I.

IT is impoſſible but the whole Attention of the Reader muſt be awaken'd in this Book: The Heroes of the two Armies are now to encounter, all the foregoing Battels have been but ſo many Preludes and Under-actions, in order to this great Event: Wherein the whole Fate of Greece and Troy is to be decided by the Sword of Achilles and Hector.

This is the Book, which of the whole Iliad appears to me the moſt charming. It aſſembles in it all that can be imagined of great and important on the one hand, and of tender and melancholy on the other. Terror and Pity are here wrought up in Perfection, and if the Reader is not ſenſible of both in a high degree, either he is utterly void of all Taſte, or the Tranſlator of all Skill, in Poetry.

II.

‘VERSE 37. Not half ſo dreadful riſes, &c.]’ With how much dreadful Pomp is Achilles here introduced! How noble, and in what bold Colours hath he drawn the blazing of his Arms, [38] the Rapidity of his Advance, the Terror of his Appearance, the Deſolation around him; but above all, the certain Death attending all his Motions and his very Looks; what a Crowd of terrible Ideas in this one Simile!

But immediately after this, follows the moving Image of the two aged Parents, trembling, weeping, and imploring their Son: That is ſucceeded again by the dreadful gloomy Picture of Hector, all on fire, obſtinately bent on Death, and expecting Achilles; admirably painted in the Simile of the Snake roll'd up in his Den and collecting his Poiſons: And indeed thro' the whole Book this wonderful Contraſt and Oppoſition of the Moving and of the Terrible, is perpetu⯑ally kept up, each heightening the other: I can't find Words to expreſs how ſo great Beauties affect me.

III.

‘VERSE 51. The Speech of Priam to Hector.]’ The Poet has entertain'd us all along with various Scenes of Slaughter and Horrour: He now changes to the pathetick, and fills the Mind of the Reader with tender Sorrows. Euſtathius ob⯑ſerves that Priam preludes to his Words by Actions ex⯑preſſive of Miſery: The unhappy Orator introduces his Speech to Hector with Groans and Tears, and rending his hoary Hair. The Father and the King plead with Hector to preſerve his Life and his Country. He repreſents his own Age, and the Loſs of many of his Children; and adds, that if Hector falls, he ſhould then be inconſolable, and the Empire of Troy at an end.

It is a piece of great Judgment in Homer to make the Fall of Troy to depend upon the Death of Hector: The Poet does not openly tell us that Troy was taken by the Greeks, but that the Reader might not be unacquainted with what happen'd after the Period of his Poem, he gives us to under⯑ſtand in this Speech, that the City was taken, and that Priam, his Wives, his Sons and Daughters, were either kill'd or made Slaves.

IV.

‘VERSE 76. Enter yet the Wall, and ſave, &c.]’ The Argument that Priam uſes (ſays Euſtathius) to induce Hector to ſecure himſelf in Troy is remarkable; he draws it not from Hector's Fears, nor does he tell him that he is to ſave his own Life; but he inſiſts upon ſtronger Motives: He tells him he may preſerve his Fellow-Citizens, his Country, and his Father; and farther, perſuades him not to add Glory to his mortal Enemy by his Fall.

V.

‘VERSE 90. My bleeding Infants daſh'd against the Floor.]’ Cruelties which the Barbarians uſually exercis'd in the ſack⯑ing of Towns. Thus Iſaiah foretels to Babylon that her Children ſhall be daſh'd in pieces before her Eyes by the Medes. Infantes eorum allidentur in oculis eorum, xii. 16. And David ſays to the ſame City, Happy ſhall he be that taketh and daſheth thy little ones against the Stones. Pſal. cxxxvii. 9. And in the Prophet Hoſea, xiii. 16. Their Infants ſhall be daſh'd in pieces. Dacier.

VI.

‘VERSE 102. But when the Fates, &c.]’ Nothing can be more moving than the Image which Homer gives here, in comparing the different Effects produc'd by the View of a young Man, and that of an old one, both bleeding, and ex⯑tended on the Duſt. The old Man 'tis certain touches us moſt, and ſeveral Reaſons may be given for it; the princi⯑pal is, that the young Man defended himſelf, and his Death is glorious; whereas an old Man has no defence but his Weakneſs, Prayers, and Tears. They muſt be very in⯑ſenſible of what is dreadful, and have no Taſte in Poetry, who omit this Paſſage in a Tranſlation, and ſubſtitute things of a trivial and inſipid Nature. Dacier.

VII.

‘VERSE 114. The Speech of Hecuba,]’ The Speech of He⯑cuba opens with as much Tenderneſs as that of Priam: The Circumſtance in particular of her ſhewing that Breaſt to her Son which had ſuſtain'd his Infancy, is highly moving: It is a ſilent kind of Oratory, and prepares the Heart to liſten, by prepoſſeſſing the Eye in favour of the Speaker.

Eustathius takes notice of the Difference between the Speeches of Priam and Hecuba: Priam diſſuades him from the Combat by enumerating not only the Loſs of his own Family, but of his whole Country: Hecuba dwells entirely upon his ſingle Death; this is a great Beauty in the Poet, to make Priam a Father to his whole Countrey; but to de⯑ſcribe the Fondneſs of the Mother as prevailing over all o⯑ther Conſiderations, and to mention that only which chiefly affects her.

This puts me in mind of a judicious Stroke in Milton, with regard to the ſeveral Characters of Adam and Eve. When the Angel is driving them both out of Paradiſe, Adam grieves that he muſt leave a place where he had convers'd with God and his Angels; but Eve laments that ſhe ſhall never more behold the fine Flowers of Eden: Here Adam mourns like a Man, and Eve like a Woman.

VIII.

‘VERSE 140. The Soliloquy of Hector.]’ There is much Greatneſs in the Sentiments of this whole Soliloquy. Hector prefers Death to an ignominious Life: He knows how to die with Glory, but not how to live with Diſhonour. The Reproach of Polydamas affects him; the Scandals of the meaneſt People have an Influence on his Thoughts.

'Tis remarkable that he does not ſay, he fears the Inſults of the braver Trojans, but of the moſt worthleſs only. Men of Merit are always the moſt candid; but others are ever for bringing all Men to a Level with themſelves. They cannot [41] bear that any one ſhould be ſo bold as to excel, and are ready to pull him down to them, upon the leaſt Miſcarriage. This Sentiment is perfectly fine, and agreeable to the way of thinking natural to a great and ſenſible Mind.

There is a very beautiful Break in the middle of this Speech. Hector's Mind fluctuates every way, he is calling a Council in his own Breaſt, and conſulting what Method to purſue: He doubts if he ſhould not propoſe Terms of Peace to Achilles, and grants him very large Conceſſions; but of a ſudden he checks himſelf, and leaves the Sentence unfiniſh'd. The Paragraph runs thus, ‘"If, ſays Hector, I ſhould offer him the largeſt Conditions, give all that Troy contains—’ There he ſtops, and immediately ſub⯑joins, ‘"But why do I delude myſelf, &c.’

'Tis evident from this Speech that the Power of making Peace was in Hector's Hands: For unleſs Priam had tranſ⯑fer'd it to him he could not have made theſe Propoſitions. So that it was Hector who broke the Treaty in the third Book; (where the very ſame Conditions were propos'd by Agamemnon.) 'Tis Hector therefore that is guilty, he is blameable in continuing the War, and involving the Greeks and Trojans in Blood. This Conduct in Homer was neceſ⯑ſary; he obſerves a poetical Juſtice, and ſhews us that Hector is a Criminal, before he brings him to Death. Euſtathius.

IX.

‘VERSE 141. Shall proud Polydamas, &c.]’ Hector alludes to the Counſel given him by Polydamas in the eighteenth Book, which he then neglected to follow: It was, to withdraw to the City, and fortify themſelves there, before Achilles re⯑turn'd to the Battel.

X.

The Words literally are theſe, ‘"There is no talking with A⯑chilles, [42] [...], from an Oak, or from a Rock, [or about an Oak or a Rock] as a young Man and a Maiden talk together.’ It is thought an obſcure Paſſage, tho' I con⯑feſs I am either too fond of my own Explication in the a⯑bove-cited Verſes, or they make it a very clear one. ‘"There is no converſing with this implacable Enemy in the Rage of Battel; as when ſauntring People talk at leiſure to one another on the Road, or when young Men and Women meet in a Field."’ I think the Expoſition of Euſtathius more far⯑fetch'd, tho' it be ingenious; and therefore I muſt do him the Juſtice not to ſuppreſs it. It was a common Practice, ſays he, with the Heathens, to expoſe ſuch Children as they either could not, or would not educate: The Places where they depoſited them were uſually in the Cavities of Rocks, or the Hollow of Oaks: Theſe Children being frequently found and preſerv'd by Strangers, were ſaid to be the Offspring of thoſe Oaks or Rocks where they were found. This gave occaſion to the Poets to feign that Men were born of Oaks, and there was a famous Fable too of Deucalion and Pyrrha's repairing Mankind by caſting Stones behind them: It grew at laſt into a Proverb, to ſignify idle Tales; ſo that in the preſent Paſſage it imports, that Achilles will not liſten to ſuch idle Tales as may paſs with ſilly Maids and fond Lovers. For Fables and Stories (and particularly ſuch Stories as the Pre⯑ſervation, ſtrange Fortune, and Adventures of expos'd Chil⯑dren) are the uſual Converſation of young Men and Maidens Eustathius his Explanation may be corroborated by a Paral⯑lel Place in the Odyſſey; where the Poet ſays,

The Meaning of which Paſſage is plainly this, Tell me of what Race you are, for undoubtedly you had a Father and Mother; you are not, according to the old Story, deſcended from an Oak or a Rock. Where the Word [...] ſhews that this was become an ancient Proverb even in Homer's Days.

XI.

‘VERSE 180. Struck by ſome God, he fears, recedes, and flies.]’ I doubt not moſt Readers are ſhock'd at the Flight of Hector: It is indeed a high Exaltation of Achilles (which was the Poets chief Care, as he was his chief Hero) that ſo brave a Man as He⯑ctor durſt not ſtand him. While Achilles was at a diſtance he had fortify'd his Heart with noble Reſolutions, but at his approach they all vaniſh, and he flies. This (as exceptionable as ſome may think it) may yet be allow'd to be a true Portrait of human Nature; for Diſtance, as it leſſens all Objects, ſo it does our Fears: But where inevitable Danger approaches, the ſtouteſt Hearts will feel ſome Apprehenſions at certain Fate. It was the Saying of one of the braveſt Men in this Age, to one who told him he fear'd nothing, Shew me but a certain Danger, and I ſhall be as much afraid as any of you. I don't abſolute⯑ly pretend to juſtify this Paſſage in every point, but only to have thus much granted me, that Hector was in this deſpe⯑rate Circumſtance.

First, It will not be found in the whole Iliad, that Hector ever thought himſelf a Match for Achilles. Homer (to keep this in our Minds) had juſt now made Priam tell him (as a thing known, for certainly Priam would not inſult him at that time) that there was no Compariſon between his own Strength, and that of his Antagoniſt.

Secondly, we may obſerve with Dacier, the Degrees by which Homer prepares this Incident. In the 18th Book the mere Sight and Voice of Achilles, unarm'd, has terrify'd and put the whole Trojan Army into Diſorder. In the 19th, the very Sound of the coeleſtial Arms given him by Vulcan, has affrighted his own Myrmidons as they ſtand about him. In the 20th, he has been upon the point of killing Aeneas, and Hector himſelf was not ſav'd from him but by Apollo's in⯑terpoſing. In that and the following Book, he makes an incredible Slaughter of all that oppoſe him; he overtakes [44] moſt of thoſe that fly from him, and Priam himſelf opens the Gates of Troy to receive the reſt.

Thirdly, Hector ſtays, not that he hopes to overcome A⯑chilles, but becauſe Shame and the dread of Reproach forbid him to re-enter the City; a Shame (ſays Eustathius) which was a Fault, that betray'd him out of his Life, and ruin'd his Countrey. Nay, Homer adds farther, that he only ſtay'd by the immediate Will of Heaven, intoxicated and irreſiſtibly bound down by Fate.

Fourthly, He had juſt been reflecting on the Injuſtice of the War he maintain'd; his Spirits are depreſt by Heaven, he expects certain Death, he perceives himſelf abandon'd by the Gods; (as he directly ſays in ℣. 300, &c. of the Greek, and 385 of the tranſlation) ſo that he might ſay to Achilles what Turnus does to Aeneas,

This indeed is the ſtrongeſt Reaſon that can be offer'd for the Flight of Hector. He flies not from Achilles as a mor⯑tal Hero, but from one whom he ſees clad in impenetrable Armour, ſeconded by Minerva, and one who had put to flight the inferior Gods themſelves. This is not Cowardice according to the conſtant Principles of Homer, who thought it no part of a Hero's Character to be impious, or to fancy himſelf independent on the ſupreme Being.

Indeed it had been a grievous Fault, had our Author ſuf⯑fer'd the Courage of Hector entirely to forſake him even in this Extremity: A brave Man's Soul is ſtill capable of rouzing itſelf, and acting honourably in the laſt Struggles. Accord⯑ingly Hector, tho' deliver'd over to his Deſtiny, abandon'd by the Gods, and certain of Death, yet ſtops and attacks Achil⯑les; When he loſes his Spear, he draws his Sword: it was impoſſible he ſhould conquer, it was only in his Power to fall gloriouſly; this he did, and it was all that Man could do.

If the Reader, after all, cannot bring himſelf to like this Paſſage, for his own particular; yet to induce him to ſuſpend [45] his abſolute Cenſure, he may conſider that Virgil had an uncommon Eſteem for it, as he has teſtify'd in transferring it almoſt entirely to the Death of Turnus; where there was no neceſſity of making uſe of the like Incidents: But doubt⯑leſs he was touch'd with this Epiſode, as with one of thoſe which intereſt us moſt of the whole Iliad, by a Spe⯑ctacle at once ſo terrible, and ſo deplorable. I muſt alſo add the Suffrage of Ariſtotle, who was ſo far from looking upon this Paſſage as ridiculous or blameable, that he eſteem'd it mar⯑vellous and admirable. ‘"The wonderful, ſays he, ought to have place in Tragedy, but ſtill more in Epic Poetry, which proceeds in this Point even to the Unrea⯑ſonable: For as in Epic Poems one ſees not the Per⯑ſons acting, ſo whatever paſſes the Bounds of Reaſon is proper to produce the admirable and the marvellous. For example, what Homer ſays of Hector purſued by Achilles, would appear ridiculous on the Stage; for the Spectators could not forbear laughing to ſee on one ſide the Greeks ſtanding without any motion, and on the other; A⯑chilles purſuing Hector, and making Signs to the Troops not to dart at him. But all this does not appear when we read the Poem: For what is wonderful is always agreeable, and as a proof of it, we find that they who relate any thing uſually add ſomething to the Truth, that it may the bet⯑ter pleaſe thoſe who hear it.’

The ſame great Critick vindicates this Paſſage in the Chapter following. ‘"A Poet, ſays he, is inexcuſable if he in⯑troduces ſuch things as are impoſſible according to the Rules of Poetry: but this ceaſes to be a Fault, if by thoſe means he attains to the End he propos'd; for he has then brought about what he intended: For example, if he ren⯑ders by it any part of his Poem more aſtoniſhing or admi⯑rable. Such is the Place in the Iliad, where Achilles pur⯑ſues Hector.’ Ariſt. Poet. chap. 25, 26.

XII.

‘VERSE 197. Where two fam'd Fountains.]’ Strabo blames Homer for ſaying that one of the Sources of Scamander was [46] a warm Fountain; whereas (ſays he) there is but one Spring, and that cold, neither is this in the Place where Homer fixes it, but in the Mountain. It is obſerv'd by Euſtathius that tho' this was not true in Strabo's Days, yet it might in Ho⯑mer's, greater Changes having happen'd in leſs time than that which paſs'd between thoſe two Authors. Sandys, who was both a Geographer and Critick of great Accuracy, as well as a Traveller of great Veracity, affirms as an Eye witneſs, that there are yet ſome Hot-water Springs in that part of the Country, oppoſite to Tenedos. I cannot but think that Gen⯑tleman muſt have been particularly diligent and curious in his Enquiries into the Remains of a Place ſo celebrated in Poetry; as he was not only perhaps the moſt learned, but one of the beſt Poets of his Time: I am glad of this occaſion to do his Memory ſo much Juſtice as to ſay, the Engliſh Verſification owes much of its Improvement to his Tranſlations, and eſpe⯑cially that admirable one of Job. What chiefly pleaſes me in this place, is to ſee the exact Landskip of old Troy, we have a clear Idea of the Town itſelf, and of the Roads and Countrey about it; the River, the Fig-trees, and every part is ſet before our Eyes.

XIII.

‘VERSE 219. The gazing Gods lean forward from the Skies.]’ We have here an Inſtance of the great Judgment of Homer. The Death of Hector being the chief Action of the Poem; he aſſembles the Gods, and calls a Council in Heaven concern⯑ing it: It is for the ſame Reaſon that he repreſents Jupi⯑ter with the greateſt Solemnity weighing in his Scales the Fates of the two Heroes: I have before obſerv'd at large upon the laſt Circumſtance in a preceding Note, ſo that there is no occaſion to repeat it.

I wonder that none of the Commentators have taken no⯑tice of this Beauty; in my Opinion it is a very neceſſary Ob⯑ſervation, and ſhews the Art and Judgment of the Poet, in that he has made the greateſt and finiſhing Action of the Poem of ſuch Importance that it engages the Gods in Debates.

XIV.

‘VERSE 226. From Ida's Summits—]’ It was the Cuſtom of the Pagans to ſacrifice to the Gods upon the Hills and Mountains, in Scripture Language upon the high places, for they were perſuaded that the Gods in a particular manner in⯑habited ſuch Eminences: Wherefore God order'd his People to deſtroy all thoſe high places, which the Nations had pro⯑phan'd by their Idolatry. You ſhall utterly destroy all the Places wherein the Nations which you ſhall poſſeſs ſerved their Gods, upon the high Mountains, and upon the Hills, and un⯑der every green Tree. Deut. xii. 2. 'Tis for this Reaſon that ſo many Kings are reproach'd in Scripture for not taking away the high Places.

XV.

‘VERSE 249. Thus Step by Step, &c.]’ There is ſome Dif⯑ficulty in this Paſſage, and it ſeems ſtrange that Achilles could not overtake Hector when he is allow'd to excel ſo much in Swiftneſs, eſpecially when the Poet deſcribes him as running in a narrower Circle than Hector: Eustathius gives us many Solutions from the Ancients: Homer has already told us that they run for the Life of Hector; and conſequently Hector would exert his utmoſt Speed, whereas Achilles might only endeavour to keep him from entring the City: Beſides, A⯑chilles could not directly purſue him, becauſe he frequently made Efforts to ſhelter himſelf under the Wall, and he being oblig'd to turn him from it, he might be forced to take more Steps than Hector; but the Poet to take away all Grounds of an Objection, tells us afterwards, that Apollo gave him a ſu⯑pernatural Swiftneſs.

XVI.

‘VERSE 251. As Men in Slumbers.]’ This beautiful Com⯑pariſon has been condemn'd by ſome of the Ancients, even ſo far as to judge it unworthy of having a Place in the Iliad: [48] They ſay the Diction is mean, and the Similitude itſelf ab⯑ſurd, becauſe it compares the Swiftneſs of the Heroes to Men aſleep, who are in a ſtate of Reſt and Inactivity; but ſurely there cannot be a more groundleſs Criticiſm: The Poet is ſo far from drawing his Compariſon from the Repoſe of Men aſleep, that he alludes only to their Dreams: It is a Race in fancy that he deſcribes; and ſurely the Imagination is nim⯑ble enough to illuſtrate the greateſt Degree of Swiftneſs: Be⯑ſides the Verſes themſelves run with the utmoſt Rapidity, and imitate the Swiftneſs they deſcribe. Eustathius.

What ſufficiently proves theſe Verſes to be genuine, is, that Virgil has imitated them, Aen. 12.

XVII.

‘VERSE 270. Sign'd to the Troops, &c.]’ The Difference which Homer here makes between Hector and Achilles de⯑ſerves to be taken notice of; Hector in running away towards the Walls, to the end that the Trojans who are upon them may overwhelm Achilles with their Darts; and Achilles in turning Hector towards the Plain, makes a Sign to his Troops not to attack him. This ſhews the great Courage of Achil⯑les; and yet this Action which appears ſo generous has been very much condemn'd by the Ancients; Plutarch in the Life of Pompey gives us to underſtand, that it was look'd upon as the Action of a Fool too greedy of Glory: Indeed this is not a ſingle Combat of Achilles againſt Hector, (for in that caſe Achilles would have done very ill not to hinder his Troops from aſſaulting him) this was a Rencounter in a Battel, and ſo Achilles might, and ought to take all Advantage to rid himſelf, the readieſt and the ſureſt way, of an Enemy whoſe Death would procure an entire Victory to his Party. Where⯑fore does he leave this Victory to Chance? Why expoſe himſelf to the Hazard of loſing it? Why does he prefer his private Glory to the publick Weal, and the Safety of all the Greeks, which he puts to the venture by delaying to conquer, [49] and endangering his own Perſon? I grant it is a Fault, but it muſt be own'd to be the Fault of a Hero. Eustathius. Dacier.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 278. Then Phoebus left him—]’ This is a very beautiful and poetical manner of deſcribing a plain Circum⯑ſtance: The Hour of Hector's Death was now come, and the Poet expreſſes it by ſaying that Apollo, or Destiny, for⯑ſakes him: That is, the Fates no longer protect him. Eustathius.

XIX.

‘VERSE id.—Fierce Minerva flies to ſtern Pelides, &c.]’ The Poet may ſeem to diminiſh the Glory of Achilles, by aſcribing the Victory over Hector to the Aſſiſtance of Pal⯑las; whereas in truth he fell by the Hand only of Achilles: But Poetry loves to raiſe every thing into a Wonder; it ſteps out of the common Road of Narration, and aims to ſurprize; and the Poet would farther inſinuate that it is a greater Glory to Achilles to be belov'd by the Gods, than to be only excellent in Valour: For many Men have Valour, but few the Favour of Heaven. Eustathius.

XX.

‘VERSE 291. Obey'd and rested.]’ The whole Paſſage where Pallas deceives Hector is evidently an Allegory: Achilles per⯑ceiving that he cannot overtake Hector, pretends to be quite ſpent and wearied in the Purſuit; the Stratagem takes effect, and recalls his Enemy: This the Poet expreſſes by ſaying that Pallas, or Wiſdom, came to aſſiſt Achilles. Hector ob⯑ſerving his Enemy ſtay to reſt concludes that he is quite fa⯑tigued, and immediately takes Courage and advances upon him; he thinks he has him at an Advantage, but at laſt finds himſelf deceiv'd: Thus making a wrong Judgment he [50] is betray'd into his Death; ſo that his own falſe Judgment is the treacherous Pallas that deceives him. Eustathius.

XXI.

‘VERSE 317. The Speeches of Hector, and of Achilles.]’ There is an Oppoſition between theſe Speeches excellently a⯑dapted to the Characters of both the Heroes: That of Hector is full of Courage, but mixt with Humanity: That of Achil⯑les, of Reſentment and Arrogance: We ſee the great Hector diſpoſing of his own Remains, and that Thirſt of Glory which has made him live with Honour, now bids him pro⯑vide, as Eustathius obſerves, that what once was Hector may not de diſhonour'd: Thus we ſee a ſedate, calm courage, with a Contempt of Death, in the Speeches of Hector. But in that of Achilles there is a Fiertè, and an inſolent Air of Su⯑periority; his Magnanimity makes him ſcorn to ſteal a Vi⯑ctory, he bids him prepare to defend himſelf with all his Forces, and that Valour and Reſentment which made him deſirous that he might revenge himſelf upon Hector with his own Hand, and forbade the Greeks to interpoſe, now directs him not to take any Advantage over a brave Enemy. I think both their Characters are admirably ſuſtain'd, and tho' Achil⯑les be drawn with a great Violence of Features, yet the Picture is undoubtedly like him; and it had been the utmoſt Abſur⯑dity to have ſoften'd one Line upon this Occaſion, when the Soul of Achilles was all on fire to revenge the Death of his Friend Patroclus. I muſt deſire the Reader to carry this Obſervation in his Memory, and particularly in that place, where Achilles ſays he could eat the very Fleſh of Hector; (tho' I have a little ſoften'd it in the Tranſlation) V. 438.

XXII.

‘VERSE 391. So Jove's bold Bird, &c.]’ The Poet takes up ſome time in deſcribing the two great Heroes before they cloſe in Fight: The Verſes are pompous and magnificent, and he illuſtrates his Deſcription with two beautiful Similes: He makes [51] a double uſe of this Conduct; he not only raiſes our Imagi⯑nation to attend to ſo momentous an Action, but by lengthen⯑ing his Narration he keeps the Mind in a pleaſing Suſpenſe, and divides it between Hopes and Fears for the Fate of Hector or Achilles.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 409. Thro' that penetrable Part furious he drove, &c.]’ It was neceſſary that the Poet ſhou'd be very particular in this Point, becauſe the Arms that Hector wore, were the Arms of Achilles, taken from Patroclus; and conſequently, as they were the Work of Vulcan, they would preſerve Hector from the Poſſibility of a Wound: The Poet therefore to give an Air of Probability to his Story, tells us that they were Pa⯑troclus his Arms, and as they were not made for Hector, they might not exactly fit his Body: So that it is not improbable but there might be ſome place about the Neck of Hector ſo open as to admit the Spear of Achilles. Euſtathius.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 438. Could I my ſelf the bloody Banquet join!]’ I have before hinted that there is ſomething very fierce and violent in this Paſſage; but I fancy that what I there obſerv'd will juſtify Homer in his Relation, tho' not Achilles in his ſa⯑vage Sentiments: Yet the Poet ſoftens the Expreſſion by ſay⯑ing that Achilles only wiſhes that his Heart would permit him to devour him: This is much more tolerable than a Paſſage in the Thebais of Statius, where Tydeus in the very Pangs of Death is repreſented as knawing the Head of his Enemy.

XXV.

‘VERSE 440. Should Troy, to bribe me, &c.]’ Such Reſo⯑lutions as Achilles here makes, are very natural to Men in Anger; he tells Hector that no Motives ſhall ever prevail [52] with him to ſuffer his Body to be ranſom'd; yet when Time had cool'd his Heat, and he had ſomewhat ſatisfy'd his Re⯑venge by inſulting his Remains, he reſtores them to Priam, this perfectly agrees with his Conduct in the ninth Book, where at firſt he gives a rough Denial, and afterwards ſoftens into an eaſier Temper. And this is very agreeable to the Nature of Achilles; his Anger abates very ſlowly; it is ſtub⯑born, yet ſtill it remits: Had the Poet drawn him as never to be pacify'd, he had outrag'd Nature, and not repreſent⯑ed his Hero as a Man, but as a Monſter. Euſtathius.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 450. A Day will come—]’ Hector propheſies at his Death that Achilles ſhall fall by the Hand of Paris. This confirms an Obſervation made in a former Note, that the Words of dying Men were look'd upon as Prophecies; but whether ſuch Conjectures are true or falſe, it appears from hence, that ſuch Opinions have prevail'd in the World above three thouſand Years.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 468. The great Dead deface with Wounds, &c.]’ Euſta⯑thius tells us that Homer introduces the Soldiers wounding the dead Body of Hector, in order to mitigate the Cruelties which Achilles exerciſes upon his Body: For if every common Sol⯑dier takes a Pride in giving him a Wound, what Inſults may we not expect from the inexorable, inflam'd Achil⯑les? But I muſt confeſs myſelf unable to vindicate the Poet in giving us ſuch an Idea of his Countreymen. I think the former Courage of their Enemy ſhould have been ſo far from moving them to Revenge, that it ſhould have re⯑commended him to their Eſteem: What Achilles afterwards acts is ſuitable to his Character, and conſequently the Poet is juſtify'd; but ſurely all the Greeks were not of his Temper? Patroclus was not ſo dear to them all, as he [53] was to Achilles. 'Tis true the Poet repreſents Achilles, (as Euſtathius obſerves) enumerating the many Ills they had ſuffer'd from Hector; and he ſeems to endeavour to infect the whole Army with his Reſentment. Had Hector been living, they had been acted by a generous Indignation againſt him: But theſe Men ſeem as if they only dared approach him dead; in ſhort, what they ſay over his Body is a mean Inſult, and the Stabs they give it are cowardly and barbarous.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 474. The Speech of Achilles.]’ We have a very fine Obſervation of Euſtathius on this Place, that the Judgment and Addreſs of Homer here is extreamly worthy of Remark: He knew, and had often ſaid, that the Gods and Fate had not granted Achilles the Glory of taking Troy: There was then no rea⯑ſon to make him march againſt the Town after the Death of Hector, ſince all his Efforts muſt have been ineffectual. What has the Poet done in this Conjuncture? It was but rea⯑ſonable that the firſt Thought of Achilles ſhould be to march directly to Troy, and to profit himſelf of the general Con⯑ſternation into which the Death of Hector had thrown the Trojans. We here ſee he knows the Duty, and does not want the Ability, of a great General; but after this on a ſudden he changes his Deſign, and derives a plauſible Pretence from the Impatience he has to pay the laſt Devoirs to his Friend. The Manners of Achilles, and what he has already done for Patroclus, make this very natural. At the ſame time, this turning off to the tender and pathetick has a fine Effect; the Reader in the very Fury of the Hero's Vengeance, perceives, that Achilles is ſtill a Man, and capable of ſofter Paſſions.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 494. "Hector is dead, and Ilion is no more.]’ I have follow'd the Opinion of Euſtathius, who thought that what Achilles ſays here was the Chorus or Burden of [54] a Song of Triumph, in which his Troops bear a part with him, as he returns from this glorious Combate. Dacier obſerves that this is very correſpondent to the Man⯑ners of thoſe Times; and inſtances in that Paſſage of the Book of Kings, when David returns from the Conqueſt of Goliah: The Women there go out to meet him from all the Cities of Iſrael, and ſing a triumphal Song, the Chorus where⯑of is, Saul has kill'd his Thouſands, and David his ten Thou⯑ſands.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 496.] Unworthy of himſelf, and of the Dead.]’ This Inhumanity of Achilles in dragging the dead Body of Hector, has been ſeverely (and I think indeed not without ſome Juſtice) cenſur'd by ſeveral both Ancients and Moderns. Plato in his third Book de Republica, ſpeaks of it with Dete⯑ſtation: But methinks it is a great Injuſtice to Homer to re⯑flect upon the Morals of the Author himſelf, for things which he only paints as the Manners of a vicious Hero.

It may juſtly be obſerv'd in general of all Plato's Objecti⯑ons againſt Homer, that they are ſtill in a View to Morality, conſtantly blaming him for repreſenting ill and immoral Things as the Opinions or Actions of his Perſons. To every one of theſe one general Anſwer will ſerve, which is, that Homer as often deſcribes ill things, in order to make us avoid them, as good, to induce us to follow them (which is the Caſe with all Writers whatever.) But what is extremely remarkable, and evidently ſhews the Injuſtice of Plato's Cen⯑ſure is, that many of thoſe very Actions for which he blames him are expreſſly characterized and marked by Homer himſelf as evil and deteſtable, by previous Expreſſions or Cautions. Thus in the preſent Place, before he deſcribes this Barbarity of Achilles, he tells us it was a moſt unworthy Action.

When Achilles ſacrifices the twelve young Trojans in l. 23. he repeats the ſame Words. When Pandarus broke the [55] Truce in l. 4. he told us it was a mad, unjuſt Deed,

And ſo of the reſt.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 506. The Face divine, and long-deſcending Hair.]’ It is impoſſible to read the Actions of great Men without having our Curioſity rais'd to know the leaſt Circumſtance that relates to them: Homer to ſatisfy it, has taken care in the Proceſs of his Poem to give us the Shape of his Heroes, and the very Colour of their Hair; thus he has told us that Achilles's Locks were yellow, and here the Epithet [...] ſhews us that thoſe of Hector were of a darker Colour: As to his Perſon, he told us a little above that it was ſo hand⯑ſome that all the Greeks were ſurpriz'd to ſee it. Plutarch recites a remarkable Story of the Beauty of Hector: It was reported in Lacedaemon, that a handſome Youth who very much reſembled Hector, was arriv'd there; immediately the whole City run in ſuch Numbers to behold him, that he was trampled to Death by the Crowd. Euſtathius.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 543. Sinks my ſad Soul with Sorrow to the Grave.]’ It is in the Greek

It is needleſs to obſerve to the Reader with what a beautiful Pathos the wretched Father laments his Son Hector: It is im⯑poſſible not to join with Priam in his Sorrows. But what I would chiefly point out to my Reader, is the Beauty of this Line, which is particularly tender, and almoſt Word for Word the ſame with that of the Patriarch Jacob; who upon a like Occaſion breaks out into the ſame Complaint, and tells [56] his Children, that if they deprive him of his Son Benjamin, they will bring down his grey Hairs with Sorrow to the Grave.

XXXVI.

VERSE 563, &c.] The Grief of Andromache, which is painted in the following Part, is far beyond all the Praiſes that can be given it; but I muſt take notice of one Particu⯑lar which ſhews the great Art of the Poet. In order to make the Wife of Hector appear yet more afflicted than his Parents, he has taken care to encreaſe her Affliction by Surprize: It is finely prepar'd by the Circumſtances of her being retir'd to her innermoſt Apartment, of her Employment in weaving a Robe for her Husband (as may be conjectur'd from what ſhe ſays afterward, ℣. 657.) and of her Maids preparing the Bath for his Return: All which (as the Criticks have ob⯑ſerv'd) augment the Surprize, and render this Reverſe of For⯑tune much more dreadful and afflicting.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 600. Her Hair's fair Ornaments.]’ Euſtathius re⯑marks, that in ſpeaking of Andromache and Hecuba, Ho⯑mer expatiates upon the Ornaments of Dreſs in Andromache, becauſe ſhe was a beautiful young Princeſs; but is very con⯑ciſe about that of Hecuba, becauſe ſhe was old, and wore a Dreſs rather ſuitable to her Age and Gravity, than to her State, Birth, and Condition. I cannot paſs over a Matter of ſuch Importance as a young Lady's Dreſs, with⯑out endeavouring to explain what ſort of Heads were worn above three thouſand Years ago.

It is difficult to deſcribe particularly every Ornament mention'd by the Poet, but I ſhall lay before my female Readers the Biſhop's Explanation. The [...] was uſed, [...], that is, to tye backwards the Hair that grew on the fore-part of the Head: The [...] was a Veil of Network that cover'd the Hair when it was ſo [57] ty'd: [...] was an Ornament us'd [...], to tye backwards the Hair that grew on the Temples; and the [...] was a Fillet, perhaps embroider'd with Gold, (from the Expreſſion of [...]) that bound the whole, and compleated the Dreſs.

The Ladies cannot but be pleas'd to ſee ſo much Learn⯑ing and Greek upon this important Subject.

Homer is in nothing more excellent than in that Diſtinction of Characters which he maintains thro' his whole Poem: What Andromache here ſays, can be ſpoken properly by none but Andromache: There is nothing general in her Sorrows, nothing that can be transfer'd to another Character: The Mother laments the Son, and the Wife weeps over the Husband.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 628. The Day that to the Shades, &c.]’ The fol⯑lowing Verſes, which ſo finely deſcribe the Condition of an Orphan, have been rejected by ſome ancient Criticks: It is a Proof there were always Criticks of no manner of Taſte; it being impoſſible any where to meet with a more exquiſite Paſſage. I will venture to ſay, there are not in all Homer any Lines more worthy of him: The Beauty of this tender and Compaſſionate Image is ſuch, that it even makes amends for the many cruel ones, with which the Iliad is too much ſtained. Theſe Cenſurers imagined this Deſcription to be of too ab⯑ject and mean a Nature for one of the Quality of Aſtyanax; but had they conſider'd (ſays Euſtathius) that theſe are the Words of a fond Mother who fear'd every thing for her Son, that Women are by Nature timorous and think all Misfortunes will happen, becauſe there is a Poſſibility that they may; that Andromache is in the very height of her Sor⯑rows, in the Inſtant ſhe is ſpeaking; I fancy they would have alter'd their Opinion.

It is undoubtedly an Aggravation to our Misfortunes when they ſink us in a Moment from the higheſt flow of Proſpe⯑rity to the loweſt Adverſity: The Poet judiciouſly makes uſe of this Circumſtance, the more to excite our Pity, and intro⯑duces [58] the Mother with the utmoſt Tenderneſs, lamenting this Reverſe of Fortune in her Son; chang'd all at once into a Slave, a Beggar, an Orphan! Have we not Examples in our own Times of ſuch unhappy Princes, whoſe Condition ren⯑ders this of Astyanax but too probable?

XXXIX.

‘VERSE 647. On Dainties fed.]’ It is in the Greek, ‘"Who upon his Father's Knees us'd to eat Marrow and the Fat of Sheep.’ This would ſeem groſs if it were literally tranſlated, but it is a figurative Expreſſion; and in the Style of the O⯑rientals, Marrow and Fatneſs are taken for whatever is beſt, tendereſt, and moſt delicious. Thus in Job xxi. 24. Viſcera ejus plena ſunt adipe & medullis oſſa ejus [...]rigantur. And xxxvi. 16. Requies autem menſae tuae erit plena pinguedine. In Jer. xxxi. 14. God ſays, that he will ſatiate the Soul of the Prieſts with Fatneſs. Inebriabo animam Sacerdotum pinguedine. Dacier.

XL.

‘VERSE 657. The martial Scarf and Robe of Triumph wove.]’ This Idea very naturally offers itſelf to a Woman, who re⯑preſents to herſelf the Body of her Husband daſh'd to pieces, and all his Limbs dragg'd upon the Ground uncover'd; and nothing is more proper to excite Pity. 'Tis well known that it was anciently the Cuſtom among Princeſſes and great La⯑dies to have large Quantities of Stuffs and Moveables. This Proviſion was more neceſſary in thoſe Times than now, be⯑cauſe of the great Conſumption made of them on thoſe Occa⯑ſions of Mourning.

I am of Opinion that Homer had a farther View in ex⯑patiating thus largely upon the Death of Hector. Every Word that Hecuba, Priam, and Andromache ſpeaks, ſhews us the Importance of Hector: Every Word adds a Weight to the concluding Action of his Poem, and at the ſame time re⯑preſents the ſad Effects of the Anger of Achilles, which is the Subject of it.

I.

THIS, and the following Book, which contain the Deſcription of the Funeral of Patroclus, and other Matters relating to Hector, are undoubtedly ſuperadded to the grand Cataſtrophe of the Poem; for the Story is compleatly finiſh'd with the Death of that Hero in the 22^d Book. Many judicious Criticks have been of opinion that Homer is blameable for protract⯑ing it. Virgil cloſes the whole Scene of Action with the Death of Turnus, and leaves the reſt to be imagin'd by the Mind of the Reader: He does not draw the Picture at full Length, but delineates it ſo far, that we cannot fail of ima⯑gining the whole Draught. There is however one thing to be ſaid in favour of Homer which may perhaps juſtify him in his Method, that what he undertook was to paint the An⯑ger of Achilles: And as that Anger does not die with Hector, but perſecutes his very remains, ſo the Poet ſtill keeps up to his Subject; nay it ſeems to require that he ſhould carry down the Relation of that Reſentment, which is the Foun⯑dation of his Poem, till it is fully ſatisfy'd: And as this ſur⯑vives Hector, and gives the Poet an Opportunity of ſtill ſhewing many ſad Effects of Achilles's Anger, the two fol⯑lowing Books may be thought not to be Excreſcencies, but eſſential to the Poem.

[114] Virgil had been inexcuſable had he trod in Homer's Foot⯑ſteps; for it is evident that the Fall of Turnus, by giving Aeneas a full Power over Italy, anſwers the whole Deſign and Intention of the Poem; had he gone farther he had o⯑verſhot his Mark: And tho' Homer proceeds after Hector's Death, yet the Subject is ſtill the Anger of Achilles.

We are now paſt the War and Violence of the Ilias, the Scenes of Blood are cloſed during the reſt of the Poem; we may look back with a pleaſing kind of Horror upon the Anger of Achilles, and ſee what dire Effects it has wrought in the compaſs of nineteen Days: Troy and Greece are both in Mourning for it, Heaven and Earth, Gods and Men, have ſuffer'd in the Conflict. The Reader ſeems landed upon the Shore after a violent Storm; and has Leiſure to ſurvey the Conſequences of the Tempeſt, and the Wreck oc⯑caſion'd by the former Commotions, Troy weeping for He⯑ctor, and Greece for Patroclus. Our Paſſions have been in an Agitation ſince the opening of the Poem; wherefore the Poet, like ſome great Maſter in Muſick, ſoftens his Notes, and melts his Readers into Tenderneſs and Pity.

II.

It is not eaſy to give a reaſon why Thetis ſhould be ſaid to excite the Grief of the Myrmidons, and of Achilles; it had ſeem'd more natural for the Mother to have compos'd the Sor⯑rows of the Son, and reſtored his troubled Mind to Tran⯑quillity.

But ſuch a Procedure would have outrag'd the Character of Achilles, who is all along deſcrib'd to be of ſuch a Violence of Temper, that he is not eaſy to be pacify'd at any time, much leſs upon ſo great an Incident as the Death of his Friend Patroclus. Perhaps the Poet made uſe of this Ficti⯑on in honour of Achilles; he makes every Paſſion of his Hero conſiderable, his Sorrow as well as Anger is important, and he cannot grieve but a Goddeſs attends him, and a whole Army weeps.

[115] Some Commentators fancy'd that Homer animates the very Sands of the Seas, and the Arms of the Myrmidons, and makes them ſenſible of the Loſs of Patroclus; the preceding Words ſeem to ſtrengthen that Opinion, be⯑cauſe the Poet introduces a Goddeſs to raiſe the Sorrow of the Army. But Euſtathius ſeems not to give into this Conjecture, and I think very judiciouſly; for what Re⯑lation is there between the Sands of the Shores, and the Arms of the Myrmidons? It would have been more poetical to have ſaid, the Sands and the Rocks, than the Sands and the Arms; but it is very natural to ſay, that the Soldiers wept ſo bitterly, that their Armour and the very Sands were wet with their Tears. I believe this Remark will appear very juſt by read⯑ing the Verſe, with a Comma after [...], thus,

Then the Conſtruction will be natural and eaſy, Period will anſwer Period in the Greek, and the Senſe in Engliſh will be, the Sands were wet, and the Arms were wet, with the Tears of the Mourners.

But however this be, there is a very remarkable Beauty in the run of the Verſe in Homer, every Word has a melan⯑choly Cadence, and the Poet has not only made the Sands and the Arms, but even his very Verſe, to lament with A⯑chilles.

III.

I could not paſs by this Paſſage without obſerving to my Rea⯑der the great Beauty of this Epithet, [...]. An ordinary Poet would have contented himſelf with ſaying, he laid his Hand upon the Breaſt of Patroclus, but Homer knows how to raiſe the moſt trivial Circumſtance, and by adding this one Word, he laid his deadly Hands, or his murderous Hands on Patroclus Breaſt, he fills our Minds with great Ideas, and [116] by a ſingle Epithet recalls to our Thoughts all the noble At⯑chievements of Achilles thro' the Iliad.

IV.

‘VERSE 25. All hail Patroclus, &c.]’ There is in this A⯑poſtrophe of Achilles to the Ghoſt of Patroclus, a ſort of Sa⯑vageneſs, and a mixture of Softneſs and Atrocity, which are highly conformable to his Character. Dacier.

V.

This is conformable to the Cuſtom of the Orientals: Achilles will not be induc'd to waſh, and afterwards retires to the Sea⯑ſhore, and ſleeps on the Ground. It is juſt thus that David mourns in the Scriptures; he refuſes to waſh, or to take any Repaſt, but retires from Company, and lies upon the Earth.

VI.

‘VERSE 78. The Ghoſt of Patroclus.]’ Homer has introduc'd into the former parts of the Poem the Perſonages of Gods and Goddeſſes from Heaven, and of Furies from Hell: He has em⯑belliſhed it with Ornaments from Earth, Sea, and Air; and he here opens a new Scene, and brings to the view a Ghoſt, the Shade of the departed Friend: By theſe Methods he diverſifies his Poem with new and ſurprizing Circumſtances, and awakens the Attention of the Reader; at the ſame time he very poe⯑tically adapts his Language to the Circumſtances of this imaginary Patroclus, and teaches us the Opinions that pre⯑vail'd in his time, concerning the State of ſeparate Souls.

VII.

‘VERSE 92. Forbid to paſs th'irremeable Flood.]’ It was the common Opinion of the Ancients, that the Souls of the Departed were not admitted into the Number of the Happy till their Bodies had receiv'd the funeral Rites; they ſuppos'd thoſe that wanted them wander'd an hundred Years before they were wafted over the infernal River: Virgil perhaps had this Paſſage of Homer in his view in the ſixth Aeneis, at leaſt he coincides with his Sentiments concerning the State of the departed Souls.

It was during this Interval, between their Death and the Rites of Funeral, that they ſuppos'd the only Time al⯑low'd for ſeparate Spirits to appear to Men; therefore Patro⯑clus here tells his Friend,

For the fuller underſtanding of Homer, it is neceſſary to be acquainted with his Notion of the State of the Soul after Death: He follow'd the Philoſophy of the Aegyptians, who ſuppos'd Man to be compounded of three Parts, an intel⯑ligent Mind, a Vehicle for that Mind, and a Body; the Mind they call'd [...], or [...], the Vehicle [...], Image or Soul, and the groſs Body [...]. The Soul, in which the Mind was lodg'd, was ſuppos'd exactly to reſemble the Body in Shape, Magnitude, and Features; for this being in the Body as the Statue in its Mold, ſo ſoon as it goes forth is pro⯑perly the Image of that Body in which it was enclos'd: This it was that appear'd to Achilles, with the full Reſemblance of his Friend Patroclus. Vid. Dacier on the Life of Pytha⯑goras, p. 71.

VIII.

‘VERSE 108. May mix our Aſhes in one common Grave.]’ There is ſomething very pathetical in this whole Speech of Patroclus; he begins it with kind Reproaches, and blames A⯑chilles with a friendly Tenderneſs; he recounts to him the in⯑ſeparable Affection that had been between them in their Lives, and makes it his laſt Requeſt, that they may not be parted even in Death, but that their Bones may reſt in the ſame Urn. The Speech itſelf is of a due Length, it ought not to be very ſhort, becauſe this Apparition is an Incident entirely different from any other in the whole Poem, and conſequently the Reader would not have been ſatisfy'd with a curſory men⯑tion of it; neither ought it to be long, becauſe this would have been contrary to the Nature of ſuch Apparitions, whoſe Stay upon Earth has ever been deſcrib'd as very ſhort, and conſequently they cannot be ſuppos'd to uſe many Words.

The Circumſtance of being buried in the ſame Urn, is entirely conformable to the Eaſtern Cuſtom: There are innumerable Inſtances in the Scriptures of great Perſonages being buried with their Fathers: So Joſeph would not ſuffer his Bones to reſt in Aegypt, but commands his Brethren to carry them into Canaan to the Burying-place of his Father Jacob.

IX.

The Words of Homer are

In which there ſeems to be a great Difficulty; it being not caſy to explain how Achilles can ſay that the Ghoſt of his Friend had no Underſtanding, when it had but juſt made ſuch a rational and moving Speech: Eſpecially when the Poet introduces the Apparition with the very Shape, Air, and Voice of Patroclus.

[119] But this Paſſage will be clearly underſtood, by explaining the Notion which the Ancients entertain'd of the Souls of the Departed, according to the fore-cited triple Diviſion of Mind, Image, and Body. They imagin'd that the Soul was, not only ſeparated from the Body at the Hour of Death, but that there was a farther Separation of the [...], or Underſtand⯑ing, from its [...], or Vehicle; ſo that while the [...], or Image of the Body, was in Hell, the [...], or Under⯑ſtanding, might be in Heaven: And that this is a true Ex⯑plication is evident from a Paſſage in the Odyſſeis, Book 11. ℣. 600.

By this it appears that Homer was of opinion that Hercules was in Heaven, while his [...], or Image, was in Hell: So that when this ſecond Separation is made, the Image or Vehicle becomes a mere thoughtleſs Form.

We have this whole Doctrine very diſtinctly deliver'd by Plutarch in theſe Words. ‘"Man is a compound Subject; but not of two Parts, as is commonly believed, becauſe the Underſtanding is generally accounted a Part of the Soul; whereas indeed it as far exceeds the Soul, as the Soul is diviner than the Body. Now the Soul, when com⯑pounded with the Underſtanding, makes Reaſon, and when compounded with the Body, Paſſion: Whereof the one is the Source or Principle of Pleaſure or Pain, the other of Vice or Virtue. Man therefore properly dies two Deaths; the firſt Death makes him two of three, and the ſecond makes him one of two."’ [Plutarch of the Face in the Moon.

X.

The Numbers in the Original of this whole Paſſage are ad⯑mirably adapted to the Images the Verſes convey to us. E⯑very Ear muſt have felt the Propriety of Sound in this Line,

That other in its kind is no leſs exact,

Dionyſius of Halicarnaſſus has collected many Inſtances of theſe ſorts of Beauties in Homer. This Deſcription of felling the Foreſts, ſo excellent as it is, is comprehended in a few Lines, which has left room for a larger and more particular one in Statius, one of the beſt (I think) in that Author.

I the rather cite this fine Paſſage, becauſe I find it copied by two of the greateſt Poets of our own Nation, Chaucer and Spencer. The firſt in the Aſſembly of Fowls, the ſecond in his Fairy Queen. lib. 1.

XI.

‘VERSE 158. Each in refulgent Arms, &c—]’ 'Tis not to be ſuppos'd that this was a general Cuſtom uſed at all Funerals; but Patroclus being a Warrior he is buried like a Soldier, with military Honours. Euſtathius.

XII.

‘VERSE 164. O'er all the Corſe their ſcatterd Locks they throw.]’ The Ceremony of cutting off the Hair in honour of the Dead was practis'd not only among the Greeks, but alſo among other Nations; Thus Statius Thebaid. VI.

This Cuſtom is taken notice of in holy Scripture: Ezekiel deſcribing a great Lamentation, ſays, They ſhall make themſelves utterly bald for thee, ch. 27. ℣. 31. I believe it was done not only in token of Sorrow, but perhaps had a conceal'd Meaning, that as the Hair was cut from the Head, and was never more to be join'd to it, ſo was the Dead for ever cut off from the Living, never more to return.

I muſt juſt obſerve that this Ceremony of cutting off the Hair was not always in token of Sorrow; Lycophron in his Caſſandra, ℣. 976. deſcribing a general Lamentation, ſays

[122] And that the Ancients ſometimes had their Hair cut off in token of Joy is evident from Juvenal Sat. 12. ℣. 82.

This ſeeming Contradiction will be ſolv'd by having reſpect to the different Practices of different Nations. If it was the general Cuſtom of any Country to wear long Hair, then the cutting it off was a token of Sorrow; but if it was the Cu⯑ſtom to wear ſhort Hair, then the letting it grow long and neglecting it, ſhew'd that ſuch People were Mourners.

XIII.

‘VERSE 166. Supporting with his Hands the Hero's Head.]’ Achilles follows the Corpſe as chief Mourner, and ſuſtains the Head of his Friend: This laſt Circumſtance ſeems to be neral; thus Euripides in the Funeral of Rheſus, ℣. 886.

What God, O King, with his Hands ſupports the Head of the deceaſed?

XIV.

‘VERSE 173. And ſacred grew to Sperchius honour'd Flood.]’ It was the Cuſtom of the Ancients not only to offer their own Hair, but likewiſe to conſecrate that of their Children to the River-Gods of their Countrey. This is what Pauſanias ſhews in his Attics: Before you paſs the Cephiſa (ſays he) you find the Tomb of Theodorus, who was the moſt excellent Actor of his Time for Tragedy; and on the Banks you ſee two Statues, one of Mneſimachus, and the other of his Son, who cut off his Hair in honour of the Rivers; for that this was in all Ages [123] the Cuſtom of the Greeks, may be inferr'd from Homer's Poetry, where Peleus promiſes by a ſolemn Vow to conſecrate to the River Sperchius the Hair of his Son, if he returns ſafe from the Trojan War. This Cuſtom was likewiſe in Aegypt, where Philoſtratus tells us, that Memnon conſecrated his Hair to the Nile. This Practice of Achilles was imitated by Alexander at the Funeral of Hephaeſtion. Spondanus.

XV.

‘VERES 226. Coeleſtial Venus, &c.]’ Homer has here introduc'd a Series of Allegories in the Compaſs of a few Lines: The Body of Hector may be ſuppos'd to have continued beautiful even after he was ſlain; and Venus being the Preſident of Beauty, the Poet by a natural Fiction tells us it was pre⯑ſerv'd by that Goddeſs.

Apollo's covering the Body with a Cloud is a very natural Allegory: For the Sun (ſays Euſtathius) has a double Quality which produces contrary Effects; the Heat of it cauſes a Dryneſs, but at the ſame time it exhales the Vapours of the Earth, from whence the Clouds of Heaven are form'd. This Allegory may be founded upon Truth; there might happen to be a cool Seaſon while Hector lay unburied, and Apollo, or the Sun, raiſing Clouds which intercept the Heat of his Beams, by a very eaſy Fiction in Poetry may be introduc'd in Perſon to preſerve the Body of Hector.

XVI.

‘VERSE 261. The Allegory of the Winds.]’ A Poet ought to expreſs nothing vulgarly; and ſure no Poet ever treſpaſs'd leſs againſt this Rule than Homer; the Fruitfulneſs of his Invention is continually raiſing Incidents new and ſurpriſing. Take this Paſſage out of its poetical Dreſs, and it will be no more than this: A ſtrong Gale of Wind blew, and ſo in⯑creaſed the Flame that it ſoon conſum'd the Pile. But Ho⯑mer introduces the Gods of the Winds in Perſon: And Iris, or the Rainbow, being (as Euſtathius obſerves) a Sign not only [124] of Showers, but of Winds, he makes them come at her Summons.

Every Circumſtance is well adapted: As ſoon as the Winds ſee Iris, they riſe; that is, when the Rainbow appears, the the Wind riſes: She refuſes to ſit, and immediately returns; that is, the Rainbow is never ſeen long at one time, but ſoon appears, and ſoon vaniſhes: She returns over the Ocean; that is, the Bow is compos'd of Waters, and it would have been an unnatural Fiction to have deſcrib'd her as paſſing by Land.

The Winds are all together in the Cave of Zephyrus, which may imply that they were there as at their general Ren⯑dezvous; or that the Nature of all the Winds is the ſame; or that the Weſtern Wind is in that Countrey the moſt conſtant, and conſequently it may be ſaid that at ſuch Sea⯑ſons all the Winds are aſſembled in one Corner, or rendezvous with Zephyrus.

Iris will not enter the Cave: It is the Nature of the Rain⯑bow to be ſtretch'd entirely upon the Surface, and therefore this Fiction is agreeable to Reaſon.

When Iris ſays that the Gods are partaking Hecatombs in Aethiopia, it is to be remember'd that the Gods are repre⯑ſented there in the firſt Book, before the Scenes of War were open'd, and now they are cloſed, they return thither. Euſtathius—Thus Homer makes the Anger of his Hero ſo important, that it rouz'd Heaven to Arms, and now when it is almoſt appeas'd, Achilles as it were gives Peace to the Gods.

XVII.

‘VERSE 306. Hereafter Greece a nobler Pyle ſhall raiſe.]’ We ſee how Achilles conſults his own Glory; the deſire of it prevails over his Tenderneſs for Patroclus, and he will not permit any Man, not even his belov'd Patroclus, to ſhare an equality of Honour with himſelf, even in the Grave. Euſtathius.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 320. The Games for Patroclus.]’ The Conduct of Homer in enlarging upon the Games at the Funeral of Pa⯑troclus is very judicious: There had undoubtedly been ſuch Honours paid to ſeveral Heroes during this War, as appears from a Paſſage in the ninth Book, where Agamemnon to en⯑hance the Value of the Horſes which he offers Achilles, ſays, that any Perſon would be rich that had Treaſures equal to the Value of the Prizes they had won; which Races muſt have been run during the Seige: for had they been before it, the Horſes would now have been too old to be of any Value, this being the tenth Year of the War. But he Poet paſſes all thoſe Games over in Silence, and reſerves them for this Seaſon; not only in honour of Patroclus, but alſo of his Hero Achilles; who exhibits Games to a whole Army; great Ge⯑nerals are Candidates for the Prizes, and he himſelf ſits the Judge and Arbitrator: Thus in Peace as well as War the Poet maintains the Superiority of the Character of Achilles.

But there is another Reaſon why the Poet deferr'd to relate any Games that were exhibited at any preceding Funerals: The Death of Patroclus was the moſt eminent Period; and conſequently the moſt proper Time for ſuch Games.

'Tis farther obſervable, that he chuſes this peculiar Time with great Judgment. When the Fury of the War rag'd, the Army could not well have found Leiſure for the Games, and they might have met with Interruption from the Enemy: But Hector being dead, all Troy is in Confuſion: They are in too great a Conſternation to make any Attempts, and therefore the Poet could not poſſibly have choſen a more happy Opportunity. Eustathius.

XIX.

‘VERSE 347. Lost is Patroclus now, &c.]’ I am not ignorant that Homer has frequently been blamed for ſuch little Digreſſions as theſe; in this Paſſage he gives us the [126] Genealogy of his Horſes, which he has frequently told us in the preceding part of the Poem. But Eustathius juſtifies his Conduct, and ſays that it was very proper to commend the Virtue of theſe Horſes upon this Occaſion, when Horſes were to contend for Victory: At the ſame time he takes an Op⯑portunity to make an honourable Mention of his Friend Pa⯑troclus, in whoſe Honour theſe Games were exhibited.

It may be added as a farther Juſtification of Homer, that this laſt Circumſtance is very natural: Achilles while he com⯑mends his Horſes remembers how careful Patroclus had been of them: His Love for his Friend is ſo great, that the mi⯑nuteſt Circumſtance recalls him to his Mind; and ſuch little Digreſſions, ſuch Avocations of Thought as theſe, very na⯑turally proceed from the Overflows of Love and Sorrow.

XX.

‘VERSE 363. Whom rich Echepolus, &c.]’ One wou'd think that Agamemnon might be accus'd of Avarice, in diſ⯑penſing a Man from going to the War for the ſake of a Horſe; but Ariſtotle very well obſerves, that this Prince is praiſe⯑worthy for having preferr'd a Horſe to a Perſon ſo cowardly, and ſo uncapable of Service. It may alſo be conjectur'd from this Paſſage, that even in thoſe elder Times it was the Cu⯑ſtom, that thoſe who were willing to be excus'd from the War, ſhould give either a Horſe or a Man and often both. Thus Scipio going to Africa order'd the Sicilians either to attend him, or to give him Horſes or Men: And Ageſilaus being at Epheſus and wanting Cavalry, made a Proclama⯑tion, that the rich Men who wou'd not ſerve in the War ſhould be diſpens'd with, provided they furniſh'd a Man and a Horſe in their ſtead: In which, ſays Plutarch, he wiſely follow'd the Example of King Agamemnon, who excus'd a very rich Coward from ſerving in Perſon, for a Preſent of a good Mare. Eustathius. Dacier.

XXI.

‘VERSE 369. Experienc'd Neſtor, &c.]’ The Poet omits no Opportunity of paying Honour to his old favourite Neſtor, and I think he is no where more particularly complemented than in this Book. His Age had diſabled him from bearing any ſhare in the Games; and yet he artfully introduces him not as a mere Spectator, but as an Actor in the Sports. Thus he as it were wins the Prize for Antilochus, Antilochus wins not by the Swiftneſs of his Horſes, but by the Wiſdom of Nestor.

This fatherly Tenderneſs is wonderfully natural: We ſee him in all imaginable Inquietude and Concern for his Son; He comes to the Barrier, ſtands beſide the Chariot, animates his Son by his Praiſes, and directs him by his Leſſons: You think the old Man's Soul mounts on the Chariot with his Antilochus, to partake the ſame Dangers, and run the ſame Career.

Nothing can be better adapted to the Character than this Speech; he expatiates upon the Advantages of Wiſdom over Strength, which is a tacit Complement to himſelf: And had there been a Prize for Wiſdom, undoubtedly the old Man would have claim'd it as his Right. Eustathius.

XXII.

‘VERSE 426. The Lots their place diſpoſe.]’ According to theſe Lots the Charioteers took their Places; but to know whether they ſtood all in an equal Front, or one behind the other, is a Difficulty: Eustathius ſays the Ancients were of Opinion that they did not ſtand in one Front; becauſe it is evident that he who had the firſt Lot had a great Advantage of the other Charioteers: If he had not, why ſhould Achilles caſt Lots? Madam Dacier is of Opinion that they all ſtood a-breaſt at the Barrier, and that the firſt would ſtill have a ſufficient Advantage, as he was nearer the Bound, and ſtood [128] within the reſt, whereas the others muſt take a larger Circle, and conſequently were forc'd to run a greater Compaſs of Ground. Phoenix was plac'd as an Inſpector of the Race, that is, ſays Eustathius, he was to make report whether they had obſerv'd the Laws of the Race in their ſeveral Turnings.

Sophocles obſerves the ſame Method with Homer in rela⯑tion to the Lots and Inſpectors, in his Electra.

The Ancients ſay that the Charioteers ſtarted at the Sigaeum, where the Ships of Achilles lay, and ran towards the Rhaeteum, from the Ships towards the Shores. But Aristarchus affirm'd that they run in the Compaſs of Ground of five Stadia, which lay between the Wall and the Tents toward the Shore. Eustathius.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 457. And ſeem just mounting on his Car behind.]’ A more natural Image than this could not be thought of. The Poet makes us Spectators of the Race, we ſee Diomed preſſing upon Eumelus ſo cloſely, that his Chariot ſeems to climb the Chariot of Eumelus.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 464. Rage fills his Eye with Anguiſh to ſurvey, &c.]’ We have ſeen Diomed ſurrounded with innumerable Dangers, acting in the moſt perilous Scenes of Blood and Death, yet never ſhed one Tear: And now he weeps on a ſmall occa⯑ſion, for a mere Trifle: This muſt be aſcrib'd to the Nature of Mankind, who are often tranſported with Trifles; and there are certain unguarded Moments in every Man's Life; ſo that he who could meet the greateſt Dangers with Intre⯑pidity, may thro' Anger be betray'd into an Indecency. Euſtathius.

[129] The reaſon why Apollo is angry at Diomed, according to Eustathius, is becauſe he was intereſted for Eumelus, whoſe Mares he had fed, when he ſerv'd Admetus; but I fancy he is under a Miſtake: This indeed is a Reaſon why he ſhould favour Eumelus, but not why he ſhould be angry at Diomed. I rather think that the Quarrel of Apollo with Diomed was perſonal; becauſe he offer'd him a Violence in the firſt Book, and Apollo ſtill reſents it.

The Fiction of Minerva's aſſiſting Diomed is grounded upon his being ſo wiſe as to take a couple of Whips to prevent any Miſchance: So that Wiſdom, or Pallas, may be ſaid to lend him one. Eustathius.

XXV.

‘VERSE 486. The Speech of Antilochus to his Horſes.]’ I fear Antilochus his Speech to his Horſes is blameable; Eustathius himſelf ſeems to think it a Fault that he ſhould ſpeak ſo much in the very Heat of the Race. He commands and ſooths, counſels and threatens his Horſes, as if they were reaſonable Creatures. The ſubſequent Speech of Menelaus is more ex⯑cuſable as it is more ſhort, but both of them are ſpoken in a Paſſion, and Anger we know makes us ſpeak to every thing, and we diſcharge it upon the moſt ſenſeleſs Objects.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 563. The Diſpute between Idomeneus and Ajax.]’ Nothing could be more naturally imagin'd than this Conten⯑tion at a Horſe-Race: The Leaders were divided into Par⯑ties, and each was intereſted for his Friend: The Poet had a two-fold Deſign, not only to embelliſh and diverſity his Poem by ſuch natural Circumſtances, but alſo to ſhew us, as Eu⯑ſtathius obſerves, from the Conduct of Ajax, that paſſionate Men betray themſelves into Follies, and are themſelves guilty of the Faults of which they accuſe others.

It is with a particular Decency that Homer makes Achilles the Arbitrator between Idomeneus and Ajax: Agamemnon was [130] his Superior in the Army, but as Achilles exhibited the Shows he was the proper Judge of any Difference that ſhould ariſe about them; had the Conteſt been between Ajax and Ido⯑meneus, conſider'd as Soldiers, the Cauſe muſt have been brought before Agamemnon; but as they are to be conſider'd as Spectators of the Games, they ought to be determin'd by Achilles.

It may not be unneceſſary juſt to obſerve to the Reader the Judiciouſneſs of Homer's Conduct in making Achilles ex⯑hibit the Games, and not Agamemnon: Achilles is the Hero of the Poem, and conſequently muſt be the chief Actor in all the great Scenes of it: He had remain'd inactive during a great Part of the Poem, yet the Poet makes his very Inactivity contribute to the carrying on the Deſign of his Ilias: And to ſupply his Abſence from many of the buſy Scenes of the preceding Parts of it, he now in the Con⯑cluſion makes him almoſt the ſole Agent: By theſe means he leaves a noble Idea of his Hero upon the Mind of his Reader, and as he rais'd our Expectations when he brought him upon the Stage of Action, ſo he makes him go off with the utmoſt Pomp and Applauſe.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 580. High o'er his Head the circling Laſh he wields.]’ I am perſuaded that the common Tranſlation of the Word [...], in the Original of this Verſe, is faulty: It is ren⯑der'd, he laſh'd the Horſes continually over the Shoulders; whereas I fancy it ſhould be tranſlated thus, aſſiduè (Equos) agitabat ſcuticâ ab humero ductâ. This naturally expreſſes the very Action, and whirl of the Whip over the Driver's Shoulder, in the Act of laſhing the Horſes, and agrees with the Uſe of the ſame Word in the 431^ſt Line of this Book, where [...] muſt be tranſlated Jactus Diſci ab humero vibrati.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 613. Fortune denies, but Juſtice, &c.]’ Achilles here intends to ſhew, that it is not juſt Fortune ſhould rule over Virtue, but that a brave Man who had perform'd his Duty, and who did not bring upon himſelf his Misfor⯑tune, ought to have the Recompence he has deſerv'd: And this Principle is juſt, provided we do not reward him at the Expence of another's Right: Eumelus is a Theſſalian, and it is probable Achilles has a Partiality to his Countryman. Dacier.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 632. But this, my Prize, I never ſhall forego—’ There is an Air of Bravery in this Diſcourſe of Antilochus: He ſpeaks with the Generoſity of a gallant Soldier, and pre⯑fers his Honour to his Intereſt; he tells Achilles if he pleaſes he may make Eumelus a richer Preſent than his Prize; he is not concern'd for the Value of it, but as it was the Reward of Victory, he would not reſign it, becauſe that would be an Acknowledgment that Eumelus deſerv'd it.

The Character of Antilochus is admirably ſuſtain'd thro' this whole Epiſode; he is a very ſenſible Man, but tranſported with youthful Heat, and ambitious of Glory: His Raſh⯑neſs in driving ſo furiouſly againſt Menelaus muſt be imputed to this; but his Paſſions being gratify'd by the Conqueſt in the Race, his Reaſon again returns, he owns his Error, and is full of Reſignation to Menelaus.

XXX.

‘VERSE 662. And touch the Steeds, and ſwear—]’ 'Tis evident, ſays Euſtathius, from hence, that all Fraud was for⯑bid in the Chariot-Race; but it is not very plain what un⯑lawful Deceit Antilochus uſed againſt Menelaus; perhaps An⯑tilochus in his Haſte had declin'd from the Race-Ground, [132] and avoided ſome of the uneven Places of it, and conſe⯑quently took an unfair Advantage of his Adverſary; or per⯑haps his driving ſo furiouſly againſt Menelaus as to endanger both their Chariots and their Lives, might be reckon'd foul play; and therefore Antilochus refuſes to take the Oath.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 678. Joy ſwells his Soul, as when the vernal Grain, &c.]’ Euſtathius is very large in the Explication of this Similitude, which at the firſt view ſeems obſcure: His Words are theſe

As the Dew raiſes the Blades of Corn, that are for want of it weak and depreſſed, and by pervading the Pores of the Corn animates and makes it flouriſh, ſo did the Behaviour of Antilochus raiſe the dejected Mind of Menelaus, exalt his Spirits, and reſtore him to a full Satisfaction.

I have given the Reader his Interpretation, and tranſla⯑ted it with the Liberty of Poetry: It is very much in the Language of Scripture, and in the Spirit of the Orientals.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 706. Accept thou this, O ſacred Sire!]’ The Poet in my Opinion preſerves a great deal of Decency towards this old Hero, and venerable Counſellour: He gives him an honorary Reward for his ſuperior Wiſdom, and therefore Achilles calls it [...], and not [...], a Prize, and not a Pre⯑ſent. The Moral of Homer is, that Princes ought no leſs to honour and recompenſe thoſe who excel in Wiſdom and Counſel, than thoſe who are capable of actual Service.

Achilles, perhaps, had a double view in paying him this Reſpect, not only out of Deference to his Age, and Wiſdom, but alſo becauſe he had, in a manner, won the Prize by the Advice he gave his Son: So that Neſtor may be ſaid to have conquer'd in the Perſon of Antilochus. Euſtathius.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 718. Neſtor's Speech to Achilles.]’ This Speech is admirably well adapted to the Character of Neſtor: He aggrandizes, with an Infirmity peculiar to Age, his own Ex⯑ploits; and one would think Horace had him in his Eye,

Neither is it any Blemiſh to the Character of Neſtor thus to be a little talkative about his own Atchievements: To have deſcrib'd him otherwiſe would have been an Outrage to human Nature, in as much as the wiſeſt Man living is not free from the Infirmities of Man: and as every Stage of Life has ſome Imperfection peculiar to it ſelf.

The Reader may obſerve that the old Man takes abundance of pains to give Reaſons how his Rivals came to be Victors in the Chariot-Race: He is very ſolicitous to make it appear that it was not thro' any want of Skill or Power in himſelf: And in my Opinion Neſtor is never more vainglorious than in this recital of his own Diſappointment.

It is for the ſame reaſon he repeats the Words I have cited above: He obtrudes (by that Repetition) the Diſ⯑advantages under which he labour'd, upon the Obſervation of the Reader, for fear he ſhould impute the Loſs of the Vi⯑ctory to his want of Skill.

Neſtor ſays that theſe Moliones overpower'd him by their Number. The Criticks, as Euſtathius remarks, have labour'd hard to explain this Difficulty; they tell us a formal Story, that when Neſtor was ready to enter the Liſts againſt theſe Bro⯑thers, he objected againſt them as unfair Adverſaries, (for it muſt be remember'd that they were Monſters that grew together, and conſequently had four Hands to Nestor's two) [134] but the Judges would not allow his plea, but determin'd, that as they grew together ſo they ought to be conſider'd as one Man.

Others tell us, that they brought ſeveral Chariots into the Liſts, whoſe Charioteers combin'd together in favour of Eurytus and Cteatus, theſe brother-Monſters.

Others ſay, that the Multitude of the Spectators conſpir'd to diſappoint Nestor.

I thought it neceſſary to give my Reader theſe ſeveral Con⯑jectures; that he might underſtand why Nestor ſays he was o⯑verpower'd by [...], or Numbers; and alſo, becauſe it con⯑firms my former Obſervation, that Nestor is very careful to draw his own Picture in the ſtrongeſt Colours, and to ſhew it in the faireſt Light.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 820. A female Captive valu'd but at four.]’ I can⯑not in Civility neglect a Remark made upon this Paſſage by Madam Dacier, who highly reſents the Affront put upon her Sex by the Ancients, who ſet (it ſeems) thrice the Value upon a Tripod as upon a beautiful female Slave: Nay, ſhe is afraid the Value of Women is not rais'd even in our Days; for ſhe ſays there are curious Perſons now living who had ra⯑ther have a true antique Kettle, than the fineſt Woman alive: I confeſs I entirely agree with the Lady, and muſt impute ſuch Opinions of the fair Sex to want of Taſte in both An⯑cients and Moderns: The Reader may remember that theſe Tripods were of no uſe, but made entirely for Show, and conſequently the moſt ſatyrical Critick could only ſay, the Woman and Tripod ought to have born an equal Value.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 827. Like two ſtrong Rafters, &c.]’ I will give the Reader the Words of Euſtathius upon this Similitude, which very happily repreſents the Wreſtlers in the Poſture of Wreſtling. Their Heads lean'd one againſt the other, [135] like the Rafters that ſupport the Roof of a Houſe; at the Foot they are disjoin'd, and ſtand at a greater Diſtance, which naturally paints the Attitude of Body in theſe two Wreſtlers, while they contend for Victory.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 850. He barely ſtirr'd him, but he could not raiſe.]’ The Poet by this Circumſtance excellently maintains the Character of Ajax, who has all along been deſcrib'd as a ſtrong, unweildy Warrior: He is ſo heavy that Ulyſſes can ſcarce lift him. The Words that follow will bear a diffe⯑rent Meaning, either that Ajax lock'd his Leg within that of Ulyſſes, or that Ulyſſes did it. Eustathius obſerves, that if Ajax gave Ulyſſes this Shock, then he may be allow'd to have ſome appearance of an Equality in the Conteſt, but if Ulyſſes gave it, then Ajax muſt be acknowledg'd to have been foil'd: But (continues he) it appear'd to be otherwiſe to Achilles, who was the Judge of the Field, and therefore he gives them an equal Prize, becauſe they were equal in the Conteſt.

Madam Dacier miſrepreſents Eustathius on this Place, in ſaying he thinks it was Ulyſſes who gave this ſecond Stroke to Ajax, whereas it appears by the foregoing Note that he rather determines otherwiſe in conſent with the Judgment given by Achilles.

XXXVII.

‘VERSE 902. Aſſiſt O Goddeſs! (thus in Thought he pray'd)]’ Nothing could be better adapted to the preſent Circumſtance of Ulyſſes than this Prayer: It is ſhort, and ought to be ſo, becauſe the Time would not allow him to make a longer; nay he prefers this Petition mentally, [...]; all his Faculties are ſo bent upon the Race, that he does not call off his Attention from it, even to ſpeak ſo ſhort a Petition as ſeven Words, which comprehend the whole of it: Such [136] Paſſages as theſe are Inſtances of great Judgment in the Poet.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 926. And takes it with a Jeſt.]’ Antilochus comes off very well, and wittily prevents Raillery; by attributing the Victory of his Rivals to the Protection which the Gods gave to Age. By this he inſinuates, that he has ſomething to comfort himſelf with; (for Youth is better than the Prize) and that he may pretend hereafter to the ſame Protection, ſince 'tis a Privilege of Seniority. Dacier.

XXXIX.

‘VERSE 935. For who can match Achilles?]’ There is great Art in theſe tranſient Complements to Achilles: That Hero could not poſſibly ſhew his own Superiority in theſe Games by contending for any of the Prizes, becauſe he was the Ex⯑hibiter of the Sports: But Homer has found out a way to give him the Victory in two of them. In the Chariot-Race Achilles is repreſented as being able to conquer every Oppo⯑nent, and tho' he ſpeaks it himſelf, the Poet brings it in ſo happily, that he ſpeaks it without any Indecency: And in this place Antilochus with a very good grace tells Achilles, that in the Foot-Race no one can diſpute the Prize with him. Thus tho' Diomed and Ulyſſes conquer in the Chariot and Foot-Race, it is only becauſe Achilles is not their Antagoniſt.

XL.

‘VERSE 951. Who firſt the jointed Armour ſhall explore.]’ Some of the Ancients have been ſhock'd at this Combat, thinking it a Barbarity that Men in Sport ſhould thus con⯑tend for their Lives; and therefore Ariſtophanes the Gram⯑marian made this Alteration in the Verſes.

[137] But it is evident that they entirely miſtook the Meaning and Intention of Achilles; for he that gave the firſt Wound was to be accounted the Victor. How could Achilles promiſe to entertain them both in his Tent after the Combat, if he in⯑tended that one of them ſhould fall in it? This Duel there⯑fore was only a Tryal of Skill, and as ſuch ſingle Combats were frequent in the Wars of thoſe Ages againſt Adverſa⯑ries, ſo this was propoſed only to ſhew the Dexterity of the Combatants in that Exerciſe. Euſtathius.

XLI.

‘VERSE 973. Yet ſtill the Victor's Due Tydides gains.]’ Achilles In this place acts the part of a very juſt Arbitrator: Tho' the Combat did not proceed to a full iſſue, yet Diomed had evidently the Advantage, and conſequently ought to be rewarded as Victor, becauſe he would have been victorious, had not the Greeks interpos'd.

I could have wiſh'd that the Poet had given Ajax the Prize in ſome of theſe Conteſts. He undoubtedly was a very gallant Soldier, and has been deſcrib'd as repulſing a whole Army; yet in all theſe Sports he is foil'd. But perhaps the Poet had a double View in this Repreſentation, not only to ſhew, that Strength without Conduct is uſually unſucceſsful, but alſo his Deſign might be to complement the Greeks his Countreymen; by ſhewing that this Ajax, who had repell'd a whole Army of Trojans was not able to conquer any one of the Grecian Worthies: For we find him overpower'd in three of theſe Exerciſes.

XLII.

‘VERSE 987. If he be one, enrich'd, &c.]’ The Poet in this place ſpeaks in the Simplicity of ancient Times: The prodigious Weight and Size of the Quoit is deſcrib'd with a noble Plainneſs, peculiar to the oriental way, and agreea⯑ble to the Manners of thoſe heroick Ages. He does not [138] ſet down the Quantity of this enormous piece of Iron, neither as to its Bigneſs nor Weight, but as to the Uſe it will be of to him who ſhall gain it. We ſee from hence, that the Ancients in the Prizes they propos'd, had in view not only the Honourable, but the Uſeful; a Captive for Work, a Bull for Tillage, a Quoit for the Proviſion of Iron. Beſides it muſt be remember'd, that in thoſe Times Iron was very ſcarce; and a ſure ſign of this Scarcity, is, that their Arms were Braſs. Euſtath. Dacier.

XLIII.

‘VERSE 1032. He takes the Bow.]’ There having been many Editions of Homer, that of Marſeilles repreſents theſe two Rivals in Archery as uſing two Bows in the Con⯑teſt; and reads the Verſes thus,

Our common Editions follow the better Alteration of Anti⯑machus, with this only Difference, that he reads it

And they,

It is evident that theſe Archers had but one Bow, as they that threw the Quoit had but one Quoit; by theſe means the one had no Advantage over the other, becauſe both of them ſhot with the ſame Bow. So that the common Read⯑ing is undoubtedly the beſt, where the Lines ſtand thus,

This Teucer is the moſt eminent Man for Archery of any thro' the whole Iliad, yet he is here excell'd by Meriones: And the Poet aſcribes his Miſcarriage to the neglect of in⯑voking Apollo, the God of Archery; whereas Meriones, who invokes him, is crown'd with Succeſs. There is an excellent Moral in this Paſſage, and the Poet would teach us, that without addreſſing to Heaven we cannot ſucceed: Meriones [139] does not conquer becauſe he is the better Archer, but be⯑cauſe he is the better Man.

XLIV.

‘VERSE 1053. Nor here diſdain'd the King of Men to riſe.]’ There is an admirable Conduct in this Paſſage; Agamemnon never contended for any of the former Prizes, tho' of much greater Value; ſo that he is a Candidate for this, only to honour Patroclus and Achilles. The decency which the Poet uſes both in the choice of the Game, in which Aga⯑memnon is about to contend, and the giving him the Prize without a Conteſt, is very remarkable: The Game was a warlike Exerciſe, fit for the General of an Army; the giving him the Prize without a Conteſt is a Decency judiciouſly ob⯑ſerved, becauſe no one ought to be ſuppos'd to excel the General in any military Art: Agamemnon does Juſtice to his own Character, for whereas he had been repreſented by A⯑chilles in the opening of the Poem as a covetous Perſon, he now puts in for the Prize that is of the leaſt Value, and ge⯑nerouſly gives even that to Talthybius. Euſtathius.

As to this laſt Particular, of Agamemnon's preſenting the Charger to Talthybius, I can't but be of a different Opinion. It had been an Affront to Achilles not to have accepted of his Preſent on this Occaſion, and I believe the Words of Homer,

mean no more, than that he put it into the Hands of this Herald to carry it to his Ships; Talthybius being by his Office an Attendant upon Agamemnon.

XLV.

It will be expected I ſhould here ſay ſomething tending to a Compariſon between the Games of Homer and thoſe of Virgil. [140] If I may own my private Opinion, there is in general more Variety of natural Incidents, and a more lively Picture of natural Paſſions, in the Games and Perſons of Homer. On the other hand, there ſeems to me more Art, Contrivance, Gradation, and a greater Pomp of Verſe in thoſe of Virgil. The Chariot-Race is that which Homer has moſt labour'd, of which Virgil being ſenſible, he judiciouſly avoided the Imi⯑tation of what he could not improve, and ſubſtituted in its place the Naval-Courſe, or Ship-Race. It is in this the Ro⯑man Poet has employ'd all his Force, as if on ſet purpoſe to rival his great Maſter; but it is extremely obſervable how conſtantly he keeps Homer in his Eye, and is afraid to depart from his very Track, even when he had vary'd the Subject itſelf. Accordingly the Accidents of the Naval-Courſe have a ſtrange Reſemblance with thoſe of Homer's Chariot-Race. He could not forbear at the very Beginning to draw a part of that Deſcription into a Simile. Do not we ſee he has Homer's Chariots in his Head, by theſe Lines

What is the Encounter of Cloanthus and Gyas in the Strait between the Rocks, but the ſame with that of Menelaus and Antilochus in the hollow Way? Had the Galley of Ser⯑geſtus been broken, if the Chariot of Eumelus had not been demoliſh'd? Or Mneſtheus been caſt from the Helm, had not the other been thrown from his Seat? Does not Mneſtheus exhort his Rowers in the very Words Antilochus had us'd to his Horſes?

Upon the whole, the Deſcription of the Sea-Race I think has the more Poetry and Majeſty, that of the Chariots more Nature, and lively Incidents. There is nothing in Virgil ſo pictureſque, ſo animated, or which ſo much marks the Characters, as the Epiſodes of Antilochus and Menelaus, Ajax and Idomeneus, with that beautiful Interpoſition of old Neſtor, (ſo naturally introduc'd into an Affair where one ſo little expects him.) On the other ſide, in Virgil the Deſcri⯑ption itſelf is much nobler; it has ſomething more oſten⯑tatiouſly grand, and ſeems a Spectacle more worthy the Pre⯑ſence of Princes and great Perſons.

In three other Games we find the Roman Poet contend⯑ing openly with the Grecian. That of the Caeſtus is in great part a verbal Tranſlation: But it muſt be own'd in favour of Virgil, that he has vary'd from Homer in the E⯑vent of the Combate with admirable Judgment and with an Improvement of the Moral. Epaeus and Dares are deſcrib'd by both Poets as vain Boaſters; but Virgil with more poetical Juſtice puniſhes Dares for his Arrogance, whereas the Pre⯑ſumption and Pride of Epaeus is rewarded by Homer.

On the contrary, in the Foot-Race, I am of opinion that Homer has ſhewn more Judgment and Morality than Virgil. Niſus in the latter is unjuſt to his Adverſary in favour of his Friend Euryalus; ſo that Euryalus wins the Race by pal⯑pable Fraud, and yet the Poet gives him the firſt Prize; whereas Homer makes Ulyſſes victorious, purely thro' the Miſ⯑chance of Ajax, and his own Piety in invoking Minerva.

The ſhooting is alſo a direct Copy, but with the Addi⯑tion of two Circumſtances which make a beautiful Gradation. In Homer the firſt Archer cuts the String that held the Bird, and the other ſhoots him as he is mounting. In Virgil the [142] firſt only hits the Maſt which the Bird was fix'd upon, the ſecond cuts the String, the third ſhoots him, and the fourth to vaunt the Strength of his Arm directs his Arrow up to Heaven, where it kindles into a Flame, and makes a Pro⯑digy. This laſt is certainly ſuperior to Homer in what they call the Wonderful: but what is the Intent or Effect of this Prodigy, or whether a Reader is not at leaſt as much ſur⯑prized at it, as at the moſt unreaſonable Parts in Homer, I leave to thoſe Criticks who are more inclin'd to find Faults than I am: Nor ſhall I obſerve upon the many literal Imi⯑tations in the Roman Poet, to object againſt which were to derogate from the Merit of thoſe fine Paſſages, which Virgil was ſo very ſenſible of, that he was reſolv'd to take them, at any rate, to himſelf.

There remain in Homer three Games untouch'd by Virgil; the Wreſtling, the ſingle Combate, and the Diſcus. In Virgil there is only the Luſus Trojae added, which is purely his own, and muſt be confeſt to be inimitable: I don't know whether I may be allow'd to ſay, it is worth all thoſe three of Homer?

I could not forgive my ſelf if I omitted to mention in this place the Funeral Games in the ſixth Thebaïd of Statius; it is by much the moſt beautiful Book of that Poem. It's very remarkable, that he has follow'd Homer thro' the whole Courſe of his Games: There is the Chariot-Race, the Foot-Race, the Diſcus, the Caeſtus, the Wreſtling, the ſingle Combate (which is put off in the ſame manner as in Homer) and the Shooting; which laſt ends (as in Virgil) with a Prodigy: Yet in the particular Deſcriptions of each of theſe Games this Poet has not borrow'd from either of his Prede⯑ceſſors, and his Poem is ſo much the worſe for it.

I.

‘VERSE 14. What Seas they meaſur'd, &c.]’ There is ſomething very noble in theſe Sentiments of Achilles: He does not recollect any ſoft Moments, any Tenderneſſes that had paſs'd between him and Patroclus, but he revolves the many Difficulties, the Toils by Land, and the Dangers by Sea, in which they had been Companions: Thus the Poet on all Occaſions admirably ſuſtains the Character of Achilles; when he play'd upon the Harp in the ninth Book, he ſung the Atchievements of Kings; and in this place there is an air of Greatneſs in his very Sorrows: Achilles is as much a Hero when he weeps, as when he fights.

This Paſſage in Homer has not eſcap'd the Cenſure of Plato, who thought it a Diminution to his Character to be [196] thus tranſported with Grief; but the Objection will vaniſh if we remember that all the Paſſions of Achilles are in the ex⯑treme; his Nature is violent, and it would have been an Out⯑rage to his general Character to have repreſented him as mourning moderately for his Friend. Plato ſpoke more like a Philoſopher than a Critick when he blamed the Behaviour of Achilles as unmanly: Theſe Tears would have ill-become Plato, but they are graceful in Achilles.

Beſides there is ſomething very inſtructive in this whole Repreſentation, it ſhews us the Power of a ſincere Friend⯑ſhip, and ſoftens and recommends the Character of Achil⯑les; the Violence he us'd towards his Enemy is alleviated by the Sincerity he expreſſes towards his Friend; he is a ter⯑rible Enemy, but an amiable Friend.

II.

‘VERSE 30. For Phoebus watch'd it, &c.]’ Euſtathius ſays, that by this Shield of Apollo are meant the Clouds that are drawn up by the Beams of the Sun, which cooling and qua⯑lifying the Sultrineſs of the Air, preſerved the Body from Decay: But perhaps the Poet had ſomething farther in his Eye when he introduc'd Apollo upon this Occaſion: Apollo is a Phyſician and the God of Medicaments; if therefore Achilles uſed any Arts to preſerve Hector from Decay that he might be able the longer to inſult his Remains, Apollo may properly be ſaid to protect it with his Aegis.

III.

‘VERSE 36. But Neptune this, and Pallas this denies.]’ It is with excellent Art that the Poet carries on this part of his Poem, he ſhews that he could have contriv'd another way to recover the Body of Hector, but as a God is never to [197] be introduc'd but when human Means fail, he rejects the In⯑terpoſition of Mercury, makes uſe of ordinary Methods, and Priam redeems his Son: This gives an Air of Probability to the Relation, at the ſame time that it advances the Glory of Achilles; for the greateſt of his Enemies labours to pur⯑chaſe his Favour, the Gods hold a Conſultation, and a King becomes his Suppliant. Eustathius.

Thoſe ſeven Lines, from [...] to [...], have been thought ſpurious by ſome of the Ancients: They judg'd it an Indecency that the Goddeſs of Wiſdom and Achilles ſhould be equally inexorable; and that it was below the Majeſty of the Gods to be ſaid at all to ſteal. Beſides, ſay they, had Homer been acquainted with the Judgment of Paris, he would undoubtedly have mention'd it before this time in his Poem, and conſequently that Story was of a later Invention: And Aristarchus affirms that [...] is a more modern Word, and never known before the Time of Heſiod, who uſes it when he ſpeaks of the Daughters of Praetus; and adds, that it is appropriated to ſignify the Incontinence of Women, and cannot be at all apply'd to Men: Therefore others read the laſt Verſe,

Theſe Objections are entirely gather'd from Eustathius; to which we may add, that Macrobius ſeems to have been one of thoſe who rejected theſe Verſes, ſince he affirms that our Author never mentions the Judgment of Paris. It may be anſwer'd, that the Silence of Homer in the foregoing part of the Poem, as to the Judgment of Paris, is no Argument that he was ignorant of that Story: Perhaps he might think it moſt proper to unfold the Cauſe of the Deſtruction of Troy in the Concluſion of the Ilias; that the Reader ſeeing the Wrong done, and the Puniſhment of that Wrong immedi⯑ately following, might acknowledge the Juſtice of it.

The ſame Reaſon will be an anſwer to the Objection re⯑lating to the Anger of Pallas: Wiſdom cannot be ſatisfy'd without Juſtice, and conſequently Pallas ought not to ceaſe from Reſentment, till Troy has ſuffer'd the Deſerts of her Crimes.

[198] I cannot think that the Objection about the Word [...] is of any Weight; the Date of Words is utterly uncertain, and as no one has been able to determine the Ages of Homer, and Heſiod, ſo neither can any Perſon be aſſured that ſuch Words were not in uſe in Homer's Days.

IV.

‘VERSE 52. A Lion, not a Man, &c.]’ This is a very for⯑mal Condemnation of the Morals of Achilles, which Homer puts into the Mouth of a God. One may ſee from this alone that he was far from deſigning his Hero a virtuous Chara⯑cter, yet the Poet artfully introduces Apollo in the midſt of his Reproaches, intermingling the Hero's Praiſes with his Blemiſhes: Brave tho' he be, &c. Thus what is the real Merit of Achilles is diſtinguiſh'd from what is blameable in his Character, and we ſee Apollo, or the God of Wiſdom, is no leſs impartial than juſt in his Repreſentation of Achilles.

V.

‘VERSE 114. And wept her god like Son's approaching Doom.]’ Theſe words are very artfully inſerted by the Poet. The Poem could not proceed to the Death of Achilles without breaking the Action; and therefore to ſatisfy the Curioſity of the Reader concerning the Fate of this great Man, he takes care to inform us that his Life draws to a Period, and as it were celebrates his Funeral before his Death.

Such Circumſtances as theſe greatly raiſe the Character of Achilles; he is ſo truly valiant, that tho' he knows he muſt fall before Troy, yet he does not abſtain from the War, but couragiouſly meets his Death: And here I think it proper to inſert an Obſervation that ought to have been made be⯑fore, which is, that Achilles did not know that Hector was to fall by his Hand; if he had known it, where would have been the mighty Courage in engaging him in a ſingle Com⯑bat, in which he was ſure to conquer? The contrary [199] of this is evident from the Words of Achilles to Hector juſt before the Combat,

I will make no Compacts with thee, ſays Achilles, but one of us ſhall fall.

VI.

‘VERSE 141. Nine Days are past ſince all the Court above, &c.]’ It may be thought that ſo many Interpoſitions of the Gods, ſuch Meſſages from Heaven to Earth, and down to the Seas, are needleſs Machines; and it may be imagin'd that it is an Offence againſt Probability that ſo many Deities ſhould be employ'd to pacify Achilles: But I am of Opinion that the Poet conducts this whole Affair with admirable Judgment. The Poem is now almoſt at the Concluſion, and Achilles is to paſs from a State of an almoſt inexorable Reſentment to a State of perfect Tranquillity; ſuch a Change could not be brought about by human Means; Achilles is too ſtubborn to obey any thing leſs than a God: This is evident from his reject⯑ing the Perſuaſion of the whole Grecian Army to return to the Battle: So that it appears that this Machinery was ne⯑ceſſary, and conſequently a Beauty to the Poem.

It may be farther added, that theſe ſeveral Incidents pro⯑ceed from Jupiter: It is by his Appointment that ſo many Gods are employ'd to attend Achilles. By theſe means Ju⯑piter fulfills the Promiſe mention'd in the firſt Book, of ho⯑nouring the Son of Thetis, and the Poet excellently ſuſtains his Character by repreſenting the inexorable Achilles as not parting with the Body of his mortal Enemy, but by the immediate Command of Jupiter.

If the Poet had conducted theſe Incidents merely by human Means, or ſuppos'd Achilles to reſtore the Body of Hector en⯑tirely out of Compaſſion, the Draught had been unnatural, becauſe unlike Achilles: Such a Violence of Temper was not to be pacify'd by ordinary Methods. Beſides, the Poet has [200] made uſe of the propereſt Perſonages to carry on the Affair; for who could be ſuppos'd to have ſo great an Influence upon Achilles as his own Mother, who is a Goddeſs?

VII.

‘VERSE 164. And thy Heart waſte with life-conſuming Woe.]’ This Expreſſion in the Original is very particular. Were it to be tranſlated literally it muſt be render'd, how long wilt thou eat, or prey upon thy own Heart by theſe Sorrows? And it ſeems that it was a common way of expreſſing a deep Sor⯑row; and Pythagoras uſes it in this Senſe, [...], that is, grieve not exceſſively, let not ſorrow make too great an Impreſſion upon thy Heart. Euſtathius.

VIII.

‘VERSE 168.—Indulge the am'rous Hour!]’ The Anci⯑ents (ſays Euſtathius) rejected theſe Verſes becauſe of the in⯑decent Idea they convey: The Goddeſs in plain Terms ad⯑viſes Achilles to go to Bed to his Miſtreſs, and tells him a Woman will be a Comfort. The good Biſhop is of Opinion, that they ought to be rejected, but the Reaſon he gives is as extraordinary as that of Thetis: Soldiers, ſays he, have more occaſion for ſomething to ſtrengthen themſelves with, than for Women: And this is the Reaſon, continues he, why Wreſtlers are forbid all Commerce with that Sex during the whole Time of their Exerciſe.

Dionyſius of Halicarnaſſus endeavours to juſtify Homer by obſerving, that this Advice of Thetis was not given him to induce him to any Wantonneſs, but was intended to indulge a nobler Paſſion, his Deſire of Glory: She adviſes him to go to that Captive who was reſtor'd to him in a pub⯑lick manner, to ſatisfy his Honour: To that Captive, the Detention of whom had been ſo great a Puniſhment to the whole Grecian Army: And therefore Thetis uſes a very pro⯑per Motive to comfort her Son, by adviſing him to gratify at once both his Love and his Glory.

[201] Plutarch has likewiſe labour'd in Homer's Juſtification; he obſerves that the Poet has ſet the Picture of Achilles in this place in a very fair and ſtrong point of Light: Tho' Achilles had ſo lately receiv'd his belov'd Briſeïs from the Hands of Agamemnon; tho' he knew that his own Life drew to a ſud⯑den Period, yet the Hero prevails over the Lover, and he does not haſte to indulge his Love: He does not lament Pa⯑troclus like a common Man by neglecting the Duties of Life, but he abſtains from all Pleaſures by an Exceſs of Sorrow, and the Love of his Miſtreſs is loſt in that of his Friend.

This Obſervation excellently juſtifies Achilles, in not in⯑dulging himſelf with the Company of his Miſtreſs: The Hero prevails ſo much over the Lover, that Thetis thinks her ſelf oblig'd to recall Briſeïs to his Memory. Yet ſtill the Inde⯑cency remains. All that can be ſaid in favour of Thetis is, that ſhe was Mother to Achilles, and conſequently might take the greater Freedom with her Son.

Madam Dacier diſapproves of both the former Obſervati⯑ons: She has recourſe to the Lawfulneſs of ſuch a Practice between Achilles and Briſeïs; and becauſe ſuch Commerces in thoſe times were reputed honeſt, therefore ſhe thinks the Ad⯑vice was decent: The married Ladies are oblig'd to her for this Obſervation, and I hope all tender Mothers, when their Sons are afflicted, will adviſe them to comfort themſelves in this manner.

In ſhort, I am of Opinion that this Paſſage outrages De⯑cency; and 'tis a ſign of ſome Weakneſs to have ſo much occaſion of Juſtification. Indeed the whole Paſſage is capa⯑ble of a ſerious Conſtruction, and of ſuch a Senſe as a Mo⯑ther might expreſs to a Son with Decency: And then it will run thus; ‘"Why art thou, my Son, thus afflicted? Why thus re⯑ſign'd to Sorrow? Can neither Sleep nor Love divert you? Short is thy Date of Life, ſpend it not all in weeping, but allow ſome part of it to Love and Pleaſure!"’ But ſtill the In⯑decency lies in the manner of the Expreſſion, which muſt be allow'd to be almoſt obſcene, (for ſuch is the Word [...] miſceri) all that can be ſaid in Defence of it is, that as we are not competent Judges of what Ideas Words might carry in Homer's Time, ſo we ought not entirely to condemn [202] him, becauſe it is poſſible the Expreſſion might not ſound ſo indecently in ancient as in modern Ears.

IX.

‘VERSE 189. Him Hermes to Achilles ſhall convey.]’ The Intervention of Mercury was very neceſſary at this Time, and by it the Poet not only gives an Air of Probability to the Re⯑lation, but alſo pays a Complement to his Countreymen the Grecians: They kept ſo ſtrict a Guard that nothing but a God could paſs unobſerv'd, and this highly recommends their military Diſcipline; and Priam not being able to carry the Ranſom without a Chariot, it would have been an Offence againſt Probability, to have ſuppos'd him able to have paſs'd all the Guards of the Army in his Chariot, without the Aſſiſtance of ſome Deity: Horace had this Paſſage in his view, Ode the 10^th of the firſt Book.‘Iniqua Trojae caſtra fefellit.’

X.

It is obſervable that every Word here is a Negative, [...], [...], [...]; Achilles is ſtill ſo angry that Jupiter cannot ſay he is wiſe, judicious, and merciful; he only commends him negatively, and barely ſays he is not a Madman, nor perverſely wicked.

It is the Obſervation of the Ancients, ſays Euſtathius, that all the Cauſes of the Sins of Man are included in thoſe three Words: Man offends either out of Ignorance, and then he is [...], or thro' Inadvertency, then he is [...], or wilfully and maliciouſly, and then he is [...]. So that this Deſcri⯑ption agrees very well with the preſent Diſpoſition of Achilles; he is not [...], becauſe his Reſentment begins to abate; he is not [...], becauſe his Mother has given him Inſtructions, nor [...], becauſe he will not offend againſt the Injunctions of Jupiter.

XI.

‘VERSE 195. The winged Iris flies, &c.]’ Monſ. Rapin has been very free upon this Paſſage, where ſo many Machines are made uſe of to cauſe Priam to obtain the Body of Hector from Achilles. ‘"This Father (ſays he) who has ſo much Tenderneſs for his Son, who is ſo ſuperſtitious in obſerving the funeral Ceremonies, and ſaving thoſe precious Re⯑mains from the Dogs and Vultures; ought not he to have thought of doing this himſelf, without being thus expreſſly commanded by the Gods? Was there need of a Machine to make him remember that he was a Father?"’ But this Critick entirely forgets what render'd ſuch a Conduct of ab⯑ſolute Neceſſity; namely, the extreme Danger and (in all Probability) imminent Ruin both of the King and State, upon Priam's putting himſelf into the Power of his moſt inveterate Enemy. There was no other Method of recovering Hector, and of diſcharging his funeral Rites (which were look'd upon by the Ancients of ſo high Importance) and therefore the Meſſage from Jupiter to encourage Priam, with the Aſſiſtance of Mercury to conduct him, and to prepare Achilles to receive him with Favour, was far from impertinent: It was Dignus vindice nodus, as Horace expreſſes it.

XII.

‘VERSE 200. His Face his wrapt Attire conceal'd from Sight.]’ The Poet has obſerv'd a great Decency in this place, he was not able to expreſs the Grief of this royal Mourner, and ſo covers what he could not repreſent. From this Paſſage Se⯑manthes the Sicyonian Painter borrow'd his Deſign in the Sa⯑crifice of Iphigenia, and repreſents his Agamemnon, as Homer does his Priam: Aeſchylus has likewiſe imitated this Place, and draws his Niobe exactly after the manner of Homer. Euſtathius.

XIII.

This whole Diſcourſe of Hecuba is exceedingly natural, ſhe aggravates the Features of Achilles, and ſoftens thoſe of Hector: Her Anger blinds her ſo much that ſhe can ſee nothing great in Achilles, and her Fondneſs ſo much, that ſhe can diſcern no Defects in Hector: Thus ſhe draws Achil⯑les in the fierceſt Colours, like a Barbarian, and calls him [...]: But at the ſame time forgets that Hector ever fled from Achilles, and in the Original directly tells us that he knew not how to fear, or how to fly. Euſtathius.

XIV.

‘VERSE 291. Lo, the ſad Father, &c.]’ This Behaviour of Priam is very natural to a Perſon in his Circumſtances: The Loſs of his favourite Son makes ſo deep an Impreſſion upon his Spirits, that he is incapable of Conſolation; he is diſpleaſed with every body; he is angry he knows not why; the Diſorder and Hurry of his Spirits make him break out into paſſionate Expreſſions, and thoſe Expreſſions are contain'd in ſhort Periods, very natural to Men in Anger, who give not themſelves Leiſure to expreſs their Sentiments at full length: It is from the ſame Paſſion that Priam, in the ſecond Speech, treats all his Sons with the utmoſt Indignity, calls 'em Gluttons, Dancers, and Flatterers. Euſtathius very juſtly remarks, that he had Paris particularly in his Eye; but his Anger makes him transfer that Character to the reſt of his Children, not being calm enough to make a Diſtinction be⯑tween the Innocent and Guilty.

That Paſſage where he runs out into the Praiſes of Hector, is particularly natural: His Concern and Fondneſs makes him as extravagant in the Commendation of him, as in the Diſparagement of his other Sons: They are leſs than Mor⯑tals, he more than Man. Rapin has cenſur'd this Anger of [205] Priam as a Breach of the Manners, and ſays he might have ſhewn himſelf a Father, otherwiſe than by this Uſage of his Children. But whoever conſiders his Circumſtances will judge after another manner. Priam, after having been the moſt wealthy, moſt powerful and formidable Monarch of Aſia, becomes all at once the moſt miſerable of Men; He loſes in leſs than eight Days the beſt of his Army, and a great Number of virtuous Sons; he loſes the braveſt of 'em all, his Glory and his Defence, the gallant Hector. This laſt Blow ſinks him quite, and changes him ſo much, that he is no longer the ſame: He becomes impatient, frantick, unreaſonable! The terrible Effect of ill Fortune! Whoever has the leaſt Inſight into Nature, muſt admire ſo fine a Picture of the Force of Adverſity on an unhappy old Man.

XV.

‘VERSE 313. Deiphobus and Dius.]’ It has been a Diſpute whether [...] or [...], in ℣. 251. was a proper Name, but Pherecydes (ſays Euſtathius) determines it, and aſſures us that Dios was a ſpurious Son of Priam.

XVI.

‘VERSE 342. The ſad Attendants load the groaning Wain.]’ It is neceſſary to obſerve to the Reader, to avoid Confuſion, that two Cars are here prepared; the one drawn by Mules, to carry the Preſents, and to bring back the Body of Hector; the other drawn by Horſes, in which the Herald and Priam rode. Euſtathius.

XVII.

‘VERSE 377. Oh firſt, and greateſt! &c.]’ Euſtathius ob⯑ſerves, that there is not one Inſtance in the whole Ilias of any Prayer that was juſtly prefer'd, that fail'd of Succeſs. This Procedure of Homer's is very judicious, and anſwers exactly [206] to the true end of Poetry, which is to pleaſe and inſtruct. Thus Priam prays that Achilles may ceaſe his Wrath, and compaſſionate his Miſeries; and Jupiter grants his Requeſt: The unfortunate King obtains Compaſſion, and in his moſt inveterate Enemy finds a Friend.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 416. The Deſcription of Mercury.]’ A Man muſt have no Taſte for Poetry that does not admire this ſublime Deſcription: Virgil has tranſlated it almoſt verbatim in the 4th Book of the Aeneis, ℣. 240.

It is hard to determine which is more excellent, the Copy, or the Original: Mercury appears in both Pictures with e⯑qual Majeſty; and the Roman Dreſs becomes him, as well as the Grecian. Virgil has added the latter part of the fifth, and the whole ſixth Line to Homer, which makes it ſtill more full and majeſtical.

Give me leave to produce a Paſſage out of Milton, of near Affinity with the Lines above, which is not inferior to Homer or Virgil: It is the Deſcription of the Deſcent of an Angel,

XIX.

‘VERSE 427. Now Twilight veil'd the glaring Face of Day.]’ The Poet by ſuch Intimations as theſe recalls to our Minds the exact Time which Priam takes up in this Journey to A⯑chilles: He ſet out in the Evening; and by the time that he reach'd the Tomb of Ilus, it was grown ſomewhat dark, which ſhews that this Tomb ſtood at ſome diſtance from the City: Here Mercury meets him, and when it was quite dark, guides him into the Preſence of Achilles. By theſe Methods we may diſcover how exactly the Poet preſerves the Unities of Time and Place, that he allots Space ſufficient for the Acti⯑ons which he deſcribes, and yet does not crowd more Inci⯑dents into any Interval of Time than may be executed in as much as he allows: Thus it being improbable that ſo ſtubborn a Man as Achilles ſhould relent in a few Moments, the Poet allows a whole Night for this Affair, ſo that Priam has Lei⯑ſure enough to go and return, and Time enough remaining to perſuade Achilles.

XX.

‘VERSE 447, &c. The Speech of Mercury to Priam.]’ I ſhall not trouble the Reader with the Dreams of Euſtathius, who tells us that this Fiction of Mercury is partly true, and partly falſe: 'Tis true that his Father is old, rich, and has ſeven Children; for Jupiter is King of the whole Univerſe, was from Eternity, and created both Men and Gods: In like man⯑ner, when Mercury ſays he is the ſeventh Child of his Father, Euſtathius affirms that he meant that there were ſix Planets beſides Mercury. Sure it requires great Pains and Thought to be ſo learnedly abſurd: The Suppoſition which he makes afterwards is far more natural; Priam, ſays he, might by chance meet with one of the Myrmidons, who might conduct him unobſerv'd thro' the Camp into the Preſence of Achilles, and as the Execution of any wiſe Deſign is aſcrib'd to Pallas, ſo may this clandeſtine Enterprize be ſaid to be manag'd by the Guidance of Mercury.

[208] But perhaps this whole Paſſage may be better explain'd by having recourſe to the Pagan Theology: It was an Opinion that obtain'd in thoſe early Days, that Jupiter frequently ſent ſome friendly Meſſengers to protect the Innocent, ſo that Homer might intend to give his Readers a Lecture of Mora⯑lity, by telling us that this unhappy King was under the Protection of the Gods.

Madam Dacier carries it farther. Homer (ſays ſhe) inſtructed by Tradition, knew that God ſends his Angels to the Succour of the afflicted. The Scripture is full of Examples of this Truth. The Story of Tobit has a won⯑derful Relation with this of Homer: Tobit ſent his Son to Rages, a City of Media, to receive a conſiderable Sum; Tobias did not know the Way; he found at his Door a young Man cloath'd with a majeſtick Glory, which attracted Ad⯑miration: It was an Angel under the Form of a Man. This Angel being ask'd who he was, anſwer'd (as Mercury does here) by a Fiction: He ſaid that he was of the Children of Iſrael, that his Name was Azarias, and that he was Son of Ananias. This Angel conducted Tobias in Safety; he gave him Inſtru⯑ctions; and when he was to receive the Recompence which the Father and Son offer'd him, he declar'd that he was the Angel of the Lord, took his Flight towards heaven, and diſ⯑appear'd. Here is a great Conformity in the Ideas and in the Style; and the Example of our Author ſo long before Tobit, proves, that this Opinion of God's ſending his Angels to the Aid of Man was very common, and much ſpread a⯑mongſt the Pagans in thoſe former Times. Dacier.

XXI.

‘VERSE 519. Bleſt is the Man, &c.]’ Homer now begins after a beautiful and long Fable, to give the Moral of it, and diſplay his poetical Juſtice in Rewards and Puniſhments: Thus Hector fought in a bad Cauſe, and therefore ſuffers in the Defence of it; but becauſe he was a good Man, and obedient to the Gods in other Reſpects, his very Remains become the Care of Heaven.

[209] I think it neceſſary to take notice to the Reader, that no⯑thing is more admirable than the Conduct of Homer through⯑out his whole Poem, in reſpect to Morality. He juſtifies the Character of Horace,

If the Reader does not obſerve the Morality of the Ilias, he loſes half, and the nobler part of its Beauty: He reads it as a common Romance, and miſtakes the chief Aim of it, which is to inſtruct.

XXII.

‘VERSE 531. But can I, abſent, &c.]’ In the Original of this Place (which I have paraphras'd a little) the Word [...] is remarkable. Priam offers Mercury (whom he looks upon as a Soldier of Achilles) a Preſent, which he refuſes, becauſe his Prince is ignorant of it: This Preſent he calls a direct Theft or Robbery; which may ſhew us how ſtrict the Notions of Juſtice were in the Days of Homer, when if a Prince's Servant receiv'd any Preſent without the Knowledge of his Maſter, he was eſteem'd a Thief and a Robber. Eu⯑ſtathius.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 553. Of Fir the Roof was rais'd.]’ I have in the courſe of theſe Obſervations deſcrib'd the Method of encamp⯑ing uſed by the Grecians: The Reader has here a full and exact Deſcription of the Tent of Achilles: This royal Pavi⯑lion was built with long Paliſadoes made of Firr; the Top of it cover'd with Reeds, and the Inſide was divided into ſe⯑veral Apartments: Thus Achilles had his [...], or large Hall, and behind it were lodging Rooms. So in the ninth Book Phoenix has a Bed prepared for him in one Apartment, Patroclus has another for himſelf and his Captive Iphis, and Achilles has a third for himſelf and his Miſtreſs Diomeda.

[210] But we muſt not imagine that the other Myrmidons had Tents of the like Dimenſions: they were, as Euſtathius obſerves, inferior to this royal one of Achilles: Which in⯑deed is no better than an Hovel, yet agrees very well with the Duties of a Soldier, and the Simplicity of thoſe early Times.

I am of Opinion that ſuch fixed Tents were not uſed by the Grecians in their common Marches, but only during the time of Sieges, when their long ſtay in one Place made it neceſſary to build ſuch Tents as are here deſcrib'd; at o⯑ther times they lay like Diomed in the tenth Book, in the open Air, their Spears ſtanding upright, to be ready upon any Alarm; and with the Hides of Beaſts ſpread on the Ground inſtead of a Bed.

It is worthy Obſervation that Homer even upon ſo trivial an Occaſion as the deſcribing the Tent of Achilles, takes an Opportunity to ſhew the ſuperior Strength of his Hero; and tells us that three Men could ſcarce open the Door of his Pavilion, but Achilles could open it alone.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 569. Nor ſtand confeſt to frail Mortality.]’ Euſta⯑thius thinks it was from this Maxim, that the Princes of the Eaſt aſſum'd that Air of Majeſty which ſeparates them from the Sight of their Subjects; but I ſhould rather believe that Homer copied this after the Originals from ſome Kings of his Time: it not being unlikely that this Policy is very an⯑cient. Dacier.

XXV.

‘VERSE 571. Adjure him by his Father, &c.]’ Euſtathius obſerves that Priam does not entirely follow the Inſtructions of Mercury, but only calls to his remembrance his aged Fa⯑ther Peleus: And this was judiciouſly done by Priam: For what Motive to Compaſſion could ariſe from the mention of Thetis, who was a Goddeſs, and incapable of Misfortune? Or [211] how could Neoptolemus be any Inducement to make Achilles pity Priam, when at the ſame time he flouriſh'd in the greateſt Proſperity? And therefore Priam only mentions his Father Peleus, who like him, ſtood upon the very Brink of the Grave, and was liable to the ſame Misfortunes he then ſuffer'd. Theſe are the Remarks of Euſtathius, but how then ſhall we juſtify Mercury, the God of Eloquence, who gave him ſuch improper Inſtructions with relation to Thetis? All that can be ſaid in defence of the Poet is, that Thetis, tho' a Goddeſs, has thro' the whole Courſe of the Ilias been deſcrib'd as a Partner in all the Afflictions of Achilles, and conſequently might be made uſe of as an Inducement to raiſe the Compaſſion of Achilles. Priam might have ſaid, I con⯑jure thee by the Love thou beareſt to thy Mother, take pity on me! For if ſhe who is a Goddeſs would grieve for the Loſs of her beloved Son, how greatly muſt the Loſs of Hector afflict the unfortunate Hecuba and Priam?

XXVII.

‘VERSE 586. Sudden, (a venerable Sight!) appears.]’ I fancy this Interview between Priam and Achilles would fur⯑niſh an admirable Subject for a Painter, in the Surprize of Achilles, and the other Spectators, the Attitude of Priam, and the Sorrows in the Countenance of this unfortunate King.

That Circumſtance of Priam's kiſſing the Hands of Achil⯑les is inimitably fine; he kiſs'd, ſays Homer, the Hands of Achilles, thoſe terrible, murderous Hands that had robb'd him of ſo many Sons: By theſe two Words the Poet recalls to our Mind all the noble Actions perform'd by Achilles in the whole Ilias; and at the ſame time ſtrikes us with the ut⯑moſt Compaſſion for this unhappy King, who is reduc'd ſo low as to be oblig'd to kiſs thoſe Hands that had ſlain his Subjects, and ruin'd his Kingdom and Family.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 598. The Speech of Priam to Achilles.]’ The Cu⯑rioſity of the Reader muſt needs be awaken'd to know how Achilles would behave to this unfortunate King; it requires all the Art of the Poet to ſuſtain the violent Character of Achilles, and yet at the ſame time to ſoften him into Compaſſion. To this end the Poet uſes no Preamble, but breaks directly into that Circumſtance which is moſt likely to mollify him, and the two firſt Words he utters are, [...], ſee thy Father, O Achilles, in me! Nothing could be more happily imagin'd than this Entrance into his Speech; Achilles has e⯑very where been deſcrib'd as bearing a great Affection to his Father, and by two Words the Poet recalls all the Tender⯑neſs that Love and Duty can ſuggeſt to an affectionate Son.

Priam tells Achilles that Hector fell in the Defence of his Country: I am far from thinking that this was inſerted acci⯑dentally; it could not fail of having a very good Effect up⯑on Achilles, not only as one brave Man naturally loves ano⯑ther, but as it implies that Hector had no particular Enmity againſt Achilles, but that tho' he fought againſt him it was in Defence of his Country.

The Reader will obſerve that Priam repeats the Begin⯑ning of his Speech, and recalls his Father to his Memory in the Concluſion of it. This is done with great Judgment; the Poet takes care to enforce his Petition with the ſtrongeſt Motive, and leaves it freſh upon his Memory; and poſſibly Priam might perceive that the mention of his Father had made a deeper Impreſſion upon Achilles than any other part of his Petition, therefore while the Mind of Achilles dwells upon it, he again ſets him before his Imagination by this Re⯑petition, and ſoftens him into Compaſſion.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 634. Theſe Words ſoft Pity, &c.]’ We are now come almoſt to the end of the Poem, and conſequently to [213] the end of the Anger of Achilles: And Homer has deſcrib'd the Abatement of it with excellent Judgment. We may here obſerve how neceſſary the Conduct of Homer was, in ſend⯑ing Thetis to prepare her Son to uſe Priam with Civility: It would have ill ſuited with the violent Temper of Achilles to have uſed Priam with Tenderneſs without ſuch Pre-admoni⯑tion; nay, the unexpected Sight of his Enemy might pro⯑bably have carry'd him into Violence and Rage: But Homer has avoided theſe Abſurdities; for Achilles being already pre⯑pared for a Reconciliation, the Miſery of this venerable Prince naturally melts him into Compaſſion.

XXX.

‘VERSE 653. Achilles's Speech to Priam.]’ There is not a more beautiful Paſſage in the whole Ilias than this before us: Homer to ſhew that Achilles was not a mere Soldier, here draws him as a Perſon of excellent Senſe and ſound reaſon: Plato him⯑ſelf (who condemns this Paſſage) could not ſpeak more like a true Philoſopher: And it was a piece of great Judgment thus to deſcribe him; for the Reader would have retain'd but a very indifferent Opinion of the Hero of a Poem, that had no Qualification but mere Strength: It alſo ſhews the Art of the Poet thus to defer this part of his Character till the very Concluſion of the Poem: By theſe means he fixes an Idea of his Greatneſs upon our Minds, and makes his Hero go off the Stage with Applauſe.

Neither does he here aſcribe more Wiſdom to Achilles than he might really be Maſter of; for as Euſtathius obſerves, he had Chiron and Phoenix for his Tutors, and a Goddeſs for his Mother.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 663. Two Urns by Jove's high Throne, &c.’ This is an admirable Allegory, and very beautifully imagin'd by the Poet. Plato has accus'd it as an Impiety to ſay that God gives Evil: But it ſeems borrow'd from the Eaſtern way of [214] ſpeaking, and bears a great Reſemblance to ſeveral Expreſſi⯑ons in Scripture: Thus in the Pſalms, In the Hand of the Lord there is a Cup, and he poureth out of the ſame; as for the Dregs thereof, all the Ungodly of the Earth ſhall drink them.

It was the Cuſtom of the Jews to give condemn'd Perſons juſt before Execution, [...], Wine mix'd with Myrrh; to make them leſs ſenſible of Pain: Thus Pro⯑verbs xxxi. 6. Give ſtrong Drink to him that is ready to periſh. This Cuſtom was ſo frequent among the Jews, that the Cup which was given before Execution, came to denote Death itſelf, as in that Paſſage, Father let this Cup paſs from me.

Some have ſuppos'd that there were three Urns, one of Good, and two of Evil; thus Pindar,

But, as Euſtathius obſerves, the Word [...] ſhews that there were but two, for that Word is never uſed when more than two are intended.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 685. Extended Phrygia, &c.]’ Homer here gives us a piece of Geography, and ſhews the full Extent of Priam's Kingdom. Lesbos bounded it on the South, Phrygia on the Eaſt, and the Helleſpont on the North. This King⯑dom, according to Strabo in the 13th Book, was divided into nine Dynaſties, who all depended upon Priam as their King: So that what Homer here relates of Priam's Power is literally true, and confirm'd by Hiſtory. Euſtathius.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 706. While kindling Anger ſparkled in his Eyes.]’ I believe every Reader muſt be ſurpriz'd, as I confeſs I was, to ſee Achilles fly out into ſo ſudden a Paſſion, without any ap⯑parent [215] Reaſon for it. It can ſcarce be imagin'd that the Name of Hector (as Euſtathius thinks, could throw him into ſo much Violence, when he had heard it mention'd with Patience and Calmneſs by Priam in this very Conference: Eſpecially if we remember that Achilles had actually determin'd to reſtore the Body of Hector to Priam. I was therefore very well pleas'd to find that the Words in the Original would bear another Interpre⯑tation, and ſuch a one as naturally ſolves the Difficulty. The Meaning of the Paſſage I fancy may be this: Priam perceiving that his addreſs had mollify'd the Heart of Achilles, takes this Opportunity to perſuade him to give over the War, and re⯑turn home; eſpecially ſince his Anger was ſufficiently ſatisfy'd by the Fall of Hector. Immediately Achilles takes fire at this Propoſal, and anſwers, ‘"Is it not enough that I have de⯑termin'd to reſtore thy Son? Ask no more, leſt I retract that Reſolution."’ In this View we ſee a natural Reaſon for the ſudden Paſſion of Achilles.

What may perhaps ſtrengthen this Conjecture is the Word [...]; and then the Senſe will run thus; Since I have found ſo much Favour in thy Sight, as firſt to permit me to live, O wouldſt thou ſtill enlarge my Happineſs, and return home to thy own Country! &c.

This Opinion may be farther eſtabliſh'd from what follows in the latter end of this Interview, where Achilles asks Priam how many Days he would requeſt for the Interment of Hector? Achilles had refus'd to give over the war, but yet conſents to intermit it a few Days; and then the Senſe will be this, ‘"I will not conſent to return home, but ask a time for a Ceſſation, and it ſhall be granted."’ And what moſt ſtrongly ſpeaks for this Interpretation is the Anſwer of Priam, I ask, ſays he, eleven Days to bury my Son, and then let the War commence again, ſince it muſt be ſo, [...]; ſince you neceſſitate me to it; or ſince you will not be perſuaded to leave theſe Shores.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 706. While kindling Anger ſparkled in his Eyes.]’ The Reader may be pleas'd to obſerve that this is the laſt [216] Sally of the Reſentment of Achilles; and the Poet judiciouſly deſcribes him moderating it by his own Reflection: So that his Reaſon now prevails over his Anger, and the Deſign of the Poem is fully executed.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 708, 709. For know from Jove my Goddeſs Mother came.]’ The Injuſtice of La Motte's Criticiſm (who blames Homer for repreſenting Achilles ſo mercenary, as to enquire into the Price offer'd for Hector's Body before he would reſtore it) will appear plainly from this Paſſage, where he makes Achilles expreſſly ſay, it is not for any other Reaſon that he delivers the Body, but that Heaven had directly commanded it. The Words are very full,

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 757. Not thus did Niobe, &c.]’ Achilles, to com⯑fort Priam, tells him a known Hiſtory; which was very pro⯑per to work this Effect. Niobe had loſt all her Children, Priam had ſome remaining. Niobe's Children had been nine Days extended on the Earth, drown'd in their Blood, in the Sight of their People, without any one preſenting himſelf to interr them: Hector has likewiſe been twelve Days, but in the midſt of his Enemies; therefore 'tis no wonder that no one has paid him the laſt Duties. The Gods at laſt interr'd Niobe's Children, and the Gods likewiſe are concern'd to pro⯑cure honourable Funerals for Hector. Euſtathius.

XXXVII.

‘VERSE 799. The royal Gueſt the Hero eyes, &c.]’ The Poet omits no Opportunity of praiſing his Hero Achilles, and it is obſervable that he now commends him for his more amiable Qualities: He ſoftens the terrible Idea we have con⯑ceiv'd of him, as a Warrior, with ſeveral Virtues of Huma⯑nity; and the angry, vindictive Soldier is become calm and compaſſionate. In this place he makes his very Enemy ad⯑mire his Perſonage, and be aſtoniſh'd at his manly Beauty. So that tho' Courage be his moſt diſtinguiſhing Character, yet Achilles is admirable both for the Endowments of Mind and Body.

[...]. The Senſe of this Word differs in this place from that it uſually bears: It does not imply [...], any reproachful Aſperity of Language, but [...], the raiſing of a falſe Fear in the old Man, that he might not be concern'd at his being lodg'd in the outermoſt part of the Tent; and by this method he gives Priam an Opportu⯑nity of going away in the Morning without Obſervation. Euſtathius.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 819. To ask our Counſel, or our Orders take.]’ The Poet here ſhews the Importance of Achilles in the Army; tho' Agamemnon be the General, yet all the chief Command⯑ers apply to him for Advice; and thus he promiſes Priam a Ceſſation of Arms for ſeveral Days, purely by his own Au⯑thority. The Method that Achilles took to confirm the Truth of the Ceſſation, agrees with the Cuſtom which we uſe at this Day, he gave him his Hand upon it.

XXXIX.

‘VERSE 900. A melancholy Choir, &c.’ This was a Cuſtom generally receiv'd, and which paſſed from the Hebrews to the Greeks, Romans, and Aſiaticks. There were Weepers by Profeſſion, of both Sexes, who ſung doleful Tunes round the Dead. Eccleſiaſticus cap. 12. ℣. 5. When a Man ſhall go into the Houſe of his Eternity, there ſhall encompaſs him Weep⯑ers. It appears from St. Matthew xi. 17. that Children were likewiſe employed in this Office. Dacier.

XL.

‘VERSE 906, &c. The Lamentations over Hector.]’ The Poet judiciouſly makes Priam to be ſilent in this general La⯑mentation; he has already born a ſufficient Share in theſe Sorrows, in the Tent of Achilles, and ſaid what Grief can dictate to a Father and a King upon ſuch a melancholy Sub⯑ject. But he introduces three Women as chief Mourners, and ſpeaks only in general of the Lamentation of the Men of Troy, an Exceſs of Sorrow being unmanly: Whereas theſe Women might with Decency indulge themſelves in all the Lamentation that Fondneſs and Grief could ſuggeſt. The Wife, the Mother of Hector, and Helen, are the three Per⯑ſons introduced; and tho' they all mourn upon the ſame Oc⯑caſion, yet their Lamentations are ſo different, that not a Sentence that is ſpoken by the one, could be made uſe of by the other: Andromache ſpeaks like a tender Wife, Hecuba like a fond Mother, and Helen mourns with a Sorrow riſing from Self-accuſation: Andromache commends his Bravery, Hecuba his manly Beauty, and Helen his Gentleneſs and Humanity.

Homer is very conciſe in deſcribing the Funeral of Hector, which was but a neceſſary piece of Conduct, after he had been ſo full in that of Patroclus.

XLI.

I have taken theſe two Lines from Mr. Congreve, whoſe Tranſlation of this Part was one of his firſt Eſſays in Poetry. He has very juſtly render'd the Senſe of [...], dictum prudens, which is meant of the Words of a dying Man, or one in ſome dangerous Exigence; at which times what is ſpoken is uſually ſomething of the utmoſt Importance, and deliver'd with the utmoſt Care: Which is the true Signifi⯑cation of the Epithet [...] in this place.

XLII.

We have now paſt thro' the Iliad, and ſeen the Anger of Achilles, and the terrible Effects of it, at an end: As that only was the Subject of the Poem, and the Nature of Epic Poetry would not permit our Author to proceed to the Event of the War, it may perhaps be acceptable to the common Reader to give a ſhort Account of what happen'd to Troy and the chief Actors in this Poem, after the Concluſion of it.

I need not mention that Troy was taken ſoon after the Death of Hector, by the Stratagem of the wooden Horſe, the Par⯑ticulars of which are deſcrib'd by Virgil in the ſecond Book of the Aeneis.

Achilles fell before Troy, by the Hand of Paris, by the Shot of an Arrow in his Heel, as Hector had propheſied at his Death, Lib. 22.

The unfortunate Priam was kill'd by Pyrrhus the Son of Achilles.

Ajax after the Death of Achilles had a Conteſt with Ulyſſes for the Armour of Vulcan, but being defeated in his Aim, he ſlew himſelf thro' Indignation.

Helen, after the Death of Paris, married Deïphobus his Brother, and at the taking of Troy betray'd him, in order [220] to reconcile herſelf to Menelaus her firſt Husband, who re⯑ceiv'd her again into Favour.

Agamemnon at his return was barbarouſly murther'd by Aegyſthus at the Inſtigation of Clytaemneſtra his Wife, who in his Abſence had diſhonour'd his Bed with Aegyſthus.

Diomed after the Fall of Troy was expell'd his own Coun⯑trey, and ſcarce eſcap'd with Life from his adulterous Wife Aegiale; but at laſt was receiv'd by Daunus in Apulia, and ſhar'd his Kingdom: 'Tis uncertain how he died.

Neſtor liv'd in Peace, with his Children, in Pylos his na⯑tive Countrey.

Ulyſſes alſo after innumerable Troubles by Sea and Land, at laſt return'd in Safety to Ithaca, which is the Subject of Homer's Odyſſes.