ADVICE TO THE PEOPLE OF Great Britain.

THE PUBLICK PEACE is juſtly the concern of every true lover of his Country, the Warmth and Fire that ap⯑pears on every ſide in its turn, and Prompts us to fall in upon one another, with Reſentment for Miſcarriages, ra⯑ther than Caution againſt them, may be juſtly ſuſpected to proceed more from private and narrow Views, than from that generous and broad hearted princi⯑ple of Love to a Country which every Man would be diſtinguiſh'd by, but which ſo few Underſtand.

[4] No Man can be ſaid to purſue the true intereſt of his Country, but he that makes it the utmoſt End of all his Mea⯑ſures to reſtore and eſtabliſh the PUB⯑LICK PEACE; This alone makes a Nation Great, Rich, Powerful, and Hap⯑py. Without Peace the World is a rag⯑ing Bedlam, where every (Lunatick) In⯑habitant is ſeparated from the reſt to pre⯑vent them Devouring and Deſtroying one another; A great Forreſt where the Inha⯑bitants are all Beaſts of Prey, watching to tear one another to Pieces, the ſtron⯑ger Hunting after the Weaker, the Greater falling upon the Leſs.

Peace is the End of Society, the Rea⯑ſon of Government, the Conſequence of Laws, and the Felicity of Life.

By PEACE here I am to be under⯑ſtood to be ſpeaking of the Civil Peace; Peace at home, (viz.) with our Rulers, and with our ſelves; and I make the Diſtinction here, becauſe I ſhall induſtri⯑ouſly avoid entring into that Part which has occaſioned ſo much the Breach of our Peace at home for ſome time paſt, (viz.) Peace as it relates to War, Alliances, Trea⯑ties, &c. with our Neighbours abroad.

We have been miſerably divided a⯑mong our ſelves for ſome time. The Feud which began in the Court has ſpread it [5] ſelf thro' the whole Nation, and has ſo Univerſally prevail'd, that it has been next to impoſſible for any Man, private or publick, but much leſs the latter, to live and call himſelf a NEUTER: The Breach at Court in the diſplacing the Miniſtry, tho' it was not the firſt of the Fire, yet it was the firſt of the Flame. The HOUSE, (Nation) was on Fire before, in the ſecret Diſcontents and Uneaſineſſes that poſſeſs'd the Parties one againſt another, and which ſhew'd it ſelf upon every Occaſion; but it was not broken out till the diſplacing the Miniſtry, and diſſolving the Parlia⯑ment in 1710. Then it was a perfect Flame, which burnt out to the terror of all good Men who wiſh'd well to their Country; burning up all our National Peace, embarking the whole Kingdom in the Diſorder, and threatning to leave us a prey to the firſt Enemy that had Hands to lay hold on us.

The Parties who bandied the Nation againſt it ſelf, and by whoſe Rage our Ruin was ſo near, may without making uſe of the invidious Names given to one another, be thus diſtinguiſhed. (1.) The People diſplaced, who to make themſelves popular, decry'd the Perſons and Mea⯑ſures of thoſe who had diſplac'd them, [6] ſuggeſting the Ruin of the Conſtitution, Invaſion of Liberty, and overthrow of the Proteſtant Succeſſion, in favour of the Pretender. (2.) The People in Place, who to confirm themſelves, vindicated their diſplacing the other, by ſuggeſt⯑ing Male-Adminiſtration, ſelfiſh De⯑ſigns, and corrupt Practices to the De⯑triment of the Nation, ruining the People by the length of the War, and deny⯑ing them neceſſary Peace, on pretence of obtaining it at laſt with more Advan⯑tages by the Continuance of the War.

I hope it will not be expected I ſhould enter here into the Merits of the re⯑ſpective Pretenſions, and ſo make this Tract which is deſigned for the cloſing theſe Breaches, be a Declaration of the carrying them farther on, taking on me a Power of judging and cenſuring either one ſide or other; this is no part of a Re⯑conciler, which is my Province at this time; I ſhall therefore only draw two Ob⯑ſervations from the brief Account given above of our late Diviſions, which I leave to the Reflection of thoſe who have been concerned.

1. That the Old Party would never have ſtood out ſo long, had they believed the New, would have been able to have maintained themſelves ſo firmly againſt [7] the Vigorous and Powerful Attacks they were to meet with.

2. The New Party would not have done many things which they were ob⯑liged to do, nor have made uſe of many of thoſe Hands which at laſt they were obliged to make uſe of, if the Old had not ſtood out ſo obſtinately, and ſo long.

By theſe two unhappy Incidents, the Party War among us was both Spun out to a greater Length, and blown up to a greater Flame than either ſide at firſt fore⯑ſaw, or as I believe intended; till it came to that highth that it began to be the Opinion of ſerious and judicious Men on both Sides, that it could never be made up, that the Parties could never part without Blows, and that it muſt in a ſhort time involve us in Confuſion and Blood.

But the Iſſue as well in what is ſeen, as in what was but juſt appearing, has ſhewn us that things were not quite ſo bad as we feared; and that there were yet a Body of Men, even in the new Miniſtry, and at the Head of it too, who tho' they made uſe of Inſtruments for their Convenience, yet ſaw with other Eyes than thoſe In⯑ſtruments ſaw with, and purſued other Ends than they purſued.

It is not to be doubted but there was a [8] Party of Men who were ſecretly inclin'd to propagate the Intereſt of the Preten⯑der tho' they put on a different Face in all their Tranſactions; theſe fooliſhly, and very weakly, flattering themſelves that they ſhould find an Opportunity to turn up their own Card Trump, joined themſelves with the Party who were up⯑permoſt, and as they thought for that Reaſon ſtrongeſt.

Two things were to be obſerved of theſe Mens Conduct all the while they were playing this Game (viz.) that (1.) They were willing to precipitate the publick Affairs into all the warm and extravagant Hights they could leſt the diſplac'd Party, finding room to hope well of moderate Meaſures, ſhould think of reconciling themſelves to the Miniſtry, and coming in. (2.) They ſecretly in⯑flam'd the ſaid diſplac'd Party againſt the Miniſtry, and propagated every ſecret ſtep that might alarm them, that as they might be more averſe to a Reconciliation on one Hand, ſo the Miniſtry might be pro⯑vok'd on the other, not to hearken any more to Accommodations.

Thus the ſecret Party had acted till they thought their Game ſo ſure, and their Intereſt ſo ſtrong, that they could overmatch any Man who they had the [9] leaſt Reaſon to ſuſpect would oppoſe them, and aiming at no leſs than the Prime Miniſtry, they reſolved either to bring it into their own Hands, or if not, then to bring it into their own Manage⯑ment.

The End which theſe men aim'd at, as before they ſound Impracticable as things ſtood; the Perſon who poſſeſs'd the Power of Prime Miniſter, having views quite dif⯑ferent from theirs, and which they were indeed penetrating enough to ſee would at laſt overthrow them.

Their next ſtep then was to make him uneaſy, and to render him ſuſpected; re⯑proaching him with being a Presbyterian in his Heart, inclin'd to the Whigs, and ha⯑ving taken ſecret Meaſures to betray them all to a new Scheme of Moderati⯑on; to erect a third Party between the Ex⯑treams of the other two, and ſo to lay them wholly aſide.

This part they carry'd on with more Succeſs than they at firſt expected; for the Prime Miniſter, tho' he form'd no middle Party as they alleag'd, yet ſeeing evidently that they drove on at a rate that would certainly plunge the Queen, not only into Breaches with her Neighbours, but with her own Sub⯑jects; Alſo that they had views fatal to [10] the publick Peace, and founded alſo up⯑on impracticable Schemes which muſt neceſſarily ruin themſelves; I ſay, ſeeing this was the Caſe, after in vain endea⯑vouring to keep them within the bounds of Reaſon, and Duty to their Country and themſelves; and after having long born the ſcandal of their Meaſures, and been reproach'd in Publick, as if he had been the Actor of what he ſo often, and ſo conſtantly oppoſed, he gradually declin⯑ed them, yielded to the Importunities of the Times, left them to try their own Wiſdom, and at laſt drew entirely out of the Management.

It was not three Days that theſe Men ſtood by themſelves, but they appeared to be unequal to the weight they had ta⯑ken upon them, and that they were no more capable to guide the State without that able Head they had parted from, than he was able by his Wiſdom and Authority to Guide them, and keep them within thoſe moderate Meaſures of Go⯑vernment which alone could preſerve them. The weakneſs diſcovered it ſelf ſo far that the [...] of their new Model immediately fell aſunder, and every one ſetting up for themſelves, they began to fall into that Confuſion that was foretold them.

[11] This ſtep of the Prime Miniſter was infinitely to his Advantage, in that it re⯑ſtored him to the Opinion of ſome ho⯑neſt Men who had been prepoſſeſs'd againſt him for thoſe Steps which it was now apparent were the Produce of a ſe⯑cret Faction who topt upon the Mini⯑ſtry; and who as it now evidently ap⯑peared were in an Intereſt that no ho⯑neſt Man could longer join with. It was alſo advantageous to the Publick, that this ſecret Hiſtory might come to light, and that the Miſchiefs theſe hot Men were likely to bring upon us, might be prevented.

In this Poſture Affairs ſtood when Heaven took the Work into its own Hand, and the Queen who was not a lit⯑tle touch'd with the Folly and Heat of theſe Men, had taken her firſt ſtep con⯑trary to their Meaſures, and given the Treaſury from them, was ſtruck with Death to the unſpeakable Grief of all her faithful Subjects, who albeit our Diviſi⯑ons had leſſened the common Charity of the People one towards another, had yet a profound Veneration, and an unfeign'd Duty and Affection to her Perſon, ha⯑ving been brought to it by the moſt engaging, inoffenſive, tender and af⯑fectionate Treatment of all her Subjects, [12] without Diſtinction, the moſt exemplary Life, ſteady Piety, and Beneficent mer⯑ciful Reign of any Soveraign that ever ſat upon the Britiſh or Engliſh Throne.

When the Queen was Dead, the im⯑mediate thing that preſented was the LAW. By this the Succeſſor to the Crown, and the Duty of the Miniſters of State were ſo expereſly laid down, the Per⯑ſons who were to aſſume the Regency ap⯑pointed, and the ſevere Penalty to be inflicted on the leaſt Neglect ſo ſet forth; that no ſecret Deſigns of any Men, or Party of Men could poſſibly prevent the Proteſtant Succeſſion taking Place.

This it muſt be confeſſed has confirm'd the Opinion of thoſe who before theſe Things happened, profeſſed themſelves ſatisfy'd in the Security of the Parliamen⯑tary Proviſion for the Succeſſion, and were therefore not ſo apprehenſive of the Danger of the Pretender as others were, who yet were ſincerely in the Intereſt of the Proteſtant Succeſſion; I am no more making this Tract a Defence of one Party, than an Accuſation of the other: It has not been equally the Opinion of all thoſe who were really out of the Mea⯑ſures of the Miniſtry, that they were Fa⯑vourers of the Pretender; and much might be ſaid to prove they muſt have [13] been Maſters of very indifferent Politicks, if they had any ſuch Thoughts. It is now out of the Queſtion; the Event proves it otherwiſe; and thoſe Jacobites who entertained Hopes of ſuch a Thing, diſcover that they little weigh'd the Na⯑ture of the Settlement it ſelf, which was ſuch, that the greateſt Friend to the Houſe of Hanover ſcarce knew what to Deviſe for their farther Security, except the placing ſome of the Family here, which they found was not practicable on ſeve⯑ral Accounts.

Having premiſed theſe things only to make Room for what Follows, I begin upon this reconciling Foundation. The Proteſtant Succeſſion, and the Doubts and Fears concerning it, or concerning who was for or againſt it, being then at an End by the Succeſſor's being volunta⯑rily and freely put into actual Poſſeſſion, (for the King tho' not yet preſent in his proper Perſon, is yet in an actual and legal Poſſeſſion of the Crown.) This I ſay being done, and being done even by thoſe very Perſons whom we have ſo often charged with being for the Preten⯑der, what then remains but that we ceaſe that fooliſh ſtrife, forget the Wrongs done to one another, and bury the Re⯑ſentment of paſt Follies in the Joy of the [14] preſent Eſtabliſhment, joining together upon a diſintreſſed Principle, to cultivate our own Advantages.

This is our only preſent Security; if we may be perſwaded to this, we may pre⯑ſerve the Poſſeſſion of the Crown to the Proteſtant Race of Hanover, againſt all the World; if not, if we will divide into Factions and Parties, and be ſtill tear⯑ing one another to Pieces, the moſt Con⯑temptible of all Pretenders may give us trouble, the conſtant Fears of it uneaſi⯑neſs, and the leaſt Attempt from abroad overcome and confound us.

It is hard to ſay what is now left for us to Quarrel at: Mark ſuch as ſow Diviſions. If any Man now would open Wounds, and revive Party Diſſentions, what can it be for, but to carry on a narrow Prin⯑ciple, a private Intereſt, and make a Gain of the Ruin of his Country?

The Succeſſion is ſecured, and in that our whole Demands are ſecured: In a Proteſtant King, a Rightful, Lawful, Par⯑liamentary Hanover King all we can wiſh for is contained; the Proteſtant Religion ſecured; the Church of England, and the Kirk of Scotland Reciprocally eſtabliſhed; the Toleration of Diſſenters is contained in a temper of Moderation; the Laws are protected; Liberty and Pro⯑perty [15] engag'd for; Parliamentary Autho⯑rity recogniz'd; every thing that was in Danger is made ſafe, that was in doubt aſcertain'd, that was diſputed, ſettled, and nothing remains for us but for every Man to Study to be quiet, and to do their own Buſineſs.

If any hot Man ſhall object that this is an Exhortation Politically made to skreen Criminals from Juſtice, and that the late Management ſhould be enquir'd into and examined; I ſay, ſuch a Man ſhows what manner of Spirit he is of. But let him be the Man to accuſe, let him name the Crime and the Criminal, and let him be ſure to anſwer for a falſe Accuſation, and begin if he thinks it is neceſſary; but then let Offenders of all Parties have equal Juſtice, and if they can think of beginning the new Reign in this Manner, let them go to Work when they pleaſe.

But is this a time for that Work, or rather ſince Faults on every Side are to be found, is it now our Buſineſs to re⯑concile our ſelves to one another, and forget for one another the Cauſes of our former Feuds, that we may not fall into the like again.

[16] What a Stage of Parties, of Strife, of Rage and Fury, ſhall we make the Reign of the King to be, if we go this way to Work? How ſhall we deprive His Ma⯑jeſty of the Bleſſing and Comfort of his Subjects, and our ſelves of the Bleſſing and Happineſs of his Protection and Fa⯑vour? And make our ſelves miſerable under that very Influence which we thought to make us Happy.

Can we expect the King deſires to be King, of but part of his People? do we think he comes in loaden with Reſent⯑ment, and that he will permit one half of his People to fall upon the other, upon the ſingle Queſtion of, who is, or is not beſt affected to him, and moſt in his In⯑tereſt? That he ſhould ſet up an Inqui⯑ſition upon the Conduct of Parties before he was King, and a Retroſpect upon the general Behaviour of the People when he had nothing to do with them? Will he begin to puniſh what his benign Prede⯑ceſſor would not, and ſhed that Blood which ſhe would have ſaved? OR on the contrary, will his Majeſty rather be pleaſed that all Animoſities and Prejudi⯑ces ſhould be bury'd in a general Chari⯑ty, and all Party Offences laid aſleep in an act of Oblivion, that his Subjects may be eaſy, that none may tremble at his [17] Coming, but that he may have the Hearts and Hands of every Subject with him, and may be the King of all his Peoples Wiſhes.

This leads me to the firſt Important Que⯑ſtion mentioned in my Title, (viz.) What we are to expect from his Preſent Majeſty. Let me enquire of it Negatively.

1. We have not Reaſon to expect in his Preſent Majeſty a raw Youth, unex⯑perienced in the art of Government, that knows not how or when to relax, or re⯑ſtrain the Humours of Parties, or to lead the People he is to Govern; that muſt give up himſelf to be impos'd upon by his Coun⯑ſellors, and knows not how, or where to beſtow his Favours, or ſhew his Diſlike: I am not complimenting his Majeſty when I tell you the King was not born Yeſter⯑day, nor is his Knowledge in the publick Affairs of Europe to learn: He will indeed be a Stranger in ſome of the Cuſtoms and Uſages of our Court, and Country, to which he will ſoon accommodate him⯑ſelf; but he is not a Stranger in the Of⯑fice of a King; he has been a Soveraign Prince many Years, and cannot be at a Loſs to know either his Office, or Duty; and as he will know how to avoid failing in his part, ſo he will not be Ignorant when we fail in Ours.

[18] 2. Tho' his Majeſty is a Prince of known Benignity, and goodneſs of Diſ⯑poſition, and Infinitely beloved by his own Subjects, for his Lenity and Mode⯑ration, even where his Power is abſolute, and where the Obedience of his People riſes up to a Degree that we would call Slave⯑ry; yet I ſay we are not to expect his Ma⯑jeſty will ſuffer, as has been too much the Caſe in our two laſt Reigns, himſelf to be trampled on, his Goodneſs and For⯑bearance play'd upon and abuſed, his wiſeſt Meaſures of Government ridi⯑cu'd, his Councils ſlighted and con⯑demned; I believe his Majeſty will give us no Reaſon to do thus, and we ought not to expect he will Patiently bear it.

3. We ought not to expect that upon every Malecontent Party that may think themſelves not kindly enough treated, or that may be turned out of Place and Of⯑fice, &c. as muſt often be the Caſe; we may be permitted to Libel and Inſult him? It is certainly the Neglect of this part, even to a Fault, that has brought our Pamphlets up to ſuch a Degree of Buffoonry, and ſuch unſufferable Inſo⯑lence, that no time in the Memory of Man, or of Hiſtory, can ſhew the like; [19] and which the even Criminal Mercy of her Majeſty's Reign, in every Miniſtry, gave too much Encouragement to.

It is a ſtrange Caſe, and owing to no⯑thing but the looſeneſs of the Rein, with which our Princes have always go⯑vern'd; that no ſooner has the Soveraign here diſmiſs'd a Miniſter of State or a ſet of Miniſters of State, but thoſe Miniſters turn Malecontents againſt that Admini⯑ſtration they are diſmiſs'd from, lay wait for the Miniſters that ſucceed, Watch for their halting, throw Dirt at them on all Occaſions, load their beſt Actions with Scandal and Calumny, aggravate every miſtake to a Degree of Crime, blacken their Meaſures with the Reproach of both Folly and Knavery, and charge them with Treaſonable Deſigns againſt the Liberties of their Country; in a Word, ſtrive to render them odious and burthemſome to the People, that a popu⯑lar cry being raiſed againſt them, the Soveraign may firſt be laſt be obliged to part with them; nor is this all, for altho' this Reſentment be immediately levelled at the Miniſters of State, yet it always Points at the Soveraign, nay, and touches him too, ſlily inſinuating either his Incapacity to Govern, or his Indolence [20] in Management, his being engroſs'd in a Favourite, led blindly by the Noſe, de⯑luded, beſieged, impoſed upon, and the like, all which tend to leſſen the Sove⯑raign in the Eyes of the Subject, and bring Government it ſelf into Contempt.

Many ways this has been our Caſe, in the two former Reigns eſpecially, and innumerable Miſchiefs attend the Go⯑vernment of this Nation from this one beginning, and as all theſe have had the greater Influence from the too great Le⯑nity and Forbearance of the Soveraign, giving way to the erecting Parties and Factions in the Houſhold and Court, ſo it is hoped we may ſay that we ought not to expect his preſent Majeſty ſhould ſubject himſelf, and his Adminiſtration, to the ſame Uneaſineſs.

I have ſeen ſomething of the Engliſh Courts in former Reigns, and have ob⯑ſerved that when Miniſters of State have been diſmiſſed, it has not been as it is now. If the Prince for Reaſons of State thought fit to diſmiſs his Servants, or to change Hands in the Adminiſtration of his Affairs, the great Man diſmiſs'd, or the ſet of Men diſmiſt, ſubmitted; they took it for a Misfortune to loſe their Princes Favour, and by a Modeſt and [21] Dutiful Behaviour always ſtood ready, and expreſs'd their willingneſs to deſerve the return of it: Far was it from ſuch in thoſe Days to demand Reaſons why they were diſmiſs'd, or to raiſe Parties a⯑gainſt thoſe that came in; to undermine them in their Stations, and bring the Soveraign to the Neceſſity of taking them in again.

Neither did the new Servants ta⯑ken in, fortify themſelves againſt thoſe who were turned out, by endeavouring to miſrepreſent their former Conduct to the Soveraign, or to leſſen them in the Eyes of the People, and thereby to block up the Way againſt their returning into Buſineſs. But on the contrary, they were always ready to do Buſineſs together in whatſoever Station of the Government the Soveraign might be pleaſed to employ them.

Nor was ever the changing Hands in the Adminiſtration till now, accounted the changing a Party. Miniſters of State fell and riſe ſingle, and alone, and it was not found needful at the Change of a Secretary, or of a Treaſurer, to change Councils and Meaſures, turn out all the Inferior Officers in the Houſhold and Revenue, and even to all Officers, [22] Civil and Military in the Kingdom, changing Lieutenancies, removing Ju⯑ſtices of the Peace, and even in the very Church, obſerving the Party Intereſts of the Miniſters of State, in placing Chap⯑lains, making or tranſlating Biſhops, and the like.

This I muſt confeſs Appears to me to be a Foundation in the Government, of ſomething that ſhould not be named, and which in time if not redreſs'd, will certainly bring all our Kings under Tute⯑lage, and be fatal even to Monarchy it ſelf: How this ſhall be redreſs'd, I am not to dictate. All that I ſay to it here, is, that I hope we will not expect ſuch Pro⯑ceedings under the Reign of his Preſent Majeſty, who as we believe of him, that he Underſtands the Nature of Govern⯑ment too well to confine himſelf to the narrow Meaſures of a Party, ſo much leſs can we reaſonably believe he will ſuffer himſelf to be governed by a PARTY; which indeed would be fatal to himſelf, and to us all.

4. No more are we to expect from his Preſent Majeſty, that he will come into e⯑very Party Reſentment, and gratify that helliſh Paſſion of Revenge which ſome People wiſh for, and which they think they [23] owe to their late Mortifications: This would be to make his Majeſty a Party Man againſt the Intereſt of his King⯑dom, and againſt the Peace and Felicity of his own Reign. His Majeſty will not appear Ignorant what to diſlike, and what to approve, what to reſent, and what to paſs over. No doubt but many People have taken Liberties in the prece⯑dent Reign, which they would not have taken had his Majeſty been upon the Throne, it was ever ſo in every Reign: If the Reſentment of the Succeſ⯑ſor were to be puſh'd at theſe Things, as the Reſentment of Parties would puſh them, many People might be made unea⯑ſy, who for the future may perhaps be⯑come Loyal and Faithful; and many People may be undone, whoſe Ruin ſhall not add one Grain to the Safety or Hap⯑pineſs of his Majeſty's Reign. I am perſwaded every Jacobite that behaves quietly and inoffenſively under his Maje⯑ſty, may yet hope for the ſame Security and Protection which he enjoy'd under King William, and Queen Anne.

There is no Queſtion but many a Ja⯑cobite will by ſuch a merciful Admini⯑ſtration be in time reduced to his Duty, who by the Violence of Reſentment [24] would be continued in Enmity, and per⯑haps be made deſperate. Here let it be obſerved that by Jacobite I am to be underſtood a quiet paſſive Jack, not an intreaguing, ploting, buſy turbulent Jaco⯑bite; let ſuch receive the due deſert of their Folly, and whoever breaks the Peace of his Majeſty's Reign, let him neither claim or receive any Mercy.

His Majeſty is a King, and not a private Man, and when he is ſuppoſed to Practiſe the great Vertue of Moderation it is ſup⯑poſed he will Practiſe it as a King; that is to ſay, that it ſhall be extenſive, God⯑like to every Penitent, giving room to Men to forget the Rancour of their Spirits, and forbearing to take Advan⯑tages of the Folly and Blindneſs of his Subjects. If we pretend to expect Puniſh⯑ment, and the Extremity of the Law upon every weak Man who has been drawn in to offend againſt the Proteſtant Succeſſi⯑on, you will make the King's Reign, which we hope to ſee Mild and Merciful, turn'd into a general Judicature, and all his Enemies that would not, that he ſhould Reign over them, ſlain before him: A ſight which I dare ſay his Majeſty's generous Heart would abhor, and which might make him terrible, but would [25] never make him dear to the Britiſh Na⯑tion.

If the Jacobites, who ſhall behave Quietly and Dutifully to the King, have thus nothing to expect that is terrible, much leſs will any other of his Majeſty's Subjects whoſe Crimes are not ſuch as call for Juſtice from the Nation as a ci⯑vil Society. But all his Majeſty's Sub⯑jects are as it were put upon their Be⯑haviour, and have room given to teſtify their Loyalty and Fidelity, whether ſuſ⯑pected or no by their future Conduct.

And this Brings me to the other part of my Subject, (viz.) how we ought to behave to the King upon his Coming among us.

A general Anſwer might ſuffice for this (viz.) like good Subjects, Faithfully, Loy⯑ally with Obedience and Affection; and like good Chriſtians living under him quiet and peaceable Lives, in all Godli⯑neſs and Honeſty: But this is not ſpeak⯑ing extenſively to the preſent Caſe, nor giving ſufficient Directions to the People how to regulate their Conduct ſo as may diſcharge their Duty as Subjects, and en⯑gage the Soveraign, whom God and the Laws have ſet over them, to Rule them not as a King only with Authority and [26] Juſtice, but as a Father of his Country, and of his People, with Tenderneſs and Affection.

I pay no Compliment to his Majeſty when I preſume to ſay he comes over eve⯑ry way qualified both by natural Diſpoſi⯑tion, and premeditated Reſolution to treat us with all that Clemency, Lenity, Ten⯑derneſs and Moderation that we can deſire: It is our immediate Duty, as Sub⯑jects, to apply our ſelves to merit that Benign Carriage, to engage him to us, and to give him no cauſe to think his Affection to all his Subjects ill placed.

And that this Exhortation may be ef⯑fectual in general to us all, I take the Li⯑berty to begin with the Jacobites: Theſe, I divide into Originals, and New Con⯑verts I have that Charity for theſe laſt, as to believe they have been drawn into Jacobitiſm, rather from their being per⯑ſwaded to believe its Succeſs was certain, and infallible, and that they ſhould ſo recommend themſelves to the next turn, than from any particular Conviction of the Invalidity of Parliamentary Settle⯑ment, or of the ſuperior Right of the Pretender. Their ſlip is pardonable no doubt on two Conditions. 1. That they have committed no overt Act which [27] amounting to Treaſon, renders it abſo⯑lutely neceſſary to reduce them not to Obedience, but to Example: and 2.) That they immediately reſolve to return to their firſt Principles, and teſtify their ſincere Repentance by a Conſtant ſted⯑dy Loyalty to the preſent King, till by the length of time they may be natura⯑lized in their Obedience, and it may be as juſt to forget their Offence as it would be now to puniſh it.

Certainly no Man that entertains the leaſt Zeal for his Country can now wiſh, had he no other Motive to ſee all theſe Calamities brought upon it which an at⯑tempt for the Pretender muſt now In⯑volve it in: If the Jacobite Cauſe was deſperate before, as to thinking Men was apparent, it muſt be nothing but Lunacy and Euthuſiaſm to entertain any Expe⯑ctation of its Succeſs now. From whence it ſeems juſt to conclude now, that he who Joyns in an Attempt for the Preten⯑der at this time cannot be thought to do it ſo much with an Eye to the Succeſs, as to the immediate Plunder of a War, that he may Fiſh in the troubled Water, and catch up ſome trifle out of the Ruins of his Country. This is one of the worſt ſort of Incendiaries, who ſets a Houſe on [28] Fire purely and on purpoſe to rob the diſordered Inhabitants when they are in a Hurry and Conſternation.

Now I can not think any of theſe new Converts or ſecond-hand Jacobites, for ſuch they are, can yet be ſo far advanced as to ſeek the Confuſion of their Country upon ſo vile a Conſideration as that of ſharing the Ruins I have therefore no⯑thing to ſay to ſuch, but to let them ſee their Caſe is deſperate and irretrievable, and they will ſoon ſee what is the next ſtep they have to take.

As to original Jacobites Nonjurant, Pro⯑feſt, and openly ſo, who were ſo from the beginning of Jacobitiſm it ſelf, I can only ſay to ſuch, be it with you according as you behave, I have here no room for farther Diſcourſe with you.

That the Caſe of Jacobitiſm is now deſparate, we need but little Argument to perſwade them to, if Poſſeſſion be 11 Points of the Law, 'tis yet more ſo of the Throne; and I need go no farther to Convince you of it than this. It was not long ago when a great Man in the French Armies laid it down as a Fundamental in this very Caſe, that King James could never be reſtored in England by the Sword, but that it muſt be done by [29] dividing the People of Britain, and ma⯑king way for them to bring him in themſelves. This was publiſh'd after⯑wards in a Paper called the Doway Letter.

I am willing to take it for granted either way, as the Jacobites pleaſe: If the Inte⯑reſt of Jacobitiſm be reſtored by Ma⯑nagement at home, they need no more than to conſult their own Reaſon; and ſee if they can tell themſelves where their proſpect lies: They had the Folly and Simplicity to flatter themſelves that they were in a Way for it lately, imagining tho' againſt all common Sence, that the Miniſtry were in their Intereſt. Their Zeal for the Pretender made them blind, and though there were a Thouſand De⯑monſtrations, that they were only dup'd and made Tools of, to ſerve the preſent occaſion of the Miniſtry without the leaſt thought of doing any thing for them as they called it, yet ſo willing were they to believe what they ſo weakly, though earneſtly, hoped for, that they ſhut, out all juſt Suſpitions from their Underſtandings and acted with the Miniſtry as if the Miniſtry had acted with them.

But when the thing came to the Teſt, when Heaven took the Work into his own Hands, by removing her late Ma⯑eſty, [30] then it appeared how they were miſtaken, that they had been only made [...]ools of, to ſerve a turn with, and that for the Intereſt of the Pretender, was no part of the Project.

If then there was no real Deſign in their Favour before, no Body will be ſo weak to ſuppoſe they are in a better State now, and therefore I may be allowed to ſay the Caſe of Jacobitiſm is now grown deſparate as to the Art and Management of Parties at home; and as to its being propogated by Force from abroad, that I believe the Jacobites themſelves have deſpair'd of long ago

This being the Caſe, and Jacobitiſm being effectually ſuppreſs'd, what have we to do with any other Diviſions? What Bone of Contention is left among us?

We have nothing to do then, but to Unite in a general Behaviour of Duty and Affection, and laying aſide the Me⯑mory of former Breache,s let the King have their Services and Aſſiſtance of the whole Nation, give him leave to be King of ALL his People, give him room to make uſe of ALL their help, to poſſeſs all their Hearts, and have the Strength of all their Hands.

[31] There are two principal Articles which have been the Cauſes, or at leaſt have been given as the Reaſons, of all our Parties, and of all the Diviſions that have ever happened in this Nation; and which as they would be effectually taken away by this Unity and Agreement of the Nation in their Behaviour to his pre⯑ſent Majeſty: So if any Contention or Strife happened among us after it, the World would plainly ſee it was a wick⯑ed Deſign to undermine the Govern⯑ment, and diſturb the publick Peace, and with any juſt Foundation, theſe two Articles are; 1. The Danger of the Pretender. 2. The Danger of the Church: both theſe I ſay would be taken away in a Firm and reſolved Loyalty, and Affe⯑ction to the King, his powerful Hand ſtrengthened by the Affections of his People to him, and they made invincible by their Union, with one another, would ſecure us againſt the firſt, and his Zeal for the Preſervation of their Right, in all its Parts would prevent the Apprehenſi⯑ons of the laſt.

In his Majeſty's Zeal for the publick Good, and watchful concern for its Safe⯑ty, all Danger from Enemies abroad, or from Parties at home will be taken away, [32] all State Jealouſies bury'd, and all Party Animoſities bury'd. The Danger of the Pretender will be loſt, the very Remem⯑brance of it will dye, a brave and a mag⯑naimous Prince at the Head of an uni⯑ted Nation can leave us no room for Ap⯑prehenſions, nor the Friends of the Pre⯑tender any room for Hope: Popery, and Jacobitiſm muſt no more ſhew their Faces, or have the leaſt Pretences for their Cauſe; let them make what Efforts they can, they will be Laught at by the World: Not the Power of the French, or of the Spaniſh Monarchies, whether united or not United, can give us any Uneaſineſs in that part; we ſhall be always ready, and always able to Encounter them.

No more can that other Amuſement, the Danger of the Church, have any Foun⯑dation among us, unleſs it be founded in Parties and Diviſions; which Parties and Diviſions will bring in all the Miſchiefs of the former Reign, and make his Maje⯑ſty's Days as unhappy and uncomforta⯑ble as thoſe of his Predeceſſors.

But this general Union of Affections would remove all Jealouſies, prevent that State Plague of governing by Parties, it would diſſolve Teſts and occaſional Bills upon the Arms of the Government, to [33] Embrace all its Subjects with an equal Affection; and open the Heart of the governed to ſuch a Faithful and Affectio⯑nate Behaviour, that every ſort of Men being true Lovers of the eſtabliſh'd Go⯑vernment, could not be capable of any Deſigns to its Prejudice.

This is the Moderation I am recom⯑mending, and this alone. I am not plead⯑ing to cover any Man whom Juſtice ought to puniſh, let the Law have its Courſe upon all; let none miſtake me. But if we would make the Nation and the King Happy, enable his Majeſty to Rule Happily and Gloriouſly, we muſt reſolve to bury this Party temper, this Spirit of Animoſity and Envy that is among us; to be one eaſy People under the Reign of one Glorious King.

I can moſt plainly perceive that there are a ſet of People who begin to move among us already with the ſame Spirit which has ruined us, as to our Peace, once or twice before, who not knowing what Spirit they are of, begin already to be Cal⯑ling for Fire from Heaven; and will think they are highly injur'd, and reſent it e⯑ven againſt a new Adminiſtration, if their Party Reſentments are out aveng'd on thoſe who they ſingle out for Objects of Juſtice, as they call it; and if the King [34] does not immediately fall upon all thoſe that they ſhall take upon them to call Enemies of the Succeſſion whether it were really ſo, or no.

In their ſeveral Pamphlets which they continue to publiſh upon that Head, they are already whetting the Edge of the po⯑pular Temper, and ſuggeſting that thoſe People who contrary to former Re⯑proaches, appear to be heartily in the In⯑tereſt of the Preſent King only feign to be ſo.

As to the general Conſent of all Peo⯑ple, as well in the Miniſtry as out of it, to proclaim the Proteſtant Succeſſor, they ſay it was not in the Power of any to withſtand it; that the Acts of Parliament had made ſuch effectual Proviſion to ſettle an immediate Adminiſtration, and that in ſuch Hands as were certain to put that Settlement in Execution; and had added ſuch ſevere Penalties for the leaſt delay, or neglect of Duty in that Caſe, that no Man could ſtir in Favour of a contrary Intereſt; and therefore they found them⯑ſelves under a Neceſſity of falling in with the Proteſtant Succeſſion, leaſt they ſhould be fallen upon by the whole Adminiſtra⯑tion who found themſelves veſted with all the Military and Civil Authority, the Executive Power ſuffering no Interval of its Authority.

[35] How much this Juſtifies thoſe People who could not ſay with the general Opi⯑nion that the Danger of the Succeſſion was ſo great before, as was ſuggeſted, tho' it might be very material to the clear⯑ing up the Honeſty of the Perſons, yet as I know it is a String which thoſe I am now ſpeaking of do not care to have touch'd, I therefore purpoſely omit.

But I muſt take leave to ſay, that ma⯑ny who did not go along with the late Gentlemen in all their Warmth againſt the Miniſtry, were yet as Sincere Friends to the Hanover Succeſſion, as they, and Em⯑brac'd as heartily the Intereſt of his Preſent Majeſty as they; and it will never pre⯑vail with his Majeſty to condemn all thoſe as his Enemies, that did not ſee the ſame Reaſon to Quarrel with the Adminiſtration of his Predeceſſor as other Men did.

While I am ſaying this, and to avoid the Reproach which theſe Men are alrea⯑dy raiſing, (viz.) that this is to prevent Puniſhment, &c. I give up at once every Man to them who the Law without Par⯑tiality, without Party-Juſtice, without ſtraining Facts by Innuendoes will fairly and clearly condemn. Let them proceed and take what Meaſures Legally can be taken.

[36] But the Moderation I inſiſt upon is, that no Man be condemn'd by Clamour cenſur'd firſt by Party, and then ſentenc'd by Tumult; that Prejudices be laid aſide, and the general FEUD of Parties laid aſleep, that ſeeing the main End is at⯑tained, the debate about who was for, or againſt, unleſs they acted Criminally againſt it, may dye, that Men may no more be made Offenders for a Word, and be judg'd by Negatives, that they were NOT ſo, and ſo, and did NOT do ſo, and ſo.

If any Men are Criminal, bring them forth, we are not ſpeaking, I ſay, of ſuf⯑fering Criminals to Eſcape, but of not making Innocent Men Criminal, whether they will or no, and keeping a Breach open in our Charity, becauſe Men will not be of our Opinion in Matters of State; if theſe Men think they can hurt thoſe Men by Law, who they Condemn by the Tongue, let it be done; if nothing elſe will ſatisfy them, let them try their Hands with Impeachments and Perſecu⯑tions for Male Adminiſtration, and let them go back what length they pleaſe.

This I ſay again is far from the Deſign of this Diſcourſe, I ask no Forbearance, no Indempnity for Men who are abnoxi⯑ous [37] to Puniſhment from the Law, they that would take ſuch an Advantage of a perſwaſive to Peace and Moderation ſhall be defeated in it by this Challenge. We know that too much Mercy was never the Sin of that Party of Men we ſpeak of. Let them do what they think they can do by Juſtice, if they think they have ſo great an Advantage in their Hands.

But where the Law is not concern'd, where no Breaches of Conſtitution, no Oppreſſions, no Guilt is concerned, there let them tell us a Reaſon why Moderati⯑on, Charity, and a Chriſtian Friendly Reconciliation of Parties, and an Oblivion of that wicked Spirit of Rancour and Malice, may not take Place among us. WHY having the main Article of our Proteſtant Succeſſion ſecured, our Reli⯑gion, Liberties, and Properties eſtabliſhed, and all under the Protection of God, and a Proteſtant King, we may not join toge⯑ther to make that Proteſtant King Great and Glorious, his Days Happy, and his Reign Comfortable; none of which can be, if we will not with a full Conſent of all Parties Unite in his Intereſt, and in our own. If we will not be at Peace with one another, what Peace can be expected for the King? How ſhall his Majeſty be the Common Father of a Nation, tearing [38] one another to Pieces, and endeavouring to Supplant one another in Intereſt, expoſe one another in Character, and accuſe one another of Crimes never committed.

If we will not do this, if we will not drop the Party Quarrel, forget the Animoſities and Heats we have fooliſhly run into, we ſhall all fall into Parties and Diſtractions again as much as ever, which a true Lover of his Coun⯑try would tremble to think on. I cannot for⯑get that I have often heard Men, whoſe tone yet I have obſerved to be a little alter'd ſince, I ſay I have often heard Men talk thus to one another.

‘"I care not what they do ſo the Proteſtant Succeſſion be but ſecur'd: I have nothing to do with who is in, or who is out, what Mi⯑niſtry the Queen Employs, or what ſhe turns out, let but our Liberties and Reli⯑gion be ſafe, and let them but keep out the Pretender, and we have no more to ſay."’

I cannot but throw theſe Diſcourſes in the Way of ſome People at this time, thus; SIR, We hope all you deſired is now obtained, all your demands anſwered. The Proteſtant Suc⯑ceſſion has taken Place, the Proteſtant Succeſ⯑ſor is in full Poſſeſſion, the whole Kingdom ſeems to join with one Heart, and one Voice, to Congratulate him, and to join together in their Allegiance to him, what is the matter with you that you are Not ſatisfi'd now? What more would you have? Would you have us all Quarrel again about who is Sincere, and who Feigns? Whoever Feigns dare not own his Diſ⯑content, and perhaps in time will give it over. Shall we Quarrel, becauſe we do not think [39] every Body as earneſt as we are our ſelves! This would be to fall out for the ſake of fal⯑ling out. This would be really, and in good Earneſt to ſow Diviſions; and depend upon it, if you ſow Iniquity, you will reap Vanity; if you ſow Diviſions, Diviſions will grow, you will have a large Crop of Strife and Contention, Vexa⯑tion and Perplexity, and we ſhall ſtill be a mi⯑ſerable divided Nation, we ſhlal have no Com⯑fort of the Proteſtant Succeſſion, and the Pro⯑teſtant Succeſſor will have little Comfort in us.

The Sum of this Diſcourſe, and the true Deſign of the Author of it, is to recommend to the People of Britain, to conſider their pre⯑ſent Circumſtances, to reaſſume that Temper, Moderation and Spirit of Union among them⯑ſelves, which has always been a Token to them of approaching Deliverance. This is now the only Courſe left them, and in the purſuit of this, they can not fail of a generous Aſſiſtance from all Men that wiſh well to the Publick.

I know the hot Men of every ſide will op⯑poſe this, and ſome will make this uſe of it; that as there is now a Breach made, their Bu⯑ſineſs is to make the Aſſault; as the Turks at the Siege of Belgrade, when, by Accident or Treachery, or what other means is not known, they found the Walls and Works of the City all blown up on a ſuddain, they immediately advanced to the Storm.

Let thoſe who are of that Opinion in the preſent Caſe conſider, that they make the Ex⯑periment at the hazard of their Country, and that as a Miſcarriage will endanger not the Publick only, but themſelves alſo, ſo let them remember that whoever Puſhes his private [40] Deſign at the Hazard of the publick Peace, ſhews that he Values his Country leſs than his ſingle Intereſt.

But what is it theſe Men call breaking in? Breaking in upon Moderation, and upon Peace, is making War upon your ſelves. The Support and Preſervation of our Country's Intereſt Depends upon a Steady, Wiſe, and Calm Ad⯑miniſtration, not ſtraightned by the narrow Meaſures of Parties; for Government is above Parties, and ought to be preſerv'd in its juſt Superiority to all private Deſigns; the only Limits of Government are the Laws, and the only end of Government is the publick Good.

The time is now come for us, all to act with a new Spirit, the War is over, let the Spears be turned into pruning Hooks, let the Rage abate, for the Conteſt is at an End, let us Study to be Quiet, and do our own Buſineſs; if any Man would ſow Diviſion, let us Mark that Man, and have no Communication with him.

As to thoſe who have offended, who as above I freely give up, if the Law can take hold of any, it is open, any one may have Recourſe to it. I doubt not his Majeſty comes in with a temper of Clemency, and as SAƲL, when he was proclaimed King of Iſrael, when the Party-men would have had him reſent⯑ed the Conduct of thoſe who would not have had him to have reigned over him; if even any offending Jacobite is found, that Text and Ex⯑ample recommends them, if Penite [...] to his Majeſty's Royal Mercy. 1. Sam. 11. 13. And SAUL ſaid, there ſhould not a Man be put to Death this Day, for to Day the LORD hath wrought Salvation in Iſrael.