[]THE HISTORY OF THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.

CHAP. XXXIII. Death of Honorius.—Valentinian III. Emperor of the Eaſt.—Adminiſtration of his Mother Placidia.—Aetius and Boniface.—Conqueſt of Africa by the Vandals.

DURING a long and diſgraceful reign of of twenty-eight years, Honorius, emperor of the Weſt, was ſeparated from the friendſhip Laſt years and death of Hono⯑rius, A. D. 423, Aug. 27. of his brother, and afterwards of his nephew, who reigned over the Eaſt; and Conſtantinople beheld, with apparent indifference and ſecret joy, the calamities of Rome. The ſtrange adventures of Placidia ¹ gradually renewed, and cemented, the alliance of the two empires. The daughter [2] of the great Theodoſius had been the captive and the queen of the Goths: ſhe loſt an affec⯑tionate huſband; ſhe was dragged in chains by his inſulting aſſaſſin; ſhe taſted the pleaſure of revenge, and was exchanged, in the treaty of peace, for ſix hundred thouſand meaſures of wheat. After her return from Spain to Italy, Placidia experienced a new perſecution in the boſom of her family. She was averſe to a mar⯑riage, which had been ſtipulated without her conſent; and the brave Conſtantius, as a noble reward for the tyrants whom he had vanquiſhed, received, from the hand of Honorius himſelf, the ſtruggling and reluctant hand of the widow of Adolphus. But her reſiſtance ended with the ceremony of the nuptials; nor did Placidia refuſe to become the mother of Honoria and Valentinian the third, or to aſſume and exerciſe an abſolute dominion over the mind of her grateful huſband. The generous ſoldier, whoſe time had hitherto been divided between ſocial pleaſure and military ſervice, was taught new leſſons of avarice and ambition: he extorted the title of Auguſtus; and the ſervant of Honorius was aſſociated to the empire of the Weſt. The death of Conſtantius, in the ſeventh month of his reign, inſtead of diminiſhing, ſeemed to increaſe, the power of Placidia; and the indecent familiarity ² of her [3] brother, which might be no more than the ſymp⯑toms of a childiſh affection, were univerſally attributed to inceſtuous love. On a ſudden, by ſome baſe intrigues of a ſteward and a nurſe, this exceſſive fondneſs was converted into an irrecon⯑cileable quarrel: the debates of the emperor and his ſiſter were not long confined within the walls of the palace; and as the Gothic ſoldiers adhered to their queen, the city of Ravenna was agitated with bloody and dangerous tumults, which could only be appeaſed by the forced or voluntary re⯑treat of Placidia and her children. The royal exiles landed at Conſtantinople, ſoon after the marriage of Theodoſius, during the feſtival of the Perſian victories. They were treated with kindneſs and magnificence; but as the ſtatues of the emperor Conſtantius had been rejected by the Eaſtern court, the title of Auguſta could not de⯑cently be allowed to his widow. Within a few months after the arrival of Placidia, a ſwift meſ⯑ſenger announced the death of Honorius, the conſequence of a dropſy; but the important ſecret was not divulged, till the neceſſary orders had been diſpatched for the march of a large body of troops to the ſea-coaſt of Dalmatia. The ſhops and the gates of Conſtantinople remained ſhut during ſeven days; and the loſs of a foreign prince, who could neither be eſteemed nor re⯑gretted, [4] was celebrated with loud and affected demonſtrations of the public grief.

While the miniſters of Conſtantinople delibe⯑rated, Elevation and fall of the uſurper John, A. D. 423—425. the vacant throne of Honorius was uſurped by the ambition of a ſtranger. The name of the rebel was John: he filled the confidential office of Primicerius, or principal ſecretary; and hiſtory has attributed to his character more virtues, than can eaſily be reconciled with the violation of the moſt ſacred duty. Elated by the ſubmiſſion of Italy, and the hope of an alliance with the Huns, John preſumed to inſult, by an embaſſy, the majeſty of the Eaſtern emperor; but when he underſtood that his agents had been baniſhed, impriſoned, and at length chaced away with de⯑ſerved ignominy, John prepared to aſſert, by arms, the injuſtice of his claims. In ſuch a cauſe, the grandſon of the great Theodoſius ſhould have marched in perſon: but the young emperor was eaſily diverted, by his phyſicians, from ſo raſh and hazardous a deſign; and the conduct of the Italian expedition was prudently entruſted to Ardaburius, and his ſon Aſpar, who had already ſignaliſed their valour againſt the Perſians. It was reſolved, that Ardaburius ſhould embark with the infantry; whilſt Aſpar, at the head of the cavalry, conducted Placidia, and her ſon Valentinian, along the ſea-coaſt of the Ha⯑driatic. The march of the cavalry was perform⯑ed with ſuch active diligence, that they ſurpriſed, without reſiſtance, the important city of Aquileia; when the hopes of Aſpar were unexpectedly con⯑founded [5] by the intelligence, that a ſtorm had diſperſed the Imperial fleet; and that his father, with only two gallies, was taken and carried a priſoner into the port of Ravenna. Yet this in⯑cident, unfortunate as it might ſeem, facilitated the conqueſt of Italy. Ardaburius employed, or abuſed, the courteous freedom, which he was permitted to enjoy, to revive among the troops a ſenſe of loyalty and gratitude; and, as ſoon as the conſpiracy was ripe for execution, he invited by private meſſages, and preſſed the approach of, Aſpar. A ſhepherd, whom the popular credulity transformed into an angel, guided the Eaſtern cavalry, by a ſecret, and, it was thought, an im⯑paſſable road, through the moraſſes of the Po: the gates of Ravenna, after a ſhort ſtruggle, were thrown open; and the defenceleſs tyrant was delivered to the mercy, or rather to the cruelty, of the conquerors. His right hand was firſt cut off; and, after he had been expoſed, mounted on an aſs, to the public deriſion, John was be⯑headed in the Circus of Aquileia. The emperor Theodoſius, when he received the news of the victory, interrupted the horſe-races; and ſinging, as he marched through the ſtreets, a ſuitable pſalm, conducted his people from the Hippo⯑drome to the church, where he ſpent the remain⯑der of the day in grateful devotion ³.

[6] In a monarchy, which, according to various precedents, might be conſidered as elective, or hereditary, or patrimonial, it was impoſſible that Valenti⯑nian III. emperor of the Weſt, A. D. 425-455. the intricate claims of female and collateral ſuc⯑ceſſion ſhould be clearly defined ⁴; and Theo⯑doſius, by the right of conſanguinity or con⯑queſt, might have reigned the ſole legitimate emperor of the Romans. For a moment, per⯑haps, his eyes were dazzled by the proſpect of unbounded ſway; but his indolent temper gra⯑dually acquieſced in the dictates of ſound policy. He contented himſelf with the poſſeſſion of the Eaſt; and wiſely relinquiſhed the laborious taſk, of waging a diſtant and doubtful war againſt the Barbarians beyond the Alps; or of ſecuring the obedience of the Italians and Africans, whoſe minds were alienated by the irreconcileable dif⯑ference of language and intereſt. Inſtead of liſtening to the voice of ambition, Theodoſius reſolved to imitate the moderation of his grand⯑father, and to ſeat his couſin Valentinian on the throne of the Weſt. The royal infant was diſ⯑tinguiſhed at Conſtantinople by the title of Nobi⯑liſſimus: he was promoted, before his departure from Theſſalonica, to the rank and dignity of Caeſar; and, after the conqueſt of Italy, the pa⯑trician Helion, by the authority of Theodoſius, and in the preſence of the ſenate, ſaluted Valen⯑tinian [7] the third by the name of Auguſtus, and ſolemnly inveſted him with the diadem, and the Imperial purple ⁵. By the agreement of the three females who governed the Roman world, the ſon of Placidia was betrothed to Eudoxia, the daugh⯑ter of Theodoſius and Athenais; and, as ſoon as the lover and his bride had attained the age of puberty, this honourable alliance was faithfully accompliſhed. At the ſame time, as a compen⯑ſation, perhaps, for the expences of the war, the Weſtern Illyricum was detached from the Italian dominions, and yielded to the throne, of Con⯑ſtantinople ⁶. The emperor of the Eaſt acquired the uſeful dominion of the rich and maritime province of Dalmatia, and the dangerous ſove⯑reignty of Pannonia and Noricum, which had been filled and ravaged above twenty years, by a promiſcuous crowd of Huns, Oſtrogoths, Van⯑dals, and Bavarians. Theodoſius and Valentinian continued to reſpect the obligations of their pub⯑lic and domeſtic alliance; but the unity of the Roman government was finally diſſolved. By a poſitive declaration, the validity of all future laws was limited to the dominions of their pecu⯑liar author; unleſs he ſhould think proper to communicate them, ſubſcribed, with his own [8] hand, for the approbation of his independent colleague ⁷.

Valentinian, when he received the title of Au⯑guſtus, Admini⯑ſtration of his mother Placidia, A. D. 425—450. was no more than ſix years of age: and his long minority was entruſted to the guardian care of a mother, who might aſſert a female claim to the ſucceſſion of the Weſtern empire. Placidia envied, but ſhe could not equal, the reputation and virtues of the wife and ſiſter of Theodoſius; the elegant genius of Eudocia, the wiſe and ſucceſsful policy of Pulcheria. The mother of Valentinian was jealous of the power, which ſhe was incapable of exerciſing ⁸: ſhe reign⯑ed twenty-five years, in the name of her ſon; and the character of that unworthy emperor gra⯑dually countenanced the ſuſpicion, that Placidia had enervated his youth by a diſſolute education, and ſtudiouſly diverted his attention from every manly and honourable purſuit. Amidſt the de⯑cay Her two generals, Aetius and Boniface. of military ſpirit, her armies were command⯑ed [9] by two generals, Aetius ⁹ and Boniface ¹⁰, who may be deſervedly named as the laſt of the Romans. Their union might have ſupported a ſinking empire; their diſcord was the fatal and immediate cauſe of the loſs of Africa. The in⯑vaſion and defeat of Attila has immortalized the fame of Aetius; and though time has thrown a ſhade over the exploits of his rival, the defence of Marſcelles, and the deliverance of Africa, atteſt the military talents of count Boniface. In the field of battle, in partial encounters, in ſin⯑gle combats, he was ſtill the terror of the Bar⯑barians: the clergy, and particularly his friend Auguſtin, were edified by the Chriſtian piety, which had once tempted him to retire from the world; the people applauded his ſpotleſs integrity; the army dreaded his equal and inexorable juſtice, which may be diſplayed in a very ſingular exam⯑ple. A peaſant, who complained of the criminal intimacy between his wife and a Gothic ſoldier, was directed to attend his tribunal the following day: in the evening the count, who had dili⯑gently [10] informed himſelf of the time and place of the aſſignation, mounted his horſe, rode ten miles into the country, ſurpriſed the guilty couple, puniſhed the ſoldier with inſtant death, and ſi⯑lenced the complaints of the huſband, by pre⯑ſenting him, the next morning, with the head of the adulterer. The abilities of Aetius and Boni⯑face might have been uſefully employed againſt the public enemies, in ſeparate and important commands; but the experience of their paſt con⯑duct ſhould have decided the real favour and con⯑fidence of the empreſs Placidia. In the melan⯑choly ſeaſon of her exile and diſtreſs, Boniface alone had maintained her cauſe with unſhaken fidelity; and the troops and treaſures of Africa had eſſentially contributed to extinguiſh the rebellion. The ſame rebellion had been ſup⯑ported by the zeal and activity of Aetius, who brought an army of ſixty thouſand Huns from the Danube to the confines of Italy, for the ſervice of the uſurper. The untimely death of John, compelled him to accept an advantageous treaty; but he ſtill continued, the ſubject and the ſoldier of Valentinian, to entertain a ſecret, perhaps a treaſonable, correſpondence with his Barbarian allies, whoſe retreat had been purchaſed by liberal gifts, and more liberal promiſes. But Aetius poſſeſſed an advantage of ſingular moment in a female reign: he was preſent: he beſieged, with artful and aſſiduous flattery, the palace of Ravenna; diſguiſed his dark deſigns with the maſk of loyalty and friendſhip; and at length [11] deceived both his miſtreſs and his abſent rival, by a ſubtle conſpiracy, which a weak woman, and a brave man, could not eaſily ſuſpect. He Error and revolt of Boniface in Africa, A. D. 427. ſecretly perſuaded ¹¹ Placidia to recal Boniface from the government of Africa; he ſecretly ad⯑viſed Boniface to diſobey the Imperial ſummons: to the one, he repreſented the order as a ſentence of death; to the other, he ſtated the refuſal as a ſignal of revolt; and when the credulous and un⯑ſuſpectful count had armed the province in his defence, Aetius applauded his ſagacity in fore⯑ſeeing the rebellion, which his own perfidy had excited. A temperate enquiry into the real motives of Boniface, would have reſtored a faith⯑ful ſervant to his duty and to the republic; but the arts of Aetius ſtill continued to betray and to inflame, and the count was urged, by per⯑ſecution, to embrace the moſt deſperate counſels. The ſucceſs with which he eluded or repelled the firſt attacks, could not inſpire a vain confidence, that, at the head of ſome looſe, diſorderly Afri⯑cans, he ſhould be able to withſtand the regular forces of the Weſt, commanded by a rival, whoſe military character it was impoſſible for him to deſpiſe. After ſome heſitation, the laſt ſtruggles of prudence and loyalty, Boniface diſpatched a truſty friend to the court, or rather to the camp, of Gonderic, king of the Vandals, with the pro⯑poſal [12] of a ſtrict alliance, and the offer of an ad⯑vantageous and perpetual ſettlement.

After the retreat of the Goths, the authority of He invites the Van⯑dals, A. D. 428. Honorius had obtained a precarious eſtabliſhment in Spain; except only in the province of Gal⯑licia, where the Suevi and the Vandals had for⯑tified their camps, in mutual diſcord, and hoſtile independence. The Vandals prevailed; and their adverſaries were beſieged in the Nervaſian hills, between Leon and Oviedo, till the approach of Count Aſterius compelled, or rather provoked, the victorious Barbarians to remove the ſcene of the war to the plains of Boetica. The rapid progreſs of the Vandals ſoon required a more effectual oppoſition; and the maſter-general Caſtinus marched againſt them with a numerous army of Romans and Goths. Vanquiſhed in battle by an inferior enemy, Caſtinus fled with diſhonour to Tarragona; and this memorable defeat, which has been repreſented as the puniſhment, was moſt probably the effect, of his raſh preſumption ¹². Seville and Carthagena became the reward, or rather the prey, of the ferocious conquerors; and the veſſels which they found in the harbour of Carthagena, might eaſily tranſport them to the iſles of Majorca and Minorca, where the Spaniſh fugitives, as in a ſecure receſs, had vainly con⯑cealed their families and their fortunes. The [13] experience of navigation, and perhaps the proſpect of Africa, encouraged the Vandals to accept the invitation which they received from Count Boni⯑face; and the death of Gonderic ſerved only to forward and animate the bold enterpriſe. In the room of a prince, not conſpicuous for any ſuperior powers of the mind or body, they acquired his baſtard brother, the terrible Genſeric ¹³; a name, Genſeric king of the Vandals. which, in the deſtruction of the Roman empire, has deſerved an equal rank with the names of Alaric and Attila. The king of the Vandals is deſcribed to have been of a middle ſtature, with a lameneſs in one leg, which he had contracted by an accidental fall from his horſe. His ſlow and cautious ſpeech ſeldom declared the deep purpoſes of his ſoul: he diſdained to imitate the luxury of the vanquiſhed; but he indulged the ſterner paſſions of anger and revenge. The am⯑bition of Genſeric was without bounds, and with⯑out ſcruples; and the warrior could dexterouſly employ the dark engines of policy of ſolicit the allies who might be uſeful to his ſucceſs, or to ſcatter among his enemies the ſeeds of hatred and contention. Almoſt in the moment of his depar⯑ture he was informed, that Hermanric, king of the Suevi, had preſumed to ravage the Spaniſh [14] territories, which he was reſolved to abandon. Impatient of the inſult, Genſeric purſued the haſty retreat of the Suevi as far as Merida; precipitated the king and his army into the river Anas, and calmly returned to the ſea-ſhore, to embark his victorious troops. The veſſels which tranſported the Vandals over the modern Streights He lands in Africa, A. D. 429. May. of Gibraltar, a channel only twelve miles in breadth, were furniſhed by the Spaniards, who anxiouſly wiſhed their departure; and by the African general, who had implored their for⯑midable aſſiſtance. ¹⁴

Our fancy, ſo long accuſtomed to exaggerate and re⯑views his army, A. D. 429. and multiply the martial ſwarms of Barbarians that ſeemed to iſſue from the North, will per⯑haps be ſurpriſed by the account of the army which Genſeric muſtered on the coaſt of Mau⯑ritania. The Vandals, who in twenty years had penetrated from the Elbe to Mount Atlas, were united under the command of their warlike king; and he reigned with equal authority over the Alani, who had paſſed, within the term of hu⯑man life, from the cold of Scythia to the exceſſive heat of an African climate. The hopes of the bold enterpriſe had excited many brave adven⯑turers of the Gothic nation; and many deſperate provincials were tempted to repair their fortunes [15] by the ſame means which had occaſioned their ruin. Yet this various multitude amounted only to fifty thouſand effective men; and though Gen⯑ſeric artfully magnified his apparent ſtrength, by appointing eighty chiliarchs, or commanders of thouſands, the fallacious increaſe of old men, of children, and of ſlaves, would ſcarcely have ſwelled his army to the number of fourſcore thouſand perſons ¹⁵. But his own dexterity, and the diſcontents of Africa, ſoon fortified the Van⯑dal powers, by the acceſſion of numerous and active allies. The parts of Mauritania, which The Moors. border on the great deſert, and the Atlantic ocean, were filled with a fierce and untractable race of men, whoſe ſavage temper had been exaſperated, rather than reclaimed, by their dread of the Roman arms. The wandering Moors ¹⁶, as they gradually ventured to approach the ſea⯑ſhore, and the camp of the Vandals, muſt have viewed with terror and aſtoniſhment the dreſs, the armour, the martial pride and diſcipline of the unknown ſtrangers, who had landed on their [16] coaſt; and the fair complexions of the blue-eyed warriors of Germany, formed a very ſingular contraſt with the ſwarthy or olive hue, which is derived from the neighbourhood of the torrid zone. After the firſt difficulties had in ſome meaſure been removed, which aroſe from the mutual ignorance of their reſpective language, the Moors, regardleſs of any future conſequence, embraced the alliance of the enemies of Rome; and a crowd of naked ſavages ruſhed from the woods and vallies of Mount Atlas, to ſatiate their revenge on the poliſhed tyrants, who had inju⯑riouſly expelled them from the native ſovereignty of the land.

The perſecution of the Donatiſts ¹⁷ was an The Do⯑natiſts. event not leſs favourable to the deſigns of Gen⯑ſeric. Seventeen years before he landed in Africa, a public conference was held at Carthage, by the order of the magiſtrate. The Catholics were ſatisfied, that, after the invincible reaſons which they had alleged, the obſtinacy of the ſchiſmatics muſt be inexcuſable and voluntary; and the em⯑peror Honorius was perſuaded to inflict the moſt rigorous penalties on a faction, which had ſo long abuſed his patience and clemency. Three hundred biſhops ¹⁸, with many thouſands of the inferior clergy, were torn from their churches, [17] ſtripped of their eccleſiaſtical poſſeſſions, baniſhed to the iſlands, and proſcribed by the laws, if they preſumed to conceal themſelves in the provinces of Africa. Their numerous congregations, both in cities and in the country, were deprived of the rights of citizens, and of the exerciſe of religious worſhip. A regular ſcale of fines, from ten to two hundred pounds of ſilver, was curiouſly aſcertained, according to the diſtinctions of rank and fortune, to puniſh the crime of aſſiſting at a ſchiſmatic conventicle; and if the fine had been levied five times, without ſubduing the obſtinacy of the offender, his future puniſhment was refer⯑red to the diſcretion of the Imperial court ¹⁹. By theſe ſeverities, which obtained the warmeſt approbation of St. Auguſtin ²⁰, great numbers of Donatiſts were reconciled to the Catholic church: but the fanatics, who ſtill perſevered in their op⯑poſition, were provoked to madneſs and deſpair; the diſtracted country was filled with tumult and bloodſhed; the armed troops of Circumcellions alternately pointed their rage againſt them⯑ſelves, or againſt their adverſaries; and the calen⯑dar [18] of martyrs received on both ſides a conſider⯑able augmentation ²¹. Under theſe circumſtances, Genſeric, a Chriſtian, but an enemy of the ortho⯑dox communion, ſhewed himſelf to the Dona⯑tiſts as a powerful deliverer, from whom they might reaſonably expect the repeal of the odious and oppreſſive edicts of the Roman emperors ²². The conqueſt of Africa was facilitated by the active zeal, or the ſecret favour, of a domeſtic faction; the wanton outrages againſt the churches, and the clergy, of which the Vandals are accuſed, may be fairly imputed to the fanaticiſm of their allies; and the intolerant ſpirit, which diſgraced the triumph of Chriſtianity, contributed to the loſs of the moſt important province of the Weſt ²³.

The court and the people were aſtoniſhed by Tardy re⯑pentance of Boni⯑face, A. D. 430. the ſtrange intelligence, that a virtuous hero, after ſo many favours, and ſo many ſervices, had renounced his allegiance, and invited the Barba⯑rians [19] to deſtroy the province entruſted to his command. The friends of Boniface, who ſtill believed that his criminal behaviour might be excuſed by ſome honourable motive, ſolicited, during the abſence of Aetius, a free conference with the Count of Africa; and Darius, an officer of high diſtinction, was named for the important embaſſy ²⁴. In their firſt interview at Carthage, the imaginary provocations were mutually ex⯑plained; the oppoſite letters of Aetius were pro⯑duced and compared; and the fraud was eaſily detected. Placidia and Boniface lamented their fatal error; and the Count had ſufficient magna⯑nimity to confide in the forgiveneſs of his ſove⯑reign, or to expoſe his head to her future reſent⯑ment. His repentance was fervent and ſincere; but he ſoon diſcovered, that it was no longer in his power to reſtore the edifice which he had ſhaken to its foundations. Carthage, and the Roman garriſons, returned with their general to the allegiance of Valentinian; but the reſt of Africa was ſtill diſtracted with war and faction; and the inexorable king of the Vandals, diſdain⯑ing all terms of accommodation, ſternly refuſed to relinquiſh the poſſeſſion of his prey. The band of veterans, who marched under the ſtand⯑ard [20] of Boniface, and his haſty levies of provincial troops, were defeated with conſiderable loſs: the victorious Barbarians inſulted the open country; and Carthage, Cirta, and Hippo Regius, were the only cities that appeared to riſe above the general inundation.

The long and narrow tract of the African coaſt Deſolation of Africa. was filled with frequent monuments of Roman art and magnificence; and the reſpective degrees of improvement might be accurately meaſured by the diſtance from Carthage and the Mediter⯑ranean. A ſimple reflection will impreſs every thinking mind with the cleareſt idea of fertility and cultivation: the country was extremely po⯑pulous; the inhabitants reſerved a liberal ſub⯑ſiſtence for their own uſe; and the annual ex⯑portation, particularly of wheat, was ſo regular and plentiful, that Africa deſerved the name of the common granary of Rome and of mankind. On a ſudden, the ſeven fruitful provinces, from Tangier to Tripoli, were overwhelmed by the invaſion of the Vandals; whoſe deſtructive rage has perhaps been exaggerated by popular ani⯑moſity, religious zeal, and extravagant declama⯑tion. War, in its faireſt form, implies a per⯑petual violation of humanity and juſtice; and the hoſtilities of Barbarians are inflamed by the fierce and lawleſs ſpirit which inceſſantly diſturbs their peaceful and domeſtic ſociety. The Vandals, where they found reſiſtance, ſeldom gave quarter; and the deaths of their valiant countrymen were expiated by the ruin of the cities under whoſe walls they had fallen. Careleſs of the diſtinctions [21] of age, or ſex, or rank, they employed every ſpe⯑cies of indignity and torture, to force from the captives a diſcovery of their hidden wealth. The ſtern policy of Genſeric juſtified his frequent ex⯑amples of military execution: he was not always the maſter of his own paſſions, or of thoſe of his followers; and the calamities of war were aggra⯑vated by the licentiouſneſs of the Moors, and the fanaticiſm of the Donatiſts. Yet I ſhall not eaſily be perſuaded, that it was the common prac⯑tice of the Vandals to extirpate the olives, and other fruit-trees, of a country where they intend⯑ed to ſettle: nor can I believe that it was a uſual ſtratagem to ſlaughter great numbers of their priſoners before the walls of a beſieged city, for the ſole purpoſe of infecting the air, and pro⯑ducing a peſtilence, of which they themſelves muſt have been the firſt victims ²⁵.

The generous mind of Count Boniface was Siege of Hippo, A. D. 430, May. tortured by the exquiſite diſtreſs of beholding the ruin, which he had occaſioned, and whoſe rapid progreſs he was unable to check. After the loſs of a battle, he retired into Hippo Regius; where he was immediately beſieged by an enemy, who conſidered him as the real bulwark of Africa. [22] The maritime colony of Hippo ²⁶, about two hun⯑dred miles weſtward of Carthage, had formerly acquired the diſtinguiſhing epithet of Regius, from the reſidence of Numidian kings; and ſome remains of trade and populouſneſs ſtill adhere to the modern city, which is known in Europe by the corrupted name of Bona. The military la⯑bours, and anxious reflexions, of Count Boniface, were alleviated by the edifying converſation of his friend St. Auguſtin ²⁷; till that biſhop, the light and pillar of the Catholic church, was gently releaſed, in the third month of the ſiege, Death of St. Auguſ⯑tine, A. D. 430, Aug. 28. and in the ſeventy-ſixth year of his age, from the actual and the impending calamities of his coun⯑try. The youth of Auguſtin had been ſtained by the vices and errors, which he ſo ingenuouſly confeſſes; but from the moment of his conver⯑ſion, to that of his death, the manners of the biſhop of Hippo were pure and auſtere; and the moſt conſpicuous of his virtues was an ardent zeal againſt heretics of every denomination; the Manichaeans, the Donatiſts, and the Pelagians, againſt whom he waged a perpetual controverſy. [23] When the city, ſome months after his death, was burnt by the Vandals, the library was fortunately ſaved, which contained his voluminous writings; two hundred and thirty-two ſeparate books or treatiſes on theological ſubjects, beſides a com⯑plete expoſition of the pſalter and the goſpel, and a copious magazine of epiſtles and homilies ²⁸. According to the judgment of the moſt impartial critics, the ſuperficial learning of Auguſtin was confined to the Latin language ²⁹; and his ſtyle, though ſometimes animated by the eloquence of paſſion, is uſually clouded by falſe and affected rhetoric. But he poſſeſſed a ſtrong, capacious, argumentative mind; he boldly ſounded the dark abyſs of grace, predeſtination, free-will, and original ſin; and the rigid ſyſtem of Chriſtianity which he framed or reſtored ³⁰, has been enter⯑tained, [24] with public applauſe, and ſecret reluc⯑tance, by the Latin church ³¹.

By the ſkill of Boniface, and perhaps by the ignorance of the Vandals, the ſiege of Hippo Death and retreat of Boniface, A. D. 431. was protracted above fourteen months: the ſea was continually open; and when the adjacent country had been exhauſted by irregular rapine, the beſiegers themſelves were compelled by fa⯑mine to relinquiſh their enterpriſe. The im⯑portance and danger of Africa were deeply felt by the regent of the Weſt. Placidia implored the aſſiſtance of her eaſtern ally; and the Italian fleet and army were reinforced by Aſpar, who failed from Conſtantinople with a powerful arma⯑ment. As ſoon as the force of the two empires was united under the command of Boniface, he boldly marched againſt the Vandals; and the loſs of a ſecond battle irretrievably decided the fate of Africa. He embarked with the precipi⯑tation of deſpair; and the people of Hippo were permitted, with their families and effects, to occupy the vacant place of the ſoldiers, the great⯑eſt part of whom were either ſlain or made pri⯑ſoners by the Vandals. The Count, whoſe fatal [25] credulity had wounded the vitals of the republic, might enter the palace of Ravenna with ſome anxiety, which was ſoon removed by the ſmiles of Placidia. Boniface accepted with gratitude the rank of patrician, and the dignity of maſter⯑general of the Roman armies; but he muſt have bluſhed at the ſight of thoſe medals, in which he was repreſented with the name and attributes of victory ³². The diſcovery of his fraud, the diſ⯑pleaſure of the empreſs, and the diſtinguiſhed favour of his rival, exaſperated the haughty and perfidious ſoul of Aetius. He haſtily returned from Gaul to Italy, with a retinue, or rather with an army, of Barbarian followers; and ſuch was the weakneſs of the government, that the two generals decided their private quarrel in a bloody battle. Boniface was ſucceſsful; but he His death, A. D. 432. received in the conflict a mortal wound from the ſpear of his adverſary, of which he expired within a few days, in ſuch Chriſtian and charitable ſen⯑timents, that he exhorted his wife, a rich heireſs of Spain, to accept Aetius for her ſecond huſ⯑band. But Aetius could not derive any imme⯑diate advantage from the generoſity of his dying enemy: he was proclaimed a rebel by the juſtice of Placidia; and though he attempted to defend [26] ſome ſtrong fortreſſes erected on his patrimonial eſtate, the Imperial power ſoon compelled him to retire into Pannonia, to the tents of his faith⯑ful Huns. The republic was deprived, by their mutual diſcord, of the ſervice of her two moſt illuſtrious champions ³³.

It might naturally be expected, after the re⯑treat Progreſs of the Van⯑dals in A⯑frica, A. D. 431—439. of Boniface, that the Vandals would atchieve, without reſiſtance or delay, the conqueſt of Africa. Eight years however elapſed, from the evacua⯑tion of Hippo to the reduction of Carthage. In the midſt of that interval, the ambitious Gen⯑ſeric, in the full tide of apparent proſperity, negociated a treaty of peace, by which he gave his ſon Hunneric for an hoſtage; and conſented to leave the Weſtern emperor in the undiſturbed poſſeſſion of the three Mauritanias ³⁴. This mo⯑deration, which cannot be imputed to the juſtice, muſt be aſcribed to the policy, of the conqueror. His throne was encompaſſed with domeſtic ene⯑mies; who accuſed the baſeneſs of his birth, and aſſerted the legitimate claims of his nephews, the ſons of Gonderic. Thoſe nephews, indeed, he [27] ſacrificed to his ſafety; and their mother, the widow of the deceaſed king, was precipitated, by his order, into the river Ampſaga. But the pub⯑lic diſcontent burſt forth in dangerous and fre⯑quent conſpiracies; and the warlike tyrant is ſuppoſed to have ſhed more Vandal blood by the hand of the executioner, than in the field of bat⯑tle ³⁵. The convulſions of Africa, which had favoured his attack, oppoſed the firm eſtabliſh⯑ment of his power; and the various ſeditions of the Moors and Germans, the Donatiſts and Ca⯑tholics, continually diſturbed, or threatened, the unſettled reign of the conqueror. As he ad⯑vanced towards Carthage, he was forced to with⯑draw his troops from the Weſtern provinces; the ſea-coaſt was expoſed to the naval enter⯑priſes of the Romans of Spain and Italy; and, in the heart of Numidia, the ſtrong inland city of Corta ſtill perſiſted in obſtinate independence ³⁶. Theſe difficulties were gradually ſubdued by the ſpirit, the perſeverance, and the cruelty of Gen⯑ſeric; who alternately applied the arts of peace and war to the eſtabliſhment of his African king⯑dom. He ſubſcribed a ſolemn treaty, with the hope of deriving ſome advantage from the term of its continuance, and the moment of its vio⯑lation. The vigilance of his enemies was relaxed by the proteſtations of friendſhip, which con⯑cealed his hoſtile approach; and Carthage was at [28] length ſurpriſed by the Vandals, five hundred and eighty-five years after the deſtruction of the city and republic by the younger Scipio ³⁷.

A new city had ariſen from its ruins, with the They ſur⯑priſe Car⯑thage, A. D. 439, October 9. title of a colony; and though Carthage might yield to the royal prerogatives of Conſtantinople, and perhaps to the trade of Alexandria, or the ſplendor of Antioch, ſhe ſtill maintained the ſe⯑cond rank in the Weſt; as the Rome (if we may uſe the ſtyle of contemporaries) of the African world. That wealthy and opulent metropolis ³⁸ diſplayed, in a dependent condition, the image of a flouriſhing republic. Carthage contained the manufactures, the arms, and the treaſures of the ſix provinces. A regular ſubordination of civil honours, gradually aſcended from the pro⯑curators of the ſtreets and quarters of the city, to the tribunal of the ſupreme magiſtrate, who, with the title of proconſul, repreſented the ſtate and dignity of a conſul of ancient Rome. Schools and gymnaſia were inſtituted for the education of the African youth; and the liberal arts and man⯑ners, grammar, rhetoric, and philoſophy, were publicly taught in the Greek and Latin languages. [29] The buildings of Carthage were uniform and magnificent: a ſhady grove was planted in the midſt of the capital; the new port, a ſecure and capacious harbour, was ſubſervient to the com⯑mercial induſtry of citizens and ſtrangers; and the ſplendid games of the circus and theatre were exhibited almoſt in the preſence of the Bar⯑barians. The reputation of the Carthaginians was not equal to that of their country, and the reproach of Punic faith ſtill adhered to their ſub⯑tle and faithleſs character ³⁹. The habits of trade, and the abuſe of luxury, had corrupted their manners; but their impious contempt of monks, and the ſhameleſs practice of unnatural luſts, are the two abominations which excite the pious vehemence of Salvian, the preacher of the age ⁴⁰. The king of the Vandals ſeverely reform⯑ed the vices of a voluptuous people; and the ancient, noble, ingenuous, freedom of Carthage (theſe expreſſions of Victor are not without ener⯑gy), was reduced by Genſeric into a ſtate of [30] ignominious ſervitude. After he had permitted his licentious troops to ſatiate their rage and ava⯑rice, he inſtituted a more regular ſyſtem of rapine and oppreſſion. An edict was promulgated, which enjoined all perſons, without fraud or de⯑lay, to deliver their gold, ſilver, jewels, and valuable furniture or apparel, to the royal officers; and the attempt to ſecrete any part of their patri⯑mony, was inexorably puniſhed with death and torture, as an act of treaſon againſt the ſtate. The lands of the proconſular province, which formed the immediate diſtrict of Carthage, were accurately meaſured, and divided among the Barbarians; and the conqueror reſerved for his peculiar domain, the fertile territory of Byza⯑cium, and the adjacent parts of Numidia and Getulia ⁴¹.

It was natural enough that Genſeric ſhould hate African exiles and captives. thoſe whom he had injured: the nobility and ſenators of Carthage were expoſed to his jealouſy and reſentment; and all thoſe who refuſed the ignominious terms, which their honour and reli⯑gion forbade them to accept, were compelled by the Arian tyrant to embrace the condition of perpetual baniſhment. Rome, Italy, and the provinces of the Eaſt, were filled with a crowd of exiles, of fugitives, and of ingenuous captives, who ſolicited the public compaſſion: and the benevolent epiſtles of Theodoret, ſtill preſerve the names and misfortunes of Caeleſtian and [31] Maria ⁴². The Syrian biſhop deplores the mis⯑fortunes of Caeleſtian, who, from the ſtate of a noble and opulent ſenator of Carthage, was reduced, with his wife and family, and ſervants, to beg his bread in a foreign country; but he applauds the reſignation of the Chriſtian exile, and the philoſophic temper, which, under the preſſure of ſuch calamities, could enjoy more real happineſs, than was the ordinary lot of wealth and proſperity. The ſtory of Maria, the daughter of the magnificent Eudaemon, is ſin⯑gular and intereſting. In the ſack of Car⯑thage, ſhe was purchaſed from the Vandals by ſome merchants of Syria, who afterwards ſold her as a ſlave in their native country. A female attendant, tranſported in the ſame ſhip, and ſold in the ſame family, ſtill continued to reſpect a miſtreſs whom fortune had reduced to the com⯑mon level of ſervitude; and the daughter of Eu⯑daemon received from her grateful affection the domeſtic ſervices, which ſhe had once required from her obedience. This remarkable behaviour divulged the real condition of Maria; who, in the abſence of the biſhop of Cyrrhus, was redeem⯑ed from ſlavery by the generoſity of ſome ſoldiers of the garriſon. The liberality of Theodoret provided for her decent maintenance; and ſhe paſſed ten months among the deaconeſſes of the church; till ſhe was unexpectedly informed, that her father, who had eſcaped from the ruin of [32] Carthage, exerciſed an honourable office in one of the Weſtern provinces. Her filial impatience was ſeconded by the pious biſhop: Theodoret, in a letter ſtill extant, recommends Maria to the biſhop of Aegae, a maritime city of Cilicia, which was frequented, during the annual fair, by the veſſels of the Weſt; moſt earneſtly requeſting, that his colleague would uſe the maiden with a tenderneſs ſuitable to her birth; and that he would entruſt her to the care of ſuch faithful merchants, as would eſteem it a ſufficient gain, if they reſtored a daughter, loſt beyond all human hope, to the arms of her afflicted parent.

Among the inſipid legends of eccleſiaſtical Fable of the ſeven ſleepers. hiſtory, I am tempted to diſtinguiſh the memo⯑rable fable of the SEVEN SLEEPERS ⁴³: whoſe imaginary date correſponds with the reign of the younger Theodoſius, and the conqueſt of Africa by the Vandals ⁴⁴. When the emperor Decius perſecuted the Chriſtians, ſeven noble youths of [33] Epheſus concealed themſelves in a ſpacious ca⯑vern in the ſide of an adjacent mountain; where they were doomed to periſh by the tyrant, who gave orders that the entrance ſhould be firmly ſecured with a pile of huge ſtones. They imme⯑diately fell into a deep ſlumber, which was mi⯑raculouſly prolonged, without injuring the powers of life, during a period of one hundred and eighty-ſeven years. At the end of that time, the ſlaves of Adolius, to whom the inheritance of the mountain had deſcended, removed the ſtones, to ſupply materials for ſome ruſtic edifice: the light of the ſun darted into the cavern; and the ſeven ſleepers were permitted to awake. After a ſlumber, as they thought, of a few hours, they were preſſed by the calls of hunger; and reſolved that Jamblichus, one of their number, ſhould ſecretly return to the city, to purchaſe bread for the uſe of his companions. The youth (if we may ſtill employ that appellation) could no longer recogniſe the once familiar aſpect of his native country; and his ſurpriſe was increaſed by the appearance of a large croſs, triumphantly erected over the principal gate of Epheſus. His ſingular dreſs, and obſolete language, confounded the baker, to whom he offered an ancient medal of Decius as the current coin of the empire; and Jamblichus, on the ſuſpicion of a ſecret trea⯑ſure, was dragged before the judge. Their mu⯑tual enquiries produced the amazing diſcovery, that two centuries were almoſt elapſed ſince Jam⯑blichus, and his friends, had eſcaped from the rage of a Pagan tyrant. The biſhop of Ephe⯑ſus, [34] the clergy, the magiſtrates, the people, and as it is ſaid the emperor Theodoſius himſelf, haſ⯑tened to viſit the cavern of the Seven Sleepers; who beſtowed their benediction, related their ſtory, and at the ſame inſtant peaceably expired. The origin of this marvellous fable cannot be aſcribed to the pious fraud and credulity of the modern Greeks, ſince the authentic tradition may be traced within half a century of the ſuppoſed miracle. James of Sarug, a Syrian biſhop, who was born only two years after the death of the younger Theodoſius, has devoted one of his two hundred and thirty homilies to the praiſe of the young men of Epheſus ⁴⁵. Their legend, before the end of the ſixth century, was tranſlated from the Syriac, into the Latin, language, by the care of Gregory of Tours. The hoſtile communions of the Eaſt preſerve their memory with equal reverence; and their names are honourably in⯑ſcribed in the Roman, the Habyſſinian, and the Ruſſian calendar ⁴⁶. Nor has their reputation been confined to the Chriſtian world. This po⯑pular [35] tale, which Mahomet might learn when he drove his camels to the fairs of Syria, is intro⯑duced, as a divine revelation, into the Koran ⁴⁷. The ſtory of the Seven Sleepers has been adopt⯑ed, and adorned by the nations, from Bengal to Africa, who profeſs the Mahometan religion ⁴⁸; and ſome veſtiges of a ſimilar tradition have been diſcovered in the remote extremities of Scan⯑dinavia ⁴⁹. This eaſy and univerſal belief, ſo expreſſive of the ſenſe of mankind, may be aſ⯑cribed to the genuine merit of the fable itſelf. We imperceptibly advance from youth to age, without obſerving the gradual, but inceſſant, change of human affairs; and even in our larger experience of hiſtory, the imagination is accuſ⯑tomed, by a perpetual ſeries of cauſes and effects, to unite the moſt diſtant revolutions. But if the interval between two memorable aeras could be inſtantly annihilated; if it were poſſible, after a momentary ſlumber of two hundred years, to diſplay the new world to the eyes of a ſpectator, [36] who ſtill retained a lively and recent impreſſion of the old, his ſurpriſe and his reflections would furniſh the pleaſing ſubject of a philoſophical romance. The ſcene could not be more ad⯑vantageouſly placed, than in the two centuries which elapſed between the reigns of Decius and of Theodoſius the Younger. During this pe⯑riod, the ſeat of government had been tranſ⯑ported from Rome to a new city on the banks of the Thracian Boſphorus; and the abuſe of mili⯑tary ſpirit had been ſuppreſſed, by an artificial ſyſtem of tame and ceremonious ſervitude. The throne of the perſecuting Decius was filled by a ſucceſſion of Chriſtian and orthodox princes, who had extirpated the fabulous gods of antiquity: and the public devotion of the age was impatient to exalt the ſaints and martyrs of the Catholic church, on the altars of Diana and Hercules. The union of the Roman empire was diſſolved: its genius was humbled in the duſt; and armies of unknown Barbarians, iſſuing from the frozen regions of the North, had eſtabliſhed their vic⯑torious reign over the faireſt provinces of Europe and Africa.

CHAP. XXXIV. The Character, Conqueſts, and Court of Attila, King of the Huns.—Death of Theodoſius the Younger.—Elevation of Marcian to the Empire of the Eaſt.

THE weſtern world was oppreſſed by the Goths and Vandals, who fled before the Huns; but the atchievements of the Huns them⯑ſelves The Huns, A. D. 376—433. were not adequate to their power and pro⯑ſperity. Their victorious hords had ſpread from the Volga to the Danube; but the public force was exhauſted by the diſcord of independent chief⯑tains; their valour was idly conſumed in obſcure and predatory excurſions; and they often de⯑graded their national dignity by condeſcending, for the hopes of ſpoil, to enliſt under the ban⯑ners of their fugitive enemies. In the reign of ATTILA The authentic materials for the hiſtory of Attila may be found in Jornandes (de Rebus Geticis, c. 34—50. p. 660—688. edit. Grot.) and Priſcus (Excerpta de Legationibus, p. 33—76. Paris, 1648.). I have not ſeen the lives of Attila, compoſed by Juvencus Caelius Calanus Dalmatinus, in the twelfth century, or by Nicholas Olahus, archbiſhop of Gran, in the ſixteenth. See Maſcou's Hiſtory of the Germans, ix. 23. and Maffei Oſſervazioni Litteraric, tom. i. p. 88, 89. Whatever the modern Hungarians have added, muſt be ſabulous; and they do not ſeem to have excelled in the art of fiction. They ſuppoſe, that when Attila invaded Gaul and Italy, married innumerable wives, &c. he was one hundred and twenty years of age. Thwrocz Chron. p. i. c. 22. in Script. Hungar. tom. i. p. 76., the Huns again became the terror of [38] the world; and I ſhall now deſcribe the character and actions of that formidable Barbarian; who alternately inſulted and invaded the Eaſt and the Weſt, and urged the rapid downfal of the Ro⯑man empire.

In the tide of emigration, which impetuouſly Their eſta⯑bliſhment in modern Hungary. rolled from the confines of China to thoſe of Germany, the moſt powerful and populous tribes may commonly be found on the verge of the Roman provinces. The accumulated weight was ſuſtained for a while by artificial barriers; and the eaſy condeſcenſion of the emperors invited, without ſatisfying, the inſolent demands of the Barbarians, who had acquired an eager appetite for the luxuries of civilized life. The Hunga⯑rians, who ambitiouſly inſert the name of Attila among their native kings, may affirm with truth, that the hords, which were ſubject to his uncle Roas, or Rugilas, had formed their encampments within the limits of modern Hungary Hungary has been ſucceſſively occupied by three Scythian colo⯑nies. 1. The Huns of Attila; 2. the Abares, in the ſixth century; and, 3. the Turks, or Magiars, A. D. 889.; the immediate and genuine anceſtors of the modern Hungarians, whoſe connection with the two former is extremely faint and remote. The Prodromus and Notitia of Matthew Belius, appear to contain a rich fund of informa⯑tion concerning ancient and modern Hungary. I have ſeen the extracts in Bibliotheque Ancienne et Moderne, tom. xxii. p. 1—51. and Bibliotheque Raiſonnée, tom. xvi. p. 127—175., in a fer⯑tile country, which liberally ſupplied the wants of a nation of hunters and ſhepherds. In this advantageous ſituation, Rugilas, and his valiant brothers, who continually added to their power and reputation, commanded the alternative of [39] peace or war with the two empires. His alliance with the Romans of the Weſt was cemented by his perſonal friendſhip for the great Aetius; who was always ſecure of finding, in the Barbarian camp, a hoſpitable reception, and a powerful ſupport. At his ſolicitation, and in the name of John the uſurper, ſixty thouſand Huns advanced to the confines of Italy; their march and their retreat were alike expenſive to the ſtate; and the grateful policy of Aetius abandoned the poſſeſ⯑ſion of Pannonia to his faithful confederates. The Romans of the Eaſt were not leſs apprehen⯑ſive of the arms of Rugilas, which threatened the provinces, or even the capital. Some eccle⯑ſiaſtical hiſtorians have deſtroyed the Barbarians with lightning and peſtilence Socrates, l. vii. c. 43. Theodoret, l. v. c. 36. Tillemont, who always depends on the faith of his eccleſiaſtical authors, ſtrenu⯑ouſly contends (Hiſt. des Emp. tom. vi. p. 136. 607.), that the wars and perſonages were not the ſame.; but Theodoſius was reduced to the more humble expedient of ſtipulating an annual payment of three hundred and fifty pounds of gold, and of diſguiſing this diſhonourable tribute by the title of general, which the king of the Huns condeſcended to ac⯑cept. The public tranquillity was frequently interrupted by the fierce impatience of the Bar⯑barians, and the perfidious intrigues of the By⯑zantine court. Four dependent nations, among whom we may diſtinguiſh the Bavarians, diſ⯑claimed the ſovereignty of the Huns; and their revolt was encouraged and protected by a Roman alliance; till the juſt claims, and formidable [40] power, of Rugilas, were effectually urged by the voice of Eſlaw his ambaſſador. Peace was the unanimous wiſh of the ſenate: their decree was ratified by the emperor; and two ambaſſadors were named, Plinthas, a general of Scythian extraction, but of conſular rank; and the quae⯑ſtor Epigenes, a wiſe and experienced ſtateſman, who was recommended to that office by his am⯑bitious colleague.

The death of Rugilas ſuſpended the progreſs Reign of Attila, A. D. 433—453. of the treaty. His two nephews, Attila and Bleda, who ſucceeded to the throne of their un⯑cle, conſented to a perſonal interview with the ambaſſadors of Conſtantinople; but as they proudly refuſed to diſmount, the buſineſs was tranſacted on horſeback, in a ſpacious plain near the city of Margus, in the Upper Maeſia. The kings of the Huns aſſumed the ſolid benefits, as well as the vain honours, of the negociation. They dictated the conditions of peace, and each condition was an inſult on the majeſty of the em⯑pire. Beſides the freedom of a ſafe and plentiful market on the banks of the Danube, they re⯑quired that the annual contribution ſhould be augmented from three hundred and fifty, to ſeven hundred, pounds of gold; that a fine, or ranſom, of eight pieces of gold, ſhould be paid for every Roman captive, who had eſcaped from his Bar⯑barian maſter; that the emperor ſhould renounce all treaties and engagements with the enemies of the Huns; and that all the fugitives, who had taken refuge in the court, or provinces, of Theo⯑dofius, [41] ſhould be delivered to the juſtice of their offended ſovereign. This juſtice was rigorouſly in⯑flicted on ſome unfortunate youths of a royal race. They were crucified on the territories of the em⯑pire, by the command of Attila: and, as ſoon as the king of the Huns had impreſſed the Ro⯑mans with the terror of his name, he indulged them in a ſhort and arbitrary reſpite, whilſt he ſubdued the rebellious or independent nations of Scythia and Germany ⁴.

Attila, the ſon of Mundzuk, deduced his no⯑ble, His figure and cha⯑racter; perhaps his regal, deſcent ⁵ from the ancient Huns, who had formerly contended with the monarchs of China. His features, according to the obſervation of a Gothic hiſtorian, bore the ſtamp of his national origin; and the portrait of Attila exhibits the genuine deformity of a mo⯑dern Calmuck ⁶; a large head, a ſwarthy com⯑plexion, ſmall deep-ſeated eyes, a flat noſe, a few hairs in the place of a beard, broad ſhoulders, and a ſhort ſquare body, of nervous ſtrength, though of a diſproportioned form. The haughty ſtep and demeanor of the king of the Huns ex⯑preſſed the conſciouſneſs of his ſuperiority above the reſt of mankind; and he had a cuſtom of [42] fiercely rolling his eyes, as if he wiſhed to enjoy the terror which he inſpired. Yet this ſavage hero was not inacceſſible to pity: his ſuppliant enemies might confide in the aſſurance of peace or pardon; and Attila was conſidered by his ſub⯑jects as a juſt and indulgent maſter. He delight⯑ed in war; but, after he had aſcended the throne in a mature age, his head, rather than his hand, atchieved the conqueſt of the North; and the fame of an adventurous ſoldier was uſefully exchanged for that of a prudent and ſucceſsful general. The effects of perſonal valour are ſo incoſiderable, except in poetry or romance, that victory, even among Barbarians, muſt depend on the degree of ſkill, with which the paſſions of the multitude are combined and guided for the ſervice of a ſingle man. The Scythian con⯑querors, Attila and Zingis, ſurpaſſed their rude countrymen in art, rather than in courage; and it may be obſerved, that the monarchies, both of the Huns, and of the Moguls, were erected by their founders on the baſis of popular ſuperſti⯑tion. The miraculous conception, which fraud and credulity aſcribed to the virgin-mother of Zingis, raiſed him above the level of human nature; and the naked prophet, who, in the name of the Deity, inveſted him with the empire of the earth, pointed the valour of the Moguls with irreſiſtible enthuſiaſm ⁷. The religious arts of [43] Attila were not leſs ſkilfully adapted to the cha⯑racter of his age and country. It was natural enough, that the Scythians ſhould adore, with peculiar devotion, the god of war; but as they were incapable of forming either an abſtract idea, or a corporeal repreſentation, they worſhipped their tutelar deity under the ſymbol of an iron cimeter ⁸. One of the ſhepherds of the Huns he diſco⯑vers the ſword of Mars, perceived, that a heifer, who was grazing, had wounded herſelf in the foot, and curiouſly fol⯑lowed the track of the blood, till he diſcovered, among the long graſs, the point of an ancient ſword; which he dug out of the ground, and preſented to Attila. That magnanimous, or rather that artful, prince accepted, with pious grati⯑tude, this celeſtial favour; and, as the rightful poſſeſſor of the ſword of Mars, aſſerted his divine and indefeaſible claim to the dominion of the earth ⁹. If the rites of Scythia were practiſed on this ſolemn occaſion, a lofty altar, or rather pile of faggots, three hundred yards in length and in [44] breadth, was raiſed in a ſpacious plain; and the ſword of Mars was placed erect on the ſummit of this ruſtic altar, which was annually conſe⯑crated by the blood of ſheep, horſes, and of the hundredth captive ¹⁰. Whether human ſacrifices formed any part of the worſhip of Attila, or whether he propitiated the god of war with the victims which he continually offered in the field of battle, the favourite of Mars ſoon acquired a ſacred character, which rendered his conqueſts more eaſy, and more permanent; and the Bar⯑barian princes confeſſed, in the language of de⯑votion or flattery, that they could not preſume to gaze, with a ſteady eye, on the divine majeſty of the king of the Huns ¹¹. His brother Bleda, who reigned over a conſiderable part of the na⯑tion, was compelled to reſign his ſceptre, and his life. Yet even this cruel act was attributed to a ſupernatural impulſe; and the vigour with which Attila wielded the ſword of Mars, convinced the world, that it had been reſerved alone for his in⯑vincible arm ¹². But the extent of his empire affords the only remaining evidence of the num⯑ber, [45] and importance, of his victories; and the Scythian monarch, however ignorant of the value of ſcience and philoſophy, might, perhaps, la⯑ment, that his illiterate ſubjects were deſtitute of the art which could perpetuate the memory of his exploits.

If a line of ſeparation were drawn between the and ac⯑quires the empire of Scythia and Ger⯑many. civilized and the ſavage climates of the globe; between the inhabitants of cities, who cultivated the earth, and the hunters and ſhepherds, who dwelt in tents, Attila might aſpire to the title of ſupreme and ſole monarch of the Barbarians ¹³. He alone, among the conquerors of ancient and modern times, united the two mighty kingdoms of Germany and Scythia; and thoſe vague ap⯑pellations, when they are applied to his reign, may be underſtood with an ample latitude. Thu⯑ringia, which ſtretched beyond its actual limits as far as the Danube, was in the number of his provinces: he interpoſed, with the weight of a powerful neighbour, in the domeſtic affairs of the Franks; and one of his lieutenants chaſtiſed, and almoſt exterminated, the Burgundians of the Rhine. He ſubdued the iſlands of the ocean, the kingdoms of Scandinavia, encompaſſed and di⯑vided by the waters of the Baltic; and the Huns might derive a tribute of furs from that northern region, which has been protected from all other [46] conquerors by the ſeverity of the climate, and the courage of the natives. Towards the Eaſt, it is difficult to circumſcribe the dominion of Attila over the Scythian deſerts; yet we may be aſſur⯑ed, that he reigned on the banks of the Volga; that the king of the Huns was dreaded, not only as a warrior, but as a magician ¹⁴; that he inſulted and vanquiſhed the Khan of the formid⯑able Geougen; and that he ſent ambaſſadors to negociate an equal alliance with the empire of China. In the proud review of the nations who acknowledged the ſovereignty of Attila, and who never entertained, during his lifetime, the thought of a revolt, the Gepidae and the Oſtro⯑goths were diſtinguiſhed by their numbers, their bravery, and the perſonal merit of their chiefs. The renowned Ardaric, king of the Gepidae, was the faithful and ſagacious counſellor of the mo⯑narch; who eſteemed his intrepid genius, whilſt he loved the mild and diſcreet virtues of the no⯑ble Walamir, king of the Oſtrogoths. The crowd of vulgar kings, the leaders of ſo many martial tribes, who ſerved under the ſtandard of Attila, were ranged in the ſubmiſſive order of guards and domeſtics, round the perſon of their maſter. They watched his nod; they trembled at his frown; and, at the firſt ſignal of his will, [47] they executed, without murmur or heſitation, his ſtern and abſolute commands. In time of peace, the dependent princes, with their national troops, attended the royal camp in regular ſuc⯑ceſſion; but when Attila collected his military force, he was able to bring into the field an army of five, or, according to another account, of ſeven hundred thouſand Barbarians ¹⁵.

The ambaſſadors of the Huns might awaken The Huns invade Perſia, A. D. 430—440. the attention of Theodoſius, by reminding him, that they were his neighbours both in Europe and Aſia; ſince they touched the Danube on one hand, and reached, with the other, as far as the Tanais. In the reign of his father Arcadius, a band of adventurous Huns had ravaged the pro⯑vinces of the Eaſt; from whence they brought away rich ſpoils and innumerable captives ¹⁶. [48] They advanced, by a ſecret path, along the ſhores of the Caſpian ſea; traverſed the ſnowy moun⯑tains of Armenia; paſſed the Tigris, the Euphra⯑tes, and the Halys; recruited their weary cavalry with the generous breed of Cappadocian horſes; occupied the hilly country of Cilicia, and diſ⯑turbed the feſtal ſongs, and dances, of the citizens of Antioch. Egypt trembled at their approach; and the monks and pilgrims of the Holy Land prepared to eſcape their fury by a ſpeedy embark⯑ation. The memory of this invaſion was ſtill recent in the minds of the Orientals. The ſub⯑jects of Attila might execute, with ſuperior forces, the deſign which theſe adventurers had ſo boldly attempted; and it ſoon became the ſubject of anxious conjecture, whether the tempeſt would fall on the dominions of Rome, or of Perſia. Some of the great vaſſals of the king of the Huns, who were themſelves in the rank of powerful princes, had been ſent to ratify an alliance and ſociety of arms with the emperor, or rather with the general, of the Weſt. They related, during their reſidence at Rome, the circumſtances of an expedition, which they had lately made into the Eaſt. After paſſing a deſert and a moraſs, ſup⯑poſed by the Romans to be the lake Moeotis, they penetrated through the mountains, and ar⯑rived, at the end of fifteen days march, on the confines of Media; where they advanced as far as the unknown cities of Baſic and Curſic. They encountered the Perſian army in the plains of Media; and the air, according to their own ex⯑preſſion, [49] was darkened by a cloud of arrows. But the Huns were obliged to retire, before the num⯑bers of the enemy. Their laborious retreat was effected by a different road; they loſt the great⯑eſt part of their booty; and at length returned to the royal camp, with ſome knowledge of the country, and an impatient deſire of revenge. In the free converſation of the Imperial ambaſ⯑ſadors, who diſcuſſed, at the court of Attila, the character and deſigns of their formidable enemy, the miniſters of Conſtantinople expreſſed their hope, that his ſtrength might be diverted and employed in a long and doubtful conteſt with the princes of the houſe of Saſſan. The more ſaga⯑cious Italians admoniſhed their Eaſtern brethren of the folly and danger of ſuch a hope; and convinced them, that the Medes and Perſians were incapable of reſiſting the arms of the Huns; and, that the eaſy and important acquiſition would exalt the pride, as well as power, of the con⯑queror. Inſtead of contenting himſelf with a moderate contribution, and a military title, which equalled him only to the generals of Theodoſius, Attila would proceed to impoſe a diſgraceful and intolerable yoke on the necks of the proſtrate and captive Romans, who would then be en⯑compaſſed, on all ſides, by the empire of the Huns ¹⁷.

While the powers of Europe and Aſia were They at⯑tack the Eaſtern empire, A. D. 441, &c. ſolicitous to avert the impending danger, the alliance of Attila maintained the Vandals in the [50] poſſeſſion of Africa. An enterpriſe had been concerted between the courts of Ravenna and Conſtantinople, for the recovery of that valuable province; and the ports of Sicily were already filled with the military and naval forces of Theo⯑doſius. But the ſubtle Genſeric, who ſpread his negociations round the world, prevented their deſigns, by exciting the king of the Huns to invade the Eaſtern empire; and a trifling inci⯑dent ſoon became the motive, or pretence, of a deſtructive war ¹⁸. Under the faith of the treaty of Margus, a free market was held on the north⯑ern ſide of the Danube, which was protected by a Roman fortreſs, ſurnamed Conſtantia. A troop of Barbarians violated the commercial ſe⯑curity: killed, or diſperſed, the unſuſpecting traders; and levelled the fortreſs with the ground. The Huns juſtified this outrage as an act of re⯑priſal; alleged, that the biſhop of Margus had entered their territories, to diſcover and ſteal a ſecret treaſure of their kings; and ſternly de⯑manded the guilty prelate, the ſacrilegious ſpoil, and the fugitive ſubjects, who had eſcaped from the juſtice of Attila. The refuſal of the Byzan⯑tine [51] court was the ſignal of war; and the Mae⯑ſians at firſt applauded the generous firmneſs of their ſovereign. But they were ſoon intimidated by the deſtruction of Viminiacum and the adja⯑cent towns; and the people was perſuaded to adopt the convenient maxim, that a private citi⯑zen, however innocent or reſpectable, may be juſtly ſacrificed to the ſafety of his country. The biſhop of Margus, who did not poſſeſs the ſpirit of a martyr, reſolved to prevent the deſigns which he ſuſpected. He boldly treated with the princes of the Huns; ſecured, by ſolemn oaths, his par⯑don and reward; poſted a numerous detachment of Barbarians, in ſilent ambuſh, on the banks of the Danube; and, at the appointed hour, opened, with his own hand, the gates of his epiſcopal city. This advantage, which had been obtained by treachery, ſerved as a prelude to more ho⯑nourable and deciſive victories. The Illyrian frontier was covered by a line of caſtles and for⯑treſſes; and though the greateſt part of them conſiſted only of a ſingle tower, with a ſmall gar⯑riſon, they were commonly ſufficient to repel, or to intercept, the inroads of an enemy, who was ignorant of the art, and impatient of the delay, of a regular ſiege. But theſe ſlight obſtacles were inſtantly ſwept away by the inundation of the Huns ¹⁹. They deſtroyed, with fire and ſword, the populous cities of Sirmium and Singi⯑dunum, [52] of Ratiaria and Marcianapolis, of Na⯑iſſus and Sardica; where every circumſtance, in the diſcipline of the people, and the conſtruction of the buildings, had been gradually adapted to the ſole purpoſe of defence. The whole breadth and ra⯑vage Eu⯑rope as far as Con⯑ſtantinople. of Europe, as it extends above five hundred miles from the Euxine to the Hadriatic, was at once invaded, and occupied, and deſolated, by the myriads of Barbarians whom Attila led into the field. The public danger and diſtreſs could not, however, provoke Theodoſius to interrupt his amuſements and devotion, or to appear in perſon at the head of the Roman legions. But the troops, which had been ſent againſt Genſeric, were haſtily recalled from Sicily; the garriſons, on the ſide of Perſia, were exhauſted; and a military force was collected in Europe, formid⯑able by their arms and numbers, if the generals had underſtood the ſcience of command, and their ſoldiers the duty of obedience. The ar⯑mies of the Eaſtern empire were vanquiſhed in three ſucceſſive engagements; and the progreſs of Attila may be traced by the fields of battle. The two former, on the banks of the Utus, and under the walls of Marcianapolis, were fought in the extenſive plains between the Danube and Mount Haemus. As the Romans were preſſed by a victorious enemy, they gradually, and un⯑ſkilfully, retired towards the Cherſoneſus of Thrace; and that narrow peninſula, the laſt ex⯑tremity of the land, was marked by their third, and irreparable, defeat. By the deſtruction of [53] this army, Attila acquired the indiſputable poſ⯑ſeſſion of the field. From the Helleſpont to Thermopylae, and the ſuburbs of Conſtantinople, he ravaged, without reſiſtance, and without mercy, the provinces of Thrace and Macedonia. Heraclea and Hadrianople might, perhaps, eſ⯑cape this dreadful irruption of the Huns; but the words, the moſt expreſſive of total extirpa⯑tion and eraſure, are applied to the calamities which they inflicted on ſeventy cities of the Eaſ⯑tern empire ²⁰. Theodoſius, his court, and the unwarlike people, were protected by the walls of Conſtantinople; but thoſe walls had been ſhaken by a recent earthquake, and the fall of fifty-eight towers had opened a large and tremendous breach. The damage indeed was ſpeedily repaired; but this accident was aggravated by a ſuperſtitious fear, that Heaven itſelf had delivered the Impe⯑rial city to the ſhepherds of Scythia, who were ſtrangers to the laws, the language, and the reli⯑gion, of the Romans ²¹.

In all their invaſions of the civilized empires The Scy⯑thian, or Tartar, wars. of the South, the Scythian ſhepherds have been uniformly actuated by a ſavage and deſtructive ſpirit. The laws of war, that reſtrain the exer⯑ciſe [54] of national rapine and murder, are founded on two principles of ſubſtantial intereſt: the knowledge of the permanent benefits which may be obtained by a moderate uſe of conqueſt; and a juſt apprehenſion, leſt the deſolation which we inflict on the enemy's country, may be retaliated on our own. But theſe conſiderations of hope and fear are almoſt unknown in the paſtoral ſtate of nations. The Huns of Attila may, without injuſtice, be compared to the Moguls and Tar⯑tars, before their primitive manners were changed by religion and luxury; and the evidence of Oriental hiſtory may reflect ſome light on the ſhort and imperfect annals of Rome. After the Moguls had ſubdued the northern provinces of China, it was ſeriouſly propoſed, not in the hour of victory and paſſion, but in calm deliberate council, to exterminate all the inhabitants of that populous country, that the vacant land might be converted to the paſture of cattle. The firmneſs of a Chineſe mandarin ²², who inſinuated ſome principles of rational policy into the mind of Zingis, diverted him from the execution of this horrid deſign. But in the cities of Aſia, which yielded to the Moguls, the inhuman abuſe of the rights of war was exerciſed, with a regular [55] form of diſcipline, which may, with equal reaſon, though not with equal authority, be imputed to the victorious Huns. The inhabitants, who had ſubmitted to their diſcretion, were ordered to evacuate their houſes, and to aſſemble in ſome plain adjacent to the city; where a diviſion was made of the vanquiſhed into three parts. The firſt claſs conſiſted of the ſoldiers of the garriſon, and of the young men capable of bearing arms; and their fate was inſtantly decided: they were either inliſted among the Moguls, or they were maſſacred on the ſpot by the troops, who, with pointed ſpears and bended bows, had formed a circle round the captive multitude. The ſecond claſs, compoſed of the young and beautiful wo⯑men, of the artificers of every rank and profeſ⯑ſion, and of the more wealthy or honourable citizens, from whom a private ranſom might be expected, was diſtributed in equal or proportion⯑able lots. The remainder, whoſe life or death was alike uſeleſs to the conquerors, were per⯑mitted to return to the city; which, in the mean while, had been ſtripped of its valuable furniture; and a tax was impoſed on thoſe wretched inha⯑bitants for the indulgence of breathing their na⯑tive air. Such was the behaviour of the Moguls, when they were not conſcious of any extraordinary rigour ²³. But the moſt caſual provocation, the ſlighteſt motive, of caprice or convenience, of⯑ten provoked them to involve a whole people in [56] an indiſcriminate maſſacre: and the ruin of ſome flouriſhing cities was executed with ſuch unrelent⯑ing perſeverance, that, according to their own expreſſion, horſes might run, without ſtumbling, over the ground where they had once ſtood. The three great capitals of Khoraſan, Maru, Neiſabour, and Herat, were deſtroyed by the armies of Zingis; and the exact account, which was taken of the ſlain, amounted to four millions three hundred and forty-ſeven thouſand perſons ²⁴. Timur, or Tamerlane, was educated in a leſs barbarous age; and in the profeſſion of the Ma⯑hometan religion: yet, if Attila equalled the hoſtile ravages of Tamerlane ²⁵, either the Tartar or the Hun might deſerve the epithet of the SCOURGE OF GOD ²⁶.

[57] It may be affirmed, with bolder aſſurance, that the Huns depopulated the provinces of the em⯑pire, by the number of Roman ſubjects whom State of the cap⯑tives. they led away into captivity. In the hands of a wiſe legiſlator, ſuch an induſtrious colony might have contributed to diffuſe, through the deſerts of Scythia, the rudiments of the uſeful and or⯑namental arts; but theſe captives, who had been taken in war, were accidentally diſperſed among the hords, that obeyed the empire, of Attila. The eſtimate of their reſpective value was form⯑ed by the ſimple judgment of unenlightened, and unprejudiced, Barbarians. Perhaps they might not underſtand the merit of a theologian, profoundly ſkilled in the controverſies of the Trinity and the Incarnation: yet they reſpected the miniſters of every religion; and the active zeal of the Chriſtian miſſionaries, without ap⯑proaching the perſon, or the palace, of the mo⯑narch, ſucceſsfully laboured in the propagation of the goſpel ²⁷. The paſtoral tribes, who were ignorant of the diſtinction of landed property, muſt have diſregarded the uſe, as well as the abuſe, of civil juriſprudence; and the ſkill of an eloquent lawyer could excite only their con⯑tempt, or their abhorrence ²⁸. The perpetual [58] intercourſe of the Huns and the Goths had com⯑municated the familiar knowledge of the two national dialects; and the Barbarians were ambi⯑tious of converſing in Latin, the military idiom, even of the Eaſtern empire ²⁹. But they diſdain⯑ed the language, and the ſciences, of the Greeks; and the vain ſophiſt, or grave philoſopher, who had enjoyed the flattering applauſe of the ſchools, was mortified to find, that his robuſt ſervant was a captive of more value and importance than himſelf. The mechanic arts were encouraged and eſteemed, as they tended to ſatisfy the wants of the Huns. An architect, in the ſervice of One⯑geſius, one of the favourites of Attila, was em⯑ployed to conſtruct a bath; but this work was a rare example of private luxury; and the trades of the ſmith, the carpenter, the armourer, were much more adapted to ſupply a wandering people with the uſeful inſtruments of peace and war. But the merit of the phyſician was received with univerſal favour and reſpect; the Barbarians, who deſpiſed death, might be apprehenſive of diſeaſe; and the haughty conqueror trembled in the preſence of a captive, to whom he aſcribed, perhaps, an imaginary power, of prolonging, or [59] preſerving, his life ³⁰. The Huns might be pro⯑voked to inſult the miſery of their ſlaves, over whom they exerciſed a deſpotic command ³¹; but their manners were not ſuſceptible of a refin⯑ed ſyſtem of oppreſſion; and the efforts of cou⯑rage and diligence were often recompenſed by the gift of freedom. The hiſtorian Priſcus, whoſe embaſſy is a ſource of curious inſtruction, was accoſted, in the camp of Attila, by a ſtranger, who ſaluted him in the Greek language, but whoſe dreſs and figure diſplayed the appearance of a wealthy Scythian. In the ſiege of Viminia⯑cum, he had loſt, according to his own account, his fortune and liberty: he became the ſlave of Onegeſius; but his faithful ſervices, againſt the Romans and the Acatzires, had gradually raiſed him to the rank of the native Huns; to whom he was attached by the domeſtic pledges of a new wife and ſeveral children. The ſpoils of war had reſtored and improved his private property; he was admitted to the table of his former lord; and the apoſtate Greek bleſſed the hour of his captivity, ſince it had been the introduction to [60] an happy and independent ſtate; which he held by the honourable tenure of military ſervice. This reflection naturally produced a diſpute on the advantages, and defects, of the Roman go⯑vernment, which was ſeverely arraigned by the apoſtate, and defended by Priſcus in a prolix and feeble declamation. The freedman of Onegeſius expoſed, in true and lively colours, the vices of a declining empire, of which he had ſo long been the victim; the cruel abſurdity of the Roman princes, unable to protect their ſubjects againſt the public enemy, unwilling to truſt them with arms for their own defence; the intolerable weight of taxes, rendered ſtill more oppreſſive by the intricate or arbitrary modes of collection; the obſcurity of numerous and contradictory laws; the tedious and expenſive forms of judicial pro⯑ceedings; the partial adminiſtration of juſtice; and the univerſal corruption, which increaſed the influence of the rich, and aggravated the mis⯑fortunes of the poor. A ſentiment of patriotic ſympathy was at length revived in the breaſt of the fortunate exile; and he lamented, with a flood of tears, the guilt or weakneſs of thoſe magiſ⯑trates, who had perverted the wiſeſt and moſt ſalutary inſtitutions ³².

The timid, or ſelfiſh, policy of the weſtern Treaty of peace be⯑tween At⯑tila and the Eaſtern empire, A. D. 446. Romans had abandoned the Eaſtern empire to the Huns ³³. The loſs of armies, and the want of [61] diſcipline, or virtue, were not ſupplied by the perſonal character of the monarch. Theodoſius might ſtill affect the ſtyle, as well as the title, of Invincible Auguſtus; but he was reduced to ſolicit the clemency of Attila, who imperiouſly dictated theſe harſh and humiliating conditions of peace. I. The emperor of the Eaſt reſigned, by an ex⯑preſs or tacit convention, an extenſive and im⯑portant territory, which ſtretched along the ſouthern banks of the Danube, from Singidunum or Belgrade, as far as Novae, in the dioceſe of Thrace. The breadth was defined by the vague computation of fifteen days journey; but, from the propoſal of Attila, to remove the ſituation of the national market, it ſoon appeared, that he comprehended the ruined city of Naiſſus within the limits of his dominions. II. The king of the Huns required, and obtained, that his tribute or ſubſidy ſhould be augmented from ſeven hundred pounds of gold to the annual ſum of two thou⯑ſand one hundred; and he ſtipulated the imme⯑diate payment of ſix thouſand pounds of gold to defray the expences, or to expiate the guilt, of the war. One might imagine, that ſuch a de⯑mand, which ſcarcely equalled the meaſure of private wealth, would have been readily diſcharg⯑ed by the opulent empire of the Eaſt; and the public diſtreſs affords a remarkable proof of the impoveriſhed, or at leaſt of the diſorderly, ſtate of the finances. A large proportion of the taxes, extorted from the people, was detained and in⯑tercepted in their paſſage, through the fouleſt [62] channels, to the treaſury of Conſtantinople. The revenue was diſſipated by Theodoſius, and his favourites, in waſteful and profuſe luxury; which was diſguiſed by the names of Imperial magni⯑ficence, or Chriſtian charity. The immediate ſupplies had been exhauſted by the unforeſeen neceſſity of military preparations. A perſonal contribution, rigorouſly, but capriciouſly, im⯑poſed on the members of the ſenatorian order, was the only expedient that could diſarm, with⯑out loſs of time, the impatient avarice of At⯑tila: and the poverty of the nobles compelled them to adopt the ſcandalous reſource of expoſing to public auction the jewels of their wives, and the hereditary ornaments of their palaces ³⁴. III. The king of the Huns appears to have eſta⯑bliſhed, as a principle of national juriſprudence, that he could never loſe the property, which he had once acquired, in the perſons, who had yielded either a voluntary, or reluctant, ſubmiſ⯑ſion to his authority. From this principle he concluded, and the concluſions of Attila were irrevocable laws, that the Huns, who had been taken priſoners in war, ſhould be releaſed with⯑out delay, and without ranſom; that every Ro⯑man captive, who had preſumed to eſcape, ſhould purchaſe his right to freedom at the price of twelve pieces of gold; and that all the Barba⯑rians, [63] who had deſerted the ſtandard of Attila, ſhould be reſtored, without any promiſe, or ſti⯑pulation, of pardon. In the execution of this cruel and ignominious treaty, the Imperial offi⯑cers were forced to maſſacre ſeveral loyal and noble deſerters, who refuſed to devote themſelves to certain death; and the Romans forfeited all reaſonable claims to the friendſhip of any Scy⯑thian people, by this public confeſſion, that they were deſtitute either of faith, or power, to protect the ſuppliants, who had embraced the throne of Theodoſius ³⁵.

The firmneſs of a ſingle town, ſo obſcure, Spirit of the Azi⯑muntines. that, except on this occaſion, it has never been mentioned by any hiſtorian or geographer, ex⯑poſed the diſgrace of the emperor and empire. Azimus, or Azimuntium, a ſmall city of Thrace on the Illyrian borders ³⁶, had been diſtinguiſhed by the martial ſpirit of its youth, the ſkill and reputation of the leaders whom they had choſen, and their daring exploits againſt the innumerable hoſt of the Barbarians. Inſtead of tamely ex⯑pecting [64] their approach, the Azimuntines attack⯑ed, in frequent and ſucceſsful ſallies, the troops of the Huns, who gradually declined the danger⯑ous neighbourhood; reſcued from their hands the ſpoil and the captives, and recruited their domeſ⯑tic force by the voluntary aſſociation of fugitives and deſerters. After the concluſion of the treaty, Attila ſtill menaced the empire with implacable war, unleſs the Azimuntines were perſuaded, or compelled, to comply with the conditions which their ſovereign had accepted. The miniſters of Theodoſius confeſſed with ſhame, and with truth, that they no longer poſſeſſed any authority over a ſociety of men, who ſo bravely aſſerted their na⯑tural independence; and the king of the Huns condeſcended to negociate an equal exchange with the citizens of Azimus. They demanded the reſtitution of ſome ſhepherds, who, with their cattle, had been accidentally ſurpriſed. A ſtrict, though fruitleſs inquiry, was allowed: but the Huns were obliged to ſwear, that they did not detain any priſoners belonging to the city, before they could recover two ſurviving countrymen, whom the Azimuntines had reſerved as pledges for the ſafety of their loſt companions. Attila, on his ſide, was ſatisfied, and deceived, by their ſolemn aſſeveration, that the reſt of the captives had been put to the ſword; and that it was their conſtant practice, immediately to diſmiſs the Romans and the deſerters, who had obtained the ſecurity of the public faith. This prudent and officious diſſimulation may be condemned, or excuſed, by the caſuiſts, as they incline to the [65] rigid decree of St. Auguſtin, or to the milder ſentiment of St. Jerom and St. Chryſoſtom: but every ſoldier, every ſtateſman, muſt acknowledge, that, if the race of the Azimuntines had been encouraged and multiplied, the Barbarians would have ceaſed to trample on the majeſty of the empire ³⁷.

It would have been ſtrange, indeed, if Theo⯑doſius Embaſſies from At⯑tila to Conſtanti⯑nople. had purchaſed, by the loſs of honour, a ſecure and ſolid tranquillity; or if his tameneſs had not invited the repetition of injuries. The Byzantine court was inſulted by five or ſix ſuc⯑ceſſive embaſſies ³⁸; and the miniſters of Attila were uniformly inſtructed to preſs the tardy or imperfect execution of the laſt treaty; to produce the names of fugitives and deſerters, who were ſtill protected by the empire; and to declare, with ſeeming moderation, that unleſs their ſove⯑reign obtained complete and immediate ſatis⯑faction, it would be impoſſible for him, were it even his wiſh, to check the reſentment of his war⯑like tribes. Beſides the motives of pride and intereſt, which might prompt the king of the Huns to continue this train of negociation, he [66] was influenced by the leſs honourable view of enriching his favourites at the expence of his ene⯑mies. The Imperial treaſury was exhauſted, to procure the friendly offices of the ambaſſadors, and their principal attendants, whoſe favourable report might conduce to the maintenance of peace. The Barbarian monarch was flattered by the liberal reception of his miniſters; he com⯑puted with pleaſure the value and ſplendour of their gifts, rigorouſly exacted the performance of every promiſe, which would contribute to their private emolument, and treated as an important buſineſs of ſtate, the marriage of his ſecretary Conſtantius ³⁹. That Gallic adventurer, who was recommended by Aetius to the king of the Huns, had engaged his ſervice to the miniſters of Con⯑ſtantinople, for the ſtipulated reward of a wealthy and noble wife; and the daughter of count Sa⯑turninus was choſen to diſcharge the obligations of her country. The reluctance of the victim, ſome domeſtic troubles, and the unjuſt confiſ⯑cation of her fortune, cooled the ardour of her intereſted lover; but he ſtill demanded, in the name of Attila, an equivalent alliance; and, after many ambiguous delays and excuſes, the Byzan⯑tine court was compelled to ſacrifice to this inſo⯑lent ſtranger the widow of Armatius, whoſe birth, opulence, and beauty, placed her in the moſt [67] illuſtrious rank of the Roman matrons. For theſe importunate and oppreſſive embaſſies, At⯑tila claimed a ſuitable return: he weighed, with ſuſpicious pride, the character and ſtation of the Imperial envoys; but he condeſcended to pro⯑miſe, that he would advance as far as Sardica, to receive any miniſters who had been inveſted with the conſular dignity. The council of Theodoſius eluded this propoſal, by repreſenting the deſolate and ruined condition of Sardica; and even ven⯑tured to inſinuate, that every officer of the army or houſehold was qualified to treat with the moſt powerful princes of Scythia. Maximin ⁴⁰, a re⯑ſpectable courtier, whoſe abilities had been long exerciſed in civil and military employments, ac⯑cepted with reluctance the troubleſome, and, per⯑haps, dangerous commiſſion, of reconciling the angry ſpirit of the king of the Huns. His friend, the hiſtorian Priſcus ⁴¹, embraced the opportunity of obſerving the Barbarian hero in the peaceful and domeſtic ſcenes of life: but the ſecret of the [68] embaſſy, a fatal and guilty ſecret, was entruſted only to the interpreter Vigilius. The two laſt ambaſſadors of the Huns, Oreſtes, a noble ſub⯑ject of the Pannonian province, and Edecon, a valiant chieftain of the tribe of the Scyrri, re⯑turned at the ſame time from Conſtantinople to the royal camp. Their obſcure names were after⯑wards illuſtrated by the extraordinary fortune and the contraſt of their ſons: the two ſervants of Attila became the fathers of the laſt Roman em⯑peror of the Weſt, and of the firſt Barbarian king of Italy.

The ambaſſadors, who were followed by a nu⯑merous The em⯑baſſy of Maximin to Attila, A. D. 448. train of men and horſes, made their firſt halt at Sardica, at the diſtance of three hundred and fifty miles, or thirteen days journey, from Conſtantinople. As the remains of Sardica were ſtill included within the limits of the empire, it was incumbent on the Romans to exerciſe the duties of hoſpitality. They provided, with the aſſiſtance of the provincials, a ſufficient number of ſheep and oxen; and invited the Huns to a ſplendid, or at leaſt, a plentiful, ſupper. But the harmony of the entertainment was ſoon diſturbed by mutual prejudice and indiſcretion. The great⯑neſs of the emperor and the empire was warmly maintained by their miniſters; the Huns, with equal ardour, aſſerted the ſuperiority of their victorious monarch: the diſpute was inflamed by the raſh and unſeaſonable flattery of Vigilius, who paſſionately rejected the compariſon of a mere mortal with the divine Theodoſius; and it was with extreme difficulty that Maximin and Priſcus [69] were able to divert the converſation, or to ſoothe the angry minds of the Barbarians. When they roſe from table, the Imperial ambaſſador pre⯑ſented Edecon and Oreſtes with rich gifts of ſilk robes and Indian pearls, which they thankfully accepted. Yet Oreſtes could not forbear inſi⯑nuating, that he had not always been treated with ſuch reſpect and liberality: and the offenſive diſ⯑tinction, which was implied, between his civil office and the hereditary rank of his colleague, ſeems to have made Edecon a doubtful friend, and Oreſtes an irreconcileable enemy. After this entertainment, they travelled about one hundred miles from Sardica to Naiſſus. That flouriſhing city, which had given birth to the great Conſtan⯑tine, was levelled with the ground: the inhabit⯑ants were deſtroyed, or diſperſed; and the ap⯑pearance of ſome ſick perſons, who were ſtill per⯑mitted to exiſt among the ruins of the churches, ſerved only to increaſe the horror of the proſpect. The ſurface of the country was covered with the bones of the ſlain; and the ambaſſadors, who directed their courſe to the north-weſt, were obliged to paſs the hills of modern Servia, be⯑fore they deſcended into the flat and marſhy grounds, which are terminated by the Danube. The Huns were maſters of the great river: their navigation was performed in large canoes, hol⯑lowed out of the trunk of a ſingle tree; the mi⯑niſters of Theodoſius were ſafely landed on the oppoſite bank; and their Barbarian aſſociates im⯑mediately haſtened to the camp of Attila, which was equally prepared for the amuſements of [70] hunting, or of war. No ſooner had Maximin advanced about two miles from the Danube, than he began to experience the faſtidious inſo⯑lence of the conqueror. He was ſternly forbid to pitch his tents in a pleaſant valley, leſt he ſhould infringe the diſtant awe that was due to the royal manſion. The miniſters of Attila preſſed him to communicate the buſineſs, and the inſtruc⯑tions, which he reſerved for the ear of their ſove⯑reign. When Maximin temperately urged the contrary practice of nations, he was ſtill more confounded to find, that the reſolutions of the Sacred Conſiſtory, thoſe ſecrets (ſays Priſcus) which ſhould not be revealed to the gods them⯑ſelves, had been treacherouſly diſcloſed to the public enemy. On his refuſal to comply with ſuch ignominious terms, the Imperial envoy was commanded inſtantly to depart: the order was recalled; it was again repeated; and the Huns renewed their ineffectual attempts to ſubdue the patient firmneſs of Maximin. At length, by the interceſſion of Scotta, the brother of Onegeſius, whoſe friendſhip had been purchaſed by a liberal gift, he was admitted to the royal preſence; but, inſtead of obtaining a deciſive anſwer, he was compelled to undertake a remote journey to⯑wards the North, that Attila might enjoy the proud ſatisfaction of receiving, in the ſame camp, the ambaſſadors of the Eaſtern and Weſtern em⯑pires. His journey was regulated by the guides, who obliged him to halt, to haſten his march, or to deviate from the common road, as it beſt ſuit⯑ed [71] the convenience of the King. The Romans who traverſed the plains of Hungary, ſuppoſe that they paſſed ſeveral navigable rivers, either in canoes or portable boats; but there is reaſon to ſuſpect, that the winding ſtream of the Teyſs, or Tibiſcus, might preſent itſelf in different places, under different names. From the conti⯑guous villages they received a plentiful and re⯑gular ſupply of proviſions; mead inſtead of wine, millet in the place of bread, and a certain liquor named camus, which, according to the report of Priſcus, was diſtilled from barley ⁴². Such fare might appear coarſe and indelicate to men who had taſted the luxury of Conſtantinople: but, in their accidental diſtreſs, they were relieved by the gentleneſs and hoſpitality of the ſame Bar⯑barians, ſo terrible and ſo mercileſs in war. The ambaſſadors had encamped on the edge of a large moraſs. A violent tempeſt of wind and rain, of thunder and lightning, overturned their tents, immerſed their baggage and furniture in the water, and ſcattered their retinue, who wandered in the darkneſs of the night, uncertain of their road, and apprehenſive of ſome unknown danger, till they awakened by their cries the inhabitants of a neighbouring village, the property of the [72] widow of Bleda. A bright illumination, and, in a few moments, a comfortable fire of reeds, was kindled by their officious benevolence: the wants, and even the deſires, of the Romans were libe⯑rally ſatisfied; and they ſeem to have been em⯑barraſſed by the ſingular politeneſs of Bleda's widow, who added to her other favours the gift, or at leaſt the loan, of a ſufficient number of beautiful and obſequious damſels. The ſunſhine of the ſucceeding day was dedicated to repoſe; to collect and dry the baggage, and to the refreſh⯑ment of the men and horſes: but, in the even⯑ing, before they purſued their journey, the am⯑baſſadors expreſſed their gratitude to the bounte⯑ous lady of the village, by a very acceptable pre⯑ſent of ſilver cups, red fleeces, dried fruits, and Indian pepper. Soon after this adventure, they rejoined the march of Attila, from whom they had been ſeparated about ſix days; and ſlowly proceeded to the capital of an empire, which did not contain, in the ſpace of ſeveral thouſand miles, a ſingle city.

As far as we may aſcertain the vague and ob⯑ſcure The royal village and palace. geography of Priſcus, this capital appears to have been ſeated between the Danube, the Teyſs, and the Carpathian hills, in the plains of Upper Hungary, and moſt probably in the neigh⯑bourhood of Jazberin, Agria, or Tokay ⁴³. In [73] its origin it could be no more than an accidental camp, which, by the long and frequent reſidence of Attila, had inſenſibly ſwelled into a huge vil⯑lage, for the reception of his court, of the troops who followed his perſon, and of the various mul⯑titude of idle or induſtrious ſlaves and retainers ⁴⁴. The baths, conſtructed by Onegeſius, were the only edifice of ſtone; the materials had been tranſported from Pannonia; and ſince the adja⯑cent country was deſtitute even of large timber, it may be preſumed, that the meaner habitations of the royal village conſiſted of ſtraw, of mud, or of canvas. The wooden houſes of the more illuſtrious Huns, were built and adorned with rude magnificence, according to the rank, the fortune, or the taſte of the proprietors. They ſeem to have been diſtributed with ſome degree of order and ſymmetry; and each ſpot became more honourable, as it approached the perſon of the ſovereign. The palace of Attila, which ſur⯑paſſed all other houſes in his dominions, was built entirely of wood, and covered an ample ſpace of ground. The outward encloſure was a lofty wall, or palliſade, of ſmooth ſquare timber, interſected with high towers, but intended rather for orna⯑ment than defence. This wall, which ſeems to [74] have encircled the declivity of a hill, compre⯑hended a great variety of wooden edifices, adapt⯑ed to the uſes of royalty. A ſeparate houſe was aſſigned to each of the numerous wives of Attila; and, inſtead of the rigid and illiberal confine⯑ment impoſed by Aſiatic jealouſy, they politely admitted the Roman ambaſſadors to their pre⯑ſence, their table, and even to the freedom of an innocent embrace. When Maximin offered his preſents to Cerca, the principal queen, he ad⯑mired the ſingular architecture of her manſion, the height of the round columns, the ſize and beauty of the wood, which was curiouſly ſhaped or turned, or poliſhed, or carved; and his atten⯑tive eye was able to diſcover ſome taſte in the ornaments, and ſome regularity in the propor⯑tions. After paſſing through the guards, who watched before the gate, the ambaſſadors were introduced into the private apartment of Cerca. The wife of Attila received their viſit ſitting, or rather lying, on a ſoft couch; the floor was co⯑vered with a carpet; the domeſtics formed a cir⯑cle round the queen; and her damſels, ſeated on the ground, were employed in working the varie⯑gated embroidery which adorned the dreſs of the Barbaric warriors. The Huns were ambitious of diſplaying thoſe riches which were the fruit and evidence of their victories: the trappings of their horſes, their ſwords, and even their ſhoes, were ſtudded with gold and precious ſtones; and their tables were profuſely ſpread with plates, and gob⯑lets, and vaſes of gold and ſilver, which had [75] been faſhioned by the labour of Grecian artiſts. The monarch alone aſſumed the ſuperior pride of ſtill adhering to the ſimplicity of his Scythian anceſtors ⁴⁵. The dreſs of Attila, his arms, and the furniture of his horſe, were plain, without ornament, and of a ſingle colour. The royal table was ſerved in wooden cups and platters; fleſh was his only food; and the conqueror of the North never taſted the luxury of bread.

When Attila firſt gave audience to the Roman ambaſſadors on the banks of the Danube, his tent The beha⯑viour of Attila to the Roman ambaſſa⯑dors. was encompaſſed with a formidable guard. The monarch himſelf was ſeated in a wooden chair. His ſtern countenance, angry geſtures, and im⯑patient tone, aſtoniſhed the firmneſs of Maximin; but Vigilius had more reaſon to tremble, ſince he diſtinctly underſtood the menace, that if At⯑tila did not reſpect the law of nations, he would nail the deceitful interpreter to a croſs, and leave his body to the vultures. The Barbarian con⯑deſcended, by producing an accurate liſt, to ex⯑poſe the bold falſehood of Vigilius, who had affirmed that no more than ſeventeen deſerters could be found. But he arrogantly declared, that he apprehended only the diſgrace of con⯑tending with his fugitive ſlaves; ſince he deſpiſed their impotent efforts to defend the provinces which Theodofius had entruſted to their arms: [76] ‘"For what fortreſs" (added Attila), "what city, in the wide extent of the Roman empire, can hope to exiſt, ſecure and impregnable, if it is our pleaſure that it ſhould be erazed from the earth?"’ He diſmiſſed, however, the in⯑terpreter, who returned to Conſtantinople with his peremptory demand of more complete reſti⯑tution, and a more ſplendid embaſſy. His an⯑ger gradually ſubſided, and his domeſtic ſatis⯑faction, in a marriage which he celebrated on the road with the daughter of Eſlam, might perhaps contribute to mollify the native fierceneſs of his temper. The entrance of Attila into the royal village, was marked by a very ſingular ceremony. A numerous troop of women came out to meet their hero, and their king. They marched be⯑fore him, diſtributed into long and regular files: the intervals between the files were filled by white veils of thin linen, which the women on either ſide bore aloft in their hands, and which formed a canopy for a chorus of young virgins, who chanted hymns and ſongs in the Scythian lan⯑guage. The wife of his favourite Onegeſius, with a train of female attendants, ſaluted Attila at the door of her own houſe, on his way to the palace; and offered, according to the cuſtom of the country, her reſpectful homage, by intreating him to taſte the wine and meat, which ſhe had prepared for his reception. As ſoon as the mo⯑narch had graciouſly accepted her hoſpitable gift, his domeſtics lifted a ſmall ſilver table to a con⯑venient height, as he ſat on horſeback; and At⯑tila, [77] when he had touched the goblet with his lips, again ſaluted the wife of Onegeſius, and continued his march. During his reſidence at the ſeat of empire, his hours were not waſted in the recluſe idleneſs of a ſeraglio; and the king of the Huns could maintain his ſuperior dignity, without concealing his perſon from the public view. He frequently aſſembled his council, and gave audience to the ambaſſadors of the nations; and his people might appeal to the ſupreme tri⯑bunal, which he held at ſtated times, and, ac⯑cording to the eaſtern cuſtom, before the prin⯑cipal gate of his wooden palace. The Romans, both of the Eaſt and of the Weſt, were twice in⯑vited to the banquets, where Attila feaſted with the princes and nobles of Scythia. Maximin The royal feaſt. and his colleagues were ſtopped on the threſhold, till they had made a devout libation to the health and proſperity of the king of the Huns; and were conducted, after this ceremony, to their reſpective ſeats in a ſpacious hall. The royal table and couch, covered with carpets and fine linen, was raiſed by ſeveral ſteps in the midſt of the hall; and a ſon, an uncle, or perhaps a fa⯑vourite king, were admitted to ſhare the ſimple and homely repaſt of Attila. Two lines of ſmall tables, each of which contained three or four gueſts, were ranged in order on either hand; the right was eſteemed the moſt honourable, but the Romans ingenuouſly confeſs, that they were placed on the left; and that Beric, an unknown chieftain, moſt probably of the Gothic race, pre⯑ceded [78] the repreſentatives of Theodoſius and Va⯑lentinian. The Barbarian monarch received from his cup-bearer a goblet filled with wine, and courteouſly drank to the health of the moſt diſtin⯑guiſhed gueſt; who roſe from his ſeat, and ex⯑preſſed, in the ſame manner, his loyal and re⯑ſpectful vows. This ceremony was ſucceſſively performed for all, or at leaſt for the illuſtrious perſons of the aſſembly; and a conſiderable time muſt have been conſumed, ſince it was thrice repeated, as each courſe of ſervice was placed on the table. But the wine ſtill remained after the meat had been removed; and the Huns conti⯑nued to indulge their intemperance long after the ſober and decent ambaſſadors of the two empires had withdrawn themſelves from the nocturnal banquet. Yet before they retired, they enjoyed a ſingular opportunity of obſerving the manners of the nation in their convivial amuſements. Two Scythians ſtood before the couch of Attila, and recited the verſes which they had compoſed, to celebrate his valour and his victories. A pro⯑found ſilence prevailed in the hall; and the at⯑tention of the gueſts was captivated by the vocal harmony, which revived and perpetuated the memory of their own exploits: a martial ardour flaſhed from the eyes of the warriors, who were impatient for battle; and the tears of the old men expreſſed their generous deſpair, that they could no longer partake the danger and glory of the field ⁴⁶. This entertainment, which might be [79] conſidered as a ſchool of military virtue, was ſucceeded by a farce, that debaſed the dignity of human nature. A Mooriſh and a Scythian buffoon ſucceſſively excited the mirth of the rude ſpec⯑tators, by their deformed figure, ridiculous dreſs, antic geſtures, abſurd ſpeeches, and the ſtrange unintelligible confuſion of the Latin, the Gothic, and the Hunnic languages; and the hall reſound⯑ed with loud and licentious peals of laughter. In the midſt of this intemperate riot, Attila alone, without a change of countenance, maintained his ſtedfaſt and inflexible gravity; which was never relaxed, except on the entrance of Irnac, the youngeſt of his ſons: he embraced the boy with a ſmile of paternal tenderneſs, gently pinched him by the cheek, and betrayed a partial affec⯑tion, which was juſtified by the aſſurance of his prophets, that Irnac would be the future ſupport of his family and empire. Two days afterwards, the ambaſſadors received a ſecond invitation; and they had reaſon to praiſe the politeneſs, as well as the hoſpitality, of Attila. The king of the Huns held a long and familiar converſation with Maxi⯑min; but his civility was interrupted by rude expreſſions, and haughty reproaches; and he was provoked, by a motive of intereſt, to ſupport with unbecoming zeal, the private claims of his ſecretary Conſtantius. ‘"The emperor" (ſaid Attila) "has long promiſed him a rich wife: Conſtantius muſt not be diſappointed; nor ſhould a Roman emperor deſerve the name of liar."’ On the third day, the ambaſſadors [80] were diſmiſſed; the freedom of ſeveral captives was granted, for a moderate ranſom, to their preſſing entreaties; and, beſides the royal pre⯑ſents, they were permitted to accept from each of the Scythian nobles, the honourable and uſeful gift of a horſe. Maximin returned, by the ſame road, to Conſtantinople; and though he was in⯑volved in an accidental diſpute with Beric, the new ambaſſador of Attila, he flattered himſelf that he had contributed, by the laborious journey, to confirm the peace and alliance of the two na⯑tions ⁴⁷.

But the Roman ambaſſador was ignorant of the Conſpira⯑cy of the Romans a⯑gainſt the life of At⯑tila. treacherous deſign, which had been concealed un⯑der the maſk of the public faith. The ſurpriſe and ſatisfaction of Edecon, when he contemplated the ſplendour of Conſtantinople, had encouraged the interpreter Vigilius to procure for him a ſecret interview with the eunuch Chryſaphius ⁴⁸, who governed the emperor and the empire. After ſome previous converſation, and a mutual oath of ſecrecy, the eunuch, who had not, from his [81] own feelings or experience, imbibed any exalted notions of miniſterial virtue, ventured to propoſe the death of Attila, as an important ſervice, by which Edecon might deſerve a liberal ſhare of the wealth and luxury which he admired. The ambaſſador of the Huns liſtened to the tempting offer; and profeſſed, with apparent zeal, his abi⯑lity, as well as readineſs, to execute the bloody deed: the deſign was communicated to the maſ⯑ter of the offices, and the devout Theodoſius conſented to the aſſaſſination of his invincible enemy. But this perfidious conſpiracy was de⯑feated by the diſſimulation, or the repentance, of Edecon; and, though he might exaggerate his inward abhorrence for the treaſon, which he ſeemed to approve, he dexterouſly aſſumed the merit of an early and voluntary confeſſion. If we now review the embaſſy of Maximin, and the behaviour of Attila, we muſt applaud the Bar⯑barian, who reſpected the laws of hoſpitality, and generouſly entertained and diſmiſſed the miniſter of a prince, who had conſpired againſt his life. But the raſhneſs of Vigilius will appear ſtill more extraordinary, ſince he returned, conſcious of his guilt and danger, to the royal camp; accom⯑panied by his ſon, and carrying with him a weighty purſe of gold, which the favourite eu⯑nuch had furniſhed, to ſatisfy the demands of Edecon, and to corrupt the fidelity of the guards. The interpreter was inſtantly ſeized, and dragged before the tribunal of Attila, where he aſſerted his innocence with ſpecious firmneſs, till the [82] threat of inflicting inſtant death on his ſon, ex⯑torted from him a ſincere diſcovery of the crimi⯑nal tranſaction. Under the name of ranſom or confiſcation, the rapacious king of the Huns accepted two hundred pounds of gold for the life of a traitor, whom he diſdained to puniſh. He pointed his juſt indignation againſt a nobler ob⯑ject. His ambaſſadors Eſlaw and Oreſtes were He repri⯑mands and forgives the Empe⯑ror. immediately diſpatched to Conſtantinople, with a peremptory inſtruction, which it was much ſafer for them to execute than to diſobey. They boldly entered the Imperial preſence, with the fatal purſe hanging down from the neck of Oreſtes; who interrogated the eunuch Chryſaphius, as he ſtood beſide the throne, whether he recogniſed the evi⯑dence of his guilt. But the office of reproof was reſerved for the ſuperior dignity of his colleague Eſlaw, who gravely addreſſed the Emperor of the Eaſt in the following words: ‘"Theodoſius is the ſon of an illuſtrious and reſpectable parent: Attila likewiſe is deſcended from a noble race; and he has ſupported, by his actions, the dig⯑nity which he inherited from his father Mund⯑zuk. But Theodoſius has forfeited his pater⯑nal honours, and, by conſenting to pay tribute, has degraded himſelf to the condition of a ſlave. It is therefore juſt, that he ſhould reve⯑rence the man whom fortune and merit have placed above him; inſtead of attempting, like a wicked ſlave, clandeſtinely to conſpire againſt his maſter."’ The ſon of Arcadius, who was accuſtomed only to the voice of flattery, heard [83] with aſtoniſhment the ſevere language of truth: he bluſhed and trembled; nor did he preſume directly to refuſe the head of Chryſaphius, which Eſlaw and Oreſtes were inſtructed to demand. A ſolemn embaſſy, armed with full powers and magnificent gifts, was haſtily ſent to deprecate the wrath of Attila; and his pride was gratified by the choice of Nomius and Anatolius, two miniſters of conſular or patrician rank, of whom the one was great treaſurer, and the other was maſter-general of the armies of the Eaſt. He condeſcended to meet theſe ambaſſadors on the banks of the river Drenco; and though he at firſt affected a ſtern and haughty demeanor, his anger was inſenſibly mollified by their eloquence and liberality. He condeſcended to pardon the em⯑peror, the eunuch, and the interpreter; bound himſelf by an oath to obſerve the conditions of peace; releaſed a great number of captives; abandoned the fugitives and deſerters to their fate; and reſigned a large territory to the ſouth of the Danube, which he had already exhauſted of its wealth and inhabitants. But this treaty was purchaſed at an expence which might have ſupported a vigorous and ſucceſsful war; and the ſubjects of Theodoſius were compelled to redeem the ſafety of a worthleſs favourite by oppreſſive taxes, which they would more cheerfully have paid for his deſtruction ⁴⁹.

[84] The emperor Theodoſius did not long ſurvive the moſt humiliating circumſtance of an inglo⯑rious life. As he was riding, or hunting, in the Theodo⯑ſius the Younger dies, A. D. 450. July 28. neighbourhood of Conſtantinople, he was thrown from his horſe into the river Lycus: the ſpine of the back was injured by the fall; and he expired ſome days afterwards, in the fiftieth year of his age, and the forty-third of his reign ⁵⁰. His ſiſter Pulcheria, whoſe authority had been con⯑trouled both in civil and eccleſiaſtical affairs by the pernicious influence of the eunuchs, was una⯑nimouſly proclaimed Empreſs of the Eaſt; and the Romans, for the firſt time, ſubmitted to a female reign. No ſooner had Pulcheria aſcended the throne, than ſhe indulged her own, and the public reſentment, by an act of popular juſtice. Without any legal trial, the eunuch Chryſaphius was executed before the gates of the city; and the immenſe riches which had been accumulated by the rapacious favourite, ſerved only to haſten and to juſtify his puniſhment ⁵¹. Amidſt the general acclamations of the clergy and people, the empreſs did not forget the prejudice and diſ⯑advantage to which her ſex was expoſed; and ſhe [85] wiſely reſolved to prevent their murmurs by the choice of a colleague, who would always reſpect the ſuperior rank and virgin chaſtity of his wife. She gave her hand to Marcian, a ſenator, about and is ſuc⯑ceeded by Marcian, Aug. 25. ſixty years of age, and the nominal huſband of Pulcheria was ſolemnly inveſted with the Imperial purple. The zeal which he diſplayed for the or⯑thodox creed, as it was eſtabliſhed by the council of Chalcedon, would alone have inſpired the grateful eloquence of the Catholics. But the behaviour of Marcian in a private life, and after⯑wards on the throne, may ſupport a more ratio⯑nal belief, that he was qualified to reſtore and invigorate an empire, which had been almoſt diſſolved by the ſucceſſive weakneſs of two here⯑ditary monarchs. He was born in Thrace, and educated to the profeſſion of arms; but Marci⯑an's youth had been ſeverely exerciſed by poverty and misfortune, ſince his only reſource, when he firſt arrived at Conſtantinople, conſiſted in two hundred pieces of gold, which he had borrowed of a friend. He paſſed nineteen years in the domeſtic and military ſervice of Aſpar, and his ſon Ardaburius; followed thoſe powerful generals to the Perſian and African wars; and obtained, by their influence, the honourable rank of tri⯑bune and ſenator. His mild diſpoſition, and uſeful talents, without alarming the jealouſy, re⯑commended Marcian to the eſteem and favour, of his patrons: he had ſeen, perhaps he had felt, the abuſes of a venal and oppreſſive adminiſtra⯑tion; and his own example gave weight and [86] energy to the laws, which he promulgated for the reformation of manners ⁵².

CHAP. XXXV. Invaſion of Gaul by Attila.—He is repulſed by Aetius and the Viſigoths.—Attila invades and evacuates Italy.—The Deaths of Attila, Aetius, and Valen⯑tinian the Third.

IT was the opinion of Marcian, that war ſhould be avoided, as long as it is poſſible to pre⯑ſerve a ſecure and honourable peace; but it was Attila threatens both em⯑pires, and prepares to invade Gaul, A. D. 450. likewiſe his opinion, that peace cannot be ho⯑nourable or ſecure, if the ſovereign betrays a puſillanimous averſion to war. This temperate courage dictated his reply to the demands of At⯑tila, who inſolently preſſed the payment of the annual tribute. The emperor ſignified to the Barbarians, that they muſt no longer inſult the majeſty of Rome, by the mention of a tribute; that he was diſpoſed to reward, with becoming liberality, the faithful friendſhip of his allies; but that, if they preſumed to violate the public peace, they ſhould feel that he poſſeſſed troops, and arms, and reſolution, to repel their attacks. The ſame language, even in the camp of the Huns, was uſed by his ambaſſador Apollonius, whoſe bold refuſal to deliver the preſents, till he had been admitted to a perſonal interview, diſplayed a ſenſe of dignity, and a contempt of danger, which Attila was not prepared to expect from the [88] degenerate Romans ¹. He threatened to chaſtiſe the raſh ſucceſſor of Theodoſius; but he heſitated, whether he ſhould firſt direct his invincible arms againſt the Eaſtern or the Weſtern empire. While mankind awaited his deciſion with awful ſuſpenſe, he ſent an equal defiance to the courts of Ra⯑venna and Conſtantinople; and his miniſters ſaluted the two emperors with the ſame haughty declaration. ‘"Attila, my lord, and thy lord, commands thee to provide a palace for his immediate reception ²."’ But as the Barbarian deſpiſed, or affected to deſpiſe, the Romans of the Eaſt, whom he had ſo often vanquiſhed, he ſoon declared his reſolution of ſuſpending the eaſy conqueſt, till he had atchieved a more glo⯑rious and important enterpriſe. In the memo⯑rable invaſions of Gaul and Italy, the Huns were naturally attracted by the wealth and fertility of thoſe provinces; but the particular motives and provocations of Attila, can only be explained by the ſtate of the Weſtern empire under the reign of Valentinian, or, to ſpeak more correctly, un⯑der the adminiſtration of Aetius ³.

After the death of his rival Boniface, Aetius Charac⯑ter and ad⯑miniſtra⯑tion of Ae⯑tius, had prudently retired to the tents of the Huns; [89] and he was indebted to their alliance for his ſafety and his reſtoration. Inſtead of the ſuppliant lan⯑guage of a guilty exile, he ſolicited his pardon A. D. 433—454. at the head of ſixty thouſand Barbarians; and the empreſs Placidia confeſſed, by a feeble reſiſtance, that the condeſcenſion, which might have been aſcribed to clemency, was the effect of weakneſs or fear. She delivered herſelf, her ſon Valentinian, and the Weſtern empire, into the hands of an inſolent ſubject; nor could Placidia protect the ſon-in-law of Boniface, the virtuous and faithful Sebaſtian ⁴, from the implacable perſecution, which urged him from one kingdom to another, till he miſerably periſhed in the ſervice of the Vandals. The fortunate Aetius, who was im⯑mediately promoted to the rank of patrician, and thrice inveſted with the honours of the confulſhip, aſſumed, with the title of maſter of the cavalry and infantry, the whole military power of the ſtate; and he is ſometimes ſtyled, by contempo⯑rary writers, the Duke, or General, of the Ro⯑mans of the Weſt. His prudence, rather than his virtue, engaged him to leave the grandſon of Theodoſius in the poſſeſſion of the purple; and Valentinian was permitted to enjoy the peace and [90] luxury of Italy, while the patrician appeared in the glorious light of a hero and a patriot, who ſupported near twenty years the ruins of the Weſtern empire. The Gothic hiſtorian inge⯑nuouſly confeſſes, that Aetius was born for the ſalvation of the Roman republic ⁵; and the fol⯑lowing portrait, though it is drawn in the faireſt colours, muſt be allowed to contain a much larger proportion of truth than of flattery. ‘"His mo⯑ther was a wealthy and noble Italian, and his father Gaudentius, who held a diſtinguiſhed rank in the province of Scythia, gradually roſe from the ſtation of a military domeſtic, to the dignity of maſter of the cavalry. Their ſon, who was enrolled almoſt in his infancy in the guards, was given as a hoſtage, firſt to Alaric, and afterwards to the Huns; and he ſucceſ⯑ſively obtained the civil and military honours of the palace, for which he was equally qua⯑lified by ſuperior merit. The graceful figure of Aetius was not above the middle ſtature; but his manly limbs were admirably formed for ſtrength, beauty, and agility; and he ex⯑celled in the martial exerciſes of managing a horſe, drawing the bow, and darting the jave⯑lin. He could patiently endure the want of food or of ſleep; and his mind and body were alike capable of the moſt laborious efforts. He poſſeſſed the genuine courage, that can deſpiſe not only dangers but injuries; and it [91] was impoſſible either to corrupt, or deceive, or intimidate, the firm integrity of his ſoul ⁶."’ The Barbarians, who had ſeated themſelves in the Weſtern provinces, were inſenſibly taught to reſpect the faith and valour of the patrician Ae⯑tius. He ſoothed their paſſions, conſulted their prejudices, balanced their intereſts, and checked their ambition. A ſeaſonable treaty, which he concluded with Genſeric, protected Italy from the depredations of the Vandals; the independent Britons implored and acknowledged his ſalutary aid; the Imperial authority was reſtored and maintained in Gaul and Spain; and he compelled the Franks and the Suevi, whom he had van⯑quiſhed in the field, to become the uſeful con⯑federates of the republic.

From a principle of intereſt, as well as grati⯑tude, His con⯑nection with the Huns and Alani. Aetius aſſiduouſly cultivated the alliance of the Huns. While he reſided in their tents as a hoſtage, or an exile, he had familiarly converſed with Attila himſelf, the nephew of his benefactor; and the two famous antagoniſts appear to have been connected by a perſonal and military friend⯑ſhip, which they afterwards confirmed by mutual gifts, frequent embaſſies, and the education of Carpilio, the ſon of Aetius, in the camp of At⯑tila. By the ſpecious profeſſions of gratitude [92] and voluntary attachment, the patrician might diſguiſe his apprehenſions of the Scythian con⯑queror, who preſſed the two empires with his in⯑numerable armies. His demands were obeyed or eluded. When he claimed the ſpoils of a van⯑quiſhed city, ſome vaſes of gold, which had been fraudulently embezzled; the civil and military governors of Noricum were immediately diſpatch⯑ed to ſatisfy his complaints ⁷: and it is evident, from their converſation with Maximin and Priſ⯑cus, in the royal village, that the valour and prudence of Aetius had not ſaved the Weſtern Romans from the common ignominy of tribute. Yet his dexterous policy prolonged the advan⯑tages of a ſalutary peace; and a numerous army of Huns and Alani, whom he had attached to his perſon, was employed in the defence of Gaul. Two colonies of theſe Barbarians were judiciouſly fixed in the territories of Valens and Orleans ⁸: and their active cavalry ſecured the important [93] paſſages of the Rhone and of the Loire. Theſe ſavage allies were not indeed leſs formidable to the ſubjects than to the enemies of Rome. Their original ſettlement was enforced with the licen⯑tious violence of conqueſt; and the province through which they marched, was expoſed to all the calamities of an hoſtile invaſion ⁹. Strangers to the emperor or the republic, the Alani of Gaul were devoted to the ambition of Aetius; and though he might ſuſpect, that, in a conteſt with Attila himſelf, they would revolt to the ſtandard of their national king, the patrician laboured to reſtrain, rather than to excite, their zeal and reſentment againſt the Goths, the Burgundians, and the Franks.

The kingdom eſtabliſhed by the Viſigoths in The Viſi⯑goths in Gaul un⯑der the reign of Theodo⯑ric, A. D. 419—451. the ſouthern provinces of Gaul, had gradually acquired ſtrength and maturity; and the conduct of thoſe ambitious Barbarians, either in peace or war, engaged the perpetual vigilance of Aetius. After the death of Wallia, the Gothic ſceptre devolved to Theodoric, the ſon of the great [94] Alaric ¹⁰; and his proſperous reign, of more than thirty years, over a turbulent people, may be allowed to prove, that his prudence was ſup⯑ported by uncommon vigour, both of mind and body. Impatient of his narrow limits, Theodoric aſpired to the poſſeſſion of Arles, the wealthy ſeat of government and commerce; but the city was ſaved by the timely approach of Aetius; and the Gothic king, who had raiſed the ſiege with ſome loſs and diſgrace, was perſuaded, for an adequate ſubſidy, to divert the martial valour of his ſub⯑jects in a Spaniſh war. Yet Theodoric ſtill watch⯑ed, and eagerly ſeized, the favourable moment of renewing his hoſtile attempts. The Goths A. D. 435—439. beſieged Narbonne, while the Belgic provinces were invaded by the Burgundians; and the pub⯑lic ſafety was threatened on every ſide by the apparent union of the enemies of Rome. On every ſide, the activity of Aetius, and his Scy⯑thian cavalry, oppoſed a firm and ſucceſsful re⯑ſiſtance. Twenty thouſand Burgundians were ſlain in battle; and the remains of the nation humbly accepted a dependent ſeat in the moun⯑tains [95] of Savoy ¹¹. The walls of Narbonne had been ſhaken by the battering engines, and the inhabitants had endured the laſt extremities of famine, when count Litorius, approaching in ſilence, and directing each horſeman to carry behind him two ſacks of flour, cut his way through the intrenchments of the beſiegers. The ſiege was immediately raiſed; and the more deciſive victory, which is aſcribed to the perſonal conduct of Aetius himſelf, was marked with the blood of eight thouſand Goths. But in the abſence of the patrician, who was haſtily ſummoned to Italy by ſome public or private intereſt, count Litorius ſucceeded to the command; and his preſumption ſoon diſcovered, that far different talents are re⯑quired to lead a wing of cavalry, or to direct the operations of an important war. At the head of an army of Huns, he raſhly advanced to the gates of Thoulouſe, full of careleſs contempt for an enemy, whom his misfortunes had rendered prudent, and his ſituation made deſperate. The predictions of the Augurs had inſpired Litorius with the profane confidence, that he ſhould enter the Gothic capital in triumph; and the truſt which he repoſed in his Pagan allies, encouraged him to reject the fair conditions of peace, which [96] were repeatedly propoſed by the biſhops in the name of Theodoric. The king of the Goths ex⯑hibited in his diſtreſs the edifying contraſt of Chriſtian piety and moderation; nor did he lay aſide his ſackcloth and aſhes till he was prepared to arm for the combat. His ſoldiers, animated with martial and religious enthuſiaſm, aſſaulted the camp of Litorius. The conflict was obſtinate; the ſlaughter was mutual. The Roman general, after a total defeat, which could be imputed only to his unſkilful raſhneſs, was actually led through the ſtreets of Thoulouſe, not in his own, but in a hoſtile, triumph; and the miſery which he expe⯑rienced, in a long and ignominious captivity, excited the compaſſion of the Barbarians them⯑ſelves ¹². Such a loſs, in a country whoſe ſpirit and finances were long ſince exhauſted, could not eaſily be repaired; and the Goths, aſſuming, in their turn, the ſentiments of ambition and re⯑venge, would have planted their victorious ſtand⯑ards on the banks of the Rhone, if the preſence of Aetius had not reſtored ſtrength and diſcipline to the Romans ¹³. The two armies expected the [97] ſignal of a deciſive action; but the generals, who were conſcious of each other's force, and doubt⯑ful of their own ſuperiority, prudently ſheathed their ſwords in the field of battle; and their re⯑conciliation was permanent and ſincere. Theo⯑doric, king of the Viſigoths, appears to have deſerved the love of his ſubjects, the confidence of his allies, and the eſteem of mankind. His throne was ſurrounded by ſix valiant ſons, who were educated with equal care in the exerciſes of the Barbarian camp, and in thoſe of the Gallic ſchools: from the ſtudy of the Roman juriſpru⯑dence, they acquired the theory, at leaſt, of law and juſtice; and the harmonious ſenſe of Virgil contributed to ſoften the aſperity of their native manners ¹⁴. The two daughters of the Gothic king were given in marriage to the eldeſt ſons of the kings of the Suevi and of the Vandals, who reigned in Spain and Africa; but theſe illuſtri⯑ous alliances were pregnant with guilt and diſ⯑cord. The queen of the Suevi bewailed the death of an huſband, inhumanly maſſacred by her bro⯑ther. The princeſs of the Vandals was the vic⯑tim of a jealous tyrant, whom ſhe called her fa⯑ther. The cruel Genſeric ſuſpected, that his [98] ſon's wife had conſpired to poiſon him; the ſup⯑poſed crime was puniſhed by the amputation of her noſe and ears; and the unhappy daughter of Theodoric was ignominiouſly returned to the court of Thoulouſe in that deformed and muti⯑lated condition. This horrid act, which muſt ſeem incredible to a civilized age, drew tears from every ſpectator; but Theodoric was urged, by the feelings of a parent and a king, to revenge ſuch irreparable injuries. The Imperial miniſters, who always cheriſhed the diſcord of the Barba⯑rians, would have ſupplied the Goths with arms, and ſhips, and treaſures, for the African war; and the cruelty of Genſeric might have been fatal to himſelf, if the artful Vandal had not armed, in his cauſe, the formidable power of the Huns. His rich gifts and preſſing ſolicitations inflamed the ambition of Attila; and the deſigns of Aetius and Theodoric were prevented by the invaſion of Gaul ¹⁵.

The Franks, whoſe monarchy was ſtill confin⯑ed The Franks in Gaul, un⯑der the Merovin⯑gian kings, to the neighbourhood of the Lower Rhine, had wiſely eſtabliſhed the right of hereditary ſuc⯑ceſſion in the noble family of the Merovingians ¹⁶. [99] Theſe princes were elevated on a buckler, the ſymbol of military command ¹⁷; and the royal faſhion of long hair was the enſign of their birth A. D. 420—451. and dignity. Their flaxen locks, which they combed and dreſſed with ſingular care, hung down in flowing ringlets on their back and ſhoul⯑ders; while the reſt of their nation were obliged, either by law or cuſtom, to ſhave the hinder part of their head; to comb their hair over the fore⯑head, and to content themſelves with the orna⯑ment of two ſmall whiſkers ¹⁸. The lofty ſtature of the Franks, and their blue eyes, denoted a Germanic origin; their cloſe apparel accurately expreſſed the figure of their limbs; a weighty ſword was ſuſpended from a broad belt; their bodies were protected by a large ſhield: and theſe warlike Barbarians were trained, from their ear⯑lieſt [100] youth, to run, to leap, to ſwim; to dart the javelin, or battle-axe, with unerring aim; to advance, without heſitation, againſt a ſuperior enemy; and to maintain, either in life or death, the invincible reputation of their anceſtors ¹⁹. Clodion, the firſt of their long-haired kings, whoſe name and actions are mentioned in authen⯑tic hiſtory, held his reſidence at Diſpargum ²⁰, a village, or fortreſs, whoſe place may be aſſigned between Louvain and Bruſſels. From the report of his ſpies, the king of the Franks was inform⯑ed, that the defenceleſs ſtate of the ſecond Belgic muſt yield, on the ſlighteſt attack, to the valour of his ſubjects. He boldly penetrated through the thickets and moraſſes of the Carbonarian fo⯑reſt ²¹; occupied Tournay and Cambray, the only cities which exiſted in the fifth century, and ex⯑tended his conqueſts as far as the river Somme, over a deſolate country, whoſe cultivation and populouſneſs are the effects of more recent in⯑duſtry ²². While Clodion lay encamped in the [101] plains of Artois ²³, and celebrated, with vain and oſtentatious ſecurity, the marriage, perhaps, of his ſon, the nuptial feaſt was interrupted by the unexpected and unwelcome preſence of Aetius, who had paſſed the Somme at the head of his light cavalry. The tables, which had been ſpread under the ſhelter of a hill, along the banks of a pleaſant ſtream, were rudely overturned; the Franks were oppreſſed before they could recover their arms, or their ranks; and their unavailing valour was fatal only to themſelves. The load⯑ed waggons, which had followed their march, afforded a rich booty; and the virgin-bride, with her female attendants, ſubmitted to the new lovers, who were impoſed on them by the chance of war. This advantage, which had been ob⯑tained by the ſkill and activity of Aetius, might reflect ſome diſgrace on the military prudence of Clodion; but the king of the Franks ſoon re⯑gained his ſtrength and reputation, and ſtill maintained the poſſeſſion of his Gallic kingdom from the Rhine to the Somme ²⁴. Under his [102] reign, and moſt probably from the enterpriſing ſpirit of his ſubjects, the three capitals, Mentz, Treves, and Cologne, experienced the effects of hoſtile cruelty and avarice. The diſtreſs of Cologne was prolonged by the perpetual domi⯑nion of the ſame Barbarians, who evacuated the ruins of Treves; and Treves, which, in the ſpace of forty years, had been four times beſieged and pillaged, was diſpoſed to loſe the memory of her afflictions in the vain amuſements of the circus ²⁵. The death of Clodion, after a reign of twenty years, expoſed his kingdom to the diſcord and ambition of his two ſons. Meroveus, the young⯑er ²⁶, was perſuaded to implore the protection of Rome; he was received at the Imperial court, as the ally of Valentinian, and the adopted ſon of the patrician Aetius; and diſmiſſed, to his native country, with ſplendid gifts, and the ſtrongeſt aſſurances of friendſhip and ſupport. During his abſence, his elder brother had ſolicited, with equal ardour, the formidable aid of Attila; and the king of the Huns embraced an alliance, which [103] facilitated the paſſage of the Rhine, and juſtified, by a ſpecious and honourable pretence, the inva⯑ſion of Gaul ²⁷.

When Attila declared his reſolution of ſupport⯑ing The ad⯑ventures of the prin⯑ceſs Hono⯑ria. the cauſe of his allies, the Vandals and the Franks, at the ſame time, and almoſt in the ſpi⯑rit of romantic chivalry, the ſavage monarch profeſſed himſelf the lover and the champion of the princeſs Honoria. The ſiſter of Valentinian was educated in the palace of Ravenna; and as her marriage might be productive of ſome dan⯑ger to the ſtate, ſhe was raiſed, by the title of Auguſta ²⁸, above the hopes of the moſt preſump⯑tuous ſubject. But the fair Honoria had no ſooner attained the ſixteenth year of her age, than ſhe deteſted the importunate greatneſs, which muſt for ever exclude her from the comforts of honourable love: in the midſt of vain and un⯑ſatisfactory pomp, Honoria ſighed, yielded to the impulſe of nature, and threw herſelf into the arms of her chamberlain Eugenius. Her guilt and ſhame (ſuch is the abſurd language of imperious man) were ſoon betrayed by the ap⯑perances of pregnancy: but the diſgrace of the royal family was publiſhed to the world by the [104] imprudence of the empreſs Placidia; who diſ⯑miſſed her daughter, after a ſtrict and ſhameful confinement, to a remote exile at Conſtantinople. The unhappy princeſs paſſed twelve or fourteen years in the irkſome ſociety of the ſiſters of Theodoſius, and their choſen virgins; to whoſe crown Honoria could no longer aſpire, and whoſe monaſtic aſſiduity of prayer, faſting, and vigils, ſhe reluctantly imitated. Her impatience of long and hopeleſs celibacy, urged her to embrace a ſtrange and deſperate reſolution. The name of Attila was familiar and formidable at Conſtantinople; and his frequent embaſſies entertained a perpetual intercourſe between his camp and the Imperial palace. In the purſuit of love, or rather of re⯑venge, the daughter of Placidia ſacrificed every duty, and every prejudice; and offered to deli⯑ver her perſon into the arms of a Barbarian, of whoſe language ſhe was ignorant, whoſe figure was ſcarcely human, and whoſe religion and man⯑ners ſhe abhorred. By the miniſtry of a faithful eunuch, ſhe tranſmitted to Attila a ring, the pledge of her affection; and earneſtly conjured him to claim her as a lawful ſpouſe, to whom he had been ſecretly betrothed. Theſe indecent advances were received, however, with coldneſs and diſdain; and the king of the Huns con⯑tinued to multiply the number of his wives, till his love was awakened by the more forcible paſ⯑ſions of ambition and avarice. The invaſion of Gaul was preceded, and juſtified, by a formal demand of the princeſs Honoria, with a juſt and [105] equal ſhare of the Imperial patrimony. His pre⯑deceſſors, the ancient Tanjous, had often ad⯑dreſſed, in the ſame hoſtile and peremptory man⯑ner, the daughters of China; and the pretenſions of Attila were not leſs offenſive to the majeſty of Rome. A firm, but temperate, refuſal was com⯑municated to his ambaſſadors. The right of female ſucceſſion, though it might derive a ſpe⯑cious argument from the recent examples of Pla⯑cidia and Pulcheria, was ſtrenuouſly denied; and the indiſſoluble engagements of Honoria were oppoſed to the claims of her Scythian lo⯑ver ²⁹. On the diſcovery of her connexion with the king of the Huns, the guilty princeſs had been ſent away, as an object of horror, from Conſtantinople to Italy: her life was ſpared; but the ceremony of her marriage was performed with ſome obſcure and nominal huſband, before ſhe was immured in a perpetual priſon, to bewail thoſe crimes and misfortunes, which Honoria might have eſcaped, had ſhe not been born the daughter of an emperor ³⁰.

A native of Gaul, and a contemporary, the Attila in⯑vades Gaul, and beſieges Orleans. learned and eloquent Sidonius, who was after⯑wards [106] biſhop of Clermont, had made a promiſe to one of his friends, that he would compoſe a regular hiſtory of the war of Attila. If the mo⯑deſty A. D. 451. of Sidonius had not diſcouraged him from the proſecution of this intereſting work ³¹, the hiſtorian would have related, with the ſimplicity of truth, thoſe memorable events, to which the poet, in vague and doubtful metaphors, has con⯑ciſely alluded ³². The kings and nations of Ger⯑many and Scythia, from the Volga perhaps to the Danube, obeyed the warlike ſummons of Attila. From the royal village, in the plains of Hungary, his ſtandard moved towards the Weſt; and, after a march of ſeven or eight hundred miles, he reached the conflux of the Rhine and the Necker; where he was joined by the Franks, who adhered to his ally, the elder of the ſons of Clodion. A troop of light Barbarians, who roamed in queſt of plunder, might chuſe the winter for the convenience of paſſing the river [107] on the ice; but the innumerable cavalry of the Huns required ſuch plenty of forage and pro⯑viſions, as could be procured only in a milder ſeaſon; the Hercynian foreſt ſupplied materials for a bridge of boats; and the hoſtile myriads were poured, with reſiſtleſs violence, into the Belgic provinces ³³. The conſternation of Gaul was univerſal; and the various fortunes of its cities have been adorned by tradition with mar⯑tyrdoms and miracles ³⁴. Troyes was ſaved by the merits of St. Lupus; St. Servatius was re⯑moved from the world, that he might not behold the ruin of Tongres; and the prayers of St. Ge⯑nevieve diverted the march of Attila from the neighbourhood of Paris. But as the greateſt part of the Gallic cities were alike deſtitute of ſaints and ſoldiers, they were beſieged and ſtormed by the Huns; who practiſed, in the example of [108] Metz ³⁵, their cuſtomary maxims of war. They involved, in a promiſcuous maſſacre, the prieſts who ſerved at the altar, and the infants, who, in the hour of danger, had been providently bap⯑tized by the biſhop; the flouriſhing city was de⯑livered to the flames, and a ſolitary chapel of St. Stephen marked the place where it formerly ſtood. From the Rhine and the Moſelle, Attila advanced into the heart of Gaul; croſſed the Seine at Auxerre; and, after a long and laborious march, fixed his camp under the walls of Orleans. He was deſirous of ſecuring his conqueſts by the poſſeſſion of an advantageous poſt, which com⯑manded the paſſage of the Loire; and he de⯑pended on the ſecret invitation of Sangiban, king of the Alani, who had promiſed to betray the city, and to revolt from the ſervice of the em⯑pire. But this treacherous conſpiracy was detect⯑ed and diſappointed: Orleans had been ſtrength⯑ened with recent fortifications; and the aſſaults of the Huns were vigorouſly repelled by the faith⯑ful valour of the ſoldiers, or citizens, who de⯑fended the place. The paſtoral diligence of Anianus, a biſhop of primitive ſanctity and con⯑ſummate [109] prudence, exhauſted every art of reli⯑gious policy to ſupport their courage, till the arrival of the expected ſuccours. After an ob⯑ſtinate ſiege, the walls were ſhaken by the batter⯑ing rams; the Huns had already occupied the ſuburbs; and the people, who were incapable of bearing arms, lay proſtrate in prayer. Anianus, who anxiouſly counted the days and hours, diſ⯑patched a truſty meſſenger to obſerve, from the rampart, the face of the diſtant country. He returned twice, without any intelligence, that could inſpire hope or comfort; but, in his third report, he mentioned a ſmall cloud, which he had faintly deſcried at the extremity of the hori⯑zon. "It is the aid of God," exclaimed the biſhop, in a tone of pious confidence; and the whole multitude repeated after him, "It is the aid of God." The remote object, on which every eye was fixed, became each moment larger, and more diſtinct; the Roman and Gothic banners were gradually perceived; and a favourable wind blowing aſide the duſt, diſcovered, in deep array, the impatient ſquadrons of Aetius and Theodoric, who preſſed forwards to the relief of Orleans.

The facility with which Attila had penetrated Alliance of the Ro⯑mans and Viſigoths. into the heart of Gaul, may be aſcribed to his inſidious policy, as well as to the terror of his arms. His public declarations were ſkilfully mitigated by his private aſſurances; he alter⯑nately ſoothed and threatened the Romans and the Goths; and the courts of Ravenna and Thou⯑louſe, mutually ſuſpicious of each other's inten⯑tions, [110] beheld, with ſupine indifference, the ap⯑proach of their common enemy. Aetius was the ſole guardian of the public ſafety; but his wiſeſt meaſures were embarraſſed by a faction, which, ſince the death of Placidia, infeſted the Imperial palace: the youth of Italy trembled at the ſound of the trumpet; and the Barbarians, who, from fear or affection, were inclined to the cauſe of Attila, awaited, with doubtful and venal faith, the event of the war. The patrician paſſed the Alps at the head of ſome troops, whoſe ſtrength and numbers ſcarcely deſerved the name of an army ³⁶. But on his arrival at Arles, or Lyons, he was confounded by the intelligence, that the Viſigoths, refuſing to embrace the defence of Gaul, had determined to expect, within their own territories, the formidable invader, whom they profeſſed to deſpiſe. The ſenator Avitus, who, after the honourable exerciſe of the praetorian Praefecture, had retired to his eſtate in Auvergne, was perſuaded to accept the important embaſſy, which he executed with ability and ſucceſs. He repreſented to Theodoric, that an ambitious con⯑queror, who aſpired to the dominion of the earth, could be reſiſted only by the firm and unani⯑mous alliance of the powers whom he laboured to oppreſs. The lively eloquence of Avitus inflam⯑ed the Gothic warriors, by the deſcription of the [111] injuries which their anceſtors had ſuffered from the Huns; whoſe implacable fury ſtill purſued them from the Danube to the foot of the Pyre⯑nees. He ſtrenuouſly urged, that it was the duty of every Chriſtian to ſave, from ſacrilegious vio⯑lation, the churches of God, and the relics of the ſaints: that it was the intereſt of every Bar⯑barian, who had acquired a ſettlement in Gaul, to defend the fields and vineyards, which were cultivated for his uſe, againſt the deſolation of the Scythian ſhepherds. Theodoric yielded to the evidence of truth; adopted the meaſure at once the moſt prudent and the moſt honourable; and declared, that as the faithful ally of Aetius and the Romans, he was ready to expoſe his life and kingdom for the common ſafety of Gaul ³⁷. The Viſigoths, who, at that time, were in the mature vigour of their fame and power, obeyed with alacrity the ſignal of war; prepared their arms and horſes, and aſſembled under the ſtand⯑ard of their aged king, who was reſolved, with his two eldeſt ſons, Toriſmond and Theodoric, to command in perſon his numerous and valiant people. The example of the Goths determined ſeveral tribes or nations, that ſeemed to fluctuate between the Huns and the Romans. The inde⯑fatigable diligence of the patrician gradually col⯑lected [112] the troops of Gaul and Germany, who had formerly acknowledged themſelves the ſubjects, or ſoldiers, of the republic, but who now claimed the rewards of voluntary ſervice, and the rank of independent allies; the Laeti, the Armoricans, the Breones, the Saxons, the Bur⯑gundians, the Sarmatians, or Alani, the Ripua⯑rians, and the Franks who followed Meroveus as their lawful prince. Such was the various army, which, under the conduct of Aetius and Theo⯑doric, advanced, by rapid marches, to relieve Orleans, and to give battle to the innumerable hoſt of Attila ³⁸.

On their approach, the king of the Huns im⯑mediately Attila re⯑tires to the plains of Cham⯑pagne. raiſed the ſiege, and ſounded a retreat to recal the foremoſt of his troops from the pillage of a city which they had already enter⯑ed ³⁹. The valour of Attila was always guided by his prudence; and as he foreſaw the fatal conſequences of a defeat in the heart of Gaul, he repaſſed the Seine, and expected the enemy in the plains of Châlons, whoſe ſmooth and level [113] ſurface was adapted to the operations of his Scy⯑thian cavalry. But in this tumultuary retreat, the vanguard of the Romans, and their allies, continually preſſed, and ſometimes engaged, the troops whom Attila had poſted in the rear; the hoſtile columns, in the darkneſs of the night, and the perplexity of the roads, might encounter each other without deſign; and the bloody conflict of the Franks and Gepidae, in which fifteen thou⯑ſand ⁴⁰ Barbarians were ſlain, was a prelude to a more general and deciſive action. The Cata⯑launian fields ⁴¹ ſpread themſelves round Châlons, and extend, according to the vague meaſurement of Jornandes, to the length of one hundred and fifty, and the breadth of one hundred, miles, over the whole province, which is intitled to the appellation of a champaign country ⁴². This ſpacious plain was diſtinguiſhed, however, by ſome inequalities of ground; and the importance of an height, which commanded the camp of Attila, was underſtood, and diſputed, by the two generals. The young and valiant Toriſ⯑mond firſt occupied the ſummit; the Goths ruſhed with irreſiſtible weight on the Huns, who [114] laboured to aſcend from the oppoſite ſide; and the poſſeſſion of this advantageous poſt inſpired both the troops and their leaders with a fair aſſurance of victory. The anxiety of Attila prompted him to conſult his prieſts and haruſpices. It was reported, that, after ſcrutinizing the en⯑trails of victims, and ſcraping their bones, they revealed, in myſterious language, his own de⯑feat, with the death of his principal adverſary; and that the Barbarian, by accepting the equiva⯑lent, expreſſed his involuntary eſteem for the ſuperior merit of Aetius. But the unuſual de⯑ſpondency, which ſeemed to prevail among the Huns, engaged Attila to uſe the expedient, ſo familiar to the generals of antiquity, of animating his troops by a military oration; and his language was that of a king, who had often fought and conquered at their head ⁴³. He preſſed them to conſider their paſt glory, their actual danger, and their future hopes. The ſame fortune, which opened the deſerts and moraſſes of Scy⯑thia to their unarmed valour, which had laid ſo many warlike nations proſtrate at their feet, had reſerved the joys of this memorable field for the conſummation of their victories. The cautious ſteps of their enemies, their ſtrict alliance, and their advantageous poſts he artfully repreſented as the effects, not of prudence, but [115] of fear. The Viſigoths alone were the ſtrength and nerves of the oppoſite army; and the Huns might ſecurely trample on the degenerate Ro⯑mans, whoſe cloſe and compact order betrayed their apprehenſions, and who were equally inca⯑pable of ſupporting the dangers, or the fatigues, of a day of battle. The doctrine of predeſtina⯑tion, ſo favourable to martial virtue, was care⯑fully inculcated by the king of the Huns; who aſſured his ſubjects, that the warriors, protected by Heaven, were ſafe and invulnerable amidſt the darts of the enemy; but that the unerring Fates would ſtrike their victims in the boſom of inglorious peace. ‘"I myſelf," continued Attila, "will throw the firſt javelin, and the wretch who refuſes to imitate the example of his ſo⯑vereign, is devoted to inevitable death."’ The ſpirit of the Barbarians was rekindled by the pre⯑ſence, the voice, and the example of their in⯑trepid leader; and Attila, yielding to their im⯑patience, immediately formed his order of battle. At the head of his brave and faithful Huns, he occupied, in perſon, the centre of the line. The nations, ſubject to his empire, the Rugians, the Heruli, the Thuringians, the Franks, the Bur⯑gundians, were extended, on either hand, over the ample ſpace of the Catalaunian fields; the right wing was commanded by Ardaric, king of the Gepidae; and the three valiant brothers, who reigned over the Oſtrogoths, were poſted on the left to oppoſe the kindred tribes of the Viſigoths. The diſpoſition of the allies was regulated by a different principle. Sangiban, the faithleſs king of the Ala⯑ni, [116] was placed in the centre; where his motions might be ſtrictly watched, and his treachery might be inſtantly puniſhed. Aetius aſſumed the command of the left, and Theodoric of the right, wing; while Toriſmond ſtill continued to occupy the heights which appear to have ſtretched on the flank, and perhaps the rear, of the Scythian army. The nations from the Volga to the Atlan⯑tic were aſſembled on the plain of Châlons; but many of theſe nations had been divided by fac⯑tion, or conqueſt, or emigration; and the ap⯑pearance of ſimilar arms and enſigns, which threatened each other, preſented the image of a civil war.

The diſcipline and tactics of the Greeks and Romans form an intereſting part of their national Battle of Châlons. manners. The attentive ſtudy of the military operations of Xenophon, or Caeſar, or Frederic, when they are deſcribed by the ſame genius which conceived and executed them, may tend to im⯑prove (if ſuch improvement can be wiſhed) the art of deſtroying the human ſpecies. But the battle of Châlons can only excite our curioſity, by the magnitude of the object; ſince it was de⯑cided by the blind impetuoſity of Barbarians, and has been related by partial writers, whoſe civil or eccleſiaſtical profeſſion ſecluded them from the knowledge of military affairs. Caſſiodorius, how⯑ever, had familiarly converſed with many Gothic warriors, who ſerved in that memorable engage⯑ment; ‘"a conflict," as they informed him, "fierce, various, obſtinate, and bloody; ſuch as could not be paralleled, either in the pre⯑ſent, [117] or in paſt ages."’ The number of the ſlain amounted to one hundred and ſixty-two thouſand, or, according to another account, three hundred thouſand perſons ⁴⁴; and theſe incredible exaggerations ſuppoſe a real and effective loſs, ſufficient to juſtify the hiſtorian's remark, that whole generations may be ſwept away, by the madneſs of kings, in the ſpace of a ſingle hour. After the mutual and repeated diſcharge of miſſile weapons, in which the archers of Scythia might ſignalize their ſuperior dexterity, the cavalry and infantry of the two armies were furiouſly mingled in cloſer combat. The Huns, who fought under the eyes of their king, pierced through the feeble and doubtful centre of the allies, ſeparated their wings from each other, and wheeling, with a rapid effort, to the left, directed their whole force againſt the Viſigoths. As Theodoric rode along the ranks, to animate his troops, he re⯑ceived a mortal ſtroke from the javelin of An⯑dages, a noble Oſtrogoth, and immediately fell from his horſe. The wounded king was op⯑preſſed in the general diſorder, and trampled under the feet of his own cavalry; and this im⯑portant death ſerved to explain the ambiguous prophecy of the Haruſpices. Attila already ex⯑ulted [118] in the confidence of victory, when the valiant Toriſmond deſcended from the hills, and verified the remainder of the prediction. The Viſigoths, who had been thrown into confuſion by the flight, or defection, of the Alani, gra⯑dually reſtored their order of battle; and the Huns were undoubtedly vanquiſhed, ſince Attila was compelled to retreat. He had expoſed his perſon with the raſhneſs of a private ſoldier; but the intrepid troops of the centre had puſhed for⯑wards beyond the reſt of the line: their attack was faintly ſupported; their flanks were un⯑guarded; and the conquerors of Scythia and Germany were ſaved by the approach of the night from a total defeat. They retired within the circle of waggons that fortified their camp; and the diſmounted ſquadrons prepared themſelves for a defence, to which neither their arms, nor their temper, were adapted. The event was doubtful: but Attila had ſecured a laſt and ho⯑nourable reſource. The ſaddles and rich furni⯑ture of the cavalry were collected, by his order, into a funeral pile; and the magnanimous Bar⯑barian had reſolved, if his intrenchments ſhould be forced, to ruſh headlong into the flames, and to deprive his enemies of the glory which they might have acquired, by the death or captivity of Attila ⁴⁵.

[119] But his enemies had paſſed the night in equal diſorder and anxiety. The inconſiderate courage of Toriſmond was tempted to urge the purſuit, Retreat of Attila. till he unexpectedly found himſelf, with a few followers, in the midſt of the Scythian waggons. In the confuſion of a nocturnal combat, he was thrown from his horſe; and the Gothic prince muſt have periſhed like his father, if his youth⯑ful ſtrength, and the intrepid zeal of his com⯑panions, had not reſcued him from this dangerous ſituation. In the ſame manner, but on the left of the line, Aetius himſelf, ſeparated from his allies, ignorant of their victory, and anxious for their fate, encountered and eſcaped the hoſtile troops, that were ſcattered over the plains of Châlons; and at length reached the camp of the Goths, which he could only fortify with a ſlight rampart of ſhields, till the dawn of day. The Imperial general was ſoon ſatisfied of the defeat of Attila, who ſtill remained inactive within his intrenchments; and when he contemplated the bloody ſcene, he obſerved, with ſecret ſatisfac⯑tion, that the loſs had principally fallen on the Barbarians. The body of Theodoric, pierced with honourable wounds, was diſcovered under a heap of the ſlain: his ſubjects bewailed the death of their king and father; but their tears were min⯑gled with ſongs and acclamations, and his funeral rites were performed in the face of a vanquiſhed enemy. The Goths, claſhing their arms, elevated on a buckler his eldeſt ſon Toriſmond, to whom they juſtly aſcribed the glory of their ſucceſs; and the new king accepted the obligation of re⯑venge, [120] as a ſacred portion of his paternal inhe⯑ritance. Yet the Goths themſelves were aſto⯑niſhed by the fierce and undaunted aſpect of their formidable antagoniſt; and their hiſtorian has compared Attila to a lion encompaſſed in his den, and threatening his hunters with redoubled fury. The kings and nations, who might have deſerted his ſtandard in the hour of diſtreſs, were made ſenſible, that the diſpleaſure of their monarch was the moſt imminent and inevitable danger. All his inſtruments of martial muſic inceſſantly ſounded a loud and animating ſtrain of defiance; and the foremoſt troops who advanced to the aſſault, were checked, or deſtroyed, by ſhowers of arrows from every ſide of the intrenchments. It was determined in a general council of war, to beſiege the king of the Huns in his camp, to intercept his proviſions, and to reduce him to the alternative of a diſgraceful treaty, or an un⯑equal combat. But the impatience of the Bar⯑barians ſoon diſdained theſe cautious and dilatory meaſures: and the mature policy of Aetius was apprehenſive, that, after the extirpation of the Huns, the republic would be oppreſſed by the pride and power of the Gothic nation. The patrician exerted the ſuperior aſcendant of autho⯑rity and reaſon, to calm the paſſions, which the ſon of Theodoric conſidered as a duty; repre⯑ſented, with ſeeming affection, and real truth, the dangers of abſence and delay; and perſuaded Toriſmond to diſappoint, by his ſpeedy return, the ambitious deſigns of his brothers, who might occupy the throne and treaſures of Thou⯑louſe ⁴⁶. [121] After the departure of the Goths, and the ſeparation of the allied army, Attila was ſur⯑priſed at the vaſt ſilence that reigned over the plains of Châlons: the ſuſpicion of ſome hoſtile ſtratagem detained him ſeveral days within the circle of his waggons; and his retreat beyond the Rhine confeſſed the laſt victory which was attchieved in the name of the Weſtern empire. Meroveus and his Franks, obſerving a prudent diſtance, and magnifying the opinion of their ſtrength, by the numerous fires which they kin⯑dled every night, continued to follow the rear of the Huns, till they reached the confines of Thuringia. The Thuringians ſerved in the army of Attila: they traverſed, both in their march and in their return, the territories of the Franks; and it was perhaps in this war that they exerciſed the cruelties, which, about fourſcore years after⯑wards, were revenged by the ſon of Clovis. They maſſacred their hoſtages, as well as their cap⯑tives: two hundred young maidens were tortured with exquiſite and unrelenting rage; their bodies were torn aſunder by wild horſes, or their bones were cruſhed under the weight of rolling wag⯑gons; and their unburied limbs were abandoned on the public roads, as a prey to dogs and vul⯑tures. [122] Such were thoſe ſavage anceſtors, whoſe imaginary virtues have ſometimes excited the praiſe and envy of civilized ages ⁴⁷!

Neither the ſpirit, nor the forces, nor the Invaſion of Italy by Attila, A. D. 452. reputation of Attila, were impaired by the fai⯑lure of the Gallic expedition. In the enſuing ſpring, he repeated his demand, of the princeſs Honoria, and her patrimonial treaſures. The demand was again rejected, or eluded; and the indignant lover immediately took the field, paſſed the Alps, invaded Italy, and beſieged Aquileia with an innumerable hoſt of Barbarians. Thoſe Barbarians were unſkilled in the methods of con⯑ducting a regular ſiege, which, even among the ancients, required ſome knowledge, or at leaſt ſome practice, of the mechanic arts. But the labour of many thouſand provincials and captives, whoſe lives were ſacrificed without pity, might execute the moſt painful and dangerous work. The ſkill of the Roman artiſts might be cor⯑rupted to the deſtruction of their country. The walls of Aquileia were aſſaulted by a formidable train of battering rams, moveable turrets, and engines, that threw ſtones, darts, and fire ⁴⁸; and [123] the monarch of the Huns employed the forcible impulſe of hope, fear, emulation, and intereſt, to ſubvert the only barrier which delayed the conqueſt of Italy. Aquileia was at that period one of the richeſt, the moſt populous, and the ſtrongeſt of the maritime cities of the Hadriatic coaſt. The Gothic auxiliaries, who appear to have ſerved under their native princes Alaric and Antala, communicated their intrepid ſpirit; and the citizens ſtill remembered the glorious and ſucceſsful reſiſtance, which their anceſtors had oppoſed to a fierce, inexorable Barbarian, who diſgraced the majeſty of the Roman purple. Three months were conſumed without effect in the ſiege of Aquileia; till the want of proviſions, and the clamours of his army, compelled Attila to relinquiſh the enterpriſe; and reluctantly to iſſue his orders, that the troops ſhould ſtrike their tents the next morning, and begin their retreat. But as he rode round the walls, pen⯑ſive, angry, and diſappointed, he obſerved a ſtork, preparing to leave her neſt, in one of the towers, and to fly with her infant family towards the country. He ſeized, with the ready penetration of a ſtateſman, this trifling incident, which chance had offered to ſuperſtition; and exclaimed, in a [124] loud and cheerful tone, that ſuch a domeſtic bird, ſo conſtantly attached to human ſociety, would never have abandoned her ancient ſeats, unleſs thoſe towers had been devoted to impend⯑ing ruin and ſolitude ⁴⁹. The favourable omen inſpired an aſſurance of victory; the ſiege was renewed, and proſecuted with freſh vigour; a large breach was made in the part of the wall from whence the ſtork had taken her flight; the Huns mounted to the aſſault with irreſiſtible fury; and the ſucceeding generation could ſcarcely diſ⯑cover the ruins of Aquileia ⁵⁰. After this dread⯑ful chaſtiſement, Attila purſued his march; and as he paſſed, the cities of Altinum, Concordia, and Padua, were reduced into heaps of ſtones and aſhes. The inland towns, Vicenza, Verona, and Bergamo, were expoſed to the rapacious cruelty of the Huns. Milan and Pavia ſubmitted, with⯑out reſiſtance, to the loſs of their wealth; and applauded the unuſual clemency, which preſerv⯑ed from the flames the public, as well as private, buildings; and ſpared the lives of the captive multitude. The popular traditions of Comum, Turin, or Modena, may juſtly be ſuſpected; yet [125] they concur with more authentic evidence to prove, that Attila ſpread his ravages over the rich plains of modern Lombardy; which are divided by the Po, and bounded by the Alps and Apennine ⁵¹. When he took poſſeſſion of the royal palace of Milan, he was ſurpriſed, and of⯑fended, at the ſight of a picture, which repre⯑ſented the Caeſars ſeated on their throne, and the princes of Scythia proſtrate at their feet. The revenge which Attila inflicted on this monument of Roman vanity, was harmleſs and ingenious. He commanded a painter to reverſe the figures, and the attitudes; and the emperors were deli⯑neated on the ſame canvaſs, approaching in a ſuppliant poſture to empty their bags of tributary gold before the throne of the Scythian monarch ⁵². The ſpectators muſt have confeſſed the truth and propriety of the alteration; and were perhaps tempted to apply, on this ſingular occaſion, the well-known fable of the diſpute between the lion and the man ⁵³.

[126] It is a ſaying worthy of the ferocious pride of Attila, that the graſs never grew on the ſpot where his horſe had trod. Yet the ſavage de⯑ſtroyer Founda⯑tion of the republic of Venice. undeſignedly laid the foundations of a republic, which revived, in the feudal ſtate of Europe, the art and ſpirit of commercial induſtry. The celebrated name of Venice, or Venetia ⁵⁴, was formerly diffuſed over a large and fertile province of Italy, from the confines of Pannonia to the river Addua, and from the Po to the Rhae⯑tian and Julian Alps. Before the irruption of the Barbarians, fifty Venetian cities flouriſhed in peace and proſperity: Aquileia was placed in the moſt conſpicuous ſtation: but the ancient dignity of Padua was ſupported by agriculture and ma⯑nufactures; and the property of five hundred citizens, who were entitled to the equeſtrian rank, muſt have amounted, at the ſtricteſt computation, to one million ſeven hundred thouſand pounds. Many families of Aquileia, Padua, and the adja⯑cent towns, who fled from the ſword of the Huns, found a ſafe, though obſcure, refuge in the neigh⯑bouring iſlands ⁵⁵. At the extremity of the Gulf, [127] where the Hadriatic feebly imitates the tides of the ocean, near an hundred ſmall iſlands are ſepa⯑rated by ſhallow water from the continent, and protected from the waves by ſeveral long ſlips of land, which admit the entrance of veſſels through ſome ſecret and narrow channels ⁵⁶. Till the middle of the fifth century, theſe remote and ſequeſtered ſpots remained without cultivation, with few inhabitants, and almoſt without a name. But the manners of the Venetian fugitives, their arts and their government, were gradually form⯑ed by their new ſituation; and one of the epiſtles of Caſſiodorius ⁵⁷, which deſcribes their condition about ſeventy years afterwards, may be conſider⯑ed as the primitive monument of the republic. The miniſter of Theodoric compares them, in his quaint declamatory ſtyle, to water-fowl, who had fixed their neſts on the boſom of the waves; and though he allows, that the Venetian provinces had formerly contained many noble families, he inſinuates, that they were now reduced by mis⯑fortune to the ſame level of humble poverty. Fiſh was the common, and almoſt the univerſal, [128] food of every rank: their only treaſure conſiſted in the plenty of ſalt, which they extracted from the ſea: and the exchange of that commodity, ſo eſſential to human life, was ſubſtituted in the neighbouring markets to the currency of gold and ſilver. A people, whoſe habitations might be doubtfully aſſigned to the earth or water, ſoon became alike familiar with the two elements; and the demands of avarice ſucceeded to thoſe of neceſſity. The iſlanders, who, from Grado to Chiozza, were intimately connected with each other, penetrated into the heart of Italy, by the ſecure, though laborious, navigation of the rivers and inland canals. Their veſſels, which were continually increaſing in ſize and number, viſited all the harbours of the Gulf; and the mar⯑riage, which Venice annually celebrates with the Hadriatic, was contracted in her early infancy. The epiſtle of Caſſiodorius, the Praetorian prae⯑fect, is addreſſed to the maritime tribunes: and he exhorts them, in a mild tone of authority, to animate the zeal of their countrymen for the pub⯑lic ſervice, which required their aſſiſtance to tranſport the magazines of wine and oil from the province of Iſtria to the royal city of Ravenna. The ambiguous office of theſe magiſtrates is ex⯑plained by the tradition, that, in the twelve prin⯑cipal iſlands, twelve tribunes, or judges, were created by an annual and popular election. The exiſtence of the Venetian republic under the Gothic kingdom of Italy, is atteſted by the ſame authentic record, which annihilates their lofty [129] claim of original and perpetual independ⯑ence ⁵⁸.

The Italians, who had long ſince renounced Attila gives peace to the Ro⯑mans. the exerciſe of arms, were ſurpriſed, after forty years peace, by the approach of a formidable Barbarian, whom they abhorred, as the enemy of their religion, as well as of their republic. Amidſt the general conſternation, Aetius alone was incapable of fear; but it was impoſſible that he ſhould atchieve, alone, and unaſſiſted, any military exploits worthy of his former renown. The Barbarians who had defended Gaul, refuſed to march to the relief of Italy; and the ſuccours promiſed by the Eaſtern emperor were diſtant and doubtful. Since Aetius, at the head of his do⯑meſtic troops, ſtill maintained the field, and ha⯑raſſed or retarded the march of Attila, he never ſhewed himſelf more truly great, than at the time when his conduct was blamed by an ignorant and ungrateful people ⁵⁹. If the mind of Valentinian had been ſuſceptible of any generous ſentiments, he would have choſen ſuch a general for his ex⯑ample and his guide. But the timid grandſon of [130] Theodoſius, inſtead of ſharing the dangers, eſ⯑caped from the ſound of war; and his haſty retreat from Ravenna to Rome, from an impreg⯑nable fortreſs to an open capital, betrayed his ſecret intention of abandoning Italy, as ſoon as the danger ſhould approach his Imperial perſon. This ſhameful abdication was ſuſpended, how⯑ever, by the ſpirit of doubt and delay, which commonly adheres to puſillanimous counſels, and ſometimes corrects their pernicious tendency. The Weſtern emperor, with the ſenate and peo⯑ple of Rome, embraced the more ſalutary reſo⯑lution of deprecating, by a ſolemn and ſuppliant embaſſy, the wrath of Attila. This important commiſſion was accepted by Avienus, who, from his birth and riches, his conſular dignity, the numerous train of his clients, and his perſonal abilities, held the firſt rank in the Roman ſenate. The ſpecious and artful character of Avienus ⁶⁰, was admirably qualified to conduct a negociation, either of public or private intereſt: his colleague Trigetius had exerciſed the Praetorian praefec⯑ture of Italy; and Leo, biſhop of Rome, con⯑ſented to expoſe his life for the ſafety of his flock. The genius of Leo ⁶¹ was exerciſed and diſplayed [131] in the public misfortunes; and he has deſerved the appellation of Great, by the ſucceſsful zeal, with which he laboured to eſtabliſh his opinions, and his authority, under the venerable names of orthodox faith, and eccleſiaſtical diſcipline. The Roman ambaſſadors were introduced to the tent of Attila, as he lay encamped at the place where the ſlow-winding Mincius is loſt in the foaming waves of the lake Benacus ⁶², and trampled with his Scythian cavalry the farms of Catullus and Virgil ⁶³. The Barbarian monarch liſtened with favourable, and even reſpectful, attention; and the deliverance of Italy was purchaſed by the im⯑menſe ranſom, or dowry, of the princeſs Honoria. The ſtate of his army might facilitate the treaty, and haſten his retreat. Their martial ſpirit was relaxed by the wealth and indolence of a warm climate. The ſhepherds of the North, whoſe ordinary food conſiſted of milk and raw fleſh, in⯑dulged themſelves too freely in the uſe of bread, of wine, and of meat, prepared and ſeaſoned by the arts of cookery; and the progreſs of diſeaſe [132] revenged in ſome meaſure the injuries of the Ita⯑lians ⁶⁴. When Attila declared his reſolution of carrying his victorious arms to the gates of Rome, he was admoniſhed by his friends, as well as by his enemies, that Alaric had not long ſurvived the conqueſt of the eternal city. His mind, ſu⯑perior to real danger, was aſſaulted by imaginary terrors; nor could he eſcape the influence of ſuperſtition, which had ſo often been ſubſervient to his deſigns ⁶⁵. The preſſing eloquence of Leo, his majeſtic aſpect, and ſacerdotal robes, excited the veneration of Attila for the ſpiritual father of the Chriſtians. The apparition of the two apoſtles, St. Peter and St. Paul, who menaced the Bar⯑barian with inſtant death, if he rejected the prayer of their ſucceſſor, is one of the nobleſt legends of eccleſiaſtical tradition. The ſafety of Rome might deſerve the interpoſition of celeſtial beings; and ſome indulgence is due to a fable, which has been repreſented by the pencil of Raphael, and the chiſſel of Algardi ⁶⁶.

[133] Before the king of the Huns evacuated Italy, he threatened to return more dreadful, and more implacable, if his bride, the princeſs Honoria, The death of Attila, A. D. 453. were not delivered to his ambaſſadors within the term ſtipulated by the treaty. Yet, in the mean while, Attila relieved his tender anxiety, by add⯑ing a beautiful maid, whoſe name was Ildico, to the liſt of his innumerable wives ⁶⁷. Their marriage was celebrated with barbaric pomp and feſtivity, at his wooden palace beyond the Da⯑nube; and the monarch, oppreſſed with wine and ſleep, retired, at a late hour, from the ban⯑quet to the nuptial bed. His attendants con⯑tinued to reſpect his pleaſures, or his repoſe, the greateſt part of the enſuing day, till the unuſual ſilence alarmed their fears and ſuſpicions; and, after attempting to awaken Attila by loud and repeated cries, they at length broke into the royal apartment. They found the trembling bride ſitting by the bedſide, hiding her face with her veil, and lamenting her own danger, as well as the death of the king, who had expired during [134] the night ⁶⁸. An artery had ſuddenly burſt; and as Attila lay in a ſupine poſture, he was ſuf⯑focated by a torrent of blood, which, inſtead of finding a paſſage through the noſtrils, regurgi⯑tated into the lungs and ſtomach. His body was ſolemnly expoſed in the midſt of the plain, un⯑der a ſilken pavilion; and the choſen ſquadrons of the Huns, wheeling round in meaſured evo⯑lutions, chaunted a funeral ſong to the memory of a hero, glorious in his life, invincible in his death, the father of his people, the ſcourge of his enemies, and the terror of the world. Ac⯑cording to their national cuſtom, the Barbarians cut off a part of their hair, gaſhed their faces with unſeemly wounds, and bewailed their valiant leader as he deſerved, not with the tears of wo⯑men, but with the blood of warriors. The re⯑mains of Attila were incloſed within three coffins, of gold, of ſilver, and of iron, and privately buried in the night: the ſpoils of nations were thrown into his grave; the captives who had opened the ground were inhumanly maſſacred; and the ſame Huns, who had indulged ſuch ex⯑ceſſive grief, feaſted, with diſſolute and intem⯑perate mirth, about the recent ſepulchre of their king. It was reported at Conſtantinople, that on [135] the fortunate night in which he expired, Marcian beheld in a dream the bow of Attila broken aſunder: and the report may be allowed to prove, how ſeldom the image of that formidable Bar⯑barian was abſent from the mind of a Roman emperor ⁶⁹.

The revolution which ſubverted the empire of Deſtruc⯑tion of his empire. the Huns, eſtabliſhed the fame of Attila, whoſe genius alone had ſuſtained the huge and disjoint⯑ed fabric. After his death, the boldeſt chief⯑tains aſpired to the rank of kings; the moſt pow⯑erful kings refuſed to acknowledge a ſuperior; and the numerous ſons, whom ſo many various mothers bore to the deceaſed monarch, divided and diſputed, like a private inheritance, the ſo⯑vereign command of the nations of Germany and Scythia. The bold Ardaric felt and repreſented the diſgrace of this ſervile partition; and his ſub⯑jects, the warlike Gepidae, with the Oſtrogoths, under the conduct of three valiant brothers, en⯑couraged their allies to vindicate the rights of freedom and royalty. In a bloody and deciſive conflict on the banks of the river Netad, in Pan⯑nonia, the lance of the Gepidae, the ſword of the Goths, the arrows of the Huns, the Suevic in⯑fantry, the light arms of the Heruli, and the heavy weapons of the Alani, encountered or ſup⯑ported each other; and the victory of Ardaric was accompanied with the ſlaughter of thirty [136] thouſand of his enemies. Ellac, the eldeſt ſon of Attila, loſt his life and crown in the memo⯑rable battle of Netad: his early valour had raiſed him to the throne of the Acatzires, a Scythian people, whom he ſubdued; and his father, who loved the ſuperior merit, would have envied the death, of Ellac ⁷⁰. His brother Dengiſich, with an army of Huns, ſtill formidable in their flight and ruin, maintained his ground above fifteen years on the banks of the Danube. The palace of Attila, with the old country of Dacia, from the Carpathian hills to the Euxine, became the ſeat of a new power, which was erected by Ar⯑daric, king of the Gepidae. The Pannonian conqueſts, from Vienna to Sirmium, were occu⯑pied by the Oſtrogoths; and the ſettlements of the tribes, who had ſo bravely aſſerted their native freedom, were irregularly diſtributed, according to the meaſure of their reſpective ſtrength. Sur⯑rounded and oppreſſed by the multitude of his father's ſlaves, the kingdom of Dengiſich was confined to the circle of his waggons; his deſ⯑perate courage urged him to invade the Eaſtern empire; he fell in battle; and his head, igno⯑miniouſly expoſed in the Hippodrome, exhibited a grateful ſpectacle to the people of Conſtan⯑tinople. Attila had fondly or ſuperſtitiouſly be⯑lieved, [137] that Irnac, the youngeſt of his ſons, was deſtined to perpetuate the glories of his race. The character of that prince, who attempted to moderate the raſhneſs of his brother Dengiſich, was more ſuitable to the declining condition of the Huns; and Irnac, with his ſubject hords, re⯑tired into the heart of the Leſſer Scythia. They were ſoon overwhelmed by a torrent of new Bar⯑barians, who followed the ſame road which their own anceſtors had formerly diſcovered. The Geougen, or Avares, whoſe reſidence is aſſigned by the Greek writers to the ſhores of the ocean, impelled the adjacent tribes; till at length the Igours of the North, iſſuing from the cold Sibe⯑rian regions, which produce the moſt valuable furs, ſpread themſelves over the deſert, as far as the Boriſthenes and Caſpian gates; and finally extinguiſhed the empire of the Huns ⁷¹.

Such an event might contribute to the ſafety Valentini⯑an mur⯑ders the patrician Aetius, A. D. 454. of the Eaſtern empire, under the reign of a prince, who conciliated the friendſhip, without forfeiting the eſteem, of the Barbarians. But the emperor of the Weſt, the feeble and diſſolute Valentinian, who had reached his thirty-fifth year without attaining the age of reaſon or cou⯑rage, abuſed this apparent ſecurity, to undermine the foundations of his own throne, by the mur⯑der of the patrician Aetius. From the inſtinct [138] of a baſe and jealous mind, he hated the man who was univerſally celebrated as the terror of the barbarians, and the ſupport of the republic; and his new favourite, the eunuch Heraclius, awakened the emperor from the ſupine lethargy, which might be diſguiſed, during the life of Placidia ⁷², by the excuſe of filial piety. The fame of Aetius, his wealth and dignity, the nu⯑merous and martial train of Barbarian followers, his powerful dependents, who filled the civil offices of the ſtate, and the hopes of his ſon Gaudentius, who was already contracted to Eu⯑doxia, the emperor's daughter, had raiſed him above the rank of a ſubject. The ambitious de⯑ſigns, of which he was ſecretly accuſed, excited the fears, as well as the reſentment, of Valenti⯑nian. Aetius himſelf, ſupported by the conſciouſ⯑neſs of his merit, his ſervices, and perhaps his innocence, ſeems to have maintained a haughty and indiſcreet behaviour. The patrician offended his ſovereign by an hoſtile declaration; he aggra⯑vated the offence, by compelling him to ratify, with a ſolemn oath, a treaty of reconciliation and alliance; he proclaimed his ſuſpicions; he ne⯑glected his ſafety; and from a vain confidence that the enemy, whom he deſpiſed, was incapable [139] even of a manly crime, he raſhly ventured his perſon in the palace of Rome. Whilſt he urged, perhaps with intemperate vehemence, the mar⯑riage of his ſon; Valentinian, drawing his ſword, the firſt ſword he had ever drawn, plunged it in the breaſt of a general who had ſaved his empire: his courtiers and eunuchs ambitiouſly ſtruggled to imitate their maſter; and Aetius, pierced with an hundred wounds, fell dead in the royal pre⯑ſence. Boethius, the Praetorian praefect, was killed at the ſame moment; and before the event could be divulged, the principal friends of the patrician were ſummoned to the palace, and ſeparately murdered. The horrid deed, palliated by the ſpecious names of juſtice and neceſſity, was immediately communicated by the emperor to his ſoldiers, his ſubjects, and his allies. The nations, who were ſtrangers or enemies to Aetius, generouſly deplored the unworthy fate of a hero: the Barbarians, who had been attached to his ſervice, diſſembled their grief and reſentment; and the public contempt, which had been ſo long entertained for Valentinian, was at once converted into deep and univerſal abhorrence. Such ſentiments ſeldom pervade the walls of a palace; yet the emperor was confounded by the honeſt reply of a Roman, whoſe approbation he had not diſdained to ſolicit. ‘"I am ignorant, Sir, of your motives or provocations; I only know, that you have acted like a man who cuts off his right hand with his left ⁷³."’

[140] The luxury of Rome ſeems to have attracted the long and frequent viſits of Valentinian; who was conſequently more deſpiſed at Rome, than in and ra⯑viſhes the wife of Maximus. any other part of his dominions. A republican ſpirit was inſenſibly revived in the ſenate, as their authority, and even their ſupplies, became ne⯑ceſſary for the ſupport of his feeble government. The ſtately demeanour of an hereditary monarch offended their pride; and the pleaſures of Valen⯑tinian were injurious to the peace and honour of noble families. The birth of the empreſs Eu⯑doxia was equal to his own, and her charms and tender affection deſerved thoſe teſtimonies of love, which her inconſtant huſband diſſipated in vague and unlawful amours. Petronius Maxi⯑mus, a wealthy ſenator of the Anician family, who had been twice conſul, was poſſeſſed of a chaſte and beautiful wife: her obſtinate reſiſtance ſerved only to irritate the deſires of Valentinian; and he reſolved to accompliſh them either by ſtrata⯑gem or force. Deep gaming was one of the vices of the court: the emperor, who, by chance or contrivance, had gained from Maximus a con⯑ſiderable ſum, uncourteouſly exacted his ring as a ſecurity for the debt; and ſent it by a truſty meſſenger to his wife, with an order, in her huſband's name, that ſhe ſhould immediately at⯑tend the empreſs Eudoxia. The unſuſpecting wife of Maximus was conveyed in her litter to the Imperial palace; the emiſſaries of her impa⯑tient lover conducted her to a remote and ſilent [141] bed-chamber; and Valentinian violated, without remorſe, the laws of hoſpitality. Her tears, when ſhe returned home; her deep affliction; and her bitter reproaches againſt her huſband, whom ſhe conſidered as the accomplice of his own ſhame, excited Maximus to a juſt revenge; the deſire of revenge was ſtimulated by ambition; and he might reaſonably aſpire, by the free ſuffrage of the Roman ſenate, to the throne of a deteſted and deſpicable rival. Valentinian, who ſuppoſed that every human breaſt was devoid, like his own, of friendſhip and gratitude, had impru⯑dently admitted among his guards ſeveral domeſ⯑tics and followers of Aetius. Two of theſe, of Bar⯑barian race, were perſuaded to execute a ſacred and honourable duty, by puniſhing with death the aſſaſſin of their patron; and their intrepid courage did not long expect a favourable mo⯑ment. Whilſt Valentinian amuſed himſelf in the field of Mars with the ſpectacle of ſome military ſports, they ſuddenly ruſhed upon him with drawn weapons, diſpatched the guilty Heraclius, and ſtabbed the emperor to the heart, without the Death of Valentini⯑an, A. D. 455, March 16. leaſt oppoſition from his numerous train, who ſeemed to rejoice in the tyrant's death. Such was the fate of Valentinian the Third ⁷⁴, the laſt [142] Roman emperor of the family of Theodoſius. He faithfully imitated the hereditary weakneſs of of his couſin and his two uncles, without inhe⯑riting the gentleneſs, the purity, the innocence, which alleviate, in their characters, the want of ſpirit and ability. Valentinian was leſs excuſable, ſince he had paſſions, without virtues: even his religion was queſtionable; and though he never deviated into the paths of hereſy, he ſcandalized the pious Chriſtians by his attachment to the pro⯑fane arts of magic and divination.

As early as the time of Cicero and Varro, it Symptoms of decay and ruin. was the opinion of the Roman augurs, that the twelve vultures, which Romulus had ſeen, repre⯑ſented the twelve centuries, aſſigned for the fatal period of his city ⁷⁵. This prophecy, diſregarded perhaps in the ſeaſon of health and proſperity, inſpired the people with gloomy apprehenſions, when the twelfth century, clouded with diſgrace and misfortune, was almoſt elapſed ⁷⁶; and even poſterity muſt acknowledge with ſome ſurpriſe, that the arbitrary interpretation of an accidental [143] or fabulous circumſtance, has been ſeriouſly veri⯑fied in the downfall of the Weſtern empire. But its fall was announced by a clearer omen than the flight of vultures: the Roman government ap⯑peared every day leſs formidable to its enemies, more odious and oppreſſive to its ſubjects ⁷⁷. The taxes were multiplied with the public diſtreſs; oeconomy was neglected in proportion as it be⯑came neceſſary; and the injuſtice of the rich ſhifted the unequal burden from themſelves to the people, whom they defrauded of the indul⯑gencies that might ſometimes have alleviated their miſery. The ſevere inquiſition, which confiſ⯑cated their goods, and tortured their perſons, compelled the ſubjects of Valentinian to prefer the more ſimple tyranny of the Barbarians, to fly to the woods and mountains, or to embrace the vile and abject condition of mercenary ſervants. They abjured and abhorred the name of Roman citizens, which had formerly excited the ambi⯑tion of mankind. The Armorican provinces of Gaul, and the greateſt part of Spain, were thrown into a ſtate of diſorderly independence, by the confederations of the Bagaudae; and the Imperial miniſters purſued with proſcriptive laws, and ineffectual arms, the rebels whom they had made ⁷⁸. If all the Barbarian conquerors had [144] been annihilated in the ſame hour, their total deſtruction would not have reſtored the empire of the Weſt: and if Rome ſtill ſurvived, ſhe ſurvived the loſs of freedom, of virtue, and of honour.

CHAP. XXXVI. Sack of Rome by Genſeric, King of the Vandals.—His naval Depredations.—Succeſſion of the laſt Empe⯑rors of the Weſt, Maximus, Avitus, Majorian, Severus, Anthemius, Olybrius, Glycerius, Nepos, Auguſtulus.—Total Extinction of the Weſtern Em⯑pire.—Reign of Odoacer, the firſt Barbarian King of Italy.

THE loſs or deſolation of the provinces, from the ocean to the Alps, impaired the glory and greatneſs of Rome: her internal proſperity was ir⯑retrievably Naval power of the Van⯑dals. A. D. 439—455. deſtroyed by the ſeparation of Africa. The rapacious Vandals confiſcated the patrimo⯑nial eſtates of the ſenators, and intercepted the regular ſubſidies, which relieved the poverty, and encouraged the idleneſs, of the plebeians. The diſtreſs of the Romans was ſoon aggravated by an unexpected attack; and the province, ſo long cultivated for their uſe by induſtrious and obedient ſubjects, was armed againſt them by an ambitious Barbarian. The Vandals and Alani, who followed the ſucceſsful ſtandard of Genſeric, had acquired a rich and fertile territory, which ſtretched along the coaſt above ninety days jour⯑ney from Tangier to Tripoli; but their narrow limits were preſſed and confined, on either ſide, by the ſandy deſert and the Mediterranean. The diſcovery and conqueſt of the Black nations, that might dwell beneath the torrid zone, could not [146] tempt the rational ambition of Genſeric: but he caſt his eyes towards the ſea; he reſolved to create a naval power, and his bold reſolution was executed with ſteady and active perſeverance. The woods of mount Atlas afforded an inexhauſtible nur⯑ſery of timber; his new ſubjects were ſkilled in the arts of navigation and ſhip-building; he animated his daring Vandals to embrace a mode of warfare which would render every maritime country ac⯑ceſſible to their arms; the Moors and Africans were allured by the hopes of plunder; and, after an interval of ſix centuries, the fleets that iſſued from the port of Carthage again claimed the em⯑pire of the Mediterranean. The ſucceſs of the Vandals, the conqueſt of Sicily, the ſack of Pa⯑lermo, and the frequent deſcents on the coaſt of Lucania, awakened and alarmed the mother of Valentinian, and the ſiſter of Theodoſius. Al⯑liances were formed; and armaments, expenſive and ineffectual, were prepared, for the deſtruction of the common enemy; who reſerved his courage to encounter thoſe dangers which his policy could not prevent or elude. The deſigns of the Roman government were repeatedly baffled by his artful delays, ambiguous promiſes, and apparent conceſſions; and the interpoſition of his formid⯑able confederate the king of the Huns, recalled the emperors from the conqueſt of Africa to the care of their domeſtic ſafety. The revolutions of the palace, which left the Weſtern empire with⯑out a defender, and without a lawful prince, diſ⯑pelled the apprehenſions, and ſtimulated the ava⯑rice, [147] of Genſeric. He immediately equipped a numerous fleet of Vandals and Moors, and caſt anchor at the mouth of the Tyber, about three months after the death of Valentinian, and the elevation of Maximus to the Imperial throne.

The private life of the ſenator Petronius Maxi⯑mus ¹, The cha⯑racter and reign of the empe⯑ror Maxi⯑mus, A. D. 455, March 17. was often alleged as a rare example of hu⯑man felicity. His birth was noble and illuſtrious, ſince he deſcended from the Anician family; his dignity was ſupported by an adequate patrimony in land and money: and theſe advantages of for⯑tune were accompanied with liberal arts, and de⯑cent manners, which adorn or imitate the ineſti⯑mable gifts of genius and virtue. The luxury of his palace and table was hoſpitable and ele⯑gant. Whenever Maximus appeared in public, he was ſurrounded by a train of grateful and ob⯑ſequious clients ²; and it is poſſible that among theſe clients, he might deſerve and poſſeſs ſome real friends. His merit was rewarded by the favour of the prince and ſenate: he thrice exer⯑ciſed the office of Praetorian praefect of Italy; he was twice inveſted with the conſulſhip, and he obtained the rank of patrician. Theſe civil ho⯑nours were not incompatible with the enjoyment [148] of leiſure and tranquillity; his hours, according to the demands of pleaſure or reaſon, were accu⯑rately diſtributed by a water-clock; and this ava⯑rice of time may be allowed to prove the ſenſe which Maximus entertained of his own happineſs. The injury which he received from the emperor Valentinian, appears to excuſe the moſt bloody revenge. Yet a philoſopher might have reflected, that, if the reſiſtance of his wife had been ſincere, her chaſtity was ſtill inviolate, and that it could never be reſtored if ſhe had conſented to the will of the adulterer. A patriot would have heſitated, before he plunged himſelf and his country into thoſe inevitable calamities, which muſt follow the extinction of the royal houſe of Theodoſius. The imprudent Maximus diſregarded theſe ſalu⯑tary conſiderations: he gratified his reſentment and ambition; he ſaw the bleeding corpſe of Va⯑lentinian at his feet; and he heard himſelf ſa⯑luted emperor by the unanimous voice of the ſe⯑nate and people. But the day of his inaugura⯑tion was the laſt day of his happineſs. He was impriſoned (ſuch is the lively expreſſion of Si⯑donius) in the palace; and after paſſing a ſleep⯑leſs night he ſighed, that he had attained the ſum⯑mit of his wiſhes, and aſpired only to deſcend from the dangerous elevation. Oppreſſed by the weight of the diadem, he communicated his anxious thoughts to his friend and quaeſtor Ful⯑gentius; and when he looked back with unavail⯑ing regret on the ſecure pleaſures of his former life, the emperor exclaimed, ‘"O fortunate Da⯑mocles ³, [149] thy reign began and ended with the ſame dinner:"’ a well-known alluſion, which Fulgentius afterwards repeated as an inſtructive leſſon for princes and ſubjects.

The reign of Maximus continued about three His death, A. D. 455. June 12. months. His hours, of which he had loſt the command, were diſturbed by remorſe, or guilt, or terror, and his throne was ſhaken by the ſedi⯑tions of the ſoldiers, the people, and the con⯑federate Barbarians. The marriage of his ſon Palladius with the eldeſt daughter of the late em⯑peror, might tend to eſtabliſh the hereditary ſuc⯑ceſſion of his family; but the violence which he offered to the empreſs Eudoxia, could proceed only from the blind impulſe of luſt or revenge. His own wife, the cauſe of theſe tragic events, had been ſeaſonably removed by death; and the widow of Valentinian was compelled to violate her decent mourning, perhaps her real grief, and to ſubmit to the embraces of a preſumptuous uſurper, whom ſhe ſuſpected as the aſſaſſin of her deceaſed huſband. Theſe ſuſpicions were ſoon juſtified by the indiſcreet confeſſion of Maximus himſelf; and he wantonly provoked the hatred of his reluctant bride, who was ſtill conſcious that ſhe deſcended from a line of emperors. From [150] the Eaſt, however, Eudoxia could not hope to obtain any effectual aſſiſtance: her father and her aunt Pulcheria were dead; her mother lan⯑guiſhed at Jeruſalem in diſgrace and exile; and the ſceptre of Conſtantinople was in the hands of a ſtranger. She directed her eyes towards Car⯑thage; ſecretly implored the aid of the king of the Vandals; and perſuaded Genſeric to improve the fair opportunity of diſguiſing his rapacious deſigns by the ſpecious names of honour, juſtice, and compaſſion ⁴. Whatever abilities Maximus might have ſhewn in a ſubordinate ſtation, he was found incapable of adminiſtering an empire; and though he might eaſily have been informed of the naval preparations, which were made on the oppoſite ſhores of Africa, he expected with ſu⯑pine indifference the approach of the enemy, without adopting any meaſures of defence, of ne⯑gociation, or of a timely retreat. When the Van⯑dals diſembarked at the mouth of the Tyber, the emperor was ſuddenly rouſed from his lethargy by the clamours of a trembling and exaſperated multitude. The only hope which preſented it⯑ſelf to his aſtoniſhed mind was that of a preci⯑pitate flight, and he exhorted the ſenators to imitate the example of their prince. But no [151] ſooner did Maximus appear in the ſtreets, than he was aſſaulted by a ſhower of ſtones: a Roman, or a Burgundian, ſoldier claimed the honour of the firſt wound; his mangled body was ignomi⯑niouſly caſt into the Tyber; the Roman people rejoiced in the puniſhment which they had in⯑flicted on the author of the public calamities; and the domeſtics of Eudoxia ſignalized their zeal in the ſervice of their miſtreſs ⁵.

On the third day after the tumult, Genſeric Sack of Rome by the Van⯑dals, A. D. 455. June 15—29. boldly advanced from the port of Oſtia to the gates of the defenceleſs city. Inſtead of a ſally of the Roman youth, there iſſued from the gates an unarmed and venerable proceſſion of the biſhop at the head of his clergy ⁶. The fearleſs ſpirit of Leo, his authority and eloquence, again mitigated the fierceneſs of a Barbarian conqueror: the king of the Vandals promiſed to ſpare the unreſiſting multitude, to protect the buildings from fire, and to exempt the captives from torture; and although ſuch orders were neither ſeriouſly given, nor ſtrictly obeyed, the mediation of Leo was glorious to himſelf, and in ſome degree beneficial to his country. But Rome, and its inhabitants, were [152] delivered to the licentiouſneſs of the Vandals and Moors, whoſe blind paſſions revenged the injuries of Carthage. The pillage laſted fourteen days and nights; and all that yet remained of public or private wealth, of ſacred or profane treaſure, was diligently tranſported to the veſſels of Gen⯑ſeric. Among the ſpoils, the ſplendid relics of two temples, or rather of two religions, exhibited a memorable example of the viciſſitude of human and divine things. Since the abolition of Pa⯑ganiſm, the Capitol had been violated and aban⯑doned; yet the ſtatues of the gods and heroes were ſtill reſpected, and the curious roof of gilt bronze was reſerved for the rapacious hands of Genſeric ⁷. The holy inſtruments of the Jewiſh worſhip ⁸, the gold table, and the gold candle⯑ſtick with ſeven branches, originally framed ac⯑cording to the particular inſtructions of God him⯑ſelf, and which were placed in the ſanctuary of his temple, had been oſtentatiouſly diſplayed to the Roman people in the triumph of Titus. They were afterwards depoſited in the temple of Peace; [153] and at the end of four hundred years, the ſpoils of Jeruſalem were transferred from Rome to Car⯑thage, by a Barbarian who derived his origin from the ſhores of the Baltic. Theſe ancient monuments might attract the notice of curioſity, as well as of avarice. But the Chriſtian churches, enriched and adorned by the prevailing ſuperſti⯑tion of the times, afforded more plentiful mate⯑rials for ſacrilege; and the pious liberality of pope Leo, who melted ſix ſilver vaſes, the gift of Conſtantine, each of an hundred pounds weight, is an evidence of the damage which he attempted to repair. In the forty-five years, that had elapſed ſince the Gothic invaſion, the pomp and luxury of Rome were in ſome meaſure reſtored; and it was difficult either to eſcape, or to ſatisfy, the avarice of a conqueror, who poſſeſſed leiſure to collect, and ſhips to tranſport, the wealth of the capital. The imperial ornaments of the palace, the mag⯑nificent furniture and wardrobe, the ſideboards of maſſy plate, were accumulated with diſorderly ra⯑pine: the gold and ſilver amounted to ſeveral thouſand talents; yet even the braſs and copper were laboriouſly removed. Eudoxia herſelf, who advanced to meet her friend and deliverer, ſoon bewailed the imprudence of her own conduct. She was rudely ſtripped of her jewels; and the unfortunate empreſs, with her two daughters, the only ſurviving remains of the great Theodoſius, was compelled, as a captive, to follow the haughty Vandal; who immediately hoiſted ſail, and re⯑turned with a proſperous navigation to the port [154] of Carthage ⁹. Many thouſand Romans of both ſexes, choſen for ſome uſeful or agreeable qualifi⯑cations, reluctantly embarked on board the fleet of Genſeric; and their diſtreſs was aggravated by the unfeeling Barbarians, who, in the diviſion of the booty, ſeparated the wives from their huſ⯑bands, and the children from their parents. The charity of Deogratias, biſhop of Carthage ¹⁰, was their only conſolation and ſupport. He generouſly ſold the gold and ſilver plate of the church to pur⯑chaſe the freedom of ſome, to alleviate the ſlavery of others, and to aſſiſt the wants and infirmities of a captive multitude, whoſe health was impaired by the hardſhips which they had ſuffered in the paſſage from Italy to Africa. By his order, two ſpacious churches were converted into hoſpitals: the ſick were diſtributed in convenient beds, and liberally ſupplied with food and medicines; and the aged prelate repeated his viſits both in the day and night, with an aſſiduity that ſurpaſſed his ſtrength, and a tender ſympathy which enhanced the value of his ſervices. Compare this ſcene with the field of Cannae; and judge between Han⯑nibal and the ſucceſſor of St. Cyprian ¹¹.

[155] The deaths of Aetius and Valentinian had re⯑laxed the ties which held the Barbarians of Gaul in peace and ſubordination. The ſeacoaſt was The em⯑peror Avi⯑tus, A. D. 455. July 10. infeſted by the Saxons; the Alemanni and the Franks advanced from the Rhine to the Seine; and the ambition of the Goths ſeemed to meditate more extenſive and permanent conqueſts. The emperor Maximus relieved himſelf, by a judicious choice, from the weight of theſe diſtant cares; he ſilenced the ſolicitations of his friends, liſtened to the voice of fame, and promoted a ſtranger to the general command of the forces in Gaul. Avi⯑tus ¹², the ſtranger, whoſe merit was ſo nobly re⯑warded, deſcended from a wealthy and honourable family in the dioceſe of Auvergne. The convul⯑ſions of the times urged him to embrace, with the ſame ardour, the civil and military profeſſions; and the indefatigable youth blended the ſtudies of literature and juriſprudence with the exerciſe of arms and hunting. Thirty years of his life were laudably ſpent in the public ſervice; he alternately diſplayed his talents in war and negociation; and the ſoldier of Aetius, after executing the moſt im⯑portant embaſſies, was raiſed to the ſtation of Praetorian praefect of Gaul. Either the merit of Avitus excited envy, or his moderation was deſi⯑rous of repoſe, ſince he calmly retired to an eſtate, [156] which he poſſeſſed in the neighbourhood of Cler⯑mont. A copious ſtream, iſſuing from the moun⯑tain, and falling headlong in many a loud and foaming caſcade, diſcharged its waters into a lake about two miles in length, and the villa was plea⯑ſantly ſeated on the margin of the lake. The baths, the porticoes, the ſummer and winter apartments, were adapted to the purpoſes of luxury and uſe; and the adjacent country afforded the various proſpects of woods, paſtures, and mea⯑dows ¹³. In this retreat, where Avitus amuſed his leiſure with books, rural ſports, the practice of huſbandry, and the ſociety of his friends ¹⁴, he re⯑ceived the Imperial diploma, which conſtituted him maſter-general of the cavalry and infantry of Gaul. He aſſumed the military command; the Barbarians ſuſpended their fury; and whatever means he might employ, whatever conceſſions he might be forced to make, the people enjoyed the benefits of actual tranquillity. But the fate of Gaul depended on the Viſigoths; and the Roman [157] general, leſs attentive to his dignity than to the public intereſt, did not diſdain to viſit Thoulouſe in the character of an ambaſſador. He was re⯑ceived with courteous hoſpitality by Theodoric, the king of the Goths; but while Avitus laid the foundations of a ſolid alliance with that powerful nation, he was aſtoniſhed by the intelligence, that the emperor Maximus was ſlain, and that Rome had been pillaged by the Vandals. A vacant throne, which he might aſcend without guilt or danger, tempted his ambition ¹⁵; and the Viſi⯑goths were eaſily perſuaded to ſupport his claim by their irreſiſtible ſuffrage. They loved the per⯑ſon of Avitus; they reſpected his virtues; and they were not inſenſible of the advantage, as well A. D. 455. Auguſt 15. as honour, of giving an emperor to the Weſt. The ſeaſon was now approaching, in which the annual aſſembly of the ſeven provinces was held at Arles; their deliberations might perhaps be in⯑fluenced by the preſence of Theodoric, and his martial brothers; but their choice would naturally incline to the moſt illuſtrious of their countrymen. Avitus, after a decent reſiſtance, accepted the Imperial diadem from the repreſentatives of Gaul; and his election was ratified by the acclamations of the Barbarians and provincials. The formal conſent of Marcian, emperor of the Eaſt, was ſo⯑licited and obtained: but the ſenate, Rome, and [158] Italy, though humbled by their recent calamities, ſubmitted with a ſecret murmur to the preſump⯑tion of the Gallic uſurper.

Theodoric, to whom Avitus was indebted for the purple, had acquired the Gothic ſceptre by Character of Theo⯑doric, king of the Viſi⯑goths, A. D. 453—466. the murder of his elder brother Toriſmond; and he juſtified this atrocious deed by the deſign which his predeceſſor had formed of violating his alliance with the empire ¹⁶. Such a crime might not be incompatible with the virtues of a Barba⯑rian; but the manners of Theodoric were gentle and humane; and poſterity may contemplate with⯑out terror the original picture of a Gothic king, whom Sidonius had intimately obſerved, in the hours of peace and of ſocial intercourſe. In an epiſtle, dated from the court of Thoulouſe, the orator ſatisfies the curioſity of one of his friends, in the following deſcription ¹⁷: ‘"By the majeſty of his appearance, Theodoric would command the reſpect of thoſe who are ignorant of his merit; and although he is born a prince, his merit would dignify a private ſtation. He is of a middle ſtature, his body appears rather plump than fat, and in his well-proportioned [159] limbs agility is united with muſcular ſtrength ¹⁸. If you examine his countenance, you will diſ⯑tinguiſh a high forehead, large ſhaggy eye⯑brows, an aquiline noſe, thin lips, a regular ſet of white teeth, and a fair complexion, that bluſhes more frequently from modeſty than from anger. The ordinary diſtribution of his time, as far as it is expoſed to the public view, may be conciſely repreſented. Before day⯑break, he repairs, with a ſmall train, to his domeſtic chapel, where the ſervice is performed by the Arian clergy; but thoſe who preſume to interpret his ſecret ſentiments, conſider this aſſiduous devotion as the effect of habit and po⯑licy. The reſt of the morning is employed in the adminiſtration of his kingdom. His chair is ſurrounded by ſome military officers of decent aſpect and behaviour: the noiſy crowd of his Barbarian guards occupies the hall of audience; but they are not permitted to ſtand within the veils or curtains, that conceal the council⯑chamber from vulgar eyes. The ambaſſadors of the nations are ſucceſſively introduced: Theo⯑doric liſtens with attention, anſwers them with diſcreet brevity, and either announces or de⯑lays, according to the nature of their buſi⯑neſs, his final reſolution. About eight (the ſecond hour) he riſes from his throne, and viſits, [160] either his treaſury, or his ſtables. If he chuſes to hunt, or at leaſt to exerciſe himſelf on horſe⯑back, his bow is carried by a favourite youth; but when the game is marked, he bends it with his own hand, and ſeldom miſſes the object of his aim: as a king, he diſdains to bear arms in ſuch ignoble warfare; but as a ſoldier, he would bluſh to accept any military ſervice which he could perform himſelf. On common days, his dinner is not different from the repaſt of a private citizen; but every Saturday many ho⯑nourable gueſts are invited to the royal table, which, on theſe occaſions, is ſerved with the elegance of Greece, the plenty of Gaul, and the order and diligence of Italy ¹⁹. The gold or ſilver plate is leſs remarkable for its weight, than for the brightneſs and curious workman⯑ſhip: the taſte is gratified without the help of foreign and coſtly luxury; the ſize and number of the cups of wine are regulated with a ſtrict regard to the laws of temperance; and the re⯑ſpectful ſilence that prevails, is interrupted only by grave and inſtructive converſation. After dinner, Theodoric ſometimes indulges himſelf in a ſhort ſlumber; and as ſoon as he wakes, he calls for the dice and tables, encourages his friends to forget the royal majeſty, and is de⯑lighted when they freely expreſs the paſſions, which are excited by the incidents of play. At this game, which he loves as the image of war, [161] he alternately diſplays his eagerneſs, his ſkill, his patience, and his cheerful temper. If he loſes, he laughs; he is modeſt and ſilent, if he wins. Yet, notwithſtanding this ſeeming indif⯑ference, his courtiers chuſe to ſolicit any fa⯑vour in the moments of victory; and I myſelf, in my applications to the king, have derived ſome benefit from my loſſes ²⁰. About the ninth hour (three o'clock) the tide of buſineſs again returns, and flows inceſſantly till after ſun-ſet, when the ſignal of the royal ſupper diſ⯑miſſes the weary crowd of ſuppliants and pleaders. At the ſupper, a more familiar re⯑paſt, buffoons and pantomimes are ſometimes introduced, to divert, not to offend, the com⯑pany, by their ridiculous wit: but female ſingers, and the ſoft effeminate modes of mu⯑ſic, are ſeverely baniſhed, and ſuch martial tunes as animate the ſoul to deeds of valour are alone grateful to the ear of Theodoric. He retires from table; and the nocturnal guards are immediately poſted at the entrance of the treaſury, the palace, and the private apart⯑ments."’

When the king of the Viſigoths encouraged Avitus to aſſume the purple, he offered his per⯑ſon His expe⯑dition into Spain, A. D. 456. and his forces, as a faithful ſoldier of the re⯑public ²¹. [162] The exploits of Theodoric ſoon con⯑vinced the world, that he had not degenerated from the warlike virtues of his anceſtors. After the eſtabliſhment of the Goths in Aquitain, and the paſſage of the Vandals into Africa, the Suevi, who had fixed their kingdom in Gallicia, aſpired to the conqueſt of Spain, and threatened to extinguiſh the feeble remains of the Roman dominion. The provincials of Carthagena and Tarragona, afflicted by an hoſtile invaſion, repre⯑ſented their injuries and their apprehenſions. Count Fronto was diſpatched, in the name of the emperor Avitus, with advantageous offers of peace and alliance; and Theodoric interpoſed his weighty mediation, to declare, that, unleſs his bro⯑ther-in-law, the king of the Suevi, immediately retired, he ſhould be obliged to arm in the cauſe of juſtice and of Rome. ‘"Tell him," replied the haughty Rechiarius, "that I deſpiſe his friend⯑ſhip and his arms; but that I ſhall ſoon try, whether he will dare to expect my arrival under the walls of Thoulouſe."’ Such a challenge urged Theodoric to prevent the bold deſigns of his enemy: he paſſed the Pyrenees at the head of the Viſigoths: the Franks and Burgundians ſerved under his ſtandard; and though he profeſſed him⯑ſelf the dutiful ſervant of Avitus, he privately ſtipulated, for himſelf and his ſucceſſors, the ab⯑ſolute [163] poſſeſſion of his Spaniſh conqueſts. The two armies, or rather the two nations, encoun⯑tered each other on the banks of the river Urbi⯑cus, about twelve miles from Aſtorga; and the deciſive victory of the Goths appeared for a while to have extirpated the name and kingdom of the Suevi. From the field of battle Theodoric ad⯑vanced to Braga, their metropolis, which ſtill re⯑tained the ſplendid veſtiges of its ancient com⯑merce and dignity ²². His entrance was not pol⯑luted with blood, and the Goths reſpected the chaſtity of their female captives, more eſpecially of the conſecrated virgins: but the greateſt part of the clergy and people were made ſlaves, and even the churches and altars were confounded in the univerſal pillage. The unfortunate king of the Suevi had eſcaped to one of the ports of the ocean; but the obſtinacy of the winds oppoſed his flight; he was delivered to his implacable rival; and Rechiarius, who neither deſired nor expected mercy, received, with manly conſtancy, the death which he would probably have inflicted. After this bloody ſacrifice to policy or reſentment, Theodoric carried his victorious arms as far as Merida, the principal town of Luſitania, without meeting any reſiſtance, except from the miracu⯑lous powers of St. Eulalia; but he was ſtopped in [164] the full career of ſucceſs, and recalled from Spain, before he could provide for the ſecurity of his conqueſts. In his retreat towards the Pyrenees, he revenged his diſappointment on the country through which he paſſed, and in the ſack of Pol⯑lentia and Aſtorga, he ſhewed himſelf a faithleſs ally, as well as a cruel enemy. Whilſt the king of the Viſigoths fought and vanquiſhed in the name of Avitus, the reign of Avitus had expired; and both the honour and the intereſt of Theodoric were deeply wounded by the diſgrace of a friend, whom he had ſeated on the throne of the Weſtern empire ²³.

The preſſing ſolicitations of the ſenate and peo⯑ple, Avitus is depoſed, A. D. 456, Oct. 16. perſuaded the emperor Avitus to fix his reſi⯑dence at Rome, and to accept the conſulſhip for the enſuing year. On the firſt day of January, his ſon-in-law, Sidonius Apollinaris, celebrated his praiſes in a panegyric of ſix hundred verſes; but this compoſition, though it was rewarded with a braſs ſtatue ²⁴, ſeems to contain a very moderate proportion, either of genius or of truth. The poet, if we may degrade that ſacred name, exag⯑gerates the merit of a ſovereign and a father; and his prophecy of a long and glorious reign was [165] ſoon contradicted by the event. Avitus, at a time when the Imperial dignity was reduced to a pre⯑eminence of toil and danger, indulged himſelf in the pleaſures of Italian luxury: age had not ex⯑tinguiſhed his amorous inclinations; and he is accuſed of inſulting, with indiſcreet and ungene⯑rous raillery, the huſbands whoſe wives he had ſeduced or violated ²⁵. But the Romans were not inclined, either to excuſe his faults, or to ac⯑knowledge his virtues. The ſeveral parts of the empire became every day more alienated from each other; and the ſtranger of Gaul was the ob⯑ject of popular hatred and contempt. The ſenate aſſerted their legitimate claim in the election of an emperor; and their authority, which had been originally derived from the old conſtitution, was again fortified by the actual weakneſs of a declin⯑ing monarchy. Yet even ſuch a monarchy might have reſiſted the votes of an unarmed ſenate, if their diſcontent had not been ſupported, or per⯑haps inflamed, by Count Ricimer, one of the principal commanders of the Barbarian troops, who formed the military defence of Italy. The daughter of Wallia, king of the Viſigoths, was the mother of Ricimer; but he was deſcended, on the father's ſide, from the nation of the Suevi ²⁶: [166] his pride, or patriotiſm, might be exaſperated by the misfortunes of his countrymen; and he obeyed, with reluctance, an emperor, in whoſe elevation he had not been conſulted. His faithful and im⯑portant ſervices againſt the common enemy, ren⯑dered him ſtill more formidable ²⁷; and, after de⯑ſtroying, on the coaſt of Corſica, a fleet of Van⯑dals, which conſiſted of ſixty gallies, Ricimer re⯑turned in triumph with the appellation of the De⯑liverer of Italy. He choſe that moment to ſignify to Avitus, that his reign was at an end; and the feeble emperor, at a diſtance from his Gothic al⯑lies, was compelled, after a ſhort and unavailing ſtruggle, to abdicate the purple. By the cle⯑mency, however, or the contempt, of Ricimer ²⁸, he was permitted to deſcend from the throne, to the more deſirable ſtation of biſhop of Placentia: but the reſentment of the ſenate was ſtill unſatiſ⯑fied; and their inflexible ſeverity pronounced the ſentence of his death. He fled towards the Alps, with the humble hope, not of arming the Viſi⯑goths in his cauſe, but of ſecuring his perſon and treaſures in the ſanctuary of Julian, one of the tutelar ſaints of Auvergne ²⁹. Diſeaſe, or the [167] hand of the executioner, arreſted him on the road; yet his remains were decently tranſported to Bri⯑vas, or Brioude, in his native province, and he repoſed at the feet of his holy patron ³⁰. Avitus left only one daughter, the wife of Sidonius Apollinaris, who inherited the patrimony of his father-in-law; lamenting, at the ſame time, the diſappointment of his public and private expec⯑tations. His reſentment prompted him to join, or at leaſt to countenance, the meaſures of a rebellious faction in Gaul; and the poet had con⯑tracted ſome guilt, which it was incumbent on him to expiate, by a new tribute of flattery to the ſucceeding emperor ³¹.

The ſucceſſor of Avitus preſents the welcome Character and eleva⯑tion of Majorian, A. D. 457. diſcovery of a great and heroic character, ſuch as ſometimes ariſe in a degenerate age, to vindicate the honour of the human ſpecies. The emperor Majorian has deſerved the praiſes of his contem⯑poraries, [168] and of poſterity; and theſe praiſes may be ſtrongly expreſſed in the words of a judicious and diſintereſted hiſtorian: ‘"That he was gentle to his ſubjects; that he was terrible to his ene⯑mies; and that he excelled in every virtue, all his predeceſſors who had reigned over the Romans ³²."’ Such a teſtimony may juſtify at leaſt the panegyric of Sidonius; and we may acquieſce in the aſſurance, that, although the obſequious orator would have flattered, with equal zeal, the moſt worthleſs of princes, the extraordinary merit of his object confined him, on this occaſion, within the bounds of truth ³³. Majorian derived his name from his maternal grandfather, who, in the reign of the great Theo⯑doſius, had commanded the troops of the Illyrian frontier. He gave his daughter in marriage to the father of Majorian, a reſpectable officer, who adminiſtered the revenues of Gaul with ſkill and integrity; and generouſly preferred the friendſhip of Aetius, to the tempting offers of an inſidious court. His ſon, the future emperor, who was educated in the profeſſion of arms, diſplayed, from his early youth, intrepid courage, premature [169] wiſdom, and unbounded liberality in a ſcanty fortune. He followed the ſtandard of Aetius, contributed to his ſucceſs, ſhared, and ſometimes eclipſed, his glory, and at laſt excited the jea⯑louſy of the patrician, or rather of his wife, who forced him to retire from the ſervice ³⁴. Majo⯑rian, after the death of Aetius, was recalled, and promoted; and his intimate connection with count Ricimer, was the immediate ſtep by which he aſcended the throne of the Weſtern empire. During the vacancy that ſucceeded the abdication of Avitus, the ambitious Barbarian, whoſe birth excluded him from the Imperial dignity, govern⯑ed Italy, with the title of Patrician; reſigned, to his friend, the conſpicuous ſtation of maſter⯑general of the cavalry and infantry; and, after an interval of ſome months, conſented to the unanimous wiſh of the Romans, whoſe favour Majorian had ſolicited by a recent victory over the Alemanni ³⁵. He was inveſted with the pur⯑ple at Ravenna; and the epiſtle which he ad⯑dreſſed to the ſenate, will beſt deſcribe his ſitua⯑tion and his ſentiments. ‘"Your election, Con⯑ſcript Fathers! and the ordinance of the moſt [170] valiant army, have made me your emperor ³⁶. May the propitious Deity direct and proſper the counſels and events of my adminiſtration, to your advantage, and to the public welfare! For my own part, I did not aſpire, I have ſub⯑mitted, to reign; nor ſhould I have diſcharged the obligations of a citizen, if I had refuſed, with baſe and ſelfiſh ingratitude, to ſupport the weight of thoſe labours, which were im⯑poſed by the republic. Aſſiſt, therefore, the prince whom you have made; partake the du⯑ties which you have enjoined; and may our common endeavours promote the happineſs of an empire, which I have accepted from your hands. Be aſſured, that, in our times, juſtice ſhall reſume her ancient vigour, and that vir⯑tue ſhall become not only innocent, but meri⯑torious. Let none, except the authors them⯑ſelves, be apprehenſive of delations ³⁷, which, as a ſubject, I have always condemned, and, as a prince, will ſeverely puniſh. Our own vigilance, and that of our father, the patrician Ricimer, ſhall regulate all military affairs, and [171] provide for the ſafety of the Roman world, which we have ſaved from foreign and domeſtic enemies ³⁸. You now underſtand the maxims of my government: you may confide in the faithful love and ſincere aſſurances of a prince, who has formerly been the companion of your life and dangers; who ſtill glories in the name of ſenator, and who is anxious, that you ſhould never repent of the judgment which you have pronounced in his favour."’ The emperor, who, amidſt the ruins of the Roman world, re⯑vived the ancient language of law and liberty, which Trajan would not have diſclaimed, muſt have derived thoſe generous ſentiments from his own heart; ſince they were not ſuggeſted to his imitation by the cuſtoms of his age, or the ex⯑ample of his predeceſſors ³⁹.

The private and public actions of Majorian His ſalu⯑tary laws, A. D. 457—461. are very imperfectly known: but his laws, re⯑markable for an original caſt of thought and expreſſion, faithfully repreſent the character of a ſovereign, who loved his people, who ſympathized in their diſtreſs, who had ſtudied the cauſes of the decline of the empire, and who was capable of applying, (as far as ſuch reformation was [172] practicable) judicious and effectual remedies to the public diſorders ⁴⁰. His regulations concern⯑ing the finances manifeſtly tended to remove, or at leaſt to mitigate, the moſt intolerable griev⯑ances. I. From the firſt hour of his reign, he was ſolicitous. (I tranſlate his own words) to re⯑lieve the weary fortunes of the provincials, op⯑preſſed by the accumulated weight of indictions and ſuperindictions ⁴¹. With this view, he grant⯑ed an univerſal amneſty, a final and abſolute diſ⯑charge of all arrears of tribute, of all debts, which, under any pretence, the fiſcal officers might demand from the people. This wiſe dere⯑liction of obſolete, vexatious, and unprofitable claims, improved and purified the ſources of the public revenue; and the ſubject, who could now look back without deſpair, might labour with hope and gratitude for himſelf and for his coun⯑try. II. In the aſſeſſment and collection of taxes Majorian reſtored the ordinary juriſdiction of the provincial magiſtrates; and ſuppreſſed the extra⯑ordinary commiſſions which had been introduced, in the name of the emperor himſelf, or of the Praetorian praefects. The favourite ſervants, who obtained ſuch irregular powers, were inſolent in their behaviour, and arbitrary in their demands: they affected to deſpiſe the ſubordinate tribunals, [173] and they were diſcontented, if their fees and pro⯑fits did not twice exceed the ſum which they condeſcended to pay into the treaſury. One in⯑ſtance of their extortion would appear incredible, were it not authenticated by the legiſlator him⯑ſelf. They exacted the whole payment in gold: but they refuſed the current coin of the empire, and would accept only ſuch ancient pieces as were ſtamped with the names of Fauſtina or the Antonines. The ſubject, who was unprovided with theſe curious medals, had recourſe to the expedient of compounding with their rapacious demands; or, if he ſucceeded in the reſearch, his impoſition was doubled, according to the weight and value of the money of former times ⁴². III. ‘"The municipal corporations (ſays the em⯑peror), the leſſer ſenates (ſo antiquity has juſtly ſtyled them), deſerve to be conſidered as the heart of the cities, and the ſinews of the repub⯑lic. And yet ſo low are they now reduced, by the injuſtice of magiſtrates, and the venality of collectors, that many of their members, re⯑nouncing their dignity and their country, have taken refuge in diſtant and obſcure exile."’ He urges, and even compels, their return to their reſpective cities; but he removes the griev⯑ance which had forced them to deſert the exerciſe [174] of their municipal functions. They are directed, under the authority of the provincial magiſtrates, to reſume their office of levying the tribute; but, inſtead of being made reſponſible for the whole ſum aſſeſſed on their diſtrict, they are only requir⯑ed to produce a regular account of the payments which they have actually received, and of the defaulters who are ſtill indebted to the public. IV. But Majorian was not ignorant, that theſe corporate bodies were too much inclined to re⯑taliate the injuſtice and oppreſſion which they had ſuffered; and he therefore revives the uſeful office of the defenders of cities. He exhorts the people to elect, in a full and free aſſembly, ſome man of diſcretion and integrity, who would dare to aſſert their privileges, to repreſent their griev⯑ances, to protect the poor from the tyranny of the rich, and to inform the emperor of the abuſes that were committed under the ſanction of his name and authority.

The ſpectator, who caſts a mournful view over The edi⯑fices of Rome. the ruins of ancient Rome, is tempted to accuſe the memory of the Goths and Vandals, for the miſchief which they had neither leiſure, nor power, nor perhaps inclination, to perpetrate. The tempeſt of war might ſtrike ſome lofty tur⯑rets to the ground; but the deſtruction which un⯑dermined the foundations of thoſe maſſy fabrics, was proſecuted, ſlowly and ſilently, during a period of ten centuries; and the motives of in⯑tereſt, that afterwards operated without ſhame or controul, were ſeverely checked by the taſte and ſpirit of the emperor Majorian. The decay of [175] the city had gradually impaired the value of the public works. The circus and theatres might ſtill excite, but they ſeldom gratified, the deſires of the people: the temples, which had eſcaped the zeal of the Chriſtians, were no longer inha⯑bited either by gods or men; the diminiſhed crowds of the Romans were loſt in the immenſe ſpace of their baths and porticoes; and the ſtately libraries and halls of juſtice became uſe⯑leſs to an indolent generation, whoſe repoſe was ſeldom diſturbed, either by ſtudy, or buſineſs. The monuments of conſular, or Imperial, great⯑neſs were no longer revered, as the immortal glory of the capital; they were only eſteemed as an inexhauſtible mine of materials, cheaper, and more convenient, than the diſtant quarry. Specious petitions were continually addreſſed to the eaſy magiſtrates of Rome, which ſtated the want of ſtones or bricks for ſome neceſſary ſer⯑vice: the faireſt forms of architecture were rudely defaced for the ſake of ſome paltry, or pretended, repairs; and the degenerate Romans, who convert⯑ed the ſpoil to their own emolument, demoliſhed, with ſacrilegious hands, the labours of their an⯑ceſtors. Majorian, who had often ſighed over the deſolation of the city, applied a ſevere re⯑medy to the growing evil ⁴³ He reſerved to [176] the prince and ſenate the ſole congniſance of the extreme caſes which might juſtify the deſtruc⯑tion of an ancient edifice; impoſed a fine of fifty pounds of gold (two thouſand pounds ſterling), on every magiſtrate, who ſhould preſume to grant ſuch illegal and ſcandalous licence; and threaten⯑ed to chaſtiſe the criminal obedience of their ſubordinate officers, by a ſevere whipping, and the amputation of both their hands. In the laſt inſtance, the legiſlator might ſeem to forget the proportion of guilt and puniſhment; but his zeal aroſe from a generous principle, and Majorian was anxious to protect the monuments of thoſe ages, in which he would have deſired and deſerved to live. The emperor conceived, that it was his intereſt to increaſe the number of his ſubjects; that it was his duty to guard the purity of the marriage-bed: but the means which he employed to accompliſh theſe ſalutary purpoſes, are of an ambiguous, and perhaps exceptionable, kind. The pious maids, who conſecrated their virginity to Chriſt, were reſtrained from taking the veil, till they had reached their fortieth year. Windows under that age were compelled to form a ſecond alliance within the term of five years, by the for⯑feiture of half their wealth to their neareſt rela⯑tions, or to the ſtate. Unequal marriages were condemned or annulled. The puniſhment of confiſcation and exile was deemed ſo inadequate [177] to the guilt of adultery, that, if the criminal returned to Italy, he might, by the expreſs de⯑claration of Majorian, be ſlain with impunity ⁴⁴.

While the emperor Majorian aſſiduouſly la⯑boured Majorian prepares to invade Africa, A. D. 457. to reſtore the happineſs and virtue of the Romans, he encountered the arms of Genſeric, from his character and ſituation, their moſt for⯑midable enemy. A fleet of Vandals and Moors landed at the mouth of the Liris, or Garigliano: but the Imperial troops ſurpriſed and attacked the diſorderly Barbarians, who were encumbered with the ſpoils of Campania; they were chaced with ſlaughter to their ſhips, and their leader, the king's brother-in-law, was found in the num⯑ber of the ſlain ⁴⁵. Such vigilance might an⯑nounce the character of the new reign; but the ſtricteſt vigilance, and the moſt numerous forces, were inſufficient to protect the long-extended coaſt of Italy, from the depredations of a naval war. The public opinion had impoſed a nobler and more arduous taſk on the genius of Majo⯑rian. Rome expected from him alone the reſti⯑tution of Africa; and the deſign, which he form⯑ed, of attacking the Vandals in their new ſettle⯑ments, was the reſult of bold and judicious po⯑licy. If the intrepid emperor could have infuſed his own ſpirit into the youth of Italy; if he could [178] have revived, in the field of Mars, the manly exerciſes in which he had always ſurpaſſed his equals; he might have marched againſt Genſeric at the head of a Roman army. Such a reforma⯑tion of national manners might be embraced by the riſing generation; but it is the misfortune of thoſe princes who laboriouſly ſuſtain a declining monarchy, that, to obtain ſome immediate ad⯑vantage, or to avert ſome impending danger, they are forced to countenance, and even to mul⯑tiply, the moſt pernicious abuſes. Majorian, like the weakeſt of his predeceſſors, was reduced to the diſgraceful expedient of ſubſtituting Bar⯑barian auxiliaries in the place of his unwarlike ſubjects: and his ſuperior abilities could only be diſplayed in the vigour and dexterity with which he wielded a dangerous inſtrument, ſo apt to recoil on the hand that uſed it. Beſides the con⯑federates, who were already engaged in the ſer⯑vice of the empire, the fame of his liberality and valour attracted the nations of the Danube, the Boryſthenes, and perhaps of the Tanais. Many thouſands of the braveſt ſubjects of Attila, the Gepidae, the Oſtrogoths, the Rugians, the Bur⯑gundians, the Suevi, the Alani, aſſembled in the plains of Liguria; and their formidable ſtrength was balanced by their mutual animoſities ⁴⁶. They paſſed the Alps in a ſevere winter. The emperor led the way, on foot, and in complete armour; [179] ſounding, with his long ſtaff, the depth of the ice, or ſnow, and encouraging the Scythians, who complained of the extreme cold, by the cheerful aſſurance, that they ſhould be ſatisfied with the heat of Africa. The citizens of Lyons had preſumed to ſhut their gates: they ſoon im⯑plored, and experienced, the clemency of Majo⯑rian. He vanquiſhed Theodoric in the field; and admitted to his friendſhip and alliance, a king whom he had found not unworthy of his arms. The beneficial, though precarious, re⯑union of the greateſt part of Gaul and Spain, was the effect of perſuaſion, as well as of force ⁴⁷; and the independent Bagaudae, who had eſcaped, or reſiſted, the oppreſſion of former reigns, were diſpoſed to confide in the virtues of Majorian. His camp was filled with Barbarian allies; his throne was ſupported by the zeal of an affectinate people; but the emperor had foreſeen, that it was impoſſible, without a maritime power, to atchieve the conqueſt of Africa. In the firſt Pu⯑nic war, the republic had exerted ſuch incre⯑dible diligence, that, within ſixty days after the firſt ſtroke of the axe had been given in the foreſt, a fleet of one hundred and ſixty gallies proudly rode at anchor in the ſea ⁴⁸. Under circumſtances [180] much leſs favourable, Majorian equalled the ſpi⯑rit and perſeverance of the ancient Romans. The woods of the Apennine were felled; the arſenals and manufactures of Ravenna and Miſe⯑num were reſtored; Italy and Gaul vied with each other in liberal contributions to the public ſervice; and the Imperial navy of three hundred large gallies, with an adequate proportion of tranſports and ſmaller veſſels, was collected in the ſecure and capacious harbour of Carthagena in Spain ⁴⁹. The intrepid countenance of Ma⯑jorian animated his troops with a confidence of victory; and if we might credit the hiſtorian Procopius, his courage ſometimes hurried him beyond the bounds of prudence. Anxious to explore, with his own eyes, the ſtate of the Van⯑dals, he ventured, after diſguiſing the colour of his hair, to viſit Carthage, in the character of his own ambaſſador: and Genſeric was after⯑wards mortified by the diſcovery, that he had entertained and diſmiſſed the emperor of the Romans. Such an anecdote may be rejected as an improbable fiction; but it is a fiction which would not have been imagined, unleſs in the life of a hero ⁵⁰.

[181] Without the help of a perſonal interview, Gen⯑ſeric was ſufficiently acquainted with the genius and deſigns of his adverſary. He practiſed his The loſs of his fleet. cuſtomary arts of fraud and delay, but he prac⯑tiſed them without ſucceſs. His applications for peace became each hour more ſubmiſſive, and perhaps more ſincere; but the inflexible Majorian had adopted the ancient maxim, that Rome could not be ſafe, as long as Carthage exiſted in a hoſtile ſtate. The king of the Vandals diſtruſted the valour of his native ſubjects, who were ener⯑vated by the luxury of the South ⁵¹; he ſuſpected the fidelity of the vanquiſhed people, who ab⯑horred him as an Arian tyrant; and the deſperate meaſure, which he executed, of reducing Mau⯑ritania into a deſert ⁵², could not defeat the operations of the Roman emperor, who was at liberty to land his troops on any part of the Afri⯑can coaſt. But Genſeric was ſaved from im⯑pending and inevitable ruin, by the treachery of ſome powerful ſubjects; envious, or apprehen⯑ſive, of their maſter's ſucceſs. Guided by their ſecret intelligence, he ſurpriſed the unguarded [182] fleet in the bay of Carthagena: many of the ſhips were ſunk, or taken, or burnt; and the prepa⯑rations of three years were deſtroyed in a ſingle day ⁵³. After this event, the behaviour of the two antagoniſts ſhewed them ſuperior to their fortune. The Vandal, inſtead of being elated by this accidental victory, immediately renewed his ſolicitations for peace. The emperor of the Weſt, who was capable of forming great deſigns, and of ſupporting heavy diſappointments, conſented to a treaty, or rather to a ſuſpenſion of arms; in the full aſſurance that, before he could reſtore his navy, he ſhould be ſupplied with provocations to juſtify a ſecond war. Majorian returned to Italy, to proſecute his labours for the public happineſs; and, as he was conſcious of his own integrity, he might long remain ignorant of the dark conſpi⯑racy which threatened his throne and his life. The recent misfortune of Carthagena ſullied the glory which had dazzled the eyes of the multi⯑tude; almoſt every deſcription of civil and mili⯑tary officers were exaſperated againſt the Re⯑former, ſince they all derived ſome advantage from the abuſes which he endeavoured to ſup⯑preſs; and the patrician Rieimer impelled the inconſtant paſſions of the Barbarians againſt a prince whom he eſteemed and hated. The vir⯑tues of Majorian could not protect him from the impetuous ſedition, which broke out in the camp [183] near Tortona, at the foot of the Alps. He was compelled to abdicate the Imperial purple: five days after his abdication, it was reported that he died of a dyſentery ⁵⁴; and the humble tomb, His death, A D. 461. Auguſt 7. which covered his remains, was conſecrated by the reſpect and gratitude of ſucceeding genera⯑tions ⁵⁵. The private character of Majorian in⯑ſpired love and reſpect. Malicious calumny and ſatire excited his indignation, or, if he himſelf were the object, his contempt: but he protected the freedom of wit, and in the hours which the emperor gave to the familiar ſociety of his friends, he could indulge his taſte for pleaſantry, without degrading the majeſty of his rank ⁵⁶.

It was not perhaps without ſome regret, that Ricimer reigns un⯑der the name of Severus, A. D. 461—467. Ricimer ſacrificed his friend to the intereſt of his ambition: but he reſolved, in a ſecond choice, to avoid the imprudent preference of ſuperior virtue and merit. At his command, the obſequious [184] ſenate of Rome beſtowed the Imperial title on Libius Severus, who aſcended the throne of the Weſt without emerging from the obſcurity of a private condition. Hiſtory has ſcarcely deigned to notice his birth, his elevation, his character, or his death. Severus expired, as ſoon as his life became inconvenient to his patron ⁵⁷; and it would be uſeleſs to diſcriminate his nominal reign in the vacant interval of ſix years, between the death of Majorian, and the elevation of An⯑themius. During that period the government was in the hands of Ricimer alone; and although the modeſt Barbarian diſclaimed the name of king, he accumulated treaſures, formed a ſeparate army, negociated private alliances, and ruled Italy with the ſame independent and deſpotic authority, which was afterwards exerciſed by Odoacer and Theodoric. But his dominions were bounded by the Alps; and two Roman ge⯑nerals, Marcellinus and Aegidius, maintained their allegiance to the Republic, by rejecting, with diſdain, the phantom which he ſtyled an emperor. Marcellinus ſtill adhered to the old Revolt of Marcelli⯑nus in Dalmatia, religion; and the devout Pagans, who ſecretly diſobeyed the laws of the church and ſtate, ap⯑plauded his profound ſkill in the ſcience of divination. But he poſſeſſed the more valuable [185] qualifications of learning, virtue, and courage ⁵⁸; the ſtudy of the Latin literature had improved his taſte; and his military talents had recom⯑mended him to the eſteem and confidence of the great Aetius, in whoſe ruin he was involved. By a timely flight, Marcellinus eſcaped the rage of Valentinian, and boldly aſſerted his liberty amidſt the convulſions of the Weſtern empire. His voluntary, or reluctant, ſubmiſſion, to the authority of Majorian, was rewarded by the government of Sicily, and the command of an army, ſtationed in that iſland to oppoſe, or to attack, the Vandals; but his Barbarian merce⯑naries, after the emperor's death, were tempted to revolt by the artful liberality of Ricimer. At the head of a band of faithful followers, the intrepid Marcellinus occupied the province of Dalmatia, aſſumed the title of patrician of the Weſt, ſecured the love of his ſubjects by a mild and equitable reign, built a fleet, which claimed the dominion of the Hadriatic, and alternately alarmed the coaſts of Italy and of Africa ⁵⁹. Aegidius, the maſter-general of Gaul, who equalled, or at leaſt who imitated, the heroes and of Aegidius in Gaul. of ancient Rome ⁶⁰, proclaimed his immortal [186] reſentment againſt the aſſaſſins of his beloved maſter. A brave and numerous army was at⯑tached to his ſtandard; and, though he was pre⯑vented by the arts of Ricimer, and the arms of the Viſigoths, from marching to the gates of Rome, he maintained his independent ſove⯑reignty beyond the Alps, and rendered the name of Aegidius reſpectable both in peace and war. The Franks, who had puniſhed with exile the youthful follies of Childeric, elected the Roman general for their king; his vanity, rather than his ambition, was gratified by that ſingular ho⯑nour; and when the nation, at the end of four years, repented of the injury which they had offered to the Merovingian family, he patiently acquieſced in the reſtoration of the lawful prince. The authority of Aegidius ended only with his life; and the ſuſpicions of poiſon and ſecret vio⯑lence, which derived ſome countenance from the character of Ricimer, were eagerly entertained by the paſſionate credulity of the Gauls ⁶¹.

The kingdom of Italy, a name to which the Naval war of the Van⯑dals, A. D. 361—467. Weſtern empire was gradually reduced, was [187] afflicted, under the reign of Ricimer, by the inceſſant depredations of the Vandal pirates ⁶². In the ſpring of each year, they equipped a for⯑midable navy in the port of Carthage; and Gen⯑ſeric himſelf, though in a very advanced age, ſtill commanded in perſon the moſt important expe⯑ditions. His deſigns were concealed with im⯑penetrable ſecrecy, till the moment that he hoiſted ſail. When he was aſked by his pilot, what courſe he ſhould ſteer; ‘"Leave the deter⯑mination to the winds (replied the Barbarian, with pious arrogance); they will tranſport us to the guilty coaſt, whoſe inhabitants have provoked the divine juſtice:"’ but if Genſeric himſelf deigned to iſſue more preciſe orders, he judged the moſt wealthy to be the moſt criminal. The Vandals repeatedly viſited the coaſts of Spain, Liguria, Tuſcany, Campania, Lucania, Bruttium, Apulia, Calabria, Venetia, Dalmatia, Epirus, Greece, and Sicily: they were tempted to ſubdue the iſland of Sardinia, ſo advantage⯑ouſly placed in the centre of the Mediterranean; [188] and their arms ſpread deſolation, or terror, from the columns of Hercules to the mouth of the Nile. As they were more ambitious of ſpoil than of glory, they ſeldom attacked any fortified cities, or engaged any regular troops in the open field. But the celerity of their motions enabled them, almoſt at the ſame time, to threaten and to attack the moſt diſtant objects, which at⯑tracted their deſires; and as they always em⯑barked a ſufficient number of horſes, they had no ſooner landed, than they ſwept the diſmayed country with a body of light cavalry. Yet, not⯑withſtanding the example of their king, the native Vandals and Alani inſenſibly declined this toilſome and perilous warfare; the hardy gene⯑ration of the firſt conquerors was almoſt extin⯑guiſhed, and their ſons, who were born in Africa, enjoyed the delicious baths and gardens which had been acquired by the valour of their fathers. Their place was readily ſupplied by a various multitude of Moors and Romans, of captives and outlaws; and thoſe deſperate wretches, who had already violated the laws of their country, were the moſt eager to promote the atrocious acts which diſgrace the victories of Genſeric. In the treatment of his unhappy pri⯑ſoners, he ſometimes conſulted his avarice, and ſometimes indulged his cruelty; and the maſſacre of five hundred noble citizens of Zant or Za⯑cynthus, whoſe mangled bodies he caſt into the Ionian ſea, was imputed, by the public indig⯑nation, to his lateſt poſterity.

[189] Such crimes could not be excuſed by any pro⯑vocations; but the war, which the king of the Vandals proſecuted againſt the Roman empire, Negocia⯑tions with the Eaſtern empire, A. D. 462, &c. was juſtified by a ſpecious and reaſonable motive. The widow of Valentinian, Eudoxia, whom he had led captive from Rome to Carthage, was the ſole heireſs of the Theodoſian houſe; her elder daughter, Eudocia, became the reluctant wife of Hunneric, his eldeſt ſon; and the ſtern father, aſſerting a legal claim, which could not eaſily be refuted or ſatisfied, demanded a juſt proportion of the Imperial patrimony. An adequate, or at leaſt a valuable, compenſation, was offered by the Eaſtern emperor, to purchaſe a neceſſary peace. Eudoxia and her younger daughter, Pla⯑cidia, were honourably reſtored, and the fury of the Vandals was confined to the limits of the Weſtern empire. The Italians, deſtitute of a naval force, which alone was capable of protect⯑ing their coaſts, implored the aid of the more fortunate nations of the Eaſt; who had formerly acknowledged, in peace and war, the ſupremacy of Rome. But the perpetual diviſion of the two empires had alienated their intereſt and their in⯑clinations; the faith of a recent treaty was alleged; and the Weſtern Romans, inſtead of arms and ſhips, could only obtain the aſſiſtance of a cold and ineffectual mediation. The haughty Ricimer, who had long ſtruggled with the diffi⯑culties of his ſituation, was at length reduced to addreſs the throne of Conſtantinople, in the humble language of a ſubject; and Italy ſub⯑mitted, [190] as the price and ſecurity of the alliance, to accept a maſter from the choice of the emperor of the Eaſt ⁶³. It is not the purpoſe of the pre⯑ſent chapter, or even of the preſent volume, to continue the diſtinct ſeries of the Byzantine hiſtory; but a conciſe view of the reign and cha⯑racter of the emperor Leo, may explain the laſt efforts that were attempted to ſave the falling empire of the Weſt ⁶⁴.

Since the death of the younger Theodoſius, the domeſtic repoſe of Conſtantinople had never been Leo, em⯑peror of the Eaſt, A. D. 457—474. interrupted by war or faction. Pulcheria had beſtowed her hand, and the ſceptre of the Eaſt, on the modeſt virtue of Marcian: he gratefully reverenced her auguſt rank and virgin chaſtity; and, after her death, he gave his people the ex⯑ample of the religious worſhip, that was due to the memory of the Imperial ſaint ⁶⁵. Attentive [191] to the proſperity of his own dominions, Marcian ſeemed to behold, with indifference, the misfor⯑tunes of Rome; and the obſtinate refuſal of a a brave and active prince, to draw his ſword againſt the Vandals, was aſcribed to a ſecret pro⯑miſe, which had formerly been exacted from him when he was a captive in the power of Genſe⯑ric ⁶⁶. The death of Marcian, after a reign of ſeven years, would have expoſed the Eaſt to the danger of a popular election; if the ſuperior weight of a ſingle family, had not been able to incline the balance in favour of the candidate whoſe intereſt they ſupported. The patrician Aſpar might have placed the diadem on his own head; if he would have ſubſcribed the Nicene creed ⁶⁷. During three generations, the armies of the Eaſt were ſucceſſively commanded by his father, by himſelf, and by his ſon Ardaburius: his Barbarian guards formed a military force that overawed the palace and the capital; and the liberal diſtribution of his immenſe treaſures, rendered Aſpar as popular, as he was powerful. He recommended the obſcure name of Leo of Thrace, a military tribune, and the principal ſteward of his houſehold. His nomination was unanimouſly ratified by the ſenate; and the ſer⯑vant of Aſpar received the Imperial crown from the hands of the patriarch, or biſhop, who was permitted to expreſs, by this unuſual ceremony, [192] the ſuffrage of the Deity ⁶⁸. This emperor, the firſt of the name of Leo, has been diſtinguiſhed by the title of the Great; from a ſucceſſion of princes, who gradually fixed, in the opinion of the Greeks, a very humble ſtandard of heroic, or at leaſt of royal, perfection. Yet the temperate firmneſs with which Leo reſiſted the oppreſſion of his benefactor, ſhewed that he was conſcious of his duty and of his prerogative. Aſpar was aſto⯑niſhed to find that his influence could no longer appoint a praefect of Conſtantinople: he pre⯑ſumed to reproach his ſovereign with a breach of promiſe, and inſolently ſhaking his purple, ‘"It is not proper (ſaid he), that the man who is inveſted with this garment, ſhould be guilty of lying."’ ‘"Nor is it proper (replied Leo), that a prince ſhould be compelled to reſign his own judgment, and the public intereſt, to the will of a ſubject ⁶⁹."’ After this extraor⯑dinary ſcene, it was impoſſible that the reconci⯑liation of the emperor and the patrician could be ſincere; or, at leaſt, that it could be ſolid and permanent. An army of Iſaurians ⁷⁰ was ſecretly levied, and introduced into Conſtantinople; and [193] while Leo undermined the authority, and pre⯑pared the diſgrace, of the family of Aſpar, his mild and cautious behaviour reſtrained them from any raſh and deſperate attempts, which might have been fatal to themſelves, or their enemies. The meaſures of peace and war were affected by this internal revolution. As long as Aſpar degraded the majeſty of the throne, the ſecret correſpondence of religion and intereſt en⯑gaged him to favour the cauſe of Genſeric. When Leo had delivered himſelf from that ig⯑nominious ſervitude, he liſtened to the com⯑plaints of the Italians; reſolved to extirpate the tyranny of the Vandals; and declared his alliance with his colleague, Anthemius, whom he ſo⯑lemnly inveſted with the diadem and purple of the Weſt.

The virtues of Anthemius have perhaps been Anthe⯑mius em⯑peror of the Weſt, A. D. 467—72. magnified, ſince the Imperial deſcent, which he could only deduce from the uſurper Procopius, has been ſwelled into a line of emperors ⁷¹. But the merit of his immediate parents, their honours, and their riches, rendered Anthemius one of the moſt illuſtrious ſubjects of the Eaſt. His father, Procopius, obtained, after his Perſian embaſſy, the rank of general and patrician; and the name of Anthemius was derived from his maternal [194] grandfather, the celebrated praefect, who pro⯑tected, with ſo much ability and ſucceſs, the in⯑fant reign of Theodoſius. The grandſon of the praefect was raiſed above the condition of a pri⯑vate ſubject, by his marriage with Euphemia, the daughter of the emperor Marcian. This ſplen⯑did alliance, which might ſuperſede the neceſſity of merit, haſtened the promotion of Anthemius to the ſucceſſive dignities of count, of maſter-general, of conſul, and of patrician; and his merit or fortune claimed the honours of a victory, which was obtained on the banks of the Danube, over the Huns. Without indulging an extrava⯑gant ambition, the ſon-in-law of Marcian might hope to be his ſucceſſor; but Anthemius ſupported the diſappointment with courage and patience; and his ſubſequent elevation was univerſally ap⯑proved by the public, who eſteemed him worthy to reign, till he aſcended the throne ⁷². The em⯑peror of the Weſt marched from Conſtantinople, attended by ſeveral counts of high diſtinction, and a body of guards, almoſt equal to the ſtrength and numbers of a regular army: he en⯑tered Rome in triumph, and the choice of Leo A. D. 467, April 12. was confirmed by the ſenate, the people, and the Barbarian confederates of Italy ⁷³. The ſolemn [195] inauguration of Anthemius was followed by the nuptials of his daughter and the patrician Rici⯑mer; a fortunate event, which was conſidered as the firmeſt ſecurity of the union and happineſs of the ſtate. The wealth of two empires was oſten⯑tatiouſly diſplayed; and many ſenators completed their ruin by an expenſive effort to diſguiſe their poverty. All ſerious buſineſs was ſuſpended du⯑ring this feſtival; the courts of juſtice were ſhut; the ſtreets of Rome, the theatres, the places of public and private reſort, reſounded with hyme⯑naeal ſongs and dances; and the royal bride, clothed in ſilken robes, with a crown on her head, was conducted to the palace of Ricimer, who had changed his military dreſs for the habit of a conſul and a ſenator. On this memorable occaſion, Sidonius, whoſe early ambition had been ſo fatally blaſted, appeared as the orator of Au⯑vergne, among the provincial deputies who ad⯑dreſſed the throne with congratulations or com⯑plaints ⁷⁴. The calends of January were now ap⯑proaching, and the venal poet, who had loved A. D. 468: January 1. Avitus, and eſteemed Majorian, was perſuaded by his friends, to celebrate, in heroic verſe, the merit, the felicity, the ſecond conſulſhip, and the future triumphs of the emperor Anthemius. Sidonius pronounced, with aſſurance and ſucceſs, a panegyric which is ſtill extant; and whatever might be the imperfections, either of the ſubject [196] or of the compoſition, the welcome flatterer was immediately rewarded with the praefecture of Rome; a dignity which placed him among the illuſtrious perſonages of the empire, till he wiſely preferred the more reſpectable character of a biſhop and a ſaint ⁷⁵.

The Greeks ambitiouſly commend the piety The feſti⯑val of the Luperca⯑lia. and catholic faith of the emperor whom they gave to the Weſt; nor do they forget to obſerve, that when he left Conſtantinople, he converted his pa⯑lace into the pious foundation of a public bath, a church, and an hoſpital for old men ⁷⁶. Yet ſome ſuſpicious appearances are found to ſully the theological fame of Anthemius. From the con⯑verſation of Philotheus, a Macedonian ſectary, he had imbibed the ſpirit of religious toleration; and the Heretics of Rome would have aſſembled with impunity, if the bold and vehement cenſure which pope Hilary pronounced in the church of St. Peter, had not obliged him to abjure the un⯑popular indulgence ⁷⁷. Even the Pagans, a feeble [197] and obſcure remnant, conceived ſome vain hopes from the indifference, or partiality, of Anthe⯑mius; and his ſingular friendſhip for the philo⯑ſopher Severus, whom he promoted to the con⯑ſulſhip, was aſcribed to a ſecret project, of revi⯑ving the ancient worſhip of the Gods ⁷⁸. Theſe idols were crumbled into duſt: and the mytho⯑logy which had once been the creed of nations, was ſo univerſally diſbelieved, that it might be em⯑ployed without ſcandal, or at leaſt without ſuſpi⯑cion, by Chriſtian poets ⁷⁹. Yet the veſtiges of ſuperſtition were not abſolutely obliterated, and the feſtival of the Lupercalia, whoſe origin had preceded the foundation of Rome, was ſtill cele⯑brated under the reign of Anthemius. The ſa⯑vage and ſimple rites were expreſſive of an early ſtate of ſociety before the invention of arts and agriculture. The ruſtic deities who preſided over the toils and pleaſures of the paſtoral life, Pan, Faunus, and their train of ſatyrs, were ſuch as the fancy of ſhepherds might create, ſportive, petulant, and laſcivious; whoſe power was li⯑mited, and whoſe malice was inoffenſive. A [198] goat was the offering the beſt adapted to their character and attributes; the fleſh of the victim was roaſted on willow ſpits; and the riotous youths, who crowded to the feaſt, ran naked about the fields, with leather thongs in their hands, communicating, as it was ſuppoſed, the bleſſing of fecundity to the women whom they touched ⁸⁰. The altar of Pan was erected, perhaps by Evander the Arcadian, in a dark re⯑ceſs in the ſide of the Palatine-hill, watered by a perpetual fountain, and ſhaded by an hanging grove. A tradition, that, in the ſame place, Romulus and Remus were ſuckled by the wolf, rendered it ſtill more ſacred and venerable in the eyes of the Romans; and this ſylvan ſpot was gradually ſurrounded by the ſtately edifices of the Forum ⁸¹. After the converſion of the Imperial city, the Chriſtians ſtill continued, in the month of February, the annual celebration of the Lu⯑percalia; to which they aſcribed a ſecret and myſterious influence on the genial powers of the animal and vegetable world. The biſhops of Rome were ſolicitous to aboliſh a profane cuſ⯑tom, ſo repugnant to the ſpirit of Chriſtianity; but their zeal was not ſupported by the authority of the civil magiſtrate: the inveterate abuſe ſub⯑ſiſted [199] till the end of the fifth century, and pope Gelaſius, who purified the capital from the laſt ſtain of idolatry, appeaſed, by a formal apology, the murmurs of the ſenate and people ⁸².

In all his public declarations, the emperor Leo Prepara⯑tions a⯑gainſt the Vandals of Africa, A. D. 468. aſſumes the authority, and profeſſes the affection, of a father, for his ſon Anthemius, with whom he had divided the adminiſtration of the univerſe ⁸³. The ſituation, and perhaps the character, of Leo, diſſuaded him from expoſing his perſon to the toils and dangers of an African war. But the powers of the Eaſtern empire were ſtrenuouſly exerted to deliver Italy and the Mediterranean from the Van⯑dals; and Genſeric, who had ſo long oppreſſed both the land and ſea, was threatened from every ſide with a formidable invaſion. The campaign was opened by a bold and ſucceſsful enterpriſe of the praefect Heraclius ⁸⁴. The troops of Egypt, [200] Thebais, and Libya, were embarked under his command: and the Arabs, with a train of horſes and camels, opened the roads of the deſert. He⯑raclius landed on the coaſt of Tripoli, ſurpriſed and ſubdued the cities of that province, and pre⯑pared, by a laborious march, which Cato had for⯑merly executed ⁸⁵, to join the Imperial army under the walls of Carthage. The intelligence of this loſs extorted from Genſeric, ſome inſidious and ineffectual propoſitions of peace: but he was ſtill more ſeriouſly alarmed by the reconciliation of Marcellinus with the two empires. The inde⯑pendent patrician had been perſuaded to acknow⯑ledge the legitimate title of Anthemius, whom he accompanied in his journey to Rome; the Dal⯑matian fleet was received into the harbours of Italy; the active valour of Marcellinus expelled the Vandals from the iſland of Sardinia; and the languid efforts of the Weſt added ſome weight to the immenſe preparations of the Eaſtern Romans. The expence of the naval armament, which Leo ſent againſt the Vandals, has been diſtinctly aſcer⯑tained; and the curious and inſtructive account diſplays the wealth of the declining empire. The royal demeſnes, or private patrimony of the prince, ſupplied ſeventeen thouſand pounds of gold; forty⯑ſeven [201] thouſand pounds of gold, and ſeven hun⯑dred thouſand of ſilver, were levied and paid into the treaſury by the Praetorian praefects. But the cities were reduced to extreme poverty; and the diligent calculation of fines and forfeitures, as a valuable object of the revenue, does not ſuggeſt the idea of a juſt, or merciful, adminiſtration. The whole expence, by whatſoever means it was defrayed, of the African campaign, amounted to the ſum of one hundred and thirty thouſand pounds of gold, about five millions two hundred thouſand pounds ſterling, at a time when the value of money appears, from the comparative price of corn, to have been ſomewhat higher than in the preſent age ⁸⁶. The fleet that ſailed from Conſtantinople to Carthage, conſiſted of eleven hundred and thirteen ſhips, and the number of ſoldiers and mariners exceeded one hundred thouſand men. Baſiliſcus, the brother of the empreſs Vorina, was entruſted with this important command. His ſiſter, the wife of Leo, had exaggerated the merit of his former exploits againſt the Scythians. But the diſcovery of his guilt, or incapacity, was re⯑ſerved for the African war; and his friends could only ſave his military reputation, by aſſerting, that he had conſpired with Aſpar to ſpare Gen⯑ſeric, [202] and to betray the laſt hope of the Weſtern empire.

Experience has ſhewn, that the ſucceſs of an invader moſt commonly depends on the vigour Failure of the expedi⯑tion. and celerity of his operations. The ſtrength and ſharpneſs of the firſt impreſſion are blunted by de⯑lay; the health and ſpirit of the troops inſenſibly languiſh in a diſtant climate; the naval and mili⯑tary force, a mighty effort which perhaps can never be repeated, is ſilently conſumed; and every hour that is waſted in negociation, accuſtoms the enemy to contemplate and examine thoſe hoſtile terrors, which, on their firſt appearance, he deemed irreſiſtible. The formidable navy of Baſiliſcus purſued its proſperous navigation from the Thra⯑cian Boſphorus to the coaſt of Africa. He landed his troops at Cape Bona, or the promontory of Mercury, about forty miles from Carthage ⁸⁷. The army of Heraclius, and the fleet of Marcel⯑linus, either joined or ſeconded the Imperial lieu⯑tenant; and the Vandals, who oppoſed his pro⯑greſs by ſea or land, were ſucceſſively van⯑quiſhed ⁸⁸. If Baſiliſcus had ſeized the moment of conſternation, and boldly advanced to the ca⯑pital, Carthage muſt have ſurrendered, and the [203] kingdom of the Vandals was extinguiſhed. Gen⯑ſeric beheld the danger with firmneſs, and eluded it with his veteran dexterity. He proteſted, in the moſt reſpectful language, that he was ready to ſubmit his perſon, and his dominions, to the will of the emperor; but he requeſted a truce of five days to regulate the terms of his ſubmiſſion; and it was univerſally believed, that his ſecret libera⯑lity contributed to the ſucceſs of this public nego⯑ciation. Inſtead of obſtinately refuſing whatever indulgence his enemy ſo earneſtly ſolicited, the guilty, or the credulous, Baſiliſcus conſented to the fatal truce; and his imprudent ſecurity ſeemed to proclaim, that he already conſidered himſelf as the conqueror of Africa. During this ſhort inter⯑val, the wind became favourable to the deſigns of Genſeric. He manned his largeſt ſhips of war with the braveſt of the Moors and Vandals; and they towed after them many large barks, filled with combuſtible materials. In the obſcurity of the night, theſe deſtructive veſſels were impelled againſt the unguarded and unſuſpecting fleet of the Romans, who were awakened by the ſenſe of their inſtant danger. Their cloſe and crowded order aſſiſted the progreſs of the fire, which was communicated with rapid and irreſiſtible violence; and the noiſe of the wind, the crackling of the flames, the diſſonant cries of the ſoldiers and ma⯑riners, who could neither command, nor obey, increaſed the horror of the nocturnal tumult. Whilſt they laboured to extricate themſelves from the fireſhips, and to ſave at leaſt a part of the [204] navy, the gallies of Genſeric aſſaulted them with temperate and diſciplined valour; and many of the Romans, who eſcaped the fury of the flames, were deſtroyed or taken by the victorious Vandals. Among the events of that diſaſtrous night, the he⯑roic, or rather deſperate, courage of John, one of the principal officers of Baſiliſcus, has reſcued his name from oblivion. When the ſhip, which he had bravely defended, was almoſt conſumed, he threw himſelf in his armour into the ſea, diſ⯑dainfully rejected the eſteem and pity of Genſo, the ſon of Genſeric, who preſſed him to accept honourable quarter, and ſunk under the waves; exclaiming with his laſt breath, that he would never fall alive into the hands of thoſe impious dogs. Actuated by a far different ſpirit, Baſiliſcus, whoſe ſtation was the moſt remote from danger, diſgracefully fled in the beginning of the engage⯑ment, returned to Conſtantinople with the loſs of more than half of his fleet and army, and ſheltered his guilty head in the ſanctuary of St. Sophia, till his ſiſter, by her tears and entreaties, could obtain his pardon from the indignant emperor. Hera⯑clius effected his retreat through the deſert; Mar⯑cellinus retired to Sicily, where he was aſſaſſinated, perhaps at the inſtigation of Ricimer, by one of his own captains; and the king of the Vandals expreſſed his ſurpriſe and ſatisfaction, that the Ro⯑mans themſelves ſhould remove from the world his moſt formidable antagoniſts ⁸⁹. After the fai⯑lure [205] of this great expedition, Genſeric again be⯑came the tyrant of the ſea: the coaſts of Italy, Greece, and Aſia, were again expoſed to his re⯑venge and avarice; Tripoli and Sardinia returned to his obedience; he added Sicily to the number of his provinces; and, before he died, in the ful⯑neſs of years and of glory, he beheld the final ex⯑tinction A. D. 477. of the empire of the Weſt ⁹⁰.

During his long and active reign, the African Conqueſts of the Vſi⯑goths in Spain and Gaul, A. D. 462—472. monarch had ſtudiouſly cultivated the friendſhip of the Barbarians of Europe, whoſe arms he might employ in a ſeaſonable and effectual diverſion againſt the two empires. After the death of At⯑tila, he renewed his alliance with the Viſigoths of Gaul; and the ſons of the elder Theodoric, who ſucceſſively reigned over that warlike nation, were eaſily perſuaded, by the ſenſe of intereſt, to forget the cruel affront which Genſeric had inflicted on their ſiſter ⁹¹. The death of the emperor Majo⯑rian delivered Theodoric the ſecond from the re⯑ſtraint of fear, and perhaps of honour; he violated his recent treaty with the Romans; and the ample territory of Narbonne, which he firmly united to [206] his dominions, became the immediate reward of his perfidy. The ſelfiſh policy of Ricimer en⯑couraged him to invade the provinces which were in the poſſeſſion of Aegidius, his rival; but the active count, by the defence of Arles, and the victory of Orleans, ſaved Gaul, and checked, during his lifetime, the progreſs of the Viſigoths. Their ambition was ſoon rekindled; and the de⯑ſign of extinguiſhing the Roman empire in Spain and Gaul, was conceived, and almoſt completed, in the reign of Euric, who aſſaſſinated his brother Theodoric, and diſplayed, with a more ſavage temper, ſuperior abilities, both in peace and war. He paſſed the Pyrenees at the head of a numerous army, ſubdued the cities of Saragoſſa and Pampe⯑luna, vanquiſhed in battle the martial nobles of the Tarragoneſe province, carried his victorious arms into the heart of Luſitania, and permitted the Suevi to hold the kingdom of Gallicia under the Gothic monarchy of Spain ⁹². The efforts of Euric were not leſs vigorous, or leſs ſucceſsful in Gaul; and throughout the country that extends from the Pyrenees to the Rhône and the Loire, Berry, and Auvergne, were the only cities, or dioceſes, which refuſed to acknowledge him as their maſter ⁹³. In the defence of Clermont, their principal town, the inhabitants of Auvergne ſuſ⯑tained, with inflexible reſolution, the miſeries of [207] war, peſtilence, and famine; and the Viſigoths, relinquiſhing the fruitleſs ſiege, ſuſpended the hopes of that important conqueſt. The youth of the province were animated by the heroic, and al⯑moſt incredible, valour of Ecdicius, the ſon of the emperor Avitus ⁹⁴, who made a deſperate ſally with only eighteen horſemen, boldly attacked the Gothic army, and, after maintaining a flying ſkirmiſh, retired ſafe and victorious within the walls of Clermont. His charity was equal to his courage: in a time of extreme ſcarcity, four thou⯑ſand poor were fed at his expence; and his private influence levied an army of Burgundians for the deliverance of Auvergne. From his virtues alone the faithful citizens of Gaul derived any hopes of ſafety or freedom; and even ſuch virtues were in⯑ſufficient to avert the impending ruin of their country, ſince they were anxious to learn from his authority and example, whether they ſhould pre⯑fer the alternative of exile, or ſervitude ⁹⁵. The public confidence was loſt; the reſources of the ſtate were exhauſted; and the Gauls had too much reaſon to believe, that Anthemius, who reigned in Italy, was incapable of protecting his diſtreſſed ſubjects beyond the Alps. The feeble emperor could only procure for their defence the ſervice of [208] twelve thouſand Britiſh auxiliaries. Riothamus, one of the independent kings, or chieftains, of the iſland, was perſuaded to tranſport his troops to the continent of Gaul; he ſailed up the Loire, and eſtabliſhed his quarters in Berry, where the people complained of theſe oppreſſive allies, till they were deſtroyed, or diſperſed, by the arms of the Viſigoths ⁹⁶.

One of the laſt acts of juriſdiction, which the Trial of Arvandus, A. D. 468. Roman ſenate exerciſed over their ſubjects of Gaul, was the trial and condemnation of Arvan⯑dus, the Praetorian praefect. Sidonius, who rejoices that he lived under a reign in which he might pity and aſſiſt a ſtate-criminal, has ex⯑preſſed, with tenderneſs and freedom, the faults of his indiſcreet and unfortunate friend ⁹⁷. From the perils which he had eſcaped, Arvandus im⯑bibed confidence rather than wiſdom; and ſuch was the various, though uniform, imprudence of his behaviour, that his proſperity muſt appear much more ſurpriſing than his downfal. The ſecond praefecture, which he obtained within the term of five years, aboliſhed the merit and popu⯑larity of his preceding adminiſtration. His eaſy [209] temper was corrupted by flattery, and exaſperated by oppoſition; he was forced to ſatisfy his im⯑portunate creditors with the ſpoils of the pro⯑vince; his capricious inſolence offended the nobles of Gaul, and he ſunk under the weight of the public hatred. The mandate of his diſgrace ſummoned him to juſtify his conduct before the ſenate; and he paſſed the ſea of Tuſcany with a favourable wind, the preſage, as he vainly ima⯑gined, of his future fortunes. A decent reſpect was ſtill obſerved for the Praefectorian rank; and on his arrival at Rome, Arvandus was committed to the hoſpitality, rather than to the cuſtody, of Flavius Aſellus, the count of the ſacred largeſſes, who reſided in the Capitol ⁹⁸. He was eagerly purſued by his accuſers, the four deputies of Gaul, who were all diſtinguiſhed by their birth, their dignities, or their eloquence. In the name of a great province, and according to the forms of Roman juriſprudence, they inſtituted a civil and criminal action, requiring ſuch a reſtitution as might compenſate the loſſes of individuals, and ſuch puniſhment as might ſatisfy the juſtice of the ſtate. Their charges of corrupt oppreſ⯑ſion were numerous and weighty; but they placed their ſecret dependence on a letter, which they had intercepted, and which they could prove, by the evidence of his ſecretary, to have been dic⯑tated [210] by Arvandus himſelf. The author of this letter ſeemed to diſſuade the king of the Goths from a peace with the Greek emperor: he ſug⯑geſted the attack of the Britons on the Loire; and he recommended a diviſion of Gaul, ac⯑cording to the law of nations, between the Viſi⯑goths and the Burgundians ⁹⁹. Theſe pernicious ſchemes, which a friend could only palliate by the reproaches of vanity and indiſcretion, were ſuſceptible of a treaſonable interpretation; and the deputies had artfully reſolved, not to produce their moſt formidable weapons till the deciſive moment of the conteſt. But their intentions were diſcovered by the zeal of Sidonius. He immediately appriſed the unſuſpecting criminal of his danger; and ſincerely lamented, without any mixture of anger, the haughty preſumption of Arvandus, who rejected, and even reſented, the ſalutary advice of his friends. Ignorant of his real ſituation, Arvandus ſhewed himſelf in the Capitol in the white robe of a candidate, ac⯑cepted indiſcriminate ſalutations and offers of ſervice, examined the ſhops of the merchants, the ſilks and gems, ſometimes with the indiffe⯑rence of a ſpectator, and ſometimes with the at⯑tention of a purchaſer; and complained of the times, of the ſenate, of the prince, and of the delays of juſtice. His complaints were ſoon re⯑moved. [211] An early day was fixed for his trial; and Arvandus appeared, with his accuſers, be⯑fore a numerous aſſembly of the Roman ſenate. The mournful garb, which they affected, excited the compaſſion of the judges, who were ſcan⯑dalized by the gay and ſplendid dreſs of their adverſary; and when the praefect Arvandus, with the firſt of the Gallic deputies, were directed to take their places on the ſenatorial benches, the ſame contraſt of pride and modeſty was obſerved in their behaviour. In this memorable judg⯑ment, which preſented a lively image of the old republic, the Gauls expoſed, with force and freedom, the grievances of the province; and as ſoon as the minds of the audience were ſufficiently inflamed, they recited the fatal epiſtle. The obſtinacy of Arvandus was founded on the ſtrange ſuppoſition, that a ſubject could not be convicted of treaſon, unleſs he had actually conſpired to aſſume the purple. As the paper was read, he repeatedly, and with a loud voice, acknowledged it for his genuine compoſition; and his aſto⯑niſhment was equal to his diſmay, when the unanimous voice of the ſenate declared him guilty of a capital offence. By their decree, he was degraded from the rank of a praefect to the obſcure condition of a plebeian, and ignominiouſly dragged by ſervile hands to the public priſon. After a fortnight's adjourn⯑ment, the ſenate was again convened to pro⯑nounce the ſentence of his death: but while he expected, in the iſland of Aeſculapius, the expi⯑ration [212] of the thirty days allowed by an ancient law to the vileſt malefactors ¹⁰⁰, his friends inter⯑poſed, the emperor Anthemius relented, and the praefect of Gaul obtained the milder puniſhment of exile and confiſcation. The faults of Arvan⯑dus might deſerve compaſſion; but the impunity of Seronatus accuſed the juſtice of the republic, till he was condemned, and executed, on the complaint of the people of Auvergne. That flagitious miniſter, the Catiline of his age and country, held a ſecret correſpondence with the Viſigoths, to betray the province which he op⯑preſſed: his induſtry was continually exerciſed in the diſcovery of new taxes and obſolete offences; and his extravagant vices would have inſpired contempt, if they had not excited fear and ab⯑horrence ¹⁰¹.

Such criminals were not beyond the reach of Diſcord of Anthe⯑mius and Ricimer, A. D. 471. juſtice; but, whatever might be the guilt of Ri⯑cimer, that powerful Barbarian was able to con⯑tend or to negociate with the prince, whoſe alliance he had condeſcended to accept. The peaceful and proſperous reign which Anthemius had promiſed to the Weſt, was ſoon clouded by misfortune and diſcord. Ricimer, apprehenſive, or impatient, of a ſuperior, retired from Rome, [213] and fixed his reſidence at Milan; an advantage⯑ous ſituation, either to invite, or to repel, the warlike tribes that were ſeated between the Alps and the Danube ¹⁰². Italy was gradually divided into two independent and hoſtile kingdoms; and the nobles of Liguria, who trembled at the near approach of a civil war, fell proſtrate at the feet of the patrician, and conjured him to ſpare their unhappy country. ‘"For my own part," replied Ricimer, in a tone of inſolent moderation, "I am ſtill inclined to embrace the friendſhip of the Galatian ¹⁰³; but who will undertake to appeaſe his anger, or to mitigate the pride, which always riſes in proportion to our ſub⯑miſſion?"’ They informed him, that Epipha⯑nius, biſhop of Pavia ¹⁰⁴, united the wiſdom of the ſerpent with the innocence of the dove; and appeared confident, that the eloquence of ſuch an ambaſſador muſt prevail againſt the ſtrongeſt oppoſition, either of intereſt or paſſion. Their [214] recommendation was approved; and Epiphanius, aſſuming the benevolent office of mediation, proceeded without delay to Rome, where he was received with the honours due to his merit and reputation. The oration of a biſhop in favour of peace, may be eaſily ſuppoſed: he argued, that in all poſſible circumſtances, the forgiveneſs of injuries muſt be an act of mercy, or magnani⯑mity, or prudence; and be ſeriouſly admoniſhed the emperor to avoid a conteſt with a fierce Bar⯑barian, which might be fatal to himſelf, and muſt be ruinous to his dominions. Anthemius acknowledged the truth of his maxims; but he deeply felt, with grief and indignation, the be⯑haviour of Ricimer; and his paſſion gave elo⯑quence and energy to his diſcourſe. ‘"What favours," he warmly exclaimed, "have we refuſed to this ungrateful man? What provo⯑cations have we not endured? Regardleſs of the majeſty of the purple, I gave my daughter to a Goth; I ſacrificed my own blood to the ſafety of the republic. The liberality which ought to have ſecured the eternal attachment of Ricimer, has exaſperated him againſt his benefactor. What wars has he not excited againſt the empire? How often has he inſti⯑gated and aſſiſted the fury of hoſtile nations? Shall I now accept his perfidious friendſhip? Can I hope that he will reſpect the engage⯑ments of a treaty, who has already violated the duties of a ſon?"’ But the anger of Anthe⯑mius evaporated in theſe paſſionate exclamations: he inſenſibly yielded to the propoſals of Epipha⯑nius; [215] and the biſhop returned to his dioceſe with the ſatisfaction of reſtoring the peace of Italy, by a reconciliation ¹⁰⁵, of which the ſincerity and continuance might be reaſonably ſuſpected. The clemency of the emperor was extorted from his weakneſs; and Ricimer ſuſpended his ambi⯑tious deſigns, till he had ſecretly prepared the engines, with which he reſolved to ſubvert the throne of Anthemius. The maſk of peace and moderation was then thrown aſide. The army of Ricimer was fortified by a numerous reinforce⯑ment of Burgundians and Oriental Suevi: he diſclaimed all allegiance to the Greek emperor, marched from Milan to the gates of Rome, and fixing his camp on the banks of the Anio, impa⯑tiently expected the arrival of Olybrius, his Im⯑perial candidate.

The ſenator Olybrius, of the Anician family, Olybrius emperor of the Weſt, A. D. 472, March 23. might eſteem himſelf the lawful heir of the Weſtern empire. He had married Placidia, the younger daughter of Valentinian, after ſhe was reſtored by Genſeric; who ſtill detained her ſiſter Eudoxia, as the wife, or rather as the captive, of his ſon. The king of the Vandals ſupported, by threats and ſolicitations, the fair pretenſions of his Roman ally; and aſſigned, as one of the motives of the war, the refuſal of the ſenate and people to acknowledge their lawful prince, and the unworthy preference which they had given to [216] a ſtranger ¹⁰⁶. The friendſhip of the public enemy might render Olybrius ſtill more unpopu⯑lar to the Italians; but when Ricimer meditated the ruin of the emperor Anthemius, he tempted with the offer of a diadem the candidate who could juſtify his rebellion by an illuſtrious name, and a royal alliance. The huſband of Placidia, who, like moſt of his anceſtors, had been inveſted with the conſular dignity, might have continued to enjoy a ſecure and ſplendid fortune in the peaceful reſidence of Conſtantinople; nor does he appear to have been tormented by ſuch a genius, as cannot be amuſed or occupied, unleſs by the adminiſtration of an empire. Yet Oly⯑brius yielded to the importunities of his friends, perhaps of his wife; raſhly plunged into the dangers and calamities of a civil war; and, with the ſecret connivance of the emperor Leo, ac⯑cepted the Italian purple, which was beſtowed, and reſumed, at the capricious will of a Barba⯑rian. He landed without obſtacle (for Genſeric was maſter of the ſea) either at Ravenna or the port of Oſtia, and immediately proceeded to the camp of Ricimer, where he was received as the ſovereign of the Weſtern world ¹⁰⁷.

[217] The patrician, who had extended his poſts from the Anio to the Milvian bridge, already poſſeſſed two quarters of Rome, the Vatican and Sack of Rome, and death of Anthe⯑mius, A. D. 472. July 11. the Janiculum, which are ſeparated by the Tyber from the reſt of the city ¹⁰⁸; and it may be con⯑jectured, that an aſſembly of ſeceding ſenators imitated, in the choice of Olybrius, the forms of a legal election. But the body of the ſenate and people firmly adhered to the cauſe of Anthemius; and the more effectual ſupport of a Gothic army enabled him to prolong his reign, and the public diſtreſs, by a reſiſtance of three months, which produced the concomitant evils of famine and peſtilence. At length, Ricimer made a furious aſſault on the bridge of Hadrian, or St. Angelo; and the narrow paſs was defended with equal valour by the Goths, till the death of Gilimer their leader. The victorious troops breaking down every barrier, ruſhed with irreſiſtible violence into the heart of the city, and Rome (if we may uſe the language of a contemporary Pope) was ſubverted by the civil fury of Anthe⯑mius and Ricimer ¹⁰⁹. The unfortunate An⯑themius [218] was dragged from his concealment, and inhumanly maſſacred by the command of his ſon-in-law; who thus added a third, or perhaps a fourth emperor to the number of his victims. The ſoldiers, who united the rage of factious citizens with the ſavage manners of Barbarians, were indulged, without controul, in the licence of rapine and murder: the crowd of ſlaves and plebeians, who were unconcerned in the event, could only gain by the indiſcriminate pillage; and the face of the city exhibited the ſtrange con⯑traſt of ſtern cruelty, and diſſolute intempe⯑rance ¹¹⁰. Forty days after this calamitous event, Death of Ricimer, Aug. 20. the ſubject, not of glory, but of guilt, Italy was delivered, by a painful diſeaſe, from the tyrant Ricimer, who bequeathed the command of his army. to his nephew Gundobald, one of the princes of the Burgundians. In the ſame year, all the principal actors in this great revolution, were removed from the ſtage; and the whole reign of Olybrius, whoſe death does not betray and of Olybrius, Oct. 23. any ſymptoms of violence, is included within the term of ſeven months. He left one daughter, the offspring of his marriage with Placidia; and the family of the great Theodoſius, tranſplanted from [219] Spain to Conſtantinople, was propagated in the female line as far as the eighth generation ¹¹¹.

Whilſt the vacant throne of Italy was aban⯑doned Julius Ne⯑pos and Glycerius emperors of the Weſt, A. D. 472—475. to lawleſs Barbarians ¹¹², the election of a new colleague was ſeriouſly agitated in the coun⯑cil of Leo. The empreſs Verina, ſtudious to promote the greatneſs of her own family, had married one of her nieces to Julius Nepos, who ſucceeded his uncle Marcellinus in the ſove⯑reignty of Dalmatia, a more ſolid poſſeſſion than the title which he was perſuaded to accept, of Emperor of the Weſt. But the meaſures of the Byzantine court were ſo languid and irreſolute, that many months elapſed after the death of Anthemius, and even of Olybrius, before their deſtined ſucceſſor could ſhew himſelf, with a re⯑ſpectable force, to his Italian ſubjects. During that interval, Glycerius, an obſcure ſoldier, was inveſted with the purple by his patron Gundo⯑bald; but the Burgundian prince was unable, or unwilling, to ſupport his nomination by a civil war: the purſuits of domeſtic ambition recalled him beyond the Alps ¹¹³, and his client was per⯑mitted [220] to exchange the Roman ſceptre for the biſhopric of Salona. After extinguiſhing ſuch a competitor, the emperor Nepos was acknow⯑ledged by the ſenate, by the Italians, and by the provincials of Gaul; his moral virtues, and military talents, were loudly celebrated; and thoſe who derived any private benefit from his government, announced, in prophetic ſtrains, the reſtoration of the public felicity ¹¹⁴. Their hopes (if ſuch hopes had been entertained) were confounded within the term of a ſingle year; and the treaty of peace, which ceded Auvergne to the Viſigoths, is the only event of his ſhort and inglorious reign. The moſt faithful ſubjects of Gaul were ſacrificed, by the Italian emperor, to the hope of domeſtic ſecurity ¹¹⁵; but his repoſe was ſoon invaded by a furious ſedition of the Barbarian confederates, who, under the com⯑mand of Oreſtes, their general, were in full march from Rome to Ravenna. Nepos trembled at their approach; and, inſtead of placing a juſt confidence in the ſtrength of Ravenna, he haſtily eſcaped to his ſhips, and retired to his Dalma⯑tian principality, on the oppoſite coaſt of the Hadriatic. By this ſhameful abdication, he protracted his life about five years, in a very [221] ambiguous ſtate, between an emperor and an exile, till he was aſſaſſinated at Salona by the ungrateful Glycerius, who was tranſlated, per⯑haps as the reward of his crime, to the arch⯑biſhopric of Milan ¹¹⁶.

The nations, who had aſſerted their independ⯑ence The patri⯑cian Oreſ⯑tes, A. D. 475. after the death of Attila, were eſtabliſhed, by the right of poſſeſſion or conqueſt, in the boundleſs countries to the north of the Danube; or in the Roman provinces between the river and the Alps. But the braveſt of their youth enliſted in the army of confederates, who formed the de⯑fence and the terror of Italy ¹¹⁷; and in this pro⯑miſcuous multitude, the names of the Heruli, the Scyrri, the Alani, the Turcilingi, and the Ru⯑gians, appear to have predominated. The ex⯑ample of theſe warriors was imitated by Oreſtes ¹¹⁸, the ſon of Tatullus, and the father of the laſt Ro⯑man emperor of the Weſt. Oreſtes, who has been already mentioned in this hiſtory, had never de⯑ſerted his country. His birth and fortunes ren⯑dered him one of the moſt illuſtrious ſubjects of [222] Pannonia. When that province was ceded to the Huns, he entered into the ſervice of Attila, his lawful ſovereign, obtained the office of his ſecre⯑tary, and was repeatedly ſent ambaſſador to Con⯑ſtantinople, to repreſent the perſon, and ſignify the commands, of the imperious monarch. The death of that conqueror reſtored him to his free⯑dom; and Oreſtes might honourably refuſe either to follow the ſons of Attila into the Scythian de⯑ſert, or to obey the Oſtrogoths, who had uſurped the dominion of Pannonia. He preferred the ſer⯑vice of the Italian princes, the ſucceſſors of Va⯑lentinian; and, as he poſſeſſed the qualifications of courage, induſtry, and experience, he advanced with rapid ſteps in the military profeſſion, till he was elevated, by the favour of Nepos himſelf, to the dignities of patrician, and maſter-general of the troops. Theſe troops had been long accuſ⯑tomed to reverence the character and authority of Oreſtes, who affected their manners, converſed with them in their own language, and was inti⯑mately connected with their national chieftains, by long habits of familiarity and friendſhip. At his ſolicitation they roſe in arms againſt the ob⯑ſcure Greek, who preſumed to claim their obe⯑dience; and when Oreſtes, from ſome ſecret mo⯑tive, declined the purple, they conſented, with the ſame facility, to acknowledge his ſon Au⯑guſtulus, as the emperor of the Weſt. By the ab⯑dication of Nepos, Oreſtes had now attained the His ſon Auguſtu⯑lus, the laſt emperor of the Weſt, A. D. 476. ſummit of his ambitious hopes; but he ſoon diſ⯑covered, before the end of the firſt year, that the leſſons of perjury and ingratitude, which a rebel [223] muſt inculcate, will be retorted againſt himſelf; and that the precarious ſovereign of Italy was only permitted to chuſe, whether he would be the ſlave, or the victim, of his Barbarian mercenaries. The dangerous alliance of theſe ſtrangers, had op⯑preſſed and inſulted the laſt remains of Roman freedom and dignity. At each revolution, their pay and privileges were augmented; but their in⯑ſolence increaſed in a ſtill more extravagant de⯑gree; they envied the fortune of their brethren in Gaul, Spain, and Africa, whoſe victorious arms had acquired an independent and perpetual inherit⯑ance; and they inſiſted on their peremptory de⯑mand, that a third part of the lands of Italy ſhould be immediately divided among them. Oreſtes, with a ſpirit which, in another ſituation, might be entitled to our eſteem, choſe rather to en⯑counter the rage of an armed multitude, than to ſubſcribe the ruin of an innocent people. He re⯑jected the audacious demand; and his refuſal was favourable to the ambition of Odoacer; a bold Barbarian, who aſſured his fellow-ſoldiers, that, if they dared to aſſociate under his command, they might ſoon extort the juſtice which had been denied to their dutiful petitions. From all the camps and garriſons of Italy, the confederates, actuated by the ſame reſentment and the ſame hopes, impatiently flocked to the ſtandard of this popular leader; and the unfortunate patrician, overwhelmed by the torrent, haſtily retreated to the ſtrong city of Pavia, the epiſcopal ſeat of the holy Epiphanites. Pavia was immediately be⯑ſieged, [224] the fortifications were ſtormed, the town was pillaged; and although the biſhop might la⯑bour, with much zeal and ſome ſucceſs, to ſave the property of the church, and the chaſtity of fe⯑male captives, the tumult could only be appeaſed by the execution of Oreſtes ¹¹⁹. His brother Paul was ſlain in an action near Ravenna; and the help⯑leſs Auguſtulus, who could no longer command the reſpect, was reduced to implore the clemency, of Odoacer.

That ſucceſsful Barbarian was the ſon of Ede⯑con; Odoacer king of Italy. A. D. 476—490. who, in ſome remarkable tranſactions, par⯑ticularly deſcribed in a preceding chapter, had been the colleague of Oreſtes himſelf. The ho⯑nour of an ambaſſador ſhould be exempt from ſuſ⯑picion; and Edecon had liſtened to a conſpiracy againſt the life of his ſovereign. But this apparent guilt was expiated by his merit or repentance: his rank was eminent and conſpicuous; he enjoyed the favour of Attila; and the troops under his command, who guarded, in their turn, the royal village, conſiſted in a tribe of Scyrri, his imme⯑diate and hereditary ſubjects. In the revolt of the nations, they ſtill adhered to the Huns; and, more than twelve years afterwards, the name of Edecon is honourably mentioned, in their unequal conteſt with the Oſtrogoths; which was termi⯑nated, after two bloody battles, by the defeat and [225] diſperſion of the Scyrri ¹²⁰. Their gallant leader, who did not ſurvive this national calamity, left two ſons, Onulf and Odoacer, to ſtruggle with adverſity, and to maintain as they might, by ra⯑pine or ſervice, the faithful followers of their exile. Onulf directed his ſteps towards Conſtan⯑tinople, where he ſullied, by the aſſaſſination of a generous benefactor, the fame which he had ac⯑quired in arms. His brother Odoacer led a wan⯑dering life among the Barbarians of Noricum, with a mind and a fortune ſuited to the moſt deſ⯑perate adventures; and when he had fixed his choice, he piouſly viſited the cell of Severinus, the popular ſaint of the country, to ſolicit his ap⯑probation and bleſſing. The lowneſs of the door would not admit the lofty ſtature of Odoacer: he was obliged to ſtoop; but in that humble attitude the ſaint could diſcern the ſymptoms of his future greatneſs; and addreſſing him in a prophetic tone, ‘"Purſue" (ſaid he) "your deſign; pro⯑ceed to Italy; you will ſoon caſt away this coarſe garment of ſkins; and your wealth will be adequate to the liberality of your mind ¹²¹."’ [226] The Barbarian, whoſe daring ſpirit accepted and ratified the prediction, was admitted into the ſer⯑vice of the Weſtern empire, and ſoon obtained an honourable rank in the guards. His manners were gradually poliſhed, his military ſkill was improved, and the confederates of Italy would not have elected him for their general, unleſs the exploits of Odoacer had eſtabliſhed a high opinion of his courage and capacity ¹²². Their military acclamations ſaluted him with the title of king: but he abſtained, during his whole reign, from the uſe of the purple and diadem ¹²³, leſt he ſhould offend thoſe princes, whoſe ſubjects, by their ac⯑cidental mixture, had formed the victorious army, which time and policy might inſenſibly unite into a great nation.

Royalty was familiar to the Barbarians, and the Extinction of the Weſtern empire, A. D. 476, or A. D. 479. ſubmiſſive people of Italy was prepared to obey, without a murmur, the authority which he ſhould condeſcend to exerciſe as the vicegerent of the emperor of the Weſt. But Odoacer had reſolved to aboliſh that uſeleſs and expenſive office; and ſuch is the weight of antique prejudice, that it re⯑quired ſome boldneſs and penetration to diſcover the extreme facility of the enterpriſe. The un⯑fortunate Auguſtulus was made the inſtrument of [227] his own diſgrace; he ſignified his reſignation to the ſenate; and that aſſembly, in their laſt act of obedience to a Roman prince, ſtill affected the ſpirit of freedom, and the forms of the conſtitu⯑tion. An epiſtle was addreſſed, by their unani⯑mous decree, to the emperor Zeno, the ſon-in-law and ſucceſſor of Leo; who had lately been reſtored, after a ſhort rebellion, to the Byzantine throne. They ſolemnly ‘"diſclaim the neceſſity, or even the wiſh, of continuing any longer the Imperial ſucceſſion in Italy; ſince, in their opi⯑nion, the majeſty of a ſole monarch is ſufficient to pervade and protect, at the ſame time, both the Eaſt and the Weſt. In their own name, and in the name of the people, they conſent that the ſeat of univerſal empire ſhall be transferred from Rome to Conſtantinople; and they baſely renounce the right of chuſing their maſter, the only veſtige that yet remained of the authority which had given laws to the world. The re⯑public (they repeat that name without a bluſh) might ſafely confide in the civil and military virtues of Odoacer; and they humbly requeſt, that the emperor would inveſt him with the title of Patrician, and the adminiſtration of the dio⯑ceſe of Italy."’ The deputies of the ſenate were received at Conſtantinople with ſome marks of diſpleaſure and indignation; and when they were admitted to the audience of Zeno, he ſternly re⯑proached them with their treatment of the two emperors, Anthemius and Nepos, whom the Eaſt had ſucceſſively granted to the prayers of Italy. [228] ‘"The firſt" (continued he) "you have mur⯑dered; the ſecond you have expelled: but the ſecond is ſtill alive, and whilſt he lives he is your lawful ſovereign."’ But the prudent Zeno ſoon deſerted the hopeleſs cauſe of his abdicated colleague. His vanity was gratified by the title of ſole emperor, and by the ſtatues erected to his honour in the ſeveral quarters of Rome; he en⯑tertained a friendly, though ambiguous, corre⯑ſpondence with the patrician Odoacer; and he gratefully accepted the Imperial enſigns, the ſa⯑cred ornaments of the throne and palace, which the Barbarian was not unwilling to remove from the ſight of the people ¹²⁴.

In the ſpace of twenty years ſince the death of Auguſtu⯑lus is ba⯑niſhed to the Lucul⯑lan villa. Valentinian, nine emperors had ſucceſſively diſ⯑appeared; and the ſon of Oreſtes, a youth re⯑commended only by his beauty, would be the leaſt entitled to the notice of poſterity, if his reign, which was marked by the extinction of the Roman empire in the Weſt, did not leave a me⯑morable Aera in the hiſtory of mankind ¹²⁵. The patrician Oreſtes had married the daughter of Count Romulus, of Petovio, in Noricum: the [229] name of Auguſtus, notwithſtanding the jealouſy of power, was known at Aquileia as a familiar ſur⯑name; and the appellations of the two great founders, of the city, and, of the monarchy, were thus ſtrangely united in the laſt of their ſuc⯑ceſſors ¹²⁶. The ſon of Oreſtes aſſumed and diſ⯑graced the names of Romulus Auguſtus; but the firſt was corrupted into Momyllus, by the Greeks, and the ſecond has been changed by the Latins into the contemptible diminutive Auguſtulus. The life of this inoffenſive youth was ſpared by the generous clemency of Odoacer; who diſmiſ⯑ſed him, with his whole family, from the Impe⯑rial palace, fixed his annual allowance at ſix thouſand pieces of gold, and aſſigned the caſtle of Lucullus, in Campania, for the place of his exile or retirement ¹²⁷. As ſoon as the Romans breathed from the toils of the Punic war, they were attracted by the beauties and the pleaſures of Campania; and the country-houſe of the elder Scipio at Liternum, exhibited a laſting [230] model of their ruſtic ſimplicity ¹²⁸. The delicious ſhores of the bay of Naples were crowded with villas; and Sylla applauded the maſterly ſkill of his rival, who had ſeated himſelf on the lofty promontory of Miſenum, that commands, on every ſide, the ſea and land, as far as the boun⯑daries of the horizon ¹²⁹. The villa of Marius was purchaſed, within a few years, by Lucullus, and the price had increaſed from two thouſand five hundred, to more than fourſcore thouſand, pounds ſterling ¹³⁰. It was adorned by the new proprietor with Grecian arts, and Aſiatic trea⯑ſures; and the houſes and gardens of Lucullus obtained a diſtinguiſhed rank in the liſt of Im⯑perial palaces ¹³¹. When the Vandals became [231] formidable to the ſea-coaſt, the Lucullan villa, on the promontory of Miſenum, gradually aſ⯑ſumed the ſtrength and appellation of a ſtrong caſtle, the obſcure retreat of the laſt emperor of the Weſt. About twenty years after that great revolution, it was converted into a church and monaſtery, to receive the bones of St. Severinus. They ſecurely repoſed, amidſt the broken tro⯑phies of Cimbric and Armenian victories, till the beginning of the tenth century; when the fortifi⯑cations, which might afford a dangerous ſhelter to the Saracens, were demoliſhed by the people of Naples ¹³².

Odoacer was the firſt Barbarian who reigned in Decay of the Ro⯑man ſpirit. Italy, over a people who had once aſſerted their juſt ſuperiority above the reſt of mankind. The diſgrace of the Romans ſtill excites our reſpect⯑ful compaſſion, and we fondly ſympathiſe with the imaginary grief and indignation of their degenerate poſterity. But the calamities of Italy had gra⯑dually ſubdued the proud conſciouſneſs of free⯑dom and glory. In the age of Roman virtue, the provinces were ſubject to the arms, and the citizens to the laws, of the republic; till thoſe laws were ſubverted by civil diſcord, and both [232] the city and the provinces became the ſervile property of a tyrant. The forms of the conſti⯑tution, which alleviated or diſguiſed their abject ſlavery, were aboliſhed by time and violence; the Italians alternately lamented the preſence or the abſence of the ſovereigns, whom they de⯑teſted or deſpiſed; and the ſucceſſion of five cen⯑turies inflicted the various evils of military li⯑cence, capricious deſpotiſm, and elaborate op⯑preſſion. During the ſame period, the Barba⯑rians had emerged from obſcurity and contempt, and the warriors of Germany and Scythia were introduced into the provinces, as the ſervants, the allies, and at length the maſters, of the Ro⯑mans, whom they inſulted or protected. The hatred of the people was ſuppreſſed by fear; they reſpected the ſpirit and ſplendour of the martial chiefs who were inveſted with the honours of the empire; and the fate of Rome had long de⯑pended on the ſword of thoſe formidable ſtran⯑gers. The ſtern Ricimer, who trampled on the ruins of Italy, had exerciſed the power, without aſſuming the title, of a king; and the patient Romans were inſenſibly prepared to acknow⯑ledge the royalty of Odoacer and his Barbaric ſucceſſors.

The King of Italy was not unworthy of the high ſtation to which his valour and fortune had ex⯑alted Character and reign of Odoa⯑cer, A. D. 476—490. him: his ſavage manners were poliſhed by the habits of converſation; and he reſpected, though a conqueror and a Barbarian, the inſtitu⯑tions, and even the prejudices, of his ſubjects. [233] After an interval of ſeven years, Odoacer re⯑ſtored the conſulſhip of the Weſt. For himſelf, he modeſtly, or proudly, declined an honour which was ſtill accepted by the emperors of the Eaſt; but the curule chair was ſucceſſively filled by eleven of the moſt illuſtrious ſenators ¹³³; and the liſt is adorned by the reſpectable name of Ba⯑ſilius, whoſe virtues claimed the friendſhip and grateful applauſe of Sidonius, his client ¹³⁴. The laws of the emperors were ſtrictly enforced, and the civil adminiſtration of Italy was ſtill exerciſed by the Praetorian praefect, and his ſubordinate officers. Odoacer devolved on the Roman ma⯑giſtrates the odious and oppreſſive taſk of col⯑lecting the public revenue; but he reſerved for himſelf the merit of ſeaſonable and popular in⯑dulgence ¹³⁵. Like the reſt of the Barbarians, he had been inſtructed in the Arian hereſy; but he revered the monaſtic and epiſcopal characters; and the ſilence of the Catholics atteſts the tole⯑ration which they enjoyed. The peace of the [234] city required the interpoſition of his praefect Ba⯑ſilius, in the choice of a Roman pontiff: the de⯑cree which reſtrained the clergy from alienating their lands, was ultimately deſigned for the be⯑nefit of the people, whoſe devotion would have been taxed to repair the dilapidations of the church ¹³⁶. Italy was protected by the arms of its conqueror; and its frontiers were reſpected by the Barbarians of Gaul and Germany, who had ſo long inſulted the feeble race of Theodoſius. Odoacer paſſed the Hadriatic, to chaſtiſe the aſ⯑ſaſſins of the emperor Nepos, and to acquire the maritime province of Dalmatia. He paſſed the Alps, to reſcue the remains of Noricum from Fava, or Feletheus, king of the Rugians, who held his reſidence beyond the Danube. The king was vanquiſhed in battle, and led away pri⯑ſoner; a numerous colony of captives and ſub⯑jects was tranſplanted into Italy; and Rome, af⯑ter a long period of defeat and diſgrace, might claim the triumph of her Barbarian maſter ¹³⁷.

Notwithſtanding the prudence and ſucceſs of Miſerable ſtate of Italy. Odoacer, his kingdom exhibited the ſad pro⯑ſpect of miſery and deſolation. Since the age of Tiberius, the decay of agriculture had been felt [235] in Italy; and it was a juſt ſubject of complaint, that the life of the Roman people depended on the accidents of the winds and waves ¹³⁸. In the diviſion and the decline of the empire, the tributary harveſts of Egypt and Africa were withdrawn; the numbers of the inhabitants continually diminiſhed with the means of ſubſiſtence; and the country was exhauſted by the irretrievable loſſes of war, famine ¹³⁹, and peſtilence. St. Ambroſe has de⯑plored the ruin of a populous diſtrict, which had been once adorned with the flouriſhing cities of Bologna, Modena, Regium, and Placentia ¹⁴⁰. Pope Gelaſius was a ſubject of Odoacer; and he affirms, with ſtrong exaggeration, that in Aemi⯑lia, Tuſcany, and the adjacent provinces, the human ſpecies was almoſt extirpated ¹⁴¹. The plebeians of Rome, who were fed by the hand of their maſter, periſhed or diſappeared, as ſoon as his liberality was ſuppreſſed; the decline of the arts reduced the induſtrious mechanic to idleneſs and want; and the ſenators, who might ſupport with patience the ruin of their country, [236] bewailed their private loſs of wealth and luxury. One-third of thoſe ample eſtates, to which the ruin of Italy is originally imputed ¹⁴², was ex⯑torted for the uſe of the conquerors. Injuries were aggravated by inſults; the ſenſe of actual ſufferings was embittered by the fear of more dreadful evils; and as new lands were allotted to new ſwarms of Barbarians, each ſenator was ap⯑prehenſive leſt the arbitrary ſurveyors ſhould ap⯑proach his favourite villa, or his moſt profitable farm. The leaſt unfortunate were thoſe who ſubmitted without a murmur to the power which it was impoſſible to reſiſt. Since they deſired to live, they owed ſome gratitude to the tyrant who had ſpared their lives; and ſince he was the ab⯑ſolute maſter of their fortunes, the portion which he left muſt be accepted as his pure and volun⯑tary gift ¹⁴³. The diſtreſs of Italy was mitigated by the prudence and humanity of Odoacer, who had bound himſelf, at the price of his elevation, to ſatisfy the demands of a licentious and tur⯑bulent multitude. The kings of the Barbarians were frequently reſiſted, depoſed, or murdered, by their native ſubjects; and the various bands of Italian mercenaries, who aſſociated under the ſtandard of an elective general, claimed a larger [237] privilege of freedom and rapine. A monarchy deſtitute of national union, and hereditary right, haſtened to its diſſolution. After a reign of four⯑teen years, Odoacer was oppreſſed by the ſupe⯑rior genius of Theodoric, king of the Oſtrogoths; a hero alike excellent in the arts of war and of government, who reſtored an age of peace and proſperity, and whoſe name ſtill excites and de⯑ſerves the attention of mankind.

CHAP. XXXVII. Origin, Progreſs, and Effects of the Monaſtic Life.—Converſion of the Barbarians to Chriſtianity and Arianiſm.—Perſecution of the Vandals in Africa.—Extinction of Arianiſm among the Barbarians.

THE indiſſoluble connection of civil and ec⯑cleſiaſtical affairs, has compelled and en⯑couraged me, to relate the progreſs, the perſe⯑cutions, the eſtabliſhment, the diviſions, the final triumph, and the gradual corruption of Chriſtian⯑ity. I have purpoſely delayed the conſideration of two religious events, intereſting in the ſtudy of human nature, and important in the decline and fall of the Roman empire. I. The inſtitu⯑tion of the monaſtic life ¹; and, II. The conver⯑ſion of the northern Barbarians.

1. Proſperity and peace introduced the diſtinc⯑tion of the vulgar and the Aſcetic Chriſtians ². I. THE MONAS⯑TIC LIFE. Origin of the monks. The looſe and imperfect practice of religion ſa⯑tisfied [239] the conſcience of the multitude. The prince or magiſtrate, the ſoldier or merchant, reconciled their fervent zeal, and implicit faith, with the exerciſe of their profeſſion, the purſuit of their intereſt, and the indulgence of their paſ⯑ſions: but the Aſcetics who obeyed and abuſed the rigid precepts of the goſpel, were inſpired by the ſavage enthuſiaſm, which repreſents man as a criminal, and God as a tyrant. They ſeriouſly renounced the buſineſs, and the pleaſures, of the age; abjured the uſe of wine, of fleſh, and of marriage; chaſtiſed their body, mortified their affections, and embraced a life of miſery, as the price of eternal happineſs. In the reign of Con⯑ſtantine, the Aſcetics fled from a profane and degenerate world, to perpetual ſolitude, or reli⯑gious ſociety. Like the firſt Chriſtians of Jeru⯑ſalem ³, they reſigned the uſe, or the property, of their temporal poſſeſſions; eſtabliſhed regular communities of the ſame ſex, and a ſimilar diſ⯑poſition; and aſſumed the names of Hermits, Monks, and Anachorets, expreſſive of their lonely retreat in a natural or artificial deſert. They ſoon acquired the reſpect of the world, which they deſpiſed; and the loudeſt applauſe was be⯑ſtowed on this DIVINE PHILOSOPHY ⁴, which ſur⯑paſſed, [240] without the aid of ſcience or reaſon, the laborious virtues of the Grecian ſchools. The monks might indeed contend with the Stoics, in the contempt of fortune, of pain, and of death: the Pythagorean ſilence and ſubmiſſion were re⯑vived in their ſervile diſcipline; and they diſ⯑dained, as firmly as the Cynics themſelves, all the forms and decencies of civil ſociety. But the votaries of this Divine Philoſophy aſpired to imi⯑tate a purer and more perfect model. They trod in the footſteps of the prophets, who had retired to the deſert ⁵; and they reſtored the devout and contemplative life, which had been inſtituted by the Eſſenians, in Paleſtine and Egypt. The philo⯑ſophic eye of Pliny had ſurveyed with aſtoniſh⯑ment a ſolitary people, who dwelt among the palm-trees near the Dead Sea; who ſubſiſted without money, who were propagated without women; and who derived from the diſguſt and [241] repentance of mankind, a perpetual ſupply of voluntary aſſociates ⁶.

Egypt, the fruitful parent of ſuperſtition, af⯑forded Antony and the monks of Egypt, A. D. 305. the firſt example of the monaſtic life. Antony ⁷, an illiterate ⁸ youth of the lower parts of Thebais, diſtributed his patrimony ⁹, deſerted his family and native home, and executed his monaſtic penance with original and intrepid fana⯑ticiſm. After a long and painful noviciate, among the tombs, and in a ruined tower, he boldly advanced into the deſert three days jour⯑ney to the eaſtward of the Nile; diſcovered a [242] lonely ſpot, which poſſeſſed the advantages of ſhade and water, and fixed his laſt reſidence on mount Colzim near the Red Sea; where an an⯑cient monaſtery ſtill preſerves the name and me⯑mory of the ſaint ¹⁰. The curious devotion of the Chriſtians purſued him to the deſert; and when he was obliged to appear at Alexandria, in the face of mankind, he ſupported his fame with diſcretion and dignity. He enjoyed the friend⯑ſhip of Athanaſius, whoſe doctrine he approved; and the Egyptian peaſant reſpectfully declined a reſpectful invitation from the emperor Conſtan⯑tine. The venerable patriarch (for Antony at⯑tained A. D. 251—356. the age of one hundred and five years) beheld the numerous progeny which had been formed by his example and his leſſons. The prolific colonies of monks multiplied with rapid increaſe on the ſands of Libya, upon the rocks of Thebais, and in the cities of the Nile. To the ſouth of Alexandria, the mountain, and ad⯑jacent deſert, of Nitria, were peopled by five thouſand anachorets; and the traveller may ſtill inveſtigate the ruins of fifty monaſteries, which were planted in that barren ſoil, by the diſciples of Antony ⁸¹. In the Upper Thebais, [243] the vacant Iſland of Tabenne ¹² was occupied by Pachomius, and fourteen hundred of his bre⯑thren. That holy abbot ſucceſſively founded nine monaſteries of men, and one of women; and the feſtival of Eaſter ſometimes collected fifty thou⯑ſand religious perſons, who followed his angelic rule of diſcipline ¹³. The ſtately and populous city of Oxyrinchus, the ſeat of Chriſtian ortho⯑doxy, had devoted the temples, the public edi⯑fices, and even the ramparts, to pious and cha⯑ritable uſes; and the biſhop, who might preach in twelve churches, computed ten thouſand fe⯑males, and twenty thouſand males, of the mo⯑naſtic profeſſion ¹⁴. The Egyptians, who glo⯑ried in this marvellous revolution, were diſpoſed to hope, and to believe, that the number of the monks was equal to the remainder of the people ¹⁵; and poſterity might repeat the ſaying, which had formerly been applied to the ſacred [244] animals of the ſame country, That, in Egypt, it was leſs difficult to find a god, than a man.

Athanaſius introduced into Rome the know⯑ledge Propaga⯑tion of the monaſtic life at Rome, A. D. 341. and practice of the monaſtic life; and a ſchool of this new philoſophy was opened by the diſciples of Antony, who accompanied their pri⯑mate to the holy threſhold of the Vatican. The ſtrange and ſavage appearance of theſe Egyptians excited, at firſt, horror and contempt, and, at length, applauſe and zealous imitation. The ſenators, and more eſpecially the matrons, transformed their palaces and villas into religious houſes; and the narrow inſtitution of ſix Veſtals, was eclipſed by the frequent monaſteries, which were ſeated on the ruins of ancient temples, and in the midſt of the Roman Forum ¹⁶. Inflamed by the example of Antony, a Syrian youth, whoſe name was Hilarion ¹⁷, fixed his dreary abode on a ſandy Hilarion, in Paleſ⯑tine, A. D. 328. beach, between the ſea and a moraſs, about ſeven miles from Gaza. The auſtere penance, in which he perſiſted forty-eight years, diffuſed a ſimilar enthuſiaſm; and the holy man was followed by a train of two or three thouſand anachorets, when⯑ever he viſited the innumerable monaſteries of Pa⯑leſtine. The ſame of Baſil ¹⁸ is immortal in the Baſil in Pontus, A. D. 360. [245] monaſtic hiſtory of the Eaſt. With a mind, that had taſted the learning and eloquence of Athens; with an ambition, ſcarcely to be ſatisfied by the archbiſhopric of Caeſarea, Baſil retired to a ſa⯑vage ſolitude in Pontus; and deigned, for a while, to give laws to the ſpiritual colonies which he pro⯑fuſely ſcattered along the coaſt of the Black Sea. In the Weſt, Martin of Tours ¹⁹, a ſoldier, an Martin in Gaul, A. D. 370. hermit, a biſhop, and a ſaint, eſtabliſhed the monaſteries of Gaul; two thouſand of his diſ⯑ciples followed him to the grave; and his elo⯑quent hiſtorian challenges the deſerts of Thebais, to produce, in a more favourable climate, a champion of equal virtue. The progreſs of the monks was not leſs rapid, or univerſal, than that of Chriſtianity itſelf. Every province, and, at laſt, every city, of the empire, was filled with their increaſing multitudes; and the bleak and barren iſles, from Lerins to Lipari, that ariſe out of the Tuſcan ſea, were choſen by the anachorets, for the place of their voluntary exile. An eaſy and perpetual intercourſe by ſea and land con⯑nected the provinces of the Roman world; and the life of Hilarion diſplays the facility with which an indigent hermit of Paleſtine might tra⯑verſe [246] Egypt, embark for Sicily, eſcape to Epirus, and finally ſettle in the iſland of Cyprus ²⁰. The Latin Chriſtians embraced the religious inſtitu⯑tions of Rome. The pilgrims, who viſited Jeruſa⯑lem, eagerly copied, in the moſt diſtant climates of the earth, the faithful model of the monaſtic life. The diſciples of Antony ſpread themſelves be⯑yond the tropic over the Chriſtian empire of Aethiopia ²¹. The monaſtery of Banchor ²², in Flintſhire, which contained above two thouſand brethren, diſperſed a numerous colony among the Barbarians of Ireland ²³; and Iona, one of the Hebrides, which was planted by the Iriſh monks, diffuſed over the northern regions a doubtful ray of ſcience and ſuperſtition ²⁴.

[247] Theſe unhappy exiles from ſocial life, were im⯑pelled by the dark and implacable genius of ſu⯑perſtition. Their mutual reſolution was ſup⯑ported Cauſes of its rapid progreſs. by the example of millions, of either ſex, of every age, and of every rank; and each pro⯑ſelyte, who entered the gates of a monaſtery, was perſuaded, that he trod the ſteep and thorny path of eternal happineſs ²⁵. But the operation of theſe religious motives was variouſly determined by the temper and ſituation of mankind. Reaſon might ſubdue, or paſſion might ſuſpend, their in⯑fluence: but they acted moſt forcibly on the in⯑firm minds of children and females; they were ſtrengthened by ſecret remorſe, or accidental miſ⯑fortune; and they might derive ſome aid from the temporal conſiderations of vanity or intereſt. It was naturally ſuppoſed, that the pious and hum⯑ble monks, who had renounced the world, to ac⯑compliſh the work of their ſalvation, were the beſt qualified for the ſpiritual government of the Chriſtians. The reluctant hermit was torn from his cell, and ſeated, amidſt the acclamations of the people, on the epiſcopal throne: the mona⯑ſteries [248] of Egypt, of Gaul, and of the Eaſt, ſup⯑plied a regular ſucceſſion of ſaints and biſhops; and ambition ſoon diſcovered the ſecret road which led to the poſſeſſion of wealth and ho⯑nours ²⁶. The popular monks, whoſe reputation was connected with the fame and ſucceſs of the order, aſſiduouſly laboured to multiply the num⯑ber of their fellow-captives. They inſinuated themſelves into noble and opulent families; and the ſpecious arts of flattery and ſeduction were employed to ſecure thoſe proſelytes, who might beſtow wealth or dignity on the monaſtic profeſ⯑ſion. The indignant father bewailed the loſs, perhaps of an only ſon ²⁷; the credulous maid was betrayed by vanity to violate the laws of na⯑ture; and the matron aſpired to imaginary per⯑fection, by renouncing the virtues of domeſtic life. Paula yielded to the perſuaſive eloquence of Jerom ²⁸; and the profane title of mother-in-law of God ²⁹, tempted that illuſtrious widow, to [249] conſecrate the virginity of her daughter Euſto⯑chium. By the advice, and in the company, of her ſpiritual guide, Paula abandoned Rome and her infant ſon; retired to the holy village of Beth⯑lem; founded an hoſpital and four monaſteries; and acquired, by her alms and pennance, an eminent and conſpicuous ſtation in the catholic church. Such rare and illuſtrious penitents were celebrated as the glory and example of their age; but the monaſteries were filled by a crowd of ob⯑ſcure and abject plebeians ³⁰, who gained in the cloyſter much more than they had ſacrificed in the world. Peaſants, ſlaves, and mechanics, might eſcape from poverty and contempt, to a ſafe and honourable profeſſion; whoſe apparent hardſhips were mitigated by cuſtom, by popular applauſe, and by the ſecret relaxation of diſ⯑cipline ³¹. The ſubjects of Rome, whoſe perſons and fortunes were made reſponſible for unequal and exorbitant tributes, retired from the oppreſ⯑ſion of the Imperial government; and the puſil⯑lanimous youth preferred the pennance of a mo⯑naſtic, to the dangers of a military, life. The [250] affrighted provincials, of every rank, who fled before the Barbarians, found ſhelter and ſub⯑ſiſtence; whole legions were buried in theſe re⯑ligious ſanctuaries; and the ſame cauſe, which relieved the diſtreſs of individuals, impaired the ſtrength and fortitude of the empire ³¹.

The monaſtic profeſſion of the ancients ³² was Obedience of the monks. an act of voluntary devotion. The inconſtant fa⯑natic was threatened with the eternal vengeance of the God whom he deſerted: but the doors of the monaſtery were ſtill open for repentance. Thoſe monks, whoſe conſcience was fortified by reaſon or paſſion, were at liberty to reſume the cha⯑racter of men and citizens; and even the ſpouſes of Chriſt might accept the legal embraces of an earthly lover ³³. The examples of ſcandal, and the progreſs of ſuperſtition, ſuggeſted the pro⯑priety of more forcible reſtraints. After a ſuf⯑ficient [251] trial, the fidelity of the novice was ſecured by a ſolemn and perpetual vow; and his irrevo⯑cable engagement was ratified by the laws of the church and ſtate. A guilty fugitive was purfued, arreſted, and reſtored to his perpetual priſon; and the interpoſition of the magiſtrate oppreſſed the freedom and merit, which had alleviated, in ſome degree, the abject ſlavery of the monaſtic diſ⯑cipline ³⁴. The actions of a monk, his words, and even his thoughts, were determined by an inflexible rule ³⁵, or a capricious ſuperior: the ſlighteſt offences were corrected by diſgrace or confinement, extraordinary faſts or bloody flagel⯑lation; and diſobedience, murmur, or delay, were ranked in the catalogue of the moſt heinous ſins ³⁶. A blind ſubmiſſion to the commands of [252] the abbot, however abſurd, or even criminal, they might ſeem, was the ruling principle, the firſt virtue of the Egyptian monks; and their pa⯑tience was frequently exerciſed by the moſt ex⯑travagant trials. They were directed to remove an enormous rock; aſſiduouſly to water a barren ſtaff, that was planted in the ground, till, at the end of three years, it ſhould vegetate and bloſſom like a tree; to walk into a fiery furnace; or to caſt their infant into a deep pond: and ſeveral ſaints, or madmen, have been immortalized in monaſtic ſtory, by their thoughtleſs, and fear⯑leſs, obedience ³⁷. The freedom of the mind, the ſource of every generous and rational ſen⯑timent, was deſtroyed by the habits of credu⯑lity and ſubmiſſion; and the monk, contracting the vices of a ſlave, devoutly followed the faith and paſſions of his eccleſiaſtical tyrant. The peace of the eaſtern church was invaded by a ſwarm of fanatics, incapable of fear, or reaſon, or hu⯑manity; and the Imperial troops acknowledged, without ſhame, that they were much leſs appre⯑henſive of an encounter with the fierceſt Bar⯑barians ³⁸.

[253] Superſtition has often framed and conſecrated the fantaſtic garments of the monks ³⁹: but their apparent ſingularity ſometimes proceeds from Their dreſs and habita⯑tions. their uniform attachment to a ſimple and primi⯑tive model, which the revolutions of faſhion have made ridiculous in the eyes of mankind. The father of the Benedictines expreſsly diſclaims all idea of choice, or merit; and ſoberly exhorts his diſciples to adopt the coarſe and convenient dreſs of the countries which they may inhabit ⁴⁰. The monaſtic habits of the ancients varied with the climate, and their mode of life; and they aſ⯑ſumed, with the ſame indifference, the ſheep⯑ſkin of the Egyptian peaſants, or the cloak of the Grecian philoſophers. They allowed them⯑ſelves the uſe of linen in Egypt, where it was a cheap and domeſtic manufacture; but in the Weſt, they rejected ſuch an expenſive article of foreign luxury ⁴¹. It was the practice of the monks either to cut or ſhave their hair; they wrapped their heads in a cowl, to eſcape the ſight of profane objects; their legs and feet were naked, except in the extreme cold of winter; and their ſlow and feeble ſteps were ſupported by a long ſtaff. The aſpect of a genuine anachoret was horrid and diſguſting: every ſenſation that [254] is offenſive to man, was thought acceptable to God; and the angelic rule of Tabenne con⯑demned the ſalutary cuſtom of bathing the limbs in water, and of anointing them with oil ⁴². The auſtere monks ſlept on the ground, on a hard mat, or a rough blanket; and the ſame bundle of palm-leaves ſerved them as a ſeat in the day, and a pillow in the night. Their original cells were low narrow huts, built of the ſlighteſt ma⯑terials; which formed, by the regular diſtribu⯑tion of the ſtreets, a large and populous village, incloſing, within the common wall, a church, an hoſpital, perhaps a library, ſome neceſſary offices, a garden, and a fountain or reſervoir of freſh water. Thirty or forty brethren compoſed a family of ſeparate diſcipline and diet; and the great monaſteries of Egypt conſiſted of thirty or forty families.

Pleaſure and guilt are ſynonymous terms in the Their diet. language of the monks: and they had diſcovered, by experience, that rigid faſts, and abſtemious diet, are the moſt effectual preſervatives againſt the impure deſires of the fleſh ⁴³. The rules of ab⯑ſtinence, [255] which they impoſed, or practiſed, were not uniform or perpetual: the cheerful feſtival of the Pentecoſt was balanced by the extraor⯑dinary mortification of Lent; the fervour of new monaſteries was inſenſibly relaxed; and the vora⯑cious appetite of the Gauls could not imitate the patient, and temperate, virtue of the Egyp⯑tians ⁴⁴. The diſciples of Anthony and Pacho⯑mius were ſatisfied with their daily pittance ⁴⁵, of twelve ounces of bread, or rather biſcuit ⁴⁶, which they divided into two frugal repaſts, of the afternoon, and of the evening. It was eſteemed a merit, and almoſt a duty, to abſtain from the boiled vegetables, which were provided for the refectory; but the extraordinary bounty of the abbot ſometimes indulged them with the luxury of cheeſe, fruit, ſallad, and the ſmall dried fiſh of the Nile ⁴⁷. A more ample latitude [256] of ſea and river fiſh was gradually allowed or aſſumed: but the uſe of fleſh was long confined to the ſick or travellers; and when it gradually prevailed in the leſs rigid monaſteries of Europe, a ſingular diſtinction was introduced; as if birds, whether wild or domeſtic, had been leſs profane than the groſſer animals of the field. Water was the pure and innocent beveridge of the primitive monks; and the founder of the Benedictines re⯑grets the daily portion of half a pint of wine, which had been extorted from him by the intem⯑perance of the age ⁴⁸. Such an allowance might be eaſily ſupplied by the vineyards of Italy; and his victorious diſciples, who paſſed the Alps, the Rhine, and the Baltic, required, in the place of wine, an adequate compenſation of ſtrong beer or cyder.

The candidate who aſpired to the virtue of evangelical poverty, abjured, at his firſt entrance Their ma⯑nual la⯑bour. into a regular community, the idea, and even the name, of all ſeparate, or excluſive, poſſeſ⯑ſion ⁴⁹. The brethren were ſupported by their manual labour; and the duty of labour was [257] ſtrenuouſly recommended as a pennance, as an exerciſe, and as the moſt laudable means of ſe⯑curing their daily ſubſiſtence ⁵⁰. The garden, and fields, which the induſtry of the monks had often reſcued from the foreſt or the moraſs, were diligently cultivated by their hands. They per⯑formed, without reluctance, the menial offices of ſlaves and domeſtics; and the ſeveral trades that were neceſſary to provide their habits, their uten⯑ſils, and their lodging, were exerciſed within the precincts of the great monaſteries. The monaſtic ſtudies have tended, for the moſt part, to darken, rather than to diſpel, the cloud of ſuperſtition. Yet the curioſity or zeal of ſome learned ſolita⯑ries has cultivated the eccleſiaſtical, and even the profane, ſciences: and poſterity muſt gratefully acknowledge, that the monuments of Greek and Roman literature have been preſerved and mul⯑tiplied by their indefatigable pens ⁵¹. But the more humble induſtry of the monks, eſpecially in Egypt, was contented with the ſilent, ſeden⯑tary, [258] occupation, of making wooden ſandals, or of twiſting the leaves of the palm-tree into mats and baſkets. The ſuperfluous ſtock, which was not conſumed in domeſtic uſe, ſupplied, by trade, the wants of the community: the boats of Ta⯑benne, and the other monaſteries of Thebais, deſcended the Nile as far as Alexandria; and, in a Chriſtian market, the ſanctity of the workmen might enhance the intrinſic value of the work.

But the neceſſity of manual labour was inſen⯑ſibly Their riches. ſuperſeded. The novice was tempted to beſtow his fortune on the ſaints, in whoſe ſociety he was reſolved to ſpend the remainder of his life; and the pernicious indulgence of the laws per⯑mitted him to receive, for their uſe, any future acceſſions of legacy or inheritance ⁵². Melania contributed her plate, three hundred pounds weight of ſilver; and Paula contracted an im⯑menſe debt, for the relief of their favourite monks; who kindly imparted the merits of their prayers and pennance to a rich and liberal ſin⯑ner ⁵³. Time continually increaſed, and acci⯑dents could ſeldom diminiſh, the eſtates of the popular monaſteries, which ſpread over the ad⯑jacent [259] country and cities: and, in the firſt cen⯑tury of their inſtitution, the infidel Zoſimus has maliciouſly obſerved, that, for the benefit of the poor, the Chriſtian monks had reduced a great part of mankind to a ſtate of beggary ⁵⁴. As long as they maintained their original fervour, they approved themſelves, however, the faithful and benevolent ſtewards of the charity, which was entruſted to their care. But their diſcipline was corrupted by proſperity: they gradually aſſumed the pride of wealth, and at laſt indulged the luxury of expence. Their public luxury might be excuſed by the magnificence of reli⯑gious worſhip, and the decent motive of erecting durable habitations for an immortal ſociety. But every age of the church has accuſed the licen⯑tiouſneſs of the degenerate monks; who no longer remembered the object of their inſtitution, embraced the vain and ſenſual pleaſures of the world, which they had renounced ⁵⁵, and ſcan⯑dalouſly abuſed the riches which had been ac⯑quired by the auſtere virtues of their found⯑ers ⁵⁶. [260] Their natural deſcent, from ſuch painful and dangerous virtue, to the common vices of huma⯑nity, will not, perhaps, excite much grief or indignation in the mind of a philoſopher.

The lives of the primitive monks were con⯑ſumed Their ſoli⯑tude. in pennance and ſolitude; undiſturbed by the various occupations which fill the time, and exerciſe the faculties, of reaſonable, active, and ſocial beings. Whenever they were permitted to ſtep beyond the precincts of the monaſtery, two jealous companions were the mutual guards and ſpies of each other's actions; and, after their return, they were condemned to forget, or, at leaſt, to ſuppreſs, whatever they had ſeen or heard in the world. Strangers, who profeſſed the orthodox faith, were hoſpitably entertained in a ſeparate apartment; but their dangerous converſation was reſtricted to ſome choſen elders of approved diſcretion and fidelity. Except in their preſence, the monaſtic ſlave might not receive the viſits of his friends or kindred; and it was deemed highly meritorious, if he afflicted a tender ſiſter, or an aged parent, by the obſti⯑nate refuſal of a word or look ⁵⁷. The monks themſelves paſſed their lives, without perſonal [261] attachments, among a crowd, which had been formed by accident, and was detained, in the ſame priſon, by force or prejudice. Recluſe fanatics have few ideas or ſentiments to commu⯑nicate: a ſpecial licence of the abbot regulated the time and duration of their familiar viſits; and, at their ſilent meals, they were enveloped in their cowls, inacceſſible, and almoſt inviſible, to each other ⁵⁸. Study is the reſource of ſoli⯑tude: but education had not prepared and qua⯑lified for any liberal ſtudies the mechanics and peaſants, who filled the monaſtic communities. They might work: but the vanity of ſpiritual perfection was tempted to diſdain the exerciſe of manual labour; and the induſtry muſt be faint and languid, which is not excited by the ſenſe of perſonal intereſt.

According to their faith and zeal, they might Their de⯑votion and viſions. employ the day, which they paſſed in their cells, either in vocal or mental prayer: they aſſembled in the evening, and they were awakened in the night, for the public worſhip of the monaſtery. The preciſe moment was determined by the ſtars, which are ſeldom clouded in the ſerene ſky of Egypt; and a ruſtic horn, or trumpet, the ſignal of devotion, twice interrupted the vaſt ſilence of the deſert ⁵⁹. Even ſleep, the laſt refuge of [262] the unhappy, was rigorouſly meaſured: the va⯑cant hours of the monk heavily rolled along, without buſineſs or pleaſure; and, before the cloſe of each day, he had repeatedly accuſed the tedious progreſs of the Sun ⁶⁰. In this comfort⯑leſs ſtate, ſuperſtition ſtill purſued and tormented her wretched votaries ⁶¹. The repoſe which they had ſought in the cloiſter was diſturbed by tardy repentance, profane doubts, and guilty deſires; and, while they conſidered each natural impulſe as an unpardonable ſin, they perpetually trembled on the edge of a flaming and bottomleſs abyſs. From the painful ſtruggles of diſeaſe and deſpair, theſe unhappy victims were ſometimes relieved by madneſs or death; and, in the ſixth century, an hoſpital was founded at Jeruſalem for a ſmall portion of the auſtere penitents, who were de⯑prived of their ſenſes ⁶². Their viſions, before they attained this extreme and acknowledged term of frenzy, have afforded ample materials of ſupernatural hiſtory. It was their firm perſua⯑ſion, [263] that the air, which they breathed, was peopled with inviſible enemies; with innume⯑rable daemons, who watched every occaſion, and aſſumed every form, to terrify, and above all to tempt, their unguarded virtue. The imagina⯑tion, and even the ſenſes, were deceived by the illuſions of diſtempered fanaticiſm; and the her⯑mit, whoſe midnight prayer was oppreſſed by involuntary ſlumber, might eaſily confound the phantoms of horror or delight, which had occu⯑pied his ſleeping, and his waking dreams ⁶³.

The monks were divided into two claſſes: the The Coe⯑nobites and Anacho⯑rets. Coenobites, who lived under a common, and regu⯑lar, diſcipline; and the Anachorets, who indulged their unſocial, independent, fanaticiſm ⁶⁴. The moſt devout, or the moſt ambitious, of the ſpiri⯑tual brethren, renounced the convent, as they had renounced the world. The fervent monaſteries of Egypt, Paleſtine, and Syria, were ſurrounded by a Laura ⁶⁵, a diſtant circle of ſolitary cells; and [264] the extravagant pennance of the Hermits was ſti⯑mulated by applauſe and emulation ⁶⁶. They ſunk under the painful weight of croſſes and chains; and their emaciated limbs were confined by col⯑lars, bracelets, gauntlets, and greaves, of maſſy, and rigid, iron. All ſuperfluous incumbrance of dreſs they contemptuouſly caſt away; and ſome ſavage ſaints of both ſexes have been admired, whoſe naked bodies were only covered by their long hair. They aſpired to reduce themſelves to the rude and miſerable ſtate in which the human brute is ſcarcely diſtinguiſhed above his kindred animals: and a numerous ſect of Anachorets de⯑rived their name from their humble practice of grazing in the fields of Meſopotamia with the common herd ⁶⁷. They often uſurped the den of ſome wild beaſt whom they affected to reſemble; they buried themſelves in ſome gloomy cavern, which art or nature had ſcooped out of the rock; and the marble quarries of Thebais are ſtill in⯑ſcribed with the monuments of their pennance ⁶⁸. The moſt perfect Hermits are ſuppoſed to have paſſed many days without food, many nights without ſleep, and many years without ſpeaking; [265] and glorious was the man (I abuſe that name) who contrived any cell, or ſeat, of a peculiar con⯑ſtruction, which might expoſe him, in the moſt inconvenient poſture, to the inclemency of the ſeaſons.

Among theſe heroes of the monaſtic life, the Simeon Stylites. A. D. 395—451. name and genius of Simeon Stylites ⁶⁹ have been immortalized by the ſingular invention of an aerial pennance. At the age of thirteen, the young Syrian deſerted the profeſſion of a ſhepherd, and threw himſelf into an auſtere monaſtery. After a long and painful noviciate, in which Simeon was repeatedly ſaved from pious ſuicide, he eſtabliſhed his reſidence on a mountain, about thirty or forty miles to the Eaſt of Antioch. Within the ſpace of a mandra, or circle of ſtones, to which he had attached himſelf by a ponderous chain, he aſ⯑cended a column, which was ſucceſſively raiſed from the height of nine, to that of ſixty, feet, from the ground ⁷⁰. In this laſt, and lofty, ſta⯑tion, the Syrian Anachoret reſiſted the heat of thirty ſummers, and the cold of as many winters. Habit and exerciſe inſtructed him to maintain his dangerous ſituation without fear or giddineſs, and ſucceſſively to aſſume the different poſtures of de⯑votion. He ſometimes prayed in an erect atti⯑tude, [266] with his out-ſtretched arms, in the figure of a croſs; but his moſt familiar practice was that of bending his meagre ſkeleton from the forehead to the feet: and a curious ſpectator, after num⯑bering twelve hundred and forty-four repetitions, at length deſiſted from the endleſs account. The progreſs of an ulcer in his thigh ⁷¹ might ſhorten, but it could not diſturb, this celeſtial life; and the patient Hermit expired, without deſcending from his column. A prince, who ſhould capriciouſly inflict ſuch tortures, would be deemed a tyrant; but it would ſurpaſs the power of a tyrant, to im⯑poſe a long and miſerable exiſtence on the re⯑luctant victims of his cruelty. This voluntary martyrdom muſt have gradually deſtroyed the ſen⯑ſibility both of the mind and body; nor can it be preſumed that the fanatics, who torment them⯑ſelves, are ſuſceptible of any lively affection for the reſt of mankind. A cruel unfeeling temper has diſtinguiſhed the monks of every age and country: their ſtern indifference, which is ſeldom mollified by perſonal friendſhip, is inflamed by religious hatred; and their mercileſs zeal has ſtrenuouſly adminiſtered the holy office of the In⯑quiſition.

The monaſtic ſaints, who excite only the con⯑tempt and pity of a philoſopher, were reſpected, Miracles and wor⯑ſhip of the monks. and almoſt adored, by the prince and people. [267] Succeſſive crowds of pilgrims from Gaul and India ſaluted the divine pillar of Simeon: the tribes of Saracens diſputed in arms the honour of his bene⯑diction; the queens of Arabia and Perſia grate⯑fully confeſſed his ſupernatural virtue; and the angelic Hermit was conſulted by the younger Theodoſius, in the moſt important concerns of the church and ſtate. His remains were tranſported from the mountain of Teleniſſa, by a ſolemn pro⯑ceſſion of the patriarch, the maſter-general of the Eaſt, ſix biſhops, twenty-one counts or tribunes, and ſix thouſand ſoldiers; and Antioch revered his bones, as her glorious ornament and impreg⯑nable defence. The fame of the apoſtles and martyrs was gradually eclipſed by theſe recent and popular Anachorets; the Chriſtian world fell proſtrate before their ſhrines; and the miracles aſcribed to their relics exceeded, at leaſt in num⯑ber and duration, the ſpiritual exploits of their lives. But the golden legend of their lives ⁷² was embelliſhed by the artful credulity of their in⯑tereſted brethren; and a believing age was eaſily perſuaded, that the ſlighteſt caprice of an Egyp⯑tian or a Syrian monk, had been ſufficient to in⯑terrupt the eternal laws of the univerſe. The fa⯑vourites of Heaven were accuſtomed to cure in⯑veterate diſeaſes with a touch, a word, or a diſ⯑tant [268] meſſage; and to expel the moſt obſtinate daemons from the ſouls, or bodies, which they poſſeſſed. They familiarly accoſted, or impe⯑riouſly commanded, the lions and ſerpents of the deſert; infuſed vegetation into a ſapleſs trunk; ſuſpended iron on the ſurface of the water; paſſed the Nile on the back of a crocodile, and refreſhed themſelves in a fiery furnace. Theſe extravagant tales, which diſplay the fiction, without the ge⯑nius, of poetry, have ſeriouſly affected the reaſon, the faith, and the morals, of the Chriſtians. Their Superſti⯑tion of the age. credulity debaſed and vitiated the faculties of the mind: they corrupted the evidence of hiſtory; and ſuperſtition gradually extinguiſhed the hoſtile light of philoſophy and ſcience. Every mode of religious worſhip which had been practiſed by the ſaints, every myſterious doctrine which they be⯑lieved, was fortified by the ſanction of divine re⯑velation, and all the manly virtues were oppreſſed by the ſervile and puſillanimous reign of the monks. If it be poſſible to meaſure the interval, between the philoſophic writings of Cicero and the ſacred legend of Theodoret, between the cha⯑racter of Cato and that of Simeon, we may ap⯑preciate the memorable revolution which was ac⯑compliſhed in the Roman empire within a period of five hundred years.

II. The progreſs of Chriſtianity has been II. CON⯑VERSION OF THE BARBA⯑RIANS. marked by two glorious and deciſive victories; over the learned and luxurious citizens of the Ro⯑man empire; and over the warlike Barbarians of Scythia and Germany, who ſubverted the empire, and embraced the religion, of the Romans. The [269] Goths were the foremoſt of theſe ſavage proſe⯑lytes; and the nation was indebted for its conver⯑ſion to a countryman, or, at leaſt, to a ſubject, worthy to be ranked among the inventors of uſe⯑ful arts, who have deſerved the remembrance and gratitude of poſterity. A great number of Ro⯑man provincials had been led away into captivity by the Gothic bands, who ravaged Aſia in the time of Gallienus: and of theſe captives, many were Chriſtians, and ſeveral belonged to the ec⯑cleſiaſtical order. Thoſe involuntary miſſionaries, diſperſed as ſlaves in the villages of Dacia, ſuc⯑ceſſively laboured for the ſalvation of their maſ⯑ters. The ſeeds, which they planted of the evan⯑gelic doctrine, were gradually propagated; and, before the end of a century, the pious work was atchieved by the labours of Ulphilas, whoſe an⯑ceſtors had been tranſported beyond the Danube from a ſmall town of Cappadocia.

Ulphilas, the biſhop and apoſtle of the Goths ⁷³, Ulphilas, apoſtle of the Goths, A. D. 360, &c. acquired their love and reverence by his blameleſs life and indefatigable zeal; and they received, with implicit confidence, the doctrines of truth and virtue, which he preached and practiſed. He executed the arduous taſk of tranſlating the Scrip⯑tures into their native tongue, a dialect of the German, or Teutonic, language; but he pru⯑dently ſuppreſſed the four books of Kings, as they might tend to irritate the fierce and ſanguinary [270] ſpirit of the Barbarians. The rude, imperfect, idiom of ſoldiers and ſhepherds, ſo ill-qualified to communicate any ſpiritual ideas, was improved and modulated by his genius; and Ulphilas, be⯑fore he could frame his verſion, was obliged to compoſe a new alphabet of twenty-four letters; four of which he invented, to expreſs the peculiar ſounds that were unknown to the Greek, and La⯑tin, pronunciation ⁷⁴. But the proſperous ſtate of the Gothic church was ſoon afflicted by war and inteſtine diſcord, and the chieftains were divided by religion as well as by intereſt. Fritigern, the friend of the Romans, became the proſelyte of Ulphilas; while the haughty ſoul of Athanaric diſdained the yoke of the empire, and of the Go⯑ſpel. The faith of the new converts was tried by the perſecution which he excited. A waggon, bearing aloft the ſhapeleſs image, of Thor, per⯑haps, or of Woden, was conducted in ſolemn pro⯑ceſſion through the ſtreets of the camp; and the rebels, who refuſed to worſhip the God of their fathers, were immediately burnt, with their tents and families. The character of Ulphilas recom⯑mended him to the eſteem of the Eaſtern court, where he twice appeared as the miniſter of peace; [271] he pleaded the cauſe of the diſtreſſed Goths, who implored the protection of Valens; and the name of Moſes was applied to this ſpiritual guide, who conducted his people, through the deep waters of the Danube, to the Land of Promiſe ⁷⁵. The de⯑vout ſhepherds, who were attached to his perſon, and tractable to his voice, acquieſced in their ſet⯑tlement, at the foot of the Maeſian mountains, in a country of woodlands and paſtures, which ſup⯑ported their flocks and herds, and enabled them to purchaſe the corn and wine of the more plenti⯑ful provinces. Theſe harmleſs Barbarians mul⯑tiplied, in obſcure peace, and the profeſſion of Chriſtianity ⁷⁶.

Their fiercer brethren, the formidable Viſi⯑goths, The Goths, Vandals, Burgun⯑dians, &c. embrace Chriſtian⯑ity, A. D. 400, &c. univerſally adopted the religion of the Ro⯑mans, with whom they maintained a perpetual intercourſe, of war, of friendſhip, or of conqueſt. In their long and victorious march from the Da⯑nube to the Atlantic ocean, they converted their allies; they educated the riſing generation; and the devotion which reigned in the camp of Alaric, or the court of Thoulouſe, might edify, or diſ⯑grace, the palaces of Rome and Conſtantinople ⁷⁷. [272] During the ſame period, Chriſtianity was em⯑braced by almoſt all the Barbarians, who eſta⯑bliſhed their kingdoms on the ruins of the Weſtern empire; the Burgundians in Gaul, the Suevi in Spain, the Vandals in Africa, the Oſtrogoths in Pannonia, and the various bands of Mercenaries, that raiſed Odoacer to the throne of Italy. The Franks and the Saxons ſtill perſevered in the er⯑rors of Paganiſm; but the Franks obtained the mo⯑narchy of Gaul by their ſubmiſſion to the example of Clovis; and the Saxon conquerors of Britain were reclaimed from their ſavage ſuperſtition by the miſſionaries of Rome. Theſe Barbarian pro⯑felytes diſplayed an ardent and ſucceſsful zeal in the propagation of the faith. The Merovingian kings, and their ſucceſſors, Charlemagne and the Othos, extended by their laws and victories, the dominion of the croſs. England produced the apoſtle of Germany; and the evangelic light was gradually diffuſed from the neighbourhood of the Rhine, to the nations of the Elbe, the Viſtula, and the Baltic. ⁷⁸.

The different motives which influenced the Motives of their faith. reaſon, or the paſſions, of the Barbarian converts, cannot eaſily be aſcertained. They were often capricious and accidental; a dream, an omen, the report of a miracle, the example of ſome prieſt, or hero, the charms of a believing wife, and above all, the fortunate event of a prayer, or vow, [273] which, in a moment of danger, they had ad⯑dreſſed to the God of the Chriſtians ⁷⁹. The early prejudices of education were inſenſibly erazed by the habits of frequent and familiar ſociety; the moral precepts of the Goſpel were protected by the extravagant virtues of the monks; and a ſpi⯑ritual theology was ſupported by the viſible power of relics, and the pomp of religious worſhip. But the rational and ingenious mode of perſuaſion, which a Saxon biſhop ⁸⁰ ſuggeſted to a popular ſaint, might ſometimes be employed by the miſ⯑ſionaries, who laboured for the converſion of infi⯑dels. ‘"Admit," ſays the ſagacious diſputant, "whatever they are pleaſed to aſſert of the fa⯑bulous, and carnal, genealogy of their gods and gooddeſſes, who are propagated from each other. From this principle deduce their im⯑perfect nature, and human infirmities, the aſ⯑ſurance they were born, and the probability that they will die. At what time, by what means, from what cauſe, were the eldeſt of the gods or goddeſſes produced? Do they ſtill continue, or have they ceaſed, to propagate? If they have ceaſed, ſummon your antagoniſts to declare the reaſon of this ſtrange alteration. If they ſtill continue, the number of the gods muſt [274] become infinite; and ſhall we not riſk, by the indiſcreet worſhip of ſome impotent deity, to excite the reſentment of his jealous ſuperior? The viſible heavens and earth, the whole ſyſtem of the univerſe, which may be conceived by the mind, is it created or eternal? If created, how, or where, could the gods themſelves exiſt before the creation? If eternal, how could they aſſume the empire of an independent and pre⯑exiſting world? Urge theſe arguments with temper and moderation; inſinuate, at ſeaſon⯑able intervals, the truth, and beauty, of the Chriſtian revelation; and endeavour to make the unbelievers aſhamed, without making them angry."’ This metaphyſical reaſoning, too re⯑fined perhaps for the Barbarians of Germany, was fortified by the groſſer weight of authority and po⯑pular conſent. The advantage of temporal pro⯑ſperity had deſerted the Pagan cauſe, and paſſed over to the ſervice of Chriſtianity. The Romans themſelves, the moſt powerful and enlightened nation of the globe, had renounced their ancient ſuperſtition; and, if the ruin of their empire ſeemed to accuſe the efficacy of the new faith, the diſgrace was already retrieved by the converſion of the victorious Goths. The valiant and fortunate Barbarians, who ſubdued the provinces of the Weſt, ſucceſſively received, and reflected, the ſame edifying example. Before the age of Char⯑lemagne, the Chriſtian nations of Europe might exult in the excluſive poſſeſſion of the temperate climates, of the fertile lands, which produced [275] corn, wine, and oil; while the ſavage idolaters, and their helpleſs idols, were confined to the ex⯑tremities of the earth, the dark and frozen regions of the North ⁸¹.

Chriſtianity, which opened the gates of Heaven Effects of their con⯑verſion. to the Barbarians, introduced an important change in their moral and political condition. They re⯑ceived, at the ſame time, the uſe of letters, ſo eſ⯑ſential to a religion whoſe doctrines are contained in a ſacred book; and while they ſtudied the di⯑vine truth, their minds were inſenſibly enlarged by the diſtant view of hiſtory, of nature, of the arts, and of ſociety. The verſion of the Scrip⯑tures into their native tongue, which had facili⯑tated their converſion, muſt excite, among their clergy, ſome curioſity to read the original text, to underſtand the ſacred liturgy of the church, and to examine, in the writings of the fathers, the chain of eccleſiaſtical tradition. Theſe ſpiritual gifts were preſerved in the Greek and Latin lan⯑guages, which concealed the ineſtimable monu⯑ments of ancient learning. The immortal pro⯑ductions of Virgil, Cicero, and Livy, which were acceſſible to the Chriſtian Barbarians, maintained a ſilent intercourſe between the reign of Auguſtus, and the times of Clovis and Charlemagne, The emulation of mankind was encouraged by the re⯑membrance of a more perfect ſtate; and the flame of ſcience was ſecretly kept alive, to warm and [276] enlighten the mature age of the Weſtern world. In the moſt corrupt ſtate of Chriſtianity, the Bar⯑barians might learn juſtice from the law, and mercy from the goſpel: and if the knowledge of their duty was inſufficient to guide their actions, or to regulate their paſſions; they were ſometimes reſtrained by conſcience, and frequently puniſhed by remorſe. But the direct authority of religion was leſs effectual, than the holy communion which united them with their Chriſtian brethren in ſpi⯑ritual friendſhip. The influence of theſe ſenti⯑ments contributed to ſecure their fidelity in the ſervice, or the alliance, of the Romans, to alle⯑viate the horrors of war, to moderate the inſolence of conqueſt, and to preſerve, in the downfall of the empire, a permanent reſpect for the name and inſtitutions of Rome. In the days of Paganiſm, the prieſts of Gaul and Germany reigned over the people, and controuled the juriſdiction of the ma⯑giſtrates; and the zealous proſelytes transferred an equal, or more ample, meaſure of devout obe⯑dience, to the pontiffs of the Chriſtian faith. The ſacred character of the biſhops was ſupported by their temporal poſſeſſions; they obtained an ho⯑nourable ſeat in the legiſlative aſſemblies of ſol⯑diers and freemen; and it was their intereſt, as well as their duty, to mollify, by peaceful coun⯑ſels, the fierce ſpirit of the Barbarians. The per⯑petual correſpondence of the Latin clergy, the frequent pilgrimages to Rome and Jeruſalem, and the growing authority of the Popes, cemented the union of the Chriſtian republic: and gradually produced the ſimilar manners, and common juriſ⯑prudence, [277] which have diſtinguiſhed, from the reſt of mankind, the independent, and even hoſ⯑tile, nations of modern Europe.

But the operation of theſe cauſes was checked They are involved in the Arian hereſy. and retarded by the unfortunate accident, which infuſed a deadly poiſon into the cup of Salvation. Whatever might be the early ſentiments of Ul⯑philas, his connections with the empire and the church were formed during the reign of Arianiſm. The apoſtle of the Goths ſubſcribed the creed of Rimini; profeſſed with freedom, and perhaps with ſincerity, that the SON was not equal, or conſub⯑ſtantial to the FATHER ⁸²; communicated theſe er⯑rors to the clergy and people; and infected the Barbaric world with an hereſy ⁸³, which the great Theodoſius proſcribed and extinguiſhed among the Romans. The temper and underſtanding of the new proſelytes were not adapted to metaphy⯑ſical ſubtleties; but they ſtrenuouſly maintained, what they had piouſly received, as the pure and genuine doctrines of Chriſtianity. The advantage [278] of preaching and expounding the Scriptures in the Teutonic language, promoted the apoſtolic la⯑bours of Ulphilas, and his ſucceſſors; and they ordained a competent number of biſhops and preſ⯑byters, for the inſtruction of the kindred tribes. The Oſtrogoths, the Burgundians, the Suevi, and the Vandals, who had liſtened to the eloquence of the Latin clergy ⁸⁴, preferred the more intelligible leſſons of their domeſtic teachers; and Arianiſm was adopted as the national faith of the warlike converts, who were ſeated on the ruins of the Weſtern empire. This irreconcilable difference of religion was a perpetual ſource of jealouſy and hatred; and the reproach of Barbarian was embit⯑tered by the more odious epithet of Heretic. The heroes of the North, who had ſubmitted, with ſome reluctance, to believe that all their anceſtors were in hell ⁸⁵; were aſtoniſhed and exaſperated to learn, that they themſelves had only changed the mode of their eternal condemnation. Inſtead of the ſmooth applauſe, which Chriſtian kings are accuſtomed to expect from their loyal prelates, the orthodox biſhops and their clergy were in a ſtate of oppoſition to the Arian courts; and their indiſ⯑creet oppoſition frequently became criminal, and might ſometimes be dangerous ⁸⁶. The pulpit, [279] that ſafe and ſacred organ of ſedition, reſounded with the names of Pharaoh and Holofernes ⁸⁷; the public diſcontent was inflamed by the hope or promiſe of a glorious deliverance; and the ſedi⯑tious ſaints were tempted to promote the accom⯑pliſhment of their own predictions. Notwithſtand⯑ing theſe provocations, the Catholics of Gaul, General toleration. Spain, and Italy, enjoyed, under the reign of the Arians, the free, and peaceful, exerciſe of their religion. Their haughty maſters reſpected the zeal of a numerous people, reſolved to die at the foot of their altars; and the example of their de⯑vout conſtancy was admired and imitated by the Barbarians themſelves. The conquerors evaded, however, the diſgraceful reproach, or confeſſion, of fear, by attributing their toleration to the li⯑beral motives of reaſon and humanity; and while they affected the language, they imperceptibly imbibed the ſpirit, of genuine Chriſtianity.

The peace of the church was ſometimes inter⯑rupted. Arian per⯑ſecution of the Van⯑dals. The Catholics were indiſcreet, the Bar⯑barians were impatient; and the partial acts of ſeverity or injuſtice which had been recommended by the Arian clergy, were exaggerated by the or⯑thodox writers. The guilt of perſecution may be imputed to Euric, king of the Viſigoths; who ſuſpended the exerciſe of eccleſiaſtical, or at leaſt, of epiſcopal, functions; and puniſhed the popular [280] biſhops of Aquitain with impriſonment, exile, and confiſcation ⁸⁸. But the cruel and abſurd enter⯑priſe of ſubduing the minds of a whole people, was undertaken by the Vandals alone. Genſeric Genſeric, A. D. 429—477. himſelf, in his early youth, had renounced the orthodox communion; and the apoſtate could neither grant, nor expect, a ſincere forgiveneſs. He was exaſperated to find, that the Africans, who had fled before him in the field, ſtill pre⯑ſumed to diſpute his will in ſynods and churches; and his ferocious mind was incapable of fear, or of compaſſion. His Catholic ſubjects were oppreſſed by intolerant laws, and arbitrary puniſhments. The language of Genſeric was furious, and for⯑midable; the knowledge of his intentions might juſtify the moſt unfavourable interpretation of his actions; and the Arians were reproached with the frequent executions, which ſtained the palace, and the dominions, of the tyrant. Arms and am⯑bition were, however, the ruling paſſions of the monarch of the ſea. But Hunneric, his inglorious Hunneric. A. D. 477. ſon, who ſeemed to inherit only his vices, tor⯑mented the Catholics with the ſame unrelenting fury, which had been fatal to his brother, his ne⯑phews, and the friends and favourites of his fa⯑ther: and, even to the Arian patriarch, who was inhumanly burnt alive in the midſt of Carthage. [281] The religious war was preceded and prepared by an inſidious truce; perſecution was made the ſerious and important buſineſs of the Vandal court; and the loathſome diſeaſe, which haſtened the death of Hunneric, revenged the injuries, without contributing to the deliverance, of the church. The throne of Africa was ſucceſſively filled by the two nephews of Hunneric; by Gun⯑damund, who reigned about twelve, and by Gunda⯑mund, A. D. 484. Thraſimund, who governed the nation above twenty-ſeven years. Their adminiſtration was hoſtile and oppreſſive to the orthodox party. Gundamund appeared to emulate, or even to ſurpaſs, the cruelty of his uncle; and, if at length he relented, if he recalled the biſhops, and reſtored the freedom of Athanaſian worſhip, a premature death intercepted the benefits of his tardy clemency. His brother, Thraſimund, was the greateſt and moſt accompliſhed of the Vandal Thraſi⯑mund, A. D. 496. kings, whom he excelled in beauty, prudence, and magnanimity of ſoul. But this magnanimous character was degraded by his intolerant zeal and deceitful clemency. Inſtead of threats and tor⯑tures, he employed the gentle, but efficacious, powers of ſeduction. Wealth, dignity, and the royal favour, were the liberal rewards of apo⯑ſtacy; the Catholics, who had violated the laws, might purchaſe their pardon by the renunciation of their faith; and whenever Thraſimund medi⯑tated any rigorous meaſure, he patiently waited till the indiſcretion of his adverſaries furniſhed him with a ſpecious opportunity. Bigotry was his laſt ſentiment in the hour of death: and he [282] exacted from his ſucceſſor a ſolemn oath, that he would never tolerate the ſectaries of Athana⯑ſius. But his ſucceſſor, Hilderic, the gentle ſon of the ſavage Hunneric, preferred the duties of Hilderic, A. D. 523. humanity and juſtice, to the vain obligation of an impious oath; and his acceſſion was gloriouſly marked by the reſtoration of peace and univerſal freedom. The throne of that virtuous, though feeble monarch, was uſurped by his couſin Geli⯑mer, a zealous Arian: but the Vandal kingdom, Gelimer, A. D. 530. before he could enjoy or abuſe his power, was ſubverted by the arms of Beliſarius; and the orthodox party retaliated the injuries which they had endured ⁸⁹.

The paſſionate declamations of the Catholics, A general view of the perſecu⯑tion in Africa. the ſole hiſtorians of this perſecution, cannot afford any diſtinct ſeries of cauſes and events; any impartial view of characters, or counſels; but the moſt remarkable circumſtances, that de⯑ſerve either credit or notice, may be referred to the following heads: I. In the original law, which is ſtill extant ⁹⁰, Hunneric expreſsly de⯑clares, [283] and the declaration appears to be correct, that he had faithfully tranſcribed the regulations and penalties of the Imperial edicts; againſt the heretical congregations, the clergy, and the people, who diſſented from the eſtabliſhed reli⯑gion. If the rights of conſcience had been un⯑derſtood, the Catholics muſt have condemned their paſt conduct, or acquieſced in their actual ſufferings. But they ſtill perſiſted to refuſe the indulgence which they claimed. While they trembled under the laſh of perſecution, they praiſed the laudable ſeverity of Hunneric himſelf, who burnt or baniſhed great numbers of Ma⯑nichaeans ⁹¹; and they rejected, with horror, the ignominious compromiſe, that the diſciples of Arius, and of Athanaſius, ſhould enjoy a reci⯑procal and ſimilar toleration in the territories of the Romans, and in thoſe of the Vandals ⁹². II. The practice of a conference, which the Ca⯑tholics had ſo frequently uſed to inſult and puniſh their obſtinate antagoniſts, was retorted againſt themſelves ⁹³. At the command of Hunneric, four hundred and ſixty-ſix orthodox biſhops aſſembled at Carthage; but when they were ad⯑mitted [284] into the hall of audience, they had the mortification of beholding the Arian Cirila ex⯑alted on the patriarchal throne. The diſputants were ſeparated, after the mutual and ordinary reproaches of noiſe and ſilence, of delay and precipitation, of military force and of popular clamour. One martyr and one confeſſor were ſelected among the Catholic biſhops; twenty-eight eſcaped by flight, and eighty-eight by con⯑formity; forty-ſix were ſent into Corſica to cut timber for the royal navy; and three hundred and two were baniſhed to the different parts of Africa, expoſed to the inſults of their enemies, and carefully deprived of all the temporal and ſpiritual comforts of life ⁹⁴. The hardſhips of ten years exile muſt have reduced their numbers; and if they had complied with the law of Thra⯑ſimund, which prohibited any epiſcopal conſe⯑crations, the orthodox church of Africa muſt have expired with the lives of its actual members. They diſobeyed; and their diſobedience was pu⯑niſhed by a ſecond exile of two hundred and twenty biſhops into Sardinia; where they lan⯑guiſhed fifteen years, till the acceſſion of the gracious Hilderic ⁹⁵. The two iſlands were judi⯑ciouſly [285] choſen by the malice of their Arian tyrants. Seneca, from his own experience, has deplored and exaggerated the miſerable ſtate of Corſica ⁹⁶, and the plenty of Sardinia was over⯑balanced by the unwholeſome quality of the air ⁹⁷. III. The zeal of Genſeric, and his ſucceſſors, for the converſion of the Catholics, muſt have ren⯑dered them ſtill more jealous to guard the purity of the Vandal faith. Before the churches were finally ſhut, it was a crime to appear in a Bar⯑barian dreſs; and thoſe who preſumed to neglect the royal mandate, were rudely dragged back⯑wards by their long hair ⁹⁸. The Palatine offi⯑cers, who refuſed to profeſs the religion of their prince, were ignominiouſly ſtripped of their ho⯑nours, and employments; baniſhed to Sardinia and Sicily; or condemned to the ſervile labours of ſlaves and peaſants in the fields of Utica. In the diſtricts which had been peculiarly allotted to the Vandals, the exerciſe of the Catholic worſhip was more ſtrictly prohibited; and ſevere penal⯑ties [286] were denounced againſt the guilt, both of the miſſionary, and the proſelyte. By theſe arts, the faith of the Barbarians was preſerved, and their zeal was inflamed: they diſcharged, with devout fury, the office of ſpies, informers, or execu⯑tioners; and whenever their cavalry took the field, it was the favourite amuſement of the march, to defile the churches, and to inſult the clergy of the adverſe faction ⁹⁹. IV. The citizens who had been educated in the luxury of the Ro⯑man province, were delivered, with exquiſite cruelty, to the Moors of the deſert. A vene⯑rable train of biſhops, preſbyters, and deacons, with a faithful crowd of four thouſand and ninety-ſix perſons, whoſe guilt is not preciſely aſcertained, were torn from their native homes, by the command of Hunneric. During the night they were confined, like a herd of cattle, amidſt their own ordure: during the day they purſued their march over the burning ſands; and if they fainted under the heat and fatigue, they were goaded, or dragged along, till they expired in the hands of their tormentors ¹⁰⁰. Theſe un⯑happy exiles, when they reached the Mooriſh huts, might excite the compaſſion of a people, whoſe native humanity was neither improved by reaſon, nor corrupted by fanaticiſm: but if they eſcaped the dangers, they were condemned to [287] ſhare the diſtreſs, of a ſavage life. V. It is in⯑cumbent on the authors of perſecution previouſly to reflect, whether they are determined to ſup⯑port it in the laſt extreme. They excite the flame which they ſtrive to extinguiſh; and it ſoon becomes neceſſary to chaſtiſe the contumacy, as well as the crime, of the offender. The fine, which he is unable or unwilling to diſcharge, expoſes his perſon to the ſeverity of the law; and his contempt of lighter penalties ſuggeſts the uſe and propriety of capital puniſhment. Through the veil of fiction and declamation, we may clearly perceive, that the Catholics, more eſpe⯑cially under the reign of Hunneric, endured the moſt cruel and ignominious treatment ¹⁰¹. Reſpect⯑able citizens, noble matrons, and conſecrated virgins, were ſtripped naked, and raiſed in the air by pullies, with a weight ſuſpended at their feet. In this painful attitude their naked bodies were torn with ſcourges, or burnt in the moſt tender parts with red-hot plates of iron. The amputation of the ears, the noſe, the tongue, and the right-hand, was inflicted by the Arians; and although the preciſe number cannot be defined, it is evident that many perſons, among whom a biſhop ¹⁰² and a proconſul ¹⁰³ may be named, [288] were entitled to the crown of martyrdom. The ſame honour has been aſcribed to the me⯑mory of count Sebaſtian, who profeſſed the Nicene creed with unſhaken conſtancy; and Genſeric might deteſt, as an heretic, the brave and ambitious fugitive whom he dreaded as a rival ¹⁰⁴. VI. A new mode of converſion, which might ſubdue the feeble, and alarm the timorous, was employed by the Arian miniſters. They impoſed, by fraud or violence, the rites of bap⯑tiſm; and puniſhed the apoſtacy of the Catholics, if they diſclaimed this odious and profane cere⯑mony, which ſcandalouſly violated the freedom of the will, and the unity of the ſacrament ¹⁰⁵. The hoſtile ſects had formerly allowed the vali⯑dity of each other's baptiſm; and the innovation, ſo fiercely maintained by the Vandals, can be imputed only to the example and advice of the Donatiſts. VII. The Arian clergy ſurpaſſed, in religious cruelty, the king and his Vandals; but they were incapable of cultivating the ſpiritual vineyard, which they were ſo deſirous to poſſeſs. A patriarch ¹⁰⁶ might ſeat himſelf on the throne of Carthage; ſome biſhops, in the principal cities, might uſurp the place of their rivals; but [289] the ſmallneſs of their numbers, and their igno⯑rance of the Latin language ¹⁰⁷, diſqualified the Barbarians for the eccleſiaſtical miniſtry of a great church; and the Africans, after the loſs of their orthodox paſtors, were deprived of the pub⯑lic exerciſe of Chriſtianity. VIII. The em⯑perors were the natural protectors of the Ho⯑moouſian doctrine: and the faithful people of Africa, both as Romans and as Catholics, pre⯑ferred their lawful ſovereignty to the uſurpation of the Barbarous heretics. During an interval of peace and friendſhip, Hunneric reſtored the cathedral of Carthage; at the interceſſion of Zeno, who reigned in the Eaſt, and of Placidia, the daughter and relict of emperors, and the ſiſter of the queen of the Vandals ¹⁰⁸. But this decent regard was of ſhort duration; and the haughty tyrant diſplayed his contempt for the religion of the Empire, by ſtudiouſly arranging the bloody images of perſecution, in all the principal ſtreets through which the Roman am⯑baſſador muſt paſs in his way to the palace ¹⁰⁹. An oath was required from the biſhops, who were aſſembled at Carthage, that they would ſupport the ſucceſſion of his ſon Hilderic, and [290] that they would renounce all foreign or tranſma⯑rine correſpondence. This engagement, conſiſtent as it ſhould ſeem with their moral and religious duties, was refuſed by the more ſagacious mem⯑bers ¹¹⁰ of the aſſembly. Their refuſal, faintly coloured by the pretence that it is unlawful for a Chriſtian to ſwear, muſt provoke the ſuſpicious of a jealous tyrant.

The Catholics, oppreſſed by royal and military Catholic frauds, force, were far ſuperior to their adverſaries in numbers and learning. With the ſame weapons which the Greek ¹¹¹ and Latin fathers had already provided for the Arian controverſy, they re⯑peatedly ſilenced, or vanquiſhed, the fierce and illiterate ſucceſſors of Ulphilas. The conſciouſ⯑neſs of their own ſuperiority might have raiſed them above the arts, and paſſions, of religious warfare. Yet, inſtead of aſſuming ſuch honourable pride, the orthodox theologians were tempted, by the aſſurance of impunity, to compoſe fictions, which muſt be ſtigmatized with the epithets of fraud and forgery. They aſcribed their own polemical works to the moſt venerable names of Chriſtian antiquity: the characters of Athanaſius [291] and Auguſtin were aukwardly perſonated by Vi⯑gilius and his diſciples ¹¹²; and the famous creed, which ſo clearly expounds the myſteries of the Trinity and the Incarnation, is deduced, with ſtrong probability, from this African ſchool ¹¹³. Even the Scriptures themſelves were profaned by their raſh and ſacrilegious hands. The memo⯑rable text, which aſſerts the unity of the THREE who bear witneſs in heaven ¹¹⁴, is condemned by the univerſal ſilence of the orthodox fathers, ancient verſions, and authentic manuſcripts ¹¹⁵. [292] It was firſt alleged by the Catholic biſhops whom Hunneric ſummoned to the conference of Car⯑thage ¹¹⁶. An allegorical interpretation, in the form, perhaps, of a marginal note, invaded the text of the Latin Bibles, which were renewed and corrected in a dark period of ten centuries ¹¹⁷. After the invention of printing ¹¹⁸, the editors of the Greek Teſtament yielded to their own pre⯑judices, or thoſe of the times ¹¹⁹; and the pious fraud, which was embraced with equal zeal at Rome and at Geneva, has been infinitely mul⯑tiplied [293] in every country and every language of modern Europe.

The example of fraud muſt excite ſuſpicion; and mi⯑racles. and the ſpecious miracles by which the African Catholics have defended the truth and juſtice of their cauſe, may be aſcribed, with more reaſon, to their own induſtry, than to the viſible pro⯑tection of Heaven. Yet the hiſtorian, who views this religious conflict with an impartial eye, may condeſcend to mention one preternatural event, which will edify the devout, and ſurpriſe the in⯑credulous. Tipaſa ¹²⁰, a maritime colony of Mauritania, ſixteen miles to the eaſt of Caeſarea, had been diſtinguiſhed, in every age, by the orthodox zeal of its inhabitants. They had braved the fury of the Donatiſts ¹²¹; they reſiſted, or eluded, the tyranny of the Arians. The town was deſerted on the approach of an heretical biſhop: moſt of the inhabitants who could pro⯑cure ſhips paſſed over to the coaſt of Spain; and the unhappy remnant, refuſing all communion with the uſurper, ſtill preſumed to hold their pious, but illegal, aſſemblies. Their diſobe⯑dience exaſperated the cruelty of Hunneric. A military count was diſpatched from Carthage to Tipaſa: he collected the Catholics in the Forum, and, in the preſence of the whole province, de⯑prived [294] the guilty of their right-hands and their tongues. But the holy confeſſors continued to ſpeak without tongues; and this miracle is at⯑teſted by Victor, an African biſhop, who pub⯑liſhed an hiſtory of the perſecution within two years after the event ¹²². ‘"If any one," ſays Victor, "ſhould doubt of the truth, let him repair to Conſtantinople, and liſten to the clear and perfect language of Reſtitutus, the ſub⯑deacon, one of theſe glorious ſufferers, who is now lodged in the palace of the emperor Zeno, and is reſpected by the devout em⯑preſs."’ At Conſtantinople we are aſtoniſhed to find a cool, a learned, an unexceptionable witneſs, without intereſt, and without paſſion. Aeneas of Gaza, a Platonic philoſopher, has ac⯑curately deſcribed his own obſervations on theſe African ſufferers. ‘"I ſaw them myſelf: I heard them ſpeak: I diligently enquired by what means ſuch an articulate voice could be formed without any organ of ſpeech: I uſed my eyes to examine the report of my ears: I opened their mouth, and ſaw that the whole tongue had been completely torn away by the roots; an opera⯑tion which the phyſicians generally ſuppoſe to be mortal ¹²³."’ The teſtimony of Aeneas of Gaza [295] might be confirmed by the ſuperfluous evidence of the emperor Juſtinian, in a perpetual edict; of count Marcellinus, in his Chronicle of the times; and of Pope Gregory the Firſt, who had reſided at Conſtantinople, as the miniſter of the Roman pontiff ¹²⁴. They all lived within the compaſs of a century; and they all appeal to their perſonal knowledge, or the public notoriety, for the truth of a miracle, which was repeated in ſeveral inſtances, diſplayed on the greateſt theatre of the world, and ſubmitted, during a ſeries of years, to the calm examination of the ſenſes. This ſupernatural gift of the African confeſſors, who ſpoke without tongues, will command the aſſent of thoſe, and of thoſe only, who already believe, that their language was pure and ortho⯑dox. But the ſtubborn mind of an infidel is guarded by ſecret, incurable, ſuſpicion; and the Arian, or Socinian, who has ſeriouſly rejected the doctrine of the Trinity, will not be ſhaken by the moſt plauſible evidence of an Athanaſian miracle.

The Vandals and the Oſtrogoths perſevered in The ruin of Aria⯑niſm a⯑mong the Barba⯑rians, A. D. 500—700. the profeſſion of Arianiſm till the final ruin of the kingdoms which they had founded in Africa and Italy. The Barbarians of Gaul ſubmitted to [296] the orthodox dominion of the Franks; and Spain was reſtored to the Catholic church by the volun⯑tary converſion of the Viſigoths.

This ſalutary revolution ¹²⁵ was haſtened by the Revolt and martyr⯑dom of Hermene⯑gild in Spain, A. D. 577—584. example of a royal martyr, whom our calmer reaſon may ſtyle an ungrateful rebel. Leovigild, the Gothic monarch of Spain, deſerved the reſpect of his enemies, and the love of his ſubjects: the Catholics enjoyed a free toleration, and his Ari⯑an ſynods attempted, without much ſucceſs, to reconcile their ſcruples by aboliſhing the unpo⯑pular rite of a ſecond baptiſm. His eldeſt ſon Hermenegild, who was inveſted by his father with the royal diadem, and the fair principality of Boetica, contracted an honourable and ortho⯑dox alliance with a Merovingian princeſs, the daughter of Sigibert king of Auſtraſia, and of the famous Brunechild. The beauteous Ingun⯑dis, who was no more than thirteen years of age, was received, beloved, and perſecuted, in the Arian court of Toledo; and her religious con⯑ſtancy was alternately aſſaulted with blandiſh⯑ments and violence by Goiſvintha, the Gothic queen, who abuſed the double claim of maternal authority ¹²⁶. Incenſed by her reſiſtance, Goiſ⯑vintha [297] ſeized the Catholic princeſs by her long hair, inhumanly daſhed her againſt the ground, kicked her till ſhe was covered with blood, and at laſt gave orders that ſhe ſhould be ſtripped, and thrown into a baſon, or fiſh-pond ¹²⁷. Love and honour might excite Hermenegild to reſent this injurious treatment of his bride; and he was gradually perſuaded, that Ingundis ſuffered for the cauſe of divine truth. Her tender complaints, and the weighty arguments of Leander, arch⯑biſhop of Seville, accompliſhed his converſion; and the heir of the Gothic monarchy was initiated in the Nicene faith by the ſolemn rites of con⯑firmation ¹²⁸. The raſh youth, inflamed by zeal, and perhaps by ambition, was tempted to violate the duties of a ſon, and a ſubject; and the Ca⯑tholics of Spain, although they could not com⯑plain of perſecution, applauded his pious rebel⯑lion againſt an heretical father. The civil war was protracted by the long and obſtinate ſieges of Merida, Cordova, and Seville, which had ſtre⯑nuouſly eſpouſed the party of Hermenegild. He invited the orthodox Barbarians, the Suevi, and [298] the Franks, to the deſtruction of his native land: he folicited the dangerous aid of the Romans, who poſſeſſed Africa, and a part of the Spaniſh coaſt; and his holy ambaſſador, the archbiſhop Leander, effectually negociated in perſon with the Byzantine court. But the hopes of the Ca⯑tholics were cruſhed by the active diligence of a monarch who commanded the troops and trea⯑ſures of Spain; and the guilty Hermenegild, after his vain attempts to reſiſt or to eſcape, was com⯑pelled to ſurrender himſelf into the hands of an incenſed father. Leovigild was ſtill mindful of that ſacred character; and the rebel, deſpoiled of the regal ornaments, was ſtill permitted, in a decent exile, to profeſs the Catholic religion. His repeated and unſucceſsful treaſons at length provoked the indignation of the Gothic king; and the ſentence of death, which he pronounced with apparent reluctance, was privately executed in the tower of Seville. The inflexible conſtancy with which he refuſed to accept the Arian com⯑munion, as the price of his ſafety, may excuſe the honours that have been paid to the memory of St. Hermenegild. His wife and infant ſon were detained by the Romans in ignominious captivity: and this domeſtic misfortune tarniſh⯑ed the glories of Leovigild, and embittered the laſt moments of his life.

His ſon and ſucceſſor, Recared, the firſt Ca⯑tholic king of Spain, had imbibed the faith of Converſion of Recared and the Viſigoths of Spain, A. D. 586—589. his unfortunate brother, which he ſupported with more prudence and ſucceſs. Inſtead of revolting [299] againſt his father, Recared patiently expected the hour of his death. Inſtead of condemning his memory, he piouſly ſuppoſed, that the dying monarch had abjured the errors of Arianiſm, and recommended to his ſon the converſion of the Gothic nation. To accompliſh that ſalutary end, Recared convened an aſſembly of the Arian clergy and nobles, declared himſelf a Catholic, and ex⯑horted them to imitate the example of their prince. The laborious interpretation of doubtful texts, or the curious purſuit of metaphyſical arguments, would have excited an endleſs controverſy; and the monarch diſcreetly propoſed to his illiterate audience, two ſubſtantial and viſible arguments, the teſtimony of Earth, and of Heaven. The Earth had ſubmitted to the Nicene ſynod: the Romans, the Barbarians, and the inhabitants of Spain, unanimouſly profeſſed the ſame orthodox creed; and the Viſigoths reſiſted, almoſt alone, the conſent of the Chriſtian world. A ſuperſti⯑tious age was prepared to reverence, as the teſti⯑mony of Heaven, the preternatural cures, which were performed by the ſkill or virtue of the Ca⯑tholic clergy; the baptiſmal fonts of Oſſet in Boetica ¹²⁹, which were ſpontaneouſly repleniſhed [300] each year, on the vigil of Eaſter ¹³⁰; and the miraculous ſhrine of St. Martin of Tours, which had already converted the Suevic prince and peo⯑ple of Gallicia ¹³¹. The Catholic king encoun⯑tered ſome difficulties on this important change of the national religion. A conſpiracy, ſecretly fomented by the queen-dowager, was formed againſt his life; and two counts excited a dan⯑gerous revolt in the Narbonneſe Gaul. But Re⯑cared diſarmed the conſpirators, defeated the rebels, and executed ſevere juſtice; which the Arians, in their turn, might brand with the re⯑proach of perſecution. Eight biſhops, whoſe names betray their Barbaric origin, abjured their errors; and all the books of Arian theology were reduced to aſhes, with the houſe in which they had been purpoſely collected. The whole body of the Viſigoths and Suevi were allured or driven into the pale of the Catholic communion; the faith, at leaſt of the riſing generation, was fer⯑vent and ſincere; and the devout liberality of the Barbarians enriched the churches and monaſ⯑teries of Spain. Seventy biſhops, aſſembled in the council of Toledo, received the ſubmiſſion of their conquerors; and the zeal of the Spaniards improved the Nicene creed, by declaring the pro⯑ceſſion [301] of the Holy Ghoſt, from the Son, as well as from the Father; a weighty point of doctrine, which produced, long afterwards, the ſchiſm of the Greek and Latin churches ¹³². The royal proſelyte immediately ſaluted and conſulted pope Gregory, ſurnamed the Great, a learned and holy prelate, whoſe reign was diſtinguiſhed by the converſion of heretics and infidels. The ambaſ⯑ſadors of Recared reſpectfully offered on the threſhold of the Vatican his rich preſents of gold and gems: they accepted, as a lucrative ex⯑change, the hairs of St. John the Baptiſt; a croſs, which incloſed a ſmall piece of the true wood; and a key, that contained ſome particles of iron which had been ſcraped from the chains of St. Peter ¹³³.

The ſame Gregory, the ſpiritual conqueror of Converſion of the Lombards of Italy, A. D. 600, &c. Britain, encouraged the pious Theodelinda, queen of the Lombards, to propagate the Nicene faith among the victorious ſavages, whoſe recent Chriſtianity was polluted by the Arian hereſy. Her devout labours ſtill left room for the induſ⯑try and ſucceſs of future miſſionaries; and many cities of Italy were ſtill diſputed by hoſtile biſhops. But the cauſe of Arianiſm was gradually ſup⯑preſſed by the weight of truth, of intereſt, and of example; and the controverſy, which Egypt had [302] derived from the Platonic ſchool, was terminat⯑ed, after a war of three hundred years, by the final converſion of the Lombards of Italy ¹³⁴.

The firſt miſſionaries who preached the goſpel Perſecu⯑tion of the Jews in Spain, A. D. 612—712. to the Barbarians, appealed to the evidence of reaſon, and claimed the benefit of toleration ¹³⁵. But no ſooner had they eſtabliſhed their ſpiritual dominion, than they exhorted the Chriſtian kings to extirpate, without mercy, the remains of Ro⯑man or Barbaric ſuperſtition. The ſucceſſors of Clovis inflicted one hundred laſhes on the peaſants who refuſed to deſtroy their idols; the crime of ſacrificing to the daemons was puniſhed by the Anglo-Saxon laws with the heavier penalties of impriſonment and confiſcation; and even the wiſe Alfred adopted, as an indiſpenſable duty, the extreme rigour of the Moſaic inſtitutions ¹³⁶. But the puniſhment, and the crime, were gra⯑dually aboliſhed among a Chriſtian people: the theological diſputes of the ſchools were ſuſpend⯑ed by propitious ignorance; and the intolerant ſpirit, which could find neither idolaters nor he⯑retics, [303] was reduced to the perſecution of the Jews. That exiled nation had founded ſome ſynagogues in the cities of Gaul; but Spain, ſince the time of Hadrian, was filled with their numerous colonies ¹³⁷. The wealth which they accumulated by trade, and the management of the finances, invited the pious avarice of their maſters; and they might be oppreſſed without danger, as they had loſt the uſe, and even the re⯑membrance, of arms. Siſebut, a Gothic king, who reigned in the beginning of the ſeventh cen⯑tury, proceeded at once to the laſt extremes of perſecution ¹³⁸. Ninety thouſand Jews were com⯑pelled to receive the ſacrament of baptiſm; the fortunes of the obſtinate infidels were confiſcated, their bodies were tortured; and it ſeems doubt⯑ful whether they were permitted to abandon their native country. The exceſſive zeal of the Ca⯑tholic king was moderated, even by the clergy of Spain, who ſolemnly pronounced an inconſiſtent ſentence: that the ſacraments ſhould not be for⯑cibly impoſed; but that the Jews who had been baptized ſhould be conſtrained, for the honour of the church, to perſevere in the external practice [304] of a religion which they diſbelieved, and deteſted. Their frequent relapſes provoked one of the ſuc⯑ceſſors of Siſebut to baniſh the whole nation from his dominions; and a council of Toledo pub⯑liſhed a decree, that every Gothic king ſhould ſwear to maintain this ſalutary edict. But the tyrants were unwilling to diſmiſs the victims, whom they delighted to torture, or to deprive themſelves of the induſtrious ſlaves, over whom they might exerciſe a lucrative oppreſſion. The Jews ſtill continued in Spain, under the weight of the civil and eccleſiaſtical laws, which in the ſame country have been faithfully tranſcribed in the Code of the Inquiſition. The Gothic kings and biſhops at length diſcovered, that injuries will produce hatred, and that hatred will find the opportunity of revenge. A nation, the ſecret or profeſſed enemies of Chriſtianity, ſtill multiplied in ſervitude, and diſtreſs; and the intrigues of the Jews promoted the rapid ſucceſs of the Ara⯑bian conquerors ¹³⁹.

As ſoon as the Barbarians withdrew their Conclu⯑ſion. powerful ſupport, the unpopular hereſy of Arius ſunk into contempt and oblivion. But the Greeks ſtill retained their ſubtle and loquacious diſpo⯑ſition: the eſtabliſhment of an obſcure doctrine ſuggeſted new queſtions, and new diſputes; and it was always in the power of an ambitious pre⯑late, or a fanatic monk, to violate the peace of [305] the church, and, perhaps, of the empire. The hiſtorian of the empire may overlook thoſe diſ⯑putes which were confined to the obſcurity of ſchools and ſynods. The Manichaeans, who la⯑boured to reconcile the religions of Chriſt and of Zoroaſter, had ſecretly introduced themſelves into the provinces: but theſe foreign ſectaries were involved in the common diſgrace of the Gnoſtics, and the Imperial laws were executed by the pub⯑lic hatred. The rational opinions of the Pela⯑gians were propagated from Britain to Rome, Africa, and Paleſtine, and ſilently expired in a ſuperſtitious age. But the Eaſt was diſtracted by the Neſtorian and Eutychian controverſies; which attempted to explain the myſtery of the incarna⯑tion, and haſtened the ruin of Chriſtianity in her native land. Theſe controverſies were firſt agi⯑tated under the reign of the younger Theodoſius: but their important conſequences extend far be⯑yond the limits of the preſent volume. The me⯑taphyſical chain of argument, the conteſts of ec⯑cleſiaſtical ambition, and their political influence on the decline of the Byzantine empire, may afford an intereſting and inſtructive ſeries of hiſ⯑tory, from the general councils of Epheſus and Chalcedon, to the conqueſt of the Eaſt by the ſucceſſors of Mahomet.

CHAP. XXXVIII. Reign and Converſion of Clovis.—His Victories over the Alemanni, Burgundians, and Viſigoths.—Eſta⯑bliſhment of the French Monarchy in Gaul.—Laws of the Barbarians.—State of the Romans.—The Viſigoths of Spain.—Conqueſt of Britain by the Sax⯑ons.

THE Gauls ¹, who impatiently ſupported the Roman yoke, received a memorable leſſon from one of the lieutenants of Veſpaſian, The revo⯑lution of Gaul. whoſe weighty ſenſe has been refined and expreſſed by the genius of Tacitus ². ‘"The protection of the republic has delivered Gaul from inter⯑nal diſcord, and foreign invaſions. By the loſs of national independence, you have acquir⯑ed the name and privileges of Roman citizens. You enjoy, in common with ourſelves, the permanent benefits of civil government; and your remote ſituation is leſs expoſed to the accidental miſchiefs of tyranny. Inſtead of [307] exerciſing the rights of conqueſt, we have been contented to impoſe ſuch tributes as are requi⯑ſite for your own preſervation. Peace cannot be ſecured without armies; and armies muſt be ſupported at the expence of the people. It is for your ſake, not for our own, that we guard the barrier of the Rhine againſt the ferocious Germans, who have ſo often attempt⯑ed, and who will always deſire, to exchange the ſolitude of their woods and moraſſes for the wealth and fertility of Gaul. The fall of Rome would be fatal to the provinces; and you would be buried in the ruins of that mighty fabric, which has been raiſed by the valour and wiſ⯑dom of eight hundred years. Your imaginary freedom would be inſulted and oppreſſed by a ſavage maſter; and the expulſion of the Ro⯑mans would be ſucceeded by the eternal hoſti⯑lities of the Barbarian conquerors ³."’ This ſalutary advice was accepted, and this ſtrange prediction was accompliſhed. In the ſpace of four hundred years, the hardy Gauls, who had encountered the arms of Caeſar, were impercep⯑tibly melted into the general maſs of citizens and ſubjects: the Weſtern empire was diſſolved; and the Germans, who had paſſed the Rhine, fiercely contended for the poſſeſſion of Gaul, and excited the contempt, or abhorrence, of its peaceful and poliſhed inhabitants. With that conſcious pride [308] which the pre-eminence of knowledge and lux⯑ury ſeldom fails to inſpire, they derided the hairy and gigantic ſavages of the North; their ruſtic manners, diſſonant joy, voracious appetite, and their horrid appearance, equally diſguſting to the ſight and to the ſmell. The liberal ſtudies were ſtill cultivated in the ſchools of Autun and Bor⯑deaux; and the language of Cicero and Virgil was familiar to the Gallic youth. Their ears were aſtoniſhed by the harſh and unknown ſounds of the Germanic dialect, and they ingeniouſly lamented that the trembling muſes fled from the harmony of a Burgundian lyre. The Gauls were endowed with all the advantages of art and nature; but as they wanted courage to defend them, they were juſtly condemned to obey, and even to flat⯑ter, the victorious Barbarians, by whoſe clemency they held their precarious fortunes and their lives ⁴.

As ſoon as Odoacer had extinguiſhed the Weſt⯑ern Euric, king of the Viſigoths, A. D. 476—485. empire, he ſought the friendſhip of the moſt powerful of the Barbarians. The new ſovereign of Italy reſigned to Euric, king of the Viſigoths, all the Roman conqueſts beyond the Alps, as far as the Rhine and the Ocean ⁵: and the ſenate might confirm this liberal gift with ſome oſtenta⯑tion of power, and without any real loſs of reve⯑nue [309] or dominion. The lawful pretenſions of Euric were juſtified by ambition and ſucceſs; and the Gothic nation might aſpire, under his com⯑mand, to the monarchy of Spain and Gaul. Arles and Marſeilles ſurrendered to his arms: he op⯑preſſed the freedom of Auvergne; and the biſhop condeſcended to purchaſe his recal from exile by a tribute of juſt, but reluctant, praiſe. Sidonius waited before the gates of the palace among a crowd of ambaſſadors and ſuppliants; and their various buſineſs at the court of Bordeaux atteſted the power, and the renown, of the king of the Viſigoths. The Heruli of the diſtant ocean, who painted their naked bodies, with its caerulean co⯑lour, implored his protection; and the Saxons reſpected the maritime provinces of a prince, who was deſtitute of any naval force. The tall Bur⯑gundians ſubmitted to his authority; nor did he reſtore the captive Franks, till he had impoſed on that fierce nation the terms of an unequal peace. The Vandals of Africa cultivated his uſeful friend⯑ſhip; and the Oſtrogoths of Pannonia were ſup⯑ported by his powerful aid againſt the oppreſſion of the neighbouring Huns. The North (ſuch are the lofty ſtrains of the poet) was agitated, or ap⯑peaſed, by the nod of Euric; the great king of Perſia conſulted the oracle of the Weſt; and the aged god of the Tyber was protected by the ſwell⯑ing genius of the Garonne ⁶. The fortune of na⯑tions has often depended on accidents; and [310] France may aſcribe her greatneſs to the premature death of the Gothic king, at a time when his ſon Alaric was an helpleſs infant, and his adverſary Clovis ⁷ an ambitious and valiant youth.

While Childeric, the father of Clovis, lived an Clovis, king of the Franks, A. D. 481—511. exile in Germany, he was hoſpitably entertained by the queen as well as by the king, of the Thuringians. After his reſtoration, Baſina eſcaped from her huſband's bed to the arms of her lover; freely declaring, that if ſhe had known a man wiſer, ſtronger, or more beautiful, than Chil⯑deric, that man ſhould have been the object or her preference ⁸. Clovis was the offspring of this voluntary union; and, when he was no more than fifteen years of age, he ſucceeded, by his father's death, to the command of the Salian tribe. The narrow limits of his kingdom ⁹ were confined to the iſland of the Batavians, with the ancient dio⯑ceſes of Tournay and Arras ¹⁰; and at the bap⯑tiſm [311] of Clovis, the number of his warriors could not exceed five thouſand. The kindred tribes of the Franks, who had ſeated themſelves along the Belgic rivers, the Scheld, the Meuſe, the Mo⯑ſelle, and the Rhine, were governed by their in⯑dependent kings, of the Merovingian race; the equals, the allies, and ſometimes the enemies, of the Salic prince. But the Germans, who obeyed, in peace, the hereditary juriſdiction of their chiefs, were free to follow the ſtandard of a popular and victorious general; and the ſuperior merit of Clovis attracted the reſpect and allegiance of the national confederacy. When he firſt took the field, he had neither gold and ſilver in his coffers, nor wine and corn in his magazines ¹¹: but he imitated the example of Caeſar, who, in the ſame country, had acquired wealth by the ſword, and purchaſed ſoldiers with the fruits of conqueſt. After each ſucceſsful battle or expedition, the ſpoils were accumulated in one common maſs; every warrior received his proportionable ſhare, and the royal prerogative ſubmitted to the equal regula⯑tions of military law. The untamed ſpirit of the Barbarians was taught to acknowledge the ad⯑vantages of regular diſcipline ¹². At the annual re⯑view [312] of the month of March, their arms were diligently inſpected; and when they traverſed a peaceful territory, they were prohibited from touching a blade of graſs. The juſtice of Clovis was inexorable; and his careleſs or diſobedient ſoldiers were puniſhed with inſtant death. It would be ſuperfluous to praiſe the valour of a Frank: but the valour of Clovis was directed by cool and conſummate prudence ¹³. In all his tranſactions with mankind, he calculated the weight of intereſt, of paſſion, and of opinion; and his meaſures were ſometimes adapted to the ſanguinary manners of the Germans, and ſome⯑times moderated by the milder genius of Rome, and Chriſtianity. He was intercepted in the career of victory, ſince he died in the forty-fifth year of his age: but he had already accompliſhed, in a reign of thirty years, the eſtabliſhment of the French monarchy in Gaul.

The firſt exploit of Clovis was the defeat of His victory over Sya⯑grius, A. D. 486. Syagrius, the ſon of Aegidius; and the public quarrel might, on this occaſion, be inflamed by private reſentment. The glory of the father ſtill inſulted the Merovingian race; the power of the ſon might excite the jealous ambition of the king of the Franks. Syagrius inherited, as a patrimo⯑nial eſtate, the city and dioceſe of Soiſſons: the deſolate remnant of the ſecond Belgic, Rheims and Troyes, Beauvais and Amiens, would na⯑turally [313] ſubmit to the count or patrician ¹⁴; and after the diſſolution of the Weſtern empire, he might reign with the title, or at leaſt with the authority, of king of the Romans ¹⁵. As a Ro⯑man, he had been educated in the liberal ſtudies of rhetoric and juriſprudence; but he was en⯑gaged by accident and policy in the familiar uſe of the Germanic idiom. The independent Bar⯑barians reſorted to the tribunal of a ſtranger, who poſſeſſed the ſingular talent of explaining, in their native tongue, the dictates of reaſon and equity. The diligence and affability of their judge ren⯑dered him popular, the impartial wiſdom of his decrees obtained their voluntary obedience, and the reign of Syagrius over the Franks and Bur⯑gundians, ſeemed to revive the original inſtitu⯑tion of civil ſociety ¹⁶. In the midſt of theſe peaceful occupations, Syagrius received, and boldly accepted, the hoſtile defiance of Clovis; who challenged his rival, in the ſpirit, and al⯑moſt in the language, of chivalry, to appoint the [314] day, and the field ¹⁷, of battle. In the time of Caeſar, Soiſſons would have poured forth a body of fifty thouſand horſe; and ſuch an army might have been plentifully ſupplied with ſhields, cui⯑raſſes, and military engines, from the three arſenals, or manufactures, of the city ¹⁸. But the courage and numbers of the Gallic youth were long ſince exhauſted; and the looſe bands of vo⯑lunteers, or mercenaries, who marched under the ſtandard of Syagrius, were incapable of contend⯑ing with the national valour of the Franks. It would be ungenerous, without ſome more accu⯑rate knowledge of his ſtrength and reſources, to condemn the rapid flight of Syagrius, who eſcaped, after the loſs of a battle, to the diſtant court of Thoulouſe. The feeble minority of Alaric could not aſſiſt, or protect, an unfortunate fugitive; the puſillanimous ¹⁹ Goths were intimidated by the menaces of Clovis; and the Roman king, after a ſhort confinement, was delivered into the hands of the executioner. The Belgic cities ſurrendered to the king of the Franks; and his dominions [315] were enlarged towards the Eaſt by the ample dio⯑ceſe of Tongres ²⁰, which Clovis ſubdued in the tenth year of his reign.

The name of the Alemanni has been abſurdly Defeat and ſubmiſſion of the Alemanni, A. D. 496. derived from their imaginary ſettlement on the banks of the Leman lake ²¹. That fortunate diſtrict, from the lake to Avenche, and Mount Jura, was occupied by the Burgundians ²². The northern parts of Helvetia had indeed been ſub⯑dued by the ferocious Alemanni, who deſtroyed with their own hands the fruits of their conqueſt. A province, improved and adorned by the arts of Rome, was again reduced to a ſavage wilderneſs; and ſome veſtige of the ſtately Vindoniſſa may ſtill be diſcovered in the fertile and populous val⯑ley of the Aar ²³. From the ſource of the Rhine, [316] to its conflux with the Mein and the Moſelle, the formidable ſwarms of the Alemanni commanded either ſide of the river, by the right of ancient poſſeſſion, or recent victory. They had ſpread themſelves into Gaul, over the modern provinces of Alſace and Lorraine; and their bold invaſion of the kingdom of Cologne ſummoned the Salic prince to the defence of his Ripuarian allies. Clovis encountered the invaders of Gaul in the plain of Tolbiac, about twenty-four miles from Cologne; and the two fierceſt nations of Germany were mutually animated by the memory of paſt ex⯑ploits, and the proſpect of future greatneſs. The Franks, after an obſtinate ſtruggle, gave way; and the Alemanni, raiſing a ſhout of victory, im⯑petuouſly preſſed their retreat. But the battle was reſtored by the valour, the conduct, and perhaps by the piety, of Clovis; and the event of the bloody day decided for ever the alternative of empire or ſervitude. The laſt king of the Alemanni was ſlain in the field, and his people was ſlaughtered and purſued, till they threw down their arms, and yielded to the mercy of the con⯑queror. Without diſcipline it was impoſſible for them to rally; they had contemptuouſly demo⯑liſhed the walls and fortifications which might have protected their diſtreſs; and they were fol⯑lowed into the heart of their foreſts, by an enemy, [317] not leſs active, or intrepid, than themſelves. The great Theodoric congratulated the victory of Clovis, whoſe ſiſter Albofleda the king of Italy had lately married; but he mildly interceded with his brother in favour of the ſuppliants and fugitives, who had implored his protection. The Gallic territories, which were poſſeſſed by the Alemanni, became the prize of their con⯑queror; and the haughty nation, invincible, or rebellious, to the arms of Rome, acknowledged the ſovereignty of the Merovingian kings, who graciouſly permitted them to enjoy their peculiar manners and inſtitutions, under the government of official, and, at length, of hereditary, dukes. After the conqueſt of the Weſtern provinces, the Franks alone maintained their ancient habitations beyond the Rhine. They gradually ſubdued, and civiliſed, the exhauſted countries, as far as the Elbe, and the mountains of Bohemia; and the peace of Europe was ſecured by the obedience of Germany ²⁴.

Till the thirtieth year of his age, Clovis con⯑tinued Converſion of Clovis, A. D. 496. to worſhip the gods of his anceſtors ²⁵. [318] His diſbelief, or rather diſregard, of Chriſtianity, might encourage him to pillage with leſs remorſe the churches of an hoſtile territory: but his ſub⯑jects of Gaul enjoyed the free exerciſe of religious worſhip; and the biſhops entertained a more fa⯑vourable hope of the idolater, than of the here⯑tics. The Merovingian prince had contracted a fortunate alliance with the fair Clotilda, the niece of the king of Burgundy, who, in the midſt of an Arian court, was educated in the profeſſion of the Catholic faith. It was her intereſt, as well as her duty, to atchieve the converſion ²⁶ of a Pagan huſband; and Clovis inſenſibly liſtened to the voice of love and religion. He conſented (per⯑haps ſuch terms had been previouſly ſtipulated) to the baptiſm of his eldeſt ſon; and though the ſudden death of the infant excited ſome ſuper⯑ſtitious fears, he was perſuaded, a ſecond time, to repeat the dangerous experiment. In the diſtreſs of the battle of Tolbiac, Clovis loudly invoked the god of Clotilda and the Chriſtians; and vic⯑tory diſpoſed him to hear, with reſpectful grati⯑tude, [319] the eloquent ²⁷ Remigius ²⁸, biſhop of Rheims, who forcibly diſplayed the temporal and ſpiritual advantages of his converſion. The king declared himſelf ſatisfied of the truth of the Ca⯑tholic faith; and the political reaſons which might have ſuſpended his public profeſſion, were re⯑moved by the devout or loyal acclamations of the Franks, who ſhewed themſelves alike prepared to follow their heroic leader, to the field of battle, or to the baptiſmal font. The important ceremony was performed in the cathedral of Rheims, with every circumſtance of magnificence and ſolemnity, that could impreſs an awful ſenſe of religion on the minds of its rude proſelytes ²⁹. The new Con⯑ſtantine was immediately baptiſed, with three thouſand of his warlike ſubjects; and their ex⯑ample [320] was imitated by the remainder of the gentle Barbarians, who, in obedience to the victorious prelate, adored the croſs which they had burnt, and burnt the idols which they had formerly adored ³⁰. The mind of Clovis was ſuſceptible of tranſient fervour: he was exaſperated by the pa⯑thetic tale of the paſſion and death of Chriſt; and, inſtead of weighing the ſalutary conſequences of that myſterious ſacrifice, he exclaimed with in⯑diſcreet fury, ‘"Had I been preſent at the head of my valiant Franks, I would have revenged his injuries ³¹."’ But the ſavage conqueror of Gaul was incapable of examining the proofs of a religion, which depends on the laborious inveſti⯑gation of hiſtoric evidence, and ſpeculative theo⯑logy. He was ſtill more incapable of feeling the mild influence of the goſpel, which perſuades and purifies the heart of a genuine convert. His am⯑bitious reign was a perpetual violation of moral and Chriſtian duties; his hands were ſtained with blood, in peace as well as in war; and, as ſoon as Clovis had diſmiſſed a ſynod of the Galli⯑can church, he calmly aſſaſſinated all the princes of the Merovingian race ³². Yet the king of the [321] Franks might ſincerely worſhip the Chriſtian God, as a Being more excellent and powerful than his national deities; and the ſignal deliverance and victory of Tolbiac encouraged Clovis to con⯑fide in the future protection of the Lord of Hoſts. Martin, the moſt popular of the ſaints, had filled the Weſtern world with the fame of thoſe miracles, which were inceſſantly performed at his holy ſe⯑pulchre of Tours. His viſible or inviſible aid promoted the cauſe of a liberal and orthodox prince; and the profane remark of Clovis him⯑ſelf, that St. Martin was an expenſive friend ³³, need not be interpreted as the ſymptom of any permanent, or rational, ſcepticiſm. But earth, as well as heaven, rejoiced in the converſion of the Franks. On the memorable day, when Clovis aſcended from the baptiſmal font, he alone, in the Chriſtian world, deſerved the name and pre⯑rogatives of a Catholic king. The emperor Anaſtaſius entertained ſome dangerous errors con⯑cerning the nature of the divine incarnation; and the Barbarians of Italy, Africa, Spain, and Gaul were involved in the Arian hereſy. The eldeſt, or rather the only, ſon of the church, was ac⯑knowledged by the clergy as their lawful ſove⯑reign, [322] or glorious deliverer; and the arms of Clovis were ſtrenuouſly ſupported by the zeal and favour of the Catholic faction ³⁴.

Under the Roman empire, the wealth and ju⯑riſdiction Submiſſion of the Ar⯑moricans and the Roman troops, A. D. 497, &c. of the biſhops, their ſacred character, and perpetual office, their numerous dependents, popular eloquence, and provincial aſſemblies, had rendered them always reſpectable, and ſome⯑times dangerous. Their influence was aug⯑mented with the progreſs of ſuperſtition, and the eſtabliſhment of the French monarchy may, in ſome degree, be aſcribed to the firm alliance of an hundred prelates, who reigned in the diſcon⯑tented, or independent, cities of Gaul. The ſlight foundations of the Armorican republic had been repeatedly ſhaken, or overthrown; but the ſame people ſtill guarded their domeſtic freedom; aſſerted the dignity of the Roman name; and bravely reſiſted the predatory inroads, and regular attacks, of Clovis, who laboured to extend his conqueſts from the Seine to the Loire. Their ſucceſsful oppoſition introduced an equal and honourable union. The Franks eſteemed the va⯑lour of the Armoricans ³⁵, and the Armoricans [323] were reconciled by the religion of the Franks. The military force, which had been ſtationed for the defence of Gaul, conſiſted of one hundred dif⯑ferent bands of cavalry or infantry; and theſe troops, while they aſſumed the title and privileges of Roman ſoldiers, were renewed by an inceſſant ſupply of the Barbarian youth. The extreme for⯑tifications, and ſcattered fragments, of the em⯑pire, were ſtill defended by their hopeleſs courage. But their retreat was intercepted, and their com⯑munication was impracticable: they were aban⯑doned by the Greek princes of Conſtantinople, and they piouſly diſclaimed all connection with the Arian uſurpers of Gaul. They accepted, without ſhame or reluctance, the generous capitulation, which was propoſed by a Catholic hero; and this ſpurious, or legitimate, progeny of the Roman legions, was diſtinguiſhed in the ſucceeding age by their arms, their enſigns, and their peculiar dreſs and inſtitutions. But the national ſtrength was increaſed by theſe powerful and voluntary ac⯑ceſſions; and the neighbouring kingdoms dread⯑ed the numbers, as well as the ſpirit, of the Franks. The reduction of the Northern pro⯑vinces of Gaul, inſtead of being decided by the chance of a ſingle battle, appears to have been ſlowly effected by the gradual operation of war and treaty; and Clovis acquired each object of his ambition, by ſuch efforts, or ſuch conceſ⯑ſions, as were adequate to its real value. His ſavage character, and the virtues of Henry IV. ſuggeſt the moſt oppoſite ideas of human nature: yet ſome reſemblance may be found in the ſitua⯑tion [324] of two princes, who conquered France by their valour, their policy, and the merits of a ſeaſonable converſion ³⁶.

The kingdom of the Burgundians, which was defined by the courſe of two Gallic rivers, the The Bur⯑gundian war, A. D. 499. Saone and the Rhône, extended from the foreſt of Voſges to the Alps and the ſea of Marſeilles ³⁷. The ſceptre was in the hands of Gundobald. That valiant and ambitious prince had reduced the number of royal candidates by the death of two brothers, one of whom was the father of Clo⯑tilda ³⁸; but his imperfect prudence ſtill permitted Godegeſil, the youngeſt of his brothers, to poſſeſs the dependent principality of Geneva. The Arian monarch was juſtly alarmed by the ſatisfaction, and the hopes, which ſeemed to animate his [325] clergy and people, after the converſion of Clovis; and Gundobald convened at Lyons an aſſembly of his biſhops, to reconcile, if it were poſſible, their religious and political diſcontents. A vain con⯑ference was agitated between the two factions. The Arians upbraided the Catholics with the worſhip of three Gods: the Catholics defended their cauſe by theological diſtinctions; and the uſual arguments, objections, and replies, were reverberated with obſtinate clamour; till the king revealed his ſecret apprehenſions, by an abrupt but deciſive queſtion, which he addreſſed to the orthodox biſhops. ‘"If you truly profeſs the Chriſtian religion, why do you not reſtrain the king of the Franks? He has declared war againſt me, and forms alliances with my ene⯑mies for my deſtruction. A ſanguinary and covetous mind is not the ſymptom of a ſincere converſion: let him ſhew his faith by his works."’ The anſwer of Avitus, biſhop of Vienna, who ſpoke in the name of his brethren, was delivered with the voice and countenance of an angel. ‘"We are ignorant of the motives and intentions of the king of the Franks: but we are taught by ſcripture, that the kingdoms which abandon the divine law, are frequently ſubverted; and that enemies will ariſe on every ſide againſt thoſe who have made God their enemy. Return, with thy people, to the law of God, and he will give peace and ſecurity to thy dominions."’ The king of Burgundy, who was not prepared to accept the condition, which the Catholics conſidered as eſſential to the treaty, [326] delayed and diſmiſſed the eccleſiaſtical conference; after reproaching his biſhops, that Clovis, their friend and proſelyte, had privately tempted the allegiance of his brother ³⁹.

The allegiance of his brother was already ſe⯑duced; Victory of Clovis, A. D. 500. and the obedience of Godegeſil, who joined the royal ſtandard with the troops of Ge⯑neva, more effectually promoted the ſucceſs of the conſpiracy. While the Franks and Burgun⯑dians contended with equal valour, his ſeaſon⯑able deſertion decided the event of the battle; and as Gundobald was faintly ſupported by the diſaffected Gauls, he yielded to the arms of Clo⯑vis, and haſtily retreated from the field, which appears to have been ſituate between Langres and Dijon. He diſtruſted the ſtrength of Dijon, a quadrangular fortreſs, encompaſſed by two ri⯑vers, and by a wall thirty feet high, and fifteen thick, with four gates, and thirty-three towers ⁴⁰: he abandoned to the purſuit of Clovis the im⯑portant cities of Lyons and Vienna; and Gundo⯑bald ſtill fled with precipitation, till he had reached Avignon, at the diſtance of two hundred and fifty miles from the field of battle. A long [327] ſiege, and an artful negociation, admoniſhed the king of the Franks of the danger and difficulty of his enterpriſe. He impoſed a tribute on the Bur⯑gundian prince, compelled him to pardon and reward his brother's treachery, and proudly re⯑turned to his own dominions, with the ſpoils and captives of the ſouthern provinces. This ſplen⯑did triumph was ſoon clouded by the intelligence, that Gundobald had violated his recent obliga⯑tions, and that the unfortunate Godegeſil, who was left at Vienna with a garriſon of five thou⯑ſand Franks ⁴¹, had been beſieged, ſurpriſed, and maſſacred, by his inhuman brother. Such an outrage might have exaſperated the patience of the moſt peaceful ſovereign; yet the conqueror of Gaul diſſembled the injury, releaſed the tri⯑bute, and accepted the alliance, and military ſervice, of the king of Burgundy. Clovis no longer poſſeſſed thoſe advantages which had aſ⯑ſured the ſucceſs of the preceding war; and his rival, inſtructed by adverſity, had found new re⯑ſources in the affections of his people. The Gauls or Romans applauded the mild and impar⯑tial laws of Gundobald, which almoſt raiſed them to the ſame level with their conquerors. The biſhops were reconciled, and flattered, by the hopes, which he artfully ſuggeſted, of his ap⯑proaching converſion; and though he eluded their [328] accompliſhment to the laſt moment of his life; his moderation ſecured the peace, and ſuſpended the ruin, of the kingdom of Burgundy ⁴².

I am impatient to purſue the final ruin of that Final con⯑queſt of Burgundy by the Franks, A. D. 532. kingdom, which was accompliſhed under the reign of Sigiſmond, the ſon of Gundobald. The Catholic Sigiſmond has acquired the honours of a ſaint and martyr ⁴³; but the hands of the royal ſaint were ſtained with the blood of his innocent ſon, whom he inhumanly ſacrificed to the pride and reſentment of a ſtepmother. He ſoon diſ⯑covered his error, and bewailed the irreparable loſs. While Sigiſmond embraced the corpſe of the unfortunate youth, he received a ſevere ad⯑monition from one of his attendants: ‘"It is not his ſituation, O king! it is thine which de⯑ſerves pity and lamentation."’ The reproaches of a guilty conſcience were alleviated, however, by his liberal donations to the monaſtery of Agau⯑num, or St. Maurice, in Vallais; which he him⯑ſelf had founded in honour of the imaginary mar⯑tyrs of the Thebaean legion ⁴⁴. A full chorus of [329] perpetual pſalmody was inſtituted by the pious king; he aſſiduouſly practiſed the auſtere devo⯑tion of the monks; and it was his humble prayer, that heaven would inflict in this world the pu⯑niſhment of his ſins. His prayer was heard: the avengers were at hand; and the provinces of Bur⯑gundy were overwhelmed by an army of victo⯑rious Franks. After the event of an unſucceſsful battle, Sigiſmond, who wiſhed to protract his life that he might prolong his pennance, con⯑cealed himſelf in the deſert in a religious habit, till he was diſcovered and betrayed by his ſub⯑jects, who ſolicited the favour of their new maſ⯑ters. The captive monarch, with his wife and two children, was tranſported to Orleans, and buried alive in a deep well, by the ſtern com⯑mand of the ſons of Clovis; whoſe cruelty might derive ſome excuſe from the maxims and exam⯑ples of their barbarous age. Their ambition, which urged them to atchieve the conqueſt of Burgundy, was inflamed, or diſguiſed, by filial piety: and Clotilda, whoſe ſanctity did not con⯑ſiſt in the forgiveneſs of injuries, preſſed them to revenge her father's death on the family of his aſſaſſin. The rebellious Burgundians, for they at⯑tempted to break their chains, were ſtill permit⯑ted to enjoy their national laws under the obliga⯑tion of tribute and military ſervice; and the Me⯑rovingian [330] princes peaceably reigned over a king⯑dom, whoſe glory and greatneſs had been firſt overthrown by the arms of Clovis ⁴⁵.

The firſt victory of Clovis had inſulted the ho⯑nour of the Goths. They viewed his rapid pro⯑greſs The Go⯑thic war, A. D. 507. with jealouſy and terror; and the youthful fame of Alaric was oppreſſed by the more potent genius of his rival. Some diſputes inevitably aroſe on the edge of their contiguous dominions; and after the delays of fruitleſs negociation, a per⯑ſonal interview of the two kings was propoſed and accepted. This conference of Clovis and Alaric was held in a ſmall iſland of the Loire, near Amboiſe. They embraced, familiarly con⯑verſed, and feaſted together; and ſeparated with the warmeſt profeſſions of peace, and brotherly love. But their apparent confidence concealed a dark ſuſpicion of hoſtile and treacherous de⯑ſigns; and their mutual complaints ſolicited, eluded, and diſclaimed, a final arbitration. At Paris, which he already conſidered as his royal ſeat, Clovis declared to an aſſembly of the princes and warriors, the pretence, and the motive, of a Gothic war. ‘"It grieves me to ſee that the Arians ſtill poſſeſs the faireſt portion of Gaul. Let us march againſt them with the aid of God; and, having vanquiſhed the heretics, we will poſſeſs, and divide, their fertile pro⯑vinces ⁴⁶."’ [331] The Franks, who were inſpired by hereditary valour and recent zeal, applauded the generous deſign of their monarch; expreſſed their reſolution to conquer or die, ſince death and conqueſt would be equally profitable; and ſolemnly proteſted that they would never ſhave their beards, till victory ſhould abſolve them from that inconvenient vow. The enterpriſe was pro⯑moted by the public, or private, exhortations of Clotilda. She reminded her huſband, how ef⯑fectually ſome pious foundation would propitiate the Deity, and his ſervants: and the Chriſtian hero, darting his battle axe with a ſkilful and nervous hand, ‘"There (ſaid he), on that ſpot where my Franciſca ⁴⁷ ſhall fall, will I erect a church in honour of the holy apoſtles."’ This oſtentatious piety confirmed and juſtified the at⯑tachment of the Catholics, with whom he ſecretly correſponded; and their devout wiſhes were gra⯑dually ripened into a formidable conſpiracy. The people of Aquitain was alarmed by the indiſcreet reproaches of their Gothic tyrants, who juſtly ac⯑cuſed them of preferring the dominion of the [332] Franks; and their zealous adherent Quintianus, biſhop of Rodez ⁴⁸, preached more forcibly in his exile than in his dioceſe. To reſiſt theſe foreign and domeſtic enemies, who were fortified by the alliance of the Burgundians, Alaric collected his troops, far more numerous than the military powers of Clovis. The Viſigoths reſumed the exerciſe of arms, which they had neglected in a long and luxurious peace ⁴⁹: a ſelect band of va⯑liant and robuſt ſlaves attended their maſters to the field ⁵⁰; and the cities of Gaul were com⯑pelled to furniſh their doubtful and reluctant aid. Theodoric, king of the Oſtrogoths, who reigned in Italy, had laboured to maintain the tranquil⯑lity of Gaul; and he aſſumed, or affected for that purpoſe, the impartial character of a mediator. But the ſagacious monarch dreaded the riſing empire of Clovis, and he was firmly engaged to ſupport the national and religious cauſe of the Goths.

[333] The accidental, or artificial, prodigies which adorned the expedition of Clovis, were accepted by a ſuperſtitious age, as the manifeſt declaration Victory of Clovis, A. D. 507. of the Divine favour. He marched from Paris; and as he proceeded with decent reverence through the holy dioceſe of Tours, his anxiety tempted him to conſult the ſhrine of St. Mar⯑tin, the ſanctuary, and the oracle of Gaul. His meſſengers were inſtructed to remark the words of the Pſalm, which ſhould happen to be chaunt⯑ed at the preciſe moment when they entered the church. Thoſe words moſt fortunately expreſſed the valour and victory of the champions of Hea⯑ven, and the application was eaſily transferred to the new Joſhua, the new Gideon, who went forth to battle againſt the enemies of the Lord ⁵¹. Orleans ſecured to the Franks a bridge on the Loire; but, at the diſtance of forty miles from Poitiers, their progreſs was intercepted by an ex⯑traordinary ſwell of the river Vigenna, or Vienne; and the oppoſite banks were covered by the encampment of the Viſigoths. Delay muſt be always dangerous to Barbarians, who conſume the country through which they march; and had Clovis poſſeſſed leiſure and materials, it might [334] have been impracticable to conſtruct a bridge, or to force a paſſage, in the face of a ſuperior enemy. But the affectionate peaſants, who were impatient to welcome their deliverer, could eaſily betray ſome unknown, or unguarded, ford: the merit of the diſcovery was enhanced by the uſeful in⯑terpoſition of fraud or fiction; and a white hart, of ſingular ſize and beauty, appeared to guide and animate the march of the Catholic army. The counſels of the Viſigoths were irreſolute and diſtracted. A crowd of impatient warriors, pre⯑ſumptuous in their ſtrength, and diſdaining to ſly before the robbers of Germany, excited Ala⯑ric to aſſert in arms the name and blood of the conqueror of Rome. The advice of the graver chieftains preſſed him to elude the firſt ardour of the Franks; and to expect, in the ſouthern provinces of Gaul, the veteran and victorious Oſtrogoths, whom the king of Italy had already ſent to his aſſiſtance. The deciſive moments were waſted in idle deliberation; the Goths too haſtily abandoned, perhaps, an advantageous poſt; and the opportunity of a ſecure retreat was loſt by their ſlow and diſorderly motions. After Clo⯑vis had paſſed the ford, as it is ſtill named, of the Hart, he advanced with bold and haſty ſteps to prevent the eſcape of the enemy. His nocturnal march was directed by a flaming meteor, ſuſpend⯑ed in the air above the cathedral of Poitiers; and this ſignal, which might be previouſly concerted with the orthodox ſucceſſor of St. Hilary, was compared to the column of fire that guided the [335] Iſraelites in the deſert. At the third hour of the day, about ten miles beyond Poitiers, Clovis overtook, and inſtantly attacked, the Gothic army; whoſe defeat was already prepared by ter⯑ror and confuſion. Yet they rallied in their ex⯑treme diſtreſs, and the martial youths, who had clamorouſly demanded the battle, refuſed to ſurvive the ignominy of flight. The two kings encountered each other in ſingle combat. Alaric fell by the hand of his rival; and the victorious Frank was ſaved by the goodneſs of his cuiraſs, and the vigour of his horſe, from the ſpears of two deſperate Goths, who furiouſly rode againſt him, to revenge the death of their ſovereign. The vague expreſſion of a mountain of the ſlain, ſerves to indicate a cruel, though indefinite, ſlaughter; but Gregory has carefully obſerved, that his valiant countryman Apollinaris, the ſon of Sidonius, loſt his life at the head of the nobles of Auvergne. Perhaps theſe ſuſpected Catholics had been maliciouſly expoſed to the blind aſſault of the enemy; and perhaps the influence of reli⯑gion was ſuperſeded by perſonal attachment, or military honour ⁵².

Such is the empire of Fortune (if we may ſtill Conqueſt of Aqui⯑tain by the Franks, A. D. 508. diſguiſe our ignorance under that popular name), [336] that it is almoſt equally difficult to foreſee the events of war, or to explain their various con⯑ſequences. A bloody and complete victory has ſometimes yielded no more than the poſſeſſion of the field; and the loſs of ten thouſand men has ſometimes been ſufficient to deſtroy, in a ſingle day, the work of ages. The deciſive battle of Poitiers was followed by the conqueſt of Aqui⯑tain. Alaric had left behind him an infant ſon, a baſtard competitor, factious nobles, and a diſ⯑loyal people; and the remaining forces of the Goths were oppreſſed by the general conſterna⯑tion, or oppoſed to each other in civil diſcord. The victorious king of the Franks proceeded without delay to the ſiege of Angoulême. At the ſound of his trumpets the walls of the city imitated the example of Jericho, and inſtantly fell to the ground; a ſplendid miracle, which may be reduced to the ſuppoſition, that ſome clerical engineers had ſecretly undermined the foundations of the rampart ⁵³. At Bordeaux, which had ſubmitted without reſiſtance, Clovis eſtabliſhed his winter-quarters; and his prudent oeconomy tranſported from Thoulouſe the royal treaſures, which were depoſited in the capital of the monarchy. The conqueror penetrated as far as the confines of Spain ⁵⁴; reſtored the honours [337] of the Catholic church; fixed in Aquitain a colony of Franks ⁵⁵; and delegated to his lieu⯑tenants the eaſy taſk of ſubduing, or extirpating, the nation of the Viſigoths. But the Viſigoths were protected by the wiſe and powerful monarch of Italy. While the balance was ſtill equal, Theodoric had perhaps delayed the march of the Oſtrogoths; but their ſtrenuous efforts ſucceſs⯑fully reſiſted the ambition of Clovis; and the army of the Franks, and their Burgundian allies, was compelled to raiſe the ſiege of Arles, with the loſs, as it is ſaid, of thirty thouſand men. Theſe viciſſitudes inclined the fierce ſpirit of Clovis to acquieſce in an advantageous treaty of peace. The Viſigoths were ſuffered to retain the poſſeſ⯑ſion of Septimania, a narrow tract of ſea-coaſt, from the Rhone to the Pyrenees; but the ample province of Aquitain, from thoſe mountains to the Loire, was indiſſolubly united to the kingdom of France ⁵⁶.

[338] After the ſucceſs of the Gothic war, Clovic ac⯑cepted the honours of the Roman conſulſhip. The emperor Anaſtaſius ambitiouſly beſtowed on Conſulſhip of Clovis, A. D. 510. the moſt powerful rival of Theodoric, the title and enſigns of that eminent dignity; yet, from ſome unknown cauſe, the name of Clovis has not been inſcribed in the Faſti either of the Eaſt or Weſt ⁵⁷. On the ſolemn day, the monarch of Gaul, placing a diadem on his head, was in⯑veſted, in the church of St. Martin, with a purple tunic and mantle. From thence he proceeded on horſeback to the cathedral of Tours; and, as he paſſed through the ſtreets, profuſely ſcattered, with his own hand, a donative of gold and ſilver to the joyful multitude, who inceſſantly repeated their acclamations of Conſul and Auguſtus. The actual, or legal authority of Clovis, could not receive any new acceſſions from the conſular dig⯑nity. It was a name, a ſhadow, an empty pa⯑geant; and, if the conqueror had been inſtructed [339] to claim the ancient prerogatives of that high of⯑fice, they muſt have expired with the period of its annual duration. But the Romans were diſ⯑poſed to revere, in the perſon of their maſter, that antique title, which the emperors conde⯑ſcended to aſſume: the Barbarian himſelf ſeemed to contract a ſacred obligation to reſpect the majeſty of the republic; and the ſucceſſors of Theodoſius, by ſoliciting his friendſhip, tacitly forgave, and almoſt ratified, the uſurpation of Gaul.

Twenty-five years after the death of Clovis, Final eſta⯑bliſhment of the French monarchy in Gaul, A. D. 536. this important conceſſion was more formally de⯑clared, in a treaty between his ſons and the em⯑peror Juſtinian. The Oſtrogoths of Italy, un⯑able to defend their diſtant acquiſitions, had re⯑ſigned to the Franks the cities of Arles and Mar⯑ſeilles: of Arles, ſtill adorned with the ſeat of a Praetorian praefect; and of Marſeilles, enriched by the advantages of trade and navigation ⁵⁸. This tranſaction was confirmed by the Imperial authority; and Juſtinian, generouſly yielding to the Franks the ſovereignty of the countries be⯑yond the Alps, which they already poſſeſſed, ab⯑ſolved the provincials from their allegiance; and eſtabliſhed on a more lawful, though not more ſolid, foundation, the throne of the Merovingians ⁵⁹. [340] From that aera, they enjoyed the right of cele⯑brating at Arles, the games of the Circus; and by a ſingular privilege, which was denied even to the Perſian monarch, the gold coin, impreſſed with their name and image, obtained a legal currency in the empire ⁶⁰. A Greek hiſtorian of that age has praiſed the private and public vir⯑tues of the Franks, with a partial enthuſiaſm, which cannot be ſufficiently juſtified by their do⯑meſtic annals ⁶¹. He celebrates their politeneſs and urbanity, their regular government, and or⯑thodox religion; and boldly aſſerts, that theſe Barbarians could be diſtinguiſhed only by their dreſs and language from the ſubjects of Rome. Perhaps the Franks already diſplayed the ſocial diſpoſition, and lively graces, which in every age have diſguiſed their vices, and ſometimes concealed their intrinſic merit. Perhaps Aga⯑thias, and the Greeks, were dazzled by the rapid [341] progreſs of their arms, and the ſplendour of their empire. Since the conqueſt of Burgundy, Gaul, except the Gothic province of Septimania, was ſubject, in its whole extent, to the ſons of Clo⯑vis. They had extinguiſhed the German king⯑dom of Thuringia, and their vague dominion penetrated beyond the Rhine, into the heart of their native foreſts. The Alemanni, and Bava⯑rians, who had occupied the Roman provinces of Rhaetia and Noricum, to the ſouth of the Da⯑nube, confeſſed themſelves the humble vaſſals of the Franks; and the feeble barrier of the Alps was incapable of reſiſting their ambition. When the laſt ſurvivor of the ſons of Clovis united the inheritance and conqueſts of the Merovingians, his kingdom extended far beyond the limits of modern France. Yet modern France, ſuch has been the progreſs of arts and policy, far ſurpaſſes in wealth, populouſneſs, and power, the ſpa⯑cious but ſavage realms of Clotaire or Dago⯑bert ⁶².

The Franks, or French, are the only people of Political contro⯑verſy. Europe, who can deduce a perpetual ſucceſſion from the conquerors of the Weſtern empire. But their conqueſt of Gaul was followed by ten cen⯑turies of anarchy, and ignorance. On the revi⯑val of learning, the ſtudents who had been formed in the ſchools of Athens and Rome, diſ⯑dained their Barbarian anceſtors; and a long [342] period elapſed before patient labour could pro⯑vide the requiſite materials to ſatisfy, or rather to excite, the curioſity of more enlightened times ⁶³. At length the eye of criticiſm and phi⯑loſophy was directed to the antiquities of France: but even philoſophers have been tainted by the contagion of prejudice and paſſion. The moſt extreme and excluſive ſyſtems, of the perſonal ſervitude of the Gauls, or of their voluntary and equal alliance with the Franks, have been raſhly conceived, and obſtinately defended: and the in⯑temperate diſputants have accuſed each other of conſpiring againſt the prerogative of the crown, the dignity of the nobles, or the freedom of the people. Yet the ſharp conflict has uſefully exer⯑ciſed the adverſe powers of learning and genius; and each antagoniſt, alternately vanquiſhed and victorious, has extirpated ſome ancient errors, and eſtabliſhed ſome intereſting truths. An im⯑partial ſtranger, inſtructed by their diſcoveries, their diſputes, and even their faults, may de⯑ſcribe, from the ſame original materials, the ſtate of the Roman provincials, after Gaul had ſub⯑mitted [343] to the arms and laws of the Merovingian kings ⁶⁴.

The rudeſt, or the moſt ſervile condition of Laws of the Barba⯑rians. human ſociety, is regulated however by ſome fixed and general rules. When Tacitus ſurveyed the primitive ſimplicity of the Germans, he diſ⯑covered ſome permanent maxims, or cuſtoms, of public and private life, which were preſerved by faithful tradition, till the introduction of the art of writing, and of the Latin tongue ⁶⁵. Before the election of the Merovingian kings, the moſt powerful tribe, or nation, of the Franks, ap⯑pointed four venerable chieftains to compoſe the Salic laws ⁶⁶; and their labours were examined and approved in three ſucceſſive aſſemblies of the people. After the baptiſm of Clovis, he re⯑formed [344] ſeveral articles that appeared incompati⯑ble with Chriſtianity: the Salic law was again amended by his ſons; and at length, under the reign of Dagobert, the code was reviſed and pro⯑mulgated in its actual form, one hundred years after the eſtabliſhment of the French monarchy. Within the ſame period, the cuſtoms of the Ripua⯑rians were tranſcribed and publiſhed; and Char⯑lemagne himſelf, the legiſlator of his age and country, had accurately ſtudied the two national laws, which ſtill prevailed among the Franks ⁶⁷. The ſame care was extended to their vaſſals; and the rude inſtitutions of the Alemanni and Bava⯑rians were diligently compiled and ratified by the ſupreme authority of the Merovingian kings. The Viſigoths and Burgundians, whoſe conqueſts in Gaul preceded thoſe of the Franks, ſhewed leſs impatience to attain one of the principal benefits of civiliſed ſociety. Euric was the firſt of the Gothic princes, who expreſſed in writing the man⯑ners and cuſtoms of his people; and the compo⯑ſition of the Burgundian laws was a meaſure of policy rather than of juſtice; to alleviate the yoke, and regain the affections, of their Gallic ſubjects ⁶⁸. Thus, by a ſingular coincidence, the [345] Germans framed their artleſs inſtitutions, at a time when the elaborate ſyſtem of Roman juriſ⯑prudence was finally conſummated. In the Salic laws, and the Pandects of Juſtinian, we may compare the firſt rudiments, and the full matu⯑rity, of civil wiſdom; and whatever prejudices may be ſuggeſted in favour of Barbariſm, our calmer reflections will aſcribe to the Romans the ſuperior advantages, not only of ſcience and rea⯑ſon, but of humanity and juſtice. Yet the laws of the Barbarians were adapted to their wants and deſires, their occupations and their capacity; and they all contributed to preſerve the peace, and promote the improvements, of the ſociety for whoſe uſe they were originally eſtabliſhed. The Merovingians, inſtead of impoſing an uniform rule of conduct on their various ſubjects, per⯑mitted each people, and each family of their empire, freely to enjoy their domeſtic inſtitu⯑tions ⁶⁹; nor were the Romans excluded from the common benefits of this legal toleration ⁷⁰. The [346] children embraced the law of their parents, the wife that of her huſband, the freedman that of his patron; and, in all cauſes, where the parties were of different nations, the plaintiff, or accu⯑ſer, was obliged to follow the tribunal of the de⯑fendant, who may always plead a judicial pre⯑ſumption of right, or innocence. A more ample latitude was allowed, if every citizen, in the pre⯑ſence of the judge, might declare the law under which he deſired to live, and the national ſo⯑ciety to which he choſe to belong. Such an in⯑dulgence would aboliſh the partial diſtinctions of victory; and the Roman provincials might pa⯑tiently acquieſce in the hardſhips of their condi⯑tion; ſince it depended on themſelves to aſſume the privilege, if they dared to aſſert the charac⯑ter, of free and warlike Barbarians ⁷¹.

When juſtice inexorably requires the death of Pecuniary fines for homicide. a murderer, each private citizen is fortified by the aſſurance, that the laws, the magiſtrate, and [347] the whole community, are the guardians of his perſonal ſafety. But in the looſe ſociety of the Germans, revenge was always honourable, and often meritorious: the independent warrior cha⯑ſtiſed, or vindicated, with his own hand, the in⯑juries which he had offered, or received; and he had only to dread the reſentment of the ſons, and kinſmen, of the enemy whom he had ſacrificed to his ſelfiſh or angry paſſions. The magiſtrate, conſcious of his weakneſs, interpoſed, not to pu⯑niſh, but to reconcile; and he was ſatisfied if he could perſuade, or compel, the contending par⯑ties to pay, and to accept, the moderate fine which had been aſcertained as the price of blood ⁷². The fierce ſpirit of the Franks would have oppoſed a more rigorous ſentence; the ſame fierceneſs deſpiſed theſe ineffectual reſtraints: and, when their ſimple manners had been cor⯑rupted by the wealth of Gaul, the public peace was continually violated by acts of haſty or deli⯑berate guilt. In every juſt government, the ſame penalty is inflicted, or at leaſt is impoſed, for the murder of a peaſant, or a prince. But the na⯑tional inequality eſtabliſhed by the Franks, in their criminal proceedings, was the laſt inſult [348] and abuſe of conqueſt ⁷³. In the calm moments of legiſlation, they ſolemnly pronounced, that the life of a Roman was of ſmaller value than that of a Barbarian. The Antruſtion ⁷⁴, a name expreſ⯑ſive of the moſt illuſtrious birth or dignity among the Franks, was appreciated at the ſum of ſix hundred pieces of gold; while the noble provin⯑cial, who was admitted to the king's table, might be legally murdered at the expence of three hun⯑dred pieces. Two hundred were deemed ſuffi⯑cient for a Frank of ordinary condition; but the meaner Romans were expoſed to diſgrace and danger by a trifling compenſation of one hun⯑dred, or even fifty, pieces of gold. Had theſe laws been regulated by any principle of equity or reaſon, the public protection ſhould have ſup⯑plied in juſt proportion the want of perſonal ſtrength. But the legiſlator had weighed in the ſcale, not of juſtice, but of policy, the loſs of a ſoldier againſt that of a ſlave: the head of an in⯑ſolent and rapacious Barbarian was guarded by an heavy fine; and the ſlighteſt aid was afforded to [349] the moſt defenceleſs ſubjects. Time inſenſibly abated the pride of the conquerors, and the pa⯑tience of the vanquiſhed; and the boldeſt citizen was taught by experience, that he might ſuffer more injuries than he could inflict. As the man⯑ners of the Franks became leſs ferocious, their laws were rendered more ſevere; and the Mero⯑vingian kings attempted to imitate the impartial rigour of the Viſigoths and Burgundians ⁷⁵. Un⯑der the empire of Charlemagne, murder was uni⯑verſally puniſhed with death; and the uſe of ca⯑pital puniſhments has been liberally multiplied in the juriſprudence of modern Europe ⁷⁶.

The civil and military profeſſions, which had Judgments of God. been ſeparated by Conſtantine, were again united by the Barbarians. The harſh ſound of the Teu⯑tonic appellations was mollified into the Latin titles of Duke, of Count, or of Praefect; and the ſame officer aſſumed, within his diſtrict, the com⯑mand of the troops, and the adminiſtration of [350] juſtice ⁷⁷. But the fierce and illiterate chieftain was ſeldom qualified to diſcharge the duties of a judge, which require all the faculties of a philo⯑lophic mind, laboriouſly cultivated by experience and ſtudy; and his rude ignorance was compelled to embrace ſome ſimple, and viſible, methods of aſcertaining the cauſe of juſtice. In every reli⯑gion, the Deity has been invoked to confirm the truth, or to puniſh the falſehood, of human teſ⯑timony; but this powerful inſtrument was miſ⯑applied, and abuſed, by the ſimplicity of the Ger⯑man legiſlators. The party accuſed might juſtify his innocence, by producing before their tribu⯑nal a number of friendly witneſſes, who ſolemnly declared their belief or aſſurance, that he was not guilty. According to the weight of the charge, this legal number of compurgators was multi⯑plied; ſeventy-two voices were required to ab⯑ſolve an incendiary, or aſſaſſin: and when the chaſtity of a queen of France was ſuſpected, three hundred gallant nobles ſwore, without heſitation, that the infant prince had been actually begotten by her deceaſed huſband ⁷⁸. The ſin, and ſcan⯑dal, of manifeſt and frequent perjuries engaged [351] the magiſtrates to remove theſe dangerous tempt⯑ations; and to ſupply the defects of human teſti⯑mony, by the famous experiments of fire and water. Theſe extraordinary trials were ſo capri⯑ciouſly contrived, that, in ſome caſes, guilt, and innocence in others, could not be proved with⯑out the interpoſition of a miracle. Such mira⯑cles were readily provided by fraud and credulity; the moſt intricate cauſes were determined by this eaſy and infallible method; and the turbulent Barbarians, who might have diſdained the ſen⯑tence of the magiſtrate, ſubmiſſively acquieſced in the judgment of God ⁷⁹.

But the trials by ſingle combat gradually ob⯑tained Judicial combats. ſuperior credit and authority, among a warlike people, who could not believe, that a brave man deſerved to ſuffer, or that a coward deſerved to live ⁸⁰. Both in civil and criminal proceedings, the plaintiff, or accuſer, the de⯑fendant, or even the witneſs, were expoſed to mortal challenge from the antagoniſt who was deſtitute of legal proofs; and it was incumbent on them, either to deſert their cauſe, or publicly to maintain their honour in the liſts of battle. They fought either on foot or on horſeback, ac⯑cording [352] to the cuſtom of their nation ⁸¹; and the deciſion of the ſword, or lance, was ratified by the ſanction of Heaven, of the judge, and of the people. This ſanguinary law was introduced into Gaul by the Burgundians; and their legiſlator Gundobald ⁸² condeſcended to anſwer the com⯑plaints and objections of his ſubject Avitus. ‘"Is it not true," ſaid the king of Burgundy to the biſhop, "that the event of national wars, and private combats, is directed by the judg⯑ment of God; and that his providence awards the victory to the juſter cauſe?"’ By ſuch pre⯑vailing arguments, the abſurd and cruel practice of judicial duels, which had been peculiar to ſome tribes of Germany, was propagated and eſtabliſhed in all the monarchies of Europe, from Sicily to the Baltic. At the end of ten centu⯑ries, the reign of legal violence was not totally extinguiſhed; and the ineffectual cenſures of ſaints, of popes, and of ſynods, may ſeem to prove, that the influence of ſuperſtition is weak⯑ened by its unnatural alliance with reaſon and [353] humanity. The tribunals were ſtained with the blood, perhaps, of innocent and reſpectable citi⯑zens; the law, which now favours the rich, then yielded to the ſtrong; and the old, the feeble, and the infirm, were condemned, either to re⯑nounce their faireſt claims and poſſeſſions, to ſuſtain the dangers of an unequal conflict ⁸³, or to truſt the doubtful aid of a mercenary champion. This oppreſſive juriſprudence was impoſed on the provincials of Gaul, who complained of any in⯑juries in their perſons and property. Whatever might be the ſtrength, or courage, of individuals, the victorious Barbarians excelled in the love and exerciſe of arms; and the vanquiſhed Roman was unjuſtly ſummoned to repeat, in his own perſon, the bloody conteſt, which had been already de⯑cided againſt his country ⁸⁴.

A devouring hoſt of one hundred and twenty thouſand Germans had formerly paſſed the Rhine Diviſion of lands by the Bar⯑barians. under the command of Arioviſtus. One third [354] part of the fertile lands of the Sequani was ap⯑propriated to their uſe; and the conqueror ſoon repeated his oppreſſive demand of another third, for the accommodation of a new colony of twenty⯑four thouſand Barbarians, whom he had invited to ſhare the rich harveſt of Gaul ⁸⁵. At the diſ⯑tance of five hundred years, the Viſigoths and Burgundians, who revenged the defeat of Ario⯑viſtus, uſurped the ſame unequal proportion of two thirds of the ſubject lands. But this diſtri⯑bution, inſtead of ſpreading over the province, may be reaſonably confined to the peculiar diſ⯑tricts where the victorious people had been planted, by their own choice, or by the policy of their leader. In theſe diſtricts, each Barbarian was connected by the ties of hoſpitality with ſome Roman provincial. To this unwelcome gueſt, the proprietor was compelled to abandon two-thirds of his patrimony: but the German, a ſhepherd, and a hunter, might ſometimes con⯑tent himſelf with a ſpacious range of wood and paſture, and reſign the ſmalleſt, though moſt va⯑luable, portion, to the toil of the induſtrious huſbandman ⁸⁶. The ſilence of ancient and au⯑thentic [335] teſtimony has encouraged an opinion, that the rapine of the Franks was not moderated, or diſguiſed, by the forms of a legal diviſion; that they diſperſed themſelves over the provinces of Gaul, without order or controul; and that each victorious robber, according to his wants, his avarice, and his ſtrength, meaſured, with his ſword, the extent of his new inheritance. At a diſtance from their ſovereign, the Barbarians might indeed be tempted to exerciſe ſuch arbi⯑trary depredation; but the firm and artful policy of Clovis muſt curb a licentious ſpirit, which would aggravate the miſery of the vanquiſhed, whilſt it corrupted the union and diſcipline of the conquerors. The memorable vaſe of Soiſſons is a monument, and a pledge, of the regular diſ⯑tribution of the Gallic ſpoils. It was the duty, and the intereſt, of Clovis, to provide rewards for a ſucceſsful army, and ſettlements for a numerous people; without inflicting any wanton, or ſuper⯑fluous injuries, on the loyal catholics of Gaul. The ample fund, which he might lawfully ac⯑quire, of the Imperial patrimony, vacant lands, and Gothic uſurpations, would diminiſh the cruel neceſſity of ſeizure and confiſcation; and the humble provincials would more patiently ac⯑quieſce in the equal and regular diſtribution of their loſs ⁸⁷.

[356] The wealth of the Merovingian princes con⯑ſiſted in their extenſive domain. After the con⯑queſt of Gaul, they ſtill delighted in the ruſtic Domain and bene⯑fices of the Merovin⯑gians. ſimplicity of their anceſtors: the cities were abandoned to ſolitude and decay; and their coins, their charters, and their ſynods, are ſtill inſcribed with the names of the villas, or rural palaces, in which they ſucceſſively reſided. One hundred and ſixty of theſe palaces, a title which need not excite any unſeaſonable ideas of art or luxury, were ſcattered through the provinces of their kingdom; and if ſome might claim the honours of a fortreſs, the far greater part could be eſteemed only in the light of profitable farms. The manſion of the long-haired kings was ſurrounded with convenient yards, and ſtables, for the cattle and the poultry; the garden was planted with uſeful vegetables; the various trades, the labours of agriculture, and even the arts of hunting and fiſhing, were exer⯑ciſed by ſervile hands for the emolument of the ſovereign; his magazines were filled with corn and wine, either for ſale or conſumption; and the whole adminiſtration was conducted by the ſtricteſt maxims of private oeconomy ⁸⁸. This ample pa⯑trimony [357] was appropriated to ſupply the hoſpitable plenty of Clovis, and his ſucceſſors; and to re⯑ward the fidelity of their brave companions, who, both in peace and war, were devoted to their per⯑ſonal ſervice. Inſtead of an horſe, or a ſuit of ar⯑mour, each companion, according to his rank, or merit, or favour, was inveſted with a benefice, the primitive name, and moſt ſimple form of the feudal poſſeſſions. Theſe gifts might be reſumed at the pleaſure of the ſovereign; and his feeble prerogative derived ſome ſupport from the influ⯑ence of his liberality. But this dependent tenure was gradually aboliſhed ⁸⁹ by the independent and rapacious nobles of France, who eſtabliſhed the perpetual property, and hereditary ſucceſſion, of their benefices: a revolution ſalutary to the earth, which had been injured, or neglected, by its pre⯑carious maſters ⁹⁰. Beſides theſe royal and bene⯑ficiary eſtates, a large proportion had been aſſign⯑ed, in the diviſion of Gaul, of allodial and Salic lands: they were exempt from tribute, and the Salic lands were equally ſhared among the male deſcendants of the Franks ⁹¹.

[358] In the bloody diſcord, and ſilent decay of the Merovingian line, a new order of tyrants aroſe in the provinces, who, under the appellation of Se⯑niors, Private uſurpa⯑tions. or Lords, uſurped a right to govern, and a licence to oppreſs, the ſubjects of their peculiar territory. Their ambition might be checked by the hoſtile reſiſtance of an equal: but the laws were extinguiſhed; and the ſacrilegious Barba⯑rians, who dared to provoke the vengeance of a ſaint or biſhop ⁹², would ſeldom reſpect the land⯑marks of a profane and defenceleſs neighbour. The common, or public, rights of nature, ſuch as they had always been deemed by the Roman juriſprudence ⁹³, were ſeverely reſtrained by the German conquerors, whoſe amuſement, or rather paſſion, was the exerciſe of hunting. The vague dominion, which MAN has aſſumed over the wild inhabitants of the earth, the air, and the waters, was confined to ſome fortunate individuals of the human ſpecies. Gaul was again overſpread with woods; and the animals, who were reſerved for the uſe, or pleaſure, of the lord, might ravage, with impunity, the fields of his induſtrious vaſſals. The chace was the ſacred privilege of the nobles, and their domeſtic ſervants. Plebeian tranſgreſſors were legally chaſtiſed with ſtripes and impriſon⯑ment ⁹⁴; [359] but in an age which admitted a ſlight compoſition for the life of a citizen, it was a ca⯑pital crime to deſtroy a ſtag or a wild bull within the precincts of the royal foreſts ⁹⁵.

According to the maxims of ancient war, the Perſonal ſervitude. conqueror became the lawful maſter of the enemy whom he had ſubdued and ſpared ⁹⁶: and the fruit⯑ful cauſe of perſonal ſlavery, which had been al⯑moſt ſuppreſſed by the peaceful ſovereignty of Rome, was again revived and multiplied by the perpetual hoſtilities of the independent Barbarians. The Goth, the Burgundian, or the Frank, who returned from a ſucceſsful expedition, dragged after him a long train of ſheep, of oxen, and of human captives, whom he treated with the ſame brutal contempt. The youths of an elegant form [360] and ingenuous aſpect, were ſet apart for the do⯑meſtic ſervice; a doubtful ſituation, which alter⯑nately expoſed them to the favourable, or cruel, impulſe of paſſion. The uſeful mechanics and ſervants (ſmiths, carpenters, taylors, ſhoemakers, cooks, gardeners, dyers, and workmen in gold and ſilver, &c.) employed their ſkill for the uſe, or profit, of their maſter. But the Roman captives who were deſtitute of art, but capable of labour, were condemned, without regard to their former rank, to tend the cattle, and cultivate the lands of the Barbarians. The number of the hereditary bondſmen, who were attached to the Gallic eſtates, was continually increaſed by new ſupplies; and the ſervile people, according to the ſituation and temper of their lords, was ſometimes raiſed by precarious indulgence, and more frequently de⯑preſſed by capricious deſpotiſm ⁹⁷. An abſolute power of life and death was exerciſed by theſe lords; and when they married their daughters, a train of uſeful ſervants, chained on the waggons to prevent their eſcape, was ſent as a nuptial pre⯑ſent into a diſtant country ⁹⁸. The majeſty of the Roman laws protected the liberty of each citizen, againſt the raſh effects of his own diſtreſs, or de⯑ſpair. [361] But the ſubjects of the Merovingian kings might alienate their perſonal freedom; and this act of legal ſuicide, which was familiarly practiſed, is expreſſed in terms moſt diſgraceful and afflict⯑ing to the dignity of human nature ⁹⁹. The ex⯑ample of the poor, who purchaſed life by the ſa⯑crifice of all that can render life deſirable, was gradually imitated by the feeble and the devout, who, in times of public diſorder, puſillanimouſly crowded to ſhelter themſelves under the battle⯑ments of a powerful chief, and around the ſhrine of a popular ſaint. Their ſubmiſſion was accepted by theſe temporal, or ſpiritual, patrons; and the haſty tranſaction irrecoverably fixed their own con⯑dition, and that of their lateſt poſterity. From the reign of Clovis, during five ſucceſſive cen⯑turies, the laws and manners of Gaul uniformly tended to promote the increaſe, and to confirm the duration, of perſonal ſervitude. Time and violence almoſt obliterated the intermediate ranks of ſociety; and left an obſcure and narrow inter⯑val between the noble and the ſlave. This arbi⯑trary and recent diviſion has been transformed by pride and prejudice into a national diſtinction, univerſally eſtabliſhed by the arms and the laws of the Merovingians. The nobles, who claimed their genuine, or fabulous, deſcent, from the in⯑dependent [362] and victorious Franks, have aſſerted, and abuſed, the indefeaſible right of conqueſt, over a proſtrate crowd of ſlaves and plebeians, to whom they imputed the imaginary diſgrace of a Gallic, or Roman, extraction.

The general ſtate and revolutions of France, a name which was impoſed by the conquerors, may Example of Au⯑vergne. be illuſtrated by the particular example of a pro⯑vince, a dioceſe, or a ſenatorial family. Auvergne had formerly maintained a juſt pre-eminence among the independent ſtates and cities of Gaul. The brave and numerous inhabitants diſplayed a ſingular trophy; the ſword of Caeſar himſelf, which he had loſt when he was repulſed before the walls of Gergovia ¹⁰⁰. As the common offspring of Troy, they claimed a fraternal alliance with the the Romans ¹⁰¹; and if each province had imitated the courage and loyalty of Auvergne, the fall of the Weſtern empire might have been prevented, or delayed. They firmly maintained the fidelity which they had reluctantly ſworn to the Viſigoths; but when their braveſt nobles had fallen in the battle of Poitiers, they accepted, without reſiſt⯑ance, a victorious and catholic ſovereign. This [363] eaſy and valuable conqueſt was atchieved, and poſſeſſed, by Theodoric, the eldeſt ſon of Clovis: but the remote province was ſeparated from his Auſtraſian dominions, by the intermediate king⯑doms of Soiſſons, Paris, and Orleans, which formed, after their father's death, the inheritance of his three brothers. The king of Paris, Childe⯑bert, was tempted by the neighbourhood and beauty of Auvergne ¹⁰². The Upper country, which riſes towards the ſouth into the mountains of the Cevennes, preſented a rich and various pro⯑ſpect of woods and paſtures; the ſides of the hills were clothed with vines; and each eminence was crowned with a villa or caſtle. In the Lower Au⯑vergne, the river Allier flows through the fair and ſpacious plain of Limagne; and the inexhauſtible fertility of the ſoil ſupplied, and ſtill ſupplies, without any interval of repoſe, the conſtant repe⯑tition of the ſame harveſts ¹⁰³. On the falſe re⯑port, that their lawful ſovereign had been ſlain in Germany, the city and dioceſe of Auvergne were betrayed by the grandſon of Sidonius Apollinaris. Childebert enjoyed this clandeſtine victory; and [364] the free ſubjects of Theodoric threatened to deſert his ſtandard, if he indulged his private reſent⯑ment, while the nation was engaged in the Bur⯑gundian war. But the Franks of Auſtraſia ſoon yielded to the perſuaſive eloquence of their king. ‘"Follow me," ſaid Thedoric, "into Auvergne: I will lead you into a province, where you may acquire gold, ſilver, ſlaves, cattle, and precious apparel, to the full extent of your wiſhes. I re⯑peat my promiſe; I give you the people, and their wealth, as your prey; and you may tran⯑ſport them at pleaſure into your own country."’ By the execution of this promiſe, Theodoric juſtly forfeited the allegiance of a people, whom he de⯑voted to deſtruction. His troops, reinforced by the fierceſt Barbarians of Germany ¹⁰⁴, ſpread de⯑ſolation over the fruitful face of Auvergne; and two places only, a ſtrong caſtle, and a holy ſhrine, were ſaved, or redeemed, from their licentious fury. The caſtle of Meroliac ¹⁰⁵ was ſeated on a lofty rock, which roſe an hundred feet above the ſurface of the plain; and a large reſervoir of freſh water was incloſed, with ſome arable lands, with⯑in [365] the circle of its fortifications. The Franks be⯑held with envy and deſpair this impregnable fort⯑reſs: but they ſurpriſed a party of fifty ſtragglers; and, as they were oppreſſed by the number of their captives, they fixed, at a trifling ranſom, the alternative of life or death for theſe wretched victims, whom the cruel Barbarians were prepared to maſſacre on the refuſal of the garriſon. Ano⯑ther detachment penetrated as far as Brivas, or Brioude, where the inhabitants, with their valu⯑able effects, had taken refuge in the ſanctuary of St. Julian. The doors of the church reſiſted the aſſault; but a daring ſoldier entered through a window of the choir, and opened a paſſage to his companions. The clergy and people, the ſacred and the profane ſpoils, were rudely torn from the altar; and the ſacrilegious diviſion was made at a ſmall diſtance from the town of Brioude. But this act of impiety was ſeverely chaſtiſed by the devout ſon of Clovis. He puniſhed with death the moſt atrocious offenders; left their ſecret ac⯑complices to the vengeance of St. Julian, releaſed the captives; reſtored the plunder; and extended the rights of ſanctuary, five miles round the ſe⯑pulchre of the holy martyr ¹⁰⁶.

Before the Auſtraſian army retreated from Au⯑vergne, Story of Attalus. Theodoric exacted ſome pledges of the [366] future loyalty of a people, whoſe juſt hatred could be reſtrained only by their fear. A ſelect band of noble youths, the ſons of the principal ſenators, was delivered to the conqueror, as the hoſtages of the faith of Childebert, and of their countrymen. On the firſt rumour of war, or conſpiracy, theſe guiltleſs youths were reduced to a ſtate of ſervitude; and one of them, Atta⯑lus ¹⁰⁷, whoſe adventures are more particularly related, kept his maſter's horſes in the dioceſe of Treves. After a painful ſearch, he was diſco⯑vered, in this unworthy occupation, by the emiſſaries of his grandfather, Gregory biſhop of Langres; but his offers of ranſom were ſternly rejected by the avarice of the Barbarian, who re⯑quired an exorbitant ſum of ten pounds of gold for the freedom of his noble captive. His deli⯑verance was effected by the hardy ſtratagem of Leo, a ſlave belonging to the kitchens of the biſhop of Langres ¹⁰⁸. An unknown agent eaſily [367] introduced him into the ſame family. The Bar⯑barian purchaſed Leo for the price of twelve pieces of gold; and was pleaſed to learn, that he was deeply ſkilled in the luxury of an epiſcopal table: ‘"Next Sunday," ſaid the Frank, "I ſhall invite my neighbours, and kinſmen. Exert thy art, and force them to confeſs, that they have never ſeen, or taſted, ſuch an en⯑tertainment, even in the king's houſe."’ Leo aſſured him, that, if he would provide a ſufficient quantity of poultry, his wiſhes ſhould be ſatis⯑fied. The maſter, who already aſpired to the merit of elegant hoſpitality, aſſumed, as his own, the praiſe which the voracious gueſts unanimouſly beſtowed on his cook; and the dextrous Leo inſenſibly acquired the truſt and management of his houſehold. After the patient expectation of a whole year, he cautiouſly whiſpered his deſign to Attalus, and exhorted him to prepare for flight in the enſuing night. At the hour of midnight, the intemperate gueſts retired from table; and the Frank's ſon-in-law, whom Leo attended to his apartment with a nocturnal potation, conde⯑ſcended to jeſt on the facility with which he might betray his truſt. The intrepid ſlave, after ſuſ⯑taining this dangerous raillery; entered his ma⯑ſter's bed-chamber; removed his ſpear and ſhield; ſilently drew the fleeteſt horſes from the ſtable; unbarred the ponderous gates; and ex⯑cited Attalus to ſave his life and liberty by inceſſant diligence. Their apprehenſions urged them to leave their horſes on the banks of the [368] Meuſe ¹⁰⁹; they ſwam the river, wandered three days in the adjacent foreſt, and ſubſiſted only by the accidental diſcovery of a wild plum-tree. As they lay concealed in a dark thicket, they heard the noiſe of horſes; they were terrified by the angry countenance of their maſter, and they anxiouſly liſtened to his declaration, that, if he could ſeize the guilty fugitives, one of them he would cut in pieces with his ſword, and would expoſe the other on a gibbet. At length, Atta⯑lus, and his faithful Leo, reached the friendly habitation of a preſbyter of Rheims, who re⯑cruited their fainting ſtrength with bread and wine, concealed them from the ſearch of their enemy, and ſafely conducted them, beyond the limits of the Auſtraſian kingdom, to the epiſco⯑pal palace of Langres. Gregory embraced his grandſon with tears of joy, gratefully delivered Leo, with his whole family, from the yoke of ſervitude, and beſtowed on him the property of a farm, where he might end his days in happineſs and freedom. Perhaps this ſingular adventure, which is marked with ſo many circumſtances of truth and nature, was related by Attalus himſelf, to his couſin, or nephew, the firſt hiſtorian of the Franks. Gregory of Tours ¹¹⁰ was born [369] about ſixty years after the death of Sidonius Apollinaris; and their ſituation was almoſt ſimi⯑lar, ſince each of them was a native of Auvergne, a ſenator, and a biſhop. The difference of their ſtyle and ſentiments may, therefore, expreſs the decay of Gaul; and clearly aſcertain how much, in ſo ſhort a ſpace, the human mind had loſt of its energy and refinement ¹¹¹.

We are now qualified to deſpiſe the oppoſite, Privileges of the Ro⯑mans of Gaul. and, perhaps, artful, miſrepreſentations, which have ſoftened, or exaggerated, the oppreſſion of the Romans of Gaul under the reign of the Me⯑rovingians. The conquerors never promulgated any univerſal edict of ſervitude, or confiſcation: but a degenerate people, who excuſed their weakneſs by the ſpecious names of politeneſs and peace, was expoſed to the arms and laws of the ferocious Barbarians, who contemptuouſly in⯑ſulted their poſſeſſions, their freedom, and their ſafety. Their perſonal injuries were partial and irregular; but the great body of the Romans [370] ſurvived the revolution, and ſtill preſerved the property, and privileges, of citizens. A large portion of their lands was exacted for the uſe of the Franks: but they enjoyed the remainder, exempt from tribute ¹¹²; and the ſame irreſiſtible violence which ſwept away the arts and manu⯑factures of Gaul, deſtroyed the elaborate and expenſive ſyſtem of Imperial deſpotiſm. The Provincials muſt frequently deplore the ſavage juriſprudence of the Salic or Ripuarian laws; but their private life, in the important concerns of marriage, teſtaments, or inheritance, was ſtill regulated by the Theodoſian Code; and a diſ⯑contented Roman might freely aſpire, or deſcend, to the title and character of a Barbarian. The honours of the ſtate were acceſſible to his ambi⯑tion: the education and temper of the Romans more peculiarly qualified them for the offices of civil government; and, as ſoon as emulation had rekindled their military ardour, they were per⯑mitted to march in the ranks, or even at the head, of the victorious Germans. I ſhall not attempt to enumerate the generals and magi⯑ſtrates, whoſe names ¹¹³ atteſt the liberal policy [371] of the Merovingians. The ſupreme command of Burgundy, with the title of patrician, was ſucceſſively entruſted to three Romans; and the laſt, and moſt powerful, Mummolus ¹¹⁴, who alternately ſaved and diſturbed the monarchy, had ſupplanted his father in the ſtation of count of Autun, and left a treaſure of thirty talents of gold, and two hundred and fifty talents of ſilver. The fierce and illiterate Barbarians were ex⯑cluded, during ſeveral generations, from the dignities, and even from the orders, of the church ¹¹⁵. The clergy of Gaul conſiſted almoſt entirely of native Provincials; the haughty Franks fell proſtrate at the feet of their ſubjects, who were dignified with the epiſcopal character; and the power and riches which had been loſt in war, were inſenſibly recovered by ſuperſtition ¹¹⁶. In all temporal affairs, the Theodoſian Code was the univerſal law of the clergy; but the Barbaric juriſprudence had liberally provided for their perſonal ſafety: a ſub-deacon was equivalent to two Franks; the antruſtion, and prieſt, were held in ſimilar eſtimation; and the life of a biſhop was appreciated far above the common [372] ſtandard, at the price of nine hundred pieces of gold ¹¹⁷. The Romans communicated to their conquerors the uſe of the Chriſtian religion and Latin language ¹¹⁸: but their language and their religion had alike degenerated from the ſimple purity of the Auguſtan, and Apoſtolic, age. The progreſs of ſuperſtition and Barbariſm was rapid and univerſal: the worſhip of the ſaints concealed from vulgar eyes the God of the Chriſtians; and the ruſtic dialect of peaſants and ſoldiers was corrupted by a Teutonic idiom and pronunciation. Yet ſuch intercourſe of ſacred and ſocial communion, eradicated the diſtinctions of birth and victory; and the nations of Gaul were gradually confounded under the name and government of the Franks.

The Franks, after they mingled with their Anarchy of the Franks. Gallic ſubjects, might have imparted the moſt valuable of human gifts, a ſpirit, and ſyſtem, of conſtitutional liberty. Under a king, here⯑ditary but limited, the chiefs and counſellors [373] might have debated, at Paris, in the palace of the Caeſars: the adjacent field, where the em⯑perors reviewed their mercenary legions, would have admitted the legiſlative aſſembly of freemen and warriors; and the rude model, which had been ſketched in the woods of Germany ¹¹⁹, might have been poliſhed and improved by the civil wiſdom of the Romans. But the careleſs Barbarians, ſecure of their perſonal independence, diſdained the labour of government: the annual aſſemblies of the month of March were ſilently aboliſhed; and the nation was ſeparated, and al⯑miſt diſſolved, by the conqueſt of Gaul ¹²⁰. The monarchy was left without any regular eſtabliſh⯑ment of juſtice, of arms, or of revenue. The ſucceſſors of Clovis wanted reſolution to aſſume, or ſtrength to exerciſe, the legiſlative and exe⯑cutive powers, which the people had abdicated: the royal prerogative was diſtinguiſhed only by a more ample privilege of rapine and murder; and the love of freedom, ſo often invigorated and diſgraced by private ambition, was reduced, among the licentious Franks, to the contempt of order, and the deſire of impunity. Seventy-five years after the death of Clovis, his grandſon, Gontran, king of Burgundy, ſent an army to invade the Gothic poſſeſſions of Septimania, or [374] Languedoc. The troops of Burgundy, Berry, Auvergne, and the adjacent territories, were ex⯑cited by the hopes of ſpoil. They marched, without diſcipline, under the banners of German, or Gallic, counts: their attack was feeble and unſucceſsful; but the friendly and hoſtile pro⯑vinces were deſolated with indiſcriminate rage. The corn-fields, the villages, the churches them⯑ſelves, were conſumed by fire; the inhabitants were maſſacred, or dragged into captivity; and, in the diſorderly retreat, five thouſand of theſe inhuman ſavages were deſtroyed by hunger or inteſtine diſcord. When the pious Gontran re⯑proached the guilt, or neglect, of their leaders; and threatened to inflict, not a legal ſentence, but inſtant and arbitrary execution; they accuſed the univerſal and incurable corruption of the people. ‘"No one," they ſaid, "any longer fears or reſpects his king, his duke, or his count. Each man loves to do evil, and freely indulges his criminal inclinations. The moſt gentle correction provokes an immediate tumult; and the raſh magiſtrate, who pre⯑ſumes to cenſure, or reſtrain, his ſeditious ſubjects, ſeldom eſcapes alive from their re⯑venge ¹²¹."’ It has been reſerved for the ſame [375] nation to expoſe, by their intemperate vices, the moſt odious abuſe of freedom; and to ſupply its loſs by the ſpirit of honour and humanity, which now alleviates and dignifies their obedience to an abſolute ſovereign.

The Viſigoths had reſigned to Clovis the The Viſi⯑goths of Spain. greateſt part of their Gallic poſſeſſions; but their loſs was amply compenſated by the eaſy conqueſt, and ſecure enjoyment, of the provinces of Spain. From the monarchy of the Goths, which ſoon in⯑volved the Suevic kingdom of Galicia, the mo⯑dern Spaniards ſtill derive ſome national vanity: but the hiſtorian of the Roman Empire is neither invited, nor compelled, to purſue the obſcure and barren ſeries of their annals ¹²². The Goths of Spain were ſeparated from the reſt of mankind, by the lofty ridge of the Pyrenaean mountains: their manners and inſtitutions, as far as they were common to the Germanic tribes, have been al⯑ready explained. I have anticipated, in the pre⯑ceding chapter, the moſt important of their eccle⯑ſiaſtical events, the fall of Arianiſm, and the per⯑ſecution of the Jews: and it only remains to ob⯑ſerve ſome intereſting circumſtances, which re⯑late to the civil and eccleſiaſtical conſtitution of the Spaniſh kingdom.

After their converſion from idolatry or hereſy, Legiſlative aſſemblies of Spain. the Franks and the Viſigoths were diſpoſed to [376] embrace, with equal ſubmiſſion, the inherent evils, and the accidental benefits, of ſuperſtition. But the prelates of France, long before the ex⯑tinction of the Merovingian race, had degene⯑rated into fighting and hunting Barbarians. They diſdained the uſe of ſynods; forgot the laws of temperance and chaſtity; and preferred the in⯑dulgence of private ambition and luxury, to the general intereſt of the ſacerdotal profeſſion ¹²³. The biſhops of Spain reſpected themſelves, and were reſpected by the public: their indiſſoluble union diſguiſed their vices, and confirmed their authority: and the regular diſcipline of the church introduced peace, order, and ſtability into the government of the ſtate. From the reign of Re⯑cared, the firſt Catholic king, to that of Witiza, the immediate predeceſſor of the unfortunate Ro⯑deric, ſixteen national councils were ſucceſſively convened. The ſix metropolitans, Toledo, Se⯑ville, Merida, Braga, Tarragona, and Narbonne, preſided according to their reſpective ſeniority; the aſſembly was compoſed of their ſuffragan biſhops, who appeared in perſon, or by their proxies; and a place was aſſigned to the moſt holy or opulent of the Spaniſh abbots. During the firſt three days of the convocation, as long as they agitated the eccleſiaſtical queſtions of doctrine and diſcipline, the profane laity was excluded from [377] their debates; which were conducted, however, with decent ſolemnity. But, on the morning of the fourth day, the doors were thrown open for the entrance of the great officers of the palace, the dukes and counts of the provinces, the judges of the cities, and the Gothic nobles: and the de⯑crees of Heaven were ratified by the conſent of the people. The ſame rules were obſerved in the provincial aſſemblies, the annual ſynods which were empowered to hear complaints, and to re⯑dreſs grievances; and a legal government was ſupported by the prevailing influence of the Spa⯑niſh clergy. The biſhops, who, in each revolu⯑tion, were prepared to flatter the victorious, and to inſult the proſtrate, laboured, with diligence and ſucceſs, to kindle the flames of perſecution, and to exalt the mitre above the crown. Yet the national councils of Toledo, in which the free ſpirit of the Barbarians was tempered and guided by epiſcopal policy, have eſtabliſhed ſome pru⯑dent laws for the common benefit of the king and people. The vacancy of the throne was ſupplied by the choice of the biſhops and Pala⯑tines; and, after the failure of the line of Alaric, the regal dignity was ſtill limited to the pure and noble blood of the Goths. The clergy, who anointed their lawful prince, always recommend⯑ed, and ſometimes practiſed, the duty of alle⯑giance: and the ſpiritual cenſures were de⯑nounced on the heads of the impious ſubjects, who ſhould reſiſt his authority, conſpire againſt his life, or violate, by an indecent union, the chaſtity even of his widow. But the monarch [378] himſelf, when he aſcended the throne, was bound by a reciprocal oath to God and his people, that he would faithfully execute his important truſt. The real or imaginary faults of his adminiſtration were ſubject to the controul of a powerful ariſto⯑cracy; and the biſhops and palatines were guarded by a fundamental privilege, that they ſhould not be degraded, impriſoned, tortured, nor puniſhed with death, exile, or confiſcation, unleſs by the free and public judgment of their peers ¹²⁴.

One of theſe legiſlative councils of Toledo, Code of the Viſi⯑goths. examined and ratified the code of laws which had been compiled by a ſucceſſion of Gothic kings, from the fierce Euric, to the devout Egica. As long as the Viſigoths themſelves were ſatisfied with the rude cuſtoms of their anceſtors, they indulged their ſubjects of Aquitain and Spain in the enjoyment of the Roman law. Their gradual improvement in arts, in policy, and at length in religion, encouraged them to imitate, and to ſu⯑perſede, theſe foreign inſtitutions; and to com⯑poſe a code of civil and criminal juriſprudence, for the uſe of a great and united people. The ſame obligations, and the ſame privileges, were communicated to the nations of the Spaniſh mo⯑narchy: and the conquerors, inſenſibly renoun⯑cing [379] the Teutonic idiom, ſubmitted to the re⯑ſtraints of equity, and exalted the Romans to the participation of freedom. The merit of this im⯑partial policy was enhanced by the ſituation of Spain, under the reign of the Viſigoths. The Provincials were long ſeparated from their Arian maſters, by the irreconcilable difference of re⯑ligion. After the converſion of Recared had re⯑moved the prejudices of the Catholics, the coaſts, both of the Ocean and Mediterranean, were ſtill poſſeſſed by the Eaſtern emperors; who ſecretly excited a diſcontented people, to reject the yoke of the Barbarians, and to aſſert the name and dignity of Roman citizens. The allegiance of doubtful ſubjects is indeed moſt effectually ſe⯑cured by their own perſuaſion, that they hazard more in a revolt, than they can hope to obtain by a revolution; but it has appeared ſo natural to oppreſs thoſe whom we hate and fear, that the contrary ſyſtem well deſerves the praiſe of wiſdom and moderation ¹²⁵.

While the kingdoms of the Franks and Viſi⯑goths Revolu⯑tion of Britain. were eſtabliſhed in Gaul and Spain, the Saxons atchieved the conqueſt of Britain, the third great dioceſe of the Praefecture of the Weſt. Since Britain was already ſeparated from the Ro⯑man [380] empire, I might, without reproach, decline a ſtory, familiar to the moſt illiterate, and ob⯑ſcure to the moſt learned, of my readers. The Saxons, who excelled in the uſe of the oar, or the battle-axe, were ignorant of the art which could alone perpetuate the fame of their exploits: the Provincials, relapſing into Barbariſm, neglected to deſcribe the ruin of their country; and the doubtful tradition was almoſt extinguiſhed, be⯑fore the miſſionaries of Rome reſtored the light of ſcience and Chriſtianity. The declamations of Gildas, the fragments, or fables, of Nennius, the obſcure hints of the Saxon laws and chro⯑nicles, and the eccleſiaſtical tales of the venerable Bede ¹²⁶, have been illuſtrated by the diligence, and ſometimes embelliſhed by the fancy, of ſuc⯑ceeding writers, whoſe works I am not ambitious either to cenſure, or to tranſcribe ¹²⁷. Yet the hiſtorian of the empire may be tempted to purſue the revolutions of a Roman province, till it va⯑niſhes from his ſight; and an Engliſhman may curiouſly trace the eſtabliſhment of the Bar⯑barians, from whom he derives his name, his laws, and perhaps his origin.

[381] About forty years after the diſſolution of the Roman government, Vortigern appears to have obtained the ſupreme, though precarious, com⯑mand Deſcent of the Saxons, A. D. 449. of the princes and cities of Britain. That unfortunate monarch has been almoſt unanimouſly condemned for the weak and miſchievous policy of inviting ¹²⁸ a formidable ſtranger, to repel the vexatious inroads of a domeſtic foe. His am⯑baſſadors are diſpatched, by the graveſt hiſto⯑rians, to the coaſt of Germany; they addreſs a pathetic oration to the general aſſembly of the Saxons, and thoſe warlike Barbarians reſolve to aſſiſt with a fleet and army the ſuppliants of a diſtant and unknown iſland. If Britain had in⯑deed been unknown to the Saxons, the meaſure of its calamities would have been leſs complete. But the ſtrength of the Roman government could not always guard the maritime province againſt the pirates of Germany: the independent and di⯑vided ſtates were expoſed to their attacks; and the Saxons might ſometimes join the Scots and the Picts, in a tacit, or expreſs, confederacy of rapine and deſtruction. Vortigern could only balance the various perils, which aſſaulted on every ſide his throne and his people; and his po⯑licy may deſerve either praiſe or excuſe, if he pre⯑ferred the alliance of thoſe Barbarians, whoſe naval [382] power rendered them the moſt dangerous enemies, and the moſt ſerviceable allies. Hengiſt and Horſa, as they ranged along the Eaſtern coaſt with three ſhips, were engaged, by the promiſe of an ample ſtipend, to embrace the defence of Britain; and their intrepid valour ſoon delivered the country from the Caledonian invaders. The iſle of Thanet, a ſecure and fertile diſtrict, was allotted for the reſidence of theſe German auxi⯑liaries, and they were ſupplied, according to the treaty, with a plentiful allowance of clothing and proviſions. This favourable reception encou⯑raged five thouſand warriors to embark with their families in ſeventeen veſſels, and the infant power of Hengiſt was fortified by this ſtrong and ſeaſon⯑able reinforcement. The crafty Barbarian ſug⯑geſted to Vortigern the obvious advantage of fix⯑ing, in the neighbourhood of the Picts, a colony of faithful allies: a third fleet of forty ſhips, under the command of his ſon and nephew, ſailed from Germany, ravaged the Orkneys, and diſembarked a new army on the coaſt of Northumberland, or Lothian, at the oppoſite extremity of the devoted land. It was eaſy to foreſee, but it was im⯑poſſible to prevent, the impending evils. The two nations were ſoon divided and exaſperated by mutual jealouſies. The Saxons magnified all that they had done and ſuffered in the cauſe of an un⯑grateful people; while the Britons regretted the liberal rewards which could not ſatisfy the avarice of thoſe haughty mercenaries. The cauſes of fear and hatred were inflamed into an irrecon⯑cileable quarrel. The Saxons flew to arms; and, [383] if they perpetrated a treacherous maſſacre during the ſecurity of a feaſt, the deſtroyed the recipro⯑cal confidence which ſuſtains the intercourſe of peace and war ¹²⁹.

Hengiſt, who boldly aſpired to the conqueſt of Eſtabliſh⯑ment of the Saxon heptarchy, A. D. 455—582. Britain, exhorted his countrymen to embrace the glorious opportunity: he painted in lively co⯑lours the fertility of the ſoil, the wealth of the cities, the puſillanimous temper of the natives, and the convenient ſituation of a ſpacious ſolitary iſland, acceſſible on all ſides to the Saxon fleets. The ſucceſſive colonies which iſſued, in the period of a century, from the mouths of the Elbe, the Weſer, and the Rhine, were principally com⯑poſed of three valiant tribes or nations of Ger⯑many; the Jutes, the old Saxons, and the Angles. The Jutes, who fought under the peculiar banner of Hengiſt, aſſumed the merit of leading their countrymen in the paths of glory, and of erecting, in Kent, the firſt independent kingdom. The fame of the enterpriſe was attributed to the pri⯑mitive Saxons; and the common laws and lan⯑guage of the conquerors are deſcribed by the na⯑tional appellation of a people, which, at the end of four hundred years, produced the firſt mo⯑narchs of South Britain. The Angles were diſ⯑tinguiſhed by their numbers and their ſucceſs; [384] and they claimed the honour of fixing a perpetual name on the country, of which they occupied the moſt ample portion. The Barbarians, who fol⯑lowed the hopes of rapine either on the land or ſea, were inſenſibly blended with this triple con⯑federacy; the Friſians, who had been tempted by their vicinity to the Britiſh ſhores, might balance, during a ſhort ſpace, the ſtrength and reputation of the native Saxons; the Danes, the Pruſſians, the Rugians are faintly deſcribed; and ſome ad⯑venturous Huns, who had wandered as far as the Baltic, might embark on board the German veſ⯑ſels, for the conqueſt of a new world ¹³⁰. But this arduous atchievement was not prepared or executed by the union of national powers. Each intrepid chieftain, according to the meaſure of his fame and fortunes, aſſembled his followers; equipped a fleet of three, or perhaps of ſixty, veſſels; choſe the place of the attack; and con⯑ducted his ſubſequent operations according to the events of the war and the dictates of his private intereſt. In the invaſion of Britain many heroes vanquiſhed and fell; but only ſeven victorious leaders aſſumed, or at leaſt maintained, the title of kings. Seven independent thrones, the Saxon Heptarchy, were founded by the conquerors, and ſeven families, one of which has been con⯑tinued, by female ſucceſſion, to our preſent ſove⯑reign, derived their equal and ſacred lineage from [385] Woden, the god of war. It has been pretended, that this republic of kings was moderated by a general council and a ſupreme magiſtrate. But ſuch an artificial ſcheme of policy is repugnant to the rude and turbulent ſpirit of the Saxons: their laws are ſilent; and their imperfect annals afford only a dark and bloody proſpect of inteſtine diſ⯑cord ¹³¹.

A monk, who, in the profound ignorance of State of the Britons. human life, has preſumed to exerciſe the office of hiſtorian, ſtrangely disfigures the ſtate of Britain at the time of its ſeparation from the Weſtern em⯑pire. Gildas ¹³² deſcribes in florid language the improvements of agriculture, the foreign trade which flowed with every tide into the Thames and the Severn, the ſolid and lofty conſtruction of public and private edifices: he accuſes the ſin⯑ful luxury of the Britiſh people; of a people, ac⯑cording to the ſame writer, ignorant of the moſt ſimple arts, and incapable, without the aid of the Romans, of providing walls of ſtone, or weapons of iron, for the defence of their native land ¹³³. Under the long dominion of the emperors, Britain [386] had been inſenſibly moulded into the elegant and ſervile form of a Roman province, whoſe ſafety was entruſted to a foreign power. The ſubjects of Honorius contemplated their new freedom with ſurpriſe and terror; they were left deſtitute of any civil or military conſtitution; and their un⯑certain rulers wanted either ſkill, or courage, or authority, to direct the public force againſt the common enemy. The introduction of the Saxons betrayed their internal weakneſs, and degraded the character both of the prince and people. Their conſternation magnified the danger; the want of union diminiſhed their reſources; and the madneſs of civil factions was more ſolicitous to accuſe, than to remedy, the evils, which they imputed to the miſconduct of their adverſaries. Yet the Britons were not ignorant, they could not be ignorant, of the manufacture or the uſe of arms: the ſucceſſive and diſorderly attacks of the Saxons, allowed them to recover from their amazement, and the proſperous or adverſe events of the war added diſcipline and experience to their native valour.

While the continent of Europe and Africa Their re⯑ſiſtance, yielded, without reſiſtance, to the Barbarians, the Britiſh iſland, alone and unaided, maintained a long, a vigorous, though an unſucceſsful ſtruggle, againſt the formidable pirates, who, almoſt at the ſame inſtant, aſſaulted the Northern, the Eaſtern, and the Southern coaſts. The cities which had been fortified with ſkill, were defended with reſolution; the advantages of ground, hills, [387] foreſts, and moraſſes, were diligently improved by the inhabitants; the conqueſt of each diſtrict was purchaſed with blood; and the defeats of the Saxons are ſtrongly atteſted by the diſcreet ſilence of their annaliſt. Hengiſt might hope to atchieve the conqueſt of Britain; but his ambition, in an active reign of thirty-five years, was confined to the poſſeſſion of Kent; and the numerous colony which he had planted in the North, was extirpated by the ſword of the Britons. The monarchy of the Weſt-Saxons was laboriouſly founded by the perſevering efforts of three martial generations. The life of Cerdic, one of the braveſt of the children of Woden, was conſumed in the con⯑queſt of Hampſhire, and the iſle of Wight; and the loſs which he ſuſtained in the battle of Mount Badon, reduced him to a ſtate of inglorious re⯑poſe. Kenric, his valiant ſon, advanced into Wiltſhire; beſieged Saliſbury, at that time ſeated on a commanding eminence; and vanquiſhed an army which advanced to the relief of the city. In the ſubſequent battle of Marlborough ¹³⁴, his Britiſh enemies diſplayed their military ſcience. Their troops were formed in three lines; each line conſiſted of three diſtinct bodies, and the ca⯑valry, the archers, and the pikemen, were diſtri⯑buted [388] according to the principles of Roman tac⯑tics. The Saxons charged in one weighty co⯑lumn, boldly encountered with their ſhort ſwords the long lances of the Britons, and maintained an equal conflict till the approach of night. Two deciſive victories, the death of three Britiſh kings, and the reduction of Cirenceſter, Bath, and Glouceſter, eſtabliſhed the fame and power of Ceaulin, the grandſon of Cerdic, who carried his victorious arms to the banks of the Severn.

After a war of an hundred years, the independent and flight. Britons ſtill occupied the whole extent of the Weſtern coaſt, from the wall of Antoninus to the extreme promontory of Cornwall; and the prin⯑cipal cities of the inland country ſtill oppoſed the arms of the Barbarians. Reſiſtance became more languid, as the number and boldneſs of the aſ⯑ſailants continually increaſed. Winning their way by ſlow and painful efforts, the Saxons, the Angles, and their various confederates, advanced from the North, from the Eaſt, and from the South, till their victorious banners were united in the centre of the iſland. Beyond the Severn the Britons ſtill aſſerted their national freedom, which ſurvived the heptarchy, and even the monarchy, of the Saxons. The braveſt warriors, who pre⯑ferred exile to ſlavery, found a ſecure refuge in the mountains of Wales: the reluctant ſubmiſſion of Cornwall was delayed for ſome ages ¹³⁵; and a [389] band of fugitives acquired a ſettlement in Gaul, by their own valour, or the liberality of the Me⯑rovingian kings ¹³⁶. The Weſtern angle of Ar⯑morica acquired the new appellations of Cornwall, and the Leſſer Britain; and the vacant lands of the Oſiſmii were filled by a ſtrange people, who, under the authority of their counts and biſhops, preſerved the laws and language of their anceſtors. To the feeble deſcendants of Clovis and Charle⯑magne, the Britons of Armorica refuſed the cuſ⯑tomary tribute, ſubdued the neighbouring dio⯑ceſes of Vannes, Rennes, and Nantes, and formed a powerful, though vaſſal, ſtate, which has been united to the crown of France ¹³⁷.

[390] In a century of perpetual, or at leaſt impla⯑cable, war, much courage, and ſome ſkill, muſt have been exerted for the defence of Britain. Yet The fame of Arthur. if the memory of its champions is almoſt buried in oblivion, we need not repine; ſince every age, however deſtitute of ſcience or virtue, ſufficiently abounds with acts of blood and military renown. The tomb of Vortimer, the ſon of Vortigern, was erected on the margin of the ſea-ſhore, as a landmark formidable to the Saxons, whom he had thrice vanquiſhed in the fields of Kent. Ambro⯑ſius Aurelian was deſcended from a noble family of Romans ¹³⁸; his modeſty was equal to his va⯑lour, and his valour, till the laſt fatal action ¹³⁹, was crowned with ſplendid ſucceſs. But every Britiſh name is effaced by the illuſtrious name of ARTHUR ¹⁴⁰, the hereditary prince of the Silures, in South Wales, and the elective king or general of the nation. According to the moſt rational ac⯑count, [391] he defeated, in twelve ſucceſſive battles, the Angles of the North, and the Saxons of the Weſt; but the declining age of the hero was em⯑bittered by popular ingratitude, and domeſtic miſ⯑fortunes. The events of his life are leſs intereſt⯑ing, than the ſingular revolutions of his fame. During a period of five hundred years the tradition of his exploits was preſerved, and rudely embel⯑liſhed, by the obſcure bards of Wales and Armo⯑rica, who were odious to the Saxons, and un⯑known to the reſt of mankind. The pride and curioſity of the Norman conquerors, prompted them to enquire into the ancient hiſtory of Bri⯑tain: they liſtened with fond credulity to the tale of Arthur, and eagerly applauded the merit of a prince, who had triumphed over the Saxons, their common enemies. His romance, tranſcribed in the Latin of Jeffrey of Monmouth, and afterwards tranſlated into the faſhionable idiom of the times, was enriched with the various, though incoherent, ornaments, which were familiar to the experience, the learning, or the fancy, of the twelfth century. The progreſs of a Phrygian colony, from the Ty⯑ber to the Thames, was eaſily engrafted on the fable of the Aeneid; and the royal anceſtors of Arthur derived their origin from Troy, and claimed their alliance with the Caeſars. His tro⯑phies were decorated with captive provinces, and Imperial titles; and his Daniſh victories avenged the recent injuries of his country. The gallantry and ſuperſtition of the Britiſh hero, his feaſts and tournaments, and the memorable inſtitution of [392] his Knights of the Round Table, were faithfully copied from the reigning manners of chivalry; and the fabulous exploits of Uther's ſon, appear leſs incredible, than the adventures which were atchieved by the enterpriſing valour of the Nor⯑mans. Pilgrimage, and the holy wars, intro⯑duced into Europe the ſpecious miracles of Ara⯑bian magic. Fairies, and giants, flying dragons, and enchanted palaces, were blended with the more ſimple ſictions of the Weſt; and the fate of Britain depended on the art, or the predictions, of Merlin. Every nation embraced and adorned the popular romance of Arthur, and the Knights of the Round Table: their names were celebrated in Greece and Italy; and the voluminous tales of Sir Lancelot and Sir Triſtram were devoutly ſtudied by the princes and nobles, who diſregarded the genuine heroes and hiſtorians of antiquity. At length the light of ſcience and reaſon was re⯑kindled; the taliſman was broken; the viſionary fabric melted into air; and by a natural, though unjuſt, reverſe of the public opinion, the ſeverity of the preſent age is inclined to queſtion the ex⯑iſtence of Arthur ¹⁴⁰.

Reſiſtance, if it cannot avert, muſt increaſe the Deſolation of Britain. miſeries of conqueſt; and conqueſt has never ap⯑peared more dreadful and deſtructive than in the hands of the Saxons; who hated the valour of [393] their enemies, diſdained the faith of treaties, and violated, without remorſe, the moſt ſacred objects of the Chriſtian worſhip. The fields of battle might be traced, almoſt in every diſtrict, by mo⯑numents of bones; the fragments of falling towers were ſtained with blood; the laſt of the Britons, without diſtinction of age or ſex, was maſſacred ¹⁴¹; in the ruins of Anderida ¹⁴²; and the repetition of ſuch calamities was frequent and familiar under the Saxon heptarchy. The arts and religion, the laws and language, which the Romans had ſo carefully planted in Britain, were extirpated by their barbarous ſucceſſors. After the deſtruction of the principal churches, the biſhops, who had declined the crown of martyrdom, retired with the holy relics into Wales and Armorica; the remains of their flocks were left deſtitute of any ſpiritual food; the practice, and even the remembrance, of Chriſtianity were aboliſhed; and the Britiſh clergy might obtain ſome comfort from the damnation of the idolatrous ſtrangers. The kings of France maintained the privileges of their Roman ſubjects; but the ferocious Saxons trampled on the laws of Rome, and of the emperors. The proceedings [394] of civil and criminal juriſdiction, the titles of ho⯑nour, the forms of office, the ranks of ſociety, and even the domeſtic rights of marriage, teſta⯑ment, and inheritance, were finally ſuppreſſed; and the indiſcriminate crowd of noble and plebeian ſlaves was governed by the traditionary cuſtoms, which had been coarſely framed for the ſhepherds, and pirates of Germany. The language of ſcience, of buſineſs, and of converſation, which had been introduced by the Romans, was loſt in the general deſolation. A ſufficient number of Latin or Celtic words might be aſſumed by the Germans, to ex⯑preſs their new wants and ideas ¹⁴³; but thoſe il⯑literate Pagans preſerved and eſtabliſhed the uſe of their national dialect ¹⁴⁴. Almoſt every name, conſpicuous either in the church or ſtate, reveals its Teutonic origin ¹⁴⁵; and the geography of Eng⯑land was univerſally inſcribed with foreign cha⯑racters and appellations. The example of a revo⯑lution, ſo rapid and ſo complete, may not eaſily be found; but it will excite a probable ſuſpicion, that the arts of Rome were leſs deeply rooted in Britain than in Gaul or Spain; and that the na⯑tive [395] rudeneſs of the country and its inhabitants, was covered by a thin varniſh of Italian manners.

This ſtrange alteration has perſuaded hiſtorians, Servitude. and even philoſophers, that the provincials of Bri⯑tain were totally exterminated; and that the va⯑cant land was again peopled by the perpetual in⯑flux, and rapid increaſe, of the German colonies. Three hundred thouſand Saxons are ſaid to have obeyed the ſummons of Hengiſt ¹⁴⁶; the entire emigration of the Angles was atteſted, in the age of Bede, by the ſolitude of their native country ¹⁴⁷; and our experience has ſhewn the free propaga⯑tion of the human race, if they are caſt on a fruit⯑ful wilderneſs, where their ſteps are unconfined, and their ſubſiſtence is plentiful. The Saxon king⯑doms diſplayed the face of recent diſcovery and cultivation: the towns were ſmall, the villages were diſtant; the huſbandry was languid and un⯑ſkilful; four ſheep were equivalent to an acre of the beſt land ¹⁴⁸; an ample ſpace of wood and mo⯑raſs was reſigned to the vague dominion of na⯑ture; and the modern biſhopric of Durham, the whole territory from the Tyne to the Tees, had returned to its primitive ſtate of a ſavage and ſoli⯑tary [396] foreſt ¹⁴⁹. Such imperfect population might have been ſupplied, in ſome generations, by the Engliſh colonies; but neither reaſon nor facts can juſtify the unnatural ſuppoſition, that the Saxons of Britain remained alone in the deſert which they had ſubdued. After the ſanguinary Barbarians had ſecured their dominion, and gratified their revenge, it was their intereſt to preſerve the pea⯑ſants, as well as the cattle, of the unreſiſting country. In each ſucceſſive revolution, the pa⯑tient herd becomes the property of its new ma⯑ſters; and the ſalutary compact of food and la⯑bour is ſilently ratified by their mutual neceſſities. Wilfrid, the apoſtle of Suſſex ¹⁵⁰, accepted from his royal convert the gift of the peninſula of Sel⯑ſey, near Chicheſter, with the perſons and pro⯑perty of its inhabitants, who then amounted to eighty-ſeven families. He releaſed them at once from ſpiritual and temporal bondage; and two hundred and fifty ſlaves of both ſexes were bap⯑tized by their indulgent maſter. The kingdom of Suſſex, which ſpread from the ſea to the Thames, contained ſeven thouſand families; twelve hundred were aſcribed to the Iſle of Wight; and, if we multiply this vague computation, it may [397] ſeem probable, that England was cultivated by a million of ſervants, or villains, who were attached to the eſtates of their arbitrary landlords. The indigent Barbarians were often tempted to ſell their children or themſelves into perpetual, and even foreign, bondage ¹⁵¹; yet the ſpecial exemp⯑tions, which were granted to national ſlaves ¹⁵², ſufficiently declare, that they were much leſs nu⯑merous than the ſtrangers and captives, who had loſt their liberty, or changed their maſters, by the accidents of war. When time and religion had mitigated the fierce ſpirit of the Anglo-Saxons, the laws encouraged the frequent practice of ma⯑numiſſion; and their ſubjects, of Welſh or Cam⯑brian extraction, aſſume the reſpectable ſtation of inferior freemen, poſſeſſed of lands, and intitled to the rights of civil ſociety ¹⁵³. Such gentle treatment might ſecure the allegiance of a fierce people, who had been recently ſubdued on the confines of Wales and Cornwall. The ſage Ina, the legiſlator of Weſſex, united the two nations [398] in the bands of domeſtic alliance; and four Bri⯑tiſh lords of Somerſetſhire may be honourably diſtinguiſhed in the court of a Saxon monarch ¹⁵⁴.

The independent Britons appear to have re⯑lapſed Manners of the Britons. into the ſtate of original barbariſm, from whence they had been imperfectly reclaimed. Se⯑parated by their enemies from the reſt of man⯑kind, they ſoon became an object of ſcandal and abhorrence to the Catholic world ¹⁵⁵. Chriſtianity was ſtill profeſſed in the mountains of Wales; but the rude ſchiſmatics, in the form of the clerical tonſure, and in the day of the celebration of Eaſter, obſtinately reſiſted the imperious mandates of the Roman pontiffs. The uſe of the Latin language was inſenſibly aboliſhed, and the Britons were de⯑prived of the arts and learning which Italy com⯑municated to her Saxon proſelytes. In Wales and Armorica, the Celtic tongue, the native idiom of the Weſt, was preſerved and propa⯑gated; and the Bards, who had been the compa⯑nions of the Druids, were ſtill protected, in the ſixteenth century, by the laws of Elizabeth. Their chief, a reſpectable officer of the courts of Peng⯑wern, or Aberfraw, or Caermathaen, accompa⯑nied the king's ſervants to war: the monarchy of the Britons, which he ſung in the front of battle, excited their courage, and juſtified their depre⯑dations; [399] and the ſongſter claimed for his legiti⯑mate prize the faireſt heifer of the ſpoil. His ſubordinate miniſters, the maſters and diſciples of vocal and inſtrumental muſic, viſited, in their re⯑ſpective circuits, the royal, the noble, and the plebeian houſes; and the public poverty, almoſt exhauſted by the clergy, was oppreſſed by the importunate demands of the bards. Their rank and merit were aſcertained by ſolemn trials, and the ſtrong belief of ſupernatural inſpiration ex⯑alted the fancy of the poet, and of his audi⯑ence ¹⁵⁷. The laſt retreats of Celtic freedom, the extreme territories of Gaul and Britain, were leſs adapted to agriculture than to paſturage: the wealth of the Britons conſiſted in their flocks and herds; milk and fleſh were their ordinary food; and bread was ſometimes eſteemed, or rejected, as a foreign luxury. Liberty had peopled the moun⯑tains of Wales and the moraſſes of Armorica: but their populouſneſs has been maliciouſly aſcribed to the looſe practice of polygamy; and the houſes of theſe licentious barbarians have been ſuppoſed to contain ten wives, and per⯑haps fifty children ¹⁵⁸. Their diſpoſition was raſh [400] and choleric: they were bold in action and in ſpeech ¹⁵⁹; and as they were ignorant of the arts of peace, they alternately indulged their paſ⯑ſions in foreign and domeſtic war. The cavalry of Armorica, the ſpearmen of Gwent, and the archers of Merioneth, were equally formidable; but their poverty could ſeldom procure either ſhields or helmets; and the inconvenient weight would have retarded the ſpeed and agility of their deſultory operations. One of the greateſt of the Engliſh monarchs was requeſted to ſatisfy the curioſity of a Greek emperor concerning the ſtate of Britain; and Henry II. could aſſert, from his perſonal experience, that Wales was inhabited by a race of naked warriors, who encountered without fear, the defenſive armour of their ene⯑mies ¹⁶⁰.

By the revolution of Britain, the limits of ſci⯑ence, as well as of empire, were contracted. The Obſcure or fabulous ſtate of Britain. dark cloud, which had been cleared by the Phoe⯑nician diſcoveries, and finally diſpelled by the arms of Caeſar, again ſettled on the ſhores of the Atlantic, and a Roman province was again loſt among the fabulous iſlands of the Ocean. One hundred and fifty years after the reign of Hono⯑rius, [401] the graveſt hiſtorian of the times ¹⁶¹ deſcribes the wonders of a remote iſle, whoſe eaſtern and weſtern parts are divided by an antique wall, the boundary of life and death, or, more properly, of truth and fiction. The eaſt is a fair country, inhabited by a civiliſed people: the air is healthy, the waters are pure and plentiful, and the earth yields her regular and fruitful increaſe. In the weſt, beyond the wall, the air is infectious and mortal; the ground is covered with ſerpents; and this dreary ſolitude is the region of departed ſpirits, who are tranſported from the oppoſite ſhores in ſubſtantial boats, and by living rowers. Some families of fiſhermen, the ſubjects of the Franks, are excuſed from tribute, in conſideration of the myſterious office which is performed by theſe Charons of the ocean. Each in his turn is ſummoned, at the hour of midnight, to hear the voices, and even the names, of the ghoſts: he is ſenſible of their weight, and he feels himſelf impelled by an unknown, but irreſiſtible, power. After this dream of fancy, we read with aſtoniſh⯑ment, that the name of this iſland is Brittia; that it lies in the ocean, againſt the mouth of the Rhine, and leſs than thirty miles from the con⯑tinent; that it is poſſeſſed by three nations, the Friſians, the Angles, and the Britons; and that ſome Angles had appeared at Conſtantinople, in [402] the train of the French ambaſſadors. From theſe ambaſſadors Procopius might be informed of a ſingular, though not improbable, adventure, which announces the ſpirit, rather than the deli⯑cacy, of an Engliſh heroine. She had been be⯑trothed to Radiger king of the Varni, a tribe of Germans who touched the ocean and the Rhine; but the perfidious lover was tempted, by motives of policy, to prefer his father's widow, the ſiſter of Theodebert king of the Franks ¹⁶². The for⯑ſaken princeſs of the Angles, inſtead of bewail⯑ing, revenged her diſgrace. Her warlike ſubjects are ſaid to have been ignorant of the uſe, and even of the form, of an horſe; but ſhe boldly ſailed from Britain to the mouth of the Rhine, with a fleet of four hundred ſhips, and an army of one hundred thouſand men. After the loſs of a battle, the captive Radiger implored the mercy of his victorious bride, who generouſly pardoned his offence, diſmiſſed her rival, and compelled the king of the Varni to diſcharge with honour and fidelity the duties of an huſ⯑band ¹⁶³ This gallant exploit appears to be the [403] laſt naval enterpriſe of the Anglo-Saxons. The arts of navigation, by which they had acquired the empire of Britain and of the ſea, were ſoon neglected by the indolent Barbarians, who ſu⯑pinely renounced all the commercial advantages of their inſular ſituation. Seven independent kingdoms were agitated by perpetual diſcord; and the Britiſh world was ſeldom connected, either in peace or war, with the nations of the con⯑tinent ¹⁶⁴.

I have now accompliſhed the laborious narra⯑tive Fall of the Roman empire in the Weſt. of the decline and fall of the Roman empire, from the fortunate age of Trajan and the Anto⯑nines, to its total extinction in the Weſt, about five centuries after the Chriſtian aera. At that unhappy period, the Saxons fiercely ſtruggled with the natives for the poſſeſſion of Britain: Gaul and Spain were divided between the power⯑ful monarchies of the Franks and Viſigoths, and the dependent kingdoms of the Suevi and Bur⯑gundians: Africa was expoſed to the cruel perſe⯑cution of the Vandals, and the ſavage inſults of the Moors: Rome and Italy, as far as the banks [404] of the Danube, were afflicted by an army of Bar⯑barian mercenaries, whoſe lawleſs tyranny was ſucceeded by the reign of Theodoric the Oſtro⯑goth. All the ſubjects of the empire, who, by the uſe of the Latin language, more particularly deſerved the name and privileges of Romans, were oppreſſed by the diſgrace and calamities of foreign conqueſt; and the victorious nations of Germany eſtabliſhed a new ſyſtem of manners and government in the weſtern countries of Eu⯑rope. The majeſty of Rome was faintly repre⯑ſented by the princes of Conſtantinople, the feeble and imaginary ſucceſſors of Auguſtus. Yet they continued to reign over the Eaſt, from the Da⯑nube to the Nile and Tigris; the Gothic and Vandal kingdoms of Italy and Africa were ſub⯑verted by the arms of Juſtinian; and the hiſtory of the Greek emperors may ſtill afford a long ſeries of inſtructive leſſons, and intereſting re⯑volutions.