SECT. I. THE DESIGN.

SUPERFICIAL, though zealous, Obſervers, think they ſee the Source of all our public Miſcarriages in the parti⯑cular and accidental Miſconduct of Indivi⯑duals. This is not much to be wondered at, becauſe it is ſo eaſy a Solution.

[12] THIS pretence, too, is plauſibly urged upon the People by profligate Scribblers, who find their Account in it. It is a ſort of Compliment paid the Public, to perſuade them, that they have no Share in the Pro⯑duction of theſe national Misfortunes.

BUT a candid and mature Conſideration will convince us, that the Malady lies deeper than what is commonly ſuſpected: and, on impartial Enquiry, it will pro⯑bably be found ſpringing, not from vary⯑ing and incidental, but from permanent and eſtabliſhed Cauſes.

IT is the obſervation of the greateſt of political Writers, that ‘"it is by no means Fortune that rules the World: for this we may appeal to the Romans, who had a long Series of Proſperities, when they acted upon a certain Plan; and an [13] uninterrupted Courſe of Misfortunes, when they conducted themſelves upon another. There are general Cauſes, na⯑tural or moral, which operate in every State; which raiſe, ſupport, or overturn it ^*."’

AMONG all theſe various Cauſes, none perhaps ſo much contributes to raiſe or ſink a Nation, as the Manners and Principles of its People. But as there never was any declining Nation, which had not Cauſes of Declenſion peculiar to itſelf, ſo it will re⯑quire a minute Inveſtigation into the lead⯑ing [14] Manners and Principles of the preſent Times, to throw a juſt Light on the pecu⯑liar Cauſes of our calamitous Situation.

To delineate theſe Manners and Princi⯑ples without Aggravation or Weakneſs, to unravel their Effects on the public State and Welfare, and to trace them to their real though diſtant Sources, is indeed a Taſk of equal Difficulty and Importance.

IT may be neceſſary therefore to apolo⯑giſe even for the Attempt: as being ſup⯑poſed to lie beyond the Sphere of him who makes it. To this it can only be replied, that a common Eye may poſſibly diſcover a lurking Rock or Sand, while the able and experienced Mariners overlook the Danger, through their Attention to the Helm, the Sails, or Rigging.

[15] HE will be much miſtaken, who expects to find here a Vein of undiſtinguiſhing and licentious Satire. To rail at the Times at large, can ſerve no good Purpoſe; and ge⯑nerally ariſeth from a Want of Knowledge or a Want of Honeſty. There never was an Age or Nation that had not Virtues and Vices peculiar to itſelf: And in ſome Re⯑ſpects, perhaps, there is no Time nor Country delivered down to us in Story, in which a wiſe Man would ſo much wiſh to have lived, as in our own.

NOTWITHSTANDING this, our Situation ſeems moſt dangerous: We are rolling to the Brink of a Precipice that muſt deſtroy us.

AT ſuch a Juncture, to hold up a true Mirroir to the Public, and let the Nation ſee themſelves as the Authors of their own [16] Misfortunes, cannot be a very popular De⯑ſign. But as the Writer is not ſollicitous about private Conſequences, he can with the greater Security adopt the Words of an honeſt and ſenſible Man.

"MOST commonly, ſuch as palliate Evils, and repreſent the State of Things in a ſounder Condition than truly they are, do thereby conſult beſt for them⯑ſelves, and better recommend their own Buſineſs and Pretenſions in the World: But he who, to the utmoſt of his Skill and Power, ſpeaks the Truth, where the Good of his King and Country are concerned, will be moſt eſteemed by Perſons of Virtue and Wiſdom: And to the Favour and Protection of ſuch, theſe Papers are committed ^*."

SECT. II. Of the Spirit of Liberty.

BEFORE we enumerate the concurrent Cauſes of our preſent Misfortunes and De⯑cline; let us, by way of Contraſt, muſter the few remaining Virtues we have left; to which, in part, it is owing, that our Misfortunes are not heavier, and our De⯑cline more rapid.

AMONG theſe, the firſt and moſt im⯑portant, is the Spirit of Liberty. This, happily, ſtill ſubſiſts among us: Not in⯑deed in its genuine Vigour; for then, it would work its genuine effects. Yet, that the Love of Liberty is not extinguiſhed, appears from the united Voice of a divided People. It ſtill animates their Converſa⯑tion, and invigorates their Addreſſes: tho' [18] in their Conduct it appears no more. But it is remarkable, that in Proportion as this Spirit hath grown weak in Deeds, it hath gained Strength in Words; and of late run out, into unbounded Licenſe.

THIS, however, appears beyond a Doubt: that we all wiſh to continue free; tho' we have not the Virtue to ſecure our Freedom. The Spirit of Liberty is now ſtruggling with the Manners and Principles, as formerly it ſtruggled with the Tyrants of the Time. But the Danger is now greater, becauſe the Enemy is within; working ſecretly and ſecurely, and deſtroy⯑ing all thoſe internal Powers, from which alone an effectual Oppoſition can ariſe.

WHEREVER this Spirit of Liberty ſub⯑ſiſts in its full Vigour, the Vigilance and Power of impotent Governors are vain: A Nation can neither be ſurpriſed nor com⯑pelled [19] into Slavery: When this is extin⯑guiſhed, neither the Virtue nor Vigilance of Patriots can ſave it. In the Reign of JAMES the Second, Great Britain was free, tho' a deſpotic Prince was on the Throne: At the Time when CESAR fell, Rome was ſtill inſlaved, tho' the Tyrant was no more.

THIS great Spirit hath produced more full and complete Effects in our own Country, than in any known Nation that ever was upon Earth. It appears indeed, from a Concurrence of Facts too large to be produced here, that whereas it hath been ingrafted by the Arts of Policy in other Countries, it ſhoots up here as from its natu⯑ral Climate, Stock, and Soil. From this Diſtinction, if laid in Nature, two or three Conſequences will fairly ariſe. Its Ef⯑fects muſt, of courſe, be more vigorous [20] and full. It's Deſtruction, by external Violence, will probably be no more than temporary. It's chief Danger muſt ariſe from ſuch Cauſes, as may poiſon the Root; or attack, and deſtroy the natural Spirit itſelf: Theſe muſt be ſuch Cauſes, as can ſteal upon, and ſubdue the Mind: that is, they muſt be ‘"ſome Degene⯑racy or Corruption of the Manners and Principles of the People."’

SECT. III. Of the Spirit of Humanity.

LET us now trace the Spirit of Liberty through ſuch of its Effects, as are not yet de⯑ſtroyed by oppoſite Principles and Manners.

THE firſt that occurs, is Humanity. By this, is not meant that Smoothneſs and re⯑fined Poliſh of external Manners, by which the preſent Age affects to be diſtinguiſhed: [21] for this, it is apprehended, will belong to another Claſs. By Humanity, therefore, is meant, ‘"that Pity for Diſtreſs, that Mo⯑deration in limiting Puniſhments by their proper Ends and Meaſures, by which this Nation hath always been diſtin⯑guiſhed."’

THE Lenity of our Laws in capital Ca⯑ſes; our Compaſſion for convicted Crimi⯑nals; even the general Humanity of our Highwaymen and Robbers, compared with thoſe of other Countries; theſe are concur⯑rent Proofs, that the Spirit of Humanity is natural to our Nation.

THE many noble Foundations for the Relief of the Miſerable and the Friendleſs; the large annual Supplies from voluntary Charities to theſe Foundations; the frequent and generous Aſſiſtance given to the Unfor⯑tunate, who cannot be admitted into theſe [22] Foundations; all theſe are ſuch indiſputa⯑ble Proofs of a national Humanity, as it were the higheſt Injuſtice not to acknow⯑ledge and applaud.

SECT. IV. Of the civil Adminiſtration of Juſtice.

ANOTHER Virtue, and of the higheſt Conſequence, as it regards the immediate and private Happineſs of Individuals, yet left among us, is the pure Adminiſtration of Juſtice, as it regards private Property.

MANY Cauſes may be aſſigned, for the Continuance of this public Bleſſing. The Spirit of Liberty and Humanity beget a Spirit of Equity, where no contrary Paſſion interferes: The Spirit of Commerce, now predominant, begets a kind of regulated Selfiſhneſs, which tends at once to the In⯑creaſe and Preſervation of Property. The Difficulty of corrupting Juries under the [23] Checks of their preſent Eſtabliſhment, in moſt Caſes prevents the very Attempt. And the long-continued Example of a great Perſon on the Seat of Equity, hath diffuſed an uncorrupt Spirit through the inferior Courts, and will ſhine to the lateſt Poſterity.

SECT. V. Of the Ruling Manners of the Times.

HAVING made this prefatory Eſtimate of thoſe remaining Manners which may demand Eſteem and Applauſe, let us now proceed to the ruling Manners of the Times; from which this Age and Nation derives its preſent and particular Complex⯑ion.

IT may be neceſſary to remark, that this deſigned Eſtimate extends not to the com⯑parative Excellence of Manners and Prin⯑ciples, [24] conſidered in every View, and in all their Variety of near and remote Effects. It relates not to the immediate Happineſs or Miſery, which Individuals, Families, or Nations, may derive from the Force of prevailing Principles and Manners. Theſe Effects branch out into an Infinity of in⯑tricate Combinations, which cannot be comprehended in the preſent, but will make a material Part of ſome future En⯑quiry. This Eſtimate, therefore, confines itſelf to ſuch Conſequences only, as affect the Duration of the public State: So that the leading Queſtion will be, ‘"How far the preſent ruling Manners and Principles of this Nation may tend to its Continu⯑ance or Deſtruction."’

IN Conſequence of this Reſtriction, the Manners and Principles of the common People will ſcarce find a Place in the Ac⯑count. For though the Sum total of a Na⯑tions [25] immediate Happineſs muſt ariſe, and be eſtimated, from the Manners and Prin⯑ciples of the Whole; yet the Manners and Principles of thoſe who lead, not of thoſe who are led; of thoſe who govern, not of thoſe who are governed; of thoſe, in ſhort, who make Laws or execute them, will ever determine the Strength or Weakneſs, and therefore the Continuance or Diſſolution, of a State.

FOR the blind Force or Weight of an ungoverned Multitude can have no ſteady nor rational Effect, unleſs ſome leading Mind rouſe it into Action, and point it to it's proper End: without this, it is either a brute and random Bolt, or a lifeleſs Ball ſleeping in the Cannon: It depends on ſome ſuperior Intelligence, to give it both Impulſe and Direction.

INDEED, were the People remarkably corrupt, they might properly make a Part [26] of this Enquiry: But in moſt of thoſe im⯑portant Circumſtances to which this Eſti⯑mate refers, they are in general much more irreproachable than their Superiors in Sta⯑tion; eſpecially, if we except the lower Ranks of thoſe who live in great Towns. It will therefore be unneceſſary to mark the Character of their Principles or Man⯑ners, unleſs where they appear evidently poiſoned by the Example or other Influence of the higher Ranks in Life.

Now the ſligheſt Obſervation, if at⯑tended with Impartiality, may convince us, that the Character of the Manners of this Age and Nation, is by no means that of abandoned Wickedneſs and Profligacy. This Degree of Degeneracy, indeed, is often imputed to the Times: But, to what Times hath it not been imputed? Preſent Objects are naturally magnified to the hu⯑man [27] Eye, while remote ones, though lar⯑ger in Dimenſions, vaniſh into nothing. Hence the Speculative and Virtuous, in every Age, confining their Views to their own Period, have been apt to aggravate its Manners into the higheſt Degree of Guilt; to ſatyrize, rather than deſcribe; to throw their reſpective Times into one dark Shade of Horror, rather than mark their peculiar Colour and Complexion.

HERE, a large Field of Compariſon and Debate would open, were it neceſſary or even expedient to enter upon it. We might caſt our Eye upon the Manners of ROME, CARTHAGE, and many other States, in their laſt declining Period; where we ſhould behold ſuch tragic Scenes of Cruelty, Impiety, and Oppreſſion, as would confound the moſt ſanguine Advocate for the Manners of Antiquity. But, in Truth, [28] there can be no Occaſion for this Diſplay of Profligacy: For if the previous Eſtimate, already given, be juſt; if the Spirit of Li⯑berty, Humanity, and Equity, be in a cer⯑tain Degree yet left among us, ſome of the moſt eſſential Foundations of abandoned Wickedneſs and Profligacy can have no Place: For theſe are Servility, Cruelty, and Oppreſſion. How far we may be from this laſt Period of Degeneracy, it were Preſumption to affirm: At preſent, it is certain, we are not arrived at it. When⯑ever this fatal Time approaches, it will come diſtinguiſhed by its proper and pecu⯑liar Characters; and whoever ſhall eſtimate ſuch Times, will find himſelf under the ſame Circumſtance with the great Hiſto⯑rian, who, in the profligate Period of de⯑clining ROME, tells us he had nothing to relate, but ‘"falſe Accuſations, bloody Proſcriptions, treacherous Friendſhips, [29] and the Deſtruction of the Inno⯑cent ^*."’

THIS, we may truly affirm, is far from the Character of the Manners of our Times: which, on a fair Examination, will pro⯑bably appear to be that of a ‘"vain, luxu⯑rious, and ſelfiſh EFFEMINACY."’

THIS will be evident from a ſimple Enu⯑meration of acknowledged Facts: many of them indeed, in Appearance, too trite to merit Notice, and too trifling for Rebuke; were they not, in their Tendency, as fa⯑tal to the Stability of a Nation, as Maxims and Manners more apparently flagitious.

As the firſt Habits of Infancy and Youth commonly determine the Character of the [30] Man, we might trace the Effeminacy of modern Manners, even to the unwhole⯑ſome Warmth of a Nurſery. As ſoon as the puny Infant is ſuffered to peep from this Fountain of Weakneſs and Diſeaſe, he is confirmed in the Habits already contract⯑ed, by a miſtaken Tenderneſs and Care. The ‘"School Boy's Satchel, and ſhining Morning-Face,"’ once the Characteriſtic of the Age itſelf, are now only to be ſeen among the Sons of Villagers and Peaſants; while the Youth of Quality and Fortune is wrapt up from the wholeſome Keenneſs of the Air: And thus becomes incapable of enduring the natural Rigours of his own Climate.

'TIS odds, indeed, but the Prevalence of Faſhion places him in ſome public School, where the learned Languages are taught: And, to do Juſtice to the Times, the moſt conſiderable among theſe Semi⯑naries [31] were never more ably ſupplied than at preſent. But whatever be the Maſter's Ability, the Scholar's can in general reach no farther than to Words; this firſt Stage of Education, therefore, can only be prepa⯑ratory to a higher; without which, the other is defeated of its Purpoſe.

HERE, then, lies an eſſential Defect in modern Education. The Pupil is not carried on from Words to Things. The Univerſities, where the Principles of Know⯑ledge ſhould be imbibed, are growing daily thinner of young Men of Quality and Fortune. Inſtead of being initiated in Books, where the Wiſdom of Ages lies re⯑poſed, our untutored Youth are carried into the World; where the ruling Objects that catch the Imagination, are the Sallies of Folly or of Vice.

[32] THUS like Plants haſtily removed from their firſt Bed, and expoſed to the Inclemencies of an unwholeſome Air, without the Intervention of a higher and more enlarged Nurſery, where ſtronger Shoots might be obtained, our riſing Youth are checked in their firſt Growths, and either die away into Ignorance, or, at moſt, become Dwarfs in Knowledge.

BUT here, it muſt not be diſguiſed; that an Abuſe, through Time, hath inſenſibly crept upon the Univerſities themſelves, and greatly impaired their Uſe and Credit. The public Fountains of Inſtruction are at length dried up; and the Profeſſorſhips, founded as the Means of general Inſtruction, dege⯑nerated into gainful Sine-cures. Inſtead of theſe, where, by a proper Choice, every Department would naturally be filled with Ability in its reſpective Science; the pri⯑vate Lectures of College-Tutors have uſurped [33] and occupied their Place. Thus the great Lines of Knowledge are broken, and the Fragments retailed at all Adventures, by every Member of a College, who chuſeth to erect himſelf into a Profeſſor of every Sci⯑ence. What can be the Conſequence of this Practice, but a partial and ſuperficial Inſtruction? 'Tis true, there are in this Sphere, who would do Honour to the high⯑eſt Academical Station: But what an Ac⯑ceſſion of Luſtre, Fame, and Knowledge, would our Univerſities receive, were theſe few, now confined to the narrow Sphere of particular Colleges, ordained and appointed to illuminate the whole.

NEITHER would it reflect any Diſhonour on our Univerſities, if the few young Men of Faſhion yet found there, were laid under the ſame Reſtraints of moral and literary Diſcipline, with thoſe of inferior Quality.

[34] THE next Error that preſents itſelf to Obſervation, is that of ſending our ignorant Youth abroad. A Mind ſtored with Taſte and Knowledge, will indeed naturally re⯑fine that Taſte, and increaſe that Know⯑ledge, by ſeeing and judging of foreign Countries. For thus he acquires a large Addition of new Experiences and Exam⯑ples, which may confirm or rectify his prior Obſervations. On the contrary, we may affirm, with Truth, that no Circumſtance in Education can more ſurely tend to ſtrengthen Effeminacy and Ignorance, than the preſent premature, and indigeſted Tra⯑vel. For as the uninſtructed Youth muſt needs meet with a Variety of Example, good and bad, vile and praiſe-worthy, as his Man⯑ners are childiſh, and his Judgment crude, he will naturally imbibe what is moſt con⯑ſentaneous with his puerile Habits. Thus, while Wiſdom and Virtue can find no Place [35] in him, every Foreign Folly, Effeminacy, or Vice, meeting with a correſpondent Soil, at once take Root and flouriſh.

BUT ſuppoſe him not of that Rank or Fortune, which may demand or admit of the grand Tour; he is then brought up to London, and initiated in the Pleaſures of the Metropolis. Here then let us view him, inſpired with every faſhionable Ambition; while we take an impartial Eſtimate of thoſe Amuſements, or rather Employments, which attract the Attention of the Town, and form the Genius and Character of the preſent and riſing Generation.

THE firſt and capital Article of Town-Effeminacy is that of Dreſs: which, in all its Variety of modern Exceſs and Ridicule, is too low for ſerious Animadverſion. Yet in this, muſt every Man of every Rank and Age employ his Mornings, who pretends to keep good Company. The wiſeſt, the moſt [36] virtuous, the moſt polite, if defective in theſe exterior and unmanly Delicacies, are avoided as low People, whom Nobody knows, and with whom one is aſhamed to be ſeen.

How would he have been derided in the Days of ELIZABETH, when a great Queen rode on Horſeback to St. Paul's, who ſhould have foretold, that in leſs than two Centuries no Man of Faſhion would croſs the Street to Dinner, without the ef⯑feminate Covering and Conveyance of an eaſy Chair?

YET thus accoutred, the modern Man of Faſhion is conveyed to Company. Where⯑ever he goes, he meets the ſame falſe De⯑licacy in all: Every Circumſtance of mo⯑dern Uſe conſpires to ſooth him into the Exceſs of Effeminacy: Warm Carpets are ſpread under his Feet; warm Hangings [37] ſurround him; Doors and Windows nicely jointed prevent the leaſt rude Encroach⯑ment of the external Air.

VANITY lends her Aid to this unmanly Delicacy: Splendid Furniture, a ſumptu⯑ous Side-board, a long Train of Attendants, an elegant and coſtly Entertainment, for which Earth, Air, and Seas, are ranſacked, the moſt expenſive Wines of the Continent, the childiſh Vagaries of a whimſical Deſert, theſe are the ſupreme Pride of the Maſter, the Admiration or Envy of his Gueſts.

LUXURY is not idle in her Province, but ſhares with her Siſter Vanity, in the La⯑bours of the Day. High Soups and Sauces, every Mode of foreign Cookery that can quicken Taſte, and ſpur the lagging Ap⯑petite, is aſſiduouſly employed. The End of Eating is not the allaying of natural Hun⯑ger, [38] but the Gratification of fordid and de⯑baſing Appetite. Hence the moſt inflaming Foods, not thoſe which nouriſh, but thoſe which irritate, are adopted; while the cool and temperate Diets that purify the Blood, are baniſhed to inferior Tables. To this every Man of Taſte now aſpires, as to the true ſçavoir vivre.

Do you expect in theſe faſhionable Meetings, to hear ſome Point of Morals, Taſte in Arts or Literature, diſcourſed or canvaſſed? Alas! theſe are long ſince ex⯑pelled from every modiſh Aſſembly. To ſpeak any thing that carries Weight and Importance, is an Offence againſt Good⯑breeding. The ſupreme Elegance is, to trifle agreeably.

BUT as Inſipidity of Converſation is ſoon worn out, and as Intemperance in Wine is [39] not of the Character of refined Luxury; ſo, to prevent the Stagnation of Folly, ſome awakening Amuſement is naturally ſought for.

WE read in ancient Story, that in the moſt poliſhed Court of the moſt refined Period, a Reward was proclaimed to him, who ſhould invent a new Pleaſure. This may juſtly be ſtyled, the laſt wretched Ef⯑ſort of bungling and deſpairing Luxury.—The great Deſideratum is at length found: A Pleaſure which abſorbs the whole Man; a Pleaſure in which there is no Satiety; which cloys not by Uſe, but gains new Vigour from Enjoyment. The Vulgar only can need to be informed, that the Pleaſure here alluded to, is that of GAM⯑ING.

[40] BUT as the preſent increaſing Splendor of Dreſs, Equipage, Furniture, Enter⯑—tainments, is enormouſly expenſive; what can ſo naturally create a Luſt of Gold, as the vain Ambition of Equality or Superio⯑rity in this Syſtem of effeminate Shew? Hence, Rapacity attends Profuſion; till the Spirit of Avarice glides ſecretly into the Soul; and impels the Man of Faſhion to that Gaming, as a Trade, which he had be⯑fore adopted as a Pleaſure. But as we read that CAESAR's Luſt was only the Servant of his Ambition, ſo this Luſt of Gold is no more than the Handmaid to vain Effemi⯑nacy.

THUS we ſee Gaming eſtabliſhed on the two great Pillars of Self Intereſt and Pleaſure: and on theſe Foundations ſeems to reſt the midnight Riot and Diſſipation of modern Aſſemblies.

[41] BUT tho' Gaming be now the capital Pleaſure, as well as Trade, of moſt Men of Faſhion; yet other incidental Amuſe⯑ments intervene at vacant Times. Neither can it be affirmed with Truth, that all are immerſed in this faſhionable Folly. Nor let any one imagine, that he ſtands clear of the ruling Manners of the Times, be⯑cauſe not infected with the Rage of Gaming. Let us then proceed to examine the other reigning Amuſements of the Age; and ſee how far they are, or are not, ſubject to the Charge of unmanly Delicacy.

A KNOWLEDGE of Books, a Taſte in Arts, a Proficiency in Science, was for⯑merly regarded as a proper Qualification, in a Man of Faſhion. The Annals of our Country have tranſmitted to us the Name and Memory of Men, as eminent in Learning and Taſte, as in Rank and For⯑tune. [42] It will not, I preſume, be regarded as any kind of Satire on the preſent Age, to ſay, that among the higher Ranks, this literary Spirit is generally vaniſhed. Reading is now ſunk at beſt into a Morning's Amuſe⯑ment; till the important Hour of Dreſs comes on. Books are no longer regarded as the Repoſitories of Taſte and Know⯑ledge; but are rather laid hold of, as a gentle Relaxation from the tedious Round of Pleaſure.

BUT what kind of Reading muſt that be, which can attract or entertain the lan⯑guid Morning-Spirit of modern Effemi⯑nacy? Any, indeed, that can but pre⯑vent the unſupportable Toil of Thinking; that may ſerve as a preparatory Whet of In⯑dolence, to the approaching Pleaſures of the Day. Thus it comes to paſs, that weekly Eſſays, amatory Plays and Novels, politi⯑cal [43] Pamphlets, and Books that revile Re⯑ligion; together with a general Haſh of theſe, ſerved up in ſome monthly Meſs of Dulneſs, are the meagre literary Diet of Town and Country.

TRUE it is, that amidſt this general De⯑fect of Taſte and Learning, there is a Writer, whoſe Force of Genius, and Ex⯑tent of Knowledge, might almoſt redeem the Character of the Times. But that Su⯑periority, which attracts the Reverence of the Few, excites the Envy and Hatred of the Many: And while his Works are tran⯑ſlated and admired Abroad, and patronized at Home, by thoſe who are moſt diſtin⯑guiſhed in Genius, Taſte, and Learning, himſelf is abuſed, and his Friends inſulted for his Sake, by thoſe who never read his Writings, or, if they did, could neither taſte nor comprehend them: while every [44] little aſpiring or deſpairing Scribler eyes him as CASSIUS did CESAR, and whiſpers to his Fellow,

No wonder then, if the Malice of the Lil⯑liputian Tribe be bent againſt this dreaded GULLIVER; if they attack him with poi⯑ſoned Arrows, whom they cannot ſubdue by Strength.

BUT in Juſtice to the preſent Age, ano⯑ther Obſervation muſt be added. As Ex⯑ceſs of Delicacy hath deſtroyed our Force of Taſte; it hath at leaſt had one laudable Effect: for along with this, it hath carried off our Groſſneſs of Obſcenity. A ſtrong Characteriſtic, this, of the Man⯑ners of the Times: The untractable [45] Spirit of Lewdneſs is ſunk into gentle Gal⯑lantry, and Obſcenity itſelf is grown effemi⯑nate.

BUT what Vice hath loſt in Coarſeneſs of Expreſſion, ſhe hath gained in a more eaſy and general Admittance: In ancient Days, bare and impudent Obſcenity, like a common Woman of the Town, was confined to Brothels: Whereas the Double-Entendre, like a modern fine Lady, is now admitted into the beſt Company; while her tranſparent Covering of Words, like a thin faſhionable Gawze delicately thrown acroſs, diſcloſes, while it ſeems to veil, her Nakedneſs of Thought.

No wonder, if theſe leading Characters of falſe Delicacy influence our other En⯑tertainments, and be attended with a low and unmanly Taſte in Muſic. That divine [46] Art, capable of inſpiring every thing that is great or excellent, of rouzing every no⯑bler Paſſion of the Soul, is at length dwindled into a Woman's or an Eunuch's effeminate Trill. The chaſte and ſolemn Airs of CORELLI, of GEMINIANI, and their beſt Diſciples; the divine and lofty Flights of CALDARA and MARCELLO; the elegant Simplicity of BONONCINI; the manly, the pathetic, the aſtoniſhing Strains of HANDEL, are neglected and deſpiſed: While inſtead of theſe, our Con⯑certs and Operas are diſgraced with the loweſt Inſipidity of Compoſition, and un⯑meaning Sing-Song. The Queſtion now concerns not the Expreſſion, the Grace, the Energy, or Dignity of the Muſick: We go not to admire the Compoſition, but the Tricks of the Performer; who is then ſureſt of our ignorant Applauſe, when he runs through the Compaſs of the Throat, [47] or traverſes the Finger-board with the ſwifteſt Dexterity.

WHILE Muſic is thus debaſed into Effe⯑minacy, her Siſter-Art of Painting cannot hope a better Fate: For the ſame Dignity of Manners muſt ſupport; the ſame Indig⯑nity depreſs them. Connoiſſeurs there are, indeed, who have either Taſte or Va⯑nity: Yet even by theſe, the Art is conſi⯑dered as a Matter of Curioſity, not of In⯑fluence; a Circumſtance which proves their Taſte to be ſpurious, undirected, or ſuper⯑ficial. But with regard to the public Eye; this is generally depraved. Neither the comic Pencil, nor the ſerious Pen of our ingenious Countryman ^*, have been able to keep alive the Taſte of Nature, or of Beauty. The fantaſtic and groteſque have baniſhed both. Every Houſe of Faſhion is [48] now crowded with Porcelain Trees and Birds, Porcelain Men and Beaſts, croſs⯑legged Mandarins and Bramins, perpen⯑dicular Lines and ſtiff right Angles: Every gaudy Chineſe Crudity, either in Colour, Form, Attitude, or Grouping, is adopted into faſhionable Uſe, and become the Standard of Taſte and Elegance.

LET us then ſearch the Theatre for the Remains of manly Taſte: And here, ap⯑parently at leaſt, it muſt be acknowledged we ſhall find it. A great Genius hath ariſen to dignify the Stage; who, when it was ſinking into the loweſt Inſipidity, re⯑ſtored it to the Fulneſs of its ancient Splen⯑dor, and, with a Variety of Powers beyond Example, eſtabliſhed Nature, Shakeſpear, and Himſelf.

BUT as the Attractions of the Theatre ariſe from a Complication of Cauſes, be⯑yond [49] thoſe of any other Entertainment; ſo while the judicious Critic admires his ori⯑ginal Excellencies, it may well be queſti⯑oned whether the Crowd be not drawn by certain ſecondary Circumſtances, rather than by a Diſcernment of his real Powers. Need we any other Proof of this, than the Conduct of his faſhionable Hearers? who ſit with the ſame Face of Admiration at LEAR, an OPERA, or a PANTOMIME.

THESE ſeem to be the main and leading Articles of our unmanly Winter-Delicacies. And as to our Summer-Amuſements, they are much of the ſame Make, only lighter, and if poſſible more trifling. As ſoon as the Seaſon is grown ſo mild, as that the Man of Faſhion can ſtir abroad, he is ſeen lolling in his Poſt-Chariot, about the Purlieus of the Town. The manly Exerciſe of Riding is generally diſuſed, as [50] too coarſe and indelicate for the fine Gen⯑tleman. The Metropolis growing thin as the Spring advances, the ſame Rage of Pleaſure, Dreſs, Equipage, and Diſſipa⯑tion, which in Winter had chained him to the Town, now drives him to the Coun⯑try. For as a vain and empty Mind can never give Entertainment to itſelf; ſo, to avoid the Taedium of Solitude and Self-Converſe, Parties of Pleaſure are again formed; the ſame Effeminacies, under new Appearances, are acted over again, and become the Buſineſs of the Seaſon. There is hardly a Corner of the Kingdom, where a Summer Scene of public Diſſipation is not now eſtabliſhed: Here the Parties meet till the Winter ſets in, and the ſeparate So⯑cieties are once more met in London.

THUS we have attempted a ſimple Deli⯑neation of the ruling Manners of the Times: [51] If any thing like Ridicule appears to mix itſelf with this Review, it ariſeth not from the Aggravation, but the natural Diſplay of Folly.

IT may probably be aſked, Why the rul⯑ing Manners of our Women have not been particularly delineated? The Reaſon is, be⯑cauſe they are eſſentially the ſame with thoſe of the Men, and are therefore included in this Eſtimate. The Sexes have now lit⯑tle other apparent Diſtinction, beyond that of Perſon and Dreſs: Their peculiar and characteriſtic Manners are confounded and loſt: The one Sex having advanced into Boldneſs, as the other have ſunk into Effe⯑minacy.

SECT. VI. Of Principles.

MOST Writers, who have attempted to prove the Efficacy of Principle, have ſup⯑poſed it to be the great and univerſal Foun⯑tain of Manners: They who have eſpouſed the oppoſite Syſtem, obſerving this Theory to be at variance with Fact, have raſhly concluded that Principle is void of all real Influence.

THE Truth ſeems to lie between theſe two Opinions. Principles cannot be the Fountain of Manners, becauſe Manners precede Principles: That is, in our Pro⯑greſs from Infancy, Habits of Acting are prior to Habits of Thinking. Yet on the other Hand, Principles, early and deeply ingrafted in the Mind, may grow up with [53] Manners; may be at variance with Man⯑ners; may yield to Manners; or, gathering Strength by Cultivation, may check, con⯑troll, or deſtroy them.

THIS Diſtinction is proper for many Reaſons. One is evident: It ſhews the Propriety of treating of the Manners firſt, and then the Principles of the Times.

THE Principles here to be eſtimated, are ſuch only as tend to counterwork the ſelfiſh Paſſions. Theſe are, the Principle of Religion, the Principle of Honour, and the Principle of public Spirit. The firſt of theſe has the Deity for it's Object; the ſecond, the Applauſe of Men; the third, the Ap⯑probation of our own Heart. Let us exa⯑mine the preſent Influence of theſe ſeveral Principles on the Manners already de⯑lineated.

[54] DID the Writer court the Applauſe of his polite Readers (if any ſuch peradven⯑ture may honour him with their Regard) he would preface this Part of his Subject with an Apology, for the Rudeneſs of hint⯑ing at religious Principle. To ſuppoſe a Man of Faſhion ſwayed in his Conduct by a Regard to Futurity, is an Affront to the Delicacy and Refinement of his Taſte. Hence the Day ſet apart by the Laws of his Country for religious Service, he derides and affronts as a vulgar and obſolete Inſtitu⯑tution: Should you propoſe to him the Re⯑newal of that Family Devotion, which con⯑cluded the guiltleſs Evening Entertainments of his Anceſtry? You would become an Object of his Pity, rather than Contempt. The ſublime Truths, the pure and ſimple Morals of the Goſpel, are deſpiſed and trod under foot. Can we wonder, if that Pro⯑feſſion [55] which aſſerts theſe Truths, and preaches theſe Morals, be treated with a ſimilar Contempt? But Irreligion knows no Bounds, when once let looſe: and Chriſtianity herſelf hath been obliquely in⯑ſulted within thoſe conſecrated Walls, where Decency and Policy, in the Abſence of Reaſon and Virtue, would for ever have held her in legal Reverence.

BUT notwithſtanding the general Con⯑tempt of Religion among the faſhionable World, the uninformed Reader is not to imagine, that the preſent Age is deep in the Speculations of Infidelity. No ſuch Matter: for that would imply a certain At⯑tention to theſe Subjects; a certain Degree of Self-Converſe and Thought; and this would claſh with the ruling Manners of the Times. Indeed there have not been want⯑ing laborious Huſbandmen, who have pain⯑fully [56] ſown their Tares; not in the Night Seaſon, but in broad Day-light. Theſe have at length ſhot up into a large and fruit⯑ful Crop of irreligious implicit FAITH: For implicit Faith is Belief or Diſbelief, without Evidence; and why they diſbelieve, I trow, few of the preſent Age can tell. They have other Attentions, than the meagre Sophiſms of Irreligion; and are therefore well content with the Concluſions, without the Premiſes. This Diſtinction will lead us to the plain Reaſon, why in an Age of Irreligion, ſo capital a Book as the Writings of Lord BOLINGBROKE, met with ſo cold a Reception in the World. Had they ap⯑peared under the inviting Shape of ‘"ES⯑SAYS philoſophical and moral,"’ they might have come within the Compaſs of a Break⯑faſt-reading, or amuſed the Man of Faſhion while under the Diſcipline of the curling Tongs: But five huge Quarto Volumes (like [57] five coarſe Diſhes of Beef and Mutton) tho' fraught with the very Marrow of Infide⯑lity, what puny modern Appetite could poſſibly ſit down to?

IN Confirmation of theſe Truths, we may conclude this Part of our Subject with a not incurious Anecdote. A certain Hiſ⯑torian of our own Times, bent upon Popu⯑larity and Gain, publiſhed a large Volume, and omitted no Opportunity that offered, to diſgrace Religion: A large Impreſſion was publiſhed, and a ſmall Part ſold. The Author being aſked, why he had ſo larded his Work with Irreligion, his Anſwer modeſtly implied, ‘"He had done it, that his Book might ſell."’—It was whiſpered him, that he had totally miſtaken the Spirit of the Times: that no Allurements could engage the faſhionable Infidel World to travel through a large Quarto: And that as the [58] few Readers of Quarto's that yet remain, lie moſtly among the ſerious Part of Man⯑kind, he had offended his beſt Cuſtomers, and ruined the Sale of his Book. This In⯑formation had a notable Effect: for a ſe⯑cond Volume, as large and inſtructive as the firſt, hath appeared; not a Smack of Irreligion is to be found in it; and an Apo⯑logy for the firſt concludes the whole.

THIS being the State of religious Prin⯑ciple, let us next examine how it fares with the Principle of Honour. By this is meant, ‘"The Deſire of Fame, or the Ap⯑plauſe of Men, directed to the End of public Happineſs."’ Now this great Am⯑bition, which in other Times or Nations hath wrought ſuch wonderful Effects, is no longer to be found among us. It is the Pride of Equipage, the Pride of Title, the Pride of Fortune, or the Pride of Dreſs, that [59] have aſſumed the Empire over our Souls, and levelled Ambition with the Dirt. The honeſt Pride of Virtue is no more; or, where it happens to exiſt, is overwhelmed by in⯑ferior Vanities. A Man who ſhould go out of the common Road of Life, in Pur⯑ſuit of Glory, and ſerve the Public at the Expence of his Eaſe, his Fortune, or his Pleaſure, would be ſtared or laughed at in every faſhionable Circle, as a ſilly Fellow, who meddled with Things that did not be⯑long to him: As an Ideot, who preferred Shadows to Realities, and needleſs Toil to pleaſurable Enjoyment. The laurel Wreath, once aſpired after as the higheſt Object of Ambition, would now be rated at the Market-price of its Materials, and derided as a three-penny Crown. And if its modern Subſtitutes, the Ribbon or the Coronet, be eagerly ſought for, it is not that they are regarded as the Diſtinctions [60] of public Virtue, but as the Enſigns of Va⯑nity and Place.

BUT what implies or proves the gene⯑ral Extinction of the Principle of Honour, is a peculiar Circumſtance, which at firſt View ſeems to challenge Praiſe. It hath been weakly attributed to the moderate and forgiving Spirit of theſe Times, that no Age ever ſo patiently ſuffered its ruling Follies to be laughed at. But this, in truth, is a ſuperficial and inadequate Repreſenta⯑tion, as well as Solution, of the Fact. We not only ſuffer our ruling Vices and Follies to be ridiculed, but we cordially join in the Laugh. Was there ever a juſter Picture drawn, than of modern Effeminacy and Nonchalance in the Characters of FRIBBLE and Lord CHALKSTONE? Did ever dra⯑matic Characters raiſe louder Peals of Laughter and Applauſe, even among thoſe [61] who ſat for the Likeneſs? They hear with Pleaſure, they acknowledge the Truth of the Repreſentation, they laugh at the Picture of their own Follies; they go home, and without a Bluſh repeat them. The Truth is, therefore, that we can ſee and own our Vices and Follies, without being touched with Shame: a Circumſtance which ancient Times juſtly regarded as the ſtrongeſt Indication of de⯑generate and incorrigible Manners.

IT appears then, that the Principle of Honour is either loſt, or totally corrupted: That no generous Thirſt of Praiſe is left among us: That our Ambitions are trifling and unmanly as our Pleaſures: That Wealth, Titles, Dreſs, Equipage, Sagacity in Gaming or Wagers, ſplendid Furniture and a Table, are the ſole Fountains, from which we deſire to draw Reſpect to our⯑ſelves, or Applauſe from others: We aſ⯑pire [62] to Folly, and are proud of Meanneſs: Thus, the Principle of Honour is perverted, and dwindled into unmanly Vanity.

CAN it be imagined, that, amidſt this ge⯑neral Defect of Religion and Honour, the great and comprehenſive Principle of pub⯑lic Spirit, or Love of our Country, can gain a Place in our Breaſts? That mighty Prin⯑ciple, ſo often feigned, ſo ſeldom poſſeſſed; which requires the united Force of upright Manners, generous Religion, and unfeigned Honour, to ſupport it. What Strength of Thought or conſcious Merit can there be in effeminate Minds, ſufficient to ele⯑vate them to this Principle, whoſe Ob⯑ject is, ‘"the Happineſs of a Kingdom?"’ To ſpeak therefore without Flattery, this Principle is perhaps leſs felt among us, than even thoſe of Religion and true Honour. So infatuated are we in our Contempt of this powerful Principle, that we deride [63] the Inhabitants of a Siſter-Kingdom, for their national Attachments and Regards. So little are we accuſtomed to go, or even think, beyond the beaten Track of private Intereſt, in all Things that regard our Country; that he who merely does his Duty in any conſpicuous Station, is looked on as a Prodigy of public Virtue. But in other Times and Nations, when this Principle was in Force, Enterpriſes were formed, and Deeds done, which it would now be thought Phrenzy to attempt. Think what a Friend will do for a Friend; a Siſter for a Brother, a Lover for his Miſtreſs, a Pa⯑rent for his Child; even that, in all its Fulneſs of Affection, in other Times and Nations, hath been the Aim and the Work of public Virtue, doing or ſuffering for its Country's Welfare.

DOMESTIC Affections are not yet gene⯑rally extinguiſhed: There are kind Fa⯑thers, [64] kind Mothers, affectionate Children, Siſters, Brothers: Humanity to Diſtreſs, we have already marked as another Cha⯑racter of the Times: But whether our very Effeminacy be not one of its Sources, might probably be a Queſtion more curious in its Progreſs, than agreeable in its Solution.

HOWEVER that be, let us be modeſt in our Claims, and confeſs, that our Affecti⯑ons ſeldom reach farther than our Rela⯑tions, our Friends, or Individuals in Di⯑ſtreſs. Happy (in the preſent) it is for us, that they reach ſo far. Happy were it for us, or our Poſterity, that they were of more inlarged Extent. In the mean Time, let us with due Abaſement of Heart acknow⯑ledge, that the Love of our Country is no longer felt; and that, except in a few Minds of uncommon Greatneſs, the Prin⯑ciple of public Spirit EXISTS NOT.

[65] IT is not affirmed or implied, in this general Review, that every Individual hath aſſumed the Garb and Character of falſe Delicacy, and uncontrouled Self-Love: As in manly Ages, ſome will be effeminate; ſo, in effeminate Times, the manly Cha⯑racter will be found: As in Times of Prin⯑ciple, ſome will be void of Principle; ſo, in Times when Principle is derided, in ſome ſuperior Minds Principle will be found. But from the general Combination of Man⯑ners and Principles, in every Period of Time, will always reſult one ruling and predominant Character; as from a con⯑fuſed Multitude of different Voices, reſults one general Murmur, and ſtrikes the di⯑ſtant Ear; or from a Field covered with Flocks, Herds, or Armies, though vari⯑ous in themſelves, reſults one general and permanent Colour, and ſtrikes the diſtant Eye:

IT is enough, then, if from a proper Point of View, we have fixed the ruling Colour of the Manners and Principles, for on this will depend the ruling Character of the Times.

AS it appears, therefore, from this De⯑lineation, that SHOW and PLEASURE are the main Objects of Purſuit: As the gene⯑ral Habit of refined Indulgence is ſtrong, and the Habit of induring is loſt: As the ge⯑neral Spirit of Religion, Honour, and pub⯑lick Love, are weakened or vaniſhed; as [67] theſe Manners are therefore left to their own Workings, uncontrouled by Principle; we may with Truth and Candour con⯑clude, that the ruling Character of the preſent Times is that of ‘"a vain, luxu⯑rious, and ſelfiſh EFFEMINACY."’

SECT. I. What conſtitutes the Strength of a Nation.

HITHERTO we have done little more than delineate the ruling Man⯑ners and Principles of the Times: we muſt now aſſume a ſeverer Tone, and reaſon upon the Facts thus eſtabliſhed.

[72] THERE are three leading Circumſtances on which the internal Strength of every Nation moſt eſſentially depends: Theſe are, the Capacity, Valour, and Union, of thoſe who lead the People. The firſt may be called, ‘"the national Capacity; the ſecond the national Spirit of Defence; the third, the national Spirit of Union."’

THE next Step, therefore, will be, to conſider all that Variety of Reſpects, in which the ruling Manners and Defect of Principle, already delineated, muſt natu⯑rally weaken or deſtroy theſe Sources of internal Power.

As this Enquiry will of courſe lead to a particular View of thoſe ſeveral Ranks, Departments, Employments, or Profeſſi⯑ons, into which ſuch a Nation is divided; [73] it is preſumed, that no Inſtances alledged, or Facts alluded to, will be weakly con⯑ſtrued into the Wantonneſs of licentious Satire. Every Profeſſion is honourable, when directed to its proper End, the Pub⯑lick Welfare: And the Intention of this Eſtimate is not to defame; but to enquire how far the ſeveral Departments or Profeſ⯑ſions, on which the internal Strength of this Nation depends, are properly or improperly directed.

SECT. II. Of the national Capacity.

LET us then firſt enquire, how far the falſe Delicacy and Effeminacy of preſent Manners may have weakened or deſtroyed the national Capacity.

[74]IT was a ſhrewd Obſervation of a good old Writer, ‘"How can he get Wiſdom, whoſe Talk is of Bullocks ^*?"’ But Ruſ⯑ticity is not more an Enemy of Knowledge, than Effeminacy: With the ſame Pro⯑priety therefore it may now be aſked, ‘"How can he get Wiſdom, whoſe Talk is of Dreſs and Wagers, Cards and Borough-jobbing, Horſes, Women, and Dice?"’ The Man of Faſhion is indeed cut off from the very Means of ſolid In⯑ſtruction. His late Hours occaſion a late riſing; and thus the Morning, which ſhould be devoted to the Acquiſition of Knowledge, is devoted to Sleep, to Dreſs, and Ignorance.

HOW weak then muſt be the national Capacity of that People, whoſe leading [75] Members in public Employ ſhould, in general, be formed on ſuch a Model? If inſtead of a general Application to Books, inſtead of inveſtigating the great Principles of Legiſlation, the Genius of their national Conſtitution, or its Relations and Depen⯑dencies on that of others, the great Ex⯑amples and Truths of Hiſtory, the Maxims of generous and upright Policy, and the ſeverer Truths of Philoſophy, on which all theſe are founded;—if inſtead of theſe, they ſhould ſeldom riſe in political Study higher than the ſecuring of a Borough; inſtead of Hiſtory, be only read in Novels; inſtead of Legiſlation, in Party Pamphlets; inſtead of Philoſophy, in Irreligion; inſtead of manly and upright Manners, in trifling Entertainments, Dreſs, and Gaming:—If this ſhould ever be their ruling Character, what muſt be expected from ſuch eſta⯑bliſhed [76] Ignorance, but Errors in the firſt Concoction?

IN a Nation thus circumſtanced, it is odds but you would ſee even ſome of its moſt public and ſolemn Aſſemblies turned into Scenes of unmanly Riot; inſtead of the Dignity of Freedom, the Tumults of Licentiouſneſs would prevail. Forward⯑neſs of young Men without Experience, intemperate Ridicule, diſſolute Mirth, and loud Peals of Laughter, would be the ruling Character of ſuch an Aſſembly.

THIS Reflexion, ſome how or other, calls up the Memory of a Circumſtance or two, peculiar to the public Meetings of the Athenians. In the Court of Areopagus, ſo little was Ridicule regarded as a Teſt of Truth, that it was held an unpardonable Offence, for any Member to laugh while [77] the Aſſembly was ſitting.—Another wiſe and prudent Regulation was the Practice of the Cryer in the Senate; who, before Buſineſs began, called out aloud, ‘"Who will ſpeak that is turned of Fifty?"’

IT is true, that in every Aſſembly of this Kind, the public Meaſures will gene⯑rally be determined by the Few, whoſe Su⯑periority is approved and acknowledged: By the Few, who have been ſo unfaſhio⯑nable as to deſpiſe the ruling Syſtem of Effeminacy: and before they had ap⯑peared on a higher Stage, had laboured and ſhone in a College. But what an Increaſe of national Capacity muſt ariſe, if thoſe Maſter-Spirits were aided, and their Plans of Government examined and improved, by Men of the like Application and Ability?

[78] BUT if, in any Nation, the Number of theſe ſuperior Minds be daily decreaſing, from the growing Manners of the Times; what can a Nation, ſo circumſtanced, have more to fear, than that in another Age, a general Cloud of Ignorance may over⯑ſhadow it?

How much, or how little, in this Par⯑ticular, we reſemble the declining State of the Roman Republic, let any one determine from the following Paſſage: Where the great Author, after celebrating the general Ability of thoſe who were formerly in pub⯑lic Station, concludes thus: ‘"Nunc con⯑tra, plerique ad honores adipiſcendos, et ad rempublicam gerendam, nudi veniunt atque inermes, nulla cognitione rerum, nulla ſcientia ornati ^*."’

[79] LET us next conſider the natural Effects of theſe effeminate Manners, on Fleets and Armies. And here, 'tis ſuppoſed, it will be readily acknowledged, that the Con⯑duct and Fate of Fleets and Armies depend much on the Capacity of thoſe that lead them, through every Rank of Office. Chiefly, indeed, of thoſe who are higheſt in Command; but in Part too, of thoſe who fill the lower Stations: the more, be⯑cauſe they in inferior Rank aſpire, and by Degrees aſcend, to the higheſt.

Now, I apprehend, it would be ill taken, to ſuppoſe, that the faſhionable and prevailing Manners abound not in the Army and Navy. The Gentlemen of theſe Profeſſions are even diſtinguiſhed by their Taſte in Dreſs, their Skill at Play, their Attendance on every Amuſement, pro⯑vided [80] it be but faſhionable. And ſure, it muſt be by Miracle, if this trifling and effeminate Life conduct them to Know⯑ledge, or produce Capacity. It were unjuſt to deny, that Men of Ability in this Order, are yet among us. But it would be Matter of great Pleaſure and Expectation to the Public, to find Ignorance, in this Profeſ⯑ſion, either uncommon or diſgraceful.

WOULD theſe Gentlemen pleaſe to look into Hiſtory, they would find, that in poliſhed Times, few have ever diſtinguiſhed themſelves in War, who were not eminent or conſiderable in Letters. They would find PISISTRATUS, PERICLES, ALCIBIA⯑DES, DION, AGESILAUS, EPAMINONDAS, among the Greeks: in the Roman Liſt, both the SCIPIO'S, CATO the elder and the younger, LUCULLUS, POMPEY, BRUTUS, CESAR, diſtinguiſhed in Letters as in War.

[81] 'TIS true, indeed, that in barbarous Ages, there want not Inſtances of unlearn⯑ed Leaders, who have done mighty Acti⯑ons in Battle. But we muſt obſerve, that theſe were, at leaſt, practiſed in their own Profeſſion. It is farther to be obſerved, that in ſuch Times, the Fate of War depends little on Stratagem or Diſci⯑pline. But it is chiefly to be obſerved, that no general Rule can be drawn from a few Inſtances. A Man of great natural Talents takes mighty Strides in any Science or Profeſſion: He is ſelf-taught: While the common Run of Men, whom Nature hath deſtined to travel on to Improvement by the beaten Track of Induſtry, through a blind and ill-underſtood Imitation of his ſuperior Conduct, muſt for ever fall the Victims of their Vanity and Ignorance.

HERE then we find another ruling De⯑fect in the national Capacity of an effemi⯑nate [82] People. How few can ariſe, amidſt this general Diſſipation of Manners, capa⯑ble of conducting its Fleets and Armies? Or even ſuppoſe a Man of Application and Ability poſſeſſed of the chief Command; yet, in Caſe he falls in Battle, how ſmall muſt be the Chance that the next in Suc⯑ceſſion, upon whom his Command natu⯑rally devolves, can be equal to the Impor⯑tance of his new Station?

THERE is another Profeſſion, which, un⯑der this Article of the national Capacity, the vulgar Reader will naturally expect to find conſidered. I mean, that of the Clergy. But the general Defect of religious Principle among the higher Ranks, hath rendered this order of Men altogether uſeleſs, except among thoſe in middle Life, where they ſtill maintain a certain Degree of Eſtimation. The Contempt with which not they, but their [83] Profeſſion is treated by the Ignorant and Profligate, is equally common indeed to high and low Life: A Circumſtance, which may be an Occaſion of Pride in the one, but ought rather to be Matter of Humilia⯑tion to the other. 'Tis true, a modern Writer felicitates the preſent Times, and makes it their Boaſt, that ‘"the Clergy have loſt their Influence ^*."’ By which he evidently means, that Religion hath loſt its Influence. Yet of this, at leaſt, one of the Order may decently remind his Coun⯑trymen; that when the Engliſh Proteſtant Clergy, and that Chriſtianity which they teach, were moſt honoured and reſpected at Home, England was then moſt honoured and reſpected Abroad.

AND although the preſent faſhionable Contempt that is thrown upon their [84] Profeſſion, preclude the Clergy from the Opportunity, had they the Will, to practice that Chriſtian Duty of ‘"over⯑coming Evil with Good;’ yet they need not bluſh to find, that they have fallen with the Fame, the Manners, and Princi⯑ples of their Country: nor can the worthy Part of them, ſure, aſpire to truer Glory, than to have become the Contempt of thoſe, who are become the Contempt of EUROPE.

BUT while I defend and honour the Pro⯑feſſion, I mean not to flatter the Profeſſors. As far, therefore, as the Influence of their Conduct and Knowledge can be ſuppoſed to affect the national Capacity; ſo far, they ſeem falling into the ſame unmanly and effeminate Peculiarities, by which their Contemporaries are diſtinguiſhed: Such of them, I mean, as have Opportunity of converſing with what is called the World, [85] and are ſuppoſed to make a Part of it. In their Conduct, they curb not, but promote and encourage the trifling Manners of the Times: It is grown a faſhionable thing, among theſe Gentlemen, to deſpiſe the Duties of their Pariſh; to wander about, as the various Seaſons invite, to every Scene of falſe Gaiety; to frequent and ſhine in all public Places, their own Pulpits ex⯑cepted.

OR if their Age and Situation ſets them above theſe puerile Amuſements, are we not to lament, that, inſtead of a manly and rational Regard to the Welfare of Man⯑kind, the chief Employment of many a clerical Life is, to ſlumber in a Stall, haunt Levees, or follow the gainful Trade of Election-jobbing?

IF falſe Pleaſure and Self-Intereſt thus take Poſſeſſion of the Heart, how can we ex⯑pect [86] that a Regard for Religion and Chri⯑ſtianity ſhould find a Place there?

IN Conſequence of theſe ruling Habits, muſt we not farther lament, that a gene⯑ral Neglect of Letters is now creeping even upon this Profeſſion, which ought to main⯑tain and ſupport them? Inſtead of launch⯑ing into the Deeps of Learning, the faſhi⯑onable Divine hardly ventures on the Shal⯑lows. The great Works of Antiquity, the Monuments of ancient Honour and Wiſ⯑dom, are ſeldom opened or explored: and even mere modern Books are now gene⯑rally read at ſecond Hand, through the falſe Mediums of bald Tranſlations or ſorry Ab⯑ſtracts.

THIS ſeems to be the real State of the clerical Profeſſion, ſo far as it hath Influence on the national Capacity.

[87] THE Writer pretends not in any Caſe to impoſe his Opinions; but ſubmits them to the Conſideration of the Public. There is a wide Difference between the Remon⯑ſtrances of Reaſon, and the Inſults of Malice or Contempt.

SECT. III. Of the national Spirit of Defence.

HAVING ſeen how the Manners of the Times have levelled the national Capacity; let us next enquire how it fares with the national Spirit of Defence.

As this Part of our Subject naturally in⯑volves a larger Number of the Community than the laſt, it will be neceſſary, here, to take a larger Compaſs.

THE national Spirit of Defence then, to ſpeak with Preciſion, will always be com⯑pounded [88] of the national bodily Strength, Hardineſs, Courage, and Principle.

THE common People of this Nation ſeem poſſeſſed of the three firſt of theſe four Qualities, in a Degree ſufficient to form an effectual and national Spirit of Defence. And though they who are ſelected for pub⯑lic Service be commonly moſt profligate in Manners, yet as their Sphere of Action is confined, they commonly have a proporti⯑oned kind of Principle, which works its Effect in Battle. In the Land Service, they are zealous for the Honour of their Platoon, their Company, their Regiment. At Sea, there is the ſame Emulation, whoſe Gun, whoſe Ship, whoſe Squadron, ſhall be beſt ſerved and fought. It is well known there are no better fighting Men upon Earth. They ſeldom turn their Backs upon their Enemy, unleſs when their [89] Officers ſhew the Way; and even then, are eaſily rallied; and return to the Charge with the ſame Courage.

THUS our Villages and Ports are an effectual Fund of Supplies for the national Spirit of Defence, in its inferior Depart⯑ments.

BUT if we riſe, or rather deſcend, to an impartial View of thoſe who are called the better Sort, we ſhall find ſuch a general Defect in the Spirit of Defence, as would alarm any People who were not loſt to all Senſe of Danger.

OUR effeminate and unmanly Life, working along with our Iſland-Climate, hath notoriouſly produced an Increaſe of low Spirits and nervous Diſorders, whoſe [90] natural and unalterable Character is that of Fear.

AND even where this Diſtemper is not, the preſent falſe Delicacy of the faſhio⯑nable World effectually diſqualifies them from enduring Toil, or facing Danger.

ENTHUSIASTIC Religion leads to Con⯑queſts; rational Religion leads to rational Defence; but the modern Spirit of Irreligion leads to raſcally and abandoned Cowardice. It quenceth every generous Hope that can enlarge the Soul; and levels Mankind with the Beaſts that periſh.

CAN the Debility of modern Honour produce the manly Spirit of Defence? Alas, if ever it is put in Action by any thing beyond the Vanity of Shew; it is rouzed by an Affront, and dies in a Duel.

[91] How far this daſtard Spirit of Effemi⯑nacy hath crept upon us, and deſtroyed the national Spirit of Defence, may appear from the general Panic the Nation was thrown into, at the late Rebellion. When thoſe of every Rank above a Conſtable, inſtead of arming themſelves and encourag⯑ing the People, generally fled before the Rebels; while a Mob of ragged Highland⯑ers marched unmoleſted to the Heart of a populous Kingdom.

NAY, ſo general was this cowardly and effeminate Spirit, that it was not confined to the Friends of Liberty and Britain: In England, it infected even their Enemies: who, while the hardy Scots riſqued their Lives in a ſtrange Country, amidſt the In⯑clemencies of a ſevere Seaſon, ſat like Cowards by the Chimney Corner, tamely [92] wiſhing the Succeſs of that Miſchief, which their effeminate Manners durſt not propagate.

IT hath been urged indeed, as a Proof that the national Spirit of Defence is not yet extinguiſhed, that we raiſed ſuch large Sums during that Rebellion, and ſtill con⯑tinue ſuch plentiful Supplies for the Support of our Fleets and Armies. This is weak Reaſoning: For will not Cowardice, at leaſt as ſoon as Courage, part with a Shil⯑ling or a Pound, to avoid Danger? The capital Queſtion therefore ſtill remains, ‘"Not who ſhall Pay, but who ſhall Fight?"’

MONEY, it is true, hath of late more than ever, been among us regarded as the main Engine of War: How truly, let our Succeſſes tell the World.—This Point will [93] hereafter be treated more at large ^*. In the mean Time, it cannot be amiſs to obſerve, that a little of the active Spirit of Courage would do well, in order to give Play to this boaſted Engine, which other⯑wiſe may ſink into a dead and unactive Maſs.

FOR a natural Diſplay, therefore, of the Genius of the Times, commend me to the frank Declaration of an honeſt Gentleman, during the impending Terror of a French Invaſion. ‘"For my Part, I am no Sol⯑dier; and therefore think it no Diſgrace, to own myſelf a Coward. Here is my Purſe, at the Service of my Country: If the French come, I'll pay: but—take me, if I fight."’

[94] HOW many modern fine Gentlemen, notwithſtanding the warlike Weapon at their Side, would make the ſame Decla⯑ration, had they the ſame Sincerity?

THERE is another Circumſtance in modern Manners, the Conſideration of which muſt not be omitted becauſe at firſt View it bids fair for the Spirit of De⯑fence among the Great: I mean, the Spirit of deliberate Self-murder: For this ran high in ancient GREECE and ROME, when the Spirit of Defence was ſtrong.

FOR the clearing of this Point, it muſt be premiſed and confeſſed, that ſomething like the Principle of Honour, that is, the Dread of Infamy and Shame, appears the leading Motive in both Inſtances.

[95] BUT a farther Dictinction is to be made, with Regard to the different Objects of this Fear: And for this, we muſt refer to a former Section *. There we have ſeen, that the ruling Pride of a modern man of Faſhion, lies in the Parade of Dreſs, Gaming, Entertainments, and Equipage: whereas, on the contrary, the Ambition of an old Roman, was, to excel in military Virtue. Now this Dictinction at once clears up the Queſtion we are upon, and confirms much of what hath been advanced on modern Principles and Manners. The Roman killed himſelf, becauſe he had been unfortunate in War; the Engliſhman, be⯑cauſe he hath been unfortunate at Whiſt: The old Hero, becauſe he had diſgraced his Country; the modern, becauſe he dares not ſhew his Head at Arthur's: That, ¹⁰ [96] becauſe he was deprived of his Glory; this, of his Ortolans and Champaigne: The firſt was encouraged by a miſtaken Principle of Religion; the latter, by his being void of all Religion: The one, becauſe he had loſt a Battle or a Province; the other, becauſe the Bailiff hath ſeized his Equipage: The Roman was impelled to Self-Deſtruction by the Strength of warlike Honour; the Bri⯑ton, by deſpicable and effeminate Vanity.

WHERE then ſhall we ſeek for the ge⯑nuine Spirit of Defence? Where, in Truth, ſhould we moſt ſeek for it, but among thoſe who are our Defenders by Profeſſion?

BUT, ‘"what Probability is there, that the Spirit of Defence ſhould be ſtrong in any Profeſſion, when the Members of that Profeſſion are all choſen, without [97] prior Culture or Preparation, from a People among whom the Spirit of De⯑fence is loſt?"’ The Truth implied in this Queſtion is ſo evident in itſelf, that it is hard to go about to prove it. Can a mere Change of Dreſs or Title, or the buckling on a military Weapon, infuſe Strength, Hardineſs, Courage, or Honour? Theſe are Qualities that muſt either be natural, which ſeldom happens; or they muſt be in⯑fuſed by an early and continued Diſcipline; or elſe, they come not at all. Schools and Seminaries of this Kind we have none; or none that are in any Degree attended to. The young Men deſigned for the military Profeſſion are bred up to the ſame effemi⯑nate Maxims and Manners, which their Fathers are proud of: Can we wonder, if theſe ſhoot into Action, and form parallel Characters? Well might we wonder if they did not.

[98] SO then, if it appear by our preſent Succeſs in War, that our naval and military Spirit of Defence is ſtrong, it muſt be evident at the ſame Time, that this great Spirit is infuſed by ſome Means altogether ſupernatural.

IN the mean Time, what becomes of the four great natural Hinges, on which the true Spirit of Defence muſt hang, Strength, Hardineſs, Courage, and Prin⯑ciple?

CAN the modern Syſtem of falſe Deli⯑cacy nerve the Warrior with Hardineſs and Strength? Theſe Qualities, I believe, are hardly boaſted, as making any Part of the modern warlike Character. It is a prudent as well as a modeſt Part, indeed, not to throw theſe rough and antiquated Weights [99] into the preſent military Scale: For every common Eye would detect the falſe Pre⯑tenſion.

BUT tho' brutal Strength and unpoliſhed Hardineſs be gone, are not our Army and Navy the great Schools of Courage and Honour; where theſe ſhining Qualities are of Courſe obtained?—Truly, it hath long been ſo affirmed: So long, that the Affir⯑mation hath, till of late, paſſed for Proof. But the Nation is now beginning to grow ſceptical in this Point; and require ſome⯑thing more than Affirmation, for the Sup⯑port of an Article of ſuch Importance.

LET us firſt weigh the Probability of this, from the Nature of Things and Men. True Courage and a Principle of Honour, if they be not the rare and generous Growths of Nature, are the Effect of [100] early and continued Habits. Tho' grown Gentlemen may learn to Dance; yet, their Movements will be none of the moſt graceful: And tho' grown Gentlemen repair to the School of Courage and Ho⯑nour: yet, with all their pre-conceived Maxims of falſe Delicacy, their trifling Ambitions, and effeminate Manners about them, I ween, they are like to make a ſorry Progreſs. Long before this, the Mind hath taken its deciſive Caſt of Thought, and can but rarely be brought back from its firſt Obliquities.

BUT ſuppoſe the Poſſibility of this ſud⯑den Infuſion: It is to be feared, the Con⯑ſequence would fail us. It is true, that when Armies take the Field, and Fleets put to Sea; when Sieges are undertaken, and Battles fought, and Glory is the Prize of Toil and Danger;—then indeed, [101] Armies and Navies become the Schools of Courage and warlike Honour: Here is a ſtrong and continued Bias put upon the Mind of every Individual, of Force to conquer it's earlieſt Obliquities. But where nothing of this happens; where Land Officers in the Capital are occupied in Dreſs, Cards, and Tea; and in Country Towns divide their Time between Mil⯑leners Shops and Taverns; and Sea Officers, even in Time of War, inſtead of annoying the Enemies Fleets, are chiefly buſied in the gainful Trade of catching Prizes;—in ſuch a Caſe, the Army muſt of neceſſity be the School, not of Honour, but Effemi⯑nacy; the Navy the School of Avarice, to the Ends of Effeminacy.

HOW far theſe general Reaſonings are confirmed by a Series of recent Events, the World is left to judge. It is not the [102] Writer's Intention to make perſonal Ap⯑plications, but to trace acknowledged Facts to their Principles and Conſequences.

SECT. IV. Of the national Spirit of Union.

THESE accumulated Proofs may con⯑vince us, that the national Spirit of De⯑fence is not leſs weakened than the national Capacity, by the Manners and Principles of the Times. Let us next weight their various Effects on the national Spirit of Union.

IT may be proper to preface this Part of the Eſtimate, by obſerving, that whereas a national Capacity and Spirit of Defence are not neceſſarily affected by a national Form of Government; the national Spirit of [103] Union, on the contrary, is naturally ſtrong under ſome Forms, and naturally weak under others.

IT is naturally ſtrong in abſolute Monar⯑chies; becauſe, in the Abſence both of Manners and Principles, the compelling Power of the Prince directs and draws every thing to one Point; and therefore, in all common Situations, effectually ſup⯑plies their Place.

BUT in free Countries it is naturally weak, unleſs ſupported by the generous Principles of Religion, Honour, or public Spirit: For as in moſt Caſes, a full national Union will require, that the ſeparate and partial Views of private Intereſt be in ſome Degree ſacrificed to the general Welfare; ſo where Principle prevails not, the national [104] Union muſt ever be thwarted or deſtroyed by ſelfiſh Views and ſeparate Intereſts.

ANOTHER Circumſtance muſt be re⯑marked, by which, in free Countries, the national Union will accidentally be often checked, but not deſtroyed: I mean, by the Freedom of Opinion itſelf, urged into Act by the very Strength of generous and prevailing Principle.

THIS Diſtinction leads us to obſerve what may perhaps be deemed an Over-fight or Inaccuracy of the celebrated MONTESQUIEU. He hath often given it as his Opinion, that Factions are not only natural, but neceſſary to free Govern⯑ments: And this general Rule he gives without Reſtriction. Thus he ſpeaks of Rome. ‘"On n'entend parler dans les auteurs, que des diviſions qui perdirent [105] Rome: mais on ne voit pas que ces Diviſions y étoient neceſſaires, qu'elles y avoient toujours été, & qu'elles y devoi⯑ent toujours etre ^*."’

How far this Propoſition is true or falſe, the Diſtinction made above will lead us to diſcover. When the Spirit of Union is checked, and Diviſions ariſe, from the Variety and Freedom of Opinion only; or from the conteſted Rights and Privileges of the different Ranks or Orders of a State, not from the detached and ſelfiſh Views of Individuals; a Republic is then in its Strength, and gathers Warmth and Fire from theſe Colliſions. Such was the State of ancient Rome, in the ſimpler and more diſintereſted Periods of that Republic.

BUT when Principle is weakened and Manners loſt, and Factions run high from [106] ſelfiſh Ambition, Revenge, or Avarice, a Repubiic is then on the very Eve of its Deſtruction: And ſuch was the State of Rome, in the Times of MARIUS and SYLLA, POMPEY and CESAR, ANTHONY and AUGUSTUS.

THEREFORE, before we can determine whether the Factions that divide a free Country be ſalutary or dangerous, it is ne⯑ceſſary to know what is their Foundation and their Object. If they ariſe from Free⯑dom of Opinion, and aim at the public Welfare, they are ſalutary: If their Source be ſelfiſh Intereſt, of what kind ſoever; they are then dangerous and deſtructive.

IT was neceſſary to make theſe Diſtinc⯑tions, before we could ſay with Preciſion, how far, in our own Country, a national Spirit of Union, is in reality a national GOOD.

[107]THE Point therefore to be examined, is, ‘"how far our national Spirit of Union is weakened or deſtroyed by ſelfiſh Views of Good, by ſeparate Intereſts, and De⯑fect of Principle?"’

Now, if the Delineation already given of our ruling Manners and Principles be true, the Conſequence muſt needs follow, that our national Spirit of Union muſt be ſhaken by them.

NEITHER ſhall we need to caſt about, for evident Facts that will confirm this Theory. Glaring Proofs will meet us at every Turn; and not only make good this Concluſion, but throw new Light on the Delineation already made.

THE Reſtraints laid on the royal Prero⯑gative at the Revolution, and the Acceſ⯑ſion [108] of Liberty thus gained by the People, produced two Effects with Reſpect to Par⯑liaments. One was that, inſtead of being occaſionally, they were thence-forward an⯑nually aſſembled: The other was, that whereas on any trifling Offence given, they had been uſually intimidated or diſſolved, they now found themſelves poſſeſſed of new Dignity and Power; their Conſent being neceſſary for raiſing the annual Sup⯑plies.

NO Body of Men, except in the ſimpleſt and moſt virtuous Times, ever found themſelves poſſeſſed of Power, but many of them would attempt to turn it to their own private Advantage. Thus the Parlia⯑ments finding themſelves of Weight, and finding at the ſame Time that the Diſpoſal of all lucrative Employments was veſted in the Crown, ſoon bethought themſelves, [109] that in Exchange for their Concurrence in granting Supplies, and forwarding the Meaſures of Government, it was but equita⯑ble that the Crown ſhould concur in veſt⯑ing Them, or their Dependants, with the lu⯑crative Employs of State.

IF this was done, the Wheels of Go⯑vernment ran ſmooth and quiet: But if any large Body of Claimants was diſſa⯑tisfied, the political Uproar began; and public Meaſures were obſtructed or over⯑turned.

WILLIAM the third found this to be the national Turn; and ſet himſelf, like a Politician, to oppoſe it: He therefore ſi⯑lenced all he could, by Places or Penſions: And hence the Origin of MAKING of PAR⯑LIAMENTS.

[110] BUT the Art, as yet, was but in its infant State. The ruling Principles, which had brought about the REVOLUTION, had not as yet loſt their Force: And the firſt Eſ⯑ſays of Art are always rude: Time only, and Variety of Trial and Experiment, can form them into perfect Syſtems.

IN the mean Time, this new Principle of Self-Intereſt began to work deeper every Day in its Effects. As a Seat in Parlia⯑ment was now found to be of conſiderable ſelfiſh Importance, the Contention for Gain, which had begun in Town, ſpread itſelf by Degrees into the Country. Shires and Burroughs, which in former Times had paid their Repreſentatives for their At⯑tendance in Parliament, were now the great Objects of Requeſt, and political Strug⯑gle.

[111] AND as the Repreſentatives had already found their Influence, and made their De⯑mands on the Crown; ſo now, the Con⯑ſtituents found their Influence, and made their Demands on the Repreſentatives.

THUS the great Chain of political Self-Intereſt was at length formed; and ex⯑tended from the loweſt Cobler in a Burrough, to the King's firſt Miniſter.

BUT a Chain of Self-Intereſt is indeed no better than a Rope of Sand: There is no Ce⯑ment nor Coheſion between the Parts: There is rather a mutual Antipathy and Repulſion; the Character of Self-Intereſt being in a pe⯑culiar Senſe, that of ‘"teres atque rotundus;"’ wrapt up wholly in itſelf; and unconnected with others, unleſs for its own Sake. Here then, we ſee even this Chain itſelf ready to [112] fall in Pieces, and on any ſudden Thwart or Concuſſion, break into an Infinity of Factions.

BESIDES this, the lucrative Employs of our Country not being near ſo numerous as the Claimants are, in every Degree of political Power and Expectation; the Spirit of ſelfiſh Faction aroſe of courſe in its Strength, from unſatisfied Demands, and diſappointed Avarice.

IT hath much been debated, whether the Miniſters or the People have contributed more to the Eſtabliſhment of this Syſtem of Self-Intereſt and Faction. On En⯑quiry it would probably appear, that at different Periods the Pendulum hath ſwung at large on both ſides. It came down, in former Times, from the Miniſter to the Repreſentative, from the Repreſentative to [113] the managing Alderman, from the Alder⯑man to the Cobler. In later Times, the Impulſe ſeems to have been chiefly in the contrary Direction: From the Cobler to the managing Alderman; from him, to the Member; from the Member, to the great Man who ruled the Burrough; and thence to the Miniſter. Thus, what was formerly, in the Miniſter, an Act of ſup⯑poſed Prudence, has of late grown into an Act of ſuppoſed Neceſſity. The Cobler by this Time had found his Strength, ſo the Preſſure went upwards, till it came upon the Miniſtry.

To ſuppoſe that the Servants of the Crown never attempted Meaſures that were known to be bad, nor ever made Parliaments, in order to carry their At⯑tempts into Action, would be ridiculous: But on the other hand it is equally true, [114] what MACHIAVEL ſomewhere delivers as a Maxim, ‘"That an ill-diſpoſed Citizen can do no great Harm, but in an ill-diſpoſed City."’ Bribery in the Miniſter ſuppoſes a corrupt People.

AND, to venture a plain, tho' perhaps an unpopular Truth on this Occaſion; it muſt be owned that a Miniſter is not there⯑fore certainly corrupt in his Intention, be⯑cauſe he makes a Parliament by indirect and corrupt Means. This Conduct, how⯑ever indefenſible, may ariſe from two op⯑poſite Cauſes. He may be afraid of the Virtue of a Nation, in its oppoſing bad Meaſures: Or he may not dare to rely on the Virtue of a Nation, in ſupporting him in good ones.

THERE was a noted Miniſter in this Kingdom, who, during his long Reign, [115] ſeems to have put theſe two Maxims in Practice, as Occaſion offered. For if it was his Maxim, ‘"that every Man had his Price."’It was his Maxim too, ‘"That he was obliged to bribe the Members, not to vote againſt, but according to their Conſcience."’

HOWEVER, this is not meant as a Vin⯑dication of his Meaſures. On the con⯑trary, they ſeem generally to have aimed no higher than to ſecure preſent Expedients, to oblige his Friends and Dependants, and provide for his own Safety. His Capacity, even when he meant well, ſeems to have been too narrow to comprehend any great Plan of Legiſlation; and perhaps his Cha⯑racter might be drawn in theſe few Words, ‘"That while he ſeemed to ſtrengthen the Superſtructure, he weakened the Founda⯑tions of our Conſtitution."’

[116] BUT however defective Miniſters may have been in making the public Welfare the main Object of their Views, we may be ſatisfied by this Eſtimate of Things from the Revolution to the preſent Times, that the Nation have at leaſt marched ‘"Paſſibus aequis."’ And tho' this Work is not intended either as a Defence or an Accuſa⯑tion of Miniſters; yet for the ſake of Truth it muſt be ſaid, that the eternal Clamours, of a ſelfiſh, and a factious People, againſt every Miniſtry that riſes, puts one in Mind of thoſe Carthaginian Armies, which being at once cowardly and inſolent, ran away at Sight of an Enemy, and then crucified their General, becauſe he did not gain the Victory.

To return therefore to our Subject, (if, indeed, we have departed from it) evident [117] it is, that the want of Principle hath at length firmly eſtabliſhed a Syſtem of poli⯑tical Self-Intereſt among us, which muſt at all times break out into Factions; and prevent the great Effects which a national Spirit of Union would produce. Former Times, we plainly ſee, have been fatally infected with this ſelfiſh Spirit. Preſent Times, in this reſpect, are ſacred; and therefore we ſpeak not of them. But if the ruling Manners and preſent want of Principle in this Kingdom be not checked in their Carriere; we muſt expect that fu⯑ture Times will be more ſelfiſh, and there⯑fore more factious, than thoſe former ones, we have already deſcribed.

FOR Vanity, Luxury, and Effeminacy, (increaſed beyond all Belief within theſe twenty Years) as they are of a ſelfiſh, ſo are they of a craving and unſatisfied Na⯑ture: [118] The preſent Rage of Pleaſure and unmanly Diſſipation hath created a Train of new Neceſſities, which in their Demands outſtrip every poſſible Supply.

AND if the great Principles of Religion, Honour, and public Spirit are weak or loſt among us, what effectual Check can there be upon the Great, to controul their un⯑bounded and unwarranted Purſuit of lucra⯑tive Employments, for the Gratification of theſe unmanly Paſſions?

And whenever this happens, what can we expect as the Conſequence, but a general Anarchy and Confuſion? what, but that diſappointed Avarice will kindle Faction? That national Union muſt be thwarted by ſelfiſh Regards? That no public Meaſure, however ſalutary, can be carried into Act, [119] if it claſh with any foreſeen private In⯑tereſt?

NAY, is it not the Duty of every Well-wiſher to his Country, to conſider, not only how ſoon this may be, but how far it is our preſent Situation?

WHAT other Effect can naturally ariſe from the Vanity, Diſſipation, and Rapa⯑city of a diſſolute People? For in a Nation ſo circumſtanced, 'tis natural to imagine, that next to Gaming and Riot, the chief Attention of the great World muſt be turned on the Buſineſs of Election-jobbing, of ſecuring Counties, controuling, bribing, or buying of Burroughs, in a word, on the Poſſeſſion of a great Parliamentary In⯑tereſt?

[120] But what an Aggravation of this Evil would ariſe, ſhould ever thoſe of the higheſt Rank, tho' prohibited by Act of Parlia⯑ment, inſult the Laws by interfering in Elections, by ſolliciting Votes, or procur⯑ing others to ſollicit them; by influencing Elections in an avowed Defiance of their Country, and even ſelling vacant Seats in Parliament to the beſt Bidder?

WOULD not this be a faithful Copy of degenerate and declining Rome? ‘"Ea de⯑mum Romae libertas eſt, non Senatum, non Magiſtratus, non Leges, non Mo⯑res Majorum, non Inſtituta Patrum ve⯑reri."’

AND what, can we ſuppoſe would be the real Drift of this illegitimate Waſte of Time, Honour, Wealth, and Labour? might not[121] the very Reaſon publickly aſſigned for it, be this, ‘"That they may ſtrengthen them⯑ſelves and Families, and thus gain a laſting Intereſt (as they call it) for their Dependants, Sons and Poſterity?"’ Now what would this imply but a ſuppoſed Right or Privilege of demanding lucrative Employs, as the chief Object of their View? And whence can this ſuppoſed Pri⯑vilege of Demand derive its Force, but from a foreſeen Power, and determined Purpoſe, of kindling Faction, and obſtruct⯑ing all public Meaſures, in caſe of Diſap⯑pointment and Diſguſt?

WE ſee then, how the political Syſtem of Self-Intereſt is at length compleated; and a Foundation laid in our Principles and Manners for endleſs Diſſentions in the State.

[122] THUS Faction is eſtabliſhed, not on Ambition, but on Avarice: on Ava⯑rice and Rapacity, for the Ends of Diſſipa⯑tion.

NEED we point out particular Facts, in Confirmation of theſe Truths? Is not the Nation even now labouring under this fatal Malady? Is not the deadly Bow-ſtring already ſtretched, and the Public gaſping and expiring under the Tugs of oppoſed and contending Parties?

"Diſtractam, laceratamque Rempub⯑licam—magis quorum in manu ſit, quam ut incolumis ſit quaeri ^*."

SECT. V. Of the Conſequences of National Diſunion.

IT is not enough to have ſhewn in what Manner our Defect of Principle and ruling Manners have compleated the Ruin of the national Spirit of Union: If we would ob⯑tain a full View of our Subject, it is a neceſſary tho' diſagreeable Taſk, to trace this Diſunion thro' its particular Effects.

NOW theſe will always vary along with the Character of the People thus divided. If the Nation be warlike, and the Spirit of Defence be ſtrong, the Danger will gene⯑rally ariſe from within. If the Nation be effeminate, and the Spirit of Defence be weak, the Danger will generally ariſe from without.

[124] The firſt of theſe was the Situation and Fate of the ancient Military Republics. That of Corinth was deſtroyed by the Fac⯑tion of the Praetor DIAEUS and his Party. The Athenian Commonwealth was again and again ſhaken and overturned by the Weight of oppoſing Parties: inſomuch that the Hiſtory of this Republic may juſtly be ſtyled the Hiſtory of Faction. When de⯑generate Manners had deſtroyed the Purity of the Spartan Conſtitution and Laws of LYCURGUS, AGIS attempted to reſtore them, but was murdered in the generous Attempt by a Faction headed by the Ephori. The Roman Commonwealth, in its later Periods, was thrown into perpetual Con⯑vulſions by ambitious and warlike Faction, and died at laſt of the Malady. And, to paſs by many other Proofs that might be [125] alledged, what Rivers of Blood have been ſpilt in our own Country, among contend⯑ing Factions, while the Spirit of Arms and Honour remained among us?

BUT to give every Period of Manners it's due Character, it is confeſſed that in the preſent effeminate tho' factious Times, we have no Danger of this kind to fear. For as our Manners are degenerated into thoſe of Women, ſo are our Weapons of Offence.

BUT as this Home-Security ariſes only from the common Impotence; it is probable, that other Nations may ſoon know of what Materials we are made; and therefore our Danger is likely to ariſe from without.

LET us then examine what Effects this national Spirit of Diſunion muſt have upon [126] us, as we ſtand affected by any foreign Enemy.

It weakens the Conſiſtency of all public Meaſures: So that no great national Scheme of Thought can be carried into Action, if it's Accompliſhment demands any long. Continuity of Time.

IT weakens not only the Conſiſtency, but the Vigour and Expedition of all publick Meaſures: So that while a divided People are contending about the Means of Security or Defence, a united Enemy may ſur⯑prize and invade them.

Theſe are the apparent Conſequences of national Diſunion: There is another not ſo obvious, and therefore more likely to be fatal.

[127] WE have ſeen that in a Nation circum⯑ſtanced like ours, the great Contention among thoſe of Quality and Fortune will probably lie in the Affair of Election In⯑tereſts: That next to effeminate Plea⯑ſure and Gaming, this (for the ſame End as Gaming) will of Courſe be the capital Purſuit: that this Intereſt will naturally be regarded as a kind of Family-Fund, for the Proviſion of the younger Branches: and that it's Force muſt ariſe from this Principle, that in Caſe the Head of the Family is not gratified in his lucrative De⯑mands, he and his Dependants will raiſe a Combuſtion in the State.

VIEWING the Affair, then, in this Light; we ſhall ſee that, beſides the general ill In⯑fluence of Faction, this Principle of Diſ⯑union muſt farther tend to weaken or de⯑ſtroy [128] both the National Capacity and the national Spirit of Defence.

FOR, in a Nation ſo circumſtanced, thro' the Strength of this Principle, many high and important Poſts, in every public and important Profeſſion, muſt of Courſe be filled by Men, who inſtead of Ability and Virtue, plead this Intereſt for their beſt Title.

THUS in a Time when Science, Capa⯑city, Courage, Honour, Religion, Public Spirit, are rare; the remaining Few who poſſeſs theſe Virtues, will often be ſhut out from theſe Stations which they would fill with Honour; while every public and important Employ will abound with Men, whoſe Manners and Principles are of the neweſt Faſhion.

'Tis acknowledged there are Exceptions to the Truth of this Remark. Nay, were [129] it neceſſary, the Writer could gratify his Vanity, by ranking ſome of theſe Names in the Number of his Friends. But not⯑withſtanding theſe Exceptions, the general Obſervation will maintain it's Truth.

How indeed can it be otherwiſe, while the Conſciouſneſs of this Principle has any Place in the Mind? Is not the Parliament-Intereſt of every powerful Family continu⯑ally rung in the Ears of it's Branches and Dependants? And does not this inevitably tend to relax and weaken the Application of the young Men of Quality and Fortune, and render every Man who has Reliance on this Principle, leſs qualified for thoſe Stations which BY THIS VERY PRINCIPLE he obtains? For why ſhould a Youth of Family or Faſhion (thus he argues with himſelf) ‘"Why ſhould He ſubmit to the Drudgery of Schools, Colleges, Aca⯑demies, [130] Voyages, Campaigns, Fatigues, and Dangers, when he can riſe to the higheſt Stations by the ſmooth and eaſy Path of Parliamentary Intereſt?"’

'Tis granted, indeed, that the Sons and Relations of Men of Quality and Fortune, have not only an equal, but even a prior Claim to all high Employments in the State, provided only, they are qualified to fill them honourably.

WE may truly add to this, that in that Period of a State, when Capacity, Courage, and Honour, form its ruling Character; thoſe of high Quality and Degree, are ge⯑nerally of all others the moſt capable, moſt couragious, moſt honourable.

ON the contrary, where Effeminacy and ſelfiſh Vanity form the ruling Character of [131] a People; there we may be no leſs certain, that thoſe of high Rank and Quality will in general be of all others moſt vain, moſt ſelfiſh, moſt incapable, moſt effeminate.

THE Reaſon is permanent, and the ſame in both Caſes: ‘"Becauſe in every Period of every State, "the Influence of the lead⯑ing People, ſoon or late, will form it's leading Character."’

HOW far theſe Truths are verified by preſent Facts, it were needleſs, perhaps dangerous, particularly to ſay. Let it there⯑fore be left to the candid Conſideration of every honeſt and impartial Man, how far ſeveral recent Events, by which both the Honour and outward Strength of this Nation have been impaired, have ariſen from the prevailing Principle here deli⯑neated.

[132] WE may conclude this Subject with a general Remark, which, together with the Reſult of theſe Obſervations, may form a general Maxim: That "when Factions ariſe from the Exceſs of military Spirit and the ambition of Dominion, they increaſe the national Capacity and Spirit of Defence: On the contrary, where Factions ariſe from ſelfiſh Effeminacy, the national Capacity and Spirit of Defence will certainly be weakened or deſtroyed ^*.

[133] SUCH are the Effects of this prevailing Principle of Self-Intereſt and Diſunion, in high Life. But if we take into the Account all that deſpicable Train of political Ma⯑nagers, Agents, and Burrough-Jobbers, which hang like Leeches upon the Great, nor ever quit their Hold till they are full gorged; we ſhall then ſee this reigning Evil in it's laſt Perfection. For here, to Incapacity and Demerit, is generally added Inſolence. Every low Fellow of this Kind looks upon the Man of Genius, Capa⯑city, and Virtue, as his natural Enemy. He regards him with an evil Eye; and hence undermines or defames him; as one who thwarts his Views, queſtions his Title, [134] and indangers his Expectations. He muſt have had little Experience in the World, who has not, among every Order, met with flagrant Characters of this Kind, and In⯑ſtances of this Truth.

THUS the public Body is again weakened, or rather mutilated in all its Limbs. And that national Spirit of Diſunion which our Principles and Manners have produced, comes not only attended with it's proper and immediate Effects, but hath completed the Ruin of the national Capacity, and the national Spirit of Defence.

SECT. VI. An Objection, drawn from the Manners of the French Nation, conſidered.

WE might here cloſe our Eſtimate of the public Effects of the ruling Manners [135] and Principles of the Times; were not the Theory here eſtabliſhed on a Number of concurrent Facts, apparently liable to an Objection.

THIS ariſeth from the ruling Man⯑ners of the French Nation: Which be⯑ing as vain and effeminate as our own, and the very Archetype from which our own are drawn, ſhould of Courſe involve that Nation in the ſame Conſequences, the ſame Defect of national Capacity, Defence and Union: But as theſe Principles of na⯑tional and internal Strength are, on all hands, acknowledged to maintain their proper Vigour in France, where the ruling Manners are effeminate; therefore, ſay the Patronizers of our modern Manners, theſe cannot be the Cauſe of our national Miſ⯑carriages and Defects.

[136] 'TIS granted, then, that their Manners are of the ſame Kind: But on Examina⯑tion it will appear, that whereas ours (as we have ſeen) are ſuffered to go on to all their proper and natural Effects; theirs, on the contrary, are checked and counter⯑acted in their Effects, by a variety of Cauſes and Principles wholly diſſimilar.

THEIR effeminate Manners affect not their national Capacity, becauſe their Youth are aſſiduouſly trained up for all public Offices, civil, naval, military, in Schools provided at the national Expence: Here the Candi⯑dates for public Employ go thro' a ſevere and laborious Courſe of Diſcipline, and only expect to riſe in Station, as they riſe in Knowledge and Ability.

[137] THEIR effeminate Manners affect not their national Spirit of Defence, becauſe they are controuled by the Principle of military Honour. This, for ſome Ages, hath been early inſtilled into every riſing Generation; and is at length become ſo ſtrong and uni⯑verſal, as to form the national Character. It ſpreads through every Rank; inſpires even the meaneſt in the Kingdom; and pervades and actuates the whole Machine of Government, with a Force little inferior to that of public Virtue.

IT were no incurious Subject, to inve⯑ſtigate this peculiar Principle to it's firſt Cauſes: But that lies beyond the Intention of the preſent Deſign. It may be called a peculiar Principle, in France, becauſe it is unconnected, nay even at Variance with it's Manners; and in no other Country did this [138] Principle ever ſubſiſt in it's Strength, when other Principles were weakened, and Man⯑ners loſt.

IT may ſeem, perhaps, at firſt View, to have ariſen from the civil Wars that rent the Kingdom in the Time of HENRY the Great, to have been transfuſed from thence into the gallant Reign of LOUIS, and thence heightened and delivered down to pre⯑ſent Times.

BUT tho' it received great Heighten⯑ings in theſe two Reigns, yet it pro⯑duced ſignal and peculiar Effects, before the firſt of theſe Periods, In Proof of this, we need only alledge the famous Route called the Battle of Spurs, when HENRY the Eighth of England invaded France. On this Occaſion, the Body of the French Army giving Way thro' ſome ſudden Panic, the Officers kept their Ground, and rather [139] choſe to be ſlain or taken Priſoners, than give Countenance to ſuch an ignominious Flight.

THIS Principle, ſo remarkable at this Day among the FRENCH, we ſtigmatize with the Name of falſe Honour. Such as it is, it were to be wiſhed we had more of it. It aims not, indeed at generous Ends, beyond a certain Sphere: But it is plauſible, polite and ſplendid, in the Purſuit even of it's ungenerous Ends. In ſhort, the Honour, like the Religion of France, is not void of Benevolence, but confines its Benevolence, within a certain Pale. 'Tis falſe Honour, as it regards other Nations; as it regards their own Country, it is true.

As this Principle in France, ſecures the national Spirit of Defence, ſo the Power [140] of their Monarch, aided by this Principle, ſecures their national Spirit of Union. In conſequence of this, the World has acci⯑dentally ſeen their vaſt Plan of Power (formed by the great Colbert almoſt a Cen⯑tury ago) carried on, tho' with frequent Interruptions, and in a great Degree now accompliſhed, thro' a Variety of Reigns, Wars and Adminiſtrations. The Monarch's Power gives Unity and Steddineſs, the Prin⯑ciple of Honour gives Vigour, to every Movement of the State.

THUS, in Contradiction to all known Example, France hath become powerful, while ſhe ſeemed to lead the Way in Effe⯑minacy: And while ſhe hath allured her neighbour Nations, by her own Example, to drink largely of her circaean and poiſoned Cup of Manners, hath ſecured her own Health by the ſecret Antidote of Principle.

[141] FORCED by this, the Character of the French Nation, tho' inconſiſtent, is reſpect⯑able: They have found, or rather invented, the Art of uniting all Extremes: They have Virtues and Vices, Strengths and Weakneſſes, ſeemingly incompatible. They are effeminate yet brave: inſincere, yet honourable: hoſpitable, not benevolent: vain, yet ſubtile: ſplendid, not generous: warlike, yet polite: plauſible, not vir⯑tuous: mercantile, yet not mean: In Trifles ſerious, gay in Enterprize: Women at the Toilet, Heroes in the Field: profli⯑gate in Heart; in Conduct, decent: Di⯑vided in Opinion, in Action united: In Manners weak, but ſtrong in Principle: Contemptible in private Life; in public, Formidable.

SECT. VII. Of the moſt probable Tendency of theſe Effects.

NOTWITHSTANDING this apparent Ob⯑jection, therefore, the Principles here ad⯑vanced maintain their Force. And thus we ſee, how our effeminate Manners and Defect of Principle have weakened the na⯑tional Capacity, and Spiri [...] of Defence; and by giving a new Turn to our national Diſ⯑union, have ſtill farther aggravated theſe ruling Evils in the State.

WHAT then is the moſt probable Con⯑ſequence of this national Debility?

'TIS from an outward Enemy, as hath been obſerved, that Danger is moſt to be apprehended.

[143] THE FRENCH, in Land Armies, are far our Superiors: They are making large and dreadful Strides towards us, in naval Power. They have more than diſputed with us the Empire of the Mediterranean. They are driving us from our Forts and Colonies in America.

THESE are the ſteddy Effects of their Principles and Union; of our Deficiency in both.

THESE Cauſes reach to, and operate, even in the new World. Their Governors of Colonies are actuated by Honour and their Monarch's Power: Ours, too com⯑monly, by Self-Love and uncontrouled Rapine. Their Zeal and Policy direct them to make Converts and Friends of the Indian Nations: Our Irreligion prevents [144] the one; our diſhoneſt Treatment, the other. For by the beſt Accounts, our Colonies have in general copied, and even outgone us, in every faſhionable Degeneracy.

SHOULD the French, then, poſſeſs them⯑ſelves of North America, what Eye can be ſo weak, as not to ſee the Conſequence? Muſt not a naval Power come upon us, equal, if not ſuperior to our own?

THUS by a gradual and unperceived Decline, we ſeem gliding down to Ruin. We laugh, we ſing, we feaſt, we play: We adopt every Vanity, and catch at every Lure, thrown out to us by the Nation that is planning our Deſtruction; and while Fate is hanging over us, are ſight⯑leſs and thence ſecure. Were we but as innocent as Blind, we ſhould, in our Fond⯑neſs [145] for French Manners, compleatly reſem⯑ble the Lamb deſcribed by the Poet:

SECT. I. Of a general Miſtake on this Subject.

THE publick Effects of our Man⯑ners and Principles here enume⯑rated, begin now to appear too manifeſt in our public Miſcarriages, to be any longer derided. The Nation ſtands aghaſt [150] at it's own Misfortunes: But, like a Man ſtarting ſuddenly from Sleep, by the Noiſe of ſome approaching Ruin, knows neither whence it comes, nor how to avoid it.

IN Proof of this, we need only look into the late Inſtructions from Conſtituents to Repreſentatives. Theſe, we ſee, ſeldom look farther than the immediate and incidental Occaſion of each particular Miſconduct: While the grand general Principles in which theſe Miſconducts have been chiefly founded, are neither ſeen, nor ſuſpected: Nay, an impartial Enquiry will probably convince us, that while they ſtrike at the Shoots and Branches, they feed the Root from whence theſe Miſconducts have been originally derived.

FOR it ſeems to be the ruling Maxim of this Age and Nation, that if our Trade and [151] Wealth are but increaſed, we are power⯑ful, happy, and ſecure: And in eſtimat⯑ing the real Strength of the Kingdom, the ſole Queſtion for many Years hath been, ‘"What Commerce and Riches the Nation is poſſeſſed of?"’ A Queſtion, which an ancient Lawgiver would have laughed at.

THERE never was a more fatal Error more greedily embraced by any People.

SECT. II. Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth on Manners.

BY Wealth is underſtood, every kind of uſeful Poſſeſſion; or Money, which is it's Sign, and may be converted into it.

BY Commerce is underſtood the Ex⯑change of Wealth, for mutual Benefit.

[152] THE Effects of Commerce on Manners have by moſt Writers, I think, been con⯑ſidered as uniform. Even the ſage and amiable MONTESQUIEU ſays only, in ge⯑neral Terms, ‘"That Commerce poliſhes Manners, but corrupts Manners ^*."’ Whereas, from a candid View of it's Na⯑ture and Effects, we ſhall probably find, that in it's firſt and middle Stages it is bene⯑ficent; in it's laſt, dangerous and fatal.

IF we view Commerce in its firſt Stages, we ſhall ſee, that it ſupplies mutual Ne⯑ceſſities, prevents mutual Wants, extends mutual Knowledge, eradicates mutual Pre⯑judice, and ſpreads mutual Humanity.

IF we view it in its middle and more advanced Period, we ſhall ſee, it provides [153] Conveniencies, increaſeth Numbers, coins Money, gives Birth to Arts and Science, creates equal Laws, diffuſes general Plenty and general Happineſs.

IF we view it in it's third and higheſt Stage, we ſhall ſee it change it's Nature and Effects. It brings in Superfluity and vaſt Wealth; begets Avarice, groſs Luxury, or effeminate Refinement among the higher Ranks, together with general Loſs of Principle.

CONCERNING the two firſt Stages of Commerce, I ſhall have no Diſpute with the preſent Times: It's Benefits are gene⯑rally acknowledged. The dangerous Ef⯑fects of it's Exorbitance or Exceſs have not yet been ſufficiently developed.

[154] THAT Commerce in it's Exceſs brings a general Superfluity of Goods, that this general Superfluity ſettles in particular Hands into vaſt Wealth, will be readily acknowledged.

THE next Step is, to conſider how vaſt Wealth naturally produces Avarice, Lux⯑ury, or Effeminacy, according to the Ge⯑nius or Circumſtances of the People among whom it comes.

INDUSTRY, in it's firſt Stages, is fru⯑gal, not ungenerous: It's End being that of Self-Preſervation and moderate Enjoy⯑ment, it's little Superfluities are often em⯑ployed in Acts of Generoſity and Bene⯑ficence. But the daily Increaſe of Wealth by Induſtry, naturally increaſes the Love [155] of Wealth. The Paſſion for Money, be⯑ing founded, not in Senſe, but Imagination, admits of no Satiety, like thoſe which are called the natural Paſſions. Thus the Habit of ſaving Money, beyond every other Habit, gathers Strength by continued Gratification. The Attention of the whole Man is immediately turned upon it; and every other Purſuit held light when com⯑pared with the Increaſe of Wealth. Hence, the natural Character of the Trader, when his final Proſpect is the Acquiſition of Wealth, is that of Induſtry and Avarice.

WHAT is true, in this Reſpect, of trad⯑ing Men, is true of trading Nations. If their Commerce be that of Oeconomy in the Extreme, if the laſt Object of their Purſuit be Wealth for it's own Sake, if the Leaders of ſuch a People be commercial, the Cha⯑racter [156] of that People, and it's Leaders, will be found in Induſtry and Avarice.

BUT if a trading Nation hath a large Territory, ſufficient to create a Landed In⯑tereſt, Commerce will produce very diffe⯑rent Effects.

FOR as it multiplies Inhabitants, and brings in Wealth, it naturally increaſes the Value of landed Eſtates. Barren Grounds are cultivated, and cultivated Spots are made more fertile. Hence a vaſt Acceſſion of Income to the Nobility and Gentry.

THESE Ranks of Men being not bred up to Habits of Induſtry; on the con⯑trary, their increaſed Rents coming in unſought for, and their Time being often a Load upon them, thro' want of Capacity and Employment, the Habit of Indulgence comes on, and grows of Courſe. Addi⯑tional [157] Wealth gives the Power to gratify every Deſire that riſes, Leiſure improves theſe Deſires into Habits; thus Money is at length conſidered as no more than the Means of Gratification; and hence the genuine Character of a rich Nobility or Gentry, is that of Expence and Luxury.

BUT the firſt Eſſays of Luxury, like thoſe of every other Art, are coarſe and rude: The natural Character of Luxury, therefore, is to refine by Degrees: Eſpe⯑cially, when aſſiſted by Commerce, it ad⯑vances apace into Refinement. For Com⯑merce ſearches every Shore and Climate for it's Supplies; and Art is ſtudious, be⯑cauſe rewarded, in arranging and applying theſe Materials to the moſt exquiſite and delicate Uſe. Thus every coarſer Mode of Pleaſure is by Degrees deſpiſed; new Habits of higher Indulgence come on: [158] groſs Luxury is baniſhed, and Effeminacy takes it's Place.

BUT Luxury, in this laſt Period, being exhauſted in it's Courſe; and turned, for want of new Objects of Indulgence, into Debility and Languor, would expire or ſleep, were it not awakened by another Paſſion, which again calls it into Action. Nothing is ſo natural to effeminate Minds, as Vanity. This rouzes the lux⯑urious and debilitated Soul; and the Arts of pleaſurable Enjoyment are now puſhed to their higheſt Degree, by the Spirit of delicate Emulation.

THUS the whole Attention of the Mind is centred on Brillancy and Indulgence: Money, tho' deſpiſed as an End, is greedily ſought as a Means: And Self, under a dif⯑ferent [159] Appearance from the trading Spirit, takes equal Poſſeſſion of the Soul.

THUS as the Character of a State altoge⯑ther commercial in the higheſt Degree, is that of Induſtry and Avarice; ſo, in a Nation of extended Territory, where Com⯑merce is in it's higheſt Period, while it's trading Members retain their Habits of Induſtry and Avarice, the natural Charac⯑ter of it's landed Ranks, it's Nobility and Gentry, is that of ‘"a vain, luxurious, and ſelfiſh Effeminacy."’

WE ſpeak here of the ſimple and proper Effects of Trade and Wealth, uncontrouled by oppoſite Manners or Principles; which, it is to be obſerved, never exiſted probably, at leaſt in the mixed State, in their full Ex⯑tent: Individuals there are, and will be, in almoſt every State and Period, who are [160] influenced by diſſimilar Manners or Prin⯑ciples: There are Traders who are gene⯑rous; Nobles and Gentry whoſe ultimate Paſſion is for Gold: But ſuch Exceptions affect not the general Principle: And tho' theſe incidental Mixtures Weaken the diffe⯑rent Colours of different Ranks or States, yet ſtill the different Colours remain in their Nature diſtinct and invariable.

'TIS probable, the Reader will have diſ⯑covered, that this Reaſoning is ſtrengthened by, or rather built upon, the Examples of two neighbour Nation; one wholly com⯑mercial, that of Holland: The other a mixed State, compounded of a commer⯑cial and landed Intereſt; I mean our own. And to ſay the Truth; no two Nations perhaps ever exiſted, which approached ſo near to the full and proper Effects of the Cauſes here alledged.

[161] IT will appear immediately why the Genius of the Republic of Holland is here analyſed into its firſt Principles; which are ſimply, thoſe of Induſtry and the Love of Gain.

IN the mean Time, we may juſtly conclude from this Argument, that the exorbitant Trade and Wealth of England ſufficiently account for it's preſent Effemi⯑nacy.

SECT. III. Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth, on the religious Principle.

SUCH therefore are the ruling Manners which may naturally be expected in a Na⯑tion thus circumſtanced, unleſs they be [162] counteracted by oppoſite Principles: 'Tis now Time to conſider the natural Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth, on all thoſe ſalutary Principles by which theſe effeminate Manners can moſt effectually be controuled.

LET us ſtill carry the two characteriſtic States of Holland and England, in our Eye.

WHETHER, then, we view the com⯑mercial State, where the Love of Money rules; or the mixed State, where vain Effeminacy predominates; we ſhall find both theſe national Characters have but a bad Aſpect and Influence on every Kind of Principle. Let us firſt conſider that of Religion.

[163] AVARICE ſeems not, in it's own Nature, prone to deſtroy ſpeculative religious Be⯑lief; but effectually to extinguiſh active religious Principle.

IT tends not to deſtroy ſpeculative Be⯑lief, becauſe this Effect muſt be a Work of Application, Time, and Labour: Now the Labour of Avarice is naturally bent on it's main Object, Money; therefore, to waſte this Labour on the Propagation of the unprofitable and fruitleſs Doctrines of Irreligion, muſt ever be contrary to it's ruling Character.

BUT Avarice naturally tends to the De⯑ſtruction of active religious Principles; be⯑cauſe this is chiefly a Matter of habitual Impreſſion; and therefore, in order to ac⯑compliſh it's Deſtruction, nothing more is [164] neceſſary than to forget. Now this re⯑quires no poſitive Act or Labour of the Mind, but is the natural Reſult from an attentive Purſuit of the favourite Object, Money.

HENCE, in a mere commercial State, actuated by the Love of Gain, Religion is not railed at or diſputed againſt, but only neglected and forgot. And thus, the genuine Trader, who never queſtioned the Articles of his national Faith at home, ſcruples not to forſwear Chriſtianity, and tread upon the Croſs in Japan, and returns the ſame good Chriſtian as he went.

BUT in the mixed State, where national Effeminacy forms the primary, and Avarice only the ſecondary Character, the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth on religious Principle, will be widely different.

[165] LORD VERULAM hath ſomewhere obſerved, that ‘"Times of Atheiſm are civil Times."’He had been much nearer the Truth, had he affirmed, that ‘"Civil Times are Times of Atheiſm."’ He miſtook the Cauſe for the Effect.

THIS Effect of national Luxury and Re⯑finement, in producing national Irreligion, is not difficult to account for. In ſome Periods of a State, Opinions controul Man⯑ners; but in moſt Periods, Manners con⯑troul'Opinions. Where the ruling Man⯑ners coincide with the common Good, as in the middle Periods of a State, there we commonly find that a rational and bene⯑ficent Syſtem of Religion prevails: This comes to paſs, becauſe the Principles of the received Religion contradict not the ruling Manners.

[166] BUT in the State and Period of Luxury or Refinement, active religious Principle is loſt thro' the attentive Purſuit of Pleaſure; as in the commercial State, it is loſt thro' the attentive Purſuit of Gain.

AND ſpeculative Belief, in this Period, muſt naturally be loſt along with practical; becauſe Leiſure and Literature having opened the Field of Diſputation, Vice as well as Virtue will of courſe arm herſelf with every Weapon of Preſervation and Offence. Luxury therefore will generally liſt under the Banner of Irreligion; becauſe Religion condemns her Manners; Irreli⯑gion ſuffers, or approves them.

To confirm the Truth of this Reaſoning, we need only obſerve, that in the Period of refined Luxury, few but they who are in⯑volved [167] in the Vices, are involved in the Irreligion of the Times.

ONE Exception, however, muſt be made, with Regard to the Writers againſt Religion. For theſe, though they promote, yet are not often involved in the common Degeneracy. This Fact hath been re⯑garded as unaccountable: that ſober Men of Morals apparently unblameable, ſhould madly unhinge the great Principle of Reli⯑gion and Society, without any viſible Mo⯑tive or Advantage. But by looking a little far⯑ther into human Nature, we ſhall eaſily reſolve this ſeeming Paradox. Theſe Writers are generally Men of Speculation and Induſ⯑try; and therefore though they give them⯑ſelves up to the Dictates of their ruling Paſſi⯑on, yet that ruling Paſſion commonly leads to the Tract of abſtemious Manners. That Deſire of Diſtinction and Superiority, ſo na⯑tural [168] to Man, breaks out in a thouſand va⯑rious and fantaſtic Shapes, and in each of theſe, according as it is directed, becomes a Virtue or a Vice. In Times of Luxury and Diſſipation therefore, when every Tenet of Irreligion is greedily embraced, what Road to preſent Applauſe can lie ſo open and ſecure, as that of diſgracing religious Belief? Eſpe⯑cially if the Writer help forward the Vices of the Times, by relaxing Morals, as well as deſtroying Principle. Such a Writer can have little elſe to do, but to new model the Para⯑doxes of ancient Scepticiſm, in order to figure it in the World, and be regarded by the Smat⯑terers in Literature and Adepts in Folly, as a Prodigy of Parts and Learning. Thus his Vanity becomes deeply criminal, and is ex⯑ecrated by the Wiſe and Good, becauſe it is gratified at the Expence of his Country's Wel⯑fare. But the Conſolation which degenerate Manners receive from his fatal Tenets, is [169] repaid by eager Praiſe: And Vice impati⯑ently drinks in and applauds his hoarſe and boding Voice, while like a Raven, he ſits croaking univerſal Death, Deſpair, and Annihilation to the human Kind.

THUS, where Manners and Religion are oppoſed, nothing is ſo natural, as that the one ſhould bear down the other. If Reli⯑gion deſtroy not the ruling Manners, theſe will gather Strength, and deſtroy Reli⯑gion.

ESPECIALLY, in a Country where Free⯑dom is eſtabliſhed, and Manners loſt through the Exorbitance of Wealth, the Duration of religious Principles can be but ſhort. Deſpotiſm arms itſelf with Terror; and by checking the open and avowed Profeſſion, checks in a certain Degree the Progreſs of Impiety. Whereas it muſt be [170] acknowledged and lamented, as one of the unalterable Defects of a free Government, that Opinion muſt have its Courſe. The Diſeaſe is bad; but the Cure would be fa⯑tal. Thus Freedom is compelled to admit an Enemy, who under the Pretence and Form of an Ally, often proves her De⯑ſtroyer.

SECT. IV. Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth on the Principle of Honour.

IN the mixed State, where Luxury and Effeminacy form the ruling Character of a People, the Exceſs of Trade and Wealth naturally tends to weaken or deſtroy the Principle of Honour, by fixing the Deſire of Applauſe, and the Fear of Shame, on im⯑proper and ridiculous Objects. Inſtead of the Good of others, or the Happineſs of [171] the Public, the Object of Purſuit naturally ſinks into ſome unmanly and trifling Cir⯑cumſtance: The Vanity of Dreſs, Enter⯑tainments, Equipage, Furniture, of courſe takes Poſſeſſion of the Heart.

BUT in the pure commercial State, where the Love of Gain predominates among the higher Ranks, the Deſire of Applauſe and Fear of Shame are not perverted, but ex⯑tinguiſhed. The Luſt of Gold ſwallows up every other Paſſion: and a Nation of this Character can without Emotion ſtand the Laughter and Contempt of Europe, and ſay with the Miſer,

IN whatever Shape, therefore, the Paſſi⯑on for Applauſe appear, whether it aſſume [172] the fantaſtic Form of Vanity, the more ſo⯑lemn one of Pride, or the ſteady and elevated Deſire of rational Eſteem; we ſhall find this Exceſs of national Avarice tends to its Extinction. A great Writer indeed hath told us, that ‘"Vanity creates Induſtry ^*;"’ which is true: Notwith⯑ſtanding this, we have ſeen above, that Induſtry in the Exceſs naturally begets Avarice; and Avarice in the Exceſs works a total Change in the Soul, and expels that Vanity which gave it birth.

THE ſame great Writer hath told us, ‘"that Pride deſtroys Induſtry ^†;"’ the Re⯑verſe of which holds equally true: ‘"that Induſtry deſtroys Pride:"’ We ſpeak here of Pride in the blameable Senſe, as when it riſeth into blind and overbearing Inſolence. [173] Induſtry in the moderate Degree tends to deſtroy this contemptuous Spirit, by intro⯑ducing Knowledge and Equality: and in this Reſpect, as in moſt others, is attended with excellent Effects.

BUT the Spirit of Trade in its Exceſs, by introducing Avarice, deſtroys the De⯑ſire of rational Eſteem. In Confirmation of this, we need only caſt our Eyes on the HOLLANDERS and CHINESE, among whom the trading Spirit is almoſt in its unmixed Perfection: The one is the moſt mercenary, the other the moſt thieving of all Nations.

SECT. V. Of their Effects on public Spirit.

THIS Part of our Subject needs little In⯑veſtigation. For both in the commercial [174] and mixed State, it appears, that exorbi⯑tant Trade and Wealth tend naturally to turn all the Attention of Individuals on ſelfiſh Gratification.

THEREFORE they muſt of courſe gene⯑rally tend to deſtroy the Principle of pub⯑lic Spirit: becauſe this implies, that our Attention and Regard is turned on others.

IN the commercial State, Avarice repre⯑ſents Wealth, in the mixed State Effemi⯑nacy repreſents Pleaſure, as the chief Good. Both theſe Deluſions tend to the Extincti⯑on of public Spirit.

THESE Deluſions create a new Train of Wants, Fears, Hopes, and Wiſhes: All theſe terminating in ſelfiſh Regard, natu⯑rally deſtroy every Effort of generous and public Principle.

SECT. VI. Farther Remarks on this Subject.

IN Conſequence of theſe Remarks, ſome farther Diſtinctions will ariſe.

THUS, the religious Principle will ſeem to exiſt in the commercial State, where Avarice forms the national Character; while in the mixed State where Luxury and Effe⯑minacy predominate, it is evidently deſtroy⯑ed. The Reaſon is, that in the firſt, al⯑though active Principle is loſt, ſpeculative Belief is not controverted: Whereas, in the latter, not only active Principle is loſt, but Religion itſelf (if ſuch a State be free) is publickly inſulted and derided. Thus in Holland, Religion ſeems yet to exiſt; while in England it is evidently deſtroyed.

[176] ON the contrary, the Principle of Ho⯑nour will ſeem to exiſt in the mixed State, where luxurious Effeminacy forms the pri⯑mary Character of the Nation; while in the commercial State, where Avarice pre⯑dominates, the Principle is evidently no more. The Reaſon is, that in the for⯑mer, the Love of Applauſe and Fear of Shame are not wholly deſtroyed, but per⯑verted, and turned upon unworthy Objects; while in the latter, the Paſſion itſelf is to⯑tally extinguiſhed. Thus the faint Appear⯑ance of Honour yet remains in England, while in Holland it is manifeſtly deſtroyed.

BUT as modern Dutch Religion, and modern Engliſh Honour, ſeem no more than the Ghoſts of departed Principles, ſo they have preciſely thoſe Effects, which [177] may reaſonably be expected from ſuch ſhadowy Non-Entities.

AGAIN: The Colours or Characters of Induſtry and Avarice will naturally be ſtrong in the commercial State: becauſe, being almoſt wholly unmixed with Man⯑ners of a diſſimilar Nature, the ruling Ge⯑nius of the State is left uncontrouled, to its proper Operations and Effects.

BUT in the mixed State, where Indu⯑ſtry and Love of Gain form the Character of the ſecondary Ranks; Diſſipation and Effeminacy, of the higher; there the two ſeparate Characters, by the Force of inci⯑dental Coalition and Example, will always influence each other in a certain Degree. Some ambitious Traders will aſpire to lux⯑urious Effeminacy: Some, of the higher Orders, will deſcend to Induſtry and Mer⯑chandiſe. [178] Thus each Rank muſt be tinc⯑tured with a Colour different from its own; and hence, the general Colour or Cha⯑racter of each of theſe Ranks, will, in ſome meaſure be controuled and weak⯑ened.

THIS Circumſtance is favourable to the mixed State, beyond that which is purely commercial; as it checks in a certain De⯑gree the Virulence of the Exceſs; and pro⯑duceth a national Character in ſome Mea⯑ſure approaching that of more moderate Trade and Wealth.

HENCE too it follows, that a State purely commerical, when once arrived at the Pe⯑riod of exorbitant Wealth, will naturally degenerate faſter than that which is com⯑pounded of Commerce and Luxury. For whatever Cauſes check the ruling Man⯑ners [179] in their Degree, will check them in their Conſequences.

BUT beyond this, there is another Rea⯑ſon, why the State purely commercial will degenerate faſter than the mixed State. In the commercial State, the ruling Manners go Hand in Hand with the Exorbitance of Wealth; becauſe the Love of Gain, which forms the leading Character, being like⯑wiſe the leading Motive, muſt be even prior to this Exorbitance in the Order of our Ideas; and therefore, in its Effects, muſt be at leaſt contemporary.

BUT in the mixed State, there will al⯑ways be a ſhort Period between the nati⯑onal Exorbitance of Wealth, and the nati⯑onal Increaſe of luxurious Effeminacy: be⯑cauſe Manners, once got into a certain Track, are not at once thrown out of it. [180] There muſt be a ſhort Period, before the leading Parts of the Nation can feel their Increaſe of Wealth; and after this, ano⯑ther Period, before new and more refined Modes of Pleaſure can be invented.

HENCE a neighbouring Republic ſeems to have well nigh filled up the Meaſure of its Iniquities; while ours, as yet, are only riſing towards the Brim.

LASTLY; though the ruling Manners of ſuch a mixed State are luxurious and effeminate, yet its public Meaſures will be commercial. Firſt, becauſe Commerce is the Hand-Maid of Wealth, and therefore of Pleaſure. Secondly, becauſe the Idea of national Strength as well Happineſs be⯑ing degenerated into that of Wealth and external Good, Commerce will above all Things be naturally encouraged, becauſe it is the Means of procuring them.

SECT. VII. A Review of the Argument.

THUS our preſent exorbitant Degree of Trade and Wealth, in a mixed State like that of England, naturally tends to produce luxurious and effeminate Manners in the higher Ranks, together with a general De⯑fect of Principle. And as the internal Strength of a Nation will always depend chiefly on the Manners and Principles of it's leading Members, ſo theſe effeminate Manners and this Defect of Principle ope⯑rate powerfully, and fatally, on the na⯑tional Conduct and Affairs. They have pro⯑duced a general Incapacity, have weaken⯑ed the national Spirit of Defence, have heightened the national Diſunion: And this national Diſunion, beſides it's proper and immediate Effects, being founded in [182] Avarice for the Ends of Diſſipation, hath again weakened the ſmall Remainder of publick Capacity and Defence; and thus ſeems to have fitted us for a Prey to the Inſults and Invaſions of our moſt powerful Enemy.

SECT. VIII. An Objection conſidered.

THO' this Eſtimate may appear juſt to thoſe who take an enlarged View of Things in their Principles and Conſequences; yet I am not ignorant of certain Maxims, ge⯑nerally approved, and hardly even diſputed among modern Politicians, which if true, would weaken or overturn theſe accumu⯑lated Proofs.

THE capital Maxim, which ſeems to in⯑clude the reſt, is this; ‘"That vaſt Trade [183] and Wealth, above all things make a Nation powerful and invincible, as they increaſe it's Numbers, enable it to pay it's Fleets and Armies, provide conti⯑nual Supplies for War; and thus, in the End, tire out and defeat every Enemy, whoſe Wealth and Commerce are in⯑ferior."’

THE Examination of this Maxim will throw many ſtrong collateral Lights upon our main Subject.

Firſt it affirms, ‘"That Trade and Wealth make a Nation ſtrong, becauſe they make it populous."’ This indeed is true of the firſt and ſecond Periods of Trade and Wealth: That it is true of the third or higheſt Period, of which England is now poſſeſſed, may very reaſonably be queſti⯑oned. In the firſt Period, Induſtry is chiefly [184] employed in cultivating the Lands, in en⯑creaſing, manufacturing, and exchanging the Produce of the Mother Country. Theſe Branches of Trade call for vaſt additional Numbers of Hands; and hence an Increaſe of Numbers naturally ariſeth.

THE ſame Effect takes Place in the ſecond Period of Trade; ſo far as home Productions are exchanged for foreign ones. This Stage of Commerce brings on a freſh Demand of Artificers of new and various Kinds, produces and In⯑creaſe of Labour, and therefore of Inha⯑bitants.

BUT in the third or higheſt Period of Trade, of which England is now poſſeſſed, there are very extenſive Branches of Com⯑merce, which bring no new Acceſſion of Numbers to the Commonwealth. I mean, [185] all thoſe Branches of Commerce, where Money is ſent and exchanged for foreign Goods. This Species of Trade occaſions little Increaſe of Labour, and therefore leſs of Numbers; except only of thoſe few who navigate the Veſſels thus employed, to their reſpective Ports. And as this kind of Trade will always grow and predominate, in proportion as a Nation becomes more luxurious and effeminate, ſo for this Rea⯑ſon the higheſt Stage of Trade is not natu⯑rally attended with the higheſt Increaſe of Labour, nor conſequently of Numbers, as is commonly imagined. Beſides this, in the refined Period, additional Art and Ex⯑perience in Labour prevent, in ſome Mea⯑ſure, the Increaſe of Numbers. By the Invention of Machines, an equal Degree both of Tillage and Trade is carried on by fewer Hands, than in the ſimpler Periods; and therefore the Increaſe of Numbers is [184] [...] [185] [...] [186] by no means proportional to the Increaſe of Commerce and Wealth.

BUT theſe are far from being the only Conſiderations worth our Notice on this Subject. For when we ſpeak of any Stage of Trade, we muſt in Reaſon take in every Circumſtance which naturally attends it. There are other Cauſes, therefore, why Numbers increaſe not, but rather naturally diminiſh, in the higheſt Period of Trade and Wealth.

FOR firſt, the Vanity and Effeminacy which this exorbitant Pitch of Wealth brings on, leſſens the Deſire of Mar⯑riage.

Secondly, the Intemperance and Diſeaſe which this Period of Trade naturally pro⯑duceth among the lower Ranks in great [187] Cities, bring on in ſome Degree an Im⯑potence of Propagation.

Thirdly, This Debility is always attended with a Shortneſs of Life, both in the Pa⯑rents and the Offspring; and therefore a ſtill farther Diminution of Numbers fol⯑lows on the whole.

MATTER of Fact confirms theſe Rea⯑ſonings; and lies open to every Man's Ob⯑ſervation. Since the firſt Increaſe of Til⯑lage and Home-manufactures, the Increaſe of Inhabitants hath been great in England: Since the vaſt Increaſe of foreign Com⯑merce, the Increaſe of Numbers is hardly perceivable. Nay, there is great Reaſon to believe, that upon the whole, the Nation is leſs populous than it was fifty Years ago, tho' it's Trade perhaps is doubled. Some trading Towns indeed are better [188] peopled, but others are thinned by the Flux of Commerce. The Metropolis ſeems to augment in its Dimenſions: But it appears, by the beſt Calculations, that it's Numbers are diminiſhed; And as to the Villages thro' England, there is great Reaſon to believe, they are in general at a Stand, and many of them thinner of Inhabitants than in the Beginning of this Century. 'Tis hard to obtain Cer⯑tainty in this Particular, without a ge⯑neral Examination and Compariſon. But it appears by the Regiſters of ſome Coun⯑try Pariſhes, which I have looked into, that from the Year 1550 to 1710, the Number of Inhabitants increaſed gra⯑dually; the two Extremes being to each other, as 57 to 72; and that from 1710 to the preſent Time, the Number has been at a Stand, if not rather dimi⯑niſhed.

[189] BUT ſuppoſe, what there is no Reaſon to believe, that our preſent Exceſs of Trade and Overflow of Wealth have in ſome Degree increaſed our Numbers, yet it will probably appear, that they have as much, at leaſt, impaired our bodily Strength. For as Temperance is the rul⯑ing Character of the middle Stage of Commerce, ſo is Intemperance of the higheſt. Hence, Health and Strength prevail in the firſt; Diſeaſe and Debility in the latter. This is univerſally confirmed by Fact: Villages abounding with Health; commercial Cities with Diſeaſe. So that an Army taken from the Villages, with equal Commanders, Arms, and Diſcipline, would drive the ſame Number of debili⯑tated Gin-drinkers, like a Flock of Geeſe before them.

[190] THE Author of the Fable of the Bees made his Boaſt, that the Wiſdom of the Legiſlature had, upon his Plan, adopted the Encouragement of this pernicious Li⯑quid: But the ſame Wiſdom hath upon Trial been obliged to diſcourage the Uſe of this malignant Spirit; as they found that it ruined the Health, and ſhortened the Lives, of half the lower Ranks in London.

AND all good Men hope, that the Time will come, when this infernal Potion will be laid under ſuch Diſcouragements, as may amount to a general Prohibition. The Neceſſity of ſuch a Reformation grows greater every Day, not only in London, but throughout the Kingdom. For in ſome Villages in England there is now a greater Quantity of Gin conſumed than of Ale.

[191] BUT to quit theſe inferior Conſidera⯑tions, tho' they all unite in confirming the Theory here advanced; the Weight of the Reply lies indeed in another Circumſtance: For altho' we ſhould admit (what is not true) that our preſent Exorbitance of Trade and Wealth increaſed our Numbers and bodily Force, yet as the real and eſſen⯑tial Strength of a Nation conſiſts in the Manners and Principles of it's leading Part; and as our preſent Exceſs of Trade and Wealth hath produced ſuch fatal Effects on theſe Manners and Principles; no In⯑creaſe of Numbers in the inferior Ranks can poſſibly make amends for this internal and capital Defect. Such a Nation can, at beſt, only reſemble a large Body, actuated (yet hardly actuated) by an incapable, a vain, a daſtardly, and effeminate Soul.

[192] BUT the Maxim we are engaged to ob⯑viate, alledges farther, that ‘"This exor⯑bitant Increaſe of Trade and Wealth enables a Nation to pay it's Fleets and Armies, and afford continual Sup⯑plies for War."’ Yet, even this Part of the Maxim, in it's modern Acceptation, is far beyond the Truth.

FOR under the preſent Stage of Trade, the Increaſe of Wealth is by no means equally or proportionally diffuſed: The Trader reaps the main Profit: after him, the Landlord, in a lower Degree: But the common Artificer, and ſtill more the common Labourer, gain little by the exorbitant Advance of Trade: It is true, their Wages are increaſed; but ſo are the Prices of Proviſions too: and therefore they are no richer than before. [193] Now Taxes and public Supplies are raiſed upon the Conſumer: and as it appears from hence, that only a few of the Con⯑ſumers are made richer by the Exorbitance of Trade, it follows, that not the Nation in general, but a ſelect Number of Indi⯑viduals only, are made more capable of contributing to thoſe Supplies, which are levied without Diſtinction on the whole. Would they who reap the plenteous Harveſt of foreign Trade, generouſly allot their proportional and extraordinary Gains to the Service of the Public, we ſhould then indeed be furniſhed with a new Argument in Fa⯑vour of Commerce in it's higheſt Pitch.

FARTHER: As the labouring Ranks are little or nothing enriched by the exorbitant Degree of Trade, ſo it often happens that even the higher Ranks, and the Nation in general, are not more, nay perhaps leſs en⯑abled [194] to contribute to the public Supplies, than when poſſeſſed of Wealth in a more moderate Degree. For we have ſeen, in the Progreſs of this Eſtimate, that the na⯑tural Effect of an Increaſe of Wealth, is an Increaſe of Luxury, Vanity, and Ex⯑pence; which, if it outrun the Increaſe of Wealth, as in it's Nature it tends to do, inſtead of Riches will bring on public Po⯑verty. For the Ability or Wealth of a People, conſidered in their Capacity for raiſing Supplies, conſiſts not in the Large⯑neſs of their Income, but in the Proportion of their Expences to their Income: It conſiſts not in ‘"what they have,"’ but ‘"what they can Spare?"’ Hence it ap⯑pears, that a Nation may be at once very rich, and very poor; rich in Income, but poor thro' Extravagance. And as national Extravagance is the natural Effect of an Overflow of Wealth, ſo national Indigence [195] is it's moſt natural and final Conſequence. How far this is our preſent Situation, can hardly be neceſſary to affirm.

To this Argument it may poſſibly be objected, that if great Wealth is but among us, new Impoſts will naturally force it into Circulation: That the more the Artificers and Labourers are taxed, the more their Wages will increaſe, and conſequently their Ability to bear the in⯑creaſing Taxes: And that as to the higher Ranks, exorbitant Wealth enables them ſtill better to endure additional Impoſts, becauſe theſe deprive the Great of nothing but the Superfluities of Vanity and Luxury.

To this it is replied, that in Caſe of additional Taxes, tho' the Poor muſt indeed increaſe their Wages in order to ſubſiſt, yet this Increaſe never takes Place, till [196] they are compelled by the laſt Neceſſity and Want: The natural Conſequence of which muſt be Murmurs, Sedition, and Tumults. With Regard to the higher Ranks, a parallel Reply may ſuffice: For in the refined Period, when Manners and Principles are loſt, the Luxuries of Life become Neceſſaries among the Great; and therefore will be as obſtinately adhered to, and quitted with the ſame Reluctance, as Food and Cloathing by the Poor. The Conſequence therefore muſt be the ſame; a general Diſcontent and Diſaffection to the Government, among the higher Ranks of Life.

IS not all this confirmed by evident Facts; There is at preſent in this Nation a Maſs of Wealth at leaſt twelve Times more than the publick Debt: Yet we are reduced to the ſad Neceſſity of plunging [197] deeper every Day. What is the Reaſon? No Miniſtry dares to provoke and exaſperate a luxurious and ſelfiſh Nation, by demand⯑ing ſuch Sums, as every one has the Power had he but the Will, to beſtow.

BUT beyond all this, will any Man of Senſe aſſert, that the Circumſtance of pay⯑ing an Army or a Fleet, is the one thing that will decide a War? 'Tis true, indeed, Pro⯑viſions, Arms, Ammunition are neceſſary; and therefore Wealth, becauſe it procures them. But will a General or Admiral therefore gain the Victory, only becauſe his Men are furniſhed with Proviſions, Arms, and Ammunition? If not, what can Trade or Wealth do, towards making a Nation victorious? Again, therefore, let me re⯑mind my Countrymen, that the capital Queſtion ſtill remains, not ‘"who ſhall pay,"’ ‘"but who ſhall fight?"’

[198] THERE is a trite Obſervation on Foot, indeed, drawn from the beſt political Wri⯑ters ill underſtood, that ‘"the Principles of War are wholly changed; and that not the Nation who has the beſt Troops, but the longeſt Purſe, will in the End ob⯑tain the Victory."’ This, in the mo⯑dern Application of it, is a moſt dan⯑gerous Maxim. It naturally tends to extinguiſh military Skill, as well as Hon⯑our: and will inevitably ſink the People that maintains it, into a Nat [...]on of defenſe⯑leſs and Money-getting Cowards.

IT muſt be confeſſed that Doctor DA⯑VENANT, the moſt able Writer on theſe Subjects, hath affirmed, ‘"That now, the whole Art of War is in a Manner re⯑duced to Money; and now-a-days, that Prince who can beſt find Money to [199] feed, cloath, and pay his Army, not he that hath the moſt valiant Troops, is ſureſt of Succeſs and Conqueſt ^*."’ This Declaration, which is now ſtolen and retailed for new, by every modern Dab⯑ler in Politics, has had the uſual Fortune of theſe kind of Thefts, to be miſunderſtood: as may appear from the general Tenor of the Doctor's Writings. To ſhew this, two Inſtances, out of many may ſuffice. Even when ſpeaking on the Benefits of foreign Trade, he warns us, as if he had foreſeen all that has befallen, or is likely to befall us. For he ſays, ‘"If a trading and rich People are grown ſoft and luxurious, their Wealth will invite over to them Invaders from Abroad, and their being effeminate will make the Conqueſt eaſy ^†."’ And [200] again, in Terms yet ſtronger: ‘"In ſuc⯑ceeding Times our Manners may come to be depraved; and when this happens, all Sorts of Miſeries will invade us: The whole Wealth of the Kingdom will not be ſufficient for it's Defence ^*."’

THUS, what he and other ſenſible Writers have affirmed under proper Re⯑ſtrictions, and upon Suppoſition that a Nation maintained it's Manners and Prin⯑ciples, is now advanced abſolutely, and without Reſtriction, as if Manners and Principles, military and naval Skill and Courage, had no Part, or at leaſt no eſſen⯑tial Part, in the Succeſs of War.

THESE ſhallow Politicians, therefore, might well be put in Mind of the Maxim of a warlike Prince, when his Miniſters [201] diſſuaded him from attacking a wealthy Enemy, becauſe he wanted Money to pay his Troops: ‘"My Enemies, ſaid he, are rich, luxurious, and effeminate; my Troops are valiant and hardy; my Offi⯑cers brave and honourable; they ſhall plant my Standard in my Enemy's Country, and then my Enemy ſhall pay them."’

WE have lately ſeen this military Con⯑duct followed by a brave King, in the Elec⯑torate of Saxony: We ourſelves have for⯑merly purſued it on the Plains of Agin⯑court and Creſſi: The French are now pur⯑ſuing it on the Plains of America: And if we hold to our daſtardly Maxim, they will purſue it on the Plains of Saliſbury.

THUS the boaſted modern Maxim which we propoſed to obviate, ſeems void of [202] Truth in every Branch of it: As it appears from this View, that without the internal Strength which Manners and Principles produce, the moſt exorbitant Trade and Wealth can never be the Foundation of a ſucceſsful War; or give us any rational Proſpect, either of Victory or Self-De⯑fence.

SECT. IX. Another Objection conſidered.

SUCH then are the natural Effects of ex⯑orbitant Trade and Wealth, unleſs coun⯑teracted by oppoſite Manners or Principles. The Hiſtory of our own Nation would confirm theſe Truths in a moſt ſtriking and particular Manner, were it within the propoſed Limits of this Eſtimate, to enter ſo large a Field of Enquiry. We ſhould there ſee, that Manners and Principles [203] have always prevailed, and baffled the moſt ſanguine Attempts of Wealth, when ſet in Competition with them. This Syſtem would be found ſupported by a vaſt Va⯑riety of Events, from the Reign of Eliza⯑beth to the preſent Times. But this might perhaps be regarded as a Reſearch rather curious than neceſſary; ſince a ſingle Re⯑flection on the preſent State of the King⯑dom may ſeem to ſtand in the Place of a thouſand Proofs.

AT preſent, therefore, we ſhall not touch on this Enquiry; but rather proceed to remove another Objection, which may ſeem to overturn the Theory here propoſed.

FOR it is urged, that France is an Ex⯑ception to the Truth of theſe Remarks: inaſmuch as, in the midſt of a large and extenſive Commerce, which brings in a [204] vaſt Acceſſion of Wealth, ſhe ſtills retains her Principles and Power.

THE Fact objected is true: but the Conſequence follows not; becauſe the Trade of France is limited and controuled by ſuch Accidents, as prevent it's moſt dangerous and ruinous Effects on Govern⯑ment

THE Poverty of its Nobleſſe or leading Ranks, who are often poſſeſſed of ſound⯑ing Titles without any Realities annexed, as it prevents them from reaping that In⯑creaſe of Wealth which naturally ariſeth to a rich Landed Gentry from an Increaſe of Commerce, ſo it naturally drives them to the Profeſſion of Arms, as the neceſſary Means of Support: This ſtrengthens and ſupports their Monarchy; which, finding it's Advantage from this Diſpoſition to [205] Arms, naturally gratifies this military Spi⯑rit in it's Nobleſſe, and gives it Exerciſe and Encouragement by frequent Wars.

HENCE the national Spirit of the French Nobleſſe hath long been military, in the higheſt Degree.

WITH Regard to Commerce, it's Growth in France hath been but late: Meeting therefore with this eſtabliſhed Spirit of Arms in the leading Ranks, it hath not as yet been able to controul it. Commerce indeed is encouraged; but ſo encouraged, as not to deſtroy the leading Principle of their Monarchy. To this End, the Ranks of the Kingdom are kept eſſentially diſtin⯑guiſhed; and while the People are allured to Trade by every Kind of Motive, the Nobleſſe or Gentry are, in Honour, prohi⯑bited from Commerce. It was indeed [206] formerly propoſed in France, that the Nobleſſe ſhould be drawn down to Trade: But, whether thro' deep and conſummate Policy, or thro' the Principle of Honour itſelf, working blindly for it's own Preſer⯑vation, the dangerous Propoſal was weakly or wiſely rejected. Whenever this Over⯑ture meets with Acceptance and Succeſs, tho' it may ſeem for a while to give Vigour to their State, yet from that Period we may date the Downfall of France. Their effeminate Manners, now controuled by Oeconomy and the Love of Glory, will, like ours, degenerate into Profuſion and the Love of Gold.

ON the contrary; Trade, tho' encouraged, is by the ruling Principle of this great Mo⯑narchy, kept within it's proper Limits; and while the Merchant traverſeth Seas in Purſuit of Gain, the Gentleman does the [207] ſame in Purſuit of Glory. Thus the two incompatible Provinces are kept diſtinct; and hence, while the French vie with us in Trade, they tower above us in Principle.

NAY their very trading Settlements among foreign Nations are actuated by this ruling Principle in ſuch a Manner, as to give a Splendor to their Monarchy and Commerce in the moſt barbarous Cli⯑mates ^*. Thus, while we are poorly in⯑fluenced by a ſorry and mercantile Maxim, [208] firſt broached by a trading Miniſter,‘"that the Intereſt of a Nation is it's trueſt Honour;"’the French conduct themſelves on an oppo⯑ſite and higher Principle, ‘"that the Ho⯑nour of a Nation is its trueſt Intereſt."’

IN Confirmation of what is here ad⯑vanced, we need only caſt our Eyes on the Fortune and Fate of France, during the preſent Century. In the laſt War, ſhe was exhauſted, tho' victorious: in the former, ſhe was both beaten and exhauſted: In both theſe Inſtances, it was weakly thought by every ſuperficial Politician in England, that becauſe we had exhauſted the Men [209] and Money, we had deſtroyed the Power of France. Experience hath told us the Reverſe: The Spirit of Honour and Union working at the Root, ſoon reſtored thoſe Branches that War had ſwept away, and have at length ſhot them into their former Vigour and Luxuriancy.

HENCE then, we may learn an impor⯑tant Truth: ‘"That no incidental Events can make a Nation little, while the Principles remain that made it great."’

SECT. X. The Concluſion

FROM theſe accumulated Proofs, then it ſeems evident, that our preſent effeminate Manners and Defect of Principle have ariſen from our exorbitant Trade and Wealth, left without Check, to their na⯑tural [210] Operations and uncontrouled Influ⯑ence. And that theſe Manners, and this Defect of Principle, by weakening or de⯑ſtroying the national Capacity, Spirit of Defence, and Union, have produced ſuch a general Debility as naturally leads to De⯑ſtruction.

WE might now proceed to confirm theſe Reaſonings, by Examples drawn from Hiſtory. For there is hardly an ancient or modern State of any Note recorded in Story, which would not in one Reſpect or other, confirm the leading Principles on which this Argument is built.

IN theſe, throughout their ſeveral Periods, we ſhould ſee Trade and Wealth, or (what is in this reſpect equivalent) Conqueſt and Opulence, taking their Progreſs: At one Period, poliſhing [211] and ſtrengthening; at another, refin⯑ing, corrupting, weakening, deſtroying, the State that gave them Entrance: Working indeed in different Ways, and under a Variety of Appearances; by Ava⯑rice, by Faction, by Effeminacy, by Pro⯑fligacy; by a Mixture and Combination of all theſe Evils: ſometimes dividing a Na⯑tion againſt itſelf; at others, quelling it's Spirit, and leaving it an eaſy Prey to the firſt Invader: Sometimes checked by a riſing Patriot, or counterworked by national Misfortunes: In one Country corrupting Manners; in another, Principles; in a third, both Manners and Principles: ren⯑dering one People blind, another cowardly, another treacherous to itſelf: Stealing ſe⯑cretly and inſenſibly on one Nation; over⯑whelming another in ſudden Deſtruc⯑tion.

[212] BUT to enlarge on theſe Subjects in that vague and undiſtinguiſhing Manner, which moſt Writers have purſued in treating them, tho' it might carry the Appearance of Rea⯑ſoning, would in Truth be no more than Declamation in Diſguiſe. And to develope and unravel the Particularity of Cauſes and Effects, thro' all their Variety of Combina⯑tion and mutual Influence, as it would ex⯑tend this Eſtimate beyond it's deſigned Limits, muſt be left to make a Part of ſome future Enquiry.

THE Character, Effects, and Sources of our Manners and Principles, being thus laid open, the Writer had it in his Thoughts to have proceeded to the Conſideration of ‘"their moſt practicable Remedies."’ But as the Cloſet-Projects of retired and ſpecu⯑lative Men, often are, and always are re⯑guarded, [213] as chimerical; he was therefore un⯑willing, at preſent, to hazard the Diſcredit of ſuch an Attempt.

HOWEVER, leſt his Attempt ſhould be deemed more viſionary than perhaps it is, he judged it not improper to hint at ſome of the leading Principles on which it is built. And with this View, the following Reflections are ſubmitted to the Conſide⯑ration of the Public.

THE World has been long amuſed with a trite and hacknied Compariſon between the Life of Man, and that of States; in which it is pretended that they both pro⯑ceed in the ſame irrevocable Manner; from Infancy to Maturity, from Maturity to Death: A Compariſon, perhaps as groundleſs as it is common. The human Body contains, in its very Texture, the [214] Seeds of certain Diſſolution. That is, tho' you ſet aſide all the poſſible Accidents ariſing from Intemperance, from the In⯑fluence of the Elements, the Climate, and every other external and contingent Cauſe the human Frame itſelf, after a certain Period, would grow into Rigidity; the Fluids would decreaſe, the Solids accumu⯑late, the Arteries oſſify, the Blood ſtagnate, and the Wheels of Life ſtand ſtill.

BUT in Societies, of whatever Kind, there ſeems no ſuch neceſſary or eſſential Tendency to Diſſolution. The human Body is naturally mortal; the political, only ſo by Accident: Internal Diſorders or Diſeaſes may ariſe; External Violence may attack or overpower: but theſe Cauſes, tho' always to be expected, are wholly in⯑cidental: the firſt is preciſely of the ſame Nature as Intemperance, the ſecond as [215] the Influence of the external Elements, on the human Body. But there appears no⯑thing in the internal Conſtruction of any State, that tends inevitably to Diſſolution, analogous to thoſe Cauſes in the human Frame, which lead to certain Death.

THIS Obſervation ſeems confirmed by Hiſtory: Where you ſee States, which, after being ſunk in Corruption and Debility, have been brought back to the Vigour of their firſt Principles: But you muſt have recourſe to Fables, for medicated Old Age, reſtored to Infancy or Youth.

IF this be true, it ſeems not altogether chimerical, tho' confeſſedly difficult, to bring about the Reformation of a State. To lay down general Rules, in ſuch a Caſe, would be like giving a Panacea; the very [216] Empiriciſm of Politics. The Remedies muſt be ſuited to the Diſeaſe.

WE have ſeen, that the ruling Evils of our Age and Nation have ariſen from the unheeded Conſequences of our Trade and Wealth. That theſe have produced effeminate Manners, and occaſioned Loſs of Principle: That theſe have brought on a national Debility. But would the leſ⯑ſening this exorbitant Trade and Wealth bring back Manners and Principles, and reſtore the Nation's Strength?—I very much Queſtion the Event.

BUT whatever the Conſequences might be at Home, thoſe Abroad would certainly be fatal. The French are every Day gain⯑ing upon us in Commerce; and if ours ſhould leſſen, theirs would increaſe to our Deſtruction.

[217] THUS are we fallen into a kind of Di⯑lemma: If our Commerce be maintained or increaſed, its Effects bid fair to deſtroy us: If Commerce be diſcouraged and leſ⯑ſened, the growing Power of our Enemy threatens the ſame Conſequence.

THERE ſeems, then, no other Expe⯑dient than this, ‘"That Commerce and Wealth be not diſcouraged in their Growth; but checked and controuled in their Effects."’

AND even in attempting this, Care muſt be had, leſt in controuling the Effects of Commerce, we ſhould deſtroy Commerce itſelf.

WE ſee how ſtrongly the natural Effects of Trade and Wealth, are controuled in [218] France, by proper Checks and counteract⯑ing Principles: Yet mere Imitation is always a narrow, and often an ineffectual Scheme. Beſides, as our Conſtitution is of a ſuperior Nature, ſo our Manners and Principles muſt be adapted to it, ere it can obtain it's proper Strength.

THE Virtues yet left among us, and enumerated above ^*, may be a poſſible Foundation for ſuch a Change.

THERE are two different Kinds of Re⯑medies, which might in due Time be ap⯑plied. The firſt are radical, general, and laſting: The latter, palliative, particular, and temporary.

THE firſt ſeem totally impracticable at preſent: For as they ſuppoſe a Change of [219] Manners and Principles, this may juſtly be regarded as an impoſſible Event, during the preſent Age; and rather to be wiſhed than hoped for, in the next.

THE palliative, particular, and tempo⯑rary Remedies, may ſeem more practicable at this Juncture. I mean, thoſe which are of the coercive Kind; which work by oppoſed Paſſions, or by deſtroying the Opportunities or Occaſions of Evil. Where the ruling Miſchiefs lie among the People, theſe Remedies, with proper Care, may eaſily be adminiſtered. Thus we have lately ſeen the ſalutary Effects of a new Kind of Police, eſtabliſhed by a uſe⯑ful Magiſtrate in the City of London; by which, the reigning Evil of Street-Robberies hath been almoſt wholly ſuppreſſed; altho' we may reaſonably ſuppoſe, the Diſpoſition towards them remains as ſtrong as ever.

[220] BUT where the ruling Miſchief deſolates the Great, there, even the palliative Re⯑medies cannot eaſily be applied: The Rea⯑ſon is manifeſt: A coercive Power is wanting: They who ſhould cure the Evil are the very Delinquents: And moral or political Phyſic is what no diſtempered Mind will ever adminiſter to itſelf.

NECESSITY therefore, and Neceſſity alone, muſt in ſuch a Caſe be the Parent of Reformation. So long as degenerate and unprincipled Manners can ſupport them⯑ſelves, they will be deaf to Reaſon, blind to Conſequences, and obſtinate in the long eſtabliſhed Purſuit of Gain and Plea⯑ſure. In ſuch Minds, the Idea of a Public has no Place; and therefore can never be a Curb to private Gratification: Nor can ſuch Minds be ever awakened from their [221] fatal Dream, till either the Voice of an abuſed People rouſe them into Fear; or the State itſelf totter, thro' the general Incapacity, Cowardice, and Diſunion of thoſe who ſhould ſupport it.

WHENEVER this compelling Power, Neceſſity, ſhall appear; then, and not till then, may we hope that our Deliverance is at hand. Effeminacy, Rapacity, and Faction, will then be ready to reſign the Reins they would now uſurp: One com⯑mon Danger will create one common In⯑tereſt: Virtue may riſe on the Ruins of Corruption; and a deſpairing Nation yet be ſaved, by the Wiſdom, the Integrity, and unſhaken Courage, of SOME GREAT MINISTER.