From an Original Painting
THE HISTORY OF HINDOSTAN; FROM THE EARLIEST ACCOUNT OF TIME, TO THE DEATH OF AKBAR; TRANSLATED FROM THE PERSIAN OF MAHUMMUD CASIM FERISHTA OF DELHI: TOGETHER WITH A DISSERTATION Concerning the RELIGION and PHILOSOPHY of the BRAHMINS; WITH An APPENDIX, Containing the Hiſtory of the MOGUL EMPIRE, from its Decline in the Reign of MAHUMMUD SHAW, to the preſent Times.
By ALEXANDER DOW.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOLUME I.
LONDON: Printed for T. BECKET and P. A. DE HONDT, in the Strand. MDCCLXVIII.
TO THE KING.
[]THE Hiſtory of India is laid, with great humility, at the foot of the throne. As no inconſiderable part of Hindoſtan, is now in a manner comprehended within the circle of the Britiſh empire, there is a propriety in addreſſing the hiſtory of that country to the Sovereign.
The ſucceſs of your Majeſty's arms has laid open the Eaſt to the reſearches of the curious; and your gracious accept⯑ance of this firſt, though ſmall ſpecimen of the literature of Aſia, will excite men of greater abilities than the preſent tranſlator poſſeſſes, to ſtudy the annals of a people, remark⯑able for their antiquity, civilization, and the ſingular cha⯑racter of their religion and manners.
[] In the hiſtory of Hindoſtan, now offered to your Majeſty, the people of Great-Britain may ſee a ſtriking contraſt of their own condition; and, whilſt they feel for human na⯑ture ſuffering under deſpotiſm, exult at the ſame time, in that happy liberty, which they enjoy under the government of a Prince who delights in augmenting the ſecurity and felicity of his ſubjects.
That your Majeſty may long remain a public bleſſing, and reign for a ſeries of many years over this happy nation, is the ſincere prayer of
CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
[]- A DISSERTATION concerning the cuſtoms, manners, lan⯑guage, religion, and philoſophy of the Hindoos, p. xxi.
- SECT. I. Of the fabulous accounts of the Hindoos concerning their origin.—A ſpecimen of their ancient hiſtory, 1
- SECT. II. Of the origin of the Hindoos, 7
- SECT. III. Of the Reign of Kriſhen, the founder of the Dynaſty of the Marages, 10
- SECT. IV. Of the Reign of Marage the ſon of Kriſhen, and of the Dynaſties of the Marages and Keſhrorages, 11
- SECT. V. Of the Reign of Firoſera, and the diſſolution of the Dy⯑naſty of Keſhrorage, 14
- SECT. VI. Of the Reign of Soorage, and the Dynaſty of that name, 15
- SECT. VII. Of Barage, 17
- SECT. VIII. Of the Reign of Keidar the Brahmin, 18
- SECT. IX. Of the Reign of Shinkol, and of his ſon and ſucceſſor, Rhoat, ibid.
- [] SECT. X. Of the Reign of Merage, p. 21
- SECT. XI. Of the Reign of Kederage, 22
- SECT. XII. Of the Reign of Jeichund, 23
- SECT. XIII. Of the Reigns of Delu, and the two Foors, 23
- SECT. XIV. Of Callian Chund, 25
- SECT. XV. Of the Reign of Rhamdeo Rhator, 28
- SECT. XVI. Of the Reign of Partab Chund, 31
- SECT. XVII. Of Annindeo, Maldeo, and the diſſolution of the empire, 32
- SECT. I. Of the firſt appearance of the ſtar of Iſlamiſm, in Hin⯑doſtan, together with a ſummary account of thoſe Mahomedans, by whom the empire of Ghizni was formed, 34
- SECT. II. The Reign of Naſir ul dien Subuctagi, the founder of the empire of Ghizni, 39
- SECT. III. The Reign of Amir Iſmaiel ben Naſir ul dien Subuc⯑tagi, 50
- SECT. IV. The Hiſtory of the Reign of Amin ul Muluck, Emin ul Dowla, Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi, from his acceſſion to the year 403, 52
- SECT. V. The Hiſtory of the Reign of Sultan Mamood, from the year 403, to his death in the year 419, 69
- SECT. V. The Hiſtory of the Reign of Jellal ul Dowla Jemmal ul Muluck, Sultan Mahummud, ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi, 99
- SECT. VI. The Reign of Shahab ul Dowla Jemmal ul Muluck Sultan Muſaood ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi, 101
- SECT. VII. The Reign of Abul Fatte, Chutub ul Muluck Shahab ul Dowla Amir Modood ben Muſaood ben Mamood Ghiz⯑navi, 115
- SECT. VIII. The Reign of Abu Jaffier Muſaood ben Modood, 123
- SECT. IX. The Reign of Sultan Abul Haſſen Ali ben Muſaood, ibid.
- SECT. X. The Reign of Zein ul Muluck, Sultan Abdul Reſhid, 124
- SECT. XI. The Reign of Jemmal ul Dowla Feroch Zaad ben Sul⯑tan Muſaood Ghiznavi. 126
- SECT. XII. The Reign of Zehir ul Dowla Sultan Ibrahim ben Mu⯑ſaood Ghiznavi, 128
- [] SECT. XIII. The Reign of Alla ul Dowla Muſaood, ben Ibrahim ben Muſaood Ghiznavi, 132
- SECT. XIV. The Reign of Sultan ul Dowla Arſilla Shaw ben Mu⯑ſaood, 133
- SECT. XV. The Reign of Moaz ul Dowla Byram Shaw ben Mu⯑ſaood, 135
- SECT. XVI. The Reign of Zehir ul Dowla Chuſero Shaw ben Byram Shaw Ghiznavi, 140
- SECT. XVII. The Reign of Chuſero Malleck, ben Chuſero Shaw, 141
- SECT. XVIII. Of the Dynaſty of Ghor, 143
- SECT. XIX. The Reign of Shaw Churſihed Ahtiesham Sultan Moaz ul dien, known in Hindoſtan by the name of Shab ul dien Ma⯑hummud Ghori, 148
- SECT. I. The Reign of Sultan Cuttub ul dien Abiek, 164
- SECT. II. The Reign of Taje ul dien Eldoze, 173
- SECT. III. The Reign of Sultan Aram Shaw ben Sultan Cuttub ul dien Abiek, 175
- SECT. IV. The Reign of Shumſe ul dien Altumſh, 176
- SECT. V. The Reign of Ruckun ul dien Firoſe Shaw ben Sultan Shumſe ul dien Altumſh, 182
- SECT. VI. The Reign of Malleke Doran Sultana Rizia, 183
- SECT. VII. The Reign of Sultan Moaz ul dien Byram Shaw ben Sultan Shumſe ul dien Altumſh, 187
- SECT. VIII. The Reign of Sultan Alla ul dien Muſaood Shaw, the ſon of Ruckun ul dien Firoſe Shaw, 190
- SECT. IX. The Reign of Sultan Naſir ul dien Mamood ben Sultan Shumſe ul dien Altumſh, 192
- SECT. X. The Reign of Sultan Yeas ul dien Balin, 203
- SECT. XI. The Reign of Sultan Moaz ul dien Kei Kubad, ben Bughera Chan, ben Sultan Yeas ul dien Balin, 222
- SECT. XII. The Reign of Sultan Jellal ul dien Firoſe of Chil⯑lige, 232
- [] SECT. XIII. The Reign of Alla ul dien, called Secunder Sani, 255
- SECT. XIV. The Reign of Shab ul dien Omar ben Sultan Alla ul dien Chillige, 295
- SECT. XV. The Reign of Cuttub ul dien Mubarick Shaw Chil⯑lige, 297
- SECT. XVI. The Reign of Sultan Yeas ul dien Tuglick Shaw, 308
- SECT. XVII. The Reign of Sultan Mahummud, the ſon of Yeas ul dien Tughlick Shaw, 313
- SECT. XVIII. The Reign of Sultan Moazim Mohizzib Firoſe Shaw, the ſon of Sallar Rigib, 336
- SECT. XIX. The Reign of Yeas ul dien Tughlick Shaw, the ſon of Fatte Chan, and grandſon of Sultan Firoſe Shaw, 350
- SECT. XX. The Reign of Abu Bicker Shaw, the ſon of Ziffer Chan, and grandſon of Firoſe Shaw, 352
- SECT. XXI. The Reign of Naſir ul dunia ul dien Mahummud Shaw, the ſon of Firoſe Shaw, 353
- SECT. XXII. The Reign of Naſir ul dien Mamood Shaw, the ſon of Mahummud Shaw, 359
PREFACE.
[]THE tranſlator of the following hiſtory of the Mahom⯑medan empire in Hindoſtan, having in a military capacity reſided for ſome time in the kingdom of Bengal, dedicated the moſt of his leiſure hours to the ſtudy of the oriental languages. The Perſian tongue being the moſt po⯑lite and learned, as well as the moſt univerſally underſtood in Aſia, engaged his principal attention.
The intimate connection which the Britiſh nation now have, with a part of Hindoſtan, renders the knowledge of the country languages of great importance to the ſervants of the public in that part of the world. The tranſlator, who had extended his views in the way of his profeſſion, thought it ſo capital a point for him, that he perſevered for ſome years, in that dry and difficult ſtudy, and incurred a very conſiderable expence, in retaining maſters, and in procuring manuſcripts.
Though to qualify himſelf for action, and negotiation in India, was the primary object of the tranſlator, yet in pro⯑portion as he advanced in his ſtudies, other motives for his continuing them aroſe. He found, that however different the manner of the eaſtern writers may be from the correct [ii] taſte of Europe, there are many things in their works worthy of the attention of literary men. Their poetry it is true is too turgid and florid, and the diction of their hiſtorians too diffuſe and verboſe. Yet in the firſt we meet with ſome paſſages truly elegant and ſublime; and amidſt the redun⯑dancy of the latter, there appears ſometimes a nervouſneſs of expreſſion, and a manlineſs of ſentiment, which might do honour to any hiſtorical genius in the weſt.
Locked up in the difficulties of the Perſian tongue, the literature of Aſia has been hitherto little known in Europe. From an ignorance ſo unpardonable in this inveſtigating age, a very unfavourable idea has prevailed concerning the learn⯑ing, as well as hiſtory, of the eaſtern nations. Full of pre⯑judices ſo natural to an European, the tranſlator entered upon the ſtudy of the oriental languages. Whatever aid a knowledge of them might give to his private views, he little hoped to be able to convert his ſtudies to the amuſement or inſtruction of the public. To tranſlate ſome piece of hiſtory, was, by his teachers, recommended to him as a proper exerciſe in the Perſian. The works of Mahummud Caſim Feriſhta of Delhi, who flouriſhed in the reign of Jehangire, about the beginning of the ſeventeenth century, was put into his hands for that purpoſe. As he advanced, a greater field gradually opened before him. He found, with ſome degree of aſtoniſhment, the minute and authentic hiſtory of a great empire, the name of which had ſcarcely ever travelled to Europe.
To open a door to the literary treaſures, which lay con⯑cealed in the obſcurity of the Perſian, the tranſlator reſolved to proceed in his verſion of Feriſhta's hiſtory, and to give it [iii] to the public as a ſmall ſpecimen of what men of greater abilities may hereafter meet with in that language. But before he had fully accompliſhed this deſign, injuries in rank, and other motives, forced him to quit the company's ſervice, and to return to England. Being, at his departure from India, poſſeſſed only of one volume of the original, he has been obliged to confine himſelf to it; and to leave the ſecond volume, which contains the particular hiſtories of the Decan, Bengal, Guzerat, and Caſhmire, to a more favoura⯑ble opportunity, or to the employment of ſome other hand. This circumſtance has occaſioned ſome chaſms in that part of the hiſtory which is now given to the public; and many material tranſactions of thoſe nations, of whom Feriſhta in his ſecond volume treats, are only ſlightly mentioned.
The reigns of the Mogul Emperors, from Akbar, with whom our author concludes his general hiſtory, have been written by different hiſtorians. But ſo voluminous are thoſe works, that to attempt a tranſlation, would be a laborious and very tedious taſk. Since the days of Feriſhta, no writer that has come to our knowledge, has abridged the hiſtory of India, and therefore the tranſlator had formed a deſign to compile from various authors that very eſſential part of the hiſtory of the Mogul empire, which is not comprehended in the following tranſlation.
With a view to accompliſh this undertaking, the tranſla⯑tor, who had been honoured with the particular friendſhip of the preſent Mogul, applied in perſon to that Prince, for ſuch books, and authentic records, as were neceſſary to com⯑pleat the Hiſtory of Hindoſtan. The King approved very [iv] much of his deſign, and gave orders to his ſecretary to grant his requeſt. But in the mean time the tranſlator quitted the ſervice, and retired to Calcutta. To revive however his Majeſty's memory upon that ſubject, he wrote to him; and as the manner of writing to eaſtern Princes may afford mat⯑ter of ſome curioſity to the public, we ſhall here give a lite⯑ral tranſlation of the letter.
To the audience of the admitted into the preſence of the treaſury of liberality, and beneficence: To the ſage director of the ways of truth, the Kibla* of the world, and the aſylum of the inhabitants of the univerſe, whoſe kingdom and re⯑nown laſt for ever, it is moſt humbly preſented;
That a ſervant, nouriſhed by their† bounty, having, from their ſplendid preſence, obtained leave of departure, hath now reached the city of Calcutta, where, retired from the noiſe of public affairs, he prays for their Majeſty's wel⯑fare.
Moved by a grateful remembrance of their royal favour, warmed by the fame, juſtice, and glorious exploits and con⯑queſts of the emperors of the paradiſiacal regions of Hindoſtan; but more particularly excited by the renown of the imperial houſe of Timur‡, lord of ages! And alſo by a deſire to gratify [v] the curioſity of diſtant nations, with the great actions of a ſplen⯑did dynaſty of Kings, he has dared to aſpire to tranſlate the hiſtory of Hindoſtan, from the beſt and moſt authentic Perſian authors, into the Engliſh language, now ſtrong, learned and univerſal.
From the firſt riſing of the ſtar of the faith, upon theſe paradiſiacal plains, unto the end of the glorious reign of ARSH ASTANI MAHUMMUD AKBAR, King, the hiſtory of Empire has been already penned: but, from that period to the pre⯑ſent time, materials have been wanting to their Majeſty's ſervant: he therefore breathes in hope, that their ſublime Majeſty will ſignify their royal pleaſure to the RAI RAIAN, chief ſecretary of the illuſtrious preſence, to ſupply their ſervant with ſuch books and authentic records, as are neceſ⯑ſary to accompliſh his great deſign. Thus ſhall the glory of their renown ſhine forth to European eyes, with that ſplendor, which, from the firmament of empire, hath hi⯑therto enlightened the Eaſt.
The government of the preſidency of Bengal, have of late, in ſome particulars, imbibed the political principles of the Eaſt; for all private correſpondence with any of the country powers is ſtrictly prohibited. The above letter was diſpatched by the tranſlator to a friend at Allahabad, the preſent reſidence of the Emperor, with a requeſt to deliver it in perſon to that prince. But whether afraid of his ſu⯑periors, or guilty of an unaccountable neglect, that gen⯑tleman returned to Calcutta without preſenting the letter to the Mogul. The tranſlator forwarded it a ſecond time to Allahabad, but before an anſwer could be received from ſo [vi] great a diſtance, he was obliged, after having waited for the laſt ſhip in the ſeaſon, to embark for Europe.
Though our author Mahummud Caſim Feriſhta has given the title of the Hiſtory of Hindoſtan to his work, yet it is ra⯑ther that of the Mahommedan empire in India, than a gene⯑ral account of the affairs of the Hindoos. What he ſays concerning India, prior to the firſt invaſion of the Afgan Muſſulmen, is very far from being ſatisfactory. He collected his accounts from Perſian authors, being altogether unac⯑quainted with the Shanſcrita or learned language of the Brahmins, in which the internal hiſtory of India is compre⯑hended. We muſt not therefore, with Feriſhta, conſider the Hindoos as deſtitute of genuine domeſtic annals, or that thoſe voluminous records they poſſeſs are mere legends framed by the Brahmins.
The prejudices of the Mahommedans againſt the follow⯑ers of the Brahmin religion, ſeldom permits them to ſpeak with common candour of the Hindoos. It ſwayed very much with Feriſhta when he affirmed, that there is no hiſ⯑tory among the Hindoos of better authority than the Maha⯑barit. That work is a poem and not a hiſtory: It was tranſ⯑lated into Perſian by the brother of the great Abul Fazil, rather as a performance of fancy, than as an authentic account of the ancient dynaſties of the Kings of India. But that there are many hundred volumes in proſe in the Shan⯑ſcrita language, which treat of the ancient Indians, the tranſlator can, from his own knowledge, aver, and he has great reaſon to believe, that the Hindoos carry their authen⯑tic hiſtory farther back into antiquity, than any other nation now exiſting.
[vii] The Mahommedans know nothing of the Hindoo learn⯑ing: and had they even any knowledge of the hiſtory of the followers of Brimha, their prejudices in favour of the jewiſh fictions contained in the Koran, would make them reject accounts, which tend to ſubvert the ſyſtem of their own faith. The Shanſcrita records contain accounts of the affairs of the weſtern Aſia, very different from what any tribe of the Arabians have tranſmitted to poſterity: and it is more than probable, that upon examination, the former will appear to bear the marks of more authenticity, and of greater antiquity than the latter.
But whether the Hindoos poſſeſs any true hiſtory of greater antiquity than other nations, muſt altogether reſt upon the authority of the Brahmins, till we ſhall become better ac⯑quainted with their records. Their pretenſions however are very high, and they confidently affirm, that the Jewiſh and Mahommedan religions are hereſies, from what is contained in the Bedas. They give a very particular account of the origin of the Jewiſh religion in records of undoubted anti⯑quity. Raja Tura, ſay they, who is placed in the firſt ages of the Cal Jug, had a ſon who apoſtatized from the Hindoo faith, for which he was baniſhed by his father to the Weſt. The apoſtate fixed his reſidence in a country called Mohgod, and propagated the Jewiſh religion, which the impoſtor Mahommed further corrupted. The Cal Jug commenced about 4885 years ago, and whether the whole ſtory may not relate to Terah and his ſon Abraham, is a point which we will leave to others to determine.
There is one circumſtance which goes far to prove that there is ſome connection between the Brahmin Bedas and the [viii] doctrines contained in the Old Teſtament. Ever ſince the promulgation of the religion of Mahommed, which is founded upon Moſes and the Prophets, the Brahmins have totally rejected their fourth Beda called the Obatar Bah, as the ſchiſm of Mahommed, according to them, has been founded upon that book. However extraordinary this rea⯑ſon is for rejecting the fourth part of their religious records, it can ſcarcely be doubted, as it is in the mouth of every Brahmin.
Feizi, the brother of Abul Fazil the hiſtorian, was the only Muſſulman we ever heard of, who underſtood the Shanſcrita. The fraudulent means by which he acquired it, will be ſhewn in another place. He never tranſlated any of the Indian hiſtories, excepting the Mahabarit, which, at beſt, is but an hiſtorical poem, in which a great deal of fable is blended with a little truth. We, upon the whole, cannot much depend upon the accounts which the followers of Mahommed give of the religion and ancient hiſtory of the Hindoos: Their prejudice makes them miſrepreſent the former, and their ignorance in the Shanſcrita language, has totally excluded them from any knowledge of the latter.
The hiſtory of Caſim Feriſhta being an abridgment of a variety of authors, who wrote diſtinct accounts of the diffe⯑rent reigns of the Mahommedan Emperors of Hindoſtan, he, with a view to comprehend in a ſmall compaſs, every mate⯑rial tranſaction, has crowded the events too much together, without interſperſing them with thoſe reflections which give ſpirit and elegance to works of this kind: This defect ſeems however to have proceeded more from a ſtudied brevity, than [ix] from a narrowneſs of genius in Feriſhta. Upon ſome oc⯑caſions, eſpecially in the characters of the princes, he ſhews a ſtrength of judgment, and a nervouſneſs and conciſeneſs of expreſſion which would do no diſhonour to the beſt wri⯑ters in the weſt. What is really remarkable in this writer is, that he ſeems as much diveſted of religious prejudices, as he is of political flattery or fear. He never paſſes a good action without conferring upon it its due reward of praiſe, nor a bad one, let the villainous actor be never ſo high, without ſtigmatizing it with infamy. In ſhort, if he does not arrive at the character of a good writer, he certainly deſerves that of a good man.
The brevity which we cenſure in Feriſhta, is by no means a common fault in the writers of Aſia. Redundant and ver⯑boſe in their diction, they often regard more the cadence and turn of their ſentences, than the propriety and ele⯑gance of their thoughts; leading frequently the reader into a labyrinth to which he can find no end. This is too much the manner of the learned Abul Fazil himſelf. He wrote the hiſtory of the reign of Akbar in two large volumes in folio. The intrigues of the court, and all the ſecret motives to action are inveſtigated with the utmoſt exactneſs; but the diction is too diffuſe, and the language too florid for the correct taſte of Europe.
It ought here to be remarked, that all the oriental hiſto⯑rians write, in what they call in Europe, poetical proſe. This falſe taſte only commenced about five centuries ago, when literature declined in Aſia, with the power of the Caliphs. The tranſlator has now in his poſſeſſion, books written in the Perſian before that period, the diction of [x] which, is as conciſe and manly, as that which deſcended from Greece and Rome, to the writers of modern Europe. The learned and celebrated Abul Fazil, inſtead of correcting this vicious taſte, encouraged it greatly by his florid man⯑ner, in his hiſtory of the reign of Akbar. But this great writer has, notwithſtanding his circumlocutions, cloathed his expreſſions with ſuch beauty and pomp of eloquence, that he ſeems to come down upon the aſtoniſhed reader, like the Ganges in the rainy ſeaſon.
The ſmall progreſs which correctneſs and elegance of ſen⯑timent and diction has made in the Eaſt, did not proceed from a want of encouragement to literature. We ſhall find in the courſe of this hiſtory, that no princes in the world patroniſed men of letters with more generoſity and reſpect, than the Mahommedan Emperors of Hindoſtan. A literary genius was not only the certain means to acquire a degree of wealth which muſt aſtoniſh Europeans, but an infallible road for riſing to the firſt offices of the ſtate. The character of the learned, was at the ſame time ſo ſacred, that tyrants, who made a paſtime of embruing their hands in the blood of their other ſubjects, not only abſtained from offering violence to men of genius, but ſtood in fear of their pens. It is a proverb in the Eaſt, that the Monarchs of Aſia were more afraid of the pen of Abul Fazil, than they were of the ſword of Akbar; and, however amazing it may ſeem in ab⯑ſolute governments, it is certain that the hiſtorians of that diviſion of the world, have wrote with more freedom con⯑cerning perſons and things, than writers have ever dared to do in the Weſt.
[xi] The tranſlator, however, being ſenſible of the impropriety of poetical diction, in the grave narration of hiſtorical facts, has, in many places, clipped the wings of Feriſhta's turgid expreſſions, and reduced his metaphors into common language, without however ſwerving in the leaſt from the original meaning of the author.
A frequent repetition of proper names is unavoidable in a work of ſuch brevity, and ſo much crouded with action. This will perhaps appear the moſt glaring defect in the work: but to uſe the pronouns too often, would have rendered the ſenſe more perplexed, and the narration leſs elegant and diſtinct. The tranſlator, in ſhort, choſe to give the faults of his author to the public as they ſtood, rather than by an attempt to a⯑mend them, to ſubſtitute perhaps ſome of his own in their place.
Our author with great propriety begins the hiſtory of the Patan empire in Hindoſtan, from the commencement of the kingdom of Ghizni. The Mahommedan govern⯑ment, which afterwards extended itſelf to Hindoſtan, roſe originally from very ſmall beginnings among the mountains which divide Perſia from India. The Afgans or Patans, a warlike race of men, who had been ſubjects of the vaſt empire of Bochara, revolted under their governor Abiſtagi, in the fourth century of the Higera, and laid the foundation of the empire of Ghizni, known commonly in Europe, by the name of Gazna. Under a ſucceſſion of war⯑like princes, this empire roſe to a ſurpriſing magnitude. We find that in the reign of Muſaood, in the beginning of the fifth century of the Higera, it extended from Iſpahan to Bengal, and from the mouths of the Indus to the banks [xii] of the Jaxartes, which comprehends near half of the great continent of Aſia.
Soon after the death of Muſaood, the Charizmian empire aroſe on the confines of Perſia and great Tartary. It ex⯑tended itſelf over Tartary and the greateſt part of the Perſian provinces; the Kings of the Ghiznian Patans were obliged to relinquiſh their dominions in the north, and to transfer the ſeat of their empire to Lahore, and afterwards to Delhi.
When the great conqueror of Aſia Zingis Chan, invaded and ſubverted the Charizmian empire under Mahummud Shaw, the Patan dominions were entirely confined within the limits of Hindoſtan. They poſſeſſed however power ſuf⯑ficient to repel the generals of that great man, though fluſhed with victory and the ſpoils of the Eaſt. The whole force of Zingis, it is true, was never bent againſt Hindoſtan, otherwiſe it is probable it would have ſhared the fate of the weſtern Aſia, which was almoſt depopulated by his ſword.
The uncommon ſtrength of the Patan empire in Hindoſ⯑tan at this period, may be eaſily accounted for: It was the policy of the adopted Turkiſh ſlaves of the family of Ghor, who then held the kingdom of Delhi, to keep ſtanding armies of the mountain Afgans, under their reſpective chiefs, who were invariably created Omrahs of the empire. This hardy race, whatever domeſtic confuſions and revo⯑lutions they might occaſion in India, were, to uſe Feriſhta's words, a wall of iron againſt foreign enemies.
[xiii] Our author has not been careful to mark the extent of the Empire in every reign. We can only form a general idea of it, from the tranſactions which he records. The Empire we find ſometimes reduced to a few diſtricts round the capital, and at other times, extending itſelf from the bay of Bengal to Perſia, and from the Carnatic to the great mountains of Sewalic. In ſhort, the boundaries of the Pa⯑tan imperial dominions, varied in proportion to the abilities of thoſe princes who poſſeſſed the throne. When the mo⯑narchs diſcovered great parts, the governors of provinces ſhrunk back from their independance into their former ſub⯑miſſion; but when a weak Prince ſat on the Muſnud, his lieutenants ſtarted up into Kings around him.
The hiſtory now given to the public, preſents us with a ſtriking picture of the deplorable condition of a people ſubjected to arbitrary ſway; and of the inſtability of empire itſelf, when it is founded neither upon laws, nor upon the opinions and attachments of mankind. Hindoſtan, in every age, was an ample field for private ambition, and for public tyranny. At one time we ſee a petty Omrah ſtarting forth, and wading through an ocean of blood to the crown, or involving many thouſands of indigent adventurers in the ruin which he draws upon his own head. At another time we meet with Kings, from a luſt of power which de⯑feats itſelf, deſtroying thoſe ſubjects over whom they only wiſhed to tyrannize.
In a government like that of India, public ſpirit is never ſeen, and loyalty is a thing unknown. The people permit themſelves to be transferred from one tyrant to another, without murmuring; and individuals look with unconcern [xiv] upon the miſeries of others, if they are capable to ſcreen themſelves from the general misfortune. This, however, is a picture of Hindoſtan in bad times, and under the worſt Kings. As arbitrary government can inflict the moſt ſudden miſeries, ſo, when in the hands of good men, it can admi⯑niſter the moſt expeditious relief to the ſubject. We accord⯑ingly find in this hiſtory, that the misfortunes of half an age of tyranny, are removed in a few years, under the mild adminiſtration of a virtuous prince.
It may not be improper in this place, to lay before the public, a ſhort ſketch of the conſtitution of Hindoſtan. The Emperor is abſolute and ſole arbiter in every thing, and is controlled by no law. The lives and properties of the great⯑eſt Omrahs are as much at his diſpoſal, as thoſe of the mean⯑eſt ſubjects. The former however are often too powerful to be puniſhed, while the latter are not only ſlaves to the King, but to the provincial governors. Theſe governors, diſtinguiſhed by the name of Nabobs, have in their reſpective juriſdictions, the power of life and death, and are, in every particular, inveſted with regal authority.
All the lands in India are conſidered as the property of the King, except ſome hereditary diſtricts poſſeſſed by Hin⯑doo Princes, for which, when the Empire was in its vigour, they paid annual tributes, but retained an abſolute juriſdiction in their own hands. The King is the general heir of all his ſubjects; but when there are children to inherit, they are ſeldom deprived of their father's eſtate, without the fortune is enormous, and has been amaſſed in the oppreſſive govern⯑ment of a province. In a caſe of this kind, the children, or neareſt relations, are allowed a certain proportion for their [xv] ſubſiſtance, at the diſcretion of the Caſy or judge. The for⯑tunes of merchants, tradeſmen, and mechanics, are never confiſcated by the crown, if any children or relations remain.
The King has the extraordinary power of nominating his ſucceſſor by will. This part of royal prerogative is not pe⯑culiar to the monarchs of Hindoſtan. We find that our own nation, ſo remarkable for their political freedom, were, not above two centuries ago, made over like a private eſtate, and that with their own conſent, by the will of a Prince, who neither deſerved to be beloved nor admired. Accord⯑ing to the opinion of the Indians, the right of ſucceſſion is veſted in the male heir, but the laſt will of the King very often ſuperſedes this idea of juſtice. Notwithſtanding this prejudice in favour of the firſt born, there is no diſ⯑tinction made between natural children and thoſe born in lawful wedlock; for every child brought forth in the Ha⯑ram, whether by wives or concubines, are equally legiti⯑mate.
The vizier is generally firſt miniſter of ſtate. All edicts and public deeds muſt paſs under his ſeal, after the royal ſignet is affixed to them. The Vizier's office conſiſts of va⯑rious departments, in every one of which all commiſſions, patents for honorary titles, and grants for Jagiers, are care⯑fully regiſtered. He ſuperintends the royal exchequer, and, in that capacity, keeps accounts with the Dewans of the ſeve⯑ral provinces, in every thing which regards the finances.
A Vakiel Mutuluck is ſometimes appointed by the King. The power of this officer is ſuperior to that of the Vizier, for he not only has the ſuperintendency of civil, but alſo of [xvi] all military affairs. This laſt is never any part of the Vizier's office; the Amir ul Omrah, or Buxſhi, being independent captain-general, and paymaſter of the forces. It is not eaſy to explain to Europeans the full extent of authority conferred upon the Vakiel Mutuluck; he ſeems to be an officer to whom the King for a time delegates his whole power, re⯑ſerving only for himſelf the imperial title, and enſigns of royalty.
The Emperor of Hindoſtan gives public audience twice a day from the throne. All petitioners, without diſtinction, are, after having gone through the uſual ceremonies, admitted. They are permitted to preſent their written complaints to the Ariz Beg, or lord of the requeſts, who attends, in order to preſent them to the King. The King reads them all him⯑ſelf, and ſuperſcribes his pleaſure in a few words, with his own hand. Should any thing in the petition appear doubt⯑ful, it is immediately referred to the Sidder ul Suddur, whoſe office anſwers to that of our chief juſtice, to be ex⯑amined and determined according to law.
The Mahommedans of Hindoſtan have no written laws, but thoſe contained in the Koran. There are certain uſages founded upon reaſon, and immemorial cuſtom, which are alſo committed to writing. By the latter ſome cauſes are determined, and there are officers appointed by the crown, under the name of Canongoes, who, for a certain fee, ex⯑plain the written uſages to the people. In every diſtrict or pergunnah, there is a cutchery, or court of juſtice eſtabliſhed. Theſe courts are extremely venal, and even the legal fees for determining a cauſe concerning property, is one fourth of [xvii] the value of the matter in diſpute. Their deciſions were, how⯑ever, very expeditious; and through fear of the diſpleaſure of the King, who invariably puniſhed with the utmoſt ſeverity corrupt judges, the Caſys were pretty equitable in their deter⯑minations.
In the declining ſtate of the Empire, the provinces were ſubmitted to the management of Nabobs, or military gover⯑nors, who farmed the revenues at a certain ſum, and reſer⯑ved the overplus for their own uſe. Originally the Nabobs were only commanders of the forces, who receiving their orders from court, through the medium of the Dewan, a civil officer who collected all the revenues for the King, paid the juſt expences of the government of the province, and remitted the ſurplus to the exchequer. But the Nabobs having the military power in their hands, deſpiſed the autho⯑rity of the Dewans, and purpoſely fomented diviſions, factions, and inſurrections, that they might be indulged with great ſtanding armies, to make more money paſs through their own hands, and to favour their ſchemes of independence.
The imbecility of the Empire daily increaſing, the nomi⯑nal authority veſted in the Dewan, was not ſufficient to con⯑tend with the real force in the hands of the Nabob. Conti⯑nual altercations ſubſiſted between theſe officers in the pro⯑vince, and frequent complaints were tranſmitted to court. Miniſters who preferred preſent eaſe to the future intereſt of the empire, curtailed the power of the Dewan, and, from being in a manner the commander in chief of the province, he fell into the ſimple ſuperintendency of the collections. [xviii] He had, it is true, the power to prevent new impoſts, and innovations in the law.
When the King took the field, the provincial Nabobs, with their troops, were obliged to repair to the imperial ſtandard. Each Nabob erected his own ſtandard, and formed a ſeparate camp, ſubject only to his own orders. The Na⯑bobs every morning attended at the royal pavilion, and re⯑ceived their orders from the Amir ul Omrah*, who received his immediately from the King himſelf. If we except the army of the great Sultan Baber, there are few traces of real diſcipline to be met with among thoſe myriads, with whom the Emperors of Hindoſtan often took the field. The forces of Baber were formed on a very regular and maſterly plan. The diſpoſitions of his battles were excellent; and the ſur⯑prizing victories he obtained with a handful of men, over immenſe armies, are ſufficient to convince us, that military diſcipline has not always been unknown in Aſia.
It may to an European, furniſh matter of ſome ſurprize, how Eaſtern armies of two or three hundred thouſand horſe, and triple that number of ſoldiers and followers, could be ſupplied with proviſions and forage upon their march, and in their ſtanding camps. To account for this it is to be ob⯑ſerved, that every provincial Nabob, upon his taking the field, appoints an officer called the Cutwal, whoſe buſineſs it is to ſuperintend the Bazars or markets, which may belong to his camp. Every commander of a body of troops obtains at the ſame time, permiſſion to hoiſt a ſlag for a Bazar, and to appoint a Cutwal of his own, under the direction of the [xix] Cutwal-general. Theſe Cutwals grant licences to chapmen, ſutlers, and corn dealers, who gladly pay a certain tax for permiſſion to diſpoſe of their various commodities, under the protection of the different flags.
The ſutlers and dealers in corn, being provided with a ſufficient number of camels and oxen, collect proviſions from all the countries in their rear, and ſupply the wants of the camp. The pay of ſoldiers in Hindoſtan is very great, being from 60 to 200 rupees per month, to every ſingle trooper. This enables them to give ſuch high prices for proviſions, that the countries round run all hazards for ſuch a great proſpect of gain. The fertility of Hindoſtan itſelf, is the great ſource of this ready and plentiful ſupply to the armies; for that country produces, in moſt parts two, and ſometimes three crops of corn every year†.
It may perhaps be expected, that ſomething concerning the language of the tranſlation, ſhould be ſaid in this place. Employed from his youth in a profeſſion very different from that of letters, the tranſlator aſpires not to the character of a fine writer. To expreſs his author's meaning in a plain and unaffected diction, was all his deſign; and he expects the public will the more readily overlook any errors he may have committed, that he neither hopes for much literary reputation, nor wiſhes for any advantage from his work.
A DISSERTATION CONCERNING THE Cuſtoms, Manners, Language, Religion and Philoſophy of the HINDOOS.
[]THE learned of modern Europe have, with reaſon, complained that the writers of Greece and Rome did not extend their enquiries to the religion and philoſophy of the Druids. Poſterity will perhaps, in the ſame manner, find fault with the Britiſh for not inveſtigating the learning and religious opinions, which prevail in thoſe countries in Aſia, into which either their commerce or their arms have penetrated. The Brahmins of the Eaſt poſſeſſed in antient times, ſome reputation for knowledge, but we have never had the curioſity to examine whether there was any truth in the reports of antiquity upon that head.
Excuſes, however, may be formed for our ignorance con⯑cerning the learning, religion and philoſophy of the Brahmins. Literary inquiries are by no means a capital [xxii] object to many of our adventurers in Aſia. The few who have a turn for reſearches of that kind, are diſcouraged by the very great difficulty in acquiring that language, in which the learning of the Hindoos is contained; or by that impenetrable veil of myſtery with which the Brahmins in⯑duſtriouſly cover their religious tenets and philoſophy.
Theſe circumſtances combining together, have opened an ample field for fiction. Modern travellers have accordingly indulged their talent for fable, upon the myſterious re⯑ligion of Hindoſtan. Whether the ridiculous tales they relate, proceed from that common partiality which Euro⯑peans, as well as leſs enlightened nations, entertain for the religion and philoſophy of their own country, or from a judgment formed upon ſome external ceremonies of the Hindoos, is very difficult to determine; but they have prejudiced Europe againſt the Brahmins, and by a very un⯑fair account, have thrown diſgrace upon a ſyſtem of re⯑ligion and philoſophy, which they did by no means inveſtigate.
The author of this diſſertation muſt own, that he for a long time, ſuffered himſelf to be carried down in this ſtream of popular prejudice. The preſent decline of literature in Hindoſtan, ſerved to confirm him in his belief of thoſe legends which he read in Europe, concerning the Brah⯑mins. But converſing by accident, one day, with a noble and learned Brahmin, he was not a little ſurprized to find him perfectly acquainted with thoſe opinions, which, both in ancient and modern Europe, have employed the pens of the moſt celebrated moraliſts. This circumſtance did not fail to excite his curioſity, and in the courſe of many ſub⯑ſequent [xxiii] converſations, he found that philoſophy and the ſciences had, in former ages, made a very conſiderable pro⯑greſs in the Eaſt.
Having then no intention to quit India for ſome time, he reſolved to acquire ſome knowledge in the Shanſcrita lan⯑guage; the grand repoſitory of the religion, philoſophy and hiſtory of the Hindoos. With this view, he prevailed upon his noble friend the Brahmin, to procure for him a Pundit, from the univerſity of Benaris, well verſed in the Shanſcrita, and maſter of all the knowledge of that learned body. But before he had made any conſiderable progreſs in his ſtudies, an unexpected change of affairs in Bengal, broke off all his literary ſchemes. He found that the time he had to remain in India would be too ſhort to acquire the Shanſcrita. He determined therefore, through the medium of the Perſian language, and through the vulgar tongue of the Hindoos, to inform himſelf as much as poſſible, concerning the my⯑thology and philoſophy of the Brahmins. He, for this pur⯑poſe, procured ſome of the principal SHASTERS, and his Pundit explained to him, as many paſſages of thoſe curious books, as ſerved to give him a general idea of the doctrine which they contain.
It is but juſtice to the Brahmins to confeſs that the author of this diſſertation is very ſenſible of his own inability to illuſtrate, with that fullneſs and perſpicuity which it de⯑ſerves, that ſymbolical religion, which they are at ſo much pains to conceal from foreigners. He however can aver, that he has not miſrepreſented one ſingle circumſtance or tenet, though many may have eſcaped his obſervation.
[xxiv] The books which contain the religion and philoſophy of the Hindoos, are diſtinguiſhed by the name of Bedas. They are four in number, and like the ſacred writings of other nations, are ſaid to have been penned by the divinity. Beda in the Shanſcrita, literally ſignifies SCIENCE: for theſe books not only treat of religious and moral duties, but of every branch of philoſophical knowledge.
The Bedas are, by the Brahmins, held ſo ſacred, that they per⯑mit no other ſect to read them; and ſuch is the influence of ſuperſtition and prieſt-craft over the minds of the other CASTS in India, that they would deem it an unpardonable ſin to ſatisfy their curioſity in that reſpect, were it even within the compaſs of their power. The Brahmins them⯑ſelves are bound by ſuch ſtrong ties of religion, to confine thoſe writings to their own tribe, that were any of them known to read them to others, he would be immediately excom⯑municated. This puniſhment is worſe than even death it⯑ſelf among the Hindoos. The offender is not only thrown down from the nobleſt order to the moſt polluted CAST, but his poſterity are rendered for ever incapable of being re⯑ceived into his former dignity.
All theſe things conſidered, we are not to wonder that the doctrine of the Bedas is ſo little known in Europe. Even the literary part of the Mahomedans of Aſia, reckon it an abſtruſe and myſterious ſubject, and candidly confeſs, that it is covered with a veil of darkneſs, which they could never penetrate. Some have indeed ſuppoſed, that the learned Feizi, brother to the celebrated Abul Fazil, chief ſecretary to the Emperor Akbar, had read the Bedas, and diſcovered the religious tenets contained in them to that renowned Prince. [xxv] As the ſtory of Feizi made a good deal of noiſe in the eaſt, it may not be improper to give the particulars of it in this place.
Mahummud Akbar being a prince of elevated and exten⯑ſive ideas, was totally diveſted of thoſe prejudices for his own religion, which men of inferior parts not only imbibe with their mother's milk, but retain throughout their lives. Though bred in all the ſtrictneſs of the Mahom⯑medan faith, his great ſoul in his riper years, broke thoſe chains of ſuperſtition and credulity, with which his tutors had, in his early youth, fettered his mind. With a deſign to chuſe his own religion, or rather from curioſity, he made it his buſineſs to enquire minutely into all the ſyſ⯑tems of divinity, which prevailed among mankind. The ſtory of his being inſtructed in the chriſtian tenets, by a miſſionary from Portugal, is too well known in Europe to require a place in this diſſertation. As almoſt all religions admit of proſelytes, Akbar had good ſucceſs in his enquiries, till he came to his own ſubjects the Hindoos. Contrary to the practice of all other religious ſects, they admit of no converts; but they allow that every one may go to heaven his own way, though they perhaps ſuppoſe, that theirs is the moſt expeditious method to obtain that important end. They chuſe rather to make a myſtery of their religion, than impoſe it upon the world, like the Mahommedans, with the ſword, or by means of the ſtake, after the manner of ſome pious chriſtians.
Not all the authority of Akbar could prevail with the Brahmins to reveal the principles of their faith. He was therefore obliged to have recourſe to artifice to obtain the information which he ſo much deſired. The Emperor, for [xxvi] this purpoſe, concerted a plan with his chief ſecretary, Abul Fazil, to impoſe Feizi, then a boy, upon the Brahmins, in the character of a poor orphan of their tribe. Feizi being inſtructed in his part, was privately ſent to Benaris, the prin⯑cipal ſeat of learning among the Hindoos. In that city the fraud was practiſed on a learned Brahmin, who received the boy into his houſe, and educated him as his own ſon.
When Feizi, after ten years ſtudy, had acquired the Shan⯑ſcrita language, and all the knowledge of which the learned of Benaris were poſſeſſed, proper meaſures were taken by the Emperor to ſecure his ſafe return. Feizi it ſeems, during his reſidence with his patron the Brahmin, was ſmitten with the beauty of his only daughter; and indeed the ladies of the Brahmin race are the handſomeſt in Hindoſtan. The old Brahmin ſaw the mutual paſſion of the young pair with pleaſure, and as he loved Feizi for his uncommon abilities, he offered him his daughter in marriage. Feizi, perplexed between love and gratitude, at length diſcovered himſelf to the good old man, fell down at his feet, and graſping his knees, ſolicited with tears for forgiveneſs, for the great crime he had committed againſt his indulgent benefactor. The Brahmin, ſtruck dumb with aſtoniſhment, uttered not one word of reproach. He drew a dagger, which he always carried on his girdle, and prepared to plunge it in his own breaſt. Feizi ſeized his hand, and conjured him, that if yet any atonement could be made for the injury he had done him, he himſelf would ſwear to deny him nothing. The Brahmin, burſting into tears, told him, that if Feizi ſhould grant him two requeſts, he would forgive him, and conſent to live. Feizi, without any heſitation, conſented, and the [xxvii] Brahmin's requeſts were, that he ſhould never tranſlate the Bedas, nor repeat the creed of the Hindoos.
How far Feizi was bound by his oath not to reveal the doctrine of the Bedas to Akbar is uncertain; but that neither he, nor any other perſon, ever tranſlated thoſe books, is a truth beyond any diſpute. It is however well known, that the Emperor afterwards greatly favoured the Hindoo faith, and gave much offence to zealous Mahommedans, by prac⯑tiſing ſome Indian cuſtoms which they thought ſavoured of idolatry. But the diſpaſſionate part of mankind have always allowed, that Akbar was equally diveſted of all the follies of both the religious ſuperſtitions, which prevailed among his ſubjects.
To return from this digreſſion, the Brahmins maintain, that the Bedas are the divine laws, which Brimha, at the creation of the world, delivered for the inſtruction of man⯑kind. But they affirm that their meaning was perverted in the firſt age, by the ignorance and wickedneſs of ſome princes, whom they repreſent as evil ſpirits who then haunted the earth. They call thoſe evil genii Dewtas, and tell many ſtrange allegorical legends concerning them; ſuch as, that the Bedas being loſt, were afterwards recovered by Biſhen, in the form of a fiſh, who brought them up from the bottom of the ocean, into which they were thrown by a Deo, or Demon.
The firſt credible account we have of the Bedas, is, that about the commencement of the Cal Jug, of which aera the pre⯑ſent year 1768, is the 4886th year, they were written, or rather collected by a great philoſopher, and reputed prophet, called Beäſs Muni, or Beäſs the inſpired. This learned man is [xxviii] otherwiſe called Kriſhen Basdeo, and is ſaid to have lived in the reign of Judiſhter, in the city of Hiſtanapore, upon the river Jumna, near the preſent city of Delhi.
The Brahmins do not give to Beäſs Muni the merit of being the author of the Bedas. They however acknowledge, that he reduced them into the preſent form, dividing them into four diſtinct books, after having collected the detached pieces of which they are compoſed, from every part of India. It is, upon the whole, probable, that they are not the work of one man, on account of their immenſe bulk.
The Mahomedans of Aſia, as well as ſome of the learn⯑ed of Europe, have miſtaken Brimha, an allegorical perſon, for ſome philoſopher of repute in India, whom they diſtin⯑guiſh by the disfigured names of Bruma, Burma, and Bramha, whom they ſuppoſe to have been the writer of the religious books of the Hindoos. Feriſhta, in the hiſtory now given to the public, affirms, that Brimha was of the race of Bang, and flouriſhed in the reign of Kriſhen, firſt monarch of Hindoſtan. But the Brahmins deny, that any ſuch perſon ever exiſted, which we have reaſon to believe is the truth; as Brimha in the Shanſcrita language allegorically ſignifies WISDOM, one of the principal attributes of the ſupreme divinity.
The four Bedas contain 100,000 aſhlogues or ſtanzas in verſe, each of which conſiſts of four lines. The firſt Beda is called RUG BEDA, which ſignifies the ſcience of divination, concerning which it principally treats. It alſo contains aſtrology, aſtronomy, natural philoſophy, and a very parti⯑cular account of the creation of matter, and the formation of the world.
[xxix] The ſecond Beda is diſtinguiſhed by the name of SHEHAM. That word ſignifies piety or devotion, and this book accord⯑ingly treats of all religious and moral duties. It alſo con⯑tains many hymns in praiſe of the ſupreme being, as well as verſes in honour of ſubaltern intelligences.
The third is the JUDGER BEDA, which, as the word implies, comprehends the whole ſcience of religious rites and cere⯑monies; ſuch as faſts, feſtivals, purifications, penances, pilgrimages, ſacrifices, prayers, and offerings. They give the appellation of OBATAR BAH to the fourth Beda. OBA⯑TAR ſignifies in the Shanſcrita, the being, or the eſſence, and BAH good; ſo that the Obatar Bah is literally the know⯑ledge of the good being, and accordingly this book compre⯑hends the whole ſcience of theology and metaphyſical philo⯑ſophy.
The language of the Obatar Bah Beda is now become ob⯑ſolete; ſo that very few Brahmins pretend to read it with propriety. Whether this proceeds from its great antiquity, or from its being wrote in an uncommon dialect of the Shanſcrita, is hard to determine. We are inclined to be⯑lieve that the firſt is the truth; for we can by no means agree with a late ingenious writer*, who affirms, that the Obatar Bah was written in a period poſterior to the reſt of the Bedas.
It has been already obſerved, that the Bedas are written in the Shanſcrita tongue. Whether the Shanſcrita was, in any period of antiquity, the vulgar language of Hindoſtan, [xxx] or was invented by the Brahmins, to be a myſterious repo⯑ſitory for their religion and philoſophy, is difficult to deter⯑mine. All other languages, it is true, were caſually invent⯑ed by mankind, to expreſs their ideas and wants; but the aſtoniſhing formation of the Shanſcrita ſeems to be beyond the power of chance. In regularity of etymology and gram⯑matical order, it far exceeds the Arabic. It, in ſhort, bears evident marks, that it has been fixed upon rational prin⯑ciples, by a body of learned men, who ſtudied regularity, harmony, and a wonderful ſimplicity and energy of ex⯑preſſion.
Though the Shanſcrita is amazingly copious, a very ſmall grammar and vocabulary ſerve to illuſtrate the principles of the whole. In a treatiſe of a few pages, the roots and pri⯑mitives are all comprehended, and ſo uniform is the rules for derivations and inflections, that the etymon of every word is, with the greateſt facility, at once inveſtigated. The pronunciation is the greateſt difficulty which attends the acquirement of the language to perfection. This is ſo quick and forcible, that a perſon, even before the years of puber⯑ty, muſt labour a long time before he can pronounce it with propriety; but when once that is attained to perfection, it ſtrikes the ear with amazing boldneſs and harmony. The alphabet of the Shanſcrita conſiſts of fifty letters, but one half of theſe carry combined ſounds, ſo that its characters in fact, do not exceed ours in number. Some ſmall idea of the Shanſcrita may be conveyed by the annexed plate, which contains the alphabet, and the meaſure of the four Bedas.
Before we ſhall proceed to the religion and philoſophy of the Brahmins, it may not be improper to premiſe ſomething []
A Specimen of the measure of the Bedas.
Feet | Rugh Beda. | |
12 | [...] | Joidippi nabatti hani |
18 | [...] | Parakian chirritti basa bodat chan |
12 | [...] | Aſsa mon jeſso mitaeh muttah |
14 | [...] | Jodopu kela kidatti sheta. |
Sheam Beda. | ||
14 | [...] | Aiati jati punareti puna preati |
14 | [...] | Padang kourani bishenuti dunoli puckow |
14 | [...] | Udbeieniti succulani puddani juckow |
14 | [...] | Sari sati bolina bidatenati. |
Judger Beda. | ||
12 | [...] | Malla Maiah pugalla pindeh |
18 | [...] | Sukollo Sullch dingkilisi soddeh |
16 | [...] | Luhi putti chulani hing janibo |
12 | [...] | Upa bimilla subabo. |
Obatar bah Beda. | ||
11 | [...] | Jaboda gummateta norrindiran |
11 | [...] | Saiſsam baro gohaia mokinderan |
11 | [...] | Tabo debo criſsi crindro dedico |
8 | [...] | Stridiſsa damo jagamo. |
The Shanscrita Alphabet.
[...] | Ka |
[...] | Kha |
[...] | Ga |
[...] | Gha |
[...] | Gna |
[...] | Cua |
[...] | Sua |
[...] | Jo |
[...] | Jho |
[...] | Nia |
[...] | Ta |
[...] | Tah |
[...] | Da |
[...] | Dah |
[...] | Na |
[...] | Tha |
[...] | The |
[...] | Doa |
[...] | Dhoa |
[...] | Nah |
[...] | Pa |
[...] | Pah |
[...] | Ba |
[...] | Bah |
[...] | Ma |
[...] | Ja |
[...] | Ra |
[...] | La |
[...] | Bha |
[...] | Sua |
[...] | Sha |
[...] | Sa |
[...] | Ha |
[...] | Cha |
[...] | A |
[...] | AA |
[...] | J |
[...] | JJ |
[...] | U |
[...] | UU |
[...] | Ri |
[...] | Rii |
[...] | Li |
[...] | Lii |
[...] | E |
[...] | Ey |
[...] | O |
[...] | Ou |
[...] | Ang |
[...] | Ah |
The firſt thirty four Letters are consonants & the last sixteen are used for Vowels, but never written as above except at the beginning of a proper name or paragraph; the manner of writing the common Vowels being different; as for example.
[...] | Ka |
[...] | Ki |
[...] | Kii |
[...] | Ku |
[...] | Kuu |
[...] | Ku |
[...] | Kiii |
[...] | Kli |
[...] | Klii |
[...] | Ke |
[...] | Ky |
[...] | Ko |
[...] | Koo |
[...] | Kang |
[...] | Kah |
[xxxi] concerning the moſt characteriſtical manners and cuſtoms of the Hindoos in general. The Hindoos are ſo called from Indoo or Hindoo, which, in the Shanſcrita language, ſigni⯑fies the Moon; for from that luminary, and the ſun, they deduce their fabulous origin. The author of the diſſertation has in his poſſeſſion, a long liſt of a dynaſty of Kings, call⯑ed Hindoo-buns or Chunder-buns, both of which words mean, the Children of the Moon. He alſo has a catalogue of the Surage-buns, or the Children of the Sun, from whom many of the Rajas of Hindoſtan pretend to derive their blood. Hindoſtan, the domeſtic appellation of India, is a compoſition of Hindoo, and Stan, a region; and the great river Indus takes its name from the people, and not the people from the river, as has been erroneouſly ſuppoſed in Europe.
The Hindoos have, from all antiquity, been divided into four great tribes, each of which comprehend a variety of inferior caſts. Theſe tribes do not intermarry, eat, drink, or in any manner aſſociate with one another, except when they worſhip at the temple of Jagga-nat† in Oriſſa, where it is held a crime to make any diſtinction. The firſt and moſt noble tribe are the Brahmins, who alone can officiate in the prieſthood, like the Levites among the Jews. They are not however excluded from government, trade, or agriculture, though they are ſtrictly prohibited from all menial offices by their laws. They derive their name from Brimha, who they allegorically ſay, produced the Brahmins from his head, when he created the world.
[xxxii] The ſecond in order is the Sittri tribe, who are ſometimes diſtinguiſhed by the name of Kittri or Koytri. They, according to their original inſtitution, ought to be all mili⯑tary men; but they frequently follow other profeſſions. Brimha is ſaid to have produced the Kittri from his heart, as an emblem of that courage which warriors ſhould poſſeſs.
The name of Beiſe or Biſe is given to the third tribe. They are for the moſt part, merchants, bankers, and bunias or ſhop-keepers. Theſe are figuratively ſaid to have ſprung from the belly of Brimha; the word Beiſh ſignifying a provider or nouriſher. The fourth tribe is that of Sudder. They ought to be menial ſervants, and they are incapable to raiſe themſelves to any ſuperior rank. They are ſaid to have proceeded from the feet of Brimha, in alluſion to their low degree. But indeed it is contrary to the inviolable laws of the Hindoos, that any perſon ſhould riſe from an inferior caſt into a higher tribe. If any therefore ſhould be excom⯑municated from any of the four tribes, he and his poſterity are forever ſhut out from ſociety of every body in the nation, excepting that of the Harri caſt, who are held in utter deteſ⯑tation by all the other tribes, and are employed only in the meaneſt and vileſt offices. This circumſtance renders excom⯑munication ſo dreadful, that any Hindoo will ſuffer the tor⯑ture, and even death itſelf, rather than deviate from one article of his faith. This ſeverity prevented all intermixture of blood between the tribes, ſo that, in their appearance, they ſeem rather four different nations, than members of the ſame community.
It is, as we have already obſerved, a principle peculiar to the Hindoo religion, not to admit of proſelytes. Inſtead of [xxxiii] being ſolicitous about gaining converts, they always make a myſtery of their faith. Heaven, ſay they, is like a palace with many doors, and every one may enter in his own way. But this charitable diſpoſition never encouraged other ſects to ſettle among them, as they muſt have been excluded en⯑tirely from all the benefits of ſociety.
When a child is born, ſome of the Brahmins are called. They pretend, from the horoſcope of his nativity, to fore⯑tel his future fortune, by means of ſome aſtrological tables, of which they are poſſeſſed. When this ceremony is over, they burn incenſe, and make an offering according to the circumſtances of the parent; and without ever conſulting them, tie the zinar* round the infant's neck, and impoſe a name upon him, according to their own fancy.
Between the age of ſeven and ten, the children are, by their parents, given away in marriage. The young pair are brought together, in order to contract an intimacy with one another. But when they approach to the years of pu⯑berty, they carefully ſeparate them, till the female produces ſigns of womanhood. She then is taken from her parents to cohabit with her huſband: nor is ſhe ever after permitted to viſit them. It is not lawful among the Hindoos to marry nearer than the eighth degree of kindred. Polygamy is per⯑mitted, but ſeldom practiſed; for they very rationally think, that one wife is ſufficient for one man.
The extraordinary cuſtom of the women burning them⯑ſelves with their deceaſed huſbands, has, for the moſt part, fallen into deſuetude in India; nor was it ever reckoned a [xxxiv] religious duty, as has been very erroneouſly ſuppoſed in the Weſt. This ſpecies of barbarity, like many others, roſe originally from the fooliſh enthuſiaſm of feeble minds. In a text in the Bedas, conjugal affection and fidelity are thus figuratively inculcated: ‘"The woman, in ſhort, who dies with her huſband, ſhall enjoy life eternal with him in hea⯑ven."’ From this ſource the Brahmins themſelves deduce this ridiculous cuſtom, which is a more rational ſolution of it, than the ſtory which prevails in Europe; that it was a poli⯑tical inſtitution, made by one of the Emperors, to prevent wives from poiſoning their huſbands, a practice, in thoſe days, common in Hindoſtan.
People of rank and thoſe of the higher caſts, burn their dead and throw ſome incenſe into the pile. Some throw the bodies of their friends into the Ganges, while others expoſe them on the high ways, as a prey to vultures and wild beaſts. There is one caſt in the kingdom of Bengal, who barbarouſly expoſe their ſick by the river's ſide to die there. They even ſometimes choak them with mud, when they think them paſt hopes of recovery. They defend this in⯑human cuſtom by ſaying, that life is not an adequate re⯑compence for the tortures of a lingering diſeaſe.
The Hindoos have a code of laws in the NEA SHASTER. Treaſon, inceſt, ſacrilege, murder, adultery with the wife of a Brahmin, and theft, are capital crimes. Though the Brahmins were the authors of thoſe laws, we do not find that they have exempted themſelves from the puniſhment of death, when guilty of thoſe crimes. This is one of thoſe numerous fables, which modern travellers imported from the Eaſt. It is however certain, that the influence of the [xxxv] Brahmins is ſo great, and their characters as prieſts ſo ſacred, that they eſcape in caſes where no mercy would be ſhewn to the other tribes.
Petty offences are puniſhed by temporary excommunica⯑tions, pilgrimages, penances and fines, according to the degree of the crime, and the wealth of the guilty perſon. But as the Hindoos are now, for the moſt part, ſubject to the Mahommedans, they are governed by the laws of the Koran, or by the arbitrary will of the prince.
The Senaſſeys are a ſect of mendicant philoſophers, com⯑monly known by the name of Fakiers, which literally ſig⯑nifies poor people. Theſe idle and pretended devotees, aſſemble ſometimes in armies of ten or twelve thouſand, and, under a pretext of making pilgrimages to certain tem⯑ples, lay whole countries under contribution. Theſe ſaints wear no clothes, are generally very robuſt, and convert the wives of the leſs holy part of mankind to their own uſe, upon their religious progreſſes. They admit any man of parts into their number, and they take great care to inſtruct their diſciples in every branch of knowledge, to make the order the more revered among the vulgar.
When this naked army of robuſt ſaints direct their march to any temple, the men of the provinces through which their road lies, very often fly before them, notwithſtand⯑ing of the ſanctified character of the Fakiers. But the women are in general more reſolute, and not only remain in their dwellings, but apply frequently for the prayers of thoſe holy perſons, which are found to be moſt effectual in caſes of ſterility. When a Takier is at prayers with the lady of [xxxvi] the houſe, he leaves either his ſlipper or his ſtaff at the door, which if ſeen by the huſband, effectually prevents him from diſturbing their devotion. But ſhould he be ſo un⯑fortunate as not to mind thoſe ſignals, a ſound drubbing is the inevitable conſequence of his intruſion.
Though the Fakiers inforce with their arms, that reverence which the people of Hindoſtan have naturally for their or⯑der, they inflict voluntary penances of very extraordinary kinds upon themſelves, to gain more reſpect. Theſe fellows ſometimes hold up one arm in a fixed poſition till it becomes ſtiff, and remains in that ſituation during the reſt of their lives. Some clench their fiſts very hard, and keep them ſo till their nails grow into their palms, and appear through the back of their hands. Others turn their faces over one ſhoulder, and keep them in that ſituation, till they fix for ever their heads looking backward. Many turn their eyes to the point of their noſe, till they have loſt the power of looking in any other direction. Theſe laſt, pretend ſome⯑times to ſee what they call the ſacred fire, which viſion, no doubt, proceeds from ſome diſorder ariſing from the diſtor⯑tion of the optic nerves.
It often appears to Europeans in India, a matter of ſome ridicule to converſe with thoſe diſtorted and naked philoſo⯑phers; though their knowledge and external appearance, exhibit a very ſtriking contraſt. Some are really what they ſeem, enthuſiaſts; but others put on the character of ſanc⯑tity, as a cloak for their pleaſures. But what actually makes them a public nuiſance, and the averſion of poor huſbands, is, that the women think they derive ſome holineſs to them⯑ſelves, from an intimacy with a Fakier.
[xxxvii] Many other fooliſh cuſtoms, beſides thoſe we have mentioned, are peculiar to thoſe religious mendicants. But enthuſiaſtic penances are not confined to them alone. Some of the vul⯑gar, on the faſt of Oppoſs, ſuſpend themſelves on iron hooks, by the fleſh of the ſhoulder-blade, to the end of a beam. This beam turns round with great velocity, upon a pivot, on the head of a high pole. The enthuſiaſt not only ſeems inſenſible of pain, but very often blows a trumpet as he is whirled round above, and, at certain intervals, ſings a ſong to the gaping multitude below; who very much admire his fortitude and devotion. This ridiculous cuſtom is kept up to commemorate the ſufferings of a martyr, who was in that manner, tortured for his faith.
To dwell longer upon the characteriſtical cuſtoms and manners of the Hindoos, would extend this diſſertation too far. Some more particulars concerning that nation, will naturally ariſe from an inveſtigation of their religion and philoſophy. This laſt was the capital deſign of this intro⯑ductory diſcourſe; and we hope to be able to throw a new, if not a compleat light, on a ſubject hitherto little underſtood in the Weſt. Some writers have very lately given to the world, an unintelligible ſyſtem of the Brahmin religion; and they affirm, that they derived their information from the Hindoos themſelves. This may be the caſe, but they certainly converſed upon that ſubject only with the inferior tribes, or with the unlearned part of the Brahmins: and it would be as ridiculous to hope for a true ſtate of the reli⯑gion and philoſophy of the Hindoos from thoſe illiterate caſts, as it would be in a Mahommedan in London, to rely upon the accounts of a pariſh beadle, concerning the moſt abſtruſe points of the Chriſtian faith; or, to form his opi⯑nion [xxxviii] of the principles of the Newtonian philoſophy, from a converſation with an Engliſh carman.
The Hindoos are divided into two great religious ſects: the followers of the doctrine of the BEDANG; and thoſe who adhere to the principles of the NEADIRSIN. As the firſt are eſteemed the moſt orthodox, as well as the moſt ancient, we ſhall begin to explain their opinions, by extracts literally tranſlated from the original SHASTERa, which goes by the name of Bedang.
Bedang, the title of the Shaſter, or commentary upon the Bedas, concerning which we are about to treat, is a word compounded of Beda, ſcience, and Ang, body. The name of this Shaſter therefore, may be literally tranſlated, the Body of ſcience. This book has, in Europe, been errone⯑ouſly called Vedam; and it is an expoſition of the doctrine of the Bedas, by that great philoſopher and prophet Beâſs Muni, who, according to the Brahmins, flouriſhed about four thouſand years ago. The Bedang is ſaid to have been reviſed ſome ages after Beâſs Muni, by one Sirrider Swami, ſince which it has been reckoned ſacred, and not ſubject to any further alterations. Almoſt all the Hindoos of the De⯑can, and thoſe of the Malabar and Coromandel coaſts, are of the ſect of the Bedang.
[xxxix] This commentary opens with a dialogue between Brimhab, the Wiſdom of the Divinity; and Narudc or Rea⯑ſon, who is repreſented as the ſon of Brimha. Narud de⯑ſires to be inſtructed by his father, and for that purpoſe, puts the following queſtions to him.
O father! thou firſt of Godd, thou art ſaid to have created the world, and thy ſon Narud, aſtoniſhed at what he be⯑holds, is deſirous to be inſtructed how all theſe things were made.
Be not deceived, my ſon! do not imagine that I was the creator of the world, independent of the divine movere, who is the great original eſſencef, and creator of all things. Look, therefore, only upon me as the inſtrument of the great [xl] WILLg, and a part of his being, whom he called forth to execute his eternal deſigns.
What ſhall we think of God?
Being immaterialh, he is above all conception; being in⯑viſiblei, he can have no formk; but, from what we behold in his works, we may conclude that he is eternall, omnipotentm, knowing all thingsn, and preſent every whereo.
How did God create the world?
Affectionp, dwelt with God, from all eternity. It was of three different kinds, the creativeq, the preſervingr, and the deſtructives. This firſt is repreſented by Brimha, the ſecond [xli] by Biſhent, and the third by Shibahu. You, O Narud! are taught to worſhip all the three, in various ſhapes and like⯑neſſes, as the creatorw, the preſerverx, and the deſtroyery. The affection of God then produced powerz, and power at a proper conjunction of timea and fateb, embraced goodneſsc, and produced matterd. The three qualities then acting upon matter, produced the univerſe in the following manner. From the oppoſite actions of the creative and deſtructive quality in matter, ſelf-motione firſt aroſe. Self-motion was of three kinds; the firſt inclining to plaſticityf, the ſecond to diſcordg, and the third to reſth. The diſcordant actions then produced the Akaſhi, which inviſible element poſſeſſed the quality of conveying ſound; it produced airk, a palpable element, firel, a viſible element, waterm, a fluid element, and earthn, a ſolid element.
The Akaſh diſperſed itſelf abroad. Air formed the atmo⯑ſphere; fire, collecting itſelf, blazed forth in the hoſt of [xlii] heaveno; water roſe to the ſurface of the earth, being forced from beneath by the gravity of the latter element. Thus broke forth the world from the veil of darkneſs, in which it was formerly comprehended by God. Order roſe over the univerſe. The ſeven heavens were formedp, and the ſeven worlds were fixed in their places; there to remain till the great diſſolutionq, when all things ſhall be abſorbedr into God.
God ſeeing the earth in full bloom, and that vegetations was ſtrong from its ſeeds, called forth for the firſt time, In⯑tellectu, which he endued with various organs and ſhapes, to form a diverſity of animalsw upon the earth. He endued the animals with five ſenſes, feeling, ſeeing, ſmelling, taſting, and hearingx. But to man he gave reflexion y to raiſe him above the beaſts of the field.
The creatures were created male and femalez, that they might propagate their ſpecies upon the earth. Every herb bore the ſeed of its kind, that the world might be cloathed with verdure, and all animals provided with food.
What doſt thou mean, O Father! by intellect?
It is a portion of the GREAT SOULa of the univerſe, breathed into all creatures, to animate them for a certain time.
What becomes of it after death?
It animates other bodies, or returns like a drop into that unbounded ocean from which it firſt aroſe.
Shall not then the ſouls of good men receive rewards? Nor the ſouls of the bad meet with puniſhment?
The ſouls of men are diſtinguiſhed from thoſe of other animals; for the firſt are endued with reaſonb and with a conſciouſneſs of right and wrong. If therefore man ſhall adhere to the firſt, as far as his powers ſhall extend, his ſoul, when diſengaged from the body by death, ſhall be abſorbed into the divine eſſence, and ſhall never more re-animate fleſh. But the ſouls of thoſe who do evilc, are not, at death, diſengaged from all the elements. They are immediately cloathed with a body of fire, air, and akaſh, in which they are, for a time, puniſhed in helld. After the ſeaſon of [xliv] their grief is over, they re-animate other bodies; but till they ſhall arrive at a ſtate of purity, they can never be abſorb⯑ed into God.
What is the nature of that abſorbed ſtatee which the ſouls of good men enjoy after death?
It is a participation of the divine nature, where all paſſions are utterly unknown, and where conſciouſneſs is loſt in bliſsf.
Thou ſayſt, O Father! that unleſs the ſoul is perfectly pure, it cannot be abſorbed into God: Now, as the actions of the generality of men are partly good, and partly bad, whi⯑ther are their ſpirits ſent immediately after death?
They muſt alone for their crimes in hell, where they muſt remain for a ſpace proportioned to the degree of their iniquities; then they riſe to heaven to be rewarded for a time for their virtues; and from thence they will return to the world, to reanimate other bodies.
What is timeg?
Time exiſted from all eternity with God: but it can only be eſtimated ſince motion was produced, and only be conceived by the mind, from its own conſtant progreſs.
How long ſhall this world remain?
Until the four jugs ſhall have revolved. Then Rud⯑derh with the ten ſpirits of diſſolution ſhall roll a comet under the moon, that ſhall involve all things in fire, and reduce the world into aſhes. God ſhall then exiſt alone, for matter will be totally annihilatedi.
[xlvi] Here ends the firſt chapter of the Bedang. The ſecond treats of providence and free will; a ſubject ſo abſtruſe, that it was impoſſible to underſtand it, without a compleat knowledge of the Shanſcrita. The author of the Bedang, thinking perhaps, that the philoſophical catechiſm which we have tranſlated above, was too pure for narrow and ſu⯑perſtitious minds, has inſerted into his work, a ſtrange alle⯑gorical account of the creation, for the purpoſes of vulgar theology. In this tale, the attributes of God, the human paſſions and faculties of the mind are perſonified, and intro⯑duced upon the ſtage. As this allegory may afford matter of ſome curioſity to the public, we ſhall here tranſlate it.
BRIMH exiſted from all eternity, in a form of infinite di⯑menſions. When it pleaſed him to create the world, he ſaid, Riſe up, O Brimha k. Immediately a ſpirit of the colour of flame iſſued from his navel, having four heads and four hands, Brimha gazing round, and ſeeing nothing but the immenſe image, out of which he had proceeded, he tra⯑velled a thouſand years, to endeavour to comprehend its dimenſions. But after all his toil, he found himſelf as much at a loſs as before.
Loſt in amazement, Brimha gave over his journey. He fell proſtrate and praiſed what he ſaw, with his four mouths. The almighty, then, with a voice like ten thouſand thun⯑ders, was pleaſed to ſay: Thou haſt done well, O Brimha, for thou canſt not comprehend me!—Go and create the world!—How can I create it?—Aſk of me, and power ſhall be given unto thee.—O God, ſaid Brimha, thou art almighty in power!—
[xlvii] Brimha forthwith perceived the idea of things, as if floating before his eyes. He ſaid, LET THEM BE, and all that he ſaw became real before him. Then fear ſtruck the frame of Brimha, leſt thoſe things ſhould be annihilated. O immortal Brimh! he cried, who ſhall preſerve thoſe things which I behold. In the inſtant a ſpirit of a blue colour iſſued from Brimha's mouth, and ſaid aloud, I WILL. Then ſhall thy name be Biſhenl, becauſe thou haſt undertaken to preſerve all things.
Brimha then commanded Biſhen to go and create all ani⯑mals, with vegetables for their ſubſiſtance, to poſſeſs that earth which he himſelf had made. Biſhen forthwith created all manner of beaſts, fiſh, foul, inſects and reptiles. Trees and graſs roſe alſo beneath his hands, for Brimha had inveſted him with power. But man was ſtill wanting to rule the whole: and Brimha commanded Biſhen to form him. Biſhen began the work, but the men he made were idiots with great bellies, for he could not inſpire them with knowledge; ſo that in every thing but in ſhape, they re⯑ſembled the beaſts of the field. They had no paſſion but to ſatisfy their carnal appetites.
Brimha, offended at the men, deſtroyed them, and pro⯑duced four perſons from his own breath, whom he called by four different names. The name of the firſt was Sin⯑nocm, of the ſecond, Sinnundan, of the third, Sonnatino, and of the fourth, Sonninkunarp. Theſe four perſons were ordered by Brimha, to rule over the creatures, and to poſſeſs [xlviii] for ever the world. But they refuſed to do any thing but to praiſe God, having nothing of the deſtructive qualitya in their compoſition.
Brimha, for this contempt of his orders, became angry, and lo! a brown ſpirit ſtarted from between his eyes. He ſat down before Brimha, and began to weep: then lifting up his eyes, he aſked him, ‘"Who am I, and where ſhall be the place of my abode."’ Thy name ſhall be Rudderb, ſaid Brimha, and all nature ſhall be the place of thine abode. But riſe up, O Rudder! and form man to govern the world.
Rudder immediately obeyed the orders of Brimha. He be⯑gan the work, but the men he made were fiercer than tigers, having nothing but the deſtructive quality in their compoſitions. They, however, ſoon deſtroyed one another, for anger was their only paſſion. Brimha, Biſhen, and Rudder then joined their different powers. They created ten men, whoſe names were, Narud, Dico, Baſhiſta, Birga, Kirku, Pulla, Puliſta, Ongira, Otteri and Murichic: The general appellation of the whole, was the Muniesd. Brimha then produced Dirmoe from his breaſt, Adirmof from his back, Loabg from his lip, and Kâmh from his heart. This laſt being a beautiful female, Brimha looked upon her with amorous eyes. But the Munies told him, that ſhe was his own daughter; upon which he ſhrunk back, and produced a bluſhing virgin called Ludjai. Brimha thinking his body defiled by throwing his [xlix] eyes upon Kâm, changed it, and produced ten women, one of which was given to each of the Munies.
In this diviſion of the Bedang Shaſter, there is a long liſt of the Surage Buns, or children of the ſun, who, it is ſaid, ruled the world in the firſt periods. But as the whole is a mere dream of imagination, and ſcarcely the belief of the Hindoo children and women, we ſhall not treſpaſs further on the patience of the public with theſe allegories. The Brahmins of former ages wrote many volumes of romances upon the lives and actions of thoſe pretended Kings, incul⯑cating, after their manner, morality by fable. This was the grand fountain from which the religion of the vulgar in India was corrupted; if the vulgar of any country re⯑quire any adventitious aid to corrupt their ideas, upon ſo myſterious a ſubject.
Upon the whole, the opinions of the author of the Be⯑dang, upon the ſubject of religion, are not unphiloſophical. He maintains that the world was created out of nothing by God, and that it will be again annihilated. The unity, infi⯑nity and omnipotence of the ſupreme divinity are inculcated by him: for though he preſents us with a long liſt of infe⯑rior beings, it is plain that they are merely allegorical; and neither he nor the ſenſible part of his followers believe their actual exiſtence. The more ignorant Hindoos, it cannot be denied, think that theſe ſubaltern divinities do exiſt, in the ſame manner, that Chriſtians believe in Angels: but the unity of God was always a fundamental tenet of the uncorrupted faith of the more learned Brahmins.
[l] The opinion of this philoſopher, that the ſoul, after death, aſſumes a body of the purer elements, is not pecu⯑liar to the Brahmins. It deſcended from the Druids of Eu⯑rope, to the Greeks, and was the ſame with the [...] of Homer. His idea of the manner of the tranſmigration of the human ſoul into various bodies, is peculiar to himſelf. As he holds it as a maxim that a portion of the GREAT SOUL or God, animates every living thing; he thinks it no ways inconſiſtent, that the ſame portion that gave life to man, ſhould afterwards paſs into the body of any other animal. This tranſmigration does not, in his opinion, debaſe the quality of the ſoul: for when it extricates itſelf from the fetters of the fleſh, it reaſſumes its original nature.
The followers of the BEDANG SHASTER do not allow that any phyſical evil exiſts. They maintain that God created all things perfectly good, but that man, being a free agent, may be guilty of moral evil: which, however, only reſpects himſelf and ſociety, but is of no detriment to the general ſyſtem of nature. God, ſay they, has no paſſion but bene⯑volence: and being poſſeſſed of no wrath, he never puniſhes the wicked, but by the pain and affliction which are the natural conſequences of evil actions. The more learned Brahmins therefore affirm, that the hell which is men⯑tioned in the Bedang, was only intended as a mere bug⯑bear to the vulgar, to inforce upon their minds, the duties of morality: for that hell is no other than a conſciouſneſs of evil, and thoſe bad conſequences which invariably fol⯑low wicked deeds.
Before we ſhall proceed to the doctrine of the NEADIRSEN SHASTER, it may not be improper to give a tranſlation of the [li] firſt chapter of the DIRM SHASTER, which throws a clear light upon the religious tenets, common to both the grand ſects of the Hindoos. It is a dialogue between Brimha, or the wiſdom of God; and Narud, or human reaſon.
kO thou firſt of God! Who is the greateſt of all Beings?
BRIMH; who is infinite and almighty.
Is he exempted from death?
He is: being eternal and incorporeal.
Who created the world?
GOD, by his power.
Who is the giver of bliſs?
KRISHEN: and whoſoever worſhippeth him, ſhall enjoy heavenl.
What is his likeneſs?
He hath no likeneſs: but to ſtamp ſome idea of him upon the minds of men, who cannot believe in an immate⯑rial being, he is repreſented under various ſymbolical forms.
What image ſhall we conceive of him?
If your imagination cannot riſe to devotion without an image; ſuppoſe with yourſelf, that his eyes are like the Lotos, his complexion like a cloud, his cloathing of the lightning of heaven, and that he hath four hands.
Why ſhould we think of the almighty in this form?
His eyes may be compared to the Lotos, to ſhow that they are always open, like that flower which the greateſt depth of water cannot ſurmount. His complexion being like that of a cloud, is an emblem of that darkneſs with which he veils himſelf from mortal eyes. His cloathing is of lightning, to expreſs that awful majeſty which ſur⯑rounds him: and his four hands are ſymbols of his ſtrength and almighty power.
What things are proper to be offered unto him?
Thoſe things which are clean, and offered with a grateful heart. But all things which by the law are reckoned impure, [liii] or have been defiled by the touch of a woman in her times; things which have been coveted by your own ſoul, ſeized by oppreſſion, or obtained by deceit, or that have any natural blemiſh, are offerings unworthy of God.
We are commanded then to make offerings to God of ſuch things as are pure and without blemiſh, by which it would appear that God eateth and drinketh, like mortal man, or if he doth not, for what purpoſe are our offerings?
God neither eats nor drinks like mortal men. But if you love not God, your offerings will be unworthy of him; for as all men covet the good things of this world, God re⯑quires a free offering of their ſubſtance, as the ſtrongeſt teſti⯑mony of their gratitude and inclinations towards him.
How is God to be worſhipped?
With no ſelfiſh view; but for love of his beauties, gra⯑titude for his favours, and for admiration of his greatneſs.
How can the human mind fix itſelf upon God, being, that it is in its nature changeable, and perpetually running from one object to another?
True: The mind is ſtronger than an elephant, whom men have found means to ſubdue, though they have never [liv] been able entirely to ſubdue their own inclinations. But the ankuſha of the mind is true wiſdom, which ſees into the vanity of all worldly things.
Where ſhall we find true wiſdom?
In the ſociety of good and wiſe men.
But the mind, in ſpite of reſtraint, covets riches, women, and all worldly pleaſures. How are theſe appetites to be ſubdued?
If they cannot be overcome by reaſon, let them be mor⯑tified by penance. For this purpoſe it will be neceſſary to make a public and ſolemn vow, leſt your reſolution ſhould be ſhaken by the pain which attends it.
We ſee that all men are mortal, what ſtate is there after death?
The ſouls of ſuch good men as retain a ſmall degree of worldly inclinations, will enjoy Surgb for a time; but the ſouls of thoſe who are holy, ſhall be abſorbed into God, never more to reanimate fleſh. The wicked ſhall be puniſh⯑ed in Nirickc for a certain ſpace, and afterwards their ſouls are permitted to wander in ſearch of new habitations of fleſh.
Thou, O father, doſt mention God as one; yet we are told, that Râm, whom we are taught to call God, was born in the houſe of Jeſſarit: That Kiſhen, whom we call God, was born in the houſe of Baſdeo, and many others in the ſame manner. In what light are we to take this myſtery?
You are to look upon theſe as particular manifeſtations of the providence of God, for certain great ends, as in the caſe of the ſixteen hundred women, called Gopi, when all the men of Sirendiepd were deſtroyed in war. The women prayed for huſbands, and they had all their deſires gratified in one night, and became with child. But you are not to ſuppoſe, that God, who is in this caſe introduced as the actor, is liable to human paſſions or frailties, being in him⯑ſelf, pure and incorporeal. At the ſame time he may appear in a thouſand places, by a thouſand names, and in a thou⯑ſand forms; yet continue the ſame unchangeable, in his divine nature.—
Without making any reflections upon this chapter of the DIRM SHASTER, it appears evident, that the religion of the Hindoos has hitherto been very much miſrepreſented in Europe. The followers of the NEADIRSEN SHASTER, differ greatly in their philoſophy, from the ſect of the BEDANG, though both agree about the unity of the ſupreme being. To give ſome idea of the Neadirſen philoſophy, we ſhall, in this place, give ſome extracts from that Shaſter.
NEADIRSEN is a compound from NEA, ſignifying right, and DIRSEN, to teach or explain; ſo that the word may be [lvi] tranſlated an exhibition of truth. Though it is not reckoned ſo antient as the Bedang, yet it is ſaid to have been written by a philoſopher called Goutam, near four thouſand years ago. The philoſophy contained in this Shaſter, is very ab⯑ſtruſe and metaphyſical; and therefore it is but juſtice to Goutam to confeſs, that the author of the diſſertation, not⯑withſtanding the great pains he took to have proper defini⯑tions of the terms, is by no means certain, whether he has fully attained his end. In this ſtate of uncertainty he choſe to adhere to the literal meaning of words, rather than by a free tranſlation, to deviate perhaps from the ſenſe of his author.
The generality of the Hindoos of Bengal, and all the northern provinces of Hindoſtan, eſteem the NEADIRSEN a ſa⯑cred Shaſter; but thoſe of the Decan, Coromandel, and Ma⯑labar, totally reject it. It conſiſts of ſeven volumes. The firſt only came to the hands of the author of the diſſertation, and he has, ſince his arrival in England, depoſited it in the Britiſh Muſeum. He can ſay nothing for certain, concern⯑ing the contents of the ſubſequent volumes; only that they contain a compleat ſyſtem of the theology and philoſophy of the Brahmins of the Neadirſen ſect.
Goutam does not begin to reaſon, a priori, like the writer of the Bedang. He conſiders the preſent ſtate of nature, and the intellectual faculties, as far as they can be inveſti⯑gated by human reaſon; and from thence he draws all his concluſions. He reduces all things under ſix principal heads; ſubſtance, quality, motion, ſpecies, aſſimulation, and conſtructione. In ſubſtance, beſides time, ſpace, life, [lvii] and ſpirit, he comprehends earth, water, fire, air, and akaſh. The four groſſer elements, he ſays, come under the immediate comprehenſion of our bodily ſenſes; and akaſh, time, ſpace, ſoul and ſpirit, come under mental perception.
He maintains, that all objects of perception are equally real, as we cannot comprehend the nature of a ſolid cubit, any more than the ſame extent of ſpace. He affirms, that diſtance in point of time and ſpace, are equally incompre⯑henſible; ſo that if we ſhall admit, that ſpace is a real ex⯑iſtence, time muſt be ſo too. That the ſoul, or vital prin⯑ciple, is a ſubtile element, which pervades all things; for that intellect, which, according to experience in animals, cannot proceed from organization and vital motion only, muſt be a principle totally diſtinct from them.
‘"The author of the Bedantf," ſays Goutam, "finding the impoſſibility of forming an idea of ſubſtance, aſſerts, that all nature is a mere deluſion. But as imagination muſt be acted upon by ſome real exiſtence, as we cannot conceive that it can act upon itſelf, we muſt conclude, that there is ſome⯑thing real, otherwiſe philoſophy is at an end."’
He then proceeds to explain what he means by his ſecond principle, or Goon, which, ſays he, comprehends twenty-four things; form, taſte, ſmell, touch, ſound, number, quantity, gravity, ſolidity, fluidity, claſticity, conjunction ſeparation, priority, poſteriority, diviſibility, indiviſibility, ac⯑cident, perception, eaſe, pain, deſire, averſion, and powerg. [lviii] Kirmo or motion is, according to him, of two kinds, direct and crooked. Sammania, or ſpecies, which is his third principle, includes all animals and natural productions. Bi⯑ſheſh he defines to be a tendency in matter towards produc⯑tions; and Sammabae, or the laſt principle, is the artificial conſtruction or formation of things, as a ſtatue from a block of marble, a houſe from ſtones, or cloth from cotton.
Under theſe ſix heads, as we have already obſerved, Gou⯑tam comprehends all things which fall under our compre⯑henſion; and after having reaſoned about their nature and origin, in a very philoſophical manner, he concludes with aſſerting, that five things muſt of neceſſity be eternal. The firſt of theſe is Pirrum Attima, or the GREAT SOUL, who, ſays he, is immaterial, one, inviſible, eternal, and indiviſible, poſſeſſing omniſcience, reſt, will, and powerh.
The ſecond eternal principle is the Jive Attima, or the vi⯑tal ſoul, which he ſuppoſes is material, by giving it the fol⯑lowing properties; number, quantity, motion, contraction, extenſion, diviſibility, perception, pleaſure, pain, deſire, aver⯑ſion, accident, and power. His reaſons for maintaining, that the vital ſoul is different from the great ſoul, are very nu⯑merous, and it is upon this head that the followers of the Bedang and Neadirſen are principally divided. The firſt affirm that there is no ſoul in the univerſe but God, and the ſecond ſtrenuouſly hold that there is, as they cannot con⯑ceive, that God can be ſubject to ſuch affections and paſſions as they feel in their own minds; or that he can poſſibly have a propenſity to evil. Evil, according to the author of the [lix] Neadirſen Shaſter, proceeds entirely from Jive Attima, or the vital ſoul. It is a ſelfiſh craving principle, never to be ſatisfied; whereas GOD remains in eternal reſt, without any deſire but benevolence.
Goutam's third eternal principle is time or duration, which, ſays he, muſt of neceſſity have exiſted, while any thing did exiſt; and is therefore infinite. The fourth prin⯑ciple is ſpace or extenſion, without which nothing could have been; and as it comprehends all quantity, or rather is infinite, he maintains, that it is indiviſible and eternal. The fifth eternal principle is Akaſh, a ſubtile and pure element, which fills up the vacuum of ſpace, and is compounded of purmans or quantities, infinitely ſmall, indiviſible and per⯑petual. ‘"God," ſays he, "can neither make nor annihi⯑late theſe atoms, on account of the love which he bears to them, and the neceſſity of their exiſtence; but they are, in other reſpects, totally ſubſervient to his pleaſure."’
‘"God," ſays Goutam, "at a certain ſeaſon, endued theſe atoms, as we may call them, with Biſheſh or plaſticity, by virtue of which they arranged themſelves into four groſs elements, fire, air, water, and earth. Theſe atoms being, from the beginning, formed by God into the ſeeds of all pro⯑ductions, Jive Attima, or the vital ſoul, aſſociated with them, ſo that animals, and plants of various kinds, were produced upon the face of the earth."’
‘"The ſame vital ſoul," continues Goutam, "which be⯑fore aſſociated with the Purman of an animal, may after⯑wards aſſociate with the Purman of a man."’ This tranſmi⯑gration [lx] is diſtinguiſhed by three names, Mirt, Mirren, and Pirra-purra-purveſh, which laſt literally ſignifies the change of abode. The ſuperiority of man, according to the philoſophy of the Neadirſen, conſiſts only in the finer organization of his parts, from which proceed reaſon, reflexion, and me⯑mory, which the brutes only poſſeſs in an inferior degree, on account of their leſs refined organs.
Goutam ſuppoſes, with the author of the Bedang, that the ſoul after death, aſſumes a body of fire, air, and akaſh, un⯑leſs in the carnal body, it has been ſo purified by piety and virtue, that it retains no ſelfiſh inclinations. In that caſe it is abſorbed into the GREAT SOUL OF NATURE, never more to reanimate fleſh. Such, ſays the philoſopher, ſhall be the reward of all thoſe who worſhip God from pure love and admiration, without any ſelfiſh views. Thoſe that ſhall wor⯑ſhip God from motives of future happineſs, ſhall be indul⯑ged with their deſires in heaven, for a certain time. But they muſt alſo expiate their crimes, by ſuffering adequate puniſhments; and afterwards their ſouls will return to the earth, and wander about for new habitations. Upon their return to the earth, they ſhall caſually aſſociate with the firſt organized Purman they ſhall meet. They ſhall not retain any conſciouſneſs of their former ſtate, unleſs it is revealed to them by God. But thoſe favoured perſons are very few, and are diſtinguiſhed by the name of Jates Summoni.
The author of the Neadirſen teaches, for the purpoſes of morality, that the ſins of the parents will deſcend to their poſterity; and that, on the other hand, the virtues of the children will mitigate the puniſhments of the parents in [lxi] Nirick, and haſten their return to the earth. Of all ſins he holds ingratitudeh to be the greateſt. Souls guilty of that black crime, ſays he, will remain in hell, while the ſun remains in heaven, or to the general diſſolution of all things.
Intellect, ſays Goutam, is formed by the combined action of the ſenſes. He reckons ſix ſenſes: five externali, and one internal. The laſt he calls Manus, by which he ſeems to mean conſcience. In the latter he comprehends reaſon, perceptionk and memory: and he concludes, that by their means only, mankind may poſſibly acquire knowledge. He then proceeds to explain the manner by which theſe ſenſes act.
Sight, ſays he, ariſes from the Shanſkar or repulſive qua⯑lities of bodies, by which the particles of light which fall upon them, are reflected back upon the eyes from all parts of their ſurfaces. Thus the object is painted in a perfect manner upon the organ of ſeeing, whither the ſoul repairs to receive the image. He affirms, that, unleſs the ſoul fixes its attention upon the figure in the eye, nothing can be per⯑ceived by the mind; for a man in a profound reverie, though his eyes are open to the light, perceives nothing. Colours, ſays Coutam, are particular feelings in the eye, which are proportioned to the quantity of light reflected from any ſolid body.
Goutam deſines hearing in the ſame manner with the European philoſophers, with this difference only, that he [lxii] ſuppoſes, that the ſound which affects the ear, is conveyed through the purer element of akaſh, and not by the air; an error which is not very ſurprizing, in a ſpeculative philo⯑ſopher. Taſte, he defines to be a ſenſation of the tongue and palate, occaſioned by the particular form of thoſe particles which compoſe food. Smell, ſays he, proceeds from the effluvia which ariſe from bodies to the noſtrils. The feel⯑ing, which ariſes from touching, is occaſioned by the con⯑tact of denſe bodies with the ſkin, which, as well as the whole body, excepting the bones, the hair and the nails, is the organ of that ſenſe. There runs, ſays he, from all parts of the ſkin, very ſmall nerves to a great nerve, which he diſtinguiſhes by the name of Medda. This nerve is com⯑poſed of two different coats, the one ſenſitive, and the other inſenſitive. It extends from the crown of the head, down the right ſide of the vertebrae to the right footl. When the body becomes languid, the ſoul, fatigued with action, re⯑tires within the inſenſible coat, which checks the operation of the ſenſes, and occaſions ſound ſleep. But ſhould there remain in the ſoul, a ſmall inclination to action, it ſtarts into the ſenſitive part of the nerve, and dreams immediately ariſe before it. Theſe dreams, ſays he, invariably relate to ſomething perceived before by the ſenſes, though the mind may combine the ideas together at pleaſure.
Manus, or conſcience, is the internal feeling of the mind, when it is no way affected by external objects. Onnuman, or reaſon, ſays Goutam, is that faculty of the ſoul which enables us to conclude that things and circumſtances exiſt, [lxiii] from an analogy to things, which had before fallen under the conception of our bodily ſenſes: For inſtance, when we ſee ſmoak, we conclude that it proceeds from a fire; when we ſee one end of a rope, we are perſuaded that it muſt have another.
By reaſon, continues Goutam, men perceive the exiſtence of God; which the Boad or Atheiſts deny, becauſe his ex⯑iſtence does not come within the comprehenſion of the ſenſes. Theſe atheiſts, ſays he, maintain, that there is no God but the univerſe; that there is neither good nor evil in the world; that there is no ſuch thing as a ſoul; that all animals exiſt, by a mere mechaniſm of the organs, or by a fermentation of the elements; and that all natural produc⯑tions are but the fortuitous concourſe of things.
The philoſopher refutes theſe atheiſtical opinions, by a long train of arguments, ſuch as have been often urged by European divines. Though ſuperſtition and cuſtom may biaſs reaſon to different ends, in various countries, we find a ſurpriſing ſimilarity in the arguments uſed by all nations, againſt the BOAD, thoſe common enemies of every ſyſtem of religion.
‘"Another ſect of the BOAD, ſays Goutam, are of opinion that all things were produced by chancem."’ This doctrine he thus refutes. Chance is ſo far from being the origin of all things, that it has but a momentary exiſtence of its own; being alternately created and annihilated, at periods infi⯑nitely ſmall, as it depends entirely on the action of real [lxiv] eſſences. This action is not accidental, for it muſt inevi⯑tably proceed from ſome natural cauſe. Let the dice be rattled eternally in the box, they are determined in their motion, by certain invariable laws. What therefore we call chance, is but an effect proceeding from cauſes which we do not perceive.
‘"Perception," continues Goutam, "is that faculty by which we inſtantaneouſly know things without the help of reaſon. This is perceived by means of relation, or ſome diſtinguiſhing property in things, ſuch as high and low, long and ſhort, great and ſmall, hard and ſoft, cold and hot, black and white."’
Memory, according to Goutam, is the elaſticity of the mind, and is employed in three different ways; on things preſent as to time, but abſent as to place; on things paſt, and on things to come. It would appear from the latter part of the diſtinction, that the philoſopher comprehends imagination in memory. He then proceeds to define all the original properties of matter, and all the paſſions and faculties of the mind. He then deſcants on the nature of generation.
‘"Generation, ſays he, may be divided into two kinds; Jonidge, or generation by copulation; and adjonidge, gene⯑ration without copulation. All animals are produced by the firſt, and all plants by the latter. The purman or ſeed of things, was formed from the beginning, with all its parts. When it happens to be depoſited in a matrix ſuitable to its nature, a ſoul aſſociates with it; and, by aſſimulating [lxv] more matter, it gradually becomes a creature or plant; for plants, as well as animals, are poſſeſſed of a portion of the vital ſoul of the world."’
Goutam, in another place, treats diffuſely of providence and free will. He divides the action of man under three heads: The will of God, the power of man, and caſual or accidental events. In explaining the firſt, he maintains a particular providence; in the ſecond, the freedom of will in man; and in the third, the common courſe of things, according to the general laws of nature. With reſpect to providence, though he cannot deny the poſſibility of its exiſtence, without diveſting God of his omnipotence, he ſuppoſes that the deity never exerts that power, but that he remains in eternal reſt, taking no concern, neither in hu⯑man affairs, nor in the courſe of the operations of nature.
The author of the Neadirſen maintains, that the world is ſubject to ſucceſſive diſſolutions and renovations at certain ſtated periods. He divides theſe diſſolutions into the leſſer and the greater. The leſſer diſſolution will happen at the end of a revolution of the Jugs. The world will be then conſumed by fire, and the elements ſhall be jumbled together, and after a certain ſpace of time, they will again reſume their former order. When a thouſand of thoſe ſmaller diſſolutions ſhall have happened, a MAHPER⯑LEY or great diſſolution will take place. All the elements will then be reduced to their original Purmans or atoms, in which ſtate they ſhall long remain. God will then, from his mere goodneſs and pleaſure, reſtore Biſheth or plaſti⯑city. A new creation will ariſe; and thus things have [lxvi] revolved in ſucceſſion, from the beginning, and will con⯑tinue to do ſo to eternity.
Theſe repeated diſſolutions and renovations have fur⯑niſhed an ample field for the inventions of the Brahmins. Many allegorical ſyſtems of creation are upon that account contained in the Shaſters. It was for this reaſon, that ſo many different accounts of the coſmogony of the Hindoos have been promulgated in Europe; ſome travellers adopting one ſyſtem, and ſome another. Without deviating from the good manners due to thoſe writers, we may venture to affirm, that their tales, upon this ſubject, are extreamly puerile, if not abſurd. They took their accounts from any common Brahmin, with whom they chanced to meet, and never had the curioſity or induſtry to go to the fountain head.
In ſome of the renovations of the world, Brimha, or the wiſdom of God, is repreſented in the form of an infant with his toe in his mouth, floating on a comala or water flower, or ſometimes upon a leaf of that plant, upon the watery abyſs. The Brahmins mean no more by this allegory, than that at that time, the wiſdom and deſigns of God will ap⯑pear, as in their infant ſtate. Brimha floating upon a leaf, ſhews the inſtability of things at that period. The toe which he ſucks in his mouth, implies that infinite wiſdom ſubſiſts of itſelf; and the poſition of Brimha's body, is an emblem of the endleſs circle of eternity.
We ſee Brimha ſometimes creeping forth from a winding ſhell. This is an emblem of the untraceable way by which divine wiſdom iſſues ſorth from the infinite ocean of [lxvii] God. He, at other times, blows up the world with a pipe, which implies, that the earth is but a bubble of vanity, which the breath of his mouth can deſtroy. Brimha, in one of the renovations, is repreſented in the form of a ſnake, one end of which, is upon a tortoiſe which floats upon the vaſt abyſs, and upon the other, he ſupports the world. The ſnake is the emblem of wiſdom, the tortoiſe is a ſymbol of ſecurity, which figuratively ſignifies providence, and the vaſt abyſs is the eternity and infinitude of God.
What has been already ſaid has, it is hoped, thrown a new light on the opinions of the Hindoos, upon the ſubject of religion and philoſophical inquiry. We find that the Brahmins, contrary to the ideas formed of them in the weſt, invariably believe in the unity, eternity, omniſcience and omnipotence of God: that the polytheiſm of which they have been accuſed, is no more than a ſymbolical worſhip of the divine attributes, which they divide into three principal claſſes. Under the name of BRIMHA, they worſhip the wiſdom and creative power of God; under the appellation of BISHEN, his providential and preſerving quality; and under that of SHIBAH, that attribute which tends to deſtroy.
This ſyſtem of worſhip, ſay the Brahmins, ariſes from two opinions. The firſt is, that as God is immaterial, and conſequently inviſible, it is impoſſible to raiſe a pro⯑per idea of him, by any image in the human mind. The ſecond is, that it is neceſſary to ſtrike the groſs ideas of man, with ſome emblems of God's attributes, otherwiſe, that all ſenſe of religion will naturally vaniſh from the mind. They, for this purpoſe, have [lxviii] made ſymbolical repreſentations of the three claſſes of the divine attributes; but they aver, that they do not believe them to be ſeparate intelligences. BRIMH, or the ſupreme divinity, has a thouſand names; but the Hindoos would think it the groſſeſt impiety to repreſent him under any form. ‘"The human mind, ſay they, may form ſome conception of his attributes ſeparately, but who can graſp the whole, within the circle of finite ideas."’
That in any age or country, human reaſon was ever ſo depraved as to worſhip the work of hands, for the creator of the univerſe, we believe to be an abſolute deception, which aroſe from the vanity of the abettors of particular ſyſtems of religion. To attentive inquirers into the human mind, it will appear, that common ſenſe, upon the affairs of religion, is pretty equally divided among all nations. Revelation and philoſophy have, it is confeſſed, lopped off ſome of thoſe ſuperſtitious ex⯑creſcences and abſurdities that naturally ariſe in weak minds, upon a ſubject ſo myſterious: but it is much to be doubted, whether the want of thoſe neceſſary pu⯑rifiers of religion, ever involved any nation in groſs ido⯑latry, as many ignorant zealots have pretended.
In India, as well as in many other countries, there are two religious ſects; the one look up to the divinity, through the medium of reaſon and philoſophy; while the others receive, as an article of their belief, every holy legend and allegory which have been tranſmitted down from antiquity. From a fundamental article in the Hindoo [lxix] faith, that God is the ſoul of the world, and is conſe⯑quently diffuſed through all nature, the vulgar revere all the elements, and conſequently every great natural object, as containing a portion of God; nor is the infi⯑nity of the ſupreme being, eaſily comprehended by weak minds, without falling into this error. This vene⯑ration for different objects, has, no doubt, given riſe among the common Indians, to an idea of ſubaltern intelligences; but the learned Brahmins, with one voice, deny the exiſtence of inferior divinities; and, indeed, all their religious books of any antiquity, confirm that aſſertion.
A CATALOGUE OF THE GODS OF THE HINDOOS.
[]TO prevent future writers from confounding them⯑ſelves and others, by miſtaking ſynonimous names of the Gods of the Hindoos, for different intelligences, we here preſent the public with a catalogue of them, as taken from an original book of the Brahmins. A liſt of proper names, eſpecially in a foreign language, is ſo very dry of itſelf, that it is ſuperfluous to adviſe ſuch as are not particularly inqui⯑ſitive upon this ſubject, to paſs entirely over this liſt, as it can afford very little amuſement.
BRIMH, or the ſupreme being, is diſtinguiſhed by a thou⯑ſand names, in the Shanſcrita, according to the Brahmins; but it is to be obſerved, that in that number they include the names of all thoſe powers, properties, and attributes, which they conceive to be inherent in the divine nature, as well as the names of all thoſe ſymbols and material eſſences, [lxxii] under which God is worſhipped. Thoſe commonly uſed are, Iſhbur, the great will; Bagubaan, the receptacle of goodneſs; Narrain, the giver of motion; Pirrimpurrous, the firſt eſſence; Niringen, the diſpaſſionate; Nidakar, the immaterial.
BRIMHA, or God, in his attribute of wiſdom, is worſhip⯑ped under the following names. Attimabah, the good ſpi⯑rit. Beda, ſcience. Beddatta, the giver of knowledge. Biſheſhrick, the flower of the creation. Surrajiſt, Purmiſti, Pittamah, Hirinagirba, Lokeſſa, Saimbu, Chottranun, Dat⯑ta, Objajoni, Birrinchi, Commalaſein, Biddi.
BISHEN, or God in his providential quality, is worſhipped under the following names. Kriſhana, the giver of joy; Bi⯑ſhana, the nouriſher. Baycanta, Bitara-ſirba, Dammudar, Biſhi-keſh, Keſeba, Mahdob, Subbuh, Deitari, Punderi⯑cack, Gurrud-idaja, Pittamber, Otchuta, Saringi, Biſſick⯑ſon, Jannardan, Uppindera, Indrabah-raja, Suckerpani, Chullerbudge, Puttanab, Mudcripu, Baſdebo, Tribickerma, Deibuckinindan, Suri, Sirriputti, Purruſittam, Bunnumali, Billidinſi, Kangſarratti, Oddu-kego, Biſſimber, Koitabagit, Sirbaſſa, Lanchana.
SHIBAH, or as it is generally pronounced, SHIEB, and ſometimes SHIEW, emblematically, the deſtructive power of God, is known by the names of Mahoiſſur, the great Demon; Mahdebo, the great ſpirit; Bamdebo, the frightful ſpirit; Mohilla, the deſtroyer; Khaal, time; Sumbu, Iſh, Puſ⯑ſhuputti, Shuli, Surboh, Iſhan, Shawkacarrah, Sandraſeikar, Butcheſſa, Candapurſu, Giriſſa, Merrurah, Mittinja, Kirti⯑baſh, Pinnaki, Pirmatadippo, Ugur, Choppurdi, Sricant, [lxxiii] Sitticant, Copalbrit, Birrupacka, Trilochuna, Kerſanwreta, Sirbugah, Durjutti, Neloloito, Harra, Sarraharra, Trimbick, Tripurantacka, Gangadir, Undukorripu, Kirtudanſi, Birſa⯑dija, Bumkeſa, Babah, Bimeh, Stanu, Rudder, Ummaputti.
In the ſame manner as the power of God is figuratively ſaid to have taken upon itſelf three maſculine forms at the creation; ſo PIRKITTI, or the goodneſs of God, is ſaid to have taken three feminine forms. The firſt of theſe was Drugah, or Virtue, who, ſay they, was married to Shibah, to intimate that good and evil are ſo blended together, that they could not have exiſted ſeparately; for had there been no ſuch thing as evil, in conſequence there could be no good. She is worſhipped in this character under the names of Bowani, courage; Maiah, love; Homibutti, Iſhura, Shi⯑bae, Rudderani, Sirbani, Surba-mungula, Appurna, Parbutti, Kattaini Gouri, and a variety of other names.
As the conſort of Biſhen, ſhe is worſhipped under the names of Litchmi, which ſignifies fortune; Puddamah, Leich, Commala, Siri Horripria.
As the conſort of Brimha, ſhe is generally known by the names of Surſitti, which means the beſtower of wiſdom; Giandah, the giver of reaſon; Gire, Baak, Bani, Sardah, Brimhapira.
Beſides the above ſix capital diviſions of the divine attri⯑butes, they raiſe temples to GRANESH, or policy, whom they worſhip at the commencement of any deſign, by the names of Biggenrage, Binnauck, Deimatar, Gunnadebo, Eckdant, Herrumboo, Lumbodre, Gunjanund. This divinity is feign⯑ed [lxxiv] to be the firſt born ſon of Shibah, and is repreſented with the head of an elephant, with one tooth only.
KARTICK, or Fame, is alſo worſhipped under various names as follows; Farruck-gite, Mahaſin, Surjunmah, Sur⯑ranonno, Parbutti-nundun, Skunda Sonnani, Agnibu, Guha, Bahulliha, Biſhaka, Shuckibahin, Shanmattara, Shuckliddir, Cummar, Corrim-chidarna. He is ſaid to be the ſecond ſon of Sibah.
CAM-DEBO, the ſpirit of love, is alſo known by the names of Muddun, Mannumut, Maro, Purrudumun, Minckatin, Kundurp, Durpako, Annungah, Panſuſur, Shwaro, Sumbe⯑rari, Munnuſigah, Kusſhumeſha, Ommenidja, Paſsbadinna, Kulliputti, Nackera-dija, Ratimoboo: he is ſaid to be the firſt born of Biſhen.
COBERE, or wealth, is known by the following names; Trumbuca-ſuca, Juckrage, Gudja-keſſera, Monnuſa-dirma, Dunnedo, Raja Raja, Donnadippa, Kinareſſo, Borſſerbunnu, Polluſta, Narru-bahin, Joikaika, Ellabilla, Srida Puneja⯑niſherah. Nill Cobere the ſon of wealth, is alſo repreſented in the emblems of luxury, but is ſeldom worſhipped.
SOORAGE, or the Sun, is worſhipped under the names of Inder, or the King of the Stars; Mohruttan, Mugubah, Bi⯑raja, Packſaſen, Birdirſiſba, Sonnaſir, Purruhutta, Purrinder, Giſtnow, Likkerſubba, Sockor, Sukamunneh, Debasputti, Suttrama, Gottrabit, Budgeri, Baſub, Bitterha, Baſtoſputti, Suraputti, Ballaratti, Satchiputti, Jambubedi, Horriheia, Su⯑rat, Nomiſinundun, Sonkrindana, Duſſibina, Turraſat, Ne⯑gabahina, Akindilla, Sorakah, Ribukah.
[lxxv]CHUNDER, or the Moon, is worſhipped under the names of Hindoo, Himmanchu, Chundermah, Kumuda-bandibah, Bid⯑du, Sudduns, Subranſu, Oſſadiſſa, Niſhaputti, Objoja, Soom, Gullow, Merkanku, Kollandi, Dirjarage, Seſudirra, Nuhti⯑treſſa, Kepakina.
Beſides all the above, they have divinities which they ſup⯑poſe to preſide over the elements, rivers, mountains, &c. or rather worſhip all theſe as parts of the divinity, or on a ſup⯑poſition of his exiſtence in all things.
AGUNNI, or the God of fire, hath thirty-five names. Bir⯑ren, or the God of water, ten names. Baiow, or the God of air, twenty-three names; all which are too tedious to mention.
The JUM are fourteen in number, and are ſuppoſed to be ſpirits who diſpoſe of the ſouls of the dead.
The USSERA are beautiful women, who are feigned to reſide in heaven, and to ſing the praiſes of God.
The GUNDIRP are boys who have the ſame office.
The RAKISS are ghoſts or ſpectres who walk about the earth.
The DEINTS or OISSURS are evil ſpirits or demons, who were expelled from heaven, and are now ſaid to live under ground.
The DEOS or DEBOS, are ſpirits whoſe bodies are ſuppoſed to be of the element of fire; they are ſometimes repreſented [lxxvi] beautiful as angels, and at other times in horrible forms; they are ſuppoſed to inhabit the air.
Such is the ſtrange ſyſtem of religion which prieſtcraft has impoſed on the vulgar, ever ready in all climes and ages to take advantage of ſuperſtitious minds. There is one thing however to be ſaid in favour of the Hindoo doctrine, that while it teaches the pureſt morals, it is ſyſtematically formed on philoſophical opnions. Let us therefore no longer imagine half the world more ignorant than the ſtones which they ſeem to worſhip, but reſt aſſured, that whatever the external ceremo⯑nies of religion may be, the ſelf-ſame infinite Being is the object of univerſal adoration.
[1] THE HISTORY OF HINDOSTAN.
PART I. The Hiſtory of the HINDOOS, before the firſt Invaſion of HINDOSTAN by the MAHO⯑MEDANS.
SECTION I. Of the fabulous Accounts of the Hindoos concerning their Origin.—A Specimen of their ancient Hiſtory.
The ancient hiſtory of the Hindoos fa⯑bulous.THERE is no hiſtory among the Hindoos, of better authority than the Mahabarit*, which Shech Abul Fazil tranſlated into Perſian, in the reign of Akbar. It conſiſts of about one hun⯑dred and twenty thouſand periods† in the original Shanſcrita, in a kind of long blank verſe. We ſhall from this author ſelect the par⯑ticulars which relate to the hiſtory of the Hindoos.
[2] Their diviſion of time.The Hindoos divide the age of the world into four grand periods or jugs: the Sat Jug, the Treta Jug, the Duapur Jug, and the Cal Jug. They believe that when the Cal Jug is finiſhed, the Sat Jug will com⯑mence again, and that thus time will revolve in eternal ſucceſſion. The Sat Jug is ſaid to have been a period of fourteen millions and four hundred thouſand years, and it is repreſented as the age of felicity, in which there was nothing but truth, religion, happineſs, peace, plenty, and independence; and that the life of man extended to one hundred thouſand years.
The Treta Jug is ſaid to contain one million and eighty thouſand years, in which, it is ſaid, that in the compoſition of mankind, there were three fourths truth, and one fourth falſehood, and that the age of man extended to ten thouſand years. The Duapur Jug is ſaid to contain ſeventy two thouſand years, in which two parts of the com⯑poſition of man were truth, and two parts falſehood, his age extend⯑ing to one thouſand years. The Cal Jug contains thirty ſix thouſand years, in which period three fourths of the compoſition of man con⯑ſiſted of falſhood, and only one fourth of truth, his age being one hundred years.
Brimha creates the world.It is the opinion of the Hindoos, that God firſt created five ele⯑ments; Fire, Water, Air, Earth, and Akaſh, or a Celeſtial Ele⯑ment of which the heavens are made. He afterwards created a kind of being endued with perfect wiſdom, whom he called Brimha, and commanded him to make the world. and mankind.When Brimha had created mankind out of nothing, he divided them into four tribes; the Brah⯑min, the Kittri, the Biſe, and the Sudur. The firſt tribe were to be prieſts, to direct man in the ways of God; the ſecond rulers and poſ⯑ſeſſors of the earth; the third labourers; and the fourth tradeſmen and ſervants; which diviſion is ſtrictly maintained to this day.
[3] Author of the Bedas.Brimha, ſay they, wrote a book which he called the Beda, by the order of God, in which he affirms, that all things were originally God, and that all things ſhall be reſolved into him again; that hap⯑pineſs conſiſts in virtue, and that vice will be puniſhed with miſery. To regulate the ceremonies of religion, and to inſtruct men how to govern the world, he has in the Beda given a canon of laws, founded upon the principles of juſtice. But as the Bedas are covered with a veil of darkneſs by the Brahmins, we cannot ſay much more for cer⯑tain concerning them. The Hindoos affirm, that Brimha lives for ever, or, as ſome ſay, one hundred years, in which each day is com⯑puted at four hundred revolutions of the Jugs. We ſhall here give a ſpecimen of the early hiſtory of the Hindoos.
Specimen of the ancient hiſtory of the Hindoos.It is recorded in the Mahabarit, that about the middle of the third period, there was a Raja of the tribe of Kittiri, in the city of Hiſ⯑tinapoor, whoſe name was Birt. He ruled the kingdom of Hindo⯑ſtan, and his iſſue after him in lineal deſcent for eight generations, in peace and tranquillity. The ninth in ſucceſſion, whoſe name was Kour, we are told, founded the city of that name, which is now called Tannaſſar, and is about 70 crores from Delhi. He was the father of the tribe who are ſtill called Kours.
Ditaraſhter being blind, his brother ſucceeds to the throne.In the thirteenth generation from Kour, Chitterbourge reigned, and was eſteemed a great prince. He had two ſons, one named Ditaraſhter, and the other Pind. But when Ditaraſhter grew up, he became blind, and therefore his father left the kingdom to his younger ſon, who had five children; Judiſhter, Brimſein, and Arjun, by one wife, and Nucul and Sedive, by another woman. But his elder brother Ditaraſhter had ſons one hundred and one, by a variety of women, among whom one was named Jirjodin, being the eldeſt of his children by the firſt wife, and another was called Jutuſh, being his firſt born by a ſecond ſpouſe. In ſhort, when Pind died, the in⯑heritance [4] deſcended by right to the heirs of his elder brother Ditar⯑aſhter, ſo that Jirjodin became king.
Differences between their children.But the children of Pind regarded Jirjodin as an enemy, and waited an opportunity to diveſt him of his authority. Ditaraſhter, fearing diſtur⯑bances, adviſed his ſon to build a palace without the city for the ſons of Pind, in which for ſome time they conſented to reſide. In the mean time Jirjodin had privately ordered the workmen who built this palace to fill up ſeveral vaults with combuſtibles, and hired an old woman to ſet fire to them, at a proper opportunity. But the plot being diſcovered accidentally by the ſons of Pind, they themſelves ſet fire to the mine, and burnt the old woman and her five ſons in the flames, while they privately withdrew into the wilderneſs, where they remained for ſome time, the king imagining they had been deſtroyed in the fire.
The ſons of Pind ſhew themſelves at Cumpula.The ſons of Pind ventured at length into a certain city called Cum⯑pula, where they wedded Diropti, the Raja's daughter, with whom they lived by turns, for the ſpace of ſeventeen days. In a ſhort time, however, it was noiſed abroad, that the ſons of Pind were not dead, as was ſuppoſed, which reaching the ears of the king, he ordered enquiry to be made, and found that truth was in the report. Are invited to court.Anxious to have them again in his power, he wrote to them affectionate letters, inviting them to Hiſtinapoor, to ſhare with him the inheritance of their forefathers. They were at length prevailed upon by his fair promiſes, returned to court, and were treated in every reſpect becom⯑ing their dignity. A part of the kingdom was allotted for their main⯑tenance, for upon their arrival they became ſo much beloved by the people and nobility, that the king was afraid to lay violent hands upon them. Their popularity daily increaſing, and their party being ſtrengthened by many of the principal nobility, they at length openly inſiſted upon a diviſion of the empire in their favour, which the king being in no condition to refuſe, complied with without heſitation.
[5] The feaſt of the period.Some time after theſe tranſactions Judiſhter gave the feaſt of the period*, the manner of which is ſaid to be this: They lighted a prodigious fire, and threw into it every kind of ſpice, perfume, fruit, and grain. At this feaſt it was neceſſary that all the Rajas of the earth ſhould be preſent. Judiſhter, in order to invite the Rajas, ſent his four brothers to the four quarters of the world, that by the favour of God his deſign in a ſhort time might be accompliſhed. His bro⯑thers, according to his deſire, from Arab, from Agim, from Tur⯑kiſtan, from Habyſh, and other countries, brought thoſe princes to be preſent at this grand feſtival. Jirjodin, on obſerving the greatneſs of Judiſhter, burnt with envy at his fortune, and contrived this ſcheme to deprive his rival of his kingdoms and wealth.
The ſons of Pind baniſhed for twelve years.It was the cuſtom in thoſe days to play at dice, and Jirjodin, hav⯑ing made a falſe ſet, challenged Judiſhter to play, which being accepted by him, he in a ſhort time, in the preſence of the princes, loſt all his wealth and kingdoms. Jirjodin told him then, that he would give him one more chance to recover the whole, but that if he again ſhould loſe, he muſt retire, with all his brothers, for the ſpace of twelve years into baniſhment, and if during that interval he was to be ſeen in his former dominions, he was to remain in baniſh⯑ment twelve years more. Judiſhter, hoping that fortune would not always be unkind, conſented to theſe terms, but having loſt as before, he was conſtrained by the princes, who were umpires, to relinquiſh his kingdoms to Jirjodin, and retire into baniſhment with his brethren from Inderput, his capital city, now known by the name of Delhi.
Send an am⯑baſſador to demand their ſhare of the kingdom.Twelve years they lay concealed in the wilderneſs, in ſuch a man⯑ner that the tread of their feet was not heard; and when the time of their exile expired, they diſpatched Kiſhen, the ſon of Baſdeo, to de⯑mand the reſtoration of their kingdoms. Jirjodin, notwithſtanding [6] of his promiſe, made a jeſt of the embaſſy, and turned the ambaſſa⯑dor with ſcorn from his preſence. The ſons of Pind finding that they could do nothing without force, began to collect their friends, of whom they had many; and in a ſhort time they appeared in the field of Kirket, near the city of Tanaſſar, at the head of a mighty army, in the beginning of the Cal Jug. Jirjodin advancing with his army, after having drawn up his troops in array, encouraged the ranks of the valiant. A battle.The ſoldiers on both ſides, according to the cuſtom of battle, began to work, for death; the conteſt was renw'd, with dubious advantages, for the ſpace of eighteen days, till at length, Jirjodin, with moſt of his friends, as the reward of his per⯑fidy, drank the cup of fate in the field of war.
Incredible number of both armies.The Hindoos ſay, that in this war, Jirjodin commanded eleven cohin, and the ſons of Pind ſeven: a cohin, according to their fabu⯑lous accounts, conſiſted of twenty-one thouſand eight hundred and ſeventy elephants of war, an equal number of chariots, ſix thouſand ſix hundred and ten horſemen, and one hundred and nine thouſand three hundred and fifty foot. Of all this incredible number, they ſay that only twelve men ſurvived on both ſides, four on the part of Jirjodin, and eight on the part of Judiſhter; among the latter was the ambaſſador Kiſhen Baſdeo, who is eſteem'd a great prophet among the Hindoos. They ſay, that the aſtrologers gave advice to Raja Kuns, who ruled in the city of Muttra, that Kiſhen ſhould one day take away his life; upon which he ſought every opportunity to put Kiſhen to death: but Kiſhen, knowing the deſigns of his foe, retired to a place called Nind, where he lived with a ſhepherd eleven years. He ventured at length into the world, and collecting a body of men together, who were diſſatisfied with the government of Kuns, he made war upon him and put him to death, ſetting up Ogurſein, the father of Kuns, in the kingdom; and he himſelf lived afterwards thirty-two years, at the head of the adminiſtration at Muttra. Raja Jeradſing, from the country of Barounia, came at [7] length with a great army, towards Muttra, to turn Kiſhen from his place. At the ſame time came from the eaſt, Raja Callioon, and attacked him on the other ſide. Kiſhen, not able to oppoſe theſe two Rajas, fled towards Duarka, which is on the coaſt of the Salt Sea, and was there beſieg'd for the ſpace of eighteen years, where ſome ſay he died; but the ſuperſtitious aver that he is ſtill alive, and therefore they pay him divine honors.
They relate that after the Mahabarit, which ſignifies the great war, Judiſhter having overcome Jirjodin, ruled the whole empire of Hindoſtan for thirty-ſix years, when being diſguſted with the vanity and pomp of the world, he retired into a mountain, dividing his wealth and empire among his friends, and lived the life of religion and poverty the remainder of his days. The reign of Jirjodin and Judiſhter is ſaid to be one hundred and twenty-five years. Such are the tales of the Hindoos concerning an age too dark and diſtant to be diſtinctly known.
SECTION II. Of the Origin of the Hindoos†.
Origin of the Hindoos.AS the beſt and moſt authentic hiſtorians agree that Adam was the father of mankind, whoſe creation they place about five thouſand years before the Higerah, the ſenſible part of mankind, who love the plainneſs of truth better than the extravagance of fable, [8] have rejected the marvellous traditions of the Hindoos, concerning the tranſactions of a hundred thouſand years, and are of opinion that they, like other nations, are the deſcendants of the ſons of Noo, who peopled the world. The Hindoos pretend to know nothing of the flood; however, as this event is ſupported by the teſtimony of all other nations, there is little room to doubt of its truth, and we ſhall, therefore, proceed to trace the Hindoos from that great aera, according to the beſt authorities.
The ſons of Noo or NoahWe are told that Noo had three ſons, Sham, Eaphs and Ham. Sham, the eldeſt, had nine ſons, Arſhud, Arphaſhud, Bood, Khe, Simood, Aram, Kibt, Aad and Keitan. All the tribes of Arabs, Abraham and the prophets, were of the race of Arphaſhud, and his ſecond ſon Keiomours, is ſaid to be the firſt king of Agim*, and his ſons were ſix, Shamuc, Pharis, Iraac, Billou, Shaam and Mogaan. Shamuc inherited the kingdom after the death of his father, whereas the other ſons diſperſing themſelves, laid the foundation of monar⯑chies, which paſs'd by their names.
Eaphs or Japhet.Eaphs, according to the deſire of his father, turned his face to the north-eaſt, where he had many ſons and daughters. The name of his firſt-born was Turc, from whence all the tribes of the Turks, Moguls, Uſbecks, Chigettas, Turkumanians and Rumians†. The name of the ſecond ſon was Chin, who laid the foundation of the mighty monarchy of China; and the third, whoſe name was Rus, is ſaid to be the father of thoſe nations, who extend themſelves north⯑ward, even into the regions of darkneſs, in the countries of Muſe, Ghiz and Eucolaat.
[9] Ham, the progenitor of the Hindoos.Ham, by the order of his illuſtrious father, turned his face to the ſouth. He alſo had many children: the name of the firſt was Hind, the ſecond Sind, the third Habyſh‡, the fourth Zinge, the fifth Barber, and the ſixth Nobah; from theſe, all the kingdoms, diſtin⯑guiſhed by their names, took their riſe. Hind, turning eaſtward, poſſeſſed himſelf of the paradiſial regions of Hindoſtan, where he laid the foundation of his monarchy. His brother Sind, turning to the ſouth-eaſt, poſſeſſed himſelf of the fertile plains of the river‖, and founding the city of Tatta, ruled the kingdom of Moultan.
The ſons of Hind.Hind had four ſons, one of whom was named Purib, another Bang, a third Decan, and a fourth Nerwaal. They firſt inhabited the countries, known to this day by their names. To Decan, the ſon of Hind, was born three ſons, among whom he divided his kingdom, Marhat, Conher and Tiling; and from them ſprung theſe three great tribes in the Decan, Marhattas, Conherias and Telingas. Nerwaal had alſo three ſons, Beroge, Cambage and Malrage, whoſe names deſcended to the countries over which they ruled. Bang alſo had many children, who lived to inherit the kingdom of Bengal. But Purib, the firſt-born of Hind, had forty-two ſons, who in a ſhort time multiply'd exceedingly; but among theſe, one of them whoſe name was Kriſhen, exalted himſelf above his brethren.
SECTION III. Of the Reign of Kriſhen, the Founder of the Dynaſty of the Marages.
[10]Kriſhen firſt king of Hin⯑doſtan.LET it not be concealed that the firſt who placed his foot on the muſnud of empire, in the region of Hindoſtan, was Kriſhen; but not that Kriſhen whom the Hindoos worſhip, but a man of wiſdom, policy, and courage. He was, it is ſaid, ſo fat a man, that finding no horſe ſufficiently ſtrong for his weight, he firſt, prompted by neceſſity, found out the art of catching and taming elephants. In the reign of Kriſhen, it is alſo ſaid, that there lived a certain perſon of the race of Bang, whoſe name was Brahma, wiſe and learned, whom Kriſhen made his vizier. This Brahma is ſaid to be the father of many arts, of writing and of working in wood and iron. He was alſo the founder of the city of Oud, which be⯑came the capital of Kriſhen; and is ſaid to have been the firſt regular imperial city of Hindoſtan. When Kriſhen had lived to the age of four hundred years*, he left the world to his firſt-born Marage, having, during his reign, peopled near two thouſand towns and villages.
SECTION IV. Of the Reign of Marage*, the ſon of Kriſhen, and of the Dynaſties of the Marages and Keſhrorages.
[11]Is ſ [...]eeded by Marage.WHEN Marage, by the conſent of his brothers and of the peo⯑ple, had aſcended the throne, in the art of government he ſoon rivall'd the ſame of his father, devoting his time to the juſt ad⯑miniſtration of his affairs. As the children of Brahma were ſkill'd in the arts of their father, he continued the moſt expert of them as his vizier, and appointed the reſt his aſtrologers, phyſicians and prieſts, whence ſome derive the origin of the Brahmins, who to this day exerciſe thoſe functions in Hindoſtan. Others of the nobility were appointed hereditary governors of provinces, from whom the ſecond great ſect of the Hindoos are ſuppoſed to derive their origin; while a third claſs were commanded to cultivate the ground, and a fourth to employ themſelves in ſuch arts as were neceſſary for the purpoſes of ſociety. Marage di⯑vides his ſub⯑jects into four tribes.It was enacted, that this diviſion of the ſubjects of Marage into four grand departments ſhould ſubſiſt for ever: and thus was laid the foundation of the four great ſects of Hindoos, Brahma, Kittri, Biſe and Sudur.
Is a lover of learning.The wiſe and the excellent Marage was a lover of learning. He invited philoſophers from all parts, and founded the city of Bahar for their reception; appropriating the revenues of certain lands for their maintenance, and building ſeveral noble edifices and temples for the worſhip of the true God. Of the length of his reign, and the manner of his death, we have no particular accounts; neither are we inform'd of the lives and actions of his ſucceſſors, who are ſaid to have ruled over Hindoſtan, under the name and honours of [12] their father, during the ſpace of ſeven hundred years, in which time the country is ſaid to have greatly encreas'd in riches, cultivation, and in the number of its people. A friendly correſpondence was kept up between the imperial crowns of Hindoſtan and Iran†, till at length one of the princes of the blood of Hind, went in diſguſt to the preſence of Feredoon, king of Iran. He laid his complaints before the king, who ordered Kirſhib, the ſon of Attrid, with a numerous army, to recover his rights. The Perſians, for the firſt time, invade Hindoſtan.When Kirſhib reach'd the kingdom of Hindoſtan, a war was commenced, which continued, with various ſucceſs, for the ſpace of ten years. The country ſuffered exceed⯑ingly, till Marage was compell'd to give up a part of his dominions to the fugitive prince, of whoſe name we have no information, only that he was nephew to the then emperor. Marage thus procured peace, and ſent preſents by the hand of Kirſhib, to the king of Iran.
Rebellion in Ceylon.It is ſaid, that ſome time after, the governor of Shingeldiep‖ and Carnatic, truſting in his ſtrength, blew up the flames of rebellion, which was the occaſion of a long and bloody war in the Decan, in which the eldeſt ſon of the king loſt his life, being deſerted in the fight by Showra, ruler of the Decan, who fled with his diſcomfited army to the king. Marage, on hearing this news, writhed himſelf like a ſnake with anger, and bit the finger of ſorrow, becauſe, before that time, none of the rulers of the iſlands of Atchin, or the coaſts of Pegu or Malabar, had dared to diſpute his commands.
Second inva⯑ſion of the Perſians.He was, at the ſame time, threaten'd with an invaſion from Iran; for Minuchere had advanced as far as Moultan, with a mighty army, intending to make an entire conqueſt of Hindoſtan. Marage ſent Baal Chund, his general, againſt him, who, finding that peace would be more advantageous at that juncture, than war with this foreign enemy, prevailed on Minuchere, by large preſents, to return to [13] Iran. Ceylon redu⯑ced.When Baal Chund had accompliſhed this pacification, he was ordered by the king, to march to the Carnatic, where he ſubdued the governor of Shingeldiep, and again eſtabliſhed the authority of his maſter. Some authors relate, that Baal Chund was obliged to cede the whole territory of Punjaab to Minuchere, the general of Feredoon*, before he would return to Iran: But others affirm, that the territory of Punjaab, during the reign of Feredoon, was in the poſſeſſion of the king of Agim†.
When Baal Chund returned from the war, Marage, in reward of his bravery, appointed him ruler of Malava. This general is ſaid to have built the caſtles of Gualier and Biana, and to have firſt intro⯑duced muſic into Hindoſtan, from the Tilingas of the Decan, among whom it was invented.
Before Chriſt 1429. Dynaſty of the Keſhrorage commences.The dynaſty of the poſterity of Marage laſted ſeven hundred years after the death of Kriſhen, when Keſhrorage aſcended the throne. This prince was alſo of the race of the Marages, and had fourteen brothers, whom on his acceſſion he diſpatch'd into different coun⯑tries; while he himſelf taking the way of Calpic, went into the Decan, by the city of Gunduar, and directing his march towards Shingeldiep, reduced that country into obedience, and regulated its government. Rebellion in the Decan.Soon after, the Zemindars of the Decan joining in confederacy, exalted the ſpear of enmity, and day by day gained ſtrength, till at laſt they ventured to advance their ſtandards againſt the king. Keſhrorage, ſeeing the inequality of his force, began to treat about a peace, which he obtained, and began his retreat.
[14] Perſians aid Keſhrorage.In the mean time, he ſent preſents to Minuchere, King of Iran, to demand aſſiſtance. Minuohere ordered Sham, the ſon of Nire⯑man, with a great force, to his aid. Keſhrorage met him at the town of Jillender, and received him with feaſts and with joy. The confederate armies turned their ſtandards towards the Decan, and the chiefs of the rebels began to be greatly affected with the terror of the troops of Iran. The Decan reduced.The regions of the Decan fell again into the hands of the King. When the country was ſettled in tranquillity, Keſhrorage returned with his army to his capital of Oud, and from thence, accompanying Sham as far as Punjaab, diſmiſs'd him with preſents to his prince Minuchere. Keſhrorage returning home, ſpread the umbrella of juſtice over the head of his people, and gave them happineſs, plenty and peace. His ſucceſſors of the ſame name ruled Hindoſtan two hundred and twenty years, of whom we hear nothing remarkable, till Firoſe Ra aſcended the throne of empire.
SECTION V. Of the Reign of Firoſe Ra, and the Diſſolution of the Dynaſty of the Keſhrorage.
Before Chriſt 1209. Firoſe Ra a weak prince.FIROSE RA, being verſed in the Indian ſciences of the Shaſhter, took great delight in the ſociety of learned men, and entirely neglected the art of war. He expended his revenues in cha⯑rities to Fakeers, and in building temples for the worſhip of God. He made two journeys to the city of Bahar, to which he granted large endowments, and built the town of Moneer. Among the bad actions of his life is related, that on the death of Sham, the ſon of Nireman, who was a great general under Minuchere*, [15] Afraſiab* having invaded the kingdom of Iran, Seizes upon Punjaab.Firoſe Ra ungrate⯑fully ſeiz'd the ſame opportunity to wreſt the countries of Punjaab† and Jallender from that prince, notwithſtanding the generous aſſiſt⯑ance of Perſia to his father, in recovering the kingdoms of the Decan. Some ancient authors relate, that till the reign of Keikubad, the territories of Punjaab were annexed to thoſe of Hindoſtan: But when the hero of the world, Ruſtum Diſta‡, gave grace to the throne of empire, he turned to the conqueſt of Punjaab; and Firoſe Ra unable to oppoſe his progreſs, withdrew his army to the mountains of Turhat. Depoſed by Ruſtum Diſta.After Ruſtum had conquer'd Sind, Moultan and Pun⯑jaab, he advanced towards Turhat; and Firoſe Ra, in great terror, fled from thence to the mountains of Jarcund and Gundwarah; nor did he ever after ſee happineſs, but gave up his ſoul to death. Dynaſty of the Firoſe Ra ends.He is ſaid to have reign'd one hundred and thirty-ſeven years, but this pe⯑riod muſt be underſtood, to include all the Kings who ruled under that name and title.
SECTION VI. Of the Reign of Soorage; and the Dynaſty of that Name.
Before Chriſt 1072. Soorage aſ⯑cends the throne.WHEN the news of the death of Firoſe Ra reach'd the ears of Ruſtum, that hero, on account of his character and ingratitude to Minuchere, was not deſirous that his ſon ſhould ſucceed to his honours; he therefore placed a chief of the Hindoos, whoſe name [16] was Soorage, upon the throne, and he himſelf returned to Iran. A powerful prince.Soorage became a powerful prince, and from the ſea of Bengal, to that of Malabar, placed his viceroys and governors, and turned his mind to erect magnificent edifices, and to improve agriculture.
In the reign of Soorage, a Brahmin from the mountains of Jarcund appear'd, who was ſkill'd in the arts of enchantment, and who, in⯑ſinuating himſelf into the favour of the King, inſtructed him in the practices of idolatry. It is ſaid, that Hind continued, in imitation of his father, to worſhip the true God, and that his deſcendants fol⯑lowed his example; till in the time of Marage, a perſon came from Iran, and introduced the worſhip of the ſun, moon and ſtars, and their proper ſymbol the element of fire: The worſhip of idols intro⯑duced.But the Brahmin, in the days of Soorage, having introduced the worſhip of Idols, in a man⯑ner obliterated all traces of the old religion; for then, every great family molded their ſilver and gold into images of their fore fathers, and ſetting them up as objects of worſhip, among their vaſſals, there aroſe in the land, Gods without number.
Soorage builds Kianoge.Soorage built the city of Kinnoge, which he adorn'd with the temples of his Gods, and was intent upon the practice of idolatry. This city, being pleaſantly ſituated on the banks of the Ganges, he conſtituted his capital; and it is ſaid that the extent of the walls of Kinnoge was, at that time, fifty crores.
Duration of the dynaſty of the Soorages.The dynaſty of the Soorages laſted two hundred and eighty-ſix years, during which time, they ſent annual preſents, by way of tri⯑bute, to the Kings of Iran.
SECTION VII. Of Barage.
[17]Before Chriſt 786. Barage mounts the throne.OF the race of the Surage we hear nothing particular till the reign of Barage, who was the laſt of that family. When Barage mounted the throne of Hindoſtan, he enlarged the city of Barage, and dignified it with his own name. This city is ſituated to the north-weſt of Oud about forty crores, by the foot of the mountains. He is ſaid to have wrote ſome books on the ſcience of muſic, which were in great repute in antient times. We are alſo told, that he finiſhed the city of Banaris, which his father had be⯑gun to build towards the latter end of his reign: Is tyrannical.But his diſpoſition being ſomewhat tinctured with madneſs, he overturned the laws of Marage, which were founded on wiſdom, and great diſturbances aroſe in Hindoſtan. Depoſed.Keidar, a Brahmin, from the mountains of Sewali, having collected a great army, invaded him, and having in the end, entirely defeated the King, wielded the ſcepter of govern⯑ment in his own hand. The reign of Barage is ſaid to have been thirty-ſix years.
SECTION VIII. Of the Reign of Keidar the Brahmin.
[18]Before Chriſt 750. Keidar, a Brahmin, ſuc⯑ceeds to the throne.WHEN Keidar the Brahmin had claſpt the bride of royalty in his arms*, being a man of learning and genius, he became a great King; but carrying the trappings of Kei Caous and Kei Chuſero† on his ſhoulders, he was conſtrained, by way of tribute, to ſend them annual gifts. This prince laid the foundation of the caſtle of Killinger, upon a high rock, about thirty crores ſouth from Allahabad, and lived to ſee it compleatly finiſhed. Defeated and dethroned by Shinkol.In the latter end of his reign, one Shinkol, a native of Kinnoge, having ſtrengthened himſelf, took poſſeſſion of Bang‡ and Behar, where he had been governor; and leading a great army againſt Keidar, after many battles had been fought with various ſucceſs, the fortune of Shinkol at length prevailed. The reign of Keidar was nineteen years.
SECTION IX. Of the Reign of Shinkol and of his Son and Succeſſor Rhoat.
Before Chriſt 731. Shinkol mount the throne.WHEN Shinkol had aſcended the throne, he exerted himſelf in the military art, and affected great magnificence. The city of Lucknouti, which is famous by the name of Goura, he re⯑built and beautified, with many noble ſtructures: That city is ſaid to have been the capital of Bang for the ſpace of two thouſand [19] years, and was not deſtroyed till after the conqueſt of Timur, when Tanda became the ſeat of government in thoſe parts.
His great army.Shinkol kept up a force of four thouſand elephants of war, a hun⯑dred thouſand horſe, and four hundred thouſand foot. Refuſes to pay tribute to Perſia.When, there⯑fore, Afraſiab*, King of Iran, demanded his tribute, Shinkol, con⯑fiding in his own ſtrength, refuſed to make any acknowledgment, but turned away the Perſian ambaſſador with diſgrace. Afraſiab being enraged at this treatment, one of his generals, whoſe name was Peiran, was commanded to march againſt Shinkol with fifty thou⯑ſand choſen troops. When intelligence of this invaſion came to Shinkol, he exalted the ſpear of defiance, and raiſing a great army, marched forth to meet him.
The two armies came in ſight of each other near the hills of Koge, which are in the country of Koracut, on the frontiers of Bengala. The battle ſoon begun, and it laſted two days and two nights, with⯑out victory declaring on either ſide. The Turks†, doing juſtice to their former fame, had by this time laid fifty thouſand of the Hindoos upon the field; yet, on account of the number of the enemy, the harveſt ſeemed not to decreaſe before them: In the mean time, eighteen thouſand of the ſmaller army being ſlain, a weakneſs appeared diſtinctly on the face of their affairs. Defeats the Perſians.However, urged as they were, they made a third attempt, and finding themſelves overcome, they ſought as they retreated to the mountains; there they took poſſeſſion of a ſtrong poſt, from which it was impoſſible to drive them: From this poſt, they continued with ſmall parties, to harraſs the neighbouring country, and in the mean time, diſpatched letters to Afraſiab, giving him an account of their ſituation.
[20] Afraſiab was at that time in the city of Gingdis, which is ſitu⯑ated between Chitta and Chin, and about a month's journey beyond the city of Balich. When he received intelligence of the ſituation of Peiran, he haſtened to his relief with a hundred thouſand horſe, and came juſt in time to ſave him from deſtruction; for Shinkol had ſo cloſely inveſted him with a numerous army, that in a few days more he muſt have periſhed with famine, or ſubmitted himſelf to the mercy of an enraged enemy. Afraſiab without delay aſſaulted Shin⯑kol; the terrified Hindoos, unable to ſtand the combat, were diſ⯑perſed like ſtraw before the ſtorm, leaving their wealth and equipage behind. But is over⯑come by Af⯑raſiab, and Hindoſtan ra⯑vaged.When Peiran was relieved from his diſtreſs, Afraſiab pur⯑ſued the enemy, and put thouſands of them to the ſword. Shinkol himſelf haſtened to Bang, and came to the city of Lucknouti, but being cloſely purſued by Afraſiab, he tarried there only one day, and then fled to the mountains of Turhat. The Turks ravaged the whole kingdom with fire and ſword.
Afraſiab having received intelligence of Shinkol, he directed his march towards him. Shinkol immediately ſent ſome of the wiſe men of his court to beg peace and forgiveneſs for his errors, ſoliciting that he might have the honour to kiſs the foot of the lord of nations. Submits and is earned to Perſia.Afraſiab yielded to his intreaties, and Shinkol, with a ſword and a coffin, was brought into his preſence. It was agreed between the kings that Shinkol ſhould accompany Afraſiab to Turan, and that his ſon ſhould have the empire reſtored to him upon condition of paying an annual tribute. Thus Shinkol continued to attend Afraſiab, who returned to his own dominions, till in one of the battles with Ruſ⯑tum* he was ſlain by that hero's ſword.
Before Chriſt 667. Rhoat a good prince.Shinkol is ſaid to have reigned ſixty-four years. His ſon Rhoat, who ſucceeded him in the throne, was a wiſe, religious and affable [21] prince. The revenues of his empire, which extended from Kirmi to Malava, he divided into three parts; one of which he expended in charities, Tributary to Perſia.another he ſent to Afraſiab for his tribute, in which there was a large ſurplus for the uſe of his father; and the other third was appropriated to the neceſſary expences of his government. His ſtand⯑ing army upon this account was ſmall, which induced the king of Malava, who was rich and powerful, to withdraw his neck from the yoke of obedience, and to ſeize upon the caſtle of Gualier, at the time that Raja Rhoat was buſy in building the ſtrong hold of Rho⯑tas, which ſtill goes by his name. When intelligence was brought to the King of the loſs of Gualier, he aſſembled an army and led them againſt the Raja of Malava, but was forced to retreat. The family of Shinkol be⯑come extinct.After Rhoat and his race had reigned eighty-one years, they went the way of their fathers, and having left no children to aſſume the enſigns of royalty, there aroſe great diſturbances in the city of Kinnoge. A nobleman whoſe name was Merage, from the Rajaput tribe of Cutchwa, aſſumed at laſt the dignities of the empire. This prince we are told was a native of Marwar.
SECTION X. Of the Reign of Merage.
Merage ſuc⯑ceeds to the throne, be⯑fore Chriſt 58 [...].AFTER Merage had firmly eſtabliſhed himſelf upon the throne, he led an army towards Narval*, and puniſhed the diſobe⯑dient Zemindars of that country. Encourages trade.Having built a port on the ſhores of the Salt Sea, he there conſtructed ſhips of wonderful inven⯑tion to trade into foreign lands, and having ſettled the country in peace, returned to his capital, Dies.where he died, after a reign of forty [22] years. He was cotemporary with Guſtaſp, Emperor of Turkiſtan†, to whom he paid tribute.
SECTION XI. Of the Reign of Kederage.
Before Chriſt 546. Kederage.KEDERAGE was nephew, by a ſiſter, to the former King, and nominated by him for his ſucceſſor. Conquers Punjaab.Ruſtum Diſta the ſecond being ſlain, and the ruler of Punjaab being a weak man, Ke⯑derage led an army that way, conquered it without much diffi⯑culty, and remained ſome time in Bhera, which is an ancient city. He built the fort of Jimbu, ſituated about forty crores from Lahore, on a mountain: then leaving one of his kinſmen, whoſe name was Wirick, to govern the country, he returned to his capital. But loſes it again.But ſome time after two tribes of mountaineers, the Gickers and Joppies, collecting all the troops of Cabul and Kandahar, advanced againſt Kederage, and recovered all thoſe territories, from which time theſe people have kept poſſeſſion of the mountains, and are now called Aſgans. Kederage reigned forty three years.
SECTION XII. Of the Reign of Jeichund.
[23]Before Chriſt 503. Jeichund.JEICHUND was commander in chief of the armies of the for⯑mer King, and having the power in his hands, he mounted the throne at the death of his ſovereign. A diſſolute prince.In this reign a dreadful famine and peſtilence devoured the land. The King neglecting the public calamity in the city of Biana, ſpent his time in riot and feſtivity. Many towns and villages upon this occaſion became deſolate, and the whole kingdom of Hindoſtan put on the aſpect of ruin and diſtreſs. Dies.Jeichund, at the expiration of ſixty years, with⯑drew into the regions of eternity. He was cotemporary with Bemin and Daraab, and ſent them an annual tribute. Delu uſurps the throne.He left one ſon of tender years, ſo that the mother of the child took the reins of adminiſtration into her hands; but being too weak to guide the chariot of empire, Delu, the brother of Jeichund, ſeized that opportunity of uſurping the government.
SECTION XIII. Of the Reigns of Delu and the two Foors.
Before Chriſt 443. A brave and generous prince.DELU was a prince uncommonly brave and generous, with a diſ⯑poſition benevolent towards men, and entirely devoted to his creator. He founded the city of Delhi in the fortieth year of his reign; Foor or Po⯑rus rebels.but a Raja of his own family, whoſe name was Foor*, and who ruled the country of Cumaoon under him, rebelled, and having [24] firſt ſecured that country, drew a great army together, and invaded the Emperor in Kinnoge. Defeats and depoſes Delu.Thus a bloody war was commenced, in which the Emperor was taken priſoner and ſent to be confined in the fort of Rhotas. Foor led his army towards Bang, and conquered the country as far as the ocean, and became a great and powerful prince: His ſon ne⯑glects to pay the tribute to Perſia, and is overthrown and ſlain by Alexander. Before Chriſt 330.but his ſon Foor confiding in his ſtrength, neglected to pay the cuſtomary tribute to the King of Iran, which drew the victorious army of the great Secunder* upon his head. Foor, notwithſtanding, would not ſubmit; but with an army numerous as the locuſts, met Secunder at Sirhind, about eighty crores from Delhi, where a ter⯑rible battle was fought, in which he bravely loſt his life with many thouſands of his ſubjects.
When the great Secunder came to Hindoſtan, there was a Raja of the Decan, whoſe name was Bider, and founder of the caſtle of that name, who upon hearing of the victory of Secunder and the death of Foor, ſent his ſon with great wealth to the conqueror to obtain peace, which being granted, and a mutiny ariſing in his army, Secunder returned to Iran.
Sinſarchund.After the death of Foor, and the return of Secunder, Sinſarchund aſſumed the imperial dignity, and in a ſhort time regulated the em⯑pire, which was then in great confuſion, Pays the Per⯑ſian tribute.but he neglected not to ſend his regular tribute to Kodirs and Nirſi, who at that time held the Sultanit of Iran.
After he and his family of the ſame name had reigned ſeventy years, Jonah.a Raja whoſe name was Jonah, invaded the empire, and gained the aſcendancy. Some ſay that Jonah was the nephew of Foor, but this is not well atteſted. [...]However, when his fortune raiſed him to the throne, he became an excellent prince, taking great pains in peopling and cultivating the waſte parts of his dominions, and found⯑ing [25] a laſting name of juſtice and benevolence. Aridſhere* at this time was Emperor of Iran, and advanced with an army to the borders of Hindoſtan, Submits to Perſia.when Jonah, in fear of his arms, haſtened to make his ſubmiſſion, carrying with him a great number of warlike elephants, with a vaſt quantity of gold and jewels, which he preſented to the Emperor and bought peace. He then returned to Kinnoge, and ruled in tranquillity for many years. He and his poſterity reigned ninety years without doing any thing remarkable to the acceſſion of Callian Chund to the imperial throne.
SECTION XIV. Of Callian Chund.
Before Chriſt 170. Callian Chund a bad prince.CALLIAN CHUND was a prince of an evil diſpoſition, oppreſſive and tyrannical to his ſubjects, whoſe blood he ſhed without mercy. His cruelty occaſioned many people of diſtinction to deſert the country and fly to other kingdoms for protection, by which the luſtre of the court and the beauty of the country were greatly diminiſhed. Depoſed.At length faction began openly to raiſe her head, and all the dependant Rajas to appear in arms, ſo that being deſerted by his own troops, he fled and died in obſcurity.
From this period, we find nothing certain in the hiſtory of Hin⯑doſtan to the time of Bickermagit, the Raja of Malava, who made a conſiderable figure in the world. We ſhall therefore make a ſhort digreſſion from the hiſtory of the Kings of Kinnoge, to give ſome account of him.
[26] BickermagitThis Bickermagit was of the tribe of Tuar, and great things are recorded in the hiſtories of the Hindoos, concerning the policy, juſtice and wiſdom of his government. travels to fo⯑reign coun⯑tries.It is ſaid that this prince in his youth, putting on the habit of a Fakeer, travelled over the world for many years in acquiring the arts, learning and policy of foreign na⯑tions. His great ac⯑tions and good qua⯑lities.It was not however till the age of fifty that he became famous for his exploits in the field, to which they ſay he was impelled by divine command; which notion ſeemed indeed to be juſtified by his uncommon ſucceſs, which ſoon paved his way to the throne. In a few months he entirely ſubdued the kingdoms of Narval and Malava, ſpreading the carpet of juſtice, and throwing the ſhadow of his pro⯑tection over the heads of his ſubjects. The poets of thoſe days praiſe his juſtice, by telling us that the magnet without his leave durſt not exert its power upon iron, nor amber upon the chaff of the field; and ſuch was his temperance and contempt of external grandeur, that he ſlept upon a mat, and reduced the furniture of his apartment to an earthen pot filled with water from the ſpring.
In his reign the city of Ugeïn was built, as alſo the fort of Daar, where he took up his reſidence. Sets up an idol,He is ſaid to have ſet up the idol Makaal* in Ugeïn, and to have collected Brahmins, Fakeers, and Jogies, to attend that worſhip for the vulgar, but worſhips the true God.while he himſelf wor⯑ſhipped only the infinite and inviſible God. The time of his death before the writing of this hiſtory (in the year of the Higerah one thouſand and fifteen) according to the account of the Hindoo writers, is fifteen hundred and ſixty three years. He is ſaid to have been cotemporary with Shawpoor† King of Iran.
Slain.Bickermagit‡ was ſlain in his old age, in a battle with the princes of the Decan, who had lifted up their ſtandards againſt him upon the [27] banks of the river Nirbidda. The Hindoo hiſtorians have ſtretched the praiſe of this hero ſo far beyond the bounds of reaſon and proba⯑bility, that the love of truth obliges us to be ſilent on this head. An inter⯑regnum.After the death of Bickermagit the kingdom fell into anarchy for ſome time, till Raja Boge drew the reins of government into his hands.
A. D. [...] Raj [...] a good prince.Raja Boge alſo was of the tribe of Tuar, and in policy, juſtice, and government, followed the example of Bickermagit. In the diſ⯑cipline of his troops he was extremely active and vigilant, often going the rounds in diſguiſe to ſee that they were watchful on their poſts. He had a peculiar paſſion for architecture, which he gratified in building, reſtoring, and ornamenting many cities in his dominions. Hindia, Bijanagur, and Gircoon, were built in his reign. He was alſo much addicted to women, whom he collected into his Haram from all parts. Twice every year he made a grand feſtival, to which thou⯑ſands of muſicians and ſingers crowded for his entertainment. This feſtival continued for the ſpace of forty days, in which nothing went on but dancing, ſinging and debauchery. The company, on the breaking up of the aſſembly, were preſented each with a dreſs and other preſents according to their rank. In this luxurious manner he reigned fifty years.
To return to the hiſtory of Kinnoge. After the expulſion of Callian Chund, the kingdom of Kinnoge remained in anarchy to the days of Baſdeo, Baſdeo re⯑duces Bahar and Bengal.who having mounted the throne, recovered Bahar and Ben⯑gal, which had revolted, and began to reſtore the power and autho⯑rity of his kingdom. The King of Perſia comes in diſguiſe to Hindoſtan. A. D. [...].Byram Gore, King of Iran, at that time, came in diſguiſe to Hindoſtan, in the character of a merchant, to inform himſelf of the power, government and manners of that country. When he was entering the city of Kinnoge, it is related, that a wild elephant attacked him, who in the ſeaſon of luſt had ruſhed from the woods, killing and deſtroying all who came in his way. Byram [28] Gore pierced the elephant's forehead with an arrow, by which he acquired great fame and popularity. This circumſtance having reached the ears of the King, he was deſirous of ſeeing the merchant, and ordered him to be brought into his preſence. Is diſcovered.When one of the nobles who had gone to the court of Iran ſome years before with the tribute, diſcovered him to Baſdeo, who being perfectly aſſured of the truth, deſcended from his throne and embraced him.
Treated with magnificence.Byram Gore being conſtrained to aſſume his proper character, he was treated with the utmoſt magnificence and reſpect while he remained at the court of Kinnoge, where he married the daughter of Baſdeo, and returned in a ſhort time to Iran. Baſdeo and the princes his poſterity, are ſaid to have ruled the empire for eighty years. Ramdeo.The country being torn to pieces by a civil war, which aroſe between the deſcendants of Baſdeo, Ramdeo, who had been general of the forces, excluded the royal line from the throne, and by con⯑ſent of the nobility and troops, took the ſupreme authority into his own hands.
SECTION XV. Of the Reign of Ramdeo Rhator.
A. D. 436.RAMDEO was of the tribe of Rhator, a prince bold, wiſe, and generous. The firſt thing he did on his acceſſion, was to exterminate by degrees the chiefs and Rajas who aſſumed indepen⯑dency, and raiſed factions in the empire. Then he advanced with his army towards Marvar, and recovered that country from the tribe of Cutchwa, whom he diſpoſſeſſed, and peopled it with that of Rhator, from which time they have poſſeſſed it*. The tribe of [29] Cutchwa was ſent to the precincts of Rhotas which they ſtill inhabit. His great actions.Ramdeo Rhator, after theſe tranſactions, returned and marched towards Lucknouti, which he took and gave to his nephew. Here great wealth fell into his hands, and after an expedition of three years he returned to Kinnoge, where he remained two years, and then marched his army towards Malava, which he conquered, and putting it in the hands of his Vizier, ordered many cities and towns to be built in that province. Having repaired the fort of Narvar, he appointed one of his kinſmen governor, and demanded the daugh⯑ter of the Raja of Bijanagur in marriage, who, fearing the power of Ramdeo, complied. He remained in the city of Gundwara two years, where he ſlew many of the rebellious Zemindars, then return⯑ing to Kinnoge ſpent ſeven years in feſtivity and pleaſure.
Ramdeo afterwards went unto the mountains of Sawalic, and reduced all the Rajas of thoſe parts; particularly the Raja of Comaoon, whoſe anceſtors, according to the fabulous hiſtory of the Hindoos, had reigned there ten thouſand years. This Raja had drawn toge⯑ther a powerful army, with which he engaged Ramdeo in ſeveral great battles; ſo that for ſome time the war was doubtful. At length the fortune of Ramdeo prevailed, and the Raja of Comaoon was forced to abandon his wealth, and take refuge in the inacceſſible mountains*. His wives and daughters fell into the hands of Ramdeo, who having ſoftened him to compaſſion, he reſtored to the Raja his country, and turned his face towards Nagracut, plundering the country, till he reached Scutdimmindi. There he halted out of reſpect to the temple of Bowani†, which was built near the ſort of Nagracut, ſending a perſon to call the Raja before him. The Raja afraid for his life, delayed for ſome time till he had received proper [30] aſſurances of perſonal ſafety, by the mediation of a Brahmin; and then he waited on the King, and exhibited the cuſtoms of obedience. Ramdeo went to pay his adoration to the idol, to whom he made rich offerings, then retiring, demanded the daughter of the Raja in marriage for his ſon, and marched to the fort of Jummu. The Raja of Jummu being ſtrong in troops and well ſupplied with money and proviſions, confiding in the ſtrength of his fort and the inacceſſible⯑neſs of the roads leading towards it, deſpiſed the ſummons of the King, and refuſed to bend to his commands, preparing himſelf for war. But in the firſt encounter in the field, his irregular troops, though ſingly brave, were diſcomfited before the united powers of the King, who driving him within his walls, immediately inveſted the place, and ſtorming it in a few days, impriſoned what part of the garriſon eſcaped the ſword, and in the fort found great wealth.
The Raja having previouſly fled into the mountains, ſaw no hope but in peace, and therefore ſollicited the mercy of the King. Ram⯑deo reinſtated him, taking one of his daughters for his ſecond ſon. Directing his march from thence to the banks of the river Nerbet, which falls from the mountains of Caſhmire into the diſtricts of Pun⯑jaab, he traverſed the country of Hindoſtan to the ſalt ſea of Bengal, where the great mountains of Sewalic preſs upon the ocean. He accompliſhed this march in five months, having reduced near five hundred diſobedient Rajas and Zemindars. He plundered them of their wealth, and then turned his victorious ſtandards towards his capital of Kinnoge, which he entered in pomp and triumph.
He ſoon after prepared a magnificent feſtival, and divided the ſpoil among his ſoldiers, the ſhare of each being forty pieces of gold. Beſides a third part of the ſpoil was thrown among the people. From this time forward he repoſed upon the throne of eaſe and mag⯑nificence, nor ever afterwards mounted the horſe of war to hunt for further conqueſts. Dies.After he had reigned fifty four years, he followed [31] his anceſtors to the unknown world, from whence none return. But the great actions of his life rendered his fame immortal; for among the Kings of Hindoſtan, we are told by hiſtorians, that few have rivalled the greatneſs of Ramdeo. He was cotemporary with Firoſe Saſſa, father of Keikubad, to whom he paid tribute.
SECTION XVI. Of the Reign of Partab Chund.
A. D. 500.UPON the death of Ramdeo, enmity broke out among his children, ſo that nothing but war, ſlaughter and death raged in the plains of Hindoſtan. In a ſhort time, the great treaſures which he had amaſſed, were expended, and deſolation began to ap⯑pear in the ſtreets. Partab Chund.The general of Ramdeo, whoſe name was Partab Chund, taking advantage of theſe family factions, gained confidence and popularity among the troops. He accordingly marched againſt the capital, and reduced it in a few days. His firſt care was to extirpate the royal family, that his power might be firmly eſtabliſhed; then drawing many of the Rajas, by fair, but falſe pro⯑miſes into his power, he cut off the moſt formidable, by which means, the reſt became obedient to his commands. Neglects to pay the tribute to the Perſians.This prince, by an uninterrupted courſe of ſucceſs, began at length to devour the wind of pride, and neglected, for ſome years, to ſend the annual tribute to Iran, returning the ambaſſadors of Noſhirwaan with empty hands and diſhonour from his court. Is forced to pay it.This uſage provoked the re⯑ſentment of the King of Iran, and he ſent an army againſt Partab Chund, which having conquered and ravaged the countries of Cabul and Punjaab, threw him into great confuſion; he therefore was forced to pay up his arrears, to advance the tribute of the enſuing year, and to make promiſes of future obedience.
[32] The empire declines.After the death of Partab Chund, ſeveral of the neighbouring Rajas gaining power, formed independent governments, and left but a ſmall part of the country in the hands of the heirs of the empire, inſomuch that they loſt the title of Rajas or Kings, and had that of Rana ſubſtituted in its place. Yet they poſſeſſed the mountains of Combilmere, and the adjacent countries of Chitor and Minduſur, till they were conquered by the ſucceſſors of Timur.
SECTION XVII. Of Annindeo, Maldeo, and the Diſſolution of the Empire.
Annindeo.ANNINDEO was of the ſect of Biſe, who, upon the death of Partab Chund, ſeized upon the country of Malava, Reduces the Manhattas, &c A. D. 576.and with rapidity of conqueſt, brought Narvalla, the country of the Marhattas, and the whole territory of Berar, into the circle of his obedience. To ſecure theſe conqueſts, he built the forts of Mahor, Rumgiri and Mundo. Dies.He was cotemporary with Chuſero* Purveſe, and died after a reign of ſixteen years. Maldeo.About this time, a perſon whoſe name was Maldeo, of obſcure original, from the country of Duaab, raiſed himſelf to great power, and collecting a numerous army, took the city of Delhi from the deſcendants of Partab Chund; then directing his march to Kinnoge, ſoon reduced that capital to his obedience, which at that time, we are told, was ſo populous, that there were in the city thirty thouſand ſhops in which arreca† was ſold, and ſixty thouſand ſets of muſicians and ſingers, who paid a tax to the government, from which we may judge of the amazing extent of this city. Empire of the Hindoos diſ⯑ſolved.Maldeo, at the end of forty-two years, died, and as he had no iſſue, every petty Raja rendered himſelf indepen⯑dent [33] From that time forward, no imperial Raja ruled Hindo⯑ſtan; for when Sultan Mahmood Giznavi invaded that country, who was the firſt of the Iſlamite conquerors, he found it divided into ſmall ſtates. Kinnoge was governed by one Raja Korrah; Merat by Hirdit; Mahvin by Calchunder; Lahor by Jeipal, the ſon of Hitpal; and Callinger by Begera. Malava, Ajmere, Guzarat and Gualier had each their diſtinct Rajas, who were perfectly independent of one another; for this reaſon we ſhall quit the hiſtory of the Rajas, and begin with that of the conqueſt of the Iſlamites* in Hindoſtan.
PART II. The Hiſtory of the Empire of Ghizni.
[34]SECTION I. Of the firſt Appearance of the Star of Iſlamiſm* in Hin⯑doſtan, together with a ſummary Account of thoſe Ma⯑hommedans, by whom the Empire of Ghizni was formed.
Firſt invaſion of Hindoſtan by the Ma⯑hommedans.TO minds enlightened like the ſun, let it not remain a ſecret, That the firſt perſon of the faith who placed his foot within the boundaries of Hindoſtan, was Mohlib, the ſon of Abiul Sukur. The particulars of his hiſtory are theſe: In the twenty-eighth year of the Higerah, Abdulla, the ſon of Amir, governor of Buſſorah, by the command of Oſman, led an army towards Pharis, againſt the ſovereign of that kingdom, who had revolted upon the death of Omar. Abdulla reduced his enemy to obedience, and returned vic⯑torious to Buſſorah. In the thirtieth of the Higerah, Oſman turned Olid Okbah, on account of his continuing to drink wine, from the government of Kuſa, which he conferred upon Seid ben ul Aſs. That commander marched the ſame year towards Tibiriſtan, ac⯑companied by the two ſons of Ali, Haſſen and Haſſein, and con⯑quered the country of Jirju, whoſe capital is Aſhtrabad, where he raiſed a contribution of forty thouſand dinars. Abdulla ben Amir, ruler of Buſſorah, on the part of Oſman, in the thirty-firſt of the Higerah, marched to the conqueſt of Chorraſan, by the way of [35] Kirman, and having reduced that country, Seiſtan, Keiſtan, Neſha⯑poor, Sirchuſh, Herat, Badyeiſh, Ghore, Girghiſtan, Murve, Ta⯑lickan and Balich, he entered into a treaty with a King of the north⯑ern regions whoſe name was Joos; having appointed Keis ben Hanim to the government of Chorraſan, Hanif ben Keis to the ſu⯑perintendency of Murve, Talickan and Neſhapoor, and Chalid ben Abdulla to that of Herat, Ghore and Gerghiſtan, he himſelf being bent on a pilgrimage to Caba, marched back by the way of Hujage.
In the thirty-third year, Abdul Reiman, by order of Oſman, having marched with an army againſt Balich, he and all his troops became martyrs to the faith, except a few, who eſcaped the ſword and fled by the way of Gilan. Sharon, who was an Omrah of Agim, ſeeing that Abdulla ben Amir had gone a pilgrimage to Mecca, and that the plains of Chorraſan were clear of Perſians and Muſſulmen, raiſed in the ſame year an army of forty thouſand men from Jibbis, Herat, Badyeiſh, Ghore, Keiſtan, and the adjacent countries, and fell upon the Muſſulmen. But Abdulla Hazim, who was at Neſhapoor with Hanif, with four thouſand horſe, attacked and defeated him; for which ſervice he was afterwards rewarded with the government of Chorraſan.
In the forty-fourth year of the Higerah, Mavia ben Abeſſifian advanced Zeiad ben Abiera to the government of Buſſorah, Chorra⯑ſan and Seiſtan; and in that year, Abdul Reiman ben Summera, ac⯑cording to the orders of Zeiad, conquered the country of Cabul, and bound them over to obedience.
MohlibAbout the ſame time, Mohlib ben abul Sukur, who was a great Omrah of Arab, by the way of Murve, invaded Cabul and Zabul; enters Hin⯑doſtan.then entering Hindoſtan, made war upon the idolators, ravaging [36] the country of Limgan and its dependencies, and with twelve thou⯑ſand captives returned to Chorraſan. A few of the inhabitants of Hind were converted at that time to the belief of the unity of God, and the embaſſy of his holy prophet.
In the fifty-third of the Higerah, Zuad, governor of Buſſorah, died in conſequence of a wound in his finger, and Mavia gave the government of Kufa to Abdulla his ſon. Abdulla led his troops againſt the country of Maver ul neer, which he conquered, and re⯑turned to Kufa; after which he got the government of Buſſorah, and appointed Aſlim ben Zerait ul Gulabi to the government of Chorraſan: But in the year fifty-ſix, Mavia gave that appointment to Seid ben Oſman Affan; and again, in the year fifty-nine, that government was changed into the hands of Abdul Reiman ben Zeiad.
In the ſixty-ſecond of the Higerah, Zeid ben Mavia appointed Zillim ben Ziad to rule over Chorraſan and Seiſtan. Among the chiefs who attended him, was Mohlib ben Abiull Sukur: This Zillim, when he had ſeated himſelf in the government, gave his brother Izid the government of Seiſtan, who hearing that the King of Cabul had impriſoned Abu Abida his brother, who had been col⯑lecting the tribute, he raiſed an army and marched towards him, but after an obſtinate battle he was defeated, and loſt the greateſt part of his army.
Intelligence of this defeat coming to Zillim, he ſent Tilla ben Abudulla to Cabul, who ranſomed Abu-Abida for five thouſand dirms. He then ſet aſide his brother, and gave the government of Seiſtan to Tilla, who ſent the troops of Ghore and Badyeiſh to Cabul, and by that means reduced that country to obedience, and conferred the government upon Chaled ben Abdulla. This Chaled [37] ben Abdulla being ordered ſome time thereafter to return back and give an account of his adminiſtration, fearing the oppreſſion of new rulers, with his family, wealth and friends, fled to the mountains of Soliman, which extend between Moultan and Peſhawir, and there took up his abode. He married his daughter to one of the chiefs of the Afghans, who was a Muſſulman: From this marriage ſprung many children, two of whom became famous, Load and Soor; from whom the two great tribes of that name derive their origin. Origin of the Afgans.In the hiſtory of Muttelu ul Anwar, which is wrote by an author of good authority, it is related, that the Afghans are of the race of the Cibthi*, who were ruled by Pharaoon†, and being expelled about the time of Moſes, took up their reſidence in thoſe mountains.
But to return to our hiſtory. We are told, that this ſmall colony under Caled, began to employ themſelves in the cultivation of their grounds, and in breeding of cattle. When, therefore, Mahumud Caſim, by the way of Sind, came to Moultan, he remained ſome time among them, and was hoſpitably entertained.
In the one hundred and forty-third of the Higerah, when they began to multiply exceedingly, they iſſued from their hills, and poſ⯑ſeſſed themſelves of Kirman, Peſhawir and Shinwaran: Raja of Lahore deſigns to humble them, but is worſted.In the mean time, the Raja of Lahore, who was in alliance with the Raja of Ajmere, entered into a deſign to humble them, and ſent one of his Omrahs againſt them; but the Omrah was worſted and loſt many of his men, upon which the Raja ſent his nephew with an additional force of two thouſand horſe and five thouſand foot.
The Muſſulmen of Cabul, Chillige and Chore, hearing of theſe hoſtilities againſt their brethren, ſent four thouſand horſe to the aſſiſtance of the Afgans, ſo that in the ſpace of five months, above [38] ſeventy different battles and ſkirmiſhes were fought with various ſuc⯑ceſs: Is forced to retreat.When winter came on, the troops of Hindoſtan unable to bear the inclemency of the weather, were forced to retreat, but returned again in the ſpring. The two armies met between Kirman and Peſhawir, where a battle was fought, in which the right wing of each army was victorious. Sues for a peace.The Raja of Lahore finding at laſt that he could not reduce them, was obliged to conclude a peace.
A war broke out at that time, between the Raja of Lahore and the tribe of Gicker, who entered into an alliance with the Afgans or Patans, which obliged the Raja to accommodate matters, and give up ſeveral diſtricts to the Patans. The tribe of Chillige entered in the mean time into treaty with them, in which the Patans guarantied the boundaries of Hindoſtan againſt any foreign invaſion by the way of Iran. To be able to fulfil the terms of this treaty, they built the fort of Cheiber in the paſſes of the mountains, which obliged the troops of Samania to invade Hind, by the way of Sind and Battia.
[...]buctagi [...]ommander of [...]he troops of Ghizni.When the government of Ghizni* fell to Abiſtagi, his general, whoſe name was Subuctagi, made ſome incurſions into Limgan and Moultan, carrying off plunder and ſlaves; and the Patans not being able to cope with him in the field, ſent an embaſſy to Jeipal† Raja of Lahore, for aſſiſtance. When Jeipal underſtood that his troops could not ſubſiſt in the winter ſeaſon in thoſe cold regions, he called Sheck Amid, who was chief of the Afgans, conferred the title of general upon him; and made over ſome countries of Moultan and Limgan to enable him to carry on the war.
Succeeds to the govern⯑ment.Abiſtagi dying about this time, Mahmud Subuctagi ſucceeded him: And Shech Amid finding it unadviſeable to carry on the war, [39] ſent an ambaſſador to him to propoſe terms of accommodation, giving him to underſtand, that as they were brethren of the ſame faith, he was in hopes he would henceforth conſider the Afgans as his friends; upon which conditions, he might paſs with his army unmoleſted towards Hindoſtan. Defeats Jeipal.Subuctagi gladly embraced this propoſal, and marching againſt Jeipal, defeated him, and gave Shul Ameid the government of Moultan. The afgans reduced by Mamood.But Sultan Mahmood, the ſon of Su⯑buctagi, in the abſence, and contrary to the policy of his father, made war upon the Afgans, and cut off many of their chiefs, bend⯑ing the reſt to the yoke of his commands.
SECTION II. The Reign of Naſir ul-dien Subuctagi, the Founder of the Empire of Ghizni.
A. D. 975. Higer. 365. Subuctagi.THOUGH the valiant Subuctagi never croſſed the river of Nilaab, nor attained to the government of Punjaab, yet au⯑thors have conferred upon him the honour of being the firſt Ma⯑hommedan King of Lahore. His family and riſe under Abiſtagi.Subuctagi was originally a Turkiſh ſlave, and having fallen into the hands of Abiſtagi, was, from a low degree, in the reign of Samania*, raiſed to the moſt conſiderable dig⯑nities of the kingdom; being appointed to the government of Chor⯑raſſan, where he acquired great renown. When Abdul Mallick, the ſon of Samania, died, the Omrahs of Bochara ſent an embaſſy to Abiſtagi, to conſult with him about a ſucceſſor. He told them that Munſur, the ſon of Abdul Mallick, was as yet but a child, and no ways capable of ſuſtaining the weight of government: He there⯑fore adviſed them to elect his uncle, but before the return of the am⯑baſſadors, the Omrahs had advanced Munſur to the throne; who [40] hearing of the advice given by Abiſtagi, commanded that general back to Bochara; Abiſtagi re⯑volts from the empire of Bochara.but Abiſtagi fearing the young King's reſentment, refuſed to comply: He wiſely conſidered that peaceable meaſures would only be to him the means of ruin, and he forthwith ſtood be⯑hind his diſobedience, with thirty thouſand men.
In the three hundred and fifty-firſt of the Higerah, he directed his march towards Ghizni, and having ſubdued that country by the edge of the ſword, he exalted his ſtandard of royalty*. In the mean time, Munſur, hearing that Abiſtagi had left Chorraſſan al⯑moſt totally deſtitute of troops, ordered Abul Haſſen to march with an army that way, but he was interrupted in his rout by Abiſtagi, who gave him two ſignal defeats, and obliged him to fly into Bochara. Secures to himſelf Ghizni and Choraſſan.Abiſtagi immediately obtained the peaceable ſove⯑reignty of the kingdoms of Ghizni and Chorraſſan. During the fif⯑teen years of the reign of Abiſtagi, he had employed Subuctagi, who had raiſed himſelf by his valour, to make depredations upon the Ra⯑jas of Hind, whom he plundered of much wealth.
Is ſucceeded by his ſon,When Abiſtagi, in the year three hundred and ſixty-five, departed into the regions of eternity, his ſon Abu Iſaac invaded Bochara; in which expedition, Subuctagi enjoyed the chief command. Munſur, King of Bochara, being worſted in ſome engagements, a peace was concluded; in which it was ſtipulated, that Abu Iſaac ſhould con⯑tinue to enjoy the regency of Ghizni, under the direction of Su⯑buctagi.
who dies.Abu Iſaac being very young and addicted to pleaſure, he readily entruſted Subuctagi with the whole adminiſtration of affairs. The voluptuous King travelled ſoon the road of mortality, and the Omrahs [41] A. D. 977. Higer. 367.of Ghizni, who admired the wiſdom and bravery of Subuctagi, una⯑nimouſly elected him their King, in the year three hundred and ſixty-ſeven; the reign of Abu Iſaac continuing only for two years. Subuctagi ſucceeds him. A good prince.When Subuctagi aſcended the throne, he married the daughter of Abiſtagi, and turning his mind wholly upon the art of government, he ſoon eſtabliſhed juſtice in his dominions, and held the hearts of his ſubjects in his hand. There was at this time, a governor in the fort of Buſt, of the name of Tigha, who was expelled by another chief called Bab Toor. Tigha, who was an independent Zemindar, on the borders of Ghizni, upon loſing his fort and country, came and laid his complaint before the King, promiſing him tribute and obedience, if Subuctagi ſhould reſtore him to his dignity.
Aids Tigha,The King gave a favourable anſwer, and ſent an army againſt Bab Toor, drove that chief from his new conqueſts, and put Tigha in quiet poſſeſſion of his country; who is un⯑grateful.but Tigha no ſooner found himſelf poſſeſſed of his inheritance, than he neglected all his promiſes to the King, and never once thought of ſending his tribute. Subuctagi perceived this ingratitude, but he diſſembled his reſentment. Making ſoon after the circuit of his dominions, when he came near the territories of Tigha, he invited him to the chace. Finding him⯑ſelf alone with Tigha, the King took that opportunity to upbraid him with his ingratitude: Tigha, who was a daring and impetuous man, put his hand on his ſword, on which the King alſo drew, but, in the combat, was wounded in the hand. [...] de⯑feated.Immediately a crowd of attendants poured in upon them, when a ſhort but fierce conflict in⯑ſued, wherein Tigha and his adherents were ſoon put to ſlight, and ſo cloſely purſued by the troops of Subuctagi, that they entered the fort at his heels; Tigha leaped over the wall and fled towards Kirman.
[42] A. D. 977. Higer. 367.It was here that Subuctagi met with Abul Fatti, who, in the art of writing, and in the knowledge of the ſciences, had no equal: He had been formerly ſecretary to Bab Toor, and on his defeat had retired to enjoy his ſtudies. Subuctagi hearing of him, called him into his preſence, and having obtained proofs of his great abilities, made him his ſecretary, and dignified him with honourable titles. In that ſtation Abul Fatti remained till the acceſſion of Sultan Mamood, when he retired in diſguſt to Turkiſtan.
Subuctagi in⯑vades Hin⯑doſtan.Amir Subuctagi having conquered Buſt, turned towards Kuſdar, and taking the chief of that place priſoner, added his territory to his own dominions, giving the government of it to Actaſs. He ſoon after reſolved upon a war with the idolators of Hindoſtan, and to⯑wards the cloſe of the year three hundred and ſixty-ſeven, which was the firſt of his reign, he undertook that expedition; and having ravaged part of the countries of Cabul and Punjaab, he founded ſome moſques, and returned to Ghizni with great treaſures.
Jeipal, the ſon of Hitpal the Brahmin, ruled at this time, the country extending from Sirhind to Limghaan, and from Caſhmire to Moultan; and kept his court at Lahore. Advances againſt Jeipal.Jeipal finding he could have no reſt from the incurſions of the Muſſulmen, raiſed a great army with intent to invade them in their own country, which Sub⯑uctagi hearing, put his army in motion, and marched out to meet him. The Kings drew near one another at Limghaan, on the boundaries of their reſpective dominions: They ſkirmiſhed for a few days, and Sultan Mamood, though then a boy, gave ſuch ſignal proofs of his courage, that he drew tears of joy from the eyes of his father.
A miraculous ſtorm,Hiſtorians, whoſe credulity exceed their wiſdom, have told us, that on this occaſion, a certain perſon informed the King, that in [43] A. D. 977. Higer. 367.the camp of Jeipal there was a ſpring, into which, if a ſmall quan⯑tity of a certain drug, called Caſurat, ſhould be thrown, the ſky would immediately be overcaſt, and a dreadful ſtorm of hail and wind ariſe. Subuctagi having accordingly ordered this to be done, the effects became viſible, for immediately the ſky loured, and thunder, lightning, wind and hail began, turning the day into dark⯑neſs, and ſpreading horror and deſolation around; inſomuch that a great part of the cavalry were killed, and ſome thouſands of both armies periſhed; but the troops of Ghizni being more hardy than thoſe of Hindoſtan, ſuffered not ſo much upon this occaſion. which induces Jeipal to ſue for peace.Jeipal in the morning found his army in ſuch weakneſs and dejection, by the effects of this ſtorm, which was rather natural than the work of magic, that fearing Subuctagi would take advantage of his condition, he ſent Heralds to treat of a peace: He offered to the King of Ghizni a certain tribute, and a conſiderable preſent in elephants and gold.
Subuctagi was not diſpleaſed with theſe terms, but his ſon, Sultan Mamood, who was an ambitious young man, fearing this would put an end to his expedition, prevailed with his father to reject the propoſal. Jeipal, upon this, told him that the cuſtoms of the Raja⯑puts were of ſuch a nature, that if he perſiſted in diſtreſſing them, it muſt make him, in the end, pay very dear for his victories. Upon ſuch occaſions, and when reduced to extremity, ſaid Jeipal, they murder their wives and children, ſet fire to their houſes, ſet looſe their hair, and, ruſhing in deſpair among the enemy, drown them⯑ſelves in the crimſon torrent of revenge. Subuctagi hearing of this cuſtom, he was afraid to reduce them to deſpair, and conſented to let them retreat upon their paying a million of Dirms, and pre⯑ſenting him with fifty elephants. Jeipal not being able to diſcharge the whole of this ſum in camp, he deſired that ſome perſons of truſt, [44] A. D. 977. Higer. 367.on the part of Subuctagi, ſhould accompany him to Lahore to re⯑ceive the ballance; for whoſe ſafety, Subuctagi took hoſtages.
His perfidy.Jeipal having arrived at Lahore, and finding Subuctagi had returned home, impriſoned his meſſengers, and refuſed to pay the money. It was then cuſtomary among the Rajas, in affairs of moment, to aſſemble the double council, which conſiſted of an equal number of the moſt reſpectable Brahmins, who ſat on the right ſide of the throne; and of the nobleſt Kittries, who ſat on the left. When they ſaw that Jeipal proceeded to ſuch an impolitic meaſure, they in⯑treated the King, ſaying, that the conſequence of this ſtep would bring ruin and diſtreſs upon the country; the troops ſaid they have not yet forgot the terror of their enemy's arms; and Jeipal may reſt aſſured, that a conqueror will never brook ſuch an indig⯑nity: It was, therefore, the opinion of the double council, to com⯑ply ſtrictly with the terms of the peace, that the people might enjoy the bleſſings of tranquillity; but the King was obſtinate, and would not hearken to their advice.
Intelligence of what was done, ſoon reached the ears of Subuctagi; like a foaming torrent he haſtened towards Hindoſtan with a nume⯑rous army, to take revenge upon Jeipal for his treacherous behaviour; Renews the war,Jeipal alſo collected his forces, and marched forth to meet him; for the neighbouring Rajas, conſidering themſelves intereſted in his ſucceſs, ſupplied him with troops and money. The Rajas of Delhi, Aj⯑mere, Callinger and Kinnoge, were now bound in his alliance, and Jeipal found himſelf at the head of an army of a hundred thouſand horſe, and two hundred thouſand foot; with which he marched with full aſſurance of victory.
When the moving armies approached each other, Subuctagi aſ⯑cended a hill, to view the forces of Jeipal, which he beheld like a [45] A. D. 978. Higer. 368.ſhoreleſs ſea, and in number, like the ants or the locuſts; but he looked upon himſelf as a wolf among a flock of goats: Calling there⯑fore together his chiefs, he encouraged them to glory, and honoured them diſtinctly with his commands. His troops, though few in number, he divided into ſquadrons of five hundred each, which he ordered one after another, to the attack in a circle, ſo that a con⯑tinual round of freſh troops harraſſed the Indian army.
and is de⯑feated.The Hindoos being worſe mounted than the cavalry of Subuctagi, could effect nothing againſt them; ſo that wearied out with this manner of fighting, confuſion became viſible amongſt them. Sub⯑uctagi perceiving their diſorder, ſounded a general charge, ſo that they fell like corn before the hands of the reaper; and were purſued with great ſlaughter to the banks of the river Nilaab; where many, who had eſcaped the edge of the ſword, periſhed by their fear in the waters.
Subuctagi acquired in this action much glory and wealth; for beſides the rich plunder of the Hindoo camp, he raiſed great con⯑tributions in the countries of Limghaan and Peſhawir, and annexed them to his own dominions, joined them to his titles, and ſtamped their names, as was cuſtomary, upon his coins. One of his Omrahs, with three thouſand horſe, was appointed to the government of Peſhawir; and the Afghans who reſided among the mountains, having promiſed allegiance, he entertained ſome thouſands of them in his army, and returned victorious to Ghizni.
Subuctagi ſolicited for aid by the King of Bochara.Amir Noo Samani, King of Bochara, being at this time hard preſſed by Faeck, ſent Abu Niſer Pharſi to Subuctagi to beg his aſſiſtance. Subuctagi was moved by gratitude to the family of Boc⯑hara, and haſtened with his army towards Maverulnere, while Amir Noo advanced to the country of Sirchuſh to meet him. Subuctagi, [46] A. D. 978. Higer. 368.upon account of his age, ſent a meſſenger to Amir Noo, to excuſe his lighting from his horſe; but when he advanced and recognized the features of his royal father, in the face of the young prince, he could not ſuppreſs the emotions of his heart. He leaped from his horſe and run to kiſs his ſtirrup, which the young King perceiving, prevented him by diſmounting and receiving him in his embrace. At this happy interview the flower of joy bloomed in every face, and ſuch a knot of friendſhip was bound as can hardly be paralleled in any age.
As the ſeaſon was now too far advanced for action, it was agreed that Subuctagi ſhould return, during the winter, to Ghizni, and prepare his forces to act in conjunction with thoſe of Amir Noo in the ſpring. But when Amir Ali Sumjure, prince of Choraſſan, at whoſe court Faek was then in treaty, heard of the alliance formed between Amir Noo and Subuctagi, he began to fear the conſequence of his engagement with Faeck. He aſked his council where he ſhould take protection, in caſe fortune, which was ſeldom to be depended upon, ſhould deſert his ſtandards in war. They replied, that the ſituation of affairs required he ſhould endeavour to gain the alliance of Fuchier ul Dowla, prince of Jirja. Jaffier zul Karmin was accordingly appointed ambaſſador to the court of Jirja, with preſents of every thing that was valuable and curious: and in a ſhort time a treaty of friendſhip and alliance was ſettled between the two powers.
The confede⯑rates join their armies.Subuctagi in the mean time put his troops in motion, and marched towards Balich, where Amir Noo joined him with his forces from Bochara. The rebel Faeck and Abu ali Sumjure hearing of this junction, with conſent of Dara the general of Fuchir ul Dowla Wil⯑lami, marched out of Herat in great pomp and magnificence. Subuctagi pitched his camp in an extenſive plain, where he waited for the enemy. They ſoon appeared in his front, he drew out his army in order of battle, and took poſt in the center, with his ſon Sultan Ma⯑mood and Amir Noo.
[47] A. D. 978. Higer. 368.In the firſt charge the troops of the enemy came forward with great violence and bravery, and preſſed ſo hard upon the flanks of Subuctagi, that both wings began to give ground, and the whole army was upon the point of being defeated. But Dara ben Kabus, the general of Fuchir ul Dowla, charging the centre where Subuctagi in perſon led on his troops with great bravery, as ſoon as he had got near threw his ſhield upon his back, which was a ſignal of friend⯑ſhip, and riding up to the King, begged he would accept of his ſer⯑vices. He then returned with the few who had accompanied him, and immediately brought over his troops to the ſide of Subuctagi, facing round on his deſerted friends, who were aſtoniſhed at this unexpected treachery. Defeat the rebels.Subuctagi took immediate advantage of their confuſion, charged them home, and ſoon put their whole army to flight, purſuing them with great ſlaughter, and taking many pri⯑ſoners.
Thus the unfortunate man who had exalted the ſpear of enmity againſt his ſovereign, loſt his honour and his wealth, a tenth of which might have maintained him and his family in ſplendor and happineſs for life.
Faeck and Abu Ali took in their flight the way of Neſhapoor, with the ſcattered remains of their army. Amir Noo and Subuctagi entered forthwith the city of Herat, where they remained a few days to refreſh their troops and divide the ſpoil. Subuctagi after this ſig⯑nal victory received the title of Naſir ul Dein, or the Supporter of the Faith, and his ſon Mamood was dignified with that of Seif al Dowla, or the Sword of Fortune, by Amir Noo, whom he ſtill acknowledged as Emperor, though his power had been greatly dimi⯑niſhed at this period.
[48] A. D. 978. Higer. 368.Amir Noo, after theſe tranſactions, directed his march to Bochara, and Subuctagi, and his ſon Sultan Mamood turned their faces towards Neſhapoor. Faeck and Abu Ali fled into Jirja, and took pro⯑tection with Fucher ul Dowla. The country being thus cleared of the enemy, Subuctagi returned to Ghizni, while his ſon Sultan Ma⯑mood remained at Neſhapoor with a ſmall force. Mamood, the ſon of Subuc⯑tagi, defeated.Faeck and Abu Ali ſeizing upon this opportunity, collected all their forces, marched towards Mamood, and before he could receive any aſſiſtance from Amir Noo, or his father, he was compelled to an engagement, in which he was defeated and loſt all his baggage.
Subuctagi comes to the aid of his ſon.Subuctagi hearing of the ſituation of his ſon, haſtened towards Neſhapoor, and in the diſtricts of Toos, meeting with Abul Ali and Faeck, engaged them without delay. In the heat of the action a great duſt was ſeen to riſe in the rear of Abul Ali, which proved to be Sultan Mamood; and Faeck and Abul Ali finding they would ſoon be attacked on both ſides, made a reſolute charge againſt Subuc⯑tagi, which was ſo well received that they were obliged to give ground. The rebels are again totally overthrown.Sultan Mamood arriving at that inſtant attacked them like an angry lion, and they unable to ſupport the conteſt, turned their face to flight, and took refuge in the fort of Killat.
A. D. 997. Higer. 387. Subuctagi dies.Subuctagi after this victory, according to his heart's deſire, repoſed upon the muſnud of empire, till in the year 387, which was the 56th of his age, death overtook him, in the town of Turmuz near Balich.
Subuctagi reigned twenty years. Fourteen Kings of his race held after him Lahore and the countries adjacent, within the circle of their command. The Vizier of Subuctagi was Abul Abas Fazil ben Amud Iſpherai, who was a great miniſter in the management of both civil and military affairs. The author of the Jam ul Hickaiat relates, [49] A. D. 997. Higer. 387. His character.that Subuctagi was at firſt a private horſeman in the ſervice of Abiſ⯑tagi, and being of a vigorous and active diſpoſition uſed to hunt every day in the foreſt. It happened one time as he employed himſelf in this amuſement, that he ſaw a deer grazing with her young fawn, upon which, ſpurring his horſe, he ſeized the fawn, and tying his legs laid him acroſs his ſaddle and turned his face towards his home. When he had rode a little way, he looked behind and beheld the mother of the fawn following him and exhibiting every mark of extream affliction. The ſoul of Subuctagi melted within him into pity, he untied the feet of the fawn and generouſly reſtored him to his liberty. The happy mother turned her face to the wilderneſs, but often looked back upon Subuctagi, and the tears dropt faſt from her eyes.
Subuctagi is ſaid to have ſeen that night a figure or apparition in his dream, who ſaid to him, That generoſity and compaſſion which you have this day ſhown to a diſtreſſed animal has been approved of in the preſence of God: therefore, in the records of Providence, the kingdom of Ghizni is marked as a reward againſt thy name. But let not greatneſs deſtroy your virtue, but thus continue your benevo⯑lence to men.
It is ſaid in the Maſir ul Maluck, that Sultan Mamood his ſon, having built a pleaſure houſe in an elegant garden near the city of Ghizni, he invited his father when it was finiſhed to a magnificent entertainment which he had prepared for him. The ſon, in the joy of his heart, deſired the opinion of Subuctagi concerning the houſe and garden, which were eſteemed admirable in taſte and ſtructure. The old man, to the great diſappointment of Mamood, told him, that he looked upon the whole as a bauble, which any of his ſ [...]bjects might have raiſed by the means of wealth. But that it was the buſineſs of a prince to erect the more durable ſtructure of good ſame which might [50] A. D. 997. Higer. 387.ſtand for ever, to be imitated but never to be equalled by poſterity. The great poet Nizami makes upon this ſaying the following reflec⯑tion. Of all the magnificent palaces which we are told Sultan Ma⯑mood built, we now find not one ſtone upon another; but the edifice of his fame, as he was told by his father, ſtill triumphs over time, and ſeems eſtabliſhed on a laſting foundation.
SECTION III. The Reign of Amir Iſmaiel ben Naſir ul dien Subuctagi.
A. D. 997. Higer. 387. Iſmaiel ſuc⯑ceeds his fa⯑ther Subuc⯑tagi.SUBUCTAGI dying ſuddenly, and his eldeſt ſon, Sultan Ma⯑mood, being at Neſhapoor, which was a conſiderable diſtance from the place of the King's deceaſe, Amir Iſmaiel prevailed with his father, in his laſt moments, to appoint him to ſucceed till the return of his brother. The reaſon aſſigned for this demand, was to prevent other uſurpations, which were then feared in the government. Iſmaiel therefore, immediately upon the demiſe of his father, was crowned with great ſolemnity at Balich. To gain popularity, Iſmaiel opened the treaſury and diſtributed the greateſt part of his father's wealth in preſents to the nobility, and in expenſive ſhews and entertainments to the people. He alſo augmented the pay of the troops, and rewarded ſmall ſervices with the hand of prodigality.
This policy being overacted had not the deſired effect. The nobi⯑lity perceiving that all this generality proceeded from the fear of his brother, ungenerouſly increaſed their demands, while the troops puffed up with pride by his indulgences, begun to be mutinous, diſ⯑orderly and debauched.
[51] A. D. 997. Higer. 387. Mamood's behaviour, upon his bro⯑ther's acceſ⯑ſion.When intelligence was brought to Mamood of the death of his father, and the acceſſion of his younger brother, he wrote to Iſmaiel by the hand of Abul Haſſen. In this letter he ſaid thus, That ſince the death of his royal father, he held none upon earth ſo dear as his beloved brother Amir Iſmaiel, whom he would oblige to the full extent of his power. But that the art of government required years, experience, wiſdom and knowledge, in the affairs of ſtate, which Iſmaiel could not poſſibly pretend to poſſeſs, though Subuc⯑tagi had appointed him to ſucceed to the throne in the abſence of Mamood. He therefore adviſed Iſmael ſeriouſly to conſider the mat⯑ter, to diſtinguiſh propriety from impropriety, and to give up his title to government without further diſpute, which would reſtore him to the love and generoſity of Mamood; for that it was his ori⯑ginal intention to confer upon Iſmaiel the governments of Balich and Choraſſan.
War between the brothers.Amir Iſmaiel ſhut his ears againſt all the propoſals of his brother, and prepared for his own ſecurity, turning the edge of the ſword of enmity againſt him. Sultan Mamood ſaw no remedy but in war, and attaching his uncle Bujerâc, and his brother Niſir to his intereſt, advanced with his ſtandards towards Ghizni, while Amir Iſmaiel haſtened alſo from Balich to oppoſe him. When the two armies approached towards one another, Sultan Mamood took great pains to avoid coming to extremities, and in vain tried to recon⯑cile matters in an amicable manner. He was therefore forced to form his troops in order of battle, while Amir Iſmaiel alſo extended the lines of war, which he ſupported by a chain of elephants. Both armies unſheathing their ſteel, commenced ſuch a ſlaughter that the ſwords wept blood. Sultan Mamood at length charged the center of the enemy with ſuch fury that they trembled as with an earthquake, and turned their faces to ſlight, taking refuge in the citadel of Ghizni. Thither the conqueror purſued them, and immediately inveſted the [52] A. D. 997. Higer. 387. Iſmaiel de⯑feated and taken.place. Such a prodigious number of the runaways had crowded into Ghizni, that for want of proviſions Amir Iſmaiel was reduced to the neceſſity of treating about a ſurrender. Having therefore received promiſes of ſafety, he ſubmitted himſelf, and delivered up the keys of the garriſon and the treaſury to Sultan Mamood.
Mamood having appointed a new miniſtry, and regulated the government of the country, proceeded with his army towards Balich. It is ſaid, that a few days after the ſubmiſſion of Amir Iſmaiel, he was aſked by his brother, What he intended to have done with him had his better fortune prevailed? To which Iſmaiel replied, That he intended to have impriſoned him for life in ſome caſtle, and to indulge him with every pleaſure but his liberty. Is impriſoned and dies.Upon which Sultan Ma⯑mood made no reflections at that time, but ſoon after confined him in the fort of Georghan, in the manner that he himſelf had inti⯑mated, where he remained till his death, which happened not long after his being depoſed.
SECTION IV. The Hiſtory of the Reign of Amin ul Muluc, Emin ul Dowla, Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi, from his Acceſſion to the Year 403.
A. D. 997. Higer. 387. Acceſſion of Mamood. His character.WE are told by hiſtorians, that Sultan Mamood was a King who conferred happineſs upon the world, and reflected glory upon the faith of Mahomed: that the day of his acceſſion illuminated the earth with the bright torch of juſtice, and cheriſhed it with the beams of beneficence. Others inform us, that in his diſ⯑poſition, [53] A. D. 997. Higer. 387.the ſordid vice of avarice found place, which however could not darken the other bright qualities of his mind. A certain poet ſays, that his wealth was like a pearl in the ſhell; but as poets hunt after wit rather than truth, therefore we muſt judge of Mamood by his actions, from which it appears that he was indeed a prince of great oeconomy, but that he never withheld his generoſity upon a juſt and proper occaſion. We have the teſtimony of the Fatti Bilad, wrote by Abu Niſir Muſcati, and of the famous Abul Fazil, that no King had ever more learned men at his court, kept a finer army, or diſplayed more magnificence than Sultan Mamood. All theſe things could not be done without expence; ſo that the ſtigma of avarice muſt have been owing to two particular circumſtances of his life, which ought by no means to have ſtamped his general character with that ſordid vice.
The two circumſtances in a few words were theſe. Having a great propenſity to poetry, in which he made ſome tolerable progreſs himſelf, he promiſed Sheck Phirdoci a golden mher* for every verſe of an heroic poem which he was deſirous to patronize. Under the protection of this promiſe, that divine poet wrote the un⯑paralleled poem called the Shaw Namma, which conſiſted of ſixty thouſand couplets. When he preſented it to the King, he repented of his promiſe, telling the poet, that he thought ſixty thouſand rupees might ſatisfy him for a work which he ſeemed to have per⯑formed with ſo much eaſe and expedition. Phirdoci juſtly offended at this indignity, could never be brought to accept of any reward, though Sultan Mamood would after reflection have gladly paid him the ſum originally ſtipulated; the poet, however, took ample revenge in a ſatire of ſeven hundred couplets which he wrote upon that occaſion.
[54] A. D. 997. Higer. 387. His perſon.Sultan Mamood, who it is reported was defective in external appearance, ſaid one day, obſerving himſelf in a glaſs, ‘"The ſight of a King ſhould brighten the eyes of the beholders, but nature has been ſo capricious to me that my aſpect ſeems the picture of misfor⯑tune."’ The Vizier replied, It is not one of ten thouſand who are bleſſed with a ſight of your majeſty's countenance, but your virtues are diffuſed over all. But to proceed with our hiſtory.
We have already obſerved that the father of Sultan Mamood was Subuctagi. His mother was a princeſs of the houſe of Zabulſtan, for which reaſon ſhe is known by the name of Zabuli. He was born in the year 357 of the Higerah, and as the aſtrologers ſay, with many happy omens expreſſed in the heroſcope of his fate. Subuctagi being aſleep at the time of his birth, dreamed that he beheld a green tree ſpringing forth from his chimney, which threw its ſhadow over the face of the earth, and ſcreened from the ſtorms of heaven the whole animal creation. His juſtice.This indeed was verified by the juſtice of Mamood; for if we can believe the poet, in his reign the wolf and the ſheep drank together at the ſame brook. A golden mine.In the firſt month of his reign a vein of gold, reſembling a tree of three cubits in circumference, was found in Seiſtan, which yielded pure gold till the reign of Sul⯑tan Muſaood, when it was loſt in conſequence of an earthquake.
Mamood's complaint to Munſur, King of Bochara, is ill received.When Sultan Mamood had ſettled his diſpute with his brother, he haſtened to Balich, from whence he ſent an ambaſſador to Amir Munſur, Emperor of Bochara, complaining of the indignity which he met with in the appointment of Buctuſin to the regency of Chor⯑raſſan: it was returned to him for anſwer, that he was already in poſ⯑ſeſſion of the territories of Balich, Turmuz, and Herat, which held of the empire; and that there was a neceſſity to divide the favours of Bochara among her friends. Buctuſin, it was alſo inſinuated, had been a faithful and good ſervant.
[55] A. D. 998. Higer. 389.But Sultan Mamood, not diſcouraged by this anſwer, ſent Abul Haſſen Jemmavi with rich preſents to the court of Bochara, and a letter in the following terms. ‘"That he hoped the pure ſpring of friendſhip which had flowed in the time of his father ſhould not now be polluted with the aſhes of indignity, nor he himſelf reduced to the neceſſity of diveſting himſelf of that obedience which he had hitherto paid to the imperial family of Samania."’
When Abul Haſſen delivered his embaſſy, his capacity and elocution appeared ſo great to the Emperor, that deſirous to gain him over to his intereſt by any means, he bribed him at laſt with the honours of the Vizarit*, but never returned an anſwer to Mamood. Sultan Mamood having received information of this tranſaction, through neceſſity turned his face towards Neſhapoor; and Buctuſin adviſed of his intention abandoned the city, and ſent the Emperor intelligence of his ſituation. War between Mamood and Munſur.Amir Munſur, upon this, exalted the imperial ſtandard, and in the raſhneſs of inexperienced youth, haſtened to⯑wards Chorraſſan, and halted not till he arrived at Sirchus. Sul⯑tan Mamood, though he well knew that Amir Munſur was in no condition to oppoſe him, yet gratitude to the imperial family of Samania wrought ſo much upon his mind, that aſhamed of meaſur⯑ing ſpears with his Lord, he evacuated the country of Neſhapoor, and marched to Murghab. The eyes of Munſur put out by his own officers.Buctuſin in the mean time treacherouſly entered into a confederacy with Faeck, and forming a conſpiracy in the camp of Amir Munſur, ſeized upon the perſon of that prince, and cruelly put out his eyes. Abdul, the younger brother of Munſur, who was but a boy, was advanced by the traitors to the throne. Being however afraid of the reſentment of Sultan Mamood, the con⯑ſpirators haſtened to Murve, whither they were purſued by the Sultan with great expedition. Finding themſelves, upon their march, hard [56] A. D. 999. Higer. 390.preſſed in the rear by Mamood, they halted and gave him battle. They are overthrown by Mamood.But the ſin of ingratitude had darkened the face of their fortune, ſo that the gales of victory blew upon the ſtandards of Sultan Mamood. Faeck carried off the young king, and fled to Bochara, and Buctuſin was not heard of for ſome time, but at length he found his way to Faeck, and begun to collect his ſcattered troops. Faeck in the mean time fell ſick, and ſoon went into the regions of death. Elich Chan ſeizing upon the opportunity offered him by that event, marched with an army from Kaſhgar to Bochara, and rooted Abdul Mallick and his adherents out of the empire and the ſoil of life. The royal family of Bo⯑chara extir⯑pated.Thus the proſperity of the houſe of Samania, which had continued for the ſpace of one hundred and twenty-ſeven years to illuminate the firmament of empire, ſet for ever in darkneſs.
Sultan Mamood at this juncture, employed himſelf in ſettling the government of the countries of Balich and Chorraſſan, which he re⯑gulated in ſuch a manner, as to exalt the voice of his fame ſo high, that it reached the ears of the Calipha of Bagdat, Al Kadir Billa Abbaſſi. The Calipha ſent him a rich Chelat*, ſuch as he had never before beſtowed on any King, and dignified Mamood with the titles of Amin ul Muluck Emin ul Dowla†.
In the end of the month Zicada, in the year three hundred and ninety, the Sultan haſtened from Balich to Herat, and from Herat to Seiſtan, where he defeated Chiliph ben Amid the governor of Bochara, and returned to Ghizni. Mamood's firſt expedition to Hindoſtan.He then turned his face to Hindoſtan, took many forts and countries; in which having ſettled his own governors, he again returned to his dominions, where he ſpread the carpet of juſtice ſo ſmoothly upon the face of the earth, that the love of him, and loyalty gained place in every heart. Having at the [57] A. D. 1000. Higer. 391.ſame time ſet a treaty on foot with Elich Chan, he had the province of Mavir'ul Nere ceded to him, for which he made an ample return in preſents of great value; and the ſtricteſt friendſhip, and greateſt familiarity, for a long time ſubſiſted between the Kings.
His ſecond ex⯑pedition to Hindoſtan.Sultan Mamood having made a vow, that if ever he ſhould be bleſſed with tranquillity in his own dominions, he would turn his arms againſt the idolators of Hindoſtan, marched in the year three hundred and ninety-one from Ghizni, with ten thouſand of his choſen horſe, and came to Peſhawir, where Jeipal‡, with twelve thouſand horſe and thirty thouſand foot, ſupported by three hundred chain-elephants, oppoſed him on Saturday the eighth of Mohirrim, in the three hundred and ninety-ſecond of the Higera. An obſtinate battle enſued, in which, Sultan Mamood was victorious; Jeipal de⯑feated and taken.Jeipal, with fifteen of his principal friends, was taken priſoner, and five thouſand of his troops lay dead upon the field. Sultan Mamood in this action acquired great fame and wealth, for round the neck of Jeipal only, were found ſixteen ſtrings of jewels, each of which was valued at one hundred and eighty thouſand rupees.
After this victory, the Sultan marched from Peſhawir, and in⯑veſting the fort of Bitinda, reduced it, and releaſing his priſoners upon the payment of a large ranſom and a ſtipulation of an annual tribute, returned to Ghizni. It was in thoſe ages a cuſtom of the Hindoos, that whatever Raja was twice worſted by the Muſſulmen, ſhould be, by that diſgrace, rendered unfit for further command. The death of Jeipal.Jeipal in compliance to this cuſtom, having raiſed his ſon to the go⯑vernment, ordered a funeral pile to be prepared, upon which he ſa⯑crificed himſelf to his Gods.
Mamood's third expedi⯑tion to India.In the Mohirrim of the year three hundred and ninety-three, Mamood again marched into Seiſtan, and brought Chiliph, who [58] A. D. 1002. Higer. 393.had miſbehaved in his government, priſoner to Ghizni. Finding that the tribute from Hindoſtan had not been paid in the year three hundred ninety-five, he directed his march towards the city of Battea; and leaving the boundaries of Moultan, arrived at Tahera, which was fortified with an exceeding high wall, and a deep broad ditch. Tahera was at that time governed by a Raja, called Bachera, who had, in the pride of power and wealth, greatly moleſted the Mahommedan governors, whom the Sultan had eſta⯑bliſhed in Hindoſtan. Bachera had alſo refuſed to pay his proportion of the tribute to Annindpal, the ſon of Jeipal, of whom he held his authority.
When Sultan Mamood entered the territories of this Raja, he drew out his troops to receive him, and taking poſſeſſion of ſtrong poſts, continued to engage the Mahommedans for the ſpace of three days; in which time, they ſuffered ſo much, that they were on the point of abandoning the attack: But on the fourth day, Sultan Mamood ſpoke at the head of his troops, and encouraged them to glory. He concluded with telling them, that this day he had de⯑voted himſelf to conqueſt or to death. Bachera, on his part, invoked the Gods at the temple, and prepared with his former reſolution to repel the enemy. The Muſſulmen advanced with great impetu⯑oſity, but were repulſed with ſlaughter; yet returning with freſh courage, and redoubled rage, the attack was continued till the even⯑ing, when Sultan Mamood turning his face to Caba*, invoked the aid of the prophet in the preſence of his army.— ‘"Advance, ad⯑vance, cried then the Sultan, our prayers have ſound favour with God."’—Immediately a great ſhout aroſe among the hoſt, and the Muſſulmen preſſing forward, as if they thirſted for death, obliged the enemy to give ground, and purſued them to the gates of the town.
[59] A. D. 1004. Higer. 395. Defeats Ba⯑chera,Sultan Mamood having next morning inveſted the place, gave or⯑ders to make preparations for filling up the ditch; which in a few days was nearly compleated. Bachera finding he could not long maintain the town, determined to leave only a ſmall garriſon for its defence; and accordingly one night, marched out with the reſt of his troops, and took poſt in a wood on the banks of the Sind. The Sultan being informed of his retreat, detached part of his army to purſue him. Bachera by this time was deſerted by his fortune and by the moſt of his friends; he found himſelf ſurrounded by the Muſſulmen, and he attempted, in vain, to force through them his way: who kills himſelf.Being juſt upon the point of being taken priſoner, he turned his ſword againſt his breaſt, and the moſt of his adherents were ſlaughtered in attempting revenge. Sultan Mamood had in the mean time taken Tahera by aſſault. He found there one hundred and twenty elephants, many ſlaves, and rich plunder, and annexing the town and its dependencies to his own dominions, he returned victorious to Ghizni.
Mamood's fourth expedi⯑tion into India.In the year three hundred and ninety-ſix, he formed the deſign of re-conquering Moultan, which had revolted from his obedience. Shuh Amid Lodi, the regent of Moultan, had formerly paid Ma⯑mood allegiance, and after him, his grandſon Abul Fatte Daood, till the expedition againſt Raja Bachera, when he withdrew his loyalty.
Defeats An⯑nindpal, Raja of La⯑hore.The king marched in the beginning of the ſpring, with a great army from Ghizni, and was met by Annindpal, the ſon of Jei⯑pal, in the hills of Peſhawir, whom he defeated and obliged to fly into Caſhmire. Annindpal had entered into an alliance with Abul Fatte, and as there were two paſſes only, by which the Mahomme⯑dans could enter Moultan, Annindpal had taken upon himſelf to ſecure that by the way of Peſhawir, which Sultan Mamood chanced [60] A. D. 1005. Higer. 396.to take. The Sultan returning from the purſuit, entered Moultan, by the way of Betinda, which was his firſt intention. When Abul Fatte received intelligence of the fate of Annindpal, thinking him⯑ſelf too weak to keep the field, he ſhut himſelf up in his fortified places, and ſubmiſſively ſolicited forgiveneſs for his faults, promiſed to pay a great tribute, and for the future, to obey implicitly the Sul⯑tan's commands. Mamood received him again as a ſubject, and prepared to return to Ghizni, when news was brought to him from Arſilla Hajib, who commanded at Herat, that Elich Chan had in⯑vaded his government with an army. The Sultan haſtened to ſettle the affairs of Hindoſtan, which he put into the hands of Shockpal, an Hindoo prince, who had been with Abu Ali Sumjure in Peſhawir, and had turned Muſſulman by the name of Zab Sais.
Miſunder⯑ſtanding be⯑tween Ma⯑mood and Elich Chan.The particulars of the war of Mamood with Elich Chan are theſe: We have already mentioned that an uncommon friendſhip had ſubſiſted between this Elich Chan, King of Kaſhgar, and Sultan Mamood. The Sultan himſelf was married to the daughter of Elich Chan, but ſome factious men about the two courts, by miſrepreſentations of the princes to one another, changed their former friendſhip into enmity. who invades Chorraſſan.When Sultan Mamood therefore marched to Hindoſtan, and had left the fields of Chorraſſan almoſt deſtitute of troops, Elich Chan took that opportunity, and reſolved to appropriate that province to himſelf. To accompliſh his deſign, he ordered his chief general Sipiſtagi, with a great force, to enter Chorraſſan; and Jaffier Tighi, at the ſame time, was appointed to command in the territory of Balich. Arſilla Hajib, the governor of Herat, being informed of theſe motions, haſtened to Ghizni, that he might ſecure the capital. In the mean time, the chiefs of Chor⯑raſſan finding themſelves deſerted, and being in no condition to oppoſe the enemy, ſubmitted themſelves to Sipiſtagi.
[61] A. D. 1006. Higer. 397. Mamood marches againſt him.But Sultan Mamood having by great marches reached Ghizni, he poured onward like a torrent, with his army towards Balich. Jaffier Tighi, who had by this time poſſeſſed himſelf of the place, fled towards Turmuz at his approach. The Sultan then detached Arſilla Hajib with a great part of his army, to drive Sipiſtagi out of Chorraſſan; and he alſo, upon the approach of the troops of Ghizni, abandoned Herat, and marched towards Mavir ul Nere.
Elich Chan ſeeing the bad ſtate of his affairs, ſolicited the aid of the King of Chutun Kudir Chan, who marched to join him with fifty thouſand horſe. Strengthened by this alliance, he croſſed, with the confederate armies, the river Gion,† which was five pharſangs from Balich, and oppoſed himſelf to the camp of Sultan Mamood. The Sultan immediately drew up his army in order of battle, giving the command of the center to his brother Amir Niſir, ſupported by Abu Niſir Faioon, regent of Gorgan, and by Abdulla Jaï, a chief, of reputation in arms. The right wing he committed to the care of Alta Saſh, an old experienced officer, while the left was the charge of Arſilla Hajib, an Omrah of the Afghans. The front of his line he ſtrengthened with five hundred chain-elephants, with intervals behind them, to facilitate their re⯑treat.
Elich Chan poſted himſelf in the center,Comes to bat⯑tle with Elich Chan, Kudir Chan led the right, and Jaffier Tighi the left. The armies advanced to the charge. The ſhouts of warriors, the neighing of horſes, and the claſhing of arms rent the ears of the firmament; while duſt obſcured the face of day. The flame of war was at once blown up by a ſtorm of rage; and the clay of the field was tempered with blood. The fountains of life were opened by the edge of the ſword, and the ſharp point of the deathful ſpear.
[62] A. D. 1006. Higer. 397.Elich Chan advancing with ſome choſen ſquadrons, threw diſ⯑order into the center of Sultan Mamood's army, and was buſy in the affairs of death. Mamood perceived his progreſs, leaped from his horſe, and kiſſing the ground, invoked the aid of the Almighty. He inſtantly mounted an elephant of war, encouraged his troops, and made a violent aſſault upon Elich Chan. The elephant ſeizing the ſtandard-bearer of the enemy, folded round him his trunk, and toſſed him aloft into the ſky. He then preſſed forward like a mountain re⯑moved from its place by an earthquake, and trod the enemy like lo⯑cuſts under his feet.
When the troops of Sultan Mamood ſaw their King forcing thus his way alone through the enemy's ranks, they ruſhed on with head⯑long impetuoſity, and drove the enemy with great ſlaughter before them. who is totally overthrown.Elich Chan abandoned by fortune and his army, turned his face to flight. He croſſed the river with a few of his ſurviving friends, never afterwards appearing in the field to diſpute glory with Sultan Mamood.
The Sultan after this victory propoſed to purſue the enemy, which was thought unadviſeable by his generals, on account of the incle⯑mency of the ſeaſon, it being then winter, and the troops hardly capable of motion: But the king was poſitive in his reſolution, and marched two days after the runaways. Mamood's army in diſtreſs.On the third night, a great ſtorm of wind and ſnow overtook the army of Mamood in the deſart. The king's tents were with much difficulty pitched, while the army was obliged to lie in the ſnow. Mamood having ordered great fires to be kindled around his tents, they became ſo warm, that many of the courtiers began to turn off their upper garments; when a facetious chief, whoſe name was Dilk, came in ſhivering with cold. The King obſerving him, ſaid, Go out Dilk, and tell the Winter that he may burſt his cheeks with bluſtering, for here we value not his reſent⯑ment. [63] A. D. 1007. Higer. 398. Facetious an⯑ſwer to an of⯑ficer to Ma⯑mood.Dilk went out accordingly, and returning in a ſhort time, kiſſed the ground, and thus preſented his addreſs. ‘"I have de⯑livered the Sultan's meſſage to Winter, but the ſurly ſeaſon replies, that if his hands cannot tear the ſkirts of the King and his attend⯑ants, yet he will ſo execute his power to night on his army, that in the morning his Majeſty ſhall be obliged to ſaddle his own horſes."’
Mamood de⯑feats and takes Zab Sais.The King ſmiled at this reply, but it preſently rendered him thoughtful, and determined him to proceed no farther. In the morning ſome hundreds of men and horſes were found to have periſhed with the cold. Mamood at the ſame time received advice from Hindoſtan, that Zab Sais had thrown off his allegiance, and returning to his former religion, expelled all the officers who had been appointed by the King, from their reſpective departments. The Sultan immediately determined to puniſh this revolt, and with great expedition, advanced towards India. He detached ſome part of his cavalry in front, who coming unexpectedly upon Zab Sais, defeated him, and brought him priſoner to the King. The rebel was fined in four lacks of rupees, of which the Sultan made a pre⯑ſent to his treaſurer, and kept Zab Sais a priſoner for life.
Annindpal raiſes diſturb⯑ances.The King having thus ſettled his affairs in Hindoſtan, returned in autumn to Ghizni, where he remained for the winter, in peace. Mamood's fifth expedi⯑tion into India.But in the ſpring of the year three hundred and ninety-nine, An⯑nindpal began to raiſe diſturbances in Moultan, ſo that Mamood was obliged to undertake another expedition into thoſe parts, with a great army, to correct the Hindoos. Annindpal hearing of the Sultan's intentions, ſent ambaſſadors every where to requeſt the aſſiſtance of the other Rajas of Hindoſtan; who conſidered the ex⯑tirpation of the Muſſulmen from Hindoſtan, as a meritorious and political action.
[64] A. D. 1008. Higer. 399. The Rajas confederate againſt him.The Rajas of Ugeïn, Gualiar, Callinger, Kinnoge, Delhi and Ajmere, entered into a confederacy, and collecting their forces, advanced towards Punjaab with the greateſt army that had been for ſome hundreds of years ſeen upon the plains of Hindoſtan. The two armies came in ſight of one another in a great plain near Piſhawir. They remained there encamped forty days without action: but the troops of the idolaters daily increaſed in number. They were joined by the Gickers and other tribes with numerous armies, and ſurround⯑ed the Muſſulmen, who fearing a general aſſault were obliged to entrench themſelves.
They are overthrown.The King having thus ſecured himſelf, ordered a thouſand archers to his front, to endeavour to provoke the enemy to advance to the entrenchments. The archers accordingly were attacked by the Gickers, who notwithſtanding all the Sultan could do, purſued the runaways within the trenches, where a dreadful ſcene of ſlaughter enſued on both ſides, in which five thouſand Muſſulmen in a few minutes drank the wine of martyrdom. The enemy at length being ſlain as faſt as they advanced, the attack became fainter and fainter, when on a ſud⯑den the elephant upon which Annindpal rode took fright at the report of a gun*, and turned his face to flight. This circumſtance ſtruck the Hindoos with a panic, for thinking they were deſerted by their ſovereign they immediately followed the example. Abdulla Tai, with ſix thouſand Arabian horſe, and Arſilla Hajib, with ten thou⯑ſand Turks, Afghans, and Chillages, purſued the enemy for two days and nights; A great ſlaughter of the Hindoos.ſo that twenty thouſand Hindoos were killed in their flight, together with the great multitude which fell on the field of battle.
Thirty elephants with much rich plunder were brought to the King, who to eſtabliſh the faith, marched againſt the Hindoos of [65] A. D. 1008. Higer. 399.Nagracut, breaking down their idols and ſubverting their temples. There was at that time in the territory of Nagracut a famous fort called Bimé, which the Sultan inveſted, after having deſtroyed the country round with fire and ſword. Bimé was built by Raja Bimé on the top of a ſteep mountain, and here the Hindoos, on account of its ſtrength, had repoſited the wealth conſecrated to their idols in all the neigh⯑bouring kingdoms; ſo that in this fort there was a greater quantity of gold, ſilver, precious ſtones and pearls, than had been ever col⯑lected into the royal treaſury of any prince on earth. Mamood in⯑veſts Bimé.The Sultan inveſted the place with ſuch expedition that the Hindoos had not time to throw troops into it for its defence, the greateſt part of the garri⯑ſon being before carried into the field. Thoſe within conſiſted for the moſt part of prieſts, a race of men who having little inclination to the bloody buſineſs of war, in a few days ſolicited to be permitted to capitulate. Bimé taken.Their requeſt being granted by Mamood, they opened the gates, and fell upon their faces before him; and with a few of his officers and attendants, he immediately entered the place.
In Bimé were found ſeven hundred thouſand golden dinars, ſeven hundred maunds* of gold and ſilver plate, forty maunds of pure gold in ingots, two thouſand maunds of ſilver bullion, and twenty maunds of various jewels ſet, which had been collecting from the time of Bimé. With this immenſe treaſure the King returned to Ghizni, and in the year 400 prepared a magnificent feſtival, where he diſ⯑played to the people his wealth in golden thrones, and in other rich ornaments, in a great plain without the city of Ghizni, and after the feaſt every individual received a princely preſent.
In the following year the Sultan led his army towards Ghor. The governor of that country, Mahummud ben Suri, with ten thouſand troops, oppoſed him. From morning to noon the fire of war flamed, [66] A. D. 1009. Higer. 400.and juſtice was done to valour on both ſides. The Sultan finding that the troops of Ghor defended themſelves in their intrenchments with ſuch obſtinacy, commanded his army to make a feint of retreating, to allure the enemy out of their fortified camp, which accordingly ſuc⯑ceeded. Mamood re⯑duces Ghor.The Ghorans being deceived, purſued the army of Ghizni to the plain, where the Sultan facing round with his troops, attacked them with great impetuoſity and ſlaughter. Mahummud Suri was taken priſoner and brought to the King, but in his deſpair he had taken poiſon, which he always kept under his ring, and died in a few hours. His country was annexed to the dominions of Ghizni.
Some hiſtorians affirm, that neither the ſovereigns of Ghor, nor its inhabitants were Muſſulmen, till after this victory, whilſt others of good credit aſſure us, that they were converted many years before, even ſo early as the time of Ali.
Mamood in the ſame year was under the neceſſity of marching again into Moultan, which had revolted, but having ſoon reduced it, and cut off a great number of the chiefs, he brought Daood ben Nazir priſoner to Ghizni, and confined him in the fort of Gorci for life.
His ſixth ex⯑pedition to India.In the year 402, the paſſion of war fermenting in the mind of Mamood, he reſolved upon the conqueſt of Tannaſar* in the kingdom of Hindoſtan. It had reached the ears of the King, that Tannaſar was held in the ſame veneration by idolaters, as Mecca was by the Muſſulmen; that there they had ſet up a whole tribe of rich idols, the principal of whom they called Jug Soom; that this Jug Soom they pretended to ſay exiſted when as yet the world exiſted not. When the Sultan reached the country of Punjaab, he wanted that according to the treaty that ſubſiſted between him and Annindpal, he ſhould not be diſturbed in his march through that country. He [67] A. D. 1011. Higer. 402. Sends an am⯑baſſador to Annindpal.accordingly ſent an embaſſy to Annindpal, adviſing him of his intentions, and deſiring him to ſend guards for the protection of his towns and villages, which he would take care ſhould not be moleſted by the followers of his camp.
Annindpal agreed to this propoſal, and prepared an entertain⯑ment for the reception of the King, iſſuing out an order for all his ſubjects to ſupply the Sultan's camp with every neceſſary of life. He in the mean time ſent his brother with two thouſand horſe to meet the King and deliver this embaſſy to thoſe who approached the throne: ‘Annindpal's requeſt to Mamood,"That he was the ſubject and ſlave of the King; but that he begged permiſſion to acquaint his majeſty that Tannaſar was the principal place of worſhip of the inhabitants of that country: that if it was a virtue required by the religion of Mamood to deſtroy the religion of others, he had already acquitted himſelf of that duty to his God, in the deſtruction of the temple of Nagracut. But if he ſhould be pleaſed to alter his reſolution againſt Tannaſar, Annindpal would undertake that the amount of the revenues of that country ſhould be annually paid to Mamood, to reimburſe the expence of his expedition: that beſides he, on his own part, would preſent him with fifty elephants and jewels to a conſiderable amount."’
The King replied, ‘is refuſed"That in the Muſſulman religion it was an eſtabliſhed tenet, that the more the glory of the prophet was exalted, and the more his followers exerted themſelves in the ſubverſion of idolatry, the greater would be their reward in heaven. That there⯑fore it was his firm reſolution, with the aſſiſtance of God, to root out the abominable worſhip of idols from the face of the country of Hindoſtan. Why then ſhould he ſpare Tannaſar?"’
When this news reached the Raja of Delhi, he prepared to oppoſe the invaders, ſending meſſengers all over Hindoſtan to acquaint the [68] A. D. 1011. Higer. 402.Rajas that Sultan Mamood, without any reaſon or provocation, was marching with an innumerable army to deſtroy Tannaſar, which was under his immediate protection: that if a mound was not expe⯑ditiouſly raiſed againſt this roaring torrent, the country of Hindoſtan would be ſoon overwhelmed in ruin, and the tree of proſperity rooted up: that therefore it was adviſeable for them to join their forces at Tannaſar, to oppoſe with united ſtrength the impending danger.
Tannaſar taken.But Sultan Mamood reached Tannaſar before they could take any meaſures for its defence, plundered the city and broke down the idols, ſending Jug Soom to Ghizni, where he was ſoon ſtripped of his ornaments. He then ordered his head to be ſtruck off, and his body to be thrown on the highway. According to the account of Hadge Mahumud of Kandahar, there was a ruby found in one of the temples which weighed four hundred and fifty miſkal*.
Mamood's deſigns a⯑gainſt Annind⯑palMamood, after theſe tranſactions at Tannaſar, proceeded to Delhi, which he alſo took, and wanted much to annex it to his dominions. But his councillors told him that it was impoſſible to keep the Raja⯑ſhip of Delhi, till he had entirely ſubjected Moultan under the Muſ⯑ſulman government, and exterminated the power and family of An⯑nindpal. The King approved of this council, and he immediately determined to proceed no farther againſt that country till he had accompliſhed the reduction of Moultan and Annindpal. averted by the policy of that prince.But that prince behaved with ſo much policy and hoſpitality that he changed the purpoſe of the King, who returned to Ghizni. He brought to Ghizni forty thouſand captives and much wealth, ſo that that city could now be hardly diſtinguiſhed in riches from Hindoſtan itſelf.
SECTION V. The Hiſtory of the Reign of Sultan Mamood, from the Year 403 to his Death in the Year 419.
[69]A. D. 1012. Higer. 403.IN the 403d year of the Higerah, the general of Arſilla Hajib, governor of Herat, conquered the country of Girgiſtan, and brought Shar ul Niſier, ruler of that province, priſoner to Ghizni. Mamood's embaſſy to the Caliph.Sultan Mamood at this time wrote to Calipha Abaſſi al Kadir Billa, that the greateſt part of the kingdom of Choraſſan was under his juriſdiction, and that he hoped he would order his governors to give up the remainder. The Caliph, fearing his great power which might fall upon his other dominions, conſented to this demand.
His ſeventh expedition into India.The Sultan, in the year 404, drew his army againſt the fort of Nindoona, which is ſituated upon the mountains of Belnat, and was in the poſſeſſion of the Raja of Lahore. Annindpal by this time was dead, and his ſon had acceded to his government. When Pitterugepal, for that was the new Raja's name, ſaw that he could not ſtand againſt the Sultan in the field, he drew off his army towards Caſhmire, leaving a good garriſon for the defence of the place. The Sultan immediately inveſted it, and with mining and other arts of attack, aſſiduouſly employed himſelf; ſo that in a few weeks the governor ſeeing his walls in ruins was under the neceſſity of begging to capi⯑tulate. The Sultan granted his requeſt, took every thing of value out of the place, appointed a governor, and ſet out without delay for Caſhmire, upon which Pitterugepal abandoned that province and fled to the hills. The Sultan plundered the country, in which he found great wealth, and having forced the inhabitants to acknowledge the prophet, returned with the ſpoil to his capital.
[70] A. D. 1015. Higer. 406. Returns to Caſhmire.Mamood, in the year 406, returned with an army to Caſhmire, to puniſh the revolted chiefs, and to beſiege ſome forts which he had not reduced in his former expedition. The firſt of thoſe forts was Lokote, very famous for its heighth and ſtrength, which entirely defeated the Sultan's utmoſt efforts; for not being able to reduce it, all the ſummer ſeaſon, he was obliged, on the approach of winter, to abandon his enterprize, and return to Ghizni. On his way home he was led aſtray by his guides, and fell into an extenſive moraſs covered with water, from which he, for ſeveral days, could not extricate his army, ſo that many of his troops periſhed upon that occaſion.
Abul Abas, Sultan of Charizm, de⯑mands Ma⯑mood's ſiſter in marriage.Abul Abas Mamoo, in the courſe of the ſame year, wrote to Sul⯑tan Mamood, to aſk his ſiſter in marriage. Mamood conſented to the match, and ſent her to Charizm according to his deſire. Is put to death.In the year 407, a tribe of plunderers riſing againſt Abul Abas Cha⯑rizm Shaw, and defeating him, he fell into their hands, and was put to death. Sultan Mamood having had advice of this diſaſter, marched to Balich, and from thence to Charizm, and, when he arrived at Hiſſerbund, on the frontiers of that country, he ordered Mahummud Taï to advance before him with a detachment. When the Muſſulmen were at prayers in their camp, Himar Taſh, the general of the Charizmians, ruſhed upon this detachment from a neighbouring wood, and making a great ſlaughter, put them to flight. The Sultan having received intelligence of this affair, ſup⯑ported them with ſeveral ſquadrons of his beſt horſe. The runaways deriving courage from this reinforcement, returned to the charge, routed the enemy, and took their chief priſoner, whom they carried before the King.
Which is re⯑venged by Mamood.Mamood advancing to the fort of Hazar Aſp, perceived the troops of Charizm prepared to receive him in the field before it: But they were ſoon defeated, their general, Abiſtagi Bochari, taken priſoner, and the murderer of Abul Abas met the juſt vengeance due to his [71] A. D. 1016. Higer. 407.crime. The Sultan ſpent ſome time in regulating the government, which he beſtowed upon Amir Hajib, with the title of Charizm Shaw: He annexed alſo to his government the province of Orgunge. Returning to Balich, Mamood gave the government of Herat, to his ſon Amir Muſaood, appointing Abu Sul his vizier, and the govern⯑ment of Gurgan he conferred upon his younger ſon Amir Mahum⯑mud, under the care of Abu Bicker. After the final ſettlement of the affairs of Charizm, the Ghiznian army were cantoned, for the winter, at Balich.
Mamood's eighth expe⯑dition into In⯑dia.In the beginning of the year 409, as ſoon as the ſun began to awake the children of the ſpring, Sultan Mamood, with a hundred thouſand choſen horſe, and thirty thouſand foot, raiſed in the countries of Turkiſtan, Maverulnere, Chorraſſan, and the adjacent provinces, undertook an expedition againſt Kinnoge, which, from the time of Guſtaſp to this period, had not been viſited by any foreign enemy. Kinnoge was diſtant from Ghizni three months march, and ſeven great rivers ruſhed acroſs the way. When Ma⯑mood reached the confines of Caſhmire, the Raja ſent him preſents of every thing curious and valuable in his country, and waited to have the honour of expreſſing his loyalty. When the Sultan, with much difficulty, had conducted his army through the mountains, he entered the plains of Hindoſtan, drove all oppoſition before him, and advanced to Kinnoge†.
The great city of Kinnoge ſubmits.He there ſaw a city which raiſed its head to the firmament, and which, in ſtrength and ſtructure, might juſtly boaſt to have no equal. The Raja of this rich city, whoſe name was Korrah, and who affected great pomp and ſplendor, being thus unexpectedly in⯑vaded, had not had time to put himſelf in a poſture of defence, or to collect his troops together. Terrified by the great force, and war⯑like appearance of the Sultan, he, in his embarraſſment, reſolved to [72] A. D. 1018. Higer. 409.ſue for peace, and accordingly went out, with his family, to the camp, where he ſubmitted himſelf to the mercy of the King. Some authors relate, that he even turned Muſſulman, or true believer.
Mamood ad⯑vances to⯑wards Merat; which he takes.The Sultan tarried in Kinnoge only three nights, and then turned his face towards Merat, the Raja of which place, by name Hirdit, re⯑treated with his army, leaving only a garriſon, which was obliged to capitulate in a few days. The terms were two hundred and fifty thouſand rupees, and fifty elephants, to be paid by the Raja, beſides the plunder of the city. The Sultan marched from thence to inveſt the fort of Mavin, upon the banks of the river Gihon, now called the Jumna. The Raja of Mavin coming forth to make his ſubmiſſion, at the head of his troops, a quarrel accidentally enſued between ſome ſoldiers, and immediately the action became general. Calchunder the Raja, and moſt of his troops, being driven into the river, he drew his ſword againſt his own wife and children, and having diſpatched them, turned it in deſpair upon himſelf. The fort immediately ſurrendered, where the conqueror found much trea⯑ſure and rich ſpoil, among which were ſeventy elephants of war.
When Mamood had here refreſhed his troops, he was given to underſtand, that, at ſome diſtance, there was a rich city, called Muttra,* conſecrated to Kiſſen Baſdeo, which in buildings and extent yielded to none in Hindoſtan. Marches againſt and takes Muttra.The Sultan directed his march towards the place, and entering it, with very little oppoſition from the troops of the Raja of Delhi, to whom it belonged, gave it up to plunder. Great ſpoil found in Mut⯑tra.He broke down or burnt all the idols, and amaſſed an immenſe quantity of gold and ſilver, of which thoſe figures were moſtly made. He intended to deſtroy the temples, but he found that the labour exceeded his capacity; while ſome ſay that he was [73] A. D. 1018. Higer. 409.turned from his purpoſe, by the admirable beauty and ſtructure of thoſe edifices. He, it is certain, extravagantly extolled the noble beauty of the buildings and city, in a letter to the Omrahs of Ghiz⯑ni, after this conqueſt.
It is ſaid that the Sultan found in Muttra five great idols of pure gold, with eyes of rubies, each of which eyes were worth fifty thou⯑ſand dinars. Upon another idol, he found a ſapphire, weighing four hundred miſkal; and the image being melted down, produced ninety-eight thouſand three hundred miſkal of pure gold. Beſides theſe, there were above a hundred idols of ſilver, which loaded a hundred camels with bullion. The Sultan, having tarried here twenty days, in which time the city ſuffered greatly from fire, beſides what it ſuffered from the hand of ravage and deſolation, he marched againſt the other fortified places in theſe diſtricts, ſome of which he took himſelf, while others fell into the hands of his chiefs.
Mungetaken.One of thoſe forts called Munge, held out twenty-five days, being full of Rajaputs; but when they found the place no longer tenable, ſome ruſhed through the breaches among the enemy and met that death which they no longer endeavoured to avoid. Some threw themſelves headlong from the walls, and were daſhed to pieces, while others burnt themſelves in their houſes, with their wives and children; ſo that not one of the garriſon ſurvived this fatal cata⯑ſtrophe.
The Sultan having ſecured what was valuable, inveſted the fort of Chundpal. But Chundpal, for that alſo was the Raja's name, had ſent off all his treaſure to the mountains, and at the approach of the King, evacuated the place. There however ſtill remained much ſpoil and proviſions which the Sultan divided among his troops.
[74] A. D. 1018. Higer. 409. Mamood marches againſt Jun⯑droy.Mamood immediately march'd againſt a proud and imperious Raja, whoſe name was Jundroy. This Raja, after ſome ſkirmiſhes, finding himſelf unable to cope with the King, ſent off his treaſure, and other valuable effects, and fled alſo to the mountains. Jundroy had an elephant of a moſt uncommon ſize, ſuch as had never before been ſeen in Hindoſtan; nor was he more remarkable for his enor⯑mous bulk, than for his docility and courage. The Sultan having heard much of this elephant, ſent to the Raja, offering him advan⯑tageous terms of peace, and a great ſum of money for this animal. But the obſtinacy of Jundroy would never liſten to any terms with the Muſſulmen, ſo that Mamood, with regret, was obliged to deſiſt. The elephant however happened one night to break looſe from his keepers, and went into the Sultan's camp, where he permitted him⯑ſelf to be mounted and brought before the King, who received him with great joy, and named him, The gift of God.
Returns to Ghizni.The Sultan, loaded with ſpoil, and encumbered with captives, returned to Ghizni; where he enumerated the articles of his plunder. It conſiſted of twenty million of dirms, fifty-three thouſand captives, three hundred and fifty elephants, beſides jewels, pearls, and pre⯑cious effects, which could not be properly eſtimated. Nor was the private ſpoil of the army leſs than that which came into the public treaſury.
Builds the Ce⯑leſtial Bride.The Sultan upon his return to Ghizni, ordered a magnificent moſque to be built of marble and granate, of ſuch beauty and ſtruc⯑ture, as ſtruck every beholder with aſtoniſhment and pleaſure. This moſque he afterwards adorned with ſuch beautiful carpets, chande⯑liers, and other ornaments of ſilver and gold, that it became known by the name of the Celeſtial bride. In the neighbourhood of this moſque he founded an univerſity, which he furniſhed with a vaſt col⯑lection of curious books, in various languages, and with natural and [75] A. D. 1018. Higer. 409.artificial curioſities. He appropriated a ſufficient fund for the main⯑tenance of the ſtudents, and learned men who were appointed to inſtruct the youth in the ſciences.
Mag [...] of the Ghiz⯑nians.When the nobility of Ghizni ſaw that the taſte of their King began to run upon architecture, they alſo endeavoured to outvie each other, in the magnificence of their private palaces, as well as in public buildings, which they raiſed for the embelliſhment of the city. Thus in a ſhort ſpace of time the capital was ornamented, with moſques, porches, fountains, reſervoirs, aqueducts and ciſterns, in a degree ſuperior to any city at that time in the eaſt. Some authors affirm, that among the curioſities which the Sultan poſſeſſed, there was a bird, of the ſize of a cuckoo, which was poſſeſſed of this par⯑ticular inſtinct or quality, that whenever poiſon was brought, how⯑ever ſecretly, into the apartment in which he hung, he was affected with the ſmell in ſuch a manner, as to fly diſtractedly about his cage, while the tears ſtreamed involuntarily from his eyes. This bird, with other curioſities, was ſent as a preſent to the Caliph of Bagdat, Al Kadir Billa Abaſſi. We, however, believe, that this ſtory roſe from the policy of Mamood, and the credulity of mankind, rather than that it had actually any foundation in truth. Other authors mention a ſtone which he brought from Hindoſtan, as a great curioſity. This ſtone being dipped in water, and applied to a wound, proved a powerful and efficacious remedy.
Mamood write to the Caliph.The Sultan, in the year 410, ordered a writing of victories* to be made out, which he ſent to the Caliph, who ordered it to be read to the people of Bagdat, making a great feſtival upon the occa⯑ſion, to expreſs his joy for the propagation of the faith, which now begun to be ſpread over almoſt the whole face of the earth.
[76] A. D. 1021. Higer. 412.In the year 412 Mamood was preſented with a petition from his ſubjects, ſetting forth, that ſome tribes of the wild Arabs had, for many years, ſhut up the roads to Mecca, ſo that, for fear of them, and on account of the weakneſs of the Caliph, who neglected to ex⯑pel them, they had not been able to pay their devotions at the ſhrine of the prophet. Sends a con⯑voy with the pilgrims to Mecca.The Sultan immediately appointed Abu Mahum⯑mud, his chief juſtice, with a conſiderable force, to protect the caffila.† But leſt the enemy ſhould be too ſtrong for him, he ſent thirty thouſand dirms, to procure a ſafe journey to the pilgrims. Accordingly many thouſands of all degrees prepared to go to Mecca.
When they had wound up their way, as far as the deſart of Ach⯑tid, they beheld a great camp of Arabs, pitched in their way. The banditti drew up in order to receive them. Abu Mahummud being deſirous of treating with the Arabs, ſent a meſſage to their chief, offering him five thouſand dirms. The chief, inſtead of accepting the propoſal, reſented it ſo much, that, without delay, he advanced with intention to rob the Caffila. Who defeat the wild A⯑rabs.Abu Mahummud, in the mean time, drew out his troops to receive the robbers, when fortunately, in the very beginning of the action, a Turkiſh ſlave, in the Caffila, who was maſter of the art of archery, lodged an arrow in the brain of Himad ben Ali, the chief of the Arabs. The banditti immedi⯑ately upon the fall of their chief, turned their face to flight; and the Caffila, without further diſturbance, proceeded to Mecca; and having paid their devotions, returned by the ſame way, and arrived ſafe at Ghizni.
Mamood's [...]th expedi⯑tion into In⯑ [...].The Sultan received, this year, advices from Hindoſtan, that the neighbouring Raja's had, in his abſence, fallen upon Korrah, the Raja of Kinnoge, for having entered into an alliance, and for putting himſelf under the protection of the Sultan. Mamood immediately [77] A. D. 1021. Higer. 412.marched to the aid of his vaſſal; but before he could arrive, Raja Nunda of Callinger, had drawn his army upon Kinnoge, and had ſlain Raja Kurrah with a great many of his principal warriors. The Sultan arriving at the river Jumna, encamped on the bank oppoſite to the enemy.
Defeats the Hindoos.Seven officers in his army, without orders, ſwam acroſs the river, and entering the enemy's camp in the morning by ſurprize, ſtruck ſuch a pannick in their troops, that they all betook themſelves to flight. The King, notwithſtanding their ſucceſs, was greatly en⯑raged, but paſſing with the remainder of his army, he immediately commenced the purſuit.
Comes up with Raja Nunda,When Nunda came to the frontiers of his own dominions, he halted with his army, and prepared to receive the Sultan with thirty ſix thouſand horſe, forty five thouſand foot, and ſix hundred and fifty Ele⯑phants. The Sultan, after having reconnoitred the ſtrength of the enemy and their ſituation, from a riſing ground, proſtrated himſelf before God, and pray'd that the ſtandard of Iſlamiſm might be ex⯑alted with glory and triumph. who decamps in the night.The day being far advanced, he determined to wait for the morning, which in the event, diſap⯑pointed his hopes and ambition, for Nunda decamp'd in the night with the utmoſt diſorder, leaving his tents, equipage and baggage behind him.
The Sultan, having next morning reconnoitred the woods and hol⯑low grounds around, ordered his army to march into the enemy's camp, and to lengthen their hands upon the ſpoil, which proved to be very conſiderable, beſides five hundred and eighty Elephants which were ſound in the neighbouring wood. He then laid waſte, with fire and ſword, the country, and returned to Ghizni without proſecuting the war any further.
[78] A. D. 1022. Higer. 413. Mamood's ex⯑pedition to Kiberat,He had not remained there many days, before he heard that the inhabitants of Kiberat and Nardein, countries upon the boundaries of Hindoſtan, would not acknowledge the Muſſulman faith, but continued the worſhip of Lions†. Mamood reſolved to compel them, and accordingly marched towards their country, taking with him a great number of maſons, carpenters, ſmiths, and labour⯑ers, that he might there build a fort, to overawe them after his departure.
which he re⯑duces.The Lord of the country of Kiberat, finding he could not pre⯑tend to oppoſe the Sultan, ſubmitted himſelf, acknowledging the faith of the Prophet. Hajib Ali was ſent with a diviſion of the army, to reduce the country of Nardein, which he ſoon accom⯑pliſhed, pillaging the country, and carrying away many of the peo⯑ple captives.
A curious in⯑ſcription.There was a temple in Nardein which Hajib deſtroyed, and brought from thence a ſtone, upon which there was a curious inſcrip⯑tion, which bore that it was forty thouſand years old.
Mamood's tenth expedi⯑tion to India.The Sultan ordered a fort to be built in that place, and left it under the care of Ali Ben Kudur. He himſelf, in the mean time, return'd by the way of Lahore, and in his march inveſted the ſtrong hold of Locoat, in the province of Caſhmire. Lahore re⯑duced.He beſieged the place for a whole month, but finding it impregnable, he decamped, and proceeding to Lahore, entered that city without much oppo⯑ſition, giving it up to be ſack'd by his troops. Here wealth, and precious effects, beyond the power of eſtimation, fell into their hands.
[79] A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.Patturugepal, the Raja, unable to contend with ſo powerful an adverſary, fled to Ajmere for protection; and the Sultan immedi⯑ately appointed one of his Omrahs to the government of Lahore, and ſent other commanders to various diſtricts in the territories of Hin⯑doſtan. Mamood himſelf returned in the ſpring to Ghizni.
Mamood's eleventh ex⯑pedition to India.The martial diſpoſition of Mamood could not reſt long in peace. He marched again by the way of Lahore, in the 414th year of the Higerah, againſt Nunda the Raja of Callinger, with a great army. Paſſing by the fort of Gualier, he ordered it to be beſieged; but the Raja of that province prevailed upon him to remove from before that place in a few days, by the means of rich preſents and thirty five Elephants: The Sultan immediately directed his march to Callinger, inveſted that city, Nunda ſub⯑mits.and Nunda offered him three hundred Elephants and other preſents for peace.
The Sultan conſented to the terms propoſed; and the Raja, to try the bravery of the Sultan's troops, intoxicated the Elephants with certain drugs, and let them looſe without riders into the camp; Mamood ſeeing the animals advancing, perceived the trick, by the wildneſs of their motions, and immediately ordered a party of his beſt horſe to ſeize, kill, and drive them from the camp: Some of the Turks, emulous to diſplay their bravery in the preſence of their King, and of both armies, mounted the greateſt part of the Ele⯑phants, and drove the reſt into an adjacent wood, where they were ſoon reduced to obedience.
The enemy, upon ſeeing the reſolution of the Ghiznians, were much intimidated, His panegy⯑rick upon Ma⯑mood.and Nunda taking advantage of one of the foibles of Mamood, ſent to him a panegyrick, in the Indian tongue. The King was much pleaſed with this elegant piece of flattery; for the poetry was much admired by the learned men of Hind, Arab, and [80] A. D. 1024. Higer. 415.Agim, who were at his court. To make return for this compliment, the Sultan conferred the government of fifteen forts upon Nunda, with many other curious preſents; but the peace was principally ratify'd by means of many valuable preſents in jewels and gold, on the part of Nunda. Mamood immediately return'd to Ghizni.
Mamood muſters his forces.The Sultan, in the year 415, muſtered all his forces. He found them, excluſive of his garriſons, and thoſe upon duty in various parts of his dominions, to conſiſt of fifty five thouſand choſen horſe, one thouſand three hundred Elephants, and one hundred thouſand infantry. With this force, excepting a part of the infantry, which he left at Ghizni, he marched to Balich to expel Ali Tiggi from the government of Maverulnere for oppreſſing the people, who com⯑plained of his tyranny to the King. When the chiefs of Maverul⯑nere heard that the King had croſs'd the Jagetay, they came with preſents to meet him; Euſuph Kudir Chan, King of Turkiſtan, paid him, at the ſame time, the compliment of a viſit, and was received with joy and friendſhip. The Sultan prepared a great feaſt upon the occaſion; and after having concluded a treaty, the Monarchs took leave of each other, making an exchange of princely preſents.
Ali Tiggi, ſeizing this opportunity, betook himſelf to flight. But the Sultan ſending a party of horſe after him, he was after a long ſearch, diſcovered and brought to the King, who confined him for life in one of the ſorts of Hindoſtan; while he himſelf returned to Ghizni.
Mamood's twelfth expe⯑dition into India.Mamood underſtood in the ſame year, that there was a famous temple called Sumnat, in the province of Guzerat, near the Bunder* of Deo, very rich and greatly frequented by devotees from all parts of Hindoſtan. Theſe infidels believe that ſouls, after death, went before Sumnat, who transferred them into other bodies or ani⯑mals, [81] A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.according to their merits in their former ſtate. The Sultan was alſo informed that the prieſts of this God gave out, that the ſins of the people of Delhi and Kinnoge had incenſed him ſo much, that he abandoned them to the vengeance of the Muſſulmen, other⯑wiſe that in the twinkling of an eye, he could have blaſted the whole army of Mamood.
The Sultan, no ways intimidated by this report, was determined to put the power of the God to a tryal, by perſonally treating him ill. He therefore marched from Ghizni with a numerous army, in the month Shaban.
Deſcription of the temple of Sumnat.The temple of Sumnat, which alſo gave name to a great city, was ſituated upon the ſhore of the Ocean, and is at this time to be ſeen in the diſtricts of Deo Bunder, under the dominion of the Eu⯑ropeans.† Some hiſtorians affirm, that Sumnat was brought from Mecca, where it ſtood before the time of the Prophet. But the Brahmins deny this tale, and ſay that it ſtood in Deo-Bunder ſince the time of Kriſhen, who was concealed in that place about four thouſand years ago.
Mamood ar⯑rives at Moul⯑tan.The Sultan, about the middle of Ramzan, reached the city of Moultan, and as there was a great deſart before him, he gave orders that all his troops ſhould provide themſelves with ſeveral days water and proviſions, as alſo with provender for their horſes, he beſides loaded twenty thouſand Camels with neceſſaries for the army. When he had paſſed that terrible deſart, he arrived at the city of Ajmere, and finding that the Raja and inhabitants had aban⯑doned the place, and that he could not prevail with them to come and ſubmit themſelves, Sacks Ajmere.he ordered the city to be ſack'd, and the adja⯑cent [82] A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.country to be laid waſte with fire and ſword. But as the re⯑duction of the citadel would take up too much time, he left it and proceeded upon his expedition, and reduced ſome ſmall forts in the way by aſſault.
Arrives at Narwalla,Having then arrived at Narwalla, a city of Guzerat, which was evacuated at his approach, another deſart preſented itſelf to the King beyond that place. and at Sum⯑nat,Mamood, however, taking the ſame precautions as before, without any remarkable occurrence reached Sumnat, which was a lofty caſtle, upon a narrow Peninſula, waſhed on three ſides by the ſea.
Upon the battlements of the place there appeared an innumerable multitude of people in arms. They immediately made a ſignal for a Herald to approach, and told him, that their Mabood or Idol Sumnat, had drawn the Muſſulmen thither, that he might blaſt them in a moment and avenge the deſtruction of the Gods of Hin⯑doſtan. The Sultan only ſmiled at this vain threat, and commanded, that as ſoon as the ſtreams of light ſhould pour from the ſpring of day, his army ſhould prepare for an aſſault.
which he aſ⯑ſault.In the morning the valiant troops of the ſublime Mamood, ad⯑vanced to the foot of the walls and began the attack. The battle⯑ments were in a ſhort time cleared, by the experience and valour of the archers, and the daſtardly Hindoos, aſtoniſhed and diſpirited, crouded into the temple, and proſtrating themſelves in tears before the Idol, prayed for aſſiſtance.
Scales the walls.The Muſſulmen ſeized the opportunity which the devotion of their enemies offered them, applied their ſcaling ladders, and mount⯑ing the wall, began to exclaim Alla Akber†. The Hindoos now [83] A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.reduced to deſpair, found they muſt fight for themſelves or die, they collected their force together, and made ſo violent an attack upon the aſſailants, that, from the time that the King of day diſ⯑pelled the darkneſs till the moon, fair bride of night, illuminated the court of heaven with paler rays, the flames of war were not quenched with blood. But is re⯑pulſed.The Muſſulmen wearied out with fatigue, were at length obliged to abandon all their advantages, and retire to reſt.
Repulſed a ſe⯑cond time.Next morning the work of death was renewed, but as faſt as they mounted the wall, ſo faſt were they puſhed headlong down by the ſpears of the defendants, who weeping had taken leave of their God, and now ſeemed wiſhing for death. And thus the labours of this day proved more unſucceſsful than the firſt.
The army of the Hindo [...]s appears,An army of idolaters, upon the third day, preſented themſelves in order of battle in ſight of the Sultan's camp. Mamood immediately advanced, with an intention to raiſe the ſiege of Sumnat, and there⯑fore ordered a party to amuſe the beſieged, while he himſelf prepared to engage the enemy in the field. He marched in order of battle towards the idolaters, who advanced with equal reſolution. whom he en⯑gages.The fire of adverſe rage immediately illuminated the gleaming field, and Death ſtalked with ſuch execution and power around, that Time, trembling for his empire, wept. Byramdeo and Dabiſelima in the middle of the action joined the enemy with their troops, and in⯑ſpired them with ſuch freſh courage, that faintneſs became viſible in the Sultan's army.
Mamood perceiving a languor ſpreading over his lines, leapt from his horſe, and proſtrating himſelf before God, implored his aſſiſtance. Then mounting with a noble aſſurance, he took Abul [84] A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.Haſſen Chirkani, one of his generals, by the hand, and inſpired him with hope and glory. He himſelf advanced upon the enemy, en⯑couraging his troops with ſuch determined reſolution, that aſhamed to abandon their King, with whom they had ſo often trod the path of renown, they with one accord, gave a ſhout of victory and ruſhed forward, as for a prize. and over⯑throws.They bore the enemy before them upon the points of their ſpears, laying five thouſand of them dead at their feet.
Sumnat ſur⯑renders.When the garriſon of Sumnat beheld this defeat, they were ſtruck with confuſion and fear. They withdrew their hands from the fight, and iſſuing out at a gate towards the ſea, to the number of four thouſand, embarked in boats, intending to proceed to the iſland of Sirindiep†. But they did not eſcape the eyes of the Sultan. He ſeized upon boats which were left in a neighbouring creek, and manning them with rowers and ſome of his beſt troops, purſued the enemy, taking and ſinking ſome of their boats, while others eſcaped.
Mamood en⯑ters Sumnat.The Emperor having placed guards round the walls, and at the gates, entered Sumnat with his ſon and a few of his Omrahs and principal attendants. When they advanced to the temple, they ſaw a great and antique ſtructure built of ſtone, within a ſpacious court. They immediately entered it, beheld a great ſquare hall, having it's lofty roof ſupported by fifty ſix pillars, curiouſly turned and ſet with precious ſtones. In the center of the hall ſtood Sumnat, an Idol of ſtone, five yards in heighth, two of which were ſunk in the ground.
Deſtroys the Idol of Sum⯑nat.The Sultan was enraged when he ſaw this Idol, and raiſing his mace, ſtruck off the noſe from his face. He then ordered that two [85] A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.pieces of this image ſhould be broke off, to be ſent to Ghizni, there to be thrown at the threſhold of the public Moſque, and in the court of his palace. Two more fragments he reſerved to be ſent to Mecca and Medina.
When the Sultan was thus employed in breaking up Sumnat, a croud of Brahmins petitioned his attendants, and offered ſome crores* in gold, if the King ſhould be pleaſed to proceed no further. The Omrahs endeavoured to perſuade Mamood to accept of the money; for they ſaid that breaking up the idol would not remove idolatry from the walls of Sumnat, that therefore it could ſerve no purpoſe to deſtroy the image, but that ſuch a ſum of money, given in charity among believers, would be a very meritorious action. The Sultan acknowleged, that what they ſaid was, in ſome meaſure, true; but ſhould he conſent to that bargain, he might juſtly be called a ſeller of idols; and that he looked upon a breaker of them as a more ho⯑nourable title. He therefore ordered them to proceed.
Finds an im⯑menſe trea⯑ſure.The next blow having broke up the belly of Sumnat, which had been made hollow, they diſcovered that it was full of diamonds, ru⯑bies, and pearls, of a much greater value than the amount of what the Brahmins had offered.
Account of Sumnat.It is ſaid, by ſome writers, that the name of this idol is a compound word of Sum and Nat; Sum being the name of the Raja who erected it, and Nat the true name of the God; which in the language of the Brahmins, ſignifies Creator. In the time of eclipſes we are told that there uſed to be forty or fifty thouſand worſhippers at this temple; and that the different Rajas of Hindoſtan had beſtowed, in all, two thouſand villages, with their territories, for the maintenance of its prieſts; beſides the [86] A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.innumerable preſents received from all parts of the empire. It was a cuſtom among thoſe idolaters, to waſh Sumnat every morning and evening, with freſh water from the Ganges, though that river is above five hundred crores diſtant.
Among the ſpoils of this temple, was a chain of gold weighing forty maunds, which hung from the top of the building by a ring. It ſupported a great bell which warned the people to the worſhip of the God. Beſides two thouſand Brahmins, who officiated as prieſts, there belonged to the temple five hundred dancing girls, three hun⯑dred muſicians, and three hundred barbers to ſhave the devotees be⯑fore they were admitted to the preſence of Sumnat. The dancing girls were either remarkable for their beauty, or their quality, the Rajas thinking it an honour to have their daughters admitted.
Sultan Mamood found in this temple, a greater quantity of jewels and gold, than, it is thought, any royal treaſury ever contained be⯑fore. In the hiſtory of Eben Aſſur, it is related, that there was no light in the temple, but one pendant lamp, which being reflected from the jewels, ſpread a ſtrong and refulgent light over the whole place. Beſides the great idol above-mentioned, there were in the temple ſome thouſands of ſmall images, in gold and ſilver, of various ſhapes and dimenſions.
The emperor marches againſt Byram Deo.The emperor having ſecured the wealth of Sumnat, prepared to chaſtiſe Raja Byram Deo, from whom the harbour of Deo takes its name, for having endeavoured to diſtreſs him during the ſiege, and having given above three thouſand of the Muſſulmen to drink of the wine of martyrdom. Byram Deo, after the taking of Sumnat, had fled from Narwalla the capital of Guzerat, and ſhut himſelf up in the fort of Gundia, which was forty pharſangs from Sumnat. The king, without oppoſition, arrived before the ſort, and ſaw that it was ſur⯑rounded [87] A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.on all ſides by the ſea, which, in every place, appeared im⯑paſſable. He ſent however to ſound the depth of the water, and re⯑ceived intelligence, that at one place it was fordable at low water; but if he ſhould be caught by the tide, in his paſſage, the troops muſt inevitably periſh.
Attacks him in his fort of Gundia,The Sultan having ordered public prayers, and caſt his fortune in the Koran, turned his horſe into the ſea, at the head of his troops, and reaching in ſafety the oppoſite ſhore, immediately made an aſſault upon the place. Byram Deo, looking upon life preferable to every other conſideration, left his family and wealth, and, in the ha⯑bit of a ſlave, ſtealing out of the fort, run and concealed himſelf in a corner. which he takes.The troops who defended the place, ſeeing themſelves thus ſhamefully deſerted, were alſo ſtruck with fear, and quitted their poſts upon the walls. The Muſſulmen mounted their ſcaling ladders, and commenced a dreadful havock among the unfortunate ſlaves, reſerving the women and children for captivity. The wealth of the Raja was lodged in the treaſury of the King.
Marches to Narwalla,Mamood being thus victorious, marched to Narwalla. He found the ſoil of that place ſo fertile, the air ſo ſalubrious and pure, and the country ſo well cultivated and pleaſant, that he propoſed to take up his reſidence there for ſome years, and to make it his capital, con⯑ferring the government of Ghizni upon his ſon the Sultan Muſaood. Some hiſtorians relate, that, in that age, there were goldmines in Gu⯑zerat; which occaſioned Sultan Mamood to incline to fix his reſidence in that country. But to this we cannot well give any credit, as there are now no traces of thoſe mines; but it is acknowledged, that the country was, at all times, one of the richeſt in Hindoſtan. In ſupport of their aſſertion, they however give many inſtances of the diſappearance of gold mines, ſuch as that in Seiſtan, which was ſwallowed up by an [88] A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.earthquake. There are other writers who pretend to ſay, that the King, having heard of gold and ruby mines, upon the iſland of Si⯑rendiep, and in the country of Pegu, intended to fit out a fleet for the conqueſt of thoſe parts, but that he was diverted by his council from this ſcheme, and alſo prevailed upon not to abandon his native kingdom and capital.
but is divert⯑ed from it by the Omrahs.Mamood yielding to this latter advice, conſented to return, and at the ſame time begged of his Omrahs, to recommend a fit perſon to him, for the government of the kingdom of Guzerat. After con⯑ſulting among themſelves, they told the King, that on account of the great diſtance of this country from his other dominions, and the number of troops it would require for its defence, they thought it adviſeable, that ſome one of the natives ſhould receive that honour. The King then enquired among the chiefs of the natives, and was informed that the family of Dabiſſalima was the nobleſt in thoſe parts, and that then a man of parts and diſtinction of that tribe, was in his camp, in the habit of a Brahmin. That they knew no perſon fitter to be exalted to royalty than him: though he had been obliged to chuſe that way of life, to conceal himſelf from the cruelty of a younger brother, who had uſurped his inheritance.
Makes Da⯑biſſalima King of Guzerat.But ſome authors, ſuſpecting the probability of this ſtory, have informed us, that Dabiſſalima was Raja of a neighbouring country, famous as well for his policy and wiſdom, as for his great knowlege in the ſciences. To him the King ſent a friendly meſſage, inviting him to his preſence, to receive his allegiance for the government of Guzerat, which he intended to beſtow upon him. But as we have many authentic proofs of the truth of our firſt relation, it muſt be acknowleged that the King, upon having ſettled an annual tribute, beſtowed the kingdom of Guzerat upon Dabiſſalima the poor Brah⯑min, and not upon the Raja of the ſame name, who lived at that period.
[89] A. D. 1026. Higer. 417.We find, that when the King had beſtowed the regency upon the Brahmin, that he petitioned him to leave ſome forces for his pro⯑tection, for that Raja Dabiſſalima, as ſoon as Mamood ſhould evacuate the country, would undoubtedly invade him before his power was thoroughly eſtabliſhed, the conſequences of which might be eaſily foreſeen. But that if the King would grant him his protection, he would annually give double the revenues of Cabuliſtan and Zabuliſtan.
Marches againſt and defeats a neighbouring Raja.Theſe conſiderations prevailed with the Sultan to form a deſign to reduce this Raja before he left the country. He accordingly ſent a part of his army into the dominions of the Raja, which, in a ſhort time, defeated him, and brought him priſoner to Mamood. He im⯑mediately delivered over the unfortunate Raja into the hands of his kinſman Dabiſſalima the viceroy to take away his life.
Dabiſſalima addreſſed himſelf to the King after this manner; that in his religion, the murder of a King was unlawful; but that it was cuſtomary, when one King got poſſeſſion of the perſon of another who was his enemy, to make a dark pit under his throne, where he ſhould remain impriſoned for life, or till the death of his conqueror. Dabiſſalima's clemency.That for his own part, he eſteemed ſuch uſage a cruelty of which he could not be guilty; but that on the other hand, if the Raja ſhould be confined by him in another priſon, his adherents would, upon the King's departure, attempt to releaſe him. He therefore earneſtly begged that the King might carry him to Ghizni.
Mamood re⯑turns to Ghiz⯑ni.The Sultan complied with this laſt requeſt, and after two years and ſix months abſence, turned homewards his victorious ſtandards. But having received intelligence, that Byram Deo, and the Raja of Ajmere, with others, had collected a great army to oppoſe him in the deſart, he turned by the way of Sind and Moultan. He there alſo met with deſarts in his march, wherein his army greatly ſuffered [90] A. D. 1026. Higer. 417.by want of water, and his cavalry by want of graſs; but in the year 417 he with much difficulty and toil, reached Ghizni. During his march through Sind, he was led aſtray three days and nights, by one of his Hindoo guides, in a deſart of dry ſand, ſo that madneſs and thirſt began intolerably to rage through his periſhing troops.
Perfidy of one of the Prieſts of Sumnat.The Sultan ſuſpecting his guide, commanded him to be put to the torture, when he confeſſed that he was one of the prieſts of Sum⯑nat, who to revenge the injuries done to his God, had thus endea⯑voured to bring about the ruin of the Ghiznian army. The King then commanded him to be put to death; and it being towards evening, he fell proſtrate before God, imploring a ſpeedy deliverance. A meteor was immediately ſeen in the eaſt, to which he directed his march, and before morning, found himſelf upon the banks of a lake.
Dabiſſalima deman as the impriſoned Raja.Dabiſſalima the devout, having eſtabliſhed himſelf upon the throne of Guzerat, continued to ſend his revenues punctually to the King, and ſome years after deſired the impriſoned Raja might be returned to him. But the Raja had, by this time, gained upon the mind of the King, which made him unwilling to part with him. He however was over-perſuaded, by his counſellors, who were envious of the favour which the unfortunate Raja had acquired; and he was accordingly put into the hands of the perſon who brought the revenue to Ghizni.
His [...]uel [...]y,When they reached the dominions of Guzerat, Dabiſſalima the devout gave orders to dig a hole under his own throne, in which he intended to confine the unhappy Raja, according to the barbarous cuſtom of the Hindoos. To ſtretch his triumph ſtill further, he ad⯑vanced to ſome diſtance from his capitol, to meet the Raja, that the unfortunate man might run before his horſe, with a baſon on his head, and an ewer in his hand.
[91] A. D. 1026. Higer. 417. and puniſh⯑ment.The King, it is ſaid, having over-heated himſelf upon this occa⯑ſion, lay down, much diſordered, in a ſhade, drew a red handker⯑chief over his face, and ordered his attendants to withdraw. A Vul⯑ture, which was hovering over that place, miſtaking the red hand⯑kerchief for prey, ſouſed down upon the King, and fixing her talons about his eyes, rendered him totally blind; and therefore incapable to reign according to the laws of the country.
When the accident which befel the King became public, the whole camp and city were filled with confuſion and uproar. The impriſon⯑ed Raja, arriving at that very inſtant, was received with univerſal ac⯑clamations, and immediately elected King. He put the baſon upon the head of Dabiſſalima, and placed the ewer in his hand, and drove him before him into the dungeon, which he himſelf had prepared, where he ſpent the remainder of his life.
This barbarous action, however, ſhewed that his ſucceſſor was unworthy of what providence had, ſo miraculouſly, beſtowed upon him. This ſtory is a ſtriking inſtance of the juſt puniſhment of pride, and that he who digs a pit for another, will fall into it himſelf.
Story of an iron idol.The author of the Jam ul Hikaiat has related, that, when Sultan Mamood was in Guzerat, he ſaw a ſmall black idol, under a circular arch, which, to all appearance, was ſuſpended in the air, without ſupport. The King, amazed at this phaenomenon, conſulted the philoſophers of his court concerning it. They told him, that they believed the image to be iron, and the ſtones of the arch magnets. The King obſerved, that be thought the equilibrium of weight and attraction could not be ſo exactly found. He however, by way of experiment, ordered a ſtone to be ſtruck out of the arch; which was no ſooner done, than the idol ſell to the ground, and the ſtone was accordingly found to be a magnet; but philoſophers of latter days [92] A. D. 1026. Higer. 417.are of the King's opinion, and that this ſtory may be rank'd among the fabulous.
The Caliph writes to Ma⯑mood.The Caliph of Bagdat being informed of the expedition of Sultan Mamood, wrote him a congratulatory letter, in which he ſtiled him, The guardian of fortune and Iſlamiſm. To his ſon Sultan Muſaood, he gave the title of, The light of poſterity, and the beauty of nations; and to his ſecond ſon Mur Euſoph, the appellation of, The ſtrength of the arm of fortune, and eſtabliſher of the ſtate. He, at the ſame time, aſſured Mamood, that, whoever he ſhould appoint to the ſuc⯑ceſſion, he himſelf would confirm and ſupport.
Mamood at⯑tacks the Jits,Mamood marched this year an army againſt the Jits, who had in⯑ſulted him in his way from Sumnat. This people inhabited the country, on the borders of Moultan, near the banks of the river that runs by the mountains of Jude. When he arrived at Moultan, find⯑ing that the country of the Jits was defended by great rivers, he or⯑dered fifteen hundred boats to be built, each of which he armed with ſix iron ſpikes projecting from their prows and ſides, to prevent their being boarded by the enemy, who were very expert in that kind of war. When he had launched this fleet, he ordered twenty archers into each boat, and five others, with fire-balls, to burn the craft of the Jits, and naphta to ſet the whole river on fire. This force he com⯑manded to extirpate the Jits, and remained with the remainder of his army at Moultan.
who are overthrown.The Jits having intelligence of this armament, ſent their wives and children, and moſt valuable effects, into an iſland, and launch⯑ing, according to ſome, four thouſand, or, according to others, eight thouſand boats, manned and armed, prepared to receive the Ghiz⯑nians. They met, and a terrible conflict enſued; but the projected pikes from the Sultan's boats, did ſuch execution, when they ran againſt [93] A. D. 1027. Higer. 418.the craft of the Jits, that many of them were overſet. The archers, at the ſame time, plied their bows to ſuch good purpoſe, that many of the enemy plunged over board to avoid their galling arrows. Some of the Jitſiad boats being, in the mean time, ſet on fire, communicated their flames to others; ſome were ſunk, ſome board⯑ed by the Turks, and others endeavoured to make their eſcape. In this ſcene of confuſion and terror, very few of the Jits could ſhun their hard fate. All thoſe therefore, who eſcaped death, met with the more ſevere misfortune of captivity.
The Sultan, after this victory, returned in triumph to Ghizni, and in the 418th year of the Higerah, ordered Amir Toos, one of his generals, to the government of Badwird, that he might chaſtiſe the Turkuman of Siljoki, who had croſſed the river Amavia, and in⯑vaded that province. Amir Toos defeated by the Turku⯑mans.But Amir Toos being defeated in a very bloody action, wrote to the Sultan, that without his preſence and fortune nothing could be done againſt the enemy.
Mamood marches a⯑gainſt and overthrows the Turko⯑mans. Reduces Iraak.The Sultan immediately put his army in motion, and having come up with them gave them a total defeat, which entirely diſperſed them and cleared the country. Hearing, at this time, that one of his generals had conquered Iraak*, he marched that way, and ſeized all the treaſure that had been amaſſed by the race of Boia, who had poſſeſſed that country, and lived in the city of Rai. Returns to Ghizni.Having there inforced ſome laws reſpecting the religion of the inhabitants, who had adopted falſe tenets, he ſettled the government of Rai and Iſpahan upon his ſon, Sultan Muſaood, and returned himſelf to Ghizni.
Falls ſick.The Sultan was ſoon after afflicted with the ſtone, which diſorder daily increaſed. He went in this condition to Balich to ſettle ſome [94] A. D. 1028. Higer. 419.ſtate affairs, and in the beginning of the ſpring he turned his face again to Ghizni; Dies.where, upon friday the 23d of Ribbi ul Sani, in the 419th of the Higera, and the ſixty third year of his age, this great conqueror, amidſt the tears of his people, gave up his body to death, and his ſoul to immortality.
Sultan Mamood reigned thirty-five years, and he was buried by torch light, with great pomp and ſolemnity, in the palace of triumph at Ghizni. His perſon.He was a man of a middle ſtature, not very handſome in his perſon, but without any deformity or blemiſh.
Inſtances of his avarice.Two days before his death, he commanded, that all the ſacks of gold and caſkets of precious ſtones, which were in the treaſury, ſhould be placed before him; when he beheld them as with re⯑gret, he wept, ordering them to be carried back to the treaſury, without exhibiting his generoſity at that time to any body, for which he has been accuſed of avarice. He ordered, the following day, a review of his Army, his Elephants, Camels, Horſes and Chariots, with which, having feaſted his eyes for ſome time, from his traveling throne, he again burſt into tears, and retired in grief to his palace.
It's ſaid, that Sultan Mamood, upon hearing that a citizen of Ne⯑ſhapoor was poſſeſſed of immenſe wealth, commanded him to be called into his preſence. The King began to reproach him for being an idolater and an apoſtate from the faith. The citizen replied, ‘"O King, I am no idolater nor apoſtate, but it is true that I am poſſeſſed of much wealth; take it therefore, but do me not a double injuſtice, by robbing me of my money and my good name."’ The King, for this inſolence, as he termed it; ordered him to be puniſhed and confiſcated his whole eſtate.
[95] A. D. 1028. Higer. 419.But Mamood was, in other inſtances, famous for juſtice. A per⯑ſon one day, thruſting himſelf into the preſence, called loudly for juſtice. The King ordered him to explain his complaint, which he thus did: That, unfortunately having a handſome wife, the King's nephew had conceived a paſſion for her, and came to his houſe every night with armed attendants, beating him and turn⯑ing him into the ſtreet till he had gratified his adulterous paſſion. That he had frequently complained to thoſe who ought to have done him juſtice, but that the rank of the adulterer had ſhut their ears againſt him.
Of his juſtice.The King, upon hearing this, was ſo much enraged that tears of reſentment and compaſſion ſtarted from his eyes; he repri⯑manded the poor man for not making ſooner his complaint to him. The man replied, that he often attempted it, but could not gain ad⯑mittance. He was then commanded by the King, to return to his houſe, and to give him notice the firſt time that his nephew was guilty of the like violence; charging thoſe who were preſent, upon pain of death, to let nothing of this complaint tranſpire, ordering him to be admitted at any hour. Accordingly the man returned to his houſe, and upon the third night following, the King's nephew, as uſual, came, and having whipped the huſband ſeverely, turned him into the ſtreet. The poor man haſtened to the King; but the captain of the guards would not give him admittance, ſaying, that his Majeſty was in the Haram. The man immediately began to make a violent outery, ſo that the porter fearing that the court might be diſturbed, and that the noiſe might reach the King, he was under the neceſſity to conduct him to the Eunuchs of the bedchamber, who immedi⯑ately acquainted the Sultan with the affair.
The King immediately roſe, and drawing on a garment followed the man to his houſe. He found his nephew and the man's wife [96] A. D. 1028. Higer. 419.ſleeping together in one bed, with a candle ſtanding on the carpet near them. The Sultan, extinguiſhing the candle, drew his dagger and ſevered his nephew's head from his body: Then commanding the man to light the candle, he called out for ſome water, and having taken a deep draught, he told him he might now go and ſleep with ſafety, if he could truſt his own wife.
The poor man fell down at the Sultan's feet, in gratitude to his juſtice and condeſcenſion, but begged he might tell him why he put out the candle, and afterwards called out ſo vehemently for water. The King replied, that he put out the candle that pity might not arreſt his hand in the execution of juſtice, on a youth whom he tenderly loved; and that he had made a vow to God, when he firſt heard his complaint, that he would neither eat nor drink till he had brought the criminal to juſtice, in ſo much, that he was upon the point of dying of thirſt.
The learned men who flou⯑riſhed under Mamood.The learned men who lived at the court of Sultan Mamood were principally theſe; Ozaeri Raſi, a native of Rai, whoſe poetical per⯑formances as a panegyriſt, are eſteemed very good, for one of which he received a preſent of 4000 Dirms from the Sultan.—Aſſidi Tooſi, a native of Chorraſſan, a poet of great ſame, whom the Sul⯑tan often entreated to undertake the Shaw Namma, but he excuſed himſelf on account of his age. He was the maſter of Phirdoci, who afterwards undertook that work; but Phirdoci falling ſick by too much application, before it was finiſhed, he applied himſelf to his old maſter Aſſidi; telling him that he was now at the point of death, and that his only regret for leaving this vain world was, that his poem was unfiniſhed. The old man weeping replied, that, tho' he had often excuſed himſelf to the King, from having any hand in that performance, yet for the affection he bore to Phirdoci, he would undertake to finiſh his poem. The dying poet replied, that he was [97] A. D. 1028. Higer. 419.well aſſured no other man of the age had the genius to attempt it; but at the ſame time he was afraid, years and infirmities had damped the native fire of Aſſidi.
The old man warmed with friendſhip and emulation, collecting the force of his mind, made the attempt, and brought into the chains of rhime in a few days, that part of the poem, between the Arabian conqueſt of Agim to the end, which conſiſts of four thouſand couplets. He immediately brought it to Phirdoci, who was ſo rejoiced that he recovered from his diſorder. The Shaw Namma is eſteemed among the firſt of poetical productions, and Phirdoci the author, conſe⯑quently among the firſt of poets.
Minuchere was an Omrah of Balich, and famous for his poetry and wit. But Hakim Ali Unſuri is eſteemed to hold the firſt rank, as to genius, in that age; for beſides being one of the beſt poets, he was a great philoſopher, verſed in all the known ſciences, and all the learned languages of thoſe times. Four hundred poets and learned men, beſides all the ſtudents of the univerſity of Ghizni, acknow⯑ledged him for their maſter. He was therefore appointed by the King, to ſuperintend literature, and it was ordered, that no per⯑formance ſhould be brought before the Sultan, without being pre⯑viouſly honoured with the approbation of Ali Unſuri.
Among the works of Unſuri there is an heroic poem, upon the actions of Sultan Mamood. The King having one night, in his cups, cut off the long treſſes of his beloved*, he was much afflicted in the morning for what he had done. He ſat, he roſe, he walked by turns, and there was a terror round him, which kept the people at diſtance. [98] A. D. 1028. Higer. 419.Ali Unſuri accoſted him with ſome extempore lines†, which ſo pleaſed the King that he ordered his mouth to be filled three times with jewels. Calling then for wine, he ſat down with the poet and waſhed down his grief, ſeaſoning ſociety with wit.
Asjuddi was one of the ſcholars of Unſuri: He was a native of Hirvi, a poet bleſſed with the light of true genius, but his works are very ſcarce and the greateſt part of them loſt. Firochi was alſo a pupil of Unſuri. He was of the antient royal race of the Kings of Seiſtan, but reduced by fortune ſo low, that he was obliged to hire himſelf to a farmer for the yearly wages of a hundred Dirms. When he married, he found this ſmall ſum would not anſwer his expences, ſo he became deſirous of having his wages increaſed. The farmer told him he certainly deſerved a great deal more, but that his capacity could not extend the allowance further. Firochi, in this ſtate of dependence, waited on the Sultan's nephew Abul Muziffir with a poem, for which he was honoured with a hand⯑ſome reward, with a horſe and a dreſs. He was introduced to the King by Muziffir, who ſettled a penſion upon him which enabled him to ride with a retinue of twenty well mounted ſlaves.
SECTION V. The Hiſtory of the Reign of Jellal ul Dowla, Jemmal ul Muluck SULTAN MAHUMMUD, ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi.
[99]A. D. 1028. Higer. 419. Mahummud the ſon of Mamood ſuc⯑ceeds to the throne of Ghizni.WHEN the hand of Sultan Mamood was ſhortened from worldly labour, his ſon Mahummud was in the province of Gourgan, and Amir Muſaood in Iſpahan. Amir Ali ben Arſilla, the father in law of Sultan Mamood, called Amir Mahummud to Ghizni, and according to the will of his father placed the crown upon his head. Sultan Mahummud, upon his acceſſion, beſtowed the dignity of captain general upon his uncle Euſoph the ſon of Subuctagi, and the honour of Vizier upon Abu Seil Ahummud; then opening the treaſury he gladdened his friends and the public with liberal dona⯑tions; but the hearts of the ſoldiery and people run chiefly in favour of his brother Muſaood.
The ſlaves revolt,About fifty days after the Sultan's death, Abul Nigim Amir Eaz having, in confederacy with Ali Dia, gained over the ſlaves*, they broke into the royal ſtables, and mounting the King's beſt horſes, rode off towards Buſt. Amir Muhummud informed of this, imme⯑diately diſpatched Subundraï, an Hindoo Omrah of truſt, with a numerous body of Hindoo cavalry in purſuit of them. He came up with the ſlaves in a few days; a ſkirmiſh enſued in which Subun⯑draï with the greateſt part of his troops were killed, and not a few of the ſlaves. and declare for Muſaood.The ſurviving part of the rebels with their two chiefs, purſued their journey to Muſaood, whom they met at Neſhapoor. [100] A. D. 1028. Higer. 419. Muſaood writes to his brother.Muſaood having heard of his father's deceaſe at Hammedan, ſet⯑tled Viceroys and governors of truſt in Ayrack and Agim, and haſtened towards Chorraſſan. From thence he wrote to his brother, that he had no inclination to take thoſe countries from him, which his father, notwithſtanding of his preferable right, had been pleaſed to bequeath to Mahummud. He moreover added, that the regions of the Hills, Tiberiſtan and Ayrack, which he had moſtly acquired by his own ſword, were ample enough dominions for him. He only inſiſted ſo far on his birth-right, as to have his name firſt read in the Chutba*, over all his dominions.
His modera⯑tion.Amir Muſaood is allowed to have been very moderate in this caſe, for though he and Mahummud were twins, he was the elder by ſome hours, and conſequently had the undoubted right of ſucceſſion.
War between the brothers.But enmity had ſubſiſted between the brothers from their youth, and Sultan Mahummud returned his brother upon this occaſion, a very unfriendly anſwer, and began to prepare for war, in ſpite of all that his council could do to oppoſe ſo raſh a meaſure. The Sultan accordingly put his army in motion, and leaving Ghizni, proceeded to meet Muſaood: It is ſaid, that at the feaſt, upon the concluſion of the Ramzan which Mahummud held at Tunganabad, his crown fell accidentally from his head when he ſat in ſtate. This was reckoned a very unfortunate omen, of which ſome diſaffected Omrahs taking advantage, eſtranged the minds of the ſoldiery from their prince. Mahummud depoſed.Accordingly upon the third night after, there was a confederacy formed by Amir Ali, Euſoph ben Subuctagi, and Amir Haſſnic Mical, who ſounding the trumpets to arms, put themſelves at the head of the troops, ſurrounded the King's tents, and ſeizing upon his perſon, ſent him priſoner to the fort of Chillige. They immediately marched with the army to Herat, to meet Amir Muſaood, to whom they ſwore allegiance.
[101] A. D. 1028. Higer. 419. Muſaood ſuc⯑ceeds.Sultan Muſaood directed his march to Balich, where he ordered Amir Haſſnic to be executed, for having deſerted him before, and fled to the King of Myſer*. There was alſo, it is ſaid, a private pique, which ha⯑ſtened the death of Haſſnic, for he was in publick heard to ſay, that if ever Muſaood ſhould be King, he would ſuffer himſelf to be hanged. The conſpi⯑rators puniſh⯑ed.Amir Ali Cheſhawind had his head ſtruck off for his ingratitude to his prince; and Euſoph ben Subuctagi, the other conſpirator, and the Sultan's uncle, was impriſoned for life. The eyes of the unfor⯑tunate Mahummud were put out, and he himſelf confined: So that the Sultanit of Mahummud ſcarcely laſted five months. But, as we ſhall hereafter ſee, he was, after nine years impriſonment, bleſſed with one more bright ray of fortune.
SECTION VI. The Reign of Shahab ul dowla Jemmal ul Muluck Sultan MUSAOOD ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi.
Sultan Mu⯑ſaood's great ſtrength.SULTAN Maſood was a man of a lofty ſpirit, and was honour⯑ed with the appellation of Ruſtum the ſecond. His arrow could pierce the ſtrongeſt mail, and ſink into the body of an elephant, and his iron mace was ſo ponderous, that no man of his time could raiſe it with one hand. He was withal, of an obſtinate and fierce diſpoſition, contemptuous of all authority,His fierce d [...]ſpoſition. and diſdaining all obe⯑dience. This circumſtance, in his youth, engaged him in many quar⯑rels, and greatly diſobliged his father; who, for that reaſon, fixed his affections upon his brother Amir Mahummud, who was of a more mild and tractable diſpoſition.
[102] A. D. 1028. Higer. 419. Anecdote concerning Muſaood.Chaja Abu Niſer Muſcati relates, that, when the name of Amir Mahummud was inſerted before that of Muſaood, in the Chutba, and read in public for the firſt time, that he himſelf followed Amir Muſaood to the door of the moſque, and told him, that what he had heard, gave him the utmoſt concern, for that his own, as well as the hearts of moſt of the Omrahs, burnt with affection for him. Amir Muſaood replied with a ſmile, Give yourſelves no concern about it; the world is for the longeſt ſword.
One of the King's ſpies, hearing this converſation, immediately gave information of it to the Sultan. Mamood immediately calling Abu Niſer, aſked him what had paſſed between him and Amir Mu⯑ſaood. Abu Niſer thinking that truth would be his beſt defence, re⯑lated the particulars. Upon which the King ſaid, that he had al⯑ways a high opinion of the ſuperior abilities of Muſaood, who, he foreſaw, would one day be King; but that Amir Mahummud had gained his heart, by filial duty, and implicit obedience.
Muſaood re⯑leaſes ſeveral priſoners of ſtate.Sultan Muſaood, upon his acceſſion, releaſed Ahummud ben Haſſen Mumundi, who, by the orders of the Sultan Mamood, had been im⯑priſoned in the fort of Callinger, and again made him Vizier. He called Amir Ahummud ben Mealtagi, the treaſurer, to a ſtrict ac⯑count, and after having obliged him to refund a great ſum, for mal⯑practices in his office, appointed him general of all his forces in Hin⯑doſtan, and ordered him to proceed to Lahore. He, at the ſame time, releaſed Mujeid ul Dowla Willamï, who had alſo been impri⯑ſoned in one of the forts of Hindoſtan, and called him to his court.
Higer. 422 Invades Kutch and Macke⯑ran,Sultan Muſaood, in the year 422, having left Balich, came to Ghizni, and ſent an army to Kutch and Mackeran, and the coin of both provinces was ſtruck in his name. The prince of thoſe coun⯑tries died about that time, and left two ſons, Abul Aſakir, and Iſah. [103] A. D. 1031. Higer. 422.—Iſah, the younger brother, taking poſſeſſion of the government, Abul Aſakir had recourſe for aid, to regain his inheritance, to Sultan Muſaood, to whom the fugitive prince promiſed an annual tribute, and to hold his dominions, when recovered, of him. which are re⯑duced.Muſaood agree⯑ing to this propoſal, ſent a great army with Abul Aſakir, with or⯑ders to his general, if poſſible, to reconcile the difference between the brothers, and to divide the country equally between them; but if this could not be done, to put the whole into the poſſeſſion of Abul Aſakir.
When Abul Aſakir arrived upon the frontiers, with this powerful army, ſo obſtinate was his brother, and ſo much devoted to his own ruin, that he would not be brought to liſten to any accommodation; and though he was deſerted by many of his friends, who joined his bro⯑ther, he determined to decide the affair with his ſword. He accord⯑ingly fought with great bravery, till he obtained that death he ſeemed ſo eagerly to purſue. The provinces fell into the hands of Abul Aſa⯑kir, who paid tribute and allegiance to the empire.
Maſh made governor of Rai in Perſia.The Sultan, in the ſame year, beſtowed the viceroyſhip of Raï, of Hammedan, and of all the regions of the hills, upon Maſh, a man who, though he had raiſed himſelf from the loweſt office in the camp, diſplayed uncommon abilities, in reducing thoſe provinces to obedi⯑ence. After the departure of Sultan Muſaood, the countries which we have juſt mentioned, revolted in part, but Maſh not only reduced them to their former dependence, but chaſtiſed Ali ul Dowla, gover⯑nor of Choraſſan, who had been tampering with the rebels.
Unſucceſsful war with the Turkumans.Sultan Muſaood, after having ſettled affairs at Ghizni, intended to march to Iſpahan and Raï. But when he arrived at Herat, the peo⯑ple of Sirchus and Badawird complained to him of the ravages of the Siljoki Turkumans. The King, moved by the injuries done to his [104] A. D. 1031. Higer. 422.ſubjects, was incenſed very much againſt the enemy, and therefore immediately ordered Abduſe ben Abdul Azize, with a great force, to chaſtiſe them. This general, however, was received by the Tur⯑kumans, with ſo much bravery, that he could gain no advantages over them; and the King, for what reaſon is not known, returned to Ghizni.
Higer. 423. War with Ali Tiggi.In the year 423, Muſaood diſpatched Altaſaſh Hajib from Cha⯑rizm, with a great army, to oppoſe Ali Tiggi, who had invaded and conquered Samarcand and Bochara. Altaſaſh marched to Maverul⯑nere, where fifteen thouſand horſe were ordered to join him from Ghizni. Bochara re⯑duced.After this junction was effected, he croſſed the river Amavia, in the face of the enemy, and continued his rout to Bochara, which he reduced, and then proceeded to Sumarcand. Ali Tiggi marched out of the city, and took poſſeſſion of a ſtrong poſt, having the river on one ſide, and a high mountain on the other. Ali Tiggi overthrown by Altaſaſh,When the fire of contention aroſe*, a party of Ali Tiggi's horſe, having turned the mountain, attacked the army of Altaſaſh in the rear. A great ſlaughter commenced, and the Ghiznian commander was wounded, in a part of the body in which he had formerly received a wound, in taking one of the forts of Hindoſtan. He however concealed his blood from his army, and charged the enemy with ſuch vigour, in his front and rear, that, after an obſtinate and bloody conflict, they were at length put to flight.
who dies of his wounds.When the battle was over, Altaſaſh called a council of his princi⯑pal officers, and ſhewing his wound, told them his end was ap⯑proaching, and that they muſt now manage affairs in the beſt man⯑ner they could, intimating at the ſame time, that he thought they could do nothing better, than conclude a peace with the enemy. This motion being approved, a meſſenger was diſpatched to them, [105] A. D. 1032. Higer. 424.that very night, with propoſals, which were eagerly accepted. The conditions were, that Ali Tiggi ſhould keep poſſeſſion of Samarcand, and that Bochara ſhould remain to Muſaood. The two armies, immediately after this pacification, departed, the one for Samarcand, and the other for Chorraſſan. The brave Altaſaſh died the ſecond day after, but his death was concealed from the army, and the chiefs conducted the troops to Charizm: And when theſe accounts came to Sultan Muſaood, he conferred the government upon Haro the ſon of Altaſaſh.
Ahmed ben Haſſen Mumundi dying this year, Muſaood appointed Abu Niſer Ahmid to ſucceed him as vizier. Muſaood in⯑vades Hindo⯑ſtan.In the 424th of the Higera, Sultan Muſaood reſolved upon an expedition into Hin⯑doſtan. Surſutti in⯑veſted.Taking the rout of Caſhmire, he inveſted the fort of Sur⯑ſutti, which commanded the paſſes. The garriſon being intimida⯑ted, ſent meſſengers to the King, promiſing valuable preſents, and an annual tribute if he ſhould deſiſt from his enterprize. The Sultan begun to liſten to the propoſals, when his ears were ſtunned with a grievous complaint from ſome Muſſulmen captives, who were then detained in the place. He immediately broke up the conference, and began to beſiege the fort, ordering the ditch to be filled up with Sugar-canes, from the adjacent plantations. The garriſon put to the ſword.This being done, he ordered ſcaling ladders to be applied to the walls, which, after a bloody conteſt, were mounted, and the garriſon, without diſtinction of age or ſex, barbarouſly put to the ſword, excepting a few women and children, who were protected by the ſoldiers for ſlaves. The King commanded, that what part of the ſpoil was ſaved from pil⯑lage, ſhould be given to the Muſſulmen, who had been ſlaves in Surſutti, and who had formerly loſt their effects.
A famine and peſtilence.This year was remarkable for a great drought and famine, in many parts of the world. The famine was ſucceeded by a calami⯑tous [106] A. D. 1032. Higer. 424.peſtilence, which ſwept many thouſands from the face of the earth; for in leſs than one month, forty thouſand died in Iſpahan, alone. Nor did it rage with leſs violence in Hindoſtan, where whole countries were entirely depopulated.
Diſturbances in Tibiri [...]an,Sultan Muſaood in the mean time was obliged to march back to quell ſome diſturbances in Tibiriſtan. are quelled.The inhabitants of Amaliſar oppoſed him in his progreſs, but they were diſperſed by the imperial troops, with little oppoſition, and Abu Callingar, Prince of Tibiri⯑ſtan, ſent an ambaſſador, and ſubjected himſelf and his country to the King. He, at the ſame time, gave his ſon Bhamin, and his nephew Shirvi, as hoſtages, for his future good behaviour.
War with the Turkumans,Sultan Muſaood turned from thence his face towards Ghizni; and when he arrived at Neſhapoor, the people of that place again com⯑plained of the incurſions of the Turkumans of Siljoki, and Muſaood immediately diſpatched Buctadi, and Huſſein ben Ali, with a great force to chaſtiſe them. When the Ghiznian army reached the vil⯑lage of Seindenfauk, a meſſenger came from the Turkumans with a letter, to the following purpoſe. ‘who demand a ſubſidy."That they were the King's ſer⯑vants, and not at all deſirous to diſturb any body but his enemies, if they ſhould be enabled, by an annual ſubſidy, to live at home without plunder, or led out to war, that they might exert their ſkill in what they reckoned their only profeſſion."’
and are de⯑fea [...]ed by Buctadi,The anſwer of Buctadi was very haughty. ‘"There is no peace, ſays he, between us, but the ſword, unleſs you will give over your depredations, and ſubmit yourſelves implicitly to the laws and authority of the King."’ After the Turkumans had heard this meſſage from their ambaſſador, they advanced and made a violent aſſault upon the camp of Buctadi; but as they were conducted more by rage than conduct, they were repulſed and obliged to turn their backs [107] A. D. 1032. Higer. 424.upon the honours of the field. Buctadi purſuing them with great expedition, took all their baggage, and their wives and children.
But when Buctadi was returning from the purſuit,whom, in an⯑other battle, they over⯑throw. while yet many of his troops were diſperſed, and intent upon the plunder, the Tur⯑kumans iſſued out from between two hills, and, rendered deſperate by their former loſs, made a dreadful ſlaughter among the troops of Buctadi, who could not be regularly brought up to the charge. The Ghiznians continued to fight and retreat, for two days and nights, but Huſſein ben Ali could not be perſuaded to quit the field, ſo that after the moſt of his men were killed, he himſelf fell a priſoner into the hands of the enemy. Buctadi fled, and carried advice of his own defeat, to Sultan Muſaood, at Neſhapoor.
The Sultan was obliged for that time to reſtrain his reſentment,Diſturbances in Hindoſtan. upon account of ſome diſturbances in Hindoſtan. He marched back to Ghizni, in the year 426; and thence ſent an army under Ban, an Indian chief, againſt Ahmud Neal Tiggi, who had rebelled in his government. But, when the two armies met, Ban was defeated with great ſlaughter. The rebels defeated.Muſaood being informed of this diſ⯑aſter, ſent Touluck, another Hindoo chief, who coming to battle with Ahmud Neal Tiggi, gave him a total overthrow. He fled in great haſte towards Munſura, Tatta, and Sind. Their great diſtreſs.Touluck pur⯑ſued him ſo cloſe, that many thouſands of the runaways fell into his hands; whom he treated in the moſt inhuman manner, cutting off their noſes and ears. When Tiggi reached the banks of the Sind, he found himſelf, if poſſible, in greater diſtreſs than before; for collect⯑ing all the boats, which the preſſure of the enemy would permit, he endeavoured to croſs the river. But the ſoldiers, afraid of being abandoned, hurried into the boats with ſuch violence, and in ſuch numbers, that moſt of them were either overſet or ſunk. A ſudden ſtorm, and an inundation of the river, added to the confuſion of the [108] A. D. 1034. Higer. 426.vanquiſhed; ſo that very few of them eſcaped. The body of their chief was ſoon after found by the enemy, and his head ſent to Ghizni.
A new palace built at Ghiz⯑ni.A new palace being finiſhed in the year 427, at Ghizni, a golden throne, ſtudded with jewels, was erected in a magnificent hall, and a crown of gold, weighing ſeventy maunds†, darting luſtre from its precious ſtones, ſuſpended by a golden chain over it, by way of canopy, under which the King ſat in ſtate, and gave public audience. Muſaood in⯑vades Hin⯑doſtan.He in the ſame year conferred the enſigns and drums of royalty, upon his ſon Amir Modood, and ſent him to the government of Balich, whilſt he himſelf marched with an army to Hindoſtan, to reduce the ſtrong city of Haſſi.
This city was the capital of Sewalic, and was, by the Hindoos, reckoned impregnable, for they were taught to believe, by ſome of their prophets, that it ſhould never fall into the hands of the Muſſul⯑men. But the Hindoo prophets, like thoſe of other nations, de⯑ceived their followers; Takes Haſſi.for the King, in the ſpace of ſix days, though with a very conſiderable loſs on his ſide, ſcaled the place and took it. Muſaood found immenſe treaſures in Haſſi; and having put it into the hands of a truſty ſervant, he marched towards the fort of Sun⯑put. Sunput eva⯑cuated.Deipal, the governor of Sunput, evacuated the place, and fled into the woods; but he had no time to carry off his treaſure, which fell into the conqueror's hands. Muſaood ordered all the temples to be laid in ruins, and all the idols to be broke down.
Muſaood ſur⯑priſes Deipal.The Sultan then went in purſuit of Deipal, who began to ſhew him⯑ſelf in the field; but he was ſurpriſed by the King, and all his army [109] A. D. 1035. Higer. 427.taken priſoners; while he himſelf eſcaped in the habit of a ſlave. Muſaood marched from thence towards Raam, another Raja of thoſe parts, who upon receiving intelligence of the King's intentions, ſent immenſe preſents of gold and elephants, excuſing himſelf on account of his age, from perſonally attending upon Muſaood. The Sultan received his preſents and excuſe, and with-held his hand from giving him any farther moleſtation; then leaving a truſty Omrah in Sinput*, he took poſſeſſion of all the countries in his rear, intending to return to Ghizni. When he reached Lahore, he left there his ſon Mugdood, on whom he conferred the government and the drums and enſigns of ſtate, with Eur his favourite, to be his counſellor in matters of importance.
Marches to Balich.In the year 428 Muſaood again marched to Balich, to quell the tumults raiſed by the Turkumans, who, upon hearing of the King's approach, evacuated that country. The inhabitants of that province addreſſed the Sultan and acquainted him, that Eur Tiggi, after his departure, had made divers incurſions into their territories, and croſſing the river, had lengthened his hands upon the lives and effects of his ſubjects. The King determined therefore to chaſ⯑tiſe him that winter, and in the beginning of the ſpring, to bring the other Turkomans of Siljoki to a better underſtanding. The Omrahs of his court, with one accord, adviſed him to march firſt againſt the Siljokis, becauſe they had, for two years, gained an aſcendancy over the inhabitants of Chorraſſan, and were daily gaining ſtrength. The Sultan, at that time, received alſo a letter from one of the nobles of that province, acquainting him that his enemies, who were once but Ants, were now become little Snakes, and if they were not ſoon deſtroyed, they might grow in a ſhort time to Serpents.
[110] A. D. 1036. Higer. 428. The good for⯑tune of Muſa⯑ood declines.But the ſtar of the King's fortune had now reached the houſe of adverſity, and he would not by any means hearken to their advice. In hopes to conquer the country before him, he laid a bridge over the Gion, and croſſing his army without oppoſition, took poſſeſſion of the whole province of Maver ul nere. But during that winter, ſuch a quantity of ſnow fell, that it was with the greateſt difficulty he marched back his army towards Ghizni. In the mean time, Chukker Beg Daood Siljoki marched with an army againſt Balich, from whence Chaja Amud wrote to the King the particulars, beg⯑ging, as he had not a ſufficient force to oppoſe the enemy, that he would take ſome meaſures to reinforce him. Muſaood upon this turned his army towards Balich.
Ghizni pil⯑laged.Eur Tiggi taking this advantage, marched quickly to Ghizni, where he plundered the King's ſtables, and after having greatly diſ⯑honoured the capital, he was repulſed. When the Sultan reached the confines of Balich, Daood retreated towards Murve, upon which the King, in conjunction with his ſon Modood, ſet out in pur⯑ſuit of him to Gurgan. Peace with the Turkumans.When the Turkumans heard of the motion of the Ghiznians towards Murve, they ſent an ambaſſador, pro⯑feſſing obedience and loyalty, if the King would beſtow a track of country upon them, in which they might ſettle. Sultan Muſaood conſenting to this propoſal, ſent a meſſenger to their chief, whoſe name was Pugu, to come and ſettle the treaty, which accordingly he did, and the King, upon promiſe of their future good behaviour, alienated a large territory for their maintainance.
Their perfidy.Muſaood, after this treaty, turned with his army towards Herat; but ſuch was the infidelity of thoſe ravagers, that they attacked the rear of the King's army, carrying off part of his baggage, and ſlay⯑ing a number of his attendants. The Sultan, incenſed at this beha⯑viour, ſent a detachment in purſuit of them, who took a ſmall [111] A. D. 1038. Higer. 430.party of them priſoners and brought them to his feet. He imme⯑diately ordered their heads to be cut off and ſent to Pugu, who excuſed himſelf, ſaying, that for his part he was glad they had met with their deſerts, for he had no knowledge of their proceedings.
Muſaood takes the rout of Herat;The Sultan continued his march to Herat, from Herat to Neſha⯑poor, and from thence to Toos. At Toos he was attacked by ano⯑ther tribe of Turkumans, whom he defeated with great ſlaughter. In the mean time he received intelligence that the inhabitants of Badwird had given up their forts to the Turkumans. He marched immediately againſt them, retook the forts and cleared that country of the enemy. He then returned to Neſhapoor, where he ſpent the winter, and in the ſpring of the year 430, he again returned to Badwird, which had been infeſted in his abſence by Toghril Siljoki, who fled upon the Sultan's approach towards Tizin. Muſaood, after this exploit, returned by the way of Sirchus, whoſe inhabitants had refuſed to pay their taxes: But upon ſome of their chiefs being put to death, they became more tractable; and upon their ſubmiſ⯑ſion the King continued his march to Dindaka.
His army ſurrounded by the Turku⯑mans;The Turkumans collecting their forces at Dindaka, ſurrounded the King's army, ſecuring the paſſes upon every ſide: The Sultan, to bring them to an engagement, drew out his army in order of battle, which the enemy by no means declined, advancing upon all quarters with barbarous ſhouts and great impetuoſity. Is deſerted by a great part of his army.This uncommon method of charging diſcouraged the Sultan's troops; and whether thro' fear or perfidy, ſeveral of his generals in the beginning of the action, rode off with their whole ſquadrons and joined the enemy. The King, enraged at this treachery, and ſeeing his affairs in a deſ⯑perate ſituation, addreſſed himſelf in a few words to his friends about him. Muſaood en⯑courages his troops.He told them that their own ſafety, their long acquired ho⯑nour, the glory of their King, and the ſecurity of their native coun⯑try, [112] A. D. 1038. Higer. 430.now depended upon one noble effort to revenge themſelves upon their enemies, and thoſe ſtill greater enemies, who had ſo baſely deſerted their cauſe.
His valour.Muſaood then turning his horſe to where he beheld the torrent of gleaming arms rolling on, plunged ſingly to oppoſe the ſtream, bear⯑ing down all before him, and exhibiting ſuch acts of gigantic force and valour, as never King had before diſplayed. A few of his friends, rouzed by his words and actions, and that innate honour which inſpires the brave, ſeconded their Lord ſo well, that whitherſo⯑ever he turned his fatal ſword, the enemy were mowed down or retreated before him. His army de⯑ſerts him.But now, when victory ſeemed to blow on his ſtandard, misfortune was active behind it; for when he looked round he beheld his whole army devouring the paths of flight.
He opens a paſſage for himſelf thro' the enemy,The King, ſeeing himſelf thus ſhamefully deſerted, and that no hope from his ſingle arm remained, turned his ſteed and trampling down the enemy, opened to himſelf a clear paſſage with his own ſword. When he reached the river near Murve, he met with a few of the fugitives, who now began to collect themſelves from all quarters. He took from thence the way of Ghor, and proceeded to Ghizni. puniſhes the deſerters.There he ſeized upon the generals who had ſo ingloriouſly deſerted him. He ordered Ali Daia, Buctadi and Sab Sinai, to be conveyed to Hindoſtan, and confined in a certain fort for life.
He retreats to Hindoſtan,The Sultan finding himſelf, at this period, unable to withſtand the enemy, reſolved to withdraw to Hindoſtan, till he could collect his forces and make another effort to retrieve his affairs. He left his ſon Modood and his Vizier Chaja Mahummud, with four thouſand horſe, to defend Balich, and ordered his other ſon Amir Mugdood, [113] A D. 1041. Higer. 433.who had come from Lahore with two thouſand horſe to ſecure Moultan. In the mean time Erid Ear, another of his ſons, was ſent with a detachment to awe the mountain Afghans, near Ghizni, who were in arms. He then collected all his wealth from the different ſtrong holds to Ghizni, and laying it upon camels bent his way to Lahore, ſending for his brother Mahummud the blind from his confinement.
A tumult in the camp.When Muſaood arrived upon the banks of the Gelum, the water of which, on account of its purity, is called the water of Paradiſe, the ſlaves, who were very numerous in his camp, entered into a confe⯑deracy with the camel keepers, and began to divide the treaſure among them. The troops obſerving this, they were determined to partake of the ſpoil, ſo that in a moment nothing was to be ſeen but drawn ſwords, ravage, and confuſion. Every one plundered his neigh⯑bour; ſome gained much wealth, while others more weak or unfor⯑tunate, were robbed of all upon which they had laid their hands, and ſtripped of their own beſides. Mahummud proclaimed King.The army, for this tumult, fearing the reſentment of the King, and not chuſing to refund the plunder, haſtened in a mob to Mahummud the blind, who had been before King, and, exalting him upon their ſhoulders, proclaimed him Emperor.
Muſaood was, during this time, collecting what friends he could to ſuppreſs the mutiny; but no ſooner was it known that his brother was proclaimed King, than the Sultan found himſelf intirely deſerted. Muſaood de⯑poſed,The mob preſſing round him, he was obliged to give himſelf up into their hands, and he was carried before the new Sultan. Mahummud told him he had no deſign to take his life, and deſired he might pitch upon ſome ſort, whither he might retire with his family into confinement. Sultan Muſaood, in this extremity, choſe the fort of Kurri, but was even in diſtreſs for money to pay his few [114] A D. 1041. Higer. 433.menial attendants. This obliged him to ſend a perſon to his brother to requeſt him for ſome. Sultan Mahummud accordingly ordered the pitiful ſum of five hundred dirms to be ſent him; upon which Muſaood, when it was brought him, exclaimed after the following manner. ‘"O wonderful caſt of Providence! O cruel reverſe of fate! Yeſterday was I not a mighty prince; three thouſand camels bending under my treaſure? To-day I am forced to beg, and to receive but the mere mockery of my wants."’ With that he borrowed a thouſand dirms from his ſervants, and beſtowed it in a preſent upon his brother's meſſenger, who had brought the five hun⯑dred dirms, which he deſired he might again carry back to his maſter.
Sultan Mahummud, upon his acceſſion, advanced his ſon Ahmid to the government, reſerving for himſelf only the name, though Ahmid was, by many, ſuppoſed to have a tincture of madneſs in his diſpoſition. and aſſaſſi⯑nated.The firſt thing he did was, without conſulting his father, in conjunction with Soliman ben Euſoph, and the ſon of Ali Cheſhawind, to go to the caſtle of Kurri and aſſaſſinate Sultan Muſaood, in the year 433. But ſome affirm, that he buried him alive in a well.
His character.The reign of Muſaood was nine years and nine months. He was a prince of uncommon ſtrength and bravery; affable, of eaſy acceſs, and generous to prodigality; Munificent to the learned.particularly to learned men, of whoſe company he was exceſſively fond, which drew many from all parts to his court.
Among the firſt of the learned in the court of Muſaood, we muſt reckon Abu Keihan Chariſmi, a great philoſopher and aſtro⯑loger, who wrote one of the beſt treatiſes upon aſtronomy, called Canoon Muſaoodi, for which he was preſented with an elephant made of ſilver, the ſize of which we are not told. Caſi Abu [115] A D. 1041. Higer. 433.Mahummud Naſahi was alſo a man of much reputation in this age. He wrote a book called Muſaoodi, in ſupport of the doctrine of Abu Hanifa, which he preſented to the King. Charitable.The author of the Roſit ul Sulja tells us, that ſo extenſive was the King's charity, that ſome days in the month of Ramzan, he beſtowed often a lack of dirms upon the poor. Magnificent.In the beginning of his reign he built many noble moſques, and endowed many colleges and ſchools, which he erected in different cities of his dominions.
SECTION VII. The Reign of Abul Fatte, Chutub ul Muluck Shahab ul Dowla AMIR MODOOD ben Muſaood ben Mamood Ghiznavi.
Mahummud grieves for the death of Muſaood.WHEN the news of the murder of Muſaood came to Ma⯑hummud the blind, he wept bitterly, and ſeverely reproached the aſſaſſins. He, at the ſame time, wrote to Modood, who was then at Balich, that ſuch and ſuch people had killed his father; calling God to witneſs, that his hands were clear of the wicked deed. To this Modood replied, ſarcaſtically: May God lengthen the days of ſo good and ſo merciful a King, and grant that his mad ſon Ahmid, may gain glory in the practice of regicide, till his reward be obtained from our hands.
Modood aſ⯑cends the throne of Ghizni.Modood was for marching immediately, to revenge the death of his father; but he was perſuaded by his council, to go firſt to Ghizni; where the citizens, upon his approach, thronged out to meet him, and expreſſed their joy in acclamations and congratula⯑tions upon his acceſſion.
[116] A D. 1041. Higer. 433. Marches to revenge the death of his father.In the year 433, he marched from Ghizni; while Mahummud the blind, appointing his younger ſon Nami, governor of Piſhawir and Moultan, marched in perſon to the banks of the Sind to receive Modood, who was moving that way, and the two armies meeting in the foreſt of Diner, between the uncle and nephew, the flames of contention began to ariſe. Totally de⯑feats Ma⯑hummud.The gales of victory at length, began to fan the ſtandards of Modood, while Sultan Ma⯑hummud, with his ſons, and Tiggi Ali Cheſhawind, and Soliman ben Euſoph were taken priſoners. They were all put to death, except Abdul Rahim, the ſon of Mahummud, whom Modood pardoned for this reaſon; that during the time that Muſaood was priſoner, Abdul Rahim went with his brother Abdul Reiman to ſee him. When, upon this occaſion, the latter inſultingly threw off Muſaood's royal cap, Abdul Rahim took it up and put it upon the King's head with much reſpect, chaſtiſing his brother for his mean and barbarous behaviour.
Modood having thus revenged his father's murder, built a town on the ſpot upon which he had obtained the victory, and called it Fatte Abad. He carried the remains of his father and family, to be interred at Ghizni; whither he returned, and appointed Abu Niſer Ahmed his Vizier. But he ſoon after diſcharged that Omrah from that high office, and conferred the dignity upon Chuja Tahir. He ſent, at the ſame time, Niſir Ahmed with a force to Moultan, againſt Nami, the ſon of Mahummud, whom he ſlew, reducing the country under the obedience of Modood. The Sultan had now nothing to fear but from his own brother, who was in poſſeſſion of Lahore and its dependencies. This brother, upon the murder of his father, marched from Moultan, and by the council of Eas, poſſeſſed himſelf of all the country lying between the Sind, Haſſi and Tannaſar.
[117] A D. 1041. Higer. 433. Modood ſends an army againſt his brother,Sultan Modood finding that his brother refuſed to pay him allegiance, ordered an army againſt him. Mugdood being appriſed of this expedition, marched from Haſſi, where he then reſided, with his whole force, to oppoſe the Sultan's troops. He came up with them before they reached Lahore, with an army ſo numerous, that the forces of Modood were upon the point of flying at their appearance, ſeveral of the chiefs deſerting their colours, and enliſting themſelves under the banners of Mug⯑dood. But fortune here, or treachery, befriended Modood. who is found dead in his bed.In the morning of the ide of ſacrifice, Mugdood was found dead in his bed, without any previous complaint, or apparent cauſe of his deceaſe. But what ſeemed to diſcover the hand of traitors, was, that next day, his counſellor and friend Eas was found dead in the ſame manner. Mugdood's army marched under the banners of Modood, ſo that the ſouthern countries ſubmitted in peace.
Nor was Modood leſs fortunate towards the north. The province of Maverulnere, which had for ſome time aſſerted its independance, ſubmitted. But the Siljokies, notwithſtanding the King had taken one of the daughters of their chief in marriage, began to make in⯑curſions anew, into his territories.
Invaſion from Delhi.In the year 435, the Raja of Delhi, in alliance with others, raiſing an army, took Haſſi, Tannaſſar, and their dependencies, from the governors, to whom Modood had entruſted them. The Hindoos from thence marched towards the ſort of Nagracot, which they beſieged for four months, and the garriſon being diſtreſſed for provi⯑ſions, and no ſuccours coming from Lahore, were under the neceſſity of capitulating. The Hindoos, according to the antient form, erected new idols, and recommenced the rites of idolatry.
A pretended viſion.We are told, that the Raja of Delhi, obſerving a weakneſs in the empire of Ghizni, pretended to have ſeen a viſion, in which [118] A. D. 1043. Higer. 435.the great idol of Nagracot told him, that having now revenged him⯑ſelf upon Ghizni, he would meet him at Nagracot in his former temple. This ſtory being propagated by the Brahmins, who proba⯑bly were in the ſecret, it gained faith among the ſuperſtitious, by which means the Raja was joined by zealots from all parts, and ſoon ſaw himſelf at the head of a very numerous army. With this army, as we have already mentioned, he beſieged Nagracot, and when the place ſurrendered, A holy trick.he took care to have an idol, of the ſame ſhape and ſize with the former, which he had cauſed to be made at Delhi, introduced, in the night, into a garden in the center of the place. This image being diſcovered in the morning, there was a prodigious rejoicing among his deluded votaries, who exclaimed, that their God was returned from Ghizni. The Raja, and the Brahmins, taking advantage of the credulity of the populace, with great pomp and feſtivity, carried him into the temple, where he received the worſhip and congratulations of his people.
This ſtory raiſed ſo much the ſame of the idol, that thouſands came daily to worſhip from all parts of Hindoſtan, as alſo to conſult him as an oracle, upon all important occaſions. The manner of conſultation was this; the perſons who came to inquire into futurity, ſlept on the floor of the temple before him, after drinking a doſe of ſomething which the Brahmins preſcribed, to create dreams, from which they predicted their fortune, in the morning, according to their own fancy.
The ſiege of Lahore.The ſucceſs of the Raja of Delhi gave ſuch confidence to the Rajas of Punjaab, and other places, that though before like foxes they durſt hardly creep from their holes, for fear of the Muſſelman arms, yet now they put on the aſpect of lions, and openly ſet their maſters at defiance. Three of thoſe Rajas, with ten thouſand horſe, and an innumerable army of foot, advanced to Lahore, and inveſted it. [119] A. D. 1043. Higer. 435.The Muſſulmen, in defence of their laws, families, and effects, exerted all imaginable valour upon this occaſion, during the ſpace of ſeven months, defending the town, ſtreet by ſtreet; for the walls being bad, were ſoon laid in ruins. Is raiſed.Finding, however, that in the end, they muſt be rooted out by this defenſive war, unleſs they had ſpeedy ſuccours, they bound themſelves by oath, to devote their lives to victory or martyrdom, and making a ſally out of the city, preſented themſelves in order of battle, before the enemy's camp. The Hin⯑doos, either ſtruck with their unexpected appearance, or intimidated by their reſolution, betook themſelves inſtantly to flight, and were pur⯑ſued with great ſlaughter.
In the year preceding this event, the King ſent Artagi Hajib, with an army, to Tiberiſtan, againſt the Turkumans. When he reached that place, he heard that the ſon of Daood had advanced to Arkin; The Turku⯑mans defeat⯑ed.but when the two armies drew up in order againſt one another, the chief of the Turkumans, who was a young man, without either experience or courage, ſhewed ſuch pufillanimity in arranging his troops, that the enemy had begun the charge before they were pro⯑perly formed, which occaſioned an immediate confuſion, ſo that they abandoned the field, and were purſued with great ſlaughter. Artagi having returned from the purſuit, marched directly to Balich, which the Turkumans had taken, and recovered that city out of their hands.
Not long after, the Turkumans advanced again with a powerful force, and inveſted the ſame place. As it was not very defenſible, and Artagi was too weak to engage the enemy in the field, he wrote to Modood for ſuccours. The ſuccours not arriving, and the general finding his difficulties daily increaſing, and his force diminiſhing, determined to evacuate the place, which he accordingly did, and fled to Ghizni, with a few of his attendants. But the popular outery was ſo great againſt the unfortunate Artagi, that the Sultan was obli⯑ged, [120] A. D. 1044 Higer. 436. Artagi Hajib put to death.in ſome meaſure, to ſilence the clamour by the death of his ſer⯑vant. About this time another tribe of the Turkumans of Ghizizi made an incurſion into the Ghiznian territories, by the way of Buſt, againſt whom Modood ſent an army, which gave them a ſignal defeat.
The Turku⯑mans repeat⯑edly defeated.In the year 436, Chaja Tahir the vizier was depoſed, and Chaja Abul Fatte Abdul Ryſaac, was exalted to that dignity; and, in the ſame year, Tughril Hajib was ſent, with a force, towards Buſt, from whence he proceeded to Seiſtan, and brought his own brother, and Ringi Abu Munſur, who had rebelled againſt the King, priſoners to Ghizni. The Turkumans of Siljoki, in the year following, collected all their forces, and directed their march towards Ghizni, plundering the palace of Buſt. Tughril was ordered againſt them, with the troops of Ghizni, and he defeated them with great ſlaughter, and purſued them out of the country. After this victory Tughril marched immediately againſt the Turkumans of Candahar, whom they called red-caps, and, defeating them alſo, took many priſoners, whom he brought to Ghizni.
Tughril re⯑volts.In the 438th year, Tughril was again ordered to Buſt, with a nume⯑rous army; but when he came to Tiggiabad, he began to diſcover the traitor. News of his revolt having reached Modood, he ſent ſome perſons to endeavour to reclaim him to his duty, with promiſes of par⯑don, and a removal of all the diſguſts which he might have entertained. To this Tughril replied, that the reaſon of this ſtep was to ſecure himſelf: That he had an information of a plot formed againſt his life, by thoſe ſycophants, whoſe only buſineſs was to ſtand by the throne, and to amuſe the too eaſy ears of the King, with lies and flattery: That being once forced to diſobedience, he had, for a ſub⯑ject, gone too far to retreat. The King's emiſſaries however, though they had no effect upon Tughril, found that the moſt part of the chiefs were ſtill loyal to the King, and brought over others, who [121] A. D. 1046. Higer. 438.had changed, rather out of a deſire of innovation, than diſaffection to their ſovereign. Upon this they returned, and having told to the King in what manner things were concerted with the other chiefs, he im⯑mediately ordered Ali ben Ribbi, with two thouſand horſe, to favour the inſurrection, Deſerted by his army.ſo that Tughril, finding himſelf deſerted by the army, upon the appearance of Ali ben Ribbi, betook himſelf to flight, with a few of his adherents.
Madood Wil⯑lidingiHajib bab Tiggi was in the ſame year ſent to Ghor, to the aſſiſt⯑ance of Willidingi, who joining him with his force, they both marched againſt Abu Ali, chief of Ghor, and having driven him into a fort, he was there beſieged and taken priſoner. This place was reckoned ſo ſtrong, that for ſeven hundred years before, the reduction of it had not been attempted by any body. baſely put to death.When Hajib bab Tiggi found himſelf maſter of the fort, he treacherouſly laid hands upon Willidingi, whoſe right he came to ſupport, and carried him in chains with Abu Ali, to Ghizni, where the perfidious King ſettled their diſpute, by cutting off both their heads.
Hajib bab Tiggi was ſent, ſoon after, againſt Byram Neal, general of the Turkumans. He met the enemy in the diſtricts of Buſt, and engaged them, gaining, at length, the long diſputed field. He was again, in the year 439, ſent againſt Amir Kiſdar, who refuſed to pay his tribute, whom he ſabdued, and obliged to comply with the King's commands, and returned with his army to Ghizni, the year following.
Modood con⯑fers the drums, &c. on two of his ſons.Sultan Modood, the following year, in one day, conferred the che⯑lat, drums and colours, upon his two eldeſt ſons, Abul Caſim Ma⯑mood, whom he ſent to Lahore, and upon Munſur, whom he ſent to Peſhawir. At the ſame time Abu Ali, chief magiſtrate of Ghizni, was ſent to command in Hindoſtan. Abu Ali firſt marched to Peſha⯑wir, [122] A. D. 1047. Higer. 439.and took the fort of Mahitila, from Ahin, who had rebelled againſt the King's authority, then ſent a letter of invitation to Higgi Rai, a general of the Hindoos, who had done much ſervice in the time of Sultan Mamood, but, upon account of ſome political matters, had fled from the court, and had taken up his abode in the mountains of Caſhmire. The invitation being complied with, the King deſired his attendance at Ghizni.
While Abu Ali was ſettling the countries about the Sind, ſome malicious chiefs in his camp, forwarded many complaints againſt him, to the King. He was called to Ghizni, and impriſoned, under the care of one Mirik ben Haſſen. Abu Ali put to death.This man, out of former enmity, and with a deſign to extort money from him, put him to the torture, and ſoon after to death itſelf. Fearing, however, that the King might ſome day enquire for the priſoner, and order him to be produced, he himſelf being then a great favourite, endeavoured to divert Modood's mind to ſome important affairs, till he ſhould be able to frame ſome excuſe for the death of Abu Ali. He at length prevailed upon the Sul⯑tan to form an expedition againſt Chorraſſan, by the way of Cabul. When they reached Lowgur, they beſieged the fort of Sancoot, where there was a conſiderable treaſure lodged. Modood falls ſick;But there the King was ſeized with a diſorder in his liver, which daily gaining ground, he was obliged to proceed to Ghizni in a litter; while his vizier, Abul Ryſac, with the army, marched back into Seiſtan, to oppoſe the Siljokies, who had invaded that country.
When the King arrived at Ghizni, he ordered Mirik to bring his priſoner Abu Ali before him. Mirik, by plauſible excuſes, delayed the time for a week, before the expiration of which, Dies.Sultan Modood took his leave of the world, in the year four hundred and forty one, having reigned nine years.
SECTION VIII. The Reign of Abu Jaffier MUSAOOD ben Modood.
[123]A. D. 1049. Higer. 441. Muſaood, an infant, placed upon the throne.WHEN Modood had taken his journey to the other world, Ali ben Ribbi had formed a deſign to uſurp the throne; but concealing his intentions, he raiſed Muſaood, the ſon of Modood, who was then a child of four years, to the Muſnud. Bab Tiggi Ha⯑jib, not being made a partner in his meaſures, was highly offended, and drew off with half the army, who were in his intereſt. He is depoſed.The kingdom was thus ſplit into two factions, and came to action; in which Ali ben Ribbi being worſted, the faction of Bab Tiggi took Abul Haſſen Ali, one of the ſons of Muſaood, who had eſcaped the reſentment of Ali ben Ribbi, and proclaimed him King, depoſing Abu Jaffier Muſaood, after a reign of ſix days.
SECTION IX. The Reign of Sultan ABUL HASSEN ALI ben Muſaood.
Abul Haſſen Ali aſcends the throne.UPON friday, the firſt of Shaban, in the year four hundred and forty one, Sultan Abul Haſſen Ali aſcended the throne of Ghizni, and took the wife of Modood in marriage. In the mean time Ali ben Ribbi, in aſſociation with Mirik, broke open the treaſury, and taking out a vaſt quantity of gold and jewels, fled, with a company of the ſlaves, and ſome of the Omrahs, whom they had brought over to their intereſt, to Peſhawir. At Peſhawir they were joined by the natives, raiſed a great army, and reduced Moultan and Sind to their obedience, making a great ſlaughter of the Aſghans or Patans, who had taken advantage of the public diſturbances, to plunder the country.
[124] A. D. 1051. Higer. 443. Defeated and depoſed by Abdul Reſhid.In the year four hundred and forty three, Sultan Abul Haſſen Ali, called his brothers, Murda Shaw, and Ezid Ear, from the fort of Naáláma, where they had been impriſoned, and treated them with affection and reſpect. But, at this time, Abdul Reſhid, the ſon of Sultan Mamood, began to form a faction in his own favour. To cruſh Reſhid, the King opened his treaſury, and entertained a great army; notwithſtanding which, his power began daily viſibly to decline. Abdul Reſhid advanced in the mean time, with his army, to Ghizni, and, gaining a compleat victory, aſcended the throne.
SECTION X. The Reign of Zein ul Muluck, Sultan ABDUL RESHID.
Abdul Reſhid mounts the throne.ABDUL RESHID, as we have already mentioned, was the ſon of Sultan Mamood, and was, by the order of Modood, impriſoned in a caſtle near Buſt. When Abdul Ryſac, about the time of the death of Modood, marched with an army, to ſettle the country of Seiſtan; he, upon hearing of the King's death, in confederacy with Chaja Abul Fazil, Reſid ben Altaſaſh, and Noſhtagi Hajib, in the year 443, releaſed Abdul Reſhid from his confinement, and, aſſerting his cauſe with vigour, raiſed him, as we have ſeen, to the throne. His predeceſſor Abul Haſſen Ali, was ſeized by ſome of the Zemindars, in the country into which he had fled, brought pri⯑ſoner before Reſhid, and confined in the fort of Didi.
Brings over Ali Ben Ribbi.The Sultan, by various means, prevailed upon Ali ben Ribbi, who had uſurped the provinces of Hindoſtan, to ſubmit to his alle⯑giance, and return to Ghizni. He appointed Noſhtagi Hajib to the command of thoſe provinces, created him an Omrah, and ſent him [125] A. D. 1052. Higer. 444.with a fine army to Lahore. Hajib, upon his way, turning to Nagracot, laid ſiege to that place, and on the ſixth day, ſcaling the walls, took it by aſſault.
Tughril, whom we have already mentioned, was, notwith⯑ſtanding his treachery to his former maſter, now again intruſted with the government of Seiſtan, which he ſoon brought under proper regulations. Tughril re⯑bels.Being ſtirred up by the ſpirit of treachery and ambition, he conceived hopes of aſſuming royalty; and raiſing a great army, marched towards Ghizni; Beſieges Ghizni.where Abdul Reſhid being almoſt deſtitute of troops, was forced to ſhut himſelf up; but the place being very extenſive, it was impoſſible for him to defend it long, which he however did to the laſt extremity. The Sultan taken and [...].Ghizni was taken at length, and the Sultan with nine of the blood royal were inhumanly put to death by the uſurper, who now aſcended the throne. But Tughril did not long enjoy the fruits of his villany; having wrote to Noſhtagi Hajib, endeavouring to bring him over by fair means to acknowledge him, that chief anſwered him with the contempt he deſerved.
Hajib, at the ſame time, wrote private letters to the daughter of Muſaood, whom the tyrant had compelled to marry him, as alſo to all the Omrahs who he knew had retained their loyalty for the imperial family, ſpiriting them up to conſpire againſt the uſurper's life. The Uſurper aſſaſſinated.They were ſo far excited to reſentment, that a conſpiracy was forthwith formed amongſt them, and put in execution on new year's day, when Tughril was ſtepping up to the throne to give public audience. Thus the uſurper, at the end of forty days, arrived at his tragical end.
After this important tranſaction, Noſhtagi Hajib arrived at Ghizni with his army, and calling a council of ſtate, enquired whether [126] A. D. 1052. Higer. 444.any yet remained of the race of Subuctagi. He was informed that there were ſtill impriſoned in a certain fort, Firoch Zaad, Ibrahim and Suja. Theſe he ordered to be called, and it being agreed that fortune ſhould decide it by lot who ſhould reign; Feroch Zaad made King.ſhe favoured Firoch Zaad, who was accordingly placed upon the throne, and received the allegiance of the court: The reign of Abdul Reſhid compre⯑hended only one year.
Anecdote of Tughril.A certain author tells us, that Tughril, being one day aſked by one of his intimate friends,—what induced him to think of aſpir⯑ing to the empire, replied, that when Abdul Reſhid diſpatched him to take the government of Seiſtan, he found that his hand trembled, from which circumſtance he concluded, that he was deſtitute of that reſolution and fortitude which are neceſſary accompliſhments of a King.
SECTION XI. The Reign of Jemmal ul Dowla FEROCH ZAAD, ben Sultan Muſaood Ghiznavi.
Noſhtagi Hajib ma⯑nages the af⯑fairs of ſtate.WHEN Sultan Feroch Zaad placed the crown of fortune upon his head, he gave the reins of adminiſtration into the hands of Noſhtagi Hajib, who had called him from obſcurity. Daood, chief of the Siljoki Turkumans, hearing of the commotions in the empire, ſeized upon that favourable opportunity to invade Ghizni. He advanced with a numerous army, while Noſhtagi, collecting all his forces, went forth to meet him. When the armies engaged, the fire of gleaming ſteel was extinguiſhed in torrents of blood; for, from the riſing to the ſetting of the ſun, the warriors on both ſides laboured in the field of death; and though thouſands [127] A. D. 1052. Higer. 444.fell at their feet, they ſeemed inſenſible of their own mortality. Overthrows the Turku⯑mans.Victory at length declared for Noſhtagi, while his enemies betook themſelves to flight, leaving all their camp equipage and baggage on the field, to the conquerors, who immediately returned victorious to Ghizni.
This victory ſerved to eſtabliſh Feroch Zaad without fear upon the throne. He now exalted the ſtandard of triumph, and inclined it towards Chorraſſan, where, on the part of the Siljoki, he was met by Calliſarick, one of their principal Omrahs, with a numerous army. Feroch Zaad overthrows the Turku⯑mans.When the engagement commenced, ſuch a flame of rage and contention appeared, as the tongue of the travellers of the plain of eloquence cannot ſufficiently expreſs; then alſo the gales of victory fanned the royal ſtandards of Ghizni, and Calliſarick and ſeveral other perſons of note were taken priſoners.
Defeated by Alib Arſilla.Intelligence of this defeat coming to Daood Siljoki, he collected all his forces, which he ſubmitted to the command of his ſon Alib Arſilia, a youth of great expectations. Arſilla advanced to oppoſe the King, and having engaged him with great reſolution, recovered the honour of the Turkumans, and took many of the Omrahs of Ghizni priſoners in the purſuit. But he did not think proper at that time, to make further uſe of his fortune, and he therefore returned with his victorious army.
Priſoners re⯑leaſed.When Sultan Feroch Zaad arrived at Ghizni, he called Calliſarick and all the priſoners of the Turkumans into his preſence, beſtowed upon each of them the honour of a dreſs, and gave them their liberty. The Turkumans returning home, repreſented in ſo ſtrong a light, the humanity of the King, that Daood, aſhamed to be out⯑done in a virtuous action, ordered the priſoners of Ghizni to be alſo releaſed.
[128] A. D. 1058. Higer. 450.Sultan Feroch Zaad, who, according to the beſt authorities, was the ſon of Muſaood, though ſome ſay that Abdul Reſhid was his father, having extended his reign to ſix years, Feroch Zaad dies.in the year four hundred and fifty turned his face to the regions of futurity. The year before his death, his ſlaves having been inſtigated to a conſpiracy againſt his life, made an attempt to aſſaſſinate him in the bath. Feroch Zaad having wreſted a ſword out of the hand of one of them, killed many, and defended himſelf againſt the reſt, till his guards hearing the noiſe, came in to his aſſiſtance; upon which, all the ſlaves were put to inſtant death. His firſt vizier was Haſſen ben Mora, and in the latter part of his reign, Abu Beker Saley.
SECTION XII. The Reign of Zahir ul Dowla SULTAN IBRAHIM, ben Muſaood Ghiznavi.
Ibrahim, a religious and good prince.WHEN Feroch Zaad became the inhabitant of another world, Sultan Ibrahim aſcended the throne of empire: A King remarkable for morality and devotion, having in the flower of his youth, amidſt a paradiſe of pleaſure, conquered all the ſenſual appe⯑tites, and added two months more to the feaſt of Ramzan, which he kept with the ſtricteſt ſeverity. He, at the ſame time, gave pro⯑per attention to government, and the due adminiſtration of juſtice, and opened the hand of charity to the poor. This prince excelled in the art of fine writing, and in the libraries of Mecca and Medina, there are two copies of the Koran wrote by his own hand, which were ſent as preſents to the Caliph.—Peace with the Turkumans.In the firſt year of his reign, he concluded a treaty of peace with the Turkumans, ceding to them [129] A. D. 1058. Higer. 450.all the countries they had ſeized, upon condition that they would not lengthen the hand of violence any further upon his dominions. He married, at the ſame time, his ſon Muſaood, to the daughter of their King, Malleck Shaw, which opened the door of friendſhip and intercourſe between the two nations.
We are told, that before this peace was concluded, Malleck Shaw had collected a great army, with an intention to invade Ghizni, which greatly intimidated Ibrahim, as he was not then in a condi⯑tion to oppoſe him. Policy of Ibrahim.But knowing that policy is ſometimes a good ſubſtitute for ſtrength, he wrote letters to the principal Omrahs of Malleck Shaw's army, which he diſpatched by a meſſenger who had received his inſtructions how to proceed. The purport of thoſe letters was to importune the Omrahs, to whom they were directed, to haſten the King's march to Ghizni, leſt their ſcheme ſhould be prematurely diſcovered; and that they might depend upon his fulfilling his en⯑gagements to their ſatisfaction.
King of the Turkomans deceived.The meſſenger accordingly took an opportunity one day, when Malleck Shaw was hunting, upon the road to Ghizni, to come running towards him; but upon diſcovering the King, he ſtole ſlowly away, which creating ſuſpicion, he was purſued by ſome horſemen, and brought before the King. He was immediately ſearched, and the pacquet was found upon him; though he had previouſly ſuffered himſelf to be ſeverely baſtinadoed, without confeſſing any thing. The King having read theſe letters, the power of the ſuppoſed conſpira⯑tors was ſuch, that there was great danger in accuſing them; but it raiſed ſuch a diffidence in his mind, that he, from that time, was deſirous of peace, and gave over all thoughts of his expedition.
When the mind of Ibrahim was quieted from any apprehenſions from that quarter, he ſent an army towards Hindoſtan, and con⯑quered [130] A. D. 1079. Higer. 472.many places in that country, which before had not been viſited by the Muſſulman arms. Ibrahim's ex⯑pedition to Hindoſtan.In the year 472, he marched him⯑ſelf towards that country, and extended his conqueſts to the fort of Ajodin, called now Palanſhukurgunge. This place being taken, he turned to another fort called Rupal, which was built upon the ſummit of a ſteep hill; a river encloſed it on three ſides, and a ſmall peninſula joined it to the other hills, which were entirely covered with an impervious wood, and much infeſted by venemous ſerpents. This, however, did not diſcourage the Sultan from his attempt. He ordered ſome thouſand hatchet men to clear the wood, which they effected in ſpite of all oppoſition; and the rock being ſoft, the miners forced their way in a ſhort time under the walls, which were brought down in ruins. Takes Rupal.The place was immediately taken, and the garriſon made priſoners.
He marched from thence to another town in the neighbourhood, the inhabitants of which came originally from Chorraſſan, and were baniſhed thither, with their families, by Afranſiab†, for frequent rebellions. Here they formed themſelves into a ſmall independant ſtate, being encircled by impaſſible mountains; and had preſerved their ancient cuſtoms and rites, without intermarrying with any other people. The Sultan having, with infinite labour, cleared a road for his army over the mountains, advanced towards the town, which was well fortified. He was overtaken by the rainy ſeaſon, and his army was greatly diſtreſſed; during three months he was obliged to remain idle before it. But when the rains began to abate, and the country to dry up, he ſummoned the town to ſurrender, and acknowledge the faith.
Ibrahim's propoſals being rejected he commenced the ſiege, which continued ſome weeks, with great ſlaughter on both ſides. The [131] A. D. 1079. Higer. 472.town at length was taken by aſſault, and the Muſſulmen found much wealth within it, and one hundred thouſand unfortunate per⯑ſons, whom they carried bound to Ghizni. Some time after, the King accidentally ſaw one of thoſe unhappy men carrying a heavy ſtone with great difficulty and labour, to a palace which was then building. This awakened his pity; he commanded him to throw it down, and gave him his liberty.
This ſtone happened to lie upon the public road, and proved troubleſome to paſſengers; but as the King's rigid adherence to his commands was univerſally known, none would attempt to remove it. A courtier one day, having ſtumbled with his horſe over this ſtone, took occaſion to mention it to the King; inſinuating, that he thought, if his Majeſty pleaſed, that it were adviſable to have it re⯑moved. To which the King replied; ‘"I have commanded it to be thrown there, and there it muſt remain; as a memorial of the misfor⯑tunes of war, and my own pity: For it is better for a King to be obſtinate, even in his inadvertencies, than to break his royal word."’ The ſtone was accordingly permitted to remain, where it is ſhewn as a curioſity to this day.
Sultan Ibrahim had thirty ſix ſons and forty daughters. The lat⯑ter he gave in marriage to learned and religious men. In the year 492, he left this mortal ſtate, after having reigned in tranquility and happineſs forty two years. In his time flouriſhed Abul Farrhe, who was a native of Seiſtan, according to ſome, but as others affirm, of Ghizni. He is eſteemed a maſter in poetry; and the famous An⯑ſuri was one of his diſciples.
SECTION XIII. The Reign of Alla ul Dowla MUSAOOD, ben Ibrahim ben Muſaood Ghiznavi.
[132]A. D. 1098. Higer. 492. Muſaood a good Prince.SULTAN Muſaood, the ſon of Ibrahim, was endowed with a benevolent and generous diſpoſition. Nor was he leſs famous for his juſtice and ſound policy. He reviſed the ancient laws and regulations of the ſtate, and abrogating ſuch as were thought unrea⯑ſonable, ſubſtituted others in their place, founded upon better princi⯑ples. He took the daughter of Sultan Sinjer Siljoki, whoſe name was Mehid Irac, in marriage, which cemented the peace between them.
Hajib Tigha Tiggi's ex⯑pedition.In the reign of Muſaood, Hajib Tigha Tiggi was honoured with the command of a great expedition, which he formed againſt Hindoſtan. Croſſing the Ganges he carried his conqueſts further than any Muſſulman, except Sultan Mamood; and having plundered many rich cities and temples of their wealth, returned in triumph to Lahore.
Sultan Ma⯑ſaood dies.After Sultan Muſaood had reigned ſixteen years, without domeſtic troubles, or foreign wars, he entered his eternal abode in the latter end of the year five hundred and eight. We are told, that after his death, his ſon Shere Zaad placed his foot upon the imperial throne. He enjoyed it only one year, being aſſaſſinated by the hand of his own brother Arſilla Shaw, who aſſumed the diadem.
SECTION XIV. The Reign of Sultan ul Dowla ARSILLA SHAW ben Muſaood.
[133]A. D. 1115. Higer. 509. Arſilla con⯑fines his bro⯑ther.WHEN Arſilla Shaw became King of Ghizni, he ſeized upon all his brothers, excepting one who eſcaped, and confined them. Byram eſcapes to Chorraſſan.Byram Shaw, who was ſo fortunate as to get out of the Sul⯑tan's hands, fled for protection to Sultan Sinjer, who then, on the part of his brother Mahummud, ruled the province of Chorraſan. An invaſion in his favour.Sultan Sinjer, having demanded the releaſement of the other brothers, which was not complied with, made the cauſe of Byram Shaw a pretence for invading the kingdom of Ghizni; and he accordingly advanced the ſtandard of hoſtility towards that city.
Arſilla Shaw hearing of the intended invaſion, wrote letters of com⯑plaint to Sinjer's elder brother, Sultan Mahummud, that he might command him back; and he indeed pretended to be inclinable to make peace between them. But Sultan Sinjer was found to continue his march, which convinced Arſilla haw that he could have no dependance upon any thing but his ſword. Arſilla de⯑ceived by his mother.But his mother, Mehid Irac, being offended with him for the murder of his brother Mu⯑ſaood, and his inhuman treatment of her other children, with well diſſembled affection, prevailed upon him to ſend her to negotiate a peace, with a great ſum of money, ſufficient to reimburſe Sultan Sinjer, for the expence of his expedition. When ſhe arrived in the camp, ſhe, according to her deſign, excited Byram Shaw, and Sultan Sinjer, to proſecute the war with all expedition.
Sultan Sinjer engages Ar⯑ſilla,Sinjer immediately marched, with thirty thouſand horſe, and fifty thouſand foot, from Buſt, where he then lay, and, without oppoſition, advanced within one pharſang of Ghizni, where he [134] A. D. 1115. Higer. 509.beheld the army of Arſilla Shaw drawn out in order of battle, to receive him. He therefore inſtantly ordered the line to be formed, dividing his horſe into ſquadrons, and placing battalions of ſpear-men in the intervals, with elephants in the rear, to be ready to advance upon occaſion. Encouraging then his troops, he advanced ſlowly toward the enemy, who ſtood firm to receive the charge. The ſhock was ſo violent upon both ſides, that order and command yielded to rage and confuſion. who is over⯑thrown.The gleam of arms that illuminated the field, was ſoon quenched in blood, and darkened by clouds of duſt, that took away all diſtinction. Flies to Hin⯑doſtan.At length, by the uncommon bravery of Abul Fazil, governor of Seiſtan, the troops of Ghizni were put to flight, and Arſilla Shaw, unable to renew the combat, fled in diſorder towards Hindoſtan.
Sultan Sinjer entered Ghizni in triumph, where he remained forty days, giving the kingdom to Byram Shaw, and then returning to his own country. Returning with an army.When Arſilla Shaw had heard of the departure of Sultan Sinjer, he collected all his troops in the provinces of Hindoſ⯑tan, and returned to recover his capital. Byram Shaw, unable to oppoſe him, ſhut himſelf up in the fort of Bamia, till he ſhould be ſuccoured by Sultan Sinjer. he is again overthrown by Sinjer.Sinjer again took the field, and drove Arſilla Shaw a ſecond time back to Hindoſtan. Arſilla taken and ſlain.But he was ſo cloſely purſued, that his army was diſperſed, while a few of his Omrahs, who remained, laid hands upon him, and brought him to Byram Shaw, to procure their own pardon. Arſilla ſuffered a violent death in the 27th year of his age, after he had reigned three years. In this reign hiſtorians report, that, among other prodigies, there fell a ſtorm of fire upon the city of Ghizni, which conſumed a great part of its buildings.
SECTION XV. The Reign of Moaz ul dowla BYRAM SHAW, ben Muſaood.
[135]A. D. [...] Byram, [...] a good Prince.THIS Prince was bleſt with a noble and generous diſpoſition. An encoura⯑ger of learn⯑ing.He had an uncommon thirſt after knowlege; he was a great promoter of literature, and a liberal patron of learned men. Many men of letters reſorted to his court, particularly Shech Nizami, and Seid Haſſen, both poets and philoſophers of great fame. Many books were, in this reign, tranſlated from various languages, into the Per⯑ſian tongue; among the moſt famous of which, was an Hindoo book, called the Killila Dumna, a fabulous ſtory, pregnant with ſound morality, policy, and entertainment.
A digreſſion.This book was ſent formerly by the King of Hindoſtan, accom⯑panied by a Cheſs table, to Noſhirwan, ſirnamed The Juſt, King of Iran. Buzurg Chimere his vizier, ſirnamed The Wiſe, was ſo well verſed in all the known languages, that in a few days he tranſlated the Killila Dumna into Phelevi or antient Perſic, to the aſtoniſhment of the ambaſſador, who imagined the Sanſcrita language was entirely unknown in thoſe parts. But he could form no conception of the cheſs-board, as that game was, at that time, unknown in Perſia. He therefore had recourſe to the ambaſſador, who was eſteemed the beſt player in Hindoſtan, to have this matter explained to him, who having accordingly diſcovered to him the principles, Buzurg Chimere ſat down with him to play. The firſt game he obliged the ambaſ⯑ſador to draw; the ſecond he chaced his King ſolitary; and the third he gave him check-mate. The ambaſſador was ſo mad to be ſoiled at his own weapons, that he would play no more. Buzurg Chimere then invented the game of back-gammon, returning a ſet of thoſe [136] A. D. 1118. Higer. 512.tables, by the ambaſſador, who having related his adventure with Buzurg Chimere, and given an account of the genius and government of Noſhirwan, his maſter gave up all thoughts of an invaſion, which he had been meditating againſt that King.
The preſent of the cheſs-board was intended as an experiment upon the genius of the miniſter, and to indicate that in the great game of ſtate, attention and capacity were better friends than fortune. While the book, in its whole tenor, ſtrongly inculcated that wiſe maxim, that true wiſdom and policy is always an over-match for ſtrength. The back-gammon table, which was returned, ſignified, that attention and capacity alone cannot always inſure ſucceſs, but that we muſt play the game of life according to the caſts of fortune.
Byram ſettles the affairs of Hindoſtan.But to return to our hiſtory. Byram Shaw, in the days of his proſperity, went twice into Hindoſtan, chaſtiſing his refractory ſub⯑jects and Zemindars. The firſt time he went to reduce Mahummud Balin, who had poſſeſſion of the government of Lahore, on the part of Arſilla Shaw, whom he defeated, and took, the 27th of Ramſan, in the year 512, but having pardoned him, upon ſwearing allegiance, he was again reinſtated in his government, and the King returned to Ghizni. Balin builds Nagore,In the mean time, Mahummud Balin built the fort of Nagore, in the country of Sewalic, whither he conveyed all his wealth, family, and effects; then raiſing an army, compoſed chiefly of Arabs, Perſians, Afghans, and Chilligies, he committed great devaſtations upon the Hindoo Rajas, and aſpires to the empire.which ſucceſs ſo puffed him up, that he aſpired at length to the empire.
Byram marches againſt him.Byram Shaw being apprized of the intentions of Balin, collected his army, and a ſecond time marched towards Hindoſtan. Mahum⯑mud Balin, with his ten ſons, who had each the command of a pro⯑vince, advanced to meet the king, as far as Moultan, with a powerful [137] A. D. 1150. Higer. 545.army. A dreadful battle enſued; but the curſe of ingratitude was poured, in a ſtorm, upon the head of the perfidious rebel, who, in his flight, with his ten ſons and attendants, fell headlong into a deep quagmire, where they were totally overwhelmed, and every one of them periſhed.
Obtains a compleat vic⯑tory.The King, after this compleat victory, ſettled the country, and, appointing Sallar Huſſein to the chief command of theſe provinces, returned himſelf to Ghizni. He ſoon after publicly executed Cuttub ul dien Mahummud of Ghor, who was ſon-in-law to Mahummud Balin. This, in its conſequences, proved the ruin of his empire. Seif ul dien Souri, Prince of Ghor*, brother to the deceaſed, raiſed a great army to revenge his death. Ghizni inva⯑ded by the Prince of Ghor.He marched directly to Ghizni, which Byram Shaw, unable to oppoſe him, evacuated and fled to a place called Kirma, upon the borders of Hindoſtan. This Kirma had been built by the Afghans to guard a paſs in the mountains.
The city ta⯑ken.Seif úl dien Souri, without further oppoſition, entered the capital, where he eſtabliſhed himſelf, by conſent of the people, ſending Alla ul dien his brother to rule the kingdom of Ghor. A conſpiracy againſt Seiff ul dien.Notwithſtanding all he could do to render himſelf popular at Ghizni, the people began to diſlike his government, and ſecretly wiſhed the re-eſtabliſhment of their former King. Some of the Omrahs, who were of the ſame principles, laying hold of this favorable diſpoſition, informed Byram Shaw of their ripeneſs for an inſurrection, if he could by any means ſavour it.
Byram marches againſt him.It was now winter, and moſt of the troops of Ghor had returned, upon leave, to their families, when Byram Shaw, unexpectedly, appeared before Ghizni, with a great army. Seif ul dien being then in no condition to engage him with his own troops, and having little [138] A. D. 1151. Higer. 546.dependance upon thoſe of Ghizni, was preparing to retreat to Ghor, Self ul dien betrayed,when the Ghiznians intreated him to engage Byram Shaw, and that they would exert themſelves to the utmoſt in his ſervice. This was only a trick for an opportunity to put their deſign in execution. As Seif ul dien was advancing to engage Byram Shaw, he was ſur⯑rounded by the troops of Ghizni, and taken priſoner, while Byram Shaw in perſon put the forces of Ghor to flight.
diſgraced, tortured, and put to death.The unfortunate captive was inhumanly ordered to have his forehead made black, and then to be put aſtride a ſorry bullock, with his face turned towards the tail. He, in that manner, was led round the whole city, inſulted and hooted by the mob. He was then put to the torture, and his head ſent to Sultan Sinjer, while his vizier Seid Mujud ul dien, was impaled alive.
His brother Alla marches to revenge his death.When this news was carried to the ears of his brother, Alla ul dien, he burnt with his rage, and reſolving upon revenge, with all his united powers, invaded Ghizni. Byram Shaw hearing of his coming, prepared himſelf to receive him. He wrote him a letter, and endea⯑voured to intimidate him, with the ſuperiority of his troops, advi⯑ſing him not to plunge the whole family of Ghor into the ſame abyſs of misfortune. Alla ul dien replied, ‘"that his threats were as impo⯑tent as his arms. That it was no new thing for Kings to make war upon their neighbours; but that barbarity like his, was unknown to the brave, and what he had never heard to have been exerciſed upon Princes. That he might be aſſured that God had forſaken Byram, and ordained Alla to be the inſtrument of that juſt vengeance which was denounced againſt him."’
All hopes of accommodation being paſt, Byram Shaw advanced with a numerous army, to give Alla battle. The offer was gladly accepted by his adverſary, and the bloody conflict commenced with [139] A. D. 1152. Higer. 547.great fury on both ſides. The battle.At firſt the troops of Ghizni, by their ſuperior numbers, bore down thoſe of Ghor; till Alla ul dien ſeeing his affairs almoſt deſperate, called out to two gigantic brothers, whoſe name was Chirmil, the greater and the leſſer, whom he ſaw in the front, like two rocks bearing againſt the torrent. He forced on his elephant towards Byram Shaw, theſe two heroes clearing all before him. Byram obſerving him, ſtood off; but his ſon Dowlat Shaw accepting the challenge, advanced to oppoſe Alla. Prince Dow⯑lat ſlain.The elder of the heroic Chirmils intervening, ripped up the belly of Dowlat's elephant, and was himſelf killed by his fall. Alla ul dien, in the mean time, nailed the brave prince, with his ſpear, to the ground. Byram over⯑thrown.The other Chirmil, in the mean time, attacked the elephant of Byram Shaw, and after many wounds, brought the enormous animal to the ground; but while he was riſing from under the elephant's ſide, being much bruiſed by the fall, Byram Shaw eſcaped with his life, and inſtantly mounting a horſe, joined the flight of his army which was now repulſed on all ſides. The troops of Ghor emulating the bravery of their leader, had made ſuch a violent attack as to be no longer reſiſtible.
Byram Shaw fled, with the ſcattered remains of his army, towards Hindoſtan; Dies.but he was overwhelmed with his misfortunes, and ſunk under the hand of death, in the year five hundred and forty ſeven, after a reign of thirty-five years.
SECTION XVI. The Reign of Zehiri ul dowla CHUSERO SHAW ben Byram Shaw Ghiznavi.
[140]A. D. 1153. Higer. 547. Chuſero Shaw,CHUSERO Shaw, upon the death of his father, continued his march to Lahore, leaving the Kingdom of Ghizni to his enemies, and was there ſaluted King, by the unanimous voice of his people.
Ghizni taken and deſtroyed,In the mean time the conqueror entered Ghizni, with little oppo⯑ſition, and that noble city was given up to flame, ſlaughter, rapine, and devaſtation. The maſſacre continued, for the [...] of ſeven days, in which time pity ſeemed to have fled the earth, and the fiery ſpirits of demons to actuate the bodies of men. For which inhuman cruelty the barbarous. Alla was juſtly denominated Ailum Soz [...], or the incendiary of the world. Alla's un⯑heard of cru⯑elty.But, inſatiable of revenge, he car⯑ried a number of the moſt venerable prieſts, learned men, and citi⯑zens, in chaint to Ghor, to adorn his triumph. There,—we ſhud⯑der to relate it! he ordered their throats to be cut, tempering earth with their blood, with which he plaiſtered the walls of his city.
Chuſero [...] to re⯑cover Ghiz⯑ni.After the return of Alla ul dien to Ghor, Chuſero Shaw, hoping to recover his loſt kingdom of Ghizni, and depending upon the aſſiſtance of Sultan Sinjer*, collected all his forces, and marched from Lahore. But when he had arrived upon the borders of Ghizni, he received intelligence, that Sultan Sinjer had been defeated and taken priſoner by the Turks of [...]hiza, who were then marching [141] A. D. 1159. Higer. 555. down with a great army to Ghizni, to appropriate that kingdom to themſelves. He retreats.This obliged him to retreat again to Lahore, being in no condition to oppoſe them.
The Turks, in the mean time, drove out the troops of Ghor, and kept poſſeſſion of the kingdom for two years. But they were ex⯑pelled in their turn by the Ghorians, who did not long enjoy it for that time, being vanquiſhed by Abad Aſſumud, general to Chuſero Malleck, the ſon of Chuſero Shaw, who for a ſhort ſpace recovered and held that kingdom.
Chuſero dies.Chuſero Shaw died at Lahore, in the year five hundred and fifty-five, after he had reigned ſeven years.
SECTION XVII. The Reign of CHUSERO MALLECK, ben Chuſero Shaw.
Chuſero Mal⯑leck a good Prince.WHEN Chuſero Shaw departed from this houſe of grief, towards the manſions of joy and immortality his ſon Chuſero aſcended the throne, which he adorned with benevo⯑lence and juſtice, extending his dominions to all the provinces formerly poſſeſſed by Ibrahim and Byram Shaw.
Invaded by the Ghorians.But Shahab ul dien Mahummud, brother to the Prince of Ghor, invaded the kingdom of Ghizni, which he conquered, and not ſatisfied with that, marched an army into Hindoſtan, over-running Piſhawir, Afghaniſtan, Moultan and Sind. And beſieges Lahore.He advanced at length to Lahore, and in the year 576, inveſted Chuſero Malleck in his capital, [142] A. D. 1184. Higer. 580.but not being able to take the place, A treaty.there was a kind of treaty concluded between them. Shahab ul dien evacuated the country, carrying Chuſero Shaw, the ſon of Chuſero Malleck, a child of four years of age, hoſtage for the performance of the treaty.
Lahore again beſieged.But the terms not being kept properly by Chuſero, Shahab ul dien, in the year 580, returned to Lahore, and beſieged it to no purpoſe. He however ſubjected the open country to fire and ſword. Shahab ul dien built the fort of Salcot, where he left a ſtrong garri⯑ſon, and then returned to Ghizni. Chuſero be⯑ſieges Salcot.In his abſence, Chuſero Malleck, in alliance with the Gickers, beſieged the fort of Salcot, but their enterprize proving unſucceſsful, they were obliged to deſiſt.
Lahore taken by treachery.Some time after theſe tranſactions, Shahab ul dien collected all his forces, and the third time, reſolved to reduce the city of Lahore, which he effected by treachery, in the following manner. While he was preparing for the expedition, he gave out, that it was in⯑tended againſt the Turkumans, writing, at the ſame time, to Chuſero Malleck, that he was deſirous of accommodating all their differences, by a treaty of peace. To convince him of the ſincerity of his in⯑tentions, he now returned his ſon Chuſero Shaw, with a ſplendid retinue; who had orders to make ſhort marches, while Chuſero Malleck, impatient to ſee him, advanced a part of the way to meet him. In the mean time, Shahab ul dien, with twenty thou⯑ſand horſe, with incredible expedition, marched by another way round the mountains, and cut off Chuſero Malleck from Lahore, having ſurrounded his ſmall camp in the night. Chuſero Malleck having waked in the morning, from his dream of negligence, ſaw no hope of eſcape left, which obliged him to throw himſelf upon the mercy of his adverſary. The Empire tranſferred to the houſe of Ghor.He demanded poſſeſſion of the capital for the King's releaſe, accordingly the gates of that city were thrown open to [143] A. D. 1184. Higer. 580.receive him; and thus the empire paſſed from the houſe of Ghizni to that of Ghor, as we ſhall ſee more fully in the hiſtory of that race.
SECTION XVIII. Of the Dynaſty of Ghor.
The origin of the houſe of Ghor.MORCHAN the hiſtorian tells us, that about the time when Feredoon ſubdued Zohac Tazi, two brothers of that family, Souri and Saam, were taken into favour by the conqueror; but having by ſome means incurred his diſpleaſure, they fled with a party of their friends to Hawind, where they took up their abode, poſſeſſing themſelves of a ſmall territory. Souri took the government of this diſtrict, appointing his brother to the command of his ſmall army, and gave his daughter in marriage to his ſon Suja.
Suja the firſt of that race.Suja, after his father's deceaſe, enjoyed his place. But ſome pri⯑vate enemies having traduced him to his uncle, inſpired him with jealouſy and enmity to ſuch a degree, that he wanted to take his daughter away from him. When Suja found this, he was deter⯑mined to ſeek his fortune elſewhere. Flies to the mountains of Ghor.He accordingly, in the night, with ten horſemen and a few camels, laden with his effects, ſet out, with his wife and children to the mountains of Ghor, where he built a houſe and called it Romejandiſh†.
Here he was gradually joined by many of his friends, who built a ſtrong fort, which he held out againſt the troops of Feredoon [144] for ſome time, but at length he was obliged to ſubmit and pay tribute.
Thus the race of Zohac, one after another, ſucceeded to this government, which began to gain ſtrength by degrees, till the time of the prophet, when it was ruled by Shinſub, who, ſome ſay, was converted to the faith by the great Ali, who confirmed him in his kingdom. The genea⯑logy of the houſe of Ghor.The genealogy of the Kings of Ghor, according to the moſt authentic hiſtorians, runs upward thus. Shinſub ben Haric, ben Nick, ben Meſhi, ben Wiſen, ben Heiſien, ben Byram, ben Hajis, ben Ibrahim, ben Zaad, ben Aſſad, ben Shidaad, ben Zohac Hubiſtan, ben Maſhad, ben Neriman, ben Afredoon, ben Samund, ben Safed Aſp, ben Zohac, ben Sheran, ben Sind Aſp, ben Shamuc, ben Murintaſh, ben Zohac ul Maleck. And down⯑ward from Shinſub thus. Purveſe ben Shinſub, Darmunſhaw, ben Purveſe, Dirmeſh, ben Darmunſhaw, Nehadan ben Dirmeſh, Punchi ben Nehadan, Souri, ben Muhummud, Muhummud ben Punchi, Mahummud ben Soiri, cotemporary with Sultan Mamood of Ghizni; Conquered by Mamood of Ghizni.who conquered his country and gave it to his ſon Abu Ali, impriſoning Muhummud his father.
Subject to the Ghiznian em⯑pire.But Abu Ali, endeavouring to throw off the yoke of Sultan Ma⯑mood, he was depoſed, and the country given to Abaſs his nephew, in whoſe reign there was ſeven years drought in Ghor, ſo that the earth was burnt up, and thouſands of men and animals periſhed with heat and famine. Abaſs, deſirous of rendering himſelf independent, commenced a war againſt Sultan Ibrahim, by whom he was defeated and taken priſoner; the kingdom being conferred upon his ſon Ma⯑hummud, who ſwore allegiance to the empire of Ghizni. He was ſucceeded by his ſon Cuttub ul dien Huſſein, who was killed by an arrow in the eye, in attacking a certain fort, when he rebelled againſt Ghizni.
[145] The adven⯑tures of Sham.Upon the death of Cuttub, his ſon Sham was obliged to fly to Hindoſtan, where he followed the buſineſs of a merchant; and hav⯑ing acquired much wealth, he returned up the Indus to his native country. Wrecked on the Indus.But unfortunately he was wrecked, narrowly eſcaping with his life upon a plank, with his ſon Ezid ul dien Huſſein, after driving with the tide for three days. When they got foot on ſhore, they made towards a town that appeared in ſight, but, it being late before they arrived, they could find no lodgings, and were obliged to creep in under a balcony, where they might ſleep out of the rain. The watch going the rounds perceived them, and without further examination, concluding they were thieves, carried them to priſon. Condemned to ſlavery.They were condemned to ſlavery for ſeven years, during which time the ſon died.
When Sham obtained his liberty, he proceeded towards Ghizni, on the way to which, he was met by a gang of robbers, that had for a long time infeſted the roads. Taken with robbers.When they ſaw him a man of great ſtrength and of a bold appearance, they inſiſted upon enrolling him in the gang, to which he was obliged to conſent; but unfortunately that very night, a party of the troops of Sultan Ibrahim ſurrounded them and carried them all in chains before the Emperor, Condemned to death.who imme⯑diately condemned them to death.
When the executioner was binding up the eyes of Sham, he raiſed a grievous complaint, proteſting, and calling God to witneſs, that he was innocent, which ſoftened the ſteely heart of the execu⯑tioner to pity. He deſired him to relate what he had to ſay in his own defence, which he did in ſuch a circumſtantial and probable manner, that the magiſtrate who attended, believing him innocent, petitioned the King to give him a hearing. Pardoned and received in⯑to favour by Sultan Ibra⯑him.This being accordingly granted, he acquitted himſelf with ſuch modeſty and eloquence, that the King commanded him to be releaſed, and admitted him [146] into his particular friendſhip and favour. Ibrahim, ſome time after, created Sham an Omrah, and appointed him maſter of requeſts, in which ſtation he acquitted himſelf ſo honourably, that he roſe daily in rank and honours, till Sultan Muſaood, the ſon of Ibrahim, put him in poſſeſſion of his hereditary kingdom. He then married a princeſs of the houſe of Ghizni, by whom he had ſeven ſons, deno⯑minated the ſeven ſtars.
Hiſtory of his ſons.After the death of Huſſein Sham, his ſons became divided into two factions; one headed by the governor of Tariſtan and Hiatilla, whoſe name was Fuchur ul dien Muſaood, the eldeſt ſon: And the other by the fourth ſon, Naſir ul dien Mahummud, who took poſſeſ⯑ſion of Ghor. The ſecond ſon, Cuttub ul dien Mahummud, took poſſeſſion of the hills, and founded the city of Firoſe Ko, which he made his capital; and raiſing himſelf in a few years to great power, he meditated an attempt upon the empire of Ghizni, collecting ſoldiers of fortune from all parts. But Byram Shaw, being privately acquainted of his intentions, treacherouſly invited him in friendſhip to Ghizni, where, contrary to all the laws of honour and hoſpitality, he ordered poiſon to be adminiſtered to him, which proved the fatal cauſe of the war between the houſes of Ghor and Ghizni.
Seif ul dien Souri the fifth ſon, who had accompanied his brother, eſcaped the ſnare and fled to Firoſe Ko. He there placed himſelf at the head of his brother's army, and marched towards Ghizni to revenge his death, as we have ſeen in the hiſtory of that kingdom. He took Ghizni, and Byram Shaw fled to Hindoſtan. But Byram returning again in the winter, when the troops of Seif ul dien were moſtly gone to Feroſe Ko and Ghor, from whence they could not eaſily return, on account of the roads and deep ſnow, Seif ul dien, as before related, was treacherouſly delivered up to him, and with his vizier, put to a moſt ignominious death.
[147] The conſequence of this impolitic cruelty was, that Baha ul dien Sham, the ſixth brother, prepared to invade Byram, with an army from Firoze Ko and Ghor; but dying in the interim, the command devolved upon the ſeventh brother, Alla ul dien the incendiary, who took and deſtroyed Ghizni. He carried his ravages ſo far as to de⯑ſtroy every monument and tomb of the Ghiznian Kings, excepting thoſe of the Sultans Mamood, Muſaood, and Ibrahim, throwing fire into their very graves, and defacing their inſcriptions upon all public edifices. When he returned to Ghor, he appointed his nephew Yeas ul dien Mahummud Sham, and Moaz ul dien Mahummud Sham, to the government of a province of Ghor called Singia.
But when they found the revenues of that province could not ſup⯑port the figure which they endeavoured to make, by their un⯑bounded generoſity and liberality to military men, whom they began to collect from all parts; they began to extend their limits. This having reached the ears of Alla ul dien, he ſent a force againſt them, and ſeizing them both, confined them in the fort of Goriſtan.
Alla then turned the hoſtile ſpear againſt Sultan Sinjer, to whom his father paid tribute. He overrun the provinces of Balich and Herat; but coming to an engagement with the Sultan, he was de⯑feated and taken priſoner. Notwithſtanding all which, the Sultan had compaſſion upon him, and again confirmed him in the kingdom of Ghor, where he died in the year five hundred and fifty-one.
Alla was ſucceeded by his ſon Seif ul dien Mahummud, who upon his acceſſion releaſed his two couſins from their confinement at Go⯑riſtan, and beſtowed the government of Singia upon them. In little more than a year, he commenced a war with the tribe of Turku⯑mans called Ghiza, and in the day of battle, was killed by one of his own men.
[148] A. D. 1171. Higer. 567.He was ſucceeded by Yeas ul dien Mahummud ben Sham, the eldeſt of his two couſins, who appointed his brother Shab ul dien his general, and in a ſhort time, ſubdued Chorraſſan and a great part of Hindoſtan, of which countries, he annexed the titles to his own, and died in the year 599, after a glorious reign of upwards of forty ſix years.
SECTION XIX. The Reign of Shaw Churſied Ahtieſham SULTAN MOAZ UL DIEN; known in Hindoſtan by the name of SHAB UL DIEN MAHUMMUD GHORI.
The actions of the Sultan before the final reduction of the Ghiznian empire.MOAZ UL DIEN, or as he was called in Hindoſtan, Shab ul dien, was left by his brother to command in Tunganabad, in the province of Chorraſſan. He continued from thence to make incurſions upon Ghizni, as we have obſerved in the hiſtory of that kingdom.
In the year 567, Sultan Yeas ul dien marched in perſon againſt the Omrahs of Chuſero Malleck, and entirely reduced them. He gave the government of Ghizni to Shâb ul dien, who, according to his brother's orders, in the year 572, led an army towards Moultan, which he entirely ſubdued. He marched from thence to Adja. The Raja of that place ſhut himſelf up in a ſtrong fort. Shab ul dien began to beſiege the place; but, finding it would be a difficult taſk to reduce it, he ſent a private meſſage to the Raja's wife, promiſing to marry her if ſhe would make away with her huſband.
[149] A. D. 1178. Higer. 574.The baſe woman returned for anſwer, that ſhe was rather too old herſelf to think of matrimony, but that ſhe had a beautiful young daughter, whom, if he would promiſe to eſpouſe, and leave her in free poſſeſſion of the country and its wealth, ſhe would in a few days remove the Raja. Shab ul dien baſely accepted of the propoſal, and the wicked woman accordingly, in a few days, found means to aſſaſſinate her huſband, and to open the gates to the enemy.
Shab ul dien confirmed his promiſe, by marrying the daughter, upon acknowledging the true faith; but he made no ſcruple to deviate from what reſpected the mother; for, inſtead of truſting her with the country, he ſent her off to Ghizni, where ſhe ſoon died of grief and reſentment. Nor did the daughter reliſh her ſituation bet⯑ter; for, in the ſpace of two years, ſhe alſo fell a victim to grief.
Sultan Shab ul dien having conferred the government of Moultan and Adja upon Ali Kirbach, returned to Ghizni; from whence, in the year 574, he again marched to Adja and Moultan, and from thoſe places, continued his courſe through the ſandy deſart, to Guze⯑rat. Raja Bim Deo advanced thither with a great army, to give him battle, in which the Muſſulmen were defeated, with great ſlaughter, and ſuffered many hardſhips in their retreat, till they arrived at Ghizni.
In the year following, he marched his recruited army towards Peſhawir, known in antient hiſtory by the names of Bickraam, Fir⯑ſhoor, and Poorſhoor, which he in a ſhort time brought under ſubjection. He proceeded in the courſe of the next year, towards Lahore, where he inveſted Chuſero Malleck, who had been ſo weakened at that time, by wars with the Rajas of Hind, and the Afghans, that he could not oppoſe him in the field. But Shab ul dien, finding he could not reduce the place, he intimated a deſire of treating with [150] A. D. 1179. Higer. 575.Chuſero Malleck, who, glad to get rid of him, made him ſome pre⯑ſents, and gave his ſon as an hoſtage for the performance of the reſt of the agreement between them.
Shab ul dien returned to Ghizni, but he could not reſt long in peace. He, the very next year, drew his army towards Dewil, in the province of Sind, and ſubdued all the country to the ſea coaſt, returning loaded with rich ſpoil.
Higer. 580.In the year 580 he returned again to Lahore, where Chuſero Mal⯑leck ſhut himſelf up as before, ſuſtaining a long ſiege, which at length Shab ul dien was obliged to raiſe. He in this expedition, built the fort of Salcot, in which he left a garriſon to command the countries between the rivers Ravi and Chinab, under the government of Huſſein Churmili, while he himſelf returned to Ghizni. This fort, as we have before related, was ineffectually beſieged by Chuſero Mal⯑leck, in the abſence of Shab ul dien, which occaſioned his third expedition towards Lahore, which he took in the year 582, by the perfidious ſtratagem mentioned in the concluſion of the hiſtory of Ghizni. The Sultan extirpates the royal family of Ghizni.He ſent Chuſero Malleck and his family, priſoners to his brother at Firoſe Ko, who confined them in a fort in Ghirgiſtan, where they were ſome time afterwards put to death, on account of ſomething the aſtrologers had predicted concerning them.
When Shab ul dien had ſettled the provinces of Lahore, he left the government of that place in the hands of Ali Kirbach, governor of Moultan, and returned himſelf to Ghizni. He marches to Hindoſtan.In the year 587, he marched again towards Hindoſtan, and, proceeding to Ajmere, took the capital of Tiberhind, where he left Malleck Zea ul dien, with above a thouſand choſen horſe, and ſome foot, to garriſon the place. He himſelf was upon his way back, when he heard that Pittu Ra, the Raja of Ajmere, with his brother Candi Ra, Raja of Delhi, in alli⯑ance [151] A. D. 1191. Higer. 587.with ſome other Hindoo Rajas, were marching towards Tiber⯑hind, with two hundred thouſand horſe, and three thouſand elephants. Shab ul dien determined to return to the relief of the garriſon. He met the enemy at the village of Sirauri, upon the banks of the Sirſutti, ſeven crores from Tannaſſar, and forty crores from Delhi, and gave them battle.
Engages the Hindoos.Upon the firſt onſet his right and left wings retired, being out⯑flanked by the enemy, till, joining in the rear, his army was formed into a circle. Shab ul dien, who was in perſon in the centre of the line, when firſt formed, was told that his right and left wings were defeated, and adviſed to provide for his own ſafety. Enraged at this council, he ſmote the imprudent adviſer, and ruſhed on towards the enemy, among whom he commenced, with a few followers, a great ſlaughter.
A ſingle com⯑bat between the Sultan and the Raja of Delhi.The eyes of Candi Ra, Raja of Delhi, fell upon him. He drove the elephant upon which he was mounted, directly againſt him. The Sultan riſing from his horſe, threw his lance with ſuch force at the elephant, that he drove out three of his back teeth. He is over⯑thrown.In the mean time the Raja of Delhi from above, pierced the Sultan through the right arm, and had almoſt thrown him to the ground; when ſome of his chiefs advanced to his reſcue. This gave an opportunity to one of his faithful ſervants, to leap behind him as he was ſinking from his horſe, and ſupporting him in his arms, he carried him from the field, which, by this time, was deſerted almoſt by his whole army. The enemy purſued them near twenty crores.
After this defeat, and when he had recovered of his wound at Lahore, he appointed governors to the different provinces he poſſeſſed in Hindoſtan, and returned himſelf to Ghor with his army. At Ghor he diſgraced all thoſe Omrahs who had deſerted him in battle. [152] A. D. 1192. Higer. 588. Extraordinary puniſhment of cowardly Omrahs.He obliged them to walk round the city, with their horſes mouth⯑bags filled with barley, hanging about their necks; at the ſame time forcing them to eat, or have their heads ſtruck off; the former of which they chiefly choſe to do.
We are told by Eben Aſire, contrary to all other authority, that when Sultan Shab ul dein was wounded, he fell from his horſe, and lay upon the field among the dead, till night. And that, in the dark, a party of his own horſe returned to ſearch for his body, and carried him off to his own camp.
The combi⯑ned Rajas take Tiber⯑hind.Upon the retreat of the Sultan, the allied Rajas continued their march to Tiberhind, which they beſieged for one year and one month, and at laſt were obliged to give favourable terms of capitu⯑lation. Sultan Shab ul dien remained a few months with his bro⯑ther at Ghor, and then returning to Ghizni, ſpent the enſuing year in indolence and feſtivity. The Sultan raiſes a fine army.But ambition again fermenting in his mind, he recruited a noble army, conſiſting of one hundred thouſand choſen horſe, Turks, Perſians, and Afghans, many of whom had their helmets ornamented with jewels, and their armour inlaid with ſilver and gold. With theſe he marched in martial ſplendor, from Ghizni towards Hindoſtan, without diſcloſing to his friends any part of his intentions.
His confer⯑ence with a ſage.When his victorious ſpears had advanced as far as Peſhawir, an old ſage of Ghor proſtrating himſelf before him, ſaid, ‘"O King, we truſt in thy conduct and wiſdom, but as yet thy deſign has been a ſubject of much diſpute and ſpeculation among us."’ Shab ul dien replied, ‘"Know, old man, that ſince the time of my defeat in Hin⯑doſtan, notwithſtanding external appearances, I have never ſlumbered in eaſe, nor waked but in ſorrow and anxiety. I have therefore determined, with this army, to recover my loſt honour from thoſe [153] A. D. 1192. Higer. 588.idolaters, or die in the noble attempt."’ The ſage, kiſſing the ground, ſaid, ‘"Victory and triumph be thy attendants, and fortune be the guide of thy paths. But, O King, let the petition of thy ſlave find favour, and let thoſe Omrahs you have ſo juſtly diſgraced, be permitted to take this glorious opportunity of wiping away their diſhonorable ſtains."’
Sends for the diſhonoured Omrahs.The Prince liſtened to his requeſt, and ſent an order to Ghizni to releaſe the diſgraced Omrahs from their confinement, and that ſuch of them as were deſirous of recovering their honour, might now attend his ſtirrup. They accordingly obeyed the order, and were each honoured with a chelat, according to their rank. Declares war againſt the Hindoos.The next day the royal ſtandard was put in motion, and the army advanced to Moultan, where the Sultan conferred titles and employments upon all who had been firm to his intereſt. He then proceeded to Lahore, from whence he diſpatched Ruckun ul dien Humza, one of his principal Omrahs, ambaſſador to Ajmere, with a declaration of war, if they ſhould reject the true faith.
Raja Pittu Rai gave a diſreſpectful anſwer to the embaſſy, and im⯑mediately wrote for ſuccours to all the neighbouring Rajas. They meet him with a numerous army.Nor did his allies delay their coming, and therefore he ſoon advanced to meet Shab ul dien, with an army, conſiſting, according to the loweſt and moſt moderate account, of three hundred thouſand horſe of Rajaputs, Kittries, and others; beſides above three thouſand elephants, and foot innumerable as the locuſts. The Hindoos again waited to receive Shab ul dien upon the former field of battle. The two armies incamped in ſight of each other, with the river Surſutti between them.
The Hindoo Rajas, of whom there were one hundred and fifty, in this enormous camp, having aſſembled, rubbed Tica upon [154] A. D. 1192. Higer. 588.their foreheads, and ſwore by the water of the Ganges, that they ſhould conquer their enemies, or die martyrs to their faith. They then wrote a letter to Shab ul dien, in theſe haughty terms. ‘The haughty letter of the Rajas to the Sultan."To the bravery of our troops we imagined you was no ſtranger; and to our great ſuperiority in number, which daily increaſes, your eyes will bear teſtimony of the truth. If you are wearied of your own exiſtence, yet have pity upon your troops, who may ſtill think it a happineſs to live. It were better then you ſhould repent in time, of the fooliſh reſolution you have taken, and we ſhall permit you to retreat in ſafety. But if you have determined to force your evil deſtiny, we have ſworn by our Gods to advance upon you with our rank-breaking elephants, war-treading horſes, and blood-thirſting ſoldiers, early in the morning, to cruſh the unfortunate army which your ambition has led to ruin."’
The Sultan's anſwer.Sultan Shab ul dien returned them this politic anſwer.— ‘"That he had drawn his army into Hindoſtan, by the command of his brother, whoſe general he only was, and that honour and duty bound him to exert the utmoſt of his capacity in his ſervice. That therefore he could not retreat without his leave, but would be glad to obtain a truce, till he informed him of the ſituation of affairs, and received his anſwer."’
This letter produced the intended effect, for the enemy imagined that Shab ul dien was intimidated, and they ſpent the night in riot and revelry, while the Sultan was preparing for a ſurpriſe. He ſurpriſes their camp.He accord⯑ingly forded the river a little before the dawn of the morning, drew up his army on the ſands, and had entered part of the Hindoo camp, before the alarm was ſpread. Notwithſtanding the confuſion that na⯑turally reigned on this occaſion among the Hindoos, their camp was of ſuch an amazing extent, that the greater part had ſufficient time to form the line which ſerved to cover the rout, ſo that now they began to advance with great reſolution and ſome order, in four lines.
[155] A. D. 1193. Higer. 589.Sultan Shab ul dien, upon ſeeing this, ordered his troops to halt, and his army, which had been divided into four parts, were com⯑manded to renew the attack by turns, wheeling off to the rear after they had diſcharged their bows a certain number of times upon the enemy, giving ground gradually as they advanced with their elephants. A battle.In this manner he retreated and fought, till the ſun was approaching the weſt, when, thinking he had ſufficiently wearied the enemy, and deluded them with a ſecurity of victory, he put himſelf at the head of twelve thouſand of his beſt horſe, whoſe riders were covered with ſteel, and giving orders to his generals to ſecond him, he made a reſolute charge, and carried death and confuſion among the Hindoo ranks. The diſorder increaſed every where, till at length it became general. The Muſſulman troops, as if now only ſerious in fight, made ſuch a dreadful ſlaughter, that this prodigious army once ſha⯑ken, like a great building, was loſt in its own ruins. The Hindoos overthrown.The enemy recoiled, like a troubled torrent, from the bloody plain.
Candi Rai Raja of Delhi, and many other Rajas, were ſlain in the field, while Pittu Rai was taken in the purſuit, and afterwards put to death. The ſpoil of the camp, which was immenſely rich, fell into the hands of the conquerors, and the forts of Surſutti, Samana, Ko⯑ram and Haſſi, ſurrendered after the victory. Shub ul dien ſettles the conquered countries.Sultan Shab ul dien in perſon went to Ajmere, and took poſſeſſion of it, after having bar⯑barouſly put ſome thouſands of the unfortunate inhabitants to the ſword, reſerving the reſt for ſlavery. But, upon a promiſe of a punctual payment of a large tribute, he gave up the country to Gola the ſon of Pittu Rai. He then turned his ſtandards towards Delhi, but he was prevailed upon by the new Raja, with great preſents, to abandon that enterprize. He left Cuttub ul dien Abeik, in the town of Koram, with a conſiderable detachment, and marched him⯑ſelf, with the body of his army, towards the mountains of Sewalic, which lie to the north of Hindoſtan, deſtroying and plundering all the countries in his way to Ghizni.
[156] A. D. 1193. Higer. 589. Exploits of Cuttub in Hindoſtan.After the return of the Sultan, Cuttub ul dien Abiek, who had been formerly a ſlave, raiſed an army and took the fort of Merat, and the city of Delhi, from the family of Candi Rai. It was from this circumſtance, that foreign nations ſay, that the empire of Delhi was founded by a ſlave. In the year 589 he alſo took the fort of Kole, and making Delhi the ſeat of his government, there eſtabliſhed himſelf in ſecurity, obliging all the diſtricts around to acknowledge the Muſſulman faith.
Sultan Shab ul dien, in the mean time, marched from Ghizni towards Kinnoge, and engaged Rai Joy Chund, who was Lord of Kinnoge and Bena-ris, and who commanded a very numerous army of horſe, beſides four hundred elephants. This Raja led his forces into the field between Chundwar and Atava, where he received a total defeat from the vanguard of the Ghiznian army, led by Cuttub ul dien Abiek, and all his baggage and elephants were taken. Shab ul dien takes Aſſi and Benaris.The Sultan then marched to the fort of Aſſi, where Joy Chund had laid up his treaſure, which in a few days he took, and found there, gold, ſilver, and precious ſtones, to a great amount. He marched from thence to Benaris, and broke down the idols in above one thouſand temples, which he purified and conſecrated to the true God. Here he alſo found immenſe plunder. He returned then to the fort of Kole, where he again confirmed Cuttub ul dien in the regency of Hindoſtan, and from thence, laden with treaſure, he took the rout of Ghizni.
In the mean time, one of the relations of Pitta Rai whoſe name was Himrage, invaded Gola the ſon of Pittu Rai, and drove him out of Ajmere. Gola immediately had recourſe for aſſiſtance to Cuttub ul dien Abiek. Cuttub accordingly marched, in the year 591, from Delhi againſt Himrage, who having collected a great army, gave the Muſſulmen battle, in which he loſt the victory and [157] A D. 1194. Higer. 591.his life. Cuttub, after this victory, appointed a governor of his own faith to ſuperintend the Raja, then led his army to Narwalla in the province of Guzerat, and defeating Bim Deo took ample re⯑venge for the overthrow given to his Lord. He plundered that rich country; but he was ſoon recalled, by orders from Ghizni, and commanded to proceed immediately to Delhi.
Shab ul dien again invades Hindoſtan.In the year following, Sultan Shab ul dien formed again a reſo⯑lution of returning to Hindoſtan, and proceeding to Biana. He took it, and conferred the government upon Baha ul dien Tughril; and leaving with him the body of his army, he commanded him to beſiege Gualier, and returned himſelf to ſettle ſome affairs at Ghizni. Gualier taken.In the mean time, the ſtrong fort of Gualier was taken, after a long ſiege. Tughril, ambitious of extending his conqueſts further, led his army againſt the Rajaputs of the ſouth. But he received a terrible defeat, and was obliged to take the protec⯑tion of his forts.
In the year 593, Cuttub ul dien marched again from Delhi, and reduced Narwalla of Guzerat, with all its dependencies. He, after his return, took the forts of Callinger, Calpee and Budaoon.
Sultan Shab ul dien, was in the mean time engaged in an expe⯑dition to Toos and Sirchus. Sultan Yeas ul dien dies.News was then brought to him of the death of his brother Sultan Yeas ul dien, who retained nothing of the empire but the name. Shab ul dien, upon this, acceded to the empire. He turned by the way of Badyeiſh, and ſubdued the country of Chorraſſan, which he divided among the family of Saam, giving the government of Firoſe Ko and Ghor to Malleck Zea ul dien, who was ſon in law to his brother Yeas ul dien the deceaſed Emperor. Buſt, Ferra and Iſphorar he gave to Sultan Mamood, [158] A. D. 1202. Higer. 599.his brother's ſon; and the government of Herat and its diſtricts, to Naſir ul dien, his nephew by a ſiſter.
Shab ul dien crowned at Ghizni.Shab ul dien, after theſe tranſactions, returned to Ghizni, where, according to the will of the deceaſed Emperor, he was crowned in form; and mounted the imperial throne. Marches into Charizm and beſieges the city.In the ſame year he heard of the death of Mahummud Zireck, Lord of Murve, and in the beginning of the next, marched to the conqueſt of that country, advancing by the way of Charizm, and Charizm Shaw, not able to oppoſe him in the field, ſhut himſelf up in the city. The Sultan pitched his camp on the banks of the great ca⯑nal, which the Chilligies had formerly dug to the weſtward of that city. He forthwith attacked the place, and in a few days loſt many brave Omrahs in the purſuit of glory. In the mean time, news arrived, that Aibeck, the general of Ghor Chan, King of Chitta, and Sultan Oſman King of Samarcand, were advancing with great armies, to the relief of Charizm Shaw. Shab ul dien was ſo unwilling to abandon his hopes of taking the city, that he delayed till the allied armies advanced ſo near, that he was under a neceſſity of burning all his baggage, and to retreat with the utmoſt expedition towards Chorraſſan. Forced to re⯑treat, and is defeated.But an army from the city preſſed ſo cloſe upon his heels, that he was obliged to give them battle. He was totally defeated, loſing all his Elephants and treaſure.
He is again totally over⯑thrown.In the mean time, Sultan Oſman and Abieck, who had taken a circuit, to cut off Shab ul dien's retreat, met him full in the face, as he was flying from Charizm Shaw. Under a fatal neceſſity, he was obliged to rally his army, who now ſaw no ſafety in flight. Surrounded thus by the enemy, he commenced a deſperate carnage. But valour was overpowered by numbers in the end, and of his late mighty army, there now remained ſcarce a hundred men, who [159] A. D. 1203. Higer. 600.ſtill defended their King, and in ſpite of innumerable foes, hewed him out a paſſage, and conducted him ſafe to the fort of Hindohood, which was at a ſmall diſtance from the field. Shab ul dien was be⯑ſieged here by the enemy, but upon paying a great ranſom to Sultan Oſman, and giving up the place, he was permitted to return in ſor⯑row to his own dominions.
Birka, by a villainous ex⯑pedient, gets the govern⯑ment of Moultan.When Sultan Shab ul dien was defeated, one of his officers of ſtate, named Abiek Nack Birka, eſcaped from the field, and imagin⯑ing the King was ſlain, with very great expedition made his way to Moultan, without mentioning the affair to any body. He waited immediately upon Meer dad Haſſen, governor of that province, and told him that he had a private meſſage from the King. Haſſen re⯑tired with him into his cloſet, where the villain, whiſpering in his ear, drew out a dagger and ſtabbed him to the heart. He ran in⯑ſtantly into the court yard, where he proclaimed aloud, that he had killed the traitor, Meer dad Haſſen, in obedience to the King's command. Producing then a falſe order and commiſſion, to take the government into his own hands, he was acknowledged by the army and the people.
The chief of the Gickers aſpires to the throne.The chief of the Gickers at this time, hearing that the King was certainly ſlain, aſpired to the empire, and raiſing a great army, ad⯑vanced towards Lahore; kindling the war between the rivers Gelum and Sodra. The Sultan refuſed ad⯑mittance into Ghizni.When the Sultan, from the fort of Hindohood, arrived at Ghizni; his own ſlave Ildecuz, having ſeized upon the ſupreme authority in the city, preſented himſelf to oppoſe his entrance, which obliged the King to continue his rout to Moultan. There Birka alſo rebelled againſt him; but the Sultan, being by this time joined by many of his friends, gave him battle, and obtaining a compleat victory, took the traitor priſoner. He then, with all the troops of the borders of Hindoſtan, who now joined his ſtandard, [160] A. D. 1203. Higer. 600.marched to Ghizni, and the citizens preſenting him with the head of the rebellious ſlave, obtained their pardon.
Shab ul dien, at this time, concluded a treaty of peace with Charizm Shaw; and then, in order to chaſtiſe the Gickers, drew his army to⯑wards Hindoſtan. Cuttub ul dien attacked them on the other ſide, with his army from Delhi, and the Gickers being defeated and diſ⯑perſed, the Sultan parted, at Lahore, with Cuttub ul dien, who returned to his government of Delhi.
During the reſidence of the Sultan at Lahore, the Gickers, who inhabited the country from the Nilaab, up to the fort of the moun⯑tains of Sewalic, began to exerciſe unheard-of cruelties upon the Muſſulmen; ſo that the communication between Peſhawir and Moul⯑tan was entirely cut off. The Gickers a tribe of bar⯑barians.Theſe Gickers were a race of wild bar⯑barians, without either religion or morality. It was a cuſtom among them, as ſoon as a female child was born, to carry her to the market place, and there proclaim aloud, holding the child in one hand, and a knife in the other, that any perſon who wanted a wife might now take her, otherwiſe ſhe was immediately put to death. By this means, they had more men than women, which occaſioned the cuſtom of ſeveral huſbands to one wife. When this wife was viſited by one of her huſbands, ſhe ſet up a mark at the door, which being obſerved by any of the others, who might be coming on the ſame errand, he immediately withdrew, till the ſignal was taken away.
They are con⯑verted.This barbarous people continued to make incurſions upon the Mahommedans, till in the latter end of this King's reign, their chieftain was converted to the Muſſulman faith, by one of his cap⯑tives. He, upon this change of principles, addreſſed the King, who adviſed him to endeavour to convert his people; and at the ſame time, honoured him with a title and dreſs, and confirmed him in [161] A. D. 1205. Higer. 602.the command of the mountains. A great part of theſe mountaineers be⯑ing very indifferent about religion, followed the opinions of their chief, and acknowledged the true faith. At the ſame time, about four hundred thouſand Caffers of Teraiba, who inhabited the mountains between Ghizni and Punjaab, were converted, ſome by force, and others by inclination.
The Sultan, having ſettled the affairs of Hindoſtan in peace, marched, in the year 602, from Lahore to Ghizni. Shab ul dien propoſes to invade Tur⯑keſtan.He conferred the government of Bamia upon Baha ul dien Saam, with orders, that when he himſelf ſhould march towards Turkeſtan, to take ſa⯑tisfaction for his former defeat, to march at an appointed time, with all the forces of thoſe parts, and encamp on the banks of the Geihu, where he would receive further orders, and at the ſame time to throw a bridge over the river.
Twenty Gickers form a conſpiracy.Shab ul dien, upon the ſecond of Shaban, having reached the banks of the Nilaab, at a place called Rimeik, twenty Gickers, who had loſt ſome of their relations in their wars with the Sultan, entered into a conſpiracy againſt his life, and ſought an opportunity to put their wicked purpoſe in execution. The weather being cloſe and ſultry, the King ordered the Canats* of his tents to be ſtruck, to give free admiſſion to the air, which gave them an opportunity of ſeeing the King's ſleeping tent. They cut their way through the ſcreens in the night, and hid themſelves in a corner, while one of them advanced to the door; but being there ſtopt by one of the guards, who was going to ſeize him, he buried his dagger in his breaſt. The groans of the dying man being heard within, alarmed the reſt of the guards in the outer tent, who running out to ſee what was the matter, the other aſſaſſins took that op⯑portunity of cutting their way through the King's tent behind. [162] A. D. 1205. Higer. 602.They found him aſleep, with two ſlaves fanning him, who ſtood petrified with terror, when they beheld the aſſaſſins advancing to⯑wards the Sultan. The Sultan aſſaſſinated.They at once plunged all their daggers in his body. He was afterwards found to have been pierced with no leſs than forty wounds.
Thus tragically fell that great King and conqueror Moaz ul dien, in the year 602, after a reign of thirty two years from the com⯑mencement of his government over Ghizni, and three from his acceſſion to the empire, the honours and titles of which he permitted his elder brother to retain during his life. One daughter only re⯑mained of his race.
His Vizier Chaja Moweid ul Mulluck, took ſome of the aſſaſſins, and put them to a cruel death. He then called the Omrahs together, and having obtained their promiſe of fidelity, in protecting the King's treaſure, which was loaded on four thouſand camels, he prevented the army and the ſlaves, who had propoſed to plunder it, from putting their ſcheme in execution. He carried the body in mournful pomp towards Ghizni. Diſputes a⯑bout the ſuc⯑ceſſion.But when they reached Peſhawir, a great conteſt aroſe about the ſucceſſion. The Omrahs of Ghor inſiſting upon Baha ul dien Saam, governor of Bamia, and one of the ſeven ſons of Ezid dien Huſſein; and the Vizier and Turkiſh chiefs, on Yeas ul dien Mamood, ſon of the former Emperor.
The Vizier therefore wanted to go by the way of Kirma, where he knew that the governor Ildecuz, was in the intereſt of Yeas ul dien, hoping, by his aſſiſtance, to ſecure, at leaſt, the treaſure for his own party. The Omrahs of Ghor, were equally deſirous of proceeding by that road which lay neareſt to Bamia, that they might be the ſooner ſupported by Saam. At length, being upon the eve of open hoſtility, the point was given up to the Vizier.
[163] A. D. 1205. Higer. 602.When they arrived near Kirma, after having ſuffered greatly by the mountaineers, Ildecuz came out to meet the Vizier and the King's herſe; upon ſight of which, he tore off his armour, threw duſt upon his head, and expreſſed all the variety of ſorrow. The body carried to Ghizni.He attended the funeral to Ghizni, where the Sultan was buried in a new tomb which he had built for his daughter.
The treaſure he left behind him is almoſt incredible: we ſhall only mention, as an inſtance of his wealth, that he had, in dia⯑monds of various ſizes alone, five hundred maund*; for he had made nine expeditions into Hindoſtan; returning every time, except⯑ing twice, laden with wealth.
PART III. The Hiſtory of the EMPIRE OF DELHI, from the Acceſſion of CUTTUB to the Throne, to the Invaſion of TIMUR.
[164]SECTION I. The Reign of Sultan CUTTUB UL DIEN ABIEK.
A. D. 1205. Higer. 602. Cuttub ul dien Abiek,SULTAN Cuttub ul dien Abiek, was of a brave and virtuous diſpoſition, open and liberal to his friends, and courteous and affable to ſtrangers. In the art of war and government he was infe⯑rior to none, nor was he a mean proficient in literature.
In his childhood he was brought from Turkeſtan to Niſhapoor, and there ſold by a merchant, to Caſi Fuchur ul dien ben Abdu, Azizi Kufi, who, finding that heaven had endued him with a great ge⯑nius, ſent him to ſchool, where he made a wonderful progreſs in the Perſian and Arabic languages, and in all the polite arts and ſciences. [165] But his patron and maſter dying ſuddenly, he was ſold as part of his eſtate, by his relations, and bought by a rich merchant, for a great ſum of money, and preſented for ſale to Sultan Shab ul dien. The Sultan purchaſed him, and called his name Abiek, from having his little finger broke. his riſe,He behaved himſelf in ſuch a becoming and aſſiduous manner, that he ſoon attracted the notice of his prince, and daily gained confidence and favour. generoſity.One night the Sultan kept a magnificent feſtival at court, and ordered a liberal diſtribution of preſents and money to be made among his ſervants. Abiek par⯑took largely of his munificence, but had no ſooner retired, than he divided his ſhare among his companions. The Prince having heard of this circumſtance, aſked him the cauſe, and Abiek, kiſſing the earth, replied; ‘"That all his wants were amply ſupplied by his Majeſty's bounty. affability,He had therefore no deſire of burthening himſelf with ſuperfluities, his favour being a certain independence."’ capacity,This anſwer ſo pleaſed the King, that he immediately gave him an office near his perſon, and in a little time, was ſo ſatisfied with his diligence and capacity, that he appointed him maſter of the horſe.
When the princes of Ghor, Ghizni and Bamia had drawn their forces towards Chorraſſan, in order to expel the Shaw, Sultan of Charizm, from that province, Abiek went out with a detachment to forage on the banks of the Murgaab. He was there ſurrounded by a numerous party of the enemy. and valour.But though he did the utmoſt juſtice to valour, he was, after the loſs of moſt of his men, taken priſoner, and carried to Charizm Shaw, who put him in chains. But the Shaw being defeated, Abiek was left in this manner, ſitting upon a camel in the field, and carried to his victorious maſter; who pitying his condition, received him with great kindneſs.
In the year 588, when the Sultan took revenge of his enemies the Hindoos for the defeat they had given him, he upon his return, [166] Made gover⯑nor in Hin⯑doſtan,appointed Cuttub ul dien Abiek, to the chief command of the army left to protect his conqueſt. In diſcharge of this duty, Cuttub took poſſeſſion of many diſtricts around, and reduced the fort of Merat. He alſo drew his army towards Delhi, and inveſted it. and beſieges Delhi.But the garri⯑ſon, finding that their own numbers triply exceeded the beſiegers, marched out of the place, and drew up in order of battle, which was gladly accepted by Abiek. Delhi taken.When the ſlaughter became great on both ſides, and the river Jumna was diſcoloured with blood, the Rajaputs were, at length, put to flight, taking protection within their walls. The garriſon, after a deſperate ſiege, were at laſt obliged to capitulate.
Cuttub de⯑feats the Jits.In the year 589, the Jits, who were ſubject to the Raja of Nar⯑walla, advanced with an army to beſiege Haſſi. Cuttub ul dien Abiek marched with his forces to protect it, and obliging them to raiſe the ſiege, purſued them to their own frontiers. In the year following, he croſſed the Jumna, and took the fort of Kole by aſſault. In great fa⯑vour with the Sultan.He found there a thouſand fine horſes, and much ſpoil, and being informed of Sultan Shab ul dien's expedition towards Kin⯑noge, he thought proper to proceed as far as Peſhawir, to meet him, preſenting him with a hundred fine horſes, and two great elephants, one of which carried a chain of gold, and the other a chain of ſilver. He muſtered there, before the Sultan, fifty thouſand horſe, and was honoured with an honorary dreſs, and with the command of the van of the royal army.
Defeats the Raja of Bena⯑ris.With the van he defeated the Raja of Benaris, who, upon ſeeing his army retreat, puſhed forward his elephant, in deſpair, againſt his enemy; but Cuttub ul dien, who excelled in archery, ſunk an arrow in the ball of his eye, which brought him down from his ele⯑phant to the ground. It is ſaid that the number of ſlain was ſo great, that the body of the Raja for a long time could not be found [167] by his friends, who were permitted to ſearch for it. But, at laſt, he was diſcovered by his teeth, which, happening to be bad, were ſup⯑plied by artificial ones, fixed in by golden wedges and wires.
Sultan Shab ul dien, following with the body of the army, entered the city of Benaris, and took poſſeſſion of the country, as far as the boundaries of Bengal, without oppoſition. He broke down all the idols, and loaded four thouſand camels with the moſt valuable ſpoils.
Cuttub ul dien preſented the King with above three hundred ele⯑phants, taken from the Raja of Benaris. The riders had a ſignal given them to make the elephants SELAM* the King at once, A white ele⯑phant.which they all did except one white elephant. This animal was eſteemed an ineſtimable curioſity. But upon this occaſion, though extremely tractable at other times, had almoſt killed his rider, when he endea⯑voured to force him to pay his obedience.
The King, when he was ſetting out for Ghizni, ſent the white elephant back, in a preſent to Cuttub ul dien, and adopted him his ſon in his letter. Cuttub ul dien adopted by the Sul⯑tan.Cuttub, ever afterwards till his death, rode the white elephant; and when he died, the affectionate animal pined away with viſible ſorrow, and expired the third day after. This was the only white elephant of which we have ever heard in Hindoſtan; but it is ſaid, that the King of Pegu keeps always two white ele⯑phants, and that, when one of them dies, he iſſues out an order over all his dominions, to ſearch the woods for another to ſupply his place. Cuttub ul dien, after the departure of the King, remained ſome days at Aſſi, where the Raja's treaſure was found. Cuttub de⯑feats the ge⯑neral of Him⯑rage,He then returned to Delhi, and there received advice that Himrage Rajaput was marching down from the mountains of Abugur, and had driven Gola, the Raja of Ajmere, towards Rintimpore, and that Chitter [168] Rai, Himrage's general, was marching with another army, towards Delhi, before which he ſoon arrived, and began to deſtroy the coun⯑try. Cuttub ul dien marched out to chaſtiſe him, and ſeparating twenty thouſand horſe from the reſt of his army, he ſet out in front, and engaging the enemy, put them to flight. Chitter Rai, ſome days after, rallying his defeated army, retreated towards Ajmere, and was purſued all the way by the conqueror. And Him⯑rage himſelfHimrage being joined by his general, in confidence of his ſuperior numbers, formed his army in order of battle. When they came to blows, he diſtin⯑guiſhed himſelf by his bravery, as well as by his conduct; but, being ſlain, his army took the way of infamy before them. Thus Ajmere was reſtored to the Mahommedan government, and was afterwards ruled by their laws.
ravages the territory of Narwalla.In the year 590, Cuttub turned his arms towards Narwalla, and Setwan, the general of Bimdeo, who was encamped under the walls, fled upon his approach. But being purſued, he drew up his army, and fought till he loſt his life, and then his army reſumed their flight. Bimdeo, upon intelligence of this defeat, fled from his dominions, and Cuttub ul dien ravaged the country at leiſure, and found much ſpoil. He marched from thence to the fort of Haſſi, which he repaired, then having viſited Koram, returned to Delhi.
He in the mean time received advice, from the governor of the diſtricts near Rintimpore, that the brother of the Raja of Ajmere, who lived in the hills, was marching down with an army to invade him. This obliged Cuttub ul dien to move immediately to his relief. The enemy, upon hearing this, fled; and Cuttub paid a viſit to Raja Gola, who entertained him magnificently, and at his departure, preſented him with ſome fine jewels, and two melons of gold. When he had ſettled the country, he again returned to Delhi, [169] from whence he wrote to the King a particular account of his con⯑queſts, which ſo pleaſed Sultan Shab ul dien, Sent for to Ghizni.that he ordered his at⯑tendance at Ghizni, for which place he ſat out, and was received with every demonſtration of joy and reſpect.
Cuttub ul dien, ſome time after, obtained leave to return to his government, and on his way, married the daughter of Sultan Tage ul dien, of Kirman, making a magnificent rejoicing upon the occa⯑ſion, when he returned to Delhi. In conjuncti⯑on with the Sultan,He ſoon after marched his army to the ſiege of the fort of Biana, and, when he was on his way, he heard that Shab ul dien had taken the rout of Hindoſtan. To ſhew his reſpect for the Sultan, Cuttub returned back as far as Haſſi to meet him. reduces BianaBoth returned to Biana, beſieged and took the place, which the Sultan ſubmitted to the command of Tughril, one of his particular and truſty ſlaves. and Gualier.They then took the rout of Gualier, where the Raja Shilkuman agreed to pay tribute, and bought peace with a great ſum of ready money, and with jewels. The Sultan, immediately after theſe tranſactions, returned to Ghizni, leaving Cuttub ul dien viceroy of all the conquered provinces of Hindoſtan.
Marches againſt the Rajaputs,About this time news arrived that the Rajas of the Rajaputs had entered into an alliance with the Raja of Narwalla, and had formed a deſign to recover Ajmere from the Mahommedans. The troops of Cuttub ul dien being diſperſed over the provinces, he was forced to march againſt the Rajaputs, with what ſmall part of the army lay in Delhi, to prevent their junction with the forces of Narwalla; and is defeat⯑ed,but he was defeated, received ſix wounds, and was often diſmounted, yet he fought like a man who had made death his companion. Forced at laſt, by his own friends, to abandon the field, he was carried in a litter to Ajmere.
and beſieged [...].Tittura, chief of the Rajaputs, rejoicing at this victory, joined the forces of Narwalla, and ſat down before Ajmere. Intelligence of [170] this unfortunate event, coming to Sultan Shab ul dien, The ſiege raiſed by the Ghiznians.he ſent a great force from Ghizni, to the relief of Cuttub. Ajmere held out till the arrival of the Ghiznians, who obliged the enemy to raiſe the ſiege. Cuttub ul dien purſued them to Narwalla, in the year 593, taking in his way the forts of Tilli and Buzule. He there received advice that Walin and Darapariſs Rajaputs, in alliance with the Raja of Narwalla, were encamped near the fort of Abugur, to guard the paſſes into Guzerat. Overthrows the Hindoos.Cuttub notwithſtanding the difficulties of the road, and diſadvantages of ground, reſolved to attack them, which he did, with ſuch bravery and conduct, that, having trodden down their ranks, above fifty thouſand of the enemy, with their blood, tempered the duſt of the field. Twenty thouſand were taken priſo⯑ners, and an immenſe ſpoil fell into his hands.
Marches to Guzerat.When he had given his army ſome reſpite from ſlaughter and fatigue, he purſued his rout into Guzerat, and ravaged that country without further oppoſition, taking the city of Narwalla, where an Omrah with a ſtrong garriſon was left. He then returned to Delhi, by the way of Ajmere, and ſent a great quantity of jewels and gold, and alſo many ſlaves to the Sultan at Ghizni, and divided the re⯑mainder among his truſty partners in the glories of the field.
In the year 599, he muſtered his forces and marched to the ſiege of Calinger, where he was met by the Raja of that country, whom he defeated; and diſmounting his cavalry, began to beſiege him in his fort. The Raja ſeeing himſelf hard preſſed, offered Cuttub ul dien the ſame tribute and preſents which his anceſtors had formerly paid to Sultan Mamood. The propoſal was accepted, but the Vizier, who wanted to hold out without coming to any terms, found means to make away with the Raja, while the preſents were preparing to be ſent. The flag of hoſtility was again hoiſted upon the fort, and the ſiege recommenced. The place, however, was in a ſhort time [171] Takes Calin⯑ger.reduced, on account of the drying up of a ſpring upon that hill whereon the fort ſtood, and which ſupplied the garriſon with water. There is a tradition among the natives of the place, that the above fountain always dries up upon the diſcharging the artillery of the place. This ſtory may poſſibly, from a natural cauſe, have ſome foundation. But we are rather tempted to believe, that the preſent drying up of this ſpring was owing to the increaſe of inhabitants, and the thirſt occaſioned by hard duty; for, beſides the garriſon, Cuttub ul dien found there fifty thouſand male and female.
Takes Mhoba and Budaſo.The plunder of this city was very great, in gold, jewels and precious effects. Cuttub then marched to the city of Mhoba, the capital of the Raja of Calpee. He alſo took that place, together with Budaſo, between the rivers Jumna and Ganges. Mahummud Bucht Ear Chillige, who had been appointed governor of Behar, came at this time to pay him a viſit, laying rich preſents at his feet, and Cuttub having entertained him magnificently, returned to Delhi.
Joins Shab ul dien againſt the Gickers,When Sultan Shab ul dien, after his defeat in Turkeſtan, returned to Hindoſtan, he was joined by Cuttub ul dien, by whoſe valour and fidelity he defeated the Gickers in ſeveral actions, and recovered his fallen glory. When matters were peaceably ſettled in this quar⯑ter, he returned to his government; and Sultan Shab ul dien, upon his way to Ghizni, was inhumanly aſſaſſinated by the Gickers. Shab ul dien's nephew, Yeas ul dien Mamood aſcended the throne of Ghor, and upon his acceſſion ſent all the enſigns of royalty, a throne, an umbrella, ſtandards, drums, and the title of Sultan of Prince to Cuttub ul dien, deſirous of retaining him in his intereſt, as he was by no means able to oppoſe his power.
[172] A. D. 1205. Higer. 602. Raiſed to the Empire.Sultan Cuttub ul dien received thoſe dignities with a proper re⯑ſpect, at Lahore, where he aſcended the throne in the year 602, upon the 18th of Zicaat; returning from thence in a few days to Delhi. Lahore taken.In the mean time, Taje ul dien Eldoze marched an army from Ghizni, with an intention to take Lahore, which he effected by the treachery of the governor, whom he afterwards turned out. Sultan Cuttub ul dien marched to diſpute the point with Taje ul dien, as ſoon as he received intelligence at Delhi of this tranſaction. In the year 603, the flames of war began to aſcend between them, while bravery on both ſides became apparent. Retaken by Cuttub, who is crowned at Ghizni.Taje ul dien at length was beat out of the city, and obliged to fly towards Kirman. Sultan Cuttub ul dien purſued him as far as Ghizni, in which city he was again crowned, taking that kingdom into his own hands.
Cuttub turns indolent and luxurious.Cuttub after this, unaccountably gave himſelf up to wine and pleaſure, till the citizens of Ghizni, diſguſted with his luxury and indolence, ſent privately to Taje ul dien Eldoze, acquainting him of the King's negligence, and intreating his return. Taje ul dien, upon this, recruiting an army with all ſecrecy and expedition, advanced towards Ghizni, and in a manner ſurprized the King, who had no intelli⯑gence of his deſign till the day before his arrival. Expelled from Ghizni.It was now too late to put himſelf in a proper ſtate of defence, and he was obliged to abandon that kingdom and retire to Lahore. He then became ſenſible of his weakneſs, repented of his evil habits, and exerciſed himſelf in the practice of juſtice, temperance and morality. He dies.He re⯑gulated his kingdoms according to the beſt laws of policy and wiſ⯑dom till his death, in the year 607; which happened by a fall from his horſe in a match at ball, which adverſe parties endeavoured to carry off on the point of their ſpears.
His reign, properly ſpeaking, was only four years, though he enjoyed all the ſtate and dignities of a King, for upwards of twenty; [173] A. D. 1210. Higer. 607.if we reckon from his taking of Delhi, when he may be ſaid to have become King of Hindoſtan; though he aſſumed only the title of com⯑mander in chief for his patron Shab ul dien. He was certainly an accompliſhed warrior, and had nearly equalled the greateſt heroes in fame, had not his loſs of the kingdom of Ghizni tarniſhed his glory. His character.He was famous for his great generoſity all over the eaſt, for which he got the ſirname of Lack Bukſh, or beſtower of Lacks. When a man is praiſed for generoſity in Hindoſtan, they ſay to this day, ‘"he is as generous as Sultan Cuttub ul dien."’
SECTION II. The Reign of TAJE UL DIEN ELDOZE.
Taje ul dien's riſe.SULTAN Shab ul dien, during his reign, having no children of his own excepting one daughter, had taken a particular pleaſure in educating Turkiſh ſlaves, whom he afterwards adopted as his chil⯑dren. Four of thoſe ſlaves beſides Cuttub ul dien became great princes, of whom the preſent Taje ul dien Eldoze was one. The King having obſerved him to be a youth of genius, advanced him gradually, till at laſt he beſtowed upon him the government of Kirma and Shinoran, which lay between Ghizni and Hindoſtan. His ſituation gave him an opportunity of frequently entertaining his prince, upon his expeditions to and from that country, which he always did with great magnificence and feſtivity, making preſents to all the King's attendants.
Sultan Shab ul dien, in his laſt expedition, ſavoured Taje ul dien ſo much, that he beſtowed upon him the black ſtandard of the [174] kingdom of Ghizni, by this intimating his will, that he ſhould ſucceed to that throne. But upon the death of that monarch, the Turkiſh Omrahs were deſirous that Sultan Yeas ul dien ben Sham ſhould come from Ghor and reign at Ghizni. Yeas ul dien being a man of an indolent diſpoſition declined it; and ſaid that he was con⯑tent with the throne of his anceſtors. Aſcends the throne of Ghizni.He, however, aſſumed the imperial title, proclaimed Taje ul dien King of Ghizni, and was content to maintain the appearance of that power which he would not, or rather durſt not enforce.
The firſt thing Taje ul dien Eldoze did after his acceſſion, was to invade Punjab and Lahore, as we have ſeen in the former reign. He was defeated by Cuttub ul dien Abiek, and in conſequence loſt his own kingdom, which, however, he ſoon after recovered. He afterwards, in conjunction with Sultan Yeas ul dien Mamood, ſent an army to Herat, which they conquered, as alſo a great part of Seiſtan, but making peace with the prince of that country, they returned. Charizm Shaw takes Ghizni.On the way, making war upon Charizm Shaw, they were both defeated, and the conqueror purſuing his fortune, took Ghizni, while Eldoze retired to Kirma.
The Sultan finding the northern troops too hard for him, recruited an army, and marched ſome time after the death of Cuttub ul dien Abiek, with a view to conquer Hindoſtan. Eldoze de⯑feated and taken, dies.But, after reducing ſome of the northern provinces, he was defeated near Delhi by Sultan Shumſi ul dien, and being taken, died in confinement. The time of his reign was nine years.
As we have already given the hiſtory of two of Shab ul dien's ſlaves who arrived at the imperial dignity, it may not be improper here to ſay ſomething of Tughril, who raiſed himſelf from the ſame low ſituation.
[175] Tughril a brave and vir⯑tuous Omrah.Tughril was an Omrah of ſome repute in the ſervice of Shab ul dien, brave, and of a virtuous diſpoſition. They relate, that when Shab ul dien Mahummud took the fort of Biana, he gave the com⯑mand of it to Tughril, and proceeded himſelf to Gualier, as we have ſeen before. But after he left Hindoſtan, Tughril continued to infeſt the country about Gualier; the King having told him at his departure, that if he conquered the place, he would confirm him in the government of it. When he found that this manner of war had no effect, as they always found ſome opportunity of ſup⯑plying the place, he ordered ſmall forts to be built all round, which he garriſoned, and by this means the place was effectually blockaded. Yet it held out for near a whole year, when being diſtreſſed for pro⯑viſions, they ſent an embaſſy privately to Sultan Cuttub ul dien Abiek to come and take poſſeſſion of the place, for they had con⯑ceived an implacable reſentment againſt Tughril. The Sultan ac⯑cordingly ſent his troops to ſeize upon Gualier; upon which, war had almoſt enſued between him and Tughril. Death however in⯑terfering, put an end to the diſpute; for at this juncture, Tughril ſuddenly expired. The actions of the other two princes, formerly ſlaves to Shab ul dien, will be ſeen in the hiſtory of Sind and Punjab, to which they more properly belong.
SECTION III. The Reign of Sultan ARAM SHAW, ben Sultan Cuttub ul dien Abiek.
Aram Shaw, a weak prince.AFTER the death of Cuttub, his ſon Aram Shaw mounted the throne of Delhi; but was no ways equal to the govern⯑ment of ſo great an empire.
[176] A. D. 1210. Higer. 607. Several pro⯑vinces diſ⯑membered from the em⯑pire.Naſir ul dien Cabaja, one of the adopted ſlaves of Shab ul dien, marched with an army towards Sind, which he conquered, as alſo Moultan, Otch, Shinoran and other places. Another ſlave, Achtiar ul dien Muhummud of Chillige, poſſeſſed himſelf of the kingdom of Bengal and aſſerted his own independence. At the ſame time, ſeveral Rajas blew up the flames of rebellion in many parts of the empire.
Upon theſe misfortunes Amir Alli Iſmaiel, Amir Dad Delhi, and all the Omrahs became diſcontented, ſending a perſon to call Mal⯑leck Altumſh, who was the ſon in law and adopted ſon of Cuttub ul dien, and then governor of Budaoon*, to aſcend the throne. Malleck Altumſh accordingly marched with his army to Delhi, and by the aſſiſtance of the faction within, eaſily reduced it. Aram Shaw, afraid of truſting himſelf in his capital, had pre⯑viouſly withdrawn into the country, recruited a fine army, and ad⯑vanced to give Malleck Altumſh battle. A warm engagement enſued in ſight of the city. He is defeat⯑ed and de⯑poſed.Aram Shaw loſt the victory and his em⯑pire, which he had enjoyed ſcarce one year.
SECTION IV. The Reign of SHUMSE UL DIEN ALTUMSH.
The family of Altumſh.WE are told that Altumſh was originally a nobleman of Chitta, whoſe father's name was Elim Chan, a great and famous general. But in his youth, being the favourite of his father, he was envied by the reſt of his brothers. They therefore determined [177] to get rid of him, and as they were out one day hunting, they ſtript him, He is ſold as a ſlave.and ſold him to a company of travelling merchants for a ſlave. The merchants carried him to Bochara, and ſold him to one of the relations of Sider Jehan prince of that country, from whom he received a liberal education.
Upon the death of his maſter he was again expoſed to ſale, and bought by a merchant, who ſold him to another who carried him to Ghizni. Mahummud Shaw heard at Ghizni of Altumſh's beauty and talents, but could not agree with the merchant about his price. Purchaſed by Cuttub ul dien.He was therefore carried back to Bochara, as none durſt buy him, on account of the King's diſpleaſure, till Sultan Cuttub ul dien Abiek ob⯑taining his leave, made that purchaſe at Delhi, whither he had invited the merchant, for fifty thouſand pieces of ſilver. Cuttub, at the ſame time, bought another ſlave whom he called Tagage, and ap⯑pointed him afterwards, governor of Tibberhind, where he was ſlain in the battle between Cuttub ul dien and Eldoze.
Altumſh a⯑dopted by Cuttub.Altumſh, in the mean time, was made maſter of the chace, and afterwards roſe to ſuch favour, that he became the adopted ſon of his prince, Cuttub ul dien, and was advanced to the government of Gualier and Birren, and from thence to the viceroyſhip of Buda⯑oon. He accompanied Cuttub in his war againſt the Gickers, and greatly diſtinguiſhed himſelf in bravery and zeal for the ſervice. He killed in one action, with the troops of Budaoon, upwards of ten thouſand of the enemy. This behaviour ſo pleaſed the King, that he declared him free, and made him many honorary preſents.
Made captain general of the Empire.Thus by degrees Altumſh roſe, till he was created Amir ul Om⯑rah, or captain general of the empire; and married the daughter of Sultan Cuttub ul dien; and upon his death, as we have before re⯑lated, [178] A. D. 1210. Higer. 607.he advanced againſt the capital, Accedes to the throne,and expelling Aram Shaw from the throne in the year 607, declared himſelf Emperor by the title of Shumſe ul dien Altumſh.
Upon his acceſſion he was acknowledged by many chiefs and princes; Deſerted by ſome Omrahs,but ſome of his generals taking diſguſt, went off with the greater part of his Turkiſh horſe, which were the flower of his army. They joined themſelves with other malecontents, and ad⯑vanced with a great force towards Delhi. Defeats them.They were met before the city by Shumſe ul dien and defeated, their chief general Firoch Shaw being killed, and the reſt ſo cloſely purſued, that in a ſhort time they were all either killed or taken, which for that time eſtabliſhed Altumſh in peace. But ſoon after the governor of the fort of Gollore, whoſe name was Avice, rebelled and refuſed to pay the revenues of that country. This obliged the King to march and reduce him to obedience. Sultan Eldoze of Ghizni, at this time ſent him the enſigns of royalty, pretending to confirm Altumſh in the empire of Hindoſtan. Defeats and takes Sultan Eldoze.But ſoon after, when Taje ul dien Eldoze himſelf was defeated by the troops of Charizm, and retired to Kirma and Shenoran, he turned his views towards the conqueſt of Hindoſtan. Eldoze ſeized upon the country of Punjaab and the city of Tanna⯑ſar in the year 612, and endeavoured by his emiſſaries in the court of Shumſe ul dien, to raiſe a faction in his own favour. Sultan Shumſe ul dien, in the mean time, drew together his forces, and advancing towards him, they ſought on the confines of Tirowri, about ſeventy crores from Delhi. Taje ul dien was defeated, as before related, and with many of his Omrahs, taken and impriſoned in Budaoon, where he died a natural death, according to ſome, but according to others, was poiſoned.
In the year 614, Sultan Shumſe ul dien, engaged Malleck Naſir ul dien Cabaja, who was alſo ſon in law to Cuttub ul dien, upon [179] A. D. 1217. Higer. 614.the banks of Chinaab, where Altumſh proved victorious. The go⯑vernor of Chillige, the year following, being defeated by Naſir ul dien, fled for protection to Altumſh, who taking part in his quarrel, marched againſt Naſir ul dien, and a ſecond time overthrew him, recovering the countries loſt by the Viceroy of Chillige, upon which he himſelf returned to Delhi.
Chingez Chan.In the year 618, Sultan Jellal ul dien Charizm Shaw being de⯑feated in the north, by the great conqueror Chingez Chan, retreated towards Lahore, where Sultan Shumſe ul dien oppoſed him with all his forces. This obliged the brave though unfortunate Jellal ul dien to retreat towards Sind, where he was oppoſed by Naſir ul dien, who defeated him and purſued him by the way of Kutch and Muckeran.
Altumſh re⯑duces Bengal.In the year 622, Sultan Shumſe ul dien led his army towards Be⯑har and Lucknouti, where he obliged Sultan Yeas ul dien of Chillige, then prince of Bengal, whoſe hiſtory we ſhall ſee in its proper place*, to pay him tribute and allegiance. He ſtruck the currency in his own name, and appointing his own ſon Naſir ul dien to the govern⯑ment of Lucknouti, which comprehended all the kingdom of Bengal, and Behar.he left Yeas ul dien in the government of Behar, and then returned to Delhi. But ſoon after, war broke out between Naſir ul dien prince of Bengal, and Yeas ul dien of Behar. The latter was de⯑feated and ſlain; Naſir ul dien taking poſſeſſion of his principa⯑lity and treaſure, out of which he ſent ample preſents to his friends at Delhi.
Altumſh marches a⯑gainſt Sind.In the mean time, Sultan Shumſe ul dien led out his forces againſt Naſir ul dien Cabaja, prince of Sind, who, unable to oppoſe him in the field, leſt a ſtrong garriſon in Outch, and returned himſelf to [180] A. D. 1225. Higer. 622.Backar. The Emperor detached Nizam ul Maluck Jinaidi with half the army, in purſuit of Naſir ul dien, while with the other half, which he re⯑duces.he himſelf laid ſiege to Outch, which he took in two months and twenty days. When the news of the fall of Outch reached Naſir ul dien Cabaja, he ſent his ſon Alla ul dien Byram Shaw to intreat the Emperor for peace. The terms were not ſettled when news was brought that Cabaja had been obliged by Nizam ul Mulluck to attempt to croſs the river, and that he was unhappily drowned. Then the whole country ſubmitted to the imperial power. Altumſh then drew his forces towards the fort of Rintimpore, which he be⯑ſieged and took.
Reduces Se⯑walic.In the year 624, he marched towards the fort of Mendu, which he reduced with all the country of Sewalic. At this time, Amir Ruhani, the moſt learned and moſt famous poet and philoſopher of that age, fled from Bochara, that city being taken by Chingez Chan, and took protection at Delhi, where he wrote many excellent pieces. The Emperor, at the ſame time, had an embaſſy from the Arabian Princes, with the royal robes of the Caliphat, which he aſſumed with joy, making a great feſtival, and diſtributing rich preſents.
In the ſame year, he received intelligence of the death of Naſir ul dien, his eldeſt ſon prince of Lucknouti, which threw him into mourning and ſorrow. He ſoon after conferred the title upon his younger ſon, whom he carried with him to Lucknouti in the year 627, to inveſt him with the government, which had run into con⯑fuſion, after the death of the former prince. Quell d [...]ur⯑bances in Bengal.Having entirely ſettled this country in peace, he left Eaz ul Muluck to ſuperintend the kingdom, and returned with his ſon to Delhi.
He formed a deſign, in the year 629, to reduce the fort of Gua⯑lier, which had, during the reign of Aram Shaw, fallen into the [181] A. D. 1231. Higer. 629. Reduces Gualier.hands of the Hindoos. He accordingly beſieged it for a whole year, when the garriſon being reduced to great ſtreights, the governor, Deo Mull, made his eſcape in the night, and the troops capitulated, but about three hundred of them, for treacherous behaviour, were puniſhed.
After the reduction of this place, he marched his army towards Malava, and reducing the fort of Belſay, took the city of Ugeïn, Deſtroys the magnificent temple of Makal.where he deſtroyed the magnificent and rich temple of Makal*, form⯑ed upon the ſame plan with that of Sumnat, which had been build⯑ing three hundred years, and was ſurrounded by a wall one hun⯑dred cubits in heighth. The image of Bickermagit, who had been formerly Raja of this country, and ſo renowned that the people of Hindoſtan date their time from his death, as alſo that of Makal, both of ſtone, with many other figures of braſs, he ordered to be carried to Delhi, and broken at the door of the great moſque.
After his return from this expedition, he drew his army again to⯑wards Moultan; but this enterprize proved unſucceſsful on account of his health. Altumſh dies.He fell ſick on his march, which obliged him to return to Delhi, where he died on the 20th of Shaban, in the year 633. His vizier, towards the latter end of his reign, was Fuchur ul Muluck Aſſami, who had been formerly vizier of Bagdat, for thirty years. He was renowned for wiſdom and learning, but had left that court on account of ſome diſguſt, and travelled to Delhi, where he was deemed a great acquiſition, and honoured with the vizarit. The moſt famous for letters in this reign, was Noor ul dien Mahummud Uſi, who wrote the Jame ul Hickaiat, a valuable collectioh of hiſto⯑ries and other books. The Reign of Sultan Shumſe ul dien was twenty-ſix years.
SECTION V. The Reign of Ruckun ul dien FEROSE SHAW ben Sultan Shumſe ul dien Altumſh.
[182]A. D. 1235. Higer. 633. Feroſe Shaw,IN the year 625, his father appointed Feroſe Shaw governor of Budaoon, and, after his reduction of Gualier, gave him the re⯑gency of Lahore. He chanced, at the emperor's death, to be at Delhi on a viſit, and immediately aſcended the throne. The Om⯑rahs made their offerings, and ſwore allegiance; while the poets of the age vied with one another in his praiſe, for which they received liberal donations.
a weak and diſſolute Prince.But, when he acquired the imperial dignity, he ſpread the flowery carpets of luxury, and withdrew his hand from the toils of ſtate. He expended his father's treaſure upon dancing women, comedians, and muſicians, and left the affairs of government to the management of his mother Shahe Turkaan. Cruelty of his mother.This woman had been a Turkiſh ſlave, and now became a monſter of cruelty, murthering all the women of Shumſe ul dien's Haram, to gratify her inhuman hatred to them, as alſo the youngeſt of that Emperor's ſons.
Several Om⯑rahs rebel.The minds of the people began to be filled with diſguſt, and Yeas ul dien Mahummud Shaw, the younger brother of the Sultan, and governor of Oud, intercepted the revenues from Bengal, and began to aſſert independance. At the ſame time Malleck Ez ul dien Ma⯑hummud, Suba of Budaoon, Malleck ul dien Chani, Suba of La⯑hore, Malleck Ez ul dien Cabire Chan, Suba of Moultan, and Mal⯑leck Seif ul dien Kugi, governor of Haſſi, entering into a confede⯑racy, exalted their ſtandards of hoſtility againſt the Emperor. Fe⯑roſe [183] A. D. 1235. Higer. 633.Shaw collected a vaſt army, and marched to Kilogurry, where he was deſerted by his vizier Nizam Mahummud Junedi, with part of his army. Feroſe Shaw marches againſt the rebels.The vizier went towards Kole, where he joined Mal⯑leck Meaz ul dien Mahummud Sallar. They from thence proceeded to Lahore, where they were joined by the Princes of theſe provinces.
Deſerted by his army.The Emperor, in the mean time, continued his march towards them, and when he reached Munſurpoor, ſeven of his principal Om⯑rahs deſerted him, and retired with their troops to Delhi. There they advanced Sultana Rizia, the eldeſt daughter of Shumſe ul dien, to the throne, and impriſoned the Emperor's mother.
Sultana Rizia raiſed to the throne.When this news reached the emperor, he haſtened back with his army towards Delhi, and having reached Kilogurry, Sultana Rizia, on the 18th of Ribbi ul Awil, in the year 634, advanced againſt him. He was delivered up into her hands, and died in con⯑finement ſome time after; ſo that he reigned only ſix months and twenty-eight days.
SECTION VI. The Reign of MALLEKE DORAN SULTANA RIZIA.
An excellent Princeſs.THIS Princeſs was adorned with every qualification required in the ableſt Kings; and the ſtricteſt ſcrutineers of her actions, could find in her no fault but that ſhe was a woman. In the time of her father, ſhe entered deeply into the affairs of government, which diſpoſition he encouraged, finding ſhe had a remarkable talent in poli⯑ticks. In that year in which he took the ſort of Gualier, he appoint⯑ed her regent in his abſence. When he was aſked by the Omrahs, [184] A. D. 1236. Higer. 634.why he appointed his daughter to ſuch an office in preference to ſo many of his ſons, he replied, ‘"that he ſaw his ſons gave themſelves up to wine, women, gaming, and the worſhip of the wind†; that therefore he thought the government too weighty for their ſhoulders to bear; and that Rizia, though a woman, had a man's head and heart, and was better than twenty ſuch ſons."’
Sultana Rizia, upon her acceſſion, changing her apparel, aſſumed the imperial robes, and every day gave public audience from the throne, reviſing and confirming the laws of her father, which had been abrogated in the laſt reign, and diſtributing juſtice with an equal hand. The rebels at Lahore march to⯑wards Delhi.In the mean time the vizier Malleck Nizam ul Mu⯑luck Mahummud Junedi, and the confederate Omrahs, who had met at Lahore, advanced with their armies to Delhi, and encamping without the city, commenced hoſtilities. They, at the ſame time, ſent circular letters to all the Omrahs of the empire, to draw them from their allegiance. This news reaching Malleck Nuſerit, Suba of Oud, he collected his forces, and haſtened to the relief of the empreſs; but when he had croſſed the Ganges, he was engaged by the confederates, defeated, and taken priſoner, in which condition he ſoon died.
The Empreſs found means, in her own policy, to ſow diſſention among the confederates; They diſ⯑perſe and are puniſhed.till, finding themſelves in a dangerous ſitu⯑ation, they retreated each to his own country, while ſome of them, being purſued by the Empreſs, Malleck Seif ul dien Kugi and his brothers, were taken and put to death, as alſo Malleck Alla ul dien Chani, who ſuffered the ſame fate, the vizier having eſcaped to the hills of Sirmore, where he died.
Sultana Rizia ſettles the Empire.The proſperity of the Sultana daily gaining ground, ſhe gave the vizarit to Chaja Mohezzib Ghiznavi, who had been deputy to the [185] A. D. 1239. Higer. 637.former vizier, with the title of Nizam ul Muluck, and the chief com⯑mand of her forces to Seif ul dien Abiek, with the title of Kilick Chan. Mallek Kabir Chan Eaz, having ſubjected himſelf to her authority, was confirmed in the regency of Lahore, while the coun⯑tries of Bengal, Dewil, Sind, Moultan, and others, were alſo con⯑firmed to their reſpective Subahs, on their promiſe of future obedience.
Promotions at court.In the mean time Seif ul dien Abiek, her general, died, and Cut⯑tub ul dien Haſſen, being appointed to ſucceed him, was ſent with the army to raiſe the ſiege of Rintimpore, which was then inveſted by the Hindoo Rajas. But at the approach of the imperial forces, they raiſed the ſiege and retreated. After Haſſen's departure for Rintim⯑pore, Malleck Achtiar ab Tiggi was advanced to the dignity of Amir Hajib, or lord of the privacy, and maſter of requeſts. Jemmal ul dien Eacoot Hubbaſhi, gaining great favour with the empreſs, was alſo appointed Amir Achor, or Maſter of the Horſe, from which ſtation he was preſently advanced to that of Amir ul Omrah, or Captain General of the Empire.
The nobles were greatly diſguſted at this promotion, as the favourite was originally an Abaſſinian ſlave. The governor of Lahore re⯑bels.The firſt who began openly to expreſs his diſcontent, was Malleck Eaz ul dien, regent of Lahore, in the year 637, who threw off his allegiance, and began to recruit his army. The Empreſs collecting alſo her forces, marched out againſt him, and Eaz ul dien being diſappointed by ſome of his confederates, was obliged to make every conceſſion to obtain pardon. Is pardoned.This he effected with ſo much art, that the Empreſs, upon her departure, either believing him to be her friend, or deſirous of binding him over to her intereſt, by gratitude, continued him in his viceroyſhip, and added to it that of Moultan, which had been governed by Malleck Kirakuſh.
[186] A. D. 1239. Higer. 637. The Suba of Tiberhind rebels.In the ſame year Malleck Altunia, Suba of Tiberhind, exalted the hoſtile ſtandard againſt the Empreſs, on account of her imprudent partiality to the Abaſſinian. A mutiny in the Empreſs's army.The Empreſs, upon this intelligence, marched with her army towards Tiberhind, but, about half way, all the Turkiſh Omrahs in her army, mutinied with their forces. A tumultuous conflict enſued, in which her Abaſſinian general was killed, and ſhe herſelf ſeized and ſent to the fort of Tiberhind. The army then returned to Delhi, where the Turkiſh Omrahs ſet up Moaz ul dien Byram Shaw, the ſon of Sultan Shumſe ul dien, her brother.
She is depo⯑ſed.In the mean time, Malleck Altunia, Suba of Tiberhind, having married the Empreſs, in a ſhort time, by her influence, raiſed a great army of Gickers, Jits, and other nations, with many Omrahs of diſtinction, Marches to Delhi.and marched with her towards Delhi. Sultan Byram Shaw upon this, ſent Balin, ſon-in-law to Shumſe ul dien, with his forces to oppoſe her. The two armies meeting near Delhi, an obſti⯑nate action enſued, in which the unfortunate Empreſs being defeated, fled to Tiberhind.
She ſome time after collected her ſcattered forces, and was ſoon in a condition to make another bold effort for her Empire. She ad⯑vanced with a numerous army towards Delhi, but her forces being compoſed of the troops of Hindoſtan, were no ways a match for thoſe of Turkeſtan, which chiefly compoſed the Emperor's army. Malleck Balin, who was again ſent to oppoſe her, gave her another defeat at Keitel, the 4th of Rubbi ul Awil in the ſame year. Defeated and put to death.She and her huſband being taken in the purſuit, were inhumanly put to immediate death; while others relate, that they were both carried bound to Byram Shaw, who ordered them to be aſſaſſinated in priſon. Thus died the Empreſs Rizia, deſerving a better ſate, after a reign of three years, ſix months, and ſix days.
SECTION VII. The Reign of Sultan Moaz ul dien BYRAM SHAW ben Sultan Shumſe ul dien Altumſh.
[187]A. D. 1239. Higer. 637. Byram Shaw mounts the throne.WHEN the Empreſs Rizia was priſoner in the fort of Tiber⯑hind, Byram Shaw, upon Monday the 27th of Ramſan, in the year 637, by conſent of the Omrahs, aſcended the throne of Delhi, and confirmed all the laws and cuſtoms then in force. Mal⯑leck Achtiar ul dien ab Tiggi, in conjunction with the vizier, Nizam ul Muluck, by degrees took the whole government of the Empire upon himſelf, taking the ſiſter of the Emperor to wife, and mounting an elephant upon guard, at his gate, which was an honour peculiar to royalty.
Diſguſted with two factious Om⯑rahs.This circumſtance raiſed diſguſt and jealouſy in the Emperor's mind. He therefore ordered two Turkiſh ſlaves to put on the ap⯑pearance of drunkenneſs, and endeavour to aſſaſſinate Malleck and the vizier. Accordingly upon a certain day, theſe two Turks, when the King gave public audience, preſſed among the crowd, and began to be very troubleſome. Tiggi, who ſtood firſt in the rank of Omrahs, went to turn them out. They drew their daggers, and plunged them into his breaſt, then, running to the vizier, they gave him two wounds; but he eſcaped through the crowd. The ſlaves were immediately ſeized, and thrown into chains, but in a few days after they were pardoned.
The vizier kept his bed for ſome days, on account of his wounds, but, as ſoon as he recovered, he appeared again at court, and offici⯑ated in his employ. Buddur ul dien Sunkir Rumi, who was then [188] A. D. 1239. Higer. 637.maſter of requeſts, Scheme to ſuperſede the vizier.formed a ſcheme to ſupercede him. He, for this purpoſe, placed himſelf at the head of a powerful faction at court, and collecting the Omrahs together, and, among the reſt, the vizier, at the houſe of Sudder ul Muluck, the chief juſtice, he began to concert with them a plan to bring about a revolution in the Empire. Sudder ul Muluck was ſecretly averſe to the meaſure, and fearing that what was nominally meant againſt the vizier, ſhould actually turn upon his maſter, he ſent to the Emperor, and informed him of the whole affair. Sudder's meſſenger brought back with him a faithful ſervant of the King, in the habit of a fool, who might overhear the converſation with the vizier. The vizier, though he actually entered into the meaſures of the meeting, excuſed himſelf from attendance at that time.
The conſpi⯑rators puniſh⯑ed.The ſtory of Sudder being confirmed by the perſon whom the Emperor ſent to overhear the Omrahs, a body of cavalry were imme⯑diately diſpatched to ſeize them; but they having had previous intel⯑ligence, diſperſed themſelves before the horſe arrived. The next day Malleck Budir ul dien Sunkur, who was one of the principal conſpirators, was ſent to be Suba of Budaoon, while Caſi Jellal ul dien Kaſhani was turned out of his office. In a few months after, Sunkur and Muza were aſſaſſinated at Budaoon by the Emperor's emiſſaries, while Caſi Shumſe ul dien was trod under foot by ele⯑phants.
A ſedition among the troops.Theſe proceedings raiſed fear and apprehenſion in the boſom of every body, which being improved by the ſaction, there was a gene⯑ral ſedition among the troops. Lahore taken by Zingis Chan.In the mean time news arrived that the Moguls of Chingez Chan had inveſted Lahore upon the 16th of Jemmad ul Achir, in the year 639; that Malleck Kerakuſh, the viceroy of that place, finding his troops mutinous, had been [189] A. D. 1241. Higer. 639.obliged to fly in the night, and was actually on his way to Delhi; and that Lahore was plundered by the enemy, and the miſerable inhabitants carried away priſoners.
The King, upon this urgent occaſion, called a general council of ſtate, in which it was determined to ſend Nizam ul Muluck, vizier, and Malleck ul dien Haſſen Ghori, vakeel of the Empire, with other Omrahs, to oppoſe the Moguls at Lahore with an army. Treachery of the vizier.When the imperial army advanced as far as the river Bea, where the town of Sultanpoor now ſtands, the vizier, who was privately an enemy to the Emperor, began to depreciate his government to the Omrahs, and to ſow the ſeeds of ſedition in their minds. But that he might compleatly effect his purpoſe, he wrote a private letter to the Empe⯑ror, accuſing them of diſaffection, and begging he would either take the field himſelf, or ſend other Omrahs and more forces, for that thoſe now with the army could not be depended upon, and that therefore nothing could be done againſt the enemy.
Attaches the Omrahs to his intereſt.The Emperor, though he had been forewarned of the treachery of his vizier in the late conſpiracy, yet the artful man had ſo well ex⯑tricated himſelf, and gained ſuch confidence, that Byram Shaw, who was not bleſſed with much diſcernment, gave entire credit to this accuſation, and ſent him an order, importing, that they deſerved death; at the ſame time recommending to him to keep them quiet till he ſhould find the means of bringing them to condign puniſhment. This was what the crafty vizier wanted. He immediately produced the King's order, which kindled the Omrahs at once into rage, while he miſled them with reſpect to the accuſer. He even pretend⯑ed to be apprehenſive for himſelf, and began to conſult with them about the means of general ſecurity; and they all promiſed to ſup⯑port him.
[190] A. D. 1242. Higer. 640. The Emperor diſpatches Iſlaam to quiet the Omrahs.This news having reached the Emperor, he began to open his eyes, when too late, and in great perturbation haſtened to the houſe of Shuh Iſlaam, a venerable and learned Omrah, requeſting him to ſet out for the camp, and endeavour, by proper repreſentations, to bring over the diſaffected Omrahs to their duty. Iſlaam accordingly ſet out in private, but not being able to effect any thing, returned to Delhi. Delhi be⯑ſieged.The Vizier, in the mean time, advanced with the army to the capital, which he beſieged for three months and an half. Rebellion ſpreading at laſt among the citizens, the place was taken on the eighth of Zicaat, in the year 639. Sultan Moaz ul dien The Emperor taken and ſlain.Byram Shaw was thrown into priſon, where in a few days he came to a very tragical end, after a reign of two years one month and fifteen days.
The Moguls, in the mean time, plundered Punjaab and returned to Ghizni.
SECTION VIII. The Reign of Sultan ALLA UL DIEN MUSAOOD SHAW, the ſon of Ruckun ul dien Firoze Shaw.
WHEN Byram Shaw had drank the cup of fate, Malleck Eaz ul dien Balin the elder raiſed a faction, and forcing his way into the palace, mounted the throne, and ordered himſelf to be proclaimed throughout the city. Alla ul dien mounts the throne.But the greater part of the princes and nobility, diſſatisfied with his advancement, immediately took out Alla ul dien from his confinement in the white caſtle, and de⯑poſing the uſurper, placed him upon the throne the ſame day in which [191] A. D. 1242. Higer. 640.Balin had uſurped it. Malleck Cuttub ul dien Haſſin was made Va⯑keel of the empire*. Malleck Mohizib ul dien Nizam ul Muluck, Vizier, and Malleck Kirakuſh lord of requeſts.
The Vizier maintains his great power,The Vizier, who was a politic and ambitious man, ſtill main⯑tained an abſolute power in the empire; but being of a haughty and oppreſſive diſpoſition, he bore it with too high a hand among the nobles. and is aſſaſſi⯑nated.They conſequently began to combine againſt him, and in the month of Ribbi ul Awil, in the year 640, found means to aſſaſſinate him one day when he was hunting. The Vizarit was conferred upon Sudder ul Muluck Nigim ul dien Abu Buker, and the younger Balin was made lord of the requeſts. Even Balin the elder was appointed viceroy of Nagore, Sind and Ajmere. The Subaſhip of Budaoon was given at the ſame time to Malleck Tage ul dien; and other provinces fell to various Omrahs, according to their rank and intereſt at court; and in general, peace and content ſeemed to diffuſe themſelves over the kingdom.
The Emperor releaſes his uncles.The Emperor, about this time, releaſed his two uncles Naſir ul dien and Jellal ul dien, who had been impriſoned by Byram Shaw. He conferred upon the former the government of Barage, and to the latter, he gave that of Kinnoge. Tigga Chan was appointed Suba of Lucknouti, or Bengal.
In the year 642, an army of Mogul Tartars made an incurſion into Bengal by the way of Chitta and Tibet. Sultan Alla ul dien ſent towards Lucknouti Malleck Kira beg Timur Chan, to the aid of Tigha Chan, with a great army. The Mogul Tartars de⯑feated in Ben⯑gal.The Moguls received a total defeat, but jealouſy ariſing between Timur and Tiga Chan, they [192] A. D. 1244. Higer. 642.proceeded to open hoſtilities; and the Emperor ordered Tigha to reſign the government to Timur, and to return to Delhi.
In the following year intelligence arrived that another army of Moguls, by the way of Kundiz and Talikaan, had entered Sind, and inveſted Outch. The Sultan immediately ordered forces to be muſtered, and putting himſelf at their head, directed the impe⯑rial ſtandard towards the Tartars. Expelled from Sind.When he had reached the banks of the river Bea, they raiſed the ſiege and began to retreat; and the Sultan hearing that they had totally evacuated the country, returned to Delhi.
Alla ſoon after gave himſelf up to wine and women, and exerciſed various modes of cruelty, injuſtice and oppreſſion, deſpiſing all coun⯑ſel, and placing the way of ruin before him. The Princes and Omrahs at length bound up their loins to hoſtility, having firſt privately ſent for Naſir ul dien Mamood the Sultan's uncle from Barage. Mamood advanced with all the forces he could raiſe to⯑wards the capital. The Emperor depoſed.The Emperor was thrown into priſon by the Omrahs, where he remained for life. He reigned four years, one month and one day.
SECTION IX. The Reign of Sultan NASIR UL DIEN MAMOOD ben Sultan Shumſe ul dien Altumſh.
WE have already obſerved, that when the eldeſt ſon of Sultan Altumſh died in Lucknouti, he conferred the title and govern⯑ment of that principality upon his younger ſon Naſir ul dien Mamood. [193] A. D. 1245. Higer. 643.but this was a nominal honour, Mamood being at that time too young for ſuch a charge. Upon his father's death he was confined by Shaha Turkaan, and remained in priſon till he was releaſed by Muſaood Shaw, who gave him the government of Barage. During the time of his government he waged ſucceſsful wars with the neighbouring Rajas, and rendered his province happy and flouriſhing. Mamood a wiſe, learned, and politic prince.The ſame of his juſtice and policy became to be noiſed abroad, which made the Omrahs turn their eyes towards him in the late revolution. He was then placed upon the throne of his father, which, even laying aſide his birth, his bravery, wiſdom and learning, his other good qualiteis very much deſerved to poſſeſs.
During the time of his impriſonment, he wrote for his livelihood, deſpiſing the Emperor's allowance. He often ſaid in the days of his misfortune, that he who could not work for his bread did not de⯑ſerve it. An encoura⯑ger of learn⯑ing.When he aſcended the throne, he was the patron of learn⯑ing, the protector of the people, and the friend of the poor. The poets of that age vied with one another for the prize, at his corona⯑tion, which was gained by Caſi Minhage, for his poem upon that occaſion. This writer is alſo particularly famous for his valuable hiſtory called the Tibcaat Nazari.
The Vizarit conferred up⯑on Balin.The vizarit was now conferred upon Malleck Yeas ul dien Balin the younger, who formerly, under the title of Chan Azim Anigh Chan, defeated the Sultana, and all the executive power put into his hands. Shere Chan, the Emperor's nephew, was appointed to the government of Lahore, Moultan, Batenize and Tibberhind, where he was ordered to keep a great ſtanding army, to watch the motions of the Moguls, who now had poſſeſſed themſelves of Cabul, Candahar, Ghizni, Balich and Herat.
The Emper⯑or's charge to Balin.It is ſaid, that when Mamood appointed young Balin vizier, that he told him, he truſted his own glory to his loyalty and conduct; [194] A. D. 1246. Higer. 644.therefore, to do nothing for which he could not anſwer to God, or that would ſtain his name with injuſtice towards his people, or ingrati⯑tude towards his king. The vizier faithfully promiſed his beſt, and exerted himſelf with ſuch unwearied diligence in his office, re⯑gulated ſo well the buſineſs of the ſtate, that nothing eſcaped his eye, or paſſed his particular inſpection.
In the month of Regib the King took the field, and turned his arms towards Moultan. He encamped for ſome time upon the banks of the Sodra; and making his vizier captain general, he ſent him towards the mountains of Jehud, and the territories of Sind. The Gickers chaſtiſed.Thoſe countries were reduced, and the Emperor avenged himſelf upon the Gickers for their continual incurſions, and for guiding the Moguls through their country into Hindoſtan. Theſe offences were too great to be pardoned, and therefore he carried ſome thouſands of every age and ſex into captivity.
Refractory Omrahs pu⯑niſhed.Some antient Omrahs who had Jagiers conferred on them in the provinces of Lahore and Moultan, had, for ſome time paſt, refuſed to ſupply their quotas to the army, for the maintainance of which, they held theſe eſtates. By the advice of the vizier, they were arreſted and carried priſoners to Delhi. The King, however, gave their Jagiers to their ſons or relations, upon the old military tenure. The country of Punjaab and Moultan were by theſe means effec⯑tually ſettled, and the King's authority firmly eſtabliſhed.
Story of Alex⯑an [...]er the Great.Some authors inform us, that when SecunderAlexander the Great. was on his way to Hindoſtan, ſome of his old generals, unwilling to proceed far⯑ther, began to draw their feet out of the circle of his obedience. The heroe upon this, was thrown into great perplexity, not know⯑ing how to proceed with them. In this dilemma he ſent a meſſen⯑ger [195] A. D. 1247. Higer. 645.to Greece to adviſe with his old maſter Ariſtotaliſe*, who, by reaſon of his age and infirmities, could not accompany him. When the ſage read the letter, he carried the meſſenger into the garden, where he gave orders to the gardener to root up all the old plants, and ſet young ſhoots in their places. Without ſaying more, or writing any anſwer, he told the meſſenger to return in haſte to his maſter.
When the meſſenger arrived, he fell upon his face before the King, and told him he could obtain no reply. Secunder was ſome⯑what ſurprized, and enquired into the particulars of the interview. Hearing the above relation he ſmiled, and told the meſſenger he had brought him an excellent anſwer. He accordingly put ſome of the old mutinous officers to death, and caſhiered others; ſupplying their places with young men who became more obedient to command; and thus re-eſtabliſhed his authority in the army.
The Emperor reduces Til⯑ſinda.In the month of Shaban 645, Sultan Naſir ul dien Mamood returned with his troops through the country which lies between the two rivers Ganges and Jumna, and after an obſtinate ſiege, the fort of Tilſinda yielded to his arms. He then continued his march towards Kurrah, the vizier commanding the van guard. He was met at Kurrah by the Rajas Dillekie and Milleckie, whom he defeated, plundering their country, and taking many of both their families priſoners. Theſe two Rajas had ſeized upon all the country to the ſouth of the Jumna, deſtroyed the King's garriſons from Malava to Kurrah, and held their chief reſidence at Callinger. After theſe exploits the Em⯑peror returned to Delhi.
The Vizier chaſtiſes the inhabitants of Rintimpore.In the following year, he ſent the Vizier with an army towards Rintimpore and the mountains of Meruaar, to chaſtiſe the rebellious inhabitants of theſe countries, which he effectually did, and returned [196] A. D. 1249 Higer. 647.to Delhi. The vizier's brother Abiek Cuſhli Chan was promoted to the dignity of Hagib, and Eaz Zinjani to be vakeel of the Empire.
The Emperor recalls his b [...]other from Kinnoge.In the ſame year, the Sultan's brother Jellal ul dien was called from his government of Kinnoge to Delhi. But, fearing that the King had ſome intentions againſt his life, he fled to the hills of Sit⯑noor, with all his adherents. The Emperor purſued him, but finding, after eight months labour, that he could not lay hands upon him, he returned to Delhi. Ma [...]ries the Vizier's daughter.The Sultan, in the year 647, married the daughter of his Vizier, Balin, and upon the occaſion made great rejoicings. He drew, in the year following, his army towards Moultan, and upon the banks of the Bea, he was joined by Shere Chan with twenty thouſand choſen horſe. The Sultan continued his march to Moultan, where he remained for ſome days. Having placed Malleck Eaz ul dien Balin in the government of Nagore and Outch, and ſettled ſome other matters, he returned to his capital.
Eaz ul dien Balin rebels,This Eaz ul dien Balin, in the year 649, threw off his allegiance, and ſtirred up a rebellion in thoſe provinces. This obliged the Sultan to put the imperial ſtandard in motion towards Nagore. He put the rebels to flight; and is par⯑d [...]ned.but ſuch was the ſtrange policy of the times, that he promiſed him his pardon, upon his ſubmiſſion; and afterwards actu⯑ally continued him in his government. The Emperor, after returning from this expedition, remained only a few days at Delhi, before he proceeded to the ſiege of Narvar. He was met at Narvar by Raja Sahir Deo, who had juſt built that fortreſs on a ſteep rock, with five thouſand horſe, and two hundred thouſand foot. This immenſe hoſt were de⯑feated with great ſlaughter, and the place being inveſted, was reduced, after a few months ſiege. Chinderi and Malava re⯑duced.The Emperor from thence continued his march to Chinderi and Malava, and having ſettled thoſe coun⯑tries, [197] A. D. 1251. Higer. 649.and appointed a Suba to govern them, returned to Delhi. The Vizier gained, in this expedition, great reputation for his conduct and perſonal valour.
Shere Chan recovers Ghizni from the Moguls.In the mean time the Sultan's nephew, Shere Chan, viceroy of Lahore and Moultan, who was at that time reckoned a prodigy of wiſdom, valour, and every royal virtue, had raiſed and diſciplined a body of horſe, with which he drove the Moguls out of the kingdom of Ghizni, and annexed it once more to the empire. He ſtruck the currency in the name of Nazir ul dien, and proclaimed him through all the provinces. The King, for theſe ſervices, added the government of Outch to his viceroyſhip, which, contrary to ex⯑pectation, was quietly delivered up by Malleck Eaz ul dien Balin, who returned to Delhi, and received the Jagier of Budaoon.
The Vizier diſgraced.The Sultan, in the year 650, marched by the way of Lahore, into Moultan, and was joined by Cuttulich Chan, by the way of Sevan and Cuſhlu, from Budaoon, with fine armies. In the begin⯑ning of the following year, Amad ul dien Eaz Zingani, vakeel of the empire, who had roſe to that dignity through the intereſt of the vizier, began to envy the fame and influence of that able miniſter. He took every opportunity to traduce his benefactor to the King in private. The Monarch's affections for the vizier, began to cool viſi⯑bly, and he was even prevailed upon at laſt to diſcharge that great man from his office, when he only conferred upon him, in lieu of it, the ſmall government of Haſſi, for his ſubſiſtance, where his ene⯑my fought an opportunity to take his life.
Amad ul dien Eaz in great favour with the King.Amad ul dien Eaz now became abſolute in the King's favour, and began his authority by turning out every perſon from their offices and governments, who had been appointed by the former vizier. He [198] A. D. 1252. Higer. 650.removed all Balin's friends and relations from the royal preſence, con⯑ſtituting Ein ul Muluck Mahummud, who reſided at Delhi, vizier of the empire, and Eaz ul dien Cutchlew Chan, lord of requeſts. When he returned to Delhi with the King, he every where diſturbed the public peace, and overſet the fundamental laws of the country.
The Emperor again muſtered his army, and began his march to⯑wards the river Bea, Shere Chan diſgraced.for Shere Chan had unfortunately, at this time, been defeated by the Sindies, and loſt ſeveral forts in Moultan. This furniſhed the favourite with an opportunity of diſgracing him with the King, who turned him out of his viceroyſhip of Outch, Tiberhind, and Moultaan, which he conferred upon Arſilla Chan, and then returned to his capital. In the mean time, Malleck Eaz ul dien Rizi ul Muluck, the Turk, was aſſaſſinated by the zemindars of Keital and Coram, which prevailed on the Sultan to march his army to revenge his death, from which expedition he very ſoon returned again to Delhi.
The inſolence of Amad ul dienThe government of the Vakeel became by this time ſo invidious to the whole Empire, that the Subas of Kurra, Manickpoor, Oud, Budaoon, Tiberhind, Sunnam, Koram, Lahore, Sewalic, and Na⯑gore, entered into an aſſociation, and ſent an embaſſy to Balin the former vizier, informing him, that the government of the coun⯑try was quite ſubverted, and that the oppreſſion and arrogance of Amad ul dien was beyond expreſſion; that they were therefore deſirous he ſhould proceed to Delhi, and take the Empire, as for⯑merly, under his wiſe conduct and direction. occaſions a revolt.Balin conſented, and, according to appointment, all the Omrahs met with their forces in one day at Koram.
The Sultan, and Amad ul dien, upon receiving this intelligence, marched with the imperial forces, to diſperſe the inſurgents; but [199] A. D. 1253. Higer. 651.when the royal army advanced as far as Haſſi, Anigh Chan Balin, and the reſt of the Omrahs, ſent an addreſs to the King, to the following purpoſe: ‘He is diſmiſſ⯑ed from the preſence."That they were his loyal ſubjects, and were ſatisfied to kiſs the foot of his throne, ſo be he would baniſh Amad ul dien from his preſence."’ The Sultan was under the neceſſity of either conſenting to this requeſt, or to loſe his Empire. He therefore diſ⯑miſſed the obnoxious favourite from his preſence, and ſent him to Budaoon. The Omrahs preſented their offerings, and were honoured with royal dreſſes. Jellal ul dien Chani, was appointed to com⯑mand at Lahore, and Shere Chan was confirmed in the governments of Debalpoor, Moultan, Battanize, Tiberhind, and other diſtricts adjacent. The Sultan returned peaceably to Delhi, and expreſſed great joy at ſeeing his old vizier, while the flower of deſire bloſſomed in the hearts of the ſubjects.
Inſurrections quelled.In the year 653, the Emperor conferred the government of Oud upon Cuttulich Chan, of which however he wanted to deprive him in a few months, for that of Barage, which was neither ſo lucrative, nor ſo honourable. Cuttulich Chan, upon this account, ſwerved from his allegiance, and, having brought over ſome other Omrahs to his party, raiſed a great army, which obliged the Sultan to ſend the vizier againſt him. Malleck Taje ul dien, the Turk, was diſpatched at the ſame time againſt Amad ul dien, who had begun a diverſion about Budaoon. He was however ſoon defeated, taken priſoner, and put to death. Cuttulich Chan was alſo routed by the Vizier, and fled to Sitnoor. The Vizier deſtroyed the place, but not being able to lay hold of the rebel, he returned to Delhi.
A conſpiracy in the impe⯑rial army,Diepal, the Raja of Sitnoor, in the year 655, entered into an alli⯑ance with Cuttulich Chan, and, raiſing a great army, advanced to meet Cutchlew Chan, Suba of Sind, who was in the ſame confederacy. All three joining their forces near Koram, became very formidable [200] A. D. 1257. Higer. 655.to the empire. The King again ordered his Vizier, with a great army, to take the field. When the two armies approached one ano⯑ther, a mutiny was ſtirred up in the Vizier's camp, by Shech Iſlam, Cuttub ul dien, and Caſi Shumſe ul dien Berachi, who wrote private letters to the enemy, projecting the means of their taking the city, in which they had alſo ſet a faction on foot to favour them. diſcovered and baffled by the Vizier.The Vizier having received good intelligence of this treaſonable correſpondence, acquainted the King of the particulars, who ordered them all to be confined. In the mean time the enemy, according to the ſcheme projected, marched with a body of choſen cavalry, a hundred crores, in two days, advancing to the gates of Delhi, where the traitors had promiſed to meet them that day with their forces; but finding them⯑ſelves diſappointed, and the Sultan's troops marching out againſt them, they entirely diſperſed, Cutchlew Chan retreating to Sind, but Cuttulick Chan was never heard of afterwards.
The Moguls obliged to re⯑treat.Towards the latter end of this year, a Mogul army invaded Outch and Moultan, which obliged the Sultan to point his hoſtile ſpears to⯑wards that quarter; but the Moguls fled upon his approach; ſo that, without further trouble, he returned to his capital, giving the coun⯑try of Punjaab to Shere Chan, and ſending Malleck Jellal ul dien Chani to the government of Lucknouti.
Diſobedient Omrahs brought to reaſon.In the year 656, the Sultan marched his army towards Kurrah and Manickpoor, to chaſtiſe Arſilla Chan and Calliche Chan, who had not joined their forces in obedience to his orders, when he marched the year before to Punjaab. Theſe Subas, however, found means at court to mollify the King's reſentment, and Arſilla Shaw found even intereſt to obtain the government of Lucknouti, which had been ſo lately diſpoſed of to Jellab ul dien, while the other obtained ſome diſtricts by the foot of the mountains.
[201] A. D. 1258. Higer. 657. Cutchlew Chan made governor of Gualier, &c.Cutchlew Chan, the Vizier's brother, was, in the year 657, appoint⯑ed to the government of Kole, Jellaſore, Gualier, and Biana. No⯑thing elſe remarkable happened this ſeaſon, but the death of Cuſhlu Chan, governor of Sind. The Vizier, by the King's commands, led next year an army towards Sewalic and Rintimpore, where the Rajaputs had begun to raiſe great diſturbances, having collected a very numerous body of horſe and foot, at the head of which they plundered and burnt the country. Upon the Vizier's approach, they retired into ſtrong poſts and paſſes, among the mountains, where, however, he routed them, and continued to ravage their country four months, with fire and ſword, ſetting a price upon their heads.
Some rebelli⯑ous Rajas overthrown by the Vizier.The Rajas of the Rajaputs, rendered at length deſperate, collected all their forces, and ruſhed down from the mountains to be revenged of the Mahomedans. The Vizier ſaw the ſtorm deſcending, and had time to draw up his army in order of battle to receive them. The attack of the enemy was violent and terrible, being actuated by rage, revenge, and deſpair. It was with much difficulty that the Vizier could keep the imperial troops in the field, but the enemy over-heating themſelves towards mid-day, they became hourly more languid and faint. The imperial general inſpiring his troops with freſh courage, for till then, they had acted upon the defenſive, began to charge in his turn, and, before evening, purſued the enemy, with great ſlaughter, back to the hills. The Vizier's loſs was very conſiderable in this action, and many brave Omrahs drank of the cup of martyrdom. Of the enemy above ten thouſand were ſlain, and ninety of their chiefs made priſoners, beſides a great number of com⯑mon ſoldiers. The Vizier having, by this action, relieved the fort of Rintimpore, which had been beſieged by ſome other tribes, he returned victorious to Delhi. The captive chiefs were cruelly ordered to be put to death, and their unfortunate ſoldiers condemned to perpetual ſlavery.
[202] A. D. 1258. Higer. 657. Embaſſy from Halacu King of Perſia.In the month of Ribbi ul Awil of this year, an ambaſſador arri⯑ved at Delhi, on the part of Hallacu Chan†. The Vizier went out to meet the ambaſſador with fifty thouſand horſe, of Arab, Agim, Turk, Chillege, and Afghan; two hundred thouſand infantry in arms, two thouſand chain-elephants of war, and three thouſand carriages of fire-works. He drew up in order of battle, formed in columns of twenty deep, with the artillery and cavalry properly diſ⯑poſed. Having then exhibited ſome feats of horſemanſhip, in mock battles, and fully diſplayed his pomp to the ambaſſador, he con⯑ducted him into the city and royal palace. There the court was very ſplendid, every thing being ſet out in the moſt gorgeous and magnificent manner. All the Omrahs, officers of ſtate, judges, prieſts, and great men of the city were preſent, beſides five princes of Ayrac, Chorraſan, and Maverulnere, with their retinues, who had taken protection at Delhi, from the arms of Chingez Chan, who, a little before that time, had overun moſt part of Aſia. Many Rajas of Hindoſtan, ſubject to the empire, were there, and ſtood next the throne.
The Empe⯑ror dies.This ceremony being concluded with great pomp, nothing parti⯑cular occurred at Delhi, till the year 663, when the Emperor fell ſick, and, having lingered ſome months on the bed of affliction, died on the 11th of Jemmad ul Awil, in the year 664, much lamented by his people.
His ſingular character.Sultan Mamood was very ſingular in his private character, for, contra⯑ry to the cuſtom of all princes, he kept no concubines. He had but one wife, whom he obliged to do every homely part of houſewifry; and when ſhe complained one day, that ſhe had burnt her fingers in baking his bread, deſiring he might allow her a maid to aſſiſt her, he rejected her requeſt, with ſaying, that he was only a truſtee for the [203] A. D. 1265. Higer. 664.ſtate, and that he was determined not to burthen it with needleſs ex⯑pences. He therefore exhorted her to perſevere in her duty with patience, and God would reward her in the end.
As the Princes of Hindoſtan never eat in publick, his table was rather that of a hermit, than ſuitable to a great King. He alſo continued the whimſical notion of living by his pen. One day, as an Omrah was inſpecting a Coran of the Emperor's writing, before him, he pointed out a word, which he ſaid was wrong. The King, looking at it, ſmiled, and drew a circle round it. But when the critic was gone, he began to eraze the circle, and reſtore the word. This being ob⯑ſerved by one of his old attendants, he begged to know his Majeſty's reaſon for ſo doing; to which he replied, ‘"That he knew the word was originally right, but he thought it better to eraſe from a paper, than touch the heart of a poor man, by bringing him to ſhame."’ Theſe might, indeed, be virtues in private life, but were certainly none in a ſovereign; for notwithſtanding the praiſes conferred upon him by hiſtorians, we muſt look upon him rather as the repreſenta⯑tion than the real ſubſtance of a great monarch.
SECTION X. The Reign of Sultan YEAS UL DIEN BALIN.
Sultan Balin, his family.SULTAN Balin was a Turk of Chitta, of the tribe of Alberi, and, in his youth, was carried priſoner by the Moguls, who conquered that country, and ſold to a merchant, who conveyed him to Bagdat. His father was a chief of great power, and commanded ten thouſand horſe in that unfortunate war in which our young hero was taken. He was bought at Bagdat in the year 630, by Chaja Jemmal ul dien of Buſſorah, who was then famous for his piety and [204] A. D. 1265. Higer. 664.learning. His maſter having learned that he was a relation of Sultan Altumſh, Sent to Delhi.proceeded with him immediately to Delhi, and preſented him to the Emperor, who rewarded him ſo handſomely, that he re⯑turned independent to Bagdat.
The Sultan employed him firſt in the office of chief falconer, in which art he was very expert. His gradual riſe in the ſtate.He roſe from that ſtation, both by the influence of his brother, who happened to be then an Omrah, and in great favour at the court of Delhi, and by his own merit. He aſcended gradually, from one preferment to another, till he became an Omrah of the empire, and a man in great eſteem. In the reign of Ruckun ul dien, when he commanded in Punjaab, hearing his ene⯑mies at court had enraged the King againſt him, he refuſed to obey his orders to return, and kept for ſome time poſſeſſion of that coun⯑try. But having advanced to Delhi, with the confederate Omrahs, who came to depoſe the Empreſs Rizia, he was taken priſoner in their flight, and remained there ſome time in confinement. He however made his eſcape, and joined the party of Byram Shaw againſt the Empreſs, whom he twice defeated, as we have ſeen in that reign. This gained him great reputation; and he had the government of Haſſi and Rabari conferred upon him; in which office he diſtin⯑guiſhed himſelf in ſeveral actions againſt the rebels of Mewat.
Made Vi⯑zier.In the reign of Sultan Muſaood, he was advanced to the dignity of Amir Hajib, in which he gained great reputation; and in that of Naſir ul dien he was raiſed to the Vizarit, which high office he managed in ſuch a manner, as to leave the King but the mere title of royalty. Succeeds to the Empire.He therefore, upon the death of his ſovereign, mounted the throne, not only without oppoſition, but even by the general voice of the no⯑bility and people.
In the reign of Shumſe ul dien Altumſh, forty of his Turkiſh ſlaves, who were in great favour, entered into a ſolemn aſſociation [205] A. D. 1265. Higer. 664.to ſupport one another, and upon the King's death, to divide the Empire among themſelves. But jealouſies and diſſentions having aroſe afterwards among them, prevented this project from being executed. The Emperor Balin was of their number; Rids himſelf of his rivals.and, as ſe⯑veral of them had raiſed themſelves to great power in the kingdom, the firſt thing he did after his acceſſion, was to rid himſelf of all who remained of that aſſociation, either by ſword or poiſon; among whom was a nephew of his own, Shere Chan, a man of great bra⯑very and reputation.
Courted by the Kings of Tartary and Perſia.His fears, after theſe aſſaſſinations, were entirely diſpelled, and he became ſo famous for his juſtice and wiſe government, that his alliance was courted by all the Kings of Iran and Turan. He took particular care that none but men of merit and family ſhould be admitted to any office in his government; and for this purpoſe he endeavoured to make himſelf acquainted with the particular talents and connections of every perſon in his court. As he was very aſſi⯑duous in rewarding merit, he was no leſs ſo in puniſhing vice; for whoever miſbehaved in their ſtation, were certain of being imme⯑diately diſgraced.
An enemy to vice.He expelled all flatterers, uſurers, pimps and players from his court; and being one day told, that an Omrah, an old ſervant of the crown, who had acquired a vaſt fortune, by uſury and monopoly in the Bazar, would preſent him with ſome lacks of Rupees, if he would honour him with one word from the throne; he rejected the propoſal with great diſdain, and ſaid, ‘"what muſt his ſubjects think of a King who ſhould condeſcend to hold diſcourſe with a wretch ſo infamous?"’
His genero⯑ſity,Balin was ſo famous for his generoſity, that all the princes of the Eaſt, who had been overthrown by the arms of Chingez Chan, [206] A. D. 1265. Higer. 664.ſought protection at his court. There came upwards of twenty of thoſe unfortunate ſovereigns from Turkeſtan, Mavir ul Nere, Chor⯑raſſan, Ayrac, Azurbaejan, Pharis, Room*, and Shaam†. They had a princely allowance, and palaces for their reſidence allotted them; and they were upon public occaſions, ranked before his throne, ac⯑cording to their dignity; all ſtanding to the right and left, except two princes of the Kalifat, who were permitted to ſit on either ſide of the Muſnud. The palaces in which the royal fugitives reſided in Delhi, took their names from their reſpective poſſeſſors, and were ranked in the following order: Abbaſſi, Singeri, Charizm Shahi, Willami, Ollavi, Attabuki, Ghori, Chingezi, Roomi, Aeſunkari, Emuni, Muſeli, Samarcandi, Caſhgari, and Chittai.
In the retinue of thoſe princes, were the moſt famous men for learning, war, arts and ſciences, that Aſia at that time produced. The court of Hindoſtan was therefore, in the days of Balin, reckoned the moſt polite and magnificent in the world. All the philoſophers, poets and divines, formed a ſociety every night, at the houſe of Chan Shehîd, the heir apparent of the Empire; and Amir Chuſero the poet preſided at thoſe meetings. Another ſociety of muſicians, dancers, mimicks, players, buffoons, and ſtory⯑tellers was conſtantly convened at the houſe of the Emperor's ſecond ſon Kera Chan, who was given to pleaſure and levity. The Omrahs followed the examples of their ſuperiors, ſo that various ſocieties and clubs were formed in every quarter of the city. The Sultan himſelf, having a great paſſion for ſplendor and magnificence in his palaces, equipages and liveries, he was imitated by the court. A new city ſeemed to lift up its head, and arts to ariſe from the boſoms of luxury and expence.
and magnifi⯑cence,Such was the pomp and grandeur of the royal preſence, that none could approach the throne without terror. The ceremonies of intro⯑duction [207] A. D. 1265. Higer. 664.were conducted with ſo much reverence and ſolemnity, and every thing diſpoſed ſo as to ſtrike awe and aſtoniſhment into the beholders. Nor was Balin leſs magnificent in his cavalcades. His ſtate elephants were capariſoned in purple and gold. His horſe-guards, conſiſting of a thouſand noble Turks in ſplendid armour, were mounted upon the fineſt Perſian ſteeds, with bridles of ſilver, and ſaddles of rich embroidery. Five hundred choſen men in rich livery, with their drawn ſwords upon their ſhoulders, ran pro⯑claiming his approach, and clearing the way before him. All the Omrahs followed according to their rank, with their various equi⯑pages and attendants. The Monarch, in ſhort, ſeldom went out with leſs than one hundred thouſand men; which he uſed to ſay, was not to gratify any vanity in himſelf, but to exalt him in the eyes of the people.
His juſtice.The feſtivals of Noroſe and Ide, as alſo the anniverſary of his own birth, were held with wonderful pomp and ſplendor. But amidſt all this glare of royalty, he never forgot that he was the guar⯑dian of the laws, and protector of his meaneſt ſubjects. It was be⯑fore Balin's time a cuſtom in Hindoſtan, in caſes of murder, to ſatisfy the relations by a certain fine, if they conſented to accept of it. He aboliſhed this cuſtom, which has been ſince revived, and ordered the Suba of Budaoon, Malleck Feick, to be put to death upon the complaint of a poor woman for killing her ſon.
When Balin was only an Omrah, he gave into the then courtly vices of wine, women, and play. But upon his acceſſion he be⯑came a great enemy to all thoſe luxuries; prohibiting wine upon the ſevereſt penalties to be drank in his dominions; laying great reſtric⯑tions upon women of pleaſure, and baniſhing all gameſters from his court.
So zealous was Balin to ſupport his authority, that for the diſo⯑bedience of one man, he would order a force to the remoteſt parts [208] A. D. 1265. Higer. 664.of the empire to bring him to puniſhment. His ſeverity to rebels.In caſes of inſurrection or rebellion againſt his government, he was not content, as had formerly been the cuſtom, to chaſtiſe the leaders, but he extended the capital puniſhment of high treaſon to the meaneſt of their vaſſals and adherents. This ſeverity rendered it neceſſary for the Subas to have the King's mandate for every expedition or hoſtilities they were about to commence.
That his army might be kept in conſtant exerciſe, he led them out twice every week to hunt, for forty or fifty miles round the city, and eſtabliſhed laws for the preſervation of the game. Rejects the advice of his council to re⯑duce Malava.In the year 664, he was adviſed by his council, to undertake an expedition to reduce the kingdoms of Guzerat and Malava, which had been an⯑nexed to the empire by Cuttub ul dien, but were afterwards per⯑mitted to ſhake off the yoke. To this advice the Emperor would by no means conſent, ſaying, that the Moguls were become ſo powerful in the north, having conquered all the Muſſulmen princes, that he thought it would be much wiſer to ſecure what he poſſeſſed againſt thoſe invaders, than to weaken himſelf, and leave his country unguarded, by foreign wars.
Tatar Chan reduced.Mahummud Tatar Chan, the ſon of Arſilla Chan, who had be⯑gun to aſſert independence in Lucknouti, was this year, however, reduced, and obliged to ſend his uſual tribute to Delhi. A great rejoicing was made upon this occaſion, at which the King was pre⯑ſent and gave public audience.
The Mewats extirpated.Balin ordered, in the courſe of the ſame year, an army to extirpate a certain tribe of banditti called Mewats, who had poſſeſſed them⯑ſelves of an extenſive wilderneſs about eighty miles ſouth eaſt of the city towards the hills; from whence they uſed, in former reigns, to make incurſions, to the number of fifty thouſand, even to the gates [209] A. D. 1266. Higer. 665.of Delhi. It is ſaid, that in this expedition, above one hundred thouſand of theſe wretches were put to the ſword; and the army being ſupplied with hatchets and other implements, cleared away the woods for above the circumference of fifty crores. The cleared ſpace, afterwards proved excellent lands, and was well inhabited, as the people were protected by a line of forts along the foot of the mountains.
The Emperor quells ſeveral inſurrections.In the 665 year of the Higera, Balin ſent an army down between the Ganges and Jumna, to ſuppreſs ſome inſurrections in thoſe parts, with orders to puniſh the offenders without mercy. The Sultan ſoon after marched in perſon towards Kattal, Pattiali and Bhogepoor, whoſe inhabitants had begun to ſtop all intercourſe with Bengal, by the way of Jionpoor and Benaris. He put ſome thouſands of them to death, eſtabliſhing juſtice and public ſecurity in thoſe parts. He ordered forts to be built, which he garriſoned with Pattans, to cruſh any future diſturbance, and then returned towards Delhi. Soon after his arrival, he received intelligence of an inſurrection in Budaoon and Kutter, whither he haſtened with five thouſand choſen horſe, and ordered a general maſſacre among the unfortunate inſurgents, and ſome thouſands of every age and ſex fell by the ſword.
If ſuch cruelties can be any where excuſed, it muſt be in a govern⯑ment like that of Hindoſtan, where rebellions were in thoſe days ſo common, that, without the moſt vigorous meaſures, the peace and royal authority could not be at all eſtabliſhed.
Reduces Jehud.Balin, after theſe tranſactions, marched his army towards the mountains of Jehud, where he employed them for the ſpace of two years, in taking ſorts, and reducing the wild inhabitants to obedi⯑ence. This country was famous for breeding horſes, many thou⯑ſands of which were carried by the Sultan to Delhi. Wherever the [210] A. D. 1266. Higer. 665.King marched there was an order for the Subas, Zemindars, Foge⯑dars and magiſtrates of the provinces to meet him on their own frontiers, with their offerings, which was afterwards diſtributed among the poor. The Sultan, ſome time after, made a journey to Lahore, which city, having greatly ſuffered from the Moguls, he ordered to be put in a proper ſtate of defence and repair; and after having erected ſome public buildings, he returned to Delhi.
Regulates the army.About this time, Balin was told by one of his Omrahs, that a great number of veterans, who had ſerved in the preceding reigns, were now become invalids and incapable of attending their duty. The Sultan, upon this, ordered a liſt of their names to be taken, and ſettling half pay upon them for life, diſcharged them from fur⯑ther ſervice. The old men however, were diſſatisfied with this proviſion, and ſome of the principals of them were deputed by the reſt, to go to Malleck ul Omrah, Fuchur ul dien, chief magiſtrate of Delhi, with preſents, to repreſent their caſe to the King.
This venerable magiſtrate being in great favour with the Sultan, rejected their preſents, but told them he would uſe his endeavour to get them continued upon full pay. He accordingly went next day to court, and while he ſtood in the preſence, put on the appearance of ſorrow, which being obſerved by the King, he enquired about the cauſe of his grief. The old man replied, ‘"I was juſt thinking that if in the preſence of God, all the old men were rejected, what would become of me."’ The King was ſtruck with the reproof, and after ſome penſive ſilence, ordered the veterans to be continued in their uſual pay.
Shere Chan dies.In the fourth year of the reign of Balin, Shere Chan Chaja Taſh, who had, from the time of Naſir ul dien, governed the provinces of Lahore, Moultan, Battize, Tibberhind, Debalpoor and other diſ⯑tricts, [211] A. D. 1268. Higer. 667.died: Some ſay, by poiſon from the King, but this is not now believed, though reported by ſome malicious people in thoſe days. He was eſteemed a man of great genius and an intrepid warrior; having defended his country from the incurſions of the Moguls, who now became the terror of the Eaſt. Sultan Balin, upon the demiſe of Shere Chan, gave Sunnam and Semana to Timur Chan, and the other countries were divided among other Omrahs of his court. The moguls, encouraged by the death of Shere Chan, began again their depredations in thoſe provinces. The mutual jealouſies and diſſenſions among the Subas, prevented them from doing any thing effectual for the public good.
Mahummud appointed go⯑vernor of the frontiers;The Emperor, therefore, was obliged to appoint his eldeſt ſon Mahummud, at that time bearing the title of Chan Malleck, afterwards famous by the name of Chan Shehid, viceroy of all thoſe frontier provinces. Mahummud was immediately diſ⯑patched to his government with a fine army, and ſome of the wiſeſt and beſt generals in the empire. an encourager of learning.The Prince himſelf was bleſt with a bright and comprehenſive genius, taking great delight in learning and the company of learned men. He with his own hand, made a choice collection of the beauties of poetry, ſe⯑lected from the moſt famous in that art. The work conſiſted of twenty thouſand couplets, and was eſteemed the criterion of taſte. Among the learned men in the Prince's court, Amir Chuſero and Chaja Haſſen bore the firſt rank in genius and in his eſteem. Theſe, with many more of his philoſophical ſociety, accompanied him on this expedition to Lahore.
Mahummud was viſited at Lahore by Shech Oſman Marindi, who was eſteemed the greateſt man of that age. But no preſents or entreaty could prevail upon him to remain out of his own country; ſo that after a ſhort ſtay, he returned. We are told, that as he was [212] A. D. 1268. Higer. 667.one day reading one of his poems in Arabic before the Prince, all the poets who were preſent, were tranſported into a fit of dancing. But the piece affected the Prince, to all appearance, in a quite con⯑trary manner; for the tears began to flow faſt down his cheeks. This might indeed be occaſioned by exceſs of pleaſure, though it was, at that time, attributed to that noble emulation which grieves for that excellence to which it cannot attain.
He invites the famous poet Sadi to his court.The fame of Shech Sadi of Schiraz being great at that time, Ma⯑hummud invited him twice to his court; but that renowned ſage excuſed himſelf upon account of his years, and, with much diffi⯑culty, was brought to accept of ſome preſents. Sadi, in return, ſent to Mahummud a copy of his works, and did honour to the abilities of Amir Chuſero the Sultan's favourite, and preſident of his learned ſociety.
The Prince, every year, made a journey to ſee his father at Delhi, to whom he always behaved with the greateſt filial affection and duty. Sultan Balin gave his younger ſon Baghera Chan, entitled Naſir ul dien, a Jagier of Sammana and Sunnam, whither the Prince ſet out to reſide. His father, at his departure, adviſed him to re⯑cruit and diſcipline a good army, to watch the motions of the Mo⯑guls; and that if he ever ſhould hear of his giving himſelf up to wine and his former debaucheries, he would certainly withdraw him from that Subaſhip, and never put confidence in him again. Baghera, the Sultan's younger ſon, reforms his manners.The Prince took the advice of his father to heart, and entirely reform⯑ing his manners, gave great proofs of his natural abilities, though his mind had taken a wrong biaſs in his youth. A place of ren⯑dezvouz was appointed, in caſe of an invaſion from the north, on the river Bea, near Lahore, where the two Princes were to join the imperial army from Delhi.
[213] A. D. 1279. Higer. 678. Tughril re⯑bels in Luck⯑nouti.Every thing ſeemed now in perfect peace and ſecurity throughout the empire, when Tughril, who was intruſted with the government of Lucknouti, began to appear in arms. In the year 678, this bold and enterprizing man led an army againſt the Rajas towards Jage⯑nagur, whom he defeated, carrying off ſome hundreds of elephants and much wealth, out of which he made no acknowledgment to the King. Balin happened at that time to be very ſick, inſomuch that the news of his death was ſpread abroad. This intelligence having reached the ears of Tughril, he aſſumed the red umbrella with all the royal dig⯑nities, and declared himſelf King of Bengal. Balin hearing of this, wrote him an order to return immediately to his allegiance, which having produced no effect, he commanded Ab Tiggi, Suba of Oud, to raiſe his forces, and declaring him Suba of Bengal, ſent Timar Chan Shumſhi, Malleck Taje ul dien, Jemmal ul dien, and other generals, to his aſſiſtance, with an army from Delhi, to reduce the traitor to obedience.
Defeats the imperial ar⯑my.When Ab Tiggi was joined by this force, he croſſed the Sirju, now the Gagra or Deo, and proceeded towards Lucknouti, whence Tughril advanced with his forces to meet him. Tughril employed his money ſo well among the troops of Ab Tiggi, that he drew ma⯑ny of the Turkiſh chiefs over to his party, and then engaging the imperial army, he gave them a total defeat. The Sultan hearing this news, bit his own fleſh with indignation. He ordered ab Tiggi to be hanged at the gate of Oud; and diſpatched Turmutti, a Tur⯑kiſh general, with another army againſt the rebel. Nor was the fate of Turmutti more fortunate than that of his predeceſſor. He was totally routed, and loſt all his baggage and the public treaſure.
The Sultan prepares to march againſt him in perſonThe Sultan having intelligence of this ſecond diſgrace to his arms, was in great affliction, and prepared to take the field in perſon. He gave orders to build a large fleet of boats, with all expedition, to [214] A. D. 1279. Higer. 678.carry his baggage down the river. He, in the mean time, under pretence of going upon a hunting party, went to Sunnam and Samana, the Subaſhip of his younger ſon, whom he brought with his army with him to Delhi, leaving Malleck Sotch in the government. Hav⯑ing collected the imperial army, he appointed Malleck ul Omrah, Fuchier ul dien, or chief magiſtrate of the city, regent during his own abſence.
He enters Bengal.The Emperor croſſing the Ganges, without waiting for the dry ſeaſon, proceeded to Lucknouti by forced marches. But having met with great delay, on account of the roads, and numerous rivers, Tughril heard of his approach, and had time to collect his army, and with all his elephants, treaſure and effects, took the rout of Jagena⯑gur†, with intention to remain there till the Sultan ſhould return to Delhi. The Sultan having arrived in Lucknouti, remained there only a few days. He appointed Hiſſam ul dien Barbek, governor of the province, and proceeded himſelf, with his army, towards Jagena⯑gur. At Sunnargaum, the zemindar of that place, Hunnage Rai, joined him with his troops, and promiſed to guard the river againſt Tughril, if he ſhould endeavour to eſcape that way.
Perſues the rebels into Oriſſa.The Sultan continued his march with great expedition, but he could gain no intelligence of the enemy. He therefore ordered Malleck Barbek beg Birſe, with ſeven thouſand choſen horſe, to ad⯑vance ten or twelve crores, in front of the army, and, by all means, to endeavour to gain intelligence of the rebels; but in ſpite of all enquiry, no ſatisfactory accounts could for ſeveral days be obtained. One day however, Malleck Mahummud Shir, governor of Kole, be⯑ing out from the advanced guard with forty horſe, reconnoitring the country, beheld ſome bullocks with pack-ſaddles, and having ſeized the drivers, began to enquire about the enemy. They obſtinately [215] A. D. 1279. Higer. 678.pretended ignorance; but the head of one of them being ſtruck off, the reſt fell upon their faces, and confeſſed that they had juſt left the enemy's camp, which was about two crores in front, that they had halted for that day, and intended to advance to Jagenagur.
A gallant ex⯑ploit of Ma⯑hummud Shir.Mahummud Shir ſent the drivers to Malleck Barbek Birſe, who commanded the vanguard, that he might examine them, and pro⯑ceeded himſelf as directed, to reconnoitre the enemy's camp. He ſaw, from a riſing ground, the whole encampment, extended over a great plain, with the elephants and cavalry picqueted, and every thing in reſt and ſecurity. Having fixed his eye upon the rebel's tents, which were pitched in the center of the army, he determined to execute one of the boldeſt enterprizes perhaps ever attempted. He advanced on full ſpeed, with his forty attendants, whom he fired with the glory of the undertaking, towards the camp, which he was permitted to enter, being taken for one of their own parties. He continued his courſe to the uſurper's tents, and then ordered his men to draw; and ruſhing into the great tent of audience, which was crowded with men of diſtinction, put all they met to the ſword, crying, ‘"Victory to Sultan Balin!"’
Tughril flies,Tughril, who imagined he was ſurprized by the imperial army, ſtarted from his throne in confuſion, and cut his way through the tent behind. He mounted a horſe without a ſaddle, and the cry having now ſpread through the camp, he was confirmed in his fears, and fled towards the river, with an intention to croſs it, that he might make his eſcape to Jagenagur. In the mean time, Malleck Makuddur, the brother of the gallant Mahummud Shir, having ſeen the rebel as he fled, purſued him to the river, and ſhot him with an arrow as he was croſſing. and is killed.Tughril immediately fell from his horſe, and Malleck plunging into the ſtream, dragged him out by the hair, and cut off his head. At that very inſtant ſeeing ſome of the ene⯑my [216] A. D. 1279. Higer. 678.coming that way, he hid the head in the ſand, and ſending the body down the ſtream, begun to bath himſelf in the river. The party queſtioned him about their King, and then went off without ſuſpicion.
His army fly.Mahummud's party, in the mean time, having diſpatched every body they found in the royal tents, diſperſed themſelves in ſuch a manner among the enemy, who were now in the greateſt confuſion, that moſt of them eſcaped in the crowd. Tughril being no where to be found, and the panic having run through the whole army, the flight became general, and none thought about any thing but perſonal ſafety. Thoſe who remained alive of the forty heroes, loitered in the rear, till the enemy were quite gone off the field. They then returned to the deſerted camp, where they chanced to meet Mal⯑leck Mukuddur. He related the King's death to his brother, who inſtantly ſent the head to the Sultan. He at the ſame time diſpatch⯑ed an expreſs to the vanguard, which came up that night, and took poſſeſſion of the camp.
The Sultan reprimands Mahummud for his raſh⯑neſs,The Sultan arrived the next day, with the imperial army. He called to him the two gallant brothers, and commanded them to re⯑late the particulars of this aſtoniſhing exploit. He heard it with ſur⯑prize; but inſtead of praiſing them, as they expected, he told them that the raſhneſs of their behaviour was inconſiſtent with their duty and prudence, with much more to the ſame purpoſe. but rewards him.But he, in a few days, took them into favour, and conferred great titles and honours upon them.
The Sultan finding the enemy had entirely diſperſed, returned to Lucknouti, and put every one of the rebel's family, and principal ad⯑herents, to death. He did not even ſpare his innocent women and children; and he carried his cruelty ſo far, as to maſſacre a hundred [217] A. D. 1277. Higer. 678. Balin's cruel⯑ty.Fakiers, and their chief Shaw Collinder, for having been in great favour with the rebel, who had given him a preſent of three maunds of gold, to ſupport the ſociety. Balin appointed his ſon Baghera Chan, King of Lucknouti, beſtowing upon him all the enſigns of royalty, and the ſpoils of Tughril, except the elephants and treaſure, Returns to Delhi.while he himſelf returned with his army towards Delhi.
The Sultan was abſent upon this expedition three years. Upon his arrival, he conferred great dignities upon Malleck Fuchier ul dien, who had ruled Delhi with great wiſdom. He then viſited the learn⯑ed men at their own houſes, made them princely preſents, and at their inſtigation, publiſhed an act of grace to all inſolvent debtors, who were in confinement, ſtriking off, at the ſame time, all old bal⯑lances of revenues due to the crown. Notwithſtanding this appear⯑ance of humanity, either the policy, or natural cruelty of his diſ⯑poſition, rendered him unmerciful to all rebels. He ordered ſpits to be erected in the market place, for the execution of all the priſoners taken in the late expedition; and it was with the utmoſt difficulty, that the Caſies, Mufties, and learned men, in a body petitioning their pardon, could obtain it. This venerable body at laſt, ſoftened the Sultan into mercy, and he drew the pen of forgiveneſs over their crimes.
His eldeſt ſon returns to Delhi.His eldeſt ſon having heard of his father's arrival, proceeded to Delhi to viſit him, and was received with the greateſt affection and joy. Invaſion of the Moguls.He had not remained at Delhi three months, during which his father and he were inſeparable, when news was brought that the Moguls had invaded Moultan. Mahummud haſtened his departure to oppoſe them; but before he had taken leave, his father called him into a private apartment, and accoſted him in the following manner.
He told him,
When you ſhall aſcend the throne, look upon yourſelf as the depu⯑ty of God. Have a juſt ſenſe of the importance of your charge. Permit not any meanneſs of behaviour in yourſelf, to fully the luſtre of your exalted ſtation, nor let avaritious and low-minded men, ſhare your eſteem, or bear any part in your adminiſtration.
Let your paſſions be governed by reaſon, and beware of giving way to your rage. Anger is dangerous in all men; but in Kings it is the weapon of death.
Let the public treaſure be expended in the ſervice of the ſtate, with that prudent oeconomy, yet benevolent liberality, which reaſon will dictate to a mind always intent on doing good.
Let the worſhip of God be inculcated by your example, and never permit vice and infidelity, unpuniſhed, to hold up their face to the day.
Be ever attentive to the buſineſs of the ſtate, that you may avoid the impoſition of deſigning miniſters. Make it your ſtudy to ſee them execute your commands, without the leaſt deviation or neglect, for it is by them you muſt govern your people.
Let your judges and magiſtrates be men of capacity, religion, and virtue, that the light of juſtice may illuminate your realms. Let no light behaviour, in public or private, detract from that important ma⯑jeſty which exalts the idea of a King; and let every thing around you be ſo regulated, as to inſpire that reverence and awe which will tender your perſon ſacred, and contribute to enforce your commands.
[219] A. D. 1282. Higer. 681.Spare no pains to find men of genius, learning, and courage. You muſt cheriſh them by your beneficence, that they may prove the ſoul of your council, and the ſword of your power.
Throw not down a great man to the ground for a ſmall crime, nor entirely overlook his offence. Raiſe not a low man too haſtily to a high ſtation, leſt he forget himſelf, and be an eyeſore to men of ſupe⯑rior merit.
Never attempt any thing, unleſs it is through neceſſity, but what you are ſure to accompliſh; and having once determined upon a mea⯑ſure, let your perſeverance be never ſhaken by doubt, nor your eye ever deviate from the object. For it is better for a King to be obſti⯑nate than puſillanimous, as in the firſt caſe he may chance to be right, in the latter he is always ſure to be wrong. Nothing more certainly indicates the weakneſs of a prince, than a fluctuating mind.
Mahummud marches againſt the Moguls.The Sultan having ended his inſtructions, embraced his ſon ten⯑derly, and parted with him in tears. The Prince immediately marched againſt the enemy, and having defeated and ſlain Mahummud Chan, chief of the Moguls, he recovered all the territories of which they had poſſeſſed themſelves in the empire.
The throne of Iran was at this time filled by Argunu Chan, the ſon of Eback Chan, and grandſon of Hallaku Chan, who had con⯑quered that empire about the year 656. The Moguls invade Hin⯑doſtan,Timur Chan Chingezi, who was then an Omrah of mighty renown in the empire of the race of Chingez Chan, and governed Herat, Candahar, Balich, Ca⯑bul, Buduchſha, Ghizni, Ghor, Bamia, and other countries, inva⯑ded Hindoſtan, with twenty thouſand choſen horſe, to revenge the death of his friend Mahummud Chan, who had been killed the for⯑mer year. Having ravaged all the country about Debalpoor and [220] A. D. 1283. Higer. 682.Lahore, he turned towards Moultan. Mahummud Sultan, who was then in Moultan, hearing of his deſigns, haſtened to the banks of the river of Lahore, which runs through part of Moultan, and pre⯑pared to oppoſe him. When Timur Chan advanced to the river, he ſaw the army of Hindoſtan on the oppoſite bank. But the prince, deſirous of engaging ſo great a chief upon equal terms, permitted Timur Chan to paſs the river unmoleſted.
and are de⯑feated by Mahummud,Both armies then drew up in order of battle, and engaged with great fury, for the ſpace of three hours, in which both commanders eminently diſtinguiſhed their valour and conduct. The Moguls were at laſt put to flight, and the Omrahs of Hind purſued them with imprudent diſorder. Mahummud, fatigued by the purſuit, halted by a large pond of water, with five hundred attendants, to drink. He there fell proſtrate upon the ground, to return God thanks for his victory.
who is ſur⯑prized and ſlain.In the mean time one of the Mogul chiefs, who had hid himſelf, with two thouſand horſe, in a neighbouring wood, ruſhed out upon Mahummud, and began a dreadful ſlaughter. The prince had juſt time to mount his horſe, and, collecting his ſmall party, and encou⯑raging them by his example, fell upon his enemies. He was at laſt overpowered by numbers, after having thrice obliged them to give ground, and he unfortunately received a fatal arrow in his breaſt, by which he fell to the ground, and in a few minutes expired. A body of the troops of Hind appearing at that inſtant, the Moguls took to flight. Very few of the unfortunate Mahummud's party eſcaped from this conflict. Among the fortunate few, was Amir Chuſero, the poet, who relates this event at large, in his book called Chizer Chani.
When the army returned from the purſuit of Timur Chan, and beheld their prince in his blood, the ſhouts of victory were changed [221] A. D. 1286. Higer. 685.to the wailings of woe. The grief of the army for the death of the Prince.No dry eye was to be ſeen from the mean⯑eſt ſoldier to the Omrah of high command. The fatal news reached the old Sultan, who was now in his eightieth year. The fountains of his tears were exhauſted, and life became obnoxious to his ſight. However, bearing himſelf up againſt the ſtream of misfortune, he ſent Kei Chuſero his grandſon, and the ſon of the deceaſed, to ſup⯑ply the place of his father. Kei Chuſero, upon his arrival at Moul⯑tan, took the command of the army, and pouring the balm of bene⯑volence and kindneſs upon the wounds of his afflicted people, began to adjuſt his government, and provide for the defence of his frontiers.
The Sultan worn out with age, ſends for his ſon Baghera to ſucceed him.When the Sultan found grief and infirmities began to conquer his vital ſtrength, he ſent for his ſon Baghera Chan from Lucknouti, and appointed him his ſucceſſor, at the ſame time inſiſting that he ſhould continue with him at Delhi till his death; and appoint a deputy for his government of Lucknouti. To this Baghera Chan conſented; but finding his father's illneſs was not likely to come ſoon to a criſis, he ſet out for Lucknouti without acquainting him of his departure. This undutiful behaviour in his ſon, threw the old man into the deepeſt affliction, ſo that death began now to preſs hard upon him.
He in the mean time ſent for his grandſon Kei Chuſero, from Moultan: the Prince haſtened to his preſence, and a council of all the Omrahs being called, the ſucceſſion was changed in his favour, all of them promiſing to enforce the Sultan's laſt will, in favour of this young Prince. The Sultan's death.Balin in a few days expired, in the year 685, after a reign of twenty-two years.
Immediately upon the death of the Emperor, Malleck ul Omrah Fuchur ul dien Cutwal, having aſſembled the Omrahs, and being [222] A. D. 1286. Higer. 685.always in enmity with the father of Chuſero, harrangued them upon the preſent poſture of affairs. He aſſured them that Kei Chuſero was a young man of a very violent and untractable diſpoſition, and therefore, in his opinion, unfit to reign; beſides, that the power of Baghera Chan was ſo great in the empire, that a civil war was to be feared if the ſucceſſion ſhould not be continued in his family. That therefore, as the father was abſent, it would be moſt prudent for the Omrahs to elect his ſon Kei Kubad, who was a prince of a mild diſpoſition and then preſent in Delhi. Kei Kubad the ſon of Prince Baghera raiſed to the throne.So great was the influ⯑ence of the miniſter, that he procured the throne for Kei Kubad; and Kei Chuſero, glad to eſcape with life, returned to his former government of Lahore.
In the glorious reign of Sultan Balin, flouriſhed at Delhi, beſides the great men we have already mentioned, Shech Ferid ul dien Muſaood Shukurgunge, Shech Baha ul dien Zeckeria, Shech Sidder ul dien Arif, Shech Budder ul dien Ghiznavi, Chalipa Chaga Cuttub ul dien Buchtiar Kaki, Seid Mola, and many more, eminent in all branches of ſcience and literature.
SECTION XI. The Reign of Sultan MOAZ UL DIEN KEI KUBAD, ben Bughera Chan, ben Sultan Yeas ul dien Balin.
Kei Kubad.WHEN Sultan Balin was numbered with the dead, Kei Kubad his grandſon, in his eighteenth year, aſcended the throne, and aſſumed the title of Moaz ul dien. He was a prince remarkably handſome in his perſon, and of an affable and mild diſpoſition. He had a talent for literature, and his knowledge that [223] A. D. 1286. Higer. 685.way was pretty extenſive. His mother was a beautiful princeſs, daughter to Naſir ul dien Altumſh; and if purity of blood royal is of any real worth, Kei Kubad had that to boaſt, for a ſeries of generations.
Luxury pre⯑vails at Delhi.As he had been bred up with great ſtrictneſs under the wings of his father, when he became maſter of his own actions he began to give a looſe to pleaſure without reſtraint. He delighted in love, and in the ſoft ſociety of ſilver bodied damſels with muſky treſſes, ſpent great part of his time. When it was publickly known that the King was a man of pleaſure, it became immediately faſhionable at court; and in ſhort, in a few days, luxury and vice ſo prevailed that every ſhade was filled with ladies of pleaſure, and every ſtreet rung with muſick and mirth. Even the magiſtrates were ſeen drunk in public, and riot was heard in every houſe.
Kei Kubad gives himſelf up to pleaſure.The Sultan built a palace at Kilogurry upon the banks of the river Gion, and retired thither to enjoy his pleaſures undiſturbed; ad⯑mitting no company but ſingers, players, muſicians and buffoons. Malleck Ni⯑zam manages public affairs.Malleck Nizam ul dien, who was nephew and ſon in law to Fuchir ul dien, entering into the King's humours, gained great favour, and was raiſed to the dignity of Vakeel Sultanit, and got the reins of government in his hands; and Kuaam ul dien Ellaka, who was the greateſt man of that age, was appointed his deputy.
Affaires to the throne.Malleck Nizam ul dien, ſeeing that the king was quite ſwallowed up in his pleaſures, began to form ſchemes to clear his own way to the Empire. The firſt object of his attention was Kei Chuſero, who was now gone to Ghizni, to endeavour to bring Timur Chan over to his party, in order to recover the throne of Delhi; to which he claimed a title from his father's right of primogeniture, as well as [224] A. D. 1286. Higer. 685.from the will of the laſt Sultan. But in this ſcheme Chuſero did not ſucceed, and he was obliged to return from Ghizni in great diſguſt.
In the mean time, Nizam ul dien endeavoured to make him as obnoxious as poſſible to the King, who was at length prevailed upon to entice Chuſero to Delhi. Murders Kei Chuſero.Nizam hired aſſaſſins to murder the un⯑fortunate prince on the way, which they accompliſhed at the vilage of Hicke. His many villainies.The villainies of Nizam did not ſtop here. He forged a correſpondence between Chaja Chatire the vizier, and Kei Chuſero, and thus effected that miniſter's diſgrace and baniſhment. He alſo privately aſſaſſinated all the old ſervants of Sultan Balin, inſomuch that a general conſternation was ſpread through the city, though none as yet ſuſpected Nizam as the cauſe. The more he ſucceeded in his villainies, he became leſs ſecret in the execution; and though he began to be deteſted by all ranks, his power and influence was ſo great with the King, that he was the terror of every man.
While things were in this ſituation, advices arrived of another invaſion of Moguls into the diſtricts of Lahore. Malleck Barbeck beg Birſe and Chan Jehan were ſent with an army againſt them. The Moguls defeated.The Moguls were defeated near Lahore, and a number of priſoners brought to Delhi. The next ſtep the traitor took, was to inſpire the King with jealouſy of his Mogul troops, who, as ſoldiers of for⯑tune, had enliſted in great numbers in his ſervice. He pretended that in caſe of a Mogul invaſion, they would certainly join their countrymen againſt him, inſinuating at the ſame time, that he be⯑lieved there was already ſome treachery intended.
Kei Kubad maſſacres the Moguls in his ſervice.The weak prince liſtened to thoſe villainous intimations, and, calling their chiefs one day together, he ordered them to be ſet upon by his guards and maſſacred; confiſcating, at the ſame time, all their [225] A. D. 1288. Higer. 687.goods and wealth. He ſeized upon all the Omrahs who had any connections with the Moguls, and ſent them priſoners to diſtant gar⯑riſons in the remoteſt parts of the empire. So blind was Kei Kubad to his own ruin, and ſo infatuated by this deceitful miniſter, that when any of his father's friends, or well wiſhers to himſelf and the ſtate, made any complaints againſt the traitor, he immediately called for Nizam himſelf, and ſmiling, told him, that ſuch a perſon had been doing him ſuch and ſuch ill offices, with an intention to alien⯑ate his affections from him. The perſon who preferred the com⯑plaint became, by this means, a ſacrifice, while fear prevented others from falling martyrs to virtue and honeſty.
The miniſter carries all be⯑fore him.When Nizam thus carried all before him in the Durbar, his wife was no leſs buſy in the Haram. She had all the ladies at her devo⯑tion; and, by way of particular reſpect, was called the King's mo⯑ther. Malleck ul Omrah Fuchir ul dien Cutwal, who had now reached his ninetieth year, perceived the deſign of the treacherous miniſter, and called him to his houſe, and by various arguments, endeavoured to ſuppreſs his ambitious ſchemes, and to lay the de⯑formity of ſuch behaviour fully open to his view. The miniſter allowed the juſtice of his reaſoning, and affirmed that he had no further intentions than to ſecure himſelf in the King's favour. That having, unfortunately, diſobliged ſo many people, it was dangerous for him to permit his authority to decline.
In the mean time, Baghera Chan the Sultan's father, who had contented himſelf with the kingdom of Bengal, having heard how matters went on at the court of Delhi, penetrated into the deſigns of the miniſter, and wrote a long letter to his ſon forewarning him of his danger, and adviſing him how to proceed. Baghera Chan's advice to his ſon is ſlighted.But his advice, like that of others, was of no weight with that vicious, luxurious, and infatuated Prince. When Baghera found that his inſtructions were [226] A. D. 1288. Higer. 687.ſlighted, and that things would ſoon be brought to a diſagreeable iſſue, Marches to⯑wards Delhi.he collected a great army and directed his ſtandards towards Delhi, about two years after the death of Balin. Sultan Kei Kubad hearing that his father had advanced as far as Behar, drew out his forces and marched down to meet him, encamping his army upon the banks of the Gagera. Baghera Chan lay upon the Sirve, and both armies remained ſome days in hourly expectation of an action. The old man finding his army much inferiour to that of his ſon, began to deſpair of reducing him by force, and accordingly began to treat of peace.
The young Prince, upon this, became more haughty, and by the advice of his favourite prepared for battle. A conference proposed be⯑tween the fa⯑ther and ſon.In the mean time, a letter arrived from his father, wrote in the moſt tender and affec⯑tionate terms, begging he might be bleſſed with one ſight of him before matters were carried to extremities. This letter awakened nature which had ſlumbered ſo long in Kei Kubad's breaſt, and he gave orders to prepare his retinue, that he might viſit his father. The favourite attempted all in his power to prevent this interview, but finding the Prince, for once, obſtinate, he prevailed upon him to inſiſt, as Emperor of Delhi, upon the firſt viſit, hoping by this means, to break off the conference. His deſign, however, did not ſucceed, for the old King, ſeeing what a headſtrong boy he had to deal with, conſented to come to the imperial camp, and ordered the Aſtrologers to determine upon a lucky hour, and croſſing the river, proceeded towards his ſon's camp.
Kei Kubad's inſolence.The young Monarch having prepared every thing for Baghera's reception in the moſt pompous and ceremonious manner, mounted his throne, and arrogantly gave orders, that his father, upon his approach, ſhould three times kiſs the ground. The old man accordingly, when he arrived at the firſt door, was ordered to [227] A. D. 1288. Higer. 687.diſmount, and after he had come in ſight of the throne, he was commanded to pay his obeyſance in three different places as he ad⯑vanced. The Sultan's Chobdars crying out, according to cuſtom, Baghera Chan to the King of the world ſends health.
Mollified up⯑on ſeeing his father.The old man was ſo much ſhocked at this indignity, that he burſt out into a flood of tears; which being obſerved by the ſon, he could no longer ſupport his unnatural inſolence, but leaping from the throne, fell on his face at his father's feet, imploring his forgive⯑neſs for his offence. The good old man melted into compaſſion, and raiſing him in his arms embraced him, and hung weeping upon his neck. The ſcene in ſhort was ſo affecting on both ſides, that the whole court began to wipe the tears from their eyes.
Theſe tranſports being over, the young Sultan helped his father to mount the throne, and paying him his reſpects took his place at his right hand, ordering a charger full of golden ſuns to be waved three times over his father's head, and afterwards to be given among the people. All the Omrahs alſo preſented to him their Naſirs.
A peace ſet⯑tled between them.Public buſineſs being then talked over, every thing was ſettled in peace and friendſhip, and Baghera Chan returned to his own camp. A friendly intercourſe commenced immediately between the two armies, for the ſpace of twenty days, in which time the father and ſon alternately viſited one another, and the time was ſpent in feſti⯑vity and mirth. The principal terms ſettled between the two Kings were, that they ſhould reſpectively retain their former domi⯑nions; They return to their re⯑ſpective capi⯑tals.and then Sultan Moaz ul dien Kei Kubad prepared to return to Delhi, and his father to Bengal.
Before they had taken leave, Baghera Chan called his ſon, the favourite miniſter and his deputy into a private apartment, and gave [228] A. D. 1288. Higer. 687.them a long lecture of advice on the art of government. He then embraced Kei Kubad, and whiſpered in his ear, to rid himſelf of Nizam ul dien as ſoon poſſible. They both parted in tears, and returned to their reſpective capitals. Baghera Chan was much affected upon this occaſion, and told his friends at his return to his own camp, ‘"that he had that day parted with his ſon and the empire,"’ ſtill apprehenſive of the miniſter and the wayward diſpo⯑ſition of the young man.
Kei Kubad beginning to reform,When the Sultan arrived at Delhi, the advice of his father for a few days ſeemed to take root in his mind. But his reformation was not the intereſt of the miniſter. He therefore ſoon brought back his prince to the paths of pleaſure. He, for this purpoſe, col⯑lected together all the moſt beautiful women, moſt graceful dancers and ſweeteſt ſingers from all parts of the empire; and theſe allure⯑ments to vice were occaſionally introduced to his view.
One day as he was riding out, he was accoſted by a beautiful lady, mounted upon a fine Arabian horſe, with a crown of jewels upon her head, a thin white robe with golden flowers flowing looſely over her ſnowy ſhoulders, and a ſparkling girdle of gems around her ſlender waiſt. This fair one advancing before the royal umbrella, with a thouſand charms and ſmiles began to ſing a love ſong. Then ſtopping ſhort, ſhe begged pardon for her intruſion, and would not, without much intreaty, proceed. is again brought back to pleaſure.The King was ſtruck with the beauty of this enchantreſs, and immediately diſmounting, ordered his camp to be pitched, and employed the evening in the pleaſures of love. This damſel was no leſs remarkable for her wit than for her beauty. The King, while ſhe was dancing, having broke out in rapturous verſes upon thoſe charms which ſhe diſplayed, ſhe anſwered every time extempore in the ſame meaſure, with ſuch [229] A. D. 1289. Higer. 688.propriety and elegance as aſtoniſhed and ſilenced the greateſt wits of the court.
Kei Kubad falls ſick.In ſhort, the King continued in this courſe of pleaſure, till wine, and intemperance in his other paſſions, had ruined his health. He fell ſick, and then began to recollect the advices of his father, and to conſider Nizam ul dien as the cauſe of all his diſtreſs. He immedi⯑ately began to form ſchemes in his mind to rid himſelf of that wicked miniſter. He for this purpoſe ordered him to the government of Moultan; but Nizam ul dien perceiving his drift, contrived many delays, that he might get a favourable opportunity to accompliſh his villainous intentions. His deſigns, however, in the mean time re⯑verted upon his own head. Nizam poi⯑ſoned.The Omrahs diſpatched him by poiſon, ſome ſay without the King's knowledge, while others affirm that it was by his authority.
Promotion at court.Malleck Jellal ul dien Feroſe, the ſon of Malleck Egheriſh of Chillige, who was Naib of Sammana, came, by the Sultan's orders, to court, and was honoured with the title of Shaiſta Chan, and made Lord of requeſts, as alſo Suba of Birren. Malleck Itimer Chigen was pro⯑moted to a high office at court, and Malleck Eitumur Surcha was made Vakeel of the empire. Theſe three divided the whole power of the government amongſt them, Kei Kubad becomes pa⯑ralytic.while the King by this time be⯑came afflicted with a palſy, by which he loſt the uſe of one ſide, and had his mouth diſtorted.
His ſon raiſed to the em⯑pire.Every Omrah of popularity or power, began now to intrigue for the empire, which obliged the friends of the royal family to take Keiomourſe, a child of three years, ſon to the reigning emperor, out of the Haram, and to ſet him upon the throne. The army upon this, ſplit into two factions, who encamped on oppoſite ſides of the [230] A. D. 1289. Higer. 688.city. The Turks* eſpouſed the cauſe of the young King, and the Chilligies, a powerful tribe of Tartars, joined Shaiſta Chan, who uſurped the throne. Upon the firſt diſturbance, thoſe Turks who had ſet up the young Prince, jealous of the power of the Chilligies, aſſembled themſelves, and proſcribed all the principal Chilligian officers.
Shaiſta Chan rebels.Jellal ul dien, Shaiſta Chan, being the firſt in that bloody liſt, im⯑mediately rebelled. Himar Chigen had been deputed by the Turk⯑iſh party, to invite Shaiſta to a conference with the ſick Sultan, and a plot was formed for his aſſaſſination. Shaiſta diſcovering his de⯑ſigns, drew upon the traitor, who came to invite him, and killed him at the door of his tent.
His ſons ſeize the young King.The ſons of Jellal ul dien, who were renowned for their valour, immediately put themſelves at the head of five hundred choſen horſe, and making an aſſault upon the camp of the Turks, cut their way to the royal tents, which were pitched in the center of the army, and ſeizing the infant King, carried him, and the ſon of Malleck ul Om⯑rah, off, in ſpite of all oppoſition, to their father. They killed Mal⯑leck Eitumur Surcha, who purſued them, with many other men of diſtinction.
The citizens of Delhi take arms.When this exploit began to be noiſed abroad in the city, the mob flew immediately to arms. They marched out in thouſands, and en⯑camping at the Budaoon gate, prepared to go againſt Jellal ul dien, and reſcue the infant King, for they greatly dreaded the power of the Chilligies, who were a fierce and ſavage race. Malleck ul Omrah, the old miniſter, ſo often mentioned, conſidering that this ſtep would occaſion the aſſaſſination of the young king, and of his own [231] A. D. 1289. Higer. 688.ſon, who was in their hands, exerted his great influence and autho⯑rity among the people, and at length prevailed with them to diſperſe.
Kei Kubad aſſaſſinated.Jellal ul dien, in the mean time, ſent an aſſaſſin to cut off Kei Kubad, who lay ſick, at Kilogurry. The villain found this unfor⯑tunate prince dying upon his bed, deſerted by all his attendants. He beat out the poor remains of life with a cudgel; then rolling him up in his bed-cloaths, threw him over the window into the river. This aſſaſſin was a Turk of ſome family, whoſe father had been unjuſtly put to death by Kei Kubad, and he now had a compleat revenge.
Shaiſta Chan aſcends the throne.When this horrid deed was perpetrated, Shaiſta Chan aſcended the throne, and aſſumed the title of Jellal ul dien, having put an end to the dynaſty of Ghor, and commenced that of Chillige. Malleck Chidju, nephew to Sultan Balin, and who was now eſteemed the juſt heir of the empire, was immediately appointed Suba of Kurrah, and ſent off to his government. Jellal ul dien marched into the palace, and was proclaimed with great ſolemnity in the city; and to compleat his villainy, he made away with the young prince, that he might reign with the greater ſecurity.
This great revolution happened in the year ſix hundred and eighty-ſeven, the reign of Sultan Kei Kubad being ſomething more than three years; a time long and diſaſtrous, if we look upon the villanies of Nizam ul dien, and the conſequent overthrow of the family of Balin.
SECTION XII. The Reign of SULTAN JELLAL UL DIEN Firoſe of Chillige.
[232]A. D. 1289. Higer. 688. Different opi⯑nions con⯑cerning the origin of the tribe of Chil⯑lige.NIZAM UL DIEN AHMUD ſays in his hiſtory, that the tribe of Chillige derived their origin from Calidge Chan. Callidge, continues that writer, having quarrelled with his wife, who was an imperious and vindictive woman, and fearing ſhe would draw the reſentment of her brother Chingez Chan upon him, deſerted his army as he was paſſing the mountains of Ghor and Ghirgiſtan, in his return from the conqueſt of Iran. Three thouſand of his friends followed Calidge, and took poſſeſſion of thoſe mountains, where they were afterwards joined by many of their countrymen, and even by ſome of the family of Chingez Chan.
Other hiſtorians, with equal improbability, affirm, that we ought to look for the origin of the Chilligies, as far back as Eaphs the ſon of Noo†, who, ſay they, had eleven ſons, one of whom was called Chillige. But we have reaſon to think that neither of the accounts is authentic, the one being too modern, and the other too antient, to merit our faith. We hear of this tribe of Chillige in the reigns of Subuctagi, and Mamood of Ghizni, which entirely de⯑ſtroys the former ſuppoſition; and we have great doubts concerning the exiſtence of Chillige the ſon of Eaphs, being perſuaded that this idle ſtory took its riſe from the natural vanity of nations, in tracing themſelves back to remote antiquity.
This tribe however, as we have already obſerved, inhabited the mountains of Ghor and Ghirgiſtan, and were a brave and hardy, though [233] A. D. 1288. Higer. 687.barbarous race. They make a buſineſs of war, and always ſerved as mercenaries any power that choſe to employ them. The father of that Shaiſta Chan, who mounted the throne of Delhi, was Egheriſh. He was one of thoſe ſoldiers of fortune, who ſubſiſt by the ſword; and raiſed himſelf to ſome rank, in the army of Sultan Balin. His ſon Firoſe being a man of genius, was appointed to the government of Samana. He was called from thence, as before related, and uſurped the empire. He reſerved for ſome months, the young Prince Keiomours, as a cloak to his villainy; He murders the infant Emperor.and having eſtabliſhed himſelf upon the throne, he ordered him to be put to death. He was ſeventy years of age when he mounted the Muſnud. Firoſe, by way of plainneſs, chan⯑ged the royal umbrella from red to white; laid entirely aſide his cru⯑elty, after the death of the young Prince; and became remarkable for his humanity and benevolence.
Reſides at Kilogurry.He had no great confidence in the loyalty of the people of Delhi, and therefore reſided always at Kilogurry, which he ſtrengthened with works, and adorned with fine gardens, and beautiful walks by the ſide of the river. The Omrahs following the Sultan's example, built palaces around, ſo that Kilogurry became known by the name of the new city.
Confers ho⯑nours upon his ſon.Egheriſh Chan, the Sultan's brother, was appointed Ariz Mumalick, or receiver-general of all petitions to the throne; and the Emperor's eldeſt ſon was dignified with the title of Chan Chanan†: The ſecond ſon, with the title of Arkali Chan; and the third with that of Kuder Chan. They had all governments conferred upon them, and maintained ſeparate houſeholds. Chaja Chatire was appointed Vizier, and the old chief magiſtrate of the city, Malleck ul Omrah, Fuchir ul dien, was continued in his office.
Seeks after popularity.The citizens of Delhi perceiving the wiſdom, lenity, and juſtice of the King, were gradually weaned from their attachment to the old [234] A. D. 1290 Higer. 689.family, and became friends and ſupporters of the new government. The Sultan himſelf was at much pains to cultivate popularity, and for that purpoſe he gave great encouragement to the learned of that age, who, in return, offered the incenſe of flattery at the altar of his fame. The nephew of Sultan Ba⯑lin rebelsIn the ſecond year of Firoſe, Malleck Chidju, nephew to Sultan Balin, and the Nabob of Kurrah, in alliance with Halim Chan, Nabob of Oud, aſſumed the enſigns of royalty, and ſtruck the currency of the country in his own name, which he changed to that of Moghiz ul dien. He brought over to his party all the Rajas and Ja⯑gierdars of thoſe parts, and, raiſing a great army, advanced towards Delhi.
His army de⯑feated.Advices of this inſurrect on arriving in the capital, the Sultan col⯑lected his forces, and marched out to meet the rebels. He ſent the Chilligian cavalry, who excelled at the bow, a few miles in his front, under the command of Arkilli Chan his own ſon. Arkilli encoun⯑tering the enemy about twelve crores from the city, after an obſti⯑nate engagement, defeated them. He took ſeveral Omrahs priſo⯑ners in the purſuit, whom he mounted upon camels, with branches hung round their necks; and in that plight ſent them to the Sultan. When he ſaw them in this diſtreſs, he immediately ordered them to be unbound, to have a change of linen given them, and an elegant en⯑tertainment to be provided. He called them before him, and repeat⯑ed a verſe to this purpoſe, ‘"That evil for evil was eaſily returned, but he only was great who could return good for evil."’ He then or⯑dered them to retire, in full aſſurance of his forgiveneſs.
He is taken, [...] pardon⯑ed.Malleck Chidju, ſome days after, was taken by the Zemindars, and ſent priſoner to the King. Inſtead of condemning him to death, as was expected, the Sultan gave him a free pardon, and ſent him to Moultan, where he had a handſome appointment for life, as priſo⯑ner at large. This lenity of the King, gave great umbrage to the Omrahs of Chillige, who addreſſed him upon the occaſion, and advi⯑ſed him to purſue the policy of Sultan Balin, who never pardon⯑ed a traitor. They deſired, that, at leaſt, a needle ſhould be [235] A. D. 1290 Higer. 689.paſſed through the eyes of Malleck Chidju, to be an example to others. If that was not done, they averred, that treaſon would ſoon raiſe its head in every quarter of the empire; and, ſhould the Turks once gain the ſuperiority, they would not leave the name of Chillige in Hindoſtan. The King anſwered, that what they ſaid was certain⯑ly according to the true policy of government; Clemency of the Emperorbut, my friends, ſays he, I am now an old man, and I wiſh to go down to the grave with⯑out ſhedding blood.
This behaviour of the Sultan, it muſt be acknowledged, had ſoon the effect which the Chilligian chiefs foreſaw. Clemency is a virtue which deſcends from God, but the degenerate children of Hind did not deſerve it. occaſions diſturbances.There was no ſecurity to be found in any place. The ſtreets, the highways, were infeſted by banditti. Houſe-breaking, robbery, murder, and every other ſpecies of villainy, became a buſi⯑neſs all over the empire. Inſurrections were heard of in every pro⯑vince, numerous gangs of robbers ſtopt all commerce and intercourſe, and the Nabobs refuſed or neglected to ſend any account of their reve⯑nues or adminiſtration.
The Omrahs conſpire againſt him.The Omrahs of Chillige were greatly alarmed at theſe proceedings, and began to lengthen the tongue of reproach againſt their Sovereign. They even began to conſult about depoſing him, and to raiſe Malleck Tage ul dien Kugi, who was a man of influence, courage, and reſo⯑lution, to the throne. For this purpoſe they met one day, at an entertainment in his houſe; but having intoxicated themſelves with wine, they began openly to talk of aſſaſſinating the emperor, quarrel⯑ing about which of them ſhould have the honour of that undertaking. While they were in this ſituation, one of the company privately withdrew, and running to the Sultan, repeated very circumſtantially every particular of what he had heard. The Sultan immediately or⯑dered a guard to ſurround the houſe, who having ſeized the Omrahs, [236] A. D. 1290 Higer. 689.brought them all before him. He upbraided them with their trea⯑ſon, he drew his ſword, and throwing it down upon the ground, challenged the boldeſt of them to wield it againſt him. But they fell upon their faces, and remained ſilent and confounded. Are diſco⯑vered and pardoned.One of them however, whoſe name was Malleck Nuſerit, was gifted with more impudence than the reſt, and told the King, that ‘"the words of drunkenneſs were but wind: Where can we ever find ſo good and gracious a King, if you ſhould be no more? Or where can the King get ſo faithful ſervants, were he to condemn us for a little unguarded folly?"’
Remarkable ſtory of a Dirveſh.The unguarded Prince was pleaſed with this, and ſmiling, called for wine, and gave him another cup with his own hand. He then upbraided the reſt for their conduct, adviſed them to behave better for the future, and diſmiſſed them all with his pardon.
The execution of a Dirveſh is one of the moſt remarkable events in this reign. The name of the Dirveſh was Seid Molah, and the whole affair has been thus delivered down in hiſtory.
Malleck ul Omrah Fuchir ul dien Cutwal, dying about this time, all the great men, who by his intereſt, held Jagiers and places at court, were deprived of them, and reduced to want. Among other dependants of the venerable Cutwal*, that became deſtitute by his death, were twelve thouſand readers of the Coran†, and ſome thou⯑ſands of his Sipais and ſervants. All theſe turned their face towards Seid Molah for their maintenance.
His hiſtory.This Seid Molah was a venerable ſage, in a mendicant dreſs, who travelled from Girjan towards the eaſt, where he viſited various [237] A. D. 1290 Higer. 689.countries, and men famous for piety and knowledge. He then turn⯑ed his face towards Hindoſtan, to viſit Shech Ferid ul dien Shucker⯑gunge, a famous poet and philoſopher of that age, with whom he re⯑ſided, ſome time, in great friendſhip. But in the reign of Sultan Balin, having an inclination to ſee Delhi, he took leave of his friend, who adviſed him to cultivate no intimacy with the great men of the court, otherwiſe it would prove fatal to him in the end.
Arrives at Delhi,Seid Molah arriving at Delhi, ſet up a great academy and houſe of entertainment for travellers, fakiers and the poor of all denomina⯑tions, turning none away from his door. Though he was very religious, and brought up in the Mahommedan faith, yet he fol⯑lowed ſome particular tenets of his own, ſo that he never attended public worſhip. He kept no women nor ſlaves for himſelf, and lived upon rice only; yet his expences in charity were ſo great, that, as he never accepted of any preſents, men were aſtoniſhed whence his finances were ſupplied, and actually believed, that he poſſeſſed the art of tranſmuting other metals into gold. Upon the death of Sultan Balin he launched out more and more in beſtowing great ſums in charity, and expended a princely revenue in his entertainments, which were now frequented by all the great men of the city; for he made nothing of throwing three or four thouſand pieces of gold into the boſom of a noble family in diſtreſs. his magnifi⯑cence and charity.In ſhort, he diſplayed more magnificence in his feaſts than any of the princes of the empire. His charity was ſo unbounded, that he expended daily, upon the poor, a thouſand maunds of flower, five hundred maunds of meat, eighty maunds of ſugar, beſides rice, oil, butter and other neceſ⯑ſaries in proportion. The mob, at length, crouded his gates in ſuch numbers, that it was almoſt impoſſible to paſs that way. In the mean time, the ſons of the Emperor and all the princes of the court reſorted to him with all their retinues, and ſpent whole days and nights in innocent feſtivity and philoſophical converſation. [238] A. D. 1290 Higer. 689.After the death of Fuchir ul dien Cutwal, the Dirveſh ſtretched forth his hand to his numerous dependants, and ſupported them in plenty and eaſe.
In the mean time, Caſi Jellal ul dien, a man of an intriguing turbulent diſpoſition, wrought himſelf into the favour and confi⯑dence of Seid Molah, and being endued with art and plauſibility of tongue, began to inſpire the philoſopher with ambitious views. He told him that the people looked upon him as ſent by God to deliver the kingdom from the tyranny and oppreſſion of the Chilligies, and to bleſs Hindoſtan with a wiſe and juſt government.
Aſpires to the throne.The philoſopher, in ſhort, ſuffered his imagination to be deluded by the ſplendid ideas of royalty, and privately began to beſtow titles and offices upon his diſciples, and to take other meaſures to execute his deſigns. Conſpires againſt the King.He engaged Beregin Cutwal and Heitaï Palwan, two of his particular friends, to join in the King's retinue on friday as he went to the public moſque, and to aſſaſſinate him; while he himſelf prepared about ten thouſand of his adherents to ſupport his uſurpation. But one of his followers, underſtanding that ſome others of leſs merit than himſelf were appointed to be his ſuperiors, be⯑came diſguſted, went privately to the King, and diſcloſed to him every particular of the conſpiracy.
He is ſeized,The King ordered Seid Molah and Jellal ul dien to be imme⯑diately ſeized and brought before him for examination. But they perſiſted in their innocence, and no other witneſs appeared againſt them, which rendering the accuſation doubtful, the Sultan ordered a great fire to be prepared in the field of Bahapoor, that they might be put to the ordeal trial. He himſelf marched out of the city to ſee the ceremony performed, and ordered a ring to be made round the pile. The fire being kindled, the Sultan commanded Seid [239] A. D. 1290 Higer. 689.Mola and the two aſſaſſins to be brought, that they might walk through the flames to prove their innocence. Having ſaid their prayers they were juſt going to plunge into the fire, when the Sul⯑tan ſtopped them ſhort, and turning to his miniſters, ſaid, ‘"that the nature of fire was to conſume, paying no reſpect to the righte⯑ous more than to the wicked. Beſides, ſaid he, it is contrary to the Mahommedan law to practiſe this heatheniſh ſuperſtition."’
Ordered to perpetual im⯑priſonment.He therefore ordered Caſi Jellal to Budaoon, and Seid Molah to be thrown into chains in a vault under the palace, and the two men who were to perpetrare the aſſaſſination to be put to death. He, at the ſame time, baniſhed a number of thoſe who were ſuſpected of the conſpiracy. When they were carrying Seid Molah through the court to his priſon, the King pointed him out to ſome Collinders who ſtood near him, and ſaid, ‘"Behold the man who was project⯑ing ſuch evil againſt us! I therefore leave him to be judged by you, according to his deſerts."’
At the word, a Collinder whoſe name was Beri, ſtarted forth, and running towards the priſoner began to cut him with a razor. The unfortunate Dirveſh told him to be more expeditious in ſend⯑ing him to God. He then addreſſed himſelf to the King, who was looking over the balcony, and ſaid, I am rejoiced that you have thought of putting a period to my life; yet to diſtreſs the pious and the innocent is an evil, and be aſſured that my curſe will lie heavy upon you and your unfortunate poſterity. The King hearing theſe words, became penſive and perplexed. Put to a cruel death.His ſon Arkilli Chan, who hated Seid Molah for the great intimacy between him and his elder brother Chan Chanan, ſeeing the Emperor's irreſolution, beckoned to an elephant rider, who ſtood in the court mounted, to advance, which accordingly he did, and commanded his elephant to tread Seid Molah to death.
[240] A. D. 1291. Higer. 690. A prodigy.Zea ul dien Birni, in his hiſtory of Firoze Shaw, informs us that he himſelf was at that time in Delhi, and that, immediately upon the death of Seid Molah, a black whirl-wind aroſe, which for the ſpace of half an hour, changed day into night, drove the people in the ſtreets againſt one another, ſo that they could ſcarce grope their way to their own habitations. The ſame author relates, that no rain fell in theſe provinces during that year, and the conſequence was a moſt terrible famine, by which thouſands daily died in the ſtreets and highways; while whole families drowned themſelves in the river. But theſe were the throes of nature, and not the rage of the elements for Seid Molah. This event happened in the year 690, and the loſs of the Dirveſh was much regretted, for many believed him entirely innocent of the charge.
The good fortune of the King de⯑clines.The proſperity of the King began viſibly to decline, for every day new factions and diſputes aroſe, which greatly diſturbed his ad⯑miniſtration. Private misfortunes preſſed hard upon him at the ſame time; among the number of which was the madneſs of his eldeſt ſon Chan Chanan, heir apparent of the empire. No medicines could cure that prince, and the diſtemper hourly-gaining ground ſoon ter⯑minated in his death.
He marches to Rintim⯑pore.The King, after the deceaſe of his ſon, marched his army towards Rintimpore to quell an inſurrection in th [...]ſe parts. He left his ſon Arkilli Chan to manage affairs in his abſence. The enemy having retired into the fort of Rintimpore, and the King having reconnoitered the place, deſpaired of reducing it. He marched towards a ſmall ſort called Jain, which he took, then breaking down the temples of Malava, plundered them of ſome wealth and again returned to Rintimpore. He ſummoned the ſort a ſecond time to ſurrender, but finding the rebels paid no attention to his threats, he gave orders to undermine the walls. He however changed his reſolution, and [241] A. D. 1291. Higer. 691.decamped, ſaying, that he found the place could not be taken with⯑out the loſs of many lives, and therefore that he would lay aſide his deſigns againſt it. Malleck Amed Chip, who was one of the pil⯑lars of the empire, replied, that Kings in the time of war, ſhould make no account of thoſe things, when compelled to it by juſtice and the neceſſity of ſupporting their authority, which was now plainly the caſe. The King, in wrath, aſked him how he came to think that theſe were not his ſentiments; ‘"but I have often, ſaid he, told you, that now being on the brink of the grave, I am unwilling to entail the curſe of widows and orphans upon the reign of a few days."’ He therefore continued his march to Delhi.
The Moguls invade Hin⯑doſtan.In the year 691, one of the kinſmen of Hallacu Chan*, invaded Hindoſtan with ten tomans† of Moguls. The Sultan having received advices of the approach of the enemy, collected his army and moved forward to oppoſe them. When he reached the frontiers of Biraam, he ſaw the Moguls in front beyond a ſmall river. Both armies encamped for the ſpace of five days upon either ſide of this ſtream, during which time their advanced poſts ſkirmiſhed fre⯑quently, and many were killed.
The armies at laſt, by mutual conſent, pitched upon an extenſive plain where they might have room to contend for the victory. Accordingly on the ſixth morning they drew up in order of battle, and cloſed up the dreadful interval of war. Overthrown by the Sul⯑tan.The Moguls, after an obſtinate conteſt were overthrown, many of their chiefs killed, and about a thouſand men taken priſoners. Among the latter were two Omrahs and ſeveral officers of rank. The Sultan, notwithſtanding this victory was afraid to purſue it, and offered them peace, upon condition of their evacuating his dominions. They accordingly [242] A. D. 1292. Higer. 692.gladly accepted of thoſe terms, and preſents were exchanged between them. When the Moguls were retreating, Allaghu Chan, grandſon to the great Chingez Chan, joined the Sultan with three thouſand men. They all became Muſſulmen, and their chief was honoured with one of the Sultan's daughters in marriage.
Arkilli Chan made gover⯑nor of La⯑hore.The King, about this time, appointed his ſon Arkilli Chan, vice⯑roy of Lahore, Moultan and Sind, with whom he left a ſtrong force, and returned himſelf to his capital. To Allaghu Chan and the reſt of the Moguls who had now become true believers, was allotted a certain diſtrict near the city, where they built for themſelves houſes, and raiſed a conſiderable town, known by the name of Mogulpurra.
In the year 692, the Sultan was under the neceſſity of marching his army again to quell an inſurrection about Mindu, which fort he took, and put the enemy to flight. The expedi⯑tions of Alla ul dien.In the mean time, Malleck Alla ul dien, the King's nephew, and governor of Kurrah, requeſted to be permitted to march againſt the Hindoos of Belſa who infeſted his pro⯑vince. Having obtained leave, he marched the ſame year to Belſa, which he took, and having pillaged the country returned with much ſpoil, part of which was ſent as a preſent to the Sultan; among other things there was a large brazen idol, which was thrown down, by the Budaoon-gate. The Sultan was greatly pleaſed with the ſucceſs and behaviour of Alla ul dien upon this expedition, for which he rewarded him with princely preſents, and annexed the ſubadary of Oud to his former government of Kurrah.
Alla ul dien, upon this preferment, acquainted the King that there were ſome Rajas of great wealth towards Chinderi, whom, if the Sultan ſhould give him permiſſion, he would reduce to his obe⯑dience, and ſend their ſpoils to the royal treaſury. The King, [243] A. D. 1293. Higer. 693.through covetouſneſs, conſented to this propoſal, to which Alla ul dien was moved by the violent temper of his wife Mallike Jehan the Sultan's daughter, who threatened his life. To avoid therefore her reſentment and that of her father, he looked round for ſome remote country which might afford him an aſylum. Marches into the Decan.Accordingly, in the year 693, he took leave of the Sultan at Delhi, and proceeding towards Kurrah, took many chiefs of diſtinction into his ſervice. He marched with eight thouſand choſen horſe, by the neareſt road againſt Ramdeo, Raja of the Decan, who poſſeſſed the wealth of a long ſeries of Kings.
Alla ul dien, arriving upon the frontiers of the Decan, preſſed for⯑ward againſt the capital of Rumdeo's dominions, which, not being fortified, he was in hopes of ſurprizing. Though this attempt ſeemed too bold to be attended with ſucceſs, yet he perſiſted in his reſolution, and by ſurprizing marches reached Elichpoor, where he made a ſhort halt to refreſh his ſmall army. He marched from thence with equal expedition, towards Deogire the capital. Intelli⯑gence of Alla's progreſs coming to the Raja, who, with his ſon, had been abſent upon ſome ſervice in a diſtant part of his dominions, he returned with great expedition to intercept the enemy with a nume⯑rous army. Overthrows Ramdeo.He accordingly threw himſelf between Alla and the city, engaged him with conſummate bravery, but in the end he was de⯑feated with great loſs.
Another ac⯑count of this expedition.This expedition is otherwiſe recorded by the author of the Tibcat Naſiri. Alla ul dien, ſays that writer, left Kurrah on pretence of hunting, and having paſſed through the territories of many petty Rajas, avoided all hoſtilities, giving out that he had leſt the Emperor in diſguſt, and was going to offer his ſervices to the Raja of the Tillingas Ram Chunder, who was the moſt powerful King in the Decan. Accordingly, after two months march, he arrived [244] A. D. 1293. Higer. 693.without any remarkable oppoſition at Elichpoor, from whence at once changing his courſe, he decamped in the night, and in two days ſurprized the city of Deogire the capital of Ramdeo. The Raja himſelf was in the city, but his wife and his eldeſt ſon had gone to worſhip at a certain temple without the walls.
Ramdeo, upon the approach of Alla, was in the greateſt conſter⯑nation. Alla takes Deogire.He however collected three or four thouſand citizens and domeſticks, engaged Alla ul dien at one of the gates of the city, but being defeated, retired into the citadel. This fort having no ditch, and not being ſtored with proviſions, he had no hopes of de⯑fending it long. Alla ul dien immediately inveſted the place. In the mean time he gave out, that he was only the van-guard of the Emperor's army, who were on full march to the place. This ſtruck univerſal terror into all the Rajas round, who, inſtead of joining for the general ſafety, began to ſecure themſelves. Alla's cruelty.Alla ul dien having pillaged the city and ſeized upon the merchants, brahmins and prin⯑cipal inhabitants, tortured them for their wealth; while he at the ſame time carried on the ſiege of the citadel.
Ramdeo ſeeing he muſt ſoon be obliged to yield, and imagining that the Emperor intended to make a general conqueſt of the Decan, endeavoured to procure a peace before any other forces arrived. He therefore wrote after this manner to Alla.
which Alla accepts.Malleck Alla ul dien was very glad to accept of thoſe propoſals, and having received fifty maunds of gold, a large quantity of pearls and jewels, fifty elephants, and ſome thouſand horſes, which were taken in the Rajas ſtables, he releaſed his priſoners, and promiſed to abandon the place in the morning of the fifteenth day, from his firſt entrance.
Ramdeo's ſon advances with an army.But when Alla was preparing to retreat, the Raja's eldeſt ſon, who had fled with his mother, on the firſt appearance of the imperial troops, to collect forces, advanced with a numerous army, within a few miles of the city. Ramdeo ſent a meſſage to his ſon, inform⯑ing him, that peace was concluded, and whatever was done, was done. He therefore ordered him not to open again the door of diſ⯑turbance, for that he perceived the Turks were a warlike race, whoſe peace was better than their war. The young Prince however, un⯑derſtanding that his army was thrice the number of the enemy, and expecting hourly to be joined by other Rajas, with numerous forces, liſtened not to the commands of his father, but wrote to Alla ul dien in theſe terms:
[246] A. D. 1293. Higer. 693.Alla ul dien, upon reading this inſolent letter, kindled the fire of rage, and blackening the face of the meſſenger, hooted him out of the city. He left Malleck Nuſerit to inveſt the citadel with a thou⯑ſand horſe, and immediately marched with the reſt of his army, to attack the Raja's ſon, and drew up in the front of his camp.
Is over⯑thrown.The Hindoo did not decline the offered battle. He drew forth his numerous ſquadrons, and the battle commenced with ſuch vio⯑lence, that the ſtout heart of Alla ul dien began to quake for the victory. His troops began to fall back on all ſides. In the mean time Malleck Nuſerit having learned by his ſcouts, the ſituation of affairs, left the citadel without orders, and galloping up to the field of battle, with his thouſand horſe, changed the fortune of the day. The duſt having prevented the enemy from diſcovering the force of Nuſerit, ſome perſon cried out, that the Turkiſh army, of whom they had been told, was arrived. This ſpread inſtantly a panic through the Hindoo ranks, and they at once turned their face to flight. Alla ul dien did not think proper to purſue them far, but immediately returned into the city, and inveſted the citadel.
Cruelty of the Turks.A ſcene of cruelty and horror now commenced. The Turks, en⯑raged at the perfidy of the Hindoos, for their breach of the treaty, began to ſpread fire and ſword through the city; from which no diſ⯑cipline could reſtrain them. Several of the Raja's kindred, who had been taken priſoners, were in chains, thrown down in ſight of the enemy. The Raja, in the mean time, ſent expreſs upon expreſs, to haſten the ſuccours which he expected from the Raja of Kilbirga, Tillingana, Malava, and Candez: but was informed, that there re⯑mained no proviſions in the place, for that a great number of bags, in which they had reckoned upon rice, had been found, upon exami⯑nation, to be ſalt.
[247] A. D. 1293. Higer. 693. The Raja in great diſtreſs.The Raja was greatly perplexed; he commanded that this ſhould be concealed from the troops, and began a ſecond time to propoſe a treaty with Alla ul dien.
Ramdeo told the meſſenger privately, that there was no proviſions in the place, and that if the enemy ſhould perſiſt a few days, they muſt be informed of their diſtreſs, which would inevitably bring on the ruin of the whole. For, ſaid the Raja, ſuppoſing we ſhould be able to hold out the place againſt the aſſaults of the enemy, yet famine cannot be withſtood; and there is now ſcarce ſix days proviſion left. Uſe then every art, and take any means, to perſuade the army of Iſlam†, to evacuate the country.
A peace con⯑cluded.But Malleck Alla ul dien, from the behaviour of Ramdeo, per⯑ceived the true cauſe of his propoſals, and therefore ſtarted every day ſome new difficulty to retard the treaty, till the garriſon was in the utmoſt diſtreſs. But at length it was concluded, according to our author, upon the following almoſt incredible terms; that Alla ul dien ſhould receive, upon conſideration of evacuating the country, ſix hundred maunds, of pure gold, according to the weights of the Decan‡, ſeven maunds of pearl, two maunds of diamonds, rubies, emeralds, and ſapphires, one thouſand maunds of ſilver, four thou⯑ſand pieces of ſilk, and a long liſt of other precious commodities that ſurpaſs all belief. This ranſom was not only required, but alſo the ceſſion of Elichpoor, and its dependancies, where Alla might leave [248] A. D. 1294. Higer. 694.a ſmall garriſon to collect the revenues, which ſhould remain there unmoleſted.
Alla retreats with an im⯑menſe trea⯑ſure.Malleck Alla ul dien, having ſettled affairs to his ſatisfaction, re⯑leaſed all his priſoners, and marched in triumph out of the city with his plunder, and proceeded on his way homeward, on the twenty-fifth day after his taking the city. He conducted his retreat with ſuch ſur⯑prizing addreſs, that he opened his way through extenſive and power⯑ful kingdoms; through Malava, Conduana, Candez, and others, though he was ſurrounded by numerous armies, who admiring his order and reſolution, made but faint and irreſolute attacks, which ſerved only to adorn his triumph. We may here juſtly remark, that in the long volumes of hiſtory, there is ſcarcely any thing to be com⯑pared to this exploit, whether we regard the reſolution in forming the plan, the boldneſs of the execution of it, or the fortune which attended the attempt. We cannot help to lament, that a man form⯑ed for ſuch great exploits, ſhould not be actuated by better motives than rapine, violence, and the thirſt of gain.
The Sultan ſuſpects Alla of treaſonable deſigns.When Alla ul dien marched to Deogire, all communication with Kurrah being ſtopt, no news was heard of him for ſome months. The perſon, whom he left his deputy, to make the King eaſy, wrote, that he had accounts of his being buſy in the conqueſt of Chinderi, and amuſed him every day with falſe intelligence. But as the King, for the ſpace of ſix months, had received no letters from under his own hand, he began to ſuſpect treaſon; and in the year 695, under a pretence of hunting, ordered out his retinue, and proceeded towards Gualier, where he encamped, and built a Choultry, inſcribing a verſe to this purpoſe, over the door.— ‘"I who preſs with my foot the celeſtial pavement, what ſame can I acquire by a heap of ſtones and mortar? No! I have joined theſe broken ſtones together, that, [249] A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.perhaps, under their ſhade, the weary traveller, or broken-hearted, may find repoſe."’
Alla ul dien returns to⯑wards Kur⯑rah.In the mean time Firoſe Shaw received private intelligence, that Alla ul dien had conquered Deogire, and had acquired there ſuch wealth, as had never been poſſeſſed by an Emperor of Delhi, and that he was now upon his march towards Kurrah. The King was greatly pleaſed with this intelligence, and reckoned upon the ſpoil, as if already in his own treaſury. But men of more wiſdom thought otherwiſe, and juſtly concluded, that it was not to fill the royal cof⯑fers, as Alla ul dien, without the King's authority, had undertaken ſuch a daring expedition. They however waited to ſee the event, without informing the King of their ſuſpicions. The Sultan conſults his council con⯑cerning Alla.The King having one day aſſembled his council, and told them, that Alla ul dien was now on his march to Kurrah with immenſe plunder, requeſted their advice whether it was moſt prudent to remain where he was, and command Alla to his preſence, to march towards him, or to return to Delhi.
Malleck Ahmed Chip, who was renowned for his wiſdom and pene⯑tration, expreſſed his ſuſpicions to the King, in a rational and plauſible manner. They differ in their opi⯑nions.He adviſed the Sultan, at the ſame time, to advance with his army towards Chinderi, and to encamp in the way between Alla ul dien and Kurrah. This, ſaid he, will diſcover Alla's intentions, before he has time to augment his army. Ahmed Chip added fur⯑ther, ‘"that, upon the appearance of the imperial army, it was highly probable, that the troops of Alla ul dien, being laden with ſpoil, and within their own country, would not chuſe to hazard the loſs of it by an action; but would rather endeavour to ſecure their wealth among the mountains. That, by this means, Alla ul dien would be deſerted by the greateſt part of his ſmall army, which would oblige him to think of nothing but peace, and to lay all his wealth at the [250] A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.foot of the throne. That the King in that caſe might take all the gold, jewels, and elephants, permitting him to retain the remain⯑der for himſelf, and either leave him his government, or carry him to Delhi, according to the royal pleaſure."’
Malleck Fuchier ul dien Kudgi, though he was ſenſible of the prudence of this advice, yet turning his eyes upon the Emperor, he perceived he did not at all approve of it; and therefore began to this effect: ‘"The news of Alla ul dien's return, the amount of his plunder, and the truth of his conqueſt, has not yet been confirmed but by flying reports, which we all know are often vague and extrava⯑gant. Suppoſing even that this account is true, is it not natural to imagine, that when he ſhall hear of the approach of the imperial ar⯑my, that the fear of falſe accuſation, or evil deſigns againſt him, will prevail on him to retreat among the mountains? From whence, as the rainy ſeaſon is at hand, it will be impoſſible to diſlodge him. Let us not therefore caſt off our ſhoes, before we reach the river, but wait till Alla ſhall arrive at Kurrah. If then it ſhall appear, that he cheriſhes his treaſonable views, one aſſault of the imperial army will cruſh his ambition."’
Malleck Ahmed Chip, having heard this perfidious advice, was kindled into generous reſentment, and replied; ‘"The time paſſes,—As ſoon as Alla ul dien ſhall have eſcaped us, will he not proceed by the way of Oud to Lucknouti, where his treaſure will ſoon enable him to raiſe ſuch an army as neither you nor I will be able to oppoſe? O ſhame! that men ſhould know better, yet not have the honeſty to give ſalutary advice."’
The Sultan was diſpleaſed with thoſe words, and ſpoke thus to the Omrahs who ſtood near him. ‘"Malleck Chip does always ill offices to Alla ul dien. He endeavours to raiſe my ſuſpicion and reſent⯑ment [251] A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.againſt him; but ſuch private rancour ſhall have no weight with the King; I am ſo well aſſured of the loyalty of Malleck Alla ul dien, whom I have nurſed in my boſom, that I ſhould ſooner be⯑lieve treaſon in my ſon than in him."’
Malleck Ahmed, upon this, ſhut the door of argument, and, riſing with ſome emotion, walked out, ſtriking one hand upon the other, and repeating a verſe to this purpoſe. ‘"When the ſun of proſperity is eclipſed, no advice can enlighten the mind."’ The King beſtow⯑ing great commendations on Kudgi, marched back with his army to Delhi.
Alla ul dien's inſidious meſſage to the King,Not many days after the Sultan's arrival, the addreſs of Alla ul dien was brought to him, ſetting forth, that ‘"he was the King's ſlave, and that all his own wealth was conſecrated to him; that be⯑ing wearied by a tedious march, he begged ſome repoſe at Kurrah. That he intended to kiſs the footſtool of the throne, but that, know⯑ing he had ſome enemies at court, who might have, in his abſence, de⯑famed him, and deprived him of his majeſty's favour, he, and the chiefs who accompanied him in the expedition, in which he was ſenſible he had exceeded his orders, were apprehenſive that ſome puniſhment might be inflicted upon them. That he therefore requeſted to have a letter of grace, to aſſure him and his followers of perfect ſafety, un⯑der the royal protection."’ which de⯑ceives the Sultan.The King having received this addreſs, expreſſed great joy, and entirely laid aſide all ſuſpicions of Alla ul dien. He ordered a letter full of kindneſs, and the moſt ſolemn aſ⯑ſurances of protection, to be wrote to him, and diſpatched by the hands of two meſſengers of diſtinction.
Alla pre [...] to [...] Bengal.In the mean time Alla ul dien was preparing to retreat to Bengal. He was now joined by all the Zemindars of the neighbouring diſtricts, who inliſted themſelves under his fortunate banners. The meſſen⯑gers [252] A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.perceived plainly his intentions, but they were detained, and watched ſo ſtrictly, that they could ſend no advices to the King. Malleck Almaſs, who was alſo ſon in law and nephew to Sultan Firoſe, in the mean time received advices from his brother Alla ul dien, ‘"That it was now become public at Kurrah, that the King intended certainly to take his life, for proceeding to Deogire contrary to his orders. That he repented the occaſion, and had taken his Ma⯑jeſty's diſpleaſure, which to him was worſe than death, ſo much to heart, that he was afraid exceſs of ſorrow would put an end to his melancholy life: He therefore requeſted, that his brother ſhould in⯑form him, before the King put his deſign in execution, that he might either take poiſon, or look out for a place of ſecurity."’
His inſidious letters to the court.Letters to the ſame purpoſe were, day after day, wrote to his bro⯑ther, Almaſs Beg, who being in the plot, was conſtantly at court, and ſhewed them to the King, ſeemingly diſtracted, leſt his brother ſhould lay violent hands upon himſelf, or fly his country. He uſed a thouſand deluſive arts to inveigle the King, who no leſs feared the loſs of the treaſure than his nephew's life, to Kurrah. The Sultan inveigled to proceed to Kurrah.The old man, at laſt, took the golden bait, and embarked with a thouſand horſe, and a ſmall retinue, on the Ganges, ordering Malleck Ahmed Chip to follow with the army by land.
Alla ul dien, hearing of the Sultan's departure from Delhi, croſſed the Ganges with his army, and encamped near Mannickpoor, upon the oppoſite bank. When, upon the ſeventeenth of Ramzaan, the Sultan's umbrella appeared in ſight, Alla ul dien drew out his army, on pretence of doing him honour, and ſent his brother Almaſs Beg, who had come on before to concert meaſures to introduce the King into camp. This artful traitor repreſented to the Sultan, that if he ſhould take the thouſand horſe with him, Alla ul dien might be alarmed; for that ſome bad people had confirmed him ſo ſtrongly [253] A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.in his fears, that all he could ſay to him was not ſufficient entirely to expell his ſuſpicions.
Perſuaded to leave his re⯑tinue behind him.The poor old King ſuſpecting nothing of this horrid treachery, from a man whom he had cheriſhed from his infancy in his boſom, gave into this propoſal. He ordered a few of his ſelect friends into his own boat, and commanded the fleet to remain ſome diſtance behind. When they came near the camp, Almaſs Beg again opened the mouth of deluſion, and told the King, that his brother ſeeing ſo many men in compleat armour, might poſſibly be ſtartled; that therefore as he had taken ſuch ridiculous notions into his head, which no body could remove, it were better to avoid the leaſt appearances to favour them. The weak King might have ſeen that this was overdoing the matter, but perhaps he thought it now too late to reveal his ſuſpicions, being near the ſkirts of the camp, and that an open confidence might be his beſt ſecurity. He therefore ordered all his attendants to unbuckle their armour, and lay their weapons aſide. Malleck Charram, Vakiel of the Empire, oppoſed this ſtep with great vehemence, for he plainly ſaw into the bottom of their perfidy. But the traitor had ſuch a ſoft and plauſible tongue, that at laſt he yielded, though with great reluctance.
They had now reached the landing place, and Alla ul dien ap⯑peared upon the bank with his attendants, whom he ordered to halt. He himſelf advancing alone met the Sultan juſt after he had landed upon the beach, and fell down proſtrate at his feet. The old man in a familiar manner tapped him on the cheek, and raiſing him up, embraced him, ſaying, ‘"I who have brought you up from your in⯑fancy, and cheriſhed you with a fatherly affection, holding you dearer in my ſight, if poſſible, than my own offspring, and who have not yet waſhed the odors of your infant ſmiles from my gar⯑ments, how could you imagine I ſhould entertain a thought to your [254] A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.prejudice."’ Then taking him by the hand he was leading him back into the royal barge, when the hard-hearted villain made a ſignal to his aſſaſſins who ſtood behind. Barbarouſly aſſaſſinated.Mamood ben Salim ruſhing immediately forward, wounded the King with his ſword in the ſhoul⯑der. The unfortunate Monarch run forward to gain the barge, crying, ‘"Ah! villain Alla ul dien, what doſt thou?"’ but before he had reached the boat, another of the aſſaſſins whoſe name was Achtiar ul dien Hoor, coming up, ſeized the old man and throwing him on the ground, barbarouſly cut off his head, juſt as the ſun ſunk in the weſt as if to avoid the horrid ſight*.
All his attendants were then murdered. They fixed the venerable head of their lord upon the point of a ſpear, and carried it through the camp and city, as a bloody ſpectacle to the gazing rabble. But the rabble were ſhocked at the ſight, and were heard to cry: ‘Reflexions upon his death."Be⯑hold the reward of him who fixeth his mind upon this perfidious world: who nouriſheth his relations with the blood of his liver, in the arms of kindneſs, and in their gratitude confideth his ſtrength."’
Alla ul dien immediately exalted the white umbrella over his own head; but the vengeance of heaven ſoon after fell heavy on all who were concerned in the aſſaſſination of the late King. They relate, that when Alla ul dien viſited a reverend ſage named Shech Karrick Mudgzu, who is buried at Kurrah, and whoſe tomb is held ſacred to this day; he roſe from his pillow and repeated an extempore verſe to the following purpoſe: ‘"He cometh, but his head ſhall fall in the boat, and his body ſhall be caſt into the Ganges;"’ which they ſay was explained a few hours after by the death of the unfortunate King, whoſe head was thrown into the boat upon that occaſion. The miſerable end of the aſſaſſins.Mamood, the ſon of Salem, one of the aſſaſſins, about a year after died of a horrid leproſy which diſſolved the fleſh piece by piece from [255] A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.his bones. Achtiar Hoor, the other aſſaſſin, fared no better, for he became mad, crying out inceſſantly, that Sultan Jellal ul dien Firoſe was cutting off his head. Thus the wretch ſuffered a thouſand deaths in imagination, before he expired. Almaſs Beg and others who planned this horrid tragedy, in hopes of great advancement, fell into ſuch a ſcene of misfortunes, that in the ſpace of four years there was no remembrance of them but their villainies upon the face of the earth.
SECTION XIII. The Reign of ALLA UL DIEN, called SECUNDER SANI†.
INTELLIGENCE of the murder of the King having reached Ahmed Chip, who was advancing with the army, he retreated to Delhi. Ruckun ul dien raiſed by his mother to the throne.Malleke Jehan, the wife of Jellal ul dien, and Queen regent, imprudently and without conſulting the Omrahs, raiſed to the diadem Ruckun ul dien, her youngeſt ſon; Arkilli Chan, the elder ſon, being then at Moultan. She accompanied him from Kilogurry to Delhi, and placed him on the throne in the green palace, though as yet but a boy, and altogether unacquainted with the affairs of ſtate. She alſo divided the provinces among her own party. Arkilli Chan, who was the true heir to the Empire, and poſſeſſed all the qualities of a King, was greatly afflicted at this news, but thought proper, for the preſent, to remain at Moultan.
Alla ul dien prepares to march to Delhi.Malleck Alla ul dien, upon receiving intelligence of thoſe tranſactions at Delhi, laid aſide his intended expedition to Bengal, and prepared to march to the capital, though it was then the rainy ſeaſon. He raiſed a great army in his government, and conferred titles and rewards upon his friends. Almaſs Beg was honoured with the title of Elich Chan, [256] A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.Malleck Nuſerit of Jalliſiri with that of Nuſirit Chan, Malleck Hizi⯑ber ul dien was diſtinguiſhed with the name of Ziffer Chan, and Sinjer, Alla's wife's brother, received the title of Actah Chan. They all received jagiers upon their advancement to thoſe honours. The Sul⯑tan, by the advice of Nuſerit Chan, diſtributed preſents among the army, and wherever he encamped he amuſed himſelf with throw⯑ing gold from a ſling among the people. This liberality, in a ſhort time, brought a world of ſoldiers under his banners.
The Sultana in great per⯑plexity.Mallecke Jehan was thrown into great perplexity, by the advices ſhe daily received concerning Alla. She diſpatched an expreſs to Moultan, for her ſon Arkilli Chan; but that prince returned for anſwer, that now the time was loſt, for that before he could arrive, the imperial troops would join the enemy; that therefore his com⯑ing would be of no real ſervice: That the ſtream might have been diverted at its ſource, but when it became a river, no dams could oppoſe it.
Alla ſits down before Delhi,Sultan Alla ul dien made no delay on his march. He croſſed the Jumna, and encamped without the north-eaſt gate of Delhi. Ruckun ul dien fluttering like a ſolitary fowl, collected all his forces, and marching out of the city, paraded it before the enemy. But when he ſaw them preparing for battle, he retreated into the city. He was that night deſerted by a great number of Omrahs, who went over with their forces to Alla ul dien. which ſub⯑mits.Ruckun ul dien ſaw now no ſafety but in flight. Taking therefore his mother, Ha⯑ram and treaſure with him, he ſet out for Moultan, accompanied by Malleck Rijib, Cuttub ul dien Olavi, Ahmed Chip and Amir Jellal Malleka.
The citizens, after the departure of the young Sultan, croud⯑ed forth to pay their reſpects to Alla ul dien. He immediately [257] A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.ordered the current money to be ſtruck in his name, and making a triumphant entry into Delhi, in the latter end of the year 695, aſ⯑cended the throne, and kept his court at the red palace. He ex⯑hibited ſhows, and made grand feſtivals, encouraging every ſpecies of riot and debauchery; which ſo pleaſed the unthinking rabble, that they ſoon loſt all memory of their former King, and the horrid villainy of the reigning Emperor. He who ought to have been hooted with deteſtation, became the object of admiration to thoſe who could not ſee the darkneſs of his deeds, through the ſplendor of his magnificence.
Promotions.Whilſt he gained, by theſe means, popularity among the vulgar, he ſecured the great with titles, and bought the covetous with gold. The Vizarit was beſtowed upon Chaja Chetier, a man renowned for his virtue in thoſe degenerate times. Sidder Jehan Arif was made Cazaï Mumaleck*, and Omdat ul Muluck Eiz ul dien was raiſed to the office of Divan Incha†, being a man of great learning and genius, and a favourite of the King. Naſerit Chan was appointed Cutwal‡ of Delhi, Malleck Fuchir ul dien Kudgi was raiſed to the dignity of Amir Daad§, and Ziffer Chan to that of Ariz Muma⯑leck‖, with many others to high offices, which are too tedious to mention.
Alla ſends an army againſt the ſons of his predeceſſor.Alla ul dien having advanced ſix months pay to his whole army, began to concert means to extirpate the race of Firoſe Shaw. He diſpatched Elich Chan and Ziffer Chan with forty thouſand horſe towards Moultan, who, upon their arrival, inveſted that city. After a ſiege of two months, the citizens and troops betrayed the cauſe of [258] A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.Arkilli Chan, and gave up the place to the enemy. They are taken,The two unfor⯑tunate brothers being driven to great diſtreſs, ſurrendered themſelves at laſt to Elich Chan, upon promiſe of perſonal ſafety.
The object of the expedition being thus compleated, Elich Chan wrote the Sultan an account of his victory, which was read in all the public pulpits after divine worſhip, and great rejoicings were ordered to be made upon the occaſion. Elich Chan proceeded in triumph with his army and ſtate priſoners to Delhi. He was met on his way by Nuſerit Chan Cutwal, who had been ſent by the Sultan to put out the eyes of the priſoners. blinded,This cruel order was executed upon the two princes, upon Alighu Chan the grandſon of the great Chin⯑gez, upon Malleck Ahmed Chip, and others of leſs note, and all their effects confiſcated. and aſſaſſi⯑nated.The two unfortunate princes were then confined in the fort of Haſſi, where, ſoon after, they were both aſſaſſinated; and Mallecke Jehan, with all the ladies of the former Sultan's ſeraglio and his other children confined at Delhi.
A new vizier.In the ſecond year of this reign Chaja Chitier, not falling en⯑tirely in with the Sultan's policy, was diſmiſſed from the vizarit, which was conferred upon Nuſerit Chan. This miniſter rede⯑manded all the ſums which the Sultan, upon his acceſſion, had be⯑ſtowed upon the nobility and people, which occaſioned great diſguſt and diſturbance.
Invaſion of the Moguls.During theſe tranſactions, advices came to Delhi, that Dova Chan King of Maver ul nere, had ſent an army of one hundred thouſand Moguls, with a deſign to conquer Moultan, Punjab and Sind: That they were advancing with great expedition, carrying all before them with fire and ſword. The Sultan immediately ordered Elich Chan and Ziffer Chan, with a great force to expell them. The two armies having met in the diſtricts of Lahore, a bloody conflict en⯑ſued, [259] A. D. 1296. Higer. 696. Are over⯑thrown.in which the Moguls were defeated, with the loſs of twelve thouſand men, and many of their principal officers, beſides a num⯑ber of priſoners of all ranks, who were put to the ſword ſome days after, without ſparing the poor women and children who had been taken in the Mogul camp.
Reputation of the Sultan's arms.Theſe two victories raiſed the fame of the Emperor's arms to a high pitch of reputation, eſtabliſhed his authority at home, and overawed his foreign enemies. The Sultan about this time, by the advice of his brother Elich Chan, ſeized upon many Omrahs, who, in the late revolution, taking advantage of the diſtreſſes of Arkilli Chan, Ruckun ul dien and the Queen, had extorted great ſums of money for their ſervices. He ordered the extortioners to be blinded, and their eſtates to be confiſcated, which brought great wealth into the treaſury.
He ſends an army to re⯑duce Guze⯑rat,In the beginning of the year 697, Elich Chan and Nuſerit Chan were ſent with a great army to reduce Guzerat. They accordingly laid waſte that country with death and rapine, took the capital city Narwalla, which was deſerted by Raja Kirren, who fled and took protection under Ramdeo, Raja of Deogire, in the Decan. By the aid of that prince he ſoon after returned and took poſſeſſion of Bucke⯑lana, one of the diſtricts of Guzerat, bordering upon Ramdeo's do⯑minions. But his wives, children, elephants, baggage and treaſure fell into the hands of the enemy when he fled.
and Cam⯑baat.Nuſerit Chan, with a part of the army, proceeded then to Cam⯑baat, which being a rich country and full of merchants, yielded a pro⯑digious treaſure to thoſe ſons of cruelty and rapine. When they had ſufficiently glutted their avarice and quenched their thirſt for blood, they appointed Subas to the provinces, and leaving part of the army for their defence, returned with their plunder towards Delhi.
[260] A. D. 1297. Higer. 697. A mutiny in the army,The two generals having on the march, made a demand of the fifth of the ſpoil from the troops, beſides what they had already extorted from them, a mutiny aroſe in the camp. Mahummud Shaw, general of the mercenary Moguls, with many other chiefs, at the head of their ſeveral diviſions, attacked Malleck Eiz ul dien, the brother of Naſerit Chan, and having ſlain him and a number of his people, continued their march. Elich Chan fled in the diſguiſe of a footman, to the tent of Naſerit Chan. The mutineers ruſhing in, killed the Sultan's nephew, whom he had left upon the couch aſleep, ſuppoſing him to be Elich Chan.
quelled.Naſerit Chan immediately ordered the drums of war to be beat and the trumpets to be ſounded. All who had not been concerned in the mutiny imagined that the enemy was coming upon them, and quickly formed the line. The mutineers divided and diſperſed themſelves all over the camp, and eſcaping in the confuſion, fled by different routs, to a place of rendezvous. They were however cloſely purſued the next day, and forced to retreat with ſome loſs, to the diſtricts of the Raja of Rintimpore, where they took protec⯑tion. Elich Chan continued then his march to Delhi.
The Sultan's abominable luſt.Sultan Alla ul dien, upon ſeeing Cumladè, the captive wife of the Raja of Guzerat, who, for her beauty, wit and accompliſhments, was the flower of Hindoſtan, took her in marriage. But this did not ſatisfy his abominable luſts. Chaja Caſur, a ſlave who had been taken on that expedition, engaged his unnatural paſſion, which he publickly indulged to the diſgrace and debaſement of human nature.
His cruelty.Naſerit Chan, by the Sultan's order, baſely maſſacred all the fa⯑milies of thoſe Moguls or others, who had been concerned in the late mutiny. He pitied not the weeping mothers, nor the ſmiling infants who clung to their breaſts. This was a new ſpecies of tyranny at [261] A. D. 1298. Higer. 698.Delhi, and occaſioned ſome private murmuring, but thoſe ſlaves poſſeſſed not the virtue or bravery to ſhake off the tyrant.
Invaſion of the Moguls.About this time, Jildoo, a Mogul chief, and his brother, came down with a conſiderable force, and took the fort of Seoſtan. Ziffer Chan marched againſt him, and having inveſted the place, he took it. Jildoo, and about two thouſand Moguls, were taken priſoners, and ſent in chains to Delhi. But Ziffer Chan had diſtinguiſhed himſelf ſo much as a brave commander in this expedition, that his fame awa⯑ked the jealouſy of the King. He therefore deſigned to deprive him of his government, but was prevented from this meaſure, by a great invaſion of Moguls, under Cuttuligh Chaja, the ſon of Dova Chan, King of Maverulnere. The army of the invaders conſiſted of two hundred thouſand horſe, and they promiſed to themſelves the entire conqueſt of Hindoſtan. Cuttuligh, accordingly, took poſſeſſion of all the countries beyond the Sind in his march, and protected them from all violence. He then croſſed the river, and proceeded to Delhi, without oppoſition, Ziffer Chan retreating with his army before him.
They beſiege Delhi.The whole country, in terror of the Moguls, crowded into the city. The crowd became ſo great, that the ſtreets were rendered im⯑paſſable, and all buſineſs and communication was interrupted. This however was but the beginning of their misfortunes. In the ſpace of a few days, the conſumption being great, and no ſupplies procured, a dreadful famine began to rage, and diſtraction to ſtare in every coun⯑tenance.
The Sultan man lies out againſt them.The Sultan, upon this preſſing occaſion, called a council of his Omrahs, and, having regulated his plan of action, prepared for bat⯑tle, notwithſtanding they all endeavoured to diſſwade him from it. He left the care of the city to Alla ul Malleck, marched out at the Budaoon gate, with three hundred thouſand horſe, and two thouſand [262] A. D. 1298. Higer. 698.ſeven hundred elephants, beſides foot without number. He drew up in order of battle on the plains, beyond the ſuburbs; where the ene⯑my were already formed to receive him. From the time that firſt the ſpears of Iſlam† were exalted in Hindoſtan, two ſuch mighty armies had not joined in fight.
A battle.Sultan Alla ul dien gave the command of his right wing to Ziffer Chan, the greateſt general of that age, where all the troops of Pun⯑jaab, Moultan, and Sind, were poſted. The left was intruſted to his brother Elich Chan, and to Akit Chan his brother in law. The Sultan poſted himſelf in the center, with twelve thouſand independant volunteers, who were moſtly gentlemen of ruined families, and ſol⯑diers of fortune. With the choice of his elephants, he formed a tremendous line in his front, and he ſupported his rear with another choſen body of cavalry, under Naſerit Chan. The Moguls overthrown.Ziffer Chan began the action with great impetuoſity on the right, and breaking with his elephants, the enemy's line, commenced a dreadful ſlaughter, and bore them like a torrent before him. Inclining then to the left, he preſſed upon their flank, and put their whole army to flight, before the action was well begun in the center.
The Sultan, ſeeing the victory compleat, ordered Elich Chan, who commanded on the left, to advance and purſue the enemy. But the perfidious man, jealous of the glory of Ziffer Chan, ſtopt at a ſmall diſtance, Ziffer Chan preſſing [...] upon the enemy,while Ziffer Chan continued the ſlaughter, for upwards of thirty miles. One of the Mogul chiefs, who commanded the left, ſeeing Ziffer Chan was not ſupported, rallied with ten thouſand horſe, and ſending advice to Cuttuligh Chaja, he alſo returned with ten thouſand more, and attacked Ziffer in the rear. The brave ge⯑neral ſaw into his error, but it was now too late to retreat. He drew up his troops, which were not half the enemy's number, divided into [263] A. D. 1298. Higer. 698.two ſquadrons, and again renewed the conflict, exhibiting wonders by his own valour. At laſt his horſe's leg being cut off by a ſabre, he fell to the ground. He however roſe again, ſeized a bow and quiver, and being a dexterous archer, ſent death on the wings of his arrows. is defeated and ſla [...]n.The moſt part of his men were, by this time, either killed or fled; and Cuttiligh Chaja, admiring his bravery, called out to him to ſubmit, and his valour ſhould be rewarded with ſuch honours as he deſerved. Ziffer Chan replied ſternly, ‘"I know no greater honour than to die in diſcharging my duty."’ Then he began to deal his ar⯑rows around. Cuttiligh Chan, upon this, ordered a party of horſe to ſurround him, and endeavour to take him alive; but Ziffer refuſed to ſubmit, and was at laſt cut in pieces, with a few truſty ſervants who ſtood by him to the laſt.
The Moguls retreat.This advantage however did not diſpel the fears of the Moguls. They continued their retreat, and evacuated Hindoſtan with all expe⯑dition. The bravery of Ziffer Chan became famous among the Mo⯑guls. When their horſes ſtarted, or were unruly, they uſed wantonly to aſk them, whether they ſaw the ghoſt of Ziffer Chan? Sultan Alla ul dien, it is ſaid, eſteemed the death of this great general, as a ſecond victory, and could not help expreſſing his ſatisfaction upon the occaſion; and thus diſplayed his own baſe ingratitude, for that brave life which had been thrown away in his unworthy ſervice. Great re⯑joicings were made at Delhi, to celebrate the victory; and the prin⯑cipal officers were rewarded with titles and governments, according to their behaviour and intereſt at court. Some who had behaved ill, were diſgraced, particularly one Omrah, who was led upon an aſs all round the city.
Extraordina⯑ry [...]ch [...]mes of the Sultan.In the third year of the reign of Alla, when proſperity ſhone upon his arms, he began to form ſome extraordinary protects. One of theſe was the formation of a new ſyſtem of religion, that, like Ma⯑hommed, [264] A. D. 1298. Higer. 698.he might be held in veneration by poſterity. He often conſulted upon this ſcheme Elich Chan, Naſerit Chan, and Akit Chan, over a bottle; from which we may ſuppoſe he had no deſign to prohibit the uſe of wine. His other deſign was equally romantic. He propoſed to leave a viceroy in Hindoſtan, and, like the great Secunder, to undertake the conqueſt of the world. In conſequence of this project, he aſſumed the title of Aeſcunder Sani‡, which was ſtruck upon the currency of the empire.
His ignorance of letters.Notwithſtanding theſe lofty ideas, Alla ul dien was ſo illiterate, that he even did not poſſeſs the common knowledge of reading and writing; yet he was ſo obſtinate in his ridiculous opinions, that men of learning, who diſdained to proſtitute their judgment, avoided the court, or ſtood ſilent in his preſence. There were not however want⯑ing ſlaves, who, though they knew better, extolled his every word to the ſkies, and ſeemed to feed upon his crude imaginations.
Alla ul Muluck, the Cutwal‖ of the city, who was an old man, and ſo fat that he was not able to attend the court above once a month, being one day ſent for by the King, to give his advice about the ex⯑ecution of his religious project, he determined, however fatal the conſequences might be, to oppoſe every meaſure againſt the doctrine of the Mahommedan faith, and to dedicate the few years he had to live, by the courſe of nature, to martyrdom. With this firm reſo⯑lution he waited upon the King, whom he found drinking wine with a great number of his principal Omrahs. Alla ul Mu⯑luck's advice to the King.The King beginning to confer with Muluck upon the occaſion, the old man told him, he had ſomething to ſay to him in private, and would be glad he ſhould order the wine and the company away. The King ſmiled, and deſired all the company to retire except four.
[265] A. D. 1298. Higer. 698.The old Cutwal then fell upon his face, and having kiſſed the ground at his feet, roſe up and thus ſpoke. ‘Againſt his ſcheme of a new religion."O King! Religion is the law of God, by his ſpirit inſpired in his prophets, nor depends it upon the opinions of mortals. We are taught by his word to believe, that the ſpirit of prophecy ended with Mahommed, the laſt and greateſt meſſenger of God. Since this therefore is known to great and ſmall, to all nations and degrees of people, ſhould your in⯑tentions againſt their faith be once known, it is impoſſible to con⯑ceive what hatred ſhould riſe againſt you, and what blood and diſturb⯑ance muſt enſue. It is therefore adviſeable, that you ſhould eraze with the chiſſel of reaſon, thoſe conceptions, from the ſurface of your bleſſed mind, as the accompliſhment of your intention exceeds all mortal power. Did not Chingez* the moſt powerful of monarchs, and his ſucceſſors, labour for ages to ſubvert our faith, that they might eſtabliſh their own? What rivers of blood were ſpilt in the conteſt, till at length the ſpirit of truth prevailed, and they became proſelytes to that religion which they had laboured ſo long to deſtroy!"’
The Sultan having liſtened with attention, replied, ‘"What you have ſaid is juſt, and founded on friendſhip and reaſon. I will for ever lay aſide all thoughts of this ſcheme, which has ſo long engaged my attention. But what do you think of my project of univerſal con⯑queſt?"’
Malleck Alla ul Muluck anſwered, ‘Againſt his project of univerſal conqueſt."Some Kings in former ages, formed the ſame great reſolution which your Majeſty does at preſent, and your power, perſonal bravery, and wealth, gives you at leaſt equal hopes of ſucceſs. But the times are not ſo favourable, and the government of Hindoſtan ſeems not to ſtand upon ſo firm a baſis, as to ſupport itſelf in your abſence. Perfidy and ingratitude daily ap⯑pear. Brothers become traitors to one another, and children againſt [266] A. D. 1298. Higer. 698.their parents conſpire. How much is this degenerate age unlike to the virtuous times of Aeſcunder? Men were then endued with honourable principles, and the cunning and treachery of the preſent times were then held in utter abomination. Your Majeſty has no counſellors like Ariſtotalice†, who kept, by his wiſdom and policy, not only his own country in peace and ſecurity, but brought other nations, by voluntary conſent, under his maſter's protection. If your Majeſty can put equal confidence in your Omrahs, and can depend ſo much upon the love of your people, as Aeſcunder, you may then carry your ſcheme into execution; if not, we cannot well reconcile it to reaſon."’
The King enquiring how he ſhould employ his power,The King, after muſing awhile, ſaid, ‘"What you have told me bears the face of ſincerity and truth. But what availeth all this power in armies, in wealth, and in kingdoms, if I content myſelf with what I already poſſeſs; nor employ it in acquiring conqueſt and glory?"’
is adviſed to conquer the unſubdued provinces of Hindoſtan.Alla ul Muluck replied, ‘"That there were two undertakings in which his treaſure might be expended to good purpoſe. The firſt was, the conqueſt of the ſouthern kingdoms of Hindoſtan, ſuch as Rintimpore, Chitore, Jallore, Chunderi, and Malava; and the ſecond, the reduction of all the weſtern provinces which had been invaded by the Moguls, ſuch as Limghan, Cabul, Ghizni, Toor, and Chorraſſan. This, ſaid the Cutwal, would ſecure the peace of Hindoſtan, and procure to the King immortal honour, in beſtowing happineſs upon his people; a thing greater in itſelf, than if he ſhould conſume the world in the flames of war. But even to ſucceed in this project, it is requiſite that the Sultan ſhould abſtain from ex⯑ceſs of wine, and from luxurious pleaſures."’
The Sultan [...] the Cutwal.Sultan Alla ul dien, contrary to the old man's expectations, took all this advice in good part, and, praiſing him for his fidelity, pre⯑ſented [267] A. D. 1299. Higer. 699.him with a royal chelat, ten thouſand rupees, two horſes ca⯑pariſoned, and two villages in freehold. The other Omrahs, who, though they themſelves wanted the virtue or reſolution to ſpeak their minds, were extremely pleaſed with the Cutwal, and ſent him alſo preſents to a great amount.
The imperial army inva⯑ding Rintim⯑pore,The King, in the year 699, according to the advice of Malleck Alla ul Muluck, called Elich Chan, from Samana, Nuſerit Chan, from Kurrah, and others from their reſpective Subadaries, and ſent them with a great army, againſt the Raja of Rintimpore. They ſoon took the fort of Jain, and afterwards inveſted the capital. Nuſerit Chan advancing near the wall, was cruſhed to death by a ſtone from an engine. is defeated.And the Raja at the ſame time, ſallying with forty thou⯑ſand men, drove Elich Chan back to Jain with great loſs.
The Sultan takes the field.Elich Chan wrote to Delhi the particulars of this defeat. The Sul⯑tan flew into a violent rage, and immediately took the field. Upon his march he halted for a day at a place called Jilput, and went out a hunt⯑ing. Having wandered far from his camp, in the chace, he remained with his attendants all night in the foreſt. In the morning before ſun-riſe, he placed himſelf upon a riſing ground, where he ſat down with two or three attendants, and commanded the reſt to hunt in his view. Akit Chan obſerving this, recollected that it was now in his power to cut off the King, in the ſame manner as the King himſelf had cut off his predeceſſor. He thought, that being nephew and brother in law to the emperor, he might claim by that, and the influ⯑ence he had by being Vakeel Muttaluck, the ſame title which Alla himſelf had to the empire‡.
A conſpiracy.Akit Chan imparted his reſolution to a few choſen horſemen, who accompanied him on this party. They immediately rode up to the [268] A. D. 1299. Higer. 699.King, ſaluted him with a flight of arrows, two of which entered his body, ſo that he lay for dead on the ground. Akit Chan, upon this, drew his ſword, and ran to cut off his head; when he was told by one of the King's attendants, that he was quite dead; that therefore to cut off his head would be an unneceſſary piece of cruelty.
Akit Chan mounts the throne.Akit being thus prevailed upon to deſiſt from his intentions, ſet out for the camp with all expedition, mounted the throne, and pro⯑claimed the Sultan's death. The army was thrown into great con⯑fuſion; but where loyal affection and patriotiſm are things unknown, mankind are ſatisfied to bow their necks to any new maſter. The great men aſſembled to pay their court, and preſent their nizirs or preſents upon the occaſion; the cuſtomary ſervice was read from the Coran; the Chutba was proclaimed aloud, and the ſingers ordered to extol his praiſe. Akit Chan then roſe from the throne, and proceeded towards the Haram; but Malleck Dinar, the chief eunuch, with his guard, ſtopped him at the door, ſwearing, that till he ſhewed him the Sultan's head, or put him to death, he ſhould not enter.
The Sultan is adviſed to re⯑turn to his army,Sultan Alla ul dien, in the mean time, recovered his ſenſes, and, having his wounds bound up, imagined that Akit Chan's treaſon and treachery was a preconcerted conſpiracy of the Omrahs. He ſigni⯑fied his intentions to fly to his brother Elich Chan, at Jain, with about ſixty ſervants, who ſtill attended him. Malleck Humid ul dien, deputy porter of the preſence, adviſed the Sultan againſt this reſolution. He told him, that he ought immediately to go to his own camp, and there ſhew himſelf to his army; for that the uſurper had not yet time to eſtabliſh himſelf; and that, upon ſeeing the Em⯑peror's umbrella, he doubted not but the whole army would imme⯑diately return to their duty. He obſerved, at the ſame time, that the leaſt delay might render his affairs irrecoverable.
[269] A. D. 1299. Higer. 699.The Sultan ſaw the propriety of this reſolute advice; and mount⯑ing his horſe, with great difficulty, ſpread the white umbrella, which lay on the field, over his head, and with his ſmall retinue, proceeded towards the army. When he appeared in ſight, being joined by ſome foraging parties on the way, he was now guarded by about five hundred men. He aſcended an eminence, in full view of the camp, where he was at once ſeen by the whole army. who deſert [...] the uſurper.They crouded in thouſands towards him; and the court of the uſurper was immediately broke up, and in a few minutes he found himſelf alone. In this ſituation he mounted his horſe, and diſtracted with fear, fled towards Binour.
Sultan Alla ul dien now marched down from the eminence towards the royal pavillion, and mounting the throne, gave public audience; ſending, at the ſame time, a party of horſe after the uſurper. He is taken and ſlain.They ſoon came up with him and brought back his head. The Sultan ordered the uſurper's brother Cuttulich Chan, and the chief conſpirators to be put to death.
Alla beſieges Rintimpore.When Alla recovered of his wounds, he continued his march to Rintimpore, where he was joined by Elich Chan, and began to be⯑ſiege the place. But the Hindoos ſo well defended themſelves, that numbers of the imperial army daily fell. The Sultan however continued his attacks with redoubled obſtinacy, while detachments of his army ravaged the adjacent territories of Malava and Daar. A rebellion quaſhed.But the ſiege being protracted for ſome months without much effect, Amir Omar and Mungu Chan, who were both nephews to the Emperor, and held the governments of Budaoon and Oud, rebelled and raiſed a great army. The Sultan wrote letters to the ſeveral Omrahs of thoſe provinces whom he thought loyal, as alſo to the neighbouring Subas and Zemindars, and they levied forces, engaged, defeated and took the rebels, and ſent them both priſoners to the [270] A. D. 1299. Higer. 699.royal camp. The Sultan ordered their eyes to be put out, and then to torture them to death, as a barbarous example to others.
An extraor⯑dinary con⯑ſpiracy.Notwithſtanding this ſeverity, one of the moſt extraordinary con⯑ſpiracies recorded in hiſtory, was undertaken by Hadjee Mola, the ſon of a ſlave of the old Cutwal Amir ul Omrah Fuchir ul dien. This ambitious youth, ſeeing the Sultan buſied in the ſiege of Rin⯑timpore, began to form the ſcheme of a revolution in the empire. He was perhaps moved to this ſcheme by the murmuring of the citizens againſt Alla ul Muluck's deputy, Tirmazi, who, in his maſter's abſence in camp, oppreſſed the people, having the government entirely in his hands. The firſt thing however that Hadjee Mola publickly did, was in the heat of the day, when every body was gone to reſt, to collect a mob of citizens, by a forged order from the King. With theſe he haſtened to the houſe of Tirmazi, and ſent in to tell him that a meſſenger had arrived with an order from the King. Tirmazi, out of reſpect to the Sultan's order, haſtened to the door, when the young impoſtor ſhowing him the paper in one hand, cut him down with the other. He then read aloud the forged mandate for that purpoſe.
A ſedition at Della,The mob now encreaſing, he ſent parties to ſecure the city gates, and diſpatched a perſon to Alla ul dien Eaz, who was Cutwal of the new city, to come and ſee the King's order. This magiſtrate how⯑ever, having heard of the diſturbance, paid no regard to the meſſage, but ſhut his own gates. Hadjee Mola, in the mean time, with his mob, entered the red palace and releaſed all the ſtate priſoners, taking out all the arms, treaſure and valuable effects, which he di⯑vided among his followers. He then, by force, placed Allavi, one of the priſoners, who was deſcended from Altumſh, upon the throne, and imperiouſly commanded all the principal men of the city to pay him allegiance.
[271] A. D. 1299. Higer. 699.The Sultan having advice of theſe ſtrange tranſactions, was ſtruck motionleſs with aſtoniſhment, but ſtirred not a ſtep from the ſiege. He however wrote to Malleck Himid ul dien, his foſter brother, who raiſing a party in the city, ſeized the Budaoon gate the ſeventh day after the uſurpation, and took the field, where he was joined by a great multitude from the new city and the country around. With theſe he again, by ſurprize, entered the city at the Ghizni gate, but he was met at the ſecond gate, called Beder, by Hadjie Mola and his aſſociates, and a ſharp conflict enſued. Himmid ul dien being diſmounted, run up to Hadjie Mola, who was leading on his party with great bravery, and pulling him from his horſe, threw him down in the ſtreet and ſlew him. He himſelf, in the mean time, received ſeveral wounds; quaſhed.but the faction of Hadjie Mola, diſ⯑pirited by his death, gave ground and diſperſed themſelves all over the city. Himid ul dien then proceeded to the red palace, dragged from thence the unfortunate Allavi, and ſent his head round the city upon the point of a ſpear, which put an end to this ſtrange conſpiracy.
Elich Chan ſent to puniſh the rebels.Elich Chan was in the mean time ſent by the Sultan to Delhi, to puniſh all who were ſuppoſed to have had any hand in this rebellion. The ſons of Malleck ul Omrah Fuchir ul dien, and the old Cutwal himſelf were put to death merely on ſuſpicion, as the rebel had been one of their dependants. But the moſt probable cauſe was their great wealth, which was confiſcated to the King.
Rintimpore taken.Rintimpore had now been cloſely beſieged for a whole year, and the Sultan, after trying all other means, fell upon the following expedient to take the place. He collected together a great multitude of people, and provided each of them with a bag, which they filled with earth, and having begun at ſome diſtance from the rock, with im⯑menſe labour, formed an aſcent to the top of the walls, by which [272] A D. 1300. Higer. 700.the troops entered the place, and put Raja Amir Deo, his family and the garriſon to the ſword. This fort is eſteemed the ſtrongeſt in Hindoſtan.
Mier Mahummud Shaw, the Mogul general, who had taken refuge in Rintimpore, after the mutiny at Jallore, having loſt moſt of his men in the defence of the fort, was himſelf lying ill of his wounds when the Sultan entered the place. Alla finding the unfor⯑tunate Mahummud in this condition, aſked him in an inſulting manner, ‘"what gratitude would he expreſs for his lord, ſhould he command his wounds to be immediately cured."’ The Mogul fiercely replied, ‘"I would put him to death for a tyrant, and endeavour to make the ſon of Amir Deo, to whom my gratitude is due, King."’ Mahummud Shaw put to a cruel death.The Sultan enraged at this reply, threw him beneath the feet of an elephant. But conſidering afterwards that he was a brave man, and one of whoſe gallant behaviour he himſelf had been often witneſs, he ordered his body to be put in a coffin, and interred with decent ſolemnity. The Sultan then commanded that the Raja's vizier, who had deſerted over to him with a ſtrong party during the ſiege, ſhould, with all his followers, be maſſacred. Saying upon the occa⯑ſion, that ‘"thoſe who have betrayed their natural Lord, can never be true to another!"’ Having beſtowed the government of Rintim⯑pore, with all the riches taken in it, upon his brother Elich Chan, he returned with his army to Delhi. But Elich Chan, about ſix months after, fell ſick and died on his way to the capital.
The Sultan convenes a council of the Omrahs.Alla ul dien being in the courſe of this year, apprehenſive of con⯑ſpiracies and inſurrections, called together the Omrahs who were moſt renowned for their wiſdom, and commanded them to give their opinion without reſerve, how he ſhould conduct matters, ſo as to prevent diſturbances and rebellions in the empire. He at the ſame time deſired them to explain what they thought were the principal [273] A D. 1300. Higer. 700.cauſes of thoſe diſorders. The Omrahs, after conſulting among themſelves, replied, that there were many cauſes concurring in a ſtate, from which the convulſions diſagreeable in their conſequences proceeded. That as thoſe misfortunes could not be obviated at once, they would only mention, for that time, a few of thoſe evils, from which danger to the empire muſt have aroſe.
‘The cauſes of diſturbances in the em⯑pire."At the head of this liſt,"’ ſaid the Omrahs, ‘"we muſt place the King's inattention to advance the good, or to redreſs the wrongs of the people. The public uſe of wine is the ſource of many diſor⯑ders; for when men form themſelves into ſocieties for the purpoſe of drinking, their minds are diſcloſed to one another, while the ſtrength of the liquor fermenting in their blood precipitates them into the moſt deſperate undertakings. The connections formed by the great men of the court, are pregnant with danger to the ſtate. Their nume⯑rous marriages, and the places in their gift, draw the ſtrength of the government into the hands of a few, who are always able, by aſſo⯑ciating themſelves together, to create revolutions in the empire. The fourth and not the leaſt cauſe of diſturbance is, the unequal di⯑viſion of property; for the wealth of a rich empire is circulated in a few hands, and therefore the governors of provinces are rather inde⯑pendent princes, than ſubjects of the ſtate."’
The Sultan begins to re⯑dreſs grie⯑vances.The Sultan approved ſo much of the remarks of his Omrahs, that he immediately began to carry into execution the plan which they laid before him. He firſt applied himſelf to a ſtrict inquiry into the adminiſtration of juſtice; to redreſs grievances, and to examine nar⯑rowly into the private as well as public characters of all men of rank in the empire. He laid himſelf out to procure intelligence of the moſt ſecret diſcourſes of families of note in the city, as well as of every tranſaction of moment in the moſt diſtant provinces. He executed juſtice with ſuch rigour and ſeverity, that robbery and theft, formerly [274] A D. 1300. Higer. 700.ſo common, were not heard of in the land. The traveller ſlept ſecure upon the public highway, and the merchant carried his com⯑modities in ſafety from the ſea of Bengal to the mountains of Cabul, and from Tilling to Caſhmire.
Forbids the uſe of wine.He publiſhed an edict againſt the uſe of wine and ſtrong liquors upon pain of death. He himſelf ſet the example to his ſubjects, and emptied his cellars in the ſtreet. In this he was followed by all ranks of people, ſo that, for ſome days, the common ſewers flowed with wine.
Prohibits marriages without li⯑cence.He iſſued out orders that no marriage among the nobility ſhould be ratified without a ſpecial licence from him: that no private meet⯑ings or converſation ſhould be held among the Omrahs, which proved a ſevere check to the pleaſures of ſociety. This latter order was carried into ſuch rigorous execution, that no man durſt entertain his friends without a written permiſſion from the vizier.
Seizes upon the effects of the wealthy.He then lengthened the hand of violence upon the rich. He ſeized upon the wealth, and confiſcated the eſtates of Muſſulmen and Hindoos without diſtinction, and by this means he accumulated an immenſe treaſure. Men, in ſhort, were almoſt reduced to a level over all the empire.
Cuts off fees from the of⯑fices.All emoluments were cut off from the different offices, which were filled with men whoſe indigence and dependence rendered them implicitly obedient to the dictates of government.
An equal land tax eſtabliſh⯑ed.He ordered a tax of half the real annual produce of the lands to be raiſed over all the empire, and to be regularly tranſmitted to the exchequer. He appointed officers to ſuperintend the collectors, who were to take care that the Zemindars ſhould take no more from the [275] A D. 1300. Higer. 700.poor farmers, than in proportion to the eſtimate which they had given in of their eſtates; and in caſe of diſobedience or neglect, the ſuperintendants were obliged to refund the overplus, and to pay a fine for the oppreſſion. The farmers, at the ſame time, were con⯑fined to a certain proportion of land, and to an appointed number of ſervants and oxen to cultivate the ſame. No grazier was permitted to have above a certain number of cows, ſheep and goats, and a tax was paid out of them to the government.
Severity to the officers of the revenue.So ſtrictly did the Sultan look after the behaviour of the collectors and other officers of the revenue, that many of them, who formerly kept great retinues, were obliged to diſmiſs them, and to have all the menial offices of their families performed by their wives and children. Neither were they permitted to reſign their employs, till they found others as capable as themſelves to execute the duties of their office.
[...].Theſe regulations were good, but they were arbitrary and ſevere. He broke through all laws and cuſtoms, which, according to the Mahommedan law, were left to the deciſion of the caſis. Other Monarchs left ſtate affairs to the common courſe of juſtice. Alla deſcended to all the inferiour departments of government. It was with him a common ſaying, ‘"That religion had no connection with civil government, but was only the buſineſs, or rather amuſe⯑ment of private life; and that the will of a wiſe prince was better than the variable opinions of bodies of men."’
The Sultan app [...]ie [...] h [...] ⯑ſelf to letters.As the Sultan was known to be illiterate, it became a maxim with the learned men at court, to talk upon no ſubjects which they knew muſt be beyond the King's knowledge. He was however ſo ſenſible of the diſadvantages which he laboured under by his ignorance of let⯑ters, that he applied himſelf privately to ſtudy, and ſoon, notwith⯑ſtanding [276] A. D. 1303. Higer. 703.the difficulty of acquiring the knowledge of the Perſian manner of writing, which generally requires ten or twelve years ſtudy, he ſoon read all addreſſes, and made himſelf acquainted with the beſt authors in the language. After he had proceeded ſo far as to be able to hold part in learned diſcourſes, he encouraged lite⯑rary ſubjects, and ſhowed particular favour to all the eminent men of that age, particularly to Caſi Zea ul dien Molana Zehirling, to Mo⯑lana Murſhid Corami and Cuzi Moiz ul dien Biana. He appointed the laſt of thoſe learned men to explain the law to him; which he did according to the true ſpirit, in every point upon which he was conſulted. He did not however do it without fear and trembling, where it differed from the King's violent maxims of government.
The Sultan reduces Chi⯑tor.The Sultan, much about this time, ſent an army, by the way of Bengal, to reduce the fort of Arinkil, which was in the poſſeſſion of the Raja of Tilling. He himſelf moved the royal ſtandard towards Chitor, which had never before been reduced by the troops of Iſlam. After a ſiege of ſix months he took the place, in the year 703, con⯑ferred the government of it upon his eldeſt ſon Chizer Chan, and called it Chizerabad. He at the ſame time beſtowed upon Chizer regal dignities and authority.
The Moguls invade Hin⯑doſtan.Intelligence of this expedition arriving at Maver ul nere, Jirghi, who diſtinguiſhed himſelf formerly againſt Ziffer Chan, thinking that the Sultan would be a long time abſent, ſeized that opportunity for invading Hindoſtan. Alla hearing of this dangerous inroad, abandoned all his ſchemes againſt the Decan, and made what haſte he could with his army to Delhi.
They ad⯑vance to⯑wards Delhi,Jirghi, with twelve tomans of Mogul horſe, approached, in a few days, the city, and encamped upon the banks of the Jumna. The horſe of the imperial army being abſent on the expedition to [277] A. D. 1303. Higer. 703.Arinkil, the Sultan was in no condition to face, upon equal terms, ſo powerful and warlike an enemy in the field. He therefore con⯑tented himſelf with entrenching his army in the plain beyond the ſuburbs, till he could draw the forces of the diſtant Subas together. But the Moguls having the command of the adjacent country, pre⯑vented the ſuccours from joining the Sultan, and proceeded ſo far as to plunder the ſuburbs, in the King's preſence, without his being able to prevent them.
In this ſituation ſtood affairs for two months; and then the Sul⯑tan, ſay ſome authors, had recourſe to ſupernatural aid. He ap⯑plied to a ſaint of thoſe days, whoſe name was Shech Nizam ul dien Aulia. but retreat.The ſaint, in one night, without any viſible cauſe, ſtruck the Mogul army with a panic which occaſioned their precipitate retreat to their own country. But we have no reaſon to aſcribe the flight of the Moguls to ſo weak and ſuperſtitious a cauſe; as pri⯑vate order, intelligence, or the improbability of ſucceſs, brought about their ſudden departure more than the power of the ſaint. The Sultan, during this alarming period, was heard to confeſs, that his ideas of univerſal conqueſt were idle and ridiculous, for that there were many heads in the world as hard as his own.
Alla being relieved from the perils of this invaſion, built a palace upon the ſpot where he had entrenched himſelf, and ordered the citadel of Delhi to be pulled down and built anew. Alla levies a great army.He then began to recruit his army, with an intention to retaliate upon the Moguls their repeated inroads. He encreaſed his forces to ſuch a prodigious number, that upon calculating the expence, he found his revenues, and what treaſures he had himſelf, could not ſupport them above ſix years. He reſolved therefore to reduce the pay, but it occurred to him that this could not be done with propriety, with⯑out lowering proportionably, the price of horſes, arms and pro⯑viſions. [278] A. D. 1303. Higer. 703.This he did by an edict which he ſtrictly enforced all over the empire, ſettling the price of every article at about half the com⯑mon rate, which in fact, was juſt doubling his treaſure and revenues.
The prices of grain regu⯑lated;To eſtabliſh this reduction of the price, with reſpect to grain, he ordered great magazines to be built upon the rivers Jumna and Ganges, and other places convenient for water carriage, under the di⯑rection of Malleck Cabuli. This collector received half of the land tax in grain; and the royal agents ſupplied the markets at a ſtated price. To prevent any monopoly in this article, every farmer was allowed to retain only a certain quantity, according to the number of his family, and ſend the overplus, as ſoon as it was threſhed out, to market, for which he was obliged to take the ſtanding price. The importation of grain was encouraged; but to export it or any other article of proviſions, was a capital crime. The King himſelf had a daily report laid before him, of the quantity ſold and remaining in the ſeve⯑ral royal granaries, and ſpies were appointed in the different markets, to inform him of abuſes, which he puniſhed with the utmoſt rigour.
and of cloth.The Sultan alſo appointed a public office, and inſpectors, who fixed the price of the various kinds of cloth, according to its quality, obliging the merchants to open their ſhops at certain hours every day, and ſell their goods at the ſtipulated price. He at the ſame time opened a loan, by which they were enabled to procure ready money to import cloth from the neighbouring countries, where the poverty of the people rendered their manufactures cheaper. But what is ſome⯑what unaccountable, the exportation of the finer kind of manufacture was prohibited, yet not permitted to be worn at home, except by ſpecial authority from the King, which favour was only conferred upon men of rank.
[279] A. D. 1303. Higer. 703. Of horſes.As horſes had aroſe to an immenſe price, by an aſſociation of the dealers, who only bought up a certain number from the Perſian and northern merchants to inhance the price; the King publiſhed an edict, by which they were obliged to regiſter the prices paid for them, and to ſell them at a certain profit within ſuch a time, if that price was offered them, otherwiſe the King took them upon his own account. The price of the horſe was at the ſame time according to his quality, and care was taken, by that means, that the merchants and dealers in thoſe animals ſhould not have an opportunity, by ſecret con⯑nivance, to raiſe the price. Many frauds being found out in this article ſome time after, a great number of horſe dealers were whipt out of the city, and others put to death. Oxen, ſheep, goats, camels, and aſſes, were alſo taken into conſideration; and in ſhort every uſeful animal, and all commodities, were ſold at a ſtated price in the Bazars.
The Sultan having thus regulated the prices of things, his next care was to new model his army. Settles the pay of the army.He ſettled the pay of every horſe⯑man, for himſelf and horſe, from 234 rupees a year, down to 80, according to the goodneſs of the horſe; and, upon a muſter, he found his cavalry to conſiſt of four hundred and ſeventy-five thouſand.
The Moguls invading Hindoſtan are over⯑thrown.In the mean time Ali Beg, the grandſon of Chingez Chan, and Jirpal Chaja, with forty thouſand horſe, made an irruption into Hin⯑doſtan, but the Sultan ſending Malleck Tughlick, with a force againſt them, they were defeated, with the loſs of ſeven thouſand. Ali Beg, and Jirpal, with nine thouſand of their troops, were taken priſoners. They were ſent in chains to the Sultan, who ordered the chiefs to be thrown under the feet of an elephant, and the ſoldiers to be inhumanly maſſacred. He appointed Tughlick, for this ſervice, viceroy of Punjab.
Alip Chan was about this time appointed Amir ul Omrah of Gu⯑zerat, and ſent thither with a great force. Ain ul Muluck Moultani, [280] A. D. 1304. Higer. 704.an Omrah of great fame, was at the ſame time ordered with a numerous army to the conqueſt of Malava. Malava re⯑duced.He was oppoſed by Kokah, the Raja, with forty thouſand Rajaput horſe, and one hundred thouſand foot. An engagement enſued, in which Ain ul Muluck proved victorious, and took the cities of Ugein, Mandu, Daranagurri, and Chanduri. He, after theſe ſucceſſes, diſpatched a Fatte Namma* to the emperor, who, upon receiving it, ordered a rejoicing of ſeven days throughout the city of Delhi. Kuntir Deo, the governor of the fort of Jallore, terrified by the conqueſts of Ain ul Muluck, gave up that place upon terms of capitulation.
The Raja of Chitor makes his eſcape,The Raja of Chitor, who had been priſoner ſince the Emperor took that place, found in the mean time means to make his eſcape, in a very extraordinary manner. The Sultan having heard extravagant things in praiſe of the beauty and accompliſhments of one of the Raja's daughters, told him, that if he would ſend her, he ſhould, upon her account, be releaſed.
The Raja, who was very ill treated in his confinement, conſented, and ſent for his daughter with a manifeſt deſign to proſtitute her to the King. The Raja's family hearing this diſhonourable propoſal, concerted means of poiſoning the Raja to ſave their own reputation. But the daughter being a girl of invention, propoſed a ſtratagem to releaſe her father, and at the ſame time to ſave her own honour. She accordingly wrote to her father to give out, that ſhe was coming with all her attendants, and would be at Delhi upon a certain day, acquainting him with the part ſhe intended to act. by the con⯑trivance of his daughter.Her contrivance was this: She ſelected a number of enterpriſing fellows, who in compleat armour, concealed themſelves in doolies or cloſe chairs, in which the women are always carried; ſhe provided for them a choſen retinue of horſe and foot, as is cuſtomary to guard ladies of [281] A. D. 1305. Higer. 705.rank. She herſelf, by this time, had, by her father's means, re⯑ceived the Sultan's paſſport, and the whole cavalcade proceeded to Delhi, and were admitted without interruption. It was now night, and by the Sultan's permiſſion, they were permitted to ſee the Raja. The chairs being carried into the priſon, and the attendants having taken their ſtations without; the armed men ſtarted out of the chairs, and putting all to the ſword within the courts, carried the Raja out, and having horſes prepared for him, he mounted, and with his attendants, ruſhed out of the city, before any oppoſition could be made, and fled to his own country.
In the year 705, Kabeik, an Omrah of Dova Chan, King of Ma⯑ver ul nere, with deſign to revenge the death of Ali Beg and Jir⯑pal, invaded Hindoſtan with a great army, and ravaging Moultan, proceeded to Sewalic. The Moguls overthrown.Malleck Tughlick, in the mean time, col⯑lecting his forces, cut off the retreat of the Moguls, before any troops arrived from Delhi, and defeated them with great ſlaughter. Thoſe who eſcaped the ſword, finding it impoſſible to force their way home, retired into the deſart, where thirſt and the hot winds which blow at that ſeaſon, put an end to their miſerable lives; ſo that out of fifty ſeven thouſand horſe, beſides their attendants, who were ſtill more numerous, only three thouſand, who were taken priſoners, ſurvived this horrid ſcene. The unhappy captives were only reſerved for greater miſery. They were ſent to Delhi with their unfortunate chief, Kabeik, where they were all trodden to death by elephants, except ſome women and children, who were ſold in the market for ſlaves.
Theſe repeated misfortunes did not however diſcourage the Mo⯑guls. Aekbalmund, a chief of great reputation, ſoon after invaded Hindoſtan with a powerful army. The Moguls again over⯑thrown.But Malleck Tughlick defeated him alſo, with great ſlaughter; and ſent ſome thouſand priſoners to [282] A. D. 1305. Higer. 705.Delhi, who were diſpatched by the cuſtomary inhumanity of Alla. Fear, from this time forward, took poſſeſſion of the Moguls, and they gave over all thoughts of Hindoſtan for many years. They were even hard preſſed to defend themſelves: for Malleck Tugh⯑lick made incurſions into their country every year, plundering the provinces of Cabul, Ghizni, Candahar, and Garrimſere, or laying them under heavy contributions.
The Sultan buſy in ſet⯑tling the po⯑lice of the em⯑pire.In the mean time, the Sultan was employed in ſettling the in⯑ternal policy and government of his empire; and with ſuch fortu⯑nate perſeverance in whatever he undertook, that the ſuperſtition of the times aſcribed his ſucceſs to ſupernatural power, amazed at the good effects that flowed from the ſtrictneſs of his government.
Ram Deo, Raja of Deogire in the Decan, having neglected to ſend the revenues of that diſtrict, which he aſſigned over to the Sul⯑tan by treaty, Malleck Cafoor, with many Omrahs of renown, and a great army was ordered to conquer the Decan. This Cafoor was one of the Sultan's catamites, and originally a ſlave, taken by force from a merchant of Guzerat, as we have already mentioned. The Emperor's affection for Cafoor exceeded all the bounds of decency and prudence upon the preſent occaſion. He gave him the title of Malleck Naib Cafoor*, commanding the Omrahs who attended him, to pay their reſpects to him every day, as to a ſovereign. This created among them great diſguſt, but they durſt not murmur. Chaja Hadjee was appointed his lieutenant; a man much eſteemed in thoſe days, for his good principles. The imperial army invades the Decan.In the beginning of the year 706, they marched from Delhi, with an army of one hundred thouſand horſe, and were joined in their way, by Ain ul Muluck Moultani, Suba of Malava, and Alip Chan, Suba of Guzerat, with their forces.
[283] A. D. 1306. Higer. 706. Comladè's ad⯑dreſs to the Sultan.One of the Sultan's wives, the fair Comladè, formerly men⯑tioned, hearing of this expedition, addreſſed herſelf to the King, and told him, that before ſhe was taken priſoner, ſhe had two beautiful daughters to Raja Kirren. That one of them, ſhe heard, had ſince died; but that the other, whoſe name was Dewildè, was ſtill alive. She therefore begged that the Sultan ſhould give orders to his gene⯑rals to endeavour to get her into their poſſeſſion, and ſend her to Delhi. The King conſented, and gave orders accordingly.
Cafoor enters the Decan.Malleck Cafoor, having paſſed through Malava, encamped upon the borders of the Decan. He ſent the Sultan's order to Raja Kirren, to deliver up his daughter Dewildè, which was now urged as a pretext for commencing hoſtilities in caſe of a refuſal. The Raja could by no means be brought to agree to this demand. Mal⯑leck Cafoor therefore marched from his camp at Nidderbar, while Alip Chan, with his forces from Guzerat, was taking the rout of the mountains of Buckelana, to enter the Decan by another paſs. He was oppoſed by Raja Kirren, who defeated all his attempts for two months, in which time ſeveral undeciſive actions were fought.
Singeldeo de⯑mands Dew⯑ildè in mar⯑riage.Singeldeo, the ſon of Ram Deo, Raja of Deogire, who had been contracted to the young Dewildè, without conſent of his father, ſent his brother Bimedeo with preſents to Raja Kirren, perſwading him, that as Dewildè was the occaſion of the war, if he ſhould deliver her over to him, the troops of Iſlam, in deſpair of obtaining their ends, would return to their own country. Raja Kirren, who depended much upon the young prince's aid, conſented to this pro⯑poſal, and gave his daughter, then in her thirteenth year, in mar⯑riage to Singeldeo.
Alip Chan hearing this news, was greatly terrified leſt the Sultan ſhould impute this circumſtance to his ſlowneſs, and was reſolved, at [284] A. D. 1306. Higer. 706. Alip Chan deſigns to in⯑tercept her,all events, to ſeize her before her departure, as he was certain his own life depended upon his ſucceſs. He acquainted all the Omrahs with his intentions, who readily ſeconded the attempt. He then entered the mountains with his army, and engaging the Raja, gave him a total defeat; upon which, Kirren fled to Deogire, leaving all his elephants, tents and equipage upon the field. Alip Chan pur⯑ſued him through the hills for ſome days, but at length, entirely loſt his track and all intelligence concerning him and his daughter. But in the end, accident threw this pearl in his way.
Halting to refreſh his army two days among the mountains, ſome of his troops, without leave, to the number of three hundred, went from the camp to ſee a famous mountain in the neighbourhood of Deogire, from which city he was not then far diſtant. In their excurſion they ſaw a great troop of horſe, whom they apprehended to belong to Ramdeo, and to be in purſuit of them. As there was no ſafety in flight, they were determined to ſtand on their defence, and accordingly drew up to receive the enemy. This troop proved to be the retinue of Bimedeo, who was carrying the young bride to his brother. ſeizes her by an accident.The two parties, in ſhort, engaged, and the Hindoos were put to flight, while an unfortunate arrow having pierced the horſe of Dewildè, the unhappy fair one was abandoned in the field. The conquerors ſeeing her, gathered round her horſe, and commenced a bloody ſcuffle about the prize. This might have proved fatal to the beau⯑tiful Dewildè, had not one of her female ſlaves told aloud her name and quality, conjuring them to carry her to their commander with that reſpect which was due to her rank and ſex. Upon hearing this they knew the peril of treating her with any indignity; and while an expreſs was diſpatched with the news to Alip Chan, they con⯑ducted her with great care and reſpect to the camp.
[285] A. D. 1306. Higer. 706. He conducts her to Delhi.Alip Chan, having obtained this prize, was exceedingly re⯑joiced, knowing how acceptable it would be to his prince, over whom the lady's mother had great influence. He therefore proſe⯑cuted his conqueſts no further, but returned to Guzerat, and from thence carried Dewildè to Delhi, and preſented her to her mother. In a few days her beauty inflamed the heart of the Sultan's eldeſt ſon Chizer Chan, to whom ſhe was given in marriage. The hiſtory of the loves of this illuſtrious pair, is wrote in an elegant poem, by Amir Chuſero.
Cafoor's tranſactions in the Decan.Let us now return to Malleck Naib Cafoor, whom we left enter⯑ing the Decan. He firſt ſubdued the country of the Mahrattors, which he divided among his Omrahs, then proceeded to the ſiege of Deo⯑gire, ſince known by the name of Dowlat-abad. Ramdeo being in no condition to oppoſe this great army, prudently left his ſon Sin⯑geldeo in the fort, and advanced himſelf, with great preſents, to the conqueror, to procure peace, which was accordingly ſettled between them. Malleck Cafoor, upon this, wrote a Fatee Namma to the King, and ſome time after brought Ramdeo, with rich preſents and ſeventeen elephants, to pay his allegiance to him at Delhi, where he himſelf was received with the moſt extravagant marks of favour and diſtinction. Ramdeo had royal dignities conferred upon him, with the title of Rai Raian*, and had not only the government of his own dominions reſtored to him, but others were alſo added, for all which he did homage, and paid tribute to the Sultan. The King moreover gave him the diſtrict of Noſari, near Guzerat, by way of Jagier, and a lack of rupees to bear his expences home. Thus he diſmiſſed Ramdeo with princely generoſity; having, in ſome meaſure, looked upon the wealth, of which he had formerly robbed him, as the foundation of all his own greatneſs. And he perhaps [286] A. D. 1306. Higer. 706.thought that ſome grateful return was due to the Raja upon this account.
The Sultan beſieges and takes Sewana.During the abſence of Cafoor on his expedition to the Decan, the King employed himſelf in taking a ſtrong fort to the ſouthward of Delhi, called Sewana, which had often been attempted in vain. When Jilleldeo the Raja of this place found he could hold out no longer, he ſent his own image, which had been caſt in pure gold, to the Sultan, with a chain round its neck, in token of obedience. This preſent was accompanied by a hundred elephants, and other precious effects, in hopes of procuring peace. The Sultan received the preſents, but returned him for anſwer, that unleſs he came and made his ſubmiſſion in perſon, he could hope little from his dumb repreſentative. The Raja finding the Sultan inexorable, threw himſelf upon his mercy, and delivered up the place. The Sultan plundered and again reſtored it. But he alienated a great part of the Raja's country to his favourite Omrahs, and bound him over to pay homage for the reſt. The Sultan then proceeded to Jallire, which he took, and returned to Delhi.
Cafoor marches to⯑wards Arin⯑kil.The Sultan, much about this time, was informed that the expe⯑dition, by the way of Bengal, to Arinkil in the country of Tilling, had not ſucceeded, and that his army on that ſide had been obliged to retreat in great diſtreſs. In the year 709, he diſpatched Malleck Cafoor with a great force to invade that country, by the way of Deogire; with orders, that if Lidder Deo, Prince of Arinkil, ſhould conſent to give him a handſome preſent, and promiſe an annual tri⯑bute, to return without proſecuting the war any further. When Malleck Cafoor and Chaja Hadjee had reached Deogire, Ram Deo came out to meet them with offerings, and carrying them home, entertained them with great hoſpitality, ordering his Bazar to the camp, with ſtrict orders to ſell every thing according to the Sultan's eſtabliſhed price in his own dominions.
[287] A. D. 1307. Higer. 707. Enters Til⯑ling.Cafoor having marched from Deogire, appeared at Indore, upon the frontiers of Tilling, and iſſued orders to lay waſte the country with fire and ſword; which ſtruck the unhappy people, who had never injured their wanton enemies, with great terror and conſter⯑nation. In the mean time, the neighbouring Rajas haſtened with all their forces to ſupport Lidderdeo, in this alarming juncture. But as the imperial army proceeded with great expedition, he was forced, before the arrival of his allies, to ſhut himſelf up in the fort of Arinkil, which was a place of great ſtrength. The allied Rajas, upon this, alſo took poſſeſſion of divers ſtrong holds round the country.
Beſieges and takes Arinkil.Malleck Cafoor immediately inveſted the place, and began his attacks, which were carried on and repelled with great ſlaughter on both ſides. Notwithſtanding the interruptions that Cafoor received from the Rajas without the place, Arinkil, after ſome months ſiege, was taken by aſſault, and the garriſon maſſacred without mercy, for the citadel to which Lidderdeo had retired, was not ſufficient to contain the whole. Lidderdeo, driven to this extremity, bought his peace with three hundred elephants, ſeven thouſand horſes, and money and jewels to a very great amount; agreeing at the ſame time, to pay an annual tribute. Malleck Cafoor, after this advan⯑tageous peace, returned with his army to Delhi. He diſpatched before him the news of his victories, which was read from the pulpit, and a public rejoicing ordered. Upon his approach to the city, the King himſelf came out and met him at the Budaoon gate, and there the conqueror laid all the ſpoils at his feet.
Cafoor's ex⯑pedition to the Decan.In the year 710, The Sultan ſent Malleck Cafoor and Chaja Hajee with a great army, to reduce Dhoor, Summund and Maber in the Decan, where he had heard, there were temples very rich in gold and jewels. When they had proceeded to Deogire, they found that [288] A. D. 1310. Higer. 710.Ram Deo the old Raja was dead, and that the young Raja, Singel⯑deo, was not ſo well affected to them as they thought. They therefore left ſome Omrahs in a ſtrong poſt upon the banks of the Ganges, and continued their march. When they had paſſed the Raja's territories, they began their inhuman cruelties, and after three months march from Delhi, arrived in the countries which they were commanded to ſubdue. The Raja of the Carnatic overthrown.They engaged Bellal Deo, Raja of the Carnatic, and defeating him, took him priſoner, and then ravaged his whole country. They found in the temples, prodigious ſpoils in idols of gold, adorned with the moſt precious ſtones; and other rich effects, conſecrated to their worſhip. Here the conqueror built a ſmall moſque, and ordered divine ſervice to be read according to the Mahommedan faith, and the Chutba to be pronounced in the Em⯑peror's name. This moſque remains intire in our days, for the Caffers* eſteeming it a houſe conſecrated to God, would not deſtroy it†.
An immenſe treaſure diſ⯑covered.Malleck Naib Cafoor having wearied his own inhumanity and avarice, in deſtroying and robbing an unfortunate people, reſolved to return to Delhi with his ſpoils. The night before his intended march, a quarrel aroſe among ſome Brahmins who had taken pro⯑tection in his camp from the plundering parties that ſcoured the country. Some body who underſtood their language, found the quarrel was about the diviſion of ſome hidden treaſure, which was immediately communicated to the Cutwal, who ſeized them and carried them to Malleck Cafoor to be examined. They were at [289] A. D. 1311. Higer. 711.firſt very obſtinate, but their lives being threatened, and each being queſtioned apart, they were afraid one would inform againſt the other, by which means they diſcovered all they knew. Seven dif⯑ferent places were pointed out near the camp, where immenſe trea⯑ſures were concealed. Theſe being dug up and placed upon ele⯑phants, Malleck Cafoor turned the points of his ſpears to Delhi, where he arrived without any remarkable occurrence, in the year 711. He preſented the Sultan with 312 elephants, 20,000 horſes, 96,000 maunds of gold, ſeveral cheſts of jewels and pearls, and other precious things*. The Sultan upon ſeeing this treaſure, which exceeded that of Baadawird or Pirvez, was greatly rejoiced, and opened the doors of his bounty to all. The genero⯑ſity of the Sultan.He gave to each of the principal Omrahs ten maunds, and to the inferior five. The learned men of his court received one maund, and thus in proportion, he diſtributed wealth to all his ſervants, according to their rank and quality. The remainder was melted down, coined and lodged in the treaſury. It is ſaid, that during this expedition to the Carnatic, the ſoldiers threw the ſilver they found away, as too cumberſome, where gold was found in ſuch plenty. No perſon wore bracelets, chains, or rings of any other metal than gold, while all the plate in the houſes of the great, and in the temples, was of bea⯑ten gold; neither was ſilver money at all current in that country, ſhould we believe the reports of thoſe adventurers.
Soon after this acceſſion of wealth, the tyrannical Alla exhibited a ſcene in the capital too dreadful to be varniſhed over by his great [290] A. D. 1311. Higer. 711.abilities. The Mogul converts in his army having incurred his diſ⯑pleaſure, he ordered them to be all diſcharged. Some of them engaged themſelves in the ſervice of the Omrahs, but the greater number re⯑mained at Delhi in great diſtreſs, in hopes that the Sultan would relent by ſeeing their wretched poverty. His inhuma⯑nity to the Mogul mer⯑cenaries.He however remained ob⯑durate, and ſome daring fellows among them, forced by their miſ⯑fortunes, entered into a conſpiracy to murder the King. This plot being diſcovered, the Sultan, inſtead of puniſhing the conſpirators, extended his inhuman rigour to the whole body. He ordered them all to be inſtantly put to the ſword; ſo that fifteen thouſand of thoſe unhappy wretches lay dead in the ſtreets of Delhi in one day. All their wives and children were enſlaved. The Sultan was ſo inexorable and vindictive, that no one durſt attempt to conceal, however nearly connected they might be, any of the unfortunate Moguls, ſo that not one of them eſcaped.
His pride and magificence.The King, elevated by his good fortune, gave himſelf over to pride. He liſtened to no advice, as he ſometimes condeſcended to do in the beginning of his reign, but every thing was executed by his irrevocable word. Yet the empire never flouriſhed ſo much as in this reign. Order and juſtice travelled to the moſt diſtant provinces, and magnificence raiſed her head in the land. Palaces, moſques, uni⯑verſities, baths, ſpires, forts, and all manner of public and pri⯑vate buildings ſeemed to riſe, as by the power of enchantment, neither did there in any age appear ſuch a concourſe of learned men from all parts. Forty five ſkilled in the ſciences were profeſſors in the univerſities. In poetry, Amir Chuſero and Chaja Haſſen Delavi held the firſt rank. In philoſophy and phyſic, Molana Buddir ul dien Damiſki. In divinity, Molana Shatabi. In aſtrology, Shech Nizam ul dien Awlia acquired much fame. Others diſtinguiſhed themſelves in muſic, morality, languages, and in all the fine arts then known in the world.
[291] A. D. 1311. Higer. 711. His impolitic proceedings.But when the Sultan ſeemed to have carried every thing to the heighth of perfection, and to the extent of his wiſhes, he all at once adopted every meaſure that evidently tended to ſubvert the great fabrick which he had raiſed. He reſigned the reins of government intirely into the hands of Malleck Cafoor, whom he blindly ſup⯑ported in his moſt impolitic and tyrannical actions. This gave great diſguſt to the Omrahs, and ſpread univerſal diſcontent over the face of the people. He neglected the education of his own chil⯑dren, who were let out of the ſeraglio when very young, and in⯑truſted with independant power. Chizer Chan was made viceroy of Chitor when as yet a boy, without any perſon of wiſdom to adviſe him or to ſuperintend his conduct, while Shadi Chan, Mubarick Chan and Shab ul dien Chan, his other ſons, had appointments of the ſame important nature.
The Raja of Tilling, about this time, ſent ſome preſents and twenty elephants to the King, with a letter, informing him that the tribute which he had agreed to pay in his treaty with Mal⯑leck Cafoor, was ready to be paid. Malleck Ca⯑foor propoſes an expedition to the Decan.Malleck Cafoor, upon this, deſired leave of the King, to make another expedition into the Decan, promiſing that he would, not only collect the revenues which had fallen due, but bring the Raja of Deogire and others, who had with-held their allegiance and tribute, under due ſub⯑jection. He was principally moved to this by his jealouſy of Chizer Chan, the declared heir to the empire, whoſe government lay moſt convenient for that expedition; and whom he feared the Sultan in⯑tended to ſend.
He enters the Decan and reduces it.The Sultan conſented to Cafoor's propoſal, and he accordingly proceeded the fourth time to the Decan with a great army. He ſeized the Raja of Deogire, and inhumanly put him to death; then ravaging the countries of Mahrat, Connir, Dabul, Giwil, Raijore [292] A. D. 1312. Higer. 712.and Mudkil, took up his reſidence at Deogire. He raiſed the tri⯑bute from the Rajas of Tilling and the Carnatic, and in the year 712, diſpatched the whole to the Emperor.
The King falls ſick.The Sultan by this time, by his intemperance in the ſeraglio, ruined his conſtitution, and was taken extremely ill. His wife Mallecke Jehan and her ſon Chizer Chan, neglected him entirely, and ſpent their time in riot and revelry, which added new ſtrength to the King's diſorder. He therefore ordered Malleck Cafoor from the Decan, and Alip Chan from Guzerat. He told them in private of the unpolitic, undutiful and cruel behaviour of his wife and ſon. Malleck Ca⯑foor aſpires to the throne.Cafoor, who had before aſpired, in his mind, to the empire, now began ſeriouſly to form ſchemes for the extirpation of the royal line. He, for this purpoſe, inſinuated to the King, that Chizer Chan, Mallecke Jehan and Alip Chan had conſpired againſt his life. What gave colour to this wicked accuſation was, that at this time, Mallecke Jehan ſollicited the Sultan to get one of Alip Chan's daughters for her ſon Shadi Chan. Pl [...]ts againſt Chizer Chan,This traitor did not fail to improve this circumſtance to his own advantage. The King at length ſuffered ſuſpicion to ſteal into his breaſt, and ordered Chizer Chan to Amrohe, and there to continue till he himſelf ſhould recover. Though Chizer Chan was mad with the follies of youth, this command of his father made a deep impreſſion on his mind, and at his departure he made a private vow, that if God ſhould ſpare the life of his father, he would return all the way on foot. When he accordingly heard that his father's health began to return, he performed his vow, and waited upon him at Delhi.
The traitor Cafoor turned this filial piety entirely againſt Chizer. He inſinuated that his behaviour, by ſuch a ſudden change, could be imputed to nothing but hypocriſy, and urged his diſobedience, by coming without his father's leave, pretending, at the ſame time, that [293] A. D. 1312. Higer. 712.he was intriguing with the Omrahs, about kindling a rebellion in the Empire. The Sultan could not give entire credit to theſe inſinu⯑ations. He ſent for Chizer Chan into his preſence, embraced him to try his affection, and ſeeing him weep, ſeemed convinced of his ſincerity, and ordered him into the Seraglio, to ſee his mother and ſiſters. But unhappily for this Prince, the flights of his youth made him deviate again into his former wild amuſements. He neglected for ſeveral days to viſit his father; during which time his ſubtle ene⯑my bribed over to his own intereſt the Sultan's private ſervants, and called upon them to witneſs his aſperſions againſt Chizer. who is im⯑priſoned.He at length, by a thouſand wiles and ſtratagems, accompliſhed his pur⯑poſe, and prevailed upon the King to impriſon his two ſons Chizer Chan and Shadi Chan, in the fort of Gualier, and their mother in the old citadel. He at the ſame time procured an order to ſeize Aliph Chan, who was unjuſtly put to death, and his brother Nizam ul dien, Suba of Jallore, was aſſaſſinated by Seid Cummal ul dien Car⯑rick, who aſſumed his place.
Diſturbances in the em⯑pire.Thus far the traitor's ſchemes advanced in the direct road of ſuc⯑ceſs. But now the fire which had long been ſmothered, began to flame, kindling firſt at Guzerat into a general inſurrection. The Sultan, to ſuppreſs this rebellion, ſent Cumal ul dien Currik thither with a great army; but the forces commanded by the friends of Alip Chan defeated him with great ſlaughter, and put him to a cruel death. In the mean time the Suba of Chitor threw the Sultan's offi⯑cers over the wall, and aſſumed independence; while Hirpal Deo, the ſon in law of Ramdeo, ſtirred up the Decan to arms, and took a number of the Sultan's garriſons.
The Sultan dies.Alla ul dien, upon receiving this intelligence, could do nothing but bite his own fleſh, in reſentment. His grief and rage ſerved to ſtrengthen his diſorder, which would yield to no power of medicine. [294] A. D. 1316. Higer. 716.On the evening of the ſixth of Shawal, in the year 716, he gave up that life, which, like a comet, had ſpread terror and deſolation, through an aſtoniſhed world; but not without ſuſpicion of being poiſoned by the villain whom he had raiſed from the duſt to power. He reigned twenty years and ſome months.
His character.If we look upon the government and policy of Alla ul dien, a great King ariſes to our view. If we behold his hands, which are red, an inexorable tyrant appears. Had he come by better means to the throne, his abilities deſerved it well; but he began in cruelty, and waded through blood to the end. Ambition was the favourite paſſion of his ſoul, and from it ſprung forth like branches, injuſtice, violence, and rapine. Had fortune placed him at firſt on high, his glory would not perhaps be tarniſhed with meanneſs and deceit; but in whatever way that flame was to paſs through the world, his tract, like that of a ſtorm, muſt have been marked with ruin. He had ſome right as a warrior, to the title of Secunder Sani; but theſe two Princes reſembled one another in nothing but in ſucceſs and bravery. The firſt was poliſhed and generous, the latter was dark and rude. They were both magnificent, and each of them might conquer the world, and could command it. The ſervants of his houſehold amounted to ſeventeen thouſand, and his pomp, wealth and power was never equalled by any Prince who ſat before him on the throne of Hindoſtan.
SECTION XIV. The Reign of SHAB UL DIEN OMAR ben Sultan ALLA UL DIEN CHILLIGIE.
[295]A. D. 1316. Higer. 716. Shab ul dien placed upon the throne by Cafoor.IN the hiſtory of Sidder Jehan of Guzerat, we are informed that the day after the death of Sultan Alla ul dien, Malleck Cafoor aſſem⯑bled the Omrahs, and produced a ſpurious teſtament of the deceaſed King, in which he had appointed Shab ul dien, the youngeſt ſon, his ſucceſſor, and Cufoor himſelf regent, during his minority, ſetting aſide the right of primogeniture in the perſon of Chizer Chan, and the other princes. Shab ul dien then, in the ſeventh year of his age, was placed on the throne, and Cafoor began his adminiſtration. Cafoor's cru⯑elty to the Princes.The firſt ſtep which the traitor took, was to ſend a perſon to Gualier, to put out the eyes of Chizer Chan and Shadi Chan. His orders were inhumanly executed; and the Sultana Malleke Jehan was put into cloſer confinement, and all her wealth ſeized. Mubarick Chan, the third ſon of Alla, was alſo taken into cuſtody, with an intention to have his eyes put out, like his unhappy brothers.
Cafoor, tho' an eunuch, marries one of the Sul⯑tanas.There is ridicule in what we are to relate. Cafoor, though an eunuch, married the mother of Shab ul dien, the Emperor's third wife. But the mother of Mubarick Shaw, Alla ul dien's ſecond wife, having heard that the regent intended to put out the eyes of her ſon, acquainted Shech Nizam ul dien of her intelligence, and he gave her ſome hopes that the threatened misfortune ſhould be pre⯑vented.
Sends to put out the eyes of Mubarick.Malleck Cafoor, in the mean time, to cloak his wicked deſigns, placed the young King every day upon the throne, and ordered the [296] A. D. 1316. Higer. 716.nobles to pay their reſpects, as uſual, to the Emperor. He ſent one night ſome aſſaſſins to cut off Mubarick Shaw; but when they en⯑tered the apartment of the Prince, he conjured them to remember his father, whoſe ſervants they were; then untying a ſtring of rich jewels from his neck, which perhaps had more influence than his intreaties, he gave it them. They immediately abandoned their purpoſe; but quarrelling about the diviſion of the jewels, when they had got out, it was propoſed to carry them to the chief of the foot-guards, and acquaint him of what the Prince had ſaid, and of their inſtructions, from Malleck Cafoor.
A conſpiracy againſt Ca⯑foor.The Mubiſhir*, who owed every thing to the favour of the deceaſed King, was ſhocked at the villainy of Cafoor, and finding his people of the ſame ſentiments, he immediately formed a conſpi⯑racy againſt the tyrant, He is aſſaſſi⯑nated.and accordingly he and his lieutenant, the Buſhier, entered his apartment, in a few hours, and aſſaſſinated him, with ſome of the principal eunuchs, who were attached to his intereſt. This happened thirty-five days after the King's death, and thus the world was rid of a monſter too horrid to exiſt among mankind.
Mubarick Chan aſcends the throne.When, with the return of day, the tranſactions of the night be⯑came public, they gave general ſatisfaction. Mubarick Chan was releaſed from his confinement, and had the reins of government placed in his hand. He however did not immediately aſſume the throne, but acted for the ſpace of two months, as regent or vizier for his brother, till he had brought over the Omrahs to his intereſt. He then claimed his birthright to the diadem, depoſed his brother, and acceded to the imperial dignity. But, according to the barba⯑rous cuſtom and policy of thoſe days, he deprived Shab ul dien of his eyes, and confined him for life in the fort of Gualier, after he had borne the title of King for three months and ſome days.
SECTION XV. The Reign of CUTTUB UL DIEN MUBARICK SHAW CHIL⯑LIGE.
[297]A. D. 1317. Higer. 717.UPON the ſeventh of Mohirrim, in the year ſeven hundred and ſeventeen of the Higera, Mubarick Shaw mounted the throne. Mubarick's cruelty and ingratitude.The Mubiſhir who had ſaved his life, and raiſed him to the imperial dignity, as alſo the Buſhire, were ungratefully and inhu⯑manly put to death by his orders, under no better pretence than that they preſumed too much upon the ſervices they had done him. It is probable he was inſtigated to this baſe action by his fears, as, in ſome meaſure, appears by his immediately diſperſing all the old Peons who were under their command, into different parts of the country. Mu⯑barick began to diſpenſe his favours among the Omrahs, but he diſ⯑guſted them all by raiſing ſome of his ſlaves to that dignity.
Promotions at court.Malleck Dinar Shenapil, was dignified with the title of Ziffer Chan. Mahummud Moula, the Sultan's uncle, received the name of Shere Shaw, and Molana Zea ul dien, that of Sidder Jehan. In the mean time Malleck Kerabeg was made one of the councillors of the Durbar; and Haſſen one of his ſlaves, the ſon of a ſeller of rags at Guzerat, received the title of Chuſero Chan, and through the King's unnatural affection for him, became the greateſt man in the empire. He was appointed to the command of the armies of Mal⯑leck Cafoor and Shadi Chan, and at the ſame time to the honour of the Vizarit, without any one good quality to recommend him to thoſe high employs.
The Sultan affects popu⯑larity.The Sultan, whether to affect popularity, or in remembrance of his late ſituation, ordered all the priſons to be opened, by which [298] A. D. 1317. Higer. 717.means ſeventeen thouſand were bleſſed with the light of day, and all the exiles were by proclamation recalled. He then commanded to give to the army a preſent of ſix months pay, and conferred upon many, other private benefits. He at the ſame time iſſued orders to give free acceſs to all petitioners. He eaſed the petitioners of ſome of their taxes; but by too much relaxing the reins of govern⯑ment, diſorder and tumult aroſe, which threw down to the ground the great fabrick raiſed by Alla ul dien. He gave himſelf up entirely to wine, revelry, and luſt. Theſe vices became faſhionable at court, from whence the whole body of the people were ſoon infected.
Guzerat re⯑duced.Mubarick, in the firſt year of his reign, ſent an army under the command of Ain ul Mulluck Moultani, into the province of Guze⯑rat, which had revolted. Moultani was an Omrah of great repu⯑tation. He ſoon defeated the inſurgents, cut off their chiefs, and ſettled the country in peace. The King conferred the government of Guzerat upon Ziffer Chan, whoſe daughter he had taken in mar⯑riage. Ziffer Chan ſoon after marched his army to Narwalla, the capital of Guzerat, where ſome diſturbances had happened, reduced the rebels, confiſcated their eſtates, and ſent their moveable wealth to the King.
Mubarick re⯑duces the Decan.Mubarick Shaw, in the ſecond year of his reign, raiſed a great army, and marched towards the Decan, to chaſtiſe Hirpaldeo, the ſon in law of Ramdeo, who, by the aſſiſtance of the other Rajas of the Decan, had recovered his country. The Sultan at his departure appointed Shahin, the ſon of a ſlave, to whom he gave the title of Offa Beg, governor of Delhi, during his abſence. When he arrived near Deogire, Hirpaldeo and the other Rajas, who were then be⯑ſieging the place, fled. But ſome Omrahs being ordered to purſue Hirpaldeo, he was brought back priſoner, flead alive and beheaded. His head was fixed above the gate of his own capital. The Sultan [299] A. D. 1318. Higer. 718.ordered his garriſons to be re-eſtabliſhed as far as the ſea, and built a moſque in Deogire, which ſtill remains. He then appointed Mal⯑leck Ecklikki, one of his father's ſlaves, to command in the Decan. He, in imitation of his father, gave his catamite Chuſero Chan the enſigns of royalty, ſending him towards Malbar, with part of his army, then returned himſelf to Delhi.
A conſpiracy.Malleck Aſſid ul dien, ſon to the Sultan's grand uncle, ſeeing the King daily drunk, and negligent of all the duties of a king or commander, began to entertain thoughts of the empire, and formed a conſpiracy againſt his life. This plot however was diſcovered by one of the conſpirators, and Aſſid ul dien was condemned to death. Whether Mubarick had found proofs that his brothers were concerned in this conſpiracy, we cannot learn, The Sultan's cruelty.but at that time he ſent an aſſaſſin to Gualier, and theſe two unfortunate blind princes were inhumanly murdered, and the fair Dewildè brought to the royal Haram.
The Empe⯑ror abandons himſelf to every ſpecies of vice.Mubarick finding himſelf in quiet poſſeſſion of all the kingdoms of Hindoſtan, abandoned thoſe popular manners which he at firſt affected, and grew perverſe, proud, vindictive, and tyrannical, de⯑ſpiſing all counſel, ill treating all his friends, and executing every thing, however bloody or unjuſt, by his obſtinate, blind, arbitrary will. Ziffer Chan, Suba of Guzerat, among others, fell a victim to his tyranny, as alſo Offa Beg, upon whom he had heaped ſuch fa⯑vours, without any plauſible pretences againſt either. He was infa⯑mous, in ſhort, in every vice that can taint the human mind, and deſcended ſo far from the royal character, as to dreſs himſelf often like a common proſtitute, and go with the public women to dance at the houſes of the nobility. At other times he would lead a gang of thoſe abominable proſtitutes ſtark naked along the terraces of the royal palaces, and make them play their fountains upon the Omrahs [300] A. D. 1318. Higer. 718.as they entered the court. Theſe and ſuch other vices and indecen⯑cies, too ſhocking to mention, were the conſtant amuſements of this monſter in the form of man.
Several inſur⯑rections quaſhed.After the death of Ziffer Chan, Hiſſam ul dien, uncle to Chuſero Chan, who was alſo one of the Sultan's catamites, in the abſence of the deteſtable ſlave, obtained the regency of Guzerat, where he had not been eſtabliſhed long, till, in confederacy with a few Omrahs, he rebelled; but the other Omrahs of Guzerat riſing in arms, defeat⯑ed him, and ſent him priſoner to Delhi, where he was not only par⯑doned, but permitted to reſume his place in the King's favour; Mal⯑leck Odgi ul dien Toureſhi being ſent to Guzerat in his ſtead. About this time news arrived, that Malleck Ecklikki, governor of the Decan, had rebelled. The Sultan ſent a great army to ſuppreſs that inſurrection, who found means to ſeize the rebel and his principal adherents, and to ſend them to Delhi, where Malleck Ecklikki had his ears cut off, and the others were put to the torture. Ain ul Mal⯑leck Moultani was advanced to the viceroyſhip of the Decan.
Chuſero Chan, who had gone to Malbar, ſtayed there about one year. He plundered the country of about one hundred and twenty elephants, a perfect diamond of 168 Ruttys, with other jewels and gold, to a great amount. Chuſero Chan aſpires to the throne.His ambition was increaſed by his wealth, and he began to aſpire to the throne. Not being able to join to his intereſt any of the Omrahs of his army, he formed the means of their deſtruction. For this purpoſe he called Malleck Tilbigha from the government of the iſland of Koohe, Malleck Timur and Malleck Mullhe Affghan, who were on different ſervices, and gave out that he had orders to return to Delhi. Theſe Omrahs having intelligence of his intentions, diſobeyed his commands, and wrote a remonſtrance to the Sultan, accuſing Chuſero Chan of conſpiracy againſt the ſtate. The Sultan, [301] A. D. 1319. Higer. 719.on this, ordered them to ſeize him and ſend him priſoner to Delhi, which accordingly they found means to execute. But when he came before the King, he pleaded his own innocence ſo artfully, and blamed his accuſers with ſuch plauſibility of truth, that the Sultan believing the whole proceeded from the diſguſt of their being com⯑manded by his favourite, he recalled them; and notwithſtanding they gave undoubted proofs of their aſſertions, the Sultan was de⯑termined to liſten to nothing againſt this vile catamite. He diſho⯑noured them, confiſcated all their eſtates, turned them out to poverty and the world. The other Omrahs ſeeing that the enemies of Chuſero Chan, right or wrong, were devoted to deſtruction, the men of the beſt principles among them made excuſes, and obtained leave to retire to diſtant parts of the empire: while the abandoned to all honour, joined themſelves to the catamite, who was now the object of univerſal dread, as well as the ſource of all benefits and promotion. Chuſero con⯑tinues his de⯑ſigns.This ſlave, in the mean time, cheriſhed his own ambitious views, and began again to form meaſures for his own advancement.
To accompliſh his purpoſe, he told the King, ‘"That as his own fidelity and ſervices had been by his Majeſty ſo generouſly re⯑warded, and as he might ſtill have occaſion for them in the conduct of his military affairs, while the Omrahs, from the pride of family, were ſeditious and diſobedient to his commands, he begged that he might be permitted to call ſome of his relations from Guzerat, in whom he could more certainly confide."’ The Sultan agreed to this requeſt; and Chuſero Chan ſent a great ſum of money by ſome of his agents to Guzerat, who collected about twenty thouſand of the dregs of the people, and brought them to Delhi. Every place of profit and truſt were conferred upon thoſe vermin, which bound them faſt to Chuſero's intereſt; and alſo upon all the [302] A. D. 1320. Higer. 720.villains about the city, who were remarkable for their boldneſs and addreſs.
Conſpires a⯑gainſt the Sultan's life.The Sultan, in the mean time, going to hunt towards Jirſava, a plot was formed to aſſaſſinate him. But this was laid aſide, on account of ſome difference in opinion among the conſpirators: and therefore they reſolved to perform their tragedy in the palace. The Sultan returned to Delhi, and, according to cuſtom, gave himſelf up to his debaucheries. Chuſero Chan was warm in his project, and took the opportunity of a favourable hour to beg leave of Muba⯑rick to entertain his friends in the outer court of the palace. The Sultan not only conſented, but iſſued orders, to give them free acceſs at all times; by which means the courts of the palace became crouded with thoſe vermin.
The Sultan informed of the plot.In the mean time, Caſi Zea ul dien, who was famous for his ſkill in aſtrology, though upon this occaſion, we imagine, he conſulted his own judgment and not the ſtars, ran into the preſence and kiſſed the ground. ‘"O King,"’ ſaid he, ‘"Chuſero Chan is concerning means for your aſſaſſination. If this ſhould prove falſe his honeſty will be the better eſtabliſhed; if otherwiſe, caution is neceſſary, becauſe life is the moſt ineſtimable jewel."’ The Sultan ſmiled at the old man, who had been one of his preceptors, and told him, he would make enquiry into that affair: while inſtantly Chuſero Chan entered in a female dreſs, with all the affectations of a girl. His infatua⯑tion.The Sultan upon ſeeing the infamous catamite, repeated a verſe to this effect. ‘"If my beloved were guilty of ten thouſand crimes, one ſmile from him and I forget them all."’ He then embraced Chuſero, and actually did forget all that the Caſi had ſaid.
That night, as the Caſi was ſuſpicious of treaſon, he could not go to reſt, but walked out about midnight, to ſee whether the guards were [303] A. D. 1321. Higer. 721.watchful. In their rounds, he met Mundule, uncle to Chuſero Chan, who engaged him in converſation. The old Caſi murdered.In the mean time, one Jaherba came behind him, and with one ſtroke of a ſword, ſtretched him upon the ground, having only ſtrength to cry out, ‘"Treaſon! Treaſon! Murder and treaſon are on foot!"’ while two ſervants who attended him, run off, ſcreaming aloud, that the Caſi was aſſaſſinated. The guards ſtarted up in confuſion, but they were inſtantly attacked by the conſpirators, and maſſacred before they could prepare for their own defence.
The Sultan alarmed by the noiſe, aſked Chuſero Chan, who lay in his apartment, the cauſe of it. The villain aroſe to enquire, and going out on the terrace, ſtood for ſome time, and returning told the King, that ſome of the horſes belonging to the guard, had broke looſe from their picquets, and were fighting, while the peo⯑ple were endeavouring to lay hold of them. This ſatisfied the Sul⯑tan for the preſent; but ſoon after, the conſpirators having aſcended the ſtairs, and got upon the terraces which led to the royal ſleeping apartment, they were ſtopped by Ibrahim and Iſhaac, with all the porters of the private chambers, whom they immediately put to the ſword. The Sultan aſſaſſinated.The Sultan hearing the claſh of arms and groans of dying men ſo near him, roſe up in great terror and confuſion, running towards the Haram, by a private paſſage. Chuſero Chan fearing he might eſcape, ruſhed cloſe after him, and ſeizing him by the hair in the gallery, ſtruggled with him for ſome time. The Sultan being the ſtronger man, threw Chuſero on the ground; but as he had twiſted his hand in his hair, he could by no means diſen⯑gage himſelf, till ſome of the other conſpirators came, and with a ſtroke of a ſabre, cut off his head and threw it down into the court, proclaiming the deed aloud to thoſe below.
[304] A. D. 1321. Higer. 721.The conſpirators in the court below, began to be hard preſſed by the guards and the ſervants, who had crouded from all quarters, but upon hearing of the Sultan's fate, they all haſtened out of the palace. A general maſſacre in the palace.The conſpirators then ſhut the gates and maſſacred all who had not the good fortune to eſcape; particularly the younger children of Alla ul dien, Feredoon Chan, Ali Chan and Omar Chan. Then breaking into the Haram, committed all manner of violence upon the poor women.
Reflections upon the Sul⯑tan's death.Thus the vengeance of God overtook and exterminated the race of Alla ul dien, for his ingratitude to Firoſe Shaw, and the ſtreams of innocent blood which flowed from his hands. Heaven alſo puniſhed Mubarick Shaw, whoſe name and reign are too infamous to have a place in the records of literature; did not our duty as a hiſtorian, oblige us to this diſagreeable taſk. But notwithſtanding, we have, in ſome places, been obliged to throw the veil of oblivion over circumſtances too horrid to relate.
This maſſacre happened on the fifth of Ribi ul Awil, in the year 721. Chuſero Chan mounts the throne.In the morning Chuſero Chan, ſurrounded by his creatures, mounted the throne, and ridiculouſly aſſumed the title of Naſir ul dien, or the ſupporter of religion. He then ordered all the ſlaves and ſervants of Mubarick Shaw, who he thought had the leaſt ſpark of honeſty, to be put to death, and their wives and children to be ſold for ſlaves. His brother was dignified with the title of Chan Chanan, and married to one of the daughters of Alla ul dien, while he took Dewildè, the widow of Mubarick Shaw, to himſelf. He diſpoſed of all the other ladies of the Seraglio among his beg⯑garly friends.
The army now remained to be bribed, who loved nothing better than a revolution; for they had always, upon ſuch an occaſion, a do⯑nation [305] A. D. 1321. Higer. 721.of ſix months pay immediately divided from the treaſury. Brings over the army to his intereſt.This trifle bought thoſe diſſolute ſlaves, who were loſt to all ſenſe of gratitude or honour.
Honours con⯑ferred upon the conſpira⯑tors.The ſon of Kimmerah Kimar, the chief of a gang of thieves, re⯑ceived the title of Azim Malleck Shaiſta Chan, and was made Ariz Mumalick, while Ain ul Malleck became Alim Chan, and was ap⯑pointed Amir ul Omrah*. Malleck Fuchir ul dien Jonah had the title of Chuſero Chan, and the appointment of maſter of the horſe, with many other diſtinguiſhing favours, with an intention to gain over the allegiance of his father, Ghazi Malleck, governor of Lahore and Debalpoor, of whom the uſurper was in great fear. Notwith⯑ſtanding his promotion, Fuchir ul dien Jonah was touched to the ſoul, to ſee the empire ridden by a gang of villains. Ghazi Mal⯑leck revolts from the uſurper.His father alſo, who was reckoned a man of great bravery and honour in thoſe days, was diſcontented at the infamous proceedings at court, and rouſed himſelf to revenge. He acquainted his ſon of his purpoſe, and he took the firſt opportunity to fly from Delhi and join his father.
The uſurper was in great perplexity upon the flight of Jonah, and began already to give his hopes to the wind. Ghazi Malleck imme⯑diately prepared for hoſtilities, and by circular letters, invited all the Omrahs to join his ſtandard. A great many Subas put their troops immediately in motion; but Mogulti the Suba of Moultan, jealous of precedence, refuſed to join; upon which occaſion, Byram Ibah, a chief of ſome note in thoſe parts, was prevailed upon to aſſaſſi⯑nate him.
Malleck Ecklikki, Suba of Samana, notwithſtanding the uſur⯑per had been the occaſion of his loſing his ears, tranſmitted the letter of Ghazi Malleck to court, informing him of the rebellion, and [306] A. D. 1321. Higer. 721. The Suba of Samana de⯑feated.taking the field againſt the confederates, received a ſignal defeat, and in his flight to Delhi, was fallen upon by the Zemindars and cut to pieces. The uſurper ſent Chan Chanan his brother, and Sufi Chan, with all on whom he could depend, againſt the confederates.
Ghazi Mal⯑leck defeats the uſurper's army, and marches to Delhi.Ghazi Malleck, now joined by Byram Ibah, with the army from Moultan, and other Subas, advanced to meet the uſurper's army, which he did upon the banks of the Siruſti. But as the troops of Ghazi Malleck were experienced in frequent wars with the Moguls, and thoſe of Chuſero enervated by indolence and debaucheries, and beſides, loſt to all ſenſe of military honour, they were broke at the firſt onſet, and all the public treaſure, elephants and baggage were taken. This booty was divided in the field among the conquerors. They then continued their march in triumph towards Delhi. Chuſero marches out of the city.The uſurper, in great embaraſſment, marched out of the city, and took poſſeſſion of a ſtrong poſt near the great pond of Alahi, with the citadel in his rear, and many gardens with high walls in his front. He then opened the treaſury, and gave three years pay to his troops, leaving nothing but the jewels, of ſome of which he alſo diſpoſed. The confederates advancing in ſight, an action was expected next morning. But that night, Ain ul Muluck Moultani drew off his forces from the uſurper, and took the rout of Mindu. This ſtruck great terror into Chuſero's army. They however drew up in order of battle; and Malleck Tilbigha and Shaiſta Chan oppoſing the confederates with great bravery, as they advanced through the lanes, were at length overpowered and ſlain. But their ſituation gave ſuch advantages to the uſurper's army, that they maintained their poſt till the evening; when the infamous Chuſero fled with a few of his friends towards Jilput. He is over⯑thrown, taken and ſlain.In the way he was deſerted by all his at⯑tendants, and obliged to conceal himſelf in a tomb, from whence he was dragged the next day, and ordered to be put to death, toge⯑ther with his brother, who was taken in a neighbouring garden.
[307] A. D. 1321. Higer. 721.The day after this action, being the firſt of Shaban, all the Om⯑rahs and magiſtrates of the city came to pay their reſpects to the victor, and made him a preſent of the keys of the capital. He mounted his horſe and entered Delhi in triumph. When he came in ſight of the palace of a thouſand pillars, he began to weep, cry⯑ing with a loud voice! ‘Ghazi Mal⯑leck's mode⯑ration."O ye ſubjects of this great empire, I am no more than one of you, who unſheathed my ſword to deliver you from oppreſſion, and rid the world of a monſter. My endeavours, by the bleſſing of God, have been crowned with ſucceſs. If there⯑fore any of the royal line remain, let them be brought, that juſtice may take place, and that we his ſervants may proſtrate ourſelves be⯑fore his throne. But if none of the race of Kings have eſcaped the bloody hands of tyranny and uſurpation, let the moſt worthy of the illuſtrious order be elected among you, and I ſhall ſwear to abide by your choice."’
The people called out with one voice, that none of the princes were now alive; that as he had ſhielded them from the vengeance of the Moguls, and delivered them from the rage of a tyrant, none was ſo worthy to reign. Then ſeizing him, in a manner, by vio⯑lence, they placed him upon the throne, and hailed him King of the world. He mounts the throne by the name of Yeas ul dien.But he aſſumed the more modeſt title of Yeas ul dien, or the reformer of the religion. The reign of Chuſero Chan was five months. Nothing in hiſtory can exhibit ſuch an example of the diſſolute and infamous manners of any age or nation, as we are preſented with in the accounts of this wicked and ſhameful uſurpation.
SECTION XVI. The Reign of Sultan YEAS UL DIEN TUGLICK SHAW.
[308]A. D. 1321. Higer. 721. His pedigree uncertain.WE have no true accounts of the pedigree of Tuglick Shaw. It is generally believed, that his father, whoſe name was Malleck Tuglick, had been, in his youth, ſlave to Sultan Balin. His mother was one of the tribe of the Jits. But indeed the pedigrees of the Kings of the Patan empire, make ſuch a wretched figure in hiſ⯑tory, that we could wiſh to omit them, were it not to ſhow how far the depravity and corruption of a people can plunge them into the ſink of ſlavery, and ſubject them to the vileſt of men.
A wiſe prince.When Sultan Yeas ul dien mounted the throne, he began to regu⯑late the affairs of government, which had fallen into the utmoſt diſorder, by the moſt ſalutary and adviſeable methods, which gained him general eſteem. He repaired the palaces and fortifications, founded others, and encouraged induſtry and commerce. Men of genius and learning were called to court; inſtitutes of laws and government were eſtabliſhed and founded upon the Coran, and the antient uſages of the empire.
Promotions at court.Malleck Fuchir ul dien Jonah, the Sultan's eldeſt ſon, was de⯑clared heir apparent, with the title of Aligh Chan, and all the royal enſigns conferred upon him. His other four ſons were entitled Byram Chan, Ziffer Chan, Mamood Chan, and Nuſerit Chan. Byram Ibah, who had ſo effectually aſſiſted him with the army from Moultan, was adopted his brother, by the title of Chuſero Chan, and appointed viceroy of Sind, Outch and Moultan. Malleck Aſſid [309] A. D. 122. Higer. 722.ul dien, his nephew, was appointed Barbeg, or lord of the preſence, and Malleck Baha ul dien, his other nephew, Ariz Mumalick. Mal⯑leck Shadi, the Emperor's brother and ſon in law, was made vizier. Malleck Burhan ul dien had the vizarit of Deogire conferred upon him; and Tatar Chan the government of Zifferabad.
Troops ſtati⯑oned on the frontiers.The Emperor in the mean time ſtationed troops upon the frontiers towards Cabul, and built forts to defend the country from the incur⯑ſions of the Moguls, which he did ſo effectually, as not to be troubled by theſe invaders during his reign.
Aligh Chan marches againſt Arin⯑kil.In the ſecond year from his acceſſion, Aligh Chan, with ſome of the old Omrahs, and the troops of Chinderi, Budaoon, and Malava, was diſpatched towards Tilling, to chaſtiſe Lidderdeo, Raja of Arin⯑kil, who had, during the late diſturbances, wreſted his neck from the yoke, and refuſed to ſend his tribute, while the Raja of Deogire had alſo ſwerved from his allegiance. Aligh Chan having advanced into thoſe countries, began a barbarous war with fire and ſword. Lidderdeo oppoſed him with ſome vigour, but was in the end obliged to retreat into the city of Arinkil, which Aligh Chan immediately inveſted.
Lays ſiege to Arinkil,The ſiege was carried on with great loſs on both ſides, till the walls were battered down, and a practicable breach made. The Mahommedan army, in the mean time, on account of the hot winds and bad water, were ſeized with a malignant diſtemper, that ſwept hundreds to their graves every day. Many became deſirous to return home, and ſpread falſe reports through the camp, which threw univerſal conſternation among the army. As there had been no ad⯑vices for above a month from Delhi, Shech Zuda Dimiſki, Obeid the poet, and ſome others, who were companions of Aligh Chan, [310] A. D. 1322. Higer. 722.raiſed a report by way of jeſt, that Sultan Yeas ul dien was dead, and that a great revolution had happened in Delhi. Not content with this, they went to the tents of Malleck Timur, Malleck Mul Afghan, Malleck Cafoor Mordar, and Malleck Tiggi, who were the principal Omrahs in the camp, and told them, ſuch and ſuch was the ſtate of affairs at Delhi, and that Aligh Chan, knowing them, as old Omrahs, to have an equal right with himſelf to the empire, had reſolved to diſpatch them.
which by the deſertion of the Omrahs he is con⯑ſtrained to raiſe.The Omrahs giving implicit belief to this falſe information, fled that night, with all their dependants, from camp. Aligh Chan, thus deſerted, was under the neceſſity of retreating in great diſorder, to⯑wards Deogire, whither he was purſued by the beſieged, with great ſlaughter. In the mean time advices arrived from Delhi, that all was well, and Aligh Chan halted at Deogire, to collect his ſcattered army. The four Omrahs who fled, having diſagreed among them⯑ſelves, had each taken a ſeparate rout, by which means they were fallen upon by the Hindoos, plundered of their elephants, camels, and baggage, and otherwiſe greatly harraſſed in their march. Mal⯑leck Timur and Malleck Tiggi were both ſlain, while Malleck Mul and Malleck Cafoor were ſeized by their own troops, and brought priſoners to Deogire. An enquiry was made into their conduct, the authors of the diſturbance ſeized, and all of them ſent priſoners to Delhi. The Emperor ordered the propagators of the falſe intelligence to be buried alive, with this ſevere ſarcaſm: ‘"That they had buried him alive in jeſt, but that he would bury them alive in good ear⯑neſt."’
Aligh Chan was obliged to retreat from Deogire, and brought on⯑ly back three thouſand horſe of all his great army, to Delhi. He in two months, however, made great preparations, and, with a more [311] A. D. 1323. Higer. 723.numerous army than the former, took the rout of Arinkil. He took in his way the city of Bedir, on the frontiers of Tilling, and other places, where he left garriſons. Aligh Chan returns to Arinkil, and takes it.He then advanced to the capital, renewed the ſiege, and in a ſhort time, reduced it. Some thouſands of the unfortunate Hindoos were maſſacred, and Lidderdeo, with his family, taken priſoners. Aligh Chan ſent the priſoners, their treaſure, elephants, and effects, to Delhi, under charge of Kuddir Chan and Chaja Hadgee. Upon their arrival great rejoicings were made in the new citadel, which the Sultan had built, by the name of Tughlickabad.
Takes Jage⯑nagur.Aligh Chan having appointed truſty Omrahs to govern the country of Tilling, proceeded in perſon towards Jagenagur*. In that place he took forty elephants from the Raja, and ſent them to his father. Returning then to Arinkil, he ſtaid there a few days, and continued his march to Delhi.
In the beginning of the year 724, complaints arrived from Luck⯑nouti and Sonnargaum, of the great oppreſſions committed by the governors of thoſe countries. The Sultan marches to⯑wards Ben⯑gal.The Sultan appointed Aligh Chan to the government of Delhi, and with a great army, marched towards Bengal. When he had reached Nahib, Sultan Nazir ul dien, the ſon of Sultan Balin, who had remained in that government ſince the death of his father, arrived in a reſpectful manner, from Lucknouti, with many valuable preſents. He was confirmed in his government of Lucknouti, Sonnargaum, Koru, and Bengal, and honoured with royal dignities; and the Emperor prepared for his return.
Reduces Turhat.When he was paſſing near the hills of Turhat, the Raja of thoſe parts appearing in arms, he purſued him into the woods. Finding his army could no longer continue the purſuit, he alighted, and call⯑ing [312] A. D. 1325. Higer. 725.for a hatchet, cut down one of the trees with his own hand. The troops upon ſeeing this, ſet to work with ſuch ſpirit, that the foreſt ſeemed to vaniſh before them, till they arrived at a fort ſur⯑rounded with ſeven ditches full of water, and a high wall. The King immediately inveſted it, and began the ſiege, filled up the ditches, and broke down the wall in three weeks. He took the Raja, his family and wealth, and conferred the government of Tur⯑hat upon Ahmed Chan, and returned with his army towards Delhi.
Killed by accident.When the Emperor had reached Afghanpoor, he was met by Aligh Chan, with all the Omrahs of Delhi, to congratulate him up⯑on his ſafe return. But his death was now approaching. His ſon had in that place raiſed a houſe in three days time, for his father's reception. The entertainment being over, the King was preparing to mount, and every body haſtened out to be ready to accompany him. The roof of the building fell inſtantly in, and killed the Sul⯑tan, and five of his attendants, as he was riſing to follow the Omrahs.
His death aſcribed to various cau⯑ſes.Some authors attribute this accident to the newneſs of the build⯑ing, and the motion of the elephants that were preparing without. Others give it to deſign, with which they charge Aligh Chan, as the raiſing this unneceſſary building ſeems indeed to indicate. But others aſcribe it to lightning; ſo that the matter ſtill remains in doubt. The death of Tuglich Shaw happened in the month of Ribbi ul awil, of the year 725, after a reign of four years and ſome months. Amir Chuſero, who lived down to the end of this Sultan's reign, has favoured poſterity with his hiſtory at large, by which it appears, that he was a great and virtuous prince.
SECTION XVII. The Reign of Sultan MAHUMMUD the ſon of YEAS UL DIEN TUGHLICK SHAW.
[313]A. D. 1324. Higer. 725. Aligh Chan, by the name of Mahum⯑mud Shaw, mounts the throne.AFTER the King's funeral obſequies were performed, Aligh Chan aſcended the throne, by the title of Mahummud Shaw, and proceeded from Tughlick Abad, to Delhi. The ſtreets of that city were ſtrowed with flowers, the houſes adorned, the drums beating, and every demonſtration of joy exhibited. The Sultan or⯑dered ſome elephants, loaded with gold and ſilver, before and behind him, which was ſcattered among the populace.
His genero⯑ſity.Tatar Chan, whom the Sultan's father had adopted, and appoint⯑ed to the government of Zifferabad, was now honoured with the title of Byram Chan, and preſented with a hundred elephants, a crore of golden rupees, two thouſand horſe, and the government of Bengal. To Malleck Sinjer Buduchſhi, Mahummud gave ſeventy lacks in ſilver. To Malleck ul Muluck, eighty lacks; and to Molana Azid his pre⯑ceptor, forty lacks, all in one day. Molana Nazir ul dien Cumi, had an annual penſion of one lack, and Malleck Ghizni the poet another to the ſame amount.
His generoſity, in ſhort, was, like his wealth, without bounds, which no man could well account for, there being no great ſum in the treaſury upon his acceſſion. It is therefore probable that he had concealed the riches of the Raja of Arkilla, from his father, and that his liberality was ſupplied from the wealth of the Decan, which circumſtance ſtrengthens our ſuſpicion that he was acceſſary to his father's death. His learning.Some writers, notwithſtanding this ſuſpicion, make long panegyrics upon his virtues and accompliſhments. He, it muſt [314] A. D. 1326. Higer. 727.be acknowledged, aimed at univerſal knowledge, was converſant in all the literature of the times, and a patron of learned men, giving them profuſely penſions, for a magnificent ſubſiſtance.
His religion,The Sultan was, at the ſame time, very ſtrict with regard to public and private worſhip. He ordered prayers to be read in the moſques five times every day. He diſcouraged all intemperate pleaſures, and ſet the example by his own rigid life. and cruelty.But it is to be ſuſpected, that he acted the mean character of a hypocrite, for he was vindic⯑tive and inhuman, delighting in the blood of his ſubjects, and con⯑demning them without diſtinction of right or wrong, to cruel and ignominious deaths.
The Moguls invade Hin⯑doſtan.In the beginning of the reign of Mahummud, before the empire was properly ſettled, Tirim Siri Chan, chief of the tribe of Chighitta, a Mogul general of great fame, invaded Hindoſtan, in the year 727, with an innumerable army, with a view to make an entire conqueſt of it. Having ſubdued Limghan, Moultan, and the northern pro⯑vinces, he advanced towards Delhi, with incredible expedition, and inveſted it. Retire with an immenſe treaſure.Sultan Mahummud, ſeeing he could not cope with the enemy in the field, and that the city muſt ſoon fall, began to ſue for peace, ſent an immenſe preſent in gold and jewels, to ſoften the Mogul chief, who at laſt conſented, upon receiving almoſt the price of the empire, to return to his own country, taking Guzerat and Sind in his way, which he plundered of a world of wealth.
The Sultan's [...].Sultan Mahummud turned his thoughts to war, and the regulation of his army. He ſubdued by different generals, many diſtant coun⯑tries, ſuch as Door, Summudir, Maber, Compila, Arinkil, Luck⯑nouti, Sonnargaum, and Chittagaum, ſome of which provinces had revolted, and others had never been ſubjected by the arms of the Iſlamites. He ſoon after reduced the Carnatic to the extremities of [315] A. D. 1326. Higer. 727.the Decan, and from ſea to ſea, obliging all the Rajas to pay him tribute, by which means he again filled the treaſury with money.
The cauſe of diſturbances in the Em⯑pire.But during the convulſions which ſoon after ſhook the empire, all theſe foreign conqueſts were wreſted from the yoke. The cauſes of the diſturbances were chiefly theſe. The heavy impoſts, which were, in this reign, tripled in ſome provinces. The paſſing copper money for ſilver, by a public decree. The raiſing 370,000 horſe for the conqueſt of Chorraſſan and Maverulnere; the ſending 100,000 horſe towards the mountains of Himmachil or Kirrigil; the cruel maſſacre of many Mahommedans as well as Hindoos, in different parts of Hindoſtan; and many other leſſer reaſons, which, for the ſake of brevity, we ſhall forbear to mention.
Heavy im⯑poſts upon the neceſſa⯑ries of life.The impoſts upon the neceſſaries of life, which were levied with the utmoſt rigour, were too great for the power of induſtry, and con⯑ſequently the country was involved in diſtraction and confuſion. The farmers were forced to fly to the woods, and to maintain themſelves by rapine. The lands being left uncultivated, famine began to deſolate whole provinces, and the ſufferings of the people obliterated from their minds every idea of government, and ſubjection to authority.
Copper mo⯑ney.The copper money, for want of proper regulations, was produc⯑tive of no leſs evils than that which we have already ſpecified. The King, unfortunately for his people, adopted his ideas upon currency, from a Chineſe cuſtom of uſing paper upon the Emperor's credit, with the royal ſeal appended, for ready money. Mahummud, in⯑ſtead of paper, ſtruck a copper coin, which being iſſued at an ima⯑ginary value, he made current by a decree throughout Hindoſtan. The mint was under very bad regulations. Bankers acquired im⯑menſe fortunes by coinage, whilſt the merchants made their pay⯑ments [316] A. D. 1329. Higer. 730.in copper, to the poor manufacturers, at the ſame time that they themſelves received for their exports, ſilver and gold. Villainies in the mint.There was much villainy alſo practiſed in the mint; for a premium to thoſe who had the management of it, the merchants had their coin ſtruck conſiderably below the legal value; and theſe abuſes were overlooked by the government.
But the great ſource of the misfortunes conſequent upon this de⯑baſement of the coin, was the known inſtability of government. Public credit could not long ſubſiſt in a ſtate ſo liable to revolutions as Hindoſtan; for how could the people in the remote provinces, receive for money the baſe repreſentative of a treaſury that ſo often changed its maſter?
The Sultan obliged to call in the copper mo⯑ney.From theſe evils general murmurs and confuſions aroſe throughout the Empire. The Sultan, to eaſe the minds of the people, was obliged to call in his copper currency. But there had been ſuch abuſes in the mint, that after the treaſury was emptied, there ſtill remained a heavy demand. This he was forced to ſtrike off, and thouſands were ruined. The Emperor himſelf was ſo far from win⯑ning by this indigeſted ſcheme, that he loſt all he had in his treaſury; and the bankers accumulated immenſe fortunes, on the ruin of their ſovereign and the people.
The army not being paid, commit out⯑rages.Mahummud, by the advice of Amir Noroſe, a Mogul chief, who, with thouſands of his tribe, had entered into the ſervice, raiſed a great army. The Mogul buoyed up the Emperor's mind with the fa⯑cility of reducing both Iran and Turan; but before theſe mighty pro⯑jects could be put in execution, he fell in arrears to his forces. They, finding they could not ſubſiſt without pay, diſperſed themſelves over the empire, and carried pillage, ruin, and death, to every quarter.
[317] A. D. 1337. Higer. 738. The Sultan forms a ſcheme to fill his trea⯑ſury.Theſe misfortunes comprehended the domeſtic tranſactions of many years. The public treaſury being ſquandered by impolitic ſchemes and follies of various kinds, the King entered into a project to repair his finances, equally abſurd with that by which they were principally ruined.
The Sultan's ſcheme to conquer China.Having heard of the great wealth of Chin*, Mahummud formed a reſolution to ſubdue that kingdom; but to accompliſh his deſign, it was firſt neceſſary to conquer the country of Himmatchil, which lies between the borders of Chin and Hindoſtan. He accordingly, in the year 738, ordered one hundred thouſand horſe, under the command of his ſiſter's ſon Chuſero Malleck, to ſubdue the moun⯑tainous country of Himmatchil, and ſix garriſons as far as the fron⯑tiers of Chin. When this ſhould be done, he propoſed to advance in perſon with his whole force, to invade that empire.
The Omrahs endeavour to diſſuade him from it.The Omrahs and counſellors of ſtate, went ſo far, as plainly to tell him, that the troops of Hindoſtan never yet could, and never would advance a ſtep within the limits of that mighty empire, and that the whole was a viſionary project. The Sultan inſiſted upon making the experiment, and accordingly this army was put in mo⯑tion, and having entered the mountains, began to build ſmall forts on the road, to ſecure a communication; The Sultan's army advance to the fron⯑tiers of China.proceeding in this manner to the boundaries of Chin, where a numerous army appeared to op⯑poſe them. As their numbers were by this time greatly diminiſhed, and much inferior to that of the enemy, the troops of Hindoſtan were ſtruck with univerſal diſmay, upon conſidering their diſtance from home, the rugged ways they had paſſed, and the rainy ſeaſon which was now approaching; beſides the ſcarcity of proviſions, which now began to be ſeverely felt. In this conſternation they bent their march towards the foot of a mountain, where [318] A. D. 1337. Higer. 738.the ſavage inhabitants of the hills poured down upon them, and plundered their baggage, while the Chineſe army lay in their front.
Their diſtreſſ⯑ful ſituation.In this dreadful ſituation they remained for ſeven days, ſuffering the extremities of famine without knowing how to proceed. At length ſuch a heavy rain fell, that the cavalry were up to their bel⯑lies in water, which obliged the Chineſe to remove their camp to a greater diſtance. Chuſero Malleck then determined to endeavour to make his retreat, but the low country was quite covered with wa⯑ter, and the mountains with impervious woods. Their misfortunes now came to a criſis. Having loſt the road, they found themſelves in ſuch an unfortunate ſituation, that they could find no way out but that by which they entered, which was now poſſeſſed by the enemy. They are de⯑ſtroyed to a man.This whole army in ſhort, in the ſpace of fifteen days, fell a prey to famine, and a victim to falſe ambition; ſcarce a man coming back to relate the particulars, except thoſe who were left behind in the garriſons. A few of them eſcaped indeed the rage of the enemy, but could not eſcape the more fatal tyranny of their Emperor, who or⯑dered them to be put to death, upon their return to Delhi.
Kirſhaſib re⯑bels in the Decan.Baha ul dien, the Sultan's nephew, an Omrah of great reputation, known more generally by his original name Kirſhaſib, who poſſeſſed a government in the Decan, called Saghir, began to turn his thoughts upon the empire, and gained over many of the Omrahs of the Decan to his party. By their influence and the great riches which he had accumulated, his power became very formidable. He then attacked ſome Omrahs who continued firm in their allegiance, obliging them to take refuge in the ſort of Mindu.
The Sultan having intelligence of the revolt, commanded Chaja Jehan, with many other Omrahs and the whole power of Guzerat, [319] A. D. 1338. Higer. 739.to chaſtiſe the rebel. He is over⯑thrown.When the imperial army arrived before Deo⯑gire, they found Kirſhaſib drawn up in order of battle to receive them: but, after a gallant conteſt, he was defeated. Flies to the Carnatic.He fled to⯑wards Sajur; but not daring to remain there, he carried off his family and wealth to Campala in the Carnatic, and took protection in the dominions of the Raja of that place, with whom he had maintained a friendly intercourſe.
The Sultan, in the mean time, took the field, and arrived ſoon after at Deogire. His allies de⯑feated.He ſent from thence Chaja Jehan with a great force againſt the Raja of Campala, by whom the imperialiſts were twice defeated: but freſh reinforcements arriving from Deogire, Chaja Jehan engaged the Raja a third time, and carried the victory. He took the Raja priſoner, but Kirſhaſib fled to the court of Bellal⯑deo, who fearing to draw the ſame misfortunes upon himſelf, ſeized upon him, and ſent him bound to the general, and acknowledged his ſubjection to the empire. He is taken and flead alive.Chaja Jehan immediately diſpatched the priſoner to court, where the Sultan ordered him to be flead, and ſhewn a horrid ſpectacle, all around the city; while the executioner proclaimed aloud, ‘"Thus ſhall all traitors to their King periſh."’
The Sultan making Deo⯑gire his capi⯑tal, calls it Dowlatabad.The Sultan was ſo much pleaſed with the ſituation and ſtrength of Deogire, that, conſidering it more centrical than Delhi, he de⯑termined to make it his capital. But, upon propoſing this affair in his council, the majority were of opinion, that Ugein was a more proper place for that purpoſe. The King, however, had previouſly formed his reſolution. Deſtroys Delhi.He therefore gave orders that the city of Delhi, which was then the envy of the world, ſhould be rendered deſolate, and that men, women, and children, with all their effects and cattle, ſhould make a grand migration to Deogire. To add magnificence to the migration, he commanded trees to be tore up by the roots, and planted in regular rows along the road, to yield the emigrants a [320] A. D. 1338. Higer. 739.ſhade, and that all who had not money to defray their charges ſhould be maintained at the public expence. He ordered that for the future Deogire ſhould be called Dowlatabad; raiſed noble build⯑ings, and dug a deep ditch round the walls, which he repaired and beautified. Upon the top of the hill upon which the citadel ſtood, he formed large reſervoirs for water, and made a beautiful garden. This change however greatly affected the empire, and diſtracted the minds of the people. But the Sultan's orders were ſtrictly complied with, and the ancient capital left deſolate.
The Sultan having effected this buſineſs, marched his army againſt the fort of Gundana, near Jinner. Nack-naig, who was chief of the Colies, oppoſed him with great bravery, but was forced to take refuge within his walls. As the place was built upon the ſummit of a ſteep mountain, inacceſſible but by one narrow paſs cut in the rock, the Sultan had no hopes of reducing it but by famine. He accordingly ordered it to be blockaded, and at the ſame time, made ſome ineffectual attacks, in which he was repulſed with great loſs. Gundana taken.The garriſon becoming ſtraitened for proviſions, and having no hopes of the Sultan's retreat, delivered up the place at the expiration of eight months; and the Sultan returned to Dowlatabad.
The viceroy of Moultan revolts.He had not been long in his capital, when he heard that Malleck Ibah, the viceroy of Moultan, had rebelled, and was then reducing the country of Punjaab with a great army. The cauſe of the revolt was this: The Sultan having ſent an order to all his Omrahs to ſend their families to Dowlatabad, the meſſenger who was diſpatched to Moultan, preſuming too much upon the King's authority, upon ob⯑ſerving ſome delay, proceeded to impertinent threats. He one day told Byram Shaw's ſon in law, that he believed his father was medi⯑tating treaſon againſt the King. High words upon this aroſe be⯑tween them, which in the end proceeded to blows; and the [321] A. D. 1340. Higer. 741.meſſenger had his head ſtruck off, by one of Byram Ibah's ſervants. Byram Ibah, knowing the vengeful diſpoſition of the Sultan, was ſenſible that this diſreſpect to his authority, would never be forgiven, and reſolved to ſeek refuge in arms.
He is over⯑thrown and ſlain.The Sultan upon theſe advices, put his ſpears in motion, and haſ⯑tened towards Moultan; and Byram Ibah, with an army numerous as the ants or locuſts, prepared to diſpute the field. Both armies at laſt met, and, eager for victory, engaged with great reſolution; but after the duſt of the field was laid with blood on both ſides, misfor⯑tune darkened the ſtandards of Byram Ibah, and his troops turning their backs upon glory, abandoned the field. The Sultan immedi⯑ately gave orders for a general maſſacre of the inhabitants of Moul⯑tan; but Shech Rukun ul dien interceded for them, and prevented the effects of this horrible mandate. Byram Ibah was taken in the purſuit, and his head brought to the King, who returned towards Delhi.
The Sultan reſides at Delhi two years.At ſight of their native country and city, all thoſe who had been forced to Dowlatabad, began to deſert the Sultan's army, and to diſ⯑perſe themſelves in the woods. The Emperor, to prevent the con⯑ſequences of this deſertion, took up his reſidence in the city; whi⯑ther he invited them, and remained there for the ſpace of two years. But then he again revolved in his mind, the ſcheme of making Dow⯑latabad his capital. He removed his family, obliging the Omrahs to do the ſame, and carried off the whole city a ſecond time, to the Decan; leaving that noble metropolis a habitation for owls, and the wild beaſts of the deſart.
Oppreſſions, and unheard-of cruelty of the Sultan.About this time, the taxes were ſo heavily impoſed, and exacted with ſuch rigour and cruelty, by the officers of the revenue, that the whole extent of that fertile country, between the two rivers, [322] A. D. 1341. Higer. 742.Ganges and Jumna, were particularly oppreſſed. The farmers, weary of their lives, in one day, ſet fire to their own houſes, and retired to the woods, with their families and cattle. The tyrant having received intelligence of this circumſtance, ordered a body of troops to maſſacre theſe unhappy people if they reſiſted, and if they ſhould be taken, to put out their eyes. Many populous provinces were, by this inhuman decree, laid waſte, and remained ſo for ſeveral years. The colony of Dowlatabad was alſo in great diſtraction; the people, without houſes, without employment, were reduced to the utmoſt diſtreſs.
Inſtances of it.The tyrannies of the execrable Mahummud exceeded, in ſhort, any thing we have met with in hiſtory, of which the following is a horrid inſtance. When he remained at Delhi, he led his army out to hunt, as is cuſtomary with princes. When they arrived in the territory of Birren, he plainly told them, that he came not to hunt beaſts but men; and without any obvious reaſon, began a general maſſacre of the wretched inhabitants. He had even the barbarity to bring home ſome thouſands of their heads, and to hang them over the city walls. He, upon another occaſion, made an excurſion of the ſame nature towards Kinnoge, and maſſacred all the inhabitants of that city, and the adjacent country for many miles, ſpreading terror and deſolation wherever he turned his face.
A rebellion in Bengal.But to return to the chain of hiſtory: During this time, Malleck Fuchir ul dien, after the death of Byram Chan, rebelled in Luck⯑nouti, having ſlain Kudder Chan, and poſſeſſed himſelf of the three provinces of Bengal*. The Sultan, at the ſame time, received advices, that Seid Haſſen had rebelled in Maber. He ordered Ibra⯑him the ſon of Seid Haſſen, and all his family, to priſon; then marched in the year 742, from the ſacking of Kinnoge, towards [323] A. D. 1342. Higer. 743.Maber. When he had reached Dowlatabad, he laid a heavy tax upon that city and the neighbouring provinces, which awakened the people into rebellion; but his numerous army ſoon reduced all the unhappy inſurgents to their former ſlavery. From that place the Sultan ſent back a part of his army and Chaja Jehan to Delhi, while he himſelf marched with another force towards Maber, by the way of Tilling.
When Mahummud arrived before Arinkil, there happened to be a plague in that city, by which he loſt a great part of his army. He himſelf had a violent ſtruggle for his own life, and was obliged to leave Amad ul Malleck to command the army, and return towards Dowlatabad. The Sultan buries, with great ſolem⯑nity, one of his teeth.On the way he was ſeized with a violent tooth-ach, and loſt one of his teeth, which he ordered to be buried with much ceremony at Beir, and a magnificent tomb to be reared over it, which ſtill remains a monument of human vanity and folly. Hav⯑ing arrived at Patan he found himſelf better, and halted to take medicines for ſome days. In this place he gave to Shahab Sultani, the title of Naſerit Chan, and the government of Bidder, with its dependencies, which yielded annually, a revenue of one crore of rupees. He, at the ſame time, conferred the government of Dow⯑latabad and Marhat upon Cuttilich Chan his preceptor.
He returns to Delhi.He proceeded from Patan in his palankie to Delhi, having heard of ſome diſturbance among the Patans. He, at this period, gave leave to ſuch of the inhabitants of Dowlatabad as were willing to return to Delhi, to follow him. Many thouſands returned, but they had almoſt periſhed on the way by a famine, which then deſolated the countries of Malava and Chinderi. The miſery of the inhabi⯑tants.When they came to Delhi, they found that the famine raged with redoubled violence in that city, in ſo much that very few could procure the neceſſaries of life. Mahummud, for once, ſeemed affected with human miſeries. [324] A. D. 1342. Higer. 743.He even for ſome time entirely changed his diſpoſition, and took great pains to encourage huſbandry, commerce, and all kinds of induſtry. He opened the treaſury, and divided large ſums to the inhabitants for theſe purpoſes. But as the people were really in great diſtreſs, they expended the money in the neceſſaries of life, and many of them were ſeverely puniſhed upon that account.
Rebellion of the Afgans,Shahoo, a chief of the Afgans, about this time, commenced hoſ⯑tilities to the northward, pouring down like a torrent upon Moultan which he laid waſte, and killed Begad the Sultan's viceroy, in battle, and put his army to flight. quelled.The Sultan having prepared an army at Delhi, moved towards Moultan, but Shahoo, upon the king's ap⯑proach, wrote him a ſubmiſſive letter, and fled to the mountains of Afganiſtan. The Sultan perceiving that it was idle to purſue him, returned to Delhi.
Dreadful fa⯑mine at Delhi.The famine continued ſtill to rage in the city ſo dreadfully, that men eat one another. He ordered, in this diſtreſs, another diſtri⯑bution of money towards the ſinking of wells, and the cultivation of lands, but the people weakened by hunger, and diſtracted by private diſtreſſes in their families, made very little progreſs, while the drought continued, and rendered their labour vain. At the ſame time, the tribes of Mindahir, Chohan, Miana, Batti, and others who inhabited the country about Samana, unable to diſcharge their rents, fled into the woods. The Sultan marched forthwith againſt them with his army, and maſſacred ſome thouſands of theſe poor ſlaves.
The Gickers invade Pun⯑j [...]ab.In the year 743, Malleck Chunder, chief of the Gickers, invaded Punjâb, and killed Malleck Tatar the viceroy of Lahore in action. Chaja Jehan, upon this, was ſent againſt him. The Sultan, in the mean time, began to entertain a ridiculous notion, that all the misfortunes [325] A. D. 1343. Higer. 744.of his reign, proceeded from his not having been confirmed in the empire, by the Caliph of Mecca. An embaſſy ſent to Mecca.He therefore diſpatched preſents and ambaſſadors to Arabia, and ſtruck the Caliph's name in the place of his own, on all the current coin, and prohibited all public wor⯑ſhip in the moſques, till the Caliph's confirmation ſhould arrive. In the year 744, Hadgee Seid Sirſirri returned with the ambaſſador, and brought the Caliph's confirmation, and a royal dreſs. He was met without the city by the King in perſon, who advanced to receive him on foot, putting the Caliph's phirman upon his head, and opening it with great ſolemnity. Returning into the city, he ordered a grand feſtival to be celebrated, and public ſervice to be read in all the moſques, ſtriking out every King's name from the Chutba, who had not been confirmed from Mecca. Among the number of thoſe degraded monarchs, was the Sultan's own father. He even carried this whim ſo far as to write the Caliph's name upon his houſes, robes, and furniture. Ridiculous behaviour of the Sultan.Theſe, and ſome other ridiculous actions of the life of Mahummud, may reaſonably make us ſuſpect the ſound⯑neſs of his head. The Arabian ambaſſador, after being royally en⯑tertained, was diſmiſſed with a letter to his maſter, full of reſpect, and with preſents of immenſe value, and accompanied by Malleck Kabire, chief of the life guards.
Schemes for a revolt, form⯑ed in the De⯑can.This year Kinſanaig, the ſon of Lidderdeo, who lived near Arin⯑kil, went privately to Bellaldeo, the Raja of the Carnatic, and told him, ‘"That he had heard the Mahommedans, who were now very numerous in the Decan, had formed a deſign of extirpating all the Hindoos; that it was therefore adviſeable to prevent them in time."’ What truth there might be in this report we know not, but Bellal⯑deo acted as if he was convinced of ſuch a ſcheme. He called a council of his nobles, in which it was reſolved, that Bellaldeo ſhould firſt ſecure his own country, by fixing his capital in a paſs among the mountains, to exclude the followers of Mahommed from [326] A. D. 1344. Higer. 745.all thoſe kingdoms. Kiſnanaig in the mean time promiſed, when matters ſhould be ripe, to raiſe all the Hindoos of Arinkil and Til⯑ling to his aſſiſtance.
The Decan loſt to the empire.The Raja accordingly built a ſtrong city upon the frontiers of his dominions, and called it Bigen, from the name of his ſon, to which the word Nagur or city is now added. He then began to raiſe an army, and ſent part of it under the command of Kiſnanaig, who reduced Arinkil, and drove Malleck Amad ul Muluck, the Sultan's viceroy, to Dowlatabad. Bellaldeo, and Kiſnanaig, having joined their forces with the Raja of Maber and Doorſummund, who were formerly tributaries to the government of the Carnatic, they ſeized upon thoſe countries, and drove the Mahommedans before them on all ſides. In ſhort, within a few months, the Sultan had no poſ⯑ſeſſions in the Decan, except Dowlatabad.
The Sultan's tyranny, and diſtractions in the empire.The tyrannical Mahummud, upon receiving intelligence of thoſe misfortunes, grew vengeful, ſplenitic, and cruel, wreaking his rage upon his unhappy ſubjects, without crime, provocation, or diſtinction. This conduct occaſioned rebellion, robbery, and confuſion, in all parts of the empire. The famine became daily more and more dreadful, inſomuch that the Sultan, not able to procure proviſions, even for his houſehold, was obliged to abandon the city, and to open the gates, and permit the ſtarved inhabitants, whom he had before confined, to provide for themſelves. Thouſands crowded towards Bengal, which, as we have before obſerved, had revolted from the Empire. The Sultan encamped his army near Cumpula, on the banks of the Ganges, and drew ſupplies from the countries of Oud and Kurrah. He ordered his people to build houſes, which at length became a city under the name of Surgdewarie.
Inſurrections quaſhed.In the year 745, Nizam Bain, a Zemindar, poſſeſſed of ſome lands in the province of Oud, and a fellow of an infamous character, [327] A. D. 1345. Higer. 746.collected a mob of the diſcontented farmers, and aſſumed the royal umbrella, with the title of Alla ul dien. But before the Sultan marched againſt him, Ain ul Muluck, Suba of Oud, raiſed his for⯑ces, and defeating him, ſent his head to the King. Nuzerit Chan in the ſame year, who had taken the whole province of Bidder, at one crore of rupees, finding himſelf unable to make good that con⯑tract, rebelled; but Cuttulich Chan being ordered againſt him from Dowlatabad, expelled him from that government.
Rebellion at Kilbirgah quaſhed.During this period, Ali Shaw, who was ſent from Dowlatabad to collect the rents of Kilbirgah, finding that country deſtitute of troops, aſſembled his friends, raiſed an army with the collections, and in the year 746, erected his rebellious ſtandards, and took poſſeſſion of Kilbirgah and Bidder. The Sultan, on this occaſion, ſent a rein⯑forcement to Cuttulich Chan to ſuppreſs him. Cuttulich Chan ar⯑riving on the confines of Bidder, Ali Shaw came out and gave him battle; but being defeated, he ſhut himſelf up in the city. He was however ſoon obliged to capitulate, and was ſent priſoner to the King, who baniſhed him and his brother to Ghizni.
Ain ul Mu⯑luck medi⯑tates a rebel⯑lion.Ain ul Muluck having paid great attention to the King, and en⯑tirely gained his favour, was appointed to the viceroyſhip of Dow⯑latabad and Arinkil, in the room of Cuttulich Chan. But Ain ul Muluck himſelf looked upon this appointment as an impolitic ſtep in the King, conſidering the ſervices Cuttulich Chan had done to his affairs in the Decan, and the power he then enjoyed. And therefore thought it a ſnare laid to draw him quietly from his own Subaſhip, and then to deprive him of both. In the mean time a number of the clerks of the revenues being convicted of abuſes in their office, were ordered to be put to death. Some of thoſe who ſurvived found means to eſcape to Ain ul Muluck, and endeavoured to confirm him in his former opinion of the King's intentions.
[328] A. D. 1345. Higer. 746. Takes arms.He accordingly diſobeyed the King's order, and erected the ſtan⯑dard of rebellion, ſending a detachment of horſe under the command of his brother, who, before the Sultan received any intelligence of his deſigns, carried off all the elephants, camels, and horſes, that were grazing or foraging near the royal camp. The Sultan, in great perplexity, called the troops of Kole, Birren, Amrohe, Saman, and other diſtricts adjacent, to his aſſiſtance; while Chaja Jehan joined him, with an army from Delhi. The Sultan moved his ſtandards, for Ain ul Muluck and his brothers had now croſſed the Ganges, and were advancing towards him, in great hopes that the Sultan's army, tired and diſguſted with his tyrannical behaviour, would join them.
The Sultan engages and overthrows him.The Sultan, enraged at their preſumption, mounted his horſe, and, engaging them, after a ſhort conflict, put them to flight. Ain ul Muluck was taken priſoner, and his brother Shoralla drown⯑ed in the Ganges, as he was ſwimming acroſs, having been wounded in the action, while another brother was ſlain in the field. Pardons him.The Sultan was ſo prejudiced in favour of Ain ul Muluck, that he pardon⯑ed him, and reſtored him to his former dignities, ſaying, that he was certain that Muluck was a loyal ſubject, though he had been inſtiga⯑ted to this rebellion by the malice and falſehood of others.
The Sultan returns to Delhi.The Sultan marched from thence to Barage, to pay his devotions at the tomb of Sallar Muſaood, one of the family of Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi, who had been killed there by the Hindoos in the year 557. He diſtributed great ſums among the Fakiers, who reſided at Barage, and then returned to Delhi. Another ambaſſador arrived at that time from the Caliph, and was received with the ſame diſtinguiſhing marks of reſpect as the former, and diſmiſſed with rich preſents. Not long after, a prince of the houſe of Abaſſi, arrived at Delhi, and was met by the Sultan, at the village of Palum, and he pre⯑ſented him with two lacks of rupees, a large tract of territory, a [329] A. D. 1346. Higer. 747.palace and fine gardens. By way of reſpect to the Caliphat, he placed him upon his right hand, and even ſometimes ridiculouſly condeſcended to ſit down upon the carpet before him, and pay him obeiſance.
Cuttulich Chan recalled from the Decan.Some of the courtiers calumniated Cuttulich Chan, governor of the Decan, accuſing him of oppreſſions and other abuſes in his government, though a man of juſtice and integrity. The King re⯑called Cuttulich Chan to Delhi, ordering his brother Molana Nizam ul dien, to whom he gave the title of Alim ul Malleck, and placed at Burudge, to take charge of what remained to the empire of the Decan, till he ſhould ſend ſome perſon from court. When the King's or⯑der arrived, Cuttulich Chan was digging a great pond or reſervoir, which he begged his brother to compleat, and prepared to return to Delhi, with all the revenues of the Decan, which he had previouſly ſecured in a fort called Daragire, upon a mountain cloſe to the city.
The Sultan determines to reconquer the Decan.The Sultan, after the arrival of Cuttulich Chan, appointed four governors for the Decan, having divided it into four provinces, and determined to reduce it as before, to his obedience. To accompliſh his purpoſe, he ordered a numerous army, under the command of Amad ul Malleck, an Omrah of great reputation, to march to Dow⯑latabad, and entered into articles with him, that he and the other chiefs ſhould pay into the treaſury ſeven crores of rupees annually for their governments. To make up this ſum, and to gratify their own avarice, they plundered and oppreſſed that unfortunate country. At the ſame time the Sultan conferred the government of Malava up⯑on Aziz, a mean fellow formerly a vintner, and told him, that the Amirs of Sidda* were dangerous perſons in that country, therefore to endeavour to extirpate them.
[330] A. D. 1346. Higer. 747. Encourages huſbandry.The Sultan then marched back to his old cantonments at Surgde⯑warie, and began to encourage cultivation, upon a new plan which he himſelf had invented. He appointed an inſpector, for the regu⯑lation of all that related to huſbandry, by the name of Amir Kohi, who divided the country into diſtricts of 60 miles ſquare, under a Shickdar, who was to be anſwerable for its cultivation and improve⯑ment. Above one hundred Shickdars received their appointments at once, and ſeventy lacks of rupees were iſſued out of the treaſury, to enable them to carry on this work.
A cruel maſ⯑ſacre at Be⯑dar.Aziz Chumar, when he arrived at Bedar, invited the Amirs of Sidda, to an entertainment, and aſſaſſinated eighty of them, with their attendants. He wrote to the Sultan an account of this horrible maſ⯑ſacre, who ſent him back a preſent of a dreſs and a fine horſe, for his loyal ſervices. Such were the morals of thoſe wretched days! The Sultan promotes men of low birth.The tyrannical Mahummud had now taken it into his head, that he would be better ſerved by people of low birth, than by the nobility. He accordingly promoted Litchena a ſinger, Pira a gardener, Mun⯑ga his ſon, Shech Baboo a weaver, Muckbil a ſlave, and other low fellows, to the degree of Omrahs, and gave them the command of provinces and high offices at court. He in this, forgot the advice of the poet, who writes, that ‘"He who exalts the head of a beggar, and hopes great things from his gratitude, inverts the nature of things, and nouriſhes a ſerpent in his boſom."’ This reſolution of the tyrant, was occaſioned by a noble refuſal of the Omrahs, to put his cruel orders in execution.
Diſturbances in Guzerat.In the mean time, Malleck Muckbil, entitled Chan Jehani, vizier of Guzerat, with the treaſure, and the Sultan's horſes, ſet out for Delhi. The Siddas of thoſe parts, hearing of his intentions, way⯑laid him with a body of horſe, and, having robbed him, retired to Narwalla. The Sultan hearing of this robbery, in a great rage pre⯑pared [331] A. D. 1347. Higer. 748.for Guzerat, leaving Malleck Firoſe his nephew, governor at Delhi, and, in the year 748, marched to Sultanpoor, about 30 miles without the city, where he waited for ſome reinforcements. An addreſs came from Aziz Chumar, begging leave to go againſt the Siddas, being nearer, and having a ſufficient force, as he imagined, for that purpoſe. Cowardice, defeat, and death of Aziz Chumar.The Sultan conſented to his requeſt, at the ſame time expreſſing much doubt of his ſucceſs, knowing him to be a daſtardly and unexperienced officer. Aziz Chumar advanced towards the rebels; but in the beginning of the action, he was ſtruck power⯑leſs with terror, and fell headlong from his horſe. He was taken, and ſuffered a cruel death; his army being defeated with ſome loſs.
Zeai Birni's reply to the Sultan.The Sultan being informed of this diſaſter, marched from Sultan-poor. It was on this march that Mahummud is ſaid to have aſked Zeai Birni the poet, what crimes a King ought to puniſh with ſeverity? The poet replied, that ſeven ſorts of criminals deſerved ſevere puniſh⯑ments; theſe were, apoſtates from their religion, ſhedders of inno⯑cent blood, double adulterers, rebellious perſons, officers diſobeying lawful orders, thieves and perverters of the laws. The rebels totally de⯑feated.When he had reached the hills of Abu, upon the confines of Guzerat, he ſent one of his principal Omrahs, Chan Jehan, againſt the rebels, who met them in the diſtricts of Bai, and gave them a total defeat. The Sul⯑tan having halted at Baruge, ſent Malleck Muckbil after them, who coming up with them as they were croſſing the Nirbuda, put the greateſt part to the ſword. The few who eſcaped, taking protection with Madeo, Raja of Buckelana, were all plundered of their wealth.
The Sultan's cruelty in Cambait and Guzerat.The Sultan, upon this occaſion, maſſacred many of the Siddas of Baruge, and plundered Cambait and Guzerat of every thing valu⯑able, putting all who oppoſed him to the ſword. He then ſent Zein Dund Mugid ul dien to Dowlatabad, that he might ſeize [332] A. D. 1347. Higer. 748.upon all the Siddas of thoſe parts, to bring them to puniſhment. Alim ul Malleck, according to orders, ſummoned the Siddas from Raijor, Mudkil, Kilbirgah, Bidder, Bijapoor, Genjouti, Ruibaug, Kollchir, Hukeri, Berar, Ramgire, and other places. The Siddas, conformable to thoſe orders, prepared for Dowlatabad, and when they were all collected, Alim ul Muluck diſpatched them under a guard of fifteen hundred horſe, to the royal preſence.
The impri⯑ſoned Siddas forming a conſpiracy;When the Siddas were arrived upon the frontiers of Guzerat, fear⯑ing that the Sultan had a deſign upon their lives, they entered into a conſpiracy for their own ſecurity. They, with one accord, fell up⯑on their guard, ſlew Ahmed Latchin their chief, with many of his people, while the reſt, under the command of Malleck Ali, fled to Dowlatabad. ſurprize and take Dowla⯑tabad.The Siddas purſued them, and, before any advices could arrive to put the place in a poſture of defence, they took it by aſſault, being favoured by the troops within, who became ſeditious. Alim ul Muluck, with whoſe behaviour they were ſatisfied, was ſpared, but all the reſt of the Emperor's officers were put to death, and the treaſure divided among the conſpirators.
Proclaim Iſmaiel Mu⯑che King.The Siddas of Guzerat, and other parts, who were ſkulking about in the woods and mountains, hearing of the ſucceſs of their brethren, joined them. Iſmaiel Muche, one of the Amirs of their faction, was proclaimed King, by the name of Naſir ul dien. Sultan Ma⯑hummud marches againſt him.Sultan Mahummud hearing of this revolution at Dowlatabad, left Baruge, and haſtened towards that city. The uſurper having drawn out his army, waited to give battle to the King. A drawn bat⯑tle.The two armies accordingly met, and the Siddas, though greatly inferior in number, rouſed by their dan⯑ger and wrongs, aſſaulted the imperial troops with ſuch violence, that the right and left wings were beat back, and the whole army upon the point of flight. But many of the chieftains who fought in the van being killed, four thouſand of the Siddas fled; and night [333] A. D. 1347. Higer. 748.coming on, left the victory undecided, ſo that both armies lay on the field of battle.
The impolitic conduct of the Siddas.A council of war being in the mean time called by the Siddas, who had ſuffered greatly in the engagement, it was determined that Iſmaeil Muche ſhould retire into Dowlatabad, with a good garriſon, and that the remainder ſhould ſhift for themſelves, till the Sultan ſhould leave the Decan; when they reſolved to aſſemble again at Dowlatabad. This wretched conduct was accordingly purſued. The Sultan ordered Amad ul Muluck, who was then at Elichpoor, to purſue the fugitives, while he himſelf laid ſiege to the city.
An inſurrec⯑tion in Guze⯑rat.In the mean time advices arrived, that Malleck Tiggi, the ſlave of Suffder ul Muluck, heading the Siddas of Guzerat, was joined by many of the Zemindars, by which means he had taken Narwalla, and put Malleck Muziffer, the Naib of Guzerat, to death; impriſoned Shech Moaz ul dien the viceroy, and was now marching to lay waſte Cambait, having in his rout blockaded Baruge.
The Sultan marches a⯑gainſt the in⯑ſurgents.The Sultan upon this, left Kawman ul dien to carry on the ſiege of Dowlatabad, and with the greater part of his army, marched with great expedition to Guzerat. He was plundered in his way of many elephants, and a great part of his baggage, by the Hindoos: he loſt alſo a great many men in defending himſelf. The Sultan having arrived at Baruge, Tiggi retreated to Cambait, and was purſued by Malleck Euſiph Buckera, whom the Sultan had detached after him. Part of his army de⯑feated.Tiggi having engaged the pur⯑ſuers at Cambait, turned the chace upon them, killed Euſiph Buckera and many other Omrahs, while the reſt retreated to the Sultan. The rebel ordered all the priſoners taken in the action, as well as thoſe whom he had formerly in confinement, to be put to death; among the latter was Moaz ul dien, viceroy of Guzerat.
[334] A. D. 1347. Higer. 748. The Sultan purſues.Mahummud, hearing of this cruelty, breathed revenge. He haſtened to Cambait, and Tiggi, unable to oppoſe him, retreated to Aſſawil, but was cloſely purſued thither by the Sultan. The rebel continued his flight to Narwalla, and in the mean time, the Sultan, on account of a prodigious rain, was obliged to halt at Aſſawil a whole month. Advices were brought him at Aſſawil, that Tiggi, having recruited his army at Narwalla, was returning to give him battle. The Sultan immediately ſtruck his tents and met the rebel at Kurri. Tiggi, having injudiciouſly ordered his men to intoxicate themſelves with ſtrong liquors, they attacked the Sultan with the fury of madmen; and over⯑throws the rebels.but the elephants in front, ſoon repreſſed this bor⯑rowed valour, and repulſed and threw into confuſion the rebels. An eaſy conqueſt was obtained: five hundred priſoners were taken and put to death; and an equal number fell in the field. The Sultan immediately detached the Son of Euſiph Buckera in purſuit of the runaways, by the way of Tatta, whither Tiggi had fled; while the King went in perſon to Narwalla, and employed himſelf in ſettling Guzerat.
A rebellion in the De⯑can.News, in the mean time, arrived from the Decan, that the Siddas had aſſembled again under Haſſen Cacu, had defeated Amad ul Mal⯑leck, who had fallen in the action, and had driven all the imperial troops towards Malava: That Iſmaiel Muche had reſigned his regal dignity, which Haſſen Cacu had aſſumed, under the title of Sultan Alla ul dien. Mahummud was exceſſively chagrined, upon receiving this intelligence, and began to conſider his own tyranny as the cauſe of all thoſe diſorders. He therefore reſolved to govern with more mild⯑neſs and humanity for the future. He called Malleck Firoſe, Chaja Jehan, Amir Kiah, Malleck Ghizni, and Sidder Jehan from Delhi with their troops, in order to diſpatch them againſt Cacu.
[335] A. D. 1349. Higer. 750. The Sultan reſolves to march in per⯑ſon againſt the rebels.Before thoſe Omrahs arrived, the King was informed that the uſurper's army was prodigiouſly encreaſed. He therefore determined firſt, to ſettle Guzerat and Carnal*, and then to march in perſon to the Decan; but this buſineſs was not ſo ſoon accompliſhed, as he at firſt imagined; for he ſpent a whole year in regulating Guzerat, and in recruiting his army. The next year was alſo ſpent in be⯑ſieging the fort of Carnal, reducing Cutch, and the adjacent terri⯑tories. Some authors affirm, that Mahummud took the fort of Car⯑nal; but others, of better authority, ſay, that he deſiſted from that attempt, upon receiving ſome preſents from the Raja.
Aſks advice of Zeai Birni, the poet,Zeai Birni informs us, that the Sultan, one day, about this time, told him, that the diſeaſes of the empire were of ſuch a malignant nature, that he had no ſooner cured them in one place, than they broke out in another. He would therefore be glad to know what remedy now remained, to put a ſtop to this contagion.
who adviſes him to reſign the crown to his ſon.The poet replied, that when diſaffection and diſguſt had once taken root in the minds of the people, they were not to be exter⯑minated, without tearing up the vitals of the ſtate: that the Sultan ought to be, by this time, convinced, how little was to be hoped from puniſhment. That it was therefore his opinion, in this caſe, that the King ought to inveſt his ſon with the government, and re⯑tire; which would obliterate all former injuries, and diſpoſe the people to peace and tranquillity. He rejects the advice.The Sultan, ſays Birni, anſwered in an angry tone, ‘"That he had no ſon whom he could truſt, and that he was determined to ſcourge his ſubjects for their inſolence, whatever might be the event."’
Falls ſick,The Sultan, ſoon after this converſation with Zeai Birni, fell ſick at Kondal. He had previouſly ſent Chaja Jehan and Amad ul Mu⯑luck to Delhi, on account of the death of Malleck Kabire, the [336] A. D. 1351. Higer. 752.viceroy, and called moſt of the principal men of the empire, to the royal camp. Recovers and marches to⯑wards Tatta.Having recovered a little from his diſorder, he muſtered his army, and ſent to collect boats at Debalpoor, Moultan, Ouch and Sewiſtan, which he ordered towards Tatta. Marching then from Kondal, he arrived on the banks of the river, which he croſſed in ſpite of Tiggi; and was on the other ſide joined by five thouſand Mogul horſe. From thence he took the rout of Tatta, to chaſtiſe the Sumrahs, for giving the rebel protection. Arriving within thirty crores of that city, he halted to paſs the firſt days of the Mohirrim; and when that faſt was over, having eat fiſh to exceſs, he was ſeized with a fever. Dies.He would not however be prevailed upon to ſtop, but, getting into a barge, he proceeded to within fourteen crores of Tatta, and upon the banks of the Sind, on the twenty firſt of Mohirrim, in the year 752, this tyrant was conquered by death, and ſhut up in the dark dungeon of the grave. His execrable character.He reigned twenty ſeven years; during which time, he ſeems to have laboured with no contemptible abilities, to be deteſted by God, and feared and abhorred by all men.
SECTION XVIII. The Reign of Sultan Moazim Mohizzib FIROSE SHAW, the ſon of Sallar Rigib.
Firoſe Shaw.FIROSE Shaw was nephew to the Emperor Yeaz ul dien Tughlick Shaw; and the late Sultan Mahummud, having con⯑ceived great friendſhip for him, deſigned to make him his ſucceſſor, and for that purpoſe, recommended him upon his death-bed, to the Omrahs. Upon Mahummud's demiſe the army fell into the utmoſt [337] A. D. 1351. Higer. 752.confuſion. Firoſe Shaw having gained over the majority of the Omrahs to his party, prevailed, with preſents, upon the Mogul mercenaries to move to ſome diſtance from the camp, to prevent diſturbances, till he ſhould reduce the reſt of the army to obedience.
Deſigns of the Mogul mer⯑cenaries.Amir Noroſe, an Omrah who commanded a great body of the imperial troops, deſerted that night, and, having joined Altu Chan, the general of the Mogul mercenaries, told him, that now was the time to plunder the late Emperor's treaſure, and to retreat to their native country. Altu Chan was eaſily prevailed upon to adopt this lucrative ſcheme. They therefore returned next morning to the camp, which was ſtill in very great confu⯑ſion, and after a very ſharp ſkirmiſh, loaded ſome camels with treaſure. Firoſe Shaw, to ſecure himſelf from further depreda⯑tions, led the army to Sewan, and took every poſſible means to defend himſelf againſt the avarice of the mercenaries.
Firoſe Shaw mounts the throne.The Omrahs, the day after this movement, waited upon Firoſe Shaw, and intreated him to mount the throne. After many pre⯑tended excuſes, he favoured the Omrahs with his conſent, and was accordingly proclaimed Sultan.
He, the very firſt day of his reign, gave orders to ranſom many priſoners, who, during the late confuſion, had fallen into the hands of the people of Tatta: Defeat the Mogul mer⯑cenaries.and upon the third day, he marched againſt the Mogul mercenaries, took many of their chiefs priſoners, and forced the reſt to fly towards their own country.
The Sultan, ſoon after, directed his march to the ſort of Bicker, and gladdened the face of the court with princely preſents, and gave [338] A. D. 1351. Higer. 752. His liberality,very liberally to the Zemindars of Bicker and Sewiſtan. He from thence ſent Amad ul Muluck and Amir Ali Ghori againſt Tiggi, with a part of his army, and marched himſelf towards Outch, benevolence, and charity.where he did many acts of benevolence and charity.
Chaja Jehan ſets up, at Delhi, his own adopted ſon.At Outch the Emperor received advices from Delhi, that Chaja Jehan, a relation of the late Sultan, now about ninety years of age, had placed upon the throne, a boy whom he had adopted, by the name of Sultan Yeas ul dien Mahummud, and had maſſacred a num⯑ber of the citizens who had refuſed to pay him allegiance.
The Sultan ſends to ex⯑poſtulate with him.Firoſe Shaw ſent Seif ul dien Shanapil, to expoſtulate with the old man, who, he thought, was now in the dotage of years, with promiſes of forgiveneſs and favour, if he would relinquiſh his ridiculous ſcheme. The Emperor himſelf in the mean time re⯑mained with the army, to regulate the territory of Outch. He was ſoon after joined by Malleck Muckbul Amud ul Muluck vizier of the empire, who received a Chelat and a confirmation of his former dignity.
Chaja Jehan ſends an em⯑baſſy to the Sultan,Firoſe Shaw having reached Haſſi on his way to Delhi, met an ambaſſador from Chaja Jehan, acquainting him, that now the em⯑pire was in the hands of Sultan Mahummud's family, and therefore, that it would be no more than juſtice in him, to acknowledge the title of the young King, and act as Regent, during the minority. The Sultan immediately convened the Omrahs before the ambaſſa⯑dor, and aſked them whether they knew any of the male iſſue of Mahummud. They all declared, that unleſs Malana Cumal ul dien, an Omrah then preſent, knew of any, they were perfectly ſtrangers to any ſurviving iſſue of Mahummud. Molana made anſwer, that though one ſhould remain of the iſſue of the former Sultan, it was now ad⯑viſeable [339] A. D. 1351. Higer. 752.to ſtand by what was already done. We have reaſon to believe from this circumſtance, that the youth who was ſet up at Delhi, was actually a ſon of Sultan Mahummud, though it was, at that time, prudent in the Omrahs not to acknowledge him.
who deſires to accommodate matters ami⯑cably.The Emperor, after the council, ſent Daood Molana Zada the ambaſſador back to acquaint Chaja Jehan of what had paſſed, and to adviſe him to accommodate matters in an amicable way. When Daood arrived in the city, a number of the principal men in the place haſtened to the camp of Firoſe Shaw, and made their ſubmiſ⯑ſion. Much about the ſame time, advices were received from Guze⯑rat, that Mahummud Tiggi was defeated by Amud ul Muluck: and that very day, a ſon was born to the Emperor, whom he named Fatte Chan. Theſe fortunate circumſtances concurred to ſtrengthen the Sultan's intereſt.
Chaja Jehan ſubmits.Chaja Jehan, perceiving that he could not ſupport the young King, made overtures towards an accommodation, to Firoſe Shaw. He ſent ſome reſpectable Omrahs to intercede with the Sultan for his pardon, and to ſolicit leave to pay his reſpects in perſon. The Sultan con⯑ſented, and accordingly the old man, with his head bare, and his turban hung round his neck, came, accompanied by ſome of the principal men of his party, to make his ſubmiſſion. The King, according to his promiſe, gave him his life, but ordered the Cutwal of Haſſen to take him under his care, which was a kind of impri⯑ſonment. Malleck Chattab, one of Chaja Jehan's aſſociates, was baniſhed to Karkinda, and Sheck Zadda Guſtami expelled the court.
Firoſe Shaw arrives at Delhi.Upon the ſecond day of Regib, in the year 752, Firoſe Shaw marched into Delhi, and mounted the imperial throne. He imme⯑diately [340] A. D. 1352. Higer. 753.began to adminiſter impartial juſtice to his people, who flocked from all quarters, with their petitions. He, in the mean time, conferred offices and titles upon his Omrahs.
Hunts at Sirmore.Upon the fifth of Siffer, in the following year, he, in order to hunt, removed his court towards the hills of Sirmore, and reduced ſeveral Zemindars to obedience. He, in the mean time, had a ſon born to him at Delhi, whom he named Mahummud Chan, and or⯑dered great rejoicings to be made upon the occaſion; diſtributing his favours with a liberal hand.
Builds a palace.In the year 754, the Sultan hunted at Callanore. He ordered, upon his return, a palace to be built upon the banks of the Surſuti; and towards the end of the year, appointed Chan Jehan to the vice⯑royſhip of Delhi. Rebellion in Bengal.He himſelf, in the mean time, marched towards Lucknouti, to ſubdue Elias Hadgee, who had aſſumed the title of Sultan Shumſe ul dien, and poſſeſſed himſelf of all Bengal and Behar, even to Benaris. When he had arrived in the neighbourhood of Gorukpoor, the Zemindars of that place, Odeyſing and Rai Capoor, having brought proper preſents, were admitted to his preſence.
The Sultan having penetrated as far as Punduah, one of the reſi⯑dences of the princes of Bengal, Elias Hadgee retreated to a ſtrong poſt at Ackdalla, whither the Sultan purſued him. An action en⯑ſued, but Elias Hadgee ſecured himſelf in his poſt, which obliged the Sultan to ſurround him, the place being almoſt inacceſſible. The Sultan having in vain tried to force the re⯑bels to battle,Things having continued in this ſituation for twenty days, Firoſe Shaw, intending to change his ground, and to encamp on the banks of the Ganges, went out to reconnoitre. The enemy imagining that he meditated a retreat, advanced out of their poſt, and drew up in order of battle. But when they ſaw that the Sultan was preparing to attack them, they again retreated within their works, but with [341] A. D. 1353. Higer. 754.ſuch precipitation and confuſion, that 44 elephants, and many ſtan⯑dards, fell into the Sultan's hands. The rainy ſeaſon coming on with great violence, a kind of peace was patched up between them, and the Sultan returned diſappointed to Delhi.
Firoſe Shaw employs him⯑ſelf in public works.In the year 755, the Sultan built the city of Firoſeabad, adjoining to that of Delhi; and in the following year marched to Debalpoor, where he made a canal 100 miles in length, from the Suttuluz to the Jidger. The King, in the year 757, between the hills of Mendouli and Sirmore, cut a channel from the Gion or Jumna, which he divi⯑ded into ſeven ſtreams; one of which he brought to Haſſi, and from thence to Beraiſen, where he built a ſtrong caſtle, calling it by his own name. He drew ſoon after, a canal from the Cagar, paſſing by the walls of Sirſutti, and joined it to the rivulet of Kerah, upon which he built a city, named after him, Firoſeabad. This city he watered with another canal from the Gion or Jumna. Theſe public works were of prodigious advantage to the adjacent countries, by ſupplying them with water for their lands, and with a commodious water-carriage, from place to place.
Bengal and the Decan become inde⯑pendant.An embaſſy about this time arrived, with preſents and new con⯑ditions of peace from Bengal, which the Sultan accepted, and ſoon after ratified the treaty. Bengal became in a great meaſure indepen⯑dent of the empire, paying only a ſmall acknowledgment annually, by way of preſent. He exacted no other terms of the Decan; ſo that theſe two great members were now lopt off from the government of Delhi.
In the year 759, the Sultan of Bengal ſent a number of elephants and other rich preſents, to Delhi, which was amply repaid in Ara⯑bian and Perſian horſes, jewels, and other rich curioſities. But when [342] A. D. 1357. Higer. 759.the imperial embaſſy arrived at Behar, they received news of Shumſe ul dien's death, and that his ſon Aſcunder Chan had acceded to the throne. They thought proper not to proceed further, and returned to Delhi. Invaſions of the Moguls.The Sultan, being in the ſame year encamped at Semana, received advices that the Moguls had made an incurſion as far as Debalpoor. He forthwith ordered Malleck Kabool, with a great army, againſt them; but the Moguls, before his arrival, had laden themſelves with ſpoil, and had retreated towards their own country.
The Sultan invades Ben⯑gal.Notwithſtanding of the treaty of 757, the Sultan, in the year 760, reſolved upon another expedition into Bengal. Having arrived at Zifferabad, he cantoned there his army, during the rains. When he lay at this place, Shech Zadda Buſtami, who had been baniſhed, returned embaſſador from the Caliph of Miſſer, with a chelat; for which he was graciouſly received, and dignified with the title of Azim ul Muluck. An embaſſy having been, in the mean time, diſ⯑patched to Aſcunder Chan, Sultan of Bengal, returned with another on his part, and with rich preſents. The King not being ſatisfied with theſe conceſſions, marched, after the rains were over, towards Lucknouti, and on his way conferred the enſigns of royalty upon the Prince Fatte Chan his ſon. He gave him maſters for his inſtruction, to whom the royal youth gave great attention.
A peace with Aeſcunder, Sultan of Bengal.The Sultan having arrived at Pundwah, Aeſcunder, after the ex⯑ample of his father, retreated to Ackdalla, and ſhut himſelf up in that place. Being however cloſely inveſted, and reduced to great ſtraits, he ſent 48 elephants, and other preſents, to the Sultan, with overtures of peace. In a few days the terms were agreed upon, and the Sultan marched to Jionpoor, where he cantoned his army for another ſeaſon, and then moved down behind the mountains, towards Jagenagur.
[343] A. D. 1358, Higer. 760. Firoſe Shaw ravages Jage⯑nagur.Firoſe Shaw having croſſed the river Mendri, arrived at the capital of the Raja of Jagenagur, which was alſo called Benaris. The Raja, upon the Emperor's approach, fled towards Tilling. Having plun⯑dered the country, Firoſe Shaw returned, and, upon his way, was met by the Raja of Beerbhan, who preſented him with 37 elephants, and other valuable preſents, upon conſideration of not ravaging the country. The Sultan having received the preſents, changed his rout, and, as he paſſed through the woods of Puddmawitti, which abounded with elephants, he caught 33 of them, and killed a few in the chace. He then continued his march, and arrived at Delhi, in the year 762.
Scheme for improving the lands of Sirhind.Firoſe Shaw, who had much at heart the improvement of his country, was informed, that near Hirdar there was a mountain from which there iſſued a great ſtream of water, which fell into the Suttu⯑luz; and that beyond that place there was a ſmall rivulet called Seli⯑ma, divided only by a riſing ground, from the large ſtream which we have juſt mentioned. The Sultan conſidered, that by making a cut through this eminence, the great ſtream might be carried into the rivulet, and ſo form a river to water the countries of Sirhind and Munſurpoor, from whence it might be carried to Sunnam, and ſo render great tracts of land fertile. He therefore marched immediately that way, and ordered fifty thouſand labourers to be collected together to cut the paſſage. When the workmen were in this place employed in digging to great depth, they found ſome immenſe ſkeletons of ele⯑phants in one place, and in another, thoſe of a gigantic human form, the arm bones of which meaſured guzes. Some of the bones were in their natural ſtate, and others petrified.
Firoſe Shaw reduces Na⯑gracut.The Sultan having finiſhed this great work, built a fort at Sirhind, which he called Firoſepoor. He from that place marched towards the mountains of Nagracut, where he was overtaken by a ſtorm of [344] A. D. 1360. Higer. 762.hail and ſnow. He however reduced the Raja of thoſe parts, after ſuſtaining ſome loſs on his ſide, and confirmed him again in his domi⯑nions; changing the name of Nagracut, to that of Mahummud abad, in honour of the former Sultan. Firoſe Shaw was told here, that the Goddeſs, whom the Hindoos worſhipped in the temple of Nagracut, was the image of Noſhaba, the wife of the great Secunder, which that conqueror had left with them. The name of the idol is now changed to that of Jewallamuckie. In the temple there was alſo at that time, a fine library of the books of the Brahmins, con⯑ſiſting of one thouſand and three hundred volumes.
The Sultan ordered one of thoſe books, which treated of philoſo⯑phy, aſtrology, and divination, to be tranſlated into the Perſian lan⯑guage, and called it Dellael Firoſe Shawi*. The Sultan, after the conqueſt of Nagracut, moved down by Sind towards Tatta, where Jambani, who had been always a ſubject of Delhi, had rebelled and fortified himſelf. Inveſts Tatta,The Sultan inveſted the city; but as proviſions and forage became exceſſively ſcarce, and the rains had ſet in with great violence, he was obliged to raiſe the ſiege, and march to Guze⯑rat. He there ſpent the ſeaſon in hunting, and after the rains, he conferred the government of Guzerat upon Ziffer Chan, and return⯑ed again to Tatta. which he re⯑duces.Jambani capitulated, and delivered himſelf up to the Sultan, who carried him, and the principals of his faction, to Delhi; but after ſome time, he took him again into favour, and ſent him to reſume his former government.
[345] A. D. 1372. Higer. 774. The Vizier and Prince Royal die.In the year 774, Malleck Muckbool Chan Jehan† died, and his ſon was honoured with his titles. Nothing remarkable happened, till two years after, when the Sultan was plunged into the gulf of affliction, by the death of his favourite ſon Fatte Chan, a prince of great expectations.
Feroſe Shaw, in the year 778, was informed that the revenues of Guzerat were greatly deficient of the collections. This induced him to liſten to the propoſals of Chaja Shumſe ul dien Wamaghani, who offered to give one hundred elephants, forty lacks of rupees, four hundred Abaſſinian ſlaves, and forty Arabian horſes, every year, over and above the preſent payment, ſhould he be appointed to that government. The Sultan replied, that if the preſent viceroy, whoſe name was alſo Shumſe ul dien, the ſucceſſor of Ziffer Chan, who was dead, would conſent to give as much, he ſhould be continued. But to this the viceroy would not agree, and therefore the Sun⯑nuds were granted to Wamaghani, and he forthwith ſet out for Guzerat. Rebellion in Guzerat quaſhed.Not being able the next year to perform his pro⯑miſe, he withheld the revenue, and rebelled, which was a juſt puniſh⯑ment upon the Sultan for his folly and avarice. The rebel however, having greatly oppreſſed the people of his province, a conſpiracy was formed againſt him, and, by the aſſiſtance of the Siddas, they ſeized him, and ſent his head to Delhi. This was the only rebellion which happened during this Sultan's reign. The government of Guzerat was conferred upon Malleck Muſirrah, with the title of Firhit ul Muluck.
[...] Atta⯑va.There was a petty inſurrection among the Zemindars of Atava, in the year 779. It was however ſoon cruſhed, and the inſurgents brought to puniſhment, while ſorts were built to keep them in proper ſubjection. The Sultan's progreſs to the mountains of Saitoor.In the year 781, the Sultan marched towards Samana, [346] A. D. 1379. Higer. 781.Amballa, and Shawabad, as far as the foot of the mountains of Sai⯑toor, and after demanding his tribute from the Rajas of the hills, which they paid him, he returned to his capital.
Revenges too ſeverely the death of Seid Mahummud.Much about this time information was brought to the Emperor, that the Zemindar of Kitter, whoſe name was Kirgu, had invited Seid Mahummud, Suba of Budaoon, and a number of his family, to his houſe, where he baſely aſſaſſinated them. The Sultan enraged at this villainy, marched immediately that way, and took ſevere vengeance upon the aſſociates and kindred of the aſſaſſin, putting them without diſtinction to the ſword, and levelling their houſes with the ground. The murderer himſelf made his eſcape to the mountains of Cumaoon, and was protected by the Rajas of thoſe parts. The Sultan ordered a detach⯑ment of his army againſt them. They brought back near thirty thouſand of thoſe unhappy mountaineers, who were all condemned to ſlavery. The Sultan's juſtice in this caſe, degenerated into extream ſeverity. Neither did the misfortunes brought upon thoſe miſerable captives, ſatisfy his thirſt for revenge. He returned, every year, under pretence of hunting, to that unhappy country; but the people, and not the beaſts of the foreſt, were his prey. He by degrees cut off all the inhabitants, and converted whole provinces into a wilder⯑neſs.
The Sultan becomes aged and infirm.Age and infirmity began, in the year 787, to preſs hard upon Fe⯑roſe Shaw. Chan Jehan the Vizier, having the ſole management of affairs, became very powerful in the empire. Hi [...] ſon falſe⯑ly accuſed of a deſign againſt his life.The Sultan was ſo much under his direction in all things, that he had the effrontery falſely to accuſe Mahummud Chan, the King's ſon, of a deſign againſt his father's life, in conjunction with Ziffer Chan, Malleck Eacoob, Malleck Summa ul dien, and Malleck Kummal ul dien. He brought the old man firmly to credit this accuſation, and obtain⯑ed his authority to ſecure the ſuppoſed conſpirators. Ziffer Chan was accordingly recalled from Mahoba, and confined.
[347] A. D. 1385. Higer. 787. The Prince's contrivance to undeceive the Sultan.A party was ſent to ſeize the Prince, who having previous intelli⯑gence of the deſign againſt him, began to provide for his ſecurity, placing guards, and fortifying himſelf in his own palace. In this ſituation he remained ſhut up for ſome days; and at laſt, having obtained leave for his wife to viſit the King's Zinnana, he put on his armour, went into the cloſe chair, and was carried into the Sera⯑glio. When he diſcovered himſelf in that dreſs, the frightened women ran ſcreaming into the Sultan's apartment, and told him, that the Prince had come in armour with a treaſonable deſign. The Prince having followed them, preſented himſelf to his father, and falling at his feet, told him with great emotion, ‘"That the ſuſpicions he had entertained of him were worſe than death itſelf. That he came therefore to receive it from his own hands. But firſt he begged leave to inform him, that he was perfectly innocent of the villainous charge which the Vizier had purpoſely contrived to pave his own way to the throne."’
The Vizier puniſhed.Feroſe Shaw, ſenſible of his ſon's ſincerity, claſped him in his arms, and weeping, told him he had been deceived; and therefore deſired him to proceed as his judgment ſhould direct him, againſt the traitor. Mahummud upon this went out from the preſence, and ordered twelve thouſand horſe to be in readineſs. With this body he ſurrounded the Vizier's houſe that night, who upon hearing of the Prince's approach, put Ziffer Chan to death, and collecting his friends, came out to engage him in the ſtreet. Upon the firſt on ſet, the traitor was wounded, and drew back to his houſe. He fled immediately towards Mewat, and the Prince ſeized all his wealth, and cut off his adherents.
The Sultan reſigns the crown to his ſon.Feroſe Shaw, immediately after theſe tranſactions, reſigned the reins of government into the hands of his ſon, and abdicated the [348] A. D. 1387. Higer. 789.throne. The Prince aſſuming the title of Mahummud Shaw Nazir ul dien ul Dunia, aſcended the throne in the month of Shaban 789; and immediately ordered the Chutba to be read in his own and his father's name. He ſettled the offices of ſtate, and diſtributed Chelats among the Omrahs. Malleck Eacoob, an Omrah in great repute, was promoted to the government of Gu⯑zerat, with the title of Secunder Chan.
The Vizier delivered up and ſlain.Secunder Chan having arrived at Mavat, upon his way to his government, Goga Chohan, with whom Chan Jehan the Vizier had taken refuge, fearing the Sultan's reſentment, ſeized him, and ſent him bound to Secunder Chan, who cut off his head, and ſent it to Delhi.
The Sultan hunts at Sir⯑more.Mahummud Shaw went with his army, in the year 790, towards the mountains of Sirmore, to hunt, according to the cuſtom of ſove⯑reigns. Rebellion in Guzerat.When he was employed in the diverſion of the chace, advi⯑ces were received, that Firrhit ul Muluck, at the head of the Siddas of Guzerat, had riſen in rebellion, defeated and ſlain Secunder Chan. The Sultan haſtened to Delhi; but, as if all at once infatuated, he gave himſelf up entirely to pleaſure, and ſeemed to be inſenſible of the loſs which he had ſuſtained, and of the dangers in which his conduct had involved him. When his old Omrahs attempted to rouſe him from his lethargy, he turned them from his preſence, and filled their employs with pimps and court flatterers.
Bha ul dien conſpires againſt the Sultan.The Sultan's nephew, Bha ul dien, reſolved to ruſh upon him in the midſt of his dream of pleaſure. He, for this purpoſe, con⯑ſpired with the diſgraced Omrahs, and arming one hundred thouſand ſlaves, erected the ſtandard of rebellion. The Sultan im⯑mediately diſpatched Malleck Zehir ul dien Lahori, to treat with the rebels. When he came to their camp, which was pitched [349] A. D. 1387. Higer. 789.without the city, the mob pelted him with ſtones, and obliged him to retire, very much bruiſed and wounded. Mahummud ſeeing no hopes of a peaceable accommodation, began, at length, to beſtir himſelf, and advanced with his army againſt the conſpirators, and, after a bloody conteſt, drove them into the city. They immediately poſſeſſed themſelves of the palace, and again renewed the fight. A dreadful maſſacre in the city.The city became now a horrid ſcene of ſlaughter and confuſion. During the ſpace of two days and two nights, there was nothing but death in every ſtreet: friends and foes, victors and vanquiſhed, were jumbled together without any poſſibility of diſtinction.
The old King being placed between the combatants,The ſlaves, upon the third day, brought out the old King, in his Palakie, and ſet him down in the ſtreet between the combatants. both parties go over to him.When the young Sultan's troops ſaw their former maſter, their affection returned, and, imagining that this was a voluntary deed of his, they, at once, deſerted the prince, and crouded with ſhouts of joy to Firoſe Shaw. Mahummud fled inſtantly, with a ſmall retinue, to the mountains of Sirmore. Both parties looking up to the aged Monarch, ſettled themſelves into peace in his preſence.
Feroſe Shaw places his grandſon on the throne.Feroſe Shaw, unable to govern, on account of the infirmities of age, placed, by advice of the Omrahs, Tughlick Shaw, the ſon of Fatte Chan, and his own grandſon, upon the throne. The ſlaves, in the mean time, aſſaſſinated Amir Haſſen, the Sultan's ſon in law, for having endeavoured to ſupport Sultan Mahummud: and even the firſt orders iſſued by Tughlick Shaw, when he mounted the imperial throne, was to kill all the adherents of Mahummud, wherever they ſhould be found.
Feroſe Shaw dies. His character.Feroſe Shaw, who had arrived at the age of ninety, died in the year 790. Though no great warrior in the field, he was, by his [350] A. D. 1388. Higer. 790.excellent qualities, well calculated for a reign of peace. His ſeverity to the inhabitants of Cumaoon, for the aſſaſſination of the governor of Samana, is a great blot in his reputation. But to this he, per⯑haps, was prompted by a religious zeal and enthuſiaſm: for, the per⯑ſons murdered were Seids or deſcendants of the prophet.
His publick works.He reigned thirty eight years and nine months, and left many memorials of his magnificence in the land. He built fifty great ſluices, forty moſques, thirty ſchools, twenty caravanſeras, an hun⯑dred palaces, five hoſpitals, an hundred tombs, ten baths, ten ſpires, one hundred and fifty wells, one hundred bridges; and the pleaſure gardens he made were without number.
SECTION XIX. The Reign of YEAS UL DIEN, TUGHLICK SHAW, the ſon of Fatte Chan, and grandſon of Sultan Firoſe Shaw.
Tughlick Shaw mounts the throne.TUGHLICK SHAW having mounted the throne in the palace of Firoſeabad, ordered, according to cuſtom, the Chutba to be read, and the currency to be ſtruck in his own name. He appointed Malleck Firoſe Alli, his Vizier, by the title of Chan Jehan, and confirmed Firrhit ul Muluck in the government of Guzerat.
Sends a force againſt his uncle Ma⯑hummud,He ſoon after ſent an army under Chan Jehan and Bahadre Nahir Mewali, to expel his uncle Mahummud Shaw from Sirmore, and that prince, upon the approach of the imperial army, fled to the mountains. He there took poſſeſſion of a ſtrong poſt, and, ſecuring [351] A. D. 1388. Higer. 790.the wives and children of his adherents, waited to give the impe⯑rialiſts battle. who takes re⯑fuge in Na⯑gracut.He was however beat from poſt to poſt till he arrived at Nagracut, and ſhut himſelf up in that place. That fortreſs being very ſtrong, his enemies did not think proper to beſiege it, and therefore returned to Delhi.
Male admini⯑ſtration of the Sultan.Tughlick Shaw giving reins to his youthful paſſions, and neglect⯑ing the affairs of ſtate, vice, luxury and oppreſſion began to riſe up on every ſide. He was not blind to thoſe misfortunes, but he miſ⯑took the cauſe, and admitted jealouſy and miſtruſt within his mind. He confined and treated cruelly, his own brother, Sallar Shaw: A conſpiracy.and, his couſin Abu Bicker Shaw, having reaſon to dread the Sultan's reſentment, fled the court, and to ſecure himſelf, ſtirred up a faction againſt him. The conſpirators conſiſted of Malleck Rukun ul dien, the Vizier's deputy, and many other Omrahs of high repute, with all the imperial ſlaves, many of whom, were in the higheſt offices at court.
Matters being ripe for execution, the conſpirators ruſhed into the Divan, and aſſaſſinated Malleck Mubarick Kabir, the captain general of the forces. Tughlick Shaw being thus ſurprized, fled by the Jumna gate. He is ſlain.Rukun ul dien purſued him, and having taken him and Chan Jehan the Vizier, they were imme⯑diately put to death. This event happened on the twenty firſt of Siffer, in the year 791: Tughlick Shaw, after a reign of five months and a few days, having fallen by the effects of the folly of youth.
SECTION XX. The Reign of ABU BICKER SHAW, the ſon of Ziffer Chan, and grandſon of Firoſe Shaw.
[352]A. D. 1389. Higer. 791. Abu Bicker Shaw mounts the throne.THE conſpirators having aſſaſſinated the King, raiſed Abu Bicker Shaw, the grandſon of Firoſe Shaw, by a third ſon, to the Empire. Malleck Rukun ul dien, being appointed Vizier, took the reins of government in his own hands. But his ambition was not ſatisfied with that high employ. A conſpiracy.He formed ſchemes to cut off the new King, and to uſurp the throne. diſcovered.Abu Bicker Shaw, having timely information of his intentions, was before hand with him, and ordered him and many of the principal ſlaves concerned in the conſpiracy to be put to death.
An inſurrec⯑tion in Sama⯑na.In the mean time, the Sidda chiefs of Samana aſſaſſinated the viceroy, Malleck Sultan Shaw, the faſt friend of the reigning Em⯑peror, and ſent his head to Mahummud Shaw at Nagracut. They earneſtly ſolicited him to come and aſſert his right to the empire. Mahummud Shaw, marches from Nagracut. Enters Delhi.Mahummud Shaw accordingly, having collected his friends, ad⯑vanced by the way of Jallendar to Samana, and proclaiming himſelf King at that place, advanced with a great army towards Delhi. After ſome repulſes, Mahummud, as we ſhall ſee in the ſequel, proved victorious, and ſent Abu Bicker Shaw to his grave upon the twentieth of Zihige, in the year 792, when he had reigned one year and ſix months.
SECTION XXI. The Reign of NASIR UL DUNIA UL DIEN MAHUMMUD SHAW, the ſon of Firoſe Shaw.
[353]A. D. 1389. Higer. 792. Mahummud Shaw,MAHUMMUD, as we have already ſeen, mounted the throne in his father's life time, in the year 789. How he was depoſed and expelled by Baha ul dien and the other Omrahs, in confederacy with the Siddas of Guzerat, and the ſlaves of the houſe⯑hold, and his tranſactions till he ſhut himſelf up in the fort of Nagra⯑cut, has been alſo related. marches from Nagracut.When the chiefs of the Siddas had aſſaſſi⯑nated Malleck Sultan in Samana, Mahummud Shaw, according to their invitation, marched with great expedition from Nagracut, calling all his friends from Delhi. He ſoon found himſelf at the head of twenty thouſand horſe, with which he advanced towards the capital.
Enters Delhi,Upon the fifth of Ribbi ul Achir, in the year 792, he entered Delhi, and lighted at the palace of Jehan Numa. Abu Bicker Shaw, in the other quarter of the city, called Firoſeabad, prepared himſelf for battle; and on the ſecond of Jemmad ul Awil, the two armies engaged in the ſtreets of Firoſeabad. Is driven from the city with great ſlaughter.In the mean time Bahader Nahir, with a ſtrong reinforcement, arrived, and joining Abu Bicker, they marched out of Firoſeabad next morning, and drove Mahummud Shaw, with great ſlaughter, quite out of Delhi.
Mahummud retreated with two thouſand horſe only, over the Jumna; and immediately diſpatched Humaioon Chan his ſon, and [354] A. D. 1389. Higer. 792. He ſends to raiſe forces.ſeveral Omrahs to Sammana to recruit his army. He himſelf, in the mean time, remained in the town of Tillaſar upon the banks of the Gang. Having experienced from firſt to laſt, that the ſlaves of Firoſe Shaw were his declared enemies, he gave orders to plunder all their eſtates in the neighbouring country, and to ſlay them wherever they ſhould be found. The Zemindars fell upon ſome thouſands, who had poſſeſſions in other parts of the empire, and maſſacred them; while the farmers in general, diſguſted with Abu Bicker's government, which had been very oppreſſive, with⯑held their rents, and liſted themſelves under Mahummud Shaw.
Being joined by ſome Omrahs of note, he marches to Delhi,In the mean time, the viceroy of Moultan, Chawas ul Muluck Suba of Baha, Raï Sir, and many Omrahs of note having joined Ma⯑hummud with their forces, he collected, in a few days, an army of fifty thouſand horſe, made the uſual appointments in the empire to pleaſe his friends, and advanced, a ſecond time, towards Delhi. Abu Bicker Shaw had remained inactive in that city, ever ſince his late victory. and is again overthrown.He, however, drew out his army at a village called Hin⯑dali to oppoſe Mahummud, and was ſo fortunate as to come off victorious once more. He drove Mahummud Shaw towards Tilla⯑ſar, but contented himſelf with purſuing him three crores, and with taking his baggage, and then returned to his capital.
Humaioon Chan defeat⯑ed.Humaioon Chan, not many days after the battle of Hindali, with the troops he had raiſed at Samana, made another attempt upon the capital, but ſucceeded no better than his father, being defeated at Pan⯑niput, and obliged to retreat towards Samana. But after all theſe ſuc⯑ceſſes, Abu Bicker Shaw thought it unſafe to leave the capital, being ſuſpicious of a faction in the city, in favour of Mahummud Shaw. Having at length puniſhed ſome of the moſt diſaffected, he ventured to march about twenty crores towards Tillaſar, where Mahummud Shaw was again collecting an army.
[355] A. D. 1389. Higer. 792.The letter having, by this time, concerted meaſures with his faction in the city, left the body of his army, with all his baggage, at Tillaſar, and advanced with four thouſand choſen horſe, to⯑wards Abu Bicker. Mahummud, by a forced march,When Abu Bicker had drawn up his army, Mahummud made a quick motion to the left, and paſſing the enemy's line, puſhed forward to the capital. He there engaged the troops of Abu Bicker who guarded the walls, and having ſet fire to the Budaoon gate, forced his way into the city. enters Delhi.He immediately entered the imperial palace, whither the citizens flocked to pay him their reſpects.
Is again dri⯑ven out by Abu Bicker.But Abu Bicker Shaw, having cloſely purſued Mahummud, ar⯑rived the ſame day before the city; and having forced the guards which Mahummud Shaw had placed at the gates, advanced to the palace, and drove Mahummud Shaw, whoſe troops had diſperſed themſelves, quite out of the city. He was obliged to retreat again to Tillaſar, where he joined his army, having loſt the major part of his detachment in the action.
The chief of the ſlaves in⯑vites Ma⯑hummud to Delhi.Some time having thus paſſed, without any deciſive action, Mu⯑buſhir Hagib, chief of the imperial ſlaves, known by the title of Iſlam Chan, diſguſted with Abu Bicker, wrote to Mahummud, that if he would make another attempt upon the city, he would ſupport him with the greateſt part of the ſlaves, who were under his direction. Abu Bicker abandons Delhi.Abu Bicker hearing that Mahummud was again in mo⯑tion, and having alſo diſcovered the diſaffection of the ſlaves and others in his army, ſhamefully abandoned the capital, and fled with a ſmall retinue to Mewat.
Mahummud Shaw, in the month of Ramzan, entered Delhi and aſcended the imperial throne. He gave the vizarit to Iſlam Chan, [356] A. D. 1390. Higer. 793.to whom he principally owed his reſtoration. When he found him⯑ſelf firmly eſtabliſhed, he ordered all the elephants which belonged to the ſlaves of Firoſe Shaw, to be taken from them, and converted to his own uſe. The ſlaves, inraged at this injuſtice, fled the city that night, and haſtened to join Abu Bicker. Mahummud expels the ſlaves.Mahummud, upon this deſertion, turned out a few who remained, and ordered them upon pain of death, never to appear in the city, where they had acquired ſuch dangerous influence. Notwithſtanding of this decree, many ſlaves, unwilling to leave Delhi, concealed themſelves: a ſearch was ordered to be made, and ſuch as were found, were maſſacred. Some of thoſe poor wretches, upon this occaſion, cried out for mercy, affirming that they were originally Turks. They were, upon this, ordered to pronounce the word Gurragurri, by which they were immediately diſtinguiſhed. All who ſounded it with the accent of Hindoſtan, were put to death.
Humaioon, marching againſt Abu Bicker,Mahummud Shaw, after having expelled the ſlaves, began to recruit his army, and ſent Humaioon Chan his ſon, with a conſide⯑rable force againſt Abu Bicker. is attacked in his camp.When this army arrived at Kotluh, Abu Bicker, by advice of Bahadr Nahir, ſurprized Humaioon Chan in his camp. The prince, however, exerted his utmoſt efforts in oppoſing the enemy, being gallantly ſupported by Iſlam Chan, drove Abu Bicker, after a brave reſiſtance, quite off the field. Ma⯑hummud Shaw marched at the ſame time, with great expedition, towards Mewat, Abu Bicker ſurrenders himſelf.where Abu Bicker Shaw, ſeeing no hopes left, ſurrendered himſelf, and was ſent priſoner to the fort of Merat, where he died ſome years after.
Rebellion in Guzerat.Mahummud Shaw, returning to Delhi, received advices that Malleck Muffirru Sultani, governor of Guzerat, rebelled. Ziffer Chan was immediately diſpatched with an army to ſuppreſs the [357] A. D. 1391. Higer. 794.rebellion; but for the particulars of this expedition, we muſt refer the reader to the hiſtory of the province of Guzerat*.
Some Hindoo chiefs revolt,In the year 794, intelligence was brought to Delhi, that Rai Nirſingh, Sirvadhone of Rhator, and Bireban of Beſſu, chiefs of the Hindoos, had roſe in arms againſt the Empire. and are redu⯑ced.Mahummud order⯑ed Iſlam Chan, with a conſiderable force againſt Narſingh, the moſt powerful of the inſurgents. Narſingh was defeated, made peace, and attended his conqueror to Delhi. The other two chiefs were ſubjugated at the ſame time.
Rebellion in Attava quell⯑ed.The Zemindars of Attava, upon account of ſome grievance, roſe at the ſame time in arms, and ravaged Bittaram and the adjacent Per⯑gunnahs. The Sultan marched againſt them in perſon, and chaſti⯑ſed them. The fort of Attava was levelled with the ground, and Mahummud took the rout of Kinnoge and Tillaſar, in the laſt of which cities, he built a fort, which, from his own name, he called Mahummud-abad.
The Vizier falſely ac⯑cuſed of treaſon.Advice came to the Sultan from Delhi, that Iſlam Chan the Vi⯑zier, was preparing to fly to Lahore and Moultan, to kindle in thoſe provinces the flames of rebellion. Mahummud haſtened to the capital, and charged Iſlam Chan with his treaſonable intentions. The Vizier abſolutely denied the fact, but Jaju, a Hindoo and his own nephew, ſwore falſely againſt him. Is put to death.The Sultan being either convinced of his Vizier's guilt, or inſtigated by a jealouſy of his power, condemned him to die. Chaja Jehan, who was perhaps a no ſmall promoter of the Vizier's fall, was advanced to his office. Muckurrib ul Muluck was, at the ſame time, appointed governor of Mahummud-abad.
[358] A. D. 1392. Higer. 795. The Hindoo chiefs riſe again in arms.In the year 795, Sirvadhone of Rhator, and Bireban of Biſſu, ap⯑peared in arms; and Muckurrib was ordered, with the troops at Ma⯑hummud-abad, againſt them.
The Sultan falls ſick.Sultan Mahummud, about this time, marched to Mewat, to quell ſome diſturbances in that place. Upon his return to Mahummud-abad, he was taken ill of a dangerous fever, which rendered him de⯑lirious for ſome days. When he was in this condition, news was brought, that Bahadr Nahir* had plundered the country to the gates of Delhi. The Sultan, though far from being recovered of his illneſs, haſtened to Mewat. Defeats Ba⯑hadr Nahir.Bahadr Nahir, who headed the rebels, drew up his army at Kottilah, and gave Mahummud battle; but he was defeated, and fled to Jidger.
The Sultan dies.Mahummud, after this victory, returned to Mahummud-abad, and in the month of Ribbi ul awil of the year 796, ſent his ſon Humaioon Chan, to cruſh Shicha Gicker, who had rebelled, and poſſeſſed himſelf of Lahore. But before the prince had left Delhi, news was brought to him of his father's deceaſe; for the Sultan hav⯑ing relapſed into his former diſorder, expired on the 17th of Ribbi ul awil, at Mahummud-abad. He reigned about ſix years and ſeven months, and his body was depoſited at Delhi, with his fathers.
Humaioon aſcends the throne.Sultan Mahummud being mixed with the dead, his ſon Humaioon Chan aſcended the throne, by the name of Secunder Shaw. Dies.He continued or confirmed all his father's officers; but being in a few days taken with a violent diſorder, he went the way of his fathers, after a reign of forty-five days.
SECTION XXII. The Reign of NASIR UL DIEN MAMOOD SHAW, the ſon of Mahummud Shaw.
[359]A. D. 1393. Higer. 790. Mamood Shaw an in⯑fant, placed on the throne.WHEN Secunder Shaw yielded to the power of his fate, vio⯑lent diſputes aroſe among the Omrahs, about the ſucceſſion. They at laſt fixed upon Mamood, an infant ſon of Sultan Mahum⯑mud, whom they placed upon the throne, by the name of Naſir ul dien Mamood Shaw; while Chaja Jehan remained in the Vizarit, and abſolute government of the ſtate. Promotions at court.The title of Muckirrib Chan was conferred upon Muckirrib ul Muluck, with the high employ of Amir ul Omrah, or Captain-General. Sadit Chan was appointed Barbeck*, Saring Chan governor of Debalpoor, and Dowlat Chan Debire, nominated to the office of Aziz Mumalick†.
Diſtractions in the em⯑pire.The apparent debility of the Empire, ariſing from the King's mi⯑nority and diſſentions of the Omrahs, encouraged all the Hindoos around to kindle the flames of rebellion; particularly thoſe of the eaſtern provinces. Chaja Jehan, upon this occaſion, aſſumed the title of Sultan Shirki‡, and proceeded towards Behar, with a great army. He ſoon reduced that country to obedience, and having at the ſame time, forced the Prince of Bengal to pay him the cuſtomary tribute, he returned, and fixed his reſidence at Jionpoor.
The Vizier eſtabliſhes himſelf at Jionpoor.While Chaja Jehan thus eſtabliſhed himſelf, in oppoſition to his maſter, in the Eaſt, Saring Chan began to form an independency in the Weſt. Having, as Suba of Debalpoor, collected the troops of the province of Moultan, and the north-weſt diviſion of the empire, he advanced againſt Shicha Gicker, who waited for him at Adjodin, about twelve crores from Lahore. The Gickers defeated.A battle immediately enſued, and the Gickers being defeated, were obliged to take refuge among [360] A. D. 1394. Higer. 797.the mountains of Jimbo. Saring Chan, after this victory, left his brother Adil Chan in the government of Lahore, and returned him⯑ſelf to Debalpoor.
The Sultan marches to Biana and Gualier.Sultan Mamood this year, having left Delhi in charge of Muckir⯑rib Chan, marched towards Gualier, and Biana, accompanied by Sadit Chan and many of the chief Omrahs. When the King had arrived in the neighbourhood of Gualier, Mubarick Chan, the ſon of Malleck Raja, Mullu Eckbal Chan the brother of Raja Saring Chan, and Malleck Alla ul dien, conſpired againſt the life of Sadit Chan. But Sadit having timely information of the plot, ſlew Mubarick Chan and Malleck Alla ul dien, while Eckbal eſcaped to Delhi. Though the conſpiracy was thus quaſhed, the confuſions which were the con⯑ſequences of it, obliged the Sultan to return to the capital, without proſecuting the ſcheme of reducing thoſe territories to obedience.
The gates of Delhi ſhut againſt him.The diſtractions in the empire began now to multiply exceedingly. The Sultan arriving in the neighbourhood of Delhi, Muckirrib Chan came out to pay his reſpects. But having on his way under⯑ſtood, that Sadit Chan had ſworn vengeance againſt him, for affording protection to Mullu Eckbal Chan, he fled back to the city, and ſhutting the gates againſt the Prince, prepared to make a reſolute defence. He goes over to the beſieged.The city in ſhort was beſieged for three months, till the King being aſſured that the war was commenced and continued on account of Sadit Chan, accommodated matters with Muckirrib, and in the month of Mohirrim 797, was admitted into Delhi.
Another Sul⯑tan ſet up by Sadit Chan.Muckirrib, encouraged by the coming over of his Prince, marched the next day out of the city, with all his force, againſt Sadit Chan; but he was beat back with great loſs. The rains had now come on, and it being impoſſible for Sadit Chan to keep the field, he ſtruck his tents, and marched into Firoſe-abad. He immediately ſent for [361] A. D. 1393. Higer. 796.Nuſerit Chan, the ſon of Fatte Chan, and grandſon of Firoſe Shaw, from Mewat, and ſet him up in oppoſition to Mamood, by the title of Naſir ul dien Nuſerit Shaw. Under the name of this prince Sadit Chan began to manage the affairs of the Sultanit.
A faction ex⯑pels Sadit Chan from Firoſe-abad.But a new faction breaking out in his government, diſconcerted his meaſures. The ſlaves of Firoſe Shaw, diſguſted with his behavi⯑our towards them, prevailed upon the keepers of the elephants to join them. They forcibly placed Nuſerit Shaw upon an elephant, advanced againſt Sadit Chan, and drove him quite out of the city of Firoſe-abad, before he had time to prepare for his own defence. To avoid one danger, the unfortunate Sadit fell into another; He is ſlain.for having ſought protection under Muckirrib Chan, he was by him put to death.
The uncom⯑mon misfor⯑tunes of the empire.The misfortunes of the ſtate daily encreaſed. The Omrahs of Firoſe-abad, and of ſome of the provinces, eſpouſed the cauſe of Nu⯑ſerit Chan. Thoſe of Delhi, and others, ſupported the title of Ma⯑mood. The whole empire fell into a ſtate of anarchy, confuſion, and diſtraction. A civil war was kindled in every corner, and, a thing unheard of before, two Kings in arms againſt one another, re⯑ſided in one capital. Things however remained in this unfortunate ſituation for three years, with a ſurpriſing equality on both ſides; for if one monarch's party had at any time a ſuperiority over the other, it was in ſingularity of misfortunes. It was not a ſtate of war, but a continued battle between the two cities: Thouſands were killed al⯑moſt every day, and the place of the ſlain was conſtantly ſupplied by reinforcements from different parts of the empire. Some of the Su⯑bas of the provinces took no part in this civil war. They hoped to ſee the empire ſo weakened by public calamities, that they themſelves might become independant; and to lay a foundation for their future power, they withheld the cuſtomary revenues.
[362] A. D. 1396. Higer. 798. Tranſactions in the north-weſt provin⯑ces.In the year 798, Saring Chan, governor of Debalpoor, having ſome differences with Chizer Chan, governor of Moultan, made war upon him. After ſeveral engagements with various ſucceſs, victory de⯑clared for Saring. He immediately ſeized Moultan, became very powerful, and in the year following, advanced with a great army to Samana, which he reduced to his obedience. Nuſerit Chan diſpatch⯑ed Tatar Chan, Suba of Panniput, and Malleck Almaſs, with an ar⯑my againſt him. They engaged Saring on the firſt of Mohorrim, in the year 799, gave him a ſignal overthrow, and obliged him to fly to Moultan.
The grand⯑ſon of Amir Timur paſſes the Indus,Saring Chan received in that city, intelligence that Mirza Pier Mahummud Jehangire, the grandſon of Amir Timur*, had built a bridge over the Sind†, and that, having croſſed that river, he inveſted Outch. Saring immediately diſpatched Malleck Tagge ul dien, his Naib, with other Omrahs, and the beſt part of his army, to reinforce Malleck Ali, Naib to the governor of Outch. Pier Mahummud hearing of this army, advanced to the Bea, fell up⯑on them by ſurprize, juſt as they had croſſed that river, defeated and drove them back into the ſtream; ſo that more were drowned than fell by the ſword. A few of the diſcomfited army made the beſt of their way to Moultan.
Takes Moultan.Pier Mahummud kept cloſe at the heels of the runaways, and obliged Saring Chan to ſhut himſelf up in Moultan. After a ſiege of ſix months, he was obliged, for want of proviſions, to ſurrender at diſcretion; and being impriſoned, with all his army, Mahummud took poſſeſſion of the city. Saring, in a few days, found means to eſcape: but the country remained in ſubjection to the Moguls.
Tranſactions at Delhi.But to return to the tranſactions at Delhi. Mullu Eckbal Chan be⯑ing diſguſted with Mamood, deſerted him. He ſent a meſſage to [363] A. D. 1397. Higer. 799.Nuſerit Shaw, to deſire leave to join him with his party. This offer was very readily accepted; they met, went to the palace of Seri, and, upon the Koran, ſwore mutual friendſhip, at the tomb of Chaja Cuttub ul dien Kaki. During theſe tranſactions, Mamood with Muckirrib remained in the old city.
Eckbal Chan's per⯑fidy.The perfidious Eckbal, about three days after his deſertion, quarrelled with Nuſerit Shaw, and not regarding his oath, be⯑gan to form a conſpiracy againſt him. Nuſerit Shaw being in⯑formed of the plot, found himſelf conſtrained to quit the palace of Seri. The traitor fell upon him in his retreat, and took all his elephants, treaſure and baggage. The unfortunate prince, being in no condition to keep the field, fled to his Vizier at Panniput.
A treaty be⯑tween him and Sultan Mamood.Eckbal took immediately poſſeſſion of Firoſeabad. His power daily increaſed, and he now employed it to expel Mamood and Muckirrib from the old city. At length, by the mediation of ſome Omrahs, peace was concluded between the parties. But Eckbal, peculiarly perfidious, broke through all the ſacred ties of the treaty; and ſetting upon Muckirrib in his own houſe, by ſurprize, ſlew him. He immediately ſeized the young Sul⯑tan, and left him nothing but his life and the name of Emperor.
Ruins the af⯑fairs of Nuſe⯑rit Shaw.Eckbal, in the ſame year, marched from Delhi with Sultan Mamood, againſt Nuſerit Shaw, and Tatar Chan at Panniput. Tatar Chan, leaving his elephants and baggage in the fort, paſſed, by forced marches, the army of Eckbal, arrived before Delhi and inveſted it. Eckbal truſting to the ſtrength he left in Delhi, advanced and attacked Panniput, and took it the [364] A. D. 1398. Higer. 800.third day, by eſcalade. He then haſtened back to Delhi, and Tatar Chan having failed in his attempt upon that place, fled to his father in Guzerat. Eckbal entering the city, began to regulate the government, which had fallen into the utmoſt confuſion. In the mean time, to compleat the miſeries of the unhappy city and empire, news arrived, that Amir Timur had croſſed the Sind, with an intention to conquer Hindoſtan.
- Zitationsvorschlag für dieses Objekt
- TextGrid Repository (2020). TEI. 4759 The history of Hindostan from the earliest account of time to the death of Akbar translated from the Persian of Mahummud Casim Ferishta of Delhi With an appendix containing the history of the. University of Oxford Text Archive. . https://hdl.handle.net/21.T11991/0000-001A-6169-1