A DESCRIPTIVE ACCOUNT OF SWITZERLAND, CONTINUED.
CHAP. V. Town and Canton of Friburgh.
THE canton of Friburgh contains a ſmall portion of arable land, but abounds in paſtures; and, accordingly, its principal articles of exportation con⯑ſiſt in horned cattle, cheeſe, butter, and hides.
The cheeſe well known under the name of Gruyere, which is exported in ſuch large quantities, is made in a chain of mountains in this canton, about ten leagues in length, and four in breadth. All the cheeſe, though made in the ſame manner, is not of the ſame quality; a difference, probably ariſing from the diverſity of the ſoil; the ſame plants not growing at all heights, and the lower paſtures called gites, being not in ſuch high eſtimation for their goodneſs, as thoſe in the more elevated ſitua⯑tions.
The whole diſtrict is divided into greater or leſſer farms, which the proprietors let out in leaſes of three [2] or ſix years, at the annual rent of 16 ſhillings to 30 ſhillings, during five months for each cow, accord⯑ing to the nature or elevation of the ground: the lower paſtures, though not of the beſt quality, are the deareſt, becauſe being ſooner free from the ſnow, and later covered with it, they afford food to cattle for a longer ſpace.
Each farmer having rented a mountain, hires from the different peaſants in the canton, from 50 to 60 cows, from the 15th of May to the 8th of October: he pays from the rate of from £16, to £1136 per head; and each cow upon an average, yields from 20 to 24 quarts of milk per day, and ſupplies 200 pounds of cheeſe, during the five months. On the 18th of October, the farmer reſtores the cows to the different proprietors. The cattle are then paſ⯑tured in the meadows, which have been twice mow⯑ed, until the 10th or 11th of November, when, on account of the ſnow, they are uſually removed to the ſtables, and fed, during winter, with hay and after⯑graſs.
As the mountains in the canton of Friburgh, afford paſture for at leaſt 15,000 cows, it may be eſtimated, that they annually ſupply about 30,000 hundred weight of cheeſe, fit for exportation; beſides 2,000 or 3,000 on their return from the mountains, exclu⯑ſive [5] of a thinner ſort, which is made in various parts of the canton. The cheeſes fit for exportation, weigh from 40 to 60 pounds each, and are ſold from £117 to £2, per hundred weight. Beſides the cows which are paſtured during ſummer in the moun⯑tains, the canton contains about 10,000, belonging to the ſeveral land-holders, which ſupply their fa⯑milies with milk.
The buildings neceſſary for making the cheeſes, conſiſt of a chalet, or cottage, which contains a room with a furnace, for the purpoſe of boiling the milk, a cellar where the milk is preſerved, and a ſtable for 60 or 70 cows; near it is a kind of dairy-room, kept in an equal degree of temperature, where the cheeſes are every day turned and ſalted. The thickneſs of the Vat, in which each cheeſe is preſſed, is about four inches. The caſks for exportation, contain ten cheeſes, except thoſe deſtined for Italy, which hold only three, in order to be conveyed by mules acroſs the Great S. Bernard. The cheeſes well packed up, bear tranſporting into the moſt diſ⯑tant countries: they ought to be kept in a damp place, and frequently waſhed with white wine, for the purpoſe of preſerving them from inſects. When the cows return from the mountains, a ſpecies of cream cheeſe is made in autumn, and even in win⯑ter; [6] it is much eſteemed, and is dearer than that of Gruyerres.
The greateſt part of the ſalt uſed on theſe occa⯑ſions, is drawn from Franche Comté; a ſmall quan⯑tity from Lorraine and Bavaria, but its quality is much inferior. The conſumption of the whole canton, for all purpoſes, is at leaſt 20,000 hundred weight, of which 15,000 is drawn from Franche Comté.
A great number of mares, foals, and horned cattle are annually raiſed in the canton: the oxen of three or four years old, are ſold in the canton of Berne, in the country of Neuchatel, and in Franche Comté. Upon an average, it may be eſtimated, that the can⯑ton of Friburgh annually ſupplies paſture for 37,000 cows and oxen.
In the whole canton of Friburgh, are ſeven towns, the inhabitants of which, ſpeak a kind of patois, or corrupt medley of German and French; but in the town of Friburgh, the pure German prevails among perſons of rank, that language being uſed in the council, the two churches, and in all public inſtru⯑ments.
[7]Friburgh the capital, though not one of the moſt beautiful towns, is certainly one of the moſt pictu⯑reſque and wild in Switzerland. It ſtands partly in a ſmall plain, partly on bold acclivities, and on a ridge of rugged rocks, half encircled by the river Sane; it is ſo entirely concealed by the circumja⯑cent hills, that the traveller ſcarce catches the ſmalleſt glimpſe of it, until he burſts upon a view of the whole town from the overhanging eminence.
The fortifications, which conſiſt of high ſtone walls and towers, incloſe a circumference of about four miles; within which ſpace the eye compre⯑hends a ſingular mixture of houſes, rocks, thickets, and meadows, varying inſtantly from wild to agree⯑able, from the buſtle of a town to the ſolitude of the deepeſt retirement.
On all ſides the deſcent to the town is extremely ſteep; in one place the ſtreets even paſs over the roofs of the houſes. Many of the edifices are raiſed in regular gradation, like the ſeats of an amphithe⯑atre; many overhang the edge of a precipice in ſuch a manner, that on looking down, a weak head would be apt to turn giddy; and an unfortunate lover, repulſed in his ſuit, might inſtantly put an end to his pains, by taking a leap from the parlour [8] window, without the trouble of a journey to Leu⯑cate, or to the rocks of Meillerie.
The houſes of Friburgh are neat and well built, but the whole town has a dull and inanimate ap⯑pearance. Among the few objects worthy of par⯑ticular notice, are the cathedral, an elegant gothic edifice, erected in the latter end of the 14th century, and remarkable for the height and ſolidity of the tower; the town houſe, an ancient building, which formerly compoſed part of the palace belonging to the Duke of Zoeringen; and alſo a lime tree in the middle of the principal ſquare. Tradition reports that this tree was inſtantly planted by one of the ſoldiers, the 22d. of June, 1477, on his return from the battle of Morat: an emblem of Swiſs liberty, which took deep root on the memorable defeat of Charles the Bold; and thus remaining firm againſt the conflicts of time, has continued to ſpread and flouriſh, to the admiration and example of future ages.
The college of Jeſuits, ſays Addiſon, is reckoned the fineſt in all Switzerland. There is a great deal of room in it, and ſeveral beautiful views from dif⯑ferent parts of it. They have a collection of pic⯑tures repreſenting moſt of the fathers of their order, who have been eminent for their piety or learning. [9] Among the reſt, many Engliſhmen whom we name rebels, and they martyrs. Henry Garnet's inſcrip⯑tion ſays, That when the heretics could not prevail with him, either by threats or promiſes, to change his religion, they hanged and quartered him. At the Capuchins is the Eſcargotiere, which is the more remarkable as nothing of the kind is to be met with in other countries. It is a ſquare place boarded in, and filled with a vaſt quantity of large ſnails, that are eſteemed excellent food when they are well dreſſed. The floor is ſtrewed about half a foot deep with ſeveral kinds of plants, among which the ſnails neſtle all the winter ſeaſon. When Lent arrives they open their magazines, and take out of them the beſt meagre food in the world, for there is no diſh that they reckon comparable to a ragout of ſnails.
About a league from Friburgh is an hermitage which has been highly extolled by travellers on ac⯑count of its ſingularity. It is formed in the ſolid rock, and the chief curioſity conſiſts in its having been the work of two men; as ſuch, it is an aſto⯑niſhing performance, but in any other reſpect, it is hardly worth viſiting. In the laſt century a hermit ſcooped out a hollow in this rock, juſt ſufficient for him to lie at his full length: but his ſucceſſor de⯑ſiring a more commodious apartment, hewed, in the [10] heart of the mountain, a chapel, ſeveral apartments, ſtaircaſes, &c. The length of the whole is above 400 feet. One room is 90 feet long, and 20 broad; the ſteeple of this chapel, if it may be ſo called, is 80 feet high, and the chimney of the kitchen 90. The hermit who perforated this dwelling was near 30 years at the work. What an incredible waſte of time and induſtry! But ſuch is the folly of ſe⯑queſtered ſuperſtition, that for want of better occu⯑pations to employ the mind, it frequently has re⯑courſe to laborious trifles. The ſituation of this hermitage is beautiful; the rock, in which it is cut, hangs over the river Saine, which meandring through two chains of hills covered with wood, fills up all the valley beneath.
This canton is entirely catholic. It is ſuppoſed to contain above 60,000 inhabitants, without in⯑cluding the town of Friburgh, in which there are 6,000. The commerce here is too inconſiderable to be mentioned, and literature is by no means in a more flouriſhing ſtate. This canton draws conſi⯑derable ſubſidies from France both in money and ſalt; and it is computed that in proportion to its ſize, none of the other cantons have ſo many troops in that ſervice.
[11]The government of the canton of Friburgh is entirely ariſtocratic, the ſovereign and legiſlative authority being veſted in the great council, conſiſt⯑ing of 300; the members of which are choſen from that council, and from a few patrician families. This government reſembles the other ariſtocratic ſtates of Switzerland. The moſt remarkable cir⯑cumſtance that diſtinguiſhes it, is the mode of electing the members of the ſecret and of the little council. The names of the candidates are pri⯑vately placed in a box, containing as many diviſions as there are perſons who ſolicit the vacant office. In one of theſe partitions, the electors put in their ballot, as chance directs, without knowing to which of the candidates they may happen to give their vote: he who has moſt of theſe caſual ballots is elected.
CHAP. VI. Town and Canton of Zuric.
[12]THE learned Scheuchzer, calls this canton an epi⯑tome of all Switzerland, as containing in it, hills, vallies, plains, corn-lands, vineyards, lakes, rivers, vegetables of all kinds, and whatever elſe is neceſſary to the ſupport of life. Grain is culti⯑vated all over the country, but it ripens later in the mountainous parts, where the air is colder than in the levels or ſunny vallies. The hilly grounds in the eaſt, weſt, and ſouth borders afford a ſpecimen of the fertile Alps, as abounding in milk, cattle, butter and cheeſe; and towards Schafhauſen and the county of Turgau is a wine country. Fruits alſo are every where found here, and very good.
The lake of Zuric is the largeſt in all this Can⯑ton, and even one of the largeſt in Switzerland. It is of an oblong form and between 30 and 40 miles in length, but not more than four in breadth. [13] The proſpect from it is delightful; the little emi⯑nences by which it is bordered, being diverſified with towns, villages, cornfields, and vineyards; and behind theſe is every where a gradual aſcent of larger hills, terminating in the ſtupendous moun⯑tains of Glarus, Schweitz, and the Griſons, the ſum⯑mits of which are always covered with ice and ſnow.
The proportion of grain to the other productions of the earth, will appear from the following calcula⯑tion: There are 217,000 acres laid out in grain, 14,000 in vines, 94,000 in meadows, 42,000 in paſturages, and 103,000 in foreſt.
The canton contained, in 1784, 174,572 ſouls; including 10,500 in the capital. This large popu⯑lation, in proportion to the ſize of the canton, is owing to the trade of Zuric; as at leaſt two thirds of the inhabitants derive their livelihood by ſpin⯑ning thread and ſilk, and making linen for the ma⯑nufactures of the town.
As ſufficient corn is not produced for ſo large a population, the deficiency is chiefly ſupplied from Swabia. And in order to prevent a ſcarcity of ſo material an article, a public granary is maintained at the expence of government. The grain is retailed at the common price; but, in ſeaſons of ſcarcity, it [14] is ſold conſiderably cheaper, than it can be pur⯑chaſed at the market. The good effects of this eſ⯑tabliſhment, appeared in a ſcarcity of ſcorn, in the year 1771; when on account of its dearneſs, a pound of bread was ſold for ten pence, the ſame quantity was delivered by government for four-pence.
In the liſt of thoſe cantons, in which abundance is viſible, ſays De Langle, that of Zuric ought not to be forgotten. The clothes of the pooreſt peo⯑ple, are not diſfigured with either rents or dirt; they poſſeſs good ſtockings, good ſhoes, and good linen. I have traverſed this canton ſeveral times—I have frequently ſeen the ſhirts and ſhifts hung out to dry; and of 30, I have ſcarce perceived three to have a ſingle darn in them.
Nor is there a town here, however ſmall it may be, where there is not a fleſh market. An ox bleed⯑ing under the knife of a butcher, ſeems to loſe all its horrors in the villages of this canton.
A peaſant eat beef! What a theme, adds De Langle, for bitter reflections to the inhabitants of cities, who but too frequently can ſcarce procure bread!
[15]The houſes, however, do not correſpond with the neatneſs and rural luxury of their garments. The furniture and utenſils of cookery, the inſtru⯑ments of labour, and the veſſels of wood and earth⯑en-ware, are far from numerous. The generality of the towns and villages are ill-built—the houſes conſtructed of wood—and the roofs badly covered, ſcarce exclude the burning rays of the ſun, or the rigours of cold, and the inconveniences of wind and rain; almoſt the whole of them are without doors, and the inhabitants enter by the window!
The city of Zuric, ſtands at the northern extre⯑mity of the lake, and occupies both ſides of the ra⯑pid and tranſparent Limmat. Its environs are ex⯑tremely delightful; and exhibit an amphitheatre of hills, gradually ſloping to the borders of the wa⯑ter, enriched with paſture and vines; dotted with innumerable villas, cottages, and hamlets; and backed on the weſt, by a bold and gloomy ridge of mountains, which riſes gradually towards the Alps.
The town is divided into two parts; the old part, ſurrounded with the ſame ancient battlements and towers, which exiſted in the 13th century; and the ſuburbs, which are ſtrengthened by fortifications in the modern ſtile, but too extenſive. The ditches, [16] inſtead of being filled with ſtagnant water, are moſtly ſupplied with running ſtreams. The public walk is pleaſantly ſituated in a lawn, at the junction of the Limmat and the Sil, an impetuous and turbid torrent, which deſcends from the mountains of Einſidlin, two rows of lime trees, planted by the ſide of the Limmat, and following its ſerpentine di⯑rection, afford an agreeable ſhade in the heat of ſummer. The inhabitants are very induſtrious, and carry on with ſucceſs, ſeveral manufactures: the principal are thoſe of linens, cottons, muſlins, and ſilk handkerchiefs. The manufacturers do not in general, dwell within the walls; but the materials are moſtly prepared, and the work is completed in the adjacent diſtricts. For this reaſon, Zuric does not exhibit the activity and numbers of a great commercial city. The environs, on the contrary, are ſo extremely populous, that perhaps few diſ⯑tricts in the neighbourhood of a town, whoſe popu⯑lation ſcarcely exceeds 10,000 inhabitants, contain within ſo ſmall a compaſs, ſo many ſouls. The ſtreets are moſtly narrow; the houſes and public buildings, accord more with plainneſs and conve⯑nience, than with the elegance and ſplendor of a ca⯑pital.
The increaſe of luxury and opulence, will appear from conſidering, that in 1357, the number of men-ſervants [17] amounted to only 84, and of maid-ſervants to 263; whereas, in 1780, the former were 223, and the latter, 1734; or near a fifth of the whole popu⯑lation. In 1357, the amount of the whole popula⯑tion was 12,000 inhabitants, and in 1780, there were 10,000 inhabitants and upwards.
The manners of the inhabitants, are in general ſimple, and may perhaps in theſe times be eſteemed antiquated. Dinner is uſually ſerved at 12: in the afternoon, the gentlemen aſſemble in clubs, or ſmall ſocieties in the town during winter, and at their re⯑ſpective villas in ſummer. They frequently ſmoke, and partake of wine, fruit, cakes, and other re⯑freſhments. The women, for the moſt part em⯑ployed in their domeſtic occupations, or devoted to the improvement of their children, are not fond of viſiting. When they go out, they generally aſſem⯑ble in ſeparate coteries, to which only a few men, and thoſe chiefly the neareſt relations, are admitted; many of the ladies indeed, from a conſciouſneſs of their provincial accent, and a difficulty of expreſſing themſelves in French, ſeldom make their appear⯑ance, when ſtrangers are received.
This reſerve, however, among the ladies, begins greatly to abate, and to give place to a more ſoci⯑able intercourſe. Such, however, is the prevalence [18] of national habit, that a few families, which form a more agreeable mixture of company, are conſidered as differing from the eſtabliſhed cuſtoms, and are ſtill known by the name of the French ſociety.
Sumptuary laws, as well as thoſe againſt immo⯑rality, are here well obſerved. The former indeed, may exiſt, and be carried into execution, even among a people much corrupted; for it may be the policy of government, to enforce their obſervance. But the ſevereſt penalties will not be ſufficient to prevent crimes of an immoral tendency, amidſt a general diſſoluteneſs of manners: it is the popular principles that can alone invigorate ſuch laws, and give them their full operation. Among their ſump⯑tuary laws, the uſe of a carriage in the town is pro⯑hibited to all ſorts of perſons, except ſtrangers, and it is almoſt inconceivable, that, in a place ſo commercial and wealthy, luxury ſhould ſo little prevail.
At Zuric, the original Swiſs ſpirit of indepen⯑dence prevails, more than in any of the large towns in this country. The magiſtrates, leſs influenced by foreign courts, and above corruption, generally conſult the real advantage of their canton, and of the Helvetic confederacy. Zuric ſtill preſerves in the general diet, a very conſiderable ſway, which [19] ſhe deſerves, more from the opinion entertained of her integrity, than from her power: ſhe is looked up to, as one of the moſt independent and upright of the 13 cantons.
The charitable eſtabliſhments at Zuric, are the orphan houſe, which is regulated with extreme at⯑tention and care; an alms-houſe for poor burghers, an hoſpital for incurables, and that for the ſick of all nations, which uſually contains between ſix or 700 patients; and the Allmoſen-Amt, or foundation for the poor: this excellent inſtitution, puts out children as apprentices; and diſtributes money, clothes, and books of devotion to poor perſons, as well in the town, as in different parts of the canton, at the recommendation of the reſpective miniſters. In 1778, it diſtributed £5451.
Among the particular inſtitutions, muſt not be omitted the chirurgical ſeminary; it is formed by voluntary ſubſcriptions, and meets with great encou⯑ragement.
At Zuric, public education is a matter of ſtate, and under the immediate protection of government. The principal literary eſtabliſhments for the inſtruc⯑tion of youth are, the Caroline College for ſtudents in divinity; the college for polite literature, and the [20] ſchool of arts. The learned languages, divinity, natural hiſtory, mathematics, and in ſhort, every ſpecies of polite learning, as well as abſtruſe ſcience, is taught at ſmall expence in theſe reſpective ſemi⯑naries.
In conſequence of the unremitted attention, which, ſince the reformation, government has paid to the education of youth, many eminent perſons have flouriſhed in all branches of literature; and there is no town in Switzerland, where letters are more encouraged, or where they have been culti⯑vated with greater ſucceſs. A learned profeſſor of Zuric, has, in a very intereſting publication, diſ⯑played the important ſervices, which erudition and ſcience have derived from the labours of his coun⯑trymen. In thoſe biographical memoirs appear, among many others, the names of Zuingle, Bullinger, Conrad, Geſner, Hottinger, Simler, Spon, Scheutzer, Heydegger, Breitinger, Bodmer, Hertzel, Solomon Geſner, and Lavater.
The curioſity of the naturaliſt will be amply gra⯑tified by a view of the library and cabinet of Mr. John Geſner, profeſſor of phyſics, and canon of the cathedral, who inherits the zeal for natural hiſtory, which characterized his great anceſtor Conrad Geſ⯑ner. His cabinet is extremely rich in foſſils, and [21] remarkable for numerous repreſentations of inſects admirably painted by Schellenberg.
The ſociety of phyſics owes its origin to Meſſrs. Heydegger, Schultetz, and John Geſner. The firſt regular meeting was held in 1745, in a private houſe; and in a few years they received the protec⯑tion of government, which granted the profits of a lottery towards eſtabliſhing a fund. There are now about a hundred and twelve members: each pays on his admittance eight florins, or about 17 ſhillings, and the ſame ſum annually. Since 1757, a ſuit of apartments in a houſe, belonging to one of the tribes, has been aſſigned for holding their aſſemblies, and for containing their library and apparatus.
The grand and principal object of this ſociety, is the encouragement and improvement of practical agriculture. For this purpoſe the members correſ⯑pond with landholders in different parts of the can⯑ton, viſit various diſtricts in rotation; offer prizes for improvements in cultivation; and furniſh ſmall ſums of money to the poorer peaſants.
The public library at Zuric contains about 25,000 volumes, and a few curious manuſcripts. Among the latter are the following: 1, The original ma⯑nuſcript of Quintilian, found in the library of S. [22] Gallen, and from which the firſt edition of that great rhetorician was printed. 2. The pſalms, in the Greek tongue, written on parchment, dyed of a vi⯑olet colour. The letters are ſilver, except the ini⯑tials, which are in gold characters, and the margi⯑nal references are red. 3. Three Latin letters from Lady Jane Grey, to Bullinger, in 1551, 1552, and 1553. Theſe letters, written with her own hand, breathe a ſpirit of the moſt unaffected piety, and prove the extraordinary progreſs which this unfor⯑tunate and accompliſhed princeſs, though only in the 16th year of her age, had made in various branches of literature. The Greek and Hebrew quotations ſhew that ſhe was well acquainted with theſe languages. This library is alſo rich in the beſt editions of the claſſics; and particularly in the early impreſſions of the 13th century.
The ſovereign power reſides excluſively in the burgeſſes of the town, conſiſting of about 2,000.
The burghers, beſide the advantage of electing their magiſtrates, and of aſpiring to the adminiſtra⯑tion of affairs, enjoy the ſole right of commerce; all ſtrangers, and even ſubjects being excluded from eſ⯑tabliſhing manufactures in the city, or in any part of the canton.
[23]The legiſlative authority is veſted by the burghers, in the ſovereign council of 200; conſiſting, how⯑ever, of 212 members, drawn from the 13 tribes, into which the burghers are divided, and compriſing the ſenate or little council.
A burgher is qualified to vote at 20; is eligible into the ſovereign council, at 30; and into the ſe⯑nate, at 35. By theſe wiſe regulations, a man muſt have formed ſome experience in public affairs, before he is capable of holding an important charge.
The revenues of government, though not ex⯑ceeding £65,000 per Annum, are more than propor⯑tionate to the expences; which are regulated with the ſtricteſt economy. The ſtate is not only without debts, but an annual ſaving is depoſited in the public treaſury, for a reſort upon any public emer⯑gency.
Zuric was the firſt town in Switzerland, that ſe⯑parated from the church of Rome; being converted by the arguments of Zuingle. The example of Zuric, was ſoon followed by Berne, Schafhauſen, Baſle, with part of Glarus and Appenzel; the other cantons continuing to adhere to the religion of their anceſtors. In 1551, religious diſputes broke out [24] with ſo much violence and animoſity, as to occaſion a civil war; in which the proteſtants were defeated, and Zuingle loſt his life, in the 48th year of his age, at the battle of Cappel. Since that period two other religious wars have been kindled; one in 1656, in which the catholics gained the advantage; and the other in 1712, when the proteſtants proved vic⯑torious. The peace of Arace, which terminated theſe unhappy diſputes, has, it is to be hoped, finally compoſed all religious animoſities. By that treaty it is ſtipulated, that in all the provinces ſubject to cantons of different religions, there ſhall be a per⯑fect equality between the two ſects, and that they ſhall both enjoy the ſame privileges: to which is ad⯑ded, an expreſs prohibition to each party, not to uſe any terms of raillery or contempt, in ſpeaking of their reſpective worſhips.
CHAP. VII. Town and Canton of Lucerne.
[25]LUCERNE, originally ſubject to the houſe of Auſtria, was continually expoſed to the inroads of Uri, Schweitz, and Underwalden, after thoſe can⯑tons had ſecured their own liberty and independence. All her commerce to Italy, was by this means in⯑terrupted; her fair unfrequented, and her citizens compelled to be ever in arms, in order to protect their territory from inceſſant depredations. Under theſe circumſtances, the houſe of Auſtria, inſtead of giving the citizens any effectual aſſiſtance, impru⯑dently loaded them with additional taxes, as exor⯑bitant as they were unjuſt. The conſequence was, that Lucerne made her peace with the confederate cantons; and having ſoon after driven out the Auſtrian party, entered into a perpetual alliance with the canton of Uri, Schweitz, and Under⯑walden and became a member of the Helvetic con⯑federacy.
[26]The acceſſion of Lucerne gave additional credit and power to the confederacy; and enabled it in 1386, to reſiſt all the effort of a great and impla⯑cable enemy. In that year, Leopold, duke of Au⯑ſtria, invaded the canton with a numerous army; when the combined troops gained a bloody victory at Sempach, in which Leopold loſt his life.
In the accounts of this battle an inſtance of pri⯑vate valour in an individual is recorded, which would have done honour to a Grecian or Roman name; and only wants the pen of a Thucydides or a Livy to be equalled in fame, to the exploits of the moſt admired heroes of antiquity. The Auſtrian army, far ſuperior in number were drawn up in firm battalion, accoutred in heavy armour, and fur⯑niſhed with long pikes, which they preſented before them. The Swiſs troops were led into the attack in the form of a wedge, in order to open their way into the ranks of the enemy, and to break the ſoli⯑dity of the battalion. The latter nevertheleſs, con⯑tinuing ſometime impenetrable; Arnold de Winkel⯑ſeid, a native of Underwalden, ruſhed alone upon the enemy to certain death; and ſeizing as many pikes as he could graſp, endeavoured to force through the ranks but was killed in the attempt. His patriotic valour was not exerted in vain; it in⯑flamed the Swiſs with new courage, and taught them [27] the beſt method of penetrating into the battalion; which they at length effected, after the moſt deſ⯑perate efforts of invincible reſolution.
Leopold himſelf might have eſcaped when his troops firſt began to give way; but with a magna⯑nimity worthy of a better fate he determined, after having been a witneſs to the total rout of his army, not to ſurvive ſo ignominious a day: accordingly he ruſhed into the thickeſt of the enemy and was ſlain.
In the arſenal of this place are ſtill preſerved his armour, together with a large quantity of cords; which, according to the tradition of the country, he is ſaid to have brought with him, in order to have bound the citizens of Lucerne. The keeper of the arſenal diſplays theſe trophies with the ſame kind of triumph, as the man who ſhews the tower of London, points out the chains that were taken on board the Spaniſh Armada, which he tells ſtrangers, were deſtined by Philip II. for the principal nobi⯑lity in England.
The government of Lucerne is entirely ariſto⯑cratical, or rather indeed oligarchical. There are 500 citizens in the town from whom a council of 100, compriſing the ſenate or council of ſtate, are [28] choſen. The former is the nominal ſovereign; but the whole power actually reſides in the latter, con⯑ſiſting of 36 members, formed like that of Zuric, into two diviſions, which exerciſe the office by ro⯑tation. The council of ſtate has cognizance of cri⯑minal cauſes; but in caſe of capital condemnation, the ſovereign council is convoked in order to pro⯑nounce the ſentence: a practice worthy of imitation! for the condemnation of a criminal cannot be too maturely weighed; and the more ſolemnity is uſed in pronouncing the ſentence, the greater effect it muſt have upon the minds of the people.
As Lucerne is firſt in rank and power among the catholic cantons: all affairs relative to religion are treated in the diet, which aſſembles in the town every year, compoſed of the deputies of the other cantons: and the Pope's nuncio reſides here. The town contains ſcarcely 3000 inhabitants; has no manufactures of any conſequence, and little com⯑merce; and as to learning, ſays Coxe, it no where meets with leſs encouragement, and conſequently is leſs cultivated.
The whole of what is remarkable in this town may be compriſed in a very ſhort deſcription. The cathedral and the Jeſuits church are the only pub⯑lic buildings worth obſerving; but they are too [29] much loaded with rich ornaments, and diſgraced by bad paintings. In the cathedral is an organ of a fine tone, and of an extraordinary ſize: of the latter ſome judgment may be formed by the dimenſions of the centre pipe, which is ſaid to be 40 feet in length, and near three in breadth, and weighs 1100 pounds.
The bridges which ſkirt the town, round the edge of the lake, are the faſhionable walks of the place, and remarkable for their length. They are covered at top, and open at the ſides; by which means there is a conſtant view of this delightful and romantic country.
The inhabitants are almoſt totally engaged in agriculture. The ſouthern parts of the canton be⯑ing chiefly mountainous, furniſh for exportation cattle, hides, cheeſe, and butter; all the northern parts is fruitful in corn; the crops of which being more than ſufficient for the conſumption of the whole canton, there is a conſtant exportation of this article from the weekly market held in the town. This commerce is its chief ſupport.
In Lucerne is to be ſeen a topographical repre⯑ſentation of part of Switzerland, which attracts the notice of ſtrangers, and merits the moſt accurate [30] attention of the curious traveller. General Puiffer, who is the ingenious artiſt of this ſtructure, is a na⯑tive of the place, and a general in the French ſer⯑vice. It is a model in relief; and contains about 60 ſquare leagues of the moſt mountainous parts of Switzerland; namely, part of the cantons of Lu⯑cerne, Zug, and Berne, together with the whole of Uri, Schweitz, and Underwalden. This model is 12 feet long, and nine and a half broad. The prin⯑cipal part is compoſed of wax, the mountains of ſtone, and the whole is coloured: but what deſerves more particular obſervation is, that not only the woods of beech, pine, &c. are differently marked; but alſo the outward ſtrata of the ſeveral mountains, as well as their form, are diſtinguiſhed. In this work, the General employed about ten years with the utmoſt patience and aſſiduity: he himſelf raiſed the plans upon the ſpots, took the elevations of the mountains and laid them down in their ſeveral proportions. The plan is ſo minutely exact, that it takes in not only all the mountains, lakes, rivers, towns, villages, and foreſts, but every cottage, every torrent, every bridge, and even every croſs is diſ⯑tinctly and accurately repreſented. In the proſe⯑cution of this laborious performance, he was twice arreſted for a ſpy; and in the popular cantons, was frequently forced to work by moon-light, in order to avoid the jealouſy of the peaſants, who would [31] have thought their liberty endangered by ſo exact a plan being taken of their country. As he was obliged to remain for ſome time upon the tops of the Alps, where no proviſion could be procured, he generally carried with him a few ſhe-goats, whoſe milk ſupplied him with nouriſhment. In⯑deed his perſeverance in ſurmounting all the diffi⯑culties that neceſſarily aroſe in the courſe of this un⯑dertaking, is almoſt inconceivable. When he fi⯑niſhed any particular part, he ſent for the peaſants who reſided near the ſpot, eſpecially thoſe who hunted the chamois, and bid them examine accu⯑rately each particular mountain; whether it cor⯑reſponded, as far as the ſmallneſs of the ſcale would admit with its natural appearance: and then, by fre⯑quently retouching, he corrected the deficiencies.
This model exhibiting the moſt mountainous parts of Switzerland, conveys a ſublime picture of an im⯑menſe body of Alps, piled one upon another, as if the ſtory of the Titans were realized, and they had ſucceeded at leaſt in one part of the globe in heap⯑ing an Oſſa upon Pelion, and an Olympus upon Oſſa. The General informed me, ſays Coxe, and it is ſomewhat remarkable, that the top of the Alps, which croſs Switzerland in the ſame line, are nearly of the ſame level: or in other words, there are con⯑tinued chains of mountains of the ſame elevation, [32] riſing in progreſſion to the higheſt range; and from thence gradually deſcending in the ſame propor⯑tion towards Italy.
Lucerne, ſays Martyn is ſituated at the extremity of a moſt beautiful lake, where the river Reuſs iſſues from it. This river ſeparates the town into two un⯑equal parts, which are connected by three bridges; one wide, for carriages, and two narrow covered ones, for foot paſſengers: beſides theſe there is a fourth, over an arm of the lake, to paſs to the cathedral. Three of theſe bridges have old bad paintings, of the dance of death, and the hiſtory of the bible, and of Switzerland. The buildings are ancient, and the ſtreets narrow; nor is Lucerne populous in propor⯑tion to its extent. Since this is the great paſſage to Italy by mount S. Gothard; and the merchan⯑dize which comes from the Alps on mules, and is to be tranſported by the rivers Reuſs, Aar, and Rhines, is all depoſited here: it might have a flouriſhing trade of arts and manufactures were it attended to.
The lake of Lucerne exhibits greater variety, and more pictureſque ſcenery than any other of the Swiſs lakes. It is ſeven leagues long in a right line, and three wide about Kuſsnacht; but the ſhape is very irregular. The town of Lucerne, forms a fine ob⯑ject at one extremity. Mount Pelat, and the Rugi, [33] are noble mountains: the firſt well known to na⯑turaliſts for the variety of its plants and foſſils; the ſecond, peculiarly fitted to give a view over great part of Switzerland. At the foot of this, is the ſmalleſt republic, and perhaps the moſt perfect democracy in Europe, that of Gerſaw. The inha⯑bitants are about 1000; it is abſolutely indepen⯑dent; and under the protection of the four cantons. The ſcenery of that part, which is called the lake of Uri, is particularly ſublime: it is narrow, and edged on both ſides with the moſt wild and romantic rocks, with woods of beech and pine, down to the very waters edge.
But this lake is particularly intereſting, for hav⯑ing been the theatre, whereon the independency of Switzerland was originally planned. Here is the chapel of William Tell, on a rock jutting out into the lake, under a hanging wood: and the village of Brunnen, where the treaty of 1315, was ſigned between Uri, Schweitz, and Underwalden. Schweitz, the capital of the canton, is but two miles from it.
The canton of Lucerne, holds the third place among the 13, and is the head of the catholic can⯑tons. Though leſs than Zuric, and conſequently leſs than Berne, it is, however, far more extenſive [34] than any of the reſt, being 15 or 16 leagues long, and eight broad. The population is eſtimated at 100,000. The difference between Zuric and Lu⯑cerne, is very ſtriking; there, every body is em⯑ployed in uſeful arts and manufactures: here, all is gay, and pleaſure ſeems the only purſuit.
CHAP. VIII. Town and Canton of Soleure.
SOLEURE is pleaſantly ſituated on the Aar, which here expands its banks, and opens into a fine broad river. It is a ſmall, but extremely neat town, and is ſurrounded by regular ſtone fortifica⯑tions, erected in the beginning of the preſent cen⯑tury; their walls encloſe a circumferance of ſcarcely more than 50 ſquare acres, and including the ſuburbs, contain about 4000 ſouls. Among the moſt remarkable objects of curioſity in this town, is the new church of S. Urs. It is a noble edifice, [35] of whitiſh grey ſtone, drawn from the neighbour⯑ing quarries, which admits a poliſh, and is a ſpecies of rude marble. The lower part of the building, is of the Corinthian, the upper of the Compoſite or⯑der: the facade, which conſiſts of a portico, ſur⯑mounted by an elegant tower, preſents itſelf finely at the extremity of the principal ſtreet. Pizoni was the architect, and the expence amounted to at leaſt £80,000; a conſiderable ſum for ſo ſmall a republic, whoſe revenues ſcarce ſurpaſs £12,000 per Annum. A picture by Rubens and his ſcholars, in the church of the Cordeliers, and one by Le Saeur, in that of the Capuchins, deſerve perhaps to be noticed by the traveller, who is fond of the fine arts. The town-houſe is not in itſelf worthy of obſervation, but is mentioned only as being the place of meeting for the great council and ſenate.
The public priſon, newly conſtructed, is a ſolid edifice of ſtone, and is well adapted to the purpoſe of the building; the priſoners being confined in ſe⯑parate cells. Although the penal laws are ſevere in theory, yet the judicial ſentences, in criminal affairs, are ſo remarkably mild, that a priſoner, on his ac⯑quital, wrote the following inſcription on the wall of his cell: "He who is inclined to rob, and eſcape hanging, let him rob in the canton of Soleure." The Jeſuits church is famous for its paintings, [36] ſtucco-work, and frontiſpiece, towards which, Lewis XIV. gave 10,000 livres.
The public library deſerves to be mentioned, not for the number or rarity of the volumes, but for the literary zeal of the Abbé Herman, a canon of the cathedral, to whom it owes its origin. In 1776, there was no public collection of books; but a few years ago, that ingenious eccleſiaſtic, amaſſed about 400 volumes from his own and his friends ſtock, ob⯑tained from government an apartment in the town-houſe, where he depoſited them, and requeſted to be appointed librarian, but without a ſalary. His petition being granted, he continued to augment his little collection; and from this ſmall beginning, has increaſed it already to 11,000 books, among which are above 150 printed in the 15th century. At the two extremities of the room, are inſcribed the names of the benefactors to the library. As yet there is no fund eſtabliſhed for its ſupport or aug⯑mentation.
The Abbé has alſo begun to form a cabinet of medals, which, though ſmall, will increaſe like the library. Great merit is due to the Abbé, for hav⯑ing given birth to this collection, at firſt alone and unſupported, and in ſo diſintereſted a manner, as his income does not exceed £60 per annum, and [37] in a town where literature is not much encouraged, This learned eccleſiaſtic is now employed in wri⯑ting an account of Soleure, at the period of the re⯑formation, and in collecting ample materials for a complete hiſtory of the canton.
With reſpect to natural hiſtory, the only cabinet in the town is that formed by Senator Wallier: it is a ſmall collection, but well choſen, and particularly intereſting to the naturaliſt who travels into thoſe parts; becauſe the ingenious collector has confined himſelf chiefly to the minerals and petrefactions of the canton.
The environs of this city are planted with very fine walks; and the circumjacent country is exceed⯑ingly pleaſing and diverſified, and exhibits ſeveral points of view, which are as agreeable as wild, and as pleaſing as romantic. Among theſe is the ſitua⯑tion of a hermitage, about half a mile from the town, which is remarkably ſtriking: it is a moſt agreeable receſs at the extremity of a ſmall wood, and between two ridges of bare perpendicular rocks, watered by a lively ſtream; one extremity is cloſed by a ſmall wood, and the other opens into fertile grounds, backed by the dark mountains of Jura.
[38]The canton of Soleure is nearly twelve leagues in length, and ſeven in its greateſt breadth; ſtretching partly through the plain, and partly along the ridges of the Jura. Its population may amount to be⯑tween 40 and 50,000 ſouls, of which the capital contains about 5000: all the inhabitants of the can⯑ton are catholics.
The government is ariſtocratical, upon much the ſame plan as that of Lucerne, and of Fribourg: the patrician families are in poſſeſſion of all the public employments. The ſovereign council conſiſts of 125 members, from which the ſenate or acting council, conſiſting of 35, is elected.
The revenues of this government, and the ſtipends of the numerous places held under it, are by no means ſmall; ſo that the chief families derive, from the ſeveral parts they poſſeſs, very profitable emo⯑luments.
The ſoil of this canton is exceedingly fertile, and thoſe diſtricts which lie within the Jura, abound in excellent paſture: but there is a great want of hands for all the purpoſes of agriculture; Never⯑theleſs the ground is ſo particularly favourable to corn, that a third part of the yearly produce may be exported, without the leaſt detriment to the public. [39] The trade, both of the town and the canton, is of little value, although they are very commodiouſly ſituated for carrying on an extenſive commerce.
The French ambaſſador to the Helvetic body, re⯑ſides in this town, and diſtributes from hence thoſe annual penſions or ſubſidies which the court of France ſtipulated by treaty to pay the Cantons: they amount to about 30,000 pounds a year.
On the road between Berne and Solure is a mo⯑nument erected by the republic of Berne, which tells us the ſtory of an Engliſhman who is not to be met with in any of our own writers. The inſcription is in Latin verſe on one ſide of the ſtone, and in Ger⯑man on the other. The ſubſtance of it is this: 'One Cuſſinus, an Engliſhman, to whom the Duke of Auſtria had given his ſiſter in marriage, came to take her from among the Swiſs by force of arms, but after having ravaged the country for ſome time, he was here overthrown by the canton of Berne.'
CHAP. IX. Town and Canton of Baſle.
[40]TO the eaſt this canton is bounded by the Frick⯑thal, to the ſouth and weſt by the canton of Soleure; and to the north by the Margravate of Baden Durlach, and by Rheinfalden, a foreign di⯑ſtrict in Auſtria.
From Baſle, as far as Lichſtal and Siſſach, the whole country abounds in corn and wine; but be⯑yond it, is extremely mountainous, cold, and even barren, except that on theſe mountains; and in the valleys are the moſt beautiful paſtures covered with cattle. In the city of Baſle are divers medicinal ſprings, and in the reſt of the country, baths of ap⯑proved virtue.
In the whole canton are three towns, and it has conſtantly perſevered in the profeſſion of proteſtan⯑tiſm, ever ſince the introduction of that religion in 1529.
[41]Baſle, the capital, is beautifully ſituated upon the banks of the Rhine, near the point where that ri⯑ver, which here becomes very broad, deep, and ra⯑pid, after flowing ſome way from eaſt to weſt, turns ſuddenly to the north. It conſiſts of two towns joined together by a long bridge; the large town lies on the ſide of Switzerland, and the ſmall town on the oppoſite banks of that river. It ſtands very favourably for commerce; an advantage which the inhabitants have by no means neglected: for they have eſtabliſhed a great variety of manufactures, particularly of ribbands and cottons; and an exten⯑ſive trade is carried on by the principal merchants.
The cathedral is an elegant gothic building, but ſtrangely disfigured by a daubing of roſe-coloured paint, ſpread over the whole edifice.
In this church are depoſited, under a marble tomb, the venerable remains of the great Eraſmus. This diſtinguiſhed writer, joined to ſuperior learning, and a peculiar elegance of ſtyle, the keeneſt wit, which he pointed, not only againſt the vices and ig⯑norance of the monks, but the general corruption and diſorders of the Roman church. He was indeed the forerunner of Luther, in his firſt attack upon the catholics, reſpecting the ſale of indulgences: but af⯑terwards, when the controverſy appeared more ſeri⯑ous, [42] and an open breach with the court of Rome ſeemed inevitable, he condemned the proceedings of that bold reformer. Eraſmus reflected much ho⯑nour upon this town by chooſing it as the favourite place of his reſidence, and publiſhing from hence the greateſt part of his valuable works. In the public library are preſerved, with great veneration, ſeveral of his letters, his laſt teſtament, written with his own hand; as alſo his hanger and ſeal.
The univerſity of Baſle, founded by Pope Pius II. in 1459, was formerly eminent in the literary hiſtory of Europe. If it has fallen from its priſtine ſtate of renown, its decline muſt be principally imputed to the caſual method of electing the profeſſors; but it ſtill boaſts ſeveral members who do honour to their native town by their learning and abilities.
The public library contains a ſmall collection of books, chiefly remarkable for ſeveral rare and va⯑luable editions; particularly of thoſe printed in the 15th century. The moſt curious manuſcripts are numerous letters of the firſt reformers, and of other learned men in the 15th, 16th, and 17th centuries; and an account of the proceedings at the council of Baſle.
[43]In a ſuit of rooms belonging to this library, is a cabinet of petrefactions; ſome ancient medals and gems; a few antiquities found at Augſt; a large number of prints, and ſome fine drawings and paint⯑ings, conſiſting chiefly of originals by Holbein, who was a native of this town. Theſe pictures are moſt of them in the higheſt preſervation: the connoiſieur can here trace all the different manners of Holbein, and compare the productions of his youth with thoſe of his maturer age.
Among the works of Holbein, that diſcover the livelineſs of his fancy, muſt be mentioned the ſketches which he drew on peruſing the eulogium of Folly, by Eraſmus, upon the margin of that work; which he had received as a preſent from the author. This curious volume is preſerved in the library with great attention; and has been lately publiſhed in French, Latin, and German by M. Haas, with fac-ſimilies of the original deſigns, engraved on wood.
The dance of death, in the church-yard of the predicants, of the ſuburbs of S. John, is frequently ſhewn to ſtrangers as being of Holbein's pencil. It is painted in oil colours, upon a wall encloſing the bu⯑rial ground; but as it has been retouched ſeveral times, no traces are diſcoverable of that great maſ⯑ter's [44] hand. In fact the Hon. Horace Walpole, and other unqueſtionable judges, have proved that this performance was painted before Holbein, and that he was not employed even in retouching it.
Baſle is the largeſt, and ſeems formerly to have been one of the moſt populous towns in Switzerland: its extent is capable of containing above 100,000 inhabitants; whereas it can ſcarcely number 11,000. Many particular cauſes may have occurred to oc⯑caſion this remarkable decreaſe of people; but the following is the principal reaſon to which it may be aſſigned.
It is proved from undoubted calculations, that, in all great cities, the number of burials exceeds that of births: conſequently, unleſs this unequal proportion is compenſated by a conſtant acceſſion of new inhabitants, in proceſs of time every great town muſt neceſſarily become depopulated. Now the citizens of Baſle are ſo jealous of the burgherſhip, and pride themſelves ſo much upon the privileges which accompany it, that they ſeldom deign to con⯑fer it upon foreigners: a ſupply therefore to balance this gradual waſte of people, can never be derived from an influx of ſtrangers, where they are not per⯑mitted to carry on commerce, or follow any trade. A few years ago, ſome of the magiſtrates procured [45] a law, by which the freedom of the town, and the right of burgherſhip was allowed to be conferred on ſtrangers; but it was clogged with ſo many reſtric⯑tions, as by no means to anſwer the purpoſe for which it was intended, for bodies of men are ſeldom actuated by ſo generous a ſpirit, as to ſacrifice their perſonal and immediate advantages, to the future welfare and proſperity of their country.
A very remarkable ſingularity in this town, which ſurpriſes every ſtranger is, that all the clocks con⯑ſtantly go an hour faſter than the real time. Differ⯑ent reaſons have been aſſigned for this. Some aſſert, that it was firſt practiſed during the council at Baſle, in order to aſſemble at an earlier hour, the cardinals and biſhops, who being very lazy and indolent, al⯑ways arriving too late. Others maintain, that a con⯑ſpiracy being formed to aſſaſſinate the magiſtrates at midnight, one of the burgo-maſters, who had notice of the deſign, cauſed the clock-maker to advance the town-clock an hour; by which means, the conſpi⯑rators, imagining the appointed time was elapſed, retired: and that the clocks are kept ſtill in the ſame advance, to commemorate that happy deliver⯑ance. But there is a third reaſon given for this ſtrange cuſtom, which ſeems the moſt probable. It is well known, that the choirs of cathedrals are con⯑ſtructed towards the eaſt; that of Baſle, declines [46] ſomewhat from this direction; and the ſun-dial which is placed on the outſide of the choir, and by which the town-clock is always regulated, partakes of this declination; a circumſtance which, according to the celebrated Bernoville, occaſions a variation from the true time above five and forty minutes.
The inhabitants of Baſle, are ſtill ſo attached to this whimſical cuſtom, that, although it has been often propoſed in the ſovereign council to regulate their clocks properly, yet the motion has been in⯑variably rejected; and the people would ſuſpect that their liberties were invaded, if their clocks were to agree with thoſe of the reſt of Europe. A few years ſince, ſeveral leading men of the town deter⯑mined to alter the hand of the ſun-dial half a mi⯑nute a day until the ſhadow ſhould imperceptibly point to the true hour. This expedient was accordingly adopted, and the clock had already loſt near three quarters of an hour when an accident diſcovered the deſign: the magiſtrates were accord⯑ingly compelled to place the hand of the ſun-dial in its former poſition, and to regulate the hours by it as uſual. Long eſtabliſhed cuſtom, however ridi⯑culous, is apt to make ſo ſtrong an impreſſion upon vulgar minds, as to become ſometimes dan⯑gerous, and always difficult to be aboliſhed. It [47] was no inconſiderable length of time, before we in England could be perſuaded to reckon our years according to the general mode of computation re⯑ceived by the reſt of Europe.
The bridge over the Rhine is 250 common paces in length, and makes a good appearance. On the tower which ſtands towards France is a Moor's head crowned, which every minute thruſts out its long red tongue. This droll figure, however does not diſguſt like that filthy repreſentation which ſtands in a little cabin in the middle of the bridge, before which the public proſtitutes, when baniſhed from the town are found to undergo ſome ridiculous ceremonies. This Moor's head was ori⯑ginally a piece of mechanical wit of the famous Clock-maker who ſaved the town. He made it in deriſion of the enemy he had ſo dexterouſly de⯑ceived. It has been repaired and enabled to thruſt out its tongue every minute for 400 years paſt, at the expence of the magiſtrates, who think, as I have obſerved, ſo excellent a joke cannot be too often repeated.
St. Peter's ſquare, with its rows of lime trees, is the beſt walk in Baſle. In 1689, an oak was planted here, which by the particular arrangement of its wide branches, forms three diſtinct landing places or floors.
[48]Not far from the Cathedral is the Hotel de Ville, an ancient building; the great room in which the Council aſſembled in 1481, remains, ſeemingly in its original ſtate.
The ſumptuary laws are very ſtrict here. The uſe of coaches in the town is not indeed prohi⯑bited, as at Zuric; but, what is more ſingular, no citizen or inhabitant, is allowed to have a ſervant behind his carriage. Laws of this kind may be carried, in ſome inſtances, to a ſcrupulous and even ridiculous minuteneſs; upon the whole, however, they are excellent regulations, and not only uſeful, but neceſſary in a ſmall republic.
The lower rank of citizens are, in general, ſo ſtrongly prejudiced in favour of this town, as to ſeem convinced that true felicity is only to be found at Baſle. Every perſon boaſts that he is free, and is ſo in reality; and as the citizens not only poſſeſs very conſiderable privileges and immunities; but each individual may alſo indulge the hope of being one day choſen into the ſovereign council; he en⯑joys a certain degree of reſpect and conſideration extremely flattering to his ſelf-importance.
The inhabitants of Baſle, ſays Moore, ſeem to be of a reſerved and ſaturnine diſpoſition; whether [49] natural or affected is not eaſy to tell; but the few, ſays this writer I converſed with, had ſomething uncommonly ſerious and formal in their manner. How an unremitting gravity and ſolemnity of man⯑ner, in the common affairs of life comes to be con⯑ſidered as an indication of wiſdom, or of extraordi⯑nary parts is not a little ſurpriſing. So many ridi⯑culous things occur every day in this world, that men, who are endowed with that degree of ſenſi⯑bility, which uſually accompanies genius, find it very difficult to maintain a continued gravity. This difficulty is abundantly felt, even in the grave and learned profeſſions; and the individuals who have been moſt ſucceſsful in ſurmounting it, and who never deviate from the ſolemnity of eſtabliſhed forms, have not always been the moſt diſtinguiſhed for real knowledge or genius; though they are ge⯑nerally moſt admired by the multitude, who are very apt to miſtake that gravity for wiſdom, which proceeds from a literal weight of the brain and muddineſs of underſtanding. Miſtakes of the ſame kind are frequently made in forming a judgment of books as well as of men. Thoſe which profeſs a formal deſign to inſtruct and reform, and carry on the work methodically till the reader is lulled into repoſe, have paſſed for deep and uſeful perform⯑ances; while others, replete with original obſerva⯑tion and real inſtruction, have been treated as fri⯑volous, [50] becauſe they are written in a familiar ſtyle, and the precepts conveyed in a ſprightly and indi⯑rect manner.
Works compoſed with the laborious deſire of be⯑ing thought profound, have ſo very often the miſ⯑fortune to be dull, that ſome people have conſidered the two terms as ſynonimous; and the men who receive it as a rule, that one ſet of books are pro⯑found, becauſe they are dull; may naturally con⯑clude, that others are ſuperficial, becauſe they are entertaining. With reſpect to books, however, matters are ſoon ſet to rights; thoſe of puffed and falſe pretenſions, die neglected, while thoſe of real merit, live and flouriſh. But with regard to the men, the cataſtrophe is often different; we daily ſee formal aſſuming blockheads, flouriſh and enjoy the fruits of their pompous impoſitions, while many men of talents, who diſdain ſuch arts, live in obſcu⯑rity, and die neglected.
Moore here gives a curious anecdote of this ſatur⯑nine diſpoſition, in a Dutchman, whom he ſupped with at a table-d'hote in this city. There were ten or a dozen people at table. I ſat next to a genteel looking man from Straſburgh, with whom I con⯑verſed a good deal, during ſupper. He had for his companion, a round faced, roſy, plump gentleman, [51] from Amſterdam, who did not ſpeak French; but the Straſburgher addreſſed him from time to time in Low Dutch, to which the other replied by nods
When the retreat of the greater part of the com⯑pany had contracted the little circle which re⯑mained, I expreſſed ſome regret to my Straſburgh acquaintance, that my friend and I could not ſpeak a little Dutch; or that his friend could not ſpeak French, that we might enjoy the pleaſure of his con⯑verſation. This was immediately tranſlated to the Dutchman, who heard it with great compoſure, and then took the pipe from his mouth, and made an anſwer, which, with ſome difficulty, I got our inter⯑preter to explain. It was to this effect: That we ought to conſole ourſelves for the accident of not underſtanding each other; for as we had no con⯑nection or dealing in trade together, our converſa⯑tion could not poſſibly anſwer any uſeful purpoſe. My friend made a low bow to this compliment, ſaying, that the juſtneſs and good ſenſe of that re⯑mark, had certainly eſcaped my obſervation, as he acknowledged it had hitherto done his.
The ſupreme legiſlative power of this canton, re⯑ſides in the great and little councils, conſiſting of about 300 members: and the authority of theſe two councils combined, is without controul. They [52] enact laws; declare war and peace; contract alli⯑ances; and impoſe laws: they elect the ſeveral ma⯑giſtrates; appoint their own members; nominate to all employments; and confer the right of burgher⯑ſhip. The general adminiſtration of government, is committed by the great council to the ſenate, or little council, that is, to a part of its own body. This ſenate, compoſed of 60 members, is divided into two bodies, which act by rotation. The acting diviſion continues in office one year; decides finally in all criminal cauſes; ſuperintends the police; and exerciſes ſeveral other powers ſubordinate to the ſo⯑vereign council. The collective body of the citi⯑zens, aſſemble once every year, when the magiſtrates publicly take an oath to maintain the conſtitution, and preſerve the liberties and immunities of the peo⯑ple inviolate. The reciprocal oath of obedience to the laws, is alſo adminiſtered to the citizens.
Notwithſtanding the great and boundleſs prero⯑gative of the great council; yet the meaneſt citizen is capable of being admitted into that body; for the vacancies in the two councils, are ſupplied from all ranks of citizens, one claſs only excepted, the mem⯑bers of the univerſity. Formerly theſe elections were determined by a plurality of voices, but as by theſe means, the richeſt perſon was always certain of [53] being choſen, a ternaire was eſtabliſhed in 1718, which was afterwards changed into a ſenaire, that is, ſix candidates are nominated, and from theſe the ſucceſſor is appointed by lot.
But the principal magiſtrates are not the only perſons choſen by lot; even the profeſſors in the Univerſity are elected in the ſame manner. Hence nothing is more common than for a candidate to offer himſelf for the profeſſorſhip of a ſcience, which he has never made the peculiar object of his ſtudies; if the chair of that particular ſcience in which he excels is already occupied: for under theſe circumſtances, the reſpective unqualified pro⯑feſſors change place with each other.
Near Baſle are the ruins of Auguſta Rauricorum, formerly a large town under the dominion of the Romans, now a ſmall village in the canton of Baſle cloſe to the Rhine. Its ancient remains are very inconſiderable, conſiſting of a few columns of mar⯑ble, ſtill ſtanding, and ſome ſcattered fragments of pillars, together with a ſemicircular range of walls upon a riſing ground, the greateſt part of which is fallen, and is almoſt entirely overgrown with under⯑wood. From the preſent appearance of theſe ruins, it would ſcarce be conjectured that they once com⯑poſed [54] part of a theatre capable of containing about twelve thouſand ſpectators.
The peaſants in turning up the ground where theſe ruins are ſituated, frequently find medals of the Roman emperors, from Auguſtus to Conſtantine: and are become, by repeated experience, able to diſtinguiſh, with ſome degree of preciſion, thoſe that are rare from the more common coins.
M. Kochlin's commercial ſchool at Mulhauſen, about fifteen miles from Baſle, deſerves to be men⯑tioned. It is a private academy, for about thirty ſcholars, who are inſtructed in the German, French, and Latin languages; in fencing, dancing, and all polite accompliſhments; and more particularly in accounts and book-keeping. The expence, in⯑cluding a uniform, amounts to 50l. per annum, The plan is very judicious, and the whole appears to be well conducted.
At Bellelay about 20 miles from Baſle, in a rich abbey of Benedictines, has been inſtituted a military academy for the young nobility and gentry. They are inſtructed in the various branches of polite lite⯑rature, wear uniforms, and are trained to military manoeuvres and exerciſes. The cheapneſs of this ſchool, and its diſtance from the diſſipation of large [55] towns, renders it of great public utility. The whole expence of each ſcholar, for his board, lodg⯑ing, inſtruction, and various leſſons, ſcarcely ex⯑ceeds 20l. per annum. It is curious to find a mili⯑tary academy eſtabliſhed in the midſt of rocks and foreſts, and within the walls of a convent; and to obſerve Benedictine friars, inſtead of waſting their time in monkiſh ignorance and ſuperſtition, render⯑ing themſelves beneficial to ſociety.
At Arleſheim about four miles from Baſle, is a curioſity of another kind, a hermitage that has been made at conſiderable expence, with a view to em⯑ploy the poor in a time of great ſcarcity, and to provide walks for the inhabitants of the town. The grounds are very extenſive and pleaſant. The walks are carried along the ſides of the rocks, which are richly wooded, and through a delightful ſemi⯑circular plain, bounded by fertile hills, and watered by a ſmall lake, the borders of which are peculiarly wild and pictureſque. Several caverns, hollowed and arched by the hand of nature, add to the ro⯑mantic ſingularity of the ſcenery; while many tranſparent ſtreams, conveyed from a conſiderable diſtance fall in ſmall caſcades, or bubble from the ground like real ſprings.
CHAP. X. Town and Canton of Schaffhauſen.
[56]SCHAFFHAUSEN is the moſt northern of all the cantons of Switzerland, and for the moſt part ſurrounded by Swabia. It is the twelfth can⯑ton in rank, and the leaſt of them all, being only five leagues in length, and three in breadth. The number of inhabitants is eſtimated at about 30,000. The Rhine, the courſe of which has been deſcribed is the only river of note here. This canton pro⯑duces a great deal of corn, though not in ſufficient quantity for the inhabitants, who are farther ſup⯑plied from Swabia. It is abundant in hay and fruit; and of good red wine there is a conſiderable quan⯑tity furniſhed for exportation.
Schaffhauſen is a neat and tolerably well-built town, ſituated upon the northern ſhore of the Rhine; it is the capital of the canton, and owes its origin to the interruption of that river by the cataract at Lauffen: huts being at firſt conſtructed for the con⯑venience [57] of unloading the merchandize from the boats, by degrees increaſed to a large town. Its preſent population is ſuppoſed to be about 6,000 in⯑habitants. It was formerly an imperial city and governed by an ariſtocracy, and in 1501 was ad⯑mitted a member of the Helvetic confederacy. It is ſlightly fortified, and has a kind of citadel, but no garriſon, though a frontier town. The buildings are old faſhioned and indifferent: moſt of them have the name of the inhabitant, the date of the building, and ſome device over the door, and ſome have the front painted all over. Here and at Baſle, they are fond of ſalient windows and mirrors to ena⯑ble them to look up and down the ſtreets: theſe are not very narrow, but they are ill paved, with mid⯑dle and croſs kennels. There are two conſiderable churches, the Munſters and St. John's; in the lat⯑ter is a library; and there is a ſecond in the town for the uſe of the citizens. At the reformation, a ſchool or academy was eſtabliſhed, where the ſacred languages, and ſciences proper for eccleſiaſties are taught.
The only thing that can really excite the attention of the judicious ſtranger in this canton, is the wooden bridge thrown acroſs the Rhine, and which is totally diſregarded by the inhabitants. This bridge, which is 342 feet long, is entirely covered [58] with a roof from one extremity to the other, and is ſo contrived, that there is no neceſſity for any arches to ſupport it. Every time that a carriage travels along, it yields to the preſſure, ſwings from one ſide to the other, and ſeems ready to give way; it is however remarkably ſafe, and has remained in the ſame ſituation for many years.
This ſingular erection is the work of a ſimple car⯑penter, of the canton of Appenzel, called Grubben⯑mann. It is aſſerted, that the whole bridge conſiſts entirely of one arch, and the pier which is placed in the middle of the river, was added at the parti⯑cular deſire of the magiſtrates of Schaffhauſen, who were at once aſtoniſhed and affrighted at the bold⯑neſs of the undertaking.
The river here, ſays Coxe, is extremely rapid, and had already deſtroyed ſeveral bridges of ſtone, built upon arches of the ſtrongeſt conſtruction, when this carpenter undertook to throw a wooden one of a ſingle arch acroſs it. The magiſtrates however, in⯑ſiſted that it ſhould conſiſt of two arches, and that he ſhould make uſe for that purpoſe, of the middle pier of the old bridge, which remained entire. Accordingly, the architect was obliged to obey; but he has contrived it in ſuch a manner, that the bridge is not at all ſupported by the middle pier, [59] and it would certainly have been equally ſafe, and conſiderably more beautiful, had it conſiſted ſolely of one arch. It is a wooden bridge, of which the ſides and top are covered, and the road over it is almoſt perfectly level: it is what the Germans call a hoengewerk, or hanging bridge; the road not being carried as uſual over the top of the arch, but is let down into the middle of it and there ſuſ⯑pended. A man of the ſlighteſt weight walking upon it, feels it tremble under him; and yet wag⯑gons heavily laden paſs over it without danger; and although in the latter inſtance, the bridge ſeems almoſt to crack with the preſſure, it does not appear to have ever ſuffered the leaſt damage. It has been compared, and very juſtly, to a tight rope, which trembles when it is ſtruck, but ſtill preſerves its firm and equal tenſion.
When we obſerve the greatneſs of the plan, and the boldneſs of the conſtruction, we are aſtoniſhed that the architect was a common carpenter, without the leaſt proficiency in learning, totally ignorant of mathematics, and not at all verſed in the theory of mechanics. Poſſeſſed of uncommon natural abili⯑ties, and a ſurpriſing turn for the practical part of mechanics, he raiſed himſelf to great eminence in his profeſſion, and may juſtly be conſidered as one of the moſt ingenious architects of the preſent century. [60] This bridge was finiſhed in leſs than three years, and coſt 90,000 florins, or about 8000l.
This ſame carpenter had agreed to throw a bridge of a ſingle arch, and of the ſame conſtruction, over the river Derry in Ireland. The river is 600 feet wide, which, by means of abutments, was to have been reduced to 400; it was to have coſt 20,000l. but the plan was not carried into execution for want of proper encouragement.
The whole number of citizens or burgeſſes, in whom the ſupreme power ultimately reſides, are computed at about 2000; the arſenal is far from being conſiderable, yet on an emergency, ſufficient to arm the townſmen and other ſubjects; who be⯑ſides are not without neceſſary arms, every common inhabitant or peaſant, going to church with his ſword by his ſide: and whoever appears before the magiſtrates without that weapon and his cloak, in⯑curs a ſevere penalty; the ſword, beſides being an ornament, is a mark of their freedom. Over all the diſtrict of Mount Jura, as far as it is dependant on the canton of Berne, the men go to church, not only with their ſwords, but their bayonets and firelocks, which, during the ſervice, they either keep by them, or hang up in a particular corner of the church; an uſage not improbably derived from the frequent [61] commotions of former times, and the wars with the Burgundians, againſt whom, as an adjacent and dangerous enemy, it behoved them to be continually upon their guard.
This cuſtom ſeems to indicate that the blood of the old Germans runs in the veins of theſe gallant Swiſs, the moſt ancient hiſtorians relating, that they uſed to aſſiſt at their religious ceremonies, with their ſwords by their ſides. And though, ſays Keyſler, Herodotus, Luccan, and Ammianus Marcel⯑linus, betray an abſurd credulity in advancing that our anceſtors uſed to pray to their weapons; yet it is too apparent, that even in later times they attri⯑buted a kind of ſacredneſs to their ſwords. But this is in ſome ſort excuſable in a people, who maintain the reputation of intrepidity, as an inhe⯑rent hereditary quality, and therefore called war oerlogh, i. e. the oldeſt law. According to Cromer's account of Poland, the nobility of that kingdom, ever ſince the more enlightened times of chriſtian⯑ity, long retained the cuſtom of half drawing their ſwords when the prieſt read the goſpel, to teſtify their readineſs to defend the truths of the ſacred books, with their lives and fortunes.
The revenues of the ſtate ariſe, partly from the tithes, and other articles of the like nature; but [62] principally from the duties laid upon the merchan⯑dize, which paſſes from Germany: theſe cuſtoms are nearly ſufficient to defray all the public expences.
Sumptuary laws are in force here, as well as in moſt parts of Switzerland; and no dancing is al⯑lowed, except upon particular occaſions: ſilk, lace, and ſeveral other articles of luxury, are prohibited; even the ladies head-dreſſes are regulated. But what is of ſtill greater importance, all games of chance are ſtrictly prohibited; and in other games, the party who loſes above ſix florins, which make nine ſhillings of our money, incurs a conſiderable fine. An excellent regulation! and further, theſe laws are not like ours, mere cyphers, but are well obſerved. The principal article of exportation, is wine; of which a large quantity is made, the coun⯑try abounding in vineyards: and as the canton fur⯑niſhes but little corn, it is procured from Suabia, in exchange for wine. In the town there are ſome, but not very conſiderable manufactures of linen, cotton, and ſilk: their commerce, however, is very flouriſhing.
The people of this canton, like thoſe of Berne, are divided into regular companies of militia, which are exerciſed yearly, and are always ready and pre⯑pared [63] to take up arms in defence of their country. This canton has ſome troops in the ſervice of France, Sardinia, and Holland; the only foreign ſervice into which the ſubjects of the proteſtant can⯑tons enliſt.
The great convenience of the Rhine to the com⯑merce of Schaffhauſen, is twice interrupted between this town and Baſle, by violent falls of the river, which occaſion an abſolute neceſſity at each of theſe places, to take out the whole lading, and put it on board other veſſels. One of theſe falls is near Rheinfelden, and though called Hellhaken, is not of any remarkable height, and nothing near ſo tre⯑mendous as the other, at about a quarter of a league from Schaffhauſen, near the little fort of Lausfen, which ſtands on the other ſide; Lauffen was for⯑merly in the poſſeſſion of Auſtria, and from it the fall derives its name. I had not an opportunity, ſays Keyſler, of taking with any preciſion, the height of the rock, from which the river here precipitates itſelf, ſo muſt rely on the information of the people, who make the height 70 feet, and the breadth about 90 paces. Even before the Rhine reaches this cataract, the ground is very rocky; and, at the fall, divides itſelf into three ſtreams, of which the green-beds and ſilver vortices make an agreeable contraſt [64] to the beholder; but at the ſame time, his mind can⯑not help being filled with a mixture of dread and amazement, at the roar of the waters. On the ſouth or Zuric ſide, is the moſt impetuous breach, the violence of the fall altering the water as it were, to a white duſt, part of which, like a light cloud or miſt, hovers in the air, and with the intercepted ſun-beams, forms a variety of moſt brilliant rain⯑bows. On the rocks which thus divide the Rhine into three ſtreams, grow pines and other trees, and cloſe by them, on the Schaffhauſen ſide, near the village of Neuhauſen, is an iron manufacture, which turns to very good account. In the iron ore, of which there is great plenty, are frequently found petrified muſcles and cockles.
From the caſtle of Lauffen, this ſcene preſents the moſt pictureſque and beautiful view that the human fancy ever formed, or the human eye ever dwelt upon.
After the melting of the ſnow, when the river has attained its proper majeſty and grandeur, the fall ſeems to be about 80 feet perpendicular.
It is remarkable, that the Rhine, formerly fell from a much greater height, than at preſent, and [65] that the river, which is daily wearing away the ſurface of the rocks, will ſome time or other, preſent a plain, level, glaſſy ſuperficies, to the view of the aſtoniſhed ſtranger; who will ſcarce credit thoſe tales of his anceſtors, by which he was taught to believe that this was once a cata⯑ract.
CHAP. XI. Of the Griſons.
THE country of the Griſons, is divided into three leagues, which unite and form one republic, the grey league, the houſe of God, and the ten juriſ⯑dictions. The reſpective communities of theſe three leagues, have their peculiar conſtitution, enjoy [66] their municipal laws and cuſtoms, and are inde⯑pendent commonwealths in all concerns, which do not interfere with the general policy of the whole republic, or the articles of the particular league, of which they form a part: the connection between the three leagues, is maintained, by means of an an⯑nual diet, compoſed of 63 deputies, and the three chiefs.
This country borders to the eaſt, on the territories of Venice and Milan; weſt, it joins the canton of Uri; and to the north, the canton of Glarus. Its greateſt length from eaſt to weſt, is from 80 to 90 miles; and from 60 to 70 in breadth. Their coun⯑try is very populous, and it is ſaid, they can bring 35,000 fighting men into the field.
The greateſt part of the country is mountainous, but the levels and vallies produce almoſt all ſorts of grain, with pulſe plenty of hay, fruits of ſeveral kinds, and wines. Its hills, which are of a middling height, and enjoy a mild air, yield not only good fodder and hay, but alſo rye and barley; and in ſome parts cherries, and even on the higheſt and moſt bar⯑ren parts, are good paſture grounds, beſides many kinds of palatable and wholeſome berries, which grow there. The principal occupation of the in⯑habitants, [67] is feeding horned cattle, ſheep, goats, and ſwine. Beſides poultry, it alſo affords wild fowl; but of beaſts, the continual demand for them, ne⯑ceſſarily occaſions a ſcarcity. The principal rivers are the Rhine, the Ina, and the Adda, all of which have their ſource in this country. Here are alſo ſeveral lakes, moſt of which lie on the ſummit of the hills, where they have their iſſue from fine ſprings.
The marmot, likewiſe, which is to be found in moſt of the mountains of Switzerland, is particularly common in that part of the Griſons, called the league of Gods-houſe.
In the whole country of the Griſons, there are but three towns, and thoſe not of any note. The German language is moſtly uſed, but in many places, the inhabitants alſo ſpeak Italian. In Engadina, they ſpeak a kind of Latin.
The principal food of the inhabitants in theſe mountains, is ſalt-meat, rye-bread, milk, cheeſe, polenta, and cheſnuts, which are ſo plentiful at this ſeaſon of the year, that they make a principal in⯑gredient in all their meals: the moſt common methods of dreſſing them, are to boil, and ſerve [68] them up with crums of bread; or to grind them to a paſte, and then eat them with milk.
The peaſants are well clothed. They manufac⯑ture linen and coarſe cloth at home, every family having a loom, which is worked in the winter ſeaſon. But the finer cloth, which they wear only on Sun⯑days and feſtivals, is procured from Germany.
The revenues of the three leagues ariſe from the following articles: from duties upon merchandiſe paſſing through the Griſons, the Valteline, and Chiavenna, which are farmed at the annual rate of about £1259—from a third of the fines laid upon delinquents in the ſubject countries—from a ſmall tribute likewiſe paid by them—and laſtly from a fund, the principal part of which is £4000 veſted in the Engliſh funds.
The public expenditure is very trifling, being chiefly confined to the expences incurred by the the ſittings of diet, and the ſalaries aſſigned to the deputies for their attendance.
The commerce of the Griſons is extremely con⯑tracted. The only exports are cheeſe and cattle. As moſt of the Griſon peaſants weave cloth and linen for the uſe of their families; it would be no [69] difficult undertaking to introduce manufactures in different parts. But it is remarkable that in theſe little republics a ſtrange prejudice prevails againſt commerce; and that the project of eſtabliſhing ma⯑nufactures is oppoſed by many leading men of the country. It is difficult to diſcover the reaſon of theſe illiberal principles; it has been imputed to a ſuſpicion, that if the people ſhould become opulent by commerce, they would be leſs open to influence; and the powerful families who now direct the public affairs, would loſe their aſcendency. Beſides theſe reaſons, which are of too delicate a nature to be openly acknowledged, other motives, of a more ge⯑nerous complexion, having been aſſigned.
The advocates againſt extending commerce aſſert, that as the true riches of every country conſiſts in the products of agriculture, all occupations which turn the attention of the people from that one great object, are detrimental to the general good of ſociety; and that in free ſtates manufactures tend to enervate the inhabitants, to introduce the baneful effects of luxury, to depreſs the ſpirit of freedom, and to deſtroy the general ſimplicity of manners.
Theſe reaſons, however ſpecious in appearance, will prove fallacious upon mature conſideration. If in a country, ſays Coxe, which ſubſiſts chiefly by [70] agriculture, manufactures are purſued to the total neglect of huſbandry, they then become detrimen⯑tal; but this is ſeldom the caſe, as by adding to the general conſumption, manufacturers uſually tend to increaſe, inſtead of diminiſhing, the products of the earth. Such have been the effects in the mountains of Neuchatel, where the foreſts have been cleared, and the country converted into paſture, or ſown with grain. Manufactures and commerce are ſtill further ſerviceable in augmenting the number of inhabitants, which form the true riches of a country.
The religion of the Griſons is divided into catho⯑lic and reformed. By the reformed is meant what we call Calviniſm, although it is not the ſame as was eſtabliſhed at Geneva. Among the Griſons, the proteſtants are more numerous than the catholics. In ſpiritual concerns the catholics are generally un⯑der the juriſdiction of the Biſhop of Coire. For the affairs of the reformed churches, the ſupreme authority is veſted in the ſynod, which is com⯑poſed of three Deans, one for each league, and the clergy. This ſynod aſſembles every year, alter⯑nately, in each of the three leagues. Candidates for holy orders are examined before the ſynod. The neceſſary qualification for admiſſion into the church ought to be, the knowledge of Hebrew, Greek, [71] and Latin; but this rule is not ſtrictly adhered to; many being ordained without the leaſt acquaintance with either of thoſe tongues. Formerly Latin was ſolely uſed, as well in the debates of the ſynod, as for the purpoſe of examining the candidates; but at preſent that tongue grows more and more into diſuſe, and German is employed in its ſtead.
The number of reformed pariſhes in the whole three leagues amounts to 135. The miniſters of theſe churches enjoy but very ſmall ſalaries. The richeſt benefices do not perhaps yield more than £20, or at moſt £25 per annum, and the pooreſt ſometimes ſcarcely £6.
This ſcanty income is attended with many incon⯑veniences. It obliges the clergy, who have fami⯑lies, to follow ſome branch of traffic, to the neglect of their eccleſiaſtical ſtudies, and to the degradation of the profeſſional character. It was harveſt-time, (ſays Coxe, when he viſited this country) and I ob⯑ſerved ſeveral clergymen employed in reaping the corn.
It may eaſily be conjectured that the general ſtate of literature among the Griſons muſt be at a very low ebb. The proteſtants, who receive a liberal [72] education, repair chiefly to Zuric or Baſle, and the catholics to Milan, Pavia, or Vienna.
Each community has a ſmall ſchool, in which the children are taught to read, write, and caſt accounts; but which is only open in winter, from the 9th of November, to the 7th of March.
There is a Latin ſeminary at Coire for the children of the burghers; and another, inſtituted in 1763, for the education of perſons intended for the church; and although theſe eſtabliſhments are poorly en⯑dowed, yet they have been productive of ſome lite⯑rary advantages to the country.
The diet of the three leagues, which we have al⯑ready ſaid to be compoſed of 63 deputies, and the three chiefs of each league, aſſemble annually, about the beginning of September, at Ilants, Coire, and Davos, by rotation, the three principal places in each diſtrict; and continue ſitting about three weeks or a month. The chief of that league, in whoſe diſtrict the diet is held, is preſident for that turn, and has the caſting voice, in caſe of equal ſuffrages. The ſupreme authority is not abſolute⯑ly and finally veſted in the diet, but in the com⯑munities at large; for in all affairs of importance, ſuch as declaring war, making peace, enacting laws, [73] contracting alliances, and impoſing taxes; the de⯑puties either bring poſitive inſtructions from their conſtituents, or refer thoſe points, concerning which they have no inſtructions, to the deciſion of the ſeveral communities; ſo that, in effect, the ſupreme power conſtitutionally reſides in the body of the people, and not in their repreſentatives at the diet. The de⯑puties receive, for their attendance, a ſmall ſalary from the public treaſury, which never exceeds five ſhillings a day. Extraordinary diets are con⯑voked at the requeſt of any foreign court, who will diſcharge the expence of its ſittings, and upon other important emergencies.
The three leagues are in cloſe alliance with the cantons of Berne and Zuric, to whoſe mediation they have frequently had recourſe, in points of diſa⯑greement. They have alſo alliances with ſeveral of the other cantons, and in caſe of invaſion or rebellion, would be ſupplied with ſuccours from all the Swiſs republics.
The king of France maintains an envoy in this country, and has two Griſon regiments in his ſer⯑vice. Our court formerly had a miniſter here, but for ſome time, the Engliſh Envoy to the Swiſs can⯑tons, reſident at Berne, has tranſacted buſineſs with this republic.
[74]Near the borders of the torrent Tamina, which runs into the Rhine, are ſome warm baths, which have been ſo much renowned for their efficacy in curing the gout, rheumatiſm, and cutaneous diſ⯑orders. According, to the general opinion, they contain a ſmall portion of gold; as if that metal would render them more ſalutary for the cure of diſeaſes. The waters are tranſparent; perfectly free from ſmell or taſte, and about the warmth of milk, immediately drawn from the cow. Per⯑ [...]ons who have analyſed them, ſay, they depoſit no [...]diment, are as light and pure as rain-water, are [...]mpregnated with a ſmall quantity of volatile al⯑ [...]ali and iron, but contain no ſulphur. Theſe wa⯑ [...]ers are conveyed by pipes into commodious baths; and the houſe, which is not only commodious but ſuperb; hangs in a moſt romantic ſituation, on the ſide of a mountain, amidſt the gloom of the fo⯑reſt, cloſe to the lively Tamina.
CHAP. XII. Vaſſals of the Griſons.
[75]THESE conſiſt of three countries, which are able to bring into the field about 12,000 fighting men. Among them is,
The Valteline, called by the inhabitants Valle-Telina, and which extends from the confines of Bor⯑nio to the lake of Chiavenna, about the length of 50 miles. It is entirely encloſed between two chains of high mountains; the northern chain ſeparates it from the Griſons, the ſouthern from the Venetian territories; on the eaſt it borders on the county of Bormio; and on the weſt, on the Duchy of Milan.
The geographical diviſion of the Valteline is di⯑vided into three principal diſtricts, and the political into five governments. Each of the five govern⯑ments is ſubject to a magiſtrate, appointed by the Griſons, who is changed every two years. The magiſtrate over the middle diſtrict, is called Gover⯑nor [76] of the Valteline, and poſſeſſes, in ſome reſpect, a ſuperior degree of authority to the others, who are ſtyled podeſtas. He is alſo captain-general of the Valteline.
This country is exceedingly fruitful, and through⯑out its whole extent watered by the Adda; which, after receiving all the ſtreams iſſuing from the foreſt diſcharges itſelf into the Como lake. The ſun-beams ſhine in every part of this country, and from the northern blaſts it is fenced by high mountains. In ſome parts, however, the heat is intenſe, but in others more moderate; and on the hills, and the greateſt part of the adjacent vallies, the air is moſtly cool. Of this variation in the temperature, the ne⯑ceſſary conſequence is a variation in the products of the earth. The levels in this valley, through which the Adda purſues its meandering courſe, and the breadth of which, in ſome parts, is not leſs than a mile, exhibit a delightful variety of corn-fields, meadows, vineyards, and orchards of cheſnuts, and other fruits; and in one and the ſame year ſucceſ⯑ſively, produce two, three, or even four kinds of the latter. The vineyards, on the mountains, to⯑wards the north, produce the beſt wine in the whole country; and above them are corn-fields, meadows, and paſture-lands. The hills, on the ſouth-ſide, are covered with fine woods of cheſnuts, fields, [77] meadows, and rich paſtures, in which graze nume⯑rous breeds of cattle. This country alſo abounds in excellent red wine, of a moſt delicious flavour, and of ſo good a body that it will keep for a whole cen⯑tury, improving both in taſte and wholeſomeneſs, and gradually turning paler, till at length its red⯑neſs totally diſappears. Great quantities of this wine are exported.
The apples and pears in moſt places here are not very deſirable, but its peaches, apricots, figs, and melons are exquiſite. Here are likewiſe plenty of lemons, citrons, almonds, pomegranates, cheſnuts, and other delicious fruits. Its ſoil alſo would pro⯑duce all kinds of grain and pulſe; but the levels be⯑ing interſperſed with ſwamps, which have remain⯑ed without culture, and the wine-trade chiefly en⯑groſſing the attention of the inhabitants, it does not yield a ſufficiency of corn for ſo populous a coun⯑try, and they are under the neceſſity of having re⯑courſe to importation. Some parts grow hemp, and in the levels, particularly on the higher grounds, and the mountains, are fine paſtures, notwithſtand⯑ing which graziery is but little followed. Bees and ſilk-worms are bred here in vaſt numbers. Their game is much reduced by the avidity of the hunters. The Adda yields plenty of fiſh, and is noted for its [78] trout, which are very fat and delicious, and ſo large as to weigh from 50 to 60 lbs. The whole of their mine-works conſiſts in a few iron-founderies.
This country is without ſo much as one town, but has ſome conſiderable burghs, with many thriving villages. Its language is a corrupt kind of Italian. The population, according to Coxe, amounts to 62,000 ſouls.
There are no manufactures in the Valteline; and almoſt all the menial trades are exerciſed by fo⯑reigners. Its chief commerce, which conſiſts of wine and ſilk, is carried on with Milan and the Griſons. Theſe two articles turn the balance of trade in its favour, and enable the inhabitants to exiſt without any manufacture.
Upon a rough calculation, 73,000 horſe-loads of wine are annually exported, each of which may be eſtimated at a pound ſterling. Three thouſand lbs. of the fineſt ſort of ſilk, which is eſteemed as good as that procured from Piedmont, is ſent annually to England, by way of Oſtend. The greateſt part of the ſilk is wound in the Valteline, for which purpoſe there are ſilk-mills in the principal diſ⯑tricts.
[79]The tenants who take farms in this country do not pay their rent in money, but in kind; a ſtrong proof of general poverty. The peaſant is at all the coſts of cultivation, and delivers near half the pro⯑duce to the landholders.
The Valteline, from its neighbourhood to Italy, has imbibed a taſte for the fine arts; and there are many collections of pictures which are not unwor⯑thy of notice. This country, however, has pro⯑duced few artiſts of any eminence. Pietro Ligario is almoſt the only painter who deſerves to be men⯑tioned; and his name is ſcarcely known beyond the limits of the Valteline.
The romantic beauties of the Valteline, are greatly heightened by the numerous remains of ancient fortreſſes and caſtles, ſcattered throughout the country. They were all diſmantled ſoon after the capitulation of Milan, in 1635, from a recent ex⯑perience that the inability of the Griſons to provide them with ſufficient garriſons, expoſed them to the enemy, and rendered them for the moſt part, a ſource of annoyance, rather than of protection. It might be imagined, that ſome of theſe fortreſſes ought to have been retained, to awe the inhabitants: but ſuch an abſolute confidence is repoſed by the Gri⯑ſons in the guaranty of the country by the houſe of [80] Auſtria, that they do not maintain a ſingle ſoldier throughout the whole Valteline.
This country, Bormio, ſubject to the Griſons, lies at the foot, and in the midſt of the Rhetian Alps, and borders upon Engadina, the Valteline, Tyrol, Trent, and the Venetian territories. It is, on all ſides, environed by ſteep mountains, of ſuch a ſtu⯑pendous height, that their ſummits are very ſeldom free from ſnow; except a narrow opening, which connects it with the Valteline. It was once a part of the Milaneſe, and became ſubject to the Griſons in 1512. The inhabitants pay a fixed contribution to them which is very moderate, and cannot be in⯑creaſed.
The air here is rather cold than warm, but yet pure and healthy. No wine is produced in this coun⯑try, and but little fruit. Of corn it has more than ſuf⯑ficient for home-conſumption; and ſuch is the rich⯑neſs of its paſtures, that the inhabitants keep be⯑tween 6 and 7000 cows, beſides a great number of ſheep and goats. The honey too of this country is particularly exquiſite, and it abounds in iron ore; but its other metals and minerals are inconſiderable. The Adda has its ſource in theſe parts.
[81]The inhabitants, who amount to about 14,000, are papiſts, and the exerciſe of every other worſhip is prohibited. The prieſts here have peculiar privi⯑leges, which extend even to thoſe who wear a clerical dreſs.
Moſt of the peaſants poſſeſs a ſmall portion of land; and, in conſequence of the freedom of the government, are much happier than the people of the Valteline and Chiavenna.
The town of Bormio, the capital, is not unplea⯑ſantly ſituated, at the foot of the mountains, cloſe to the torrent Fredolfo, which falls, at a ſmall diſtance, into the Adda. It contains about 1000 inhabitants, but has a deſolate appearance. The houſes are of ſtone, plaſtered; a few make a tolerable figure. Amidſt many with paper windows, ſeveral, like the Italian cottages, have only wooden ſhutters. The palazzo, or town-houſe, contains a ſuit of wretched apartments for the reſidence of the podeſta; a cham⯑ber for the courts of judicature; and an apartment, where the repreſentatives of the people aſſemble. In one of the rooms is an engine of torture, which, in defiance of common ſenſe, as well as humanity, is ſtill uſed in theſe countries, to force confeſſion.
[82]The county of Chiavenna came under the ſove⯑reignty of the Griſons, in the ſame manner, and at rhe ſame time with the Valteline. It lies among high and ſteep mountains, notwithſtanding which ſome of its vallies are of conſiderable extent. The ſummer-heats are frequently exceſſive. Both the mountains and vallies are well peopled, and the country, in moſt parts, beſides paſtures, abounds in all kinds of fruits and wines; and the culture of ſilk is a very important article. The inhabitants are papiſts.
Chiavenna, the capital of the county, is ſituated at the foot, and upon the ſide of a mountain; and contains about 3000 ſouls. The inhabitants carry on but little commerce. The principal article of exportation is raw-ſilk. The great ſupport of this town is the tranſport of merchandize between the Milaneſe and Germany.
The principal object of curioſity in the environs of Chiavenna is the fortreſs, in ruins, ſeated upon the ſummit of a rock, which overlooks the town, and is celebrated, in the hiſtory of the Griſons, for its almoſt impregnable ſtrength. The only road which leads up to it is ſteep and craggy. The walls occupy a large ſpace of ground, and are now partly covered with vines. The ſtrongeſt part of the for⯑treſs [83] was conſtructed upon an inſulated rock. It is on all ſides abſolutely perpendicular, and its only communication with the caſtle was by a draw-bridge, thrown acroſs the intervening chaſm. Its length is above 250 feet; its height above 200; and its greateſt diſtance from the adjoining rock about 20 feet.
This fortification, though always deemed im⯑pregnable, was taken, at different periods, ſome⯑times by aſſault, but more frequently by famine, or ſtratagem. It was finally demoliſhed by the Griſons themſelves.
Cloſe to Chiavenna is a rock of aſbeſtos, a kind of mineral ſubſtance, of a greyiſh ſilver colour, which can be drawn out into longitudinal fibres, as fine as thread, and is ſuppoſed to be indeſtructible by fire; the ancients manufactured it into a ſpecies of cloth, reſembling linen. This ſpecies of cloth is frequently mentioned by Pliny. It was princi⯑pally uſed for ſhrouds, in which the bodies of the great were enveloped, before they were placed upon the funeral pile; and which, not being liable to be conſumed by fire, preſerved the aſhes of the body ſeparate from thoſe of the wood. The art of weav⯑ing the aſbeſtos into linen is not loſt, as ſome authors have aſſerted; but, as it is very troubleſome and [84] expenſive, and as the cuſtom of burning bodies, which gave it a value, is no longer in uſe, the ma⯑nufacture is diſcontinued. Beſides the rock of aſ⯑beſtos, juſt mentioned, near Chiavenna, ſeveral mountains in theſe parts yield the ſame ſubſtance. The beſt ſort is found in the valley of Malenco.
About four miles from Chiavenna is the ſpot formerly occupied by the town of Piuro, or Plurs, which met with a fate ſomething ſimilar to that of Herculaneum, having been totally over⯑whelmed by the fall of mount Conto, under which it was built. This terrible cataſtrophe happened Auguſt 25, 1618.
Plurs was a large and flouriſhing town; ſubject, as well as Chiavenna, to the Griſons. Contem⯑porary writers mention, that it contained three churches, many large houſes, and a ſtone bridge over the Maira; and that its population amounted to at leaſt 1500 inhabitants, who carried on no in⯑conſiderable commerce. The valley in which it was ſituated is very narrow, and the whole town was bu⯑ried in one undiſtinguiſhed ruin. A contemporary account relates, that the cloud of duſt and rubbiſh was ſo great as to cover the heavens like ſmoke; and even to extend as far as Chiavenna. The inha⯑bitants of Chiavenna, alarmed at this uncommon [85] phenomena, were ſtill more terrified at the diſap⯑pearance of the torrent Maira, which ſuddenly ceaſed to flow by that town, for near an hour; its courſe being ſtopped by the fallen fragments of rock, until it forced its way over the ruins. This event ſpread ſuch an univerſal alarm among the inhabi⯑tants, from an apprehenſion that the torrent had un⯑dermined Chiavenna, and would burſt out with ſuch fury as to deluge the whole place; that great numbers fled precipitately into the mountains.
I walked over the ſpot, ſays Coxe, where Pluro was built; part of the ancient walls, and the ruins of a country-houſe, which belonged to the Franci, the richeſt family in the place, are the only remains of its former exiſtence; and theſe would not be no⯑ticed by a paſſenger. A peaſant who has a cottage cloſe to the ruins, pointed out to me every place, as it had been explained to him by his grandfather. He ſhewed me where ſtood the churches and princi⯑pal houſes, the channel through which the river then flowed, and where the bridge was conſtructed. He informed me, that in digging, ſeveral dead bo⯑dies had been found; and particularly the bones of a prieſt, covered with ſhreds of garment, which indicated that he was employed in divine ſervice when the rock overwhelmed the town. Houſhold utenſils are frequently dug up; the other day ſeveral [86] corpſes were diſcovered; and on the finger-bone of one were a ſilver and two gold rings. Vineyards, cheſnut-trees, and houſes, cover the ſpot where this unfortunate town was once ſituated.
CHAP. XIII. Vallais.
THIS tract of country, called the Vallais, ſtretches from eaſt to weſt, about 100 miles; and con⯑tains about 100,000 inhabitants, who all profeſs the Roman Catholic religion. The country is encloſed within high Alps; and, conſiſting of plain, elevated vallies, and lofty mountains, muſt neceſſarily exhi⯑bit a great variety of ſituations, climates and pro⯑ductions. Accordingly the Vallais preſents to the curious traveller a quick ſucceſſion of proſpects, as beautiful as they are diverſified. Vineyards, rich paſtures, covered with cattle; corn, flax, fruit-trees, [87] and foreſts, occaſionally bordered by naked rocks, the ſummits of which are crowned with everlaſting ſnow.
As to the productions of the Vallais, they muſt evidently vary, according to the great diverſity of climates by which this country is ſo peculiarly diſ⯑tinguiſhed. It ſupplies more than ſufficient wine and corn for interior conſumption; and indeed a conſiderable quantity of both are yearly exported; the ſoil in the midland and lower diſtricts being exceedingly rich and fertile. In the plain, where the heat is collected, and confined between the mountains, the harveſt is uſually finiſhed in July; but, in the more elevated parts, barley is the only grain that can be cultivated with any ſucceſs; and the crop is ſeldom cut before November. About Sion, the fig, the melon, and all the other fruits of Italy, come to perfection. In conſequence of this ſingular variety, ſays Coxe, I taſted, in the ſame day, ſtrawberries, cherries, plums, pears, and grapes, each of them the natural growth of the country.
This country is divided into Upper and Lower Vallais. The Upper Vallais is ſovereign of the Lower Vallais, and comprizes ſeven independent commonwealths. The biſhop of Sion was formerly abſolute ſovereign over the greateſt part of the Val⯑lais; [88] but his authority is at preſent very much li⯑mited.
The republic of the Vallais, is an ally of the thir⯑teen cantons, and has formed a particular league with the ſeven catholic cantons, for the defence of their common religion.
With reſpect to manufactures, there are none of any of conſequence, and indeed the general ignorance of the people is no leſs remarkable than their in⯑dolence, ſo that they may be conſidered in regard to knowledge and improvements, as ſome centuries behind the Swiſs, who are certainly a very enlight⯑ened nation. The peaſants ſeldom endeavour to me⯑liorate thoſe lands, where the ſoil is originally bad, nor to draw the moſt advantage from thoſe, which are uncommonly fertile; having few wants, and being ſatisfied with the ſpontaneous gifts of nature, they enjoy her bleſſings, without conſidering much, in what manner to improve them.
The inhabitants of the Vallais, are very much ſubject to goiters, or large excreſſences of fleſh that grow from the throat, and often encreaſe to a moſt enormous ſize: but what is more extraordi⯑nary, idiocy alſo remarkably abounds among them. I ſaw many inſtances of both kinds, ſays Coxe, as I [89] paſſed through Sion, (capital of Vallais): ſome idiots even baſking in the ſun, with their tongues out, and their heads hanging down, exhibiting the moſt affec⯑ting ſpectacle of intellectual imbecility, that can poſ⯑ſibly be conceived.
It is ſaid, that the common people very much re⯑ſpect theſe idiots, and even conſider them as bleſ⯑ſings. They call them Souls of God, without ſin; and many parents prefer theſe idiot children, to thoſe whoſe underſtandings are perfect; becauſe as they are incapable of intentional criminality, they conſi⯑der them as certain of happineſs in a future ſtate. Nor is this opinion entirely without its good effect, as it diſpoſes the parents to pay greater attention to ſuch helpleſs beings. Thus idiots are ſuffered to marry, as well among themſelves, as with others.
The notion that ſnow-water occaſions goiters, is certainly void of foundation, theſe guttural rumours are to be found in the environs of Naples, in the iſland of Sumatra, and at Patna and Purnea, in the Eaſt Indies, where ſnow is unknown. The primary cauſe of theſe excreſcences, are the ſprings that ſup⯑ply drink to the natives, and which are impregnated with a calcareous matter, called in Switzerland, tuf, nearly ſimilar to the incruſtations of Matlock, in [90] Derbyſhire, where may be ſeen goitrous perſons, as well as in Switzerland.
The pipes which convey water to the public foun⯑tain at Berne, are extremely clogged with this calca⯑reous ſediment; and a gentleman, ſays Coxe, on whoſe ſincerity I can depend, aſſured me, that he is ſub⯑ject to a ſmall ſwelling in the throat, which uſually increaſes in winter, when he is chiefly reſident at Berne, and diminiſhes in ſummer, on his removal to other places, where the waters are not loaded with tuf.
I was alſo informed by General Biffer, ſays he, that at Lucerne, all waters, excepting one ſpring, are im⯑pregnated with tuf, and that the natives who dwell near that ſpring, are much leſs ſubject to goiters, than the other inhabitants; that the ſame difference is ob⯑ſerved among the members of the ſame family; be⯑tween thoſe who drink no water, but what is drawn from that ſpring, and others who do not uſe that precaution. The General ſhewed me alſo the tin veſſel, in which water was every morning boiled for his uſe, and which was ſo ſpeedily and thickly in⯑cruſtated, as to render it neceſſary to have it cleared twice a week. The water which yields this depoſi⯑tion, is as tranſparent as chryſtal.
[91]But a ſtill ſtronger proof in favour of this opinion, is derived from the following facts: A ſurgeon whom I met at the baths of Leuk, informed me, that he had not unfrequently extracted concretions of tuf-ſtone from ſeveral goiters; and that from one in particular, which ſuppurated, he had taken ſeveral flat pieces, each about half an inch long. He added, that the ſame ſubſtance is found in the ſtomachs of cows, and in the goitrous tumours to which even the dogs of the country are ſubject. The ſame gentle⯑man, ſays Coxe, aſſured me, that in the courſe of his extenſive practice, he had diminiſhed and cured the goiters of many young perſons by emollient liquors, and external applications; that his principal me⯑thod, in order to prevent them in future, conſiſted in removing the patients from the places where the ſprings are impregnated with tuf; and if that could not be contrived, by forbidding the uſe of water which was not purified. He remarked, that one of his own children, had at its birth, a goiter as large as an egg, although neither he, nor his wife, who were both foreigners, were afflicted with that malady. He had diſſipated it by external remedies, and ſince that period, had invariably prohibited his family from taſting the ſpring-waters, unleſs they were diſtilled, or mixed with wine and vinegar; by which means, he was able to preſerve them from thoſe tu⯑mours in the throat, that were extremely common [92] among the natives of the town which he inha⯑bited.
M. de Sauſſure, whoſe accurate reſearches and profound inveſtigation on philoſophical ſubjects, de⯑ſerves to be weighed with great attention, attributes the production of goiters, not to the waters, but principally to the concentrated heat of the climate, and the ſtagnation of the air. He informs us, that in all his travels through the Alpine countries, he never obſerved goiters in any places which are elevated, more than between 3 or 4,000 feet above the level of the ſea; that he noticed them in thoſe vallies where the heat is concentrated, and the air ſtagnated; and that they uſually ceaſe, wherever the valley terminates, and the country expands into a large plain. With great defference to his opinion, it may, however, be remarked, that in places con⯑ſiderably elevated above the level of the ſea, the ſprings are too near their ſources, to have diſſolved a ſufficient quantity of calcareous matter, as may be requiſite for the generation of goiters.
The ſame cauſes which generate goiters, proba⯑bly operate in the caſe of idiots: for whenever the former prevails to a conſiderable degree, the latter invariably abound. Such being the nice and inex⯑plicable connection between our bodies and our [93] minds, that the one ever ſympathiſes with the other; it is by no means an ill-grounded conjecture, that the ſame cauſes which affect the body, ſhould alſo affect the mind; or, in other words, that the ſame waters which create obſtructions and goiters, ſhould alſo occaſion mental imbecillity and diſarrangement.
It is to be preſumed, that a people accuſtomed to theſe excreſcences, will not be ſhocked at their de⯑formity; but I do not find, adds Coxe, as ſome writers aſſert, that they conſider them as beauties. To judge from the accounts of many travellers, it might be ſuppoſed, that the natives, without exception, were either idiots or goiters; but in fact, the Val⯑laiſans in general, are a robuſt race; and all that with truth can be affirmed, is, that goitrous perſons and idiots, are more abundant in ſome diſtricts of the Vallais, than perhaps in any other part of the globe.
Sion is the principal town in this canton, and that not of any note; it was formerly the capital of the Seduni, who inhabited this part of the country, in the time of Julius Caeſar. It is here that the Diet aſſembles. On ſeeing the apartments where they meet, I was greatly ſtruck with their plainneſs, ſays Coxe, and could not avoid reflecting with pleaſure, on the ſimplicity of manners, which muſt neceſſa⯑rily [94] prevail in this country; when the rooms inha⯑bited by the ſovereign, inſtead of beſpeaking the magnificence of a court, are ſcarcely ſuperior to the dwelling of a peaſant.
Leuk is another ſmall town, or rather village, in this canton, built upon an eminence near the Rhone, and famous for its hot medicinal ſprings: it is much frequented during the ſummer, by invalids of vari⯑ous kinds: the patients either bathe or drink the waters.
The accommodations for company, are very incon⯑venient: each perſon having for his own uſe, a ſmall apartment, not more than a few feet ſquare, in which there is juſt room for a bed, a table, and two chairs. The public dining-room, is upon rather a larger ſcale, as is alſo an apartment where the com⯑pany occaſionally aſſemble. Formerly, the accommo⯑dations were tolerably good; but unfortunately, in 1719, an avalanche fell with ſuch impetuoſity from a neigh⯑bouring glacier, upon the village, as to overwhelm the greateſt part of the houſes, and the baths, and to deſtroy a conſiderable number of the inhabitants. The avalanche is a large body of ſnow, which pre⯑cipitates itſelf from the top of a mountain, with a noiſe like the ſound of thunder, and in its deſcent, has the appearance of a torrent of water, reduced [95] almoſt into ſpray. The avalanches, (as they are called) are ſometimes attended with the moſt fatal conſequences; for where they conſiſt of enormous maſſes, they deſtroy every thing in their courſe; and not unfrequently, as in the caſe of Leuk, overwhelm even whole villages. The beſt preſervative againſt their effects, being the foreſts, with which the Alps abound, there is ſcarcely a village, if ſituated at the foot of a mountain, that is not ſheltered by trees; which the inhabitants preſerve with uncommon re⯑verence. Thus what conſtitutes one of the princi⯑pal beauties in the country, affords alſo ſecurity to the people.
As far as I can judge, ſays Coxe, ſpeaking of theſe waters, from the accounts which I have received, concerning their warmth, their analyſis, the method of uſing them, and their efficacy in curing the gout, rheumatiſm, obſtructions, and cutaneous diſorders; they ſeem nearly to reſemble thoſe of Bath.
The ſituation is much more romantic, and the waters perhaps not leſs efficacious; and yet this village contains only a few miſerable houſes, whilſt Bath is one of the fineſt towns in Europe. I had a converſation on this topic, with a very ingenious and well-informed gentleman of the Vallais: and ob⯑ſerved [96] to him, that conſidering the great credit and efficacy of theſe waters, I could not forbear wonder⯑ing that the chiefs of the republic had not conſi⯑dered the improvement of the accommodations, an object worthy of their attention; for, if they were rendered more convenient for the reception of inva⯑lids, it would be the means of drawing a great num⯑ber of ſtrangers; and muſt be highly beneficial to the country. He aſſured me, that it had been more than once in contemplation; that ſome perſons of great credit and authority, oppoſed all improve⯑ments upon a principle, ſimilar to the policy of Lycurgus; conceiving that a concourſe of ſtrangers would only ſerve to introduce luxury among the inhabitants, and inſenſibly deſtroy that ſimplicity of manners, for which the Vallaiſans are ſo remarkably diſtinguiſhed.
- A General Hospital
- B [...] Church
- C St. Peter Church
- D The Magdalen Church
- E St. Germain Church
- F Town Hall
- G [...] Castle
- H Ordinary Arsenal
- N Riding House
- O C [...]a [...]er of the Publick [...]
- P Discipline Prison
- Q The Biblioteque or Library
- R The College
- S Publick Fountain
- T The [...] Corn Store House
- U Powder Magazine
- W [...] Market
- X Custom House
- Y Fu [...]er [...]e Church
- Z Publick Pump
- 1 French Ambaſsadors House
- 2 Publick Walk
- 3 New Gate
- 4 Cannon Arsenal
- 5 Ice House
- 6 The Mint
- 7 The Foundery
- 8 Lutherans Meeting House
- 9 P [...]e House
- 10 Lake Gate
- 11 [...] Tower
- 12 Cornevin Gate
- 13 St. Gervais Temple
- 14 Hydraulicks Machine
- 15 Rive Gate
- 16 Viton Stone
- 17 Molard Place
- 18 The Trei [...]e Walk
- 19 Mourvecus Hospital
- 20 Pi [...]e [...] Mill
- 21 Hospital Mill
- 22 Chaudon Mill
CHAP. XIV. Geneva.
[97]THIS city placed in the confines of France, of Savoy, and of Switzerland, and properly be⯑longing to none of theſe, ought not to be omitted. Its territory is inconſiderable, for the ſpace within its walls forms the moſt conſiderable part of the re⯑public.
The ſituation of this little capital, on the borders of the lake Leman, is delightful; the proſpects around it are rich and variegated; the country is admirably cultivated, and the horizon is bounded by the majeſtic ſcenery of the Alps, Mount Blanc, and the chain of Jura.
The greateſt part of the town, ſtands upon a hill, and has its views bounded on all ſides, by ſeveral ranges of mountains, which are, however, at ſo great [98] a diſtance, that they leave open a wonderful variety of fine proſpects. The ſituation of theſe mountains, has ſome particular effects on the country which they encloſe. At firſt, they cover it from all winds, except the north and ſouth. 'Tis to the laſt of theſe winds, that the inhabitants of Geneva aſcribe the healthfulneſs of the air; for as the Alps ſurround them on all ſides, they form a vaſt kind of baſon, where there would be a conſtant ſtagnation of va⯑pours, the country being ſo well watered, did not the north wind put them in motion, and ſcatter them from time to time. Another effect the Alps have on Geneva, is, that the ſun here riſes later, and ſets ſooner, than it does in other places of the ſame la⯑titude. I have often obſerved, ſays Addiſon, that the top of the neighbouring mountains have been covered with light above half an hour after the ſun is down, viſible to thoſe who live at Geneva. Theſe mountains like⯑wiſe, very much increaſe their ſummer heats, and make up an horizon that has ſomething in it very ſingular and agreeable. On one ſide, is the long tract of hills, that goes under the name of Mount Jura, and covered with vineyards and paſturage, and on the other, huge precipices of naked rocks, riſing up in a thouſand odd figures, and cleft in ſome places, ſo as to diſcover high mountains of ſnow, that lie ſeveral leagues behind them. Towards the ſouth, the hills riſe more inſenſibly, and leave the eye [99] a vaſt uninterrupted proſpect for many miles. But the moſt beautiful view of all, is the lake, and the borders that lie north of the town.
This city, ſays Groſsley, is remarkable for its ſitu⯑ation, independence, religion, and commerce: for⯑merly it ſtood only on that hill, which is the key of lake Leman, at the part where the Rhone iſſues out of that lake; and this river was its principal de⯑fence: like all ancient towns built on mountains, it has gradually ſunk down into the level, ſo that the afflux of the Rhone is now within its circuit. In its primitive ſituation, it enjoyed a very healthy air, with a view of the whole lake, which it com⯑manded, and at the ſame time, all the advantages ariſing from the lake, either for the neceſſaries of life, or the convenience of trade; but by removing into the level, it has loſt the defence of the Rhone, and plunged itſelf amidſt the continual fogs and vapours of the lake.
Geneva is by far the moſt populous town in Swit⯑zerland; and contains 24,000 ſouls. This ſuperio⯑rity of numbers, is undoubtedly owing to the great induſtry and activity of the inhabitants; to its more extenſive commerce; to the facility of purchaſing the burgherſhip; and to the privileges which go⯑vernment allows to all foreigners.
[100]The liberal policy of this government, in receiv⯑ing ſtrangers, and conferring the burgherſhip on them, is the more remarkable, as it is contrary to the ſpirit and uſage of the Swiſs. It is here, indeed, more neceſſary; the territory of the ſtate being ſo exceedingly ſmall, that its very exiſtence depends upon the number and induſtry of the people; for excluſive of the city, there are ſcarcely 16,000 ſouls in the whole diſtrict of the Genevois.
To a man of letters, ſays Coxe, Geneva is par⯑ticularly intereſting: learning is diverted of pedan⯑try and philoſophy, and united with a knowledge of the world. The pleaſures of ſociety, are mixed with the purſuits of literature; and elegance and ur⯑banity give a zeſt to the profoundeſt diſquiſitions. Nor are letters confined in this city, merely to thoſe who engage in them as a profeſſion, or to thoſe whoſe fortune and leiſure enable them to follow, where genius leads. Even the lower claſs of people, are exceedingly well informed; and there is perhaps no city in Europe, where luxury is more univerſally diffuſed. We are at firſt aſtoniſhed, adds the above writer, to find in this claſs of men, ſo uncommon a ſhare of knowledge. But the wonder ceaſes, when we are told that all of them were educated at the public academy, where the children of the citizens [101] are taught, under the inſpection of the magiſtrates, and at the expence of government.
The citizens enjoy alſo the advantage of having acceſs to the public library; and by this privilege, they not only retain, but improve that general tinc⯑ture of learning, which they imbibe in their early youth.
This library contains 25,000 volumes of many curious manuſcripts, of which, an accurate and learned catalogue has been lately publiſhed by the Rev. M. Sennebier, the librarian. He has attempted to determine the ages of the ſeveral manuſcripts, he deſcribes their form and ſize, the materials on which they are written, the ornaments, the characteriſtic phraſes, and mentions the proofs on which he grounds the opinion. He adds alſo the notes, and diſtinguiſhes thoſe which have never been printed.
The ſtreets are in general wide, clean, and well paved: the principal ſtreet, however, is encum⯑bered with a row of ſhops on each ſide, between the carriage and foot-way; which laſt, is very wide, and protected from the weather, by great wooden pent-houſes, projecting from the roofs; theſe are very convenient, but give the ſtreet a dark and dull ap⯑pearance. The houſes are generally built of free-ſtone, [102] with lime ſtone baſements: the gutters, ſpouts, ridges, and outward ornaments, are of fer blanc, which we improperly call tin.
The maiſon de ville, or town-houſe, is a large, plain, ancient building; with great rooms for the council to aſſemble in, and for public entertain⯑ments; in one of them, there is a weekly concert by ſubſcription, during the winter ſeaſo. The aſcent to the upper ſtory, is not by ſteps, but by a paved ſlope, ſo gentle, that horſes and mules eaſily go up and down.
There are five churches here, beſides French, Ita⯑lian, and German chapels; none of them, however, have any thing to attract attention, except S. Peter's, formerly the cathedral. This is an ancient gothic building, with a modern portico of ſeven large co⯑lumns of red and white marble, and of the Corinthi⯑an order. The inſide is plain, and the only thing obſervable, is the tomb of Henry Duke of Rohan.
The arſenal is in good order, and furniſhed with arms for 12,000 men. Here are alſo many ancient ſuits of armour, and the ſcaling ladders, lanthorns, hatchets, ſtandards, &c. recall to the friends of li⯑berty, the abortive attempt of the Savoyards upon [103] the city, in the year 1602. In the magazine, they they have 110 cannons and mortars.
The hoſpital is a large, handſome building. Near 4,000 poor are maintained by this and the French purſe.
The public fountains are ſupplied by an hydraulic machine, which raiſes the water from the river, above 100 Paris feet.
The Treille, or public walks, conſiſts of lime-trees, and being on an eminence, affords a charming proſpect of the large gardens beneath it, and of the fields and meadows towards the mountains. One of the moſt ſtately houſes, of which there are ſeve⯑ral very magnificent fronting theſe walls, formerly belonged to an eccleſiaſtic, and is ſaid to have coſt him near 20,000 pounds.
The fortifications are in the modern ſtyle on the ſide of Savoy, but are commanded by ſome of the neighbouring ground. On the ſide of France, they are old faſhioned. They are calculated rather to pre⯑vent a ſurprize, than to ſuſtain a regular ſiege. They have three gates towards France, Savoy, and Switzerland. All acceſs by the lake is barred by a double jettee and chain. The garriſon conſiſts of [104] 720 men, Swiſs, or Germans. A guard of four com⯑panies is changed every day at noon, one of the ſyndics giving the word of command. One com⯑pany does duty at each gate, and the fourth mounts guard at the town-hall.
We muſt not omit obſerving, that Geneva has partly realized Swift's project, in his great myſtery, or art of meditating in a houſe of office. On that part of the lake which faces the upper town, very large eaſements have been lately built, divided into ſeats, with ſlight partitions on each ſide, moſt of them about elbow high, as Doctor Swift directs, for the convenience of converſation. I went there, ſays Groſsley, one morning, and taking my ſeat in the centre, ſhared in a very ſprightly converſation, among ſeveral women, ſome of whom were buſy, and others waiting their turn.
Since the late troubles, a theatre has been built within the city. The only public diverſions beſides this, are two concerts. Private balls are not un⯑frequent, and plays are ſometimes performed by gentlemen and ladies. The chief amuſement is cards, at which the women conſtantly play in their ſocieties and aſſemblies. In fine weather, there is a great reſort to the Treille, and other public walks.
[105]The dreſs of the men at Geneva, is chiefly broad cloth, without lace or trimmings, except frogs; that of the women, is ſilk in winter, and printed cotton, which they call Indiennes in ſummer.
The revenues of government, are about 500,000 French livres, or little more than 20,000 pounds ſterling. This is raiſed from the domains of the ſtate, tenths, quit-rents, fines, or alienations, a tax on perſonaal effects, a poll-tax, cuſtoms and duties on goods, entering or paſſing through the city, to [...]ls at bridges, &c. The ſalaries of the ſyndics, are between 70 and 80 pounds. Members of the little council have 45 pounds. The garriſon coſts 130,000 livres. Repairs of the public buildings, fortifications and roads, charges of the police, &c. make up the reſt of the annual expences.
The government is of a mixed kind: the legiſla⯑tive power reſides in the general aſſembly of the citizens; conſiſting of about 1500: the executive, in the magiſtrates, who conſiſt of a council of 24, which nominates the moiety of the grand-council, out of which four ſyndics are annually choſen by the general aſſembly.
The law of the ſtate, is the Roman law, with ſome modifications: they have not titles of nobility, or hereditary dignities.
[106]For the ſupport of credit, it is enacted by an ex⯑preſs law, that no ſon who does not diſcharge his fathers debts, ſhall be capable of any office.
Geneva alſo has ſome peculiar ordinances con⯑cerning matrimony. No marriage is allowed of, unleſs both parties be of the proteſtant religion; all previous promiſes or engagements of a reformed, with a Roman Catholic, are declared void, and of none effect; and the agents of thoſe who have given their conſent to it, are puniſhable, according to the nature of the circumſtances. A woman of 40 years of age, cannot marry a man who is ten years younger than herſelf; if above 40, her choice is confined to five years younger. A man of 60, is not to marry a woman who is not at leaſt half that age. A widow muſt remain ſuch at leaſt ſix months before ſhe can alter her condition. In this point, a man is not limited to any particular time; but, however, he is enjoined to wait a reaſonable time, with this ſingular addition, which is not found in other laws, "Both to obviate ſcandal, and to ſhew that he hath felt the hand of God."
The maintenance of a good police, and the ſup⯑preſſion of luxury, is the province of a particular court; but a very extraordinary fund here, is that ariſing from the dirt of the ſtreets. In other places, [107] money is payed for carrying it away, whereas, here it is farmed for 800 livres, paid to the city for the excluſive privilege of taking it away for manuring land.
It is the cuſtom in Geneva and Switzerland, for men to divide their eſtates equally among all their children, by which means, every one lives at his eaſe, without growing dangerous to the republic; for as ſoon as an overgrown eſtate falls into the hands of one that has many children, it is broken into ſo many por⯑tions, as render the ſhares of it rich enough, with⯑out raiſing them too much above the level of the reſt. This is abſolutely neceſſary in theſe little re⯑publics, where the rich merchants live very much within their eſtates, and by heaping up vaſt ſums from year to year, might become formidable to their fellow-citizens, and break the equality, which is ſo neceſſary in theſe kinds of governments, were there not means found out to diſtribute their wealth among ſeveral members of their republic. At Geneva for inſtance, are merchants worth 100,000 pounds, though perhaps, there is not one of them who ſpends to the value of 500 pounds a year.
Geneva has but little land belonging to it, ſo that the corn it yields, not being ſufficient for ſupplying the inhabitants of the republic; and the regular im⯑portation [108] of it from the neighbouring countries, being liable to be interrupted by bad harveſts, con⯑tagious diſtempers, or wars; for preventing a ſcarcity, large granaries have been built at the pub⯑lic expence. In theſe are continually kept 90,000 quintals of corn, which is computed to ſuffice for two years. But no perſon is obliged to purchaſe their corn from this ſtore-houſe, as at Rome, where every one muſt repair to his Holineſs's granary, who ſells the corn at double the price it coſt; and who⯑ever has corn to diſpoſe of, muſt deliver it in at a very unreaſonable low rate. Bakers, inn-keepers, the garriſon, the city-artificers, and labourers em⯑ployed by the city, are the only perſons under any obligation to provide themſelves with corn from the republic of Geneva's granary. This conſumption takes off yearly, about 16,000 quintals; and the in⯑tent of it is not ſo much the ſmall gain which accrues to the city from a very moderate advance of the price, but thus by regularly giving out the corn every ſix years, the entire ſtock is removed.
CHAP. XV. Of the Character, Manners, and Cuſtoms of the Citizens of Geneva.
[109]THEY told me here, ſays Sherlock, that all the girls were chaſte, and I believed them, for I am naturally a very credulous man. There are ſome reaſons which might tempt a traveller, leſs ſimple than myſelf, to ſuſpect the contrary. There is no playhouſe, nor any public amuſement in the city of Geneva; and reading is the only reſource againſt ennui. In conſequence of this, a number of book⯑ſellers lend books by the month, at a very low price. The firſt acquaintance I generally make in a town, is that of a bookſeller; and during half an hour that I was talking with one, the day after my arrival there, in came three girls, one after another, to hire the New Heloiſe. Pray, ſaid I, to the book⯑ſeller, what is the general reading of this country? Young people, ſays he, like books with fine ſenti⯑ments; women a little mature, prefer thoſe which are light and brilliant. He appeared to me, to have unfolded his nation by this trait; the girls all ena⯑moured [110] of Rouſſeau, the women all admirers of Voltaire. Yes, thought I, the thing is clear; they begin, by imitating Eloiſa; and when their S. Preux forſakes them, or the devil begins to frighten them, they read Voltaire to give them courage and ſpirits. By no means—I gueſſed like a fool. The girls are all virtuous; there never was one ſuſpected; and what makes this miracle ſtill more aſtoniſhing, is, that they have leave to go out by themſelves in the morning, and they avail themſelves of it every day.
The Geneveſe thinks, that he is ſomewhat like the ancient Romans, as a petty prince in Germany thinks he reſembles Lewis the Fourteenth. The tradeſman of this country, is of all men, he who impoſed upon me moſt; and he cheats with an inſolence, equal to his baſeneſs. I ſaw few people of the firſt claſs; but thoſe I did ſee, appeared to me amiable, ſenſible, and well informed. The men in general, wiſh to paſs for wits; the women, for free-thinkers. Such are Sherlock's conciſe remarks on the manners of the inhabitants in this little republic.
The converſation of the Geneveſe in general, ſays Groſsley, has more of the German in it, than of the French: among men, it is carried on in clubs, who hire a chamber, where they reſort in an evening, to [111] ſmoke, talk politics, and chat about their private concerns, and the news of the city. The Italian re⯑ſerve, and German phlegm, prevail in their conver⯑ſation, not only among themſelves, but with fo⯑reigners; if ſome few have any tincture of French manners, it is by imitating the politeneſs of the in⯑habitants of Dauphiné. But how ill they ſucceed in their attempts to imitate the manners of the French, or even the Engliſh, the following hu⯑mourous dialogue, which Moore had with a French hair-dreſſer at Geneva, will ſufficiently ſhew. A very genteel young man, a Genevois, happened t [...] call on me, ſays this writer, while a French friſeur was with me. The young gentleman had paſſed ſome time at Paris, and was dreſſed exactly in the Pariſian taſte. "He has much the air of one of your countrymen," ſaid I to the Frenchman, as ſoon as the other had left the room.
'"Mon dieu! quelle difference," cried the friſeur. 'For my part I can ſee none," ſaid I. "Monſieur," reſumed he, "ſoyez perſuadé, qu'aucun Genevois ne ſera jamais pris pour un Francois." "There are cer⯑tainly ſome petit maitres to be found in this town," ſaid I. "Pardonez moi," replied he, "ils ne ſont que petit maitres manqués.
"Did you ever ſee an Engliſhman," ſaid I, "who might paſs for a Frenchman?" "Jamais de la vie," replied he with an accent of aſtoniſhment.
[112]"Suppoſe him," ſaid I, "a man of quality?" N'importe."
"But," continued I, "ſuppoſe he had lived ſe⯑veral years at Paris, that he was naturally very hand⯑ſome, and well made, that he had been educated by the beſt French dancing maſter, his clothes made by the beſt French taylor, and his hair dreſſed by the moſt eminent friſeur in Paris?" "Ceſt beaucoup, Monſieur, mais ce n'eſt pas aſſez."
"What!" exclaimed I, "would you ſtill know him to be an Engliſhman!" "Aſſurément, Mon⯑ſieur."
"What! before he ſpoke!" "Au premier coup d'oeil Monſieur."
"The devil you would? but how? "C'eſt que Meſſieurs les Anglois ont un air—une maniére de ſe préſenter—un que ſais—Je moi—vous méntendez bien, Monſieur—un certain air ſi gau—."
"Quel air maraud?" "Enfin un air qui eſt char⯑mant, ſi vous voulez, Monſieur," ſaid he rapidly, "mais que le diable m'emporte, ſi ceſt l'air Fran⯑cois."
As education here, ſays Moore, in his account of their cuſtoms and manners, is equally cheap and liberal, the citizens of Geneva of both ſexes, are remarkably well inſtructed. No country in the world, can perhaps produce an equal number of [113] perſons, taken collectively from all claſſes and pro⯑feſſions, with minds ſo much cultivated, as the in⯑habitants of Geneva poſſeſs.
It is not uncommon to find mechanics, in the in⯑tervals of their labour, amuſing themſelves with the works of Locke, Monteſquieu, and other productions of the ſame kind. The clergy of Geneva, in gene⯑ral, are men of ſenſe, learning, and moderation, im⯑preſſing upon the minds of their hearers the tenets of Chriſtianity, with all the grace of pulpit-eloquence; and illuſtrating the efficacy of the doctrine by their conduct in life. The people of every ſtation, in this place, attend ſermons and the public worſhip, with remarkable punctuality. The Sunday is honoured with the moſt reſpectful decorum, during the hours of divine ſervice; but, as ſoon as that is over, all the uſual amuſements commence.
The public walks are crowded by all degrees of people, in their beſt dreſſes. The different ſocie⯑ties, and what they call circles, aſſemble in the houſes and gardens of individuals. They play at cards and at bowls, and have parties upon the lake, with muſic.
There is one cuſtom univerſal here, which, per⯑haps, is peculiar to this town. The parents form [114] ſocieties for their children at a very early period of their lives. Theſe ſocieties conſiſt of 10, 12, or more children, of the ſame age, and ſituation in life. They aſſemble once a week, in the houſes of the different parents, who entertain the company by turns, with tea, coffee, biſcuits, and fruit; and then leave the young aſſembly to the freedom of their own converſation. This connection is ſtrictly kept up through life, whatever alterations may take place in the ſituations or circumſtances of the individuals; and although they ſhould afterwards form new or preferable intimacies, they never entirely abandon this ſociety; but to the lateſt periods of their lives, continue to paſs a few evenings every year with the companions of their youth, and their earlieſt friends.
The richer claſs of the citizens have country-houſes adjacent to the town, where they paſs one half of the year. Theſe houſes are, all of them, neat; and ſome of them ſplendid. One piece of magnificence they poſſeſs in greater perfection than the moſt ſu⯑perb villa of the greateſt lord in any other part of the world can boaſt; that is, the proſpect which al⯑moſt all of them command. The gardens and vine⯑yards of the republic;—the Pays de Vaud;—Ge⯑neva, with its lake;—innumerable country-ſeats, caſtles, and little towns, round the lake;—the val⯑lies [115] of Savoy, and the loftieſt mountains of the Alps, all within one ſweep of the eye.
Thoſe whoſe fortunes or employments do not per⯑mit them to paſs the ſummer in the country, make frequent parties of pleaſure upon the lake; and dine, and ſpend the evening at ſome of the villages in the environs, where they amuſe themſelves with muſic and dancing.
Sometimes they form themſelves into circles con⯑ſiſting of 40 or 50 perſons, and purchaſe or hire a houſe and gardens near the town, where they aſſem⯑ble every afternoon during the ſummer, drink coffee, lemonade, and other refreſhing liquors; and amuſe themſelves with cards, converſation, and playing at bowls; a game very different from that which goes by the ſame name in England; for here, inſtead of a ſmooth, level green, they often chooſe the rougheſt, and moſt unequal piece of ground. The player, inſtead of rolling the bowl, throws it in ſuch a manner that it reſts in the place where it firſt touches the ground; and if that be a fortunate ſituation, the next player pitches his bowl directly on his adver⯑ſary's, ſo as to make that ſpring away, while his own fixes itſelf in the ſpot from which the other has been diſlodged. Some of the citizens are aſtoniſhingly dexterous at this game, which is more complicated [116] and intereſting than the Engliſh manner of playing. They generally continue their circle till the duſk of the evening, and the ſound of the drum from the ramparts calls to the town; and at that time the gates are ſhut, after which no perſon can enter or go out; the officer of the guard not having the power to open them, without an order from the ſyndics which is not to be attained but on ſome great emer⯑gency.
This cuſtom had its riſe ever ſince the year 1602, when the Duke of Savoy made an attempt to ſeize upon the town. He marched an army, in the mid⯑dle of a dark night, in the time of peace, to the gates, applied ſcaling-ladders to the ramparts and walls; and having ſurpriſed the centinels, ſeveral hundred of the Savoyard ſoldiers had actually got into the town, and the reſt were following, when they were at length diſcovered by a woman, who gave the alarm.
The Genevoiſe ſtarted from their ſleep, ſeized the readieſt arms they could find, attacked the aſſailants with ſpirit and energy, killed numbers in the ſtreets, drove them out of the gates, or tumbled them over the ramparts; and the few who were taken pri⯑ſoners, they beheaded next morning, without further proceſs or ceremony.
[117]The Geneveſe annually diſtinguiſh the day on which this memorable exploit was performed, as a day of public thankſgiving and rejoicing.
It is called, le jour de l'eſcalade. There is divine worſhip in all the churches. The clergymen, on this occaſion, after ſermon, recapitulate all the cir⯑cumſtances of this intereſting event; put the audi⯑ence in mind of the gratitude they owe to Divine Providence, and to the valour of their anceſtors, which ſaved them in ſo remarkable a manner from civil and religious bondage; enumerate the peculiar bleſſings which they enjoy, and exhort them, in the moſt pathetic ſtrain, to watch over their liberties, remain ſteady in their religion, and tranſmit theſe, and all their other advantages, unimpaired to poſterity.
The evening of this day is ſpent in viſiting, feaſt⯑ing, dancing, and all kinds of diverſions.
Though the ſtate keeps in pay a body of merce⯑naries, they do not truſt the ſafety of the republic to theſe alone. All citizens of Geneva are ſoldiers. They are exerciſed ſeveral hours daily, for two months every ſummer, during which time they wear their uniforms, and at the end of that period are re⯑viewed by the ſyndics.
[118]Geneva, like all free ſtates, is expoſed to party-rage, and the public harmony is frequently interrupt⯑ed by political ſquabbles. One part of the citizens are accuſed of wiſhing to throw all the power into the hands of a few families, and of eſtabliſhing a complete ariſtocracy. The other oppoſes every meaſure which is ſuppoſed to have that tendency; and by their adverſaries are accuſed of ſeditious de⯑ſigns.
It is difficult for ſtrangers, who reſide any con⯑ſiderable time at Geneva, to obſerve a ſtrict neu⯑trality. The Engliſh, in particular, are exceedingly diſpoſed to take part with one ſide or other. Among the citizens, themſelves, political alterca⯑tions are carried on with great fire and ſpirit. A worthy old gentleman, ſays Moore, in whoſe houſe I had been often entertained with great hoſpitality, declaiming warmly againſt certain meaſures of the council, aſſerted, that all thoſe who had promoted them merited death; and if it depended on him they ſhould all be hanged without loſs of time. His brother, who was in that predicament, interrupted him, and ſaid, in a tone of voice which ſeemed to beg for mercy, Good brother! ſurely you would not puſh your reſentment ſo far!—You would not actually hang them! Yes, certainly; replied the patriot, with a determined countenance, and you, [119] my dear brother, ſhould be hung firſt, to ſhew my impartiality.
Although this republic has long continued in a profound peace, and there is no probability of its being ſoon engaged in any bloody conflict, yet the citizens of Geneva are not the leſs fond of the pomp of war.
This appears in what they call their military feaſts, which are their moſt favourite amuſements, and which they take every opportunity of enjoying. I was preſent, ſays Moore, at a very grand entertain⯑ment of this kind, which was given by the King of of the Arquebuſiers, upon his acceſſion to the royal dignity. This envied rank is neither tranſmitted by hereditary right, nor obtained by election; but gained by ſkill and real merit.
A war with this ſtate, like the war of Troy, muſt neceſſarily conſiſt of a ſiege. The ſkilful uſe of the cannon and arquebuſe, is therefore thought to be of the greateſt importance. During ſeveral months every year, a conſiderable number of the ci⯑tizens are almoſt conſtantly employed in firing at a mark, placed at a proper diſtance. Any citizen has a right, at a ſmall expence, to make trial of his ſkill [120] in this way; and, after a due number of trials, the moſt expert markſman is declared king.
There has not been a coronation of this kind theſe ten years, his late Majeſty having kept peace⯑able poſſeſſion of the throne during that period. But at laſt, another perſon was found to excel in ſkill every competitor; and was raiſed to the throne by the unanimous voice of the judges. He was at⯑tended to his own houſe from the field of con⯑teſt, by the ſyndics, amidſt the acclamation of the people. Some time after this, on the day of his feaſt, a camp was formed on a plain, without the gates of the city. Here the whole forces of the repub⯑lic, both horſe and foot, were aſſembled and di⯑vided into two diſtinct armies. They were to perform a battle in honour of his Majeſty, all the combatants having previouſly ſtudied their parts. This very ingenious, warlike drama had been com⯑poſed by one of the reverend miniſters, who is ſaid to poſſeſs a very extenſive military genius. That the ladies, and people of diſtinction, who were not actually engaged, might view the action with the greater eaſe and ſafety, a large amphitheatre of ſeats was prepared for them, at a convenient diſtance from the field of battle.
[121]Every thing being in readineſs, the ſyndics, the council, ſtrangers of diſtinction, and relations and favourites of the king, aſſembled at his Majeſty's palace, a little ſnug houſe, ſituated in a narrow lane, in the lower part of the city. From the palace they marched in proceſſion, through the city, with his Majeſty at their head, and preceded by a band of muſic, who played, as may be ſup⯑poſed, the moſt martial tunes they could poſſibly think of. When this company came to the field where the troops were drawn up, they were ſa⯑luted by the officers; and, having made a com⯑plete circuit of both armies, the king and all his attendants took their ſeats at the amphitheatre, which had been prepared for the purpoſe.
The impatience of the troops had been very viſible for ſome time. When the king was ſeated, their ardour could no longer be reſtrained. They called loudly to their officers to lead them to glory. The ſignal was given. They advanced to the attack, in the moſt undaunted manner; con⯑ſcious that they fought under the eyes of their king, the ſyndics, their wives, children, mothers, and grandmothers, they diſdained the thoughts of retreat. They ſtood undiſturbed by the thickeſt fire, and ſmiled at the roaring of the cannon.
[122]The ingenious author of the battle had taken care to diverſify it with ſeveral entertaining inci⯑dents. An ambuſcade was placed by one of the armies, behind ſome trees, to ſurprize the enemy. This ſucceeded to a miracle, although the ambuſ⯑cade was poſted in the ſight of both armies, and all the ſpectators.
A convoy with proviſion, advancing towards one of the armies, was attacked by a detachment from the other; and, after a ſmart ſkirmiſh, one half of the waggons was carried away by the aſſailants: the other remained with the troops for whom they ſeemed to have been originally intended.
A wooden bridge was briſkly attacked, and as reſolutely defended, but at length was trodden to pieces by both armies; for in the fury of the fight, the combatants forgot whether this poor bridge was their friend or their foe. By what means it got into the midſt of the battle is not eaſy to conceive; for there was neither river, brook, nor ditch, in the whole field.
The cavalry, on both ſides, performed wonders. It was difficult to determine which of the generals diſtinguiſhed himſelf moſt. They were both dreſſed in clothes exuberantly covered with lace (for the [123] ſumptuary laws were ſuſpended for this day) that the battle might be as magnificent as poſſible. As neither of theſe gallant commanders would con⯑ſent to the being defeated, the reverend author of the engagement could not make the cataſtrophe ſo deciſive and affecting as he intended.
While victory, with equipoiſed wings, hovered over both armies, a meſſenger arrived from the town-hall, with intelligence that dinner was ready. This news quickly ſpread among the combatants, and had an effect ſimilar to that which the Sabine women produced, when they ruſhed between their raviſhers and their relations. The warriors of Ge⯑neva relented at once; and both armies ſuſpended their animoſity in the contemplation of that which they both loved. They threw down their arms, ſhook hands, and were friends.
Thus ended the battle: the ſame company which had attended the king to the field of battle, marched with him in proceſſion from thence, to the maiſon de ville, where a ſumptuous entertainment was pre⯑fered. This was exactly the reverſe of a fête cham⯑petre, being held in the town-houſe, and in the middle of the ſtreets adjacent; where tables were covered, and dinner provided for ſeveral hundreds of the officers and ſoldiers.
[124]The king, the ſyndics, moſt of the members of the council, and all the ſtrangers, dined in the town-hall. The other rooms, as well as the outward court, were likewiſe full of company. There was much greater havoc at dinner, than had been at the battle, and the entertainment in other reſpects, was nearly as warlike. A kettle-drum was placed in the middle of the hall, upon which a martial flou⯑riſh was performed at every toaſt. This was imme⯑diately anſwered by the drums and trumpets with⯑out the hall, and the cannon of the baſtion. Proſ⯑perity to the republic, is a favourite toaſt;—When this was announced by the firſt ſyndic, all the com⯑pany ſtood up with their ſwords drawn in one hand, and glaſſes filled with wine in the other. Having drank the toaſt, they claſhed their ſwords, a ceremony always in every circle or club, where there is a public dinner, as often as this particular toaſt is named. It is an old cuſtom, and implies that every man is ready to fight in defence of the republic.
After we had been about two hours at table, a new ceremony took place. An hundred grenadiers, with their ſwords drawn, marched with great ſolem⯑nity into the middle of the hall, for the tables being placed in the form of a horſe-ſhoe, there was vacant ſpace in the middle, ſufficient to admit them. They deſired permiſſion to give a toaſt: this being granted, [125] each of the grenadiers, by a well-timed movement, like a motion in the exerciſe, pulled from his pocket a large water-glaſs, which being immediately filled with wine, one of the ſoldiers, in the name of all, drank a health to King Moſes the Firſt. (Moſes was the chriſtian name of the new king). His example was followed by his companions, and all the compa⯑ny, and was inſtantly honoured by the ſound of drums, trumpets, and artillery. When the grena⯑diers had drank this, and a toaſt or two more, they wheeled about, and marched out of the hall with the ſame ſolemnity, with which they had entered, reſuming their places at the tables in the ſtreets. Soon after this, a man fantaſtically dreſſed, entered the hall, and diſtributed among the company, ſome printed ſheets, which ſeemed to have come directly from the preſs. This proved to be a ſong, made for the occaſion, replete with gaiety, wit, and good ſenſe; pointing out, in a humourous ſtrain, the advantages which the citizens of Geneva poſſeſſed and exhorting them to unanimity, induſtry, and public ſpirit. This ditty was ſung by the man who brought it, while many of the company joined in the chorus.
When we deſcended from the town-hall, we found the ſoldiers intermingled with their officers, ſtill ſeated at the table in the ſtreets, and encircled by [126] their wives and children. They all aroſe ſoon after, and dividing into different companies, repaired to the ramparts, the fields, and the gardens, where, with muſic and dancing, they continued in high glee, during the reſt of the evening.
The whole exhibition of the day, though no very juſt repreſentation of the manoeuvres of war, or the elegance of a court entertainment, formed the moſt lively picture of jollity, mirth, good humour, and cordiality that could poſſibly be ſeen. The inhabi⯑tants of a whole city;—nay, of a whole ſtate, united in one ſcene of good fellowſhip, like a ſingle family, is ſurely no common ſight.
There are ſome of the citizens of Geneva, who deride the little military eſtabliſhment of the repub⯑lic, and declare it to be highly ridiculous in ſuch a feeble ſtate, to preſume that they could defend them⯑ſelves. The very idea of reſiſtance againſt Savoy or France, they hold as abſurd. They ſeem to take pleaſure in mortifying their countrymen, aſſuring them, that in caſe of an attack, all their efforts would be fruitleſs, and their garriſon unable to ſtand a ſiege of ten days.
Theſe politicians declaim againſt the needleſs ex⯑pence of keeping the fortifications in repair, and [127] they calculate the money loſt, by ſo many manufac⯑turers being employed in wielding uſeleſs firelocks, inſtead of the tools of their reſpective profeſſions. Were I a member of this republic, I ſhould have no patience with theſe diſcouraging malcontents, who endeavour to depreſs the minds of their coun⯑trymen, and embitter a ſource of real enjoyment.
The garriſon, ſmall as it is, aided by the zeal of the inhabitants, and regulated by that ſhare of diſ⯑cipline, which their ſituation admits, would be ſuf⯑ficient to ſecure them from a coup de main, or any immediate inſult, and might enable them to defend the town from the attempts of any one of the neigh⯑bouring ſtates, till they ſhould receive ſuccour from ſome of the others. Independent of theſe con⯑ſiderations, the ramparts are moſt agreeable walks, convenient for the inhabitants, and ornamental to the city. The exerciſing and reviewing the militia, form an innocent and agreeable ſpectacle to the women and children, contribute to the health and amuſement of the troops themſelves, and inſpire the inhabitants in general, with the pleaſing ideas of ſecurity, and of their own importance. Upon the whole, the fortifications and the militia of Ge⯑neva, produce more happineſs in theſe various ways taken together, than could be purchaſed by all the money they coſt, expended in any other manner.
[128]This is more than can be ſaid in favour of the greater part of the ſtanding armies on the continent of Europe, whoſe numbers ſecure the deſpotiſm of the prince; whoſe maintenance is a moſt ſevere burden upon the countries which ſupport them, and whoſe diſcipline, inſtead of exciting pleaſing emo⯑tions, impreſſes the mind with horror.
But it will be ſaid, they defend the nation from foreign enemies. Alas? could a foreign conqueror occaſion more wretchedneſs, than ſuch defenders? When he who calls himſelf my protector, has ſtrip⯑ped me of my property, and deprived me of my freedom, I cannot return him very cordial thanks, when he tells me, that he will defend me from any other robber.
The moſt ſolid ſecurity which this little republic has for its independence, is founded on the mutual jealouſy of its neighbours. There is no danger of its meeting with the misfortune which befel Po⯑land, Geneva being ſuch an atom of a ſtate, as not to be diviſible. It ſeems, however, as a kind of barrier or alarm-poſt to the Swiſs cantons, particu⯑larly that of Berne, which certainly would not like to ſee it in the hands, either of the king of France, or of Sardinia. The acquiſition is not worth the [129] attention of the firſt; and it is better for the ſecond, that the republic ſhould remain in its preſent free and independent ſituation, than that it ſhould revert to his poſſeſſion, and be ſubjected to the ſame go⯑vernment with his other dominions. For no ſooner would Geneva be in the poſſeſſion of Sardinia, than the wealthieſt of the citizens would abandon it, and carry their families and riches to Switzerland, Holland, or England. Trade and manufactures would dwindle with the ſpirit and independence of the inhabitants; and the flouriſhing, enlightened, happy city of Geneva, like other towns of Pied⯑mont and Savoy, would become the reſidence of op⯑preſſion, ſuperſtition, and poverty. In this ſitua⯑tion, it could add but little to the king's revenue; while, at preſent, the peaſants of his dominions re⯑ſort every market-day in great numbers to Geneva, where they find a ready ſale for all the productions of their farms. The land is on this account more valuable, and the peaſants are more at their eaſe, though the rents are very high, more ſo, than in any other part of Savoy. The republic, therefore, in its preſent independent ſtate, is of more uſe to the king of Sardinia, than if it were his property.
From this it may be perceived, that the ſtability of this little fabric of freedom, does not depend on [130] the juſtice and moderation of the neighbouring powers, or on any equivocal ſupport, but is founded on the ſolid, laſting pillars of their mutual in⯑tereſt.
CHAP. XVI. Commerce.
TRADE at Geneva, inſtead of waiting at home for cuſtomers, travels in ſearch of them, and where it can be promoted, the Geneveſe always reſort. Its principal branches are clocks, watches, articles of jewellery, muſlins, and the finer ſort of linens.
Great part of the clock and watch pieces are made in the mountains of Switzerland; this being the occupation of the inhabitants, during the ſnowy ſeaſon. Moſt of them work for watch-makers in [131] Geneva, who purchaſe theſe pieces of them, half wrought, and work them up into watches, which, with incredible induſtry, they vend all over France, Spain, and Germany. They alſo export great quantities to the commercial houſes, which ſeveral of theſe Geneva traders have in Paris, or to watch-makers of that city, who get their name inſcribed on them, and ſell them for their own work.
London was formerly a great cuſtomer to them in the article of watches, but we having increaſed this manufacture among ourſelves, furniſh a ſuffi⯑cient quantity for our own conſumption, without the aſſiſtance of the Geneveſe; or if we take any of their goods, it muſt be at our own price. This proceeding has ſo far cooled the great fondneſs, which the Geneveſe pretended formerly to have for us, that they now openly declare us to be a pack of jews, who would have others take every thing from them, without their taking any thing from others. From England, however, it is, that they ſtill im⯑port the greater part of their cloth, both for home conſumption, and for ſending into Italy, and like⯑wiſe that which they ſmuggle into France, owning at the ſame time, that French cloths, at leaſt the finer ſort, are preſerable to the Engliſh.
The two laſt wars in France, having been very [132] detrimental to their jewellery trade, had driven a great number of workmen and dealers, to emigrate from Paris. The Geneveſe received them kindly, and ſet them to work; ſo that the jewellery trade at preſent, fully repairs the loſs which the induſtry of the Engliſh had occaſioned them to ſuſtain, in that of their watches: they ſeem even in a fair way, to ſupplant France, in this conſiderable branch of commerce. The ſtandard of the gold and ſilver, which they work up, is left to themſelves; but the ſtandard is what a fine lady or fopling, who muſt have a ſnuff-box or a tweezer, never trouble them⯑ſelves about: beſides, here is no duty to be paid; and as to the duties of import into France and Spain, their manner of eluding them, is thus: The Geneveſe merchant and his ſervant, ſet out from Geneva, well mounted, with two portmanteaus filled with watches and trinkets; the maſter is in a Swiſs, half uniform, and, at every paſs and gate of a town, claps on a cockade; to every Qui va la? his an⯑ſwer is, Officier Swiſs, and he goes on without fur⯑ther ceremony.
The Geneva trade, conſiſts chiefly in muſlins, cal⯑licoes, lawns, and flowered linens. The greater part of the muſlins worn in France, come from hence, and Geneva has them from Switzerland. In the laſt war in France, Geneva even ſupplied the [133] ſale at Port L'Orient with theſe goods, which other⯑wiſe muſt have failed by the delay of the India com⯑pany's return. As to theſe matters, all Switzer⯑land may be looked on as one vaſt manufacture, in which every advantage concentrates, entire free⯑dom, exemption from all duties, plenty of raw ma⯑terials, cheapneſs of labour, and the inceſſant induſ⯑try of a very laborious people. It muſt have been by means more efficacious than ſchemes, memoirs, and diſſertations, that Geneva and Baſle have con⯑trived to put off from time to time, the prohibi⯑tion of printed cottons in France. A pretty nice conjecture of the advantages of ſuch a prohibition to that kingdom, might have been formed only from the buſtle and conſternation of theſe two cities.
The reſult of this account, ſhews that the ballance of a very conſiderable trade between France, Swit⯑zerland, and the Geneveſe, is entirely in favour of the latter, who take nothing from France but corn, making but a very ſlender deduction from the ſums which the payment of the Swiſs troops draws from France; and this trade is always carried on to their advantage, whether part of the corn be remitted into Germany, or as is ſometimes done, re⯑imported into France, which is attended with con⯑ſiderable profit.
CHAP. XVII. Mount Blanc and Glaciers.
[134]VARIOUS attempts having been made to reach the ſummit of Mount Blanc, ſituated near Ge⯑neva, on the borders of Switzerland, which is not only the higheſt mountain in the whole world, but one of the moſt remarkable objects in it; a chrono⯑logical account of the principal expeditions, which at length terminated ſucceſsfully, will not perhaps be unintereſting.
The firſt enterpriſe was formed in 1776, by M. Couterau, and three guides of Chamouny. Theſe adventurers ſet out from thence, on the 13th of July, about eleven o'clock in the evening, and after having employed about 14 hours in mounting rugged and dangerous aſcents, in croſſing ſeveral vallies of ice, and large plains of ſnow, they found themſelves on the top, next to Mount Blanc. At firſt ſight, it appeared ſcarcely a league diſtance; but they ſoon diſcovered that the clearneſs of the [135] air, the whiteneſs of the ſnow, and its great height, made it ſeem nearer than it was in reality: and they perceived with regret, that it would require four hours more to reach the ſummit, even ſuppoſing it practicable. The day being far ſpent, and the va⯑pours having begun to collect into clouds on the ſum⯑mit of the mountain, they were obliged to deſiſt from their enterprize. As they were returning in great haſte, one of the party ſlipped, in attempting to leap over a chaſm of ice. He held in his hand a long pole, ſpiked with iron, which he ſtruck into the ice, and upon this, he hung dreadfully ſuſpended for a few minutes, until he was releaſed by his companions. Many of theſe chaſms, are ſeveral hundred fathoms in depth, and from one, to five or ſix feet in breadth. The danger this man had juſt eſcaped, made ſuch an impreſſion upon him, that he fainted away, and continued for ſome time in that ſituation: he was at length brought to himſelf, and though conſiderably bruiſed, ſufficiently reco⯑vered, to be able to continue his journey. They arrived at Chamauny that evening, after having em⯑ployed 22 hours in this expedition: as ſome ſort of recompence, they enjoyed the ſatisfaction, at leaſt, of having approached nearer to Mount Blanc, than any former adventurers.
[136]The failure of this expedition, ſeemed for ſome time to repreſs all future attempts to attain the top of Mount Blanc, until the indefatigable Mr. Bourrit, infuſed a new ſpirit into the inhabitants of Cha⯑mouny. After reiterated, though unſucceſsful at⯑tempts; on the 11th of September, 1784, Mr. Bourrit, accompanied by ſix guides, attempted to ſcale, as he expreſſes himſelf, the rampart of Mount Blanc, when he ſuddenly found himſelf ſo extremely affected by the intenſe cold, as to be unable to pro⯑ceed.
On the 7th of Auguſt, 1786, Dr. Paccard, a phy⯑ſician of Chamouny, accompanied by James Balma, a guide, ſallied from thence on this memorable expe⯑dition, and reached before dark, the mountain of La Cote, which overhangs the upper part of the gla⯑cier of Boſſon. Here they paſſed the night; and at three in the morning, purſued their route over the ice, aſcended the Dome of Gouté, paſſed under the Middle Dome, and at the laſt pyramid of rock, turned to the eaſt, and continued along the ridge, which is ſeen from Geneva, and lies on the left of the ſummit. Here they firſt began to feel ſuch in⯑tenſe cold, and ſuch extreme fatigue, that the Dr. was almoſt induced to relinquiſh the enterprize: being, however, encouraged by the guide, more accuſtomed to ſuch fatiguing and dangerous expe⯑ditions, [137] he followed his companion. The wind was ſo violent, that in order to avoid its blowing in their faces, they were obliged to walk ſideways for a con⯑ſiderable time. About ſix in the afternoon, they at length attained the ſummit of Mount Blanc, and ſtood triumphantly on a ſpot of ground, which no one had reached before; and at the elevation of 15,662 feet above the ſea, which is three times higher than Snowdon, and undoubtedly the higheſt point in the ancient globe. They remained on the ſummit no more than half an hour, the cold being ſo intenſe, that the proviſion was frozen in their pockets, and the ink congealed in their inkhorns.
They had employed 15 hours in aſcending; and though they again reached the mountain of La Cote in five hours, yet they found great difficulty in de⯑ſcending, their ſight being debilitated by the reflec⯑tion of the ſnow. They arrived at Ea Cote about midnight, after 20 hours unremitting fatigue. Having repoſed themſelves two hours, they again ſallied forth, and returned to Chamouny, at eight in the morning. Their faces were excoriated, and their lips exceedingly ſwelled; Dr. Pacard was al⯑moſt blind, and his eyes continued to be affected for a conſiderable time.
[138]We cannot expect any accurate experiments from theſe two perſons, to whom the glory of having firſt aſcended the ſummit of Mount Blanc, is undoubt⯑edly due. But they prepared the way for the obſer⯑vations and diſcoveries of future naturaliſts, and particularly of M. de Sauſſure, whoſe indefatigable zeal, did not permit him to reſt, until he had reached the top of Mount Blanc, and made thoſe ex⯑periments, which cannot fail greatly to elucidate the theory of the atmoſphere.
That able naturaliſt ſat out on this ſucceſsful ex⯑pedition, from the valley of Chamouny; on the 13th of Auguſt, 1787. He was accompanied by 18 guides, who carried a tent, matraſſes, all neceſſary accommodations, and inſtruments of experimental philoſophy. They paſſed the firſt night on the top of the mountain La Cote, in a hut, previouſly con⯑ſtructed for that purpoſe. At four o'clock in the following afternoon, they reached an elevation of nearly 13,000 feet above the level of the ſea. Here they encamped and formed an excavation in the con⯑gealed ſnow, which they covered with a tent. In this icy habitation, inſtead of ſuffering from the cold, M. de Sauſſure felt ſuch a ſuffocating heat from the cloſeneſs of the tent, and the number of perſons crowded in ſo ſmall a compaſs, that he was [139] frequently obliged to go into the open air, in order to breathe.
The next morning, the whole company departed at ſeven; and found the aſcent in ſome places ſo ſteep, that they who preceded, were obliged to hew out ſteps with a hatchet. At eleven, they reached the ſummit of Mount Blanc. Here they continued three hours and a half, during which time, M. de Sauſſure enjoyed with rapture and aſtoniſhment, a view the moſt extenſive, as well as the moſt rugged and ſublime in nature; and made thoſe obſervations, which will render this expedition no longer a matter of mere curioſity.
He did not find the cold ſo extremely piercing, as was experienced by Dr. Paccard and James Balma. On eſtimating the height of Mount Blanc, from barometrical experiments, he found it almoſt ex⯑actly correſpond with that given by Sir George Shuckborough, or 15,662 Engliſh feet above the level of the ſea, and which reflects the higheſt honour on the accuracy of the Engliſh obſerver. By experi⯑ments with the hygrometer, the air on the top of Mount Blanc, contained ſix times leſs humidity than that of Geneva; and to this extreme dryneſs of the atmoſphere, he imputes the burning thirſt, which he and h [...]s companions experienced. It requires [140] half an hour to boil water on the top of Mount Blanc; 15 or 16 minutes are ſufficient at Geneva, and 14 or 15 by the ſea-ſide. By experiments on the electrometer, the balls diverged only three lines; the electricity was poſitive. On the ſummit, he noticed two butterflies on the wing, and obſerved at the elevation of 11,000 feet above the ſea, the moſs-campion in flower.
He adds, that the ſummits of Mount Blanc, and the adjacent mountains, were compoſed of granite: and that after Mount Blanc, the Sereckhorn, and Mount Roſa in Piedmont, appeared the moſt ele⯑vated points.
M. de Sauſſure, as well as many of his party, found themſelves extremely affected by the rarefaction of the air; and at two, began returning. They de⯑fended a little lower than the place in which they paſſed the preceding night, and arrived the next morning at the valley of Chamouny, without the leaſt accident; and as they had taken the precaution to cover their faces with crape, their ſkins were not excoriated, nor their ſight debilitated.
On the eighth of Auguſt, a few days after M. de Sauſſure's expedition, Mr. Beaufoy, an Engliſh gen⯑tleman, ſucceeded in a ſimilar attempt, though it [141] was attended with greater difficulty, ariſing from the enlargement of the chaſms in the ice.
No ſubject is more curious in natural hiſtory, than the origin of theſe glaciers, extending into fields of corn and paſture, and lying, without being melted, in a ſituation where the ſun is ſufficient to bring the earth to maturity: for it is almoſt literally true, that with one hand a perſon may touch ice, and with the other, ripe corn.
If a perſon could be conveyed to ſuch an eleva⯑tion, as to embrace at one view, the Alps of Swit⯑zerland, Savoy, and Dauphine, he would behold a vaſt chain of mountains, interſcepted by numerous vallies, and compoſed of many parallel chains, the higheſt occupying the center, and the others gradu⯑ally diminiſhing in proportion to their diſtance from that center. The moſt elevated, or central chain, would appear briſtled with pointed rocks; and covered even in ſummer, with ice and ſnow, in all parts not abſolutely perpendicular. On each ſide of this chain, he would diſcover deep vallies clothed with verdure, peopled with numerous vil⯑lages, and watered by many rivers. In conſidering theſe objects with greater attention, he would re⯑mark, that the central chain is compoſed of elevated peaks, whoſe ſummits are overſpread with ſnow; [142] that the declivities, excepting thoſe parts extremely ſteep, are covered with ſnow and ice; and the in⯑termediate depths and ſpaces, are filled with immenſe fields of ice, terminating in thoſe cultivated vallies, which border the great chain. The branches moſt contiguous to the central chain, would preſent the ſame phenomena, only in a leſſer degree. At greater diſtances, no ice would be obſerved, and ſcarcely any ſnow, but upon ſome of the moſt elevated ſum⯑mits; and the mountains diminiſhing in height, and ruggedneſs, would appear covered with herbage, and gradually ſink into hills and plains.
In this general ſurvey, the glaciers may be divided into two ſorts; the firſt occupying the deep vallies, ſituated in the boſom of the Alps, diſtinguiſhed by the name of Lower Glaciers; the ſecond, which clothe the ſummits and ſides of the mountains, cal⯑led Upper Glaciers. The Lower Glaciers, are by far the moſt conſiderable in extent and depth. Some ſtretch ſeveral leagues in length; one in particular, is more than 15 miles long, and above three in its greateſt breadth. The thickneſs of the ice varies in different parts, M. de Sauſſure found its general depth from 80 to 100 feet; but queſtions not the in⯑formation of thoſe who aſſert, that in ſome places its thickneſs exceeds even 600 feet.
[143]Theſe immenſe fields of ice, uſually reſt on an in⯑clined plain: being puſhed forwards by the preſſure of their own weight, and but weakly ſupported by the rugged rocks beneath, are interſected by large tranſverſe crevices; and preſent the appearance of walls, pyramids, and other fantaſtic ſhapes, ob⯑ſerved at all heights and in all ſituations, wherever the declivity is beyond 30 or 40 degrees. Where the plain on which they reſt, is horizontal, or only gently inclined, the ſurface of the ice is nearly uni⯑form, and the traveller croſſes them without much difficulty. The ice is not ſo ſlippery, as that of fro⯑zen ponds and rivers: it is rough and granulated, and is only dangerous to the paſſenger, where there is a ſteep deſcent. It is not tranſparent, but extremely porous and full of ſmall bubbles, which ſeldom ex⯑ceed the ſize of a pea; and conſequently is not ſo compact as common ice. Its perfect reſemblance to the congelation of ſnow, impregnated with water, led M. de Sauſſure to conceive the following ſimple and natural theory, on the formation of the gla⯑ciers.
An immenſe quantity of ſnow is continually ac⯑cumulating in the elevated vallies, which are encloſed within the Alps, as well from that which falls from the clouds, during nine months in the year, as from the maſſes which are inceſſantly rolling from the [144] ſteep ſides of the circumjacent mountains. Part of this ſnow, which is not diſſolved during ſummer, being impregnated with rain and ſnow-water, is frozen during winter, and forms that opaque and porous ice, of which the Lower Glaciers are com⯑poſed.
The Upper Glaciers may be ſubdivided into thoſe which cover the ſummits, and thoſe which extend along the ſides of the Alps. Thoſe which cover the ſummits of the Alps, owe their origin to the ſnow that falls at all ſeaſons of the year, and which remains nearly in its original ſtate, being congealed into a hard ſubſtance, and not converted into ice. The ſubſtance which clothes the ſides of the Alps, is neither pure ſnow like that of the ſummits, nor ice which forms the lower glaciers, but is an aſſem⯑blage of both.
The aſcent of Mount Blanc, being a work of ſo much danger and difficulty, ordinary travellers con⯑tent themſelves in their tour through Switzerland, with going to take a view of the glaciers, and of Mount Blanc, from ſome of the mountains adjacent, to the vale of Chamouny. There are five or ſix of theſe, which all terminate upon one ſide of the valley of Chamouny.
[145]The Glacier Des Bois, is not only the moſt acceſ⯑ſible, but one of the moſt curious. It is not the wideſt, but it deſcends without interruption, from Mount Blanc itſelf, and affords all the variety of objects we meet with in the glacier; the lofty walls and towers, the waving ſeas, and the tremendous fiſ⯑ſures.
One of the moſt intereſting objects here, is the magnificent vault of ice at the foot of the glacier, from whence the river Arveron takes its ſource. The acceſs to it, ſeems blocked up by hugh maſſes of rock, wildly thrown about. Within, immenſe blocks of tranſparent ice are ſcattered about the floor, warning the traveller to truſt himſelf with caution, to the brittle arch over his head. From the further part of the cavern, boils forth melted ice, forming rivulets, that meander all about it. In dif⯑ferent years, it puts on very different appearances. It expoſes itſelf to view only a ſhort time; for till the end of July, or the beginning of Auguſt, no⯑thing appears, but a rude maſs of ice, walling up the cavern: at length this falls, and all at once opens to view, this beautiful vault, which has not been un⯑aptly termed, the Temple of the God of Froſt.
What renders the paſſage over the glaciers ſo dif⯑ficult and dangerous is, the rents in the ice, which are [146] to be met with in every direction. Theſe rents, ſays Moore, are from two to 600 feet wide, and of an amazing depth; reaching from the ſurface of the valley, thro' a body of ice, many hundred fathoms thick. On throwing down a ſtone, or any other ſolid ſubſtance, we could hear the hollow murmur of its deſcent, for a very long time, ſounding like far diſtant waves, breaking upon rocks.
CHAP. XVIII. Neuchatel.
THE principality of Neuchatel and Vallengin ſtretches from the lake to the limits of Franche Comtè, containing in length from north to ſouth, about 12 leagues, and about ſix in its greateſt breadth. The principality of Neuchatel, occupies all the plain together, with the lower parts of the mountains: while Vallengin is totally encloſed within the Jura. [147] Parallel chains of the Jura, run from eaſt to weſt, and form in the moſt elevated part, ſeveral vallies. The lower grounds are laid out in arable lands and vine⯑yards; the higher conſiſts of a large tract of foreſt, intermixed with fields of barley and oats. But what particularly deſerves the attention of every curious traveller, is, the ſingular genius and induſtry of the very populous inhabitants of theſe vallies, of which after having ſpoken of Neuchatel, we ſhall treat more fully.
Neuchatel and Vallengin once formed two diſtinct principalities; each having a ſeparate and inde⯑pendent government: but for ſome time paſt, they have been united into one. By the death of the Ducheſs of Nemours, in 1707, the ſovereignty of theſe two countries became vacant; to which, as heir to the Prince of Orange, Frederic the Firſt, King of Pruſſia, amongſt many others, put in his claim; and his right was acknowledged by the ſtates of the country. After his death, it deſcended to his ſon Frederic William, who tranſmitted it with his other dominions to the late King of Pruſſia, and is now poſſeſſed by the preſent monarch.
The whole principality contains near 40,000 in⯑habitants, of which there are 3,000 in the capital; [148] it is there the governor reſides, and the general ad⯑miniſtration of public affairs is carried on.
The town of Neuchatel is ſmall. It lies partly upon the little plain, between the lake of Neu⯑chatel and Mount Jura, and partly upon the decli⯑vity of that mountain: in conſequence of which ſituation, ſome of its ſtreets are rather ſteep. At the commencement of the preſent century, com⯑merce was almoſt wholly a ſtranger here; as the ridiculous pride of its being deemed degrading, generally prevailed among them. This ſenſeleſs pre⯑judice, however, is now nearly worn out; and a con⯑ſiderable trade is carried on. The chief article of their exportation is wine, produced from the neigh⯑bouring vineyards, and much eſteemed. Several manufactures alſo of cotton and muſlin have been eſtabliſhed with ſucceſs; and within theſe few years, the merchants of this town have raiſed large fortunes.
The mildneſs of the government, and the general well-being of the inhabitants, are viſibly demon⯑ſtrated from the increaſe of population among the natives, and the prodigious influx of ſettlers. The facility of acquiring the burgherſhip of Neuchatel, has alſo prevented any decreaſe of the inhabitants.
[149]Several public buildings have been lately erect⯑ed at Neuchatel, at an expence far exceeding the revenues, or even wants of this little ſtate. Amongſt others are a ſuperb cauſeway leading to⯑ward the valley of S. Imici, and a town-houſe built of ſuch ſolid materials, as if it was intended to ſurvive to the moſt diſtant poſterity, and to rival the duration of the much famed Roman capital.
The perſon to whom the burghers of Neuchatel principally owe the embelliſhment of their town is M. David Perry, late banker of the court at Liſbon. He was a citizen of Neuchatel, and was born in 1709. He died on the 31ſt of May 1785, and the fortune he bequeathed to his country amounts to 160,000l. which with the contributions in his life time renders his benefactions equal to almoſt 200,000l.
His grateful country obtained from the King of Pruſſia the title of Baron, in his favour; a title, which through his ſingular modeſty, he neither bore nor uſed in the ſignature of his letters. The citizens of Neuchatel have alſo placed the portrait of this generous benefactor in one of the apartments in which government aſſembles.
[150]The town conſiſts of four large ſtreets and an old caſtle, in which the governor reſides, with two churches and a gymnaſium. Around the town on all ſides are vineyards, gardens, and pleaſant ſeats.
Its regency conſiſts of the leſſer and greater council; the former of which is compoſed of twenty-four members, and the latter of forty. Theſe attend to the police and other public concerns.
In the diſtrict of Vallengin among the valleys of Mount Jura, are the two celebrated villages of La Chaux de Fond and Locle, the inhabitants of which are ſo remarkably diſtinguiſhed for their genius, in⯑duſtry, and ſkill in the mechanical arts, and which flouriſh here in their greateſt perfection. The in⯑habitants who are computed to be about 6,000, carry on an extenſive commerce in lace, ſtock⯑ings, cutlery, and other different kinds of mer⯑chandiſe of their own manufactures; but watches and every branch of clock making, are the articles in which they particularly and eminently excel. They not only make every utenſil employed in thoſe arts, but have invented ſeveral: and all ſorts of workmen neceſſary for the completion of that branch of buſineſs, ſuch as painters, enamellers, [151] engravers, gilders, &c. are found in their villages; where it is ſuppoſed, that upon an average about forty thouſand watches are annually made. The genius and induſtry obſervable upon theſe moun⯑tains, exhibit a ſcene uncommonly pleaſing; and no where perhaps, except in Geneva, are there ſuch a number apparently ſo much at their eaſe. Ac⯑cordingly as every individual is ſure not only of ob⯑taining a comfortable maintenance for himſelf, but of ſoon placing his children alſo in a way of getting their livelihood; they all marry very early; for women and children are employed in ſome of the branches of watch-making; and a child of but ten years old may earn ten pence a day, by giving the laſt poliſh to ſteel inſtruments with the hand. And as to the men, there are few who do not get half a crown a day; and ſome, nine ſhillings.
Not many years ago, the greateſt part of theſe valleys was almoſt one continued foreſt; but the wonder-working powers of induſtry have happily changed the ſcene into flouriſhing villages and fer⯑tile paſtures. Population has encreaſed of courſe; and the following fact will give ſome idea how much it has encreaſed. Formerly the produce of the country was more than ſufficient for the conſump⯑tion of its inhabitants; at preſent, although it is conſiderably more cultivated, they draw ſeven-eighths [152] of their proviſion from Franche Comté. And no wonder; for, beſides the natural effect of their frequent and early marriages, every ſtranger, who brings a certificate of his good behaviour, is at liberty to ſettle here, and to carry on any trade he thinks proper, without the leaſt reſtriction. Here, no apprenticeſhip is neceſſary; nothing is contraband; and induſtry exerts herſelf untaxed.
Beſides thoſe particular arts already mentioned, ſome of the inhabitants are well ſkilled in other branches of mechanical ſcience; and have invented ſeveral uſeful mathematical and agronomical inſtru⯑ments. Among thoſe who have eminently diſtin⯑guiſhed themſelves in this way is the famous Jaquet Dro [...], whoſe ſon exhibited in England ſeveral au⯑tomatical figures of a very ſingular and ſurprizing conſtruction: one of theſe plays upon the harpſi⯑chord; another draws landſcapes; and what is ſtill more extraordinary, a third copies any word pre⯑ſented to it, or writes down whatever the company ſhall pleaſe to dictate.
The origin of watch-making in this part of Switzerland is extremely curious. In 1769 one of the inhabitants brought with him a watch from England, the firſt that had been ſeen in thoſe parts; which, happening to be out of order, he ventured [135] to truſt it in the hands of one Daniel John Richard of La Sagne. Richard, after examining the me⯑chaniſm with great attention, conceived himſelf capable, and was determined to attempt to make a watch from the model before him, but to this end he was deſtitute of every other aſſiſtance than the powers of his own native genius. Accordingly he employed a whole year in inventing and finiſhing the ſeveral inſtruments previouſly neceſſary for ex⯑ecuting his purpoſe; and in ſix months from that period, by the ſole force of his own penetrating and perſevering talents, he produced a complete watch. But his ambition and induſtry did not ſtop here: beſides applying himſelf ſucceſsfully to the inven⯑tion of ſeveral new inſtruments uſeful for the per⯑fection of his work, he took a journey to Geneva, where he gained conſiderable information in the art. He continued for ſome time the only man in thoſe parts who could make a watch, but buſineſs encreaſing, he took in, and inſtructed ſeveral aſ⯑ſociates; by whoſe aſſiſtance, he was enabled to ſupply from his ſingle ſhop all the demands of the neighbouring country. Toward the beginning of the preſent century he removed to Locle, where he died in 1741, leaving five ſons, who all followed their father's occupation. From theſe the know⯑ledge and practice of the art gradually ſpread itſelf, till it at length became almoſt the univerſal buſineſs [154] of the inhabitants, and the principal cauſe of the populouſneſs of theſe mountains.
But it is not merely in theſe articles, that the genius of the mechanical people is obſervable; it diſcovers itſelf on all occaſions, when it can be ap⯑plied to the purpoſes of their convenience and ac⯑commodation. To give an inſtance, the rocks in moſt parts of the Alps being exceedingly hard and ſolid; the water can only make its way along their ſides, and ruſh down in perpetual torrents; but the ſtrata, which compoſe the Jura, being leſs firm and compact; the rains and melted ſnow penetrate with impetuoſity into the crevices, and only diſcover themſelves by breaking out into rivulets at the bot⯑tom of the mountains.
Now the peaſants in order to avail themſelves of this peculiarity, have erected mills at a great ex⯑pence, and with incredible labour ſome yards under the rocks, which are turned by thoſe internal tor⯑rents of water, that force their way through the crevices above-mentioned. For this purpoſe the builders have conſtructed wheels where it ſeemed ſcarcely practicable, and have invented new modes of ſcaffolding, and a great variety of other ingenious contrivances, in order to facilitate their work.
[155]The inhabitants of theſe ſeveral diſtricts are ex⯑ceedingly courteous, and ready to give every aſſiſt⯑ance in their power to ſtrangers who viſit their country. They are in general very well informed in ſeveral branches of knowledge; and as they uſually employ their leiſure hours in reading, there are circulating libraries to be found in many of the villages.
Their houſes are in general ſmall, but handſome and well built: many of them are furniſhed with a degree of neatneſs and even elegance, peculiarly ſtriking. Indeed luxury, or what according to the ſimplicity of manners is here ſo called, has made no inconſiderable progreſs in theſe mountains; of this one of the inhabitants of Locle gave a curious proof, who ſeriouſly complained that it was now no unuſual circumſtance for the maſter of a family to carry his wife to Beſançon to ſee a play; and that there were now at leaſt ten hair-dreſſers ſettled at Locle; whereas, ſome few years ago there was but one to be found in the town and its whole diſtrict.
The conſtitution of Neuchatel is a limited mo⯑narchy. The machine of this government is in⯑deed actuated by ſuch nice ſprings, that it is very difficult for a ſtranger to diſtinguiſh, with any degree [156] of accuracy, the prerogative of the ſovereign, and the franchiſes of the people: particularly as ſome even of their moſt important privileges, depend upon mutual acquieſcence and immemorial cuſtom, and not upon written laws. Upon the acceſſion of Frederic the Firſt, certain general articles, which in a great meaſure eſtabliſhed the prerogatives of the Prince and the liberties of the ſubject, were ſigned and ratified by the King.
The Prince confers nobility, nominates to the principal offices of ſtate, both civil and military, and appoints the chatelains and mayors who pre⯑cide in the court of juſtice. His revenues which are very moderate, and ſcarcely amount to 5000l. a year, ariſes from certain demeſnes; from a ſmall land tax; from the tythes of wine and corn; and from the tenth of the value on the ſale of immove⯑ables. With regard to commerce, no ſubjects pays any duties either on importation or exportation, except for foreign wines imported into the town of Neuchatel.
During the abſence of the Prince, he is repre⯑ſented by a governor of his own appointing; who enjoys conſiderable honours, but is extremely li⯑mited in his authority. He convokes the three eſtate; precedes in that aſſembly; and has the [157] caſting vote, if the ſuffrages happen to be equal. He enjoys the power alſo, in criminal caſes, of par⯑doning or of mitigating the ſentence. In the go⯑vernor's abſence his place is ſupplied by the ſenior counſellor of ſtate.
The people of Vallengin aſſemble every three years in an open plain, in order to elect their three maſter-burghers. Their function is to watch over the general intereſt of the people: they are alſo in ſome caſes deputed to Neuchatel by the people, whenever they are ſummoned by the governor and council of ſtate, in relation to any affair which particularly concerns their county.
Such are the general outlines of this remarkable conſtitution, by which the liberties of the people are as well, and perhaps better ſecured, than even in the democratic cantons; for, although the moſt deſpotic prince in Germany is their ſovereign, his power is exceedingly limited. Among the ſtriking circumſtances which characteriſe this government, muſt be mentioned the very liberal encouragement given to ſtrangers who ſettle in this country. They enjoy every poſſible privilege of trade and com⯑merce; and in no ſtate are fewer eſſential diſtinc⯑tions made between them and the nations. The good effects of this enlarged policy has already been [158] ſhewn in the increaſed population of Neuchatel and Vallengin; whereas a narrower and more con⯑tracted principle in ſome of the adjoining cantons has occaſioned and continues to occaſion, a very manifeſt decreaſe of inhabitants.
CHAP. XIX. Review of Switzerland.
HAVING now laid before our readers a pretty full and comprehenſive account of the laws, government, ſtate of literature, and a ſituation of the principal towns and cantons of Switzerland ſepa⯑rately, we ſhall conclude with ſome further remarks in relation to the cuſtoms and manners, and political aſpect of that country in general.
What is very ſingular in the firſt place, no part of Europe contains within the ſame compaſs ſo [159] many independent commonwealths, and ſuch a va⯑riety of different governments as are collected to⯑gether in this remarkable and delightful country; and yet with ſuch wiſdom has the Helvetic union been compoſed, and ſo little have the Swiſs, of late years been actuated by a ſpirit of conqueſt, that ſince the firm and complete eſtabliſhment of their general confederacy, they have ſeldom found occa⯑ſion to employ their army againſt a foreign enemy; nor have they been troubled with any civil commo⯑tions, that were not ſoon happily terminated. Per⯑haps there is not a ſimilar inſtance in ancient or modern hiſtory, of a warlike people, divided into little independent republics, cloſely bordering upon each other, and occaſionally interfering in their re⯑ſpective intereſts, having continued during ſo long a period, in an almoſt uninterrupted ſtate of tran⯑quillity. And thus, while the ſeveral neighbour⯑ing kingdoms ſuffer, by turns, all of horrors of war, this favoured nation enjoys the felicity of looking down with ſecurity upon the various tempeſts that ſhake the world around them.
The happineſs of a long peace, however, has neither broken the ſpirit nor enervated the arm of the Swiſs. The youths are diligently trained to martial exerciſes, ſuch as running, wreſtling, and ſhooting both with the croſs-bow and muſket, a [160] conſiderable number of well-diſciplined troops are always employed in foreign ſervice; and the whole people are enrolled, and regularly exerciſed in their reſpective militias. By theſe means they are ca⯑pable of collecting a very reſpectable body of forces, which would prove formidable to any enemy who ſhould invade their country, or attack their liberties. Thus whilſt moſt of the other ſtates on the continent are tending towards a military govern⯑ment, Switzerland alone has no ſtanding armies; and yet, from the nature of its ſituation, from its particular alliances, and from the policy of its in⯑ternal government, is more ſecure from invaſion than any other European power.
The felicity of Switzerland, however, does not conſiſt merely in this peculiar exemption from the burdens and miſeries of war; as there is no country in which happineſs and content more univerſally prevail among the people. For whether the go⯑vernment is ariſtocratical, democratical, or mixed; a general ſpirit of liberty pervades and actuates the ſeveral conſtitutions: ſo that even the oligarchical ſtates which are uſually the moſt tyrannical, are here peculiarly mild; and the property of the ſubject is in general ſecurely guarded againſt every kind of violation.
[161]This, ſays Addiſon, muſt be chiefly aſcribed to the nature of the people, and the conſtitution of their governments. Were the Swiſs animated by zeal or ambition, ſome or other of their ſtates would immediately break in upon the reſt; or were the ſtates ſo many principalities, they might often have an ambitious ſovereign at the head of them, that would embroil his neighbours, and ſacrifice the repoſe of his ſubjects to his own glory. But as the inhabitants of theſe countries are naturally of a heavy phlegmatic temper; if any of their leading members have more fire and ſpirit than comes to their ſhare, it is quickly tempered by the coldneſs and moderation of the reſt, who ſit at the helm with them. To this we may add, that the Alps is the worſt ſpot of ground in the world to make con⯑queſts, a great part of its governments being ſo naturally intrenched among woods and mountains. However, we find no ſuch diſorders among them, as we would expect in ſuch a multitude of ſtates; for as ſoon as any public rupture happens, it is im⯑mediately cloſed up by the moderation and good offices of the reſt who interfere.
As all the conſiderable governments among the Alps are commonwealths, ſo indeed it is a conſti⯑tution the moſt adapted of any other to the poverty and barrenneſs of theſe countries. We may ſee [162] only in a neighbouring government the ill conſe⯑quences of having a deſpotic prince, in a ſtate that is moſt of it compoſed of rocks and mountains; for, notwithſtanding there is a vaſt extent of lands, and many of them better than thoſe of the Swiſs and Griſons, the common people among the latter are much more at their eaſe, and in a greater affluence of all the conveniencies of life. A prince's court generally introduces a kind of luxury and magnificence, that ſets every particular perſon upon making a higher figure in his ſtation, than is gene⯑rally conſiſtent with his revenue.
It is the great endeavour of the ſeveral cantons of Switzerland, to baniſh from among them every thing that looks like pomp or ſuperfluity. To this end the miniſters are always preaching, and the governors putting out edicts againſt gaming, enter⯑tainments and fine cloaths. This is become more neceſſary in ſome of the governments, ſince there have been ſo many refugees ſettled among them; for though the proteſtants in France affect ordina⯑rily a greater plainneſs and ſimplicity of manners, than thoſe of the ſame quality who are of the Roman catholic communion, they have however too much of their country-gallantry for the genius and con⯑ſtitution of Switzerland. Should dreſſing, feaſting, and balls once get among the cantons, their military [163] roughneſs would be quickly loſt, their tempers would grow too ſoft for their climate, and their expences outrun their income beſides, the materials for their luxury muſt be brought from other nations, which would immediately ruin a country that has few commodities of its own to export, and is not overſtocked with money. Luxury indeed wounds a republic in its very vitals, as its natural conſequences are rapine, avarice, and in⯑juſtice; for the more money a man ſpends, the more muſt he endeavour to augment his ſtock; which at laſt ſets the liberty and votes of a commonwealth to ſale, if they find any foreign power that is able to pay the price of them. We ſee no where the pernicious effects of luxury on a republic, more than in that of the ancient Romans, who immedi⯑ately found itſelf poor, as ſoon as this vice got footing among them, though they were poſſeſſed of all the riches in the world. We find in the be⯑ginnings and increaſes of their commonwealth▪ ſtrange inſtances of the contempt of money, be⯑cauſe indeed they were utter ſtrangers to the pleaſures that might be procured by it; or, in other words, becauſe they were wholly ignorant of the acts of luxury. But as ſoon as they once entered into a taſte for pleaſure, politeneſs, and magnificence, they fell into a thouſand violencies, conſpiracies, and diviſions, that threw them into all [164] the diſorders imaginable, and terminated in the utter ſubverſion of the commonwealth. It is no wonder, therefore, the poor commonwealths of Switzerland are ever labouring at the ſuppreſſion and prohibition of every thing that may intro⯑duce variety and luxury. Beſides the ſeveral fines that are ſet upon plays, games, balls, and feaſtings, they have many cuſtoms among them which very much contribute to the keeping up of their ancient ſimplicity. The bourgeois who are at the head of the governments, are obliged to appear at all their public aſſemblies in a black cloak and a band. The women's dreſs is very plain, thoſe of the beſt quality wearing nothing on their heads generally but furs, which are to be met with in their own country. The perſons of different qualities in both ſexes, are indeed allowed their different ornaments, but theſe are generally ſuch as are by no means coſtly, being rather deſigned as marks of diſtinction, than to make a figure. The chief officers of Berne, for example, are known by the crown of their hats, which are much deeper than thoſe of an inferior character. The peaſants are generally cloathed in a coarſe kind of canvas, the manufacture of their own country. Their holy-day cloaths go from father to ſon, and are ſeldom worn out, till the ſecond or third genera⯑tion: ſo that it is common enough to ſee a country⯑man [165] in the doublet and breeches of his great grand⯑father.
Geneva is much politer than Switzerland, or any of its allies, and is therefore looked upon as the court of the Alps, whither the proteſtant cantons often ſend their children to improve themſelves in language and education. The Genevois have been very much refined; or, as others will have it, very much corrupted by the converſation of the French proteſtants, who make up almoſt a third of their people. It is certain they have very much forgotten the advice that Calvin formerly gave them in a great council a little before his death, when he re⯑commended to them above all things an exemplary modeſty and humility, and as great a ſimplicity in their manners as in their religion.
In the times even of Cato the cenſor, the Appian law was not better obſerved at Rome, than the ſumptuary laws are at preſent in Switzerland. One is aſtoniſhed, ſays de Langle, how ſumptuary laws can be eſtabliſhed without driving the faireſt part of the human race into rebellion againſt tyranny! It is difficult to conceive how it has happened, that the ladies have ſubmitted to thoſe cruel and childiſh prohibitions; and by what means it came about, [166] that in Switzerland, as elſewhere, the fair ſex do not make the laſh?
Feathers and artificial flowers are ſtrictly for⯑bidden. It is in vain that the women complain, murmur, and make a horrible noiſe; there is no gallant ſenator, who will ever elevate his voice in their favour; and imitating the example of the Tribune Valerius, plead as proxy for the ladies, in behalf of trinkets, feathers, and new faſhions.
Were it not for thoſe cruel prohibitions, French baubles would find a ready market in Switzerland. The young women ſeem to devour them with their eyes, and ſpeak with raptures of France, and more particularly of Paris; for Paris is the capital of women; it is there that the female Swedes, Spaniards, and Italian run, to learn how to govern men with ribbands and laces; it is there that the female pa⯑riſians reign, in the midſt of fooliſh faſhions, by means of charms ever varying, ever new—and it is there that the Engliſh kneel, and throw away their money and their melancholy.
To thoſe who have reſided for any conſiderable time in Switzerland, it is quickly perceptible, adds de Langle, how much the republican ſpirit of its inhabitants has univerſally degenerated. The Athe⯑nians, [167] the Romans, the Spartans, ſpent their time in public places—they liſtened to the orators of their country—they attended the ſenate, they fre⯑quented the Campus Martius, the place where the youths performed their military exerciſes,—or ſerved with the armies and fleets by ſea or land; —but the Republicans of the cantons of Switzerland who prefer tobacco to politics, nine-pins to orations, and the bottle to news, ſpend their lives in an alehouſe, where they ſmoke, drink, play, and gaze at the paſſengers who are going by. The women are en⯑tirely baniſhed from their clubs, or aſſemblies. A ſociety without women!—There is nothing there but wine, brandy and other ſpirituous liquors, calcu⯑lated to chaſe away care; but the remedy is worſe than the diſeaſe!
It is eſpecially in the little cantons, that this cuſtom is the moſt obſervable. The two ſexes have there almoſt become utter ſtrangers, and en⯑tirely unacquainted with each other. If the huſ⯑band ſpeaks to his wife five or ſix times in the courſe of the year, it is the moſt that is expected. The women there live like ſo many queen bees— they vegetate among themſelves, and have not yet contrived how to ſign and write a billet doux.
[168]The luxury of Switzerland conſiſts in the plea⯑ſures of the table; the people look upon good cheer as the greateſt of all bleſſings:—the reports, in⯑deed, do not reſemble thoſe of Lafare and Chaulieu; the gueſts, however, neither eat nor drink, leſs than they did. Sylvius, the celebrated phyſician of Paris, who recommended to his patients to get drunk four times a week, would have made his fortune in this part of the world. Next to Germany, Switzerland is the country where they drink moſt; the cha⯑racter of a hard-drinker is actually a recommendation there. In a great number of the cantons, they ſtill repeat with admiration, the ſtory of an ambaſſador from France; who, on returning home to his own court, prepared to take leave of the deputies:— "Your Excellency," ſaid their magiſtrate, "muſt not depart without drinking ſome of the wine of Etrier." "The wine of Etrier," replies the am⯑baſſador, "ought to be drunk out of a boot;" and immediately pulling off one of his own, he fills and empties it in an inſtant, ſprings into his ſaddle, and rides away with the ſwiftneſs of an arrow.
We perhaps condemn, without ſufficient reflec⯑tion, the too liberal uſe of wine among the Swiſs. It may be to the juice of the grape, that they are indebted for many of their beſt qualities. It is commonly remarked, that drunkards are very good [169] ſort of people;—that they are incapable of hatred; —that their hearts are very ſeldom corrupt or vi⯑cious;—that they are open and candid, and con⯑ſequently very eaſy to be known.
In the juice of this berry from which coffee is made, ſays De Langle, conſiſts the luxury of the people of Switzerland. On the top of their moun⯑tains—on the ſides of their ſteep rocks—where the moſt common refinement has not yet penetrated, and where the inhabitants have ſtill preſerved the ſimplicity of their ancient manners, the cuſtom of drinking coffee is carried to exceſs; and it is not uncommon to ſee maid-ſervants, and female pea⯑ſants, pawning their petticoats and their ſtays, to purchaſe ſugar to render it palatable. If the rage for this beverage is attended with ſome inconve⯑niences, it cannot on the other hand be doubted, but that the people are become much more ſober by its uſe; that drunkenneſs has become infinitely more uncommon ſince its introduction, and that it has effected what neither the fine harangues of Socrates, the epigrams of Martial, the diſcourſes of Seneca, in former times; or the beſt moral trea⯑tiſes, and the fineſt declamations on temperance in our own days have been able to accompliſh. Al⯑though coffee is familiar to moſt of the inhabitants of the globe, and its uſe almoſt univerſal, were it [170] ſtill more common, the taverns would have leſs company, and the artizans and labourers in great cities might by little and little leave off the cuſtom of ſpending, in two or three hours, the price of fifteen or twenty pounds of breads, which would maintain a whole family for a week.
A friend of Socrates complained, that proviſions were exceedingly dear at Athens. The wine of Chio was fifty livres a bottle, honey in proportion, a fiſh twenty deniers; and as to cinnamon, it was ſold at a moſt extravagant price. Socrates on this, conducted his friend to the place where hydromel and cummin were ſold; theſe might be procured for a trifle. It is juſt the ſame in Switzerland; the ne⯑ceſſaries of life may be had cheap; luxuries alone are expenſive: one may live there on a very ſmall nnu⯑ity, and the man of forty crowns per annum, an imaginary character, drawn by the maſterly pen of Voltaire, could very eaſily have enjoyed his four meals a day in that country.
A real miſanthrope is a monſter unknown to na⯑ture; for nature never made one. And yet not⯑withſtanding this, the Swiſs, with a few exceptions, are melancholy, taciturn, fond of ſequeſtered and peaceable retreats, and ſeem not to indulge in the gay ſallies of wit and enjoyment. It is undoubtedly [171] the awful appearance of the mountains, the preci⯑pices, and the avalanches, that they have continu⯑ally before their eyes, which intimidates and pre⯑vents them from laughing. Their women are more courageous; neither the glaciers, the rocks, nor the mountains make any impreſſion on them. Almoſt all the women in Switzerland are lively, and are as playful as kittens; a little ball will amuſe them; even a butterfly will divert and make them laugh. The men in Switzerland, in general, exhibit a cer⯑tain degree of melancholy in all their motions, even in their dancing; they are leaden heeled and have no ear.
The women, on the contrary, dance with great vivacity, are quick in all their motions, light, lively, and always in the air; it ſeems as if the earth burnt their feet. It is improper, however, remarks de Langle, that they ſhould dance with downcaſt eyes, without ever looking at their part⯑ners.
This modeſty and reſerve, ſo commendable at church, at table, or in any other aſſembly, ought to be entirely baniſhed from the ball-room. Amorous looks, friendly ſqueezes of the hand, even kiſſes themſelves, animate a ball, render it more agree⯑able, and never give occaſion for ſcandal:—the [172] violin, the clarinet, the tamborine, and the flagelet, purify every thing.
Thoſe who preſide over this part of education, ought to command their pupils to ſmile at every ſtep. There is nothing in the world more unnatu⯑ral than to ſee an Engliſhman put on a ſerious and ſulky appearance amidſt the quick tunes of an allemande; black and white, night and day, form leſs outrageous contraſts!
The frivolity, however, which we have noticed among the Swiſs ladies is only in appearance. Swit⯑zerland is the country of all others, where the women, in general, converſe moſt naturally, moſt judiciouſly, and know, on proper occaſions, how to give the beſt advice. They are well educated, and are endowed with uncommon accompliſhments; poetry, hiſtory, philoſophy, even politics are within the ſphere of their knowledge; and indeed nothing appears difficult to their comprehenſion. They are alſo fond of the fine arts, and excel the acquire⯑ments adapted to the fair ſex. Moſt of them play upon ſome inſtrument, dance, ride on horſeback, and ſing like ſo many larks.
The paſſions are very violent in Switzerland, but the ladies are ſo ſavagely virtuous, adds de Langle, [173] that one may write on almoſt all their doors, what Dante ſays in his poem is inſcribed over the entrance into the infernal regions: ‘"From this place is baniſhed all hope."’
The courtezans of Berne are the handſomeſt women in all Europe. I doubt if Rhodope, who, out of the profits of her profeſſion, erected one of the Egyptian pyramids; or Phryne, who, by the ſame means rebuilt the walls of Thebes, were more beautiful or more ſeductive.
With reſpect to the men, it muſt be acknow⯑ledged that notwithſtanding the ſombre appearance of their aſpect, it is eaſy to diſcern among the Swiſs a degree of ſimplicity and integrity, that renders all intercourſe with them ſafe. Eſtimable on account of a thouſand good qualities, the people of Switzerland will be found to poſſeſs a more pure ſyſtem of morals than any where elſe. Diſcretion is their favourite quality;—as much to be truſted as ſilence itſelf.
Though they have been calumniated by thoſe, who, on account of a few uncommon inſtances of parſimony, have not been aſhamed to accuſe the whole nation of a ſordid avarice; and of making [174] uſe of unjuſtifiable means of procuring wealth. Yet no nation is in general more generous and more hoſpitable than they are. There are a great number of charitable aſylums to be found in every part of Switzerland; a prodigious multitude of alms-houſes for the maintenance of the aged; many foundations for the accommodation of the unfor⯑tunate, and more eſpecially for the reception of pregnant women.
Among thoſe charitable inſtitutions, a more re⯑putable one never exiſted in any part of the globe, ſince mankind, abjuring the ſtate of nature, have united together, than that of the ſociety of emulation and compaſſion at Baſle. No where do they better obſerve, or exerciſe with more boundleſs charity, that delicate regard and tenderneſs, ſo neceſſary to be exerted towards thoſe baſhful poor, who are aſhamed to declare their wants. All the members who compoſe this amiable confraternity, are citizens diſtinguiſhed by their humanity, by the purity of their manners, and by never having incurred the cenſure of the public, genteel families, who have fallen into indigence:—young women whom miſ⯑fortunes might have led to diſhonour;—the ſhop⯑keeper—the mechanic, burthened with a numerous family of children;—widows—orphans; and more particularly the inhabitants of the adjoining country, [175] are the objects of their paternal ſolicitude: It is from theſe circumſtances that the appearance of miſery never ſhocks the eye of a ſtranger in the cantons of Switzerland.
If the traveller does not, like the poets in their flowery deſcriptions, hear the pipe of the ſhepherd, the ſong of the labourer, and the laughter of the ſhepherdeſs; if he does not perceive Pan at a diſtance crowned with flowers, and his reed in his mouth; if he does not ſee fauns, Sylvans, groves, bowers, and rivulets; if he has not conſtantly before his eyes, landſcapes animated by groves, by dances, and by ſongs; he does not, however, as in France, in Italy, and in Germany, ſee the moſt hideous rags, and the moſt diſguſting nakedneſs; he is not purſued along the road by ſkeletons in want of food, and by a crowd of little unhappy wretches, who tell him of the number of their brothers and ſiſters expoſed to famine, and of their ſick mother, who is dying in bed!
The inhabitants of one half of Switzerland profeſs the proteſtant religion. It was Zinglius, Bucer, and Brilinger, who may be reckoned the authors of the reformation in Switzerland: it was they who firſt dared to deny the infallibility of the Pope, to brave his anathemas, his keys, and his triple crown! [176] The deſire of ſhaking off the yoke of the Roman pontiff inflamed every boſom. Berne, Zurie, and Baſle, embraced the opinions of Calvin, concerning grace, free-will, and predeſtination; and, without reſpect for holy impoſture, in a moment the altars were demoliſhed, the croſſes, the chalices, the images were trampled upon; the miſſals were torn in pieces, the plaſter ſaints were reduced to powder, and the wooden ones given to the poor people to light their fires with.
It was about this period that the proteſtant can⯑ton, by an edict, prohibited every one from ſaying any thing of God, either good, bad, or indifferent; and it was in the midſt of theſe troubles, occaſioned by the reformation, that the inhabitants of Baſle in their fury precipitated the legate of Pope XXII from the top of a terrace!
Theſe times are no more! Europe has aſſumed a new appearance;—Fanaticiſm no longer occaſions the death of any one!—Although the reformed is the national and prevailing religion in the proteſtant cantons, yet all ſects are tolerated, all communions admitted, and all kinds of worſhip are allowed. At Berne, at Zuric, and at Neuchatel, there are a great number of Papiſts, of Anabaptiſts, and Mo⯑ravians. The Pre-adamites alſo have made a great [177] progreſs there, and have already acquired a number of proſelytes. They boldly affirm, that the world has exiſted from all eternity; that warmth, cold, dry, and wit, have never been confounded; and yet the words chaos, matter, &c. are only poetical terms for night and day.
Though the government of Switzerland allows to all ſects the liberty of thinking, of praying, and of worſhipping God, after their own particular fancy, yet the Catholics have not any churches in the pro⯑teſtant cantons. Beſides, the enigmatical and myſterious foundation of the Roman faith has always appeared to them to be whimſical, and beyond the reach of human belief. The prieſts and monks have been the cauſe of moſt of the inſurrections in Swit⯑zerland; the remembrance of their rapacity, of their luſt, and their depraved manners, is ſtill ſo freſh, and, as it were, yet bleeding in their memory; in fine, crimes of every ſpecies have ſo often pro⯑faned the ſanctuary, and ſullied the prieſthood in this country, that the reformed ſtill continue to regard the Roman faith as a rotten branch of chriſtianity!
The churches of the reformed religion are entirely deſtitute of ornament; as to the cathedrals, they are models of Gothic architecture. The buildings in [178] no country better demonſtrate how much the artiſts of the 11th, the 12th, and the 13th centuries ex⯑celled in carving, in deſign in general, and in ma⯑jeſty and grandeur in particular. Within the pro⯑teſtant church all is ſimplicity: one neither ſees gold nor rubies; there are only a few benches and chairs, and a pulpit and communion table.
This kind of worſhip is too naked; Religion ſtands in need of drapery and machinery;—the re⯑formed ſhould admit ornaments and pictures into their temples; and, above all, muſic, to inflame the imagination, and raiſe the ſoul to the Divinity. The people ought to be ſoothed with the majeſty of ceremonies, the vapour of incenſe, and the melody of inſtruments, and of the human voice. Sumptu⯑ous as was the temple of Solomon, it might per⯑haps have remained empty, had it not re-echoed night and day with the ſongs and inſtruments of the daughter of Sion!
While ſpeaking of the holy place—while ſpeak⯑ing of the ſacred ceremonies;—in the midſt of the cares that ſurrounded his throne—in the midſt even of his moſt brilliant victories, David always thinks on concerts of harmony, and of muſic, and demands continually, that his ſongs may be accompanied by the harp, the cymbal, the organ, and the trumpet!
[179] Montagne, whom we may look upon as the author who has ſpoken moſt merrily of death, and who re⯑peatedly ſays with his uſual gaity and frankneſs, "that he would rather meet death on horſeback than in his bed, to avoid the blubbering retinue that ſurrounds the dying, ought to have inhabited and dwelt in Switzerland. There, they have no clergymen who menace the expiring patient with bell-flames; no monks, who make death a hideous affair, and paint the avenging angel in black and hideous colours! The Proteſtants ſuſtained by their conſidence in a God full of bounties, die converſing and ſmiling with their family. No where are thoſe languiſhing on a ſick bed ſo compoſed and ſo ſerene. One may almoſt exclaim, "Vive la mort!" in theſe proteſtant countries.
It is the ſtrong belief of a reſurrection—it is the certainty of being more happy—it is the ſolacing idea that their friends and relations are ſtill in ex⯑iſtence, and that they ſhall enjoy hereafter the plea⯑ſure of their intercourſe and ſociety, that ſoftens the horrors of death among theſe people—that en⯑ables them to look it in the face without trembling, and without growing pale, and makes them play, as it were, with it, in the ſame manner as the peaſants of Bohemia and the Tyrol do with ſerpents, notwith⯑ſtanding [180] their enormous thickneſs, their frightful hiſſes, and their flame-coloured eyes.
Nothing can be more ſimple than the funerals in this country are. The Swiſs, more reaſonable than any other nation, think it is ridiculous to eſcort with pomp, and to inter, with idle and uſeleſs ceremony, a maſs of fleſh without life, ſtranger to all that paſſes concerning it, and ignorant whether they laugh or cry around his coffin. There is neither wax tapers nor coffin: the dead corpſe being covered with ſtraw, is thrown into a cart, and the driver whips on to the church-yard. The obſequies of the magiſtrates are performed rather a little leſs cava⯑lierly: their bodies are carried by bearers; their brother magiſtrates and their relations follow in preceſſion; a large cloak covers the corpſe from head to foot: a ſtreamer of crape floats behind it in the air, and a huge flapped hat ſhades the face from the light of heaven! All the burial places are without the gates of the cities and towns. The moſt abſolute democracy reigns in them: the rich man and the beggar, the ſervant and the maſter, confounded one with the other, rot in conjunc⯑tion.
After the example of the Greeks and Romans, the Swiſs chooſe to live among the dead;—like [181] them, they make the church-yards their favourite walks; like them, they plant theſe ſpots with ſyca⯑mores, with cypreſſes, and other melancholy trees, which recall the idea of death, and invite affliction, to repoſe under their ſhade.
The Swiſs, ſays de Langle, do not pay obedience to that wiſe precept of Moſes, "Keep your dead for three days"! At Zuric, at Berne, and among the little cantons, if you happen to ſleep a little longer than uſual, they think you dead, and inter you im⯑mediately. In the canton of Berne more eſpecially, a ſick man ſcarcely appears to utter his laſt ſigh, when the people begin to ſtrip him. They are con⯑tented with ſimply feeling his pulſe, with applying their hand to his breaſt, or preſenting a glaſs to his lips, to diſcover if he yet breathes!
Among other unfortunate people, who have been heard to cry from within their coffin, "Where are you carrying me, I am not dead;" the people there ſtill recollect and repeat with great commiſeration, the ſtory of Madame Langhans, who was actually buried alive! The tomb of this lady, remarks de Langle, as well as Coxe, is worthy of inſpection. The monument is placed on the ground, as we ob⯑ſerved when ſpeaking of Berne, and repreſents a grave, covered with a broken tomb-ſtone. Ma⯑dame [182] Langhans is ſuppoſed to have heard the trumpet that is to proclaim the day of judgment, to have awoke at its ſound, to have torn her winding ſheet, and to have ariſen from her grave, to take her place in the celeſtial manſions.
This compoſition, at once warm and original in this conception, equally ſimple and ſublime, and for the idea of which, we ſhall in vain ſearch Homer, Pindar, and all the poets, both ancient and modern, electrifies and excites our attention in an uncommon degree.
This monument, remarks de Langle, is the pro⯑duction of M. Nahl, a young ſculptor of Sweden, who, after having travelled throughout Europe, and diſplayed every where the moſt aſtoniſhing proofs of the warmth and originality of his genius, went to London, where he died a priſoner for debt!
How often in his life time, may not the man of genius exclaim, "My kingdom is not of this world!" He who poſſeſſes a mediocrity of talents, is the man who is beloved. We fly from and hate the man of penetration, and the man of abilities; we dread his piercing eye; we would willingly deſtroy him; he reſembles a troubleſome neighbour, whoſe windows overlook our own apartments!
[183]The Swediſh artiſts, remarks de Langle, are not fortunate, when they leave their own country. I eſteemed living, and I ſaw at Genoa, while dead, a painter, born at Stockholm, who was found lifeleſs before his lodgings, and who had been ſo enfeebled by want, that he had not ſufficient ſtrength to open his own door. This young man was endowed with one quality, equally amiable and intereſting. His humanity was ſuch, that he never put his money, when he had any, in his pocket: he always held it in his hand, that he might not hear a recapitulation of the miſeries of thoſe who addreſſed him for cha⯑rity!
The priſons in Switzerland, ought to ſerve as a model for all the priſons in Europe. They are large, healthy, well aired, and each apartment con⯑tains a bed, a little ſtove, a window, and a night chair. The priſoners receive a pound and a half of bread, and a certain quantity of fleſh, or of grains daily. They have clean linen once a week, and cloaths when they are wanted. The petty rogues are ſeparate from the criminals, committed for atro⯑cious offences, and each priſon has an hoſpital or infirmary attached to it. The uſe of ſpirituous li⯑quors is prohibited. We never ſee in Switzerland, as elſewhere, thoſe barbarous gaolers, who make the very air on which their priſoners reſpire, venal, and [184] ſell to them at an exorbitant price, the ſtinking ſtraw on which they are permitted to repoſe!
The uſe of dungeons is unknown in Switzerland, and ought to be proſcribed in every part of the globe. When a priſoner is encloſed and chained, when the doors are well locked and barred, flight is impracti⯑cable, and it is out of the power of fortune to con⯑trive an eſcape.
Whoever does not intend to commit injuſtice, or to make law-ſuits immortal, ought to give judgment in public, ſays a King of Macedonia. The Swiſs, who adhere to this maxim, try all their criminals in the open air. Civil cauſes are canvaſſed privately: but the parties never languiſh under the tortures of ſuſpence; for this people ſeem to have taken the prompt deciſions of the Athenians, and the Roman tribunals as their models.
The puniſhment of death is almoſt fallen into diſ⯑uſe; the people talk of an execution for ten years after it has taken place. In Switzerland, they are economical of human blood. The magiſtrates ap⯑pear to be actuated by the maxim which inculcates that, ſociety ought not to cut off one of its members for a ſlight offence.
[185]Inſtead of being ſubjected to capital puniſhments, felons are impriſoned in the houſe of correction. The regulations in theſe houſes are ſo excellent and ſo mild, criminals are ſo well fed, and ſo well at⯑tended, that if it were not for the iron ring about the leg, the hook at the neck, and the chain by which they are linked together, many worthy people who are in poverty, would be very happy in their ſitua⯑tion.
If the atrocity of a crime ſhould oblige the judges to pronounce ſentence of death, the cord is the only inſtrument of puniſhment; ſo humane are they, that the culprit is firſt made drunk, and then is hanged, as it were, without perceiving it, he has no more idea of the death he is to ſuffer, than an oak about to be cut down, has of its deſtruction!
The Swiſs, ſays de Langle, carry on ſuch an im⯑menſe trade in printed calicoes and ribbands, that they may be ſaid to furniſh half the world with top⯑knots, cloaks, and petticoats. Sully, the Mi⯑niſter of Henry IV. looked on thoſe men as fools, who pretended to an uncommon ſhare of intrepidity, by having doubled the Cape of Good Hope; Sully, who aſſigned to manufactures the laſt rank in poli⯑tical economy, who preferred the moſt common fruit and pulſe, to all the ſcarce and coſtly produc⯑tions [186] that the Indies could boaſt; has adviſed the Swiſs to abandon their looms, and betake themſelves to the plough. For want of labourers, one half of their country remains uncultivated; they, however, deſpiſe the earth, diſdain its productions, and think that agriculture would diſhonour them!
From hence proceeds the neceſſity of importing, at a great expence, from the Milaneſe, from France, from Alſace, from the circle of Swabia, and the mar⯑quiſate of Baden, corn, eatables, and proviſions of all kinds, which the delicate hands of the inhabi⯑tants diſdain to procure for themſelves. From hence proceed thoſe heaths, which ſeem to have no end; from hence thoſe putrid and extenſive marches, which are to be met with, particularly in the canton of Berne, which by means of their peſti⯑lential vapours and unhealthy fogs, deſtroy a number of children annually.
The cultivation of the earth has not always been deſpiſed in Switzerland; for their hiſtorians recite the following anecdote, with no ſmall ſhare of pride.
A Duke of Auſtria, while travelling on horſeback in the canton of Zuric, ſaw, near to the high road, four noble horſes harneſſed to a plough; a youth, [187] who poſſeſſed a charming perſon, directed their mo⯑tions, while an old man, whoſe hair was whitened by age, opened the furrows. Surpriſed at the ſuperior air of the two labourers, no leſs than at the beauty of the cattle, the Duke ſtopped, and turning toward the Grand Maſter of his houſehold, ſaid, "I have never ſeen ſuch reſpectable peaſants, or ſuch fine horſes before." "Be not aſtoniſhed, my Lord," re⯑plies this officer, "theſe are the Baron de Hugi and his ſon; behold, at the foot of yonder hill, is the ancient caſtle belonging to their family; and if you are ſtill in doubt, to-morrow you will ſee them come to do homage to you."
Accordingly, on the next day, the Duke perceives the ſame labourers arrive on horſeback at his court, attended by a numerous retinue of their vaſſals. After the baron had paid the uſual homage to the ſovereign, he preſented his ſon to him, and entered into converſation. The Duke being unable to ſtifle his curioſity, ſeized on this opportunity to ſatisfy his impatience. "Was it you," ſaid he, "whom I ſaw near to the highway, holding a plough ſuperbly decorated?" "Yes my Lord," replies the Baron, "next to a war, undertaken for the defence of one's country, I know of no occupation more honourable for a gentleman, than that of cultivating his own eſtates; I, therefore, do this, as an example to my ſon,"
[188]Thus thought, and thus acted the ancient Swiſs, who equalling the Romans in their courage, reſem⯑ble them alſo in their taſte for agriculture, and a country life. The ſame hands that wielded the lance or carried the banner, thought not themſelves diſhonoured by uſing the ſpade, and brightening the plough-ſhare. More than once, in the midſt of the Alps, and at the foot of Mount Jura, as well as on the banks of the Tiber, the General has been ſeen leav⯑ing his plough, to repel, at the head of his equals, the enemies of his country; and returning triumph⯑ant, he has been known to follow his ſuſpended la⯑bours with additional ardour. One may ſee from hence, that a ſtate may be as much indebted for its proſperity to Ceres, as to Bellona.
But it is more eſpecially in an age, when agricul⯑ture appears to be honoured, and when economical ſocieties are every where occupied in diſſertations and obſervations, that the people of Switzerland ſhould be ſo neglectful of their marſhes. There is no land, however barren it is, or however much it may be covered with briars and thorns, but the ſpade or the hedging bill will make it wave with a golden harveſt, or bloom with roſes.
OF THE ISLAND OF CORSICA; FROM BOSWELL, AND OTHERS.
[]CHAP. I. Situation, Extent, Air, Soil, Productions, and Population.
CORSICA is an iſland of the Mediterranean ſea, ſituated between the 41ſt and 43d degree of north latitude, and between the 8th and 10th degree of eaſt longitude. It has on the north, the Ligurian ſea, and gulph of Genoa. On the eaſt, the Tuſcan ſea; on the ſouth, a ſtrait of ten miles, which ſeparates it from Sardinia; and on the weſt, the Mediterranean. It is about 100 miles ſouth of Genoa; and 80 ſouth-weſt of Leghorn, from whence it can plainly be ſeen when the weather is clear. It is 150 miles in length, and from 40 to 50 in breadth, being broadeſt about the middle. It is reckoned 300 miles in circumfer⯑ence; but an exact meaſurement around it, would [190] extend to 500 miles, as it is edged with many pro⯑montories, and with a variety of bays.
Pliny, the elder, hath given us a ſhort, but very ac⯑curate account of the geography of Corſica. It ex⯑tendeth from north to ſouth, and is about 150 miles in length, for the moſt part 50 in breadth, and 322 in circumference. It hath 33 ſtates, and two colonies; Mariana, founded by Marius, and Aleria, founded by the Dictator Sylla. Of theſe 33 ſtates, not above five or ſix can now be traced; and the colonies are only to be marked by their ruins.
Seneca, the philoſopher, hath left us two moſt hor⯑rid pictures of Corſica, very falſe indeed, but exe⯑cuted with uncommon ſtrength of fancy and expreſ⯑ſion. Stoic as he was, of a grave and ſevere demea⯑nour, he did not eſcape the Emperor's jealouſy, but being accuſed as one of the many gallants with whom the profligate Julia had been guilty of adulte⯑ry, he was baniſhed to Corſica, where he remained for ſeven years; and when in the province of Cape Corſo, they ſtill ſhew an old ruin, called Seneca's tower. Here he compoſed his book de Conſolatione to Polybius, and his mother Helvia, with ſeveral other works; and here he indulged his fretted imagina⯑tion, in epigrams full of ſpleen, againſt the place of his exile. He hath alſo vented his ſpleen in the [191] ſame extravagant manner in his books de Conſolatione, But we muſt conſider, that, notwithſtanding all the firmneſs of Seneca, his mind was then clouded with melancholy, and every object around him, appeared in rueful colours.
Corſica is in reality, a moſt agreeable iſland. It had from the ancient Greeks, the name of Kalliſta, on account of its beauty; and we may believe it was held in conſiderable eſtimation, ſince Callimachus places it next to his favourite Delus.
It is charmingly ſituated in the Mediterranean, from whence continual breezes fan and cool it in ſummer, and the ſurrounding body of water keeps it warm in winter, ſo that it is one of the moſt tem⯑perate countries in that part of the globe. Its air is freſh and healthful, except in one or two places, which are moiſt, and where the air, eſpecially in ſummer, is ſuffocating and ſickly; but in general, the Corſicans breathe a pure atmoſphere, which is alſo keen enough to brace their fibres, more than one would expect under ſo warm a ſun.
This iſland was anciently a ſmall kingdom, and in the year 806, was conquered by the Genoeſe, who drove the Saracens out of it. In the eleventh cen⯑tury, the iſland was taken from them by the Piſaneſe. [192] In the 15th century, the Genoeſe again got poſſeſ⯑ſion of it. They have ſince been diſpoſſeſſed of it at different times by other powers; but this iſland has always been ceded to them again, till within theſe few years, when Genoa finding the Corſicans diſ⯑contented with their government, ſurrendered its right to the King of France, under whoſe dominions it continued during the French Monarch, but on the revolution of this country, the Corſicans in a formal manner, requeſted the protection of England, and ſurrendered its crown to the King of Britain, and it is now governed by a Viceroy.
Corſica has indeed been pretty generally repre⯑ſented as unwholeſome, which perhaps has been ow⯑ing to the bad report given of it by the Romans, who eſtabliſhed their colonies at Aleria and Mari⯑ana, which from their damp ſituation, occaſioned a great death among the inhabitants, and accordingly, theſe colonies ſoon went to ruin. But all the interior parts of the iſland, have very good air.
This iſland is remarkably well furniſhed with good harbours, ſo that we may apply to it, what Florus ſays of the Campania, 'Nihil hoſpitalius mari!' No⯑thing more hoſpitable to the ſea. It has on the north, Centuri; on the weſt, San Fiorenzo, Iſola Roſſa, Calvi, and Ajaccio; on the ſouth, it has Bo⯑nifaccio; [193] and on the eaſt, Porto-beccio, Baſtia, and Macinajo.
Diodorus Siculus celebrates Corſica for the excel⯑lence of its harbours. The iſland being of very eaſy acceſs, ſays this writer, has a moſt beautiful port, called the Syracuſian. This, which was anciently called the Syracuſian, has now the name of Porto Vecchio; of which it is proper to take particular notice.
Porto Vecchio is a ſpacious haven, capable of con⯑taining a very large fleet. It is five miles long, above a mile and a half broad, has a great depth of water, and a good bottom, and being land-locked on every ſide, is well ſheltered from ſtorms. Nature has alſo placed a high and rocky mountain, like a ſtately column, to point it out at a great diſtance. In ſhort, Porto Vecchio may vie with the moſt diſtin⯑guiſhed harbours in Europe.
The only objection to it is, the badneſs of the air occaſioned by the marſhy grounds which lie in the neighbourhood. But this diſadvantage may be re⯑medied, as has been done at Leghorn.
From this account of the harbour of Corſica, it will appear of how great conſequence an alliance with [194] this iſland might be to any of the maritime powers of Europe. For, a fleet ſtationed there, might command the navigation of Genoa, Tuſcany, and the eccleſiaſtical ſtate, that between Spain and Na⯑ples, and a good ſhare of that to the Levant; not to mention its influence over that of Sardinia. And it may be material to obſerve, that veſſels ſtationed in the ports of Corſica, might be formidable to France, as the weſtern ſide of the iſland is directly oppoſite to the extenſive coaſt of Province, on which a deſcent might be made with cruiſers in a very ſhort time.
Diodorus Siculus, deſcribes Corſica as an extenſive iſland, very mountainous, abounding in large fo⯑reſts, and watered with many rivulets: indeed, the interior parts of the iſland, are in general mountain⯑ous, though interſperſed with fruitful valleys; but have a peculiar grand appearance, and inſpire one with the genius of the place, with that undaunted and inflexible ſpirit, which will not bow to oppreſ⯑ſion.
The great diviſion of Corſica, is into the Di qua, and the Di la dei monti. The country on this ſide, and the country on the other ſide of the moun⯑tains, reckoning from Baſtia. By the mountains, is underſtood that great range of them, which riſes be⯑yond [195] Aleria, and ſtretches acroſs the iſland, interſect⯑ing it, however, by no means equally; for the country Di qua is a third more than that of Di la.
Another diviſion is into provinces, of which there are nine; for although a great part of this country long went under the denomination of Feudos, and is ſtill called ſo in the maps, the juriſdiction of the ſignors, is now gradually wearing out, and will ſoon be ſunk into the general power of the ſtate.
The next diviſion of Corſica, is into Pieves. A pieve is properly an eccleſiaſtical appointment, con⯑taining a great number of pariſhes, over which is placed a Pievano, who ſuperintends the prieſts, and draws a certain part of the tithes. But this diviſion is as much uſed for civil affairs, as for thoſe of the church.
There are large tracts of uninhabited land in Cor⯑ſica, moſtly covered with woods; to ſome parts of which, the peaſants reſort in ſummer to feed their flocks, and to gather cheſnuts, making little ſheds for themſelves to lie under. There is hardly ſuch a thing, as a detached farm-houſe to be ſeen in the iſland, like what are ſcattered every where over Great Britain; for the Corſicans gather together in little villages, which they call by corruption, Paeſes, [196] countries. I remember, ſays Boſwell, when I was firſt told that I ſhould travel a great many miles without ſeeing a country, I could not conceive what they meant. The Corſicans are in greater ſafety, and have more ſociety with each other by their liv⯑ing in villages, which is ſtill the cuſtom in the can⯑ton of Switzerland, and ſome parts of Germany, as it was anciently among all nations.
The Corſican villages are frequently built on the very ſummit of their mountains, on craggy cliffs of ſo ſtupendous a height, that the houſes can hardly be diſtinguiſhed during the day; but at night, when the ſhepherds kindle their fires, the reflection of ſuch a variety of lights, makes theſe aerial villages have a moſt pictureſque and pleaſing appearance.
Corſica is extremely well watered. Its principal lakes are thoſe of Ino and Crena, about two miles from each other; both ſituated on the higheſt moun⯑tain in the iſland, called by the ancients Mons Aureus, and now Monte Rotondo. It is of an amazing height, and may equal any of the Alps. From the top of it, there is a moſt extenſive view of all Cor⯑ſica, of the ſeas and of Sardinia, with diſtant proſ⯑pects of Italy and France; while the Mediterranean and many of its little iſles are alſo under the eye. But people ſeldom go to take this view; for the [197] upper part of the mountain is almoſt a perpendicular rock, ſo that a man muſt climb two miles with the help of his hands and knees; and for the greateſt part of the year, this immenſe mountain is covered with ſnow. Theſe two lakes of Ino and Crena, are both of conſiderable extent.
The rivers of Corſica are the Gola, a large and beautiful river, which takes its riſe from the lake of Ino, traverſes ſeveral provinces, and after a courſe of above 70 miles, empties itſelf into the ſea, juſt by the ancient city of Mariana. The Tavignano, is alſo a conſiderable river, which takes its riſe from the lake of Crena, and after traverſing a long tract of rude country, empties itſelf into the ſea, juſt by the ancient city of Aleria. The Reſtonica, which tho' but a ſmall river, is famous in Corſica, on account of its particular qualities. Its water is clear as chryſtal, and moſt agreeable to drink, ſo that Sene⯑ca certainly never ſaw the Reſtonica, otherwiſe he would not have ſaid that Corſica had not hauſtus aquae, a draught of water. The Rectonica is ſaid to be of a mineral nature, and very wholeſome. It hath a virtue of whitening every thing. The ſtones in its channel are like as many pieces of chalk. It will make iron look almoſt like ſilver, and never ruſt. The Corſicans frequently dip the barrels and locks of their guns in it.
[198]There are ſeveral other rivers of which we ſhall not give a particular deſcription. There are alſo a great many rivulets which ſerve to enrich the country, and keep it conſtantly freſh.
It hath been ſaid, that with proper care and ex⯑pence, ſome of the Corſican rivers might be rendered navigable; but this would be a very idle project; for their courſes are exceedingly rapid, and when there has been a great deal of rain, the torrents which tumble from the mountains, often bring down large fragments of rock, which would daſh in pieces any veſſels that they ſhould encounter.
Thus are many mineral ſprings, both of hot and cold kind, in different parts of the iſland; which the inhabitants of the country find to be very efficacious for the cure of moſt diſtempers.
Corſica is extremely well ſupplied with fiſh. Trout and eel are found in great plenty, very fat, and of an uncommon ſize. But the rich treaſure of fiſh for Corſica, is in its ſea; for on all its coaſts, there is the greateſt variety of all the beſt kinds, and in par⯑ticular, a ſort of ton or ſturgeon, and the ſmall fiſh called the Sardinas, which is of an exquiſite taſte; and in ſeveral places the Corſicans have beds of oyſters, remarkably large; of which they have [199] not only a ſufficiency for their own conſumption, but export a great many to Italy.
From the earlieſt times, Corſica has been famous for its excellent fiſh. Juvenal, when ſatyriſing the exceſſive luxury of the Romans in his time, who brought every delicacy from the greateſt diſtance, ſays, ‘Mullus erit domini quem miſit Corſica. JUV. SAT. v. l. 92.’
Corſica hath as great a variety of animals, as moſt countries. The horſes here, are in general of a very ſmall breed. Procopius in his wars of the Goths, ſays, they run about in herds, and were little bigger than ſheep. They are, however, remarkably lively, and very hardy; ſomewhat of the nature of Welch ponies, or of the little horſes called ſhelties, which are found in the high lands and iſlands of Scotland. The aſſes and mules here, are alſo ſmall, but very ſtrong, and wonderfully agile in ſcrambling along the ſteep rocky mountains, for there are hardly any made roads in the iſland. Had their country been open and acceſſible, they had been eaſily ſubdued by regular troops. It was in a good meaſure owing to [200] her rugged hills, that ancient Scotland preſerved her independence.
The black cattle are larger in proportion than the horſes; but the greateſt part of the iſland, is not very proper paſture for them; ſo in general, they do not give much milk, and their beef is lean and tough. There is not ſo great occaſion for milk in Corſica, as they make no butter, oil ſupplying its place, as in Italy, and moſt warm countries. They, however, make a good deal of cheeſe in ſome pieves.
There are here a vaſt number of goats which browſe upon the wild hills, and put one in mind of Virgil's Bucolicks, where mention is ſo often made of this animal. Sheep are alſo very plentiful, and have fine feeding; ſo that their mutton is very ſweet and juicy, and atones for the badneſs of the beef.
The Corſican ſheep are generally black, or of a duſky colour; a white ſheep being here and there to be met with in a flock, as black ones are amongſt our ſheep. The wool is coarſe and hairy, which the people of the country impute to their ſheep be⯑ing of a mongrel race. They have had thoughts of helping this, by importing a good breed from Eng⯑land or Spain. But it is averred by the breeders of [201] ſheep, that the quality of the wool is not ſo much owing to the kind of ſheep, as to the nature of their paſture; for thoſe ſheep who bear very rough fleeces when upon one farm, will, when put upon another of a different ſoil, bear fleeces exceedingly fine. It is very common here, for ſheep to have more horns than two: many of them have ſix.
The foreſts of this iſland abound in deer. And there is here a curious animal, called the Muffoli. It reſembles a ſtag, and has horns like a ram, and a ſkin uncommonly hard. It is very wild, and lives on the higheſt mountains, where it can hardly be approached, it is ſo nimble. It will jump from rock to rock, at the diſtance of many feet, and if hard chaced to the extremity of a cliff, from whence it can reach no other, it will throw itſelf over, and with ſurpriſing agility, pitch upon its horns, with⯑out receiving any hurt. When theſe creatures are young, they are very eaſily tamed.
The Corſican animals in general, appear wild to ſtrangers. Polybius gives us a reaſon for it. All the animals in the iſland, appear to be wild; on this account, that it is ſo rude and ſteep, and ſo thick with trees, that the ſhepherds are not able to follow their flocks! The wild boar is found here in great plenty. Indeed their ſwine, which are very numour⯑ous, [202] have all a mixture of the wild breed, and being fed on cheſnuts, they are agreeable food.
The Corſicans are very fond of hunting the wild boar, for which there is here a race of dogs, parti⯑cularly excellent. They have ſmooth hair, and are between a maſtiff, and a ſtrong ſhepherd's dog. They are large, and exceedingly fierce; but when once they have taken an attachment, they are very faithful to their maſter, watch him night and day, and are moſt undaunted in his defence.
Procopius tells us, that there were in Corſica, apes wonderfully reſembling men, and indeed this iſland, and all that quarter of Europe, before it was well inhabited, muſt, on account of its vicinity to Africa, have ſwarmed with apes. Of theſe, however, there are at preſent no remains; which is a proof that dif⯑ferent ſpecies of animals migrate from one country to another, and when their race wears out in a par⯑ticular part of the globe, it may be numerous ſome⯑where elſe. Certain it is, that in many countries, the race of ſeveral animals, well known there in an⯑cient times, is totally extinguiſhed.
There are hares enough in Corſica, but no rabbits; though Polybius, when talking of the animals of this iſland, ſays there are rabbits, and is very minute as [203] to their form and qualities; ſaying, that at a diſtance, they might be taken for little hares, but when caught, a great difference is perceived, both in their ap⯑pearance and taſte. There are here no wolves, nor any of the larger wild beaſts, unleſs foxes can be reckoned ſo, which are here indeed extremely large and ravenous. It is ſaid, they not only deſtroy ſheep, but have been known to devour even foals.
There is alſo a variety of birds in Corſica; eagles, vultures, wood-pigeon, turtle, thruſh, black⯑bird, and many of the ſmaller ſpecies; and plenty of game, as partridges, woodcocks, ſnipes, and water fowl in the lakes. The poor thruſhes and blackbirds too, muſt be reckoned as part of the game, for they are very numerous; and from there being a great quantity of the arbutus fruit in the iſland, they are exceedingly fat, and are eſteemed a particular delicacy. It is barbarous to deſtroy, for the mere luxury of the table, birds which make ſuch fine muſic; ſurely their melody affords more enjoy⯑ment, than what can be had from eating them. They are, however, a very common diſh in the ſouthern countries, particularly in France.
In general, it may be obſerved, that this iſland is ſo privileged by nature, that there is no poiſonous [204] animal in it, for though there are ſome ſcorpions, their bite carries no venom. The creature in Cor⯑ſica, which approaches neareſt to a poiſonous animal, is a ſpider, of an extraordinary ſize. Its bite will irritate, and inflame to a great degree, and the ſwel⯑ling which it occaſions, is very alarming to one unacquainted with it; but it ſoon goes away, and no bad conſequences follow, more than from the ſtinging of our bees. This ſpider, has by ſome been miſtaken for the famous tarantula of the king⯑dom of Naples.
Trees grow remarkably well in Corſica. There is here almoſt every ſort of fruit trees, but it is princi⯑pally adorned with pines of different kinds, oaks, and cheſnuts. All of theſe are to be found of a great ſize; ſome of the pines in particular, are exceeding lofty, and the cheſnut tree grows to a prodigious big⯑neſs.
There are extenſive foreſts in different places. That of Vico is moſt remarkable. There is in Cor⯑ſica, timber ſufficient to maintain a very large fleet, and the timber here, is much harder than would be expected in ſo ſouthern a latitude, owing to the rocky ſoil of the country, to the perpetual currents of freſh air through its vallies, and to the temperature that proceeds from ſome of its mountains, being half [205] the year in ſnow, and this is alſo one great cauſe of the ſalubrity of the climate, in which Corſica has much the advantage of Sardinia.
The ilex, or ever-green oak, is very common here, and gives the country a cheerful look, even in the depth of winter. The lemon, the orange, the fig, and the almond trees, are alſo frequent. There are, however, few walnut trees, and the apple, pear, plum, and cherry, are not remarkably good, which is probably owing to no care being taken of them. Corſica has the pomegranate in great perfection; alſo the India fig and the aloe, which laſt is ſaid to flower here, as well as in the Eaſt.
The Corſican mountains are covered with the ar⯑butus, or ſtrawberry tree, which gives a rich glow⯑ing appearance, as far as the eye can reach. Indeed the iſland is very like the country, which Virgil, in his third book of Georgics, deſcribes as the ſeat of rural felicity,
The mulberry grows well here, and is not ſo much in danger from blights and thunder ſtorms, as in Italy and the ſouth of France; ſo that Corſica is capable of producing abundance of ſilk. We muſt not omit the laurel to which Corſica has ſurely a very good claim. The box tree is a very common [206] plant here. In moſt countries it is dwarfiſh, and generally uſed only for hedges; but it grows to a good ſize in Corſica, and may be reckoned a timber tree. Bochart has very ingeniouſly ſhewn, that the benches of the Tyrian ſhips, which, according to the common tranſlation of Ezechiel, are ſaid to have been made of ivory, brought out of the iſles of Chit⯑tim, were moſt probably made of Corſican wood.
Theophraſtus, in his hiſtory of plants, expatiates on the wonderful ſize of Corſican trees; to which he ſays, the pines of Latium were nothing to be compared. He alſo ſays the trees were immenſely thick here; his expreſſion is very ſtrong: the whole iſland ſeemed crowded and ſavage with woods. He relates a ſtrange tradition, that the Romans, who were ſtruck with the vaſtneſs of theſe woods, built here a prodigious large ſhip, which carried no leſs than 50 ſails, but was loſt in the ocean. This author gives another teſtimony to the goodneſs of the cli⯑mate, ſoil, and air of the iſland; Corſica, therefore, ſays he, whether in reſpect of its temperate climate, or in reſpect of its ſoil, or of its air, greatly excelleth other countries,
The different kinds of grain in Corſica, are wheat, barley, rye, and millet, all of which grow extremely well in ſeveral parts of the country. There are no [207] oats here, as indeed hardly ever in any of the ſouthern countries. They give their horſes and mules bar⯑ley. The millet is excellent in Corſica, and when mixed with rye, makes a wholeſome bread, of which the peaſants are very fond. Cheſnuts may be reck⯑oned a ſort of grain in Corſica; for they anſwer all the purpoſes of it. The Corſicans eat them when roaſted, by way of bread. They even have them ground into flour, and of that they make very good cakes.
There is a vaſt quantity of honey produced in Cor⯑ſica; for the iſland has, from the earlieſt times, been remarkable for its ſwarms of bees. When it was ſubject to the Romans, a tribute was impoſed upon it, of no leſs than 200,000 pounds of wax yearly. Indeed the laurel, the almond tree, and the myrtle, in the flowers of which, the bees find ſo much ſweet⯑neſs, are very common here; and the hills are all co⯑vered with wild thyme, and other fragrant herbs. Yet its honey hath always been accounted bitter, by reaſon of the box-wood and yew, as Diodorus and Pliny obſerve.
Many people think the bitterneſs which is in the Corſican honey, very agreeable. The reaſon which Pliny aſſigns for the bitterneſs of the honey, he alſo aſſigns for the excellence of the wax. Having men⯑tioned [208] the Punic, the Pontic, and the Cretan, he ſays, after theſe, the Corſican wax, becauſe it is made from the box-tree, is ſaid to have a certain medicinal virtue. They keep their bees in long wooden caſes, or trunks of trees, with a covering of the back of the cork tree. When they want honey, they burn a little juniper wood, the ſmoak of which, makes the bees retire. They then take an iron inſtrument with a ſharp edged crook at the end of it, and bring out the greateſt part of the honey-comb, leaving only a little for the bees, who work the caſe full again. By taking the honey in this way, they never kill a bee.
There are in Corſica a great many mines of lead, copper, iron, and ſilver. Near to San Florenzo, is a very rich ſilver mine, yielding about the value of five pounds ſterling, for every hundred pounds weight of ore. The Corſican iron is remarkably good, having a toughneſs nearly equal to that of the prepared iron of Spain, famous over all the world. It is ſaid, that the true Spaniſh barrels are made of iron which has been worn and beaten for a long time in heads of nails in the ſhoes of the mule, who travel with a flow and inceſſant pace along the hard roads. But a very ſmall proportion of the great quantity of Spa⯑niſh barrels, which are ſold in all parts of Europe, can have this advantage. The metal of the Corſi⯑can [209] barrels is little inferior to that of the generality of Spaniſh ones, and they begin to make them very well.
An alluſion has been drawn from the iron mines, and the name of Corſica, to the character of its in⯑habitants. Hieronymus de Marinis, a Genoeſe, who writes on the dominion and government of the re⯑public, ſays of this iſland, that the bowels of the earth abound in mines of iron; nature conſpiring by a ſort of prejudice, to form a ſimilarity between the name and the nature of the people; for the Corſicans have hearts of iron, and are therefore prone to arms and the ſword. There are alſo mines of allum and of ſaltpetre in ſeveral parts of Corſica.
There is here a kind of granate, extremely hard, ſome of it approaching in quality to the oriental gra⯑nate, which was ſo famous in Rome, and of which ſuch noble columns are remaining, ſaid to have been brought from Egypt. There is here likewiſe por⯑phyry, and a great variety of jaſper. The magni⯑ficent chapel of the Grand Duke of Tuſcany, at Flo⯑rence, is finiſhed with Corſican jaſper, with which its inſide, as we have remarked, is elegantly in⯑cruſted, and has a moſt beautiful appearance.
[210]On the borders of the lake of Ino, they find pieces of rock chryſtal very clear, and with five ſides, as if they had been cut with a lapidary. They find ſome of it too in the mountains of Iſtria. It is ſo hard, that it ſtrikes fire, and the Corſicans frequently uſe it for flints to their fuſils.
Near to Baſtia, there is found a ſort of mineral, called by the country people, petra quadrata, becauſe it is always found in little ſquare bits. It has much about the hardneſs of marble, a colour like iron ore, and weight like lead. The Corſicans aſcribe cer⯑tain myſtical virtues to this ſtone, as appears from an old monkiſh diſtich made in its praiſe:
From the deſcription of Corſica now given, it will appear to be a country of conſiderable impor⯑tance. According to Templeman's tables, it contains 2,520 ſquare miles.
[211]The number of inhabitants in Corſica, has not been exactly taken of late, but they may be reckoned 220,000 ſouls. The number, however, is much leſs than it was in ancient times. It is well obſerved, by an able writer, that the depopulation of many countries, ſeem to have been firſt occaſioned by the havock which the Romans made among the ſmaller ſtates and cities, before they could fully eſtabliſh the ſovereign power. In no ſtate could this cauſe of depopulation take place, more than in Corſica, for in no ſtate were the nations harder to be ſubdued. When to the Roman havock, we add the re⯑iterated tumults, which, during a courſe of ages, have ſhaken this iſland, we need be at no loſs to account why the number of its inhabitants is dimi⯑niſhed.
The principal cities of this iſland are Baſtia, and Corte, of which we ſhall treat in the ſucceeding chapter, as alſo of the general characters, cuſtoms, and manners of the inhabitants of Corſica.
CHAP. II. Of the Cities, &c.
[212]BASTIA, ſituated on the eaſtern coaſt of the iſland, has for a long time been reckoned the capital of Cor⯑ſica. It was here that the Genoeſe held the ſeat of their ſovereigns power; and indeed Baſtia is ſtill the largeſt town in the iſland. It has a ſtately appear⯑ance from the ſea, being built on the declivity of a hill, though upon entering the town, a ſtranger is a good deal diſappointed; for the houſes are in general ill built, and the ſtreets narrow, and from the ſitua⯑tion of the town, neceſſarily very ſteep. There are, however, ſeveral pretty good buildings here. It hath a caſtle, which commands the town and har⯑bour, which though but a ſorry fortification at pre⯑ſent, is capable of being made a place of conſiderable ſtrength, as it hath a range of hills behind it, on which little redoubts might be erected; and with theſe, and a few ſubſtantial out-works towards the ſea, it might ſtand a pretty long ſiege.
[213]The church of S. John in this city, by no means an inelegant building, belongs to the Jeſuits, who have here a college. Their garden is finely ſituated, large and well laid out. This they owe in a great meaſure to the French, who have been ſtationed in Corſica at different times. From them the inha⯑bitants have learned much of what they know of the arts and conveniencies of life. There is here a convent of Lagariſts or Miſſionaries, a vaſt and magnificent houſe, almoſt overhanging the ſea. The convent of the Franciſcans, and that of the Capuchins, are ſituated on the riſing ground behind Baſtia. The laſt ſtands in a beautiful expoſure, and has really a very pretty front. The number of inha⯑bitants in this town, are eſtimated at 10,000.
From Baſtia ſouth, to beyond Aleria, is one con⯑tinued plain, between 50 and 60 miles in length, proper for raiſing all ſorts of grain as well as paſtur⯑age.
In the centre of the iſland, ſtands Corte, which is properly its capital, and will one day be a city of eminence. Here is the general's palace, and here is the ſupreme ſeat of juſtice where the executive power conſtantly reſides, and where the legiſlature is annu⯑ally aſſembled; and here alſo is the univerſity, [214] which in time, may become a diſtinguiſhed ſeat of learning.
Corte is ſituated part at the foot, and part on the declivity of a rock, in a plain ſurrounded with pro⯑digious high mountains, and at the conflux of two rivers, the Tavignano and Reſtonica. It has a great deal of rich country about it, and a wonderful na⯑tural ſtrength, being hemmed in by almoſt impaſ⯑ſable mountains and narrow defiles, which may be defended by a handful of men, againſt very large armies.
Upon a point of the rock prominent above the reſt, and on every ſide perpendicular, ſtands the caſtle or citadel. It is at the back of the town, and is almoſt impregnable, there being only one wind⯑ing paſſage to climb up to it, and that not capable of admitting more than two perſons abreaſt. In the plain on the north of Corte, is a convent of Capu⯑chi [...], and [...]n the ſide of the hill to the ſouth of the city, there is a convent of Franciſcans. Here the General lived while his palace was repairing; and [...]ere all [...] of reſpect are lodged. From this convent is the beſt view of the City of Corte.
[...], ſituated on the bay of the ſame name, and on the weſtern coaſt of the iſland, ſays Boſwell, [215] is the prettieſt town in Corſica. It has many very handſome ſtreets, and beautiful walks; a citadel and a palace for the Genoeſe governor. The inhabitants of this town, are the genteeleſt people in the iſland, having had a good deal of intercourſe with the French.
Such is the only information we have been able to procure, reſpecting their cities. We now pro⯑ceed to treat of their character, cuſtoms, and man⯑ners.
The genius and character of the inhabitants of Corſica, deſerve to be particularly conſidered, be⯑cauſe ſome authors in ancient times, and the Geno⯑eſe in modern times, have repreſented them in the moſt unfavourable light. It is, indeed, ſtrange to find two ſuch authors as Strabo and Diodorus, differ⯑ing ſo widely, reſpecting the character of the peo⯑ple of this iſland, and ſeemingly contradicting each other. Strabo ſays, thoſe who dwell on the moun⯑tains of Cyrnus, as it was called by the Romans, and live by robberies, are wilder than even wild beaſts. Therefore when the Roman Generals make irruptions into their country, and falling upon their ſtrong holds, carry off numbers of theſe people, and bring them to Rome; it is wonderful to ſee what wildneſs and brutality the creatures diſcover: for, [216] they either are impatient of life, and lay violent hands on themſelves; or, if they do live, it is in ſuch a ſtate of ſtupefaction and inſenſibility, that thoſe who purchaſe them for ſlaves, have a very bad bargain; though they pay very little money for them, and ſolely regret their happening to fall into their hands. Diodorus, on the other hand, ſays, the Corſican ſlaves ſeem to differ from all others, in their utility for the offices of life, for which they are fitted by a peculiar gift of nature. Theſe iſlanders live among themſelves with a humanity and juſtice, beyond all other barbarians. In every part of the economy of life, they ſhew a remarkable re⯑gard to equity.
M. Burnaby, who viſited this iſland, thinks theſe very different accounts may be reconciled, by ſup⯑poſing the authors to ſpeak of the Corſicans, under different points of view; Strabo, as of enemies, Di⯑odorus, as of friends; and then they will not only be found reconcileable, but will exactly correſpond with the character of the Corſicans at preſent. In war, they are furious as lions. Death is eſteemed nothing; nor is any power ſufficient to make them yield againſt their inclination; they become irri⯑tated, and will not brook reſtraint. But in peace and civil life, they are mild and juſt to the greateſt degree, and have all thoſe amiable qualities, [217] which Diodorus aſcribes to them. Where their ſer⯑vice is voluntary, or they are attached to their maſters, by kind and gentle treatment, they have the other perfections which he allows them.
The following inſtances are related by Paoli, of the ſpirit and patriotiſm of the Corſicans, in their conflicts with the Genoeſe, for recovering their li⯑berties. A ſerjeant, ſaid he, who fell in one of our deſperate actions, when juſt a dying, wrote to me thus: "I ſalute you: take care of my aged father. In two hours I ſhall be with the reſt who have bravely died for their country.
A Corſican gentleman, who had been taken pri⯑ſoner by the Genoeſe, was thrown into a dungeon, where he was chained to the ground. While he was in this diſmal ſituation, the Genoeſe ſent a meſ⯑ſage to him, that if he would accept a commiſſion in their ſervice, he might have it. 'No, ſaid he; were I to accept your offer, it would be with a deter⯑mined purpoſe to take the firſt opportunity of re⯑turning to the ſervice of my country. But I will not accept it. For I would not have my country⯑men ſuſpect even for one moment that I could be unfaithful.' Though the affection between relations is very ſtrong in the Corſicans, they will give up thoſe who are the neareſt allied to them, for the [218] good of their country, and would ſacrifice ſuch as de⯑ſerted to the Genoeſe.
Paoli ſays Boſwell, gave me a noble inſtance of a Corſican's feeling and greatneſs of mind. A cri⯑minal, ſaid he, was condemned to die. His nephew came to me with a lady of diſtinction, that ſhe might ſolicit his pardon. The nephew's anxiety, made him think that the lady did not ſpeak with ſufficient force and earneſtneſs. He therefore ad⯑vanced, and addreſſed himſelf to me; Sir, is it pro⯑per for me to ſpeak? as if he felt that it was unlaw⯑ful to make ſuch an application. I bid him go on. Sir, ſaid he, with the deepeſt concern, may I beg the life of my uncle? If it is granted, his relations will make a gift to the ſtate of 1000 zechins. We we will furniſh 50 ſoldiers in pay, during the war. We will agree that my uncle ſhall be baniſhed, and engage he ſhall never return to the iſland. I knew the nephew to be a man of worth, and I anſwered him. You are acquainted with the circumſtances of this caſe. Such is my confidence in you, that if you will ſay that giving your uncle a pardon, would be juſt, uſeful, or honourable for Corſica, I promiſe you it ſhall be granted. He turned about burſt into tears, and left me, ſaying, I would not have the hnour of my country ſold for 1000 ze⯑chins: and his uncle ſuffered.
[219]The following remarkable anecdote, related by Paoli, in favour of the heroiſm of the Iriſh, deſerves likewiſe to be recorded. At the ſiege of Tortona, the commander of the army which lay before the town, ordered Carew, an Iriſh officer, in the ſervice of Naples, to advance with a detachment to a particu⯑lar poſt. Having given his orders, he whiſpered to Carew: Sir, I know you to be a gallant man. I have therefore put you upon this duty. I tell you in confidence, it is certain death for you all. I place you there to make the enemy ſpring a mine below you. Carew made a bow to the General, and led his men in ſilence to the dreadful poſt. He there ſtood with an undaunted countenance, and having called to one of the ſoldiers for a draught of wine, Here, ſaid he, I drink to all thoſe who bravely fall in battle. Fortunately at that inſtant, Tortona ca⯑pitulated, and Carew eſcaped. But he had thus a full opportunity of diſplaying a rare inſtance of de⯑termined intrepidity. It is with pleaſure we record this anecdote, ſo much to the honour of a gentle⯑man of that nation, on which illiberal reflections are too often thrown, by thoſe of whom it little deſerves them. Whatever may be the rough jokes of wealthy inſolence, or the envious ſarcaſms of needy jealouſy, the Iriſh have ever been, and will continue to be moſt highly reſpected on the continent.
[220]The Corſicans are naturally quick and lively, and have a particular turn for eloquence. Hieronymus de Marinis gives them this character. Their moun⯑tains abound in ſwarms of bees, and flow with milk and honey; like the genius of the Corſicans, who, while they have milk and honey under their tongues, have alſo a ſting, and are therefore born for the forum. They have all a turn for the arts. Paint⯑ing, indeed, has not yet flouriſhed among them, but they ſucceed well in muſic and poetry. There are few of them who do not play upon the citra, an old Mooriſh inſtrument, which they are pleaſed to think the ancient cythara. It has a ſweet and romantic ſound, and many of their airs are tender and beau⯑tiful.
They have not yet produced any large and fi⯑niſhed poem; but they have many little pieces, ex⯑ceedingly pretty, moſt of them on war, or on love. They have alſo many little ballads and madrigals, full of drollery and keen ſatire againſt the Genoeſe; and they have their eſſays of grave humour, and various allegories, reſpecting themſelves and their enemies. They have in particular, a curious para⯑phraſe of the Lord's prayer, where all the petitions are ſtrangely turned into ſevere accuſations againſt the Genoeſe.
[221]The Corſicans are in general of ſmall ſtatue and rather hard favoured, much like the Scotch high⯑landers; though as we find among theſe, ſo we alſo find among the Corſicans, many of a good ſize and comely countenance.
The manners of the Corſicans, have a great ſi⯑milarity with thoſe of the ancient Germans, as de⯑ſcribed by Tacitus. They have not, however, the ſame habit of drinking; for they are extremely temperate. Their morals are ſtrict and chaſte to an uncommon degree, owing in part to good prin⯑ciples, unhurt by luxury; and partly to the exerciſe of private revenge againſt ſuch as violate the honour of their women.
What Tacitus ſays of ancient Germany, we may ſay of Corſica. Nobody there laughs at vice; nor is corrupting and being corrupted, called the way of the world.
The Corſicans like the Germans of old, are ex⯑tremely indolent, The women do the greateſt part of the drudgery work, as is alſo the cuſtom among the Scots highlanders. Yet they are very active in war, like the ſame Germans, of whom Tacitus ſays, 'By a wonderful variety of nature, the ſame men are fond of indolence, and impatient of reſt.' Notwith⯑ſtanding [222] all that Paoli, their favourite General has done, the Corſicans are ſtill indolent, and averſe to labour. Every year 800 or 1000 Sardinians and Lucceſe are employed as artificers and day labour⯑ers in the iſland.
The Corſicans love much to be round a fire. This practice ſeems peculiar to rude nations. The Indians in North America do it, and the anci⯑ent Germans did it. The Scythians too had this cuſtom.
There have been many ſtrange cuſtoms in Corſica. [...] t [...]ll [...] us, that after the women were brought to [...], the man immediately took care of the chil⯑dren, laying themſelves down as if they were ſick, and [...]ndling the infants, ſo that the mothers had no f [...]r [...]her trouble, than to give them ſuck. So great [...] to a woman, after ſhe has ſuffered ſo much for the [...] of ſociety, had really ſomething hu⯑mane in it; though we muſt ſmile at ſuch ſimpli⯑city. We may ſay, that it has never been paralleled [...] all the complaiſance of modern gallantry. But this equitable cuſtom is no longer in uſe.
Petrus Cyrnecus ſays, that in his time, marriage was ſo much honoured among the Corſicans, that if any young woman was ſo poor, that nobody aſked [223] her, the neighbours raiſed a contribution to help her to a huſband. Generoſity could never be more pro⯑perly exerciſed. Epaminondas uſed to exerciſe his generoſity in that way.
There are ſome very extraordinary cuſtoms which ſtill ſubſiſt in Corſica. In particular, they have ſe⯑veral ſtrange ceremonies at the death of their re⯑lations. When a man dies, eſpecially if he has been aſſaſſinated, his widow, with all the married women in the village, accompany the corpſe to the grave, where, after various howlings, and other expreſſions of ſorrow, the women fall upon the widow, and beat and tear her in a moſt miſerable manner. Hav⯑ing thus ſatisfied their grief and paſſion, they lead her back again, covered with blood and bruiſes, to her own habitation.
The Corſican peaſants and ſoldiers are very fond of baiting cattle with the large mountain dogs. This keeps up a ferocity among them, which totally extinguiſhes fear. I have ſeen a Corſican, ſays Boſwell, in the very heat of a baiting, run in, drive off the dogs, ſeize the half frantic animal by the horns, and lead it away. The common people did not ſeem much given to diverſions. I obſerved ſome of them in the great hall of the houſe of Colon⯑na, where I was lodged, amuſing themſelves with [224] playing at a ſort of draughts, in a very curious man⯑ner. They drew upon the floor with chalk, a ſuf⯑ficient number of ſquares, chalking one all over, and leaving one open alternately; and inſtead of black men and white, they had bits of ſtone, and bits of wood. It was an admirable burleſque on gam⯑ing.
The chief ſatisfaction of theſe iſlanders, when not engaged in war or hunting, ſeemed to be that of lying at their eaſe in the open air, recounting tales of the bravery of their countrymen, and ſinging ſongs in honour of the Corſicans, and againſt the Genoeſe. Even in the night, they would continue this paſtime in the open air, unleſs rain forced them to retire into their houſes.
It is remarkable, that no Corſican would, upon any account, conſent to be a hangman. Not the greateſt criminals, who might have had their lives upon this condition. Even a wretch, who, for a paltry hire, had ſtrangled a woman, would rather ſubmit to death, than do the ſame action as the exe⯑cutioner of the law.
The hangman of Corſica, ſays Boſwell, was a great curioſity. I went up and looked at him, dur⯑ing my reſidence at Corte; and a more dirty, rueful [225] ſpectacle, I never beheld. Being held in the ut⯑moſt deteſtation, he durſt not live like another inha⯑bitant of the iſland. He was obliged to take refuge in the caſtle, and there he was kept in a little corner turret, where he had juſt room for a miſer⯑able bed, and a little bit of fire to dreſs ſuch vic⯑tuals for himſelf, as was ſufficient to keep him alive; for nobody would have any intercourſe with him, but all turned their backs upon him. He ſeemed ſenſible of his ſituation, and held down his head like an abhorred outcaſt.
It was a long time before they could get a hang⯑man in Corſica, ſo that the puniſhment of the gal⯑lows was hardly known, all their criminals being ſhot. At laſt, this creature whom I ſaw, who was a Sicilian, came with a meſſage to Paoli. The Ge⯑neral, who has a wonderful talent for phyſiognomy, on ſeeing the man, ſaid immediately to ſome of his people about him, Ecco il boia, behold our hang⯑man. He gave orders to aſk the man if he would accept the office, and his anſwer was, My grandfa⯑ther was a hangman, my father was a hangman; I have been a hangman myſelf, and am willing to con⯑tinue ſo. He was, therefore, immediately put into office, and the ignominious death diſpenſed by his hands, hath had more effect, than 20 executions by fire arms.
[226]The following entertaining anecdote, related by Boſwell, in his tour through the iſland to viſit the famous General Paoli, will tend further to ſhew the great ſimplicity of ancient manners in this people.
When I had ſeen every thing about Corte, ſays this writer, I prepared for my journey to the moun⯑tains, that I might be with Paoli. The night be⯑fore I ſet our, I recollected that I had forgotten to get a paſſport, which I found to be a neceſſary pre⯑caution. After ſupper, therefore, the Prior with whom I had taken up my quarters, walked with me to Corte, to the houſe of the great Chancellor, who ordered the paſſport to be made out immediately; and while his ſecretary was writing it, entertained me by reading ſome of the minutes of the general conſulta. When the paſſport was finiſhed, and ready to have the ſeal put to it, I was much pleaſed with a beautiful, ſimple incident. The Chancellor deſired a little boy who was playing in the room by us, to run to his mother, and bring the great ſeal of the kingdom. I thought myſelf ſitting in the houſe of a Cincinnatus.
Next morning, I ſet out in very good order, hav⯑ing excellent [...] and clever Corſican guides. The worthy [...] of the convent, who treated me [227] in the kindeſt manner whilſt I was their gueſt, would alſo give me ſome proviſions for my journey; ſo they put up a gourd of their beſt wine, and ſome delicious pomegranates. My Corſican guides appeared ſo hearty, that I often got down and walked along with them, doing juſt as I ſaw them do. When we grew hungry, we threw ſtones among the thick branches of the cheſnut trees, which overſhadowed us, and in that manner we brought down a ſhower of cheſnuts, with which we filled our pockets, and went on eating them with great reliſh; and when this made us thirſty, we lay down by the ſide of the firſt brook, put our mouths to the ſtream, and drank ſufficiently. It was juſt like being, for a little while, one of the priſca gens mortalium; the primitive race of men, who run about in the woods, eating acorns, and drinking water.
While I ſtopped to refreſh my mules at a little village, the inhabitants came crowding about me, as an Ambaſſador going to their General. When they were informed of my country, a ſtrong black fellow ſaid, "Engliſh! They are barbarians; they don't believe in the great God?" I replied, "Excuſe me, Sir, We do believe in God, and in Jeſus Chriſt too." "Um, ſaid he, and in the Pope?" "No." "And why?" This was a puzzling queſtion [228] in theſe circumſtances; for there was a great au⯑dience to the controverſy. I thought I would try a method of my own, and very gravely replied, becauſe we are too far off. A very new argu⯑ment againſt the univerſal infallibility of the Pope. It took however; for my opponent muſed awhile, and then ſaid, "Too far off! Why Sicily is as far off as England. Yet, in Sicily, they believe in the Pope." "O, ſaid I, we are ten times farther off than Sicily." "Ah!" ſaid he, and ſeemed quite ſatisfied. In this manner I got off very well. I queſtion much, whether any of the learned reaſons of our proteſtant divines, would have had ſo good an effect.
CHAP. III. Trade, Commerce, and Manufactures.
WE have ſeen how rich Corſica is in natural productions; ſo that there is no queſtion, but this iſland might carry on a pretty extenſive commerce [229] in oil, wine, honey, bees-wax, ſalt, cheſnuts, ſilk, roſin, box-wood, oak, pine, porphyry, marble of various kinds, lead, iron, copper, ſilver, and coral. At preſent, commerce is but beginning to flouriſh among them. They find in their ſeas, conſiderable quantities of coral, of all the three kinds, red, white, and black. The Jews of Leghorn, who have eſta⯑bliſhed there a coral manufactory, have a ſort of ex⯑cluſive privilege from the Corſicans for this trade; and in return, are very ſerviceable to the nation, by advancing them money, and ſupplying them with cannon.
The Corſicans may make plenty of admirable wines, for their grapes are excellent. In ſome vil⯑lages, they make a rich ſweet wine, much reſemb⯑ling tokay. In others, they make wine very much like Burgundy; and over the whole iſland, there are wines of different ſorts. It is indeed, wonder⯑ful, what a difference a little variation of ſoil or ex⯑poſure will make in the taſte of wine. The juice of Corſican grapes is ſo generous, that although unſkil⯑fully manufactured, it will always pleaſe by its na⯑tural flavour. The Corſicans have been ſo harraſſed for a number of years, that they have had no lei⯑ſure to improve themſelves in any art or manufac⯑ture. It is aſſerted, however, that the exportation of oil has amounted in one year, to two millions and [230] a half of livres, and that of cheſnuts to 25,000 pounds ſterling.
Agriculture is as yet in a very imperfect ſtate in Corſica. Their inſtruments of huſbandry are ill made; and they do not make the beſt uſe of what they have. Their ploughing is but ſcratching the ſurface of the earth, and they hardly know any thing of the advantages of manure, though they can be at no loſs for ſufficient quantities of it.
The ſupreme council appoints two or more per⯑ſons in each province, to ſuperintend the cultivation of lands, and to take the moſt effectual methods for promoting it; and in particular, to encourage the planting of mulberry trees, it being certain, that Corſica may be made to produce a great deal of ſilk. As gardening has been almoſt totally neglected, there is a late ordinance, by which every man who poſſeſſes a garden, or other incloſure, is obliged to ſow every year, peaſe, beans, and all ſorts of gar⯑den ſtuff, and not leſs than a pound of each, under the penalty of four livres, to be exacted by the Po⯑deſtas.
The ſupreme council alſo appoints two conſuls, to inſpect the kind and the price of the various ſorts of the merchandiſe in the iſland; and to watch [231] over every thing that can tend towards the advance⯑ment of commerce.
Proviſions are not dear in Corſica. Their prices on a medium, are as follows: A labouring ox, about 80 livres. A cow, from 20 to 30 livres. A horſe of the beſt quality, from 100 to 140 livres. A ſheep, about four livres. A partridge, 4 ſous. Beef, two ſous a pound. Mutton, two thirds of a ſou a pound. Fiſh, from one to two ſous a pound. Wine, four ſous a flaſk, of 6 lb. weight.
Oil is ſold in barrels, valued from 40 to 50 livres. A barrel contains 20 pints. A pint contains four quarts. Wine is ſold in barrels of 12 zuchas. The zucha contains nine large Florence caſks. Grain is ſold by the buſhel. The buſhel contains 12 bacine. The bacino weighs about 20 pounds. The ſack or buſhel ſells at 18 livres.
The wages of a tradeſman, or of a day labourer, are a livre a day, and victuals and drink. If a tradeſ⯑man is particularly ingenious in his profeſſion, he has ſomething more. Reapers have no wages in money; but beſides their victuals, each gets a baci⯑no of the grain which he cuts down.
The manufactures of Corſica, are as yet very rude. [232] Their wool is exceedingly coarſe, and generally black; of this they make a thick, heavy cloth. The pure black is the moſt valuable; when a little white is mixed with it, the cloth is not ſo much eſ⯑teemed, being of a ruſſet grey, or brown duſky co⯑lour. They import all their fine cloth; for beſides that, there is not a ſufficient quantity of wool for the ſervice of the iſland, the Corſicans have not learned to make any thing elſe of it, but the coarſe cloth above-mentioned.
A good deal of flax grows in Corſica, and no doubt a good deal of it might be raiſed. But in reality, the Corſicans areas yet ſo backward, that they hardly make any linen at all, which occaſions a very heavy importation.
The Corſicans have plenty of oil for their lamps, which is the light they generally uſe. They alſo make wax candles, and a few tallow ones; their cat⯑tle not yielding much fat.
There is plenty of leather in the iſland. Many of the peaſants juſt harden the hides in the air, particu⯑larly the wild boar ſkins, and have their ſhoes made of them, without being tanned. This they are under no temptation of doing, but that of poverty and la⯑zineſs; for the art of tanning is very well underſtood [233] in Corſica, and the materials for it are in ſuch abundance, that a great deal of bark is carried over into Italy. The Corſicans have a method of tan⯑ning with the leaves of wild laurel, dried in the ſun, and beaten into a powder. This gives a ſort of a greeniſh colour to the leather.
CHAP. IV. Ancient Hiſtory and Government; together with Anec⯑dotes relative to the Hiſtory of the Iſland; of the famous King Theodore, and of Paoli.
THE earlieſt accounts we have of Corſica, are to be found in Herodotus. He tells us that its firſt in⯑habitants were Phenicians; and that eight genera⯑tions after Theras brought a colony to the iſland from Lacedemon. His account of the firſt peopling of Corſica, is a very curious piece of ancient hiſtory. It afterwards got the name of Cyrnus, from the number of its promontories; and Iſiodorus relates the manner in which it got the name of Corſica. According to him, Corſa, a Ligurian woman, hav⯑ing often obſerved a bull ſwim over to the iſland, and return much fatter, ſhe had the curioſity to follow him in a little veſſel, and ſo diſcovered the iſland with all its beauty and fertility. Upon which the Ligurians ſent thither a colony; and from Corſa, [234] who had made the diſcovery, they called the iſland Corſica. This is ludicrous enough; but we may trace what has given riſe to ſo extraordinary a fiction, when we conſider, that very probably a people from the oppoſite coaſt of Italy, took poſſeſſion of Cor⯑ſica.
Its next maſters were the Carthiginians. Ariſtotle relates a moſt extraordinary piece of Punic policy, with reſpect to Corſica. Finding it was difficult to keep the inhabitants in ſubjection, they ordered the whole of the vines and olives in the iſland to be pulled up, and forbad the Corſicans, under pain of death, to ſow their fields with any kind of grain, that they might be kept in the moſt abſolute de⯑pendence. So early was the cowardly and barba⯑rous policy of a trading republic exerciſed againſt this people.
Corſica next paſſed under the dominion of Rome. It appears, however, that the Corſicans could not bear ſubjection with patience, for they were conti⯑nually attempting to get free. Under the Romans, it was made to ſerve for a place of exile. On the ir⯑ruption of the barbarous nations, Corſica ſhared the ſame ſate with the other dominions of the ruined empire. It fell a prey to the Goths, who eſtabliſhed [235] there the feudal ſyſtem, as they did in every other country, to which their arms penetrated.
From this period, the hiſtory of Corſica is for many ages a continued ſeries of wars, ravage, and deſtruction, by a variety of contending powers. About the beginning of the 14th century, the Corſi⯑cans were, for the firſt time, brought under the power of the Genoeſe; with whom they have ſince had ſuch ſtruggles for that freedom, which they ap⯑pear to have at all times attempted to recover.
The Genoeſe were the worſt nation to whom Cor⯑ſica could have fallen. The Corſicans were a peo⯑ple, impetuous, violent, and brave; who had wea⯑thered many a ſtorm, and who could not have been governed, but by a ſtate of which they ſtood ſome⯑what in awe, and which, by humanity and proper encouragement, might have conciliated their affec⯑tion. Whereas, the Genoeſe were a nation of re⯑publicans, and it has been always remarked, that the foreign ſubjects of a little republic, are much worſe uſed, than thoſe of a great kingdom. Accord⯑ingly, the Genoeſe did not treat the Corſicans with that gentleneſs and confidence, which alone could have ſecured their attachment and obedience.
[236]They even took a direct contrary courſe; and al⯑though they did not uſe ſuch deſperate means as the Carthiginians, their oppreſſion was heavy; their ſyſtem was not to render the Corſicans happier and better, but by keeping them in ignorance and op⯑preſſed, to prevent their endeavouring to get free.
In this unhappy ſituation was Corſica. Often did the natives riſe in arms; but having no leader to direct them, they was immediately quelled. So apprehenſive were the Genoeſe, that they burnt 120 of the beſt villages in Corſica, while 4,000 people left the iſland. What ſhewed the Genoeſe policy in the worſt light, was, that many of theſe iſland⯑ers who had gone over to the continent, made a diſ⯑tinguiſhed figure in moſt of the European ſtates, both in learning and in arms.
About the year 1550, Corſica revived under the conduct of a great hero, who aroſe for the deliver⯑ance of his country. This was Sampiero di Baſtelica. He was, however, ſtopped in his career by the treachery of the Genoeſe, who had him baſely aſſaſſi⯑nated in the year 1567.
Long deſpiſed, plundered, and oppreſſed, the Corſicans again revived in 1729, when the war com⯑menced, which, with ſome intervals, continued, [237] till they had finally reſcued themſelves from the ſla⯑very of their inveterate maſters, the Genoeſe.
It is wonderful to ſee, how great wants are pro⯑duced by little cauſes. The riſe of the Corſicans, in 1729, was occaſioned by a ſingle paolo, a piece worth about five-pence Engliſh. A Genoeſe col⯑lector, went to the houſe of a poor old woman, and demanded this trifling ſum, as the money for which ſhe was aſſeſſed. Being in extreme penury, ſhe had not wherewithal to ſatisfy the demand. Upon which, the collector began to abuſe her, and to ſeize ſome of her furniture. She begged him to have patience, and ſaid, ſhe hoped in a few days, to be be able to pay him. He perſiſted in his ſeverity, and the poor woman made a great lamentation. Two or three people hearing the noiſe, entered the houſe, took the part of the woman, and exclaimed againſt the barbarity of the collector. He threat⯑ened them with puniſhment, for having hindered him in the execution of his office. This provoked the villagers, and they drove him away with ſtones. The Genoeſe ſent troops to ſupport their collector, and the Corſicans aſſembled in large bodies to de⯑fend themſelves. The tumult encreaſed. A ſpark was ſufficient to kindle the flame in a people who ſo often glowed with the enthuſiaſm of liberty, and [238] in a very ſhort time, the whole iſland was in mo⯑tion.
The Corſicans immediately ruſhed upon the ca⯑pital, which they took almoſt without reſiſtance; and they would have been matters of the caſtle, had they been a little better regulated.
The Genoeſe at firſt endeavoured to overawe the Corſicans, by the ſole force of the republic; but find⯑ing themſelves unable, they applied to the Em⯑peror, Charles VI. who ſent a ſtrong army of Ger⯑mans there, with the Prince of Wertemberg at their head. The Corſicans were not in a condition to re⯑ſiſt ſuch a force. They laid down their arms, upon condition that a treaty ſhould be made between them and the Genoeſe, having the Emperor for gua⯑rantee.
This treaty having been broken by the latter, there was a very ſhort ſuſpenſion of hoſtilities; and in 1734, the Corſicans roſe anew.
The Genoeſe had paid very dear for their victory in their ſtruggles. It was computed, that it had coſt them above 30,000,000 of livres, beſides coſtly preſents to the Prince of Wirtemberg, and to the other general officers.
[239]The Marquis d'Argens, very pleaſantly applies to the Genoeſe, the French Fable of a Gardener, who complained to a gentleman in the neighbourhood, that a hare came every day into his garden, and eat his cabbages; and begged the gentleman would be ſo good to drive her out for him. The gentleman comes with a pack of hounds, and half a dozen huntſmen, and does more miſchief in five minutes, than the hare could have done in ſeven years. After a prodigious chace, the hare made her eſcape through a hole in the wall. Upon which, the Gen⯑tleman congratulated the gardener on getting rid of his enemy, and adviſed him to ſtop up the hole. So the Genoeſe, after having expended a great deal more upon foreign auxiliaries, than they could ever derive from Corſica, had the mortification, on the departure of theſe auxiliaries, to find themſelves juſt as they were.
Whilſt the Genoeſe and the Corſicans were keenly engaged again, and the politicians of Europe forming various conjectures, a moſt extraordinary circumſtance occurred, to the amazement of every one. This was the appearance of the famous King Theodore, whoſe ſingular hiſtory made ſo much noiſe. As many inconſiſtent reports were circulated, with regard to this man, who now lies in this country, [240] the following authentic accounts concerning him, will perhaps not be unacceptable to our readers.
Theodore Baron Newhoff, in the county of La Marc, in Weſtphalia, was the perſonage who aſpired to the ſovereignty of Corſica. He had his education in the French ſervice. He afterwards went to Spain. But being of a ſtrange, unſettled, project⯑ing diſpoſition, he quitted Spain, and went and tra⯑velled into Italy, England, and Holland, always in ſearch of ſome new adventure. He at laſt fixed his attention on Corſica, and formed a ſcheme of mak⯑ing himſelf king.
He was a man of abilities and addreſs; and after having fully informed himſelf of every thing re⯑lating to the iſland, he went to Tunis, where he fell upon means to procure ſome money and arms; and then came to Leghorn, from whence he wrote a letter to the Corſican chiefs, offering conſiderable advantage to the nation, if they would elect him as their ſovereign. This letter was conſigned to the Corſican plenipotentiary in Tuſcany; and he gave for anſwer, that if Theodore brought the aſſiſtance he promiſed to the Corſicans, they would very wil⯑lingly make him king.
[241]Upon this, without loſs of time, he ſet ſail, and landed in Corſica in ſpring, 1736. He was a man of very ſtately appearance, and the Turkiſh dreſs he wore, added to the dignity of his mien. He had a few attendants with him. His manners were ſo engaging, and his offers ſo plauſible, that he was proclaimed King of Corſica, before the Ambaſſa⯑dors diſpatches arrived to inform the chiefs of the terms upon which he had agreed. He brought with him about 1000 zechins, beſides ſome arms and am⯑munition, and made magnificent promiſes of foreign aſſiſtance.
Theodore aſſumed every mark of royal dignity. He had his guards, and his officers of ſtate. He conferred titles of honour, and he ſtruck money, both of ſilver and copper. The ſilver pieces were few in number, and can hardly now be met with. It was ſuch a curioſity over all Europe, to have King Theodore's coins, that the ſilver pieces were ſold at four zechins each; and when the genuine ones were exhauſted, imitations of them were made at Naples, and like the imitations of antiques, were bought up at a high price, and carefully preſervedin the cabinets of the virtuoſi.
Theodore immediately blocked up the Genoeſe fortified towns; and he uſed to be ſometimes at [242] one ſiege, and ſometimes at another, ſtanding with a teleſcope in his hand, as if he ſpied the aſſiſtance which he ſaid he expected. He uſed alſo the ar⯑tifice of making large packets be continually brought to him from the continent, which he gave out to be from the different ſovereigns of Europe, acknowledg⯑ing his authority, and promiſing to befriend him.
The Genoeſe were not a little confounded with this unexpected adventure. They publiſhed a vio⯑lent manifeſto againſt Theodore, treating him with great contempt, but at the ſame time ſhewing, they were alarmed at his appearance. Theodore replied in a manifeſto, with all the calmneſs and dignity of a monarch; expreſſed his indifference as to the in⯑jurious treatment of the republic, and appeared firm in the hopes of victory.
After having been about eight months in Corſica, Theodore perceived that the people began to cool in their affections towards him, and did not act with the ſame reſolution as before. He therefore wiſely determined to leave them for a little, and try his fortune again upon the continent. He accordingly, after laying down a plan of adminiſtration to be ob⯑ſerved in his abſence, went to Holland, and there he was ſucceſsful enough to get credit to a great ex⯑tent, from ſeveral rich merchants, particularly jews, [243] who truſted him with cannon and other warlike ſtores, to a great value, under the charge of a ſu⯑percargo. With theſe he returned to Corſica, in 1739; and on his arrival, put to death his ſuper⯑cargo, that he might not have any trouble from de⯑mands being made upon him.
By this time, the French had become ſo powerful in the iſland, that although Theodore threw in his ſupply of warlike ſtores, he did not incline to ven⯑ture his perſon, the Genoeſe having ſet a high price upon his head. He therefore choſe to relinquiſh his throne, and give up his views of ambition, for ſafety, having furniſhed a remarkable example how far a daring and deſperate ſpirit may go. Had he had a little more prudence, and better fortune, Theodore and his poſterity, might have worn the crown of Corſica, upon the generous title of having delivered the iſland from oppreſſion.
It has been often ſaid, that he was ſecretly ſup⯑ported by ſome of the European powers. But it does not appear, there was any foundation for the con⯑jecture. It is, indeed, ſomething ſingular, to find a private gentleman, embarking in his own bottom, in an enterprize of ſuch a nature. But the truth is, Theodore was a moſt ſingular man, and had been ſo beaten about by change of fortune, that he had loſt [244] the common ſentiments of mankind, and viewed things as one who is mad, or drunk, or in a high fe⯑ver. He had nothing to loſe, and a great deal to win. His ſcheme was to amuſe the Corſicans with the hopes of foreign aid; and by the force of hope, to carry them forward. This might have ſucceeded, in which caſe, he could very eaſily have ſaid, that the foreign aid would have come, had there been oc⯑caſion for it; but they had behaved with ſuch ſpi⯑rit, as to require no help. And had he been for⯑tunate, it is probable, ſome of the European powers might have in reality ſtood by him.
The Corſicans, who had moſt faith in his fine ſpeeches, ſtill extol him to the ſkies; others, who looked upon him as an impoſter, and never joined heartily in his meaſures, repreſent him as a kind of Wat Tyler, king of a rabble; but the moſt knowing and judicious, conſider him in the moderate light in which he has been now repreſented, and own he was of great ſervice in reviving the ſpirit of the na⯑tion; which, after a good many years of conſtant war, was beginning to droop.
They indeed are ſenſible, that his wretched fate has thrown a ſort of ridicule on the nation, ſince their king was confined in a goal at London, which was actually the caſe with poor Theodore; who, [245] who, after experiencing the moſt extraordinary vi⯑ciſſitudes of fortune, choſe to end his days in our iſland of liberty; but was reduced to the wretched ſtate of a priſoner for debt.
Horace Walpole, the preſent Earl of Orford, ge⯑nerouſly exerted himſelf for Theodore. He wrote a paper in the world, with great elegance and humour, ſoliciting a contribution for the monarch in diſtreſs, to be paid to Mr. Robert Dodſley, bookſeller, as Lord High Treaſurer. This brought him a very hand⯑ſome ſum. He was allowed to get out of priſon. The Earl of Orford has the original deed, by which Theodore made over the kingdom of Corſica, in ſe⯑curity to his creditors. He has alſo the great ſeal of the kingdom. He died very ſoon after he got out of priſon, and was buried in St. Anne's church-yard, Weſtminſter; where a ſimple, unadorned monu⯑ment is erected to him, with the following inſcrip⯑tion: "Near this place is interred Theodore, King of Corſica, who died in this pariſh, December 11, 1756, immediately after leaving the King's Bench priſon, by the benefit of the act of inſolvency; in conſequence of which, he regiſtered his kingdom of Corſica, for the uſe of his creditors.
We have ſeen that Theodore durſt not land. The ſuccours he left were not of much avail. Such un⯑precedented and terrible ſlaughter as now took place, with the dread of ſtill greater vengeance, from ſo formidable a nation as France, obliged the Corſicans to lay down their arms. In this manner was Corſi⯑ca totally vanquiſhed by France, of which the Ge⯑noeſe were as proud, as if it had been their own atchievement.
France being engaged with more important ob⯑jects than Corſica, thought proper to recal her troops from that iſland. The French knew the Corſicans too well, to believe that they would ſubmit to Ge⯑noa, when left to themſelves. The event happened accordingly, for the French were hardly gone, be⯑fore the Corſicans were again as much in motion as ever. From having been long depreſſed, like a bow recovering its elaſticity, they roſe with renewed vigour. Man, woman, and child, may be ſaid to have engaged; for very young boys took the field; and even ſome of the women, like thoſe of Sparta, ſhewed their valour in battle.
[247] Gaffori and Matra now obtained the government of the iſland, under the title of Protectors of the Kingdoms. Gaffori was a man of diſtinguiſhed ta⯑lents. His eloquence was moſt remarkable. He heard once, that a band of aſſaſſins was coming againſt him. He went out and met them with a ſe⯑rene dignity which aſtoniſhed them. He begged they would only hear him a little; and he gave them ſo pathetic a picture of the diſtreſſes of Corſica, and rouſed their ſpirits to ſuch a degree againſt thoſe who cauſed the oppreſſion, that the aſſaſſins threw them⯑ſelves at his feet, intreated his forgiveneſs, and in⯑ſtantly joined his banners.
Soon after this, the celebrated Paſchal Paoli was elected general of the kingdom. He was the ſon of one of their old chiefs. He had been educated with great care by his father, who formed his taſte for letters, and inſpired him with every worthy and noble ſentiment. He was born in Corſica, but taken by his father to Naples, during the troubles, where he got a commiſſion in that ſervice, and was much about court.
Here he lived 12 or 13 years, cultivating the great powers with which nature had endowed him, and laying the foundation of thoſe grand deſigns, which he had early formed for the deliverance of his coun⯑try. [248] His reputation became ſo great among the Corſicans, that he received the ſtrongeſt invitations to come over and take the command. He embarked in the glorious enterprize, ſtimulated by generous ambition, and undiſmayed by a conſideration of the dangers, cares and uncertainty he was about to en⯑counter.
Paoli no ſooner appeared on the iſland, than he attracted the attention of every body. His carriage and deportment prejudiced them in his favour, and his ſuperior judgment and patriotiſm, diſplayed with all the force of eloquence, charmed their un⯑derſtandings.
All ranks now exerted themſelves, in providing what was neceſſary for carrying on the war with ſpirit; whereby, in a ſhort time, the Genoeſe were driven to the remoteſt corners of the iſland. Paoli had well nigh finiſhed his great ſcheme of freeing every part of the iſland from the Genoeſe, when a treaty was concluded between France and the repub⯑lic, by which the former engaged to ſend ſix battal⯑lions of troops, to garriſon the fortified towns in Corſica, for the ſpace of four years.
When this treaty was firſt known in Europe, every noble heart was afflicted; for every one be⯑lieved, [249] that France was determined to carry fire and ſword into Corſica, and blaſt the hopes of the brave iſlanders. But it turned out to be a prudent and po⯑litic ſcheme on the part of France. She owed the Genoeſe ſome millions of livres. Her finances were not ſuch as made it very convenient for her to pay. The French miniſters, who were never at a loſs to conclude an advantageous treaty for their monarch, told the Genoeſe, 'We cannot yet let you have your money. But we will ſend you ſix battallions of aux⯑iliaries to Corſica, and let that be a ſinking fund for the diſcharge of our debt.' The Genoeſe, who recalled with barbarous ſatisfaction, what France had formerly done againſt the Corſicans, were ex⯑tremely pleaſed with the ſcheme.
The French, however, took care to engage to act only on the defenſive, and to fix the treaty for four years, that they might be ſure of having time to ſink their debt. The French general was an officer of temper and experience; and no doubt, had his in⯑ſtructions to conduct himſelf mildly towards the Corſicans. All his duty was to take care that things ſhould not become worſe for Genoa, but that ſhe ſhould ſtill retain the garriſon towns on the coaſt.
The Corſicans conducted themſelves on this oc⯑caſion, with the greateſt propriety. A general [250] council was held, and determinations publiſhed, from which it appears, that they ſhewed no diſtruſt of the French, who, they truſted, would not begin hoſ⯑tilities againſt them. The warlike operations of Corſica, were now ſuſpended; and in a ſhort time after, all right and title to the ſovereignty of the iſland was ceded by the Genoeſe to the French, un⯑der whoſe protection, the Corſicans were; but in the troubles of France, it was taken by the Engliſh, and the Corſican people made a formal ſurrender of the iſland to the King of England.
The government of Corſica exhibits a compleat and well ordered democracy, from the loweſt ma⯑giſtrate, up to the ſupreme council.
Every village elects by majority of votes, a Podeſ⯑ta, and other two magiſtrates, who have the reſpect⯑able name of Fathers of the Community. Theſe magiſtrates are choſen annually. They may be con⯑tinued in office for ſeveral years, at the will of the community; but there muſt be a new election every year. The Podeſta, by himſelf, may determine cauſes to the value of ten livres; and united with the Padri del commune, or Fathers of the Country, may finally determine cauſes to the value of 50 livres. The Podeſta is the repreſentative of the government, and to him are addreſſed all the orders of the ſu⯑preme [251] council. The Padri del commune ſuperin⯑tend the economy and police of the village, call the people together, and conſult with them on every thing that concerns their intereſt. Sometimes the people chooſe two Podeſtas and one Padri del com⯑mune, and ſometimes more, and ſometimes fewer counſellors. Theſe irregularities are permitted to humour the caprice of different villages in an infant ſtate, and are of no conſequence; for the ſame de⯑gree of power remains to each office, whether it be held by a leſſer, or a greater number; as in the ſtates of Holland, thoſe who ſend two or three re⯑preſentatives, have but an equal voice with thoſe who ſend only one.
Once a year, the inhabitants of each village aſ⯑ſemble themſelves, and chooſe a Procurator, to re⯑preſent them in the general conſulta, or parliament of the nation, which is held annually in the month of May, at the City of Corte. This procurator is elected by a majority of voices. Each of them have from their community, a livre a day, to bear his charges from the time of his ſitting out, till his re⯑turn home.
Sometimes the procurators of all the villages con⯑tained in the ſame pieve, chooſe from among them⯑ſelves one, who goes as repreſentative from the pieve, [252] which ſaves ſome expence to the villages. But this is abuſe, and when matters of any conſequence are de⯑liberating, it renders the number of thoſe who are to conſult, too ſmall. A little expence ſhould be deſpiſed, in compariſon of having a voice in mak⯑ing the laws, and ſettling the moſt ſerious concerns of the country; and the greater the number of voices, the more does the aſſembly approach to the idea of a Roman Comitia.
The general conſulta, is indeed a numerous aſ⯑ſembly; for beſides the ordinary procurators, it is uſual to call in thoſe who have been formerly mem⯑bers of the ſupreme council, and ſeveral of thoſe who have loſt their fathers or near relations in the ſer⯑vice of their country, that the blood of heroes may be diſtinguiſhed by public honours.
When all the procurators are aſſembled at Corte, they proceed to the election of the preſident and orator of the general conſulta. The preſident go⯑verns during the ſitting of the aſſembly. The orator reads the different papers ſubjected to deliberation. Thoſe from the people, are addreſſed to the orator. If a propoſition from the government, or ſupreme council of ſtate, anſwering to our privy council, is approved by a majority of voices, it is immediately paſſed into a law. But a propoſition from the peo⯑ple, [253] though approved of, may be ſuſpended by the government, without aſſigning their reaſons; which, however, they are ſtrictly obliged to do the next general conſulta.
Each province, of which, as we have already ſaid, there are nine, appoints its repreſentative in the ſu⯑preme council for the enſuing year; and one of theſe is elected into the office of great Chancellor. The ſupreme council of the time, being with the general of the kingdom, form the executive govern⯑ment of the whole nation; the general conſulta de⯑volving upon them that high commiſſion.
The general holds his office for life. He is per⯑petual preſident of the ſupreme council of nine. He votes in all queſtions; and in caſe of an equa⯑lity, he has a caſting vote. He is abſolute com⯑mander of the troops or militia of the iſland. His office much reſembles that of Stadtholder in Hol⯑land.
In the general conſulta, are alſo choſen ſome per⯑ſons of high credit and reſpect, as ſyndicatori. Theſe make a tour through the different provinces, as our judges in England go the circuits. They hear complaints againſt the different magiſtrates; and if any of them have tranſgreſſed their duty, they are [254] properly cenſured. Theſe ſyndicators are extreme⯑ly beneficial. The general himſelf is almoſt always one of them. They ſave poor people the trouble and expence of going to Corte to lay their griev⯑ances before the ſupreme council. They examine into every thing concerning the provinces, reconcile the people to the wholeſome ſeverity of law, encou⯑rage induſtry, and diffuſe a ſpirit of order and civi⯑lization through the iſland.
CHAP. V. Military, Learning, Language, and Religion.
THE warlike force of Corſica, principally con⯑ſiſts in a bold and reſolute militia: every Corſican has a muſket put into his hand, as ſoon as he is able to carry it; and as there is a conſtant emulation in ſhooting, they become excellent markſmen, and will hit with a ſingle bullet, a very ſmall mark, at a very great diſtance.
There is in every village, a Capitano d'arme; and in every pieve, a Commiſſario d'arme, who has the [255] command over all the Capitani d'arme in his diſtrict. Theſe officers are choſen by the general, with the approbation of the people. They are ever ready to receive his orders, and to call out ſuch a number of men, as he ſhall at any time require for the public ſervice.
There are in Corſica, but 500 ſoldiers who have pay; 300 for a guard to the general, and 200 to fur⯑niſh guards for the magiſtrates of the ſeveral pro⯑vinces, and to garriſon a few ſmall ſorts at particular places in the iſland.
The ſtate of learning in Corſica, may well be ima⯑gined at a low ebb, ſince it was the determined pur⯑poſe of Genoa, to keep the inhabitants of this iſland in the groſſeſt ignorance; and the confuſions and diſtreſſes of war, have left them no leiſure to attend to any kind of ſtudy. That laws are ſilent amidſt the din of arms, is an old obſervation; and it may be juſtly applied to the muſes, whom war frightens away from every country. A univerſity was eſta⯑bliſhed at Corte, in the year 1764, and a manifeſto publiſhed, recalling to the people of Corſica, the barbarous policy of Genoa, in keeping them in ig⯑norance; and informing them of the eſtabliſhment, which the parental care of the government had formed for their inſtruction.
[256]The profeſſors in the univerſity of Corte, are moſtly fathers of different religious orders. They are indefatigable in their labours, and the youth of Corſica diſcover the ſame keenneſs of ſpirit in their ſtudies, which characteriſes them in arms. There are at Corte, ſome pretty good halls, where the profeſſors give their lectures. But it cannot be ex⯑pected, that they ſhould as yet have any thing like the regular building of a college. The ſtudents are boarded in the town.
Under the head of learning, it muſt be obſerved, that there is a printing houſe at Corte, and a book⯑ſeller's ſhop. Here are printed, however, nothing more than the public manifeſtoes, calendars of feaſt days, and little practical devotional pieces, as alſo the Corſican gazette, which is publiſhed by autho⯑rity, from time to time, juſt as news are collected; for it contains nothing but the news of the iſland. It admits no foreign intelligence, nor private anec⯑dotes; ſo that there will ſometimes be an interval of three months, during which, no newſpapers are pub⯑liſhed.
There are in Corſica, ſeveral treatiſes of political controverſy, ſaid in the title, to be printed at Corte, but they are in reality, printed at Lucca, or Leg⯑horn. In ſome of theſe treatiſes, which are pretty [257] numerous, the authors, with much eaſe and thought, labour to prove to a demonſtration, that the Corſi⯑cans muſt be free. Their writings are a good deal in the ſtile of the profound tracts, for and againſt the hereditary and indefeaſible right of kings, with which all the libraries in this country were filled in the laſt age. Authorities are heaped upon authori⯑ties, to eſtabliſh the plainneſt propoſitions; and as the poet ſays, they 'quote the Stagyrite, to prove that ſmoak aſcends, and ſnow is white.'
The language of the Corſicans, is remarkable good Italian, tinctured a little with ſome remains of the dialects of the barbarous nations, and with a few Genoeſe corruptions, but much purer than in many of the Italian ſtates. Their pronunciation, however, is ſomewhat coarſe.
The religion of Corſica, is the Roman Catholic faith, in which theſe iſlanders are very zealous. Perhaps they have a degree of ſuperſtition, which is the beſt extreme. No nation can proſper without piety; for when that fails, public ſpirit, and every noble ſentiment will decay. The doctrine of look⯑ing up to an All-ruling Providence, and that of a future ſtate of rewards and puniſhments, rendered the Roman people virtuous and great. In propor⯑tion as theſe doctrines were weakened by the falſe [258] philoſophy of Epicurus, the minds of the Romans were impoveriſhed, and their manly patriotiſm was ſucceeded by effeminate ſelfiſhneſs, which quickly brought them to contempt and ruin.
Although firmly attached to their religion, as the revelation ſent from God, the Corſicans preſerve, in eccleſiaſtical matters, the ſame ſpirit of boldneſs and freedom, for which they are diſtinguiſhed in civil af⯑fairs. They are ſworn enemies to the temporal power of the church.
The Corſican biſhops, who are five in number, and ſuffragans of the archbiſhop of Piſa, were warmly attached to Genoa, during their laſt com⯑motions with that ſtate; for on Genoa they depended for promotion. They thought fit to preach up the moſt ſlaviſh doctrines of ſubmiſſion, and ſtigmatized the patriots as rebels. Government deſired that they might reſide in the territories of the nation, and promiſed them a guard to protect them from any inſult. But the biſhops knew well, that in the terri⯑tories of the nation, they could not preach the doc⯑trines of tyranny, and therefore refuſed to reſide there. Upon which, the government ſequeſtered their reve⯑nues, and prohibited the patriots from having any intercourſe with the biſhops; with which they moſt readily complied.
[259]The clergy of Corſica, in general, are not as yet very learned; as the barbarous policy of Genoa, to keep the iſland in ignorance, and the many years of confuſion and war, have prevented the cultivation of letters. There are, however, here and there ſome prieſts, who have had an education upon the conti⯑nent, and are very well inſtructed, and they are all very pious, and of irreproachable morals.
There are in Corſica, 65 convents of Mendicant friars; viz. 34 of obſervants, 14 of reformed of the order of S. Francis, and 17 of capuchins. Every one of theſe convents, has only a wood for retired walks, a garden, and a ſmall vineyard. They depend al⯑together on the charity of the people. There are two colleges of Jeſuits, two convents of Dominicans, five of Servites, and one of Miſſionaries; all of whom have very good poſſeſſions. There are alſo ſome lands belonging to other religious orders, particu⯑larly to the Carthuſians of Piſa, the ſevere ſanctity of whom, muſt ſecure them the veneration of every body, and preſerve their rights inviolated, even in times of the greateſt diſtraction.
It would be expected, that in this iſland, the mo⯑naſteries for women, ſhould bear ſome proportion to the convents for men; yet, in fact, there is not a ſingle nunnery in all Corſica. To account for this, [260] it muſt be conſidered, that the monaſtic inſtitution has been frequently perverted to ſecular purpoſes, ſo that the nobility in catholic countries, who are de⯑ſirous to aggrandize their families, make their daugh⯑ters take the veil, that their portions may be ſaved to the eldeſt ſon. The Genoeſe, who wanted to keep the Corſicans in continual ſubjection, deviſed every method to prevent any of the nobles in the iſland, from becoming conſiderable. They therefore pro⯑hibited manufactories, in order to cut them off from one method of growing richer. Friars, they rather encouraged, in order to leſſen population, and to leave upon families a number of unmarried women, than which nothing can be a greater burden, as is ſadly experienced in proteſtant countries.
Convents ſhould be laid under ſuch reſtrictions, that what is intended as a ſolemn, religious inſtitu⯑tion, may not become ſo common as to loſe its ef⯑fect, and be reckoned a profeſſion for the dull or the indolent.
A DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN, FROM SWINBURNE, TOWNSHEND, TWISS, AND OTHERS.
[]CHAP. I. General Hiſtory, Situation, Climate, and Productions, Mountains, Rivers, &c.
SPAIN is bounded on the north by the Pyrenees, which ſeparate it from France; on the eaſt by the Medi⯑terranean, on the ſouth by the Streights of Gibraltar, and on the weſt, by Portugal and the Atlantic Ocean. It is upwards of 260 leagues in length, from the ſouth-weſt, to the north-eaſt, and 170 leagues in breadth.
Spain, from its poſition, climate, and fertility, has been the victim of hoſtile nations. The Phenici⯑ans are the firſt, of which we find traces in hiſtory. This people, to whom commerce taught philoſophy, landed upon the coaſts of Spain, and their firſt ſet⯑tlement, [262] was, it is ſaid, at Cadiz. The Carthagi⯑nians, not leſs deſirous of profit and plunder, thought proper to diſpute with them a ſoil, leſs ſcorched, and more fertile, than that of Africa; they alſo founded colonies, but not without having firſt ſhed much blood. The ancient inhabitants having but few other wants than thoſe of nature, and not diſcovering their future tyrants in the new colo⯑niſts, amuſed themſelves with hunting, fiſhing, and peacefully drinking the milk of their flocks. Poſ⯑ſeſſing but little knowledge of commerce and navi⯑gation, they left the care and profits of theſe, and with them all diſputes, to the Phenicians and Cartha⯑ginians.
But the wars between theſe people were not of long duration, becauſe commerce loves tranquillity, and endeavours to repel violence, without aiming at military fame. All their quarrels would have been terminated by a ſolid pence, had Rome ſeen without envy the aggrandizement and ſucceſs of her rival. The Romans took the firſt opportunity of driving the Carthaginians from Spain. This kingdom became the theatre of two of the moſt famous wars of an⯑tiquity. By the firſt, which laſted 24 years, Rome obliged Carthage to cede to her a part of her con⯑queſts; and by the ſecond, which continued but [263] for 17 years, Carthage was entirely ſtripped of her poſſeſſions and her power.
The Phenicians, Greeks, and Carthaginians, had only gone, as it may be ſaid, to Spain. The Ro⯑mans eſtabliſhed themſelves there, and became ab⯑ſolate maſters of the kingdom. Under them, Spain was divided into Baetica, Luſitania, and Tarraconen⯑ſis. The firſt comprehended Grenada, Upper and Lower Andaluſia, and a part of New Caſtile. Luſi⯑tania extended from the river Guadiana to the Douro; and Tarraconenſis as extenſive as the other two diviſions, comprehended the eaſt of the king⯑dom. The ancients have left very animated ac⯑counts of this monarchy. Strabo is the author who deſcribes it with the greateſt truth: he ſays, it is a mountainous and difficult country, and that the mountains, by which it is divided, are for the moſt part barren: he does juſtice, however, to the ferti⯑lity of Andaluſia. All his third book is peculiarly intereſting for ſuch perſons as deſire to have a per⯑fect knowledge of that part of Europe.
The Romans poſſeſſed this rich and extenſive pe⯑ninſula, about 600 years. Towards the fifth cen⯑tury, a ſwarm of barbarians fell upon the fine pro⯑vinces of the Roman empire. The Goths in part, invaded and conquered Spain. They reigned there [264] 130 years. Roderic was the laſt of their kings; the famous battle of Xerxes, in 712, put the Moors in poſſeſſion of the greateſt and fineſt part of Spain. The hiſtory of Roderic is enveloped in an infinity of fables. He is ſaid to have entered a grotto at Toledo, where he found a ſheet, upon which was painted a man of gigantic ſtature, in an African ha⯑bit, and holding an inſcription, ſignifying that Spain, ſhould one day be ſubjugated by ſuch a race of men. Another fable, repeated by ſeveral hiſto⯑rians, is, that Roderic having ill treated Cara, a young and beautiful lady of his court, and likewiſe treated her father, Count Julian, with great indignity, who demanded ſatisfaction for her injured honor, the latter invited the Moors into Spain, to be revenged on his ſovereign.
Theſe becoming quiet poſſeſſors of their rapid and brilliant conqueſts, the dawn of the reſplendent reigns of the ſovereigns of Cordova, Seville, and Granada began to appear. The court of Abdal⯑rahman, was the centre of arts, ſciences, pleaſures, and gallantry. Tournaments, the image of war, in which love and addreſs were ſubſtituted for valour and courage, continued for ſeveral centuries, the amuſements of a rich and fortunate people. The women were conſtantly preſent at games, the only end of which was to pleaſe them, and excited a [265] tender emulation. The voluptuous Arabs aimed at ſplendid atchievements, to render themſelves more worthy of their miſtreſſes. To them are we in⯑debted for plaintive romance, in which ſeductive love aſſumes the air of melancholy, the better to in⯑tereſt our affections: poetry and muſic were favorite arts with the Moors. The number of academies and univerſities increaſed in Cordova and Granada; even women gave public lectures on poetry and philoſo⯑phy; and literary reſources abounded in proportion to the progreſs of ſcience. At that time, there were 70 academies public in Spain. Toledo, Seville, Gra⯑nada, and Cordova, which now preſent nothing but ru⯑ins and depopulation, certainly contained from three to 400,000 inhabitants. Granada is the only place in which veſtiges of the ſplendid reign of the Moors are to be found. Nothing, however, can be more confuſed, than the Dynaſties of the Moors or Arabs who reigned in Spain. That of the Chriſtian mo⯑narchs, who diſputed with them the kingdom, and taking advantage of their diviſions, drove them out, is not leſs ſo. Long accuſtomed to conquer the Moors, thus divided, they had, within little more than a century, taken from them Toledo, Cordova, Seville, and Murcia. Granada ſtill flouriſhed, and was become their only ſtrong hold, when Caſtille and Arragon united in the perſons of Ferdinand and Iſabella, formed too great a power to be reſiſted by [266] a kingdom enfeebled by inteſtine commotions. Granada was reduced in 1492, after a ſiege of two years. The Moors had reigned in Spain eight cen⯑turies, and were totally ruined by this defeat: per⯑ſecuted, deſpoiled, burned, or converted, and bap⯑tized by thouſands, they were at length driven from the kingdom, in the reign of Philip III. about the 17th century.
Spain is at preſent divided into 14 provinces, which are Navarre, Biſcay, and the Aſturias to the north; to the weſt, are Galicia and Eſtramadura; to the ſouth, Upper and Lower Andaluſia, and the kingdom of Murcia; to the eaſt, that of Valencia, Arragon, and Catalonia; and in the middle of the monarchy, the kingdom of Leon, and the two Caſ⯑tiles.
As the character, cuſtoms, and manners of the in⯑habitants of theſe provinces, which were formerly ſo many diſtinct kingdoms, or independent ſovereign⯑ties, are in many of them very different, we ſhall treat of the principal ones apart.
But firſt, it will be proper to obſerve, that this diviſion of Spain into kingdoms and provinces, as deſcribed in maps and geographical treatiſes, has ſcarcely any place in fact. The government knows [267] but one diviſion, the province of the crown of Caſ⯑tile, and thoſe of the crown of Arragon. The two parts of the monarchy differ from each other, with reſpect to the adminiſtration, form and collection of taxes; a diſtinction, which had its origin at the time when Caſtile and Arragon were united by the mar⯑riage of Iſabella, and Ferdinand the Catholic, and which, ſince that time, has undergone but few alter⯑ations. The crown of Arragon, poſſeſſed only Ar⯑ragon, Catalonia, and the kingdom of Valencia, be⯑ſides ſome iſlands in the Mediterranean. The crown of Caſtile poſſeſſed the reſt of the Spaniſh monarchy.
The air in moſt of the provinces, is pure and dry, but in June, July, and Auguſt, the days are inſuffer⯑ably hot, eſpecially in the middle of the country; in the night, a traveller ſhivers with cold. Towards the north, and in the mountainous parts of the king⯑dom, the air is cooler than towards the ſouth, and near the ſea contracts a conſiderable moiſture. It ſeldom rains, and the winter froſts are never ſuch as to bind up the ground. Want of temperature in the heat and coolneſs of the air, is the cauſe that ſeed lies a long time in the ground, before it ſhoots up. The country in general, labours under a great ſcar⯑city of corn, which is owing in a great meaſure to the neglect of agriculture; for though the ſoil is in [268] places extremely dry, and the growth of grain and other fruits, very much obſtructed in the day by the exceſſive heats, and in the night, by intenſe cold; yet it appears from ancient geographers and hiſtori⯑ans, that Spain formerly produced great plenty of corn, ſo that the preſent ſcarcity of that commodity, muſt proceed from the neglect of tillage. On the other hand, the moſt delicious fruits are to be met with in great abundance, ſuch as pears, peaches, olives, figs, grapes, almonds, cheſnuts, lemons, oranges, and pomegranates. It produces alſo very good ſaffron. The Spaniſh wines, particularly ſack, are greedily bought up by foreign nations. The value of the wine and grapes annually exported from the country round Malaga, alone amounts to one million and an half of piaſtres.
The grapes or raiſins, ſays Twiſs, are of two ſorts; thoſe which are called ſun raiſins, are thus made; when the grapes are almoſt ripe, the ſtalk is cut half through, ſo that the ſap may not penetrate far⯑ther, but yet that the bunch of grapes may remain ſuſpended by the ſtalk. The ſun, by darting on them, candies them, and when they are dry, they are packed up in boxes. The ſecond ſort is made after the following manner: when the vines are pruned, the tendrils are preſerved till the time of vintage; a great fire is then made, wherein thoſe tendrils are [269] burnt, and in the lye made from their aſhes, the newly gathered grapes are dipt, after which, they are expoſed to the ſun to dry, which renders them fit for uſe.
The Indian fig too, is very common in the eaſ⯑tern and ſouthern parts of Spain, and although this ſhrub be originally from the Indies, it grows every where without cultivation. Its flower is almoſt the ſize of a common carnation: the fruit which ſuc⯑ceeds the flower, reſembles the common fig; it ſtains with red the urine of ſuch as eat of it. It was by chance diſcovered in England, that the bones of a pig, kept in the houſe of a dyer, and which had been fed with madder, were ſtained with red. The experiment was repeated and confirmed by the academy of ſciences at Paris.
The great palm tree grows in all the ſouthern provinces of Spain, but is found in the greateſt abundance in the kingdom of Valencia, in the envi⯑rons of the Elche, when the plain is covered with them as far as the eye can reach. It is ſaid, there are upwards of 50,000 trees, two thirds of which, are at leaſt 120 feet high, and form a magnificent foreſt. The dates they produce, hang in cluſters of from 15 to 25 pounds weight at the top of the tree.
[270]Andaluſia abounds with olive trees; thoſe of Lu⯑cena and the environ, produce a round little olive of a good quality for making of oil. The olives of Seville are as large as a pigeons egg, and are excel⯑lent for preſerving.
Several parts of the country alſo produce rice and ſugar canes. Spain enjoys likewiſe great plenty of exquiſite honey, and ſilk in abundance. Salt is procured in ſuch abundance, that there are conſi⯑derable quantities exported. A great deal of ſea-ſalt is made on the coaſts, and in the iſland of Ma⯑jorca, where the ſun ſerves inſtead of fire. In this country, are to be ſeen innumerable flocks of very fine ſheep, part of which, during winter, feed in the plains, and in the ſummer, are driven up again in the mountains. The number of ſhepherds in Spain, are computed to be 40,000. The wool moſt in eſteem, is that of Old Caſtile, though the Spaniſh wool in general, is very fine and valuable. Anda⯑luſia and Aſturia are particularly famous for their horſes. There are alſo great numbers of mules; but few horned cattle. From Andaluſia are brought the wild bulls for the bull-fights.
The maritime parts abound in fiſh, among other kinds in tunny, ſturgeon, ſalmon, lampreys, had⯑dock, &c. But for want of improving theſe advan⯑tages, [271] Spain annually purchaſes ſtock and ſalt fiſh- to the amount of three million of piaſtres.
Tunny, ſays Twiſs, are caught in great abundance near Conil, on the Andaluſian coaſt. Theſe fiſh are from 7 to 10 feet in length, and weigh about an hundred and an half. The Duke of Medina Sido⯑nia is proprietor of this fiſhery, which brings him in annually upwards of 10,000l. The fiſh is eaten freſh and ſalted; it is exported to Italy, where it ſerves for food to the equipage of the gallies which cruiſe in the Mediterranean; this fiſh is very firm and nouriſhing, and much reſembles veal.
Among the many mountains in Spain the Pyre⯑nees are the moſt remarkable. Theſe ſeparate Spain from France, and from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic make a length of near 200 Engliſh miles, being in their greateſt breadth not leſs than 90. Over theſe Pyrenean mountains there are ſcarce five paſſages from Spain into France, and theſe very nar⯑row. The very vallies between theſe mountains are covered with thick and lofty woods. Mount Idu⯑bada, is a chain of mountains extending from the Pyrenees to Tortoſa. A chain of theſe mountains ſeparates the kingdom of Granada, and extends to the ſtreights of Gibraltar, where the celebrated moun⯑tain, [272] anciently called Mount Calpe, ſtands oppoſite to thoſe of Ceuta in Africa.
Theſe mountains yield great quantities of timber for ſhipping. According to ancient writers the mountains of Spain are very rich in gold and ſilver, but the Spaniards prefer importing theſe metals from America to ſearching for them in their own country; but their iron mines are worked with great induſtry and ſkill. Spain wants not alſo other mine⯑rals, ſuch as lead, tin, cinnabar, alum, quick-ſilver, vitriol, copperas, lapis calaminaris, and likewiſe cryſtal, diamonds, amethyſts, and other gems.
This peninſula is watered by many very conſi⯑derable rivers; theſe are upwards of 150 in num⯑ber; but the moſt diſtinguiſhed by their extent, depth, and breadth; in a word, thoſe which in their courſe ſwallow up the others, and afterwards empty their waters into the ſea, are the Elmo, the Guadal⯑quiver, the Tagus, the Guadiana, the Douro, the Guadalaviar, and the Segura. In giving a deſcrip⯑tion of each province we ſhall have occaſion to ſpeak of the rivers by which they are watered, and to fix the place of their ſource, and that where they diſ⯑embogue into the ocean.
Having now given a general view of the climate, [273] productions, and face of the country at large, we ſhall begin to treat of the different provinces be⯑ginning with Catalonia, which at the time of the union was comprehended under the kingdom of Arragon.
CHAP. II. Province of Catalonia.
THIS province is about 20 leagues in length from eaſt to weſt, and from 40 to 48 in breadth. It derives its name from that of the Goths and Alans, united in the word Gothalonia, eaſily changed into Catalonia. It is bounded on the north by the Pyrenees, to the eaſt and ſouth by the Mediterranean, and to the weſt by the kingdom of Valencia, and by part of that of Arragon. It was formerly larger than at preſent, but France has at different times curtailed it of the counties of Rouſ⯑ſillon and Conflans, with a good part of Cardagne, and long ſince of Foix. This fine country is wa⯑tered [274] by ſeveral rivers, ſome of which intermix, whilſt others diſcharge themſelves ſeparately into the ſea.
The air of Catalonia is healthy, and the climate upon the coaſt temperate; but the northern part is cold, on account of the mountains. Theſe are nu⯑merous in this province, but they are not ſo barren as thoſe in other parts of the kingdom; the moun⯑tains of Catalonia are covered with wood and ver⯑dure. The fine and well cultivated plains of Tarra⯑gona, Cardagna, Vic and Urgel, produce abundance of corn, wine and vegetables of every kind.
The two wonders of Catalonia are Mountſerrat and the mountain near Candona, called the ſalt-mountain. Theſe equally attract the attention of the devotee and the naturaliſt. Nothing can be more pictureſque than Montſerrat; it is ſo lofty that from the top the neighbouring mountains ap⯑pear to be ſunk to a level with the plain. It is compoſed of ſteep rocks which at a diſtance ſeem indented, whence it is ſaid it receives the name Montſerrat, from the Latin word Serras, a ſaw. It is impoſſible to deſcribe the beauty, richneſs, and variety of the landſcapes diſcovered from the moſt elevated point. They fatigue the eye, and muſt undoubtedly humble every thinking man; it is ſuf⯑ficient [275] to obſerve that the iſlands of Majorca and Minorca, which are at the diſtance of 60 leagues, are diſcovered from this elevation.
The monaſtery, in which 60 monks live accor⯑ding to the rule of St. Benedict, is at the bottom of a ſteep rock. It was there St. Ignatius devoted him⯑ſelf to penitence, and formed the idea of founding the celebrated ſociety of Jeſus in 1522, an anecdote but little known.
The moſt intereſting part of the mountain to a foreigner is the deſert in which are ſeveral hermi⯑tages that are excellent aſylums for true philoſophy and contemplation. Each of theſe ſolitary retreats, which at a diſtance ſeem deſtitute of every thing, has a chapel, a cell, or wall in the rock, and a little gar⯑den. The hermits who inhabit them are for the moſt part perſons of fortune and family, diſguſted with the world, who have retired thither to devote themſelves to meditation and ſilence.
People of every condition are continually going from all parts of the catholic world, but more par⯑ticularly from the ſeveral provinces in Spain, to vi⯑ſit them, as well as the monaſtery which is reported to contain as great if not a greater treaſure than that of Loretto. The monks ſhew great hoſpitality to [276] every one who goes there, having a large income for the purpoſe. It is however cuſtomary for per⯑ſons of fortune who viſit them to make ſome return in money to the monks for their entertainment; the poor only are permitted to live there gratis dur⯑ing three days.
The other great natural curioſity, the mountain of Cardona, is an inexhauſtible quarry of ſalt. This mineral is found there of almoſt every colour, ſo that when ſhone upon by the rays of the ſun, the mountains reſemble thoſe of diamonds, rubies, and emeralds, which we read of in the fanciful deſcrip⯑tion of fairy land. Vaſes, urns, and many valuable productions are made from this ſalt; imitations of every kind of preſerved fruit are ſo perfectly wrought in it, that the eye aids the hand to deceive; there is no form that cannot be given to the ſalt, which is eaſily cut, though it has ſufficient ſolidity, but pro⯑ductions which can receive no injury from the hand of time would quickly be diſſolved in water. The principal colours of the ſalt are orange, violet, green, and blue, one of the particularities, and not the leaſt important of this mountain, is, that it is in part co⯑vered with ſhrubs and plants: the top is ſhaded by a foreſt of pines, and the environs produce excellent wine.
[277]With reſpect to the general fair of this province, all through Catalonia, ſays Townſend, we admire at every ſtep the induſtry of the inhabitants, who working early and late give fertility to a ſoil which naturally, except for vines, is moſt improductive; but when we come to Mataro, a large town on the ſea-coaſt, we are perfectly enchanted. The farms are ſo many gardens divided every where into beds of about four feet wide, with a channel for the paſ⯑ſage of the water to each bed. Every farm has its noria, a ſpecies of chain pump, which from its extreme ſimplity, ſeems to have been the inven⯑tion of the moſt remote antiquity. By means of this machine they every morning draw a ſufficient quantity of water from the well for the ſervice of the day, and in the evening diſtribute it to every quarter according to the nature of their crops. The reſervoirs into which they raiſe the water, are about 20, 30, or even 40 feet ſquare, and three feet high, above the ſurface of the ground, with a ſtone cope on the wall declining to the water, for the wo⯑men to waſh and beat their clothes upon. The ſoil is ſo light, being nothing but ſand from the decom⯑poſition of the granate, that they plough with two oxen, or one horſe, or even with a mule; yet by the aſſiſtance of the water it is made fertile, and pro⯑duces on the ſame ſpot of ground, corn, vine, oranges, and olives.
CHAP. III. Of the Cities, &c.
[278]THE principal city in this province is Barce⯑lona, and this city, ſays Peyron, is the only one in Spain, which at a diſtance announces its grandeur and population. The traveller when half a league from Madrid would ſcarcely ſuſpect he was ap⯑proaching a great city, much leſs the capital of the kingdom, were it not for the high and numerous ſteeples which ſeem to riſe from the midſt of a barren ſoil, whereas in the environs of Barcelona an immenſe number of country houſes, carriages, and paſſengers prepare us for a rich and commer⯑cial city.
The building of Barcelona, according to hiſtori⯑ans, was about 230 years prior to the chriſtian Aera, and 300 ſubſequent to the firſt eſtabliſhment of the Carthaginians in Spain. It is ſaid to have been called Barkino by its founder, in honour of his family, and to have derived from the Jews the commercial ſpirit which it has conſtantly retained.
[279]It was early delivered from the dominion of the Moors, and raiſed into a county, paying homage to the kings of France, till they, unable to protect it, reſigned their claims, leaving the citizens to their own exertions for the vindication of their freedom. Towards the cloſe of the 12th century, it was an⯑nexed by the marriage of its Count to the crown of Arragon; and at a ſubſequent period, by the union of Ferdinand and Iſabella, it became a part of the Spa⯑niſh monarchy.
Whilſt the ſucceſſion was diſputed in 1700, be⯑tween the two houſes of Auſtria and Bourbon, on the death of Charles II. of Spain, this city was of too much importance to the two contending parties, to remain long in the quiet poſſeſſion of either. The French were maſters of the city, when the Earl of Peterborough arrived upon the coaſt with his little army, a force too inconſiderable to attempt a ſiege with any proſpect of ſucceſs. But as this gallant officer had that which ſupplies the want of more nu⯑merous armies, an imagination fertile in reſources, his friends never deſpaired of ſucceſs, till they ſaw him re-embark his troops and prepare for ſailing. The moment of deſpair to them, was to the be⯑ſieged, the revival of their confidence, and the ſignal of futurity. He ſailed, but in the night diſembarked his troops, and before morning, got poſſeſſion of [280] Monjuich. After a few days more, he was maſter of the city.
Tarragon, Tortoſa, and Lerida, followed the ex⯑ample of the capital, and declared for Charles. Wherever the Earl of Peterborough carried his arms, victory declared for him. It was ſufficient to ſhew himſelf, and every city offered him its keys. When he was ſuperceded, a ſeries of misfortunes too well known, haſtened the fall of the Arch-Duke's dominions; and the citizens of Barcelona, after an obſtinate reſiſtance, opening their gates to Philip, ſubmitted, though reluctantly, to bear the yoke.
A ſpacious and airy walk round the walls, with the incloſed gardens, contributes towards mak⯑ing Barcelona one of the moſt delightful cities in the world. No one who has been there in the ſpring, will be ever weary in expatiating on the plea⯑ſures he enjoyed.
This city, ſays Swinburne, is ſituated in a ſweet ſpot; the air equal in purity, and much excels in mildneſs the boaſted climate of Montpellier. Ex⯑cept in the dog days, there are green peaſe all the year round. The ſituation is beautiful, the appear⯑ance both from land and water highly pictureſque. [281] A great extent of fruitful plains bounded by an am⯑phitheatre of hills, backs it on the weſt ſide; the mountain of Montjuich defends it on the ſouth from the unwholeſome winds that blow over the marſhes at the mouth of the Llobregat; to the northward the coaſt projecting into the ſea forms a noble bay; and it has the Mediterranean to cloſe the proſpect of the eaſt. The environs are in a ſtate of high cultivation, ſtudded with villages, country houſes, and gardens.
Barcelona, as a reſidence, is not only delightful but healthy. There are, indeed, ſome days, when all the inhabitants, but more eſpecially ſtrangers, are inclined to think it both unpleaſant and unhealthy; that is, when the eaſt wind brings in the fog, which for many days before had been obſerved ſtanding off at ſea, as if watching and waiting for an opportunity to land. The pores are then locked up, and the temper becomes ſo irritable, that the beſt friends muſt be careful how they meet. But no ſooner does the land breeze ſpring up, than the fog retires, the ſun breaks out, and all nature wears a ſmile. In Barcelonetta, and the citadel, in which a garriſon of 5,500 men is quartered, intermittents never ceaſe to rage, and bring on in winter, dropſies and jaundices, and in ſummer malignant fevers. The ſame diſeaſes reign beyond Montjuich, in the low [282] country, watered by the Llobregat; but although the prevailing wind in its paſſage becomes loaded with noxious vapours, yet being diverted from its courſe by that high mountain, it has no baleful in⯑fluence on Barcelona.
The fortifications of Monjuich, a high mountain, which bound the city to the weſt are reckoned perfect in their kind; they are highly finiſhed, and for beauty do credit to the nation. Theſe, in addition to the ſtrong works round the city, and the citadel, muſt render Barcelona untenable by an enemy.
If my conjecture, ſays Townſend, be well founded, Monjuich muſt not merely have been covered with the ſea, and this fact is beyond a doubt, but it muſt have been relatively lower, and much lower than the granite mountains, by whoſe ſpoils it was con⯑poſ [...]d, being accumulated at the conflux of two or more currents, as we ſee in miniature in torrents, or at the junction of two ſtreams. Whoever is well acquainted with the external appearance, and inter⯑nal ſtructure of the country round Southampton, will ſee a ſtriking example of this accumulation, not from matter brought by either of its rivers, for their beds are too low for ſuch an operation, but by the action of currents, when the ſurrounding hills of Suſſex, Wiltſhire, Dorſetſhire, and the iſle of [283] Wight, were under the ſurface of the ſea, as we muſt conclude from the foſſile ſhells, found in the chalk on every one of theſe hills.
The appellation of Monjuich has never been pro⯑perly explained. They anciently wrote Monjouy, but the pronunciation is Monjuique, which may poſ⯑ſibly mean, mountain of the Jews. Certain it is, that the Jews were numerous in this part of Spain, and that on the hill looking towards the city, there are mo⯑numental inſcriptions in Hebrew characters, on large hewn rocks. Many of the words are ſcarcely legi⯑ble, but by thoſe which can be read, that ſpot ap⯑pears to have been the burial place of the Jews. This mountain commands a view over the coaſt, plain, and harbour; not a ſingle houſe in Barcelona but lies expoſed to the ſight.
The form of Barcelona is almoſt circular, the Roman town being on the higheſt ground, in the center of the new one; the ancient walls are ſtill vi⯑ſible in ſeveral places, but the ſea has retired many hundreds of yards from the port gates; one of the principal gothic churches, and a whole quarter of the city, ſtands upon the ſands that were once the bottom of the harbour.
The port is handſome, and the mole all of hewn [284] ſtone, being a maſter piece of ſolidity and conve⯑nience; above is a platform for carriages, and be⯑low vaſt magazines, with a broad key, reaching from the city gates to the light houſe. This grand im⯑provement was planned and executed by the late Marquis de la Minas. Great are the obligations Barcelona has to him, he cleanſed and beautified its ſtreets, built uſeful edifices, and forwarded its trade and manufactures without much extraordi⯑nary expence to the province, for he had more re⯑ſources, and made money go farther than moſt other governors either could or even wiſh to do. On the neck of land running into the ſea, and form⯑ing the port, he pulled down ſome fiſhermen's huts, and in 1752 began to build Barceloneta a regular town, conſiſting of about 2000 brick houſes, quar⯑ters for a regiment, and a church in which his aſhes are depoſited. As the land was given gratis, the houſes were ſoon run up on a regular plan; a ground floor and one ſtory above, with three win⯑dows in front, and a pediment over them, the whole conſiſting of about 20 ſtreets, &c. containing near 10,000 inhabitants.
It gives pleaſure, ſays Baretti, to ſee the pleaſing uniformity of all the houſes running parallel to each other from the beginning to the end of every ſtreet. No houſe has more than one ſtory beſides [285] the ground floor, and the ſtreets are wide enough to admit of two and even three carriages abreaſt. The front of every houſe is covered with white plaſter, which, as it is laid on very ſmooth, ſhines like marble half poliſhed. Yet the glare proves not offenſive to the eye, as the intercolumniations are coloured with a pale red, and the window ſhutters painted green.
On conditions they conform to this plan, and provided they are catholics, ſtrangers are admitted indiſcriminately with the natives to build as many houſes as they pleaſe, and to have equally with the natives, the ſoil for nothing.
To this advantage are added two others, that of being naturalized without any other formality; and having the faith of government pledged to them that they ſhall never pay any ground-rent, nor other tax whatever, on account of any building they may erect.
Another of La Minas's improvements is the ram⯑part or great walk upon the walls, extending the whole length of the harbour. The whole is built upon arches, with magazines below, and a broad coach road, and foot path above, raiſed to the level of the firſt floor of the houſes in the adjoining ſtreet.
[286]The citadel has ſix ſtrong baſtions calculated to overawe the inhabitants as much as to defend them from a foreign enemy. The lowneſs of its ſitua⯑tion renders it damp, unwholeſome and ſwarming with moſquitos. The Major of this fortreſs owes his promotion to a ſingular circumſtance. When the late king arrived at Madrid in 1759, a magni⯑ficent bull feaſt was given in honour of that event: it being neceſſary upon ſuch occaſions that thoſe who fight on horſeback ſhould be gentlemen, the managers of the exhibition were greatly at a loſs; till this man who was a poor ſtarving officer pre⯑ſented himſelf, though utterly ignorant both of bull-fighting and horſemanſhip. By dint of reſolu⯑tion, and the particular favor of fortune, he kept his ſeat, and performed his part ſo much to the public ſatisfaction that he was rewarded with a penſion and a majority.
The ſtreets of Barcelona are narrow and crooked like thoſe of all ancient cities, but they are well paved; a covered drain in the middle of each ſtreet, carries off the filth and rain water. At night they are tolerably well lighted up, but long before day-break every lamp is out. The houſes are lofty and plain. To each kind of trade a particular diſtrict is allotted.
[287]Of the four gates that the town has, there are two on the ſea ſide; at one of which, people go out, but muſt come in at the other. A good contrivance to facilitate the inſpection of whatever is not to be in⯑troduced without the previous payment of cuſtom duties.
Within the town, and juſt by the playhouſe, there is a large ſquare, called La Rambla, where on ſum⯑mer evenings, people of both ſexes reſort to walk, and converſe until ſupper time, and often during the beſt part of the night, as is the general cuſtom in Spain, where every town has a ſquare, or at leaſt a ſtreet, dedicated to ſuch evening converſations.
The old Roman town may ſtill be diſtinctly traced with one of its gates, and ſome of its towers well pre⯑ſerved. In this are many ſarcophagi, altars, images, and inſcriptions, with a temple of Neptune: there are alſo the remains of a palace of the Praetor, or Roman Governor; in the court yard of which, is a beautiful ciſtern, or rather ſarcophagus, which now ſerves as a watering trough for mules. They call it the coffin of Pompey's father, and it may as well be his, as that of any other perſon, as we have no proof to the contrary. A large bas-relief runs round it of hunters, dogs, and wild beaſts. The chief perſon is on horſeback, bare-headed, in a military dreſs. The [288] figures and animals are executed in a maſterly ſtile, and the whole is a fine monument of antiquity.
It was in this city, that Ferdinand and Iſabella re⯑ceived Columbus, returning from America, and from hence that navigator ſailed on his ſecond expedition, in 1493.
In viewing the churches of Barcelona, ſays Town⯑ſend, an obſervation is confirmed, which had oc⯑curred even in the moſt contemptible of the coun⯑try villages, ſouth of the Pyrenees, namely, that all their decorations were invented about the beginning of the 16th century, after the gold and ſilver of America had been brought to Spain, and every altar piece with every column, ſhews that their improve⯑ment in taſte, did not keep pace with their increaſe of wealth. Riches came upon them by ſurpriſe, and found them unprepared to make a proper uſe of the abundant treaſure. Hence even the compoſite and Corinthian pillars are loaded with new orna⯑ments, and whether fluted or contorted, they are en⯑twined by ivy and by vines, and are almoſt hid by the multitude of angels fluttering round them, or by cherubs climbing up the branches; and the whole of this prepoſterous aſſemblage, is covered with one glare of gold.
[289]The principal edifices are the cathedral, Santa Maria, the General's palace, and the Exchange. The architecture of the cathedral, is a light gothic, which in the ornaments of the cloiſters, is inimitably airy. The ſtalls of the choir are neatly carved, and hung with eſcutcheons of princes and noblemen, among which are the arms of our Henry VIII. In the cloyſters, various kinds of foreign birds are kept upon funds bequeathed for that purpoſe by a wealthy canon. I could not learn, ſays Swinburne, what motives induced him to make ſo whimſical a deviſe. Santa Maria is alſo a gothic pile. The palace is ſquare and low, without out-courts or gardens, and contains nothing worthy of remark, but a noble ball⯑room, in which are the portraits of all the ancient Counts of Barcelona.
The exchange, which is not yet finiſhed, is oppo⯑ſite the Governor's palace, and will be one of the fineſt monuments in the city; ſome of the halls or chambers are occupied by the Junto of commerce, and others ſerve for drawing-ſchools, like thoſe of Paris, where the art of drawing is taught gratis. This academy of the noble arts, ſays Townſend, is open to all the world, and all thoſe who chuſe to attend, are gratuitouſly taught drawing, architecture, and ſculpture, under the direction of able maſters. For this purpoſe, there are ſeven ſpacious halls, fi⯑niſhed [290] at the king's expence, with tables, benches, lights, paper, pencils, drawings, models, clay, and living ſubjects; the ſtudents aſſemble in the morn⯑ing, from 10 to 12, and in the evening, from ſix to eight in winter, and from eight to ten in ſummer.
I counted, ſays the above author, one night, up⯑wards of 500 boys, many of whom were finiſhing deſigns, which ſhewed either ſuperior genius, or more than common application. It is not to be imagined, that all theſe boys, or perhaps any of them, were deſtined to be painters; this was not the inten⯑tion of government, much leſs of the nobleman who ſuggeſted the inſtitution. Moſt, if not all theſe youths, are apprenticed to trades; and it is well ima⯑gined, that every other art may receive ſome aſſiſ⯑tance from this, whoſe peculiar property it is to ex⯑cel in imitation. Such inſtitutions are much wanted in England. Not only the ſculptor, the architect, and the engineer, but the coach-maker, the cabinet-maker, the weaver, and even the taylor and the haberdaſher, may derive great advantages from that accuracy of ſight, and that fertility of invention, which are acquired by the practice of drawing and deſigning.
One of the ſeven halls is fitted up for a nautical ſchool, and provided with every thing needful to [291] teach the art of navigation. The ſtudents aſſemble every morning from eight to ten, and every evening from three to five. Since the firſt eſtabliſhment of this uſeful ſeminary, they have ſent more than 500 pilots, qualified to navigate a veſſel to any quarter of the globe.
Equally well furniſhed with the preceding, and equally well conducted is the military academy, in which are three magnificent apartments for the ſtu⯑dents to purſue their ſtudies from the firſt elements of the mathematics, to the higher branches of their profeſſion. This, and ſimilar academies, eſtabliſhed by the reigning monarch, are of vaſt importance to the nation, as furniſhing a ſufficient ſupply of en⯑gineers in time of war, without the neceſſity of de⯑pending, as in former periods, wholly on its allies. Theſe ſeminaries in Spain, are the only ſchools in which the mathematics can be ſtudied to advantage; for although in all the univerſities, profeſſors are ap⯑pointed, they are ſaid to be wholly ignorant of this ſcience, which they profeſs to teach.
Beſides theſe inſtitutions for the inſtruction of ſuch as are devoted to arts or arms, there are not wanting ſome of more general utility, acceſſible to all the citizens, without diſtinction. Theſe are a cabinet of natural hiſtory, and the public libraries, of [292] which there are four, three general, and the other confined to medicine and ſurgery. In ſhort, what⯑ever ſtudies a perſon may be deſirous of purſuing, he will find in one or other of theſe libraries, the beſt books to which he may have acceſs ſix hours every day, excepting holidays. In the convent of the Do⯑minicans, there is one apartment filled entirely with books, prohibited by the inquiſition; and in order that no one may be tempted to peruſe them, all the vacant ſpaces are filled with devils cracking human bones, it is to be ſuppoſed of heretics. Theſe books, however, are under ſtrict lock and key.
In the cloyſter of this convent, may likewiſe be ſeen more than 500 records of ſentences paſſed on heretics, containing their names, their ages, their occu⯑pations, their places of abode, the time when they were condemned, and the event; whether the party were burnt in priſon or in effigy. Moſt of theſe were women. The firſt date is in 1489, and the laſt, 1726. Under each inſcription, there is a portrait of the he⯑retic, ſome half, others more than three parts devoured by devils.
Viſiting the churches at all hours, ſays Townſend, whenever any ſervice was to be performed, I made a party with ſome friends to hear a penitential ſer⯑vice, which is ſo ſingular, I cannot help relating it. [293] The firſt part of the Miſerere was no ſooner ended, than the doors were ſhut, the lights extinguiſhed, and we remained in perfect darkneſs. At this moment, when the eye could no longer find an ob⯑ject to diſtract the mind, the attention was awakened by the voice of harmony, the whole congregation joining in the Miſerere, which they ſung with pleaſ⯑ing ſolemnity: at firſt with ſoft and plaintive notes; but having laid bare their naked backs, and pre⯑pared them for the ſcourge; they all began nearly at the ſame inſtant to uſe the diſcipline, raiſing their voices, and quickening the time, increaſing by de⯑grees, both in velocity and violence, and ſcourging themſelves with greater vehemence as they pro⯑ceeded, then ſinging louder and harſher, till at the end of about 20 minutes, all diſtinction of ſound was loſt, and the whole ended in one deep groan. This diſcipline is repeated every Friday in the year, oftener in Lent, and is their daily practice during the holy week.
The hoſpicio, or houſe of induſtry, next merits be⯑ing noticed. There are in this hoſpital, generally about 1450 paupers. The expence is eſtimated about 5000l. a year. The women and children are employed in knitting, ſpinning, and making lace. The men card, comb, ſpin, and weave cotton, flax, and wool. Although no paupers can be either [294] better clad, better fed, better attended, or better lodged, or can meet with greater tenderneſs when ſick; yet they cannot readily forget their loſs of li⯑berty, and few beſides the moſt decrepit, would re⯑main within thoſe walls, if they could be permitted to beg their bread from door to door. This princi⯑ple, however, is productive of much good, for moſt of the young men of Barcelona, of any worth or ſpirit, form themſelves into clubs for mutual relief, in the ſame manner, and nearly upon the ſame plan, adopted by our friendly ſocieties in England. Theſe fraternities have each its firm, taken from the name of the ſaint, to whoſe protection it is recommended. They are upon the moſt reſpectable footing, and being well conducted, leave none but the moſt im⯑provident and moſt worthleſs ſubjects to be diſgraced by confinement among fools and madmen. Of the 1450 paupers, it ſhould have been obſerved there are 300 idiots.
There is likewiſe a houſe of correction, too re⯑markable to be paſſed over in ſilence. It embraces two objects; the firſt is the reformation of proſtitutes and female thieves; the ſecond, the correction of ſuch women as fail in their obligation to their huſ⯑bands, and of thoſe who either neglect or diſgrace their families. The houſe for theſe purpoſes, is divided into diſtinct portions, without any commu⯑nication [295] between them. The ladies, who deſerve more ſevere correction than their huſbands, fathers, or other relations can properly adminiſter, are con⯑fined by the magiſtrates for a term proportioned to their offence, in this royal manſion of correction. The relation, at whoſe ſuit they are taken into cuſtody, pay three ſueldos, or four-pence halfpenny per day for their maintenance, and with this ſcanty proviſion, they muſt be contented. Here they are compelled to work, and the produce of their labour is depoſited for them, till the time of their confine⯑ment is expired. The whole building will contain 5000 women; but when Townſend was there, there were only 113. Among theſe, are ſome ladies of condition, who are ſuppoſed to be viſiting ſome diſ⯑tant friends. When it is judged neceſſary, they re⯑ceive bodily correction for their reformation. Among other particulars, ſays Townſend, the governor who conducted me through the ſeveral apartments, informed me, they had then under diſcipline, a lady of faſhion, accuſed of drunkenneſs, and of being im⯑prudent in her conduct. As ſhe was a widow, the party accuſing, was her brother in law, the Mar⯑quis.
No hoſpital that I have ſeen upon the continent, ſays Townſend, is ſo well adminiſtered, as the general hoſpital of this city. It is peculiar in its attention to [296] convaleſcents, for whom a ſeparate habitation is provided, that after they are diſmiſſed from the ſick wards, as cured of their diſeaſes, they may have time to recruit their ſtrength, before they are turned out to endure their accuſtomed hardſhips, and to get their bread by labour. Nothing can be more uſeful, nothing more humane, than this appendage. The numbers received into this hoſpital, were, in the year 1785, upwards of 9,000, and in 1786, upwards of 6,000. In the former year, they buried upwards of 800, in the latter, upwards of 900; which, upon the average, is nearly a ninth of thoſe who enter; but then it muſt be conſidered, that many are put into public hoſpitals, merely to ſave the expence of fu⯑nerals.
With this hoſpital, is united under the ſame ad⯑miniſtration, an eſtabliſhment for foundlings, ſuffi⯑ciently capacious for the city and its environs. The deſerted children were above 500 on the average of 1785, and 1786, and of theſe, two thirds were bu⯑ried; a proportion, ſhocking to humanity, but the inevitable conſequence of taking children from their mothers, and crowding them in a city, more eſpeci⯑ally, if, as in Barcelona, five children hang upon one nurſe. It is much to be lamented, that they have not like the French, recourſe to the milk of goats, [297] or like the nurſes of the orphan hoſpital in Dublin, learnt the uſe of ſucking bottles.
The boys on this foundation are bound apprentice when of a proper age; the girls, when marriageable, are conducted in proceſſion through the ſtreets, and any young man who ſees one, whom he would like for a wife, is at liberty to mark her, which he does, by throwing his handkerchief to her.
Barcelona may be conſidered as divided either into diſtricts, or into pariſhes; the former being five, the latter eight, including the cathedral. In a circum⯑ference of four miles, it contains at preſent 10,000 houſes, 20,000 families, and about 100,000 inhabi⯑tants.
The wealth which flows into Barcelona, is not con⯑fined within its walls, but helps to encreaſe the po⯑pulation of all the ſurrounding villages, which in the compaſs of five leagues, are 105, all ſubject to its ju⯑riſdiction, and all partaking of that tranquillity, which ariſes from energy in a well conſtituted go⯑vernment.
The induſtry which every where appears in Ca⯑talonia, ſeems to act with concentrated force in Bar⯑celona. Early and late, not only is the hammer heard upon the anvil, but every artiſt is ſeen buſily [298] employed. The two chief trades here, are taylors and ſhoe-makers, who are employed in cloathing the army not only in Spain, but over the whole em⯑pire.
Amongſt the more conſiderable trades, are the ſilk-weavers, cutlers, gunſmiths, armourers, bra⯑ziers, carpenters, cabinet-makers, turners, with fringe-makers and embroiderers. Here is alſo a foundery for cannon. The ingenuity of the Spaniſh artiſts, is allowed to exceed that of moſt other coun⯑tries.
The manufactures have increaſed with ſuch rapi⯑dity, that the wages of labour for all kinds of arti⯑cles in the city and environs, have advanced to one ſhilling and eight-pence a day, for which they work only ſeven hours. Theſe gains, however, are not out of proportion to the value of proviſions, as regulated by the magiſtrates. Mutton is ſold for 10 pence the pound, of 36 ounces; beef for ſeven-pence, and bread at preſent, for ſeven farthings the pound, of 12 ounces; lodging for a ſmall family, coſts about two guineas a year.
The commerce of Barcelona is conſiderable. It has no navigable river, and ſeems to have been built in its preſent ſituation, only for the ſake of deriving [299] protection from the high mountain which commands it. The baſon is formed by a mole, and is ſuffici⯑ently capacious, but there is only 12 feet water on the bar.
Brandy, wine, nuts, almonds, raiſins, and cork, are ſhipped at different places on the coaſt for the mer⯑chants, who reſide in Barcelona. The price of the wines varies according to the ſeaſon, theſe are of ſeveral ſorts, the average price of which, including the Spaniſh duties, is about 50 ſhillings the hogſ⯑head. When brandy is deareſt, it is ſold duty free on board, Hollands proof at one ſhilling and four-pence halfpenny the gallon, but ſometimes as low as ten-pence. Swinburne makes the annual exports of brandy, from one town in Catalonia, near Tarragon Reus, to amount to 20,000 pipes. Five pipes of wine, makes one of ſtrong brandy. Catalonia furniſhes 35,000 pipes of brandy, and 2,000 of wine, beſides 30,000 bags of nuts, containing three buſhels each, at 20 ſhillings the bag. Of the above, ſays Townſend, about 4,000 pipes of brandy, and ſome ſilk, go to Guernſey and Alderney, and the reſt to France, all to be ſmuggled into England.
About 1,000 veſſels enter the port of Barcelona yearly, of which one half are Spaniſh, 100 Engliſh, 120 French, and 60 are Danes.
[300]The imports beſides corn, are about 8,000,000 weight of Newfoundland cod, ſold at one gui⯑nea per hundred weight; beans from Holland for the poor people, and an inferior ſort from Africa, for the mules; ſalted conger eel from Cornwall and Britany, ſold at 40 or 50 ſhillings per quintal; this is an unwholeſome, luſcious food, which they cook up with garlick and ſpice; there are likewiſe imported Engliſh bale goods, and many other articles of luxury.
There are two other cities in this province, which, on account of their antiquity, it may not be amiſs juſt to notice, Tarragon and Lerida.
Tarragon is one of the moſt ancient cities in Spain, and ſaid to have been built by the Phenici⯑ans, who gave it the name of Tarcon, of which the Latins made Tarraco. It gave its name to one of the moſt conſiderable parts of Spain, called by the Romans Tarraconenſis: the city was fortified by Scipio, who made it a place of defence againſt the Carthaginians.
This city, ſays Peyron, is the metropolis of Cata⯑lonia, and diſputes with Toledo the primacy of Spain. The eſtabliſhment of the ſee, is ſaid to have been in the firſt ages of the church; the ſucceſſion of arch⯑biſhops [301] was interrupted by the Moors, and re⯑mained ſuſpended till the 11th century.
Tarragon, of all the cities in Spain, ſays Townſend, would give the moſt agreeable employment to the antiquarian. Here he would admire the remains of an amphitheatre, of a theatre, of a circus, of the palace of Auguſtus, of temples, and of an extenſive aqueduct with fortifications, which although of a more recent date, are ancient.
The cathedral is worthy of attention for its vaſt dimenſions, the elegance of its gothic architecture, and a magnificent chapel, built with rich marble and jaſper, in honour of S. Thecla, tutelar ſaint of the church.
This city contains about 8,000 inhabitants, but whenever the canal of Arragon ſhall be navigable, the whole country will feel the influence of reviving commerce, and among other cities, this may regain its ancient population.
Trade is now confined to wine and brandy, but for home conſumption, they carry on a conſiderable fiſhery.
To protect the inhabitants from the incurſions of [302] the Moors, they have erected batteries. Theſe are the more needful, becauſe the ancient fortifications are gone to ruin, and the Algerines have committed frequent depredations on the coaſt.
Near this city, in a wood of pines and ſhrubs is a monument that tradition has named the tomb of the Scipio's. They were the father and uncle of Scipio Africanus, both killed in Spain. This building is ſmall, being about 19 feet ſquare, and 28 high. In the front, facing the ſea, are the ſtatues of two war⯑riors, in a mournful poſture, roughly cut out of the ſtones of the ſepulchre, and much worn away by the ſea air. The inſcription is now ſo much defaced, that it is difficult to trace it out.
The ſituation of Lerida is delightful, and the country in which it ſtands, is one continued garden, covered with corn, with olive trees, and vines. For beauty, few places can exceed it, but from the abundance of water, it is far from being healthy. This city, called Ilerda by the Romans, was rendered famous by the diſtreſs to which Julius Caeſar was reduced, when encamped in its neighbourhood. He had taken poſſeſſion of a plain, ſhut in between the rivers Cinga and Sicoris, and defended by a deep entrenchment, whilſt Petreius and Afranius, Pompey's Generals, were encamped on a hill between him [303] and Ilerda. Between the hill and the city, is a plain with an eminence, which, if ſeized, might be quickly fortified, and would cut off all communication with the city. For this, during five hours, they main⯑tained a doubtful conflict, but in the end, fortune declared in favour of Afranius and Caeſar retreated to his camp. Whilſt revolving in his mind, how he ſhould cover this diſgrace, word was brought, that by the melting of the ſnow upon the moun⯑tains, his two bridges were broken down, that the country was laid under water, and that all commu⯑nication was cut off with the provinces, by which his army had been fed. The immediate conſequence was famine. It was upon the news of this diſtreſs, that Cicero left the city, and joined Pompey at Dyrra⯑chium.
Caeſar, without loſs of time, ſet his men to work, and having made a ſufficient number of little boats, light and portable like thoſe he had ſeen in Britain; after a few days, ſent a party up the river in the night, who, with theſe boats, made good, their land⯑ing, and, having fortified a camp, ſecured his retreat.
CHAP. IV. Character, Manners, Dreſs, &c. of Catalonia.
[304]THIS province is almoſt throughout extremely mountainous. The nature of the country appears to have great influence on that of the inhabitants, who are a hardy, active, induſtrious race, of a middle ſize, brown complexion, and ſtrong features; their limbs well knit together, and by education and practice, inured to the greateſt fatigues; there are few lame or diſtorted perſons, or beggars to be met with among them. Their mocos, or mule-boys, are ſtout walkers; ſome of them have been known to go from Barcelona to Madrid, and back again, in nine days, which by the high road, is 600 miles.
The Catalonians are excellent for light infantry, on the forlorn hope, or for a coup de main: but though brave and indefatigable, they are averſe to the ſtrict⯑neſs of regular diſcipline, unleſs it be in their own national regiments. They cannot brook the [308] thoughts of being menial ſervants in their own country; but will rather trudge it all over with a pedlar's pack on their ſhoulders, or run about upon errands, than be chief domeſtic in a Catalonian fa⯑mily. Far from home, they make excellent ſer⯑vants, and moſt of the principal houſes in Madrid, have Catalonians at the head of their affairs. They are the general muleteers and caleſſieros of Spain; are to be met with in every part of the king⯑dom; their honeſty, ſteadineſs, and ſobriety, entitle them to the confidence of travellers, and their thirſt after lucre makes them bear with any hardſhips. With good words, they are always docile; but will not bear hard uſage, or opprobrious language.
The rigid parfimony of this people, appears in their ſcanty proviſion for the day. When they carry their little baſket to the market, together with their beef and garden ſtuff, they bring home two deniers worth of charcoal. This circumſtance is ſo characteriſtic, that when they would reproach the rich miſer for his penury, they ſay, that notwith⯑ſtanding his opulence, he continues to ſend to mar⯑ket for dos dineros de carbon. Twelve deniers mak⯑ing a penny.
The loſs of all their immunities, the ignominious prohibition of every weapon, even a knife, and an [306] enormous load of taxes, have not been able to ſtifle their independent ſpirit, which breaks out upon the leaſt ſtretch of arbitrary power; but within theſe four years, many of their ancient privileges have been gradually reſtored. Their taxation is ſtill very high. All trade is aſſeſſed according to the buſineſs ſuppoſed to be tranſacted in the courſe of the year, without regard either to loſs or gain.
Till of late, the inhabitants of Catalonia durſt not carry any knife, but in each public houſe, there was one chained to the table, for the uſe of all comers. The good order maintained by the police, and vi⯑gilance of the thief-takers, ſupply the place of defen⯑ſive weapons; robberies and murthers being ſeldom heard of; the ſtreets of Barcelona may be walked over at all hours, provided the paſſenger carries a light with him; without it, he is liable to be carried to priſon by the patrol.
The common dreſs of a Catalonian ſailor, or mule⯑teer, is brown, and the diſtinction mark by which they are known in Spain, is a red woolen cap, falling forwards, like that of the ancient Phrygians. The middling ſort of people and artificers, wear hats and dark cloaths, with a looſe coat, careleſsly toſſed over the ſhoulders. Their breeches are commonly black velvet; they have ſeldom any ſtockings, and ſandals ſupply the place of ſhoes.
The dreſs of the women in general, is a black [308] ſilk petticoat, over a little hoop, ſhoes without heels, bare ſhoulders, and a black veil, ſtiffened out with wire, ſo as to arch out on each ſide of the head, ſomething reſembling the hooded ſerpent; and in Spain, Italy, and Africa, all the inhabitants bind themſelves up with ſaſhes, as a preventative of rup⯑tures.
The mode of drinking in Catalonia, is ſingular: they hold a broad bottomed glaſs bottle, at arms length, and let the liquor ſpout out of a long neck upon their tongue.
The devotion of the Catalonians ſeems to be pretty much upon a par, with that of their neigh⯑bours in the ſouthern provinces of France, and much leſs ardent than in the other parts of Spain; but they ſtill abound with ſtrange practices of religion, and local worſhip. One very odd idea of theirs is, that on the firſt of November, the eve of All Souls, they run about from houſe to houſe, to eat cheſnuts, be⯑lieving that for every cheſnut they ſwallow, with proper faith and unction, they ſhall deliver a ſoul out of purgatory.
There are now but one or two churches at moſt in each city that are allowed the privilege of protect⯑ing offenders, and murderers are excluded from the [309] benefit of the ſanctuary. The proceedings of the inquiſition are grown very mild. If any perſon leads a ſcandalous life, or allows his tongue unwar⯑rantable liberties, he is ſummoned by the holy office, and privately admoniſhed; in caſe of non-amend⯑ment, he is committed to priſon. Once a year every family muſt anſwer to that tribunal for their orthodoxy, and that of every ſervant they have, or they muſt quit the country; hut the foreign pro⯑teſtant houſes are paſſed over unnoticed; and peo⯑vided a foreigner does not make religion the ſubject of his diſcourſe, he may live at Barcelona in what manner he pleaſes.
Every Jew that lands in Spain, muſt declare him⯑ſelf to be ſuch at the inquiſition; which immedi⯑ately appoints a familiar to attend him all the time he ſtays on ſhore, to whom he pays a piſtole a day. Were he to neglect giving this information, he would be liable to be ſeized. Yet, ſays Swinburne, I have been aſſured by perſons of undoubted credit, that a Jew may travel incognito from Perpignan to Liſbon, and ſleep every night at the houſe of a Jew, being recommended from one to another, and that wherever a houſe is remarkably decked out with images, relics, and lamps, and the owner noted for being the moſt enthuſiaſtic devotee of the pariſh, it is ten to one but the family are Iſraelites at heart.
[310]If a ſtranger is deſirous of becoming acquainted with Spaniſh cuſtoms and manners, he muſt proceed further; for this province bears ſo little reſemblance to the reſt of the kingdom, that he will derive no real knowledge on that ſcore, from travelling in Ca⯑talonia. Here it is not uncommon for them to talk of a journey into Spain, as they would of one into France; and their language is not underſtood by the Spaniards, being a dialect of the ancient Limo⯑ſine tongue, a kind of Gaſcon.
In Catalonia, the traveller is under the protection of the magiſtrate, who ſettles the price of every thing he may want, and annually publiſhes his arancel, that is, a table of aſſize, which muſt be hung up in ſome conſpicuous place of every inn. According to this, every gueſt occupying a bed-room with one bed, muſt pay for that and his light, three ſueldos, and nine deniers, or ſomething leſs than five-pence; but if there are ſeveral beds in one room, then each pays two-pence-halfpenny nearly. If he does not occupy a bed, he muſt pay for ſhelter ſix deniers, or nine fourteenths of a penny. Every carriage pays one ſueldo per night for ſtanding. The ordinary is regulated as to the number and nature of the diſhes, both for dinner and ſupper; and for theſe, the prices are, including bread and wine for dinner, 15 ſueldos, or one ſhilling and ſeven-pence-farthing, and for ſupper, 15 ſueldos, three deniers.
CHAP. V. Of the Kingdom of Valencia, which made part of the ancient Kingdom of Arragon.
[311]THE kingdom of Valencia, is about 60 leagues in extent from north to ſouth; its greateſt breadth, however, does not exceed 25. It is bounded on the ſouth and eaſt by the Mediterranean, on the weſt by New Caſtile, and the kingdom of Murcia; and on the north by Catalonia and Arragon. It was for⯑merly inhabited by the Celtiberians, the Turdetani, the Luſoni, &c. &c.
This is one of the beſt watered provinces in Spain. There are no fewer than 35 rivers, all of which run eaſt or ſouth-eaſt into the Mediterranean; it is alſo in proportion to its extent, one of the beſt peopled provinces; it contains ſeven principal cities, 64 great towns, and upwards of 1000 villages; has four ſea-ports, the moſt conſiderable of which, is that of Alicant.
The air and climate of Valencia, would be highly [312] beneficial to the Engliſh, in a variety of caſes; more eſpecially for nervous, and hypocondriac diſorders, ſhattered conſtitutions, and for thoſe who ſuffer ei⯑ther by a redundancy, or ſuppreſſion of bile. They would find the oranges and grapes moſt powerful detergents; and every article of food, whether ani⯑mal or vegetable, being light and eaſy of digeſtion, the moſt delicate ſtomach would never feel oppreſſed. In our iſland, theſe patients ſuffer by humidity; but in Valencia, ſuch is the dryneſs of the air, that ſu⯑gar and ſalt may conſtantly be expoſed, without con⯑tracting the leaſt ſign of moiſture.
Among the natural curioſities in this province, the moſt remarkable are the baths of Buzot, in the vicinity of Alicant. Their temperature is about 104 degrees of Fahrenheit's thermometer. Two or three ſmall tumblers of this water prove ſpeedily and pleaſantly cathartic. This part of the country is frequently ſhaken by ſtrong earthquakes.
Silk is certainly the moſt conſiderable article pro⯑duced in the province of Valencia, being nearly equal to all the reſt together. The land in this fer⯑tile valley never reſts, for no ſooner is one crop re⯑moved, than the farmer begins to prepare it for ano⯑ther. In September he ſows barley, which having reaped about the latter end of April, he immediately puts in maize, which comes off about the middle of [313] September. In November he ſows wheat, and in June reaps it. The produce both of wheat and barley, is from 15 to 24 for one, having ſown of the former nearly two buſhels, and of the latter, between three and four to an acre. Flax is put into the ground about September, and comes off in May; but hemp ſowed in April, continues till Auguſt. Theſe, with cucumbers, melons, peas, French beans, lettuce, form a rich variety of crops, which, che⯑riſhed by a bright ſun, and fed by abundant ſtreams, prove a never failing ſource of plenty.
In the ſpring they abound with oranges and lemons; in ſummer they have plums, cherries, figs apricots, and nectarines; in autumn they gather grapes; and in winter, a rich variety of fruits ſup⯑plies their tables. Thus Ceres and Pomona appear to be enjoyed in a never ceaſing conteſt, which ſhall moſt contribute to the wealth and proſperity of this favoured valley.
One of the moſt valuable productions of the coun⯑try, is the barilla. This is a vegetable peculiar to the kingdoms of Valencia and Murcia; it is eſſen⯑tial in the making of glaſs. About 150,000 quin⯑tals are gathered of it every year, moſt of which is ſent to France and England, and a ſmall quantity to Genoa and Venice.
[314]There is another ſpecies of barilla, called in Eng⯑liſh, pot-aſh, employed in the ſoap manufactures of France and England, a conſiderable quantity of which, is exported from the kingdom of Valencia.
Thoſe voracious inſects, the locuſts, occaſionally commit great devaſtations in this part of Spain; and this proceeds not merely from the warmth of the climate, but for want of cultivation, becauſe the fe⯑males never depoſit their eggs in arable land, but al⯑ways in deſerts. For this reaſon Galicia, where agriculture prevails, is little infeſted with the locuſt.
When the provincial governors are informed in ſpring, that locuſts have been ſeen, they collect the ſoldiers and the peaſants, divide them into compa⯑nies, and ſurround the diſtrict. Every man is fur⯑niſhed with a long broom, with which he ſtrikes the ground, and thus drives the young locuſts towards a common centre, where a vaſt excavation, with a quan⯑tity of bruſh wood, is prepared for their reception, and where the flame deſtroys them.
In the year 1780, 3,000 men were thus employed at Zamora for three weeks; and it was reckoned, that the quantity collected, exceeded 10,000 buſhels.
CHAP. VI. Cities, &c.
[315]THE principal cities in this fine province, termed the garden of Spain, are Valencia, Morvie⯑dro, and Alicant.
Valencia is one of the largeſt cities in Spain, its ſituation is delightful, and the country round it a perfect garden, watered by the Guadalaviar, on the banks of which, the city ſtands, at the diſtance of about half a league from the ſea. There are five handſome ſtone bridges, built over the river, three of which have each 10 arches, another has nine, and the laſt has 13. Without the gates, are the college of Pope Pius V. and the palaces of the Viceroy, though this title is now altered to that of Captain-general. The Alameda, or Mall, reſembles that of St. James's Park, but is much more beautiful, on account of the trees, which are palms, cypreſs, elms, and mulberry trees intermixed, of which there are four double rows, forming three walks or alleys. There are many delightful walks along the river ſide, [316] faced with ſtone, the better to reſiſt the force of the water in winter. This city is walled, and has four gates. The houſes are all numbered, as with us, and the names of the ſtreets painted on tiles on the corner houſes. Its ancient name is unknown, but it is ſaid to have been taken and fortified by Scipio, deſtroyed by Pompey, and rebuilt by Sertorius. It was taken from the Romans by the Goths, and from theſe latter by the Moors, who, at two different pe⯑riods, poſſeſſed it 240 years, but in 1238, it was fi⯑nally conquered by the King of Arragon.
The ſtreets of Valencia are narrow, crooked, un⯑paved, and impaſſable after rain; and in theſe, there are but two or three houſes built with taſte, and a few churches diſtinguiſhed by their architecture. In a word, it is a city built by the Moors, who, aſſo⯑ciating ſeldom with each other, and ſhut up with their women, conſidered ſtreets as nothing more than neceſſary paths, and gave their whole attention to the interior of their houſes, which were airy and ſpacious, but in general inconvenient and badly diſ⯑tributed.
The houſes are filthy, ill built, and ruinous; moſt of the churches are tawdry, and loaded with barba⯑rous ornaments, both without and within. In the multitude of ſacred edifices, ſome may be found that excel in particular parts, as one may pleaſe the [317] eye by the juſt proportion of its dimenſions, another ſtrike by the richneſs of its marble and paintings; but in all of them, the judicious obſerver will be diſ⯑guſted with loads of garlands, pyramids, broken pediments, and monſtrous cornices. Some churches have domes, but the greater part of them tall and ſlender turrets, painted and bedecked with all ſorts of pilaſters and whimſical devices; every thing is likewiſe gilt and bedaubed with incredible profu⯑ſion.
Prieſts, nuns, and friars of every dreſs and deno⯑mination, ſwarm in this city, where ſome convents have more than 100 monks all richly provided for.
The univerſity of Valencia is a reſpectable com⯑munity; it was founded in 1411, and ſoon after its inſtitution, Alonſo III. of Arragon, granted the pri⯑vilege of nobility to all the ſtudents who ſhould gra⯑duate in law. It was lately much on the decline, but they now reckon 2,400 ſtudents. There are 20 profeſſors.
Beſides the library of the univerſity, which con⯑tains many thouſand volumes, moſtly modern and well choſen; four galleries in the Archbiſhop's pa⯑lace are devoted to the uſe of the ſtudents, and con⯑tain [318] 32,000 volumes, among which are many mo⯑dern publications in every branch of ſcience.
In traverſing the city, ſays Townſend, to view whatever was moſt worthy of attention, conſidering its flouriſhing condition, and the opulence of its ci⯑tizens, whether merchants, manufacturers, eccleſiaſ⯑tics, the military, or gentlemen of landed property, I was ſtruck with the ſight of poverty, wretchedneſs, and rags in every ſtreet. The hoſpicio, or general workhouſe, provides for 220 men, 150 boys, 280 women, and 90 girls, who are all well fed, well clothed, and well lodged; yet the city ſwarms with ſturdy beggars. I ſuſpected, however, what I found to be the caſe, that the eccleſiaſtics diſtribute mo⯑ney, and yet the convents give bread and broth every day to all thoſe who make application at their gates. This circumſtance will ſufficiently account for the multitude of miſerable objects, who, in Valencia, as in all other places, bear exact proportion to the un⯑diſtinguiſhing benevolence of wealth.
One eſtabliſhment deſerves the higheſt commen⯑dation; it is a monte pio, or bank for the aſſiſtance of farmers, who are unable to purchaſe ſeed. For this loan they pay no intereſt, the funds being fur⯑niſhed from the effects of Metropolitans, deceaſed, and from vacant benefices. From the ſame funds in Galicia, fiſhermen are provided with boats and nets.
[316]No city in Spain, pays more attention to the arts, than the city of Valencia. The public academy for painting, ſtatuary, and architecture, is well attended, and many of the pupils ſeem riſing to eminence. To have good deſigners, is of the greateſt impor⯑tance to their manufactures of ſilk, porcelaine, and painted tiles.
The ſilk manufacture is the moſt important, be⯑cauſe the moſt natural to their ſoil and climate. This trade is ſtill increaſing, and they have now 5000 ſilk looms, and 300 ſtocking frames. Their ſilk is 30 per cent cheaper than it is in France, yet they are not able to meet their rivals fairly in the market.
At Alcora, in the neighbourhood of Valencia, is a manufacture of porcelaine, eſtabliſhed by Count d'Aranda, which deſerves encouragement. Their imitation of gilding is very pleaſing and natural, and after many years trial, has been found to be dur⯑able.
But, ſays Townſend, I was moſt delighted with the manufacture of painted tiles. In Valencia, their beſt apartments are floored with theſe, and are re⯑markable for neatneſs, coolneſs, and elegance. They are ſtronger and much more beautiful than thoſe we formerly received from Holland.
[320]The commerce of Valencia is conſiderable. The Abbé Cavanilleo, ſtates the produce of this fertile province in 1770, to have been near 3,000,000 ſter⯑ling. In this account, I am inclined to think, ſays Townſhend, the brandy is omitted, of which there are commonly ſeven or 3,000 pipes exported annually, moſt of which comes to us, through Guernſey, as French brandy.
The manufactures of ſilk, are the cauſe of a popu⯑lation in this province, that may be reckoned conſi⯑derable, if compared with the other provinces of Spain; it being computed that there are nearly 1,000,000 of inhabitants reſident in 570 towns and villages, of which this province conſiſts. Of this number, the city of Valencia alone, is ſuppoſed to contain 100,000.
The road from Valencia to Xativa, the ancient Soetabis, is bordered on each ſide with ſmall canals of running water, like thoſe in the plains of Lom⯑bardy. The diſtance from Valencia to this latter city, is nine leagues. The whole country has the appearance of one continued garden. Here are many rice fields, which are always kept about three inches under water. The mulberry trees in theſe fields, are planted chequer-wiſe. This delightful country is ſurrounded partly by high mountains, (on which are many Mooriſh caſtles,) and partly by the [] Mediterranean ſea. The country is ſo populous, that the towns and villages are not above half a league aſunder, where may be ſeen crowds of wo⯑men and children, ſitting at the doors of their re⯑ſpective habitations, occupied in ſpinning ſilk.
Morviedro, which lies about four leagues north of Valencia, is the famous Saguntum, deſtroyed by Hannibal, for its fidelity to the Romans. The Ro⯑mans afterwards rebuilt this city, but never could re⯑ſtore it to its former ſplendor.
The city of Morviedro, is full of the remains of its antiquity; the walls of the houſes, the city gates, and doors of the churches and inns, are covered with Roman inſcriptions.
At preſent, it is a conſiderable city, containing above 5,000 inhabitants, who are ſtrangers to manu⯑factures, and depend altogether for ſubſiſtence, on the produce of the ſoil. The commerce of this city is chiefly in oil, raiſins, wine, and brandy.
Its moſt curious monuments are the caſtle and the theatre, the former contains heaps of ruins, the monuments of ſeveral centuries, and are at preſent upwards of a quarter of a league in extent. Moſt of the towers and edifices, of which the remains only are now to be ſeen, appear to have been con⯑ſtructed [322] by the Moors, with the materials left them by the Romans.
The theatre, vaſt in its dimenſion, and capable of receiving near 10,000 perſons, is hewn out of the rock, and commands a moſt extenſive proſpect of the ſubjacent country, which is bounded by the ſea. It is ſufficiently well preſerved, plainly to diſ⯑tinguiſh the order in which the ſpectators were diſ⯑tributed at their dramatic repreſentions. At the bottom in the place of our orcheſtra, are the ſeats for the magiſtrates; next thoſe for the equeſtrian order, and laſt of all, thoſe for the body of the peo⯑ple. As this theatre is built on the declivity of a mountain, the ground riſes with the benches, ſo that on which ever ſide the people entered, they found themſelves almoſt on a level with the place they were to occupy. Thoſe of the lictors and courtezans, are ſtill in good preſervation, and the ſemicircular roof of the whole edifice is entire. What ſeemed to me, ſays Peyron, ſcarcely credible was, that the actors ſhould in the open air have been able to make them⯑ſelves heard by ſo numerous an audience. To aſ⯑ſure myſelf of the fact, I placed a boy where the ſtage formerly was, and whilſt I remained at the top of the amphitheatre, made him repeat phraſes, of which I loſt not a word. The front of the ancient ſtage, which in our modern theatres may be com⯑pared to the ſpace in which the foot-lights are [323] placed, has been converted into an alley of mulberry trees, and ropes are now made on that ground, where formerly the verſes of Terence were recited to a Ro⯑man audience.
From the theatre of Saguntum, we climb, rather than walk up to the ancient fortreſſes of the Moors; upon the platform, on a ſummit, is a humble hermi⯑tage, the inhabitants of which enjoys one of the fineſt proſpects in Spain.
From hence to Valencia is one perfect garden, ſo thick with trees, that there is no ſeeing at any diſ⯑tance on either ſide. Villages and monaſteries every hundred yards, and ſuch crowds of people as are ſcarce to be met with, but in the neighbourhood of London. All the grounds are divided into water channels, the work of the Moors, who underſtood the art of watering land to the utmoſt perfection. The ruinous ſtate that theſe drains are now in, prove the indolence and inferiority of the preſent proprie⯑tors; what little ſkill they ſtill ſhew in agriculture, being nothing but traditional remains of the inſtruc⯑tions left by their great maſters in huſbandry, the Arabians.
Alicant is a ſea-port on the Mediterranean, of great trade, protected by a ſtrong caſtle, ſituated on a rock about 20 leagues ſouth of Valencia, and as [324] many to the north of Carthagena. One of the cir⯑cumſtances which has moſt contributed to the riches and commerce of Alicant, is the duties of entry be⯑ing leſs there, than at either of the above cities.
Within four leagues of the city, there is a kind of reſervoir, or ciſtern, between two mountains, called El Pantano, in which the water that falls from all the neighbouring mountains is received, and which, in caſe of a want of rain, ſerves to ſupply the whole diſtrict for a year. The walls of the baſon are 200 feet high, and at the baſe, upwards of 40 feet thick.
The ſoil of the whole country between Alicant and Guardamar, is entirely ſaline. The ſalt pits here have been famous in hiſtory for theſe 2,000 years.
The waters of Bouſſot, a village within a few leagues of Alicant, are ſaid to be of uſe in obſtruc⯑tions and venereal caſes; people go to drink them in the month of May, but they find there no kind of lodging, and the ſick who remain, are obliged to have ſmall tenements erected for their accommoda⯑tion. The roſemary plant thrives ſo well in this neighbourhood, that it frequently grows to the height of ſix feet.
[365]Alicant is ſituated at the bottom of a bay, formed by the capes La Huerta, and San Pablo. The ſtreets are narrow, and were exceedingly ill-paved; but now, indebted to the indefatigable zeal of the Governor Don Franciſco Pacheco, few towns can boaſt of ſuperior neatneſs; and this city, formerly in every ſenſe a neſt of vermin, is become a delight⯑ful reſidence. The inhabitants are in number about 18,000.
Neither the churches nor any of the convents are worthy to be noticed. In the great church, indeed, ſays Townſend, I was much amuſed, but not with the architecture, nor yet with any of the altars; for that which caught my attention, was a grant from the college of Cardinals, of 2580 days indulgence to any penitent, who ſhall ſay before the altar of the Virgin, ave Maria puriſſima, and of as many to all who hear⯑ing this ſhall anſwer, Sin peceada concebida.
On the ſummit of a rocky mountain, riſing juſt behind the town, is the caſtle, now fortified after the modern method, and extended far beyond the limits of the old fortreſs, great part of which was blown up with a fragment of the rock, in the war with the al⯑lies, in the reign of Queen Anne. This fortreſs was then in poſſeſſion of the Engliſh, under the com⯑mand of General Richards. When the Spaniards had nearly finiſhed their work, they gave warning to [324] [...] [365] [...] [326] the garriſon, and when they had lodged in it 1300 barrels of powder, they generouſly permitted the Engliſh General to ſend his engineers, who viewed the mine with its contents. Theſe reported that the burthen was too great for the quantity of powder, and that the garriſon was ſafe.
On the day appointed for the ſpringing of this mine, people from every part of the country aſ⯑ſembled on the oppoſite ſide to view the cataſtrophe, and notice of the fatal moment was given to the gar⯑riſon. Preciſely at that moment, the officers en⯑gaged in drinking, and ſomewhat elated by their wine, declared their reſolution not to quit the battery, till they had drank two bottles more, for which they had ſent a ſervant; but no ſooner had he turned his back, than the battery, together with General Rich⯑ards, and 20 gallant officers, mounted in the air.
In this city there is an inſtitution, likely to be of extenſive utility, in providing for orphans, and the ſons of ſoldiers burthened with numerous fami⯑lies. It is a military academy, in which they are taught reading, writing, and accounts, the manual exerciſe and every thing needful to qualify them for ſerjeants. Indeed, the military eſtabliſhments of every kind in this country, appear reſpectable, and mark at once wiſdom and humanity in all their re⯑gulations. The ſoldiers are enliſted for eight years, [327] during which, they are indulged with frequent fur⯑loughs. When they have ſerved 15 years, their pay goes on gradually increaſing, and after 35 years, they retire with the rank of commiſſioned officers, and a penſion of about 20 pounds a year.
In ſcrambling along the rocks, ſays Townſend, I obſerved a track very ſtrongly marked, leading to a part of the fort where the walls are low. This being at once the ſteepeſt and moſt rugged ſide of the mountain, it ſurprized me much. On my return, I enquired into the nature and uſe of ſuch a ſequeſ⯑tered way, and this was the reſult of my enquiries.
The laws in many provinces of Spain, being pe⯑culiarly favourable to the fair ſex, if the wife com⯑plains of ill-treatment from her huſband, he, on her ſole evidence, is confined in priſon; and ſhould ſhe declare on oath, that he had beaten her, the puniſh⯑ment would be yet more ſevere; he would be ſent for many years to the preſidios.
When again a father is diſpleaſed with the conduct of his ſon, if it be ſuch as tends to bring either ruin or diſgrace on his family, the young man is ſent to learn wiſdom in retirement.
It appears from the obſervations of the Chief Juſ⯑tice Count Compomanes, in the appendix to his educa⯑cion [328] popular, that in Spain, many perſons of quality are ſhut up in priſon for theſe and ſimilar offences. He ſtates, however, not much to the honour of the Spaniſh ladies, that their accuſations are not always juſt. From him we may collect that a great number of theſe fair ones, perſuaded by their Cortejos, falſely charge their huſbands with ill-treatment, whenever the good men ſhew a diſpoſition to be jealous.
Some young men of faſhion, at the requeſt of their fathers or wives, are, as the Governor informed me, deſtined to paſs their tedious hours in this caſtle. Yet, by the connivance of the centinels, they are fre⯑quently in the duſk of the evening, permitted to ſcale the walls; when paſſing diſguiſed into the city, they amuſe themſelves among their friends, till the company retires: after which, they return by the ſame ſolitary path, to their deſtined habitations; and this was preciſely the path, which had attracted my attention.
In a converſation with the Governor, ſays the above writer, on a mode of puniſhment long ſince inflicted in France and Spain, and lately adopted in our iſland, that of employing criminals on public works; he perfectly agreed with me, that their la⯑bour is ſcarcely worth a tenth of what is expended on them; and he further aſſured me, that as far as his obſervation went, this puniſhment rather tended to [329] harden them in wickedneſs, than produce a refor⯑mation in their manners. He particularly men⯑tioned, that of about 5000 convicts baniſhed to the garriſon of Africa, the major part on their diſ⯑charge, at the expiration of their terms, returned to the eaſtern coaſt of the peninſula, and to this cir⯑cumſtance he attributed the prevalence of the moſt atrocious crimes in that part of Spain.
The commerce of Alicant conſiſts in barilla, an⯑timony, allum, aniſeed, cummin, and the wine ſo much eſteemed in Europe, under the denomination of tent wine. The fine Alicant and tent wines, are made in a very beautiful vale near this city, ſtudded with villages, villas, farms, and plantations of all kinds of fruit trees. Only two of the great number of proprietors of vineyards, make a practice of keep⯑ing their wines to a proper age. As the value is en⯑hanced many-fold by keeping; the high price they get for their wines, amply repays them for the time they are out of their money. Of the common ſorts, about 5000 tuns may be the amount, moſt of which is deſtined for the Bourdeaux merchants.
Water is the great agent, the primum mobile of all productions in this country; every thing lan⯑guiſhes, and ſoon is parched up, without an ample ſupply of it. Whenever a ſpring breaks out, the king's people ſeize upon it, and allot to each land⯑holder [330] a proper hour for letting the water into his grounds. It is of ſo much conſequence, that a gui⯑nea has been paid for an hour extraordinary.
CHAP. VI. Of the People, &c.
THE lower claſs of men here, wear while linen waiſtcoats, trowſers which reach to the knees, much reſembling the Highland fillebegs, with net hair caps, and ſandals made of cord. The women have no caps, but plait their hair in a ſpiral figure, and faſten it with a large ſilver pin, in the ſame manner as thoſe of Bologna and Naples.
The inhabitants of this province, ſays Swinburne, are ſaid to have more of the filth, ſullen, and unpo⯑liſhed manners of the old Spaniards, and to have adopted leſs of foreign improvements in civilization, than moſt other parts of Spain. They ſtrut about all day in monſtrous hats, and dark brown cloaks, which give the crowd in the ſtreets, the appearance [331] of a funeral proceſſion. Scarce any ſociety is kept up amongſt them, though the ſalubrity of the cli⯑mate and reaſons of economy, induce ſeveral very conſiderable families to make this city (ſpeaking of Alicant) the place of their abode. In ſome ſtrange way or other, they ſpend large incomes, without do⯑ing themſelves the leaſt credit. Their chief ex⯑pence lies in ſervants, mules, and equipages; low obſcene amours, often conſume the beſt part of their fortunes; and they live in ſo pitiful a manner, that moſt of them ſend to the wine vaults for a pint of wine to their meals.
Swinburne's interview with the old Intendant of this province, and the anecdote of his hardneſs of heart, ſeem much of a piece with their general cha⯑racter. Our firſt morning at Valencia, ſays he, paſſed very ſtrangely in a viſit to the Intendant, to whom we brought a letter of recommendation from his confrere in Catalonia. The old uſurer, whoſe fi⯑gure reſembled that of the bandy legged apothecary in Hogarth's Marriage a la mode, received us very ungraciouſly, took our letter and flung it on the table, without ſaying a ſingle ſyllable to us, or even offering us a ſeat. Having waited for ſome time, we looked at each other, and could not help ſmiling. Upon this, the Intendant looked up, and aſked," if we were not Catalonians?" "No, (replied I) we are Engliſh gentlemen on our travels." This an⯑ſwer [332] produced a wonderful effect. "Oh, oh, you come from a better country! Can I be of any uſe to you? Bring theſe gentlemen chairs—do you chooſe to take any refreſhment, ſaid he, pulling off his hat, and making us a profound bow?" "We told him, the only thing we ſtood in need of, was protection againſt the people of the cuſtoms, who were continually peſtering us for money to drink, or to buy tobacco with.
The Valencian, ſays Peyron, is ſubtle, falſe, and mild in his manners; he is the moſt idle, and at the ſame time the moſt ſupple individual that exiſts. All the tumblers and mountebanks of Spain come from the kingdom of Valencia.
The lower claſs of people in this province, are remarkable for their great ſuperſtition. The coach⯑men and mule drivers, carry conſtantly about with them the paw of a mole, to ſecure their mules and horſes againſt the mal de oios. This, ſays Townſend, I conceived at firſt to be the diſeaſes of the eye; but upon more accurate enquiry, found myſelf miſtaken, and diſcovered that this expreſſion meant the evil influence of witchcraft, conveyed by looks. In the ſouthern provinces of Spain, as formerly throughout England, and even now in Cornwall, children and common people univerſally agree in attributing ne⯑cromantic powers to the female in each village, [333] who is the moſt deformed in perſon, the moſt de⯑crepit with old age, and the moſt hagged in her looks. In Cornwall, it is neceſſary for the witch to repeat thrice, "I wiſh," but in Spain, one look con⯑veys the fatal influence, and the object, unleſs re⯑lieved by a ſuperior power, may droop and die. The proper amulets, are the paw of a mole, carried in the pocket, a bit of ſcarlet cloth worn by men, or the maneſita faſtened on the wriſt of children. The maneſita is a little hand of jet, ivory, glaſs, or ſtones, ſet in ſilver with the thumb, thruſt out be⯑tween the middle fingers. But for want of theſe, a perſon apprehending danger, may immediately defend himſelf by the ſame poſition of his thumb. For this reaſon, whenever the fond mother obſerves an ugly hag looking ſtedfaſtly upon her child, ſhe ſcreams out feſta una ſiga, that is, thruſt out the thumb, in token of defiance. This kind of ſuper⯑ſtition is by no means novel; it may be traced as far back as the Romans.
The moſt prevalent diſeaſe in this part of Spain, is the intermittent fever, ariſing here not from marſh miaſmata, but from the quantity of melons which the peaſants eat, and from their hard labour, when expoſed to the ſcorching ſun.
It is happy for the people they have another ſource of hope, under the various diſeaſes incident to the [384] human frame, beſides the ſkill of their phyſicians, a ſource of hope that never fails them at any ſeaſon of diſtreſs. Thus for inſtance, St. Anthony the Abbot, ſecures his votaries from fire; and St. Anthony of Padua, delivers them from water; St. Barbara is the refuge of the timid, in times of thunder and war; St. Blaſo cures diſorders of the throat; St. Lucia heals all diſeaſes of the eyes; St. Nicholas is the pa⯑tron of young women who deſire to be married; St. Ramon is their powerful protector during preg⯑nancy; and St. Lazaro aſſiſts them when in labour; St. Polonia preſerves the teeth; St. Domingo cures the fever; and St. Roque is the ſaint invoked under apprehenſions of the plague. And thus, in all diſ⯑eaſes, under every preſſure of affliction, ſome ſaint is acceſſible by prayer, whoſe peculiar province it is to relieve the object of diſtreſs.
The phyſicians in this part of Spain, are diſciples of their favourite Doctor Piquer, who denied, or at leaſt doubted of the circulation of the blood. They have laboured under the greateſt diſadvantages in their education, and want of encouragement when they entered upon practice, receiving little money, and leſs honour, in the way of their profeſſion. In their medical claſſes, they had no diſſections, no ex⯑periments in chemiſtry, and for botany, they were unacquainted with Linnaeus. Theſe defects will now be remedied. But even in the preſent day, the [335] fee of the phyſicians is very ſmall, being only two-pence from the tradeſman, ten-pence from the man of faſhion, and nothing from the poor. Some of the noble families agree with a phyſician by the year, paying him annually four-ſcore reals, that is, 16 ſhillings for his attention on them and their fami⯑lies.
One thing very ſingular required of ſurgeons and phyſicians in this country, before they enter on their profeſſion, is, that they are obliged to ſwear they will defend the immaculate conception of the virgin. This requiſition is the more extraordinary, as that point is not univerſally agreed on, even between Catholics themſelves. To give weight to the ſanc⯑tion of an oath, every country ſhould purge away thoſe which are become obſolete, but more eſ⯑pecially ſuch as are univerſally looked upon as ab⯑ſurd.
In travelling through this province, ſays Swin⯑burne, we are obliged to carry not only our beds, but bread, wine, meat, oil, and even ſalt; for nothing is to be met with in the inns, but bare walls, and perhaps a few eggs, ſold at an unconſcionable price. As much is aſked for giving houſe-room, as would pur⯑chaſe a ſupper and good lodgings in the beſt inns of moſt parts of Europe: the mildneſs of the cli⯑mate, however, obviates all inconveniencies accru⯑ing [336] from a total want of glaſs, or even paper in the windows; or of a door or ſhutter that can be faſtened cloſe enough to keep out the wind or rain.
On arriving at one of theſe barns, called Ventas, our firſt care is to ſet up our beds. The kitchen is generally at one end; the mules ſtand in the back part, and our apartment is a partition run up againſt the wall to the ſtreet, with a hole or two for lights.
Next our cook takes his ſtand at the hearth to warm our broth, which we carry ready made, toge⯑ther with the kettle that ſerves to heat it: if he can procure fuel and elbow room, he toſſes up a haſh, or ſome ſuch campaign diſh. Sometimes we are lucky enough to have an opportunity of ſetting our ſpit, or broiling a chop upon our gridiron, but theſe are luxuries not to be expected above once or twice in the courſe of the week.
In this province, there is a new eſtabliſhment tak⯑ing place, which does much honor to Count Florida Blanca, as contributing not only to the eaſe and com⯑fort of the traveller, but likewiſe to the ſafety of his perſon. Government is engaged in raiſing at the diſtance of every league, a little cottage, with a ſuit⯑able garden, as the habitation of a peon caminero, who is to receive five reals a day, for repairing the high⯑ways, [337] and protecting paſſengers. And for this pur⯑poſe, he is furniſhed with all proper implements and with arms. This inſtitution is to be made general through all the provinces.
The government of Valencia is not diſtinguiſhed from that of other provinces. The Captain General preſides in the civil, criminal, and military courts, and the Intendant has the ſole authority in matters of finance.
Taxes are heavy in Valencia. Every thing en⯑tering the city, even cloths made at Madrid, and ſilk for the manufacturers, and all commodities without diſtinction, pay eight per cent upon their value. But the province at large is free from ſome op⯑preſſive contributions, to which others continue ſubject, paying about 90,000 pounds, as an equi⯑valent for the provincial tents, purveyance and fo⯑rage for the army, with the royal monopolies of brandy and ſalt. To this commutation, may in part be attributed the proſperous condition of the whole kingdom of Valencia.
CHAP. VII. Province of Arragon.
[338]MOST of our modern travel writers, ſeem to have paſſed by this province as not worthy of their notice. Townſend and Baretti are the only travel⯑lers of late date, who have given any account of it. Lying among the mountains, other travellers have entered Spain, or taken their departure thence along the ſea coaſts, either through the kingdom of Na⯑varre, by the bay of Biſcay, or by the province of Catalonia, on the Mediterranean ſide. Indeed, ex⯑cept the city of Saragoſſa, this province or kingdom appears to have little to attract the notice of a tra⯑veller.
It is bounded on the weſt by Navarre and Caſtille, to the ſouth by Valencia, to the eaſt by Catalonia; and to the north joins the Pyrenean mountains. Its extent from north to ſouth, is about 160 miles; but from eaſt to weſt, it does not meaſure above 100.
The river Ebro traverſes the country from north-weſt to ſouth-eaſt, ſo as to divide it into nearly two [339] equal parts. In its courſe, it receives a number of leſſer ſtreams. This province is notwithſtanding dry and barren, and ſome parts of it even uninha⯑bited. The ſoil is for the moſt part ſandy and ſtony, and the country mountainous, ſo that where the rivers do not come, or where water is not brought by art, it produces nothing. In thoſe parts, how⯑ever, that are well watered, there is corn, wine, oil, flax, fruits, and in ſome places ſaffron, which conſti⯑tute the whole riches of the country.
The kingdom of Arragon was re-conquered from the Moors by its own inhabitants, before any of the other provinces. As no prince in Chriſtendom then laid claim to it, the Arragonians choſe a king for themſelves. Inſtead, however, of making a no⯑ble preſent of their kingdom to the man whom they firſt raiſed to the throne, the Arragonians impoſed ſuch conditions on him, as made it ſcarce worth his acceptance. One of theſe conditions was, that his authority ſhould be controlled by a magiſtrate, called El Juſticio, who, at his coronation, was to addreſs him in theſe words: Nos que valemos tanta como vos, os hazemos neceſtro rey y ſenor, con tal que guardeis nueſtros fueros y libertades: ſi no, no. i. e. 'We who think ourſelves as good as you, chooſe you for our king and lord, on condition that you protect our laws and liberties. If not, we chooſe you not.' Little was the acquaintance of the ancient Arragonians with [340] human nature, in flattering themſelves their kings would not ſhew as much pride as they had done, when it was in their power. Accordingly, when the kings of Arragon became more firmly ſeated in their throne, they forced their ſubjects to forbear their irreverential coronation ſpeech, which expoſed them to the laughter of their ſubjects, in the very act of aſcending the throne, and made the will of the Juſticia ſubſervient to their own. For ſeveral ages this magiſtrate continued, notwithſtanding, to have conſiderable ſway, but Philip II. contrived to deſtroy it at one blow, on the following occaſion.
Philip, who was one of the proudeſt and moſt cruel men that ever diſgraced human nature, had a ſecretary of ſtate, called Antonio Perez. This Perez was ordered by Philip to put to death ſecretly an agent of his baſtard brother John, Duke of Auſtria. Not knowing how to evade complying with this cruel order, Perez cauſed the agent to be murdered by ſome ruffians in the ſtreets of Madrid.
The relations of the deceaſed, having diſcovered that Perez was the perpetrator of this atrocious deed, had him thrown into priſon, when his goods were confiſcated, and his arms diſlocated by the rack, without the king ever taking the leaſt notice of his ſufferings. He often expoſtulated with his [341] majeſty by letters, and had recourſe to his confeſſor to prevail on the king to take pity of his torments, and free him from his perſecutors, which he could have done with a ſingle word, but it was all in vain. After many years impriſonment and torture, he found means to eſcape from his priſon, and went to Sara⯑goſſa, where the Juſticia, well acquainted with his hiſtory, took him under his protection. The people of Saragoſſa, who knew that Perez had acted by the king's expreſs order, approved of the protection granted him by their chief magiſtrate, and reſolved to ſtand by him at all events. This exaſperated the proud monarch, who no longer diſſembling the black tranſactions, reſolved on the death both of Perez and the Juſticia, together with an annihila⯑tion of all the ancient privileges, of what he called his rebellious ſubjects.
Unfortunately, he was able to carry his barbarous ſcheme immediately into execution. He ſent an army into Arragon, too powerful to be reſiſted by a tumultuous populace. Saragoſſa was ſoon taken, and the Juſticia fell into the king's hands, who had him executed inſtantly, without any proceſs, toge⯑ther with a conſiderable number of the ring-leaders.
Thus an end was put to the power of that magiſ⯑trate, and the Arragonians deprived of their laws and liberties. They have now been near two cen⯑turies, [342] as ſubmiſſive to their kings, as the reſt of the Spaniſh ſubjects, and time, which obliterates all things, has at length utterly deſtroyed the remem⯑brance of their fueros y libertades. As to Perez, he had the good fortune to eſcape into France, where he paſſed the remainder of his wretched life. In that country, he publiſhed ſome books, from which the whole of that cruel tranſaction may be col⯑lected.
Saragoſſa is the capital of this province. The Phenicians, who were the founders of this city, call⯑ed it Salduba. But a Roman colony being ſent thi⯑ther by Auguſtus, gave it the name of Caeſarea, or Caeſar Auguſta, of which its preſent name is a mani⯑feſt corruption. This city ſtands in the midſt of a very fertile and delightful plain, on the river Ebro, the moſt conſiderable river in Spain, which has here two bridges, one of ſtone, the other of brick. The town is large and handſome, ſeveral of the ſtreets are ſtraight, long, and ſpacious, eſpecially the one cal⯑led El Coſſo, where the nobility and gentry reſort in their coaches on fine evenings, to take the air, one coach following the other ſlowly up and down the ſtreet in proceſſion. No town in this kingdom, ex⯑cept Madrid, abounds ſo much in nobility and rich gentry, of whom about 400 it is ſaid, keep their coaches.
[343]There are 17 large churches, with 14 ſplendid convents, excluſive of leſſer ones. Baretti remarks, that it is the only city in Europe, which has two ca⯑thedrals. Here, ſays Townſend, I forgot all the hardſhips and fatigues we had ſuffered on this long journey; nay, had I travelled all the way on foot, I would have freely done it, to enjoy the fight of theſe cathedrals. That which is called El Alſeu, is vaſt, gloomy and magnificent; it excites devotion, in⯑ſpires awe, and inclines the worſhipper to fall proſ⯑trate and adore in ſilence the God who ſeems to veil his glory; the other, called El Pilar, ſpacious, lofty, light, elegant, and cheerful, inſpires hope, confi⯑dence, complacency, and makes the ſoul impatient to expreſs its gratitude for benefits received.
In the centre of this cathedral, there is an edifice, ſtrikingly beautiful. The principal front is a chapel of our lady, who appeared upon this pillar to St. James, and afterwards gave him the image which is worſhipped at her altar. This image is very ſmall, but covered with a profuſion of ornaments, and coſtly jewels. Over this there is a dome, cor⯑reſponding to the great dome, under which it ſtands, ſerving by way of canopy to the image of the Virgin. The three other fronts of this elegant tabernacle, are, in like manner, chapels. Beſides the great dome, there are many ſmaller domes ſurrounding it, each with elegant paintings in compartments, the ſub⯑jects [344] of which are hiſtorical, taken from the ſacred writings, or from the legends of the ſaints, to whom the chapels and altars are dedicated.
The wealth of this cathedral is ineſtimable, in ſil⯑ver, gold, precious ſtones, and rich embroidery, ſent by all the catholic ſovereigns of Europe, to deck its prieſts, and to adorn its altars. Many of theſe preſents being modern, are worthy of atten⯑tion for their elegance, as well as for the value of their pearls, diamonds, emeralds, and rubies. In a word, whatever wealth could command, or human art could execute, has been collected to excite the admiration of all who view the treaſures of this church.
The univerſity contains near 2,000 ſtudents, and for their inſtruction, the doctors conſtantly reſiding, are 40, in theology; 20, for the canon law; 36, for civil law; 17, for medicine, and eight for arts. The foundation of this ſeminary was laid in 1118, on the expulſion of the Moors; but it was not incorpo⯑rated till 1474, and from that period it has been conſtantly cheriſhed and protected by the ſovereigns of Arragon.
Near this city paſſes the famous canal of Arragon, deſigned to form a communication by the Ebro, from ſea to ſea, between St. Ander in the Bay of Biſcay [345] and Tortoſa, on the borders of the Mediterranean; a diſtance conſiderably more than 100 Spaniſh leagues, or above 400 Engliſh miles. This per⯑haps, is one of the moſt arduous undertakings that ever was conceived. To make the communication through this whole extent by water, is hardly poſſi⯑ble, or if poſſible, is by no means deſirable; becauſe in paſſing the mountains of Biſcay, which are a con⯑tinuation of the Pyrenees, only from Reinoſa, at the head of the Ebro, to the Suanzes, which flows into the bay near St. Ander, in the ſpace of three leagues, the fall is 3,000 Spaniſh feet. The expence of this canal appears enormous; Townſend eſtimates it at between eleven and 12,000 pounds per mile. About 50 miles appear to have been completed when he viſited this country, in 1787. I muſt confeſs, ſays he, I never ſaw any ſo beautiful or ſo perfect in their kind, as the locks and wharfs; nor did I ever ſee men work with greater ſpirit, or in a better manner. The number of men employed was 3,000, of which 2,000 were ſoldiers, the others peaſants. To the former they gave three reals a day, in addition to their pay, but they work moſtly by the piece, and receive what they earn. The canals in Spain are nine feet deep, 20 feet wide at bottom, and 56 at top.
By means of the boats on the Ebro, there is at preſent an eaſy communication with the Mediter⯑ranean. [346] The town, of courſe, carries on no very in⯑conſiderable trade. The number of inhabitants is ſaid to amount to little ſhort of 60,000.
The cities having nothing further to attract the at⯑tention of our readers, we ſhall now give ſome idea of the character of this people, as deſcribed by one of their ancient canons. In Saragoſſa, as in all other great towns, wicked people are not rare, but they are much more rare than at Madrid, and the great Sea⯑ports. The air of the court, is alas, peſtilential to many; nor does that of the ſea, prove much better. And the reaſon is evident; but at court and at ſea⯑ports, men ride in a manner, on the whirlwinds of intereſt and ambition, which two paſſions are by our moraliſts aptly termed, los dos cuernos mas grandes del Demonio, 'the Devils two biggeſt horns,' but in our inland province, the greateſt part of the inhabitants are ruſtics, employed in the innocent occupations of the field, who, living by the product of uninterrupted labour, cannot be ſo vicious as thoſe whom court favour or commerce often enriches with rapidity. Throughout this province, life is paſſed in the greateſt ſimplicity and uniformity. People gene⯑rally riſe early, and continue their work the day through, with ſcarce any intermiſſion. But as ſoon as the ſun is gone down, both ſexes join every where to dance and ſing with ſuch enthuſiaſm, that they [347] appear, when beginning to grow warm, as if bereft of their ſenſes; and this practice is ſo general, not only in this, but in moſt of our provinces, that were it poſſible to ſee the whole kingdom at once, when day-light has diſappeared, much the greater part of its inhabitants would be ſeen briſkly ſhaking their heels to the ſound of their inſtruments and voices, old men and little children not excepted, provided they have but ſufficient vigour in their legs.
I know, ſays the venerable canon, that the French have long reproached us with pride and enmity to labour. They tell each other of the ſwords worn by our peaſants, even when following the plough, and how ſolicitous they are to ſhew them, that they may be thought gentlemen. We are laughed at for hanging even the walls of our cottages with our ge⯑nealogies, and that our moſt inſignificant Hidalgos ſhould think themſelves as nobly deſcended as the king. But it is not true that our low people hang their walls with their pedigrees; it is not true that our peaſants wear ſwords; nor is it true that our Hidalgos of any claſs, think themſelves as noble as the king.
As to our pretended averſion for labour, all will work who can, in the ſame proportion as the peo⯑ple of other countries. Should they ceaſe to work, they would ſoon ſtarve, as our rivers run not with milk and honey, any more than the rivers of other [348] countries. It may be objected, there are ſpacious tracts of deſert land in this province, but if thoſe lands lie uncultivated, the fault is not to be attri⯑buted to the inhabitants. How can we cultivate land where there is no water? water is the great pa⯑rent of vegetation; without it, both ſun and land become nearly uſeleſs for the purpoſe of agricul⯑ture: but water cannot be created by men; and where we have none, the land muſt lie juſt as it is. This province abounds more in ſtreams than New Caſtille, it is therefore more fertile. Catalonia is ſtill more ſo than this province is, as the nearer we advance towards the ſea, the running ſtreams become more numerous, and have a ſufficient declivity to facilitate branching them out artificially, and ſpread⯑ing them wherever it may be judged proper. Will it be concluded from ſuch accidental circum⯑ſtances, that the Catalans are more induſtrious than the Arragonians, or the Arragonians more ad⯑dicted to labour than the New Caſtillians.
I repeat it again, adds this venerable Canon, that the Arragonians have as few vices, as any people on the earth. Gluttony and ebriety are words to which they annex the moſt hateful ideas. They are not idle when they can avoid it; they are not ſuch liars as the low people among the French; they are not addicted to ſtealing, and have the reputation through⯑out Spain, of making the beſt ſervants: they are [349] not quarrelſome, but live in peace and affection with their neighbours. One proof of their not being vicious, is their early marriages. Nor do they ſwerve eaſily from conjugal fidelity, when once bound in wedlock. Even the mule-drivers, who are inceſ⯑ſantly travelling to Madrid, are true to their wives, and it is their chief ambition to throw into their laps a piece of gold, earned by their journey, the moment they re-enter their houſes.
I will not ſay that this character is applicable to all the lower claſſes throughout the kingdom, and that ſome of the numberleſs arieros cannot get drunk, ſwear profane oaths, and have ſomething to ſay to every wench in the Poſadas. Thoſe of Valen⯑cia and Galicia are ſaid to be very wicked, and as ſuch, we ſee them often repreſented upon our ſtage. But allowance muſt be always made for notions of this kind, which often have their ſource in preju⯑dice, pique, and other cauſes, not eaſily traced to their origin.
The Galicians and Valencians ſpeak dialects ſounding very diſagreeably to the ears of the Caſtil⯑lians, and of us, ſays the Canon, who ſpeak nearly Caſtil⯑lian; and it has been remarked, that the difference in ſpeech, is often ſufficient to raiſe an antipathy between the ſeveral parts of a nation, and induce one to depreciate, cenſure, and hate the other.
[350]Having now pretty fully deſcribed the cities, man⯑ners, and cuſtoms of the different provinces, which formed part of the ancient kingdom of Arragon, we ſhall enter upon thoſe which formerly made part of the kingdom of Caſtille, beginning firſt with the province of New Caſtille, in which is Madrid, the preſent ſeat of government, and the capital of the whole kingdom.
CHAP. VIII. Of the Province of New Caſtille.
CASTILLE is the principal and moſt opulent kingdom in all Spain. It is generally divided into the Old and New; the former having been reco⯑vered from the Moors, long before the latter. New Caſtille, of which in regard to the order of ſituation, we ſhall ſpeak firſt, is by ſome called alſo the king⯑dom of Toledo, being the centre of the monarchy, and the reſidence of the monarch. It is divided on [351] the north by a chain of mountains from Old Caſ⯑tille, and a like chain divides it alſo eaſtward, from Arragon and Valencia. On this ſide it borders upon Murcia. To the ſouth it is likewiſe ſeparated by a chain of hills from Andaluſia; and weſtward, bounded by Eſtramadura. Its greateſt extent from eaſt to weſt, is about 180 miles, and its length from north to ſouth, above 200. The Tagus, Guadiana, and Guadalquivir, have already been ſaid to receive their ſources in this province. The firſt two run from north-eaſt to ſouth-weſt, quite through it, and greatly improve its natural fertility. The other ri⯑vers of note in this province, are the Xucar, which makes its way through Valencia into the Mediter⯑ranean; the Xarama, which falls into the Tagus and the Guadarama, which likewiſe loſes itſelf in the ſame river below Toledo.
There is a cinnabar mine in the ſouthern part of this province, which, according to Bowles, in his Natural Hiſtory of Spain, is the richeſt of the kind yet found, the moſt curious for its properties, and one of the moſt ancient that has ever been worked. The church, and a great part of the village of Al⯑madan, near which it is ſituated, and containing up⯑wards of 300 houſes, were built from the produce of the cinnabar, and all the inhabitants ſubſiſt by the mine. The exhalation of the mercury is not dan⯑gerous to men, animals, or plants, as has generally [352] been alledged; the galley-ſlaves ſent to work the mine, are robuſt and healthy, though ſeveral of them are wicked enough to feign being ill of the palſy. Each of theſe ſlaves coſts the ſtate 20 pence a day, and there is not a labourer in Almaden, who has not offered to do more work for half the price. Five or 6,000 quintals of mercury are annually pro⯑duced from this mine, a part of which is uſed in extracting ſilver from the mines of Mexico.
New Caſtille was formerly governed by Earls, the laſt of whom dying without male iſſue in 1029, be⯑queathed his dominions to his ſiſter, married to the King of Navarre, who raiſed this province to a king⯑dom. Ferdinand, King of Leon, ſucceeded to it on the demiſe of Henry of Caſtille, and in 1217, both kingdoms became united in his perſon; but the laſt and permanent union of the kingdoms of Caſ⯑tille and Arragon, was by the marriage of Ferdinand, Prince of Arragon, with Iſabella, Queen of Caſ⯑tille.
Having now given a general view of this pro⯑vince, we ſhall treat of its principal cities, which are Madrid and Toledo, together with the royal palaces, ſituated in the environs of the former, as likewiſe of the private life, manners, and cuſtoms of the inha⯑bitants, and of whatever elſe we can find worthy of notice in the different writers, who have viſited Spain.
- 1 B [...] [...] Palace
- 2 N [...] T [...] Oven
- 3 D [...]'s D' [...]
- 4 The [...]'s [...]
- 5 The [...]
- 6 St. Th [...]
- 7 Spanish Guard Quarters
- 8 St. [...]
- 9 The [...]
- 10 St. [...] Convent
- 11 St. [...]
- 12 S. [...]
- 13 [...]
- 14 St. Joseph
- 15 [...] Quarter
- 16 St. Fer [...] [...]
- 17 The V [...]y
- 18 [...]
- 19 The [...] Post
- 20 St. [...]
- 21 Don Juan of [...]
- 22 The Holy Ghost Chapel
- 23 St. [...]
- 24 St. [...]
- 25 St. [...]
- 26 [...]
- 27 [...] for [...]
- 28 [...] of St. Joseph
- 29 [...] Hotel
- 30 Seminary for Noblemen
- 31 The [...]
- 32 Prince [...] Chapel
- 33 St. Mark
- 34 [...] Church
- 35 St. [...] House
- 36 St. [...] College
- 37 The [...]
- 38 [...] of [...]
- 39 St. [...]
- 40 [...] French Hospital
- 41 [...] of [...] Chapel
- 42 [...]
- 43 St. [...]
- 44 [...] Convent
- 45 St. [...]
- 46 [...]
- 47 The [...]
- 48 St. Anthony
- 49 [...] Trinity
- 50 St. [...] Trinity
- 51 The [...] of [...]
- 52 [...]
- 53 [...] Hospital
- 54 St L [...]
- 55 [...] School
- 56 St. [...] of [...]
- 57 [...] of [...]
- 58 [...]
- 59 [...] Church
- 60 St. [...]
- 61 St. Andrew
- 62 St. [...] Church
- 63 [...]
- 64 The [...]
- 65 St. [...]
- 66 St. Marys Church
- 67 The [...]
- 68 New Palace
- 69 St [...]
- 70 St. John Church
- 71 St. James
- 72 St. [...]
- 73 St. [...]
- 74 [...]
- 75 St. [...]
- 76 [...]
- 77 St. Gerome
- 78 St. [...]
- 79 [...] of [...] Church
- 80 The [...]
- 81 St. Martin
- 82 St. [...]
- 83 St. Thomas
- 84 Imperial College
- 85 N.D. of the Mercy
- 86 St. Philip
- 87 St. Ann
- 88 The Conception [...]
- 89 Magdalen Chapel
- 90 [...] Chapel
- 91 St. Francis
- 92 Crown Prison
CHAP. IX. Of the City of Madrid.
[353]MADRID, the capital of the kingdom, was long only an obſcure town, belonging to the Archbiſhops of Toledo; but while ſo many flouriſhing and il⯑luſtrious cities, enjoying every advantage of ſituation, have ſunk into deſerted villages, this town built in a ſterile and ungrateful ſoil, has become one of the fineſt cities in Europe.
On approaching Madrid, nothing announces to the traveller that he is near the capital of the Spa⯑niſh monarchy. The inns within two leagues of this city, are equally dirty and deſtitute of all conveni⯑ences, with thoſe in every other part of the king⯑dom. The ſoil appears barren, and without either trees or verdure. But on arriving at the banks of the Manzanares, a magnificent ſtone bridge, built by Philip II. notifies the vicinity of the royal reſidence. A French traveller has made himſelf very merry at the expence of this bridge, and cracked ſome jeſts on its diſproportion to the water that runs beneath. [354] But Frenchmen, like other people, will eaſily catch at opportunities of being cenſorious in foreign coun⯑tries. The fact is, that the Manzanares becomes at times a conſiderable river, by the ſudden melting of the ſnow on the neighbouring hills, and is in winter often half a mile in breadth. Philip, therefore, acted very properly in building a ſpacious bridge over it, and ridiculous are thoſe who pretend to ridicule him on this account. This ſmall river, (the Manza⯑nares) ſays Bourgoanne, runs at ſome diſtance under the heights, upon which Madrid is ſituated. It is almoſt ſhallow enough for carriages to ford over. It has, however, two great bridges, that of Segovia, and that of Toledo. It was of this latter, that among other witticiſms, it was pleaſantly ſaid, that fine bridge only wanted a river. In paſſing through Spain, ſe⯑veral others are met with, upon which the ſame ob⯑ſervations may be made, the reaſon of which is, that Spain is interſected in almoſt every direction, by long chains of mountains, whoſe ſummits, not⯑withſtanding the heat of the climate, are frequently covered with ſnow. The rivulets and little rivers deſcending from their ſides, have uſually but a ſmall ſtream of water, becauſe droughts are frequent in the provinces through which they run; but when abundant rains, or the melting of the ſnow increaſe their little ſtreams, their beds are more extended from their not being very deep, and carrying with them a large quantity of ſand, and according to [355] theſe circumſtances, although they do not often oc⯑cur, the dimenſions of the bridges are calculated. They are ſolidly conſtructed, owing to the impetu⯑ous torrents that occaſionally come down, and their apparent diſproportionate length, is to obviate the evils which might ariſe from their overflowing.
This city ſtands in the centre of a large plain, terminated on all ſides by mountains; it is ſituated in 13° 49′ 30″ longitude, of the iſle of Ferro, and 46° 26′ latitude. The firſt king that made any long abode in Madrid, was Henry IV. Before his reign, this was but an inſignificant place, with a ſmall caſtle for the convenience of princes that came to hunt in the environs, which were then as woody as they are now naked. Its ſituation on a riſing ground, over⯑looking many leagues of country, open on every ſide to a wholeſome circulation of air, and abundance of good water, induced the Emperor Charles V. to build an ample palace here, which he intended to make his chief reſidence, as he thought the climate beſt adapted to his conſtitution. The ſovereign once fixed at Madrid, the nobility ſoon abandoned their hereditary caſtles and houſes in other cities, to follow the court.
If we except the royal palaces, ſays Swinburne, there are few buildings worthy of attention, nor do I be⯑lieve there is in Europe a capital that has ſo little to [356] ſhew, as Madrid; having never been the ſee of a biſhop, it has of courſe no cathedral, nor indeed any church, that diſtinguiſhes itſelf much from the com⯑mon herd of pariſhes and convents. Allowing ſome few exceptions, we may ſafely pronounce the out⯑ward architecture of them to be barbarous, and their manner of ornamenting the inſide, as bad as that of the worſt ages; moſt of them were erected or re⯑touched during the term of years that elapſed be⯑tween the middle of the 17th century, and the year 1759, a period in the hiſtory of Spain, when all arts and ſciences were fallen to the loweſt ebb of depra⯑vity; the effects of a total degeneracy of manners, and want of public ſpirit. Theſe vices in the poli⯑tical ſyſtem of the three laſt princes of the Auſtrian line, could not be immediately removed on the ac⯑ceſſion of another family. The wars that ſhook the very foundations of their throne, during the firſt ten years of this century, kept all polite arts groveling in the duſt; and when they again raiſed their heads, and ventured to court the favor of their ſovereigns, there ſeems to have been a total want of able profeſ⯑ſors to ſecond their efforts. No mad architect ever dreamed of a diſtortion of members ſo capricious, of a twiſt of pillars, cornices and pediments ſo wild and fantaſtic, but what a real ſample of it may be produced in ſome or other of the churches of Ma⯑drid. They are all ſmall, and as poor in marbles, as they are in pictures. Their altars are piles of [357] wooden ornaments, heaped up to the cieling, and ſtuck round with wax lights, which more than once have ſet fire to their churches. The convents, which may be ſaid to poſſeſs any good pictures, are thoſe of St. Paſqual, and the bare-footed Car⯑melite Nuns. The former has a fine Titian, a capi⯑tal Guerchino, and many other pictures by the moſt eſteemed Italian maſters. In the ſacriſty of the latter, is a numerous collection of paintings, by va⯑rious hands, many of which are of ſuperior merit. The tombs of Ferdinand VI. and his Queen Barbara, in the church of the viſitation, are almoſt the only ſepulchral monuments of any conſequence.
As to the churches in Madrid, ſays Baretti, they are not in general ſo magnificent, as one might ex⯑pect to find them in a country ſo much renowned for the piety of its inhabitants. Moſt of them are ſtrangely decorated with ornaments, not admitted into the churches of other countries. Their walls are frequently covered with ſmall and trifling works of the pencil or chiſſel, hung up without any order or ſymmetry. In that which belongs to the Padres de la Merced, there is a large drawer, con⯑taining a variety of toys and baubles, the gifts of per⯑ſons repenting their attachment for trifles; and pre⯑ſented as an offering to a ſmall waxen image of our Saviour in the drawer. Amongſt other ſingulari⯑ties, is a large fragment of a plum-cake, preſented as [358] they ſay, by a lady, who thought herſelf too fond of ſweet-meats; and a muſlin apron given by ano⯑ther, who caught herſelf in a fit of pride, the firſt time ſhe put it on. Theſe ladies fell upon this ex⯑pedient, to atone for their childiſh vanities.
The moſt magnificent church in Madrid, is that of the Saleſian Nuns. This church, with its fine convent, was built by Queen Barbara, remarkable for little elſe than her fondneſs for muſic, and her de⯑votion. This paſſion for muſic, cauſed her to beſtow little ſhort of 4,000 pounds a year, on the celebrated Farinelli, who was her chief favourite for many years, and to whom, among other things; ſhe bequeathed all her muſical inſtruments, and one of the largeſt collections of muſic, that was perhaps ever made. This is the only church in Madrid, in which the or⯑naments are not overloaded and childiſh. The altars, here, are not, as in the other churches, decked out with noſegays of natural and artificial flowers; nor are they hung round with little cages of canary birds, which keep ſinging all day long, to the no ſmall edi⯑fication of thoſe who go to hear maſſes in the morn⯑ing, or to receive their benedictions in the evening. There are, however, many coſtly decorations in this church; the moſt remarkable, excluſive of the royal monument, is a ſilver lamp, hanging by three long ſilver chains, which altogether, are ſaid to weigh above 350 pounds. In the ſacriſty, are ſome [359] ſurplices of very fine Flanders lace, which are ſup⯑poſed to have coſt near 1000 pounds each.
The churches in Madrid, have neither pews, benches, nor chairs. Their floors are covered with ſtraw mats, upon which the men and women kneel promiſcuouſly, without any diſtinction; whether they be grandees, or coblers, ducheſſes, or waſher-women. The men will often ſtand during the maſs, but the women ſit negligently on their heels, hold⯑ing their roſaries in their hands, and telling their beads in a whiſpering voice, and with a moſt rapid motion of their lips.
At intervals, ſays Townſend, I walked about the town, to obtain ſome general idea of it, before I deſcended to particulars. In my own mind, I di⯑vided the whole into three portions, correſponding to three periods, eaſy to be diſtinguiſhed. The moſt ancient, is neareſt to the river Manzananes, with narrow and contracted ſtreets, crooked lanes, and blind alleys, like thoſe ſtill viſible in London, but more eſpecially in Paris, where no extenſive con⯑flagration hath conſumed the rude monuments of art, erected by the remote progenitor, who inhabited the infant city. To the north and to the eaſt of this, as we remove further from the river, the ſtreets are wider, and the buildings affect ſome degree of ſymmetry. This portion, including the Plaza [360] Mayor, or ſquare, which, in its day, muſt have been a ſtriking object, terminates at the Puerta del Sol. But when Philip II. removed his court, and Madrid became the capital of his vaſt empire, the great no⯑bility erected palaces beyond the former limits, and the Puerta del Sol, is now the centre of the whole.
It is curious to trace the origin of cities. The ſhepherd pitches his tent, or builds his mud-wall cottage by the river ſide, becauſe he cannot afford to ſink a well; but man, being a gregarious animal, others, for the comfort of ſociety, or mutual protec⯑tion, reſort to the ſame ſpot, and build as near to him as poſſible. Cottages increaſe, tillage ſucceeds, manufactures follow, and the inhabitants advancing in number and wealth, wiſh to enlarge their habi⯑tations; but the ground being occupied, they have no other choice, but to raiſe their houſes higher. Whilſt inhabiting the humble cottage, they never complained of the want of light or of air, but now that they ſhut out the light from each other, they wonder their anceſtors ſhould have cramped them⯑ſelves thus for want of room.
Madrid has 15 pariſhes, between ſeven and 8,000 houſes, 150,000 inhabitants, 66 convents, 16 col⯑leges, 18 hoſpitals, five priſons, and 15 gates, built of granite, moſt of which are elegant.
[361]Almoſt all the ſtreets in the court part of the town, are ſtraight, wide, clean, and well paved. In walking about the town, ſays Twiſs, I obſerved the names of the ſtreets, painted on the corner houſes; the houſes numbered, and lamps before them, the ſame as in the ſtreets of London. The paving is as regular and neat, as it is poſſible to conceive, and the ſtreets kept ſo clean, that none are to be met with more ſo, not even in the cities of Holland: whereas ten years ago, Madrid might have vied with Edinburgh, in its former ſtate for filth.
The principal ſtreet, is the calle de Alcalá, which is broad enough for 20 coaches a breaſt, and of a very conſiderable length. There are alſo ſome very beautiful ſquares, particularly the Plaza mayor, which deſerves notice for its ſpaciouſneſs and re⯑gularity, and the elegant and lofty houſes it contains. It is 1536 feet in circuit. The houſes, of which there are in this ſquare, 136, are five ſtories high, or⯑namented with balconies, the firſt of which ſup⯑ported by pillars, forms a piazza round the ſquare, where the inhabitants may walk under cover.
There are 30 public fountains in this city, moſt of them are magnificent, though ornamented in an ill taſte. The water in all of them is excellent. It was this purity of the air, and excellence of the water, which induced Philip II. and his ſucceſſors, to fix [362] their reſidence in this city. It ſhould have been premiſed, that notwithſtanding there are 15 gates, this city has neither fortifications, ditches, nor even walls. Its form is rather circular, and the circum⯑ference about ſix miles.
The king's new palace, is perhaps the grandeſt and moſt ſumptuous of any in Europe. It is ſitu⯑ated on an eminence, commanding a delightful proſpect of the river Manzananes, and the country beyond it. At a diſtance, from its ſtanding alone, and on an eminence, without either terrace, park, or garden, it has rather the appearance of a citadel, than a place of reſidence for one of the moſt power⯑ful monarchs in the univerſe. But this firſt impreſ⯑ſion is ſoon diſſipated as we approach nearer. I have ſeen, ſays Twiſs, the palaces of the kings of England, France, Sardinia, Naples, Pruſſia, and Portugal, thoſe of the Pope, the Emperor, and ſe⯑veral German Princes, and indiſputably give the preference to this. It is impoſſible, ſays Townſend, to view it without the moſt exquiſite delight. The palace preſents four fronts, each of 470 feet in length, and 100 feet in height up to the cornice, in⯑cloſing a quadrangle of 140 feet. Theſe fronts are relieved by numerous pillars and pilaſtres, and over the cornice is a baluſtrade, to hide the leaden roof. The north front has five ſtories, beſides the entre⯑ſolo, and underground apartments.
[363]Within the baluſtrade on pedeſtals, are placed a ſe⯑ries of the kings of Spain, from Ataulfo, to Fer⯑nando VI. The plan is ſomewhat ſingular. On the principal floor, is a ſuit of apartments, large and elegant, which communicate all round the palace, receiving light from the fronts, and incloſing rooms for the domeſtics, which have light from a ſpacious gallery within. This gallery runs all round the quadrangle, over an open portico or piazza, and is covered by a terrace.
The foundation of this edifice, which is all of white ſtone, was laid in the year 1737, three years after the old palace had been conſumed by fire, and to prevent the like accident in future, the whole is upon arches.
There is no palace in Europe, fitted up with ſo much true royal magnificence. The beauty and grandeur of the upper apartments are aſtoniſhing. The cielings are chef d'oeuvres of Mengs, Corrado, and Tiepolo. The richeſt marbles are employed with great taſte, in forming the cornices and ſocles of the rooms, and the frames of the doors and windows. What enhances the value of theſe marbles is, their being all produced in the quarries of Spain, from whence it is the opinion of a learned writer, that an⯑cient Rome was hence ſupplied with many of the precious materials, that enriched her porticos and [364] temples. At leaſt, it is certain that the bowels of the earth in Spain, contain moſt of thoſe ſpecies of marbles, alabaſters, &c. that are to be ſeen in the ruins of the miſtreſs of the world. Porphyry is found near Cordova; the fineſt jaſper near Aracena; the mountains of Granada furniſh a beautiful green; thoſe of Tortoſa, a variety of brown marble; Leon and Malaga ſend alabaſter; Toledo and Murviedro abound in marble of different colours; and moſt parts of the kingdom afford ſome ſpecimens of jaſ⯑per, beſides the amethyſt and its radix, for which Spain is celebrated above moſt countries.
The leading feature in this palace, is the audience chamber, ſallon de los reynos, which is a double cube of 90 feet, hung round with crimſon velvet, and which, with its ſumptuous canopy and painted roof, makes a moſt magnificent appearance. The ceil⯑ing, painted by Tiepolo, repreſents the triumph of Spain; round the cornice, the artiſt has placed al⯑legorical figures of its different provinces, diſtin⯑guiſhed by their productions, and attended by their ſeveral inhabitants in their provincial habits; theſe form a moſt uncommon picture, and curious ſet of Coſtumi. The walls are incruſtrated with beautiful marble, and all around hung with large plates of looking-glaſs, in rich frames.
It is not poſſible to view the apotheoſis of Hercu⯑les [365] in the hall of converſation; and of Trajan, in the king's dining-room, without feeling the moſt ſingular pleaſure and delight. In the execution of theſe pieces, Mengs exerted all his powers, and ſeems to have found no difficulty in uniting eaſe with elegance. In theſe two delightful pictures we can⯑not readily determine which to admire moſt, his deſigns, his lights and ſhades, his colouring, his in⯑vention, or his compoſition. In the antichamber is a capital picture by Velaſquez, repreſenting Philip III. Philip IV. their two wives, and Olivarez, all on horſeback. "I doubt, (ſays Townſend) whether five ſuch horſes, ſo perfect, and ſo full of animation, were ever ſeen together; the horſe of Philip IV. riſes from the canvas, and ſeems ſo much like real life, that, if properly placed, an acute eye might be eaſily deceived. There is alſo in the audience-chamber, a deſcent from the croſs, by Mengs, which, according to con⯑noiſſeurs, is his beſt production. "The colour of the dead body (ſays Bourgoanne) has been frequently criticiſed. This Chriſt, ſay they, ſeems to be of ſtone." "I was induced, (adds the above writer) to think the ſame, until one day, accompanying ſome foreigners who adopted the criticiſm, I heard one of them exclaim with tranſport, in commenda⯑tion of the truth of the colouring. 'Surely, (ſaid he, in a low voice) This painter muſt have ſeen many dead bodies, to have been able to imitate them ſo well.' The author of the above reflection was an eminent [366] ſurgeon, who, till that moment, had not opened his lips on the ſubject. The critics were ſilent, and we recollected the ancient proverb, "Ne ſulor ultra crepidam."
The greateſt part of the large and capital collec⯑tion of pictures in this palace, which it would be tedious to enumerate, have been ſucceſſively brought over, in former times, by the Spaniſh Governors of Naples, Flanders, and Milan, which accounts for their ſurprizing number. Theſe pictures afterwards fell into the hands of the kings of Spain; and, were they now collected and hung up, the collections in the Luxemburg and Palais Royal galleries would make no figure in compariſon with them. Nor muſt we omit, to the diſgrace of our own country, that there are in this king's poſſeſſion, ſome belong⯑ing to the unfortunate Charles I. which were vilely ſold to Spain by his rebellious ſubjects. Beſides the above collections, the Emperor, Charles V. invited over to Spain, the illuſtrious Titian, who has left, both in Madrid and the Eſcurial, more capital pic⯑tures than any of his at Venice.
The royal chapel belonging to this palace is ſaid to be more magnificent than that of Verſailles. In the organ-loft there are 70 different miſſals, con⯑taining whatever is ſung there throughout the year, by a very numerous band of the king's muſicians. [367] Theſe miſſals are all as large as the largeſt atlas, their leaves of vellum, all nobly bound, and rolling on braſs pullies, fixed to their bottoms, that they may eaſily be taken from their ſhelves and replaced. What contributes more particularly to the decora⯑tion of this chapel, are 16 columns of black marble, extending to the frieze.
The court-yard of the palace is ſurrounded by a grand portico, and ſo very ſpacious that 50 coaches might wheel round it at the ſame inſtant without much obſtructing each other. On the outſide of the great gate, and along the principal front of the edifice, are placed, on high pedeſtals, eight pedeſtrian ſtatues, ſome of which repreſent thoſe among the ancient Roman emperors, who were natives of Spain. Theſe ſtatues are of that ſize called he⯑roical.
At the end of the ſquare is a large edifice, not ſufficiently ſeen, which contains a curious collection of ancient and foreign arms, arranged with great order, and carefully preſerved. This is called the armeria, or arſenal. The moſt remarkable curioſi⯑ties here, are neither ſcymeters ſet with diamonds, nor complete ſets of armour, but thoſe of ancient American warriors: The moſt conſpicuouſly placed is the armour of Montezuma. Some ſuits of Spaniſh armour are emboſſed with great nicety. The tem⯑per [368] of the ſword-blades placed in this armory is quite wonderful, for they may be lapped round the waiſt like a girdle. The art of tempering ſteel in Toledo was loſt about 70 years ago, and the pro⯑ject of reviving it was one of the favorite ſchemes of the late king, who has erected proper works for it on the banks of the Tagus.
This palace was built by Sacchetti, an èleve of Ju⯑vara, the famous Sicilian, who left ſo many ſpeci⯑mens of his art in and about Turin. The reaſon of its having been erected on Sacchetti's, and not Juvara's plan, is an anecdote, ſingular in its kind, and not much known. In the year 1734, after the ancient palace was burnt down, the king wanting another, and being told Juvara was the moſt eſteem⯑ed architect of the age, ſent for him. On Juvara's arrival at Madrid he was ordered to make a model. While he was employed on it, the king's ſecond wife, who managed her huſband as ſhe pleaſed, be⯑gan to think of a war, that ſhe might procure a ſettlement for her ſon Charles, in Italy. Inſtead, therefore of having the ſeveral millions deſtined for this purpoſe, laid out in building, ſhe determined they ſhould be applied to proſecuting her own plans.
This ſcheme of the queen's, it may readily be imagined, Juvara was not to be made acquainted [369] with; nor was he politician enough to gueſs at it. He haſtened to compoſe his model, the queen her⯑ſelf affecting to ſolicit the completion of it.
The model took time in forming; but, when it was brought to the king for his approbation, his miniſter, who was entruſted with the ſecret, repre⯑ſented to his majeſty, that Juvara, had contrived a habitation too ſmall for a Spaniſh monarch, and in⯑ſiſted on the architect giving a plan more propor⯑tionate to the grandeur of its future inhabi⯑tants.
Philip was the dupe of Patino's (the miniſter's name) flattering objection, eſpecially as the queen declared for the ſame opinions. Nor was Juvara himſelf diſpleaſed to hear it was their majeſties' in⯑tention he ſhould go to the utmoſt of his powers, and plan a palace more proportionate to his own great abilities, and the monarch's treaſures.
Within three years Juvara produced another mo⯑del, ſo very grand that he was ſure no objection could be raiſed againſt it, on account of its ſize or magnificence, and he had the momentary ſatisfaction to hear himſelf praiſed by the whole court, for the lof⯑tineſs of his ideas; but, on calculating the expence, which amounted to more than 30,000,000 ſterling, the queen and her confidant raiſed the obvious objection, [370] that the finances of the king could not compaſs ſo much. A third plan was therefore to be thought of, that kept equally diſtant from the littleneſs of the firſt, and the greatneſs of the ſecond.
To remonſtrate would have been uſeleſs; but, while he was thus buſy, the war, that had been long hatching, broke out, the Spaniſh doubloons began to flow into Italy, and Juvara, with his plans, were neglected. Scarce was he ſuffered to open his lips about building, when he appeared at court. If he dared to ſhew his drawings to the king, Patino raiſed ſo many difficulties, that the poor architect at laſt died of a broken heart, probably to the great joy of the crafty miniſter, who had long ſpirited him up to be very grand in his ſecond model.
Soon after Juvara's death, the king, who was bent on having a palace, enquired if he had left any diſciples capable of making uſe of their maſter's deſigns. The king of Sardinia (it was anſwered) had two; and Sacchetti being reckoned the beſt, he was ſent for to Spain, where he made the model of the preſent palace, which was approved; and, as the war was approaching to its end, ſoon after begun.
The finiſhing and fitting up of this palace, has, in all probability, ſaved the capital from ruin, by [371] fixing the court to this ſpot. The king intended to have removed it for ever to Seville and the ſouth⯑ern provinces, after the ſedition in Madrid, when the populace roſe in conſequence of the order for cleaning the ſtreets, and prohibiting ſlouched hats, and large cloaks. His ſurprize, reſentment, and in⯑dignation, would certainly have induced him to quit for ever ſo barbarous a metropolis, had not his mi⯑niſter, unwilling that ſo much money ſhould be la⯑viſhed to no purpoſe, in improving the palaces in Caſtille, prevailed on his royal maſter to conquer his anger, and alter his determination. It is very remarkable that, during the greateſt ferment of the ſedition, all parties retired, as if by mutual conſent, about dinner-time, to take their uſual nap or meri⯑dian, after which they returned to the charge with freſh vigour, and redoubled fury, reſumed their clamours and repeated their outrages. The military force finally quelled the tumult, and the king carried his point. Every blackguard now loiters about with his hat pinned up triangularly; but the moment he gets out of town, and beyond the bounds of the pro⯑clamation, indulges himſelf in flapping it down on all ſides.
The palace of the Buen Retiro is a pleaſant retreat, ſituated upon an eminence, at the extremity of the city; is a vaſt pile of buildings, very ancient, and verging to decay. It contains ſome ſpacious apart⯑ments, [372] in which there ſtill remains a few good pictures. "But the three things (ſays Townſend) which gave moſt ſatisfaction were, the theatre, the grand ſaloon, and the equeſtrian ſtatue of Philip IV. This ſtatue caſt by Pedro Tacca, from a painting of Velaſquez, and ſaid to weigh nine tons, is ſupported by the hind legs alone. I never ſaw, nor can con⯑ceive any thing more perfect, or which appears ſo animated as this prodigy of art. The theatre is vaſt, and opens into the gardens ſo as to make them, upon occaſion, a continuation of the ſcene. Here Ferdinand VI. frequently amuſed the public with operas, with which his queen was ſo extravagantly fond.
The great ſaloon, called El Salon, with its an⯑tichamber, painted in freſco, by Jordano, remains a monument of his taſte, invention, judgement, and imitative powers. In the principal compartment of the roof is repreſented Hercules giving the golden fleece to Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy. In a ſubordinate compartment, Pallas and the gods are ſeen ſubduing the Titans; anſwering to which, the majeſty of Spain appears ruling the terreſtrial globe. The reſt is filled up with allegorical figures finely expreſſed. The antichamber contains the conqueſt of Granada. From the great ſaloon we go to the garden, by a little oval cabinet, covered entirely with looking-glaſs, in the ceiling of which is repre⯑ſented [373] the birth of the ſun, with people of all nati⯑ons worſhipping the riſing deity, whilſt the prieſts are engaged in offering ſacrifices. This likewiſe is by Jordano. In one of the apartments, ſeldom ſhewn to foreigners, are models of ſtrong places; among theſe, the two moſt ſtriking are Cadiz and Gibraltar.
To a ſtranger, the ſituation of Buen-retiro, appears preferable for a royal reſidence, to that in which the new palace ſtands; but there may be, perhaps, ob⯑jections which do not preſent themſelves to the tran⯑ſient obſerver. The gardens of this palace are ex⯑tenſive, and have a pleaſing variety of wood and water. They are at preſent open to the public. The late monarch eſtabliſhed a china manufacture in them, which as yet, ſtrangers have not been per⯑mitted to inſpect. Its productions are to be ſeen no where, but in the palace of the ſovereign, or in ſome Italian courts, to which they have been ſent as pre⯑ſents. Some particular kinds of inlaid work, not much known in Europe, are likewiſe carried on there.
This ancient palace likewiſe commands a public walk, which has long been famous in Spaniſh co⯑medy and romance: at firſt, indeed, theſe alone gave it celebrity. In the place itſelf, there was no⯑thing remarkable; its reputation aroſe from what [374] paſſed in it. Meaſures were then concerted to elude the vigilance of a mother, or jealouſy of a huſband. The courtiers eſcaped perhaps from the preſence of a monarch, came thither to watch a rival, prepare a plot, or diſconcert an intrigue. The proximity of the palace, the obſcurity and inequality of the ground, were all favourable for theſe purpoſes. The Prado was a rendezvous, equally convenient for ambition and malignity, but more eſpecially for love. Thoſe who appeared there, had generally ſome ſiniſter de⯑ſign, or were encountering ſome hazard. But Charles III. by levelling it, planted it with trees, ad⯑mitting more light into the alleys, ornamenting it with ſtatues, and vaſes, and providing water to allay the duſt, has now made it a moſt elegant walk, which may be frequented in all ſeaſons, with ſafety and pleaſure. It forms a part of the interior of the city, and is in length nearly two miles. Several of the principal ſtreets terminate here. That of Alcala, the wideſt in Europe, croſſes it, runs by the ſide of the gardens of the Retiro, and terminates at the gate of the ſame name, which, as we have already ob⯑ſerved, is one of the fineſt pieces of architecture in the capital, and built in the late reign, in 1778.
The inhabitants from all quarters reſort hither, on foot, or in carriages, to meet and breathe beneath the ſhade of long alleys, an air freſhened by water, ſpouted from the fountains, and embalmed by ex⯑halations [375] from the fragrant flowers. The concourſe of people is frequently prodigious. There may be ſometimes ſeen between four and 500 carriages, fil⯑ing off in the greateſt order, amidſt an innumera⯑able crowd of ſpectators: a ſpectacle at once a proof of great opulence and population.
Townſend notices a very ſingular ceremony he ſaw practiſed on the walk. The coaches, ſays he, were numerous, and the walls were crowded; all was in motion; when ſuddenly about eight in the evening, on the tolling of a bell, I was much ſurpriſed to ſee all motion ceaſe; every coach ſtood ſtill, every hat was off, and every lip ſeemed to utter prayer. This, I afterwards found to be the cuſtom all over Spain. If the affections of the heart correſpond with the external ſigns of piety in Spain; and if the moral conduct anſwers to the affections of the heart, this people muſt be the moſt heavenly minded, and the moſt virtuous upon earth. But all is not gold that glitters; and I had ſoon an opportunity of forming a conjecture, that all who thus moved the lip, were not among the warmeſt friends of piety and vir⯑tue. When the prayer was over, the coaches began to move ſlowly on once more, but ſoon after this, went briſkly off, and the multitude diſperſing, left a number of young women, attended by young men, who from that time ſeemed to be more at eaſe, yet kept within the bounds of decency.
[376] Swinburne, in his account of this famous walk, ſays, it is ſituated in the ſhallow vale, between the Retiro and the town, which has not the leaſt ſuburb of any kind belonging to it. Its length and breadth are great, the avenues drawn in an intelligent, noble ſtyle; the foot-paths wide and neat; the iron railing and ſtone ſeats, done in a grand and expenſive man⯑ner. The view from this walk is, as it ſhould be, confined; for the winds are ſo ſharp and boiſterous, and the landſcape ſo horrid all round the city, that no place of public reſort, like this, could be com⯑fortable, unleſs it were ſhut in from all diſtant views, and ſheltered by hills from the blaſts that ſweep over the high lands of Caſtille.
To the weſt it has the town, the three principal ſtreets of which, as we have already remarked, ter⯑minate in the Prado; there are three noble open⯑ings, excellently paved, and clean even to a nicety; indeed, ſo are moſt of the ſtreets, ſince the edict for paving and cleaning them. The foreigners reſid⯑ing here before that period, ſhudder at the very re⯑collection of its filth. Some of the natives, indeed, regret the old ſtinks and naſtineſs, pretending that the air of Madrid is ſo ſubtle, as to require a proper mixture of groſſer effluvia, to prevent its pernicious effects upon the conſtitution.
Till of very late years, there were no privies in [377] Madrid: but the king, determined to cleanſe the place, ordered that privies ſhould be built in every houſe. The phyſicians remonſtrated againſt it, ſay⯑ing, that the ſmell ſoftened the air, and deprived it of thoſe noxious vapours, that would be injurious to health. This, however, would not do; but leſt their food ſhould imbibe theſe noxious vapours, the people, one and all, placed their privies by the kitch⯑en fire-ſide.
The extremes of heat and cold are aſtoniſhing in this place; and the winds ſo ſearching, that all the Spaniards wear leather under waiſtcoats to pre⯑ſerve their cheſts, for they pervade every other kind of cloathing.
The botannical garden, adds not a little to the embelliſhment of the Prado; it was formerly on the road, leading from Madrid to the Caſtle of Pardo; but the late king removed it a few years ſince, to the ſide of the Prado, and ſurrounded it with a low en⯑cloſure, by which it is ornamented, without being hid. This monarch endeavoured to make it one of the moſt precious collections of the kind, by laying under contribution, all the vegetable kingdom of his dominions, ſome part of which, it has been long ſaid, is continually warmed by the rays of the ſun, which in ſuch different ſoils and climates, muſt [378] alone produce every kind of tree, ſhrub, and plant, which grows on the boſom of the earth.
While viewing the Prado, ſays Bourgoanne, I have frequently given the greateſt latitude poſſible to this idea. I have even extended it to the animal kingdom. I have allotted in imagination, a ſpace, which the botanical garden leaves vacant by the ſide of the walk, to a deſtination certainly ſingular in Europe, and which the monarch of Spain only is ca⯑pable of carrying into effect. I divided it into as many parts, as this ſovereign has principal colonies under his dominions; in theſe, I ſettled, in ſuppoſi⯑tion, a family of Peruvians, another of Mexicans, another from California, another from Louiſiana, another from Paraguay, from Buenos Aynes, the coaſt of Caracas, from Porto Rico, from Cuba, from the Canaries, and the Philippines. All to preſerve their peculiar dreſs and manner of living, to erect a ſimple habitation upon the model of the one they had quitted; and to cultivate the plants brought from their own country; ſo that ſurrounded by theſe pleaſing illuſions, they might ſtill ſuppoſe them⯑ſelves in their native ſoil. Here the Mexican would be ſeen beneath the ſhade of his own fig-tree, ſhak⯑ing it and gathering the precious ſpoils, which co⯑lour our European garments; there the inhabitant of Guatimala, would cultivate his indigo; and he of Paraguay, the herb which conſtitutes his prin⯑cipal [379] riches; the native of Soconuſco would attempt to naturalize his valuable cocoa-tree in a foreign ſoil; the Peruvian, accompanied by the docile animal, which partakes of his labours, feeds, and clothes him, would, in concert with the Luconian, endea⯑vour to introduce the ſame cultivation they had been accuſtomed to at home. Thus the exulting inhabitant of the metropolis, without going from the capital, might paſs in review, as if delineated on a map, all the colonies to which his ſovereign gives laws. The tranſported coloniſt would become ac⯑cuſtomed to an exile, which every thing would con⯑cur to render pleaſing; and his fellow citizens ſe⯑parated from him by immenſe ſea, on being informed of the benevolence and magnificence of their common monarch, would form a higher idea of his power, pride themſelves upon being his ſubjects, and be⯑come more attached to his government.
Such a project may be conſidered as romantic, yet the king of Spain has entered upon one of the ſame kind, which proves his zeal for the advance⯑ment of the arts and ſciences. In the ſtreet of the Alcala, is a large building, in which he has eſtabliſhed a cabinet of natural hiſtory, which already contains one of the completeſt collections in Eu⯑rope, in metals, minerals, marble, precious ſtones, corals, and marine plants. The collection of the king of Spain, ſays Townſend, is truly magnificent, [380] but far from being well choſen, or well arranged. For intrinſic value in ſilver, gold, and precious ſtones, perhaps no cabinet can equal it.
The ſpecimen which moſt attracted my attention, ſays the above writer, was a large rock, containing 40 emeralds, in the form of hexagonal priſms, ſome near an inch diameter, and one inch and an half in length, and many of them of the fineſt water, with⯑out the leaſt appearance of a flaw.
The animals are beautiful, and in high preſerva⯑tion.
The cabinet of natural hiſtory, is acceſſible to all; there is no need to wait for tickets; but at the ap⯑pointed hours, any perſon who is decent in his ap⯑pearance, is admitted to walk round the rooms, and examine what he pleaſes, as long as the doors are open. If he is peculiarly devoted to one branch of natural hiſtory, he is not hurried away from that by the gaping multitude, and compelled to ſpend the allotted portion of his time, in apartments which contain nothing to his purpoſe.
The foundation of this collection was laid by M. Davila, but it is ſaid, that after he had pub⯑liſhed his much admired catalogue, the beſt of the ſpecimens were picked and culled, and the refuſe [381] only carried to the king, who made the purchaſe, and appointed him firſt director of his cabinet.
This ſcience is almoſt new in Europe. Sir Hans Sloane led the way in England, Buffon followed in France, and Davila has brought up the rear. It is but of late years, that the ſovereigns of Europe have taken it under their protection. England ſet the example, and Spain has followed it.
The ſame edifice that contains this cabinet, and which with the cuſtom-houſe built alſo by Charles III. conſtitutes the principal ornament of the ſtreet of the Alcala, is the place of meeting for the academy of the fine arts; a circumſtance which occaſioned the inſcription on the front of the build⯑ing, a motto equally happy and juſt.
Carolus III. naturam & artem ſub uno tecto con⯑ſociavit.
"Charles III. aſſociated art and nature under one roof.
The honor of inſtituting this academy, is, howe⯑ever, due to Philip V. but it has received great en⯑couragement from his two ſucceſſors.
This academy of the arts, like that we have de⯑ſcribed at Barcelona, is open to the whole world, and every thing provided at the king's expence. [382] There are three other academies. The Spaniſh aca⯑demy, founded in 1714, in imitation of the French academy, the firſt object of which, was the com⯑pilation of a dictionary of the Spaniſh language, publiſhed in ſix volumes, folio. The academy of hiſtory, which owes its origin to a ſociety of indi⯑viduals, the object of whoſe meetings was to pre⯑ſerve and illuſtrate the hiſtorical monuments of the kingdom of Spain. The academy of medicine is held in no great eſteem.
If the pleaſing arts are cultivated at Madrid, the moſt uſeful of all, that of beneficence, is not neg⯑lected. Charitable foundations, worthy to be mo⯑dels to every nation, are found in that city. There are three hoſpitals, which, in the courſe of the year 1785, received 19,437 patients. The principal or general hoſpital for men, as it is called, has been lately rebuilt. It contains no leſs than 5,000 iron beds, diſtributed through ſeveral large rooms, and long galleries. It is a rule here, to receive every one who comes at any hour of the day or night; nor is any ſolicitation requeſted to obtain admittance; there are even porters belonging to the hoſpital, whoſe only buſineſs it is to go and fetch every ſick perſon who ſends for them. And at the gate of the hoſpital, there is always a phyſician in waiting, to enquire into the complaint of every patient who [383] comes, and to order him immediately into the pro⯑per ward accordingly.
As I ſtood at the gate, ſays Baretti, an old man was brought there in a kind of covered ſedan. This phyſician lifted up the head of the chair, and put this blunt queſtion to him: Tiene uſted gallico? "Have you the foul diſeaſe?" It ſurpriſed me not a little, to hear the ſhameleſs ſexagenarian anſwer in the affirmative with the cleareſt tone of voice, and the greateſt tranquillity of countenance imaginable. Wandering about the different apartments, I could not but take notice of their great cleanneſs. I en⯑quired of ſeveral ſick men about the treatment they met with, and was pleaſed with their anſwers. Among the ſeveral articles of diet, each patient is al⯑lowed a large diſh of chocolate every morning, by way of breakfaſt, with a ſlice of bread, or a ſweet biſcuit. This appears a remarkable ſingularity. Nor are they ſtinted in point of food, when they begin to recover, except the phyſicians are very po⯑ſitive in their orders to the contrary.
It is not the cuſtom here, to ſupport any hoſpital by voluntary contributions, inceſſantly collected from the people, as in England. In this country, each hoſpital has an income ariſing from lands and other kinds of property; Various confradias have an eye over them. The principal nobility do not diſdain [384] to be members of theſe ſocieties. They viſit the hoſpitals by turns, audit the accounts, and take care that no part of the income is embezzled or miſma⯑naged. The church grants ſome indulgencies for theſe pious deeds, and this ſeems to be all the re⯑compence they wiſh for their trouble.
Among theſe confradias there is one called La Santa Hermandad, "the holy brotherhood;" or, more commonly, La confradia de Pan y Huevos, "the brotherhood of bread and eggs." A number of its members, preceded generally by ſome conſiderable nobleman, ramble about the ſtreets of Madrid, every night, in order to collect the houſeleſs of both ſexes, who lay themſelves down to ſleep under the porches of churches, or the entrances of houſes. The Santa Hermandad take up all thoſe they find in this pitiable ſituation, carry them to ſome hoſpital to ſleep, and give them, the next morning, a penny loaf with a couple of eggs for their breakfaſt; from which practice is derived their appellation. If theſe poor are in health, they are diſmiſſed, if diſeaſed they are kept till cured. Were ſomething of the kind adopted in London, where the houſeleſs poor are very numerous, it would be a moſt beneficent inſtitution.
It may eaſily be ſuppoſed that the abovementioned hoſpital is endowed with a very conſiderable re⯑venue. [185] It is ſaid to amount to 40,000 doubloons, or £30,000 ſterling.
There are neither hackney chairs nor hackney coaches in Madrid. A foreigner therefore cannot ride about the town upon the ſame eaſy terms as he may in London, Paris, and many other great cities. He who keeps no carriage muſt either walk or hire one for the day, which may be had for about 30 reals. All carriages are here drawn by mules, and the coachmen might with more propriety be termed poſtillions, as they ride on the mule, inſtead of ſit⯑ting on the coach-box, a practice which certainly obſtructs the ſight leſs, through the front glaſs of the carriage.
The cuſtom of driving with mules inſtead of horſes is univerſal; and for this reaſon, becauſe the horſes in Spain are not ſo well able to reſiſt the parching heats in ſummer, and the ſevere blaſts in winter, when the ſnow covers the hills on the ſides of the Eſcurial. Some of the ambaſſadors, who would not conform to this cuſtom, have had reaſon to repent of this ſingularity, as no one pair of horſes would laſt them the year through, whether they had Spaniſh or foreign horſes.
No perſon is allowed to drive about Madrid with more than four mules to his carriage. The king [386] only has ſix, and ſometimes eight, but then he is ſeldom at Madrid. In the environs the nobility are allowed to travel with fix, but very few are permit⯑ted to enter the gates with them. The great officers of ſtate, and the foreign miniſters, only, have this privilege, and theſe are obliged to drive ſtrait home from the gate at which they enter.
There are few beggars in this city, and thoſe few do not wander about, but remain fixed to one parti⯑cular ſpot; where, however they do not much im⯑portune paſſengers with their ſupplications, extend⯑ing only their hands, with a craving look. If any thing is given them it is well; if not, they never open their lips.
If a perſon wants to go a few leagues off, he may hire a caleffin; that is, an open chaiſe, drawn by a ſingle horſe. The driver runs on foot by the ſide of the chaiſe; and when tired, gets up behind; but on foot or behind, he never ceaſes hooting and whipping the poor jade, to make it trot. In this manner they will make them go about ſix miles an hour.
At Madrid the hotels are good. They have no [...]able-d'hote but every one dines in his own apart⯑ment, where he is ſerved with two courſes, each of four or five diſhes, with a deſſert, and one ſuch [387] courſe for ſupper, with plenty of good wine, for which he pays ſeven livres and an half a day, in⯑cluding lodging; but, if he eats no ſupper, then his dinner and his two rooms will coſt him only five livres, or four and two-pence Engliſh.
Like the French, the Spaniards drink their wine at dinner; but, when they have finiſhed their deſ⯑ſert, and taken coffee, they retire to their couch.
When they retire from the fieſta they get into their carriages, to parade up and down the Prado, never going faſter than a walk. As they march ſlowly in one direction, they look into the coaches which are returning in the other, and bow to their acquaint⯑ances every time they paſs.
At the cloſe of the day people ſay the uſual prayer; then wiſh each other a good evening, and begin retiring to their houſes, when they take their refreſcos of chocolate, with biſcuits, and a glaſs of water.
When properly introduced into a Spaniſh family, a ſtranger is told at parting, "Now, Sir, you are maſter of this houſe;" but the extent of the grant muſt be judged of by your own natural ſagacity; becauſe, ſuch is the politeneſs of a Spaniard, that he makes uſe of this expreſſion when nothing more [388] is meant than that you are at liberty to call upon him; accordingly you ſee many retire before each meal, or drop in after it; but, when it is taken in the full extent, the grant means dinner, refreſco, ſupper; any or all, whenever it may ſuit you to par⯑take of them.
The people of faſhion in this city are very obliging to ſtrangers, when once introduced to them; nor do the common people give bad language, or angry looks to ſtrangers, as is but too common in Eng⯑land. As to the Spaniſh grandees, they ſeldom mix either with foreigners or natives, who are not of the ſame rank with themſelves. The foreign miniſ⯑ters, in particular, ſcarce ever mix with any but the great officers of ſtate; from whence it may be con⯑cluded, that it is not the cuſtom for the Spaniſh no⯑bility to keep open houſes, like thoſe of almoſt every other capital in Europe. Yet ſome of them are very rich, nor can they be taxed with avarice, living in general with great ſplendour; but the mode of ſpending their money is different from that of other countries, and generally conſiſts in keeping a numerous court, within doors, of chap⯑lains, ſecretaries, pages, and a great number of li⯑very-ſervants, together with a very conſiderable number of equipages. Beſides, very few of the grandees ever diſmiſs a ſervant once eſtabliſhed in their families, unleſs for ſome very enormous [389] offences, he and his family remain penſioners as long as they live. There are ſome who pay near £10,000 ſterling a year, in wages and annuities to ſervants.
"The grandees (ſays Swinburne) are diminiſhed, by a ſeries of diſtempered progenitors, to a race of pigmies, which dwindle away for want of heirs, and tends gradually to a union of all the titles and eſtates upon the heads of one or two families. There is one nobleman who has no leſs than 19 gran⯑deeſhips centered in his perſon. Though they all ſtile themſelves de premiere claſſe, as it were, by way of diſtinctive pre-eminence over others of a lower degree; yet I believe (ſays the above writer) no ſecond or third claſs exiſts; and it would be a groſs inſult to ſuppoſe any of them of an inferior rank to the reſt of the corps; ſome difference may, perhaps, be made in the degrees of popular reſpect paid to the deſcendants of heroes, who made a figure in the Spaniſh annals, and ſuch grandees as have been ho⯑noured with that dignity in latter times. There are ſeveral noble families, who, by their antiquity, have a right to the honour of grandee, but, as the king has never ordered them to be covered, they are ſtiled caſas agravias, "injured heroes."
The king calls the grandees Couſin, when he writes to them. When they receive audience of the Pope [390] they are allowed to ſit; they cannot be arreſted for any crime whatſoever, without an expreſs order from his majeſty. They alone have the privilege to drive with four mules to their carriage within Madrid, whilſt the king is there. Among them all titles are equal. Dukes, marquiſſes, or counts have no pre⯑cedence the one before the other. The grandees, both in converſation and in writing to each other, always uſe thee and thou, but to their inferiors they make uſe of the ordinary ſtile.
In the folio book, entitled Creacion y Privilegios de los Tilulos de Caſtilla, printed in Madrid, 1769, 43 privileges are annexed to the dignity of grandee, among which, beſides thoſe abovementioned, are the following: They may never be put to the tor⯑ture; they may have four footmen and four torches behind their carriage, as may alſo dukes (earls and marquiſſes are allowed but two); they are permitted to have a throne, under a canopy, in one room in their houſes; this privilege is, however, granted to various other dignities, ſpecified in the book:
The Spaniſh women are, in general, little and thin; few are ſtrikingly beautiful, but almoſt all have ſparkling black eyes, full of expreſſion. It is not the faſhion in Spain, as in France, to heighten their eclat with paint. They are endowed by na⯑ture with a great deal of wit and lively repartee; [391] but, for want of the poliſh and ſuccours of educa⯑tion, their wit remains obſcured by the rudeſt ig⯑norance and moſt ridiculous prejudices. Their tempers having never been faſhioned by polite in⯑tercourſe, nor ſoftened by neceſſary contradiction, are extremely pettiſh and violent. They are conti⯑nually pouting for ſomething or other, and put out of humour by trifles.
Moſt of the ladies about court are the reverſe of handſome, and do not ſeem to have any ambition of being thought clever or accompliſhed; not one talent do they poſſeſs, nor do they ever work, read, write, or touch any muſical inſtrument, their cortejo, or gallant, ſeeming their only plaything. "The accounts given me, (ſays Swinburne) of their man⯑ner of living, in their family-way, as ſoon as they come out of the convent, and before they have fixed on a lover to fill up their time more agreeably, is as follows: they riſe late, and loiter away the remain⯑der of the morning among their attendants, or wear it out at church in a long bead-roll of habitual un⯑meaning prayers; they dine ſparingly, ſleep, and then dreſs, to ſaunter for a couple of hours on the Prado. They are never without ſome ſort of ſugar-plum, or high-ſpiced comfit, in their mouths. As ſoon as it is duſk they run to the houſe of ſome elderly female relation, where they all herd together over a pan of coals, and would not for the world approach the [392] company that may occaſionally drop in; it would throw them into the greateſt confuſion, were they requeſted to join in the converſation. The hour of the aſſembly paſſed, they hurry home to their maids, and, with their help, ſet about dreſſing their ſuppers, by way of amuſement.
As people of faſhion ſeldom aſſemble to eat at each other's houſes, this is no doubt one of the cir⯑cumſtances which contributes to their reputation for ſobriety. They are likewiſe little acquainted with the innocent and healthful recreations of the country. But few among them are fond of the chace, of which the monarch and his family ſeem to poſſeſs the excluſive privilege. Country amuſe⯑ments, in ſhort, ſeem to have no attractions for the Spaniards. Their country-houſes might eaſily be numbered. Among the many rich individuals who inhabit the capital, there are, perhaps not ten who have a country-retreat.