A Short View OF The preſent State OF THE Proteſtant Religion in BRITAIN, &c,

I Always obſerved in ſuch Caſes as this, the only way to come at a Clear Underſtanding of Par⯑ticulars, was to go back to their Generals, to ſearch the Original of things, and ſee from thence not how they are repreſented, but how they really are in their meer Nature, and Native Circum⯑ſtances.

In doing this, I ſhall ſtudy as much as in me lies, to give no Offence to any body, nor concern my ſelf with any thing, however warmly ſaid on that Head, but to my utmoſt, keep cloſs to impartial Truth in Fact, and give my own thoughts as calmly as I can.

Perhaps the Hiſtorical part may be counted ſuper⯑ficial, and I am content it be ſo; no body can expect a ſuccinct Hiſtory of Religion in three Sheets of Paper, nor ſhall I, remote as I am from Books, Vouchers, and Perſons, enter into many Quotations, deſigning no [4] other Hiſtory of theſe Affairs; but what every Mans Memory may reflect on, or by very ſhort reading, be informed about.

I have no room to ſpare for Apologies; As I in⯑tend no Offence to any one, ſo I hope, no Man will take Offence at me, miſconſtrue my Meaning, or cavil at Miſtakes in the manner—. If they do, if they will raiſe Strife from what is deſign'd for Peace, the Strife ſhall be theirs, the Peace ſhall be mine; and to all falſe or railing Accuſations, I anſwer in the words of the Text, in the 9th. Verſe of the Epiſtle of Jude, and no more.

In the beginning of the Fifteenth Century, this whole Iſland was under the intire abſolute Dominion of Po⯑pery; Rulers and People too much united in following after Vanity and Idols, and very ſmall faint Gli⯑merings of the Glorious Reſurrection of Truth were then only to be ſeen.

Henry VII. reigning in England, and James IV. in Scotland, had nothing in them inclining to an Altera⯑tion of Religion, but ſupinely ſlept—under the in⯑vincible Operation of the Roman Opiat: Prieſt Craft, and the Pomp of Religion had dozvd Man-kind, and that Glorious Light which the Spirit of GOD, by the Preaching of the Apoſtles, had ſpread thro' the World, ſeem'd ſo overclouded with the Univerſal Vail of Su⯑perſtition, and vile Traditional Performances, that it look'd as if the General Diſpenſation was at End, the Church of GOD compleated, and the World given up to Original Blindneſs.

I would not be miſunderſtood here, as if there were no Appearances in Particular Places and Perſons of a true Light; For God has never left the Church quite de⯑ſolate: And I know what has been alledged of the Wal⯑denſes, Albigenſes, and other ſuffering Chriſtians—. But I deſire to be taken as I mean, that a General and dreadful Darkneſs had at that Time overſpread the World, all the Potentates of Europe bowed at the Feet [5] of Baal; and the Romiſh Pontiff executed a Tyran⯑nick Power without Controul, if there were any Pro⯑feſſors of Truth, they behooved to be Confeſſors alſo; and what Light appear'd, tho it was received with Love, it was a Gueſt that brought certain Death with it—: Indeed the wonderful Power of the inviſible irreſiſtable Grace of GOD was in nothing more conſpicuous, than in furniſhing almoſt all to whom he revealed his Truth, with ſuch a Love to it, Zeal for it, and Reſolution in it, that Perſecution and Martyrdom were but meer Agents in the Propagation of Truth; and Sanguis Martyrum was at that time more than ever prov'd to be Semen Eccleſiae.

In this ſuffering poſture the Affairs of the Church ſtood at the coming of Henry VIII. to the Crown of England; the firſt part of his Reign gave little Hopes to any that a Reformation could have its Riſe in a Prince who com⯑mitted the Famous John Lambert to the Fire, and appear⯑ed qualified to be the moſt Famous Perſecutor of Gods Church that ever was in the World, being in his Conduct Politick, in his Nature cholerick and cruel, in his Go⯑vernment Tyrannical, and in his Religion nothing at all, but—what was guided by his Ambition and In⯑tereſt.

But behold how the Divine Power is magnified, in making his Enemies deſtroy themſelves; Pride, Am⯑bition, Covetouſneſs, and the Wrath of Man in this day, brought to paſs the Glorious and determined Deſigns of God, and the Conſuſions and Extravagancies of the World aſſiſted to open the Eyes of ſuch whoſe Hearts God at the ſame time had touch't with His Grace; and now the Great Light of Truth began to break out be⯑tween the Clouds, and by wonderful and various ſteps of Providence, too long to relate, All the Miſts of Dark⯑neſs, Ignorance and Superſtition fled away, and Truth in its Native Luſtre ſhone over theſe Parts of the World.

For now Luther had broke in upon Error in Gorma⯑ny; like a Torrent the Kings of the Earth began to hate [6] the Whore; and all the Northern Part of Europe fell off from Idolatry, both Princes and People.

The various Turns in England under Henry VIII. a⯑bout the Article of Divorce, the Regale, and other things, widned a Breach between him and the Pope; and thoſe lucid Intervals gave ſuch breathings to the Reformed Religion, that it advanc't exceedingly, till even in his Reign, it crept into, firſt his Cabinet, and then his bed.

In this Criſi [...], he ſtrook the two great Preliminary Strokes at the Root of Popery, in which, tho I ſee no Ground to ſuggeſt, he had any Religious aim, yet Pro⯑vidence, who acted him as the Inſtrument, without giving him the Principle, brought to paſs the End by the involuntary Agency of what Means he thought ſit.

Theſe two Blows at Popery, which I call prelimina⯑rys, were caſting off the Popes Supremacy, and over⯑turning theſe Seminaries of Filthineſs and. Superſtition, the Abbeys and Monaſteries.

And here any Body may ſee the Reaſon of my going thus far back in this Account, and which per⯑haps they might begin to think impertinent to my purpoſe. But the Caſe is this, Had King Henry's Zeal been for Retormation indeed, or rather had he not been acted by Pride in one, and Avarice in the other, that Step had been taken another way, which if it had, the Snares that have follow'd, had been perhaps pre⯑vented. I explain my ſelf thus.

Had Henry VIII. been Enlightned by a true Know⯑ledge, in proportion to his Circumſtance, had his Fury been a Religious Zeal—, had he been acted by the Chri⯑ſtian, not the Monarch, when he pull'd down the Su⯑premacy of the Pope, he had erected the true Goſpel Supremacy of Chriſt Jeſus, and in this unhappy Mi⯑ſtake, has been found all the brooding Snakes of Eccle⯑ſiaſtick Tyranny, which this part of the World has been plagued with ever ſince.

I'll repeat it another way yet plainer, I hope I ſhall be excuſed the Tautology.

[7] Henry VIII, A meer Tyrant, a Man of no Religion in his inſide, and but very little in the outſide; for the Tyrant was too rampant in him, to ſuffer him to be a Hypocrite, when he pull'd down the Supremacy of the Pope, immediately ſet up his own; this was, I ſay, only dethroning one Devil to ſet up another; however, the Church was yet Popiſh, the Reformation young, and the Heads of the Reformers were glad to lay hold of this Handle to pull down what they really ſtruggled with, as Tyrannical; not foreſeeing that the Tyranny ſtill remained, tho the Maſters were chang'd, or that this Monſter call'd the temporal Supremacy, was big with future Miſchiefs, which ge⯑nerating from one another, would ſtill bring the Church of God into, at leaſt, unſcriptural Bondage.

But let no Man read this with Prejudice at the Good Men who were the Agents, who in the ſimplicity of their Souls, did this, and by it laid the Ax effectually to the Root of Religious Subjection; and the impious Ambition of the Church of Rome: If God Almighty for our Sins, and partly for Puniſhment, ſuffered yet this Canaanite to remain in the Bowels of the Reformati⯑on, without doubt he had his Divine Ends in it, which I ſhall not preſume to enquire into.

On this Foundation has however been built, that un⯑happy Structure of Diviſion, which has made ſuch Chaſms in Gods Church, broke in ſo much upon our Charity, and fatally upon our more perfect Re⯑formation, even to this Day.

For the Supremacy in Matters Eccleſiaſtical, being reſolved in the King, began to produce ſtrange Effects, and ſome Martyrs, as they call them, on the Romiſh ſide died for denying it, ſuch as Sir Thomas Moor, Biſhop Fiſher and others, as in Burnets Hiſtory of the Reformation, Vol. 1. may be ſeen at large.

I ſhall touch at ſome of the Evils, that ſetting this Dignity on the head of the Temporal Prince brought [8] with it, and theſe were two. Firſt, That in Matters indifferent in themſelves, the Command of the Civil Magiſtrate, has Power to determine us, and make thoſe indifferent things neceſſary, and hereon is built all our Ceremonial, that has ſince cauſed ſuch Diviſi⯑on in the Proteſtant Churches here. And, Secondly, This I give as the Reaſon, or rather the Occaſion, that our Engliſh Church reformed into Epiſcopacy, and a Pompous Hierarchy, rather than a Calviniſtical Pa⯑rity.

This is what we mean by the Regale, which of courſe brought the Pontificate along with it, and in this Scotland had the Advantage of England; for that the Reformation in Scotland being not in the Direction of the Prince, but rather in Oppoſition to the Regent the Queen Mother, the Pomp, the Magnificence, and the outſide of the Matter loſt all the Reverence it had in the Court of Princes, where it ſeem'd to be Carreſs't from ſome ſuitableneſs between them in Matters of Dominion.

'Tis true, Queen Mary reſign'd this Authority to the Pope, and Queen Elizabeth was not very haſty in re⯑ſuming it again, as 'tis plain from Burnet's Hiſtory of the Reformation.

The Church of England, tho' firſt Reform'd, being under the Reign of a Young King, he was eaſily prevail'd with to form the Model of Church Government in this man⯑ner, as having his Eye more at the main Point, viz. The rooting out of Idolatry and Superſtition, but had not yet had the Epiſcopal Hierarchy debated, or its Scriptural Authority call'd in Queſtion.

As to Queen Elizabeth, ſhe rather went back in the Reformation of Ceremonies, than foreward in deſtroy⯑ing them; for which two Reaſons are aſſign'd by the Writers of that Age.

1ſt. Policy, That by the preſerving ſome ſunilitude to the old Rites, ſhe might, if poſſible, bring the Papiſts to comply with her way, and ſo prevent a Diviſion.

[9] 2. Her natural Gayneſs of Temper, which enclin'd her to be much in Love with the Pomp and Shows of Religion.

In King James the firſt, a new and unheard of Do⯑ctrine ſtarted into the World, found firſt in the Heads of his Flatterers, That Kings were immediatly clothed with their Power from above, that they Governed Jure Di⯑vino, and conſequently muſt be obeyed as Gods Ordi⯑nance, and without any Controul.

I ſhall not run into the dark Particulars of that wretched Doctrine, nor the Miſchiefs it brought upon both Nations; but having aſſign'd the proper Original, both of Prelacy and Ceremonies, the two great things now debated, I ſhall proceed to examine what has been the Conſequence of theſe things in theſe Kingdoms.

And Firſt, I muſt own they brought immediat Con⯑tention into the Reformed Churches, and afterwards all the Diviſions, Schiſms ſome call them, and Debates that have been in the World, ſince their Foundation.

There were indeed early Differences in the Refor⯑med Churches in England, and Biſhop Hooper, and Biſhop Ridly cont [...]ded a little too warmly on both ſides, till Affliction and Suffering taught both of them more Charity; and when they came both to die for the Eſſentials of Religion, it taught them to own, the Root of Religion might be ſound, where the Bloſſom had not the ſame flagrance; that the Faith, Hope, Love, and other Chriſtian Graces might be preſerved, where they differed in the Circumſtances.

However, I believe no man will Diſpute with me, that the very Biſhops themſelves in thoſe Times were Good Men; of Holy and Blameleſs Lives, ſound and wholſome Doctrine; conſtant and Labo⯑rious in Preaching, of firm and unſhaken Faith, of invincible Fortitude in the Cauſe of Chriſt, and ſealed the Reformation with their Blood; and tho I am as far from Epiſcopacy in my Opinion as any man in Scotland, [10] yet I muſt do Juſtice; theſe were Biſhops, of whom five beſides Arch-Deacon Philpot, paſt the Fiery Trial, and laid down their Lives in the Glorious Cauſe of Re⯑ligion.

Theſe were not dumb Dogs, but Zealous Teachers of the Good People, and having taught Chriſt firſt, they died for him afterwards: A thing eaſier to talk of than to do.

In Queen Elizabeth's Time, the Regale and Pontificat continuing ſtill in the Church, Biſhops and Ceremonies, reſerv'd their Legal Sanction or Confirmation rather; but as the World began to encreaſe in Knowledge, and Light ſpread it ſelf further than uſual; ſo People began to be much out of Love with the Pomp of Service, as with a thing remote from the true Inſtitution of the Goſpel; and tho ſeveral Acts of Parliament were made againſt them, yet their Number increaſed every Day; the Queen indeed proceeded very ſeverely with them, to reclaim them: And King James, tho bred up under another kind of Church Government himſelf, carryed it yet higher.

But as force never yet could be effectual over Religi⯑on; ſo all theſe Proceedings ſerv'd but to make the perſecuted People encreaſe.

Their Original, and I muſt own, I think a moſt juſt Ob⯑jection was, that the Church required a yet farther Refor⯑mation, that it was their Duty to ſerve God in the way which was moſt agreeable to the Scriptures, and they having diſliked ſeveral things in the Ceremonies and Liturgy of the Church of England, preſſed for a greater Purity of Worſhip: Hence they were called PURI⯑TANS.

The Holineſs and Blameleſsneſs of their Lives, the inoffenſiveneſs of their Behaviour to all Perſons, and the General Character they had, was ſuch, that the Name firſt given them in Deriſion, was afterwards in great Honour, both at home, and eſpecially among the Proteſtant Churches Abroad; and Eraſmus, who [11] was in England at that time, and converſt with them; gave his Opinion of them in this noble Expreſſion, Sit anima mea cum Puritannis Anglicanis.

Yet even theſe Puritans, than whom Europe never ſhew'd better Chriſtians, remain'd in the Communion of the Church of England, and in Subjection to Epiſcopacy.

The Reaſon they gave for it was, that tho they could not join in many things of their Worſhip, yet they thought it their Duty not to ſeparate, and make a Breach or Schiſm in the Church.

Note, for I deſire to be rightly underſtood, I do not ſay it was their Duty not to ſeparate, but they were convinc't of its being their Duty, and ſo it might become a Duty to them.

And that it was apparently thus, appear'd afterward, even that when their Kings put that abominable Book of Sports upon then, for which all the moſt Godly and Pious Miniſters were deprived; yet they did not ga⯑ther ſeparate Churches, they went about Preaching, Catechizing, and Inſtructing Private Families; but they neither Baptized nor adminiſtraed the Lords Supper, but their People Conform'd in that to the e⯑ſtabliſh't Church.

If 'tis enquir'd why I obſerve this, 'tis becauſe,

• 1. I would note with what Force and unwillingneſs the Diſſenters in England have been driven to be Diſſenters, and as it were, thruſt out of the Church.
• 2. Becauſe of alike backwardneſs to ſeparate, which appeared at the laſt juncture in 1661, which ſome Cenſure the Diſſenters, I think too ſeverely for.

But to return to the Puritans:

The Government being reſolved to puſh them upon all extremities, and put every thing upon them that they knew they would not comply with, an Opportuni⯑ty offered to try whether it was meerly for the ſake of Perſecution and Oppreſſion, that they were thus [12] uſed, or whether being really affraid of them, their General Abſence would ha' been grateful to them.

For the Diſcovery of a Planting in the North part of America, called New England, happening about this time, they Petition King James for Leave to go over and plant themſelves there—, which not to enter here into the Circumſtances of their Addreſs, or its Re⯑ception, tho the Hiſtory of it is very diverting, was granted them.

Immediately the whole Kingdom was in motion, and nothing was to be ſeen, but hiring Ships, packing up Goods, ſelling Eſtates, Jewels, Houſhold Stuff, and Equippages, as if the whole Nation was going to tranſplant.

The firſt Families that went, met with Terrible ſe⯑verity in [...]old, Famine, and Want of all things, particu⯑larly of Habitations in a barren uncultivated Wilder⯑neſs; but what will not People ſuffer for the Liberty of their Conſciences? not diſcouraged by the Diſtreſſes they went thro', they went on, and were followed by ſuch Multitudes, and with ſuch Wealth, that if I remember right above 19000 People were found to have gone over in a very few Years; and ſo generally were they bent u⯑pon it, that the Council had it ſeveral times under de⯑bate to ſtop them.

But King James dying, and the Confuſions of the next Reign coming on, the Civil Wars broke out, and the Power of the Parliament prevailing, the Princi⯑ple before mentioned, of Purity in Worſhip, obtained on the Nation, Epiſcopacy was wholly ſuppreſt, and a New form of Church Government erected.

This not only eſtabliſh't Liberty to all the Puritans, and put a ſtop to their flying Abroad, but the Scriptures with the Pattern of the Primitive Churches, being the Rule of their Eſtabliſhment, a General Aſſembly of Divines was call'd, who ſat at Weſtminſter—, what their proceedings were, how they entertain'd a Bro⯑therly Correſpondence with the Aſſembly in this Coun⯑trey, [13] how they unhappily divided again into different Opinions, the Conteſts about the Jus Divinum of Church Government, and of their manner in particu⯑lar; theſe are things too long to enter upon here, and ſomething Foreign to my Purpoſe alſo.

But to come as faſt as poſſible to the preſent Times, at the Reſtoration of the Monarchy in King Charles II. this whole Fabrick, ſo it ſeem'd good to the Almigh⯑ty, fell at once, and the Epiſcopal Hierarchy, Liturgy, Ceremonies, &c. were reſtored.

The King, whether ſincerely deſirous to unite his Subjects, in poſſible, or not, is needleſs to determine here, the Conſequence beſt explain'd his Meaning; but however, in pretence and outſide he called it, appoints a Conference at the Savoy, and granted a Commiſſion to certain on both ſides, to treat of an Accommodati⯑on of Differences.

The Miniſters gladly accept of this Conference, and principally being made to believe that Conceſſions be⯑ing made on their ſide, like Conceſſions would be made on the other, and it might be poſſible to prevent a Breach in the whole.

They then had ſeveral Meetings among themſelves, to conſider how far they might comply, and as they all thought it their Duty to go as far as poſſible: So the Latitude of ſome People went farther than others.

I ſhall not Juſtifie or condemn here, it is not my preſent Buſineſs; I ſhall readily own ſome Men went farther than any Body of the Diſſenters in England would go now, and farther than they themſelves would ever after have gone again.

They offered to ſubmit to a Superintendency; or call it what you will, a moderate Epiſcopacy, and I ſhall not diſpute with any Man, whether they did not offer to go higher than is conſiſtent with a Presby terian Parity.

They ſaw that whole Body going to be rent in Pieces; they ſaw themſelves going to be depriv'd of their Mi⯑niſterial [14] Function, and rendred uncapable of doing the Good they were dedicated to, and they thought it their Duty to go as far as poſſible to avoid the greater Evils they ſaw before them, to themſelves, the Church of God, and the Power of Religion in general.

Let thoſe that pleaſe to condemn their Latitude, take it in what Senſe they think fit, I readily grant all that is Matter of Fact in their Conceſſion, and which Mr. Baxter has at large given an account of in the Hi⯑ſtory of his Life.

I ſhall not examine how far the preſent Body of the Diſſenters are affected by it, or are to be cenſur'd for it, or are any way concern'd in it, and I wave it here for that Reaſon.

The Conceſſions of the Diſſenters being delivered in, the King told them, He was well pleaſed they agreed to the Eſſence of Epiſcopacy; and renew'd his Aſſurances to them of his earneſt Deſire of an Accommodation.

What the Treatment they met with from the Church Party upon theſe Conceſſions was, is very remarkable, and might put it out of any bodys thought ever to ap⯑prehend a Conjunction.

Their Conceſſions being rejected, the Miniſters were immediatly put to the Teſt of their Fidelity, and 'tis remarkable; that of all theſe that offered their Con⯑ceſſions, very few, if any, conform'd; above 3000 of the beſt, moſt Learned, and Pious of the Miniſters, and who enjoy'd the largeſt Benefices rejected the Of⯑fers of Biſhopricks and Preferment, and quitted their Livings; becauſe they could not comply.

And thus the Epiſcopal Hierarchy was again re-eſta⯑bliſhed in England—, ſeveral Perſecutions of the Diſ⯑ſenters followed in the times of King Charles II. the Ri⯑gour and Cruelty of which are ſtanding Teſtimonies that they are very far from being Epiſcopally enclin⯑ed.

Several Acts of Parliament have been ſince made to render them as uneaſy as poſſible, as the Act of uni⯑formity, [15] I mean the Amendments to it, the five Mile Act, the et cactera Oath, the Sacramental Teſt, and others.

But the Gentlemen on that ſide have ſeen their Er⯑ror, and even theſe we call High-Church Men, are now forewardeſt to make Conceſſions to the Diſſenters, in order to bring them in to the Church—, what their Deſign is, he muſt be blinder than I will ſuppoſe any of my Readers to be, that does not ſee; but they do the Diſſenters this Service in it, to teſtifie for them, that no Conceſſions will now bring them in, but ſuch as ſhall bring the Worſhip and Diſcipline of the Church down to the Teſt of the Scriptures—, and this farther clears them of all Suſpicion of being Epiſcopally inclin'd.

And thus I have brought the Church of England part of this Diſcourſe down to the latter Times of King Charles II.

At his Death the Succeſſor was a Papiſt, and the firſt Step he took, was to face about to the Diſſenters, and by the Gloſs of Charity, and General Juſtice, court them to his Party, giving them Liberty, but on the foot of his Prerogative, not the Laws, to draw them into the Snares, of, at leaſt, a tacit Acknowledg⯑ing his Right to do ſo.

The Generality of the Diſſenters ſaw the hook thro' this Bait, and tho they accepted their Liberty, and carryed it dutifully to their Sovereign; yet they pro⯑feſſed their Diſſatisfaction at having it given in an un⯑parliamentary manner.

Upon which theſe Famous Lines were made which every Body had in their Prints and Diſcourſe.

Some indeed were drawn into the Snares of Addreſ⯑ſing, tho they were generally Oppoſed by the beſt and greateſt part of the Diſſenters, and thoſe that did it, [16] thank't him for the Liberty indeed, yet were ignorant both in the Deſign, and unbelieving in the Conſe⯑quences, as appear'd in that as ſoon as their Eyes were opened, they ſtarted back, and teſtified their Concern for having been drawn in ſo far, of which preſently.

This alſo farther appear'd in that, when the King, who thought he had gain'd one Point, was for puſhing at another, vlz. the taking off the Penal Laws and Teſt; the Diſſenters, tho they had ſuffered ſo deeply, and theſe Penal Laws were both wicked in their Nature, and particularly pointed at them; yet they generally rejected it, and declared they had rather be oppreſt by the Church of E. than have both the Church of Eng⯑land and themſelves too, torn to Pieces by Popery or thoſe Laws invaded by the diſpenſing Power of the Prince; nor could all King James his Booted Apoſtles bring them off from this.

In the Senſe of this the Church of England, and the Diſſenters made that famous Capitulation, on which the inviting over the Prince of Orange, afterwards the Glo⯑rious Reſtorer of Britains Liberty was built, and which is expreſt in the Eighth Article of the Memorial to that Prince, on the Performance of which Treaty, the E⯑ſtabliſhment of the Church of England, and the Tolle⯑ration of the Diſſenters are equally built, and ſuppor⯑ted by Right, Truth, and Fundamental Law, and thus they both ſtand at this Day.

I come now to the Reformation of the Church of Scot⯑land; which beginning later than that of England, by a⯑bout twelve Years, and having no Bonds of Tyranny upon them, which as I have noted, drew England into the Snare of the Regale; but their Reformation being made by the People themſelves, and Mr. Jobn Knox being their Calvin, and who ſent or went to Geneva on purpoſe to concert the beſt Grounds of a National Settlement, they had nothing impoſed upon them, nor any body to impoſe it.

[17] The Lords which headed them, referr'd the whole Settlement of Religion to the Miniſters, they had the Miſchiefs England was fallen into by a partial and pompous Reformation before their Eyes, and thus they reform'd at once into the compleat Model, both as to Diſcipline and Worſhip, which we find at this day.

Nor were they ſo dark in their Foreſight, as not to expect all the Rage and Oppoſition the Enemies of ſuch a Reformation could be guilty of, and to ſecure the People therefore as far as poſſible in the ſtrict Ad⯑herence to the mighty Work they were engag'd in, they contrived the moſt Solemn, Awful and Tremen⯑dous Obligation, that I believe, any Nation ever bound themſelves in, ſince the Oath of God, which Mo⯑ſes made the Children of Iſrael take at Mount Ho⯑reb.

This is what they call the National Covenant, in which the People bind themſelves and their Poſterity, in the moſt ſolemn manner to God Almighty, to ad⯑here to, maintain and defend to the utmoſt of their Pow⯑er the Reformation they had ſettled, the Doctrine, Diſcipline and Government of the Church, as expreſt in their confeſſion of Faith, and ſeveral other Articles both of Civil and Eccleſiaſtical Conſtitution therein expreſt, needleſs, and too long to be repeated here.

This Covenant was made firſt in the Year, 1581. the new Reformation being then threatned with many E⯑nemies, as well Foreign as Domeſtick—, and it was renewed again, in the Year 1590.

I am far from raiſing the leaſt Scruple at, or making any Reflection upon the Nature, the Canſe, the Man⯑ner, or Obligation of this Covenant, or any Branch of it; they that conſtrue me ſo, do it to cover the Shame of the other ill Treatment which I have dayly from them.

I frankly own it a ſolemn, and almoſt juſt Obligation, and declare I never meant in any thing I ſaid, or printed, the leaſt Reflection againſt it; and 'tis very juſt I ſhould [18] have the explaining my own words.

If what I have ſaid any where, gives a ſeeming Re⯑flection, I ſhould be very ſorry, for the ſake of them that may ignorantly miſtake me; as for thoſe that maliciouſly and wilfully miſtake me, they are worth no Honeſt Mans Notice, nor is it on their account in the leaſt, that I take notice of it here; but to diſabuſe thoſe who are impoſed upon by ſuch.

I freely recognize the National Covenant, and what I ſaid in the ſixth Eſſay of our Fathers eating theſe ſowre Grapes, and us their Children's Teeth ſet on edge by them. I wonder any Man ſhould be ſo unjuſt as to turn my words to a Meaning, That the Covenant is a ſowre Grape that ſets the Childrens Teeth on Edge. I therefore declare it to be only brought as an Alluſion to thoſe People who load themſelves with more Obligati⯑ons in their Notions of the Covenant, than the Cove⯑nant really impoſes upon them—, and the Senſe of the place in which 'tis brought, will allow me this to any impartial Perſon.

I was proving that the National Covenant is not at all concern'd in the Union; I acknowledge firſt, that the Covenant is binding to Poſterity, and I add, that for Argument ſake, I'll grant; whether I believe it or no, it has all that Obligation they alledge, let that be what it will—, ſignifying thereby, they do reckon greater Obligations than really are in the Cove⯑nant, and this I call eating ſowre Grapes, 6th. Eſſay, P. 20. and this I leave to any impartial Cenſure.

If this be not Satisfaction to any Honeſt Man, that I have not the leaſt Diſreſpect for the National Cove⯑nant, I ſhall on any Reaſonable Sentence of indiffe⯑rent Judges, make ſuch more ſolemn Declaration or Acknowledgment as they can deſire.

But to go on with my Hiſtory of the Reformation in Scotland, there was a great Difference in it from what had been in England, for here it was made perfectly, without the Aſſiſtance, and contrary to the Intention of [19] the Sovereign—, and the Regale therefore found no body to eſpouſe it, but the Reformers had opportuni⯑ty to make their Model as compleat as they could.

I know it has been objected, that in the Infancy of the Reformation, they found the very Eſſence of Epiſcopa⯑cy neceſſary, and that was in the Superintendents na⯑med in the Church Policy, one of the firſt Inſtruments of ſettlement deviſed for their Church, the Model of which had been brought from Geneva by Mr. John Knox, and ſome have raiſed Pleas from hence for the Prelatick Power, as the moſt Original Inſtitution, and the like of the Common Prayers.

But the Biſhops would be ill pleaſed to be no other kind of Biſhops than thoſe were, who tho they had a Dioceſs indeed, yet were ſubject to be depoſed by the ordinary Miniſters of their own Bounds, and therefore I do not bring this to juſtify Prelacy, but to relate as near as I can, the Fact as it lies, and the Uſe of it ſhall appear preſently,

The Superintendents indeed had their Dioceſſes pre⯑ſcribed, and 'tis call'd by that very name, and they had power to plant Miniſters, ſettle Churches, and do ſe⯑veral things, which at that time could not be done without them; but I muſt always inſiſt upon their ſub⯑jection as a Clauſe that Chocks all the Efforts to prove the firſt Reformation Epiſcopal.

However, they were Superintendents, and there⯑fore ſome kind of Superintendency may not be incon⯑ſiſtent with Presbyterian Parity, and thats all the uſe I ſhall make of it.

I find another inſtance of this, which ſerves the pre⯑ſent Occaſion, and that is a Letter written in the Year [...] from the Aſſembly of the Church of Scot⯑land, to the Biſhops in England, and in a differing Stile from what we write here now; the letter begins thus.

Here is ſomething very remarkable, and worth nothing.

• 1. That the Church of Scotland eſteem'd, even the Biſhops and Paſtors in thoſe days, as Brethren pro⯑felling with them the Lord Jeſus, a quite different Language from thoſe who ſtile them Dumb Dogs, poor Rogues, &c. Indecencys, which muſt be of⯑fenſive to modeſt Ears, were the caſe much worſe than it is.
• 2. The Church of Scotland was as far from owning Epiſcopacy it ſelf then as now, and in the very Letter, they exclaim againſt the Pomp and Ceremonies of Worſhip; but it did not at all break off their Charity from the Perſons of the Biſhops and Paſtors, whom they ſtill call'd Bre⯑thren, and own'd they profeſs't with them the Lord Jeſus.
• 3. The Appellation of Brethren was moſt juſt, for that the

Biſhops in thoſe days, tho Prelats, veſted with Civil Power, wearing the Habit, and every way practiſing their Church Power as now, yet were Holy and worthy Chriſtians, and of the ſame Claſs with Cranmer, Ridly, Latimer, Farrar, and Bleſſed Hooper, who all of them ſealed the Reformed Religion with their Blood, and durſt paſs to the Stake, and the Flames in maintaining the true Proteſtant Faith, againſt that Roman Anti⯑chriſt here mentioned.

Let no Man ſuſpect me here of favouring Epiſcopacy; for tho of late Years, the very Men have been a Scandal to the Office; yet I profeſs were the Biſhops Now all Hoo⯑pers and ranmers; I could not agree to their Church Go⯑vernment: However, I cannot call it a damning Er⯑ror; certainly a Biſhop may go to Heaven, or elſe our want of Charity muſt be great for the Martyrs; I am [21] therefore for letting them alone, ſo far, I mean as reſpects Civil Treatment, and fair Uſage—; 'tis enough the Church of Scotland is fenced againſt them by Law, and the Debt of common Civility is due to all the World.

In like manner we find the Church of Scotland uſing a Liturgy in former Times—, I ſhall not infer that ſhe ought to be diſtruſted on that Score, as likely to re⯑lapfe to it.

But this I ſhall obſerve, that Liturgies unimpoſed, have always been in uſe in the Church, even from the firſt 300 Years, and therefore are not ſo Frightful as ſome people make them, and the Directory is a Li⯑turgy in its kind; all the Reformed Churches have Li⯑turgies, and all that could be deſired in that caſe, by the Diſſenters in 1661 was, 1. That they be reformed. And, 2dly. That they be not impoſed.

To prove that a Liturgy and Common Prayer were uſed in Scotland, take the following Inſtances.

• 1. In the Church Policy mentioned before, we have theſe words, In great Towns, we think it expedient, that every day there be either Sermon or Common Prayer. And again, On the day of the Publick Sermon, we do not think the Common Prayer needful to be uſed.
• 2. In the Directory for the publick Worſhip in Scot⯑land, we have this Introduction or Preface; ‘"In the beginning of this Bleſſed Reformation, our wiſe and Pious Anceſtors took care to ſet forth an Order for redreſs of many things, which they then, by the word, diſcovered to be vain, erroneous Superſtitions and Idolatrous in the publick Worſhip of God—. This occaſioned many Godly and Learned Men to rejoice much in the Book of Common Prayer at that time ſet forth."’

The Summ of all this is, not at all to favour either Epiſ⯑copacy or Liturgy in their Attempts to be either juſtified or reſtored in Britain: let no Man miſtake me, but to do Ju⯑ſtice againſt furious Cenſures, who at the ſame time, that the Nations profeſſing both ſorts, are going to unite, [22] your to repreſent them as meer Popery or Heathen⯑iſm, that the Diſſenters in England may be the eaſier Cenſured for offers of Complyance with them, and this I profeſs to be my ſingle Reaſon for giving theſe Inſtances; as for thoſe who will have me mean what I never intend, I leave them to their own ways, and contemn their want of Candour.

'Tis enough the Church of Scotland is reform'd from this, all the burthens of Ceremony, Forms and Hie⯑rarchys are taken away, and Purity in both Worſhip and Diſcipline obtained; but there is a Chriſtian Tem⯑per and Charity towards the Church of England certain⯑ly due, who, tho not ſo far reformed, are yet our Bre⯑thren, and of whom we yet hope, and ought to pray that they ſhall one day be effectually Illuminated; this Temper and Charity, I hope, ſhall now encreaſe on an Union, and that all the Contention ſhall be to out-preach, out-live, and out-practiſe one another, e⯑mulating, and thereby provoking one another to Love and to Good Works.

But to go back to the Church of Scotland, the ſeve⯑ral Convulſions ſhe has felt by the Interpoſition of Ty⯑ranny, Conqueſt, and ſometimes Epiſcopacy, are to be ſeen at large in the Hiſtorys of both Kingdoms, and I ſhall not enter upon them.

The Perſecutions of the Honeſt ſuffering Inhabitants are a melancholly Teſtiwmony of the Aſſaults the Devil and his Agents have made upon the Reformation here, the Courage, Conſtancy, and vigorous Oppoſition of the Zealous Confeſſors of Chriſt and his Church in this Nation deſerve a better Hiſtorian, and one leſs a Stran⯑ger to Scotland than I am, to record, and call for more leiſure, and more room than I have in this ſmall Tract, and I therefore leave them with this Remark, That no Nation in the World has with more Zeal and Fidelity oppoſed all the Impoſitions, Innovations and Barba⯑rities of the Enemies of Truth; than this Nation, and more I cannot ſay here.

[23] Under theſe ſuffering Circumſtances, they continued, with ſome ſhort Intervals, till their being incorporated with England in the time of Oliver Cromwel, when tho they ſeemed to be under a Military Government; yet they had their Repreſentatives in Parliament, were Taxed but in Proportion to the Repreſentative; and as I am inform'd here, their Subjection, ſuch as it was, was attended with an Encreaſe of Wealth, Trade and Property.

At the Reſtoration, they had Epiſcopacy, Tranny and Superſtition reſtored juſt as in England; Mini⯑ſters that could not conform, turn'd out, ſilenced, per⯑ſecuted, fin'd, baniſhed, impriſoned mutatis mutandis, juſt as in England, except only that their Cruelties and Inhumanities here went farther than they did there.

Thus they continued till the Revolution, at the happy coming of the Great Deliverer of the whole Iſland, King WIlliam; when Tyranny fled, and Guilt drew in her bluſhing Countenance; Law, Truth, Juſtice and Liberty reviving, the Church of Scotland obtained a Reſurrection from a Hundred Years of Mi⯑ſery, Uncertainty, and Diſtreſs.

Then Epiſcopay again vaniſh't in its turn, and its Elder Siſter Tyranny, abdicated with her; the Presby⯑terian Government of the Church was reſtored to its Primitive Freedom, and to the full Exerciſe and Ex⯑tent of all its Legal Rights, as it is this day, and thus far relates to the Hiſtory of both Churches.

I come Now to the Diſſenters in England, as the third Claſs of People, I am to enter upon.