-ſtreet Gate.^* Mr Pennant ſays, ‘part of it [383] is ſtill remaining,’ ſeveral additional buildings having been made, it was uſed as the town-houſe of the late Sir Walter Blackett. This religious houſe conſiſted of a Warden, eight Friars, and two Novices, and ſurrendered the 9th of January, 30 King Henry VIII. On the diſſo⯑lution no valuation is recorded, for the Franciſcans had nothing in pro⯑priety nor in common, but being Mendicants, begged all their ſub⯑ſiſtence from the charity of others. It is ſaid King Charles I. was con⯑fined here, after he had entruſted himſelf to the hands of his Scotch ſubjects. The famous Duns Scotus, mentioned in a preceding part of this work, the Doctor Subtilis, was of this houſe. The conventual ſeal was impreſſed with the figure of St. Francis bearing a croſs in his hand.

The Preaching or Black Friars, Dominicans, had a monaſtery here. Mr Groſe, in his celebrated work, gives the following account of this houſe, drawn from Bourne's Hiſtory of Newcaſtle and other authorities.^*

‘This monaſtery was founded by Sir Peter Scott,^† who was the firſt Mayor of Newcaſtle A.D. 1251, and Sir Nicholas Scott his ſon, who was one of the four Bailiffs of the town A. D. 1254 and 1257, and [384] capital Bailiff 1269; but the ſcite of it was given by three ſiſters, whoſe names have long ſince been ungratefully buried in oblivion.’

‘When was the particular time of its building, I have met with no account; but it is not difficult to give a probable gueſs. The order itſelf, of the Dominicans or Black Friars, came into England in the year 1221; conſequently it muſt have been founded after that time: and that it muſt have been founded ſome years before the year 1280, is plain to a demonſtration; for in that year, which was the 8th of King Henry I. the Black Friars had licence from the King, to break a door through this new or town wall into their garden; which proves them a regular ſettled body at that time; and therefore that their priory was built ſome years before that licence.’

‘We are told that this monaſtery was in old time called the Grey Friars, which, in my opinion, is a thing highly improbable; for the Grey Friars or Franciſcans came not into England till about the year 1224; and if, as I have proved above, the Black Friars were a ſet⯑tled body ſome years before 1280, how is it poſſible, to have been called of old time, the Grey Friars? This is therefore a miſtake: and beſides, the Dominicans came into England before the Franciſcans or Grey Friars, and therefore more probably were ſooner in this place.’

‘It has been a very ſtately building, as appears by the preſent re⯑mains of it. The area or graſs plot is about 87 feet in length, and as many in breadth. On the eaſt ſide of it was the chapel, which is now the hall of the company of Smiths in this town. On the weſt ſide of it, is a curious old well, which ſerved the monaſtery with water, called our Lady's Well. On the ſouth may ſtill be ſeen, the ruins of a curious front, on which ſide is the hall of the Cordwainers; in which I ſaw a pair of winding ſtairs, which they told me (before they were walled up) led by a vault as far as the nunnery of St. Bar⯑tholomew. On the north of it were their gardens, a part of which was the Warden's Cloſe, before the building of that part of the town wall. This appears by the charter granted to the monaſtery in the reign of Edward I. about the breaking out that narrow gate in the wall between Weſtgate and Newgate; in which grant it is ſaid, that the wall went through the middle of their garden. The monaſtery was dependant on the priory of Tynemouth.’

[385] ‘In the reign of Edward II. the brethren of this monaſtery had li⯑cence granted them for the building of a draw bridge beyond the new ditch of the caſtle.’

‘Who were the Priors of this monaſtery; what eminent men be⯑longed to them; or what things were tranſacted by them from their beginning till their diſſolution; were things undoubtedly preſerved among themſelves whilſt they were a body; but after their ſurrender, were either deſtroyed, or have not yet come to light.’

‘One of the Priors of this monaſtery was one Richard Marſhall. I take this gentleman to have been the laſt Prior of this monaſtery; for in the 28th of King Henry VIII. a grant of a tenement near the White Croſs (ſigned by Friar Richard Marſhall, Doctor and Prior; and Friar David Simpſon, and Friar John Sourby) was given to An⯑thony Godſalve, upon his paying to the ſaid priory or monaſtery 9s. per annum. This grant is now in the poſſeſſion of Mr Thomas Mar⯑ſhall of Newcaſtle, Joiner, who purchaſed this tenement, and has lately rebuilt it. He pays the ſame rent to the town of Newcaſtle, which the tenement paid to the monaſtery. About two years after the ſigning of this deed, in January, the 30th of this reign, this mo⯑naſtery ſurrendered. It conſiſted of a Prior and 12 Friars.’

‘What became of the brethren of this friary, after their ſurrender; what they had allowed them annually for a maintenance; or whether they had any thing allowed at all does not appear. Some account in⯑deed I met with afterwards of the Prior himſelf, but none of the Friars.’ It is this which follows.

‘Richard Marſhall, Prior of the Black Friars in Newcaſtle about the year 1551, went into Scotland and preached at St. Andrew's, that the Pater-noſter ſhould be addreſt to God and not to the Saints. Some Doctors of the univerſity being diſguſted at this aſſertion, pre⯑vailed with one Tofts, a Grey Friar, to undertake to prove that the Pater-noſter might be ſaid to the Saints; whoſe ignorance in doing the ſame was ſo manifeſt, that he became the common jeſt, and quitted the town.’

‘After the ſurrender of this monaſtery, the Black Friars was granted to the town of Newcaſtle, in conſideration of 53l. 7s. 6d. The annual value of it was 2l. 19s. 6d.’

[386] ‘The King ſays in his grant, that he gives to the Mayor and Bur⯑geſſes of Newcaſtle, the whole houſe and ſcite lately a priory, or houſe of brethren, called vulgarly the Black Friars, in Newcaſtle upon Tyne; the chapel-houſes, edifices, gardens, &c. the hall, two chambers, a chamber called the Croſs Chamber; and two gardens with their ap⯑purtenances; and the whole cloſe within the Weſtgate, and another cloſe near the ſcite of the ſaid priory, on the north; and a cloſe con⯑taining three acres, and a houſe in the ſame cloſe, without the walls of the ſaid town; and a houſe called the Gatehouſe ſituated near the ſaid ſtreet. It alſo appears from the firſt grant, that the King re⯑ſerved to himſelf and ſucceſſors the bells and lead that was upon the church belonging to this friary, and the other buildings of it; the lead in the gutters, together with the ſtones and iron of the church, &c.’

‘The Nine Crafts of this town had their meeting-houſes or halls in it, and ſtill have except two of them, the Taylors and the Cordwainers, who have beſtowed theſe upon ſome poor widows, and got themſelves others in their places. Theſe halls are of great ſervice to this ancient building, in preſerving it from intire ruin. Such is the hall of the Smiths, which was repaired by them in the year 1709: the hall of the Dyers; the hall of the Bakers and Brewers, which was repaired by them in the year 1711: theſe halls are on the eaſt ſide of the friary. Such alſo are thoſe on the weſt ſide of it, viz. the hall of the Sadlers, which was repaired by them in the year 1729, and the hall of the Skinners and Glovers, which was repaired by them in the year 1721. Such are thoſe alſo on the ſouth ſide of it, viz. the Cordwainers hall, which was turned into apartments for three widows in the year 1729: the hall of the Butchers and the hall of the Tanners were repaired in the year 1717.’

‘By the means of theſe halls, there is ſtill ſome viſage of the friary remaining, which had otherwiſe been intirely in duſt. 'Tis a pity that thoſe people, who are permitted by the companies to reſide in ſome of thoſe rooms, are not threatened into more cleanlineſs;^* and that the companies themſelves are not at the expence of repairing the area. Were theſe things done, it would be a beautiful piece of an⯑tiquity, [387] and the entertainment of the curious, from whence ſoever they come.’

‘Browne Willis, in his Hiſtory of Abbies, ſays, Roland Harding was the laſt Prior of the Newcaſtle Dominicans; and that he with 12 Monks ſurrendered their convent 10th January, 1539, 30th Henry VIII. This was the only Dominican monaſtery in Newcaſtle.’

The monaſtery of St. Auguſtine was founded by William Lord Roſs, Baron of Werk:^* it was ſituate in the Manor Chair, was a handſome edifice, with cloiſters and a noble chapel:^† the Kings of England in their Scotch expeditions frequently took up their reſidence there. It ſurrendered 9th January, 30 King Henry VIII. and was uſed for ſome time by government as a magazine for warlike ſtores: from whence it acquired the name of the Artillery Ground. King James I. gave it to a Scotch attendant, who for the ſake of the lead and materials diſ⯑mantled it. Out of the ruins have aroſe a workhouſe for the poor, a houſe of correction, a charity-ſchool for the pariſh of All-ſaints, and a houſe for the maſter. The Surgeons hall and two hoſpitals ſtand within the limits of this monaſtery.

A monaſtery of Carmelites or White Friars was^‡ founded by King Edward I. in honour of the bleſſed Virgin. On their ſurrender, 30 King [388] Henry VIII. they conſiſted of a Prior, ſeven Brethren, and two Novi⯑ciates, and their revenue was valued at 9l. 11s. 4d. It was ſituate near the Foot of Weſtgate, not far diſtant from White Friar Tower before deſcribed.

In the cloſe of this houſe was a fraternity, ſtyled the Brethren of the Pennance of Jeſus Chriſt, or the Brethren of the Sack; to whom King Henry III. gave the place called Calgarth, at the inſtance of Robert Bruce.^*

The Carmelites had another monaſtery in this town, ſituate in the Walk Knowle, of which Laurentius de Acton was the founder, accord⯑ing to Leland.^† Dugdale ſays it was founded by Roger de Thornton, but that is confuted by Bourne.^‡ It was dedicated to St. Michael, and being on a lofty ſituation,^§ had the name of St. Michael's Mount. After [389] the diſſolution, King Henry VIII. gave it with its rights and revenues to Sir John Greſham, then an Alderman of the city of London, and Richard Billingford.

By Tanner's Notitia it appears, that King David I. of Scotland, who was poſſeſſed of Newcaſtle as Earl of Northumberland, founded here two monaſteries and a nunnery: but whether any of the before mentioned own their riſe to him, no evidence remains. He died A. D. 1153.

Patents were made out for founding two other religious houſes; one 37 King Edward III. in honour of the nativity and reſurrection of our Lord, which was repealed; and another, 5 King Henry IV. in honour of St. John Baptiſt and St. John Evangeliſt, which latter was alſo re⯑pealed or otherwiſe proved abortive.^*

Beſides theſe religious foundations, there were ſeveral on a more meritorious plan—hoſpitals for the benevolent purpoſe of relieving the miſeries of human life. When that dreadful diſtemper the leproſy raged here, the great and opulent, from true principles of religion and piety, erected thoſe places of conſolation and relief for miſerable mor⯑tals, who were expelled from ſociety on account of this horrible viſita⯑tion. King Henry I. founded an hoſpital here for the reception of lepers, called the Hoſpital of St. Mary Magdalen, ſituated near Barras Bridge, without Pilgrim-ſtreet Gate, and therein fixed a Maſter, Bre⯑thren, and Siſters. After that malady abated, or was ſubdued, it was appropriated for the reception of poor perſons, when the town was vi⯑ſited with a peſtilence—a dreadful ſcourge, which the Almighty has now withheld from this land for a conſiderable time. On ſuch occa⯑ſions, 14 within the houſe were allowed each a room, 8s. per month, and coals: 15 without the houſe had different allowances, according to the ſtate of their wants; ſome 8s. per month, ſome 5s. others 2s. 6d. In the reign of King Edward III. Laurentius Acton had the firſt fruits, amounting annually to 200 marks; one John Bland was then Maſter, and was a conſiderable patron to this foundation, having built the con⯑ſiſtory, and ornamented the chapel. He died A. D. 1374, and was in⯑terred in his own chapel, near the high altar, after having preſided over the hoſpital five years. It was a donative in the patronage of the Corporation, and ſtood without Pilgrim-ſtreet Gate, near the Barras [390] Bridge. Adjoining to it was a chapel dedicated to St. James, ſuppoſed to have been a chapel of eaſe to the pariſh of St. Andrew's.^*

The hoſpital of St. Mary, commonly ſtyled St. Mary the Virgin, was ſituated in Weſtgate-ſtreet, had ſeveral patrons, but it is not certain who was the original founder. There is ſome confuſion in our autho⯑rities touching this hoſpital, as will appear by the notes. Walter de Bolbeck was a benefactor to the firſt foundation, which Bourne thinks took date in the reign of King Henry I. One Aſelack, of Killinghow, was the ſecond founder, in the time of King Richard I. as appears by his charter: ‘Ego Aſelack, &c. fundavi hoſpitale Sanctae Mariae Vir⯑ginis, &c. & ibi poſui duos fratres regulares & unum capellanum ad ferv. &c.’ Euſtacius, Parſon of Benton, one of the witneſſes, was incumbent about 1190. The third foundation was by the Corporation, or as Bourne ſays, by the inhabitants of Newcaſtle, for a Maſter and Chaplain to ſay divine ſervice for ſix Bedes folks in the alms-houſe, &c. its revenue was 33l. 15s. per annum. It was beſides inſtituted as an aſylum for the helpleſs ſtranger and indigent traveller, a receptacle to the ſick and needy, and to give ſepulture to ſuch as died there. It had an annual allowance of nine chaldron of coals. King Edward III. gave thereto 100s. as a compenſation for the damage it ſuſtained in the Scotch incurſions.^† 8th of January, 1335, Richard de Bury, Biſhop [390] [...] [...]

[392]The hoſpital of the Holy Trinity was founded by William de Acton, 37 King Edward III. A. D. 1363; according to Randal 1360, and was confirmed by Biſhop Thomas Hatfield 2 Oct. 1361: it ſtood on the Walk Knowl. Some authors aſſert, that Anthony Beck, Biſhop of Durham, preſented the firſt Maſter; but Randal, whoſe accuracy was ſingular, ſays, Will de Wackefeld pater ord. Scae Trin. was appointed⁵¹¹ [393] Cuſtos by the founder. It ſurrendered 10th of January, 30th King Henry VIII.^*

St. Catherine's or Thornton's Hoſpital, on the ſouth ſide of Sandhill, called by ſome authors Maiſon Dieu, was founded in the reign of King Henry IV. by Roger Thornton the elder. Here was a Chaplain, nine poor men, and four women. The Corporation, 34 King Henry VI. by leave of the founder, had the uſe of the hall and kitchen, for the wed⯑ding entertainments of young people, there to receive the offerings and gifts of their friends.^†

Brigham's and Ward's Almshouſes may alſo claim a place here: but to introduce the particular donations and conſtitutions of theſe, would in no wiſe entertain the reader, and would increaſe this work too much. Brigham's Almshouſe ſtood near the monaſtery of Franciſcans, and Ward's in the Manor Chair.

In Randal's Manuſcripts, I find the name of St. Laurence's, without any particulars relative to it. Bourne ſays, as to St. Laurence's, ‘it is ſaid to have been built by one of the Earls of Northumberland. It was dependent upon the priory of St. John of Jeruſalem, and was granted to the town in the 3d year of Edward VI.’ In 1558, its re⯑venues amounted to 11l. 8s. 8d.

[394]The ancient palaces were,

Pampedon Hall, a royal manſion, in the time of the Saxon heptarchy.

Lumley Place, in the Side, an ancient appendage to the caſtle; the temporary reſidence and palace of the Kings of England, on their nor⯑thern expeditions: it became afterwards the houſe of the Lords Lumley, of Lumley Caſtle, from whom it had its more modern name.

The Earl's Place, belonging to the Earls of Northumberland, in Newgate-ſtreet: it is ſometimes called the Scotch Inn, being the tem⯑porary reſidence of the Kings and Nobles of Scotland, when in New⯑caſtle on a truce.

Northumberland Houſe, in the Cloſe; the reſidence of the Earls of Northumberland.

Weſtmoreland Place, in Weſtgate-ſtreet; the palace of the Nevils, Earls of Weſtmoreland.

To theſe we may add the Pilgrims Houſe, in Pilgrim-ſtreet; the place of reſort, ſtay, and refreſhment of devotees, in their way to the holy ſhrine at Jeſmont.

This large and populous town conſiſts of four pariſhes; St. Nicholas, All-ſaints, St. Andrew's, and St. John's.

St. Nicholas's is a vicarage, having three dependent chapels, viz. Gosforth, St. Thomas's, and Cramlington. The Biſhop of Carliſle is impropriator and patron: it was given to the Church and Canons of St. Mary's, Carliſle, by King Henry I. in or about the year 1120. Richarnus de Aurea Valle was Parſon of this and Newburn church, and alſo a third not named in that reign.^*

The ſeveral churches of All-ſaints, St. Andrew's, and St. John's, are dependent upon this vicarage, though they are diſtinct pariſhes; and the Vicar receives dues from them all.

[395]The church of St. Nicholas,^* by moſt authors, is ſaid to have its foundation in the year 1091, though ſome attribute it to David I. King of Scotland. In the grant to St. Mary's in Carliſle, the ſtipend of the Miniſter is not ſtipulated, the expreſſion being ‘a ſuitable maintenance to be given to the Miniſter.’ This was afterwards fixed in the reign of King Stephen, 24th January, 1194, by Hugh Pudſey, Biſhop of Durham, with the approbation of the Prior and Convent of Carliſle, when all the fruits, fees, annual profits, oblations, and obventions were aſſigned thereto (the great tithes excepted).^† The church is a ſtately building, placed on a fine elevated ſituation, near the centre of the town; 240 feet in length, 75 feet in breadth, and of a proportionable height. The tower or ſteeple is 194 feet in height, highly ornamented; four images of no mean ſculpture decorate the lower part of the tower: the top of the tower is very elegant, it is ornamented with fine pin⯑nacles of tabernacle-work, from the corner ſpring interſecting bows or arches, ſupporting in the middle a light and open lanthorn, graced [396] with pinnacles of extraordinary beauty: the whole has the moſt uncom⯑mon and pleaſing appearance, not unlike a magnificent imperial crown. It is juſtly allowed by all travellers to be the fineſt piece of maſonry of the kind in Europe. This tower, moſt authors agree, was built in the time of King Henry VI. by one Robert Rhodes. On the bottom of the bellfry is this inſcription: Orate pro anima Roberti Rhodes;^* from thence it is conjectured by ſeveral that this was the name of the founder.^† The church is well illuminated; the eaſt or altar window was anciently adorned with paintings on the glaſs, repreſenting the twelve Apoſtles, and the ſeven ^‡ acts of charitable munificence of Roger Thornton, who built the window; in which was the following inſcription: Orate pro anima Rogeri de Thornton, et pro animabus filiorum & filiarum.^§

The church has eight muſical bells, and a good double organ. On the north ſide of the organ is St. George's Porch: According to Bourne, it was ornamented with carvings and painted windows: the portraiture of St. Lawrence remains in the eaſt window. It is ſuppoſed to be an ancient chantry, founded by one of the Engliſh Monarchs.

There were nine chantries to this church, dedicated (1) to St. John the Baptiſt and St. John the Evangeliſt, two to St. Catharine, (4) St. Peter and St. Paul, (5) St. Thomas, (6) the Virgin Mary, (7) St. Mar⯑garet, (8) St. Cuthbert, (9) St. Lyra.^‖

[397]Above the veſtry is a library, to which Dr. Tomlinſon, a late Vicar, at his death, made a great addition, by a donation of his valuable books: but of what utility (comparatively ſpeaking) was this library, until the late munificent Sir Walter Blackett (over whoſe name every worthy burgeſs will for one age at leaſt drop a tear, whilſt his expe⯑rienced benevolence gives the eſtimate of his loſs; and on whoſe im⯑mortal character future ages will contemplate with veneration and Joy) the great modern patron of Newcaſtle, gave an annual ſtipend of 25l. for ever for a Librarian.

Beſides the benefice, the Vicar receives an annual gift of 90l. from the Corporation, by way of augmentation. The firſt Curate's ſtipend is 4l. from the Vicar, 6l. 16s. 8d. from the Crown, and 40l. gift from the Corporation. The Lecturer has 120l. a year from the Cor⯑poration.

At the north door of the church there is a large flag for the firſt ſtep, ſculptured in waves, as in commemoration of the dedicatory Saint's peculiar protection to ſeafaring men.

The Vicarage-houſe ſtands in Weſtgate-ſtreet.

[398]Many very elegant monuments are placed within the ailes, but their deſcription cannot be ſet out in this work.

The chapel of St. Thomas ſtands at the end of the Bridge: the founder not known, or the time of its being erected.

There were two chantries founded in it, dedicated to St. Ann and St. Mary the Virgin.^* It was made a Chapel of Eaſe to St. Nicholas 10th September, A. D. 1732, and was repaired by the Corporation, who gave a handſome ſtipend to a morning and afternoon Lecturer.

All-ſaints church is at the foot of Pilgrim-ſtreet: it was built before the year 1286. This is ſaid to be one of the largeſt cures in the king⯑dom.^† Seven chantries were founded in this church, and dedicated (1) to St. Thomas, (2) St. Mary the Virgin, (3) St John the Evangeliſt, (4) St. Peter, (5) St. John Baptiſt, (6) St. Catharine, (7) St. Lyra.^‡

[399]The Miniſter of this church is paid 4l. per annum by the Vicar, and 5l. per annum by the Crown; the remaining income ariſes from fees. There are two Lecturers appointed by the Corporation, with each a ſalary of 100l. per annum.

This church hath a dependent chapel, St. Ann's, Sandgate: after the reformation it was neglected and fell to decay, but was repaired in 1682. It hath lately been rebuilt by the Corporation on a beautiful plan: they appoint two Lecturers thereto, the one with a ſalary of 50l. the other 40l. per annum.

Another chapel anciently ſtood in theſe ſuburbs, dedicated to St. Lawrence, ſaid to be founded by one of the Earls of Northumberland: it was dependent upon the priory of St. John of Jeruſalem. King Edward VI. granted it to the Corporation, in conſideration of 144l. 13s. 4d. The bottle-houſes now fill the ground where this chapel ſtood.

St. Andrew's church ſtands near Newgate. From the ſtyle of the architecture, and it being erected on the ſcite of the old Monk Cheſters, it claims a title to greater antiquity than the other churches. It is ſup⯑poſed to have been built by King David of Scotland.

Three chantries were founded in this church, dedicated to St. Mary the Virgin, the Holy Trinity, and St. Thomas.^*

The Miniſter's ſtipend from the Vicar is 3l. from the Crown 5l. 2s. 6d. and from the Corporation as Lecturer 100l. per annum.

[400]St. John's church, in Weſtgate, built before the year 1287. Robert Percival, a Pinmaker, gave it many ornaments, and a houſe of 20l. yearly value. It has ſix muſical bells and a good organ.^*

Three chantries were founded in this church, dedicated to St. Thomas the Martyr, St. Mary the Virgin, and the Holy Trinity.^†

The income of the Miniſter conſiſts of 3l. from the Vicar, 5l. from the Crown, and from the Corporation as Lecturer 90l. per annum.

There are alſo many meeting-houſes of Diſſenters here.

Beſides the grammar ſchool before mentioned, there are four paro⯑chial charity ſchools.

The grammar ſchool was founded by Thomas Horſley, Mayor of Newcaſtle, A. D. 1525: he endowed it with lands of a conſiderable yearly value. Queen Elizabeth confirmed this foundation, or rather refounded it by charter. The great tithes of the pariſh of Bolham ap⯑pertain [401] to it, and the Maſterſhip of St. Mary's Hoſpital is generally annexed. The Maſter of the ſchool hath a convenient dwelling-houſe belonging to it.

The charity ſchool of the pariſh of St. Nicholas was opened in 1709, for the teaching and cloathing of 40 boys and 20 girls, of this pariſh and the chapelry of St John's. The boys are placed out to buſineſs, and have on ſuch their going out a gift of certain religious books and 40s. in money. The girls are placed out to ſervice, and have a like gift of books and 20s. in money. The Schoolmaſter's ſalary is 25l. and 20s. for coals yearly. The Miſtreſs has 10l. and 10s. for coals.

This ſchool was originally founded by Mrs Eleanor Allan, a widow of Newcaſtle, and endowed with lands of 60l. a year value. Mrs Criſhold, the widow of the Rev. Mr Criſhold of Wooler, added a donation of 500l. By a parochial ſubſcription the children are cloathed on the 1ſt day of May yearly.

The charity ſchool belonging to the pariſh of All-ſaints is ſupported by ſubſcription, which was begun A. D. 1709. It receives 41 boys and 17 girls, and is conducted as the ſchool of St. Nicholas.

The charity ſchool of the pariſh of St. Andrew was founded by Sir William Blackett, Baronet, for 30 boys, and was opened A. D. 1707: the Schoolmaſter's ſalary 20l. a year.

The charity ſchool of the pariſh of St. John was founded in the year 1705, by John Ord, Eſq for 44 boys. He endowed it with lands near Pilgrim-ſtreet Gate. Mrs Margaret Allgood gave thereto 100l. The boys are cloathed annually on Midſummer-day, by ſubſcription. The Schoolmaſter's ſalary is 24l. a year, and 40s. for teaching them to ſing; with an additional allowance of 16s. a year for pens, ink, and paper.

Beſides the principal edifices before mentioned, there are ſeveral pub⯑lic buildings here.

The Town Houſe and Exchange, on the Sandhill, originally founded by Roger de Thornton. In the year 1658, this public edifice was re⯑built by the Corporation on the preſent plan;^* the front towards the [402] river being ornamented with two ſeries of columns. The expence a⯑mounted to 11,200l. 10,000l. of which was advanced by the Corpora⯑tion, and 1200l. a donation from Alderman Weimouth, compleated the work. The area in front was ornamented with an equeſtrian ſtatue, in copper, of King James II. the horſe in a vaulting attitude, ſupported by a pedeſtal of white marble. This ſtatue was by an outrageous mob pulled down A.D. 1688, and appropriated to furniſh bells for the church of All-hallows or All-ſaints. The ſtatue was ſaid to be of ex⯑cellent workmanſhip, and coſt 1700l. An elegant plate was publiſhed of it in 1742.

The Trinity Houſe at the Head of the Broad Chair: In it are apart⯑ments for 14 perſons, to whom 8s. per month with coals and cloath⯑ing are given: it alſo contains a ſpacious hall and a neat chapel. Dal⯑ton's Place ſtood upon this ground. It is not known when or by whom the monaſtery of the Trinity was founded. The original inſti⯑tution of the order of the Holy Trinity was in 1198, in the time of Pope Innocent III. and was for the redemption of captives from ſlavery. The Trinity Houſe we are now ſpeaking of appertains to the fraternity of Mariners, who have received three ſeveral royal charters; one in the 3d year of King James I. the ſecond by King Charles II. 1664, and the third by King James II. 1687.^*

The Manſion Houſe, in the Cloſe; the temporary place of reſidence of the Mayor. It is an elegant modern building, with a ſpacious area on the banks of Tyne.

The Freemen's Hoſpital, in the Manors, founded by the Corporation in 1681, for a Maſter and 39 poor Freemen, or their widows. The [403] Maſter's annual allowance 6l. each of the Brethren 4l. The building is handſome, three ſtories in height, ornamented with a piazza 60 yards in length: an open area with a fountain in front.

Daviſon's Hoſpital, for ſix widows of Clergymen or Merchants. The building was erected at the expence of the Corporation, and the endow⯑ment was made by Mrs Ann Daviſon, the relict of a Merchant of this town. The allowance to each is 40s. quarterly.

The Barber Surgeons Hall.

The Maidens Hoſpital, built by the Corporation in 1753, and en⯑dowed by a donation of 1200l. from Thomas Daviſon, Eſq of Ferry-hill, in the county of Durham, and his ſiſters; and the like ſum of 1200l. from the munificent Sir Walter Blackett—for the reception of ſix maiden women and ſix poor men.

The Keelmen's Hoſpital, a ſquare building with cloiſters, near Sand⯑gate, built in 1701, by a contribution of 1d. each tide from every Keel⯑man plying upon the Tyne, within the liberties of Newcaſtle. It con⯑tains upwards of 50 chambers, but is ſaid to be neglected, and without endowment. It is wonderful this laborious and uſeful race of men, whoſe toils help to contribute ſuch immenſe wealth to Newcaſtle, ſhould not have claimed the attention of the Corporation, from whoſe revenue more donations iſſue in charitable and religious appropriations, than any other Corporation in the North of England can boaſt.

The Infirmary ſtands in an airy elevated ſituation behind Weſtgate, and near the public walk called the Forth: It was founded by ſubſcrip⯑tion, for the relief of the ſick and lame of Newcaſtle and the counties of Durham and Northumberland. To this excellent foundation Sir Walter Blackett gave 1000l. out of the intereſt money ariſing from which donation, he appointed 10l. a year ſhould be given to a Clergy⯑man to do duty there. So happy a relief has this charitable inſtitution proved, that from the time of its commencement to April 1778, 17,331 patients have been diſcharged cured.

To theſe may be added the Hoſpital for Lunatics, and the Hoſpital for Married Women lying-in: as alſo the fund raiſed for the ſupport of thoſe who lie-in at their own houſes.

[404] An elegant Hall has lately been erected in High Friar Chair, by the ſociety of Free and Accepted Maſons of the Lodge of St. John: it is richly ornamented, and has an excellent organ for their ſolemn rites. It was dedicated in the year 1777; to attend which ceremony, there was the moſt reſpectable and numerous convention of that order that ever ap⯑peared in the northern parts of this kingdom. The muſic was per⯑formed by an excellent band, the vocal parts of which were done by the beſt voices from the quire of Durham cathedral. A pathetic exhor⯑tation was delivered by Mr Huntley, and an elegant oration, diſplay⯑ing the antiquity, progreſs, and excellence of the order, by the Rev. Dr Scott of Simonburn. The feſtival was held in the new aſſembly room, when at three tables near 400 of the brethren dined together; at which time that regularity, order and harmony were maintained, for which this ſociety, above all others in the world, is remarkable: where men of all ranks, political opinions, and religious perſuaſions meet, without envy or contention; and preſerve a unanimity and bro⯑therly love, in deſpite of the frailties and fickleneſs of the human heart.

The hiſtory of this place is very dark, antecedent to the time of Ro⯑bert Carthouſe, and the building of the caſtle, from whence it is pre⯑ſumed the name of Newcaſtle was derived. The advantages of a fine navigable river, with a ſituation defended by ſo ſtrong a fortreſs, would ſoon induce Merchants and others to fix there; yet we find no record of any royal charter, liberty, or franchiſe granted to the ſettlers, till the reign of King Henry II. when they obtained a royal charter, which is ſaid to have comprehended great privileges;^* but of what nature theſe were, our author is ſilent. King John, in the 3d year of his reign, confirmed the above charter, on payment of 100 marks and two palfreys.^† In the 14th year of his reign he greatly enlarged thoſe li⯑berties and powers, and expreſsly ‘in conſideration of the loyalty and faithful ſervices of his burgeſſes there,’ he granted them ſeveral ex⯑cluſive privileges; among which are, an exemption from the power of the Sheriff of the county at large, and that they ſhould be amenable to the Courts only within their own juriſdiction, except in matters rela⯑tive to the rights of the Crown. The government of the borough was then under four Bailiffs only.

[405]King Henry III. by charter, appointed a Mayor to preſide in the government of this borough, together with four Bailiffs. From this Prince the Burgeſſes derived two moſt excellent bounties, viz. the Caſtle Demeſnes, containing 850 acres, for free paſturage, with liberty of win⯑ning coal and ſtone; as alſo a plot of ground called the Forth, contain⯑ing about 11 acres. Here the Infirmary ſtands: a portion of the ground is incloſed, and converted into a public walk. One thing very ſingular in this royal charter, is the prohibition againſt Jews reſiding within the borough.

This was one of the boroughs that received the firſt ſummons to ſend Repreſentatives to ſit in a Houſe of Commons, in the 10th year of the reign of King Edward I. A. D. 1282.^*

[406]Pampedon was by royal grant annexed to Newcaſtle in this reign.

Upon an inquiſition taken, 4 King Edward I. touching the ancient cuſtoms which prevailed within the borough, it was returned, that by [407] the cuſtom eſtabliſhed within the borough, the real eſtates of freemen within the borough had always been conſidered in the nature of chattels, and as ſuch were diſpoſed by will: which ſpecial cuſtom was accordingly confirmed.

[408]King Edward III. confirmed all its franchiſes and privileges, and added thereto an exemption from the juriſdiction of the Conſtablery, Marſhalſea, and Admiralty of England, within the port and limits of the borough. He gave the Town Moor to the Burgeſſes in perpetuity; [409] he alſo gave licence to the Burgeſſes to purchaſe lands; he confirmed many by-laws made by them for well-governing the borough; directed the mode of electing Mayors, Magiſtrates, and Officers; he ſettled the meaſure to be uſed in the ſale of coals, and made the Burgeſſes toll-free for their merchandize throughout his dominions.

[410]King Richard II. in the firſt year of his reign, A. D. 1378, con⯑firmed the charters before granted to the Burgeſſes; he afterwards granted them ground for roads and a bridge.^* In 1390, he gave li⯑cence for a ſword of ſtate to be borne before the Mayor.

It was not till the reign of King Henry IV. that Newcaſtle received the moſt diſtinguiſhing marks of royal favour: on the acceſſion of this Prince, the borough received a confirmation of all ancient liberties and immunities; beſides which he alſo granted, that this borough ſhould for ever thereafter be independent of the county of Northumberland; that it ſhould have a Sheriff, as being a county of itſelf, a diſtrict not above 10 miles in circuit; which Sheriff ſhould ſupply the duty of the Bailiffs, whoſe office was from thenceforth revoked and annulled; that the Sheriff ſhould hold his county within the liberties of the borough, on Wedneſday from month to month, that he ſhould have the return of writs, and account unto his Majeſty's Exchequer;^† that ſix Alder⯑men [411] ſhould be elected out of the Burgeſſes, as aſſociates in the civil Magiſtracy with the Mayor, with power to act as Juſtices of the Peace within the precincts of the borough; that the Burgeſſes ſhould hold the Conſervatorſhip of the river Tyne, from Sparrow Hawk to Hedwin Streams, with the royalties thereof, a ſpace of 14 miles; within which limits no ſhip ſhould load or unload any ſort of goods but at the quays of Newcaſtle. The preſent quays are eſteemed equal to any in England, being upwards 700 yards in length. King Edward II. granted the Conſervatorſhip of the river Tyne to John Earl of Hampſtead; but the ſame was ſoon revoked, on its being repreſented an infringement on the rights of Newcaſtle.

[412]King Edward VI. on the diſſolution of the Biſhopric of Durham by act of parliament, A. D. 1552, granted to Newcaſtle the town and li⯑berties of Gateſhead: he alſo propoſed to have erected a Biſhopric at Newcaſtle, out of part of the revenues of the diſſolved See;^* but theſe purpoſes were defeated by the death of the King; and on the acceſſion of Queen Mary, 1554, the Biſhopric of Durham was reſtored.^†

Queen Elizabeth confirmed to the Burgeſſes all the liberties and im⯑munities granted by her predeceſſors, and added thereto many privileges by her charter dated, as Mr Wallis ſays, on the 22d March, in the 42d year of her reign; but as it appears by a note to Bourne's Hiſtory, in the 31ſt year of that reign. It was then declared to be a free town, with power to the corporate body to purchaſe lands to them and their ſucceſſors in fee and perpetuity, and to grant and demiſe the ſame; and that they ſhould have a common ſeal: that they ſhould exerciſe an Admiralty Juriſdiction within their own liberties, excluſive of any au⯑thority of the Lord High Admiral.

The Corporation is now governed by a Mayor, Sheriff, and 12 Al⯑dermen; the Borough ſends two Members to Parliament, elected by the Free Burgeſſes, who are about 2400 in number.

[413]The Mayor holds a Court of Record, wherein all actions of debt upon the caſe, treſpaſs, &c. are tried, which ariſe within, the juriſ⯑diction:^* no Attornies are allowed to practice but thoſe who are Free Burgeſſes, and duly ſworn there at their admiſſion. Six Serjeants at Mace appertain to this Court.

It is ſuperior to the Sheriff's Court, from whence cauſes are remove⯑able.

The Sheriff holds a court of his county monthly.

A Court of Conſcience is alſo eſtabliſhed here, by virtue of an act of parliament—an excellent relief in ſo populous a place, where the diffi⯑culty of proving ſale and delivery of ſmall articles, by witneſſes, would often deprive the honeſt trader and mechanic of his juſt dues. It is an equitable enlargement of the privilege of inferior courts, worthy the attention of the Legiſlature, and would be greatly beneficial to the community, if it was admitted at the Sheriffs Courts and in Courts Baron, touching debts of an inferior value.

The Court of Common Council is a court held by force of the char⯑ters, by the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commoners, wherein regulations and by-laws are made, for the protection of trade and the government of the incorporate body.

In the Wardmote Court, Officers, &c. of each ward are choſen.

[414]The Mayor holds a Court of Pyepowder at the times of fairs: On the 1ſt of Auguſt, a fair granted by King John, and on St. Luke's day, a fair granted by King Henry VII.^*

The Mayor holds three Guilds of Trade annually, at which are tranſ⯑acted all buſineſs between maſters and apprentices; the inrolling of ap⯑prentices, and giving thoſe who have ſerved their time, or otherwiſe are by patrimony intitled, their freedom.^†

[415]Two ancient puniſhments, inflicted on the diſturbers of the peace here, are worthy notice.

A common Drunkard was led through the ſtreets as a ſpectacle of contempt, covered with a large barrel, called a Newcaſtle cloak▪ one end being out, and the other having a hole made through it, ſufficient for the offender to paſs his head through; by which means the veſſel was reſted on his ſhoulders.

The Scold wore an iron engine, called the branks, in the form of a crown; it covered the head, but left the face expoſed; and having a tongue of iron which went into the mouth, conſtrained ſilence from the moſt violent brawler.

The trade of this place is very great: to enter upon an exact de⯑tail, would exceed the limits of my work: the exports chiefly conſiſt of coals, wrought iron, lead, glaſs, ſalt, bacon, corn, ſalmon, butter, tallow, and grindſtones: its ſituation is ſuch, as neceſſarily renders it the place of ſupply for an extenſive country, in articles of imported merchandize. In the ſummary I have given of the trade of the county in the ſucceeding pages, the importance of this place will appear. In Mr Pennant's work it is ſtated, that in the year 1771, the ſhipping mentioned in the following table were entered here with imports.

[416]Here are 16 glaſs-houſes, three ſugar-houſes, ſeveral ſoap-boileries, a conſiderable manufactory of ſteel and iron, alſo a manufactory of broad and narrow woollen cloaths carried on with great ſucceſs. Sel⯑dom leſs than 30,000 firkins of butter, and 40,000 hundreds of tallow, are annually exported from hence.

The chief article of export is coal:^* ſhips of great burthen take in their lading at Shields, the coals being carried thither in large un⯑wieldy lighters, called keels, limited by government to the burthen of 20 chaldrons, being nearly circular in form, and very flat bottomed; ſometimes navigated by a ſquare ſail, at other times managed with the advantage of the tide, by one oar plied at the ſide and another at the ſtern, which ſerves as a ſculler and rudder. Near 500 of theſe [417] veſſels find conſtant employ on this river. No veſſels exceeding 400 tons come up to the Quay.

The collieries which ſupply this exportation, about 24 in number, lie at conſiderable diſtances from the river. From the mines, the coals are ſent to the places of lading in large unwieldy carriages or waggons, of the form of a common mill-hopper, carried on four wheels of iron, the fellies or rims of which are hollow, ſo as to run upon ſtrings of wood adapted thereto, with which the roads are laid. By this means, theſe carriages on an eaſy deſcent run without horſes, and ſometimes with that rapidity, that a piece of wood, called a tiller, is obliged to be applied to one wheel, and preſſed thereon by the weight of the at⯑tendant who ſits on it, to retard the motion: by the friction of which frequently the tiller and ſometimes the carriage is ſet on fire.

In the courſe of the year 1775, 697, 608 chaldrons of coals were im⯑ported in the port of London from Newcaſtle, and Sunderland on the the river Wear, in the county of Durham; which is 37,237 chaldrons more than the year 1773, and 77,237 chaldrons more than in the year 1774. In the year 1776, 600,000 chaldrons were imported at London.^*

In 1775, 4773 ſhips were cleared at the Cuſtom-houſe of Newcaſtle; of which 4343 were coaſtways, and 430 for foreign parts; being upon the whole 270 leſs than in the year 1774.^† The cuſtoms for coal ex⯑ported on an average amount to 40,000l. or thereabouts annually, ex⯑cluſive [418] of 1s. a chaldron paid to the Duke of Richmond for coals ſent coaſtways, which brings in a yearly income of 15,000l. or more.

The revenue of the Corporation, which they poſſeſs in their own right, is ſaid to exceed 8000l. a year. The allowance to the Mayor during his year is very ample,^* a manſion-houſe furniſhed and ſervants, a ſtate coach, with the expences of entertaining the Judges of Aſſize on the circuit. The Sheriff has alſo an allowance for his public enter⯑tainments. The receipts of the Corporation in the year 1774, were 20,360l. 9s. 8d. and their diſburſements 19,445l.^† The inhabitants of Newcaſtle and Gateſhead are computed to exceed 30,000.

We find here a remarkable provincial dialect and a guttural pro⯑nunciation, in which words containing the letter R are articulated with difficulty. This ſeems to be derived from the Danes. In a degree, the ſame guttural pronunciation takes place through all Northumberland.

Newcaſtle was the ſeat of many remarkable occurrences and events. On the incurſion made by David I. King of Scotland, A. D. 1135. in the reign of King Stephen, he took Newcaſtle, and obliged the inhabi⯑tants to ſwear allegiance to the Empreſs Maude as their Queen. David having made this place his head quarters, remained there till a truce was entered into with King Stephen, who lay with his army at Dur⯑ham.

On the reſtitution of Newcaſtle to the Crown of England, King Henry II. confirmed to the burgeſſes and inhabitants their eſtates, and granted them an exemption from tolls and duties.

[419]King John and William the Lion King of Scotland, about the year 1209, met at Newcaſtle, and held a conference. The Scotch King lay ill here for a conſiderable time.

In 1235 or 1236, the King of England and Alexander King of Scot⯑land had a conference at Newcaſtle, on the demand made by the Scotch King for reſtitution of Northumberland, Weſtmoreland, and Cumber⯑land. The Queen of Scotland alſo was preſent.—Chron. Mailroſs.

In the year 1244, King Henry III. aſſembled a great army and marched to Newcaſtle, whilſt the King of Scotland marched to Ponte⯑land. There were 5000 horſe among the Engliſh troops finely armed. In the Scotch army were 1000 horſe with armour of iron or network, to which were added 100,000 foot; but no engagement enſued, as Alex⯑ander, who before had denied King Henry's ſupremacy, now ſubmitted to acknowledge Henry as his liege Lord, and agreed to bind himſelf not to enter into any league with any of the enemies of the King of England.

In the year 1251, Newcaſtle had its firſt Mayor, Petrus Scott, Knt.

In 1276, on the eve of St. Nicholas, great earthquakes were felt here, accompanied with dreadful lightnings and thunders, the appear⯑ance of a fiery dragon in the heavens, and a blazing ſtar.

In the year 1292, after the Regency of Scotland was diſſolved, Baliol ſwore fealty to King Edward I. in the caſtle of Norham, in the pre⯑ſence of many of the Nobility of both nations. The next day the royal commiſſion was iſſued, directing John St. John to place Baliol in the royal chair at Scone, according to the ancient mode of inauguration of the Kings of Scotland: in which duty St. John repreſented Duncan Earl of Fife, then a minor, whoſe hereditary office it was gained by his anceſtors for their diſtinguiſhed ſervices. This ceremony was ſoon after performed on St. Andrew's day; after which Baliol paſſing into England, did homage to King Edward on Chriſtmas day at Newcaſtle, in the hall of the caſtle.

In the year 1296, an open rupture taking place between the two kingdoms, the Scots profeſſing to throw off the Engliſh yoke, King Edward appointed the 1ſt day of March for his rendezvous at New⯑caſtle, [420] and was there on that day, accompanied by his Nobles and an army of 30,000 foot and 4000 heavy armed horſemen, beſides the ſmall army belonging to the Biſhop of Durham, conſiſting of 1000 foot and 500 horſe.

In the year 1298, the Engliſh army was ordered to muſter at New⯑caſtle, to proceed againſt the Scotch, when there aſſembled 2000 heavy armed horſemen, 1200 light horſe, and above 100,000 foot.

In the beginning of May 1312, King Edward II. being at Newcaſtle with his favourite Gaveſton; Lancaſter, the Lords H. Percy and Robert Clifford, in aſſociation with many other Nobles, accompanied by nu⯑merous attendants, came by ſurprize upon them, intending to take the devoted Minion even from the embraces of the Sovereign; but they made their eſcape to Tynemouth, and from thence by ſea to Scar⯑brough, where Gaveſton being left by the King as in a place of the utmoſt ſecurity, he was beſieged by Lord Pembroke and others, and obliged to ſurrender upon ſtipulated terms: but Lancaſter, Hereford, and Arundel, the heads of the junto, not approving of the ſubmiſſion Lord Pembroke had accepted, they ſeized Gaveſton, and put him to death as a traitor.^*

The whole militia of England, by advice of a parliament held at Lincoln, were ordered to rendezvous at Newcaſtle, 8 King Edward II. 1315, in order to proceed on a Scotch expedition: every village in the kingdom ſent one ſtout man with armour and travelling money, as alſo wages at 4d. per day, during the ſervice.

Bourne, in a note to the year 1317, ſays, ‘there was a grievous fa⯑mine and mortality, inſomuch that the quick could hardly bury the dead; and a great corruption of cattle and graſs. Some eat the fleſh of their own children; and thieves in priſon devoured thoſe that were newly brought in, and greedily eat them half alive.’

In the year 1319, King Edward having ſuſtained the moſt diſgraceful defeats and diſappointments in Scotland, a congreſs of Commiſſioners [421] was agreed to be held at Newcaſtle on the 6th of December, when a truce for two years was concluded.^*

A congreſs was held here at Candlemas 1320, in order to eſtabliſh the terms of reconciliation between the nations. Beſides the conſerva⯑tors of the truce for England and Scotland, there were preſent, as aids and mediators, two Envoys from Philip King of France, and two Nuncios from the Holy See: but each party inſiſting on rigorous articles, the congreſs broke up without effecting any thing.

In October 1322, King Edward II. was at Newcaſtle, where he ren⯑dezvouſed a great army, and therewith marched from thence to relieve Norham Caſtle, that was then beſieged by the forces of King Robert Bruce: but the country being naked, and the Scotch having driven their cattle and flocks into the mountains and ſtrongholds, King Edward in his progreſs into Scotland loſt many men by famine.^†

A peace was concluded upon here between England and Scotland in the year 1323, by the Commiſſioners of King Edward II. and King David Bruce for 13 years. Among the Engliſh Commiſſioners were Adomar Earl of Pembroke, and Hugh de Spencer, Lord High Cham⯑berlain. Among thoſe from Scotland, the Biſhop of St. Andrew's, and the Earl of Murray.

In 1327, Nov. 20th, the Commiſſioners of both nations met at New⯑caſtle, and concluding a truce, ſuch preliminaries for a ſettled peace were agreed upon, as were deemed worthy a parliamentary conſidera⯑tion; and accordingly a parliament was ſummoned to aſſemble at York at Candlemas following, in which was given the memorable recognition of the right of Robert Bruce and his heirs to the Crown of Scotland, and the renunciation of all claim and right to the dominion or ſove⯑reignty of the kingdom by King Edward III. and his ſucceſſors Kings of England, and that the ſaid kingdom ſhould be held for ever divided and diſtinct from the kingdom of England, and in all reſpects inde⯑pent of it; and to that end, all writings and evidences to the contrary ſhould be deemed null and void: and on the part of King Robert Bruce, 20,000l. was ſtipulated to be paid by Scotland, in three yearly pay⯑ments, to King Edward's officers at Tweedmouth.

[422]In 1328, King Edward III. remitted to the Burgeſſes of Newcaſtle all debts and arrears due to him or his progenitors.^*

King Edward III. having placed Edward Baliol on the throne of Scotland, kept his Whitſuntide, A. D. 1334, at Newcaſtle, with great ſplendour and magnificence. In the month of June, in quality of So⯑vereign Lord of Scotland, he received there, in a public and ſolemn manner, the fealty and homage of the Scotch King: at the ſame time Baliol ceded to him large Scotch territories, in ſatisfaction of the ex⯑pences ſuſtained in reſtoring the Crown to him, as its hereditary claim⯑ant. By the following paſſage in Lel. Col. vol. I. p. 469, it appears that greater ceſſions were made by Baliol: ‘And this Edwarde Baillol condeſcendid with Eduarde King of England, after that he had done the accuſtomid ſervices, that if he died without heyres, the realme of Scotlande ſhould remayne to King Edwarde of England and his heyres for ever. And this pact was made at Newcaſtle upon Tyne.’

Through the interpoſition of the King of France, Edward conſented to a truce with David Bruce's party, who had oppoſed Edward Baliol; on the expiration of which, about Midſummer 1335, both Kings held their rendezvous at Newcaſtle with a powerful army, preparatory to their entry into Scotland.

In the year 1336, King Edward met the Scotch Delegates at New⯑caſtle, when he acceded to propoſals made by the Pope's Nuncio, for a further time of truce.

In 1341, it was granted, that no goods be ſold until a plank be laid to the ſhip, on forfeiture of the goods.

In 1342, David King of Scots having committed horrid ravages on his march through Northumberland, came before Newcaſtle with a powerful army, amounting in numbers, as ſome authors inſiſt, to 60,000 foot and 3000 horſe. John Lord Nevil, who commanded in the caſtle, made a ſally with 200 choſen lancemen, who entering the Scotch camp, ſurprized the Earl of Murray, one of the chief in command, in bed, and dragged him forth naked, returning to the caſtle with their pri⯑ſoner [423] and much booty, not having loſt one man. The Scotch enraged at the diſgrace, began a fierce but irregular attack, and were repulſed with great ſlaughter. The bravery of the garriſon induced David to raiſe the ſiege and march towards Durham, which city he took by ſtorm, and with the moſt ſavage barbarity put the inhabitants to the ſword, without diſtinction of age, ſex, or condition.^*

In 1346, Newcaſtle furniſhed 17 ſhips and 314 mariners for the ſiege of Calais: a force ſuperior to that provided by any northern port in England but Yarmouth; which ſhews the power and conſequence of this place in ſo early an aera. In King Edward the Second's time there was an order of the King and Council for a ſtaple here.^†

In 1353, Commiſſioners met at Newcaſtle for the deliverance of David King of Scotland on Ranſom. The Delegates for England were the Biſhop of Durham, William de Bohun Earl of Northampton and Con⯑ſtable of England, Gilbert de Umfreyvill, Earl of Angus, the Lords de Percy and de Nevill, William Baron of Greyſtock, and Henry le Scroop. For Scotland, the Biſhop of St. Andrew's and Brechin, Patric of Dunbar Earl of the March of Scotland, the Abbot of Dumfermelin, and Walter de Moffet Archdeacon of Leoneſſe.^‡

In 1353, King Edward III. in his rout to Scotland kept his Chriſtmas at Newcaſtle.

In 1363, there happened a froſt which continued from the middle of September to the month of April.

In 1390, licence was granted to the Mayor and his ſucceſſors to have a ſword borne before them.

Froiſard ſpeaks of a remarkable rencounter near Newcaſtle, in the 11th year of the reign of King Richard II. ‘The Scots having invaded England, and being come into the Biſhoprick of Durham, the Earl of Northumberland ſent his two ſons, viz. Sir Henry and Sir Ralph, to Newcaſtle, to which place the county were appointed to come: where⯑upon enſued ſeveral light ſkirmiſhes betwixt the Engliſh and them, [424] and many proper feats of arms done. Amongſt others there fought hand to hand the Earl Douglas and Sir Henry Percy; and by force of arms the Earl won Sir Henry's penon. Whereupon Sir Henry and all the Engliſh were ſore diſpleaſed; the Earl ſaying to him, Sir, I ſhall bear this token of your proweſs into Scotland, and ſhall ſet it on high on my caſtle of Alqueſt, that it may be ſeen afar off: which ſo provoked the Percys, that after divers bold adventures againſt the Scotch forces, at length they obtained the victory, and ſlew the Earl James Douglas; but Sir Ralph Percy was therein wounded and taken priſoner by a Scotch Knight.^* And after this, in another encounter, this Sir Henry Percy, fighting valiantly with the Lord Mountcumber, a ſtout Knight of Scotland, was by him taken priſoner.’

In 1415, the head of Sir Thomas Grey of Werk was placed on one of the gates of Newcaſtle; he was a conſpirator againſt the life of the King, with the Earl of Cambridge and Lord Scroop.

In the year 1451, Plenipotentiaries from King Henry VI. and King James II. of Scotland, met at Newcaſtle and concluded a truce for three years. They put their ſeals to the inſtrument in the church of St. Nicholas. The time of truce was enlarged A. D. 1459, by Commiſſioners who met at Newcaſtle for that purpoſe: and in the reign of King Edward IV. 1465, the time was again enlarged, and through a friendly intercourſe which took place between the Engliſh King and the Scotch Regency, a peace was ſoon afterwards eſtabliſhed.

1ſt May, 1460, James Butler Earl of Wilts and Ormond, taken pri⯑ſoner by Richard Salkeld, Eſq after Towton battle, a firm Lancaſtrian, was beheaded at Newcaſtle.^†

In the year 1544, Edw. Seymore Earl of Hertford, ſent by King Henry VIII. to execute his vengeance on the Scotch, embarked 10,000 men from this port in 200 ſhips, and ſailed into the Firth. In this expedition the city of Edinburgh, with Leith and Dunbar, and many other conſiderable places, were pillaged and burnt.

[425]The army under the command of the Duke of Somerſet, muſtered at Newcaſtle in the year 1547, in order to their advancing againſt Scotland.

By an act of parliament paſſed in the 7th year of King Edward VI. 1553, it was enacted, that in Newcaſtle there ſhould be no greater num⯑ber than four taverns or wine ſellers to ſell or utter wine by retail.

In Strype's Annals, vol. 4. p. 306, No. CCXXIII, is the following article.

‘Matthew Archbiſhop of York and the reſt of the Councel in the north to Lord Treaſurer Burleigh.’

‘The Juſtices of Aſſizes have adjourned the aſſizes and jayl delivery for the counties of Dureſme and Northumberland, in regard of the great infection of the plague in thoſe counties, eſpecially in and about Dureſme and Newcaſtle. For which reſpect likewiſe we have ad⯑journed all cauſes depending before this Councel, between ſuch par⯑ties as are inhabiting within thoſe counties, until the ſitting after Michaelmas, before which time we hope the ſickneſs will ſtay. And ſo beſeeching God to bleſs your Lordſhip with his manifold graces, we humbly take our leaves. At York this 6th day of July 1597.’ Signed by the Archbiſhop Charles Hales and Jo. Fuerne.

King James I. on the 9th of April 1603, entered Newcaſtle in his progreſs to the capital, and remained three days there. He granted the Burgeſſes a confirmatory charter by letters patent dated 31 March, 1604.

In the time of King Charles I. A. D. 1643, Newcaſtle ſuſtained a ſiege, the Scotch advancing againſt it under the command of Leſley, who dividing the forces, attacked it vigorouſly on two ſides at once. The Marquis of Newcaſtle, then Governor for the King, maintained the place, though the enemy gained part of the outworks; and ſome un⯑fortunate ſallies were made. In the ſucceeding year the Scots took it by ſtorm. Sir John Merlay then Mayor retired to the caſtle with about 500 men, which he held till terms of capitulation were obtained. The inhabitants ſaved the town from being plundered by payment of a large ſum of money. The Parliament disfranchiſed the body corporate, and ordered the Mayor to be tried by a court martial. Sir Henry An⯑derſon, [426] one of the Repreſentatives in Parliament, was expelled the Houſe for joining the royal army. The town at the time of theſe ca⯑lamities, was alſo viſited by the plague.

In the year 1646, the King came from Lumley Caſtle, in the county of Durham, and put himſelf under the protection of the Scotch General Leven.^* Whilſt they remained at Newcaſtle they raiſed a ſubſidy from the adjoining country, amounting to 8000l. a month before the King's arrival, and 9000l. a month after: which was obtained under the threats of military execution in caſe of default.

Theſe men from whom the King ſought protection, ſold him for a trifling ſum, though it was the price of their eternal infamy.

Many inſtances not mentioned here, occur in hiſtory, which ſhew the importance of Newcaſtle; as a place for convention, the rendezvous of large armies, and the reſort of the Monarchs of both nations, their Envoys and Plenipotentiaries, when treaties were held between the two kingdoms.

In the reign of King Henry III. A. D. 1249, the town ſuffered greatly by fire. It ſuſtained a great loſs, by a ſudden inundation of the river Tyne, in the reign of King Edward III. when 120 perſons were drowned. In the year 1771, it again ſuffered by an inundation; when four of the arches of the bridge were deſtroyed, with 22 houſes, and ſix of the inhabitants.^† One of the houſes remained for ſome time, ſuſpended in an amazing manner, over a dreadful chaſm, ſuſtained by the compact⯑neſs of its materials and its timber; and clinging by a ſmall part of its foundation, on one of the piers, from which the arch was broken down. [427] From thence the miſerable inhabitants looked on the raging waters and the horrid ruins with diſtraction, and ſent forth cries of deſpair to mul⯑titudes [428] of ſpectators, who could not lend them aid. At length the fatal moment arrived that cloſed the tremendous ſpectacle; the houſe with its inhabitants ſunk, and were ſwallowed up in the deſtructive torrent.

The ancient bridge was of wood and in the 33d year of the reign of King Henry III. was deſtroyed by fire. The late bridge was con⯑ſtructed of ſtone, and conſiſted of 12 arches; three of which on the north were cloſed up and uſed as cellars. It was built about 500 years ago, Walter Kirkham,^* Biſhop of Durham, being a great contributor thereto.^† It was crowded with buildings. Near the middle was a tower with an iron gate, which the Corporation uſed as a town priſon. This tower was of conſiderable ſervice ſome years ago, in preventing the further communication of a fire which conſumed many houſes ad⯑joining it. At the ſouth end was formerly another tower and a draw-bridge. A blue ſtone near the middle of the bridge denoted the boun⯑dary of the town's liberty, the ſouthern end of the bridge appertaining to the See of Durham. In the year 1416, a claim of the Corporation to the whole bridge occaſioned a ſuit, in which the right of the Biſhop of Durham to the ſouthern part was eſtabliſhed. Thomas Ruthal, Biſhop of Durham in the reign of King Henry VII. repaired the ſouthern part.^‡

A ſtrong building croſſed the bridge, which was uſed as a magazine for the town. On the ſouth front was an elegant ſtatue of King Cha. II. [429] with this motto, Adventus Regis, Solamen Gregis. There was an open⯑ing in the battlements of the bridge railed with iron, for the conveni⯑ence of paſſengers to look upon the river and ſhipping: Mr Bourne re⯑lates a ſtory, that from thence one Anderſon, an Alderman, dropt his ſignet ring into the river; that ſome time afterwards his own ſervant having bought a ſalmon for his table, in opening the fiſh the ring was found in its intrails, and was in his days in the cuſtody of a deſcendant of Mr Anderſon. Herodotus gives an account of a ſimilar circumſtance happening to Polycrates King of Samos, who was called the favourite of Fortune.

On the 20th of June 1770, the workmen began to pull down the weſt end of St. Thomas's chapel, in order to open the paſſage to the bridge.

In the inundation 11th Nov. 1771, the water was ſuppoſed to be at its height about ſeven in the morning, and to have riſen upwards of 12 feet above high water mark in ſpring tides. From Tyne Head, in Aldſton Moor, to Shields, was a continued ſcene of horror and devaſ⯑tation.

An act of parliament paſſed 3d June 1772, to enable the Biſhop of Durham and his ſucceſſors to raiſe a competent ſum of money, to be applied for the repairing, improving, or rebuilding ſuch part of Tyne Bridge as belongs to the See of Durham.

On the 10th June 1772, one Stephenſon contracted to build a tem⯑porary bridge over the Tyne in four months time, under a great pe⯑nalty; which was performed.

On Tueſday 25th April 1775, the firſt ſtone of the ſouth pier of the new bridge, within the boundaries of this Corporation, was laid by Sir Matthew White Ridley, Mayor.

From the evidence of the ancient name of Pons Aelii and the Roman road from Cheſter leading thereto, it is conjectured that the Romans had a bridge here.

Mr Pennant is of opinion, ‘that part of the Roman bridge remained till the late inundation; for from the obſervation of workmen upon the old piers, thoſe as well as the piers of the bridge at Bywell, ſeem originally to have been formed without any ſprings for arches. This [430] was a manner of building uſed by the Romans, witneſs the bridge built over the Danube by Trajan at Severin, whoſe piers (he believes) ſtill exiſt. Adrian was probably the founder of the bridge at New⯑caſtle, which was called after his family name Pons Aelii, in the ſame manner as Jeruſalem was ſtyled Elia Capitolina, and the games he inſtituted at Pincum in Maeſia, Aeliana Pincenſia. The coins diſco⯑vered on pulling down ſome of the piers in 1774, confirm my opinion. Several were diſcovered, but only three or four reſcued from the hands of the workmen. All of them are coins poſterior to the time of Adrian, probably depoſited there in ſome later repairs. One of them is a beautiful Fauſtina the Elder after her deification. Her fore⯑head is bound with a ſmall tiara; her hair full, twiſted and dreſſed a la moderne; round is inſcribed Diva Fauſtina. On the reverſe is Ceres, with a torch in one hand and ears of corn in the other. The inſcription Auguſta S. C.’

‘The next has the laureated head of Antoninus Pius. On the reverſe Apollo, with a patera in one hand and a plectrum in the other; the le⯑gend ſo much defaced as to be illegible.’

‘The third is Lucius Verus (like that of Fauſtina after conſecration). On the reverſe is a magnificent funeral pile, and the word Conſecratio. S. C.’

Within a little diſtance from Newcaſtle lies

JESMOND,^*

an ancient Hoſpital, with a chapel appertaining to it, dedicated to the Virgin Mary. King Edward VI. granted this place to the Corporation of Newcaſtle, who ſold it to Sir Robert Brandling. The hoſpital is now uſed as a dwelling-houſe, and the chapel is converted into a ſtable.

There was a well at Jeſmond, greatly reſorted to by perſons labour⯑ing under infirmities, for its ſalutary qualities. It had as many ſteps down to it as there are articles in the Creed. Many pilgrimages were made to Jeſmond, to viſit the ſhrine of the Virgin, and to partake of the miraculous virtues of the ſanctified ſpring. The ſuperſtition of paying reverence to ſalubrious ſprings, ſeems to be derived from the Romans.

[431]In the firſt year of the reign of King Henry VIII. a mob headed by ſeveral of the Aldermen and principal inhabitants of Newcaſtle, aſſem⯑bled here with intent to ſlay the Prior of Tinemouth. The cauſe of this outrage my author doth not mention.^*

From the ſame authority it appears, that ſoon after Jeſmond became the property of Mr Coulſon, he encloſed the well, and converted it into a bath; but in a ſhort time the water forſook the well, which a⯑larmed the ſuperſtitious much. But whilſt the cry againſt this pro⯑fanation was warmeſt, the waters returned, and the miracle was waſhed away.

ELSWICK

is about a mile weſt from Newcaſtle, the ſeat of John Hodgſon, Eſq formerly part of the poſſeſſions of the manaſtery of Tynemouth. Soon after the diſſolution it came by purchaſe to the family of Jenniſons, whoſe property it was for ſome generations. It is an old houſe, but has an excellent ſituation, commanding a fine proſpect to the eaſt and ſouth. The eaſtern proſpect comprehends, among other objects, Newcaſtle and Gateſhead: the ſouthern, the rich borders of Tyne, the vales of Lameſley, and the caſtles of Ravenſworth and Lumley, in the county of Durham.