An Humble DEDICATION TO THE Univerſity of Oxford, &c.
[3]THE Famous Univerſity of Oxford having been, of all the Univerſities in Europe, the moſt Anci⯑ent, and, for many A⯑ges, the moſt celebrated Fountain of Learning, the Seat of the Muſes, the Honour of the Proteſtant World, and the particular Glory of Great Britain: The Author of theſe Sheets comes prepar'd to lay this Tract at her Feet, with all the Decency and [4] Reſpect, that the moſt affectionate Duty of an Admirer of Virtue and Li⯑terature can oblige him to.
For this Reaſon, and from the Senſe of Juſtice to ſo Learned and Excellent a Society, he grounds this Dedication upon an Aſſurance, next to a Demon⯑ſtration, that nothing like what com⯑mon Fame has ſlanderouſly loaded this famous Body with, can be her Due; that it is not poſſible, without the moſt manifeſt Injuſtice, to fix ſuch things upon the Univerſity, as are, at this Time, wickedly alledg'd by her enrag'd Enemies; and that therefore it is every honeſt Man's Duty to aſſiſt in her Vindication.
As nothing is more certain, ſo nothing is more pleaſing to thoſe, who honour and wiſh well to the Univerſity of Ox⯑ford, than to hear, that the ſaid Univer⯑ſity has always been a conſtant Aſſerter of loyal Principles, and a deep Sufferer for her ſteddy Adherence in Practice to thoſe Principles, always diſtinguiſh⯑ing herſelf by her Loyalty to her So⯑vereign in the worſt of Times: Hi⯑ſtory is full of the Particulars; there we read with Pleaſure, how ſhe has frequently ſtrip'd her ſelf of her Orna⯑ments, [5] to ſupply the Neceſſities of her Princes; and ſuffered ſeveral Sieges, and various Diſtreſſes, in Defence of the Monarchy, in the Times of Rebel⯑lion and Uſurpation.
Her Churches, and the ſeveral Chappels of her Colleges, have con⯑ſtantly reſounded with the learned Diſcourſes of the Heads of Houſes, Fellows, Graduates, &c. in Defence of thoſe ancient and orthodox Doctrines, of Submiſſion to our lawful Sovereigns, being ſubject to the higher Powers for Conſcience ſake; and of their Ab⯑horrence of that damnable Poſition, That it is lawful, upon any Pretence what⯑ſoever, to take up Arms againſt the King.
Nor can it be pleaded againſt her, without great Injuſtice, as I hear it is now, that this was the Uſage in Ox⯑ford ſeveral Years ago; but that ſhe has intermitted the ſame, and profeſt other Principles ſince; on the contrary, it is affirm'd, that ſhe never deviated from the Profeſſion of a due abſolute Subjection to her Kings; and we can⯑not believe, that ſhe can have forgot to practiſe conformable to the ſaid Pro⯑feſſion; and therefore it ſeems the more reaſonable to expoſe, at this Time, [6] the Attempts which ſome People make, to lay Reproach and Scandal upon her, as if ſhe, or any of her Body, had a⯑vowedly acted undutifully to our pre⯑ſent Sovereign, raiſed Tumults, Mobbs, and Rebellion; Things ſo inconſiſtent with the Chriſtian Rule, ſo directly oppoſite to the Principles of the Pro⯑teſtant Religion, and, particularly, of the Church of England; to all which the Univerſity of Oxford has been, and is ſtill, eſteemed ſo great an Ornament, that it cannot, without great want of Charity, be ſuggeſted, that the ſaid Univerſity has any Ways been con⯑cerned that way.
Permit therefore, Reverend and Learned, that an humble Advocate for your injur'd Reputation ſhould expoſtulate with your Enemies, on the Injuſtice they offer you, when they propagate ſuch ſcandalous things, as are daily ſuggeſted againſt you, and againſt the Honour and Reputation of your Univerſity.
AS IF you were now leſs loyal, and leſs ſubmiſſive to the higher Powers than formerly.
AS IF you had forgotten your pro⯑feſt Principles of Obedience, or could [7] diſpence with the Conformity of your Practice to your Profeſſion.
AS IF the Univerſity was capable of being corrrupted with Faction; or were leſs loyal and dutiful to King George, than they were to Queen Anne.
AS IF it were poſſible, the Conta⯑gion of Jacobitiſm (which is Perjury) could infect the Univerſity; or that the Sons of the Prophets could thus commence Children of Diſobedience.
AS IF it were poſſible, that the Univerſity of Oxford could be tainted with Rellellion, which is as the Sin of Witchcraft.
Theſe things, I am ſatisfy'd, can never be; it cannot conſiſt with com⯑mon Charity to think, much leſs to prompt others to think, ſo abſurdly of ſo glorious a Body of Men, illuminated with the ſublimeſt Knowledge, divine and humane; inſtructed by a Succeſ⯑ſion of Learned, Pious, and truly Re⯑verend Divines; and openly profeſſing Principles diametrically oppoſite to what they are now charg'd with.
And therefore, Excellent and Vene⯑rable! permit the Author, in this De⯑dication, briefly to enter into the Par⯑ticulars [8] from whence theſe Suggeſtions are maliciouſly drawn; and from thence, how eaſy will it be to ſhew the Improbability there is, that the Univerſity ſhould be in the leaſt con⯑cern'd in, or guilty of the Facts laid to her Charge.
As firſt, The black Charge of Riots and Tumults in the Streets of the Uni⯑verſity; breaking the King's Peace; and turning the uſual Aſſembly of the learned Members of the Univerſity, ſuch as, Students, Graduates, &c. into a Rabble, a Rout, a rebellious and tumultuous Mobb.
Such is the good Government of the Univerſity in general; ſuch the ri⯑gorous Execution of their private and ſtatutary Laws; ſuch the Honeſty and Vigilance of the Reverend the Vice-Chancellor; ſuch the Fidelity and Dili⯑gence of the Under-Officers of the U⯑niverſity; all concurring as well to re⯑ſtrain, as to reſent, that it is well known, how impracticable ſuch a thing is; that it cannot be; that the Power of the ſaid Vice-Chancellor is ſuch, in cauſing the Doors of the Colleges to be kept ſhut, and a ſtrict Account to be taken of all the Students, both [9] of the Egreſs and Regreſs, that it is not poſſible for any to be abſent; or if any are, they may be publickly and ſeverely call'd to an Account for the ſame: Seeing then that, on all the moſt ſtrict Enquiries which have been made, ſo few have been found out, and puniſh'd for being abſent from their Chambers at the Time of the ſaid Riot, it muſt certainly follow, un⯑deniably follow! that if there was any ſuch Riot and Tumult in the Streets of Oxford, it muſt be made by, and made up of the Rabbles and People of the Town, the Canaille, and the Crowds of the Villages adjacent, and the like; and that not one Scholar of the Town was among them; for if there had, it cannot be doubted, but the Vice-Chancellor, by his known Vigi⯑lance and Diligence, and his irreſiſtible Authority, COULD have detected them, and have ruſticated, or other⯑wiſe expos'd them all as they de⯑ſerved.
It is then farther alledg'd, that the Perſons, of whom theſe riotous Aſſem⯑blies were compos'd, committed di⯑vers Sorts of Violences; ſuch as break⯑ing Windows, pulling down Bonefires [10] built up for publick Rejoicings, on the Day of the King's Birth, Acceſſion, or Coronation, or on Days appointed for Thankſgiving for ſuch things as thoſe; and after this, to march in an arm'd and violent Manner, and pull down and demoliſh the Meeting-Houſe, or Place of religious Worſhip, belonging to the Diſſenters. Alas, how do Men give themſelves a Liberty to fall upon, and to aſperſe the moſt innocent and inoffenſive of their Brethren? Can it be rational to believe, that a Body of Gentlemen, many of them of Qua⯑lity, moſt of them of good Families, and all of them of good Proficiency in Breeding and Manners, entred into particular Societies for Learning, for poliſhing their Underſtandings, for a⯑dorning their Souls with Principles of Religion and Virtue, with Rules for good Manners, to qualify them for Gentlemen, and for Inſtructors of o⯑thers? Is it poſſible, I ſay, that theſe can be guilty of the Street-Madneſs here talked of, and can deviate into Mobbs and Rabbles! It cannot be! It is not rational to ſuggeſt it of them! Again, when we call to mind, that the Stu⯑dents of the Univerſity are, generally, [11] made up of ſuch as have ſet their Faces towards Jeruſalem; who have the Temple and the Altar in their View, and are learning the divine Stile of the Pulpit; that are to ſerve at the Altar, and miniſter in holy Things; is it reaſonable to imagine, that theſe can ſink into Clamour and Tumult, and diſhonour their Dignity ſo far, as to herd in with the Diſturbers of the Civil Peace? It can never be! we can⯑not, we muſt not believe it.
It is well known, that the moſt pure Doctrine of the Church of England, preach'd upon all Occaſions by her moſt Reverend Divines, and practis'd in Times of the greateſt Extremity, by her moſt ſincere Diſciples, is a ſacred Pattern of Obedience to the Civil Ma⯑giſtrate, as to the Power which is or⯑dained of God; and the breaking out into Riot and Tumult, which is Rebel⯑lion, is as inconſiſtent with the ſaid Do⯑ctrine of the Church, that the Church herſelf has, in all Ages, held ſuch in Abomination, who have thought fit to break into ſuch unchriſtian Courſes; maintaining, with her utmoſt Endea⯑vour, that bleſſed Scripture-Rule leſt upon Record by St. Paul, Let every [12] Soul be ſubject to the higher Powers. This then having been the avowed Principle of Obedience, profeſs'd in, and own'd by the Church of England, we humbly appeal to you, Excellent and Learned, the Heads, Fellows, Gradu⯑ates, and Students of the famous Uni⯑verſity of Oxford, whether we ought, in Juſtice or Charity, to believe that any Members of your Body, eſpecially of thoſe who are preparing themſelves for the Service of the holy Altar, can be guilty of ſuch ſcandalous Crimes, as thoſe of Rabble, Tumult, breaking the Peace, &c. or that, if they were, thoſe Offences would not meet with the utmoſt Reſentment, and ſevereſt Puniſhment from thoſe, whoſe Duty it is to take Cognizance thereof.
It cannot but be grateful to the Univerſity of Oxford, to remind the Reader of theſe Sheets, that with⯑in thoſe ſacred Walls have, for many Ages, been profeſſed, preached, and, to the immortal Glory of the Univer⯑ſity, been practis'd, thoſe moſt Chri⯑ſtian and Heavenly Doctrines of Non-Reſiſtance and Paſſive Obedience; and that in their full and moſt extended Senſe and Meaning: and it would be [13] the abſurdeſt thing in the World for us to ſuggeſt, that the Profeſſors of thoſe ſublime Principles can be guilty of any thing ſo diametrically oppoſite thereto; as is the mobbing together, againſt Law, and againſt the Power of the Legal Magiſtrate, which is indeed no leſs than againſt the King himſelf; and therefore we can by no means think any other, but that all the Re⯑ports we have had of theſe things, are meer Forgeries, and fictitious Stories, contrived by the Enemies of our holy Mother the Church of England, to brand her moſt obedient Sons with the moſt hateful of Crimes, and which are moſt repugnant to her Eſtabliſhment, and profeſt Doctrine.
Furthermore, as the Charge deſcends to yet greater and greater Offences, ſo much ſtronger are the Arguments againſt our entertaining any Suſpicion of their being true: Even as Lycurgus, in his Spartan Conſtitution, omitted Laws againſt certain Crimes, as what he would not ſuppoſe it poſſible his Citizens could commit; with what Face can the Enemies of your moſt Reverend Body, pretend to make mention of the Extravagancies of the [14] common People, in falling upon their Brethren and Neighbours, meerly for their profeſſing to ſerve God in ſome manner differing from the Eſtabliſh'd Rites; and with Violence, and the ru⯑deſt kind of Perſecution, pull down and demoliſh their Chappel, or Meeting⯑Houſe; notwithſtanding the ſame are allow'd to them by the Law, and are legally qualify'd; that the poor, ignorant, deluded, and abuſed People, the Plebeii of the City, and the adjacent Villages, might, in the Heat of an en⯑rag'd Multitude, and, perhaps, intoxi⯑cated by Liquor, run upon things ſo extravagant and unchriſtian, I will not diſpute; but, to be ſure, not one Member of the famous Ʋniverſity of OXFORD could be ſo weak, ſo ig⯑norant, or ſo wicked, as to be found in the Streets at that Time.
It is impoſſible, Heaven forbid, ſo uncharitable a Thought ſhould be har⯑bour'd in any Man's Breaſt, that calls himſelf a Chriſtian. Good God! What, Men of Religion to demoliſh Places of Worſhip; Men breeding up for the Pulpit, to make a Bonefire of Pulpits; Men ſet apart to ſerve at the Altar, to pull down Altars! It is impoſſible; [15] What, the Sons of the Prophets thus become Sons of Belial? It can never be; Sure no Chriſtian can believe it without Breach of the great Rule of Chriſtian Charity, and that in an un⯑uſual Manner; when, I ſay, it is im⯑poſſible to believe theſe things, and it cannot be true, and we can by no means entertain ſuch thoughts; it muſt be underſtood, that it is impoſ⯑ſible, &c. without, at the ſame Time, branding the Univerſity with the black⯑eſt Mark of Infamy; and believing her degenerated to all that is vile and contemptible; believing the beſt con⯑ſtituted Foundations to be converted into a Rabble of Licentiouſneſs; and the moſt excellent College-Government, to be deviated into the worſt kind of Confuſion; ſuppoſing the Beauty and Comelineſs of that moſt excellent Se⯑minary of Learning to be defac'd; all the Order and Oeconomy of the re⯑ſpective Houſes, inverted and over⯑whelm'd; their Pretences to Religion, ſhamefully abandoned; their Claim to a well-order'd Society, given up; their Diſcipline neglected; and, in a Word, the whole Univerſity deſcended to a Crowd; Government diſſolv'd; Sub⯑ordination, [16] which is the very Fabrick of Order, blended with Superiority, and both together ſunk into the worſt Diſorder; the Church of England turn'd Rebels; Proteſtants, turn'd Perſecu⯑tors; and the moſt famous Seminary of Religion, turn'd a Neſt of Pha⯑naticks.
Pardon me, Excellent and Reverend, that ſome Warmth moſt naturally at⯑tends ſuch a Thought as this; it is only by the livelieſt Deſcription of what theſe Crimes would produce, to evince the Truth of what I have advanc'd in your Defence; and to ſhew, how reaſonable it is that we ſhould not, in any kind, give Credit to the ſcandalous Stories, which your Enemies ſuggeſt againſt you.
I come now to the moſt malicious of all the Reflections yet made; and this is, their fathering the Voice of the Rabble upon the Univerſity; mak⯑ing the learned Students of your Col⯑leges join in with the Shouts of the Peaſants and Boors, and fouling their Mouths with the courſe Jargon of the Street, crying, an Ormond, an Ormond; no King George; High-Church, &c. and the like.
[17] I ſhould not care to repeat Words ſo ungrateful to loyal Ears, were I not well ſatisfy'd, that the Members of your Honourable Society were not capable of being ſo far demented, not capable of uttering Words ſo incon⯑ſiſtent with common Senſe, as well as with common Manners; and that I may the more effectually vindicate the Ʋniverſity from the Suggeſtion, I need do no more, than to enquire into the Rationality of theſe Exclamations; for if I prove the Words to have neither Conſiſtency, Honeſty, or Meaning, I hope no Body will contend about the Ʋniverſity's being in the leaſt concern'd in them.
It is to be obſerv'd, firſt, That, in the very Connection of the Words, a certain Oppoſition is plac'd between the Center, and the two Extremes; (1.) Ormond, Ormond; no King George: (2.) Take them the other Way, No King George; High-Church.
So that, in ſhort, King George is placed in direct Oppoſition to Ormond, and in direct Oppoſition to High-Church; and, which is ſtill more extraordinary, Ormond and High-Church are both plac'd in Oppoſition to King George: [18] Now we all know, that this is no U⯑niverſity Language; the Learned and Reverend Members of your ſeveral Colleges uſe quite another Dialect. King George being legally enthron'd, crown'd by the lawful Authority of the Kingdom, is now become the Lord's Anointed as much, and as effe⯑ctually, as any of his Predeceſſors; and as ſuch, has been recogniz'd by the Univerſity; and now to cry, No King GEORGE, is to make their Loyalty a meer Witch's Prayer, ring their Bells backward, and raiſe Rebellion againſt their only lawful Sovereign.
Now it can never be thought, that the Univerſity of Oxford can do thus, unleſs we ſhall own, ſhe is turn'd Phanatick; has embrac'd the Presbyterian Principles of 41; and is actually en⯑gag'd in Rebellion, to depoſe the Lord's Anointed, and bring their law⯑ful Sovereign to Deſtruction; for we have always allow'd, that to raiſe War againſt our Sovereign, and to kill, mur⯑ther, and deſtroy the Sovereign, differ not at all in the Treaſon; and have no other ſpecifick Difference, than there is between the Endeavour, which is Treaſon in the overt-Act; [19] and the Perpetration, which is Treaſon compleated.
Sure it cannot be call'd a Compli⯑ment to the Univerſity, to believe ſhe cannot be guilty of any thing ſo un⯑natural as this, ſo contrary to her a⯑vow'd Principles, and ſteddy Practice for many Ages.
As to the Name of Ormond, which has been the Catch-word of the Rabble, in the ſeveral Street-tumults which have, of late, ſo much diſturb'd the Nation, there is ſo much incongruous Nonſenſe in the Cry, that it has help'd to make thoſe Mobbs odious and hate⯑ful to the Country; and has ſhewn the People, that they have none to look to beyond the King upon the Throne; for why do they cry, an Or⯑mond, an Ormond; they will not pre⯑tend, that the Duke of Ormond makes any Claim to the Crown; if then they have any one to talk of next to the King, why do they not name him? This they dare not do; becauſe that would be to own fairly what they mean, the Pretender; and this, openly profeſt, would open the Peoples Eyes too ſoon; for did they openly and a⯑vowedly cry out, the Pretender; the [20] Pretender; no King GEORGE; no Ha⯑nover; I ſay, would they cry thus, their own Mobb would forſake them; and therefore having nothing elſe to ſay, they cry, Ormond, Ormond, whether with a Meaning, or without a Mean⯑ing, that they may have ſomething to fill the Mouths of the People with; for to have a Mobb, and no Halloo, would be a Mobb and no Mobb, and would ſignify nothing; for Rabbles are always rais'd by Murmur, and kept alive by Shouts; Noiſe is as eſſential to a Mobb, as Ammunition is to an Ar⯑my, they could do nothing without.
But certainly this can never be the Univerſity of Oxford! We all know the Veneration the Univerſity has for Ormond, and how entirely they are in his perſonal Intereſt; and they cannot be ignorant of his late Grace's preſent Circumſtances, and the Miſchief ſuch Uſe made of his Name would be to him; how it would ſuppoſe him, ei⯑ther to be for the Pretender, or to have the Vanity to accept of this Elevation of his Name by the Mobb, in Oppoſi⯑tion to the King; and ſo to ſet up for a Pretender himſelf; which would be equally ridiculous, and, in the End, e⯑qually [21] fatal to him: Nor can the Uni⯑verſity be ignorant, how this would expoſe him to the ſuperiour Power of his Enemies; and put the Government to the Neceſſity of proſecuting him for thoſe other Things, in which they were before enclin'd to ſhew him Fa⯑vour; how it ſeems to ſet a Subject in Competition with his Sovereign, and make it abſolutely neceſſary to cruſh him, for that dangerous Popularity which other Men put upon him, whe⯑ther it be with his Conſent or no. Now the Univerſity of Oxford, who have ſo entire an Affection for the Perſon of their late Chancellor, cannot, without great Injuſtice, be ſuppos'd ſo uncon⯑cern'd for his Safety, and ſo little in⯑tereſted in him, as to expoſe him to ſo juſt a Reproach, as this would bring upon him.
On the other Hand, to do the late Duke a piece of Juſtice, which he ſo much ſtands in need of at this Time; I have been credibly inform'd, that he received the Account of theſe things with a juſt Indignation; that he diſ⯑own'd it in every Part; that he poteſt⯑ed openly, it was what he abhorr'd; and was ſo far from approving, that he [22] hop'd all his Friends would clear him of having any Concern in it; and, a⯑bove all, that he expreſs'd himſelf par⯑ticularly pleas'd and ſatisfy'd, when it was told him, that the Univerſity was not in the leaſt to be ſuppos'd to be concern'd in it; and that his Grace's Opinion was the ſame as ours is, and as all others muſt be, who are Friends to the Univerſity, viz. That the Uni⯑verſity could not be ſo diſtracted; it was impoſſible.
But to leave his Grace to proteſt a⯑gainſt it; thus mobbing his Name in the Streets, and entituling him to a Crime worſe than the greateſt of thoſe, for which he already ſtands impeach'd; I cannot but engage a little in Behalf of the Univerſity, as to the other Cry; No Hanover, no King GEORGE; High-Church, High-Church.
What the Meaning of the Words, High-Church, High-Church, is in the Ori⯑ginal, with the various Readings there⯑of; and more particularly, how they are to be underſtood, as plac'd by Way of Antitheſis againſt Hanover and King George, I leave to the Deciſion of the Univerſity, to be determined in full Convocation; for, doubtleſs, the Uni⯑verſity [23] would give the true Etimology of them, as they are now made uſe of; nor would it a little contribute to the enlightening the World in that Matter, on this eminent Occaſion; and eſpeci⯑ally to vindicate the Univerſity her ſelf, from many wicked and malicious Calumnies, by which her Enemies think to charge her with being in the Intereſt of the Pretender. Now, whe⯑ther the Words HIGH CHƲRCH, as now uſed, are ſynonimous to the Words Popery, right Line, indefeaſible, hereditary Right; and ſo are to be underſtood, that High-Church are for the Pretender; or whether they are otherwiſe to be underſtood; and how is it poſſible they ſhould be otherwiſe underſtood? Theſe are the Queſtions; and indeed they are Queſtions worthy the publick Deciſion of the Univerſity, by either explaining, or exploding which, the Univerſity would bring to her ſelf immortal Fame of one ſort or other.
To leave therefore the Diſcourſe of this Nature, and leave the ridiculous Jargon of the Mobb, to the juſt Cen⯑ſure of the Univerſity; it remains on⯑ly to mention the ſaid Tumults, with the ſame juſt Abhorrence that the ſaid [24] Univerſity look on them with; and having thus cleared the Univerſity of being any Way guilty, either of abet⯑ting, or encouraging ſuch prepoſterous Things; I come next, by Way of an humble Addreſs to the Univerſity, to recommend to them, the Neceſſity there ſeems to be of their giving the World ſuch Teſtimony, as to their great Wiſdom ſhall ſeem meet, of their utter Diſlike and Deteſtation of theſe wicked and pernicious Practices; with neceſſary Aſſurances, that not the Col⯑leges, no, nor any Members thereof, had the leaſt Concern therein.
This ſeems neceſſary at this Time; becauſe as it was a Misfortune to the Univerſity, to have theſe Riots and Tumults approach ſo near them, as to be within the Walls of the ſame City where they reſide; ſo other People being made to believe, however falſly, that the Univerſity have, ſome Way or other, directly or indirectly, been concern'd in, or Aſſiſtant and encou⯑raging to, the ſaid rebellious doings; have taken Encouragement from hence, to ſoment the like in many Parts of his Majeſty's Dominions; and have given the Example of Oxford as their Prece⯑dent.
[25] Now although ſome are, as the Au⯑thor hereof profeſſes to be, well aſ⯑ſured, that the Univerſity has had no Confederacy in this wicked Affair; nor that any of her Reverend Mem⯑bers could reaſonably be imagined to ſhow themſelves among the ſaid Rab⯑bles on thoſe unhappy Occaſions; yet for the ſakes of ſome, who have not the ſame Charity, having been de⯑luded by evil-diſpoſed Perſons, whoſe Actions required to have ſuch a Cover for them; and who have therefore believed, that Abundance of the Stu⯑dents, Graduates, Fellows, and even of the Reverend and Excellent Supe⯑riours of the Univerſity, have given Countenance to the Rabbles, and have even appear'd in the Streets of the Ci⯑ty of Oxford, in the ſaid rebellious Tu⯑mults; for theſe Reaſons, and for ever to eſtabliſh the Reputation of the fa⯑mous Univerſity, in the Opinion of all good Men, it is moſt humbly repre⯑ſented, how neceſſary it would be to have the Univerſity declare themſelves on theſe Heads.
This would do more than all the Vindications of their Friends can pre⯑tend to; this would, perhaps, do more [26] to prevent future Riots and Tumults, in other Parts of the Kingdom, even than Horſe and Dragoons.
On the other Hand,
IF the Univerſity is willing the Slan⯑ders of her Enemies ſhould take Place:
IF ſhe is contented that it ſhould be believ'd, both by Natives at Home, and by Foreigners Abroad, that ſhe has forſaken the Loyalty of her Principles, abandon'd the ancient Doctrines of the Church of England, and the Pro⯑feſſion made by her Learned and Pi⯑ous Predeceſſors:
IF ſhe is deſirous to have it believed, that the Univerſity of Oxford is a Pat⯑tern of Rebellion; and that ſhe has imbib'd the fanatick Principles of 41.
IF ſhe would be thought to have declar'd War againſt King GEORGE; and openly to have eſpouſed the Inte⯑reſt of the Pretender:
IF ſhe deſires that the Rabbles and Tumults, lately raiſed in her Streets, ſhould be called by her Name; and ſhould, as in her Name, be recom⯑mended to the reſt of the diſtracted People of this Nation. In a Word,
[27] IF the Univerſity glories in the firſt Violence offered to the peaceable E⯑ſtabliſhment of the Houſe of Hanover, and a glorious Proteſtant Race of Princes; and declares her ſelf to be for the forcible Introductoin of a Po⯑piſh, French-bred, thoroughly provok'd, reſolv'd to be reveng'd, Pretender; ſhe has no more to do, than to ſit ſtill, and take no Notice of this Addreſs; her Silence being all the Favour that is asked by thoſe, who ſhe de⯑ſires ſhould take it all in the Affir⯑mative.
AN ACCOUNT, &c.
[28]IF illuſtrious Anceſtors, high Birth, a capital For⯑tune, glorious Titles, and the true Merit of a long Race of Men, be⯑lov'd by their Princes, and by their Country, were the things by which the Character of his Grace the Duke of Ormond, was now to be ſet forth, our Buſineſs would be to look into the Hiſtory, not of the Duke himſelf, but of his noble and illuſtri⯑ous Houſe; and to lay down, not on⯑ly a Line of their noble Deſcent, but a long Detail of their glorious Actions; in which it muſt, in Juſtice, be own'd, that the preſent Duke has as much to value himſelf upon, as moſt Families of the Nobility can boaſt of.
[29] But as this kind of Honour has been, for ſome Ages, pretty much out of Faſhion with wiſe Men; and that now perſonal Merit ſeems ſomething neceſſary to qualify Men of Quality for the Eſteem of the Age wherein they live, we muſt be content to wave all the Pretences, which may be juſtly made to the Honour of the Family now before us; to bury the Trophies of Anceſtors; and begin our Hiſtory with the perſonal Conduct, the Bra⯑very, the generous Principles, the great Actions, the Fidelity, the Prudence, Policy, Gallantry, and other diſtin⯑guiſhing Vertues of the Perſon of his Grace the Duke of Ormond; for which he has been ſo juſtly belov'd by the Engliſh Nation: And from hence, if a faithful Account be drawn, we ſhall ſoon ſee, whether the People of theſe Nations have not, with great Reaſon, ſo much diſtinguiſh'd his Grace in their Affections, in theſe Days of his declining Circumſtances; and thus we ſhall, if true Merit appears, build his Grace the moſt laſting Monument of Glory; becauſe founded upon his own Perſonal Merit, according to that of Juvenal, Engliſh'd by Mr. Dryden.
[30] Ergo ut miremur te, nec tua primum ali⯑quid da.
Juven. Sat. VIII.
That we may therefore you, not yours admire,
Firſt, Sir, ſome Honour of your own acquire.
And, firſt, to the Honour of his firſt Appearance in the Field, we find his Grace the Duke of Ormond one of the firſt of the Engliſh Nobility, who ap⯑pear'd Volunteer in the Field in the firſt War againſt the French; where he made his firſt Campaign under the truly-Glorious King William.
If the Example of ſuch a King, and His Majeſty's ſpecial Affection to the Duke, inſpir'd his Soul with vigorous Principles; and his natural Courage join'd to them, prompted him to great Actions, nothing is more certain, than that this Virtue had its early Re⯑ward, in the Diſtinction with which His Majeſty treated the Duke upon all Occaſions; the Favour he ſhew'd him, and that particular Affection which the King ſhew'd to him in ſeveral re⯑markable Caſes.
I know it has been ſuggeſted, that the King, who all Men know was a politick Prince, and found out the Inſide [31] of Men as ſoon as any Prince in the World could do, did not ſhew his Grace ſo much Favour ſingly upon his own Account; but that finding but few of the Nobility, at that Time, enclin'd to a Military Life; and being very deſirous, by any Means, to invite and encourage them to come into the Field, he put the Duke in ſuch a Poſture and Figure in his Camp, as was enough to move any Man of Honour to love the War for his ſake; wherein the King ſeem'd, as they ſaid, to treat the Duke as if he had been the Repreſentative of the Nobility; and that they might ſee with what Diſtinction an Engliſhman would be uſed in the Army; for, ſaid they, the King was not ſo ill read in Men, as not to know that there were many, who might lay as great a Claim to his Favour, on Account of Merit, as the Duke.
During the firſt Year therefore of the War, the greateſt Part of the Duke's Fame conſiſted in thoſe Favours which the King did him, and the Honours which he receiv'd from Foreigners on that Account; for whom the King honour'd, it was no Wonder at all to ſee honour'd by others.
[32]The Duke was but a young Man when he went into the Army, which was in the Year 1690, when he went over to Ireland: And we read of him at the Battle of the Boyn; but all we have of him in that Action terminates in this, that the Day after the Battle he was ſent with ſome Troops to take Poſſeſſion of Dublin; and though this was, as is noted, but to take Poſſeſſion; for the Citizens of Dublin had already taken Arms, and turn'd out the Iriſh, and ſent to the King to receive them into his Protection; yet was Monſieur Overkirk ſent with the Troops; ſo that the Duke had no Command, but was ſent with them, as being a Perſon by Name honour'd in Ireland, for his Family, and for the great Eſtate which he poſſeſt in that Kingdom; ſo that hitherto the Duke's Hiſtory began principally on the Fame of his Birth, and no Merit of his own, other than that he was a brisk, promiſing, young Gentleman; and having the Advan⯑tage of ſuch a Tutor as the King, gave Hopes that, in Time, if his Under⯑ſtanding prov'd equal to his Courage, he would be a very great Man; in the mean Time, he was made one of [33] the Privy Council in Ireland, an Honour every one knows, was the Conſequence of his Birth, and of the Rank which he bore among the Nobility of that Kingdom; in which, if my Memory fails me not, there was not any Man of the Rank of a Duke but himſelf, at leaſt who embrac'd King William's Party.
The next Time we hear of his Grace, was in Holland; for we do not find any thing of him in the Campaign of Limerick, or that he quitted the Court to go any more into the Field. But the King having appointed the next Year that famous Congreſs of Princes at the Hague, the like of which the World has not ſeen for many Ages, his Grace, and the late Duke of Norfolk, were the only two Engliſh Dukes, who appear'd at Court on that Occaſion; in which all that we read of his Grace the Duke of Ormond; amounts to this: 1. That he made the greateſt Show of any of the Engliſh Nobility, and even beyond ſome Sovereign Prin⯑ces that appear'd there. 2. That at the great Feaſt which the King made, Au Maiſon du Bois, at the Hague, his Grace had a Cuſhion given him, and [34] ſat at Table with the King, next to the Elector of Brandenburg, and on the King's Right Hand; and that the Elector of Brandenburg drank to his Grace, and not to any other of the Engliſh Noblemen.
Theſe were his Grace's firſt Cam⯑paigns for theſe Honours, and ſuch like, may well be ſaid to take up the firſt three Year of his Grace's being a⯑broad with the King: But the War coming on apace, and the Service be⯑ing like to be very warm; he that was thus honoured to be near the King at his Table, could not expect but in the Field, where, it was well known, His Majeſty never ſpar'd him⯑ſelf, he muſt be equally expos'd; and that nothing but the utmoſt Gallantry, and Love of Action, could recommend him to his Majeſty; and as the Gal⯑lantry of the Duke had not yet been try'd, but promis'd fair, his Grace prepar'd himſelf for the Field, with a Reſolution to venture his Life with the King, in the Quality of ſuch an Officer, as Time, and the Favour of his Prince, ſhould offer him.
[35] The King, who was a known En⯑courager, as well as Rewarder, of generous and gallant Spirits, ſoon found the Duke was Maſter of as much perſonal Gallantry, as was requiſite for a General Officer; and rather ſtrove, upon all Occaſions, to add a due Proportion of Phlegm to the great Quantity of Fire, that Na⯑ture, and his high Birth, had given this young Duke; that ſo he might, by weighing and by reſtraining his Forwardneſs, bring him to act with Temper, as well as Feat; and pro⯑cure him that neceſſary Qualification of a General, viz. a cool Head to a warm Heart; how far his Majeſty went in this Part, and with what Suc⯑ceſs, Time has ſhewn.
The firſt Appearance, however, that his late Grace made in the Army, was very particular; that is, for its extraordinary Magnificence; his Grace affecting to make his Quarters the general Rendezvous of the Engliſh Officers; where he kept a Table like a Prince, feaſted all that came to him, and liv'd at an Expence ſuperior, not on⯑ly to all the other Generals, but even to the King himſelf: His Majeſty, though [36] he never affected that Part himſelf, nor did at that Time much approve of it, as what tended rather to effe⯑minate his Men, than to qualify them for the Fatigues of the Campaign; yet was pleaſed to indulge this popu⯑lar Humour in the Duke, and to make him a particular Allowance to ſupport the Charge; what the Effects of that Allowance was, every one, who was preſent on thoſe Occaſions, knows, viz. That the Duke was ſo far from letting that Allowance be an Aſſiſtance or Relief to his private For⯑tunes, that it only ſerv'd to encreaſe the luxuriant Expence; and he fail'd not to run out with ſuch a boundleſs Profuſion, as conſum'd all his Maje⯑ſty's Allowance, and all that his own Eſtate could ſupply alſo; and not on⯑ly that, but to contract immenſo Debts; ſuch as, it may be fear'd, the Creditors would gladly know now how to have ſecur'd to them.
It cannot be forgotten, that ſome People took ſo much Offence at this Exceſs, as to ſpeak to the King of it more than once; and even to ſuggeſt, that it ſeem'd ſo much to affect Po⯑pularity in the Army, that it might [37] be of dangerous Conſequence in the End; but that his Majeſty was al⯑ways pleaſed to put it by, and to ex⯑preſs himſelf in Favour of the Duke's Honeſty, more than in Favour of his Underſtanding; intimating, that he was a Man without Deſign.
This, however, is noted for the Rea⯑der's obſervation, and whereby he may ſee, that the Popularity of this great Man ſeems to have its Riſe and Begin⯑ning, rather in the Profuſion of his Ex⯑pences, his Contempt of Money, and an unwary Extravagance, than in the Glory and Merit of his Actions; and if ſuch a monſtrous Extravagance can entitle a Perſon to the Affection, ſo as to ſet him above the National Juſtice, then is the Reward of Vice greater than the Reward of Virtue.
But be that as it will, the Way of living above, naturally brought to the Duke a Multitude of Hangers on; and, by Conſequence, juſt ſo many Flat⯑terers, who made it their Buſineſs to trumpet Praiſes and fulſome Things of their Benefactor, and were requited again with the Bounty and Benefi⯑cence of the General on all Occaſions; [38] and what Wonder if this Behaviour, in an Army full of needy Perſons, and Men of Fortune; and that by this, and a general Affability and Conde⯑ſcending, even to a Familiarity, to the Soldiery, he became exceedingly be⯑loved by the Army.
It is not for this ſhort Diſcourſe to enter into an Enquiry, how far a true Fame can be raiſed upon Acti⯑ons really not juſtifiable in themſelves; and whether a Perſon, being to an Ex⯑ceſs profuſe, as well of his own, as of other Mens, ſhall be eſteemed an inimitable Virtue. I remember it was objected by ſome ſatyrical People in this City, againſt a Reverend Prelate of our Church, that his Charity was carry'd up to ſuch a Height, that it became criminal; and that he would borrow Money, though he knew him⯑ſelf unable to repay it; and that, when borrow'd, he would give it a⯑way to relieve the Poor Clergy; and this the cenſorious Part of the World reproach'd him with, calling it, Rob⯑bery for Burnt Offering. But much more would this have been criminal, had it been borrow'd to keep a pro⯑fuſe Table, and to ſpend in luxurious [39] Treats: What offers in his Favour is, that it was the meer Effect of the ge⯑nerous Bounty of his Temper, with⯑out any Deſign of evil to any one; and that though he impair'd his E⯑ſtate by it; yet his Grace was always ready to yield to reaſonable Retrench⯑ments at Home; and even to alienate his Eſtate for the Satisfaction of his juſt Debts; and that he has teſtify'd this by particular Examples more than once.
If this ſhould be granted, it will go far indeed to recommend the ge⯑nerous Spirit of the Duke, in doing juſt things at laſt; but it will be hard, even for the Univerſity of Oxford it ſelf, to convince the World, that ſuch a thoughtleſs Bounty, which ſhould reduce a Man of ſuch a Figure, not only to expend the greateſt Allowance any King of England ever made to a General; but to a Neceſſity of alienat⯑ing his Inheritance, and beggering his Poſterity; I ſay, that ſuch a thought⯑leſs Bounty ſhould entitle a Man to a popular Reputation, and erect him in the Thoughts of the People, as a Perſon qualify'd to be cry'd up, even againſt the King himſelf.
[40] But, perhaps, this is not all; for who indeed can think it ſhould? Let us look farther into his Hiſtory, and the next thing we hear of the Duke of Ormond is, that when the great Battle of Landen was fought, the Duke, who commanded the Troops of the Engliſh Houſhold, and was, by this Time, a Lieutenant-General, was taken Priſoner by the French, and carry'd to Namure; where, to his great good Fortune, he was immediately ex⯑changed for the Duke of Berwick, who was taken by the King's Army; af⯑ter which he ſerv'd with a due Ap⯑plauſe; for all will allow him to be perſonally brave, and to be able to act under another General with as much Vigor as can be deſir'd.
No ſooner was the late Queen come to the Crown, and the War renew⯑ed againſt France, with this Ad⯑dition, that Spain was now againſt us, as it had been before for us: But Her Majeſty having reſolv'd upon an Expedition againſt Spain, where Hopes were given, that the Spaniards would, by the Help of the Almirante de Ca⯑ſtile, declare againſt King Philip, on Sight of an Engliſh Fleet and Army: [41] But Her Majeſty had made choice of the Duke of Ormond to command in that Expedition.
How his Grace brought the Army to the Bay of Cadiz; landed at Port St. Mary's; and how, for want of his Grace's being a leſs good-natur'd Man, and more a General, that rich Town was entirely ſack'd and plunder'd; and the innocent Spaniſh Merchants Houſes miſerably plundered of an immenſe Treaſure, contrary to the QUEEN's Deſign; and indeed by a baſe Violence of in⯑ferior Generals, preſuming on the Ea⯑ſineſs and good Temper of their Gene⯑ral: This is well known to moſt Men, as well as it is, that the Spaniards were ſo far from being brought to favour the Deſign of the Engliſh after that, as was expected, that they for ever after hat⯑ed us; and omitted no Occaſion of ſhewing the moſt implacable Averſion to the Engliſh Nation; and even to King Charles III. for our ſakes, as was poſſible; and which never abated till the Battle of Almanza, where they paid us Home for it; neither did it abate then inſo⯑much that it was thought fit afterwards to act in Catalonia, rather with Ger⯑mans, [42] or indeed with any Nation's Troops, than with Engliſh.
This was what we may call the Effect of what ſome call a good-natur'd Gen⯑tleman; which, in a Soldier, may ſome⯑times be fatal, and deſerve a meaner Title.
It is true, Fortune remembred the Duke in the ſame Voyage, and kindly made him a Preſent of the Vigo Fleet; with the Conqueſt of which, coming freſh grown with Laurels, the People, who thought he had brought much more Money than he did, ſhouted him through the Streets, with infinite Acclamations; and indeed had his Grace had more Soldiers, and fewer Thieves in his Army, that had been a happy Voyage for England, equal to that of Sir Francis Drake: But alas! never was ſo much loſt, and ſo little got, as by that Voyage; the great Diſaſter whereof is, by ſome, ſaid to be owing to the eaſy Temper of the General, who having no Value for Money himſelf, ſeem'd al⯑moſt entirely to forget, of what Uſe it was to his Country; or that there were ſome at Home, who knew how to em⯑ploy it, though, perhaps, he did not.
[43] From this Time his late Gra [...] ap⯑pear'd very little in the Field, b [...] en⯑joy'd the full Benefits of Peace [...] the midſt of a bloody War, having the Pro⯑fits heap'd upon him of many advan⯑tageous Poſts; ſuch as that of the firſt Troop of Horſe-Guards, Lord Lieu⯑tenant of Ireland, and the like; all which, his natural Profuſion remaining to him, have been ſo ill able to ſupply him, that, added to his own Eſtate, they have been far from preſerving him from an immenſe Debt; which, it is believ'd, exceeds all that any Engliſh Nobleman has contracted within the Memory of Man, the old Duke of Buck⯑ingham only excepted.
It is not my Deſign to load the Per⯑ſon of the late Duke with Reflections, at a Time when he is already under the Reſentment of the Parliament and People of Great Britain, fled his Country, and attainted of Treaſon; and for this Reaſon, I forbear to enter into any Part of his Hiſtory, during his late general Command of the Army under the Queen; nor is it needful, the Applica⯑tion of the preſent Diſcourſe turning upon another Point, and rather reſpect⯑ing [44] the People of Great Britain, than the Duke of Ormond; and the Queſtion which occurs from all that has been ſaid, is properly directed to them, to enquire what there has been in all the Hiſtory of this late Noble Perſon, that entitles him to the Affection of the common People, or that ſhould make him be beloved; much leſs that ſhould ſet him up to be the Idol of the Mob, and to have his Health drunk in a Sort of Oppoſition to the King's, as the weak and unthinking People have been taught to do.
And it is very well worth Obſervati⯑on, that if you ask one of the beſt in⯑formed among the common People; What it is they admire the late Duke of Ormond for? What are his Virtues? what have been the Particulars of his Life? They have little to ſay; nothing but that he is a good natur'd, generous, free-hearted Man; ſo that, in a few Words, to ſpend a Man's Eſtate, with⯑out Forecaſt, without Bounds, and in a Manner which no prudent Man can do, is the true Way to be admir'd, and the moſt egregious Folly the Foundation of Popularity.
[45] But is it a Virtue to ſquander away immenſe Sums of Money? Is ſpending a great Eſtate a valuable thing, and fit to recommend a Man to the Eſteem of the People of England? Why then none but Beggars muſt be the Peoples Favourites; and to have a great Multitude of Creditors, is to become truly popular. I cannot ſee upon what Foundation ſuch Men can claim the Favour of the People; but what the Inhabitants of the Fleet and Mint have as good a Title to, in their Proportion; and it is a moſt unanſwer⯑able Reflexion upon the Judgment of our People, and the Methods they take to place their particular Favours, that they are guided by thoſe Accompliſh⯑ments in the Perſons admired, which only tend to Vice and Degeneracy; and that they are beſt pleaſed with that which ought to deſtroy, not attract their Affection. It is true, that ge⯑nerous Principles, and a bountiful, open Hand, juſtly recommends a noble Perſon to our good Opinion; eſpecially when ſelfiſh, narrow Principles are grown ſo general in the World; but, in my O⯑pinion, a Man ceaſes to be generous, that is open to Profuſion; and he that [46] can ſet no Bounds to his Bounty, in⯑ſtead of being a wiſe Man, may rather be ſaid to ſquander away his Money like a Fool; a Man of Honour ought to know the Value of what he beſtows, and of what he expends; otherwiſe he becomes bountiful to a Vice, and throws away his Money, not for want of Avarice, but for want of Under⯑ſtanding.
And for what can this be ſaid to re⯑commend him; unleſs he ſhall be ſaid to become popular, meerly on the ſame Account that the People fall into Rabbles and Tumults; not becauſe they are wiſe, but becauſe they are mad.
It is Time for the People of En⯑gland then to conſider the particular Caſe; and if they will not remove their Acclamations, and Cry of Tu⯑mult, from the Perſon of the Duke; yet, for their own Reputation, let them remove it from his Vice, and find out ſome of his Virtues to fix it upon; for certainly a meer making Ducks and Drakes of his Money, can⯑not recommend him; or if it does, it [47] muſt be only to thoſe, who can give no Reaſon for what they do.
It has been alledged by ſome, that this Popularity of the Duke's has riſen from the Accident of Circumſtances; and that it has not been at all of the Duke's ſeeking or deſiring, or from any greater Eſteem than was before ſhewn him; but becauſe the Party, who have, of late, ſhewn themſelves Oppoſers of the Government, and of the Houſe of Hanover, had no Body elſe to name to the Mobb, who they durſt mention in publick.
If this ſhould be true, the Duke has very little Obligation to thoſe People; and, moreover, it is the ſevereſt Satyr upon the Jacobite Intereſt, that it could be poſſible to mention; being a clear Teſtimony, that their Pre⯑tender has no Share in the Affections of the People; and that they could hope for no Favour among the Com⯑mons, if they did ſo much as name him.
Upon the whole it appears, That, firſt, as the Duke has no peculiar Ac⯑compliſhments of his own, which can be ſaid to recommend him to the [48] Mobb; ſo all that has been done to render him popular, has been done not only without any perſonal Merit of his own; but, which is worſe, from a private Piece of Policy, making him a Cover to their Jacobite Deſign, and no better than a meer Tool for the Pretender.
FINIS.
