AN ESSAY at removing National Prejudices, &c.

HItherto all the Tracts I have ſeen upon the Subject of the Union ſerve only to Two Ends.

Either Hiſtorically to relate what has been done towards a Union in other and former Treaties, with the particular Ob⯑ſtructions on either Side.

Or to debate the preſent Queſtion, What ſort of Union is moſt proper for the Nations at this time?

The ſeveral Authors have done ſo much on the firſt of theſe, that nothing is wanting to be added to their Work; and on the ſecond, their Reaſonings are many on both Sides, which I ſhall abridge firſt, and then, perhaps, add ſomething farther, which may not be uſeleſs in the Caſe; and which, as a Column erected on a prepar'd Pedeſtal, may riſe up to a compleat Form, agreeable in Order and Beauty to the Deſign.

'Tis in vain to commence a Treaty of Union, and which muſt after be referr'd to the great collected Councils on either Side, while National Averſions remain unmov'd, and Im⯑mortal Prejudices fill the Minds of the People.

Theſe are the Mountains, which muſt be levell'd, to make ſmooth this Valley of Peace; and this is the Feaver in the Blood, which, 'till 'tis abated, and the Inflammation carry'd off the great National Wound can never be cur'd.

A Temper to Peace muſt be found, or if not found, muſt be form'd in hoth Nations, as the great Preliminary to this Treaty; and without which it will be in vain to enter upon the greater Articles of it.

[2] If this be wanting, to what purpoſe does the Queen invite, the Parliament prepare, and Commiſſioners meet, other than to furniſh Authors to compleat their Hiſtorical Accounts, of what has been to little purpoſe attempted towards a Union.

And yet I am not ſpeaking here of the Temper of the Com⯑miſſioners, on either Hand, with Reſpect to Union; I make no Queſtion, but they come on both Sides heartily inclin'd to the thing in general, I wiſh them as ſincerely agreing in the Methods.

But as what they do, is to be recommended to, and laid before the Parliaments of both Kingdoms, whoſe Members, without any Reflection on them, may be variouſly influenc'd, from Cauſes too many to repeat here, and on whom the ancient Pre⯑judices of the Times may have made too large Impreſſions.

For theſe Reaſons, I cannot but think 'tis neceſſary to Eſſay the Removing thoſe Prejudices, in the beſt manner I can, as a thing no Man has yet attempted, and as what is abſolutely neceſſary to the great Work we are upon.

I believe I may be allow'd to ſay, without any Charge of Partiality, or Affectation to our ſelves, or of our real Merit, That there are not Two braver Nations in the World; or that have more ſhown their Courage and Gallantry, upon all Oc⯑caſions, than the Engliſh and the Scots.

And as theſe Two People inhabit one Iſland, neither ſepe⯑rated by dangerous Seas or unpaſſible Mountains, neither bounded with vaſt Deſerts or great Rivers, by which either the Communications of Peace and Trade, or the Acceſs of War might be rendred difficult, the on-looking World has beheld with no leſs Wonder than Pleaſure, that they have not to this Day been able to unite in one Body.

Their Wonder muſt needs ariſe from its being the appa⯑rent Intereſt of both Nations, long ſince to have joyn'd Hands to their mutual Intereſt, and to have joyn'd their Force to their mutual Strength and Defence; no Nations in Europe, whom Nature had ſeem'd to prepare for ſuch a Union, and laid up in ſtore ſo many viſible Advantages of Uniting, being to [3] be ſuppoſed, ſo blind to their real Intereſts, without great Scandal even to their Underſtandings, or at leaſt to their Temper. It cannot but have ſeem'd ſtrange to all the Na⯑tions of the World, who ſee into the vaſt Advantages of a Union to both theſe Kingdoms, that they themſelves, who have neither of them been counted among the fooliſheſt Na⯑tions of the World, ſhould not ſee it alſo; and that ſo many Revolutions of State and of Years, as have paſs'd over their Heads, ſo many afflicting Circumſtances, War, Blood, De⯑vaſtation, and Deſtruction, have not yet been able to make them wiſe to their own Peace, and ſhow them even by the contra⯑ry the Neceſſity, as well as the Profit, of a firm Union be⯑tween them, ſuch as may for ever ſhut the Door againſt the fatal Invaſions, Depredations, and terrible Eruption of Blood and War, which, with but ſmall Intermiſſions, have alternate⯑ly afflicted both Kingdoms.

Nor has it been without ſome ſecret Satisfaction that our Neighbours have obſerv'd this, eſpecially thoſe of them as have either envy'd or apprehended the Addition of Strength ſuch a Union would be to theſe Nations, and the formidable Encreaſe it would be to the Britannick Power. It cannot but have been very pleaſing to the French and Spaniſh Govern⯑ments, with whom we have been at open Wars, to obſerve how the National Animoſities between the Engliſh and Scots, have always kept them embroyl'd, and by ſpending their Native Fury, terrible to them, upon one another, prevented the Miſchiefs, and leſſen'd the Powers, of the Engliſh eſpecially, which, they had Reaſon to fear, might have otherwiſe been too formidable for them to oppoſe.

It would be too tedious here to recite the innumerable In⯑ſtances, how the Diviſions of theſe Nations have aſſiſted to the riſing Glory of our Neighbours; and he that has not read how France, under Charles the Dauphin, afterwards Charles the VIIth. when by the Conqueſt of Henry the Vth. ſhe was almoſt entirely ſubjected to the Engliſh, recovered [4] her ſelf, chiefly by the Valour and Aſſiſtance of the Scots, muſt not paſs with me for a Hiſtorian.

Had Scotland been then united to England, and the Thirty Thouſand Scots, which at ſundry Times went over to aſſiſt that dejected Prince, been ſent thither to joyn the Engliſh Armies, then under the brave Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, and the beſt Generals England ever ſaw, France had, for ought we know, been entirely ſubjected to the Engliſh Power, and Britain had given Law to all theſe Parts of the World.

'T would be endleſs to trace Antiquity, and bring upon the Stage the very many Inſtances when Scotland has had the Fate of England in her Hand; and again, when England has put the Yoke upon the Neck of the Scots Power. The only uſeful Obſervation from which, to the preſent purpoſe, is, How theſe alternate Advantages over one another, have tended to the weakening both; and, by a Chain of Diſaſters, has helpt to reduce us both to the preſent Condition, and Danger of being overpower'd by our too potent Neighbours; who, had theſe Nations been long ago united under prudent and politick Meaſures had perhaps been always kept too low to have lookt us in the Face.

Now Diſaſter begins to make us wiſe; and though the Steps both Nations have made toward Union, have been ve⯑ry ſlow, yet it is a long time ſince they both ſaw it their In⯑tereſt, and have expreſt a Willingneſs to bring it to paſs.

Whether Providence, for Ends yet unknown to us, or the Nature of things, has retarded it ſo long, is not for me to de⯑termine; but very ſmall have been the Beginnings, and Pro⯑greſs of this Willingneſs to Unite.

The firſt Step towards a common Courteſy between the Nations, was in the Marriage of the Lady Elizabeth, Daugh⯑ter of Henry the VIIth. to James the Fourth King of Scotland; and 'tis remarkable that wiſe Prince was the firſt in England, that foreſaw an Advantage to England by a Union with Scot⯑land; [5] the Particulars of which we find noted in Hiſtory, viz. That when the Match was propoſed in Council, it met with great Oppoſition there from an Apprehenſion that one time other ſuch an Alliance might bring the Crown of Eng⯑land into the Line of Scotland—And what iſ it ſhould, ſays that wiſe Prince, with a Spirit one would think had been Prophe⯑tical, If any ſuch thing ſhould happen I foreſee that it will come to paſs that our Kingdom of England will loſe nothing thereby, be⯑cauſe there will not be an Acceſſion of England to Scotland, but on the contrary, of Scotland to England, as to that is by much the more noble Head of the whole Iſland. Vide Speed's Chron. Reign of Henry the VIIth.

Had any Man been by the King, that had known what we now come by Length of Time to underſtand, they might have added, but it will be the certain Depreſſing and Ruin of Scotland, by removing her Court and Gentry, by loſing the Concourſe of Strangers, Reſidence of Ambaſſadors, and con⯑ſequently the Expence of Money, and the Helps to Trade from her Capital City, by leſſening her Intereſt in foreign Courts, and her Value in the World, with innumerable Miſ⯑chiefs attending the Meanneſs of a Kingdom without a Head.

That Scotland, by this means, would rather ſeem a Pro⯑vince than a Kingdom, and yet remain without the proper Advantages of a Province of England alſo; as being treated like Aliens, in every thing injurious and detrimental to Eng⯑land, and as Subjects, in every thing advantageous to England, tho' prejudicial to Scotland.

From this relative Union with Scotland, under Henry VIIth. a ſettled Peace with Scotland began, and ſaving ſome ſhort In⯑tervals under Henry the VIIIth. from a meer Capricio of that warm Prince, the long Peace between the Nations ſeem'd to prepare them on both Sides for more ſtrict Engagements, by wearing out the Remembrance of former Injuries, and leſ⯑ſening the Native Animoſities of the People.

[6] Since this we have had four Conjunctures, in which the [...]oſer Union we are now to treat about, has been in ſome more than common manner enter'd upon, and which I may ſay were eſpecially proper to have brought it to paſs.

1. The Firſt under King Edward the VI. when the Prote⯑ſtant Religion being juſt ſettled here, England courted her Siſer Scotland to joyn Hands, and become one Family, under that good Prince: It was the firſt Juncture that we read of, that England was governed by a young unmarry'd King, and Scotland by a young unmarry'd Queen; at the ſame time nothing was ſo natural, as that by Marriage the Kingdom would become one in the next Blood of both Races.

The Engliſh made the Offer firſt in Henry the VIIIth's time, and now renew'd it, and the Contempt the Scots ſeem'd to ſhow of it, and which appear'd to be the Faction of the Po⯑piſh Party, fearing the Reformation, provok'd the Engliſh to a War; in which the Scots were overthrown in the great Battel at Pink [...] or Muſcelburgh.

'Twas at this time the famous Declaration was emitted by the Duke of Somerſet, the Engliſh General, when though he was Conquerour, he told the Scots, he came not to conquer them, but unite with them, and to offer them all the Advan⯑tages of the Engliſh Amity. Some of the moſt ſignificant Ex⯑preſſions of which Declaration, are ſuch as theſe.

If any Man pleaſe to read the ſaid Declaration at large, too long to be incerted here, he will eaſily ſee that Age had quite different Thoughts from us, concerning a Treaty with Scot⯑land; that they knew a Poſſeſſion of Conqueſt would never keep Scotland; and that Union, not Victory, was the com⯑mon Intereſt of this Nation.

[7] But the Scots then could not ſee their Intereſt, the Power of Popiſh Councils prevail'd upon them; and for Fear of Re⯑formation, they rejected the juſt Advantages to the State, and ſent away the Queen privately to France.

The next Turn was more effectual, and this was at the Coming of King James the VIth. of Scotland to the Crown of England: The Prophetick Expreſſions, quoted before from the Mouth of Henry the VIIth. were now come to paſs, and the Crown of England devolv'd upon the Houſe of Scotland. Had K. James done Juſtice to his Native Country, had he thought of their future Proſperity; in ſhort, had he thought of any thing but neglecting his own Kingdom, and ſuppreſſing the true In⯑tereſt of it;—it was, without doubt, abſolutely in his Power to have brought an entire Union to paſs, and to have ended all the Difficulties, Diſputes, and Quarrels, that afterward em⯑broil'd theſe Kingdoms in bloody Wars, to their mutual Ruin and Deſtruction: But as there were People and Parties then to be found, who envy'd, and perhaps fear'd the publick Tranquility, ſo there has never ſince wanted a ſucceeding Race to inherit their Rancour; and who, on all Occaſions, blow the Coals of Diſſaffection between the two Nations.

How the good Endeavours of thoſe People, who at the Death of Queen Elizabeth labour'd hard to begin the new Reign with a Union of Nations, came to be defeated, and the further Proſecution of it dropt; how King James for⯑getting the true Intereſt of his Country, inſtead of gratifying the Scots with what might have been for the general Good of the Kingdom, only brought a long Train of them hither, who gaping for Preferment, and equally neglecting their own Coun⯑try, ſerv'd only to make the Engliſh jealous, and uneaſy, and conſequently averſe to uniting. Theſe are Stories too tedious and too remote to engage in here; 'tis enough to leave it to Poſterity that the thing was attempted, but ill perſued, the bleſſed healing Juncture being reſerv'd to an Opportunity yet to come.

[8] How after this, the Scots differ'd with K. Charles the Iſt. on his Attempt to impoſe the Engliſh Service-book upon them: How they came to a Pacification without Blood, or with but a little: How afterwards they fully paid the ill Treatment of the Fa⯑ther K. James upon the Son; whoſe Ruin, their Army then en⯑tring, England compleated, by turning the Scale of the King's Affairs, and over-ballancing his Forces, at the Great Battel at Marſtonmoor, I leave for thoſe Gentlemen to conſider, who upon all Occaſions are for reckoning the Scots for nothing in their Calculations, and thinking they merit no Regard in the general Account of the Strengths of Europe.

In the Interval of Affairs here, under the Parliament and O. Cromwel, we find a real Union between the Kingdoms, carried on to a kind of Settlement, though ſomething imper⯑fect; but whoever contriv'd it, ſuch a Settlement it was, as, had the next Government thought fit to have built upon it, might have riſen up to all the Parts of a compleat Union; but this dyed with the Times, and the Conſtitution of Scotland re⯑turn'd to its full Exerciſe under King Charles the IId.

3. At the Revolution under King William, I muſt own the Scots had the faireſt Opportunity of perfecting the thing, that perhaps they will ever again be truſted with.

The Engliſh Affairs were then in that Condition, that I can⯑not but ſay, the Scots might have almoſt forc'd it upon us, if they would: There could have been hardly any Article in the Matters of Trade, or Government, which the Crown of England would not have been in a manner very free to give up, to ſe⯑cure the Scots then in the Intereſt of the new eſtabliſh'd Go⯑vernment, which for ſome time 'twas expected they would waver in; whether the Scots in the ſo ſpeedy Conceſſion, and falling in with the Engliſh Settlement, did not ſhow more Generoſity than Diſcretion; and whether they have been gratefully treated for it ſince, I purpoſely omit, becauſe being to treat of a Union of the Two Kingdoms, with Deſign to prepare both Sides for it, I would [...]p up no old Sores, nor [9] bring to Remembrance any thing that ſhould tend to prepoſ⯑ſeſs either Nation againſt the other.

This Opportunity has been loſt, and now the laſt Juncture, perhaps, that ever may offer it ſelf, for the cloſing this mortal Breach ſeems to appear.

What Steps were made toward it, or rather from it, in a late Commiſſion, and ſeeming Treaty, I alſo purpoſely omit; and though the Umbrage taken here at the Scots Act of Secu⯑rity, the prepoſterous Lav made here, which was in its Nature a Declaration of War, the marching Troops to the North, fortifying of Hull, and the like, are things merit ſome Satyr; yet they, who conſider this Nation then under the Influence of a Party, and of ſuch a Party, as were eſpecially known by their Averſion to Scotland, as well as to Ʋnion in general, will eaſily forget theſe Things, as the Remains of a Temper al⯑ways deſtructive to the Good of both Kingdoms; and as Indications only that this was not the proper Seaſon for a Union.

But Time, and the Conſequences of Things, have brought both the Nations to more healing Meaſures; and England now, under the Influence of better Counſels, has thought fit to ſhow the Scots their Forwardneſs, to take away all juſt Pretences from thoſe People, that willingly lay hold of them, to widen the Breaches of the Nations: In order to this, the Parliament has reſcinded and abrogated that Act, which gave ſuch Offence to the Scots, and without which, they had declar'd they could not Treat. And I cannot but obſerve, that the Scots not put⯑ing the Notice they took of that Act into their Bill in Parlia⯑ment, but into an Addreſs to the Queen,—and the Engliſh Parliament voluntarily repealing the Act, which was injurious to Scotland, in order to make way for this Treaty, ſeems to be two healing Steps, and ſuch mutual Advances, as gives great Encouragement to thoſe People, who hope for a good Iſſue of the preſent Treaty. By theſe Things thoſe People were intirely diſappointed, who waiting for an Advantage ov [...] the Scots, laid hold of the Caſe of Green and his Crew, exaggerat⯑ing [10] and exclaiming againſt the pretended Injuſtice of thoſe Ex⯑ecutions, as a ſufficient Ground of a National Quarrel, though at the ſame time there were two Scots hang'd to one Engliſh Man, and thoſe condemn'd by the Ordinary Forms of Juſtice and Legal Proceſs; in which the forgot, that had they all been Engliſh Men, and had after appear'd to be perfectly in⯑nocent, yet, that as a Nation, the Scots can be anſwerable for no more than giving Perſons a fair and legal Tryal, according to the ordinary Courſe of Juſtice; under which, if unhappy Circumſtances invol d them, and they fell, yet, by the Law of Nations, no Publick Blame can by this be fixt upon the Scots, nor any Pretence of a Quarrel be juſtly rais'd upon that Foundation.

I know now nothing to hinder the good Iſſue and Conclu⯑ſion of the preſent Treaty, no Cloud upon the Proſpect of the Succeſs of it; nothing to apprehend ſo much from real as imaginary Difficulties, that are raiſed and kept alive by thoſe, that really are afraid ſo great a Bleſſing should befal this Nation.

In order therefore to remove the Miſts and Vapours of Ima⯑gination, from the Eyes of the People, and prepare Mens Minds for Union, the Deſign of this Work is, To remove the Prejudices ſettled, or that ſeem to be ſettled, in the Minds of the Common People of both Nations againſt each other; that a Union of the Nations may, as already it is to all wiſe Men, be really deſireable to both Sides.

As this is what no Man has yet attempted, I hope it may be an acceptable thing to both Sides, and may open our Eyes to a ſecond Article, viz. the Advantage of a Union to both the Nations.

And having in this Tract gone thro' theſe Heads, I ſhall, in the ſubſequent Part of the Work, examine a little the Terms of a Union, remove the Difficulties, expoſe the Artifice of thoſe that form Objections from needleſs Fears and Jealouſies, ſhow how a Union may be made without any Danger to, or claſh⯑ing in the Intereſts of the Eſtabliſh'd Churches of, or the tol⯑lerated [11] Diſſenters in either Nation, clear up their Eye-ſight, who cannot ſee the Intereſt of their Native Country; and ſo go on to ſtate the Fact in ſuch proper Schemes of Eternal Peace, as may, backt with the Wiſdom of both Nations, terminate in the laſting Tranquility and viſible Encreaſe of the Power, Wealth, and Magnificence of the moſt powerful Iſland in the World.

1ſt. In removing the Prejudice on both Sides, I cannot but obſerve, There is a manifeſt Difference in ſuch things as theſe, and a Difference which more than ordinarily influences the Suc⯑ceſs of ſuch an Action, between coming to a Treaty WILLING, deſigning, and prepar'd TO REMOVE Difficulties, and bring the thing it ſelf to a happy Concluſion: And on the other hand, coming PREPAR'D TO RAISE Difficulties, Cavil, Diſpute, and Embarraſs a Treaty, that in Time may end in a Rupture, vaniſh into Air, and come to nothing.

National Prejudices are ſome of the worſt ſort of Humane Antipathies, and, as they may be applyed, have frequently very bad Effects: And I cannot clear the Engliſh from the juſt Charge, of being the Nation in the World the moſt addicted to them; and when once they have entertain'd ſuch unhappy Notions, are the hardeſt of any Nation in the World to be brought off from them again, tho' I hope they will not be ſo influenc'd here.

It is too long a Work here to examine this Particular, or to give Originals for inbred Antipathies of Nations; to ſay why the wild ungovern'd Iriſh, that mortally hate the very Name of an Engliſh Man, and have often, with the utmoſt Barbari⯑ty, murther'd Thouſands of our People in cold Blood, are leſs hated by us than the Dutch, between whom and this Nation, mutual Engagements and National Kindneſſes have frequent⯑ly paſs'd to the common Advantage of both; why the French, between whom and this Nation frequent, terrible, and bloody Wars have often happen'd, are more reſpected than the Scots who inhabit the ſame Terra Firma, Natives of the ſame Iſland, [12] ally'd by Intermarriages, both in Kings, Nobility, and Com⯑mon People, and who live among one another, trade together, ſpeak the ſame Language, proſeſs the ſame Proteſtant Religi⯑on, and confederated together by a relative Union under the ſame Head.

'Tis true, former Wars, Invaſions, and Depredation on either Side, have laid the Foundation of theſe Animo [...]ties which, 'tis impoſſible to ſay which Nation has acted with [...] Blame. Blood, Devaſtation, all ſorts of Cruelties, Br [...] [...] Fa [...], Honour, and the Laws of Nations, have been too com⯑mon on both Sides; and that Action of King Edward the III [...] tho' otherwiſe a glorious Prince, in hanging up the Two Sons of the Brave Governor of Berwick, given as Hoſtages for the Sur⯑render of the Town, if not reliev'd, before ſuch a time, only be⯑cauſe he would not give up the Town before the Time was expir'd, is a thing ſo deteſtable in its kind, and ſuch a Blot to the Memory of that great Conqueror, that if there were no other things to be mention'd againſt us, we ought for ever to be ſilent as to former Reproaches: An Action ſo horrid, that their own Mother, fill'd with Indigation at the Barbarity, came to her Husband, and entreated him, not to betray his Country into the Hands of ſo cruel an Enemy, to ſave her Children; juſtly arguing, that after he had thus broke his Faith with them in the Caſe of her Children, what Honour could they expect from him in the reſt; that her Sons would die with Honour, and be an eternal Infamy to the Memory of the cruel Mutherer; that God might give them more Children, but their Country once betray'd, could never be recovered. One would therefore think Time ſhould now race out the Remembrance of theſe Things on both Sides; and ſince the Injuries of War were always reciprocal, and the Scots had perhaps as much to complain of as we, it ſeems ſtrange the Seeds of that antient Strife ſhould remain, now the Generations concern'd are remov'd out of the way; and the ſeveral Occaſions of thoſe Animoſities are abſolutely bu⯑ried [13] in the Grave of Time, never to be reviv'd, but by the moſt unaccountable Folly and Madneſs this Age can be guilty of.

But not to enter too far back upon the ungrateful Task of examining our Forefathers Miſcarriages, I ſhall come to the preſent National Prejudices, which, I think, ſeem to prepare the Minds of the People with unhappy Averſions to Union: And theſe I take to be ſuch as follow.

I. On Our Side againſt the Scots. For,

1ſt. Their Share in the laſt Civil War: As to this, I can on⯑ly ſay, 'tis too long a Quarrel to decide here, and merits on all Sides to be buried in Oblivion; ſince take it from Beginning to End, the Scots ſuffered deeply, had their Share in the blood and Ruin of their Kingdom, and, at laſt, ſuffer'd al⯑moſt an entire Reduction to England, for attempting to re⯑ſtore our Monarchy: Of which by it ſelf.

As to the vulgar Mob Charge of ſelling the King, which ignorant People, and no other, reproach them with: 'Tis need⯑leſs to enter into the Hiſtory of it, but refer the Objector to theſe few Obſervations.

1. They had no Power to have protected his Majeſty, or to defend themſelves againſt an inevitable War with England: which, with a potent and victorious Army threatned to fall upon them, if they had carried the King away.

2. They were under no Ties of Obligation to the King, as a Priſoner taken; They were in Arms againſt him, and he came and put himſelf into their Hands, to their great Sur⯑prize, which is a yielding at Diſcretion; and, by the Law of Arms, left them at Liberty to diſpoſe of him as they thought fit; and his Majeſty was ſenſible, the Neceſſity of their Af⯑fairs made it impoſſible for them to detain him, unleſs they would immediately have come over to his Cauſe, which they could not do, nor did the King expect they would, ha⯑ving been in Arms againſt it.

3. Nor did they take any Mony as a Price for the King, only agreed to depart, and deliver the King, who they durſt [14] not keep, and capitulated to have the Money paid them, which was due from the Parliament to them before.

4. And laſtly, Nor did they part with the King, without making Articles with the Engliſh in his Behalf, that they ſhould treat him with Freedom, Honour, and Safety; which Arti⯑cles, if they had been kept, the King had been a Gainer by what the Scots did on his Behalf: And if theſe Agreements were after broken, and the King ill treated, 'tis the Engliſh muſt anſwer for that, not the Scots; who not only com⯑plain'd of it, but reſented it ſo highly, that they took Arms againſt the Parliament on that very Score, to revenge his Death, and made great Attempts to reſtore his Son, even to their own Ruin, and the Subverſion of their Conſtitution.

So that doing Juſtice, this Prejudice is abſolutely groundleſs and unreaſonable; and ſeems to be rais'd upon the Scots, only to extenuate what ſome People ſell into, with reſpect to that Prince, and can therefore leave no juſt Reproach upon the Scots, who, 'tis evident, by the Ruin they brought upon them⯑ſelves, in endeavouring to reſtore the Son, were no way ca⯑pable of defending the Father.

Whether then ſhall we come for a Prejudice againſt the Scots; the moſt ſignificant Objection we have, againſt uniting with them, is that they are Presbyterians; and What if they were Papiſts? Are Differences in Opinion incompatible with Union: How do we ſee the Numbers of Roman Catholicks in Holland no manner of Obſtruction to the Union of the Pro⯑vinces; the Popiſh and Proteſtant Cantons of the Swiſs united in a perpetual Confederacy. All the Prejudices that ariſe from this Suggeſtion amount to no more than this, not that it im⯑pedes a Union, in the moſt abſolute and extenſive Meaning at all, but that 'tis with Reluctan [...]e that they ſhould ſee it.

This, without any Injuſtice, I call Party-Prejudice; and now they begin to [...] us, the Danger of the Church of England will be brought upon the Stage again and that here will be an evi⯑dent Proof of it, which no body can anſwer; and we begin already to be threatned with that Clamour.

[15] To remove at leaſt the Ground-work of this Pretence, I think, it may be proper a little to enter into a Hiſtory of Probabilities and calculate the Strength of Parties here as briefly as poſſible.

There is indeed ſome Difference here not between Author and Author among our High Church Champions, but between Authors and themſelves; ſometimes they will have the Diſſen⯑ters ſo inconſiderable a Party, that they can be eaſ [...]ly ſuppreſt, and ought to be ſo, to prevent growing Miſchiefs; at other times, the ſame Authors will have them be ſo formidable, that they are every Day frighting their Children, with their running and overturning both Church and State: What ſhall we do with ſuch People as theſe? If it ſerves their Turn to cry out of the Danger of the Church, and the fatal Plots of the Diſſenters, then they are a formidable Party, and the Government muſt be warn'd againſt them; and the Church is call'd upon to ſtand faſt, and quit themſelves like Men, and the like. If they find it proper to vaunt a little, and inſult the Diſſenters, then they are a mean and contemptible Party, and not worth any Body's Notice.

Upon this Uncertainty 'tis evident there can no juſt Calcula⯑tion be made from theſe People's Judgments; but let us come to the Caſe.

If we come to unite, ſay theſe Gentlemen, the Presbyterian Power of Scotland, joyn'd to the Diſſenters in England, will be too ſtrong for the Church; and we ſhall be overwhelm'd by the Party, and the Church deſtroy'd.

Let us ſee if the Reverſe of this be not moſt probable: It is the general Opinion, that as to Numbers, the Diſſenters in Eng⯑land, ſet againſt the Church, are not more than One to Twelve; as to Wealth, and Intereſt; in Trade, they are allow'd to be much more; but as to Numbers, 'tis all wiſe Mens Opinion, that one in Twelve is the Out-ſide. In Scotland, by the ſame general Calculations, the Epiſcopal Party, who I now call Diſ⯑ſenters, are at leaſt accounted to; Now tho' the whole Number of Scots were joyned to the Diſſenters in Eng⯑land, and were put in a Ballance of Numbers, 'tis certain they would fall ſhort of being a Match for the Church; then add their Poverty to the reſt, which is the certain and conſtant De⯑ſtruction [16] of great Deſigns, the Church can be in no Danger in Point of Strength, if Providence were to ſtand neuter, and the Arms of Fleſh to try it out.

Let no Prejudices therefore fill our Minds, with reſpect to the Intereſt of the Church of England; the Wealth and Strength of England, whoſe Government is wholly a Church of England Eſtabliſhment, is beyond all Compariſon ſuperior to the Power of the Diſſenters, were they ſo bereav'd of their Senſes, as to attempt to diſturb it.

Whoever therefore forms Prejudices in the Heads of the Peo⯑ple of England, concerning Dangers to the Church from this Union, muſt give me leave to ſay, it is done with a ſiniſter De⯑ſ gn againſt the publick Peace of both Nations, and without any manner of Foundation, grounded either upon Reaſon, Truth, or the Nature of Things.

Not but that there are other Reaſons to prove, that the Church of England can take no Umbrage from this Union, which are drawn from the Intereſts of each Nation, and from the Cir⯑cumſtances of the Scots, which I omit here as not to this purpoſe.

But when we conſult the Article of meer Strength, there is no Shaddow of Danger to the Church from the Union, but what at the ſame time will hold good to make us fear an entire Con⯑queſt of this Nation by the Scots, WITHOUT A UNION; which they will allow to be ridiculous.

If I was to turn the Argument, I confeſs I cannot ſpeak with the ſame Aſſurance, that there is the ſame Safety to the Scots in the Caſe of their uniting with ſo powerful a Government as the Church of England Eſtabliſhment in this Nation; what an encroaching Party here may not attempt, or at leaſt what they would not attempt, if the Sacred Poſtulata of this Union ſhould not be backt with the Protection of the Government, I will not anſwer for; but the Security of the Publick Faith will have ſome Reaſons, beſides the Hone [...]ty of ſuch a Cauſe, to protect the Scots in all their juſt Rights: Of which I ſhall ſpeak by it ſelf.

I cannot imagine why it ſhould remain as a Prejudice in the Minds of the People of either Nation, that they differ in ſome Articles of Religion, ſince a general Uniformity in Religious [17] Matters is not ſo much as hoped for in this Nation, and can re⯑ally juſtify the Prejudices againſt the Scots, no more, than it does our own unnatural Diviſions one among another.

The Difference in both Nations is not of Religion, but in Reli⯑gious Circumſtances; both are Proteſtant both Orthodox in Prin⯑ciple, and equally oppoſite to Popery, and Antichriſtianiſm: The Eſtabliſhments of either Nation have no manner of Occaſion to interfere, and an alternate Toleration might eaſily make a Re⯑conciliation of Charity be univerſal.

How fooliſh then muſt National Prejudices be, and how much to our own Detriment, as well as to the Encouragement of the Enemies of both Nations, in that they tend to keep diſunited two Nations, whoſe Diviſions have been the Deſtruction of ſo many hundred thouſand brave ſtout Fellows, whoſe Force, em⯑ploy'd againſt Foreign Nations, might have made Britain Mi⯑ſtreſs of half the Nations of Europe.

II. The next Rank of Prejudices is, of the Scots Side againſt us.

Theſe are ſuch as our poſſeſſing their Sovereign, removing their Court, oppreſſing their Trade, neglecting them in our pub⯑lick Treaties, excluding them in Advantages as Aliens, and uſing them as Natives in Caſes to their Loſs, ruining their Collony in Da [...]ten, ſeizing their Eaſt India Ships, and the like.

Of theſe I only ſay in general, as they are the proper Reaſons why the Scots ſhould deſire this Union, ſo they cannot prejudice them againſt it, becauſe by a Union they will be all remov'd; and in the purſuit of this Work, I ſhall undertake to ſhow how they may be remov'd, to the general Satisfaction of both Nations.

I know there are Prejudices relating to Trade, and ſome Peo⯑ple have entertain'd Opinions of the Scots ruining us, and enrich⯑ing themſelves by Encroachments upon our Trade; but if I make it appear that a Freedom of Trade is our Advantage, more than the Scots, that the Scots have been oppreſt by us in Trade; and that tho' they ſhall grow rich, it ſhall be alſo our Advantage, I ſhall then effectually remove this Prejudice: Of which by it ſelf.

And this leads me of Courſe to examine the Advantages of this Union, on the Miſtakes of which farther Prejudices are grounded; and tho' I cannot enter into the particular and ſepa⯑rate Advantages, till I come to examine the Heads of Commerce, [18] and the relative Conſequences, with Reſpect to one another, and with Reſpect to our Neighbours; yet I cannot but a little conſider the general Advantages which both Nations ſhall ob⯑tain in the Concluſion of this happy Union, in order to open Peoples Eyes to their own Felicity, and to move our Poſterity to bleſs us, for putting an End to the ruinous Diſtempers of both Nations.

I am not ignorant, that in all Caſes it is Natural for Men to examine, what Benefit, what Advantage ſhall fall to them by every thing they undertake? Nor is any Man that has conſider'd, or diſcours d in England of this Union, igno⯑rant, that [...]s labour'd very diligently by ſome Men, to fill our common Peoples Mouths with this Queſtion,—What ſhall We, We Engliſh-men get by it? We don't doubt, but Scotland ſhall be the better by it, by being let into our Trade, and let into our Manufactures, and let into all the Advantages of an Engliſh-man; But what ſhall WE get by it?

If then the enſuing Sheets open this Scene to the View of the People, and prove to the common Underſtanding, that the Ad⯑vantages of this Union ſhall be greater to England than to Scotland, it muſt of Courſe reconcile all unprejudic'd impartial People to the Union in general; and this Inference I purpoſe ſhall run through every Head of the enſuing Diſcourſe.

And First, after which if I was name no more, it was ſuffici⯑ent to move us all to deſire this Union, above all National Bleſ⯑ſings, the ineſtimable Advantage of GENERAL PEACE, a ſettled, a Perpetual Peace, a final End of Depredation, Ruin, Devaſtation and Blood; a National Friendſhip ſucceeding the moſt inveterate National Feuds, a general Tranqu [...]ty following unſettled and precarious Circumſtances; which has ſo often broke out into fierce and deſtructive Wars, as has, at ſeveral times, been ſup⯑poſed to coſt the Price of four Millions of the beſt Blood in Chri⯑ [...]endom.

Can either Nation, if in their Wits, ſay this is not a ſufficient Advantage to make us deſire this Union: Let us lock back to the Fields of Bannocksbourn, [...], Muſcelborough, and Dun⯑bar, and [...], if the Fountains of Blood opened at thoſe fatal Places, merit not to be ſtopt; and whether it is not the Wiſdom [19] of both Nations, to covet the preventing our Poſterity running into the ſame Violence, and Exceſſes. Let the Nobility and Gentry, of both Nations, examine the Line of their Families back but a few Ages, and ſee what noble Branches of their Anceſtors ſpilt their Blood on the deſolate Borders, and how the Bones of their Noble Progenitors lie buried, blended with the Carcaſſes of the common People, and buried in the Ditches of both Countries, by the Hands of the Conquerors.

Let the Curious look back into Hiſtory, and tell me, what has been the Conſequences to the Northern Countries of England, from above three Hundred formal Invaſions of the Scots Armies? In ſome of which, we have ſeen them on the Banks of the Hum⯑ber; and in others, they have pierc'd even to the rich Valleys on the Trent; let them deſcribe, if they know how, the Ruin and Deſtruction of the Country, the Burnings, Plunderings, Rapes, and Violences, which, in all Ages, are the Conſequences of Ar⯑mies ranging an open and defenceleſs Country: If they can find proper Epethets, (for I profeſs my ſelf uncapable,) let them re⯑preſent in moving and ſuited Expreſſions, the Complaints of the diſtreſs [...]d Country, the Groans of the murther'd Innocents, the Cries of the Widows and Mothers for their Husbands and Chil⯑dren, the Deſpair of flouriſhing Families, ruin'd and undone; with their Fields over run, their Barns and Houſes plunder'd and burnt, their Cattle driven away, and their whole Subſtance deſtroy'd.

Why ſhould theſe things be leſs preſent with us? for the Cir⯑cumſtances being remote as to time; unleſs we were throughly aſ⯑ſur'd it ſhould never fall out ſo again.

If it were thus now, or if it be poſſible to ſuppoſe theſe things acting upon the preſent Stage of this Nation, if we were to ſup⯑poſe a Scotch Army enter'd upon the Northern Countries, What would be the Language of the Inhabitants? What their Requeſt to an Engliſh Parliament?—Let him that cannot gueſs, look back no farther than to the Petition of the Country, in the Time of King Charles the Iſt. when the Scots having given the Engliſh a Bruſh at the Paſſage of Newnham Bridge, poſſeſs'd themſelves of New-Caſtle, and all the beſt and richeſt of the Northern Parts of England;—the Cry of the People was then, as it would be now, and as is moſt Natural to ſuppoſe, PEACE, PEACE.

[] But ſome ſay, we are too ſtrong for the Scots now, and there is no Fear that ever they ſhall invade our Country any mere; for that our Wealth and Strength is ſo much encreaſed, that we are able to cruſh them preſently, and can always keep the War out of our own Country; that as we are become more powerful, the Scots are become weaker, as we are richer, they are poorer than [...]ver, and therefore the Caſe alters.

I ſhall ſpeak more particularly to this, when I come to exa⯑mine the ſeparate Intereſts of both Nations; in which, perhaps, it may be neceſſary to make ſome Calculations, and compare Cir⯑cumſtances: And I only take Leave at preſent to aſſure the judi⯑cious, conſidering Reader of theſe Sheets, that even, comparing Circumſtances, the Engliſh Nation has as much, or perhaps more, Reaſon to covet a laſting indiſſolvable Peace between the Nati⯑ons, than the Scots; and conſequently, to preſs for a National Union, as the only way effectually to bring it to paſs.

But I am now upon the General only, in which, when I ſpeak of Peace, as the Conſequence of a General Union, methinks I ſhould ſpeak to the general Underſtanding of every Man: And without examining, whether we have more need of Peace than the Scots,—let me ask a few Queſtions.

1. Have our Northern Counties got any thing by the long Intervals of Peace, which, for the laſt 150 Years, has, with ſome Interruption, been eſtabliſh'd between the Nations? Let any Man view the Borders, let them examine the Rents of Lands in Northumberland and Cumberland, and tell me, if they are not more than three times encreas'd in Value, beſides the Differences in the general Value of things, ſince the Battel at Muſcelborough.

2. Is there any different Face upon the Out-ſides of things, ſince mutual Depredations laid and kept all things waſte? Are the Scots Borders waſte? ſo were Ours: Are Ours improv'd? ſo might Theirs be: For I make no Queſtion, the Country North by Tweed is as capable of Improvement, as that on the South of the ſame River: But as the preſent Difference is owing to to another Cauſe, I ſhall treat of that by it ſelf; only I ſay, and I make no Queſtion to prove, had the Lands from Berwick to Edenburgh been under the ſame Tenantry, but under Engliſh [21] Articles of Poſſeſſion, and Leaſes from the Landlord, as the Lands from Berwick to New-Caſtle, they would have been e⯑q al in Value, both as to Landlord and Tenant, ſome few Mountains excepted, equally fruitful and pleaſant; and the unhappy Circumſtances, Cuſtoms, and Conſtitution of Scotland, not the Want of Native Wealth, Fruitfulneſs of Soil, or Induſtrious Inhabitants, makes her a poor and bar⯑ren Nation; and which it is not yet too late to recover, whe⯑ther this Union proceed or not.

General National Peace, therefore, is a moſt deſirable Article, and the greateſt Advantage imaginable to both Nations: To This, to preſerve what Wealth they have gain'd, and ſecure the flou⯑riſhing Condition they are arriv'd to: To That, for recovering them from the Poverty and Decay of their Affairs; to which they want nothing but Freedom of Circumſtances, and Peace, as the only thing which made us riſe without them.

If Peace then ſhall be the Conſequence of this Union, never let any Man ask me, What We ſhall get by it? We ſhall get the Security and quiet Poſſeſſion of the Wealth and Improvements of our own Country, a thing which, let us boaſt never ſo much of our Strength, will be very precarious, and expoſed to manifeſt Hazards in Caſe of a War; and as our Circumſtances in England may be, and our Hands full another way, as they are now, may be impoſſible to defend.

I could here enter into the Inquiry of the ſtrange unproportion'd Circumſtances of a War, if ever that unhappy time ſhould come in England between the Nations; and tho' we flatter our ſelves with reducing the Scots by Force; and ſome very weak Debates have paſs'd on both Sides upon that Head; yet to come cloſer to the Matter, I muſt beg Pardon to tell my Warlike Readers, that ſuch People may underſtand, for ought I know, what belongs to fighting with the French, or, which they had rather be at, with the Dutch, or, which moſt of all they would be glad of, with ONE ANOTHER, but they ſeem not at all to underſtand what it is to fight with the SCOTS.

Perhaps therefore ſuch will think theſe following Concluſions of mine ſtrange Paradoxes, and for the preſent I ſhall leave them uninterpreted, not doubting, but knowing Men, on both Sides, [22] will reach their Meaning, and for the reſt I ſhall explain my ſelf hereafter.

Suppoſing the preſent happy Temper of both Nations towards a Union, ſhould, to all our Misfortunes, go off, and end, as to me it ſeems inevitably neceſſary, in a bloody War between the Na⯑tions.

1. If the Scots ſhould beat you, invade Northumberland, pierce even into Yorkſhire, rout your Forces, deſtroy the Country, and the like, they would be [...].

2. If you invade Scotland, beat their Armies, traverſe the Country, and driving the Scots to their Inacceſſibles and Retreats, make what you call a Conqueſt, you are undone.

3. Every Victory you gain over them, in the Field, you are beaten, the Scots are Conquerors by it, and you Loſers.

4. If you will keep an Army upon them, to maintain your Conqueſt, and keep them in Subjection, you make them, and they ſhall thank you.

5. At the End of every War, they ſhall have the better of you, it ſhall coſt you more to hold them, than to gain them, and more to loſe them again, than both.

There are more of theſe Paradoxes, which, in Time, I may enter upon the Explication of, and which, I doubt not, will be made plain to the Underſtandings of all thoſe that can view Things with an impartial Judgment, and free from National Prejudices on either Side, by which it will appear, the Advan⯑tages of this Union will be greater to the Engliſh, than to the Scots.

But to proceed about this Article of Peace, there is another Peace, which, tho' equally a Bleſſing, I doubt I am not talking to a Peo⯑ple equally deſirous of; and ſuch is our Unhappineſs, that it is the Fear of this Peace, which, for ought I know, may be the greateſt Obſtruction to ſome Peoples Deſire of a Ʋnion, and this is an Eccleſiaſtical Peace; a Peace of Religion, or, rather, a Church Peace.

I confeſs, I cannot but wonder at the Temper of thoſe Chri⯑ſtians, they would be angry if I ſhould not call them ſuch, who will have it be, that the Church of England, and the Church of Scot⯑land, are Two Religions, or that the Nations profeſs Two Re⯑ligions.

[23] Such People, as firſt, they ſeem to know little what Religion means, and that it is indiviſſible in it ſelf by any other Article than the Object of Religion, ſo they will not underſtand, that no⯑thing can intitle any People to the Charge of profeſſing a diffe⯑rent Religion, but the Worſhip of a differing Deity.

But ſome People will have Breaches ſeem wider than they real⯑ly are, in order to fright the Lovers of Union, from the Attempt of cloſing.

I could heartily wiſh there were no ſuch Thing as a Difference in the Opinions of Chriſtians, worſhipping the ſame Original Author and Maker of all Things; profeſſing the ſame Faith in the ſame Redeemer; the ſame Hope, and on the ſame Terms with one another: But the Wiſdom of inſcrutable Providence, whoſe End in it 'tis neither poſſible nor needful for us to know, has even from the Beginning of the Chriſtian Religion in the World, per⯑mitted it to be otherwiſe, and who are we, that we ſhould pretend to diſpute it with him?

Perhaps theſe Things are ſuffer'd in the Church of Christ, for the Exerciſe of the Charity, Forbearance, and mutual Temper, of Chriſtians, to prevent worſe Inconveniencies, which from the Pride of Proſperity, the Power and Glory of an united Church, might, in Conjunction with Human Infirmity, have riſen in the World; but whether this is a rational Conjecture or no, 'tis ma⯑nifeſt, that theſe Offences muſt come, and tho' I will not ſubjoin the Text, Woe be to him by whom they come, I cannot refrain ſaying, Woe be to him by whom they are willfully increaſed and continued.

But to proceed, for I deſire to abridge the moſt needful Digreſ⯑ſions, as much as poſſible, as to them that deſire to widen our Church Breaches, God in his Mercy open their Eyes to judge bet⯑ter of Things, and to be more concern'd for the Peace of their Native Country on both Sides, and there I leave them, as a Sort of Incorrigibles, capable of no other Conviction than what ſhall proceed from the irreſiſtable Force of an inviſible Worker of as great Miracles as theſe, and loe I turn to the Chriſtians, for theſe can hardly merit that Name.

To you, Gentlemen of both Nations, that deſire to ſee the Pro⯑teſtant Churches of Britain flouriſh, that deſire to ſee the Union of the Body, under One united Head, join'd in Charity, Forbear⯑ance, [24] and Love; that are zealous ſor Chriſtian Liberty, as well as Civil Liberty, and that would rejoice to ſee differing Eſtabliſh⯑ments, agree to go Hand in Hand, the direct Road to Heaven; you cannot but covet this Union; you cannot but foreſee it will remove all the ſecret Grudgings, Repinings, and Jealou⯑ſies between Two Nations, of whom never was Scripture bet⯑ter adapted to the Circumſtances of both, than that of Abra⯑ham to Lot, Let no Strife be between us, for we are Brethren, Gen. 13. 8.

Would then thoſe Gentlemen, who cry out of Perſecution and Severities exercis'd upon their Epiſcopal Brethren in Scotland, tho' thoſe Things are far leſstrue than have been ſuggeſted, would they obtain a ſettled legal Tolleration in Scotland for Epiſcopal Diſſenters, founded in the Charity and Tenderneſs to them, on the Part of the Government, and their peaceable, obedient, and Chriſtian Behaviour and Submiſſion to the Laws on their Part, Things on which all Chriſtian Governments do depend, this would effect it.

Eſtabliſhments, and National Churches, are here ſixt on both Hands, and 'tis the farther eſtabliſhing and fortifying thoſe Set⯑tlements, not the expoſing them to change or invaſion on either Hand, which is the Principle End of all the Religious Part of a Union.

As for thoſe People who expect the Scots to reſcind their Set⯑tlement; reſtore a Church Government which they do not ap⯑prove of, and ſubject National Principles to Foreign Conſtitu⯑tion, they ſhow indeed their Zeal for their own Opinion, but not their Senſe of the Circumſtances of both Nations, in which unal⯑terable Eſtabliſhments, both Civil and Religious, are already conſented to, by the Legiſlature of each Kingdom; nor do theſe People ſeem to underſtand what the Union we are upon means; 'tis no Way the Buſineſs of a Ʋnion, TO ALTER, but TO CON⯑FIRM, ſecure, and render impregnable, the preſent Settlements of both Kingdoms, that when we come to live as Brethren, un⯑der One Adminiſtration, there may be a Noli me tangere plac'd upon theſe Things, and they may be capable of no Invaſion, Alteration, or Diſſolution, either by the Power of the Strongeſt, or the Conceſſions of the Weakeſt.

[25] The Conſtitutions and Eſtabliſhment of Religious Matters, being thus ſettled, made Sacred and inviolable, a thoro' effectual legal Tolleration of Orthodox Opinions, diſſenting from the Eſta⯑bliſhments in either Kingdom, will be an Alternative which no Chriſtian Member on either Side will debate, being a Debt from One Kingdom to the Other, and from Both, to the Weakneſs and good Meaning of their fellow Chriſtians: as alſo a due Homage paid to the Sovereignty of Conſcience, which is, and ought to remain free and unimpos'd upon in all Things, the general Subjection to the Being and Authority of our Maker, and Acknowledgment of him by religious Worſhip only preſerv'd and ſupported.

Shall any Man ſay to me, Theſe Things are not Advantages ſufficient to move us, on both Sides to a ſincere Concurrence in, and Purſuit of a National Union: What ſhall they have to ob⯑ject, when all our Religious, or rather Irreligious Feuds ſhall die, and be buried under the Immortal Column of National Eſtabliſh⯑ment, and Legal Tolleration; when Envy and Invaſion ſhall be render'd impracticable, and the Doors be barr'd and ſecur'd by the Locks and Bolts of the Law, againſt all manner of Divi⯑ſions that can be any Way fatal to the general Harmony of the Whole; when the Nations ſhall be united in nothing wherein they ought to differ, and differ in nothing wherein they ought to unite, when they ſhall unite in Affection, where they cannot unite in Opinion, and never differ in Charity, tho' they may differ in Judgment.

And I cannot but note here one Obſervation of my own: As a Man that is ſafely landed on a firm and high Rock, out of the Reach of the inſulting Waves, by which he was in Danger of Shipwreck, ſurveys the diſtant Dangers with Inexpreſſible Satis⯑faction, from both the Sence of his own Security, and the more clear Diſcovery of the Reality of the Hazards he had run, which did not perfectly ſee before.

So it will not only be an inexpreſſible Pleaſure to us to look back, and ſee the Dangers we ſhall be delivered from in bot h Nations, when this happy Union ſhall once be obtained; but we ſhall then, with Aſtoniſhment, ſee plainly ſuch Rocks, ſuch Shelves, and ſuch inevitable Gulphs of Deſtruction avoided, as our keeneſt Underſtanding will not permit us now to imagine poſſible.

[26] I have heard that when the Spaniſh Armada in 1588. was, af⯑ter all our fabulous Stories of Sir Fra. Drake, and his Wonders, by the meer Hand of Providence, Storm and Tempeſt, more than our Oppoſition, diſperſs'd, ſcatter'd, and by various Diſaſters render'd uſeleſs to the Deſign, and the Expedition overthrown; Q. Eli⯑zabeth was often heard to ſay, that had they enter'd the Mouth of the Thames, and been joyn'd by the Duke of Parma from Flan⯑ders, who lay ready to come over with 32000 Men of the beſt Troops the World ever ſaw England must have ſubmitted, and ſhe had been undone, and her Majeſty own'd ſhe ſay more of the Dan⯑ger then, after they were beaten than ſhe did before.

I have not Room to prove here that the Queen's Obſervation was juſt, which any that knows the Hiſtory of thoſe Times, that the D. of Parma who was one of the greateſt Generals, and the Spaniſh Troops then the beſt Soldiers of that Age; and that the Queen's Forces were all raw, undiſciplin'd, new rais'd, and rather Crowds of Militia, than a real Army, will readily join in it.

But my Obſervation is from the Queen s reflecting back on this more particularly after the Danger was over, and the Nation deli⯑vered than before.

And I firmly believe, if ever this happy Union of the Nations comes to a Concluſion, thoſe Gentlemen that talk very ſlightly of it now, and ſeem rather willing to keep open the Breach than to cloſe it, will ſee things with a different Aſpect, will have their Opticks extended, and ſee the Gulphs and Precipices, which they, blinded by Ignorance and Prejudices, are now willing to puſh the Nations upon, not having Reach enough to diſcern the Danger.

But to go on with our Head of Advantages from a National Union.

3. Safety and Security: And by this Head I do not mean bare⯑ly againſt one another, and the many unhappy Conſequences of the preſent precarious Circumſtances of both Nations, as they re⯑ſpect future War or Peace, but I mean alſo the mighty Additions of Strength and Security againſt any Foreign Enemy, when the Power of both Nations is twiſted together, and interwoven one with another, by their mutual Intereſts; and in this I muſt be allow'd to ſay, without the leaſt Partiality, that the Advantage is wholly on Englands Side, whoſe Power is by the Addition of Scot⯑land [27] ſo fortify'd, that it muſt be her own Fault, if ſhe does not make a different Figure in all the Affairs of Europe, to what ſhe ever did before.

Some have the ill Nature to object here, that this Union will enrich Scotland, which they think no Advantage to England; but if Scotland ſhall now become a Branch of England, and we are no more divided into Kingdoms, and Governments, but make one united Government of Great Britainr▪ Whoſe ſhall be the Wealth? And when ſhall the Conſequences of that Acceſſion terminate?

When I come to diſcuſs the Articles of Trade, I ſhall make it evident, (1.) That indeed Scotland ſhall grow rich, and ſo they may without a Ʋnion, if you will do them Juſtice, and they perſue the juſt Advantages Nature and Providence dictate to them. (2.) That their Riches ſhall not be our Poverty, nor their Encreaſe any way interrupt or interfere with Ours, but rather add to it.

Suppoſe then the Scots to grow rich by the Ʋnion, what ſhall be the Conſequence but this, among a thouſand others, that their Lands ſhall obtain Improvements; and both theſe ſhall end in keeping their numerous Hands at home?

And whoſe ſhall be the Advantage of keeping thoſe thouſands of People at home, which now fill the Armies, and ſpread the Colonies of all the Nations in Europe?

If the Wealth and Strength of a Nation conſiſts in the Multi⯑tude of its Inhabitants, what Addition of Strength ſhall it be to this Nation, when the Scots ſhall be kept at home, and tempted by the Profits of their Labour to ſtay where they can live eaſy; which they would always do, if they could; and if ſo, ſhall for ever after be your Aſſiſtants and Defenders, bound by the Bonds of their own Intereſt.

Men never ſeek their Bread by Arms, nor by travelling into Fo⯑reign Countries, generally ſpeaking, till ſome ſort of Hardſhips, Want, or other Uneaſineſſes renders them a little deſperate; and living hardly at home, they find themſelves under Neceſſity of going a⯑broad to avoid the Meanneſſes and Difficulties they meet with in theit own Country.

Improvements of Land, Application to Manufactures, Encreaſe of Trade, Fiſhing, Shipping, and the like, will certainly produce this Effect to Scotland, that it will kerp their People at home: Of which by it ſelf.

[28] And whoſe ſhall the Advantages of their Numbers be? To whom ſhall their Duty, their Power, and their Encreaſe of all kinds revolve, but to the Advantage of England?

Some People have had the Vanity to ſay, We are in England a Match for the whole World; and our Naval Strength will defend us againſt all Invaſion; I pray God we may never find Occaſion to put this to the Trial: But, without doubt, were Scotland effectually united to England, peopled, improv'd, and ſtrengthen'd, as it may and ought to be, it would in time more than double our Strength, and perhaps, at laſt, we might be an Over-match for any ſingle Nation in the World.

We do not indeed ſeek or expect an immediate Addition of Wealth by a Union with the Scots, tho' ſome are very fond of ma⯑king the Scots ſeem poorer than they are.

But Additions of Strength are very good Equivalents, and ve⯑ry material to us, and as uſeful to preſerve, as our Trade is to encreaſe our Wealth. What is it we fight for now in Europe? Not for Money, not to encreaſe our Wealth, but to preſerve that we have already got: If an Addition of Scotland does not encreaſe our Wealth, tho' I do not grant that neither, if it does fortify us to keep and defend what we have already, 'tis an Article no wiſe Man will deſpiſe.

Scotland is an inexhauſtible Treaſure of Men, as may be de⯑monſtrated by the vaſt Numbers they have in our Armies and Navy, and in the Armies of the Swede, the Pole, the Muſcovite, the Emperor, Holland, and France, what might not England now do, had ſhe in her Pay all the Scots, actually in the Service of theſe Princes, where they are daily cutting one anothers Throats; and at the Expence of their Country's Impoveriſhment, gain the emp⯑ty Reputation of being the beſt Soldiers in the World.

This is a Treaſure beyond the Indies, and what few People know how to value; and it has hitherto been our Happineſs, that the Scots are thus diſpeopled and impoveriſh'd; for had the Scots been as rich as they are populous, had they been as well furniſh'd with the Sinews, as they have been with the Humour of War, had they as much Money as Men, and as much Deſign upon us, as Courage and Bravery to execute, we ſhould long ago have ſought this Union more eagerneſs than we fancy they ſeek it now.

[29] 'Tis therefore, without doubt, our Intereſt to ſecure theſe Ad⯑vantages now, the Particulars of which I ſhall enter upon when I come to diſcourſe of Improvements in Trade.

There are innumerable Advantages, which I cannot touch at here, on the Scots Side, as the Increaſe of the Eſtates and Freehold of the Nobility and Gentry, the Increaſe of their Trade, and the bringing their Country into a perfectly new Poſture, both as to the Way and Manner of Living, Thriving, and growing Rich; not to talk of their Fiſhing Trade, which is an India at their own Door, a Treaſure ſent them from Heaven, which they cannot be long ſo weak, to let another Nation rob them of, as hitherto they have done.

Thus Peace, both Civil and Religious, Safety, Strength, and, by Conſequence, the Increaſe both of Trade and Wealth, are the immediate general Advantages of this Union to both Nations.

3. I think there ſhould ſeem but ſmall Occaſion, after all this, to enter upon the Neceſſity of this Union to either Nation: Ad⯑vantages are real Neceſſities, and it may very properly be ſaid, We cannot be without that, which we cannot be without but to our great Loſs and Inconvenience.

I have not touch'd the Article of the Succeſſion yet, nor have I room for it here. I am fully of Opinion, and belive I reflect on neither Nation, if I ſay, The Conſequence of the preſent Diſpute between the Nations, muſt be a firm effectual Union, or an open declar'd Rupture; and I would only tell thoſe Gentlemen, who too haſtily declare for the latter, that I could bring a great many Reaſons to prove, that if ever this Matter ſhould break out into a War, it will be the moſt bloody, implacable and cruel, that ever happen'd between the Nations..... The Scots are poor, and that may be allow'd beyond what we pretend to; but there are ſuch Circumſtances attending Scotland, and which render her a Na⯑tion which the other Powers of Europe will ſo gladly eſpouſe, that we have unforeſeen Events to encounter with in ſuch a Breach; and they judge with ſmall Diſcretion, that pretend to account for the Conſequences▪ But I hope this Head is needleſs to inlarge upon.

I ſhall conclude this Tract, which I deſign chiefly as an Intro⯑duction to the Work, and uſeful to prepare the Minds of the People to entertain the grateful Notion of General Union, with [30] laying down the Scheme of my farther Deſign, in which, if I have leiſure to purſue it, I ſhall attempt to examine the Terms of Union, which the Nature of Things and Circumſtances of both the Nations ſeem to lead us directly upon.

I ſhall not undertake to examine the imperfect Schemes of o⯑ther Men, nor aſſume the Vanity of being arriv'd to a Perfection in my own: I know there are Difficulties in a Thing ſo Nice; and where Prerogatives and Priviledges, both of Prince and Peo⯑ple, ſeem to claſh; where Emulations in Families, Honours, Trade, and Circumſtances of State ſeem immovable, and Differences and Animoſities of Religion and Parties have run high.

But a Propenſity in both Sides to Union; a Senſe of mutual Advantages, and a View of the abſolute Neceſſity of a Union, will remove abundance of theſe Difficulties.

Trifles muſt not ſtand in the Way of ſuperior Peace, and Things are juſtly call'd Trifles, with reſpect to Nations, and the weighty Concerns of the Blood of Ages, that are otherwiſe in themſelves conſiderable.

I know ſome People are very fond of what they call a Federal Union, and abundance of Conſiderations move them to it, tho' I believe the greateſt Reaſon moſt of them can give, is, becauſe they cannot ſee thro' another, and think a general, intire, or in⯑corporate Union impracticable, or, at leaſt, that they think both Nations will not come up to it.

I ſhall preſcribe nothing, but endeavour to ſhow how both are feaſible, and lay open the Articles of either, as plain as I can.

The HEADS now to be treated of, with reſpect to this Uni⯑on, I take to be Three, RELIGION STATE and TRADE; and if in all theſe, I can, by Enquiry, find out ſuch Mediums as may, to the mutual Advantages of both Nations, amount to a Settle⯑ment, I cannot but think we ought not to fall out about the En⯑qu [...]y, Whether thoſe Advantages may ſeem to be more to one Nation than another.

And ſhould that be the unkind Debate, the Gentlemen that raiſe it, will have this Misfortune, that in all the Three Articles mentioned, the Ballance of Advantage ſhall turn on our Side, and againſt their pretended Exceptions, which I make no queſtion to prove, even in the Article of TRADE it ſelf, in which ſome Peo⯑ple are ſo very clamorous.