ANSWER.

IT is difficult to give a juſt idea, of the a⯑nimated ſtile of oppoſition invectives; particularly on ſuch a theme as the preſent, where the free indulgence of them, is un⯑checked by any of thoſe awkward reſtraints, which ſome young men have of late, ſo un⯑conſtitutionally thrown on them.—A de⯑ceaſed parliament is one of thoſe immaterial objects, that every one may attack with perfect impunity; and indeed, under the preſent reſtrictions, it is no ſmall conveni⯑ence to the component parts of ſuch a cor⯑porate body, to have in the very nature of their conſtitution, a ſafe reſource for the exerciſe of their wildeſt rancour, and moſt fanciful aſperity. It is however uncom⯑monly whimſical, that almoſt the very ſame ſet of men, who actually compoſed the ſubject of this invective, ſhould be themſelves the auditors of it; and at the ſame moment that they are ſtigmatized in [12]their late capacity, they ſhould receive ſo premature a panegyric in their new one; yet ſuch is almoſt preciſely the caſe.

The laſt parliament and the preſent par⯑liament being very nearly one, and the ſame.—It is true indeed, there have been ſome exchanges, and different branches of par⯑ticular families have taken their rotation in election honours; but ſtill both parliaments are eſſentially and effectually alike: ſo that, with a few inconſiderable exceptions, the returns and re-elections incontrovertibly prove, that all the imputations of national odium and contempt, ſo induſtriouſly thrown on the laſt parliament, muſt at leaſt have been groſsly exaggerated, if not entirely falſe.

As to the penitential vote, ſo often, and ſo vauntingly relied on, it will always be re⯑membered, that the Houſe at large, refu⯑ſed to report the abſtract propoſition ſo fear⯑fully paſſed, by a committee of inferior [13]numbers—It was indeed a florid weakneſs; the hectic effort of exhauſted ſedition; that "Like the faint offer of a latter ſpring, ſerved but to uſher in the fall, and withered in an affected bloom."

ANSWER.

WHAT antidote can reaſon provide againſt ſuch potent incantations?—The cold ſuggeſtion of more temperate ad⯑vice would feebly reſiſt the Syren voice of popular allurement; and vainly is judgment addreſſed, where the ſubtle appeal is more fancifully made to vanity and inexperience. To examine and analize the ſeveral properties of real debate, in diſtinction to thoſe of wild declamation, would appear too refined: to ridicule the prevailing paſſion for oratory, too trite: ſtill leſs would it be proper, under this diviſion, either to enquire into the merits of Minority, or to diſcuſs the juſtice and ſincerity of their claims to public confidence.

To raiſe new levies for the ſervice of Oppoſition, is ſo entirely the intereſt of that ſet of men who command the old troops, that it cannot fail to create ſome flight doubts of the perfect ſincerity and pure zeal of their [18]complimentary invitations. But (without conſidering ſuch an adventurous junction in the more ſerious light of a deſertion from every ſolid and ſubſtantial intereſt of our country) it may not be wholly unuſeful to ſuggeſt how impoſſible it is for the Oppoſi⯑tion, in its preſent ſtate, to afford thoſe nu⯑merous and happy occaſions for the diſplay of genius and eloquence, which its advocates ſo ſpeciouſly hold out as the ſtrongeſt incen⯑tives to youthful ambition.

The Minority has long been directed, and controuled, by a few leading orators; who, after years of fatiguing ſervice, are moſt juſtly entitled to rank as veterans in their pro⯑feſſion; and are now too reaſonably jealous of their eſtabliſhed precedence, to participate in fame with the raw recruits they are ſo anxious to enliſt—One of their leaders has expreſsly publiſhed the Articles of Party; with much fairneſs and candour, avowing the neceſſity of obedience to a common leader, and of acting in due ſubordination to his commands. With more zeal, indeed, [19]than policy, this champion of party very frankly decried and ridiculed all ſeparate ex⯑ertions and individual efforts, as attempts of equal inefficacy and preſumption; and ra⯑ther raſhly diſcovered ſo much more of this degrading ſyſtem than former politicians had thought it wiſe, or decent to reveal, that many men of proper pride and ſpirit were diſguſted with the Rockingham ſervice, and beg'd leave to reſign their commiſſions — Others of ſubtler talents, laboured with more art and caſuiſtry to explain away theſe dangerous articles: but ſtill, however ſpeciouſly they argued, they always had the precaution to maintain their rank in eloquence, by the ex⯑cluſion of every new competitor, and to ſe⯑cure the credit, by monopolizing the time, of debate.

—No young man of talents has, for years back, met with the patronage of Oppoſition; every ſucceeding ſeſſion was the echo of the former; the ſame quantity of time has been annually devoted to the ſame tediouſneſs and protraction of debate; even ſtated hours ſeemed almoſt appointed for each particular [20]orator; nor was it ever a very difficult cal⯑culation to imagine who was actually ſpeak⯑ing, at any given time, by only looking what o'clock it was; for the daily movements of their rhetoric were as mechanically exhi⯑bited, by a periodical ſucceſſion of figures, as thoſe of the famous Straſburg clock; ex⯑cept indeed, when ſome rough unmanage⯑able country-gentlemen would ſtart out, like the ſavages of St. Dunſtan's, to give a haſty ſtroke, or two, and then retire again, to reſt in peace on their unpoliſhed clubs.

But above all, the particular ſtile of abi⯑lities, which characterize the preſent ma⯑nager of Oppoſition, renders all inferior ex⯑ertions in eloquence, almoſt uſeleſs and ri⯑diculous—There is a magnitude in extraor⯑dinary talents, that contraſts, and caricatures the comparative inequality of thoſe who are placed in competition with them. Qualities, which, carried to an extreme, are ſtriking from their enormity, (ſuch as deſperate ve⯑hemence and outrageous acrimony) become ridiculous in imitation, and impotent by in⯑feriority. They reſemble theatrical thunder [21]compared with real; and ſerve only to bur⯑leſque an original, that can never be ſucceſs⯑fully imitated. The minor malcontents, and mimic republicans of the preſent day, would do well therefore to reflect, how very contemptible the petty partizans of faction have been, in all ages and countries. There were dozens of duodecimo Catilines, who buzzed conſpiracy in every corner of the Forum, though hiſtory has ſcarcely ſtooped to name them; Ravaillac had his monk committees and holy aſſociations, whoſe debates and reſolutions have been charitably conſigned to oblivion: nor has there ever been any deſperate leader, from the rank of Catiline to Cade, who has not boaſted a gang of followers, officious, and obſcure; buſy, and forgot.

ANSWER.

THE gipſey Fortune-teller "takes a bond of Fate." and to enſure her ſkill, moſt generally perpetrates the miſchiefs ſhe predicts.—To this judicious policy it may be chiefly owing, that Egyptian divina⯑tion has ſo long ſurviv'd all other oracles and ſupernatural inſpirations of antiquity—The Pythian prieſteſs became ſuſpected, or un⯑intelligible, from evaſion, or ambiguity; and was equally ſtigmatiſed by Philip's gold, or the chains of Craeſus.—Even our homeſpun witches "palter'd in ſuch double ſenſe," that, by their own equivocation more than any terrors of law, they forfeited the credulous veneration they had ſo long uſurped.—In ſhort, the gipſey purſues the beſt ſyſ⯑tem for all human prophecies. This en⯑ſuring Sybil, boldly corrects the uncertainty of time, and chance, and with great pru⯑dence relies on her own dexterity, for the ſecureſt voucher of her preſcience.

[25]—A ſimilar wiſdom has guided the pro⯑phets of Oppoſition.

‘I pledge myſelf to this Houſe (ſays one of them) that the confidence which Ame⯑rica may juſtly repoſe in the ſympathetic ardor, that inſpires a very great part of this nation, will make her ſcorn your menaces, and fly to arms, to vindicate her rights.’—Here is one inſtance among a thouſand o⯑thers of a patriotic prediction, that, by the liberal encouragement it holds out, goes great lengths to effect the event it foretells, and is, in fact, the leading cauſe of its own ac⯑compliſhment.—‘Away with the idle notion (ſays another prophet) of ſucceſs in your Northern expedition! I am bold to ſay, (and I wiſh my words to be taken down) that miſcarriage and ruin, will at⯑tend that devoted army.’—Not to com⯑ment too harſhly on the very extraordinary preciſion and accuracy of theſe terms, it is fair to obſerve thus much on all predictions of this nature, That they act with a double influence: firſt, by diſpiriting our friends, and then by encouraging the enemy; conſe⯑quently, [26]if they are not condemned as prin⯑cipals, they may at leaſt be arraigned as active accomplices, in producing the calamity they foretell.

But as many people have thought, that too large a portion of debate has been em⯑ployed of late years in recounting the utte⯑rance, and expounding the final completion of theſe prophecies; it might tend to ab⯑breviate this article of oratory, if a commit⯑tee of parliamentary prophets, inveſted with the enſigns of augural authority, were or⯑dered forth with to prepare and bring in a kind of Political Almanack, or Patriots Ca⯑lender, for the uſe of the current year; where⯑in all minor victories and defeats, ſhould be ſet down as feaſts, and faſts, and red-letter days ſet apart for more important loſſes.

It might enrich a work of this nature, to interleave each month with pages of collate⯑ral philoſophy, oppoſite to its ſubjects; ſuch as refutations of ſeveral vulgar errors too com⯑monly enterained, relative to ſome military [27]miſdeeds in the late campaigns; by com⯑paring them, to the retrogade motion of the planets; which every more enlightened ob⯑ſerver can eaſily prove to be quite contrary to appearances, and merely ariſing from our vaſt diſtance from the objects, and the groſs medium through which we view them; ſo too, any tediouſneſs in croſſing the Dela⯑ware, or obſcurity in the Saratoga buſineſs, might receive great light from the philoſo⯑phy of tranſits, and eclipſes; while the doc⯑trine of Comets would furniſh infinite ana⯑logy to all kinds of excentricity, civil, mili⯑tary, or naval.

Theſe, together with proper tables for calculating the influence of the moon on the riſe and fall of ſtocks, would form a very compendious and handy diary in ſtate-affairs, and, in a ſhort time, muſt become as infal⯑lible a guide in politics, as Partridge's pre⯑dictions formerly were in aſtrology.

ANSWER.

PREVIOUS QUESTION.

ANSWER.

THERE is but little neceſſity to con⯑ſider the fabulous alluſions, and ideal parallels, of declamation. The legendary tale of Demagogues, had its uſe in the de⯑cline of Athenian freedom: but if its boaſted hero had ſurrendered to his worſt and baſeſt antagoniſt, without fighting, and, in a ſhort time after, ſome happier hero had fought, and conquered the very ſame combatant; probably, no Grecian orator would after⯑wards have much inſiſted on the viſionary ſpeculation of an army's being devoted to ſacrifice an individual.

It is neceſſary to treat the latter part of this argument with ſome degree of ſeriouſ⯑neſs and ſolidity. Leaſt however too much time may appear to be waſted on it, it may be prudent to premiſe, that objections, founded on popular notions and prejudices, are eaſily conveyed in few words, and, so [40]conveyed, make ſtrong impreſſions; but whoever anſwers thoſe objections muſt en⯑counter all the notions to which they are allied, and to which they owe their ſtrength; and it is well if any words find admittance to remove the firſt impreſſion.

The appointment of party men to places of truſt, and power, was indeed a very ha⯑zardous policy: it muſt however be re⯑membered, that this policy was founded on a very liberal and generous hope, that, how⯑ever the forms of oppoſition might be kept up, and even the technical licentiouſneſs of debate perſevered in, yet that every man of honor, at ſo awful a period, would diveſt himſelf of all the little prejudices and paſ⯑ſions of party, and feel his mind actua⯑ted by the nobleſt impulſe, to ſuſpend at leaſt all private reſentment, if not to form a truly glorious coalition, founded on public principle, and national honor.—Certain⯑ly the accompliſhment of ſo noble a pur⯑poſe, would have been crowned with far different ſucceſs, from that which has ac⯑tually attended its attempt.

[41]But, to avoid theſe painful, and vain re⯑flections; in proceeding to anſwer the charge of violent and unconſtitutional diſmiſſion, it muſt firſt be remembered that removals are not puniſhments.—It would be abſurd to imagine, that a meer private prejudice in political meaſures, however vague and fanci⯑full, or even pernicious in its tendency to the general welfare of the ſtate, can become an object of penalty: But it is indeed a very different queſtion, with what propriety thoſe perſons, who not only avow ſuch opinions with the fond attachment of innovation, but alſo diſſeminate them with moſt active zeal, ſhould be continued in thoſe very ſtations, which afford moſt frequent and moſt exten⯑ſive opportunities, to ſpread them with all the weight of influence and authority.—And next, as to the right of diſmiſſion, it is ob⯑vious that the ſame power, which appoints to offices, muſt neceſſarily remove from them: both are exerciſes of that plain diſcretionary truſt neceſſarily repoſed in all governments, to the end that every delegation of their au⯑thority may be lodged in ſuch hands as ſhall ſeem beſt affected to thoſe who employ [42]them.—Nor is this preventive policy of guarding againſt diſſaffecton leſs congenial with the ſpirit of our conſtitution.—The prerogative of appointment to offices was originally unlimited; but, at the Reſtoration, the parliament moſt expreſsly declared the neceſſity of guarding with jealous vigilance againſt the introduction of thoſe perſons into places of power and truſt, whoſe opinions and prejudices rendered them dangerous ſer⯑vants for the ſtate to employ.

Hence the corporation and teſt acts; which (tho', at firſt, they may ſeem rather formed to guard the mitre, than the crown) were in fact, more really directed againſt the civil than the religious principles of the diſ⯑ſenters.

Theſe diſabling ſtatutes very clearly prove two points, both of which are material to this queſtion.

Firſt, that it is perfectly conſtitutional to exerciſe the prerogative of appointment to [43]offices, with a ſtrict and cautious attention to the principles of thoſe who are to be em⯑ployed in them: and next, that in every other inſtance, except in theſe ſtatutable diſquali⯑fications, this prerogative is entirely unlimi⯑ted, and abſolutely diſcretionary; for it is plain, that the very reſtriction in thoſe ex⯑cepted caſes, virtually eſtabliſhes its inde⯑pendance in every other. But ſo anxious were the reſtoration parliament to remove all poſsibility of any future encroachment on the diſcretionary prerogative of militia ap⯑pointments, that an act was unanimouſly paſſed, expreſſive of the national abhorrence of that recent uſurpation of them, which had fatally given arms to innovation, and over⯑turned the conſtitution, under the ſpecious pretence of amending it.

By the ſame act alſo, it was directly decla⯑red, that thoſe very appointments had ever been, and for ever ſhould continue, the unali⯑enable and uncontrouled right of the crown.

Such then being both the letter and the ſpirit of the law on this point, it is but mere [44]matter of curioſity, to conſider the plain principles, on which this power is founded, both in natural and civil ſociety.

In the former, tho' all men were origi⯑nally on an equality, yet the diſtinction of abilities ſet the firſt bounds.—It required wiſdom and courage for council and arms—and it was neceſſary of courſe to exclude from each, ſuch as were reſpectively defi⯑cient in either.

So far forth therefore there was a natural limitation.—But in civil ſociety it is equally important, in all delegations of power, to connect affection to the government, with the other leading qualifications; for (as has been too often proved) a courageous man, who hates his employers, is at leaſt as unfit to be truſted, as a coward; and wiſdom, connected with enmity, would only ſerve to aggravate treachery in council.—The plain conſequence of which, is this; that either, no government has a right to preſerve itſelf againſt the diſaffection of a ſubject; or [45]elſe that every government has a right to ex⯑clude from offfices of power and truſt, ſuch as render themſelves ſuſpected of diſaffec⯑tion.

EQUIVOCAL ANSWER BY A TRIMMER.

COME, come, my dear ſir; now, you go too far—As long as you confined yourſelf to wit and humour, it was all very fair—but don't be too ſevere—Not that I abſolutely differ from you, in what you aſſert; for I have, by no means made up my mind on any of theſe matters—I own, I wiſh to ſee, a little more, what turn things may take, before I declare myſelf—This country has certainly very great re⯑ſources—But, at the ſame time, we are in a mighty hazardous way—Yet America is a great game—Heaven only knows tho', what ſhould be done—It is very true, I have moſtly voted with miniſtry—Indeed I did live in habits with a good many of them—But I never will commit myſelf to any ſet of men—I own, I always thought, the leſſen⯑ing the burthens of the landed intereſt a [50]very fine object—And, to be ſure, it was my opinion, that our colonies ſhould bear a part in redeeming the debts, we incurred for their defence—But I don't know, that every thing has been carried on right in America—Yet, I don't throw blame any where—Though there may have been faults—on both ſides—However we ſhall ſee—I muſt talk with miniſters about theſe things—But thus much I will ſay—I don't at all diſapprove of the conduct of the States General; nor indeed of any of the northern powers; for they act only with proper precaution; and it's quite right for nations, as well as individuals, to be on their guard, and take care of themſelves.

ANSWER.

THOUGH nothing is more certain than that public ſpirit is equally abhor⯑rent from credulous adherence, or coward⯑ly indeciſion, yet to define the preciſe limits of either extreme would be to renew the commoneſt of all common-place theories.—It may be more uſeful to ſtate a few points admitted by the diſputants on both ſides.—It is allowed then, that fixed principles, and general maxims, ſhould be the eſtabliſhed guides of all bodies of men, whoſe office it is, to act together.

This conformity is reſtricted however to opinions; tho' it naturally inclines to a con⯑ſiſtence in public conduct.—But leagues, and confederacies, founded on private attach⯑ments only, lead to mean, and degrading ſubſervience; for more perſonal aſſociation is little better than conſpiracy-Hence, to de⯑ſire a body of Engliſh gentlemen, (who are choſen by the nation to conſult, deliberate, [56]and then determine) to herd at once, under any individual leader, and follow, wherever he calls, is equally abſurd, and inſolent.

It muſt be repeated however, that eſtab⯑liſhed principles and unequivocal maxims, are great, and proper guides.—To act conſiſt⯑ently with them, is ſenſe, and honour.—How contradictory to this ſyſtem are the language and the conduct of Oppoſition?—"I boaſt myſelf a party-man, and, therefore, will op⯑poſe the miniſter," are the very words per⯑petually repeated in the Houſe of Commons by the greateſt advocates of minority.—Thus the badge and livery of faction are oſtenta⯑tiouſly diſplayed on one ſide of the houſe.—On the oppoſite, aſk one of the equivocal poli⯑ticians, how he means to act, and he will anſwer you (and with perfect honor) that "he is no party-man, but will freely tell you, his general principles, and avow his former line of conduct."—And ſo far forth, he acts up to the ſpirit of the conſtitution.—But if afterwards his conduct is a deſertion of thoſe principles, and totally inconſiſtent with what he himſelf declares it to have for⯑merly [57]been; if, in ſhort, it is evaſive, ſhuf⯑fling, and mean; if he hangs aloof in the lobby; takes an impartial dinner in the ad⯑joining coffee-houſes; or happens unluckily to be called out, on very particular buſineſs, juſt before the diviſion; and then ſails up, and down, the paſſages; cruiſes in the com⯑mittee-rooms; bears away for the court of requeſts; or ſteers directly home in his coach, with his light out; then indeed, the previous acknowledgment of his former principles, and conduct, is equally uſeleſs, and ridiculous; and he muſt be content to rank in future, with thoſe home-hollanders or domeſtic dutchmen, whoſe cold ungrateful caution, and armed neutrality, is nearly as pernicious, and far more deſpicable, than the bolder hoſtilities of open enmity.

ANSWER.

SUCH is the gloomy and exaggerated picture of our national diſtreſſes—Such are the pretences for cowardly deſpondency, for weak contemptible deſertion of all our intereſts and of all our hopes; and for a raſh and giddy ſubſervience to that fatal ſpirit of innovation, in the purſuit of im⯑provements we never may obtain, and to the riſque of calamities which we may never remedy—But it is not now the queſtion, whether a ſeaſon of external danger and hoſtility is the fitteſt for new arrangements of internal polity—When it was ſeen with what induſtry and activity the ſame ſet of men were buſied in running from one country to another, in private intrigue and public incitement, in dictat⯑ing where they had no property, and can⯑vaſſing where they had no connexious; impartial men were led to ſuſpect, that the independent and reſpectable part of the [67]confederacy, far from being the real con⯑trivers, were but the oſtenſible authors of the farce of reformation—To erect new aſſemblies, unknown to the conſtitution which they purpoſed to reform, and pa⯑ramount to the legiſlature, which they pro⯑feſſed to ſupplicate, was a ſyſtem as ſuſ⯑picious in its motive, as alarming in its tendency—A Legiſlature inſulted and menaced, became the object of factious inſolence from every deſperate cabal—Even Oppoſition themſelves, who had firſt in⯑ſtilled into the minds of men a contempt of order, felt, in their turn, the miſeries of lawleſs uproar, and lamented the miſ⯑chiefs they had produced—It ſhall not therefore be the preſent enquiry, whe⯑ther the worſt and moſt ruinous ſituation, that fancy can imagine, could juſtify a wild licentious anarchy at home—It is a far plainer and more limited enquiry; whether the preſent is in any degree that ruinous criſis, which, by extirpating every preſent hope, throws us at once on the unprincipled and profligate violence of theoretic enterprize, and ſpeculative de⯑ſpair: [68]or rather, whether we may not ſtill preſerve our expectations, ſtill ſuſtain our ſpirit, and confide both in our na⯑tional reſources, and the courage of our people, to re-eſtabliſh our welfare, and re⯑gain that reſpect and conſequence in Eu⯑rope, which the generous ſpirit of Eng⯑land has ever entitled her to maintain, as the protectreſs of liberty, and the arbitreſs of continental freedom—It is a glaring proof of the inconſiſtency of Oppoſition, that at the ſame moment, when the com⯑plicated concerns of ſo extenſive a ſyſtem are exaggerated with every fanciful aggra⯑vation, the impolicy of a defenſive war ſhould be grafted on the former propoſi⯑tion—To have maintained an equality, at leaſt, againſt combined hoſtilities, does not appear to merit the imputation of ig⯑norance, ſo repeatedly thrown upon that department, to which the conduct of our navy is entruſted—It is ſtated as a pro⯑vidential eſcape, that Count D'Eſtaign, by the epidemical ſickneſs of his armament, was prevented from entering the Britiſh Channel—But on the contrary, that [69]calamity was indeed in its effects a national misfortune to Great Britain—For nothing but ſickneſs could have checked the raſh preſumption and impetuoſity of that Com⯑mander, from hazarding an action, for which our fleet was perfectly prepared; and which too (as it was impoſſible to be foreſeen,) be⯑came the accidental cauſe of thoſe very captures, which are injuriouſly ſtated as the effects of raſhneſs and ignorance in our Admiralty—It is clear, however, that convoys can only be protections againſt re⯑ſiſtance of an inferior kind:—It is impoſ⯑ſible to provide a convoy for every inward, and outward-bound fleet, ſufficient to de⯑feat the combined fleets of France and Spain—nor indeed were grand fleets ever directed againſt mercantile fleets, except in thoſe caſes, where, as in the preſent in⯑ſtance, their greater operations, had been abſolutely prevented by ſickneſs, and other accidents, equally unforeſeen by both par⯑ties—Whether an implicit reliance muſt be paid to thoſe ill-omened predic⯑tions, which menace ruin and deſolation to our foreign poſſeſſions, from the ene⯑mies [70]fleets abroad, muſt remain a doubt—It will always be remembered, that two years have already elapſed, ſince that pe⯑riod, when the ſame prophets of Oppo⯑ſition ſo peremptorily foretold the abſolute impoſſibility of continuing the war for one year longer—With equal ſolemnity how⯑ever, the loſs of Canada is predicted, from the terrors of a French proclamation, joined to the evidence of Monſieur de Ternay's poſſeſſion of Rhode Iſland—But, however myſterious the former may be, little ſtreſs can be laid on the latter: for the weakneſs of the Americans in the deſertion of an iſland to their inſidious protectors, is a very ſtrange proof of Engliſh cowardice in ſurrendering a whole continent which they have gained with glory, preſerved with humanity, and are reſolute to defend to the laſt extremity. It muſt be remembered, that Admiral Graves ſailed after the French ſquadron, and arrived at Rhode Iſland, much about the ſame time as Monſieur De Ternay had been admitted there. But ſince that arrival of the Engliſh fleet, the French [71]have remained totaly inactive. We have the ſuperiority, and they haven't dared to fight. Indeed the French aſſiſtance is far more calculated to ſupport the ſpirit of party there, than to form an expectation of co-operating, where they will always diſagree—But if, at length, the French ſhould determine to make North America the ſeat of war, we certainly may as well fight them there, as any where elſe—We can but loſe America at laſt—and they them⯑ſelves gain nothing but blows and loſſes.

Yet, in contraſt to this pacific reſigna⯑tion to Monſieur De Ternay, is Lord Cornwallis's victory compared, by thoſe who conſider ſurrenders, glorious, and victories, ruinous.

Happy had it been for this country, if military wiſdom had been exerted, in this as in the laſt war, to juſtify and immor⯑talize valour, not to depreciate atchieve⯑ments, which indeed are the deciſive condemnation of thoſe who diſparage them.—If ſuch a principle is once ad⯑mitted, that defeat and ruin will be our [72]real advantage, it would overturn every ſpirited exertion to obtain a favourable peace, by demonſtrating every new ac⯑quiſition to be a motive for ſubmiſſion, every gallant and honourable enterprize a ground of tame acquieſcence to degra⯑dation and diſgrace.—It would rob heroiſm of its beſt reward, and convert victory and triumph to a mere quibbling paradox of debaſement and infamy.

But with the ſame policy, the misfor⯑tunes of our continental ſituation are exag⯑gerated and proclaimed. It is admitted to be too plain a truth, that far leſs hopes can be entertained from a rebellion in the Spaniſh colonies, than were confidently cheriſhed in England, upon the firſt idea of American reſiſtance—The Spaniſh co⯑loniſts want indeed the main force and deciſive ſtreſs of inſurgency and rebellion—They want a South American party in Spain, to countenance their diſaffection, to exalt their profligacy, to pronounce in a Senate the eulogiums of their leaders, to diſtract the National Councils in their [73]ſupport, to menace the legiſlature in their defence, to ſympathize with their ſuffer⯑ings, and to triumph in their ſucceſs.—But as to Portugal, it is a ſubject of double grief, that, to eſtabliſh the perfidy of that ſtate, a military officer, once glori⯑ouſly engaged in its defence, ſhould now be the tame witneſs, not the gallant avenger of ingratitude and falſehood—In fact, the the learned Commodore was very much courted by the Portugueſe; nor will that people ever actually quarrel with thoſe, whom every commercial intereſt has fixed their beſt and ſureſt allies—The extreme of danger that political prediction can me⯑nace, is the loſs of Minorca; which however has always been retained, as a point of honour, rather than as a neceſſary poſſeſſion—When we are at peace, Gibralter is ſuffi⯑cient for the Mediterranean trade; and when at war, we have none at all—As to Holland, the Dutch have too great a pro⯑perty in our funds, to aſſiſt in deſtroy⯑ing our ſettlements abroad.—Nor is it poſſible, that the northern powers of Eu⯑rope can conſider it their intereſt to over⯑turn [74]a nation, to which ſome of them al⯑moſt owe their exiſtence, others their pre⯑ſervation from the jealouſy of the houſe of Bourbon, and all have derived a generous, liberal, mediation and protection—Great Britain, that formerly eſtabliſhed Holland, can now reſiſt any ſimilar confederacy: and in this glorious ſtruggle, if ſhe does not ultimately ſecure a more firm independ⯑ance, ſhe has already maintained at leaſt an equality of ſtrength, every where; and has vanquiſhed her enemies whenever they have ventured to contend with her—Her ſitua⯑tion in point of defence is better, and be⯑coming ſtill more ſo, every hour—Both our army and navy are greater in number, and better in diſcipline and order, than ever they were—Wherever fleets and armies, have been ſent, ours have purſued them.—It has always been the rule to fend the new-raiſed regiments abroad, in time of war, becauſe the few we retain at home, ſhould lead and be an example to the militia, in caſe of invaſion. But to add new force to the national armaments, there is no boun⯑dary [75]to the ſpirit, readineſs, and exer⯑tion of individuals at home, to ſupport the dignity and the rights of this country—In one or two inſtances, ſuch ſingular zeal has called for uncommon honors; and, in thoſe extraordinary caſes alone, for a limited time, and for a ſpecific ſervice, thoſe gentlemen, who have hazarded their property, and lives, for the public ſafety, without any condition of rank or emolument for them⯑ſelves, ſubſequent to ſuch ſervice, have been raiſed to temporary rank.

The complaint of our reſources has con⯑ſtantly been repeated, when we have actually found them moſt efficient—Ten millions were raiſed laſt year almoſt in the courſe of a day. Nearly as much the year before: our revenues are improved; the ſinking-fund is certainly increaſing—War has hi⯑therto produced no immediate diſtreſs to the ſtate; and creates a more general cir⯑culation than peace—The captures indeed are an exception—But let oppoſition ex⯑plain theſe effects of their jealous diſſatiſ⯑faction againſt the profits of individual con⯑tractors, [76]who formerly conducted the whole buſineſs, and periods of ſailing, for our mercantile fleets—But the navy-board hav⯑ing undertaken it of late, and in the midſt of more complicated operations, the con⯑ſequence has been, that too many of the convoys of tranſports, with ſtores, men, and proviſions, have failed—The former effec⯑ted the buſineſs well, being well paid for it—The latter have done it ill, becauſe they are not paid at all.

In ſuch a ſituation, the ſenſe, the ſpirit of this country will ſtill perſevere, in a juſt and honourable cauſe—The happy appearance of returning loyalty in the ſouthern colonies, with the certainty of their reſources being cut off, joined to the gallantry of Lord Cornwallis's expedition up the Cheſapeak Bay, give the faireſt pre⯑ſage of connecting alſo the ſubmiſſion of the northern colonies—The former are moſt important to us, becauſe they are more productive, and the inhabitants more na⯑turally inclined to us.

[77]With ſuch proſpects therefore, the weak murmurs of domeſtic diſaffection will be deſpiſed—The tyranny of that monſter, Aſſociation, will only be a rule to its own miſerable vaſſals—The independent coun⯑try-gentlemen, who have ſeen the baneful effects of this fatal ſpirit, in that county where it firſt aroſe, will guard againſt the ſpecious impoſtures of ſo dangerous an in⯑novation—They, who in return for a haſty and miſplaced confidence, received every contumelious and inſulting reproach, will act with more caution, in avoiding thoſe plauſible pretences, which involve the moſt fatal conſequences—The little ill that fol⯑lowed in that inſtance, will hence be pro⯑ductive of the greateſt good. Every inde⯑pendent character will now be no longer alarmed by Aſſociation, or inſulted by in⯑ſtructions; but perſevere in that bold, de⯑cided, manly firmneſs, that has ever been the ſureſt guardian of the rights and li⯑berties of Great Britain.

ANSWER.

IF the form of theſe eſſays did not call for ſome comments on each ſubject, no anſwer would be attempted to ſuch indiſ⯑putable truths as are contained in the fore⯑going documents.—A very few words will be offered on this occaſion, rather as addi⯑tions, than amendments—It is apparent, that, in the ſeveral precepts for miſcellane⯑ous eloquence, there is leaſt novelty in thoſe of the firſt mentioned claſs, touching the direct or collateral appeals to the judgement, and the taſte of the gallery: moſt of which, every judicious critic will immediately diſ⯑cover to be cloſely copied from the higher models of this collateral rhetoric, exhibited by the profeſſors of our modern drama; wherein it is invariably the cuſtom to over⯑charge particular paſſages, as attractive ap⯑peals to their gallery alſo; which, when properly given (as the actors phraſe it) tell moſt ſurprizingly.

[87]But, it muſt be remembered, that much of the ſucceſs in both caſe, depends on a curious interſperſion of theſe brilliances, ſo as to relieve the heavier maſſes, and ſuſtain due proportions of light and ſhade—For rhe⯑torical flowers muſt be diſpoſed and mingled with a ſtudious delicacy of arrangement, and interweave their blended beauties in juſt contraſt to the coarſer texture of more ſub⯑ſtantial argument.

Thus (to adapt our expreſſions to the ſub⯑ject) in ſome parts of the rhetorical ground⯑work, ſmall ſeedlings of little violet-tropes ſhould ſeem to fearfully revoke even the mi⯑nuter elegance, they ſo faintly diſcloſe—while, in others, more full-blown meta⯑phors, may diffuſe their roſeat luxuriance, and prodigally extend both ſtem and foliage among the thorny ſweet-briars of irony; or entwining knots of ſyllogiſtic woodbine—with theſe alſo there ſhould occaſionally be interſperſed, ſome brighter ornaments of wit, like the ſpangles of the pattern, to va⯑riegate the ſilken ſentences of perſwaſion, [88]and ſet them off with more dazzling de⯑coration.

As to the latter, and far more original diviſion of miſcellaneous eloquence, though ſomething (it muſt be owned) of its baſer kind is equally obſervable in the fuſtian⯑tags and finales of our more ancient trage⯑dies; and on the ſame plan too of leaving a good impreſſion on the gallery; yet it is certainly, in its true nature and perfect ſtate, moſt completely ſublime: and in the ex⯑emplified inſtance defective only, in its un⯑accountably narrow and reſtricted limitation to this world alone; when, with equal eaſe and efficacy, it might, and ought to be ex⯑tended, not only to the inhabitants of our own moon, and other lunatic countries, but alſo to every nation and people in the whole planetary ſyſtem: ſo that, in any great con⯑greſs of aſtronomical worlds, univerſal whig⯑giſm ſhould as certainly be the ruling prin⯑ciple of the delegates of Jupiter's ſatellites, as a whig-preſident muſt be deputed by the conſtituents of Saturn's ring—It is only neceſſary therefore to add, that the reſpect [89]for this kind of gigantic rhetoric will be greatly enhanced, by a proportionable elocu⯑tion and action, to juſtify and grace its mag⯑nificence.—For here, though the figures are intentionally dilated and monſtrous, and the colouring ſyſtematically overcharged, like thoſe of cupola paintings, yet to the igno⯑rant auditor above, the rhetoric of the for⯑mer will ſeem as natural and juſt; as the ſymmetry of the latter appears exact, and proportionable, to the ſtupid gazer below—For the eye and the ear are equally delighted and deceived, in both the one, and the other caſe.

In the delivery therefore of theſe rhetori⯑cal caricatures, all that can be requiſite to compleat their effect, is to accompany them by congenial degrees of violence and vehe⯑mence, in expreſſion, and deportment; or, in ſhort, that the geſtures and elocution of the orator, who pronounces them, may ſomewhat reſemble thoſe of a furious feugle⯑man, or a fanatic in a frenzy.

ANSWER.

TO this great, and moſt important of all queſtions; this cauſe, and end of all logic, argument, and eloquence; this attractive power, to whoſe magnetic force, all the lighteſt, or weightieſt bo⯑dies of reaſoning muſt irreſiſtably gra⯑vitate; with mixed ſenſations of regret, and ſatisfaction, we are at length ar⯑rived.—Here ſhould every ſpecious de⯑duction, and every eſtabliſhed proof, be equally admitted both from the advocates who attack, and the witneſſes who defend, the cauſe of adminiſtration—Here ſhould each ſlighteſt particle of evidence, each mi⯑nute and ſhadowy diſtinction of opinion, be fairly and impartially depoſited in that golden balance, which even-handed juſtice ſhould ſuſpend and poiſe, to weigh the doubtful conflict of political warfare—But, to aſſiſt at ſuch a trial would be far too ſo⯑lemn, too laborious, for profaner pens— [94]It is a taſk that may be conſigned, with far greater ſecurity, to the buſy zeal, and perſevering patience, of polemical politi⯑cians—A haſty and imperfect anſwer to the foregoing argument, ſhall conclude theſe ſlighter toils—It muſt be owned then, that the philoſophy of miniſterial changes, is worthy the ſolidity of its fo⯑reign theoriſts—It ſeems indeed very cloſely borrowed from the Pariſian viciſſitudes of faſhion, dreſs, and even furniture, for the reſpective ſeaſons—On ſo accommo⯑dating a ſyſtem, many fanciful varieties might be practiſed, to variegate ſucceſſive adminiſtrations; which, with that view, might be quarterly; and compoſed of more decided characters for the two greater divi⯑ſions of the year, and a kind of demi-ſaiſon ſtateſmen for the leſſer.

This would give an impartial rotation to all ſorts of parties, and, by a juſt adaption of diſpoſitions, and tempers, analogous to their ſucceſſive periods, might produce the happieſt, and moſt extraordinary effects—For, young adventuring politicians might [95]ſow the principles of a ſcheme in the ſpring adminiſtration, which, when cultivated, and matured, by coalitions of the ſummer and autumnal miniſtries, would finally pro⯑duce the richeſt fruits, to be treaſured, and diſpenſed, by the colder caution and wintry wiſdom of more experienced counſellors. But after all, changes of miniſtry are neither as ſudden, nor as eaſy, as changes of wea⯑ther, or changes of ſcenery at a play houſe.—And as the principle of mutability was not much inſiſted on, it will be fairer to re⯑cur to the more ſerious and material ſub⯑ſtance of the argument.—The petitions—and the two other great points—the origin of our troubles—and the conſiſtency of oppoſition.

To theſe it may be briefly anſwered, that if it can poſſibly be prov'd, that one of the petitions was not invented, framed, and circulated, by thoſe gentlemen, whoſe ap⯑pointment and elevation they ſeverally dic⯑tate, the truth of them all, ſhall be univer⯑ſally admitted.—But, on the contrary, if the whole pile of them was raiſed, fabrica⯑ted, [96]and ſupported, by one, and, the ſame ſet of men, for one, and the ſame purpoſe; the force of their evidence will not be much relied on.—Next, as to the origin of the war, it is ſufficient to repeat that trite truth, "The STAMP ACT was, not the work of the preſent miniſtry!" And, in reſpect to the uniform reſiſtance to the principle of American ſubordination, the equally ſelf-evident propoſition muſt al⯑ways be remembered "That to oppoſition alone are we indebted, for that abſolute and univerſal claim to it; THE DECLARATORY LAW."—Two moſt trite refutations, of the two triteſt of all charges! which however as indiſputably diſprove the imputed de⯑linquency on the one ſide, as they abſo⯑lutely overthrow the ridiculous claim to conſiſtency on the other.

But, with regard indeed to the great crite⯑rion of national opinion, the two popular elec⯑tions; certainly much ſtreſs is wiſely and juſtly laid upon that point—nor would it prove an unpleaſing taſk for ſome advocate of op⯑poſition, to draw an exact parallel, in the [97]manner of Plutarch, between the four trium⯑phant candidates; wherein it would as evi⯑dently appear, that the two admirals, who ſe⯑verally ſhare theſe domeſtic honours, are not more preciſely alike in principles and con⯑duct; than the two ſtateſmen alſo of the ſame elections, reſemble each other, in high birth, exalted genius, cultivated taſte, ſound reaſoning, ſtrict honour, and undamped for⯑titude.—Which cloſe, and mathematical, conſideration of the ſeveral relative pro⯑portions of merit, thus mutually com⯑pared, in their reſpective parallels, muſt, not only demonſtrate the exact correſpon⯑dence of their reciprocal excellencies, and therefore, by fair conſequence, the truth, and juſtice of declaring theſe two elec⯑tions a common, and equal ſtandard of national opinion, but alſo at once overthrow every cavilling notion that may ariſe of their rediculous diſſimilitude, and eſtabliſh them, for the whole ſucceeding ſeſſion of parliament, as the great political parallel⯑logram of public ſpirit.

[98]It may however be unneceſſary to continue much longer the myſterious inſinuation of INFLUENCE, ſo induſtriouſly circulated, preparatory to theſe boaſted triumphs—at the moment, it might have been judicious, nay, poſſibly, neceſſary, to lean on this po⯑pular argument—But to continue it, might now appear unworthy the gallantry and ſpirit of its author, if not too like the fret⯑ful reſource of diſappointed pride.—When the tempeſt had diſſevered the good old veſſel, deſpair might fly to any refuge.—The gilded lion at the head, was then no longer to be upheld, by romantic enthu⯑ſiaſm, as the glittering ſign and ſplendid preſage of victory: diſtreſs and danger had deſtroyed all fanciful reſpect; and exhauſ⯑ted, ſinking, ſtrength caught at that majeſtic ruin, which, faithfull even to its debaſer, elevated and ſupported the very hand that ſelfiſhly depreſſed it.—It has had its uſe!—performed its ſervice!—Let it be no longer expoſed, and dragged about, for low mockery and inſolent profanation; but generouſly and gratefully laid up, like a vo⯑tive [99]tablet in the temple of Neptune, the conſecrated record of unhoped-for refuge.

It remains only to ſay a few words on the laſt and powerful argument for the Change of Miniſtry; namely, the deciſive ſuperi⯑ority of abilities, on the part of Oppoſition—this favourite common place, ſo perpetually, and ſo modeſtly urged, might lead to per⯑ſonal parallels, of all others the moſt invi⯑dious, as well as diſputable.—On this queſtion, every man muſt judge for him⯑ſelf.—All that ſhall be ſaid here— is this; that it muſt indeed be a much more infi⯑nite ſuperiority of talent, than frequently occurs in the ſcale of human underſtand⯑ing, that can, at once, render the qualifica⯑tions of any ſet of men (who are compa⯑ratively unconverſant with official buſineſs, or, at leaſt, not equally verſed of late years in political negociations, foreign, or domeſ⯑tic;) ſo ſupremely ſuperexcellent to thoſe of others, ſome of whom have been literally educated in office, others paſſed the greateſt part of their lives in foreign embaſſies of [100]complicated concern, with the ableſt, and pureſt reputation; and all are perfectly equal to their competitors in every advan⯑tage of rank and ſituation.—To this the thouſand declamatory common place re⯑plies of practiſed fraud, veteran ſubtlety, and profeſſional treachery, as they may be eaſily imagined, ſhall be ſilently deſpiſed.—Certainly there are individuals in oppo⯑ſition, of moſt extenſive, and poſſibly un⯑equalled underſtanding, the acceſſion of whoſe abilities would give luſtre to public council, and be indeed almoſt a national bleſſing.—But if the miſerable appendages of party muſt for ever fix their ponderous and oppreſſive influence on talents formed for free, and bold aſpiring; then may their perverted excellence be juſtly pronounced the ruin of their country; and while, to vul⯑gar obſervation, this luminous and malig⯑nant prodigy, this ſplendid, but baneful por⯑tent, ſcatters terror and amazement; by every more thinking mind, it will at once be wondered at, and lamented; admired, and deplored.—For pre-eminence of genius becomes doubly pernicious by the abuſe of [101]its own ſuperiority, and the contaminating degradation of the faculties of others; and is indeed, both in effect, and by example,—The decay of a whole age.